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^         THE    ENGLISH 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW 


EDITED    BY 

S.  E.  GAEDINEE,  D.C.L.,  LL.D. 

FKI.LOW  OF  MERTOX  COLLEGR,  OXFOUD 
AND 

REGINALD  L.  POOLE,  M.A.,  Ph.D. 


Am:3RICAX  EditoKj  JUSTIN  WINSOR,  LL.t).,  Librarian  of  Harvard  Collejo,  Cambridge,  Ma3.?achusetts. 

VOLUME    X. 
1895 


LONDON 
LONGMANS,     GEEEN,    AND    CO 

AND    NEW    YOEK 
1895 


M 


CONTENTS    OF    VOL.    X 


I'AGE 


The5  Early  History  of  Syria  and  Asia  Minor.    By   John  E. 

Gilmore 1 

The  Paschal  Canon  attributed   to  Anatolius  of  Laodicea. 

By  A.  Anscomhe 515 

By  C.  H.  Turner 699 

English  Topographical  Notes.     I:  Some  Place-Names  in  Bede. 

II:  Bannavem  Taberniae.  ^j  F.  Haver  field.  .  .  .  710 
The  *  Donation  of  Constantine.'  By  Henry  Charles  Lea,  LL.D.  80 
A  Worcester  Cathedral  Book  of  Ecclesiastical  Collections, 

MADE  c.  1000  A.D.  By  Miss  Mary  Bateson  .  .  .  .712 
The   Pope   who   deposed  himself.      By  Sir  Frederick  Pollock, 

Bart.,  LL.D 293,  530 

The  Office  of  Constable.     By  H.  B.  Simpson      ....  625 

Henry  I  at  '  Burne.'     By  /.  H.  Bound 580 

Kii^G  Stephen  and  the  Earl  of  Chester.  By  /.  H.  Bound  .  87 
Th6  Hundred  and  the  Geld.  By  /.  H.  Bound  ....  732 
The  Murder  of  Henry  Clement,  1235.     By  Professor  Maitland, 

LL.D 294 

Edmund,  Earl  of  Lancaster.    By  Walter  E.  Bhodes    .        .     19,  209 
-A  Biographical  Notice  of  Dante  in  the  1494  Edition  op  the 

*  Speculum  Historiale.'  By  Paget  Toynbee  ....  297 
The   *  Herse  '   of   Archers   at   Crecy.      By  LieiUenant- Colonel 

E.  M.  Lloyd,  B.E 588 

The  Archers  at  Crecy.     By  the  Bev.  Hereford  B.  George     .         .  733 
The  Authorship  of  the  Wycliffite  Bible.     By  F.  D.  Matthew  .     91 
Some  Literary  Correspondence  of  Humphrey,  Duke  of  Glou- 
cester.    By  the  Bishop  of  Peterborough 99 

Erasmus  in  Italy.  By  the  Bev.  Edioard  H.  B.  Tatham  .  .  642 
The  Age  of  Anne  Boleyn.    By  James  Gairdner   .        .        .        .104 


iv  CONTENTS  OF  THE   TENTH  VOLUME. 

f  J'AGE 

A  Sixteenth-Century  School.  By  P.  S.  Allen  ....  738 
The  Condition  of  Morals  and  Eeligious  Belief  in  the  Reign 

OF  Edward  VI  By  the  Bev.  Nicholas  Pococh  .  .  .  417 
The  Constable  Lesdiguieres.  By  E.  Armstrong  .  .  .  445 
The  Assassination  of  the  Guises  as  described  by  the  Venetian 

Ambassador.    By  Horatio  Brown 304 

Vanini  in  England.  By  Bichard  Copley  Christie  ....  238 
An  Alleged  Notebook  of  John  Pym.  By  S.  B.  Gardiner,  D.C.L.  105 
Heraldry  of  Oxford  Colleges.    By  the  Bev.  Andrew  Clark  333,  643 

By  Percival  Landon  .         .         .  541 
Troubles  in  a  City  Parish  under  the  Protectorate.    By  the 

^v.  J.  A.  Dodd 41 

Jromwell's  Major-Generals.  By  David  Watson  Bannie  .  .  471 
An  Ecclesiastical  Experiment  in  Cambridgeshire,  1G56-1658. 

By  the  Bev.  H.  W.  P.  Stevens  _ 744 

A  Letter  from  Lord  Saye  and  Sele  to  Lord  Wharton,  29  Dec. 

1657.    Printed  by  C.  H  Firth 106 

The  '  Memoirs  '  of  Sir  Eichard  Bulstrode.  By  C.  H.  Firth  .  266 
Sir  Eyre  Coote  and  the  *  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.' 

By  Frederick  Dixon 33g 

An  Irish  Absentee   and   his   Tenants,    1768-1792.     By   J.   G. 

^^Oer 663 

The   Permanent   Settlement  of  Bengal.     By  B.  H.  Baden- 
Powell,  C.I.E 2^g 

Disputed  Passages  of  the  Campaign  of  1815.     By  His  Honour 

Judge  William  O'Connor  Morris 55 

The  War  of  the  Sonderbund.     By  W.  B.  Duffield        .         .         .675 
John  Egbert  Seeley.    By  J.  B.  Tannei 
Eeviews  of  Books 
Correspondence     . 
Periodical  Notices 


List  of  Eecent  Histor 

Errata   . 

Index 


507 

.     108,  839,  546,  754 

192,  400 

193,  401,  611,  818 

cal  Publications    .        .     201,  408,  618,  826 


208,  416,  624 


6-l» 


I 


The   English 

Historical   Review 


NO.  XXXVII.— JANUARY  1895 


The  Early  History  of  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor 


THE  countries  in  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria  have  never 
for  long  been  the  seat  of  one  of  the  great  oriental  empires. 
Their  populations  include  representatives  of  all  the  great  races  of 
mankind — Aryan,  Semitic,  Turanian  (and,  according  to  Genesis  x.  6, 
also  Hamitic — the  Canaanites  and  Phoenicians) .  The  internal  history 
of  one  portion  of  this  region  is  familiar  to  us  all  from  our  child- 
hood, but  of  the  mutual  relations  of  the  different  divisions,  before 
the  foundation  of  the  Persian  empire,  it  is  onl}^  recent  investigations 
and  discoveries  that  enable  us  to  form  any  definite  conception.  The 
earliest  record  (to  whatever  date  it  may  be  assigned)  which  pro- 
fesses to  deal  formally  with  the  ethnic  relations  of  Western  Asia  is  that 
contained  in  Genesis  x.  2-4, 14-19.*  In  this  document  the  nations  of 
Asia  Minor  and  Kappadokia  are  enumerated  among  the  descendants 
of  Japhet,  kindred  both  to  the  Medes  and  the  lonians,  while  those  of 
Palestine  and  Phoenicia  are  represented,  like  the  Egyptians,  as  de- 
scendants of  Ham,  and  the  Syrians  proper  (Aram),  and  perhaps  the 
Lydians,  appear  as  Semites.  This  does  not  agree  with  the  linguistic 
evidence,  but  it  is  well  known  that  the  latter  cannot  be  depended  on 
to  determine  ethnic  affinities,  while,  in  the  absence  of  certain  know- 
ledge as  to  the  principles  on  which  the  table  of  the  descendants  of 
Noah  is  constructed,  it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  unsafe  to  base 
theories  too  exclusively  upon  it.^      At  least  as  early  as  the  time 

^  Some  Egyptian  tribute  lists  (especially  those  of  Thothmes  III,  recently  examined 
by  Mr.  Tomkins  in  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  ArclicEology,  ix.  227-280) 
are,  indeed,  of  earlier  date,  but  they  deal  with  cities  rather  than  nations. 

2  Compare  F.  Lenormant,  Histoire  Ancienne  de  V0rie7it,  p.  265  (9*  edit.) 
VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  B 


2  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

of  Gudea,  ruler  of  the  Bfabylonian  town  of  Zerghul,  or  Sirpurra 
{Tell-loli),  in  the  third  millennium  B.C.,  regular  intercourse  existed 
between  the  civilised  states  of  Babylonia  and  Egypt  and  the 
Sinaitic  peninsula.  Probably  the  channel  of  communication  was 
across  the  latter  and  the  gulfs  at  the  head  of  the  Eed  Sea; 
but  Palestine  was  the  object  of  Babylonian  military  expeditions 
at  a  very  early  period.^  From  incidental  notices  in  the  Penta- 
teuch it  would  appear  that  at  this  time  Palestine  was  still  partly 
inhabited  by  a  remnant  of  races— the  Zuzim,  the  Kephaim,  the 
Emim,  the  Horim,  and  the  Anakim— of  whom  we  know  next  to 
nothing  and  who  were  even  then  vanishing."^  The  bulk  of  the 
population  from  the  earliest  time  of  which  we  have  any  record 
consisted  of  tribes  akin  to  the  Phoenicians,  who  in  the  Pentateuch 
are  included  under  the  general  name  of  Canaanites  or  Amorites, 
and  in  the  Egyptian  records  under  that  of  Khal  (or  Khar)  or 
Amaur.  The  outlying  nations  of  Moab,  Ammon,  and  Edom  were, 
like  the  Israelites,  of  trans-Euphratean  origin,  and  perhaps  at  one 
time  shared  with  them  the  name  of  Hebrews.-^ 

Our  chief  sources  of  information  as  to  the  condition  of  Palestine 
at  this  period  are  the  biblical  notices,  covering  a  period  of  somewhat 
uncertain  duration  from  the  migration  of  Abraham  to  the  Israelite 
invasion,  the  inscriptions  and  other  records  relating  to  the  con- 
quests of  the  Egyptian  kings  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth 
dynasties,  and  above  all  the  mass  of  correspondence  (written  in  cunei- 
form characters,  usually  in  the  Assyro -Babylonian  language,  and 
coming  for  the  most  part  from  Palestine)^  addressed  to  Egyptian 
kings  about  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty.  From  these  various 
authorities,  which  agree  fairly  well  together,  it  appears  that  the 
country  was  divided  into  a  great  number  of  petty  states,  often  at  war 
with  each  other  when  not  restrained  by  the  strong  arm  of  a  foreign 
conqueror,  while  the  settled  population  was  sufficiently  sparse  to 
allow  space— as  at  the  present  day— for  nomad  tribes,  such  as  that 
of  Abraham  and  his  descendants,  whose  position  in  relation  to  the 
petty  settled  communities  is  shown  by  such  passages  as  Genesis 
xiv.,  xxi.  22-34,  xxxiii.  6,  xxxiv.  The  Egyptian  kings  of  the 
eighteenth  dynasty  seem,  on  conquering  Syria,  to  have  in  some  few 
cases  established  an  Egyptian  governor,  but  more  generally  to  have 

»  Genesis  xiv. ;  Schrader,  Cuneiform  Inscriptions  and  the  0.  TA.  122  ;  Eawlinson, 
Five  Monarchies,  i.  219  ;  Sayce,  Herodotos,  pp.  369-71. 

*  Genesis  xiv.  5-G,  xv.  20;  Deut.  ii.  10,  20,  iii.  11,  &c. 

*  Cf.  Lenormant,  op.  cit.  ii.  174-8  ;  Brugsch,  History  of  Egypt,  i.  14,  33G  seq. 

«  That  this  mode  of  writing  was  in  use  in  Palestine,  not  only  for  international  but 
also  for  local  purposes,  at  this  period  appears  from  a  fragment  of  a  tablet  containing 
a  letter  to  the  prmce  of  Lachish  from  a  neighbouring  prince,  discovered  at  Tell  Hesy 
(Lachish)  during  the  recent  excavations.  The  derivation  of  the  Phcenician  alphabe 
from  the  Egyptian  hieratic  is  assigned  to  the  time  of  the  Hykscs,  or  the  eighteenth 
dynasty  (Taylor  r/ie^/p7ja6cY,i.  145-6).  gieexin 


1895  SYRIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  3 

left  the  native  princes  in  possession  as  tributaries,  scmetinies  with 
the  addition  of  an  Egyptian  commissioner.  When  the  Egyptian 
power  had  become  weak,  as  under  the  later  kings  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty,  feuds  broke  out  between  the  various  princes,  as  is  shown 
by  the  Tell  Amarna  documents,  which  consist  largely  of  com- 
plaints by  certain  rival  rulers  of  neighbouring  cities,  each  professing 
his  own  loyalty  to  the  Egyptian  government  and  imploring  the 
help  of  the  king  or  some  Egyptian  cfBcer  against  his  opponents. 

The  kings  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  had  no  powerful  enemies 
to  contend  with  in  Asia,  but  wdth  those  of  the  nineteenth  the  case 
was  different.  Their  opponents  were  a  people  called  in  Hebrew 
Chittim  (*  Hittites  '  in  our  version),  in  Egyptian  Kheta,  in  Assyrian 
Khatti,  and  in  Greek  perhaps  Keteioi.'^  Seme  references  to  this 
people  have  been  supposed  to  occur  in  an  Egyptian  inscriiDtion  of 
the  time  of  the  twelfth  dynasty,^  and  in  a  work  composed  under 
Sargon  of  Agade,  one  of  the  early  Babylonian  kings ;  these,  how^ever, 
are  very  doubtful.^  The  original  seat  of  the  Hittites  was  probably 
Kappadokia,  which  placed  them  in  relations  wdth  both  Asia  Minor 
and  Syria.  They  seem  to  have  had  some  settlements  in  the  latter 
country  at  an  early  period,  but  it  was  during  the  weakening  of  the 
power  of  Egypt  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty  that  they  sud- 
denly developed  into  a  great  power,  having  its  chief  seats  at  Kadesh, 
on  the  Orontes,  and  (perhaps  at  a  later  date)  Carchemish,  on  the 
Euphrates,  and  Pteria,  in  western  Kappadokia. ^*^  The  Hittite  power 
in  Syria  was  already  beginning  to  be  formidable  in  the  time  of 
Thothmes  III,^^  and  the  progress  of  the  struggle  which  for  a  while 
made  it  paramount  there  instead  of  that  of  Egypt  is  seen  in  some 
of  the  Tell  Amarna  letters,  dating  from  the  time  of  his  successors, 
those  written  from  places  in  the  north  of  Palestine  complaining  of 
the  attacks  of  the  Khatti,  while  those  from  the  south  make  the  like 
complaints  respecting  the  Khabiri.^^  ^he  Hittites  at  this  period 
seem   for  a  few   generations  to  have  submitted  to  the  sway  of  a 

'  Odyss.  xi.  521.  Cf.  Wright,  Emjpire  of  the  Hittites,  p.  17  ;  Lenormant,  oi).  cit.  i.  224. 

»  Brugsch,  History  of  Egypt,  ii.  405. 

^   See  Sayce  in  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  ArchceoJogy,  vii.  145. 

'»  Kadesh  and  Carchemish  had  been  amongst  the  dependencies  of  the  eighteenth 
dynasty.  Each  had  then  its  own  king,  but  whether  these  were  Hittites  or  belonged 
to  races  whom  the  Hittites  afterwards  subdued  or  displaced  does  not  appear ;  probably 
the  former  was  the  case  (see  Brugsch,  op.  cit.  ii.  2-8). 

"  Sayce,  ubi  supra,  vii.  269-70  ;  Brugsch,  loc.  cit. 

**  Conder  regards  the  Khabiri  as  'Hebrews,'  and  sees  in  them  the  invading 
Israelites  under  Joshua,  thus  placing  the  Exodus  under  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  though 
all  the  evidence  is  in  favour  of  its  having  been  under  the  nineteenth.  Sayce  more 
probably  makes  it  equivalent  to  *  confederates.'  Even  if  Khabiri  answer  to  *"iDV,  the 
term  is  applicable  to  all  the  descendants  of  Abraham  and  Lot  and  not  merely  to  the 
Israelites.  Joseph  speaks  of  Canaan  as  the  ♦  land  of  the  Hebrews'  (Genesis  xl.  15), 
■where  '  the  Hebrews  '  cannot  mean  merely  his  own  family.  Even  were  Khabiri  limited 
to  Israelites,  it  appears  that  the  latter  sometimes  took  part  in  the  local  wars  in  Syria 
during  their  sojourn  in  Egypt  (1  Chron.  vii.  21). 


4  THE  E^RLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

single  supreme  king,*^  whose  vassals  included  both  the  Hittite  rulers 
of  various  cities,  and  foreign  princes,  and  whose  empire  extended 
from  Mysia  and  Karia,  in  Asia  Minor,  to  the  Euphrates  on  the  east 
and  the"^  centre  of  Palestine  on  the  south,  as  we  learn  from  the  list 
of  those  engaged  against  Eameses  II  at  the  battle  of  Kadesh.  This 
included  a  great  part  of  the  Asiatic  possessions  of  Egypt,  but  when 
that  power  revived  under  the  nineteenth  dynasty  a  determined 
effort  was  made  by  the  great  princes  Kameses  I,  Seti  I,  and 
Eameses  .II  to  recover  what  was  lost,  thus  leading  to  a  prolonged 
struggle  with  the  Hittites,  which  culminated  in  the  defeat  of  the 
latter  in  the  sixth  and  a  treaty  of  peace  in  the  twenty-first  year  of 
Kameses  II.^'*  Palestine  at  least  was  preserved  for  a  time  to  the 
Egyptian  empire,  and  the  Hittite  confederacy  seems  soon  after- 
wards to  have  broken  up.  Probably  it  was  much  weakened  by  the 
attack  of  northern  Asiatics  with  European  allies,  some  of  them, 
perhaps,  its  revolted  vassals  who  were  repulsed  from  Egypt  by 
Eameses  III,  but  who  had  previously  overrun  the  land  of  the  Kheta.** 
These  invaders  established  a  colony  in  Palestine  itself,  the  Pelesta 
known  to  the  Israelites  as  Philistines.  The  removal  of  the  Hittite 
power  paved  the  way  for  the  Israelite  conquest  in  the  generation 
oUowing  Eameses  II,  when  Egypt  had  again  become  weak,  and 
there  was  no  strong  local  state.  Egypt  probably  disregarded  the 
destruction  of  Amorite  petty  states,  which  owed  her  only  nominal 
allegiance,  while  her  supremacy  to  at  least  as  great  an  extent  was 
probably  acknowledged  by  the  Israelites  in  the  time  of  the  judges. ^^ 
From  the  thirteenth  to  the  eighth  or  seventh  century  b.c. 
central  Palestine  was  occupied  by  the  Israelites,  with  a  few  scattered 
Canaanite  communities,  such  as  Jebus.  The  Israelites  were  at 
first  usually  subject  to  some  powerful  neighbour,  but  in  the  eleventh 
and  tenth  centuries  b.c,  under  David  and  Solomon,  they  rose  to  the 
position  of  an  imperial  state,  ruling  all  Syria  as  far  as  the  Euphrates, 
and  afterwards  always  maintained  a  position  of  independence,  and 
often  of  power,  till  subdued  by  the  great  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
kings  of  the  eighth,  seventh,  and  sixth  centuries  b.c.  East  of  them 
lay  the  territories  of  Ammon,  Moab,  and  Edom,  peoples  w^ho  were 

"  The  names  of  four  such— Sapalill,  his  son  Maura-sh-a,  and  his  sons  Mautenara 
and  Khetasira,  contemporaries  of  the  first  three  kings  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty— are 
known. 

"  A  curious  memorial  of  the  relations  of  Eameses  II  and  the  Hittites  exists  in 
his  name  engraved  (incorrectly,  and  therefore  probably  by  a  foreign  hand)  beside  a 
Hittite  inscription,  near  the  '  Niobe  '  of  Sipylos  (see  Timis.  Soc.  Bibl.  ArchcBol.  v.  158). 
As  this  is  not  far  from  the  '  Pseudo-Sesostris,'  it  affords  some  excuse  for  the  statement 
of  Herodotos  (ii.  106). 

"  See  Wilson,  Egy^t  of  the  Past,  p.  523  ;  Brugsch,  op.  cit.  ii.  154  ;  Lenormant,  op, 
cit.  ii.  309  seq. 

"»  This  is  nowhere  expressly  stated,  but  friendly  relations  with  Egyptians  are 
enjoined  in  the  law  (Deut.  xxiii.  7),  and  good  relations  seem  always  to  have  prevailed 
between  Israel  and  Egypt. 


1895  SYRIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  5 

akin  to  them  in  race  and  language,  but  who  never  attained  any 
political  importance,  and  whose  civilisation  was  probably  low.  The 
southern  part  of  the  coast  was  occupied  by  the  Philistines,  an  immi- 
grant tribe  unconnected  with  their  neighbours,  who,  in  spite  of  their 
position,  seem  to  have  shown  no  aptitude  for  trade,  their  tastes 
being  wholly  warHke.  North  of  them  lay  the  Phoenicians,  the  great 
maritime  traders  of  ancient  times,  who,  shrinking  from  war,  were 
always  ready  to  pay  tribute  to  their  more  powerful  neighbours, 
obtaining  in  return  facilities  for  their  commerce,  while  at  Carthage, 
where  they  had  no  such  neighbours — though  even  there  they  at  first 
paid  tribute  to  a  petty  Numidian  prince — they  developed  an  empire 
of  their  own,  but  maintained  it  almost  wholly  by  mercenary  forces. 
Their  commercial  instincts  led  them  to  spread  themselves  over  the 
known  world  of  the  day,  and  they  carried  the  arts  and  civilisation 
of  western  Asia  and  Egypt  to  Europe,  north  Africa,  and  perhaps 
Arabia  and  even  India. 

In  northern  Syria,  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Mediterranean, 
were  two  rival  races,  the  Hittites  and  the  Aramaeans,  each  divided 
into  a  number  of  separate  states  ;  but  while  the  importance  of  the 
former  was  declining  that  of  the  latter  was  growing  commercially 
at  least,  if  not  politically,  at  this  period.  The  Hittites  formed  one 
of  the  two  great  channels  by  which  the  civilisation  of  the  East  was 
transmitted  to  the  West ;  their  influence,  however,  unlike  that  of  the 
Phoenicians,  was  exercised  overland,  and  rather  as  conquerors  or 
powerful  neighbours  than  as  traders  ;  but  the  presence  of  Hittite 
merchants  or  settlers  in  foreign  cities  is  shown  from  Genesis  xxiii.  (at 
Hebron),  and  from  the  seals  of  private  individuals  with  Hittite  writ- 
ing found  at  Nineveh  along  with  others  inscribed  in  Phoenician. ^^ 
After  the  final  overthrow  of  the  south-eastern  power  of  the  Hittites 
by  Sargon,  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  their  commercial  position 
was  taken  by  the  Aramaeans,  whose  language  became  thenceforth, 
till  it  was  in  part  supplanted  by  Greek,  that  of  commerce  and 
diplomacy  in  western  Asia.^^ 

^''  See  Sayce,  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arcli.  vii.  302.  Their  commercial  importance 
also  appears  from  the  existence  of  the  standard  '  Mina  of  Carcliemish,'  one  of  the  Hittite 
capitals  (see  Head,  Historia  Numorum,  pp.  xxxii,  xlvii-xlviii).  This  was  the  origin 
of  the  lighter  of  the  two  standards  of  weight  used  by  the  Greeks ;  both  came  originally 
from  Babylon,  the  lighter  overland  through  Carchemish  and  Lydia,  the  heavier  by  sea 
through  Phoenicia ;  the  latter  was  the  origin  of  the  ^Eginetic,  the  former  of  the  Euboic 
or  Attic  stater.  The  latter,  that  of  Hittite  derivation,  ultimately  prevailed.  Of  the 
two  systems  of  writing  used  by  the  Greeks,  one,  the  ordinary  alphabet,  was  of  Phoeni- 
cian, the  other,  the  Asianic  or  so-called  '  Kypriote  '  syllabary,  probably  of  Hittite  origin. 
These,  like  the  metrological  systems,  serve  as  indications  of  the  two  channels  of  com- 
mercial intercourse. 

'*  As  such  we  find  it  used  on  dockets  on  contracts  of  the  seventh  century  B.C.,  the 
body  of  which  is  Assyrian,  found  at  Nineveh  (see  Taylor,  The  AlpJmbet,  i.  252-6),  as 
the  language  which  the  ministers  of  Hezekiah  expected  an  Assyrian  general  to  employ 
in  diplomatic  negotiations  (2  Kings  xviii.  26),  as  that  which  (rather  than  the  local 
ijliom)  the  Je^g  adopted  durinjg  their  captivity  in  Babj^lon,  and  under  the  Achaerae^idfie 


6  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

The  Hittites  disappear  from  Egyptian  records  after  the  time  of 
Barneses  III,  and  we  never  again  hear  of  them  as  forming  a  state 
under  a  single  ruler,  but  as  governed  by  many  different  kings  ^^  and 
serving  as  mercenaries  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  6,  2  Sam.  xi.  21,  2  Kings  yii. 
6).  Except  during  intervals  of  Assyrian  or  Israehte  domination 
the  chief  local  power  in  northern  Syria  seems  to  have  been  an 
Aramaean  one,  at  first  Zobah,  afterwards  Damascus.  The  Hittite 
possessions  in  the  Orontes  valley  had  passed  from  them,  Kadesh, 
the  southern  capital,  disappearing  from  history  after  the  time  of 
Eameses  II ;  ^^  but  Carchemish,  on  the  E  uphrates,  continued  the  capital 
of  a  Hittite  state  till  its  capture  by  Sargon  in  B.C.  717,  and  traces  of 
the  local  religion  probably  continued  to  survive  in  the  peculiar  rites 
practised  at  Bambyke  or  Hierapolis,  the  city  which  took  its  place  and 
flourished  down  to  the  establishment  of  Christianity. 

The  Hittite  power  in  Kappadokia,  which  formed  the  link  between 
Syria  and  Assyria  on  one  side  and  Asia  Minor  on  the  other,  proba- 
bly began  earlier  than  in  the  south  and  east,  and  lasted  longer  ;  but 
of  its  history  we  know  even  less,  since  (except  during  the  period 
when  it  formed  a  part  of  the  great  empire  which  contended  with 
Eameses  II)  it  did  not  come  in  contact  with  nations  like  Assyria  and 
Egypt,  whose  annals  have  come  down  to  us.  The  extent  of  the 
dominion  of  the  Hittites  is  largely  gathered  from  the  localities 
in  which  monuments  bearing  inscriptions  in  their  peculiar  writing, 
or  showing  their  characteristic  art,  have  been  found.  The  site  of 
Kadesh,  their  southern  capital,  was  certainly  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  lake  of  Horns,  on  the  Orontes,  either  at  Tell  Neby  Mendeh,  on 
the  river  about  four  miles  south  of  the  lake,  where  a  mound  and  ex- 
tensive ruins  exist,  as  supposed  by  Major  Conder,^!  or,  as  Mr.  Tomkins 
thinks  more  probable,  at  the  north  end  of  the  lake,  where  an 
ancient  dyke  and  remains  of  a  great  platform  with  corner  towers 
still  exist ;  -^  but  no  excavations  have  been  made  in  this  district,  and 

as  that  of  documents  intended  for  the  western  part  of  their  empire  (Ezra  iv.  7),  and 
of  the  inscriptions  on  coins  and  weights  intended  for  use  there,  even  in  Greek  districts 
(Taylor,  02?.  cit.  pp.  256-9),  while  under  the  Parthian  and  Sassanian  dynasties  it  be- 
came the  vernacular  of  Babylonia,  and  supplied  the  Semitic  element  of  the  strange 
mongrel  dialect  known  as  Pehlvi  (Haug,  Essays,  pp.  81-92  ;  Taylor,  oiJ.  cit.  pp.  228- 
55).  The  important  inscriptions  found  at  Sindjirli,  in  North  Syria,  belonging  to  about 
B.C.  850-720,  are  mostly  in  a  dialect  which  resembles  Hebrew  tinged  with  Aramaic  ;  but 
one,  addressed  to  Tiglath  Pileser,  king  of  Assyria  (b.c.  745-27),  is  said  to  be  in  pure 
Aramaic,  of  which  it  is  one  of  the  earliest  monuments  (Noldeke,  Z.D.M.G.  1893,  p.  99). 

'»  So  in  the  time  of  Solomon  (1  Kings  x.  20)  and  of  Jehoram  (2  Kings  vii.  6-7), 
and  in  Assyrian  accounts  of  invasions  by  Asshurnasirpal  (b.c.  885)  and  his  successors! 

2»  Unless  the  reading  '  the  land  of  the  Hittites  unto  Kadesh,'  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  6, 
supported  by  some  manuscripts  of  theLXX,be  adopted  for  the  unintelUgible  Tachtim- 
Chodshi.  In  this  case  it  formed  part  of  the  immediate  territory  of  Israel  in  the  time  of 
David. 

-'  Twenty-one  Years'  Work  in  the  Holy  Land,  pp.  151-56. 

"  Tomkins,  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  vii.  393-406;  Wilson  and  Edwards,  Eqvpt 
of  the  Past,  p  414.  ^^^ 


1895  SYIIIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  7 

consequently  no  Hittite  sculptures  or  inscriptions  discovered.^^  At 
present  Hamath  is  the  most  southern  point  at  which  such  have 
been  found  in  situ.  Further  north,  in  or  near  the  Orontes  valley, 
Hittite  rock  reliefs  have  been  discovered  near  Antioch,  apparently 
beside  a  road  leading  from  Carchemish  to  the  sea,  which  was  traced 
by  Boscawen  from  the  former  as  far  as  Tell  Erfad  (Arpad),  where 
there  is  a  large  mound  covering  the  remains  of  the  ancient  city. 
Similar  reliefs  exist  in  the  mountains  near  Alexandretta.^*  Kilikia 
was  probably  occupied  by  either  the  Hittites  or  some  cognate  race. 
Monuments  of  Hittite  origin  have  been  found  in  this  region ;  ^^  repre- 
sentations which  recall  those  of  Carchemish  and  Boghaz-keui,  or 
Pteria,  occur  on  late  Kilikian  coins,^^  and  Tarkutimme,  the  king 
whose  name  occurs  on  the  famous  bilingual  Hittite-Assyrian  silver 
boss,  seems  to  have  reigned  in  this  district. 

The  eastern  territory  of  the  Hittites,  near  the  Euphrates,  has 
yielded  many  important  memorials  of  their  art  and  writing,  found  at 
Jerabis  (Carchemish)  and  Birejik.  The  road  connecting  their  pos- 
sessions in  this  district  with  those  in  Kappadokia  and  Asia  Minor 
is  marked  by  the  sculptures  found  at  Merash  and  in  the  neigh- 
bouring passes  on  the  route  from  Carchemish  to  the  Halys ;  similar 
remains  have  been  found  at  Ghurun,  in  eastern  Kappadokia,  on 
the  road  from  Malatiyeh  to  Boghaz-keui.^''  In  Kappadokia  and 
Lykaonia  their  monuments  are  specially  numerous  and  important ; 
besides  those  already  mentioned  there  are  sculptures  or  inscrip- 
tions at  Ibreez,-^  Tyana,  and  other  places,  and  above  all  at  Boghaz- 
keui,  near  the  Halys,  a^Dparently  the  chief  seat  of  Hittite  power  in 
the  north ;  and  at  Euyuk,  a  few  miles  distant,^'-^  where  the  sculp- 
tures are  the  most  extensive  and  important  remains  of  Hittite  art 
known.  "West  of  the  Halys,  in  districts  which  were  probably  at 
one  time  dependent  on  the  Hittites  rather  than  a  part  of  their 
immediate  territory,  examples  of  their  art  and  writing  exist  at 
Ghiaour  Kalessi,  in  Phrygia,  and  at  several  places  on  or  near  Mount 
Sipylos.  The  period  of  Hittite  influence  over  the  Pelasgic  and  other 
races  of  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  Halys  may  be  safely  regarded  as 
contemporary  with  the  great  development  of  their  power  in  Syria 
when  under  a  single  supreme  monarch.  This  is  shown  by  the 
names  of  Dardanians,  Maeonians  (or  Ilians),  and  other  peoples  of 
Asia  Minor,  which  occur  in  the  list  of  their  vassals  on  the  moun- 
ts rpjjg  masonry  of  the  dam  across  the  Orontes,  which  forms  the  lake,  is  said  to 
resemble  that  of  the  Dunek  Tash  at  Tarsos,  which  is  also  in  a  Hittite  district.  The 
latter  is  described  by  Barker,  Lares  and  Periates,  pp.  132-4. 

="  Sayce,  in  Trans.  S.  B.  A.  \ii.  269-306.  '^^  Ibid.  vii.  306. 

2*  lUd.  p.  250.  27  j^^^^  pp,  305-6.  -^  Lenormant,  Hist.  Anc.  i.  414. 

^  Sayce,  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  vii.  249 ;  Wright,  Empire  of  the  Hittites,  pp. 
59-61 ;  Ramsay,  in  Journal  of  the  Boyal  Asiatic  Society,  xv.  103  scq. ;  Van  Lennep, 
Asia  Minor,  ii.  109-58.  The  last  writer  describes  the  ruins  at  both  places  in  great 
detail,  with  illustrations. 


8  TEE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

ments  of  Eameses  II,  and' is  to  some  extent  confirmed  by  the  occur- 
rence of  thelatter's  cartouche  with  a  Hittite  inscription  near  Mount 
Sipylos.  East  of  the  Halys  their  power  probably  lasted  longer,  and 
they  may  have  continued  to  exercise  some  control  in  Lydia.^° 

The  Hittites  made  use  of  an  elaborate  form  of  hieroglyphic 
writing,  in  the  decipherment  of  which  little  progress  has  been  made. 
From  it  was  probably  derived  at  an  early  period  the  Asianic  or  so- 
called  '  Kypriote  '  syllabary,  which,  after  being  largely  used  in  Asia 
Minor  and  Kypros,  was  finally  everywhere  superseded  by  alphabets  of 
Phoenician  origin,  though  some  characters  borrowed  from  it  were 
retained  by  the  Lykians  and  Karians.  The  Hittites  themselves  (per- 
haps owing  to  the  unsuitability  of  their  own  script  for  literary  works) 
for  certain  purposes  made  use  of  the  writing,  if  not  the  language, 
of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,''^  and  at  last,  in  Kappadokia, 
they  borrowed  an  alphabet  (about  b.c.  700)  from  some  of  their 
Greek  neighbours,^^  which  they  then  in  their  turn  transmitted  to 
Phrygia  and  perhaps  other  countries.  Shortly  afterwards ^'^  the 
advanced  guard  of  the  great  Iranian  immigration  reached  Kappa- 
dokia. While  Armenia  and  Media  became  completely  Iranianised 
both  in  rehgion  and  language,  the  process  was  less  complete  in 
Kappadokia.  The  royal  power  was  seized  by  an  Iranian  dynasty, 
who  retained  it  till  the  Christian  era.^^  Zoroastrianism  was  well 
established  as  a  native  cult  in  certain  cities  and  districts,^'^  and  the 
Kappadokian  months  in  the  Florentine  hemerology  have  Iranian 
names.  On  the  other  hand  rites  and  beliefs  of  non-Iranian  and 
probably,  in  part  at  least,  of  Hittite  origin  continued  to  exist  in 
many  places,^*^  and  the  name  of  *  Syrians,'  ^^ '  White  Syrians,'  ^^  or 
*  Assyrians,'  ^^  given  to  the  Kappadokians  testified  to  the  belief  of  the 
Greeks  in  their  former  connexion  with  Syria  and  the  Euphrates. 
The  diversity  of  race  and  language  amongst  the  Kappadokians  of 
the  first  century  b.c.  is  attested  by  Strabo  (xii.  1-2). 

Asia  Minor  west  of  the  Halys  and  of  Lykaonia  was  divided 
amongst  a  large  number  of  tribes — Lykians,  Solymi,  Pamphylians, 
and   Pisidians   on   or   near    the   south   coast;  Karians,  Lydians, 

^"  Whether  the  Tibarenians  and  Moschians,  who  occupied  a  part  of ;  Kappadokia 
and  were  dangerous  enemies  of  the  Assyrians,  were  of  Hittite  origin  or  not  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  The  latter  are  connected  with  Mazaka  by  Josephus  {A.  J.  i.  6,  but  sec 
Moses  of  Chorene,  i.  13,  p.  39).    Compare  Lenormant,  Hist.  Anc.  i.  299. 

3'  We  see  this  from  some  of  the  Tell  Amarna  documents,  from  inscriptions  found 
at  Kaisariyeh  or  Zela,  in  Kappadokia  {Proceedings  of  the  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  v.  41-6, 
vi.  24),  and  from  clay  tablets  also  coming  from  Kappadokia  {ibid.  vi.  17-24). 

'2  See  Eamsay,  in  Journal  of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic  Society,  xv.  122-7  ;  Perrot,  History 
of  Art  in  Phrygia,  p.  9. 

»^  About  B.C.  650  ;  see  Rawlinson,  Iierodotus,  i.  678-9. 

"  Diodoros,  xxxi.  p.  147.  ^5  gtrabo,  xv.  p.  326.  "s  Ibid.  xii.  p.  5  seq. 

"  Herodotos,  i.  72  ;  Eustath.  ad  Dionys.  Perieg.  772  ;  Nicolas  of  Damascus,  fr.  49. 

»«  Strabo,  xii.  19  ;  Ptolemy,  v.  6. 

"  Dionys.  Perieg,  772;  Skylax,  Peripl  p.  32;  Apollon.  Rhod.  ii.  948;  with  th 
pphplia  inloQ,  - 


1895  SYRIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  9 

Phrygians,  Mysians,  Dardanians,  Bithynians,  and  Paphlagonians 
on  the  west  and  north.  The  majority  of  these  were  of  Aryan  race, 
and  were  settled  there  probably  long  before  the  Iranian  occupation 
of  Kappadokia  and  Armenia.  Greek  writers  represent  the  Phrygians 
as  nearly  related  to  the  Armenians,  whom  they  allege  to  have  been 
their  colonists,  and  to  have  spoken  a  similar  language.'*^  But  if  we  are 
justified  in  regarding  the  Aryan  Armenians,  like  the  Aryan  Kappado- 
kians,  as  Iranians,  which  the  Phrygians  certainly  were  not,  this  view 
is  untenable ;  and  there  is  no  special  resemblance  to  Armenian  in  the 
language  of  the  Phrygian  inscriptions.''^  It  is  a  matter  of  greater 
doubt  whether  the  Phrygians,  Bithynians,  and  Mysians  reached  Asia 
Minor  by  way  of  Thrace  or  overland.  The  former  opinion  is  asserted 
by  most  ancient  writers,''^  and  amongst  modern  ones  by  MM.  Perrot 
and  Chipiez  '^  and  others ;  the  latter,  which  is  prima  facie  more  pro- 
bable, is  adopted  by  Duncker  and  Eawlinson.'**  Perhaps  the  true 
explanation  of  these  stories  of  migrations  from  Thrace  to  Asia  is  that 
fugitives  from  the  Phrygian  and  other  colonies  in  Europe  returned 
to  their  native  country  when  pressed  by  the  native  Illyrian  or  Make- 
donian  tribes.''^  It  is  difficult  to  determine  when  the  Phrygians 
and  Mysians  (whencesoever  they  came)  first  settled  in  Asia  Minor. 
They  were  there  when  the  *  Iliad '  was  composed,  and  were  believed 
by  the  Greeks  to  have  been  there  at  the  period  of  the  Trojan  war, 
and  it  is  unsafe  to  assume,  on  the  merely  negative  evidence  of 
their  name  not  appearing  in  Egyptian  records,"**^  that  the  Phrygians 
were  not  there  in  the  time  of  Eameses  II  and  Eameses  III. 

The  Phrygians  and  their  neighbours  were,  no  doubt,  at  one 
time  vassals  of  the  Hittite  rulers  of  Pteria.  The  earliest  monu- 
ments existing  in  the  country  are  those  of  a  distinctly  Hittite  cha- 
racter, constructed  by  the  suzerains  in  the  days  of  their  greatest 
power  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  b.c.''^  Native  Phrygian 
art  dates  at  least  as  early  as  1000  b.C^^     It  is  derived  from  the  older 

*°  Herod,  vii.  73  ;  Steph.  Byzant.  s.v.  'Apfxevia. 

*'  See  Eawlinson,  Herodotus,  i.  677-89,  iv.  67-8  ;  Lenormant,  Les  Origincs  de 
VHistoire,  ii.  323-9  ;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Art  in  Fhrygia,  &c.,  pp.  2-3. 

*'-  Xanthus,  frag.  5;  Herodot.  vii.  73-5;  Thukydides,  iv.  75;  Xenophon,.4na&asis, 
vi.  2  ;  Hell.  i.  3,  2  ;  scholiast  on  Apollon.  Ehod.  ii.  181  ;  Strabo,  x.  3,  p.  363 ; 
riin.  H.  N.  V.  32,  p.  80  ;  Stephan.  Byzant.  s.v.  Bplycs,  Bidvvia. 

*•'  Op.  cit.  pp.  1-3. 

*'  Perrot  and  Chipiez  {op.  cit.  p.  222)  regard  the  Phrygians  as  settlers  from  Thrace 
about  the  twelfth  century  b.c,  in  a  space  left  vacant  by  the  great  migratory  movement 
recorded  in  the  Egyptian  documents  of  the  twentieth  dynasty,  and  as  establishing 
themselves  first  in  the  Sipylos  district,  a  colony  represented  by  the  Tantalos  legend  of 
the  Greeks.  This  state  ceased  to  exist  in  the  tenth  or  ninth  century  b.c,  but  had 
colonised  the  Sangarios  valley,  the  later  Phrygia,  where  the  monuments  date  from 
the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries  b.c,  the  period  of  the  Midas-Gordios  dynasty. 

*^  Something  of  this  kind  is  hinted  at  in  the  story  in  Nicolas  of  Damascus,  fr.  71 ; 
Constant.  Porphyr.  De  Themat.  Asiae,  pp.  11-13 ;  Eustathios  ad  Dionys.  Perieg.  326. 

*«  As  is  done  by  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  02j.  cit.  p.  5. 
,    [  *^  See  Ramsay,  in  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  iii.  29  ;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  p.  79 

<»  See  Bftmsa^,  in  Journal  of  Helknic  Studies^  iii,  257  seg. 


10  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

oriental  civilisation  of  the  Hittites  of  Kappadokia  (Pteria),  but  has  a 
style  of  its  own  ;  monuments  of  this  period  are  usually  uninscribed.'*'^ 
The  names  of  Phrygian  kings  which  occur  in  the  Homeric  poems, 
suchasPhorkys,  Askanios,^^  Dymas  and  his  son  Asios,^^  Otreus  and 
Mygdon,'^^  show  no  connexion  with  the  later  dynasty  of  Midas  and 
Gordios.^^  In  the  next  period  Phrygian  art  was  at  its  best,  and  is  an 
improvement  on  that  of  the  Hittites.  The  most  important  works  are 
a  considerable  number  of  rock-cut  tombs,  of  which  the  most  cha- 
racteristic decoration  is  a  sort  of  chessboard  pattern  on  the  fa9ade, 
but  there  are  sometimes  sculptures  in  relief  or  in  the  round.  There 
are  also  important  remains  of  cities  and  fortresses  largely  cut  in 
the  rock  near  the '  tomb  of  Midas  '  (identified  by  an  inscription),  and 
at  Pishmish  Kaleh,  and  most,  if  not  all,  the  few  extant  Phrygian 
inscriptions  in  an  alphabet  of  Greek  origin  are  of  the  same  date. 
To  this  period  we  may  probably  assign  the  powerful  dynasty  of 
kings  styled  alternately  Midas  and  Gordios,  of  which  the  Greeks 
had  some  slight  knowledge.^''  Their  greatest  prosperity  was  probably 
between  b.c.  800  and  670,  when  the  Phrygian  state  suffered  so  ter- 
ribly from  the  invasion  of  the  Kimmerians  that  King  Midas  slew 
himself,"  and  Phrygia  never  recovered  its  independence,  but  became 
first  a  vassal  state  of  the  Lydians,^^  still  under  the  house  of 
Midas,  and  then  a  satrapy  of  the  Persian  empire.  '  The  Greek 
influence,  passing  over  Lydia,  affected  the  Phrygian  art.     The  tombs 

*'■>  See,  however,  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  p.  94,  where  mention  is  made  of  a  brief  inscrip- 
tion in  the  Asianic  or  'Kypriote'  syllabary  on  a  tomb  at  Delikli  Tach  (in  Phrygia), 
which  for  artistic  reasons  may  be  attributed  to  an  early  date. 

^»  II.  n.  863.  ^'  Ibid.  xvi.  717-9. 

"  Ibid.  iii.  185-7 ;  Hymn  to  Aphrodite,  111-2. 

*^  In  Eusebios,  however  {Chron.  Armcn.  ii.  p.  123  ;  Chron.  Lai.  fo.  36),  Midas 
(Mindas  in  Armenian)  appears  as  contemporary  with  Pelops,  Eameses  II,  and  the 
foundation  of  Troy ;  Tantalos  appears  as  king  of  Phrygia  somewhat  earlier  {Chron. 
Arm.'ii.  p.  119  ;  Chron.  Led.  fo.  34).  Other  writers  make  '  Midas  '  subsequent  to  Homer 
(Diogenes  Laert.  i.  89,  p.  23) ;  others  attribute  to  Homer  an  epitaph  written  for  '  Midas  ' 
and  inscribed  on  the  tomb  of  his  father  Gordios  (Diog.  Laert.  loc.  cit. ;  Ps.-Herodot. 
Yita  Hameri,  2,  p.  562). 

**  Midas,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  was  the  son  of  a  peasant,  and  in  consequence 
of  an  oracle  was  made  king  by  the  Phrygians  (whose  previous  constitution  is  appa- 
rently regarded  as  a  republic)  to  quell  intestine  disturbances,  a  story  which  reminds 
us  of  that  of  Deiokes  (Arrian.  Exped.  Alex.  ii.  pp.  85-7).  Justin,  xi.  7,  has  a  similar 
story,  but  in  it  Gordios  himself  is  made  king.  To  his  son  and  successor  Midas  I  is 
ascribed  the  foundation  of  Ankyra  (Pausanias,  i.  4, 5)  and  other  towns  (Strabo,  xii.  p.  57), 
and  the  introduction  of  the  orgiastic  rites  which  were  so  striking  a  feature  of  the 
Phrygian  religion.  Compare  Diod.  iii.  59.  In  Hyginus,  Fab.  191,  274  Midas  is  made  a 
son  of  Kybele.  Konon,  Narrat.  i.,  gives  another  account  of  the  elevation  of  Midas  to  the 
throne.  The  Greeks  agreed  in  regarding  the  dynasty  as  very  wealthy  (Aelian,  V.  H. 
xii.  45,  &c.)  ;  the  temporary  inclusion  in  their  empire  of  some  of  the  maritime  cities  of 
Asia  Minor  is,  perhaps,  indicated  by  the  attribution  of  a  thalassocracy  for  twenty-five 
(in  Synkellos,  p.  181  B,  25  or  6)  years,  by  Eusebios  {Chron.  Arm.  i.  321),  though  the 
date  assigned,  289  years  after  the  Trojan  war,  seems  rather  too  early. 

"  See  Eamsay,  in  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  iii.  30 ;  Strabo,  i.  3,  p.  97  ;  Plutarch, 
who  {De  Superstitione,  p.  293)  ascribes  his  suicide  to  superstitious  fears  caused  by 
dreams ;  Euseb.  Chroji.  Arm.  ii.  181.  &«  Herodotos,  i.  35. 


1895  SYEIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  li 

at  first  show  a  mixture  of  Greek  art  with  oriental  sculpture,  but 
the  latter  gradually  disappears.'  " 

Of  the  history  of  the  Paphlagonians  before  their  conquest  by 
the  Lydians,  along  with  the  other  inhabitants  of  Asia  Minor,  in  the 
fifth  century  b.c./^  we  hear  little.  In  dress  they  resembled  both  the 
Kappadokians  and  Phrygians,^^  and  their  few  remaining  monu- 
ments are  like  the  Phrygian,  though  with  some  distinguishing 
characteristics.^^  No  Paphlagonian  inscriptions  are  known  to  exist, 
but  in  race  and  language  they  were  probably  closely  connected  with 
their  Phrygian  and  Bithynian  neighbours,  though  their  position 
near  the  coast,  on  the  highway  between  the  great  Greek  emporium  of 
Sinope  and  the  Kappadokian  capital  at  Pteria,  may  have  brought 
them  earlier  under  Hellenic  influence.  Their  religion  had  the  same 
general  characteristics  as  that  of  the  rest  of  northern  and  central 
Asia  Minor,  but  some  points  in  which  it  differed  from  that  of  the 
Phrygians  are  mentioned  by  Plutarch.^^ 

For  the  early  history  of  Lydia  our  chief  authorities  are  Herodotos 
and  the  native  historian  Xanthos,  who  apparently  made  use  of 
official  records,^^  but  whose  work  is  unfortunately  only  known  to  us 
in  the  shape  of  fragments  from  the  recension  of  it  made  by  Dionysios 
of  Mytilene.  Greek  legends  represented  the  region  of  Mount 
Sipylos,  on  the  coast  of  Lydia,  as  occupied  at  an  early  period  by  a 
Phrygian  race,  and  connect  it  with  the  story  of  Tantalos  and  Pelops, 
whom  they  placed  in  the  fourth  generation  before  the  Trojan  war,^^ 
and  who  had  regular  maritime  intercourse  with  the  Peloponnesos. 
Tantalis,  the  capital  of  their  kingdom,  was,  according  to  the  legend, 
destroyed  because  Tantalos  had  incurred  the  wrath  of  the  gods.*^^ 
Existing  remains  in  this  district  are  of  two  classes,  one  consisting 
of  sculptures  accompanied  by  Hittite  inscriptions,  such  as  the  two 
figures  near  Nymphi,  beside  the  road  from  Smyrna  and  Ephesos 
to  Sardis,  which  Herodotos  regarded  as  monuments  of  the  conquests 
of  Sesostris,^^  and  the  statue  cut  in  the  rock  near  Magnesia,  called 
by  most  Greek  writers  Niobe,  by  Pausanias  (iii.  22,  4)  Kybele, 
close  to  which  are  both  Hittite  inscriptions  and  the  cartouche  of 

"  Ramsay,  ubi  supra.  *^  Heroclot.  i.  28. 

^^  Ibid.  vii.  72-3.  «"  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Phrygia,  pp.  192-211. 

"■•  De  Isida  et  Osiride,  c.  9,  p.  674.  "  Nic.  Dam.  fr.  49. 

*^  Eusebios  [Chrmi.  Arm.  ii.  p.  123)  and  Synkellos  (128  B)  make  Pelops  contemporary 
with  a  Midas,  king  of  Phrygia,  and  Dardanos,  king  of  Ilion  or  Troas.  At  p.  119  Euse- 
bios makes  Tantalos  king  of  the  Phrygians  qui  etiam  Maeones  vocabantur  ;  Diodoros 
(iv.  74)  makes  Tantalos  dwell  ^repl  tV  vvv  ovofia^ofUvrjv  UacpXayouiay,  whence  he  was 
expelled  by  Ilos  son  of  Tros. 

«^  Strabo,  i.  3,  p.  17,  p.  92  ;  xii.  8,  1,  pp.  63-4,  pp.  77-8;  Sophokles,  Antigoyu,  840, 
and  Schol.  Triklin.  in  loc. ;  Aristoteles,  Meteor,  ii.  7,  p.  67  ;  Athenaeos,  xiv.  625-6  (who 
makes  Tantalos  rule  in  Lydia,  Phrygia  being  a  portion  of  his  empire) ;  Pausanias, 
i.  21,  5  ;  iii.  22,  4  ;  v.  13,  4  ;  vii.  24,  7  ;  viii.  2,  2-3. 

«*  Herodot.  ii.  106 ;  Sayce,  Herodotos,  pp.  180-81,  426,  434 ;  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch. 
Trans,  vii.  264-8,  439-40. 


12  THE  EARLY  IIISTOEY  OF  Jan. 

Barneses  ll.*^*^  Another  set  of  monuments  (but  closely  connected 
with  the  former)  consists  of  the  remains  of  a  rock-cut  fortress  and 
a  tomb  which  in  the  opinion  of  Eamsay  has  a  close  resemblance  to 
those  of  Phrygia  proper .^^  From  the  Greek  legends  and  the  cha- 
racter of  these  remains  Professor  Eamsay's  conclusion  that  *  Sipylos 
was  an  early  seat  of  the  old  Phrygian  civilisation,  of  which  the  path 
westward  is  marked  by  the  rehgious  centres  it  established,  that  of 
Zeus  Bennios  and  the  Benneitai  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Tembris, 
that  of  Coloe  in  the  Katakekaumene,  finally  that  of  Sipylos,'  appears 
justified,  but  there  is  less  foundation  for  his  further  assumption 
that  the  Atyadae,  the  first  Lydian  dynasty,  were  the  priestly  suze- 
rains of  the  district  of  Sipylos,  the  later  rulers  of  it  being  con- 
temporary with  the  earlier  kings  of  the  second  dynasty,  or 
Herakleidae,  who  represent  the  establishment  of  a  central  power  at 
Sardis,  having  its  relations  rather  with  the  Kappadokian  power  at 
Pteria,  with  which  its  capital  was  connected  by  the  *  Eoyal  Eoad  ' 
passing  through  Phrygia  proper,  than  with  Greece,  with  which  the 
legends  closely  connect  the  rulers  of  Sipylos. ^^  Sardis,  according  to 
Strabo  (xiii.  4,  p.  151),  was  founded  after  the  Trojan  war,  and  there- 
fore later  than  the  date  assigned  by  Herodotos  for  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Herakleid  dynasty .^^  The  Atyadae  are  not  connected  by 
ancient  writers  with  Sipylos. '°  In  the '  union  of  native  Indo-E  uropean 
with  oriental  religions  which  produced  the  peculiar  worship  of  Asia 
Minor,'  of  which  the  orgiastic  rites  in  honour  of  Kybele  and  the 
existence  of  priestly  sovereignties  at  the  great  religious  centres  were 
characteristic  features,  the  oriental  element  was  apparently  im- 
mediately at  least  of  Hittite  origin,  though  it  may  have  come 
ultimately  from  Babylon  or  Syria.' ^ 

Whatever  may  be  said  about  the  half-mythical  Atyadae,  the 
account  of  the  dynasty  of  the  Herakleidae  given  by  Herodotos  (i.  7) 
points  to  their  oriental  origin,  and  we  may  reasonably  assume  with 

♦•■''  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  Trans,  vii.  440,  plate  5 ;  Proc.  v.  148 ;  Eamsay,  in  Journal  of 
Hellenic  Studies,  iii.  39  seq.,  63  ;  Stewart,  An^ie^it  Monuments  in  Lydia  and  Phrygia, 
pp.  1-2,  plate  2  ;  Van  Lennep,  Asia  Minor,  ii.  305-25. 

«'  Eamsay,  Journ.  of  Hell.  Stud.  iii.  33-68  ;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Phrygia,  pp.  14  seq. 

""  Sayce,  on  the  contrary  {Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  Trans,  vii.  273),  regards  the  legends  of 
the  Atyadae  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  occupation  of  Lydia  by  the  Hittites  (i.e.  the 
ruling  power  in  Kappadokia),  and  the  rise  of  the  Herakleidae  as  coeval  with  the 
overthrow  of  Hittite  domination  in  the  country. 

**^  505  years  before  b.c.  687  =  b.c.  1192. 

"0  Xanthos  (iv.  ap.  Steph.  Byzant.  s.v.  'Ao-koAw;/)  regarded  the  house  of  Tantalos 
as  vassals  of  the  Atyadae,  making  Askalos  brother  of  Tantalos  and  son  of  Hymenaeug 
leader  of  an  expedition  sent  by  Akiamos,  the  Atyad  king  of  the  Lydians  and  founder 
of  Askalon,  to  Syria,  an  expedition  Avhich  suggests  a  reminiscence  of  the  invasion  of 
Palestine  by  the  Hittites  in  the  time  of  Eameses  II,  or  of  the  great  invasion  of  the 
Hittite  and  Egyptian  territories  by  the  northern  nations  repulsed  by  Eameses  III. 
(Compare  Xanthos  ap.  Athen.  viii.  346.)  Xanthos  (fr.  13  ap.  Parthen.  ^Jrqt.  33)  made 
>Iiobe  daughter  of  Assaon,  not  of  Tantalos. 

^»  Compare  Sa^ce,  Herodotos,  pp.  430-1, 


1895  SYRIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  18 

Professor  Sayce  ^^  that  they  were  at  the  outset  *  Hittite  satraps  of 
Sardes,  whose  power  mcreased  as  that  of  the  distant  empu-e  declined, 
and  who  finally  made  themselves  independent  rulers  of  the  Lydian 
plain.' ^^  Herodotos  places  their  accession  early  in  the  twelfth 
century  B.C. ;  he  tells  us  little  of  their  history,  and  that  little 
disagrees  with  the  information  given  by  other  writers,  who  pro- 
bably followed  the  native  historian  Xanthos.  Their  connexion 
seems  to  have  been  rather  with  the  east  than  with  the  Greeks, 
who  had  closer  relations  with  the  more  inland  Phrygians,  and  their 
power  was  inconsiderable,  no  important  conquests  being  ascribed 
to  them  even  by  the  native  historian."^^  With  the  overthrow  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  Herakleidae  and  the  establishment  of  that  of  the 
Mermnadae  by  Gyges  early  in  the  seventh  century  e.g.,  an  event 
related  by  many  Greek  writers/^  we  reach  firmer  ground.  Under 
the  kings  of  this  dynasty,  which  reigned  probably  between  e.g.  687 
and  545,  Lydia,  while  on  the  one  hand  at  first  (as  we  learn  from 
the  annals  of  Asshur-bani-pal)  occupying  a  position  of  nominal 
vassalage  to  Assyria,  which  had  not  long  before  overthrown  the 
Hittite  kingdom  of  Carchemish  (and  thereby,  perhaps,  weakened  that 
of  Pteria),  and  on  the  other  cultivating  close  relations  with  the 
Hellenic  cities  not  only  of  Asia  but  even  of  Greece  proper,  gradually 
reduced  under  its  sway  the  whole  of  Asia  west  of  the  Halys.  The 
progress  of  these  conquests  was,  indeed,  checked  by  the  Kimmerian 
invasion  in  the  reigns  of  Gyges  and  his  son,  but  Lydia  was  not  so 
much  weakened  by  it  as  some  of  the  neighbouring  states,  and 
availed  itself  of  their  greater  distress  to  include  them  in  its  empire. 
By  the  time  of  Alyattes,  to  whose  reign  probably  belong  many  of 
the  conquests  which  Herodotos  ascribes  to  Kroesos,  Lydia  was  in  a 
position  to  maintain  a  long  war  on  equal  terms  with  the  great 
Median  monarchy,  which  had  in  conjunction  with  Babylon  over- 
thrown the  Assyrian  empire  and  divided  its  possessions,  and  had 
now,  assisted  perhaps  by  the  wave  of  immigration  which  about  this 
time  substituted  Iranian  dynasties,  language,  and  religion  in  Armenia, 
and  partly  in  Kappadokia,  for  those  previously  existing  there, 
extended  itself  to  the  Halys.  The  two  empires  were  very  unequal 
in  extent,  but  the  Lydians  had  the  advanta  ge  of  greater  wealth  and 

"  Op.  cit.  p.  427. 

''  Herodotos  (i.  7)  represents  them  as  at  first  ministers  or  viceroys  of  he 
Atyadae  {iirLrpa<l)d4vTes),  then  obtaining  the  sovereignty  4k  deoirpoirioit. 

'*  A  thalassocraey  is,  however,  ascribed  by  Diodoros  and  Ivastor  {ap.  Euseb.  Cliron. 
i.  p.  321,  ii.  p.  137,  to  the  Lydians  for  ninety-two  years  following  the  Trojan  war  (b.c. 
1183-1091),  falling  just  after  the  date  assigned  to  the  accession  of  the  Herakleidae  by 
Herodotos  (see  Miiller,  Castoris  Reliquiae,  p.  180).  The  narratives  contained  in  Nic. 
Dam.,  fr.  49,  imply  regular  intercourse  of  Lydia  with  the  Greek  city  of  Kume,  the 
Phrygians  and  other  neighbouring  nations,  the  Syrians  of  Kappadokia  ( =  Hittites), 
and  even  Babylon  in  the  time  of  the  Herakleidae. 

"  Herod,  i.  7-13  ;  Xanthos;  Nic.  Dam.  fr.  49  ad  fin. ;  Plutarch,  Quaest.  Grace,  p. 
538,  cfcc. 


14  THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

f 

somewhat  higher  civib'sation.  The  decisive  struggle  was  postponed 
by  the  intervention  of  the  Babylonian  king  and  Syennesis  of 
.Kilikia,  but  when  it  was  renewed  a  few  years  later  between  the 
Persian  inheritor  of  the  Median  empire  and  Kroesos  the  latter 
speedily  succumbed,  the  Lydian  monarchy  ceased  to  exist,  and  all 
Asia  Minor  became  part  of  the  possessions  of  the  Achaemenidae 
(about  B.C.  545).  The  monuments  of  the  Lydians  are  few,  the 
most  important  being  the  tumuli  in  the  necropolis  of  Sardis,  near 
Lake  Koloe,  where  the  remains  of  the  huge  tomb  of  Alyattes, 
described  by  Herodotos,  are  still  to  be  seen.^*^  Of  Lydian  inscrip- 
tions there  are  only  a  few  very  brief  and  of  doubtful  origin,^^  and 
it  is'not  even  certain  to  what  family  the  language  belonged.  The 
most  important  monuments  the  Mermnadae  have  left  are  their 
coins,  and  they  were  perhaps  the  first  to  issue  money  authenticated 
by  the  stamp  of  the  state,  their  wealth  in  precious  metals  turning 
their  attention  in  this  direction.'^  Of  the  other  peoples  inhabiting 
the  north  of  Asia  Minor  the  Dardanians  and  Mysians,  who  were 
undoubtedly  Aryan,  included  amongst  their  cities  Ilion  or  Troy, 
which  occupies  so  prominent  a  place  in  Greek  legends.  They  were 
amongst  the  vassals  of  the  Hittites  in  their  wars  with  Eameses  II, 
and  the  excavations  of  Schliemann  have  revealed  to  us  the 
numerous  destructions  and  rebuildings  of  the  Trojan  city  on  the 
hill  of  Hissarlik.'^'^  The  style  of  art  and  civilisation  revealed  by 
these  excavations  is  rude,  but  the  inhabitants  (in  this  respect 
apparently  superior  to  their  Mykenaean  contemporaries)  were  ac- 
quainted with  writing,  some  of  the  objects  found  by  Schliemann 
bearing  inscriptions  in  the  Asianic  syllabary.*^^ 

The  Karians  occupied  the  country  between  Lydia  and  Lykia. 
They  claimed  relationship  with  the  Lydians  and  Mysians,  and  had 
common  religious  rites,  these  three  nations  being  alone  admitted  to 
the  temple  of  Zeus  Karios  at  Mylasa,  from  which  all  others,  even 
the  Kaunians,  whose  language  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Karians, 
were  excluded.^^  They  seem,  like  the  Lykians,  to  have  been  united 
in  a  loose  federation,  with  republican  institutions.  As  in  some 
other  cases  in  Asia  Minor  the  federal  assembly  was  held  not  in 

"«  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  History  of  Art  in  Phrygia,  Lydia,  &c.  p.  258  seq. 

"  One'at  Ephesos  of  a  few  letters,  and  one  lately  found  in  Egypt  (Sayce,  in  Academy 
March  1893,  p.  248). 

"  The  relation  of  the  Maeonians  to  the  Lydians  is  obscure  ;  Herodotos  (i.  7)  and 
Strabo  (xiii.  4,  p.  151)  make  Ma?onians  an  earlier  name  of  Lydians.  Others  regard 
them  as  a  distinct  though  probably  kindred  race  whom  the  Lydians  conquered  (see 
Eawlinson,  Herodotus,  i.  344). 

"  Schhemann,  Troy ,  passim  \  Baumeister,  Dejikmdler,  s.v.  &c. 

8»  It  is  possible  that  some  interference  of  the  Hittites  on  behalf  of  Troy  is  repre- 
sented by  the  legend  of  Memnon  and  the  Amazons.  The  former  was  represented  as 
sent  by  the  'Assyrians,'  whom  later  Greek  writers  regarded  as  then  ruling  Asia 
(Ktesias,  Pers.  iii.  23  ;  Kephalion,  frag/ 1 ;  Moses  of  Chorene,  i.  18  and  31). 

8»  Herodot.  i.  171 ;  Strabo,  xiv.  2,  p.  205. 


1895  SYRIA   AND  ASIA   MINOR  15 

any  town,  but  at  the  temple  of  Zeus,  called  by  the  Greeks 
Chrysaoreus,  near  the  place  where  Stratonikeia  was  founded  under 
the  Seleukidae.^^  Karia  never  formed  a  single  monarchy  till  the 
time  of  the  Achaemenidae,  when  the  Greek  dynasts  of  Halikarnassos 
established  a  regular  kingdom,  which  lasted  till  the  Makedonian 
conquest.  Though  the  Karians  do  not  figure  in  history  as  a  power- 
ful or  conquering  people,  and  were  often  vassals  of  others,  they 
were  much  given  to  warhke  pursuits,  both  by  sea  and  land.  In 
early  times  they  carried  on  piratical  expeditions  over  the  Aegaean,^^ 
a  fact  attested  by  the  discovery  of  remains  of  a  Karian  character  in 
some  of  the  Greek  islands  in  ancient  ^^  and  modern  ^^  times.  The 
suppression  of  these  expeditions  was  attributed  by  the  Greeks  to 
Minos  of  Krete,^^  the  expulsion  of  the  Karians  from  the  islands  to 
the  lonians  and  Dorians  %poz^«  varspov  ttoXXw.^^  They  continued 
to  be  a  maritime  people  under  the  Achaemenidae,  furnishing 
seventy  ships  to  the  fleet  of  Xerxes.^^  Their  roving  pro- 
pensities found  scope  in  serving  as  mercenaries  abroad ;  the 
Kerethite  troops  of  David  were  probably  Karians.^^  Herodotos 
(i.  171)  says  they  served  in  the  fleet  of  Minos  when  he  required; 
Gyges  of  Lydia  employed  Karian  mercenaries,  according  to  Plu- 
tarch,^°  and  their  service  in  Egypt  is  attested  by  Herodotos,^^  and 
by  Karian  graffiti  existing  there.^^  Further  evidence  of  their 
military  tastes  is  to  be  found  in  the  invention  of  various  parts  of 
armour  ascribed  to  them  by  Herodotos  (i.  171),  Anakreon,  and 
Alkaeos,^^  and  in  their  titles  for  Zeus,  Stratios,  Labrandeus  (*  of 
the  dull  axe  '))^^  and  Chrysaoreus. 

Considerable  architectural  remains,  especially  tombs,  usually 
tumul ,  but  in  some  cases  built  of  blocks  of  stone,  pottery  resembling 
archaic  Greek,  and  other  objects,  have  been  found  in  Karia.^^  These 
probably  belong  to  the  early  period,  before  the  rise  of  the  dynasty  of 
Mausolos,  under  whom  the  country  became  largely  hellenised.  The 
chief  relics  of  the  Karian  language  are  graffiti^  the  work  of  Karian 
mercenaries  or  travellers  in  Egypt,  which  are  wTitten  in  an  alphabet 
derived  partly  from  the  Greek,  partly  from  the  Asianic  syllabary.^^ 

82  Strabo,  xiv.  2,  p.  207.     ^^  Thukyd.  i.  8 ;  Philip.  Theang.  fr.  3.     ^4  Thukyd.  i.  8. 

8^  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  op.  cit.  pp.  328-30,  399-400  ;  Bent,  in  Journal  of  Hellenic 
Studies,  V.  50,  ix.  32-87).  ««  Thukyd.  i.  4,  8. 

«^  Herod,  i.  171.  «»  Ihid.  vii.  93. 

8"  The  scholiast  on  Plato,  Laches,  187,  says  they  were  the  first  to  adopt  the  profes- 
sion of  mercenaries,  citing  Archilochos  (fr.  24),  Ephoros  (lib.  i.),  Philemon  {Games, 
fr.  2),  Euripides,  and  Kratinos. 

'•"'  Quacst.  Grace,  iv.  538.  »'  ii.  152,  154,  iii.  11. 

»2  Sayce,  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bibl.  Arch.  ix.  112-54.  ^^  A2J.  Strab.  xiv.  2,  p.  208. 

^*  AuSol  yhp  \dfipw  rhv  ireAeKw  ouoixd^ova-i,  Plut.  Q.  G.  p.  538,  where  he  gives  a 
strange  story  to  account  for  the  origin  of  the  axe  borne  by  Zeus  Labrandeus.  The 
double  axe  by  itself  or  carried  by  the  god  occurs  on  a  coin  of  Mylasa  (Head,  Historia 
Numorum,  pp.  528-9  ;  compare  p.  533),  and  on  buildings  there  (Fellowes, -4sia  Minor 
and  Lycia,  p.  277). 

»*  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  op.  cit.  pp.  309-30.  ^«  Sayce,  he.  cit. 


16  THE  pARLY  HISTORY  OF  Jan. 

The  relation  of  the  Leleges  to  the  Karians,  like  that  of  the 
Mffionians  to  the  Lydians,  is  obscure.  Herodotos  (i.  171)  regards 
them  as  the  same  people,  but  other  writers  ^^  distinguish  them. 
The  native  historian,  Philip  of  Theangela,^^  represents  the  Leleges  as 
serfs  of  the  Karians,  like  the  Helots  in  Lakonia  and  the  Penestae  in 
Thessaly.  They  are  said  at  one  time  to  have  occupied  a  large  por- 
tion of  Asia  Minor,  the  islands,  and  Greece. ^^  The  ethnic  affinities 
of  the  Lykians  are  still  uncertain.  Herodotos  (i.  173)  makes 
them  settlers  from  Krete  in  the  time  of  Minos,  afterwards  rein- 
forced by  a  Greek  colony  from  Athens;  but  their  language, 
unlike  Phrygian,  has  very  little  resemblance  to  Greek.  Greek 
writers  call  the  people,  as  a  whole,  Avkioi,  and  the  country 
AvKia,  and  in  the  Greek  version  of  the  bilingual  native  inscriptions 
AIKIOI,  AIKIA,  are  found,  and  in  the  Egyptian  records  they  appear 
among  the  enemies  of  Eameses  HI  as  Luku  ^°°  or  Leka  ;  but  in  the 
vernacular  inscriptions  the  people  are  called  Tramele,  corresponding 
to  TspfiiXai,  ^°^  which  Herodotos  says  was  their  earliest  name,  and 
that  by  which  their  neighbours  designated  them  even  in  his  time. 

The  constitution  of  Lykia  was  a  federal  republic,  and  lasted 
almost  without  interruption  till  the  first  century  a.d.,  though  under 
the  Achaemenidae  the  Lykian,  like  the  Karian  and  Greek  cities, 
were  generally  governed  by  local  dynasts. ^^^  In  later  times  at  least 
the  federal  assembly  met  not  always  at  one  particular  city  or  temple, 
as  usual  in  such  cases,  but  at  a  cit}^  selected  for  the  occasion. ^°^ 
Another  peculiarity  unusual  in  ancient  times  was  that  the  cities  had 
a  different  number  of  votes,  according  to  their  importance.  The 
Lykians  took  part  in  the  great  Asiatic  invasion  of  Egypt,  and  are 
said  by  Kallistratos  ^^^  to  have  joined  with  the  Treres  in  a  successful 
attack  on  Sardis  ;  but  they  seem  generally  to  have  abstained  from 
warlike  expeditions  outside  their  own  country,  though  they  furnished 

»'  Homer,  II.  x.  428-9 ;  Philip.  Theang.  Karika,  fr.  1 ;  Strabo,  vii.  7,  p.  114  (who 
attributes  the  tombs  and  ancient  habitations  still  existing  in  Karia  to  the  Leleges). 

^«  Fr.  1.     Compare  Plutarch,  Q.  G.  46,  p.  530. 

"'  See  the  passage  cited  by  Eawlinson,  Herodotus,  i.  289. 

'«»  Wilson  and  Edwards,  Egypt  of  the  Past,  p.  489. 

""  Hekataeos,  iv.  ap.  Steph.  Byzant.  s.v.  Tpe^iAr?,  calls  them  Tremilae.  Stephanos 
derives  the  name  (in  the  form  TpeixiXels)  from  Tremilos,  father,  according  to  Panyasis, 
of  Tlos,  Xanthos,  Pinaros,  and  Kragos  (who  are  all  eponyms  of  Lykian  cities) : 
rovTovs  5€  rovs  TpefiiXeovs  Avkiovs  BeWepocpSvrr^s  uudfxaaev.  Compare  Menekrates, 
Lykiaka,  fr.  2  ;  Pausanias,  i.  19,  4.  Probably  the  true  explanation  is  that  of  Fellowes 
{op.  cit.  p.  414,  &c,),that  Tramele  was  the  name  of  the  chief  tribe  occupying  Xanthos 
and  its  vicinity. 

'02  Strabo,  xiv.  3,  p.  213  seg_. ;  Head,  Hist.  Num.  p.  571.  From  the  inscription 
on  the  Xanthos  obelisk  it  appears  that  the  dynasts  of  that  city,  which  had  been 
remarkable  for  its  obstinate  resistance  to  the  Persian  conquest,  were  probably  Persians 
or  Medes.  Some  Persian  as  well  as  native  names  of  dynasts  also  occur  on  coins. 
Lykian  independence  of  the  Achaemenidae  is  rhetorically  asserted  by  Isokrates  iPaneg. 
p.  82). 

»"  Strabo,  xiv.  3,  3,  p.  214.  >»<  Ap,  Strab.  xiii.  4,  8,  p.  154. 


1895  SYBIA  AND  ASIA  MINOR  17 

fifty  ships  to  the  fleet  of  Xerxes,  and  were  an  important  maritime 
power  even  in  the  time  of  Strabo,  and  when  invaded  made  a  desperate 
resisiance.^^"^  The  numerous  Lykian  monuments  still  existing,  the 
earliest  of  which  date  probably  from  the  seventh  or  sixth  centuries 
B.C.,  show,  along  with  striking  local  features,  a  gradually  increasing 
hellenisation,  the  -sculptures  before  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century 
B.C.  exhibiting  all  the  characteristics  of  good  Greek  work  of  the  time. 
Another  evidence  of  Greek  influence  is  found  in  the  existence  of 
theatres  in  most  of  the  cities.^^^  Though  Lykian  inscriptions  are 
numerous,  many  (some  as  early  as  the  fifth  century  b.c.)  are 
also  bilingual  Greek  and  Lykian.  The  Lykian  alphabet,  like  the 
Karian,  was  partly  of  Greek  origin,  partly  derived  from  the  Asianic 
syllabary.  After  the  time  of  Alexander  it,  with  the  language,  seems  to 
have  gone  out  of  use,  the  later  coins  bearing  Greek  legends  only.  Of 
the  early  religion  of  the  people  little  is  known ;  but,  to  judge  from  the 
sculptures,  ^°^  they  seem  to  have  adopted  Greek  myths  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century  b.c,  unless,  indeed,  the  borrowing  was  the  other  way. 

Pamphylia,  as  its  name  implies,  was  occupied  by  mixed  races, 
both  Greek  and  '  Barbarian.'  The  coast  towns  seem  to  have  been 
originally  Greek  colonies,  ^°^  but  during  the  Persian  supremacy  they 
tended  to  become  barbarised.  Inscriptions  on  coins  of  Aspendos 
of  this  period  are  in  a  local  non-Greek  alphabet,  while  on 
those  of  Side  they  are  in  Aramaic.^^^  Arrian^^^  says  that  in 
Alexander's  time  the  Sidetans  spoke  a  barbarous  dialect  peculiar 
to  themselves. 

The  native  religion  of  most  of  the  peoples  of  Asia  Minor  was 
characterised  by  nature  worship,  the  chief  god  being  Attys  or 
Sabazios,  apparently  a  solar  deity,  whom  in  some  aspects  the  Greeks 
identified  with  Zeus.^^^  Superadded  to  this  was  the  worship  of 
the  Asiatic  goddess,  Ishtar,  or  Nana,  or  Beltis,  at  Babylon,  Ashtoreth 
in  Phoenicia,  Atargatis  or  Derketo  at  Bambyke,  which  the  Hittites 
of  Carchemish  and  Pteria  borrowed  from  Babylonia,  modified  to 
some  extent,  and  introduced  into  Kappadokia,  whence  it  travelled 
to  the  west  of  the  Halys  and  there  became  associated  with  the 
native  orgiastic  rites.  The  goddess  was  there  called  Ate  or  Kybele 
(Matar  Kubile  in  a  Phrygian  inscription),  and  under  the  latter  name 
was  adopted  into  the  Greek  pantheon,  while  at  Ephesos  and 
Magnesia  she  was  for  some  reason  identified  with  Artemis,  and  at 
Lagina,  in  Karia,  with  Hekate,^^^  while  Attys  was  confounded  with 

'"^  Herodotos,  i.  176. 

'"^  The  lonians  of  Asia  set  over  them  as  kings  Lykians  of  the  house  of  Glaukos, 
according  to  Herodotos,  i.  147.    Compare  Pausanias,  vii.  3,  4. 

""'  Such  as  the  '  Harpy  Monument.' 

'»8  Kallinos  ap.  Strab.  xiv.  4,  p.  219 ;  Herodotos,  iv.  80  ;  Theopompos,  fr.  111. 
.     J«9  Head,  op.  cit.  pp.  582,  586.  "»  Exped.  Alex.  i.  26,  p.  74. 

"'  Sayce,  Herodot.  p.  431 ;  Bamsay,  in  Journal  of  Hell.  Stud,  iii  46,  56. 

"2  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  op.  cit.  pp.  304-5.    The  goddess  of  Bambyke  in  Greek  eyes 
VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  C 


18  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  SYRIA  AND  ASIA  MINOR  Jan. 

her  companion  Tammuz  or  Adonis.  This  cultus  survived  the  fall 
of  the  native  dynasties  and  the  disuse  of  the  local  languages  on 
both  sides  of  the  Halys.  Its  ritual  was  carried  on  by  wealthy 
priestly  colleges,  whose  members  were  commonly,  as  at  Bambyke, 
eunuchs  (galli)  and  whose  heads  sometimes  exercised  sovereign 
power  over  the  districts  round  the  temples,  as  at  one  of  the  Ko- 
manas,  where  the  high  priest  in  the  time  of  Strabo  (xii.  2)  ranked 
only  second  to  the  king  of  Kappadokia  and  was  almost  an  inde- 
pendent prince.  The  high  priests  of  Zeus  in  Morimene '  '^  and  of  Men 
and  Selene  at  Kabeira  ^^^  enjoyed  similar  privileges.  In  Phrygia,  at 
Pessinous,^^^  and  at  the  shrine  of  Zeus  Bennios,^^"^  and  in  Lydia,  per- 
haps, at  Sipylos  and  Koloe,^^^  a  similar  state  of  things  existed.  Traces 
of  establishments  of  the  same  kind  are  found  in  the  priestly  colleges 
attached  to  the  temples  of  Apollo  at  Branchidae,  near  Miletos,  and 
of  Artemis  at  Ephesos,  but  here  the  Greek  colonists,  though  adopt- 
ing the  local  worship,  deprived  the  priesthood  of  political  power. ^'^ 
The  legend  respecting  the  flood,  which  was  localised  at  Apameia- 
Kibotos,  in  Phrygia,  where  it  is  commemorated  on  coins  as  late  as 
the  third  century  a.d.,  may  also  have  been  originally  an  importation 
from  Babylon,  transmitted  through  Carchemish  (where  it  formed  one 
of  the  local  traditions  inherited  by  Bambyke  ^^^)  and  Kappadokia.^^^ 
Kappadokia  and  Asia  Minor  formed  one  of  the  channels  through 
which  Babylonian  myths  (such  as  those  relating  to  Herakles  and 
those  of  Ishtar  and  her  lovers,  which  in  Asia  Minor  were  told  of 
Kybele  and  Attys  ^^i)  were  introduced  into  Hellenic  mythology,  which 
in  its  origin  was  of  course  Aryan,  and  therefore  unconnected  with 
them.  The  Iranian  immigration  in  the  seventh  century  b.c.  led 
to  the  introduction  of  Zoroastrianism  at  certain  places  in  Kappa- 
dokia and  Pontos.  It  was  still  flourishing  at  Zela  and  elsewhere 
in  the  time  of  Strabo,  but  had  adopted  the  corrupt  local  practices 
of  Hierodouloi  and  priestly  rulers.^22  Even  in  Phrygia  ^^3  and  in 
Lydia  ^^^  some  of  the  rites  of  Zoroastrianism  were  in  use  in  Eoman 
times. 

John  E.  Gilmore. 

partook  of  the  characters  of  Hera,  Athene,  Aphrodite,  Selene,  Ehea,  Artemis,  Nemesis, 
and  the  Moerae  {De  Dea  Syra,  32,  p.  248).  Strabo  identifies  the  goddess  worshipped 
at  the  two  Komanas  with  Enyo,  or  the  Tauric  Artemis  (xii.  2,  p.  5,  pp.  40-41). 

"2  Strabo,  xii.  2,  p.  8.  "<  Ibid.  xii.  p.  39.  n-  Ibid.  xii.  5,  p.  57. 

""  Eamsay,  p.  47.  ^'^  Ibid.  p.  38  seg.  "s  jj^^  „  ^^ 

"3  De  Dea  Syra,  12,  p.  236. 

'20  Hermogenes,  fr.  2  ;  Steph.  Byzant.  s.v.  ^IkSviov. 

'21  The  latter,  however,  were  also  imported  through  Phoenicia  in  the  more  familiar 
forms  of  the  legends  of  Aphrodite  and  Adonis ;  some  of  the  Herakles  legends  were 
also  of  PhcEnician  origin. 

»«  Strabo,  xi.  8,  p.  431 ;  xii.  p.  43. 

'23  Nic.  Dam.  fr.  128,  where  the  custom  of  exposing  the  bodies  of  the  dead  in  the 
case  of  priests  is  represented  as  Phrygiah.  -     .  ^"  Pausanias  V.  27  3 


.1895  19 


Edmund,  Earl  of  Lancaster 

PAKT  I. 

PEBHAPS  it  has  been  the  fate  of  Edmund,  second  son  of  Henry 
III,  to  receive  less  than  his  due  of  historical  notice.  The 
attractiveness  of  the  character  of  his  elder  brother,  the  import- 
ance of  the  kingly  position,  and  the  scantiness  of  our  informa- 
tion about  him  as  compared  with  Edward  are  obvious  reasons 
for  this  neglect.  Yet  as  king  designate  of  Sicily  Edmund  was  a 
factor,  and,  despite  his  youth,  probably  not  an  altogether  passive 
factor,  in  the  crisis  which  brought  about  the  provisions  of  Oxford 
and  the  barons'  war.  To  the  overwrought  impatience  of  the 
baronage  the  demand  for  135,000  marks  for  the  expense  of  getting 
the  crown  of  Sicily  for  Edmund  came  as  the  last  straw.  The 
solace  which  his  father  provided  for  his  disappointment  of  the 
Sicilian  crown  made  him  lord  of  the  three  great  earldoms  of  Derby, 
Lancaster,  and  Leicester,  besides  extensive  lands  in  the  marches 
of  Wales,  in  which  he  ruled  like  a  little  king.  He  nearly  succeeded 
in  gaining  another  earldom  and  other  extensive  possessions  by  his 
first  marriage,  while  by  his  second  he  was  consoled  for  his  disap- 
pointment by  becoming  for  eight  years  count  regent  of  Champagne 
and  lord,  through  his  wife,  of  the  five  chdtellenies  which  formed  her 
dower  until  the  outbreak  of  the  French  war  in  1294.  In  this 
capacity  he  had  the  strongest  interest  in  preserving  that  peace 
with  France  which  gave  Edward  I  time  for  his  legal  and  constitu- 
tional reforms,  and  for  the  reduction  of  at  least  one  part  of  Wales 
to  some  semblance  of  order  as  an  appanage  of  the  crown,  in  which 
Edmund  was  always  ready  to  place  his  resources  as  a  lord  marcher 
of  Wales  and  lord  of  three  earldoms  at  the  disposal  of  his  brother. 
Edmund's  desire  for  peace,  too,  largely  contributed  to  bring  about 
the  treacherous  seizure  of  Gascony  by  Philip  I Y,  which  was  the 
effective  cause  of  the  war  of  1294,  a  war  which  in  its  turn  gave 
OTigin  to  the  claim  of  Edward  III  to  the  French  throne,  through 
one  of  the  conditions  of  the  peace  which  terminated  it — namely, 
the"  marriage  of  Isabella  of  France  to  Edward  of  Carnarvon. 
Edmund  has  a  more  direct  and  obvious  importance  in  history  than 

c  2 


20  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

§ 

any  to  which  these  facts  can  give  him  claim,  as  the  founder  of 

the  greatness  of  the  house  of  Lancaster. 

Edmund,  second  son  of  Henry  III  and  Eleanor  of  Provence,  was 
born  on  16  Jan.  1245,  perhaps  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  and  was  so 
named  after  the  martyred  East-Anglian  king  to  whom  Henry  had 
prayed  for  a  second  son.^  We  hear  nothing  further  of  him  until 
1254,  but  meanwhile  events  were  preparing  for  the  first  important 
incident  of  his  Hfe,  his  investiture  by  the  pope  with  the  crown  of 
Sicily. 

The  acquisition  of  the  crown  of  Sicily  by  the  emperor  Henry  VI 
had  added  a  new  element  of  bitterness  to  the  medieval  struggle 
between  the  papacy  and  the  empire.  The  papal  power  was  at  once 
threatened  at  its  centre  and  lost  one  of  its  chief  supports  against 
the  emperor.  The  papacy  saw  itself  forced  to  fight  for  life  itself. 
The  death  of  Henry  VI  removed  the  immediate  danger ;  but  the 
papacy  never  forgot  it,  and  this  recollection  was  the  secret  of  the 
implacable  hostility  which  from  1225  onwards  it  displayed  towards 
his  son  Frederick  II,  its  early  protege,  but  when  he  became 
powerful  and  dangerous  its  most  hated  foe.  For  twenty-five 
years  the  struggle  was  intermittently  continued,  carried  on  very 
largely  by  papal  exactions  from  the  English  clergy.  At  last  by 
sudden  and  overwhelming  disasters  to  Frederick  II,  and  his  death 
in  1250,  the  reigning  pope.  Innocent  IV,  the  ablest  and  bitterest  of 
Frederick's  papal  opponents,  seemed  on  the  point  of  gaining  a 
decisive  victory.  Conrad  IV,  Frederick's  son  and  successor  in  the 
empire,  wished  to  make  peace,  but  Innocent  would  have  none  of 
it  so  long  as  the  emperor  remained  king  of  Sicily.  All  his  efforts 
were  directed  to  wresting  Sicily  from  Conrad.  As  early  as  1250  it 
was  possibly  oifered  by  the  pope  to  both  Eichard  of  Cornwall, 
brother  of  Henry  III  of  England,  and  Charles  of  Anjou,  brother  of 
Louis  IX  of  France  and  count  of  Provence  since  1246,  in  the 
hope  that  he  might  gain  thereby  the  assistance  of  one  of  them  in 
men  or  money. ^  In  August  1252  letters  were  addressed  l)y  him 
to  St.  Louis,  Alfonse  of  Poitiers,  his  brother,  and  Henry  III  in 
almost  identical  terms,  asking  them  to  urge  their  respective  brothers 
to  accept  his  offer.^  But  Manfred,  an  illegitimate  son  of  Frederick 
II,  was  very  successfully  defending  Sicily  against  the  pope  for  his 

'  Matt.  Paris,  Hist.  Maior,  iv.  406  ;  Ann.  Winton,  ii.  90 ;  Anil.  Dmist.  in.  166 ; 
An7i.  Osn.  iv.  92 ;  Wykes,  iv.  92  ;  Ann.  Wigorn.  iv.  437  ;  John  de  Oxenedes,  174  ; 
Contin.  Flor.  Wigorn.  (Taxster),  ii.  179  (E.  H.  S.)  Alienor  regina peperit  filium,  qui, 
ex  nomine  gloriosi  regis  et  martyris  Edmundi,  Edmundus  appellatur,  domino  rege,  per 
literam  suam  domino  Henrico  ahhati,  hoc  demandante,  ut  inter  eos  condictum  fuit. 
The  continuator  copied  from  a  chronicle  written  at  St.  Edmunds  for  this  portion  of 
his  work ;  and  the  abbot  of  St.  Edmunds  in  1245  was  named  Henry. 

2  Hugo  Koch,  Richard  von  Cornwall,  i.  106 ;  Bichard  Stemfeld,  Karl  von  Anjou 
dls  Graf  der  Province,  p.  82. 

«  Bymer's  Foedera,  Eecord  ed.,  i.  p  284. 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  21 

brother ;  so  that  neither  Kichard  nor  Charles  felt  very  eager  about 
the  offer.  Eichard  requested  several  fortresses  and  hostages  as 
security,  as  well  as  the  payment  of  a  very  large  part  of  his  expenses 
by  the  pope ;  *  otherwise,'  he  said,  *  the  pope  might  as  well  give  him 
the  moon.'  ^  Charles  of  Anjou  nearly  accepted  the  crown  on  the 
somewhat  stringent  conditions  on  which  it  was  offered  to  him  on 
10  June  1253.  But  he  was  not  yet  thoroughly  master  of  Provence, 
and  the  offer  of  Hainault,  which  Margaret  of  Flanders  made  to  him, 
along  with  the  ties  of  kinship,  induced  him  to  refuse  the  somewhat 
shadowy  boon  for  a  more  real  advantage.  So,  though  the  negotia- 
tions do  not  seem  to  have  been  finally  broken  off  so  late  as  27  Sept. 
1253,  the  coming  of  this  *  prince  of  peace  and  star  of  the  morning, 
as  Innocent  IV  called  him,  was  not  to  take  place  for  more  than  a 
decade.'' 

Disappointed  of  Eichard  and  Charles,  but  still  pursuing  a  double 
policy,  Innocent,  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  negotiating  a  settle- 
ment with  Conrad,  on  6  March  1254  conferred  the  crown  of  Sicily 
on  Edmund.*^  Henry  III,  *  lest  he  should  seem  to  thirst  for  his 
own  blood  and  the  spoils  of  his  kin '  (Frederick  II  having  married 
his  sister  Isabella  as  his  second  wife),  still  delayed  accepting  it, 
though  the  pope  confirmed  the  grant  on  14  May.  But  he  had 
an  influential  ally  to  promote  his  schemes  in  Thomas  of  Savoy, 
the  queen's  uncle,  who  had  married  his  niece ;  and  the  death  of 
Conrad  IV  on  21  May  1255,  preceded  in  December  by  that  of 
Henry,  son  of  Frederick  II  by  Isabella,  removed  the  English 
king's  scruples,  though  Conrad  left  a  young  son,  Conradin.^  In- 
nocent IV  now  commuted  Henry's  vow  of  crusade  to  the  pro- 
secution of  his  Sicilian  claim  in  arms,  and  extended  the  tenth 
of  ecclesiastical  revenues  levied  for  the  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land, 
which  was  now  to  be  turned  to  the  purpose  of  a  Sicilian  expedition, 
from  two  to  five  years.  Henry  must  curtail  his  expenses  to  raise 
money,  get  his  son  to  have  a  seal  made,  and  send  a  letter  of  accept- 
ance, with  letters  patent  naming  Edmund  king.  If  Henry  only 
came  with  a  good  army,  there  would  be  no  resistance.^  But  how- 
ever much  Henry  might  like  to  have  his  vow  of  crusade  commuted, 
and  however  eagerly  his  ambition  might  accept  the  offer  of  the 
crown  for  his  son,  he  was  already  in  debt,  and  England  was  by  no 
means  the  mine  of  wealth  the  papal  curia  believed  it  to  be.  So 
nothing  was  done ;  and,  though  he  never  revoked  the  grant  to 
Edmund,  Innocent  made  terms  with  Manfred,  who  had  soon 
come  to  the  front  in  spite  of  a  provision  in  Conrad's  will,  pro- 
bably dictated  by  an  ignoble  jealousy,  which  appointed  the  incom- 

*  Matt.  Paris,  Hist.  Maior,  v.  457. 

*  Sternfeld,  pp.  92-6 ;  Begistres  d'Innocent  IV,  ed,  E.  Berger,  tome  viii.  introd. 
p.  278. 

*  Bynaer,  L  297.        .   . .! I  Ibid,  I  301.  .  .  .  ;  «  Ibid,  i,  302-4. 


2SI  EDMUND,  EARL   OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

« 
petent  BertOld,  margrave  of  Homburg,  regent.  The  agreement^ 
which  ignored  Edmund's  claims  altogether,  was  arrived  at  on 
27  Sept.  But  the  reconciliation  was  a  hollow  one.  A  certain 
Borello  d'Anglone,  after  attempting  to  take  Manfred  in  an  ambush, 
was  murdered  by  the  inhabitants  of  Teano,  who  were  devoted 
to  Manfred  and  thought  he  had  slain  him.  The  papal  party 
were  only  too  eager  to  accuse  Manfred  of  the  guilt  of  con- 
nivance. Deserted  by  Bertold  of  Homburg,  he  fled  for  his  life 
across  the  Apennines  with  a  few  followers,  and  after  several  hair- 
breadth escapes  found  refuge  and  support  amongst  the  Saracens  of 
Lucera. 

Innocent  now  turned  to  Henry  again.  On  17  Nov.  he  wrote 
saying  that  the  church,  on  account  of  its  softness  and  suavity, 
could  not  long  rule  Apulia  effectively,  and  threatening  to  revoke 
the  grant  if  Henry  did  not  send  assistance.^  Favours  were  heaped 
on  Bertold  of  Homburg,  who  along  with  Cardinal  Ottaviano  Ubaldini 
was  put  in  command  of  a  papal  army.  But  both  armies  were 
routed  at  Fezzia  on  2  Dec,  and  Manfred  began  to  make  such 
alarming  progress  that  in  February  1255  Alexander  IV,  who  suc- 
ceeded Innocent  IV  on  his  death  in  December  1254,  opened  nego- 
tiations for  peace  with  him,  and  sent  a  message  to  the  relatives  of 
Conradin,  the  young  son  and  heir  of  Conrad  IV,  assuring  them 
that  if  Conradin  came  to  Italy  he  would  receive  him  with  fatherly 
kindness,  and  not  only  maintain  his  rights  unimpaired  but  increase 
them. 

By  the  beginning  of  April  1255  the  whole  of  Apulia  as  far  as 
Eeggio  was  in  Manfred's  hands.  But  this  did  not  prevent  Henry's 
envoy,  Peter  of  Aigueblanche,  the  Savoyard  bishop  of  Hereford, 
from  accepting  a  confirmation  of  the  grant  made  by  Alexander  IV 
on  9  April  1255,  on  explicit  and  stringent  conditions,  which  were, 
however,  in  some  respects  easier  than  those  on  which  it  had  been 
offered  to  Charles  of  Anjou.^^  The  kingdom  was  not  to  be  divided, 
and  was  to  be  held  by  liege  homage  from  the  pope,  at  a  rent  of 
2,000  ounces  of  gold  per  annum,  and  with  the  service  of  300 
knights  for  three  months,  when  required,  to  defend  the  lands  of  the 
church  in  Italy.  The  kingdom  was  never  to  be  held  along  with  the 
imperial  crown.  Edmund  Was  to  govern  his  subjects  well  and 
maintain  their  liberties,  rights,  and  privileges.  The  church  was  to 
-etain  Benevento,  and  be  free  saving  the  old  rights  of  patronage  which 
the  kings  of  Sicily  enjoyed.  All  the  goods  of  the  church  taken  from 
it  by  the  Hohenstaufen  were  to  be  restored.  Henry  III  was  to  take 
the  oath  and  do  homage  in  his  son's  name.  Edmund  himself  was 
to  repeat  the  homage  when  fifteen  years  old,  Henry  III,  his  son 

«  Eymer,  i.  312.  ; 

•'•    bid,       16-8 ;  Registres  d' Innocent.  I¥,^t6mG  viii.  introd.  pp.  280-3.   ,  .  ' 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  23 

Edward,  and  their  counsellors  standing  surety  for  his  doing  so. 
In  the  event  of  his  failure  to  fulfil  the  conditions  at  the  age  of 
fifteen  he  was  to  lose  the  kingdom,  but  if  he  performed  them  he 
could  demand  a  renewal  of  the  grant.  He  was  to  renounce  the 
lOOjOOOZ.  toarnois,  which  Innocent  IV  had  promised  to  lend  or 
give  in  May  1254.  His  father  was  to  pay  135,000  marks  to  the 
pope,  being  expenses  incurred  by  the  church  in  this  matter  of  Sicily, 
including  21,000  offered  by  the  pope.  Ten  thousand  marks  were 
to  be  paid  before  Christmas  1255,  10,000  more  before  Michaelmas 
1256,  and  the  whole  sum  by  Michaelmas  1257.  If  the  sums  of 
money  were  not  paid  within  the  required  terms,  or  the  king  did  not 
come  in  person,  or  send  a  competent  force,  the  pope  reserved  the 
right  to  revoke  the  grant.  If  Edward  did  not  carry  out  the  con- 
ditions on  his  father's  death,  he  was  to  be  excommunicated,  and  the 
kingdom  laid  under  an  interdict.  To  the  fulfilment  of  the  terms 
Henry  pledged  himself,  his  sons,  and  the  kingdom  of  England. 
The  revenues  of  Sicily  were  to  be  paid  to  Henry,  the  papal 
word  being  taken  for  their  amount,  and  the  right  of  Edmund 
to  the  throne  was  not  to  be  invalidated  by  any  composition  with 
Manfred. 

Henry  had  returned  from  Gascony  in  the  previous  December 
with  a  debt  of  350,000  marks.^^  The  hoketide  parliament  of  1255 
met  only  to  demand  an  elective  ministry,  making  no  response  to 
the  king's  appeal  for  money.^^  So  in  May  1255  Alexander  IV 
repeated  Innocent  IV's  commutation  of  Henry's  vow  of  crusade, 
and  added  a  commutation  of  that  of  the  king  of  Norway.  The 
Scotch  crusading  tenths  were  added  to  the  English  crusading  tenths, 
which  were  to  be  contributed  towards  the  cost  of  a  Sicilian  expedi- 
tion, under  the  pretext  that  Manfred  had  allied  himself  with  the 
Saracens  of  Lucera.  It  seems  as  if  Henry  even  tried  to  levy  the  charge 
on  the  Cistercian  monks.  At  any  rate  the  pope  had  to  write  a  special 
letter,  asking  Henry  to  accept  their  prayers  instead.  All  money 
destined  for  the  crusade  was  to  be  devoted  to  Sicily.  The  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  and  the  papal  envoy  Eustand  were  empowered  to 
compel  those  vowed  to  the  crusade  to  join  Henry's  expedition.  An 
appeal  to  Henry  from  the  prince  of  Antioch  to  aid  the  Christians  in 
Palestine  was  wasted  on  the  air.^^  Yet,  despite  these  efforts,  on 
18  Sept.  1255  Alexander  IV  had  a  long  tale  to  tell  Henry  of  mis- 
fortunes through  treachery,  expenses,  labours,  and  want  of  money, 
and  begged  Henry  to  send  a  force  to  succour  the  places  still 
holding  out  for  the  church,  and  money  and  a  captain  at  once.^^ 
The  real  possession  of  Sicily  and  Apulia  by  Edmund  seemed  as 
far  off  as  ever ;  but  that  did  not  prevent  Henry  from  feeling  as 

»  M.  Paris,  v.  521. 

12  jZjid.  v.  493 ;  Ann.  Dunst.  iii.  195  ;  Ann.  Winton,  ii.  95  ;  Ann.  Burton^  i.  336. 

"  Eymer,  i.  320-3.  »*  Eymer,  i,  328. 


24  EDMUND,   EARL  OF  LANCASTER  'Jan. 

# 

elated  as  if  the  kingdom  were  already  in  possession  of  his  son  when, 
on  18  Oct.  1255,  the  solemn  ceremony  of  investiture  took  place. 
The  bishop  of  Bologna,  whom  Alexander  IV  had  promised  to  send 
as  early  as  13  May  1255,  performed  the  ceremony  by  putting  a 
ring  on  Edmund's  finger. ^^  All  this  show  had  to  be  paid  for 
in  the  shape  of  rich  gifts  to  the  papal  emissaries.  The  bitterness 
which  their  cupidity  excited  amongst  the  EngHsh  is  evidenced  in  the 
pages  of  Matthew  Paris. ^'^ 

ParHament  met  on  13  Oct.,  but  the  king  got  no  money,  not 
even  a  loan  from  his  brother  Kichard.^^  Nevertheless,  according  to 
the  Burton  annalist,  he  was  able  to  send  50,000  marks  for  expenses, 
and  took  an  oath  to  set  out  for  Sicily  immediately  after  Michaelmas 
1256.^^  Henry  tried  the  plan  of  getting  the  various  monasteries  to 
stand  security  for  various  loans  from  Italian  merchants,  but  only 
succeeded  in  getting  the  monks  of  Westminster  to  stand  security 
for  a  loan  of  4,0001.  tournois.^^  In  view  of  the  discontent  which 
his  demands  occasioned  amongst  the  clergy  he  had,  on  15  Feb.  1256, 
to  issue  orders  that  clerks  leaving  the  Cinque  Ports  for  Kome  should 
not  interfere  in  the  matter  of  Sicily.  The  terms  pressed  so  hardly 
upon  him  that  he  wrote  asking  for  their  modification,  and  again, 
on  27  March,  asking  for  delay.^*^ 

Despite  a  letter  which  twenty-two  magnates  of  the  kingdom, 
mostly  ecclesiastics,  sent  to  Henry  on  18  March,  expressing  their 
joy  at  having  Edmund  for  their  king,'-'^  the  real  effect  of  the  news  of 
Edmund's  investiture  in  ApuHa  had  been  to  cause  every  one  to  rally 
round  the  native  Manfred  against  a  foreign  king  imposed  by  the 
pope.22  By  11  June  the  church  was  already  losing  the  Terra  di 
Lavoro.  Henry  failed  to  get  money  from  the  clergy  in  the  Lent  of 
1256,  on  the  pretext  that  they  had  consented  to  the  acceptance  of 
the  crown  of  Sicily.^^  So  the  pope,  to  aid  him,  proceeded  to  issue 
a  series  of  bulls,  dated  21,  23,  and  25  Aug.,  which  ordered  the  pay- 
ment to  the  king  of  the  fruits  of  vacant  bishoprics ;  of  livings  in 
which  the  incumbents  were  non-resident,  and  those  held  in  plurality, 
one  living  to  be  reserved  to  the  plurahst ;  of  a  tenth  of  ecclesiastical 
revenues,  according  to  a  new  and  more  strict  taxation ;  and  of  the 
goods  of  persons  dying  intestate.  The  tax  on  ecclesiastical  revenue 
was  in  September  extended  to  the  goods  of  archbishops  and  bishops.^^ 

'*  M.  Paris,  v.  515  ;  Ann.  Burton,  i.  349  ;  Eymer,  i.  321. 

'«  M.  Paris,  V.  499,  500,  681,  682,  722.  »^  Ibid.  v.  520-1. 

>«  Ann.  Burton,  i.  349.  19  m.  Parig,  v.  682-7. 

2"  Eymer,  337-8.  21  ^„^,  Burton,  I  397-8.  "  ^^  p^ris,  y.  531. 

2»  Ann.  Burton,  i.  390-1.  Perhaps  Henry's  pretext  rested  on  a  document  dated 
6  Sept.  12o5,  with  the  seals  of  seven  bishops  affixed,  witnessing  the  acceptance  of  the 
conditions  of  the  grant  of  Apulia  by  Peter  of  Aigueblanche,  bishop  of  Hereford,  in 
their -presence,  and  their  own  consent  to.  its  acceptance  (Mur^tori,  Antkuitaies 
Itahcae,  yi.  col.  lOi,  D).  .  -      -•  ^  - V     .^       '  .T.   ^ 

"  Bymer,  i.  344-5.  "  ■        -•"  .....;,...,..- 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LaNCASTEH  25 

On  2  Sept.  Alexander  ordered  a  day  to  be  fixed  for  the  king  to  set 
out.^^  Henry  had  fancied  that  after  once  obtaining  Sicily  he 
would  soon  be  able  to  recover  the  lost  possessions  of  his  house  in 
France.  Between  England  and  Apulia  France  would  be  crushed 
as  between  two  roillstones.^^  As  a  commentary  on  his  optimism 
we  have  the  two  facts  that  the  time  for  sending  money,  after  being 
deferred  from  29  Sept.  to  6  Oct.,  and  then  to  8  Oct.,  had  finally 
to  be  postponed  till  1  June  1257,  and  that  the  Terra  di  Lavoro  was 
lost  by  9  Nov.27 

At  the  mid-Lent  parliament  Henry  tried  a  new  piece  of  mas- 
querading. He  led  forth  Edmund,  now  twelve  years  old,  in 
Apulian  dress,  and  made  a  pathetic  appeal  for  money  to  support  his 
claim.  But  when  they  heard  his  demands  '  the  ears  of  all  tingled 
and  their  hearts  were  vehemently  astounded.'  He  only  succeeded 
in  wringing  52,000  marks  from  the  reluctant  clergy,  *  to  the  irre- 
trievable loss  of  the  English  church.'  ^s  The  archbishop  of  Messina 
was  sent  by  the  king  before  10  May  with  full  powers  for  appointing 
a  captain  and  providing  money  for  the  Sicilian  expedition,  and 
Henry  declared  his  readiness  to  make  peace  with  France  in  order 
to  facilitate  it.  But  on  28  June  he  felt  so  helpless  that  he  gave 
instructions  to  the  earl  of  Leicester  and  Peter  of  Savoy  to  rearrange 
the  whole  matter.  Meanwhile  he  ordered  the  money  collected  for 
the  crusade  to  be  deposited  in  the  Temple  instead  of  being  handed 
over  to  the  Italian  merchants  in  payment  of  the  debts  contracted 
by  the  pope  in  his  name.  Alexander  IV  ordered  his  agents  to  take 
no  notice  of  Henry's  commands.^^  The  king's  envoys  were  to  treat  for 
the  following  alternative  terms,  in  the  order  given :  (1)  The  taking 
away  of  the  penalty  of  cassation,  in  the  event  of  Henry's  not  fulfil- 
ling the  conditions,  especially  as  regards  the  payment  of  money. 
(2)  The  prolongation  of  the  term,  that  in  the  meanwhile  peace 
might  be  made  with  Manfred,  on  condition  that  Manfred  should 
keep  his  principality  of  Tarento  and  other  lands,  renounce  the 
kingdom  to  Edmund,  who  would  marry  his  daughter,  but  hold  the 
kingdom  until  from  its  revenues  the  debts  owed  by  the  king  of 
England  to  the  church  were  paid.  (3)  The  repayment  to  the  king 
of  England  of  all  the  money  he  had  paid,  in  return  for  a  complete 
renunciation  of  the  kingdom.  (4)  Kelease  from  all  his  debts  to  the 
church,  and  respite  for  his  debts  to  the  merchants  until  he  should 
have  gained  possession  of  the  kingdom,  in  return  for  the  cession  of 
the  Terra  di  Lavoro  to  the  church.  (5)  The  continuance  of  his 
release  from  his  vow  of  crusade,  accompanied  by  his  release  from 
all  obligations  and  penalties. 

Henry  pleaded  as  excuses  for  delay  the  resistance  of  the  clergy 

•     «  Rymer,  i.  347.  ''«  M.  Paris,  v.  516.  ='  Bymer,  i.  348,  350,  851. 

=^»  M.  Paris,  Y.  623-4.-  «  Bymer,  i.  355,  360  i  Hardy's  Syllabus,  i,  60. 


^6  EDMUND,  EARL   OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

to  his  demands  and  a  Welsh  war  which  had  broken  out.      He  gave 
his  proctors  full  power  to  renounce  Sicily,  if  they  should  see  fit, 
but  left  the  matter  entirely  in  the  pope's  hands.^o      Perhaps  with 
the  object  of  exciting  Henry's  flagging  zeal,  Alexander  wrote   to 
him  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  warning  him  against  an  attempt 
which  was  going  to  be  made  to  assassinate  himself  and  his  two 
sons,  originatmg,  of  course,  in  Manfred.     This  somewhat  suspicious 
fable  was  confirmed  by  a  letter  of  Kichard  of  Cornwall,  the  newly 
elected  king  of  the  Eomans,  who  was  then  on  a  visit  to  Germany, 
which  added  himself  and   the  young   Conradin  to   the   destined 
victims  of  Manfred's  assassins.     But  the  ecclesiastics  were  ready  to 
believe  anything  of  Manfred,  provided  it  was  bad  enough,  and  it 
suited  their  purpose  to  spread  such  rumours.^^      But  Henry  had 
not  perhaps  the  will,  and  certainly  not  the  power,  to  do  anything. 
On  12   Dec.  1257   the   pope   gave  him   grace  till  1   June  1258, 
and   on   19   Jan.   wrote   to  Arlot,  instructing   him   to  delay   the 
term   for  the  payment  of  the  whole  sum   still  further,  for   three 
months    from    1    June    1258.     Henry   could   not   even   settle    a 
small  debt  of  4,500  marks  for  which  he  had  been   asked   on  1 
Jan.^^      Arlot   arrived   between  17  and  24  March   with   bulls   of 
interdict,  and  was  followed  by  Mansuetus  with  still  greater  powers.^^ 
The  pope  wrote  in  May  urging  the  payment  of  this  small  sum.^'^ 
Henry,  unable  to  get  money  from  the  monasteries,  threatened  with 
an  interdict,  and  with  the  cost  of  a  Welsh  war  which  had  just 
broken  out  to  provide  for,  was  obliged  to  meet  his  parliament  and 
place  himself  entirely  in  their  hands.    The  result  was  the  provisions 
of  Oxford,  which  placed  the  government  of  the  country  in  the  hands 
of  a  committee  of  the  barons.      In  June  the  barons  of  England 
wrote  a  long  letter  to  Alexander  IV,  in  which,  amongst  other  state- 
ments, they  complained   that   the   kingdom   of   Sicily  had   been 
accepted  by  Henry  in  opposition  to  their  known  wishes,  and  asked 
for  an  amelioration  of  the  terms,  if  they  were  to  proceed  in  the 
matter.     But  on  18   Dec.  Alexander   rescinded  the  grant,  unless 
the   conditions   should   be   carried   out,   and  refused   to    send    a 
legate  to  treat  about  their  revision.^^     Meanwhile  such  had  been 
Manfred's  success  that,  though  since  20  April  1255  he  had  been 
acting  nominally  as  the  appointed  regent  of  the  young  Conradin, 
by  the  desire  of  the  Sicilians  he  was  crowned  king  at  Palermo  on 
11  Aug.  1258. 

Helpless  and  hopeless  as  was  his  position,  Henry  was  loth  to  give 
up  the  idea  of  seeing  his  son  king  of  Sicily.  He  wrote  to  the  car- 
dinals on  16  March  1259,  asking  them  to  induce  the  pope  to  grant 

=»»  Eymer,  i.  359-60.  ^i  ^^^^  Burton,  i.  395.  ^2  Bymer,  i.  366,  369. 

33  M.  Paris,  v.  673,  679,  682.    The  Tewkesbury  annals  give  circa  23  April  as  the 
date  of  Arlot's  arrival ;  those  of  Dunstable,  iii.  208,  immediately  after  Easter  (24  March). 
«*  Bymer»  i.  373 ;  Hardy's  SylUhus,  i.  62.  ^s  Bymer,  i.  376,  379-80. 


1896  EDMUND,  EABL   OF  LANCASTER  27 

further  delay ;  and  on  2  Aug.  of  the  same  year  a  commission  was 
appointed  to  treat  for  a  legate  on  the  affairs  of  Sicily.  In  November 
1261  he  wrote  to  the  king  and  queen  of  France,  and  the  king  and 
queen  of  Navarre,  asking  them  to  intercede  with  the  pope  in 
Edmund's  favour.^^  But  at  the  beginning  of  1262  Urban  IV,  the 
successor  of  Alexander  IV,  reopened  negotiations  with  Charles  of 
Anjou,  who  was  now  in  a  better  position  for  undertaking  the  conr 
quest  of  Sicily,  and  these  advanced  so  near  to  an  agreement  that  on 
28  July  1263  he  wrote  to  Henry  to  inform  him  that,  as  the  English 
king  could  give  the  church  no  assistance,  the  papacy  had  determined 
to  give  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  to  another.  He  added  that  the  king 
ought  to  view  the  conduct  of  the  holy  see  'not  only  with  com- 
placency but  with  pleasure.'  The  last  act  of  Henry,  while  under 
Montfort's  control,  was  to  commission  the  archbishop  of  Tarentaise, 
Simon  de  Montfort,  Peter  of  Savoy,  and  John  Mansell  to  renounce 
Sicily  in  his  name  and  that  of  Edmund.^^ 

Thus  ended  the  first  episode  in  the  general  history  of  his  time 
with  which  Edmund  was  connected.  Of  his  personal  history  during 
these  years  but  little  can  be  learnt.  On  29  May  1254,  being  then 
nine  years  old,  he  sailed  from  Portsmouth  with  his  mother,  landed 
in  Gascony  on  12  June,  and  stayed  there  until  the  following 
December.^^  On  3  Oct.,  at  Bordeaux,  he  granted  the  principality  of 
Capua  to  his  great  uncle,  Thomas  of  Savoy.^^  On  18  Oct.  1255,  as 
related  above,  he  was  invested  with  the  crown  of  Sicily  by  means  of 
a  ring,  and  was  styled  king  by  his  father.  On  13  Jan.  1256  he 
issued  a  grant  to  reward  one  of  his  Italian  adherents.  In  April  of 
that  year  a  proposal  was  made  for  his  marriage  with  the  queen  of 
Cyprus.  At  the  mid-Lent  parliament  of  1257  he  appeared  in  Apulian 
dress,  and  in  the  summer  of  that  year  his  father  meditated  settling 
the  Sicilian  affair  by  marrying  him  to  a  daughter  of  Manfred.  On 
18  Oct.  1258  he  was  present  at  the  dedication  of  the  present  Salisbury 
cathedral,''^  the  main  part  of  which  was  completed  about  this  time,  but 
the  famous  spire  not  until  the  following  century  (1375).  He  accom- 
panied his  father  in  the  visit  to  France  from  November  1259  to  April 
1260,  during  which  peace  with  France  was  finally  concluded.^^  He 
was  now  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  began  to  take  an  active  part  in 
public  affairs.  Fifteen  was  the  age  at  which  he  was  to  do  homage 
and  personally  fulfil  the  conditions  of  the  grant  of  Sicily.  So  on 
20  March  1261,  perhaps  as  part  of  the  general  revolt  from  the 
baronial  control  which  the  king  made  in  that  year,  Edmund  wrote 
to  his  Sicilian  subjects,  asking  them  to  prepare  for  his  reception.^^ 

««  Rymer,  i.  381,  388,  410-1 ;  Syllabus,  i.  67. 
3^  Sternfeld,  Karl  von  Anjou,  167  ;  Eymer,  i.  408-9,  457. 
»8  M.  Paris,  v.  447.           ^^  Eymer,  i.  308.            "  Ann.  Tewkesbury,  i.  166. 
.  .  -  ^KAnncLles.Londonienses  (Stubbs,  Chron.  Edw.  I  &  Edw.  II  [E.S.]),  i.  53,  » 

*^  Eymer,  i.  405.  '^ 


5^8  EDMUND,  EABL  OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

Henry's  attempt  proved  a  failure.  But  we  find  Edmund  again 
busily  engaged  about  Midsummer  1262,  working  with  his  father  and 
brother  for  the  annulment  of  the  provisions  of  Oxford.  On  22  July 
he  accompanied  his  father  on  a  visit  to  France,  which  lasted  until 
2  Feb.  1263,  whose  object  was  doubtless  to  gain  the  support  of 
St.  Louis  against  the  EngUsh  barons.'*^  In  the  summer  of  that 
year  open  war  had  broken  out  between  the  two  parties,  and  Edmund 
hastened  from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Dover  Castle.  On  10  July 
the  king  wrote  to  him  and  Robert  de  Glaston,  constable  of  the  castle, 
requesting  them  to  deliver  up  the  castle  to  Henry  of  Sandwich, 
bishop  of  London,  the  baronial  representative,  as  a  preliminary 
to  negotiations  for  peace.  This  they  refused  to  do,  pleading  in  a 
letter  of  28  July  that  it  would  be  a  dereliction  of  duty  on  their 
part  to  do  so  until  peace  was  properly  made.  It  needed  a 
personal  command  of  the  king  to  induce  them  to  give  it  up 
finally.''*  Edmund  met  his  brother  Edward  at  Canterbury  on 
21  Sept.  1263. 

On  not  very  trustworthy  authority  Edmund  has  been  included 
among  the  prisoners  of  Simon  de  Montfort  taken  at  Lewes."*^  He 
went  abroad,  and  was  engaged  during  the  summer  of  1264  in  assisting 
his  mother  to  collect  an  army  of  mercenaries  at  Damme,  in  Flanders, 
to  invade  England.  The  queen's  want  of  money  to  pay  her  motley 
army,  however,  soon  led  to  its  dispersal.''^  Edmund  did  not  return 
to  England  until  30  Oct.  1265,  when  the  royalist  victory  was  already 
assured,  if  not  yet  completed.''^  The  king  and  his  advisers  had 
already  issued  a  most  unwise  and  sweeping  act  of  confiscation 
against  all  those  who  had  fought  at  Kenilworth  and  Evesham  on 
the  side  of  Simon  de  Montfort.  Edmund  and  his  fellows,  like  most 
returned  political  refugees  under  such  circumstances,  came  back 
burning  for  plunder  and  revenge.  For  these  passions  he  and  his 
companions  found  vent  in  helping  his  brother  Edward  to  trample 
out  the  prolonged  resistance  from  the  '  disinherited,'  which  the  act 
of  confiscation,  and  the  attitude  assumed  by  the  younger  brother 
and  those  who  thought  with  him,  did  very  much  to  bring  about.'*^ 
Soon  after  Christmas  1265  he  was  given  as  one  of  the  hostages  for 

<'  Ann.  Burto7i,  i.  500.  "4  Rymer,  i.  427-8. 

'  **  Coniinution  of  Gervase  of  Canterbury,  ii.  219 ;  Johannes  Longus,  Chronica  S. 
Bertini,  in  Pertz,  xxv.  851. 

^«  Wykes,  iv.  154,  155.  *^  Ann.  Winton,  ii.  103. 

<8  Kishanger,  Chronicon  de  Bellis  (Camden  Soc),  p.  49.  After  certain  abbots  had 
thought  to  appease  the  king  by  paying  heavy  fines  to  redeem  their  estates,  the  magnates 
rose  on  every  side—'  videlicet  dominus  Edmundus,  G.  comes  Gloverniae,  E.  de  Mortuo- 
mari,  lohannes  Giffard,  et  multi  ahi,  propriis  emolumentis  inhiantes,  qui  nichilominus 
pari  ferocitate  eos  infestarunt,  non  obstante  aliqua  redemptione  prius  regi  facta,  nee 
littera  protectionis  obtenta  causa  quietis  obtinendae.  A  qua  flagitiosa  inquietatione 
quidam  abbates,  sibi  sagacius  praecavere  sperantes,  et  ex  praemanifestiis  injuriis 
certificati  regis  tuitione  ad  propria  remearunt,  sed  postmodum  per  eaudem  yiam  inviti 
Bubire  dissimularuut  et  regis  injuriis  alfiuenter  onerati  reverteruot.'    •   . 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  29 

the  safety  of  the  younger  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  came  from  his 
place  of  refuge  at  Axholme  to  treat.  But  there  was  some  sharp 
practice  somewhere,  perhaps  on  the  part  of  the  hostages  themselves, 
as  the  Waver  ley  annalist  says  that  when  Simon  saw  the  hostages 
who  had  been  given  for  him  in  the  royalist  camp  he  knew  that  he 
was  betrayed.  Indeed,  Simon  was  never  allowed  to  go  back  to 
Axholme,  but  was  kept  a  close  prisoner  until  he  managed  to  escape 
to  Winchelsea,  and  thence  to  France.'*^     During  the  summer  of 

1266  Edmund  was  stationed  with  an  army  at  Warwick,  to  check 
the  ravages  of  the  garrison  of  *  disinherited '  in  Kenilworth  Castle. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  his  presence,  they  plundered  the  country,  and  even 
ventured  to  attack  and  set  fire  to  Warwick.  But  Edmund  attacked 
them,  captured  some,  amongst  them  a  certain  Henry  of  Pembridge, 
and  drove  the  rest  back  to  the  castle,  to  which  the  royalist  army 
now  laid  siege.^"  During  the  siege,  which  lasted  from  25  June  to 
13  Dec.  1266,  Edmund  commanded  one  of  the  four  divisions  which 
severally  invested  the  four  sides  of  the  castle.  The  garrison  did  not 
surrender  until  they  had  suffered  very  great  privations  and  terms 
had  been  granted,  called  the  dictum  de  Kenilworth,  by  which  they 
could  redeem  their  lands  for  five  times  their  annual  value. "^^ 

Llywelyn  of  Wales  had  allied  himself  with  Montfort,  and  still 
remained  at  war  with  England.  So  on  21  Feb.  1267  Edmund 
was  associated  with  Kobert  Waleran  in  a  commission  to  treat  for 
peace  with  him.  But  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  September  that 
peace  was  made  with  Llywelyn  at  Shrewsbury,  after  Henry  had 
threatened  to  march  into  Wales  with  an  army.-^^     On  4  and  5  June 

1267  Edmund  seems  to  have  been  at  Paris,  entertained  by  Eobert 
of  Artois,  nephew  of  St.  Louis,  on  the  occasion  of  the  knighting  of 
Philip,  second  son  of  Louis  IX  and  afterwards  Philip  III  of  France."'^ 
In  the  autumn  of  that  year  he  co-operated  with  Edward  and 
Henry  of  Almaine,  eldest  son  of  Kichard,  king  of  the  Eomans,  in 
arranging  a  number  of  tournaments,  which  gave  some  outlet  to  the 
taste  for  fighting  which  the  barons'  war  had  stimulated.^^ 

The  close  of  the  barons'  war  marked  a  period  in  Edmund's  life, 
for  it  corresponded  in  time  with  the  final  disappearance  of  all  his 
hopes  of  the  Sicilian  crown,  which  Charles  of  Anjou  gained  by  his 
defeat  of  Manfred  at  Benevento  in  1266,  and  of  Conradin  at  Taglia- 
cozzo  in  1268,  and  led  to  the  solace  of  his  disappointment  by  the 

*"  Ann.  Waverley,  ii.  3G8. 

*°  Ann.  Dunstable,  iii.  241 ;  Abbreviatio  Placitorum,  182  ;  Wykes,  iv.  190-1. 

*'  Ann.  Dunstable,  iii.  242 ;  Ann.  Winton,  ii.  104  ;  Ann.  Waverley,  ii.  373.  Ann. 
Bermondsey,  iii.  463,  says  20  Dec.  The  negotiations  for  surrender  began  on  1  Nov. 
(Wykes,  iv.  191). 

"  Bymer,  i.  472,  474 ;  Syllabus,  i.  76  ;  Kishanger,  Chronica  (R.  S.),  pp.  57,  58. 

"  *Expensa  pro  militia  Philippi,'  in  Collection  des  Hisiorietis  de  France  par  les 
Continuateurs  de  Dom  Bouquet^  xxi.  395,  **  Wykes,  iv.  212, 


80 


EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER 


Jan. 


gift  of  confiscated  estates,  which  founded  the  greatness  of  the  house 
oi  Lancaster,  and  deeply  influenced  the  attitude  of  this  younger 
branch  of  the  royal  house  towards  the  crown.  It  would  seem, 
therefore,  a  fitting  time  at  which  to  break  the  course  of  the  narra- 
tive, in  order  to  give  an  account  of  the  various  grants  made 
to  Edmund,  their  nature  and  their  date,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
estimate  more  fully  his  position  and  importance  during  the  years 
of  his  maturity.  The  accompanying  tables  will  indicate  the  position 
of  his  estates ;  and  the  detailed  account  which  follows  will  serve 
to  give  an  idea  of  their  character  and  extent,  the  nature  of  the 
power  he  exercised  in  them,  and  the  influence  which  all  these  cir- 
cumstances were  likely  to  have  on  the  policy  of  their  possessors. 

Property  held  of  Edmwnd,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  by  Vassals. 


County 


Bedfordshire . 
Buckinghamshire  . 
-Derbyshire     . 
Hertfordshire 
Lancashire    . 
Leicestershire 
Lincolnshire . 
Northamptonshire 
Nottinghamshire  . 
Staffordshire 
Suffolk  . 
Warwick 


K. 

E. 

J. 

L. 

Ch. 

2 
8 

84 
1 

15 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

9 

_ 

_ 

_ 

1 

72 

4 

2 

2 

2 

73 
43 

6 

3 

— 

2 

14 
30 

— 

— 

— 

7 

24 

1 

— 

7 

22 

— 

— 

— 

— 

K. — Places  in  which  his  vassals  held  manors  or  land  by  knight  service  from  him. 
R. — Number  of  places  in  which  his  vassals  held  land  by  rent  or  a  rent  from  him. 
J. — Number  of  places  in  which  his  vassals  held  judicial  rights  from  him. 
L. — Places  where  his  vassals  held  land  of  him,  service  or  rent  not  mentioned. 
Ch, — Number  of  churches  which  his  vassals  held  of  him. 


Property  held  by  Edmuiid,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  in  Demesne. 


County 

Manors 

Castles 

K. 

M. 

5 
2 

1 

R. 

1 

42 

P. 

1 
1 

7 
2 

1 

6 
1 

2 

J. 

L. 

Cli. 

1 
1 

3 

4 

V. 

1 

9 

_ 

1 
3 

Hun. 

2 

1 

Bedfordshire    .     .     . 
Berkshire    .... 
Buckinghamshire     . 
Derbyshire  .... 
Dorsetshire     .     .     . 
Hereford     .... 
Lancashire .... 
Leicestershire .     .     . 
Middlesex    .... 

Norfolk 

Northampton  .     .     . 
Northumberland  .     . 
Staffordshire   .     .     . 
Warwick     .... 
Wiltshire     .... 
Yorkshire    .     .     ,     . 

2 
1 
10 
1 
1 
3 
4 
1 
3 

t 

12 

3 
2 

_ 

2 

~^ 

1 

1 

1 

1 

3 

. 

4 

1 
17 

8 

3 

1 

1 

2 

30 

3 
2 

1 K,— 'Places  in  which  Edmund  held  Jcnights'  fees  or  fractions  of  knights'  fees. 

M. — Members  of  a  manor. 

R. — Rents  or  places  held  by  a  rent. 

-p.—ij'orests  or  parks.  ■; 

J-— Places, -jvhere  Edmund  held  a  judicial  right  (sucl^  as  a  view,  of  frankpledge,  or  a  free  courtY. 
^K^LahdsHdtrebk6hMby  knights?  fees;  reiitSj  or -maHors.-      -  '    '  .•.■".:.: 

Ch. — Church  or  jidvowson  of  a  church. 

V.-Vms.-      ■  .         =  .        Hun.-Hundreas.  '  ~ 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  81 

On  26  Oct.  1265  his  father  granted  to  him  the  earldom  and 
honour  of  Leicester,  along  with  all  the  lands  and  tenements  for- 
merly belonging  to  Simon  de  Mont  fort  and  Nicholas  de  Segrave.^^ 
On  6  Dec.  in  the  same  year  he  received  a  further  grant  of  the 
castles  of  Cardigan  and  Carmarthen,  and  the  manor  of  Down- 
Ampney,  while  on  the  26th  of  that  month  letters  patent  of  intend- 
ence  and  respondence  were  issued,  commanding  the  tenants  of  the 
domains  which  were  in  the  hands  of  the  late  earl  of  Leicester  and 
Nicholas  de  Segrave  to  be  henceforth  answerable  to  him.  On 
8  Jan.  1266  letters  patent  were  issued  granting  to  him  the  demesnes 
of  Dilwyn,  Lugwardine,  Marden,  Minsterworth,  and  Kodley  during 
pleasure. ^^ 

Eobert  de  Ferrers,  earl  of  Derby,  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of 
after-type  of  the  great  feudatories  of  the  reign  of  Stephen.  He  is 
described  as  faithful  to  neither  king  nor  barons.  In  the  summer 
of  1263  he  marched  about  the  country  plundering  and  burning 
indiscriminately.^^  His  failure  to  appear  in  time  at  the  battle  of 
Lewes  compelled  Montfort  to  fight  without  him,  and  thereby  with 
his  inferior  numbers  incur  great  risk  of  a  defeat.^^  Like  the  earl  of 
Gloucester  he  incurred  the  hostility  of  Simon  de  Montfort  after  the 
battle  of  Lewes.  Fearing  his  power,  according  to  Wykes,  Simon 
imprisoned  him,  as  he  would  have  imprisoned  Gloucester  if  he  had 
got  the  chance.^^  He  had  incurred  Henry's  hostility  too  deeply  for 
the  royalist  victory  to  give  him  an  immediate  release  as  an  enemy 
of  Montfort.  However  on  5  Dec.  1265  he  received  a  pardon  for 
all  the  trespasses  committed  by  him  against  the  realm  up  to  that 
date,  in  consideration  of  the  payment  of  a  fine  to  the  king  of  1,500 
marks,  and  for  a  cup  of  gold,  which  he  undertook  to  pay  to  the 
king  on  18  Dec.^^  But  after  his  release  he  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  '  disinherited,'  and  was  taken  prisoner  at  Chesterfield 
on  15  May  1266.«^  On  28  June  1266  all  his  forfeited  castles, 
lands,  and  tenements  were  granted  to  Edmund.  This  grant  was 
supplemented  by  a  further  grant  on  15  Aug.  of  all  the  lands  and 
tenements  of  the  kingjs  enemies  and  felons  in  the  fees  of  Eobert  de 
Ferrers,  formerly  earl  of  Derby,  saving  all  bestowals  of  lands  which 
the  king  had  made  prior  to  the  grant.'''-  The  fourteenth  clause  of 
the  dictum  de  Kenilworth,  published  on  31  Oct.  1266,  fixed  the 
amount  for  which  Earl  Ferrers  could  redeem  his  lands  at  seven 

^  ■    "  Eymer,  i.  465 ;  Calend.  Rot.  Chart.  (Kecord  Commission),  p.  92. 

5^  Appendiic  to  the  dlst  Report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  Public  Records,  p.  9^    • 

"  Eishanger,  p.  13. 

58  Fragment  of  a  chronicle  written  at  Battle  Abbey,  printed  in  appendix  to  Bemont's 
Simon  de  Montfort,  ip.S76.  ^^  ^ykes,  iv.  160. 

^  Appendix  to  the  Deputy  Keepefs  ^\st  Report,  p.  9. 

«»  Eishanger,  p.  48;  Wykes,  iv,  188-9;  Cpnt.  Flor.' Wigom.  ii.  197 ;  Liber  de 
AHtiqUisLegibus,ip.8&;  Robert  of  Gloucester;  ii7,5M.  ''    "     '  '  - 

«2  Appendix  to  Blst  Report,  p.  9 ;  Nichors  Leicestershire,  ^-p^-  to  vol.  i.  p^.-i.<p.-4l. 


32  EDMUND,  UARL  OF  LANCASTER  Jan; 

times  their  annual  revenue.^^  But  Edmund  still  continued  to 
hold  the  lands,  and  on  3  Jan.  1267  letters  patent  of  intendence  and 
respondence  in  his  favour  were  sent  to  the  tenants  of  the  Ferrers 
estates.^^  On  1  May  1269  Ferrers  pledged  himself  in  his  prison  at 
Chippenham  to  pay  Edmund  50,000Z.  on  one  day  for  his  interest 
in  his  estates ;  ^^  but  he  was  unable  to  do  so,  and  lost  an  action 
which  he  brought  in  1270  to  recover  his  lands,  pleading  that  the 
promise  was  made  under  duress,  as  well  as  another  in  1274.*^^ 
On  7  June  1275  letters  patent  were  issued  by  Edward  I,  grant- 
ing that'  if  Eobert  de  Ferrers,  whose  lands  were  held  by  Edmund, 
the  king's  brother,  until  he  should  redeem  them  by  payment  of 
50,000/.,  should  die  leaving  heirs  under  age,  the  wardship  and 
marriage  of  those  heirs,  which  properly  pertained  to  the  crown, 
should  be  transferred  to  Edmund.^^  Neither  Eobert  nor  his  heirs 
could  ever  pay  the  money,  and  Edward  I  made  the  grant  of  the 
Ferrers  estates  still  more  complete  by  that  of  Chartley  Castle 
on  26  July  1276,  and  by  letters  patent  of  5  May  1277  releasing 
Edmund  from  the  debts  due  at  the  exchequer  from  Eobert  de 
Ferrers  and  his  ancestors,  the  former  tenants  of  the  castle  and 
honour  of  Tutbury,  and  the  honour  of  the  earldom  of  Derby.^» 

On  2  June  1266  Edmund  was  appointed  keeper  of  the  Isle  of 
Lundy.  On  15  Aug.  1266  he  received  from  his  father  a  grant  by 
letters  patent  of  all  the  lands  which  he  should  be  able  to  conquer 
from  the  "Welsh,  then  at  war  with  the  king,  except  such  as  had 
been  taken  by  the  Welsh  from  those  who  had  stood  faithful  to  the 
king.^^  On  10  Dec.  following  he  received  Kenilworth  Castle, 
saving  the  advowsons  of  Kenilworth  Priory  and  Stoneleigh  Abbey,'^ 
and  on  28  Dec.  the  castle  of  Builth.'^^  At  London  on  30  June 
1267  Edward,  his  elder  brother,  surrendered  to  him  the  use  of  the 
castles  of  Grosmont,  Skenefrith,  Whitecastle,  and  Monmouth, 
which  were  granted  to  Edmund  by  a  charter  of  the  same  date.''^ 
On  the  same  day  he  received  a  grant  of  the  earldom  of  Lancaster 
and  of  the  honours  of  Lancaster,  Newcastle-under-Lyme,  and 
Pickering,  and  the  manors  of  Scalby,  Godmanchester,  and  Hunting- 
don.'^^   A  return  of  12  Edward  I  mentions  Edmund  as  accountable 

«»  Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  6th  ed.  p.  422. 

**  Appendix  to  31st  Report,  p.  10  ;  Nichol's  Leic.  app.  to  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  42. 

«*  Dugdale's  Baronage,  i.  264 ;  Knighton,  col.  2438  ;  Chron.  de  Melsa,  ii.  132. 

«"  Dugdale's  Baronage,  i.  264  ;  Ahhreviatio  Placitorum,  p.  187. 

«^  Calendar  of  Patent  Eolls,  3  Edw.  I,  in  Appendix  to  Deputy  Keeper's  iith 
Beport,  p.  94. 

«8  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  12  ;  Doyle,  Official  Baronage  of  England,  ii.  309. 

"  Appendix  to  Blst  Report,  p.  9. 

^  Ibid.  p.  9  ;  Nichol's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  app.  p.  19. 

"  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  10  ;  Cal.  Rot.  Pat.  (Kec.  Comm.),  p.  40. 

"  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  10  ;  Cal.  Rot.  Pat.  p.  90. 

"  Appendix  to  31st  Report,  p.  10 ;  Cal.  Rot.  CJmrt.  p.  94 ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  app. 
p.  19 ;  Doyle,  Baronage  of  England,  ii.  309. 


1895  EDMUND,  EARL   OF  LANCASTER  83 

to  the  king  (in  the  capacity  of  hereditary  sheriff)  for  the  revenues 
of  the  county  of  Lancaster,  for  the  last  quarter  of  the  51st  of 
Henry  III,  and  also  for  the  years  1-12  Edward  I,  sed  tantum  de 
dehitis  regis.^^  Supplementary  to  these  grants  are  letters  patent, 
dated  18  Oct.,  declaring  that  the  rent  of  lOL  and  the  homage  and 
service  of  Michael  Fleming,  due  for  his  lands  in  Furness,  first 
answered  and  paid  by  him  to  the  king  direct  at  his  exchequer,  and 
subsequently  through  the  hands  of  the  abbot  and  convent  of  Furness, 
by  royal  grant  should  hereafter  be  paid  by  the  abbot  to  Edmund, 
as  lord  of  the  honour  and  county  of  Lancaster.  Letters  patent  of  re- 
spondence  to  the  prior  and  convent  of  Trentham  and  the  tenants  of 
the  honour  of  Lancaster  are  dated  30  Jan.  and  15  Feb.  respectively. 
On  18  Aug.  1268  letters  patent  were  issued  commanding  the 
sheriffs  of  the  counties  into  which  the  honour  of  Lancaster  extended 
not  to  interfere  in  aught  that  concerned  that  honour ;  and  on  15 
Sept.  letters  patent  promising  to  idemnify  Eoger  de  Lancaster,  to 
whom  the  king  had  committed  the  custody  of  the  county  of  Lan- 
caster for  life,  for  100  marks  yearly,  payable  at  the  exchequer.'^ 
The  letters  patent  commanding  the  obedience  of  the  tenants  of  the 
honour  and  forest  of  Pickering  are  dated  as  late  as  6  April  1269.^^ 

On  10  Sept.  1268  Henry  granted  to  Edmund  the  manor  of 
Ashby,  which  had  escheated  to  the  king  by  the  felony  of  William 
of  Ashby,  who  had  slain  a  man  in  Catesby  Prior y.^^  On  22  April 
1269  Edmund  received  a  confirmation  of  the  grant  of  the  posses- 
sions of  Simon  de  Montfort,  with  special  mention  of  the  lands 
lately  held  by  John  le  Viscount  in  Northumberland,  whilst  on 
9  May  he  received  a  grant  for  life  of  the  office  of  seneschal  of  Eng- 
land, formerly  held  by  Simon  de  Montfort.^^  On  7  July  1269  it 
appears  that  Edmund  recovered  twenty  marks  of  land,  which  had 
belonged  to  the  honour  of  Leicester,  in  the  villages  of  Althorpe  and 
Snaresdelf."^^  On  1  April  1270  Edmund  was  released  by  letters 
patent  from  a  debt  due  to  the  king  from  the  former  tenant  of 
the  honour  of  Monmouth,  the  amount  of  which  is  stated  at 
1,1111,  14s.  Sf/."^^  Under  the  dates  15  and  16  June  1270  is  a  series 
of  letters  patent  commanding  the  following  tenants  of  Edmund  to 
do  homage  to  him :  Pain  de  Chaworth,  for  lands  held  of  the  castles 
and  county  of  Cardigan,  and  the  castle  and  county  of  Carmarthen  ; 
Henry  de  Percy,  for  lands  held  of  the  honour  of  Pickering  ;  Henry 
de  Lacy,  Kobert  de  Stockport,  Adam  de  Holand,  the  abbot  of 
Furness,  and  William  le  Botiler,  for  lands  held  of  the  honour  of 

'^  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  301.         "  Ibid.  ^.  10  ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  app.  p.  20. 
"•'^  Appendix  to  Sls^  Report,  p,  11.  ''''  Ihid.  p.  10  ;  Nichol,  i.  j)t.  i.  app.  p.  20. 

'^  Appendix  to  31s^  Report,  p.  11  ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  app.  p.  42. 
"  Abbreviatio  Placitorum,  169. 

^  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  11.    The  amount  is  given  in  the  MS.  Calendar  of 
the  Duchy  of  Lancaster  Charters  in  the  Eecord  Office. 

VOL.   X. — NO.   XXXVII.  D 


34  EDMUND,  EARL   OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

Lancaster.^^  On  24  Jan.  1271  Henry  III  granted  to  him  in  tail 
the  manors  of  Melbourne,  Kingeslawe,  Dilwyn,  Lugwardine,  Harden, 
Bere,  Eodley,  Minsterworth,  and  Easing  wold  with  its  member  of 
Hoby,  which  were  formerly  in  the  tenancy  of  Simon  de  Montfort, 
to  hold  by  the  service  of  two  knights'  fees.^^ 

On  20  Aug.  1274  he  claimed  the  office  of  seneschal  for  life, 
conferred  on  him  by  his  father,^=^  and  it  was  granted  to  him  by 
Edward  I  on  27  Feb.  1275.  On  the  17th  of  that  month  Edward 
committed  to  him  the  manor  of  Chawton,  late  of  Hamo  I'Estrange, 
deceased,  and  by  letters  patent  of  the  27th  exempted  him  from  answer- 
ing at  the  exchequer  for  the  issues  of  the  said  manor.^'^  On  5  May 
1277  Edward  I  issued  letters  patent  releasing  Edmund,  his  brother, 
tenant  of  the  manor,  castle,  and  honour  of  Monmouth,  from  the 
debts  to  the  king  from  the  former  tenants,  John  de  Monmouth  and 
his  ancestors,  saving  to  the  king  his  recovery  should  the  same  pass 
into  other  hands  than  Edmund's  or  the  lawful  heirs  of  his  body ; 
similar  letters  of  the  same  date  respecting  the  debts,  &c.,  due  at  the 
exchequer  from  Simon  de  Monfort,  late  earl  of  Leicester,  and  his 
ancestors  ;  from  Eobert  de  Ferrers  and  his  ancestors  ;  Kobert  de 
Belleme  and  his  ancestors,  the  former  tenants  of  the  castle,  town, 
and  honour  of  Lancaster  (9  May)  ;  and  from  Hubert  de  Burgh  and 
his  ancestors,  the  former  tenants  of  the  castles  of  Skenefrith,^^* 
Grosmont,  and  "Whitecastle  (13  May).  Similar  letters  patent  for  the 
lands  late  of  John  le  Yiscount,  in  Northumberland,  were  issued  on 
11  Nov.  1278,  along  with  a  reissue  of  the  letters  of  May  1277,  with 
the  exception  of  those  referring  to  the  lands  held  by  Hubert  de 
Burgh. '^^  On  29  Dec.  1278  Edmund  and  his  second  wife,  Blanche 
of  Navarre,  received  a  grant  (probably  by  purchase)  from  Eoger  de 
Meuland,  bishop  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  of  '  a  plot  of  land  which 
was  of  Eobert  de  Cupere,'  m  vico  Westmonasterii,  '  near  the  church 
called  Wytechurch,  lying  between  the  plot  of  land  of  the  aforesaid 
Edmund,  which  was  formerly  of  Peter  of  Savoy,'  the  grant  being 
confirmed  by  the  dean  and  chapter  of  Lichfield  on  15  April.^' 

On  10  Nov.  1279  he  received  a  grant  from  his  brother  the 
king  of  the  manors  of  Wirksworth  and  Ashborne,  and  the  wapentake 
of  Wirksworth,  in  the  county  of  Derby,  in  exchange  for  the  counties 

^'  Appendix  to  Zlst  Report,  p.  11. 

«-  Ibid.  p.  12  ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  app.  p.  21.  Edmund  granted  Bere  to  the  Cistercian 
nunnery  of  Tarrant-Crawford  {Hot.  Hund.  i.  100)  ;  Bodley  to  Edmund  Talbot,  after 
whose  death  it  escheated  to  the  crown  ;  Minsterworth  to  Kobert  de  Turberville.  But, 
according  to  Dugdale,  Edmund's  second  son,  Henry,  succeeded  to  both  these  manors 
on  his  father's  death. 

ss  Eymer,  i.  515. 

5'  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  3  Edw.  I,  in  Appendix  to  Deputy  Keeper's  Uth  Report,  p.  94. 

«'  Appendix  to  Blst  Report,  p.  12. 

««  Ibid.  p.  13.  67  Appendix  to  B5th  Report,  p.  22. 


1895  EDMUND,   EAIIL   OF  LANCASTER  35 

and  castles  of  Cardigan  and  Carmarthen.^®  On  10  June  1280 
letters  patent  were  issued  declaring  that  Matlock- Underwood  and 
Bradley  should  be  deemed  members  of  the  manors  of  Ashborne 
and  Wirksworth,  and  the  wapentake  of  Wirksworth,  notwithstand- 
ing their  non-specification  in  the  charter  granting  to  Edmund  the 
said  hundred  and  manors,  in  exchange  for  the  castles  and  counties 
of  Cardigan  and  Carmarthen,  saving  to  the  said  earl  all  the  other 
members  and  appurtenances  of  the  premises,  although  not  specified 
either  in  the  aforesaid  charter  or  in  the  present  letters  patent.®^ 
On  the  same  day  too  the  king  granted  to  him  a  toft  and  three 
oxgangs  of  land  in  his  manor  of  Scalby,  lately  recovered  as  the 
king's  right,  by  award  of  the  justices  in  eyre  at  York,  against 
William  de  Everley  and  others.  On  14  Jan.  1281  Edward  issued 
letters  patent  remitting  to  him  a  loan  of  700  marks  in  compensa- 
tion for  the  lands  in  the  honour  of  Monmouth,  given  by  Edward 
before  his  accession  to  Eeginald  de  Grey  and  Kichard  Talbot,  before 
he  granted  the  said  honour  to  his  brother  Edmund.  These  were 
accompanied  by  other  letters  patent,  granting  to  him  the  homage 
and  service  of  Eeginald  de  Grey  and  Eichard  Talbot  for  their  lands 
of  Llandingat  and  Longhope.^^  On  23  May  1281  Edward  granted 
him  the  homage  and  service  of  Eoger  de  Clifford,  due  to  the  king 
for  the  lands  and  tenements  hitherto  held  by  him  of  the  king  in 
the  vill  and  honour  of  Monmouth,  and  on  27  May  issued  letters 
patent  commanding  Gregory  de  Eokesley  and  Orlando  de  Podio, 
the  keepers  of  the  mint  at  London,  to  deliver  to  Edmund,  the  king's 
brother,  1,000  marks  for  certain  lands  in  the  honour  of  Monmouth, 
of  which  the  king  ought  to  have  given  hitn  livery,  and  which  Eoger 
de  Clifford  held  by  the  king's  special  favour.  On  2  June  1281 
further  letters  patent  were  issued,  granting  him  the  homage  and 
service  of  Eeginald  de  Grey,  Eoger  de  Clifford,  and  Eichard  Talbot, 
Llandingat  (Carmarthen)  and  Longhope  (Gloucester)  in  the  honour 
of  Monmouth.^^  On  8  Aug.  1284,  at  Kenilworth,  Edmund  received 
a  grant  in  fee  from  William,  son  of  William  de  Sadyngton,  of  all 
the  lands  and  tenements  with  their  appurtenants,  which  he  had  in 
Leicester,  Bruntingthorp,  and  Ayleston,  along  with  one  of  the  service 
of  William's  mother,  Elena,  tenant  for  life  in  these  lands,  supple- 
mented by  a  quit  claim  (undated)  from  Elena,  widow  of  William 

^^  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  13  ;  Nichol,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  app.  p.  23  ;  Cal.  Bot.  Pat. 
(K.  C),  p.  48.  The  wapentake  of  Wirksworth  was  valued  at  260Z.  per  annum  {Eot. 
Ihmd.  ii.  288). 

"^  Appendix  to  Zlst  Report,  p.  13 ;  Nichol,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  22. 

•'"  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  13. 

^'^  Appendix  to  50th  Report,  p.  77  ;  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  14.  On  15  Jan. 
1281  Edward  I  remitted  to  his  brother  700  marks,  being  a  loan  lately  made  to  him  in 
West  Wales  by  the  hand  of  Eadulph  le  Broghton,  the  king's  receiver  there,  in  com- 
pensation for  the  lands  and  tenements  given  by  the  king  to  E.  de  Grey  and  K.  de 
Talbot,  before  he  gave  the  said  honour  to  his  brother.  Edward  had  made  a  promise 
to  restore  all  that  had  been  alienated,  from  which  Edmund  now  released  him. 

D  2 


36  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

de  Sadyngton  of  Leicester,  to  Edmund,  earl  of  Lancaster,  of  all  her 
right  in  the  piece  of  land  which  she  held  of  him  for  term  of  life  in 
the  town  of  Leicester,  '  situate  at  the  corner  of  Appel  Lane,  over 
against  the  church  of  St.  Nicholas.'  ^^  On  17  Aug.  1285  Edward  I 
issued  a  charter  confirming  a  grant  made  to  Edmund  and  Blanche, 
his  wife,  by  Thomas  Wolf,  of  Dover,  of  a  tenement  within  the  liberty 
of  Dover.  Of  the  same  date  are  letters  of  confirmation  of  several 
grants  made  to  Edmund  touching  the  manor  of  the  Savoy,  viz. 
Queen  Eleanor's  grant  to  Edmund  of  the  estate  of  Peter  of  Savoy, 
purchased  by  her  of  the  convent  of  Montjoux ;  the  deed  of  sale  of 
the  manor  to  her  from  the  provost  and  convent ;  King  Henry  Ill's 
confirmation,  dated  9  July  1268,  of  the  bequest  of  the  estate  to  the 
house  of  Montjoux  by  will  of  Peter  of  Savoy,  and  the  charter  of 
Eoger  de  Meuland,  bishop  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  to  Edmund 
and  Blanche,  his  wife,  of  certain  land  adjoining  the  Savoy  estate, 
with  the  dean  and  chapter's  confirmation  of  the  bishop's  grant.^^ 

On  15  July  1291  were  issued  letters  patent  granting  him  the 
homage  of  Theobald  le  Butiler,  Margaret  de  Nevile,  and  Ingram  de 
Guisnes  for  the  lands  which  they  held  by  knight's  service  of  the 
honour  of  Lancaster.  On  12  April  1292  he  received  letters  patent 
pardoning  him  the  arrears  of  service  for  his  lands  and  tenements 
between  the  rivers  Eibble  and  Mersey  up  to  that  date.^*  On 
21  June  1293  he  received  license  to  castellate  and  fortify  his 
mansion  in  the  parish  of  St.  Clement  Danes,  London,  called  the 
Savoy .»5  On  24  Sept.  1295  Edward  I  granted  to  him  the  homage 
and  service  of  Eichard  le  Waleton  and  his  heirs  for  lands  in 
Walton,  Wavertree,  a,nd  Newsham,  the  custody  whereof,  and  the 
marriage  of  the  heirs,  the  king  had  lately  recovered  by  judgment  of 
the  court  against  Eobert  de  Holland  ;  ^^  also  the  sheriff's  tourn  in 
Furness,  lately  recovered  by  the  king  by  judgment  of  the  court 
against  the  abbot  of  Furness  ;  the  wreck  of  the  sea  in  Lytham,  re- 
covered against  the  prior  of  Durham  ;  wreck  of  the  sea  and  waif 
in  Cartmell-in-Furness,  recovered  against  the  prior  of  Cartmell ; 
and  wreck  of  the  sea  in  the  manor  of  Nicholas  Blundell  of  Aymulne- 
dale,  recovered  against  the  said  Nicholas.^^ 

^  Edmund  also  received  various  grants  of  the  right  of  holding 
fairs  and  markets  at  his  various  manors,  besides  those  which  he 
mherited  from  his  predecessors.  On  2  Nov.  1267  he  obtained  the 
right  of  holding  a  market  and  fair  at  his  manor  of  Shapwick  in 
Dorset ;    on  10  Sept.  1268  of  holding  a  market  and  fair   at   his 

^'  A2)2micUx  to  Soth  Report,  p.  88. 

"^  Appendix  to  Zlst  Report,  pp.  14,  15.     See  above,  p.  34. 

"*  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  14. 

ap^pftS'  '•  ''  ''  ""'""'  '  ''' '  ""''''  ""''■  ""''''  (^-  ^•)'  P-  '' '  ^-^o^  vol.  i.  pt.  ii. 
"«  Ajjpendix  to  31st  Report,  p.  17;  Nichol,  vol.  i.  pt  i  app  p  23 
«'  Appendix  to  Ust  Report,  pp.  17-8 ;  CaL  Rot.  Chart.  (II.  C.),  p.  12G. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  37 

manor  of  Kenil worth ;  ^^  on  18  Oct.  1270  of  holding  a  market  and 
fair  at  his  manor  of  Bagworth  (Leicestershire),^^  in  56  Henry  III  of 
holding  a  market  at  his  manor  of  Skipsea  (Yorkshire),  and  fairs  at  his 
manors  of  Hedon  and  Pocklington,^^*^  and  on  5  June  1291  of  fairs  at 
his  manors  of  Pickering  and  Easingwold.^^^  All  these  fairs  and 
markets  would  of  course  mean  a  considerable  revenue  to  the  earl  in 
the  shape  of  tolls.  The  grants  of  forest  rights  in  his  lands  which 
Edmund  received  were  also  considerable.  This,  when  we  remember 
how  jealous  the  crown  was  to  maintain  its  forest  rights,  and  how  eager 
the  nation  to  curtail  those  rights,  which  were  the  *  shrine  and  bower 
of  kingship,'  becomes  a  fact  of  considerable  significance.  On  24  Dec. 
1266  he  received  a  grant  of  free  chase  and  free  warren  in  all  his 
demesne  lands  and  woods  belonging  to  the  castle  of  Kenilworth,^^^ 
and  on  5  June  1291  a  grant  of  free  warren  in  all  his  demesne  lands 
of  Melbourne,^^^  whilst  a  grant  of  12  Jan.  1267  mentions  the  earl's 
free  chase  of  Wisseby  and  Wimburgholt  ^°^  (perhaps  the  one  in  the 
precincts  of  Kenilworth  Castle,  referred  to  above) . 

Edward  I  on  25  May  1285  granted  to  him  justices  to  hold  pleas 
of  his  forest  at  his  request  in  chancery,  and  determine  trespasses 
done  in  his  parks  and  chases,  together  with  the  fines  and  amercia- 
ments arising  therefrom,  as  fully  as  the  king  would  have  them  if 
the  forests,  parks,  and  chases  were  in  his  own  hands.^^^  In  pursuance 
of  this  Koger  Brabazon  and  Hugh  de  Brandeston  were  appointed, 
at  the  instance  of  Edmund,  on  28  Feb.  1287,  to  be  justices  to  hear 
and  determine  all  trespasses  committed  in  his  parks  and  chases 
within  the  county  of  Warwick. ^^^' 

The  nature  of  the  power  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  Edmund  in 
his  lands  is  indicated  by  several  royal  grants.  On  12  Jan.  1267 
Henry  III  granted  to  him  to  have  and  to  hold  all  his  lands  and 
fees,  with  all  their  liberties  and  free  customs,  free  and  quit  from 
the  suits  cf  the  shires  and  hundreds,  and  of  the  sheriffs,  w^hether 
it  be  taken  by  hides  or  carucates  of  land ;  from  giving  money  for 
murder  or  robbery  committed  in  his  lands  whose  author  could  not 
be  discovered ;  and  from  the  pennies  pertaining  to  frankpledge, 
and  from  toll  and  theam,  infangethef,  and  utfangethef,  sac  and 
soc ;  and  from  his    demesnes   throughout  the  royal  demesnes   of 

'•'^  Appendix  to  olst  Report,  p.  10. 

""  Ihid.  p.  12.  In  4  Ed.  I  he  surrendered  Bagworth  manor  to  James  Mesnille,  who 
had  brought  an  action  to  recover  it  for  a  sum  of  money.  See  the  MS.  Calendar  of  Duchy 
of  Lancaster  Charters  in  the  Record  Office,  and  Cal.  of  Pat.  liolls  3  Edw.  I,  in  Appendix 
to  iUh  Beport,  p.  16. 

•«»  Cal.  Rot.  Chart.  (R.  C),  p.  105. 

'»•  Appendix  to  31s^  Report,  p.  16;  Cal.  Rot.  Chart,  p.  121. 

102  Appendix  to  ^Ist  Report,  p.  10 

>»3  Ibid.  p.  16  ;  Cal.  Rot.  Pat.  (E.  C),  p.  121. 

!"■*  Nichol,  i.  pt  i.  app.  p.  19.' 

'»5  Appendix  toBlst  Report,  p.  14 ;  Cal.  Rot.  Pat.  (R.  C),  p.  52. ; 

*»«  Appendix  to  dlst  Report,  p.  15  ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  App.  p.  22. 


38  EDMUND,  EARL  OF  LANCASTER  Jan. 

pontage  and  passage,  toll,  pedage,  stallage,  coinage,  and  tallage, 
gelds  and  danegelds,  bloodwite  and  fictwite ;  labour  for  castles, 
walls,  bridges,  parks,  ditches,  chalk  pits,  and  houses ;  and  the  free 
chase  of  Wisseby  and  Wimburgholt,  and  the  taking  of  venison  in 
those  woods  which  had  lately  been  sworn  to  by  lawful  men  in  the 
royal  court  at  Westminster,  the  aforesaid  woods  to  be  free  from 
vast  and  reguard.^^''  In  his  Welsh  lands  the  power  which  Edmund 
enjoyed  was  regal,  like  that  of  the  other  lords  marchers,  as,  for  in- 
stance, that  of  the  earls  of  Gloucester  in  Glamorgan.  On  6  Nov.  1268 
Henry  III  issued  letters  patent  granting  to  him  jus  regale  in  his 
lands  and  castles  of  Cardigan,  Carmarthen,  Skenefrith,  Grosmont, 
and  Whitecastle — namely,  that  his  writ  should  run  in  future  there  as 
the  king's  writ  had  been  accustomed  before  to  run,  in  like  manner 
as  the  other  lords  marchers'  had  in  their  lands  in  the  marches  of 
Wales.^°^  He  even  enjoyed  in  his  lands,  both  in  England  and 
Wales,  by  grant  of  the  king,  a  right  similar  to  the  royal  right  of 
purveyance.  At  Aberconway  on  17  March  1295  were  issued  letters 
patent  commanding  that  the  officers  and  deputies  of  Edmund 
might  be  allowed  to  take  the  corn  and  victuals  of  his  men  and 
tenants  to  the  use  of  the  said  Edmund,  according  to  the  king's 
charter,  whereby  it  was  granted  that  none  of  the  king's  officers  might 
take  corn  and  victuals  from  such  tenants  for  the  king's  use.^^^ 

The  extent  of  Earl  Edmund's  possessions  and  their  scattered  cha- 
racter may  be  realised  from  the  fact  that  he  held  property  in  twenty- 
fi^e  out  of  the  then  thirty-nine  counties  of  England,  and  in  Wales 
for  some  time  the  castles  and  counties  of  Cardigan  and  Carmarthen, 
and  permanently  the  lordship  and  castle  of  Kidwelly,  the  lordship 
of  Carnwallon,  and  lands  at  Llandingat  (all  in  modern  Carmarthen- 
shire), the  castle  of  Builth  (in  what  is  now  Brecknockshire),  and  the 
castles  of  Grosmont,  Skenefrith,  and  Whitecastle,  in  what  is  now 
Monmouthshire,  but  which  then  formed  part  of  the  marches  of 
Wales.  An  approximate  idea  of  their  distribution  may  be  gained 
from  the  following  statistics,  compiled  from  the  printed  calendar  of  the 
'  Inquisitiones  post  Mortem' "»  and  the  various  grants  mentioned 
above.  The  number  of  places  in  the  various  counties  at  which  he 
possessed  property,  generally  a  manor  or  land  held  in  demesne  or  by 
a  tenant  of  his,  sometimes  the  advowson  of  a  church,  a  rent, 
chase,  right  of  fishing,  view  of  frankpledge,  free  court,  toft,  forge^ 

'"^  Nicliol's  Lcic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.'app.  p.  19,  de  dominicis  suis  per  dominica  7iostra. 
Taken  together  with  the  nature  of  the  dues  mentioned  the  sense  seems  ambiguous 

'««  Appendix  to  31s^  Report,  p.  10 ;  Nichol,  i.  pt.  i.  p.  20. 

'""  Appendix  to  31si  Report,  p.  17. 

"»  Calendaruim  Inquisitiomim  jy  r  tern  (E.  C),  i.  136-43.     On  referring  to 

the  ongmal  Inquisition  I  find  that  the  printed  calendar  is  in  many  respects  unsatis- 
fac  ory  as  a  basis  to  work  on,  but  it  is  the  only  one  possible  until  the  Inquisition  be 
edited  m  full.    The  followmg  is  an  extract  from  a  rent  roll  of  Edmund  in  Salford 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  39 

or  house,  is  as  follows,  those  counties  being  given  first  in  which 
there  were  the  most  places  where  he  had  property :  In  Derbyshire 
there  were  125  places,  in  Lancashire  92,  in  Lincolnshire  79, 
in  Leicestershire  72,  in  Staffordshire  58,  in  Northamptonshire  56,  in 
Nottinghamshire  25,  in  Warwickshire  23,  in  Suffolk  21,  in  Berkshire 
13,  in  Yorkshire  12,  in  Northumberland  11,  in  Buckinghamshire  9, 
in  the  marches  of  Wales  8,  in  Wiltshire  6,  in  Essex  4,  in  Gloucester- 
shire 4,  in  Herefordshire  3,  in  Huntingdonshire  3,  in  Bedfordshire 
2,  in  Eutland  2,  in  Dorset  1,  in  Hertfordshire  1,  in  Kent  1,  and  in 
Middlesex  1  (the  manor  of  the  Savoy).  The  total  number  of  places 
in  England  and  Wales  at  which  he  held  property  was  632, 

town  and  hundred,  in  10  Ed  I  (1281-2),  taken  from  Harland's  Mamecestre  (Chetham 
Soc),  p.  172,  note  5,  as  set  forth  in  the  survey  of  Lonsdale  in  25  Ed.  I  (1297), 
preserved  among  the  Harleian  MSS.  (Cod.  2085,  fol.  528  b)  :— 

'  Extent  of  the  Lands  of  the  Earl  in  the  Wappentach  of  Launsdale,  in  co.  Lancashire, 
25  Ed.  J,  at  the  Death  of  Edmund,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  Salford  Town  in  the  afore- 
said account  by 

.-C      s.    <L 

'Eentof  assize  of  the  town  of  Salford,  with  the  rent  of  one  tofti  p  ^. 

near  the  bridge J 

Farm  of  the  water  mill  there 3     0  0 

Toll  and  stallage  of  the  market  and  fair  there  .        .         ,        .     2     6  7^ 

Small  plots  or  places  there la  i -i 

Pleas  and  perquisites  of  the  court ,  2  0 

Total 12  16    e^r 

'  Salford  Wai^pentach. 

Assize  rent  of  Broughton 2     8     0 

Assize  rent  of  Ordsall 1  12     0 

Assize  rent  of  Cadishead 4     0 

Assize  rent  of  '  Schoresworth  ' 2     6 

Assize  rent  of  Tonge 4     0 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Augustus  de  Barton 10     0 

Farm  of  the  land  of  William  de  Eadclitl'e 17     8 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Eoger  de  Middleton  in  Cheetham     .         .         .         13     4 
Farm  of  the  land  of  Alice  de  Prestwich  in  Prestwich,  Holland,  and  1  -i     p     o 

'  Scholesworth  ' J 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Eoger  Pilkington  in  Eivington         .        .         .         10     0 
Farm  of  the  land  of  Geoffrey  de  Hulme  in  Hulme  ....  50 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Alice  de  Prestwich  in  Pendlebury    .         .         .         10     0 
Farm  of  the  land  of  William  Fitz-Eoger  in  Eeddish         ...  60 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Eichard  Pilkington 10     0 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Henry  de  Trafford   ......  50 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Eichard  de  Byrom 14     0 

Farm  of  the  land  of  Hugh  Mesnil  in  Worsley  and  Hulton       .         .10     0 
Farm  of  the  land  of  William  de  Bradshaw  in  Blackrod  (yearly)       .10     0 

Farm  of  the  town  of  Clifton 8     0 

Sake  fee  of  the  land  of  Eichard  Fitz-Eoger 10     0 

Moiety  of  the  town  of  Flixton  for  sake  fee 16 

The  same  rent  for  the  land  of  John  de  la  Ware       .         .         .         .436 

Eent  of  Jordan  de  Crompton 1 

Farm  of  the  bailiff  in  sergeantry  there 16     0     6 

Pleas  and  perquisites  of  the  court  of  the  Wappentach  there    .         .473 

Total 40    6    0' 


40 


EDMUND,  EARL   OF  LANCASTER 


Jan. 


His  lands  included  862^  knights'  fees  held  in  demesne  and  227  and 
a  fraction  of  which  he  was  overlord,  giving  a  total  of  263-J-  knights' 
fees.  Their  annual  value,  exclusive  of  the  Ferrars  estates  and 
others,  amounted,  according  to  the  Inquisition, ^^^  to  1,193Z.  18s.  Id, 
In  August  1290  Edmund,  in  the  course  of  some  negotiations 
for  the  marriage  of  his  son  Thomas  with  Beatrice  of  Burgundy, 
asserted  that  the  lands  to  which  Thomas  would  succeed  (which  did 
not  include  the  Welsh  lands)  were  of  the  value  of  18,000  black 
pounds  of  Tours  annually.^ ^^ 

The  order  in  which  the  counties  arrange  themselves,  taking  the 
knights'  fees  which  the  earl  had  in  them  as  the  standard,  varies 
slightly  from  the  order  estimated  by  the  number  of  places.  The 
numbers  are  as  follow^s  : — 


1.  Derbyshire  .     .    . 

2.  Lincolnshire     .     . 

3.  Leicestershire  .     . 

4.  Northamptonshire 

5.  Staffordshire    .     . 

6.  Lancashire  .     .     . 

7.  Suffolk    .... 

8.  Nottinghamshire  . 

9.  Warwickshire  .     . 

10.  Buckinghamshire 

11.  Essex      .... 

12.  Berkshire     .     .     . 

13.  Northumberland  . 

14.  Dorset     .... 

15.  Norfolk   .... 
IT).  Bedfordshire     .     . 

17.  Wiltshire      .     .     . 

18.  Hertfordshire  .     . 

19.  Butland  .... 


Knights'  fees  in  the 
hands  of  tenants 


41^  [circa) 
39|      ' 
37|i 

21^  {circa) 
11*  [circa) 

17M 
3 

lli^ 

10^ 

G 


In  demesne 


Total 


227  [circa) 


2 
1 

6  (nearly) 

3i 


4^ 

4|  [circa) 

'2J- 


36i  [circa) 


43i 

40| 

37  ii 

27^  [circa) 

17* 

m\ 
10, 

41 

4| 
9-1- 


^ 


imi  [circa) 


The  total  number  of  Edmund's  tenants  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  reckoning  all  coparcenaries  as  one,  was  199.  Of  these  9 
were  ecclesiastics  or  ecclesiastical  corporations. 

Walter  E.  Pihcdes. 

"•  Inquisitiones  post  Mortem,  25  Edw.  I,  No.  51a,  f.  25. 
"-  oce  Eymer's  Fcedcra. 


(To  be  co7itimied.) 


1895  41 


Troubles  in  a  City  Parish  under 
the  Protectorate 


IT  is  well  known  that  the  years  of  Cromwell's  protectorate  were 
marked  by  bitter  animosities  between  presbyterians  and  inde- 
pendents. The  details  of  one  such  struggle,  presenting  some  inte- 
resting features,  have  been  preserved  in  the  case  of  a  large  and  im- 
portant parish  in  the  city  of  London,  St.  Botolph  without  Aldgate. 
The  pamphlets  of  one  of  the  chief  actors  in  this  extraordinary 
drama,  and  documents  preserved  among  the  State  Papers,  present 
a  fairly  complete  picture  of  a  state  of  discord  which  probably  had 
many  a  parallel  throughout  England. 

The  last  regularly  appointed  vicar  of  St.  Botolph's  had  been 
Thomas  Swadlin,  a  supporter  of  Laud.  In  1642  he  preached 
and  published  a  sermon  which  gave  so  much  offence  to  the  puritan 
party  that  he  was  deprived  of  his  living  and  imprisoned  in  Newgate. 
After  his  departure  the  living  was  held  by  a  succession  of  obscure 
ministers,  probably  of  extreme  puritanical  sentiments,  until  1654, 
when  it  became  vacant  by  the  death  or  removal  of  Mr.  Lawrence 
Wise.  In  August  of  that  year  Mr.  John  Mackarness  was  chosen 
minister,^  apparently  by  popular  election.  Mr.  Mackarness  was 
a  clergyman  in  Anglican  orders,  and  his  election  was  naturally 
regarded  as  a  triumph  for  the  cavalier  party.  Both  presbyterians 
and  independents  were  incensed,  and  it  is  probable  that  they  com- 
bined to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  Cromwell.  By  his 
intervention  Mackarness  was  dispossessed  and  a  presbyterian 
minister,  Zachary  Crofton,  appointed  in  his  place. 

Crofton  was  already  a  man  of  some  note.  His  previous  career 
had  been  varied  and  adventurous.  Born  and  educated  in  Dublin, 
he  had  been  driven  from  his  home  by  the  Irish  troubles  of  1641. 
On  landing  in  England  it  is  recorded  that  he  '  had  but  a  groat  in 
his  pocket,  which  he  spent  the  first  night  at  his  quarters.'  He  tells 
us  incidentally  that  he  was  in  arms  against  the  king  in  Lancashire 
and  Cheshire  in  1644.^  But  even  before  that  time  he  had  adopted 
the  career  of  a  minister,  and  his  military  experiences  may  have 

'  Note  on  the  fly  leaf  of  the  register  of  St.  Botolph,  Aldgate. 
2  Malice  against  Ministrij  manifested. 


42  TROUBLES  IN  'A    CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

# 

been  confined  to  exhorting  the  parliamentary  soldiers.  In  1647 
he  was  pastor  of  Newcastle-under-Lyne,  where  he  remained  until 
September  1649,  when  he  was  appointed  to  the  living  of  Wrenbury, 
in  Cheshire.  He  there  gave  great  offence  to  the  government  by 
refusing  to  take  the  engagement  ('to  be  faithful  to  the  Commonwealth 
as  now  estabhshed,  without  king  or  house  of  lords  '),  and  very 
zealously  dissuading  others  from  doing  so.  As  a  presbyterian 
he  held  firm  to  the  solemn  league  and  covenant  of  1643.  The 
nation  was  bound  by  that  instrument  to  maintain  her  lawful 
government  and  to  repress  the  religious  aberrations  which  threa- 
tened to  become  dominant  under  Cromwell's  regime.  The  engage- 
ment could  not  be  taken  with  a  clear  conscience  by  the  subscribers  to 
the  covenant.  Such  an  attitude,  consistently  maintained,  brought 
serious  trouble.  On  one  occasion  he  vigorously  defended  one 
of  his  brother  ministers  who  had  been  indicted  at  the  Nantwich 
quarter  sessions  for  non-compliance.^  Probably  by  way  of  retaliation 
two  agents  of  the  Cheshire  sequestrators,  appointed  to  see  to 
the  carrying  out  of  the  engagement,  swooped  down  upon  his 
house  at  Wrenbury.'*  They  violently  entered  his  barn,  drove  out  his 
servant  then  working  there,  and  seized  all  his  corn,  the  sole  sub- 
sistence of  himself  and  his  family.  He  was  obliged  to  take  flight 
from  Wrenbury,  and  at  once  made  his  way  to  London,  with  the 
object,  it  seems,  of  seeking  redress. 

On  his  arrival  in  London  he  was  unsuccessful  in  his  immediate 
purpose,  but  his  reputation  as  a  zealous  and  able  minister  may  have 
preceded  him,  and  he  was  shortly  afterwards  appointed  minister  of 
St.  James's,  Garhckhithe.  The  sympathies  of  the  city  were  at  that 
time  presbyterian,  and  he  was  doubtless  welcomed  as  a  valuable 
accession  to  the  ranks  of  the  ministers  of  that  party.  At  St.  James's 
he  entered  into  a  vigorous  controversy  with  John  Eogers,  of  St. 
Thomas  the  Apostle,  on  church  discipline.  This  controversy  gave 
rise  to  Crofton's  first  work,  which  he  pubHshed,  in  answer  to  Kogers's 
'  Beth-shemesh ;  or,  the  Tabernacle  of  the  Sun,'  under  the  title 
of  '  Beth-shemesh  Clouded;  or.  Some  Animadversions  on  the 
Babbinical  Talmud  of  Eabbi  John  Eogers.'  Two  years  after  the 
publication  of  this  work  he  was  transferred  to  the  more  important 
position  of  minister  at  St.  Botolph's.  As  we  have  seen,  he  owed 
his  appointment  to  the  intervention  of  Cromwell ;  but  his  feeling 
towards  the  Protector  was  far  from  cordial.  Shortly  after  his 
coming  to  St.  Botolph's  a  friend  expostulated  with  him  on  his  sup- 
posed disaffection,  and  asked  him  by  whose  authority  he  came  there. 
Crofton  replied,  '  By  the  Lord  Protector's.'  '  Why,  then,'  asked  his 
friend,  *do  you  not  observe  the  fasts  appointed  by  the  Protector's 
government  ? '     It  is  alleged  that  Crofton  replied,  '  An  honest  man 

"  Berith-anti-Baal,  p.  5.  *  Beth-sJiemesh  Clouded,  Pref. 


1895  UNDER    THE  PROTECTORATE  48 

may  accept  the  courtesy  of  a  thief  on  the  highway.'  ^  Cromwell, 
however,  could  recognise  merit  even  in  an  opponent,  and  his  treat- 
ment of  Crofton,  now  and  afterwards,  was  generous  and  for- 
bearing. 

Crofton  knew  that  his  position  at  St.  Botolph's  would  not  be 
a  bed  of  roses.  '  Let  me  tell  you  fairly,'  he  says  long  afterwards, 
*  that  I  have  reaped  among  you  nothing  but  what  I  expected :  I 
often  said  at  my  first  coming,  I  must  not  think  to  rake  in  a  wasps' 
nest  and  not  be  stung,  or  fight  the  devil  in  his  own  dominions  and 
not  be  wounded.'  His  principal  difficulty  arose  from  the  position  of 
John  Simpson,  who  for  some  time,  it  seems,  had  been  afternoon 
lecturer  in  the  church.  Simpson  had  been  an  officer  in  the  new 
model  army ;  he  was  a  noted  preacher,  an  independent  and  an  ana- 
baptist. He  had  been  a  candidate  for  the  living  at  the  time  of 
Crofton's  appointment,  and  it  was  natural  that  the  two  men  should 
regard  each  other  with  anything  but  friendly  feelings.  For  a  time 
there  was  no  open  rupture,  but  rising  dissensions  in  the  parish  soon 
brought  matters  to  a  head.  Crofton's  position  was  a  peculiar  one. 
He  was  the  minister  of  one  body,  the  presbyterian  ;  a»d  the  other  two 
parties  were  probably  as  strong  in  the  parish  as  his  own.  He  gave 
offence  to  the  cavalier  or  '  profane  '  party  by  an  attempt  to  exercise 
spiritual  discipline  and  bar  unworthy  persons  from  the  Lord's 
table.  The  subject  was  debated  soon  after  his  coming  into  the 
parish.  One  Farmantle,  a  parishioner,  constantly  interrupted 
Crofton  as  he  was  speaking,  and  asked  how  he  was  going  to  distin- 
guish between  the  worthy  and  the  unworthy  when  he  knew  them 
not.  Crofton  being  a  hasty  man  replied  warmly,  '  What  a  strange 
busy  man  you  are  to  meddle  in  what  concerns  you  not !  If  I  should 
consult  the  devil,  what  is  it  to  you  ?  '  Thereupon  the  parish  con- 
stable, who  was  standing  by,  replied, '  If  you  have  such  familiarity 
with  the  devil,  you  are  no  fit  parson  for  us.'  ^' 

The  baptists,  on  the  other  hand,  were  offended  by  the  im- 
portance which  Crofton  attached  to  the  sacrament  of  baptism  and 
its  administration  to  infants.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  announcing 
after  his  morning  sermon  on  Sundays,  *  The  sacrament  of  baptism 
is  to  be  administered ;  your  reverent  attendance  is  desired.'  The 
'  furious  anabaptistical  spirits,'  as  Crofton  calls  the  more  extreme 
among  his  opponents,  were  greatly  enraged.  With  a  view  of  con- 
vincing gainsayers,  and  inculcating  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
truth,  Crofton  laid  much  stress  on  the  practice  of  catechising.  It 
was  an  ordinance,  he  declared,  which  should  be  attended  to  both  by 
young  and  old,  as  a  means  of  spiritual  edification.  He  published  a 
littlebook — '  Catechising  God's  Ordinance' — shortly  after  his  coming, 
and  distributed  copies  to  all  his  parishioners.     William  Jellie,  a 

*  Malice  against  Ministry  ^nanifested.  ^  Ibid» 


44  TROUBLES  IN  A    CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

# 

common  councilman  and  independent,  refused  the  copy  which  was 
offered  to  him.  Simpson  declared  publicly,  '  To  learn  a  catechism 
is  not  to  worship  God  ;  as  well  buy  your  children  rattles  or  hobby 
horses  as  catechisms.' 

On  10  Feb.  1657  we  have  the  first  indication  that  the  quarrel 
had  entered  on  an  acute  stage.  The  '  well-affected  '  inhabitants  of 
St.  Botolph's  petitioned  the  Protector  that  John  Simpson  might  be 
allowed  to  lecture  in  the  church,  as  formerly,  on  part  of  the  Lord's 
Day  and  one  week  day.  Sixty- seven  signatures  were  attached  to 
the  petition,  which  was  considered  by  the  Protector  in  council  and 
granted  in  the  terms  desired.^  Simpson's  position  as  afternoon 
lecturer,  which  apparently  had  been  disputed  by  Crofton,  was  now 
established.  Crofton  was  forced  to  yield  obedience  to  the  order  in 
council,  but  he  made  no  secret  of  his  dissatisfaction.  The  quarrel 
was  carried  on  with  great  heat  on  both  sides.  Crofton's  opponents 
found  their  best  weapon  in  a  curious  and  disagreeable  scandal  which 
had  arisen  against  him.  It  was  alleged  that,  more  than  a  year 
before,  he  had  chastised  his  maidservant,  Mary  Cadman,  with  a  rod 
in  an  improper  manner.  Crofton  denied  the  charge  solemnly  and 
particularly.  Fifty  of  his  parishioners,  in  a  pamphlet  published  in 
April  1657,  attested  their  belief  in  his  entire  innocence.^  His 
friends  asserted  that  the  scandal  had  been  concocted  by  his  enemies 
at  a  tavern  meeting,  and  that  Mary  Cadman  had  been  suborned  to 
make  the  charge  against  him.  It  is  certain  that  she  made  affidavit 
before  a  master  in  chancery  of  the  truth  of  the  charge.  Subse- 
quently, at  Crofton's  instance,  she  confessed  that  she  had  sworn 
falsely.  The  other  side  declared,  of  course,  that  she  had  been  bribed 
to  make  the  confession.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  charge  was 
either  trumped  up  or  greatly  exaggerated ;  but  it  clung  to  Crofton, 
as  we  shall  see,  for  many  years,  and  furnished  his  opponents  with 
great  occasion  for  ridicule.  The  matter  was  investigated  at  a  pubhc 
inquiry  before  the  lord  mayor  at  the  Guildhall,  on  which  occasion 
Crofton  complains  of  having  been  treated  with  scant  justice ;  it  was 
also  reported  by  two  parishioners  to  the  Lord  Protector,  who  in  a 
personal  interview  sternly  rebuked  the  minister  for  his  unseemly 
conduct ;  ^  but  here  again  Crofton's  friends  alleged  that  the  Protec- 
tor's mind  had  been  poisoned  by  the  representations  of  his  enemies. 

Meanwhile  the  conflict  between  the  two  champions  proceeded. 
At  the  beginning  of  1657  the  Humble  Petition  and  Advice  had 
wrought  considerable  changes  in  the  constitution,  and  on  26  June 
Oliver  had  been  installed  as  Protector  with  greater  solemnity  than 
before.  On  July  31  Crofton  addressed  the  following  letter  to 
Simpson  : — 

'  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  sub  dat. 

«  An  Attest  of  the  Householders  within  the  Parish  of  Buttolph's,  Aldgate,  unto 
the  Innocency  of  Mr.  Each.  Crofton.  »  Perjury  the  Proof  of  Forgery, 


1895  UNDER   THE  PROTECTORATE  45 

Mr.  Sympson.  If  the  order  (by  colour  of  which  you  invaded  my  church, 
did  give  you  (which  I  conf esse  I  coulde  never  understand)  any  power  so  to 
doe,  the  late  revolution  hath  made  it  voide  and  nulle  :  and  the  Lorde 
Protector  having  taken  to  his  sworde  a  scepter,  and  consented  and  sworne 
to  governe  accordinge  to  lawe  and  not  otherwise  I  conceive  it  to  be  my 
dutie  to  knowe  and  reenioye  mine  owne  interest  (and  soe  let  you  hereby 
knowe  that  I  doe  knowe  it)  as  I  am  legall  incumbent  of  the  place.  In 
pursuance  whereof,  I  am  resolved  to  returne  on  Lord's  Dayes  afternoone 
at  the  usuall  houres  of  publique  worship,  to  my  owne  Church  ;  and  there 
fore  desire  you  to  cease  your  future  paines  in  that  place  ;  and  signifie  so 
much  to  your  friends,  that  we  may  have  noe  disturbance :  and  if  you 
conceive  you  have  any  right  in  the  place,  commence  your  action.  You 
shall  receive  in  any  court  of  judicature  a  plea  from  him  who  is  resolved  to 
defend  his  owne  just  priviledge,  and  give  an  account  of  his  reasons  to  the 
worlde.  Zach.  Ckofton. 

Aldgate  July  31, 1657. 

The  next  Lordes  Day  beinge  the  2  of  August  I  intend  to  preach  at  my 
owne  Church  between  one  and  two  of  the  clocke  afternoone.'*^ 

In  accordance  with  this  notice,  on  Sunday,  2  Aug.,  Simpson's 
lecture  was  interrupted  by  Crofton  and  his  friends.  On  the  4th  ^' 
Simpson  complained  to  the  council  of  state,  and  an  order  was 
made  that  Crofton  and  the  churchwardens  should  obey  the  mandate 
of  Feb.  10  and  allow  Simpson  to  preach  in  the  afternoon.  Armed 
with  this  order,  Simpson  and  his  friends  made  preparations  to  assert 
their  rights.  Walden,  one  of  the  churchwardens,  a  cavalier,  now 
in  league  with  the  independents,  and  Tench  and  Finch,  the  parish 
constables,  held  a  meeting  at  the  Fountain  Tavern,  in  Aldersgate, 
and  determined  that  if  Crofton  should  insist  on  entering  the  pulpit 
they  would  pull  him  out  by  force. 

On  the  following  Sunday,  9  Aug.,'-  the  old  Gothic  church  of  St. 
Botolph  (not  the  present  eighteenth-century  edifice)  saw  a  strange 
sight.  After  the  morning  sermon,  instead  of  leaving  the  church 
when  the  congregation  dispersed,  Crofton  remained  in  the  pulpit, 
with  the  intention  of  holding  it  against  all  comers.  He  was 
attended  and  guarded  by  his  friends,  among  whom  were  the  con- 
stables of  the  Middlesex  part  of  the  parish,  who  suj^ported  Crofton 
against  their  colleagues  of  the  city  part.  A  crowd  soon  assembled. 
About  one  o'clock  Walden  and  the  city  constables  entered  the 
church,  presented  the  order,  and  asked  whether  Crofton  was  pre- 
pared to  obey  it.  He  asked  from  whom  it  came.  '  From  the  Lord 
Protector  and  council,'  answered  the  churchwarden.  '  Nay,  from 
the  common  council,'  said  Crofton,  alluding  to  the  fact  that  the 
common  councilmen  were  among  his  opponents.     Then,  seeing  that 

'"  State  Papers,  Eecord  Office,  suh  dat. 

^»  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  ^^  Malice  against  Ministry  viayiifcsted. 


46  TROUBLES  IN  A    CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

the  order  had  by  mistake  been  addressed  to  Mr.  Grafton,  he  declared 
that  it  did  not  concern  him.  And  then,  according  to  their  own  story, 
the  Simpsonian  party  were  thrust  forth  from  the  church  by  the 
Middlesex  constables.   For  the  moment  Crofton  had  been  victorious. 

Four  days  afterwards  a  petition  was  laid  before  the  council  of 
state  from  the  majority  of  the  common  councilmen,  the  church- 
warden, and  other  well-affected' inhabitants  of  the  parish.  It  set 
forth  Crofton's  conduct,  and  prayed  that  the  former  order  might  be 
enforced.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Fleetw^ood  and  Pickering,  was 
directed. to  examine  Crofton  and  others  on  this  charge  and  on 
the  other  matter  alleged  against  him.  On  the  following  day  the 
committee  reported  the  result  of  tlie  examination.  Crofton  pleaded 
his  right,  as  incumbent  by  presentation  of  his  highness,  to  preach 
on  Sunday  afternoon.  He  knew  nothing  in  the  church  books  of 
Simpson's  being  lecturer  by  election  of  the  people.  He  excused  his 
conduct  on  the  previous  Sunday  by  saying  that  he  gave  out  that  he 
should  be  done  by  three,  and  after  that  Simpson  could  preach. 
The  council  determined  that  Simpson  should  preach  at  two,  and 
Mr.  Crofton  be  required  to  permit  the  same.  The  order  w^as  ap- 
proved by  the  Protector  in  per  son.  ^^  This  was  the  end  of  Crofton's 
short-lived  triumph. 

His  vexation  now  led  him  into  a  very  unjustifiable  action.  He 
applied  at  the  Old  Bailey  for  a  warrant  against  his  three  principal 
opponents,  Walden,  Tench,  and  Finch,  for  brawling  in  the  church. 
According  to  his  own  statement  the  clerk  accidentally  omitted 
Walden's  name  in  making  out  the  warrant.  However  this  may 
have  been,  Crofton  took  upon  himself  to  insert  the  name  after  the 
warrant  had  been  granted.  The  fact  was  undeniable,  and  Crofton 
is  obliged  to  admit  it,  and  to  excuse  himself  as  best  he  can.  The 
three  persons  charged  were  taken  before  a  justice  and  acquitted. 
Crofton  asserts  that  they  were  subsequently  convicted  before  the 
lord  chief  justice.  On  the  following  Sunday,  yielding  to  the  pressure 
of  authority,  Crofton  allowed  Simpson  to  preach  ;  but  he  made  a 
solemn  protest  from  the  pulpit,  a  protest  which,  contrary  to  his 
custom,  he  read  '  syllabically '  from  written  notes.  The  whole 
subject  of  Simpson's  intrusion  was  treated  in  a  full  and  particular 
manner  by  Crofton  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  '  PJght  Ee-entered,' 
which  was  probably  published  at  this  time,  but  has  not  been 
preserved. 

On  2  Sept.  Crofton,  hearing  reports  that  Simpson  was  preaching 
against  baptism,  and  especially  against  infant  baptism,  which  he 
derided  as  baby-sprinkling,  went  to  hear  the  Wednesday  evening 
lecture.  The  doctrine  which  Simpson  preached  was  so  little  to 
Crofton's  taste  that  he  went  at  once  to  his   study  and  wrote  to 

.        "  Calendar  of  Stute  Pajpers,  14  Aug.  lGo7. 


1895  UNDER    THE  PROTECTORATE  47 

Simpson,  charging  him  with  grievous  error.  The  letter  was  sent 
by  special  messenger,  but  Simpson  took  no  notice.  A  week  after 
Crofton  wrote  the  following  curt  challenge : — 

Sir, — I  did  this  day  seven-day  signify  my  dissatisfaction  in  your 
doctrine,  and  dislike  of  that  old  familistical  notion  you  published;  I 
demanded  your  reasons,  but  have  received  none.  Sir,  think  you  not  it  is 
your  duty  to  convince  gainsayers  ?  Or  can  I  pass  in  silence  baptism- 
annihilating  notions  ?  I  cannot,  I  will  not.  Sir,  I  once  more  demand 
your  arguments,  and  that  as  you  are  a  man  of  any  ingenuity,  willing  to  give 
an  account  of  your  doctrine.  Zach.  Crofton. 

*  He  passed  this  also  in  silence,'  says  Crofton,  '  so  I  rejected  him  as 
a  heretic'  ^^  But  though  Simpson  declined  to  meet  his  opponent  on 
the  point  of  doctrine  he  took  other  measures  of  retaliation.  On  22 
Oct.^^  a  petition  was  again  presented  to  the  council,  alleging  that 
Crofton  was  a  declared  enemy  of  the  present  government,  preached 
against  it  daily,  and  tried  to  render  it  odious  and  contemptible,  thus 
preparing  the  rude  multitude  for  insurrection.  The  petitioners 
desired  that  he  might  be  removed,  and  the  parish  settled  under  a 
minister  fearing  God  and  honouring  the  government.  The  whole 
matter  was  now  referred  to  the  commissioners  for  the  ejection  of 
scandalous  and  insufficient  ministers  in  London,  to  proceed  accord- 
ing to  the  ordinance.  This  commission  had  been  appointed  in  Aug. 
1654,  partly  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  malignants  and  securing 
a  supply  of  well-affected  ministers.  Crofton  appeared  before  the 
commissioners  at  Guildhall  on  Wednesday,  2  Dec.  His  enemies  had 
prepared  a  list  of  six  primary  and  five  additional  articles  to  be 
exhibited  against  him.  The  six  primary  articles  were  briefly  as 
follows  :  (1)  The  expression  above  mentioned  about  '  consulting  the 
devil ; '  (2)  disloyal  and  offensive  language  against  the  Protector 
('  an  honest  man,'  &c.)  ;  (3)  a  charge  of  prejudice  on  the  part  of 
the  Protector  in  the  matter  of  Mary  Cadman  ('  he  was  an  un- 
righteous judge,  and  made  the  law  a  nose  of  wax  ')  ;  (4)  *  uncivil ' 
behaviour  towards  Mary  Cadman  ;  (5)  refusal  to  obey  the  order  of 
council  on  9  Aug.  ;  (6)  the  fraudulent  insertion  of  Walden's  name 
in  the  warrant. 

The  first  four  additional  articles  related  to  sundry  disloyal 
expressions  of  Crofton's  in  reference  to  the  late  disturbances.  *  He 
could  prevail  neither  by  prayer  nor  law.'  *  The  sword  of  his 
oppressors  was  the  law,  and  therefore  their  tyranny  the  greater,' 
^  his  judges  were  unrighteous  men,'  &c.  &c.  The  fifth  article  was 
of  a  different  kind.  On  3  Sept.,  a  commanded  thanksgiving  day 
for  the  victories  of  Dunbar  and  Worcester,  it  was  alleged  that  he 
would  not  preach  nor  suffer  any  one  else  to  preach  in  his  church ; 

'^  The  Virtue  and  Value  cf  Baptism,  Pref. 
'^  Calendar  o§  State  Papers,  sub  dat. 


48  TROUBLES  IN  A    CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

and  on  21  Sept.,  whet  thanks  were  annually  given  in  Aldgate 
church  for  the  Lord's  mercies  to  the  trained  bands  of  Aldgate  at 
the  memorable  fight  at  Newbury  Wash,  he  was  requested  to  allow 
Simpson  to  preach  them  a  sermon,  but  refused,  and  the  inhabitants 
were  obliged  to  have  their  sermon  at  the  neighbouring  church  of  St. 
Katherine  Cree. 

Croftoii,  being  called  on  for  his  defence,  by  the  advice  of  his 
friends  demurred  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  commission.  The  court 
thereupon  adjourned  to  consider  his  objection.  Crofton's  enemies 
declared  that  he  was  afraid  to  meet  the  charges,  and,  by  way  of 
reply,  he  published  on  10  Dec.  a  pamphlet  entitled  '  Malice  against 
Ministry  manifested  by  the  Plain  and  Modest  Plea  and  Defence  of 
Zach.  Crofton,  Minister  of  the  Gospel  at  Botolph's,  Aldgate.'  He 
pours  scorn  and  ridicule  and  abuse  upon  his  assailants.  One  of 
these,  John  Levet,  was  '  a  constant  enemy  of  gospel  ministry ;  ' 
another,  Captain  Harrison,  had  taken  lodgings  in  the  parish  only  a 
fortnight  before,  to  qualify  for  the  part  of  the  aggrieved  parishioner. 
Two  of  the  common  councilmen  are  '  venerable  carpenters  in  their 
taffety  doublets,'  the  third  was  a  'tallow  chandler  gaping  for  a  deputy 
ship,'  and  all  five  were  '  profound  sack-suckers  '  and  *  substantial 
ale-house  supporters.'  Coming  to  the  articles  particularly,  Crofton, 
while  denying  certain  expressions,  is  obliged  to  admit  the  general 
accuracy  of  the  language  alleged.  It  was,  he  says,  an  expression 
of  personal  dissatisfaction  in  no  way  calculated  to  lead  to  rebellion. 
He  would  be  submissive  and  silent  under  the  government,  if  they 
would  but  remove  the  cause  of  offence — namely,  the  unjustifiable 
intrusion  of  Simpson  into  his  pulpit.  He  denies  the  Cadman 
charge  in  toto.  Compelled  to  admit  the  insertion  of  Walden's  name 
in  the  warrant,  he  pleads  that  it  was  the  hasty  action  of  a  man 
sorely  tried  by  malice  and  persecution.  With  regard  to  the 
Newbury  commemoration,  he  asserts  that  he  was  never  duly 
requested  to  allow  Mr.  Simpson  to  preach.  '  They  did  not  desire 
me  to  let  him  preach  ;  with  their  swords  by  their  sides  they  brought 
him  into  the  church,  and  I  would  not  let  him  preach,  nor  will  I  let 
him  preach  one  moment  longer  than  I  can  help  it.' 

On  the  very  day  on  which  Crofton  appeared  before  the  com- 
missioners at  Guildhall  a  pamphlet  was  published,  under  the  trans- 
parent pseudonym  of  '  Alethes  Noctroff,'  entitled  '  Perjury  the  Proof 
of  Forgery  ;  or,  Mr.  Crofton's  Civility  justified  by  Cadman's  Falsity.' 
The  main  body  of  the  pamphlet  is  occupied  by  a  defence  of  Mr. 
Crofton  in  the  matter  of  the  Cadman  scandal,  but  the  introduction 
gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Aldgate  parish 
during  the  time  of  Crofton's  ministry.  The  writer  narrates  how  at 
his  first  coming  he  had  endeavoured  to  introduce  the  practice  of 
catechising ;  how  he  offended  the  extreme  men  of  both  parties,  the 
one  by  the  importance  he  attached  to  baptism,  the  other  by  the 


1895  UNDER   THE  PROTECTORATE  49 

bar  to  the  Lord's  table  ;  how  he  was  reviled  as  priest,  limb  of  anti- 
christ, little  Laud,  &c. ;  how  the  two  parties  had  combined  to 
weaken  his  hands,  and  how  he  constantly  refused  to  allow  either 
party  to  have  their  preacher.  When  he  was  out  of  town  they 
brought  *  the  Warwickshire  Wild  Oats '  to  preach ;  but  the  church- 
wardens (for  1656),  Mr.  Surbutt  and  Mr.  Quick,  withstood  them,  and 
he  scattered  his  notions  in  the  air  from  a  tombstone  in  the  church- 
yard. At  the  next  Easter  vestry  they  combined  to  elect  a  church- 
warden of  their  own ;  and  Mr.  Crofton,  being  present  at  the  meeting, 
was  greeted  with  great  uproar  and  ordered  out,  but  finally  allowed 
to  remain  on  promising  not  to  interrupt  the  proceedings.  At  last 
they  chose  William  Carpenter,  a  '  profane  '  man  and  head  of  the 
faction  which  had  supported  Mackarness,  to  be  churchwarden. 
Then  they  pretended  that  a  Mrs.  Man  had  left  money  to  the  poor 
on  condition  that  Simpson  should  preach,  and  they  procured  an 
order  of  council  permitting  him  to  do  so.  They  gave  out  that  Mr. 
Crofton  was  a  malignant  and  had  kissed  the  king's  hand  at  Wor- 
cester ;  and  they  met  at  the  Green  Dragon  and  devised  the  scandal 
about  Mary  Cadman,  which  they  reported  to  the  Lord  Protector. 
Such  is  the  story,  from  Croffcon's  point  of  view,  of  the  persecution 
to  which  he  had  been  subjected. 

There  is  no  record  of  any  decision  of  the  commissioners  in 
Crofton' s  case.  Anyhow  he  remained  at  Aldgate,  and  it  is  possible 
that  the  charge  was  kept  hanging  over  his  head  as  a  security  for  his 
good  behaviour  to  Simpson.  Events  soon  happened  which  caused 
it  to  be  forgotten.  On  3  Sept.  1658  the  great  Protector  died.  Crof- 
ton's  hopes  seem  to  have  risen,  for  on  14  Sept.  the  survivors  of 
Newbury  petitioned  the  council  that  Mr.  Simpson  might  preach  on 
the  morning  of  their  anniversary,  20  Sept.,  Mr.  Crofton  having 
declared  that  he  would  not  allow  it  without  such  an  order. ^'^  The  State 
Papers  do  not  record  whether  the  order  was  granted.  In  January  of 
the  next  year,  however,  an  application  asking  that  Simpson  might 
be  permitted  to  preach  certain  annual  funeral  sermons  was  allowed. 

The  next  notice  of  Crofton  is  in  connexion  with  the  rising 
of  the  Cheshire  presbyterians  under  Sir  George  Booth  in  July 
1659.  He  had  left  town  and  gone  into  Cheshire,  as  he  asserts,  on 
domestic  business.  There  is  no  proof  that  he  was  in  any  w^ay 
privy  to  Sir  George's  enterprise,  but  his  connexion  with  Cheshire 
presbyterians  may  have  enabled  him  to  know  that  something  was 
in  the  wind.  On  17  July  he  preached  at  St.  Peter's  Church  in 
West  Chester.  At  the  beginning  of  August  General  Lambert 
marched  from  London,  and  totally  defeated  Booth  at  Wlnnington 
Bridge.  These  events  delayed  Crofton's  return,  and  it  was  publicly 
rumoured  in  London  that  he  had  preached  to  the  rebel  army  at 

"  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  sub  dat. 
VOL.   X.--N0.   XXXVII.  E 


50  TROUBLES  IN  A    CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

West  Chester.  His  family  and  friends  were  terrified.  On  his 
return  to  London  he  was  summoned  before  the  committee  for  the 
mihtia  and  the  council  of  state.  A  member  of  the  latter  offered  to 
produce  a  lieutenant  who  had  heard  him  preach.  Crofton,  how- 
ever, succeeded  in  clearing  himself,  and  was  discharged  on  the  easy 
condition  of  promising  to  pubHsh  the  sermons  he  had  preached,  as 
a  refutation  of  the  rumours.  Accordingly  in  December  the  sermons 
were  published  under  the  strange  title  *  Felix  Scelus,  Querela 
Piorum,  et  Auscultatio  Divina,  or  Prospering  Profaneness  Pro- 
voking Holy  Conference  and  God's  Attention,'  &c. 

Events  had  moved  rapidly  between  the  time  of  his  appearance 
before  the  council  and  the  publication  of  the  sermons,  or  Crofton 
would  hardly  have  ventured  to  use  so  bold  a  title,  or  to  write,  as  he 
does  in  the  epistle  to  the  reader,  in  the  following  terms  of  the 
Protector's  government : — 

Had  not  our  eyes  seen  treason,  rebelHon,  regicide,  perfidy,  perjury, 
pride,  hypocrisy  and  violence  break  out  into  sad  and  sinful  revolutions 
.  .  .  violation  of  laws,  invasion  of  interests,  destruction  of  liberties, 
trampling  on  truth,  devastation  of  the  church,  blasphemy  of  God,  Christ, 
and  his  ordinances ;  contempt  of  gospel  ministry,  letting  loose  the  devil 
in  a  boundless  toleration,  and  unparalleled  wickedness  and  confusion  in 
church  and  state :  had  not  our  ears  heard  all  this  declared  as  a  mark  of 
God's  favour  I  might  not  have  written  thus. 

Very  soon  afterwards  Crofton  made  a  still  more  emphatic 
pronouncement,  to  which,  however,  he  did  not  venture  to  add  his 
name.  He  wrote  and  published  a  *  Letter  to  a  Member  of  the 
Eump  Parliament,  on  the  Day  of  their  Triumphant  Eeturn  from 
Portsmouth,'  26  Dec.  1659.^^  From  that  parliament,  once  more 
restored  by  the  caprice  or  the  necessity  of  the  army,  nothing  was 
to  be  hoped.  Crofton  in  his  anonymous  letter  vigorously  demanded 
the  election  of  a  free  parliament,  on  the  understanding  that  its  first 
measure  would  be  the  recall  of  the  Stuarts.  He  expressed  the 
same  view  publicly  in  a  sermon  preached  at  St.  Peter's,  Cornhill, 
shortly  afterwards.  According  to  his  own  account  the  effect  of  this 
bold  declaration  was  so  great  that  *  the  whole  city  expected  Mr. 
Crofton's  bonds  at  the  least.'  Meanwhile  General  Monk  was  on 
his  way  to  London,  which  he  entered  on  3  Feb.  From  that 
moment  the  power  of  the  independents  was  gone.  We  hear  no 
more  of  John  Simpson  at  Aldgate ;  he  vanished  from  the  stage, 
and  scarcely  a  trace  of  him  can  be  discovered  afterwards.  On 
29  March,  at  a  'solemn  assembly  of  the  parishioners  of 
Botolph's,  Aldgate,  on  the  composure  of  their  late  unhappy  and 
long-continued  differences,'  Crofton  preached  a  sermon  on  the 
*  Pursuit  of  Peace,'  which  he  afterwards  pubhshed.     It  is  his  psean 

^'  Printed  in  Berith-anti-Baah 


1895  UNDER    THE  PROTECTOEATE  -Si 

of  victory.  God  has  given  his  enemies  into  his  hands,  but  he  will 
forbear  to  take  revenge.  He  is  content  now  that  erroneous  John 
Simpson  is  removed,  and  he  is  reinstated  in  all  his  rights. 

Thus  ended  the  quarrel  between  Crofton  and  Simpson.  But 
the  most  vigorous  and  active  period  of  Crofton's  career  was  still  to 
come.  He  showed  great  zeal  and  activity  in  promoting  the  restora- 
tion of  the  king,  hoping,  with  the  rest  of  his  party,  that  consider- 
able concessions  would  be  made  to  presbyterian  feeling,  or  even 
that  presbyterianism  might  be  established  as  a  national  system. 
But  this  hope  was  doomed  to  be  disappointed.  Shortly  after  the 
Eestoration,  on  12  June  1660,  Dr.  Gauden  published  a  pamphlet 
entitled  'Analysis;  or,  the  Loosing  of  St.  Peter's  Bonds,'  in  which 
he  maintained  that,  so  far  as  it  related  to  episcopacy,  the  covenant 
was  null  and  void.  Crofton,  who  held  by  the  covenant  as  his  sheet 
anchor,  at  once  replied  in  *  Analepsis  ;  or,  St.  Peter's  Bonds  abide,' 
written  in  two  days  and  published  on  8  July.  Three  pamphlets 
at  least  were  published  on  Gauden' s  side  during  the  next  three 
months.  On  23  Nov.  Crofton  published  an  elaborate  reply  to  all 
his  assailants.  The  title  of  the  work  is  *  Analepsis  Anelepthe,  the 
Fastening  of  St.  Peter's  Fetters,  by  Seven  Links  or  Propositions ; 
or,  the  Efficacy  and  Extent  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant 
asserted  and  vindicated.'  It  is  evident  enough  that  the  tone  of 
public  feeling  had  changed.  Crofton  admits  that  his  position  is 
almost  hopeless,  and  that  his  present  writing  may  bring  him  into 
trouble. 

I  know  quite  well  the  current  of  the  times,  and  the  disposition  of  the 
court  and  country.  In  thus  acting  I  expose  myself  to  censure,  and  ruin 
all  my  hopes  of  preferment,  which  my  constant  loyalty  to  his  majesty 
and  my  strong  opposition  to  the  engagement  might  justify  me  in  expect- 
ing. When  I  consult  a  proud  heart  within,  and  a  numerous  family 
without  me  [he  had  a  wife  and  seven  children],  I  find  sufficient  argu- 
ments to  determine  folly  against  myself.  But  I  hope  that  I  have  not  so 
learned  Christ. 

The  epistle  to  the  reader  from  which  these  words  are  an  extract 
is  a  high-minded  protest  against  the  rejection  of  the  covenant. 
It  is  written  in  the  spirit  of  one  who  risks  his  place  or  even  his 
life.  He  speaks  of  the  covenant  martyr  Christopher  Love,  and 
quotes  the  words  he  had  uttered  on  the  scaffold :  '  I  had  rather 
die  a  covenant-keeper  than  live  a  covenant-breaker.'  The  con- 
troversy went  on  for  some  time.  In  March  1661  Crofton  made 
his  last  contribution  in  a  work  entitled  '  Berith-anti-Baal '  (*  The 
Covenant  against  Baal'),  in  answer  to  Gauden's  *  Anti-Baal- 
Berith'  (*  Against  Baal  of  the  Covenant ').  It  is  a  vigorous  and 
interesting  work,  with  many  personal  allusions  to  his  life  and 
conduct  in  the  past.  The  assertions  of  his  loyalty  are  redoubled ; 
his  disaffection   under  the  Commonwealth  is  dwelt  upon  with 

£  2 


52  TROUBLES  IN  A   CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

§ 
emphasis ;  and  his  endeavours  for  the  king's  restoration  are  set 
forth  in  full.  He  probably  rehed  on  these  assertions  to  protect 
him  in  the  dangerous  course  on  which  he  had  entered.  En- 
couraged by  a  revival  of  presbyterian  feeling  in  the  city,  he  had 
plunged  into  a  crusade  against  the  growing  power  of  episcopacy. 
His  sermons  at  St.  Antholin's,  where  he  was  lecturer,  were  the  talk 
of  the  city.  Some  quotations  from  intercepted  letters  preserved 
among  the  State  Papers^®  show  the  notoriety  which  he  had  attained. 
The  letters  are  from  presbyterians  in  the  city  to  their  sympathisers 
in  the  'country.  The  writer  of  one,  dated  18  March,  says,  *  Z. 
Crofton,  a  subtle,  witty  man,  is  bitter  against  the  bishops,  and  is  a 
great  vexation  to  them  ; '  another,  on  19  March,  *  Mr.  Crofton  pro- 
secuted his  argument  last  Lord's  Day,  and  there  were  more  people 
than  could  get  into  the  church.'  Another  states  that  little  Crofton 
had  the  greatest  auditory  in  London,  and  the  anti-episcopal  spirit 
was  strangely  revived ;  and,  lastly,  *  Mr.  Graffen  '  (evidently  for 
Crofton)  '  had  two  thousand  in  the  streets  who  could  not  get  into 
the  Tantling  meeting-house  [St.  Antholin's  Church]  to  hear  him 
bang  the  bishops,  which  theme  he  doth  most  exquisitely  handle.' 

The  effect  of  Crofton's  efforts  and  those  of  his  presbyterian 
colleagues  was  shown  in  the  election  which  took  place  in  Guild- 
hall on  the  day  on  which  these  letters  w^ere  written.  Two  presby- 
terians and  two  independents  were  chosen  to  represent  the  city  in 
the  new  parliament.  But  before  that  parliament  met  Crofton's 
sermons  had  been  brought  to  a  sudden  and  disastrous  termination. 
On  28  March  ^^  he  was  summoned  before  Secretary  Nicholas,  and 
examined  on  his  two  books  '  The  Fastening  of  St.  Peter's  Fetters ' 
and  '  Berith-anti-Baal,'  with  the  result  that  he  was  committed  to 
the  Tower  on  a  charge  amounting  to  high  treason.  It  was  a 
severe  blow  to  the  presbyterians.  *  The  single  imprisonment  of 
Crofton,'  says  L'Estrange,^^  '  hath  quieted  that  party  more  than  all 
the  multiplied  and  transcendent  mercies  of  his  majesty.' 

At  the  very  time  of  Crofton's  arrest  some  of  his  enemies  had 
been  engaged  in  a  scurrilous  attempt  to  defame  his  character  by 
raking  up  the  details  of  the  Cadman  scandal.  The  whole  story 
was  embodied  in  a  very  singular  comedy  entitled  'The  Presby- 
terian Lash ;  or,  Noctroff's  Maid  whipt.'  It  is  a  production  cha- 
racterised by  the  coarseness  of  the  period,  but  redeemed  here  and 
there  by  gleams  of  wit.  The  characters  are  all  real  persons,  and 
their  names  can  easily  be  discovered  under  the  thin  disguise 
in  which  they  are  clothed.  As  the  sheets  were  passing  through 
the  press  the  news  of  the  hero's  imprisonment  arrived.  It  is  re- 
corded in  an  epilogue,  and  the  writer  expresses  a  hope  that  Crofton 

'8  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  18  March  1661.  i"  Ibid,  sub  dat. 

^o  Quoted  in  Kennet,  Beg.  Anglic,  p.  375,  marg.  ... 


1895  UNDER   THE  PEOTECTOBATE  68 

may  soon  share  the  fate   of  Hugh   Peters,  who  had  lately  been 
hanged  in  Holborn.^^ 

Crofton's  imprisonment  lasted  for  more  than  a  year,  and  he 
was  not  released  until  25  July  1662.  In  the  course  of  his  confine- 
ment he  had  given  great  offence  to  his  presbyterian  friends  by 
petitioning  to  be  allowed  to  attend  the  church  of  England  service 
in  the  chapel  of  the  Tower.  His  conduct  gave  rise  to  a  controversy, 
and  several  writings  passed  on  both  sides.  Crofton  now  took  up 
the  position  which  he  maintained  steadily  till  the  end  of  his  life. 
He  refused  to  separate  himself  from  the  national  church,  though 
he  could  not  himself  use  the  Common  Prayer  as  a  minister.  He 
wrote  strongly  against  schism,  declaring  for  *  reformation,  not 
separation  ; '  and  he  resolved  *  to  seek  church  purity  by  union  with 
the  church,  and  to  abide  in  the  house.'  Once  he  preached  a 
course  of  sermons  on  this  subject  in  a  London  church ;  but  he 
never  solicited  or  received  any  preferment  which  might  require  him 
to  be  false  to  his  convictions. 

The  remainder  of  his  life,  after  his  release,  may  be  briefly  told. 
He  left  London  and  made  his  way  to  Cheshire,  where,  according  to 
a  despatch  of  Lord  Brereton's,^^  he  *  turned  cheese  factor,  and  rode 
up  and  down  the  country  sowing  sedition.'  He  was  arrested  and 
again  imprisoned  in  Chester  Castle.  Being  released,  apparently 
after  a  short  confinement,  he  returned  to  London,  and  there  set  up 
a  grocer's  shop  to  maintain  himself  and  his  family.  Then,  proba- 
bly under  the  pressure  of  the  five  mile  act,  he  left  London  and 
took  a  farm  at  Little  Barford,  in  Bedfordshire.  Again  he  returned 
to  London,  after  the  plague  year,  and  set  up  a  school  in  his  old  parish 
of  Aldgate,  where  he  continued  until  his  death.  It  was  here  that, 
at  the  invitation  of  Sir  Samuel  Starling,  the  lord  mayor,  he 
preached  a  course  of  sermons  in  St.  James's,  Duke's  Place,  which 
he  afterwards  published  under  the  title  *The  Saints'  Care  for 
Church  Communion.'  He  died  just  before  Christmas  1672,  and 
his  body  was  buried  in  the  churchyard  of  his  old  parish  on  26 
Dec.     The    simple     entry   in  the    register  under  that    date   is, 

*  Zechariah  Crofton,  minister.  Tower  Hill.' 

His  name  was  remembered  in  the  parish,  but  with  little  sym- 
pathy or  respect,  as  is  usual  in  the  case  of  defeated  champions. 
Twenty-eight  years  after  his  death  White  Kennet,  author  of  the 

*  Kegistrum  Anglicanum  '  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Peterborough, 
was  appointed  vicar  of  St.  Botolph's.  In  his  researches  into  the 
history  of  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Eestoration  he  met  with 
Crofton's  name,  and  seems  to  have  been  specially  interested  in  him 
as  his  own  predecessor.     He  made  inquiries  about  him  among  the 

2'  It  may  be  well  here  to  correct  the  mistake  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Bio- 
graphy (s.Vf  Crofton)  which,  strangely  enough,  gives  this  play  as  one  of  Crofton's  owrj 
works.  22  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  26  Oct.  1663, 


54  TROUBLES  IN  A   CITY  PARISH  Jan. 

survivors  of  the  Eestoration  period,  with  the  following  rather  in- 
accurate results : — 

They  who  remembered  him  in  that  parish  gave  him  the  character  of 
a  zealous,  weak  man,  who  ran  himself  into  many  difficulties ;  and,  among 
others,  he  was  prosecuted  in  Westminster  Hall  for  giving  the  correction 
of  a  schoolboy  to  his  servant  maid,  and  was  bold  to  print  his  defence.^^ 

He  also  hears  that  the  school  'was  rather  his  daughter's  than 
his  own,  and  he  only  assisted  her  in  teaching  the  boys  and  girls 
to  read.'     Of  the  quarrel  with  Simpson  Kennet  records  : — 

He  [Simpson]  was  Hkewise  a  professed  and  busy  anabaptist,  and  get- 
ting a  party  in  the  parish  of  Aldgate,  he  attempted  to  get  possession  of 
the  church,  and  while  Mr.  Crofton  was  in  the  pulpit  Mr.  S.  would  be 
preaching  out  of  the  opposite  gallery,  to  the  great  disturbance  and  scandal 
of  Christian  people.  However  he  went  off  at  or  before  the  king's  restora- 
tion. 

Against  Kennet' s  depreciating  estimate  it  may  be  well  to  place 
the  friendly  testimony  of  Calamy,  who  characterises  Crofton  as  *  a 
quick  and  warm  but  upright  man,  an  acute,  learned,  and  solid  divine, 
and  an  excellent  Christian.'  ^^  J.  A.  Dodd. 

2'  Kennet,  Beg.  Anglic,  p.  797. 

-*  The  following  is  a  complete  list  of  Crofton's  extant  works,  so  far  as  I  have  been 
able  to  ascertain  them :  Beth-sliemesh  Clouded,  1653 ;  Fraterna  Correjptio ;  oi;  the 
SainW  Zeal  against  Sinfiil  Altars,  1&55',  Catechising  God's  Ordinance,  1656;  The 
People's  JSeed  of  a  Living  Pastor  (a  sermon),  1656  ;  Perjury  the  Proof  of  Forgery  ;  or, 
Mr.  Crofton's  Civility  justified  by  Cadman's  Falsity,  1657  ;  Malice  against  Ministry 
manifested,  1657 ;  Felix  Scelus,  Querela  Piorum,  et  AuscuUatio  Divina,  1659 ;  The 
Pursuit  of  Peace  (a  sermon),  1660  ;  Analepsis  ;  or,  St.  Peter's  Bonds  abide,  1660  ; 
Analepsis  Anelepthc,  &c.,  1660;  Preface  to  G{iles]  F[irminYs  Liturgical  Considerator 
Considered,  1661  (January) ;  Altar  Worship,  or  Bowing  to  the  Communion  Table,  1661 
(February) ;  Serious  Review  of  Presbyters'  Re-ordination  by  Bishops,  1661  (Febru- 
ary) ;  Berith-anti-Baal,  1661  (March) ;  Reformation  not  Separation,  1661  (July) ; 
The  Hard  Way  to  Heaven  (a  sermon),  1662  ;  The  Virtue  and  Value  of  Baptism,  1663  ; 
Defence  against  the  Dread  of  Death,  1665  ;  The  Saints'  Care  for  Church  Communion, 
1871. 


1895 


Disputed  Passages  of  the  Campaign 
o/iSis 


THE  true  student  of  war  requires  no  apology  for  a  short  discus- 
sion on  the  campaign  of  1815.  It  is  not  only  that  the  contest 
was  one  of  supreme  interest  from  first  to  last ;  that,  after  opening 
with  splendid  prospects  for  him,  it  ended  in  the  ruin  of  the  modern 
Hannibal ;  and  that  it  marks  a  great  turning-point  in  the  history 
of  Europe.  Nor  is  it  only  that  national  prejudice  has  perverted, 
distorted,  or  concealed  the  truth  in  almost  every  conceivable  way ; 
that,  not  to  speak  of  historians  and  critics,  the  chief  actors  in  the 
drama  have  erred  in  this  matter :  and  that,  after  the  lapse  of 
three-fourths  of  a  century,  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  biassed  feelings 
as  we  approach  Waterloo.  Our  information  is  still  imperfect  on 
some  points  of  the  first  importance  :  for  example,  the  operations 
of  the  two  wings  of  Napoleon's  army,  under  Ney  and  Grouchy,  on 
16  and  18  June,  have  not  been  completely  explained ;  and  consider- 
able mystery  still  hangs  over  some  of  the  arrangements  of  Bliicher 
and  Wellington.  Even  now  we  see  the  campaign  darkly  in  some 
of  its  most  momentous  phases  ;  and  it  is  not  easy  distinctly  to  pro- 
nounce on  these  from  the  evidence  that  has  as  yet  come  to  light. 
In  addition  to  this,  not  a  decade  has  passed  without  contributing 
largely  to  the  store  of  facts,  accumulated  through  various  means, 
on  the  subject.  For  instance,  Ollech's  history  has  raised  im- 
portant questions  as  to  the  movements  of  the  allies;  and  the 
memoirs  of  Marbot  are  suggestive  in  the  extreme  as  to  the  judg- 
ment to  be  formed  on  Grouchy,  especially  as  Marbot's  report  on 
Waterloo  was  discreditably  suppressed  by  the  Bourbon  govern- 
ment. Moreover,  able  commentators  have  appeared  in  the  field 
since  those  of  the  Napoleonic  age  and  those  of  the  peace ;  and  if 
they  have  been  in  some  cases  unjust  and  one-sided  they  have  finely 
illustrated  parts  of  a  great  controversy. 

A  word  or  two  must  suffice  for  the  prelude  to  the  strife.  Had 
not  France  been  divided  in  mind  and  terrified,  Napoleon  would 
doubtless  have  awaited  the  onset  of  the  coalition  and  its  gigantic 
hosts,  manoeuvring  between  the  Marne  and  the  Seine,  and  resting 


56  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

on  the  great  entrenched  camp  of  Paris ;  and,  when  we  recollect  his 
achievements  in  1814,  his  ultimate  success  would  have  been  not 
improbable.  These  operations,  however,  had  become  impossible, 
and  he  formed  a  plan  altogether  different,  yet,  with  his  genius  in 
war,  full  of  splendid  promise.  He  was  contending  against  a  world 
in  arms  ;  but  the  allies,  though  nearly  three  to  one  in  numbers — 
they  disposed  of  about  a  milHon  of  men — were  spread  over  the  vast 
arc  extending  from  the  Scheldt  to  the  Oder  and  the  Po ;  and  at 
the  extreme  right  of  this  broad  front  of  invasion  lay  the  two  armies 
of  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  disseminated  over  the  larger  part  of 
Belgium.  It  might  be  possible,  therefore,  as  in  1800  and  1805, 
to  make  a  sudden  spring  on  this  detached  wing  of  the  coalition's 
forces  ;  and  a  triumph  like  that  of  Marengo  or  Ulm  might  extort 
a  peace  for  France  from  discomfited  Europe.  To  ordinary  ob- 
servers, however,  as  to  the  most  experienced  soldiers,  Bliicher  and 
Wellington  appeared  secure  from  real  danger.  Their  supports 
were  approaching  in  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men ;  their  two 
armies,  if  once  united,  would  probably  be  nearly  double  in  number 
any  army  which  the  emperor  could  array  against  them ;  and  the 
French  divisions  which  they  might  have  to  meet  were  scattered 
along  the  frontier,  and  thence  south  to  Paris.  The  allied  generals 
nevertheless  were  exposed  to  defeat,  in  the  presence  as  they  were 
of  a  master  of  war,  pre-eminent  in  the  art  of  stratagem,  and  of 
scientific  and  rapid  movements,  and  in  understanding  leaders 
opposed  to  him.  The  armies  of  Bliicher  and  Wellington  stretched 
along  a  front  of  a  hundred  miles  from  Liege  to  near  Ghent,  and  on 
a  depth  of  almost  forty  from  Charleroi  to  Brussels ;  they  rested  on 
wholly  divergent  bases,  from  the  Ehine  to  the  east,  to  the  sea 
westwards;  and  their  centre  was  especially  vulnerable  and  weak, 
thrown  forward  on  either  bank  of  the  Sambre.  They  were,  there- 
fore, perilously  exposed,  could  an  enemy  make  a  sudden  attack  in 
force  from  the  French  frontier ;  and  they  might  be  divided  and 
beaten  one  after  the  other,  for  they  required  two  days  at  least  to 
effect  their  junction.  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  too,  were  of  oppo- 
site natures,  the  one  daring  and  rash  to  a  fault,  the  other  always 
circumspect  and  cautious.  This  difference  would  almost  certainly 
make  their  movements  ill-combined  and  disjointed;  and  as 
their  headquarters,  at  Namur  and  Brussels,  were  separated 
by  a  wide  distance,  it  was  difficult  for  them  to  act  at  once  in 
concert. 

The  operations  of  the  emperor,  in  these  circumstances,  were  as 
well  planned  and  brilliant  as  any  of  his  career.  At  the  outset, 
however,  a  grave  misfortune  deprived  him  of  a  large  part  of  his 
forces ;  he  had  calculated  that  150,000  men  would  be  required  for 
the  attack  on  Belgium,  but  a  rising  of  La  Vendee  weakened  him 
by  20,000 ;  and  if  it  ^vas  now  too  late  to  draw  back,  this  greatly 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  57 

lessened  his  chances  of  success.^  His  first  movements  were  a 
masterpiece  of  war;  they  were  rapid,  and  masked  with  his  consum- 
mate art ;  and  while  four  corps  d'armee  were  directed,  from  between 
Lille  and  Metz,  to  the  intended  points  of  junction  on  the  verge  of 
Belgium,  a  fifth  corps  with  the  imperial  guard  and  the  cavalry 
marched  from  Laon  and  the  capital  to  the  general  place  of  meeting. 
On  the  evening  of  June  14,  1815,  128,000  Frenchmen,  comprising 
22,000  horse  and  nearly  350  guns,  brought  together,  so  to  speak,  by 
enchantment,  were  assembled  on  the  edge  of  the  French  frontier 
between  Maubeuge  and  Philippeville,  the  main  body,  screened  by 
the  woods  of  Beaumont,  being  in  front  of  and  near  the  old  town  of 
Charleroi,  the  chief  station  of  the  allied  centre,  the  operation  as  a 
whole  having  been  one  of  the  finest  ever  executed  in  the  annals 
of  war. 

A  remark  or  two  must  be  made  on  the  nature  and  quality  of 
this  army,  and  of  the  chiefs  at  its  head.  English  and  German 
writers  have  dwelt  on  its  excellence,  and  described  it  as  a  perfect 
instrument  of  war ;  but  really  it  was  nothing  of  the  kind.  It  was 
composed  mainly,  indeed,  of  well-tried  soldiers,  but  it  had  been 
hastily  arrayed  and  equipped ;  its  organisation  was  very  defective  ; 
it  wanted  cohesiveness  and  self-reliance ;  above  all,  its  moral 
power  had  been  greatly  injured  by  disaster  and  revolutionary 
events.  It  was  not  to  be  compared  to  the  old  Grand  Army,  which 
had  won  Austerlitz,  Jena,  and  Friedland,  and  though  it  was  capable 
of  heroic  efforts  it  was  not  equal  to  the  severest  trials.  As  for  its 
leaders,  they  were  very  inferior  men  to  the  best  of  the  emperor's 
former  lieutenants  ;  and,  with  nearly  all  the  officers  in  high  place, 
they  had  lost  the  confidence  of  the  days  of  victory,  and  had  become 
timid  and  easily  disconcerted.  Soult,  made  chief  of  the  staff  for 
the  first  time,  an  indolent  though  an  able  man,  was  not  fit  for  his 
arduous  office  ;  Grouchy,  if  a  fairly  good  cavalry  officer,  had  com- 
pletely failed  in  independent  command ;  Ney,  marked  out  by  the 
Bourbons  for  vengeance,  and  distrusted  by  Napoleon  himself,  had 
lost  head  and  heart,  and  had  become  demoralised;  Yandamme, 
Eeille,  and  Erlon  had  not  forgotten  the  memories  of  repeated 
defeats.^  Even  Napoleon  himself  was  a  different  man  from  the 
warrior  of  Areola  and  Eivoli.  His  intellect,  indeed,  was  as  power- 
ful as  ever,  his  unrivalled  experience  had  been  enlarged ;  his 
military  conceptions  retained  their  splendour.  But  his  bodily 
strength  had  been  in  decline  for  years ;  he  was  suffering  from  inter- 

'  A  writer  in  the  Edmbiirgli  Review  (April  1894,  p.  421),  who  carps  at  Napoleon's 
strategic  dispositions  in  1815,  seems  to  be  unaware  that  the  great  master  was  suddenly 
deprived  of  these  20,000  men.  Had  he  known  this  he  would  hardly  have  blamed 
Napoleon  for  sending  20,000  troops  to  the  eastern  frontier  of  France. 

-  For  the  real  state  of  the  French  army  and  its  generals  see  Charras,  i.  58,  59  ; 
Thiers,  Waterloo ;  Eopes,  The  Catnpaign  of  Waterloo,  16  sq^Q. ;  Napoleon,  Comment, 
V.  198,  g*' 6ait.  1867, 


58  DISPUTED  PASSAGES   OF  Jan. 

mittent  disease,  which  at'times  paralysed  his  great  faculties ;  and 
he  had  no  longer  his  wonted  vigour  and  energy.  If  we  reflect, 
indeed,  on  all  that  he  had  endured,  and  on  his  toils  and  cares, 
during  the  three  previous  months,  we  can  easily  understand 
how,  at  this  crisis,  he  was  not  equal  to  his  former  self  in  the 
field.3 

The  emperor  had  set  his  army  in  motion  by  the  dawn  of  the 
morning  of  June  15.  His  left  wing,  about  45,000  strong,  composed 
of  the  second  and  first  corps,  and  placed  in  the  hands  of  Eeille  and 
Erlon,  had  been  collected  at  Leers  and  Solre,  at  a  distance  of  a 
few  miles  from  Maubeuge ;  and  it  was  ordered  to  cross  the  Sambre, 
and  to  overpower  any  enemies  in  its  path.  The  centre,  com- 
prising the  third  corps  under  Vandamme,  the  sixth  under  Lobau, 
the  imperial  guard,  and  the  division  of  cavalry  commanded  by 
Grouchy,  in  all  perhaps  68,000  men,  was  moved  from  around 
Beaumont,  straight  upon  Charleroi,  and  directly  towards  the  centre 
of  the  allies ;  and  it  was  to  pass  the  Sambre,  and  to  push  forward, 
striking  down  the  hostile  bodies  it  would  meet.  To  the  right, 
Gerard,  with  the  fourth  corps,  advanced  from  Philippeville  upon 
the  Sambre  ;  and  he  was  to  cross  the  river  to  the  east,  at  Chatelet, 
and  to  come  into  line  with  the  main  army.  These  operations  were 
thus  combined  to  bring  the  French  in  greatly  superior  force  upon 
the  centre  of  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  held  by  the  single  Prussian 
corps  of  Ziethen,  widely  scattered  round  Charleroi  along  the 
Sambre  ;  but,  curiously  enough,  there  has  been  much  controversy 
as  to  the  ultimate  objects  of  Napoleon  for  the  day.  Unquestionably 
he  meant  to  reach  the  exposed  corps  of  Ziethen,  and  if  possible  to 
crush  it  to  atoms ;  and  admittedly,  as  he  has  told  us  himself,  his 
next  move  was  to  be  against  Bliicher,  whose  forces  were  nearer  the 
frontier  than  those  of  Wellington,  and  were  therefore  more  open  to 
immediate  attack.  But  it  has  been  contended  that  the  emperor 
had  a  more  comprehensive  and  larger  purpose,  and,  notwithstanding 
difficulties  in  the  way,  this  seems  to  be  the  more  correct  opinion. 
The  paramount  object  of  Napoleon  was  to  strike  the  allies  and  to 
beat  them  in  detail ;  this  could  be  only  accomplished  with  safety 
and  success  by  preventing  their  junction  upon  their  centre,  the 
point  he  had  selected  for  attack ;  and  their  main  line  of  communi- 
cation, in  this  direction,  was  the  great  lateral  road  from  Nivelles  to 
Namur,  intersecting  the  main  road  from  Charleroi  to  Brussels,  and 
enabling  Wellington  and  Bliicher  to  unite  at  the  two  points  of  Quatre 
Bras  and  Sombreife.  It  seems  probable,  therefore,  that  Napoleon's 
design  for  the  15th,  was  not  only  to  overwhelm  Ziethen,  and  then 
to  make  ready  to  assail  Bliicher,  but  also  to  advance  to  the  road 

=>  In  addition  to  Dorsey  Gardner,  Waterloo,  p.  36,  striking  evidence  as  to  the  state 
of  Napoleon's  health  will  be  found  in  the  lately  published  work  of  M.  Houssaye, 
'  1815,'  p.  614. 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  59 

from  Nivelles  to  Namur,  to  occupy  Quatre  Bras  and  Sombreffe  upon 
it,  and  so  to  interpose  between  Bliicher  and  Wellington.  Undoubtedly 
Napoleon,  in  one  passage  of  his  works,'*  denies  that  he  meant  to 
reach  Sombreffe  on  the  15th ;  but  in  his  formal  narrative  of  the 
campaign  of  1815  he  indicates  an  intention  inconsistent  with  this  ;  ^ 
and  as  he  certainly  thought  that  part  of  his  army  was  at  Quatre 
Bras  on  the  evening  of  the  15th,^  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that 
Sombreffe,  too,  was  not  to  be  occupied  at  the  same  time.  The 
great  majority  of  commentators,  it  should  be  added,  decidedly  adopt 
the  view  referred  to.'^ 

The  advance  of  the  French  army  on  the  15th  was  not  so 
successful  as  Napoleon  had  hoped.  To  the  left  Eeille  and  the  2nd 
corps  had  crossed  the  Sambre  and  filled  the  tract  around  Gosselies, 
but  Erlon  and  a  great  part  of  the  1st  corps  still  lay  beyond  the 
southern  bank  of  the  river.  This  wing,  therefore,  had  been  much 
retarded,  and  even  its  most  forward  divisions  had  not  reached  the 
positions  which  had  been  assigned  to  them.  Ney,  who  had  suddenly 
come  on  the  scene,  had  received  the  command  of  this  wing  in  the 
afternoon  ;  ^  and  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  he  had  been 
ordered  to  push  forward,  and  to  occupy  Quatre  Bras,  so  as  to 
prevent  Wellington  from  approaching  Bliicher.  The  marshal, 
however,  though  in  superior  force,  had  been  held  in  check  by  a 
small  detachment,  ably  moved  forward  by  the  Prince  of  Saxe- 
Weimar  on  his  own  initiative  and  without  orders ;  and  Ney  had 
fallen  back  on  Frasnes,  a  place  about  two  miles  from  Quatre  Bras, 
having  thus  failed  to  fulfil  his  mission.  The  whole  French  left  was 
thus  extended  in  disunited  masses,  and  had  not  gained  the  point 
of  vantage  it  was  meant  to  gain  ;  and  if  no  serious  mischief  had  as 
yet  happened,  it  was  not  so  well  placed  as  Napoleon  had  wished. 
The  operations  of  the  centre,  also,  had  been  imperfect,  and  had  not 
fully  accomplished  the  emperor's  purpose.  Vandamme  and  the  3rd 
corps  had  been  delayed  by  an  accident ;  the  advance  on  Charier oi, 
by  bad  roads,  through  an  intricate  country,  had  been  slow ; 
Ziethen,  though  exposed  to  attacks  on  all  sides,  had  skilfully 
retarded  the  march  of  his  enemy,  and  had  made  his  way  to 
Fleurus  towards  the  main  Prussian  army,  having  suffered  com- 
paratively little  loss  ;  and  Napoleon  failed  to  attain  Sombreffe,  as 
probably  had  been  his  real  object.  This  consummation  had  been 
furthered,  too,  by  events  that  had  kept  back  the  right  wing  of  the 


*  Comment  vi.  146,  edit.  1867.    Thiers  approves  of  this. 

5  Ibid.  V.  199,  edit.  1867.    See  Charras,  i.  95. 

«  See  the  Moniteur,  18  June  ;  and  Napoleon,  Correspondance,  xxviii.  288. 

"'  Jomini  and  Charras  are  the  most  distinguished.  But  see  for  the  opposite  side 
Eopes,  9, 15. 

«  See  the  Moniteur,!^  June,  and  Napoleon,  Corres]f)ondancc,\^\\n.  288.  This 
evidence,  I  agree  with  Mr.  Ropes,  is  practically  decisive. 


60  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

French.  One  of  Gerard's  divisions  had  not  joined  him  by  the  night 
of  the  14th,  and  he  had  to  wait  for  it ;  the  movement  of  his  troops 
was  impeded  by  the  same  obstacles  which  had  beset  the  march  of 
the  centre ;  the  villainous  desertion  of  Bourmont  caused  a  halt ; 
and  Gerard  was  unable  to  arrest  the  retreat  of  Ziethen,  and  crossed 
the  Sambre  with  part  of  his  forces  only.  As  the  general  result,  the 
whole  French  army  was  more  in  the  rear  than  Napoleon  expected ; 
its  divisions  were  not  well  closed  up,  and  had  not  even  all  crossed 
the  Sambre  ;  the  corps  of  Ziethen  had  not  been  caught  and  de- 
stroyed, and  had  effected  its  escape  almost  unscathed ;  and  the  hne 
of  the  communication  of  the  allies  had  not  been  seized  at  the  two 
points  of  Quatre  Bras  and  Sombreffe. 

If  the  15th,  however,  as  Charras  has  said,  had  not  yielded 
complete  results,  it  had  gained  for  the  French  an  immense 
advantage,  and  Napoleon's  profound  strategy  had  been  largely 
successful.  By  nightfall  on  that  day  the  great  mass  of  the  French 
army  had  crossed  the  Sambre,  leaving  a  fourth  part  only  beyond, 
and  at  hand ;  it  stood  already  almost  between  the  allies,  having 
driven  away  Ziethen,  and  his  corps,  their  centre;  and  it  held 
positions  favourable  in  the  extreme  for  the  morrow.  The  left  wing 
at  Frasnes  was  close  to  Quatre  Bras,  in  part,  and  could  be  brought 
together  in  a  few  hours ;  the  centre  had  reached  Fleurus,  not  far 
from  Sombreffe,  held  the  adjoining  region  back  to  Charleroi,  and 
had  mastered  the  great  main  road  to  Brussels,  leading  into  the 
midst  of  the  enemy's  camps  ;  and  the  right  wing  was  in  immediate 
contact  with  it.  The  allied  armies,  therefore,  still  scattered  and 
apart,  were  exposed  to  defeat,  in  detail,  and  decisive ;  the  line  of 
their  communication,  if  not  seized,  was  threatened ;  and  it  w^ould 
be  w^ell  if  they  w^ere  not  beaten  one  after  the  other,  enormous  as 
was  their  superiority  in  force.  On  the  other  side,  Bliicher  com- 
manded about  118,000  men,  including  some  12,0C0  cavalry,  and 
more  than  300  guns ;  his  army,  therefore,  was,  by  itself,  almost 
equal  in  numbers  to  that  of  Napoleon  ;  but  as,  taken  altogether, 
it  was  inferior  in  quality  to  the  French  army,  for  it  was  largely 
composed  of  rude  levies,  and  as  Wellington's  army  was  in  rela- 
tion with  it,  it  obviously  would  not  be  wise  to  commit  it,  un- 
aided, to  a  precipitate  movement.  The  ardent  veteran,  however, 
when  made  aware  that  the  French  columns  had  approached  the 
frontier,  gave  orders  as  early  as  the  evening  of  the  14th  for  a 
general  concentration  of  all  his  forces,  on,  or  at  least  towards,  the 
important  point  of  Sombreffe ;  and  it  is  still  uncertain  ^  whether 
this  was  because  he  had  agreed  with  Wellington  that,  in  the  event 
of  an  attack  being  made  on  the  allied  centre,  the  two  commanders 
should  draw  near  each  other,  and  occupy  Quatre  Bras  and  Sombreffe, 

»  Bee  Eopes,  70,  71,  and  the  authorities  ^ited  in  that  book.    On  the  pther  side  see 
Charras,  i.  72. 


1805  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  I8l5  61 

on  the  great  cross  road  referred  to  before,  or  whether  it  was  his  own 
single  purpose.  But  the  Prussian  army,  we  have  seen,  was  widely 
divided ;  its  1st  corps,  that  of  Ziethen,  was  around  Charleroi ;  its 
2nd  and  3rd,  under  Pirch  and  Thielmann,  held  Namur  and  Ciney 
and  the  districts  at  hand ;  but  the  4th  corps,  that  of  Biilow,  was  far 
away  at  Liege :  and  thus,  while  the  first  three  corps  could  probably 
reach  Sombreffe  in  time  to  make  head  against  the  advancing 
enemy,  the  last  could  hardly  possibly  join  hands  with  thern.^^ 
Bliicher,  therefore,  had  resolved  to  confront  Napoleon  with  three- 
fourths  of  his  army  only ;  and  he  had  not  as  yet  heard  a  word 
from  his  colleague.  His  passionate  and  unreflecting  nature  had 
led  him  to  rush  to  fight  without  his  proper  supports — exactly 
what  Napoleon  had  foreseen  would  happen. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  great  field  of  manoeuvre,  the  operations 
of  the  allies  had  erred  from  contrary  reasons.  Wellington's  army, 
reckoning  his  entire  force,  was  about;  106,000  strong — there  were 
14,000  horsemen  and  nearly  200  guns  : — but  it  was  a  motley 
assemblage  of  many  races  ;  it  had  not  more  than  50,000  good 
troops  ;  and  most  of  the  auxiliaries  had  served  under  the  French 
eagles.  It  was  disseminated,  we  have  seen,  over  a  wide  space  of 
country ;  it  observed  the  main  roads  from  the  French  frontier  ;  and 
the  settled  conviction  of  its  chief  was  that,  if  attacked  at  all,  it 
would  be  attacked  on  its  right.  All  this  made  it  weak  near  the 
allied  centre,  and  impeded  a  movement  in  that  direction ;  the  duke, 
too,  at  Brussels  was  far  away  from  Bliicher,  and  could  not  hear 
from  his  colleague  speedily ;  and,  as  his  despatches  prove,  he  scarcely 
believed  that  Napoleon  would  dare  to  take  the  offensive  against  an 
enemy  very  superior  in  numbers.  These  considerations  must  be 
kept  in  mind,  for  they  explain  and  illustrate  much  that  followed. 
In  the  early  afternoon  of  15  June,'^  Wellington  heard  from  Ziethen 
and  the  Prince  of  Orange  that  the  Prussians  had  been  attacked  at 
Charleroi  and  Thuin  ;  that  is,  that  Napoleon  had  fallen  on  the  allied 
centre,  but  this  only  induced  the  British  commander  to  order  his 
lieutenants  to  have  their  divisions  ready.  At  about  9  or  10  p.m.  the 
duke  received  a  message  from  Bliicher  stating  that  the  Prussian  army 
was  being  directed  to  Sombreffe,  and  requesting  assistance  from 
his  colleague;  but  Wellington,  apprehensive  for  his  right,  and 
thinking  that  the  French  movement  might  be  a  feint,  did  not  order 
a  single  man  to  Quatre  Bras,  to  hold  this  point  on  the  road  from 
Nivelles  to  Namur,  and  to  approach  the  Prussian  army.  On  the 
contrary,  he  took  an  opposite  course,   obviously  beset   with   the 

•"  The  distance  alone  indicates  this.  Besides,  Billow  was  only  ordered  first  to 
Hannut,  and  then  to  Gembloux ;  and  he  informed  Bliicher  he  could  not  reach 
Sombreffe  until  late  on  the  16th.  See  Eopes,  p.  73  ;  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Waterloo,  80. 
Kopes,  p.  150. 

"  Charras,  i.  p.  107,  is  wrong  in  stating  that  Wellington  was  informed  by 
Ziethen  of  this  attack  by  9  a.IiI.  on  the  15th. 


62  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

• 

gravest  perils.  At  10  p.m.,  or  a  short  time  afterwards,  he  gave 
orders  that  his  divisions  at  hand  should  concentrate  between 
Enghien  and  Nivelles,  and  even  that  the  small  force  that  was  near 
Quatre  Bras  should  fall  back  from  that  place  on  Nivelles  ;  in  other 
words,  the  mass  of  his  available  troops  was  to  cover  the  roads  that 
led  to  his  right,  was  not  to  draw  near  the  Prussian  army,  and 
was  to  leave  the  wide  gap  from  Nivelles  to  Sombreffe  open  for 
his  adversary  to  seize,  to  stand  in  full  strength  between  the 
allies,  and  effectually  to  prevent  their  junction.  Four  or  five  hours 
afterwards— that  is,  probably  about  2  or  3  a.m.  on  the  16th — 
the  duke  seems  to  have  perceived  that  this  was  a  mistake,  and 
made  tardily  a  step  to  get  near  his  colleague.  He  ordered  the 
divisions  within  reach  to  assemble  at  Quatre  Bras,  and  moved  his 
reserve  from  Brussels  towards  that  place.  These  directions,  how- 
ever, were  late  in  the  extreme,  and  would  have  been  not  only  too 
late,  but  disastrous,  had  Napoleon's  lieutenants  done  what  he  had 
a  right  to  expect  from  them.^^ 

In  these  operations  the  duke  had  held  back,  and  paused  for 
hours  at  the  decisive  moment  when  made  aware  of  Napoleon's 
attack ;  in  his  anxiety  to  protect  his  right,  he  had  neglected  to 
approach  the  Prussian  army,  and  had  left  it  exposed  to  Napoleon's 
strokes ;  and  when  he  had  come  to  a  better  conclusion,  and  made 
up  his  mind  to  move  on  to  Quatre  Bras,  he  ought  to  have  found  his 
enemy  in  occupation  of  that  place,  and  ready  to  defeat  him  with 
superior  numbers.  His  circumspection  and  caution  had  in  truth 
been  at  fault  and  had  led  to  the  most  perilous  delays,  as  his 
antagonist  supposed  would  be  the  case;  and  he  was,  besides, 
possessed  by  the  notion  that  any  effort  made  by  Napoleon  was 
made  against  his  own  right.  He  had  been  outgeneralled  like 
Bliicher,^^  and  far  more  palpably  ;  but,  not  the  less,  he  has  had 
many  apologists,  especially  among  the  idolaters  of  success.  One 
class  of  writers  has  boldly  asserted  that  the  duke  ordered  his 
forces  to  Quatre  Bras,  on  the  night  of  the  15th,  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible ;  but  this  view  is  false  on  the  face  of  the  evidence.  Another 
class  has  contended  that  he  was  quite  right  in  delaying  for  hours 
to  make  sure  that  his  right  wing  was  not  being  menaced,  and  in 
not  attempting  till  then  to  join  his  colleague ;  in  other  words,  a 

'2  The  conduct  of  Wellington  on  the  loth  has  been  well  explained  by  Hamley, 
Chesney,  Charras,  and  La  Tour  d'Auvergne ;  and  very  fully  and  ably  by  Mr.  Kopes, 
74,89. 

^^  The  duke  knew  that  he  was  out-generalled,  and  practically  admitted  this  to  the 
late  Mr.  Greville  :  Memoirs,  i.  40,  edit.  1888.  For  the  opinion  of  the  duke  of  York 
—not  worth  much— see  the  same  work,  i.  49.  More  significant  than  all  were  the 
duke's  own  words  uttered  on  the  night  of  the  15th  :  '  Napoleon  has  humbugged  me  ; 
by  G—  he  has  gained  twenty-four  hours  on  me.'  It  should  be  added  that  the 
duke's  reply  to  Clausewitz  as  to  the  operations  of  the  16th,  written  in  1842,  is  full  of 


errors. 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  63 

strategic  error  excuses  his  conduct.  A  recent  commentator  has 
taken  another  Hne  of  defence — to  my  mind,  at  least,  the  weakest  of 
any.  Napoleon  has  shown  with  irresistible  force  ^^  that,  as  affairs 
stood  on  the  night  of  the  15th,  Bliicher  should  not  have  tried  to 
concentrate  at  Sombreffe,  and  Wellington  should  not  have  tried  to 
assemble  at  Quatre  Bras ;  both  chiefs  were  *  under  the  guns  of 
their  enemy  ; '  and  they  ought  to  have  fallen  back  on  Wavre  and 
Waterloo  where  they  could  not  be  attacked  until  17  June.  Colonel 
Maurice  ^^  appears  to  have  inferred  from  this  that  Wellington  was 
right  in  not  concentrating  at  Quatre  Bras  at  once,  and  even  in 
making  a  delay  at  Brussels;  and  he  leaves  it  to  be  understood 
that  the  duke  was  justified  in  adopting  the  notably  false  arrange- 
ments which  placed  his  army  between  Enghien  and  Nivelles  and 
exposed  Bliicher  to  complete  ruin.  But  is  it  not  self-evident  that 
since,  as  Wellington  knew,  the  Prussian  army  was  gathering  on 
Sombreffe,  he  should  have  instantly  marched  on  Quatre  Bras,  and 
effected  his  junction  with  his  colleague,  and  that,  too,  whether  this 
very  move  had,  or  had  not,  been  arranged  beforehand  ?  This 
apology  is,  I  think,  hopeless,  and  the  latest  commentator  has  dis- 
posed of  it.^^  Wellington's  strategy  was,  in  fact,  bad;  but,  in  his 
actual  situation,  it  was  not  unnatural.  His  army  was  much  too 
widely  divided ;  at  Brussels  he  was  too  far  from  Bliicher ;  he  per- 
sisted in  thinking  his  right  imperilled :  and  these,  added  to  his 
somewhat  slow  nature,  were  the  real  causes  of  the  hesitations  and 
delays  that  all  but  led  to  the  failure  and  defeat  of  the  allies. 

The  forecast  on  which  Napoleon's  plan  had  been  formed  had 
thus  been  largely  realised.  The  allied  generals,  resting  on  diver- 
gent bases,  and  with  forces  scattered  all  over  Belgium,  had  left  their 
centre  feeble  and  exposed ;  the  French  army  had  pounced  on  it,  and 
nearly  stood  between  them.  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  men  of  oppo- 
site character,  had,  the  first  rushed  forward  with  part  of  his  army 
only,  the  second  delayed  for  precious  hours ;  and  unable  at  wide 
distances  to  act  well  in  concert,  their  operations  had  been  at  odds 
with  each  other.  No  doubt  Ziethen  had  not  been  destroyed;  part 
of  the  French  army  was  still  in  the  rear,  especially  part  of  the  1st 
corps  of  Erlon  ;  Quatre  Bras  and  Sombreffe  had  not  been  reached, 
and  all  Napoleon's  objects  had  not  been  accomplished.  But  the  em- 
peror was  even  now  in  positions  in  which  decisive  success  might  be 
looked  for,  and  the  shortcomings  of  the  15th  could  be  rectified. 
His  arrangements  for  the  movements  of  the  16th  ^"  have  been  much 

'*  Comment,  v.  205. 

'*  '  Waterloo,'  in  the  United  Service  Magazine,  July  1890,  pp.  345-6. 

^^  See  Ropes,  92,  98.  Charras,  i.  107,  113,  explains  the  mistakes  made  by 
Wellington  with  great  clearness. 

'^  These  arrangements  have,  in  my  opinion,  been  more  fairly  described  and  judged 
by  Mr.  Ropes,  pp.  117,  142,  than  by  any  other  commentator.  He  confutes  the  charge 
of  delay  made  against  Napoleon  by  a  host  of  writers. 


64 


DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 


i 


criticised,  but  were  not  the  less  admirable.  He  could  not  yet  be 
fully  aware  of  the  exact  positions  of  the  hostile  armies,  and  he 
seems  at  first  to  have  thought  that  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  in 
conformity  to  strategic  principles,  would  not  attempt  to  stand  at 
Sombreffe  and  Quatre  Bras,  but  would  fall  back  on  a  second  line. 
But  he  not  the  less  provided  with  masterly  skill  for  every  con- 
tingency that  might  happen,  and  his  dispositions  should  have 
given  him  a  great  triumph.  Knowing  that  some  of  his  divisions 
were  behind,  he  did  not  press  forward  to  attack  Bliicher,  as  he 
doubtless  would  have  done  had  they  been  in  line,  but  he  combined 
his  operations  in  order  to  assure  the  defeat  of  the  Prussian  chief 
should  he  fight  at  Sombreffe,  to  keep  Wellington  away  from  Quatre 
Bras,  and  to  advance  further  should  the  occasion  offer.  From  his 
headquarters  at  Charleroi  he  sent  orders  to  Ney,  at  about  8  a.m.  on 
the  16th,  directing  the  marshal,  still  at  Frasnes,  and  in  command 
of  the  French  left,  to  push  forward  to  Quatre  Bras,  to  occupy  that 
important  point  in  force,  and  to  send  off  a  detachment  to  Marbais,  a 
village  a  few  miles  west  of  Sombreffe ;  and  Reille  and  Erlon,  the 
last  still  backward,  were  informed  they  were  to  join  in  the  movement 
with  the  united  ^^  2nd  and  1st  corps.  By  these  means  Wellington 
would  be  made  unable  to  send  aid  to  Bliicher  should  the  Prussians 
stand,  and  the  detachment  at  Marbais  would  be  at  hand  to  descend 
on  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  marshal,  and  to  assure  his  complete 
overthrow.  Meantime,  the  emperor,  with  the  centre  and  right  wing, 
the  3rd,  4th,  and  6th  corps,  the  guard,  and  most  of  the  cavalry, 
was  to  advance  against  the  Prussians  should  they  offer  battle,  and 
these,  caught  between  two  fires,  would  not  improbably  be  destroyed. 
Should  the  allied  commanders  have  fallen  back,  the  French  army 
was  to  move  forward  on  the  w^ay  towards  Brussels. 

Had  Ney  carried  out  his  orders  properly,  Bliicher  must  have 
been  routed  on  16  June ;  the  duke  could  hardly  have  escaped  a 
disaster  next  day,  and  the  fortunes  of  Europe  might  have  been 
changed  for  a  time.  When  Ney  received  his  instructions  at  about 
11  A.M.,  he  had  9,000  good  troops  around  Frasnes;  there  was  nothing  at 
Quatre  Bras  but  a  weak  division,  7,000  infantry  with  very  few  guns, 
composed  in  part  of  Saxe-Weimar's  men,  and  sent  forward  without 
the  duke's  knowledge — a  godsend  for  the  cause  of  the  allies  ^^ — and 
Ney  knew  that  in  about  three  hours'  time  he  could  receive  the  sup- 
port of  Eeille  and  Erlon,  and  of  Kellermann's  heavy  cavalry,  in 
all,  perhaps,  35,000  foot  and  horsemen.  Had  Ney,  therefore,  been 
the  warrior  of  1805,  he  could  have  overwhelmed  the  small  hostile 
force  in  his  path,  have  seized  Quatre  Bras,  and  sent  a  detachment 

18  One  division  of  the  2nd  corps  had  been  akeady  directed  to  the  main  army. 

19  Colonel  Maurice,  United  Service  Magazine,  July  1890,  p.  345,  denies  this  infer- 
ence ;  but  he  is  contradicted  by  all  the  authorities.  See  especially  Charras,  i.  110, 
S22'    Ropes,  pp.  102-4,  sqq^. 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  65, 

to  Marbais  by  3  or  3.30  p.m.  at  latest ;  and  in  that  event  the  16th 
would  have  seen  a  Jena,  to  be  followed,  perhaps,  by  a  second  Aus- 
terlitz.  But  Ney  was  wholly  unequal  to  himself :  demoralised,  and 
with  a  halter  round  his  neck,  he  hesitated  ^^  to  take  a  decisive  step  ; 
he  allowed  Eeille  to  keep  him  back ;  he  did  not  summon  Erlon 
quickly  to  the  field ;  ^^  he  did  not  even  attempt  to  carry  out  his 
orders,  and  to  advance  in  full  force  on  Quatre  Bras.  The  result  of 
this  fatal  irresolution  and  delay  was  seen  in  the  events  that  fol- 
lowed, and  Napoleon's  grand  projects  were  largely  frustrated.  Ney 
fell  on  the  division  in  his  front  at  about  2.30  p.m.,  but  he  attacked 
with  only  a  part  of  his  troops,  and  though  his  immediate  enemy 
was  almost  overpowered,  time  was  afforded  to  Wellington  to  repair 
the  hesitations  and  delays  of  the  15th,  and  to  bring  into  the  field 
sufficient  men  to  hold  Quatre  Bras,  and  to  keep  the  marshal  at 
bay.  After  a  bloody  but  not  decisive  combat,  in  which  Eeille' s 
corps  alone  was  engaged,  in  which  Ney  threw  away  Kellermann's 
horsemen,  and  in  which,  most  important  of  all,  the  corps  of 
Erlon  took  no  part — that  general  and  the  marshal  were  both  at 
fault — Ney  fell  back,  defeated,  on  Frasnes,  having  not  achieved 
what  he  might  have  achieved  without  difficulty  had  he  been  equal 
to  his  task.  One  result,  doubtless,  he  had  secured  :  he  had  pre- 
vented Wellington  from  sending  help  to  Bliicher,  but  he  had  failed 
to  seize  Quatre  Bras  and  to  detach  to  Marbais  the  troops  required 
to  make  the  defeat  of  the  Prussians  complete. 

Meantime  Bliicher  had  arrayed  his  three  corps — he  knew  that 
the  fourth  could  not  give  him  aid — in  order  to  offer  Napoleon  battle. 
Whether  Wellington  had  promised  to  send  him  help,  and  that  he 
fought  upon  this  assumption,  has  been  a  subject  of  much  dispute ; 
but  the  duke,'^2  it  is  most  probable,  gave  no  distinct  pledge,  though 
German  writers  have  charged  the  British  general  with  a  gross 
breach  of  faith.  Bliicher  disposed  his  forces  injudiciously  on  the 
field ;  his  third  corps  was  far  to  the  left  at  Tongrinnes  and  Balatre, 
to  shield  his  communications  with  Namur ;  his  first  and  second 
corps,  stretching  towards  Quatre  Bras,  as  if  expecting  support 
from  Wellington,  held  a  line  of  villages  from  St.  Amand  la  Haye 
to  Ligny ;  and  his  reserves,  massed  between  Sombreffe  and  Bry, 
were  greatly  exposed  to  the  fire  of  an  enemy.  The  duke,  who 
had  ridden  up  from  Quatre  Bras,  on  seeing  these  arrangements, 

2"  Colonel  Maurice  and  Mr.  Kopes  to  a  certain  extent,  and  fairly,  excuse  Ney  on  the 
ground  that  he  really  had  no  staff,  and  was  given  his  command  only  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  15th.  But  Ney  made  mistakes  that  were  specially  his  own,  and  this  is  well 
pointed  out  by  Napoleon,  Comment,  v.  199,  200. 

2»  See  Kopes,  p.  191.  '  What  Soult  told  Sir  William  Napier,  years  afterwards,  is 
without  question  the  truth  :  •'  Ney  neglected  his  orders  at  Quatre  Bras."  ' 

2''  This  question  has  been  ably  examined  by  Colonel  Maurice,  United  Service 
Magazine,  June  1890,  p.  257  sgg.,  and  by  Mr.  Hopes,  pp.  106  sqq.,  146,  147.  But  sefe 
Charras,  quoting  Clausewitz,  i.  122. 

VOL.   X. — NO.  XXXVII.  F 


66  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 


i 


curtly  dropped  the  words  *  The  Prussians  will  be  damnably  beaten ; ' 
and  it  should  be  added  that  Bliicher's  rear  and  right  were  laid  bare 
to  a  crushing  defeat,  should  Ney  strike  either  or  both  from  Marbais 
or  from  St.  Amand,  a  village  not  far  from  St.  Amand  La  Haye. 
Napoleon  had  reached  the  scene  at  about  noon,  and  made  prepara- 
tions for  attack ;  and,  expecting  aid,  as  he  did  from  Ney,  he  felt 
confident  of  a  decisive  victory.  He  had  about  68,000  men  in  hand, 
but  the  corps  of  Lobau  was  coming  up  from  Charleroi ;  and  this 
would  make  his  army  78,000  strong  against  some  87,000  of  Bliicher, 
the  French,  however,  being  superior  in  horsemen  and  guns,  and 
being,  on  the  whole,  the  better  soldiers.  The  arrangements  of 
Napoleon  have  been  censured ;  ^^  but,  taking  the  situation  as  it  lay 
before  him,  they  were  masterly,  and  prove  his  insight  on  the  field. 
He  placed  a  small  force  only  against  Bliicher's  third  corps,  holding 
it  in  check  by  menacing  its  communications  with  Namur ;  and  he 
arrayed  the  mass  of  his  troops  against  the  Prussian  centre,^''  in  order' 
to  pierce  it,  to  cut  it  off  from  its  left,  and  to  leave  it  to  be  over- 
whelmed by  Ney,  who,  he  was  confident,  would  fall  on  from  Marbais. 
By  these  means  Bliicher's  army  would  be  destroyed.  If  his  first 
and  second  corps  were  defeated  it  would  be  struck  in  front,  and 
assailed  in  flank  and  rear,  and  even  if  the  left,  the  third  corps, 
should  escape,  it  could  not  escape  without  heavy  loss.  This  plan. 
Napoleon  has  shown  ^-^  in  a  few  pregnant  words,  was  infinitely  better 
than  an  attempt  to  defeat  Bliicher  by  simply  turning  his  right ; 
this,  no  doubt,  would  send  Bliicher  away  from  Wellington,  but  it 
would  not  gain  for  the  French  decisive  success,  the  emperor's  object 
always  in  the  field.^^ 

The  battle,  famous  by  the  name  of  Ligny,  began  at  about 
2.30  P.M. ;  Vandamme  and  Gerard  advanced  against  Ziethen  and 
Pirch,  and  a  frightful  conflict  raged  along  the  space  extending 
from  St.  Amand  La  Haye  to  Ligny.  The  villages  which  covered 
the  front  of  the  Prussians  were  taken  and  retaken  more  than  once, 
the  troops  on  either  side  making  desperate  efforts  ;  but  Bliicher's 
army  suffered  on  the  whole  the  most,  for  the  French  batteries 
ravaged  the  distant  reserves.  Meanwhile  Grouchy  paralysed  Thiel- 
mann  and  the  third  corps,  as  the  emperor  had  foreseen,  with  a  few 
thousand  men ;  and  Napoleon  made  preparations  for  the  decisive 
stroke.  At  2  he  had  despatched  a  message  to  Ney,  directing  him 
to  descend  from  Quatre  Bras  and  to  attack  a  body  of  hostile  troops  ; 
and  if,  as  seems  probable,  he  had  not  then  ascertained  the  full 

23  Eogniat,  Davout,  Clausewitz,  quoted  by  Mr.  Eopes,  p.  164  segq.     ' 

24  Comment,  vi.  146.  ,;-■,-    -■. 

-^  Ibid,  and  see  Eopes,  p.  165,  and  Comment,  v.  140.  ' 

2«  It  is  unnecessary  to  notice  the  remark  of  Clausewitz  (Eopes,  p.  167),  that 
Napdleon  would  not  have  annihilated  Bliicher  had  Ney  reached  the  rear  oi  the 
Prussians.    This  is  mere  boasting,  wholly  disproved  by  the  events  of  Ligny. 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  67 

strength  of  the  enemy  in  his  path,  this  was  reiterating  the  order 
made  in  the  morning  that  the  marshal  should  send  a  detachment 
to  Marbais  in  order  to  fall  in  the  rear  of  Bliicher.  At  3.15  p.m. 
the  order  was  renewed  by  Soult,  in  writing,  in  the  most  pressing 
terms ;  but  Bry  and  St.  Amand,  and  not  Marbais,  are  indicated  as 
the  points  Ney  was  to  reach,  that  is,  he  was  to  attack  rather  the 
Prussian  right  flank  than  the  rear.  A  series  of  incidents  ere  long 
occurred  fraught  with  the  most  important  results.  At  perhaps 
5.30  P.M. — that  is,  about  the  time  when  the  troops  to  be  sent  by 
Ney  might  be  nearing  the  field,  and  when  Napoleon  was  making 
ready  to  break  the  centre  of  Bliicher  with  his  great  reserve,  the 
guard — a  large  column  was  descried  towards  the  extreme  French 
left ;  Vandamme  declared  that  this  was  an  enemy ;  and  Napoleon, 
suspending  the  movement  of  the  guard,  sent  off  one  of  his  best 
aides-de-camp  ^^  to  ascertain  what  this  body  was.  Before  long,  it  had 
become  apparent  that  this  column  was  the  first  corps  of  Erlon, 
which  advanced  towards  Quatre  Bras  with  extreme  slowness — it 
will  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  had  been  backward,  and  Erlon  had 
proved  a  laggard  in  Spain  ^^ — and  had  been  directed  towards  Napo- 
leon's battle;  and  at  about  7  p.m.  it  gradually  drew  off,  and 
marched  in  the  direction  of  Quatre  Bras.  Erlon  did  not  reach 
Quatre  Bras  till  nightfall,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not  support 
Ney ;  and  a  whole  French  corps,  20,00G  strong,  was  marched  idly 
to  and  fro  on  this  eventful  day,  having  failed  to  strike  Wellington 
at  Quatre  Bras,  and  above  all,  having  failed  to  join  the  French  at 
Ligny,  and  to  carry  out  the  manoeuvre  which  would  have  destroyed 
the  Prussians,  had  it  attacked  them,  as  it  might  have  done,  in  flank 
and  rear.  Nor  was  this  the  only  disastrous  result ;  ^^  the  delay 
caused  by  the  apparition  of  Erlon,  on  the  false  assumption  made 
by  Yandamme,  retarded  Napoleon's  attack  on  Bliicher,  and  was 
most  fortunate  for  the  veteran  marshal.  Nevertheless  the  skill  of 
the  emperor  triumphed  ;  at  about  8  p.m.  he  resumed  his  suspended 
effort ;  and,  Bliicher  having  greatly  weakened  his  centre  in  an 
attempt  to  outflank  his  enemy's  left,  the  imperial  guard  and  a 
large  mass  of  cavalry  broke  the  Prussian  army  at  the  endangered 
point,  and,  aided  by  Lobau,  now  almost  in  line,  carried  the  posi- 
tions between  Bry  and  Sombreffe,  and  drove  their  foe,  defeated, 
from  the  greater  part  of  the  field. 

The  French  lost  about  11,000  men  at  Ligny,  the  Prussians  not 
less  than  30,000,  including  10,000  disbanded  fugitives ;  and 
Napoleon,  therefore,  had  gained  a  victory.     But  he  had  not  annihi- 

2''  According  to  Napoleon  this  was  General  Dejean,  a  capable  officer  of  great  ex- 
perience.    Comment,  v.  142. 

28  In  the  operations  of  Soult  against  Wellington  in  the  autumn  of  1813. 

-"  This  consideration — one  of  the  greatest  importance,  for  it  postponed  the  result  of 
Ligny  for  about  three  hours,  and  prevented  a  pursuit  of  the  Prussians— has  been 
noticed  by  many  writers,  and  very  fully  by  Mr.  Eopes,  pp.  173-4. 

F  2 


68  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

lated  Bliicher's  army  aifd  placed  Wellington  in  the  greatest  peril, 
as  he  had  had  a  right  to  expect ;  and  the  results  of  the  day  had  been 
very  imperfect.  This,  we  repeat,  was  mainly  due  to  the  short- 
comings of  Ney,  who  had  attacked  late,  and,  with  troops  brought  up 
piecemeal,  had  been  delayed  by  Eeille,  and  had  left  Erlon  behind  ; 
the  marshal  had  not  seized  Quatre  Bras  and  Marbais,  and  the 
emperor's  left  wing  had  been  half  paralysed.  Erlon's  corps, 
too,  had  been  altogether  useless.  How  this  happened  is  not  yet 
certain,  though  the  subject  has  been  debated  for  years.  The 
admitted  facts  are  very  briefly  these :  a  French  aide-de-camp,  pro- 
bably Labedoyere,^^  one  of  Napoleon's  most  trusted  officers,  the 
bearer  of  a  note  in  pencil  to  Ney,  telling  the  marshal  to  send 
the  1st  corps  to  Ligny  in  order  to  insure  the  defeat  of  Bliicher, 
met  Erlon,  and  directed  that  general's  troops  to  the  indicated 
point ;  ^^  and  Erlon's  corps,  we  have  seen,  had  approached  the 
scene,  mistaken  by  Vandamme^^  for  a  hostile  force.  Ney,  how- 
ever, who  had  not  received  the  note,  recalled  Erlon  peremp- 
torily to  Quatre  Bras,  being  at  this  moment  hard  j)ressed  by 
Wellington  ;  and  Napoleon,  who,  we  have  said,  had  sent  an  aide- 
de-camp  to  observe  Erlon's  corps,^^  had  probably  given  him  no 
other  commands,  and  did  not  interfere  with  Ney's  order.  Erlon 
marched,  accordingly,  back  to  Quatre  Bras,  and  did  nothing  effec- 
tual throughout  the  day  ;  and  the  questions  that  arise  are  how  this 
mischance  occurred,  and  who  are  in  the  main  to  be  blamed  for  it. 

A  number  of  writers  have  contended^''  that  the  pencil  note  carried 
by  Labedoyere  was  either  the  order  of  3.15  p.m.  directing  Ney  to  send 
troops  to  Bry  and  St.  Amand,  or  perhaps  a  duplicate  of  that  order ; 
they  infer,  therefore,  that  Labedoyere  was  gravely  in  error  in  ventur- 
ing to  direct  the  corps  of  Erlon  towards  Ligny;  and  they  draw  the 
conclusion  that,  had  Erlon  not  been  interfered  with  in  this  im- 
proper wa^y,  he  might  have  joined  Ney  and  defeated  Wellington,  or 
have  been  moved  by  Ney  to  fall  on  Bliicher's  flank,  or,  more 
probably,  that,  as  he  had  been  very  slow  in  his  march,  he  would 
notjhave  accomplished  either  task.  The  evidence,  nevertheless,  I 
think,  indicates  that  the  pencil  note  was  an  original  document,  sent 
after  the  despatch  of  3.15  p.m.;  that  Napoleon,  indeed,  addressed 
it  to  Ney  but  ordered   Labedoyere  to  show  it  to   Erlon  and   to 

3"  Another  officer,  Colonel  Laurent,  has  been  named  ;  and  it  is  not  certain  that  he 
was  not  Colonel^  Baudus,  attached  to  Soult's  staff. 

3'  See  Erlon's*  report,  quoted  by  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,    Waterloo,  p.  170, 

and/efefred  to  by  many  writers.    The  prince  seems  to  me  to  take  the  most  correct 

lew  of  all  this' episode.  , ». 

.    32jVandamme  evidently  had  not  forgotten  Culm.    Like  the  other  French  general, 

he  was  nervous. 

3'  This  must,  I  think,  be  inferred  from  Comment,  v.  142.    Napoleon  is  unsatis-^ 
factory  on  the  Erlon  incident ;  he  felt  an  immense  mistake  had  been  made.  i 

":Among,others  Chesney,  Charras,  Hooper,  Mauric6,  and  Ropes,  with'some  differ- 
ences of  view.  * 

»,     "^  *•-•.-•-.•-    *  J.-   -t 

f     I    i 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  69 

move  the  1st  corps  against  Bliicher  at  once;  and  that  Erlon, 
therefore,  marched  in  that  direction,  knowing'  that  this  was  the 
emperor's  settled  purpose.  ^-^  Erlon,  however,  we  have  seen,  re- 
turned to  Quatre  Bras,  obeying  Ney,  who  had  not  received  the  note  ' 
in  question,  but  almost  certainly  had  received  the  despatch  of 
3.15  P.M.  enjoining  him  to  descend  on  Bry  and  St.  Amand,  and 
to  strike  Bliicher  with  decisive  effect.  If  this  be  the  real  state  of 
the  case,  we  may  perhaps  determine  who  are  responsible  for  a 
misadventure  most  disastrous  to  the  arms  of  France.  In  all 
human  probability,  Napoleon  did  not  send  an  order  to  Erlon  to 
come  up  at  once,  when  that  general  was  known  to  be  at  hand ;  he 
allowed  Erlon  to  fall  back  on  Ney  :  and  possibly  we  see  here  a 
want  of  the  daring  and  vigour  of  the  warrior  of  1796-1809.^^  Ney 
and  Erlon,  however,  must  bear  nearly  the  whole  blame :  the 
marshal,  because  he  had  left  Erlon  in  the  rear,  and  had  made  it 
possible  that  his  lieutenant  should  be  directed  on  Ligny  without  his 
knowledge,  and  also  because,  having  been  made  cognisant  of  the 
despatch  of  3.15  p.m.,  he  assuredly  should  not  hav^e  brought  Erlon 
back  to  Quatre  Bras  when  on  the  path  of  victory ;  Erlon,  because 
he  ought  not  to  have  marched  back  to  Quatre  Bras,  but  should  have 
continued  his  movement  towards  Ligny,  having  been  made  aware 
that  he  was  required  on  the  spot  to  make  the  overthrow  of  Bliicher 
certain. 

If  Ligny  had  not  been  a  decisive  victory,  the  Prussian  army 
had  been  severely  worsted,  and  the  battle  had  gained  for  Napoleon  a 
great  advantage.  The  allied  generals,  having  failed  to  unite,  had 
been  driven  from  their  true  line  of  junction,  the  broad  lateral  road 
from  Nivelles  to  Namur ;  they  were  now  forced  to  retreat  into  the 
intricate  region  of  marsh,  hills,  and  forests  watered  by  the  Dyle. 
What  course  should  they  adopt  in  these  circumstances,  considering 
the  position  of  affairs  on  the  theatre?  They  might  fall  back  on 
their  respective  bases,  as  had  happened  in  the  campaign  of  1794  ; 
and  Gneisenau,  Bliicher's  chief  of  the  staff,  who  distrusted  Wellington 
after  his  late  delays,  urged  his  veteran  superior  to  take  this  very 
step  and  to  leave  the  duke  to  shift  for  himself.  Kecollecting,  how- 
ever, Bliicher's  character,  he  would  more  probably  try  to  join 
hands  with  his  colleague ;  and  Napoleon  has  indicated  with  cha- 

"  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Waterloo,  pp.  173-77.  Thiers  is  precise  and 
emphatic  on  the  point,  and  the  testimony  of  Colonel  Baudus,  quoted  by  Ropes, 
pp.  193-195,  seems  to  me  almost  conclusive.  The  well-known  letter  of  Soult  to  Ney 
on  the  17th  points  to  the  same  inference ;  and  the  opposite  view  rests  in  the  main 
on  hypotheses  and  assumptions. 

3«  Perhaps,  however.  Napoleon  felt  convinced  that  Erlon  would  come  up  with- 
out a  fresh  order  ;  perhaps  it  was  too  late  to  send  one  ;  very  possibly  he  did  not  inter- 
fere with  the  positive  injunction  of  Ney  to  Erlon  because  he  may  have  suspected 
from  the  roar  of  cannon  at  Quatre  Bras  that  Ney  required  support.  All  that  can 
be  said  is  that  this  momentous  episode  has  not  yet  been  fully  explained. 


70  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

racteristic  insight  what  ought  to  have  been  the  allied  movements. 
The  Prussian  army,  defeated  at  Ligny,  might  have  retreated  at  once 
on  its  British  supports,  making  either  for  Quatre  Bras  or  Waterloo ;  ^^ 
and  as  Ney  had  fallen  back  on  Frasnes,  and  night  had  come  on 
when  Ligny  was  won,  there  is  no  force  in  the  objection  that  this 
would  have  been  a  perilous  flank  march  within  reach  of  the 
enemy.  A  better  operation  was,  however,  possible  ;  and  this  would 
not  only  have  placed  the  allies  in  safety,  but  have  baffled  the 
designs  of  their  great  adversary.  As  Napoleon  has  shown  with  his 
conclusive  logic,  just  as  Bliicher  and  Wellington  ought  to  have 
fallen  back,  the  one  on  Wavre,  the  other  on  Waterloo,  when  they 
had  been  nearly  caught  by  the  night  of  the  15th,  so,  now  that 
Bliicher  had  lost  Ligny,  they  should  have  steadily  retreated  on 
Brussels,  concentrating  their  united  forces  ;  for  in  that  event  they 
would  avoid  all  danger  and  they  would  be  able  to  oppose  at  least 
200,000  men  to  about  100,000  of  the  emperor,  who  could  hardly 
venture  to  offer  battle,  and  probably  would  be  compelled  to  return 
to  France,  discomfited,  and  with  the  loss  of  his  renown  in  arms.^^ 

The  allied  generals  followed  a  different  plan,  and  exposed  them- 
selves once  more  to  the  gravest  peril.  Bliicher  had  been  seriously 
hurt  at  the  close  of  Ligny,  but  he  refused  to  listen  to  Gneisenau's 
counsels ;  and  he  resolved  to  fall  back  on  a  second  line,  in  order  to  join 
hands  with  his  British  colleague.  The  Prussian  army  retreated  in 
two  main  bodies;  the  1st  and  2nd  corps,  by  Tilly  and  Gentinnes, 
the  3rd,  that  of  Thielmann,  from  Sombreffe,  late.  It  was  shattered, 
and  short  of  food  and  munitions,  but  it  was  not  pursued  or  even 
observed ;  it  was  joined  near  Gembloux  by  the  corps  of  Biilow,  which 
had  taken  no  part  in  the  late  battle;  and  ultimately  it  made 
good  its  way  to  Wavre,  a  town  on  the  Dyle,  about  twenty  miles 
from  Sombreffe.  Meanwhile  Wellington  had  been  informed  of  the 
defeat  of  the  Prussians  very  late  ;  but  he,  too,  was  followed  by  no 
enemy;  and  he  fell  back  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  from  Quatre 
Bras  to  Waterloo,  then  an  unknown  village,  about  ten  miles  to  the 
west  of  Wavre,  a  position  he  had  selected  for  a  great  defensive 
battle.  Bliicher  and  Wellington,  therefore,  were  placing  themselves 
on  a  line  behind  Quatre  Bras  and  Sombreffe ;  and  they  arranged  to 
try  to  unite  on  this,  and  meanwhile  to  await  the  shock  of  Napoleon. 
This  strategy  has  had  many  admirers,  especially  among  the 
courtiers  of  fortune ;  but  it  was,  nevertheless,  ill  conceived  and 
hazardous.  Wavre  is  further  from  Waterloo  than  Sombreffe  from 
Quatre  Bras,  and,  what  is  much  more  important,  is  divided  from 

^^  Comment,  v.  205. 

^8  This  fine  manoeuvre  would,  to  a  certain  extent,  have  resembled  Napoleon's 
first  operations  in  the  campaign  of  1809.  With  the  reasons  for  it,  it  is  fully  ex- 
plained, Comment,  v.  210.  The  passage  is  too  long  to  be  quoted,  but  deserves 
careful  study.  Enghsh  and  German  ^Yriters  avoid  it,  for  Napoleon's  logic  is  irresistible. .. 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  71 

Waterloo  by  a  most  difficult  country ;  Napoleon  was  within  reach 
of  the  allied  armies  and  could  assail  either  while  still  apart ;  it  was 
most  improbable  that  they  could  join  hands,  and  probable  in  tha 
extreme  that  they  would  be  beaten  in  detail.  Napoleon  had  from 
40,000  to  50,000  fresh  troops  ;  he  might  call  on  his  army  to  make 
a  great  effort,  and  fall,  on  the  17th,  on  either  Bliicher  or  Wellington, 
retreating,  and  unable  to  assist  each  other,  and  in  that  event  he  must 
have  defeated  either.  Or,  drawing  together  his  whole  forces,  he  might 
on  the  18th  attack  Bliicher  at  Wavre,  or  Wellington,  where  he  stood 
at  Waterloo,  and  in  either  case  he  must  have  gained  a  victory. 
Or  finally,  in  accordance  with  the  art  of  war,  he  might  send  off  at  an 
early  hour  on  the  17th  a  restraining  wing  to  hold  Bliicher  in 
check,  and  to  prevent  him  from  even  approaching  Wellington,  and 
then  turn  against  the  duke  with  the  greater  part  of  his  army; 
and  in  this  instance,  too,  he  would  have  been  successful.^^  The 
double  retreat,  therefore,  on  Wavre  and  Waterloo  was  a  half- 
measure  essentially  faulty  ;  and  it  placed  the  allies  again  in  immi- 
nent danger.'*^ 

At  this  critical  juncture,  however,  events  were  taking  place  in 
the  French  camp  which  saved  the  allies  from  what  might  have 
been  their  ruin.  After  Ligny,  Napoleon  had  returned  to  Fleurus  ; 
the  intense  fatigue  of  two  days  had  brought  on  the  illness  ^^  which 
made  him  unfit  for  exertion  at  the  time ;  and  on  the  night  of  the  16th 
and  the  morning  of  the  17th  he  was  unable  to  issue  a  single  order. 
Meanwhile  his  lieutenants  at  Quatre  Bras  and  Ligny,  fashioned  to 
servitude  in  the  ways  of  the  empire,  and  without  the  boldness  of 
the  days  of  victory,  let  things  drift,  and  missed  the  occasion  which 
might  have  made  the  triumph  of  the  French  arms  certain.  Ney, 
furious  at  the  diversion  of  Erlon's  corps,  sulked  at  Quatre  Bras, 
and  made  no  report ;  Soult,  the  chief  of  the  staff,  did  simply 
nothing,  and  Grouchy,  in  command  of  the  French  right,  sent  only 
a  few  horsemen,  from  near  Sombreffe  towards  Namur,  that  is,  com- 
pletely away  from  the  track  of  the  Prussians.  This  negligence  and 
remissness  was  the  more  to  be  blamed  because  Napoleon  had  given 
positive  orders  ^'^  that  Ney  and  Grouchy  were  to  exercise  supreme 

^^  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Waterloo,  pp.  203-205,  has  shown  better  than  any 
other  commentator  the  enormous  risk  of  the  march  on  Wavre  and  Waterloo,  and  what 
an  opportunity  it  gave  Napoleon.     See  also  Eopes,  pp.  197-200. 

^^  It  is  very  curious  that  most  of  the  soldiers  who  have  attempted  to  justify  the 
false  march  on  Wavre  and  Waterloo,  either  directly  or  by  implication  admit  that  it 
might  have  proved  disastrous.  See  Charras,  i.  203,  ii.  128  ;  Clausewitz,  cited  by 
General  Chesney,  Waterloo  Lectures,  p.  260 ;]  Shaw  Kennedy,  Battle  of  Waterloo, 
pp.  155-8. 

••*  Dorsey  Gardner,  Waterloo,  p.  36.  The  illness  was  an  affection  of  the  skin  and 
the  bladder  which  caused  prostration.  Clausewitz,  though  not  aware  of  the  facts,  saw 
that  something  was  wrong,  and  says  Napoleon  was  •  affected  by  a  sort  of  lethargy.' 
See  also  Eopes,  p.  200. 

*2  Corresp.  pp.  28,  290-1.    Napoleon's  language  is  clear  and  emphatic. 


72  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

command,  on  the  left  and  the  right,  when  he  should  be  absent ;  and 
no  conceivable  excuse  can  be  made  for  such  conduct.  The  general 
result  of  these  disastrous  incidents,  in  which  hours  beyond  price 
were  thrown  away '*^  and  lost,  was  that,  as  we  have  said,  the  retreat 
of  Bliicher  was  not  molested  or  even  watched,  and  that  its  direction 
waa  not  ascertained.  Wellington,  too,  was  allowed  to  fall  back  from 
Quatre  Bras  without  an  attempt  being  made  to  attack  him ;  and 
the  French  army  had  not  only  failed  to  seize  an  opportunity  to 
overthrow  its  enemy,  but — what  might  obviously  prove  dangerous 
— had  become  ignorant  of  the  real  position  of  the  Prussian  army. 
By  the  forenoon  of  the  17th  Napoleon  had  returned  to  Ligny; 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  he  was  convinced  for  a  time  that 
Bliicher  was  retiring  on  his  base  towards  the  Ehine,  an  error 
in  itself  natural,  but  one  that  could  not  have  possibly  happened 
had  Ney,  Soult,  and  Grouchy  performed  their  duty.  Impressed 
with  this  belief  he  devoted  some  hours  to  reviewing  his  troops 
and  giving  rewards ;  and  his  original  intention  certainly  was  to 
halt  for  the  day  on  the  positions  he  held,  for  he  thought  Bliicher 
out  of  the  account  for  the  present,  and  that  he  would  have  ample 
time  to  turn  against  and  defeat  Wellington.  On  being  informed, 
however,  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  duke's  army  was  still  near 
Quatre  Bras,  he  resolved  to  break  up  from  Ligny  at  once,  to  pursue 
the  enemy  at  hand,  and  to  bring  him  to  bay. 

The  French  army  was  now  divided  into  two  groups,  the  first 
about  72,000  strong,  comprising  some  15,000  cavalry  and  240  guns, 
the  second  about  34,000,  with  nearly  100  guns  and  5,000  horsemen. 
The  disposition  of  the  two  groups  was  to  be  this  :  the  emperor,  with 
the  guard  and  part  of  the  6th  corps,  was  to  join  Ney  with  the  1st  and 
2nd  corps,  and  to  pursue  the  duke  from  Quatre  Bras  ;  the  3rd  and 
4th  corps,  with  the  other  part  of  the  6th,  was  to  follow  the  Prus- 
sians, as  a  restraining  wing ;  and  the  two  other  arms  were,  of  course, 
to  co-operate.  Napoleon  entrusted  the  restraining  wing  to  Grouchy  : 
he  told  the  marshal  that  he  would  attack  Wellington,  should  that 
general  stand  before  the  forest  of  Soignies,  a  great  wood  in  front  of 
Brussels  and  surrounding  Waterloo;  he  ordered  him  to  pursue 
Bliicher,  to  keep  him  in  sight,  and  to  hold  him  in  check  ;  and  there 
can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  he  made  Grouchy  aware  ^*  that  his 

«  Jomini,  though  ignorant  of  the  real  cause,  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  time 
and  opportunity  lost  on  the  morning  of  the  17th.  Ce  nouveau  temps  pordu  sera  tmi- 
jours  une  chose  inexplicable  de  la  part  de  NapoUon :  Pricis  de  la  Camvaane  de  1815, 
p.  185. 

*'  Grouchy  has  denied  that  he  received  an  order  in  any  such  sense,  but  his  own 
despatches  contradict  him,  and  he  is  not  a  faithworthy  witness.  Gerard  positively 
asserts  that  the  order  was  practically  given ;  and  Thiers  says  he  had  this  repeatedly 
from  Gerard  himself.  Jomini,  Precis  de  la  Campagne  1815,  p.  189,  remarks,  after 
giving  conclusive  reasons,  'on  ne  saurait  r6voguer  en  doute  ^uHl  (Napoleon)  Vait. 
effectivement  donni  {Vordre)^^       . 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  n 

mission  was  to  interpose  between  the  hostile"armies,  and  to  prevent 
Bliicher  from  joining  his  colleague.  This  strategy  was  perfectly 
correct  in  principle,  and  had  secured  Napoleon  some  of  his  most 
splendid  triumphs ;  and  the  task  assigned  to  Grouchy  was  not 
beyond  the  powers  of  a  capable  and  intelligent  soldier.  But  it  had 
become  much  less  easy  than  it  ought  to  have  been ;  the  time  that 
had  been  lost  by  negligence  and  delay  had  allowed  Bliicher  to  escape 
unscathed ;  the  exact  direction  he  had  taken  was  not  known ;  he 
had  a  start  over  his  pursuers  of  more  than  twelve  hours;  and  the 
operation  of  restraining  him  that  could  have  been  made  a  certainty 
had  become  one  that  might  prove  a  failure. 

Napoleon  had  joined  Ney  by  about  2  p.m.  ;  the  main  French 
army  was  brought  into  line ;  and  it  broke  up  from  Quatre  Bras  to 
hang  on  the  track  of  Wellington  whose  columns  had  been  for  hours 
in  retreat.  The  emperor  had  ordered  Ney  to  fall  on  the  duke  before 
his  supports  from  Ligny  had  reached  him  ;  but  the  marshal  had 
remained  in  his  camp ;  and  he  has  been  severely  condemned  for 
this  inaction.''^  It  seems  probable,  however,  that  he  could  have 
done  little  more  than  accelerate  the  British  retrograde  movement  ; 
and  I  incline  to  think  that  he  has  been  unduly  blamed,  because 
Napoleon  had  become  conscious  that,  through  the  morning's  delays 
the  French  had  lost  a  most  admirable  chance,  which  he  would  not 
have  lost  in  his  early  campaigns.  The  emperor  directed  the  pur- 
suit in  person,  along  the  great  main  road  from  Charleroi  to 
Brussels,  leading  by  Genappe  to  Soignies  and  Waterloo ;  and  there 
has  been  much  controversy  ^^  whether  he  conducted  the  movement 
with  characteristic  energy,  or  whether  he  was  not  remiss  and 
sluggish.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  advancing  French  only  harassed 
the  rearguard  of  the  duke,  the  mass  of  whose  army  was  already 
safe ;  and,  in  fact,  a  tempest  of  rain  that  flooded  the  country 
brought  military  operations  almost  to  a  stand.  As  evening  fell, 
the  heads  of  the  French  columns  reached  the  low  hills  near  La 
Belle  Alliance,  in  front  of  the  slopes  that  lead  to  Waterloo ;  and 
the  fire  of  many  batteries  gave  Napoleon  warning  that  a  large 
army  was  in  position  before  him.  The  emperor  was  compelled  to 
postpone  an  attack,  if,  as  seems  probable,  he  had  expected  to 
attack  Wellington  on  the  17th.  He  exclaimed  ^^  '  What  w^ould  I  give 
to  have  the  power  of  Joshua,  and  to  arrest  for  two  hours  the  march 
of  the  sun  ! ' 

We  turn  from  the  main  French  army,  now  in  front  of  Wellington, 
to  the  operations  of  Grouchy  and  the  restraining  wing.  The  latest 
commentator  on  the  campaign  has  truly  observed  that  these  move- 
ments have  not,  as  a  rule,  received  the  careful  attention  they  de- 

**  See  for  the  opposite  views  on  this  subject,  Comment,  v.  138-9,  Eopes,  p.  215, 
Charras,  i.  198-9. 

*«  Compare  Ropes,  p.  215,  and  Dorsey  Gardner,  p.  134  note.      *'  Comment.  Y.  200. 


74  DISPUTE!)  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

serve ;  ^^  and  English  an&  German  critics,  it  should  be  added,  have, 
with  scarcely  an  exception,  slurred  the  subject  over,  for  a  thorough 
examination  of  the  facts  condemns  the  false  double  retreat  on 
Wavre  and  Waterloo,  and  especially  the  generalship  of  the  allies  on 
the  18th,  who  gained  a  triumph,  decisive,  indeed,  but  one  which  ought 
to  have  been  a  French  victory.  Before  quitting  Ligny  Napoleon 
still  believed  that  Bliicher  was  making  for  his  base  towards  the 
Khine,  and  he  probably  held  this  belief  for  many  hours  afterwards. 
But  on  his  way  from  Ligny  to  Quatre  Bras,  or,  perhaps,  even  before 
he  left  Ligny,  he  had  received  a  report  that  a  large  Prussian  force 
— this  evidently  was  the  corps  of  Biilow — had  been  seen  on  the 
Orneau,  one  of  the  Sambre's  feeders— that  is,  in  the  direction  of  the 
duke's  army ;  and  he  instantly  sent  off  a  message  to  Grouchy, 
every  line  of  which  requires  thought  and  study.  In  this  important 
despatch  the  emperor  still  shows  that  in  his  judgment  the  mass  of 
the  Prussian  army  was  probably  in  retreat  eastwards ;  but  he 
clearly  foresaw  that  an  attempt  by  Bliicher  to  join  hands  with 
WeUington  was  not  unlikely ;  and  he  made  provision  for  this  very 
contingency.  Having  directed  Grouchy  to  ascertain  the  facts,  and 
to  report  them  to  headquarters,  he  ordered  the  marshal  to  march 
on  Gembloux,  a  village  to  the  south-east  of  Wavre,  and  thirteen  or 
fourteen  miles  from  that  place  ;  and  Grouchy  from  Gembloux  was 
to  scour  the  country  with  his  cavalry,  and  *  to  pursue  the  enemy.' 
As  Gembloux  is  only  a  few  miles  from  Ligny,  and  was  distant 
nearly  a  march  from  Wavre,  this  injunction  obviously  did  not 
assign  the  very  best  position  to  the  restraining  wing  in  order  to 
carry  out  the  emperor's  purpose  ;  but,  whatever  detracting  critics 
have  urged,^^  it  was  quite  sufficiently  correct  to  have  enabled  Grouchy^ 
had  he  had  the  insight  and  power  of  a  true  soldier,  to  do  what  he 
had  been  appointed  to  do,  that  is  to  hold  Bliicher  effectually  in 
check  and  to  keep  the  Prussian  and  British  armies  apart. 

On  the  receipt  of  this  important  despatch,  the  restraining  wing, 
now  the  right  of  the  French  army,  was  immediately  led  by  Grouchy 
to  Gembloux.  The  march  of  his  columns  was  very  slow,  impeded; 
by  bad  roads  and  the  tempestuous  rain;  and  they  were  not  near 
and  around  their  destination  till  night,  parts  being  a  short  distance 
in  the  rear.-^o  Grouchy,  however,  had  pushed  forward  with  an; 
advanced  guard ;  and  at  Gembloux  he  obtained  intelligence  which, 

<8  Eopes,  pp.  219,  221. 

*^  Jomini  is  by  far  the  best  of  the  early  commentators  on  the  operations  of  Grouchy. 
Mr.  Eopes  is  excellent  on  this  subject  and  properly  condemns  English  and  German 
critics. 

^^  Napoleon,  Comment,  v.  153,  blames  the  slowness  of  Grouchy's  march  to 
Gembloux,  but  the  charge  is  untenable.  The  emperor,  writing  at  St.  Helena,  made  a 
mistake  in  this  matter,  not  necessarily  a  wilful  mistake,  as  detractors  have  urged. 
Nor  is  the  point  of  importance ;  Grouchy  had  time  enough  next  day  to  make  good 
any  delays. 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  75 

if  not  accurate  in  some  respects,  should  have  been  amply  sufficient 
to  fix  his  purpose.  He  was  informed  that  the  Prussians  were 
retreating  in  two  main  bodies,  the  one  on  Liege,  the  other  on 
Wavre,  and  that  a  third  column  was  making  for  Namur  ;  that  is, 
that  part  of  Bliicher's  army  was  falling  back  on  its  base,  and  that 
another  part  was  drawing  towards  Wellington.  Upon  this  he  wrote 
twice  to  his  master ,^^  apprising  him  of  what  he  had  ascertained ; 
and  he  expressly  declared  that  *  if  the  mass  of  the  enemy's  forces 
was  moving  on  Wavre,  he  would  pursue  it  in  that  direction,  in  order 
to  separate  Bliicher  and  Wellington,'  proving  that  he  perfectly 
understood  his  mission.  What  in  these  circumstances  was  his 
plain  duty,  giving  him  credit  for  ordinary  energy  and  skill  ?  He 
might  neglect  hostile  masses  retiring  on  Liege  and  Namur,  for 
these  would  be  wholly  out  of  the  account ;  but  he  was  bound  to 
follow,  without  unnecessary  delay,  any  hostile  mass  making  towards 
Wavre,  for  that  was  already  drawing  near  Wellington  ;  and  this 
was  the  more  essential  because  he  well  knew  that  Napoleon 
intended  to  fall  on  Wellington,  should  the  duke  stand  in  front  of 
the  great  wood  of  Soignies,  distant  only  nine  or  ten  miles  from 
Wavre.  Grouchy's  conduct,  therefore,  was  marked  out  for  him  :  he 
should  break  up  from  Gembloux  ^^  at  dawn  on  the  18th,  and  march 
towards  Wavre  as  quickly  as  possible,  in  order  to  come  up  with 
the  enemy ;  and  obviously  he  should  move  on  roads  which  would 
place  him  upon  the  flank  of  the  Prussians,  should  they  try  to 
unite  with  the  British  from  Wavre,  and  would,  at  the  same  time, 
bring  him  near  the  emperor.  These  roads  existed  and  were  even 
open ;  they  led  across  the  Dyle  by  the  two  stone  bridges  of  Moustier 
and  Ottignies,  left  intact,  and  not  more  than  twelve  miles  from 
Gembloux ;  ^^  and  had  the  French  marshal  made  this  movement, 
dictated  by  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  it  may  confidently  be 
asserted  that  he  would  have  intercepted  Bliicher  and  prevented  him 
giving  support  to  Wellington  during  the  great  fight  of  18  June. 

We  pass  from  Grouchy  standing  at  Gembloux  to  the  emperor 
and  his  army  face  to  face  with  Wellington.  Napoleon  did  not  at 
first  believe  that  the  duke  would  venture  to  offer  battle,  a  retreat 
to  Brussels  being  much  more  prudent ;  and  he  spent  the  night  of 
the  17th,  under  torrents  of  rain,  apprehensive  that  his  adversary 
would  decamp.  As  the  morning,  however,  began  to  break,  he 
knew  that  the  British  army  must  await  his  onset :  by  this  time  he 
had  heard  from  Grouchy — whose  despatches,  it  should  be  borne  in 

^'  See  these  letters  referred  to  by  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  Waterloo, 
pp.  230,  315. 

*2  Even  Charras,  Napoleon's  professed  detractor,  admits  this,  ii.  114,  15. 

^^  Jomini,  Pr4cis  de  la  Campagne  de  1815,  p.  222,  says  that  Napoleon  'probably 
would  have  made  this  movement.'  As  we  shall  see,  the  emperor  expected  that  Grouchy 
would  make  it.  In  any  case  I  believe  it  would  have  been  made  by  Desaix,  Mass^na, 
Lannes,  or  Dayout. 


76  DISPUTED  PASSAGES   OF  Jan. 

# 

mind,  were  calculated  to  make  him  feel  secure  from  any  possible 
Prussian  attack; — and  he  looked  forward  to  a  decisive  victory. 
The  memoirs  of  General  Marbot,  lately  published,  have  thrown 
fresh  and  striking  light  on  what  was  occurring  in  the  imperial 
camp,  and  also  on  the  conduct  of  Grouchy  at  this  most  critical 
moment  of  the  campaign  ;  and  they  must  largely  affect  our  judg- 
ment on  events.  We  know  already,  indeed,  that  Napoleon's 
detractors  are  wrong  in  asserting  that  he  neglected  to  observe  what 
was  going  on  towards  his  right ;  he  sent  bodies  of  horsemen  nearly 
to  Wavre,  and  even  ascertained  that  a  Prussian  column  was  not 
distant  from  that  place,  and  beyond  dispute  he  communicated  this 
to  Grouchy.  But  Marbot  is  really  the  first  writer  who  has  cleared 
up  in  any  sense  the  facts  as  to  the  relations  between  Napoleon  and 
Grouchy  during  the  few  hours  that  preceded  Waterloo,  and  his  dis- 
closures are  of  the  highest  importance,  his  formal  report — a  most 
pregnant  incident — having  been,  we  have  said,  suppressed  by  the 
Bourbons.  From  Marbot's  evidence  ^^  it  is  perfectly  plain  that  the 
emperor  expected  Grouchy  would  make  the  movement  from  Gem- 
bloux  which  he  ought  to  have  made — that  is,  would  cross  the  Dyle 
at  Moustier  and  Ottignies,  so  as  at  once  to  reach  Bliicher's  flank, 
should Bliicher  be  moving  towards  Wellington,  and  also  to  approach;' 
the  main  French  army,  and  it  is  impossible  ^^  to  doubt  but  Napo- 
leon sent  a  message  to  this  effect  to  Grouchy.  Marbot,  too,  indi- 
cates the  true  conclusion  to  be  formed  on  another  much  disputed ' . 
subject  as  to  the  operations  of  the  night  of  the  17th.  Napoleon 
positively  asserts -^"^  that  he  directed  Grouchy  to  send  a  detach- 
ment of  7,000  men  to  attack  Wellington's  left  flank  on  the  morning 
of  the  18th  ;  but  this  statement,  though  not  without  support,^^  has 
hitherto  received  very  little  credence.  But  if  Napoleon  expected 
Grouchy  to  march  from  Gembloux  on  Moustier  and  Ottignies,  that 
is,  directly  towards  the  imperial  army,  the  assertion  in  question  is 
strongly  confirmed ;  and  the  better  inference  must  be  that  he  made 
the  order.  On  the  whole  it  is  difiicult  now  to  doubt  but  that 
Napoleon  believed  Grouchy  would  be  at  hand  on  the  38th  to  keep 
Bliicher  away,  and  to  afford  support  to  an  attack  on  Wellington, 
and  had  given  directions  to  that  effect  on  the  night  of  the  17th  ;  and 

"  Memoirs,  iii.  404,  408.  The  passage  should  be  carefully  studied.  Thiers  tells 
an  anecdote  to  the  same  effect. 

"  That  the  message  was  sent  is  almost  obvious ;  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it 
reached  Grouchy.  It  probably  did  not.  Thiers  inclines  to  the  belief  that  any  orders 
sent  to  the  marshal  on  the  night  of  the  17th  were  intercepted. 

^«  Comment,  v.  154.  It  is  improbable  in  the  very  highest  degree  that  Napoleon 
would  have  made  a  purely  false  statement  on  this  subject ;  and  the  movement,  it  will 
be  observed,  was  the  counterpart  of  that  which  Ney  was  directed  to  make  on  Marbais 
on  the  16th.    It  was  exactly  in  Napoleon's  manner. 

"  For  the  opposite  views  on  this  subject  see  Thiers,  Waterloo,  and  Charras, 
n.  126  seqg^.  After  the  pubhcation  of  Marbot's  work  there  is  not  much  room  for 
valid  doubt. 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  >7? 

if  this  view  be  correct  the  charges  made  against  the  emperor  fall  to 
the  ground  as  regards  his  conduct  in  this  passage  of  the  campaign. 
During  these  occurrences  in  the  two  French  camps,  the  allied 
generals  had  been  carrying  out  their  projects.  By  the  night  of  the 
17th  Bliicher  had  his  four  corps  in  hand,  assembled  in  and  around 
Wavre ;  they  still  numbered  some  90,000  men,  including  perhaps 
9,000  horsemen  and  about  270  guns  ;  they  had  been  rested  and  had 
obtained  supplies,  and  they  were  ready  for  a  great  effort  next  day. 
Meanwhile  Wellington  had  drawn  together  an  army  about  70,000 
strong  from  Quatre  Bras,  Nivelles,  and  other  points,  to  the  position 
he  had  chosen  in  front  of  Waterloo;  he  had  some  12,000  cavalry 
and  150  guns  ;  and  he  might  have  collected  a  much  more  powerful 
force,  had  he  not  left  17,000  men  near  Hal  on  his  right — ever 
apprehensive  of  an  attack  from  that  side — a  strategic  error  that 
nearly  cost  him  dear.  The  purpose  of  the  allies  was  unchanged; 
they  were  to  await  the  attack  of  Napoleon  on  their  second  line ;  and 
as  the  emperor  was  now  before  Wellington,  that  general  was  to 
accept  battle  at  Waterloo,  and  Bliicher  was  to  march  to  his  aid 
from  Wavre.  Kecent  commentators  have  raised  very  grave  ques- 
tions as  to  what  their  arrangements  were  to  effect  their  junction 
It  has  long  been  assumed  that  Bliicher  had  informed  his  colleague 
by  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  that  he  would  be  in  line  with  Welling- 
ton, with  the  whole  Prussian  army,  at  an  early  hour,  probably,  on 
the  18th ;  and  it  is  difficult  in  the  extreme  to  reject  this  con- 
clusion. Ollech,  however,  whose  book  appeared  only  a  few  years 
ago,  has  contended  ^^  that  the  supposed  message  of  the  17th 
was  a  letter  written  on  the  18th  only,  that  Bliicher  did  not 
promise  to  march  on  Waterloo  until  about  midnight  on  the  17th, 
and  that  Wellington,  therefore,  did  not  learn  that  he  had  a  pro- 
spect of  receiving  Prussian  support  until  the  early  morning  of  the 
18th.  Colonel  Maurice  has  accepted  this  view  as  correct,-^*^  but,  in 
my  judgment,  it  must  be  erroneous.  It  can  scarcely  be  reconciled 
with  the  text  of  the  single  despatch  that  can  be  produced ;  it  is  all 
but  contradicted  by  a  letter  of  the  duke  written  at  3  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  18th,  and  stating  that  the  Prussians  would  join  him 
*  in  the  morning ; '  ^^  above  all,  it  is  hardly  possible  that  Wellington 
would  have  made  a  stand  at  Waterloo  on  the  evening  of  the  17th, 
and  risked  a  battle  with  enormous  odds  against  him,  unless  he  then 
knew  that  Bliicher  was  pledged  to  join  him.  There  is,  however, 
undoubted  evidence,  if  the,  document  really  is  genuine,  that  Gnei- 
senau,^^  late  on  the  morning  of  the  18lh,  was  hesitating  to  direct  his 
chief  to  march  on  Waterloo,  at  least  in  force  ;  and  the  events  of  the 

38  Cited  by  Bopes,  Waterloo,  p.  238.  •     '  , 

*"  United  Service  Magazine,  September  1890,  p.  534  seg^q^  ,     ,, 

^  «>  Despatches,  vol.  xii      See  Charras,  ii.  6,  7.  -.,--. 

•;;  «'  Ollech,  cited  by  Mr.  Eopes,  pp.  262-3. 


78  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

day  point  to  this  conclusion.  Biilow  broke  up  from  near  Wavre 
by  daybreak,  indeed,  but  Pirch  and  Ziethen  did  not  leave  Wavre 
till  noon,  and  Thielmann  remained  at  Wavre  behind.  If  this  dis- 
closure is  in  accord  with  the  facts,  nay,  if  Wellington  did  not  know 
on  the  17th  that  Bliicher  had  given  his  word  to  join  him,  the 
strategy  of  the  alHes,  bad  at  the  best,  was  even  much  worse  than 
has  usually  been  supposed.^^^ 

Taking  the  case  of  the  allies  however  at  its  best,  these  arrange- 
ments, flowing  from  the  false  movement  on  Wavre  and  Waterloo 
on  the  17th,  and  from  their  resolve  to  stand  on  that  line,  were, 
nevertheless,  essentially  wrong.  Assume  that  Wellington  was 
convinced  by  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  that  Bliicher  was  bound  to 
advance  on  Waterloo,  and  reach  hini  at  an  early  hour  on  the  18th, 
and  that  Bliicher  had  decided  to  march  early  from  Wavre,  still  the 
chances  remained  largely  on  the  side  of  Napoleon,  for  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  day  at  least,  inferior  as  he  was  to  the  collective 
force  of  his  enemies  ;  and  in  fact  the  allied  generals  conducted 
their  movements  on  suppositions  that  ought  to  have  insured  their 
defeat.  Both  Bliicher  and  Wellington  thought  that  Napoleon  had 
five-sixths  of  his  army  in  front  of  Waterloo,  his  whole  army  in  fact, 
except  one  corps;  yet  Wellington  was  to  await  the  emperor's 
attack  until  Bliicher  from  Wavre  should  join  his  colleague ;  in 
other  words  the  duke  with  an  inferior  army,  containing  not  more 
than  40,000  good  troops  on  the  spot,  weak  in  guns,  and  filled  with 
doubtful  auxiliaries,  was  to  resist,  for  a  period  of  five  or  six  hours 
at  shortest,  the  attack  of  90,000  or  100,000  Frenchmen,  superior 
in  cavalry,  and  greatly  so  in  guns.^^  This  assumption  was  a 
radical  mistake  ;  it  exposed  the  duke  to  a  great  disaster,  and  it 
might  have  involved  his  colleague  in  the  same  catastrophe.  Again, 
extraordinary  as  it  may  appear,  the  allied  commanders  did  not 
suspect  that  Grouchy  had  been  detached,  with  34,000  men,  as  a 
restraining  wing  to  hold  Bliicher  in  check,  and  to  prevent  him  from 
reaching  Waterloo  ;  they  supposed,  ignoring  a  whole  set  of  prece- 
dents seen  in  Napoleon's  splendid  career,  that  Bliicher  would  not 
be  molested  on  his  way  from  Wavre ;  and  this  supposition  should 
never  have  been  made,  if  it  was  vindicated  by  the  event  through' 
Grouchy's  conduct.  Their  strategy,  in  a  word,  was  ill-judged  and 
hazardous  in  the  highest  degree ;  and  it  ought  to  have  made  their 
discomfiture  certain. 

Napoleon,  meantime,  had  been  preparing  a  great  and  decisive 

«2  I  do  not  notice  the  story  told  by  Colonel  Maurice,  United  Service  Magazine,' 
January  1891,  that  Wellington  rode  from  Waterloo  on  the  night  of  the  17th,  and 
had  a  conference  with  Bliicher ;  it  rests  on  the  merest  hearsay,  and  is  scarcely  credible. 

«3  Clausewitz,  cited  by  Mr.  Bopes,  p.  243,  denies  that  this  position  of  the  allies  was 
really  hazardous ;  but  this  view  is  hopeless.  Mr.  Eopes  says,  with  unanswerable 
force,  *It  is  fooHsh  to  contend  that  Wellingtoa  did  not  run  a  great  risk  of  being 
defeated  before  the  arrival  of  the' Prussians.'    Cp.  Napoleon's  Comment,  w.  208-9. 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  79 

attack  on  Wellington.  He  had  intended  to  begin  '^^  this  at  9  a.m. 
on  the  18th,  but  the  incessant  rain  had  made  the  ground  difficult ; 
and,  at  the  request  of  Drouot,  one  of  his  best  lieutenants,  he  delayed 
the  attack  for  nearly  three  hours,  to  enable  his  artillery  to  move 
more  freely.  This  possibly  was  a  mistake  on  his  part ;  ^^  all  that 
is  certain  is  that  it  gave  the  duke  an  unexpected  and  great 
advantage.  The  emperor  next  directed  his  thoughts  towards 
Grouchy ;  and  between  the  well-known  letter  of  Soult,  written 
at  10  A.M.  on  the  18th  of  June,  and  Marbot's  recently  pub- 
lished memoirs,  we  clearly  see  what  were  his  views  and  hopes. 
Soult  informed  Grouchy  that  a  Prussian  column,  in  the  direction 
of  Wavre,  had  been  heard  of ;  he  let  Grouchy  know  that  he  was  to 
make  for  Wavre ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  apprised  the  marshal 
that  he  was  to  draw  near  the  main  French  army,  the  paramount 
intention  of  the  whole  despatch.^^  Marbot  tells  us  that  he  received 
positive  orders — he  commanded  a  regiment  of  hussars  at  the 
extreme  French  right  ^^ — to  send  parties  of  horsemen  as  far  as  the 
Pyle  in  order  to  join  hands  with  Grouchy' s  forces,  expected  to 
arrive  by  Moustier  and  Ottignies  ;  and,  after  this  testimony,  it 
must  be  inferred  that  Napoleon  believed  Grouchy  was  not  distant, 
and  was  approaching  the  scene  of  action  by  the  true  line  of  march. 
:  At  11  A.M.  the  French  army  was  ready  for  the  attack,  and  it 
presented  a  noble  and  imposing  spectacle.  The  plan  of  Napoleon, 
as  usual  skilfully  masked,  was  to  turn  W^ellington's  left  and  to  force 
his  centre — admittedly  the  best  possible  plan — and  the  emperor 
had  so  arranged  his  troops  on  the  field  as  at  once  to  conceal  and  to 
carry  out  his  purpose.  His  front  was  occupied  by  the  1st  and  2nd 
corps,  spreading  from  near  Frischermont  on  his  right,  to  Mon 
Plaisir  on  the  left ;  in  the  immediate  rear  were  masses  of  cavalry ; 
and  behind  were  the  imperial  guard  and  part  of  the  6th  corps  in- 
tended to  deal  the  decisive  stroke.  The  ground,  though  sodden 
and  heavy,  had  become  more  fit  for  manoeuvring  ;  the  main  road 
from  Charleroi  to  Brussels  and  a  good  cross  road  from  Nivelles  to 
that  capital  led  into  the  heart  of  the  duke's  positions  ;  guns  had 
been  admirably  placed  to  facilitate  attacks  ;  above  all  the  enemy 
was  not  given  a  hint  from  what  point,  and  how,  the  tempest  was  to 
burst.  The  duke,  however,  had  his  arrangements  made ;  and  they 
revealed  his  peculiar  skill  in  defence,  the  most  conspicuous  of  his 
gifts  in  war.     His  lines  extended  from  the  right  to  his  left,  from 

^*  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergae,  Waterloo,  p.  251.    He  cites  official  documents. 
V.  «  Charras,  ii.  15. 
««  The  despatch  is  somewhat  vague  in  its  language ;  but  it  should  be  studied  with 
the  comments  on  it  of  Thiers  and  Gerard.     The  common  theory  of  English  and 
German  critics  that  it  meant  that  Grouchy  was  to  march  directly  on  Wavre,  and  do 
nothing  else,  is  quite  untenable. 

"^  Memoirs,  iii.  405.     The  emperor's  note  was  sent  by  Lab6doyk'e,  and  ^yas  thus 
held  to  be  of  the  first  importance.    This  may  indicate  that  it  was  Labedoy^re  who  went 
o  Erlon  on  the  16th. 


80  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 


§ 


BrainerAlleud  and  Merbe  Braine  to  Ohain— he  expected  the  Prus- 
sians at  this  point— and  his  main  battle  was  collected  in  the  space  be- 
ween  the  Nivelles  road  and  thence  to  Papelotte.  His  front  was 
covered  by  two  great  obstacles,  the  chateau  of  Hougoumont,  and  the 
large  farm  of  La  Haye  Sainte  ;  and  these  had  been  fortified  and  were 
strongly  held,  in  order  to  break  the  fury  of  the  French  attacks. 
Exactly  the  opposite  of  the  case  of  the  Prussians  at  Ligny,  his  re- 
serves were  carefully  screened  and  protected  ;  and  a  road,  running 
along  the  main  position,  enabled  the  three  arms  to  move  readily, 
and  gave  opportunities  for  counter-attacks. 

I  can  only  glance  at  the  main  incidents  of  the  great  day  of 
Waterloo.  The  battle  began  at  about  11*30  a.m.;  and  Eeille's 
divisions  advanced  against  the  British  right,  a  feint  to  conceal 
the  real  attack  on  the  left.  The  onset  of  the  French,  however, 
was  i]l  combined— a  defect  in  their  tactics  throughout  the  day — 
and  the  defenders  of  Hougoumont  maintained  their  post.  Ere 
long  a  threatening  apparition  rose  on  the  field ;  Napoleon  learned 
that  Billow  was  at  hand  with  nearly  30,000  men  gathering  on  his 
right  flank ;  he  detached  Lobau  with  10,000  to  hold  this  foe  in 
check  ;  and  he  despatched  a  messenger  to  summon  Grouchy  to  the 
scene.  Meanwhile  the  main  attack  had  begun  ;  the  corps  of  Erlon, 
sustained  by  the  fire  of  batteries  extending  to  Papelotte  and  La 
Haye  from  La  Haye  Sainte,  was  directed  against  the  British  left 
and  centre ;  but  it  was  repulsed  after  a  desperate  struggle,  re- 
markable for  a  noble  charge  of  the  British  heavy  cavalry.  The 
emperor's  first  great  effort  had  thus  failed,  and  Biilow  was  making 
his  presence  felt,  advancing  on  his  flank  from  Chapelle  St.  Lambert ; 
but  Napoleon  turned  fiercely  against  the  duke's  centre  ;  and  at  about 
4  P.M.  La  Haye  Sainte  was  stormed.  A  gap  was  now  opened  in 
Wellington's  line;  the  French  cavalry  sweeping  away  thousands  of 
the  weak  auxiliaries,  reached  the  crest  of  the  main  British  position, 
between  the  two  roads  leading  to  Brussels ;  and  Napoleon,  it  seems 
certain,  intended  to  follow  up  this  partial  success  by  an  attack  of 
the  guard. 

The  situation  of  the  duke  had  become  most  critical ;  ^®  his  army, 
in  fact,  was  no  match  for  its  much  more  powerful  and  better  trained 
foe  ;  but,  fortunately  for  England,  Blucher  had  reached  the  spot ; 
the  old  marshal  hastened  the  advance  of  Biilow  ;  and  that  general 
fell  on  Napoleon's  right  flank  at  about  5  p.m.  The  emperor  was 
now  fighting  two  battles  and  in  a  position  of  grave  difficulty ;  he 
was  compelled  to  suspend  the  movement  of  the  guard ;  and,  in  fact, 
the  Prussian  attack  had  become  so  weighty  that  a  large  part  of  the 
guard  was  required  to  stem  it.  Ney  meanwhile  had  been  making 
furious  efforts  to  break  the  British  centre  with  his  cavalry  alone  : 

**  See  [Blucher 's  official  [account  of  Waterloo,  which  though  little  regarded  by 
almost  all  English  writers,  was  never  questionedby  Wellington. 


.1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  ,81 

the  hot  fit  of  rashness  succeeding  the  cold,  he  wasted  his  troops 
against  his  master's  wishes  ;  noble  courage  was  displayed  on  both 
sides  ;  but  the  French  squadrons  were  at  last  beaten,  unsupported 
as  they  had  been  by  infantry.  The  battle,  however,  was  far  from 
decided  ;  by  7  p.m.  Biilow  was  driven  back ;  and  Wellington's  army 
had  been  so  severely  stricken  that  it  seemed  unequal  to  a  great  final 
effort.  Napoleon  formed  the  guard  into  two  large  columns,  and 
launched  it  against  the  British  centre,  sustaining  it  by  the  remains 
of  his  forces ;  but  Wellington,  who  had  admirably  maintained  the 
fight,  and  had  husbanded  his  army  with  great  skill  and  forethought, 
had  still  a  reserve  for  the  decisive  moment,  and  had  carefully  pro- 
tected the  endangered  point.  The  guard  was  repulsed,  and  as  it 
swayed  backward  a  sudden  transformation  passed  over  the  scene. 
Parts  of  the  corps  of  Ziethen  and  Pirch  appeared  on  the  field ;  a  mass 
of  British  horsemen  was  let  loose  ;  and  the  duke  moved  his  army 
forward  a  few  hundred  yards  to  prove  that  he  had  won  the  battle. 
The  French  were  assailed  in  front,  flank,  and  rear;  the  guard 
fought  heroically  to  the  last ;  but  the  rest  of  Napoleon's  routed 
army  was  soon  a  mere  horde  of  disbanding  fugitives.  Ill  conducted 
as  its  efforts  had  been,  the  French  army  had  shown  remarkable 
valour;  but  it  gave  way  under  the  extreme  of  misfortune — a 
sign  how  really  inferior  it  was  to  the  best  armies  Napoleon  had 
led. 

The  emperor's  plan  of  attack  at  Waterloo  has  been  justly 
admired  by  all  critics ;  but  his  conduct  of  the  battle  showed  want  of 
energy.  He  was  but  little  on  horseback  during  the  day  ;  he  did 
not  direct  the  operations  with  his  wonted  care ;  he  perhaps  missed 
an  opportunity  to  strike  with  the  guard  when  the  capture  of  La 
Haye  Sainte  exposed  Wellington's  line.  His  position,  doubtless, 
was  difficult  in  the  extreme,  after  Billow's  attack  had  begun  in 
earnest ;  but  his  apparent  remissness,  we  now  know,  was  really  due 
to  a  return  of  illness.*^^  The  tactics  of  his  lieutenants  were  faulty 
too  ;  they  revealed  impatience  and  want  of  prudence ;  the  corps 
of  Erlon  was  badly  arrayed ;  Ney  *  massacred '  the  fine  French 
cavalry  ;  and  the  day,  as  Napoleon  has  himself  said,  was  one  of 
*  manoeuvres  essentially  false.'  On  the  other  hand,  Wellington  was 
the  soul  of  the  defence ;  apart  from  the  error  of  leaving  on  the  right 
a  great  detachment  distant  from  the  field,  his  arrangements  were,  in 
the  highest  degree,  excellent ;  he  expected  the  Prussians  at  an  early 
hour,  but  he  continued  to  stand  successfully  until  night  was  at  hand ; 
he  showed  remarkable  skill  in  protecting  his  troops ;  he  had  a  reserve 
ready  at  the  last  moment ;  notwithstanding  the  weakness  of  his 
auxiliaries,  his  unflinching  constancy  never  gave  way.  His  activity 
and  vigour  stand  in  marked  contrast  with  the  seeming  sluggishness 

*^  Dorsey  Gardner,  pp.  3§-7.     Soult  also  noticed  that  Napoleon  was  ill. 
VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  Q 


82  DISPUTED  PASSAGES   OF  Jan, 


* 


of  his   great  antagonist,  and  largely  redeem  the  grave   strategic 
mistakes  into  which  he  fell  in  the  course  of  the  campaign. 

The  result  of  Waterloo,  nevertheless,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  opera- 
tions outside  the  field ;  it  was  due  to  the  fact  that  45,000  Prussians 
were  thrown  on  the  right  flank  and  rear  of  Napoleon  ;  and  for  this 
Grouchy  is  almost  wholly  responsible.  The  marshal,  we  have 
seen,  ought  to  have  left  Gembloux  at  the  first  peep  of  dawn  on 
18  June  ;  and  he  should  have  moved  as  quickly  as  possible  on 
Moustier  and  Ottignies,  in  order  alike  to  reach  the  flank  of  Bliicher 
should  he  be  seeking  from  Wavre  to  join  Wellington,  and  in  order 
to  draw  near  the  main  French  force  at  Waterloo.  After  the  reve- 
lations of  Marbot's  *  Memoirs,'  Napoleon,  we  have  said,  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted,  at  some  time  on  the  night  of  the  17th,  gave 
Grouchy  directions  in  this  very  sense ;  but  even  if,  as  seems 
extremely  likely,  this  important  message  did  not  reach  Grouchy,  his 
true  course  ought  to  have  been  obvious  to  him.  Grouchy,  however, 
did  not  break  up  from  Gembloux  until  8  or  9  a.m.  on  the  18th ;  he 
crowded  his  divisions  into  one  huge  column,  thus  rendering  their 
advance  unnecessarily  slow ;  and,  having  squandered  irreparably  the 
most  precious  hours,  he  did  not  make  for  Moustier  and  Ottignies, 
or  attempt  even  to  approach  the  Dyle.  He  marched,  instead, 
directly  on  Wavre,  that  is  towards  the  rear  and  not  the  flank  of  his 
enemy,  and  keeping  entirely  away  from  Napoleon  ;  nor  was  this 
his  only  or  perhaps  his  worst  error.  At  about  noon  he  heard  the 
thunder  of  Waterloo,  at  a  place  shown  by  the  latest  historian  ^^  to 
have  been  Walhain,  not  Sart  les  Walhain,  that  is  nearer  Waterloo 
than  has  been  hitherto  thought,  and  he  rejected  the  admirable 
advice  of  Gerard  to  move  at  once  on  Moustier  and  Ottignies  so  as 
to  menace  the  Prussians  in  flank,  to  turn  Wavre  should  an  attack 
be  required,  and  to  communicate  with  the  emperor  now  fighting 
Wellington.  Grouchy  continued  his  ill-starred  movement  on 
Wavre;  at  about  4  p.m.  he  received  the  despatch  of  10  a.m., 
approving,  no  doubt,  a  march  on  Wavre,  but  ordering  the  marshal 
to  approach  Napoleon — both  objects,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind, 
would  have  been  gained  by  taking  the  true  course,  that  is  by  crossing 
the  Dyle  at  Moustier  and  Ottignies — but  again  he  would  not  hsten 
to  Gerard's  counsels,  and  he  attacked  Thielmann  at  Wavre  a  short 
time  afterwards.  The  Prussian  general  had  only  18,000  men ;  but 
he  contrived  to  keep  Grouchy  in  check  for  some  hours ;  and  mean- 
while Billow,  Ziethen,  and  Pirch  had  made  their  way  to  Waterloo, 
and  had  overwhelmed  Napoleon.  At  7  p.m.  Grouchy  was  given  the 
despatch,  sent  off,  we  have  seen,  from  the  emperor's  lines  at  the 
intelhgence  of  the  approach  of  Biilow ;  the  marshal  crossed  the 
Dyle,  and  endeavoured  to  draw  near  his  master  ;  but  the  movement 
was  altogether  too  late  ;  the  French  army  had  been  destroyed.     The 

'«  Eopes,  p.  286. 


1895  THE   CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  83 

34,000  men  of  Grouchy  had  detained  a  fraction  only  of  the 
Prussian  army ;  the  marshal  had  not  threatened  or  stopped 
Bliicher  and  given  support  to  Napoleon,  as  he  might  have  done 
had  he  acted  with  ordinary  judgment  and  skill. 

The  right  wing,  therefore,  of  the  French  army,  detached  to 
pursue  and  restrain  Bliicher,  had  failed  to  accomplish  its  allotted 
task ;  and  owing  to  his  feebleness  and  delays,  and  to  the  wrong 
direction  given  to  his  march.  Grouchy  had  been  worse  than  useless 
on  the  great  day  of  Waterloo.  The  latest  commentator  ^^  has  ably 
disposed  of  the  apologies  made  for  this  worthless  soldier.  It  has 
been  said  that  Grouchy  was  too  far  from  Moustier  and  Ottignies 
to  be  in  time  to  threaten  the  Prussians  and  check  their  advance ; 
but  even  the  partisan  Charras  rejects  this  view ;  ^^  and  Jomini, 
who  knew  what  a  French  army  could  do  better  than  any  other 
critic, ^^  has  not  a  doubt  on  the  subject.  Still  more  untenable 
is  the  position  that,  as  Napoleon  directed  Grouchy  to  Wavre,  he 
has  to  thank  himself  for  his  own  overthrow;  the  emperor  did 
not  assume  that  the  marshal  would  throw  time  away  and  move 
at  a  snail's  pace ;  and  there  were  two  ways  of  getting  to  Wavre, 
the  direct  roads  and  those  to  Moustier  and  Ottignies,  the  line 
Napoleon  believed  that  Grouchy  would  take.^'*  We  may  also  dis- 
miss the  shallow  statement  that  Grouchy  would  have  been  too 
late  to  operate  with  effect  on  the  18th,  as  the  Prussians  from 
Wavre  reached  Waterloo  late ;  the  marshal  should  have  left  Gem- 
bloux  at  daybreak  ;  the  march  of  Biilow  was  timid  in  the  extreme, 
and  Ziethen  and  Pirch  did  not  move  till  noon;  and  this  argu- 
ment therefore  falls  to  the  ground.  The  reasoning  of  Charras 
is  more  plausible,^^  that,  as  Grouchy  had  only  34,000  men,  and 
Bliicher  had  certainly  90,000,  the  French  could  not  have  stopped 
the  Prussians  ;  but  this  ignores  the  facts  that,  at  Moustier  and 
Ottignies,  Grouchy  would  have  been  on  the  flank  of  his  enemy ; 
that  the  Prussian  columns  were  widely  apart,  and  that  the  question 
was  only  to  keep  them  in  check  a  few  hours.  Most  of  these  argu- 
ments, too,  make  too  much  of  the  distance  between  Gembloux  and 
Wavre ;  an  army  drawing  on  the  flank  of  a  foe,  especially  on  a 
perilous  flank  march,  arrests  him  even  when  far  away ;  ^^  and  this 
was  the  position  of  Grouchy  as  respects  Bliicher.  On  the  whole, 
there  can  be  little  ground  for  doubt  that  Grouchy  would  have  kept 
the  Prussians  from  Waterloo  had  he  marched  early  and  quickly  on 
Moustier  and  Ottignies,  and  made  his  way  towards  his  expecting 

'•  Ropes,  pp.  244,  288.  I  do  not  agree  with  all  he  says,  but  he  is  very  clear  and 
able.     See  also  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne,  pp.  367-387. 

"  Charras,  ii.  115,  120.  '^  Precis  de  la  Campagne  de  1815,  p.  261. 

'*  See  Marbot,  iii.  405,  408,  and  Prince  La  Tour  d'Auvergne  very  good  on  this 
•  point,  pp.  373-4. 

"  Tome  ii.  112  seqq.  ] 

'*  See  Quinet  on  Waterloo,  one  of  Napoleon's  libellers. 

o2 


84  DISPUTED  PASSAGES  OF  Jan. 

master ;  and  in  that  event  Wellington  would  have  been  defeated. 
It  deserves  special  notice,  too,  that  the  emperor  has  said  that,  had 
Grouchy  advanced  on  Wavre,  even  by  the  direct  road,  but  only  in 
time,"  he  would  have  arrested  the  march  of  the  Prussians  ;  and 
the  events  of  the  day  confirm  this  assertion.  Grouchy  had  not 
approached  Wavre  until  1  p.m.;  yet  his  apparition  checked 
Thielmann,  Pirch,  and  Ziethen.  Out  of  an  army  of  90,000  men, 
only  45,000  reached  the  field  of  Waterloo.  The  latest  historian  has 
besides  insisted  that  ^®  had  Grouchy  marched  on  Moustier  and 
Ottignies  even  when  he  heard  the  roar  of  the  strife  at  Waterloo,  he 
would  have  kept  back  the  great  mass  of  Bliicher's  forces ;  Thiers 
has  sustained  this  opinion  with  characteristic  skill ;  and  it  was  that 
of  Gerard,  a  true  soldier,  who  clung  to  it  to  the  last  day  of  his  life. 
There  is,  therefore,  no  vahd  defence  for  Grouchy  ;  ^^  Napoleon  simply 
expressed  the  truth,  that  *he  could  no  more  conceive  that  the 
marshal  would  fail  him  than  that  he  would  be  swallowed  up  by  an 
earthquake.'  ^'^ 

The  truth,  though  still  not  wholly  ascertained,  has  thus  come 
out  by  degrees  as  regards  a  campaign  ever  memorable  in  the 
annals  of  war.  Napoleon  undoubtedly  made  one  real  mistake  ;  he 
believed  that  Bliicher  was  falling  back  on  his  base,  completely 
defeated  after  Ligny,  and  this  aggravated  the  effects  of  the  delays 
of  the  17th,  though  it  is  only  just  to  observe  that  he  could  not  have 
made  this  mistake  had  his  lieutenants  on  the  spot  been  fairly 
active.  He  would  also  have  been  gravely  to  blame  for  the  tardiness 
of  the  French  on  the  17th,  and  for  not  striking  his  enemy  down, 
had  not  illness  made  him  almost  prostrate ;  and  the  same  remark 
applies  to  his  conduct  at  Waterloo.  More  than  once,  too,  perhaps 
he  missed  a  great  chance,  especially  in  the  case  of  Erlon  on  the 
16th,  and  when  he  did  not  attack  with  the  guard  after  the  fall  of 
La  Haye  Sainte ;  in  these  instances  he  may  have  been  unequal  to 
himself.  But  in  the  campaign  of  1815  he  was  not  the  less  a  con- 
summate  warrior,  and  his  superiority  was  distinctly  manifest. 
Nothing  can  have  been  finer  than  his  first  operations,  whether  iji 
selecting  the  true  point  of  attack,  in  the  concentration  of  his  army 
upon  the  frontier,  and  in  his  estimate  of  the  men  he  had  to  deal 
with  ;  and  his  success  at  the  outset  seemed  assured  by  Fortune. 
He  outgener ailed  Bliicher  and  Wellington  on  the  15th,  all  but 
checkmated  them  the  next  day,  and,  had  he  been  seconded  as  he 

"  Comment,  vi.  149.  This  passage,  ignored  by  English  and  German  writers,  should 
be  perused.    See  also  Comment,  v.  209. 

''*  Eopes,  258  sqq. 

''^  The  incapacity  of  Grouchy  was  well  known  in  the  French  army.  Pasquier 
{Memoirs,  iii.  232)  relates  that  Soult,  as  representing  the  other  French  generals, 
warned  Napoleon  not  to  give  Grouchy  an  independent  command  before  the  campaign 
opened. 

"'  Comment,  v.  209. 


1895  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1815  85 

ought  to  have  been,  would  have  made  an  end  of  the  Prussians  at 
Ligny,  and  have  afterwards  defeated  the  duke's  bad  army.  On 
the  18th  his  chances  were  less ;  but  still,  had  his  right  been  well 
directed,  he  must,  humanly  speaking,  have  gained  Waterloo,  for 
Wellington's  army,  fine  as  was  its  defence,  was  not  strong  enough 
unaided  to  contend  against  him.  And  these  great  and  splendid 
results  were  nearly  attained,  though  Napoleon's  forces  were 
but  128,000  men  against  224,000 ;  in  short,  the  supremacy  of  his 
strategic  genius  was  seldom  more  magnificently  displayed. 

Why,  then,  it  may  be  asked,  did  the  modern  Hannibal  find  a 
second  Zama  on  the  field  of  Waterloo  ?  Due  weight  should  be 
assigned  to  minor  causes :  Bliicher  and  Wellington  gave  proof  in 
different  ways  of  admirable  vigour  and  resource  as  soldiers,  though 
as  strategists  they  showed  badly  from  first  to  last.  The  emperor's 
army,  too,  was  not  sufficiently  large  ;  he  had  reckoned,  we  have 
seen,  on  20,000  more  men ;  enough  allowance  could  not  be  made 
for  accidents  ;  and  he  underrated  the  moral  power  of  the  Prus- 
sian army,  which  he  thought  could  not  rally  after  its  defeat  on 
the  16th,  and  perhaps  the  indomitable  constancy  of  the  British 
squares  at  Waterloo.  But  all  these  were  subordinate  causes  only  : 
the  paramount  causes  of  Napoleon's  defeat  were  directly  due  to 
his  own  lieutenants.  Had  Ney  and  Erlon  acted  as  they  should 
have  done,  the  emperor  must  have  triumphed  on  the  16th  of  June ; 
and  he  must  have  been  victorious  on  the  18th  also,  had  Grouchy 
shown  a  sign  of  insight  and  vigour.  But  his  instruments  failed 
him,  and  his  ruin  followed,  and  the  great  exile  at  St.  Helena  is 
confirmed  by  History  when  he  said :  ^*  Je  les  ecrasais  a  Ligny,  si 
ma  gauche  cut  fait  son  devoir.  Je  les  ecrasais  encore  a  Waterloo,  si 
ma  droite  ne  m^eut  pas  manque. 

William  O'Connor  Morris. 

*'  Corres]j.  pp.  32,  275 


86  Jan, 


Notes  and  Documents 


THE    'donation    OF   CONSTANTINe/ 

In  Dr.  Zinkeisen's  instructive  paper  on  the  *  Donation  of  Constantine  ' 
in  the  last  number  of  the  English  Historical  Keview  he  states 
that  the  decision  of  Baronius  against  its  authenticity  '  hushed  its 
defenders.'  Error  is  not  so  easily  silenced.  Nearly  a  century  after 
Baronius,  Christian  Wolff,  one  of  the  most  learned  ecclesiastics  of 
his  time,  still  alludes  to  it  as  an  undisputed  fact.^ 

To  the  rejection  of  the  claim  by  Otto  III  Dr.  Zinkeisen  might 
have  added  that  not  long  afterwards  St.  Henry  II,  in  confirming 
the  previous  gifts  of  the  emperors,  makes  no  allusion  to  that  of 
Constantino,  showing  that  it  was  the  settled  imperial  policy  to 
disregard  it.^  He  might  also  have  alluded  to  Geroch  of  Eeichers- 
berg^  about  1150,  who  relates  that  when  he  was  in  Kome  a  lawyer 
hostile  to  the  church  (possibly  one  of  the  Arnaldistae)  argued  with 
him  that  the  '  Donation '  was  void,  because  Constantine  was  baptised 
in  the  Arian  heresy.  Training  in  the  civil  law  apparently  rendered 
impossible  a  belief  in  the  genuineness  of  the  'Donation,'  while 
prudence  suggested  that  scepticism  should  be  justified  by  reference 
to  the  Arianism  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia,  who  administered  clinical 
baptism  to  the  dying  emperor.  This  Geroch  confutes  with  the  asser- 
tion that  the  Nicomedian  baptism  is  a  heretic  falsehood  and  that 
Constantine  was  baptised  in  Eome  by  Sylvester  I ;  besides,  laws 
favouring  the  church  are  confirmed  by  God,  even  though  they  may 
have  been  issued  by  pagans. 

Aeneas  Sylvius  (Pius  II)  did  not  only,  as  Dr.  Zinkeisen  states, 
in  1443  urge  Frederick  III  to  have  the  matter  decided  by  a  council, 
but  in  1453  wrote  a  tract  in  which  he  showed  the  falsity  of  the 
*  Donation,'  and  argued  that  the  holy  see  owed  its  territorial  pos- 
sessions to  Charlemagne  and  its  supremacy  over  monarchs  to  the 
power  of  the  keys  and  the  headship  of  Peter.^  This  may,  perhaps, 
explain  why  there  is  no  reference  to  the  '  Donation '  in  the  bulls  of 
Nicholas  V  and  his  successors  granting  and  partitioning  the  newly 

^  Chr.  Lupi  Append,  ad  Concilium  Chalcedonensem,  0pp.  ii.  261. 

2  Lunig,  Cod.  Ital.  Diplom.  ii.  698.  »  Exposit.  in  Ps.  Ixiv. 

♦  •  Opera  inedita,'  in  Atti  della  R.  Accademia  dei  Lincei,  1883,  pp.  671-81. 


1895         THE  'DONATION  OF  CONST ANTINE'  87 

discovered  lands.  It  was  safer,  as  Boniface  VIII  had  done  in  the 
bull  *  Unam  Sanctam,'  to  base  the  papal  domination  on  divine 
authority  than  on  the  grant  of  an  earthly  potentate. 

Henry  Charles  Lea. 


KING    STEPHEN   AND    THE    EARL   OF   CHESTER. 

The  attitude  of  Kandulf,  earl  of  Chester,  in  the  great  struggle  under 
Stephen  would  seem  to  have  never  been  made  the  subject  of 
systematic  study.  Dr.  Stubbs  truly  says  that  '  the  earl  of  Chester, 
although  whenever  he  prevailed  on  himself  to  act  he  took  part 
against  Stephen,  fought  rather  on  his  own  account  than  on 
Matilda's.'^  His  policy  could  not  be  expressed  more  tersely  or  more 
accurately.  But,  as  I  have  urged  in  my  '  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,' 
the  great  feudal  magnates  displayed  a  method  in  their  madness ; 
they  took  advantage,  when  unscrupulous,  of  the  anarchy  to  sell 
their  support  in  turn  to  the  two  contending  factions,  in  the  well- 
grounded  hope  that  they  would  outbid  each  other.  Of  this  policy 
Geoffrey  himself  affords  the  most  perfect  illustration ;  but  the 
devious  career  of  the  earl  of  Chester  has  much  in  common  with  his 
own.  Nor  will  it  be  unprofitable  to  attempt  some  explanation  of 
the  tangled  skein  presented  through  the  whole  reign  of  Stephen  by 
the  actions  of  a  man  who,  as  the  '  Gesta  '  reminds  us,  held  for  a  time 
beneath  his  sway  about  a  third  of  the  realm.  For  Eandulfs  power, 
it  is  essential  to  remember,  was  by  no  means  limited,  as  some  might 
suppose,  to  his  own  earldom  of  Chester.  In  Lincolnshire  he  in- 
herited the  great  fiefs  of  his  own  father.  Earl  Kandulf,  and  of  the 
latter 's  kinsman  and  predecessor  Earl  Eichard.  In  the  same 
county  a  great  estate  had  been  held  by  his  father  in  right  of  his 
wife,  and  was  now  held  by  his  half-brother  and  close  ally  William 
de  Eoumare,  her  son.  In  the  north  Carlisle,  with  its  honour, 
which  his  father  had  formerly  held,  was  a  special  object  of  his 
desire.  The  real  springs  of  his  policy  are  found  in  Carlisle  and 
Lincoln.  Stephen's  concession  of  the  former,  at  the  very  beginning 
of  his  reign,  to  the  Scottish  king  and  his  son  threw  the  earl  into 
discontent,  while  the  geographical  disposition  of  his  strength 
between  Cheshire  and  Lincolnshire  set  him,  as  it  were,  a  cheval 
across  England,  and  made  it  the  special  object  of  his  ambition  to 
reign  at  Lincoln  as  he  reigned  at  Chester,  and  unite  these  strong- 
holds by  a  string  of  fortresses  securing  his  dominion  from  sea  to 
sea.  It  was  jealousy  of  Henry  the  Scottish  prince  that  made 
Eandulf  withdraw  from  court  in  the  spring  of  1136,  and,  according 
to  John  of  Hexham,  it  was  his  failure  to  waylay  Henry  and  his 
wife,  on  their  way  back  from  Stephen's  court  in  1140,  that  led 
him,  in  despair,  to  surprise  and  seize  Lincoln  castle  at  the  close  of 

»  Constitutional  Biatory  (1874),  i.  329* 


88^     KIN'G  STEPHEN  AND  EARL   OF  CHESTER    Jan. 

the  year.2  jt  is  necessary  to  remember  the  relative  wealth  and 
importance,  at  that  period,  of  Lincoln,  in  order  to  understand  the 
importance  attached  by  the  king  to  its  recovery  and  by  Kandulf 
to  its  retention. 

The  real  crux  is  the  elaborate  charter  of  which  an  abstract  is 
preserved  among  the  duchy  of  Lancaster  records,  and  englished  in 
Dugdale's  *  Baronage  '  (i.  39) .  As  neither  the  place  at  which  it  was 
granted  nor  the  names  of  its  witnesses  are  preserved,  there  is  no 
certain  clue  to  its  date,  on  which,  however,  much  depends.  The 
one  thing. that  is  quite  clear  is  that  Stephen  wore  his  crown  at 
Lincoln,  Christmas  1146,  having  forced  the  earl  that  year  to  sur- 
render the  castle  and  city  by  seizing  him,  somewhat  treacherously, 
at  Northampton,  and  making  the  surrender  of  his  castles  the 
price  of  his  liberation.^  Mr.  Howlett  implies  that  the  charter  I 
have  spoken  of,  by  which  Lincoln  inter  alia  was  given  to  the  earl, 
was  of  earlier  date  than  this,  and  that  it  accounts  for  Eandulf, 
when  arrested,  being  in  possession  of  the  castle.''  My  own  view, 
on  the  contrary,  is  that  Eandulf  had  held  Lincoln  ever  since 
he  surprised  the  castle  at  the  close  of  1140.  I  can  find  no  evi- 
dence of  his  losing  possession  within  that  period  ;  and  he  was 
certainly  in  possession  in  1144,  when  Stephen  tried  in  vain  to 
recapture  the  city.* 

What  happened,  I  believe,  was  this.  After  Stephen's  re-coro- 
nation, Christmas  1141,  at  Canterbury,  his  resolve  to  go  north  to 
York  compelled  him  to  pass  through  the  spheres  of  influence  of  the 
earl  of  Chester  and  his  half-brother  the  earl  of  Lincoln.  He  was 
anxious  not  only  to  secure  his  communications,  but  also  to  win 
over,  or  at  least  to  neutralise,  now  that  he  was  once  more  on  the 
throne,  these  two  magnates.  If  he  had  tried  to  enforce  their 
submission,  or  had  insisted  on  the  surrender  of  Lincoln,  he  would 
only  have  thrown  them  into  the  arms  of  the  empress,  which  is 
precisely  what  he  wished  to  avoid.  On  the  other  hand,  her 
fortunes  for  the  moment  seemed  at  so  low  an  ebb  that  the  two 
earls  would  be  glad  to  temporise  and  meet  Stephen's  overtures  half- 
way. I  assign,  therefore,  in  my  *  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville '  (p.  159), 
to  this  date — the  beginning  of  1142 — the  interesting  Stamford 
charter  of  Stephen  by  which  he  granted  to  the  earl  of  Lincoln  the 
great  manor  of  Kirton-in-Lindsey,  held,  in  '  Domesday,'  by  the 
crown,  and  confirmed  him  in  possession  of  Gainsborough  Castle, 
part  of  the  forfeited  fief  of  Geoffrey  de  Wirce,  important  from  its 
bridge  over  the  Trent,  on  which  several  Lincolnshire  roads  con- 
verged.    On  the  other  hand  Miss  Norgate  ^  and  Mr.  Howlett  ^  both 

=  Sym.  Dun.  ii.  306.      ^  Ibid.  ii.  325  ;  Hen.  Hunt.  p.  279 ;  Qesta  Stephani,  p.  126. 

••  Chronicles,  Stephen^  &c.  iii.  xlii.  *  ji^^  Hunt.  p.  277 

*  England  under  the  Angevin  Kings,  i.  336. 

'  Gesta  Stephani  (Rolls  edition),  p.  117.  -  ■     I 


1895    KING  STEPHEN  AND  EARL  OF  CHESTER     89^ 

independently  assign  to  1146  the  meeting  of  Stephen  at  Stamford 
with  the  brother  earls.  The  chronology  at  the  close  of  the 
Peterborough  chronicle  is,  unfortunately,  so  confused  that  one 
cannot  positively  say  to  what  date  it  assigns  the  Stamford  meeting, 
which  it  places  just  after  Stephen's  release  (1141),  and  before  his 
seizure  of  Kandulf  (1146),  but  also  before  the  siege  of  Oxford  in 
1142.  All  I  contend  for  is  that  my  charter  must  be  assigned  to 
this  meeting,  and  that  the  charter,  from  the  names  of  its  witnesses, 
certainly  seems  to  belong  to  the  beginning  of  1142. 

From  this  date  I  pass  to  1146.  This  was  another  turning-point 
in  the  struggle,  the  fortunes  of  war  inclining  very  definitely  in 
Stephen's  favour.  The  supporters  of  the  empress  were  losing 
heart,  and  Eandulf  clearly  thought  it  was  time  to  make  terms  with 
Stephen,  who,  it  seemed  likely,  would  be  soon  in  a  position  to  call 
him  to  account  for  his  usurpations.  My  view  is  that  during  the 
period  since  the  beginning  of  the  year  1142  the  earl  had  occupied 
a  position  of  armed  neutrality,  not  siding  with  either  party,  and 
with  no  wish  to  oppose  the  king  so  long  as  he  was  left  in  possession 
of  Lincoln  and  the  other  portions  of  crown  demesne  of  which  he 
had  obtained  possession.  He  now  (1146)  openly  embraced  Stephen's 
cause,  and  even  gave  him  active  support.  By  this  means,  doubt- 
less, he  hoped  to  keep  all  that  he  had  wrongfully  acquired.^  Are 
we  to  assign  to  this  occasion  Stephen's  great  charter  to  him,  of 
which  I  have  already  spoken  ?  I  shall  not  do  so,  first,  because 
it  expressly  stipulates  for  his  recovery  of  his  castles,  which  he  had 
not  yet  lost ;  secondly,  because  it  grants  him  the  honour  of 
Lancaster,  a  provision  I  shall  explain  below ;  thirdly,  because  its 
extravagant  concessions  prove  it  to  have  been  given  on  some 
occasion  when  Stephen  was  hard  pressed.  This  brings  me  to  my 
special  point — namely,  that  I  believe  we  have  in  this  treaty  the 
cause  and  explanation  of  Eandulf 's  conduct  in  1149,  when  he  so 
suddenly  and  so  mysteriously  abandoned  his  allies  King  David  and 
young  Henry  of  Anjou. 

The  earl's  determination  not  to  part  with  any  of  the  castles  or 
lands  he  held  had  brought  matters  to  a  crisis  in  1146,  and  ended 
in  his  seizure  at  Northampton,  while  at  Stephen's  court.  Eegain- 
ing  his  liberty  by  the  surrender  of  his  castles  and  by  undertaking 
to  keep  the  peace,  he  broke  out  at  once,  like  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville 
when  in  similar  plight,  into  wild  revolt,  hurling  himself,  on  one 
side,  against  Lincoln,  from  which  he  was  repulsed  by  its  citizens, 
and  on  the  other  against  Coventry,  which,   I   suspect,   was,  like 

8  '  Comes  siquidem  Cestrae,  qui  tertiam  fere  regni  partem  armis  praevalentibug 
occuparat,  supplex  et  mansuetus  regem  adivit,  crudelitatisque  et  perfidiae,  quam  in 
eum  egerat,  cum  et  manus  in  Lincolnensi  captione  in  regem  et  dominum  extendit,  et 
regales  possessiones  sibi  usurpando  latissime  invasit,  tandem  poenitens,  veteris 
amicitiae,  renovato  inter  eos  foedere,  in  gratiam  vediit.'—Gesta  Stephani. 


90      KING  STEPHEN  AND  EARL   OF  CHESTER    Jan. 

Lincoln,  one  of  the  royal  castles  he  had  seized  and  had  now  been 
obliged  to  surrender.^  John  of  Hexham  is  here  altogether  at  sea. 
He  places  the  earl's  seizure  and  the  surrender  of  his  castles  after 
the  knighting  of  Henry  at  Carlisle  in  1149,  and  makes  him,  in  his 
fury  and  despair,  appeal  to  *  Duke'  Henry  to  come  over  and  espouse 
his  cause,  which  Henry  accordingly  did.^°  Yet  his  story  may  well 
preserve  this  much  of  truth  :  that  when  Henry  came,  in  1149,  it  was 
on  the  understanding  that  Earl  Eandulf  would  join  him  against 
Stephen  heart  and  soul.  This  would  explain  why  the  earl  brought 
himself  to  give  up  at  length  the  claim  on  Carlisle  he  had  cherished 
so  many  years,  and  to  receive  the  honour  of  Lancaster  in  its  place. 
He  was  even  reconciled  with  his  old  opponent  Henry  of  Scotland, 
undertaking  that  his  son  should  marry  one  of  Henry's  daughters. 

The  triple  alliance  then  formed  at  Carlisle  between  the  Scottish 
king,  Earl  Eandulf,  and  young  Henry  of  Anjou  is  known  to  have 
seriously  alarmed  Stephen,  who  hurried  north  to  York  and 
prepared  for  action.  For  the  moment  the  prospects  of  the  Angevin 
cause  had  undoubtedly  revived,  and  the  earl,  by  throwing  his 
weight  into  the  scale,  had  not  only  enabled  Henry  to  recommence 
the  struggle,  but  had  connected  David  and  his  son  in  the  north 
with  the  Angevin  party  in  the  west.  If  Stephen  could  but  detach 
him  from  his  allies,  the  whole  scheme  would  at  once  collapse. 
Eandulf  certainly  was  detached,  for  he  failed  to  join  his  alHes,  as 
he  had  promised,  at  Lancaster,  and  they  consequently  found  them- 
selves forced  to  abandon  their  design.  That  some  sudden  and 
strong  motive  must  have  caused  this  change  of  plans  is  evident 
enough ;  he  would  not  have  lightly  thrown  away  the  revenge  for 
which  he  had  schemed,  and  which  seemed  at  length  within  his  grasp. 
I  believe,  therefore,  that  Stephen  must  have  offered  him,  at  this 
crisis,  the  terms  embodied  in  the  charter  I  have  so  often  referred  to. 
These  included,  first  and  foremost,  the  castle  and  city  of  Lincoln, 
which  he  was  to  hold  as  a  pledge  for  the  restoration  of  the  castles 
he  had  lost  and  of  his  lands  in  Normandy.  He  was  further  to 
receive  Tickhill  Castle,  with  the  honour  of  Blythe  and  all  the 
(escheated)  honour  of  (the  '  Domesday  ')  Eoger  de  BusH ;  Belvoir 
Castle,  with  all  the  lands  of  its  lord,  Wilham  de  Albini ;  all  the  fief 
of  Eoger  de  Poitou,  with  the  lands  *  between  Mersey  and  Eibble ' 
(this  was  to  be  his  compensation,  we  have  seen,  for  the  honour  of 
Carlisle);  Torksey,  in  Lincolnshire,  above  Gainsborough,  on  the  Trent 
(of  which  it  commanded  the  passage),  an  important  royal  borough 
in  '  Domesday ;  '  Grimsby,  which  gave  him  a  port  on  the  east, 
corresponding  with  Chester  on  the  west ;  Newcastle-under-Lyme, 
another  stronghold,  in  Staffordshire ;  the  extensive  soke  of  Eothley, 

^     «  The  curious  treaty  (see  Dugdale)  between  the  earl  of  Leicester  and  himself 
implies  that,  when  it  was  made,  Coventry  was  in  his  possession. 
'»  Sym.  Dun.  ii.  325. 


1895    KING  STEPHEN  AND  EARL   OF  CHESTER      91 

in  Nottinghamshire ;  the  even  larger  one  of  Mansfield  (both  of  them 
crown  demesne  in  *  Domesday '),  in  Warwickshire ;  Stoneleigh  and  its 
appurtenances — also  crown  demesne — near  Coventry.  Among  the 
other  lands  conceded  to  him  was  *  Derby,'  which  Dugdale  identifies 
with  West  Derby,  in  Lancashire ;  but,  as  that  place  would  certainly 
be  included  in  his  Lancashire  grant,  one  is  tempted  to  see  in  it 
nothing  less  than  the  borough  of  Derby  itself. 

Study  of  the  map  of  England  reveals  his  sphere  of  operations. 
It  was,  broadly  speaking,  a  triangle,  with  Chester  at  its  apex  and 
Lincoln  and  Coventry  at  the  extremities  of  its  base.  Halfway  on 
the  line  between  them  stood  Belvoir  Castle,  of  which  he  had  ob- 
tained possession.  Derby,  indeed,  was  as  a  wedge  driven  into  his 
territory ;  but  the  terms  of  his  treaty  with  the  earl  of  Leicester  imply 
that  Earl  Ferrers,  of  Derby,  was  his  friend  and  ally.  Now,  just  as,  in 
1149,  Stephen  had,  on  my  hvpothesis,  won  him  over  by  concessions, 
so  in  1153,  when  Henry  of  Anjou  came  again,  and  parties  were 
evenly  divided,  Eandulf  once  more  held  the  scale,  and  Henry  had 
to  lure  him  back  by  grants  exceeding  even  those  of  Stephen.  The 
Devizes  charter  of  the  young  duke  does  not,  indeed,  mention 
Lincoln,  but  the  castle  and  town  of  Nottingham  are  now  added, 
and,  more  important  still,  Stafford  and  all  Staffordshire,  with  a 
few  specified  exceptions,  clearly  as  an  addition  to  his  palatinate 
of  Cheshire,  to  be  held  on  similar  terms.  In  Normandy  likewise 
the  Avranchin  was  to  be  made  a  kind  of  palatinate  for  him,  evidently 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  great-nephew  of  Hugh  of  Avranches, 
earl  of  Chester,  while  in  England  fief  after  fief  was  promised  as  an 
addition  to  his  dominion.  Among  them  was  that  of  William  Peverel, 
which  proved  a  fatal  acquisition,  for  to  poison  at  his  hand  was 
attributed  the  death  of  the  earl  this  very  year. 

No  one  can  study  the  extravagant  character  of  Henry's  grants 
in  this  charter  without  feeling  well  assured  that  the  young  duke 
had  no  intention  of  observing  a  day  longer  than  he  could  help 
conditions  which  he  must  have  felt  were  extorted  from  him  by 
force,  and  were  only  intended  to  secure,  as  they  did,  the  support 
of  the  earl  at  this  crisis.  That  he  joined  the  duke  is  proved  by 
his  presence  with  him,  at  this  period,  both  at  Gloucester  and 
Wallinaford.i^  J.  H.  Bound. 


THE    AUTHORSHIP   OF    THE   WYCLIFFITE   BIBLE. 

It  has  hitherto  been  accepted  without  question  that  we  owe  the 
first  English  Bible  to  WycHf  and  his  followers.  It  has  come 
down  to  us  in  two  versions,  which  have  been  printed  in  parallel 
columns  in  the  monumental  edition  of  Eorshall  and  Madden. 
According  to  the  editors  the  earlier  translation  was  mainly  the 
"  Qeo^rey  dc  Mandevilkf -p.  ^19. 


92    AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE    Jan. 

work  of  Wyclif  and  his  friAid  Hereford,  Wyclif  translating  the  New 
Testament  and  Hereford  the  Old.  The  style  of  this  version  was  too 
literal  and  stiff,  and  a  revision  was  carried  through  by  another 
Wycliffite,  John  Purvey.  This  revision  may  have  been  begun 
under  Wyclif  s  auspices,  but  was  not  finished  until  some  time  after 
his  death.  That  this  account  is  generally  true  has  not  been  doubted 
till,  in  the  July  number  of  the  *  Dublin  Eeview,'  Dr.  Gasquet  set 
forth  an  entirely  new  view  of  the  matter.  He  maintains  that  these 
versions  are  not  Wyclif's  or  even  Wycliffite,  but  are  authorised  and 
semi-official.  Wyclif,  Purvey,  and  Hereford  may  have  been  admitted 
to  some  share  in  the  work  of  translation  (on  this  point  Dr.  Gasquet 
is  not  very  clear),  but  the  inception  and  direction  of  the  enterprise 
were  in  no  way  due  to  them. 

We  might  be  inclined  to  dismiss  this  new  theory  as  a  humorous 
paradox,  but  Dr.  Gasquet  is  evidently  serious,  and  we  turn  to  review 
the  evidence  which,  according  to  him,  has  misled  all  previous 
inquirers.  Here  we  notice  that  the  novelty  lies  in  the  inferences 
drawn  and  not  in  the  facts  on  which  they  are  based,  as  to  which  he 
has  little,  if  anything,  to  add. 

The  first  question  is  naturally.  What  contemporary  authority 
exists  for  attributing  the  translation  to  Wyclif  ?  and  on  this  point 
Dr.  Gasquet  affirms  boldly  that  there  is  '  an  absolute  silence  of  all 
records,  both  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  as  to  any  Wycliffite  version  of 
the  Bible.'  With  laudable  candour  he  proceeds  to  quote  the 
authorities  cited  by  Forshall  and  Madden  on  behalf  of  Wyclif's 
authorship.  First  we  have  the  words  of  John  Hus :  *  It  is  re- 
ported among  the  English  that  he '  {i.e.  Wyclif)  *  translated  the 
whole  Bible  from  Latin  into  English.'  We  know  that  in  the 
judgment  of  Wyclif  editors  this  report  goes  beyond  the  truth,  since 
they  attribute  a  large  share  in  the  work  to  Hereford.  Yet  this  is 
hardly  enough  to  justify  Dr.  Gasquet  in  airily  waving  away  Hus's 
testimony  with  the  remark,  '  It  is  now  allowed  by  all  that  there  is 
not  even  a  probabiHty  that  he  did  anything  of  this  kind.'  We  still 
speak  of  Pope's  *  Odyssey,'  although  Fenton  and  Broome  had  a 
good  hand  in  it,  and  the  report  recorded  by  Hus  is  witness  that 
Wyclif  was  regarded  as  the  person  responsible  for  the  English 
Bible.  Still  more  direct  evidence  is  furnished  by  Knighton,  who 
tells  us,  Hie  magister  lohaiines  Wyclif  evangelium  ,  .  .  transtulit  de 
Latino  in  Anglicam  linguaiii ;  ^  and  again,  Magis  tamen  congmunt 
istis  novis  j)opidis  Lollardis,  qui  miitaveriint  evangelium  Cliristi  in 
evangelium  eternum,  id  est,  vidgarem  lingiiam  et  communem  materiam.^ 
It  seems  hard  to  imagine  anything  more  clear  and  decisive  than 
this  contemporary  evidence,  but  the  utmost  concession  it  brings 
from  Dr.  Gasquet  is  that,  while  he  does  not  consider  it  impossible 

'  Knighton,  col,  2644. .  ^  Ibid,iQiQ, 


1895  AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE    93 

to  explain  away  Knighton's  words,  he  is  '  inclined  to  think  there  is 
some  ground  for  holding  that  Wyclif  may  possibly  have  had  a  share 
in  some  translation  of  the  New  Testament.'  Finally,  as  if  to  show 
that  Wyclif  s  part  was  not  the  subordinate  one  thus  assigned  to  him 
by  Dr.  Gasquet,  but  that  he  was  the  moving  spirit,  we  have  a  letter 
from  Archbishop  Arundel,  in  which  it  is  said  that  Wyclif  *  filled 
up  the  measure  of  his  malice  by  devising  a  plan  of  translation  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures  into  the  mother  tongue.' 

Against  this  weight  of  positive  testimony  what  has  Dr.  Gasquet 
to  allege  ?  Only  negative  evidence  in  the  supposed  silence  of  Wyclif 
and  his  opponents. 

On  the  other  hand  [he  says]  it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  silence  of 
Wyclif  himself,  who  in  none  of  his  undoubted  writings,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  lays  any  stress  on,  or  indeed  in  any  way  advocates,  having  the 
Scriptures  in  the  vernacular,  except  in  so  far  as  he  claims  that  the  Bible 
is  the  sole  guide  in  faith  and  practice  for  all. 

The  exception  is  a  considerable  one,  since  Wyclif  is  never  tired 
of  insisting  on  the  use  of  the  Bible  as  the  supreme  and  sufficient 
rule  of  life.  We  need  not,  however,  press  this  point,  because 
there  is  no  lack  of  passages  in  which  he  directly  advocates  the 
spread  of  the  English  Bible.  A  reference  to  the  word  *  Bible '  in 
the  index  of  the  *  Select  English  Works  '  directs  us  to  this  passage, 
which  certainly  implies  the  authorship  of  Wyclif  or  some  associate 
of  his.  *  One  great  bishop  of  England,  as  men  say,  is  evil  paied 
that  God's  law  is  written  in  English  to  lewd  men  ;  and  he  pursueth 
a  priest  because  he  writeth  to  men  this  English,  and  summoneth 
him.'  ^  A  similar  index  reference  to  the  *  English  Works  of  Wyclif ' 
would  have  led  Dr.  Gasquet  to  a  whole  chapter  in  the  tract  *  De 
Officio  Pastorali,'  directed  against  the  friars  and  their  supporters, 
who  say  it  is  heresy  to  write  God's  law  in  English.  '  For  this  cause,' 
says  Wyclif,  *  St.  Jerome  .  .  .  translated  the  Bible  from  divers 
tongues  into  Latin,  that  it  might  be  afterwards  translated  into 
other  tongues ; '  "^  and  again,  '  The  commons  of  Englishmen  know 
it  best  in  their  mother  tongue,  and  thus  it  were  all  one  to  let  such 
knowing  of  the  gospel  and  to  let  Englishmen  from  following  Christ 
and  coming  to  heaven.'  ^  So  too  in  a  sermon :  ^  '  This  moveth 
some  men  to  tell  in  English  Paul's  epistles,  for  some  men  may 
better  know  hereby  what  God  meaneth  by  Paul.'  No  one  who  has 
read  even  a  little  in  Wyclif's  works  can  fail  to  recognise  in  the  first 

*  some  men  '  a  reference  to  himself  and  his  party.     Once  more, 

*  Thus  it  helpeth  here  to  Christian  men  to  study  the  Gospel  in 
that  tongue  in  which  they  know  best  Christ's  sentence.'  ^ 

'  Select  English  Works  of  Wyclif,  i.  209.  The  English  of  theee  quotations  is  here 
modernised. 

*  English  Works  of  Wyclif,  p.  429.  *  Ibid.  p.  430. 

«  Select  English  Works,  ii.  221.  '  Ibid.  iii.  184. 


94    AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE  Jan. 

The  tracts  from  which  these  quotations  are  taken  are  of  admitted 
authenticity.  We  will  add  an  example  from  the  Latin  treatise  '  De 
Triplici  Vinculo  Amoris.' 

Et  ex  eodem  patet  eorum  stulticia,  qui  volunt  dampnare  scripta 
tanquam  heretica  propter  hoc  quod  scribuntur  in  Anglico  et  acute  tangunt 
peccata  que  conturbant  illam  provinciam.  Nam  possibile  est  quod  nobilis 
regina  Anglie,  soror  Cesaris,  habeat  ewangelium  in  lingwa  triplici 
exaratum,  scilicet  in  lingwa  boemica,  in  lingwa  teutonica  et  latina,  et 
hereticare  ipsam  propterea  implicite  foret  luciferina  superbia.  Et  sicut 
Teutonici  V9lunt  in  isto  racionabiliter  defendere  lingwam  propriam,  sic 
et  Anglici  debent  de  racione  in  isto  defendere  lingwam  suam.^ 

It  would  be  easy  to  quote  many  more  passages,  but  these  are 
enough  to  show  that  Wyclif  did  advocate  the  use  of  the  Scriptures 
in  the  vernacular,  and  that  strongly.  With  this  proof  before  us  we 
cannot  attach  much  weight  to  the  further  negative  argument  that 
Wyclif 's  adversaries  say  nothing  about  the  English  Bible  in  their 
controversies  with  him.  'Neither  Woodford  nor  Walden  nor 
Whethamstede  so  much  as  refers  to  Wyclif  s  translations,  or  to  any 
special  desire  upon  his  part  to  circulate  God's  word  in  English 
among  the  people.'  We  accept  Dr.  Gasquet's  statement  without 
surprise,  since  any  such  reference  would  have  been  irrelevant  to 
scholastic  arguments  directed  against  special  doctrines.  One  may 
peruse  all  the  published  works  of  Wyclif  and  get  very  little  light  on 
the  character  and  general  opinions  of  his  opponents. 

Here,  with  the  proof  that  Wyclif  did  insist  strongly  on  the 
need  of  an  English  Bible,  and  that  in  the  behef  of  his  contempo- 
raries he  supplied  that  need,  we  might  leave  the  matter,  but  we 
should  be  passing  by  the  argument  on  which  Dr.  Gasquet  lays 
most  stress,  and  which  seems  to  have  led  him  to  his  rash  thesis. 
He  is  unwilling— or  rather  unable— to  believe  that  there  was  not  an 
orthodox  and  authorised  English  translation  for  the  use  of  dutiful 
churchmen  who  were  untainted  by  Wycliffite  heresy.  That  such 
did  use  an  English  version  there  is  no  doubt.  Dr.  Gasquet  calls 
attention  to  the  existence  of  copies  of  the  translation  attributed 
to  the  Wycliflites  which  belonged  to  persons  of  unquestioned 
orthodoxy,  and  even  to  the  religious.  One,  combining  both  gua- 
rantees, was  given  by  Henry  VI  to  the  monks  of  the  Charterhouse  ; 
another  was  owned  by  the  convent  of  Barking. 

There  are,  moreover  [says  Dr.  Gasquet],  instances  of  the  English  Bible 
—the  production—the  secret  production— of  the  Lollard  scribes— that 
perilous  piece  of  property  to  possess,  as  we  are  asked  to  beheve— there  are 
instances  of  this  being  bequeathed  by  wills  pubhcly  proved  in  the  public 
courts  of  the  bishops.  ...  It  is,  of  course,  obvious  that  this  could  never 
have  been  done  had  the  volume  so  left  been  the  work  of  Wychf  or  his 

«  Polemical  WotTzs  of  V/yclif  (ed.  Buddensieg),  p.  168.  Cf.  in  the  same  book  pp. 
126,711.  ^^ 


1895  AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE    95 

followers,  for  it  would  then,  indeed,  have  been,  as  a  modern  writer  describes 
the  Wycliffite  books,  a  perilous  piece  of  property.  Thus  before  the  close 
of  the  fourteenth  century — namely,  in  1394 — a  copy  of  the  gospels  in 
English  was  bequeathed  to  the  chantry  of  St.  Nicholas  in  the  church  of 
Holy  Trinity,  York,  by  John  Hopton,  chaplain  there.  Fancy  what  this 
means  on  the  theory  that  the  English  Scriptures  were  the  work  of 
Wycliffite  hands!  It  means  nothing  less  than  that  a  catholic  priest 
pubHcly  bequeaths,  in  a  will  proved  in  his  bishop's  court,  to  a  catholic 
church,  for  the  use  of  catholic  people,  the  proscribed  work  of  some  member 
of  an  heretical  sect. 

We  should  say  that  Dr.  Gasquet's  argument  is  vitiated  by  an 
entire  misunderstanding  of  Wyclif's  position.  First  of  all  he  takes 
it  for  granted  that  a  Wycliffite  translation  could  not  have  been 
faithful. 

So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover  [he  says],  from  an  examination 
of  the  two  texts,  there  is  nothing  inconsistent  with  their  having  been  the 
work  of  perfectly  orthodox  sons  of  holy  church.  In  no  place  where  (had 
the  version  been  the  work  of  Lollard  pens)  we  might  have  looked  for  texts 
strained  or  glossed  to  suit  their  well-known  conclusions  do  any  such 
appear. 

We  are  not  told  what  texts  we  might  expect  to  be  tampered  with, 
so  we  cannot  follow  Dr.  Gasquet  in  an  examination  of  these  test 
passages,  but  it  seems  rash  to  alter  the  attribution  of  a  trans- 
lation simply  because  it  is  faithful  and  is  unaccompanied  by  a  gloss 
in  certain  places.  And  since,  on  Dr.  Gasquet's  showing,  the  text  is 
not  corrupted,  what  should  prevent  its  use  by  good  Catholics,  even 
though  it  were  Wyclif's  ?  The  answer  that  it  would  have  been  dis- 
credited as  the  work  of  an  heretical  sect  shows  an  imperfect  appre- 
ciation of  the  circumstances  of  the  time  and  of  the  repute  in  which 
Wyclif  was  held.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  to  the  end  of  his 
life  he  never  met  with  any  formal  personal  condemnation.  Articles 
drawn  from  his  works  were  condemned  in  the  Blackfriars  council, 
and  some  of  his  followers  were  compelled  to  recant ;  but  he  seems 
to  have  remained  personally  untouched,  except  that  he  was  for- 
bidden to  teach  his  doctrine  on  the  Eucharist  at  Oxford.  No 
formal  condemnation  of  his  English  Bible  was  ever  issued,  or,  as 
far  as  we  know,  attempted.  Far  from  being  the  disgraced  head  of 
an  outcast  sect,  he  was  a  prominent  and  distinguished  churchman, 
in  intimate  relations  with  the  court  and  government,  and  generally 
allowed  to  be  one  of  the  most  illustrious  members  of  the  university. 
No  doubt  he  was  regarded  with  suspicion  and  dislike  by  the  con- 
servative and  orthodox  party,  but  there  was  no  brand  of  heresy 
upon  him  personally  that  could  discredit  his  work  if  in  itself  unob- 
jectionable. On  the  whole  the  governing  body  and  leading  men 
of  .the  university  were  on  his  side.  This  comes  out  clearly  after 
the  Blackfriars  council  in  the  behaviour  of  the  chancellor,  who 


96    AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE  Un. 

excused  himself  for  not  puTblishing  the  council's  condemnations  on 
the  ground  that  in  the  state  of  feeling  at  Oxford  it  might  have  cost 
him  his  life,  and  the  narrative  ^  shows  that  Wyclif's  support  did  not 
come  from  a  rabble  of  young  scholars,  but  from  men  pf  weight  and 
influence. 

Thirty  years  later  matters  had  changed.  The  *  Oxford  move- 
ment '  had  been  repressed,  the  leaders  of  the  party  had  recanted, 
and  the  Lollards  had  become  a  sect,  composed  mostly  of  poor  and 
ill-instructed  men.  Meanwhile  the  remembrance  of  Wyclif  as  an 
ornament  of  the  Oxford  schools  and  an  adviser  of  statesmen  had 
died  away,  and  his  memory  was  connected  only  with  the  foundation 
of  the  Lollard  heresy,  so  that  his  name  on  pamphlet  or  translation 
would  be  dangerous  to  its  possessor.  But  by  this  time  the  English 
Bible  had  its  own  life,  independent  of  its  author's  reputation. 
This  consideration  goes  far  to  resolve  another  of  Dr.  Gasquet's 
difficulties — that  some  of  the  remaining  copies  are  too  costly  to 
have  belonged  to  Wycliffites. 

I  cannot  but  think  [he  says]  that  an  unbiassed  mind  that  will  reflect 
upon  the  matter  must  see  how  impossible  it  was  for  a  poor  persecuted  sect 
like  the  Lollards,  for  the  writings  of  which  frequent  and  rigid  searches 
were  made,  to  produce  the  Bibles  now  ascribed  to  them.  Many  of  these 
copies,  as  we  may  see  for  ourselves,  are  written  with  great  care  and 
exactness,  and  illuminated  with  coloured  borders  executed  by  skilful 
artists.  These  must  surely  have  been  the  production  of  freer  hands  than 
the  followers  of  Wyclif  were  ever  allowed  to  have  in  England. 

The  same  question  might  be  raised  as  to  Wyclif's  acknowledged 
writings.  It  was  no  poor  persecuted  Lollard  that  commissioned  the 
great  volume  of  sermons  and  treatises  now  in  Trinity  College,  Cam- 
bridge,io  in  which  good  penmanship  and  intolerable  blunders  alike 
point  to  the  professional  scribe.  It  is  adorned  with  illumination,  and 
must  have  cost  a  large  sum.  Other  volumes,  though  not  so  large, 
are  equally  well  executed.  W^ith  regard  to  the  translation  of  the 
Bible  Wyclif  congratulates  himself  on  the  support  of  the  gentry. 
'  One  comfort,'  he  says,  '  is  of  knights,  that  they  savour  much  the 
gospel  and  have  will  to  read  in  Enghsh  the  gospel  of  Christ's  life.'  ^^ 
That  this  was  no  empty  boast  is  shown  by  the  list  of  Wycliffites 
of  rank  given  in  the  *  Chronicon  Angliae,'^  in  which  figure  some  of 
the  most  influential  men  of  the  day.  This  is  dated  after  Wychf  s 
death,  and  there  is  evidence  as  to  some  that  they  retained  their 
Lollard  tendencies  to  the  end  of  their  Hfe.  Among  these  Cliffords, 
Neviles,  and  Montagus  some  might  well  have  a  mind  to  read  the 
gospel  and  to  have  it  handsomely  set  forth.  Later  on,  as  we  have 
already  remarked,  the  copies  would  be  multiplied  without  any 
thought  of  their  authorship. 

«  Fasciculi  Zizaniorum,  p.  298  et  seqq.  lo  .  Sermons,'  S  E  W.  i  209 

■       ^'MS.B.16,2.         .  J'  Subaru  1387,  ^.377. 


1895  AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE    97 

One  other  point  on  which  Dr.  Gasquet  lays  much  stress  is  that 
some  of  these  Bibles — indeed,  most  of  them— are  marked  for  the 
lessons,  gospels,  and  epistles. 

There  is  not  a  shadow  of  probability  [he  says]  in  the  suggestion  that 
Wycliffite  Scriptures  would  be  marked  for  the  church  services  for  the  use 
of  his  *  poor  priests.'  The  truth  is  that  these  same  '  poor  priests '  had,  in 
fact,  little  claim  to  any  sacerdotal  character.  They  are  described  by  Pro- 
fessor Shirley  as  mere  lay  preachers,  both  coarse  and  ignorant. 

Dr.  Gasquet  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  Dr.  Shirley  describes 
them  as  lay  preachers.  He  says  (what  is  a  very  different  thing) 
that  in  their  preaching  aspect  they  bore  a  resemblance  to  the  lay 
preachers  of  John  Wesley,  and  goes  on,  *  Such  as  they  were  they 
were  employed  under  episcopal  sanction  through  what  was  then 
the  immense  diocese  of  Lincoln,  and  probably  in  others  also.'  ''^ 
No  such  sanction  would  have  been  given  to  laymen,  and  there 
is  no  ground  for  the  suggestion  that  the  *  poor  priests  '  were  other 
than  their  name  described.  For  their  use  the  Bibles  might  well  be 
marked  as  to  the  passages  used  in  service,  which  they  would 
probably  read  in  the  vernacular.  That  the  Wycliffites  did  attend 
to  the  order  of  the  services  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  Wyclif  s 
sermons,  collected  as  aids  and  models  to  the  poor  priests,  are  all  on 
gospels  or  epistles,  while  a  copy  of  the  version  at  Dublin  contain- 
ing the  table  of  lessons  is  believed  by  the  editors  to  be  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Purvey. 

We  cannot  see  that  Dr.  Gasquet  has  had  any  success  in  im- 
pugning the  Wycliffite  authorship  of  the  existing  version.  But, 
as  he  says,  *  this  involves  the  tacit  assumption  that  there  was  no 
catholic  version  at  all.'  Well,  what  reason  is  there  to  shrink  from  this 
conclusion  as  inadmissible  ?  Would  not  the  wonder  rather  be  if  such 
a  version  existed  ?  No  doubt  protestant  writers  have  often  exagge- 
rated the  hostility  of  the  clergy  to  the  vernacular  Bible.  There  was 
no  objection  on  their  part  to  the  devotional  use  of  the  Bible  in 
English  any  more  than  in  Latin.  It  was  a  fitting  ornament  to 
the  library  of  the  man  of  rank,  a  useful  help  to  the  pious  priest ; 
and  in  such  hands  the  inquisitor  had  nothing  to  say  to  it.  But 
it  was  quite  another  matter  when  it  was  spread  abroad  as  *  God's 
law,'  ^^  among  the  people,  and  they  were  led  in  reliance  on  it  to 
question  the  teaching  of  their  appointed  pastors.  Knighton  repre- 
sented the  feeling  of  the  higher  clergy  when  he  wrote : 

Sic  evangelica  margarita  spargitur  et  a  porcis  conculcatur,  et  sic  quod 
solet  esse  carum  clericis  et  laicis  iam  redditur  quasi  iocositas  communis 
utriusque  et  gemma  clericorum  vertitur  in  ludum  laicorum.^^ 

When  this  was  the  prevalent  tone  there  was  little  chance  of  an 
authorised  version. 

'^  Fasciculi  Zizaniormn,  xl. 

**  '  Sejnper  praetendendo  legem  Dei,  Goddis  lawe  : '  Knighton,  2664.  '*  Ibid. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  H 


98     AUTHOBSHIP   OF  THE    WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE  Jan. 

To  the  later  of  the  Wycliffite  versions  is  prefixed  a  prologue  in 
which  the  translator  describes  his  method. 

For  this  reason  and  other  [he  says],  with  common  charity  to  save  all 
men  in  our  realm  which  God  will  have  saved,  a  simple  creature  has 
translated  the  Bible  out  of  Latin  into  English.  First  the  simple  creature 
had  much  travail  with  divers  fellows  and  helpers  to  gather  many  old  Bibles, 
and  other  doctors  and  common  glosses,  and  to  make  our  Latin  Bible  some 
deal  true  ;  and  then  to  study  it  oif  the  new  text  with  the  gloss  and  other 
doctors  as  he  might  get,  and  especially  Lyra  on  the  Old  Testament,  that 
helped  him  full  much  in  this  work ;  the  third  time  to  counsel  with  old 
grammarians  and  old  divines  of  hard  words  and  hard  senses  how  they 
might  best  be  understood  and  translated ;  the  fourth  time  to  translate  as 
clearly  as  he  could  to  the  sense,  and  to  have  many  good  fellows  and 
cunning  at  the  correcting  of  the  translation. 

On  this  Dr.  Gasquet  remarks  that  these  words  show  that  *  the 
writer  had  no  knowledge  of  any  previous  translation,  and  this  is 
quite  inconsistent  with  the  idea  that  it  was  the  work  of  one  so 
intimately  connected  with  Wyclif  as  Purvey  was — that  is,  always 
supposing  that  Wyclif  had  any  part  in  the  first  version.'  Here 
seemed  to  be  a  suggestion  for  a  compromise  by  which  the  Wycliffites 
might  be  left  the  honour  of  one  translation  while  the  other  was 
allowed  to  be  the  medieval  authorised  version  of  which  Dr.  Gasquet 
is  in  search.  But  how  were  they  to  be  assigned  ?  Dr.  Gasquet' s 
leaning  seems  to  be  to  the  later  version ;  but  the  prologue  is  clearly 
Wycliffite.  The  term  *  simple  creature  '  is  quite  in  accordance  with 
lollard  phraseology,  but  would  not  so  well  become  a  writer  to  whom 
had  been  assigned  the  honourable  task  of  an  authorised  translation, 
while  lollardy  comes  out  even  more  clearly  in  the  clause  'with 
common  charity  to  save  all  men  in  our  realm  which  God  will  have 
saved.'  Here  we  have  that  doctrine  of  predestination  which  is  so 
prominent  in  Wyclif  s  writings,  and  which,  in  its  extreme  form,  was 
condemned  at  the  council  of  Constance.  Evidently,  then,  this  second 
version  bears  the  brand  of  its  Wycliffite  parentage,  while  as  to 
the  first  it  is  hard  to  get  over  the  ascription  to  Hereford  in  the 
Bodleian  MS.  But,  in  fact,  whatever  the  prologue  may  seem  to 
suggest,  it  is  impossible  to  regard  the  translations  as  independent. 
Read  for  instance  these  few  verses  : — 

Be  36  my  foloweris,  as  and  I  of         Be  ^e  my  foloweris  as  Y  am  of 

Crist.     Forsoth,  britheren,  I  preise  Crist.      And,    britheren,    I    preise 

30U,   that    bi    alle    thingis   3e    be  30U,   that  bi  alle   thingis    36   ben 

myndeful  of  me,  as  and  I  bitook  to  myndeful  of  me  ;  and  as  Y  bitook 

30U  my  comaundements,  ^e  kepen.  to    30U    my    comaundementis,    36 

Forsothe  I  wole  30U  for  to  wite  that  holden.     But  I  wole  that  36  wite 

Crist  is  the  heed  of  ech  man  ;  forsoth  that  Crist  is  heed  of  ech  man  ;  but 

the  heed  of  the  woman  is  the  man  ;  the  heed  of  thi  womman  is  the  man, 

forsoth  the  heed  of  Crist,  God.^^  ^nd  the  heed  of  Crist  is  God. 

"  1  Cor.  xi.  1  - 


1895  AUTHORSHIP   OF  THE   WYCLIFFITE  BIBLE    99 

This  is  a  passage  taken  at  random,  without  any  selection,  and 
the  similarity  in  the  versions  is  equally  great  throughout  the  New 
Testament.  In  the  Old  Testament  there  is  a  little  more  variation, 
but  even  there  the  connexion  cannot  be  doubted  for  a  moment  by 
any  one  who  compares  the  two.  There  is  no  ground  for  supposing 
that  the  writer  of  the  prologue  was  making  false  claims  to  originality, 
and  his  language  would  be  natural  enough  if  he  were  one  of  a  band 
of  workers  who  carried  through  the  first  version.  No  one  could  be 
found  more  likely  to  answer  this  description  than  John  Purvey,  to 
whom  the  revision  has  generally  been  assigned.  Here,  then,  as 
throughout  our  survey,  the  evidence  is  in  favour  of  the  received 
ascription,  and  we  are  under  no  temptation  to  exchange  the  old 
lights  for  Dr.  Gasquet's  new  ones.  F.  D.  Matthew. 


SOME    LITERAKY   CORRESPONDENCE    OF   HUMPHREY,    DUKE    OF 
GLOUCESTER. 

It  is  rather  remarkable  that  more  attention  has  not  been  paid  to 
the  progress  of  Humanism  in  England,  and  especialty  to  the 
literary  fame  of  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  whom  Oxford  honours  as 
the  founder  of  the  Bodleian  library.  That  much  might  be  dis- 
cfovered  about  Duke  Humphrey's  relation  to  foreign  scholars  is 
proved  by  the  words  of  Aeneas  Sylvius,  who  in  a  letter  to  Sigismund 
of  Austria,  written  in  December  1443,  says,  Egredior  Italiam  et 
penitus  toto  divisos  orhe  Britannos  loetam,  uhi  dux  est  Gleocestriae 
qui  regnum,  quod  modo  Anglicum  dicimns,  plurihiis  minis  guhernavit  ;- 
hide  tanta  literarum  est  cura  ut  ex  Italia  magistros  asciveiit  looetarum 
et  oratorum  inteiyretcs  ('  Epistolae,'  ed.  Basil.  105).  That  Aeneas  was 
not  romancing  may  be  proved  by  the  first  of  the  following  letters, 
which  shows  that  Humphrey  was  in  constant  correspondence  with 
the  writer,  who  was  commissioned  to  send  him  books  from  Italy. 
Peter  de  Monte  was  a  Venetian  by  birth,  a  pupil  in  his  early 
days  of  the  famous  scholar  Guarino.  He  afterwards  studied  in 
Paris,  and  then  at  Brescia,  where  he  lectured  on  canon  law.  In 
1433  he  was  appointed  apostolic  protonotary  hj  Eugenius  IV, 
played  some  part  in  the  council  of  Basel,  was  imprisoned  for  a 
time  by  the  condottiere  Niccolo  Fortebracchio,  and  in  1434  was  sent 
to  England  as  papal  collector.  He  remained  there  for  five  years, 
and  made  himself  acceptable  to  such  Englishmen  as  cared  about 
literature.  On  his  return  to  Italy  he  took  part,  as  his  letter  tells 
us,  in  negotiations  for  an  Italian  peace,  which  was  concluded  at 
Cremona  in  November  1441  and  left  Francesco  Sforza  in  possession 
of  Milan.  He  afterwards  was  sent  on  a  legation  to  France,  and  in 
1442  was  nominated  bishop  of  Brescia,  though  he  did'  not  enter 
upon  his  duties  till  1445.     On  the  death  of  Eugenius  IV  Peter's 

H  2 


100       SOME  LITERARY  CORRESPONDENCE  OF     Jan. 

§ 

political  activity  came  to  an  end ;  he  confined  himself  to  the  work 

of  his  see  and  died  at  Kome  in  1457.  Information  concerning  him 
and  his  writings  is  to  be  fomid  in  Agostini,  *  Scrittori  Veneziani,'  i. 
346 ;  Gradenigo,  '  Brixia  Sacra,'  357 ;  Tiraboschi,  *  Storia  della 
Letteratura  ItaHana,'  vi.  625 ;  Eosmini,  '  Vita  di  Guarino  Veronese 
e  suoi  Discepoli,'  iii.  35. 

A  copy  of  one  of  the  books  written  by  Peter  de  Monte  for  the  duke 
of  Gloucester  exists  in  manuscript  in  the  Bodleian  library.  Mr.  E.  L. 
Poole  has  kindly  transcribed  the  dedication,  which  forms  a  valuable 
appendix  to  the  letter.  It  is  further  noticeable  that  the  volume  con- 
tains another  work  of  interest  in  the  same  connexion,  *  Ad  illus- 
trissimum  Principem  Humfridum  Ducem  Glowcestrie  et  Comitem 
Pembrochie  Lapicastelliunculi  Comparatio  Studiorum  et  Eei  mili- 
taris.'  Jacopo  de  Castiglionchio  was  a  pupil  of  Filelfo,  and  trans- 
lated Plutarch  and  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus.  He  was  a  student 
of  military  history,  and  wrote  for  Pope  Nicholas  V  a  treatise, 
entitled  *  Strategicon,'  dealing  with  the  manner  of  fighting  against 
the  Turks.i 

The  third  document  is  a  letter  of  Humphrey  to  Alfonso  V  of 
Aragon,  of  whom  Aeneas  Sylvius  writes,  qui  totiens  victus  tandem 
vicity  et  adversam  fortunam  infavorem  sui  convertit;  nunqiiam  in  castris 
est  sine  libris ;  quocunque  it  illuc  et  bihliotheca  sequitur.  It  is  in 
accordance  with  this  reputation  of  a  warrior  scholar  that  the  duke 
of  Gloucester  should  send  him  as  a  present  a  French  translation  of 
Livy,  with  a  letter  which  is  written  according  to  the  best  rules  of 
the  Latin  style  of  the  fifteenth  century.  M.  Petpjburg. 


Letter  of  Petrus  de  Monte  to  Humiohi'eyj  Duke  of  Gloucester , 
13  Nov.  1441. 

(Bibl.  Vat.  MS.  5221,  fol.  133.    Printed  from  Stevenson's  «  Vatican  Transcripts,' 
vol.  v.,  in  the  Public  Record  Office.) 

lUustrissimo  duel  Glocestriae. 
Si  tardius  quam  deberem,  serenissime  princeps,  Uteris  excellentiae 
tuae  respondeo,  non  est  quod  mihi  subirasci  debeat  celsitudo  tua  :  nulla 
enim  culpa  mea  id  evenit,  sed  Pontificis  maximi  mandate  qui  me 
superiori  tempore  extra  curiam  misit.  Nam  cum  futurae  pacis  ItaHcae 
magna  Pontifici  spes  data  esset,  apparerentque  signa  multa  quibus  id 
facile  coniici  poterat ;  primum  dominum  meum  Cardinalem  Aquilegiensem 
legatum  de  latere  ad  pacem  componendam  designavit,  iussitque  una  cum 
illo  me  proficisci.  Ivimus  itaque  Venetias  ubi  comes  Franciscus 
legatique  principum  quorundam  ac  rerumpublicarum  convenerunt. 
Egimus  de  pace  magno  quodam  studio  ac  diHgentia,  et  ita  egimus  ut,  nisi 

*  For  other  dedications  to  Duke  Humphrey,  by  Decembri,  Aretino,  and  *  Antonius 
Pacinus,'  see  Mr.  Macray's  paper  on '  Dedications  to  Enghshmen  by  Foreign  Authors,' 
in  BibliograpMca,  part  iii.  (September  1894),  which  does  not  include  those  mentioned 
in  the  text. 


1895        HUMPHREY,  DUKE  OF  GLOUCESTER         101 

quid  maioris  inf  ortiinii  praeter  hominum  spem  contingat,  earn  secuturam 
non  dubitemus.  Ea  duorum  mensium  absentia  effecit,  ut  tardius  literae 
tuae  serenitatis  mihi  redderentur,  ego  quoque  illis  tardius  responderem, 
Gavisus  autem  sum  non  parum,  clarissime  princeps,  munusculum  meum 
hoc  et  libellum  de  nobilitate  celsitudini  tuae  gratum  fuisse ;  quod  ego 
antea  facile  mihi  persuadebam.  Quid  enim  nobilissimo  principi,  qualem 
te  esse  cognoscimus,  gratius  dari  potuisset  quam  docta  et  praeclara  de 
nobilitate  disputatio,  qua  instruimur  non  in  sanguine  tantum  aut  maiorum 
imaginibus,  sed  in  virtute,  probitate,  ac  praestantia  vim  nobilitatis  con- 
sistere.  Nam  ut  a  satyro  pulcre  decantatum  est:  Longa  licet  veteres 
exornent  undique  cerae  Atria,  nobilitas  sola  [est]  atque  unica  virtus  ;  id 
ipsum  celsitudinem  tuam  opinari  atque  sentire  non  dubito.  Licet  enim 
ex  ilia  nobilissima  ac  splendidissima  Britaniae  regum  familia  natus  sis, 
quae  tot  clarissimos  principes  mundo  edidit,  quot  fere  nulla  alia,  atque  ob 
id  plurimum  tibi  felicitatis  et  gloriae  obveniret :  longe  tamen  maiorem 
virtuti  quam  sanguini  aut  generi  nobilitatem  inesse  censes,  utpote  qui  totus 
innumerabilibus  virtutibus  illustrare  [?  illustratus]  quas  nolo  enumerare  aut 
singulas  recensere,  ne  modum  grandioris  excedam  epistolae.  Interea  libellos 
alios  scribi  facio  ad  tuam  celsitudinem  destinandos  cum  primum  absoluti 
fuerint.  Ita  fiet  ut  ab  his  videar,  et  ad  immortalia  beneficia  abs  te  mihi 
collata  aliquid  etsi  non  aeque  dignum,  at  saltem  gratum  respondeam.  De 
libris  hactenus.  Scripsit  mihi  serenitas  tua  se  mirari,  quod  de  his  quae 
mihi  abeunti  mandaverat  nihil  unquam  responderim.  Ego,  illustris 
princeps,  deos  deasque  omnes  testor  me  inter  cartulas  meas  quas  saepe 
numero  diligenter  perquisivi,  nullum  celsitudinis  tuae  mandatum  compe- 
risse  :  id  enim  illico  studuissem  pro  viribus  exequi ;  nisi  fortasse  oblivione 
mea  factum  est,  ut  quod  mihi  mandasti  baud  memoria  teneam.  Itaque 
celsitudinem  tuam  oro  ac  deprecor  ut  si  quid  me  facturum  velit  suis 
Uteris  me  certiorem  faciat :  tuum  enim  debet  esse  quod  optas  explorare 
laborem,  mihi  iussa  capessere  fas  est.  Vale  diu  felix,  splendor  et  gloria 
principum,  meque  habe  commendatum,  tuae  namque  dignitati  deditissimus 
sum. 
Ex  Florentia  XIII  Novembris  1441. 

Cappellanus  Peteus  De  Monte, 
Apostolicae  Sedis  prothonotarius. 

(Bodleian  Library.    Auct.  F.  5,  26,  p.  1.) 

Petrus  de  Monte  ad  illustrissimum  principem  Ducem  Gloucestrie 
de  virtutum  et  viciorum  inter  se  diiferencia.^ 
Tuas  eximias  laudes  virtutesque  permaximas  Illustrissime  princeps 
cogitanti  mihi  ac  persepe  ut  debeo  memoria  repetenti  .  Ilia  longe  videtur 
esse  prestancior  ceterisque  excellencior  que  sicut  superioris  etatis  princi- 
pibus  te  equalem  .  sic  nostre  iure  ac  merito  excellenciorem  constituit. 
Sane  est  optimarum  arcium  liberaliumque  scienciarum  pericia  cui  omni 
conatu  omni  ingenio  atque  studio  incumbis.  Adeo  ut  nichil  tibi  sine 
librorum  leccione  iocundum  gratum  aut  certe  delectabile  videatur.  Que 
res  cum  in  privato  in  magnis  efferri  laudibus  soleat .  in  principe  tamen 
nunquam  satis  digne  extolli  aut  predicari  potest.    Is  enim  quem  de  bello 

2  The  punptuatioQ  of  the  manuscript;  is  preseyved^ 


102        SOME  LITERARY  CORRESPONDENCE   OF    Jan. 

de  pace  de  sociis  de  subditfe  de  annona  de  armis  de  ductando  exercitu 
deque  omni  reipublice  statu  ingens  cura  solicitat:'  perraro  ad  videndos 
nedum  legendos  libros  ocium  sibi  videtur  vendicare.  Quod  qui  fecerifc 
neque  minus  publico  utilitati  animum  accomodaverit  .  Is  vere  princeps 
maximis  in  celum  preconiis  est  efferendus  Is  omnium  Unguis  omnium 
litteris  perpetue  posterorum  memorie  commendandus.  Hinc  apud  claris- 
simos  antiquitatis  scriptores  Cesaris  virtus  ac  diligencia  plurimum  com- 
mendatur  quod  cum  exercitu  proficiscens  eos  libros  diserte  atque  eleganter 
inscripserit  t  quos  vulgo  commentarios  appellamus  Augustus  quoque  in 
mutinensi  bello^  quotidie  legere  scribere  aut  declamare  consuevisse. 
Theodosius  vero  mirum  in  modum  extollitur  quod  die  quidem  exercebatur 
in  armis  vel  subditorum  causis  ius  dicebat .  nocte  autem  libris  ad  lucernam 
incumbebat  .  felices  medius  fidius  hi  fuere  et  quavis  humana  laude  ac 
gloria  dignissimi  .  felix  quoque  et  tu  qui  et  in  negocio  et  in  ocio  negocium 
facile  reperire  consuevisti  .  de  quo  P.  Cornelium  ^  Scipionem  eum  qui 
primus  affricam  devicit  admodum  gloriari  solitum  legimus.  Quicquid 
enim  tibi  superest  temporis  quicquid  quietis  a  ^  publicis  occupacionibus  id 
omne  non  iocis  non  venacionibus  aut  deliciis  ut  plerique  set  huic  litterario 
exercicio  libenter  accomodas  [p.  2]  Quod  si  forte  legendi  facultas  defuerit 
ad  disputandi  disserendique  studium  te  convertis  illud  sane  pugnandi 
genus  periocunde  aggrediens  quod  erudiendum  instruendumque  animum 
plurimum  potest.  Delectaris  autem  non  una  tantum  arte  aut  sciencia 
quamquam  et  id  quidem  esset  satis  .  verum  fere  omnibus  earumque  codi- 
cibus  magna  quadam  aviditate  legisti.  Que  res  grandem  profecto  ingenii 
vim  excellenciamque  declarat.  Quemadmodum  enim  lete  segetes  et 
uberes  agri  culmis  interdum  aristisque  luxuriant  sic  vegeta  et  preclara  in- 
genia  variarum  arcium  oblectantur  elegancia.  Qua  vero  tenacitate  ac 
firmitate  que  videris  legeris  atque  audiveris  memorie  commendes  .  quis 
dignis  posset  laudare  preconiis.  Vidi  ipse  persepe  dum  pro  innata  tibi 
incredibili  humanitate  me  dignum  censuisti  .  Quicum  in  hoc  litterato 
certamine  interdum  manum  consereres  te  nullius  auctoris  dictum  verbum 
aut  sentenciam  in  medium  adduxisse  .  Cuius  nomen  quoque  ac  libri  in 
unum  non  produceres.  Quocirca  illud  themistocUs  ^  responsum  tibi 
meritissime  convenit.  Is  enim  cum  memoria  polleret  eximia  quidam  vero 
memorandi  artem  se  illi  daturum  polliceretur  i!  mallem  inquit  obliviscendi 
artem  discere.  siquidem  ilH  difficihus  multo  erat  tradere  quam  memoria 
retinere.  Hec  mecum  sepenumero  excellentissime  princeps  animo  et 
cogitacione  revolvens  simulque  tuam  in  me  incredibilem  benignitatem 
clemenciamque  animadvertens  cuius  causa  siquid  in  me  est  ingenii  siquid 
virium  id  omne  tibi  me  debere  cognosco  aliquando  in  publicum  prodire  et 
laborum  meorum  periculum  facere  institui  si  forte  studiola  mea  ahquid 
possent  celsitudini  tue  leticie  ac  iocunditatis  afferre.  Quod  si  consequi 
potero  magno  me  ac  singulari  splendore  illustratum  esse  intelligam.  Id 
autem  quo  pacto  facilius  exequar  non  video  quam  si  eam  disceptacionem 
que  7  intra  gravissimos  ac  doctissimos  viros  de  virtutum  et « viciorum  inter  ^ 
se  comparacione  habita  est.    In  hoc  opusculo  velut  in  tabella  quadam 

'  MS.  Uhello ;  but  the  sentence  is  a  quotation  from  Suetonius,  August,  cap.  84. 

*  MS.  Cornelius.  5  ]yjg^  ^^^ 

«  MS.  themistodis.  ^  MS.  qzia  (|  instead  of  q). 

"  Virtutum  et  omitted  in  MS.  ^  MS.  intra. 


1895        HUMPHREY,  DUKE   OF  GLOUCESTER         103 

depicta  ^^  tuo  nomini  dedicavero  quod  nulla  unquam  delebit  vetustas  aut 
oblivio.  Et  quamquam  non  sim  nescius  me  fortassis  apud  nonnullos  ^  ^  libel- 
lum  hunc  rude  atque  inculto  sermone  contextum  dono  mittere  non 
formidem.  Humanissima  tamen  humanitas  et  benignitas  tua  mihi 
trepidant!  adversus  detrahencium  stimulos  audacie  plurimum  prebuit. 
Neque  in  [p.  3]  opere  hoc  ut  arbitror  quam  eleganter  quamque  ^^  ornate  de 
re  ipsa  disseri  set  quod  ingeniolum  meum  scribendo  consequi  potuerit  con- 
siderabis.  Spero  quoque  quod  preclarum  illud  Artaxerxis  persarum  regis 
factum  memoria  dignum  libens  gaudensque  servabis.  Ipso  enim  deambu- 
landi  gracia  equitante  cum  homo  quidam  pauperimus  ei  obvius  fieret 
mosque  esset  persarum  regem  cum  munere  salutare:^  aquam  ambabus 
manibus  ex  fluvio  acceptam  regi  porrexit.  Rex  iocunde  munus  recepit  i' 
promptitudinem  dantis  magis  quam  muneris  qualitatem  animadvertens. 
Set/iam  institutum  nostrum  aggrediamur  et  disertissimos  viros  simul 
coUoquentes  ac  disputantes  audiamus. 


Letter  of  Humjphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  to  Alfonso  of  Aragon, 
12  Jttly  1445. 

(Bibl.  Vat.  MS.  5221,  fol.  131  b.    Printed  from  Stevenson's  '  Vatican  Transcripts,' 
vol.  v.,  in  the  Public  Kecord  Office.) 

Illusfcrissimo  principi  Alphonso  Aragoniae,  etc. 
Glocestriae  dux  salutem. 

Fama  est,  illustrissime  princeps,  etiam  usque  ab  ineunte  adoles- 
centia  tua  per  universam  prope  Christianitatem  diffusa,  tanta  te  virtute 
animique  magnitudine  praestare,  turn  etiam  rerum  gestarum  amplitudine 
et  gloria  excellere,  ut  nulla  sit  pars  nostri  huius  orbis,  quam  in  tuam 
laudem  admirationemque  non  converteris.  Cum  solus  hac  aetate  nostra 
videaris  esse  qui  banc  regiam  laudem  dignitatisque  excellentiam  fueris 
consecutus,  tibique  soli  traditum  extitisse  ab  immortali  Deo  verum  illud 
decus  et  splendorem  regiae  maiestatis  indicetur ;  quo  prae  ceteris  mortalibus 
fulgeres  ac  emineres  in  terris,  et  reliqui  omnes  a  te  uno  tanquam  a  iubare 
quodam  prope  divino  tuarum  virtutum  imitatione,  si  imitari  vellent, 
illustrarentur.  Cum  quicquid  egeris  aut  feceris  non  nisi  ex  altitudine 
quadam  animi  cordisque  praestantia  profecisse  censetur.  Nam  quis  est 
qui  te  non  vellet  et  amare  et  admirari,  cum  sentiunt  adolescentiam  tuam 
tanta  in  primis  integritate  omniumque  bonarum  artium  doctrina  et 
educatam  et  institutam  extitisse,  ut  nulla  unquam  voluptas  aut  libido  te 
potuerit  ab  aequitate  modestiaque  divertere.  Tum  etiam  hanc  provectiorem 
aetatem  tuam  tanta  continuae  rei  militaris  scientia  et  disciplina  adauctam, 
ut  nullus  sit  hoc  tempore  qui  tibi  mea  sententia  in  aliquo  laudis  genere 
sit  conferendus.  Nee  etiam  ex  superioribus  quispiam  cum  quo  non  possis 
magnitudine  animi  conferri.  Ex  quo  facere  non  potui  quin  huiusmodi 
tam  praestantissimae  virtutes  tuae  me  quoque  in  tui  amorem  benevolen- 
tiamque  concitarent.  Cum  maxime  viderem  te  unum  esse  in  quo  verum 
illud  regium  lumen  eluceret,  quale  potissimum  principes  deceret,  in  quibus 
contemplari  ceteri  possint  totius  magnificentiae  et  amplitudinis  specimen  : 

[      '»  MS.  depictam.  "  Some  words,  as  nimis  audacem  videri,  are  omitted. 

'-  MS.  quamquain. 


104         HUMPHREY,  DUKE  OF  GLOUCESTER         Jan. 

turn  etiam  cum  me  iam  in  earn  aetatem  devectum  conspicere,  in  qua  mihi 
magis  conveniret  huiusmodi  principes  et  amare  et  admirari  quam  imitari 
posse,  cum  sit  eiusmodi  ut  iam  delapsa  ad  senectutem  alia  potius  a  me 
quietudinis  studia  deposcat.  Quapropter  cum  dominus  Philippus  Boyl 
legatus  tuus  proximis  bis  diebus  ad  me  visitandum  venisset,  et  forte  Titi 
Livii  libros  ex  latino  in  gallicum  sermonem  conversos  legerem,  quos  ipse 
de  Romanorum  gestis  ab  Urbe  condita  scripsit,  atque  in  tuae  virtutis  ser- 
monem incidissemus  quam  audire  atque  extolli  mirifice  delector ;  tu  occur- 
risti  mibi  dignus  eo  libri  munere,  quo  scribam  neminem  alium  bac  nostra 
aetate  nee  rerum  gestarum  excellentia,  nee  animi  virtute  ac  praestantia  ad 
eum  legendum  operaque  imitanda  aptiorem,  ut  esset  mei  in  te  animi  et 
benevolentiae  indicium  et  pignus,  et  mei  etiam  causa.  Et  si  certo  seiam 
te  id  antea  per  te  feeisse,  maiori  tamen  aliquo  studio  contemplari  posses, 
quale  nunc  regnum  tuapte  virtute  ac  industria  esses  adeptus.  Pro  quo 
conservando  tot  Romanorum  copiae  ab  Hannibale  illo  Cartbaginensium 
duee  fuerunt  deletae.  Tuusque  magis  incenderetur  ad  virtutem  animus, 
cum  videres  te  tantum  dueem  imitatum  esse,  quantum  nee  superior  aetas 
viderat,  et  sua  pertimeseeret,  et  posterior  maxime  admiraretur.  Accipies 
igitur  comi  fronte  hoc  munusculum  meum,  quod  eerte  ex  animo  et  corde 
ad  te  proficiscitur.  Vale  felicissime.  Ex  Granuicio  diversorio  meo.  IV*^ 
Idus  Julii  1445. 


THE    AGE    OF    ANNE    BOLEYN. 


In  discussing  some  time  ago  the  question  of  the  comparative  ages  of 
Anne  and  Mary  Boleyn  (English  Historical  Review,  vol.  viii.  pp. 
53-60)  I  pointed  out  that  the  only  positive  date  given  by  any 
early  writer  as  that  of  Anne  Boleyn' s  birth  was  the  year  1507,  to 
which  it  was  assigned  by  Camden  ;  and  I  further  argued  that  there 
was  no  good  reason  for  supposing  Camden  to  have  been  mistaken, 
as  this  date  was  in  perfect  harmony  with  all  other  early  evidences. 
I  was  not  aware,  however,  at  the  time  I  wrote,  that  there  was  any 
positive  confirmation  of  this  date  to  be  found  elsewhere ;  and  I  now 
wish  to  supply  an  important  additional  evidence  from  a  writer  con- 
temporary with  Camden,  which  seems  to  show  that  he  is  right.  In 
Henry  Clifford's  '  Life  of  Jane  Dormer,  Duchess  of  Feria,'  edited  a 
few  years  ago  by  Father  Stevenson,  after  an  account  of  Anne 
Boleyn's  fall  and  execution,  we  read  (p.  80),  *  She  was  not 
twenty-nine  years  of  age.'  This  implies  that  she  was  not  born 
earlier  than  19  May  1507.  Clifford's  Kfe  of  Jane  Dormer,  it 
appears,  was  written,  or  at  all  events  was  begun,  in  1616  (see  p.  8). 
And  it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  derive  his  information  from  Camden's 
printed  statement,  for  his  own  statement  is  a  little  more  precise, 
implying,  in  effect,  that  she  was  born  in  the  year  1507,  but  not 
before  19  May  in  that  year.  James  Gairdner. 


1895    AN  ALLEGED  NOTEBOOK  OF  JOHN  PYM     10^ 

AN  ALLEGED  NOTEBOOK  OF  JOHN  PYM. 

In  the  *  Tenth  Eeport  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,* 
Appendix,  part  vi.  p.  82,  Mr.  Maxwell  Lyte,  in  giving  an  account  of 
the  manuscripts  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Pleydell  Bouverie  at 
Brymore,  the  house  in  which  Pym  formerly  lived,  prints  extracts 
from  a  notebook  containing,  as  he  says,  brief  biographical  and 
historical  notes  by  John  Pym.  On  examining  these  I  was  at  once 
struck  with  the  statement  that  the  mother  of  the  author  of  the 
notes  died  in  1596,  whereas  the  funeral  sermon  of  Pym's  mother 
was  published  in  1620,  and  it  is  there  stated  by  the  preacher, 
Pym's  friend  Fitzgefifrey,  that  she  had  lived  with  her  second 
husband,  Sir  Anthony  Eous,  more  than  thirty  years.  On  applying 
for  a  solution  of  my  difficulty  to  Mr.  Lyte,  he  gave  me  an  intro- 
duction to  Mr.  Pleydell  Bouverie,  who  kindly  brought  the  manuscript 
to  London  for  my  inspection.  A  glance  at  it  was  sufficient  to  show 
that  its  handwriting  was  very  different  from  that  of  Pym.  As  the 
notebook  has  already  been  used  to  eke  out  the  scanty  facts  of 
Pym's  early  life  hitherto  known,  and  as  it  is  certain  that,  unless 
warning  is  given,  more  of  its  piquant  details  will  find  their  way 
sooner  or  later  into  his  biography,  it  is  worth  while  to  record  even 
this  negative  result.  Further  investigation,  however,  has  revealed 
the  very  strong  probability  that  the  author  of  the  notebook  was 
William  Ayshcombe,  of  Alvescott,  in  Oxfordshire.  The  author  of  the 
notes  had  an  uncle  William  Ayshcombe,  and  another  uncle  Oliver 
Aysham  (a  name  which  may  have  been  written  for  Ayshcombe) . 
He  had  also  three  sisters,  or  what  in  those  days  counted  as  sisters, 
a  Temple,  a  Peniston,  and  a  Eous,  his  sister  Temple  being  the  wife 
of  Sir  John  Temple,  and  dying  on  28  Jan.  162f.  He  was  also 
admitted  into  the  Middle  Temple  in  1607. 

Let  us  now  see  how  William  Ayshcombe  stands.  He  had  an 
uncle  Oliver,  and  as  his  father  had  eight  sons,  whose  names  are 
unknovm,^  he  may  very  well  have  had  an  uncle  William.  Moreover 
in  the  pedigree  of  the  Temples  of  Stowe,  in  Lipscombe's  *  History 
of  Buckinghamshire,'  iii.  86,  we  find  that  a  William  Ayscough  of 
.  .  .  married  Catharine  Temple.  If  we  suppose  that  Ayscough  is 
here  a  mistake  for  Ayshcombe,  we  have  William  Ayshcombe's  wife's 
sister  Hester,  married  to  Sir  John  Eous,  and  Martha,  another  of  his 
wife's  sisters,  married  to  Sir  Thomas  Peniston,  whilst  his  wife's 
brother  Sir  John  Temple,  of  Stanton  Barry,  is  married  to  Dorothy 
Lee,  who,  according  to  the  inscription  on  her  monument,  given  by 
Lipscombe,  iv.  350,  died  in  1625 — possibly  162|-.  After  this  the 
identification  of  Ayscough  with  the  Ayshcombe  of  the  Berkshire 
'Visitation,'  and  of  the  latter  with  the  author  of  the  notebook, 
can  hardly  be  questioned.     As  for  the  admission  to  the  Middle 

'  Sir  T.  Phillipps's  Berkshire  Visitations^  un^er  Ayshcombe  of  Lyford 


106  AN  ALLEGED  NOTEBOOK  OF  JOHN  PYM     Jan. 

Temple  in  1607,  I  have  blen  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  to  obtain 
from  the  benchers  permission  to  inspect  their  records  of  that  period ; 
but  Mr.  Joseph  Foster,  who  has  been  more  fortunate  than  myself, 
tells  me  that  William  Ayshcombe's  admission  took  place  on  26  Jan. 
160f ,  and  that  he  is  described  as  the  second  son  of  Thomas  A.  of 
St.  Giles's,  Oxford.  There  is  here,  therefore,  a  sKght  error,  according 
to  the  mode  of  calculating  the  date  prevaihng  at  the  time. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  notebook  is  full  of  indications  that 
the  writer  was  an  Oxfordshire  man.  His  father  died  at  Oxford,  his 
mother  at  '  Morton  in  Marsh.'  Events  taking  place  at  Oxford  are 
frequently  referred  to,  and  the  one  entry  about  Somerset  is  as 
follows :  *  I  went  into  Somersetshire,  where,  having  a  dangerous 
illness,  I  lived  about  half  a  year.'  These  are  the  words  of  a  visitor, 
not  of  a  resident.  Samuel  E.  Gardiner. 


A   LETTER   FROM   LORD    SAYE    AND    SELE    TO   LORD   WHARTON, 
29  DEC.  1657. 

Lord  Saye  and  Lord  Wharton  both  received  a  summons  to  sit  in  the 
house  of  lords,  or  *  other  house '  established  by  Cromwell,  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Petition  and  Advice.  Wharton 
was  inclined  to  accept  the  seat  in  that  chamber  which  the  Protector 
offered  him,  and  Lord  Saye  wrote  the  following  letter  to  dissuade 
him.  The  original  of  the  letter  is  contained  in  a  volume  of 
Wharton's  papers  amongst  the  Carte  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  library, 
vol.  80,  f.  749.  An  extract  from  the  letter  is  printed  in  an  article 
on  '  Cromwell  and  the  House  of  Lords  '  in  Macmillaii' s  Magazine  for 
January  1895.  C.  H.  Firth. 

My  Lord, — I  have  receaved  your  letter,  and  am  obliged  unto  you  for 
the  many  expressions  of  your  love  and  respects  to  me,  which  I  shall  be 
glad  to  answeere  uppon  any  occasion  whearin  I  may  serve  you ;  and  for 
this  which  I  take  to  be  the  cause  of  your  writinge  att  this  tyme  I  shall 
clearly  and  sincerely  declare  unto  you  my  judgement  thearin,  and  what 
my  practise  mil  be  accordinge  thearunto.  For  the  Goverment  of  this 
Kingdome  accordinge  to  the  right  constitution  thearof  and  execution 
agreable  thearunto,  I  think  it  to  be  the  best  in  the  worlde ;  beinge  a 
mixture  of  the  3  lawfull  goverments  in  that  manner  that  it  hath  the 
qintessence  of  them  all,  and  thearby  alsoe  the  one  is  a  boundery  unto 
the  other,  whearby  they  are  keapt  from  fallinge  into  the  extreames 
which  eather  apart  are  apt  to  slippe  into.  Monarchy  into  Tyranny,  and 
Aristocracy  into  Oligarchy,  Democracy  into  Anarchy  ;  now  the  cheefest 
remedie  and  prope  to  opholde  this  frame  and  building  and  keape  it 
standinge  and  steady  is,  and  experience  hath  shewed  it  to  be,  the  Peeres 
of  England,  and  theyr  power  and  priviledges  in  the  House  of  Lords,  they 
have  bin  as  the  beame  keepinge  both  scales,  Kinge  and  people,  in  an  even 
posture,  without  incroachments  one  uppon  another  to  the  hurt  and 
dammage  of  both.    Longe  experience  hath  made  it  manyfest  that  they 


1895        LETTER   OF  LORD  SAYE  AND  SELE  107 

have  preserved  the  just  rights  and  libertyes  of  the  people  agaynst  the 
tirrannical  usurpation  of  Kings,  and  have  alsoe  as  steppes  and  stares  upheld 
the  Crowne  from  fallinge  and  beinge  cast  downe  uppon  the  flower  by 
the  insolency  of  the  multitude  from  the  throne  of  goverment.  This 
beinge  soe,  will  it  not  be  as  most  unjust,  soe  most  dishonourable  and 
most  unworthy,  for  any  antient  Peere  of  England  to  make  himselfe  a 
felo  de  see  both  to  the  Nobilyty  of  Englande  and  to  just  and  rightly 
constituted  Goverment  of  the  Kingdome  by  beinge  made  a  partye  and 
indeed  a  stalkinge  horse  and  vizard  to  carry  on  the  designe  of  over- 
throwinge  the  House  of  Peeres,  and  in  place  thearof  to  bringe  in  and  sett 
up  a  House  chosen  att  the  pleasure  of  him  that  hath  taken  power  into 
his  hands  to  doe  what  he  will,  and  by  this  House  that  must  be  carryed 
on  as  picked  out  for  that  pourpose,  and  altered  and  newe  chosen  as  tyme 
and  occasion  shall  require,  some  5  or  six  Lords  called  to  sitt  with  them 
whoe  may  give  some  countenance  to  the  designe,  which  for  my  part  I 
am  resolved  neaver  to  doe,  nor  be  guilty  of  seemminge  to  allow  thearof, 
but  rather  to  professe  and  bare  witnes  agaynst  it :  a  barbones  Parlia- 
ment, as  they  call  it,  without  choyce  of  the  people  att  all  is  not  worse 
then  this,  which  is  layinge  asyde  the  Peeres  of  England  whoe  by  byrth  are  to 
sitt,  and  pickinge  out  a  company  to  make  another  House  of  in  theyr 
places  at  the  pleasure  of  him  that  will  rule  and  with  all  call  a  few  Lords 
thearby  causinge  them  to  disowne  theyr  owne  rights  and  the  rights  of 
all  the  Nobylyty  of  England,  dawbinge  over  the  busines  in  this  manner 
to  theyr  perpetual  shame  whoe  shall  yealde  thearunto.  For  my  part 
this  is  my  resolution,  if  a  writt  be  sent  me  I  will  lay  it  by  me  and  sitt 
still,  if  I  be  sent  for  by  force  I  canot  withstand  it,  but  when  I  come  up 
I  will  speake  that  I  hope  by  God's  assistance  which  shall  be  just  in  his 
sight  and  just  to  this  goverment  beinge  now  about  unjustly  to  be 
subverted.  My  Lord  for  your  lawers  I  looke  uppon  them  as  wether- 
cockes  which  will  turne  about  with  the  winde  for  theyr  owne  advantages, 
which  I  wish  they  did  not  love  more  then  truly,  with  them  thearfore 
whear  thear  is  might  thear  is  right,  it  is  dominion  if  it  succeed,  but 
rebellion  if  it  miscarry,  a  good  argument  for  pyrates  uppon  the  sea,  and 
for  theaves  uppon  the  highway,  fitter  for  hobbs  ^  &  athiests  then  good 
men  and  christians.  I  hope  I  shall  a  great  deale  more  willingly  suffer  for 
well  doinge  then  have  fellowship  with  unrightuousnes  and  give  the 
least  countenance  to  that  I  knowe  to  be  unjust.  Your  man  is  in  hast 
thearfore  I  must  end.     My  service  remembred  to  your  good  Lady. 

Your  assured  friend  and  servant 
W.  Say  and  Seale. 
December  29  1657. 

'  That  is,  Thomas  Hobbes  the  philosopher,  whose  writings  were  said  to  have  recon- 
ciled 1,000  gentlemen  to  the  Protectorate. 


108  Jan. 


Reviews  of  Books 


Historical  Philosophy  in  France  and  French  Belgium  and  Switzerland, 
By  KoBEBT  Flint.    (Edinburgh  and  London  :  Blackwood.     1898.) 

When  Dr.  Flint's  former  work  appeared,  a  critic,  who,  it  is  true,  was  also 
a  rival,  objected  that  it  was  diffusely  written.  What  then  occupied  three 
hundred  and  thirty  pages  has  now  expanded  to  seven  hundred,  and 
suggests  a  doubt  as  to  the  use  of  criticism.  It  must  at  once  be  said 
that  the  increase  is  nearly  all  material  gain.  The  author  does  not 
cHng  to  his  main  topic,  and,  as  he  insists  that  the  science  he  is  adum- 
brating flourishes  on  the  study  of  facts  only,  and  not  on  speculative 
ideas,  he  bestows  some  needless  attention  on  historians  who  professed  no 
philosophy,  or  who,  like  Daniel  and  Velly,  were  not  the  best  of  their 
kind.  Here  and  there,  as  in  the  account  of  Condorcet,  there  may  be  an 
unprofitable  or  superfluous  sentence.  But  on  the  whole  the  enlarged 
treatment  of  the  philosophy  of  history  in  France  is  accomplished  not 
by  expansion,  but  by  solid  and  essential  addition.  Many  writers  are 
included  whom  the  earlier  volume  passed  over,  and  Cousin  occupies 
fewer  pages  now  than  in  1874,  by  the  aid  of  smaller  type  and  the  omission 
of  a  passage  injurious  to  Schelling.  Many  necessary  corrections  and 
improvements  have  been  made,  such  as  the  transfer  of  Ballanche  from 
theocracy  to  the  liberal  Catholicism  of  which  he  is  supposed  to  be  the 
founder. 

Dr.  Flint's  unchallenged  superiority  consists  alike  in  his  familiarity 
with  obscure,  but  not  irrelevant  authors,  whom  he  has  brought  into  line, 
and  in  his  scrupulous  fairness  towards  all  whose  attempted  systems  he  has 
analysed.  He  is  hearty  in  appreciating  talent  of  every  kind,  but  he  is 
discriminating  in  his  judgment  of  ideas,  and  rarely  sympathetic.  Where 
the  best  thoughts  of  the  ablest  men  are  to  be  displayed  it  would  be 
tempting  to  present  an  array  of  luminous  points  or  a  chaplet  of  polished 
gems.  In  the  hands  of  such  artists  as  Stahl  or  Cousin  they  w^ould 
start  into  high  relief  with  a  convincing  lucidity  that  would  rouse  the 
exhibited  writers  to  confess  that  they  had  never  known  they  were 
so  clever.  Without  transfiguration  the  effect  might  be  attained  by 
sometimes  stringing  the  most  significant  words  of  the  original.  Ex- 
cepting one  unduly  favoured  competitor,  who  fills  two  pages  with 
untranslated  French,  there  is  little  direct  quotation.  Cournot  is  one  of 
those  who,  having  been  overlooked  at  first,  are  here  raised  to  promi- 
nence. He  is  urgently,  and  justly,  recommended  to  the  attention  of 
students.  '  They  will  find  that  every  page  bears  the  impress  of  patient, 
independent,  and  sagacious  thought.    I  believe  I  have  not  m^t  with  a 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  109 

more  genuine  thinker  in  the  course  of  my  investigations.  He  was  a  man 
of  the  finest  intellectual  qualities,  of  a  powerful  and  absolutely  truthful 
mind.*  But  then  we  are  warned  that  Cournot  never  wrote  a  line  for  the 
general  reader,  and  accordingly  he  is  not  permitted  to  speak  for  himself. 
Yet  it  was  this  thoughtful  Frenchman  who  said :  Aiicune  idee  parmi 
celles  qui  se  rdferent  d  Vordre  des  faits  naturels  ne  tient  de  plus  pres  d 
la  famille  des  idees  religieuses  que  Videc  du  progres,  et  n'est  plus  propre 
d  devenir  le  principe  d'une  sorte  de  foi  religieuse  pour  ceux  qui  ii'en  out 
pas  d'autres.  Elle  a,  comme  la  foi  religieuse^  la  vertu  de  relever  les 
dmes  et  les  caracteres. 

The  successive  theories  gain  neither  in  clearness  nor  in  contrast  by 
the  order  in  which  they  stand.  As  other  countries  are  reserved  for  other 
volumes.  Cousin  precedes  Hegel,  who  was  his  master,  whilst  Quetelet  is 
barely  mentioned  in  his  own  place,  and  has  to  wait  for  Buckle,  if  not 
for  Oettingen  and  Riimelin,  before  he  comes  on  for  discussion.  The 
finer  threads,  the  underground  currents,  are  not  carefully  traced.  The 
connexion  between  the  juste  milieu  in  politics  and  eclecticism  in  philo- 
sophy was  already  stated  by  the  chief  eclectic ;  but  the  subtler  link 
between  the  catholic  legitimists  and  democracy  seems  to  have  escaped 
the  author's  notice.  He  says  that  the  republic  proclaimed  universal 
suffrage  in  1848,  and  he  considers  it  a  triumph  for  the  party  of  Lafayette. 
In  fact,  it  was  the  triumph  of  an  opposite  school — of  those  legitimists  who 
appealed  from  the  narrow  franchise  which  sustained  the  Orleans  dynasty 
to  the  nation  behind  it.  The  chairman  of  the  constitutional  committee 
was  a  legitimist,  and  he,  inspired  by  the  abbe  de  Genoude,  of  the  Gazette 
de  France,  and  opposed  by  Odilon  Barrot,  insisted  on  the  pure  logic  of 
absolute  democracy. 

It  is  an  old  story  now  that  the  true  history  of  philosophy  is  the  true 
evolution  of  philosophy,  and  that  when  we  have  eliminated  whatever  has 
been  damaged  by  contemporary  criticism  or  by  subsequent  advance,  and 
have  assimilated  all  that  has  survived  through  the  ages,  we  shall  find  in 
our  possession  not  only  a  record  of  growth,  but  the  full-grown  fruit  itself. 
This  is  not  the  way  in  which  Dr.  Flint  understands  the  building  up  of 
his  department  of  knowledge.  Instead  of  showing  how  far  France  has 
made  a  way  towards  the  untrodden  crest,  he  describes  the  many  flowery 
paths,  discovered  by  the  French,  which  lead  elsewhere,  and  I  expect  that 
in  coming  volumes  it  will  appear  that  Hegel  and  Buckle,  Vico  and  Ferrari, 
are  scarcely  better  guides  than  Laurent  or  Littre.  Fatalism  and  retribu- 
tion,  race  and  nationality,  the  test  of  success  and  of  duration,  heredity 
and  the  reign  of  the  invincible  dead,  the  widening  circle,  the  emancipation 
of  the  individual,  the  gradual  triumph  of  the  soul  over  the  body,  of  mind 
over  matter,  reason  over  will,  knowledge  over  ignorance,  truth  over  error, 
right  over  might,  liberty  over  authority,  the  law  of  progress  and  perfecti- 
bility, the  constant  intervention  of  providence,  the  sovereignty  of  the 
developed  conscience — neither  these  nor  other  alluring  theories  are 
accepted  as  more  than  illusions  or  half-truths.  Dr.  Flint  scarcely 
avails  himself  of  them  even  for  his  foundations  or  his  skeleton  framework. 
His  critical  faculty,  stronger  than  his  gift  of  adaptation,  levels  obstruc- 
tions and  marks  the  earth  with  ruin.  He  is  more  anxious  to  expose  the 
strange  unreason  of  former  writers,  the  inadequacy  of  their  knowledge, 


110  EEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

their  want  of  aptitude  in  induction,  than  their  services  in  storing  material 
for  the  use  of  successors.  The  result  is  not  to  be  the  sifted  and  verified 
wisdom  of  two  centuries,  but  a  future  system,  to  be  produced  when  the 
rest  have  failed  by  an  exhaustive  series  of  vain  experiments.  We  may 
regret  to  abandon  many  brilliant  laws  and  attractive  generalisations  that 
have  given  light  and  clearness  and  simplicity  and  symmetry  to  our 
thought ;  but  it  is  certain  that  Dr.  Flint  is  a  close  and  powerful  reasoner, 
equipped  with  satisfying  information,  and  he  establishes  his  contention 
that  France  has  not  produced  a  classic  philosophy  of  history,  and  is  still 
waiting  for  its  Adam  Smith  or  Jacob  Grimm. 

The  kindred  topic  of  development  recurs  repeatedly,  as  an  important 
factor  in  modern  science.  It  is  still  a  confused  and  unsettled  chapter, 
and  in  one  place  Dr.  Flint  seems  to  attribute  the  idea  to  Bossuet ;  in 
another  he  says  that  it  was  scarcely  entertained  in  those  days  by 
protestants,  and  not  at  all  by  catholics ;  in  a  third  he  implies  that  its 
celebrity  in  the  nineteenth  century  is  owing  in  the  first  place  to 
Lamennais.  The  passage,  taken  from  Vinet,  in  which  Bossuet  speaks 
of  the  development  of  rehgion  is  inaccurately  rendered.  His  words  are 
the  same  which,  on  another  page,  are  rightly  translated  *  the  course  of 
religion ' — la  suite  de  la  religion.  Indeed,  Bossuet  was  the  most  power- 
ful adversary  the  theory  ever  encountered.  It  was  not  so  alien  to 
catholic  theology  as  is  here  stated,  and  before  the  time  of  Jurieu  is  more 
often  found  among  catholic  than  protestant  writers.  When  it  was  put 
forward,  in  guarded,  dubious,  and  evasive  terms,  by  Petavius,  the  indigna- 
tion in  England  was  as  great  as  in  1846.  The  work  which  contained  it, 
the  most  learned  that  Christian  theology  had  then  produced,  could  not  be 
reprinted  over  here,  lest  it  should  supply  the  Socinians  with  inconvenient 
texts.  Nelson  hints  that  the  great  Jesuit  may  have  been  a  secret  Arian, 
and  Bull  stamped  upon  his  theory  amid  the  grateful  applause  of  Bossuet 
and  his  friends.  Petavius  was  not  an  innovator,  for  the  idea  had  long 
found  a  home  among  the  Franciscan  masters  :  Proficit  fides  secundum 
statum  comrminem,   quia  secundum  profectum  temponim  efficiehantur 

homines  magis  idonei  ad  ]jercipienda  et  intelligenda  sacr amenta  fidei. 

Sunt  multae  conclusiones  necessario  hiclusae  in  articulis  crcditis,  sed 
aiiteguam  sunt  per  Ecclesiam  declaratae  et  explicatae  non  oportet  quem- 
cumque  eas  credere.  Oportet  tamen  circa  eas  sobrie  opinari,  ut  scilicet 
homo  sit  paratus  eas  tenere  pro  tempore,  pro  quo  Veritas  fuerit  declarata. 
Cardinal  Duperron  said  nearly  the  same  thing  as  Petavius  a  generation 
before  him :  L'Arien  trouvera  dans  sainct  Irenee,  Tertidlien  et  autres 
qui  nous  sont  restez  en  petit  nombre  de  ces  siecles-ld,  que  le  File  est 
Vinstrument  du  Pdre,  que  le  Pere  a  comnumde  an  Fils  lors  qiCil  a  este 
question  de  la  creation  des  choses,  que  le  Pere  et  le  Fils  sont  ahud  et 
aliud  ;  choses  que  qui  tiendroit  aujourd'huy,  que  le  langage  de  VEglise 
est  plus  examine,  seroit  estime  pour  Arien  luy-mesme.  All  this  does  not 
serve  to  supply  the  pedigree  which  Newman  found  it  so  difficult  to  trace. 
Development,  in  those  days,  was  an  expedient,  an  hypothesis,  and  not 
even  the  thing  so  dear  to  the  Oxford  probabilitarians,  a  working  hypo- 
thesis. It  was  not  more  substantial  than  the  gleam  in  Kobinson's  fare- 
well to  the  pilgrims  :  '  I  am  very  confident  that  the  Lord  has  more 
truth  yet  to  break  forth  out  of  his  holy  word,'    The  reason  why  it 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  111 

possessed  no  scientific  basis  is  explained  by  Duchesne  :  Ce  n'est  giidre 
avant  la  seconde  moitie  die  xvii"  sUcle  qtCil  devint  impossible  de 
soutenir  V authenticiU  des  fausses  d&cretales,  des  constitutions  aposto- 
liques,  des  '  B&cognitions  GUmentines,''  dufaux  Ignace,  du  pseudo-Dionys 
et  de  Vimmense  fair  as  d'ceuvres  anonymes  ou  pseudonymes  qui  grossis- 
sait  souvent  du  tiers  ou  de  la  moitie  V heritage  littiraire  des  atiteurs  les 
phis  co7isiderables.  Qui  aurait  pio  meme  songer  a  un  developpement 
dogmatique  ?  That  it  was  little  understood,  and  lightly  and  loosely 
employed,  is  proved  by  Bossuet  himself,  who  alludes  to  it  in  one  passage 
as  if  he  did  not  know  that  it  was  the  subversion  of  his  theology: 
Quamvis  ecclesia  omnem  veritatem  funditus  7iorit,  ex  haeresibus  tamen 
discity  ut  aiebat  magyii  nominis  Vincentius  Lirinensis,  aptius,  distinctius, 
clariusque  eandem  exponere. 

The  account  of  Lamennais  suffers  from  the  defect  of  mixing  him  up 
too  much  with  his  early  friends.  No  doubt  he  owed  to  them  the  theory 
that  carried  him  through  his  career,  for  it  may  be  found  in  Bonald,  and 
also  in  De  Maistre,  though  not,  perhaps,  in  the  volumes  he  had  already  pub- 
Ushed.  It  was  less  original  than  he  at  first  imagined,  for  the  English 
divines  commonly  held  it  from  the  seventeenth  century,  and  its  dirge  was 
sung  only  the  other  day  by  the  Bishop  of  Gloucester  and  Bristol.  A 
Scottish  professor  would  even  be  justified  in  claiming  it  for  Eeid.  But 
of  course  it  was  Lamennais  who  gave  it  most  importance,  in  his  pro- 
gramme and  in  his  life.  And  his  theory  of  the  common  sense,  the  theory 
that  we  can  be  certain  of  truth  only  by  the  agreement  of  mankind,  though 
vigorously  applied  to  sustain  authority  in  state  and  church,  gravitated 
•towards  multitudinism,  and  marked  him  off  from  his  associates.  "When  he 
said  quod  semper,  quod  ubique,  quod  ab  omnibus,  he  was  not  thinking  of 
the  Christian  church,  but  of  Christianity  as  old  as  the  creation  ;  and  the 
development  he  meant  led  up  to  the  Bible,  and  ended  at  the  New  Testa- 
ment instead  of  beginning  there.  That  is  the  theory  which  he  made  so 
famous,  which  founded  his  fame  and  governed  his  fate,  and  to  which  Dr. 
Flint's  words  apply  when  he  speaks  of  celebrity.  In  that  sense  it  is  a 
mistake  to  connect  Lamennais  with  Moehler  and  Newman ;  and  I  do  not 
believe  that  he  anticipated  their  teaching,  in  spite  of  one  or  two  passages 
which  do  not,  on  the  face  of  them,  bear  date  B.C.,  and  may,  no  doubt,  be 
quoted  for  the  opposite  opinion. 

In  the  same  group  Dr.  Flint  represents  De  Maistre  as  the  teacher  of 
Bavigny,  and  asserts  that  there  could  never  be  a  doubt  as  to  the  hberalism 
of  Chateaubriand.  There  was  none  after  his  expulsion  from  office ;  but 
there  was  much  reason  for  doubting  in  1815,  when  he  entreated  the  king 
to  set  bounds  to  his  mercy ;  in  1819,  when  he  was  contributing  to  the 
Conservateur ;  and  in  1823,  when  he  executed  the  mandate  of  the  abso- 
lute monarchs  against  the  Spanish  constitution.  His  zeal  for  legitimacy 
was  at  all  times  qualified  with  liberal  elements,  but  they  never  became 
consistent  or  acquired  the  mastery  until  1824.  De  Maistre  and  Savigny 
covered  the  same  ground  at  one  point ;  they  both  subjected  the  future  to 
the  past.  This  could  serve  as  an  argument  for  absolutism  and  theocracy, 
and  on  that  account  was  lovely  in  the  eyes  of  De  Maistre.  If  it  had  been 
an  argument  the  other  way  he  would  have  cast  it  off.  Savigny  had  no 
such  ulterior  purpose.    His  doctrine  that  the  living  are  not  their  own 


J 12  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 


# 


masters  could  serve  either  cause.  He  rejected  a  mechanical  fixity,  and 
held  that  whatever  has  been  made  by  process  of  growth  shall  continue  to 
grow  and  suffer  modification.  His  theory  of  continuity  has  this  signifi- 
cance in  political  science,  that  it  supplied  a  basis  for  conservatism  apart 
from  absolutism  and  compatible  with  freedom.  And,  as  he  believed  that 
law  depends  on  national  tradition  and  character,  he  became  indirectly  and 
through  friends  a  founder  of  the  theory  of  nationality. 

The  one  writer  whom  Dr.  Flint  refuses  to  criticise,  because  he  too 
nearly  agrees  with  him,  is  Renouvier.  Taking  this  avowal  in  conjunction 
with  two  or  three  indiscretions  on  other  pages,  we  can  make  a  guess,  not 
at  the  system  itself,  which  is  to  console  us  for  so  much  deviation,  but  at 
its  tendency  and  spirit.  The  fundamental  article  is  belief  in  divine 
government.  As  Kant  beheld  God  in  the  firmament  of  heaven,  so  too 
we  can  see  him  in  history  on  earth.  Unless  a  man  is  determined  to  be  an 
atheist,  he  must  acknowledge  that  the  experience  of  mankind  is  a  decisive 
proof  in  favour  of  religion.  As  providence  is  not  absolute,  but  reigns  over 
men  destined  to  freedom,  its  method  is  manifested  in  the  law  of  pro- 
gress. Here,  however,  Dr.  Flint,  in  his  agreement  with  Renouvier,  is  not 
eager  to  fight  for  his  cause,  and  speaks  with  a  less  jubilant  certitude.  He 
is  able  to  conceive  that  providence  may  attain  its  end  without  the  con- 
dition of  progress,  that  the  divine  scheme  would  not  be  frustrated  if  the 
world,  governed  by  omnipotent  wisdom,  became  steadily  worse.  Assum- 
ing progress  as  a  fact,  if  not  a  law,  there  comes  the  question  wherein  it 
consists,  how  it  is  measured,  where  is  its  goal.  Not  religion,  for  the 
middle  ages  are  an  epoch  of  decline.  Catholicism  has  since  lost  so  much 
ground  as  to  nullify  the  theories  of  Bossuet ;  whilst  protestantism  never 
succeeded  in  France,  either  after  the  Reformation,  when  it  ought  to  have 
prevailed,  nor  after  the  Revolution,  when  it  ought  not.  The  failure  to 
establish  the  protestant  church  on  the  ruins  of  the  old  regime,  to  which 
Quinet  attributes  the  breakdown  of  the  Revolution,  and  which  Napoleon 
regretted  almost  in  the  era  of  his  concordat,  is  explained  by  Mr.  Flint  on 
the  ground  that  protestants  were  in  a  minority.  But  so  they  were  in  and 
after  the  wars  of  religion  ;  and  it  is  not  apparent  why  a  philosopher  who 
does  not  prefer  orthodoxy  to  liberty  should  complain  that  they  achieved 
nothing  better  than  toleration.  He  disproves  Bossuet's  view  by  that  pro- 
cess of  deliverance  from  the  church  which  is  the  note  of  recent  centuries, 
and  from  which  there  is  no  going  back.  On  the  future  I  will  not  en- 
large, because  I  am  writing  at  present  in  the  Historical,  not  the  Pro- 
phetical, Review.  But  some  things  were  not  so  clear  in  France  in  1679 
as  they  are  now  at  Edinburgh.  The  predominance  of  protestant  power 
was  not  foreseen,  except  by  those  who  disputed  whether  Rome  would 
perish  in  1710  or  about  1720.  The  destined  power  of  science  to  act  upon 
religion  had  not  been  proved  by  Newton  or  Simon.  No  man  was  able  to 
forecast  the  future  experience  of  America,  or  to  be  sure  that  observations 
made  under  the  reign  of  authority  would  be  confirmed  by  the  reign  of 
freedom. 

If  the  end  be  not  religion,  is  it  morahty,  humanity,  civilisation,  know- 
ledge ?  In  the  German  chapters  of  1874  Dr.  Flint  was  severe  upon 
Hegel,  and  refused  his  notion  that  the  development  of  liberty  is  the  soul 
of  history,  as  crude,  one-sided,  and  misunderstood.    He  is  more  lenient 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  113 

now,  and  affirms  that  liberty  occupies  ihe  final  summit,  that  it  profits  by 
all  the  good  that  is  in  the  world,  and  suifers  by  all  the  evil,  that  it  per- 
vades strife  and  inspires  endeavour,  that  it  is  almost,  if  not  altogether,  the 
sign,  and  the  prize,  and  the  motive  in  the  onward  and  upward  advance 
of  the  race  for  which  Christ  was  crucified.  As  that  refined  essence  which 
draws  sustenance  from  all  good  things  it  is  clearly  understood  as  the  pro- 
duct of  civilisation,  with  its  complex  problems  and  scientific  appliances,  not 
as  the  elementary  possession  of  the  noble  savage,  which  has  been  traced 
so  often  to  the  primeval  forest.  On  the  other  hand,  if  sin  not  only  tends 
to  impair,  but  does  inevitably  impair  and  hinder  it,  providence  is  excluded 
from  its  own  mysterious  sphere,  which,  as  it  is  not  the  suppression  of  all 
evil  and  present  punishment  of  wrong,  should  be  the  conversion  of  evil 
into  an  instrument  to  serve  the  higher  purpose.  But  although  Dr.  Flint 
has  come  very  near  to  Hegel  and  Michelet,  and  seemed  about  to  elevate 
their  teaching  to  a  higher  level  and  a  wider  view,  he  ends  by  treating  it 
coldly,  as  a  partial  truth  requiring  supplement,  and  bids  us  wait  until  many 
more  explorers  have  recorded  their  soundings.  That,  with  the  trained 
capacity  for  misunderstanding  and  the  smouldering  dissent  proper  to  critics, 
I  might  not  mislead  any  reader,  or  do  less  than  justice  to  a  profound  though 
indecisive  work,  I  should  have  wished  to  piece  together  the  passages  in 
which  the  author  indicates,  somewhat  faintly,  the  promised  but  withheld 
philosophy  which  will  crown  his  third  or  fourth  volume.  Any  one  who 
compares  pages  125,  135,  225,  226,  671,  will  understand  better  than  I  can 
explain  it  the  view  which  is  the  master  key  to  the  book.  Acton. 


Ubei'  das  Prohleyii  einer  allgemelnen  Entiuickelungsgeschichte  des  Bechts 
und  der  Sitte.  Inaugurations-Rede  gehalten  am  15.  Nov.  1893.  Yon 
Richard  Hildebrand.     (Graz  :  Leuschner  und  Lubensky.    1894.) 

The  new  rector  of  the  university  of  Graz  has  used  his  occasion  well.  In 
a  small  compass  he  has  taken  a  rational  and  profitable  view  of  the  com- 
parative method  as  applied  to  the  problems  of  early  law  and  custom,  of 
its  risks,  its  limitations,  and  its  true  functions.  History,  as  we  now  all 
know,  has  become  as  much  natural  history  as  the  sciences  of  direct  obser- 
vation. The  Historiker  must  be  a  Naturforsclier.  But  the  mere  collection 
and  comparison  of  facts  from  various  tribes,  countries,  and  ages  will  not 
do.  We  have  still  to  beware  of  bringing  with  us  preconceived  ideas, 
derived,  perhaps,  from  the  analysis  of  quite  modern  institutions,  and  taking 
them  without  further  criticism  as  a  guide  to  the  actual  order  of  historic 
development.  Thus  in  modern  law  we  regard  the  right  or  power  of 
taking  the  profits  of  a  thing  as  the  natural  outcome  of  ownership.  We 
put  the  notion  of  ownership  first.  Hence,  when  we  find  a  state  of  society 
where  private  ownership,  say,  of  plough  land  is  not  recognised,  we  are 
tempted  to  ascribe  ownership  to  the  community.  If  the  tiller  or  some 
individual  lord  is  not  owner,  the  township  or  the  tribe  must  be.  But  this 
is  a  fallacy.  The  concrete  enjoyment  comes,  in  the  historical  order,  be- 
fore the  abstract  conception  of  ownership.  One  might  say  that  usus  is  a 
natural,  dominium  a  civil  institution.  Communal  or  corporate  owner- 
ship, properly  so  called,  is  an  artificial  extension  from  the  idea  of  several 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  I 


114  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

ownership  in  natural  persons,  and  not  at  all  an  easy  one.  Dr.  Hilde- 
brand's  general  statement  on  this  point  is  absolutely  confirmed  by  my 
friend  Professor  Maitland's  researches  on  the  history  of  legal  ideas  in 
medieval  England. 

Again,  we  are  tempted  to  talk  of  stages  of  culture  in  society  as  if  culture 
were  one  and  indivisible.  But  it  is  nothing  of  the  kind.  A  step  forward 
in  one  direction  may  involve  some  falling  back  in  others.  We  must  fix 
on  some  particular  kind  of  progress  to  give  us  a  scale.  Economic  progress, 
being  measurable  and  not  disputable,  will  afford  the  required  common 
measure.  Apply  this  to  the  history  of  marriage  as  a  test  case.  Marriage 
by  capture,  polyandry,  promiscuity,  are  now  commonly  represented  as 
marks  of  primitive  society.  But  when  we  turn  to  the  facts  among  people 
Who  have  a  primitive  agriculture  or  none  at  all,  what  do  we  find  ?  No- 
thing of  the  sort  is  known.  The  truth  appears  to  be  that  wife  capture 
and  polyandry  arise  out  of  conditions  that  do  not  exist  in  the  most  archaic 
forms  of  society.  Here  Dr.  Hildebrand,  by  an  independent  line  of  reason- 
ing, fully  confirms  Maine's  scepticism  as  to  the  large  generalisation  of  the 
McLennan  school. 

The  merit  and  importance  of  this  little  monograph  are,  in  my  opinion, 
quite  out  of  proportion  to  its  unassuming  bulk.  I  have  freely  condensed 
Dr.  Hildebrand's  argument  in  my  own  words,  but  in  the  main,  I  hope, 
faithfully.  F.  Pollock. 


Les  Origines  du  Droit  International.  Par  Eenest  Nys,  Professeur  a 
rUniversite  de  Bruxelles,  Juge  au  Tribunal  de  Premiere  Instance. 
(Bruxelles  :  Alfred  Castaigne.     Paris  :  Thorin  et  fils.     1894.) 

This  work  is  an  encyclopaedia  of  all  that  was  done  and  thought  during 
the  middle  ages  and  the  period  of  the  Renaissance  in  relation  to  those 
subjects  which  we  should  now  describe  as  international  law,  or  the 
theory  of  the  mutual  relations  of  states.  M.  Nys  has  long  been  known 
as  having  made  that  subject  his  own,  and  has  given  to  the  world  many  of 
the  results  of  his  research  in  short  essays,  such  as  *  Le  Droit  de  la  Guerre 
et  les  Precurseurs  de  Grotius,'  *  Les  Commencements  de  la  Diplomatie,'  &c. 
He  has  also  translated  into  French  the  *  Principles  of  International  Law  ' 
and  the  '  Principles  of  Law '  of  the  late  Professor  Lorimer,  while  by 
doing  so  he  has  testified  to  the  value  he  attaches  to  ideas  as  well  as  to 
history.  One  bond  of  connexion  between  him  and  the  eminent  Scotch 
philosophical  jurist  is  certainly  the  appreciation  which  the  latter  showed 
of  medieval  thought,  especially  that  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas.  No 
doubt  it  is  on  this  account  that  M.  Nys  has  dedicated  the  present 
volume  to  rirriperissable  memoire  de  James  Lorimer,  though  it  does  not 
bear  on  the  special  views  with  which  that  memory  will  chiefly  be  con- 
nected. 

M.  Nys  is  deeply  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  historical  or  inductive 
method  which  we  have  learned  to  pursue,  at  least  by  the  side  of  deduction, 
in  every  subject  which  admits  of  it.  *  In  every  human  work,' he  says, 
*  there  are  two  parts,  the  part  of  contemporaries  and  that  of  those  who 
preceded  them  in  the  perpetual  struggle  which  is  the  lot  of  humanity '  (intr., 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  115 

p.  ii).  Thus  in  international  law  there  is  the  part  that  has  been  contributed 
by  the  doers  and  thinkers  of  the  last  two  centuries  and  a  half,  during  which 
time  there  has  been  an  ordered  society  of  states,  based  on  the  legal 
equality  of  its  members  ;  and  there  is  the  part  that  was  contributed 
during  the  long  preceding  period,  when  that  society  was  slowly  emerging 
from  a  confusion  which  imperial  and  papal  claims  and  systems  of  feudal 
hierarchy,  all  since  perished,  were  vainly  trying  to  reduce  to  order. 
With  regard  to  the  last-mentioned  part,  it  is  very  remarkable  that  the 
ideas,  related  to  our  subject,  which  were  put  forward  during  the  middle 
ages  were  not  merely  such  as  arose  out  of  or  corresponded  to  the  circum- 
stances then  existing.  There  was  more  activity  of  thought  than  has  often 
been  supposed,  and  the  remains  of  ancient  learning  were  sufficient  to  direct 
that  activity  not  only  to  actual  surroundings,  but  also  to  materials  which 
told  of  a  different  condition  of  things,  in  some  respects  more  like  that 
which  has  since  arisen ;  and  hence  modern  international  ideas  are  antici- 
pated by  medieval  ones,  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  modern  frame  of 
international  society  was  anticipated  by  anything  which  existed  in  the 
middle  ages.  '  The  middle  ages,'  says  M.  Nys,  *  were  more  a  period  of 
discussions  than  is  commonly  thought.  ...  In  what  more  especially  con- 
cerns matters  appertaining  to  the  law  of  nations  the  medieval  writers  often 
displayed  an  admirable  audacity  of  mind '  (intr.,  p.  iii).  *  The  exact  notion 
of  international  law  is  not  met  with  among  the  authors  of  the  middle  ages 
properly  so  called.  They  resume  the  study  of  Roman  law  with  a  new 
ardour  ;  they  create  the  science  of  common  law ;  they  build  up  customary 
law  ;  they  examine  problems  of  political  right,  especially  under  the 
influence  of  Aristotle.  Yet  international  law,  as  a  whole,  escapes  their 
view ;  imbedded  in  natural  law,  it  remains  confounded,  like  it,  in  canon 
and  Roman  law.  Little  by  little  natural  law  is  disengaged  from  the 
matrix  ;  it  is  studied  timidly  on  the  occasion  of  certain  titles  in  the  com- 
pilations of  Justinian,  or  of  certain  rules  decreed  by  councils  or  inscribed 
in  papal  constitutions.  Little  by  little  the  law  of  war  becomes  the  subject 
of  discussion  on  the  occasion  of  the  same  titles  and  the  same  rules.  Little 
by  little  also  the  law  of  embassage  is  explained  and  developed.  Certain 
questions  suggested  by  the  study  of  the  law  of  war  or  the  law  of  embassage 
even  assume  importance  ;  the  opinion  of  Christendom  is  divided  on  them — 
as,  for  example,  the  question  of  the  rights  of  unbelievers.  No  doubt  in  all 
these  speculations  there  is  not  yet  any  perception  of  a  whole  ;  but  one 
thing  is  certain,  it  is  here  that  we  must  seek  the  origin,  the  birth,  of 
two  new  branches  of  jural  science,  natural  law  and  international  law ' 
(oh.  i.). 

M.  Nys  begins  with  a  chapter  on  the  general  notions  current  in  the 
middle  ages  with  any  relation  to  his  subject,  and  passes  to  the  position 
and  claims  of  the  papacy  and  the  empire,  and  to  the  attitude  of  the 
church  and  of  theologians  towards  war.  Then  follows  a  series  of 
chapters  in  which  facts  and  opinions  are  marshalled  according  to  the 
departments  of  the  subject  which  they  concern,  as  they  might  be  in  a 
treatise  on  modern  international  law  ;  and  in  these  private  war  and  the 
dealings  of  vassals  and  cities  furnish  their  contingent  of  information,  as 
indeed,  before  the  notion  of  a  sovereign  state  had  been  distinctly  esta- 
blished, they  furnished  their  aid  to  the  development  of  the  subject.    And 

1  2 


116  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

lastly  the  eternal  aspiratioA  of  humanity  towards  peace,  and  the  Utopias 
to  which  it  has  given  rise,  come  under  review. 

We  have  put  down  the  book  with  the  impression  that,  valuable  as  it  is 
for  the  scientific  study  of  international  law,  it  ought  to  be  still  more 
valuable  to  the  historian.  The  latter,  so  far  as  he  has  to  deal  with 
incidents  and  changes  bearing  on  international  or  quasi-international 
relations,  will  find  in  it  the  means  of  viewing  those  incidents  and 
changes  in  connexion  with  the  general  drift  of  analogous  events,  and  of 
bringing  the  conduct  of  his  characters  to  the  test  of  the  opinions  and 
practice  of  their  time.  It  is  a  commonplace  that  such  should  be  the  aim 
of  the  historian,  but  it  is  not  easy  for  him  to  carry  out  that  aim  with 
reference  to  a  branch  of  his  subject  which  has  been  developed  into  a 
separate  science,  unless  he  receives  and  will  accept  the  assistance  of  those 
who  have  specially  cultivated  that  science.  We  have  often  regretted  that 
international  lawyers  do  not  know  more  of  history  and  historians  more  of 
international  law.  We  should  have  better  international  law  if  it  were 
more  inductively  treated,  and  then  probably  it  would  be  more  attractive  to 
the  historian,  and  he  would  know  more  of  it.  But  the  historian  of  the 
middle  ages  or  of  the  sixteenth  century  has  now,  in  M.  Nys's  '  Origines 
du  Droit  International,'  a  book  in  which  what  can  be  done  for  him  from 
that  point  of  view  is  well  done,  and  he  will  be  ill  advised  if  he  neglects  to 
make  himself  familiar  with  it.  J.  Westlake. 


Selections  from  Straho ;  with  an  Introduction  on  Strabo's  Life  and 
Works,  By  the  Rev.  H.  F.  Tozer,  M.A.,  F.R.G.S.,  Honorary  Fellow 
of  Exeter  College,  Oxford.     (Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press.     1893.) 

It  is  long  since  any  serious  work  has  been  done  in  England  upon  Strabo, 
and  in  providing  English  readers  with  this  attractive  introduction  to  a 
writer  not,  perhaps,  attractive  in  the  mass,  but  abounding  in  instruction, 
Mr.  Tozer  has  added  another  solid  service  to  the  many  which  he  has 
already  rendered  to  all  serious  students  of  ancient  geography.  His  work 
has,  no  doubt,  been  facilitated  by  the  recent  excellent  treatise  of  Dubois 
('  Examen  de  la  Geographic  de  Strabon,'  Paris,  1891, — the  fourth  section 
of  Hugo  Berger's  *  Erdkunde  der  Griechen  '  was  not,  apparently,  published 
in  time  to  be  of  use) ;  but  the  grijfe  of  the  independent  student  and 
eye-witness  is  clearly  marked  upon  the  book,  and  it  is  not  every  editor  of 
Strabo  who  can  correct  from  personal  inspection  an  eccentric  statement 
of  the  latter  about  the  view  from  the  top  of  Mount  Argaeus.  Without 
being  an  enthusiast  about  his  author— it  would,  perhaps,  be  difficult  to 
be  enthusiastic  about  Strabo — Mr.  Tozer  is  a  good  deal  juster  to  him  than 
is,  for  instance,  Miillenhoff,  whose  hostihty  to  Strabo,  by  the  way,  he 
understates  (p.  43).  He  is,  perhaps,  even  too  lenient  to  Strabo's  blunder- 
headed  depreciation  of  Pytheas,  and  to  his  controversial  views  on  mathe- 
matical and  physical  geography.  But  he  is  only  just  to  the  geographical 
eye  of  Strabo— his  power  of  vividly  and  accurately  conceiving  (as  in  the 
description  of  the  Armenian  plateaux  or  the  Gaulish  river  system)  a  large 
mass  of  country  as  a  whole— and  to  the  force  and  perspicuity  with  which 
Strabo  often  expounds  the  relation  of  man  to  his  environment.     '  No- 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  117 

where  is  Strabo's  originality  more  clearly  seen  than  here.  He  is,  in  fact, 
the  only  writer  in  antiquity  who  has  systematically  treated  in  this  respect 
of  nature  or  man '  (p.  83).  Mr.  Tozer  follows  Strabo  around  the  world 
which  he  describes,  and  in  so  doing  takes  sides  with  those  who  maintain 
that  Strabo  had  hardly  visited  Greece  at  all,  and  in  particular  had  never 
seen  Athens.  The  excellence  of  his  work  on  Asia  Minor,  so  highly  praised 
by  Professor  Eamsay,  is  fully  recognised  by  Mr.  Tozer,  and  important 
minor  points  like  Strabo's  behef  in  a  connexion  between  the  ocean  and 
the  Caspian  are  brought  clearly  out.  That  Strabo  describes  less  his  own 
day  than  a  day  some  way  back  is  urged  by  Mr.  Tozer  not  less  strongly  than 
by  Professor  Mahaffy  *  and  Emil  Kuhn,^  and  there  are  some  interesting 
remarks  on  the  question  whether  Strabo  addressed  himself  primarily  to  a 
Greek  or  to  a  Eoman  reader.  All  this  introduction,  of  over  fifty  pages, 
is,  in  fine,  a  piece  of  competent  scholarly  exposition,  which  will  give  the 
English  reader  who  has  never  yet  embarked  on  Strabo  all  the  necessary 
preliminary  information,  and  will  put  him  at  the  most  enlightened  point 
of  view. 

Of  course  every  student  of  the  later  periods  of  Greek  or  Eoman  history 
knows  that  Strabo  is  a  perfect  mine  of  information,  and  the  publication 
of  M.  Tardieu's  wonderful  index  ^ — one  of  the  most  useful  pieces  of  work 
that  have  been  done  in  our  time  for  the  student  of  antiquity — has  only 
deepened  that  impression.  But  few  would  have  suspected  that  Strabo 
would  lend  himself  so  readily  to  selection,  and  that  so  exceptionally  inte- 
resting a  book  as  this  could  be  made  out  of  him.  Mr.  Tozer's  plan  has 
been  to  take  the  books  in  their  order,  and  to  give  extracts  out  of  each. 
His  volume  is  thus  divided  into  seventeen  sections,  corresponding  to  the 
seventeen  books  of  Strabo,  beginning  with  '  Prolegomena '  and  ending  with 
'  Egypt.'  It  is  full  of  curious,  interesting,  and  important  matter.  Such, 
for  instance,  are  the  accounts  of  the  geographical  and  vsicial  morcellement 
of  Spain,  of  the  river  system  of  Gaul,  of  the  Alpine  passes,  of  the  magni- 
ficence of  Eome  and  the  physical  causes  of  its  greatness,  of  the  Black  Sea 
and  the  Caucasus,  of  the  priestly  governments  in  Asia  Minor,  of  the 
Brahmins  in  India,  and  the  nilometer  at  Elephantine — all  these  pictures 
embroidered,  as  it  were,  on  the  luminous  background  of  the  *  Eoman 
peace.'  Strabo  as  a  whole  may  be  dull,  but  Strabo  read  in  this  way,  and 
with  such  a  guide  as  Mr.  Tozer,  is  hardly  less  interesting  than  Herodotus. 

To  each  of  his  selections  Mr.  Tozer  prefixes  a  brief  introduction,  with 
elucidatory  notes — generally  historical  and  antiquarian  in  character — at 
the  foot  of  the  Greek  text.  In  general  this  apparatus  is  all  that  could 
be  wished  by  the  most  exigent  of  readers,  and  if  I  confine  my  remarks  to 
a  few  points  on  which  disagreement  is  possible,  or  on  which  further  light 
appears  desirable,  it  is  due  to  considerations  of  space  only.  On  p.  110, 
in  the  statement  that  Balbus's  triumph  was  '  the  first  occasion  on  which 
this  honour  was  conferred  on  one  who  was  not  a  Eoman  citizen,'  we 
should  read,  ^  who  was  not  born  a  Eoman  citizen.'  Of  course  he  was 
a  Eoman  citizen  at  the  time  of  his  triumph.  On  p.  201  there  appears  to 
be  a  confusion  between  the  hypaethral  sanctuary  of  Apollo  (for  which 
Dio  is  the  sole  and  perhaps  untrustworthy  authority)  on  the  northern 

'  Greek  World  under  Boman  Sway,  p.  192.  -  Ent§teh'ung,  p.  431, 

3  Vol.  iv,  of  his  new  translation  of  Strabo  (Paris,  1890), 


118  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

horn  of  the  bay  and  the  famous  temple  of  the  Actian  Apollo  on  the 
southern  one.  Kuhn,  'Entstehung,'  p.  416,  note,  is  worth  looking  at  in 
this  connexion.  On  p.  270  the  explanation  of  a  strategia  in  Cappadocia 
as  '  the  (Roman)  prefecture  '  will  mislead  most  readers.  The  term  '  pre- 
fecture '  is  a  little  technical  for  use  in  this  connexion,  and  the  strategies 
in  Cappadocia  were  a  pre-Roman  institution,  just  as  they  were  in  Thrace 
and  Egypt.  Strabo  expressly  dates  them  back  to  Archelaus's  predeces- 
sors, and  Professor  Ramsay''  appears  to  be  right  in  speaking  of  them  as 
'  an  antiquated  institution.'  Elsewhere  I  miss  the  further  light  which 
Mr.  Tozer  is  so  competent  to  give.  Thus  on  p.  148  a  note  on  Strabo's 
statement  ,that  Rome  was  the  only  city  on  the  Tiber  would  have  been 
interesting.  It  is  practically  true  to  this  day,  and  Nissen's  reasons  for 
it  ^  were  worth  a  mention.  On  p.  236  more  seems  to  be  wanted  about 
the  two  LarymnaB  in  the  light  of  Pausanias,  iv.  23,  7,  and  Hertzberg's 
discussion  of  the  point.  On  p.  278  there  should,  perhaps,  be  a  note  to 
warn  the  beginner  against  confusing  the  Paphlagonian  Sebaste  with  the 
much  more  important  Sebasteia  (Siwas).  On  p.  308  something  more 
about  the  great  school  of  Tarsus  would  have  been  welcome.  Plutarch, 
'  On  the  Cessation  of  Oracles,'  chap,  i.,  as  particularly  interesting  to 
Englishmen,  might  at  all  events  have  been  worked  in.  On  p.  105  the 
note  on  the  '  couvade '  ignores  the  *  New  English  Dictionary '  and  the  con- 
troversy of  1893.  On  p.  96  the  statement  as  to  the  absence  of  tin  in 
modern  Spain  appears  to  be  a  mistake.  At  least  the  first  living  autho- 
rity on  modern  Spain  ^  asserts  the  contrary.  The  passage  of  Strabo 
on  the  use  of  mountaineers  in  the  Roman  army  (p.  89)  is  immensely  sug- 
gestive. It  might  have  been  shown  by  cases  like  those  of  the  Astures, 
Cantabri,  Vocontii,  &c.,  that  there  was  good  ground  for  Strabo's  remark, 
and  the  very  interesting  parallel  of  Anglo-Indian  experience ''  might  also 
have  been  adduced.  On  p.  233  Mahaffy's  '  Greek  World,'  &c.,  pp.  81-82, 
might  have  suggested  an  interesting  note.  On  p.  214,  note  3,  a  reference 
to  Middleton's  '  Ancient  Rome,'  i.  24,  would  have  been  in  place,  and  on 
p.  285  G.  Radet's  admirable  article  on  the  Pisidian  cities  in  the  Bevue 
Archeologiqiie,  xxii.  204,  certainly  deserved  a  mention.  But  even  if,  in 
some  of  these  points  at  all  events,  the  book  will  admit  of  being 
strengthened  in  a  second  edition,  they  amount  to  very  little.  Mr.  Tozer 
has  produced  a  most  helpful,  workmanlike,  and  admirable  volume,  for 
which  those  who  use  it  most  assiduously  will  learn  to  be  most  grateful. 

William  T.  Arnold. 

Studi  di  Storia  Ant  lea  e  dl  Topografia  Storlca.     Dal  Dott.  Gabeiele 
Grasso.    Ease.  I.     (Ariano  :  Stabil.  Tipogr.  Appulo-Irpino.     1893.) 

This  pamphlet  deals  with  topographical  questions  relating  to  the  western 
part  of  ancient  Apulia.  Their  importance  is  of  a  decidedly  limited  cha- 
racter, and  the  results  cannot  be  said  to  carry  us  much  beyond  those 
reached  in  the  ninth  volume  of  the  *  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum.'  It 
may,  however,  be  worth  while  to  summarise  briefly  those  points  which 

♦  Historical  GcograpJnj,  p.  284.  ^  Landeskunde,  i.  320,  323. 

*■  Theobald  Fischer  in  Kirchhoff's  Lcinderkimde  von  Europa,  ii.  pt.  ii.  710. 
^  Asiatic  Quarterly  Bevieiu  for  January  1889,  p.  4G  foil. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  119 

are  new.  First  comes  a  discussion  of  the  name  Aquilonia.  Mommsen 
distinguished  three  places  (*  C.  I.  L.'  ix.  p.  88) — Aquilonia  in  the  Hirpini 
(Lacedogna),  the  Aquilonia  of  Livy,  x.  38,  &c.,  and  the  mutatio  Aquilonis 
of  the  Jerusalem  itinerary.  The  second  of  these  Grasso  identifies  with 
Macchia  Godena,  not  far  from  Bovianum  (see  '  C.  I.  L.'  ix.  t.  iii.),  and  he 
suggests  that  the  latter  part  of  the  modern  name  may  be  a  survival  of 
Akudunniad,  which  we  know  was  the  Oscan  form  of  the  first  Aquilonia.  The 
mutatio  Aquilonis  is  not  the  name  of  a  place  near  Bovino  (*  C.  I.L.'  ix.  p.  87), 
but  indicates  a  station  at  the  river  Aquilo  (now  Celeno,  Z.c.  t.  ii.)  Some  of 
the  minor  roads  of  the  district  are  next  dealt  with.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
assume  that  the  Via  Herculia  of  '  C.  I.  L.'  ix.  6059,  &c.,  was  made  under  Dio- 
cletian and  Maximian.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  name  is  local.  But  until 
some  definite  place  can  be  pointed  out  we  prefer  to  keep  to  Mommsen's 
conclusion.  The  road  which  connected  Aeclanum  and  Herdoniae  was 
called  the  Via  Herdonitana  ('  C.  I.  L.'  ix.  670),  and  the  Via  Aurelia  Aecla- 
nensis  was  the  name  of  that  between  Aeclanum  and  Aequum  Tuticum.  To 
the  latter  belong  the  inscriptions  at  Grottaminarda  ('  C.I.L.'  ix.  1126,  6071). 
Eighteen  pages  are  next  devoted  to  arriving  at  the  conclusion  stated  by 
Mommsen  in  half  a  dozen  lines,  that  the  name  of  the  oi)pidulum  which 
Horace  could  not  get  into  an  hexameter  ('  Sat.'  i.  5,  87)  is  Ausculum 
('  C.  I.  L.'  ix.  p.  62).  But  in  his  '  Addenda  '  Grasso  suggests  that  it  may  be 
Herdoniae,  which  presents  greater  metrical  difficulties,  while  the  difference  of 
distance  is  unimportant.  The  third  part  deals  with  Aequum  Tuticum,  the 
etymology  of  which  is  discussed  without  any  satisfactory  result.  The 
modern  name  of  the  site  is  S.  Eleuterio,  and  Grasso  gives  an  inte- 
resting proof  that  this  comes  from  the  connexion  with  the  place  of  a 
Bishop  Eleutherius  (or  Liberator),  who  was  martyred  in  the  Diocletian 
persecution.  The  name  Messana,  or  Missenum,  which  some  martyrologies 
associate  with  him,  is  the  stream  Miscano,  which  flows  near  the  site. 
Finally,  the  comparatively  modern  origin  of  Ariano  is  demonstrated,  as 
against  the  assertion  of  the  eighteenth-century  local  historian  Vitale  that 
it  represented  an  ancient  town.  All  the  inscriptions  there  are  imported. 
But  the  existence  of  a  fundus  Arianus  at  Velleia  suggests  that  the 
name  may  be  ancient.  G.  McN.  Rushforth. 


Infamia :  its  Place  in  Boman  Public  and  Private  Laiu.    By  A.  H.  J. 
Geeenidge,  M.A.     (Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press.     1894.) 

This  is  a  thorough  and  scholarly  treatment  of  a  subject  which  owes  much 
of  its  difficulty  and  at  the  same  time  of  its  interest  to  the  fact  that  it  lies 
upon  the  by  no  means  scientific  frontier  between  law  and  morality.  The 
question  as  to  the  period  at  which  informal  transactions  became  action- 
able at  Rome  may,  perhaps,  always  remain  a  debatable  one,  but  whether 
we  incline  to  an  early  or  a  relatively  late  date — and  at  the  moment  the 
current  of  opinion  seems  in  favour  of  the  latter— the  subject  of  infamia 
will  always  be  of  interest  in  the  history  of  Roman  private  law ;  for,  as 
regulated  by  the  censor,  it  seems  to  have  been  in  many  cases  a  substitute 
for  and  a  precursor  of  a  definite  legal  sanction.  Its  interest  for  the 
student  of  public  law  is  even  greater. 

Mr.  Greenidge  devotes  his  first  forty  pages  to  a  definition  of  the  sub-; 


:120  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

ject  and  an  outline  of  his  treatise.  He  justly  remarks  that  a  definition  of 
an  institution  whose  history  extended  over  many  centuries  must  be  a  very 
general  one,  though  it  is  not,  perhaps,  as  valueless  as  he  appears  to  think. 
If  it  does  nothing  more,  his  definition  (p.  37)  illustrates  the  clearness 
and  sobriety  which  are  marked  characteristics  of  his  book.  He  agrees 
in  the  main  with  Mommsen  as  against  Savigny  that  infamia  during 
the  republic  was  not  a  clearly  marked  juristic  conception.  He  traces 
its  origin  to  the  censorian  control  over  manners  and  morals,  a  control 
which,  being  legally  irresponsible,  produced,  fortunately  for  Roman 
moraUty,  no  definite  code  of  rules,  though  the  censorian  edict  was  in  all 
probability,  like  the  praetorian,  largely  tralatitious.  He  argues  against  the 
distinction  which  Savigny  and  others  have  supposed  to  exist  between  cen- 
soria  notatio  and  infamia,  or,  substituting  facts  for  names,  between  dis- 
qualifications imposed  arbitrarily  by  the  censor  and  a  system  of  permanent 
disabilities  existing  independently  of  the  discretion  of  the  censor,  although 
enforced  through  his  agency.  The  conclusion  arrived  at  is  that  in 
republican  times  condemnation  neither  on  the  ground  of  delict  nor  of 
fiduciary  obligations  produced  ipso  iure  disqualification  for  office  or  loss 
of  suffrage.  The  magistrate  could  treat  the  condemnation  as  a  ground  of 
exclusion,  but,  as  is  shown  by  the  case  of  Antonius,  the  colleague  of 
Cicero  in  the  consulship,  he  could  disregard  it.  With  reference  to  crimes 
it  was  only  gradually,  by  legal  interpretation,  that  the  principle  was  esta- 
blished that  iiifamia  followed  conviction.  In  the  *  Lex  luHa  Municipalis,' 
*  a  codification  of  the  most  permanent  portion  of  the  censorian  infamia  ' 
touching  the  disqualifications  for  the  position  of  senator  in  a  muni- 
cipal town,  we  have  most  valuable  evidence  as  to  the  nature  and  limita- 
tion of  the  conception  at  the  close  of  the  republican  period.  After 
tracing  in  some  detail  the  working  of  infamia  in  connexion  with  the 
senate  and  the  equestrian  order,  Mr.  Greenidge  passes  on  to  the  praetorian 
infamia.  He  shows  that  the  praetors  in  whose  edicts  infamia  appears  as 
a  bar  to  indiscriminate  postulation  borrowed  the  conception  from  the 
censors  :  in  their  hands,  however,  it  became  of  necessity  definite  and 
codified.  In  chapter  v.  we  see  how  in  the  empire  the  idea,  inherent  in 
the  censorian  procedure,  of  exclusion  from  public  honours  became  again 
the  dominant  one.  By  the  time  of  Constantine  infamia  is  a  definite  legal 
conception,  with  fixed  consequences,  and  is  used  by  the  emperors  as  a 
powerful  means  of  punishing  crimes  and  administrative  abuses. 

Mr.  Greenidge' s  book  is  an  excellent  example  of  the  apphcation  of  the 
methods  and  results  of  modern  criticism  to  a  special  subject,  and  he  has 
chosen  for  his  subject  a  typical  Eom^an  institution,  hifamia  traces  its 
origin  to  the  ins  imhlicum,  and  its  vitality  to  that  care  for  pubhc  repu- 
tation Avhich  was  the  strongest  moral  force  in  republican  Rome :  it  was 
developed  by  censorian  edicts  issued  in  strict  connexion  with  administra- 
tive functions  ;  it  owed  its  formulation  to  the  praetor,  while,  finally,  the 
emperors  sharpened  and  wielded  for  their  own  purposes  the  weapon 
forged  by  their  republican  predecessors.  Mr.  Greenidge  is  scrupulously 
fair  in  his  use  of  the  texts  and  in  his  treatment  of  modern  authorities,  and 
he  refrains  altogether  from  the  too  usual  practice  of  extracting  by  torture 
Strange  and  di§corda?it  utterances  from  the  long-suffering  corims  iuris. 

Henry  Bonp, 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  121 

A  History  of  the  Boinan  Empire  from  its  Foundation  to  the  Death  of 
Marcus  Aurelius.  By  J.  B.  Buey,  M.A.  (London :  John  Murray. 
1893.) 

This  new  volume  of  the  *  Student's  Manuals  '  bridges  over  a  gap  which 
has  long  been  felt  to  exist.  As  Professor  Bury  says  in  his  preface,  we 
have  hitherto  had  no  English  handbook  giving  a  detailed  account  of  the 
first  two  centuries  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  he  has  set  himself  the  task 
of  placing  this  most  important  period  on  the  same  footing  as  that  of  the 
republic.  It  can  no  longer  now  be  said  that  a  systematic  knowledge  of 
events  after  the  battle  of  Actium  is  difficult  to  acquire,  and  the  researches 
of  the  great  German  historians  into  the  constitution  of  the  principate  are 
brought  within  the  reach  of  the  English  schoolboy.  The  two  able  and 
lucid  chapters  which  Mr.  Bury  devotes  to  this  side  of  imperial  history  are 
one  of  the  best  features  of  his  book.  The  first  of  them  deals  not  only 
with  the  final  form  which  Augustus  gave  his  constitution,  but  with  all  the 
interesting  experiments  which  preceded  it.  The  vexed  question  as  to  the 
importance  of  the  consulship  between  27  and  23  b.c.  is  discussed  in 
detail,  and  while  the  views  of  Mommsen  are  followed  in  the  main  the 
very  different  ones  of  Professor  Pelham  are  quoted  at  length  in  a  note. 
Mr.  Bury  is  indeed  very  careful  in  this  chapter  to  avoid  giving  only  one 
side  of  a  question.  Though  the  now  generally  accepted  interpretation  of 
the  title  iyrincei)s  as  a  shortened  form  of  iwinccps  civitatis  is  adopted  in 
the  text,  Herzog's  modified  revival  of  the  old  theory  that  it  stood  for 
2Jrinceps  senatus  is  noticed  and  explained.  The  *  Lex  de  Imperio  '  is 
discussed  and  quoted  in  full,  and  the  conflicting  views  of  Mommsen  and 
Herzog  are  both  given  as  to  whether  the  senate  alone,  or  the  senate  and 
the  army  alike,  had  a  right  to  the  bestowal  of  the  proconsular  imperium. 
The  second  chapter  gives  an  equally  clear  account  of  the  joint  rule  of 
prince2)s  and  senate,  and  answers  most  of  the  questions  which  would  occur 
to  a  student  as  to  the  way  in  which  the  theory  of  the  dyarchy  worked  out  in 
practice.  The  cursus  honoriim,  the  position  of  the  eqicites,  the  functions  of 
the  magistrates  are  all  well  described.  The  minute  detail  with  which  all 
this  rather  abstruse  constitutional  theory  is  presented  may  seem  to  some  out 
of  place  in  a  handbook.  But  such  a  criticism  would  be  unfair.  Original 
work  in  Roman  history  during  the  last  few  decades  has  been  largely  cen- 
tred on  its  constitutional  side ;  and  in  no  department  has  better  work 
been  done  and  greater  progress  made  than  in  that  of  the  early  principate. 
Whether  or  not,  therefore,  we  consider  that  too  much  stress  is  laid  at  the 
present  moment  on  the  constitutional  aspect  of  history,  we  cannot  blame 
Mr.  Bury  for  his  profusion  of  detail.  Where  he  is  really  open  to  criti- 
cism is  in  the  disproportionately  small  space  he  has  alloted  to  his  general 
review  of  the  constitution  of  Augustus  as  considered  in  the  light  of  the 
second  century.  Only  four  pages,  and  these  terribly  unimpressive  and 
inadequate,  are  deemed  sufficient  for  the  whole  political  development 
of  the  principate.  The  modifications  which  the  dyarchy  underwent  in 
the  direction  of  autocracy,  the  influence  on  it  of  the  military  element,  the 
question  of  east  and  west,  the  extension  of  Roman  citizenship,  the  front 
the  empire  presented  to  the  barbarians,  the  growing  power  of  Chris- 
tianity, are  all  hurried  over.    And  this  is  the  more  to  be  regretted  be- 


122  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

cause  there  are  few  men  that  have  a  right  to  speak  with  such  authority 
on  these  points  as  the  author  of  the  'History  of  the  Later  Eoman 
Empire.' 

Scarcely  less  valuable  than  the  chapters  on  the  constitution  of  the 
principate  are  those  on  the  provincial  administration  of  Augustus.  Not 
only  is  an  excellent  general  summary  given  of  the  various  ways  in  which 
Eome  governed  her  subjects,  but  the  position  and  history  of  each  pro- 
vince are  described  in  detail.  If  a  fault  is  to  be  found  with  the  matter  of 
this  part  of  the  book,  it  is  in  the  very  scanty  treatment  of  the  concilia 
and  their  connexion  with  the  state  worship  of  the  emperors.  With  the 
style  it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  dissatisfied  when  one  remembers  Momm- 
sen's  *  History  of  the  Provinces  of  the  Eoman  Empire,'  with  all  its  lift 
and  stimulus.  Lucidity  and  terseness  are  not  everything.  Directly  we 
get  beyond  the  exposition  of  constitutional  details  we  have  a  right  to 
complain  if  a  handbook  which  is  to  introduce  young  students  to  a  great 
epoch  is  lacking  in  interest.  But  the  responsibility  of  its  writer  is 
doubled  when  his  subject  is  one  that  can  be  made  as  fascinating  as  can 
the  history  of  imperial  Eome. 

Mr.  Bury's  estimate  of  the  position  and  characteristics  of  the  first  ten 
emperors  is  a  sober  and  sensible  one.  The  section  on  Domitian  in  par- 
ticular is  very  thoughtful  and  sympathetic,  and  clears  away  many  pre- 
judices. His  account  of  the  events  of  their  principates  enters  into  great 
detail,  and  cannot  entirely  reduce  to  dulness  what  comes  down  to  us 
in  the  language  of  Tacitus  and  Juvenal.  Mr.  Bury's  observations  on 
financial  administration  are  always  valuable,  and  he  is  very  careful  on 
military  questions.  The  winning  and  losing  of  Germany,  the  campaigns 
in  Armenia  under  Claudius  and  Nero  are  all  well  told,  and  never  does 
Mr.  Bury  rise  nearer  to  enthusiasm  than  over  the  battle  between  the 
generals  of  Otho  and  Vitellius  at  Locus  Castrorum.  We  can  say,  indeed, 
that  wherever  Mr.  Bury  treats  of  the  first  ten  emperors  he  has  made  good 
use  of  his  authorities,  and  is  quite  accurate.  Though  too  the  reader  is 
conscious  of  the  loss  of  the  personal  element,  when  no  dignity  or 
impressiveness  of  style  is  left  to  take  its  place,  the  reigns  of  Nerva  and 
Trajan  are  adequately  described,  and  the  latter  is  brightened  considerably 
by  copious  and  excellent  quotations  from  Pliny's  letters. 

Mr.  Bury  does  not  seem  to  have  realised  how  much  original  work  has 
yet  to  be  done  for  Hadrian  and  the  Antonines.  Almost  the  only  advance 
he  has  made  on  Meri vale's  account  of  Hadrian  is  to  give  a  clearer  account 
of  the  constitutional  and  legal  changes  of  his  principate,  and  to  utilise 
Diirr's  monograph  on  his  journeys.  All  credit  is  due  to  Diirr  for  his 
idea  of  basing  the  dates  of  the  journeys  on  a  systematic  collection  of 
inscriptions  ;  and  he  has  carried  it  out  with  laborious  industry.  But  he 
lays  down  for  himself  no  canons  of  evidence,  and  never  even  discusses 
the  question  as  to  what  constitutes  a  proof  of  Hadrian's  presence  in  a 
place  at  a  given  time  or  any  time  at  all.  More  than  once  a  fuller  study 
of  inscriptions  shows  that  Diirr's  methods  of  argument  would  antedate 
the  '  Orient  Express,'  if  not  actually  make  Hadrian  to  be  in  two  places 
at  one  and  the  same  time.  And  not  only  have  Diirr's  conclusions  from 
the  evidence  before  him  to  be  carefully  sifted,  but  since  1881,  when  his 
book  was  pubhshed,  a  number  of  inscriptions  have  been  discovered  which 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  123 

materially  add  to  that  evidence.  Diirr,  indeed,  never  heard  of  Wood's 
*  Discoveries  at  Ephesus,'  published  though  it  was  in  1877,  till  the  main 
body  of  his  work  was  completed,  and  could  only  touch  on  it  hastily  in 
his  *  Nachtrag.'  But  it  is  unfortunate  that  Mr.  Bury,  who  accepts  all 
Diirr' s  general  conclusions  in  the  body  of  his  work,  except  in  one  case 
where  Herzog  has  declared  against  him,  and  merely  makes  a  reservation 
in  a  note  that  '  there  are  still  many  points  which  must  be  regarded  as 
highly  uncertain,'  has  not  even  studied  Diirr  very  carefully.  On  p.  497 
he  says,  following  the  views  Diirr  expresses  in  his  text,  *  His  second 
journey  began  by  a  second  visit  to  Athens,  where  he  spent  another  winter 
(129-130  A.D.)  Then  he  sailed  to  the  south  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
landing  in  Caria  or  Lycia,'  &c.  A  glance  at  Diirr's  *  Nachtrag '  would, 
however,  have  shown  Mr.  Bury  that  Hadrian's  own  words  to  the  apxovrec 
Sind  ftovXij  of  Ephesus,  preserved  in  Wood's  *  Inscriptions  from  the  Odeum,' 
No.  1,  prove  conclusively  that  he  left  Athens  before  10  Dec.  129,  and 
that  it  was  at  Ephesus,  not  in  Caria  or  Lycia,  that  he  landed.  His  sub- 
sequent route,  through  Caria  to  Laodicea  on  the  Lycus,  is  proved  by 
another  letter,  also  written  before  10  Dec.  129.  It  is  sent  to  the  people 
of  Astypalaea,  and  is  published  in  the  Bulletin  de  Correspondance  Helle- 
nique  for  1883,  pp.  405-407.  The  letter  from  Ephesus  is  interesting  in 
itself,  though  I  believe  no  one  has  yet  mentioned  it  except  in  its  bearing 
upon  the  dates  of  the  journeys.  It  is  one  of  many  proofs  of  the  intense 
personal  interest  Hadrian  took  in  his  subjects,  in  spite  of  the  vast  scale 
and  varied  character  of  his  undertakings.  He  is  anxious  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  vessel  which  had  just  brought  him  from  Eleusis  to 
Ephesus  should  be  made  a  member  of  the  /3ov\?/.  He  is  the  best  sailor 
of  his  time,  and  it  is  always  his  ship  that  is  chosen  by  the  proconsuls  of 
the  province  when  they  have  to  cross  the  sea.  Hadrian  himself  will  pay 
his  entrance  fee. 

It  is  not  only  on  the  reconstruction  of  the  journeys  that  Mr.  Bury 
might  have  spent  more  time.  Plew's  pamphlet  on  Hadrian,  for  instance, 
ought  not  to  have  escaped  his  notice,  with  its  suggestion  that  the 
YloXLopKnTiKa  of  Apollodorus  was  written  expressly  for  the  use  of  Hadrian 
and  his  generals  in  the  Jewish  revolt.  Nor  can  we  believe  that  if  Mr. 
Bury  had  read  Theodore  Keinach's  delightful  article  on  the  temple  of 
Cyzicus  in  the  Bulletin  de  Corresjoondance  Helleiiiqice,  May-December 
1890,  he  would  have  failed  to  make  use  of  that  quaint  account  which 
Cyriacus  of  Ancona  gives  of  his  visit  to  it  in  the  fifteenth  century,  telling 
us,  as  it  does,  how  the  marble  statue  of  the  bearded  Hadrian,  so  supreme 
in  its  magnificence  that  Cyriacus  thought  it  was  that  of  Jupiter,  still 
watched,  after  the  passage  of  thirteen  centuries,  over  the  twelve  gods  of 
Olympus.  There  are  other  significant  and  picturesque  details,  of  which 
Mr.  Bury  must  have  known,  and  which  he  must  consciously  have 
rejected.  The  story  of  how  Hadrian  carried  to  Trajan  the  news  of  his 
succession  to  the  empire  was  certainly  worth  a  notice.  It  rests  on 
excellent  authority,  throws  a  strong  light  on  the  character  of  the  man, 
and,  as  Merivale  unfortunately  blundered  over  it,  has  never  yet  been  told 
accurately  in  English.  Trajan  was  at  Colonia  Agrippensis  when  Nerva 
died,  but  the  news  from  Eome  came  first  to  the  army  of  Upper  Germany 
at  Moguntiacum.     Whose  privilege  should  it  be  to  to.ke  the  message  on 


124  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

and  greet  Trajan  as  empiror  ?  Hadrian  was  determined  it  should  be 
his  ;  but  Servianus,  his  brother-in-law  and  superior  in  command,  irritated 
because  the  younger  man's  debts  and  extravagance  seemed  to  find  more 
favour  with  their  common  kinsman  than  the  stern  precision  of  his  own 
life,  was  as  determined  to  prevent  him.  Not  content  with  sending  on 
an  equerry  himself,  he  detained  Hadrian  in  camp,  and,  when  there  was 
no  longer  any  excuse  for  this,  took  care  that  his  carriage  should  be 
tampered  with.  Directly  Hadrian  had  started  the  carriage  broke  do^vn. 
But  the  man  who  would  afterwards  walk  twenty  miles  a  day  bareheaded 
in  heat  or  cold  merely  to  encourage  his  soldiers  was  not  to  be  baulked. 
He  walked  the  whole  way  on  foot,  outstripped  the  equerry,  and  won  the 
respect  as  well  as  the  favour  of  the  first  soldier  of  the  age.  Spartian's 
words  acquire  an  added  interest  when  we  remember  that  it  was  on 
27  Jan.  that  Nerva  died.  The  heavy  roads  put  a  strong  man  on  foot 
scarcely  at  a  disadvantage  with  a  vehicle  or  horseman,  and  we  need  no 
longer  suspect  the  story  of  exaggeration. 

When,  again,  Mr.  Bury  says,  *  On  coins  Hadrian  is  often  represented 

as  addressing  his  legions,'  whereas  the  facts  are  that  we  have  extant  coins 

struck  in  honour  of  his  great  field  days  by  twelve  different  armies,  from 

the  legions  of  Cappadocia  to  the  legions  of  Spain,  from  Mauretania  to 

Britain,  there  is  surely  not  only  a  sacrifice  of  the  picturesque,  but  a  loss 

of  impressiveness  which  may  vitally  affect  his  readers'  and,  indeed,  his 

own  grasp  of  the  period.     We  cease,  therefore,  to  be  surprised  that  Mr. 

Bury  altogether  ignores  the  relation  between  the  new  Hellenism  and  the 

empire  when  he  tells  the  story  of  Polemon  and  Antoninus  merely  to 

illustrate  the  clemency  of  Antoninus  and  not  the  power  of  Polemon,  and 

indeed  only  tells  half  the  story ;  and  when — worst  omission  of  all — he  fails 

to  notice  that  perhaps  most  striking  of  all  letters,  which,  with  its  one  and 

only  word,  efidrrjc,  was  enough  to  show  Avidius  Cassius  that  his  cause 

was  bound  to  fail.     For  Herodes   Atticus  had   thrown  on  the  side  of 

Marcus  ra  Tfjg  yvoj fxrjQ  or Aa,  and  the  public  opinion  of  the  eastern  half  of 

the  Roman  world  was  against  the  rebel.     A  misstatement  which  will  be 

more  widely  recognised  is  the  account  which  Mr.  Bury  gives  on  p.  549  of 

the  '  Colonate.'     There  is  no  excuse  for  discussing  the  question  at  all,  and 

omitting  all  mention  of  the  inscription  of  the   Saltus  Burunitanus  and 

Professor  Pelham's  researches  into  the  history  of  the  imperial  domain 

land.     Nor  has  Mr.  Bury  now  and  again  avoided  more  obvious  blunders. 

On  p.  514  we  read  the  astounding  statement  that  Hadrian  *  forbade  the 

sale  of  male  or  female  slaves  for  immoral  purposes  or  for  employment  in 

the  arena.'     Did  Mr.  Bury  reahse  what  would  have  been  the  significance 

of  such  a  law,  if  it  could  possibly  have  entered  Hadrian's  head  to  enact 

it  ?     Mr.  Bury  has,  unfortunately,  omitted  the  concluding  words  of  the 

sentence,    causa    non   xmiestitd\    and    this    causa    of    Spartian's  was 

probably,  as   Mommsen    points   out  in  the   *  Ephemeris    Epigraphica,* 

vol.  vii.  p.  410,  either  the  consent  or  the  proved  criminality  of  the  slave. 

Finally,  is 

I  would  rather  not  be  Florus, 
Have  to  haunt  the  Roman  taverns, 
Lurk  about  among  the  cook  shops, 
Fed  the  lossy  howl  assail  me, 


r 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  125 

the  translation  of 

Ego  nolo  Florus  esse, 
Ambulare  per  tabernas, 
Latitare  per  popinas, 
Culices  jpati  rotundos, 

which  is  what  Mr.  Bury  prints  as  its  original  ?  Mr.  Hodgkin,  who  supplied 
the  translation,  must  of  course  have  adopted  the  reading  of  the  second 
hand  of  the  *  Codex  Palatinus,'  calices,  though  what  induced  him  to  do 
so  we  cannot  conceive.  Culices  refers  to  something  which  it  would 
be  very  much  more  unpleasant  to  be  assailed  by. 

Ronald  M.  Bukrows. 


The  Apology  and  Acts  of  Apollonius,  and  other  Monuments  of  Early 
Christianity.  Edited,  with  Introductions,  Notes,  &c.,  by  F.  C.  Cony- 
BEARE,  M.A.     (London:  Swan  Sonnenschein  &  Co.   1894.) 

Mr.  Conybeare  has  placed  students  of  church  history  under  great  obliga- 
tions by  devoting  himself  to  the  study  of  the  Armenian  language  and  by 
using  his  knowledge  to  make  accessible  remains  of  church  history  pre- 
served in  it.  Even  a  published  work  containing  valuable  material  is  often 
passed  by  for  want  of  a  translator.  The  Armenian  version  of  the 
*  Diatessaron  '  of  Tatian  had  been  published  long  before  it  was  used  to 
settle  the  many  disputes  that  had  arisen ;  and  now  we  find  that,  since 
1874,  a  volume  containing  the  *  Acts  '  of  Apollonius,  issued  at  Venice,  has 
escaped  the  notice  of  the  learned  w^orld.  The  volume  before  us  contains 
a  translation  of  the  Armenian  version  of  a  number  of  acts  of  martyrdom 
of  very  various  values.  Most  important  is  that  of  Apollonius  ;  this  was 
first  published  by  Mr.  Conybeare  in  the  Guardiaji  for  18  June  1893.  A 
fresh  translation  by  Herr  Buchardi,  with  full  notes  and  introduction,  was 
contributed  by  Professor  Harnack  to  the  Eoyal  Prussian  Academy 
{Sitzu7igsberichte,  27  July  1893,  xxxvii.  721).  There  is  an  article  by 
Professor  Seeberg  in  the  Neite  kirchliche  Zeitschrift  (October  1893,  iv. 
836) ;  a  notice  by  Mr.  E.  G.  Hardy  ('  Christianity  and  the  Roman 
Government,'  p.  200) ;  and  a  discussion  of  the  legal  aspects  of  the  trial  by 
Professor  Mommsen  [Sitzungsherichte,  7  June  1894,  xxxviii.  497). 

The  martyrdom  of  Apollonius,  as  a  newly  discovered  historical  docu- 
ment concerning  an  important  and  difficult  period,  demands  a  full  notice. 
From  Eusebius  ('  Hist.  Eccl.'  v.  21)  we  learn  that  in  the  reign  of  Commodus 
the  Christians  enjoyed  peace.  In  spite  of  this  Apollonius,  a  Christian 
distinguished  for  his  culture  and  learning,  was  accused  before  the  courts. 
His  accuser  was  put  to  death  by  having  his  legs  broken,  but  Apollonius 
did  not  escape.  The  judge  (o  a/v-aorZ/c)  entreated  him  to  sacrifice,  and 
requested  him  to  give  an  account  of  himself  before  the  senate  (ttoXXci 
\L7rcipu)Q   iKeTEvaavTOQ  rod  ^iKaarnv  Kai   Xoyoy  avrov  kirl  rfig  avyKXijTOv  f^ovXijij 

alrijaavToc).  He  delivered  a  defence  before  that  body,  but  refused  to  sacri- 
fice, and  was  beheaded.  The  sentence  is  stated  to  have  been  indirectly 
due  to  a  decree  of  the  senate  (w?  utto  roy^aroc  (rvytcXrirov),  owing  to  an 
ancient  law  that  those  who  had  appeared  before  the  court  and  refused  to 
recant    should    not    be    acquitted    (id)    h'    aXXiog    afelaOai    tovq    a7ra4'    els 


126  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

CLKaariipwv  TcipwiTag  ;cot  firjcafxioQ  7>/C  irpodiaeMQ  jUfTa/3a\Xo/if  rowc,  ap^aiov 
Trap*  avTo~iQ  ro^ov  KSKpaTrjaWoQ).  Eusebius  adds  that  a  full  account  of 
Apollonius's  trial  and  defence  will  be  found  in  his  collection  of  ancient 
martyrdoms.  No  other  writer  gives  us  any  information  of  any  value. 
Jerome's  account  is  an  inaccurate  and  misleading  reproduction  of  that  of 
Eusebius.  He  states  that  Apollonius  was  a  '  senator,'  an  inference 
almost  certainly  incorrect  from  the  circumstances  of  the  trial. 

It  is  the  '  Acta  '  contained  in  Eusebius's  collection,  or  rather  a  frag- 
ment of  them,  that  Mr.  Conybeare  has  now  put  before  us.  After  a  short 
and  late  introduction  the  document  begins  suddenly,  *  Terentius '  (this  is 
a  mistake  for  Perennis,  which  Eusebius  gives),  *  the  prefect,  commanded 
that  he  should  be  brought  before  the  senate.'  Then  follow  reports  of  two 
trials,  both  of  them  conducted  by  the  prefect.  The  first  is  short  and 
concludes  thus :  '  The  prefect  said,  "  Surely  thou  wast  not  summoned 
hither  to  talk  philosophy.  I  will  give  thee  one  day's  respite,  that  thou 
mayest  consider  thine  interest  and  advise  thyself  concerning  thy  life." 
And  he  ordered  him  to  be  taken  to  prison.'  After  three  days  Apollonius 
is  brought  up  again  ;  the  dialogue  is  a  much  longer  one,  and  Apollonius 
gives  an  account  of  his  faith  in  the  language  of  the  apology  of  the  day. 
At  the  end  the  magistrate  says,  '  "  I  would  fain  let  thee  go,  but  I  cannot, 
because  of  the  decree  of  the  senate ;  yet  with  benevolence  I  pronounce 
sentence  on  thee,"  and  he  ordered  him  to  be  beheaded  with  a  sword.' 
The  '  Acta  '  may  be  accepted  as  perfectly  genuine.  They  are  clearly  the 
documents  which  Eusebius  had  before  him,  and  his  judgment  has  almost 
invariably  been  proved  absolutely  correct.  Moreover  the  tone  is  exactly 
that  of  the  second-century  apology.  The  genuine  early  Christian  acta 
are,  it  must  be  remembered,  documents  of  very  considerable  importance, 
for  they  were  often  derived  directly  from  the  shorthand  reports  taken  in 
court.  They  are,  in  fact,  among  the  earliest  *  law  reports  '  that  we  pos- 
sess. The  legal  aspect  of  the  question  is  the  first  that  demands  our 
attention,  and  we  may  be  excused  if,  on  this  side,  we  reproduce,  for  the 
most  part,  the  views  of  Professor  Mommsen. 

In  the  first  place  why  did  the  case  come  before  the  senate  ?  The  old 
answer,  based  on  a  conjecture  of  Jerome's,  was  that  it  was  because  Apollo- 
nius was  a  senator ;  but  this  does  not  explain  the  circumstances,  for  the 
case  is  not  tried  before  the  senate,  nor  does  the  senate  (or  the  consul  as  their 
mouthpiece)  pass  judgment.  It  is  tried  before  the  prefect  Perennis,  not, 
as  was  the  ordinary  custom,  before  the  jwaefectus  urhi,  but  before  the 
ymefectus  iwaetorio.  The  answer,  as  given  by  Mommsen,  is  that  the 
emperor,  or  the  pretorian  prefect  acting  for  him,  had  referred  the  matter 
to  the  senate  for  their  decision  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  But  why 
was  it  tried  before  the  pretorian  prefect  ?  The  case  seems  to  have  been 
one  which  came  under  the  direct  criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  emperor. 
Either  because  of  private  pressure  or  because  of  the  commanding  position 
then  occupied  by  Perennis  (the  exact  reason  may  become  clear  later),  it 
was  delegated  to  that  officer.  He  refers  the  matter  to  the  senate.  The 
senate  reply,  as  Tiberius  had  replied  once  to  them,  Exercendas  esse  leges, 
and  Perennis  is  obhged  to  execute  the  law.  This  is  an  instance,  then,  of 
the  power  constantly  exercised  under  the  republic  by  the  senate  of  advis- 
ing and  influencing  the  executive  officers.    It  is  almost  the  only  instance 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  127 

of  such  a  power  being  exercised  under  the  empire,  and  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  it  seem  to  have  been  pecuhar. 

Now  we  know  that,  owing  to  the  influence  of  Marcia,  the  imperial 
concubine,  the  Christians  enjoyed  peace  under  Commodus.  The  imperial 
favour  towards  them  would  work  not  by  any  change  of  law,  but  by 
discouraging  accusations  against  them.  No  one  would  accuse  those 
whom  the  emperor  favoured.  For  some  reason  or  other — perhaps  from 
motives  of  private  revenge,  perhaps  owing  to  the  intrigues  of  the  extreme 
pagan  party — an  accusation  is  brought  against  Apollonius.  He  is  a  man 
of  position  ;  the  case  cannot  be  passed  over  ;  the  laws  are  quite  clear  ;  the 
emperor  probably  refuses  to  interfere  personally.  It  is  obvious  that 
Perennis  wishes  to  save  Apollonius  if  possible.  He  therefore  refers  the 
matter  to  the  senate,  hoping  that  either  they  will  support  him  in  not 
carrying  out  the  law  or  will  succeed  in  persuading  Apollonius  to  sacrifice. 
In  neither  way  does  he  succeed  ;  the  Eoman  aristocracy,  or  what  passed 
as  such,  then,  as  at  a  later  date,  seems  to  have  been  reactionary,  and 
opposed  to  the  innovations  of  degenerate  emperors.  They  are  able  to 
assert  their  authority,  and  Perennis  cannot,  in  the  face  of  public  opinion, 
refuse  to  carry  out  the  law.  The  '  Acta '  are  imperfect,  and  it  will  be 
found  that  we  have  no  record  of  the  proceedings  before  the  senate.  The 
first  trial  is  usually  (by  Harnack,  for  example)  considered  to  have  been 
before  that  body,  but,  as  Mommsen  points  out,  it,  like  the  second,  is  con- 
ducted by  the  prefect,  and  the  prefect  would  be  quite  unable  to  conduct  a 
case  before  that  body ;  moreover  we  do  not  obtain  the  information  from 
it  which  Eusebius  gives — namely,  the  decision  of  the  senate.  We  may 
notice  that  his  language  is  singularly  accurate.  The  sentence  is  carried 
out  indirectly  owing  to  a  decree  of  the  senate  (wc  uttu  loyfAaroQ  (tvjkXiitov), 
which  exactly  corresponds  to  the  circumstances  suggested  above. 

One  more  point  may  be  noticed.  Eusebius  (and  we  have  seen  that 
his  language  is  otherwise  correct)  speaks  of  '  an  ancient  law  '  which 
stated  that  Christians  should  not  be  released  without  abjuring  their  faith. 
This  cannot,  of  course,  imply  an  actual  lex  against  the  Christians,  but 
means  that  the  procedure  against  them  had,  through  a  long  course  of 
legal  interpretation,  become  definite  and  fixed.  Christians  were  not 
treated  in  the  half-hearted,  irregular  manner  it  has  been  sometimes  the 
custom  to  imagine.  There  are  many  more  points  we  should  like  to 
discuss,  but  we  must  pass  on  to  other  documents. 

The  *  Acts '  of  Paul  and  Thekla  have  been  brought  into  prominence  by 
Professor  Eamsay's  very  ingenious  attempt  at  restoring  them  to  their 
original  form.  The  Armenian  version  of  the  '  Acts  '  corroborates  his  judg- 
ment in  some  points,  but  is  hardly  as  valuable  as  Mr.  Conybeare  thinks. 
In  the  first  place  relatively  to  the  Syriac  there  is  not  much  that  it  sup- 
plies. Mr.  Conybeare  mentions  nine  points  in  which  difficulties  Pro- 
fessor Piamsay  had  found  in  the  present  text  are  absent  in  the  Armenian  ; 
in  at  least  six  of  these  cases  the  same  omissions  occur  in  the  Syriac  text 
which  Dr.  Wright  edited  and  Professor  Eamsay  made  use  of  ;  in  only  one 
case  probably  does  the  Armenian  give  a  decisively  superior  reading.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  some  cases  the  reading  of  the  Syriac  is  distinctly  prefer- 
able. In  §  23  the  Syriac  represents  St.  Paul,  as  do  the  Greek  manuscripts, 
as  living  in  an  open  tomb  by  the  roadside.     The  incident  is  probably  not 


^ 


128  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

authentic,  but  the  residfnce  m  an  empty  tomb  is  characteristic  of  Asia 
Minor,  and  the  Armenian  has  watered  this  down  to  '  in  a  house  of  a 
young  man.'  Nor,  again,  speaking  generally,  is  the  Armenian  text  of  the 
value  Mr.  Conybeare  ascribes  to  it :  '  Except  for  the  interpolation  of  the 
burning  of  Thekla  the  Armenian  may  very  nearly  represent  the  original 
form  of  the  text  as  it  stood  in  the  first  century.'  This  is  far  too  high  a 
judgment  to  form  of  it ;  in  many  cases  it  gives  a  confused  and  meaningless 
version,  as,  for  example,  §  28,  where  the  Greek  is  preferable  to  the  Arme- 
nian or  Syriac  and  the  Latin  to  both.  We  have  noticed  other  instances 
where  the  Armenian  reading  is  certainly  wrong.  The  fact  is  that  the 
scientific  study  of  the  text  of  apocryphal  works  and  of  the  Acts  of  Martyrs 
is  only  'just  beginning.  It  often  presents  very  complicated  problems,  and 
.is  of  very  real  importance  if  we  are  ever  to  be  able  to  use  the  *  Acta  '  as 
historical  documents.  Being  used  for  *  edification  '  they  suffered  asr  many 
and  as  violent  alterations  as  a  popular  hymn  does  in  the  hands  of  an 
editorial  committee.  Fortunately  we  can  often  correct  these  alterations 
by  the  large  number  of  manuscripts  and  versions  accessible ;  only  we 
must  use  them  rightly.  Each  of  them  in  some  cases  preserves  the 
original  text,  in  others  it  is  interpolated  and  altered  ;  it  is  only  by  com- 
paring them  all  together  and  exercising  considerable  critical  acumen  that 
we  can  arrive  at  the  original  text.  We  cannot  do  it,  as  Mr.  Conybeare 
wishes,  by  adopting  one  text  and  considering  its  reading  the  correct  one. 
We  are  grateful  to  Mr.  Conybeare  for  the  new  material  he  has  provided  ; 
we  cannot  adopt  his  method  of  using  it. 

The  other  documents  in  this  volume  are  of  very  inferior  value.  They 
are  none  of  them  in  their  present  form  genuine,  and  all  are  late.  Their 
value,  like  that  of  other  '  Acts,'  lies  in  the  evidence  that  they  give  of  local 
customs.  For  instance,  in  the  '  Acts  '  of  St.  Polyeuctes  (p.  129)  we  read, 
*  Let  us  dance  our  customary  dances,  if  it  be  our  pleasure  so  to  do.'  We 
have  clear  evidence  of  a  Christian  festival,  or  iravijyvfjic,  keeping  up  the 
local  customs  of  pre-Christian  times  as  a  religious  or  semi-religious 
ceremony.  So,  again,  the  account  of  the  Magian  worship  in  the  *  Acts  '  of 
St.  Hiztibouzit  (pp.  259,  262)  is  full  of  interest.  For  the  rest  these  docu- 
ments are  no  better  and  no  worse  than  hundreds  of  others  which  adorn 
the  '  Acta  Sanctorum.' 

We  have  spoken  so  far  of  the  documents  and  not  of  Mr.  Conybeare's 
work.  Of  the  merits  of  his  translations  we  are  not,  for  the  most  part, 
able  to  form  an  opinion.  We  notice,  however,  diff'erences  between  the 
Enghsh  and  German  translations  of  the  '  Acts  '  of  Apollonius  in  a  number 
of  small  points.  In  one  case  Mr.  Conybeare  must  surely  be  wrong.  He 
writes,  '  The  Egyptians,  again,  have  given  the  name  of  God  to  the  onion 
and  to  a  wooden  mortar,'  where  the  German  substitutes  '  leek,'  which 
must  be  right.  His  Greek,  again,  is  not  free  from  errors  ;  he  translates 
TrXeiavQ  eirl  tyiv  ac^MV  o^oae  X'^ptti/  TzavoiKi  re  i:cu  Trayycr/}  (Ttorrjfjiai-  '  numbers 
came  and  received  for  their  own  the  salvation  which  was  prepared  for 
every  house  and  race,'  instead  of  '  turned  with  all  their  households  and 
famines  to  their  salvation.'  The  mistake  should  teach  Mr.  Conybeare 
not  to  be  too  hard  on  others  ;  he  shortly  afterwards  states  that  '  no  fourth 
form  boy  could  have  made  more  errors  in  translating  these  twenty  lines 
of  Eusebius  than  does  Hieronymus.' 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  129 

There  are  two  main  faults  to  find  with  Mr.  Conybeare.  In  the  first 
place  he  is  very  uncritical.  He  introduces  his  book  thus  :  *  The  object  of 
the  following  translations  is  to  give  the  reader,  in  a  succession  of  vivid 
pictures  and  glimpses,  an  insight  into  the  practical  working  of  Christianity 
during  the  first  three  centuries  of  its  history.'  The  '  Acts  '  are  claimed  as 
genuine.  Now,  with  the  exception  of  the  '  Acts  '  of  Apollonius,  they  are  all 
(even  the  legend  of  Thekla)  in  their  present  form  unauthentic,  belonging 
to  the  fourth  and  following  centuries,  and  giving  little  or  no  insight  at  all 
into  the  earlier  period.  To  take  one  instance,  the  '  Acts  '  of  Callistratus 
bristle  with  incongruities  and  contain  many  long  speeches  full  of  late  tech- 
nical terminology,  and  a  great  many  interesting  but  late  theological  specu- 
lations. On  these  speeches  he  writes,  '  They  impress  me  personally  as  the 
genuine  discourse  delivered  by  him,  merely  arranged  and  touched  up  by  a 
second  hand.'  We  will  quote  a  few  lines  of  these,  and  ask  our  readers  to 
judge  :  '  All  substance  of  the  Father  is  of  the  Son,  except  that  he  is  not 
begetter,  but  begotten  ;  and  all  substance  of  the  Son  is  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
except  that  this  is  not  begotten,  but  emanative.'  We  cannot  date  this  at 
once,  but  it  could  not  be  earlier  than  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  and  is 
probably  much  later.  On  p.  307  there  is  a  distinct  refutation  of  Apolli- 
narianism.  The  whole  theology  is  late  and  developed,  and  quite  incon- 
sistent with  a  genuine  work  or  an  early  forgery.  We  may  state  that  the 
*  Acts '  are  full  of  interest,  but  for  a  very  different  period  of  doctrinal 
development. 

But  side  by  side  with  these  uncritical  theories  Mr.  Conybeare  expresses 
very  extraordinary  views  on  church  history.  For  instance,  on  p.  174  he 
writes,  '  This  implies  that  the  synoptic  gospels  w^ere  not  known  in 
Africa  before  the  third  century.'  The  incident  on  which  he  bases  this 
conclusion  is  incorrectly  stated,  and  the  inference  wrongly  drawn,  while 
the  conclusion  itself  is  not  an  error  of  judgment,  but  a  confession  of 
ignorance.  The  writings  of  Tertullian  prove  the  existence  in  Africa  of 
the  four  gospels  in  a  Latin  version  in  the  second  century.  Let  us  take 
another  statement.  Referring  to  the  *  Acts  '  of  Apollonius,  he  states  that 
'  we  may  almost  infer  that  the  martyr  had  not  heard  of  the  legend  of 
the  birth  of  Christ  from  a  virgin.'  The  argument  is  of  course  simply  the 
argument  from  silence  ;  but  how  valueless  this  is  may  be  seen  from  two 
cases.  We  know  that  Justin  believed  and  taught  the  doctrine,  but  there 
is  no  reference  to  it  in  his  genuine  'Acts ; '  the  same  is  true  of  Cyprian. 
But  even  the  documents  in  this  volume  ought  to  have  made  Mr.  Cony- 
beare pause.  They  are  mostly  late,  but  even  he  puts  several  of  them  into 
the  fourth  century  ;  one  he  puts  decidedly  later,  and  only  one  mentions  he 
miraculous  birth.  Would  Mr.  Conybeare  argue  that  it  was  not  known 
in  the  third  or  fourth  century  ?  Apollonius  is  of  course  a  philosopher 
and  apologist  who  puts  the  Christian  creed  in  the  form  in  which  it  might 
seem  most  attractive  to  an  educated  pagan.  There  are  many  more 
passages  which  we  had  marked  for  comment,  but  w^e  do  not  care  to  go 
through  them.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  Mr.  Conybeare 's 
statements  must  always  be  taken  with  some  degree  of  caution. 

We  do  not  wish  to  conceal  our  gratitude  to  Mr.  Conybeare  for  the 
valuable  material  which  he  has  provided.  He  has  already  made  two 
discoveries  which   have  conferred  immense  obligations  on  church  his- 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  K 


130  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

torians,  and  we  hope  hi  may  continue  his  researches.  It  has  been 
necessary  to  point  out  mistakes,  because  this  work  undertakes  to  give  a 
vivid  picture  of  early  Christianity,  and  from  that  point  of  view  it  is 
singularly  misleading.  A.  C.  Headlam. 

Philopatris  :  ein  heidnisches  Konventikel  des  siebenten  Jahrhunderts  zu 
Constantinopel.     Von  E.  Crampe.     (Halle :  Niemeyer.     1894.) 

At  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  Gesner  laid  a  new  foundation  for 
determining  the  date  of  the  mysterious  dialogue  entitled  Philopatris, 
which  found  a  place  among  Lucian's  works,  because  it  is  written  in 
Lucianic  style.  Before  Gesner  it  was  supposed  to  have  appeared  under 
one  of  the  last  princes  of  the  Julio- Claudian  dynasty ;  but  that  scholar 
made  it  clear  that  the  scene  was  laid  at  Constantinople,  and  it  followed 
that  the  reign  of  Constantine  was  the  prior  limit.  Gibbon's  guess 
that  the  work  was  written  in  the  third  century — a  theory  strangely 
approved  of  by  Milman — was,  therefore,  retrograde.  Gesner  himself 
assigned  it  to  the  time  of  Julian  the  Apostate ;  but  this  view  did  not  satisfy 
certain  internal  notes  of  time,  and  was,  moreover,  based  on  the  theory  that 
the  author  was  a  pagan  scoffing  at  Christianity.  Niebuhr  approached 
the  problem  with  greater  learning  and  skill.  His  chief  contribution  to 
the  question  lies  in  his  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  author  is  not  a 
pagan,  but  a  Christian.  He  supposed  it  to  have  been  written  in  the  reign 
of  Nicephorus  Phocas,  and  this  epoch  seemed  to  correspond  happily  to  the 
incidental  chronological  data  supplied  by  the  treatise.  Gfrorer,  and 
recently  (with  certain  modifications)  Aninger,  adopted  Niebuhr's  date ; 
but  they  rejected  the  really  important  result  of  his  investigation,  and 
maintained  the  old  view  that  the  Philopatris  is  directed  against  the 
church.  Any  one  who  reads  the  dialogue  with  an  open  mind  will,  I  feel 
sure,  agree  that  there  is  not  the  least  suggestion  that  derision  of  Chris- 
tianity is  to  be  read  between  the  lines.  Certainly  if  the  author  intended 
to  attack  the  Christian  church  with  the  weapon  of  Lucianic  ridicule,  no 
satire  ever  composed  is  more  irredeemably  frigid,  more  signally  pointless. 
But  Niebuhr's  date  cannot  be  right.  He  did  not  lay  sufficient  stress 
on  the  fact  that  the  polemic  against  paganism  is  a  leading  feature  in  the 
dialogue,  that  the  author  is  in  earnest  with  it.  Such  a  polemic  would  be 
an  inexplicable  anachronism  in  the  tenth  century.  The  true  solution  was 
discovered  by  Gutschmid,  and  has  now  been  adopted,  defended,  and  esta- 
bhshed  in  the  thoroughgoing  investigation  of  Crampe.  The  dialogue 
belongs  to  the  reign  of  Heraclius ;  and  the  notes  of  time  which  could  be 
interpreted  in  relation  to  the  reign  of  Nicephorus  can  be  more  easily 
interpreted  of  the  earlier  period.  Crampe  narrows  the  date  of  composition 
to  the  winter  or  spring  of  622-3.  The  allusion  to  a  massacre  in  Crete 
(p.  595)  is  explained  by  George  of  Pisidia  (Herac.  2,  75),  who  mentions  a 
disastrous  Slavonic  invasion  hj  sea  and  land  in  621-2,  which  is  clearly 
to  be  combined  with  the  Slavonic  invasion  of  Crete  noticed  by  the  presbyter 
Thomas  (Land's  *  Anecd.  Syr.'  i.  115),  but  placed  by  him  in  623.  The 
Persian  war  and  the  invasions  of  the  Scythians— that  is,  the  Avars— suit  this 
date,  and  Crampe  shows  that  the  reference  to  Arabia  (p.  617)  need  cause 
no  difficulty.    The  fact  that  there  were  total  eclipses  of  the  sun,  visible  at 


1895  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  '  131 

Constantinople,  in  GOG  and  G17,  is  an  interesting  commentary  on  the 
words  (p.  G13)  //wv  eKXelxpei  o  ijXioQ ;  There  is  not,  of  course,  the  slightest 
doubt  that  there  were,  in  the  reign  of  Heraclius,  pagans  hostile  to  the 
government,  and  perhaps  disposed  to  intrigue  with  Persia.  This  fact  can 
be  established  on  other  evidence.  As  to  the  prophecy  about  the  month 
Mesori  (p.  GIO),  Crampe  has  a  clever  conjecture  (p.  46). 

J.  B.  Bury. 


The  Mohammadan  Dynasties :  Chronological  and  Genealogical  Tables, 
with  Historical  Introductions.  By  Stanley  Lane-Poole.  (West- 
minster: Constable.     1894.) 

There  are  some  books  of  which  it  is  the  fashion  to  say  that  they  are 
indispensable  ;  the  student  cannot  get  on  without  them  if  he  wishes  to  be 
abreast  of  the  latest  information  and  to  have  his  hands  properly  equipped 
for  his  work.  Such  a  book  assuredly  is  the  one  before  us.  In  it  Mr. 
Lane-Poole  has  collected  from  many  sources  and  with  unwearied  diligence 
the  chronology  of  all  the  Mohammadan  princes  of  any  importance  of 
whom  we  have  any  notice.  He  has  arranged  them  in  dynasties  and 
presented  the  results  in  a  large  number  of  tables  and  in  some  graphic 
plans  in  which  the  growth  and  decay  of  the  great  empires  are  traced  in  a 
way  most  easy  to  the  memory.  He  has  done  me  the  honour  of  quoting 
me  largely  and  with  generous  acknowledgment  in  that  part  of  the  story 
which  I  have  myself  worked — namely,  the  Mongols  and  the  various 
dynasties  into  which  their  empire  broke  up.  I  can  speak  with  unstinted 
praise  of  this  part  of  the  work,  and  from  my  own  knowledge  am  bound  to 
confess  that  such  a  book  could  not  have  been  written  unless  Mr.  Lane- 
Poole  had  had  ready  access  not  only  to  the  eastern  historians  but  also  to  the 
multitudinous  coins  in  which  the  chronology  of  these  intricate  dynasties  is 
preserved.  What  a  picture  these  dry  tables  present,  when  we  can  use  them 
as  an  index  of  the  great  panorama  of  eastern  history,  the  history  of  those 
who  with  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  Koran  in  the  other  have  shaped 
so  much  of  the  world's  history  !  We  begin  with  the  magnificent  khalifs 
who  in  two  successive  dynasties,  at  Damascus  and  Baghdad,  controlled 
the  civilised  world  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  to  the  herders  of  China. 
They  collected  together  from  all  the  four  winds  of  heaven  what  the  wealth 
and  culture  of  mankind  had  created.  The  Moors  in  Spain  and  Sicily,  the 
Seljuks  in  Asia  Minor,  the  Samanis  at  Bokhara,  and  the  Afghans  at 
Delhi  were  so  many  brilHant  satellites  of  the  khalif.  Suddenly,  like  a 
hurricane  in  the  desert,  the  swaims  from  Mongolia  came  down  upon  this 
garden,  where  everything  was  scattered  or  destroyed  and  the  last  of  the 
black-coated  successors  of  the  Prophet  was  made  to  swallow  molten  gold 
in  his  own  palace.  Mongols  and  Turks  in  succession  founded  vast  and 
far-reaching  empires,  which  were  broken  into  innumerable  fragments, 
each  with  its  own  history,  until  we  come  down  to  our  own  day,  when  the 
sultan,  the  shah,  and  the  empress  of  India  virtually  divide  among  them 
the  children  of  Islam.  The  story  is  indeed  a  romantic  one  and  desperately 
involved.  To  its  mazes  it  will  be  impossible  to  find  a  better  guide  than 
that  contained  in  the  work  before  us.  Heney  H.  Howoeth. 

K  2 


j^ 


132  UEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

An  Orieyital  BiographicalfDictionary,  founded  on  materials  collected  by  the 
late  T.  W.  Beale.  A  new  edition,  revised  and  enlarged  by  H.  G.  Keene, 
CLE.,  M.A.     (London:  Allen.     1894.) 

Mk.  Keene  appeals  to  '  scholars  of  larger  leisure  and  opportunities  for 
an  indulgent  treatment  of  a  work  originated  by  a  man  who  had  never 
been  in  Europe  nor  enjoyed  the  use  of  a  complete  library  ;  '  but  the  excuse 
may  hardly  avail  for  a  new  edition  revised  by  Mr.  Keene  himself  in 
London.     The  ground-idea  of  the  dictionary  is  admirable,  and  the  late 
Mr.  Beale  must  have  expended  enormous  labour  in  its  preparation.     The 
pity  is  that  a  book  of  reference  which  might  have  been  made  authorita- 
tive is  spoilt  for  want  of  accurate  collation  and  revision.     As  it  is,  the 
dictionary  is  full  of  misprints,  misspellings,  errors  of  fact,  and  wrong  dates, 
all  of  which  might  have  been  avoided  by  a  little  scholarly  care.     Instead 
of  forming  an  invaluable  source  of  accurate  information,  it  is  only  too 
likely  to  minister  to  that  loose  and  careless  manner  of  treating  oriental 
history  which  is  too  generally  characteristic  of  those  Anglo-Indian  writers 
who  are  linguists  rather  than  scholars.     The  arrangement  is  peculiar. 
As  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  of  Printed  Books,  the  subjects  occur 
under  the  most  unlikely  names:   for  example,  BirunI   appears   under 
Abu-Raihan,     Tabarl  under  Abu-Ja'far,  Wakidi  under  Abu-'AbduUah, 
Shahr^stani  {sic)  and  Mutarrizi  under  Abul-Fath.     Sometimes  there  are 
cross-references,  often  there  are  not.     Thus  Al-'Aziz,  the  son  of  Saladin, 
appears  only  under  Abul-Fath,  where  no  one  would  look  for  him  ;  and 
Al-Hakim,  the  celebrated  caliph  of  Egypt,  is  only  to  be  traced  under  Abu- 
Mansur.     Sometimes  double  articles  are  given  under  two  different  names, 
and  the  information  is  scattered  (and  contradicted)  between  them.     Some- 
times cross-references  are  given  to  articles  which  do  not  exist  {e.g.  '  Baba 
Soudai.  Vide  Soudai').     Many  names  appear  under  the  prefixed  article ; 
for  example,  most  of  the  caliphs  :  but  others  drop  their  article  and  appear, 
more  conveniently,  under  the  first  letter  of  their  principal  name.     So  we 
find  Ghazzali  and  Hariri,  without  a  word  to  show  that  they  are  always 
called  Al-Ghazzali  and  Al-Hariri  in  Arabic  ;  but  if  we  seek  for  Mamun  or 
Harun  ar-Rashid  we  must  search  under  Al-Mamun  and  Al-Rashid.     Some 
Atabegs  appear  under  the  title  Atabak ;  others  do  not.     The  headings 
are  frequently  wrongly    spelt  both  in   Arabic   and  Roman  letters  ;  as 
Basus  for  Al-Basus,  or  still  worse,  Baziri  for  Al-Busiri,  two  names  which 
in  Arabic  have  scarcely  anything  in  common ;  whilst  Busiri's  famous 
'Mantle  Poem'   is   called   the   'Brilliant    Star,'   on   the   authority   of 
Lempriere's  *  Universal  Dictionary  ' !     The  book  is  full  of  such  misspell- 
ings as,  one  would  think,  must  be  impossible  to  any  trained  orientalist. 
We  find  Ibn-KhaHkan  and  Ibn-Khalikan  (carefully  so  spelt  in  Arabic 
type)   for  Ibn-Khallikan ;  Zamaghshari ;  Murawij  for  Mardawij  ;  Dash- 
magirfor  Washmagir  :  Moiz,  and  Maizz  :  Mouyyad  for  Muayyad  ;  Zuhir 
for  Zuhayr  ;  Harath  for  Al-Harith  ;  Halaku  for  Hulaku  ;  Azurbejan  and 
'Azarbaijan,  both  wrong;  Al-Ghazi  for  Il-Ghazi ;  Aljaitu  for  Uljaitu ; 
Ashhad  for  Ikhshid  ;  Amarath  for  Amurath  ;  Mubarik  Shah,  for  Mubarak ; 
Al-Salah  for  Al-Salih ;  Yusaf  passim  for  Yusuf.     Some  of  them  may 
seem  trifles  to  English  readers,  but  they  involve  an  astonishing  igno- 
rance of  Arabic  grammar  and  orthography. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  1S3 

Even  if  these  details  were  excused,  the  matter  of  the  biographies  is 
absolutely  uncritical  and  incomplete.  A  list  of  an  author's  works  is  some- 
times given,  but  no  translations  of  the  Arabic  titles  or  explanation  of 
their  contents,  and  very  seldom  any  notice  of  European  editions  or  trans- 
lations. In  the  article  on  *  Abdul-Latif  '  for  example  (where  the  date  of 
birth  is  a  century  out,  being  given  as  a.d.  1261,  a.h.  660,  instead  of  1161, 
557),  not  a  word  is  said  of  De  Sacy's  admirable  translation ;  the  great 
Leyden  text  of  Tabari  is  not  mentioned,  nor  Sachau's  '  Biruni,'  nor  De 
Goeje's  editions  of  the  early  geographers.  Under  *  Ahmad,'  where  we 
have  to  look  for  Makkarl,  we  are  informed  that  there  is  a  translation  by 
Gayangos,  1810,  vol.  i.  ;  whereas  Don  Pascual's  hvo  volumes  were  pub- 
lished thirty  years  later.     Under  Antar  (scil.  'Antarah)  we  read  of   an 

*  English  translation  of  the  first  volume  : '  but  the  only  translation  is  in 
four  volumes  by  Hamilton.  Obviously  an  article  on  an  oriental  writer 
which  does  not  state  accurately  the  best  editions  and  translations  of  his 
works  is  defective.  Such  articles  as  *  Abul-Mahasin,  Author  of  the  Work 
called  "  Manhal-i-Safi,"  '  or  so-and-so  '  a  celebrated  caligrapher,'  without 
dates  or  comments,  are  simply  useless.  Nor  are  the  articles  on  men 
of  action  any  better.  Take  the  following  complete  biography  :  '  Batio 
Khan,  the  son  of  Juji  Khan  and  grandson  of  Changez  [elsewhere  spelt 
Chingiz]  Khan.  He  ruled  at  Kipchak,  and  was  contemporary  with  Pope 
Innocent  IV.'  That  is  all  we  are  told  about  the  great  Mongol  chief, 
who  not  only  ruled  over  all  Kipchak  (which  is  not  a  town),  but  burnt 
Cracow,  invaded  Hungary,  laid  siege  to  Pesth,  and  fought  the  Teutonic 
knights  at  Liegnitz.  Such  an  article  is  worse  than  useless  ;  it  is  mis- 
chievous. Take  again  Barbarassa  (sic),  for  whom  there  is  an  amusing 
Arabic  transliteration  which  assuredly  was  never  used  by  any  Eastern 
writer :  we  are  told  that  he  took  Tunis  in  1533,  '  after  having  driven  out 
the  Venetians,  but  Andrea  Doria  retook  it  again  a.d.  1536.'  Now  Khayr- 
ad-dm  Barbarossa  took  Tunis  in  1534,  not  1533,  from  the  Hafsid  kings, 
and  not  from  the  Venetians,  and  it  was  'retaken  again'  in  1535,  not 
1536,  by  Charles  V,  whose  admiral  was  Doria.  It  is  added  that  Barba- 
rossa '  afterwards  reduced  Yemin  in  Arabia  Felix  :  '  but  Arabia  Felix  is 
the  Yemen,  and  Barbarossa  never  was  there  in  his  life.  Once  more,  take 
the  biography  of  Abd-al-Kadir  (which  is  out  of  its  alphabetical  order)  : 

*  Abdid-Qaclir  ■{SultQjn)  was  the  descendant  of  a  Marabaut  family  of  the 
race  of  Hashim,  who  trace  their  pedigree  to  the  Khalifas  of  the  lineage  of 
Fatima.  His  father  died  in  1834.  His  public  career  began  at  the  time 
of  the  conquest  of  Algiers  by  the  French.  In  1847  he  was  defeated  and 
surrendered  himself,  but  was  afterwards  permitted  to  reside  in  Constanti- 
nople. He  died  in  1873.'  It  would  be  difficult  to  compose  a  more 
absurdly  inadequate  account  of  the  great  Algerian  patriot.  All  his  long 
struggle  with  the  French  from  1831  to  1847  is  ignored.  He  is  called 
Sultan  when  his  title  was  Emir.  He  resided  not  only  at  Constantinople, 
but  at  Brusa  and  Damascus  (and  here  his  great  services  during  the 
Syrian  massacres,  which  won  him  the  Legion  of  Honour,  ought  to  have 
been  recorded),  and  he  died  in  1883,  not  1873,  at  Mecca. 

Apart  from  the  meagreness  of  the  articles,  the  dates  are  frequently, 
perhaps  usually,  incorrect.  There  were  four  sultans  of  Turkey  of  the 
iiame  of  Ahmad,  and  their  dates  are  all  wrong ;  Ahmad  I  died  in  a.h,  102^, 


134  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 


» 


not  1025  ;  Ahmad  II  succeeded  in  1102,  not  1103 ;  Ahmad  III  was 
deposed  in  1143,  not  1142  ;  and  Ahmad  IV  ('Abd-al-Hamid  I)  succeeded 
in  1187,  not  1188 ;  'Abd-al-Majid  succeeded  in  1255,  not  1277.  There 
is  no  article  on  the  reigning  sultan  of  Turkey.  The  Almohade  'Abd-al- 
Mumin  is  stated  to  have  *  meditated  the  invasion  of  Spam  when  death 
stopped  his  career  in  a.d.  1156  ;  '  but  before  this  a  large  part  of  Spain 
had  been  subdued  by  his  armies,  and  he  died  in  1163.  Al-Hakim,  the 
Fatimid,  is  stated  to  have  come  to  the  throne  in  a.h.  381,  a.d.  990, 
instead  of  386,  996,  and  to  have  been  succeeded  by  his  son  *  Tahir,'  for 
Az-Zahir.  Dynastic  lists  are  sometimes  given  in  the  article  on  the  first 
king  of  a  dynasty,  but  these  lists  are  generally  without  any  dates,  and 
often  (e.g.  Mamluks,  p.  239)  teem  with  errors.  Abu-1-Fida,  the  historian, 
a  member  of  the  Ayyubid  family,  appears  in  the  Mamluk  dynasty.  No 
Seljuks  of  Kum  are  given,  no  dynastic  lists  of  the  Idrisids,  Ikhshldids, 
Hamdanids,  Ziyarids,  Jalairs,  and  many  others,  no  article  on  the  Guptas, 
and  only  twelve  lines  on  the  Achaemenidae.  It  is  impossible  to  begin 
even  to  suggest  the  innumerable  important  names  omitted,  or  to  point 
out  the  numerous  unimportant  names  included.  The  preface  says  that 
Anglo-Indian  lives  are  omitted,  yet  we  find  George  Thomas  (under 
George)  and  others,  besides  Franco-Indians  like  Boigne  and  Dupleix. 
Possibly  the  crowd  of  insignificant  Indian  authors  and  grandees  who  fill 
a  large  part  of  the  work  may  have  some  interest  for  Indian  students,  but 
they  occupy  a  totally  disproportionate  place  in  a  work  which  omits  whole 
series  of  names  of  the  first  rank.  But  the  worst  feature  is  not  its  inade- 
quacy but  its  inaccuracy.  In  almost  all  the  articles  tested  serious  errors 
have  been  found,  and  whilst  there  is  a  vast  amount  of  useful  informa- 
tion scattered  over  the  ill-ordered  contents,  it  is  not  safe  to  depend  upon 
any  single  statement  without  verification  elsewhere.  The  book  is  a 
disastrous  example  of  the  careless,  slipshod  manner  in  which  oriental 
history  is  too  often  treated,  and  it  is  difficult  to  beheve  that  Mr.  Keene, 
who  is  no  mean  judge  of  scholarly  work,  can  have  personally  devoted  his 
extensive  knowledge  to  its  revision.  S.  Lane-Poole. 


Etude  sur  la  Vie  et  la  Mort  de  Guillaume  Longue-Ejpee,  Due  de 
Normandie.    Par  J.  Laie.     (Paris :  Picard.     1893.) 

M.  Lair,  the  author  of  this  sumptuous  monograph,  is  well  known  to 
French  students  by  his  contributions  to  the  '  Bibliotheque  de  I'Ecole  des 
Chartes '  and  other  historical  work.  He  was  led  to  undertake  the  present 
dissertation  by  the  discovery,  at  Clermont-Ferrand,  of  the  curious  poetical 
lament  for  the  death  of  the  duke,  which  he  edited  at  the  time.  M.  Leo- 
pold Delisle  found  subsequently  at  Florence  another  and  more  perfect 
manuscript  of  the  poem,  which  he  assigns  to  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh 
century,  about  the  date  of  the  French  copy.  The  fine  facsimiles  of  both 
manuscripts  given  in  this  treatise  should  prove  of  interest  to  palseo- 
graphers.  Unfortunately  the  text  is  corrupt,  and  even  if  perfect  would 
be  of  httle  historical  value.  So  obscure  is  the  period,  and  so  few  the 
sources  available,  that  M.  Lair  could  not  hope  to  increase  or  correct 
our  knowledge  to  any  appreciable  extent.    He  gives  his  reasons  for 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  135 

placing  the  Norman  revolt  against  the  duke  in  934,  not,  as  Mr.  Freeman 
did,  in  932,  and  differs  from  this  writer  in  believing  the  Avranchin  and 
Cotentin  to  have  become  Norman  earlier  than  he  thought,  and  in  deny- 
ing the  Saxon  character  of  Bayeux,  on  which  Mr.  Freeman  insisted. 
Practically  no  further  light  is  thrown  on  the  duke's  assassination,  but 
the  stories  to  which  it  gave  rise  are  an  interesting  subject  of -study* 
Mr.  Freeman's  wide  reading  enabled  him  to  supply  some  happy  parallels, 
and  M.  Lair  must  have  misunderstood  him  when  he  urged  that  the 
murders  of  Eadwulf  and  Uhtred  (whom  he  oddly  terms  ^Godwulf '  and 
*  Ulstred ')  could  not,  from  their  dates,  have  influenced  the  trouvdres  or 
accounted  for  subsequent  confusion.  Mr.  Freeman's  object  was  to  explain 
not  the  historical,  but  the  legendary  elements  in  the  tale  by  Greek  parallels  ; 
and  he  was  singularly  successful  in  thus  demonstrating  their  folklore 
character.  His  only  slip — which  M.  Lair  seems  to  have  overlooked--- 
was  his  applying  to  Anscytel  the  words  of  William  of  Malmesbury — 
vir  exigui  corporis  sed  immanis  fortitudinis,  which  refer  to  Balzo.  On 
this  Balzo,  the  hero,  it  would  seem,  of  a  lost  chanson  de  geste,  M. 
Lair  has  much  that  is  interesting  to  say.  One  may  hope  that  he  will 
give  us  further  studies  on  the  early  history  of  Normandy. 

J.  H.  Round. 


History  of  the  English  Landed  Interest :  its  Customs,  Laius,  and  Agri* 
culture.  By  Russell  Gaknieb,  B.A.  Two  volumes.  (London : 
Swan  Sonnenschein  &  Co.     1892,  1893.) 

It  is  with  a  feeling  of  disappointment  that  we  close  Mr.  Garnier's  '  History 
of  the  English  Landed  Interest.'  Questions  of  all  kinds  affecting  land 
are  everywhere  in  the  air,  and  a  trustworthy  summary,  embodying  the 
results  of  recent  investigations,  would  be  welcomed  by  students  and  by 
others  interested  in  such  matters.  Such  a  book  remains  to  be  written, 
and  will  require,  as  a  condition  of  success,  a  wider  and  a  deeper  knowledge 
than  can  be  detected  in  this  work.  The  first  part  opens  with  a  brief 
sketch  of  agriculture  in  British  times,  and  then  deals,  at  somewhat  greater 
length,  with  the  period  of  the  Roman  occupation  and  the  various  theories 
on  the  mark  system.  Then  follows  some  account  of  land  tenures,  agri- 
culture, and  seignorial  powers  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  while  the  sketch 
of  Norman  times  deals  with  feudalism  and  '  Domesday  Book.'  Under  the 
heading  of  '  The  Middle  Ages  '  are  grouped  chapters  descriptive  of  life  and 
work  on  the  barony,  of  estate  management,  and  of  the  transformation  of 
the  landlord  into  the  landowner.  The  sketch  of  the  Tudor  period  includes 
a  picture  of  a  sixteenth-century  farm,  and  of  the  general  aspect  of  the 
country,  the  horses,  orchards,  and  gardens,  while  the  concluding  portion 
traces  the  progress  of  agricultural  theory  under  the  Stuarts  and  deals  with 
the  business  transacted  in  the  court  leet  and  court  baron.  Throughout 
the  volume  there  are  defects  which  detract  seriously  from  its  value  for 
students,  while  it  is  scarcely  calculated  to  interest  the  general  reader. 
Closer  acquaintance  with  easily  accessible  authorities  would,  in  many 
cases,  have  led  to  a  modification  of  the  views  placed  before  us.  Without 
any  qualification  we  are  told  that  at  the  close   of  the  Anglo-Saxon 


136  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

period  ^  '  the  whole  of  England  numbered  300,785  '  (i.  78  n.).  Later  on, 
in  speaking  of  the  same  time,  '  a  total  population  of  a  million  and  a  half ' 
is  given. 

"Whether  it  is  ever  expedient  for  an  historian  to  pause  and  *  give  rein 
to  fancy '  (p.  5)  may  be  questioned.  It  has,  in  this  case,  led  to  more  than 
one  unfortunate  contradiction.  In  vol.  i.  300  Sir  A.  Fitzherbert  is  said  to 
have  written  his  '  Book  of  Husbandry '  about  1534,  and  his  *  Book  of 
Surveying '  a  year  or  two  later.  A  note  informs  us  that  *  there  is  no  need 
to  confuse  his  identity  with  that  of  his  brother,  though  some  have  done 
so.'  There  might  be  no  need,  if  these  dates  were  correct,  but  those  who 
argue  in  favour  of  authorship  by  Sir  Anthony  have  to  face  the  fact  that 
both  books  date  back  to  1523  at  latest ;  and  this  does  introduce  some 
difficulty  into  the  matter.  But  this  by  the  way.  In  vol.  i.  308  the  state- 
ment is  made  that,  *  remembering  the  rebellion  of  King  Edward  VI's  reign, 
Sir  A.  ends  up  with  the  suggestion,'  &c.  On  Mr.  Garnier's  own  show- 
ing the  books  were  written  years  before  the  accession  of  Edward  VI ; 
and,  as  the  worthy  knight  died  in  1538,  it  is  inconceivable  that  his 
recollections  could  have  been  inserted  into  later  editions.  It  is  also 
curious  to  come  across  a  mention  of  '  W.  S.  Gentleman's  treatise,  written 
.  .  .  in  1581.'  This  turns  out  to  be  that  'Brief  Examination  of  Certain 
Ordinary  Complaints '  which  is  getting  to  be  known  to  students  under 
the  newer  title  of  '  A  Discourse  of  this  Common  Weal  of  England.'  It 
would  be  interesting  to  examine  evidence,  if  it  were  offered,  in  favour  of 
authorship  by  any  one  of  the  name  of  Gentleman.  Closer  acquaintance 
with  the  treatise  might  have  prevented  one  mistake,  and  a  cursory  glance 
at  Miss  Lamond's  article  in  an  earlier  number  of  this  Review  (April 
1891)  might  have  brought  the  facts  up  to  date.  Mr.  Garnier's  theory 
that  *  the  original  Saxon  overlord  was  first  a  judge,  afterwards  a  land- 
lord '  is  supported  by  little  proof,  but  affords  an  illustration  of  his  method 
of  treating  obscure  questions.  In  support  of  his  argument  great  stress 
is  laid  on  the  antiquity  of  the  court  leet,  while  Dr.  Maitland's  theory 
that  the  leet  jury  was  no  primitive  institution  ^  is  rejected  with  scanty 
reference,  and  without  any  valid  objection.  Mr.  Garnier  then  proceeds, 
*  It  is  the  fashion  for  modern  theorists  to  ignore  entirely  the  statements 
of  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  century  writers.  They,  however,  had  access 
to  works  which  have  long  ceased  to  exist.  Many  of  them  were  lawyers, 
accustomed  by  profession  to  sift  evidence.  .  .  .  When,  therefore,  such 
writers  inform  us  that  the  court  leet  was  the  oldest  in  the  kingdom,  we 
should  pause  before  we  reject  the  statement '  (i.  69).  The  charge  against 
modern  theorists  may,  perhaps,  be  sufficiently  met  by  the  suggestion  that 
they— and  the  band  is  not  without  distinguished  lawyers— find  it  un- 
necessary to  construct  their  theories  upon  the  somewhat  uncertain 
foundation  of  later  second-hand  information,  but  prefer  to  build  upon  the 
surer  basis  of  contemporary  evidence  which  they  can  sift  for  themselves. 

From  many  of  Mr.  Garnier's  assertions  on  points  but  indirectly  con- 
nected with  his  subject  we  are  bound  to  dissent.  Thus  it  is  a  mis- 
take to  say  that  the  collectors,  overseers,  and  governors  who  adminis- 
tered poor  relief  were  finally  replaced  by  churchwardens.     These  latter 

»  Sharon  Turner's  figures  are  taken,  without  any  of  his  limitations, 
^  Select  Pleas  in  Maiwrial  Courts,  i.  p,  xxxvii, 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  137 

functionaries  are  mentioned  in  early  Tudor  legislation  in  connexion  with 
the  collection  and  administration  of  relief,  and  by  the  act  of  1601  they 
are  reinforced  by  regular  overseers.  It  is  certainly  untrue  that  at  the 
Bestoration  *  to  a  nation  intoxicated  with  loyalty  the  wish  of  the  crown 
became  the  law  of  the  land,'  and  it  is,  perhaps,  unnecessary  to  disprove  in 
detail  the  statement  that  '  the  sheriffs  were  originally  chosen  as  knights 
of  the  shire  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people,  but  since  the  statute  of 
Edward  II  out  of  the  list  submitted  by  the  privy  council '  (ii.  72).  In 
dealing  with  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  contemporary 
authorities  are  more  freely  used,  and  the  narrative  gains  in  interest  and 
value  as  a  compilation.  Though  Mr.  Garnier  follows  Thorold  Eogers  on 
many  points  he  is  by  no  means  disposed  to  consider  that  a  landlord  must 
necessarily  be  a  villain.  Indeed,  he  does  full  justice  to  the  enterprise  and 
public-spiritedness  of  the  great  eighteenth-century  improvers,  and  to  the 
aid  given  by  capitalists  and  others  to  the  progress  of  scientific  agriculture 
in  more  recent  times.  While  we  differ  from  Mr.  Garnier  on  various  ques- 
tions, such  as  the  eagerness  of  the  mercantilists  to  secure  economic  free- 
dom (ii.  Ill)  and  the  tardiness  with  which  Adam  Smith's  views  were 
adopted  by  statesmen  (ii.  115),  we  feel  that  many  chapters  in  the  second 
volume  may  be  recommended  to  those  who  require  a  summary  such  as  is 
here  provided,  and  who  do  not  object  to  have  the  moral  of  the  narrative 
drawn  for  them.  Ellen  A.  M'Akthuk. 


Die  Cluniacenser  in  Hirer  hirchlichen  unci  allgemeingeschichtUchen  ^ 
Wirksamkeit  bis  zur  Mitte  des  elften  JahrJmnderts,  Von  Ebnst  /^ 
Sackur.     Two  vols.     (Halle  :  Max  Niemeyer.     1892,  1894.) 

These  volumes  contain  a  vast  mass  of  material,  valuable  in  any 
form  to  students  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  and  peculiarly 
valuable  as  here  presented  in  the  form  of  a  learned  and  readable 
commentary  on  the  still  vaster  collections  of  material  made  by  others. 
Dr.  Sackur  has  written  a  history  of  the  monastic  reformation  of  910-1048 
- — that  is,  from  the  foundation  of  Cluni  to  the  death  of  Abbot  Odilo.  The 
history  of  that  reformation  is  in  no  sense  the  history  of  Cluni ;  it  is  the 
sum  of  the  histories  of  all  the  monastic  houses  which  underwent  reform  in 
the  spirit  of  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  Cluni  was  but  one  of  these.  Dr. 
Sackur  accordingly  includes  in  his  work  all  the  monasteries  in  Burgundy, 
Upper  and  Lower  Lotharingia,  France,  Italy,  and  Spain  which  were 
touched  directly  or  indirectly  by  the  reform  movement,  no  matter 
whether  that  movement  took  its  rise  in  Cluni  or  in  some  other  centre 
wholly  independent  of  Cluni,  such  as  Ghent  under  Gerard  of  Brogne  or 
Metz  under  John  of  Gorze.  The  bare  fact  that  a  monastery  received  an 
abbot  or  a  group  of  monks  trained  in  a  house  where  Odo  of  Cluni,  Gerard 
of  Brogne,  or  John  of  Gorze  is  known  to  have  taught,  either  in  person 
or  through  his  pupils,  is  often  all  that  can  be  recorded.  Without  that 
record  the  three  principal  schools  of  reform  could  not  be  distinguished. 
They  were  perfectly  harmonious ;  they  aimed  by  the  same  means  at  the 
same  objects ;  they  were  not  mutually  exclusive,  and  no  substantive 
variation  makes  it  possible  to  distinguish  a  monastery  with  an  abbot  from 
fJluni  from  a  monastery  with  an  abbot  from  Ghent  or  Metz. 


188  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

The  tenth-century  riformers  sought  to  revive  the  reforms  of 
Benedict  of  Aniane,  as  the  best  means  to  correct  certain  prevailing 
abuses.  The  abuses  arose  chiefly  from  the  neglect  of  the  rule  which 
forbade  monks  to  hold  private  property,  and  of  the  rule  which  forbade 
them  to  eat  flesh.  During  the  decay  of  the  monastic  system  it  appears 
that  monasteries  had  ceased  to  provide  sustenance  for  their  inmates,  for 
it  was  a  special  privilege  of  Cluni  and  Fleury  to  be  allowed  to  receive 
monks  of  other  houses  whose  abbots  denied  them  the  means  of  life  and 
compelled  them  to  depend  for  support  on  private  property.  The  reformers 
also  laid  special  stress  on  the  necessity  of  absolute  obedience,  and  defined 
the  rule  qf  silence  more  closely  than  had  yet  been  done.  With  regard 
to  the  daily  and  nightly  ofiices,  certain  special  arrangements  were  in  force 
at  Cluni  and  Fleury,  known  to  us  from  the  form  of  discipline  drawn  up 
for  the  Italian  house  of  Farfa,  which  describes  Cluniac  customs  as  they 
existed  in  Odilo's  time,  and  from  the  Fleury  customs  printed  from  a 
manuscript  of  the  same  period  by  John  a  Bosco.  In  matters  of  food  and 
dress  the  second  reform  movement  followed  closely  on  the  lines  of 
Benedict  of  Aniane's  reform.  Instead  of  the  tunic,  cowl,  and  scapulary  of 
the  original  rule,  the  rule  of  817  ordered  each  monk  to  have  two  tunics, 
two  cucuUae,  and  two  camisiae.  The  original  scapulare  had  become 
the  cuculla  of  817,  a  sleeveless  garment  reaching  to  the  ankles ;  the 
old  cuculla  was  the  camisia  of  817.  The  new  cuculla  furnished  with  a 
hood  was  worn  over  the  tunic,  a  full  garment  with  long  sleeves.  These 
were  the  '  two  coats  '  for  which  the  Cluniacs  were  later  to  be  severely 
criticised. 

Dr.  Sackur  suggests  that  the  descent  of  Cluniac  reform  from  the 
reform  of  817  may  be  traced  directly,  for  at  St.  Savinus's,  Poitiers,  the 
traditions  of  Benedict  of  Aniane  were  still  followed.  St.  Martin's,  Autun, 
received  eighteen  monks  from  St.  Savinus's,  and  according  to  one  authority 
Berno,  first  abbot  of  Cluni,  910,  was  a  monk  sent  from  Autun  to  Baume. 
Already  in  Berno's  time  pious  founders  handed  over  monasteries  to 
his  guidance,  a  practice  in  which  there  was  nothing  novel.  Sometinies 
the  founder  stipulated  that  Berno's  successor  in  the  abbacy  should  be 
freely  elected  by  the  convent.  In  929  Komainmoutier,  near  Lausanne, 
several  days' journey  distant  from  Cluni,  was  put  under  Cluni's  abbot.  At 
Aurillac  and  Tulle,  Odo,  Berno's  successor,  put  in  subordinates,  and  each 
of  these  monasteries  provided  abbots  for  monasteries  in  their  neighbour- 
hood. The  relation  of  Fleury  to  Cluni  was  of  this  nature.  After  a  brief 
resistance  the  monks  of  Fleury  were  compelled  to  accept  Odo,  abbot  of 
Cluni,  as  their  own  abbot,  and  on  his  death  Archembald,  prior  of  Cluni,  was 
chosen  by  the  Fleury  monks  as  his  successor.  From  that  time  close 
association  ceased,  and  Fleury  led  a  movement  of  its  own,  scarcely  less 
far-reaching  than  that  of  Cluni.  Like  Cluni,  Fleury  had  a  number  of  filial 
cloisters  more  or  less  subject  to  the  control  of  the  maternal  house,  such  as 
Pressy,  in  the  diocese  of  Autun,  Sacerge,  in  the  departement  de  I'lndre, 
Lonlai,  in  the  diocese  of  Le  Mans,  and  La  Eeole.  Fleury  monks  were 
sent  as  abbots  to  St.  Evre,  St.  Vincent  de  Laon,  St.  Pierre  le  Vif  lez  Sens, 
St.  Florent  lez  Saumur,  and  St.  Pierre  de  Chartres  received  twelve  monks 
from  Fleury.  In  1008  the  monasteries  of  St.  Gildas  and  Lochmenech,  in' 
Brittany,  were  both  reformed  from  Fleury,  and  all  the  English  monasteries 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  139 

created  or  revived  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  by  Oswald  and  Ethel- 
wold  were  directly  due  to  the  influence  of  Fleury.  Furthermore  Dunstan's 
relations  to  Ghent  make  England  representative  of  another  school  of  re- 
form, wholly  independent  of  either  Cluni  or  Fleury— namely,  the  school  of 
Gerard  of  Brogne,  in  Lower  Lotharingia,  which  Dr.  Sackur  treats  as  a 
spontaneous  growth.  Gerard  had  been  educated  at  St.  Denis,  near  Paris, 
and  to  his  influence  are  traced  the  reform  of  St.  Bavo's  and  of  St.  Peter's, 
Ghent,  of  St.  Amand,  perhaps  St.  Omer,  and  others.  At  St.  Vaast,  St. 
Wandrille,  and  Mont  St.  Michel  he  began  movements  which  were  sub- 
sequently strengthened  from  Fecamp. 

Equally  spontaneous  and  independent  of  Cluniac  influence  was  the 
school  of  Upper  Lotharingia,  led  by  John  of  Gorze  and  Adalbero  of  Metz. 
From  Gorze  were  reformed  St.  Arnulf's  and  two  nunneries  at  Metz,  and 
Moyenmoutier,  in  the  diocese  of  Toul,  from  whence  sprang  others.  The 
influence  of  Gorze  spread  into  the  diocese  of  Liege  to  Stavelot,  united  to 
Malmedy,  St.  Hubert  en  Ardennes,  Gembloux,  and  Lobbes,  in  the  last 
instance  with  only  scanty  success.  In  the  person  of  Gauzlin,  bishop  of 
Toul,  Fleury  influence  may  have  come  in  contact  with  Gorze  influence, 
for  he  had  been  at  Fleury.  He  reformed  St.  Evre,  whence  an  abbot  was 
sent  to  St.  Vannes  en  Verdun.  The  movements  of  British  monks  in 
Lotharingia  are  peculiarly  interesting,  because  they  offer  a  point  of  union 
between  the  reform  at  Fleury  and  in  Upper  Lotharingia.  They  also 
show  that  an  intimate  relation  existed  between  the  schools  of  learning  in 
Brittany  and  Lotharingia,  which  may  help  to  elucidate  the  history  of 
the  transference  of  manuscripts  from  one  country  to  the  other.  Cadroe, 
a  British  Scot,  had  been  taught  at  Fleury,  the  Irishmen  Macallin  and 
Forannan  at  Gorze.  Macallin  had  for  a  while  ruled  over  twelve  Fleury 
monks  at  St.  Vincent's,  Laon,  and  at  a  small  house  in  the  Vermandois 
the  three  British  monks  had  been  together  before  they  founded  Waulsort 
or  Vassor,  in  the  diocese  of  Liege.  Cadroe  was  summoned  to  rule  St. 
Clement's,  Metz,  at  Adalbero's  request,  and  his  successor  at  Metz,  an 
Irishman  named  Fingen,  went  afterwards  to  St.  Vannes's,  Verdun. 

The  monasteries  of  St.  Eemy  at  Eheims  and  of  St.  Cyprian  at  Poitiers 
were  responsible  for  two  groups  of  reformed  houses,  and  the  connexion  of 
Rheims  with  Fleury  and  of  Poitiers  with  Cluni  was  so  remote  that  these 
two  may  be  classed  as  independent  centres. 

With  all  these  concurrent  and  independent  reforms  Dr.  Sackur's 
book  is  concerned,  and  each  receives  detailed  treatment.  England  alone 
is  excepted,  and  to  English  readers  this  will  be  a  source  of  much  regret. 
Worcester,  Winchester,  Peterborough,  Ely,  Crowland,  Ramsey,  Tewkes- 
bury, Westbury,  Winchcombe,  and  others  ought  all  to  appear  here,  and 
their  history  stands  sorely  in  need  of  such  a  commentary  as  Herr  Sackur 
could  give.  That  he  considers  EngHsh  evidence  relevant  is  clear  from  his 
reference  to  Ethelwold's  '  Concordia  Regularis '  which  he  wrongly  calls 
Dunstan's.  If  Gerard  of  Brogne  and  John  of  Gorze  and  Abbo  of  Fleury 
were  '  Cluniacenser,'  certainly  Ethelwold  and  Oswald  were. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  title  of  this  work  is  somewhat  misleading. 
It  should  at  least  hint  at  the  paradox  that  the  book  is  a  history  of  the 
Cluniac  order  during  the  time  when  there  was  no  such  order,  but  only  a 
monastery  of  Cluni.    The  struggles  of  Odilo  as  abbot  of  Cluni,  983-1048, 


140  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

after  supremacy  over  monasteries  which  were  reformed  by  him,  do  not 
imply  that  he  aimed  at  founding  a  Cluniac  *  order.'     In  Odilo's  first  year 
of  abbacy  the  cells  of  Cluni  numbered  twenty-seven,  and  two  abbeys  at 
Macon' and  others  at  Charlieu  and  Sauxillanges  were  permanently  under 
the  influence  of  Cluni.     Odilo  tried  to  increase  the  power  of  Cluni  by  cen- 
trahsation,  and  on  a  few  occasions  met  with  an  opposition  which  was 
successful,  but  at  Paray-le-Monial,  Lerins,  and  Peterhngen  he  gained  his 
end.     Long  before  and  long  after  Odilo's  time  it  was  felt  to  be  dangerous 
for  monasteries  to  choose  an  outsider  as  abbot,  and  if  such  a  man  had 
to  be  chosen  careful  stipulations  were  made,  saving  him  from  all  obliga- 
tions to  'the  house  from  which  he    came.      Nevertheless    monks    of 
monasteries  of  high  repute  like  Cluni  were  eagerly  desired  as  abbots  by 
smaller  monasteries,  and  it  was  by  their  means  that  Odilo  kept  control 
of  a  Cluniac  '  congregation  '  which  extended  beyond  the  walls  of  Cluni. 
When  the  Cluniac  abbot  died  it  might  be  a  matter  of  difficulty  for  the 
monks  of  the  lesser  house  to  secure  free  election.     The  conception  of  a 
Cluniac  *  order  '  in  the  sense  in  which  the  word  was  to  be  used  when 
rival  orders   sprang  up  was  alien  to   the  ideas   of   the  time.     Direct 
dependence  on  Cluni,  as  the  essential  feature  of  the  Cluniac  order,  was 
an  idea  not  conceived  in  Odilo's  time,  and  he  had  no  intention  of  organ- 
ising a  congregation  with  characteristics  that  would  make  it  exclusive. 
That  he  had  a  strong  desire  to  be  himself  a  leader  or  general  of  an  army 
of  monks  is  very  probable,  for  in  a  satire  written  against  him  by  Adalbero, 
f^  bishop  of  Laon,  this  military  conception  of  monasticism  is  attacked, 
kpoint  his  moral  Adalbero  tells  a  tale  how,  a  doubt  having   arisen  in 
a  monastery  as  to  the  interpretation  of  contradictory  precepts,  the  bishop 
considered  the  matter  and  sent  one  of  the  monks  to  Odilo  for  advice. 
He  returned  in  the  evening  mounted  on  a  foaming  steed.     The  bishop 
could  scarcely  recognise  him.    He  wore  a  bearskin  on  his  head,  his  gown 
was  cut  short  and  divided  behind  and  before  to  make  riding  easier.     In 
his  embroidered  military  belt  he  carried  bow  and  quiver,  hammer  and 
tongs,  a  sword,  a  flint  and  steel,  and  an  oaken  club.  He  wore  wide  breeches, 
and  as  his  spurs  were  very  long  he  had  to  walk  on  tiptoe.     The  bishop 
asked,  '  Are  you  my  monk  whom  I  sent  out  ?  '     He  answered,  '  Some  time 
monk,  but  now  a  knight.    I  here  offer  military  service  at  the  command  of 
my  sovereign,  who  is  King  Odilo  of  Cluni.'    Even  Odilo's  own  supporters 
admitted  that  he  always  travelled  with  such  a  number  of  monks  that  he 
seemed  more  like  an  archangel  than  a  leader  and  prince  {dux  et  lorincei^s) 
of  monks. 

The  spread  of  Cluniac  reform  east  and  west  of  the  Khine  in  the  first 
half  of  the  eleventh  century  w^as  due  rather  to  the  influence  of  William 
of  Dijon  and  Kichard  of  St.  Vannes's  than  to  Odilo.  Odilo  centralised 
and  concentrated  the  movement ;  they  spread  it.  William  Volpiano 
became  a  Cluniac  under  Odo's  influence,  and  entered  St.  Benigne  de 
Dijon,  with  twelve  Cluniac  monks,  in  990.  From  this  centre  he  came  into 
possession  of  a  multitude  of  cells  and  dependent  monasteries,  and  becoming 
abbot  of  Fecamp,  to  which  house  w^as  secured  the  same  freedom  in  the 
choice  of  its  abbot  as  Cluni  possessed,  he  followed  in  the  footsteps  of 
the  Ghent  reformers,  and  helped  to  resuscitate  Mont  St.  Michel,  St. 
Wandrille,  St.  Ouen,  Jumieges,  and  Bernay.    His  influence  extended  eveu 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  141 

to  the  Irish  cloisters  at  Metz,  to  Gorze,  to  St.  Evre,  and  to  Moyenmoutier. 
Richard  of  St.  Vannes's  had  a  still  more  extended  sphere  of  influence 
through  his  pupils  Leduin  and  Poppo.  Richard,  educated  at  first  under 
the  Irishman  Fingen  at  St.  Vannes's,  Verdun,  went  to  Cluni,  and  was 
sent  back  to  St.  Vannes's  by  Odilo,  1004,  that  he  might  reform  it.  He 
then  began  to  work  upon  St.  Vaast  d'Arras,  St.  Amand,  St.  Peter's, 
Ghent,  on  a  number  of  Liege  monasteries,  and  on  houses  in  the  diocese 
of  Chalons,  Noyon,  Beauvais,  and  Amiens.  His  pupil  Leduin,  whom  he 
had  placed  at  St.  Vaast,  added  the  reformation  of  St.  Bavo's,  Ghent,  and 
of  the  once  famous  double  monasteries  Marchiennes  and  Hamage,  and 
from  St.  Vaast  St.  Bertin's  fell  under  the  new  influences. 

Poppo  of  Stablo  or  Stavelot  first  became  acquainted  with  Richard 
when  the  former  was  at  St.  Thierry,  Rheims,  one  of  the  houses 
reformed  from  Fleury,  and  what  Richard  did  in  Lower  he  did  in  Upper 
Lotharingia.  His  chief  work  was  done  either  by  his  pupils  or  by  himself 
at  Metz  and  Trier.  From  St.  Maximin's,  Trier,  he  spread  the  Cluniac 
reform  eastwards  into  parts  of  Germany  hitherto  untouched.  Limberg 
and  Hersfeld  were  his  chief  acquisitions,  and  in  1034  even  St.  Gall  was 
influenced  by  a  monk  of  Stablo,  but  both  there  and  at  Reichenau 
opposition  to  the  Lotharingian  movement  prevailed.  In  972  a  monk  of 
Einsiedeln,  Wolfgang,  bishop  of  Ratisbon,  reformed  St.  Emmeran's,  and 
from  Einsiedeln  and  St.  Emmeran's  Swiss  and  Swabian  monasteries 
were  affected  by  a  movement  independent  of  Burgundy  and  Lotharingia, 
in  a  spirit  more  in  harmony  with  the  strength  of  the  episcopate  among 
the  East  Franks. 

Besides  this  history  of  the  various  branches  of  the  reform  movement, 
east  and  west  of  the  Rhine,  Dr.  Sackur's  book  contains  a  full  account 
of  all  those  monasteries  in  Spain  and  Italy  which  came  directly  or 
indirectly  under  Cluniac  influence.  John  of  Gorze's  monastic  reforma- 
tion at  Cordova  deserves  a  fuller  mention.  The  last  four  chapters  of  the 
second  volume  are  those  which  are  likely  to  be  most  read  in  England. 
They  sum  up  the  influences  on  literature,  art,  and  economics  which  may 
be  traced  to  one  or  other  of  these  centres  of  reform.  In  his  preface  Dr. 
Sackur  says  that  no  one  has  yet  written  *  a  comprehensive  work,  based 
upon  all  the  accessible  materials,  which  prosecutes  a  searching  inquiry 
into  all  the  divers  directions  of  the  reform  movement.'  Such  a  work  he 
has  himself  written.  Mary  Bate  son. 


The  First  Nine  Books  of  the  Danish  History  of  Saxo  Grammaticus. 
Translated  by  Oliver  Elton,  B.A.  ;  with  some  Considerations  on 
Saxo's  Sources,  Historical  Methods,  and  Folk  Lore,  by  Frederick 
York  Powell,  M.A.,  F.S.A.     (London  :  David  Nutt.     1894.) 

In  the  Introduction  (p.  xvi,  note  1)  Mr.  Elton  quotes  a  passage  from  the 
work  of  Erasmus  '  De  optimo  dicendi  Genere,'  expressing  his  wonder  that 
a  Dane  of  the  age  of  Saxo  (about  1200)  could  have  written  with  so  much 
force  and  eloquence.  But  Mr.  Elton  adds,  *  Doubtless  its  very  merits, 
its  '*  marvellous  vocabulary,  thickly  studded  maxims,  and  excellent  variety 
of  images,"  which  Erasmus  admired,  sealed  it  to  the  vulgar.'     In  point 


142  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

of  fact  it  may  be  doubtecP  whether  most  students  of  Scandinavian  legends 
have  not  been  repelled  by  the  mannered  style  of  Saxo's  prose,  and  still 
more  by  the  stilted  phrases  and  the  obscurities  of  his  numerous  poems. 
Thus  many  of  us,  no  doubt,  have  been  content  with  reading  the  stories 
in  some  such  work  as  N.  M.  Petersen's  *  Danmarks  Historie  i  Hedenold  * 
(2nd  edition,  1854),  and  only  using  Saxo's  as  a  book  of  reference.  But 
Petersen  mainly  depended  upon  Eddie  lays,  or  (where  these  failed  him) 
upon  Icelandic  sagas,  that  were  later  and  often  more  corrupt  than  the 
narratives  of  Saxo.  Moreover  Petersen  followed  an  arrangement  of  his 
own,  very  different  from  that  of  Saxo,  in  his  history  of  the  so-called 
successive  Danish  kings.  Mr.  Elton,  then,  has  done  us  good  service  in 
presenting  us  with  a  plain  translation,  both  of  the  prose  and  the  verse, 
in  the  first  nine  books  of  Saxo.  He  has  also  enriched  his  introduction 
with  a  '  folk-lore  index,'  by  Professor  York  Powell,  showing  the  light 
thrown  by  Saxo  upon  the  Danish  laws  and  manners,  and  giving  lists  of 
the  proverbs  and  folk  tales  that  occur  in  these  books. 

Saxo  probably  used  several  lists  (more  or  less  like  those  still  existing, 
a  few  of  which  are  printed  here  at  pp.  cviii-cxi),  which  differed  in  the 
order  and  parentage  of  the  kings.  This  may  account  for  the  repetition 
of  names.  Thus  there  are  Dan  I,  son  of  Humble  (p.  15) ;  Dan  II,  son  of 
Uffe  (p.  143);  and  Dan  III,  son  of  Erode  II  (p.  145), "although  that 
name  must  have  been  originally  invented  for  only  one  being,  the  eponym 
of  Denmark.  Again,  no  less  than  six  kings  are  here  called  Erode  (in 
Saxo's  Latin,  Erotho).  This  word  (answering  to  the  Icelandic  Er6Si, 
'  wise  '  or  *  learned ')  was  perhaps  an  appellation,  originally  confined  to  the 
mythical  lawgiver  and  peacemaker  (of  the  time  of  Christ)  whom  Saxo 
makes  out  to  have  been  Erode  III,  and  who  occupies  the  whole  of  book 
V.  (pp.  148-211).  It  may,  of  course,  have  been  afterwards  given  to  another. 
But  evidently,  as  Mr.  Powell  remarks  (p.  xlv),  *  Saxo  has  carved  a 
number  of  Erodes  out  of  one  or  two  kings  of  gigantic  personality.' 

Let  us  now  take  a  very  brief  glance  at  some  of  the  kings.  In 
book  i.  Dan  is  the  grandfather  of  Skiold  (from  whom  the  Danish  royal 
family  took  the  name  of  Skioldungs),  and  Skiold's  son  and  grandson. 
Gram  and  Hadding,  fill  the  rest  of  the  book.  They  mix  freely  with  gods 
and  giants.  Hadding's  foster  mother,  the  giantess  Hardgrep,  forces  a 
corpse  to  prophesy  (p.  27).^  Hadding,  when  in  danger  of  capture,  meets 
an  old  one-eyed  man  (Odin),  who  takes  him  up  on  his  horse  (Sleipnir), 
throwing  his  cloak  over  his  fellow-horseman's  head.  Hadding  peers 
through  an  armhole,  and  he  sees  the  sea  under  the  horse's  hoofs  (p.  29). 
Saxo  here  gives  his  first  accounts  of  the  wizards,  Odin  and  his  peers, 
who  prolonged  their  lives  for  centuries,  and  whose  juggleries  seduced 
men  to  worship  them  (pp.  24-5  and  30-2).  Hadding  has  other  wild 
adventures.  One  of  them  we  will  glance  at  further  on.  In  another  he  is 
led  by  an  elf  woman  into  the  under-world  ;  he  sees  two  hosts  of  the  dead, 
who  have  fallen  by  the  sword,  fighting  for  ever  ;  and  he  approaches  the 
wall  of  the  undying  land  (p.  38).  This  adventure  is  compared  by  Mr. 
Powell  with  that  of  Thomas  of  Ercildoune,  &c.  (pp.  Ixv,  Ixxii,  Ixxv,  &c.) 
In  the  quasi-historical  portions  Hadding  avenges  the  death  of  his  father 

'  A  scene  bearing  a  general  resemblance  to  that  of  Erlchtho  and  the  corpse  in 
Lucau's  Pharsalia,  end  of  bk.  vi. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  143 

(Gram)  upon  Swipdag  and  his  son  Asmund  (pp.  30,  32) ;  but  he  forms 
such  a  close  attachment  to  Asmund's  son  Hunding  that,  when  he  hears 
of  the  death  of  Hunding,  he  hangs  himself  (p.  44).  This  act  devoted 
Hadding  to  Odin,  as  Hanga-tyr,  the  lord  of  the  hanged  (at  least  accord- 
ing to  the  later  myths)  .^ 

In  book  ii.  Hadding  is  succeeded  by  his  son,  Frode  I.  He  is  chiefly 
remarkable  for  the  war  tricks  that  he  plays  in  his  campaigns  in  the  east, 
together  with  some  in  the  west,  including  Great  Britain  (pp.  45-61). 
After  Frode  I  Saxo  names  his  son  Halfdan,  who  becomes  father  of  Ro 
and  of  Helge  Hundingsbane  (the  latter  name  famous  in  a  beautiful  Eddie 
lay) ;  and  thus  he  introduces  Helge' s  son,  Eolf  Krake,  the  founder  (he 
says)  of  Leire  in  Zealand,  and  the  father  of  the  heroic  kings  of  Leire. 
The  great  combat  that  overthrew  Rolf  and  his  champions  was  most 
celebrated  in  northern  literature.  Saxo  expands  in  Latin  verse  *  a  cer- 
tain ancient  Danish  song '  (p.  80),  that  has  now  perished,  but  is  partly 
represented  by  the  fragments  of  the  '  Biarka-mal.'  ^  A  passage,  preserved 
in  Saxo's  Latin,  relates  how  Biarki  (one  of  Rolf's  champions)  is  told  by 
his  wife,  the  Valkyria  Rute,  that,  by  looking  under  her  arm  set  akimbo,  he 
may  see  Odin  himself,  on  his  tall  steed,  rejoicing  in  the  battle  (p.  80). 
The  end  of  *  Hrolfs  Saga  Kraka  '  (a  lato  saga)  is  likewise  paraphrased  from 
the  '  Biarka-mal.' 

In  book  iii.  Saxo  returns  to  the  myths  of  the  old  gods  (vulgarised 
into  wizards),  which  culminate  in  the  death  of  Balder  and  in  Odin's 
vengeance  for  his  son  (pp.  83-100).  Saxo  here  inserts  the  first  part  of 
Hamlet  (pp.  106-17).  Book  iv.  opens  with  the  second  part  of  Hamlet 
(pp.  118-30).  Next  comes  the  legend  of  Uffe  (the  elder  Offa  of  Matthew 
Paris),  known  in  his  childhood  as  Uffe  the  Dull.  His  father,  Wermund, 
grows  blind  and  buries  his  favourite  sword,  Skrep  (named  from  its  swish- 
ing sound),  deeming  his  son  unfit  to  wield  it.  But  suddenly  Uffe  chal- 
lenges the  two  chief  champions  of  the  Saxon  army.  Wermund  then 
gropes  about  till  he  finds  Skrep.  He  sits  on  a  bridge  leading  to  the  isle 
of  combat,  prepared  to  drown  himself  if  his  son  is  killed,  and  he  listens 
eagerly.  At  length  he  cries,  '  I  hear  Skrep,'  and  again,  '  I  hear  Skrep,' 
and  each  time  (he  is  told)  his  son  has  cleft  one  of  the  Saxon  champions 
in  two  (pp.  138-42).  This  is  one  of  the  most  genuine  heroic  tales  in 
the  volume. 

Book  V.  is  occupied  (as  mentioned  above)  by  the  reign  of  Frode  III. 
It  contains  many  adventures,  but  Frode  himself  is  chiefly  praised  for  his 
laws  (pp.  187-9  and  192-3),  and  for  his  peace  of  thirty  years,  hallowed 
(without  his  knowledge)  by  the  birth  of  Christ  (pp.  209-10).  At  the 
end  the  king  is  gored  to  death  by  a  witch  in  the  shape  of  a  sea  cow 
(p.  211). 

Books  vi.  and  vii.  have  for  their  chief  hero  and  poet  the  gigantic 
Starkad,  whose  name  is  given  to  one  of  the  epic  metres  ('  Starkac^arlag'). 
He  is  decreed  by  Odin  to  live  three  generations,  but  to  do  one  foul  deed 
in  each  generation  (p.  226). 

In  book  viii.  a  poem  by  Starkad  furnishes  Saxo  with  a  list  of  heroes 
under  Harald  Hildetand  and  his  rebellious  nephew,  Sigurd  Ring,  at  the 

2  See  Vigfusson's  Dictionary,  under  the  verb  hanga. 
'  See  Corp.  Poet.  Boreale^  i.  118-9. 


144  •  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

battle  of  Bravalla  (datei  by  the  elder  critics  about  730,  by  the  moderns 
about  775).  Upon  this  /  veritable  battle  of  the  nations  '  Mr.  Powell 
remarks  that  no  doubt  *  the  results  had  much  to  do  with  the  wonderful 
outward  stir '  of  the  viking  period.  After  Bravalla  Saxo  suddenly  goes 
back  to  very  old-world  legends,  and  he  relates  that  of  Jarmerik  and 
Swanhild,  as  it  had  been  told  by  Jornandes  of  Eormanric,  the  great 
Gothic  monarch  of  the  fourth  csntury.  Another  insertion  here  is  the 
myth  of  King  Snio  {Snow).  Another  is  the  legend  of  Gorm  the  Old,  the 
worshipper  of  the  monster  *  Vgarthilocus '  (namely,  the  UtgarSa-Loki, 
visited  by  Thor  in  the  prose  '  Edda  ') ;  how  he  sends  Thorkill  to  learn 
tidings  of  his  god  ;  how  Thorkill  brings  him  a  horrible  tale  from  the 
under-world,  together  Avith  a  foul  bristle  plucked  from  the  beard  of 
'Vgarthilocus,'  and  how  the  monster's  worshipper  dies  for  shame. 
Saxo  presently  returns  to  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  and  he  tells  of 
Gotrik  (or  Godefridus),  the  report  of  whose  murder  (in  810)  is  said  to 
have  been  welcome  to  Charlemagne  (pp.  358-GO). 

Book  ix.  contains  the  exploits  of  Ragnar  Lodbrog,  both  in  east  and  west. 
He  is  thrown  by  /Ella  of  Northumberland  into  a  den  of  vipers,  and  sings 
his  death  song  there  (p.  380).  His  sons  avenge  his  death  upon  ^Ella.'*  He 
is  succeeded  in  Denmark  by  his  son  Sigurd  Snake-Eye,  and  then  by  his 
grandson  Erik  the  Christian  (converted  by  St.  Ansgarius).  The  book 
ends  with  Gorm  III,  and  the  devices  by  which  his  queen,  Thyra,  broke 
the  news  of  the  death  of  their  favourite  son,  Kanute  (p.  390). 

On  looking  back  at  the  contents  of  these  nine  books  it  will  be  seen 
that  they  form  a  tangled  web  of  myths  and  legends,  with  one  or  two 
broken  threads  of  historical  traditions.  It  naturally  happens,  during  the 
formation  of  the  early  epic  cycles,  that  the  attributes  and  actions  of  the 
old  gods  are  often  transferred  by  the  singers  to  some  mortal  hero.  A 
notable  instance  occurs  in  book  i.  Hadding  begins  his  career  as  a  special 
favourite  of  Odin,  the  chief  of  the  Asa-gods,  and  he  ends  it  with  being 
closely  connected  with  Niord  and  Frey,  the  chiefs  of  the  Vana-gods.  He 
is  cursed  (p.  36)  for  having  killed  '  a  benignant  god  '  in  the  shape  of  a 
sea  monster.  He  appeases  the  deities  by  offering  victims  to  Frey,  and  by 
establishing  the  yearly  sacrifice  in  his  honour,  known  as  the  *  Froblod ' 
(which  was  celebrated  at  XJpsala).  Presently  (p.  37)  he  receives  a  wound 
in  the  leg,  when  defending  the  princess  Ragnhild  against  a  giant. 
She  nurses  him,  and  she  shuts  up  a  ring  in  his  wound  as  a  token. 
Eventually  she  recognises  him  by  the  ring,  and  marries  him.  But  she 
loves  the  woody  mountains,  and  he  the  sea  ;  and  they  each  sing  a 
stanza  (p.  40),  his  being  a  complaint  of  the  howling  of  wolves  and  hers 
a  complaint  of  the  screeching  of  gulls.  This  story  is  evidently  that  of 
Niord,  the  sea  god,  and  Skathe,  the  giantess.  She  has  chosen  Niord  by 
his  feet ;  but  each  of  them  is  soon  tired  of  the  other's  dwelling-place,  and 
they  sing  alternately  against  the  wolves  and  against  the  gulls  (see  the 
Icelandic  verses  from  the  prose  'Edda'  quoted  by  Mr.  Powell  in  his 
p.  cvi).  Peter  Andreas  Munch  has  noticed  this  in  his  '  Gude-  og  Helte- 
Sagn '  (1854),  pp.  143-4  ;  he  mentions  also  that  the  '  Fr0blot '  is  ascribed 
by  Snorri  Sturluson  to  Frey  himself,  and  he  comes  to  the  conclusion  that 
Hadding  was  regarded  (at  least  in  Denmark)  as  a  personification  of  Frey 
*  See  A.S.  Chronicle,  an.  87G. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  145 

or  Niord.  Dr.  Eydberg  takes  a  very  different  view  of  the  mythological 
situation  (see  his  '  Teutonic  Mythology,'  translated  in  1889).  He  regards 
Swipdag,  the  slayer  of  Gram  and  the  deadly  foe  of  Gram's  son  Hadding, 
as  the  earthly  representative  of  Frey  and  the  other  Vana-gods,  whilst 
Hadding  fights  on  the  side  of  the  Asa-gods.  At  last  Hadding  finds  that 
the  Asas  have  deserted  him,  and  that  he  has  offended  the  Vans  by  kilUng 
the  sea  monster  (which  is  nothing  less  than  Swipdag  himself),  and  so 
he  forces  himself  to  sacrifice  to  Frey.'^  Dr.  Rydberg  mentions  elsewhere 
the  stanzas  of  Niord  and  Skathe,  and  makes  a  slight  allusion  to  their 
appearing  in  Saxo,*"  but  he  draws  no  deduction  from  their  being  attri- 
buted to  Hadding  and  his  wife.  Mr.  Powell,  in  like  manner,  only  says, 
*  That  Saxo's  attribution  is,  when  it  differs  from  Icelandic  attribution, 
wrong,  is  pretty  clear  in  such  a  case  as  that  of  Hadding's  verses,  for  the 
authority  of  the  prose  "  Edda  "  is  unquestioned.'^  Perhaps,  then,  the 
whole  episode  may  have  been  a  mere  piece  of  embroidery  used  by  a  nar- 
rator to  adorn  the  Hadding  legend,  and  perhaps  the  same  might  be  said 
with  regard  to  other  passages  that  have  engaged  the  more  serious  atten- 
tion of  modern  mythologists. 

In  a  part  of  Mr.  Powell's  section  on  *  Mythology  '  (§  9,  pp.  cxv-cxxvii) 
he  makes  good  use  of  Dr.  Rydberg's  really  wonderful  volume.  He  gives 
a  summary  of  the  long  discourse  on  the  Swipdag  myth  (so  far  as  it  relates 
to  Saxo),  and  he  accepts  the  most  important  conclusions.  At  the  same 
time  he  objects  to  one  or  two  of  the  minor  points.  For  instance,  he 
says, '  The  identification  of  Swipdag  with  Hamlet,  "  Teutonic  Mythology," 
572,  is  not  at  all  convincing.'  ^  I  will  here  mention  one  more  point  (only 
a  small  detail)  upon  which  Dr.  Eydberg  and  Mr.  Powell  are  agreed, 
whereas  I  am  compelled  to  differ  from  them.  Dr.  Eydberg  thinks  he  has 
reason  for  identifying  Alf  Sigarsson,  of  book  vii.  (see  p.  274),  with  the 
white  god,  Heimdal ;  and  he  adds  that  Saxo's  description  of  him  con- 
firms this  conjecture,  for  '  rays  of  light  seemed  to  issue  from  his  silvery 
locks.'  ^  But  surely  the  words  of  Saxo  need  not  be  taken  to  imply  any- 
thing supernatural.  They  are,  Oicms  eciam  ijisignem  candore  cesariem 
tantus  come  decor  asperserat,  ut  argcnteo  crine  niter e  imtarctur}^  And 
nothing  more  is  said  about  it,  except  that  Alfhild  is  captivated  by  the 
beauty  of  the  youth.  Mr.  Powell,  in  his  section  11,  called  '  Folk  Tales,' 
not  only  speaks  of  Alf  s  '  illuminating  hair,  which  gives  light  in  the  dark- 
ness,' but  he  adds  the  curious  remark, '  as  it  obtains  in  Cuaran's  thirteenth- 
century  English  legend  '  (p.  xcvi).  This  is  quite  a  slip,  for  in  the  English 
poem  of  '  Havelok  '  (who  is  never  there  called  Cuaran),  and  also  in  both 
the  much  earlier  French  versions  (in  which  Cuaran  is  his  by-name),  the 
mystic  flame  issues  from  the  mouth  of  the  sleeping  hero,  and  illumines 
all  around  him.  I  cannot  help  wondering  whether  Mr.  Powell  was  mis- 
led by  the  remembrance  of  an  article  of  my  own,  in  which  I  compared 
the  flame  breath  of  Gaimar's  Havelok,  and  the  consequent  exhortations 
of  Argentine,  with  the  flame  hair  of  the  sleeping  Servius  Tullius  and  the 
exhortations  of  Tanaquil.*^ 

^  Teut.  Mythol.  p.  557.  «  Ibid.  p.  161.  '  Powell,  p.  cvi. 

8  Ibid.  p.  cxxiii,  note.       »  Teut.  Mythol.  p.  113.        •"  Bk.  vii.,  Holder's  ed.  p.  228. 
"  See  my  Catalogue  of  Romances  in  the  Departme7it  of  Manuscripts  in  the  British 
Museum,  vol.  i.  (1883),  pp.  428-9. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXYII.  li 


146  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

Mr.  Elton  has  a  separate  treatise  (appendix  ii.)  upon  Saxo's  '  Hamlet ' 
(pp.  398-413).  No  definite  conclusion,  probably,  can  ever  be  reached  as 
to  its  remote  origin,  except  that  it  is  a  branch  of  the  Brutus  legend,  as 
'  Havelok'  (in  a  less  intimate  degree)  is  a  branch  of  the  Servius  TuUius 
legend.  Mr.  Elton  does  not  mention  the  name  of  Havelok ;  yet  surely 
the  two  stories  are  connected,  and  surely  something  may  be  said  as  to 
their  development.  I  myself  regard  it  as  almost  certain  that  Havelok 
Cuaran  derived  more  than  his  name  from  Anlaf  Cuaran.  The  nickname 
Cuaran  is  Irish  for  '  sock  '  or  '  buskin.'  Anlaf  is  in  Irish  Amhlaeibh,  and 
in  Welsh  Abloec  ;  and  the  name  of  Havelok  in  the  thirteenth-century 
Grimsby  seal  is  still  spelled  '  Habloc'  This  Anlaf  was  stepson  of  a 
sister  of  our  Athelstan ;  but  in  927,  when  he  was  a  child,  he  was 
expelled  from  Northumbria ;  and  thus  Athelstan  played  the  part  of  the 
'  usurping  uncle.'  He  married  a  daughter  of  the  king  of  Scotland ;  but, 
in  937,  he  and  his  cousin  Anlaf  of  Dublin  were  defeated  by  Athelstan  at 
Brunanburg.  The  two  Anlafs  returned,  and  were  actual  kings  of  Danish 
Britain  from  940  to  944.  Anlaf  Cuaran  (whose  cousin  was  now  dead) 
was  driven  back  to  Ireland  in  944,  and  he  began  a  new  career  there, 
which  lasted  till  980.  One  of  the  camp  stories,  told  of  Anlaf,  has  been 
preserved  by  Malmesbury  (in  his '  Gesta  Eegum,'  with  a  sequel  in  his '  Gesta 
Pontificum ').  It  seems  not  improbable  that  it  was  some  extravagant 
camp  story  told  of  him  that  was  the  original  of  the  war  trick  (about 
setting  up  the  dead  men)  related  both  of  Havelok  and  Hamlet.  It  is 
related  again  by  Saxo  (see  p.  147)  of  Fridleif  I.  But  here  again  it  is  a 
Danish  king  who  invades  England  after  conquering  Dublin,  and  who 
gains  a  second  day  by  setting  up  his  slain.  Here  again,  therefore,  the 
legend  points  towards  the  camp  of  Anlaf  Cuaran. 

Havelok  and  Hamlet  were  called  '  mythical  half-brothers '  by  the 
elder  Grundtvig.^^  The  expression  is,  perhaps,  too  strong.  But  they  may 
fairly  be  called  foster  brothers.  They  both  grow  up  at  the  court  of  a 
'usurping  uncle,'  and  are  both  famous  for  their  quaint  sayings.  But 
there  the  first  resemblance  ends.  In  the  case  of  Havelok  the  usurper  is 
not  the  uncle  of  Havelok  himself,  but  of  Argentille.  Havelok's  sim- 
plicity is  real.  He  is  quite  content  with  playing  pranks  before  the  court 
at  Lincoln,  where  the  king  treats  him  as  a  sort  of  j ester. ^^  He  is  aware 
of  the  marvellous  flame  breath,  but  it  never  makes  him  dream  of  being 
the  heir  of  kings  or  of  having  any  wrongs  to  avenge ;  indeed,  he  is 
ashamed  of  it  until  Argentille  becomes  his  Valkyria  (even  the  crowning 
war  trick  is  her  device,  for  it  is  done  j^ar  conseil  de  la  reine,  1.  773) ;  and 
she  informs  his  splendid  body  with  the  spirit  of  a  hero.  Hamlet,  on  the 
other  hand,  schemes  for  revenge ;  and  his  sayings  are  in  character  with 
his  assumed  madness.  But  the  course  of  the  two  stories  often  brings  the 
same  incidents  to  the  front.  Thus  each  of  the  heroes  is  a  disinherited 
Danish  prince  ;  each  marries  an  Enghsh  princess,  and  regains  his  power 
in  Denmark  ;  each  returns  to  Britain  and  marches  against  an  English 
king  ;  each  is  accompanied  by  his  own  Valkyria  (the  English  Argentille 
and  the  Scottish  Hermuthruda)  ;  each  of  them  half  loses  the  first  day's 
battle,  and  each  wins  the  second  day  by  staking  up  the  dead  men  in 

'■-  Nor  dens  Mythologi,  1832,  p.  365. 

"  De  lui  son  jurjleur  fescit  (Gaimar,  in  Wright's  edition,  1.  1G6). 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  147 

squadrons.^*  These  are  marks  of  the  same  workshop  at  the  very  least.  I 
am  myself  inclined  to  beheve  that  various  Anglo-Danish  minstrels  iden- 
tified both  heroes  with  Anlaf  Cuaran,  and  modified  the  tales,  and  appended 
the  last  wild  camp  story ;  and  that  then  they  carried  the  *  Hamlet ' 
(perhaps  carried  it  back)  to  Denmark,  ages  before  it  was  known  to  Saxo 
Grammaticus.  H.  L.  D.  Waed. 


Die  pdpstlichen  Kreuzzugs-Steuern  des  dreizehnten  Jahrhunderts :  ihre 
rechtliche  Grundlage,  loolitische  Geschichte  und  technische  VenoalUmg, 
Von  Dr.  Adolf  Gottlob.     (Heiligenstadt :  F.  W.  Cordier.     1892.) 

This  is  a  full  and  clear  treatise  on  a  technical  subject  which  has  points  of 
contact  with  several  important  issues.  Papal  taxation  is  usually  treated 
from  the  side  of  the  people  taxed.  Dr.  Gottlob  approaches  it  as  a 
student  of  papal  finance  and  organisation,  and  this  makes  his  work  more 
interesting.  The  system  he  describes  touches  the  whole  subject  of 
medieval  commerce  and  exchange  ;  it  throws  great  light  on  the  financial 
ideas  and  methods  of  the  age,  and  as  a  study  of  a  special  department  of 
the  organisation  of  the  curia  it  has  a  fascination  of  its  own.  The  growth 
of  papal  collections  is  here  described  in  a  dry,  clear  light,  without  antago- 
nism, and  with  much  research  and  clear  grouping  of  facts.  Part  i.  treats 
of  the  papal  right  to  tax  the  church  and  its  beginnings,  part  ii.  of  its 
political  history  in  the  thirteenth  century,  part  iii.  of  the  organisation  gene- 
rally. England  is  specially  treated  of  on  pp.  105  and  139  ;  on  p.  251  is  an 
account  of  the  office  of  camiosor  or  camhiator,  spoken  of  by  Matthew  of  Paris 
as  scambiator.  The  comparative  independence  of  England  as  regards  the 
papacy  is  illustrated  in  this  department  of  ecclesiastical  relations,  and  her 
exceptional  position  is  noted  on  p.  147.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
parts  of  the  book  is  that  which  discusses  the  bull  '  Clericis  Laicos,'  con- 
cerning which  very  loose  statements  are  often  made  elsewhere,  and  the 
constitutional  importance  of  which  as  a  new  departure  is  often  overrated. 
Dr.  Gottlob  traces  the  development  of  its  principle,  and  clearly  shows 
(1)  that  the  bull  only  applied  to  extraordinary  taxation,  and  (2)  that  the 
subsequent  limitation  as  to  its  not  applying  to  fiefs  in  clerical  hands 
was  not  at  first  expressed.  The  upshot  of  the  English  and  French  crises 
caused  by  the  bull  was  that  the  curia  was  driven  to  depend  more  and 
more  upon  eastern  lands  for  contributions,  a  result  which  led  to  an  increase 
of  financial  pressure  upon  Germany,  and  to  the  greater  prevalence  of 
abuses  there.  In  the  last  chapter  (on  pp.  234-5)  is  an  interesting  account 
of  appeals  to  Eome.  J.  P.  Whitney. 

TIlc  Life  and  Times  of  James  I,  '  the  Conqueror,^  King  of  Aragon,  dc. 
By  F.  Dakwin  Swift,  B.A.    (Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press.     1894.) 

Most  of  us  have  depended  for  our  knowledge  of  the  national  hero  of  the 
Aragonese — Jaime  el  Conquistador — upon  his  own  naive  chronicle  of  the 
events  of  his  turbulent  life,  and  Zurita's  well-known  *  Annals  of  the 
Crown  of  Aragon.'  The  '  Chronicle,'  of  which  an  excellent  English  edi- 
tion was  published  a  few  years  ago,  under  the  able  editorship  of  Don 
^*  See  my  Catalogzic  of  Boinanccs,  i.  43o-G. 

L  2 


148  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 


f 


Pascual  de  Gayangos,  was  written  many  years  after  most  of  the  events 
related  in  it  happened,  and  is  naturally  faulty  in  many  respects,  both  in 
the  omission  of  much  matter  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the 
times,  and  in  the  obscurity  of  its  details.  Still,  such  as  it  was,  it  gave  us 
a  distinct  impression  of  the  man  who  wrote  it — that  he  was  selfish, 
utterly  unscrupulous,  and  violent,  but  at  the  same  time  so  simple  in  his 
self-deception  as  to  be  almost  childlike.  It  is  evident  that  he  looked  upon 
himself  as  not  only  a  specially  chosen  instrument  of  Providence,  but  a 
righteous  man,  who  should  be  held  as  a  pattern  for  all  posterity.  Mr. 
Darwin  Swift  has  taken  the  '  Chronicle'  and  followed  it  line  by  line, 
checkin'g,  amplifying,  correcting,  by  the  aid  of  every  scrap  of  information, 
published  and  unpublished,  which  would  serve  to  throw  greater  light  on 
the  facts  of  the  life  of  his  hero.  He  has,  moreover,  opened  an  almost 
unworked  field  of  research  in  the  archives  of  the  crown  of  Aragon  in 
Barcelona,  which  were  known  to  contain  much  valuable  information  with 
regard  to  the  early  history  of  the  Romance  nations,  but  have  hitherto 
been  almost  entirely  neglected  by  English  scholars.  The  result  is  a 
sound,  thorough,  painstaking,  and  trustworthy,  if  somewhat  dry  and 
pedantic,  history  of  one  of  the  critical  epochs  which  have  decided  the  fate 
of  subsequent  civilisation.  The  story  has  never  been  told  before  in  its 
entirety,  and  its  full  significance  may  even  yet  have  to  be  weighed,  but  so 
far  as  the  facts  themselves  go,  the  history  of  James  the  Conqueror  never 
need  be  written  again  ;  and  Mr.  Darwin  Swift  may  be  welcomed  in  the 
small  number  of  patient,  industrious  investigators  who  have  distinctly 
added  to  our  sum  of  historical  knowledge. 

In  Aragon  itself  King  Jaime  is,  and  always  was,  famous,  mainly  be- 
cause he  conquered  the  kingdoms  of  Valencia  and  Majorca  from  the  Moors, 
and  was,  of  his  time,  the  first  Christian  champion  against  the  infidel.  His 
interest  to  us  does  not  depend  so  much  upon  this  phase  of  his  troubled 
life  as  upon  his  efforts,  unsuccessful  in  one  case  and  only  partially  suc- 
cessful in  the  other,  to  attain  ends  of  which  the  success  or  failure  was  to 
leave  a  mark  upon  human  progress  for  all  time  to  come.  From  his 
mother,  who  was  a  daughter  of  the  lord  of  Montpellier,  he  inherited 
important  territories  of  the  south  of  France.  The  counts  of  Provence  and 
Toulouse  were  his  kinsmen  and  feudatories  ;  the  count  of  Beam  paid  him 
homage  ;  and  his  dream  was,  by  federation  at  first,  perhaps  by  consolidation 
afterwards,  to  weld  these  petty  chieftains  and  his  own  dominions  into  a 
strong  Romance  empire,  which  should  shut  out  the  advancing  Frenchmen 
of  the  north  from  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  ;  and,  with  the  great 
seaboard  from  Valencia  to  Genoa,  become  the  mistress  of  the  sea.  It  was 
a  grand  idea,  and  Jaime  laboured  for  it  through  many  years  of  stress  and 
storm,  cutting  asunder  marriage  bonds  over  and  over  again  in  the  families 
of  the  southern  princelets,  in  order  to  form  fresh  matrimonial  combina- 
tions, which  should  tend  to  the  unification  of  territory  under  his  own 
sway.  But  fates  were  against  him,  and  the  diplomacy  of  St.  Louis  fully 
equal  to  his  own  ;  so  one  by  one  the  ProveuQal  chieftains,  all  but  Beam, 
fell  to  be  feudatories  of  the  pushing  nortliern  Franks,  and  Don  Jaime, 
years  before  his  death,  accepted  the  inevitable,  and  the  dream  of  a  southern 
Romance  empire  faded  for  ever.  His  other  task  was  one  he  held  in 
common  with  other  European  rulers  of  his  time,  notably  with  the  English 


1895  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  149 

Plantagenets,  with  whom  he  was  so  closely  connected — namely,  the 
humbling  of  the  feudal  barons  by  making  common  cause  against  them 
with  the  growing  power  of  the  towns  and  the  industrial  classes.  In  this 
he  was  hampered  more  than  most  of  his  contemporaries  by  the  peculiar 
character  of  the  peoples  over  whom  he  was  called  to  reign.  To  this  day 
both  the  Aragonese  and  Catalans  are  noted  amongst  Spaniards  for  their 
obstinacy,  their  impatience  of  authority,  and  their  turbulence ;  and  from 
the  earliest  birth  of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon  and  the  county  of  Barcelona, 
the  representative  assemblies,  or  Cortes,  had  held  the  power  of  the  purse. 
The  king  of  Aragon  was  subject  to  the  constitution  of  Aragon  in  judicial 
and  financial  matters,  until  the  fueros  were  trampled  under  foot  by  Philip 
II,  more  than  three  centuries  after  the  time  of  the  Conquistador,  in  re- 
venge for  the  protection  given  in  Aragon  to  Antonio  Perez,  although  the 
shadow  of  the  old  institutions  existed  even  long  after  that.  Jaime  el  Con- 
quistador, therefore,  was  regarded  by  his  nobles  as  their  feudal  chief  and 
not  their  absolute  sovereign  ;  and  from  the  time  the  great  king  emerged 
from  his  nonage  until,  worn  out  with  strife  of  well-nigh  three  score  years 
and  ten,  he  sank  to  his  grave  in  the  garb  of  a  Cistercian  monk,  hardly  a 
month  passed  that  he  was  not  at  issue  with  one  or  more  of  his  turbulent 
nobles.  It  ended  in  a  drawn  battle  after  all ;  for  though  Jaime  failed  to 
make  himself  the  absolute  monarch  he  aimed  to  be,  and  found  ihe  fueros 
of  Aragon  and  the  customs  of  Catalonia  stronger  than  he  was,  yet  he 
struck  a  deadly  blow  at  the  encroachments  of  his  feudal  nobles,  and  so 
aided  in  the  downfall  of  a  system  which  was  already  declining  in  the  rest 
of  Europe. 

The  bewildering  and  intricate  marriage  combinations  made  or  pro- 
jected by  the  Conquistador  between  the  members  of  his  numerous  family 
and  those  of  neighbouring  princes,  the  ceaseless  battles  and  sieges  against 
the  Moors  and  his  own  subjects,  and  the  feuds  with  his  sons,  are  all  de- 
tailed by  Mr.  Darwin  Swift  with  a  painstaking  striving  for  absolute  cor- 
rectness, and  a  wealth  of  notes  which  is  rather  distracting  and  often 
unnecessary.  It  would  be,  however,  ungracious  to  complain  of  this,  as 
Mr.  Swift  writes  history  in  this  way  on  principle,  and  there  is  very  much 
to  be  said  for  the  method.  He  remarks,  '  It  has  been  said  somewhere 
that  the  best  book  which  could  be  written  would  be  a  book  consisting  of 
premises  only,  from  which  the  readers  should  draw  their  own  conclu- 
sions ;  and  on  this  principle  the  facts  of  Jaime's  life  have  been  allowed 
here  to  speak  for  themselves,  without  being  rendered  inaudible  by  a  buzz 
of  needless  comment.'  Correct  as  this  may  be,  it  is  nevertheless  allow- 
able to  sigh  a  little  over  the  avoidance  of  picturesque  local  colour  in 
many  places  where  it  might  have  been  introduced  without  going  beyond 
Mr.  Swift's  darling  authorities.  For  instance,  Mr.  Swift  merely  men- 
tions, without  comment,  Jaime's  visit  to  Burgos  in  1270,  when  he  was 
62  years  of  age,  to  attend  the  marriage  of  his  grandson  Ferdinand  of 
Castile  with  Blanche  of  France.  The  annals  of  Castile  tell  much  of  this 
splendid  gathering,  and  the  imagination  is  captured  by  the  meeting  there 
of  the  two  royal  giants,  Edward  Longshanks,  the  young  English  prince, 
and  Jaime,  the  Aragonese,  both  of  them  near  upon  seven  feet  high,  both 
of  them  great  kings,  great  warriors,  and  great  statesmen.  How  they  must 
have  towered  above  all  their  royal  kinsmen,  both  in  stature  and  genius — 


150  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan; 

even  over  Alfonso  the  Wise,  Jaime's  son-in-law  and  Edward's  brother-in- 
law.  How  the  old  king  must  have  impressed  the  young  one  ;  for  he  was 
already  full  of  wise  aphorisms,  and  had  crystallised  his  life  principles  into 
words.  At  this  very  meeting  he  gave  (as  he  himself  records) '  six  counsels 
of  perfection  '  to  Alfonso — (1)  always  to  keep  his  word  when  once  given  ; 
(2)  always  to  consider  well  before  signing  a  grant ;  (3)  to  keep  the  people 
in  his  love ;  (4)  in  any  case  to  conciliate  the  church  and  the  towns,  with 
whose  aid  he  could,  if  necessary,  crush  the  nobles ;  (5)  not  to  infringe 
the  grants  made  to  the  settlers  in  Murcia,  and  to  people  it  with  a  hundred 
men  of  importance,  giving  them  large  allotments  and  letting  out  the  rest 
of  the  land  to  artisans  ;  (6)  not  to  punish  any  one  in  secret.  But  though 
there  may  be  some  passing  regret  for  a  want  of  colour  and  brightness  in 
the  book,  these  qualities  must  be  acknowledged  to  be  of  secondary  import- 
ance to  a  strict  adherence  to  ascertainable  fact ;  and  in  this  primary  and 
all-important  quality,  Mr.  Swift's  history  of  James  the  Conqueror  is 
beyond  reproach.  I  have  taken  pains  to  verify  many  of  his  numerous 
references,  and  in  no  one  instance  have  I  found  the  slightest  divergence 
from  his  authorities.     Of  few  historians  can  as  much  be  said. 

Mabtin  a.  S.  Hume. 


Calendar  of  the  Patent  Bolls  preserved  in  the  Public  Becord  Office. 
Edivard  III,  1330-1334.  Published  by  authority  of  the  Home 
Secretary.     (London  :  H.M.  Stationery  Office.     1893.) 

This  is  the  second  volume  of  the  '  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls  of  the  Reign 
of  Edward  III.'  The  first  volume,  covering  the  years  1327-1330,  was 
published  in  1891.  There  is  no  occasion  to  repeat  upon  the  publication 
of  this  new  instalment  the  general  remarks  made  in  the  HiSTOKicAii 
Review,  viii.  135-140,  with  reference  to  its  predecessor.  The  work  is 
continued  on  exactly  the  same  lines,  and,  though  on  some  small  points 
some  of  us  would  like  the  method  of  cataloguing  to  be  slightly  altered,  it 
is  more  to  the  purpose  to  testify  to  the  continued  zeal  and  energy  shown 
by  Mr.  Maxwell  Lyte  and  his  staff  in  carrying  out  a  further  stage  of  this 
great  national  work  in  so  short  a  space  of  time.  The  labour  involved  in 
the  production  of  each  of  these  volumes  must  be  enormous,  and  the  work 
of  sorting  and  arranging  the  index  alone  must  be  exceedingly  great.  Every 
year  that  passes  gives  scholars  more  opportunities  of  testing  this  work, 
and,  though  this  process  must  inevitably  reveal  a  few  flaws  here  and 
there,  further  examination  seems,  for  the  most  part,  but  to  add  fresh 
testimony  to  the  carefulness  and  solidity  with  which  these  catalogues  are 
being  made.  It  is  worthy  of  special  commendation  that  some  important 
documents,  as  for  example,  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1331,  are  given  in  full 
instead  of  being  merely  calendared. 

The  former  Calendar  of  this  series  of  Edward  Ill's  *  Patent  Rolls' 
was  carried  out  by  several  hands.  For  the  present  volume  Mr.  R.  F.  Isaac- 
son is,  we  are  told,  responsible  under  Mr.  Maxwell  Lyte's  immediate  super- 
vision, while  Mr.  Isaacson  has  also  compiled  the  index.  With  regard  to 
the  former  volume  it  v/as  necessary  to  point  out  that  in  some  small  points 
the  index  was  not  quite  so  satisfactory  as  that  of  the  companion  series  of 
'  Close  Rolls.'     It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  effect  of  the  vast  amount  of 


I 


.1895  •  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  151 

patient  labour  expended  on  the  index  of  the  present  volume  is,  in  some 
small  respects,  marred  by  the  appearance  of  similar  errors.     There  are 
fewer  mistakes  in  indexing  the  Welsh  names  than  in  its  predecessor.   But 
*  Cautermaure  '  still  appears  in  the  index  for  Cantrevmawr,  and  '  Thlan- 
cadok '  is  put  for  Llangadock.     Many  other  mistakes  of  the  same  sort 
also  occur,  though  one  is  glad  to  notice  that  the  two  Llanthonys  are 
properly  distinguished,  and  that  '  Lampadervaur  '  is  correctly  indexed  as 
Llanbadarn  Vawr.     There  should,  however,  be  an  index  heading  '  Whit- 
land,'  the  English  equivalent  for  the  '  Alba  Landa '  of  the  documents, 
which  form,  however,  alone  figures  in  the  index.     There  is  still  much 
confusion  owing  to  Welsh  places  being  described  as  belonging  to  counties 
like  Monmouthshire  which  did  not  then  exist,  or  being  assigned,  like 
Abergwili,  to  counties  which  then  existed,  but  of  which  the  places  in 
question  did  not  in  the  fourteenth  century  form  a  part.     But  the  worst 
cases   of   carelessness   in   identifying    place   names   with   their  modern 
equivalents  seem  to  occur  with  respect  to  those  situated  in  the  English 
king's  dominions  in  France.     Some  of  the  errors  of  the  index  with  regard 
to  such  names  are   truly  portentous.     It  is  not  creditable   to   English 
official  scholarship  that  this  volume  should  go  to  the  world  with  such 
entries  as  '  Abbeville  in  Aquitaine  '  or  '  Amiens  in  Aquitaine.'     It  suggests 
that  the  compiler  had  only  just  enough  knowledge  to  know   that  the 
English  kings  possessed  Aquitaine  and  thereupon  inferred  that,  as  Pon- 
thieu  belonged  to  the  English  king,  Ponthieu — and  its  neighbourhood  too 
apparently — must   necessarily  be   in   Aquitaine    also.      The   honour  of 
Laigle  might  well  be  indexed  under  some  more  vernacular  name  than 
'  Aquila.'     '  Sheriff '  is  not  a  felicitous  translation  of  the  '  vicecomes  '  of  the 
English  king's  lands  in  France.     If  it  were  necessary  to  describe  Bayonne 
and  Bordeaux  as  '  in  Aquitaine,'  the  more  obscure  Bazas  was  worth  the 
same  description.     No  attempt  is  made  to  find  out  the  modern  equivalents 
of  the  badly  spelt  names  of  the  more  out-of-the-way  Aquitanian  towns 
mentioned  in  the  rolls.     The  inquirer  who  seeks  to  know  what  entries  in 
the  volume  concern  Blaye,  La  Bastide,  or  Peyrehorade  will  have  to  turn 
to  those  towns  in  the  index  under  the  forms   '  Blaine,'   '  La  Batude,' 
*  Petreforade.'     La  Keole  is  indexed  as  '  La  Riole  in  France,'  a  somewhat 
vague   description ;    Terouenne  as  '  Tirvan,'   though  called  in  the   text 
'  Tirwan.'     Saint  Valery  is  indexed  as  '  St.  Waleric,'  and  Tonnay-Cha- 
rente  as  '  Tanney.'     In  calling  attention  to  these  blunders  I  do  not  wish 
to  magnify  their  importance,  or  to  depreciate  the  vast  mass  of  solid  work 
efficiently  done.     But  they  are  the  more  irritating  since  they  could  have 
been  easily  removed,  had  the  common  precaution  been  taken  of  submit- 
ting the  proofs  of  the  index  to  some  person  competently  acquainted  with 
the  local  geography  of  Wales  and  Gascony,  who  was  also  accustomed  to 
the  ancient  terms  of  the  place  names  of  these  regions.         T.  F.  Tout. 


JEpistolario  di  Coluccio  Sakitati.  A  cura  di  Feancesco  Novati.  Vols.  I. 
and  II.  '  Fonti  per  la  Storia  d'  Italia.'  (Roma  :  Sede  dell'  Istituto 
Storico  Italiano.     1891-1893.) 

The  humanist  whose  bent  scholar's  figure  forms  the  frontispiece  of  the 
first  volume  of  his   letters  well  deserves  the  care  which  his  editor  has 


152  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

bestowed.  Not  only  ivvas  Coluccio  Salutati  the  honoured  friend  of 
Petrarch  and  Boccaccio,  but  his  correspondence  may  be  said  to  form  a 
characteristic  autobiography  of  a  man  of  letters  in  the  fourteenth  century. 
The  letters  so  far  printed  lie  between  1360  and  1393,  and  of  these  only  a 
small  number  have  hitherto  been  published.  It  is  strange  that  the  Biblio- 
theque  Nationale  should  have  so  long  concealed  this  treasure  from  the 
lovers  of  the  early  renaissance. 

Salutati  writes  first  from  his  native  township  of  Settignano,  where  he 
exercised  the  profession  of  notary.  Hence  he  found  promotion  in  the 
municipal  chancery  of  Todi.  The  factions  of  this  wild  Umbrian  town 
were  disturbing  to  scholarship  and  dangerous  to  life,  and  the  secretary 
begged' his  influential  friend  Francesco  Bruni  to  find  a  position,  however 
humble,  in  the  curia.  Thus  he  had  the  fortune  to  witness  the  arrival  of 
Urban  V  at  Eome,  and  the  entrance  of  Charles  IV  and  his  empress.  He 
writes  with  enthusiasm  of  the  vigour  with  which  the  restored  papacy 
undertook  the  architectural  revival  of  the  capital,  and  with  consequent 
despondency  of  the  pope's  withdrawal.  Kome  was  for  Salutati,  as  for 
others,  the  mirage  of  disillusion.  His  denunciation  of  the  morals  of 
the  clergy  is  clearly  more  than  a  literary  commonplace  ;  his  zeal  for 
antiquity  touched  no  sympathetic  chord  among  a  people  which  alone,  as 
he  writes,  in  Italy  took  no  interest  in  its  past.  Gladly,  therefore,  Salu- 
tati accepted  the  post  of  under-secretary  at  Lucca.  Here  he  found  little 
more  content.  It  is,  perhaps,  as  he  himself  remarks,  peculiarly  a  student's 
weakness  to  think  that  every  post  would  suit  his  studies  save  that  which 
he  has  chanced  to  win.  The  secretarial  duties,  from  which  he  derived 
his  livelihood,  were  an  irksome  interruption  to  the  scholarship  which 
made  his  life.  His  correspondence,  he  confesses,  is  constantly  in  arrear  ; 
he  has  found  no  time  to  write,  nor  even,  alas,  to  read.  Like  many  a 
stylist  Salutati  was  perhaps  no  economist  of  time.  The  Lucchesi  may  have 
had  good  reason  for  not  reappointing  their  under-secretary,  who  is  found 
in  temporary  rustication  in  his  house  at  Settignano.  His  retirement 
was  redder  ]_3our  mieux  sauter ;  he  received  a  call  to  Florence,  where 
before  long  he  won  the  coveted  post  of  chancellor  to  the  signoria,  the 
blue  ribbon  of  many  a  generation  of  humanists.  Here  he  might  well  be 
satisfied.  Ornatus  prospcrls  ct  iactatics  adversis  in  Florentinam  2crbem, 
•portam  michi,  ut  spes  est,  salutiferum,  naviculaiii  vite  meefessics  impegi. 
But  even  at  Florence  his  lot  fell  upon  troubled  times.  One  of  the 
chancellor's  most  important  letters  is  an  outspoken  defence  of  Florence 
against  Gregory  XI.  The  pope's  invitation  to  enter  a  general  Italian  league 
was  rejected  on  the  same  grounds  which  were  afterwards  to  be  utilised  by 
early  protestant  publicists  :  Adde  quod  summus  pontifex  potest  et,  quod 
verecunde  commemoro,  solet  de plenitudine  potestatis  rumpere  federa,  con- 
tractus rescindere,  iura7nenta  absolvere,  et  omncs  ah  liuiusmodi  promts- 
sionis  nexibus  liberare,  et  unius  rcscripti  edicto  consuevit  infringere  que 
multis  oportuit  consensibus  roborare,  ut  iam,  si  recte  respicias,  nichil 
firmum,  nichil  durabile  2:)ossis  cum  Ecclesia  sancta  co7nponere,  cum  omnia 
p)ossit  apostolatus  auctoritas  irritare.  The  sentiment  of  nationality  is 
strongly  marked.  The  cause  of  Florence  was  that  of  Italy.  Certamus  .  .  . 
cumexteris  gentibus,  cum  Italici  nominis  hostibus,  cum  illis  qud,  cum 
patria  non  sufficiat  sua,  in  miseram  Ausoniam  mittuntur  in  predam.    In 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  153 

conclusion  the  pope  is  warned  not  to  rely  upon  Florentine  faction,  due 
only  to  exaggerated  love  of  liberty  :  Non  putes  quod  cum  Ubertatem 
singuli  querant,  illam  universi  perdihim  eant.  Of  these  Florentine 
factions  the  chancellor  had  full  experience,  for  in  1378  he  witnessed 
the  rising  of  the  Ciompi.  The  permanent  civil  service  usually  fur- 
nished the  first  victims  of  a  Florentine  revolution.  It  is  creditable 
to  Salutati's  tact  that  he  was  left  his  office  to  give  literary  shape  to 
the  aspirations  of  democracy  and  the  reprisals  of  reaction. 

The  greater  events  of  Italian  history  naturally  receive  comment  in 
these  letters,  and  it  is  not  always  easy  to  decide  whether  Salutati  is 
writing  as  the  secretary  or  as  the  man.  A  long  letter  of  congratulation 
and  advice  is  addressed  to  Charles  of  Naples,  in  which  the  writer  gives 
expression  to  the  general  contemporary  opinion  of  Giovanna's  high 
ability  as  a  ruler  ;  it  is,  he  says,  the  best  title  of  Charles  to  fame  that  he 
has  conquered  so  incomparable  a  queen.  To  the  secretary  of  Gian 
Galeazzo  Visconti  his  Florentine  confrere  dwells  on  his  delight  that 
Bernabo  has  been  arrested  by  the  most  virtuous  prince  of  all  Lombardy. 
Bernabo  was,  indeed,  not  yet  murdered,  but  Salutati,  as  a  true  humanist, 
has  no  condemnation  for  tyrannicide.  From  the  change  of  government 
he  augured  peace  to  all  the  Visconti' s  neighbours.  It  is  not  the  function 
of  a  permanent  secretary  to  be  a  prophet.  Five  years  later  a  letter  to 
Francesco  Novello  de  Carrara  celebrates  the  recovery  of  Padua  from  the 
treacherous  grasp  of  the  Comes  Virtutum.  Here  Salutati's  congratula- 
tions have  a  truer  ring,  Sitm  denique  gente  Italicus,  jjatria  Florentinus  : 
natura  et  affcctione  Guelphus  ;  ut  inter  tot  nexus  tantaqtce  vincula  prorsus 
non  possim  te  non  diligere  nee  tui  status  columen  non  amare.  It 
must  have  needed  all  the  secretary's  professional  impersonality  to  applaud 
Jacopo  d'  Appiano's  assumption  of  the  despotism  of  Pisa,  and  to  assure 
him  of  his  belief  that  he  was  innocent  of  the  murder  of  Gambacorti  and 
his  sons.  Jacopo  was  known  at  Florence  to  be  a  Viscontean  agent,  and 
Gambacorti  had  been  warned  of  his  machinations ;  yet  the  deed  once 
done  it  was  needful  to  defer  the  inevitable  rupture.  That  the  new  tyrant 
was  an  inferior  member  of  Salutati's  own  profession  made  the  task  no 
pleasanter.  Illustrious  foreigners  are  also  among  the  correspondents. 
Juan  Fernandez  de  Heredia,  soldier,  diplomatist,  and  man  of  letters,  is 
assured  in  many  pages  that  history  is  the  fount-head  of  all  knowledge. 
Salutati  would  fain  translate  into  Latin  the  lives  of  Plutarch  which  the 
knight  of  St.  John  had  caused  to  be  done  into  modern  Greek  and  thence 
into  Aragonese  ;  in  return  for  a  copy  he  would  despatch  a  Latin  transla- 
tion of  the  '  Odyssey.'  A  similar  exchange  is  the  object  of  an  amusing 
letter  to  Jost  of  Moravia,  who  to  this  alone  owes,  perhaps,  his  corner  in 
the  world  of  letters.  Salutati  hopes  that  in  return  for  a  copy  of  Plutarch 
the  margrave  will  inflict  summary  justice  on  the  dean  of  Olmiitz  for 
breach  of  contract  in  not  forwarding  the  coveted  '  Chronica  Regum  Boemiae.' 
A  higher  importaiice,  however,  attaches  to  the  light  which  is  thrown  upon 
the  great  literary  movement  of  the  age.  Salutati's  compositions  are  too 
often  frigid  Ciceronian  essays  on  moral  topics,  on  the  merits  of  friendship, 
the  consolations  of  death.  He  is  saved,  however,  by  the  sincerity  of  his 
feelings,  and  his  letters  upon  the  deaths  of  the  two  high  priests  of  culture, 
Petrarch  and  Boccaccio,  are  noble   epitaphs  to  his  great  friends.      The 


154  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

former  he  regarded  as  iJfe  finest  writer  of  his  own  or  any  age,  surpassing 
Dante  in  rhymed  Italian  verse,  Cicero  and  Virgil  in  Latin  prose  and 
poetry.  The  threatened  fate  of  the  unfinished  '  Africa  '  filled  him  with 
alarm  ;  rescued  from  the  flames,  he  would  with  his  own  hands  correct  and 
annotate  the  poem  and  send  a  copy  to  each  great  seat  of  learning — to 
Bologna,  to  Paris,  and  to  Oxford.  Boccaccio  also  has  the  destiny  of 
immortahty,  but  from  the  list  of  works  which  is  to  win  this  guerdon  the 
'Decameron'  is  absent.  It  was  this  enthusiasm  for  the  classics,  combined 
with  the  belief  that  the  ascending  series  was  not  yet  closed,  that  made  the 
real  force  of  the  early  humanists.  Students  of  Dante  will  find  interest  in 
Salutati's  frank  criticism  on  the  first  part  of  Benvenuto's  commentary  as 
being  too  prosaic,  and  in  his  discussion  of  two  passages  of  the  '  Inferno  ' 
(v.  60).  Headers  of  Sacchetti  will  appreciate  the  tale  of  the  secretary's  even- 
ing stroll  on  the  piazza,  when  he  heard  '  Pippo's  '  marvellous  music,  which 
was  neither  song  nor  whistle,  but  resembled  the  subdued  note  of  the  cage 
bird  on  feeling  an  unwonted  ray  of  sunshine. 

Nothing  would  more  clearly  illustrate  the  expansion  of  the  new 
learning  than  an  analysis  of  the  classes  to  which  Salutati's  correspondents 
belong — the  professional  humanists  of  the  first  rank,  the  gentry,  the 
lawyers,  the  schoolmasters,  the  members  of  good  burgher  families.  In 
almost  every  letter  there  are  quotations  from  the  classics,  criticisms  upon 
Latin  authors,  promises  to  lend  codices,  or  requests  to  borrow.  Yet  it 
was  a  transition  age  between  the  great  periods  of  learning,  and  after  the 
death  of  Petrarch  and  Boccaccio  humanism  seemed  likely  to  be  choked 
by  material  interests.  Hence  the  diatribes  against  the  lawyers  and  the 
doctors,  professions  which  made  gold  their  idol  and  diverted  youth  from 
sound  learning,  the  latter  twisting  the  law  to  provide  them  with  jewels 
and  fine  clothing,  the  former  swarming  upon  the  land  and  depriving  their 
patients  alike  of  life  and  livelihood.  In  writing  to  his  noble  correspondents 
Salutati  always  distinguishes  them  from  among  their  fellows,  who  are 
devoted  to  hunting,  hawking,  and  the  pursuit  of  wealth.  The  exceptions 
are  such  men  of  gentle  blood  as  Guido  di  Polenta,  Eoberto  Guidi,  count 
of  Battifolle,  Tommaso  d'  Alviano,  and  above  all  Napoleone  Orsini.  The 
lamp  of  learning  was  still  alight  in  the  salt  swamps  of  Ravenna,  the  rolling 
wastes  of  the  Campagna,  and  the  wild  uplands  of  the  Mugello. 

Nor  are  mere  personal  incidents  in  the  lives  of  Salutati  and  his 
friends  without  interest  in  the  social  history  of  the  age.  The  writer  was 
twice  married.  It  is  characteristic  that  his  chief  friends  were  unable  to 
attend  the  first  wedding  feast,  on  the  plea  of  exile  ;  they  are  begged  at  least 
to  send  their  wives,  and  to  provide  the  bridegroom  with  three  thousand 
oranges.  Marriage,  however,  was  incompatible  with  study;  had  not 
Cicero  observed  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  the  servant  of  a  wife  and 
of  philosophy  ?  Yet  the  young  wife's  sudden  death  was  as  destructive  to 
learning  as  her  marriage.  The  widower's  letter  to  Boccaccio  perhaps 
deserves  quotation.  Tanto  merore  confcctus  sum  ut,  memet  oblitus,  et 
tuarum  litemrum  memoriam  perdiderim  et  honestorum  studiorum  lucu- 
hmtionem  omnino  dimiserim,  adeo  quod  institutum  opusculum  De  vita 
associabili  et  operativa  de  medio  michi  currentis  stili  fervor e  subtraxerit ; 
nee  mirum,  quod  enimpene  inauditum  est,  michi  cum  ilia  omniimi  rerum 
su7nma  concordia  fuit,  nee  toto  coniugii  tempore  unum  in  quo  vel  solo 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  155 

verbo  michi  rcstiterit  valeo  recordari.  Three  years  later  the  disconso- 
late scholar  was  forced  to  the  confession  In  higamiam  incidi. 

The  amusements  and  misfortunes  of  his  friends  suppUed  the 
humanist  with  texts  for  sermons.  Petrarch  was  justly  punished  by  ague 
for  attending  the  marriage  of  the  duke  of  Clarence  with  Violante  Visconti 
at  Pavia,  where  the  luxury  of  the  foul  tyrant  emphasised  the  sufferings  of 
the  poor.  Francesco  Bruni  was  yet  more  severely  handled  for  his  wanton 
villeggiatura.  The  papal  secretary  was  studying  the  fathers  ;  yet  he 
wrote  of  verdant  meads  and  nightingales,  of  eels  and  sucking  pigs  and 
winged  fowl ;  he  dwelt  upon  the  peasants'  gifts  of  cherries,  chestnuts, 
pears,  and  apples ;  he  prided  himself  upon  his  skill  with  the  rod,  an  art 
in  which  he  had  rapidly  instructed  his  servants  and  his  tenants  ;  and  what 
wonder  ?  for  7nagiste7'  artis  ingeniique  largitor,  Venter.  Then  follows  a 
discourse  on  the  snares  of  the  senses,  for  it  is  hinted  that  Bruni  had  other 
failings,  inappropriate  to  his  age  and  learning,  which  are  attributed  to 
the  society  of  the  clergy  among  whom  he  had  his  being. 

Once  permanently  settled  at  Florence,  Salutati  believed  himself,  as  do 
all  secretaries,  to  be  overworked.  His  public  duties,  he  complains, 
extended  thoughout  Italy,  and  wherever  the  Latin  tongue  was  read.  He 
had,  moreover,  a  private  practice  among  citizens  too  ignorant  to  explain 
their  own  affairs,  much  less  to  commit  them  to  writing,  and  while  he 
attempted  to  give  shape  to  their  ideas  he  would  be  interrupted  by  a 
summons  to  the  signoria.  His  fame  as  an  elegant  letter- writer  brought 
strange  requests ;  one  friend  pressed  for  an  invective  against  an  enemy, 
another  for  a  conclusive  reply  to  Petrarch's  diatribe  on  marriage,  and 
more  especially  second  marriage.  Love  is  severely  handled  in  a  versified 
letter  to  Alberto  degli  Albizzi,  who  had  just  exchanged  exile  for  an 
existence  yet  more  restless. 

Li  Salutati  there  is  little  trace  of  the  jealousy,  the  self-conceit,  the 
rancorous  abuse  of  dilettante  decadence.  He  held  to  the  old  traditions 
of  religion,  morality,  and  manners.  He  emphasises  his  belief  in  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul,  which  already  among  his  compeers  was  regarded  as 
old-fashioned.  A  '  pirate  '  professor  is  warned  not  to  clash  with  an  esta- 
blished lecture  on  Seneca's  tragedies  ;  let  the  struggle  for  supremacy  be  in 
research  and  not.  the  lecture  room,  non  ex  mfimo  docejidi  gradu,  sed  ex 
aliqua  altioris  culminis  specula.  A  humanist  often  abused  but  rarely 
apologised,  yet  a  letter  of  Salutati  to  one  whom  he  had  failed  to  greet  be- 
comingly, because  he  was  absorbed  in  play,  may  read  a  lesson  in  courtesy 
to  many  a  modern  whist-player :  Veruntamen,  amice  carissime,  novisti 
quantum  soleant  illiusce  ludi  contaminatione  mentes  mortalium  occupari, 
ita  lit  ludentes  omnes,  civilitatis  iynmemores,  sibi  ipsi  omniiimque  circum- 
stantium  corone,  et  denique  sepe  ipsi  omnium  rerum  opifici  Deo  turpiter 
irascantur.  He  had,  moreover,  courage  and  common  sense.  He  dis- 
believed in  the  current  tale  that  antichrist  had  been  born.  He  re- 
proached his  friends  whom  the  plague  had  frightened  from  Florence  when 
the  city  most  needed  them,  and  when  the  Ciompi  were  left  to  burn  and 
plunder  at  will.  His  family,  it  is  true,  had  been  sent  to  the  hills,  but  his 
wife  was  terror-stricken  at  her  father's  and  sister's  death  ;  the  aromatic  pill 
which  he  carried  was  rather  a  sensuous  gratification  than  a  sanitary  amu- 
let.    He  scoffed  at  the  prevailing  astrological  or  medical  superstitions, 


156  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

criticising  the  fasliiona!)le  theory  of  the  corruption  of  the  atmosphere 
which  has  left  a  too  permanent  survival  in  the  term  '  influenza.'  Yet 
he  was,  perhaps,  corrupted  by  the  intellectual  atmosphere  of  his  age  ;  he 
was  a  pedant,  possibly  a  prig.  Many  of  his  letters  are  wearisome  dis- 
courses. Nevertheless  the  vast  expanse  of  platitude  is  brightened  by  the 
many-twinkling  smile  of  humour.  Those  who  borrow  books  and  keep 
them  for  six  months  will  enjoy  the  retort  to  an  importunate  lender  :  Im- 
portune,  querule,  infests,  moleste  et  denique  contumeliose,  nescio  si  dicam 
amice  carissime.  Ecce  quod  tihi  lihellum  tuum,  quern  utinam  nunquam 
mdissem,  ne  in  ipso  agnovissem  quam  vitrea,  quam  plumbea,  quam  vilis 
et  quam  fragilis  foret  amicitia  tzia,  que  pro  quodam  vilissimo  scartabello 
mecum  fuit  et  totiens  et  tarn  inurbane  debacchata,  remitto.  Habes  epi- 
stolas  tuas  [Cicero's  letters],  habes  quod  tarn  garrule  deposcebas.  Nichil 
Ijlus  debeo.  E.  Armstrong. 

Thomas  III,  Marquis  de  Saluces  :  Etude  historique  et  litteraire.     Par 
N.  JoRGA.     (St.  Denis  :  H.  Bouillant.    1893.) 

To  English  readers  the  name  of  Saluzzo  is  probably  best  known  through 
a  passing  allusion  in  Chaucer,  who  associates  it  with  *  Mons  Vesulus.' 
It  is  a  little  town  in  the  Piedmontese  plain,  just  at  the  point  at  which  the 
Po,  rushing  down  from  Monte  Viso,  ceases  to  be  an  impetuous  mountain 
torrent  as  it  enters  that  plain.  It  was  not  till  1142  that  it  became  the 
capital  of  a  marquisate,  which  ultimately,  after  many  vicissitudes,  became 
merged,  as  was  but  natural,  in  the  dominions  of  the  dukes  of  Savoy. 
Monsieur  Jorga  has  devoted  to  the  life  of  one  of  the  independent 
marquises  of  Saluzzo,  Thomas  III  (born  1356,  died  1416),  a  painstaking 
monograph,  which,  though  a  thesis  presented  to  the  university  of  Leipzig, 
is  yet  printed  at  St.  Denis,  and  is  thus  (especially  when  taking  into 
account  the  probable  nationality  of  the  author  as  indicated  by  his  name) 
quite  a  cosmopolitan  production.  M.  Jcrga's  work  is  thorough  and  con- 
scientious, though  he  laments  that  he  has  been  limited  to  the  use  of 
printed  authorities  only.  Yet,  as  he  half  confesses,  his  hero  is  not  a 
very  interesting  or  important  personage. 

Pohtically  Thomas  Ill's  life  and  reign  form  an  episode  in  the  early 
history  of  French  influence  in  North  Italy.  The  marquis  of  Saluzzo, 
frequently  attacked  by  his  more  powerful  neighbours  the  princes  of 
Achaia  (a  cadet  branch  of  the  house  of  Savoy)  and  the  marquises  of 
Montferrat,  naturally  seeks  aid  from  the  Dauphin  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Alps,  becomes  his  vassal,  and  gladly  welcomes  the  arrival  of  Charles  of 
Orleans  to  take  possession  of  his  wife's  dower  of  Asti.  But  in  1413 
Thomas  had  to  yield  to  the  force  of  events  and  do  homage  for  Saluzzo  to 
the  prince  of  Achaia.  His  reign  thus  aftbrds  an  interesting  study  in  the 
history  of  the  advance  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  but  is  of  local  interest  and 
importance  only,  so  that  M.  Jorga's  careful  researches  will  only  attract 
the  few  students  who  for  one  reason  or  another  are  drawn  towards  the 
history  of  Saluzzo.  M.  Jorga  points  out  in  his  preface,  and  it  may  be 
well  to  note  the  fact  here,  that,  in  consequence  of  the  long  French  occu- 
pation of  the  marquisate  in  the  sixteenth  century,  most  of  the  medieval 
Saluzzo  archives  are  now  among  the  archives  of  Grenoble,  the  number 


1895  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  157 

of  documents  there  preserved  being,  according  to  a  competent  authority, 
no  less  than  1,719. 

From  a  literary  point  of  view  Thomas  III  is  of  rather  greater  import- 
ance. During  his  captivity  in  Turin  (at  the  hands  of  the  prince  of 
Achaia)  he  wrote  in  1395  an  allegorical  poem  of  great  length,  entitled 
'  Le  Chevalier  Errant.'  M.  Jorga  has  carefully  investigated  this  produc- 
tion, and  prints  numerous  extracts  from  it.  It  is  mainly  interesting  as 
embodying  many  personal  experiences,  bad  and  good,  of  the  author  during 
his  restless  and  troubled  career,  and  as  illustrating  the  amount  of  literary 
culture  {e.g.  the  books  with  which  he  was  acquainted)  possessed  by  a  four- 
teenth-century Piedmontese  princelet.  But,  as  even  M.  Jorga  has  to 
admit,  this  poem  is  generally  tedious  in  the  extreme,  and  is  a  production 
of  the  pseudo-chivalry  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Tournaments  and  for- 
lorn damsels  in  distress,  many  digressions,  and  much  allegorising  leave 
little  room  for  anything  else. 

M.  Jorga  gives  a  very  full  index,  while  he  hints  that  his  four  pages  of 
'  Corrigenda '  (certainly  a  disproportionate  amount)  are  due  to  his  inability 
to  correct  the  proofs  in  all  respects.  As  he  seems  puzzled  (p.  53)  by 
certain  local  names  in  Provence,  it  may  be  well  to  point  out  that  all  the 
places  named  are  (like  those  mentioned  with  them)  in  the  valley  of  the 
Ubaye,  and  its  side  glens,  north  of  Barcelonnette.  Hence  '  Serena  '  is  the 
present  '  Serenne,'  near  St.  Paul,  and  'Meliceto'  probably  '  Malj asset,' 
at  the  head  of  the  valley,  while  '  Archia  '  is  'Larche'  or  'L'Arche,' 
on  the  way  from  Barcelonnette  to  the  Col  de  I'Argentiere  or  de  Larche, 
one  of  the  '  great  passes  of  the  Alps  '  which  was  crossed  by  Francis  I's 
army  in  1515.  W.  A.  B.  Coolidge. 


Toivn  Life  in  the  Fifteenth  Century.     By  Mrs.  J.  R.  Green. 
(London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  history  of  fifteenth-century  England,  and  that  of  English  municipal 
life  in  the  middle  ages,  have  shared  an  undeserved  neglect  in  the  past, 
but  of  recent  years  much  has  been  done  to  wipe  out  the  reproach  in  both 
cases.  Mrs.  Green  has  the  honour,  however,  of  being  the  first  to  bring 
the  two  lines  of  study  to  a  focus  and  make  a  serious  attempt  to  estimate 
the  importance  of  the  part  played  by  the  English  towns  in  the  last  critical 
century  of  the  expiring  middle  ages.  Persuaded  that  the  seeds  of  the 
great  outbursc  of  the  Tudor  time  were  stirring  beneath  the  frozen  surface 
of  the  preceding  age,  she  endeavours  to  picture  for  us  what  may  be  called 
the  domestic  reaction  of  that  great  growth  of  English  commerce  which 
Schanz  has  described  in  his  elaborate  monograph.  The  book  opens  with 
a  vigorous  protest  against  the  habit  of  looking  upon  the  fifteenth  century 
as  '  the  profoundly  tragic  close  of  a  great  epoch,'  a  pitiful  period  of  low 
and  material  views  in  politics  and  society ;  the  nation  '  soured  and  de- 
moralised by  thirty-five  years  of  a  war  that  was  as  unjust  as  it  was 
unfortunate,'  the  ruling  class  destroying  itself  in  a  selfish  war  of  factions, 
the  townsmen  sunk  in  a  sordid  apathy  to  all  the  higher  aspects  of  life. 
That  in  many  of  the  things  which  make  a  nation  great  the  age  was  barren 
by  the  side  of  its  successor,  or  even  its  predecessor,  is  not  denied,  but  the 


158  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

saving  leaven  which  recfeems  it  from  the  charge  of  mifruitfulness  is  dis- 
covered in  the  quiet  revolution  of  industry  and  commerce,  and  the  silent 
growth  of  the  sturdy  middle  class,  which  was  in  the  next  century  to  rise 
upon  the  ashes  of  the  feudal  nobility.  The  expansion  of  English  com- 
merce, the  briskness  and  vitality  of  town  life,  the  slow  but  effective  train- 
ing of  a  whole  class  of  men  in  the  methods  and  discipline  of  government, 
the  visible  embodiment  of  their  strong  sense  of  local  unity  in  the  multi- 
tude of  new  town  halls,  the  learning  and  resources  of  their  town  clerks, 
all  these  and  many  other  features  of  their  humble  annals  are  insisted 
upon  with  a  fervour  which  sometimes  borders  on  the  dithyrambic.  It 
was  an  age  of  democratic  transition,  *  in  many  ways  extraordinarily  like 
our  own.'  True,  the  magnates  of  the  towns,  whose  advent  to  wealth  and 
power  constituted  this  democratic  revolution,  were  oligarchs  of  the  most 
uncompromising  type  in  their  own  local  spheres ;  but  even  here,  we  are 
told,  the  growth  of  prosperity  and  decreasing  isolation  was  not  unaccom- 
panied by  an  agitation  for  more  popular  government,  which  was  sometimes 
successful,  if  only  for  a  season. 

While  admitting  that  historians  have  been  apt  to  exaggerate  the  gloom 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  that  Mrs.  Green  has  done  good  service  in 
emphasising  the  presence  of  elements  of  promise  for  the  future,  we  are 
inclined  to  think  that  the  picture  she  has  drawn  is  a  little  overcharged.  To 
us  the  dawn  seems  greyer  than  it  is  painted  in  these  picturesque  pages. 
The  facts  which  are  here  brought  together  to  illustrate  the  growth  of  English 
trade  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  period  are  interesting,  but  they  ought  not  to 
obscure  the  broad  line  of  demarcation  which  the  firm  establishment  of  the 
Yorkist  dynasty  constituted  in  this  as  in  other  respects.  Nor  can  it  be  ad- 
mitted without  more  evidence  than  seems  forthcoming  that  '  it  was  doubt- 
less through  its  vigorous  burghers  that  the  house  of  commons  in  the  early 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century  laid  hold  of  powers  which  it  had  never  had 
before  nor  was  to  have  again  for  two  hundred  years.'  Their  experience 
in  local  government  certainly  did  not  shine  very  conspicuously  in  the 
commons'  exercise  of  its  new  powers.  It  may  very  well  be  that  it  was 
they  who  were  always  querulously  complaining  of  '  lack  of  governance,' 
while  they  crippled  the  government  by  keeping  the  purse-strings  tightly 
closed.  Men  who  grasped  such  powers  in  the  state  might  have  been 
expected  to  play  a  less  helpless  and  inglorious  part  than  they  did  in  the 
unfortunate  reign  of  Henry  VI.  Some  advance  was  made  in  mate- 
rial things  even  before  the  close  of  the  civil  struggle;  but  here  too 
Mrs.  Green  scarcely  makes  sufficient  allowance  for  the  check  administered 
to  the  expanding  trade  of  the  country  by  the  disastrous  war  with  France. 
Bristol  and  the  Cinque  Ports  suffered  most  severely,  and  the  discontent  of 
the  ^  latter  contributed  one  of  its  most  unquiet  elements  to  the  war  of 
factions.  That  there  was  a  decided  retrogression  from  the  precediiig 
century  in  pubhc  spirit  and  municipal  hberty  would  appear  more  clearly 
in  these  volumes  if  Mrs.  Green  had  not  embodied  many  episodes  of  town 
life  in  the  fourteenth  century  in  her  description  of  the  fifteenth-century 
town.  There  is  one  rather  curious  instance  of  this  eclectic  method.  In 
speaking  of  the  social  rise  of  city  men  at  the  close  of  this  period  seen  in 
the  creation  of  citizens  as  knights  of  the  Bath  by  Edward  IV,  Mrs.  Green 
adds,  with  a  simple  reference  to  the  Paston  Letters,  that '  the  Poles  of  Hull 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  159 

were  rising  into  importance.'  The  reader  who  did  not  know  would  be 
surprised  to  learn  that  the  family  in  question  had  been  ennobled  almost  a 
century  before. 

Another  current  view  traversed  in  these  volumes  is  that  which  finds 
in  the  fifteenth  century  the  culmination  of  the  process  which  finally 
handed  over  the  government  of  the  towns  to  close  oligarchies.  The 
evidence  adduced  does  not  compel,  however,  more  than  a  slight  qualification 
of  this  view.  It  is  quite  probable,  as  Mrs.  Green  urges,  that  popular  govern- 
ment in  the  towns  had  never  been  much  of  a  reality,  and  that  the  ruling 
class  had  been  gradually  reducing  it  to  a  form  ;  but  this  does  not  alter 
the  fact  that  the  fifteenth  century  stereotyped  the  narrow  oligarchies  of 
the  vast  majority  of  English  towns.  An  *  effort  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of 
poUtical  activity '  can  apparently  only  be  asserted  of  Norwich,  Lynn,  and 
Sandwich  ;  at  all  events  no  other  instances  are  cited.  These  were  all  in 
a  way  exceptional  towns  under  the  direct  influence  of  the  constitution  of 
London,  and  in  the  two  former  the  movement  which  gave  them  repre- 
sentative common  councils  belongs  to  the  first  decade  or  so  of  the 
century.  It  is  admitted  too  that  no  permanent  popular  colour  was 
imparted  to  their  constitution. 

We  have  ventured  to  criticise  some  of  Mrs.  Green's  main  contentions, 
but  we  are  not  the  less  alive  to  the  great  value  of  her  work.  It  makes 
no  claim  to  work  up  inedited  material,  but  it  brings  together  from  a  wide 
range  of  printed  sources  an  immense  mass  of  facts  and  extracts  from  them, 
a  narrative  of  admirable  perspicuousness  and  literary  power.  Such  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  life  of  the  medieval  English  town  will  be  indispensable 
to  every  student  of  the  time.  It  does  not,  of  course,  fall  within  the  scope 
of  the  book  to  enter  into  the  many  vexed  questions  that  besiege  the  in- 
quirer into  the  origin  and  early  history  of  municipal  life  ;  but  on  one  or 
two  of  these  points  Mrs.  Green  holds  decided  views  of  her  own,  which  at 
least  deserve  serious  consideration.  Dr.  Gross's  views  on  the  nature  and 
ultimate  fate  of  the  merchant  guild  are  subjected  to  severe  criticism  on  the 
basis  of  materials  relating  to  the  Trinity  guild  at  Coventry,  supplied  by  Miss 
Dormer  Harris.  But  the  fact  that  Coventry  had  possessed  a  merchant 
guild  before  the  grant  of  1340  is  overlooked,  and  the  relation  of  the  later 
to  the  earlier  may  have  some  bearing  on  the  question  at  issue.  The 
explanation  offered  of  the  rather  puzzling  use  of  elves  (or  burgenses)  and 
communitas  is  interesting,  if  not  convincing  :  *  I  venture  to  suggest  that 
cives  was  the  term  used  for  the  corporate  body  of  citizens  possessing 
chartered  rights,  while  eommunitas  stood  for  the  citizens  in  another 
aspect,  as  the  community  which  held  property  and  enjoyed  privileges  by 
immemorial  custom,  before  a  charter  of  free  borough  had  been  obtained. 
The  uses  of  coinmunitas  are,  as  is  too  well  known,  many,  but  it  was 
employed  so  constantly  to  express  the  corporate  character  of  chartered 
boroughs  that  the  attempt  to  identify  it  with  the  community  of  the  old 
hurh  seems  to  rest  on  a  very  doubtful  basis.  When  Ipswich  received  its 
charter  from  King  John  it  was  the  tota  villata  hurgi  which  assembled  to 
elect  the  ruling  magistrates,  and  it  was  the  communitas  villc  which  met 
and  gave  its  assent  to  the  ordinances  of  the  new  governing  body.  Among 
the  few  mistakes  of  a  trifling  kind  which  we  have  noted  is  the  ascription 
on  two  occasions  of  the  first  capture  of  Bordeaux  by  the  French  to  1445 


160  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

instead  of  1451.  We  do  not  know  on  what  authority  the  'Libel  of 
English  Policy '  is  attributed  to  the  hand  of  Bishop  Moleyns.  Pauli  in 
his  preface  to  Hertzberg's  edition,  which  Mrs.  Green  does  not  seem  to 
have  used,  declared  himself  unable  to  solve  the  problem  of  its  authorship. 

James  Tait. 


Zur  Verhafhmg  des  Landgrafen  Philipp  von  Hessen.  Von  Dr.  Gustay 
TuBBA.  (Reprinted  from  the  XXIII.  Jahresbericht  der  k.k.  Ober- 
realschule  im  II.  Bezirhe  Wien.)     (Vienna.     1894.) 

This  essay  well  deserved  reprinting,  although  to  my  mind  the  gist  of  the 
matter  treated  in  it  is  outside  the  new  and  corrected  documentary  evidence 
produced  in  its  appendix.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Landgrave  Philip  of 
Hesse,  who  was  slippery  enough  himself  not  to  err  by  over-trusting  others, 
was  taken  grievously  by  surprise  when,  after  surrendering  to  Charles^V  on 
19  June  1547,  instead  of  being  raised  from  his  knees  by  the  emperor, 
he  was  handed  over  to  Alva  and  detained  in  custody  for  a  period  of 
five  years.  It  is  equally  certain  that  the  emperor's  acceptance  of  the 
interpretation  placed  by  the  appointed  mediators  (the  electors  Joachim  of 
Brandenburg  and  Maurice  of  Saxony)  upon  the  terms — as  Bishop  Granvelle 
writes  them  in  his  letter  to  the  queen  of  Hungary — a  gnad  et  ^mgenad 
extended  merely  to  the  promised  exclusion  of  capital  punishment,  per- 
jpetual  imprisonment,  and  loss  of  lands.  The  question  remains  why  the 
mediators  had,  on  their  own  account,  personally  guaranteed  Philip,  in 
case  of  his  surrender,  against  further  inconvenience  {Beschwerung),  and 
how  he  had  come  to  trust  this  undertaking.  Dr.  Turba  shows,  more 
decisively  than  protestant  historians  have  usually  been  disposed  to  admit, 
that  the  responsibility  for  this  miscarriage  cannot  be  brought  home  to  the 
emperor  and  his  ministers  ;  and  this  view  is  confirmed  by  the  authentic 
copy  here  first  given  of  the  mediators'  articles,  as  communicated  by 
Granvelle  to  Queen  Maria.  Yet  it  is  not  easy  to  explain  why  the  landgrave 
should  have  confided  in  the  delusive  security  offered  him  by  the  new 
elector  Maurice  and  his  colleague,  more  especially  as  Philip's  position 
was  not  exactly  desperate,  and  had  been  improved  by  the  reverse  ex- 
perienced towards  the  end  of  May  by  the  imperialist  duke  Eric  of 
Brunswick.  Thus  the  real  difficulty  remains  unsolved.  It  is  noticeable 
that  Dr.  Turba  acquits  the  emperor  of  the  charge  that  at  an  earlier  period 
of  the  negotiations  he  imposed  upon  PhiHp  offensive  aid  against  his  old 
ally  John  Frederick,  and  mentions  the  rumour  at  the  imperial  court  that 
this  dishonourable  condition  was  suggested  by  Philip  himself.  The 
chequered  reputation  of  the  '  magnanimous '  landgrave  need,  however, 
hardly  be  burdened  by  this  painful  insinuation.  A.  W.  Ward. 


Maria  Stuart  und  der  Tod  Darnleys.    Von  Dr.  H.  Foest. 
(Bonn  :  Emil  Tschiersky.     1894.) 

In  his  present  brochure  on  Mary  Stuart's  responsibiUty  for  the  death  of 
Darnley  Dr.  Forst  confines  himself  to  an  examination  of  the  extant 
documentary  evidence,  exclusive  of    the  casket  letters.      In  a  paper 


1895  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  161 

('Beitriige  zur  Geschichte  der  Maria  Stuart')  contributed  to  Sybel'a 
Historische  Zeitschrift  (vol.  Ixvi.  pp.  241-70)  he  had  attempted  to  demon- 
strate the  inconclusiveness  of  the  arguments  against  the  authenticity  of 
the  letters ;  and  his  present  aim  is  to  meet  the  main  objections  that  have 
been  raised  by  Bekker,  Sepp,  and  Phihppson  to  the  other  evidence 
collected  by  the  Scottish  government.  In  the  discharge  of  this  task  he 
admittedly  suffers  under  the  disadvantage  that  he  has  been  unable  to 
consult  many  of  the  original  authorities,  and  has  been  compelled  to  content 
himself  with  accepting  the  version  of  the  facts  supplied  by  his  opponents. 
Even  if  in  many  instances  he  may  have  succeeded  in  refuting  them,  his 
processes  are  sometimes  more  laborious  than  they  might  otherwise  have 
been,  and  the  general  result  is  more  or  less  fragmentary  and  futile.  To 
discuss  intricate  and  controverted  historical  questions  on  second-hand 
evidence  is  scarcely  in  any  circumstances  legitimate,  and  the  more 
intricate  and  controverted  they  are  this  method  becomes  the  more 
unjustifiable.  The  Marian  controversy  is  at  least  not  one  of  those  in 
which  the  avowed  use  of  this  method  can  be  permitted,  for  perhaps  more 
than  any  other  historical  controversy  it  has  been  confused  and  compli- 
cated by  discussions  based  on  an  imperfect  mastery  of  the  original 
evidence.  The  impartiality  and  acuteness  with  which  Dr.  Forst  deals 
with  historical  evidence  renders  it  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  he  should 
have  afforded  any  excuse  for  classing  him  with  the  impulsive  enthusiasts 
who  supply  their  lack  of  knowledge  by  the  unrestrained  exercise  of  senti- 
ment and  prejudice.  His  vindication,  however,  of  the  documentary  evi- 
dence— even  when  he  is  not  engaged  in  simply  slaying  the  slain — is  in 
several  respects  superficial,  and  he  over-estimates  the  importance  of  this 
evidence  for  present  historical  purposes.  Apart  from  the  casket  letters 
the  main  evidence  against  Mary  is  circumstantial.  To  refute  the  testi- 
mony of  the  various  witnesses  cannot  touch  this  evidence  ;  and  even  if 
Dr.  Forst  had  succeeded  in  reconciling  this  testimony  with  itself  and  with 
established  facts  all  suspicion  would  not  be  removed  from  it.  He  forgets 
that  it  is  vitiated  by  the  fact  that  some  of  those  who  took  part  in  collect- 
ing it  were  themselves  engaged  in  the  plot  against  Darnley,  and  that 
others  not  directly  engaged  in  it  were  privy  to  it  or  its  abettors.  The 
theory  of  Philippson  that  the  plot  was  contrived  and  carried  out,  not  by 
Bothwell,  but  by  Moray  and  the  protestants,  may  be  unsupported  by  evi- 
dence, and  even  essentially  incredible  ;  but  it  is  undeniable  that  most  of 
the  leading  protestant  nobles,  and  probably  even  Moray,  knew  before- 
hand that  the  death  of  Darnley  was  determined  on,  and  practically,  if 
not  formally,  consented  to  his  death.  Dr.  Forst  explains  the  failure  of 
Moray  to  proceed  against  Huntly  and  other  well-known  conspirators  by 
the  fact  of  their  power  ;  but  to  suppose  that  Moray  was  actuated  by 
consuming  anxiety  to  revenge  the  death  of  Darnley  is  to  beg  the  ques- 
tion. The  procedure  in  the  first  instance  against  Bothwell,  and  finally 
against  the  queen,  for  the  murder  was  dictated  solely  by  political  motives. 
It  was  on  this  account  alone  in  some  degree  hypocritical ;  but,  in 
addition  to  this,  the  prosecutors  had  to  control  the  evidence  of  the  wit- 
nesses so  as  to  exclude  its  reference  to  other  conspirators. 

T.  F.  Hendeeson. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  xxxvn.  :m 


162  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

Calendar  of  Letters  and  State  Papers  relating  to  English  Affairs,  pre- 
served principally  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas.  Vol.  II.  Elizabeth, 
1568-1579.  Edited  by  Martin  A.  S.  Hume,  F.R.Hist.S.  Published 
under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls.  (London  :  H.M. 
Stationery  Office.     1894.) 

Peobably  before  the  publication  of  the  Venetian  and  Spanish  calendars 
no  one  would  ever  have  guessed  at  the  immense  importance  of  foreign 
archives  in  enabhng  English  people  to  read  in  its  true  light  the  history 
of  their  own  nation.  The  earher  volumes  of  the  Spanish  archives,  edited 
by  M.  ^ergenroth,  have  upset  many  a  cherished  theory  which  had  held 
its  ground  without  challenge  for  two  or  three  centuries,  and  have  scat- 
tered to  the  winds  many  a  prejudice  derived  from  the  perusal  of  protestant 
historians.  But  what  is  most  surprising  in  the  whole  matter  is  the  light 
thrown  upon  the  gossip  of  the  English  court  by  the  despatches  of  the 
Venetian  and  still  more  by  those  of  the  Spanish  ambassadors  of  the  reign 
of  Henry  VIII.  The  despatches  of  Eustace  Chapuys  are  more  valuable 
in  this  respect  than  all  the  accumulated  treasures  of  the  Record  Office 
and  the  Cottonian  library  in  the  British  Museum.  It  cannot,  indeed, 
be  said  that  the  records  preserved  at  Simancas  relating  to  the  first  twenty 
years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  are  so  rich,  either  as  regards  general  history  or 
courtly  gossip,  as  those  which  have  appeared  under  the  editorial  care  of 
M.  Bergenroth  or  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos.  Still  they  are  in  both  these 
respects  of  considerable  value.  Two  volumes  of  the  reign  have  already 
appeared.  Of  the  first,  which  was  reviewed  in  our  January  number  of 
1894,  we  shall  have  nothing  to  say  except  so  far  as  may  be  necessary  in 
illustration  of  the  contents  of  the  second. 

At  the  opening  of  this  volume  Don  Guzman  de  Silva  is  still  ambas- 
sador from  Philip  of  Spain,  but  is  superseded  by  Don  Guerau  de  Spes  in 
the  summer  of  the  year  1568,  very  soon  after  the  dismissal  of  Dr.  Mann, 
the  English  ambassador  to  Spain,  who  had  disgusted  Philip  by  his  out- 
spoken revilings  of  the  pope  and  the  Roman  church.  Mann  must  have 
been  most  injudicious,  for,  not  content  with  scoffing  at  religious  proces- 
sions, he  had  been  heard  to  say  that  the  pope  was  a  canting  little  monk. 
After  the  recall  of  Don  Guerau,  who  had  suggested  his  own  removal  and 
was  sent  as  ambassador  to  Venice,  there  is  no  ambassador ;  but  Antonio 
de  Guaras,  a  merchant  of  London,  carried  on  the  diplomatic  intercourse 
between  the  two  courts  for  four  or  five  years,  till  the  appointment  of  Ber- 
nardino de  Mendoza  in  January  1578.  The  name  of  Antonio  de  Guaras 
was,  we  believe,  almost  unknown  to  EngKsh  historians  till  Mr.  Froude's 
history  of  the  reign  of  Ehzabeth  appeared,  and  even  there  the  notices  of 
him  are  few  and  far  between.  It  will  be  better  known  in  the  future,  not 
only  because  of  the  prominent  part  played  by  him,  as  detailed  in  the 
numerous  letters  addressed  by  him  to  Philip  and  others  calendared  in  this 
y  volume,  but  also  by  the  interesting  monograph  pubhshed  in  1892  by 
Mr.  Richard  Garnett.  After  the  dismissal  of  Don  Guerau  de  Spes  in 
December  1571,  upon  the  discovery  of  his  complicity  in  Ridolfi's  plot,  he 
plays  a  most  important  part,  for  though  not  accredited  as  ambassador  he 
behaves  himself  and  is  treated  by  the  queen  and  Cecil  almost  exactly  as 
if  he  were.    He  must  have  been  an  old  man,  for  he  had  been  living  in 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  163 

this  country  for  nearly  forty  years,  and  seems  to  have  been  highly  trusted 
by  the  king  of  Spain,  for  in  his  instructions  to  Guzman  de  Silva,  who  had 
preceded  Guerau  de  Spes  as  ambassador,  Philip  had  recommended  him 
to  avail  himself  of  the  services  of  Guaras,  as  being  thoroughly  conver- 
sant with  English  affairs.  The  same  advice  was  not  given  to  the  new 
ambassador,  against  whose  wished  Guaras  was  appointed  to  look  after 
Spanish  interests  in  England  after  his  departure.  No  one  would  guess 
from  the  tone  of  the  letters  addressed  by  him  to  Philip  and  the  duke  of 
Alva,  as  well  as  those  addressed  to  himself  by  the  king,  that  he  held  no 
official  position.  In  fact  he  was  caressed  by  the  queen  and  her  minister, 
just  as  if  there  had  been  no  foundation  for  the  suspicions  which  had  long 
been  entertained  at  the  English  court  as  regards  his  actions  and  inten- 
tions. He  had  been  kept  a  prisoner  in  his  own  or  some  other  house  since 
8  May  1569,  till  the  time  when  he  was  seized  and  turned  out,  every  room 
having  been  locked  and  sealed  up  in  the  queen's  name.  He  managed, 
however,  to  write  many  letters  to  Philip  and  the  duke  of  Alva,  some  of 
which  amply  vindicate  the  suspicions  entertained  about  him.  Thus  in 
June  1570  he  gives  his  opinion  unreservedly  that  '  if  his  majesty  would 
now  attack  England  he  could  conquer  it  without  drawing  the  sword  if  the 
force  sent  were  of  sufficient  extent,  because  in  such  case  all  the  catholics 
would  at  once  join  him,  whereas  if  the  force  were  not  equal  to  that  of 
the  English  it  is  feared  they  (the  catholics)  would  join  their  fellow  country- 
men on  the  defensive '  (p.  252).  Afterwards  he  says  that  the  council 
clearly  understand  that  if  Spain  were  to  declare  itself  openly  the  majority 
of  the  English  would  come  over  to  their  side.  Between  3  Sept.  1570  and 
26  March  1572  no  letter  of  his  appears  in  the  Simancas  archives,  but  it  is 
evident  that  at  the  latter  date  he  is  quite  at  liberty,  and  apparently  on  the 
best  of  terms  with  Burghley,  who,  he  says,  rules  the  whole  of  the  country. 
For  some  reason  or  other  both  the  queen  and  her  prime  minister  found  it 
worth  their  while  to  pet  and  caress  him,  both  of  them  wishing  to  diminish 
the  strained  relations  existing  between  the  two  countries  since  the  dis- 
missal of  the  ambassador.  His  sympathies  as  far  as  religion  is  con- 
cerned may  be  judged  by  the  account  he  gives  in  a  letter  to  the  duke  of 
Alva,  30  Aug.  1572.  After  detailing  what  he  has  heard  of  St.  Bartholo 
mew's  massacre — viz.  that  '  eight  thousand  huguenots  have  been  put  to 
death,  the  whole  faction,  together  with  the  man  they  call  the  king  of 
Navarre,  the  prince  of  Conde,  and  the  admiral  of  France,  as  well  as  all  the 
principal  persons  met  together  for  the  marriage  feast  of  Navarre  ' — he 
adds, '  God  grant  that  it  may  be  true  and  that  these  rebel  heretics  have 
met  with  this  bad  end '  (p.  409).  Again,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  duke 
of  Alva  he  says  that  v/hen  the  news  of  the  massacre  reached  England 
the  bishops  went  to  the  queen,  urging  upon  her  that  the  imprisoned 
bishops  and  clergy  should  all  be  executed,  but  that  the  queen  would  not 
consent  to  it. 

From  6  to  12  October  he  was  at  court  every  day,  apparently 
endeavouring  with  Burghley  to  smooth  over  all  the  difficulties  of  the 
situation,  and  was  of  opinion  that  Burghley  was  willing  to  make  some 
sacrifices,  if  only  a  good  understanding  could  be  arrived  at  between  Philip 
and  Elizabeth.  But  at  the  beginning  of  the  next  month  Guaras  was 
suspected  of  being  of  the  cabal  conspiring  against  the  queen.     Though, 

M  2 


164  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

after  December  1572  ilie  Simancas  records  give  us  no  information  for 
nearly  two  years,  the  gap  is  filled  by  extracts  from  his  correspondence 
preserved  in  the  Cottonian  library  and  elsewhere  in  the  British  Museum. 
From  December  1574  till  the  time  of  his  arrest  and  imprisonment  they 
are  continuous.  He  was  certainly  in  correspondence  with  Mary  queen  of 
Scots,  at  that  time  a  prisoner  in  England,  as  he  had  been  also  with  the 
prince's  'good  grandmother,'  who  had  years  ago  written  to  him  on  the 
subject  of  James's  marriage  with  the  infanta,  and  with  others  who  were 
plotting  rebellion,  and  it  was  not  without  very  reasonable  cause  that  he 
anticipated  his  arrest  on  19  Oct.  1577  by  destroying  his  letters  and 
papers.  He  was  not  released  till  May  1579,  after  Bernardino  de  Mendoza 
had  been  appointed  ambassador  to  England.  The  renewal  of  diplomatic 
relations  with  Spain  probably  saved  his  life,  the  queen  having  told  the 
new  ambassador  that  he  would  have  been  hanged  if  he  had  not  been  one 
of  Philip's  subjects.  Soon  afterwards  he  was  ordered  to  leave  England 
within  ten  days  of  3  June,  but  fresh  suspicions  arose  and  he  did  not  escape 
from  the  country  till  the  end  of  May  in  the  following  year ;  and  the  last 
we  hear  of  him  is  his  stay  in  Paris  till  July,  on  his  return  to  his  native 
country.  We  have  dwelt  the  longer  on  Guaras's  history  partly  because 
he  has  been  so  little  noticed  till  lately  and  partly  because  of  the  singular 
position  which  he  held  for  five  years,  acting  almost  as  if  he  were  an 
ambassador,  though  possessing  no  credentials  as  such.  In  fact  he  makes 
a  claim  for  a  grant  of  20,000  crowns  on  the  score  of  his  having  served 
the  king  since  the  time  when  the  duchess  of  Parma  first  employed  him, 
and  especially  for  the  service  rendered  for  more  than  seven  years  since  the 
beginning  of  the  troubles  of  1570-1578,  and  for  his  having  settled  matters 
in  which  others  who  had  been  sent  to  negotiate  had  failed,  and  that  to  the 
surprise  of  everybody. 

As  regards  the  general  contents  of  the  volume,  they  are  extremely 
interesting ;  and  for  those  who  do  not  care  to  read  the  documents  they 
have  been  well  epitomised  in  the  editor's  preface.  But  Major  Hume, 
though  well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  period,  writes  English  in 
an  awkward  style  and  is  not  always  very  perspicuous.  In  other  respects 
the  volume  is  not  perfectly  edited,  and,  what  is  quite  inexcusable  in  so 
large  a  type  as  that  in  which  these  w^orks  are  issued,  there  are  many 
mistakes  of  press,  of  which  the  modest  sample  of  eleven  given  in  the 
meagre  Hst  of  errata  represents  not  so  much  as  a  tithe  of  the  proper 
number.  There  ought  also  to  have  been  more  notes,  to  explain  the  names 
of  persons  with  whom  ordinary  readers  are  not  familiar.  Some,  perhaps, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  find  out,  such  havoc  do  Spanish  writers 
make  with  English  names,  and  in  the  present  case  this  difficulty  is 
increased  by  the  fact  that  nearly  all  these  despatches  were  written  in 
cipher.  As  a  specimen  we  select  Katermilme  as  the  Spanish  for  Walter 
Mildmay. 

The  chief  feature  to  be  noticed  is  the  contrast  between  the  respective 
attitudes  of  Spain  and  England.  In  the  first  volume  Spain  is  dominant, 
but  before  the  conclusion  of  the  second  England  has  entirely  gained  the 
ascendency.  All  the  time  the  two  sovereigns  were  addressing  each  other 
as  the  dearest  friends,  yet  Elizabeth  was  doing  all  she  could  to  foster  and 
encourage  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands,  and  Philip  was  only  hindered  by 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  165 

his  own  indecision  from  following  the  advice  of  his  ambassadors  and 
invading  England.  And  yet  there  was  a  moment  when  he  was  almost 
persuaded  to  undertake  what  he  thought  would  result  in  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  catholic  faith  in  England.  Guerau  de  Spes  on  8  Jan.  1569 
had  conveyed  to  him  the  message  of  the  queen  of  Scots,  '  Tell  the 
ambassador  that  if  his  master  will  help  me  I  shall  be  queen  of  England 
in  three  months,  and  mass  shall  be  said  all  over  the  country.'  The  mes- 
sage reached  the  king  of  Spain  a  few  days  before  he  wrote  his  letter  to  the 
duke  of  Alva  in  which  he  says,  *  Don  Guerau  points  out  .  .  .  the  good 
opportunity  ...  to  remedy  religious  aifairs  in  that  country  by  deposing 
the  present  queen  and  giving  the  crown  to  the  queen  of  Scotland,  who 
would  immediately  be  joined  by  all  the  catholics.  It  will  be  well  ...  to 
inquire  .  .  .  what  success  would  probably  attend  such  a  design.  ...  If  you 
think  the  chance  will  be  lost  by  again  waiting  to  consult  me,  you  may  at 
once  take  the  steps  you  may  consider  advisable  in  conformity  with  this 
my  desire  and  intention.'  The  invasion  of  England  was  deferred  for 
nearly  twenty  years,  the  duke  of  Alva's  present  view  being  that  an  open 
rupture  with  England  at  the  present  time  would  scarcely  be  '  advan- 
tageous, considering  the  state  of  the  treasury,'  and  the  Netherlands 
being  *  so  exhausted  with  the  war  and  late  disturbances  and  so  bereft  of 
ships  and  many  other  things  necessary  for  a  fresh  war.' 

In  one  point  Philip  was  wiser  than  all  the  queen's  advisers.  He  saw, 
what  few  other  councillors  did,  that  the  queen  never  intended  to  marry, 
but  was  only  fooling  her  suitors,  partly  for  political  reasons,  partly  out  of 
mere  coquetry.  The  idea  of  a  marriage  with  the  archduke  of  Austria  was 
nearly  extinct  at  the  beginning  of  this  volume,  and  that  with  either  of  the 
brothers  of  the  French  king  was  coming  to  its  termination  before  the  end 
of  it.  It  seems  most  probable  that  Elizabeth  had  made  up  her  mind  not 
to  marry  after  all  idea  of  Leicester's  success  was  over.  What  reason  she 
had  was  best  known  to  herself,  but  if  common  reports  were  true  no  one 
can  wonder  that  such  was  her  determination.  In  December  1574  Guaras 
speaks  of  a  plan  which  was  concerted  for  marrying  one  of  the  sons  of  the 
earl  of  Hertford  and  Lady  Catharine  Grey  '  to  a  daughter  of  Leicester 
and  the  queen  of  England,  who,  it  is  said,  is  kept  hidden,  although  there 
are  bishops  to  witness  that  she  is  legitimate '  (p.  491). 

We  gather  both  from  the  accounts  of  this  and  of  the  preceding  volume 
that  Elizabeth,  though  she  could  upon  occasion  hold  her  own  against  all 
her  council,  has  been  credited  with  more  diplomatic  address  than  she 
deserves.  She  is  almost  uniformly  spoken  of  as  being  wholly  given  up  to 
pleasure,  whilst  in  the  numerous  divergences  of  opinion  amongst  her 
councillors  Cecil  appears  to  manage  everything  his  own  way.  Both  the 
queen  and  her  astute  minister  were  quite  alive  to  the  importance  of  the 
proverb  Divide  et  impera  and  to  the  desirableness  of  preserving  the  balance 
of  power  in  Europe  ;  but  the  application  of  the  maxim  was  difficult  in  the 
case  of  assisting  the  rebellion  in  the  Low  Countries,  when  there  was  a 
chance  of  their  being  annexed  to  France.  To  cripple  Spain  was  very  de- 
sirable, but  to  aggrandise  France  was  a  policy  distinctly  to  be  avoided ; 
and  both  in  assisting  the  huguenots  in  the  one  country  and  the  Calvin- 
ists  in  the  other  her  ministers  did  not  feel  the  same  difficulty  which  could 
not  but  present  itself  to  the  mind  of  the  queen,  that  to  encourage  the  re- 


166  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

bellion  of  subjects  against  their  sovereign  might  form  a  precedent  for  the 
same  game  being  played  against  herself  by  the  catholics  of  England. 
Nevertheless  the  truth  of  the  Venetian  ambassador's  saying,  that  the '  queen 
of  England  feeds  herself  and  lives  in  safety  upon  the  losses  and  misfortunes 
of  others,'  was  recognised  in  other  courts  than  that  of  the  most  Christian 
king  and  his  mother.^  But  the  queen  of  England  in  both  cases  boldly 
protested  that  she  was  acting  only  as  mediator,  and  that  if  her  advice  had 
been  listened  to  the  affairs  both  of  France  and  of  Flanders  would  not  now 
be  in  their  present  condition.^  This  was  in  answer  to  the  queen  mother's 
haughty  words  to  Elizabeth's  ambassador  that  it  was  useless  to  deny  the 
assistance  rendered  to  the  insurgents  at  La  Eochelle,  and  that  his  queen 
would  live  to  repent  her  mode  of  proceeding. 

As  for  the  ecclesiastical  matters  of  the  second  decade  of  the  reign, 
there  is  less  that  is  new  in  this  second  volume  than  in  the  first.  But 
it  entirely  confirms  what  might  have  been  gathered  from  the  first,  that 
the  number  of  adherents  to  the  old  faith  was  much  greater  both  among 
clergy  and  laity  than  has  been  commonly  supposed.  It  may  be  gathered 
from  notices  scattered  up  and  down  in  both  volumes  that  Elizabeth  vainly 
strove  to  convince  herself  that  the  church  had  been  reformed  after  the 
Lutheran  model ;  but  that  Lutheranism  existed  in  England  only  in  her 
own  idea,  the  mass  of  her  protestant  and  puritan  subjects  being  wholly 
Calvinist.  One  of  the  items  in  the  faulty  and  insufficient  index  is 
entered  thus,  with  six  places  of  reference  :  '  Augustinian  Creed.'  Probably 
most  people  would  interpret  this  as  meaning  the  creed  of  Calvin,  which 
Calvinists  have  always  tried  to  represent  as  identical  with  that  of 
St.  Augustine.  Reference  to  the  places  where  the  word  occurs  will  show 
that  it  is  not  the  Augustinian  creed,  but  the  Augustan  creed  or  the  confes- 
sion of  Augsburg,  that  is  alluded  to.  In  three  of  them  it  is  definitely 
spoken  of  as  such,  and  one  of  the  passages  alludes  to  the  town  of 
Augsburg  and  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  celebrated  confession 
of  faith  which  derives  its  name  from  that  town.  As  regards  the  character 
and  conduct  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  the  new  learning,  a  Spanish 
ambassador  was  not  likely  to  have  a  very  favourable  opinion ;  but  we 
learn  from  him  that  Jewel  of  Salisbury,  whom  he  styles  a  great  heretic, 
had  been  the  chief  instigator  when  the  queen  seized  the  money  sent  by 
Philip  for  the  pay  of  his  troops  in  the  Netherlands,  the  bishop  saying 
that  God  had  sent  it  to  defend  his  gospel  (p.  91).  In  another  letter, 
written  by  a  Portuguese  named  Fogada,  we  are  again  told  that,  as  a 
revenge  for  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's  day,  the  English  *  bishops 
went  to  the  queen  and  represented  to  her  that,  to  prevent  disturbances, 
the  bishops  and  other  clergy  now  imprisoned  should  be  executed '  (p.  412).^ 

We  have  been  obliged  to  omit  all  reference  to  Elizabeth's  treatment 
of  the  unfortunate  queen  of  Scots,  but  may,  perhaps,  have  an  opportunity 
of  recurring  to  that  subject  after  the  appearance  of  the  next  volume 
of  this  valuable  series. 

»  Venetian  Calendar,  1558-1580,  p.  668.  ^  j^j^  p_  5(31. 

^  Compare  above,  p.  163.  .  , 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  167 

Martiri  di  Libera  Pensiero  e  Vittime  delta  Santa  Inquisizione  nei 
Secoli  XVI,  XVII,  e  XVIIL  Per  A.  Beetolotti.  (Roma :  Tipo- 
grafia  delle  Mantellate.     1892.) 

This  is  a  very  useful  and,  for  certain  purposes,  valuable  collection  of 
documents  relating  to  executions  and  other  punishments  carried  out  by  the 
civil  governor  of  Eome,  during  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  at  the  instance  of  the  Roman  inquisition.  The  documents  have 
been  made  accessible  by  the  fact  that  the  archives  of  this  official  came 
into  the  hands  of  the  government  of  Italy  on  the  occupation  of  Rome. 
They  are  published  with  the  view  of  illustrating  the  activity  of  the  Roman 
inquisition  during  these  centuries  ;  but  Signor  Bertolotti  is  careful  to  point 
out  that  they  cannot  be  taken  as  at  all  representing  the  entire  activity  of 
that  body,  inasmuch  as  these  pages  only  refer  to  those  who  were  handed 
over  to  the  civil  power  for  certain  punishments.  The  archives  of  the 
inquisition  itself  are  not  accessible,  being  kept  by  that  still  existing  Con- 
gregation, and  are  not  open  to  the  inspection  of  the  historian.  Signor 
Bertolotti  has,  however,  supplemented  his  information  on  these  matters  by 
the  help  of  the  archives  of  Mantua  and  other  Italian  states,  in  which  a 
considerable  correspondence  with  the  inquisition  is  preserved. 

The  object  of  the  compiler  is,  he  tells  us  in  his  introduction,  purely 
historical,  and  no  attack  is  intended  specially  on  the  Roman  church. 
*  All  churches,'  he  says,  with  some  truth,  '  I  believe  to  be  intolerant.' 
It  is  perhaps  a  pity  that  he  should  somewhat  depreciate  the  value  of  what 
seems  as  a  whole  to  be  a  carefully  collected  series  of  historical  records  by 
an  introduction  which  is,  to  say  the  least,  somewhat  unnecessarily  excited. 
This  undue  excitement  has  perhaps  a  little  tended  to  weaken  the  author's 
sense  of  what  should  properly  be  called  religious  persecution.  In  his  in- 
troduction he  speaks  of  Pius  V  as  having  been  the  cause  of  severe  persecu- 
tions of  '  heretics,  Jews,  Turks,  prostitutes,  and  journalists  '  (if  we  may  so 
translate  gazzettieri)  ;  and  the  list  sufficiently  shows  that  Signor  Bertolotti 
has  hardly  considered  what  classes  of  persons  the  state  should  tolerate, 
and  what  class  the  state  may  be  compelled  to  repress.  But  this  mere 
slip  in  the  introduction  would  be  of  little  moment  if  it  were  not  that  it  is 
perhaps  this  confusion  which  has  led  Signor  Bertolotti  to  include  under 
his  '  martyrs  '  many  whose  offences  appear  to  be  almost  purely  political. 
Examples  of  this  may  be  seen  in  Signor  Bertolotti's  fifth  section,  where 
he  gives  us  documents  concerning  the  execution  of  Gian  Paolo  Baglioni 
in  1520,  and  in  his  nineteenth  section,  in  which  he  gives  extracts  from  the 
archives  of  the  governor  of  Rome  of  the  year  1565  with  respect  to  the  exe- 
cution of  some  person  or  persons  accused  of  conspiring  to  murder  Pius  IV. 
Signor  Bertolotti  himself  points  out  that  these  are  political  executions ;  but 
why  did  he  include  the  notices  of  them  in  his  work  ?  Other  examples  of 
the  same  confusion  can  be  found  in  sections  xxvii.  and  xxix.,  while  in 
sections  xxxix.,  xl.,  and  Ixxii.  the  causes  of  punishment  are  not  stated. 
These  records  are  all  interesting,  but  they  do  not  seem  to  belong  to  the 
work  as  it  is  described  in  its  title.  Indeed,  this  title  obviously  needs  altera- 
tion. There  are  in  the  book  no  records  of  the  eighteenth  century  at 
all,  and  only  seventeen  sections  respecting  the  seventeenth  century. 
.  ,,  The  collection  is  still,  however,  interesting  and  useful.    There  has 


168  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

always  been  some  doubt  as  to  the  extent  and  character  of  the  action  of 
the  Koman  inquisition,  and  this  collection  gives  us  some  interesting  and 
trustworthy  material.  It  shows  that  the  inquisition  was  at  least  at  times 
sufficiently  active,  but  also  it  seems  to  bring  out  the  fact  that  its  activity 
was  not  very  great  as  compared  with  that  of  similar  organisations  else- 
where. It  is  quite  true,  as  Signor  Bertolotti  says,  that  the  documents 
only  represent  a  part  of  the  activity  of  the  inquisition,  but  probably  they 
do  represent  to  some  extent  the  more  serious  and  severe  punishments  in- 
flicted by  it.  Signor  Bertolotti's  reference  to  the  miriacU  di  roghi  inalzati 
nella  cittd  dei  Papi  is  an  absurd  and  not  very  creditable  exaggeration. 
It  is  to  be  regretted,  at  least  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  historian,  that 
the  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  does  not  publish  its  records,  but  ac- 
cording to  Signor  Bertolotti  there  still  remain  large  quantities  of  registers 
belonging  to  the  office  of  the  governor  of  Kome,  accessible  to  the  his- 
torical student  and  not  yet  examined.  It  is  impossible  that  any  final 
judgment  should  be  passed  upon  the  subjects  connected  with  persecution 
in  Rome  until  this  has  been  done.  A.  J.  Carlyle. 


Periods  of  European  History.     V.    ^i^ro^e,  1598-1715.     By  Henry 
Offley  Wakeman.     (London  :  Rivington,  Percival,  &  Co.     1894.) 

Mr.  Wakeman  has  been  well  advised  in  imparting,  if  not  unity,  at  least 
something  of  cohesion  to  his  narrative  by  directing  the  special  attention 
of  his  readers  to  the  growth  of  the  monarchical  power  of  France,  and 
thus,  as  it  were,  repeatedly  recalling  them  to  their  bearings.  Not  that 
several  of  his  other  chapters  or  passages  are  inferior  in  execution  to  those 
which  deal  with  French  affairs  ;  while  of  his  personal  sketches,  with  which 
he  has  evidently  taken  pains,  that  of  Lewis  XIV,  whose  essentially  royal 
qualities  he  underrates,  does  not  strike  me  as  the  most  successful.  His 
account  of  the  thirty  years'  war,  one  of  the  few  historical  subjects  of  the 
kind  in  which  English  learners  have  been  lucidly  instructed,  is  careful  and 
competent  throughout,  and  his  references  to  Swedish  history  by  no  means 
owe  the  whole  of  their  effectiveness  to  Geijer's  patriotic  pages.  It  is  at 
times  difficult  to  suppress  a  wish  that  teachers  would  trust  a  little  more  to 
one  another's  powers  of  presentment,  and  that  such  historical  knowledge 
and  literary  ability  as  Mr.  Wakeman's  could  be  spent  upon  more  enduring 
work.  I  had  noted  various  details  in  his  book  which  to  my  mind  might  be 
modified  with  advantage ;  but  the  effect  of  the  whole  is  good,  and  the 
workmanship  scholarly,  and  I  see  no  reason  for  quarrelling  with  the  mere 
mannerisms  of  an  excellent  course  of  lectures.  It  would  be  even  less  ex- 
cusable to  take  up  the  gauntlet  which  Mr.  Wakeman  throws  down  in  his 
preface,  when  he  says  that  in  his  speUing  of  names  he  has  followed  custom 
as  '  the  only  reasonable  and  consistent  rule.'  In  theory  he  is  perfectly 
right ;  but  does  custom  at  Oxford  or  elsewhere  tolerate  such  hybrids  as 
'  Cleves- JiiHch  '  and  *  Lothaire  of  Trier  '  ?     And  for  what  reason  does  a 

*  duke '  in  France  become  a  due,  unless  it  be  to  mark  the  distinction  that 

*  in  England  the  nobles  were  a  class  singled  out  from  their  fellow-coun- 
trymen by  greater  responsibilities,  in  France  they  became  a  caste  distin- 
guished from  the  inferior  people  by  special  privileges  '  ?  In  this,  as  in 
most  of  Mr.  Wakeman's  antitheses,  with  which,  indeed,  he  OYerflows, 


1895  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  169 

there  is  truth  as  well  as  point ;  but  students  should  so  far  as  possible  be 
spared  sayings  which  not  only  require  but  challenge  criticism.  I  venture 
on  this  hint  because,  notwitstanding  his  manifest  tendency  to  epigram, 
Mr.  Wakeman's  judgments,  both  in  pragmatic  and  in  personal  history, 
strike  me  as  on  the  whole  singularly  well-balanced  and  fair.  ■ 

A.  W.  Ward. 


The  Diary  of  Samuel  Pepys,  M.A.,  F.B.S,  With  Lord  Braybrooke's 
Notes.  Edited,  with  Additions,  by  Henry  B.  Wheatley.  Vols.  II.- 
IV.     (London :  George  Bell  &  Sons.     1893-4.) 

At  the  present  time  of  writing  the  new  edition  of  Pepys's  '  Diary '  has 
reached  its  fourth  volume,  over  which  the  expurgator's  sponge,  if  it  has 
passed  at  all,  has  passed  with  the  very  gentlest  touch.  Since  in  a  former 
number  of  this  Review  fault  was  found  with  Mr.  Wheatley's  treatment 
of  certain  passages  of  the  manuscript  with  which  he  had  to  deal  in  editing 
his  first  volume,  I  may  as  well  say  that  these  passages  concerned  Mrs.  Pepys. 
Although  the  partner  of  her  lot  only  set  her  down  as  *  a  very  good  com- 
panion as  long  as  she  was  well,'  she  ought,  well  or  ill,  to  have  been  pro- 
tected against  indignities  of  publicity  from  which  honest  women  have 
hitherto  been  allowed  to  remain  exempt.  On  the  other  hand,  I  am  glad 
to  record  my  conviction  that  the  self-exposure  of  her  husband  can,  in  the 
interest  of  good  morals  and  manners,  hardly  be  carried  too  far,  though  in 
what  sense  it  could  be  carried  further  than  it  is  in  the  present  edition  of 
his  *  Diary  '  one  shrinks  from  imagining.  I  am  not  referring  to  the  items 
of  his  personal  bill  of  health,  and  to  matters  elucidatory  thereof,  which 
are  preserved  in  the  amber  of  these  pages  ;  for  I  have  no  opinion  either 
way  as  to  their  utility  or  futility.  But  to  psychology  and  ethics  he  be- 
comes the  more  precious  the  more  they  can  see  of  him.  His  frailties  and 
his  frankness  in  committing  them  to  cipher  have  as  a  matter  of  course 
all  along  been  understood  to  constitute  essential  elements  both  in  his 
character  and  in  the  infinite  entertainment  which  the  study  of  it  has 
furnished  to  posterity.  But  a  perusal  of  the  volumes  now  before  me 
establishes  the  conclusion  that  these  frailties  and  this  frankness  alike 
sprang  from  a  brutality  of  nature,  restrained  by  nothing  in  heaven  or 
earth  but  a  fear  of  immediate  consequences.  The  flutterings  of  a  feeble 
conscience,  the  uneasy  remembrance  of  days  when  self-indulgence  was 
not  in  fashion,  and  the  promptings  of  a  shrewd  common  sense,  which  did 
excellent  duty  for  a  better  philosophy  of  life,  suggested  those  expressions 
of  self -dissatisfaction  which  wear  the  pleading  aspect  of  remorse.  While 
a  veil  rested  on  part  of  these  ingenuous  confessions  it  seemed  as  easy  to 
forgive  Pepys  when  he  was  weak  as  to  applaud  him  when  he  was  resolute. 
Thus  he  practically,  and  with  only  an  occasional  pardonable  relapse, 
overcame  the  habit  of  drinking ;  and  Avhen  he  airily  confesses  himself  a 
slave  to  beauty  it  seems  almost  sufficient  to  condemn  him  to  the  laughter 
which  is  probably  the  last  sentence  he  would  have  chosen  to  incur.  But 
facts  are  stubborn  things ;  and  not  even  the  Joseph  Surface  of  any  age 
could  tolerate  the  man  who  calmly  holds  over  a  wanton  assignation  to  next 
*  Lord's  day,*  and  goes  forth  to  commit  adultery  a  few  hours  after  giving 


170  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

his  wife  a  black  eye.  Whether  it  was  that  the  diarist  desired  to  deepen 
the  obscurity  of  his  cipher  by  the  occasional  use  of  French  words  in  dan- 
gerous places,  or  whether  as  he  drew  nearer  to  the  beau  monde  he  thought 
himself  entitled  to  interlard  his  speech  with  scraps  of  its  favourite  tongue, 
nothing  else  could  have  more  appropriately  completed  the  contemptibility 
of  the  exhibition  than  these  conveyances.  Here  is,  so  far  as  it  can  be 
extracted,  a  specimen  of  a  style  which  I  much  fear  gave  secret  pleasure 
to  the  writer,  but  which,  ludicrous  as  it  is,  cannot  be  quoted  without  an 
effort  of  patience.  (Pepys  has  been  recounting  an  adventure  with  the 
wife  of  a  dockyard  employe,  whom  he  had  basely  taken  advantage  of  his 
official  position  to  seduce.)  '  But  strange  to  see  how  a  woman,  notwith- 
standing her  greatest  pretence  of  love  a  son  mari  and  religion,  may  be 
vaincue.'  And  in  the  same  paragraph,  after  a  sentence  concerning  official 
business,  *  So  to  my  office  a  little  and  to  Jervas's  again,  thinking  avoir 
rencontrais  [sic]  Jane,  mais  elle  n'etait  pas  dedans.  So  I  back  again  to 
my  office,  where  I  did  with  great  content  ferais  a  vow  to  mind  my  busi- 
ness, and  laisser  aller  les  femmes  for  a  month,  and  am  with  all  my  heart 
glad  to  find  myself  able  to  come  to  so  good  a  resolution,  that  thereby  I 
may  follow  my  business  which  and  my  honour  thereby  lies  a-bleeding.' 

His  '  honour '  has,  of  course,  no  relation  to  his  conscience  ;  he  means 
his  official  reputation.  For  the  rest,  although  in  the  secrecy  of  his  own 
chamber  this  vanquisher  of  workmen's  half-terrified  wives  and  of  willing 
ale-house  wenches  could  write  in  the  above  cynical  strain,  he  disliked  coarse- 
ness of  speech  in  high  places,  whether  from  honest  Lord  Craven  when  in 
committee  or  from  King  Charles  II  himself,  of  whose  ribald  wit,  delibe- 
rately designed  to  raise  in  others  the  blush  of  which  his  majesty  was  him- 
self incapable,  the  '  Diary,'  early  in  vol.  iv.,  contains  an  example  worth  the 
notice  of  all  who  think  leniently  of  the  royal  saunterer.  The  reason  for 
this  apparent  self-contradiction  may  have  been  twofold.  In  the  first 
place  there  is,  apart  from  the  awkward  reminiscences  of  his  friend  Christ- 
mas, sufficient  internal  evidence  to  show  that  Pepys  was  bred  a  puritan  ; 
and  again,  nature  had  indisputably  endowed  him  with  no  ordinary  share 
of  good  sense.  It  is  true  that  the  details  of  his  puritan  breeding  are  miss- 
ing, since,  with  the  exception  of  an  incidental  passage  or  two  in  the  *  Diary,* 
we  have  no  information  concerning  his  early  life  before  the  period  on  which 
Mr.  Firth's  recent  discovery  has  thrown  light.  (It  may  be  observed  in 
passing  that,  notwithstanding  his  Montagu  connexion,  or  perhaps  one 
should  rather  say  in  consequence  of  its  character,  he  had  not  been  accus- 
tomed in  his  younger  days  to  move  in  good  company  on  terms  of  ease. 
See  the  curious  passage,  ii.  229,  where  he  ingenuously  confesses  that  on  a 
visit  to  a  house  full  of  fine  ladies  he  '  was  much  out  of  countenance,  and 
could  hardly  carry  himself  like  a  man  among  them.')  Of  his  precise 
early  training  the  influence  remained  with  him,  and  finds  expression  in 
his  matter-of-course  resort  to  pious  phrases,  and  in  the  formahsm  of  mind 
without  which  his  system  of  private  oaths  and  his  solemn  satisfaction  in 
observing  the  letter  of  these  engagements  would  be  simply  inconceivable. 
But  the  same  influence  also  manifests  itself  under  certain  more  attractive 
aspects  of  his  character.  He  records  (iii.  336-8)  with  every  token  of  con- 
currence a  very  remarkable  conversation  with  an  outspoken  but  perfectly 
reasonable  admirer  of  the  repubhcan  system;  he  notes  (iy.  210)  with 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  171 

characteristically  cautious  sympathy  the  arrest  by  constables  of  several 
*  poor  creatures  '  for  attending  a  conventicle.  '  They  go  like  lambs,  with- 
out any  resistance.  I  would  to  God  they  would  either  conform  or  be 
more  wise,  and  not  be  catched  !  '  And,  with  all  his  subserviency  to  the 
times,  he  has  an  unmistakable  aversion  against  the  court  and  courtiers, 
and  as  manifest  a  respect  for  the  memory  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  whom  in 
the  later  days  of  his  protectorate  Pepys  seems  to  have  had  special  oppor- 
tunities of  meeting.  There  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  the  puritan  ele- 
ment in  Pepys  contributed  to  lend  steadiness  and  accuracy  to  his  judg- 
ment of  men  and  things  ;  to  keep  his  eyes  open  to  the  incredibly  low 
standard  of  public  as  well  as  private  morals  under  the  new  regime  to 
which  he  had  as  a  matter  of  course  *  adhered ; '  to  make  him  regard  *  the 
great  turn  '  of  the  Kestoration  as  a  de  facto  settlement  which  might  quite 
possibly  be  succeeded  by  another ;  and  ready  as  his  back  was  to  bend  to 
authority,  whether  in  the  person  of  Lord  Chancellor  Clarendon  or  that  of 
the  duke  of  Albemarle  (how  admirably  he  portrays  the  nervous  reserve 
of  the  one  and  the  astute  stolidity  of  the  other !),  to  prevent  his  oppor- 
tunism from  running  away  with  his  judgment. 

Pepys  thought  (iii.  23)  that  chance  rather  than  policy  had  determined 
the  rise  of  most  men  of  his  acquaintance.  This  view  of  things,  which 
there  was  certainly  much  to  favour,  was  specially  brought  home  to  him 
by  his  experiences  in  the  particular  branch  of  the  public  service  in  which, 
through  his  early  connexion  with  Sandwich,  the  '  my  lord '  of  the  '  Diary,' 
the  best  part  of  his  life  came  to  be  spent.  The  devotion  with  which  he 
requited  his  patron's  kindness  is  all  the  more  to  his  credit,  inasmuch  as 
it  was  the  reverse  of  servile,  and  he  was  not  afraid  of  administering  a 
wholesome  warning  to  a  chief  whose  goodwill  was  the  best  security  of 
his  own  future,  and  who  actually  had  a  great  part  of  his  dependent's 
money  in  his  hands.  But  the  history  of  the  navy  office,  like  that  of  the 
navy  itself  during  the  early  years  of  the  Kestoration  age,  is  too  wide  a 
subject  to  be  discussed  here.  It  is  at  the  same  time  difficult  to  read — or 
re-read — any  portion  of  the  story  of  our  naval  administration  (let  us  say 
before  the  Eeform  Bill)  without  increased  wonder  at  the  forces  which 
insured  the  survival  of  both  navy  and  nation.  Probably  the  corruption 
was  not  worse  under  Charles  II  than  it  had  been  under  Charles  I,  or  than 
it  proved  in  some  later  periods ;  and  though  Pepys  complains  of  the 
extremely  small  number  of  naval  men  in  parliament  competent  to  look  after 
the  business,  I  am  not  aware  that  the  remedy  has  ever  been  very  seriously 
looked  for  in  this  direction.  His  own  struggles  are  in  so  far  edifying  that 
he  honestly  endeavoured  to  serve  the  king's  interests  in  the  first  instance, 
and  his  own  pocket  and  plate  chest  only  by  the  way.  Survey,  flags, 
timber — matters  of  secondary  and  matters  of  primary  importance — his 
eye  at  least  was  on  them  all ;  and  want  of  power  rather  than  want  of  will 
— certainly  not  want  of  insight — precluded  him  from  sweeping  clean  all 
the  crannies  of  the  department.  At  the  close  of  vol.  iv.  of  this  edition  we 
leave  him  with  a  more  than  doubtful  prospect  of  cultivating  with  enduring 
success  *  Tangier,  one  of  the  best  flowers  in  his  garden,'  and  enjoying  in 
the  naval  successes  which  had  followed  upon  the  first  failures  or  rumours 
of  failures  in  the  first  Dutch  war  of  the  reign  a  very  delusive  contradic- 
tion of  bis  gloomy  but  sagacious  earlier  forebodings.    For  when  or  jusji 


172  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

before  the  war  broke  out  he  had  perceived  very  clearly  that  there  was 
nothing  we  wanted  so  much  as  men,  unless  it  was  money.  In  comparison 
with  this  just  censure  of  our  weakness  his  criticisms  of  particular  com- 
manders (such  as  Prince  Rupert),  shrewd  as  they  are,  sink  into  insignifi- 
cance. 

As  is  well  known,  the  later  portions  of  the  '  Diary  '  exhibit  more  fully 
than  those  now  before  us  the  efforts  of  Pepys  under  the  aegis  of  the  duke 
of  York  towards  a  reorganisation  of  the  navy  office ;  and  it  is  in  con- 
nexion with  these  that  his  claims  to  remembrance  as  a  public  servant 
may  yet  receive  ampler  recognition  than  has  hitherto  been  accorded 
to  them.  There  is  no  other  side  of  his  life  that  will  bear  the  close 
scrutiny  which  his  record  of  part  of  its  course  so  pressingly  invites, 
unless  it  be  his  musical  pursuits,  of  which  the  guiding  taste  and  judgment 
receive  corroboration  in  this  edition  of  the  '  Diary  '  from  some  interesting 
notes  based  on  the  criticisms  of  the  late  Dr.  Francis  Hueffer.  Unhappily, 
since  even  in  his  private  life  Pepys  knew  the  value  of  discretion,  the 
chances  are  small  of  the  recovery  of  much  further  evidence,  by  which  it 
might  prove  possible  to  illustrate  him  from  himself  in  his  less  guarded 
moments.  Yet  it  is  tantalising  to  read  of  his  wholesale  destruction,  at 
Christmastide  1664,  of  everything  in  his  papers  or  books  that  he  judged 
to  be  '  either  boyish  or  not  to  be  worth  keeping  or  fit  to  be  seen,  if  it 
should  please  God  to  take  him  away  suddenly  ' — not  to  mention  the 
romance  which,  under  the  title  of  *  Love  a  Cheate,'  he  began  when  in 
residence  at  Cambridge,  and  which,  on  reading  it  over  ten  years  afterwards, 
he  liked  very  well,  or  (though  this  never  was  more  than  a  project)  the 

*  History  of  the  Dutch  Wars,'  a  theme  which  he  recognised  as  '  sorting 
mightily  with  his  genius,'  or  the  '  Book  of  Stories,'  which,  early  in  1664, 
he  was  actually  keeping  up  to  date,  and  in  which  he  entered  some  of  his 

*  excellent  good  table  talke '  with  the  Coventrys  and  some  of  his  office 
colleagues. 

Mr.  Wheatley's  edition  of  the  'Diary,'  as  already  observed,  leaves 
nothing  to  be  desired  as  to  the  completeness  of  its  text,  and  publishers 
and  printers  have  done  their  best  to  make  it  a  standard  edition  in  form  as 
well  as  in  matter.  As  to  the  annotations,  while  Lord  Braybrooke's  on 
the  whole  excellent  notes  have  been  reprinted,  the  new  editor  has  preferred 
brevity  in  his  own  additions,  and  has  not,  on  the  whole,  been  prodigal  of 
the  stores  of  his  well-known  antiquarian  learning.  This  is  as  it  should 
be,  for  superfluity  is  as  much  the  abhorrence  as  it  is  the  temptation  of  the 
scholar.  Yet  a  good  literary  note,  not  too  narrowly  measured,  has  its 
charm  ;  see,  for  instance,  Mr.  Wheatley's  (iv.  322)  confirming  Lord  Bray- 
brooke's identification  of  the  *  ballet '  mentioned  by  Pepys  with  the  famous 
'  To  all  you  ladies  now  on  land,'  and  consequent  establishment  of  the  date 
of  that  poem.  As  Mr.  Wheatley's  edition  will  presumably  not  include 
the  '  Correspondence,'  his  note  on  iii.  168  might  have  stated  exphcitly 
that  two  letters  from  Dryden  to  Pepys,  whom  in  the  former  he  addresses 
as  padron  mio  on  the  occasion  of  sending  him  Chaucer's  '  Good  Parson,' 
are  actually  extant.  And  this  reminds  me  that  if  it  was  necessary  to 
reprint  Lord  Braybrooke's  illustrations  of  Pepys's  account  of  the  glorious 
third  of  June,  taken  from  that  far  from  attractive  volume  *  Poems  on 
State  Affairs,'  the  *  Annus  MirabiUs '  might  have  deserved  at  least  a  refer- 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  178 

ence,  more  especially  as  a  fancy  in  Dryden's  lines  on  the  death  of  Sir 
John  Lawson  was  afterwards  unceremoniously  adopted  and  improved  by 
Campbell.  There  could  have  been  no  harm,  again  (to  pass  from  laureate 
to  laureate),  in  enlarging  the  note  on  Epsom  Wells,  of  the  waters  of 
which  Pepys  partook  with  so  startling  a  freedom,  by  a  reference  to  Shad- 
well  ;  by  the  way,  in  the  text  to  which  this  note  is  attached  (iii.  222,  line 
18)  the  omission  of  the  indefinite  article  makes  Pepys  say  the  opposite  of 
what  he  obviously  intended  ;  conversely  (ii.  309)  the  editor  suggests  the 
insertion  of  a  verb  strange  in  this  collocation  to  seventeenth-century 
usage.  Instead  of  being  at  the  pains  of  enlightening  his  readers  as  to 
the  derivation  of  '  scotoscope  '  (iv.  215),  and  the  meaning  of  '  fellmonger ' 
(ii.  75),  the  editor  might  have  cleared  up  the  allusion  to  the  mysterious 
innovation  favoured  by  Mrs.  Pepys  when  she  apparently  donned  a  white 
wig  (iv.  373),  and  have  given  us  the  real  name  of  the  '  red  Ehenish  wine 
called  Bleahard,  a  pretty  wine,  and  not  mixed,  as  they  say  '  (iii.  173). 
Was  it,  perchance,  Bleichart  (Ahrbleichart),  a  red  hock  still  approved  by 
those  who  affect  the  variety  in  question  ?  In  conclusion,  the  cognoscenti 
might  have  welcomed  a  note  on  the  system  of  shorthand  practised  by 
Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  William)  Coventry,  to  which  Pepys  rather  conde- 
scendingly refers  (ii.  12).  Mr.  Wheatley  is  doubtless  acquainted  with  the 
interesting  paper  by  the  late  Mr.  J.  E.  Bailey  (Manchester,  1876),  where 
it  is  shown  that  the  system  of  stenography  employed  by  Pepys  was  an 
earlier  one  than  that  which  Lord  Braybrooke  seems  to  have  assumed  to 
be  more  or  less  followed  by  the  diarist.  A.  W.  Ward. 


Madame :  a  Life  of  Henrietta,  Daughter  of  Charles  I  and  Duchess  of 
Orleans,  By  Julia  Caetwright  (Mrs.  Henry  Ady).  (London: 
Seeley  &  Co.     1894.) 

This  is  an  interesting  and  well-written  life  of  an  attractive  figure  in  the 
history  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Mrs.  Ady  has  added  much  to  the 
earlier  biography  of  the  duchess  given  in  Mrs.  Everett  Green's  '  Lives  of 
English  Princesses.'  Besides  availing  himself  of  Daniel  de  Conac's 
*  Memoirs  '  and  the  excellent  edition  of  La  Fayette's  *  Histoire  d'Henriette, 
published  by  M.  Anatole  France  in  1882,  she  has  used  the  English  State 
Papers  to  good  purpose.  The  value  of  the  book  to  historians  is  greatly 
enhanced  by  the  fact  that  it  contains  not  merely  a  number  of  letters  by 
Madame  herself,  but  98  letters  from  Charles  II  to  his  sister,  now  first 
published  in  their  original  form  from  the  MSS.  in  the  French  foreign 
office.  Headers  of  Sir  John  Dalrymple's  '  Memoirs  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  '  will  remember  that  he  gives  extracts  from  these  letters,  and  a 
French  translation  of  most  of  them  was  pubhshed  in  M.  de  Baillon's 
work  on  '  Henriette-Anne  d'Angleterre  '  some  ten  years  ago.  But  the 
raciness  of  the  originals  was  entirely  lost  in  the  process.  The  chief  defect 
of  Mrs.  Ady's  work  is  that  she  does  not  give  proper  references  for  the  facts 
stated  and  passages  quoted  in  her  text.  In  her  bibliography  in  the  intro- 
duction she  should  also  have  mentioned  the  article  on  'Philippe  d' Orleans 
et  Madame  Henriette  d'Angleterre '  contributed  by  Pierre  Clement 
to  the  Bevue  des  Questions  Historiques.    Finally,  it  is  worth  noting: 


174  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

that  the  papers  of  Earl'De  La  Warr  contain  several  letters  from  the 
duchess  to  Lord  Fitzharding  which  have  escaped  Mrs.  Ady's  notice 
('  Fourth  Report  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission,'  pp.  279,  280). 

C.  H.  Firth. 


The  Life  of  John  Chur chill j  Duke  of  Marlborough,  to  the  Accession  of 
Queen  Anne.  By  Field-Marshal  Viscount  Wolseley,  K.P.  2  vols. 
Third  edition.     (London  :  Bentley  &  Son.     1894.) 

Lord  Wolseley' s  life  of  Marlborough  has  already  reached  a  third  edition, 
nor  is  its  success  surprising.  The  subject  is  full  of  interest,  and  the  life 
of  a  great  general  by  one  who  writes  with  authority  on  military  matters 
naturally  commands  attention.  The  two  handsome  volumes  are  printed 
in  excellent  type  and  illustrated  by  admirable  reproductions  of  miniatures 
and  contemporary  maps.  Lord  Wolseley  himself  has  taken  great  pains 
to  produce  a  work  of  permanent  value.  His  researches  have  been  very 
extensive.  He  has  made  use  of  all  the  references  to  Marlborough  which 
can  be  gathered  from  the  '  Reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Com- 
mission.' The  '  Domestic  State  Papers,'  the  papers  of  the  war  office,  the 
archives  of  the  French  foreign  office,  the  Clarke  MSS.  in  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  the  Carte  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  library,  and  the  collections  at 
Blenheim  Palace  and  Spencer  House  have  all  been  laid  under  contribu- 
tion. From  these  different  sources  a  large  amount  of  hitherto  unpub- 
lished information  has  been  brought  together  and  employed  to  elucidate 
Marlborough's  life.  The  new  materials  do  not  throw  very  much  fresh  light 
on  Marlborough's  political  career,  but  his  early  life  and  personal  history, 
and  the  history  of  the  two  families  of  Churchill  and  Jennings,  are  all  retold 
with  greater  completeness  and  correctness  by  the  aid  of  this  evidence. 

Marlborough's  early  military  career  occupies  about  a  fourth  or  a  fifth 
of  these  volumes,  and  the  chapters  devoted  to  the  Sedgmoor  campaign  and 
the  capture  of  Cork  and  Kinsale  are  additions  of  real  value  to  English 
history.  Lord  Wolseley  explains  the  movements  of  Monmouth  and  his 
opponents  with  greater  clearness  than  previous  writers,  and  sets  in  their 
true  light  Marlborough's  eminent  services  during  the  campaign  and  in 
the  final  battle.  '  Churchill,'  he  concludes,  '  was  the  only  officer  on 
either  side  Vv-ho  displayed  activity,  vigilance,  or  any  knowledge  of  war.' 
Throughout  the  campaign  his  commander,  Feversham,  '  never  seems  to 
have  known  what  his  enemy  was  doing,  or  where  he  was  going,  a  fact 
which  of  itself  proves  he  did  not  know  his  business.  Before  he  assumed 
command  Churchill,  with  only  a  small  body  of  cavalry  at  his  disposal, 
had  hung  upon  the  rebel  army  so  closely  that  it  could  go  nowhere,  and 
neither  do  nor  plan  anything  of  which  he  was  not  fully  aware.  He 
harassed  it  nighi:  and  day,  cutting  off  stragglers,  and  preventing  many 
from  joiniDg  Monmouth  who  would  otherwise  have  done  so.  But  Fevers- 
ham,  with  a  stronger  and  much  better  army  than  the  rebels  could  muster, 
always  suffered  Monmouth  to  take  the  initiative,  and  to  do  and  go  where 
he  pleased,  whilst  the  royal  army  merely  blundered  after  them.'  Another 
proof  of  Churchill's  superiority  was  the  correctness  with  which  he  conjec- 
tured Monmouth's  design  to  get  away  north  to  his  friends  in  Cheshire, 
i It  was  characteristic  of  Marlborough  that  from  apparently  small  indica- 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  175 

tions  he  possessed  the  power  of  divining  his  enemies'  plans,  and  was  thus 
enabled  to  forestall  them.'  Turning  to  the  battle  which  closed  the  cam- 
paign, Lord  Wolseley's  conclusion  is  that '  Feversham's  fault  was  not  so 
much  an  unskilful  disposition  of  his  piquets  and  outposts  as  the  fact  that 
he  went  to  bed  in  ignorance  of  his  enemy's  doings  and  intentions.'  The 
battle  was  lost  to  Monmouth  *  chiefly  through  the  bad  handling  and  the 
misconduct  of  Grey's  untrained  horse  and  the  cowardice  of  its  leader.' 
Churchill's  business  in  the  battle  was  to  neutralise  by  his  own  vigilance 
and  energy  his  commander's  incapacity  and  want  of  forethought.  He 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  Dumbarton's  regiment,  checked  by  their  fire 
the  advancing  rebel  infantry,  and  gave  the  rest  of  the  royal  army  time  to 
form.  He  placed  the  artillery  in  the  position  where  the  support  of  the 
guns  was  most  needed,  brought  fresh  regiments  into  action,  and  led  the 
dragoons  to  the  capture  of  Monmouth's  fieldpieces.  In  short,  he  made 
his  presence  felt  throughout  the  whole  of  the  king's  army,  and  contributed 
more  than  any  other  man  present  to  the  success  of  the  day.  Macaulay's 
account  of  the  campaign  does  not  do  full  justice  to  Churchill's  services 
but  this  is  due  rather  to  want  of  military  knowledge  than  to  his  prejudice 
against  Churchill.  In  his  brief  account  of  Marlborough's  Munster  cam- 
paign he  gives  him,  in  Lord  Wolseley's  view,  more  praise  in  one  respect 
than  he  really  deserves.  After  describing  the  capture  of  Cork  Macaulay 
continues,  '  No  commander  has  ever  understood  better  than  Marlborough 
how  to  improve  a  victory.  A  few  hours  after  Cork  had  fallen  his  cavalry 
were  on  the  road  to  Kinsale.'  Lord  Wolseley,  on  the  other  hand, 
expressly  blames  Marlborough  for  not  despatching  his  cavalry  to  Cork 
sooner.  *  His  horse  and  dragoons  took  no  active  part  in  the  siege  ;  they 
were  available  for  other  work,  and  might  and  ought  to  have  been  held  in 
readiness  throughout  Sunday  to  start  for  Kinsale  at  a  moment's  notice. 
As  soon  as  Colonel  Macgillicuddy  surrendered  they  should  have  marched 
without  delay  to  summon  Kinsale,  before  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Cork 
had  reached  that  place.  The  distance  was  only  seventeen  and  a  half 
miles,  and  before  daybreak  on  Monday  the  town  ought  to  have  been 
in  Marlborough's  possession  and  the  two  forts  invested  by  his  cavalry ' 
(ii.  204).  On  such  a  question  as  this  a  non-military  critic  can  scarcely 
pronounce  any  opinion.  It  is  worth  observing,  however,  that  Sir 
William  Napier,  in  some  cursory  criticisms  on  Marlborough's  later 
campaigns,  concludes  that  neither  after  Eamillies  nor  Oudenarde  did 
Marlborough  sufficiently  improve  his  victory,  and  it  will  be  curious 
to  see  if  Lord  Wolseley  agrees  with  this  verdict.^  The  effect  of 
Marlborough's  expedition  is  in  one  respect  overrated  by  Lord  Wolseley. 
He  describes  the  departure  of  Lauzun  and  his  French  troops  to  France 
as  caused  by  the  fear  of  Marlborough's  projected  expedition,  and  thinks 
that  the  mere  rumour  of  his  intended  attack  on  Cork  sufficed  to  clear 
Ireland  of  the  French  contingent  (ii.  162).  On  the  other  hand,  as  he 
himself  states,  Marlborough  did  not  propose  his  scheme  to  William's 
council  till  yV  -^^g-j  ^^^  preparations  for  carrying  it  out  did  not  begin 
much  before  the  end  of  that  month  (ii.  151, 155).  Now  Lauzun's  letters 
show  conclusively  that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  quit  Ireland  by  the 
beginning  of  August,  and  was  entreating  his  government  to  send  orders 

*  Life  of  William  Na^pier,  ii.  242. 


176  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jm- 

for  the  embarlsa'iion  df  his  troops,  and  ships  to  carry  them,  some  weeks 
before  he  could  have  heard  of  Marlborough's  expedition.^ 

The  history  of  Marlborough's  campaigns  is  treated  with  great  minute- 
ness and  great  care,  but  at  the  same  time  with  great  vigour  and  spirit. 
The  chapters  which  relate  to  his  political  career  are  by  no  means  of  equal 
merit,  and  those  deahng  with  the  general  history  of  the  time  might  with 
advantage  have  been  omitted  altogether.  Lord  Wolseley  is  not  at  home 
in  the  pohtics  of  the  seventeenth  century,  either  domestic  or  foreign,  and 
has  no  grasp  of  the  political  conditions  of  the  period  and  no  exact  know- 
ledge of  the  facts.  Equally  unsuccessful  are  his  laboured  attempts  to 
vindicate  Marlborough.  His  conception  of  his  hero's  character  is  neither 
clear  nor  consistent,  and  his  judgments  are  confused  and  contradictory. 
On  one  page  he  says  of  Marlborough,  *  His  moral  character  was  as  far 
above  the  age  in  which  he  lived  as  he  was  in  ability  above  the  men  who 
governed  it '  (ii.  425).  Twelve  pages  later  we  are  told,  *  His  character 
does  not  inspire  so  much  respect  as  his  genius,  but  until  he  became  captain- 
general  at  William's  death  his  career  had  been  little  more  than  one  long 
series  of  intrigues,  sometimes  with,  sometimes  against  his  colleagues.' 
The  author  then  apologises  for  Marlborough's  intrigues.  *  His  enemies 
declare  that  he  did  not  play  the  game  fairly  ;  but  who  amongst  his  con- 
temporaries did  so  ?  Not  surely  James  II  or  William  III,  or  Sunderland ; 
not  Shrewsbury,  Nottingham,  Godolphin,  or  Admiral  Eussell '  (ii.  437). 
All  this  defence  amounts  to  is  that  Marlborough  was  no  worse  than  his 
contemporaries.  What,  then,  becomes  of  the  contention  that  *  his  moral 
character  was  far  above  the  age  in  which  he  lived  '  ?  Moreover  even  this 
defence  is  sometimes  abandoned.  '  There  is  much  to  find  fault  with  in 
Marlborough's  conduct  during  the  reign  of  WilUam  and  Mary,  for  he  not 
only  erred  in  judgment,  but  sinned  against  the  common  code  of  public 
morality'  (ii.  112). 

Lord  Wolseley  starts  by  laying  down  the  principle  that  *  the  more 
closely  we  study  Marlborough's  character  the  more  clearly  we  see  that 
with  him  a  love  for  protestantism  was  a  guiding  principle,  to  which  even 
his  craving  desire  for  power  and  renown  was  always  subordinated '  (i.  52, 
cf.  pp.  28,  365).  The  first  point  in  Marlborough's  career  which  requires 
explanation  is  his  desertion  of  James  II  in  1688.  The  motive  which  he 
alleged  himself  was  solely  his  attachment  to  the  protestant  rehgion.  His 
conduct,  he  said  in  his  letter  to  James,  *  could  proceed  from  nothing  but 
the  inviolable  dictates  of  my  conscience  and  a  necessary  concern  for  my 
religion.'  Lord  Wolseley  fully  accepts  this  explanation:  'Beyond  all 
doubt  he  firmly  believed  that  in  seeking  to  create  William  king  he  was 
serving  God  by  furthering  the  interests  of  protestantism '  (ii.  85). 
Accepting  this  plea,  the  question  remains  whether  the  treachery  which 
marked  his  desertion,  and  the  time  he  selected  for  it,  can  be  similarly 
excused.  Lord  Wolseley  answers  that  desertion  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy  is  the  greatest  of  military  crimes,  and  that  from  a  mihtary  point 
of  view  it  is  impossible  to  acquit  Marlborough  of  desertion.  Moreover 
his  conduct  towards  James  personally  was  *  in  the  highest  degree 
treacherous  and  deceitful,'  and  his  behaviour  and  that  of  the  officers  who 
deserted  with  him  '  implies  a  depth  of  baseness  and  treachery  which  is  all 
"  Se^  Eovisset,  Louvois,  ed.  1879,  iv.  427-30. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  177 

but  diabolical.'  But  '  the  deceitfulness  into  which  he  was  led  through  his 
determination  to  rid  the  country  of  James  II  did  not  strike  him  as  sinful 
or  dishonourable,  for  in  following  the  course  which  he  deliberately  chose 
he  acted  as  he  believed  was  best  for  England.'  Had  he  resigned  his  com- 
mission, as  an  honourable  man  would  have  done,  he  might  have  been  sent 
to  the  Tower  ;  had  he  joined  William  in  Flanders,  as  honester  men  did 
do,  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  induce  part  of  the  English  army  to 
desert  with  him,  and  then  the  revolution  might  not  have  been  success- 
fully effected  (ii.  81-7).  In  short,  while  Marlborough's  duty  to  his  God 
obliged  him  to  desert  James,  his  duty  to  his  country  justified  him  in  desert- 
ing in  a  peculiarly  treacherous  and  dishonourable  manner.  According 
to  Lord  Wolseley  motives  of  personal  ambition  had  no  influence  in  deter- 
mining Marlborough's  conduct  at  this  crisis.  On  the  contrary,  he  acted 
in  direct  opposition  to  his  personal  interests  (i.  376,  ii.  39,  83).  The  weak 
point  of  this  theory  is  that  the  result  proved  that  Marlborough  had  not 
acted  in  opposition  to  his  personal  interests,  and  he  was  quite  astute 
enough  to  foresee  that  result.  William  made  him  a  privy  councillor  and 
a  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber,  and  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  an  earl. 
Marlborough  had  expected  to  be  rewarded  for  his  desertion  of  James,  for 
he  almost  immediately  proceeded  to  grumble  because  he  thought  his 
rewards  insufficient.     *  He  was  thoroughly  discontented,'  says  the  author, 

*  with  the  inadequate  rewards  he  had  received  for  his  great  service  to 
William  at  the  revolution'  (ii.  115,  227).  This  is  clearly  incompatible 
with  the  view  that  duty  to  God  and  duty  to  his  country  had  been  his  sole 
motives. 

His  treason  to  William  is  still  less  defensible  than  his  treason  to 
James.  Discontented  with  the  government  he  had  helped  to  set  up,  he 
entered  into  communication  with  James,  protested  penitence  and  devotion, 
and  supplied  him  with  information  about  William's  military  and  naval 
plans.  Duty  to  his  God,  duty  to  his  country,  and  an  ardent  love  for  the 
protestant  religion  do  not  help  to  explain  his  conduct  here.  His  bio- 
grapher's defence  is  that  he  did  not  mean  to  fulfil  his  promises  to  James. 

*  It  was  all  lip  work.'  '  In  his  heart  he  loathed  the  principles  upon  which 
James  had  governed ;  his  conduct,  therefore,  throughout  this  correspond- 
ence with  St.  Germains  must  have  been  dictated  by  purely  selfish  motives. 
.  .  .  There  were  a  variety  of  chances  in  favour  of  James's  restoration, 
and  the  far-seeing  Marlborough  desired  to  make  himself  safe  in  the  event 
of  any  one  of  them  coming  off.  ...  He  was  as  careful  as  a  modern  book- 
maker to  hedge  against  every  possible  turn  of  fortune's  wheel '  (ii.  228, 
231,  317,  442).  On  the  author's  ow^n  showing  Marlborough's  second 
treason  was  entirely  dictated  by  a  desire  for  his  personal  security,  and  we 
are  justified  in  concluding  that  his  first  treason  was  partly  dictated  by  a 
desire  for  his  personal  aggrandisement. 

Throughout  both  volumes  the  author  constantly  attacks  Swift  and 
Macaulay,  and,  it  must  be  owned,  not  without  provocation.  But  his 
language  concerning  them  is  extravagant  and  unmeasured.  Macaulay  is 
described  as  'our  great  historical  novelist.'  An  historian  would  have 
contented  himself  with  saying  that  Macaulay  was  a  great  historian  with 
great  faults,  but  writers  who  are  not  qualified  by  training  or  knowledge 
to  appreciate  Macaulay's  merits  are  naturally  more  sweeping.     Swift  is 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVII.  N 


178  EEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

denounced  as  the  author  ^id  inspirer  of  all  the  historical  charges  against 
Marlborough.  '  Each  succeeding  historian  has  been  content  to  follow 
Marlborough's  story  as  it  was  originally  told  for  party  purposes  by  the 
unscrupulous  Swift '  (ii.  422).  This  is  not  correct,  for  the  most  serious 
charges  against  Marlborough  are  based  on  documents  of  which  Swift 
knew  nothing.  Lord  Wolseley  himself  is  constrained  to  admit  that 
Marlborough's  own  conduct  supplied  a  substantial  foundation  for  the 
charges  made  against  him.  *  It  must  be  freely  admitted  that  during  the 
years  1688-1698  Marlborough's  career  was  sullied  with  acts  which  in  the 
present  day  would  place  him  beyond  the  pale  of  society,  and  which 
furnished  Swift  and  Macaulay  with  ample  materials  for  condemning  him  ' 
(ii.  82). 

The  question  of  Swift's  charges  against  Marlborough  has  been  dis- 
cussed at  length  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Henry  Craik  printed  in  the  Times 
14  May  1894,  and  in  an  article  on  'Marlborough,  Macaulay,  and  for 
Swift '  which  appeared  in  the  United  Service  Magazine  for  the  following 
June.  For  political  purposes  Swift  adopted  and  popularised  the  theory 
that  Marlborough's  ruling  motive  was  avarice,  and  Macaulay  subsequently 
adopted  the  theory  as  a  key  to  Marlborough's  character,  and  reasserted  it 
with  greater  emphasis  and  more  lasting  effect.  Marlborough's  love  of 
money  was  undeniable.  '  Want  of  money  had  engendered  in  Churchill 
that  strict  attention  to  economy  from  which  parsimony  is  often  bred. 
Long-practised  frugality  degenerates  easily  into  penuriousness,  and  that 
again  into  miserly  habits  and  avarice.  It  did  so  in  his  case,  and  afforded 
grounds  for  the  biting  invective  of  the  Swifts  and  Manleys  of  his  own 
day  and  of  the  Macaulays,  Thackerays,  and  other  romance-writers  of  the 
present  century'  (i.  132).  Underlying  the  charges  which  Swift  and 
Macaulay  bring  against  Marlborough  there  is  a  basis  of  truth,  and  when 
the  exaggerations  with  which  those  charges  were  accompanied  have  been 
refuted  the  main  charges  themselves  remain  to  be  dealt  with.  For 
instance,  the  charge  that  Marlborough  betrayed  the  Brest  expedition  to 
James  in  order  to  get  rid  of  his  rival  Tollemache  is  entirely  groundless. 
The  subject  is  fully  discussed  in  Paget' s  *  Paradoxes  and  Puzzles,'  and 
some  new  evidence  on  the  subject  of  the  expedition  has  been  recently 
printed  in  this  Review  (January  1894).  But  that  Marlborough  did  betray 
the  expedition  remains  certain,  and  when  exaggeration  and  fiction  are 
separated  from  the  truth  the  charges  which  remain  proved  against 
Marlborough  are  sufficient  to  refute  the  conception  of  his  character  set 
forth  by  Lord  Wolseley.  He  fails  to  see  the  bearing  of  the  facts  he 
records  and  the  consequences  of  the  admissions  he  makes.  If  it  is 
erroneous  to  represent  avarice  as  Marlborough's  guiding  motive  in  life, 
it  is  at  least  equally  erroneous  to  say  that  his  guiding  motive  was  his 
love  for  protestantism. 

In  conclusion  a  few  miscellaneous  minor  points  may  be  noticed. 
Klopp's  '  Der  Fall  des  Hauses  Stuart '  contains  some  letters  written  by 
different  Austrian  agents  relating  to  Marlborough's  dismissal  in  1692 
(vi.  375),  and  to  his  part  in  the  negotiations  which  led  to  the  formation 
of  the  grand  alHance  (vol.  ix.  passim).  The  statement  that  '  the  great 
Locke  '  contributed  400Z.  towards  Monmouth's  expedition  has  been  proved 
erroneous  (see  Fox  Bourne,  *  Life  of  Locke,'  ii.  20,  and  the  article  on 


1895  REVIEWS   OF   BOOKS  179 

Locke  in  the  *  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  ').    Misprints  of  proper 
names  are  far  too  numerous.^  C.  H.  Fieth. 


Un  Paladin  au  XVIII'"'  Siecle :  le  Prince  Charles  de  Nassau- 
Siegenj  d'apres  sa  Correspondance  originale  et  inedite  de  1784  a  1789. 
Par  le  Maequis  d'Aeagon.     (Paris  :  Librairie  Plon.     1893.) 

*  Peince  Chaeles  of  Nassau- Siegen,'  who  seems  quite  towards  the  close 
of  his  life  to  have  established  his  claims  to  a  title  which  had  been 
denied  to  him  so  long  as  a  holy  Eoman  empire  and  a  principality  of 
Nassau- Siegen  were  in  existence,  is  fortunate  in  his  biographer.  This 
volume,  though  it  will  hardly  resuscitate  a  reputation  which  has  all  but 
vanished  from  the  pages  of  history,  furnishes  a  good  example  of  a  kind 
of  monograph  in  which  French  literature  continues  to  excel  ;  nor  is  there 
anything  pretentious  about  the  way  in  which  the  marquis  d'x\ragon  has 
executed  his  task,  unless  it  be  the  introductory  flourish  on  his  title-page. 
Why  should  an  adventurer  of  doubtful  descent,  and  a  courageous  soldier 
(or  sailor)  of  fortune,  gifted  with  a  light  heart,  a  ready  pen,  and  a  steady 
eye  towards  the  main  chance,  be  described  as  a  paladin  out  of  date  ?  At 
the  other  end  of  his  book  the  marquis  d'Aragon  makes  bold  to  assert  that 
had  his  hero  '  been  a  paladin  of  the  middle  ages,  or  a  condottiere  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  or  a  companion  of  Pizarro  or  Fernando  Cortez,  or  one  of 
those  volunteers  of  the  Eevolution  who  earned  their  batons  as  marshals 
of  France  on  battle-fields  of  undying  fame,  he  would  have  lacked  neither 
energy  nor  heroism,  nor  even  natural  gifts  {talents)  for  achieving  a 
lasting  reputation  like  the  rest.'  So  much  may,  perhaps,  safely  be 
granted  ;  but  there  seems  nothing  specially  pathetic  in  the  fact  that, 
without  a  country  or  a  cause,  without  apparently  even  a  belief  in  his  own 
star,  this  *  prince '  should  have  survived  such  reputation  as  he  had 
succeeded  in  acquiring.  He  began  as  a  young  lion  of  the  Lauzun  type, 
and  was,  in  fact,  an  associate  of  that  third-rate  Alcibiades.  He  fought 
his  duels,  including  one  with  the  count  de  Segur,  which,  as  the  combatants 
afterwards  swore  eternal  friendship,  proved  of  importance  to  him  in  his 
subsequent  career ;  for  it  was  Segur  who,  when  ambassador  in  Eussia, 
secured  for  him  the  goodwill  of  the  mighty  empress  Catharine,  and  who 
seems  to  have  utilised  him  for  his  own  diplomatic  endeavours.  He  sailed 
round  the  world,  and  was  at  a  later  date  destined  for  the  command  of  an 
expedition  against  Dahomey,  which  Beaumarchais  was  prepared  to 
'  finance,'  and  which  was  to  seat  the  victorious  '  paladin '  on  the  throne  of 
Juida  (Whiddah).  The  legion  which  he  had  been  permitted  to  levy  for 
this  purpose  he  subsequently  proposed  to  devote  to  an  invasion  of  Jersey  ; 
but  this  undertaking  was  likewise  postponed.  Before,  in  1782,  during 
the  siege  of  Gibraltar,  he  gallantly  conducted  a  futile  attack  upon  that 
fortress  by  means  of  floating  batteries,  he  had  married  a  Polish  lady  of 


«  E.g.  i.  38,  for  Danch 

read  Dunch ; 

i.  135  „    Lockard 

„     Lockhart ; 

i.  387  „    Maggot 

„     Meggot ; 

ii  15     „    Trimball 

„    Trumbull ; 

ii.  27     „  Barry 

„    Berry. 

k2 


180  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

rank — the  princess  Sangnsko,  nee  Gordzka — his  letters  to  whom  during  the 
years  1784-9  form  the  substance  of  the  present  volume.  They  cover  the 
most  interesting  part  of  the  period  during  which  he  served  the  empress 
Catharine  as  a  naval  commander  against  Turks  and  Swedes.  After  his 
Baltic  campaigns  he  exerted  himself  as  agent  of  the  empress  to  bring 
about  an  effective  co-operation  with  the  French  emigrant  princes.  (The 
marquis  d'Aragon  should,  by  the  way,  have  resisted  the  temptation  to 
speak  of  the  duke  of  Brunswick's  retreat  as  contrainte  ou  achetee,  when, 
as  his  O'wn  note  shows,  he  is  perfectly  aware  how  baseless  is  the  charge 
of  corruption,  notwithstanding  the  prince  of  Nassau- Siegen's  *  additional 
evidence.')  Finally  he  withdrew  to  his  estates  in  Podoha,  and  died  there 
in  1808-^most  respectably,  according  to  his  present  biographer. 

One  perceives  indications  that  discretion  was  not  the  forte  of  the 
prince's  charming  wife  ;  and  this  may  help  to  account  for  the  fact  that  his 
letters  to  her  touch  comparatively  little  upon  politics.  Moreover,  he  was 
aware  that  in  the  empire  which  he  served  the  sanctity  of  private  corre- 
spondence was  not  regarded  as  inviolable  ;  indeed,  Catharine  II  may  have 
been  quite  pleased  to  read  some  of  the  pretty  things  he  said  about  her. 
Some  of  his  earlier  letters  are  dated  from  Vienna,  where  his  suit  was  in 
progress  before  the  Hofhammergericht,  and  from  Leopol  in  Podolia,  where 
as  a  landed  proprietor  he  had  a  seat  in  the  provincial  diet.  Polish  affairs 
were  at  that  time  (after  the  first  partition)  in  a  more  than  usually  com- 
plicated condition ;  but  the  main  issue  upon  which  these  letters  throw 
some  light  is  concerned  with  the  shameful  intrigues  to  undermine  the 
position  of  King  Stanislas  Augustus,  to  whose  offers  of  devotion  Catharine 
paid  little  attention  after  she  had  become  desirous  of  co-operating  with 
Austria  in  Polish  as  well  as  in  Turkish  affairs.  Hence  the  king's  journey 
to  the  borders  of  his  monarchy  at  the  time  of  the  empress's  famous 
progress,  and  the  interview  of  three  hours  at  Kanieft*,  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  prince  de  Ligne,  cost  Stanislas  Augustus  three  millions. 
Conditionally  on  the  assent  of  the  diet  the  alliance  of  Kussia  was  here 
secured  by  him,  and  another  step  was  thus  taken  towards  the  ruin  of 
Poland. 

Of  the  progress  of  Catharine  II,  just  referred  to,  and  of  Potemkin's 
supremely  audacious  Taurian  exhibition  in  honour  of  his  mistress,  we 
have  here  a  very  amusing  authentic  account,  which,  we  observe,  has  been 
specially  extracted  by  the  author  of  this  volume  for  the  benefit  of  the 
readers  of  the  Bevue  des  Deux  Mondes.  The  French  government  stood  in 
a  peculiar  relation  towards  the  poHcy  of  a  Eusso-Austrian  war  against 
Turkey,  of  which  the  imperial  journey  and  the  meeting  of  Catharine 
with  Joseph  II  were  generally  understood  to  constitute  the  announcement ; 
for,  although  France  as  (in  Catharine's  phrase)  '  the  protectress  of  the 
Mussulmans '  could  not  hke  this  policy,  yet  she  could  not  prevent  it. 
Segur  was,  therefore,  probably  on  the  right  track  in  attempting  to  over- 
trump Austria,  while  completely  defying  Great  Britain  and  Prussia,  by 
bringing  about  a  quadruple  alliance  between  Russia,  Austria,  France,  and 
Spain,  which  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  isolation  of  France  and  at  the 
same  time  have  safeguarded  the  future  of  Turkey.  Towards  this  end  the 
personal  influence  of  a  gallant  officer  and  popular  cavalier  hke  the  prince 
of  Nassau- Siegen  seemed  not  unlikely  to  prove  an  effective  aid,  more  espe- 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  181 

cially  as  he  was  a  grandee  of  Spain,  where  he  had  formerly  been  offered 
the  command  of  the  Walloon  guards.  His  Gibraltar  exploit  had  created 
for  him  a  kind  of  naval  reputation,  and  with  remarkable  tact  he  contrived 
very  speedily  to  establish  intimate  personal  relations  with  the  omnipotent 
Potemkin — the  author  and  manager  of  the  solemn  farce  of  the  Crimean 
progress — whose  jealousy  he  had  as  yet  done  nothing  substantial  enough 
to  arouse.  Thus,  when  the  empress  had  returned  home  from  the  fictitious 
glories  of  Sebastopol  and  Pultawa,  and  when  Turkey  had  thought  herself 
driven  to  declare  war,  the  prince  of  Nassau- Siegen  found  himself  placed 
in  command  of  the  fleet,  consisting  chiefly  of  light  vessels,  which  was 
opposed  to  the  armada  sent  to  the  mouths  of  the  Danube  under  the 
capudan  pasha.  With,  rather  than  under,  Nassau  served  the  notorious 
Paul  Jones,  whom  he  found  a  most  undesirable  colleague,  more  especially 
since,  as  the  prince  de  Ligne  put  it,  he  displayed  none  of  the  candour 
which  distinguished  his  namesake  Tom.  Their  joint  victory,  of  which  the 
prince  may  be  correct  in  claiming  the  whole  of  the  credit,  destroyed  one 
entire  division  of  the  Turkish  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  its  vanguard, 
with  which  the  capudan  pasha  gained  the  open  of  the  Black  Sea. 

The  prince  of  Nassau- Siegen  was  not  fortunate  enough  to  witness  the 
capture  of  Oczakoff,  the  solitary  success  achieved  by  the  vainglorious 
Potemkin  in  this  protracted  campaign.  The  prince  had  been  called  to 
St.  Petersburg  in  the  interests  of  the  proposed  quadruple  alliance,  which 
the  aggressive  Polish  policy  of  Prussia  seemed  likely  to  render  more  accept- 
able to  the  empress  Catharine  ;  but  the  negotiations,  which  the  prince 
travelled  to  Madrid  to  expedite,  fell  through,  and  soon  afterwards  his 
friend  Segur's  mission  came  to  an  end.  He  was  thereupon  employed  as 
a  naval  commander  in  the  war  against  Sweden,  caused,  though  not 
altogether  without  provocations  on  the  Kussian  side,  by  the  restless 
ambition  of  Gustavus  IH.  An  autograph  letter  written  by  that  sovereign 
to  the  prince  before  the  opening  campaign  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  new,  and 
characteristic  enough  to  deserve  quotation  in  full. 

Je  m'adresse  a  nn  chevalier  francais  qui  va  chercher  la  gloire  partout 
oil  se  trouvent  la  guerre  et  les  dangers,  pour  le  prier  d'engager  mes  ennemis  de 
respecter  les  lois  de  la  guerre.  Tachons,  autant  qu'il  est  en  nous,  d'en  adoucir 
les  calamites. 

Lorsque  j'eus  le  plaisir  de  vous  voir  a  Spa,  et  que  vous  me  promites  de 
venir  me  voir  un  jour,  je  ne  croyais  pas  que  vous  viendriez  si  bien  accompagne. 
Mais  j'espere  que  nous  nous  efforcerons  de  vous  recevoir  convenablement,  et  je 
vous  prie  d'etre  persuade  que  je  vous  conserverai  les  sentiments  que  vous  me 
connaissez.  Gustave. 

The  prince  of  Nassau- Siegen  made  no  direct  reply;  but  his  bio- 
grapher reprints  (from  the  memoirs  of  the  count  de  Segur)  an  equally 
amusing  letter  addressed  by  him  to  the  king,  politely  requesting  the 
latter  to  disavow  his  published  official  relation  of  an  action  between  the 
Swedish  and  Russian  fleets — I  presume  the  Swedish  defeat  of  13  Aug. 
1789 — which  contradicted  the  Russian  official  relation  published  by  the 
prince  himself.  At  Swenskesund  in  the  following  year  Gustavus  HI 
(though  he  had  already  composed  for  himself  an  oration  in  the  manner  of 
Plutarch  for  the  event  of  his  having  to  give  up  his  sword  to  the  prince  of 
Nassau)  gained  an  unexpected  but,  as  it  proved,  a  futile,  victory  over  the 


182  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

§ 
gallant  adventurer  opposed  to  him.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  Catharine  II, 
among  whose  faults  want  of  magnanimity  was  not  included,  that  she  wrote 
to  him  most  kindly  after  this  reverse.  But,  as  fate  would  have  it,  his  wars 
were  over ;  and  the  Franco-Kussian  campaign  against  British  possessions 
in  India,  which  he  is  said  to  have  proposed  to  Buonaparte  about  the  year 
1799,  remained  unexecuted,  like  the,  minor  designs  of  its  author's  youth. 

A.  W.  Wabd. 

La  Belgique  sous  VEmpire  et  la  Defaitc  de  Waterloo,  1804-1815.    Par 

Sylvain  Balau.    Two  volumes.    (Paris  :  Plon.    Louvain  :  C.  Fon- 

teyn  aine.  1894.) 
One  is  inclined  to  question,  in  examining  these  two  volumes,  whether 
there  was  any  call  to  produce  a  work  on  so  large  a  scale  to  describe  a 
period  during  which  Belgium  had  lost  her  identity  and  formed  an  organic 
part  of  the  French  empire.  But  if  there  is  much  here  that  is  neither  new 
nor  even  unfamiliar,  the  book  may  be  pronounced  fairly  complete,  thanks 
to  much  patient  labour  on  the  part  of  the  author.  He  has  worked  through 
special  monographs  and  local  histories ;  he  has  gathered  up  all  the  ac- 
counts of  contemporary  Belgian  witnesses,  and  with  no  less  perseverance 
has  rifled  the  abundant  store  of  memoirs  of  the  imperial  epoch,  recent  as 
well  as  old,  such  as  those  of  Marbot,  Broglie,  and  Pasquier.  From  these 
numerous  sources  M.  Balau  has  drawn  many  curious  facts  about  Belgium, 
and  has  woven  into  an  interesting  monograph  a  mass  of  information  pre- 
viously to  be  sought  for  in  many  and  various  places.  Thus,  for  example, 
he  adds  to  an  account  of  the  religious  history  of  the  years  1804  to  1814, 
drawn  mainly  from  Haussonville,  a  number  of  fresh  details,  from  purely 
Belgian  authorities,  on  the  particular  condition  of  the  dioceses,  the  vacancies 
in  the  sees,  and  the  confusion  which  followed  upon  Napoleon's  appoint- 
ment of  bishops  without  investiture  by  the  pope.  The  subject  is  handled 
from  the  point  of  view  of  a  priest,  and  naturally  assumes  importance ; 
but  it  is  treated  with  considerable  moderation,  and  the  author  has 
the  good  taste  to  dismiss  the  ridiculous  story  of  the  emperor  dragging 
Pius  VII  by  the  hair  in  the  palace  of  Fontainebleau. 

M.  Balau  lays  much  stress  also  upon  military  history.  Following  Thiers, 
Jomini,  and  Brialmont,  he  narrates  the  wars  of  the  empire,  at  some  un- 
necessary length,  it  must  be  owned,  even  describing  those,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Kussian  campaign,  which  do  not  immediately  concern  Belgium. 
In  this  section  of  the  work,  however,  we  find  its  most  attractive  pas- 
sage. M.  Balau,  like  General  Kenard,  emphatically  denies  the  accusation 
of  cowardice  brought  against  the  Belgian  troops  serving  in  the  campaign 
of  1815  by  some  English  writers,  such  as  AHson  and  MacFarlane— an 
accusation  which  was  repeated  in  parhament  on  15  Dec.  1854.  In  dealing 
with  this  matter  the  writer  has  had  the  advantage  of  the  collaboration  of 
a  distinguished  officer  in  the  Belgian  service,  the  chevalier  de  Selliers  de 
Moranville,  who  has  reconstructed  with  great  sagacity  the  plan  of 
WelHngton's  tactics.  The  calumny  may  be  said  to  be  finally  disposed  of. 
The  following  passage  is  worth  quoting  : — 

'  La  partie  principale  de  son  dispositif  de  combat  consistait  en  une  forte 
ligne  d'infanterie  qu'il  pla9ait  habituellement  sur  des  hauteurs  k  port^e 
efficace  de  mousqueterie  en  arriere  de  la  crete  du  terrain.    Ainsi  places 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  183 

cette  ligne  echappait  aux  vues  de  I'adversaire  qui  demeurait  dans  Tigno- 
rance  absolue  de  son  existence ;  par  consequent,  I'artillerie  ennemie  ne 
pouvant  la  prendre  pour  but  de  son  tir,  les  troupes  qui  la  composaient 
demeuraient  parfaitement  intactes  et  bien  souples  dans  la  main  des  chefs 
jusqu'au  moment  ou  elles  entraient  en  action. 

'  En  avant  de  cette  ligne  d'infanterie,  ainsi  dissimulee,  Wellington 
pla9ait  une  forte  ligne  d'artillerie  a  la  crete  meme  du  terrain ;  dans  les 
intervalles  entre  les  batteries  ou  en  avant  de  celles-ci,  occupant  des  points 
favorables  du  terrain,  etaient  jetes  quelques  bataillons  d'infanterie  dont 
le  nombre  total  ne  depassait  pas  le  sixieme  de  toute  I'infanterie  presente 
sur  le  champ  de  bataille.  Cette  avant-ligne  avait  pour  mission  de  pro- 
teger  I'artillerie  contre  une  attaque  brusque  de  I'assaillant,  de  contrarier 
son  approche  et  enfin  d'attirer  sur  elle  le  feu  de  ses  batteries.  Ce  triple 
resultat  ayant  ete  obtenu,  les  troupes  de  I'avant-ligne  avaient  termine 
leur  mission,  et  il  etait  dans  I'ordre  naturel  des  choses  qu'enervees  et 
fatiguees,  inferieures  en  nombre,  elles  dussent  plier  sous  le  choc  des 
masses  assaillantes  se  lan9ant  a  I'attaque  de  la  position. 

'  Mais  quelle  etait  d'autre  part  la  situation  de  ces  masses  assaillantes  ? 
Avant  d'atteindre  la  crete  de  la  position,  ou  devaient  commencer  seule- 
ment  les  difficultes  les  plus  serieuses,  elles  etaient  soumises  a  un  feu 
violent  d'artillerie  et  a  une  guerre  de  chicanes  que  leur  suscitaient  les 
troupes  de  I'avant-ligne  ennemie.  Ces  dernieres,  apres  avoir  combattu 
pendant  quelque  temps,  se  repliaient  ou  etaient  enfoncees.  Les  masses 
assaillantes  atteignaient  alors  la  crete,  mais  fatiguees  et  deja  enervees  par 
la  lutte,  quelque  peu  en  desordre  et  echappant  a  la  direction  de  leurs 
chefs.  C'est  a  ce  moment  qu'elles  voyaient  se  dresser  tout  a  coup  devant 
elles  une  ligne  imposante  d'infanterie,  et  avant  de  tronver  le  temps  de  se 
reconnaitre  elles  recevaient  a  courte  portee  une  salve  tiree  par  des  troupes 
fraiches  et  dont  I'effet  etait  terrible.  Surprises,  etonnees  par  les  pertes 
affreuses  qu'elles  subissaient,  les  colonnes  d'attaque  s'arretaient  hesitantes 
et  cherchaient  instinctivement  a  se  deployer  pour  repondre  a  ce  feu  meur- 
trier.  Mais  Wellington  ne  leur  laissait  pas  le  temps  de  se  remettre  et 
lancait  ses  troupes  a  la  bayonnette  sur  elles  ;  en  meme  temps  sa  cavalerie 
les  chargeait  avec  vigueur.  L'ennemi  etait  ainsi  rejete  hors  de  la  position 
avec  des  pertes  enormes. 

*  Hormis  quelques  cas  exceptionnels,  Wellington  pla9ait  systematique- 
ment  sur  I'avant-ligne  les  troupes  etrangeres  qui  combattaient  sous  ses 
ordres.  Ainsi  fit-il  avec  les  Espagnols  et  les  Portugais  durant  les  guerres 
de  la  Peninsule,  comme  avec  la  plupart  des  Hollando-Belges  a  Waterloo. 
Aux  troupes  anglaises  etaient  reserves  les  emplacements  bien  abrites 
derriere  la  crete.  Aux  yeux  des  personnes  non  initiees  a  cetto  tactique  les 
troupes  anglaises  recoltaient  tous  les  lauriers  de  la  victoire,  puisqu'elles 
seules  paraissaient  avoir  tenu  solidement.  Les  autres  n'avaient-elles 
pas,  en  effet,  ete  culbutees  au  premier  choc  ? 

*  II  faut  le  proclamer  bien  haut :  ce  sont  les  apparences  trompeuses  qui 
forment  la  source  des  calomnies  anglaises  sur  la  conduite  des  Beiges  ti 
Waterloo.  Nous  ajouterons  qu'en  laissanb  se  propager  sans  protester  la 
version  qui  nous  represente  comme  des  fuyards,  les  chefs  anglais  ont 
manque  de  generosite  et  de  justice  envers  des  allies  qui  les  avaient  fidele- 
ment  et  valeureusement  servis.' 


184  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

If  he  liad  only  the  c]^dit  of  having  explained  this  important  point,  M. 
Balau's  work  would  deserve  consideration  ;  but  it  is  as  the  first  consecutive 
and  complete  account  of  the  events  in  which  the  Belgians  were  concerned 
during  the  empire  that  the  book  claims  our  special  attention.  We  have 
noticed  a  few  slips  in  details.  M.  Balau  sees  a  republican  plot  in  Malet's 
fiasco,  disregarding  A.  Duruy's  refutation  of  Hamel  and  Pascal  Grousset. 
On  another  topic  one  is  somewhat  surprised  to  see  the  author  plead 
extenuating  circumstances  in  dealing  with  the  irregularities  of  Mario 
Louise,  and  speak  euphemistically  of  her  liaison  with  Neipperg,  which 
scandahsed  Europe  for  years  before  the  emperor's  death,  as  a  *  mor- 
ganatic marriage.'  Eugene  Hubekt. 


The  Diarij  of  a  Cavalry  Officer  in  the  Fcninsular  and  Waterloo  Cam- 
jmigns,  1809-1815.  By  the  late  Lieut.-Col.  William  Tomkinson. 
(London  :     Swan  Sonnenschein  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  writer  of  this  diary  went  oat  to  Lisbon  in  1809  as  a  cornet  in  the 
16th  light  dragoons.  He  was  so  severely  wounded  in  a  skirmish  just 
before  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley's  passage  of  the  Douro  that  he  had  to  take  a 
long  leave  of  absence.  In  April  1810  he  went  to  the  front  again,  was 
present  at  the  battle  of  Busaco  (which  he  spells  Bosoac),  took  part  in 
the  retreat  to  the  lines  of  Torres  Vedras  and  in  the  subsequent  advance 
to  the  Spanish  frontier,  and  was  employed  in  the  operations  in  Spain 
down  to  the  fall  of  St.  Sebastian.  He  also  went  through  the  Waterloo 
campaign.  His  son,  the  editor  of  this  diary,  is  justified  in  the  hope 
which  he  expresses  that  its  contents  may  prove  of  some  interest  to  the 
general  public,  and  of  some  value  to  the  student  of  military  history.  It 
lays  no  claim,  in;lGed,  either  to  romantic  colour  or  to  scientific  thorough- 
ness. Where  it  deals  with  operations  at  which  the  writer  was  not  pre- 
sent it  is  not  always  accurate.  Thus  it  assigns  the  merit  of  advising 
]\Iarshal  Beresford  to  make  the  final  effort  which  saved  the  battle  of 
Albuera  not  to  Hardinge,  but  to  D' Urban.  When  most  trustworthy  it  is 
only  a  rough  journal,  kept  by  a  plain,  brave,  sensible  man  whose  heart 
was  in  his  work.  But  just  for  this  reason  it  supplies  many  details  and 
incidents  which  add  substance  to  our  fading  memories  of  the  Peninsular 
war.  The  miseries  endured  by  the  people  of  the  country  and  by  the 
contending  armies,  the  mutual  cruelty  of  the  French  and  the  Portuguese, 
the  activity  of  the  guerillas  and  the  mischief  which  they  did  to  the 
invaders,  the  unpopularity  of  the  British  with  the  very  Spaniards  in  whose 
cause  they  came  to  fight,  and  the  inability  of  the  Spaniards  to  take  a 
large  or  serious  view  of  the  war  are  all  illustrated  anew  in  this  diary. 
The  account  of  the  Waterloo  campaign  is  tolerably  full,  but  adds  very 
little  new  material  to  what  has  been  pubHshed  already. 

F.  C.  Montague. 

Brief e  von  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  an  Georg  Hehirich  Ludwig  Nico- 
lovius.     Herausgegeben  von  R.  Haym.     (Berlin  :  Emil  Felber.     1894.) 

This  little  book  is  the  first  volume  of  a  new  series,  which  should  be  of 
considerable  interest  to  students  of  German  hfe  and  thought.    It  is  pro- 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  185 

posed  to  publish  a  number  of  letters,  diaries,  and  private  papers  illus- 
trative of  the  intellectual  development  of  Germany  since  the  Reformation, 
with  more  particular  reference  to  the  classical  and  romantic  periods  of 
German  literature  in  the  last  and  the  present  centuries.  But  the  series 
will  not  be  confined  to  belles-lettres  alone  ;  it  will  endeavour  to  show  the 
growth  of  music,  painting,  sculpture,  and  political  ideas.  The  present 
volume  will  be  chiefly  interesting  to  those  who  are  investigating  the  his- 
tory of  higher  education  in  Germany  ;  for  Nicolovius,  to  whom  these  letters 
are  addressed,  was  Humboldt's  assistant,  and  afterwards  his  successor, 
at  the  Prussian  ministry  of  education,  and  the  correspondence  of  the  two 
friends  accordingly  teems  with  university  news.  The  letters  begin  in 
the  eventful  year  1809,  and  the  last  of  them  is  dated  1835  ;  but  there  is 
an  unfortunate  gap  between  1819  and  1830,  during  which  time  Humboldt 
and  Nicolovius  were  both  living  together  at  Berlin.  The  fourteenth 
letter,  written  from  Paris  in  June  1814,  is  of  some  historical  value,  and  it 
is  interesting  to  find  Humboldt  relating,  in  another  passage,  how  he  con- 
sulted Goethe  as  to  the  qualifications  of  a  professor.  The  two  appendices 
contain  seven  juvenile  letters  of  Humboldt  to  his  friend  the  medical  student 
Beer,  and  eight  more  of  his  letters,  dating  from  the  years  1809-10,  to 
Arnim  and  Wolf.  The  editor  has  done  his  work  well,  as  was  to  be 
expected  from  a  professor  of  German  literary  history  and  the  author  of  a 
careful  '  Life  of  Max  Duncker,'  which  was  reviewed  in  these  pages  three 
years  ago  (vol.  vii.  386).  W.  Millek. 

Konig  Ludivig  II  von  Bayern  :  ein  Beitrag  zu  seiner  Lehcnsgeschiclite. 
Von  C.  VON  Heigel.     (Stuttgart :   A.  Bonz  &  Co.     1893.) 

The  author  of  this  book,  who  bears  a  name  honoured  in  Bavarian 
historiography,  appears  to  have  very  naturally  seized  a  strange  chance  of 
acquiring  a  reputation  of  his  own  by  composing  a  series  of  plays  designed 
to  respond  to  the  interest  without  bounds  taken  by  the  late  unfortunate 
king  Lewis  II  of  Bavaria  in  everything  connected  with  his  namesake 
the  Grand  Monarch.  This  association  has  inspired  Herr  C.  von  Heigel 
with  the  notion  of  writing  the  life  of  his  patron,  and  of  exposing  the 
misrepresentations  by  which  theory  and  scandal  have,  according  to  their 
wont,  inevitably  coloured  its  dubious  records.  A  kindly  intention  (even  if 
intermixed  with  a  desire  of  speaking  of  oneself)  deserves  recognition ; 
but  the  malevolence  and  the  trash  put  to  shame  in  these  pages  could  not 
have  illustrated  more  glaringly  than  the  author's  own  '  contribution  '  to 
the  unfortunate  king's  biography  the  golden  value  of  silence  in  the  face 
of  reminiscences  over  which  every  patriot — and  it  is  ill  to  sneer  at  even 
Bavarian  patriotism — should  wish  to  cast  a  veil.  History  will  lift  a 
sufficient  corner  of  that  veil  in  her  own  good  time,  in  so  far  as  the  details 
of  personal  biography  are  necessary  to  her  purpose.  It  may  be  in 
keeping  with  the  manner  of  this  compilation  if  I  mention  that  I  was 
present  at  Munich  on  the  occasion  which  is  here  appropriately  described 
as  the  climax  in  the  career  of  the  unfortunate  king.  Certainly  it  was 
a  memorable  day  when,  in  July  1870,  the  heir  of  the  house  of  Wittels- 
bach  side  by  side  with  the  crown  prince  of  Prussia  reviewed  the  Bavarian 
troops,  which  were  to  take  so  glorious  a  part  in  the  French  campaign. 


186  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

The  secret  treaties  concluded  between  Prussia  and  the  southern  states  at 
the  time  of  the  peace  of  Nicolsburg  were  then  still  unknown  to  the 
public ;  and  the  attitude  of  the  king  of  Bavaria  was  ascribed  to  his 
personal  resolution.  Yet  had  the  outcries  of  a  resolute  faction  or 
any  prejudice  or  waywardness  of  his  own  induced  Lewis  II  to  play  fast 
and  loose  with  his  engagements,  grave  difficulties  must  infallibly  have 
arisen.  Thus  a  debt  of  gratitude  is  indisputably  due  to  his  memory, 
which  cannot  be  better  paid  than  by  saving  it  not  only  from  the  censors  of 
his  fate-stricken  career,  but  also  from  his  friends.  A.  W.  Wabd. 


The  History  of  Trade  Unionism,    By  Sidney  and  Beateice  Webb. 
(London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

It  is  certainly  time  that  a  history  of  trade  unions  was  written.  For,  like 
many  other  institutions,  they  have  passed  through  many  and  various 
stages.  For  a  long  time  they  were  obscure,  little  known  ;  they  were  then 
for  a  season  viewed  with  suspicion  and  active  dislike ;  now  they  are  com- 
monly praised  to  the  skies,  as  representing  order  and  progress  combined. 
Naturally  enough,  the  facts  of  their  history,  their  growth  and  development, 
have  been  disregarded,  and  it  is  this  that  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Webb  have  set 
themselves  to  elucidate.  The  greatness  of  their  undertaking  is  shown  by 
the  elaborate  bibliography  which  they  have  appended  to  their  work,  and 
we  may  readily  believe  their  statement  that  the  labour  of  investigating  the 
history  of  the  earher  unions,  bodies  which  came  and  went,  has  been  very 
considerable.  The  result  has  been  to  give  us  a  book  which  is  thoroughly 
readable,  and  which  must  form  the  basis  of  any  future  work  on  the  same 
lines  ;  which  is  written  with  commendable  impartiality,  if  at  times  with 
something  of  a  'parti  pris  as  regards  the  future.  We  owe,  first  of  all,  to 
this  book  the  explosion  of  the  old  theory  which  traced  the  origin  of  trade 
unions  to  the  medieval  gilds.  The  writers  have  shown  that  the  connexion 
was  assumed  far  too  readily,  and  rests  on  no  sound  historical  evidence, 
and  until  fresh  evidence  is  forthcoming  it  must  be  regarded  as  *  not  proven.' 
The  actual  history  falls  under  two  general  heads,  external  and  internal. 
Externally,  the  relation  of  trade  unions  to  the  state,  their  place  in  the 
social  organism,  has  been  constantly  the  subject  of  legislation.  The  first 
period  extends  down  to  1825,  when  the  principle  of  combination,  the  right 
of  collective  bargaining,  was  definitely  established.  The  second  reaches 
to  1875,  when,  by  an  act  passed  by  the  ministry  of  the  day,  *  the  legislation 
of  trade  unions  was  completed  by  the  legal  recognition  of  their  methods.' 
So  far  the  aim  of  the  leaders  was  to  secure  an  application  of  the  principle 
of  laissez  fairs.  Internally,  we  may  notice  the  various  changes  which 
have  come  over  trade  unionists  on  the  subject  of  apprenticeships,  and  a 
restriction  of  the  number  of  those  engaged  in  a  trade,  the  rise  and  decay 
of  centralisation,  of  the  trades  council  or  trades  union  as  opposed  to  the 
trade  unions,  the  growth  of  the  New  Unionism  with  its  contempt  for  the 
friendly  society  element,  and  its  impatience  at  the  conservatism  of  the 
older  bodies.  A  point  on  which  the  writers  speak  with  authority,  but  on 
which,  perhaps,  they  will  not  command  equal  assent,  is  the  relation  in 
which  trade  unions  stand  to  socialism.  The  reader  cannot  forget  how 
closely  Mr.  Webb  is  identified  with  the  socialistic  propaganda,  and  is 


i 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  187 

hardly  surprised  to  find  that  he  describes  in  some  detail  the  conversion  of 
trade  unionists  from  laissez  faire  to  his  own  cherished  opinions.  It 
would,  perhaps,  have  been  better  had  less  prominence  been  given  to  this 
particular  subject.  Lastly,  a  feature  which  must  not  be  overlooked  is  the 
justice  which  the  writers  do  to  some  almost  forgotten  or  unknown  heroes 
in  the  struggle.  The  notices  of  Francis  Place,  of  Applegarth,  Newton, 
and  Allan  will  probably  suggest  much  that  is  new  to  the  average  reader, 
whilst,  to  take  two  better-known  names,  the  work  of  Odger  and  Howell  is 
fairly  and  properly  appreciated.  L.  R.  Phelps. 

A  History  of  Westmorland.  By  Richaed  S.  Feeguson.  A  History  of 
Lancashire.  By  Lieutenant-Colonel  Heney  Fishwick.  (Popular 
County  Histories.    London  :  Eliot  Stock.     1894.) 

Chancelloe  Feeguson's  'History  of  Westmorland'  is  a  worthy  com- 
panion to  his  '  History  of  Cumberland,'  and  a  model  of  what  a  short 
county  history  ought  to  be.  It  is  well  arranged,  contains  just  the  in- 
formation the  general  reader  who  takes  an  interest  in  local  history  requires, 
and  supplies  the  references  to  more  exhaustive  w^orks  on  particular 
localities  and  subjects  necessary  to  guide  more  serious  students. 

Colonel  Fishwick's  book  is  not  of  the  same  excellence  as  the  '  History 
of  Westmorland,'  but  it  is  a  useful  and  a  meritorious  piece  of  work.  Its 
value  would  have  been  greatly  increased  by  the  addition  of  a  brief  classified 
bibliography  like  that  given  in  the  appendix  to  its  companion  volume. 

C.    H.   FlETH. 

Peel:  its  Meaning  and  Derivation.     By  Geoege  Neilson,  F.S.A.  Scot. 
(Glasgow  :  Strathern  &  Freeman.     1893.) 

The  real  difficulty  of  the  etymology  of  peel  resides,  as  Mr.  Neilson  here 
shows  with  much  clearness  and  success,  in  the  great  change  of  meaning 
which  the  word  has  undergone.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  this  was  in  some 
measure  due  to  a  confusion  wdtli  the  w^ord  pile,  from  the  Latin 
inla,  as  seems  to  be  shown  by  the  use  of  j9i7<3  in  Piers  Plowman,  C.  xxii. 
366,  where  the  sense  of  '  peel '  will  suit  the  passage.  But,  considered 
phonetically,  the  words  are  quite  distinct ;  and  the  Middle  English  peel 
or  pel  can  only  be  equated  to  the  Old  French  pel,  with  long  close  e,  which 
signified  originally  '  a  stake.'  The  O.F.  long  close  e  arises  from  Lat.  a, 
so  that  the  O.F.  pel  is  precisely  Lat.  pdliim,  accusative  of  pdlus,  a 
stake.  No  other  etymology  is,  phonetically,  possible.  This  is  the 
origin  for  which  Mr.  Neilson  argues ;  and  he  traces  the  history  of  the 
development  of  the  *  peel '  from  its  beginning,  as  '  essentially  a  wooden 
structure,'  to  its  development  into  a  small  structure  of  solid  stone  in  later 
times.  The  whole  of  the  argument  is  historically  instructive,  and  the 
illustrative  allusions  are  well  selected  and  carefully  explained.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  as  Mr.  Neilson  suggests,  that  the  Welsh  p)ill  was  merely 
borrowed  from  English,  as,  indeed,  is  expressly  stated  in  the  supplement 
to  the  present  writer's  '  Etymological  Dictionary,'  p.  821,  ed.  1884.  In 
other  respects  the  etymology  there  given  is  wrong,  because  it  only  accounts 
for  the  Middle  English  pile  (from  Latin  pila),  and  fails  to  explain  how 
the  Middle  English  pel  came  to  have  a  long  close  e,  as  already  shown  by 


188  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

Cliaucer's  '  House  of  Ame,'  1310,  where  it  rhymes  with  wel ;  and  again, 
ivel  or  lueel  rhymes  with  steel  in  the  *  Knightes  Tale,'  group  A,  2124. 
We  may  congratulate  Mr.  Neilson  on  having  fairly  proved  his  point 
by  tracing  the  history  of  the  structure  of  the  peel  during  successive 
periods.  After  all,  the  development  of  the  word  7noat  is  quite  as  extra- 
ordinary. Originally,  it  signified  the  embankment  on  which  a  small  fort 
was  placed,  whereas  it  is  now  only  (or  chiefly)  used  to  signify  the  trench 
out  of  which  the  earth  for  embankment  was  dug ;  and  we  generally 
expect  a  moat  to  be  full  of  water.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  how  the 
Old  French  pel  was  treated  when  it  had  to  be  turned  back  into  a  Latin 
form..  Sometimes  it  became  pelum  and  sometimes  pela.  The  latter 
form  shows  that  its  Latin  original  was  quite  forgotten. 

Walteb  W.  Skeat. 


Proceedings    and    Transactions    of    the    Boyal    Society    of    Canada, 
IX.    (Montreal:  Dawson  Brothers.   1891.)     X.  (Ottawa:  JohnDurie 
&   Son.      Montreal :    W.  Foster  Brown   &   Co.     London :  Bernard 
Quaritch.     1892.) 
'  The  Koyal   Society  of    Canada  for  the  Promotion  of  Literature  and 
Science  within  the  Dominion  '  came  into  being  at  the  end  of  1881,  the 
marquis  of  Lome  being  then  governor-general.     Montreal  was  the  place 
of  its  birth,   but  the  meetings  have  usually  been  held  at  Ottawa,  the 
political  centre  of  Canada,  and  the  national  importance  of  the  society  has 
been  recognised  by  an  annual  grant  by  the  Dominion  parliament.     Its 
*  Transactions '  are  necessarily  partly  in  English  and  partly,  in  French. 
Of  the  four  sections  of  which  the  society  consists  the  first  two,  which  deal 
respectively  with  French  and  English  literature,  with  history,  archaeology, 
and  allied  subjects,  are  those  which  are  likely  to  interest  readers  of  the 
English  Histoeical  Review.    In  vol.  ix.  the  most  exhaustive  paper  is  one 
by  Dr.  Bourinot  on  '  Cape  Breton  and  its  Memorials  of  the  French  Begime,' 
which  has  since  been  given  to  the  world  in  a  separate  form.^     It  is  so  com- 
prehensive  that  future  writers   will  find    difficulty  in  discovering  any 
further  information  about  this  interesting  island.     Akin  to  the  subject  of 
Dr.  Bourinot's  paper  is  a  short  paper,  with  useful  plates,  byW.  J.  Ganong 
npon  the  site  of  the  old  Acadian  fort  La  Tour.     The  North  American 
ciborigines  are  a  constant  subject  of  interest.    The  abbe  Cuoq  deals  at  length 
with  the'  Grammah'e  de  la  Langue  Algonquine,'  and  the  Shuswap  people 
of  British  Columbia  and  the  now  extinct  Beothiks  of  Newfoundland  form 
the  subjects  of  papers  by  Dr.  Dawson  and  Dr.  Patterson  respectively.     In 
the  French  section  among  other  papers  may  be  mentioned  one  on  General 
Eichard  Montgomery,  and  one  on  '  Jacques  Cartier,    Questions  de  Droit 
Public,  de  Legislation,  et  d'Usages  Maritimes.'     Vol.  x.  is  not  so  volu- 
minous as  its  predecessor.     It  contains  a  continuation  of  the  paper  on 
the  Algonquin  language,  and  an  appendix  by  Dr.  Patterson  to  his  paper  on 
the  Beothiks.     Dr.   Patterson  also    writes   on  Sir  AVilliam   Alexander, 
whose  schemes   of  Scotch   colonisation  the  name  of  Nova  Scotia  still 
recalls.     Nova    Scotian   currency  is  the  subject   of   another    paper   by 

'  See  English  Histokical  Keview,  viii.  596. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  l89 

Dr.  McLaclilan.  M.  Tasse  writes  on  Voltaire  and  Madame  de  Pompadour, 
deux  noms  sinistres  attaches  d  notre  (Canadian)  histoire ;  and  M.  de 
Cazes  on  '  L'Episode  de  I'lle  de  Sable,'  the  abortive  expedition  of  the 
marquis  de  la  Koche  to  Sable  Island  towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Canada  is  rich  beyond  most  countries — certainly  beyond  most 
European  colonies— in  subjects  of  historical  interest ;  and  it  is  no  small 
matter  for  congratulation  that  the  Dominion  has  a  Royal  Society  able  and 
anxious  to  collect  materials  and  to  bring  evidence  to  light.  The  fact  that 
two  languages  are  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  society  promises  well  for 
the  future  of  literature  and  science  in  Canada,  and  French  and  English 
Canadians  are  working  hard  side  by  side  in  the  interests  of  knowledge. 
It  may  be  added  that  for  many  years  past  the  Dominion  government  has 
spent  money  on  the  collection  and  arrangement  of  the  historical  records 
of  Canada,  and  under  the  competent  charge  of  Mr.  Brymner  the  archives 
of  the  Dominion  are  gradually  being  ordered  and  enriched.  No  expense 
has  evidently  been  spared  in  preparing  these  volumes  for  the  public.  The 
printing  is  excellent,  the  arrangement  is  clear,  and  the  maps  and  woodcuts 
are  very  attractive.  C.  P.  Lucas. 


The  Protected  Princes  of  India.     By  William  Lee- Warner,  C.S.I. 
(London  :  Macmillan  &  Co.     1894.) 

Mr.  Lee- Warner,  like  so  many  able  Indian  administrators,  has  turned 
for  recreation  to  the  task  of  enlightening  his  countrymen  upon  a  subject 
about  which  his  experience  enables  him  to  write  with  authority.  He  has 
taken  up  a  task  which  much  needed  to  be  begun.  Save  for  Mr.  Tupper's 
extremely  able  and  valuable  book,  *  Our  Indian  Protectorate,'  it  cannot  be 
said  that  we  have  anything  of  the  nature  of  a  scientific  study  of  the  relations 
of  our  Indian  empire  with  the  native  states  around  or  within  its  borders. 
The  work  is  one  of  great  importance  and  interest  to  students  of  inter- 
national relations,  of  diplomacy,  and  of  law.  Mr.  Lee-Warner  is  unusually 
well  qualified  for  the  task  he  has  undertaken,  and  he  has  accomplished  it 
with  indubitable  success.  He  may  be  said  to  have  first  seriously  intro- 
duced to  English  readers  a  scientific  examination  of  Indian  treaties.  He 
has  traced  through  the  periods  of  non-intervention,  of  isolation,  of 
annexation,  and  of  subordinate  union,  the  growth  of  the  complicated 
relations  in  which  we  find  ourselves  to-day  to  the  different  princes  with 
whom  we  are  connected  at  innumerable  points  of  internal  as  well  as  external 
administration.  The  book  falls  rather  within  the  sphere  of  political  science 
or  of  international  law  than  the  province  of  the  Historical  Eeview. 
We  must,  therefore,  be  content  to  say  that  the  book  is  one  which  no  student 
of  Indian  politics  can  afford  to  neglect  and  which  will  be  welcomed  by 
the  historian  as  well  as  by  those  whom  it  more  directly  concerns.  An 
excellent  map,  with  a  tabular  statement  showing  the  year  in  which  the 
lekding  states  were  finally  entered  on  a  footing  of  permanent  treaty 
relations,  adds  to  the  value  of  the  book.  The  account  of  Lord  Cornwalhs's 
policy  during  his  second  administration  will  strike  historical  students  as 
especially  clear  and  suggestive.  Some,  however,  of  Mr.  Lee-Warner's 
historical  comparisons  are  not  altogether  convincing. 


190  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

Both  the  principal#of  St.  Edmund  Hall,  Oxford,  and  the  press  of  his 
university  are  to  be  congratulated  upon  the  skill  with  which  they  have 
succeeded  in  comprising  the  entire  works  of  Dante,  both  prose  and  verse, 
Latin  as  well  as  Italian,  in  one  compact  and  handy  volume  {Tutte  le 
Opera  di  Dante  Alighieri,  nuovamente  rivedute  nel  testo  da  Dr.  E.Moore. 
Oxford:  nella  Stamperia  dell'  Universita.  1894).  The  type,  though 
small,  is  beautifully  clear ;  and  the  volume,  which  is  hardly  too  large  for 
the  pocket,  will  be  a  godsend  to  those  whose  good  fortune  it  is  to  spend 
some  of  the  winter  months  in  Italy.  But  these  are  by  no  means  the  only 
people  who  will  profit  by  Dr.  Moore's  edition.  All  students  of  Dante  are 
aware  of  his  many  years'  labours  on  the  text  of  the  author,  and  the  import- 
ance 'of  his  '  Contributions  to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  "  Divina 
Commedia  "  '  was  duly  noticed  by  us  five  years  ago  (vol.  v.  p.  193).  The 
scholar  will  rejoice  to  find  Dr.  Moore's  results  incorporated  in  his  new 
edition,  and  to  have  the  less  accessible  of  Dante's  works,  and  even  those 
doubtfully  assigned  to  him,  united  with  the  famous  ones  in  a  single 
volume,  and  furnished  with  an  extremely  serviceable  ind^x  by  the  com- 
petent hands  of  Mr.  Paget  Toynbee. 

Two  or  three  years  ago  we  took  some  account  of  the  valuable  materials 
recently  made  accessible  for  the  medieval  history  of  the  church  of  Utrecht 
(see  vol.  vii.  347-52).  Since  that  date  Dr.  Brom's  Bullarium  Traiectense, 
of  which  we  then  welcomed  the  beginning,  has  steadily  advanced  and  is 
now  nearly  complete  (as  far  as  tom.  ii.  fasc.  ii.  The  Hague  :  Nijhoif,  1893). 
Another  work  of  capital  importance  for  the  history  of  the  see  is  the 
scholarly  edition  of  its  ancient  chartulary  published  by  Mr.  S.  MuUer  Fz. 
(Het  oudste  Cartularium  van  liet  Sticht  Utrecht.  Werken  uitgegeven  door 
het  Historisch  Genootschap  gevestigd  te  Utrecht,  3rd  series,  No.  3.  The 
Hague  :  Nijhoff,  1892).  The  editor  warns  us  frankly  at  the  outset  not  to 
look  for  any  positive  novelties  in  his  book.  It  had,  in  fact,  been  published 
in  its"  entirety  once,  and  a  good  many  of  its  contents  have  found  their  way 
into  sundry  printed  collections.  But  the  edition  was  not  only  an  unsatis- 
factory piece  of  work  ;  it  had  the  additional  disadvantage  of  being  taken 
from  a  single  manuscript,  the  Egmond  codex  of  c.  1100,  now  in  the 
British  Museum.  Mr.  Muller,  on  the  other  hand,  has  used  besides  this 
the  '  Liber  Donationum,'  recently  discovered  among  the  cathedral  muni- 
ments at  Utrecht — a  manuscript  written  partly  about  1200,  partly  a 
generation  or  so  later — as  well  as  several  other  copies  derived  either 
directly  or  indirectly  from  these  two.  Among  them,  we  notice  Bondam's 
manuscript  of  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  lately  restored  to 
Utrecht  from  the  spoils  of  Sir  Thomas  Philhpps.  The  editor  furnishes 
in  his  introduction  some  valuable  criticisms  on  the  dates  of  the  various 
collections  which  make  up  the  chartulary,  and  on  the  extent  to  which  the 
interpolator  has  had  his  hand  in  them  ;  and  his  book  is  provided  with  a 
full  calendar  of  the  documents,  but  unfortunately  no  index. 

In  connexion  with  these  Utrecht  books  we  may  notice  Professor  Paul 
Fredericq's  Geschiede7iis  der  Inquisitie  in  de  Nederlanden  tot  aan  liarc 
Heriiirichting  onder  Keizer  Karel  7(1025-1520),  part  i.  (Ghent :  Vuylsteke, 
1892),  which  supplies  an  historical  introduction  to  and  commentary 
upon  the  earlier  portion  of  his  '  Corpus  Documentorum '  on  the  subject. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  X91. 

Following  in  tlie  lines  laid  down  by  Mr.  H.  C.  Lea  in  his  great  work  on 
*  The  Inquisition  of  the  Middle  Ages,'  Dr.  Fredericq  traces  the  manner  in 
which  the  bishop's  cognisance  of  cases  of  heretical  pravity  was  largely 
supplanted  by  that  of  the  pope,  a  change  which  was  completed  soon  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Dominican  order  ;  and  he  examines  the  working 
of  the  new  system  down  to  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century.  At  the 
same  time  we  are  shown  how  the  episcopal  inquisition  held  its  ground 
side  by  side  with  the  papal,  and  how  the  church  was  able  to  avail  itself  of 
the  assistance  of  the  secular  power.  The  whole  treatise  is  full  of  interest, 
and  with  the  *  Corpus  Documentorum ' — the  work  of  Dr.  Fredericq  and 
his  pupils  at  the  university  of  Ghent— it  supplies  a  profitable  example  of 
the  way  in  which  university  studies  under  a  professor,  pursued  as  they  are 
not  pursued  in  England,  may  lead  to  positive  additions  to  our  store  of  his- 
torical materials  as  well  as  to  a  valuable  digest  of  results. 

Binterim  and  Mooren's  book  on  the  archdiocese  of  Cologne  has  for  more 
than  sixty  years  been  a  well-known  storehouse  of  facts.  In  republishing 
it  under  the  title  Die  Erzdiocese  Koln  his  zur  franzosischen  Staatsum- 
wdlzung  (2  volumes.  Diisseldorf :  Voss,  1892-1893),  Dr.  Albert  Mooren 
has  left  the  substance  of  the  earlier  portions  much  as  they  stood,  though 
he  has  corrected  a  good  deal  in  matters  of  detail.  The  second  volume 
has  the  advantage  of  several  new  and  extensive  documents.  The  kernel 
of  the  work  in  its  present  form  consists  of  three  great  texts,  the  Liber 
Valoris  of  the  benefices  in  the  archdiocese  made  in  the  fourteenth  century 
(vol.  i.  55-525),  a  DescriiHionshuch  drawn  up  on  the  same  lines  but  with 
more  particulars  in  1599  (vol.  ii.  34-153),  and  a  still  more  minute  Desig- 
natio  of  the  benefices  in  the  duchy  of  Jlilich  and  Berg,  1676,  followed  by 
a  Matricula  or  custumary  of  dues  and  services  (vol.  ii.  154-406).  The 
fourteenth-century  calendar  printed  in  vol.  i.  526-539  presents  features  of 
interest.  The  notes,  which  add  largely  to  the  bulk  of  the  work,  are  not  in 
all  respects  satisfactory.  Old  mistakes  are  repeated  and  sufficient  -atten- 
tion has  not  been  paid  to  the  local  literature  of  the  last  half-century  or  to 
recent  editions  of  the  texts  cited.  The  sections  dealing  with  the  statistics 
of  the  diocese  in  the  last  century  can  hardly  be  estimated  by  a  foreigner  ; 
but  it  is  evident  that  they  contain  an  abundance  of  material  which  will 
be  welcome  to  the  special  student. 

In  Oliver  Cromivell,  by  Samuel  Harden  Church  (New  York :  G.  P. 
Putnam's  Sons,  1894),  we  have  not  the  work  of  a  professional  historian, 
but  of  a  writer  who  takes  a  deep  interest  in  one  of  the  great  characters  of 
English  history.  Judged  from  this  point  of  view  it  show\s  wide  reading, 
and  is  written  with  spirit  and  enthusiasm.  Its  defects  are  that  the  earlier 
part  of  Cromwell's  life  is  dealt  with  at  disproportionate  length  and  the 
history  of  the  protectorate  too  briefly  treated,  that  the  author  is  not 
sufficiently  discriminating  in  the  use  of  his  authorities,  and  that  it  con- 
tains many  errors.  For  instance,  the  account  of  Cromwell's  conduct  in 
1647  and  the  narrative  of  the  battle  of  Marston  Moor  both  contain  serious 
mistakes.  There  is  a  fine  portrait  of  Cromwell  after  Lely's  picture.  As 
a  popular  biography  of  the  Protector  the  book  will  not  supersede  the  lives 
by  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr.  Picton. 


192  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Jan. 

Under  the  title  of  /Sl.  PauVs  Cathedral  and  Old  City  Life :  Illustrations 
of  Civil  and  Cathedral  Life  from  the  Thirteenth  to  the  Sixteenth  Centuries 
(London  :  Elliot  Stock,  1894),  Dr.  W.  Sparrow  Simpson  has  put  together 
a  pleasant  volume  of  miscellanies  in  supplement  to  his  more  systematic 
works  on  the  history  of  Old  St.  Paul's.  He  gives  us  a  commentary  on 
the  medieval  and  later  inventories  of  the  cathedral  treasury,  which  he  was 
the  first  to  publish,  and  collects  a  variety  of  notices  relative  to  Paul's  Cross, 
of  which  he  supplies  four  illustrations.  In  his  account  of  the  sermons 
preached  there  he  prints  long  extracts  from  two  by  Dean  Feckenham  and 
Dr.  Glasier  (1555),  which  are  of  considerable  interest.  The  miscellaneous 
facts  and  curiosities  gathered  together  in  this  beautifully  printed  book 
are  made  available  to  students  of  church  antiquities  in  general  by  means 
of  a  full  index. 

A  Classified  List  of  Printed  Original  Materials  for  English  Manorial 
and  Agrarian  History  during  the  Middle  Ages,  by  Frances  Gardiner 
Davenport,  A.B.  (RadcUffe  College  Monographs,  No.  6)  (Boston,  1894), 
seems  to  be  an  excellently  well  arranged  hand-list  of  those  printed 
materials  that  any  one  who  is  studying  the  economy  of  English  medieval 
manors  will  find  useful  in  his  work.  It  evidently  represents  a  great 
deal  of  well-applied  labour,  and  can  be  confidently  recommended  to 
such  as  desire  a  guide  to  the  extents,  court  rolls,  account  rolls,  and  the 
like. 


CORRESPONDENCE 
Shakespeare  and  the  Jews 

There  seems  to  have  been  some  misunderstanding  by  Professor  Hales 
(English  Historical  Review,  October  1894,  p.  652)  as  to  my  meaning 
when  I  said  that  the  supreme  genius  of  Shakespeare  has  been  used  to 
incite  hatred  and  suspicion  against  the  Jews.  It  is  a  fact  that  the 
character  of  Shylock  has  been  by  many  people  interpreted  to  mean  a 
villain  without  excuse  or  qualification.  Professor  Hales  himself  surely 
admits  as  much  when  he  says,  '  At  a  superficial  glance  one  may  per- 
ceive only  a  fiend  in  human  shape  ;  and  perhaps  Elizabethan  audiences, 
furious  with  prejudice  and  bigotry,  saw  only  what  was  devilish  in  the 
wretched  being  they  derided  and  loathed  '  (p.  657).  It  is  also  a  fact  that 
Jews  have  been  the  victims  of  unjust  hatred  and  suspicion.  I  merely 
drew  the  inference  that  the  former  has  contributed  something  to  the 
latter.  It  is  a  matter  of  common  observation,  and  I  have  noticed 
instances  of  it  myself.  We  may  regret  it,  but  it  is  so.  I  did  not  enter 
into  the  larger  question  of  the  moral  intention  of  Shakespeare,  and  what  he 
meant  the  character  of  Shylock  to  teach.  He  has  not  put  his  meaning  on 
record,  and  there  have  been  different  opinions  expressed  about  it.  In  conse- 
quence it  is  a  literary  rather  than  an  historical  matter,  and  would  almost 
require  a  volume  for  adequate  treatment.  Arthur  Dimock. 


1895  193 


Periodical  Notices 


[Contributions  to  these  Notices,  whether  regular  or  occasional,  are  invited.  They 
should  be  drawn  up  on  the  pattern  of  those  printed  below,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  E.  L. 
Poole,  at  Oxford,  by  the  first  week  in  March,  June,  September,  and  December.] 

Tvjo  Sahcsan  inscriptions  now  at  Gottingen  :  printed  by  J.  Flemming.— Nachr. 
Gesellsch.  Wiss.  Gottingen  1894.    2. 

Boman  and  Iberian  inscriptions :  by  F.  Fita  [an  article  on  the  remarkable  dis- 
coveries of  Don  Jos6  Salurrullana  at  Fraga,  between  Saragossa  and  Lerida;  of 
great  importance  for  the  phonetic  value  of  the  so-called  Iberian  alphabet  in  this 
district]. — Boletin  K.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  4.  Oct. 
Epigraphical  excursions  :  by  A.  C.  Mena,  jun.  [an  exhaustive  description  of  anti- 
quities and  inscriptions  on  several  of  the  roads  of  the  Itinerary  of  Antoninus]. — 
Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  1-3.     July-Sept. 

The  '  Gospel  of  Peter : '  by  A.  C.  McGiffert  [who  considers  the  work  not  to  be 
Docetic]. — Papers  Araer.  Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 

The  earliest  Boman  mass-book  :  by  F.  Bishop  [urging  that  the  Gelasian  sacramen- 
tary  was  introduced  into  Gaul  as  early  as  the  sixth  century,  and  that  the  Vatican 
text  is  to  be  preferred  to  those  of  Eheinau  or  St.  Gall ;  and  claiming  Alcuin  for 
the  author  of  the  supplement  to  the  Gregorian  sacramentary  which  afterwards 
became  included  in  the  body  of  the  work].— Dublin  Kev.  N.S.  12.     Oct. 

The  Martyrology  of  0' Gorman;  by  H.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville. — Anal.  Bolland. 
1894.    2. 

A  catalogue  of  the  manuscripts  and  early  printed  books  of  the  cathedral  of  Vich  in 
i8o6  [among  the  legal  and  theological  MSS.  are  codices  of  Virgil  and  Horace  of 
the  eleventh  century.  Many  of  the  older  MSS.  have  unfortunately  disappeared]. — 
Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  4.  Oct. 

The  history  of  Moses  of  Chorene :  by  G.  Khalatiants  [an  examination  of  the  theory 
of  Carri^re  that  the  history  of  Armenia  by  this  writer  ought  to  be  referred  to  the 
seventh  or  even  the  eighth  century]. — Zhurnal  Ministerstva  Narodnago  Prosviest- 
chenia.     Oct. 

The  Acts  of  the  bishops  of  Le  Mans  :  by  the  late  Julien  Havet.  Appendix  of  docu- 
ments.— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  2,  3. 

The  imperial  charters  of  the  monastery  of  Peterlingen :  by  H.  Bresslau.— Anz. 
Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.     4. 

Vita  ct  miracula  S.  Stanislai  Kostkoe :  by  Ubaldini. — Anal.  Bolland.  1894.    2. 

The  statutes  and  service-books  of  the  church  of  Albi :  by  E.  Twigge. — Dublin  Eev. 
N.S.  12.     Oct. 

Contributimis  to  the  historiography  of  the  crusading  states,  especially  in  the  time  of 
Frederick  II:  by  P.  Eichter.  II :  The  '  Estoire  d'Eracles.'  Ill :  The  '  Annales 
de  terre  sainte ; '  with  a  note  on  the  memoirs  of  Philip  de  Nevaire  [of  Novara]. — 
Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4  (continued  from  xiii.  2). 

The  two  chronicles  ofBichard  of  San  Germano  and  their  relation :  by  A.  Winkeljiann. 
Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 

Parvum  et  simplex  exercitium  ex  consuetudine  humilis  patris  domini  Florcncii 
[Florens  Eadewijnsz.]  et  aliorum  devotorum  [a  work  proceeding  from  the  circle 
of  the  brethren  of  common  life] :  printed  from  a  Berlin  manuscript  by  D.  J.  M. 
WiJSTENHOFF. — Arch.  Nederl.  Kerkgesch.  v.  1. 

Pier  Candida  Decembri's  Italian  translation  of  Caesar's   '  Commentaries : '  by  A. 
VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVII.  •  0 


^. 


194  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Jan. 

Mokel-Fatio  [who  describes  a  manuscript  of  it  among  the  Chigi  collection  in 

the  Biblioth^que  Nationals].— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  2,  3. 
The  growth  of  sagas  :  by  F.  Yobk  Powell  [analysing  the  elements  by  which  they 

have  been  enlarged  to  their  final  dimensions,  with  special  reference  to  Egil's  Saga, 

to  which  the  writer  denies  any  original  historical  value].— Folk-Lore,  v.  2.   June. 
The  trustworthiness  of  the  data  supplied  by  the  Hrafnkelssaga  for  the  history  of  law  : 

by  O.  Opet  [examined  with  a  negative  result].— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.- 

forsch.,  Erganzb.  iii.  3. 
utohiography  and  its   development  in  the  middle  ages :  by  F.   von   Bezold. — Zft. 

Kulturgesch.  i.  2,  3. 
B.  Flint's  *  History  of  the  Philosophy  of  History:— 'Edinh.  Kev.  370.  Oc^. ;— by  E.  M. 

Wenley,  Scott.  Kev.  48.  Oct. 
Modern  historians  and  their  methods :  by  H.  A.  L.  Fisher. — Fortnightly  Eev.  N.S. 

336.    Dec. 

^The  origin  of  western  civilisation :  by  F.  Legge. — Scott.  Kev.  48.  Oct. 
The  laiu  of  progress  in  religions  :  by  comte  Goblet  d'Alviella. — Kev.  Belg.  1894.  3. 
The  earliest  history  of  Babylonia. — Quart.  Kev.  358.     Oct. 
The  fall  of  the  Assyrian  empire :  by  F.  Demoor   [on  the  character  and  duration  of 

Nabupalassur's  power  in  Babylonia  ;  the  two  sieges  of  Nineveh,  and  the  date  of  its 

final  overthrow]. — Mus6on  1894.     3. 
The  office  of  the  king  in  ancient  Egypt:  by  A.  Wiedemann   [partly  the  mediator 

between  the  gods  and  his  subjects,  partly  the  commander  of  the  army,  partly  the 

absolute  sovereign  of  the  land]. — Mus6on  1894.     4. 
The  ritual  legislation  of  the  Hebrews  in  its  religious  aspect :  by  A.  van  Hoonackeb. — 

Museon  1894.     3. 
Jerusalem :  by  major  C.  K.  Conder.    Scott.  Rev.  48.     Oct. 
The  journeys  of  king  Herod  to  Borne:  by  L.  Korach. — Monatschr.  Gesch.  Judenth. 

xxxviii.  12. 
The  beliefs,  rites,  and  customs  of  the  Jews  connected  with  death,  burial,  and  mourning : 

by  A.  P.  Bender.— Jew.  Qu.  Rev.  25.     Oct.  (continued  from  22). 
Contributions  to  the  knowledge  of  Vedic  chronology  :  by  H.  Jacobi. — Nachr.  Gesellsch. 

Wiss.  Gottingen  1894.     2. 
The  historical  treatment  of  Homer  :  by  R.  Pohlmann.— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  3. 
The  Caesars.— Quart.  Rev.  358.     Oct. 
Industrial  associations  under  the  Boman  empire :  by  W.  Liebenam. — Zft.  Kulturgesch. 

i.  1-3. 
The  primitive  church  and  the  papacy  [with  reference  to  the  work  of  L.  Rivington]. — 

Church  Qu.  Rev.  77,  Oct. ;  Dublin  Rev.  N.S.  12,  Oct. 
St.  Clement  of  Borne' s  epistle  and  the  early  Boman  church — Church  Qu.  Rev.  77.  Oct. 
Paganism  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  :  by  P.  Allard.— Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivi. 

2.     Oct. 
St.  Nicholas  and  Artemis  :  by  E.  Anichkof  [attempting  to  show  a  connexion  between 

the  attributes  and  cultus  of  the  Ephesian  goddess  and  the  medieval  associations 

of  St.  Nicolas]. — Folk-Lore,  v.  2.     June. 
Agricola  the  Briton  and  the  Pelagian  writings  attributed  to  him  by  Caspari. — Church 

Qu.  Rev.  77.  Oct. 
The  letter  of  bishop  Maximus  to  Theophilus  of  Alexandria :  by  G.  Morin  [illustrating 

the   ecclesiastical  history  of   Gaul  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century]. — Rev. 

Bened.  Maredsous,  x.  6. 
The  text  of  the  spurious  letters  addressed  to  Peter  Fullo  of  Antioch  in  the  collection 

distinguished  by  Maassen  as  the  '  Sammlung  in  Sachen  des  Monophysitismus : '  by 

0.  GuNTHER  [describing  the  manuscripts  and  examining  their  relation]. — Nachr. 

Gesellsch.  Wiss.  Gdttingen  1894.     2. 
On  the  early  medieval  guilds  :  by  L.  M.  Hartmann  [dealing  with  TJ>  iirapxi-Khv  fiifixiov, 

documents  from  Ravenna  from  the  tenth  century  onwards,  and  the  disputed  evi- 
dence from  Rome]. — Zft.  Social-Wirthsch.-Gesch.  iii.  1. 
The  organisation  of  the  cownty  in  the  Frankish  realm :  by  W.  Sickel. — Mitth.  Inst, 

Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.,  Erganzb,  iii.  3, 


S95  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  t95 

Qorsica,  and  Sardiiiia  iri  the  donations  to  the  papacy :  by  R.  Dove  [reviewing  P.  Kehr 

and  A.  Schaube's  interpretations  of  the  passage  in  the  '  Vita  Hadriani ; '  examining 

.    the  history  of  Corsica  from  the  re-establishment  of  the  imperial  authority  in  534, 

showing  that  it  was  won  by  the  Lombards  under  king  Liutprand,  but  that  the 

donation  of  it  was  never  carried  into  effect  by  Charles  the  Great ;  tracing  the  history 

of  Corsica  and  Sardinia  down  to  the  time  of  Gregory  VII,  and  accounting  for  the 

.    forged  redaction  of  the  '  Pactum  Ludovici '  concocted  in   1083-1086  by  means  of 

his  policy  in  regard  to  these  islands]. — SB.  Bayer.  Akad.,  phil.-hist.  CI.,  1894.     2. 

Abelard  and  Arnold  of  Brescia :  by  M.  de  Palo  [a  contrast  between  the  literary  and 

the  political  reformer.     The  writer  rejects  the  statement  of  Otto  of  Freising  that 

,    Arnold  was  a  pupil  of  Abelard,  believing^  that  their  first  meeting  was  at  Sens  in 

1 140,  and  that  Arnold's  radicalism  was  wholly  of  native  growth]. — Arch.  stor.  Ital. 

.    6th  ser.  xiv.  3. 

The  life  and  work  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  :  by  T.  O'Gorman. — Papers  Amer.  Soc.  of 

Church  Hist.  vi. 
The  college  of  St.  Martial  at  Avignon :  by  U.  Berliere. — Eev.  B6n6d.  Maredsous,  x.  8. 
The  itinerary  of  Martin  Vfrom  Constance  to  Borne  [16  May  1418—28  Sept.  1420]  :  by 

P.  MiLTE>fBERGER. — Mitth.  lust.  Oesterrcich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 

War  in  Morocco  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  ceyitury  :  by  M.  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  [a 

very  interesting  document  on  the  methods  of  filibustering  on  the  African  coast, 

.    with,  an  account  of  the  expeditions  in  which  the  anonymous  author  was  engaged, 

undated  but  previous  to    1505,  and  perhaps  to  the  capture   of  Melilla  in  1497; 

.    excellent   explanatory  and   illustrative    notes ;   and    an  introduction].      Boletin. 

R.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  1-3.  July-Sept. 
St.  Theresa.— Church  Qu.  Eev.  17.  Oct. 
Superstitious  beliefs  and  practices  in  vulgar  Greek  NofxoKauoves :  by  W.  R.  Paton. — 

Folk-Lore,  v.  3.     Sept. 
Queen  Elizabeth  and  France  [to  1572] :  by  Miss  J.  M.  Stone. — Dublin  Rev.N.S.  12.  Oct. 
Philip  II-  of  Spain  and  the  last  years  of  Mary  Stuart :  by  M.  Philippson.— Hist.  Zft. 

Ixxiii.  3. 
The  invasion  of  France  by  the  imperial  troops  in  1635-1636  :  by  0.   Vigier.— Rev. 

Quest,  hist.  Ivi.  2.  Oct. 
Papers  concerning  peace  negotiations  in  1638,  from  the  Schleswig  Archives:  printed 

by  J.  A.  WoRP. — Bijdr.  vaderl.  Geschied.  8rd  S.  viii.  4. 
The  war  of  the  Spaiiish  succession  in  the  Chronicles  of  Lodi :  by  G.  Agnelli  [chiefly 
derived  from  the  MS.  of  Fagnani,  a  Dominican,  who  gives  an  excellent  description 
of  the  general  character  of  the  operations  on  the  Adda,  and  the  siege  of  the  castle 
of  Milan  from  1701  to  1706  ;  and  illustrates  the  bad  discipline  and  want  of  spirit 
in  the  French  troops  as  compared  with  prince  Eugene's.  Popular  sympathies  seem 
to  have  been  with  the  archduke.     There  are  also  interesting  details  of  the  old- 
fashioned  Spanish  Lombard  garrison,  of  the  French  military  hospitals,  the  German 
commissariat,  and  the  reckless  expenditure  of  the  French]. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb 
3rd  S.  iii.  Sept. 
The  secret  negotiations  of  the  statepensionary  L.  P.  van  de  Spiegel  and  the  Eng- 
lish  minister  lord  Auckland  with   the  French  general  Dumouriez  through  the 
mediation  of  the  French  minister  M.  E.  de  Maulde  Hosdan  [Nov.  1792  to  Feb. 
1793]  •  byL.  Wickers.— Bijdr.  vaderl.  Geschied.  3rd  S.  viii.  3. 
Wilhelm  von  HumboldV s  observations  on  the  Spanish  cortes  [1811] :  by  B.  Gebhardt. — 

Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  3. 
An  unsigned  paper  found  among  the  remains  of  the  duke  of  Beichstadt  [apparently 
written  in  the  winter  of  1831  or  the  spring  of  1832]  :  printed  by  H.  Schlitter. — 
Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 
Memoir  by  Theodor  von  Bernhardi  on  the  Polish  revolt  of  1863. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  1. 

O^^  the  servile  classes  in  Champagne  from  the,  eleventh  to  the  fourteenth  century:  by 

H.  See.     L— Rev.  hist.  Ivi.  2.  Nov. 
The  war  of  partisans  in  Upper  Nortnandy:  [1424-1429] :  by  G.  LErEVRE^PoNTALis.— 
e:    Bibl.EeoleCharteSvlv.  3,  4  (continued  fr 


196  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Jan. 

The  •  Economies  BoyaUs  '  of  Sully  and  Henry  lYs  great  design :  by  C.  Pfister.    V» 

concluded.— Kev.  hist.  Ivi.  2.  Nov. 
The  diocese  of  Bordeaux  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries :  by  E.  Allain. — 

Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivi.  2.    Oct. 
Early  professions  of  faith  of  French  protestants,  Eobert  Estienne,  Lefevre,  and  Calvin  : 

by  0.  DouEN  and  N.  Weiss. — Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Frany.  xliii.  9.    Sept. 
Letters  close  of  Francis  Ion  the  protestants  of  Savoy  [1538] :  by  H.  Hauser.— Bull, 

Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franc?,  xliii.  11.  Nov. 
Catherine  de  Medicis  and  the  politiques  [1560-1576]  :  by  comte  H.  de  la  Ferrikbe. — 

Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivi.  2.     Oct. 
Recent  literature  on  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  :  by  N.  Weiss.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist. 

Protest.  Fran?,  xliii.  8.    Aug. 
Johyi  of  Luxembourg  [i  537- 1576]  and  the  reformation  in  the  county  of  Ligny-en- 

Barrois  :  by  H.  Dannreuther.—  Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franc?,  xliii.  10.     Oct. 
The  protestants  of  Sedan  [1572-1710]  by  N.  Weiss  &  A.  Bernus.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist. 

Protest.  Franc?,  xliii.  10.     Oct. 
The  reformation  in  Vermandois  and  the  county  of  Cambray  [i  592-1599] :  by  J.  Pan- 
nier.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franc?,  xliii.  8.     Aug. 
-The  man  in  the  black  velvet  mask,  commonly  called  the  iron  mask:  by  F.  Funck- 

Brentano  [who  decides  for  his  identity  with  Mattioli]. — Rev.  hist.  Ivi.  2.     Nov. 
The  relations  of  the  marquis  de  Langallerie  with  the  Jews  :  by  D.  Kauffmann.— Rev. 

Etudes  Juives  56.     April. 
The  masonic  lodge  at  Montreuil-sur-Mer  [1761-1809] :  by  E.   Charpentier.— R6vol. 

Franc?,  xiv.  6.  Dec. 
Pierre  Soulier,  protestant  minister  [i 743-1 794l>  put  to  death  during  the  reign   of 

terror:  by  D,  Benoit.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franc?,  xliii.  11.  Nov. 
The  twentieth-tax  in  the  country  of  Toulouse  in  the  years  preceding  the  revolution  : 

by  M,  Marion.— R6 vol.  Franc?,  xiv.  5.     Nov. 
The  county  of  Eu  at  the  time  of  the  calling  of  the  estates  general  of  1789:   by  F. 

Clerembbay. — Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  1.     July. 
Abb6  Sotdavie's  account  of  the  elections  of  the  clergy  of  Caen  in  1789  :  printed  by  A. 

Brette.— Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  2.     Aug. 
The  ranks  of  officers  in  the  army  of  the  revolution  :  by  E.  Chabavay. — R6vol.  Franc?. 

xiv.  4.     Oct. 
Bournon's  history  of  the  Bastille  and  the  lith  July  1789:  by  J.  Flammermont. — 

Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  5.     Nov.  (cf.  6.  Dec.) 
Chaslcs,  a  regicide  priest  [1753-1826] :  by  E.  Welvert. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivi.  2.  Oct. 
Gay-Vernon  [1748-1822],  constitutional  bishop  of  Limoges:  by  A.  Artaud. — R6vol. 

Franc?,  xiv.  4-6.     Oct.-Dec. 
The  20th  June  and  the  10th  August  1792,  as  described  by  Michel  Az6ma,  deputy  of 

the  Aude  in  the  legislative  assembly  :  letters  printed  by  C.  Block.— R6vol.  Franc?. 

xiv.  2.     Aug. 
The  municipality  of  Tourcoing  under  foreign  occupation  [lygz-iyg^]  :  by  H.  Prentout. 

Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  1,  2.     Jtily,  Aug. 
The  toivn  of  Conde  [1792- 1794] :  by  P.  Foucart.— R6vol.  Franc?,  xiv.  5,  6.  Nov.,  Dec. 
The  notebook  of  the  abbi  Jehin  [one  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolutionary  movement  in 

the  principality  of  Liege]  at  Paris  [6  May  1793-6  Nov.  1794]  :  by  A.  Body.— Bull. 

Inst,  archeol.  Liegeois,  xxiii.  3. 
Letter  of  Godefroy  [14  Nov.   1793]    illustrating  the  reaction  against  the  worship  of 

Reason  :  printed  by  F.  A.  Aulard.— Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  6.     Dec. 
Documents  of  the  revolutionary  government :  the  decree  of  14  Frimaire  an  II  [4  Dec. 

1793]  and  other  documents  of  the  time,  reprinted  by  F.  A.  Aulard.— R6vol.  Franc?. 

xiv.  3.     Sept. 
The  political  effects  of  the  partial  renewal  of  representative  assemblies  :  by  G.  Pouzet, 
art  3    illustrated  from  the  history  of  the  relations  between  the  Directory  and 

cne  egislative  councils  1797-18CX)].— Ann.  Sciences  Polit.  ix.  5.     Sept. 
The  causes  of  the  18th  Brumaire  :  by  F.  A.  Aulard  [the  growth  of  military  feeling ; 

disgust  with  politics ;  the  existence  of  a  party,  possibly  not  a  minority,  hostile  to 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  197 

republican  institutions ;  the  failure  of  leading  men  owing  to  the  executions  of 

1793  and  1794;  the  suppression  of  Paris;  and  the  division  of  parties]. — E6vol. 

Franc?,  xiv.  1.     July. 
Bonaparte  and  the  supposed  attempt  at  his  assassination  by  the  Five  Hundred  [10 

Nov.    1799]-  by  F.  A.  Aulard   [who   decides  it  to  be  a  fable].— R6vol.  Franp. 

xiv.  2.    A2ig, 
The  conventionnels  who  held  office  after  the  l^h  Brumaire :  by  A.  Kuscinski.— Revol. 

Franp.  xiv.  3.  Sept.  (cf.  4.  Oct.) 
Letter  of  general  Menou  to  Jean-Baptiste  Fourier  [21  May  1801] :  printed  by  E. 

Chabavay. — R^vol.  Fran?,  xiv.  1.     July. 
The  Hundred  Days  at  Dijon  :  by  P.  Gaffaeel.— R6vol.  Fran?,  xiv.  2-4,  Aug.-Oct. 

The  German  currency  in  the  middle  ages :  by  K.   T.  von  Inama-Sternegq. — Zft. 

Social- Wirthseh.-Gesch.  iii.  1. 
The  county   of  Hegau:  by  G.   Tumbult     [the  counts,   724-926,  with  brief  later 

notices;  the   landgravial  rights;  boundary  disputes;  exempt  districts]. — Mitth. 

Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.,  Erganzb.  iii.  3. 
Udalhardis,  ivife  of  count  Frederick  II  of  Leiningen  :  by  E.  Kruger.— Anz.  Schweiz. 

Gesch.  1894.  4. 
Becent  literature  on  the  history  of  the  origin  of  German  towns  :  by  K.  Uhlirz. — Mitth. 

Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 
The  position  of  Lusatia  in  the  golden  btdl  of  Charles  IV:  by  W.  Lippert. — Mitth. 

Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 
Beligious,  artistic,  and  social  forces  in  Germany  in  the  later  middle  ages  :    by  K. 

Lampreoht.— Zft.  Kulturgesch.  i.  1. 
Familiar  letters  of  German  ladies  [1461-1509]  :  printed  by  G.  Steinhausen  [as  speci- 
mens of  the  epistolary  style  of  the  period]. — Zft.  Kulturgesch.  i.  1. 
The  communism  of  the  followers  of  Huter  in  Moravia  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 

centuries  [1526-1626]  :  by  J.  Loserth. — Zft.  Social-Wirthsch.-Gesch.  iii.  1. 
Duke  Otto  of  Brunsivick-Lilneburg^s  renunciation  of  his  right  to  tlie  government  of 

the  principality  of  Lilneburg  and  his  marriage  with  Meta  von  Campe :  by  A. 

Wrede  [giving  an  account,  chiefly  in  the  words  of  the  Duke's  own  narrative  of 

the  year  152G,  of  a  mesalliance  to  which  he  adhered  with  honourable  fidelity  after 

taking  the  opinion  of  Wittemberg]. — Zft.  hist.  Ver.  Niedersachsen,  1894. 
MelanchtJwn's  lecture  on  Cicero's  'De  Officiis '  [i  555] :  by  W.  Meyer.— Nachr.  Gesellsch. 

Wiss.  Gottingen.  1894.     2. 
The  carnival  at  Miinsterin  the  sixteenth  ceyitury  :  by  P.  Bahlmann. — Zft.  Kulturgescli. 

i.  2,  3. 
-The  siege  of  Vienna  by  coimt  T/iw?i  [2-14  June  1619] :  by  A.  Huber  &  J.  Hirn. — 

Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 
— Wedlenstein's  catastrophe:  by  K.  Wittich.     II :  Jan. -Feb.  1634  [treated  in  connexion 

with  the  Swedish  negotiations  published  by  G.  Irmer].— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  2. 
Letters  of  Pufendorf  to  Falaiseau,  Friese,  and  Weigel,  with  remarks  by  K.  Varren- 

TRAPP. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  1. 
Benjamin  Schmolck  the  hymn-writer  [1672-1737]:  by  J.  E.  Rakkin. — Papers  Amer. 

Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 
The  foundation  of  the  Austrian  navy,  with  documents  [1720] :  by  K.  Lechner. — 

Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xv.  4. 
The  responsibility  of  Frederick  the  Great  for  the  outbreak  of  the  Seven  Years'  War : 

by  R.  KosER  [an  embittered  reply  to  M.  Lehmann's  recent  attempt  to  show  that 

the  position  of  Frederick  II  in  the  summer  of  1756  was  not  sufficiently  perilous  to 

explain  his  taking  arms  ;  demonstrating,  in  accordance  with  the  conclusions  of 

Ranke,  that  the  arming  of  Prussia  was  caused  by  the  preparations  of  Russia,  and 

that  these  were  the  immediate  consequence  of  Kaunitz's  instructions  to  Esterhazy 

of  13  March  1756].— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  1. 
The  town  of  Hanover  in  the  Seven  Years'  War ;  by  0.  Ulrich  [a  detailed  account 

of  the  fortunes  of  the  Hanoverian  capital  in  the  Seven  Years'  War,  more  especially 

during  the  two  occupations  by  the  duke  de  Richelieu  in  1757  and  1758  :  interesting 


198  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Jato. 

as  showing  the  corruption'existing  in  the  French  army,  which  other^vis"e  was  guilty 

of  no  gross  misconduct;  and,  incidentally,  as   illustrating  the  disadvantages  of 

the  British  connexion  to  the  electorate].— Zft.  hist.  Ver.  Niedersachsen,  1894. 
Frederick  the  Great  in  1761 :  by  H.  von  Sybel.— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  1. 
Charles  Augustus  of  Saxe-Weimar,  Goethe,  and  the  Filrstenbund :  by  P.  Bailleu  [in 

criticism  of  O.  Lorenz].— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  1. 
The  military  policy  of  Prussia  after  Jena  from  the  treaty  of  Tilsit  to  the  treaty  of 

Kalisch  [1807-1813  ]:  by  Nathan-Forest.— Ann.  Sciences  polit.  ix.  5.     Sept. 
The  Prussian  reform  legislation  in  its  relation  to  the  Fretich  revolution  :  by  F.  KoSer 

[criticising  G.  Cavaignac's  work  on  Stein's  ministry].— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  2. 
Duke  Friedrich  Wilhelm  of  Brunswick's  march  through  North  Germany  in  1809, 

with  maps  and  plans.— Milit.-Wochenbl.  1894,  Beiheft  9,  10. 
The  acceptance  of  industrial  freedom  in  Prussia  [1810-181 1] :  by  K.  von  Eohrscheidt. 

I. — Zft.  Social -Wirthsch.-Gesch.  iii.  1. 
Letters  of  the  war-minister  von  Eoon  [186^],  shoviing  thsit  it  was  through  his  efforts 

that  Bismarck  was  made  minister  in  1862. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  2. 
Documents  on  the  Jews  of  Wiener-Neustadt :  by  ScHWEiNBUKG-EiBERscHiJTz.— Eev. 

Etudes  Juives  56.    April.  > 

Some  features  of  papal  jurisdiction  in  medieval  England:  by  J.  Moyes  [illustrated 

from  W.  H.  Bliss's  '  Calendar  of  papal  letters,  11 98-1304']. —Dublin  Kev.  N.S.  12. 

Oct. 
The  taxation  of  papal  bulls  addressed  to  England  :  by  E.  Bacha  [it  was  on  a  higher 

scale  doubtless  on  account  of  the  greater  cost  of  transmission].— Bull.  Comm. 

hist.  Belg.,  5th  S.,  iv.  2. 
The  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  England  :  by  B.  L.  Abrahams. — Jew.  Qu.  Kev.  25.  Oct. 
Mrs.  J.  R.  Green's  '  English  Towns  in  the  fifteenth  ce^itury.' — Edinb.  Eev.  370.    Oct. 
The  master  masons  of  Scotland. — Scott.  Eev.  48.     Oct. 
Tudor  intrigues  in  Scotland    in    connexion  with   queen   Margaret   [1513-1541]. — 

Scott.  Eev.  48.     Oct. 
The  history  of  the  doctrine  of  apostolical  succession  in  the  church  of  England  isince 

the  reformation :  by  H.  C.  Vedder. — Papers  Amer.  Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 
The  earl  of  Lonsdale's  papers. — Edinb.  Eev.  370.  Oct. 
Lord  Wolselei/s   Life  of  Marlborozigh.—'Ediinh.  Eev.  370.  Oct. ;— Quart.  Eev.   358. 

Oct. ;— by  W.  O'C.  Morris,  Scott.  Eev.  48.     Oct. 
The  earl  of  Mar's  '  Considerations  and  proposalls  for  L'land  on  a  restoration  '  [July 

1722] :  printed  by  the  hon.  S.  ErsjKine. — Dublin  Eev.  N.S.  12.     Oct. 
Buchan  [an  historical  and  descriptive  account]. — Quart.  Eev.  358.     Oct. 

The  ancient  history  and  topography  of  Naples  illustrated  from  inscriptions :  by  A. 
SoGLiANO. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3  (continued  from  1). 

The  duchy  of  Naples  :  by  M.  Schipa.  XI :  The  contest  with  the  Norman  monarchy 
[i  131 -1 137],  concluded. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3. 

History  and  art  [containing  among  other  notices  a  description  of  the  discoveries  and 
reconstructions  in  the  castle  of  Milan  since  its  transference  from  the  military  to 
the  municipal  authorities  in  1893.  The  more  important  relate  to  the  age  of 
Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza,  Bona  of  Savoy,  and  Ludovico  Moro]. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb. 
3rd  S.  iii.    Sept. 

The  battle  of  Porto  Longo  or  Sapienza  [1354]  :  by  V.  Lazzarini  [including  the  opera- 
tions which  preceded  and  followed  the  disaster  of  the  Venetian  fleet,  and  the 
inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the  officers,  with  illustrative  documents  from  the 
Archivio  di  Stato  at  Venice]. — N.  Arch.  Ven.  viii.  1. 

Giangaleazzo  Visconti  a  prisoner :  by  G.  Eomano  [denying  the  alleged  attempt  of 
the  Visconti  to  poison  the  emperor  Eupertat  Sulzbach,  and  attributing  the  slander, 
on  Uzzano's  confession,  to  the  hatred  of  the  Florentine  government  for  Gian- 
galeazzo.]—Arch,  stor.  Lomb.  3rd  S.  ii.     June. 

The  alliance  of  king  Ben6  ivith  Francesco  Sforza  against  the  Venetians :  by  E.  Colombo, 
concluded.— Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  3rd  S.  ii.    June,       ......  ^  ....-.<..-. ..  ^.\.-^. a 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  199 

Ouiniforte  Barzizza,  master  of  Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza :  by  A.  Cappelli  [contains  in- 
teresting letters  describing  the  visit  of  the  young  prince  to  Borso  d'Este  in  1457, 
and  to  the  diet  of  Mantua  in  1459]. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  3rd  S.  ii.     June. 

The  first  years  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and  the  invasion  of  John  of  Anjou:  by  E. 
NuNziANTE.    X.  [1459-1460]. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3. 

Notices  concerning  Neapolitan  writers  and  artists  of  the  Aragonese  period:  by  E. 
Pkecopo.  IV:  Gabriele  Altilio,  Giuliano  da  Majano,  Eutilio  Zenone,  Aurelio 
Bienato. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3. 

A  satire  of  Ercole  del  Mayno  [a  Milanese]  against  Venice :  by  E.  Motta  [written  in 
1483  during  the  Ferrarese  war  ;  a  summary  of  the  sins  of  Venice  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  down  to  the  seizure  of  Cyprus,  the  bringing  of  the  Turks  to  Otranto,  and  the 
invitation  to  French,  Germans,  and  Swisg.  An  account  is  added  of  the  writer's 
magistracy  at  Bormio  and  his  assassination] Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  3rd  S.  iii.    Sept. 

Alonso  Hernandez'  '  Historia  Parthenopea,'  a  Spanish  poem  on  the  feats  of  the  Gran 
Capitano  [Gonijalo  de  Cordova]  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples  [printed  in  15 16]  :  by  B 
Croce. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3. 

Filippo  Strozzi :  by  A.  Baedi  biographical  study  supported  by  unpublished 
letters  of  Strozzi  to  his  brother  Lorenzo  and  to  Francesco  Vettori,  15 12- 1535. 
The  author  believes  Strozzi  to  have  been  selfish,  unprincipled,  and  easily  led, 
having  no  real  love  for  popular  liberties.  He  discredits  the  theory  of  suicide  as 
being  alien  to  Strozzi's  character]. — Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  S.  xiv.  3. 

Tommaso  Campanella  [f  1639],  a  philosophical  poet  of  the  Italian  renaissance :  by  E. 
GoTHEiN. — Zft.  Kulturgesch.  i.  1. 

The  cavaliere  Antonio  Micheroux  in  the  Neapolitan  reaction  of  1799  :  by  B.  Maresca. 
V. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  3. 

Bibliographical  notices  of  recent  works  relating  to  Italian  history  :  by  C.  Cipolla. — N 
Arch.  Ven.  viii.  1. 

Vitae  B.  Odiliae  vidicae  Leodiensis  libri  duo  prior es. — Anal.  Bolland.  1894.  2. 
Supplementary  documerits  to  the  ^  Oorkondenboek  van  Holland  en  Zeeland'  [1230- 

1299]  :  printed  by  J.  de  Fremery.— Bijdr.  vaderl.  Geschied.  3rd  S.  viii.  4. 
A  thirteenth-century  account-book  [of  the  seigneurs  of  Mortagne] :  by  A.  d'Herbomez. 

Messager  Sciences  hist.  Belg.  1894.  2. 
Historical  songs  in  the  vernacular  of  the  Netherlands  before  the  religious  troubles  of 

the  sixteenth  century  :  by  P.  Fredericq.— Bull,  Acad.  Belg,,  3rd  S.,  xxvii,  5. 
The  chronicler  Guillaume  de  Vottem,  prior  of  St.  Jacques  at  Lidge :  by  U.  Berliere 

Bull,  Comm.  hist.  Belg,,  5th  S.,  iv.  2, 
The  fortifications  of  Antwerp  in  the  sixteenth  century  :  by  Wauveemans. — Ann,  Acad. 

archeol.  Belg.  xlviii.  1, 
Dom  Mathieu  Moulart,  abbat  of  St.  Ghislain  and  bishop  of  Arras  :  by  U.  Berliere. — 

Kev.  B6n6d.  Maredsous,  x.  6. 
On  the  history  of  the  separation  of  North  and  South  Netherland.    V  :    The  election  of 

Anjou:  by  P.  L.  Mullee,— Bijdr.  vaderl,  Geschied,  3rd  S.  viii.  4. 
The  preparation  in  exile  of  the  reformed  church  of  Holland  [in  the  years  preceding 

1572]  :  by  R,  Fruin, — Arch.  Nederl.  Kerkgesch.  v.  1. 
Dom  Jacques  de  Marquais  [i  541- 1604,  the  reformer  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Martin  at 

Tournai] :  by  U.  Berliere. — Rev.  B6ned.  Maredsous,  x.  4. 
Madier-Montjou  in  Belgium  :  by  M.  Sulzberger  [on  the  history  of  the  proscrits  of  the 

2nd  Dec,]— Rev.  Belg.  1894.    4. 
The  independence  of  Belgium  and  the  schemes  of  general  Brialmont  [on  the  neutrality 

of  Belgium].— Rev.  gen.  Belg.  1894.     6. 
The  restoration  of  the  chdteau  of  Gerard  le  Liable  at  Ghent :  by  A.  Verhaegen. — 

Messager  Sciences  hist.  Belg.  1894.    2. 

The  correspondence  of  the  papal  secretary  with  the  nuncios  in  Poland  [1605-1609] 
relative  to  the  tsar  Dimitri  [the  false  Demetrius],  preserved  in  a  Vatican  manuscript : 
by  P.  Pierling  [who  states  that  Tourgudnev's  extracts  in  the  '  Hist.  Russ.  Monum. 
are  totally  insuflacient  and  misleading]. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivi.  2.    Oct. 


200  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Jan. 

Klench  the  Dutchman  in  Moscow :  by  A.  M.  L.  [from  his  original  narrative,  which 
gives  a  curious  picture  of  Eussian  life  in  the  time  of  the  emperor  Alexis].— Istorich. 
Viestnik.     Sept. 

Extracts  from  the  memoirs  of  prince  Eugene  of  Wilrtemberg  [who  entered  the  Russian 
service  in  1796].  I :  [containing  interesting  details  of  the  emperor  Paul]. — Eussk. 
Starina.     Oct. 

Prince  Bagration  :  by  A.  Orelski  [one  of  the  heroes  of  Borodino.  The  writer  approves 
of  his  plans  of  the  great  campaign  in  opposition  to  those  of  Barclay  de  Tolly]. 
Istorich.  Viestnik.     Sept. 

Kutuzov  in  the  year  1812:  by  D.  Buturlin  [interesting  details  of  the  battle  of  Malo- 
yaroslavets and  the  French  retreat]. — Russk.  Starina.     Oct.-Nov. 

Notes  on  the  circumstances  in  which  Alexander  Fs  constitutional  scheme  of  Oct.  1819 
[prin|ied  in  vol.  Ixxii.  1]  was  produced :  by  A.  Stern.— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiii.  2. 

The  embassy  to  Khiva  in  1842 :  by  I.  Zakharyin  [by  an  eye-witness.  The  embassy 
was"  undertaken  by  the  Eussians  to  enter  into  relations  with  the  khan  after  the 
unfortunate  expedition  of  Perovski  in  1839]. — Istor.  Viestnik.     Nov. 

Memoirs  of  M.  Olshevski  [dealing  with  the  war  in  the  Caucasus.  In  this  part  of 
the  memoirs  an  account  is  given  of  the  capture  of  Shamyl]. — Eussk.  Starina.  Nov. 

The  relations  of  the  bishops  of  Sion  to  the  empire  [from  the  eleventh  to  the  sixteenth 

century] :  by  V.  van  Berchem. — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.  3. 
Notes  on  the  medieval  bishops  of  Sion:  by  E.  Hoppeler. — Anz.   Schweiz.   Gesch. 

1894.  4. 
The  pedigree  of  the  house  of  Kiburg  in  the  thirteenth  century:  by  E.  Kruger. — Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.  4. 
Charter  granted  by  count  Amedcus  VI  of  Savoy  for  the  town  of  Couiheyin  Vallais 

[1352] :  printed  by  E.  Hoppeler. — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.  3. 
The  date  of  ZwinglVs  statement  on  the  question  of  an  alliance'with  imperial  cities  of 

the  evangelical  prof ession :  by  J.  Strickler  [arguing  for  1529,  not  1527]. — Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.     4. 
The  chro7iicler  Bartholomeus  AnJiorn^s  will  [161 1]:  printed   by   F.  Jecklin. — Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.    4. 

The  conquest  and  colonisation  of  Mexico :  by  J.  G.  Icazbalceta  [the  character  and 
difficulties  of  the  conquerors ;  their  success  due  in  the  slightest  degree  to  cavalry  and 
firearms ;  the  experiments  in  administration ;  the  alleged  cruelties  much  exagge- 
rated; the  work  of  the  Franciscan  missions]. — Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  ]-3. 
July -Sept. 

The  second  journey  of  Orellana  on  the  Amazon  :  by  M.  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  [the 
only  formal  and  detailed  document  on  this  expedition  of  1545.  It  is  by  P.  Sanchez 
Vezino,  one  of  Orellana's  comrades]. — Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  4.  Oct. 

The  conquest  of  Oceania  by  the  European  natioyis :  by  P.  Barrk  [a  summary  of  the 
process  of  annexation  up  to  the  present  day,  accompanied  by  a  map  showing 
spheres  of  influence,  and  by  tables  of  the  comparative  area  and  population  of  the 
possessions  of  the  different  powers  and  the  states  recognised  as  independent]. — 
Rev.  de  Geogr.  Nov. 

The  contest  for  religious  liberty  in  Massachusetts  [1646-1833]  :  by  H.  S.  Burrage.— 
Papers  Amer.  Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 

The  life  and  loork  of  bishop  Francis  Asbury  [1745-1816] :  by  A.  Lowry.— Papers 
Amer.  Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 

Papers  on  Philip  Schaff  [f  20  Oct.  1893] — Papers  Amer.  Soc.  of  Church  Hist.  vi. 

The  American  Historical  Register,  of  which  the  first  number  appeared  in  September, 
is  a  monthly  illustrated  publication  devoted  to  the  history  and  antiquities  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  with  special  reference  to  family  and  local  matters.  In 
No.  1  is  a  facsimile  of  a  letter  of  Washington  to  James  Madison  [5  Nov.  1786]. 


1895 


201 


List  of  Recent  Historical  Publications 


I.  GENERAL   HISTOEY 

(Including  works  of  miscellaneous  contents) 


Bw.RTRAND      (A.)     &     ReINACH     (S.)        NoS 

origines.  II :  Les  Celtes  dans  la  vallee 

du  P6  et  du  Danube.    Illustr.    Paris  : 

Leroux.    7^50  f. 
BocQUET  (L.)  Le  c61ibat  dans  I'antiquite 

envisage  au  point  de  vue  civil.     Paris  : 

Giard  &  Bri^re.     5  f. 
Chimienti   (P.)     II   diritto    di   proprieta 

nello    stato  costituzionale.     Pp.    197. 

Turin. 
CoRAzziNi     (F.)      Storia    della     marina 

niilitare  antica.     II,    1.     Pp.   430,   14 

plates.    Florence. 
DoLLiNGER    (J.    I.    von).     Addrcsses    on 

historical       and     literary       subjects. 

Transl.  by  Margaret  Warre.     Pp.  282. 

London :  Murray.    14/. 
Geffcken    (H.)     Zur      Geschichte    der 

Ehescheidung    vor   Gratian,     Pp.    82. 

Leipzig :  Veit.     2-50  m. 
Gregorovius  (F.)  Briefe  an  den  Staatsse- 

kretar  Hermann  von  Thile.     Herausge- 

geben  von  H.  von  Petersdorff.  Pp.  2(54, 

portr.    Berlin  :  Paetel.     6  m. 
Harrison  (F.)     The  meaning  of  history 

and  other  historical  pieces.     Pp.  507. 

London  :  Macmillan.     8/6. 
HiSTORiscHE     Untersuchungen,        Ernst 

Forstemann        gewidmet      von       der 

historischen  Gesellschaft  zu  Dresden. 

Pp.  143.    Berlin  :  Teubner.     4  m. 
Lane-Poole    (S.)      Coins    and    medals ; 

their  place  in  history  and  art :  ed.  by. 


3rd    ed.      revised.     Pp.    286,     llusfc:. 
London :  Stock. 

Masi  (E.)  Nuovi  studi  e  ritratti.  2  vol. 
Pp.  291,  368.    Bologna.      16mo. 

Pernot  (A.)  Aper(?u  historique  sur  le 
service  des  transports  militaires. 
Pp.  492.  Limoges :  Lavauzelle.     10  f. 

PiEDELiEVRE  (R.)  Pr^cis  dc  droit  interna- 
tional public,  ou  droit  des  gens.  I : 
Des  etats  et  de  leurs  relations  en 
temps  de  paix.  Pp.  603.  Paris : 
Pichon.     10  f. 

PramberctEr  (E.)  Atlas  zum  Studium 
der  Militar- Geographic  von  Mittel- 
Europa.  10  maps.  Vienna :  Holzel. 
Fol.    8  m. 

ToMAScnEK    (W.)    D^e     alten     Thraker: 
eine  ethnologische  Untersuchung,     II : 
Die     Sprachreste.     2 :   Personen-   und 
Ortsnamen.  Pp.  103.  Vienna  :  Tempsky. 

Weiss  (A.)  Traite  theorique  et  pratique 
de  droit  international  prive,  II :  le 
droit  de  I'etranger.    Paris  :  Larose.  12  i. 

Westlake  (J.)  Chapters  on  the  princi- 
ples of  international  law.  Pp.  27;"). 
Cambridge  :  University  Press.     10/. 

Wolff  (H.  W.)  Odd  bits  of  history, 
being  short  chapters  intended  to  fill 
some  blanks.  Pp.  267.  London  : 
Longmans.     8/6. 

Wyss  (G.  von).  Geschichte  der  Histo- 
riographie  in  der  Schweiz,  1.  Pp.  80. 
Zurich  :  Fiisi  &  Beer.     1-60  m. 


II.  ORIENTAL  HISTOEY 


AEGYPiafscHE  Urkunden  aus  den  konig- 
lichen  Museen  zu  Berlin.  Griechische 
Urkunden.  XL  Pp.  321-352.  Berlin : 
V/eidmann.     2*40  m. 

BaRbe  (ii.)  Le  nabab  Rene  Madec : 
histoire  diplomatique  des  projets  de 
la  France  sur  le  Bengale  et  le  Pendjab 
[1772-1808].     Pp.300.     Paris  :Alcan. 

Bose  (P.  N.)  A  history  of  Hindu  civi- 
lisation during  British  rule.  I,  II. 
London  :  Paul,  Triibner,  &  Co.   15/. 

Danvers  (F.  C.)  The  Poi'tuguese  in 
India :  a  history  of  the  rise  and 
decline  of  their  eastern  empire.  2  vol. 
Maps  and  illustr.  London  :  Allen.    42/. 

Herzfeld    (L.)    Handelsgeschichte    der 


Juden  des  Altertums  aus  den  Quellen 
erforscht  und  zusammengestellt.  Pp. 
1,  344.    Brunswick :  Meyer.     3  m. 

KoENiG  (X.)  Essai  sur  la  formation  du 
canon  de  I'ancien  testament.  Paris  : 
Fischbacher.     2  f. 

Martine  (P.)  Histoire  du  monde  oriental 
dans  I'antiquite.  Paris  :  Dupont.  12mo. 
3-50  f. 

Maspero  (G.)  Bibliotheque  egyptologique, 
comprenant  les  ceuvres  des  6gypto- 
logues  fran<?ais  dispersees  dans  divers 
recueils.  I  :  Etudes  de  mythologie  et 
d'arch^ologie  egyptiennes.  Pp.  417. 
Paris  :  Leroux.  12  f. 

Histoire    ancienne     des    peuple 


202 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Jan. 


d'Orient.  I:  Les  orl^nes ;  Egypte, 
Chald^e.  I-V.  Pp.  80,  illustr.  Paris : 
Hachette.     3-50  f. 

Megavobian  (A.)  Etude  ethnographique 
et  juristique  sur  la  famille  et  le 
manage  armeniens,  pr6c6d6e  d'une 
aper(?u  historique.  Pp.  127.  Geneva  : 
Stapelmohr.     (2-50  m.) 

Merx  (A.)  Documents  de  pal^ographie 
hebraique  et  arabe  publics  par.  7  plates. 
Leyden :  Brill.     4to.     10-50  fl. 

EouQUEROL  (G.)  Expedition  de  1830  et 
prise  d'Alger  par  les  Frangais ;  organi- 
sation   et  role  de  I'artillerie  du  corps 


exp^ditionnaire.  Pp.  112,  4  plates. 
Nancy  :  Berger-Levrault.     2.50  f. 

Saladin  (H.)  Description  des  antiqui- 
tes  de  la  r6gence  de  Tunis :  monu- 
ments anterieurs  a  la  conquete  arabe. 
II,     Pp.  188,  illustr.     Paris  :  Leroux. 

Staeck  (E.  von).  Palastina  und  Syrien 
von  Anfang  der  Geschichte  bis  zum 
Siege  des  Islam.  Lexikalisches  Hilfs- 
buch.  Pp.  168.  Berlin :  Eeuther  & 
Eeichard.   4*50  m. 

TiELE  (C.  P.)  "Western  Asia,  according  to 
recent  discoveries  ;  transl.  by  Elizabeth 
J.  Taylor.  Pp.  36.  London :  Luzac.  2/6. 


III.  GEEEK  AND  KOMAN  HISTOEY 


Blanchet  (A.)  Les    monnaies    grecques. 

(Petite  biblioth^que  d'art  et  d'arch6o- 

logie.      XVI.)       12     plates.      Paris: 

Leroux.     18mo.     3*50  f. 
Blondel  (J.  E.)     Histoire  ^conomique  de 

la    conjuration   de    Catilina.       Paris : 

Guillaumin.     6  f. 
Cagnat   (E.)  &  GoYAU  (G.)     Lexique  des 

antiquit6s    romaines,   r6dig6    sous     la 

direction  de.    Plates.    Paris :    Thorin. 

7f. 
Casati  de  Casatis  (C.)     Ius   antiquum  : 

Vegoia  ;     droit  papirien  ;    leges  regiae  ; 

lex     XII     tabularum.     Paris:     Didot. 

12  f. 
Holm  (A.)     The  history  of  Greece,  from 

its  commencement  to  the  close  of  the 

independence  of  the   Greek  nation.  I. 

Pp.  438.     London  :  Macmillan.     6/. 
Iheeing    (Eudolf    von).      Entwicklungs- 

geschichte      des      romischen    Eechts. 

Einleitung  ;   Verfassung  des  romischen 

Hauses.     Aus  dem  Nachlass  herausge- 

geben.     Pp.    124.     Leipzig  :   Duncker 

&  Humblot.   3  m. 
Inscriptionarum      Latinarum,      Corpus. 


VIII :  ■  supplementum.    II.    Pp.  1667- 

1903.    Berlin  :  Eeimer.  Fol.     22  m. 
Leonhard    (E.)    Institutionen  des  romi- 
schen Eechts.  Pp.  572.  Leipzig :  Veit. 

11  m. 
MoNUMENTi   antichi    pubblicati  per  cura 

della   E.  Accademia   dei    Lincei.     IV, 

1.   Pp.  587.    Milan:  Hoepli.  4to,  with 

atlas  of  plates  folio. 
Pelade     (M.)     Eome :    histoire    de     ses 

monuments     anciens      et      modernes. 

Pp.  239,  illustr.      Paris :  Delhomme  & 

Briguet.     2-50  f. 
SiTTL    (C.)     Die  Grenzbezeichnung     der 

Eomer :  ein  Beitrag  zur  Limes-Frage. 

Pp.  25,  4  plates.    Wiirzburg :  Stahel. 

1-50  m. 
Stkachan -Davidson  (J.  L.)  Cicero  and  the 

fall  of  the  Eoman  republic.     Pp.  446, 

illustr.     London  :  Putnam.     5/. 
Taciti   (Cornelii)     Annalium  ab  excessu 

divi   Augusti  libri.     By  H.  Furneaux. 

Text.     Oxford:  Clarendon  Press.   6/. 
de  Germania.     Ed.  with  introd.  and 

notes  by  H.  Furneaux.     Pp.  131,  map. 

Oxford:  Clarendon  Press.     6/6. 


IV.  ECCLESIASTICAL  AND   MEDIEVAL  HISTOEY 


Acta  martyris  Anastasii  Persae  Graece 
primum  edidit  H.  Usener.  Pp.  30. 
Bonn :    Cohen.     4to.     2  m. 

Andrk  (Mgr.)  &  CoNDis  (abbe).  Diction- 
naire  de  droit  canonique  et  des  sciences 
en  connexion  avec  le  droit  canon, 
Eevu  et  considerablement  augmente 
par  J.  Wagner.  I :  A-D.  Pp.  Ixxxiv, 
808,  Paris  :  Walzer.     15  f. 

Archer  (T.  A,)  &  Kingsford  (C,  L.)  The 
crusades :  the  story  of  the  Latin  king- 
dom of  Jerusalem.  Pp.  467,  illustr. 
London  :  XJnwin.     5/. 

BoHMER  (J.  F,)  Eegesta  Imperii.  V : 
Die  Eegesten  des  Kaiserreichs  [1198- 
1272],  Neu  herausgegeben  und  erganzt 
von  J,  Ficker  und  E.  Winkelmann. 
VIII,  Pp,  2110-2196.  Innsbruck: 
Wagner.     4to.     3-60  m. 

Bragognolo  (G.)  Storia  del  medio  evo 
dalla  caduta  dell'  impero  romano  d'  Oc- 
cidente  alia  morte  di  Enrico  VIII  di 
Lussemburgo.    Pp.  690.    Turin. 


Cassani  (G.)  Origine  giuridica  delle  de- 
cime  ecclesiastiche  in  generale  e  delle 
centesi  in  particolare,  con  appendici 
sull'  albergheria.  Pp,  165.  Bologna : 
Eegia  tipografia. 

Constance, — Eegesta  episcoporum  Con- 
stantiensium  :  Eegesten  zur  Geschichte 
der  Bischofe  von  Constanz  [517-1496]. 
II,  1 :  [1293-1314].  Bearbeitet  von 
A.  Cartellieri.  Pp.  1-80.  Innsbruck : 
Wagner.     4to,     4  m. 

Colenbrander  (B.  W.)  Beknopte  ge- 
schiedenis  van  het  Christendom.  2  vol. 
Pp.  327,  320.     Zutphen. 

Delaville  le  Eoulx  (J.)  Cartulaire 
general  des  hospitallers  de  Saint-Jean 
de  Jerusalem  [1100-1310].  I.  Paris: 
Leroux.     Fol.     100  f. 

Emerton  (E.)  Mediaeval  Europe  [814- 
1300],     Pp.607.     Boston:  Ginn. 

EucHERii  (S.)  Lugdunensis  opera  omnia. 
I :  Formulae  spiritalis  intelligentiae, 
instructionum  libri  II,    passio  Agau- 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


203 


nensium  martyrum,  epistula  de  laude 
Heremi.  Accedunt  epistulae  ab  Salvi- 
ano  et  Hilario  et  Kustico  ad  Eucherium 
datae.  Kecensuit  C.  Wotke.  (Corpus 
scriptorum  ecclesiasticorum  Latinorum, 
XXXI.)  Pp.  199.  Leipzig:  Freytag. 
5-60  m. 

Feekai  (L.  a.)  II  processo  storico  della 
chiesa  romana  nel  medio  evo.  Pp.  27. 
Koire :  tip.  Forzani. 

FoNTANE  (M.)  Histoire  universelle.  Le 
Christianisme  (de  67  av.  J,-C.  a  117  ap. 
J.-C.)     Paris :  Leraerre.     7-50  f. 

Froude  (J.  A.)  Life  and  letters  of  Eras- 
mus. Pp.  410.  London :  Longmans. 
15/. 

Gabotto  (F.)  Les  legendes  carolin- 
gennes  dans  le  Chronicon  ymaginis 
mundide  frate  Jacopo  d'Acqui.  Pp.40. 
Montpellier  :  imp.  Hamelin. 

Habsburgische  Urbar,  Das,  herausgeben 
von  E.  Maag.  I :  Das  eigentliche 
Urbar  iiber  die  Einkiinfte  und  Kechte. 
(Quellen  zur  Schweizer  Geschichte. 
XIV.)  Pp.  536.  Basel :  Geering.  (10  m.) 

Haenack  (A.)  Lehrbuch  der  Dogmenge- 
schichte.  II :  Die  Entwickelung  des 
kirchlichen  Dogmas.  I.  3rd  ed.  Pp. 
483.    Freiburg:  Mohr.     10  m. 

Heinbich  von  Derby's  Preussenfahrten 
[1390-91  und  1392],  Kechnungen  iiber. 
Herausgegeben  von  H.  Prutz.  (Publi- 
cation des  Vereins  fiir  die  Geschichte 
der  Provinzen  Ost-  und  Westpreussen.) 
Pp.  civ,  226.  Leipzig :  Duncker  & 
Humblot.     6  m. 

IviRSCH  (J.  P.)  Die  papstlichen  Kollek- 
torien  in  Deutsehland  wiihrend  des  vier- 
zehnten  Jahrhunderts,  herausgegeben 
von.  (Quellen  und  Forschungen  aus 
dem  Gebiete  der  Geschichte.  III.) 
Pp.  Ixxviii,  562.  Paderborn  :  Scho- 
ningh.     20  m. 

Icelandic  sagas,  and  other  historical 
documents  relating  to  the  settlements 
and  descents  of  the  Northmen  on 
the  British  isles.  Ill,  IV.  Transl. 
by  sir   G.  W.  Dasent.     Pp.  Ixii,    470, 


xxxvii,  491.  London :  Published  under 
the  direction  of  the  master  of  the 
rolls.    Each  10/. 

Legrand  (E.)  Lettres  de  I'empereur 
Manuel  Pal6ologue.  I.  Pp.  112.  Paris : 
Welter. 

Le  Monnier  (L.)  History  of  St.  Francis 
of  Assisi.  Engl,  transl.  Pp.  542.  London : 
Paul,  Trubner,  &  Co.     16/. 

Masson  (A.  L.)  Jean  Gerson ;  sa  vie, 
son  temps,  ses  oeuvres.  Pp.  432,  illustr. 
Lyon  :  Vitte.     6  f. 

Mehlhorn  (P.)  Aus  den  Quellen  der 
Kirchengeschichte.  I :  bis  Konstan- 
tin.  Pp.  116.  Berlin :  Eeimer.  1-60  m. 

Professione  (A.)  Contributo  agli  studi 
sulle  decime  ecclesiastiche  e  delle 
crociate.    Pp.  19.     Turin  :  Clausen. 

Bitter  (K.)  Karl  der  Grosse  und  die 
Sachsen.  I :  Die  Kriege  mit  den 
Sachsen.  Pp.  74.  Dessau:  Kahle 
1-50  m. 

BiJGAMER  (P.)  Leontius  von  Byzanz : 
ein  Polemiker  aus  dem  Zeitalter  Jus- 
tinians.  Pp.  176.  Wiirzburg :  Gobel. 
2  m. 

Santol  (J.)  De  I'industrie  et  du  com- 
merce en  Koussillon  durant  le  moyen 
age.     Pp.  32.     Ceret :  Eoque. 

ScHNtJRER  (G.)  Die  Entstehung  des 
Kirchenstaates.  Pp.  116.  Cologne : 
Bachem.     1*80  ro. 

Spreitzenhofer  (E.)  Die  Entwicklung 
des  alten  Monchthums  in  Italien  von 
seinen  ersten  Anfangen  bis  zum  Auf- 
treten  des  heiligen  Benedict.  Pp.  139. 
Vienna  :  Kirsch.    2*80  m. 

Stieda  (W.)  Hansisch-venetianische 
Handelsbeziehungen  im  fiinfzehnten 
Jahrhundert.  Pp.  191.  Eostock : 
Stiller.     5  m. 

Sychowski  (S.  von).  Hieronymus  als 
Litterarhistoriker.  (Kirchengeschicht- 
liche  Studien.  II,  2.)  Pp.  198.  Miin- 
ster  :  Schoningh.     4*60  m. 

Tyconius,  The  book  of  rules  of,  ed.  by 
F.  C.Burkitt.  (Texts  and  Studies.  Ill,  1.) 
Cambridge  :  University  Press.     5/. 


V.  HISTORY   OF  MODERN   EUROPE 


BoNGHi  (E.)  Storia  dell'  Europa  durante 
la  rivoluzione  francese  [1789-1795]. 
II.     Turin :   Paravia.     16mo,     4  1. 

BoNNAC  (marquis  de).  M6moire  historique 
surl'ambassade  de  France  a  Constanti- 
nople, public  par  C.  Schefer.  Pp. 
Ixxviii,  287.     Paris:  Leroux. 

Endres  (K.)  Beispiele  aus  dem  deutsch- 
franzosischen  Kriege  von  1870-71  und 
dem  russisch-tiirkischen  Kriege  von 
1877-78.  (Troschke's  Anleitung  zum 
Studium  der  Kriegsgeschichte.  Ergan- 
zungsband.)  I.  Pp.  1-154,  map. 
Darmstadt :  Zernin.     4*80  m. 

Eyveau      (G.)       Storia     moderna :      la 

rivoluzione  protestante    e    la  prepon- 

deranza  protestante  e  la  preponderanza 

,     spagnuola  [15 i7-i648j.,Pp.  360.  Turin. 


Gaffarel  (P.)  Bonaparte  et  les  repu- 
bliques  italiennes  [1796-1799].  Pp. 
303.     Paris  :  Alcan.     5  f. 

Kleemann.  Die  Linien  (Linien-Verschan- 
zungen)  in  Mittel-Europa  im  sieb- 
zehnten  und  achtzehnten  Jahrhundert. 
Pp.92.     Darmstadt:  Zernin.     1-80 m. 

Lavalette  (count),  adjutant  and  pri- 
vate secretary  to  Napoleon,  Memoirs. 
Pp.  xxxvi,  460,  portr.  London : 
Gibbings. 

LuMBROso  (A.)  Saggio  di  una  bibliogra- 
fia  ragionata  per  servire  alia  storia 
deir  epoca  napoleonica :  A-Azuni. 
Pp.  155.     Modena  :  Namias. 

NuNTiATUBBERiCHTE  aus  Dcutschland, 
nebst  erganzenden  Actenstiicken.  Ill : 
[1572-1585].    2:    Der   Beichstag   zu 


204 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Jan. 


Eegensburg  [1576]  ;  der  Pacifications- 
tag  zu  Koln  [1576];  der  Keichstag  zu 
Augsburg  [1582].  Beai'beitet  von  J. 
Hansen.   Pp.  xciii,  679.   Berlin  :   Bath. 

Paine  (Thomas),  The  writings  of.  Ed. 
by  M.  C.  Conway.  II:  1779-1792.  Pp. 
523.     New  York :  Putnam.     ^2-50. 

Pelissier  (L.  G.)  Documents  sur  les 
relations  de  Louis  XII,  de  Ludovic 
Sforza,  et  du  marquis  de  Mantoue 
[1498- 1 500],  tir6s  des  archives  de  Man- 
toue, Mod^ne,  Milan,  et  Venise.  Pp.  99. 
Paris  :  Leroux. 

Pelletan  (C.)  Les  guerres  de  la  revo- 
lution. Pp.  204,  illustr.  Paris  :  Colin. 
18mo.    1-50  f. 

Poland, — Analecta  Eomana,  quae  histo- 
riam  Poloniae  saeculi  XVI  illustrant, 
ex  archivis  et  bibliothecis  excerpta 
edidit  J.  Korzeniowski.  (Scriptores 
rerum  Polonicarum.  XV.)  Pp.  Ixiv, 
359.  Cracow :  Buchhandlung  der 
polnischen  Verlagsgesellschaft.     14  m. 

PiosE  (J.  H.)  The  revolutionary  and 
Napoleonic  era  [1789- 181 5].  Pp.  388, 
maps.  Cambridge:  University  Press.  4/6. 

Sabeon  (F.  H.  a.)  De  oorlog  van  1794- 
1795  op  het  grondgebied  van  de  repu- 
bliek  der  Vereenigde  Nederlanden.  2  vol. 
Pp.  366,  87;  238,  81,  maps.  Breda: 
Broese. 


Spain. — Eecueil  des  instructions  donnees 
aux  ambassadeurs  et  ministres  de 
France.  XI:  Espagne,  avec  une 
introd.  par  A.  Mcrel-Fatio.  1 :  1649- 
1700.   Pp.  527.  Paris:  Alcan.    20 f. 

Starcke  (C.  N.)  Den  nyeste  Tids  His- 
toric fra  den  franske  Eevolutionens 
Begyndelse.  Pp.  174,  5  maps.  Copen- 
hagen.   (5-25  m.) 

Stern  (A.)  Geschichte  Europas  seit  den 
Vertragen  von  1815  bis  zum  Frank- 
furter Frieden  von  1871.  I.  Pp.  655. 
Berlin  :  Hertz.     10  m. 

Stoerk  (F.)  Nouveau  recueil  g^n^ral 
de  traites  et  autres  actes  relatifs  aux 
rapports  de  droit  international.  Con- 
tinuation du  grand  recueil  de  G.  F. 
de  Martens.  2«  s6rie.  XIX,  1.  Pp.  286. 
Gottingen  :  Dieterich.     11-60  m. 

Testa  (A.  &L.  de).  Eecueil  des  traites 
de  la  Porte  ottomane  avec  les  puissances 
etrang^res  depuis  le  premier  traite 
concluen  1536  jusqu'^  nos  jours.  VIII: 
France.  Pp.  633.  Paris :  Leroux. 
12-50  f. 

Weil  (comte).  La  campagne  de  1814, 
d'apr^s  les  documents  des  archives 
imperiales  et  royales  de  la  guerre  a 
Vienne ;  la  cavalerie  des  armees 
alli6es  pendant  la  campagne  de  1814. 
III.    Pp.  579.    Paris :  Baudoin.    8  f. 


A.    FRANCE 


AuTON  (Jean  d').  Chroniques  de  Louis 
XII.  Publiees  par  E.  de  Maulde  la 
Claviere.  IIL  Pp.  410.  Paris: 
Laurens.     9  f. 

Ayroles  (J.  B.  J.)  La  vraie  Jeanne 
d'Arc.     II.     Paris :  Gaume.     15  f, 

Bardoux  (A.)  Guizot.  Paris  :  Hachette. 
12mo.     2  f. 

Batcave  (L.)  Les  archives  municipales 
d'Orthez.     Pp.  19.     Pau  :  Eibaut. 

Belleval  (marquis  de).  Un  capitaine  au 
regiment  du  roi :  etude  sur  la  societe 
en  France  et  sur  une  famille  de  la 
Flandre  fran^aise  au  XVIIP  siecle. 
(Bibliotheque  historique  des  provinces. 
I.)     Paris  :  Lechevalier.  12mo.    3-50  f. 

Blennerhassett  (lady).  Talleyrand. 
Pp.  572.     Berlin  :  Paetel.     12  m. 

■ Engl,     transl.     2  vol.      London  : 

Murray.     24'. 

Bligny-Bondl-rand  (E.)  Inventaire  som- 
maire  des  archives  departementales  an- 
terieures  a  1790.  Gard.  Serie  E.  I. 
Pp.  461.  Nimes :  imp.  Chastanier. 
4to.     10  f. 

Bosquet  (marechal).  Lettres  [1830- 
1858].     Paris:     Berger-Levrault.     5  f. 

Bower  (H.  M.)  The  fourteen  of  Meaux  : 
an  account  of  the  earliest  reformed 
church  within  France  proper.  Pp. 
125,  illustr.    London  :  Longmans.    6/. 

Chalons-sur-Marne,  Catalogue  de  la 
bibliotheque  municipale  de.  Fonds 
Garinet :  Manuscrits ;  histoire  de 
Champagne.  Pp.  260.  Chalons-sur- 
Marne  :  imp.  de  PUnion  r^publicaine. 


Chkrot  (H.)  L'^ducation  du  grand 
Conde,  d'apres  des  documents  inedits. 
Pp.  32,  34,  49.     Paris :  imp.  Dumoulin. 

Delmas  (L.)  Histoire  de  I'Hotel-Dieu  de 
Poitiers  et  de  son  hospitalisation  mili- 
taire,  de  1202  a  nos  jours.  Pp.  94, 
plates.     Paris :  Oudin. 

Dubois  (abbe).  Histoire  du  siege 
d'Orleans  [1428-1429] :  memoire  inedit, 
public  par  P.  Charpentier.  Pp. 
xxxviii,  458,  plates.  Orleans  :  Herlui- 
son.     10  f. 

DucREST  (madame).  Memoirs  of  the 
empress  Josephine,  with  anecdotes  of 
the  courts  of  Navarre  and  Malmaison. 

2  vol.  Pp.  876.  London  :  Nichols.  21/. 
DuQUESNOY     (Adrien),    depute    du    tiers 

etat  de  Bar-le-Duc  sur  I'assemblee 
constituante.   Journal    [3    mai    1789- 

3  avril  1790],  public  par  E.  de  Creve- 
coeur.  1 :  3  mai-29  octobre  1789.  Paris  : 
A.  Picard.     10  f. 

DuQUET  (A.)  Guerre  de  1870-1871  : 
Paris,  Thiers,  le  plan  Trochu  et  I'Hay 
[2-29  novembre].  Paris  :  Charpentier. 
12mo.     3-50  f. 

EcK  (T.)  Saint-Quentin  dans  I'antiquite 
et  au  moyen  age :  recit  relatant  les 
int6ressantes  d6couvertes  faites  dans 
cette  ville  en  1892,  1893.  Pp.  51. 
Paris  :  Leroux.     2  f. 

Faye  (H.)  Doleances  du  tiers  6tat  de 
Tours  aux  6tats  gen6raux  de  1789. 
Pp.  47.     Tours  :  imp.  Deslis. 

FoRESTiE  (E.)  Quelques  inventaires  du 
XIV«  siecle.    Pp.  33.    Paris ;  Leroux, 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


205 


Fonck-Bbentano  (F.)  Catalogue  des 
manuscrits  de  la  biblioth^que  de 
I'Arsenal.  IX.  2.  Table  generale  des 
archives  de  la  Bastille  (A-K).  Pp. 
277-G33.   Paris  :  Plon.     6  f. 

Galli  (H.)  Les  representants  de  la 
Marne  aux  assemblees  de  la  revolution. 
Pp.  55.  Chalons-sur-Marne :  imp.  de 
I'Union  r6publicaine. 

GoNTAUT  (duchesse  de)  [1773-1836], 
gouvernante  to  the  children  of  France. 
Memoirs.  Transl.  by  J.  W.  Davis.  2  vol. 
Pp.  476.    London  :  Chatto  &  Windus. 

Gbin  (Francois),  religieux  de  Saint- 
Victor  a  Paris.  Journal  [1554-1570] 
public  par  le  baron  A.  de  Ruble.  Pp. 
56.  Nogent-le-Rotrou  :  imp.  Daupeley- 
Gouverneur. 

GuiLLAUME  (J.)  Proc^s-verbaux  du  comite 
d'instruction  publique  de  la  convention 
nationale.  II :  3  juillet  1793-30  bru- 
maire  an  II].  Pp.  ciii,  949.  Paris : 
Hachette.     12  f. 

Hardy  dd  Perini  (colonel).  Batailles 
franpaises.  I:  [1214-1559].  Pp.363, 
illustr.  Chateauroux:  Majeste.[18mo.  3f. 

Labat  (G.)  Documents  sur  la  ville  de 
Royan  et  la  tour  de  Cordouan  [1481- 
1799].  III.  Pp.  150,  plate.  Bor- 
deaux :  impr.  Gounouilhou.     4to. 

Las  Cases  (comte  de).  Le  memorial  de 
Sainte-Helene,  suivi  de  Napoleon  dans 
I'exil  par  O'Meara  et  du  s6jour  du  D'" 
Antommarchi  a  Sainte-Helene.  I. 
Paris  :  Gamier.     12mo.     3*50  f. 

Lecestre  (L.)  M6raoires  de  Gourville. 
1 :  1 646- 1 669.  Pp.  cxvi,  270.  Paris  : 
Laurens.     9  f. 

Lemas  (T.)  Etudes  documentaires  sur  la 
revolution  :  les  commissions  mili- 
taires  revolutionnaires  dans  I'llle-et- 
Vilaine  [1793- 1794].  Paris :  Fisch- 
bacher.     1-50  f. 

Le  Mene  (J.  M.)  Histoire  des  paroisses 
du  diocese  de  Vannes.  I.  Pp.  558. 
Vannes  :  impr.  Galles.     7'50  f. 

Lesgazes  (J.  J.  de).  Le  memorial  histori- 
que,  contenant  la  narration  des 
troubles  et  ce  qui  est  arrive  diverse- 
ment  de  plus  remarquable  dans  le  pais 
de  Foix  et  diocese  de  Pamiers  [1490- 
1640].     Pp.  280.     Foix  :  impr.  Pomies. 

Marca  (P.  de).  Histoire  de  B6arn.  New 
ed.  with  life,  bibliography,  and  docu- 


ments, by  V.  Dubarat.  I.  Pp.  cccxxxii, 
459.    Pau:  Ribaut.    4to.    12  f. 

Meneval  (baron  C.  F.  de).  M6moires 
pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  Napoleon  I 
[  1 802-1 8 1 5].  Edition  enti^rement  re- 
fondue.     IIL     Paris :  Dentu.     7-50  f. 

MoLiNiER  (A.)  Correspondance  adminis- 
trative d'Alfonse  de  Poitiers.  I.  Pp. 
798.     Paris :  Hachette.     4to.     12  f . 

NicouLLAUD  (C.)  Casimir  P6rier,  depute 
de  I'opposition  [1817-1830].  Pp.  500, 
portr.     Paris  :  Plon.     8  f . 

Parisiensis,  Chartularium  universitatis. 
Collegit  notisque  illustravit  H.  Denifle. 
Pp.  xxxvii,  777.   Paris  :  Delalain.    4to. 

Pasquier  (chancelier).  Memoires,  pu- 
blies  par  le  due  d'Audiffret-Pasquier. 
2«  partie.  Restauration,  II  [1820- 
1824].     V.     Paris :  Plon.     8  f. 

Engl,  transl.  III.  Pp.  408.  London  : 

Unwin.     16/. 

Petit  (E.)  Sejours  de  Charles  VI  [1380- 
1400].    Pp.  90.  Paris  :  Leroux.   3-50  f. 

Pdaux  (N.  a.  F.)  Histoire  populaire  du 
protestantisme  frangais.  Pp.  392. 
Paris  :  Revue  chretienne.     4to. 

Quesnel.  Histoire  maritime  de  la  France 
depuis  Colbert.    Paris  :  Challamel.  4  f. 

Reure  (abbe).  Les  deux  proems  de 
Jeanne  d'Arc  et  le  manuscrit  d'Urfe. 
Pp.  12.     Lyons  :  Vitte. 

Sepet  (M.)  Napoleon ;  son  caractere, 
son  gdnie,  son  role  historique.  Paris  : 
Perrin.     12mo.     2-50  f. 

SouANCE  (vicomte  de).  Abbaye  royale  de 
Notre-Dame  des  Clairets ;  histoire  et 
cartulaire.     Paris :   Lechevalier.     10  f . 

Spiers  (V.  J.  T.)  History  and  literature 
of  France  in  synoptic  tables,  and 
essays  on  the  chief  characters  and 
epochs.  Pp.  356.  London  :  Rivington, 
Percival,  &  Co.     6/. 

Thiebault  (general  baron).  Memoires 
publies  d'apres  le  manuscrit  original 
par  F.  Calmettes.  Ill:  1799-1806. 
Pp.  563,  plates.     Paris  :  Plon.     7-50  f. 

TuETEY  (A.)  Repertoire  general  des 
sources  manuscrites  de  I'histcire  de 
Paris  pendant  la  revolution  fran(;aise. 
Ill  :  Assemblee  constituante  (S"" partie). 
Pp.  xHv,  725.   Paris :  Champion.    10  f 

VixGTRiNiER  (A.)  Histoire  de  I'impri- 
merie  a  Lj^on  de  I'origine  jusqu'a  nos 
jours.    Illustr.  Lyons :  Storck.    7*50  f. 


B.  GEBMANY  AND  AUSTBIA-HUNGABY 


Baden  und  Hachberg,  Regesten  der  Mark- 
grafen  von  [1050-1515].  Bearbeitet 
von  R.  Fester.  IV,  V.  Pp.  201-344, 
41-56.  Innsbruck  :  Wagner.  4to. 
Each  4  m. 

Bax  (E.  B.)  German  society  at  the  close 
of  the  middle  ages.  Pp.  276.  London  : 
Sonnenschein.     5/. 

BiOGRAPHiE,  Allgemeine  deutsche.  Parts 
182-185.  Leipzig :  Duncker  &  Hum- 
blot.    Each  2-40  m. 

Carl  von  Oesterreich,  Ausgewahlte 
Schriften.  Herausgegeben  im  Auftrage 


seiner  Sohne,  der  Herren  Erzherzoge 
Albrecht  und  Wilhelm.  V.  Maps,  &c. 
Vienna  :  Braumiiller.    Pp.  667.    13  m. 

Dahn  (F.)  Erinnerungen.  IV :  Wiirz- 
burg,  Sedan,  Konigsberg.  I :  [1863- 
1870].  Pp.  612,  map.  Leipzig :  Breit- 
kopf  &  Hartel.     10  m. 

Fkommhold  (G.)  Deutsche  Rechtsge- 
schichte.  Pp.  224,  3  maps.  Berhn  : 
Heyman.     5  m. 

GussFELDT  (E.)  Die  Insel  Reichenau  und 
ihre  Klostergeschichte.  Pp.  85.  Con- 
stance :  Meek.     12mo.     1  m. 


206 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Jan. 


AMBERGEB  (J.)  Die  franz|sische  Invasion 
inKarntenim  Jahre  1809.  C:  DieLage 
Karntens  wiihrend  der  Anwesenheit  der 
Feinde.  II.  Pp.  47.  Klagenfurt  : 
Kleinmayr.     1  m. 

Heuser  (E.)  Die  Belagerung  von  Landau 
[1702,  1703].  Pp.  xl,  208,  plates,  &c. 
-  Landau  :  Kaussler.     4  m. 

HoF,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  der  Stadt : 
E.  Widmanns  Chronik  der  Stadt ; 
J.  Schlemmers  Geschichte  der  Belage- 
rung der  Stadt  [1553].  Herausgegeben 
von  C.  Meyer.  Pp.  486,  plates.  Hof  : 
Lion.     11  m. 

Joachim  (E.)  Die  Politik  des  letzten 
HoChmeisters  in  Preussen  Albrecht  von 
Brandenburg.  II:  [i 5 18- 1 521].  (Pub- 
lieationen  aus  den  koniglich  preussi- 
schen  Staatsarchiven.  LVIIL)  Pp.  402. 
Leipzig  :  Hirzel.     12  m. 

KiJNTZEL  (G.)  Ueber  die  Verwaltung  des 
Mass-  und  Gewichtswesens  in  Deutsch- 
land  wiihrend  des  Mittelalters.  (Schmol- 
ler's  Staats-  und  socialwissenschaft- 
liche  Forschungen,  XIII.  2)  Pp.  102. 
Leipzig  :  Duncker  &  Hurablot.  2*60  rn. 

Lamprecht  (K.)  Deutsche  Geschichte. 
IV.    Pp.  488.    Berlin  :  Gaertner.    6  m. 

LosERTH  (J.)  Der  Communismus  der 
mahrischen  Wiedertiiufer  im  sechs- 
zehnten  und  siebzehnten  Jahrhundert : 
Beitrage  zu  ihrer  Geschichte,  Lehreund 
Verfassung.  Pp.  188.  Leipzig  :  Frey- 
tag.     3-60  ra. 

Mehlis  (G.)  Studien  zur  iiltesten  Ge- 
schichte der  Eheinlande.      XI  :   Der 


Drachenfels  bei  Diirkheim.  Pp.  32, 
map.  Leipzig  :  Duncker  &  Humblot. 
1-GO  m. 

MiKLAu  (J.)  Franz  II  Eakoczy  [1676- 
1735]  '•  ein  Lebens-  und  Charakterbild. 
Pp.  48.     Briinn  :  Knauthe.     1  m. 

PoLEK  (J.)  Die  Bukowina  zu  Anfang  des 
Jahres  1783,  nach  einer  Denkschrift 
von  J.  Budinszky.  Pp.  84.  Czer- 
nowitz  :  Pardini.     12mo.     1  m. 

Schmoller  (G.)  &  Krauske  (0.)  Die 
Behordenorganisation  und  die  allge- 
meine  Staatsverwaltung  Preussens  im 
achtzehnten  Jahrhundert.  I  :  Akten 
von  1 701  bis  Ende  Juni  17 14.  (Acta 
Borussica.  IV.)  Pp.  143,  843.  Berlin  : 
Parey.     21  m. 

EArpoLTSTEiNiscHES  Urkundeubuch  [759- 
1500]  :  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  der 
ehemaligen  Herrschaft  Eappoltstein  im 
Elsass,  herausgegeben  von  K.  Albrecht. 
Ill :  [1409-1442].  Pp.  675.  Colmar  : 
Barth.     4to.     32  m. 

Strakosch-Grassmann  (G.)  Geschichte 
der  Deutschen  in  Oesterreich-Ungarn. 
I:  [bis  955].  Pp.  551.  Vienna  : 
Konegen.     12  m. 

Treitschke  (H.  von).  Deutsche  Ge- 
schichte im  neunzehnten  Jahrhundert. 
(Staatengeschicbte  der  neuesten  Zeit. 
XXVIII.)  V:  Bis  zur  Marz-Eevolution. 
Pp.  774.     Leipzig  :  Hirzel.     10  m. 

Zeissberg  (H.,  Eitter  von).  Erzherzog 
Carl  von  Osterreich.  I.  Pp.  434, 
473,  maps,  &c.  Vienna:  Braumiiller. 
20  m. 


C.   GEE  AT  BEI  TAIN  AND  lEELAND 


Adamnani  vita  s.  Columbae,  edited  from 
Dr.  Eeeves's  text,  with  introd.  and  notes, 
by  J.  T.  Fowler.  Pp.  xcv,  201.  Ox- 
ford :  Clarendon  Press.     8/6. 

Baldwin  (F.  S.)  Die  englischen  Berg- 
werksgesetze  ;  ihre  Geschichte  von 
ihren  Anfiingen  bis  zur  Gegenwart. 
(MiJnchener  volkswirtschaftliche  Stu- 
dien. VI.)  Pp.  258.  Stuttgart :  Cotta. 
5  m. 

Biography,  Dictionary  of  national.  Edit, 
by  S.  Lee.  XLI  :  lSlidioJs-0' Diigan. 
Pp.  455.  London  :  Smith,  Elder,  & 
Co.     15  . 

Cathcart  (W.)  The  ancient  British  and 
Irish  churches,  including  the  life  and 
labours  of  St.  Patrick.  Pp.  340,  illustr. 
London :   Baptist     Tract  Society.     5/ 

Charles  II,  Calendar  of  state  papers, 
domestic  series  [Oct.  1668-Dec.  1669], 
edited  by  Mrs.  Everett  Green.  Pp. 
779.  London  :  H.M.  Stationery  Office. 
15/. 

Church  (S.  H.)  Oliver  Cromwell  :  a 
history,  with  extracts  from  his  letters 
and  speeches.  Pp.  534.  London : 
Putnam.     12/6. 

Clarke  papers,  The  :  selections  from  the 
papers  of  William  Clarke,  secretary  to 
the  council  of  the  army  [1647- 1649], 


and  to  general  Monck  and  the  com- 
manders of  the  army  in  Scotland  [165 1- 
1660].  Ed.  by  C.  H.  Firth.  II :  April 
1648-January  1654-5.  Pp.  xxxix,  303. 
Printed  for  the  Camden  Society.     4to. 

Cromwell's  Soldier's  Bible  :  being  a  re- 
print in  facsimile  of  '  The  Souldier's 
Pocket  Bible  '  compiled  by  Edmund 
Calamy,  1643.  ^P-  l^-  London  :  Stock. 

FiSHWiCK  (H.)  A  history  of  Lancashire. 
Pp.  305.     London :  Stock.     7/6. 

Gardiner  (S.  E.)  History  of  the  common- 
wealth and  the  protectorate.  I.  Lon- 
don :  Longmans. 

Gardiner  (S.  E.)  &  Mullinger  (J.  B.) 
Introduction  to  the  study  of  English 
history.  3rd  ed.  London  :  Paul, 
Triibner,  &  Co.     7/6. 

Gregory  (sir  William),  formerly  member 
of  parliament  and  sometime  governor 
of  Ceylon.  Autobiography.  Pp.  380, 
portrait.     London :  Murray.     16/. 

GuiLLAUME  le  Marechal,  comte  de  Striguil 
et  de  Pembroke  :  poeme  f  ran  pais  public 
par  P.  Meyer.  II.  Pp.  S90.  Paris : 
Eenouard. 

Kingston  (A.)  Hertfordshire  during  the 
great  civil  war  and  the  long  parliament. 
Pp.  212.     Hertford :  Austin.    4to.    8/. 

LiEBERMANN    (F.)    Uebcr    Pseudo-Cnuts 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


207 


constitutlones  de  foresta.  Pp."  55. 
Halle:  Niemeyer. 

Macray  (W.  D.)  a  register  of  the  members 
of  St.  Mary  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 
New  Series.  I :  Fellows ;  to  the  year 
1520.   Pp.  187.  London:  Frowde.  7/6. 

Masson  (D.)  The  life  of  John  Milton. 
II :  [1 638- 1 643].  New  and  revised  ed. 
London :  Macmillan.     16/. 

Ordish  (T.  F.)  Early  London  theatres 
Pp.  298,  illustr.     London  :  Stock. 

Ottley  (E.  L.)  Lancelot  Andrewes.  Pp. 
216,  portr.     London :  Methuen.     3/6. 

Pike  (L.  0.)  A  constitutional  history  of 
the  house  of  lords.  Pp.  xxxv,  405. 
London :  Macmillan.     12/6. 

Portland  (duke  of),  Manuscripts  of  the. 
III.  (Historical  Manuscripts  Commis- 
sion, 14th  report.  Appendix.  11.) 
London  :  H.M.  Stationery  Office.     2/8. 

Privy  Council,  Acts  of  the.  New  Series. 
IX:  1575-1577.  Ed.  by  J.  E.  Dasent. 
Pp.  xxxiii,  452.  London  :  H.M.  Sta- 
tionery Office.     10/. 

Eadford  (L.  B.)  Thomas  of  London 
before  his  consecration.  Pp.  270. 
Cambridge  :  University  Press.     4/6. 

Eoxburghe  (duke  of).  Manuscripts  of  the, 
&c.      (Historical    Manuscripts     Com- 


mission, 14th  report.  Appendix.  III.) 
London  :   H.M.  Stationery  Office.    1/2. 

Scotland. — Eegistrummagni  sigilli  regum 
Scotorum :  the  register  of  the  great 
seal  of  Scotland  [1620-1633].  Edited 
by  J.  M.  Thomson.  Pp.  1095.  Edin- 
burgh :  Published  under  the  direction 
of  the  lord  clerk  register.     Fol.     15/. 

Sharpe  (E.  E.)  London  and  the  king- 
dom. II.    London :    Longmans.     10/6. 

Sheppard  (E.)  Memorials  of  St.  James's 
palace.  2  vol.  Pp.  413,  419,  illustr. 
London :  Longmans.     36/. 

SiMPKiNsoN  (C.  H.)  Life  and  times  of 
William  Laud,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. Pp*  307,  portr.  London  :  Murray. 

Traill  (H.  D.)  Social  England  :  a  record 
of  the  progress  of  the  people ;  ed.  by. 
II :  Edward  I— Henry  VII.  Pp.  587. 
London :  Cassell. 

TucKERMAN  (F.)  Upon  the  royal  prero- 
gative in  England,  especially  since  the 
accession  of  the  house  of  Brunswick. 
Pp.108.  Heidelberg:  Hdrning.  2-40  m. 

Walpole  (Horace).  Memoirs  of  the  reign 
of  king  George  III,  re-edited  by  G.  F. 
E.  Barker.  4  vol.  Pp.  334,  324,  271, 
320 ;  16  portr*  London :  Lawrence  & 
Bullen.     52/6. 


D.  ITALY 
(including  San  Marino) 


Beltrami  (L).  II  castello  di  Milano 
(Castrum  portae  lovis)  sotto  il  dominio 
deiVisconti  e  degli  Sforza  [1368-1535]. 
Pp.    739.       Milan :    Hoepli.     22-50  1. 

Berliner  (A.)  Geschichte  der  Juden 
in  Eom  von  der  altesten  Zeit  bis  zur 
Gegenwart.  Pp.  119,  127,  236,  illustr. 
Frankfurt :  Kauffmann.     10  m. 

Cesareo  (G.  A.)  Pasquino  e  la  satira 
sotto  Leone  X  :  1'  ultimo  re  di  Cipro  ; 
i  due  archipoeti.  Pp.  15,  22.  Eome  : 
Unione  cooperativa  editrice.     16mo. 

Cesaresco  (countess  E.  Martinengo). 
The  liberation  of  Italy  [1815-1870]. 
Pp.  420,  portr.     London  :  Seeley.  5/. 

Dante  Alighieri,  Tutte  le  opere  di ; 
nuovamente  rivedute  nel  testo  da  E. 
Moore.  Pp.  490.  Oxford :  Clarendon 
Press.     7/6. 

Hauttecceur  (H.)  La  republique  de  San- 
Marino.  Pp..  256,  plates.  Brussels  : 
Havermans.     5  f. 

Marucchi  (0.)  Le  memorie  dei  ss. 
apostoli  Pietro  e  Paolo  nella  citta  di 
Eoma,  con  alcune  notizie  sul  cimitero 
apostolico  di  Priscilla.  Pp.  130, 
plates.     Eome :  tip.  Eomana.     2  1. 

Miceli  (V.)  Carattere  giuridico  del  go- 
verno  costituzionale,  con  speciale  ri- 
guardo  al  diritto  positivo  italiano.  I : 
La  corona.  Pp.  136.  Perugia  :  tip. 
Umbra.     2-50 1. 

Morpurgo  (S.)  I  manoscritti  della  r.  bi- 
blioteca  Eiccardiana  di  Firenze :  mano- 


scritti italiani.  I,  3.  Pp.  161-240. 
Eome  :  tip.  Bencini.     1  1. 

Pagano  (L.)  Studi  sulla  Calabria.  I, 
1-4.     Pp.  1-324.     Naples. 

Paglicci  Brozzi  (A.)  II  regio-ducal 
teatro  di  Milano  nel  secolo  XVIII : 
notizie  aneddotiche  [1701-1776]. 
Milan :  Eicardi.     16mo. 

EiCASoLi  (B.)  Lettere  e  documenti  pub- 
blicati  per  cura  di  M.  Tabarrini  e  A. 
Gotti.  X.  Pp.  556.  Florence:  Lc 
Monnier. 

ScHULz  (H.)  Der  Sacco  di  Eoma  ;  Karls 
V  Truppen  in  Eom  [i 527-1528].  (Hal- 
Jesche  Abhandlungen  zur  neueren 
Geschichte.  XXXII.)  Pp.  188.  Halle  : 
Niemeyer. 

SuTTEii  (C.)  Aus  Leben  und  Schriften  des 
Magisters  Boncompagno  :  ein  Beitrag 
zur  italienischen  Kulturgeschichte 
im  dreizehnten  Jahrhundert.  Pp.  128. 
Freiburg  :  Mohr.     2  m. 

Verxois  (general  von  Verdy  du).  A  tac- 
tical study,  based  on  the  battle  of 
Custozza  [24  June  1866].  Transl.  by 
G.  F.  E.  &  E.  A.  Henderson.  Pp.  130. 
London:  Gale  &  Polden.     6/. 

ViLLARi  (P.)  I  primi  due  secoli  della 
storia  di  Firenze.  II.  Pp.  271.  Flo- 
rence :     Sansoni.     5  1. 

The  two  first  centuries  of  Florentine 

history :  the  republic  and  parties  at 
the  time  of  Dante.  Transl.  by  Linda 
Villari.     Pp.  365.    Loudon  :  Unwin. 


208      RECENT  HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS    Jan.  1895 


E.  OTHEB   COUNTBIES 


Alexandee  III,  S.  M.  I.,  Souvenirs  de 
S6bastopol,'  recueillis  et  r6dig6s  par. 
Trad,  de  N.  Notovitch.  Paris  :  Ollen- 
dorlf.    7-50  f. 

Belgium.— Biographie  nationale.  XII,  2. 
Louis  de  Bourbon — Lys.  Pp.  481-824. 
Brussels  :  Bruylant.     6  L 

Beuinvis  (C.  W.)  Verdrukking  en  volhar- 
ding  der  Eemonstranten  te  Alkmaar  in 
1619  en  volgende  jaren,  naar  officieele 
en  andere  deels  ongedrukte  bronnen. 
Pp.  46.    Alkmaar  :  Coster. 

CoDEBA  (F.)  &  Tarrago  (J.  B.)  Biblio- 
theca  arabico-hispana.  IX.  Index 
librorum  de  diversis  scientiarum  ordini- 
bus  Arabice.     I.     Madrid. 

CoLLECcioN,  Nueva,  de  documentos  in6- 
ditos  para  la  historia  de  Espafia  y  de 
sus  Indias.  V.  Madrid  :  Murillo.  4to. 
12  pes. 

DiERCKs  (G.)  Geschiclite  Spaniens  von 
den  friihesten  Zeiten  bis  auf  die 
Gegenwart.  I.  Pp.  442.  Berlin : 
Cronbach.     7*50  m. 

DiJK  (A.  G.  van)  &  ScHARr  de  Visser 
(P.  F.  C.)  Geschie3enis  van  het 
koninkrijk  der  Nederlanden  [1814- 
1894].  Pp.  154.  Vlaardingen :  Dors- 
man  &  Ode. 

EscuDERo  Y  Perosso  (F.)  Tipografia  his- 
palense :  anales  bibliograficos  de  la 
ciudad  de  Sevilla.  Pp.  657.  Madrid  : 
Eivadeneyra.     4to.     15  pes. 

Herbomez  (A.  d').  Comptes  de  la  ville 
de  Tournai  [i  240- 1243].  Pp.  15. 
Brussels  :  Hayez. 

JoosTiNG  (G.  C.)  Ordelen  van  den  et- 
stoel  van  Drenthe  [15 18- 1604].  Pp.  474. 
The  Hague  :  Nijhoff. 

Leroy-Beaulieu  (A.)     The  empire  of  the 


tsars  and  the  Eusslans.  Transl.  by 
Z.  Eagozin.  II:  The  institutions. 
Pp.  566.     New  York  :  Putnam.    (12/6.) 

Lethaby  (W.  E.)  &  SwAiNsoN  (H.)  The 
church  of  Sancta  Sophia,  Constanti- 
nople :  a  study  of  Byzantine  building, 
Pp.  305,  illustr.    London  :  Macmillan. 

NiERMEYER  (J.  F.)  Zur  Gcschichte  der 
Kartographie  Hollands  in  den  drei 
vorigen  Jahrhunderten.  Pp.  32. 
Eotterdam  :  Wenk  &  Birkhoff.     4to. 

Philippson  (M.)  Ein  Ministerium  unter 
Philipp  II;  Kardinal  Granvella  am 
spanischen  Hofe  [1579-1586].  Pp.  642. 
Berlin  :  Cronbach.     12  m. 

PoL\ND. — Codex  epistolaris  saeculi  XV. 
III.  Collectus  cura  A.  Lewicki.  (Monu- 
menta  medii  aevi  historica  res  gestas 
Poloniae  illustrantia.  XIV).  Pp. 
Ixxx,  665.  Cracow  :  Buchhandlung  der 
polnischen  Verlags-Gesellschaf t.  (10  m.) 

Stcherbatow  (feld-mar^chal  prince 
Pask6vitseh),  sa  vie  politique  et  mili- 
taire  d'apr^s  des  documents  inedits. 
Trad,  du  russe.  IV:  [1831].  Paris: 
Eeinwald.     15  f. 

Sweden. — Sveriges  ridderskaps  och  adels 
riksdags-protokoll.  XI:  1672.  Ed.  by 
S.  Bergt.  Pp.  476.     Stockholm.     (9  m.) 

Unger  (J.  H.  W.)  Album  discipulorum 
Erasmianae  scholae  quae  est  Eottero- 
dami  [1719-1879].  Pp.  40.  Eotter- 
dam :  Wenk  &  Birkhoff.     4to. 

Waliszewski  (K.)  Autour  d'un  trone : 
Catherine  II  de  Eussie.  Pp.  472,  portr. 
Paris  :  Plon. 

Welderen  Eengers  (W.  J.  van).  Schets 
eener  parlementaire  geschiedenis  van 
Nederland  sedert  1849.  II.  Pp.  341. 
The  Hague  :  Nijhotf. 


VI.    AMERICAN  AND   COLONIAL  HISTORY 


Buckingham  (S.  G.)     Life  of  William  A. 

Buckingham,    the     war    governor    of 

Connecticut.     Pp.    537.      Springfield : 

Adams. 
Drake   (S.  A.)     The  making  of  Virginia 

and  the  middle  colonies    [1578-1701]. 

Pp.  228,  maps.     London  :  Gibbings. 
Millares  (A.)     Historia  general    de    las 

Islas     Canarias.     V.     Pp.     300.     Las 

Palmas :  Miranda.     4to. 
Schmidt    (E.)     Vorgeschichte   Nordame- 

rikas  im  Gebiet  der  Vereinigten  Staaten. 

Pp.  216,  illustr.     Brunswick  :  Vieweg. 

5  m. 


ScoTT  (W.  A.)  The  repudiation  of  state 
debts  :  a  study  in  the  financial  history 
of  Mississippi,  Florida,  Alabama,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Min- 
nesota, Michigan,  and  Virginia.  Pp. 
325.     New  York:  Crowell. 

Sherman  (general  and  senator).  Corre- 
spondence [1837-1891].  Ed.  by  E.  S. 
Thorndyke.     Pp.  384.     London. 

Thompson  (E.  W.)  EecoUections  of  six- 
teen presidents,  from  Washington  to 
Lincoln.  2  vol.  Portr.  Indianapolis  : 
The  Bowen-Merrill  Co.     (30/.) 


Errata 


Vol.  ix.  page  487,  note,  line  23  from  bottom  : 
nor  successors  received.' 

Page  639,  line  14  :  for  '  Duke  of  Cornwall '  read  ' 
Page  645,  note  46,  line  1 :  for  '  market '  read  'fair 


dele  *  which  neither  his  predecessors 
Earl  of  Chester.' 


The   English 

Historical    Review 


NO.   XXXVIIL— APRIL  1895 


Rdmwid,  Earl  of  La7^caster 


PART   II. 

BEFORE  digressing  to  enumerate  the  various  grants  which 
Edmund  received,  so  as  to  get  some  idea  of  his  power 
as  an  EngHsh  baron,  we  left  him  in  1267  arranging  tournaments 
as  a  sort  of  afterpiece  to  the  barons'  war.  He  is  next  mentioned  on 
6  March  1268  as  one  of  the  witnesses  to  a  charter  of  privileges 
which  Henry  III  issued  to  the  citizens  of  London  as  a  step  to  a 
final  reconciliation  with  them.'  A  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land  was 
now  being  preached  by  the  legate  Ottobon.  It  was  an  obvious  way 
of  promoting  a  speedy  oblivion  of  intestine  feuds,  and  clearing  the 
country  of  elements  of  disorder,  to  unite  the  late  combatants  in 
such  a  common  enterprise.  So  the  two  brothers  Edward  and 
Edmund  both  took  the  cross  at  Northampton  on  24  June  1268, 
and  their  example  was  followed  by  many  other s.^  But  after  ten 
troubled  years,  following  on  Henry  Ill's  earlier  extravagances, 
money  was  not  very  plentiful  amongst  the  royal  family.  Edward  I 
was  reduced  to  borrow  from  Louis  IX  of  France.  Edmund  was  in 
a  somewhat  better  position  with  his  confiscated  earldoms,  and  he 
hastened  to  add  to  his  resources  by  making  a  rich  marriage.  On 
20  Nov.  1268  Henry  permitted  him  to  marry  Isabella  de  Fortibus, 
widow  of  William  de  Fortibus,  earl  of  Albemarle.  Isabella  was 
a  daughter  of  Baldwin  de  Redvers,  earl  of  Devon,  and  heiress^to 
the  Isle  of  Wight  and  to  the  earldom  of  Devon.^     But  Edmund, 

'  Liber  de  Antiquis  Legibus,  pp.  102,-5. 

-  Ann.  Winton.  ii.  107  ;  Waverley,  ii.  357  ;  Wykes,  iv.  217  ;  Worcester,  iv.  458. 

^  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  11 ;  Eishanger,  p.  163.  Proposals  had  previously 
been  mooted  for  Edmund's  marriage  with  the  queen  of  Cyprus  (April  1256 ;  Rymer,  i. 
341),  and  with  a  daughter  of  the  count  of  Flanders  {Royal  Letters,  Henry  III,  p.  197). 
VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVIII.  P 


210  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

presumably  to  make  i^ore  sure  of  the  fortune,  did  not  marry  her,  but 
her  daughter  Avelina,^  who  cannot  have  been  more  than  ten  years 
old  at  the  time  of  the  marriage,  which   took  place  on  9  April  1269 
in  the  presence  of  the  king  and  queen  and  almost  all  the  magnates  of 
England.^     Edmund  thought  he  had  thus  secured  the  succession 
to  the  lordship  of  Holderness,  as  well  as  the  Isle  of  Wight  and 
earldom  of  D^von.      The   monks   of  Dunstable   about  this  time 
complain  in  their  chronicle  that  they  could  not  get  remedy  from 
the  king's  courts  in  a  quarrel  with  Isabella  of  Albemarle,  because 
Edmund,  the  king's  brother,  had  married  her  daughter  Avelina/' 
During    the   whole    of    the    year   1269    Edmund    was    occupied 
in   preparations  for   his  crusade.^     On   25    July  of  that  year  or 
the  following  he  received  power  to  let  out  his  lands  to  farm  for 
seven  years,  the  lessee   to   hold  them  for   the  full   term,  even  if 
Edmund  died  without  heirs  before  its  expiration  ;  and  another  grant 
that,  in  the  same  event,  his  executors  should  hold  his  lands  till  the 
term  of  seven  years  for  the  payment  of  his  debts,  when,  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  things,  his  lands  would  have  escheated  imme- 
diately to  the  crown. ^ 

Henry  Ill's  magnificent  and  costly  rebuilding  of  the  abbey  of 
Westminster,  which  he  had  begun  in  1220,  was  now  approaching 
completion.  The  Confessor's  chapel,  the  chapels  round  the  apse, 
and  the  transepts  were  finished  about  this  time.  Alexander,  king 
of  Scotland,  and  his  wife,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Henry  III,  paid  a 
visit  to  England,  perhaps  with  the  view  of  attending  the  approach- 
ing translation  of  the  bones  of  St.  Edward  to  the  new  shrine 
which  Henry  had  constructed  for  them  and  in  which  they  still 
remain.  In  the  safe-conduct  issued  to  Alexander  on  16  Sept. 
Edmund  was  one  of  the  four  magnates  who  were  to  attend 
on  him,^  and  Edmund  met  his  sister,  the  queen  of  Scotland,, 
at  St.  Albans. ^°  The  ceremony  of  translation  took  place  on 
13  Oct.,  Edmund  being  amongst  the  great  men  who  helped  to  carry 
the  bier.i^ 

On  19  Oct.  1269  were  issued  writs  of  protection  to  Edmund  and 
six  other  great  men  about  to  proceed  to  the  Holy  Land.     Amongst 

*  Avelina  was  a  niece  of  Gilbert,  eaii  of  Gloucester,  according  to  Ann.  Osney,  iv.  221. 
She  had  been  at  first  a  ward  of  Eichard  de  Clare,  earl  of  Gloucester,  and  then  of 
Edmund's  elder  brother  Edward  (Poulson,  History  of  Holderness,  p.  34).  Edmund 
paid  Amicia,  countess  of  Devon,  1,000Z.  for  her  share  in  the  marriage  of  Avelina  {31st 
Report,  App.  p.  11). 

^  Calendarium  Genealogicum,  i.  217;  Ann.  Osney,  iv.  221;  Winton,  ii.  107; 
Wykes,  iv.  221 ;  Eishanger,  p.  63  ;  Annales  Londonienses  (ed.  Stubbs),  i.  80  {Chron.  of 
Ed.  I  and  II).  «  A7in.  Dunstable,  iii.  249. 

''  Eishanger,  p.  64. 

«  In  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  App.  pp.  20-1,  the  date  given  is  25  July,  53 
Henry  III.     In  Appendix  to  31st  Report,  pp.  11,  12,  the  date  given  is  25  July  1270. 

^  Catalogue  of  Documents  relating  to  Scotland,  No.  2542. 

'»  Flores  Historiarum,  ed.  Luard,  ii.  459.  '»  Wykes,  iv.  226. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  211 

these  companions  of  Edmund  was  Robert  de  Bruce,  earl  of  Carrick, 
son  of  the  claimant  and  father  of  the  great  Eobert  Bruce.^^  But 
it  was  not  until  13  Feb.  1271  that  Edmund  appointed  his  mother, 
Eleanor,  his  lieutenant  and  representative,  with  the  fullest  powers  of 
alienation  and  putting  to  farm  over  his  lands,  *^  while  his  actual 
departure  for  the  Holy  Land  did  not  take  place  until  between 
25  Feb.  and  4  March  1271.^^  Edward  had  set  out  in  the 
previous  August,  but  the  crusaders  had  turned  aside  to  besiege 
Tunis,  and  Edward  joined  them  only  to  find  Louis  IX  dead  and 
a  treaty  concluded  with  the  infidels.  Determined  to  continue 
the  crusade,  even  if  he  had  to  go  by  himself,  he  wintered  in 
Sicily,  and  arrived  in  the  Holy  Land  in  May.  In  September 
Edmund,  who  must  have  therefore  spent  six  months  in  his  journey 
to  the  east,  joined  his  brother  with  a  few  companions.^^  He  did 
little  or  nothing  there,  ^^  being  mentioned  only  as  taking  part  in  one 
action,  which  was  little  more  than  a  plundering  raid.  This  was  at 
the  time  when  the  sultan  Bibars  was  engaged  in  northern  Syria, 
repelling  a  devastating  raid  of  the  Mongols. ^^  On  22  Nov.  1271  the 
Christian  army  set  out  to  destroy  the  tower  of  Kakoun ;  but  hearing 
that  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kakoun  were  encamped  with  their 
wives  and  children,  according  to  their  annual  custom,  about  three 
days' journey  from  Acre,  they  advanced  by  night,  biding  in  the  woods 
by  day.  They  surprised  the  Saracens  in  their  beds,  killed  1,000,  and 
captured  5,000  cattle,  with  the  loss  of  only  one  man,  a  squire  of 
Alexander  Seton.  But,  eager  to  place  their  booty  in  safety,  they 
then  returned,  and  the  real  object  of  the  expedition  was  never 
attained. ^^  Though  Edward  wished  to  continue  the  war,  the 
Christians  showed  so  little  sign  of  making  any  headway  with  their 
small  forces,  that  on  22  April  1272  the  king  of  Cyprus  and 
Jerusalem  concluded  a  truce  with  Bibars.^^     Edmund  left  the  Holy 

'2  Kymer,  i.  482-3.  In  the  Calendar  of  Patent  Rolls  they  are  given  early  in 
54  Henry  III.  A  safe-conduct  to  Robert  de  Bruce,  who  is  going  with  Edmund,  is  dated 
19  Oct.  1270  {Catalogue  of  Documents  relating  to  Scotland,  No.  2575). 

'3  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  App,  p.  21. 

•^  Ann.  Winton.  ii.  110 ;  Waverley,  ii.  377. 

•^  L^Estoire  d'Eracles,  Empereur,in  Historiens  Occidentaux  des  Croisades,  vol.  ii. 
p.  461  (Recueil  des  Historiens  des  Croisades,  par  les  soins  de  VAcadimie  des  Inscrip- 
tio7is  et  Belles- Lettres).  Sanuto,  Liber  Secretorum  Fidelium  Crucis,  in  Gesta  Dei  per 
Francos,  ed.  Bongarsius,  1611,  vol.  ii.  p.  224. 

'^^  An7i.  Winton.  and  Ann.  Waverley,  ii.  110,  377. 

"'  Rohricht  in  Archives  de  V  Orient  Latin,  i.  623  ;  UEstoire  d'Eracles,  Empereur, 
ubi  supra,  p.  461. 

'^  L'Estoire  d'Eracles,  Empereur,  ii.  461 :  propter  lucrum  dimittentes  principale 
intentum.  Sanuto,  ii.  224.  Chronica  de  Mailros  (Bannatyne  Club),  p.  218  ;  Archives 
de  V  Orient  Latin,  i.  623. 

^^  L'Estoire  d'Eracles,  Empereur,  ii.  462.  A  letter  of  Hugh  Eevel,  grand  master 
of  the  hospital,  to  Edward,  published  in  BibliotMque  de  VEcole  des  Chartes,  vol.  lii. 
(1891),  p.  53,  speaks  of  this  truce  as  if  Edward  I  had  made  it.  If  we  regard  this  as 
only  a  loose  statement  of  the  facts,  it  at  any  rate  goes  far  [to  prove  that  Edward  did 
not  oppose,  or  at  least  was  cognisant  of,  the  treaty.    Eevel  would  hardly  speak  in  that 

p  2 


212  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

Land  in  May.-*^  H^  arrived  in  England  about  6  Dec,  entered 
London  amid  the  rejoicings  of  the  citizens  of  all  classes  on  Sunday, 
the  11th,  and  went  to  visit  his  recently  widowed  mother,  Eleanor, 
on  the  12th.^^  Fruitless  as  had  been  Edmund's  crusade,  it  seems 
to  have  cost  him  a  good  deal  of  money.  On  1  Aug.  1272 
Eleanor,  acting  on  her  commission  of  13  Feb.  1271,  had  let  out 
to  farm  for  four  years  to  Edmund  of  Almayne,  son  of  Eichard 
of  Cornwall,  king  of  the  Komans,  the  manors  of  Hinckley, 
Shilton,  Desford,  Thornton,  and  Bagworth,  and  the  rent  of  Gun- 
thorpe,  along  with  the  courts,  view^s  of  frankpledge,  and  other 
rights  pertaining  to  the  honour  of  Leicester,  in  the  counties  of 
Leicester,  Northampton,  Warwick,  Nottingham,  and  Rutland,  and 
the  firms  of  Godman Chester  and  Huntingdon,  with  the  cellars  and 
markets  of  St.  Ives,  for  a  sum  of  3,500  marks.^^  In  1272 
Pope  Gregory  X  asked  the  English  clergy  to  pay  to  Edward  and 
Edmund  a  tenth  of  their  revenues  for  two  years,^^  which  they 
granted  in  1273,  and  paid  almost  all  of  it  in  the  first  year.^* 
Gregory  wrote  to  Edward  I,  on  30  Nov.  1273,  asking  him  to  deal 
liberally  and  kindly  with  his  brother  Edmund.^-^  In  the  issue  roll 
of  the  exchequer,  4  Ed.  I  (20  Nov.  1275  to  20  Nov.  1276),  appears 
an  item  of  300Z.  paid  to  Edmund,  part  of  1,700  marks  which  were 
in  arrear  to  him  of  2,600  marks  which  Henry  III  had  granted  to 
him  in  aid  of  his  going  to  the  Holy  Land,  to  be  received  from  the 
issues  of  the  iters  of  the  justices  in  their  last  iter  for  the  county  of 
Lincoln.  This  sum  was  paid  by  assignment  to  Edmund,  earl  of 
Cornwall,  evidently  in  discharge  of  some  debt  to  him.^^ 

Edw^ard  I  had  set  out  homewards  before  the  news  of  his 
father's  death  reached  him,  but  his  progress  was  slow,  as  he  had  to 
negotiate  with  the  French  king,  Philip  III,  about  some  claims  to 
Saintonge,  the  Agenois,  and  the  three  bishoprics  of  Perigord, 
Cahors,  and  Limoges,  arising  out  of  the  treaty  of  Abbeville  (1258) 
and  the  death  of  Alfonse  of  Poitiers,  brother  of  St.  Louis.  He  had 
also  the  affairs  of  Gascony  to  arrange,  and  particularly  a  revolt 
of  Gaston  de  Beam,  viscount  of  Bigorre,  engaged  his  attention.  A 
rumour  got  abroad  that  he  was  never  going  to  return  to  England,  and 
a  band  of  rebels  gathered  in  the  north.     But  Edmund  went  out 

way  if  Edward  had  openly  opposed  the  treaty,  or  if  it  had  been  concluded  without  his 
knowledge. 

20  L'Estoire  d'Eracles,  Emperetir,  ii.  462.  Knighton's  statement  that  he  was 
present  at  the  time  of  the  attempt  to  assassinate  Edward,  which  took  place  on  18 
June,  must  therefore  be  wrong  :  Twysden's  Scriptores  Decern,  col.  2458, 1.  34. 

■-1  Ann.  Wintoji.  and  Ann.  Wav.  ii.  112, 379  ;  Wykes,  iv.  253  ;  Ann.  Wigorn.  iv.  461  ; 
Liber  de  Antiquis  Legibus,  p.  156 ;  Annates  Londonienses,  i.  83. 

"  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  12 ;  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  21. 

-^  Ann.  Winton.  ii.  113  ;  Waverley,  ii.  379  ;   Wigorn.  iv.  463. 

-*  Ann.  Winton,  ii.  115  ;  Waverley,  ii.  381 ;  Osney,  iv.  256 ;  V/igorn.  iv.  464 ;  Flores 
Historiarum,  iii.  32.  25  Rymer,  i.  507. 

2*^  Extracts  from  the  Exchequer  Rolls  (Pell  Kecords),  p.  96. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  213 

against  them  with  Eoger  Mortimer  and  a  considerable  army,  and 
they  dispersed  at  his  approach. 2'' 

Edmund  claimed  the  office  of  seneschal  for  life  on  the  day  after 
his  brother's  coronation,  20  Aug.  1274. ^^  There  is  also  a  charter 
of  his  dated  Tutbury,  3  Sept.  1273  or  1274.^9  On  11  Nov.  1274  he 
lost  his  young  wife,  Avelina,  who  cannot  have  been  more  than 
fifteen  years  of  age.^°  She  was  buried  at  Westminster  Abbey  with 
great  pomp,  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  bishops*  of 
London  and  Winchester  conducting  the  funeral  service.^^  She 
left  no  children.^^  An  inquisition  of  3  Ed.  I  gives  the  four 
daughters  of  Hugh  de  Bulebec  and  one  Ealph  de  Pleys,  a 
minor,  as  her  heirs ;  ^^  but  her  lands  seem  to  have  escheated 
to  the  crown,  which  was  in  possession  on  17  Jan.  1275.^^ 
Edmund  thus  lost  the  property  he  had  hoped  to  gain  by  marriage. 
He  seems  again  to  have  wanted  to  raise  money,  as  on  17  Feb. 
1275  he  received  license  from  the  king  to  demise,  to  farm,  or  to 
term  his  lands,  except  castles,  for  three  years.^^  Yet  on  16  June 
1275,  at  Westminster,  he  released  a  rent  of  lOZ.  to  Walter  de 
Helyon.36 

Edmund  soon  consoled  himself  for  the  loss  of  the  heritage 
of  Avelina  de  Fortibus  by  an  even  better  match.  The  kingdom 
of  Navarre  had  been  united  to  the  county  of  Champagne  by 
the  marriage  of  the  father  of  Thibaut  IV,  or  le  Chansonnier, 
count  of  Champagne,  with  Blanche,  sister  of  Sancho  VII,  or  the 
Strong,  in  whom  the  first  race  of  the  kings  of  Navarre  died  out.^^ 
Thibaut  IV  had  succeeded  to  Navarre  in  1234,  in  spite  of  the  op- 
position of  a  party  which  favoured  the  claims  of  an  illegitimate  son 
of  Sancho,  and  an  arrangement  made  by  Sancho  with  James  I  of 
Aragon  by  which  they  became  each  other's  heirs.^^  He  and  his 
sons  reigned  over  Navarre  for  forty  years.  Though  Aragon  revived 
its  claims,  it  had  at  last  to  recognise  the  validity  of  the  title  of  the 
house  of  Champagne.  But  the  death  of  Henry  III,  the  last  of  the 
three  legitimate  sons  of  Thibaut  IV,  on  22  July  1274,  at  the  early 
age  of  twenty-five,^^  leaving  only  a  daughter  of  eighteen  months 
(his  son  had  fallen  over  a  precipice  with  his  nurse  at  Estella),^^ 
led  to  aggressions  on  Navarre  from  all  sides,  and  the  Aragonese 
claim   was   renewed.     Though  his   widow,   Blanche,    daughter  of 

"  Flores  Historiarum,  iii.  31,  32.  ^s  Rymer,  i.  515. 

2"  A;^endix  to  Gth  Report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper,  Inventory  of  Eecords  in  the 
Tower,  No.  1172. 

3»  Wykes,  iv.  261.  ="  Historical  MSS.  Commission,  ith  Report,  p.  184. 

=*■-  Eishanger,  p.  63,  says,  cum  tota  prole  mortem  parentum  praevenit. 
<  ''^  Calendarium  Genealogicum,  i.  224. 

=**  Cal.  of  Pat.  Bolls,  3  Ed.  I,  in  Appendix  to  4tUh  Report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper, 
p.  160. 

'^^  Ibid.  p.  94.  =*"  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  App.  p.  43. 

=*^  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  Histoire  des  Dues  et  des  Comtes  de  Champagne,  iv.  265. 

=*s  Ibid.  iv.  268-9.  ^^  Ibid.  iv.  437.  *"  Ibid.  iv.  438,  440. 


214  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

Kobert  of  Artois,  brotlfer  of  St.  Louis,  was  able  to  pacify  Aragon  for 
a  time  by  the  promise  of  the  hand  of  Jeanne,^  ^  the  neighbouring 
powers,  led  by  Castile,  became  again  hostile,  and  Blanche  thought 
the  best  course  was  to  entrust  Navarre  to  the  protection  of  her 
cousin  Philip  III  of  France,  on  the  condition  that  Jeanne  was  to 
be  married  to  his  younger  son  Philip  .'^^  The  hand  of  Jeanne  had 
been  promised  to  Edward  I  of  England  for  his  son  Henry  before 
Henry  Hi's  death. ''^  Edward  I  had  thus  hoped  to  strengthen  his 
position  in  the  south  of  France,  but  he  now  saw  the  coveted  prize 
pass  to  the  king  of  France.  He  had  still,  however,  in  the  person 
of  his  aunt  Margaret  of  Provence,  mother  of  Philip  III,  a  woman 
of  energetic  character,  a  powerful  ally  at  the  court  of  France. 
Through  her  influence  the  hand  of  the  widowed  queen  of  Navarre 
and  countess  of  Champagne  was  bestowed  on  Edmund.^'^  If  we  are 
to  believe  the  annalist  Trokelowe,  a  mutual  attraction,  excited  by 
the  reports  they  had  heard  of  each  other,  was  a  factor  in  bringing 
about  the  marriage.^^  On  6  Aug.  1275  Edmund  received  a  simple 
protection  for  a  journey  beyond  seas.  The  marriage  took  place 
some  time  between  18  Dec.  1275  and  18  Jan.  1276.  It  did  not 
please  the  anti-English  party.  Eobert  II  of  Artois,  the  brother  of 
Blanche,  who  had  entertained  Edmund  during  his  visit  to  France 
on  the  occasion  of  the  knighting  of  Philip  III  in  1267,  when 
Edmund  may  possibly  have  seen  Blanche,  returning  from  a  visit  to 
Italy,  was  very  angry  to  hear  of  the  marriage  which  had  taken 
place  during  his  absence,  'for  he  well  thought  that  the  king  of 
England  had  no  love  for  the  king  of  France.'  ^^  To  the  Cham- 
pagnards  the  rule  of  the  English  baron  came  as  a  sort  of  foretaste 
of  their  incorporation  with  the  monarchy  of  France,  and  of  the  loss 
of  that  brilliant,  independent  life,  centring  round  the  court  of  their 
counts,  which  they  had  so  long  enjoyed. 

Champagne  was  then  at  the  zenith  of  its  splendour  and 
wealth.  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville  estimates  the  net  revenue  of 
the  counties  of  Champagne  and  Brie  in  1271  as  equivalent  to 
8,789,330  francs  at  the  present  day,  or  151,573/.  4s.^^  per  annum 
(reckoning  25  fr.  to  IZ.)  In  1284,  when  it  was  united  to  the  crown 
of  France,  he  estimates  that  it  had  risen  to  4,348,060  francs,  or 
173,920L  8s.,  per  annum.'^*  The  count's  revenue  was  indeed  equal 
to  one-fifth  of  that  of  Louis  IX  of  France.''^  There  were  six  great 
privileged  fairs  of  Champagne  and  numerous  less  important  ones. 
To  the  great  fairs  held  at  Troyes,  Provins,  Bar-sur-Aube,  and  Lagny 

*^  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  Histoire  des  Dues  et  des  Comtes  de  Champagne,  iv.  443. 
*'  Ibid.  iv.  444-5.  43  jj^^  jy^  449. 

"*  Gesta  Philippi  III  ap.  Bouquet,  xx.  500  c  ;  Chronigue  Anonyme,  ibid.  xxi. 
94  H  ;  Guiart,  ibid.  xxii.  211  b. 

^5  Trokelowe,  Annales,  70-1.  "«  Gesta  Philippi  III  ap.  Bouquet,  xx.  500  c. 

"•^  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  805. 

^  Ibid.  iv.  808.  ""  Ibid.  iv.  810. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  215 

came  merchants  from  all  quarters,  from  Barcelona  to  Ypres  and 
from  Eouen  to  Lucca.^^  Every  branch  of  trade  and  industry  seems 
to  have  had  its  special  quarter  in  the  narrow,  booth-lined  streets  of 
these  great  towns.  Provins  boasted  a  population  of  at  least  70,000, 
30,000  artisans,  2,000  looms,  1,700  cutlery  workshops,  and  twenty 
convents  and  churches,  and  was  noted  for  its  coinage  and  dyed 
cloths.^^  Troyes  and  other  towns  were  equally  thriving.  To  the 
thirteenth  century  belongs  the  most  beautiful  part  of  the  cathedral 
of  Troyes,  and  the  best  architecture  in  most  of  the  other  towns. ^^ 
The  counts  could  claim  the  service  of  over  2,000  knights,  as  well  as 
of  all  the  common  people  between  sixteen  and  sixty,  and  even  over 
sixty  so  far  as  the  duty  of  providing  a  substitute  went,  though 
this  service  was  subject  in  many  cases  to  various  curious  limita- 
tions.^^ Twenty-one  of  the  older  abbeys  of  Champagne  had  to 
obtain  the  leave  of  the  count  before  they  could  elect  a  superior ; 
over  thirteen  he  had  the  right  of  guardianship  during  a  vacancy, 
and  in  twelve  rights  of  entertainment.'**  He  had  also  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  temporalities  of  the  sees  of  Troyes  and  Meaux  during  a 
vacancy .'^-^  The  nine  collegiate  chapters  which  were  dependent  on 
him  gave  him  the  patronage  of  200  stalls. ^^  He  had  also  the  right 
of  garrisoning  sixty-four  of  the  castles  of  Champagne  in  time  of 
war  ;  no  one  could  build  a  castle,  or  even  make  extensive  alterations 
in  the  fortifications  of  an  existing  one,  without  his  leave.  The  same 
license  was  required  to  divert  watercourses  or  to  hold  land  in 
mortmain."  Indeed,  the  counts  drew  a  considerable  revenue  from 
licenses  of  this  kind.     In  some  places  a  butcher  had  to  purchase  a 

^^  Bourquelot,  Etudes  sur  les  Foires  de  Champagne,  in  Memoires  pr^senUs  d  VAca- 
demie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles- Lettres,  serie  2,  tome  v,  pt.  ii. ;  Arbois  de  Jubainville, 
iv.  738,  note   a).     Compare  the  lines — 

'  L'endeman  de  la  Pantacosta 

Dreg  a  Nemurs  li  cortz  s'ajosta 

Bela  e  rica  e  pleniera. 

Et  anc  negus  hom  non  vi  fiera 

Ni  a  Liniec  ni  a  Prois, 

Que  i  agues  tant  e  var  e  gris 

E  drap  de  seda  e  de  Ian  a.' 

(Flamenca,  in  P.  Meyer,  liecueil  d'Anciens  Textes  Bas-Latins,  Provengaux  et  Francais, 
ire  partie,  p.  116,  1.  184). 

^'  Bourquelot,  Histoire  de  Provins,  i.  250-2,  254  ;  Etudes  sicr  les  Foires  de  Chavi- 
pagne,  ubi  supra,  vol.  v.  pt.  ii.  p.  12. 

"  A.  Babeau,  Memoires  de  la  Societe  Academiqne  de  VAuhe,  vol.  xxv.  3rd  ser.  pp. 
26  et  seg. 

*3  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  682,  690.  When  the  count  of  Champagne  wished  to 
lead  the  people  of  Blancheville  (Haute-Marne)  in  the  direction  of  Bar-sur-Aube,  Vassy^ 
or  St.  M6nehould,  he  could  only  require  from  them  one  day's  march ;  but  in  the 
direction  of  Burgundy,  Lorraine,  or  Germany  he  had  the  right  to  lead  them  as  far  as 
he  thought  fit ;  only  he  must  feed  them  (ibid.  iv.  692-3).  M.  d' Arbois  is  inclined  to 
think  that  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Champagne  were  serfs. 

"  Ibid.  iv.  616  et  seq.  ^-  Ibid.  iv.  622. 

56  Ibid.  iv.  624.  "  Ibid.  iv.  684-6,  687,  757. 


216  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

license  from  him ;  aifd  the  tables  of  the  money-changers,  which 
he  gave  in  fee,  reserving  to  himself  certain  pecuniary  dues,  were 
another  great  source  of  revenue.^^  The  Jews  too,  if  properly 
manipulated,  formed  an  almost  inexhaustible  source  of  wealth. 
They  paid  an  annual  cense,  or  tax,  to  the  count.  Theobald  IV,  in  a 
charter  to  Provins  in  1230,  specially  reserved  his  rights  over  the 
Jews  in  the  town.^^  At  his  accession  he  had  made  the  Jews  of 
Champagne  pay  a  sum  about  equal  to  283,694Z.  at  the  present 
day,  and  in  1285  Philip  IV  mulcted  them  of  100,531Z.  12s.6o 

As.  one  of  the  great  feudatories  of  France  the  count  could 
issue  edicts  binding  on  his  subjects ;  and  the  edicts  of  the  king  of 
France  were  not  all  binding  on  his  subjects.  Even  in  the  chartered 
towns,  such  as  Provins,  the  count  possessed  a  more  than  nominal 
supremacy  ;  he  held  serfs,  and  the  profits  which  they  entailed ;  ^^  he 
had  his  chancellor,  constable,  marshal,  receiver,  and  a  host  of  smaller 
officials.^^  Though  most  of  his  lands  were  held  mediately  or  im- 
mediately from  the  king  of  France,  some  of  them  were  held  of  the 
emperor .^^  He  had  palaces  at  Paris,  Troyes,  and  Provins,  as  well 
as  castles  in  most  of  the  chief  towns  of  the  county .^^  Such  wealth 
and  power,  joined  to  the  eminence  in  knightly  qualities  which  had 
distinguished  most  of  the  princes  of  Champagne,  might  almost 
justify  the  proud  boast  contained  in  their  motto  and  war-cry, 
'  Passe  avant  le  meilleur.' 

For  something  over  eight  years  Edmund  held  this  great  county 
in  addition  to  his  English  lands.  But  as  a  ruler  he  showed  little 
activity  or  interest  in  his  dominions,  though  he  seems  to  have  been 
constantly  crossing  over  from  England  to  France.  *  There  are,' 
says  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville,  '  twenty  acts  emanating  from  him 
which  concern  Champagne,  and  seven  only  [to  which  may  be  added 
two  more  not  known  to  M.  d'Arbois,  dated  at  Vitry-en-Perthois  and 
La  Ferte  Milon  respectively]  which  indicate  a  stay  in  or  a  passage 
through  Champagne.'  *^''  Besides  those  mentioned  above  there  is 
one  grant  enrolled  in  the  cartulary  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Loup  at 
Troyes.^^     During  his  absences  Champagne  was  governed  in  his 

^**  Bourquelot,  Histoire  de  Provins,  i.  284  ;  Etudes  sur  les  Foires  de  Champagne, 
ubi  supra,  p.  134. 

^^  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  199-206;  also  in  Bibliotheque  de  VEcole  des 
Ghartes,  4*'  s6rie,  tome  ii.  205. 

""  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  835. 

**'  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  282. 

•^2  Arbois  d^^  Jubainville,  iv.  529  ct  passim  in  chap.  xiv. 

«3  Ibid.  iv.  884. 

«*  Ibid.  iv.  387,  791 ;  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  240. 

"  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  448 ;  Appendix  to  Qth  Report  of  Deputy  Keeper,  Nos. 
1134,  1324.  Philip  III  did  not  allow  him  to  '  cut  and  exploit '  the  ancient  forests  of 
Champagne  during  his  regency ;  nor  did  Philip  IV  allow  him  to  do  so  in  the  five 
chatellenies  which  formed  Blanche's  dowry,  which  Edmund  held  till  the  outbreak  of 
the  war  with  France  in  1294  (Archives  Nationales,  Tresor  des  Chartes,  J.  631,  No.  3). 

^  Cartulaires  du  Diocese  de  Troyes,  ed.  Lalore,  i.  267. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  217 

name  by  John  of  Acre,  brother  of  Baldwin,  emperor  of  the  East 
and  king  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  been  grand  butler  of  France  since 
1258.^^  Edmund  did  homage  for  Champagne  in  January  1276.^^ 
He  spent  part  of  that  month  at  Paris  and  was  at  Meaux  on  the 
18th.69  On  2  Feb.  he  was  at  Bar-sur-Seine,^^  and  in  May  at 
Troyes.^^  On  9  June  he  visited  Canterbury,  having  brought  his 
wife  to  England  to  see  his  English  possessions."^  On  27  July  he 
received,  as  about  to  proceed  to  the  parts  of  Navarre,  a  grant, 
by  the  king's  license,  that  in  case  of  his  death  before  his  return 
to  England  the  king  would  cause  his  creditors  to  be  satisfied  to 
the  value  of  three  years'  issues  of  his  lands,  which  would  come  to 
the  king  by  his  death."^^  So  on  9  Sept.  we  find  him  at  Montereau, 
and  on  19  Sept.  at  Tours ;  ^^  whilst  in  November,  having  perhaps 
since  September  visited  the  '  parts  of  Navarre,'  he  confirmed  the 
privilege  of  the  abbey  of  St.  Loup  at  Troyes,"^  and  on  22  Dec. 
granted  a  license  to  hold  certain  lands  in  mortmain  to  the  abbey 
of  Chapelle-aux-Planches."^^  On  12  Dec.  Edward  I  issued  a  writ  of 
military  summons  to  Edmund  and  others  to  meet  at  Worcester 
and  proceed  against  Llywelyn,  prince  of  Wales. '^  He  must 
have  returned  to  England  in  obedience  to  this  summons  early 
in  1277,  though  he  was  still  in  France  on  25  Feb.,  for  on  29 
April  letters  of  safe-conduct  were  issued  to  him  for  journeying 
into  the  parts  of  La  Marche.^^  He  cannot,  however,  have  been 
long  abroad,  since  he  was  appointed  the  king's  lieutenant 
in  West  Wales,  and  Edward  I  addressed  writs  of  intendence  and 
respondence  in  his  favour  on  14  June  1277  to  Payn  of  Chaworth 
and  others.'^^  Llywelyn  had  not  yet  done  homage,  and  when  it 
was  demanded  only  replied  by  complaint  against  the  English.  In 
this  war  which  was  now  made  against  him  Edward  led  an  army 
into  North  Wales,  while  Edmund  led  one  into  South  Wales,  thus  at- 
tacking Llywelyn  on  the  other  flank.  Payn  of  Chaworth,  Edmund's 
subordinate,  laid  waste  South  Wales,  and  took  the  castle  of  Stredewy 
(Strath  Towy?).  On  8  Aug.  Edward  wrote  to  ask  the  troops  to 
remain  where  they  were  with  Edmund  in  South  Wales.^°  After 
seizing  the  lands  of  Ehys  ab  Maelgwyn,  who  had  fled  to  Llywelyn 
in   Gwynnedd,   Edmund   seems   to   have  occupied   his   troops  in 

^''  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  449  ;  Anselme,  Hist.  Genealog.  viii.  518. 

"**  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  Histoire  des  Dues  et  cles  Comtes  de  Champagne,  '  Catal. 
des  Actes,'  in  vi.  97,  No.  3829.  «"  Cat.  des  Actes,  in  vi.  97,  No.  3828. 

'»  Actes,  No.  3831.  ''  Ibid.  No.  3836.  "-^  Wykes,  iv.  269. 

^^  Appendix  to  4:5th  Report  of  Deputy  Keeper,  Cal.  of  Pat.  Kolls,  4  Ed.  I,  p.  161. 

'*  Actes,  Nos.  3837,  3838. 

^*  '  Cartulaire  de  I'Abbaye  de  S.  Loup,'  in  Cartulaires  du  Diocise  de  Troyes,  ed. 
Lalore,  i.  267. 

^*  '  Cartulaire  de  I'Abbaye  de  Chapelle  aux  Planches,'  ibid.  iv.  67. 

"  Rymer,  i.  537.  '^  Actes,  No.  3840  ;  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  12. 

"  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  5  Ed.  I,  in  Appendix  to  46th  Report,  p.  152. 

«»  Rymer,  i.  544. 


218  EDMUND,   EARL    OF  LANCASTER  April 

building  the  castle  df  Llanbadarn  (near  Aberystwyth)  and  went 
himself  on  a  pilgrimage  to  St.  Davids.  He  returned  to  England  on 
20  Sept.,  leaving  Eoger  Myles  as  constable  of  the  castle  he  had 
built,  to  protect  the  surrounding  country.^^ 

Edmund  also  took  part  in  the  two  later  expeditions  against  the 
Welsh  in  1282-3  and  1294,  which  may  for  convenience  sake  be 
noticed  here.  In  a  letter  from  Edmund  to  his  brother,  dated  La 
Ferte  Milon,  15  May,  which  may  with  very  great  probability  be 
assigned  to  the  year  1282,  he  said  that  he  had  heard  that  the  Welsh 
had  commenced  war  against  the  king,  and  wished  to  know  what 
retinue  he  should  bring  to  his  assistance ;  ^^  for  on  22  March  David 
of  Wales  had  surprised  Hawarden  Castle  and  taken  prisoner  Eoger 
Clifford,  the  justice  of  Chester,  and  had  been  joined  in  rebellion  by 
his  brother  Llywelyn.  Edmund  returned  to  England  and  com- 
manded the  king's  army  in  South  Wales.  It  is  a  good  illustration 
of  the  insecurity  of  the  country  that  his  men  bringing  victuals  were 
attacked  between  Northwich  and  Chester,  and  their  horses  and  carts 
taken  away.  Llywelyn  was  so  hard  pressed  by  the  army  which 
Edward  in  person  commanded  in  North  Wales  that  he  fled  south, 
in  the  hopes  of  finding  support  there ;  but  he  was  slain  near  Builth, 
being  surprised  by  a  detachment  of  Edmund's  army.^^  In  spite  of 
Llywelyn's  death  the  Welsh  were  not  yet  properly  subdued,  and  on 
24  Feb.  1283  Edward  I  wrote  to  Philip  HI  requesting  that  the  cause 
of  his  brother  Edmund,  then  pending  in  the  court  of  France,  might 
be  postponed  until  he  could  attend  in  person,  as  his  presence  was 
required  in  the  expedition  into  Wales ;  ^'^  and  on  21  March  writs 
were  issued  for  raising  foot  in  his  lands  by  Hugh  de  Turberville 
and  Grimbald  de  Pauncefot.^'' 

The  next  occasion  on  which  we  find  Edmund  in  Wales  was  in 
1294,  when  the  Welsh  around  Snowdon  rose  under  a  certain  Madoc, 
those  in  West  Wales  {i.e.  the  west  part  of  South  Wales)  under 
Ehys  ab  Maelgwn,  and  those  in  East  Wales  (the  east  part  of  South 
Wales)  under  a  certain  Morgan.  Carnarvon  was  burnt,  and  the 
earl  of  Gloucester  driven  out  of  Glamorgan.  Edward  I  prepared  to 
quell  the  insurrection,  and  recalled  to  his  aid  Edmund  and  Henry, 
earl  of  Lincoln,  who  were  about  to  depart  to  Gascony  with  an 
army.^^  On  9  Nov.  safe-conducts  were  issued  to  certain  men  sent  by 
Edmund  into  Wales  to  provide  victuals  against  his  arrival.^^   Their 

^'  Annales  Cambriae,  p.  105  ;  Bnit  y  Tywysogion,  p.  369. 

«2  Appendix  II.  to  <dth  Report,  Inventory  of  Becords  in  the  Tower,  No.  1324, 
p.  100. 

8^  Annales  Londonienses  (in  Cliron.  of  Ed.  I  and  Ed.  II,  ed.  Stubbs),  i.  90. 

^*  Cal.of  Pat.  Bolls,  Ed.  I,  ii.  p.  49  ;  Appendix  to  1th  Beport,  Inventory  of  Becords 
in  the  Tower,  No.  1652,  p.  242. 

«^  Ayloffe,  '  Calendars  of  Ancient  Charters  and  of  the  Welsh  and  Scottish  Kolls 
now  remaining  in  the  Tower  of  London,'  Botulus  Walliae,  p.  89. 

8«  Eishanger,  pp.  144-5.  «'  Ayloffe,  Botulus  Walliae,  p.  100. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL  OF  LANCASTER  219 

army  suffered  a  repulse  by  the  Welsh  on  11  Nov.  near  Denbigh. 
The  English  army  spent  some  time  at  Conway,  where  it  was  re- 
duced to  great  straits  through  want  of  provisions,  on  account  of 
a  flood  which  prevented  the  passage  of  the  river.^^  It  is  probable 
that  a  letter  addressed  by  Edmund  to  John  de  Langton,  the  king's 
chancellor,  and  dated  Aberconway,  25  March,  belongs  to  the  year 
1295.^^  The  disturbance  in  Wales  was  not  quelled  until  May; 
but  the  English  chronicler  says  that  from  this  time  there  was 
quiet  in  Wales,  and  the  Welsh  began  to  live  in  the  English  manner, 
collecting  treasure  and  fearing  loss  of  property ;  ^^  and,  in  fact,  the 
next  revolt,  that  of  Llywelyn  Br  en,  did  not  take  place  until  1315.^^ 

To  go  back  to  the  year  1277,  Edmund  seems  to  have  remained 
in  England  about  three  months  after  his  return  from  Wales.  On 
8  Jan.  1278  he  received  a  protection  for  going  beyond  seas,  and 
letters  of  attorney  on  the  lOth.^'^  He  was  at  Provins  on  24  July, 
and  at  Nogent-sur- Seine  on  30  July  of  that  year.^-"^  But  he  per- 
haps returned  to  England  before  13  Oct.,  since  he  is  mentioned  as 
along  with  his  brother  Edward  giving  Eleanor  de  Montfort  in 
marriage  to  Llywelyn  of  Wales,  and  therefore  very  likely  attended 
the  wedding  which  took  place  on  that  date  at  Worcester,  in  the 
presence  of  a  great  number  of  magnates.^* 

On  3  Jan.  1279  he  i^eceived  a  writ  of  protection  for  going 
beyond  seas  on  the  king's  business,  probably  the  treaty  with 
Philip  III  regarding  Edward's  claims  in  Aquitaine,  and  on  21  March 
was  appointed  ambassador  to  France,  but  must  have  returned  some 
time  before  25  April,  for  he  issued  letters  of  attorney  in  favour  of 
Eichard  Fukeran  on  that  date,  as  he  was  going  with  the  king  to 
parts  beyond  seas.^'  It  thus  seems  justifiable  to  assign  to  Edmund 
an  important  share  in  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  with  Philip  III 
which  was  agreed  to  on  23  May  1279.  Edward  claimed  the  Agenois 
and  Quercy,  which  had  come  into  the  hands  of  the  count  of  Poitou, 
and  so  of  Alfonse  of  Poitiers,  brother  of  St.  Louis,  as  part  of  the 
dowry  of  Joan,  sister  of  Eichard  I  of  England,  according  to  the 
English  claim.  Alfonse  had  died  without  issue,  and  it  had  been 
provided  in  the  treaty  of  Abbeville  (1258)  that  in  that  event 
Joan's  dowry  should  go  to  the  English  king.  The  treaty  of  May 
1279  ceded  Agenois  to  the  representatives  of  Joan  of  England. 
Philip  pledged  himself  to  discover  by  inquest  whether  Quercy, 
which  Alfonse  had  possessed  in  right  of  his  wife,  also  formed  part 

^^  Eishanger,  pp.  145,  148. 

^^  Appendix  to  1th  Bepo7%  Inventory  of  Records,  No.  1993. 
^"  Eishanger,  p.  148. 

»»  Chron.  of  Ed.  I  and  Ed.  II,  ed.  Stubbs,  ii.  67-8,  215-8. 
«2  CaL  of  Pat.  Bolls,  in  A]yp.  to  ilth  Report,  p.  213. 

»3  Actes,  3845,  3846,  3847.  »*  Brut  y  Tywijsogim,  p.  371. 

»^  CaL  of  Pat.  Rolls,  7  Ed.  I,  in  Appendix  to  i8th  Report,  p.  62 ;  Doyle,  Baron- 
age of  England,  ii.  309. 


220  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

of  the  dowry  of  Joani^  he  renounced  as  well  an  oath  of  allegiance 
which  he  had  claimed  from  the  vassals  of  Aquitaine  in  1275.^^ 

About  this  time  Edmund  seems  to  have  contemplated  going 
again  to  the  east.  A  new  crusade  had  been  long  contemplated  by 
both  Edward  and  Philip  III  of  France.  Edward  I  on  12  Dec. 
1276  promised  Pope  John  XXI  that  either  himself  or  his  brother 
Edmund  would  join  it,^'  but  matters  nearer  home  prevented 
both  the  kings  from  fulfilling  their  projects.  On  10  Sept.  1280 
Archbishop  Peckham  wrote  to  Pope  Nicholas  III,  saying  that, 
as  Edward  had  given  up  his  intention  of  going  on  a  crusade, 
he  thoiight  in  good  faith  that  to  none  of  the  magnates  of  England 
could  the  money  collected  for  that  purpose  be  assigned  more 
usefully  and  beneficially  for  the  whole  clergy  and  people  than  to 
Edmund.  His  experience  in  arms  and  magnificent  liberality 
made  him  much  beloved  by  the  large  number  of  knights  who  sur- 
rounded him,  and  his  love  of  Christ  made  him  fervent  to  do  what 
he  could  in  a  crusade.  Peckham  wrote  another  letter  to  Pope 
Martin  IV,  in  almost  identical  terms,  on  2  April  1282.^^  But  Martin 
IV  wrote  to  Edward  on  8  Jan.  1283  regretting  that  he  would  not 
proceed  in  person  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  refusing  to  accept 
Edmund  as  his  substituted^ 

In  January  1280  took  place  the  only  event  of  importance  in  the 
history  of  Champagne  during  Edmund's  rule  of  that  country. 
Provins  was  the  capital  of  Brie  and  next  to  Troyes  the  greatest  town 
in  the  count's  dominions.  The  upper  part  of  the  town,  situated  on 
a  hill  and  literally  crowded  with  churches  and  monasteries,  with 
the  domed  St.  Quiriace  dominating  all,  suggested  to  the  natives 
of  the  country  a  comparison  with  Jerusalem.  Indeed,  the  town, 
beautiful  in  its  decay,  must  have  presented  a  very  imposing  appear- 
ance. The  great  walls  and  towers  which  still  form  a  continuous 
line  on  the  north-west  and  south-west  sides  of  the  upper  town, 
with  the  gloomy  and  forbidding  four-turreted  keep  which  stands 
close  by  the  church  of  St.  Quiriace,  give  one  an  idea  of  its 
strength.  The  miles  of  subterranean  passages  too,  which  penetrate 
deep  down  into  the  rock  and  honeycomb  the  upper  town,  were  very 
likely  made  for  defensive  i^urposes.  The  houses  of  the  workmen 
and  traders  were  in  the  lower  town  to  the  east,  in  a  marshy  valley 
watered  by  three  small  streams.  Like  so  many  towns  both  in 
England  and  abroad,  as  it  grew  in  wealth  Provins  had  made  a  step 
towards  municipal  liberty  by  getting  the  amount  of  the  tax  due 
from  it  to  its  lord  fixed.  A  charter  granted  by  Thibaut  IV  to  it  in 
1230  had  fixed  the  tax  due  to  the  count  at  6  deniers  on  the  livre  of 
movables  annually,  and  2  deniers  on  the  livre  of  heritage,  or  a 

^*  Langlois,  Philippe  le  Hardi,  p.  95.  "'  Rymer,  i.  537. 

*"*  Registrum  Epistolarum  Johannis  Peckham,  i.  140  ;  ibid.  i.  190-1. 
9"  Rymer,  i.  624. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  221 

fixed  sum  of  20  livres.  ALbout  the  years  1248-50  he  substituted 
for  this  a  composition  of  1,600  livres  provinois  a  year.  Sixteen 
years  later  his  son  Thibaut  V  re-estabKshed  the  old  state  of  things ; 
but  in  1273  Henry  III  suppressed  this  tax  on  movables  and  heritage 
(called  the  juree)  by  the  special  request  of  the  citizens,  and  replaced 
it  by  duties  on  cloth,  sold  wholesale  and  retail,  at  fairs  or  out  of 
fairs,  wine,  corn,  skins,  and  other  merchandise.  This  relieved  pro- 
perty at  the  expense  of  the  industrial  classes.  They  rose  against 
it,  and  the  mayor,  Eudes  Corjous,  was  obliged  to  promise  to  ask 
the  count  to  remove  it.^^^  Shortly  afterwards  Henry  died,  and  the 
revenues  of  Provins  were  pledged  by  his  widow,  Blanche,  to  the 
king  of  France,  for  the  expense  of  the  defence  of  Navarre.  The 
taxes  which  were  established  forced  the  commune  to  onerous 
loans. '^^  A  certain  William  Pentecost  had  been  mayor  of  Provins 
in  1268  for  the  first  time,  and  again  in  1271.  On  24  June  1277  he 
succeeded  Jean  Lacorre,  and  continued  to  be  mayor  for  the  rest 
of  1277,  1278,  and  1279,  relying,  as  it  seems,  on  the  support  of 
the  wealthier  classes.  ^*^^ 

Matters  had  meanwhile  come  to  a  crisis.  The  workmen, 
masters,  journeymen,  and  day  workers,  employed  in  the  prepara- 
tion, carding,  and  spinning  of  wool,  as  well  as  in  the  dyeing  and 
manufacture  of  cloth,  unanimously  refused  to  submit  to  the  exor- 
bitant tax  imposed  on  them.  The  mayor  thought  to  appease  the 
discontent  by  putting  still  more  of  the  burden  on  the  people.  He 
ordered  the  bell  for  ceasing  work  to  be  sounded  an  hour  later. 
At  the  usual  hour  of  curfew  the  workmen,  not  hearing  the  signal, 
left  the  workshops  in  a  body,  and  assembled  to  the  number  of 
four  or  five  thousand.  Whilst  the  sound  of  the  tocsin  rang  out 
through  the  evening  air  the  huge  undisciplined  mob  rushed  up  the 
steep  slope  of  the  east  side  of  the  hill  through  the  narrow  streets 
to  the  fortified  palace  of  the  mayor,  formerly  the  palace  of  the 
counts,  and  situated  close  to  the  south  wall  of  the  upper  town. 
Pentecost  bravely  came  forth  and  attempted  to  bring  them  to 
counsels  of  moderation  by  his  words ;  but  he  was  murdered,  along 
with  several  of  his  servants,  and  his  house  pillaged,  with  those  of 
several  echevins  (30  Jan.  1280).^"^ 

The  vengeance  for  this  act  of  mob  violence  was  swift  and  stern. 
Edmund  of  Lancaster  and  John  of  Acre  appeared  before  the  town 
with  an  army.      The   leaders   of  the  revolt   fled   and   the   gates 

•""  Bourquelot  in  Bibliotheque  de  VEcoU  des  Charles,  4'"  serie,  tome  ii.  pp.  205-8. 
The  charter  of  1230  is  given  in  full  in  Bourquelot's  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  199-206. 
Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  450  ;  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  236-7. 

'°>  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  239,  and  Bibliotheque  de  VEcoU  des  Chartes,  4''  surie,  tome 
ii.  208. 

'"2  Bourquelot  in  Bihl.  de  VEcole  des  Chartes,  4"  serie,  ii.  226-7. 

•»»  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  i.  239-40 ;  Bihl.  de  VEcole  des  Cliartes,  4'^'  s^rie, 
ii.  208,  225  ;  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  450 ;  Chron.  Ayion.  in  Bouquet,  xxi.  138  a. 


222  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

were  opened.  The  ctnquerors  began  by  forbidding  all  exercise  of 
authority  by  the  mayor  and  echevinage  (Gilbert  de  Morry  had  been 
elected  mayor  in  the  place  of  Pentecost),  and  declaring  the  privi- 
leges of  the  town  forfeited.  Then  they  disarmed  the  inhabitants, 
billeted  soldiers  on  them,  had  the  iron  chains  which  guarded  the 
streets  carried  into  the  great  tower,  and  the  bell — that  of  St.  Pierre, 
close  to  the  eastern  escarpment  of  the  hill,  and  approached  by  a 
flight  of  steps  from  the  lower  town,  which  still  exist,  though  the 
church  has  disappeared — which  had  sounded  the  tocsin  broken. 
The  leaders  of  the  insurrection  and  those  who  had  taken  part  in 
the  murder  were  condemned  to  either  death  or  banishment,  and 
Gilbert  de  Morry  was  excommunicated.^"^  John  of  Acre  seems  to 
have  been  specially  prominent  in  the  work  of  vengeance.  The 
*  Chronicle  of  Eouen  '  says  :  *  About  the  Purification  of  the  Virgin 
Mary  the  mayor  of  Provins  was  killed  by  the  populace  of  that 
town ;  and  after  that  crime  several  fleeing  into  monasteries,  as  into 
other  places  of  refuge,  were  torn  from  them  by  the  orders  of  Messire 
Jean  d'Acre  and  hanged.'  ^"^  The  metrical  *  Chronicle  of  Sainte 
Magloire  '  says :  '  There  was  great  trouble  at  Provins ;  how  many 
were  hung,  how  many  mutilated,  how  many  killed,  how  many 
beheaded  !     Messire  Jean  d'Acre  did  great  WTong  to  interfere.'  ^"^ 

After  a  year  and  a  half,  at  the  intercession  of  Gilles  de  Brion, 
grand-maire  of  Donnemarie  and  brother  of  Pope  Martin  IV,  the 
abbot  of  Jouy  and  Eeuilly,  and  Henri  Farimpin,  canon  of  St. 
Quiriace,  Edmund  granted  the  townsmen  a  pardon  in  July  1281.^*^^ 
He  gave  them  back  their  justice,  their  seals,  and  the  authority 
which  they  had  before,  ^"^  pardoning  all  except  the  seditious  persons 
banished  for  the  murder  of  William  Pentecost,  and  those  who 
were  or  should  be  found  guilty  of  the  same  crime.  He  gave  them 
leave  to  construct  at  their  own  expense  four  new  fountains,  '  for 
the  great  default  of  water  that  there  was  in  the  town,'  to  buy 
buildings  in  which  to  hold  their  courts,  and  to  found  a  new  bell  to 
sound  '  the  hour  of  the  workmen  and  the  curfew  of  the  count.'  ^°^ 
The  heavy  tax  which  these  works  entailed  and  the  indemnity 
which  he  exacted  pressed  so  heavily  on  the  city  that  it  never 
recovered  its  former  prosperity,  and  in  the  course  of  centuries 
gradually  dwindled  away  to  its  present  size  (about  7,000  inhabi- 

^"^  Bourquelot,  HisL.de  Provins,  i.  241-2  ;  Bibl.  de  VEcole  des  Charles,  4«  serie,  ii. 
227  ;  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  451. 

1"^  '  Chronicon  Eothomagense,'  in  Labbe,  Nova  Bihliotheca  Manuscriptorum,  i.  380. 

106  Chronique  de  Sainte- Magloire,  in  Bouquet,  xxii.  84,  132. 

""'  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Provins,  pp.  244-5  ;  Bibl.  de  VEcole  des  Charles,  4«  s^rie, 
ii.  228  ;  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  452.  The  charter  of  pardon  is  given  in  full,  with 
the  inspeximus  of  Philip  III,  in  the  '  Pieces  Justificatives  '  to  Bourquelot,  Hist,  de  Pro- 
vins, ii.  427-31.  A  letter  of  Edmund  to  Edward  from  Paris  referring  to  a  matter  of 
Provins  which  has  been  ended  by  way  of  peace,  and  dated  20  July,  but  wrongly  placed 
in  the  year  1283  in  Eymer,  most  likely  belongs  to  this  year. 

'"^  Hist,  de  Provins,  ii.  431.  lo^  Ibid.  ii.  428-9 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  223 

tants).'^^  Eich  as  the  town  still  is  in  ancient  monuments,  many 
have  perished.  The  ivy,  the  wallflower,  and  the  wall-rue  flourish 
on  its  tree-embowered  walls,  and  the  most  rural  stillness  reigns  in 
its  once  busy  streets.  Gardens  and  waste  land  occupy  the  sites 
of  houses.  Of  the  palace  where  Pentecost  was  murdered  nothing 
but  a  tower  remains.  The  grange  aux  dimes  of  the  canons  of  St. 
Quiriace  and  part  of  the  later  palace  of  the  counts  (now  turned 
into  a  school)  still  attest  the  former  opulence  of  the  town  and  its 
lords.  But  the  gay  and  busy  town  of  the  counts  of  Champagne 
has  now  the  air  of  a  country  village.  It  is  interesting  to  note  as  a 
contrast  to  this  the  fact  that  the  town  of  Leicester  dates  a  great 
growth  in  its  prosperity  from  the  time  of  Edmund. 

Edmund  must  have  paid  a  visit  to  his  English  estates  between 
his  chastisement  of  the  men  of  Provins  and  the  granting  of  the 
charter  of  pardon,  as  on  1  June  1281  he  received  letters  of  pro- 
tection from  his  brother  Edward  for  going  by  license  beyond  seas.^^^ 
The  charter  of  pardon  is  dated  at  Paris  in  the  following  month. 

Margaret  of  Provence,  the  head  of  the  English  party  at  the 
French  court,  was  the  bitterest  enemy  of  Charles  of  Anjou,  uncle  of 
Philip  III.  The  origin  of  this  enmity  was  the  settlement  of  Pro- 
vence by  Eaymond  Berenger  VI  of  Provence  on  his  youngest 
daughter,  Beatrice,  who  had  married  Charles  of  Anjou,  excluding 
the  three  elder  sisters  from  any  share.  Of  these  Margaret,  the 
eldest,  had  married  Louis  IX  of  France ;  Eleanor,  the  second, 
Henry  III  of  England  ;  and  Sanchia,  the  third,  Eichard,  earl  of 
Cornwall.  Margaret  and  Eleanor,  the  surviving  sisters,  put  in  a 
claim  to  at  least  a  fourth  of  Provence  for  each  of  them.  Marga- 
ret even  succeeded  in  getting  the  emperor,  Eudolf  of  Habsburg,  to 
accept  her  homage  for  the  whole.  Negotiations  were  often  tried 
with  Charles,  but  she  complained  that  it  seemed  to  be  his  intention 
to  put  her  off  with  empty  words.  Indeed  Charles,  far  from  being 
prepared  to  part  with  any  of  Provence,  was  negotiating  a  marriage 
of  his  grandson,  Charles  Martel,  with  Clementia  of  Habsburg, 
daughter  of  Eudolf ;  and  one  of  the  conditions  of  the  marriage  was 
the  revival  of  the  kingdom  of  Aries,  which  included  all  the  country 
between  the  Ehone  and  the  Alps,  for  Charles  Martel  and  his  wife. 
Alarmed  at  this  prospect  and  at  the  growing  Angevin  sympathies 
shown  by  her  son  Philip  in  his  rejection  of  the  mediation 
of  Edward  with  Castile  for  that  of  Charles  of  Achaia,  son  of 
Charles  of  Anjou,  Margaret  redoubled  her  efforts.  She  succeeded 
in  getting  a  promise  of  active  support  from  Edward,  and  had  a 
strong  party  amongst  the  French  baronage  and  those  whom  the 
growth  of  Charles  of  Anjou's  power  in  Provence  threatened.  Indeed, 
in  thus  trying  to  prevent  the  growth  of  Charles's  power  in  the 

''"  Hist,  da  Provins,  i.  246-7. 

'"  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  9  Ed.  I,  in  Appendix  to  50th  Report,  p.  77. 


224  EDMUND,   EARL    OF  LANCASTER  April 

country  between  tha  Khone  and  the  Alps  she  was  acting  more 
patriotically  than  Philip  III;  for  the  rise  of  a  middle  kingdom 
there  would  stop  the  spread  of  French  influence  in  that  direction. 
She  summoned  a  great  assembly  of  her  adherents  at  Macon  in  the 
autumn  of  1281.  At  this  assembly,  which  took  place  before 
30  Oct.,  Edmund  was  present,  and  along  with  the  others  took  an 
oath  to  meet  in  the  following  May,  and  if  necessary  prevent  Charles 
from  gaining  the  kingdom  of  Aries  by  force  of  arms.  Philip  III 
merely  connived  at  these  proceedings,  but  Edward  I  promised  his 
active  support,  though  he  was  very  unwilling  to  break  with  Charles 
of  Arijou  and  tried  his  best  to  bring  about  a  peaceful  arrangement 
of  the  matter.  But  a  Welsh  war  broke  out  on  22  March  1282 ; 
Edward  was  forced  to  write,  apologising  to  his  aunt  for  his  inability  to 
give  her  any  assistance,  and  she  readily  accepted  his  excuse.  Mean- 
while a  sudden  check  was  given  to  Charles's  designs  for  the  revival  of 
the  kingdom  of  Aries  by  the  outbreak  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers  on 
30  March  1282.  Henceforth  he  had  to  fight  hard  for  his  power  in 
Italy  and  could  give  Provence  but  little  attention.  Margaret's 
claims  were  compounded  for  a  few^  years  afterwards  by  an  annual 
rent  of  2,000L,  chargeable  on  his  lands  in  Anjou.^^^ 

Edmund  was  still  in  France  in  January  1282.^^^  His  participa- 
tion in  the  Welsh  war  of  1282-3  has  been  already  related.  On 
21  July  1283,  at  Liverpool,  he  confirmed  a  grant  made  by  William 
Blundell  to  the  abbey  of  Whalley.^^'^  His  government  of  Champagne 
was  only  to  last  till  Joan  came  of  age.^^'^  The  French  king,  whose  son 
Philip  Joan  was  to  marry,  claimed  that  she  would  be  of  age  when 
she  entered  on  her  twelfth  year,  the  age  at  which  women  attained 
their  majority  in  France.  But  in  Champagne,  though  a  male  subject 
became  of  age  at  14  years  old,  the  heir  to  the  county  had  always 
remained  under  tutelage  until  he  w^as  21.  Edmund  claimed  that 
the  same  distinction  held  good  in  the  case  of  an  heiress  ;  but 
after  three  months'  negotiation  he  yielded.  Joan  had  entered 
on  her  twelfth  year  on  14  Jan.  1284.  On  9  May  Edmund  re- 
ceived power  to  nominate  attorneys  for  one  year,  as  he  was 
going  beyond  seas.  On  17  May  a  treaty  was  signed  by  which 
Blanche  of  Artois  kept  her  dower — that  is  to  say,  the  five  cha- 
tellenies  of  Sezanne,  Chantemerle,  Nogent-sur- Seine,  Pont-sur- 
Seine,  and  Vertus — and  the  king  of  France  in  the  name  of  Joan 
renounced   any  pretension   to  half   the   property   of    Henry   III 

'--  E.Boutaric, '  Marguerite  de  Provence,'  in  Revue  des  Questions  Historiques,  1867 ; 
Langlois,  Philippe  le  Hardi,  125  seq. ;  Champollion-Figeac,  Letlres  Boy  ales,  i.  265, 
297,  299  ;  Fournier,  Le  Royaume  d' Aries,  pp.  229-55. 

»'3  Actes,  3854. 

"*  Coucher  Book  of  Whalley  Abbey  (Chetham  Soc),  pp.  506-7.  From  this  it  is 
manifest  that  the  letter  in  Eymer  dated  Paris,  St.  Margaret's  Day,  and  placed  in  the 
year  1283,  cannot  belong  to  that  year,  St.  Margaret's  Day  being  20  July. 

"^  L'Estoire  d'Eracles,  Empereur,  in  Hist  Occid.  des  Crois.  ii.  469. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  225 

(of  Navarre)  acquired  during  marriage,  and  held  jointly  by  him- 
self and  his  wife,  to  the  joint  property  of  Edmund  and  Blanche, 
and  to  the  movables  of  the  county  of  Champagne,  save  the  arms 
which  formed  the  equipment  of  the  castles.  He  pledged  himself 
to  pay  to  Edmund  and  Blanche  60,000  livres  tournois.  The 
palace  of  the  kings  of  Navarre  at  Paris  remained  in  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Blanche  and  her  daughter. '^^  Edmund  now  probably 
returned  to  England.  But  the  information  about  him  during  the 
next  few  years  is  very  scanty. 

Amaury,  the  youngest  of  the  sons  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  had 
been  for  some  time  a  prisoner  in  England,  having  been  captured 
while  accompanying  his  sister  to  Wales  in  order  to  marry  her  to 
Llywelyn,  and  thus  continue  the  alliance  between  him  and  the 
Montforts.  He  was  released  in  1282.  But  in  1284  he  roused 
Edward  I's  anger  by  causing  Edmund  to  be  cited  before  the  papal 
court,  probably  for  some  matter  in  connexion  with  his  possession 
of  the  earldom  of  Leicester.  Edward  wrote  severely  on  28  Dec, 
forbidding  Amaury  to  go  on  with  the  matter.  ^*^  On  1  March 
1285  Amaury  protested  the  purity  of  his  intentions,  complained 
that  the  king  had  omitted  all  formulas  of  politeness  in  his  letter, 
and  declared  that  he  renounced  the  suit,  not  on  account  of  Edward's 
veto,  but  because  he  would  be  sorry  to  give  pain  to  his  cousin 
the  king  of  England.^ *^  Edmund  was  at  Marlborough  on  23  Jan. 
1286.  On  26  April  he  received  a  protection  for  going  beyond 
seas.  On  29  Sept.,  at  Lancaster,  he  made  an  agreement  with 
the  prior  and  canons  of  Burscough  regarding  the  grant  made 
by  him  to  them  of  a  free  market  in  the  vill  of  Ormskirk,  to  be 
held  weekly  on  Thursdays.  On  5  May  and  25  Oct.  1287,  and 
on  1  Nov.  1288,  he  received  writs  of  protection  with  the  state- 
ment that  he  was  in  attendance  on  the  king  abroad.  He  probably 
returned  to  England  with  his  brother  in  1289,  but  received  another 
protection  for  going  abroad  on  12  Oct.'^*^  On  13  Dec.  1289  he 
received  license  to  grant  100s.  of  rent  and  land  in  Tutbury  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  chaplain  to  celebrate  divine  service  in  St. 
Mary's  chapel  in  his  castle  of  Tutbury,^ ^^  from  which  we  may 
conclude  that  he  meditated  making  it  his  chief  residence  for  a  time. 
On  29  May  1290  he  was  one  of  the  magnates  who  consented  at 
Westminster  to  the  grant  of  an  aid  piirjille  marier.  On  3  July 
he  was  at  Havering.  He  must  have  soon  after  gone  beyond 
seas,  whither  he  was  followed  by  his  wife,  Blanche,  accompanied 
by  the  prioress  of  Ambresbury.     He  had  returned  by  5  Jan.  1291, 

"«  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  Ed.  I,  ii.  120  (Rolls  Series) ;  Bouquet,  Bcc.  des  Hist,  de 
France,  xxii.  758  b,  note  (1),  756,  h  40  a  E  ;  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  452-3  ;  vi. 
(Actes),  3856-60.     The  treaty  is  preserved  in  the  Tresor  des  Chartes  (J  li)9,  No.  36). 

"^  Rymer,  i.  661 ;  Bemont,  Simon  de  Montfort,  p.  258. 

"«  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  Ed.  I,  ii.  218,  238,  268,  278,  302,  325  ;  Appendix  II.  to  ^Uh 
Report,  p.  196.  ""  Appendix  to  31s^  Report,  p.  15. 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVIII.  Q 


226  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

since  on  that  date  he*  received  royal  license  to  fowl  on  the  rivers 
of  Lancashire  during  the  current  season.  On  the  same  day  he 
received  a  grant  of  pontage  for  five  years  for  the  repair  of  his 
bridge  at  Lancaster. ^^o 

The  county  of  Ponthieu  had  devolved  to  Edward  I  by  right  of 
his  wife,  through  her  mother,  in  1279.  On  23  April  1291  Edward 
doubtless  thinking  that  Edmund  had  had  some  experience  in  deal- 
ing with  French  domains,  commissioned  Geoffrey  de  Joinville  to 
deliver  Ponthieu  to  him  to  hold  until  Edward  of  Carnarvon  came 
of  age,  and  the  grant  was  repeated  on  1  June.^^i  Qn  13  June  1291 
Edmund  was  present  at  that  great  gathering  at  Norham,  on  the 
Scotch  border,  in  which  the  rival  claims  to  the  crown  of  Scotland 
were  submitted  to  his  brother's  arbitration.  He  is  one  of  the 
witnesses  to  the  proceedings  at  that  assembly,  including  the  promise 
of  the  claimants  to  abide  by  Edward's  award,  and  the  oath  taken 
to  him  as  superior  lord  by  the  bishops  and  nobles  of  Scotland.^^^ 
On  15  June  he  was  at  Jedburgh,  probably  in  command  of  the 
castle,  which  amongst  others  had  been  handed  over  to  Edward  as  a 
sort  of  pledge  of  his  recognition  as  overlord.^^a  jjg  ^g^g  g^^  "VVest- 
minster  on  13  Dec.  On  5  Feb.  1292  he  was  appointed  one 
of  a  commission  of  five,  with  full  powers  to  make  and  enforce 
ordinances  for  the  maintenance  of  arms  in  the  kingdom ;  ^^'^  and  in 
this  year  he  was  one  of  those  who  stood  bail  for  Gilbert,  earl  of 
Gloucester,  who  had  been  carrying  on  private  war  with  the  earl 
of  Hereford  in  the  Welsh  marches,  both  of  them  relying  on  their 
privileges  as  lords  marchers. '^^  He  received  power  to  nominate 
attorneys  during  a  journey  abroad  on  12  April  1292,  and  was  still 
abroad  on  15  Oct.  On  24  March  1293,  or  about  that  time, 
he  is  mentioned  as  dining  with  Edward  the  king's  son,  and  his 
sons  seem  to  have  been  frequent  visitors  of  young  Edward.^^e 
On  21  June  he  received  royal  license  to  castellate  his  house 
called  the  Savoy  in  London, ^^^  and  on  28  June  he  and  his  wife, 
Blanche,  founded  the  abbey  of  Nuns  Minoresses  in  London, 
from  which  the  street  known  as  the  Minories  takes  its  name. 
It    was    the  first   house    of    this   order    founded   in  England. ^^® 

'20  Stubbs's  Select  Clmrters,  6th  ed.  p.  477  ;  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  Ed.  I  (E.S.),  ii. 
372,  374,  413,  430.  '^i  Rymgr,  i.  754,  757. 

'22  i  Annales  Regni  Scotiae,'  in  Rishanger,  Chronica  et  Annales,  p.  253. 

'23  Catalogue  of  Documents  relating  to  Scotland,  ii.  130. 

'2*  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  16. 

'25  Rotuli  Parliamentorum  (Rec.  Com.),  i.  75  b,  77  a;  Cal.  of  Pat.  Rolls,  Ed.  I, 
ii.  480,  508. 

'26  '  Household  Roll,  21  Ed.  I,'  '  Household  Roll  of  Edward  the  King's  Son,'  in 
Extracts  from  the  Issue  Rolls  of  the  Exchequer,  Henry  III  to  Henry  VI  (Pell  Records), 
p.  109. 

'2^  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  App.  p.  22  ;  Rymer,  i.  789  ;  Appendix  to  Slst  Report, 
p.  17. 

128  Dugdale,  Monasticon,  vi.  pt.  iii.  1553.  For  a  full  account  of  the  foundation 
and  its  history  see  article  by  Dr.  Fly  in  Archaeologia,  xv.  92-113.     There  were  three 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  227 

Towards  the  end  of  1293  or  beginning  of  1294  he  went  to 
rrance.129 

Meanwhile  trouble  had  arisen  between  Edward  and  his  suzerain, 
Philip  IV  of  France.  A  quarrel  between  an  English  and  a  French 
sailor  as  to  which  should  draw  water  first  at  a  well  in  a  Norman 
seaport,  ending  in  the  death  of  the  latter,  had  begun  a  sort  of 
irregular  war  between  the  English  and  Gascons  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  Normans,  Bretons,  and  French  on  the  other. ^^^  In  May 
1293  the  former  defeated  a  French  fleet  returning  from  a 
plundering  raid  in  a  great  pitched  battle.'^*  The  war  still  continued  ; 
and  both  sides  committed  great  barbarities. ^^^  Philip  IV  called 
on  Edward  to  answer  as  duke  of  Aquitaine  for  the  crimes  of  the 
Gascons  towards  the  subjects  of  their  mediate  lord.  Edward  sent 
the  bishop  of  London  with  the  reply  that  the  French  king's  subjects 
would  find  justice  done  to  them  in  his  courts,  and  he  refused  to  give 
up  the  offenders.  The  bishop  was  also  to  offer  to  settle  the 
matter  by  a  personal  interview,  or  by  the  arbitration  of  the  pope, 
the  cardinals,  or  some  other  suitable  persons. ^^^  Philip,  on  10 
Dec.  1293,  cited  Edward  to  appear  personally  at  Paris. ^^'^  Edward 
therefore  asked  Edmund  to  try  and  come  to  some  compromise  with 
Philip.  Almost  all  the  English  accounts  agree  in  ascribing  to 
Philip  IV  the  most  glaring  want  of  good  faith  in  these  negotiations, 
and  a  very  great  want  of  caution,  not  to  call  it  foolishness,  to 
Edmund  and  his  brother.  The  French  authorities,  on  the  other 
hand,  accuse  Edward  of  being  determined  to  go  to  war,  because 
he  did  not  obey  the  summons,  and  his  subjects  of  committing  acts 
of  hostility  after  an  agreement  had  been  made.'^^ 

The   English  account  is  as   follows  :  Edmund   negotiated   for 

other  houses  of  this  order  in  England — Waterbeach,  in  Cambridgeshire,  founded  by 
Dionysia  de  Monte  Canusio,  3  March  1294  ;  Brusyard,  in  Suffolk,  which  was  converted 
into  one  on  4  Oct.  1366  ;  Denny,  in  Cambridgeshire,  which  was  founded  15  Edw.  I. 
Waterbeach  was  amalgamated  with  Denny  about  a.d.  1348.  The  nuns  of  the  order 
of  St.  Clare,  likewise  called  the  Poor  Clares,  from  their  vow  of  poverty,  were  insti- 
tuted by  that  person  at  Assisi,  in  Italy,  according  to  Newcourt  about  a.d.  1212.  This 
order  was  confirmed  by  Pope  Innocent  III,  and  after  him  by  Honorius  III  in  1223,  and 
was  subsequently  divided  into  a  stricter  and  a  looser  sort.  St.  Clare,  says  Tanner,  was 
born  in  the  same  town  and  lived  at  the  same  time  as  St.  Francis,  and  her  nuns 
observing  St.  Francis's  rule,  and  wearing  the  same-coloured  habit  with  the  Francis- 
can friars,  were  often  called  minoresses,  and  their  house  without  Aldgate  the  Minories. 
Thibaut  IV  of  Champagne  founded  a  convent  of  this  order  at  Provins  in  1237. 

•29  Rishanger,  p.  139. 

'30  Ihid.  pp.  130-1  ;  Trivet,  p.  323.  '»'  Rishanger,  p.  137 ;  Trivet,  pp.  325-6. 

"2  For  the  French  side  of  the  question  see  particularly  Philip  IV's  citation  in 
Eymer,  i.  793,  800 ;  E.  Boutaric,  Philippe  le  Bel,  pp.  388-90. 

'33  Rishanger,  pp.  137-8. 

'3*  Rymer,  i.  793  ;  Boutaric,  Actes  du  Parlement  de  Paris,  s6rie  i.  tome  i.  p.  282, 
No.  2858  ;  Rishanger,  p.  139. 

'35  Extraits  d'une  Chronique  Anonyme  Frangaise  finissant  en  mcccviii,  in  Bou- 
quet, xxi.  133  :  comme  celui  qui  de  longtemps  s^estoit  pourveu  de  guerrier  au  roy, 
Rymer,  i.  793-800. 

Q  2 


228  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

some  time  without  suScess,  until  the  two  queens  Mary  of  Brabant, 
the  stepmother  of  Philip  IV,  and  Joan,  his  wife,  who  was  also 
Edmund's  stepdaughter,  offered  to  mediate.  An  agreement  was 
then  come  to,  negotiated  by  John  de  Lacy  and  Hugh  de  Vera  on  the 
English  side.  Because  the  Gascons  had  committed  many  contempts 
against  the  king  of  France,  to  satisfy  his  honour  (and  also  to  give 
him  a  good  opportunity  of  punishing  them)  six  castles  of  Gascony — 
namely,  Saintes,  Tallemont,  Tournon,  Pomerel,  Penne,  and  Mont- 
faucon — were  to  be  deHvered  to  him.  He  was  also  to  place  an 
oflScer  of  his  in  each  of  the  other  towns  of  Gascony,  but  the  English 
garrisons  were  to  remain  in  them.  Edward  was  to  give  him  as 
many  hostages  as  he  demanded.  Geoffrey  of  Langley  was  sent 
with  a  letter  recalling  the  constable  of  France,  who  had  already 
set  out  with  an  army  to  seize  Gascony. '^^  Meanwhile  the  citation 
was  to  be  revoked,  and  an  arrangement  was  made  by  which 
Edward  was  to  marry  one  of  the  French  king's  sisters  (some 
authorities  say  Blanche,  some  Margaret),  Gascony  to  form  part  of 
her  dower  and  be  entailed  on  the  issue  of  the  marriage,  only 
returning  to  the  elder  branch  of  the  English  royal  house  in  failure 
of  such  issue.  To  arrange  about  this  marriage  Edward  was  to 
come  under  safe-conduct  to  Amiens  either  the  week  before  or  the 
week  after  Easter  1294.^^^  After  the  lapse  of  forty  days  Gascony 
was  to  be  restored  to  the  king  of  England  at  the  request  of  the  two 
queens,  or  either  of  them.  Two  copies  were  made  of  this  agree- 
ment, and  one  kept  by  the  queens,  the  other  by  Edmund. ^^^ 

Edward  sent  his  brother  a  letter  commanding  his  officers  in 
Gascony  to  give  seisin  of  the  six  castles  to  the  French  king, 
and  perform  the  other  conditions  of  the  treaty,  to  be  sent  when 
Edmund  thought  fit.  The  letter  was  countersigned  by  Walter 
Langton,  treasurer  of  the  wardrobe,  as  the  king  took  away  the  seal 
from  John  Langton,  his  chancellor,  who  refused  to  seal  it.  Bartho- 
lomew Cotton  remarks  that  this  treaty  was  agreed  to,  and  the  letter 
sent,  entirely  without  the  consent  of  the  magnates  lay  and  spiritual. 
Edmund  wished,  before  he  sent  the  letter,  to  have  a  personal 
assurance  from  the  king  of  France ;  so  Philip,  in  the  presence  of 
Hugh  de  Yere,  John  de  Lacy,  Blanche,  wife  of  Edmund,  and  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  swore  to  observe  the  agreement,  '  as  he  was  a 
true  king.'  He  revoked  the  citation  himself,  and  had  it  revoked  in 
open  court  by  the  bishop  of  Orleans.     John  de  Lacy  was  sent  with 

''®  Eymer,  i.  794  ;  Kishanger,  p.  141. 

13^  B.  Cotton,  p.  232 ;  Eishanger,  p.  140  ;  Eymer,  i.  795-6.  There  exists  a  long 
treaty  in  French  for  the  marriage  of  Margaret  to  Edward,  dated  Feb.  1294,  containing 
many  interesting  details  as  to  the  future  regulation  of  appeals  from  the  courts  of 
Guienne  to  that  of  the  king  of  France.  But  there  is  no  seal  to  it,  and  on  the  verso 
are  the  words,  quedam  conventiones  quas  petebant  ante  guerram  sibi  fieri  gentes  regis 
anglie  sed  dominus  rex  noluit  consentire.  Non  est  ibi  sigillum.  Tr6sor  des  Chartes, 
J  631,  No.  7.  '^«  B.  Cotton,  p.  232  ;  Eymer,  i.  794  ;  Eishanger,  p.  140. 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  229 

Edward's  letter  (dated  3  February)  to  Gascony,  and  John  de  St. 
John,  the  English  lieutenant  in  Gascony,  sold  all  the  munitions  of 
war  he  had  been  collecting  and  returned  to  England  through  Paris. *^* 
Meanwhile  the  letter  sent  by  Geoffrey  of  Langley  recalling  the 
Nonstable  of  France  was  annulled  by  a  later  letter. ^^^  The  constable, 
Kalph  de  Nesle,  entered  Gascony,  exacted  a  general  submission  of 
the  land  instead  of  the  limited  one  specified  in  the  treaty,  and 
arrested  all  the  officers  of  the  king  of  England. ^''^  Edward  had  spent 
Easter  at  Canterbury,  waiting  for  his  safe-conduct.*'*^  John  of  Brit- 
tany wrote  from  Gisors  on  28  March,  promising  that  Edmund 
would  meet  him  with  the  safe-conduct.*'*^ 

Edmund  and  his  wife  very  prudently  provided  against  con- 
tingencies by  selling  part  of  Blanche's  dowry,  the  village  of  Vordey, 
to  the  abbey  of  Moutier-la-Celle  for  4,000  livres  tournois  27  April 
1294.*'*'*  It  was  rumoured  that  Blanche  of  France  would  not  accept 
iEdward  as  a  husband,  and  that  treachery  was  meditated  by  the 
French  king.  He  therefore,  much  to  Philip's  anger,  relinquished 
the  idea  of  visiting  France. *^^ 

The  forty  days  having  expired,  Edmund  and  his  fellow  envoys 
asked  that  Gascony  might  be  given  back  to  Edward.  In  a  secret 
interview,  at  which  only  Joan  was  present,  they  were  told  not  to 
be  alarmed  if  the  king  gave  them  a  negative  answer  in  public,  as 
some  of  his  council  were  opposed  to  the  idea  of  restoring  Gascony, 
and  he  did  not  wish  openly  to  resist  them.  They  preferred  their 
request  to  the  king  in  his  council  and  were  refused.  They  waited 
till  the  council  had  departed,  expecting  the  promised  favourable 
answer.  But  they  were  finally  told  by  the  bishops  of  Orleans  and 
Tournay  that  the  king  had  given  his  final  answer,  and  it  was  no 
use  troubling  him  any  more.  Eishanger  says  that  the  French 
king  denied  all  knowledge  of  any  agreement.  Edward  was  sum- 
moned to  the  court  by  proclamation  on  the  day  on  which  his  last 
citation  expired.  He  of  course  did  not  appear.  His  agents  were 
not  even  allowed  a  short  delay  for  consultation,  and  sentence  was 
passed  upon  him  for  contumacy  the  same  day.  Bartholomew 
Cotton  states  that  Philip  ordered  the  seizure  of  Edward  as  a 
capital  enemy  of  the  kingdom  of  France.*''^ 

The  French  chroniclers  make  no  mention  of  this  treaty,  simply 
relating  the  citation,  Edward's,  failure  to  appear,  and  the  sen- 
tence. *^^     Besides  this  silence,  which  is  capable  of  several  interpre- 

»39  Eymer,  793-4  ;  Eishanger,  p.  141  ;  B.  Cotton,  p.  232. 

^*»  Eishanger,  p.  142.  '^'  Eymer,  i.  794;  Eishanger,  p.  142. 

'*^  B.  Cotton,  p.  232. 

•"  Appendix  to  1th  Report,  Inventory  of  Records  in  the  Tower,  2069. 

>*♦  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  453.  '^^  B.  Cotton,  p.  232. 

""  Eymer,  i.  794.  There  is  a  renewed  citation  to  Edward,  dated  28  April.  Ibid. 
i.  800  ;  Syllabus,  i.  114  ;  Eishanger,  p.  142  ;  B.  Cotton,  p.  232. 

^*^  Extraits  d^une  Chronique  Anonyme,  in  Bouquet,  xxi.  133.  The  Chronographia 
Begum  Francorum  (Soc.  de  I'Histoire  de  France),  i.  41,  says  of  Edmund's  mission 


230  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

tations,  the  only  facts  Alleged  in  Philip's  favour  iire  the  inconvenience 
of  a  war  for  his  general  policy/''^  and  several  acts  of  hostilit}^  of  the 
most  barbarous  kind  perpetrated  after  the  treaty  by  Edward's 
officers  and  subjects.^''^  But  for  these  acts  we  have  to  rely  on 
Philip's  unsupported  statement  in  an  *  official '  document,  just  as 
for  the  account  of  the  negotia.tions  we  have  to  rely  on  exclusively 
English  authorities,  probably  drawing  most,  though  not  all,  their 
information  from  '  official '  declarations.  The  treaty  was  cer- 
tainly a  very  imprudent  one  for  Edward  to  make.  But,  according 
to  Edmund's  statement,  he  was  influenced  to  it  by  the  desire  for 
the  peace  of  Christianity  and  the  hastening  of  the  crusade.*^® 
Indeed,  a  crusade  was  one  of  Edward  I's  favourite  projects  down 
to  the  end  of  his  life.  We  need  not  assign  to  Philip  so  much 
guile,  or  to  Edmund  and  Edward  so  much  credulity,  as  seems 
at  first  to  be  their  due.  It  is  quite  possible  that  Philip  did  not 
at  first  intend  to  retain  Gascony,  until  the  actual  possession  of 
it  made  the  temptation  too  strong  for  him,  and  Edward  was  so 
anxious  to  settle  the  matter  peaceably  that  he  credited  Philip 
with  his  own  punctilious  adhesion  to  the  letter  of  an  agreement. 
The  dowry  of  Blanche  in  France,  which  Edmund  still  retained, 
of  course  made  him  even  more  desirous  of  peace  than  his  brother. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  sentence  on  his  brother,  Edmund 
renounced  his  homage  to  the  king  of  France  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land, accompanied  by  his  wife,  Blanche,  and  all  his  English  house- 
hold. With  him  returned  John  of  Brittany,  his  and  Edward's  nephew, 
who  had  also  renounced  homage. ^^^  Edward  I  formally  renounced 
homage  to  Philip,  and  with  the  almost  enthusiastic  support  of  the 
English  baronage  prepared  for  war.^"  On  1  July  (1294)  he  wrote 
to  the  magnates  of  Gascony,  apologising  for  his  secret  treaty  and 
announcing  his  intention  of  sending  Edmund  to  win  back  Gascony. 
On  3  Sept.  he  ordered  the  barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports  to  pro- 
vide shipping  for  Edmund's  voyage.  He  was  to  be  attended  by 
Henry  de  Lacy,  earl  of  Lincoln.^'"'^     But  a  Welsh  war  broke  out, 

that  although  fuerit  honorabiliter  rcceptus,  tamen  nullum  pactum  facere  potuit  quod 
placeret  duobus  regibus. 

'*»  According  to  a  document  in  the  French  archives,  J  631,  No.  9,  John  de  St.  John 
on  21  Feb.  1294  at  St.  Macaire  refused  to  deliver  the  duchy  on  the  demand  of  the 
messengers  of  the  constable  of  France,  declining  to  recognise  them  as  sufficiently 
authorised.  The  letter  of  the  constable,  which  is  cited  in  the  document,  demanded  the 
most  complete  surrender,  and  made  no  mention  of  any  treaty,  simply  requiring  the 
deliverance  of  the  duchy  into  the  hands  of  the  king  of  France,  on  account  of  Edward's 
many  excessus,  contumacias,  et  inobediencias. 

"»  Bymer,  i.  800.  «so  i})id.  i.  794. 

'"  Extraits  d'une  Chronique  Anonyme,  in  Bouquet,  xxi.  133 ;  Excerpta  e  Chronica 
Gaufridi  de  Collone,  in  Bouquet,  xxii.  10  J  ;  Flares  Hist.  iii.  271-2,  87  ;  Eishanger, 
p.  142. 

»^2  B.  Cotton,  ii.  223  ;  Eishanger,  pp.  142-3  ;  (Matt.  Westm.)  Mores  Hist&riarum, 
ed.  1570,  ii.  391. 

•5»  Eymer,  i.  805,  809.    Edward  seems  to  have  made  great  efforts  to  raise  troops 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  231 

their  participation  in  which  has  already  been  described.  It  was  at 
an  end  by  May  1295,  and  on  5  Aug.  Edmund  was  present  at  a 
council  of  magnates,  lay  and  spiritual,  in  which  he  and  John  de  Lacy 
explained  the  origin  of  the  French  war ;  and  the  offer  of  mediation 
made  by  the  two  cardinals  sent  by  Pope  Boniface  VIII  was  refused 
unless  the  consent  of  the  king  of  the  Eomans,  with  whom  Edward 
had  entered  into  an  alliance,  could  be  obtained.  Edmund  was 
amongst  those  who  were  loud  in  their  cries  for  war  at  this  as- 
sembly. ^^"^ 

Nineteen  persons  of  rank  were  summoned  to  serve  Edmund  at 
the  king's  cost  in  an  expedition  to  Gascony  on  3  Oct.  Edward 
wrote  to  Gascony  announcing  the  expedition  to  the  magnates  on 
19  Oct.  But  Edmund  fell  ill,  so  that  it  was  not  until  the  end  of 
the  year  that  the  expedition,  delayed  by  his  illness,  was  able  to  set 
out.^^^  The  date  of  its  departure  is  variously  given.  The  continuator 
of  Florence  of  Worcester  gives  26  Dec,  the  '  Flores  Historiarum ' 
and  the  'Annals  of  Worcester  '  about  15  Jan.,  and  Eishanger  about 

25  Jan. ;  and  while  Hemingburgh  says  he  landed  in  Gascony  about 
the  middle  of  Lent  (27  Feb.),  the  continuator  of  Florence  of 
Worcester  makes  it  3  Jan.^-^^ 

He  and  Henry  de  Lacy,  earl  of  Lincoln,  had  with  them  353 
vessels, *^^  and,  according  to  the  Worcester  annalist,  25  barons,  1,000 
fully  armed  horse,  and  10,000  foot ;  according  to  Hemingburgh, 

26  bannerets  and  1,700  men-at-arms. ^-^^  But  medieval  numbers 
cannot,  of  course,  be  relied  on.  He  at  first  sailed  to  the  coast 
of  Brittany,  sending  messengers  before  him  to  ask  that  his  army 
might  rest  there  for  a  few  days.  The  Bretons  replied  by  hanging 
his  messengers.^^^  When  he  approached  the  town  of  St.  Mathieu  the 
inhabitants  fled  with  all  the  movable  property  which  they  could 
carry.  Edmund  sent  messengers  demanding  their  submission  to 
the  king  of  England.  They  asked  for  a  respite  until  the  sixth  hour 
of  the  day,  and  meanwhile  carried  away  nearly  all  their  remaining 
portable  property.  Seeing  them  doing  this,  the  English  landed  and 
entering  the  town  carried  away  the  few  goods  left,  broke  all  the 
casks  of  wine  they  found  and  poured  out  their  contents,  and  burnt 
one  very  large  galley.  Several  of  them  entered  the  abbey  of 
St.  Mathieu,  and  despoiling  it  of  its  ecclesiastical  utensils,  along  with 

for  this  army.  The  Gascon  rolls,  transcripts  of  which,  by  the  kindness  of  M. 
Bemont,  I  have  been  enabled  to  see,  from  the  month  of  June  till  late  in  the  autumn 
contain  numerous  writs  for  releasing  criminals,  even  murderers,  on  bail,  on  condition  of 
their  serving  in  the  army  in  Gascony.  Various  other  privileges  are  conceded  to  those 
taking  part  in  the  expedition,  e.g.  immunity  from  certain  suits  at  law  during  their  absence 

»**  Flores  Historiarum  (ed.  Luard),  ii.  93,  94. 

»«  Rymer,  I  828,  829,  833. 

"«  Contin.  Flor.  Wigorn.  ii.  279  (E.  H.  S.) ;  Flores  Hist.  iii.  96 ;  Ann.  Wigom.  iv 
525 ;  Rishanger,  p.  154  ;  Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  72.  '"  Flor.  Hist.  iii.  96. 

>S8  jinn.  Wigorn.  iv.  525  ;  Hemingburgh,  ii.  72. 

"8  Ann.  Wigor7i.  iv.  525. 


232  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

the  head  of  the  sainf,  presented  them  to  Edmund,  who  ordered 
them  to  be  restored  to  the  monks.  The  Welsh  troops  of  Edmund 
pursued  the  fugitive  natives,  slew  some  of  them,  and  set  fire  to  the 
houses.  The  army  then  proceeded  to  Brest,  whence  thirty  of  the 
galleys  and  some  other  vessels  proceeded  to  St.  Gilles  les  Bois, 
and  remained  a  long  time  there,  until  the  supply  of  drink  ran 
■short  and  they  could  not  get  out  of  the  harbour  owing  to  an  un- 
favourable breeze.  But  some  corn  was  discovered  buried  in  chests, 
which  they  took  to  the  ships.  With  this  they  would  be  able  to 
brew  the  drink  they  wanted,  which  was  probably  not  water,  but 
beer  or  mead,  without  which  a  medieval  army  soon  lost  heart, 
considering  it  a  great  privation  to  be  reduced  to  drinking  water. 
Just  after  they  had  finished  loading  a  favourable  wind  sprang  up, 
and  they  sailed  to  Blaye,  where  Edmund  and  his  army  landed ; 
then  proceeding  to  Castillon  they  landed  the  horses  there.  ^^^ 

John  de  St.  John,  who  had  been  sent  with  a  small  force  in  the 
autumn  of  1294,  had  taken  Kions,  Bourg,  Blaye,  Bayonne,  St.  Jean 
de  Sordes,  Aspremont,  St.  Sever,  and  other  towns.  Kions  had 
been  retaken  by  ihe  French,  as  had  also  St.  Sever,  but  the  latter 
had  been  recovered  by  the  English  soon  after. ^"^^ 

The  castle  of  Lesparre  surrendered  to  Edmund  on  22  March 
1296,^^2  and  on  the  24th  the  English  sailors  attacked  Bordeaux,  and 
killed  about  thirty  persons  with  the  bolts  of  the  balistae.^^^  The 
English  land  army  encamped  near  Begles,  about  two  miles  south  of 
Bordeaux,  in  a  certain  wood.^^^  On  the  28th  the  French  suddenly 
sallied  out  from  Bordeaux,  in  violation,  so  the  English  said,  of  a 
truce  which  had  been  concluded.  A  few  English  knights  hastily 
armed  themselves  as  best  they  could  on  the  news  of  their  near 
approach,  and  sallied  out  to  meet  them.  Seeing  them  the  French 
thought  that  their  surprise  had  failed,  and  that  the  whole  English 
army  was  ready  to  meet  them.  They  hastily  turned  and  fled,  pur- 
sued by  the  English.  The  Dunstable  annahst  says  that  the  English 
simulated  flight  at  first,  in  order  to  draw  the  men  of  Bordeaux  a 
greater  distance  from  their  city.  At  any  rate  the  loss  of  the  men 
of  Bordeaux  amounted,  according  to  the  English  chroniclers,  to 
2,000  men.  Five  of  the  English  army  were  taken  prisoners  through 
:  entering  the  gates  of  the  city  with  the  fugitives,  two  brothers  of 
Peter  de  Maulee,  a  Gascon,  two  standard  bearers  of  John  of 
Brittany,  and  Alan  de  la  Zouche.^^"^  On  Friday,  30  March,  the 
English  maritime  and  land  divisions,  having  taken  counsel  together, 
attacked  the  town,  and,  breaking  through  the  outer  wall,  entered 
the  suburbs,  inflicting  considerable  loss.     The  inhabitants  of  the 

'«»  Flor.  Hist.  iii.  284-5.  '«•  Kishanger,  pp.  144,  147,  149-50. 

\        182  ^^or.  Hist  iii.  285  ;  Eishanger,  p.  154.  's^  Flor.  Hist.  iii.  285. 

'"*  Kishanger,  p.  154  ;  Trivet,  p.  340  ;  W.  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  72. 
'«*  Flores  Hist.  iii.  285  ;  Kishanger,  p.  154  ;  Trivet,  p.  340 ;  Dunstable,  iii.  397  ; 
Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  72  ;  Chron.  de  Lanercost,  p.  170. 


1895  EDMUND,   EaRL   OF  LANCASTER  233 

suburbs  thereupon  set  fire  to  their  houses  and  fled  within  the  walls 
of  the  city.^6^ 

Edmund  had  not  enough  siege  engines  to  undertake  the  regular 
siege  of  so  large  a  city,  and  as  it  was  rumoured  that  the  count  of 
Artois  was  at  Langon,  about  fifteen  miles  further  up  the  Garonne, 
with  900  fully  armed  horse,  he  left  Bordeaux  and  proceeded  thither. 
He  did  not  find  the  count  there,  but  the  town  surrendered  to  him. 
He  then  summoned  St.  Macaire,  which  lay  about  two  miles  easf  of 
Langon.  The  inhabitants  obtained  three  days'  truce  from  him  to 
send  messengers  for  help  to  Bordeaux,  but  finding  that  Bordeaux 
could  not  help  them  surrendered.^^'' 

The  castle,  commanded  by  Thibaut  de  Cheppoy,  still  held  out. 
As  soon  as  Edmund  had  surrounded  it  he  directed  against  it  twelve 
great  engines,  which  threw  large  stones  night  and  day,  with  which 
he  battered  down  the  roofs  of  the  gates  and  towers.^^®  Before  long 
there  was  scarcely  a  building  which  had  not  its  roof  battered  in, 
and  more  than  100  persons  were  killed  by  the  engines.  The 
women  and  children  had  to  take  refuge  in  the  cellars  (?  vaus- 
sures).  Edmund's  men  made  one  or  two  fierce  attempts  to  carry 
the  place  by  assault  every  day ;  but  the  besieged  held  their  ground, 
though  in  course  of  time  the  fortress  was  so  battered  down  that  its 
defenders  could  not  find  refuge  from  the  stones  except  in  some 
little  arches  of  the  wall,  which  still  stood.  '  When  the  king  of 
France  heard  how  his  castle  of  St.  Macaire  was  besieged  and  op- 
pressed, and  how  Messire  Thibaut  de  Cheppoy  had  already  long 
and  valiantly  defended  it,'  says  the  French  chronicler, 

he  swore  by  St.  David  that  it  should  be  succoured  with  all  diligence,  '  if 
it  cost  the  lives  of  ten  thousand  men.'  He  therefore  commanded  count 
Eobert  of  Artois  that  he  should  immediately  provide  himself  with  1,000 
men-at-arms,  and  arbalisters  in  proportion,  in  order  to  go  and  raise  the 
siege  of  St.  Macaire  and  maintain  the  war  in  these  parts,  which  he  did 
with  good  heart,  as  he  much  desired  to  avenge  himself  on  the  English  for 
some  outrages  committed  in  his  country. 

Kobert  hastened  a  splendid  and  well- equipped  army  with  the 
utmost  speed  to  the  relief  of  St.  Macaire,  but  stopped  for  two  days 
at  Beziers  to  refresh  his  troops.  Edmund  hearing  of  his  approach, 
and  being  in  want  of  money  to  pay  his  troops,  fell  back  towards 
Bordeaux,  after  raising  the  siege  of  the  castle  of  St.  Macaire, 
which  had  lasted  three  weeks. ^^^  Five  messengers  had  come  from 
Bordeaux,  offering  to  surrender  it  and  pay  5,000  pounds  of  silver  if 
he  would  spare  all  bearing  the  sign  of  St.  George.   But  the  treachery 

x""  Flor.  Hist.  iii.  285  ;  Hemingburgh,  ii.  72-3  ;  Eishanger,  p.  154 ;  Trivet,  p.  340. 

'"  Flor.  Hist.  iii.  285  ;  Hemingburgh,  ii.  73. 

•«8  A  full  account  of  the  siege  is  given  in  Extraits  d'une  Chronique  Anonyme 
intitule  '  Anciennes  Chroniques  de  Flandre '  in  D.  Bouquet,  xxi.  355. 

"'  Ibid.  xxi.  355 ;  Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  73  ;  Chronographia  Begum 
Francorum,  i.  49. 


234  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

of  these  five  was  discovered.  On  their  return  they  were  hanged, 
and  the  EngHsh  who  tried  to  enter  the  place  were  repulsed. 

Want  of  money  and  the  consequent  desertion  of  the  mercenaries 
he  had  collected  now  compelled  Edmund  to  retire  to  Bayonne, 
where  he  was  honourably  received, ^''^  But  the  ignominious  failure 
of  his  campaign  preyed  on  his  mind.  About  Whitsuntide  (13  May) 
he  fell  sick,  and  died  on  5  June.^^^  In  his  will  he  left  instructions 
that  his  body  should  not  be  buried  until  his  debts  were  paid.^^'^ 
It  was  embalmed  and  kept  for  a  time  in  the  church  of  the  Friars 
Minors  at  Bayonne. ^^^  After  the  lapse  of  six  months  it  was  con- 
veyed to  England.^^''  On  24  March  1301  it  was  taken  from  the 
convent  of  the  Minoresses  in  London  to  St.  Paul's,  and  from  St. 
Paul's  to  Westminster  Abbey,  where  it  was  interred,  in  the 
presence  of  the  king  and  many  earls  and  bishops,  in  the  centre 
of  the  altar  of  St.  Peter. ^^-^  His  elaborately  carved  tomb  is  still  to 
be  seen,  close  to  that  of  his  first  wife,  Avelina,  in  the  sanctuary.^'® 

His  widow,  who  seems  to  have  accompanied  him  to  Gascony, 
received  a  safe-conduct  for  her  return  to  England  on  17  Nov. 
1296.''^  She  received  letters  of  administration  as  his  principal 
executrix  on  3  July  1297.  By  writs  bearing  the  dates  26  April 
and  21  June  1298  she  had  her  dower  assigned  to  her,  which 
consisted  of  the  usual  third. '^®     She  died  at  Vincennes  on  2  May 

"»  Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  73-4 ;  Chron.  de  Lanercost,  p.  170.  If  his  army 
was  recruited  in  the  same  way  as  that  of  1294,  its  behaviour  is  easily  expla  ned. 

"'  Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  74,  where  the  date  of  his  falling  sick,  circa  Pente- 
costen,  is  given ;  Kishanger,  p.  154  ;  Trivet,  p.  340 ;  Dunstable,  iii.  402,  anno  1296 
quasi  intrante ;  Worcester,  iv.  527  ;  Chron.  Girardi  de  Nangiaco,  in  Bouquet,  xx.  578  a  ; 
Chronica  Girardi  de  Fracheto,  in  D.  Bouquet,  xxi.  14  f. ;  Chronique  de  St.  Denis,  in 
Bouquet,  xx.  663  a.  The  '  necrology '  of  the  abbey  of  Huiron,  quoted  by  M.  d'Arbois 
de  Jubainville,  iv.  454,  note  (a),  assigns  his  death  to  17  March.  This  is  contradicted 
by  the  account  of  his  campaign,  and  only  slightly  supported  by  the  indefinite  expres- 
sion in  Dunstable.  The  exact  date  of  his  death  Twn.  Junii  is  given  by  the  con- 
tinuator  of  Gervase  of  Canterbury  (Eolls  Series),  ii.  314.  On  15  July  1296  Edward  I 
issued  letters  from  Aberdeen  to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  bishops  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  thirty  abbots  with  the  master  of  the  order  of  Sempringham,  asking  for 
their  prayers  for  the  soul  of  his  brother  (Eymer,  i.  842).  We  have  also  letters  patent 
of  Edmund  dated  7  April  1296  {Appendix  to  1th  Report,  Inventory  of  Records  in  the 
Tower,  No.  2188). 

*"  Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  74. 

'"  Dunstable,  iii.  402.  i'^  Eishanger,  p.  154. 

i'5  Trivet,  Annates,  says  the  funeral  took  place  in  1297  at  Westminster  Abbey,  and 
that  Edward  immediately  after  went  to  St.  Albans  and  released  Ealph  de  Monthermer, 
the  knight  who  had  clandestinely  married  the  widow  of  the  earl  of  Gloucester,  much 
to  Edward's  displeasure.  But  the  French  chronicle  of  Dover  in  the  appendix  to  the 
Liher  de  Antiquis  Legibus,  p.  249,  dates  the  funeral  24  March  1301,  and  gives  the 
more  precise  account. 

•^^  An  engraving  of  this  tomb,  with  a  description  of  it,  is  to  be  seen  in  Gough's 
Sepulchral  Monuments,  i.  69-75,  and  is  reproduced,  with  an  extract  from  the  descrip- 
tion, in  Nichols's  Leic.  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  222. 

"^  Eymer,  i.  832,  where  it  is  obviously  misdated  by  a  year. 

"8  Appendix  to  Slst  Report,  p.  18.  The  grant  of  dower  had  been  confirmed  by 
Edward  I  on  29  Oct.  1276  (Eymer,  i.  535). 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  235 

1302.*^^  Edmund  had  by  her  three  sons — Thomas,  who  succeeded 
to  the  earldom ;  Henry,  lord  of  Monmouth,  who  succeeded  to  the 
earldom  some  time  after  the  death  of  Thomas;  John,  baron  of 
Beaufort  and  Nogent  I'Artaud,  who  seems  to  have  died  young,  but 
was  alive  on  30  Dec.  1291 — and  one  daughter. ^^^ 

The  convent  of  Nuns  Minoresses  in  London,  which  he  and  his 
wife  founded  in  1293,  has  already  been  mentioned.  The  nuns  who 
formed  its  nucleus  seem  to  have  been  brought  over  by  Blanche 
from  France. ^^'  He  was  also  one  of  the  chief  builders  of  the 
monastery  of  the  Grey  Friars  at  Preston, ^^^  and  confirmed  Simon  de 
Montfort's  benefactions  to  the  brethren  of  the  hospital  of  St.  John 
at  Hunger f or d.^^^  He  gave  the  manor  of  Bere,  in  Dorsetshire,  of  the 
annual  value  of  26L,  to  the  Cistercian  nunnery  of  Tarrant-Craw- 
ford, three  and  a  half  miles  S.E.  of  Blandford,  founded  by  Kalph 
de  Kahaines  in  the  reign  of  Eichard  I,  and  rebuilt  by  Bishop  Poor 
in  1230.^®''  In  the  inventory  of  the  vestry  of  Westminster  Abbey 
he  appears  as  the  giver  of  a  blue  frontal,  and  a  set  of  blue  vest- 
ments, all  embroidered  with  archangels,  very  possibly  for  use  on 
Michaelmas  Day.  He  also  granted  the  advowson  of  the  church  of 
Skenefrith  to  the  abbot  and  convent  of  Grace  Dieu,  in  frank-almoign 
for  the  souls  of  King  Henry,  his  father,  and  Queen  Eleanor,  his 
mother.  ^^^ 

Of  his  personal  characteristics  we  know  little.  It  is  scarcely 
possible  that  the  epithet  '  Crouchback,'  which  is  not  given  to  him  by 
any  contemporary  chronicler,  can  have  arisen  from  any  deformity 
of  his.  John  of  Gaunt's  statement  that  Edmund  was  humpbacked, 
made  in  1394,  was  contradicted  by  the  earl  of  March,  who  said  that 
it  evidently  appeared  from  the  chronicles  that  Edmund  was  a 
handsome  man  and  a  noble  knight. '^'^  According  to  Hardyng  John 
of  Gaunt  even  went  the  length  of  procuring  forged  chronicles,  in 
which  this  statement  was  incorporated  with  its  companion  state- 
ment that  Edmund  was  really  the  eldest  son,  and  placed  them 
in  the  monasteries.^ ^^  The  explanation  which  attributes  it  to  his 
having  been  on  the  crusade  is  much  more  probable,  if  even  the 
name  be  anything  more  than  a  survival  of  half  the  Lancastrian 
fiction  which  its  absence  in  contemporary  authorities  seems  to 
point  at  its  being.  For  all  that  we  know  of  him  points  to  his 
having  been  both  handsome  and  well  skilled  in  arms.     Trokelowe 

"^  Eegister  of  the  Chambre  des  Comptes,  quoted  by  Anselme,  Hist.  Genealogi- 
cum,  i.  382. 

'«"  Arbois  de  Jubainville,  iv.  454  ;  Eishanger,  p.  83  ;  Appendix  to  31st  Report,  p.  16. 

**'  Dugdale,  Monasticon,  vol.  vi.  pt.  iii.  p.  1553. 

'^'^  Baines,  Hist,  of  Lane.  i.  127. 

183  Appendix  to  ^Ist  Report,  p.  14  (20  May  1281). 

"*  Botuli  Hundredorum  (Rec.  Comm.),  p.  100. 

»8*  Archaeologia,  Iii.  pt.  ii.  p.  210  ;  Cal.  of  Pat.  Bolls,  Ed.  I  (R.S.),  ii.  p.  451. 

'**  Continuatio  Eulogii  Historiarum,  ii.  369.  '^^  Archaeologia,  xvi.  143. 


236  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  April 

even  ascribes  his  maAiage  with  Blanche  partly  to  the  accounts 
which  she  had  heard  of  his  prowess  as  a  knight.*®^  One  French 
chronicler  alludes  in  respectful  terms  to  his  military  skill,  though 
perhaps  it  was  more  that  of  a  brave  soldier  than  of  a  general  of 
more  than  ordinary  abilities.^^^  One  trait  of  his  mentioned  by  a 
fourteenth-century  writer  is  borne  out  by  facts,  as  well  as  by 
Peckham's  letter  quoted  above.  He  is  called  flos  largitatisy  i.e. 
a  princely  giver  and  spender  of  money.^^^  This  and  the  expense 
of  his  crusade  account  for  the  fact  that  he  seems  to  have  been 
continually  feeling  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the  payment  of 
his  debts,  or  letting  out  his  lands  to  farm  in  order  to  raise  money, 
in  spite  of  his  vast  estates  and  fortunate  marriages. ^^^ 

As  a  brother  and  a  subject  his  conduct  was  throughout  stead- 
fastly loyal  and  faithful,  in  spite  of  the  power  which  his  great 
estates  with  their  anti-regal  traditions  placed  in  his  hands.  He 
took  part  in  all  Edward  I's  Welsh  expeditions,  although  he  had 
French  as  ^vell  as  English  estates  to  look  after,  and  was  always 
ready  to  help  his  brother  in  negotiations.  Neither  can  Edward 
be  said  to  have  treated  his  brother  in  a  niggardly  manner  ; 
for   he   confirmed   all   his  father's  grants,  and  added  to  them.'^^ 

188  Trokelowe,  Annales,  70-1. 

•^^  Qiiy  sage  chevallier  fut  en  son  temps.  Extraits  d'une  Chronique  Anonyme 
intituUe  '  Anciennes  Chroniques  de  Flandre  '  in  Bouquet,  xxii.  355. 

'^''  Eulog.  Histor.  iii.  119.  Mr,  Haydon  says  that  this  phrase  is  a  literal  transla- 
tion of  an  expression  in  the  French  Brut,  '■flur  de  largesce '  (introd.  to  vol.  iii.  of 
Eulog.  Hist.  pt.  ii.  note  1).  The  same  quality  seems  pointed  at  in  the  phrase  velut 
homo  facetus  et  largissimus  (Walter  de  Hemingburgh,  ii.  74). 

'^'  On  24  July  1269  he  made  an  agreement  to  repay  a  loan  of  1,OOOZ.  borrowed 
from  his  mother,  Eleanor,  to  pay  Amicia,  countess  of  Devon,  for  her  share  in  the 
marriage  of  Avelina  de  Fortibus.  On  25  July  1270  he  obtained  a  grant  that  if  he 
should  die  in  less  than  seven  years  the  revenues  of  his  lands,  which  would  thereby 
escheat  to  the  crown,  should  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  his  debts  {Appendix  to  31si 
Report,  p.  12  ;  Nichols,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  App.  p.  21).  On  28  July  1272  his  mother,  in 
virtue  of  the  powers  entrusted  to  her,  let  out  some  of  his  lands  to  farm  to  Edmund  of 
Cornwall  for  four  years  for  3,500  marks  (3l6-^  Report,  p.  12).  On  17  Feb.  1275  he 
received  license  to  demise  to  term  or  farm  his  lands  and  tenements,  except  castles,  for 
three  years  (44^/i  Report,  Appendix,  p.  94).  On  27  July  1276  he  received  a  grant  that 
his  creditors  should  be  satisfied  in  case  of  his  death  to  the  amount  of  three  years' 
issues  of  his  lands  {'ioth  Report,  App.  p.  161).  On  28  October  1294  he  received  letters 
patent  providing  for  the  payment  of  a  debt  of  4,000  marks  which  he  owed  to  Henry, 
earl  of  Lincoln,  out  of  the  revenues  of  his  lands,  should  they  come  into  the  king's 
hands  at  his  decease  (31s^  Report,  App.  p.  17). 

192  rpj^g  rights  claimed  and  exercised  in  his  lands,  and  his  title  to  the  lands  he 
held,  were  inquired  into  by  the  guo  waranto  commission,  just  like  those  of  the  other 
great  barons.  In  many  cases  too  the  answer  given  was  nesciunt  quo  zvaranto,  which 
involved  a  suit  of  quo  waranto  being  brought  by  the  crown  against  the  earl.  The 
disputed  rights  included  those  of  returnum  brevium,  holding  pleas  de  namio  vetito, 
delivering  impounded  cattle,  view  of  frankpledge,  having  a  gallows,  pillory,  and 
tumbrel,  and  holding  assizes  of  beer  and  bread.  Among  the  offences  of  which  his 
bailiffs  were  reported  guilty  were  those  of  exacting  excessive  suit,  exacting  fines  for 
respite  of  knighthood,  delivering  malefactors  for  money,  and  letting  out  wapen- 
takes in  his  hands  at  so  high  a  firm  as  to  compel  the  lessees  to  extortion.  See  Rotuli 
Eundredorum  (Eec.  Comm.),  i.  240,  271,  305,  306,  383 ;  ii.  6,  9,  18,  19,  108,  116,  192, 


1895  EDMUND,   EARL   OF  LANCASTER  237 

Edward  himself  bore  witness  to  the  virtue  and  fideHty  of  this  earl, 
who  was  the  founder  of  a  power  destined  to  hurl  his  descendant 
from  the  throne,  and  the  father  of  the  man  who  was  to  be,  next  to 
Edward  II  himself,  his  son's  worst  enemy.  He  spoke  of  him  as 
*  Edmund  our  most  dear  and  only  brother,  who  was  always  forward, 
devoted,  and  faithful  in  our  business  and  that  of  our  realm,  in 
whom  valour  and  the  gifts  of  manifold  graces  shone  forth.' ^^^ 
Indeed,  Edmund's  very  loyalty  and  fidelity  served  to  blind 
Edward  to  the  fact  that  by  confirming  his  father's  grants  and 
adding  to  them  he  was  continuing  in  a  dangerous  path,  and 
sharpening  the  sword  that  would  not  only  chastise  the  follies  of  his 
son,  but  make  its  holder  the  real  master  of  England  for  a  time,  and 
that  he  was  preparing  the  tragedies  of  Pontefract  and  Berkeley. 

Walter  E.  Khodes. 

293,  298,  302,  563,  and  elsewhere.  According  to  E.  Simpson,  History  of  Lancaster, 
p.  217,  in  1292  Edward  I  sued  his  brother  for  the  castle  and  honour  of  Lancaster,  the 
wapentake  of  Amounderness,  and  the  manors  of  Preston,  Eiggely,  and  Singleton. 
The  pleadings  were  adjourned  to  Appleby  in  the  octaves  of  St.  Michael.  He  refers  for 
this  to  Flacita  de  Quo  Warranto,  20  Ed.  I,  Lane.  Rot. 

"3  Eymer,  i.  842.  Cf.  Chron.  de  Lanercost,  '  strenuus  miles  et  procerus  qui 
socialis  extitit  et  jocundus  largus  et  pius,'  quoted  in  Boyle,  Baronage  of  England,  ii. 
309.  I  have  been  unable  to  discover  the  authority  for  Dean  Stanley's  picturesque 
statement  in  the  Memorials  of  Westminster,  repeated  in  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,  that  Edmund  introduced  the  '  red  rose  of  Lancaster '  from  Provins.  The 
true  rose  of  Provins,  which  was  introduced  from  Syria  by  Thibaut  VI,  is  semi-double, 
and  of  a  medium  shade  of  red  in  colour,  and  its  leaves,  when  dried,  possess  a 
particularly  strong  odour  and  medicinal  properties. 


238  April 


Vanini  in   E^tgland 


OF  the  foreigners  who  visited  England  in  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth 
and  James  I  perhaps  the  most  interesting  figures  are  those  of 
Giordano  Bruno  and  Giulio  Cesare  Vanini.  Although  it  would  be 
absurd  to  place  the  lucubrations  of  Vanini  on  a  level  with  the 
philosophical,  if  not  always  intelligible,  speculations  of  Bruno,  yet 
the  similarity  of  the  subject  matter  of  their  audacious  writings,  their 
wandering  and  adventurous  lives,  and  perhaps  most  of  all  the 
similarity  of  their  tragical  fate,  make  us  constantly  link  their  names 
together,  and  perhaps  have  contributed  to  shed  upon  Vanini  some 
sparks  of  the  halo  which  surrounds  the  name  of  Bruno.  We  have 
hitherto  had  no  contemporary  account  of  the  visit  of  either  to  our 
shores.  We  have  known  only  what  they  themselves  have  been 
pleased  to  tell  us  in  their  works — in  the  case  of  Bruno  a  mixture  of 
*  Wahrheit  und  Dichtung '  which  excites  in  us  a  desire  to  know  how 
the  matters  recorded  appeared  to  those  eminent  persons — Sir  Philip 
Sidney  and  Fulke  Greville  among  others — with  whom  it  seems  to 
be  clear  that  during  his  visit  he  was  intimately  associated.  But 
Vanini  tells  us  hardly  anything  of  his  visit  except  that  he  passed 
two  years  in  England,  that  his  zeal  for  the  catholic  faith  occasioned 
his  imprisonment  for  forty-nine  days,  and  that  he  was  prepared 
to  receive  the  crown  of  martyrdom  with  all  the  zeal  imaginable.^ 
There  are,  however,  among  the  State  Papers  in  the  Eecord  Office  a 
number  of  letters,  two  by  Vanini  himself,  others  by  those  with  whom 
he  was  immediately  connected  whilst  in  England,  which  give  us  a 
tolerably  detailed  account  of  his  residence  in  this  country,  and  throw 
an  important  though  not  altogether  favourable  light  upon  his  life, 
his  character,  and  his  opinions. 

Among  the  sources  of  information  for  the  reign  of  James  I,  the 

*  Amphitheatrum  Aeternae  Providentiae,  pp.  117-18.  But  he  is  not  very  accurate 
in  his  statement,  and  implies — if  he  does  not  actually  assert — that  he  came  to  Eng- 
land on  a  religious  mission  : — Ego  sane  vel  minimus  militantis  Ecclesiae  Tyro,  cum 
annopraeterito  Londini  ad  agonem  Christianum  destinatus  essem,  adeogue  49  diehv^ 
in  latomiis  tanquam  palaestra  quadam  exercerer,  eo  eram  pro  Catholicae  Ecclesiae 
authoritate  defensanda  effundendi  sanguinis  desiderio  accensus,  et  inflammatus,  ut 
mihi  a  Deo  immortali  vel  majus  donum,  aut  melius  contingere  nullo  modo  potuisset, 
ita  quidem,  si  non  superiorem,  inferiorem  certe  nullo  martyre  propriae  conscientiae 
testimonium  me  indicavit  et  confratrum,  qui  mecum  in  eodem  erant  Xisto  et  theatre 
fortissimi,  et  digni  sane  qui  tale  Deo  spectaculum  exhiberent. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  239 

latter  part  of  Elizabeth,  and  the  first  years  of  Charles  I,  an  im- 
portant place  must  be  given  to  the  correspondence  between  Sir 
Dudley  Carleton — afterwards  Viscount  Dorchester — successively 
ambassador  at  Brussels,  Venice,  and  The  Hague,  and  John 
Chamberlain.  Chamberlain,  well  described  by  Mr.  Thompson 
Cooper  in  the  '  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  '  as  *  an  accom- 
plished scholar  and  an  admirable  letter-writer,  the  Horace  Walpole 
of  his  day,'  during  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  was  in  the 
habit  of  writing  long  and  frequent  letters  to  his  friends,  especially 
to  those  who  filled  diplomatic  appointments  abroad,  full  of  interest- 
ing details,  including  not  only  public  events,  but  all  the  court  gossip 
of  the  time.  A  private  gentleman  of  good  position  and  ample 
fortune,  intimate  with  many  men  of  eminence,  and  mixing  in  the 
best  society  of  his  time,  he  seems  to  have  been  singularly  free  from 
ambition,  and  to  have  desired  neither  place  nor  money.  Copies 
(now  in  the  British  Museum)  of  a  large  number  of  his  letters,  made 
a  century  and  a  half  since  by  Dr.  Thomas  Birch  from  the  originals 
in  the  Eecord  Office,  form  the  principal  and  by  far  the  most 
interesting  part  of  two  works  entitled  '  The  Court  and  Times  of 
James  I '  (2  vols.  London,  1848)  and  *  The  Court  and  Times  of 
Charles  I '  (London,  1848).  A  volume  of  his  letters  written  in  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth  has  been  printed  by  the  Camden  Society.  Many 
others  are  to  be  found  in  Nichols's  *  Progresses  of  James  I,'  and  in 
Sir  Ealph  Winwood's  'Memorials.'  A  considerable  number  of 
Chamberlain's  letters,  however,  are  still  in  the  Eecord  Office  and 
unprinted,  many  of  these  being  as  full  of  interest  as  those  which 
have  appeared  in  the  volumes  just  referred  to. 

In  the  '  Court  and  Times  of  James  I '  there  are  several  letters 
from  Chamberlain  and  one  from  Carleton  referring  to  two  Carme- 
lite friars  professing  to  be  protestants,  who  came  to  England  from 
Venice  in  1612  with  an  introduction  from  Carleton  to  Archbishop 
Abbot,  by  whom  they  were  for  some  time  entertained  at  Lambeth. 
Their  names  are  not  given,  but  in  the  published  '  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,'  besides  many  other  letters  not  printed  in  the  *  Court  and 
Times  of  James  I,'  are  two  letters  in  Italian  from  one  of  them  called 
in  the  Calendar  Julio  Cesare  Vandoni ;  one  to  Carleton  thanking 
him  for  the  introduction  to  Archbishop  Abbot,  the  other  to  Isaac 
Wake,  then  Carleton's  secretary.  The  name  certainly  at  first  sight 
looks  much  more  like  Vandoni  than  Vanini,  but  on  a  comparison 
with  the  only  other  specimen  of  Vanini' s  handwriting  known  to 
exist — the  oath  taken  by  him  on  receiving  the  degree  of  Doctor, 
which  has  been  brought  to  light  from  the  Archives  of  the  University 
of  Naples  by  Professor  Settembrini,  and  a  facsimile  of  a  part  of 
which  is  given  by  Signor  Palumbo  in  the  book  hereinafter  referred 
to — the  '  n  '  forming  the  third  letter  of  *  Vanini '  in  the  signature  of 
the  letters  to  Carleton  and  Wake  will  be  seen  to  be  identical  with 


240  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

the  letter  *  n  '  in  the  Word  *  spondeo '  in  the  oath,  and  to  have  the 
same  flourish  resembling  a  '  d  '  at  the  end  of  it,  whilst  other  simi- 
larities show  that  the  handwriting  of  the  oath  and  of  the  two  letters 
is  identical.  That  these  two  letters  were  written  by  Vanini  and 
that  the  State  Papers  contain  several  references  to  his  visit  to 
England  was  first  made  known  by  Signor  Eaffael'le  Palumbo  in 
1878,  in  a  brochure  of  one  hundred  pages  entitled  '  Giulio  Cesare 
Vanini  e  i  suoi  tempi,  Cenno  biografico-storico  corredato  di  docu- 
menti  inediti '  (Naples).  The  object  of  this  book,  the  author  tells  us, 
*  is  to  make  known  some  documents  discovered  by  me  in  London 
in  the  Archives  of  the  State.  These  documents,  which  have  re- 
mained unknown  for  three  centuries,  enable  us  to  understand  both 
the  character  of  and  many  details  respecting  Giulio  Cesare  Vanini, 
who  died  at  the  stake  at  Toulouse  and  was  one  of  the  last  of  the  philo- 
sophers of  the  Italian  Kenaissance.'  Signor  Palumbo  is  entitled  to 
much  credit,  and  ought  to  receive  our  gratitude,  for  the  discovery 
that  these  documents  refer  to  Vanini,  but  unfortunately  he  has 
made  but  little  use  of  them  in  his  book.  He  prints  in  full,  indeed 
— though  not  quite  correctly — the  two  letters  in  Italian  from  Vanini 
himself,  which  are  really  among  the  least  interesting  of  the  whole 
series,  but  of  those  of  Archbishop  Abbot  and  John  Chamberlain,  to 
which  he  refers,  he  gives  very  brief  extracts  and  incorrect  sum- 
maries. He  was  evidently  unaware  that  several  of  these  letters  had 
been  printed,  and  it  is  clear  that  he  had  only  actually  read  the  two 
written  by  Vanini,  and  that  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the  existence 
of  some  of  the  most  important  of  the  rest,  whilst  he  has  contented 
himself  with  reading  the  summaries  of  the  others  given  by  Mrs. 
Green  in  the  '  Calendar  of  State  Papers.'  On  several  important 
points — possibly  from  a  want  of  familiarity  with  our  language  and 
our  history — he  has  misunderstood  and  misstated  the  effect  of  these 
summaries,  and  has  thus  deprived  his  narrative  of  any  value  what- 
ever, either  for  the  details  of  Vanini' s  residence  in  England,  or  for 
enabling  us  to  form  any  conclusions  as  to  his  character  or  his 
object  in  visiting  this  country.^  Moreover,  of  the  nineteen  letters 
which  I  have  been  able  to  find  in  the  Eecord  Office  relating  to 
Vanini  and  his  visit,  Palumbo  refers  only  to  ten,  and  has  not  even 
noticed  perhaps  the  most  important  of  all — one  from  Archbishop 
Abbot  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  written  16  March  1614. 

2  Signor  Palumbo's  inaccuracies  are  not  confined  to  English  affairs.  He  speaks  of 
Bayle  (who  was  born  in  1643)  as  a  contemporary  of  Vanini,  and  states  that  Gramond 
the  historian  was  president  of  the  parliament  of  Toulouse  at  the  time  of  Vanini's 
execution,  that  he  presided  at  the  trial  and  suborned  the  chief  witness  against  him, 
Francon  by  name.  Brutally  as  Gramond  treats  Vanini  in  his  History,  it  is  only  just 
to  him  to  say  that  he  was  in  no  way  concerned  in  the  trial.  It  was  not  until  some 
years  later  that  he  succeeded  his  father,  with  whom  he  has  been  confounded,  in  the 
office  of  President  des  Enqu^tes  in  the  parliament  of  Toulouse.  But  though  his  father 
then  held  that  office,  there  is  no  evidence  that  he,  any  more  than  his  son,  took  part  in 
the  trial  of  Vanini. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  241 

Signor  Palumbo's  work  was  reviewed  by  Professor  Fiorentino  in 
the  '  Nuova  Antologia '  for  September  1878,  but  so  little  attention 
did  it  receive  in  England  thai  no  copy  of  it  is  to  be  found  in  the 
British  Museum,  nor  has  it,  or  the  remarkable  discovery  made  by 
Signor  Palumbo,  so  far  as  I  know,  been  noticed  by  any  English 
writer  except  the  Eev.  J.  Owen,  who  in  his  recent  work,  '  The 
Skeptics  of  the  Italian  Eenaissance,'  has  devoted  several  pages  to 
Vanini's  visit  to  England.  But  unfortunately  Mr.  Owen  has  not 
consulted  the  documents  themselves,  or  even  the  printed  calen- 
dars, and  has  merely  based  his  account  upon  that  of  Palumbo,  or 
rather,  perhaps,  upon  Fiorentino's  article  in  the  'Nuova  Antologia,' 
borrowing  all  the  Italian  author's  mistakes,  and  adding  one  or 
two  of  his  own.  He,  like  Palumbo,  is  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
fact  that  several  of  the  letters  have  been  printed  in  '  The  Court  and 
Times  of  James  I.'  Both  writers  take  a  very  favourable  view  of  the 
character  of  Vanini,  and  neither  of  them  has  extracted  from  the 
letters  any  of  the  passages  which  tend  to  give  an  opposite  impression. 
Each  of  them  represents  Vanini  as  a  sincere  and  conscientious 
man,  an  orthodox  but  liberal-minded  catholic,  hoping  to  find  in  the 
Anglican  Church  greater  intellectual  freedom  than  in  the  Eoman 
communion,  and  returning  to  the  church  of  Piome  when  he  found 
that  of  England  not  more  but  less  liberal  and  giving  less  opportunity 
for  freedom  of  thought.  This  is  certainly  not  the  impression  the 
letters  themselves  give  us.  Mr.  Owen's  chapter  on  Vanini  is, 
notwithstanding,  one  of  the  most  interesting  in  his  book,  and  it  is 
greatly  to  be  regretted  that  he  has  missed  the  opportunity  of 
making  himself  acquainted  with  the  facts  as  to  Vanini's  stay  in 
England,  and  of  giving  them  to  the  world.  They  would  certainly- 
after  making  all  allowance  for  the  narrow-minded  prejudices  of 
Archbishop  Abbot — have  obliged  him  to  modify  his  opinion  of  the 
character  of  Vanini,  and  to  have  represented  it  less  favourably. 

Lucilio,  or,  as  he  preferred  to  style  himself,  Giulio  Cesare 
Vanini  (perhaps  copying  a  man  for  whom  he  more  than  once 
expresses  great  admiration,  Julius  Caesar  Scaliger),  was  born  at 
Taurisano,  near  Otranto,  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  in  1585.  His 
taste  for  learning  induced  his  father  to  send  him  to  the  university 
of  Naples,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  utrinsque  iuris  in  1606. 
Philosophy  and  physical  science  were  his  two  favourite  subjects  of 
study,  and  his  two  masters  were,  as  he  tells  us,  John  Bacon  {i.e. 
Baconthorpe),  *  the  prince  of  Averroists,  from  whom  I  have  learned 
to  swear  only  by  Averroes,'  and  Pomponatius,  whose  book  *  De 
Incantationibus  '  he  styles  '  a  golden  book,'  and  of  whom  he  writes — 
strangely  enough,  since  Pomponatius  was  an  opponent  of  Averroes 
and  a  disciple  of  Alexander  of  Aphrodisias — '  that  Pythagoras  would 
have  said  that  the  soul  of  Averroes  had  passed  into  the  body  of 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVIII.  R 


242  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

Pomponatius.'  Eengfti,  in  his  *  Averroes  et  rAverroisme,'  seems 
hardly  as  fair  as  usual  in  attributing  to  Vanini  a  deliberate  false- 
hood in  this  statement  as  to  his  masters,  one  of  whom  died  two 
hundred  and  forty  years  and  the  other  fifty  years  before  his  birth  ; 
and  I  agree  with  Mr.  Owen  that  he  only  intended  to  express  the 
obligations  he  was  under  to  the  works  of  these  two  philosophers,  and 
not  to  suggest  that  he  had  actually  been  their  pupil.  His  other 
favourite  authors  were  Aristotle,  Albertus  Magnus,  and  Jerome 
Cardan.  For  the  details  of  his  life  between  June  1606,  when  he 
took  his  doctor's  degree,  and  the  spring  of  1612,  when  we  find  him  in 
Venice,  we  have  only  the  scattered  references  to  be  found  in  his  two 
extant  books,  the  '  Amphitheatrum  iVeternae  Providentiae,'  printed 
at  Lyons  in  1615,  and  his  *  De  Admirandis  Naturae  .  .  .  Arcanis,' 
printed  at  Paris  in  1616.  That  he  became  a  Carmelite  friar,  and 
received  priest's  orders ;  that  he  studied  for  some  time  at  Padua 
and  there  (probably)  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  fellow  student,  one 
Giovanni  Maria  Genochi  ^ ;  that  he  travelled  through  Germany, 
having  there  Genochi  as  his  companion,  Bohemia,  Holland,  and 
Switzerland,  disputing  with  atheists  and  protestants,  and  always 
professing  himself  to  be  an  orthodox  catholic ;  then  for  a  time 
staying  in  France — probably  in  Paris,  but  (perhaps)  driven  thence 
by  the  false  accusations  of  a  certain  Henricus  Sylvius — is  really  all 
that  we  know  of  his  history  during  these  years.  In  the  spring  of 
1612,  then  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  we  find  him  at 
Yenice,  and  it  is  there  that  our  special  interest  in  him  in  connexion 
with  his  English  visit  begins. 

It  appears  from  the  letters  which  I  shall  shortly  quote  at  length, 
that  in  or  shortly  before  March  1612,  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  then 
ambassador  to  Venice,  and  his  secretary,  Isaac  Wake,  had  made  the 
acquaintance  of  two  Carmelite  friars,  men  of  considerable  learning, 
who  professed  a  secret  attachment  to  the  reformed  doctrines  and  a 
desire  to  visit  England.  Carleton,  who  though  a  shrewd  diploma- 
tist was  now  at  least  a  zealous  protestant — he  had  been  suspected 
of  being  a  Eoman  catholic  in  his  youth — was  convinced  of  their 
sincerity  :  '  Their  discovery  of  light  even  in  the  midst  of  darkness 
hath  been  very  miraculous.'  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  Archbishop 
Abbot,  recommending  them  to  him,  and  received  from  him  a  reply 
to  the  effect  that  if  they  visited  England  they  would  be  well  re- 
ceived. These  letters  I  have  not  been  able  to  find,  but  it  seems 
from  a  letter  of  Chamberlain  to  Carleton  of  17  June  1612,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  desire  as  well  of  Carleton  as  of  the  two  friars 
themselves  that  their  visit  '  should  be  with  all  secrecy,'  the  matter 
had  not  been  kept  private  but  had  been  talked  of  two  months  before 
their  arrival :  '  They  were  expected  long  before  they  came,  and  the 

'  Variously  called  by  the  biographers  of  Vanini,  Genochi,  Gennochis,  Guinnochi, 
and  Sinnochi. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  243 

bishop  of  Ely  [Andrewes]  could  tell  me  two  months  since  that  two 
such  were  on  their  way  .  .  .  some  while  before  they  set  forth.' 

One  of  these  friars  was  Vanini,  the  other — the  younger  of  the 
two— called  himself  Giovanni  (Battista?)  Maria  de  Franchis.'* 
They  would  seem  to  have  started  from  Venice  soon  after  April  29, 
furnished  with  a  letter  of  introduction  of  that  date  from  Carleton 
to  Chamberlain,  who  had  accompanied  him  on  his  embassy  to 
Venice  in  1610,  and  had  lately  (in  November  1611)  returned  to 
England.^ 

Good  Mr.  Chamberlain,— You  must  be  content  to  be  troubled  some- 
times with  commissions  from  your  friends  with  which  variety  will  make 
the  quietness  you  enjoy  so  much  the  more  pleasing.  This  that  I  now 
recommend  to  you  is  a  work  of  charity  to  be  assistant  to  two  honest 
strangers,  who  were  yet  never  nearer  England  than  this  place  nor  never 
spake  with  Englishman  but  with  myself  and  some  of  my  house  :  and  yet 
as  they  are  carried  thither  by  their  affection,  so  are  they  well  settled  in 
our  religion.  For  this  cause  I  have  recommended  them  to  my  Lord 
Archbishop's  grace,  by  whom  I  have  good  assurance  they  will  be  well 
received  :  and  because  it  is  difficult  for  strangers  to  find  access,  I  will 
desire  this  of  you  ;  if  you  are  known  to  my  Lord  to  bestow  the  conducting 
of  them  yourself  ;  if  otherwise  to  address  them  to  some  one  of  his  chaplains 
whom  you  hear  to  be  of  most  trust  about  his  Lordship  for  as  their  mission 
hath  been  with  all  secrecy,  so  I  desire  their  reception  may  be.  And  as 
their  discovery  of  light  even  in  the  midst  of  darkness  hath  been  very 
miraculous,  so  those  good  parts  of  learning  that  are  in  them  I  promise 
myself  will  add  much  to  the  bright  shining  thereof  through  all  the  world. 
Of  their  outward  appearance  and  manners  you  must  respect  no  more 
than  of  those  who  have  always  lived  in  cloisters  but  their  ingenuity  will 
(I  assure  myself)  give  you  the  same  satisfaction  it  hath  done  me.  Their 
course  of  life  you  shall  more  particularly  understand  from  themselves  : 
and  I  pray  you  as  for  their  first  access  so  likewise  for  their  other  occasions 
let  them  be  aided  hereafter  by  your  friendly  advice :  and  as  I  shall  be 
glad  to  have  from  you  what  satisfaction  they  both  give  and  receive  so 
where  they  will  write  I  pray  you  to  give  their  letters  conveyance.  And 
thus  with  wonted  good  wishes  I  commit  you  to  God's  holy  protection. 
From  Venice  this  29  of  Aprill,  1612.6 

Of  the  two  friars'  journey  from  Venice  to  London  we  have  no 
details,  though  it  is  not  impossible  that  some  of  the  adventures  and 

*  Whether  he  is  the  same  person  with  Giovanni  Maria  Genochi  I  shall  consider 
later  on. 

*  Signor  Palumbo,  as  a  foreigner,  may  be  excused  for  knowing  nothing  of  Chamber- 
ain,  but  it  is  strange  that  Mr.  Owen  should  have  failed  to  identify  Carleton's  corre- 
spondent—a man  well  known  to  every  student  of  the  reigns  of  James  I  and  Charles  I, 
whose  letters,  especially  those  to  Carleton,  are  so  frequently  quoted  by  our  historians 
and  biographers.  Signor  Palumbo  and  Mr.  Owen  both  erroneously  and  strangely 
describe  him  as  Mayor  of  Canterbury,  an  office  which  he  never  filled,  having,  indeed, 
no  connexion  whatever  with  that  city  ;  and  Mr.  Owen  adds  to  the  blunder  of  Signor 
Palumbo  by  knighting  him  and  describing  him  as  '  Sir  somebody  Chamberlain.' 

«  Cal.  St.  P.  Dom.  Ser.  Jas.  I,  1611-18,  Ixviii.  127,  No.  lO.S.  Printed  in  Court 
and  Times  of  James  I,  p.  165. 

R  2 


244  VANINl   IN  ENGLAND  April 

conversations  whichfVanini  records  as  occurring  in  Germany, 
France,  Holland,  or  Switzerland,  may  have  taken  place  on  this 
occasion.  Fuhrmann  ^  seems  to  have  thought  that  he  went  to 
England  by  way  of  Paris,  and,  as  well  as  others  of  Vanini's 
biographers,  that  his  visit  to  this  country  was  occasioned  by  some 
hostile  proceedings  on  the  part  of  one  Henricus  Sylvius,  of  whom 
he  more  than  once  speaks  with  much  bitterness.  Mr.  Owen  also 
writes  :  *  Driven  out  of  France  by  the  malevolence  of  a  certain  Enrico 
Sylvio  [sic]  we  next  find  Vanini  in  England.'  But  I  do  not  under- 
stand Vanini's  words  as  necessarily  implying  this.  Speaking  of 
the  different  meanings  or  applications  of  the  word  '  fatale,'  he 
writes  :  ®  Alterum  versatur  circa  exiliora,  veluti  dicam,  fatale  mihifuit 
ut  ah  Henrico  Sylvio  iniustissime  laesus  Britanniam  inviserem.  Dr. 
Ernst  Miinch  ('  Julius  Caser  Vanini :  seinLeben  und  sein  System  ') 
says  that  Vanini  took  ship  for  England  at  Havre,  but  I  have  failed 
to  find  any  authority  for  this  statement.  The  two  friars  arrived  in 
London  (not  Canterbury  as  Signor  Palumbo  and  Mr.  Owen  strangely 
imply)  shortly  before  17  June,^  on  which  day  Chamberlain  wrote  to 
Carleton  a  long  letter  containing  all  the  news  of  the  day,  from  which 
the  following  is  an  extract : 

*  My  very  goode  Lord  :  yo'"  two  Carmelites  are  come,  and  have  delivered 
me  yo'^  letter  of  the  29*^  of  Aprill,  I  have  since  received  a  letter  of  the 
22  of  May.  Touching  yo^'  friars  yt  was  my  chaunce  to  be  out  of  towne 
when  they  came  and  they  unwilling  to  loose  any  time  found  accesse  to 
the  archbishop  in  my  absence,  w^^  came  very  well  to  passe,  for  I  shold 
have  proved  but  a  bad  conductor,  having  no  manner  of  acquaintance  in 
that  house  but  Mr.  Robert  Hatton  who  is  steward  :  neither  can  I  tell 
wherein  to  pleasure  them  more  than  in  conveying  theyre  letters  which  I 
send  here  inclosed  whereby  you  shall  receve  from  themselves  a  full 
relation  of  theyre  present  estate.  They  are  now  lodged  at  Lambeth  in  the 
bishop's  house  where  the  elder  of  them  is  still  to  remain,  the  other  is  to 
be  sent  shortly  to  the  archbishop  of  Yorke  by  the  king's  appointment 
though  I  thinke  he  had  rather  have  continued  in  these  parts  yf  he  might 
have  been  permitted.  Theyre  reception  could  not  be  so  private  as  yt 
seems  you  wished  for  they  were  expected  longe  before  they  came  and  the 
bishop  of  Ely  could  tell  me  two  months  since  that  there  were  two  such 
upon  the  way,  w^^  yt  seemes  was  some  while  before  they  set  foorth.  He 
told  me  likewise  the  other  day  of  a  certain  bishop  in  the  Venetian 
territorie  (but  he  had  forgot  his  name)  that  is  writing  a  worke  against 
the  Popes  usurping  jurisdiction.  To  tell  you  freely  my  opinion  as  far  as  I 
understand  this  business,  though  yt  cannot  be  denied  but  that  you  have 
done  a  very  goode  and  charitable  worke  in  reducing  these  strayinge  sheep, 

^  Leben  und  Schicksale,  Geist,  Character  und  Meynungen  des  Lucilio  Vanini 
(Leipzig,  1800). 

8  Amphitheatrum,  Ex.  42,  p.  285.  Eousselot,  CEuvres  philosophiques  de  Vanini, 
p.  166,  states  that  this  Sylvius  was  an  alchemist  who  was  put  to  death  for  his  crimes 
at  the  time  that  Vanini  was  in  France. 

«  It  is  clear  that  they  did  not  arrive  until  after  11  June,  as  on  that  day  Chamber- 
lain had  written  to  Carleton  without  any  mention  of  them. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  245 

yet  I  doubt  you  wil  reape  no  great  thankes  on  either  side,  for  I  find  our 
bishops  here  not  very  fond  of  such  guests,  and  thinke  they  might  have 
enough  of  them,  yf  they  could  provide  them  maintenance  so  that  unless 
they  be  very  eminent  and  men  of  marke  they  shall  find  little  regard  after 
a  small  time.  .  .  .^^ 

Their  abjuration  of  the  Koman  catholic  faith  and  their  reception 
into  the  reformed  Italian  church  took  place  on  Sunday  July  5,  at 
the  chapel  of  Mercers'  Hall,  then  used  as  the  place  of  worship  of 
the  Italian  protestants,  of  which  Ascanio  Spinola  was  the  minister.'* 
Unfortunately  for  us,  Chamberlain  was  not  present,  but  he  gives 
the  following  account  of  the  matter  to  Carleton  in  a  letter  dated 
12  July  1612 : 

My  very  goode  Lord  :  yo**  two  Carmelites  made  a  publike  confession 
of  theyre  fayth  and  conversion  w*^  an  abjuration  of  theyre  former  errors 
on  Sunday  last  at  the  Italian  Church  in  the  pressence  of  a  great  assemblie, 
whereof  sr  Francis  Bacon  was  the  man  of  most  marke.  I  was  not  there 
by  the  error  of  my  man  whom  I  sent  to  learne  and  he  brought  me  worde 
the  appointment  held  not  that  day :  but  I  understand  the  elder  acquitted 
himself  best  in  point  of  learning  and  the  other  in  language,  as  likewise 
he  hath  the  voyce  of  my  L.  of  Cannterburie's  house  of  the  more  prompte 
and  quicke  spirit  and  they  wish  that  they  might  kepe  them  both  still,  or 
yf  they  must  part  w*^  one  that  they  might  retain  him.  .  .  .'^ 

It  appears  from  a  subsequent  letter  of  Archbishop  Abbot,  in 
which  he  refers  to  the  younger  friar  as  the  one  that  afterwards  went 
to  York,  that  Vanini  was  the  one  here  referred  to  as  the  elder,  and 

^"  Cal.  Ixix.  135,  No.  71 ;  Court  and  Times  of  James  I,  i.  173. 

"  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  account  either  of  Ascanio  Spinola  or  of  the 
Italian  church  in  London  (as  reconstituted  in  1609)  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  archbishop 
of  Spalato  in  1616.  The  only  notice  of  them  with  which  I  am  acquainted  is  contained  in 
Baron  de  Schickler's  Les  Eglises  duBefuge  en  Angleterre  (3  vols.  Paris,  1892),  i.  387-8  : 
La  chapelle  de  Mercers  Hall  avail  H6  7-o2werte  et  le  culte  rdtabli  en  1609,  apris  une 
longue  interruption,  par  un  ancien  moine  venu  de  Bruxelles,  Ascanio  Spinola,  avec 
le  concours  du  Conseil  priv6,  de  Varcheveque  Bancroft  ct  de  Bavis  qui  fut  6veque  de 
Londres  de  1607  d  1609.  Mais,  ainsi  qu'il  s'en  plaignait  au  consistoire  flaniand, 
Spinola  avait  vainement  essayd  de  renouer  les  lie^is  avec  les  deux  autres  Eglises 
Strang dres :  il  avait  demands  a  plusieurs  reprises  d  M.  Burlamachi  de  parler  aux 
frires  frangais  en  vue  de  la  rentrie  de  son  troupeau  dans  Vancienne  union  ;  il  offrait 
departiciper  avec  eux  a  la  cine,  s'engageaitdn'y  admettre  de  son  c6t6  aucun  Uranger 
sans  leur  consentement,  sollicitait  leurs  conseils  sur  la  discipline,  priait  ceux  qui  com- 
prenaient  la  langue  d'assister  quelquefois  a  son  culte  '  pour  nuire  a  V Antichrist  qui 
cherche  a  empecher  Vexistence  d'une  communautd  italienne  a  Londres.'  Les  con- 
sistoires  flamand  et  frangais  persistirent  dans  leur  abstention,  justifide  bientdt  par  le 
retour  de  Spinola  au  catholicisme  (1616).  M.  de  Schickler  quotes  this  letter  from  the 
Memoirs  of  Simon  Buytinck,  published  (in  Dutch)  by  the  Marnix  Vereeniging 
(Utrecht,  1873).  Ascanio  Spinola  seems  to  have  left  England  about  the  time  of  the 
arrival  of  the  archbishop  of  Spalato,  who  succeeded  him  as  minister  of  the  Italian 
church,  for  Chamberlain  writes  to  Carleton  on  18  Jan.  1617  :  '  Here  is  a  rumour  that 
the  Italian  preacher,  Ascanio,  is  run  away ;  being,  as  is  said,  enticed  by  one  Grimaldi, 
kinsman  of  Spinola' s,  whom  he  accompanied  on  his  way  as  far  as  Dover,  and  since 
his  wife  nor  friends  have  no  news  of  him  '  [Court  and  Times  of  James  7,  p.  389). 

^^  Cal.  Ixx.  136,  No.  1 ;  Court  and  Times  of  James  I,  i.  179. 


246  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

it  appears  that  he  made  himself  less  agreeable  and  produced  a 
less  favourable  impression  upon  the  members  of  the  archbishop's 
household  than  his  younger  colleague,  though  he  was  the  more 
learned*  It  is  probable  that  their  sermons  at  the  Italian  church 
referred  to  in  the  next  letter  would  be  on  Sunday  19  July,  for 
before  the  23rd  the  two  friars  had  accompanied  the  archbishop  by 
his  invitation  to  his  summer  palace  at  Croydon,  and  from  that 
place  they  wrote  to  Carleton,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of  that  date 
from  Chamberlain  to  Carleton  enclosing  the  friars'  packet,  the 
contents  of  which,  however,  are  not  among  the  state  papers. 

Yo^  two  friers  are  gon  thether  [Croydon]  w*^  him  [the  archbishop] 
and  are  not  yet  otherwise  disposed  of :  they  have  both  preached  of  late  at 
the  Italian  Church  w*^  reasonable  approbation.  Here  is  a  packet  from 
them  w^^  I  send  as  I  received  yt  from  Mr.  Wimark  to  whom  yt  was  delivered 
(as  he  sayes)  in  the  dark  from  Dick  Martin,  and  thinkeinge  it  to  be  some- 
what concerning  himself  opened  it  before  he  was  aware  but  finding  what 
it  was  protests  he  sought  no  secrets  in  it.^^ 

We  have  already  seen  from  Chamberlain's  first  letter  that  by 
the  king's  appointment  one  of  the  friars  was  to  be  sent  to  the 
archbishop  of  York,  and  the  younger,  Giovanni  Maria,  was 
chosen.  He  accordingly  started  for  Bishopsthorpe  on  or  about 
23  July,  furnished  with  a  letter  from  Abbot  to  Tobie  Matthew,  then 
archbishop  of  York.  He  arrived  at  Bishopsthorpe  on  the  27th, 
and  two  days  later  Matthew  wrote  the  following  letter  to  one  of  the 
high  officers  of  the  court,  probably  the  earl  of  Suffolk  then  lord 
chamberlain,  or  Sir  Thomas  Lake  who  was  then  performing  the 
duties  of  secretary  of  state  though  not  actually  appointed  to  that 
office. 

My  very  good  Lord, — I  have  thought  meet  with  all  convenient  expedi- 
tion to  advertise  your  lo :  that  Mr.  Johannes  Maria  the  converted  friar 
Carmelite  came  hither  unto  me  upon  Monday  last  the  xxvii  of  this 
month  accompanied  with  a  letter  from  the  most  reverend  father  my  Lord 
of  Cant :  his  grace,  dated  the  23  of  the  same  to  the  effect  of  that  his 
Majesty's  letter  which  I  formerly  received  from  your  lordship  for  enter- 
tainment of  the  said  stranger  who  is  and  shall  be  welcome  to  me  not 
doubting  but  he  will  well  deserve  so  to  be  by  his  religious  and  civil 
carriage  whereof  I  see  no  cause  but  to  conceive  a  very  good  opinion. 
Thus  loath  to  trouble  your  Lordship  any  longer  than  needs  I  must  and 
eftsones  intreating  that  my  readiness  to  receive  him  into  my  house  may 
be  signified  to  his  most  excellent  majesty.  .  .  .^'^ 

Your  L.  ever  most  assured 

Tobias  Eboeacensis. 

Bishopsthorpe,  29  July  1612. 

"  Cal.  Ixx.  138,  No.  12. 

'*  Cal.  Ixx.  139,  No.  16.  This  letter  is  not  addressed  or  endorsed,  but  is  described 
in  the  Calendar  as  '  Tobias  Matthew,  archbishop  of  York,  to  the  earl  of  Suffolk  or  Sir 
Thos.  Lake.' 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  247 

Though  we  hardly  gather  from  this  letter  that  Archbishop  Matthew 
was  very  much  delighted  to  receive  the  guest  whom  the  king  had 
sent  to  him,  yet  it  seems  from  a  letter  of  Vanini  to  Isaac  Wake 
that  he  received  De  Franchis  kindly  and  hospitably. 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  either  of  the  friars  for  upwards  of  two 
months ;  but  then,  under  date  of  9  Oct.  1612,  we  find  two  letters 
written  by  Vanini  himself,  one  to  Carleton,  the  other  to  Isaac  Wake 
his  secretary.  The  following  are  translations  of  these  letters,  which 
are  printed  in  their  original  Italian,  though  not  quite  accurately, 
by  Signor  Palumbo.  The  first  is  addressed  to  Carleton,  the  second 
to  Wake  : 

Most  illustrious  and  excellent  Sir, — After  I  have  made  my  most 
humble  reverence  to  your  excellency,  knowing  your  affection  and  anxiety 
for  my  welfare  I  write  to  inform  you  how  much  I  am  enjoying  myself  in 
these  parts,  and  what  affection  I  have  for  my  respected  lord  the  most 
illustrious  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  And  it  is  so  much  the  more 
pleasant  to  me  that  I  am  sure  by  showing  gratitude  to  his  illustrious  and 
reverend  Lordship  I  am  doing  what  is  agreeable  to  you  who  have  placed 
me  at  this  court,  and  since  I  am  not  able  to  render  you  any  recompense  I 
shall  always  remain  your  excellency's  most  obliged  servant :  to  whom  I 
make  a  profound  reverence  and  pray  that  you  may  receive  from  our  Lord 
all  the  happiness  that  you  can  wish. 


From  Lambeth,  9  Oct.  1612. 


Di  V.  S.  111. 
GiuLio  Cesarb  Vanini.^^ 


Milord, — I  owe  you  a  reply  to  your  lordship's  letter  of  last  month 
which  owing  to  my  having  been  until  now  at  Croydon  I  have  not  been 
able  to  reply  to  as  I  ought  to  have  done. 

To  give  you  news  of  myself,  I  am  well  and  happy,  praise  the  Lord, 
and  am  treated  most  affectionately  by  Monsignor  the  most  illustrious 
archbishop,  who  constantly  entertains  me  at  his  table  and  gives  me  hopes 
that  one  day  he  will  confer  some  office  on  me. 

For  three  months  past  my  brother  Giovanni  Maria  has  been  at  York 
at  the  court  of  the  archbishop,  by  whom  he  is  liked  and  treated  with 
much  kindness,  and  he  has  lately  written  to  me  that  he  is  in  so  much 
favour  that  he  expects  to  receive  a  benefice  from  the  archbishop. 

Mr.  Josias  Eobinson  tells  me  that  he  knew  your  lordship  at  the 
University  of  Oxford. 

I  have  not  yet  seen  Signor  Chamberlain,  but  I  shall  not  fail  to  go  to 
visit  him  as  soon  as  possible  and  to  do  what  your  lordship  has  written 
to  me. 

I  beg  you  to  let  me  know  if  my  box  or  trunk  of  clothes  which  I  left 
in  the  chamber  of  the  chaplain  has  been  put  on  board  ship  for  London  ;  if 
not,  I  beg  you  to  send  it  to  me. 

I  shall  be  very  glad  if  any  opportunity  occurs  to  be  of  service  to  you 
(as  I  have  been  to  my  lord)  by  praising  the  admirable  way  in  which  your 
excellency  has  behaved  in  the  embassy. 

»^  Cal.  Ixxi.  151,  No.  13. 


248  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

For  the  rest  I  kiss  four  excellency's  hands  and  those  of  the  chaplain, 
praying  for  you  from  our  Lord  all  happiness. 
From  Lambeth,  9  Oct.  1612. 

Di  V.  S.  IU°. 
GiuLio  Cesake  Vanini. 
p,g. — Chamberlain  has  just  told  me  that  my  box  has  arrived.     I 
thank  you  that  it  has  not  happened  otherwise. ^^ 

Up  to  this  time  Vanini  and  his  friend  seem  to  have  been  well 
satisfied  with  their  reception  and  entertainment  in  England.  They 
were  hospitably  entertained  by  the  two  archbishops,  and  each  of 
them  was  expecting  a  benefice.  They  had  evidently  believed  that 
their  zeal  for  protestantism  would  have  led  to  some  liberal  pre- 
ferment ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that,  had  their  ex- 
pectations been  fulfilled,  their  faith  would  have  been  confirmed, 
and  that  Vanini,  instead  of  perishing  at  the  stake  at  Toulouse, 
might  have  lived  and  died  a  member  of  the  church  of  England, 
and  might  probably  have  persuaded  himself  and  his  patrons  that 
he  was  actuated  by  no  other  motive  than  that  of  zeal  for  the  truth. 
But  the  benefices  did  not  come.  To  do  Abbot  justice,  notwith- 
standing his  narrow  puritanism,  he  never  seems  to  have  been  very 
eager  after  '  convertitoes  '  (as  he  calls  them  in  a  subsequent  letter) 
from  the  Eomish  faith,  and  seems  always  to  have  had  a  shrewd  sus- 
picion that  they  were  looking  after  the  loaves  and  fishes  rather 
than  after  the  word  of  life  ;  while  Tobie  Matthew,  who  was  more  of 
a  statesman  than  a  divine  (though  a  bitter  persecutor  of  recusants), 
had  no  fondness  for  foreign  converts,  and  still  less  any  intention  of 
paying  them  for  their  change  of  opinion.  Vanini  was  beginning  to 
be  impatient  for  a  benefice,  and  Giovanni  Maria  found  Bishops- 
thorpe  dull.  A  letter  from  Chamberlain  to  Carleton,  of  14  Jan. 
1612-13,  first  makes  known  to  us  the  discontent  of  the  friars  : 

.  .  .  Your  Italian  friar  was  with  me  this  other  day  with  a  long  dis- 
contented discourse  for  want  of  money  and  that  he  was  sometimes  fain 
to  make  his  own  bed  and  sweep  his  chamber,  things  he  was  never 
put  to  in  the  place  whence  he  came.  I  advised  him  the  best  I  could  to 
patience,  and  told  him  that  seeing  he  was  well  provided  for  food  and  rai- 
ment he  might  fashion  himself  to  endure  somewhat  per  amor  di  Christo. 
It  seems  his  companion  Giovanni  is  no  better  pleased  in  the  North,  for 

"  Cal.  Ixxi.  151,  No.  14.  The  name  in  this  letter  which  I  have  printed  as  Cham- 
berlain, is  given  in  Palumbo's  book  as  Ciaberth—oxi  impossible  name,  at  least  for  an 
Englishman — but  as  I  read  the  original,  it  is  '  Ciaberla,'  with  marks  which  seem  to 
indicate  abbreviations  over  the  '  a,'  so  that  the  name  would  be  '  Ciamberlan,'  a  not 
improbable  mode  of  spelling  Chamberlain  for  an  Italian.  In  writing  that  he  had  not 
yet  seen  Chamberlain — whose  letter  of  17  June,  1612,  certainly  implies  that  he  had 
seen  the  friars,  and  who,  indeed,  we  can  hardly  suppose  would  have  been  so  neglectful 
of  Carleton 's  wishes  as  not  to  have  visited  them  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  London — 
I  take  it  that  Vanini's  meaning  is  that  he  had  not  seen  Chamberlain  since  the  receipt 
of  Wake's  '  etter  of  last  month.'  He  had  probably  only  just  returned  to  Lambeth 
from  Croydon. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  249 

he  wrote  lately  to  him  that  his  patron  the  Archbishop  was  strettissimo 
di  danari  and  that  they  lived  not  in  cities  nor  towns,  but  in  villa,  and 
thereupon  subscribed  his  name  Johannes  in  Deserto?'' 

This  extract  from  Chamberlain's  letter  is  translated  at  length  by 
Signer  Palumbo  (p.  14),  but  he  has  not  read  the  first  few  words 
accurately,  for  he  translates  them,  I  due  frati  italiani  da  voi  rac- 
comandati  vennero  oggi  da  me,  whereas  it  will  be  seen  that  it  was 
Vanini  alone  that  called  on  Chamberlain,  his  companion  being  still 
at  Bishopsthorpe.^^ 

The  presence  of  two  Carmelite  friars,  professed  converts  to  the 
reformed  faith,  and  the  fact  that  they  had  made  public  abjuration, 
and  subsequently  preached  in  the  Italian  church,  were  of  course 
well  known,  and  could  not  but  have  been  very  distasteful  to  the 
authorities  of  the  church  of  Kome,  and  it  is  probable  that  at  an 
early  stage  of  their  visit  efforts  were  made  to  increase,  or  perhaps 
arouse,  their  discontent,  and  to  induce  them  to  return  to  the  bosom 
of  the  church.  Their  movements  were  carefully  watched  by  the 
emissaries  of  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Zuniga,  whose  house  was 
the  focus  for  intrigues  of  every  sort  for  the  furtherance  of  the  faith, 
and  who  about  this  time  was  detaining  as  prisoner  in  his  house  a 
converted  Italian  priest,  who  had  come  to  England  for  refuge,  as 
appears  from  a  letter  of  Abbot  to  the  king,  of  17  Aug.  1612.  But 
the  immediate  agent  in  the  matter  was  the  chaplain  of  the  Venetian 
ambassador,  Hieronymo  Moravi,  who  now  appears  upon  the  scene, 
and  who  seems  to  have  played  an  important,  though  rather 
mysterious,  part  in  the  subsequent  adventures  of  Vanini  in  England. 
Moravi  is  mentioned  by  name  by  Vanini  in  the  '  De  Admirandis 
Naturae,'  p.  217.  He  is  there  described  as  '  a  most  excellent  and 
very  learned  man,  who  was  my  confessor  during  my  stay  in  London.' 
I  have  not  found  any  mention  of  his  name  in  the  letters  in  the 
Kecord  Office ;  but  it  appears  from  a  letter  of  Abbot,  of  16  March 
1613-14,  that  the  chaplain  of  Foscarini  had  admitted  to  him  that 
*  now  a  year  ago  Julius  Caesar  upon  his  knees  did  beg  of  him  to  be 

^'  Cat.  Ixxii.  167,  No.  13  ;  CoilH  and  Times  of  James  I,  i.  155,  156.  This  letter  is 
dated  14  Jan.  1612,  but  is  clearly  1613,  according  to  our  reckoning,  treating  the 
year  as  beginning  on  1  Jan.  There  is  much  (almost  inevitable)  confusion  in  the 
Calendars,  in  the  arrangement  of  letters  dated  in  January,  February,  and  March,  as  the 
writers  seem  sometimes  to  have  used  the  legal,  sometimes  the  common,  year.  Conse- 
quently, both  in  the  Calendars  and  in  the  Court  and  Times  of  James  I,  several  of  them 
occur  out  of  their  proper  place,  and  a  year  earlier  than  they  should  do.  A  careful 
consideration  of  these,  however,  has  enabled  me  to  arrange  them  in  their  proper  order, 
and  to  ascribe  to  them  their  true  dates. 

'*•  Mr.  Owen,  still  possessed  with  the  idea  that  Chamberlain  lived  at  Canterbury, 
paraphrases  the  statement  in  the  letter  as  follows :  '  The  day  after,  Sir Cham- 
berlain wrote  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  that  his  two  protegees  [sic]  were  come  to  Canter- 
bury to  find  him.  They  were  in  great  difficulties,  which  he  had  for  the  time  reheved.' 
He  has  immediately  before  referred  to  a  letter  of  13  Jan.  1613,  from  the  archbishop 
to  the  bishop  of  Bath ;  this  letter,  however,  was  not  until  a  year  later,  i.e.  13  Jan. 
1613-14. 


250  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

a  means  to  the  Nuntio  living  at  Paris  to  write  to  the  pope  that  a 
pardon  might  be  procured  to  the  two  friars  for  leaving  their  order ; 
which  accordingly  he  did.' 

But  as  yet  Abbot  was  quite  unaware  that  his  guests  had  begun 
to  be  dissatisfied  with  .his  entertainment.  In  a  letter  to  Carleton, 
dated  24  Feb.  1612-13,  he  writes : 

The  two  honest  men  whom  the  last  year  you  sent  unto  me  do  very 
well,  and  as  I  trust  receive  nothing  but  contentment.^^ 

In  the  meantime  Giovanni  Maria,  who  had  probably  not  yet 
given  up  hopes  of  a  benefice,  had  written  a  Latin  poem  upon  the 
marriage  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth  with  the  Count  Palatine.  The 
marriage  took  place  on  14  Feb.  1613,  and  the  poem  would  be 
printed  about  the  same  time  that  the  other  '  Epithalamia '  appeared, 
namely,  in  February  or  possibly  a  little  later.  It  is  from  this 
poem  alone  that  we  learn  the  surname  of  the  author,  or  at  least 
that  by  which  he  passed  in  England,  for  his  christian  names  only 
are  mentioned  in  the  correspondence.  A  copy  of  the  poem  is  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  the  following  is  the  title  : 

De  auspicatissimis  nuptiis  illustrissimi  Principis  D.  Friderici  sacri 
Komani  Imperii  Archidapiferi  et  Electoris  &c.  Comitis  Palatini  ad 
Ehenum  Duels  Bavariae,  &c.  cum  illustrissima  Principe  D.  Elizabetha 
serenissimi  Magnae  Britanniae  &c.  Regis  Filia  unigenita  Poema. 

Anno  Domini  1613. 

It  has  no  printer's  name  or  place,  but  the  suggestion  in  the 
catalogue  of  the  British  Museum  is  that  it  was  printed  in  London. 
No  entry  of  it,  however,  appears  in  the  Registers  of  the  Stationers' 
Company.  The  book  is  a  small  quarto,  the  pages  unnumbered ;  it 
commences  with  a  brief  dedication  in  praise  of  the  elector  Palatine 
signed  Joannes  Maria  Franch.  Then  follow  fifteen  pages  of  hexa- 
meters, ending  with  an  epigram  of  twelve  lines  in  elegiacs. 

Although  dealing  in  terms  with  classical  mythology,  yet  it  is 
really  directed  to  a  large  extent  against  the  church  of  Rome,  and 
lest  the  allegorical  references  should  be  misunderstood,  the  author 
is  careful  to  make  his  meaning  clear  by  his  marginal  annotations. 
Thus  to  the  lines 

Quippe  cohors  scelerata  specu  Phlegethontis  iniqui 
Exilit  atra, 

the  marginal  note  is  : 

Innuit  ad  lesuitas  et  transfugas  qui  ex  orco  mittuntur  ad  seditiones 
in  Angliam  infernalibus  armis,  nempe  igne  sulphure  &c. 

And  to  the  line 

Est  pia  credulitas  dictus  temerarius  error, 

»»  Cal.  Ixxii.  171,  No.  39. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  251 

the  note  is  : 

Quia  in  novis  articulis  ab  ipsis  fundatis  cum  destituuntur  a  scriptura 
dicunt  est  Pium  credere. 

Another  note  is  : 

Praecipua  ars  Antichristi  est  simulare  se  Dei  advocatum. 

The  poem,  as  printed,  consists  of  one  book  only ;  but  it  appears 
that  the  author  had  written  three  books,  and  that  his  friends  were 
so  much  pleased  with  it  that  one  of  them,  Samuel  Hutton  by  name, 
translated  the  whole  of  the  three  into  English,  and  the  translation 
was  published  about  7  June  in  the  same  year,  on  which  day  we  find 
the  following  entry  in  the  Stationers'  Eegisters  : 

7  Junii  Master  Elde  Entredfor  his  Copie  under  th[e  h]ands  of  Master 
Nydd  and  Master  Warden  Hooper  a  booke  called  '  of  the  most  Auspicatious 
Mariage  betweene  the  County  Palatine  and  The  Lady  Ehzabeth '  Three 
bookes  composed  in  Latyn  by  Master  Johannes  Maria  de  ifraunchis  and 
translated  in  to  English. 

A  copy  of  this  also  is  in  the  British  Museum.      The  title  is  as 
follows  : 

Of  the  most  auspicatious  marriage  betwixt  the  high  and  Mightie  Prince 
Frederick  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine  chief  server  to  the  Sacred  Roman 
Empire  Prince  Elector  and  Duke  of  Bavaria  &c.  and  the  most  illustrious 
Princess  the  ladie  Elizabeth  her  grace  sole  daughter  to  the  high  and 
Mightie  James  King  of  Great  Britain  &c.  In  iii  Bookes.  Composed  in 
Latin  by  M.  Joannes  Maria  de  Franchis  and  translated  into  English.  At 
London.  Printed  by  G.  Eld  for  William  Blaincker,  and  are  to  be  sold  in 
Fleet  Lane  at  the  sign  of  the  Printers  Press.     1613. 

The  volume  consists  of  eighty-eight  pages  in  all,  eight  at  the 
commencement  and  three  at  the  end  unnumbered,  and  seventy- 
seven  numbered.  It  is  dedicated  by  the  author  to  Charles,  Prince 
of  Wales,  and  the  following  is  an  extract  from  the  dedication : 

At  the  first  I  intended  to  have  only  a  short  and  ordinary  Epithalamium, 
but  afterwards  having  considered  better  of  it,  I  found  it  much  fitter  to 
divide  it  into  three  bookes.  The  first  Booke  I  sent  to  the  right  Reverend 
Father  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  York  who  presented  it  unto  the  King. 
...  At  length  some  of  my  friends  having  received  this  Poeme  printed  it 
being  delighted  with  the  novelty  of  the  matter.  ...  At  the  first  it  grieved 
me  a  little  that  my  book  being  not  fully  perfected  should  be  printed ;  but 
at  last  having  no  desire  to  have  it  printed  again  after  that  the  solemnities 
were  ended  some  of  my  friends  began  to  importune  me  that  I  would  im- 
part my  book  unto  them.  I  being  easily  overcome  with  their  urging 
yielded  unto  their  requests.  This  booke  they  have  now  translated  into 
English,  to  the  ende  that  the  ladies  may  be  partakers  of  this  curious 
symetrie.  This  book  I  offer  up  to  your  Highnesse  of  whom  I  have  heard 
many  honourable  relations  at  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  God  my  lord 
Archbishop  of  Yorke's  house. 


252  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

« 
At  the  end  is  a  short  poem  addressed  to  the  Princess  EHzabeth 

signed  '  Samuel  Hutton,'  who  seems  to  claim  to  be  the  translator. 

The  name  of  Samuel  Hutton  does  not  appear  in  the  *  Dictionary  of 

National  Biography,'  and  I  have  failed  to  find  any  notice  of  him. 

There  was,  however,  at  this  date  a  prebendary  of  York  of  this 

name,  a  nephew  of  Matthew  Hutton,  Tobie  Matthew's  predecessor  in 

the  archbishopric,  by  whom,  on  4  Feb.  1602-3,  he  had  been  collated 

to  the  prebend  of  Ulleskelf,  which  he  held  until  27  Nov.  1628.20 

He  is  probably  the  author  of  the  translation,  which  is  the  merest 

doggerel.     A  single  specimen  will  suffice  : 

For  sons  of  Jove,  Earth  tooke  the  slaves  of  hell ; 
Babell  was  termed  a  Reverend  Sanctuary  ; 
Idolatry  Devotion  ;  high  pride  Zeal ; 
Rash  error  a  religious  credulity ; 
Hypocrisie  was  called  laws  complement : 
Thus  every  vice  got  virtue's  own  accent. 

I  now  come  to  the  question  whether  Yanini's  companion  may 
not  have  been  the  Joannes  Maria  Genochius  or  Ginochius,  who,  as 
he  tells  us  in  the  *  De  Admirandis  Naturae  Arcanis,'  accompanied 
him  to  Germany,  and  was  with  him  at  Strasburg  when  they  em- 
barked on  the  Rhine  together.  Genochius  was  at  first  unwilling 
to  start,  having  seen  a  crow,  which,  as  he  thought,  portended  ship- 
wreck. He  here  describes  Genochius  as  praeclarissimus  theologus, 
and  mentions  him  with  great  praise  in  several  other  places — one  in 
the  *  De  Admirandis  (p.  160),  where,  discussing  evergreen  and 
deciduous  trees,  he  cites,  but  dissents  from,  the  opinion  of  *  Joannes 
Maria  Genochius  Clavaro-Genuensis  Philosophorum  praestantissi- 
mus '  that  the  cause  of  evergreenness  is  that  evergreen  trees 
caeteris  calidiores  sunt  et  sicciores.  Another  mention  is  in  the 
'  Amphitheatrum  '  (p.  304),  where,  discussing  the  problem  of  recon- 
ciling the  existence  of  evil  with  that  of  a  Divine  Providence,  he 
says :  Caeterum  qui  omnium  optime  de  hoc  argumento  sciipserit,  est 
Dominus  Joannes  Maria  Genochius  Clavaro-Genuensis ,  vir  sane 
Reipublicae  colendissimus,  in  suo  celebri  opusculo  de  Gratia  et  lib. 
Ai-Utrio.  Now  the  friar  who  accompanied  Vanini  to  England  is 
generally  called  in  the  letters  simply  Giovanni  Maria :  once,  how- 
ever, in  the  letter  of  Chamberlain  of  11  March  1613-14,  Giovanni 
Battista,  either  a  mistake  for  Giovanni  Maria,  or  showing  that  his 
full  Christian  name  was  Giovanni  Battista  Maria.  But  in  the 
translation  of  the  Latin  poem  which  he  wrote  on  the  marriage  of 
the  Princess  Elizabeth  with  the  Elector  Palatine,  he  is  called  Joannes 
Maria  de  Franchis.  It  may  be  said  that  this  is  inconsistent  with 
his  being  the  same  person  as  Genochius,  but  this  is  not,  I  think, 

-"  Le  Neve's  Fasti,  edited  by  Hardy,  iii.  220  ;  Hutton  Correspondence  (Surtees 
Society),  pp.  13,  230.  He  is,  no  doubt,  the  person  of  that  name  who  took  his  degree  of 
B.A.  at  Oxford  (college  not  stated),  11  July  1600 :  Foster's  Alumni  Oxonienses. 


1895  VANINI   IN  ENGLAND  253 

conclusive.  The  poem  is  a  strongly  protestant  production:  the  pope 
is  branded  as  Antichrist ;  yet  at  the  very  time  of  the  publication  of 
this  poem  it  is  certain  that  Vanini  and  probable  that  both  the  friars 
were  planning  a  return  to  the  continent,  and  a  reconciliation  with 
the  church  of  Eome.  It  does  not  therefore  seem  improbable  that  in 
England  he  may  have  published  his  poem  under  a  feigned  name  so 
as  not  to  hinder  his  return  to  his  own  country  if  his  hopes  of  a  benefice 
in  England  turned  out  to  be  vain.  Giovanni  Maria  was,  as 
appears  by  the  letters,  younger  than  Vanini,  and  it  may  be  thought 
that  the  language  which  the  latter  uses  of  Genochius  is  inapplicable 
to  one  who,  at  the  date  of  the  publication  of  the  *  Amphitheatrum,* 
was  certainly  under  thirty  years  of  age. 

I  have  searched  ineffectually  for  any  trace  of  the  treatise  on 
grace  and  free  will  which  Vanini  states  to  have  been  written  by 
Genochius.  I  have,  however,  found  a  notice  of  the  man  himself  in 
the  '  Athenaeum  Ligusticum  '  of  Oldoini  (Perusiae,  1680,  p.  358), 
where  the  following  brief  account  is  given  of  him  : 

Joannes  Maria  Ginocchius  of  Chiavari,  a  pious  priest,  a  learned  theo- 
logian, a  zealous  and  eloquent  preacher,  and  a  poet  of  no  common  merit, 
published  at  Perpignan  in  1620  '  Cantica  Centum  Spiritualia,'  in  praise 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  in  various  metres.  He  also  adorned  the  coronet 
of  George,  Duke  of  Centuri,  with  a  poem. 

Oldoini  then  refers  to  the  '  Bibliotheca  Mariana '  of  Hippolytus 
Maraccius  (Eomae,  MDCXLVIIT,  Pars  Prima,  p.  756),  where  there 
is  a  similar  statement,  only  making  no  mention  of  the  poem  upon 
Georgius  Dux  Centurionis.  Genochius  is  also  mentioned  by  Jocher, 
who  simply  quotes  Oldoini  as  his  authority.  No  copy  of  either  of 
the  books  of  Genochius  is  in  the  British  Museum,  and  I  have 
been  unable  to  meet  with  them.  It  would  be  interesting  to  com- 
pare them,  especially  the  poem  upon  the  Duke  of  Centuri,  with 
the  Epithalamium.  Such  a  comparison  might  assist  us  in  coming 
to  a  conclusion  whether  Giovanni  Maria  de  Franchis  was  identical 
with  Joannes  Maria  Genochius.  The  very  meagre  accounts  of 
him  given  by  Oldoini  and  Maraccius  are  in  no  way  inconsistent 
with  the  opinion  that  he  was  the  companion  of  Vanini  and  the 
author  of  the  Epithalamium. 

On  11  March  1612-13  Chamberlain  wrote  to  Carleton  a  letter 
which  contains  a  reference  to  the  Latin  poem  : 

.  .  .  Your  Friar  Giovan  Battista  (that  is  with  the  Archbishop  of  York) 
hath  published  a  Latin  poem  upon  this  late  marriage  of  the  Lady 
Elizabeth  with  the  Palsgrave  and  sent  them  to  present  to  all  his  friends 
in  these  parts.  The  verses  seem  good,  but  the  Invention  old  and  ordinary 
and  his  Epistle  to  the  young  couple  is  altogether  built  upon  a  fabulous 
friarly  tradition. ^^ 

^'  Cal.  Ixxii.  175,  No.  74 ;  Court  and  Times  of  James  I,  p.  234. 


254  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

Among  the  best  Miown  of  the  Italian  residents  in  England  at 
this  time  was  Giovanni  Francesco  Biondi,  a  convert  to  protestantism, 
not  less  distinguished  as  a  diplomatist  than  as  a  writer.^^  jjg  g^jg^ 
was  a  correspondent  of  Carleton,  and  kept  him  well  informed  of 
various  matters  of  interest  from  October  1612  to  November  1613. 
Fifteen  of  his  letters,  all  in  Italian,  are  to  be  found  among  the 
State  Papers  in  the  Kecord  Office.  Biondi  had  of  course  heard  of 
the  arrival  of  the  friars,  and  that  they  had  been  sent  by  Carleton  ; 
not  improbably  he  had  made  their  acquaintance,  and  had  heard 
them  preach  at  the  Italian  church.  In  a  long  letter  from  him  to 
Carleton  dated  17  March  1612-13  he  writes  : 

As  I  believe  your  Excellency  has  not  yet  seen  the  little  book  of  Signer 
Giovanni  Maria,  one  of  the  two  Carmelites  sent  here,  I  also  send  it  to  you.^^ 

Although  this  letter  contains  no  other  reference  to  either  of  the  friars, 
it  mentions  a  curious  and  interesting  fact,  not,  I  think,  elsewhere 
recorded,  and  hitherto  unnoticed,  relating  to  the  well-known  Oxford 
'  Epithalamia  '  on  the  marriage  of  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  a  copy  of 
which  he  sends  also  to  Carleton,  and  concerning  one  of  them  he 
writes  :  *  The  Spanish  ambassador  makes  great  complaints,  and  his 
people  say  that  they  [  i.e.  the  '  Epithalamia ']  will  all  be  burnt,  which 
I  do  not  believe.'  I  have  examined  four  copies  of  these  *  Epitha- 
lamia,' with  a  view  of  ascertaining  whether  the  Spanish  ambassador 
had  a  substantial  grievance,  and  whether  any  steps  were  taken  to 
remedy  it.  I  find  on  the  reverse  of  folio  F  3  (printed  by  mistake 
E  3)  in  two  copies  of  the  book  in  the  British  Museum  (1213,  1.  9, 

^  See  his  life  and  a  list  of  his  works  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 
Signor  Palumbo  erroneously  states  that  he  accompanied  De  Dominis,  archbishop  of 
Spalato,  into  England,  and  then  apostatised.  In  fact  he  had  settled  in  England  and 
become  a  protestant  in  1609,  seven  years  before  the  arrival  of  De  Dominis. 

23  Signor  Palumbo  has  strangely  misunderstood  this  letter.  He  writes  :  '  G.  F. 
Biondi,  when  sending  to  Carleton  the  Epithalamium  written  by  the  companion  of 
Vanini  and  speaking  of  the  apostasy  of  these  two  friars,  states  that  the  Spanish  am- 
bassador was  in  great  fury  against  Vanini  and  his  accomplices,  threatening  that  they 
should  be  all  sent  to  the  stake.'  But  the  passage  to  which  he  refers  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  friars  or  the  operetta  of  Giovanni  Maria,  but  refers  to  the  Oxford  Epithalamia, 
and  the  words  given  by  Palumbo  in  inverted  commas,  '  che  sarebbero  tutti  mandati 
al  rogo,^  are  certainly  not  to  be  found  anywhere  in  the  letter,  which  it  seems  clear 
that  he  has  not  read,  but  has  contented  himself  with  reading  (and  misunderstanding) 
the  summary  given  in  the  printed  Calendar,  which  is  as  follows  (vol.  Ixxii.  no.  80, 
17  Mar.  1613.  Giov.  Franc.  Biondi  to  Carleton) :  '  His  [Carleton's]  conduct  in  Venice 
much  praised  by  the  Venetian  Ambassador  in  England,  who  is  not  popular.  The  King 
favours  him  because  he  professes  to  be  a  Protestant,  but  the  Councillors  ridicule  him. 
The  King  not  yet  returned.  The  nobles  eagerly  waiting  for  office.  Sends  a  work  of 
Giov.  Maria,  one  of  the  two  friars  sent  into  England ;  also  the  Epithalamia  {on  the 
Palatine's  marriage]  written  at  Oxford.  The  Spanish  ambassador  complains  of  one 
of  them,  and  his  adherents  say  they  will  all  be  burnt.'  Mr.  Owen,  who  knows  no  more 
of  Biondi  than  of  Chamberlain,  as  usual  somewhat  amplifies  the  statement  of  Palumbo : 
'  Fallen  from  the  good  graces  of  English  Protestants,  Vanini  and  his  companion  had 
long  become  loathsome  to  the  Catholics.  A  certain  Biondi  wrote  to  Sir  D.  Carleton  on 
17  Mnr.  1613  that  the  Spanish  ambassador  was  in  a  rage  against  Vanini  and  his 
accontplices  on  account  of  his  apostasy,  and  threatened  him  with  the  stake.' 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  255 

Tract  7  and  161,  b.  43)  the  following  ode  signed  *  K.  Rands  e  coll. 
Trin.  in  Art.  Mag.' : 

Ad  Hispaniam. 

Mitte,  nimium  importuna,  mitte,  perfida, 
Legationibus  novis  de  nuptiis 
Agere  :  labori  sumptibusque  si  sapis, 
Parcas,  peracta  cum  scias  omnia  :  minas 
Prodesse  credis,  aut  doles  ?     Clades  tuae 
Veteres  loquuntur  arma,  mentemque  Britonum ; 
Para  novam  classem  :  secundo  supplica 
lovem  tuum,  ut  coeptis  tuis  benediceret ; 
Aut  potius  artes  Patre  cum  sancto  novas 
Meditare  ;  classem  mitte,  mitte  pulverem 
Bombardicum,  quia  suspicamur  ;  Roma  habet 
Novas,  inauditas  petitas  ab  inferis 
Artes  nocendi :  illinc  novas  technas  pete 
Et  nuptias.     Idola  cum  Christo,  Bethel 
Cum  Bethavon  constare  qui  possunt  ?  pete 
Romam  ;  ilia  consortem  tibi  dabit  parem, 
Qualemque  velles  ;  nempe  formarum  ferax  : 
Quas  si  minus  probas  roga  Papam,  ut  veht 
Mutare  sexum,  non  novo  miraculo. 

In  my  own  copy  of  the  book  (formerly  the  Rev.  W.  E.  Buckley's) 
this  leaf  is  missing,  but  in  the  third  copy  at  the  British  Museum 
(the  Grenville  copy,  17499)  folio  F  3  has  been  reprinted ;  the 
poem  *  Ad  Hispaniam  '  is  omitted,  and  there  are  substituted  for  it 
sixteen  inoffensive  and  commonplace  elegiacs  commencing 

Ludite  nunc  Hilares  pullam  deponite  vestem 
Musae  ;  pro  tristi  funere  venit  hymen. 

On  the  reverse  of  folio  P  in  the  two  first  mentioned  copies  there 
commences  a  poem  entitled  '  Prosopopoeia  ad  comitem  Palatinum  ' : 

I  pete  coniugium  foelix  foelicius  illo 
Quod,  quae  Teutonicis  late  dominatur  in  arvis 
Austriacae  generosa  domus  prosapia  vestris 
Dilectis  potuit  thalamis,  Germane,  dedisse. 
Hie  tibi  pro  dote  eximii  numerantur  honores 
Divitiaeque  suis  quas  Anglia  mittit  ab  oris, 
Et  quae  divitias  superat  celeberrima  virtus, 
Quae  tanto  fulgore  micat,  miratus  ut  illam 
Non  semel  in  thalamos  spretus  voluisset  Iberus, 
Non  semel  uxorem  petiisset  Gallus.     At  illi 
Alter  habendus  amor  restat  simul  altera  sedes. 

It  ends  on  the  next  page  (fol.  P  2)  with  the  following  verses  : 

Gordius  Hispano  non  est  resecandus  ab  ense 
Nodus,  et  alterius  laetetur  Gallia  taedis. 
Post  tot  neglectos  remanes,  Comes  inclyte,  solus. 
Qui  nodum  solvas,  et  tanta  trophaea  reportes. 

Gu.  Crosse  ISancti-Mariensis. 


256  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

In  the  Grenville  ftopy,  and  also  in  my  own,  folio  P  has  heen  re- 
printed, and  instead  of  the  '  Prosopopoeia  ad  Comitem  Palatinum  ' 
are  substituted  eight  feeble  and  commonplace  elegiacs  addressed  *  Ad 
Eegem,'  with  the  catchword  at  the  end  '  Vere '  instead  of,  as  in  the 
original  impression,  '  Gor.'  But,  notwithstanding  this,  folio  P  2  has 
not  been  reprinted,  but  in  both  the  Grenville  and  my  own  copies 
the  original  four  verses  appear,  beginning  '  Gordius  Hispano  non 
est  resecandus  ab  ense.'  In  the  Grenville  copy  I  can  find  nothing 
to  account  for  this,  but  in  my  own  I  find  the  following  note  on  the 
flyleaf,  in  Mr.  Buckley's  writing :  '  On  P  2  at  top  some  verses  have 
been  pasted  over.'  An  examination  of  the  page  shows  clearly  that 
this  has  been  the  case,  but  unfortunately  Mr.  Buckley  or  some 
former  owner  has  removed  the  paper  that  was  pasted  over  the  first 
four  lines,  and  which  no  doubt  contained  the  conclusion  of  the  poem 
'  Ad  Eegem  '  beginning  with  Vere  ;  of  this  a  fragment  containing  a 
part  of  a  single  word  alone  remains.  The  conclusion  to  be  drawn 
from  an  examination  and  comparison  of  these  four  copies  is  clearly 
this.  The  Spanish  ambassador  had  made  complaints,  as  Biondi 
states,  concerning  the  '  Ad  Hispaniam  '  and  the  '  Prosopopoeia,'  but 
instead  of  the  volume  being  burnt  as  his  people  (i  suoi)  expected, 
the  two  obnoxious  pages  were  ordered  to  be  reprinted,  and  inoffen- 
sive verses  to  be  substituted  for  those  which  had  given  offence,  and 
instead  of  reprinting  P  2  the  first  four  lines  were  ordered  to  be 
pasted  over,  and  when  this  was  done  the  book  was  allowed  to  be 
circulated.2^ 

At  the  date  of  Biondi's  letter  of  17  March  1613,  the  two  friars, 
so  far  from  having  fallen  from  the  good  graces  of  English  protes- 
tants,  were  still  in  favour,  and  there  seems  as  yet  to  have  been  no 
suspicion  that  they  were  otherwise  than  sincere  in  their  professions 
of  adherence  to  the  reformed  faith. 

In  the  summer  of  1613,  Giovanni  Maria,  having  become  tired  of 
Bishopsthorpe,  returned  to  London  on  the  pretext  that  he  was  about 
to  print  some  other  book — possibly  the  English  translation  of  his 
poem.  He  asked  to  be  placed  with  the  bishop  of  London,  and  this 
was  agreed  to,  but,  as  it  seems,  the  bishop  was  unwilling  to  receive 
him  until  he  had  been  discharged  of  an  English  converted  Jesuit,  of 
whom  he  was  then  the  somewhat  unwilling  host.  On  his  arrival  in 
London,  he  was  lodged  in  a  private  house  until  the  bishop  was  ready 
to  receive  him.  While  there  he  fell  sick,  and,  in  order  that  he  might 
have  the  company  of  Vanini,  was  brought  to  Lambeth  and  lodged 
there,  at  the  expense  of  Archbishop  Abbot,  '  in  an  honest  house,' 
where  he  remained  until  shortly  before  10  Feb.  1614. 

2*  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  further  reference  to  the  complaints  of  the  am- 
bassador, or  to  any  order  sent  down  to  the  university  from  the  government  as  to  the 
book.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  whether  in  the  archives  of  the  university  any 
such  order  is  to  be  found. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  257 

In  the  meantime,  Vanini  had  become  heartily  tired  of  Lambeth 
and  of  England,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  was  taking  steps  privately  to 
obtain  pardon  for  himself  and  his  companion  from  the  pope  for 
leaving  their  order,  through  Moravi,  whom  he  begged  to  write  to 
the  nuncio  Uving  at  Paris,  for  this  purpose,  and  one  hundred  crowns 
were  sent  to  the  nuncio  to  pay  for  the  pardon.  But  he  still  pro- 
fessed himself  a  protestant,  frequented  prayers,  received  the  com- 
munion in  the  chapel  at  Lambeth,  and  attended  the  sermons  in  the 
Italian  church.  On  25  Nov.  1613,  we  find  the  following  in  a  letter 
from  Chamberlain  to  Car  let  on  : 

I  know  not  how  yt  comes  to  passe  but  the  two  friers  you  sent  over  are 
in  poor  case,  and  have  been  both  lately  sick  specially  the  younger  that 
was  w*^  the  Archbishop  of  Yorke  but  wearie  of  that  place  and  beUke 
lingering  after  this  goode  towne  could  not  agree  with  that  air  forsooth,  so 
that  he  was  appointed  to  the  Bishop  of  London  who  making  stay  to 
receave  him  till  he  might  be  discharged  of  an  English  converted  Jesuit 
committed  to  him,  he  fell  sicke  in  the  meantime  and  the  best  relief  I  learn 
he  found  was  that  he  was  begged  for  in  some  churches  and  his  companion 
goes  up  and  down  to  gather  the  charitie  of  all  their  acquaintance  and 
well  wishers. 2'^ 

About  this  time  Vanini  paid  a  visit  to  Cambridge,  where  '  he 
had  good  store  of  money  given  to  him,'  and  shortly  after  Christ- 
mas he  went  to  Oxford,  where  he  had  more  money  bestowed  upon 
him.  There  he  confided  to  one  who  had  formerly  been  a  Eoman 
priest,  that  he  was  in  heart  a  papist,  and  meant  before  long  to 
leave  the  country ;  he  seems  to  have  spoken  freely  of  his  intentions, 
as  well  as  *  undutifuUy  '  of  the  king  and  '  unreverently '  of  the 
archbishop.  His  visit  to  Oxford  was  only  a  few  months  after  that 
of  Casaubon,  and  he  must  have  arrived  immediately  after  the 
expulsion  of  Jacob  the  Jew,  of  whose  stay  at  Oxford  and  simulated 
conversion  Mr.  Pattison  has  given  us  so  entertaining  an  account 
in  his  Life  of  Casaubon.  It  seems  probable  from  the  mention  of 
him  in  the  '  Amphitheatrum,'  that  Vanini  had  made  his  ac- 
quaintance in  England. 2^ 

Vanini  returned  to  Lambeth  shortly  before  Jan.  22  ;  a  report 
of  his  imprudent  language  there  was  sent  to  the  archbishop,  whose 
suspicions  had  been  already  aroused  by  information  that  Vanini 
had  written  to  Kome,  and,  as  the  archbishop  rightly  conjectured, 
with  a  view  of  obtaining  absolution  for  his  departure   from   his 

25  Cal.  Ixxv.  212,  No.  28  ;  Court  and  Times  of  James  I,  i.  278-81. 

-"  Fuit  quidam  temjooribus  meis  ludaeus  in  Anglia,  ut  Christi  fidem  susciperet,  et 
ah  Oxoniensi  Academia  perhumaniter  fuit  exceptus ;  cum  vera  ad  sacrmn  lavacrum 
deducendus  esset,  aufugit,  captus  est.  Bex  ex  benignitate  dimisit.  Offendi  eum  aliquo 
tempore  post  Lutetiae  Parisiorum  in  aula  regia,  ubi  in  sermone  mutuo  guem  duximus, 
Anglorum  avaritiam  mirum  in  modum  sugillabat,  ut  turn  prae  caeteris  nationibus  vcl 
TYiaxime  dediti  sint  uni  liberalitati,  illavique  quibuscunque  possunt  rationibus  erga 
extraneos  ostendant,  praecipue  vero  in  ipsum  Hebraeum,  quemper  duo  annos  magnificis 
impensis  aluerunt,  ut  Christianam  religionem  amplcctcretur.  {Amphitheatrum,  p.  65.) 
VOL.  X. — NO.   XXXVIII.  S 


258  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

order.  A  watch  was  feet  upon  the  friars :  they  were  found  to  be 
removing  their  eiBfects  from  Lambeth,  and  were  clearly  preparing 
for  flight.  But  they  still  made  outward  profession  of  protestan- 
tism, and  attended  the  Italian  services  at  Mercers  Hall  on  Sunday 
the  22nd,  when  Vanini  agreed  to  preach  the  following  Sunday, 
having  in  fact  made  arrangements  to  leave  England  before  that 
day.  After  service  on  the  22nd  they  were  both  separately 
examined  and  afterwards  confined  to  their  respective  chambers, 
while  Vanini  was  soon  after  removed  to  the  Gatehouse  at  Lambeth. ^^ 
Shortly  before  27  January  1613-14  Abbot  wrote  full  details  to 
James  Montagu,  bishop  of  Bath,  then  in  attendance  on  the  king 
at  Eoyston  : 

There  is  one  thyng  falen  out  here  wherein  I  humbly  crave  his  majesty s 
direction  as  being  in  my  opinion  a  matter  of  some  importance.  By 
motion  from  Sr  Dudley  Carleton  at  Venice  his  ma*^«  was  graciously  con- 
tented that  twoe  Itahan  Carmelite  ffriers  shold  come  into  England  who 
pretended  to  fly  hither  for  their  conscience.  They  came  and  after  the 
abode  of  him  here  for  a  month  or  twoe  the  younger  of  them  was  sent  to 
my  L.  of  Yorke  where  he  was  very  well  intreated  for  one  year  and  since 
hath  remayned  at  London,  and  in  Lambeth  detayned  by  sicknes  that  he 
was  not  placed  in  my  Lo.  of  London's  house,  whither  notwithstanding 
care  this  very  weeke  he  hath  been  removed.  The  other  also  in  my  house 
being  enterteyned  with  such  humanity  and  expense  as  is  not  fit  for  me  to 
report,  but  I  am  sure  it  was  too  good  for  him.  Theise  men  in  the  Italian 
churche  at  London  publiquely  renounced  their  popery  in  a  solemn  form, 
preached  there  divers  times,  frequented  our  prayers  and  participated  of  the 
Eucharist  after  the  manner  of  the  Churche  of  England  severall  times. 
And  yet  it  now  appeareth  they  have  all  this  time  ben  extreamely  rotten. 
About  3  months  since  I  by  a  secret  meanes  understood  that  the  elder  of 
them  had  written  to  Rome  and  I  had  cause  to  conjecture  that  it  was  for 
an  absolucion  for  their  departure  from  their  order.  I  caused  one  to 
speake  with  him  thereabout  but  he  gave  such  an  answere  as  I  cold  not 
contradict  but  yet  thought  fitt  to  carrye  an  eye  over  him. 

But  now  about  16  dayes  since  he  asked  leave  of  me  to  go  see  Oxford 
which  I  granted  unto  him  and  tooke  order  that  he  was  furnyshed  with 
money  to  bear  his  charges.  Being  there  he  was  most  humanely  entreated 
and  had  some  money  given  him  to  the  value  of  twenty  markes  as  he 
sayeth  but  as  some  from  thence  write  to  the  somme  of  twenty  poundes. 
There  to  one  or  two  who  had  been  in  Italy  he  let  faU  divers  words  declar- 
ing his  dislike  to  our  religion  and  shewing  that  his  ma*^®  had  not  dealt 
bountifully  with  him,  and  that  I  had  not  shewed  myself  liberall  unto  him 

'^  There  can,  I  think,  be  little  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the  date  above  given  for 
the  arrest  of  Vanini.  Abbot's  letter  to  the  bishop  of  Bath,  though  undated,  is  clearly 
written  shortly  before  27  Jan.  and  speaks  of  the  first  examination  of  Vanini  as  on 
'  Sunday  last :  '  this  would  be  the  22nd.  The  letter  was  certainly  written  a  few  days 
later.  Vanini's  escape  from  the  Gatehouse  at  Lambeth  took  place — as  subsequently 
appears — shortly  before  16  March.  He  tells  us  that  he  was  imprisoned  for  forty-nine 
days.  If  his  imprisonment  commenced  on  24  Jan.,  the  forty-nine  days  would  expire 
on  14  March. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  259 

together  with  divers  other  both  unfitt  and  untrue  speeches  without 
honesty  or  shame.  And  divers  intimacions  he  gave  of  his  purpose  to 
withdrawe  himself  out  of  England  wyth  all  speed  :  w<^^  now  he  sayeth 
shold  not  have  ben  without  the  leave  of  his  ma*^^. 

These  thynges  are  advertised  unto  mee  from  Oxford  twoe  or  three 
severall  wayes,  Whereupon  at  his  return  causing  him  to  be  observed  I  found 
by  his  secret  conveyance  of  some  things  out  of  my  house  and  by  the  recourse 
of  both  of  them  extraordinarily  into  London  that  there  was  great  cause  to 
suspect  that  they  intended  to  be  gon.  And  hereupon  in  a  fair  manner  I 
severed  them  both  each  from  other  and  examined  themaparte :  where  at  first 
they  seemed  to  contynue  constant  in  our  profession  though  upon  a  second 
examination  it  proved  otherwise.  By  one  passage  your  Lordship  shall 
judge  of  the  strange  wickedness  of  the  men.  On  Sunday  last  the  elder 
of  them  upon  his  examination  under  his  hand  did  say  quod  renunciasset 
Papismo  et pontificiis  opinionibus ;  etse  velle  vivere  etmoriin  fide  Ecclie 
Anglicane^  yesterday  this  being  urged  unto  him  and  not  seeing  his  former 
examination  he  said  it  was  true  quod  Papatui  renunciasset  quia  non  erat 
verisimile  se  unquamfuturum  Papam.  And  touching  o^mtones  Pontificias 
he  expounded  it  that  si  quis  inter  Pontificios  opinaretur  eum  unquam  in 
Papatum  promerendum,  he  did  disclayme  that  from  being  a  good  opinion. 
And  for  his  living  and  dying  in  the  faith  of  the  Church  of  England  he 
expoundeth  that  to  be  the  faith  which  was  here  a  hundredth  or  two 
hundreth  agone. 

He  now  also  sayeth  that  he  was  never  otherwise  than  a  Papist  in  his 
faith  ;  and  that  their  coming  into  England  was  for  nothing  but  to  evayd 
the  hard  measure  which  their  Councell  used  to  them  and  because  they 
heard  that  strangers  were  enterteyned  here  with  great  humanity.  Such 
hath  been  the  strange  dissimulacion  of  the  men  if  they  have  all  this 
while  been  Papists  in  their  hearte,  but  I  have  reason  to  suppose  that 
some  instrument  of  a  sovereign  Ambassador  hath  been  tampering  with 
them,  and  hath  both  with  money  and  faire  promises  corrupted  them.^* 

On  27  January  Sir  Thomas  Lake  sent  a  copy  of  the  arch- 
bishop's letter  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  accompanied  by  the  follow- 
ing letter  : 

My  lord  Ambassador, — By  this  enclosed  copie  which  is  of  a  lettre  of  my 
lo.  of  Cantorburies  to  my  lo.  Bishop  of  Bath  following  his  maj  :  at  Court 
your  lo.  shall  perceave  what  is  become  of  your  two  friers  you  sent  us.  I 
am  commanded  to  send  to  you,  and  to  require  you  to  advertise  what  you 
have  heard  or  observed  of  their  caryage  here  or  of  any  traffike  they  have 
had  there  since  their  being  in  England.  Their  excusations  of  their  sub- 
mission here  and  abjuration  are  very  grosse.  But  I  never  had  anie  great 
confidence  in  renegades  there  be  few  that  do  it  upon  religious  respect  but 
on  worldly  consideration.  I  fear  much  my  Lo.  of  Canterbury  hath  of  our 
owne  country  very  many  proseleytes  wherein  he  much  glories  that  be  of 
none  other  temper  for  I  marke  that  as  soon  as  ever  they  come  over  to  us 
they  are  gredy  of  wiffes  and  benefices.  .  .  . 

From  the  Court  at  Royston  this  27  January,  1613-14. 

Thos  :  Lake.29 

2«  Cal.  Ixxvi.  221,  No.  9,  I.  ''^  Cal.  Ixxvi.  221,  No.  9. 


260  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

A  few  days  later  Chamberlain  wrote  to  Carleton  a  letter  contain- 
ing the  following  passage  : 

I  heard  lately  that  the  two  friers  you  sent  over  are  returned  to  their 
vomit  and  prove  notable  knaves  professing  now  that  they  were  never  other 
than  Romish  Cathohkes  wherein  they  will  live  and  die  and  that  theyre 
come  hither  and  theyre  dissembling  was  only  per  guadagnare  etformcare 
they  have  solicited  theyre  return  and  to  be  received  again  into  theyre 
mother  church  by  the  Venetian  ambassador  here  and  other  meanes  at 
Rome.  How  their  jugling  came  out  I  know  not  but  my  L.  of  Cannter- 
burie  hath  committed  them  to  safe  custodie  and  makes  it  appear  that 
want  would  not  drive  them  to  any  extremity  for  besides  victum  and  ves- 
titum  they  have  had  fifty  pounds  in  money  of  him  thirty  of  the  bishop  of 
London  besides  the  Archbishop  of  Yorks  the  bishop  of  Elyes  and  other 
bishops  bountys  of  whom  they  were  ever  begging  as  well  as  of  meaner 
ffolks  as  Sr  Harry  Fanshawe  and  myself  and  they  had  of  Burlamachi  ten 
pounds  of  the  Prince  Palatine  and  the  Lady  Elizabeth  ten  pounds  apiece 
with  I  know  not  how  many  more  we  shall  hear  of  hereafter  for  I  had  this 
but  at  first  hand  of  an  Italian  that  says  he  spake  with  them  since  their 
restrainte,  as  I  understand  more  of  them  you  shall  have  it.  .  .  . 

3  Feb.  1613-14.30 

A  few  days  after  the  date  of  the  last  letter  Giovanni  Maria 
escaped  from  Lambeth,  where  he  had  been  placed  by  the  arch- 
bishop in  the  house  of  '  a  sworn  servant  of  the  king,  a  warder  of 
the  Tower.'  He  let  himself  down  from  the  window  at  midnight 
by  means  of  his  sheets,  which  he  tied  together,  and  fled  to  the 
house  of  the  Spanish  (or  Venetian)  ambassador,  where  he  remained 
some  twenty  days,  and  then  was  conveyed  out  of  England.  On 
10  Feb.  Chamberlain  wrote  to  Carleton  and  informed  him  of  the 
escape : 

I  have  been  lately  twice  or  thrice  with  the  Bp.  of  Ely.  ...  He  con- 
firmed the  revolt  of  the  friars  from  the  king's  own  mouth,  where  he  first 
heard  it,  and  says  he  never  had  any  great  mind  to  new  and  sudden  con- 
verts having  had  many  trials  of  their  knavery  and  inconstancy.  I  under- 
stand one  of  them  has  escaped  to  the  Venetian  ambassador's. ^^ 

On  18  Feb.  Biondi  writes  to  Carleton,  '  Gio.  Maria  is  fled,  as 
your  Excellency  will  have  heard  ;  the  other  is  in  prison,  and  ready 
as  he  says  for  martyrdom.  I  pray  God  it  will  be  granted  to  him, 
but  I  doubt  it,  for  his  Majesty  is  more  religious  than  politic'  ^^ 

3»  Cal.  Ixxvi.  222,  No.  18. 

3'  Cal.  Ixxvi.  223,  No.  20.  The  sentence  immediately  following  the  above  extract 
is  as  follows  :  '  I  cannot  learn  that  the  King  had  any  speech  or  conference  of  or  with 
the  fellow  that  lies  at  Alderman  Bolles,  and  his  return  is  not  expected  till  towards  his 
day  the  24th  of  March.'  I  was  at  first  disposed  to  think  it  referred  to  Giovanni 
Maria,  and  that  Alderman  Bolles'  was  the  'honest  house  at  Lambeth'  where,  as  appears 
by  a  subsequent  letter,  he  had  lodged.  But  as  he  had  of  late  been  in  the  house  of  a 
sworn  warder  of  the  Tower,  and  had  escaped  before  this  letter  was  written,  I  think  it 
most  probable  that  the  sentence  refers  to  some  other  person. 

=*-  Cal.  Ixxx.  274,  No.  35.  This  letter  is  displaced,  and  inserted  in  the  Calendar 
under  date  1615  instead  of  1614,  to  which  it  clearly  belongs. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  261 

But  Vanini  was  in  no  danger  of  martyrdom.  He  was  im- 
prisoned in  the  Gatehouse  at  Lambeth  for  a  fortnight,  and  then 
brought  before  the  ecclesiastical  commission.  There  he  was  cen- 
sured, excommunicated,  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  during  the 
king's  pleasure,  and  the  help  of  the  temporal  sword  was  implored 
*  that  he  might  be  banished  to  the  Bermudas,  there  to  dig  for 
his  living.'  Fortunately  for  Yanini — or  perhaps  unfortunately,  for 
the  Bermudas  might  have  been  better  than  the  flames  at  Toulouse 
— he,  like  his  friend,  found  the  means  to  escape  soon  after  this 
sentence  was  pronounced,  and  before  any  steps  were  taken  for 
carrying  it  into  execution.  He  was  assisted  in  his  escape  by  a 
Florentine — a  servant  of  Lord  Vaux — employed  probably  either  by 
Moravi  or  the  Spanish  ambassador.  The  keeper  of  the  Gatehouse 
was  said  to  have  been  corrupted,  but  it  is  not  improbable — as  no 
one  seems  to  have  been  punished  for  assisting  his  escape — that  it 
was  connived  at  by  the  authorities,  for  to  send  a  foreigner  to  the 
Bermudas  or  Virginia  for  no  other  offence  than  abjuring  pro- 
testantism would  have  been  a  high-handed  measure  which  could 
hardly  have  failed  to  irritate — and  justly — the  Spanish  ambassador, 
whom  James  was  at  all  times  desirous  to  conciliate. 

As  the  friars  had  been  proteges  of  Carleton,  Abbot  thought  well 
on  16  March  1613-14  to  write  to  him  a  long  and  most  interesting 
letter,  with  full  details  as  to  their  conduct  while  in  England  and 
as  to  their  escape.  It  is  partially  written  in  cipher  (which  is, 
however,  deciphered)  : 

Your  letter  of  the  28th  of  February  is  lately  come  into  my  hands  and 
thereby  I  perceive  that  which  formerly  I  heard  from  the  king  himself  that 
Sir  Thomas  Lake  had  advertised  you  of  the  ill  demeanour  of  the  two 
Italian  friars.  There  is  no  wiseman  but  must  commend  your  endeavours 
and  not  judge  of  them  by  the  event  because  you  are  a  man  and  not  in  the 
place  of  God  who  only  knoweth  the  heart.  I  cannot  deny  but  that  for 
outward  show  they  did  bear  themselves  well  until  January  last,  although 
for  some  months  before  I  saw  some  private  inkling  of  the  trafficking  of 
the  elder  of  them  by  letters  to  Rome  which  I  laid  by  in  my  memory,  but 
did  not  very  hastily  give  credit  thereunto. 

The  manner  of  their  entertainment  here  was  thus.  For  about  two 
months  they  remained  in  my  house  together,  being  lodged  apparelled  and 
dietted  at  my  charge.  The  younger  of  them  was  proffered  a  place  in  Oxford 
where  he  should  freely  have  had  all  things  requisite  for  him  to  follow  his 
study,  but  he  desired  rather  to  go  to  my  Lord  Archbishop  of  York  which 
was  yielded  unto  so  that  he  was  furnished  with  money  thither,  and  there 
he  remained  for  a  year  being  fully  provided  for.  In  the  meantime  he 
frequented  prayers,  received  the  Communion,  published  a  book  in  verse  on 
the  marriage  of  the  Count  Palatine,  wherein  he  branded  the  Pope  to  be 
Antichrist.  At  a  years  end  he  desireth  to  return  to  London  under  colour 
of  printing  something  else,  moveth  the  king  that  he  might  be  placed  with 
my  Lord  of  London  which  is  yielded  unto.     But  before  the  accomplish- 


262'  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

ment  thereof,  he  f alleth  sick  and  lieth  in  a  private  house  in  London  where 
he  had  physic  freely  and  much  money  was  given  to  his  brother  for  him, 
and  upon  his  amending,  for  the  company  of  the  other,  was  brought  over 
to  Lambeth,  and  being  lodged  there  in  a  honest  house  was  maintained  at 
my  charge  till  his  final  departure. 

The  elder  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  was  held  in  my  house  diet- 
ting  at  my  own  board  or  if  that  were  full  at  my  stewards  table  had  lodging 
bed  and  utensils  for  chamber  provided  for  him  as  well  at  Croydon  when  I 
lay  there  in  the  summer  as  otherwise  at  Lambeth  so  that  besides  meat 
and  drink  and  lodging,  they  two  in  the  time  they  were  in  England  had  in 
moneyirom  me  for  apparell  and  other  necessaries  abov  lv^«  besides  such 
money  as  the  younger  had  from  my  Lord  of  York  and  more  than  six  score 
pounds  which  came  to  their  hands  otherwise  as  may  be  showed  by  the 
particulars.  In  the  time  of  his  abiding  with  me  he  frequented  prayers, 
received  the  Communion  twice  or  thrice  in  my  chapel,  preached  divers 
times  at  the  Italian  Church  in  London  especially  at  his  first  coming  as 
his  brother  also  did. 

Before  Christmas  I  gave  him  leave  to  see  Cambridge  where  he  had 
some  good  store  of  money  given  unto  him.  After  Christmas  last  I  per- 
mitted him  to  go  to  Oxford  where  he  had  more  money  bestowed  upon 
him.  There  to  one  who  had  formerly  been  a  Roman  priest  and  lived 
much  in  Italy  he  opened  himself  that  he  was  in  heart  a  Papist  and  meant 
before  long  to  fly  out  of  the  kingdom.  He  gave  to  some  other  persons 
semblances  of  the  like  and  could  not  forbear  to  speak  undutifully  of  the 
king  and  unreverently  of  me,  uttering  many  lies  concerning  his  entertain- 
ment by  me.  All  which  things  being  by  letter  made  known  unto  me 
I  secretly  learned  that  they  had  conveyed  divers  things  of  their  own  out 
of  my  house  and  questioning  them  for  it  had  shifting  answers  for  the 
time.  In  their  first  examination  they  avowed  their  constancy  in  our 
religion  and  strongly  denied  any  purpose  of  flight,  which  indeed  they 
carried  so  covertly,  that  on  the  day  of  their  apprehension  they  were  at  the 
sermon  in  the  Italian  Church  and  the  elder  of  them  did  promise  to  preach 
there  the  next  Sunday  when  his  purpose  was  to  be  gone  in  the  meantime 
as  since  he  hath  confessed. 

From  the  time  of  their  first  examination  they  were  committed  to  their 
lodgings  severally.  Upon  the  second  touch  they  discovered  themselves 
to  be  resolute  papists  so  that  never  did  I  find  in  all  my  life  more  impudent 
and  unworthy  varlets.  It  is  beyond  the  wit  of  man  to  conceive  the  hight 
of  wickedness  whereunto  they  were  grown.  I  will  give  you  a  short  ex- 
ample. The  elder  of  them  had  said  in  his  first  examination  Quod  in 
ecclesia  Italia  Londinensi  renuntiasset  Papisnio  et  Fontificiis  opinionibuSj 
et  se  velle  vivere  et  mori  in  fide  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae  ;  et  quod  si  advomi- 
tum  rediret,  mereretur  haberi  singularis  hypocrita,  et  is  cuius  cor  Sathanas 
occupavit.  In  his  third  examination  he  explained  all  this  with  a  strange 
qualification  that  by  Papismo  he  meant  Papatui,  and  that  he  had  re- 
nounced any  hope  that  ever  he  should  be  Pope,  and  for  opiniones  Pontificiae 
his  intendment  was  that  if  any  of  that  side  did  think  that  ever  he  should 
be  elected  Pope,  he  disliked  that  their  conceite.  He  would  live  and  die 
in  the  faith  of  the  Church  of  England,  that  is  the  same  faith  which  the 
Church  of  England  possessed  a  hundredth  or  two  hundredth  years  ago. 


1895  VANIlSfl  IN  ENGLAND  263 

And  if  he  did  redire  ad  vomitum,  that  is  of  his  evil  Ufe,  or  merely  be- 
haviour etc.  which  he  might  well  mean,  if  Ascanio  the  preacher  of  the 
Italian  Church  do  say  true,  for  he  hath  long  kept  Juhus  Caesar  from 
preaching  in  his  church,  as  taking  him  to  be  of  no  religion,  but  a  profane 
person,  a  filthy  speaker  and  a  grosse  fornicatour,  and  could  not  be  induced 
to  think  of  him  otherwise,  although  many  of  that  congregation  were  sore 
offended  with  him  for  the  same,  which  now  they  see  was  not  without 
ground.  And  I  had  found  both  by  the  books  themselves  and  by  their 
own  confession  that  the  greatest  matter  which  they  have  studied  for  many 
months  past  were  the  works  of  Petrus  Aretinus  and  Macciavelli  in  Italian 
so  virtuous  was  their  disposition. 

I  imagine  by  this  time  you  will  ask  of  me  two  questions,  first  what  is 
become  of  them,  and  secondly  what  hath  been  the  reason  of  their  desertion. 
To  the  former  I  answer  that  the  younger  of  them  being  kept  prisoner  in 
his  chamber  at  Lambeth  Towne  in  the  house  of  a  sworn  servant  of  the 
kings  a  warder  of  the  Tower  did  about  midnight  break  forth  at  a  window 
and  tying  his  sheets  together,  so  escaped.     I  do  guess  where  he  lay  hid 

YeSp: 
Anib'" 

for  20  days  that  is  in  the  house  of  94  but  since  as  I  understand  he  is 
conveyed  out  of  England.  To  keep  the  other  safe  I  sent  him  to  the  Gate- 
house where  when  he  had  remained  about  14  days  he  was  con  vented  before 
the  Commission  Ecclesiasticall  and  there  censured  by  excommunication 
imprisonment  during  the  kings  pleasure  and  the  imploring  of  the  help  of 
the  temporal  sword,  that  he  might  be  banished  into  the  Barmudas  there 
to  dig  for  his  living.  But  before  the  accomplishment  hereof,  by  corrupting 
of  the  keepers,  as  I  suppose,  and  by  a  trick  played  by  some  other  Italian, 
he  hath  broken  prison,  to  the  great  offence  of  the  kings  majesty  which 
hath  laid  up  diverse  in  safer  custody. 

The  first   overture   to   their   desertion   came   as   I   think  from   the 

Sig''  Fos- 
c       h      a       p       1      a      n        c[arini] 

23  81  14  42  35  10  89  of  95  who  is  a  very  lewd  man  and  hath  done  here 
many  ill  offices.     This  party  hath  confessed  to  me  that  now  a  year  ago 

Nuntio 

Julius  Caesar  upon  his  knees  did  beg  of  him  to  be  a  means  to  the  100 

Paris  Ye  pp 

living  at  177  to  write  to  230  that  a  pardon  might  be  procured  for  the  two 
friars,  for  leaving  of  their  order,  which  accordingly  he  did.  And  Julius 
Caesar  hath  confessed  to  me  that  this  was  effected,  and  by  the  means  of 

Ye  Nuntio 

the  party  above  named  a  hundred  crowns  were  by  him  sent  to  160  at 

Paris 

177  to  pay  for  the  said  pardon.  So  that  by  this  you  may  see  that  the 
friars  were  splendidly  provided  for  here,  when  besides  their  viaticum  to 
convey  them  into  Italy  they  have  so  much  money  to  spare  to  send  out  of 

YeSp: 
Amb"- 

the  realm  before  them.  But  94  since  his  coming  into  England  hath  much 
bestirred  himself  in  this  and  the  like  businesses  which  I  conceive  will 
procure  him  a  rappe  here  before  it  be  long  for  the  eye  of  the  state  is  upon 

YeK 

of  Sp  : 

him.     He  hath  much  money  from  124  and  corrupteth  almost  all  that 


264  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  April 

#  Amb' 

come  in  his  way.     There  is  skant  any  259  here  residing  but  he  winneth 

c       h      a       p      1 

his  servants  to  his  purposes  as  namely  he  hath  gained  the  24  32  14  41  36 

Ye  Fr.  Secre- 

a       n  Amb.  tary        Foscar. 

12  40  of  93  and  the  same  domestic  together  with  the  162  of  95  so  that 
they  are  more  his  servants  than  the  parties  to  whom  they  belong.     The 

his       ye  Ar.  ye  LL  of  ye 

Maty  B  Council 

same  laboureth  in  the  house  of  62  of  69  and  divers  other  of  78.^^ 

The  *  works  of  Petrus  Aretinus  and  Macciavelli '  which  were 
studied  by  the  two  friars,  and  which  so  scandalised  the  archbishop, 
were  not,  we  may  be  certain,  *  La  Passione  di  Gesu,'  or  *  II  Principe,' 
but,  of  Aretin,  either  the  comedies  or  the  *  Kagionamenti,'  and  of 
Machiavelli,  the  *  Mandragola  '  or  *  L'Asino  d'  Oro.' 

Chamberlain  refers  to  the  escape  of  Vanini  in  a  letter  written  to 
Carleton  the  day  following  that  of  the  archbishop  (March  17) : 

.  .  .  The  elder  friar  that  was  in  the  Gatehouse  ^"^  hath  found  the  means 
to  escape  so  that  now  they  are  both  gone.  The  keeper  is  committed  and 
a  Florentine  that  serves  the  Ld  Vaux  is  suspected  to  be  privy  to  his 
escape.  For  my  own  part  I  am  not  sorry  we  be  so  rid  of  them,  for  though 
they  were  notorious  rascals,  yet  I  know  not  what  we  should  have  done 
with  them,  yet  it  was  in  consultation  to  send  them  both  to  Virginia  but 
I  see  not  to  what  purpose.  .  .  .^-^ 

I  find  only  one  subsequent  reference  in  the  State  Papers  to 
Vanini  and  his  companion.  It  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Abbot  to  Carleton, 
of  30  March  1614  : 

I  know  nothing  of  Signor  Francesco  Biondi  but  good,  and  therefore  I 
will  hope  the  best.  But  hereafter  we  shall  be  wary  how  we  hastily  enter- 
tain the  Convertitoes  of  that  nation  so  inestimable  hath  been  the  hypocrisy 
and  lewdness  of  the  two  Carmelites  lately  remaining  with  us.  I  by  my 
last  wrote  my  mind  at  large  concerning  them.^^ 

When  writing  this  letter  the  archbishop  little  thought  that  he 
was  soon  to  entertain  a  *  convertito '  of  much  greater  importance, 
and  one  who  would  cause  him  much  more  serious  inconvenience 
and    annoyance    than   the   two    Carmelites.     Marco   Antonio   de 

S3  Cal.  Ixxvi.  227,  No.  48. 

^*  Signor  Palumbo  tells  us  that  the  two  friars  were  imprisoned  in  the  Tower.  He 
thinks  he  has  identified  the  actual  cell,  a  very  small,  dark,  circular  room,  too  low  for 
it  to  be  possible  to  stand  upright  in.  And  he  draws  a  harrowing  picture  of  the  anguish 
of  il  povero  filosofo  at  the  silence  and  horror  of  the  place  donde  non  si  usciva  che  per 
essere  consegnati  al  carnefice.  Mr.  Owen,  as  usual,  follows  suit,  and  states  that  the 
two  friars  were  committed  to  the  Tower. 

'5  Cal.  Ixxvi.  227,  No.  49  ;  Court  and  Times  of  James  J,  i.  23.     This  letter  is  ther 
undated,  but  is  placed  between  a  letter  of  Carleton  of  12  March  1612-13,  and  one  of 
Chamberlain  of  25  March  1613.   The  word  '  friar  '  is  strangely  enough  printed  '  Taylor,' 
so  that  it  does  not  seem,  as  printed,  to  have  any  reference  to  the  friar. 

'®  Cal.  Ixxii.  178,  No.  97.  This  volume  contains  the  documents  from  January  to 
May  1612-13,  but  it  is  clear  that  this  letter  was  written  a  year  later,  and  should  have 
been  inserted  in  vol.  Ixxvi.,  which  contains  the  letters  of  that  date. 


1895  VANINI  IN  ENGLAND  265 

Dominis,  archbishop  of  Spalato,  was  already  preparing  to  leave  the 
church  of  Kome  and  to  visit  England,  where  he  arrived  in  Decem- 
ber 1616,  and  was  forthwith  handed  over  to  archbishop  Abbot  for 
entertainment  at  Lambeth. 

With  his  escape  from  the  Gatehouse  at  Lambeth,  Vanini  disap- 
pears for  a  time  from  view.  A  few  months  later  we  find  him  in 
France  enjoying  the  protection  of  the  Marshal  de  Bassompierre, 
and  probably  receiving  some  consideration  as  one  who  had  been 
persecuted  in  England  for  his  attachment  to  the  catholic  faith. 
But  catholic  France  proved  in  the  end  even  more  inhospitable  than 
protestant  England.  In  the  prison  of  Toulouse,  after  hearing  the 
brutal  and  terrible  sentence  of  the  parliament,  and  whilst  awaiting 
the  flames  which  were  to  consume  him  a  few  days  later,  he  may  well 
have  regretted  the  Gatehouse  at  Lambeth.  His  tongue  was  cut 
out,  he  was  then  strangled,  and  his  body  burnt  in  the  Place  Saint 
Etienne  on  19  Feb.  1619. 

The  letters  of  Chamberlain  and  Abbot  are  not  calculated  to  give 
us  a  favourable  impression  of  the  character  of  Vanini,  and  I  am 
therefore  glad  to  be  able  to  conclude  this  paper  with  a  fact  which, 
I  think,  deserves  to  be  set  down  to  his  credit.  He  was  certainly 
disappointed  with  the  result  of  his  visit  to  England,  but  in  neither 
of  his  printed  works  is  there  an  unfriendly  word  relating  to  this 
country  or  to  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact  here.  On  the 
few  occasions  that  he  mentions  England  in  his  writings,  it  is  always 
with  goodwill  and  sometimes  with  admiration.  He  praises  our 
temperate  climate,  and  says  that  he  never  felt  it  colder  here  in  the 
depth  of  winter  than  at  Padua  and  Bologna  in  November.  He 
speaks  of  the  mild  disposition  of  the  English,  which  he  attributes, 
curiously  enough,  to  their  habit  of  drinking  cold  beer  (frigida 
cervisia),  and,  as  appears  by  the  passage  already  quoted  referring 
to  the  Jew  Jacob,  he  writes  with  high  praise  of  the  liberality  with 
which  foreigners  were  treated  in  England.  Even  when  he  speaks 
of  his  imprisonment  he  utters  no  word  of  complaint.  It  is  pleasant 
to  think  that  he  did  not  follow  the  example  of  Jacob  Barnet  in 
railing  at  his  English  benefactors. 

PiiCHARD  Copley  Christie. 


266  April 


The  '  Memoirs '  of  Sir  Richard  Bulstrode ' 

BULSTEODE'S  *  Memoirs  '  are  frequently  referred  to  as  one  of 
the  minor  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  great  civil  war,  but 
the  question  of  their  historical  value  has  scarcely  been  discussed, 
much  less  decided.  They  were  first  published  ten  years  after  their 
author's  death.  Two  other  posthumously  published  works  by  the 
author  had  previously  seen  the  light.  In  1712  a  certain  Edward 
Bysshe,  best  known  as  the  author  of  a  once  popular  book  called 
'  The  Art  of  English  Poetry,'  printed  a  collection  of  letters  from 
Bulstrode  to  Arlington,  written  whilst  the  former  was  English  agent 
at  Brussels.  They  give  an  account  of  the  war  in  the  Netherlands 
during  the  year  1674.  In  1715  Sir  Eichard's  son,  Whitelocke 
Bulstrode,  printed  a  volume  of  his  father's  essays,  mostly  moral 
and  religious.  They  are  amongst  the  dullest  of  their  kind.  The 
*  Memoirs '  themselves  were  printed  in  1721,  with  a  preface  by 
Nathaniel  Mist,  the  pubHsher,  in  which  he  gives  an  account  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  came  into  his  possession. 

When  I  was  last  year  in  Paris  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  contract 
some  acquaintance  with  a  younger  son  of  Sir  Eichard  Bulstrode,  who  then 
resided  there,  as  governor  in  the  family  of  the  young  earl  of  Fingal.  I 
had  not  long  enjoyed  the  honour  of  his  conversation  before  he  frankly 
gave  me  the  copy  of  these  *  Memoirs,'  with  free  liberty  to  make  them 
publick  to  the  world,  and  assured  me  they  were  all  wrote  by  the  hand  of 
Sir  Eichard,  his  father. 

To  this  Mist  adds,  after  mentioning  the  essays — 

If  these  sheets  could  stand  in  need  of  any  other  proof  of  their  being 
genuine,  than  the  assertion  I  have  given  from  whose  hands  I  received 
them,  I  could  not  desire  a  stronger  concurring  testimony  than  those 
essays.  Every  judge,  who  will  do  himself  the  pleasure  of  a  comparison, 
will  find  both  those  and  the  'Memoirs  '  penned  in  the  same  style,  and  with 
the  same  cast  of  thought  and  spirit  of  language. 

The   account   given   of   the    origin   of  the   '  Memoirs '   seems 

'  Memoirs  and  Beflections  upon  the  Beign  &  Government  of  King  Charles  the  I** 
and  K.  Charles  the  11^.  Containing  an  account  of  several  remarkable  facts  not 
mentioned  by  other  historians  of  those  times  :  wherein  the  character  of  the  Eoyal 
Martyr  and  of  King  Charles  II  are  vindicated  from  fanatical  aspersions.  Written  by 
Sir  Eichard  Bulstrode. 


1895     SIR   RICHARD   BULSTRODE'S   'MEMOIRS'       267 

sufficiently  probable.  Many  members  of  Bulstrode's  family  were 
alive,  and  had  no  such  reminiscences  existed  it  would  not  have 
been  safe  to  invent  such  a  circumstantial  story.  And,  moreover, 
the  internal  evidence  appealed  to  is  to  a  certain  extent  convincing. 
There  are  long  passages  in  the  *  Memoirs,'  mostly  moralisings  and 
political  reflections,  which  are  written  in  a  style  very  like  that  of 
Bulstrode's  essays.  On  the  other  hand  a  close  examination  of  the 
*  Memoirs  'at  once  throws  a  doubt  on  their  value,  by  revealing  the 
fact  that  much  that  they  contain  is  derived  from  previously  pub- 
lished narratives  of  the  civil  war. 

Clarendon's  *  History  of  the  KebelKon,'  pubUshed  in  1702-1704, 
is  frequently  followed  with  great  closeness  in  the  '  Memoirs.'  In 
many  cases  it  is  summarised,  adopting  here  and  there  a  sentence 
of  Clarendon's,  and  making  the  alterations  necessary  to  fit  the 
passage  selected  for  the  place  it  is  to  fill  in  Bulstrode's  narrative. 

1.  The  most  flagrant  case  of  this  borrowing  is  the  account  of 
the  scene  between  Charles  I  and  Sir  Eichard  Willis  at  Newark  in 
October  1645.  A  comparison  of  pp.  127-30  of  the  'Memoirs' 
with  book  ix.  §§  128-31  of  the  '  Eebellion  '  shows  that  the  author  of 
the  account  given  in  the  former  must  have  written  with  Clarendon 
open  before  his  eyes. 

2.  In  the  account  of  the  career  and  character  of  Lord  Goring, 
given  in  the  '  Memoirs,'  reminiscences  and  adaptations  of  Claren- 
don's words  are  very  frequent.  The  well-known  parallel  between 
Wilmot  and  Goring  is  continually  plundered.  Compare  '  Memoirs,' 
pp.  68-71,  115,  149,  and  '  Eebellion,'  v.  440,  441,  viii.  169,  ix.  102. 

8.  The  account  of  Hopton's  appointment  to  the  command  of 
the  king's  western  army,  and  the  description  of  the  battle  of 
Torrington,  supply  a  third  instance  in  which  the  '  Memoirs ' 
summarise  and  adapt  the  narrative  of  Clarendon.  Compare 
'Memoirs,'  pp.  151-4;  'Eebellion,'  ix.  §§  134-9,  143.  The 
description  of  the  army  left  by  Goring  as  '  a  dissolute,  undisciplined, 
wicked,  beaten  army '  ('  Memoirs,'  p.  151)  is  an  example  of  the 
unblushing  manner  in  which  a  striking  phrase  is  appropriated. 

4.  The  character  of  Cromwell  given  by  Clarendon  (xv.  146, 
147,  149,  152)  is  the  source  from  which  the  brief  character  given 
on  pp.  205,  206  of  the  '  Memoirs  '  is  derived.  A  few  sentences 
will  serve  to  show  this. 

He  could  never  have  done  half  He  could  never  have  done  half 

that  mischief  without  great  parts  that  mischief  he  did  without  hav- 

of  courage  and  industry  and  judg-  ing  great  parts  of  industry,    cou- 

ment.     And  he  must  have   had  a  rage,    and    judgment.     He     must 

wonderful    understanding    in    the  have  had  a  wonderful  insight  into 

natures  and  humours  of  men,  and  the  affections  and  humours  of  men, 

as  great   a   dexterity  in   applying  who  from  a  private  birth,  without 

them,    who    from    a  private    and  any  mterest,   estate,    or    alliance. 


268      SIR  RICHARD  BULSTRODE'S   ^MEMOIRS'    April 

obscure  birth   (though  f)f  a  good     could  raise  himself  to  so  great  a 

family),  without  interest  of  estate,      height.     He  attempted  that  which 

alliance,  or  friendships,  could  raise      no  good  man  durst  undertake,  and 

himself  to  such  a  height,  and  com-      performed  that  which  none  but  a 

pound  and  knead  such  opposite  and     wicked  valiant  man  could  succeed 

contradictory    tempers,     humours,      in.     There   was  certainly  never  a 

and    interests    into   a   consistence      more   wicked   man,   nor   one  that 

that  contributed  to  his  designs  and     ever    brought    to    pass    what    he 

to     their     own    destruction.  .  .  .      designed  more  wickedly. 

What  Velleius  Paterculus  said  of  (Bulstbode.) 

Cinna  may  very  justly  be  said  of 

him,  Ausum  eum  quae  nemo  aude- 

ret  bonus  ;  perfecisse  quae  a  nullo 

nisi    fortissimo     perfici     possent. 

Without   a  doubt    no    man  with 

more   wickedness    ever    attempted 

anything,  or  brought  to  pass  what 

he  desired  more  wickedly,  more  in 

the  face  and  contempt  of  reUgion 

and  moral  honesty.    (Claeendon.) 

Other  passages  from  the  character  of  Cromwell  might  be  quoted, 
and  other  parallels  of  a  similar  nature  might  be  adduced  from  the 
'  Memoirs,'  but  these  are  sufficient  to  demonstrate  the  manner  in 
which  the  book  was  put  together. 

Another  book  laid  under  contribution  in  the  'Memoirs'  is 
Whitelocke's  '  Memorials,'  first  published  in  1682.  The  *  Memoirs ' 
contain  not  only  statements  of  fact  obviously  derived  from  the 
*  Memorials,'  but  sentences  and  short  passages  copied  with  very 
slight  verbal  alteration. 

Compare  the  following  passages  relating  to  Strafford : — 

'  Memoirs,'  p.  39.  '  Memorials,'  i.  108,  ed.  1853. 

p.  44.  „  i.  128. 

pp.  45,  46.  „  i.  132,  133. 

*  Thus  fell  this  noble  earl,'  concludes  Whitelocke,  '  who  for  natural 
parts  and  abilities,  and  for  improvement  of  knowledge  by  experience  in 
the  greatest  affairs,  for  wisdom,  faithfulness,  and  gallantry  of  mind, 
hath  left  few  behind  him  that  may  be  ranked  equal  with  him.' 

The  '  Memoirs  '  adopts  the  first  three  lines  verbatim,  and  con- 
tinues, '  for  wisdom,  fidelity,  obedience,  and  gallantry  left  no  equal 
behind  him  '  (p.  46) . 

A  second  instance  is  supplied  by  the  account  of  the  treaty  at 
Oxford  in  the  spring  of  1643. 

In  this   treaty  the  king  mani-  In  this  treaty  the  king  showed 

fested  his  great  parts  and  abilities,  his     great     parts     and     abilities, 

strength  of  reason  and  quickness  strength  of  reason,  and  quickness 

of   apprehension,   with   much   pa-  of  apprehension,    with   much  pa- 


1895     SIR   RICHARD   BULSTRODKS   'MEMOIRS'       269 


tience  in  hearing  what  was  objected 
against  him  ;  wherein  he  allowed 
all  freedom,  and  would  himself  sum 
up  the  arguments,  and  gave  a 
most  clear  judgment  upon  them. 
His  unhappiness  was  that  he  had 
a  better  opinion  of  others'  judg- 
ments than  of  his  own,  though  they 
were  weaker  than  his  own ;  and  of 
this  we  had  experience,  to  our  great 
trouble.  (Whitelocke,  Memorials, 
i.  199.) 


tience  hearing  what  was  objected 
against  him,  wherein  he  allowed 
the  commissioners  all  freedom,  and 
when  he  differed  from  them  in 
opinion  he  would  tell  them,  *  By 
your  favour,  my  lord  Northumber- 
land' (who  was  the  chief  of  the 
commissioners),  *  I  am  not  of  your 
opinion,' or,  •  I  think  otherwise,'  and 
would  himself  sum  up  their  argu- 
ments, and  give  a  clear  judgment 
upon  them.  The  king's  great  un- 
happiness was  that  he  had  a  better 
opinion  of  others'  judgment  than 
of  his  own  (tho'  weaker  than  his 
own),  and  of  this  these  commis- 
sioners at  that  time  had  a  sad 
experience,  to  their  great  trouble. 
(BuLSTRODE,  Memoirs,  pp.  89,  90.) 

Only  one  touch  is  here  added  to  Whitelocke,  and  that  touch,  as 
it  will  be  shown,  is  taken  from  Sir  Philip  Warwick. 

On  pp.  192,  193  of  the  *  Memoirs  '  is  an  account  of  Whitelocke's 
conferences  with  Cromwell  in  the  years  1651  and  1652,  which  is 
simply  a  summary  of  pp.  372-4  and  pp.  468-74  of  vol.  iii.  of  the 

*  Memorials.' 

Whitelocke  has  a  habit  of  making  moral  reflections  of  the  most 
trite  and  obvious  nature  on  the  revolutions  which  he  witnessed. 
In    several    places    these    are    copied    word    for     word    in    the 

*  Memoirs.' 

'  Memoirs,'  p.  160.  '  Memorials,'  ii.  185,  140. 

(On  the  revolt  of  the  army  against  the  parliament  in  1647.) 

*  Memoirs,'  p.  170.  '  Memorials,'  ii.  356,  357. 

(On  Hamilton  and  the  Scots  invading  England  in  1648.) 

*  Memoirs,'  p.  195.  '  Memorials,'  iv.  6,  7. 

(On  the  dissolution  of  the  long  parliament  by  Cromwell  in  1653.) 

The  third  author  to  whom  the  writer  or  editor  of  these  '  Memoirs  ' 
was  indebted  is  Sir  Philip  Warwick,  whose  '  Memoirs  of  the  Eeign 
of  Charles  I '  were  published  in  1701.  I  print  below  the  description 
of  Charles's  character  from  the  '  Memoirs  '  of  Bulstrode,  p.  184,  side 
by  side  with  extracts  from  Sir  Philip  Warwick's  recollections,  taken 
from  his  '  Memoirs,'  pp.  64-73. 

There   were  few  gentlemen   in  But  before  I  go  further  give  me 

the  world  that  knew  more  of  useful  leave    to    give     you     this     king's 

or  necessary    learning    than    this  character.      He     was     no     great 

prince  did;    and   yet    his   proper-  scholar;    his     learning     consisted 

tion  of  books  was  but  small,  hav-  more  in  what   he  had   seen   than 

ing,    like    Francis    I    of    France,  what   he  had   studied :    his  judg- 


270     SIR   RICHARD  BULSTRODE'S   ^MEMOIRS'     April 


learnt  more  by  the  e^  than  by- 
study.  His  way  of  arguing  was 
very  civil  and  patient ;  for  he 
seldom  contradicted  another  by  his 
authority,  but  by  his  reason  ;  nor 
did  he  by  any  petulant  dislike 
quash  another's  arguments;  and 
he  offered  his  exceptions  by  this 
civil,  introduction  :  *  By  your  favour, 
sir,  I  think  otherwise  on  this  or 
that  ground ;  '  ^  yet  he  would  dis- 
countenance any  bold  or  forward 
address  to  him.  And  in  suits  or 
discourse  of  business  he  would 
give  way  to  none  abruptly  to  enter 
into  them,  but  looked  that  the 
greatest  persons  should  in  affairs  of 
this  nature  address  to  him  by  his 
proper  ministers,  or  by  some 
solemn  desire  of  speaking  to  him 
in  their  own  persons.  ...  He  kept 
up  the  dignity  of  his  court,  limit- 
ing persons  to  places  suitable  to 
their  qualities,  unless  he  particu- 
larly called  for  them.  Besides  the 
women  who  attended  on  his  beloved 
queen  and  consort  he  scarce  ad- 
mitted any  great  officer  to  have  his 
wife  in  the  family.  .  .  .  And  though 
he  was  as  slow  of  pen  as  of  speech, 
yet  both  were  very  significant :  and 
he  had  that  modest  esteem  of  his 
parts  that  he  would  usually  say, 
he  would  willingly  make  his  own 
dispatches  but  that  he  found  it 
better  to  be  a  cobbler  than  a  shoe- 
maker.    (Wakwick.) 


ment  was  good  and  better  than 
most  of  his  ministers.  The  mis- 
fortune was  that  he  seldom  de- 
pended upon  it,  unless  in  matters 
of  his  own  religion,  wherein  he 
was  always  very  stiff.  His  argu- 
ing was  beyond  measure  civil  and 
patient.  He  would  seldom  or  never 
contradict  any  man  angrily,  but 
would  always  say,  *  By  your  favour 
I  think  otherwise,'  or, '  I  am  not  of 
your  opinion.'  He  would  discou- 
rage any  bold  address  that  was  made 
to  him,  and  did  not  love  strangers ; 
and  whilst  he  was  upon  his  throne 
he  would  permit  none  to  enter 
abruptly  with  him  into  business. 
He  was  wiser  than  most  of  his 
council,  yet  so  unhappy  as  seldom 
to  follow  his  own  judgment.  He 
would  always  (whilst  in  his  court) 
be  addressed  to  by  proper  ministers, 
and  still  kept  up  the  dignity  of 
his  court,  limiting  all  persons  to 
places  suitable  to  their  employ- 
ments and  quality,  and  would  there 
only  hear  them,  unless  he  called 
for  them  in  particular.  Besides 
the  ladies  and  women  who  attended 
the  queen  he  permitted  no  minister 
to  have  his  wife  in  court.  He 
spoke  but  slowly,  and  would  stam- 
mer a  little  when  he  began  to  speak 
eagerly.  He  seldom  or  never  made 
his  own  dispatches  till  his  latter 
days,  but  would  still  mend  and  alter 
them ;  and  to  that  purpose  he 
would  often  say  he  found  it  better 
to  be  a  cobbler  than  a  shoemaker. 
As  to  his  religion,  he  was  very  posi- 
tive in  it,  and  would  hear  no  argu- 
ments against  it.     (Bulstbode.) 

A  touch  or  two  in  Bulstrode's  character  of  Charles  I  are  added  to 
Warwick's  description  from  Clarendon.  Clarendon  it  is  who  says 
of  the  king,  '  He  did  not  love  strangers,'  and  praises  the  king's 
judgment.  *  He  had  an  excellent  understanding,  but  was  not 
confident  enough  of  it,  which  made  him  oftentimes   change  his 

2  Compare  the  passage  quoted  from  Bulstrode's  account  of  the  treaty  at  Oxford  on. 
p.  269. 


1895     SIR   RICHARD  BULSTRODE'S   'MEMOIRS'      271 

own  opinion  for  a  worse  and  follow  the  advice  of  a  man  that  did  not 
judge  so  well  as  himself  ('  Kebellion,'  xi.  240,  241 ;  cf.  ix.  3).  The 
similar  phrase  used  by  Whitelocke  in  his  account  of  the  Oxford 
treaty  has  already  been  quoted. 

From  all  these  examples  it  is  perfectly  plain  that  the  author 
or  compiler  of  the  '  Memoirs '  had  read  and  used  these  three  books. 
It  may  be  argued  that  Bulstrode  himself  may  have  read  the  books 
and  used  them  to  assist  his  memory.  He  was  born,  according  to 
all  accounts,  in  1610,  and  the  *  Memoirs  '  were  written  in  his  old  age 
at  St.  Germains,^  whither  he  had  attended  his  exiled  master,  James 
II.  What  more  likely  than  that  he  should  have  read  the  *  Memorials ' 
of  Bulstrode  Whitelocke,  '  my  cousin  german,'  as  he  is  termed  at 
p.  91  of  the  *  Memoirs '  ?  ^  If  Whitelocke's  *  Memorials  '  alone  were  in 
question,  this  might  easily  be  granted,  but  the  use  made  of  Warwick 
and  Clarendon,  and  the  manner  in  which  passages  from  those 
works  are  interwoven  with  expressions  from  Whitelocke,  requires 
that  the  compiler  of  the  Bulstrode  '  Memoirs '  should  have  had  all 
three  before  him  at  the  time  of  writing.  As  Clarendon's  '  History 
of  the  Rebellion  '  was  not  published  till  1702-1704,  the  composition 
of  the  '  Memoirs '  is  thus  thrown  forward  to  1704,  when  Bulstrode 
is  stated  to  have  been  in  his  94th  year. 

It  is  improbable  that  he  carried  a  copy  of  Whitelocke's 
*  Memorials  '  with  him  to  St.  Germains,  and  still  more  improbable 
that  he  procured — when  England  and  France  were  at  war — an  early 
copy  of  Clarendon's  '  Rebellion  '  to  be  sent  to  him  in  his  exile.  But 
so  far  as  the  mere  writing  of  the  '  Memoirs  '  was  concerned  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  incapable  of  writing  such 
recollections  in  1704.  His  essay  on  '  Old  Age,'  of  the  advantage  of 
which,  he  adds,  '  I  am  at  present  a  living  testimony,'  was  written 
in  1706.^  He  prided  himself  on  retaining  undiminished  his  power 
of  literary  composition. 

The  poetic  fire  which  is  usually  soonest  extinct  in  men  I  have 
found  by  experience  in  myself  hath  lasted  long  beyond  that  period,  of 
which  I  could  give  modern  proof,  but  I  will  leave  that  to  my  sons  ;  only 
this  I  can  with  truth  affirm,  that  the  poems  I  have  made  since  my  age 
of  70  have  more  of  force  and  spirit  than  those  I  had  written  some  years 

3  '  Our  court  at  St.  Germains,  where  we  live  upon  alms  '  {Memoirs,  p.  19.  See 
also  p.  4). 

*  In  his  Essays  (p.  24)  Bulstrode  tells  the  following  story  of  Whitelocke's  behaviour 
at  Stafford's  trial.  '  There  was  one  eminent  lawyer  who  urged  very  smartly  against 
his  lordship,  but  yet  with  great  respect  and  civility  of  language.  And  when  the  earl 
came  to  reply  as  he  did  to  every  one,  he  said  he  had  been  very  roughly  handled  by 
most  of  the  pleaders ;  but  that  he  was  very  much  beholding  to  one  civil  gentleman 
amongst  them  (naming  the  former  person)  who  though  he  had  touched  him  nearer 
the  quick  than  any  other,  yet  he  was  obliged  to  return  him  thanks,  because  he  had 
cut  his  throat  with  a  clean  knife.' 

*  Essa^JS,  p.  377. 


272       SIR  RICHARD  BULSTRODE'S  *  MEMOIRS'    April 

before  ;  but  this  is  a  particular  grace  of  God,  it  being  very  unusual  in  the 
generality.^ 

The  most  probable  solution  of  the  question  is  that  Bulstrode 
did  write  some  autobiographical  memoirs  which  came  into  Mist's 
hands,  and  that  the  publisher  is  responsible  for  putting  them 
together  and  inserting  the  composite  passages  to  which  attention 
has  been  called.  All  through  the  first — the  pre-Eestoration — part 
of  the  '  Memoirs  '  there  runs  a  thin  stream  of  autobiography,  which 
appears  to  embody  genuine  recollections  told  with  simplicity  and 
apparent  truthfulness.  On  p.  2  Bulstrode  gives  an  account  of  his 
entry  into  the  king's  service  ;  pp.  72-9  contain  an  account  of 
the  opening  campaign  of  the  war,  of  Bulstrode' s  joining  the  earl 
of  Northampton  in  Warwickshire,  and  of  the  battles  of  Edgehill 
and  Brentford ;  pp.  92,  1.  28,  to  94,  1.  18,  contain  an  account  of 
his  services  under  the  earl  of  Northampton  up  to  the  time  he 
left  him  to  accept  a  post  under  Lord  Wilmot ;  under  Wilmot's 
command  Bulstrode  appears  to  have  taken  part  in  the  battle  of 
Cropredy  Bridge  (pp.  100-1),  and  he  gives  detailed  accounts 
of  Wilmot's  disgrace  in  Cornwall,  of  the  surrender  of  Essex's 
army  to  the  king  (pp.  102-11),  of  the  besieging  of  Taunton  (pp. 
116-7,  very  inaccurate),  of  the  second  battle  of  Newbury  (pp. 
117-9),  of  incidents  in  the  war  in  the  west  (pp.  120-2),  of 
the  quarrels  and  disorders  of  Goring' s  army  and  of  Goring' s 
resignation,  and  of  the  battle  of  Langport  (pp.  133-48).  Here 
the  autobiographical  part  of  the  first  half  of  the  *  Memoirs ' 
ends,  but  a  couple  of  incidental  references  show  that  Bulstrode 
was  in  England  in  September  1658  and  February  1660  (pp. 
207,  210).  These  autobiographical  recollections  are  sometimes 
inaccurate  in  their  chronology,  but  frequently  contain  information 
of  some  little  value,  which  is  confirmed  by  authorities  to  which 
it  is  not  likely  that  the  compiler  of  the  interpolated  passages  had 
access. 

Interspersed  through  the  first  part  of  the  *  Memoirs '  are  what 
purport  to  be  letters  or  summaries  of  documents,  which  demand  a 
detailed  examination.  An  investigation  shows  that  they  ought  to  be 
considered  as  recollections  of  documents  rather  than  as  reproductions 
or  abstracts  of  papers  under  the  author's  eyes  at  the  time  of 
writing.  On  pp.  103-4  the  memoir-writer  gives  the  substance  of 
the  petition  of  the  officers  of  the  king's  horse  on  behalf  of  Lord 
Wilmot  in  August  1644.  A  comparison  of  this  with  the  original 
petition,  printed  in  the  '  Diary '  of  Eichard  Symonds  (p.  106),  shows 
that  the  memory  of  the  writer  was  tolerably  faithful.  On  p.  114 
the  '  Memoirs  '  give  a  summary  of  Lord  Digby's  answer  on  behalf  of 

«  Essays,  p.  382.  The  modern  proof  referred  to  is  probably  the  185  Latin  elegies 
and  epigrams,  some  selections  from  which  are  printed  in  the  preface  to  his  Letters. 
He  died  in  1711. 


1895      SIR   RICHARD   BULSTRODE'S   'MEMOIRS'      273 

the  king,  which  is  also  fairly  accurate,  if  compared  with  the  charge 
against  Wilmot  printed  on  p.  108  of  the  *  Diary.'  These  documents 
had  also  been  previously  printed  in  Kushworth's  *  Collections,'  v. 
693-7. 

On  p.  125  the  *  Memoirs  '  mention  a  letter  from  Lord  Goring  to 
the  king,  giving  reasons  for  declining  to  raise  the  siege  of  Taun- 
ton, as  ordered  by  Charles,  and  advising  his  master  to  avoid  an 
engagement.  This  letter  was  intercepted,  and  was  one  of  the 
reasons  which  led  Fairfax  to  force  on  the  battle  of  Naseby.  The 
memoir-writer  says — 

I  wrote  the  general's  answer  to  the  king,  having  kept  the  copy  of 
it,  which  was  to  this  effect :  that  he  was  certain  in  few  days  to  be 
master  of  Taunton,  and  should  leave  that  country  free  from  any  enemy , 
excepting  Lyme  (which  was  then,  and  had  been  for  some  time,  blocked 
up) ;  whereas  if  he  should  leave  the  siege  the  enemy  would  be  masters 
of  that  country,  and  therefore  he  most  humbly  prayed  the  king  to  forbear 
any  engagement,  and  to  be  upon  the  defensive,  upon  the  river  of  Trent, 
which  he  might  very  well  do,  till  the  siege  of  Taunton  was  ended, 
and  then  he  would  bring  his  army  to  serve  the  king  to  his  best  ad- 
vantage ;  and  he  did  again  desire  the  king  to  keep  at  a  distance  and  not 
engage. 

The  intercepting  of  this  letter  is  mentioned,  with  some  hint 
at  its  contents,  in  Sprigge's  'Anglia  Kediviva,'  p.  52,  ed.  1854,  in 
Kushworth,  vi.  49,  and  in  a  sermon  by  Hugh  Peter  entitled  '  God's 
Doings  and  Man's  Duty,'  printed  in  1646,  p.  21.  A  letter  of  the 
same  kind,  probably  taken  at  Naseby,  is  given  in  the  *  Calendar  of 
State  Papers  '  for  1644-5,  p.  581.  A  newspaper  of  the  period, 
*  Perfect  Occurrences  of  Parliament  and  Chief  Collections  of  Letters 
from  the  Armie,'  13-20  June  1645,  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  letter  and  its  capture  : — 

Friday,  13  June, — Wee  have  had  so  many  considerable  occurrences 
this  weeke  that  I  am  troubled  how  to  contract  them  into  so  short  a 
pamphlet.  We  heard  this  day  that  the  king  had  sent  a  letter  to  Goring 
to  send  him  speedily  2,000  horse  and  3,000  foot,  that  were  to  strengthen 
his  armie  to  fight  with  S''  Thomas  Fairfax. 

Goring  receiving  these  letters  returns  answer,  the  substance  whereof 
is  thus  :  '  May  it  please  your  majestie  we  are  now  in  a  fair  way  of  taking 
Taunton,  and  the  whole  West  will  be  easily  reduced  to  your  obedience. 
This  designe  we  are  upon  is  of  exceeding  great  consequence,  and  if  we 
should  send  away  any  part  of  our  forces,  the  rebels  being  4,000  within 
the  towne,  our  whole  strength  not  above  9,000,  our  designe  would  be 
then  quite  spoiled  and  the  west  in  danger  to  be  lost  if  5,000  should  be 
drawne  away  ;  but  I  humbly  desire  that  jour  majestie  would  be  pleased 
to  send  your  commands  by  this  bearer  (who  will  return  within  five  dayes), 
to  which  I  desire  to  submit  and  continue 

*  Your  most  affectionate  servant, 
'  Goring.' 

VOL.    X. — NO.  XXXVIIT.  T 


274     SIR  RICHARD   BULSTRODE'S   *  MEMOIRS'      April 

His  majestie  wondenng  that  no  answer  came  to  hand  sent  again  to 
Goring,  for  indeed  the  letter  was  intercepted  which  Goring  wrote  to  the 
king,  and  therefore  on  the  one  side  the  king  wondered  no  answer  came, 
and  Goring  thought  his  judgement  was  approved  of  and  that  the  king 
did  not  desire  the  forces  ;  but  Goring' s  back  friends  have  done  him  such  a 
courtesie  at  Court  that  hee  may  chance  to  loose  his  head  by  it,  which  S^ 
Ralphe  Hopton  is  no  little  glad  of,  because  then  he  shall  be  rid  of  his 
corivall. 

It  is  evident  from  this  specimen  that  the  letters  given  by  the 
memoir-writer  are  at  the  most  imperfect  recollections  of  docu- 
ments which  he  had  once  seen.  This  assists  in  determining  the 
value  to  be  attached  to  the  letter  from  Goring  to  the  king  printed 
on  p.  109  of  the  '  Memoirs,'  which,  if  it  could  have  been  accepted 
as  verbally  correct,  would  have  had  great  weight  in  clearing 
Goring  of  the  responsibility  for  the  escape  of  Essex's  horse  in 
September  1644.  Some  of  the  details  given  in  the  letter,  however, 
cannot  be  reconciled  with  what  is  known  from  other  sources,  and, 
while  accepting  the  statement  of  Bulstrode  that  some  such  letter 
was  actually  received  by  Goring,  it  would  be  rash  to  assume  that 
Bulstrode's  version  of  the  words  is  trustworthy.  The  only  one  of 
these  letters  in  the  first  part  of  the  '  Memoirs  '  which  appears  likely 
to  be  a  verbal  reproduction  of  an  original  document  is  the  jocular 
letter  from  Waller  to  Goring,  printed  on  p.  120.  Unfortunately  it 
is  a  letter  of  no  historical' importance. 

The  second  part  of  the  '  Memoirs  '  relates  to  the  reign  of  Charles 
II,  and  contains  a  certain  amount  of  purely  autobiographical 
matter.  Bulstrode  relates  how  he  first  came  to  be  employed  as 
English  agent  at  Brussels  (pp.  232-51),  and  narrates  some  of  the 
negotiations  and  pieces  of  business  in  which  he  was  employed. 
These  desultory  recollections  end  about  August  1685,  soon  after 
the  accession  of  James  II.  They  contain  a  few  interesting 
anecdotes,  such  as  the  account  of  an  interview  with  Charles  II  (p. 
424  ^),  but  are  inordinately  swollen  by  long  political  digressions  (pp. 
215-18,  222-30,  391-423),  and  by  the  insertion  of  letters  and  docu- 
ments. The  digressions  are  very  much  in  the  style  of  the  '  Essays,' 
which  also  contain  some  curious  historical  anecdotes.^  The  docu- 
ments are  of  several  kinds — a  well-known  letter  from  Shaftesbury  to 
Lord  Carlisle,  which  was  circulated  amongst  the  opposition  peers  in 
1675  (p.  264;  cf.  Christie's 'Life  of  Shaftesbury,' ii.  200),  and  an  equally 
well-known  letter  from  Monmouth  to  Charles  II  (p.  356).  There 
are  several  of  the  speeches  of  Charles  IT  to  his  parliaments  (pp. 
288,  293,  299,  328),  some  addresses  from  the  parliament  to  the 
king  (pp.  284-7),  and  the  dying  speeches  of  Plunket  and  Fitzharris 
(pp.  318,  319).  Letters  containing  political  news  from  England 
and   extracts   from  newsletters   are  very  numerous,   usually  pre- 

'  See  also  pp.  280-4.  «  Essays,  pp.  10,  24,  56,  289,  325,  376. 


1895      SIR   RICHARD   BULSTRODE'S   'MEMOIRS'     275 

faced  by,  *  I  received  this  following  letter  from  a  very  good  hand 
at  Whitehall,'  or,  *  I  am  told  by  a  good  hand  at  Whitehall '  (pp.  321, 
348,  360,  376,  383).  But  the  greatest  part  of  this  inserted 
correspondence  consists  of  official  letters  from  Arlington,  Henry 
Coventry,  Joseph  Williamson,  and  Leoline  Jenkins,  on  subjects 
connected  with  Bulstrode's  mission.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  authenticity  of  these  documents,  but  it  is  very  unlikely  that 
Bulstrode  himself  strung  together  this  peculiar  jumble  of  autobio- 
graphical reminiscences,  official  papers,  and  political  reflexions. 
We  know  from  the  unimpeachable  evidence  of  his  son  Whitelocke 
that  Sir  Kichard  left  a  large  mass  of  diplomatic  correspondence. 
Speaking  of  his  father's  employment  in  Flanders  the  son  observes, 
*  during  which  time  he  held  correspondence  with  most  of  the  courts 
of  Christendom,  as  I  find  by  his  letters  made  up  into  annals,  which 
I  have  by  me.'  ®  The  collection  seems  to  be  now  dispersed  ;  at  least 
many  letters  from  it  have  recently  appeared  in  salesrooms  and 
catalogues.^® 

Putting  all  these  things  together,  the  history  of  the  '  Memoirs  ' 
published  by  Mist  is  probably  something  like  this :  Bulstrode  wrote 
certain  autobiographical  recollections  and  some  reflexions  on 
the  revolutions  he  had  witnessed.  Mist  obtained  possession  of 
these,  and  of  a  small  portion  of  Bulstrode's  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence, and  by  their  aid  put  together  the  volume  of  '  Memoirs,' 
increasing  their  bulk  by  inserting  characters  of  Charles  I  and 
Cromwell,  and  narratives  of  events  in  which  Bulstrode  was  not 
personally  concerned,  and  of  which  he  had  consequently  given 
no  account  himself. 

C.  H.  Firth. 

^  Preface  to  Bulstrode's  Essays,  p.  ii. 

^"  I  have  five  or  six  which  I  bought  from  Mrs.  Tregaskis  of  232  High  Holborn  a 
few  years  ago. 


T  2 


276  April 


The   Permanent  Settlement  of  Bengal 

IT  is  now  just  a  century  ago  that  the  permanent  settlement  of  the 
land  revenue  of  Bengal  was  completed.  Financially  this 
settlement  involved  the  bold  step  (it  would  have  been  thought  mad- 
ness in  any  other  department  of  the  revenue)  of  stereotyping  for  all 
time  the  figures  of  the  land  revenue  account  which  is  the  chief 
item  of  state  income ;  it  was  carried  out  in  apparent  unconscious- 
ness alike  of  the  probable  embarrassment  of  future  governments, 
and  of  the  incalculable  changes  in  the  value  of  money  as  well  as  of 
land  and  its  produce  that  time  was  bound  to  bring  about.  Socially 
it  gave  rise  to  what  was  virtually  a  new  class  of  (legal)  landlords  ; 
and,  albeit  indirectly,  it  revolutionised  the  land  tenures  generally, 
by  crystallising  into  legal  rigidity  relations  which  were  gradually 
developing  themselves  with  oriental  laxness  under  the  varying 
impulse  of  local  circumstances. 

Such  a  settlement  has  naturally  left  a  heavy  legacy  of  legal  and 
administrative  trouble  not  yet  wholly  disposed  of.  The  history 
of  the  settlement  is,  therefore,  something  more  than  a  mere 
matter  of  curiosity  ;  it  contains  not  a  few  lessons  for  modern  times, 
and  furnishes  some  parallels  with  agrarian  troubles  nearer  home. 
Many  accounts  of  it  have  been  written,  but  the  facts  have  not 
always  been  stated  fairly;  various  and  sometimes  inaccurate 
presentations  have  been  made,  in  the  eagerness  of  advocates  of 
this  or  that  policy  to  establish  their  case. 

In  order  to  derive  practical  benefit  from  the  history,  there  is  still 
room  to  welcome  additional  information,  especially  when  that  ad- 
dition comes  in  the  shape  of  a  more  direct  means  of  verifying  con- 
clusions and  establishing  disputed  points.  The  four  handy  volumes 
which  Sir  William  Hunter  has  recently  issued  '  contain  a  classified 
abstract  of  the  more  important  ofiicial  letters  received  by  and  issued 
from  the  chief  revenue  ofi&ce  in  Calcutta  during  the  first  twenty-five 
years  of  its  existence.  This  marks  a  new  departure  ;  for  the  records 
throw  a  direct  and  original  light  on  the  working  of  the  administra- 
tion under  Lord   Cornwallis's  system,  a  light  different  from  that 

'  Bengal  MS.  Records  :  a  Selected  List  of  14,136  Letters  in  the  Board  of  Bevemie, 
Calcutta  (1782-1807),  by  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter,  K.C.S.I.  4  vols.  London :  AUen  &  Co. 
1894. 


1895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL      ^11 

given  by  the  bare  text  of  regulations,  minutes,  and  parh'amentary 
reports.  The  letters  furnish  us  with  concrete  instances — with  so 
many  *  leading  cases  '  showing  the  specific  appHcation  and  the  real 
intention  and  effect  of  the  rules.  The  abstracts  will,  it  is  true,  find 
their  fullest  use  in  India,  where  further  reference  can  be  made  to 
the  entire  document ;  but  in  general  Sir  W.  Hunter's  abstracts  are 
so  good,  in  spite  of  their  necessary  brevity,  that  they  contain  in  them- 
selves the  essential  information  required.  Naturally,  in  order  to 
make  good  use  of  such  material,  the  reader  must  have  a  certain 
familiarity  with  the  facts  and  the  law  of  the  settlement,  but  this  is 
now  easily  attainable.  Moreover,  in  view  of  such  a  need,  the  list 
of  letters  is  preceded  (in  vol.  i.)  by  an  illustrative  dissertation  on 
the  settlement  proceedings  which  in  itself  would  entitle  the  work  to 
take  high  rank  among  our  authorities  on  the  administrative  history 
of  Bengal. 

The  land  revenue  administration  is  so  important  that  every 
large  Indian  province  has  found  it  indispensable  to  have  a  special 
department  for  its  chief  control.  In  Bengal,  practically  since  1782, 
there  has  been  a  *  board  of  revenue,'  with  whatever  variety  of  offi- 
cial title  or  difference  of  internal  constitution.  Before  this  board 
every  serious  question  of  land  revenue  policy  ultimately  comes. 

The  period  from  1782  to  1812  forms  a  distinct  epoch  in  the 
history  of  the  administration.  It  begins  with  the  year  in  which  it 
may  fairly  be  said  that  the  machinery  of  revenue  control,  local  and 
central,  had  acquired  its  modern  form,  and  had  begun  to  work  on 
defined  lines  of  regulated  procedure.^  The  capabilities  of  this 
machinery  were  first  seriously  tested  in  the  making  of  the  decennial 
settlement,  which  was  declared  permanent ;  and  the  details  of  this 
settlement,  and  the  questions  that  arose  out  of  it,  naturally  form  the 
most  important  topic  of  the  correspondence  during  the  earlier  years 
of  the  period.  The  latter  part  includes  the  years  during  which  the 
difficulties  created  by  the  settlement  began  to  be  acutely  felt, 
especially  in  connexion  with  the  law  of  tenancy  and  rent  recovery. 
Sir  W.  Hunter's  volumes  do  not  embrace  the  entire  epoch  ;  they  end 
with  1807 — taking  the  round  term  of  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

Never,  perhaps,  was  an  administrative  experiment  tried  with  such 
excellent  intentions  as  the  Bengal  settlement,  never  was  one  which 
had  results  so  different  from  those  expected.  In  truth,  the  experi- 
ment was  made  under  almost  every  possible  disadvantage.  If 
Bengal  had  been  a  well-managed  native  province,  we  might  have 

2  From  1765  (the  date  of  the  grant  of  Bengal,  Bihar,  and  Orissa)  to  1771,  the  attempt 
was  made  to  maintain  the  old  native  official  system  intact,  but  subject  to  a  certain 
supervision.  The  years  1772-1781  may  be  regarded  as  a  second  stage,  during  which 
the  essential  features  of  modern  organisation — the  '  district,'  with  its  collector  and  his 
assistants,  the  revenue  '  division,'  with  its  '  commissioner '  (to  supervise  a  group  of 
districts),  and  the  board  of  revenue  (in  direct  communication  with  the  provincial 
government)— were  gradually,  and  with  many  retrogressions,  evolved. 


278      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL    April 

succeeded  to  a  revenuS  system  which  would  not  indeed  have  con- 
formed to  English  notions  of  precision  or  legality,  but  would  have 
been  practically  workable  in  a  paternally  despotic  fashion,  and 
might  have  been  gradually  adapted  to  western  requirements.  As  it 
was,  the  province  came  to  us  in  the  last  stage  of  administrative 
decay.  It  had  never  been  more  than  an  outlying  and  imperfectly 
connected  member  of  the  Moghal  empire,  and  not  only  soonest  fell 
a  prey  to  the  disease  that  was  infecting  the  whole  system,  but  had 
never  shared  the  fuller  circulation  of  vitality  which  maintained 
prosperity  in  the  provinces  nearer  the  heart  of  the  empire.  Though 
nominally  added  to  the  dominions  of  the  early  Pathan  emperors  of 
Delhi,  Bengal  had  become  an  independent  kingdom  in  the  fourteenth 
century ;  and  it  maintained  its  position  largely  by  the  countenance 
given  to  the  old  Hindu  princes  and  chiefs  who  ruled  a  series  of 
states,  which,  according  to  the  usual  Hindu  model,  were — regarded 
as  kingdoms — always  of  small  size.  They  were  left  in  practical 
independence  on  condition  of  accepting  a  sanad  or  grant  implying 
political  subjection,  and  of  passing  on  to  the  treasury  of  the  Muslim 
king  a  considerable  share  of  the  land  revenue  locally  collected. 

The  genius  of  Akbar  enabled  him  once  more  to  annex  Bengal 
and  make  it  a  suha  or  province  of  the  Moghal  empire.  Sir  W. 
Hunter  is  perhaps  inclined  somewhat  to  undervalue  the  extent  to 
which  Akbar's  revenue  settlement  {circa  1582  a.d.)  affected  the  pro- 
vince. It  is  true  that  the  districts  were  not  actually  measured — 
that  process  was  only  carried  out  in  Bihar — but  a  fair  list  was 
made  out  of  the  parganas  or  local  fiscal  subdivisions  and  of  their 
assessments  based  on  the  rental  of  the  village  groups  in  each.^  And 
there  were  subsequent  formal  settlements  between  1658  and  1728. 

The  system  of  farming  the  revenues  became  general  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Aurangzib  ;  and  in  the  last  settlement 
(1728)  we  find  the  system  fully  established,  as  the  accounts  pro- 
ceed solely  according  to  the  series  of  ihtimam  or  farmers'  charges 
which  had  virtually  superseded  the  official  fiscal  divisions  esta- 
blished in  the  days  of  direct  control.  After  this  settlement,  we  only 
know  of  the  continually  increasing  levy  of  '  cesses '  (ahwdb),  imposed, 
on  all  sorts  of  pretences,  in  addition  to  the  nominal  land  revenue. 
In  the  end  we  find  a  kind  of  annual  settlement  (or  rather  bargain) 
made  with  the  farmers  ;  and  this  had  continued  for  some  time 
before  British  rule  began.'' 

^  The  second  volume  of  the  Ayin-i-Akhari  shows  this  clearly.  John  Shore  (minute 
of  June  1789,  par.  1 1,  Fifth  Report,  vol.  i.  p.  103,  Madras  reprint)  wrote  that  the  settle- 
ment comprehended  not  only  the  quota  (total  rents)  payable  by  the  villages,  but,  '  as  is 
generally  believed,  by  the  individual  ryots.'  This  assessment  could  hardly  have 
been  accepted  and  appealed  to  as  it  was,  if  it  had  been  summary  or  incomplete. 

*  Warren  Hastings  wrote :  '  For  the  last  twenty  years  '  {i.e.  since  1756) '  the  revenue 
has  been  collected  on  a  conjectural  valuation  '  with  reference  to  past  collections  and 
the  opinion  of  officials  ;  and  '  it  was  altered  almost  every  year.' 


1895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL      279 

No  wonder  then  that  for  some  years  the  British  authorities 
feared  to  touch  the  tottering  edifice  of  native  management  lest  it 
should  crumble  to  pieces  under  their  hands,  and  contented  them- 
selves with  trying  to  prop  it  up  and  remedy  its  worst  abuses.  When 
at  last,  in  1772,  direct  administration  was  forced  upon  the 
Governor-general,  he  had  to  begin  the  heavy  task  with  a  staff  of 
officers  numerically  insufficient  and,  as  a  rule,  without  experience 
of  land  management.  As  if  to  add  to  our  difficulties,  a  terrible 
famine  had  recently  desolated  the  province  ;  and  what  its  effects 
were  may  be  judged  from  the  touching  description  in  the  *  Annals 
of  Kural  Bengal,'  a  book  which  was  the  first  of  that  valuable 
series  in  which  Sir  W.  Hunter  has,  with  rare  success,  made  the 
dry  facts  of  Indian  history  to  live  and  move,  as  it  were,  before 
our  eyes. 

The  land  revenue  of  Bengal  had  long  been  levied  in  money. 
This,  however,  was,  comparatively  speaking,  an  innovation.  In  a 
simple  stage  of  society,  it  is  convenient  to  levy  the  contribution  in 
its  original  form,  viz.  by  taking  a  share  of  the  actual  grain  produce 
of  each  holding  as  it  lay  on  the  threshing  floor.  When  this  is 
done,  no  question  arises  about  the  tenure  of  the  cultivator  or  the 
value  of  his  land.  The  share  belonging  to  the  king  is  fixed  by 
immemorial  custom.  But,  in  the  course  of  time,  circumstances 
both  economic  and  political  (which  cannot  here  be  discussed)  are 
gradually  found  to  necessitate  the  substitution  of  cash  rates  for 
each  holding  or  for  a  certain  unit  area  of  land ;  and  then  it  is  that 
the  more  modern  difficulties  of  revenue  management  begin.  Atten- 
tion is,  in  fact,  diverted  from  the  land,  the  produce  of  which  is  to  be 
divided,  to  the  person,  who  is  to  be  responsible  for  the  cash  payment ; 
and  it  is  soon  found  (as  the  revenue-payer  is  not  always  the  imme- 
diate holder  or  cultivator  of  the  land)  that  the  administration 
cannot  long  ignore  the  relations  of  that  person  to  the  soil  cultiva- 
tors as  well  as  to  the  state. 

All  native  governments  adopted  one  or  other  of  two  methods. 
(1)  They  dealt  direct  with  each  separate  village,  sometimes  collect- 
ing the  individual  payments  of  the  cultivators,  sometimes  holding 
a  headman,  or  other  person,  responsible  for  the  village  total.^ 
Under  this  system — which  marks  the  best  days  of  native  rule — 
there  is  a  regular  graduated  control,  from  the  accountant  in  each 
village,  to  the  kanungo  in  each  small  subdivision,  and  from  him  to 
the  district  officer,  and  finally  to  the  sadr-kdnungo,  or  financial 
controller,  who  advised  the   dlwan,   or   chief  civil   officer  of  the 

5  In  some  parts  of  India,  where  the  villages  were  held  in  shares  by  a  joint  body, 
the  village  revenue  was  in  one  sum,  for  which  the  body  was  jointly  responsible,  distri- 
buting the  burden,  according  to  their  own  custom.  This  was  not  the  case  in  Bengal 
proper.  The  barbarous  Bengal  custom  called  ndjdi,  whereby  the  farmers  made  the 
•solvent  cultivators  pay  the  arrears  of  a  defaulter,  was  a  pure  act  of  tyranny  and  was 
fioon  abolished  under  British  rule. 


280      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL    April 

whole  province.  (2)  f^  larger  '  estate '  was  taken,  the  particulars 
of  the  component  revenue  divisions,  villages,  &c.,  being  stated 
in  a  sanad  or  warrant  of  appointment,  and  a  farmer  was  made 
responsible  for  the  total  sum,  subject  to  certain  specified  allowances 
for  charges  and  remuneration.  Such  an  *  estate  '  might  be  only  a 
single  pargana,  or  might  cover  an  extensive  district.  Under  this 
system  the  local  revenue  control  above  spoken  of,  soon  becomes 
atrophied  and  useless. 

In  Bengal  the  first  of  these  methods  had  originally  been  adopted, 
at  least  over  a  considerable  part  of  the  country ;  but  (as  already 
stated)  since  the  reign  of  Aurangzib  it  had  given  way  more  and 
more  completely  to  the  second.  The  cause  of  the  change  was 
partly  the  weakness  of  the  local  government,  and  partly  the  fact 
that  the  surviving  Hindu  rajas  had  all  along  been  allowed  to 
administer  (and  farm  the  revenues  of)  their  former  territories. 
Wherever  there  was  no  raja,  or  other  local  chief  of  sufficient 
importance,  official  farmers  and  speculators  were  appointed  to 
manage  the  revenue.  All  that  was  really  looked  to  was  that 
the  total  sum  specified  in  the  warrant  should  be  paid  into  the 
treasury. 

In  process  of  time  all  'zamindars,'  as  these  revenue  farmers 
were  officially  called,  became  fused  into  one  class,  and  their  various 
origin  was  more  or  less  forgotten.  One  of  the  most  valuable  parts 
of  Sir  W.  Hunter's  dissertation  (vol.  i.  pp.  31  ff.)  is  that  which 
places  before  the  reader  the  different  elements  thus  fused  together. 
The  fact  that  some  of  the  '  zamindars  '  had  old  territorial  claims 
dating  back  before  the  Moghal  conquest,  though,  legally  speaking, 
their  only  title  was  the  imperial  sanad,  had  no  doubt  much  to  do 
with  the  rapid  growth  of  the  power  and  pretensions  of  the  whole 
class,  of  which  we  shall  presently  speak. 

It  may  at  first  sight  appear  strange  that  the  British  revenue 
administration,  after  1772,  soon  came  to  distrust  the  zamindars ; 
but  in  fact  the  evils  of  the  system  as  a  whole  were  more  obvious 
than  the  merits  and  claims  of  a  certain  class.  Probably  all  zamin- 
dars were  found  to  oppress  the  people  a  good  deal,  and  certainly 
they  intercepted  a  large  proportion  of  the  state  revenue.  Attempts 
were  therefore  made  to  set  them  aside  and  to  substitute  contractors, 
bound  by  short  leases — for  five  years,  or  for  one  year — who  would 
have  no  pretensions  beyond  the  terms  of  their  engagement.  But 
the  zamindars  had  by  this  time  been  too  long  and  too  firmly  esta- 
blished to  enable  such  a  plan  to  work,  or  to  make  their  own  whole- 
sale supersession  other  (in  many  cases)  than  extremely  unjust. 
Consequently  Pitt's  act  of  1784  (24  Geo.  III.  cap.  25)  clearly 
pointed  to  the  restoration  of  the  zamindars  (under  due  restriction) 
and  to  the  making  of  a  settlement  with  them.  Lord  Cornwallis 
was  sent  out  in  1786  to  carry  the  act  into  effect,  and  the  instructions 


1895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL      281 

of  the  directors  of  the  East  India  Company  hardly  left  him  any 
option  in  the  matter. 

Any  definitive  arrangement  of  the  land  system  must  neces- 
sarily have  in  view  three  objects — (1)  to  determine  the  assessment 
of  each  *  estate,'  and  for  what  period  it  should  hold  good ;  (2)  to 
give  the  persons  responsible  for  the  payment^  a  secure  position 
which  could  be  legally  described  and  enacted  ;  (3)  to  determine 
what  was  to  be  done  to  protect  the  village  cultivators  over  whom 
the  zamindar  (whether  as  the  once  hereditary  local  ruler  or  as  the 
officially  appointed  farmer)  had  grown  up. 

(1)  As  to  the  amount  of  the  assessment,  the  only  practicable  plan 
(seeing  that  a  land  survey  and  valuation  were  deemed  impossible  or 
were  never  contemplated  as  possible)  was  to  take  an  average  of 
past  collections,  and  so  arrive  at  a  round  sum  which  could  be  fur- 
ther adjusted  with  reference  to  the  various  special  arrangements  of 
the  settlement — a  matter  of  detail  w^hich  it  is  not  necessary  here  to 
consider.  As  to  the  period  for  which  the  assessment  was  to  be 
maintained  there  was  a  marked  division  of  official  opinion.  Sir  W. 
Hunter  urges  that  Lord  Cornwallis  was  not  responsible  for  its 
being  at  once  made  perpetual,  because  his  instructions  were  to 
make  it  so.  This  can,  however,  hardly  be  conceded.  The  act  of 
1784  provided  nothing  which  required,  or  even  implied,  that  the 
assessment  should  be  fixed  for  ever.^  Eeliance  is,  however,  placed 
on  the  terms  of  the  directors'  despatch  of  12  April  1786  (par.  52), 
which  said,  '  The  assessment  now  to  be  formed  shall,  as  soon  as 
it  can  have  received  our  approval  and  satisfaction,  be  considered  as 
the  permanent  and  unalterable  revenue,'  &c.  But  this  phrase 
should  not  be  taken  apart  from  the  other  instructions  given ;  for 
these  further  distinctly  declared  that  at  present  the  settlement  was 
to  be  made  for  ten  years ;  and  it  was  added  that  the  directors  felt 
'  that  the  frequency  of  change  had  created  such  distrust  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  as  to  render  the  idea  of  some  definite  term 
more  pleasing  to  them  than  a  dubious  perpetuity.'  There  was  no 
reason,  then,  why  the  ten  years  should  not  have  been  allowed  to 
run  out,  so  as  to  see  how  the  new  settlement  worked ;  and  it  was  in 
opposition  to  the  best  local  advice  that  Lord  Cornwallis  urged  the 
directors,  when  the  gradual  process  of  settling  district  by  district 
was  complete,  at  once  to  declare  the  assessment  perpetual.  The 
directors  evidently  had  doubts  also,  and  it  was  only  after  two 
years'  deliberation  that  they  (in  the  end  of  1792)   sanctioned  the 

®  Or  '  holding  the  settlement,'  as  the  revenue  phrase  is. 

^  In  reading  the  documents  of  this  period  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
term  'permanent,'  noio  used  only  to  indicate  that  the  assessment  is  unalterable,  was 
then  just  as  often  employed  to  indicate  fixity  of  system— with  reference  to  the  former 
changing  methods  of  working.  This  use  of  terms  is  well  illustrated  by  the  sentence 
in  the  Fifth  Report  (vol.  i.  p.  14),  where  the  writer  speaks  of  'the  introduction  of  a 
permanent  settlement,  afterwards  made  perpetual.' 


282      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL     April 

governor-general's  proposal,  not  without  some  apparent  reluc- 
tance.^ 

(2)  As  to  the  second  of  the  objects  above  stated,  Sir  W.  Hunter 
urges  that  the  settlement  orders  consolidating  the  position  of  the 
zamindars  were  *  neither  consciously  nor  unconsciously  an  imita- 
tion of  the  English  system  of  landed  property  '  (vol.  i.  p.  45).  If 
this  is  said  in  refutation  of  such  crude  objections  as  those  of  Mr. 
Mill,  that  the  settlement  was  the  result  of  Lord  Cornwallis's  '  aris- 
tocratic prejudices,'  it  may  at  once  be  admitted.  But  Sir  W. 
Hunter  seems  at  any  rate  to  imply  that  the  conferment  of  a  land- 
lord title  was  solely  or  chiefly  the  result  of  inquiries  and  conclu- 
sions as  to  the  Indian  law  and  constitution.  It  is  not  easy  to  see 
how  the  historical  and  local  information  obtained  in  Bengal  could 
have  led  to  the  landlord  law  of  the  Regulations  of  1793  without  the 
strong  influence  of  English  legal  ideas. 

Allusion  has  already  been  made  to  the  different  origin  which 
the  *  zamindars  '  really  had.  Sir  W.  Hunter  has,  in  his  usual 
felicitous  manner,  sketched  for  us  the  position  held  by  one  of  the 
old  aristocratic  territorial  zamindars,  and  has  been  perhaps  too 
kindly  silent  as  to  the  position  of  some  of  the  other  class  whose 
origin  was  purely  official,  and  who  had  built  up  estates — adding 
village  to  village  and  field  to  field,  often  by  fraud,  violence,  and 
other  questionable  means.^  But  while  it  is  perfectly  just  to  say  of 
some  of  them  that  they  had,  on  grounds  of  long  possession  and 
hereditary  right,  '  a  good  title  to  the  zamindari  estate  '  (p.  37),  and 
that  they  were  '  ancient  hereditary  lords  of  certain  tracts,  a  status 
which  enabled  them  to  levy  great  incomes '  from  the  land  (p.  41), 
that  admission  does  not  suffice  to  determine  the  nature  of  the 
interest  which  time  and  circumstances  had  established.  The  ques- 
tion for  the  Bengal  authorities  was  not  so  much  whether  there  was 
a  good  title  of  some  kind,  but  how  they  were  to  define  the  interest 
which  it  was  desired  to  secure.  And  the  mode  in  which  they 
answered  the  question  shows  manifestly  the  influence  of  English 
ideas  of  landed  property. 

No  doubt  elaborate  inquiries  were  made,  with  the  object  of 
throwing  light  on  the  local  history  of  the  zamindar's  position. 
But  waiving  the  objection  that  *  the  law  and  constitution  of  India  ' 
is  a  mere  phrase,  and  that  no  such  thing  practically  existed,  at  any 
rate  in  the  eighteenth  century,  it  must  be  admitted  that  neither 
the  old  text  of  the  Hindu  or  Muhammadan  law  books,  nor  the  local 

*  Sir  J.  Kaye  has  stated  Lord  Cornwallis's  position  in  this  matter  with  much  fair- 
ness {Administration  of  the  E.I.  Company,  1853,  p.  182). 

®  Compare,  for  example.  Dr.  Buchanan  (Hamilton's)  account  of  the  Dinajpur 
district  (printed  in  1833),  in  which  the  author  describes  how  the  great  zamindari  of 
Dinajpur  attained  its  mushroom  growth.  The  first  founders  were  nobodies  who  grew 
rich  and  then  sought  for,  and  obtained,  the  title  of  raja,  and  ultimately  maharaja.  The 
account  was  written  within  ten  or  twelve  years  of  the  permanent  settlement. 


]895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL      283 

custom  (which  mostly  related  to  the  village  and  its  agricultural 
occupation)  gave  the  slightest  hint  as  to  how  the  zamindar's  gradu- 
ally altered  position  should  be  classed  or  defined. 

The  original  condition  of  right  in  land,  broadly  speaking,  was 
this  :  The  whole  area  of  the  cultivated  districts  (we  may  confine 
ourselves  to  the  central  populous  parts)  was,  as  usual,  divided  into 
groups  which  we  call  '  villages.'  These  were  of  the  type  in  which 
no  co-sharing  body  or  single  family  is  found  claiming  the  whole  ; 
but  the  holders  of  land  are  separate  units  kept  together  by  the 
authority  of  the  headman  and  other  village  officers  and  formed 
into  a  *  community  '  by  the  local  ties  which  result  from  residence 
together,  from  common  interests,  and  from  having  all  the  simple 
wants  of  life  provided  for  within  the  circle  of  the  village,  by  a  resi- 
dent staff  of  artisans  and  menials. '^  In  Bihar  there  is  evidence  of 
co-sharing  families  having  obtained  the  chief  position  in  the  villages  ; 
but  not  in  Bengal.  Now  under  the  Hindu,  and  equally  under  the 
(much  later)  Muhammadan  law,  the  village  landholders— descend- 
ants, or  at  any  rate  direct  representatives,  of  the  first  settlers, 
were  certainly  owners  of  the  land  in  some  sense,  though  oriental 
texts  could  not  be  expected  to  formulate  the  nature  or  the  legal 
elements  of  ownership.  A  right  in  the  soil  was,  however, 
acknowledged  as  resulting  from  the  first  occupation  and  laborious 
clearing  of  the  land ;  and  that  this  was  a  substantial  right  is  indi- 
cated by  the  many  texts  which  refer  to  the  maintenance  of  boundaries 
and  fences,  to  repressing  trespass,  and  to  the  succession  to  the  land 
by  inheritance  as  well  as  by  gift  and  sale,  the  right  of  transfer 
being  restricted  only  in  much  later  times.  Coincident  with  this 
direct  soil  right  was,  however,  the  right  of  the  king  to  a  share  in  the 
produce,  and  to  the  waste  lands,  and  to  certain  transit  and  other 
dues  and  tolls  leviable.  When  for  any  reason  the  raja  made  a 
grant  of  a  village,  however  exhaustive  the  formal  terms  of  the 
document,  all  that  was  meant  was  that  the  grantee  was  to  take  all 
the  royal  rights,  including  the  whole  or  a  part  (according  to  terms) 
of  the  revenue  share,  and  the  right  to  cultivate  the  waste.  The 
rights  of  the  original  holders  were  not  touched. 

The  more  the  old  texts  and  the  grants  are  examined,  the  more 
clearly  it  will  appear  that  the  *  law  and  constitution '  contemplated 
two  concurrent  rights — (i.)  a  direct  soil  ownership  in  virtue  of 
occupation  and  clearing;  (ii.)  an  overlord  right,  which  consisted  in 

*"  Each  village  had  in  those  days  an  indefinite  area  of  waste  around  it :  this  was 
in  no  sense  the  joint  property  of  the  village  landholders,  though  they  had  the  cus- 
tomary use  of  it  for  grazing  and  wood-cutting.  When  cultivation  was  to  be  extended, 
permission,  express  or  tacit,  was  required  to  occupy  the  new  fields.  The  waste 
remained  the  property  of  the  state :  and  this  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  when  a 
grantee  of  the  village  appeared,  he  always  took  the  waste  as  lawfully  his  own  under 
the  grant,  subject,  of  course,  to  the  customary  provision  for  grazing,  &e.,  which  was 
necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the  original  holders. 


284      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL     April 

# 

the  revenue  share  and  the  other  rights  incidentally  above  alluded 

to.*^  The  text- writers  do  not  suppose  that  the  first  right  is 
destroyed,  or  even  diminished,  by  the  existence  of  the  second. 

So  long  as  the  overlord  right  was  exercised  directly  by  the  ruler 
himself,  seated  at  his  capital,  in  practice  it  was  not  found  to 
interfere  with  the  cultivator's  right.  But  it  contained  in  itself 
elements  that  might  produce  a  change  ;  for  the  raja's  share  could 
be  increased ;  ^^  and  if  it  was  not  paid,  coercive  measures  might 
be  employed.  When,  therefore,  in  later  times  not  only  did  a 
conquering  dynasty  raise  the  revenue  share,  but  grantees,  or  push- 
ing families,  or  adventurers  (in  the  local  raids  of  unsettled  times) 
got  hold  of  villages,  they  exercised  the  overlordship  at  close  quarters, 
so  to  speak,  in  a  much  more  direct  and  self-assertive  fashion. 
And  especially  when  the  state  overlordship  and  revenue  rights  were 
farmed  out,  the  farmers  (of  whatever  class  or  origin)  were  brought 
into  a  close  managing  connexion,  such  as  the  dignified  ruler  at  his 
capital,  with  his  well-controlled  officials,  would  never  have  thought 
of.  Still,  in  theory,  it  is  only  the  state  rights  that  are  the  subject 
of  the  grant  or  farm. 

But  the  more  the  local  revenue  became  (virtually)  the  subject 
of  a  bargain  with  middlemen,  the  more  the  latter  regarded  it  as  a 
matter  of  course  that  they  should  make  as  much  profit  as  they 
could ;  and  accordingly  they  (without  check  from  the  now  power- 
less officials)  treated  the  raiyats  as  liable  to  anything  they  thought 
proper  to  impose. ^^  They  would  eject  insolvent  cultivators,  would 
buy  up  some  lands  under  pressure,  and,  by  standing  security 
themselves  for  the  payment  due  from  others,  would  soon  have 
opportunity  to  foreclose  on  the  owner.  Apart,  however,  from  his 
private  (family)  lands  and  actual  purchases,  &c.,  the  zamindar  was 
never,  on  any  possible  theory,  the  actual  owner  of  all  the  village 
lands;  the  hereditary  raja  accepting  a  sanad  from  the  Muham- 
madan  ruler,  was  not,  and  a  fortiori  the  official  farmer  was  not. 
But  the  fact  remains  that  when  once  the  overlordship  is  transferred 
to  the  hands  of  some  person,  other  than  the  territorial  ruler  for  the 

"  Colonel  Tod  quotes  a  maxim  of  the  Eajputana     illage  landholders,  which  ex- 
presses correctly  the  facts  in  all  the  ancient  Hindu  kingdoms — 
'  Bhogra  dhani  Eajhu 
Bhumra  dhani  majhu ' — 
i.e.  '  the  king's  wealth '  (or  right)  '  is  his  revenue  share ;  the  soil  is  my  wealth '  (or 
right). 

'^  The  share  was  one-sixth  ;  but  even  in  the  Institutes  of  Manu  we  find  it  stated 
that  in  times  of  emergency  the  raja  might  raise  it  to  one-fourth.  There  is  nothing 
about  ejection  for  non-payment  (and  in  practice  such  a  thing  was  unknown),  but  the 
raja  is  directed  to  fine  a  cultivator  who  neglects  to  till  his  field. 

*'  The  old  aristocratic  zamindar  was  not  much  better  in  this  respect  than  the 
speculator.  The  former,  under  pressure  from  the  imperial  treasury,  forgot  too  often 
the  noblesse  oblige  that  would  have  actuated  him  in  the  days  of  independence ;  and, 
besides,  he  left  the  direct  management  to  a  host  of  greedy  underlings. 


1895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL      285 

time  being,  it  always  tends  to  become  a  virtual  but  undefined 
proprietorship,  and  that  in  great  measure  by  a  series  of  steps  the 
reverse  of  equitable.  The  difficulty  is  to  attempt,  at  a  later  time, 
to  question  acts  which,  in  some  cases,  have  the  prescription  of 
several  generations. 

"While  grantees  and  farmers  were  gradually  making  good 
their  pretensions,  the  old  state  right  itself  underwent  a  change. 
No  trace  of  an  assertion  that  the  ruler ^  as  such,  is  owner  of  all 
land  can  be  found  in  the  genuine  Hindu  or  Muhammadan  law.'* 
But  later  princes—  and  especially  the  viceroys  who  assumed  inde- 
pendence— all  set  up  the  claim,  as  conquerors,  to  be  the  sole  owners 
of  land.  By  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  this  was  certainly 
established  de  facto.  Lord  Cornwallis  was  thus  confronted  with  a 
double  complication.  The  state  right  to  which  his  government 
succeeded,  was  de  facto  though  not  de  jure  :  the  zamindar's  claim 
was  not  formulated,  but  it  was  long  existent  in  practice.  Both  the 
one  and  the  other  had  very  little  to  do  with  the  '  law  and  constitu- 
tion ; '  not  even  with  '  custom,'  unless  the  results  of  unchecked 
aggression  during  a  century  can  be  called  *  custom.' 

It  was,  then,  as  a  matter  of  deliberate  policy  that  the  governor- 
general  renounced  the  state  right  to  the  land  and  conferred  it,  in  a 
new  form,  on  the  zamindars.'^  The  first  part  of  this  decision  calls 
for  no  remark  in  this  place ;  the  second  was  largely  prompted  by 
the  necessity  for  cutting  the  knot  that  could  not  (so  it  was  felt)  be 
untied.  The  terms  in  which  this  right  was  actually  conferred  on 
the  zamindars  by  law  are  really  more  important  than  the  expres- 
sions made  use  of  in  the  governor-general's  preliminary  minutes. 
But  it  is  impossible  to  read  either  minutes  or  regulations  without 
perceiving  that  the  idea  of  the  English  landlord  of  the  eighteenth 
century  (of  course  assuming  a  good  landlord  as  the  type)  was  present 
to  the  minds  of  the  writers  ;  indeed  what  other  idea  of  legal  property 
in  land  could  they  have  had  but  that  of  a  landlord,  the  owner  of  the 
estate,  with  all  subordinate  holders  his  tenants — to  be  cherished 
and  protected,  no  doubt,  but  still  '  tenants,'  holding  by  agreement 
with  him  ?  And  so  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  in  sect.  52  of  Eegu- 
lation  VIII.  of  1793  (this  with  Keg.  I.  constitutes  the  charter  of  the 
settlement)  the  provision  *  that '  (saving  certain  privileged  holders 
whose  title  was  obvious)  *  the  zamindar  or  other  actual  proprietor 

'*  The  celebrated  modern  digest  of  Jagandtha  (written  in  Sir  W.  Jones's  time  and 
translated  by  Colebrooke),  however  valuable  in  many  respects,  shows  the  most  pitiable 
confusion  on  this  subject,  in  the  hopeless  endeavour  to  reconcile  the  older  law  with 
the  then  established  doctrine  that  '  conquerors  '  had  a  *  protective  property  '  (whatever 
that  may  be)  '  in  the  soil  of  their  territory.' 

'*  In  the  preamble  to  the  second  regulation  of  1793  it  is  expressly  stated  that  of 
two  measures  taken  by  government  to  restore  agricultural  prosperity,  one  was  that 
'  the  property  in  the  soil  has  been  declared  to  be  vested  in  the  landholders  (meaning 
the  zamindars) ; '  and  this,  it  is  added,  '  had  neeer  before  been  formally  declared.' 


286      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL     April 


• 


is  to  let  the  remaining  lands  of  his  zamindary,  or  estate,  under  the 
prescribed  conditions,  in  whatever  manner  he  may  think  proper.' 
The  *  conditions '  were  that  a  written  document  was  to  be  given, 
specifying  one  definite  sum  of  *  rent,'  and  that  no  *  extras  '  were  to 
be  exacted.  Moreover  it  was  speedily  enacted  that  the  landlord 
was  not  to  give  his  pottah  for  more  than  ten  years,  lest  he  should 
injure  himself  and  his  means  of  paying  the  state  revenue.  All 
this  implies  that  the  raiyat  was  a  '  tenant '  under  contract ;  and  it 
soon  became  accepted  that  rents  could  be  raised. 

(3)  But  this  question  of  '  raising  the  raiyats'  rents '  invites  a 
brief  separate  notice  in  connexion  with  the  third  object  of  the 
settlement  above  noted  (p.  281).  It  never  occurred  to  any  one  to 
restore  the  resident  or  permanent  village  cultivator  to  the  position 
of  owner  of  his  holding ;  that  would  have  been  inconsistent  with 
the  declaration  regarding  the  zamindar's  rights.  Still  it  would  not 
much  matter  to  the  (resident)  raiyat  what  he  was  called,  provided 
it  had  been  recognised  that  his  tenancy  was  by  custom,  not  by  con- 
tract, and  that  his  rent  payment  was,  therefore,  to  be  certain,  and 
to  be  raised  only  at  such  intervals  and  on  such  terms  as  it  could 
have  been,  under  state  authority,  in  olden  time.  It  is  undeniable 
that  the  ofiicial  minutes  contain  directly  conflicting  pronounce- 
ments on  this  subject.  On  the  one  hand  it  was  not  forgotten  that 
what  now  became  the  *  rent '  payable  to  the  '  landlord  or  other  actual 
proprietor '  (of  the  regulations)  was  merely  the  revenue  payment 
that  would,  if  there  was  no  farmer,  have  been  paid  direct  to  the 
state  collector.  And  Lord  Cornwallis  sometimes  wrote  as  if  these 
payments  were  fixed  absolutely,  at  rates  supposed  to  be  ascertain- 
able from  local  records.*^  It  would  have  been  possible,  no  doubt,  to 
include  in  the  proclamation  to  zamindars  a  reminder  that  they  had 
originally  no  right  to  raise  the  raiyats'  payments  unless  the  state 
itself  raised  them  ;  and  it  would  then  have  been  logical  enough  to  de- 
clare that  as  the  state  had  limited  for  ever  its  demand  on  the  zamin- 
dars, and  had  presented  them  freely  with  the  unoccupied  waste 
adjoining  their  estates,  and  had  given  other  advantages,  they  must 
forego  any  increase  on  all  such  raiyats  as  were  not  directly  located 
by  themselves  on  newly  cultivated  land.^^ 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  obligation  to  make  such 
a  condition.  There  is  no  doubt  that,  if  there  had  been  no  farmers 
or  other  grantees  at  all,  the  revenue  demand  from  the  original 
soil  owners  could  have  been  revised  from  time  to  time.  A  good 
government  would  have  made  such  a  revision  only  at  long  intervals, 
and  on  such  principles  as  are  allowed  to  operate  at  the  present  day 

•"  This  idea  of  the  intended  fixity  of  '  rents  '  is  the  basis  of  the  argument  in  the 
anonymous  work  called  The  Zamindari  Settlement  of  Bengal  (Calcutta,  1879,  2  vols.), 
quoted  by  Sir  W.  Hunter. 

^'  Eents  on  this  would,  of  course,  be  purely  matter  of  contract  with  the  owner. 


1895      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL      287 

in  other  provinces.^^  The  grant  of  a  certain  legal  status  and 
other  privileges  to  one  party  did  not  necessitate  any  grant  or  free 
gift  to  the  other,  unless,  indeed,  the  grant  to  the  first  caused  some 
direct  injury  to  the  second ;  and  that  it  was  neither  intended  nor 
supposed  to  do. 

The  question  of  raising  rents  was  discussed  in  1789,  as  appears 
from  Harington's  'Analysis.'^®  It  was  at  this  time  that  John 
Shore  put  forward  his  'Plan  for  the  Ease  and  Security  of  the 
Eaiyats.'  He  had  already  recognised  (in  his  minute  of  18  June 
1789)  that  the  position  of  the  raiyat  was  anomalous,  and  he  con- 
templated its  gradual  adaptation  to  the  '  simple  relation  of  landlord 
and  tenant.'  He  proposed  that  every  landlord  should  be  compelled 
to  agree  to  make  a  systematic  inquiry,  over  the  whole  of  his 
estate,  for  the  purpose  of  fixing  (and  entering  in  a  written  note) 
the  rent  of  every  resident  village  cultivator. ^^  This  was  to  be  done 
within  a  given  number  of  years  ;  the  number  Shore  left  blank  in 
his  minute,  as  a  detail  for  subsequent  determination.  It  was  then 
believed  that,  what  with  the  information  from  the  local  lists  of 
rates  (to  be  mentioned  presently)  and  the  necessity  that  the  parties 
would  feel  themselves  under  to  find  some  modus  vivendi,  terms 
would  be  settled. 

Lord  Cornwallis  would  not  consent  to  defer  the  ratification  of  the 
settlement  till  such  an  inquiry  was  complete  ;  nor  did  he  do  more 
than  pass  a  regulation  making  the  issue  of  pottahs  compulsory  on 
the  landlords.  There  was,  moreover,  no  means  of  enforcing  the  law  ; 
and  it  was  soon  found  that  '  tenants '  objected  to  take  the  pottahs  ; 
some,  because  they  feared  that,  unlettered  as  they  were,  terms  which 
they  could  not  read  or  understand  might  be  imposed  thereby  ; 
others,  because  they  felt  that  accepting  such  a  document  meant  ad- 
mitting that  they  held  of  the  zamindar  and  not  by  an  independent, 
customary,  or  legal  right.  It  is  true  that  the  pottah  was  not  exactly 
what  we  should  call  a  lease,  but  it  certainly  had  this  effect.  The 
pottah  regulation,  in  fact,  failed  altogether.^^ 

"*  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  theory,  the  land  revenue  represents  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  income  or  benefit  derivable  from  cultivated  land.  Even  in  modern 
temporarily  settled  provinces  {i.e.  where  the  assessment  is  liable  to  periodical  re- 
vision) an  increase  is  taken,  not  to  raise  the  proportion  spoken  of,  but  because,  under 
existing  conditions  as  to  value  of  money,  increased  produce,  or  increased  value  of  land, 
and  higher  market  prices  of  grain,  the  sum  paid  under  the  last  assessment  no  longer 
represents  the  proper  proportion.  "*  Vol.  iii.  p.  461  If. 

'^°  Other,  it  may  be  presumed,  than  those  directly  located  by  himself  on  new  lands, 
and  who  were  indisputably  contract  tenants. 

2'  Its  failure  was  owing  largely  to  its  own  terms  :  it  might  naturally  be  thought  that 
if  the  raiyat  would  not  accept,  or  could  not  get,  a  isiir  pottah,  the  remedy  would  have  been 
to  allow  (as  the  Madras  zamindari  law  allows)  either  party  to  apply  to  the  collector  to 
fix  a  proper  rate.  The  only  provision,  however,  was  that  the  landlord  should  post  up 
a  list  of  the  rates  he  demanded  ;  and  if  the  raiyat  did  not  contest  them  (by  the  to  him 
impossible  process  of  a  costly  suit  at  distant  head-quarters)  he  could  be  made  to  pay  at 
such  rates. 


288      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL     April 

Even  if  these  difficulties  could  have  been  evaded,  and  present 
rates  fairly  ascertained  in  most  cases,  it  was  still  necessary  to  decide 
whether  the  raiyats'  rents  were  liable  to  any  future  increase  or  not. 
Obviously,  if  the  intention  was  positively  entertained  to  make  the 
rates  fixed,  this  was  one  of  the  very  first  terms  to  be  set  forth  with 
all  plainness  in  the  regjilations.  As  it  was — and  here  we  must 
perceive  the  influence  of  the  English  idea  of  landlord  and  tenant — 
not  only  was  it  directly  enacted  that  (subject  to  the  conditions 
indicated)  the  landlord  *  was  to  let  his  lands  '  in  any  manner  he 
chose,  but  it  was  specifically  said  that  such  raiyats  as  could  prove 
a  special  grant  or  a  prescriptive  right  were  entitled  to  fixed  rents. 
The  inference,  therefore,  was  inevitable  (at  least  in  English  courts) 
that  otherwise  rents  could  be  raised.^^ 

The  matter  was  further  settled  by  the  influence  of  two  measures, 
which,  though  enacted  with  the  best  intentions,  were  productive 
of  unforeseen  results.  One  was  the  *  sale  law,'  which  provided 
the  remedy  for  revenue  default.  Within  a  short  time  after  the 
settlement,  the  earlier  practices  of  imprisoning  defaulting  land- 
lords and  distraining  their  personal  property  were  abolished,  as 
trenching  on  the  dignity  and  freedom  of  the  position.  But  it 
had  been  ruled  from  the  first  that  the  fixed  revenue  (which 
would  gradually  become  lighter  and  lighter  as  land  and  its  produce 
rose  in  value  and  as  new  land  was  profitably  cultivated)  must  be 
punctually  paid ;  and  therefore  the  estate,  or  part  of  it,  would  be 
sold  at  once  if  default  was  allowed  to  occur.  Now,  as  a  careless  or 
dishonest  manager  might  burden  his  estate  recklessly,  and  so  destroy 
its  sale  value  before  defaulting,  it  was  necessarily  provided  that  con- 
tracts and  charges  imposed  by  the  defaulter  were,  with  certain 
exceptions,  void  or  voidable  as  regards  the  purchaser.  When  a  sale 
occurred — and,  as  Sir  W.  Hunter  has  explained,  this  at  first  very 
frequently  happened — most  rents  had  to  be  fixed  afresh,  practically 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  new  owner.  The  second  measure  was  passed 
in  1799.  The  landlords  complained  that  while  the  state  demanded 
its  revenue  with  strict  punctuality,  they  had  no  correspondingly 
speedy  means  of  recovering  the  rents,  on  which  their  ability  to  pay 
depended.^^  A  power  of  summary  distraint  was  accordingly  given, 
and  terms  of  the  regulation  (VII.  of  1799)  were  found  so  to  operate 

^  In  1806  Colonel  Munro,  whose  authority  on  revenue  matters  will  not  be  questioned, 
wrote :  '  I  make  this  conclusion  upon  the  supposition  that  they  '  (the  zamindars)  '  are  to 
be  at  liberty  to  raise  their  rents,  like  landowners  in  other  countries  :  otherwise  if  they 
are  restricted  from  raising  the  assessment  .  .  .  and  are  at  the  same  time  liable  for  all 
losses,  they  have  not  the  free  management  of  their  estates  and  hardly  deserve  the 
name  of  owners.'  The  whole  subject  (including  the  various  minutes  written  and  the 
provisions  of  the  regulations)  is  fairly  summed  up  in  Dr.  Field's  Landholding  in 
various  Countries  (Calcutta,  1885,  2nd  ed.),  pp.  535  ff. 

^^  The  only  remedy  was  the  slow  and  costly  process  of  a  regular  civil  suit  at  the 
district  head-quarters.   See,  for  instance,  the  letters  Nos.  3348-9  (Jan.  1794),  in  vol.  ii. 


1895     PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT   OF  BENGAL       289 

that  the  landlord  could  realise  very  much  what  he  chose  to  declare 
to  be  the  correct  rent. 

These  provisions,  worked  as  they  were  under  the  influence  of 
the  idea  that  a  rise  of  rents  was  only  a  natural  feature  of  landed 
property,  would  nevertheless  have  been  much  shorn  of  their  ill 
effect  if  there  had  been  any  standard  by  which  to  ascertain  the 
proper  rent  rates,  but  this  was  almost  wholly  wanting.  The  real 
fact  of  the  matter  is,  that  no  plan  like  Shore's,  nor  indeed  any  other 
plan  for  the  comprehensive  adjustment  of  the  surviving  privileges 
of  the  (now  subordinate)  landholders,  nor  any  rule  of  fair  rent 
assessment,  could  have  been  effective  without  a  survey  of  holdings 
and  a  new  record  of  rights ;  and  both  were  impossible,  or  beyond 
the  realm  of  practical  contemplation,  at  the  time.^''  It  is  not  really 
a  tenable  view,  that  '  records  of  right '  or  satisfactory  lists  of  cus- 
tomary rates  prevalent  in  parganas  existed — certainly  not  of  such 
a  kind  as  would  have  enabled  protection  to  be  given  by  written 
rules  or  regulations  on  the  sole  basis  of  their  contents.  Still  less 
is  it  possible  to  conclude  that  the  non-retention  {as  government 
servants)  of  the  accountants  of  villages,  and  the  abolition  of  the 
kdnungos  of  fiscal  subdivisions,  were  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the 
settlement  to  provide  due  protection  for  the  raiyats. 

The  lists  of  village  and  pargana  revenue  rates  (now  become  the 
middlemen's  rents)  were  never  records  of  right  or  title,  as  modern 
settlement  records  are  ;  and  the  rates  themselves  had  become  so 
various  and  so  unequal,  that  no  just  conclusion  could  be  drawn 
from  them  in  the  case  of  a  dispute. ^^  And  the  settlement  did 
not  abolish  the  village  control  or  its  accounts.  On  the  contrary 
Eegulation  YIII.  expressly  provided  that  if  in  any  village  a  joatwari 
(accountant)  did  not  exist,  one  was  to  be  forthwith  appointed.  The 
government  persisted  in  the  effort  to  restore  these  officers  for  some 
years.^^ 

But  the  whole  ideal  of  the  new  position  conceded  to  the  land- 
lords was,  to  leave  them  in  as  much  independence  as  possible, 
and  to  refuse  to  pry  into  the  internal  affairs  of  their  estates.     As 

^*  It  was  not  till  1822  that  Holt  Mackenzie  succeeded,  in  the  N.W.  Provinces,  in 
enforcing  (against  considerable  opposition)  the  necessity  of  a  survey  and  record  of 
rights.  Even  then  for  twenty  years  the  authorities  had  gone  on  (in  those  provinces) 
trying  to  do  without  either.  But  by  1822  the  necessary  establishments  were  much 
more  easily  attainable. 

"  How  much  this  was  the  case  may  be  seen  from  the  proofs  collected  by  Dr.  Field 
{Landholding,  &c.,  pp.  606-7).  Mr.  Colebrooke's  able  minute  of  1812  put  in  the 
clearest  light  how  worthless  these  records  were,  when  they  existed  at  all.  It  is  true 
that  this  minute  was  written  some  twenty  years  after  the  settlement ;  but  long  before 
that  the  zamindari  management  (hardly  controlled  at  all  by  the  state)  had  upset  all 
regularity  in  the  rates  or  in  the  lists  of  them. 

2^  We  find  records  in  the  volumes  up  to  1801,  still  asking  if  the  orders  had  been 
carried  into  effect.  See,  for  instance,  No.  5831  (Circular),  in  June  1796  ;  No.  6601, 
July  1797  ;  No.  8730,  January  1800. 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVIII.  U 


290       PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL    April 

the  revenue  payable 'was  now  fixed  for  ever,  and  (under  such  cir- 
cumstances) was  to  be  paid  without  regard  to  temporary  profits  and 
losses,  the  control  of  the  kanungo  of  each  local  subdivision  ceased 
to  be  of  any  use.^^  The  only  thing  such  an  officer  could  do  would 
be  to  watch  against  oppressive  acts  of  the  landlord,  and  maintain 
the  rights  of  his  subordinate ,  landholders  ;  this  was  an  impossible 
position,  even  if  he  had  the  moral  courage  to  attempt  it.  And  very 
much  the  same  was  true  of  the  village  accountants.  How  could 
they  be  maintained  as  servants  of  government — that  is,  in  a  position 
(as  the  lawyers  say)  *  adverse  '  to  the  landlord  ?  Of  course  their 
accounts  were  kept,  and  had  been  increasingly  so  kept,  long  before 
the  settlement,  not  so  as  to  be  a  check  upon  the  landlords,  or  to 
maintain  the  rates  really  due  from  the  raiyats  according  to  the  last 
authorised  adjustment  of  them,  but  so  as  to  facilitate  the  collections 
of  the  landlords,  at  rates  which  the  government  had  (in  fact)  long 
allowed  them  to  dictate.  Both  kanungos  and  patwdris,  therefore, 
became  useless  as  checks,  and  the  government  found  it  a  useless 
expense  to  pay  them. 

The  fact  is  that  the  old  system  of  graduated  local  control  was 
effective  only  on  the  supposition  that  direct  dealings  with  the 
original  village  proprietors  were  continued.  At  the  present  day 
the  system  only  works  to  advantage  in  provinces  where  govern- 
ment deals  directly  with  the  villages,  whether  with  the  individual 
holders,  as  in  the  great  western  and  southern  provinces,  or  with  co- 
sharing  village  proprietary  bodies  regarded  as  jointly  responsible 
units,  as  in  North -West  India.  The  ultimate  abolition  of  govern- 
ment-paid local  agents  was  the  necessary  outcome  of  the  system 
of  acknowledging  great  local  landlords.^^ 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  root  of  all  the  early  tenant 
difficulties  in  Bengal  was,  just  as  in  Ireland,  the  inability  of  the 
authorities  to  contemplate  a  relation  which  they  might  call  a 
*  tenancy '  if  they  pleased,  but  which  was  founded  on  status,  not 
on  contract.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  at  the  time  of  the  per- 
manent settlement,  the  modern  capitalist  theory  of  rent  was  not 
invented  ;  nor  did  it  appear  till  some  twenty-five  years  later.  Still 
it  was  thought  that  rent  was  the  result  of  a  mutual  agreement 
based  on  the  intuitive  feeling  of  either  party  as  to  what  one  was 
able  to  ask  and  the  other  would  find  it  possible  to  pay.     And  under 

2''  As  early  as  February  1786  (vol.  i.  No.  1162)  report  was  made  that  the  kanungos 
were  of  no  use.  In  July  1793  (vol.  i.  Nos.  2916,  2928,  2970,  and  3014)  the  orders 
were  given  for  abolition.     Attempts  at  restoration  were  made  in  1816-9. 

2^  In  later  times  there  has  been  an  immense  correspondence  about  the  revival  of 
village  accountants  ;  but  the  very  fact  illustrates  what  is  said  above :  for  the  proposals 
only  arose  when  the  old  zamindaris  had  been  largely  broken  up  (see  Sir  W.  Hunter's 
remarks,  i.  110-4)  and  a  greatly  increased  number  of  much  smaller  estates  had  to 
be  looked  after ;  and  above  all  when  a  great  number  of  fixed  subordinate  '  tenures  ' 
and  tenant  rights  were  acknowledged  by  law. 


1895     PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL       291 

the  influence  of  such  an  idea,  as  the  necessary  concomitant  of  a 
landlord  and  tenant  tenure,  the  framers  of  the  regulations  omitted 
to  declare  that  permanent  (or  resident)  raiyats'  rents  could  not  be 
raised,  and  left  the  perfectly  natural  inference  ^^  that  they  could. 
The  worst  feature  in  the  uncertainty  thus  created  was  not  so  much 
that  rack-renting  became  very  prevalent,  for  that  maybe  doubted  ;^^ 
but  that  year  by  year  the  means  of  distinguishing  between  tenants 
who  were  really  the  original  landholders  or  their  direct  representa- 
tives, and  those  who  owed  their  position  to  a  subsequent  personal 
contract  with  the  landlord,  became  more  and  more  difficult  to  find. 
Ignorant  peasants  do  not  know  how  to  preserve  proof  of  material 
facts ;  and  in  the  end  some  arbitrary  rule  has  to  be  resorted  to, 
when  the  legislature  desires  to  classify  tenants  into  those  who  have 
rights  of  status  and  those  who  have  not. 

But  the  after  history  of  the  tenant  question  belongs  to  a  period 
long  subsequent  to  the  records  in  Sir  W.  Hunter's  four  volumes. 
A  few  words  may,  however,  be  added  to  complete  the  story,  at  least 
as  far  as  the  first  tenant  law.  An  official  inquiry  was  instituted  in 
1811,  which  produced  (among  others)  a  minute  by  Mr.  H.  Cole- 
brooke,  that  attracted  great  attention  and  resulted  in  the  passing 
of  Regulation  V.  of  1812.  This  law  endeavoured  to  limit  the  altera- 
tion of  rents  on  the  occurrence  of  a  sale,  and  to  find  an  equitable 
rule  for  fixing  rents  by  comparison  with  those  paid  on  similar  adja- 
cent lands.  The  law  was  unquestionably  designed  to  be  in  redress 
of  tenants'  grievances  ;  but  unfortunately,  being  defective  in  itself, 
and  also  nullified  by  other  legislation,  it  only  added  to  the  troubles 
it  was  meant  to  relieve.  Next,  Lord  Moira  wrote  a  notable  minute 
in  1815,  which  indicates  the  change  that  had  come  over  official 
opinion ;  but  matters  were  not  then  ripe  for  a  comprehensive  tenant 
law.  It  needed  the  experience  of  another  great  settlement — that  of 
North-West  India — before  a  practical  mode  of  dealing  with  tenant 
rights  suggested  itself.  At  last,  in  1859,  the  first  idea  of  a  tenant 
law  found  expression.  In  the  meantime  some  of  the  difficulties  were 
obviated,  or  at  least  lessened,  by  the  increased  number  of  the  courts, 
and  their  being  more  accessible  and  more  speedy  in  deciding ;  the 
sale  law  was  improved,  especially  as  to  the  extension  of  the  list  of 
existing  leases  and  tenures  which  were  not  voidable  on  a  sale  ; 
there  was  also  a  gradual  improvement  in  the  mode  of  registering 

^^  See  Colonel  Munro's  remarks,  quoted  above,  p.  288,  n.  22. 

^°  In  spite  of  all  the  occasional  or  frequent  harshness  of  landlords,  custom,  if  only- 
recent  custom,  and  the  fact  that  neighbouring  lands  of  the  same  quahty  must  natu- 
rally pay  alike,  gradually  established  a  kind  of  standard  which  was  not  generally 
ignored.  In  his  study  of  the  Dinajpur  zamindaris.  Dr.  Buchanan  noticed  that  the 
landlords  had  an  idea  that  resident  raiyats  could  not  have  their  rent  {eo  nomine) 
raised  (without  state  sanction) ;  but  they  made  out  an  increase  in  other  ways.  The 
prohibition  against '  extras  '  never  was  really  effective  as  long  as  the  tenants  would 
submit  to  the  demand. 

172 


•k 


292      PERMANENT  SETTLEMENT  OF  BENGAL    April 

f 

subordinate  interests  and  so  protecting  them.     These  interests  are 

now  numerous  and  afford  a  rather  curious  study.  One  large  class, 
the  modern  patnl  tenure,  has  been  made  the  subject  of  some  very 
interesting  remarks  by  Sir  W.  Hunter.  These  tenures  cannot,  how- 
ever, here  be  further  noticed.  The  latest  Bengal  law  (revision  of 
1885)  has  found  it  desirable  to  use  the  word  *  tenure  '  in  a  special 
sense,  to  indicate  these  intermediate  interests,  which  lie  halfway, 
as  it  were,  between  soil  ownership  and  contract  tenancy. 

One  possibility  of  final  solution  for  tenant  troubles  still  remains 
unapplied.  Alone  among  the  provinces  of  India,  Bengal  has  no 
cadastral  survey,  and  consequently  no  agricultural  statistics.  Topo- 
graphical maps,  and  to  some  extent  surveys  of  the  outer  boundaries 
of  estates  and  even  villages,  exist,  but  that  is  all.  This  is  a  subject 
which  would  require  a  separate  article  to  explain.  If  Bengal  has 
prospered  under  the  permanent  settlement,  it  is  not  because  of  the 
principles  of  the  settlement  or  its  law.  It  is  because  a  firm,  and 
on  the  whole  good,  administration,  profound  peace,  a  free  and  ever 
expanding  market,  and  a  naturally  fertile  soil,  have  produced  their 
own  ameliorating  results.  Education,  too,  is  slowly  filtering  down 
to  the  tenant  class,  and  has  done  something  to  make  them  more 
self-reliant  and  able  to  maintain  their  rights. 

B.  H.  Baden-Powell. 


1895  293 


Notes  and  Documents 


THE    POPE   WHO   DEPOSED    HIMSELF. 

The  maxim  that  a  man  may  not  be  judge  in  his  own  cause  is  com- 
monly qualified  by  the  exception  that  sometimes  he  has  to  be  so  by 
necessity — to  wit,  when  he  is  the  only  competent  judge.  In  the 
later  middle  ages  a  current  illustration  of  this  was  the  legend  of  the 
pope  who  was  said  to  have  condemned  himself.  A  learned  friend 
once  told  me  that  he  had  met  with  the  story  in  an  English  book  in 
some  such  form  as  this  (the  reference  cannot  now  be  found ;  it  may 
be  in  one  of  the  later  Year  Books)  : 

Venit  Papa  ad  cardinales  et  dixit :  Peccavi ;  indicate  me.  Respon- 
derunt  cardinales  :  Nolumus  te  iudicare.  Dixit  Papa  :  Quis  ergo  rae 
iudicabit  ?  Responderunt :  ludica  te  ipsum.  Tunc  dixit  Papa  :  ludico 
me  cremari.    Et  crematus  est. 

After  I  had  wondered  for  some  time  whether  this  fable  had  any 
assignable  connexion  with  real  events  I  was  put  on  the  right  track 
by  the  never-failing  learning  and  courtesy  of  Lord  Acton.  The 
proximate  historical  origin  seems  to  be  in  the  alleged  circumstances 
of  Gregory  VI's  deposition  at  the  synod  of  Sutri,  a.d.  1046.  That 
Gregory  was  then  and  there  deposed  for  simony  is  a  certain 
historical  fact.  Most  of  the  contemporary  authorities  treat  the  pro- 
ceeding, expressly  or  by  implication,  as  an  act  of  imperial  authority. 
Bonitho  or  Bonizo,  however,  gives  an  elaborate  account  how  Gregory 
asked  the  bishops  what  was  to  be  done ;  how  they  replied,  Tu  in 
sinu  tuo  collige  causam  tuam;  tu  propria  ore  te  iudica  .  .  .  and 
how  Gregory  condemned  himself  in  this  manner :  Ego  Gregoriiis 
propter  turpissimam  venalitatem  quae  meae  electioni  iiTepsit  a 
Romano  episcopatu  iudico  me  submovendum.  This  would  be  likely 
enough,  in  the  course  of  three  or  four  centuries,  to  produce  variants 
of  which  the  form  above  given  would  be  a  very  late  and  crude  example. 
But  the  ultimate  origin  lies  further  back.  Jaffe  ^  points  out  that 
not  only  is  a  similar  story  told  in  the  apocryphal  acts  of  the  council 
of  Sinuessa  concerning  Marcellinus,  who  is  said  to  have  abdicated 
or  deposed  himself  as  having  been  guilty  of  idolatry,^  but  Bonitho 

'  '  Monumenta  Gregoriana,'  Bihl.  Rer.  Germ.  vol.  ii.  p.  599. 
*  Cf.  DoUinger,  Die  Pai^stfaheln  des  Mittelalters,  p.  48. 


294  THE   POPE    WHO   DEPOSED   HIMSELF       April 

has,  in  another  wort,  dressed  up  this  story  in  almost  the  same 
words  that  he  applies  to  the  case  of  Gregory  VI.  Accordingly 
Jaffe  has  a  very  bad  opinion  of  Bonitho's  veracity  {perfectum  autem 
mentiendi  artificem  in  hac  re  quoque  se  praehet  Bonitho).  One 
or  two  recent  writers  appear  to  persist,  notwithstanding  Jaffe's  ex- 
posure, in  holding  that  something  of  the  kind  described  by  Bonitho 
did  happen  at  Sutri.^  I  suppose  it  is  just  possible  to  believe  that 
the  fable  of  Marcellinus  was  acted  on  as  an  historical  precedent. 

The  fiction  was  by  no  means  purposeless.  Its  object,  as 
DoUinger  and  Jaffe  explain,  was  to  reinforce  the  doctrine  that  the 
pope  is  not  subject  to  any  earthly  jurisdiction.  Perhaps  some 
reader  of  the  English  Historical  Eeview  may  be  able  to  supply 
further  links  in  the  history  of  the  legend.  F.  Pollock. 


THE    MURDER   OF    HENRY   CLEMENT. 


Any  English  document  of  the  thirteenth  century  which  shows  us 
witnesses  being  examined  separately  as  to  the  perpetration  of  a 
crime  is  of  so  rare  a  kind  that  the  following  extract  from  a  Coram 
Eege  roll  seems  worthy  to  be  printed.  It  relates  to  the  murder  of 
Henry  Clement  in  the  year  1235  of  which  Matthew  Paris  has  told 
us.^  Clement  was  a  clerk  whom  Maurice  Fitzgerald,  the  justiciar 
of  Ireland,  had  sent  as  envoy  to  the  king.  It  will  be  seen  from  the 
following  record — and  this  we  might  learn  from  Paris  also — that 
the  guilt  of  the  murder  was  attributed  to  two  very  different  persons. 
On  the  one  hand  suspicion  fell  on  Gilbert  Marshall,  Earl  of 
Pembroke,  for  Clement,  it  was  said,  had  bragged  of  having  a  hand 
in  the  death  of  Eichard  Marshall,  Gilbert's  brother,  who  perished 
in  Ireland  in  the  year  1234.  On  the  other  hand  there  were  some 
who  laid  the  murder  of  Clement  at  the  door  of  William  de  Marisco, 
whose  father,  Geoffrey  de  Marisco,  was  supposed  to  have  taken  part 
in  the  plot  which  lured  Eichard  Marshall  to  his  fate.  This  of 
course  is  strange ;  it  is  much  as  if  we  were  certain  that  some 
modern  Irish  crime  had  been  committed  either  by  Fenians  or  by 
Orangemen,  and  yet  knew  not  which  party  to  accuse.  It  suggests 
that  there  was  a  triangular  quarrel  between  the  Marshalls,  the 
Fitzgeralds,  and  the  family  of  Marsh  or  Dumaresqe.  The  truth 
may  be  that  Clement  had  been  babbling  and  had  thus  incurred 
the  enmity  of  all  parties.  The  end  of  the  matter  was  that  Gilbert 
Marshall  proved  his  innocence,  while  William  de  Marisco  was  out- 
lawed, took  to  piracy,  and  in  1242  was  hanged  as  a  traitor.  We  know 
also  that  Gilbert  Marshall  was  suspected  of  shielding  William  de 
Marisco  from  justice.^ 

'  Baxmann,  Die  Politik  der  Pdpste,  ii.  206. 

'  Matth.  Par.  Chron.  Maj.  iii.  327,  iv.  193-6  ;  Boyal  Letters,  ed.  Shirley,  i.  469-70 ; 
Sweetman's  Calendar  of  Irish  Documents,  Nos.  2262,  2291,  2321. 
2  Sweetman's  Calendar,  No.  2321. 


1895         THE  MURDER   OF  HENRY  CLEMENT  296 

The  following  record  stands  on  Curia  Kegis  Roll  No.  115 
(18-19  Hen.  III.),  m.  33  d.  It  has  been  copied  by  Miss  Salisbury. 
The  roll  is  in  bad  condition  ;  some  words  are  illegible  and  the  words 
here  printed  within  brackets  are  barely  to  be  read.  I  have 
endeavoured  to  write  out  in  full  the  words  which  are  contracted  in 
the  original  document.  I  have  read  no  other  record  of  this  age 
which  shows  us  a  similar  attempt  to  obtain  evidence  of  a  crime 
from  witnesses  who  are  examined  one  by  one. 

F.  W.  Maitland. 

cHenricus     Clement    nuncius    lusticiarii    Hyhernie    occisus 
MiDD.<      fuit  apud  Westmonasterium  in  domo  Magistri  Davidis  U 
L     CirurgiBn. 

Et  Willelmus  Perdriz  nuncius  domini  Regis  tunc  fuit  in  domo  ilia  et 
dicit  quod  post  mediam  noctem  ^  ante  diem  Lune  proximum  ante  Ascensci- 
onem  Domini  venerunt  v.  homines  armati  vel  sex  vel  ibi  circiter  et  plures 
alii  '^  nee  nescivit  numerum  ad  domum  praedicti  Davidis  et  fregerunt 
hostium  aule  et  postea  intraverunt  aulam  et  ascenderunt  versus  unum 
solium  et  hostium  solii  fregerunt  et  ibi  occiderunt  predictum  Henricum 
et  vulneraverunt  predictum  Magigtrum  Davidem.  Et  quesitus  si  sciret 
qui  ipsi  fuerunt  dicit  quod  non.  Quesitus  eciam  ^  ipse  fecit  dicit  quod  non 
fuit  ausus  aliquid  facere  propter  metum  predictorum  armatorum  et  dixit 
predicti  homines  dicebant  sibi  quod  teneret  se  in  pace  et  quod  non  oporteret 
eum  timere.  Et  dicit  quod  credit  quod  plures  extra  domum  fuerunt  in 
vico  quia  cum  idem  Henricus  vellet  in  fugam  convertere  et  abire  et  cum 
vellet  exire  per  quandam  fenestram  retraxit  se  propter  multitudinem 
gentium  quam  vidit  extra  in  vico. 

Et  Brianus  nuncius  lusticiarii  Hybernie  tunc  fuit  in  curia  in  quadam 
domo  forinseca  in  quodam  stabulo  et  dicit  quod  neminem  vidit  nee  aliquid 
scivit  antequam  factum  illud  perpetratum  fuit  et  tunc  levavit  clamorem 
sed  dicit  quod  nescivit  qui  fuerunt  sed  dicit  quod  "homines  Willelmi  de 
Marisco  minati  fuerunt  eidem  Henrico  de  corpore  suo  quia  dicebat  quod 
idem  Henricus  fuit  in  curia  et  secutus  fuit  curiam  domini  Regis  et  ipsum 
et  aUos  de  Hibernia  impedivit  quod  negocia  sua  facere  non  potuerunt  in 
curia.  Et  dicit  quod  habet  in  suspicione  ipsum  Willelmum  et  sues  et 
homines  Marescalli  sed  dicit  quod  nescit  aliquem  nominare.  Et  dicit  quod 
suspicionem  habet  de  quodam  valeto  Ricardi  Syward^  sed  nescit  ilium 
nominare. 

Willelmus  garcio  predicti  Henrici  dicit  quod  iacuit  in  quodam  stabulo 
in  curia  et  quod  nichil  inde  scivit  antequam  factum  illud  factum  fuit  ^ 
quod  nescit  qui  illi  fuerunt  sed  dicit  quod  predictus  Henricus  sepius  dixit 
in  hoc  dimidio  anno  quod  homines  Marescalli  ei  minati  fuerunt  sepius. 
Et  quesitus  si  aliquem  nominavit  unquam  dicit  quod  non. 

Et  Willelmus  homo  ipsius  Perdriz  venit  et  dicit  quod  iacuit  in  aula 

*  This  seems  to  be  the  night  between  13  and  14  May  1235. 

*  Et  plures  alii  interlined,  *  Supply  qiiid. 

®  Richard  Siward  was  a  friend  of  the  Marshalls.    This  witness,  who  is  a  servant 
of  Fitzgerald,  seems  to  suspect  both  Marshall  and  Marisco. 
'  Supply  et. 


296  THE  MURDER   OF  HENRY  CLEMENT        April 

et  dicit  quod  plures  venerunt  in  domum  circiter  duodecim  vel  ampliores  ^ 
videbatur  ei  quod  domus  plena  erat  sed  non  fuit  ausus  clamare  sed  coope- 
ruit  capud  suum  quadam  barhudo.  Et  dicit  quando  recesserunt  ipse 
secutus  fuit  eos  cum  clamore  usque  ad  cimiterium  Westmonasterii  etunus 
eorum  reverti  voluit  super  eum  et  ipse  in  domum  intravit  et  non  fuit 
ausus  ulterius  sequi.  Et  dicit  quod  tres  vidit  euntes  versus  cimiterium 
cum  gladiis  extractis. 

Sander  Scot  garcio  Thome  le  Messager  dicit  quod  iacuit  in  domo  et 
dicit  quod  vidit  sex  armatos  quolibet  genere  armorum  et  caligis  ferreis  et 
quidam  tulerunt  quandam  grossam  torchiam  tortam  in  ^  manu  sua  usque 
ad  hostium  solarii  et  quando  perceperunt  quod  Henricus  fuit  in  solio  tunc 
illam  extinxerunt  et  intraverunt  ad  faciendum  illud  factum. 

Alicia  hospita  ipsius  Magistri  Davidis  dicit  quod  iacuit  in  quadam 
camera  in  domo  sua  et  famula  sua  similiter  et  pueri  sui  cum  ea  et  quando 
audivit  frangere  hostium  aule  versus  vicum  ipsa  voluit  exire  sed  non  fuit 
ausa  exeundi  pro  famula  sua  et  ipsa  levavit  clamorem  et  aperuit  quandam 
fenestram  versus  curiam  et  nullum  de  garcionibus  qui  iacuerunt  in  stabulo 
potuit  evigilare.  Quesita  si  aliquem  cognoscebat  vel  videret  dicit  quod  non, 
set  dicit  quod  audivit  eundem  Henricum  dicentem  Dominica  qua  occisus 
fuit  eadem  nocte  quod  timebat  sibi  ne  interficeretur  et  voluit  potius  esse 
in  Hibernia  quam  in  Anglia. 

Et  Hawisia  famula  ipsius  Alicie  dicit  similiter  quod  fuit  in  camera  ilia 
sed  neminem  vidit  nee  aliquem  cognovit.  Et  filia  ipsius  Alicie  nichil 
aliud  dicit. 

Rogerus  de  Norwico  qui  iacuit  in  tentoriis  ante  portam  domini  Regis 
dicit  quod  audivit  homines  euntes  super  calcetam  et  vidit  plures  circiter 
sexdecim  et  quorum  quidam  fuerunt  armati  et  habuerunt  gladios 
extractos  set  neminem  cognovit  et  dicit  quod  equi  eorum  fuerunt  in 
cimiterio  et  plures  illic  tendebant  et  unus  ivit  versus  villam. 

Godefridus  Sutor  qui  similiter  iacuit  in  tentoriis  dicit  quod  audivit 
equos  et  fremitum  equorum  et  tunc  post  parvum  intervallum  fregerunt  hos- 
tium aule  et  intraverunt  sed  nescit  quid  tunc  ibi  fecerunt  sed  audivit 
ictus  gladiorum. 

Johannes  filius  Eogeri  de  Norwico  similiter  dicit  quod  neminem  vidit 
sed  audivit  tumultum  sed  nuUam  scit  certitudinem. 

Ricardus  Tremle  iuratus  ^^  dicit  quod  nichil  inde  scit  nisi  quod  audivit 
clamorem  nee  ab  aliquo  audivit  nee  inquirere  potuit  si  aliqui  ei  minati 
essent  vel  quod  aliquis  ei  aliquid  vellet  nisi  bonum. 

[Dictus]  Magister  David  ^^  iuratus  dicit  quod  neminem  cognovit  sed 
armati  fuerunt  circiter  quinque  vel  sex  de  illis  qui  .  .  .  ascenderunt  in 
soUum  et  ipsum  vulneraverunt  ^^  et  cum  ipse  Henricus  aperuisset  fenes- 
tram et  vellet  [exire  retraxit  se]  propter  multitudinem  gentium  qui  fuerunt 
in  vico.  Et  dicit  quod  ipsum  Henricum  interfecerunt  .  .  .  dominus  Rex 
[esset]  nuper  apud  Roffam  venerunt  quidam  Henricus  de  Ponte  Arche  et 
Henricus  de  .  .  .  [et]  minati  fuerunt  ei  ita  quod  insecuti  fuerunt  eum  supra 
pontem   Roffe   cum  quodam  garcione  et  ille  [garcio]  habuit  cultellum 

*  Supply  et.       ^  Three  preceding  words  interlined ;  quandam  grossam  on  erasure. 
">  It  is  not  said  of  the  previous  witnesses  that  they  were  sworn. 
"  The  surgeon  in  whose  house  the  murder  was  done. 
*2  The  witness  himself  was  wounded. 


1895         THE  MURDER   OF  HENRY  CLEMENT  297 

[semitractum]  ut  idem  Henricus  dicebat  et  quando  cepit  se  ad  cultellum 
suum  ille  garcio  .  .  .  et  recessit  et  idem  Henricus  de  Ponte  Arche  dicebat 
quod  habuit  spinam  in  pede  et  .  .  .  recederet  a  predicto  Henrico.  Et  dicit 
quod  quidam  parvus  nuntius  Willelmi  Marescalli  cum  minutis  butonibus  '^ 
venit  cotidie  ad  inquirendum  .  .  .  dictus  Henricus  ubi  esset  et  hoapitari 
vellet.    Dicit  eciam  quod  venerunt  cum  quadam  magna  torchia. 

Willelmus  de  Cantilupo  et  Ricardus  de  Stafford  milites  de  Hibernia 
iurati  dicunt  quod  idem  Henricus  cum  esset  apud  Roffam  ita  fuit  insultatua 
ut  ipse  Henricus  eis  dicebat  et  secundum  quod  predictus  Magister  David 
dixit  et  eciam  apud  Suttone  insidiatum  fuit  ei  ita  quod  premunitus  fuit  a 
quodam  milite  familiare  domini  Eegis.  Dicunt  eciam  quod  cum  dominus 
Rex  nuper  esset  apud  Windesores  venit  Willelmus  de  Marisco  et  dicebat 
eidem  Henrico  quod  ipse  Henricus  impedivit  eum  quod  non  potuit 
negocia  sua  expedire  et  promovere  in  curia  quia  majorem  habuit  graciam 
quam  ipse  habuit  erga  dominum  Eegem  et  dixit  quod  lueret  de  corpora 
suo  et  quod  si  ipsum  interfecisset  pacem  faceret  cum  domina  suo.^"* 

.  .  .  xxiiij*''^  [de  vico]  Westmonasterii  et  ultra  la  Cherringe  et  versus 
Tathulle  dicunt  super  sacramentum  suum  quod  nullam  .  .  .  veritatem 
nee  aliquid  audiverunt  nee  quis  hoe  potuit  fecisse.^'' 

.  .  .^^  qui  interfuerunt  morti  ipsius  Henriei  et  qui  utlagati  sunt 
Willelmus  de  [Marisco]  .  .  .  Burgundie  Philippus  de  Dinant  Thomas  de 
Erdinton  .  .  .  de  Ponte  Arehi  Eustachius  Cumin  Eogerus  de  Marisco.^^ 


A  BIOGEAPHICAL    NOTICE    OF    DANTE    IN    THE    1494  EDITION    OF   THE 
*  SPECULUM    HISTOEIALE.' 

The  *  Speculum  Historiale  '  forms,  as  is  well  known,  the  last  division^ 
of  the  *  Majus  Speculum,'  the  vast  encyclopsedic  work  of  Vincent  de 
Beauvais.  As  Vincent  is  generally  supposed  to  have  died  about 
the  year  1264,^  it  was  naturally  not  to  be  expected  that  his  '  Specu- 
lum '  should  contain  a  notice  of  Dante,  who  was  not  born  until 
1265.  Great  was  my  surprise,  therefore,  on  turning  over  the  pages 
of  the  first  Venice  edition  (1494)  of  the  '  Speculum  Historiale,'  to 
find  the  name  of  '  Dantes  alugerius  '  at  the  head  of  a  paragraph 
consisting  of  a  short  biographical  notice  of  the  Florentine  poet, 

*'  The  five  preceding  words  are  interlined.  Instead  of  Willelmi  MarescalV  should 
we  read  Willelmi  de  Marisco  2  Can  this  be  an  early  appearance  of  the  boy  in 
buttons  ? 

"  William  de  Marisco  told  Henry  Clement  that  if  William  slew  Henry,  William 
would  be  able  to  make  his  peace  with  Henry's  master,  Maurice  Fitzgerald. 

^5  This  jury  of  twenty-four  is  called  in,  not  to  draw  inferences  from  the  evidence 
already  given,  but  to  give,  if  possible,  additional  evidence. 

*^  Supply  Nomina  eorum  or  the  like. 

"  From  other  sources  we  learn  that  the  names  of  the  persons  outlawed  were 
William  de  Marisco,  William  of  Pont  de  I'Arche,  John  Cabus,  Walter  Sancmelle, 
Philip  of  Dinant,  Thomas  of  Erdinton,  Henry  of  Colombieres,  Eustace  Cumin  and 
Eoger  de  Marisco. 

1  A  fourth  part,  entitled  Speculum  Morale,  is  included  in  all  the  printed  editions 
of  Vincent  de  Beauvais;  but  this  has  been  conclusively  shown  to  be  a  later 
compilation. 

2  According  to  one  account  he  was  alive  as  late  as  1276. 


298         A   BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTICE   OF  DANTE       April 

and  concluding  with  Aie  date  of  his  death  (1321).  Plainly  in  the 
edition  before  me  the  chronicle  of  Vincent  had  been  continued  by 
some  later  hand.  Accordingly,  on  making  a  careful  examination  of 
the  book,  I  found  that  ninety-two  chapters  had  been  interpolated 
towards  the  close  of  Vincent's  own  work,  the  interpolation  beginning 
in  the  middle  of  cap.  cv.  of  lib.  xxxii.  (according  to  the  division 
adopted  in  the  Strassburg  edition  of  1473).  Vincent's  chapter 
commences  as  follows : 

De  temporibus  presentibus.  Ecce  tempera  sexte  etatis  ^  usque  ad  pre- 
sentem,  annum  summatim  perstringendo  descripsi  qui  est  annus  christia- 
nissimi regis nostriludowici  .XVIII.  imperii  vero  friderici  .XXXIII."^  Ponti- 
ficatus  autem  innocencii  quarti  secundus  .  Qui  est  porro  ab  incarnacione 
domini  millesimus.cc"^xliiij"«  .  A  creacione  mundi  quintimillesimus  .cc"^ 
■vj"^  Et  hoc  duntaxat  iuxta  minorem  numerum  quern  in  hac  tota  serie 
secuti  sumus.  Porro  secundum  majorem  numerum  ex  antiqua  translacione 
sumptum,  quem  supra  posuimus,  annus  presens  existit  ab  inicio  seculi 
sextus  millesimus  .cccc"^  xlij"^.  .  .  . 

At  this  point,  in  the  middle  of  the  chapter,  in  the  Venice  edition 
of  1494  (as  well  as  in  that  of  1591,  which  is  practically  a  reprint 
of  the  former)  the  narrative  of  Vincent  de  Beauvais  is  suddenly 
interrupted  with  the  remark  :  '  Hactenus  Vincentii  Historia.  Quae 
vero  sequuntur  usque  in  tempus  currens,  anni,  videlicet  M.ccccxciiii. 
-ex  cronica  nova  sunt  addita.' 

Here,  in  the  edition  of  1591,  follows  a  new  heading  :  *  Kerum 
gestarum  |  Ex  Historiis  |  Ac  Chronicis  fide  dignis  |  collectarum, 
et  excerptarum  |  Quae  ab  Anno  M.ccxliiij.  usque  ad  M.ccccxciiij. 
scitu  digna  visa  sunt,  |  ad  Speculum  Historiale  compendiosa  ap- 
pendix.' Then  follow  ninety- one  chapters  (unnumbered  in  the 
edition  of  1494)  of  the  interpolated  chronicle.  At  the  end  of 
these  is  printed  a  Latin  sapphic  poem  addressed  *  Ad  deum 
optimum  maximum  |  de  his  quae  mirabilia  gessit  pro  iustissimo  | 
et  excelso  Maximiliano  Kege  |  Eomanorum.'  At  the  close  of  the 
ninety-first  chapter  is  appended  this  notice  :  '  Haec  habuimus 
quae  ex  chronica  nova  adjiceremus.'  Then  follows  another  inter- 
polated chapter  (the  ninety-second),  entitled,  *De  morte,  ac  fine 
rerum ;  '  which  again  is  followed  by  two  short  Latin  poems,  one 
in  hexameters,  the  other  in  elegiacs,  on  the  same  subject.  The 
next  chapter  (ninety-three)  resumes  the  narrative  of  Vincent  at  the 
commencement  of  his  cap.  cvi.,  '  Be  signis  futurae  consummationis,' 
and  follows  him  to  the  end,  the  work  being  concluded  in  twenty- 
three  chapters  (cvi-cxxviii.)  dealing  with  the  Coming  of  Antichrist, 
Hell-fire,  the  Glorification  of  Saints,  &c. 

'  Vincent  divides  the  history  of  the  world  into  six  ages  : — 1.  From  the  Creation  to 
the  Flood.  2.  From  the  Flood  to  Abraham.  3.  From  Abraham  to  David.  4.  From 
David  to  the  Capture  of  Jerusalem.  5.  From  the  Capture  of  Jerusalem  to  the  Coming 
of  Christ.     6.  From  a.d.  1  to  the  end  of  the  world. 


1895       A   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE   OF  DANTE  299 

I  have  searched  in  vain  through  the  well-known  bibliographies, 
as  well  as  through  the  various  notices  of  Vincent  de  Beauvais,  for 
any  account  of  this  interpolation.  The  only  mention  of  it  I  have 
been  able  to  find  is  in  a  meagre  note  by  Clement  Davy  in  his 
*  Bibliotheque  Curieuse  Historique  et  Critique  '  *  in  which  he  says 
of  the  Venice  edition  of  1494  of  the  '  Speculum  Historiale  : '  '  L'on 
y  a  ajoute  un  petit  supplement  au  "  Speculum  Historiale  "  que  Ton 
a  continue  jusqu'a  I'annee  1494.'  The  circumstance  of  this  addi- 
tion having  escaped  notice  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  not  introduced  as  an  apjjendix,  but  as  an  interpolation  ;  so  that 
the  conclusion  of  the  work,  being  the  same  in  the  Venice  editions 
of  1494  and  1591,  which  contain  the  supplementary  chapters,  as  in 
the  Strassburg  edition  of  1473,  which  does  not,  presents  no  clue  to 
the  bibliographer.  Among  other  interesting  notices  which  occur 
in  these  interpolated  chapters  is  one  of  Vincent  de  Beauvais  himself, 
with  a  list  of  his  works.'^ 

The  biographical  account  of  Dante,  referred  to  at  the  beginning 
of  this  article,  runs  as  follows  :  ^ 

Dantes  alugerius  ^  patria  florentinus  vates  et  poeta  conspicuus  ac 
theologorum®  [sic]  precipue  tempestate  ista  claruit  .  Vir  in  elves  sues 
egregia  nobilitate  venerandus  :  qui  licet  ex  longo  exilic  damnatus  tenues 
illi  fuissent  substantie,  semper  tamen  phisicis  atque  theologicis  doctrinis 
imbutus  vacavit  studiis  .  unde  cum  florentia  a  f  actione  nigra  pulsus  f  uisset 
parisiense  gymnasium  accessit  .  et  cum  circa  poeticam  scientiam  eruditissi- 
mus  esset  opus  inclytum  atque  divinum  lingua  vernacula  sub  titulo 
comedie  edidit  .  in  quo  omnium  celestium  terrestriumque  ac  infernorum 
profunda  contemplatus  singula  queque  historice  allegorice  tropologice  ac 
anagogice  descripsit  .  Aliud  quoque  de  monarchia  mundi  .  Hie  cum  ex 
gallicis  regressus  f uisset  friderico  arragonensi  regi  et  domino  cani  grandi 
scaligero  adhesit.  Denique  mortuo  cane  principe  veronensi  et  ipse  apud 
ravennam  Anno  domini  MCCOXXI  etatis  sue  quinquagesimo  sexto  diem 
obiit. 

*  Vol.  iii.  p.  82,  note  62. 

^  This  seems  of  sufficient  interest  to  warrant  its  transcription  here.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  the  Speculum  Morale  is  duly  ncluded  among  Vincent's  works,  though 
it  has  no  claim  to  rank  as  such,  being  largely  a  compilation  from  St.  Thomas  Aquina 
and  other  contemporary  writers.  '  Vincentius  gallus  patria  burgundus  belvacensis 
historicus  et  theologus  ordinis  predicatorum  pater,  per  hoc  ipsum  tempus  claruit.  Et 
-innumerabiles  historias  multis  sub  voluminibus  comprehendit.  Quatuor  enim  specula 
edidit  de  omni  scibili  materia  :  Doctrinale,  Morale,  Naturale,  et  historiale,  quod  usque 
ad  annum  domini  M.ccliiij  [a  mistake  for  Mccxliiij — see  Vincent's  own  account 
quoted  above]  produxit.  Atque  alia  multa  composuit  videlicet  Librum  gratie,  Librum 
de  Sancto  Joanne  evangelista,  Librum  de  eruditione  puerorum  regalium,  et  Consola- 
torium  de  morte  amici.  Et  quammaxime  de  laudibus  dive  ac  gloriose  virginis  Marie 
tractatum  celeberrimum  edidit.' 

«  It  is  placed  at  the  end  of  Cap.  91  in  the  edition  of  1591,  between  an  account  of 
the  death  of  King  John  of  Bohemia  (1346)  and  a  record  of  the  marriage  of  Azzo  VIII 
of  Este  to  Beatrice,  youngest  daughter  of  Charles  II  of  Anjou  (1305). 

'  The  edition  of  1591  reads  Aligerius. 

8  Some  word  has  evidently  dropped  out  here. 


300         A   BIOGRAPHICAL   NOTICE   OF  DANTE       April 

This  notice  is  chiefly  remarkable  on  account  of  the  very  inter- 
esting statement,  which  I  believe  to  occur  nowhere  else,  that  Dante 
attached  himself  to  '  the  king  Frederick  of  Aragon  '—friderico 
arragonensi  regi  adhesit.  There  cannot  be  the  least  doubt  as  to  the 
identity  of  the  person  intended.  There  was  no  king  of  Aragon  of 
the  name  of  Frederick,  but  there  was  a  well-known  prince  of  that 
name  belonging  to  the  royal  house  of  Aragon  who  was  the  wearer 
of  a  royal  crown  :  namely,  Frederick,  commonly  known  as  Don 
Frederick,  the  third  son  of  Peter  III  of  Aragon,  who  in  1296 
assumed  the  crown  of  Sicily,  and  retained  it  until  his  death  in  1337. 
On  the  death,  in  1285,  of  Peter  III,  king  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  his 
eldest  son,  Alphonso,  became  king  of  Aragon,  while  James,  the 
second  son,  succeeded  to  the  crown  of  Sicily.  When  Alphonso  died, 
in  1291,  James  succeeded  him  in  Aragon,  leaving  the  government 
of  Sicily  in  the  hands  of  his  younger  brother  Frederick.  A  few 
years  later,  however,  at  the  instigation  of  Pope  Boniface  VIII, 
James,  ignoring  the  claims  of  his  brother,  agreed  to  cede  Sicily 
to  the  Angevin  claimant,  Charles  II  of  Naples.  The  Sicilians,  on 
hearing  of  this  agreement,  renounced  their  allegiance  to  James,  and 
proclaimed  his  brother  Frederick  king  in  his  stead,  under  the  title 
of  Frederick  II  (1296).  Charles  and  James  thereupon  made  war 
upon  the  latter,  but  in  1299  James  withdrew  his  troops,  and  in 
1302,  on  the  failure  of  a  fresh  expedition  against  him  under  Charles 
of  Valois  and  Kobert,  duke  of  Calabria,  Frederick  was  confirmed 
in  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  under  the  title  of  king  of 
Trinacria,^  receiving  in  marriage  at  the  same  time  Charles  II's  third 
daughter,  Eleanor. 

A  peculiar  interest  attaches  to  this  statement  of  the  chronicler 
as  to  Dante's  relations  with  Frederick  of  Aragon,  owing  to  the  fact 
•that,  as  every  student  of  Dante  knows,  the  poet  never  mentions 
that  prince's  name,  nor  refers  to  him,  save  with  bitter  reproach  and 
condemnation, ^°  and  this,  though  his  reign  was  most  beneficial  to 
jthe  island  of  Sicily,  and  he  himself  appears  to  have  been  greatly 
beloved  by  his  subjects.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  explana- 
tion of  Dante's  bad  opinion  of  him  is  to  be  found  in  Frederick's 

^  This  title  was  doubtless  chosen  in  order  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  Frederick 
was  king  of  the  island  of  Sicily  only,  and  had  no  title  to  sovereignty  over  the  Two 
Sicilies,  a  designation  which  included  the  kingdom  of  Naples  as  well  as  that  of 
Sicily  proper. 

*"  See  Purg.  vii.  119  ;  Par.  xix.  131,  xx.  63.  An  apparent  exception  is  in  the 
passage  [Purg.  iii.  116)  where  he  is  referred  to  (as  some  think)  as  '  1'  onor  di  Cicilia.' 
But  even  if  the  commentators  who  understand  this  of  Frederick  are  correct  in  their 
interpretation,  it  does  not  necessarily  involve  an  inconsistency  on  Dante's  part ;  for 
the  opinion  may  be  regarded  as  being  rather  that  of  the  speaker — namely,  Manfred, 
the  prince's  grandfather — than  that  of  the  poet  himself  in  this  case.  Manfred  would 
naturally  take  a  more  favourable  view  than  Dante  of  the  character  of  his  grandson, 
who  had  offered  such  a  stout  and  successful  resistance  to  the  representative  of  the 
hated  house  of  Anjou. 


1895        A   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE   OF  DANTE         301 

policy  after  the  death  of  the  emperor,  Henry  of  Luxemburg,  to 
whom  Dante  had  looked  as  the  saviour  of  Italy.  During  the 
emperor's  lifetime  Frederick  had  acted  as  his  ally  against  his  most 
formidable  opponent,  Eobert  of  Naples,  and  had  had  the  command 
of  the  combined  Genoese  and  Sicilian  fleets.  On  Henry's  death 
(in  1313)  he  went  to  Pisa,  and  was  offered  by  the  Pisans  the  lord- 
ship of  their  city,  in  the  hope  that  he  would  carry  on  the  campaign 
against  king  Eobert  and  the  Tuscan  Guelfs.  But  Frederick,  for 
whom  the  offer  had  no  attractions,  imposed  such  hard  conditions 
that  they  practically  amounted  to  a  refusal.  Leaving  Pisa,  he 
returned  to  Sicily,  and  thenceforth,  withdrawing  as  much  as  pos- 
sible from  Italian  affairs,  he  devoted  himself  mainly  to  the  consoli- 
dation of  his  own  kingdom.  ^^  It  was  doubtless  this  want  of  sym- 
pathy with  the  fate  of  Italy  which  aroused  the  wrath  and  indigna- 
tion of  the  Florentine  poet.^^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  nature  of  Dante's  relations  with 
Frederick,  it  may  be  pretty  safely  assumed  that  they  came  to  an 
end  after  the  refusal  of  the  latter  to  identify  himself  further  with 
the  Ghibelline  cause  in  Tuscany. 

The  anonymous  chronicler's  laconic  statement — Friderico  arra- 
gonensi  regi  adhesit — opens  up  all  sorts  of  curious  speculations  as  to 
Dante's  political  position  in  the  Ghibelline  camp.  He  certainly  re- 
garded himself  as  a  person  of  political  importance  :  witness  the  tone 
of  his  several  letters  addressed  to  the  princes  and  peoples  of  Italy 
(Epist.  Y.),  to  the  Florentine  Guelfs  {Epist.  VI.),  and  to  the  Emperor 
Henry  himself  {Epist.  YII.) ;  and  this  statement,  if  it  were  possible 
to  accept  it  without  question,  would  go  far  to  prove  that  he  was  in 
direct  and  personal  contact  with  some  of  the  most  exalted  members 
of  the  imperial  party  in  Italy.  Unfortunately,  explicit  as  the 
statement  is,  and  difficult  as  it  is  to  see  what  motive  there  can  have 
been  for  its  invention,  it  is  impossible  to  regard  it  without  grave 
suspicion.  Not  only  is  it  unsupported  by  evidence  from  any  other 
quarter,  but  we  have  in  the  very  next  sentence  an  equally  ex- 
plicit statement  which  is  demonstrably  false,  as  it  involves  a  serious 
blunder   in   chronology.     The    chronicler   goes  on   to   state   that 

"  *  Federigo  re  di  Cicilia  il  qual  era  in  mare  con  suo  stuolo  .  .  .  aggiuntosi  gia  co' 
Genovesi,  sentendo  della  morte  dello  'mperadore,  venne  in  Pisa,  e  non  avendo  potuto 
vedere  lo  'mperadore  vivo,  si  il  voile  vedere  morto.  I  Pisani  per  dotta  de'  guelfi  di 
Toscana  e  del  re  Kuberto  si  vollono  il  detto  don  Federigo  fare  loro  signore ;  non  voile 
la  signoria,  ma  per  sua  scusa  domando  loro  molto  larghi  patti  fuori  di  misura,  con 
tutto  che  per  gli  piu  si  credette  che,  bene  ch'  e'  Pisani  gli  avessono  fatti,  non  avrebbe 
voluto  lasciare  la  stanza  di  Cicilia  per  signoreggiare  Pisa  ;  e  cosi  sanza  grande  dimoro 
si  torn6  in  Cicilia.'     Villani,  ix.  54. 

*2  Dante's  earlier  denunciations  of  Frederick  in  the  Convito  and  De  Vulgari 
Eloguentia,  which  were  written  probably  between  1307  and  1310,  were  doubtless  due  to 
the  contrast  presented  to  his  mind  between  Sicily  as  the  centre  of  Italian  letters 
under  the  Emperor  Frederick  II  and  the  kingdom  distracted  as  it  was  by  the  wars  of 
Frederick  of  Aragon  and  his  Angevin  rival. 


802         A   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE   OF  DANTE       April 

after  Can  Grande's  Sath  Dante  himself  died  at  Eavenna  in  1321. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  Can  Grande  did  not  die  until  eight  years 
after  Dante,  in  1329,  as  is  correctly  recorded  in  another  part  of 
the  interpolated  chronicle. ^^  Under  these  circumstances  the  state- 
ment as  to  Dante's  relations  with  Frederick  of  Aragon,  though 
quite  possibly  based  upon  trustworthy  information,  must  be  received 
if  not  with  scepticism,  at  any  rate  with  reserve,  until  it  can  be  sub- 
stantiated from  some  independent  source. 

The  only  other  item  of  special  interest  in  this  somewhat  meagre 
account  of  Dante  is  the  allusion  to  his  straitened  circumstances — 
*  although,'  says  the  chronicler,  *  his  means  were  slender  owing  to  his 
being  in  exile  for  such  a  long  period,  yet  he  always  found  leisure  for 
his  favourite  studies.'  This  remark  lends  some  support  to  the  theory 
recently  propounded  by  Dr.  Scartazzini  that  Dante  earned  his  liveli- 
hood during  his  exile  by  teaching.  We  may  suppose  the  chronicler's 
meaning  to  be  that  in  the  intervals  of  the  profession  by  which  he 
was  obliged  to  support  himself  the  poet  found  means  to  pursue 
his  favourite  philosophical  and  theological  studies.  It  can  hardly 
have  been  as  a  mere  student  that  he  went  to  the  universities  of 
Paris  and  Bologna  during  his  exile.  It  is  much  more  probable 
that  he  visited  those  places  as  being  the  centres  of  learning,  where 
he  would  find  the  two  things  he  most  needed — pupils  and  books.- 
We  are  told  nothing  in  this  account  of  the  love  affairs,  the  military 
service,  and  the  embassies,  of  which  we  hear  so  much  in  the  various 
biographies  of  Dante  ;  but  details  of  this  sort  could  perhaps  hardly 
be  expected  in  such  a  brief  notice.  It  is  singular,  however,  that  so 
little  should  be  said  about  the  poet's  writings,  the  only  other  work 
referred  to  besides  the  *  Commedia  '  being  the  '  De  Monarchia.' 
This  is  all  the  more  strange  because  Yillani — whose  chronicle,  one 
would  think,  must  have  been  well  known  and  easily  accessible — in  his 
chapter  on  Dante  (ix.  136)  gives  a  complete  list  of  the  principal 
works  of  his  illustrious  fellow-citizen  together  with  their  titles. ^"^ 

I  have  not,  so  far,  been  fortunate  enough  to  discover  the  source 
whence  this  hitherto  unnoticed  account  of  Dante  was  taken.  It 
has  every  appearance  of  being  derived  from  some  version  quite 
independent  of  the  half-dozen  well-known  biographies  of  the  poet, 
and  it  is  much  to  be  hoped  that  the  original  may  some  day  come  to 
light. 

*^  Cap.  33  of  the  additional  chapters  in  the  edition  of  1591,  which  contains  a 
notice  of  Can  Grande.  We  here  incidentally  get  another  mention  of  Dante  :  '  Canis 
scaliger,  qui  ex  rebus  strenu^  gestis  magnus  cognomento  appellatus  est,  .  .  .  erat 
multe  eloquentie  princeps  comesque  perhumanus,  nee  non  et  in  omnes  liberalis,  atque 
doctorum  virorum  turn  ecclesiasticorum  tumque  oratorum  et  historicorum  ac  poetarum- 
assidua  familiaritate  conjunctus  .  Inter  quos  Dantem  florentinum  poetam  ob  eius 
doctrine  prestantiam  magnis  honoribus  semper  prosequi  voluit.' 

•*  Save  in  the  case  of  the  Convito,  which  he  describes  as  '  uno  commento  sopra 
quattordici  sue  canzoni  morali.' 


1896        A   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE   OF  DANTE         303 

In  addition  to  the  biographical  notice  of  Dante  discussed  above,- 
the  interpolated  chapters  in  the  Venice  editions  of  the  *  Speculum 
Historiale  '  contain  an  interesting,  and  in  some  respects  novel, 
account  of  the  murder  of  Henry,  son  of  Eichard,  earl  of  Cornwall, 
king  of  the  Eomans,  by  his  cousin,  Guy  de  Montfort,in  a  church  at 
Viterbo.  The  deed  is  usually  represented  as  having  been  premedi- 
tated on  the  part  of  Guy ;  ^^  but  according  to  this  version  Guy  com- 
mitted the  murder  under  a  sudden  impulse  on  unexpectedly  finding 
himself  in  close  proximity  to  the  prince.  It  appears  that  Guy  and 
his  cousin  both  happened  to  attend  mass  in  the  same  church  at  the 
same  hour,  and  Guy,  who  entered  the  church  shortly  after  the 
prince,  being  struck  by  the  noble  bearing  of  the  latter,  learned 
who  he  was,  and  without  compunction  stabbed  him  to  death  on  the 
spot. 

Venerat  ad  pontificem  Heinricus,  adolescens  Richardi  regis  cornubie 
ohm  comitis  tunc  defuncti  ^^  filius,  multa  paterni  olim  regni  ^'^  negocia 
apud  sedem  apostolicam  tractaturus  .  Guido  montiifortis  et  ipse  adolescens 
cum  Philippo  rege  Francorum  eodem  se  contulit.     Forte  accidit  utrumque 

-ad  rem  divinam  sancti  Laurentii  ^^  ecclesiam,  que  Viterbii  est  Celebris, 
eadem  hora  petere.  Sed  Guido  posterior  ingressus  conspectu  ^^  liberali 
ac  regia  potius  facie  adolescentem  caterva  ^^  famulatus  stipatum  [con- 
spexit].'^^  Quodam  ex  suis  indicante  Richardi  filium  esse  didicit  a  quo 
Symon  pater  in  anglia  per  dolum  fuerat  interfectus,  nullaque  loci  tentiis 

-reverentia  incautum  aggressus  interfecit.  Equitibus  inde  suis  et  pariter 
Philippi  regis  deducentibus  ad  ruffum  ^^  etrurie  prefectum  incolumis  per- 
venit. 

I  have  not  succeeded  in  identifying  the  '  nova  chronica  '  which 
is  mentioned  by  the  interpolator  as  the  source  of  his  continuation 
of  the  '  Speculum  Historiale.'  Doubtless,  as  we  gather  from  the 
remark  inserted  in  the  edition  of  1591,  his  information  was  derived 
from  various  quarters.  Ptolemy  of  Lucca  ('  Ptolemeus  lucensis  ') 
is  quoted  as  an  authority  more  than  once,  but  it  is  evident  that 

'^  See,  for  instance,  the  account  of  the  murder  in  the  Grandcs  CJironiques  de 
France  :  •  Avant  que  le  roy  de  France  venist  a  Viterbe  ne  que  il  fust  en  la  ville  entr6, 
Henry  le  fils  au  roy  d'Alemaigne  vint  en  la  cite.  Guy  de  Montfort  sot  bien  sa  venue, 
si  se  hasta  moult  de  savoir  son  repaire  et  ou  il  estoit.  En  moult  grant  pensee  estoit 
comeut  il  le  pourroit  occire.'     {LHstoire  au  Roy  Phelipo  HI.  Chap,  xii.) 

"^  The  chronicler  is  mistaken  in  supposing  Kichard,  king  of  the  Eomans,  to  have 
been  dead  at  the  time  of  the  murder.  His  death  did  not  occur  till  more  than  a  year 
after  that  event. 

'^  The  edition  of  1494  reads  rcgna,  that  of  1591  reads  regia ;  the  emendation 
adopted  in  the  text  was  suggested  to  me  by  Mr.  Charles  Plummer. 

'^  This  again  is  a  mistake.  The  real  scene  of  the  murder  was  not  the  famous 
church  of  San  Lorenzo,  the  present  cathedral,  but  that  of  San  Silvestro,  which  was 
comparatively  little  known.     (See  Pinzi,  Storia  di  Viterbo,  ii.  288.) 

'■•'  The  editions  read  conspectum.  ^^  The  edition  of  1591  reads  catervam. 

'*  I  supply  conspexit,  as  some  such  verb  is  needed  to  complete  the  sense. 

^2  Conte  Rosso  degli  Aldobrandini,  whose  daughter  Guy  had  married. 


304        A   BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICE   OF  DANTE       April 

his  chronicle  was  not  iystematically  made  use  of,  since  the  account 
given  by  him  of  the  murder  of  '  Henry  of  Almain  '  is  quite  different 
from  the  one  I  have  reproduced  above. 

Paget  Toynbee 


THE   ASSASSINATION    OF    THE    GUISES   AS   DESCRIBED    BY 
THE    VENETIAN    AMBASSADOR. 

The  most  direct  evidence  as  to  the  events  which  took  place  at 
Blois  pn  23  and  24  Dec.  1588,  is  undoubtedly  the  deposition 
of  Monsignor  d'Espinac,  the  archbishop  of  Lyons,  who  was  in 
the  council  chamber  along  with  the  cardinal  of  Guise,  when 
his  brother,  the  duke  of  Guise,  was  murdered  in  an  adjoining 
room.  Other  contemporary  testimony  is  to  be  found  in  the  reports 
furnished  to  their  respective  governments  by  the  representatives 
of  foreign  powers.  Among  these,  however,  I  believe  that  the  very 
full  account  supplied  by  the  Venetian  ambassador  has,  as  yet, 
escaped  notice.  I  publish  the  documents  here,  with  a  prefatory 
note  of  their  chief  contents. 

The  Venetian  ambassador  in  France  was  Giovanni  Mocenigo. 
He  and  the  other  diplomatic  agents  were  lodged  at  the  village  of 
Saint  Die,  a  few  miles  east  of  the  town  of  Blois.  His  secretary, 
however,  was  constantly  in  that  city  to  gather  information.  The 
States  were  in  session ;  the  Guise  party  was  powerful  in  Blois  ;  the 
duke  of  Guise,  as  grand  master,  held  the  keys  of  the  castle ;  the 
king  was  profoundly  suspicious.  Mocenigo  says  that  Henry  had  been 
warned  both  by  the  Duchess  d'Aumale,  and  by  Guise's  brother,  the 
duke  of  Mayenne,  that  there  was  a  scheme  on  foot  to  seize  his 
person  and  carry  him  to  Paris  by  force.  The  duke  desired  to 
persuade  the  king  that  this  was  not  the  case.  They  were  at  mass 
together,  and  at  the  moment  of  the  elevation  Guise  said  to  the 
king :  *  Sire,  by  yonder  true  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  I  never 
had  such  thoughts  as  these ;  '  to  which  the  king  replied  that  he 
quite  believed  it,  for  no  one  could  deprive  him  of  his  liberty ;  his 
life,  rather,  might  be  in  danger.  The  dread  of  this  danger  haunted 
the  mind  of  Henry,  and  the  idea  of  murder  was  ripening  in  his 
brain.  The  queen  mother,  Catherine,  who  desired  to  smooth 
matters  between  Henry  and  the  League,  was  lying  in  bed  ill  with 
fever  and  catarrh,  which,  owing  to  her  advanced  age,  caused  lively 
fears  for  her  life,  and  quite  prevented  her  from  taking  that  para- 
mount place  in  the  councils  of  the  king  which  it  had  been  her  habit 
to  fill. 

It  is  well  known  that  Guise  neglected  the  frequent  warnings 
which  he  received ;  his  scornful  answer  to  the  message  left  upon 
his  plate  at  supper  showed  that  he  despised  the  king  and  was 
convinced  that  *  he  would  not  dare.'     But  he  was  wrong.     On  the 


1895        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE    GUISES        805 

evening  of  Thursday,  22  Dec,  Henry  resolved  upon  his  line  of 
action.  He  announced  that  the  day  following  he  intended  to  leave 
Blois,  and  ordered  fifteen  or  twenty  of  his  gentlemen  of  the 
chamber  to  remain  all  night  in  the  castle.  A  council  was  sum- 
moned for  Friday  morning,  early  ;  and,  as  certain  financial  matters 
were  to  be  discussed,  the  presence  of  Guise  and  the  cardinal  his 
brother  would  be  necessary.  The  king  retired  to  sleep.  He  rose 
two  hours  before  dawn,  and,  calling  his  attendants,  he  explained 
in  few  though  weighty  words  the  intentions  of  Guise,  and  his 
own  resolve  to  cause  the  duke  to  be  slain;  but  he  begged  his 
adherents  if  they  shrank  from  such  a  task  to  say  so  frankly. 
All  repHed  that  they  were  most  ready  to  carry  out  his  majesty's 
orders.  Henry  then  began  to  unfold  his  scheme  for  the  assassina- 
tion :  some  were  instructed  to  seize  the  duke  by  the  arms  the 
moment  he  entered  the  chamber,  others  were  to  deprive  him  of  his 
sword,  others  again  were  to  stab  him;  each  one  had  his  work 
allotted  him.  The  king  then  left  some  of  his  suite  in  his  bed- 
chamber, placed  others  in  a  neighbouring  cabinet,  and  himself 
retired,  with  Signer  Alfonso  Corso  d'Ornano,  to  a  second  cabinet 
likewise  opening  off  the  bedchamber.  When  day  dawned  the 
council  met  in  the  council  hall ;  the  cardinal  of  Guise  was  absent, 
but  appeared  when  summoned,  and  the  sitting  was  opened.  Mean- 
time a  message  arrived  from  the  king  demanding  the  duke's 
immediate  presence  in  his  private  chamber.  The  duke  obeyed  at 
once,  and  on  entering  the  bedroom  he  inquired  in  which  of  the  two 
closets  his  majesty  might  be  ;  he  was  instantly  surrounded  and 
stabbed,  Mocenigo  thinks  by  Loignac ;  he  uttered  one  great  cry, 
*  This  is  for  my  sins,'  and  so  died. 

The  noise  of  the  scuffle  was  heard  in  the  council  chamber,  where 
the  cardinal,  recognising  his  brother's  voice,  sprang  to  his  feet  and 
made  as  though  he  would  go  to  his  aid.  But  the  Marshal  d'Aumont 
and  others,  with  drawn  swords,  barred  his  passage.  The  doors  of 
the  castle  were  instantly  locked,  and  the  cardinal  of  Guise  and 
the  archbishop  of  Lyons  were  made  to  enter  a  chamber  which 
had  been  already  prepared  for  them.  The  Cardinal  de  Bourbon, 
Madame  de  Nemours,  the  duke  her  son,  Elbeuf  and  the  duke  of 
Guise's  secretary,  Pericard,  were  arrested  in  their  own  rooms. 
The  provost  of  the  merchants,  one  of  the  eschevins  of  Paris,  and 
the  president  Neuilli  were  also  seized  in  the  hall  which  served  as  the 
meeting-place  of  the  estates. 

The  king  then  went  downstairs  to  his  mother's  room.  He  found 
Catherine  awakened  by  the  noise,  and  anxious ;  and  be  told  her 
that  the  duke  was  dead,  and  he  at  last  was  king.  He  excused  him- 
self for  not  having  informed  her  of  his  design  on  the  ground  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  disturb  her  now  that  she  was  ill.  The  queen 
was  so  amazed  at  the  news  that  she  could  hardly  utter  a  word ; 

VOL.  x. — NO.  XXXVIII.  X 


306        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES       April 

she  merely  said,  *  I  pray  God  to  favour  your  majesty's  acts ; '  then 
the  king  went  to  mass  and  to  breakfast. 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  the  Cardinal  de  Guise  was  strangled, 
in  the  room  where  he  had  been  kept  a  prisoner  since  the  death  of 
his  brother.  The  depositions  of  the  secretary  to  the  duke  of  Guise 
seem  to  show  that  his  master  had  been  in  receipt  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  crowns  a  year  from  Spain.  The  king  thought  of 
publishing  a  statement  of  Guise's  guilt,  but  that  course  was 
rendered  difficult  by  a  fact  which  the  ambassador  Mocenigo  reports 
on  13  Jan.  1589  to  his  government.     He  says : 

I  am  told  by  a  person  of  the  highest  authority,  that,  on  the  morning 
of  Guise's  death,  his  secretary,  who  is  now  in  prison,  went  to  Madame  de 
Nemours,  and  asked  what  he  was  to  do  with  a  casket  of  papers  of  great 
importance  belonging  to  his  master.  The  duchess  told  him  to  burn 
them  at  once,  which  he  did  without  delay ;  and  so  nothing  can  be  proved.— 
The  worst  point  is  the  receipt  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  crowns  from 
_Spain  ;  and  as  that  is  confirmed  by  the  depositions  of  the  archbishop  of 
Lyons,  it  seems  to  be  pretty  well  established ;  though  no  papers  on  the 
subject  have  been  discovered. 

Mocenigo's  account  of  the  way  in  which  the  news  was  received 
by  the  duke  of  Mayenne  in  Lyons,  by  the  people  of  Paris,  and  by 
the  king  of  Navarre,  is  not  without  novelty  and  interest. 

The  moment  the  double  murder  was  accomplished  Henry  despatched 
Alfonso  Corso  to  Lyons  with  a  letter  to  the  duke  of  Mayenne  announcing 
the  death  of  the  duke  of  Guise  and  adding  that  it  had  been  brought 
about  in  consequence  of  the  information  furnished  by  Mayenne  himself. 
The  letter  ordered  Mayenne  to  retire  at  once  to  his  governorship.  By 
6  Jan.  1589,  Henry  received  from  the  seneschal  of  Lyons  the 
following  account  of  the  way  in  which  Mayenne  took  the  news  from 
Blois.  '  On  the  feast  of  St.  Stephen  I  was  with  the  duke  at  mass  in  the 
Jesuit's  church  ;  there  were  present  M.  de  la  Tremouille  and  many  other 
gentlemen.  A  letter  was  handed  to  the  duke  and,  on  reading  it,  he  was 
so  visibly  disturbed  that  I  and  all  the  other  gentlemen  present  were 
aware  of  it.  While  turning  this  over  in  my  mind,  and  wondering  what  it 
might  mean,  I  heard  the  duke  say,  at  the  conclusion  of  mass,  that  he 
intended  to  go  to  S'  Desir,  where  he  has  a  very  strongly  fortified  house, 
and  the  nucleus  of  his  troops.  I  thereupon  drew  near  to  M.  de  la 
Tremouille  and  told  him  to  pretend  that  on  account  of  the  gout  he  was 
unable  to  accompany  the  duke,  and  to  retire  into  the  city  at  once,  to  call 
out  the  soldiers  and  to  take  measures  for  its  safety.  I  went  with  the 
duke  to  his  castle,  and  when  he  got  there  and  saw  himself  in  a  strong  place 
he  read  the  letter  aloud.  It  contained  the  news  of  the  duke  of  Guise's 
death,  and  Mayenne,  declaring  that  he  held  us  all  for  friends  and  brothers, 
begged  our  counsel  as  to  the  line  of  action  he  should  take.  After  the 
expression  of  many  and  various  opinions,  he  accepted  mine,  which  was 
that  he  should  obey  the  king  and  retire  to  his  government.' 

The  seneschal,  however,  either  deceived  himself  or  wished  to 
mislead  the  king.     Mayenne  entertained  no  intention  of  obeying 


1895        THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE  GUISES        307 

Henry's  orders.  By  26  Jan.  he  had  arrested  twenty-five  members 
of  the  parliament  of  Dijon  whom  he  suspected  of  being  favourable 
to  the  king,  had  placed  a  strong  garrison  in  that  city,  and  had 
started  on  his  way  to  Paris,  where  his  presence  was  eagerly  awaited 
by  the  populace,  who  had  lost  confidence  in  the  Duke  of  Aumale. 
Henry  was  extremely  suspicious  of  this  movement  on  the  part  of 
Mayenne,  and  persuaded  Madame  de  Nemours  to  write  to  the  duke, 
imploring  him,  for  the  sake  of  his  kinsfolk  in  the  king's  hands,  to 
abstain  from  any  attack  on  his  majesty's  person.  This  entreaty 
produced  no  result,  and  by  6  Feb.  Mayenne  was  in  possession  of 
Orleans,  was  threatening  Blois,  and,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  very 
nearly  succeeded  in  securing  the  persons  of  his  relatives,  the 
prisoners  in  Amboise. 

The  king  of  Navarre  received  the  news  in  a  manner  charac- 
teristic of  himself ;  he  was  at  table  when  the  information  reached 
him ;  he  remained  silent  for  a  space,  and  then  exclaimed  that  the 
king  of  France  had  rendered  him  a  signal  service  by  killing  the 
duke  of  Guise,  the  deadliest  foe  he  had  in  all  the  world  ;  but  had  the 
duke  fallen  into  his  hands  he  would  never  have  dealt  so  ill  by  him. 
The  news  of  the  murder  of  the  Guises  threw  Paris  into  an  up- 
roar.    The  statues,  the  pictures,  the  arms  of  his  majesty,  were 

"everywhere  overthrown  and  destroyed.  The  well-known  episodes 
of  Lincestre's  sermons  in  favour  of  revenging  the  death  of  the 
Guises,  and  of  Achille  de  Harlai's  refusal  to  raise  his  hand,  are 
recorded   by  Mocenigo.     The  Sorbonne  discussed  the  question  of 

jBxcommunicating  the  king,  but  resolved  to  invite  the  pope  to  do  so 
instead.  A  million  and  a  half  of  gold  was  raised  for  the  defences 
of  the  city.  Aumale,  whose  heartiness  in  the  cause  of  the  League 
was  suspected,  found  himself  obliged  to  consign  his  sons  as  host- 

-ages,  and  his  right  to  grant  passports  was  withdrawn.  The  first 
president  of  the  parliament  and  fifty  or  sixty  members  were  sent  to 
the  Bastille  ;  the  clergy  of  Notre-Dame  and  the  Sainte  Chapelle  were 
arrested.  The  royal  chambers  in  the  Louvre  were  entered  and  an 
inventory  taken  ;  the  same  happened  to  the  dwelling  of  the  Cardinal 
Gondi ;  a  price  was  set  on  the  bishop  of  Frejus.  Even  the  tomb  of 
the  queen  mother  did  not  escape ;  that  beautiful  monument  which 
she  had  erected  for  herself  in  St.  Denis,  with  so  much  skill  and  at 
so  great  a  cost,  was  all  destroyed,  because  popular  opinion  held  her 

"responsible  for  having  trapped  the  Guises  in  Blois.  An  urn,  said  to 
contain  the  ashes  of  the  murdered  duke,  became  an  object  of  vene- 

-ration  to  the  mob  who  thronged  to  kiss  it.  Mocenigo  closes  his 
notices  of  the  state  of  Paris  with  a  gloomy  forecast  for  the  future  of 
Henry  and  of  France. 

Henry  was  in  some  doubt  as  to  how  he  should  deal  with  his 
prisoners,  the  duchess  of  Nemours,  the  Cardinal  de  Bourbon,  and 
the  Prince   de   Joinville,  after  the  murder   of  the  duke  and  his 

X  2 


808        THE  ASSASSINATION  OF   THE    GUISES       April 

brother.  On  9  Jan.,  Loignac  was  at  Blois  with  forty  armed  men, 
and  this  led  Mocenigo  to  suppose  that  the  king  would  send  at  least 
the  Prince  de  Joinville  a  prisoner  to  that  chateau. 

No  resolution  was  reached  till  30  Jan.,  when  Mocenigo' s  secretary 
reports  from  Blois  that  the  king  had  given  orders  that  the  prisoners 
were  to  be  taken  to  Amboise  one  hour  before  midnight.  But 
before  they  could  start  the  duke  of  Nemours  succeeded  in  escaping ; 
and  this  caused  the  king  to  rearrest  the  duchess,  his  mother,  who 
had  been  enjoying  partial  liberty  since  9  Jan.  The  departure  for 
Amboise  was  delayed  till  the  morning  of  the  31st,  when  the  Cardinal 
de  Bourbon,  the  archbishop  of  Lyons,  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  the 
provost  of  the  merchants,  and  the  president  Neuilli,  were  placed 
on  board  two  boats  and  sent  up  the  Loire  to  the  chateau,  under 
the  charge  of  Loignac.  But  no  sooner  had  they  left  than  the  king 
received  news  that  the  Marshal  d'Aumont  found  himself  unable  to 
hold  Orleans,  and  that  Amboise  was  in  danger  of  falling  toMayenne 
and  the  Guises.  The  king  was  now  extremely  anxious  to  recover 
the  persons  of  his  prisoners.  He  was  alarmed  at  the  proximity  of 
Mayenne,  and  he  was  doubtful  of  Loignac's  loyalty.  On  14  Feb. 
he  sent  M.  d'  Arsian  to  Amboise  to  bring  back  with  him  the  Cardinal 
de  Bourbon  and  the  Prince  de  Joinville.  But  Loignac,  who  had 
completely  gained  over  the  governor  of  Amboise,  Guast  (Gas,  as  he 
is  called  by  Mocenigo),. replied  that  he  was  aware  that  this  step 
was  dictated  by  suspicion  of  his  conduct,  but,  being  the  faithful 
servant  of  his  majesty  that  he  knew  himself  to  be,  he  intended  to 
keep  the  prisoners.  On  16  Feb.  Arsian  reached  Blois  with  this 
answer,  and  on  the  17th  Henry  sent  the  Cardinal  de  Lenoncourt, 
Loignac's  uncle,  to  endeavour  to  persuade  his  nephew  to  yield. 
Lenoncourt,  however,  succeeded  no  better  than  his  predecessor.  He 
came  back  empty-handed,  and  bearing  the  alarming  news  that 
Loignac  was  in  treaty  with  Mayenne  to  consign  the  prisoners  on 
the  payment  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  crowns  and  the 
promise  of  the  duke  of  Guise's  daughter  to  wife.  On  the  18th 
Henry  sent  off  the  Abbe  dal  Bene  to  outbid  the  duke  of  Mayenne  if 
that  were  possible.  During  the  night  the  abbe  was  aware  of  large 
bodies  of  horse  drawing  round  the  castle  of  Amboise,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  19th  he  was  present  when  ten  thousand  crowns 
were  handed  to  Loignac  as  an  earnest  from  Mayenne  for  the 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  which  had  been  promised  for 
the  prisoners.  This  did  not  look  hopeful  for  the  success  of  dal 
Bene's  mission ;  but  by  27  Feb.  Loignac  seems  to  have  made  up 
his  mind  that  after  the  ten  thousand  crowns  he  would  not  get  much 
more  from  Mayenne,  and  on  that  day  the  prisoners  reached  Blois 
from  Amboise ;  and  Loignac  retired  to  his  government,  where  he 
presently  died.  Hoeatio  Brown. 


1895        THE   ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES        309 

1588,  15  Dec.     San  Dier.     Gio.  Mocenigo  amb''. 

Serenissimo  Principe, — 

Si  h  grandemente  alterato  il  Duca  di  Ghisa,perche  da  alcuni  sia  stato 
nominato  compartecipe  di  quello,  che  li  Parisini  trattomo  contra  la  persona 
di  Sua  Maesta  Christianissima,  sicome  havera  inteso  Vostra  Serenita  dalli 
precedenti  miei  dispacci.  Ha  per6  Sua  Eccellentia  con  affettuosissima 
forma  di  parole  affermato  al  Ee,  di  non  haver  mai  havuto  simili  pensieri, 
credendo,  che  quella  voce  fosse  stata  falsa  ;  il  Re  le  disse,  che  prestava  com- 
pitamente  fede  alle  sue  parole,  et  essendo  alia  messa,  in  tempo  che  si 
levava  nostro  Signor,  il  Duca  disse  :  Sire,  per  quel  vero  Corpo  di  Jesii 
Christo,  che  io  non  ho  mai  havuto  pensieri  simili,  essendo  volti  tutti  li 
miei  spiriti  al  ben  et  fedelmente  servir  la  Maesta  Vostra.  II  Re  rispose, 
che  ne  era  molto  ben  sicuro,  poiche  non  conosceva,  che  alcuno  potesse 
privarlo  della  liberta,  ma  bene  della  vita  piu  tosto,  quando  si  potra  piu  di  lui. 

La  Serenissima  Regina  madre  con  la  sua  somma  prudenza  non  manca 
di  quel  buoni  uffici,  che  sono  opportuni  per  levar  quelle  diffidentie,  che 
possono  alterare  gli  animi  del  Re,  et  del  Duca  de  Ghisa ;  et  per  questo 
sta  ogn'  uno  molto  travagliato  per  il  male  della  Maesta  Sua  ritrovandosi 
lei  da  sei  giorni  in  qua  nel  letto  aggravata  di  febre,  che  per  la  grave  eta, 
nella  quale  e  gia  ridotta  da  temere  assai  della  vita  sua ;  con  tutto  che  fin' 
hora  non  apparino  accidenti  di  maligna  infirmita.  Martedi  passato  prese 
una  legger  medicina,  la  qual  non  potendo  tenere,  ributo  insieme  con  tanta 
quantity  di  colore,  che  fu  stimato  da  medici  di  cosi  buon'  effetto,  come 
r  havesse  ritenuta. 

Li  Stati  non  ritrovando  fondi  per  assignare  alle  provisioni  della  guerra, 
etper  altri  occorenti  bisogni  stanno  molto  confusi,  etforse  saranno  necessi- 
tati  ritornar  di  nuovo  le  gravezze ;  le  quali  pero  Sua  Maesta  dice  di  non 
voler  fare,  per  non  disgustare  li  populi,  che  potriano  attribuir  tutto  cio 
alia  volonta  di  lei ;  ma  che  conoscendo  la  necessita  essi  debbino  di  novo 
introdurle. 

Pensano  di  dar  a  Sua  Maesta  Christianissima  120  mila  scudi,  perche 
si  possi  dar  principio  alia  guerra  contra  Savoia,  conoscendosi,  per  quanto  ha 
scritto  il  Signor  Gerolamo  Gondi,  che  quell'  Altezza  va  proponendo  partiti 
per  tirar  il  negotio  in  longo,  attendendo  qualche  occasione,  che  potesse 
deviar  1'  animo  di  Sua  Maesta  da  questa  impresa.  Pare,  che  egli  non  trovando 
buono,  di  rimetter  li  stati  nel  Signor  Duca  di  Nemurs,  vorria  darlo  al  Mar- 
chesino  suo  fratello,  desiderando  che  questa  Maesta  le  lasci  quella  piazza, 
finoatanto  cheUgonotti  fussero  scacciatidal  Delfinato,  promettendodiresti- 
tuirle  poi  a  satisf  attione  della  Maesta  sua,  alia  quale  daria  per  ostagio  un  suo 
figliuolo  per  maggior  sicurta  della  sua  volonta,  mostrando  insieme  gran 
desiderio  di  abboccarsi  con  la  Regina  madre,  tutte  cose  che  essacerbano 
maggiormente  1'  animo  di  queste  Maesta,  vedendosi  chiaramente  a  che  verso 
caminano  li  dissegni  del  Duca,  pero  si  pensa  di  licentiar  1'  Ambasciator  di 
Savoia,  richiamar  Pugni,  et  Monsignor  d'  Astor,  ancora  che  alcuno  vor- 
riano  prima  far  passar  monsignor  d'Umena  in  Savoia,  et  impossessarsi  di 
qualche  parte  d'  essa  prima  che  devenghi  in  altra  rissolutione.  Et  perche 
si  tiene,  che  il  Papa  possi  far  assai  in  questo  negotio,  vedendosi  che  il  Duca 
parla  in  conformita  di  quello  che  la  Serenita  Sua  ha  fatto  dire  al  Re,  si 
star^  forse  attendendo  un'  altra  risposta,  per  osservar  se  trova  buono,  comef 
ogni  rag?one  vorria,  ch'  el  Marchesatto  sia  nelle  mani  del  Signor  Duca  di 


310        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES       April 

Nemurs  cugino  del  Duoft,  et  fratello  di  Ghisa,  che  non  si  pu6,  n^  per  con- 
fidenza  con  Savoia,  ne  per  dubbio  di  religione,  addurre  cosa  alcuna  in 
contrario. 

L'ambasciator  di  Spagna,  che  camina  forse  con  questi  medesimi  fini, 
dice,  che  saria  conveniente,  prima  che  divenir  ad  alcuna  rissolutione  di 
guerra,  aspettar  avisi  di  Spagna,  che  la  Maest^  del  Ee  Catholico  si  offe- 
riva  cosi  prontamente  d'  interponersi,  perche  il  genero  si  accommodasse  a 
quelle  conditioni  d'  accordo,  che  sono  ragionevoli ;  ma  qui  intendono,  di  non 
voler  donar  tempo  al  tempo,  essendo  ognuno  in  questo  affetto  di  vendetta, 
di  modo  che  li  Ugonotti,  per  levarsi  dal  pericolo,  la  desiderano,  altri  per 
ragion  di  stato  la  persuadono,  et  quelli  della  lega  per  non  si  mostrar 
contrarij  al  servitio  et  dignita  della  Corona,  non  possono  predicar  manco 
questa  impresa,  che  quella  contra  Navara,  sicome  Vostra  Serenity  potra 
conoscer  dalla  qui  occlusa  lettera  del  Duca  di  Ghisa  scritta  al  Pontefice. 
Gratiae  et  cet. 

In  letter e  dil5  Decembre  di  Francia.     Gopia  d'una  lettera  scritta  dal 
Duca  di  Ghisa  al  Papa. 

Santissimo  Padre, — 

lo  tengo  a  grandissimo  honore,  et  special  favore,  che  habbia 
piacciuto  alia  Santita  Vostra  per  le  lettere  scritte  di  sua  mano  di  14  del 
mese  passato  aprirmi  la  sua  intentione,  et  il  suo  sommo  giudicio  sopra 
il  fatto  di  Piemonte,  havendo  forte  pensato  le  gravi,  et  important!  con- 
siderationi,  che  lei  mette  inanzi,  che  non  possono  venire,  che  da  un 
vero,  et  paterno  amore,  desideroso  del  bene,  et  riposo  universale  de' 
Principi  Christiani,  non  mostrando  altra  affettione,  o  interesse,  che  di 
mantener  1'  unione  commune,  piacer^  alia  Santita  Sua  d'  iscusarmi,  se 
con  la  riverenza,  et  sommissione  di  fedelissimo  servo,  et  figliuolo 
d'  ubidienza,  che  le  sono,  la  supplico  humilissimamente  di  voler  bilanciare 
le  ragioni  del  Re  mio  Signor  Soprano,  li  giusti  rissentimenti  d'  un  potente 
stato,  il  valor,  et  il  cuore  d'  una  delle  prime  nationi  del  mondo,  piu  nutrita 
et  costumata  alii  conquisti,  et  all'  accrescimento  dei  limiti  della  sua 
Monarchia,  che  a  sopportar  la  diminutione,  non  stimando  poterla  sofferire 
da  chi  si  sia  senza  ricorrere  in  un  grandissimo  biasimo  della  riputatione, 
et  generosita  francese.  La  Santita  Vostra  si  rapresentera  similmente  le 
cause,  et  occasioni  che  hanno  mosso  il  Re  mio  Signor  a  convocar  questi 
stati  generali,  et  a  qual  fini  tendono  tutte  le  genti  da  bene,  che  non  e,  che 
di  ristaurar  la  Chiesa,  et  estirpar  tutti  li  errori,  meritando  questo  santo 
desiderio  esser  confortato  dalli  voti  di  tutti  li  Re,  et  potentati,  che  fanno 
professione  della  medesima  fede,  che  noi,  tanto  per  la  carita  Christiana, 
quanto  per  un  commun  beneficio,  che  ne  redonda  loro,  et  alia  salute  et 
tranquillita  de  loro  popoli.  Questa  e  la  causa,  perche  Santissimo  Padre 
air  hora,  che  il  moto  di  Saluzzo  fu  arrivato,  io  feci  intender  a  Vostra 
Santita  il  dispiacere,  ch'  io  haveva  con  gran  dubbio,  che  questo  novo,  et 
subito  accidente  avvenuto  sopra  la  tenuta  di  Stati,  et  in  faccia  di  tutta  la 
Francia  non  fosse  un  soggetto  piu,  che  sufficiente  ad  attraversar  le  sante 
rissolutioni  che  si  prendeva  di  far  la  guerra  irreconciliabile  aUi  Ugonotti, 
per  trattare  una  tregua  con  loro,  et  convertire  1'  arme  altrove,  dove  ne 
seguiria  la  rovina  della  nostra  santa  religione,  essendo  una  massima  di 
stato,  che  le  frontiere  guardate,  il  resto  del  stato  si  pu6  sempre  rimmetter, 
et  essendo,  ch'  io  sono  deditissimo,  et  affettuosissimo  alia  manutentione  del 


1895        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES        811 

servitio  di  Iddio,  et  della  sua  santa  fede  fino  all'  ultimo  sospiro  della  mia 
vita,  io  teniro  sempre  la  mano  alia  continuatione,  et  perseveratione  di 
questa  santa  impresa,  ma  ancora  sendo  nato  Francese,  io  ricevei  per  il 
dritto  del  mio  nascimento,  per  la  fedelt^  dei  miei  Progenitori,  et  la  mia 
particolar,  per  li  beneficij  dei  Re  miei  Soprani  Signori  et  per  1'  amor  della 
mia  patria,  d'  esser  obligatissimo  alia  difesa  del  mio  Principe,  et  della  sua 
Corona,  che  per  tutti  i  rispetti  del  mondo  io  non  vorrei  mancare  per  queste 
difficolta  importantissime,  et  che  tirano  dietro  de  pericolisissimi  aweni- 
menti  il  ricorso,  et  rimedio  consistera,  et  riposer^  nella  prudenza,  et 
autorita  di  Vostra  Santit^,  la  qual  vi  puo  apportare  un  tale  accommoda- 
mento,  che  il  Ee  mio  Sign  ore  sia  satisfatto  per  la  restitutione  delle  sue 
piazze  che  siano  messe  nelle  mani  de  si  buon  Catolico  et  da  bene,  et 
d'  honore,  che  ne  per  la  religione,  n^  per  il  debito,  o  inobedienza  non  se  ne 
possa  dubitare,  et  il  Duca  di  Savoia  resti  buon  parente,  et  la  guerra  contra 
li  heretici  sia  proseguita  con  tutto  il  fervore,  donde  la  gratia  sar^  dovuta 
alia  Santit^  Vostra,  et  il  suo  nome,  in  infinito  benedetto,  et  glorificato 
per  tutti  i  secoli.  Io  ne  la  supplico  humilissimamente  di  volere  istinguer, 
et  amorzare  questa  scintilla  di  fuoco,  la  quale  negligendo  accenderia  in 
poco  tempo  le  piu  pacifiche  contrade  della  Christianita,  et  appresso  havere 
in  tutta  humilita  baciati  i  santissimi  piedi  di  Vostra  Santita,  io  supplico 
il  Creatore  santissimo  Padre  di  darle  con  perfetta  sanity  lunghissima,  et 
fortunatissima  vita. 

Di  Bles  a'  19  Decembre  1588. 

Di  Vostra  Santita  hamilissimo  obed"^^  et  fed™"  servitore, 

Henrico  di  Lorena. 

1588,  20  Dec.    Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cetera, — 

II  Re,  che  in  quanto  puo  va  facendo  con  la  sua  somma  prudenza 
riparo  alii  disordini  del  Regno,  per  sola  inimicitia  de  grandi  introdotti  al 
presente  in  Francia,  espedi  1'  altr'  hieri  monsignor  di  Massei  a  Signor  Duca 
d'  Epernon  per  comandarle,  che  deponga  1'  armi ;  il  qual'  ufficio  dovendosi 
far  assai  vivamente  in  nome  della  Maest^  Sua,  monsignor  di  Lognac 
cugino  di  Monsignor  d'  Epernon,  et  uno  de  favoriti  del  Re  volendo  escusar 
suo  parente  ha  quasi  talmente  irritata  Sua  Maesta,  che  e  stato  in  forse  di 
perder  la  gratia  sua.  Si  scopre  assai  chiaramente  li  fini  del  Re  essere 
tutti  buoni,  et  indricciati  al  riposo  di  questo  Regno,  ma  giudicando  gl'  altri 
che  le  confusioni  siano  proprie  a'  suoi  bisogni  fanno  ben  spesso  conoscere 
fallaci  li  dissegni  della  Maesta  Sua,  che  per  non  voler  dar  cagione  di 
maggior  novita  ha  comandato  a  Monsignor  d'  Antrages  in  Orleans,  che 
tenghi  quella  Citta,  et  quel  populo  in  ubbidienza  de  Monsignor  de  Ghisa, 
€ome  le  haveva  accordato  per  li  capitoli  della  pace.  Non  restava  per  ci6 
ancora  satisfatto  il  Duca  volendo,  che  si  levasse  il  governatore  per  mettervi 
il  figliuolo,  ma  non  potendo  per  li  medesimi  capitoli  levar  quella  piazza 
dal  governo  d'  Antrages  conviene  per  hora  accommodarsi  alle  condittioni 
communemente  giudicate  ragionevoli. 

Questi  passati  giorni  si  fece  un  grandissimo  tumulto  in  Parigi  da  quelli, 
che  stando  lontani  non  vogliono  mostrarsi  appassionati  per  Ghisa,  onde 
vedendo  1'  armi  in  mano  a  pochi  seditiosi,  che  non  studiano  in  altro,  che 
>calpestare  le  genti  di  tranquila,  et  pacifica  intentione,  et  andare  il  governo 
in  modo  tale,  che  manco  le  venivano  pagate  le  rendite  della  villa,  andor 


312         THE   ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES       April 

in  gran  numero  a  stre^tare  sopra  tal  fatto  inanti  al  Parlamento,  che  in 
quanto  puo  tenendo  la  bilancia  giusta  procur6  di  farli  partir  sodisfatti 
comandando  i  loro  pagamenti,  ma  non  gia  possono  moderar  la  licentia 
populare,  anzi,  che  a  maggior  confusione  del  vero  servitio  del  Ke  hanno 
fatto  entrare  nella  citt^  il  Duca  di  Humala,  che  alloggiava  nei  borghi,  et 
al  cavallier  suo  fratello  data  una  casa,  et  lo  spesano,  come  questi  siano  11 
propugnacoli  della  loro  sicurt^,  ma  giovando  cosi  agli  uni,  come  agF  altri 
nutrire  la  diffidenza,  ben  spesso  sono  essi  medesimi  gli  instrumenti  a 
darne  nova  occasione. 

II  Re  desidera  grandemente  la  rissolutione  di  questi  Stati,  quali  con- 
tinuando  pur  a  sollecitar  la  Maest^  Sua  a  voler  fulminar  contra  Navarra, 
le  ha  fatto  intender,  che  attendino  ad  altre  cose  necessarie,  che  possono 
sollevar  questo  Eegno  perch^  se  bene  le  pare  d'  haver  fatto  a  bastanza 
intorno  a  quest'  instanza  per  il  giuramento  ultimamente  seguito  far^ 
ancora  ogn'  altra  cosa  d'  avantaggio  in  loro  satisfattione,  per  dimostrar 
sempre  piu  il  pensiero,  che  prende  di  non  lasciar  giamai  pervenir  alia 
Corona  prencipe  heretico.  A  questo  si  muove  la  Maesta'  Sua  perch^ 
Navarra  forse  non  si  volendo  per  qual  si  voglia  modo  fidare  vuole  continuar 
quel  partito,  che  tiene,  ancorche  in  quanto  spetta  alia  religione  publica, 
che  desiderer^  sempre  d'  ascoltar  chi  le  desse  miglior  instruttione  di  quella 
con  la  quale  era  stato  nutrito,  et  allevato,  ne  sapeva  mai  d'  haver  cambiata 
come  si  decchiariva  contra  di  lui. 

1588,  23  Dec.     Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cetera, — • 

Hora  s'  intende,  che  questa  mattina  inanti  il  giorno  il  Re  mostro  di 
voler  uscire  di  Bles  per  dar  campo,  che  si  potesse  essequire  il  trattato,  che 
intendera  Vostra  Serenita  con  miglior  occasione,  poiche  al  presente  non 
s'  intende  altro,  se  non  che  a  giorno  fu  chiamato  il  Conseglio,  nel  quale 
Monsignor  de  Lognac  uno  de  f avoriti  del  Re  diede  una  pugnalata  a  Mon- 
signor  de  Ghisa,  che  havendo  subito  con  molte  pugnalate  ammazzato 
esso  Lognac  fu  egli  Duca  de  Ghisa  anco  da  altri,  che  le  erano  attorno, 
finito  d'  ammazzare.  Nel  medesimo  tempo  parte  delle  guardie  del  Re 
andorono  a  levare  di  casa  il  Cardinal  de  Ghisa,  il  quale  condotto  in  Castel- 
lo,  fu  subito  serrato,  ne  fin'  hora  si  puo  intendere  quello,  che  dopo  sia 
seguito,  mapassa  voce,  che  sia  stato  morto  medesimamente  il  Cardinale,  il 
Prencipe  di  Genuilla,  il  Duca  di  Nemurs,  et  il  Duca  dal  Buf,  et  dentro 
nella  bassa  corte  del  Castello  appicati  il  Prevosto  de  mercanti  de  Parigi,  et 
il  Presidente  Nogli.  Havendo  havufco  lamortedel  Duca  de  Ghisa  per  cosa 
certa,  ho  voluto  come  cosa  di  tanta  consequenza  quanta  puo  per  somma  sua 
prudenza  giudicare  la  Serenita  Vostra  espedirla  per  un  mio  lache  non 
potendosi  levare  cavalli  da  posta,  et  ho  dato  commissione,  al  Maestro  di 
Poste  da  Lione,  che  per  corriero  a  posta  espedisca  la  presente  mia  a 
Vostra  Serenita  alia  quale  di  mano  in  mano  andaro  avisando  tutto  quello 
che  occorrera. 
Gratiae  et  cet. 

1588,  24  Dec.     Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe, — 

Con  tutto  che  hieri  quando  io  espedii  alia  Serenita  Vostra  non 
havessi  molti  particolari  intorno  alia  morte  del  Duca  de  Ghisa,  et  alia 
prigionia   degl'   altri,   non   stimai  per6  di   dover  portare   in  lungo  tal 


1895        THE  ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES        813 

espedittione,  ma  d'  avisare  immediate  quelle,  che  all'  hora  si  puote 
intendere,  come  feci.  Hoggi  havendo  inteso  alcuna  cosa  di  piu  col 
medesimo  desiderio  d'  hieri,  et  coll'  istesso,  che  ho  havuto  sempre,  et 
havero  di  servire  quanto  piu  compitamente  mi  ser^  possibile  Vostra 
Serenita,  ho  voluto  aggiongerle  questa  mia,  acci6  piii  chiaramente  conosca 
quanto  sia  stata  necessitata  questa  Maest^  a  devenire  nella  rissolutione 
gia  presa,  et  qual  e  la  destra  maniera  nell'  essequirla,  che  e  stata  tale,  che 
di  tanta  attione  non  v'  e  persona  che,  per  appassionata  che  sia,  non  cedi 
alia  ragione,  ne  dopo  d'  essa  s'  ^  sentito  altro  moto,  che  quello,  che  lei  dalla 
seconda  mia  lettera  intender^. 

Haver^  gia  inteso  Vostra  Serenity  da  piA  mano  di  lettere  mie  le  strade, 
che  teneva  Monsignor  de  Ghisa  non  solo  per  impossessarsi  d'  ogni  maggior 
autorit^  in  questo  Regno,  et  di  privarne  Sua  Maest^,  ma  di  ridurla  anco 
a  tale,  che  non  potesse  piu  d'  autorita  ne  di  liberta  valersi ;  al  qual  fine 
era  stato  in  Parigi  trattato  d'  assoldar  genti  per  inviare  a  questa  volta, 
acci6  egli  potesse  finiti  li  Stati  condurre  Sua  Maesta  a  Parigi,  come 
Monsignor  d'  Umala,  che  si  ritrov6  presente  a  questa  deliberatione  col 
mezzo  di  sua  moglie  ne  fece  avisata  la  Maesta  Sua :  andava  egli  anco  del 
continuo  procurando  di  levargli  d'  attorno  i  suoi  piu  fidati,  et  devoti 
servitori,  et  con  le  instantie  delli  Stati  astringendola  a  formare  un  nuovo 
consiglio  conforme  al  gusto  suo  ;  ne  finalmente  lasciava  cosa  intentata 
per  ridurre  in  breve  il  dissegno  suo  a  quel  fine,  che  per  sua  ambitione  s'  era 
proposto  onde  vedendosi  del  continuo  Sua  Maesta  ridurre  a'  piu  stretti 
termini,  ne  aspettando  quasi  piu  altro,  che  d'  essere  affatto  priva  di  poter 
piu  come  Re  comandare,  et  dal  Signer  Alfonso  Corso,  che  capito  quattro 
giorni  sono  in  questa  citta,  essendole  per  nome  del  Duca  d'  Umena  detto, 
che  dovesse  avertire  molto  bene  a  se  medesima,  perche  haveva  inteso,  che 
il  Duca  de  Ghisa  suo  fratello  haveva  qualche  intrapresa  contra  di  lei,  alia 
quale  s'  egli  havesse  creduto  di  poter  riparare  saria  per  le  poste  venuto  a 
servire  alia  Maesta  Sua,  giovedi  sera  che  fu  li  22  del  presente,  rissolutissima 
Sua  Maesta  del  rimedio  che  doveva  porre  a  tanto  male,  diede  voce  di  voler 
la  mattina  seguente  uscire  di  Bles,  et  fece  comandare  a  15  6  venti  de  suoi 
gentil'huomini  di  camera,  che  restassero  la  notte  a  dormire  nel  castello, 
per  essere  presti  al  far  del  giorno,  et  disse,  che  nel  consiglio  della  mattina 
seguente  si  dovesse  trattare  di  certi  negotii  de  finanze,  nelli  quali 
particolarmente  era  necessario,  che  intervenissero  il  Duca,  et  il  cardinale 
de  Ghisa  ;  andato  a  dormire,  la  mattina  due  hore  inanti  giorno  fatti 
chiamare  nel  suo  gabinetto  li  gentil'  huomini  comandati  la  sera 
precedente  fece  loro  con  non  molte,  ma  pregnantissime  parole  conoscere 
I'animo,  et  intentione  che  haveva  Monsignor  di  Ghisa,  et  la  necessity 
nella  quale  egli  per  cio  era  di  dover  liberare  con  la  sua  morte 
se  medesima,  et  questo  Regno  dalla  sua  tirannide ;  che  per6  a  loro,  come 
a  piu  domestici,  et  fedeli  servitori,  che  havesse  voleva  commettere  quest' 
impresa,  la  quale  quando  non  havessero  animo  di  condurre  a  fine  per  la 
liberta,  et  servitio  suo,  et  di  tutto  il  Regno  li  scongiurava,  che  le  aprissero 
fedelmente  le  volonta  loro  ;  al  che  havendo  tutti  risposto  uniformemente, 
che  erano  prontissimi  d'  esseguire  tutto  cio,  che  da  Sua  Maesta  fusse  loro 
imposto,  et  volendo  incominciar  a  divisare  nel  modo  ;  disse  loro  la  Maesta 
Sua,  che  attendessero  quello  che  lei  direbbe,  et  continuatamente  a  chi 
aviso,  che  quando  il  Duca  fusse  entrato  nella  Camera  le  prendesse  le 


314        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES       April 

braccia,  a  chi  che  le  oc^passe  la  spada,  et  ad  altri,  che  lo  ferissero,  a  tutti 
particolarmente  commise  la  parte  sua,  et  fattili  una  parte  d'  essi  restare 
nella  camera,  et  1'  altra  niettere  in  un  gabinetto,  entro  Lei  in  un'  altro 
tutto  contiguo  insieme  con  il  Signor  Corso  soprascritto,  et  venuto  il 
giorno,  e  ridotto  il  consiglio,  ne  comparendo  il  cardinale  de  Ghisa  fu 
mandate  a  domandare,  il  quale  arrivato  e  principiato,  che  si  fu  k  trattare, 
mand5  il  Re  a  chiamare  il  Duca  de  Ghisa,  che  uscito  immediate,  et 
entrato  nella  camera  mentre  addimandava  in  qual  gabinetto  fusse  il  Re 
se  gli  serrorono  que'  gentil'huomini  attorno,  dalli  quali  fu  subitamente 
ferito,  e  morto,  non  havendo  dopo  un  gran  grido,  che  diede  detto,  per 
quanto  s'  intende  altro,  se  non  che  quello  gli  aveniva  per  li  suoi  peccati, 
al  strido  s'  alcio  il  cardinale,  che  cognobbe  la  voce  del  fratello,  et  volse 
uscire,  ma  il  Marescial  d'  Umone,  che  doveva  insieme  colli  Capitani  delle 
guardie  haver  parte  di  cio,  essendosele  con  la  spada  ignuda  parato  inanti 
non  lo  lasci5  movere,  et  quegl'  altri  fermorono  immediate  le  porte  del 
castello,  senza  che  pur  si  sapesse  a  che  effetto.  Poco  appresso  fu  11 
Cardinale  fatto  passare  in  alcune  stanze  preparate  per  questo,  et  con  lui 
r  Arcivescovo  di  Lione,  et  fatti  arrestare  nelli  loro  appartamenti  il 
Cardinale  di  Borbone,  Madama  di  Nemurs,  il  Duca  suo  figliuolo,  il  Duca 
dal  Buf,  et  il  segretario  di  Monsignor  de  Ghisa,  nel  medesimo  tempo  fu 
mandate  al  luoco  dell'  adunanza  delli  stati  a  prendere  il  Prevosto  de 
mercanti  de  Parigi,  uno  delli  Essivini  di  quella  citta,  et  il  Presidente 
Nogli,  et  ad  intimare  agl'  altri,  che  non  partissero  della  citta  sotto  pena 
d'  incorrere  nella  disgratia  di  Sua  Maesta  et  la  Maest^  Sua  discese  alle 
stanze  della  Serenissima  Regina  madre,  che  poco  prima  s'  era  svegliata, 
et  le  disse  che  il  Duca  de  Ghisa  era  morto,  et  ch'  egli  all'  hora  era  Re  ;  et 
le  aggionse,  che  non  le  haveva  del  suo  pensiero  prima,  che  metterlo  ad 
effetto  dato  conto  cosi  perche  non  haveva  voluto  alia  sua  precedente 
infirmity  aggiongere  tal  passione  d'  animo,  come  per  dubbio,  che  da  lei  non 
gli  fusse  sturbato  quello,  che  era  seguito  per  voler  di  Dio,  et  era  certo  che 
saria  servitio,  e  quiete  del  suo  Regno.  La  Regina  non  potendo  a  pena  per 
cosi  grande,  et  inaspettata  nova  formar  parola  le  disse  solamente  che 
pregava  S.  D.  Maesta  che  cosi  fusse,  et  che  felicitasse  sempre  tutte  le 
attioni  sue,  ando  poi  il  Re  alia  messa,  et  a  desinare. 

Questa  mattina  nel  far  del  giorno  ha  fatto  morire  il  Cardinale  de 
Ghisa,  che  nella  medesima  camera  dove  hieri  fu  posto  e  stato  strangolato, 
et  si  dice,  che  habbia  determinate  di  mandare  nel  Castello  d'  Ambuosa  il 
cardinale  di  Borbone,  che  e  al  presente  con  febre  continua,  et  uscita  di 
sangue,  et  il  Prencipe  di  Genuilla  ancora,  non  sapendosi  degl'  altri  quello, 
che  habbi  ad  essere. 

Ha  Sua  Maesta  espedito  il  Signor  Alfonso  Corso  a  Lione  con  carica  di 
S]io  luogotenente  generale  nel  Delfinato,  et  con  lettere  al  Duca  d'  Umena, 
per  le  quali  dandole  conto  della  morte  del  fratello  seguita  anco  per  gli 
avisi  havuti  da  lui,  lo  consola,  et  le  comanda  a  retirarsi  al  suo  governa- 
mento,  assicurandolo,  che  se  si  diportera  come  deve  fare  ogni  buon  vas- 
sallo  verso  il  suo  Prencipe,  che  le  far^  conoscere  assai  chiaramente  la 
stima,  che  fa  della  sua  persona,  et  del  suo  valore. 

Graziae  et  cet. 


1896        THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE   GUISES        815 

1588,  24  Dec.    Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet, — 

Si  tiene  che  la  lettera  scritta  da  sua  Maest^  Christianissima  al  Duca 
di  Humena  sia  stata  fatta  per  dargliela  quando  egli  per  sua  buona  fortuna 
non  havesse  saputa  la  morte,  non  potendosi  credere  che  havendo  la 
Maesta  sua  f atto  essequire  contra  il  Duca  et  il  Cardinal  di  Ghisa  la  sua  ne- 
cessitata  volenti,  pensato  di  lassare  in  vita  questo  Duca,  credendogli  che 
in  tal  caso  la  morte  di  quel  due  non  serviria  ad  altro,  che  ad  un  pun- 
gentissimo  stimolo  al  core  di  questo,  di  venire  con  determinatissima 
volonta,  et  con  quelle  maggior  forze,  che  potesse  havere  cosl  da  questi 
popoli,  come  da  quel  Principi,  che  gli  hanno  ancora  agiutati,  a  vendicar  la 
morte  del  fratello,  et  ad  impatronirsi  quanto  potesse  o  di  morire  appresso 
a  loro  ;  Dal  secretario  di  Monsignor  di  Ghisa  si  ^  fin'  hora  inteso,  che 
haveva  il  suo  patrone  cento  cinquanta  millia  scudi  1'  anno  dal  Re  di  Spagna. 
S'  anderanno  constituendo  d'  avantaggio,  et  sono  tuttavia  appresso  li  pro- 
cessi,  che  fa  il  Re  formare  contra  il  Duca,  et  Cardinale  de  Ghisa  anchora 
per  li  quali  consteranno  manifestamente  cosi  1'  insidie  tese  al  Re,  come  li 
ecessi  loro,  commessi  a  pregiuditio  della  dignita  di  Sua  Maesta  nel 
Regno. 

Con  tutto  che  hieri  fussero  guardate  le  porte  della  citta  uscirono  pero 
alcuni  delli  Deputati  delli  Stati,  li  quali  hoggi  la  Maesta  Sua  ha  fatti  per 
publico  bando  chiamare  a  dover  in  pena  della  vita  comparire  in  termine 
di  quattro  giorni,  intendendo  lei,  che  si  finiscano  questi  stati  con  sodis- 
fattione  universale. 

Quelli  d'  Orleans  intesa  la  morte  del  Duca  de  Ghisa  si  sono  subito 
baricati  per  tutta  la  citta,  et  hanno  prese  1'  armi :  Monsignor  d'  Antrages 
governatore  d'  essa,  che  si  ritrovava  a  Bles  parti  hieri  dopo  il  de- 
sinare,  et  con  60  cavalli  s'  ando  a  mettere  nella  cittadella,  e  vedendo  che 
quel  della  citt^  stavano  saldi,  e  gliela  volevano  anco  combattere  ha  in- 
cominciato  a  battere  la  terra,  et  la  batte  da  tutte  le  parti  con  molto 
impeto  ;  ma  e  capitato  questa  sera  aviso  al  Re,  che  non  potra  molto  con- 
tinuare,  perche  essendo  la  muraglia  debole  molto,  1'  impeto  dell'  artigharia 
la  va  rovinando  si  che  sperano  quelli  di  fuori  di  tirarla  anco  in  breve  colle 
zappe  a  terra ;  per  il  che  pare,  che  Sua  Maesta  habbia  immediate  espe- 
dito  a  quella  volta  quattro  compagnie  d'  archibusieri.  Si  stara  attendendo 
quello  che  succedera,  et  come  per  tutto  il  Regno  sara  sentita  la  morte  di 
questi  Principi,  et  io  conforme  al  debito  mio,  non  pretermettendo  dili- 
gentia  alcuna  con  tutte  1'  occasioni  che  me  si  offeriranno  senza  molto 
interesse  della  Serenita  Vostra  1'  andaro  riverentemente  avisando  di  tutto 
quello,  che  occorrer^. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

1588,  28  Dec.    Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Continuando  la  Cittadella  d'  Orleans  a  battere  la  citta,  et  li  cittadini 
aripararsi,  eta  battere  la  fortezza  con  due  canoni,  che  hanno,  espedirono  a 
Sua  Maesta  Christianissima  due  delli  Essivini  che  arrivati  il  giorno  delli 
XXVI,  in  Corte  esposero  alia  Maesta  Sua,  che  quei  popuU  suoi  devotissimi 
43udditi  erano  pronti  d'  humiliarsi  a  lei  et  rendersegU,  ma  che  la  pregavano 
A  spianarle  quella  fortezza,  et  a  mutarle  quel  governatore  dando  quel  carico 
ad  ogn'  altro,  che  a  loro  saria  stato  carissimo.     Le  rispose  Sua  Maesta  che 


816        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE    GUISES       April 

non  era  piu  per  permetter^,  che  li  suoi  sudditi  capitolassero  seco,  ma  che 
toccando  a  lei,  come  a  loro  supremo  Principe,  et  Re  governarli  le 
commandava,  che  deponessero  1'  armi,  et  le  portassero  le  chiavi  della  citta, 
il  che  facendo  li  riceveria  in  gratia,  et  perdoneria  loro  gli  errori  commessi ; 
ma  che  se  perseverassero  nella  loro  ostinatione  che  resteriano  tutte  estinti, 
et  la  citt^  desolata,  aggiongendo,  che  quando  il  loro  Governatore  era 
accostato  al  partite  della  lega  se  ne  contentavano,  ma  che  hora,  che  ubbidiva 
a  lei  ne  dimandavano  un'  altro  ;  che  pero  ritornassero,  et  in  termine  di  due 
giorni  rissolvessero  le  volonta  loro  :  li  quali  partiti  perche  tuttavia  si 
continuava  il  battere,  cosi  da  quelli  della  citt^  la  fortezza,  come  da  quelli 
della  fortezza  la  citt^,  nella  quale  restavano  molte  case  rovinate,  et  qualche 
persona  morta  ;  et  dall'  altra  parte  si  dubitava,  che  la  fortezza  per  quello, 
che  pativa  non  venisse  finalemente  a  cadere  nelle  mani  de'  Cittadini,  invi6 
Sua  Maesta  altre  quattro  compagnie  delle  sue  guardie,  accio  arrivassero 
le  prime,  et  s'  unissero  seco  et  parti  anco  il  Marescial  d'  Umone,  Monsignor 
della  Ghisa,  Monsignor  di  Beoves,  il  Gran  Priore,  et  li  due  favoriti  del  Re 
Lognach,  e  Thermes.  Le  compagnie  s'  intende  che  si  sono  messe  nel  borgo 
vicino  alia  Cittadella,  et  che  quel  Signori  parte  sono  entrati  nella  fortezza, 
et  parte  messisi  in  luoco  vicino  per  adunar  genti ;  ne  essendo  comparsa 
fin  hora  risposta  alcuna  da  quelli  della  Citta  si  comprende,  che  habbino 
pensiero  di  non  voler  cedere,  et  cio  si  va  maggiormente  confirmando 
essendo  pur  questa  mattina  arrivato  uno  in  Corte,  che  riferisce  haver  hieri 
veduto  entrare  nella  Citta  il  cavallier  d'  Umala  con  quaranta  cavalli. 

Questo  medesimo  ha  anco  detto,  che  il  Duca  suo  fratello,  che  si  ritrova 
in  Parigi  intesa  la  nova  della  morte  di  Monsignor  di  Ghisa  fece  immediate 
dar  quei  populi  all'  arma,  et  fatte  tirare  le  catene  per  le  strade  retiratosi  egli 
alia  casa  della  villa  mando  a  chiamare  il  primo  Presidente  et  altri,  et  dopo 
haver  fatte  molte  espedittioni  per  avisare  di  cio  le  ville  collegate,  fece 
arrestare  il  Presidente  et  quegl '  altri  che  cognobbe  essere  dependenti  dal 
Re,  et  dato  ordine  perche  fussero  presi  tutti  li  servitori,  et  aifettionati  a 
Sua  Maesta  fece  andare  per  le  case  di  quelli  cercando,  et  parte  svaleggian- 
done,  levando  tutti  i  cavalli,  che  ritrovavano,  et  hanno  presi  tutti  quelli 
particolarmente  che  erano  nella  scuderia  del  signor  Gerolemo  Gondi.  Di 
tutto  cio  Serenissimo  Principe  non  solo  s'  e  potuto  haverne  riscontri  con 
fondamento,  ma  non  ne  se  puo  havere  manco  altra  certezza,  essendo  di 
gi^  tutto  il  Regno  in  arme  parlando  ogn'  uno  a  modo  suo,  secondo  le  sue 
passioni,  ne  lasciando  transitar  li  corrieri  sicuramente,  sapendosi  quanto 
molti  di  questi  populi  fussero  affettionati,  et  devoti  alia  Casa  de  Ghisa,  et 
al  Duca  in  particolare,  che  fin  da  suoi  prim'  anni  s'  incominci5  a  insinuare 
nella  gratia  loro,  et  perche  non  capita  alcun  corriero,  per  ci6  di  Lione  non 
si  s^  che  dire,  et  se  bene  corre  voce,  che  monsignor  d'  Umena  intesa  da 
suoi  la  morte  del  fratello  si  sia  retirato  a  Viena  luoco,  che  ^  assai  forte, 
pero  non  si  sapendo  chi  ne  sia  1'  auttore  si  sta  aspettando  altri  avisi,  li  quali 
m'  assicuro,  che  haveranno  piu  espedito  passo  in  Italia,  et  alia  Serenity 
Vostra,  che  in  queste  parti  tutte  soUevate  per  poter  xirrivare  a  questa  Corte. 
Li  Principi  pregioni  restano  tuttavia  ben  guardati  nel  castello  di  Bles ;  et 
il  Prevosto  de  mercanti  et  quei  due  altri  di  Parigi  ancora.  II  cardinale  di 
Borbone  si  trova  molto  meglio  della  sua  indisposizione,  et  sta  insieme  con 
gl'  altri  con  timore  aspettando  quello  che  habbia  ad  essere  delle  vite  loro, 
delle  quali  pare  che  ne  siano  ogni  giorno  piii  assicurati,  non  si  scoprendo 


1895        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES        317 

che  Sua  Maesta  habbia  altra  intentione  che  di  tenergli  serrati  per  qualche 
tempo  parte  di  loro,  et  parte  perpetuamente.  Quelli  tre  Parigini  aspettano 
tuttavia  la  sentenza,  che  dopo  formati  i  loro  process!  le  sar^  data  dal  Gran 
Conseglio,  al  quale  ha  Sua  Maesta  commessa  la  causa  loro,  volendo  che 
per  giustitia  siano  espediti  conforme  a  loro  demerit!,  come  haveria  fatto 
anco  de  Principi,  se  dalla  loro  autorit^  et  potenza  non  fusse  stata  rattenuta. 

1588,  29  Dec,    Di  San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Monsignor  lUustrissimo  Legato,  non  havendo  potuto  il  giorno  delli 
23  entrare  nel  Castello,  ne  li  due  appresso  havere  audientia  da  Sua  Maesta, 
andatosi  il  sussequente  le  disse,  che  per  debito  suo  non  poteva  mancare 
d'  avertirla,  come  per  haver  messo  le  mani  nel  Cardinale  de  Ghisa  era  lei 
incorsa  nelle  censure  de  Sua  Santita,  et  tutti  li  servitori  suoi,  con  offesa  di 
Dio,  et  deir  anima  sua,  et  che  pero  raccordava  Sua  Maesta  di  confessare  il 
suo  errore,  et  di  dimandarne  1'  assolutione  alia  Santita  Sua,  che  voleva 
pensare,  che  1'  haverebbe  ottenuta,  non  dovendosi  sdegnare  di  farlo,  poiche 
non  doveva  misurare  il  Papa  dalle  sue  forze  temporal!,  ma  dalle  spiritual!, 
et  riconoscerlo  per  Vicario  di  Christo  in  terra  ;  persuadendo  appresso  la 
Maesta  Sua,  che  havendo  per  liberars!  dalle  loro  insidie  levati  dal  mondo 
quest!  Principi,  che  erano  sempre  stati  crudeli  inimici  degli  Ugonotti,  si 
dimostrasse  lei  al  presente  piu  anco  che  habbia  in  altro  tempo  fatto 
inimica  del  nome  loro,  procurando  per  conservatione  della  nostra  Santa 
religione,  deL  suo  Regno,  et  de  suoipopuli  d' estirparli,  et  esterminarli  affatto. 
Le  rispose  la  Maesta  Sua,  che  a  Principi  grand!  era  lecito  il  castigare  ne' 
stati  loro  ogn!  sorte  di  persona,  che  lo  meritasse,  et  che  era  particolar 
privilegio  de  Re  di  Francia  di  non  poter  essere  escommunicati,  che  pero 
non  essendo  egli  incorso  in  censura  alcuna  non  haveva  bisgno  di  confessars! 
di  cio,  ne  di  dimandare  1'  assolutione  a  Sua  Santita  et  havendole  il  legato 
replicato,  che  il  Re  Filippo  il  hello,  et  Lodovico  Undecimo  furono  escom- 
municati, et  poi  fatta  penitentia  de  loro  fall!,  assoluti  dalli  Pap!  d'  all'  bora 
non  pero  cavo  altro  dalla  Maesta  Sua  se  non  che  a  Sua  Santita  portera 
sempre  quella  debita  riverenza,  che  si  conviene,  ma  che  non  haveva 
bisogno  d'  altra  assolutione,  aggiongendo  che  continuera  come  hanno 
sempre  fatto  i  suoi  maggior!  a  dimostrarsi  Christianissimo  cosi  in  effetti. 
come  in  nome  ;  che  era  prontissimo  senz'  altra  persuasione  di  continuare  la 
guerra  agl'  Ugonotti,  et  per  1'  avenire  sempre  con  maggior  forze,  poiche 
con  r  aiuto  del  Signor  Dio  s'  haveva  levato  quegl'  impediment!,  che  per 
tanti  anni  le  hanno  ostato  a  poterne  unire  tante  in  un  luoco,  come  spera 
di  poter  fare ;  et  assicuro  con  affettuosissime  parole  S.  S.  lUustrissima 
che  haveva  sei  giorni  continu!  pensato,  come  senza  devenire  ad  effetto  tale 
havesse  potuto  liberars!  dalla  tirannide  di  Monsignor  de  Ghisa,  ma  che 
finalmente  non  vedendo,  come  poterlo  altramente  fare,  haveva  havuto 
necessita  di  devenire  a  questo.  ^  venuto  in  Corte  il  Prencipe  di  Conti 
chiamato  da  Sua  Maesta,  la  quale  non  ha  per  ancora  proveduto  ad  alcuno 
degli  officij,  et  carichi,  che  haveva  il  Duca  de  Ghisa,  dicendosi  solo,  che 
ha  conferito  il  vescovato  di  Rens,  che  haveva  il  Cardinal  de  Ghisa  di 
rendita  di  20  mila  scud!  nel  Cardinal  de  Vandomo,  et  che  un  Abbadia  di 
10  mila  dara  al  cardinal  Montalto  nepote  di  Sua  Santita. 

Monsignor  di  Masseis,  che  fu  ultimamente  inviato  da  Sua  Maesta  al 


818        THE   ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES       April 


,• 


Duca  d'  Epernon  per  farle  deponere  1'  armi  e  ritornato,  et  riferisce,  che 
quel  Duca  vedendo  che  lei  con  cosi  grand'  animo,  come  conviene  a  un  tanto 
Ee  haveva  castigati  li  insidiatori  della  liberta,  et  vita  di  lei,  et  del  Regno 
suo,  che  era  prontissimo  di  deponere  1'  armi,e  ch  i  governi,  et  tutto  quello, 
fusse  in  mano  sua  ad  ogni  comandamento  di  Sua  Maesta  che  tra  lui,  et  il 
fratello  havevano  insieme  5,  in  6  mila  fanti,  et  fin'  a  mille  cavalli,  che 
tutte  le  forze,  et  vite  loro  offeriva  alia  Maesta  sua  per  servirla  dove  piu 
le  piacesse  di  comandarle,  al  che  non  pare,  che  habbia  Sua  Maesta  fatto 
alcuna  risposta.     Monsignor  di  Nivers  s'intende  esser  alia  Granassa  et  se 
bene  da  quelle  parti  manco  v'  h  corriero  alcuno,  vienepero  detto,  che  Mon- 
signor della  Sciatra,  che  h  sempre  stato  unitissimo  con  Ghisa,  et  contrario 
a  Sua  Maesta,  huomo  stimato  di  valore,  et  di  molto  seguito  s'  era  retirato 
k  Nantes  insieme  con  il  Duca  di  Mercurio  ;  li  quali  se  movendosi  il  Duca 
di  Lorena  da  una  parte,  et  il  Duca  d'  Umena  da  un'  altra,  et  si  congion- 
gessero  col  Duca  d'  Umala,  et  con  quest'  altri  col  valore,  col  seguito,  et  col 
favore,   che   haveriano  da  una  gran  quantita  di  questi  populi   sariano 
di  tanto  danno  a  questo  misero  Regno,  et  potriano  tanto  travagliare  la 
Maesta  Sua,  che  appaririano  maggiori  miserie  che  mai,  scoprendosi  anco 
assai  chiaramente  che  Spagnoli  non  volendo  non  solo  vedere  quiete  in 
questo  Regno,  ma  essendo  per  abbracciare  ogni  occasione  di  desunirlo,  et 
desolarlo  saranno  hora,  vedendo  non  essere  mai  piii  Monsignor  d'  Umena 
ne  gl'  altri  Principi  di  questo  sangue  per  accommodarsi  col  Re,  prontissimi 
per  aiutarli  piu  gagliardamente,  che  in  altro  tempo  habbino  fatto  ;  et  sen- 
tendosi  pure  da  persone  d'  autorit^,  che  li  Parisini  hanno  mandato  a  do- 
mandare  genti  al  Duca  di  Parma  si  teme   ch'  egli  sia  per  destramente 
lasciar  passar  genti  a  questi  confini,  et  perci6  n'  ha  di  gia  Sua  Maesta 
Christianissima  inviato  delle  sue  verso  Perona. 
Gratiae  et  cet. 

158f ,  1^"  di  Gennaro.     San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet.     (omissis), — 

S'  h  detto,  che  Amiens  in  Piccardia  intesa  la  nuova  della  morte  di 
monsignor  de  Ghisa  haveva  fatto  prigioni  la  moglie  di  monsignor  de  Longa- 
villa  genero  del  duca  di  Nivers,  la  madre,  et  tutti  li  suoi,  che  le  erano 
appresso,  et  qualche  d'  uno  dice  ancora  il  duca  medesimo,  che  viene  negato 
da  altri,  che  affermano,  ch'  egli  era  in  campagna. 

Burges  s'  era  soUevata  anch'  essa,  et  la  parte  del  Re,  et  quella  della 
lega  messesi  in  arme,  ma  acquietate  dal  mere  della  villa  che  e  buon  ser- 
vitore  di  Sua  maesta,  con  buone  et  efficacissime  parole  dimostrando  oltre 
r  obligo,  che  havevano  di  servire,  et  ubbidire  al  loro  re,  quanto  bene  era 
per  rissultar  loro  facendolo,  et  quanto  male  operando  in  contrario,  haveva 
acquietata  que'  populi,  che  da  monsignor  della  Sciatra  governatore  di 
quella  citta,  che  s'  intende,  che  era  per  transferirvisi,  all'  amico  suo  seco  si 
dubita,  che  siano  di  nuovo  sollevati. 

(Omissis.) 
158f ,  2  Gennaro.     San  Dier. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

II  medesimo  corriero  venuto  di  Fiorenza  ha  confirmato  1'  uscita  di 
Lione  del  Duca  d'  Umena,  et  ha  detto  che  era  andato  a  Digiuno  citta  del 
suo  governamento,  et  non  a  Viena  come  prima  s'  era  divulgate,  et  io  scrissi  a 


1895        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES        819 

Vostra  Serenita.  Quale  sia  1'  animo  suo  non  si  pu6  sapere  ancora  di  certo, 
ma  si  tiene  che  invitato  dal  desiderio  della  vendetta  commune  in  ogn'  uno, 
et  molto  maggiore  sempre  ne'  Prencipi  grandi,  et  dagli  parenti,  amici,  et 
sollevationi  di  tante  citta  di  questo  Regno,  oltre  quello  che  le  possi  esser 
fatto  da  prencipi  stranieri,  sia  egli  per  armarsi,  et  venir  a  questa  volta  con 
quelle  maggiori  forze  che  potra  havere,  che  viene  stimato  dover  essere 
molte,  et  di  molta  consideratione  :  Et  con  tutto,  che  venga  assai  diversa- 
mente  parlato  da  quello  che  piu  1'  intendono  vien  giudicato,  che  Parigi, 
Orleans,  Burges,  Amiens,  et  altre  principal  citta  senza  devenire  ad  alcuna 
rissolutione  attenderanno  la  volont^  sua ;  et  che  ad  ogni  modo  s'  habbi  a 
vedere  questo  nobilissimo  regno  piu  tribulato,  piu  afflitto,  et  nelle 
maggiori  miserie,  che  sia  mai  stato ;  il  che  prego  il  Signor  Dio,  che  per 
sua  infinita  bont^  non  lassi  succedere.  Conoscendosi  tutto  questo  molto 
bene  da  Sua  Maest^  attende  lei  ad  ingrossarsi  di  genti,  et  dubitando  forse 
di  qualche  surpresa  ha  fatto  intendere  agli  ambasciatori  che  si  ritirino  a 
Vandomo  sette  leghe  lontano  da  Bles,  perche  vuole  questo  vilaggio  per 
mettervi  dentro  delle  genti  d'  arme.  Fa  anco  un  perdono  generale  a 
tutti  li  catoHci  di  questo  regno  promettendo  loro  di  volersi  scordare  tutti 
gli  errori  da  loro  commessi  di  che  sorte  si  siano,  perdonarli,  et  riceverli^ 
come  buoni  fedeli,  et  devoti  sudditi  nella  gratia  sua  ogni  volta  che 
deposta  ogni  loro  passione  veniranno,  come  devono,  et  sono  per  legge 
obligati,  air  ubbidienza  sua,  il  quale  facendosi  tuttavia  non  e  ancora  stato 
publicato. 

Essendosi  partita  madama  d'  Umala  di  Corte  per  andare  a  Parigi  le  ha 
Sua  Maesta  detto,  che  affermi  al  Duca  suo  marito,  che  se  egli  si  diporter^ 
della  maniera,  che  si  conviene  a  un  buon  suddito,  et  vassallo  conoscersl 
sempre  piu  la  bont^  della  Maesta  Sua,  et  1'  affettione  che  le  porta  :  che 
pero  si  retiri  da  quelle  attioni,  et  s'  assicuri,  che  il  farlo  gli  sara  in  ogni 
tempo  piu  utile,  et  di  maggior  honore,  che  1'  operare  in  contrario,  che  non 
le  puo  apportare,  che  ogni  male. 

Si  tiene,  che  il  re  si  valera  delle  forze  d'  Epernone,  ma  non  della  per- 
sona sua,  et  che  chiamera  anco  le  genti,  che  ha  nei  Delfinato. 

L'  altr'  hieri  dall'  illustrissimo  legato  e  stato  assoluto  il  Prencipe  de 
Conti,  che  fu  1'  anno  passato  coll'  essercito  di  Navarra,  sicome  li  giorni 
passati  assolse  il  conte  di  Soisone  suo  fratello  del  medesimo  errore» 
1^  venuto  aviso,  che  le  genti  del  re  di  Navarra,  che  non  perdono  alcuna 
buon'  occasione  hanno  surpreso  Niort  principal  piazza  nel  Poitu,  havendo 
di  notte  con  un  pettardo  gettata  una  porta  a  terra,  per  la  qual  causa  si 
crede,  che  monsignor  de  Nivers  sara  inviato  a  quella  volta,  per  ricuperare 
se  sara  possibile  quella  citta. 

Li  deputati  delH  Stati  generali  presenteranno  uno  di  questi  giorni  li 
loro  cagieri,  o  capitoli,  che  si  voglia  dire,  et  si  lasciano  intendere  di  volersi 
poi  immediate  partire,  per  non  tenere  piu  aggravate  le  provincie  loro  della 
grossa  spesa,  che  sono  in  questa  carestia  di  tutte  le  cose  necessitati 
di  fare. 

E  stata  la  Maesta  sua  alia  solita  solennita  de  cavaUieri  di  San  Spirito, 
ma  non  ne  ha  fatto  alcuno,  con  tutto  che  vi  siano  sette,  o  otto  luochi,  ma 
ha  fatto  publicare  di  fame  un'  altro  anno. 

Dimani  piacendo  a  Dio  mi  incaminero  per  Vandomo  secondo  1'  ordine 
mandatomi  da  questa  maesta  la  qual  avisata  forse  delle  intelligentie  che 


820        THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES       April 

tengono  alcuni  di  questitambasciatori  dentro  d'  Orleans  ha  voluto  con 
r  allontanarli  levarle  la  commodita  di  intendere,  et  ricevere  cosi  spesso 
lettere,  il  che  sar^  con  notabilissimo  incommodo  di  tutti  per  la  lontananza 
della  corte,  che  sar^  di  20  miglia  per  essere  in  luoco  fuori  di  mano  dove 
non  capita  persona,  et  perche  finalmente  gli  avisi  non  si  potrano  havere 
Be  non  con  molta  difficolta  il  che  mi  e  di  grandissimo  dispiacere  per  il 
desiderio  che  io  ho  di  ben  servire  Vostra  Serenita.     Gratiae. 

158f,  6  Gennaro.     Di  Vajidomo. 

Questi  giorni  per  lettere  del  Siniscial  di  Lione  ha  Sua  Maesta  inteso 
che  essendo  il  giorno  di  San  Stefano  alia  messa  ne'  Giesuiti  col  Signor 
Duca  d'Umena,  con  monsignor  della  Tramoglia,  et  molt'  altri  gentil' 
huomini  fu  portata  al  Signor  Duca  una  lettera,  la  quale  leggendo  fu 
causa,  che  si  turbasse  di  maniera,  che  se  n'avidde  egli  molto  bene,  et  tutti 
quegl'  altri,  che  gli  erano  appresso.  Sopra  che  pensando  il  sopradetto 
Sinisciale,  et  cadendole  nel  pensiero  quello,  che  poteva  essere,  sentendo 
poi,  che  finita  la  messa,  fingendosi  il  Duca  piu  che  poteva  allegro  disse, 
che  voleva  andare  a  San  Desir,  ove  e  un  palazzo  molto  forte,  et  haveva 
egli  il  nervo  delle  sue  forze,  s  'accosto'  il  Sinisciale  a  monsignor  della 
Tramoglia,  et  destramente  le  disse,  che  fingesse  egli,  che  e  gottoso  di  non 
poter  caminare,  et  si  retirasse  alia  citt^  per  far  stare  in  ordine  li  soldati,  et 
tenerla  guardata ;  et  incaminatosi  egli  appresso  monsignor  d'  Umena  scrive, 
che  gionti  che  furono  al  palazzo,  et  che  il  Duca  si  vidde  in  luoco  forte,  e 
sicuro  lesse  publicamente  la  lettera,  che  conteneva  la  morte  di  monsignor 
de  Ghisa  suo  fratello,  et  disse  loro,  che  tenendoli  tutti  per  amici,  et 
fratelli  fussero  content!  di  consigliarlo,  di  quello  che  havesse  a  fare,  onde 
essendo  da  diversi  proposti  diversi  partiti  s'  attenne  egli  finalmente  al 
parere  del  Sinisciale,  che  lo  consigliava,  e  persuadeva  a  retirarsi  a]  suo 
governamento  :  Dove  andato,  et  confirmatisi  gli  animi  di  que'  popoli,  s'  era 
di  poi  transferito  a  Scialone,  nel  qual  luoco  havendo  trovati  gli  animi 
soUevati  li  haveva  finalmente  acquietati,  et  havuta  la  fortezza  d  'accordo  : 
ma  andato  a  Macone  era  stato  serrato  fuori.  S'  intende,  che  ander^  pro- 
curando  di  tenere  in  devotione  le  piazze,  che  erano  sott'  al  governo  di 
Monsignor  de  Ghisa,  et  si  transferira  poi  in  Lorena  per  trattar,  con  quel 
Duca  del  modo  di  far  la  guerra  a  questa  Maesta,  sebene  altri  vogliono, 
che  sia  per  andare  a  Parigi.     Gratiae  et  cet. 

158|,  6  Gennaro.     Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Non  havendo  potuto  arrivar  ad  intendere  il  contenuto  della  lettera 
di  monsignor  de  Pugni  portata  dal  corriero  di  Fiorenza,  come  nelle  prece- 
dent! mie  diedi  conto  alia  Serenita  Vostra,  ho  per6  da  persona  princi- 
palissima,  et  quanto  si  puo  ben  affetta  a  Vostra  Serenity  inteso,  che 
havendo  il  Signor  Gerolemo  Gondi  trattato  col  Pontefice,  che  nel  Marche- 
sato  di  Saluzzo  si  metti  persona  confidente,  et  havendo  proposto  il 
Marescial  di  Ketz,  non  sodisfacendosi  il  Duca  di  Savoia  di  Monsignor  di 
Nemurs,  contentandosene  Sua  Santita  et  questa  Maesta  ancora ;  ha  il 
Ee  espedito  a  monsignor  de  Pugni,  perche  a  ci6  non  metti  difficolta  alcuna. 
Sono  venuti  depufcati  de  Parigi,  che  hanno  fatt'  instanza  al  Re,  perche  si 
content!  di  liberare  i  loro  pregioni,  non  havendo  nominati  li  Prencipi, 


1895       THE   ASSASSINATION   OF  THE    GUISES        321 

alii  quali  ha  la  Maesta  sua  risposto,  che  quelli  saranno  o  liberati,  o 
condennati,  secondo  che  la  giustitia  ricercher^,  et  che  operino  pur  loro  di 
maniera,  che  non  habbmo  a  cadere  nella  disgratia  sua,  ma  ad  acquistare 
la  gratia,  et  il  perdono,  che  concede  a  tutti  li  sudditi  suoi  che  rimettendo 
la  loro  ostinatione  veniranno  all'  ubbidienza  sua. 

Quella  citta  [scilicet  Paris]  e  con  tutto  ci6  in  arme,  et  non  lasciando 
que'  populi  cosa  alcuna,  colla  quale  possino  dimostrare  rissentimento 
contra  Sua  Maesta  tutte  le  effigie  sue  cosi  scolpite,  come  depinte,  et  le 
arme  ancora  sono  da  loro  state  gettate  a  terra,  et  guaste  ;  ma  havendo  il 
Duca  d'  Umala  procurato,  che  il  parlamento  si  levasse  dalF  ubbidienza  del 
Re  ha  quasi  havuto  simile  risposta  a  quella,  che  haveva  un  gentil'huomo 
di  Sciampagna  fatta  ad  alcuni  de  Magistrati  della  Citta,  che  fattolo 
mettere  prigione,  et  promettendole  di  liberarlo  se  si  levava  dal  servitio, 
et  giuramento  di  fedelta  fatto  al  Re,  et  s'  accostava  a  loro,  le  disse  egli 
molte  ingiuriose  parole. 

Orleans  si  tiene  tuttavia,  et  la  fortezza  ancora,  ma  resta  ella  in  cosi 
mal'  essere,  che  non  potra  durare  molti  giorni :  Sollecita  pero  Sua 
Maesta  il  ritorno  di  monsignor  de  Nivers,  il  quale  s'  intende,  che  non 
potra  essere  qui  di  dieci  giorni  ancora.  Ha  anco  rimandato  monsignor  di 
Masseis  al  Duca  d'  Epernone  per  havere  quelle  forze,  ch'  egli  si  trova  in 
essere,  che  saranno  per  quanto  s'  intende,  3  mila  buoni  soldati  a  pie,  et 
400  cavalli. 

Ho  inteso,  che  gia  un'  anno  hebbe  Sua  Maesta  per  un  breve  di  Sua 
Santita  facolta  di  eleggersi  un  conf essore  con  autorita  d'assolverla  di  tutti 
li  peccati  etiam  delli  contenuti  nella  holla  in  C^na  Domini,  per  il  che 
tenendo  la  Maesta  Sua  di  non  haver  bisogno  di  ricorrere  a  Roma  per 
caso  alcuno,  ne  d'  essere  questi  giorni  incorsa  nelle  censure  ;  essendo  da 
monsignor  Illustrissimo  Legato  con  efficacissime  ragioni  persuasa  a 
doversi  inviare  ha  detto,  che  mandera  un  gentil'huomo  a  Sua  Santita 
per  segno  dell'  ubbidienza  sua. 

S'  intende  de  Savoy ia  quel  Duca  haver  fatto  tregua  con  Laodighiera, 
di  che  havendone  di  Piamonte  Vostra  Serenita  come  mi  persuado  aviso 
piu  certo  et  particolare  non  1'  attediaro  io  con  altra  replica. 

Sono  gia  tre  giorni  in  questa  terra  dove  si  ritrovano  anco  li  Ambascia- 
tori  d'  Inghilterra,  Savoyia,  et  Ferrara  non  essendovi  fin'  hora  comparso 
quel  de  Spagna,  che  si  lascio  intendere  di  non  voler  venirvi  perche  e 
questo  luoco  del  Re  di  Navara,  sebene  sua  Maesta  Christianissima  lo 
possede,  tenendovi  il  governatore,  la  giustitia  et  ogn'  altra  autorita,  et 
havendole  il  re  fatto  rispondere  che  se  non  voleva  andarvi,  andasse  donque 
in  Spagna ;  intendo  che  e  in  Bles,  et  essendole  stato  deputato  Monte 
Ricciardo  per  stantia  ha  fatto  adimandare  un  passaporto  a  Sua  Maesta 
christianissima  per  poter  andar  a  Aure  di  Graz  a  vedere  una  galeazza  di 
quelle,  che  vi  capito  spente  dalla  fortuna,  la  quale  essendo  all'  ordine  al 
presente  di  tutte  le  cose  si  tiene  che  habbia  scritto  in  Spagna,  et  se 
havera  aviso  di  ritornare  si  imbarchera  in  quella. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

1587J,  12  Gennaro.    Di  Vandomo. 

II  re  di  Navarra  dopo  preso  Niort  haveva  pres'  ancora  due  buone 
piazze,  et  s'  intende,  che  havendo  in  campagna  4  mila  fanti  et  600  cavalli, 
con  tutto  che  Monsignor  di  Nivers  le  sia  superior  di  numero  di  gente 

VOL.  X. NO.  XXXVIII.  Y 


322         THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE   GUISES      April 

potria  pero  andar  a  soccorfer  quella  piazza.  Vien  detto,  che  ritrovando- 
si  egli  a  tavola  dopo  desinare  quando  le  f u  portata  la  nova  della  morte  del 
Duca  de  Ghisa,  stato  un  poco  sopra  di  se  disse  poi,  che  il  re  di  Francia  le 
haveva  fatto  un  grandissimo  servitio,  havendo  ammazzato  il  Duca  de 
Ghisa  ch'  era  il  maggior  nemico,  ch'  egli  havesse  al  mondo,  ma  che  egli 
per6  se  I'havesse  havuto  nelle  mani  non  1'  haveria  cosi  malamente 
trattato. 

Si  dice  medesimamente,  che  habbia  inviato  un  suo  gentil'huonio  a 
questa  Maesta,  il  quale  non  e  pero  ancora  comparso,  et  con  tutto  che 
qualche  d'  uno  voglia,  che  si^  qui,  et  habbia  secretamente  trattato  colla 
Maesta  Sua  non  viene  pero  creduto,  anzi  da  persona  principalissima  m'e 
stato  affermato  in  contrario;  con  tutto  cio  monsignor  illustrissimo 
legato,  per  il  zelo  che  ha  del  servitio  della  religione,  per  non  pretermettere 
alcun  buon'  ufficio,  et  per  servitio  di  sua  Maesta,  et  di  questo  Eegno 
ancora  e  stato  alia  maesta  sua,  et  le  ha  detto,  che  correndo  voce  della 
venuta  di  questo  gentil'huomo  era  andato  per  dirle,  che  non  solo  non 
doveva  admetterlo  alia  sua  presenza,  ma  decchiarire  quel  re  secondo  la 
ricchiesta,  che  le  fecero  li  stati  generali,  et  io  scrissi  alia  Serenita  Vostra  ; 
a  che  havendole  risposto  Sua  Maesta  che  il  giuramento  fatto,  et  gl'  atti 
passati  lo  dechiarivano  assai  per  escluso  dalla  successione  della  Corona 
senza  devenire  ad  altra  dechiaratione,  che  non  serviria  ad  altro,  che  a 
metterlo  in  desperatione ;  le  rispose  S.  S.  111™^  che  il  farlo  serviria  a 
sua  Maesta  per  levarle  il  seguito  che  ha,  poiche  molti  sperando  che  possi 
un  giorno  esser  re  di  Francia  devono  seguirlo ;  et  in  fine  le  protest6,  che 
quando  la  Maesta  Sua  facesse  accordo  alcuno  seco,  ch'  egli  senz'  altro  dire 
monteria  a  cavallo,  et  se  n'  andrebbe ;  a  che  rispose  il  re,  che  accordo 
non  fara  mai,  come  mostra  di  non  voler  fare  manco  la  dechiaratione. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

158f,  12  Gennaro.    Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Non  cessano  li  Parigini  di  fare,  et  di  dire  quel  peggio,  che  possono,  et 
sanno  contra  di  Sua  Maesta  et  havendo  gettate  a  terra,  et  guaste  quante 
delle  sue  effigie,  et  arme  hanno  ritrovate  fanno  stampare  libri  pieni  di 
maledittioni,  et  predicare  contra  di  lei,  ii  che  havendo  inteso  Madama  de 
Ghisa,  et  particolarmente,  che  un  predicatore  persuadendo  quel  populo 
alia  vendetta  del  Duca  suo  marito  disse,  che  tutti  quelli,  che  a  cio  erano 
disposti  alciassero  una  mano  com'  egli  faceva  in  segno  della  volonta  loro,  et 
havendola  tutti  alciata,  eccetto  il  primo  presidente,  che  vi  si  ritrovo, 
aggionse  il  predicatore,  et  voi  solo  signor  presidente  sarete  tra  tanti  buoni 
cittadini,  che  non  assentira  a  cosi  giusta  vendetta,  e  perche  ?  che  non 
alciate  ancor  voi,  come  gl'  altri  la  mano  ?  alle  qual  parole  per  dubbio  di 
non  essere  offeso  dalli  circonstanti  dicono  ch'  egli  ancora  1'  alciasse,  fece  lei 
chiamare  questo,  et  alcuni  altri,  et  disse  loro,  che  dovevano  molto  ben 
sapere,  che  le  loro  cosi  f atte  predicationi  erano  state  causa  della  morte  del 
duca  suo  marito  ;  il  quale  poiche  non  le  potevano  restituire,  si  contentassero 
almeno  di  desistere  da  uffici  tali,  che  potriano  causare  la  morte  de  suoi 
figliuoli  ancora,  il  che  facendo  haverebbe  per  cio  loro  piii  obbligo,  che  per 
la  dimostratione  del  buon'  affetto,  che  havevano  al  duca  di  bona  memoria. 
Quelli  della  Surbona  ridottisi  insieme  trattorono  d'  escommunicare  il  re,  et 


1895       THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE   GUISES        323 

di  liberare  quel  populo  dal  giuramento  di  fedelt^  fatto  alia  Maest^  Sua, 
ma  conosciuto,  che  non  potevano,  hanno  scritto  a  Sua  Santit^  perch^  coUa 
sua  suprema  autorit^  faccia  1'  uno,  et  1'  altro  ;  tra  tanto  andando  li  capi 
della  citt^  alle  case  di  questo,  et  di  quelle  domandando  denari  per  servitio 
(dicono  loro)  della  causa  publica,  et  astringendo  anco  li  facultosi  in 
grosse  sume,  et  quelli  particolarmente,  che  sono  conosciuti  per  servitori  del 
re,  non  perdonando  manco  alii  scolari,  che  se  non  hanno  la  commodita, 
conosciuti  per  dependenti  dal  re,  sarrano  prigioni,  hanno  mess'  insieme  una 
buona  quantity  d'  oro,  che  s'  intende  essere  piu  di  mezzo  million ;  et 
havendo  preso  in  sospetto  monsignor  d'  Umala  dopo  I'arrivo  di  sua 
moglie  in  quella  citta,  e  stato  astretto  quel  duca  per  assicurarli  di  chiamare 
li  suoi  figliuoli,  et  consignarli  loro  per  ostaggi.  Hanno  messo  genti  nel 
vescovato,  et  svalleggiate  le  stanze  del  cardinal  de  Vandomo,  havendo 
riguardata  la  casa  del  cardinal  de  Borbone,  nella  quale  Vandomo  alloggiava. 
Hanno  fin'  hora  assoldato  qualche  numero  di  gente,  ma  non  pero  ancora 
considerabile,  et  particolarmente  pochissimi  forastieri,  et  havendo  fatto 
uscire  fin  a  mille  fanti  della  citta  per  andar  ad  assaltare  il  bosco  di  Vicena 
non  piu  d'  un  miglio  lontano  dove  sono  300  archibusieri,  et  fin'  a  60  cavalli 
erano  da  questi  la  prima  volta  stati  gagiiardamente  ributtati,  ma  ritornati 
poi  in  maggior  numero  non  essendo  usciti  quelli  di  dentro,  che  non  temono 
di  cosa  alcuna  per  essere  in  luoco  forte,  et  ben  munito  havevano  quelle 
genti  rovinati  tutti  li  vilaggi  d'intorno.  V'e  qualche  d  'uno,  che  dice,  che 
habbino  espedito  monsignor  di  Bassompier  con  100  mila  scudi,  perche  vadi 
prima  in  Lorena,  et  di  la  poi  in  Germania  per  levar  cavalli,  ma  non  se 
n'  ha  ancora  certezza  alcuna,  Dicesi  anco,  che  aspettano  il  Duca 
d'Umena  che  s'  intende  essere  in  Scialone,  et  ch'  egli  ha  scritto  a  Madama 
de  Ghisa  che  si  ritrovera  presto  seco,  ne  di  cio  manco  v'  e  fondamento 
alcuno,  anzi  che  si  sa,  che  teme  molto  di  Digiuno  citta  principale  del  suo 
governamento,  la  cittadella  della  quale  se  ben'  egii  tiene  ha  pero  il 
parlamento  fatto  publicare,  che  se  vi  sara  alcuno,  che  si  mostri  contrario 
al  re  lo  dechiariranno  rebello  et  reo  di  lesa  maesta.  Si  sta  con  timore 
aspettando  la  rissolutione  ch'  egli  fara,  essendo  per  dependere  da  quella  la 
quiete,  o  la  rovina,  che  Dio  non  voglia  di  questo  regno,  ne  si  puo  ben 
congetturare  quale  habbia  ad  essere,  perche  se  ben'  egli  ha  qualche  numero 
di  gente  fatto  parte  nella  Borgogna,  et  parte  di  quelle,  che  1'  ban  seguito 
da  Lione,  pare  pero,  che  se  ne  servi  piu  per  sua  guardia  che  per  altro, 
dandogliene  non  picciol  causa  la  morte  delli  fratelli.  Madama  di 
Monpensier  gionta  in  Lorena  haveva  ritrovati  quel  Duca  a  Nansi  tanto 
addolorato  per  la  morte  di  monsignor  de  Ghisa,  quanto  se  le  fusse 
mancato  il  proprio  figliuolo,  poi  che  1'  amore,  che  si  portavano  I'un 
r  altro  era  grandissimo,  et  e  aviso  tra  suoi,  a  quali  non  si  puo  credere  ogni 
cosa,  che  era  per  condurlo  a  Parigi  per  sodisfattione  di  que'  populi,  che  non 
restando  contenti  di  monsignor  d'  Umala,  ne  vedendo  comparire  monsignor 
d'  Umena,  lo  desideravano.  Alii  Deputati  de  Parigi,  che  vennero  in  Corte 
ha  il  re  dopo  la  prima  audientia  procurato  di  dar  qualche  sodisfattione  per 
acquistarsi  gli  animi  loro,  et  finalmente  havendo  havuto  promessa  dalli 
due  Essivini  di  quella  citta,  che  haveva  pregioni,  che  se  fussero  liberati 
sarian  andati  a  far  ogni  ufficio,  perche  quel  populo  deponesse  1'  armi,  et 
s'  humiliasse  alia  maesta  sua,  gli  ha  fatti  rilasciare,  sono  partiti,  et  si  star^ 
fin  a  qualche  giorno  aspettando  d'  intendere  quello,  che  haveranno  operato, 

Y  2 


324         THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE   GUISES      April 

che  non  si  crede,  che  possi  essere  di  molto  profitto  a  servitio  della  quiete, 
poiche  sono  passati  tant'  oltre,  che  a  pena  saprebbono,  quandoben  volessero, 
come  retirarsi.  Sua  Maesta  le  ha  levate  1'  assignationi  delle  loro  rendite, 
che  importano  ogn'  anno  un  miUione,  400  mila  scudi  :  non  pensa  a  nessuna 
cosa  maggiormente,  che  ad  havere  Orleans,  et  havuto  che  I'habbia  non 
tardera  molto  Parigi  a  pentirsi  del  suo  errore. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

158f,  13  Gennaro.    Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Havendo  questa  maesta  havuto  dalli  Deputati  delli  stati  generali  li 
loro  Caieri  n'  ha  una  parte  inviat'  al  suo  consiglio,  perch^  li  consultino  tra 
loro,  pensa  la  maesta  sua  al  resto,  et  si  crede,  che  dentro  di  pochi  giorni 
saranno  espediti.  Dominica  prossima  faranno  la  loro  harrenga  al  re,  che 
sara  1'  ultima  loro  attione,  nel  qual  giorno  si  teneva,  che  da  sua  maesta 
dovessero  essere  fatti  publicare  H  processi  del  duca,  et  cardinal  de  Ghisa, 
ma  intendo,  che  non  saranno  altrimenti,  poiche  considerandosi  all'  editto  di 
pacificatione,  et  d'  unione,  che  fece  gia,  inanti  al  quale  pare,  che  commette 
pero  tutte  quelle  cose,  che  potrebbono  essere  notate,  et  di  poi  non  se  ne 
ritrovando  alcuna  di  molto  momento  non  stima  bene  la  maesta  sua  il  farli 
publicare,  essendo  che  apporteria  dubbio  in  ogn'  uno,  che  non  fussero  per- 
donati  li  errori  precedenti,  ma  che  coll'  occasioni  si  dovessero  castigare, 
et  pero  appresso  al  dubbio  disunione.  Era  anco  detto,  che  si  dovessero 
leggere  scritture  trovategli,  ma  son  io  avisato  da  persona  principalissima, 
che  la  medesima  mattina,  che  mori  monsignor  de  Ghisa  il  segretario  suo, 
che  e  hora  prigione,  andato  a  ritrovare  madama  di  Nemurs  le  disse,  che  si 
doveva  fare  d'  una  cassetta  di  scritture  di  molt'  importantia,  che  haveva 
del  suo  padrone,  la  quale  disse,  che  dovesse  immediate  abbrussiarle,  il  che 
egli  fece  senza  mettere  tempo  di  mezzo,  onde  non  puo  essersi  trovato  cosa 
alcuna,  ne  intendo,  che  vi  sia  fin'  hora  nel  constituto  del  segretario  cosa, 
che  dispiaccia  piii,  che  quella  delU  150  mila  scudi,  ch'  egli  haveva  ogn' 
anno  di  Spagna,  la  quale  havuta  anco  nel  constituto  dell'  arcivescovo  di 
Lione  pare,  che  resti  assai  approvata,  se  bene  non  s'  e  trovato  scrittura  al- 
cuna in  tal  proposito. 

Li  pregioni  restano  tuttavia  guardati  eccetto  che  madama  di  Nemurs, 
alia  quale  furono  levate  le  guardie  alcuni  giorni  sono,  et  ritrovandosi  da 
quattro  giorni  in  qua  in  questa  citta  il  capitano  del  castello  d'  Ambuosa 
con  circa  quarant'  huomini  si  tiene,  che  sua  maesta  sia  per  mandarvi  il 
prencipe  di  Genuilla  solamente  ritenendo  gl'  altri  tuttavia  qui. 

158f,  26  Gennaro.     Vandomo. 
Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Dopo  quanto  delle  attioni  de  Parigini  scrissi  a  Vostra  Serenita  s'  e 
inteso,  che  era  andato  al  Parlamento  uno  di  quel  piu  seditiosi  capi,  et  accom- 
pagnato  da  cento  corazze  le  haveva  addimandato  tre  cose  ;  che  dovessero 
condennare  ad  essere  abbruciato  vivo  quel  Belloy,  del  quale  scrissi  gia  con 
altre  mie  alia  serenita  vostra,  come  heretico,  et  fautore  delle  divisioni,  et 
dissidij  della  Franza ;  che  s'  unissero  veramente  con  i  cittadini  ;  et  che 
autenticassero  la  tassa  fatta  sopra  le  case  per  far  la  guerra,  per  diffesa, 
et  servitio  della  causa  commune :  Alle  qual  dimande  havendo  il  primo 
presidente  risposto  per  tutti,  che  nella  causa  di  Belloy,  che  da  sua  maesta 


1895       THE  ASSASSINATION  OF   THE  GUISES        325 

christianissima  era  stata  gia  commessa  al  gran  conseglio  non  si  potevano 
piu  ingerire ;  che  circa  1'  unione  sariano  sempre  uniti  nelle  cose  concernenti 
r  honor  di  Dio,  et  servitio  del  re,  et  che  quanto  alia  tassa  bisognava 
havervi  sopra  matura  consideratione  per  non  aggravare  inconsideratemente 
tutte  le  famigUe  ad  un  modo.  Le  fu  da  quel  capitano  replicato,  che  lo 
haveva  sempre  conosciuto  per  huomo  politico,  et  di  pessima  mente,  et  che 
era  a  tempo  d'  haverne  la  pena,  et  fattolo  prendere  insieme  con  fin'  a  50 
0  60  di  quegl'  altri  del  Parlamento  li  fece  tutti  menare  nella  Bastiglia. 
Che  havevano  fatti  pregioni  molti  preti  da  nostra  Dama,  et  della  santa 
Capella  come  fautori  del  re,  et  che  a  chi  ammazzava  la  maest^  sua  pro- 
mettevano  10  mila  scudi  d'  entrata.  Che  erano  entrati  nel  Lovero,  et 
nelle  stanze  regie,  dove  havevano  inventariate  tutte  le  robbe  ;  et  andati 
nel  vescovato  havevano  inventariate,  et  sigilatte  quelle  medesimamente 
del  cardinal  Gondi ;  et  al  vescovo  di  Frigius  messo  taglia  di  sei  mille 
scudi.  Che  riscuotevano  denari  d'  ogni  casa,'et  d'  alcuna  piu  d'  una  volta, 
et  minacciavano  mancandogliene  di  mettere  le  mani  anco  sopra  li  calici, 
et  sacrati  argenti  delle  chiese ;  ne  fidandosi  piu  molto  di  monsignor 
d'  Umala  le  havevano  levata  1'  autorita  di  poter  concedere  passaporti  et 
qualche  d'  uno  dice  ancora,  che  le  tenevano  guardie  alia  casa. 

Arrivati  li  due  Essivini,  et  que'  Deputati,  che  furono  m  andati  a  sua 
maesta  come  sospetti  non  li  havevano  voluti  vedere,  et  si  dice  anco,  che 
havevano  imprigionato  uno  di  dett'  Essivini  che  s'  era  pur  sforciato  di  far 
qualche  buon'  ufficio,  scoprendosi  loro  cosi  inimici  di  sua  maesta,  che 
perseguitano  anco  quelli,  che  stimano  non  1'  odiare. 

Madama  d'  Angoleme  sorella  di  sua  maesta  uscita  del  bosco  di 
Vicena  haveva  mess'  in  campagna  200  archibusieri  a  cavallo,  che  con 
altri  300  condotti  da  monsignor  de  Ture,  et  monsignor  di  Meru  fratelli 
del  Duca  di  Momoransi  battevano  tutte  le  strade  d'  intorno  a  Parigi. 

Quelli  della  Surbona  havendo  appresso  a  quanto  scrissero  gia  a  sua 
Santita  aggionto  anco  la  qui  allegata  scrittura  1'  inviorono  medesimamente 
alia  Santita  sua :  per  causa  della  quale  essendosi  in  casa  del  cardinal 
Vandomo  fatta  una  congregatione  de  20  vescovi,  et  12  theologhi  hanno 
concluso  detta  scrittura  non  essendo  ne  sottoscritta,  ne  sigillata  non 
essere  autentica  ne  approvata  da  quel  collegio,  ma  poter  essere  supposita, 
forse  per  dar  occasione  a'  Surbonisti  di  rimoversi,  et  concedere  di  non 
r  haver  fatta. 

Questa  maesta  conoscendo  non  giovare  punto  1' humanita  sua  per 
rihumiliare  li  Parigini  ha  pensato  di  tentare  se  con  altra  strada  potra 
retirarli  all'  ubbidienza  sua,  et  le  ha  mandato  uno  ad  intimarle  la 
dechiaratione  da  lei  fatta  ultimamente,  la  copia  della  quale  sara  qui 
aggionta  ;  provisione,  che  viene  stimata  tale,  die  al  presente  non  si 
potesse  far  la  maggiore  ;  per  la  quale,  per  la  perdita  del  soccorso,  che 
inviavano  a  Orleans,  et  per  la  poca  speranza,  che  puo  loro  restare,  che 
quella  citta  debbia  sostenersi  lungamente,  et  spetialmente  dovendovi 
essere  presto  sotto  tutto  1'  essercito  di  monsignor  de  Nivers  come  nell' 
altra  mia  ho  scritto  a  Vostra  Ser*^  si  tiene  da  qualche  d'  uno,  che  se  non 
saranno  quelli,  che  hanon  che  perdere  superati  dall'  infima  plebe,  che  e 
quella,  che  piu  si  dimostra  ardita,  et  ostinata,  non  havendo  fors'  altro 
pensiero,  che  d'  arrichire  con  i  beni  dei  compagni ;  potranno  facilmente 
pensare  a  casi  loro,  et  prendere  anco  qualche  buona  rissolutione. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 


326  THE  ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES      April 

158f,  2^  Geniiaro.    Di  Vandomo. 

II  signor  duca  d'  Umena  in  Digiuno  essendo  entrato  in  sospetto  d'  alcuni 
di  quel  parlamento,  che  ha  conosciuto  sempre  per  buoni  servitori  di  sua 
maesta  li  haveva  in  numero  di  XV  fatti  mettere  prigioni,  et  havendo  ben 
presidiata  quella  citta,  et  tutte  V  altre  di  quella  provincia  era  uscito  in 
campagna  si  dice  per  incaminarsi  verso  Parigi  non  havendo  seco  piu  che 
mille  huomini  tra  fanti,  et  cavalli,  che  non  viene  stimato  numero  consi- 
derabile  tanto,  quanto  di  molta  consequenza  la  sua  andata  a  Parigi  per 
r  animo  che  dara  a  quel  populi,  che  non  si  fidando  d'  Umala,  se  non  saranno 
retti  da  lui  converanno  finalmente  cadere,  Monsignor  de  Pugni  ritornando 
di  Piemonte  alia  Pelissa  non  molto  di  qua  de  Lione  ^  stato  da  12  masche- 
rati  preso,  et  menato  con  un  solo  servitore,  per  quanto  si  dice,  in  Bor- 
gogna.  Sua  maesta  ha  fatto  rilasciar  Pelicard  fu  secretario  di  monsignor 
de  Ghisa  che  ha  dato  sicurta  di  non  partirsi  di  questa  citta.' 

Li  deputati  delli  stati  sono  una  gran  parte  partiti ;  et  quelli  che  restano 
vanno  ogni  giorno  incaminandosi,  il  che  io  desidero,  che  faccino  presto  ; 
sperando  partiti,  che  siano  tutti  che  doveranno  li  ambasciatori  essere  allog- 
giati  a  Bles,  dove  potro  piu  compitamente  sodisfare  al  debito  mio. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

158|,  26  Gennaro.    Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet.  (omissis), — 

Monsignor  d'  Umena,  che  uscito  di  Digiuno  ando  in  Troia  per  confir- 
mare  a  sua  devotione  gli  animi  di  quei  populi  s'  intende,  che  parti  poi,  chi 
dice  con  dissegno  d'  andare  a  Parigi,  et  altri  vogliono  di  venire  a  Orleans, 
havendo  inviato  le  sue  forze  verso  Montargis,  dove  si  dice,  che  siano  fin* 
hora,  non  si  sapendo  certamente  il  numero,  il  che  fa  stare  la  Corte  con  non 
poco  pensiero. 

Mie  stato  da  persona  principalissima  confidentemente  detto,  che  haveva 
sua  maesta  fatto  tenere  qualche  ragionamento  con  madama  de  Nemurs, 
perche  trattasse,  che  monsignor  d'  Umena  con  qualche  buona  condittione 
s'  astenesse  dal  moversi  contra  la  maesta  sua,  la  quale  ha  scritto  tutto  cio 
a  monsignor  d'  Umena  pregandolo  a  sovenirsi  di  tutti  quelli  del  suo  sangue, 
che  sono  nolle  mani  di  sua  maesta,  et  a  voler  lasciare  i  moti,  che  possono 
ritrovar  la  morte  de  vivi,  ma  non  la  vita  de  morti ;  et  le  ha  mandato  anco 
un  suo  segretario.  E  stato  da  qualche  d'  uno  detto  che  sua  maesta  habbia 
pensato  di  fare,  che  la  detta  dama  vadi  anco  con  la  serenissima  regina  a 
Parigi,  ma  fin'  hora  non  ve  n'  e  fondamento  alcuno  ;  et  la  regina  da  hieri 
in  qua  si  ritrova  in  letto  con  descesa  di  cattaro,  che  le  travagiia  il  petto 
grandemente,  ma  per  gratia  del  signor  Diosenz'  alcun'  alteratione  difebre, 
et  pero  si  spera,  che  stara  presto  bene. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

In  lettera  seconda  di  Francia  di  30  zener.  88  [i.e.  89].     Gopia  d'  una 
lettera  scritta  dal  Signor  Duca  d' Umena  al  Signor  Alfonso  Cor  so. 

Sig°^  Colonello,— 

Io  lasciero  al  vostro  giuditio,  et  discrettione  il  venir  qua,  o  non  ci 
venire  ;  ma  ben  vi  voglio  assicurare,  che  i  propositi  che  havete  tenuto 
passando  per  Lione  a  monsignor  di  Tranges  per  dirmeli  intorno  all' 
homicidio  delli  signori  miei  fratelli  non  mi  possono  contentare  in  modo 
alcuno ;  et  non  credero  mai,  che  ci  sia  cosa  che  possa  scusare  una  si 


1895       THE   ASSASSINATION  OF   THE  GUISES        327 

ingiusta  vendetta  fatta  sopra  quelli,  che  s'  erano  messi  nelle  mani 
del  re  confidati  nella  loro  innocenza,  nelle  sue  promesse,  ne'  suoi  giura- 
menti  si  sovente  reiterati,  et  si  solennemente  pronontiati  per  la  riunione 
di  tutti  li  suoi  sudditi  catolici  alia  presenza  delli  stati  generali  di  questo 
Regno.  Ben  ho  saputo,  ch'  io  era  destinato  all'  istesso  pericolo,  ma  Dio 
me  n'  ha  preservato,  et  di  voi  non  ho  creduto  quello,  che  m'  ^  stato  detto  in 
questo  sugetto,  tenendovi  io  per  cavallier  d'  honore  et  che  non  lo  vorrebbe 
macchiare  in  cosi  brutto  misfatto  contro  di  me,  che  mi  sono  cosi  hbera- 
mente  scoperto  a  voi  facendovi  vedere  si  chiaro  il  secreto  dell'  animo  mio, 
et  della  mia  intentione,  che  non  potevi  dubitare  punto,  ch'  io  non  fossi 
interamente  huomo  da  bene,  et  non  desiderassi  1'  accrescimento  della 
gloria  di  Dio,  del  servitio  del  re  et  del  bene  del  regno.  Hor  questa 
medesima  sincerita  mi  fa  al  presente  rissolvere  a  quello,  che  e  debito  mio, 
et  domandar  a  Dio,  et  agl'  huomini  giustitia  della  morte  de  miei  fratelli, 
ben  sicuro  dei  mali,  che  io  con  mio  dispiacere  preveggo  dover  avenire. 
Non  mi  potranno  mai  esser  imputati,  et  che  Dio  non  m'  abbandonera  nel 
perseguire  una  si  giusta  causa  la  quale  io  veggo  di  gia  essere  favorito  da 
buon  numero  d'  huomini  da  bene  nel  Regno,  et  fuori  si  presentera  forse 
qualch'  altra  occasione,  nella  quale  voi  mi  potrete  continuare  1'  amicitia 
vostra,  la  quale  io  ho  con  molta  affettione  desiderato,  et  io  offerirvi  la 
mia  ;  il  che  aspettando  mi  raccomandero  ben  affettuosamente  alia  vostra 
buona  gratia,  pregando  Dio,  Sig^  Collonello,  che  vi  conceda  quello  che 
pill  desiderate. 

158f,  31  Gennaro.     Di  Bles.     Boherto  Lio,  secf"  delV  Amh''  Mocenigo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet.j — 

Essendo  venuto  in  questa  citta  mandate  dal  Cl"^^  Sig°^  Amb^'  mio 
padrone  a  consignare  1'  alligate  sue  lettere  per  la  Serenita  Vostra  ho 
trovato,  che  havendo  hieri  sera  Sua  M*''  Chr"^''^  dato  ordine  d'  inviare  li 
prencipi,  et  altri  prigioni  a  Ambuosa,  un'  hora  inanti  mezza  notte 
essendo  fuggito  il  duca  di  Nemurs  ha  la  M*''  sua  fatto  risserrare  madama 
sua  madre :  et  gl'  altri,  die  sono  il  cardinal  di  Borbone,  il  prencipe  di 
Genuilla,  il  duca  del  Buf,  1'  arcivescovo  di  Lione,  il  prevosto  de  mercanti 
de  Parigi,  et  il  presidente  Nogli  ha  questa  mattina  fatti  mettere  in  due 
barche,  et  accompagnati  da  tutte  le  sue  guardie,  non  havendo  ritenuto, 
che  alcuni  pochi  svizzeri  gli  ha  inviati  a  Ambuosa.  Mentre  ch'  io  scrivo 
parte  anco  S.  M*""  et  conduce  seco  madama  di  Nemurs,  et  mi  vien  detto, 
che  dopo  haver  trattato  con  monsignor  de  Nivers,  che  deve  egli  ancora 
ritrovarsi  hoggi  in  quella  terra,  ritornera  la  M*''  sua  in  Bles ;  di  che  ho 
stimato  bene  d'  avisare  con  queste  poche  righe  riverentemente  la  Ser*'^  Vfa 
fin  che  il  Cl"^^  Sig''  Amb''^  lo  possi  piii  particolarmente  fare ;  et  humi- 
lissimamente  me  le  inchino. — Di  Bles  1'  ult"^"  di  gen'^"  1588.  Di  Vra 
Ser*^  HumiHss°  e  devof^^  ser''  Roberto  Lio,  seg^'i«  del  Cl"^'^  Ambo*" 
Mocenigo. 

158f ,  2  Feb.     Di  Bles.     Gio.  Mocenigo,  Amh\ 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Quel  timore,  che  li  buoni  servitori,  et  amici  di  sua  Maesta  hanno 
sempre  havuto,  che  se  con  la  prestezza  accompagnata  dalla  forza,  et 
mediocre  rigore  non  faceva  intimorir  per  la  morte  del  duca  de  Ghisa 
quelli,  che  ostinatamente  havevano  seguitato  il  suo  partito,  per  riportarne 


328         THE   ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES      April 

la  maesta  sua  buon  frutto  d^Ue  sue  attioni ;  hora  si  vede  per  tutte  queste 
cause  essere  riuscito  a  grandissimo  danno,  et  pregiuditio  della  Maesta  sua, 
la  quale  si  come  a  viva  forza  e  stata  tirata  a  devenir  nelle  rissolutioni 
contra  Ghisa,  cosi  inclinando  la  sua  natural  bonta  a  sperarne  da  suoi 
sudditi  vera  intelligentia  di  questo  fatto,  ha  dato  cagione,  che  altri  fattisi 
piu  forti,  et  assicurati  della  bonta  della  maesta  sua  sono  venuti  rissoluta- 
mente  a  quell'  attione,  dalla  quale  posso  dire  habbi  a  depender  tutto  il 
servitio,  et  riputatione  del  re,  perche  il  duca  d'  Umena  conoscendo  qual' 
impressione  era  stata  messa,  cosi  in  Parigi,  come  Amiens,  e  Orleans 
contra  il  nome  di  sua  maesta,  assicuratosi  non  meno  de  molti  capitani, 
che  erano  .con  il  marescial  d'Umone,  et  altri,  che  ritornavano  di  Poitu 
col  signor  duca  de  Nivers,  chiamate  d'  ogni  parte  forze  sott'  ombra 
della  religion  catolica  si  e  spinto  inanti  con  3  mila  fanti,  e  500  cavalli,  in 
modo  che  gionse  a  10  Ifeghe  lontano  da  Orleans,  quando  il  marescial 
d'Umone  per  sei  corrieri  avertito,  mandando  a  riconoscere  queste  forze  le 
fu  riportato  essere  quale  ho  sopradetto  alia  serenita  vostra,  del  che 
havendo  avisato  la  maesta  sua,  et  havuta  risposta  di  prender  quella 
rissolutione  a  che  la  necesaita  1'  astringeva,  come  esperimentato  capitano 
fece  attaccar  immediate  una  grossa  scaramuzza  con  quelli  della  citta  in  un' 
istesso  tempo,  havendo  dato  ordine,  che  la  cavalleria,  bagaglio,  et  altri 
essercitii  militari  s'  incaminassero  verso  Boiansi,  fece  caricar  1'  artigliaria 
con  piu  balle,  et  abbondanza  di  polvere,  lasciando  300  soldati  nella  citta- 
della,  perche  retirata  la  scaramuzza  nel  far  della  sera,  et  dopo,  che  giudi- 
cassero  esser  egli  con  tutte  le  forze  due  leghe  lontano  uscissero  tutti  a 
seguitarlo  dando  in  un'  istesso  tempo  foco  all'  artigliaria  perche  ella  si 
spezzasse  aiutati  dalli  artificii,  con  che  fu  caricata,  et  poche  hore  dopo 
vogliono  vi  entrasse  il  sudetto  duca  d'  Umena ;  cosi  havutasi  la  nova, 
penso  il  re  a  salvar  immediate  li  pregioni  volendo  egli  medesimo  trans - 
ferirsi  con  quest'  occasione  a  riveder  la  citta,  et  castello  d'  Ambuosa, 
parendo  alle  maesta  sua,  come  in  vero  effetto  e  non  sapersi  in  chi  fidare. 
II  duca  di  Nemurs,  che  piu  pensava  alia  Maesta  sua  di  guardare,  e 
fuggito  havendo  corrotte  le  guardie,  et  ogn'  uno  sa  molto  bene  quanto 
il  duca  di  Savogia  si  servira  di  questo  sogetto,  perch'  egli  accresca  quelle 
miserie  in  questo  regno,  et  dalla  bocca  del  suo  proprio  ambasciatore  posso 
giudicare  esser  desiderate  per  havermi  ben  spesso  detto  '  garbuglio  fa  per 
noi.' 

Cos!  si  diffida  al  presente  il  re  di  monsignor  della  Sciatra,  et  de  molti 
capitani  che  erano  nell'  essercito  di  Poitu,  delle  quali  forze  si  prometteva 
la  Maesta  sua,  conoscendosi  anco  quasi  apertamente,  che  Nivers  si  mostra 
poco  inclinato  in  voler  esponersi  in  servitio  di  sua  Maesta  contra  quelli 
della  lega.  Quello  che  facci  Parigi  vostra  serenita  puo  havere  inteso 
assai  da  mie  lettere,  et  ogni  giorno  piu  s'  intende  quel  populi  per  sdegno 
precipitarsi  a  tanto,  che  fino  contra  la  morta  serenissima  regina  madre 
mostrano  il  suo  mal'  animo,  sendo  andati  a  deguastar  il  monumento,  che 
gia  con  singolar  artificio,  et  tanta  spesa  fece  fabricare  in  San  Dionigi, 
imputando  a  lei  d'haver  condotto  Ghisa  in  Corte  per  far  un  tal  miserabil 
fine.  Di  piii  mostrandosi  un'  ampoUa  di  cenere,  che  dicono  essere  del  gia 
duca  de  Ghisa,  tutti  i  populi  come  cosa  di  riverenza  degna  la  vanno  a 
baciare.  Hor  serenissimo  principe  convengo  dirle  in  conformita  di  quanto 
li  ho  scritto  da  tanto  tempo  in  qua,  ch'  io  non  posso  pronosticar,  se  non 


1895       THE  ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES        329 

tutti  quei  mali,  che  io  per  ragione  prevedendoli  vorrei  per  servitio  della 
christianita,  et  dell'  Italia  particolarmente  havermi  ingannato,  et  tuttavia 
ingannarmi,  poich^  il  mio  errore  costerebbe  a  me  solo,  et  forse  senza  pre- 
giuditio  di  quel  servitio,  verso  il  quale  impiego,  et  indriccio  tutto  il  mio 
spirito  per  ben  servire.  11  re  non  ha  havuto  forze  di  superar  Orleans  a  lui 
vicino  ;  di  lontano  sono  venuti  soccorsi  a  quella  citta,  ogn'  uno  si  sbanda  ; 
si  diffida,  abbandonando  il  partito  della  Maesta  sua  ;  che  possi  far  il  Re, 
vedendosi  tutti  li  Catolici  contra  star^  alia  serenita  vostra  il  discorrerne. 
Quale  siano  le  citta  ove  egli  sia  per  salvarsi  per  necessita  saranno  di  la  da 
questa  riviera  ;  et  qui  piii  si  strepitera,  che  egli  si  accosti  a  Navarra  si 
r  aggiongeranno  le  calunnie,  si  decchiariranno  le  citta  dubbie,  che  fin'  a 
quest'  hora  sono  state  per  la  rissolutione  della  Maesta  sua  aspettando 
qualche  consequenza  d'  importanza.  Sono  state  fin'  hora,  Roans  ;  Scialon 
in  Sciampagna ;  Rens,  Tours,  et  questa  citta  ancora  con  questa  medesima 
espettatione,  ma  hora,  che  le  sue  forze  appareno  debilitate,  che  Parigi  si 
e  levato  assolutamente  dall'  ubbidienza  del  re,  che  la  Surbona  per  argu- 
mento  di  Christiana  religione  libera  i  populi  dalla  devota  ubbidienza,  che 
Orleans  ha  havuto  vittoria  sopra  la  cittadella,  levato  1'  assedio,  sbandate 
la  maggior  parte  delle  genti,  che  haveva  il  Marescial  d'  Umon,  e  ricevuto 
il  duca  d'Umena  con  tante  forze,  che  viene  a  far  quella  citta  come 
un'  antemural  a  tutte  le  terre,  che  sono  di  qua  dalla  Loira,  e  ben  credibile, 
che  queste  piu  che  mai  unitesi  saranno  per  correr  la  fortuna  del  duca 
d'  Umena,  et  per  non  coadiuvar  in  ponto  alcuno  alia  volonta  del  re  ;  il 
quale  per  quanto  habbi  potuto  comandare  non  ha  ricevuto  debiti  soccorsi 
da  suoi  sudditi.  II  re  e  ritornato  in  questa  citta  contra  1'  espettatione 
d'  ogn'  uno  non  sapendosi,  come  possi  starvi  sicuro,  ne  meno  alcuno  puo 
discorrere  ove  andera.  Questo  e  quanto  al  mio  gionger  qui  ho  ritrovato  di 
nuovo,  il  che  subito  al  meglio  ch'  io  posso  espedisco  alia  serenita  vostra 
per  un  gentil'huomo,  che  se  ne  viene  a  Lione  ;  havendo  comandato,  cho 
sia  fatta  la  debita  diligenza  in  Turino,  e  Milano,  come  presupono  sia 
stato  sempre  fatto,  poiche  tutte  le  mie  lettere  per  1'  importanza  delli  affari, 
che  passano  da  un'  anno  in  qua  hanno  sempre  havuto  da  me  tali  commis- 
sioni. 

158t,  11  Feb.     Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Havendo  hieri  scritto  alia  serenita  vostra  quanto  fin'  all'  hora  s'  era 
inteso  cosi  intorno  ai  moti  delle  citta  di  questo  travagiiato  regno,  come 
alle  provisioni  et  forze,  che  hanno  in  essere  sua  Maesta,  et  il  duca 
d'Humena,  aggiongero  con  1'  occasione  che  mi  si  rappresenta  d'un  corriero, 
che  parte  per  Lione  essere  partito  questa  mattina  il  signor  de  1'  Arsian 
mandato  da  Sua  Maesta  a  Ambuosa  a  levare  di  quel  castello  il  cardinal  di 
Borbone,  per  condurlo  in  questa  citta,  non  s'  intendendo  ancora  a  che  fine. 

II  cardinal  de  Gioiosa  ha  scritto  a  questa  Maesta,  pregandola  a  volerle 
conceder  licentia  di  potersene  venire  in  qua  poiche  per  1'  atto  di  sua  poca 
riputatione,  che  da  sua  santita  era  stato  astretto  di  fare  nel  concistoro  non 
conosceva  di  poter  piu  fermarsi  con  suo  honore  in  quella  citta ;  alia  qual 
ricchiesta  non  fara  per  qualche  giorno  risposta  la  Maesta  sua,  che  vorra 
prima  vedere  come  passeranno  i  negotii  suoi  a  quella  corte.  Per  le  instantie 
di  monsignor  ill™^'  legato,  et  delli  vescovi  di  questo  regno,  che  hanno  pre- 


330         THE  ASSASSINATION   OF   THE   GUISES      April 

muto  assai  li  giorni  passati^opra  la  publicatione  del  concilio,  ha  affirmato 
sua  maesta,  che  sar^  publicato  liberamente,  come  a  punto  S.  S.  111™^  et 
tutto  questo  clero  desideravan,  essendosi  contentata,  che  non  si  risservi 
autorita,  ne  liberta  alcuna,  ma  che  s'  habbi  a  dimandare  in  gratia  a  S. 
Santita  quelle  cose,  che  si  desidereranno. 

Ha  la  Maesta  sua  fatt'  una  dechiaratione,  che  e  intitolata  contra  il 
tentative,  fellonia,  et  rebellione  del  duca  d'  Umena,  et  del  duca,  et  cavallier 
d'  Umala,  nella  quale  accusandoli  d'  infedelta,  et  rebellione,  dopo  haver 
narrato  le  male  attioni,  et  cattivi  pensieri  di  monsignor  de  Ghisa,  in 
vendetta  del  quale  si  movevano,  prononcia  li  sopranominati  decaduti  da 
tutti  li  stati,  offici,  honori,  poteri,  governi,  carghi,  dignita,  privilegi,  et  pre- 
rogative, che  hanno  havuti  cosi  da  lei,  come  dalli  re  suoi  precessori :  li 
decchiara  convinti  d'  infedelta,  et  rebellione,  et  de  crimen  laesae  maiestatis, 
et  vuole  che  sia  proceduto  contra  di  loro,  et  contra  tutti  quelli,  che  o  con 
la  persona,  o  con  viveri,  o  con  il  consiglio,  aiuto,  forze,  o  commodita  li 
favoriranno  ;  salvo  se  dentro  dal  primo  giorno  di  marzo  prossimo,  per 
tutti  i  modi  riconosceranno  i  loro  errori,  et  si  rimetteranno  all'  ubbidienza, 
che  per  il  comandamento,  et  parola  espressa  di  Dio  giustamente  devono 
alia  Maesta  sua. 

Questa  e  gia  un  pezzo  ch'  era  fatta,  ma  a  persuasione  di  diversi,  che 
non  stimavano  bene,  che  s'  esasperassero  gli  animi  di  questi  principi  non  h 
stata  prima  d'  hoggi  lasciata  vedere,  che  conoscendo  per  esperienza  sua 
maesta,  che  non  tendono  ad  altro  le  attioni  loro,  che  alia  rovina  di  questo 
povero  regno,  con  la  condittione  del  tempo,  che  le  da  di  potersi  rimettere 
per  tutto  questo  mese  ha  voluto,  che  sia  publicata. 

158|,  17  Feb.    Di  Vandomo. 
Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet, — 

Ando  monsignor  de  V  Arsian  a  Ambuosa,  sicome  dalla  Maesta  del  Ke 
le  era  stato  comandato,  per  levare  da  quel  castello  il  cardinal  di  Borbone 
et  il  prencipe  di  Genuilla,  et  condurli  in  Bles  ;  ma  da  Lognac,  che  ritrovo 
essere  ritornato,  et  tutto  unito  con  Gas,  che  resto  al  governo  di  quella 
fortezza,  le  fu  risposto,  che  conosceva  molto  bene  cio  provenire  dalla 
diffidenza,  che  sua  Maesta  voleva  havere  in  lui,  che  ne  sentiva  molto 
dispiacere,  perche  era  buon  servitore  della  Maesta  sua,  et  che  come  tale 
voleva  egli  guardare  quei  prencipi,  che  pero  se  ne  poteva  ritornare,  perche 
non  glieli  voleva  dare  a  modo  alcuno  :  onde  se  ne  ritorno  due  giorni  dopo 
monsignor  de  1'  Arsian  con  questa  risposta  a  sua  Maesta  che  ne  sentl 
tanto  dispiacere,  per  veder  si  con  cosi  fatto  tradimento  levati  personagi 
tali,  quanto  la  serenita  vostra  si  puo  imaginare.  Kiespedi  la  Maesta  sua 
il  giorno  seguente  a  quella  volta  il  signor  cardinal  de  Lenoncurt,  che  h 
zio  del  sopradetto  Lognac  perche  con  persuasioni,  con  promesse,  et  con 
ogn'  altro  possibil  mezzo  procurasse  di  piegarlo  a  volerglieli  consignare, 
et  appresso  a  lui  mando  le  compagnie  delle  sue  guardie,  ma  essendo 
ritornata  hieri  sera  S.  S.  111™^  ha  riferito  non  solo  di  non  haver  potuto 
ottennere  cosa  alcuna,  ma  anco  che  haveva  ritrovato,  che  Lognac,  e 
Gas  erano  in  appontamento  di  dare  li  pregioni  a  monsignor  d'  Umena, 
che  le  haveva  fatt'  offerire  120  mila  scudi,  et  la  figliuola,  che  fu  di 
monsignor  de  Ghisa  per  moglie  a  Lognac,  onde  se  bene  haveva  tanto 
operato  con  ammonitioni,  avertimenti,  e  promesse,  che  erano  per  sopra- 


1895       THE   ASSASSINATION  OF  THE   GUISES        331 

stare ;  che  pero  non  poteva  promettersi,  che  non  fussero  per  darglieli,  nel 
qual  caso,  cosl  resteria  la  Maest^  sua  priva  di  quel  prencipi,  et  personagi, 
come  la  citt^  di  Bles  della  commodita  della  riviera,  che  da  Ambuosa,  et 
Orleans  in  mezzo  delle  quali  e  posta  le  saria  serata. 

158f ,  18  Feb.    Di  Vandomo. 
Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

Non  havendo  ancora  potuto  Sua  Maest^  rihavere  la  sua  pristina 
salute  sta  tuttavia  retirata  nelle  sue  stanze,  nelle  quali  tiene  mattina,  e 
sera  consiglio  dove  si  pensa  a  provedere  di  denari.  Et  sentendosi  tante 
soUevationi  de  citta,  vedendosi  intercette  le  rendite,  et  il  nemico  molto 
potente  a  pensare  anchora  se  si  deve  fermare  in  Bles  sua  Maest^  christia- 
nissima  o  dove  andare  intorno  al  far  provision  de  denari,  viene  proposto 
diversi  partiti  che  sono  di  stampare  monete  grosse,  di  marcarne  delle 
picciole,  et  spenderle  per  grosse,  et  ad  altri  simili  modi,  et  quanto  al 
fermarsi  in  Bles  e  messo  in  consideratione  il  pericolo  per  esser  serrata  la 
riviera,  et  quella  citta  circondata  dalle  gia  ribellate  et  partendosi  il  lasciare 
la  citta  et  il  paese  in  mano  de  nemici,  ne  si  sa  fin'  hora,  che  si  sia  rissoluto 
cosa  alcuna. 

Rimanda  la  Maesta  sua  a  Lognac  1'  abbate  dal  Bene,  et  con  maggiori 
offerte,  et  promesse  delle  prime  procura  di  divertirlo  almanco  dal  dare  la 
liberta  ai  Prencipi  pregioni,  ma  non  si  sa,  che  frutto  sia  per  fare,  sapendosi, 
che  quegl'  altri  stringono  il  loro  trattato,  et  dicendosi  per  certo,  che  questa 
notte  passata  e  stato  veduto  monsignor  de  Lagnac,  et  il  fratello  con 
buon  numero  di  corazze,  et  d'  archibusieri  a  cavallo  venire  di  verso  Orleans 
et  andare  alia  volta  d'  Ambuosa  si  crede  per  levar,  et  menar  via  quei  pren- 
cipi. Ha  sua  Maesta  dopo  la  decchiaratione  fatta  contra  ilducad'  Umena, 
et  duca  et  cavallier  d'  Umala  fattane  una  simile  contra  le  citta  ribelle 
nominando  Parigi,  Orleans,  Abevilla,  et  Amiens,  et  aggiongendo  contra 
tutte  quelle,  che  s'  adherirano  a  qneste,  et  le  favorirano  d'  aiuti,  forze, 
denari,  viveri,  od  altro,  richiamando  da  quelle  tutti  li  giudici,  officiali,  et 
altri,  che  o  rendeno  giustitia,  o  sono  ministri  nell'  essequirla,  et  pronon- 
ciandole  decadute  da  tutte  le  gratie,  honori,  et  beneficii  fattili  cosi  da  lei, 
come  dalli  re  suoi  precessori,  se  fin'  alii  15  del  mese  di  marzo  prossimo 
riconoscendo  il  loro  errore  non  si  rimetteranno  nell'  ubbidienza  sua.  Ha 
comandato  anco,  che  tutti  li  suoi  feudatarii,  tutti  quelli  che  sono  delle  sue 
ordinanze,  et  ogn'  altro  senza  eccettuar  alcuno,  che  possi  portar  arme,  che 
subito  sentiti  i  proclami  debbino  montar  a  cavallo,  et  venir  all'  armata 
con  tanta  diligentia,  che  il  temporizar  non  habbi  ad  apportar  a  loro  causa 
di  dispiacere,  agl'  altri  di  sospitione  de  loro  cattiva  volonta,  et  agl'  inimici 
tempo  di  poter  previne  (sic)  la  loro  fedelta ;  che  lei  era  rissolutissima  d'in- 
sieme  con  loro  spendere  la  roba,  et  la  vita,  per  rimettere  la  sua  autorita, 
et  stato  nel  suo  primo  splendore,  et  dignita  a  1'  honor  di  Dio,  conservation 
della  nostra  santa  religione  catolica,  apostolica,  romana,  et  soUevamento 
de  suoi  buoni  sudditi. 

158-1,  23  Feb.    Di  Vandomo. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

L'  abbate  dal  Bene,  che  alii  18  del  presente  parti  di  questa  citt^,  et 
di  ordine  di  sua  maesta  and6  in  Ambuosa  mentre  che  la  mattina  delU  19, 
trattava  con  Lognac,  e  Gas  sopra  il  fatto  dei  prencipi  pregioni  si  ritrovo 


332         THE  ASSASSINATION  OF   THE   GUISES      April 

anco  presente  alia  consign^ftione,  die  per  nome  di  monsignor  d'  Umena  fu 
loro  fatta  di  10  milla  scudi  per  parte  delli  120  milla  promessili.  Egli 
dopo  haverli  tutti  due  avertiti  a  non  fidarsi  di  monsignor  d  'Umena,  che 
teneva  per  fermo,  che  si  fussero  ritrovati  alia  morte  de  suoi  fratelli 
offerendoli  la  buona  gratia  di  sua  maesta,  et  assicurandoli,  che  da  lei 
haveranno  ogni  maggior  sodisfattione,  se  lasciata  ogn'  altra  prattica  le 
presteranno  la  debita  ubbidienza,  non  hebbe  per  risposta  altro  da  loro,  se 
non  che  erano  buoni  servitori  di  sua  maesta,  contra  il  servitio  della  quale 
non  faranno  mai  cosa  alcuna,  et  che  quando  fussero  assicurati  della 
buona  gratia  della  maesta  sua  farebbono  apparire  tutto  cio  dagli  effetti ; 
con  che  ^ssendo  ritornato  I'abbate  diede  causa  di  piu  dubitare  della 
loro  mala  intentione,  la  quale  s'  e  ogni  giorno  poi  maggiormente  scoperta, 
cosi  per  essersi  inteso,  che  un  fratello  de  Lognac  e  ultimamente  andato 
a  Parigi,  come  perche  essendo  anco  stat'  a  loro  di  commissione  di  sua 
maesta,  monsignor  de  Rieus  le  hanno  fatto  dimande  cosi  essorbitanti,  che 
quando  bene  si  volesse  non  saria  possibile  di  concedergliele,  uno  ricchie- 
dendo  d'  essere  messo  nelli  governi  d' Angiu,  Mena,  e  Turena,  che  le  furono 
gia  concessi,  dove  non  e  stato  volut'  accettare  per  governatore  ;  che  le  sia 
munito  quel  castello  in  maniera,  che  le  munitioni  costerebbono  piu  di  20 
milla  scudi,  et  una  summa  de  denari ;  ancora  1'  aliio  che  le  sia  dato  Bo- 
logna, et  Valenza,  monitioni  in  ogn'uno  di  questi  lochi,  et  denari,  si  che  si 
tiene,  come  per  disperata  la  buona  riuscita  di  questo  negotio,  che  essendo 
di  molto  momento,  e  anco  di  molto  pensiero  ad  ogn'  uno. 

(Omissis.) 

Monsignor  d'  Umena  s'  intende,  che  fin'  alii  21,  era  ancor  in  Parigi, 
di  dove  non  s'  era  partito  havendo  veduto,  che  quelli  buoni  ordini,  che 
haveva  dato  dopo  i  primi  giorni  non  erano  piu  stati  osservati,  e  che 
tutto  ritornava  a  riempirsi  di  confusione ;  onde  haveva  creato  un  con- 
siglio  di  40  persone  delle  piu  principali  della  citta,  il  quale  governasse, 
et  procurava,  che  si  facessero  nuove  provisioni  de  denari.  Due  giorni 
sono  si  disse  in  Bles  che  egli  era  gionto  con  le  sue  genti  a  Sciateodun, 
che  e  due  picciole  giornate  da  quella  citta,  la  quale  si  mise  pero  in 
grandissimo  terrore  ;  ma  espedito  immediate  uno  a  quella  volta  si  certifico 
della  verita  la  maesta  sua  la  quale  fatto  fare  inquisitione  de  chi  haveva 
disseminato  tal  nova  per  castigarlo  non  pote  ritrovarne  1'  inventore  per 
molta  diligentia,  che  si  facesse. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 

158|,  27  Feb.    Di  Bles. 

Serenissimo  Principe  et  cet., — 

(Oviissis.) 

Se  io  sto  qui  o  a  Vandomo  non  v'  e  dubbio  alcuno,  che  queste  terre 
saranno  combattute  o  da  Navarra,  o  da  Umena,  nel  qual  caso  non  so, 
che  possi  assicurarmi  della  robba,  che  a  questi  tempi  mette  in  pericolo  la 
vita,  le  qual  due  cose  toccando  al  mio  solo  particolare  non  mi  danno 
quella  molestia,  che  mi  da  il  pensare  a  qualche  accidente,  che  potesse 
interessar  la  dignita  della  serenita  vostra. 

(Omissis.) 

In  questo  punto  sono  gionti  li  Prencipi  pregioni,  che  erano  in  Ambuosa 
volendoli  sua  maesta  presso  di  se,  che  e  quanto  giudico  bene  espedir  questa 
sera,  poiche  forse  dimani  partendo  il  re  non  vi  sera  piu  simil  commodita. 

Gratiae  et  cet. 


1895  HERALDRY  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  333 

HERALDRY   OF   OXFORD    COLLEGES. 

In  *  Archaeologia  Oxoniensis,'  parts  iii.  and  iv.,  1893-94,  were  pub- 
lished '  Notes  on  the  Heraldry  of  the  Oxford  Colleges '  by  Mr. 
Perceval  Landon.  These  Notes  in  several  places  affect  a  dogmatic 
certainty  which  appears  to  me  to  be  unwarranted  by,  and  even 
contradictory  to,  the  available  evidence.  I  cite  here  a  few  cases  in 
point. 

I.  In  '  Arch.  Oxon.'  p.  143,  Mr.  Landon  says :  '  Anthony  Wood 
mentions  that  in  1574  his  father  claimed  and  obtained  exemption 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  King  Clarencieux,  as  a  member  of  Oxford 
University,  probably  as  holding  some  elastic  college  appointment, 
since  the  university,  the  colleges,  and  their  officials,  only  were 
privileged.'  Anthony  Wood's  father  matriculated,  as  a  lad  of  18, 
in  1600  ;  so  the  date  given  may  be  conceded  to  be  a  slip  of  the 
pen  for  1634.  But  the  concluding  part  of  the  sentence  perverts 
the  evidence  on  an  important  point,  viz.  the  classes  of  persons 
who  claimed  the  privileges  of  the  university.  The  presumption 
that  *  privileged  persons  '  were  only  actual  members  or  officials 
of  the  university  or  the  colleges  is  represented  as  being  so  strong 
that  there  is  a  *  probability '  that  Thomas  Wood  held  some  college 
appointment.  But  there  is  not  a  scrap  of  evidence  to  show  that 
Thomas  Wood  ever  held  such  an  appointment,  or  that  his  title  to 
'  privilege '  was  other  than  the  fact  of  his  being  a  graduate  (B.C.L. 
in  1619),  resident  within  the  precincts  of  the  university,  though 
not  on  the  college  books.  Anthony  Wood  himself  certainly  held  no 
college  or  university  appointment,  even  of  the  most  '  elastic ' 
description,  and  his  name  had  long  been  *off  the  books,'  but  still 
he  claimed  to  be  2^ persona  i^rivilegiata,  e.g.  in  assessments  for  taxes, 
etc.  (see  his  *Life,'  iv.  19,  iii.  319:  the  vice-chancellor  'angry' 
because  Wood  was  taxed  by  the  town). 

II.  Citing  Twyne's  narrative  of  the  unsuccessful  attempt  by  the 
heralds  to  '  visit '  the  university  and  colleges  in  1634,  Mr.  Landon 
adds,  '  Nor  were  other  attempts  in  1566,  1574,  and  1668  more 
successful.'  This  is  a  flagrant  instance  of  the  fallacy  of  induction 
from  a  single  instance  :  because  the  attempted  visitation  in  1634 
failed,  it  is  assumed  that  the  same  was  the  case  in  the  earlier 
years.  What  evidence  would  be  necessary  to  establish  this  con- 
clusion ?  The  absence  of  record  in  the  College  of  Arms  would 
be  quite  inconclusive,  because  it  is  contrary  to  reason  to  suppose 
that  these  records  are  other  than  incomplete.  The  presumption 
is  the  other  way,  because  in  1634  the  heralds  asserted  that 
there  had  been  a  visitation  in  1574.  And,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
there  is  a  double  record  of  that  visitation.  In  some  colleges  in 
Oxford  {e.g.  All  Souls'  and  Lincoln),  officially  recognised  and  pre- 
served by  being  pasted  into  the  college  Registrum,  are  the  parch- 


334  HERALDRY  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  April 

ment  certificates  then  issued  by  Eichard  Lee,  Portcullis  Pursuivant. 
In  the  College  of  Arms  is  the  official  record  of  this  visitation  (MS. 
H.  6),  with  the  arms  of  the  university  and  several  colleges  carefully 
blazoned,  and  a  certificate  attached  in  each  case  that  this  was  done 
by  Lee  at  his  visitation.  It  is  true  that  only  some  of  the  colleges  are 
found  there,  but  it  is  an  easy  supposition  that  Lee  did  not  com- 
plete the  writing  out  of  his  notes  in  this  most  elaborate  way — 
there  is  no  need  to  suppose  that  the  visitation  was  interrupted. 
Mr.  Landon  has  been  told  of  the  existence  of  the  certificate  at  All 
Souls',  but  takes  upon  him  to  assert  ('Arch.  Oxon.'  p.  156)  that  the 
heralds,  'though  officially  repulsed  by  the  university,^  still  did  some 
private  work,  and  Master  Lee  has  the  boldness,  if  not  imperti- 
nence, to  add  to  his  notice  Now  ratified  and  confirmed  hy  me, 
Portcullers.' 

III.  To  Mr.  Landon  the  impalement  for  the  second  founder  on 
the  shield  of  Lincoln  College  ('  Arch.  Oxon.'  p.  199)  is  so  undis- 
puted and  indisputable  as  to  require  no  comment :  '  vert,  three 
stags  trippant  argent,  attired  or.'  But,  both  in  his  carefully 
blazoned  certificate  left  in  the  college  and  in  the  equally  deliberate 
copy  in  the  College  of  Arms  (MS.  H.  6),  Eichard  Lee  ^  in  1574  gives 
the  coat  as  '  vert,  three  stags  trippant  or.'  What  reason  is  there 
for  supposing  that  Portcullis  in  1574  was  capable  of  making  such 
a  bad  blunder  in  his  official  copy  of  the  college  coat  ?  If  that  were 
decisively  proved,  it  would  clearly  bring  into  possibility  of  suspicion 
every  statement  in  heraldry,  for  few  coats  can  be  as  unmistakably 
given  as  these  '  stags  or.' 

Certainly,  in  some  notes  of  coats  of  arms  in  Oxford  taken 
just  before  the  great  civil  war  it  is  stated  that  in  glass  in  the 
college  windows  the  coat  appeared  as  '  vert,  three  stags  trippant 
argent,  attired  or.'  But  these  notes  are  unofficial,  the  casual 
jottings  of  a  man  interested  in  heraldry ;  and  in  the  half-century 
which  had  intervened  the  glass  may  have  become  less  distinct  than 
it  had  been.  The  probabilities  are  in  favour  of  the  older  record 
as  giving  correctly  what  was  known  in  college  about  the  college 
arms.  This  further  has  to  be  remembered,  that  at  the  earlier 
date  there  was  in  existence  a  genuine  tradition  as  to  Eotheram's 
family  and  coat,  which  would  have  served  as  a  corrective  of  the 
arms  painted  in  college.  George  Eotheram,  elected  fellow  in 
1555,  is  noted  in  the  college  register  to  be  '  consanguineus  funda- 
toris ; '  and  there  were  also  John  Eotheram,  elected  fellow  in  1582, 
and  Thomas  Eotheram,  in  1586. 

Mr.  Landon   says  ('Arch.  Oxon.'  p.   199)   that   the  arms  of 

'  Who,  reading  this  sentence,  could  fairly  be  expected  to  perceive  that  the  *  official 
repulse  '  is  a  shadowy  fancy  of  the  writer,  and  not  a  recorded  fact  ? 

2  The  same  blazoning  is  given  in  Faber's  engraving  (circ.  1700  ?)  of  Eotheram's 
'  portrait.' 


1895  HERALDRY  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  335 

Archbishop  Eotheram  ('  vert,  three  stags  trippant  argent,  attired 
or  '),  impaled  by  the  ancient  arms  of  York,  are  in  York  Minster  and 
again  in  the  parsonage  of  Bolton  Percy,  Yorkshire.  Mr.  Everett 
Green,  Eouge  Dragon,  has  kindly  sent  me  a  photograph  of  the 
same  coat,  similarly  impaled,  in  the  windows  (I  understand)  of 
Sarnesfield  Court,  near  Hereford.  But  here  there  is  an  assumption 
which  deprives  the  conclusion  of  any  logical  validity.  On  what 
ground  is  this  coat  assigned  to  Archbishop  Eotheram  ?  Solely,  as 
far  as  I  find  stated,  because  of  the  coat  itself,  with  its  three  stags 
(for  Eotheram).  But  three  stags  are  not  an  unusual  bearing,  and 
the  conclusion  remains  uncertain  until  the  coats  of  Eotheram's 
proximate  predecessors  and  successors  in  the  see  are  all  known, 
and  it  is  thus  shown  that  none  of  them  bore  *  vert,  three  stags 
trippant  argent,  attired  or.' 

Archbishop  Eotheram's  name,  family,  and  coat  have  long  been 
matters  of  debate  among  antiquaries ;  and  the  positive  statement 
of  Eichard  Lee  in  1574  that  the  college  coat  showed  '  vert,  three 
stags  or  '  is  an  important  piece  of  evidence  in  the  question,  not  to 
be  passed  over  in  silence  nor  to  be  set  aside  without  equally  positive 
evidence  to  the  contrary. 

IV.  Mr.  Landon's  statements  about  the  coat  of  Jesus  College 
('  Arch.  Oxon.'  p.  206)  are  strongly  to  be  condemned  as  involving 
grave  moral  charges,  brought  forward  solely  on  the  warrant  of 
assumptions.  He  says,  in  effect,  that  this  college,  having  no  right 
to  arms,  annexed  the  Eotheram  coat  from  Lincoln.  This  implies 
that  the  authorities  of  the  college  *  about  the  year  1590 '  were 
guilty  of  disreputable  conduct,  of  a  particularly  foolish  kind.  What 
is  the  proof  of  this  libellous  charge  ?  None  is  given  by  Mr. 
Landon  that  I  can  discover.  His  statements  about  the  Jesus 
College  coat,  somewhat  confused  (it  must  be  admitted),  may  be 
tabulated  thus : — 

1.  The  governing  body  of  the  college  about  1590  took  a  coat  of 
arms  'without  authority.'  It  is  plain  that  to  establish  this 
statement  it  must  be  shown  that  the  records  of  the  College  of  Arm-s 
contain  the  grant  of  arms  to  all  colleges,  and  omit  it  in  the  case  of 
Jesus  College  only  :  no  such  proof  is  even  attempted. 

2.  The  said  governing  body  then  annexed  the  coat  '  vert,  three 
stags  trippant  argent,  attired  or,'  from  the  Lincoln  College  coat. 
Those  who  think  this  possible  may  believe  it. 

3.  The  coat  the  college  now  ought  to  bear  is  '  azure,  three 
stags  trippant  or.'  How  he  makes  this  agree  with  his  former 
statements  about  Eotheram's  coat  he  does  not  indicate. 

4.  The  college  has  '  recently '  changed  from  its  proper  azure  to 
verty  following  the  '  colours '  of  the  college.  The  date  of  college 
*  colours '  is  unknown,  but  no  one,  I  presume,  would  assign  to 
the  green  coat  of  the  Jesus  College  boat-club  a  higher  antiquity 


336  SIR   EYRE   COOTE   AND    THE  April 

than  1820  or  1830.  Tet  in  the  eighteenth  century  'vert,  three 
stags  trippant  argent,  attired  or,'  was  the  coat  used  in  Jesus 
College  (Gutch's  Wood's  '  Colleges  and  Halls,'  published  in  1786, 
p.  583). 

6.  Mr.  Landon  gives  a  coat  found  in  the  margin  of  the  will  of 
Dr.  Hugh  Price,  founder  of  Jesus  College.  He  overlooks  the  fact 
that  this  is  far  from  proving  that  Price  was  entitled  to,  or  even 
claimed,  that  coat.  If  such  a  claim  is  made  in  the  text  of  the  will, 
the  fact  ought  to  have  been  stated. 

The  truth  is  that  there  is  no  evidence  yet  forthcoming  as  to  the 
first  appearance  of  the  Jesus  College  coat,  and  that  later  statements 
of  its  charges  are  conflicting,  possibly  from  confusion  with  the 
similar  coat  impaled  by  Lincoln  College.  The  whole  matter 
requires  investigation  in  a  temperate  spirit  with  a  view  to  discover 
facts,  without  inventing  reasons  and  imagining  motives. 

Andrew  Clark. 


SIR   EYRE    COOTE    AND   THE    '  DICTIONARY   OF   NATIONAL   BIOGRAPHY.' 

The  compilation  of  the  '  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  '  is 
attended  with  so  much  labour  and  research  that  criticism  of  it 
should  be  undertaken  in  no  captious  spirit.  Mistakes  should,  how- 
ever, be  pointed  out  for  correction  in  subsequent  editions.  This 
is  more  than  usually  needed  in  the  case  of  Professor  Morse  Stephens's 
article  on  Sir  Eyre  Coote,  one  section  of  which,  that  relating 
to  the  second  period  of  his  service  in  India,  can  only  be  described 
as  a  travesty  of  the  events  it  professes  to  relate. 

The  opening  statement  is  incorrect.  Coote,  says  the  writer, 
joined  his  regiment,  which  had  been  raised  at  home  for  service  in 
India,  in  1759,  at  Madras.  He  did  nothing  of  the  sort ;  he  sailed 
from  England  with  it,  under  convoy  of  Admiral  Cornish,  and 
landed  with  it  in  Madras.^ 

The  first  news  he  heard  was  that  the  comte  de  Lally  was  threaten- 
ing the  important  fortress  of  Trichinopoly  with  a  powerful  army,  and  he 
at  once  marched  south  from  Madras  with  1,700  English  soldiers  and 
3,000  sepoys. 

First,  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  the  authority  is  for 
the  expression  '  powerful  army.'  Coote  himself  speaks  of  Lally's 
force  as  '  a  detachment,'  ^  and  we  know  from  Lally  that  it  consisted 
of  a  body  of  men  separated  from  the  main  force,  partially  from 
prudential  reasons  and  partially  from  necessity ;  ^  secondly,  the 
sepoys  of  the  English  army  are  given  by  Coote  as  3,500.^ 

>  Orme,  iii.  534.  2  Despatch  to  Pitt,  13  Feb.  1760. 

3  M^moire  pour  Lally.  *  Despatch  to  Pitt,  13  Feb.  1760. 


1895     'DICTIONARY  OF  NATIONAL  BIOGRAPHY'      337 

He  moved  with  great  rapidity  and  took  the  important  town  of  Wande- 
wash  on  30  Nov.  1759,  after  a  three  days'  siege,  and  immediately  after- 
wards reduced  the  fort  of  Carangooly.  His  movements  had  their  intended 
effect,  and  Lally,  abandoning  his  attack  on  Trichinopoly,  came  against 
the  small  English  army  at  the  head  of  2,200  Europeans  and  10,800 
sepoys,  and  at  once  besieged  it  in  Wandewash. 

Nobody  would  suppose  from  this  statement  that,  having 
completely  outmanoeuvred  Coote,  Lally  cut  him  off  from  Wande- 
wash, and  caused  him  to  fight  a  battle  to  relieve  it ;  yet  that  is 
what  really  took  place.  To  begin  with,  strictly  speaking,  Coote 
did  not  take  the  town  of  Wandewash,  after  a  three  days'  siege,  on 
30  November.  Brereton  stormed  it,  without  a  siege  at  all,  at 
daybreak  on  the  27th.  What  Coote  did  take  on  the  30th,  after  a 
three  days'  siege,  was  the  fort  of  Wandewash — a  very  different 
thing,  as  anybody  acquainted  with  the  three  attacks  on  the  place, 
by  Brereton,  Coote,  and  Lally,  will  readily  recognise.^  Then,  on 
10  Jan.  Lally  marched  from  Arcot,  and  made  a  feint  in  the 
direction  of  Trivatore.  Coote,  suspecting  an  attack  on  Wandewash, 
left  Conjeveram  and  hurried  off  to  intercept  the  movement.  On 
the  night  of  the  11th  Lally  doubled  on  him  in  the  darkness,  and 
made  a  dash  with  his  cavalry  on  Conjeveram,  which  he  looted  and 
fired.  Coote  on  hearing  what  had  occurred  marched  precipitately 
back  on  Conjeveram.  This  was  precisely  what  Lally  had  calcu- 
lated on.  He  pushed  straight  for  Wandewash,  stormed  the  town, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  fort.  And  this  is  what  the  writer  of  the  article 
actually  describes  as  Lally  marching  on  Wandewash  and  besieging 
Coote  in  it.  Again,  as  to  the  strength  of  Lally's  force,  the  estimate 
given  in  the  article  is  not  that  of  Lally  or  that  of  Coote,  whose- 
soever it  may  be.  There  is  a  generally  accepted  rule,  that  the 
effective  strength  of  opposing  armies  shall  be  assumed  from  the 
estimates  of  their  respective  commanders.  The  strength  of  Lally's 
force  as  given  by  himself  is  1,350  Europeans,  1,800  sepoys,  and 
2,000  Mahrattas,  making  him  considerably  weaker  instead  of 
stronger  than  Coote.^ 

Having  got  Coote,  by  this  time,  where  on  his  own  showing  he 
was  not,  the  writer  proceeds  to  extricate  him.  *  Coote,'  he  says, 
'  closely  watched  the  besiegers,  and  on  22  Jan.  1760  he  suddenly 
burst  out  of  the  town,  and,  in  spite  of  the  disparity  in  numbers, 
he  utterly  defeated  the  French  in  their  intrenchments.'  As  a  matter 
of  fact  he  was  making  strenuous  efforts  to  retrieve  his  error. 
Leaving  the  roads,  he  plunged  through  the  Palaur,  and  struck 
across  the  open  country  for  Wandewash.  When  he  reached  Outra- 
malore  his  infantry  were  so  exhausted  that  he  was  forced  to  allow 
them  three  days'  rest,  whilst  he  rode  forward  with  the  cavalry  to 

*  Coote's  despatch  to  Pitt,  13  Feb.  1760 ;  Mimoire  pour  Lally ;  Orme. 
«  Mimoire  pour  Lally, 
VOL.  X. NO.  XXXVIII.  ^  Z 


338  SIR   EYRE   COOTE  April 

# 
reconnoitre.     On  the  21st  he  sent  back  word  for  them  to  advance 

to  Tirimbourg,  seven  miles  from  Wandewash  ;  they  arrived  there  the 
same  night.  Next  morning  he  advanced  against  Lally,  with  the  object 
of  forcing  his  way  into  the  town.  The  battle  of  Wandewash  was 
fought,  and  the  French  were  defeated ;  but  their  only  *  intrench- 
ments '  consisted  of  a  dried- up  tank  on  the  extreme  left  and  a  small 
redoubt  in  their  rear.^  Such  is  the  extraordinary  account  which 
the  writer  of  the  article  has  given  of  a  campaign  ending  in  a  battle 
which  he  says  was  '  second  only  to  Plassey  in  its  importance.' 

The  siege  of  Pondicherry  followed  the  victory  of  Wandewash. 
The  writer  alludes  briefly  to  it.  He  chronicles  the  temporary 
supersession  of  Coote  by  Monson  with  a  felicity  of  inaccuracy.  *  At 
this  moment,'  he  says,  *  Major  the  Hon.  William  Monson  arrived 
at  Madras  with  a  commission  to  take  command  of  the  forces  in  the 
Madras  presidency.'  The  Monson  in  question  was  George  and  not 
William  Monson  ;  William  Monson  was  a  soldier  of  a  later  genera- 
tion.^ He,  George  Monson,  did  not  arrive  at  Madras,  for  the 
sufficient  reason  that  he  was  already  in  India.  He  had  served 
under  Brereton  at  the  first  siege  of  Wandewash,  had  commanded 
the  second  line  of  the  English  in  the  battle  of  22  Jan.,  and  was  at 
the  moment  of  the  receipt  of  his  new  commission  with  the  army.^ 
Lastly,  the  *  Madras  presidency '  did  not  exist  until  the  India  bill 
of  1784.  Monson,  however,  continues  the  account,  *  soon  fell  ill,' 
and  on  20  Sept.  Coote  reassumed  the  command.  *  Soon  fell  ill '  is 
about  as  extraordinary  a  way  of  conveying  the  information  that  he 
had  his  leg  smashed  in  an  attack  on  the  outworks  of  the  town  *^  as 
could  well  be  imagined.  Finally,  in  a  sentence  of  astonishing 
accuracy,  the  fall  of  the  town  is  related.  Frederick  Dixon. 

'  Coote  to  Pitt,  13  Feb.  1760  ;  M^moire  pour  Lally  ;  Orme. 

**  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  arts.  '  George  '  and  '  William  Monson.' 

^  Coote  to  Lord  Barrington,  15  Oct.  1760  ;  Orme. 

'»  Monson  to  Lord  Holdernesse,  30  Sept.  1760. 


1895  339 


Reviews  of  Books 


Primitive  Civilisations ;  or,  Outlines  of  the  History  of  Ownership  in 
Archaic  Communities.  By  E.  J.  Simcox.  2  vols.  (London  :  Son- 
nenschein.     1894.) 

The  spirit  of  historical  research  has  the  defect  compensating  its  virtue. 
The  increased  wealth  of  material  which  it  places  at  our  disposal  separates 
ever  more  and  more  widely  not  only  the  specialist  and  a  public  desirous 
of  knowing  results  without  processes,  but  even  specialist  and  speciaHst. 
Yet  one  department  may  with  advantage  borrow  from  others  by  no  means 
closely  allied  to  it.  Political  economy,  for  example,  has  obviously  much 
to  learn  from  anthropology,  and  from  legal  and  historical  archaeology, 
as  to  the  solutions  discovered  by  an  older  world  or  by  the  arrested 
-civilisations  of  the  immemorial  east  for  the  problems  which,  under 
•changed  conditions,  w^e  have  to  face  here  and  now.  The  economist, 
however,  can  no  longer  resort,  as  heretofore,  to  Moses  and  Herodotus, 
directly  and  with  little  labour  to  the  primary  authorities  in  these  fields. 
The  languages  in  which  they  are  couched  he  understands  not.  The 
historic  setting  of  the  facts  they  record  he  comprehends  not.  Even 
before  the  mass  of  secondary  authorities  he  is  helpless.  If  he  is  to  mine 
at  all  the  rich  ore  of  the  history  of  simpler  economies,  he  must  have 
recourse  to  some  writer  who  of  set  purpose  has  laboured  to  mediate 
between  him  and  those  from  whom  he  would  draw.  Such  an  effort  at 
mediation  Miss  Simcox  has  made  in  '  Primitive  Civilisations.' 

The  history  of  ow^nership  in  archaic  communities  would  in  its  com- 
pleteness be  that  of  civilisation — nay,  of  mankind  itself — up  to  the  emer- 
gence of  modern  industrial  conditions.  Even  in  its  outlines  it  affords 
such  a  view  of  the  social  organisation  of  the  elder  world  as  gives  to 
politician  and  economist  an  effective  background  to  their  subject.  I\Iuch 
in  the  background  itself  needs  further  setting  in  illustrative  custom, 
analogous  institution,  and  what  not.  And  so  the  purpose  of  mediation 
between  the  economist  and  the  results  of  archaeology,  expressed  in  the 
sub-title,  merges  in  the  larger  anthropologico-historical  aim  conveyed  by 
the  main  title.  Either  subject  manifestly  calls  for  philosophical  largeness 
of  grasp,  no  mean  degree  of  learning  in  the  spheres  of  history,  ethno- 
graphy, anthropology,  law,  and  philology,  and  above  all  rigid  faithfulness 
to  authorities.  All  these  gifts  Miss  Simcox  manifests  in  a  marked 
degree.  Obviously  in  a  work  which  surveys  manldnd  from  China  in  a 
volume  to  Peru  in  an  appendix,  and  which  in  a  single  part  reviews 
civilisation  from  Massalia  to  Malabar,  originality  would  be  out  of  place. 
Nevertheless  there  is  material  respecting  Arabia  from  Dr.  Glaser's  privately 


340  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

circulated  advance  sheets,%nd  German  reviews  thereon,  which  has  been 
hitherto  altogether  inaccessible  to  the  reader  of  English  only.  There  are 
some  striking  analogies  drawn  between  special  points  in  diverse  civilisa- 
tions, and  there  is  some  speculative  ethnography.  For  the  rest  Miss  Simcox 
is  content  to  follow  known  authorities,  such  as  Maspero  and  Revillout,  and 
great  names,  such  as  Movers.  And  she  has  achieved  a  distinguished 
success.  Whatever  faults  of  detail  specialists  may  find  in  Miss  Simcox's 
volume,  in  reviewing  each  his  own  department,  it  is  certain  that  to  the 
non-archaeologist  or  non- orientalist,  to  the  general  reader,  politician,  and 
economist,  '  Primitive  Civilisations  '  will  offer  much  that  is  novel  and 
true,  and, capable  of  quick  verification. 

The  great  fault  of  the  book  is,  we  venture  to  think,  the  absence 
alike  of  any  explicit  declaration  of  the  authoress's  degree  of  competence 
in  the  several  languages  and  dialects  of  the  primary  sources,  and  of  any 
critical  estimate  of  the  secondary  sources.  If  knowledge  of  the  primary 
is  necessary  for  the  checking  of  the  secondary  authorities,  it  were  well 
to  know  how  far  the  writer  goes  in  such  knowledge  ;  for  some  skill  in 
ideograms  she  undoubtedly  has,  and  there  is  an  appendix  on  the  Accadian 
affinities  of  Chinese.  A  defect  of  less  crucial  import  is  lack  of  proportion. 
We  could  well  spare  the  meagre  appendix  on  the  Inca  civilisation  and 
the  chapter  on  Sparta.  Miss  Simcox  is,  perhaps,  not  on  the  safest 
ground  when  she  becomes  classical ;  she  uses  rlietra  apparently  as  a. 
plural,  and  talks  of  sujfeti  at  Carthage.  Either  more  should  have  been 
sacrificed  to  the  comparative  method — e.g.  Chinese  ceramics,  should  have- 
been  left  out — or  the  comparative  method  should  have  gone  by  the  board. 
We  confess  to  desiderate  the  latter  course.  Not  much  can  be  made  even 
of  such  striking  analogies  as  the  antichretic  mortgage  customs  of  widely 
separated  peoples,  unless  some  '  method  of  adhesions '  be  employed, 
similar  to  that  which  Professor  Tylor  has  used  to  such  purpose.  And 
Miss  Simcox  is  at  her  best  when,  not  thinking  of  parallels,  she  tells  a 
history  in  its  appropriate  way.  Even  her  account  of  Sumer  and  Accad,. 
painstaking  as  her  efforts  are,  does  not  compare  with  her  presentation  of 
Egypt.  Her  history  of  China,  where  there  is  least  of  analogy  and  most 
of  straightforward  narrative,  is  the  best  presentment  of  that  curious- 
civilisation  ever  accomplished  in  English.  And  the  economist,  amid 
much  that  is  to  him  caviare,  though  not  therefore  to  be  spared,  will  find 
herein  an  economic  history,  which,  from  its  record  of  currency  expedients. 
and  experiments  in  taxation  to  its  review  of  land  tenure  and  foreign 
policy,  will  well  repay  his  consideration.  The  Chinese  seem  so  often  to 
have  missed  the  western  solution  of  a  problem.  They  seem  still  more 
often  to  have  considered  and  rejected,  somewhere  in  the  days  of  the  Sung 
or  the  Ming,  the  solution  still  approved  in  the  west.  The  appendix  on 
the  Malabar  marriage  commission  is  an  excellent  *  first  vintage  '  of  the 
results  of  such  a  study  as  '  Primitive  Civilisations  '  in  its  appHcations  to 
politics.  Maps,  particularly  a  series  of  rough  historical  maps  of  China,, 
would  be  an  addition  to  the  book.     The  index  is  admirable. 

Heebekt  W.  Blunt. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  341 

Chapters  on  the  Principles  of  International  Law.     By  John  Westlake, 
Q.C.,  LL.D.     (Cambridge  :  University  Press.     1894.) 

Dk.  Westlake  is  well  known  as  an  authority  on  private  international 
law ;  he  has  given  us  in  these  chapters  the  firstfruits  of  his  activity  as  a 
teacher  of  public  international  law.  His  treatment  of  the  subject  is 
thoughtful  and  independent,  but  he  has  not  taken  time  to  work  out  his 
doctrines  in  detail  dr  to  support  them  by  adequate  references.  Here  and 
there  his  statements,  though  substantially  correct,  are  lacking  in  com- 
pleteness and  precision.  Thus  on  p.  19  Dr.  Westlake  says,  '  With  us 
the  law  of  nations  has  come  to  mean  exclusively  the  law  prevaihng 
between  states.'  Mr.  Baron  Parke,  on  the  other  hand,  has  told  us  that 
the  '  law  merchant '  is  a  branch  of  the  law  of  nations  ;  and  similar  lan- 
guage might  be  used  in  describing,  e.g.,  the  rules  of  canon  law  which  form 
the  historical  basis  of  the  marriage  law  in  our  own  and  other  countries. 
The  most  valuable  and  interesting  part  of  Dr.  Westlake 's  book  will  be 
found  in  the  pages  which  he  has  devoted  to  protectorates  and  '  spheres 
of  influence  '  in  uncivilised  regions,  and  in  the  chapter  on  the  empire  of 
India.  In  discussing  the  relation  of  India  to  constitutional  law  it  might 
have  been  useful  to  point  out  that  British  India  must  for  many  purposes 
be  regarded  as  a  group  of  settled  colonies.  When  Englishmen  first 
settled  in  Bengal  and  Bombay  they  held  land  under  the  Mogul  and  his 
feudatories,  but  they  did  not  place  themselves  under  Mohammedan  or 
Hindoo  law  ;  they  took  their  own  law  with  them  :  and  when  the  British 
power  superseded  that  of  the  Moguls  the  Anglo-Indian  law  became  a 
territorial  law  ;  it  applies  to  all  subject  persons.  Native  customs  are  duly 
respected,  but  they  must  be  regarded  as  personal  laws,  operating  by  way 
of  exception  to  the  general  law  of  the  land.  Dr.  Westlake's  account  of 
this  matter  is  confirmed  and  in  some  points  supplemented  by  Sir  F. 
Pollock's  recently  published  '  Tagore  Lectures.'  The  extension  of  our 
authority  over  the  native  states  is  explained  by  Dr.  Westlake  (p.  209)  not 
as  a  case  of  conquest  and  cession  properly  so  called,  but  as  '  a  peculiar 
case  of  conquest,  operating  by  assumption  and  acquiescence.'  These  and 
other  facts  of  the  modern  world  may  be  used  to  illustrate  the  distinction 
between  territorial  sovereignty,  as  defined  by  international  law,  and  pro- 
perty in  land,  as  defined  by  municipal  law — a  distinction  which  Dr. 
Westlake  claims  to  have  set  forth  more  clearly  than  previous  English 
writers  on  the  subject.  T.  Raleigh. 

The  History  of  Sicily.  By  Edward  A.  Freeman.  Vol.  IV.  From  the 
Tyranny  of  Dionysios  to  the  Death  of  Agathokles.  (Oxford  :  Clarendon 
Press.     1894.) 

This  volume  is  yet  to  be  followed  by  two  more  of  the  great  Sicilian  his- 
tory which  Mr.  Freeman  had  hoped  to  be  able  to  complete.  Worked  out 
as  it  was  his  purpose  that  it  should  be,  it  was  a  gigantic  undertaking 
indeed.  Three  volumes  were  needed  to  relate  the  story  down  to  the  great 
Athenian  disaster  and  the  death  of  the  illustrious  Syracusan  who  did 
more  than  any  one  else  to  bring  about  that  disaster.  A  fourth  covers  the 
century  which  separates  the  rise  of  the  elder  Dionysios  to  the  end  of  the 
baleful  career  of  Agathokles.     The  fifth  will  carry  on  the  story  to  the 


342  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

time  when  Sicily  passes  under  the  dominion  of  Eome  ;  and  we  have  then 
to  leap  across  more  than  a  millennium  before  we  reach  that  Norman  con- 
quest of  which  Mr.  Freeman  has  happily  left  his  narrative  practically 
complete  in  manuscript.  But  although  his  work  for  the  several  parts  of 
his  history  was  for  himself  virtually  done  with  the  completion  of  the  text, 
its  usefulness  for  the  reader  would  be  seriously  impaired  if  it  were  put 
before  him  in  the  shape  in  which  the  author  left  it.  It  was  Mr.  Freeman's 
common  practice  to  leave  all  or  most  of  his  notes  of  reference,  and  many 
of  his  historical  and  controversial  notes,  to  be  added  during  the  task  of 
revision  ;  and  the  preparation  of  these  notes,  and  more  especially  the 
verification  of  references,  would  for  any  one  but  himself  involve  a  very 
arduous,  if  not  altogether  baffling,  labour.  This  heavy  toil  his  son-in-law, 
Mr.  Evans,  has  not  hesitated  to  undertake,  and  he  has  discharged  the 
duty  not  merely  with  unwearied  patience,  but  with  a  fulness  and  accuracy 
which  entitle  him  to  the  gratitude  of  his  readers.  In  fact  he  has  in  bulk 
contributed  to  this  book  something  like  a  fourth  part  of  its  whole  matter  ; 
and  it  is  enough  to  say  that  from  first  to  last  the  notes  are  such  as  Mr. 
Freeman  would  have  heartily  approved.  Mr.  Evans  has  worked  for 
himself  and  thought  for  himself,  and  he  frankly  admits  that  he  has,  in 
some  cases,  found  it  necessary  to  make  use  of  the  notes  as  a  vehicle  for 
conveying  dissent  from  the  views  expressed  in  the  text.  He  is  fully 
justified  in  adding  that,  'though  on  the  whole  the  work  in  its  present 
form  seems  to  be  such  as  Mr.  Freeman,  when  he  wrote  it,  desired  to  set 
before  the  public  eye,  there  is  no  part  that  he  might  not  have  revised  or 
modified  had  fresh  evidence  bearing  on  the  points  at  issue  come  under  his 
notice.'  It  is  emphatically  true  that  '  his  mind  was  always  open  to  fresh 
lights ;  '  and  some  fresh  evidence  of  no  little  interest  and  value  has  been 
embodied  by  Mr.  Evans  in  five  supplements,  the  most  important  of  which 
deal  with  the  coinage  of  the  elder  Dionysios,  and  also  with  the  coins 
which  belong  to  the  age  of  Timoleon,  and  lastly  with  those  of  Agathokles. 
The  gaps  left  in  Mr.  Freeman's  narrative  have  been  filled  up  by  in- 
serting the  necessary  passages  from  his  small  '  Story  of  Sicily,'  and  in  a 
few  places  by  the  introduction  of  one  or  two  sentences.  Nothing,  how- 
ever, has  been  altered  in  the  text  or  taken  away  from  it ;  and  it  is  but  in 
one  or  two  cases  that  anything  called  for  correction,  among  them  being,  a 
passage  which  tells  us  that  '  what  Dorieus  had  failed  to  do  Pyrrhos  was 
to  do  for  another  moment,  and  Junius  for  a  thousand  years  '  (p.  77) ;  and 
another  which,  speaking  seemingly  of  Philistos,  and  of  Philistos  only,  says 
that  *  after  his  Gothic  war  he  wrote  anecdota  ;  only  this  time  the  anec- 
dota  were  not  scandalous  but  flattering  '  (p.  694).  I  can  only  suppose 
that  Mr.  Freeman  was  purposing  in  some  way  to  compare  Philistos  with 
Procopius,  and  that  he  forgot  to  explain  his  meaning,  or  that  some 
words  have  fallen  out  of  the  text.  This  passage  comes  from  a  very 
valuable  appendix  on  the  authorities  for  the  reign  of  Dionysios.  Mr. 
Freeman's  remarks  strengthen,  if  there  were  any  need  to  strengthen,  our 
confidence  in  the  soundness  of  his  judgment  and  his  ever-vigilant  con- 
scientiousness. This  impression  is  left  not  so  much  by  any  formal  ex- 
amination of  the  materials  for  this  portion  of  Sicilian  history  as  by  the 
way  in  which  these  materials  are  used.  The  loss  of  the  work  of  Philistos 
is  dwelt  on  with  a  fulness  of  regret  which  the  case  amply  justifies.     The 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  343 

reputation  of  Philistos  is  not  much  less  than  that  of  Thucydides ;  and  the 
measure  of  his  influence  over  Diodoros  and  other  later  writers  is  brought 
out  in  incidental  statements,  which  may  be  reasonably  thought  to  throw 
light  on  the  history  of  a  time  for  which  the  evidence  remaining  is  often  as 
vague  as  it  is  meagre.  Of  the  awful  horrors  which  marked  the  siege  and 
capture  of  Motya  by  Dionysios  we  hear  a  great  deal.  The  story  has  all 
the  vividness  which  belongs  to  the  narrative  of  an  eye-witness.  Of  its 
recapture  by  the  Carthaginians  we  hear  very  little.  Mr.  Freeman  is  no 
doubt  right  in  thinking  that  the  difference  may  be  accounted  for  by  the 
hypothesis  that  the  historian  was  at  both  times  by  the  side  of  his  master. 
The  inference  is  legitimate,  and  in  no  way  argues  over-confidence  in  the 
testimony  of  a  contemporary  writer  who  was  himself  an  actor  in  the  drama 
which  he  narrates. 

The  only  ground  as  to  which  there  is  any  fear  that  Mr.  Freeman 
may  be  betrayed  into  such  undue  confidence  is  when  he  has  occasion  to 
refer  to  statements  of  the  two  great  men  who  stand,  and  must  always 
stand,  at  the  head  of  all  writers  of  history.  Timoleon  is  marching  with 
his  few  thousands  against  the  myriads  of  the  invading  host  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians ;  and  he  may,  Mr.  Freeman  rightly  judges,  have  told  his  men 
that  the  odds  against  them  were,  after  all,  not  so  great  as  those  under 
which  the  Athenians  and  Plataians  marched  to  Marathon.  The  Cartha- 
ginians, he  adds,  *  were  at  least  not,  like  the  Medes  on  that  day,  unknown 
enemies  whose  very  name  was  a  name  of  fear  '  (p.  321).  For  this  state- 
ment we  are  referred  to  Herodotos,  vi.  112.  Now  it  is  quite  true  that 
the  historian  in  this  passage  speaks  of  the  Athenians  as  the  first  of  all  the 
Greeks  who  had  courage  enough  even  to  look  at  the  Median  dress  and  at 
the  men  who  wore  it,  and  that  so  far  the  very  name  of  Mede  struck  terror 
into  the  hearts  of  all  Greeks.  But,  curiously  enougii,  Mr.  Freeman  forgot 
to  give  any  hint  that  this  is  one  of  a  few  utterly  astonishing  and  be- 
wildering statements  which  we  come  across  in  the  pages  of  Herodotos. 
How  Herodotos  came  to  make  this  statement  I  do  not  know  ;  but  the 
plain  fact  is  that  it  is  not  true.  On  Herodotos 's  own  showing  the 
Persians  under  Megabates  had  been  repulsed  at  Naxos,  Mardonios  had 
been  resisted  in  Macedonia,  the  Milesins  and  other  Greeks  had  held  out 
bravely  against  Persian  generals,  and  one  large  Persian  force  had  been 
completely  destroyed  in  Caria.  Mr.  Freeman,  however,  receives  it  be- 
cause it  is  made  in  the  pages  of  an  historian  who  was  contemporary  with 
many  of  the  events  which  he  records,  and  of  whose  honesty  and  love 
of  truth  there  can  be  no  question.  So  deep,  nevertheless,  is  my  sense  of 
Mr.  Freeman's  learning,  of  his  exactness  and  his  conscientiousness,  and 
so  heartily  do  I  share  his  enthusiasm  for  all  that  promotes  true  freedom 
of  thought  and  freedom  of  speech,  that  the  language  of  eulogy  becomes 
for  me  quite  superfluous.  Yet  though  Mr.  Freeman  is  always  absolutely 
honest,  he  is  not,  I  think  I  may  say,  always  consistent.  We  have  seen 
that  he  ascribes  the  great  catastrophe  of  the  Athenian  enterprise  against 
Syracuse  to  two  causes — the  impracticability  and  folly  of  the  scheme  and 
the  utter  incapacity  of  the  general  who  wrecked  a  plan  which  but  for  him 
might  have  been  brilliantly  successful.  These  causes  are  represented  as 
concurrent.  They  are  really  contradictory,  and  the  one  shuts  out  the 
other.     Is  it  not  possible  that  a  like  blending  of  two  different  things  may 


344  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

underlie  his  use  of  the  word  friedom  when  applied  to  the  Hellenic  world 
generally  ?  and  is  it  not  a  matter  of  regret  that  Mr.  Freeman  should  treat 
the  genuine  Athenian  idea  of  freedom  and  the  idea  of  freedom  put  forth 
by  the  Spartans  as  though  both  stood  on  the  same  level  ?  There  are, 
unquestionably,  certain  characteristics  which  broadly  separate  Hellenic 
from  barbarous  tribes;  and  these  characteristics  may  reasonably  be  regarded 
as  national.  But  were  not  Athens  and  Sparta  in  the  days  of  Perikles 
working  out  two  absolutely  contradictory  theories,  which  must  end  in  the 
destruction  of  one  or  other  or  of  both  ?  From  this  point  of  view  there  is  no 
coherent  Hellenic  body,  still  less  anything  which  may  be  spoken  of  as 
strictly  a  Greek  people  or  nation.  Yet  throughout  Mr.  Freeman's  history 
there  is  a  constant  naming  of  Hellas  as  possessed  of  freedom  and  independ- 
ence. As  opposing  the  Carthaginians,  Dionysios  is  the  Hellenic  champion 
(p.  65),  and  Greek  cities  which  join  in  any  action  are  said  to  be  supported 
by  their  countrymen  (p.  71).  By  the  success  of  Dionysios  in  his  first 
Punic  war  Syracuse  is  said  to  be  saved  (p.  145),  although  elsewhere  we  are 
told  that  under  a  good  Carthaginian  administration  Greek  cities  might  be 
as  well  off  as  under  a  Greek  tyrant.  Dionysios  during  his  long  tyranny  *  had 
on  the  whole  done  more  against  the  Greek  nation  than  for  it '  (p.  239), 
although  the  cities  belonging  to  this  nation  were  as  vehemently  opposed 
to  each  other  as  the  cities  of  any  barbarians  could  ever  be.  Mr.  Freeman 
speaks  with  all  reverence  of  the  great  purposes  of  the  world's  history,  and 
says  that  if  we  strive  to  think  of  Agathokles  as  an  Hellenic  and  European 
champion  (p.  398)  we  shall  see  that  character  fast  disappear. 

But  the  point  is  whether  there  was,  or  could  be,  any  true  political 
growth  in  the  Dorian  tribes  generally.  Themistokles  knew  well,  although 
he  had  never  formulated  the  proposition,  that  the  theory  which  put  the 
city  as  the  final  unit  of  society  was  both  wrong  and  absurd.  Perikles  was 
even  more  distinctly  conscious  that  the  basis  of  Greek  political  life  was 
altogether  wrong,  if  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  order  of  things  was 
the  purpose  to  be  aimed  at.  Their  convictions  were  shared,  and  shared 
enthusiastically,  by  the  vast  majority  of  their  fellow-citizens  ;  and  Athens 
entered  on  a  work  which  was  almost  as  warmly  approved  by  the  people  of 
the  cities  brought  under  her  alliance  as  it  was  by  her  own.  The  great 
undertaking  of  Brasidas  brought  out  this  fact  with  unmistakable  clearness  ; 
and  a  society  which  had  as  much  right  to  be  called  '  Hellas  '  as  had  the 
greatest  of  Dorian  cities  was  growing  up  with  safeguards  for  freedom  of 
thought  and  speech,  and  for  a  righteous  administration  of  justice,  which 
were  not  known  or  were  disregarded  elsewhere.  But  the  old  eupatrids 
of  Athens,  whose  philosophy  was  that  of  the  Dorian  folk  generally,  never 
submitted  themselves,  although  in  numbers  they  formed  an  insignificant 
minority,  to  the  decision  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Athenian  citizens  ;  and 
discontent  led  with  them  to  conspiracy,  which  stuck  at  nothing.  They 
had  made  up  their  minds  that  the  existing  constitution  of  Athens  must 
be  rooted  up  utterly,  as  the  only  effective  means  for  destroying  the  great 
confederacy  which  had  indeed  been  the  salvation  of  all  who  had  been 
included  within  it.  And  when  it  was  overthrown  what  was  the  result  ? 
The  repulse  of  the  Athenians  before  Syracuse  was  followed  by  a  long  series 
of  alternations,  which  in  the  end  left  things  pretty  much  as  they  had 
been.     The  one  bright  interval  in  which  Timoleon  appears  as  a  leader 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  345 

not  unworthy  to  be  compared  with  Themistokles  and  Perikles  is  but  like 
a  passing  gleam  of  sunshine  on  a  cloudy  day  ;  and  his  work  is  practically 
effaced  in  the  blood-steeped  tyranny  of  Agathokles.  The  only  remedy  was 
the  building  up  of  a  society  which  might  continue  and  expand  the  work  of 
the  great  statesmen  of  imperial  Athens.  But  this  remedy  it  was  impos- 
sible to  apply.  Olynthos  made  the  attempt ;  and  the  confederacy  which 
she  set  up  extended,  like  that  of  Athens,  the  benefits  of  law  to  all  its 
members,  compelling  all  to  sacrifice  just  so  much  of  their  independence  as 
was  needful  for  the  general  welfare,  and  no  more.  This  was  enough  for 
Dorian  exclusiveness.  The  Spartans  resolved,  as  they  said,  to  burn  the 
wasps  in  their  nest.  No  better  fate  could  be  expected  for  a  like  attempt 
made  by  the  men  of  Akragas  in  the  time  of  Agathokles.  The  confedera- 
tion came  to  an  end  ;  and  the  condition  of  things  as  compared  with  that 
which  followed  the  destruction  of  the  Athenian  fleet  and  army  was  not 
unlike  the  effect  of  the  shot  exercise  of  military  prisons.  The  full  develop- 
ment of  Athenian  polity,  which  was  a  genuine  product  of  the  Ionian  mind, 
must  have  altered  the  course  of  European  history,  and  may  have  changed 
it  immensely  for  the  better.  The  Dorian  theory  was  sure  to  ruin  those 
who  clung  to  it ;  and  in  the  case  of  the  Hellenic  tribes  it  led  first  to  the 
supremacy  of  Macedonian  kings,  and  then  to  that  of  Rome.  It  would,  I 
believe,  have  been  a  great  gain  in  the  interests  of  historical  truth  if  Mr. 
Freeman  had  more  clearly  recognised  this  distinction. 

George  W.  Cox. 

Cicero  and  the  Fall  of  the  Boman  Iiepublic.  By  J.  L.  Strachan- 
Davidson,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford.  (New  York  and 
London  :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.  189-1.) 
Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  is  not  a  whit  behind  any  previous  writer  in 
admiration  of  his  hero.  He  has  given  us  a  book  charming  to  read, 
inspired  by  a  profound  study  of  Cicero's  own  works,  and  by  a  compre- 
hensive knowledge  of  the  best  that  has  been  written  on  the  subject.  As 
a  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  period  his  book  has 
the  value  which  a  review  of  well-ascertained  facts  by  a  scholar  of  wide  and 
minute  knowledge,  gifted  with  clear  insight  and  strong  common  sense, 
must  always  have.  Even  when  we  differ  from  some  of  his  conclusions  we 
have  often  to  thank  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  for  fresh  light  thrown  on  old 
statements,  and  for  starting  us  on  new  lines  of  thought.  His  very  partisan- 
ship gives  a  vigour  and  liveliness  to  the  pages  which  a  more  impartial 
essay  might  have  lacked.  Still  he  is  a  partisan  ;  and  it  will  be  necessary 
in  reviewing  his  work  in  detail  sometimes  to  hoist  a  warning  signal. 

To  understand  Cicero's  constitutional  views  we  must  remember  before 
all  things  that  under  the  existing  constitution  he  had  himself  succeeded. 
A  provincial  and  a  novus  homo,  he  had  by  sheer  ability  forced  his  way  into 
the  charmed  circle  and  gained  the  highest  honours  of  the  state.  A  con- 
stitution under  which  that  was  possible  seemed  to  him  on  the  whole 
worth  maintaining,  though  he  was  not  blind  to  its  defects  and  dangers. 
He  had  lived  through  the  monstrous  times  of  Marius  and  Sulla,  and 
there  was  ever  before  his  eyes  the  fear  that  some  one  man  should  again 
win  sufficient  support  from  army  and  people  to  play  a  similar  part,  and 
attempt  to  cure  the  evils  of  the  time  by  the  sword  or  by  the  suspension  of 
the  constitution.     Cicero  was,  therefore,  always    alarmed  lest   reforms 


346  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

f 
should  bring  ugly  questions  to  the  front  and  hasten  what  they  were  meant 

to  avert.  His  one  panacea  for  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  the  time  was 
the  '  harmony  of  the  orders.'  If  only  the  senatorial  order  and  the  equites 
would  combine  in  the  maintenance  of  the  constitution  and  in  putting 
down  corruption,  then  they  together  would  be  too  strong  for  any  Catilines 
or  Caesars.  The  interests  of  the  two  orders  were,  however,  continually 
clashing,  and  when  they  did  coincide  it  was  precisely  where  corruption 
required  mutual  connivance.  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  has  given  a  graphic 
picture  of  the  relations  between  the  two  orders  in  regard  to  the  provinces 
and  the  state  prosecutions  for  malversation  (pp.  33-6).  The  immunity  from 
such  prosecutions  enjoyed  by  the  equites  seems  to  have  been  partly  the 
result  of  accident.  The  ultimate  authority  in  the  province  rested  with 
the  proconsul  or  propraetor.  If  the publicani^eie  oppressive,  the  remedy 
lay  in  the  proconsular  court.  But  as  between  the  province  and  the 
Koman  government  the  only  person  held  responsible  was  the  proconsul 
or  propraetor  himself.  The  various  laws  cle  repetundis,  therefore,  only 
applied  to  curiile  officers,  and  the  publicani,  if  they  escaped  from  the  pro- 
vincial courts,  had  nothing  to  fear  at  Kome.  This  worked  badly  when 
the  juries  at  Rome  were  equites,  because  from  an  esprit  de  corps  the 
equestrian  juries  were  sure  to  be  hard  upon  any  governor  who  had  been 
strict  with  the  puhlicani.  The  most  notorious  case  of  this  sort  was  that 
of  P.  Rutilius  Rufus,  ruined  by  an  equestrian  intrigue  because  he  had 
been  too  honest  in  Asia.  The  immunity,  again,  which  the  equestrian 
jurymen  enjoyed  from  prosecution  for  corruption  arose  by  an  oversight  in 
making  what  we  should  call  consequential  changes  in  laws.  Gains 
Gracchus  seems  to  have  passed  his  law  against  the  corruption  of  juries 
before  that  which  transferred  the  right  of  sitting  on  juries  from  senators 
to  equites.  Of  course  the  liability  to  the  former  law  ought  to  have  been 
extended  at  the  same  time  ;  but  in  the  confusion,  perhaps,  of  the  last 
months  of  the  life  of  Gains  Gracchus  this  was  not  done,  and  therefore 
the  equites  had  gradually  come  to  look  upon  this  immunity  as  their  pre- 
rogative ;  and  Cicero,  in  the  passage  from  the  '  Pro  Cluentio  '  quoted  by 
Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  (§  151),  tries  speciously  to  maintain  that  Sulla 
had  ratified  the  principle  by  not  including  them  under  any  law  of  corrup- 
tion. But  of  course  Sulla  had  not  done  so  because  he  restored  the  right 
of  sitting  on  juries  to  the  senators,  and  the  equites  were  no  longer 
involved.  When,  however,  by  the  law  of  Pompey's  consulship  in  70  the 
equites  were  again  admitted  to  a  third  of  the  seats  on  the  juries,  a  third 
being  filled  by  citizens  next  in  rank  [tribuni  aerarii),  and  only  a  third  by 
senators,  no  change  seems  to  have  been  made  in  the  law  of  corruption 
(ne  quis  iudicio  circumveniretur),  and  therefore  the  equites  still  clung  to 
their  immunity.  There  are  signs,  however,  that  even  from  a  strictly 
legal  point  of  view  many  lawyers  held  them  to  be  wrong  ;  and  at  any 
rate  there  was  a  way  of  defeating  a  corrupt  jury  quite  consistent  with  the 
constitution.  The  senate  might  direct  a  magistrate  (usually  a  tribune)  to 
bring  in  a  bill  dealing  with  a  special  case  and  constituting  a  court  to  try 
it.  This  was  actually  done  in  the  notorious  and  scandalous  case  of 
Clodius's  acquittal  in  61.  It  is  necessary  to  recall  these  facts,  that  we 
may  see  clearly  what  price  Cicero  was  prepared  to  pay  for  his  favourite 
'  harmony  of  the  orders,'  a  piece  of  time-serving  statesmanship  which  Mr. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  347 

Strachan-Davidson  fully  demonstrates,  but  has  not  a  word  to  say  against. 
*  It  happened,'  says  Cicero,  '  that  I  was  not  in  the  house  when  that 
decree  was  carried,  and  I  perceived  that  the  equestrian  order  was  offended, 
though  silent ;  so  I  took  an  opportunity  to  lecture  the  senate,  and  did  it, 
so  far  as  I  can  judge,  with  much  force.  The  claim  of  my  clients  was 
hardly  a  reputable  one,  but  I  urged  it  at  length  and  in  a  dignified  tone.' 
So  an  immunity,  which  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  elsewhere  rightly  calls 
'  monstrous,'  and  which  Cicero  himself  heartily  disapproved,  was  to  be 
defended  with  solemnity  by  a  consular  in  the  senate,  lest  this  precious 
object  should  be  endangered.  And  when  we  remember  that  the  '  harmony 
of  the  orders '  meant  the  unchecked  pillage  of  the  provinces  and  the 
defeat  of  justice  at  Rome,  we  shall  not  easily  be  induced  to  think  Cicero's 
action  either  wise  or  statesmanlike. 

The  great  crisis  of  Cicero's  life,  however,  on  which  he  constantly 
rests  his  own  claim  to  glory  as  a  statesman,  came  in  the  last  months 
of  his  consulship,  when  he  had  to  grapple  with  the  conspiracy  of 
Catiline.  His  own  estimate  of  his  conduct  is  scarcely  surpassed  by 
that  of  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson.  '  There  appears  not  a  single  false 
step  to  mark  from  the  day  when  Cicero  detached  his  fellow-consul  from 
Catiline  to  the  day  when  he  broke  the  back  of  a  formidable  conspiracy 
by  the  death  of  five  most  guilty  persons.'  ...  *  Cicero's  action  through- 
out seems,  then,  to  have  been  both  righteous  and  prudent.  He  never 
lost  his  head,  though  pressed  by  open  enemies  without  and  beset  with 
traitors  within  the  city.'  To  this  it  may  be  answered  that  undoubtedly 
the  position  was  one  of  great  difficulty,  but  that  Cicero's  solution  of 
the  difficulty — that  of  encountering  lawlessness  by  lawlessness — was, 
and  always  will  be,  the  most  dangerous.  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  seems 
to  imply  in  his  note  (p.  155)  that  the  execution  of  the  Bacchanalians 
in  186  might  have  been  quoted  as  a  precedent.  But  though  the  issue  of 
a  commission  by  the  senate  for  a  quaes tio,  instead  of  by  the  comitia,  was 
no  doubt  irregular,  it  was  partly  justified  by  the  fact  that  the  majority  of 
the  persons  accused  were  Italians,  not  amenable  to  the  ordinary  criminal 
law  of  Rome,  and  over  whom  the  senate  had  assumed,  with  at  any  rate 
tacit  consent,  a  jurisdiction  which,  though  indefinite,  was  real.  More- 
over the  deliberate  and  careful  manner  in  which  that  investigation  was 
conducted,  the  observances  of  forms,  and  the  sifting  of  evidence  appear 
to  contrast  favourably  with  the  manner  in  which  Lentulus  and  the  rest 
were  hurried  to  their  doom.  But,  letting  alone  the  question  of  legality, 
was  it  wise  ?  The  senatus  consultum  ultiinum  had  been  passed,  and  the 
consul  was  believed  to  be  invested  thereby  with  absolute  power  of  life  and 
death ;  but,  whether  that  supposition  had  any  legal  basis  or  not,  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  ever  been  acted  on  before,  and  it  practically  set  up  a 
'  state  of  siege,'  in  which,  as  has  been  said,  any  one  can  govern.  It 
might  dismay  the  opposition  for  the  moment,  but  it  would  be  likely  to 
be  some  day  turned  upon  the  magistrate  who  so  employed  his  powers  by 
those  who  would  better  his  instruction.  Nor  was  there  any  such  violent 
hurry.  The  conspirators,  however  guilty,  were  in  safe  keeping.  Catiline 
was  baulked  of  their  expected  co-operation,  and  the  communication  with 
the  Allobroges  for  the  moment  was  interrupted.  If  he  were  beaten  in  the 
field,  the  prisoners  might  have  been  safely  brought  to  trial  in  the  ordinary 


348  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

f 
way  ;  and  if  he  were  victorious  over  the  army  sent  against  him,  the  death 
of  half  a  dozen  accomplices  at  Rome  would  not  keep  him  from  her  gates. 
It  must  be  clearly  understood  that  the  whole  responsibihty  for  this  is 
Cicero's.  The  consultation  of  the  senate  and  the  taking  of  its  sense  on 
the  matter  gave  him,  as  he  conceived,  moral  support ;  but  the  execution  of 
the  prisoners  depended  for  its  legaUty,  so  far  as  it  was  legal,  upon  his 
absolute  imperium  as  consul,  revived,  as  it  was  held,  in  its  full  autocratic 
extent  by  the  senatus  consultwn  ultimum.  But  if  he  did  not  thereby  really 
free  himself  from  responsibility  he  did  manage  to  commit  the  senate  to 
irreconcilable  hostility  to  the  popular  party,  with  disastrous  results  in  the 
future. 

In  the  civil  war  Cicero  played  neither  a  very  important  nor  very 
dignified  part.  Under  the  despotism  which  followed  Pharsalus  he  was 
constrained  or  resolved  to  live  a  retired  life,  and  the  literary  fruits  of 
those  quieter  years  are  carefully  noted  and  criticised  by  Mr.  Strachan- 
Davidson.  After  Caesar's  murder  he  again  engaged  in  politics  with 
extraordinary  vehemence,  and  his  fierce  controversies  with  Antony  and 
his  curious  intercourse  with  Octavian  once  more  offer  numerous  points  of 
interest.  The  catastrophe  is  finely  described,  though  perhaps  more  briefly 
than  might  have  been  Avished.  But  the  true  note  i?;  touched  in  the  expla- 
nation given  (p.  411)  of  the  failure  of  the  policy  of  the  tyrannicides,  that 
under  the  despotism  of  Caesar  (though,  in  fact,  the  process  had  been  coming 
on  for  years  before  it)  the  real  power  lay  with  the  army  ;  and  the  legions 
had  been  accustomed  to  take  their  sacramentum  not  to  the  state  but 
to  their  commander.  Cicero  was  again,  therefore,  out  of  his  element,  and 
while  he  thought  that  he  was  playing  the  young  Octavian  {laudandum, 
ornandum,  tollendu7ii)  was  really  a  piece  in  the  game  played  by  that  miracle 
of  precocious  astuteness.  The  end  was  inevitable  when  failure  followed 
such  a  defiance  as  the  second  Philippic,  which,  in  spite  of  its  noble  and 
touching  conclusion,  one  cannot  help  pronouncing  all  but  unpardonable. 

One  of  the  most  agreeable  and  interesting  features  in  this  book  is  the 
description  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  life  of  a  country  town  in  Italy.  Not 
only  is  it  excellently  written,  but  it  gives  us  one  of  those  side-lights  on 
Italian  politics  which  are  so  instructive  and  so  apt  to  be  neglected  amidst 
the  greater  glare  and  stir  of  imperial  policy.  E.  S.  Shuckbuegh. 

Nehyia  :  Beitrdge  zur  Erhldrung  der  neuentdechtcn  Petrus-Apokalypse. 
Von  Albrecht  Dieteeich.     (Leipzig  :  Teubner.     1893.) 

Here  Dieterich's  work  on  the  '  Apocalypse  of  Peter  '  is  so  very  indirectly 
connected  with  the  ordinary  subjects  of  the  Historical  Review  that  it 
can  receive  only  a  short  notice.  He  begins  by  attempting  to  prove  that  the 
newly  found  fragment  which  has  been  generally  called  the  *  Apocalypse  of 
Peter  '  is  not  a  portion  of  the  work  which  passed  under  that  name  in  early 
Christian  antiquity,  but  a  second  fragment  of  the  gospel.  The  hypothesis 
has  neither  probability  nor  argument  to  recommend  it,  andservesno  purpose 
but  to  create  a  feeling  of  distrust  forHerr  Dieterich's  subtle  but  Teutonic 
methods  of  argument.  The  remainder  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  extremely  interesting  topic,  what  was  the  origin  and  source 
of  that  conception  of  the  other  world  which  appears  in  the  '  Apocalypse  of 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  349 

Peter  '  and  which  thence  passed  into  later  Christian  literature  ?  The  dis- 
cussion is  learned  and  ingenious,  but  inconclusive.  Its  origin  is  Thrace. 
The  Orphic  cult  which  had  its  home  there  was  combined  with  the  Pytha- 
goreanism  in  Italy,  and  the  two  together  spread  eastwards.  Whereas  it  has 
usually  been  supposed  that  theories  and  pictures  of  the  other  world  had 
their  home  in  the  east  and  their  sources  in  the  mystical  religions  of  the 
east,  more  particularly  in  Egypt,  we  are  to  believe  that  the  legends  came 
to  the  east  from  Greece.  The  theory  does  not  strike  us  as  probable,  and 
Herr  Dieterich's  method  does  not  convince  us.  He  has,  however,  collected 
an  immense  amount  of  material  which  will  be  of  great  use  to  subsequent 
investigators  of  a  very  interesting  and  difficult  subject. 

A.  C.  Headlam. 

Die    Wahl    Gregors     VII.      Von    Carl   Mirbt.      (Marburg :     N.    G. 

Elwert'sche  Verlagsbuchhandlung.     1892.) 
Die  Puhlicistik    im    Zeitalter   Gregors    VII.      Von   D.   Carl   Mirbt. 

(Leipzig  :  J.  C.  Hinrich'sche  Buchhandlung.     1894.) 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  life  and  work  of  Gregory  VII  should  of  late 
have  attracted  much  attention  from  the  newer  school  of  historical  research 
in  Germany.  The  bulk  of  the  evidence  has  long  been  before  the  world, 
and  the  subject  is  one  that  could  never  fail  to  command  interest,  but  it 
has  generally  been  treated  in  a  more  or  less  polemical  manner,  and  this 
fact,  combined  with  the  extraordinary  copiousness  of  the  materials,  has 
stood  in  the  way  of  a  complete  and  impartial  survey  of  the  whole  of  the 
evidence.  An  adequate  biography  of  the  great  pope  is  still  a  work  of  the 
future,  but  the  volume  produced  this  year  by  Professor  Mirbt  supplies  a 
most  important  contribution  to  the  literature  on  the  subject.  Although 
it  only  professes  to  deal  with  a  portion  of  the  evidence,  the  method  of 
treatment  is  so  careful  and  complete  that,  as  far  as  the  controversial 
literature  of  the  period  is  concerned,  it  leaves  little  more  to  be  said.  This 
literature,  indeed,  is  so  extensive — for  Professor  Mirbt  deals  with  115 
works  emanating  from  sixty-five  authors — that  a  thorough  examination 
of  it  is  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  a  history  of  the  period  ;  and, 
although  the  task  was  taken  in  hand  by  Helfenstein  forty  years  ago, 
various  important  discoveries  that  have  since  been  made,  and  the  advance 
of  the  methods  of  historical  research,  have  rendered  a  fresh  investigation 
necessary.  It  could  not  have  fallen  into  better  hands.  Professor  Mirbt 
has  treated  the  subject  with  a  completeness,  an  accuracy,  a  lucidity,  and 
an  impartiality  that  deserve  the  warmest  gratitude  from  all  students  of 
the  period.  The  first  division  of  his  work  gives  a  full  account  of  all  the 
extant  writings  of  the  period  that  can  fairly  be  described  as  Puhlicistih. 
In  the  succeeding  sections  the  attitudes  of  the  writers  towards  the  import- 
ant questions  of  the  time  and  their  statements  of  facts  are  carefully 
examined  and  compared.  These  questions  are  the  relations  of  Gregory 
to  Henry  IV,  clerical  celibacy  and  simony,  the  sacraments  of  married  and 
simoniacal  priests,  lay  investiture,  the  general  relations  between  church 
and  state,  and  various  points  of  interest  connected  with  the  personal 
character  of  Gregory  and  his  public  life.  The  book  concludes  with  a 
general  criticism  of  the  character  and  significance  of  the  polemical 
literature. 


i 


350  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

It  is  impossible  to  review 'all  these  points  in  detail,  but  one  or  two 
instances  may  be  given  of  the  new  complexion  which  a  closer  examination 
of  well-known  authorities  gives  to  some  of  the  events  of  the  period.  To 
take,  for  example,  the  proceedings  of  Canossa.  Few  historical  events 
have  taken  a  greater  hold  upon  the  imagination  of  medieval  and  modern 
Europe,  and  very  various  judgments  have  been  pronounced  on  the  conduct 
of  both  pope  and  king ;  but  most  writers  are  agreed  in  representing  the 
scene  as  the  very  climax  of  the  contest,  the  highest  point  of  Gregory's 
triumph,  the  lowest  depth  of  Henry's  humiliation.  If  this,  however,  is  a 
true  representation,  no  contemporary  writer  had  the  slightest  suspicion  of 
the  significance  of  the  fact.  Only  six  of  the  controversial  writers,  four 
of  those  on  the  king's  side  and  two  on  that  of  the  pope,  take  the  trouble 
to  comment  on  the  episode  at  all.  The  king's  adherents  call  it,  indeed,  a 
humilitas  ;  but  by  this  they  mean,  as  the  context  abundantly  proves, 
not  a  *  humiliation  '  but  *  an  act  of  humility.'  The  excommunication  of 
the  king  had  shaken  Christendom,  but,  as  he  had  been  excommunicated,  it 
was  a  perfectly  natural  and  proper  thing,  in  the  estimation  of  that  age, 
that  he  should  do  public  penance.  The  scene  at  Canossa  was  an  edifying 
spectacle,  but  not  otherwise  remarkable ;  it  was  strictly  in  accordance 
with  precedent.  Various  accusations  in  connexion  with  it,  for  the  most 
part  plainly  false,  are  brought  against  the  pope,  especially  by  the  writer  of 
the  treatise  '  De  Unitate  Ecclesiae.'  But  no  one  thought  of  accusing  him, 
as  modern  writers  have  done,  of  inflicting  an  unwise  and  ungenerous 
humiliation  on  a  fallen  enemy ;  no  one  suspected  for  a  moment  that 
Henry  had  suffered  a  personal  indignity.  Such  ideas  belonged  to  a  later 
age.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  king  was  the  only  person  who  gained  by 
the  transaction ;  his  enemies  were  furious  about  it,  and  nothing  could 
have  been  less  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  pope,  whose  great 
scheme  of  sitting  in  judgment  in  Germany  to  decide  the  strife  between 
the  king  and  the  princes  was  shattered  by  it.  Gregory,  as  he  himself 
says,  was  devictus  by  the  attitude  of  the  king,  and  his  only  concern  was 
to  minimise  and  apologise  for  the  event,  not  at  all  to  exult  in  it.  He  may, 
perhaps,  be  justly  accused  of  some  want  of  straightforwardness  afterwards, 
but  at  the  moment  he  probably  had  no  choice  but  to  act  exactly  as  he  did. 

To  take  another  example,  the  interesting  questions  connected  with 
Gregory's  election  as  pope,  which  were  the  theme  of  much  controversy 
during  his  lifetime,  and  which  are  still  to  a  great  extent  unanswered, 
have  been  dealt  with  by  Professor  Mirbt  in  a  separate  treatise,  and  the 
results  only  are  summed  up  in  his  later  work.  In  spite  of  the  abundance 
of  contemporary  evidence  the  facts  are  much  in  dispute.  Even  Gregory's 
adherents  differ  fundamentally  in  their  account  of  his  election,  some 
representing  it  as  the  result  of  a  sudden  and  unexpected  outbreak  of 
popular  feeling,  others  as  an  ordinary  legal  process.  Here,  however,  there  is 
little  doubt  that  Gregory's  own  representation  of  the  facts,  written  within 
a  few  days  after  the  event,  to  correspondents  who  were  about  to  come  to 
Kome,  and  who  would,  therefore,  have  no  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the 
truth,  is  to  be  preferred.  And  Gregory  positively  affirms  the  fact  of  a 
X^opular  tumult  which  he  himself  was  quite  unable  to  withstand.  The 
enemies  of  the  pope,  on  the  other  hand,  bring  many  and  various  charges 
against  him.     They  accuse  him  of  having  thrust  himself  into  office,  of 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  351 

having  employed  bribery  and  violence,  of  having  broken  an  oath  made  to 
Henry  III,  and  some  add  to  Henry  IV  also,  never  to  accept  the  pontificate, 
of  having  neglected  to  obtain  the  royal  assent  either  before  or  after  his 
election,  and  finally  of  having  been  elected  at  an  unlawful  time  and  in  an 
unlawful  manner.  One  weak  point  about  all  these  charges  is  that  it  did 
not  occur  to  any  one  to  make  them  until  three  years  or  more  after  the  event, 
when  the  conflict  between  the  pope  and  the  king  had  begun.  Several 
of  them  are  clearly  afterthoughts  ;  others  are  involved  in  great  obscurity. 
To  take  them  in  order,  the  accusation  of  having  been  ambitious  of  the 
dignity  of  pope  is  one  which  hardly  admits  of  proof  or  disproof,  and  is  too 
vague  to  be  taken  much  account  of.  Even  if  it  could  be  maintained  that 
Gregory's  repeated  and  emphatic  assertions  of  his  unwillingness  to  accept 
his  great  office  may  have  been  wholly  or  in  part  insincere  or  conventional, 
still  almost  the  only  evidence  that  has  been  alleged  of  his  having  schemed 
for  election  rests  on  the  fact  that  at  the  moment  he  was  on  friendly  terms 
Avith  several  of  those  who  were  afterwards  his  bitterest  enemies,  and  this 
clearly  does  not  prove  much.  The  charges  of  bribery  and  violence  may 
be  summarily  dismissed  ;  even  Gregory's  least  scrupulous  opponents  do 
not  seem  to  have  set  much  store  by  them.  The  question  of  the  alleged 
oath  is  a  little  more  difficult,  for  the  accusation  was  made  with  great 
publicity  and  from  many  quarters.  But  the  accusers  differ  so  fundamen- 
tally as  to  the  time,  the  place,  the  occasion,  and  the  purport  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  some  of  their  statements  are  so  plainly  fabulous,  that  there  is 
really  nothing  to  outweigh  the  antecedent  improbability  of  such  an  event. 
As  to  the  royal  assent,  Professor  Mirbt  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  no 
previous  sanction  of  the  election  was  or  could  have  been  obtained,  but 
that  the  king  did  give  his  subsequent  assent.  With  regard,  however,  to 
the  actual  election,  he  considers  it  to  be  practically  certain  that  if  the 
celebrated  decree  of  1059  is  to  be  regarded  as  binding,  it  was,  on  Gregory's 
own  showing,  unquestionably  illegal.  He  accounts  for  the  silence  of  his 
adversaries  in  Germany  during  the  following  years,  and  for  their  sub- 
sequent failure  to  grasp  the  real  point  at  issue,  by  the  probability  that 
the  decree  of  Nicolas  II  was  little  known  beyond  the  Alps,  and  that  even 
where  it  was  known  it  was  ignored,  as  interfering  with  the  royal  preroga- 
tives. The  precise  method  of  election  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  the 
German  court,  and,  as  neither  Henry  nor  any  influential  party  was  at  the 
moment  in  a  position  to  set  up  an  antipope,  it  was  no  one's  interest  to 
call  attention  to  the  informahties  of  the  election.  Thus  Gregory  obtained 
the  advantage  of  an  unchallenged  tenure  of  office  for  three  years. 

This  rough  sketch  of  some  of  the  results  of  Professor  Mirbt' s  examina- 
tion of  authorities  does  scanty  justice  to  the  completeness  of  his  research  ; 
but  the  fact  that  he  has  succeeded  in  throwing  new  light  on  two  much- 
debated  events  may  suffice  to  show  how  invaluable  an  assistance  he  has 
provided  for  all  who  wish  to  make  a  careful  study  of  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant periods  of  medieval  history.  J.  H.  Maude. 

Die  Legation  des  Kardinalbischofs  Nikolaus  vonAlhano  in  Skandinavien. 
Von  Dr.  Egbert  Beeyer.    (Halle  a.  S. :  Gebauer-Schwetschke.    1893.) 

As  an  episode  in  the  career  of  the  only  Englishman  who  ever  sat  in 
St.  Peter's  chair,  the  subject  of  this  essay  has  a  special  interest  for  English 


352  ^  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

readers.  As  an  episode  inttlie  ecclesiastical  history  of  northern  Europe 
its  importance  is  considerable  ;  and  from  this  point  of  view  Dr.  Breyer's 
gathering  up  of  the  evidence  which  can  be  brought  to  bear  on  it  from 
northern  sources  is  doubtless  not  without  value.  The  mass  of  foot-notes 
which  overload  his  pages  seem,  however,  to  contain  little  that  is  actually 
new,  and  he  totally  misses  the  real  significance  of  Nicolas' s  mission,  as 
part  of  the  great  scheme  planned  by  Eugene  III  and  St.  Bernard  for  the 
building  up  of  national  life  and  national  government  in  the  outlying 
states  of  Europe  by  means  of  a  national  organisation  of  the  church.  The 
main  work  which  Nicolas  was  sent  to  do  for  Norway  and  Sweden,  in 
freeing  them  from  their  spiritual  allegiance  to  a  Danish  metropolitan,  and 
launching  them  on  an  independent  ecclesiastical  career,  each  under  a 
primate  of  its  own — a  work  easily  accomplished  in  Norway,  but  foiled  in 
Sweden  by  political  hindrances — has  its  counterpart  in  the  work  which 
John  Paparo  was  sent  to  do  for  Ireland  in  the  very  same  year,  1152.  A 
lengthy  discussion  of  many  matters  in  which  the  share  of  Nicolas  is,  after 
all,  probable  rather  than  proved,  might  have  been  advantageously  replaced 
by  a  comparative  study  of  these  two  legations,  whose  coincidence  is  far 
more  than  one  of  time  alone.  With  the  earlier  life  of  Nicolas,  as  told  by 
English  historians,  Dr.  Breyer  deals  in  somewhat  high-handed  fashion. 
His  argument  against  the  authenticity  of  the  name  Breakspear,  given  to 
Nicolas  by  Matthew  Paris,  is  hardly  a  logical  deduction  from  the  words 
of  Dr.  Liebermann  (or  rather  of  Sir  John  Evans),  to  which  he  refers  (p.  5, 
note  6).  His  sneer  at  the  Jesuitenmoral  of  Father  Pflilf  {ib.  note  4)  is 
as  irrelevant  as  it  is  uncourteous  ;  and  the  statement  (p.  7)  that  the  old 
Norse  tongue  was  in  1150  '  still  used  in  some  districts  of  what  is  now 
England,'  with  a  reference  to  Noreen's  '  Altnordische  Grammatik '  and 
to  the  German  translation  of  Green's  *  History  of  the  English  People,' 
calls  for  protest.  The  only  '  district  of  what  is  now  England '  mentioned 
by  Noreen  is  Northumberland,  of  which  he  simply  says  that  the  Norse 
tongue  '  has  long  been  extinct  there  ; '  while  the  words  of  Mr.  Green — 
faithfully  rendered  by  the  translator — are,  *  His  language  differed  little 
from  the  English  tongue,'  and  the  reference  of  the  possessive  pronoun 
is  to  Cnut  the  Dane.  Kate  Noegate. 

i  Dcr  Einfall  der  Mongolen  in  Mitteleuroim  in  den  Jahren  1241  und 
1242.  Von  GusTAv  Steakosch-Grassmann.  (Innsbruck :  Wagner. 
1893.) 

This  is  a  good  instance  of  the  thorough  way  in  which  German  scholars 
work  at  special  epochs  of  history.  Dr.  Strakosch-Grassmann  attempts 
no  general  view  of  Mongol  or  of  European  history  in  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  as  his  predecessors  Ohsson  and  Wolff  did ;  he  merely 
picks  out  the  great  Mongol  irruption  into  Europe  under  Batu  Khan,  and 
brings  to  bear  upon  it  a  minute  and  apparently  exhaustive  study  not  only 
of  all  the  sources  previously  used  but  of  the  large  amount  of  material 
which  has  accumulated  since  Wolff  pubKshed  his  '  Geschichte  der  Mon- 
golen '  in  1872.  Foot-references  and  admirable  bibliographical  indexes 
amply  testify  to  Dr.  Strakosch-Grassmann's  laborious  re-examination  of 
all  available  European  sources,  manuscript  or  printed,  and  his  appendices 
and  foot-notes  show  that  he  has  exercised  a  sound  criticism  in  dealing 


189^  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  353 

with  his  authorities.  The  main  defect  is  that  his  work  is  admittedly  one- 
sided :  he  has  made  no  attempt  to  ransack  the  Oriental  texts  and  manu- 
scripts, and  merely  uses  such  Oriental  data  as  his  forerunners  have 
published.  On  the  European  side,  however,  he  has  collected,  as  far  as 
can  be  judged,  every  important  source  of  evidence,  and  some  of  his  docu- 
ments (such  as  the  letter  of  the  French  Templar  Ponces  d'Aubon  to  Louis 
IX  on  the  battle  of  Liegnitz)  are  now  brought  forward  for  the  first  time. 
To  the  general  reader  perhaps  the  one  commonplace  of  history  connected 
with  the  Mongol  invasion  is  that  *  the  valour  of  the  Teutonic  knights, 
in  driving  back  the  Mongol  hordes  at  Liegnitz  on  9  April,  1241,  saved 
Europe.'  Gibbon  knew  better  than  that,  but  even  Mr.  Freeman,  in  his 
'  General  Sketch,'  records  the  defeat  of  the  Teutonic  knights  at  Liegnitz. 
Dr.  Strakosch-Grassman,  however,  shows  not  only  that  the  Mongols  won 
a  complete  victory,  but  that  there  is  no  evidence  for  Pompo  of  Osterna  or 
any  other  knights  of  the  Teutonic  order  having  been  in  the  battle  at  all, 
though  there  was  a  strong  array  of  Templars.  Nor  was  Europe  saved  by 
the  valour  of  any  European  army.  King  Wenceslaus  arrived  too  late  and 
adopted  a  strictly  defensive  strategy,  and  after  Liegnitz  the  Mongols 
carried  their  devastating  raid  into  Moravia.  The  saving  of  Europe  was 
effected  by  no  battle,  but  by  the  death  of  the  great  Kban  Ogotay,  which 
compelled  a  general  assembly  of  his  kindred  to  choose  a  successor,  and 
thus  summoned  Batu  to  Karakorum.  The  maps  are  a  useful  addition  to 
this  valuable  monograph,  and  the  indexes  are  all  that  could  be  wished. 

S.  Lane-Poole. 

Geschichte   dcs   Dcutsclicn  Belches  tcalircnd  des   grossen  Interregnums 
1245-1273.     Von  Dr.  J.  Kempf.     (Wiirzburg  :    A.  Stuber.     1893.) 

This  book  gives  a  diligent  and  careful  account  of  political  events  in 
Germany  from  the  election  of  Heinricli  Raspe  to  that  of  Rudolf  of  Habs  - 
burg,  and  is  sure  to  be  useful  to  future  inquirers  into  the  history  of  that 
period.  But  as  a  '  history '  it  is  disappointing.  It  is  true  the  subject 
does  not  easily  lend  itself  to  the  epic  treatment.  Of  much  of  the 
history  of  the  great  interregnum  only  fragments  have  been  preserved. 
Our  information  as  to  the  doings,  the  mere  movements  of  even  the 
chief  actors  on  the  scene  is  exceedingly  limited,  or  rather  intermittent, 
and  it  is,  therefore,  often  impossible  to  form  a  sure  estimate  of  their 
policy  and  motives.  But  these  difHculties  a  more  practised  author  would 
have  taken  account  of  in  laying  the  plan  of  his  book.  As  it  is,  the  few 
facts  on  which  we  are  more  fully  informed  stand  out  in  undue  proportion, 
while  in  between  come  disquisitions  as  to  what  probably  did  happen  in 
the  interval.  These  disquisitions  on  special  points,  constantly  interrupting 
the  connexion  of  the  narrative,  go  a  long  way  towards  making  much 
of  the  book  awkward  reading.  In  our  opinion  these  had  been  better 
placed  in  the  notes,  ^  and  we  also  venture  to  think  that  by  adopting  a 
different  plan  from  that  of  following  the  accidental  movements  of  kings 
and  anti- kings  it  would  have  been  possible  to  make  the  narrative  less  bare 
and  broken. 

The  fact  is  that  the  book  under  review  gives  the  reader  scarcely  an 

'  As  also  the  frequent  references  to  Bohmer-Ficker  and  Pottliast. 
VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVIII.  A  A 


354  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

# 
idea  of  the  great  political  significance  of  the  thirteenth  century  for 
Germany.  The  doings  of  the  various  kings  and  counter-kings,  of  electors 
and  minor  potentates  ;  the  prices  the  former  paid  for  their  crowns,  and  the 
side  each  of  the  latter  took  ;  the  time  at  which  such  a  town  joined  such  a 
party,  and  who  attended  such  a  diet ;  all  this  is  not  in  itself  so  important 
as  the  new  start  the  general  political  development  of  Germany  took  during 
the  period.  If  an  account  of  those  great  political  changes  had  formed 
the  backbone  of  the  book,  all  individual  actions  would  have  found  their 
due  place,  and  the  enterprises  of  the  various  politicians  and  parties  would 
have  become  much  more  intelligible.  Everything  depends  on  this.  Self- 
ish as  the  policy  of  the  German  princes  and  nobles  was,  it  had  at  least  a 
sound  basis,  the  grand  object  of  all  being  the  consolidation  of  their 
territories.  This  was  so  both  with  laymen  and  ecclesiastics,  and  if  this 
great  movement  had  been  well  understood  by  the  author,  we  should,  e.g., 
not  have  heard  the  assertion  that,  in  contrast  to  the  lay  princes,  the 
bishops  and  abbots,  in  taking  either  the  papal  or  the  imperial  side,  were 
actuated  by  no  motive  but  honest  conviction  (p.  21).  This  great  aim 
of  consolidating  and  ordering  their  territories  also  explains  why  both  lay 
and  clerical  princes  were  so  extraordinarily  greedy  of  money.  Up  to  the 
thirteenth  century  Germany  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  constitution, 
properly  speaking,  at  all ;  it  was  then  that  the  constitution  that  was  to 
subsist  more  or  less  for  five  hundred  years  began  to  form. 

The  spirit  of  Dr.  Kem]3f's  narrative  is  impartial  enough,  but  personal 
conviction  [Gcsinnuncj)  plays  altogether  too  large  a  part  with  him  in 
explaining  political  actions.  Thus  the  opposition  of  the  episcopal  towns 
to  their  bishops  is  ascribed  to  mere  loyalty  towards  the  king  (pp.  81,  34). 
Again,  we  see  no  reason  to  rail  at  Cologne  for  the  conditions — tvUrdig 
einer  misstrauischen  Krdmerstadt,  Dr.  Kempf  calls  them — under  which 
it  recognised  William  of  Holland  (p.  53,  cf.  p.  209).  Further,  in  speaking 
of  the  unsatisfactory  turn  things  in  Germany  took  during  Frederick  II' s 
reign,  too  much  stress  is  laid  on  his  preference  for  Italy  (pp.  102,  113, 
122,  149).  The  author  asserts  that  the  re-establishment  of  a  strong  and 
independent  central  power  in  Germany  was  certainly  not  impossible,  had 
Frederick  at  all  cared  for  such  a  thing  (p.  112).  At  the  same  time  he 
describes  that  emperor  as  a  weak  and  irresolute  man,  not  knowing  his 
own  ends  and  having  no  definite  policy  (pp.  9,  91).  If  some  elder 
historians  of  note  have  propounded  views  regarding  the  policy  of  Frederick 
not  directly  opposed  to  those  expressed  by  Dr.  Kempf,  still  we  cannot 
think  it  the  business  of  the  investigator  simply  to  reproduce  those  views 
in  an  exaggerated  manner,  and  without  advancing  solid  arguments  in 
their  support.  Altogether  the  author  manifests  rather  a  strong  tendency 
to  lecture  men  who  probably  knew  what  they  were  about.^  On  the  other 
hand,  his  impartiality  appears  too  often  due  to  his  not  having  arrived  at 
a  definite  judgment  as  to  the  questions  at  issue.  One  also  misses  a  view 
of  the  anarchy  which,  the  author  says,  obtained  in  Germany  during  the 
interregnum. 

So  much  for  the  general  character  of  the  book.     Of  special  points 

2  See,  e.g.,  p.  102  for  a  contradiction  in  which  the  author  involves  himself  in 
consequence.  As  a  contrast  to  his  treatment  of  Frederick  II,  see  p.  178  about  William ; 
also  p.  157. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  355 

we  mil  mention  only  a  few.  The  author  attempts  to  estabUsh  the  genume- 
ness  of  the  letters  published  by  Busson  relating  to  a  plan  of  replacing 
WilUam  on  the  throne  of  Germany  by  Ottokar  of  Bohemia  (p.  157  and 
Excurs.  4).  As  to  this  question,  we  may  refer  the  reader  to  Professor 
Grauert's  review  of  Dr.  Kempf's  book  in  the  AUgust  number  of  the 
Gottingische  gelehrte  Anzeigen.  Li  another  special  chapter  (Excurs.  1) 
the  author  puts  forward  a  theory  that  the  preserved  text  of  Matthew  Paris's 
*  Chronica  maiora '  includes  additions  by  at  least  one  other  St.  Albans 
monk,  and  that  the  trustworthiness  of  the  chronicle  would  be  greatly  en- 
hanced if  these  were  expunged  (p.  271).  The  severe  criticism  (p.  265  ^) 
of  Professor  von  der  Kopp  on  the  policy  of  Gregory  X  must  be  due  to  a 
misunderstanding  of  the  passage  in  question.  F.  Keutgen. 


I  primi  due  Secoli  della  Storia  di  Firenze.     Eicerche   di  Pasquale 

ViLLAKi.    Vol.  II.     (Florence :  Sansoni.     1894.) 
The  tivo  first  Centuries  of  Florentine  History.    By  Professor  Pasquale 

ViLLARi.      Translated  by  Linda  Villari.       (London :    T.   Fisher 

Unwin.     1894.) 

The  second  and  concluding  volume  of  Professor  Villari's  studies  carries 
the  history  of  Florence  to  the  death  of  Henry  of  Luxemburg.  It  is  pre- 
faced by  a  chapter  on  the  relations  of  the  family  to  the  state,  which, 
perhaps,  the  author  would  have  done  wisely  in  omitting.  The  subject 
has  an  abstract  character,  and  necessarily  conducts  the  reader  into  very 
ancient  times ;  it  thus  seems  out  of  place  in  what  is  virtually  a  con- 
crete and  continuous  history  of  Florence.  Nor  can  so  wide  a  question 
be  adequately  treated  in  ail  essay,  although  it  be  so  long  as  to  give  a 
lack  of  proportion  to  the  volume.  It  is  true  enough  that  the  relation  of 
family  to  state  is  a  factor  in  the  antagonism  between  the  Teutonic  and 
Eomanic  elements  of  Italian  society,  which  is  the  refrain  of  these  volumes, 
and  that  Florence  is  the  field  whereon  the  latter  won  a  signal,  if  Pyrrhic, 
victory.  Nevertheless  the  detail  given  as  to  the  actual  conditions  of 
family  life  in  Florence  is  but  slight,  and  for  the  purposes  of  the  second 
chapter,  where  the  subject  is  important,  the  reader  has  already  learned 
almost  more  from  the  description  of  the  family  groups  politically  asso- 
ciated in  the  Torri.  As  an  appendix  Professor  Villari  has  printed  the 
chronicle  traditionally,  but  falsely,  ascribed  to  Brunetto  Latini,  or  rather 
the  portion  of  it  which  throws  light  upon  Florentine  history,  and  which, 
beginning  in  the  eleventh  century,  ends  with  the  year  1297.  The  earlier 
section,  still  unprinted,  is  a  mere  analysis  of  Martinus  Polonus,  and  has 
little  interest ;  the  independent  value  of  the  chronicle  may  be  said,  in- 
deed, to  date  from  113L 

Between  the  introductory  chapter  and  the  appendix  lie  three  essays 
which  treat  of  the  ordinances  of  justice  of  1293,  of  Florence  in  the  time 
of  Dante,  and  of  the  exile  of  the  Whites  in  its  relation  to  the  ex- 
pedition of  Henry  of  Luxemburg.  In  the  first  of  these  Professor  Villari 
is  at  his  best,  for  he  has  to  trace  a  definite  constitutional  movement  in 
close  connexion  with  a  remarkable  personality,  and  he  is,  as  always, 
peculiarly  skilful  in  keeping  the  scales  of  interest  level.  This  chapter  or 
essay  we  should  be  disposed  to  think  the  most  artistic  of  the  series.    It 

A  A  2 


856  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

# 
is  clearly  shown  that  the  ordinances  and  their  immediate  results  were 
rather  the  completion  than  the  initiation  of  a  popular  programme.  The 
Arts  had  already  the  monopoly  of  government,  but  by  making  membership 
more  real — that  is,  more  professional — they  blocked  for  a  time  a  surrepti- 
tious avenue  to  office.  It  was  easy  enough  in  Florence  to  create  a  consti- 
tution ;  the  difficulty  was  to  make  administration  effective.  The  addition 
of  a  gonfalonier  of  justice  to  the  priors  was  a  step  in  this  direction. 
The  ostensible  government  was  brought  into  closer  contact  with  the 
executive  and  with  such  military  and  police  force  as  tha  republic  could 
command.  The  podestti,  as  being  a  foreign  noble,  was  open  to  the  social 
prejudices  of  his  class.  It  was  certain  that  henceforth,  apart  from 
momentary  reaction,  the  podesta  would  be  the  sinking  and  the  gon- 
falonier the  rising  power. 

The  government  was  rather  strengthened  than  altered.  The  main 
object  of  the  ordinances  was  to  curb  the  pretensions  of  the  nobles, 
which  since  their  services  on  the  field  of  Campaldino  had  become 
intolerable.  They  had  already  been  excluded  from  the  supreme  magis- 
tracy ;  the  mutual  responsibility  of  the  family  for  pecuniary  penalties 
incurred  by  its  members  had  already  been  recognised  ;  each  noble  had 
already  been  individually  compelled  to  compound  beforehand  for  the 
outrage  which  he  was  tolerably  certain  to  commit.  All  that  the  ordi- 
nances of  justice  did  was  to  stiffen  the  regulations,  raise  the  penalties,  and 
strengthen  the  arm  of  the  executive.  Democratic  forms  are  of  little 
avail  where  there  is  an  inveterate  habit  of  clique  or  caucus.  At  this 
very  time  efforts  were  made  to  render  illegal  the  formation  of  '  rings  '  or 
unauthorised  associations  within  the  several  Arts.  On  the  other  hand 
Giano  della  Bella  realised  that  the  chief  obstacle  to  constitutional 
government  was  the  existence  of  the  Parte  Gnelfa,  with  its  councils, 
its  executive,  its  far-reaching  foreign  relations,  its  financial  resources, 
which  could  be  increased  at  need  by  fresh  proscriptions  on  the  charge 
of  Gliibellinism.  When  Giano  declared  that  he  would  break  up  his  inde- 
pendent organisation,  and  merge  its  powers  in  those  of  the  signoria,  he 
suggested  the  specific  for  the  chronic  malady  of  all  Florentine  government, 
the  existence  of  this  or  that  external  body  which  was  always  a  force  more 
powerful  than  the  constitution. 

Professor  Villari  shows  that  the  ordinances  were  not  technically  the 
work  of  the  man  whose  name  they  bear.  Giano  della  Bella  had  no  office 
at  the  time,  and  no  share  in  proposing  or  carrying  them.  Yet  it  is  not 
doubted  that  he  exercised  the  necessary  pressure  from  the  street,  and  it 
was  of  importance  that  he  sat  in  the  first  signoria  which  had  to  execute 
its  predecessor's  statutes.  This  popular  leader  was  a  noble  estranged 
from  his  class,  so  runs  the  story,  because  another  noble  pulled  his  nose. 
He  threw  himself,  however,  not  so  much  on  the  support  of  the  wealthier 
bourgeoisie,  but  on  that  of  the  tradesmen  and  working  classes,  whose 
interests  were  not  identical  with  those  of  the  ijopolo  grasso.  Eesolute  and 
vindictive,  he  was  a  born  demagogue  save  for  his  genuine  love  of 
justice.  This  caused  his  fall,  for  he  not  only  inveighed  against  the 
violence  and  corruption  of  the  judicial  class,  but  offended  the  most  un- 
scrupulous section  of  his  own  supporters,  the  butchers.  It  was  an  easy 
matter  for  the  nobles  to  combine  against  him  the  bourgeoisie,  who  feared 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  357 

his  popularity,  with  the  lawyers  and  butchers,  who  hated  his  upright- 
ness. 

The  fall  of  Giano  della  Bella  led  to  some  modification  of  the  ordi- 
nances in  favour  of  the  nobles,  and,  indeed,  their  influence  with  the  podest^ 
and  the  capitano,  who  were  men  of  their  own  class,  and  who  practically 
owed  their  office  to  their  selection,  had  rendered  them  in  many  cases 
inoperative.  Partly  through  the  agency  of  the  Parte  Guelfa,  and  partly 
through  the  social  dependence  of  the  lower  classes,  the  nobles  virtually 
controlled  the  government.  This  control  might  have  been  permanent 
but  for  the  ineradicable  vice  of  oligarchy,  internal  faction.  Divisions 
were  accentuated  by  the  heterogeneous  character  of  the  noble  class. 
Some  had  long  been  completely  urban,  while  others  exercised  a  patriarchal 
rule  over  wide  stretches  of  the  Apennines.  Families  of  ancient  wealth 
but  citizen  origin  had  received  a  brevet  by  traditional  courtesy ;  others 
had  been  recently  promoted  by  way  of  penalty  for  their  opinions. 

The  author  admirably  traces  the  course  of  the  conflict  between  Blacks 
and  Whites,  between  Corso  Donati,  resting  on  the  more  violent  section  of 
the  nobility  and  the  working  classes,  and  Vieri  dei  Cerchi,  who  found 
support  in  the  j^opolo  grasso  and  those  more  moderate  nobles  who  were 
prepared  to  accept  the  ordinances.  While  the  Cerchi  rallied  round  the 
constitutional  magistracy,  the  signoria,  the  Donati,"  more  military  and 
more  unscrupulous,  found  a  stronghold  in  the  palace  of  the  Parte  Guelfa. 
Internal  faction  was  complicated  by  foreign  politics.  The  contagion  of 
popular  institutions  had  infected  the  Roman  people,  and  Boniface  VIII, 
absolutist  and  ambitious,  determined  upon  a  counterstroke  against  the  re- 
publican government.  Thus  the  pope  allied  himself  with  the  Donati,  and 
overawed  the  whites  by  inviting  Charles  of  Anjou  to  Florence,  while  the 
Cerchi  resisted  foreign  intervention.  Professor  Villari  confesses  that  this 
was  a  conflict  of  persons  rather  than  of  principles,  that  the  names  Guelf 
and  Ghibelline  cannot  properly  be  applied  to  the  contending  parties ;  yet 
he  holds  that  at  the  moment  of  their  defeat  the  Cerchi  might  claim,  rather 
than  the  Donati,  to  represent  Guelfic  principles.  In  this  we  do  not  quite 
follow  him.  It  is  true  that  Corso  Donati  was  in  alliance  with  the  nobility 
of  the  rural  districts,  lately  Ghibelline,  that  he  connected  himself  by 
marriage  Avith  the  Ubertini,  as  afterwards  with  Ugguccione  della  Fag- 
giuola.  Yet  the  control  of  the  Parte  Guelfa  is,  perhaps,  the  better  test, 
and  the  Blacks  from  the  first  clung  to  the  champions  of  Guelfism,  the  pope 
and  the  house  of  Anjou.  The  Blacks  at  all  events  professed  that  the 
Ghibellinism  of  the  Whites  was  the  cause  of  their  hostility.  The  difficulty 
would  seem  to  arise  from  identifying  the  mercantile  Romanic  and  the 
military  Teutonic  elements  too  closely  with  the  respective  political 
factions. 

W^ith  the  exile  of  the  Whites  faction  by  no  means  ended,  for  it  broke 
out  fiercely  within  the  victorious  party,  and  Corso  Donati  himself  was 
in  turn  forced  over  into  alliance  with  the  Ghibellines  of  Tuscany.  His 
death  was  due  to  a  spasmodic  fit  of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  signoria, 
which,  however,  was  acting  rather  as  the  ally  of  the  opposing  faction  than 
as  the  judge  of  the  state.  What  surprises  the  reader  most  is  the  energy 
and  capacity  with  which  the  dominant  party  in  this  faction -riven  town  first 
broke  up  the  bands  of  exiles,  and  then  successfully  resisted  the  more 


858  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

organised  forces  of  Henry  f  II ;  to  do  full  justice  to  those  qualities  he 
must  turn  to  the  actual  documents  printed  by  Bonaini  in  his  '  Acta  Enrici 
VII.'  This  period  of  confusion  would  not  probably  attract  so  much  atten- 
tion but  for  its  adventitious  interest  in  connexion  with  the  career  of 
Dante.  The  author  naturally  shows  the  relation  of  the  poet's  theories 
to  this  episode  in  the  eternal  struggle  between  liberty  and  order.  Students 
of  Dante  will  also  find  interest  in  a  long  note  on  the  vexed  question  of 
his  embassy  to  Rome,  and  in  another  on  the  genuineness  of  the  letter  to 
the  cardinal  of  Prato. 

The  mercantile  classes,  the  greater  Arts,  undoubtedly  gained  by  the 
events  herei  recorded.  Their  business  was  little  affected  by  a  meUe  of 
nobles  on  the  Piazza  Santa  Trinita,  and  even  when  the  emperor  besieged 
the  town  the  gates  were  opened  on  the  further  side.  Each  successive 
proscription  weakened  the  nobility,  and  the  great  fire  of  1304,  which  de- 
stroyed the  very  d/jcfiaXog  of  Florence,  contributed  not  a  little  to  this  result, 
while  the  sacrifice  of  merchandise  was  but  momentary.  The  Arts, 
moreover,  took  positive  measures  in  the  same  direction.  They  made  their 
arm  felt  among  the  rural  nobility  of  the  distant  Casentino  and  Mugello. 
Within  the  town  the  creation  of  an  csccutorc  di  giustizia  in  1306  added 
some  reality  to  the  penalties  of  the  ordinances,  and  it  is  noticeable  that 
this  office  was  closed  not  only  to  nobles,  but  to  lawyers,  whose  corruption 
had  proved  the  most  serious  impediment  to  the  execution  of  the  law. 
Mercantile  law,  moreover,  lay  outside  the  province  of  the  ordinary 
judges,  especially  since  the  five  leading  Arts  combined  in  1308  to  form 
the  Corpus  Mercatorum,  a  formal  tribunal  of  commerce,  which  was 
shortly  regulated  by  its  own  body  of  statutes.  The  nobles  were,  indeed, 
still  indispensable  for  military  service,  but  even  this  monopoly  they  lost 
on  the  introduction  of  mercenary  companies.  Noble  families  forced  into 
trade  and  acquiring  wealth  found  the  same  interest  in  order  as  did  the 
bourgeois.  Of  the  two  wealthiest  families  of  later  days,  the  Pazzi  and  the 
Medici,  the  former  were  among  the  most  violent  adherents  of  Corso 
Donati,  while  the  latter  distinguished  themselves  by  their  cruelty  in  the 
persecution  of  the  Whites. 

It  is,  after  all,  difficult  to  sympathise  with  the  policy  of  the  victorious 
mercantile  class.  Its  motive  was  not  patriotism,  but  material  wealth. 
Rejecting  the  traditional  authority  of  the  emperor,  because  it  was  sup- 
posed to  favour  the  nobles  and  the  rival  Ghibelline  towns,  it  accepted  the 
dominion  of  a  Walter  of  Brienne  and  a  Charles  of  Valois,  of  Charles  and 
Robert  of  Naples,  neighbours  far  more  dangerous  to  liberty  than  were  the 
German  emperors.  Victory  led  not  to  popular  government,  but,  in  spite  of 
popular  forms,  to  an  oligarchy  of  wealth.  This,  while  discarding  the 
military  virtues  of  the  aristocracy,  plagiarised  its  vices,  its  factiousness, 
and  its  family  conceit.  It  would  be  wrong  to  identify  the  nobles  of 
Florence  with  the  so-called  nobility  of  Venice,  yet  it  is  interesting  to 
compare  the  political  results  of  the  exclusion  of  the  upper  stratum  of 
society  from  government  in  1293  with  its  monopoly  of  the  administration 
at  Venice  from  129G. 

The  first  volume  of  this  book  has  in  the  original  received  full  treatment 
in  this  Review  (vol.  ix.  852-358).  Professor  Villari  is  singularly  for- 
tunate in  his  translator.     Signora  Villari  adds  to  independent  literary 


i895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  859 

gifts  a  competent  knowledge  of  constitutional  technicalities,  the  stum- 
bling-block on  which  translators  too  often  trip.  She  has  done  wisely 
in  leaving  official  titles  for  which  there  is  no  EngUsh  counterpart  in  the 
original  Italian,  adding  at  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  terms  are  used 
a  short  explanation  or  paraphrase.  A  brief  glossary  would  have  been  an 
additional  convenience.  In  translating  from  Italian  into  English  it  is 
extremely  difficult  to  avoid  a  tone  of  artificiality  or  sentimentalism. 
This  English  version  is,  however,  almost  invariably  simplicity  itself, 
and  is  in  this  respect,  perhaps,  the  most  successful  of  Signora  Villari's 
translations.  We  confess  to  having  had  doubts  as  to  whether  this  series 
of  lectures  were  not  too  technical  for  the  English  public,  but  we  are 
disposed  to  think  that  in  their  new  garb  they  will  find  favour  with  all 
who  have  an  intelligent  interest  in  Florence  and  her  history.  The  book 
is  profusely  illustrated.  It  is  at  once  pleasant  and  painful  to  be  reminded 
of  the  Mercato  Vecchio,  now  supplanted  by  the  abomination  of  vulgarisa- 
tion. The  numerous  plates  representing  Eoman  and  Etruscan  antiquities 
seem  somewhat  out  of  proportion  to  the  importance  of  Florence  in 
ancient  history  ;  there  are  many  Tuscan  sites — San  Miniato  dei  Tedeschi, 
for  instance,  with  its  imperial  keep — which  would  have  added  reality  to 
the  tale  of  the  contest  between  Guelf  and  Ghibelline.    E.  Aemsteong. 


Social  England.  Edited  by  H.  D.  Teaill,  D.C.L.  Vol.  II.— From 
the  Accession  of  Edward  I  to  the  Death  of  Henry  VII.  (London  : 
Cassell&Co.    1894.) 

The  first  volume  of  this  rather  ambitious  attempt  to  secure  a  comprehen- 
sive *  record  of  the  progress  of  the  people  '  by  the  method  of  collaboration 
was  subjected  to  some  severe  strictures  in  our  last  volume,^  on  the  score 
of  certain  inaccuracies  and  inadequacies.  These  were  held  to  be  largely 
traceable  to  the  choice  of  an  editor  who,  with  many  general  qualifications 
for  the  position,  hardly  possesses  that  intimate  acquaintance  with  medieval 
English  history  which  would  have  enabled  him  to  exercise  a  sufficient 
check  upon  his  contributors.  Where  the  conditions  under  which  such  a 
work  as  this  is  published  do  not  in  every  case  permit  the  selection  of 
contributors  who  are  acknowledged  authorities  on  the  subjects  with  which 
they  have  to  deal,  it  is  all  the  more  necessary  that  the  editor  himself 
should  be  a  trained  historian  abreast  of  the  latest  advances  in  historical 
studies.  The  present  instalment  is  much  freer  from  the  defects  referred 
to.  Their  number,  however,  remains  more  considerable  than  it  ought  to  be. 
Richard  of  Cirencester  is  kept  in  countenance  by  Matthew  of  Westminster, 
and  Flodoard  figures  as  an  authority  for  the  state  of  the  English  navy  in 
the  fourteenth  century.     One  contributor  sketches  (p.  266)  the  travels  of 

*  our  own  Englishman '  Sir  John  Maundeville,  with  a  faint  reminder  that 

*  it  has  been  doubted  whether  he  ever  existed,' which  we  suspect  the  editor 
to  have  inserted  in  order  to  reconcile  him  with  Mr.  Beazley  (p.  356).  In 
the  list  of  authorities  there  is  no  mention  of  the  valuable  chronicle  of 
Galfrid  le  Baker  of  Swinbrook,  and  Sir  Thomas  de  la  Moor  appears  as  the 
author  of  a  life  of  Edward  II,  without  a  hint  that  the  *  Vita  et  Mors ' 
attributed  to  him  is  in  all  probability  nothing  more  than  an  excerpt  from 

'  Vol.  ix.  p.  721. 


360  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

Baker.  The  rich  store  of  Fre|ich  materials  for  the  history  of  the  Hundred 
Years'  War  might  have  been  more  fully  indicated  ;  Mr.  A.  L.  Smith,  we 
notice,  still  speaks  of  the  battle  of  Chatillon,  though  Mr.  Oman  elsewhere 
uses  the  correct  Aquitanian  form  Castillon.  The  editor,  again,  should  not 
have  allowed  a  well-known  statement  about  the  number  of  the  Lollards  to 
be  attributed  on  p.  153  to  Walsingham  and  on  p.  290  to  Knighton.  Liege 
was  not  in  Hainault  (p.  52),  nor  can  Cleobury  Mortimer  be  described, 
without  some  danger  of  misleading  the  reader,  as  near  the  Malvern  Hills 
(p.  225).  Mistakes  of  this  kind,  trivial  enough  in  themselves,  and  such 
uncorrected  printer's  errors  as  *  Wilkins'  Consilium  Magnum  Britannicum  ' 
and  Barnard's  (for  Baynard's)  Castle  point  to  imperfect  editorial  over- 
sight. But,' after  all,  they  do  not  seriously  mar  the  usefulness  of  this 
volume.  Most  of  the  writers  have  some  claim  to  be  considered  as 
specialists  on  the  subjects  treated  by  them,  and  with  one  exception  none 
of  them  falls  conspicuously  below  the  level  which  we  have  a  right  to  ex- 
pect in  a  work  that  purports  to  summarise  the  latest  results  of  historical 
scholarship.  Nothing  better  could  be  wished  than  Professor  Maitland's 
most  interesting  account  of  the  origin  of  the  *  bar '  and  the  relations  of 
that  '  ungodly  jumble  '  the  common  law  to  the  constitution  and  the  court 
of  chancery.  Mr.  Oman  in  explaining  the  victories  of  Crecy  and  Agin- 
court,  Mr.  Poole  in  dealing  with  Wycliffe  and  the  Lollards,  Dr.  Creighton 
in  tracing  the  history  of  the  Black  Death,  and  Mr.  Beazley  in  recounting 
the  scanty  beginnings  of  English  discovery  and  exploration,  all  speak  with 
acknowledged  authority  on  their  respective  subjects,  and  leave  little  or  no 
scope  for  criticism.  The  growth  of  English  commerce  and  commercial 
policy  finds  very  competent  exponents  in  Mr.  Hubert  Hall  and  Mr. 
Hewins.  But  does  not  the  former  come  near  to  a  confusion  of  ideas  when 
he  refers  to  the  merchants  of  Aquitaine  as  representing  the  colonial 
interest  of  England  ?  The  only  objections  we  would  take  to  Mr.  Hughes's 
articles  on  architecture  and  the  related  arts  are  that  the  fine  effigy  of 
Brian  Fitzalan  in  Bedale  Church  should  not  have  been  omitted  in  an 
account  of  monumental  sculpture  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  that  the  perfect  example  of  the  Edwardian  manor  house,  which 
can  still  be  seen  at  Stokesay,  in  Shropshire,  is  ignored  by  him.  He  may  be 
pardoned  for  still  believing  in  the  story  of  Queen  Eleanor  sucking  the 
poison  from  her  husband's  wound  (p.  52). 

Li  thoroughness  and  accuracy  the  sections  on  English  literature  by 
Dr.  Frank  Heath  will  bear  comparison  with  any  in  the  book,  but  they 
suffer  somewhat  by  being  thrown  into  a  form  hardly  in  keeping  with  the 
rest.  The  other  writers  have  kept  in  mind  that  they  are  not  addressing 
themselves  to  an  audience  of  specialists,  and  have  all  struck  with  more  or 
less  success  the  right  narrative  note.  But  Dr.  Heath  misses  the  happy 
mean  between  frothy  superficiality  and  the  conscientious  heaviness  of  the 
HandhucJi.  He  interrupts  the  flow  of  his  narrative  by  foot-notes  on 
points  scarcely  within  the  scope  of  a  work  hke  this,  and  by  metrical 
analyses  full  of  highly  technical  terms,  such  as  anaJcriisis  and  ri7ne  couee, 
and  unintelligible  in  the  absence  of  illustrative  examples.  A  critic  of 
literature  too  ought  not,  perhaps,  to  speak  of  '  hcautifymg  middle  English 
poetry '  !  The  perfunctory  sections  on  '  Social  Life,'  by  a  writer  who 
wisely  remains  anonymous,  are  unworthy  of  their  position.     They  are 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  361 

disorderly  in  choice  and  arrangement  of  matter,  repeat  what  has  been 
more  properly  and  more  accurately  given  elsewhere,  and  are  based  upon 
no  real  acquaintance  with  contemporary  evidence.  The  writer's  calibre 
may  be  judged  from  his  referring  to  *  Matthew  of  Westminster '  and 
*  Holinshed  (quoting  Nicolaus  Trivet).'  Of  course  he  follows  Froissart  in 
ascribing  the  institution  of  the  order  of  the  garter  to  1344.  It  ought  to 
be  said,  however,  that,  from  whatever  reason,  the  first  of  the  three  articles 
under  this  rubric  is  much  the  most  unsatisfactory. 

Where  so  many  hands  have  been  at  work  repetitions  accompanied  by 
divergencies  of  view  must  be  expected.  Two  almost  diametrically  opposite 
opinions  on  the  vexed  question  of  the  condition  of  the  labourer  in  the 
fifteenth  century  are  expressed  in  the  space  of  twenty  pages,  while  a  third 
writer  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  '  there  are  statistics  enough  to  bear 
out  either  view  '  (p.  413).  Mr.  Corbett,  by  the  way,  in  quoting  the  con- 
temporary story  of  the  humble  origin  of  the  Paston  family  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  possibilities  of  rising  in  the  world  enjoyed  by  members  of  the 
agricultural  class,  with  a  warning  that  it  comes  from  a  hostile  source,  does 
not  seem  aware  of  the  rebutting  evidence  of  the  Paston  archives  printed 
by  Mr.  Worship  in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  '  Norfolk  Archaeology.'  Three 
separate  mentions  of  the  expeditions  of  the  Cabots  seem  superfluous,  the 
more  so  that  they  do  not  entirely  agree  with  one  another.  Speaking 
generally,  however,  unity  of  treatment  has  been  secured  in  a  very  satis- 
factory degree.  This  is  greatly  assisted  by  the  terse  and  pointed  summaries 
of  the  political  history  supplied  by  Mr.  A.  L.  Smith,  who  unites  a  keen 
eye  for  salient  features  with  the  power  of  presenting  them  in  a  fresh  and 
interesting  way.  We  have  noticed  in  his  articles  a  few  errors  of  detail  of 
no  great  importance.  Thomas  of  Lancaster  was  not  executed  in  Pontefract 
Castle  (p.  9),  but  on  the  little  hill  to  the  north  of  it,  on  which  a  church 
was  built  in  honour  of  the  martyr  and  which  is  still  called  St.  Thomas's 
Hill.  It  is  going  too  far,  again,  to  say  that  Eichard  II,  after  dismissing 
the  appellants  in  1389, '  soon  recalled  them  to  power  '  (p.  155).  They  were 
restored  to  the  council,  it  is  true,  but  none  of  them  except  Nottingham 
henceforth  enjoyed  high  office  or  the  real  confidence  of  the  king.  In  the 
account  of  the  battle  of  Towton  (p.  308)  the  statement  of  a  retainer  of 
the  house  of  Norfolk,  who  wrote  in  the  sixteenth  century,  that  the  arrival 
of  the  duke  and  his  men  decided  the  battle,  ought  not,  perhaps,  to  be  im- 
plicitly accepted.  Lord  '  Manley  '  of  course  should  be  Lord  '  Mauley.'  On 
p.  313  Mr.  Smith  seems  to  have  forgotten  that  the  elder  branch  of  the 
Nevilles,  which  held  the  Durham  lands  of  the  house,  was  not  Yorkist  but 
Lancastrian  in  its  politics.  The  Cornish  rising  under  Henry  VII  was  in 
1497,  not  in  1495  (p.  450).  Some  of  the  other  writers  are  not  always  very 
happy  in  their  references  to  general  history.  Mr.  Clowes,  for  example, 
shows  that  he  has  hardly  grasped  the  real  position  of  the  unfortunate 
Henry  VI  when  he  describes  him  as  '  neglecting  his  navy  and  seamen, 
and  disgusting  the  merchants  by  his  lawless  treatment  of  them '  (p.  341). 
In  his  useful  articles  on  the  universities  Mr.  Blakiston  repeats  the  old 
assertion  that  Archbishop  Chichele,  who  founded  a  college  at  Oxford  for 
the  peace  of  the  souls  of  those  slain  in  the  French  wars,  had  himself  en- 
couraged them.  This  is  by  no  means  clearly  proven.  His  reference  to 
the  *  learned  and  unfortunate  Tiptoft '  too  seems  to  do  more  than  ^'ustice 


362  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

to  '  the  Butcher.'  On  the  otRer  hand  the  under-side  of  English  poUtical 
history  in  this  period,  without  which  that  history  presents  so  many  diffi- 
culties, has  never  been  given  with  such  variety  and  fulness.  As  far  as 
this  volume  is  concerned  the  promise  of  the  title-page  is  on  the  whole 
satisfactorily  redeemed.     It  might  have  been  better,  but  it  is  still  good. 

James  Tait. 


Calendar  of  Patent  Bolls,  Edward  IL     Vol.  I.  a.d.  1307-1313. 
(London  :  H.M.  Stationery  Office.     1894.) 

The  publication  of  the  Calendars  of  Patent  and  Close  Eolls  is  proceeding 
with  all  the  rapidity  which  one  could  hope  for.  The  contents  of  the 
first  volume  of  the  'Patent  Rolls  of  Edward  II'  are,  of  course,  very 
miscellaneous.  Many  entries  relate  to  Peter  de  Gavaston  ;  thus  in  1310 
he  receives  a  pardon  '  for  the  death  of  Thomas  de  Walkjrngham,  of  the 
county  of  York,  and  for  all  other  felonies  and  trespasses  with  which  he 
has  been  charged  '  (p.  277).  There  is  much  information  about  the  lands 
of  the  Templars  *  which  for  divers  causes  are  in  the  king's  hands.'  In  Hert- 
fordshire the  king's  agents  for  the  estates  of  the  Templars  met  with  resist- 
ance, and  many  entries  refer  to  a  riot  in  the  town  of  Baldock  (p.  536,  &c.) 
The  disturbed  state  of  the  country  may  be  plentifully  illustrated  from 
these  records ;  many  complaints  are  made  of  organised  disturbances 
in  the  towns,  as  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds  and  Norwich ;  Winchester  was 
declared  to  be  suffering  from  a  system  of  black-mailing  (p.  534).  The 
rolls  throw  much  light  on  the  victualling  of  the  army  in  the  Scotch  war  ; 
Italian  merchants  were  among  the  contractors  (pp.  498,  500,  501,  &c.) 
On  p.  508  we  have  apparently  an  instance  of  land  being  bought  at  five 
years'  purchase.  The  early  endowment  of  Stapledon  Hall  by  Richard  de 
Stapeldon,  which  Mr.  Boase  mentions  in  his  history  of  Exeter  College, 
Oxford,  is  found  in  these  rolls  (p.  504). 

Mr.  Handcock  seems  to  have  done  the  calendaring  work  very 
thoroughly;  the  entries,  so  far  as  I  can  test  them,  are  complete  and  full. 
Of  course  it  is  impossible  to  include  everything  in  a  calendar  ;  e.g,  the  roll 
itself  (1  Edw.  II,  part  i.)  calls  Walter  Jorz,  archbishop  of  Armagh,  a  friar 
preacher ;  this  is  omitted  in  the  Calendar.  The  volume  is  almost 
entirely  free  from  misprints  ;  those  which  I  have  noted  are  unimportant — • 
p.  541, '  Scholistica ; '  p.  694,  *  Rhuddan.'  Similar  praise  cannot,  however, 
be  given  to  the  index.  An  entry  relating  to  the  Augustinian  friars  on 
p.  345  is  not  noticed  in  the  index  under  '  Augustinian  '  or  '  Friars.'  The 
entry  under  '  Colchester,  Friars  Minor,  208 '  is  wrong ;  it  should  be  202. 
Similarly  '  Chichester,  Friars  Preachers,  269,'  is  wrong  ;  it  should  be  268. 
Under  ♦  Kerdif '  we  are  told  to  '  see  Cardyf : '  there  is  no  such  entry  ;  it 
should  probably  be  *  Kaerdif.'  Again,  under  the  heading  *  Templars,  in 
Ireland,'  pp.  192,  267  should  be  added ;  under  *  Templars,  inquisitors,' 
p.  213  should  be  added ;  and  perhaps  others.  If  the  references  under 
these  special  headings  are  incomplete  they  are  misleading.  It  is,  how- 
ever, in  the  arrangement  of  the  entries  relating  to  the  friars  that  the  index 
is  at  its  worst.  At  first  sight  it  would  seem  as  if  they  were  all  grouped 
systematically  under  the  main  title  *  Friars,*  with  the  sub-titles  •  Augus- 


1895  liEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  863 

tinian,'  '  Carmelite,'  &c.  This,  however,  is  deceptive.  All  the  orders  are 
not  included ;  the  Friars  of  the  Penance  are  not  mentioned  under 
*  Friars,'  but  only  under  '  Penitentia.'  Why  should  one  entry  about  the 
Franciscans  appear  under  the  heading  *  Friars,  Minors '  (p.  135)  and 
another  under  '  Minorites  '  (p.  597)  ?  Under  '  Friars  '  there  is  no  cross 
reference  to  '  Minorites,'  nor  under  *  Minorites  '  to  *  Friars.'  Similarly 
some  references  to  the  White  Friars  come  under  'Friars,  CarmeHtes,, 
others  under  *  Carmelites.'  In  neither  case  are  cross  references  given. 
Thus  under  *  Friars,  Carmelites  '  we  are  told  to  *  see  Northampton.'  One 
would  naturally  conclude  that  this  was  the  only  convent  of  White  Friars 
mentioned.  Under  'Carmelites,'  however,  we  are  told  to  'see  Boston 
Newcastle-on-Tyne,  Northampton,  Oxford.'  Now  at  last  one  might  hope 
to  have  references  to  all  the  notices  of  Carmelites.  In  my  private  notes, 
however,  to  Pat.  Eoll,  3  Edw.  II,  I  find  a  reference  to  the  Carmelites  of 
Drogheda.  This  is  indexed  only  jander  Drogheda.  A  precisely  similar 
case  is  that  of  the  Augustinian  Friars  of  Lynn.  Even,  therefore,  sup- 
posing the  index  to  be  complete,  supposing  all  the  entries  to  be  indexed 
under  some  heading,  any  one  working  at  the  history  of  the  friars  could 
not  be  certain  of  having  found  all  the  references  to  them  in  this  volume, 
until  he  had  looked  up  in  the  index  every  town  in  which  any  house  of 
friars  was  established.  I  need  not  point  out  the  enormous  waste  of  time 
which  this  involves.  Mr.  Handcock  in  this  matter  has  merely  followed  a 
number  of  bad  precedents;  but  it  is  high  time  that  the  record  office 
should  adopt  some  uniform  system  in  the  compilation  of  indexes. 

A.  G.  Little. 


GescMedkundige  opstelleiij  aangehoden  aan  Bohert  Fruin  hi]  zijn  aftredcn 
als  hoogleeraar  aan  de  rijksuniversiteit  te  Leiden,  ('s  Gravenhage : 
Martinus  Nijhoff.     1894.) 

This  is  a  volume  of  essays  dedicated  to  the  well-known  Dutch  historian 
Fruin  on  his  retirement  from  his  professorship  at  the  university  of  Leyden. 
All  the  contributions  which  it  contains,  with  one  exception,  are  devoted 
to  subjects  bearing  upon  the  history  of  the  Netherlands,  and  several  oi 
them,  dealing  as  they  do  with  matters  of  local  and  limited  interest,  offer 
little  attraction  to  the  general  reader.  An  exception  should  be  made  in 
favour  of  P.  L.  Muller's  essay  entitled  '  Netherland  and  Switzerland  :  an 
Historical  Parallel.'  This  writer  has  lately  published  a  series  of  papers  in 
Fruin's  Bijdragcn  upon  the  history  of  the  separation  of  the  northern 
and  southern  Netherlands,  and  his  studies  on  this  subject  probably  led 
him  to  compare  from  a  constitutional  point  of  view  the  history  of  the  rise 
of  the  Dutch  and  the  Swiss  republics.  There  is  nothing  really  new  or 
striking  in  the  historical  parallel  that  he  has  drawn,  but  old  facts  are  pre- 
sented in  such  a  way  as  to  lay  correct  emphasis  on  the  marked  dissimilarity 
in  the  development  of  the  two  countries.  He  points  out  that  the  beginnings 
of  the  Swiss  confederation  have  nothing  in  common  with  the  history  of 
the  Netherland  provinces  when  united  under  the  sway  of  the  houses  of 
Burgundy  or  Habsburg,  and  that  only  with  the  revolt  can  a  comparison 
be  fairly  made.  And  yet,  despite  of  the  superficial  resemblance  between 
the  '  Unie  \^n  Utrecht '  and  the  *  Stanser  Verkomnis,'  on  what  different 


864  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

lines  does  the  history  of  the  fJnited  Provinces  run  from  that  of  the  sister 
repubHc  !  In  Switzerland  there  was  no  predominant  partner,  like  the  pro- 
vince of  Holland  in  the  northern  Netherlands,  no  ruling  family  with  the 
traditions  and  authority  of  the  house  of  Orange,  no  world-wide  commerce, 
no  colonies,  no  position  which  provoked  and  entailed  international  en- 
tanglements. All  these  things  inevitably  led  to  a  far  closer  tie  between 
the  constituent  members  of  a  great  maritime  power  and  the  loosely  con- 
nected cantons  of  a  federation  formed  for  self-defence  by  a  number  of 
small  states  differing  in  race,  language,  and  laws,  and  sometimes  sepa- 
rated from  one  another  by  impassable  mountain  barriers.  Mr.  Muller 
(p.  12)  draws  attention  to  the  early  history  of  Groningen,  which  bears  in 
many  respects  a  strong  likeness  to  that  of  Bern.  Both  of  these  towns 
rose  to  greatness  under  the  sway  of  a  limited  burgher  aristocracy,  and 
both  brought  into  submission  a  large  surrounding  district.  But  again 
with  a  difference.  The  supremacy  of  Bern  was  too  firmly  established  to 
be  disturbed  either  by  internal  changes  or  by  external  assaults,  and 
though  shorn  of  a  portion  of  its  conquests,  it  still  gives  its  name  to  the 
largest  of  the  Swiss  cantons,  and  is  the  federal  capital  of  the  Swiss 
state.  Groningen  already,  before  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  had 
fallen  from  its  high  estate,  the  story  of  its  decadence  being  told  by  Pro- 
fessor Blok  in  the  second  essay  of  this  volume. 

An  account  by  Mr.  H.  C.  Rogge  of  the  diplomatic  conduct  of  Fran9ois 
van  Aerssen  in  160G  is  a  real  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  compli- 
cated and  involved  negotiations  which  preceded  the  conclusion  of  the 
twelve  years'  truce.  The  part  played  by  this  very  able  and  somewhat 
unscrupulous  diplomatist  and  statesman  in  influencing  and  directing  the 
policy  of  the  United  Provinces  during  a  period  of  some  forty  years  can 
scarcely  be  over-estimated.  Mr.  Eogge  shows  that  Aerssen,  then  envoy 
of  the  republic  at  Paris,  paid  a  visit  to  the  Hague  in  1606  upon  a  secret 
mission  from  Henry  IV,  which  he  concealed  from  Barneveldt,  to  sound 
certain  leading  people  at  the  Dutch  capital  as  to  what  the  states  would 
be  prepared  to  offer  the  French  king  in  consideration  for  his  aid,  and 
more  especially  as  to  whether  they  would  offer  him  the  sovereignty.  The 
facts  here  revealed  throw  fresh  light  upon  the  story  of  the  negotiations  as 
told  by  Motley.  1 

Of  the  rest  perhaps  the  most  interesting  essay  is  a  critical  discussion 
by  Mr.  M.  S.  Pols  of  the  age  and  authenticity  of  the  so-called  '  Annales 
Egmundani,'  in  which  the  writer  strives  to  controvert  the  views  of  Pertz 
and  Richthofen.  This  discussion  has  an  interest  to  Enghsh  readers  from 
the  fact  that  the  manuscript  with  which  it  deals  is  in  the  British  Museum.*^ 
Mr.  Pols  appears  to  have  satisfactorily  established  his  contention  that  a 
monk  of  Egmond  in  the  twelfth  century  found  in  the  library  of  his 
monastery  an  historical  writing  treating  of  the  history  of  Holland  in  the 
period  790-873,  and  that  he  took  it  in  hand  and  completed  it,  so  as  to  make 
it  run  continuously  from  640  to  about  1176,  the  last  portion  being  the 
authentic  narrative  of  an  eye-witness,  or  at  least  contemporary,  of  the 
events  described.  Afterwards  it  was  continued  by  other  hands  to  the  year 
1205.     This  narrative  thus  worked  up,  and  now  to  be  found  in  the  manu- 

'  Unit.  NetJi.  iv.  c.  40.  2  Cottonian.  Tib.  C.  xi. 


189^  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  865 

script  above  mentioned,  forms,  in  the  judgment  of  Mr.  Pols,  the  foundation 
and  chief  source  of  the  later  *  Chronicon  Hollandiae.' 

George  Edmundson. 


State  Pa2)ers  relating  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  Anno  1588.  . 

Edited  by  John  Knox  Laughton,  M.A.,  R.N.,  Professor  of  Modern   X 

History  in  King's  College,  London.     2  vols.    (London  :  Navy  Records  ' 

Society.  1894.) 
The  full  history  of  the  Spanish  Armada  has  yet  to  be  written,  but 
material  is  rapidly  being  accumulated  which  will  make  the  task  of  writjng 
it  a  possible  one  in  the  near  future.  The  collection  of  Spanish  papers 
relating  to  the  disaster  published  by  Captain  Don  Cesareo  Fernandez 
Duro,  of  the  Spanish  royal  navy,  was  a  very  valuable  contribution  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  the  publication  in  these  volumes  of  the 
English  state  documents  telling  the  story  of  the  preparations  on  the 
English  side,  and  giving  the  official  accounts  of  the  eight  days'  fight  in 
the  Channel,  is  another  distinct  step  in  advance.  The  special  professional 
knowledge  of  the  sea  possessed  by  the  editor  enables  him  to  throw  much 
new  light  upon  the  bearing  and  significance  of  the  papers  dealing  with 
naval  details,  and  it  will  be  hard  to  praise  too  highly  the  latter  portion 
of  his  lengthy  introduction,  in  which  the  equipment,  armaments,  and 
movements  of  the  respective  fleets  are  discussed  and  criticised.  The 
early  portion  of  Professor  Laughton' s  introduction,  however,  suffers 
greatly,  although  perhaps  naturally,  from  the  limited  view  taken  of 
the  great  events  that  led  up  to  the  Armada.  It  is,  perhaps,  inevitable 
in  compilations  made  under  the  auspices  of  sectional  or  professional 
societies  that  a  tendency  should  be  exhibited  to  magnify  the  importance 
of  the  interests  which  the  particular  society  represents,  and  to  make  them 
the  pivot  upon  which  all  events  in  the  world  turn  ;  but  nothing  surely  is 
to  be  gained,  in  an  historical  work  of  so  much  importance  as  this,  edited 
by  a  competent  scholar  like  Professor  Laughton,  by  so  entirely  effacing 
the  sense  of  proportion  as  to  attribute  the  attempted  invasion  of  Eng- 
land in  a  great  measure  to  the  defeat  suffered  by  Drake  and  Hawkins 
at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  (not  de  Lua,  as  Pro- 
fessor Laughton  has  it)  in  15G8.  Professor  Laughton  says  :  '  Much  of  the 
nonsense  that  has  been  talked  grew  out  of  the  attempt,  not  unsuccessfully 
made,  to  represent  the  war  as  religious  ;  to  describe  it  as  a  species  of 
crusade  instigated  by  the  pope,  in  order  to  bring  heretical  England  once 
more  into  the  fold  of  the  true  church.  In  reality  nothing  can  be  more 
inaccurate.  It  is,  indeed,  quite  certain  that  religious  bitterness  was  im- 
ported into  the  quarrel,  but  the  war  had  its  origin  in  two  perfectly  clear 
and  wholly  mundane  causes.  The  first  and  chief  of  these  was  the  ex- 
clusive commercial  policy  adopted  and  enforced  by  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment in  respect  of  its  West  Indian  and  American  settlements.'  And 
then  follows  an  account  of  the  depredations  of  Drake  and  Hawkins  in 
revenge  for  their  punishment  in  1568.  '  The  other  and  perhaps  equally 
valid  reason  was  the  countenance  and  assistance  which  had  been  given  by 
the  English  to  the  king's  rebellious  subjects  in  the  Low  Countries.' 

I  am  not  in  the  least  likely  to  underrate  these  facts  as  exacerbating 


366  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

influences,  but  it  is  surely  running  counter  to   ascertained  knowledge 
to  represent   them  as  prime  causes.      The   germs   of  the  war,  in  fact, 
were  engendered  before    Spain   had  a  fixed   colonial   policy  at  all,  and 
long  prior  to  any  rebellion  in  the   Netherlands   against   the   house   of 
Burgundy.     For  centuries  it  had  been  the  traditional  policy  of  the  house 
of  Burgundy  to  holdfast  to  its  alliance  with  England,  as  a  counterbalance 
to  the  close  connexion  of  France  and  Scotland.     Elizabeth  was  forced, 
by  the  very  circumstances  of  her  birth,  to  throw  in  her  lot  with  the 
reformers ;  and  it  was   clear  to   Philip — nay,  even   to   Charles   V  and 
above  all  to  Simon  Renard — before   Elizabeth's  accession,  that  unless 
she   could  be -married  to  the  duke  of  Savoy,  brought  into  the  church, 
and  made  a  fit  ally  for  catholic  Spain,  in  the  event  of  her  accession,  an 
entire  rearrangement  of  the  balance  of  powder  and  traditional  combmations 
of  Europe  would  take  place,  in  which  Spain  would  find  herself  bereft  of 
her  old  ally,  face  to  face  with  the  growing  power  of  protestantism  the 
world  over,  and  forced  into  an  inferior  position,  or  an  alliance  with  her 
unstable  and  detested  secular  rival,  France.     A  bolder  and  abler  man  than 
Philip  would  have  taken  the  inevitable  step  to  prevent  this  years  before. 
For  nearly  thirty  years  he  tried  to  avoid  war,  by  marriage  negotiations, 
treachery,  meekness,  threats,  bribery  of  councillors,  and  other  means, 
hoping  that  the  accession  of  Mary  Stuart,  whom  he  had  gained  over,  would 
enable  him  to  renew  his  alliance  with  a  catholic  England  without  an  appeal 
to  arms.    But  for  ail  those  years  it  was  evident  to  every  one  that  Spain 
must,  by  fair  means  or  foul,  restore  her  close  connexion  with  England  or 
sink  under   the   forces  arrayed   against  her.     The  only  real  chance  of 
doing  it  was  that  protestantism  should  be  crushed  in  England  as  well 
as  in  the  Low  Countries  ;  and  from  the  first  day  of  his  reign  Philip's 
wisest    councillors   told    him  so,   but   he   was   too   great   a   craven   to 
take   their   advice.     The   third    volume   of    the   '  Calendar  of   Spanish 
State  Papers  of  Elizabeth  at  Simancas  and  Paris,'  now  in  the  press, 
will  lay  bare   for  the  first   time   the   extraordinary  series  of  intrigues 
by  which  Sixtus  V  was  led  to  contribute  a  million  ducats  to  the  cost  of 
the   Armada.     For   him,  at   all   events,  the   invasion   of  England  was 
veritably  a  crusade,  and  although  it  may  well  be  that  Philip's  motives 
w^ere  quite  mundane,  he  undoubtedly  sought  to  gain  them,  in  the  first 
place,  by  forcing  Catholicism  on  the  English  nation,  as  the  only  possible 
means  of  having  England  on  his  side,  which  was  necessary  for  the  welfare 
of  his  cause.     On  the  other  hand  Elizabeth's  aid  to  the  prince  of  Orange 
and  the  French  protestants  arose — like   her  own   adoption  of  the  re- 
formed faith — from  the  knowledge   that    unless  the  enemies    of   Spain 
were  rendered  strong  she  would  be  forced  into  an  alliance  under  con- 
ditions ^vhich  would  have  denied  her  own  right  to  reign,  and  have  made 
her — w^hat  she  ^vould  never  have  consented  to  become— a  mere  puppet 
in  the  hands  of  Philip.     Professor  Laughton  all  through  seeks  to  dwarf 
the  religious  element  in  the  struggle,  but  in  fact  the  whole  question,  with 
all  its  vast,  far-reaching  consequences,  turned  upon  that  one  point,  Was 
England  to  be  cathohc  or  protestant  ? 

When  Professor  Laughton  comes  to  the  Armada  itself  he  is  a  much 
safer  guide.  He  points  out  how  great  was  the  contempt  of  such  men  as 
Drake,  Hawkins,  and  Winter  for  the  sea  power  of  Spain,  and  how  much 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  367 

landsmen  have  exaggerated  it.  In  this  he  is  right.  The  Spanish  veteran 
infantry  was  the  best  in  the  world,  but,  notwithstanding  the  boasting  of 
the  ignorant — notwithstanding  the  prowess  of  such  men  as  Pero 
Melendez,  Pedro  de  Valdes,  and  the  marquis  of  Santa  Cruz — Philip's 
responsible  advisers,  years  before,  had  warned  him  of  his  powerlessness  at 
sea.  Professor  Laughton  will  find  this  curiously  confirmed  in  a  long 
manuscript  report  from  Captain  Luis  Cabreta  to  Philip,  dated  Lisbon  1582, 
in  the  British  Museum  (Add.  MS.  28420),  in  which  the  writer  points  out, 
almost  vehemently,  how  utterly  inadequate  are  his  means  of  coping  with 
England  at  sea.  He  tells  him  that  he  cannot  even  protect  his  own  coasts 
from  invasion,  and  that  he  is  totally  unprovided  with  all  naval  requisites, 
especially  seamen  and  gunners,  who  are  needed  most  of  all,  '  as  without 
them  nothing  can  be  done.'  He  says  that  it  is  all  very  well  for  people  to 
boast  of  the  king's  hundred  galleys,  but  they  are  costly  and  wellnigh 
useless  fair-weather  boats.  *  Only,'  he  says,  *  let  me  have  money  to  build 
fifteen  ships  of  the  neio  invention,  and  a  hundred  galleasses,  and  you  shall 
be  for  ever  supreme  at  sea,  as  you  are  on  land.'  But  Philip  had  no  money 
to  spare,  and  the  ships  of  *  the  new  invention  '  w^ere  never  built.  Long 
before  this  even  a  Portuguese  spy  in  England,  named  Antonio  FogaQa, 
writes  (1 574)  to  Requesens  in  the  Netherlands  begging  him  to  warn  Philip 
of  the  build  and  tactics  of  the  English  ships.  He  says  the  queen's  ships 
are  *  powerful  vessels,  of  from  400  to  700  tons  burden  each,  with  very  little 
top  hamper  and  very  light,  which  is  a  great  advantage  at  close  quarters. 
They  carry  much  artillery,  the  heavy  pieces  being  close  to  the  water.' 
He  says,  '  If  the  fleets  came  to  hostilities  the  ordnance  flush  with  the 
water  line  should  be  discharged  broadside  on,  so  as  to  cripple  their  hulls 
and  confuse  them  with  the  smoke.  This  is  their  own  way  of  fighting,  as 
I  have  many  times  seen  them  do  it  to  the  French,  thirty  years  ago.^  I 
advise  his  majesty  to  be  beforehand  with  them,  and  at  once  to  send 
to  the  bottom  all  the  ships  they  bring  against  him.'  ^  But  gallant 
old  Santa  Cruz  would  not  adopt  these  newfangled  notions,  and  when 
Strozzi  allowed  his  fleet  to  be  grappled  with  and  destroyed  in  the 
old  way  at  the  Azores,  all  attempts  to  introduce  ships  '  of  the  ncio 
invention '  into  the  Spanish  fleet  seem  to  have  been  abandoned.  All  this 
was  well  known  to  English  seamen,  who  had  learnt  from  experience  how 
much  more  handy  were  their  craft  than  those  of  the  Spaniards,  and  how 
much  nearer  they  could  sail  to  the  w^ind.  A  letter  of  advices  from  London 
toMendoza  in  Paris  says  :  'Drake's  sailors  boast  most  inordinately  of  their 
prowess,  and  say  their  intention  is,  if  it  should  be  true  that  a  fleet  of 
ours  should  come  hither,  to  go  out  with  a  strong  force  of  ships,  meet  it 
at  sea,  and  give  it  battle.  They  are  so  puffed  up  that  they  say  one  of 
their  ships  is  worth  three  of  ours,  and  they  will  be  able  to  destroy  a 
fleet  of  300  sail  of  ours  with  sixty  sail  of  theirs.'  ^ 

Professor  Laughton  appears  somewhat  to  confuse  the  exact  course 
of  the  events  which  immediately  preceded  the  first  engagement,  and, 
as  I  believe,  misconstrues  Philip's  intentions  as  to  the  movements 
of  his  fleet.  In  the  Paris  Archives  Nationales  will  be  found  a  letter 
from  the  king  to  Parma,  dated  4  Sept.  1587  (which  will  be  published  in 

»  At  the  battle  off  Spithead,  1545.  2  53,^,  Cotton  MS.,  Galba,  C.  v. 

*  Paris  Archives  Nationales,  13  Oct.  1587. 


368  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

the  fourth  volume  of  my  '  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers  of  Elizabeth '), 
in  which  he  lays  down  most  precisely  the  orders  he  has  given  to  Santa 
Cruz.  He  is  to  go  straight  to  Margate  and  protect  the  passage  of 
Parma's  troops  across  the  Channel,  and  he  is  on  no  account  to  allow 
himself  to  be  diverted  from  this  course  until  he  is  in  touch  with  Parma 
himself.  These  orders  were  afterwards  repeated  to  Medina,^  and  although 
they  were  subsequently  somewhat  modified,  allowing  greater  liberty  of 
action  under  certain  circumstances  (which  did  not  occur),  the  main  in- 
tention of  the  king  was  always  the  same — namely,  that  Medina  was  to 
avoid  an  engagement,  if  possible,  until  he  had  joined  hands  with  Parma. 
Contemporary  Spanish  evidence  seems  almost  unanimous  in  stating  the 
following  to  have  been  the  real  course  of  events.  On  Friday,  19  July  (O.S.), 
the  Armada  sighted  the  Lizard  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  On  the 
same  day  a  council  of  war  was  called  by  Medina  on  his  flag  ship,  at  which 
the  orders  he  had  from  the  king  were  communicated  to  the  commanders. 
Strada,  in  'De  Bello  Belgico,'  gives  an  account  of  this  council,  and,  although 
we  may  well  disregard  the  long  speeches  he  puts  into  the  mouths  of 
Kecalde  and  others,  it  is  undoubted  that  the  experienced  seamen  of  the 
fleet  were  much  annoyed  to  find  that  they  were  to  sail  up  the  Channel  to 
the  Straits  of  Dover,  leaving  Plymouth,  and  perhaps  the  English  fleet, 
behind  them  untouched.  They  so  far  prevailed  upon  Medina  as  to  make 
him  write  to  the  king  on  the  same  day,  or  early  next  morning,  saying 
that  he  was  in  entire  ignorance  of  the  whereabouts  of  the  English  fleet, 
and  must  so  far  disregard  orders  as  to  stay  ofl:  the  Isle  of  Wight  until  he 
heard  from  Parma,  rather  than  venture  up  the  Channel  in  uncertainty. 
At  one  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning  one  of  the  pinnaces  brought  in  four 
Falmouth  fishermen,  from  whom  they  learnt,  for  the  first  time,  that  Drake 
and  Hawkins,  with  the  English  fleet,  had  sailed  out  of  Plymouth  and 
were  now  off  the  Sound  waiting  for  them.  Previously  to  this  Medina 
knew  nothing  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  consequently  the 
blame  often  laid  upon  him  for  his  supposed  refusal  to  take  Plymouth  after 
he  had  been  told  it  was  undefended  is  undeserved.  At  five  o'clock  on 
Sunday  morning,  21  July,  the  first  English  vessels  were  seen  from  the 
deck  of  the  '  San  Martin,'  and  the  whole  fleet  was  soon  in  sight.  The 
duke's  intention  still  was,  doubtless,  to  push  on  and  avoid  an  engagement 
until  the  officer  whom  he  had  sent  the  previous  day  to  the  duke  of 
Parma  should  come  back  with  the  reply.  The  first  shot  was  fired  by  the 
English  at  about  nine  o'clock,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  the 
superior  build  and  qualities  of  the  English  ships,  and  the  greater  skill  of 
the  seamen,  would  make  it  impossible  for  Medina  to  avoid  an  engagement 
in  self-defence.  The  story  of  the  next  few  days'  fighting,  from  a  naval 
point  of  view,  is  admirably  told  by  Professor  Laughton,  although  the 
accounts  given  of  it  in  the  state  papers  themselves  appear  to  be  rather 
meagre. 

The  papers  in  Professor  Laughton 's  second  volume  are  perhaps  even 
more  interesting  than  those  in  the  first,  since  they  give  a  more  general  view 
of  events  and  contain  the  statements  of  many  of  the  Spanish  prisoners,  that 
give  us  a  glance  at  the  other  side  of  the  picture.     One  of  the  results  of 

■•  The  king  to  Medina  ^idonia,  1  Api-il  1583  (Duro 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  369 

the  publication  of  these  records  is  to  explode  the  old  tradition  that  the 
Armada  was  scattered  and  defeated  by  a  heaven-sent  storm.  From  the 
first  the  Spanish  ships,  towering  and  unwieldy,  were  hopelessly  over- 
matched by  the  handy  English  ships  of  the  *  new  invention  *  and  the 
superior  seamanship  of  the  English  sailors.  The  Spanish  commanders 
were  puzzled  by  the  ability  of  the  English  vessels  to  *  walk  round ' 
them  and  avoid  grappling.  The  Spaniards  at  first  began  to  boast  that 
the  English  were  afraid  of  them  and  ran  away,  but  soon  their  boasting 
gave  place  to  dismay  and  disorganisation  when  they  saw  that  their  ships 
were  being  sunk  and  disabled  one  after  another,  whilst  the  English 
vessels  were  sufl'ering  but  httle  damage  and  had  safe  ports  of  refuge 
behind  them.  Those  who  have  read  Spanish  diaries  of  the  first  few  days' 
fighting  in  the  Channel  will  have  been  struck  with  the  rapid  demoralisa- 
tion of  the  men  on  the  Armada,  the  pride  and  confidence  of  the  first  day 
shrinking  swiftly  to  terrified  apprehension  when  they  came  to  anchor  in 
Calais  roads  on  the  sixth  day  ;  and  then,  when  the  duke  of  Parma's  cold 
comfort  reached  them,  and  the  English  fireships  came  flaring  down  upon 
them,  paralysing  panic  and  abject  fear  turning  the  great  fleet  into  a 
hustling  mob  with  only  one  thought,  that  of  flight.  That  the  storms  on 
the  northern  and  Irish  coast  wrecked  and  scattered  them  added  dramatic 
completeness  to  their  discomfiture,  but  the  Armada  was  hopelessly  beaten 
by  superior  ships,  men,  and  pluck  before  the  tempests  overwhelmed  it. 
No  record  shows  this  so  vividly  as  an  extremely  interesting  diary  of  the 
events  in  the  form  of  a  contemporary  letter  from  a  priest  called  Geronimo 
de  la  Torre,  who  w^as  on  board  one  of  the  Spanish  galleons,  which  letter 
will  be  found  in  the  British  Museum  (Add.  MS.  20915),  and  which, 
although  it  is  printed  by  Captain  Duro,  might  well  have  been  included  in 
an  appendix  to  Professor  Laughton's  book  by  the  side  of  Medina  Sidonia's 
official  report. 

The  Naval  Records  Society  has  been  well  advised  in  commencing 
their  publications  with  this  series  of  State  Papers  on  one  of  the  noblest 
achievements  of  English  seamanship.  Professor  Laughton's  work  has 
been  well  done,  the  appendices  in  the  second  volume  being  especially 
valuable.  The  lists  of  the  ships  on  the  English  side,  with  their  past 
history,  their  tonnage,  armament,  and  officers,  have  been  carefully  com- 
piled from  many  different  sources  by  the  editor,  aided  by  Mr.  Oppenheim  ; 
and  if  the  volumes  before  us  contained  nothing  more  than  this  informa- 
tion they  would  be  very  welcome  for  its  sake  alone. 

Martin  A.  S.  Hume. 


Der  Ursprung  des  Planes  vom  ewlgen  Frleden  in  den  Memoiren  des 
Herzogs  von  Sully.  Von  Theodor  Kukelhaus.  (Berlin :  Speyer 
und  Peters.     1893.) 

The  '■  great  plan  '  of  Henry  IV  described  by  Sully  in  his  '  Memoirs  '  (or 
'  G^conomies  Royalles,'  &c.)  has  by  this  time  so  utterly  lost  its  credit 
among  historical  scholars  that  the  discussion  which  occupies  this  remark- 
able essay  is  practically  restricted  to  the  genesis  of  the  '  chimera,'  or,  in 
other  words,  to  the  problem  how  the  old  statesman  came  to  leave  behind 

VOL.  X. — NO.  xxxviir.  i\  V, 


370  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

him,  in  his  pretended  account  of  his  royal  master's  last  designs,  a  toJm- 
bohu  of  the  very  worst  description.  The  author  of  this  essay,  who  has 
accepted  the  challenge  of  Moriz  Eitter  to  illustrate  the  origin  of  Sully's 
fiction  with  the  aid  of  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  history  and  literature 
of  the  age  of  Ijewis  XIII,  has  proved  himself  possessed,  in  a  signal  degree, 
of  the  required  quahfications.  Already  Philippson,  in  an  essay  on  '  Henry 
IV  and  Philip  III,'  published  in  1876,  had  suggested  the  '  Corolaire  ' 
appended  to  his  '  Universal  History '  in  1620  by  the  Huguenot  historian 
Theodore  Agrippa  d'Aubigne  as  the  probable  source  of  Sully's  imaginings  ; 
but  Dr.  Kiikelhaus  succeeds  in  showing  it  to  be  still  more  likely  that  at 
the  time  wjien  these  imaginings  were  finally  put  into  shape  (the  '  Memoirs  ' 
appeared  in  1638)  they  were  directly  influenced  by  the  remarks  on 
Henry's  schemes  contained  in  Scipion  Dupleix's  '  History  of  Henry  the 
Great'  (1632).  The  point  of  view  of  Dupleix  is  a  different  one  from  that 
of  the  Huguenot  d'Aubigne ;  but  Dr.  Kiikelhaus  is  able,  by  a  really 
masterly  survey  of  the  phases  through  which  the  conceptions  entertained 
concerning  Henry  IV  and  his  policy  had  passed  in  the  interval  since  his 
death,  to  show  how  well  prepared  public  opinion  was  for  the  new  model. 
Stimulated  by  the  criticisms  of  a  writer  who  was  far  more  anxious  to 
sound  the  praises  of  Lewis  XIII  (and  implicitly  of  Cardinal  Richelieu) 
than  those  of  Sully's  master,  and  who  was  barely  polite  to  the  public  ser- 
vices rendered  by  Sully  himself,  the  aged  statesman  seems  to  have  readily 
succumbed  to  the  temptation  of  producing  a  series  of  revelations  which 
would  exhibit  his  master  (and  implicitly  himself)  in  a  light  which  would 
dazzle  the  age  and  contradict  their  detractors  ;  and,  as  Dr.  Kiikelhaus 
rather  cynically  puts  it,  he  would  have  been  a  fool  had  he  lost  the  chance. 
The  author  of  this  essay  has  demonstrated  satisfactorily  how  such  a 
conception  as  that  of  the  great  plan — with  its  transformation  of  the  map 
of  Europe,  its  Christian  republic,  and  its  perpetual  peace  conditioned  by 
a  common  crusade  against  the  infidel— could  be  attributed  by  Sully  to  his 
mast«er  without  apparent  unreasonableness,  and  how  it  could  come  to  be 
regarded  by  generation  upon  generation,  except  in  the  case  of  one  or  two 
isolated  critics,  without  any  distrust  as  to  its  origin.  But  although 
Sully's  self-esteem  and  his  disappointments  account  for  much,  and  although 
his  latest  critic  is  not  sparing  of  hard  names,  the  '  psychological '  explana- 
tion of  the  imposture  can  hardly  be  described  as  convincing.  Dr.  Kiikel- 
haus, it  is  true,  very  skilfully  endeavours  to  turn  the  difficulty  by  remark- 
ing with  much  point  that  the  fact  that  Sully  perpetrated  such  a  fraud 
should  help  to  determine  our  whole  judgment  of  the  man.  But  the  para- 
dox remains ;  nor  is  its  hardness  mitigated  by  the  conjecture  that  Sully 
may  have  intended  the  notion  of  a  crusade,  undertaken  by  Lewis  XIII  in 
co-operation  with  the  house  of  Habsburg,  to  meet  the  views  of  Father 
Joseph,  the  ecclesiastic  who,  at  the  time  of  the  appearance  of  the 
'  Memoirs,'  was  thought  likely  to  become  Richelieu's  successor  as  the  head 
of  the  administration.  In  view  of  certain  circumstances  this  conjecture 
deserves  to  be  called  ingenious  ;  but  Dr.  Kiikelhaus,  who  thoroughly 
understands  the  meaning  of  evidence,  judiciously  introduces  it  with  a 
moglicheriveise.  A.  W.  Ward. 


1895  REVIEWS   OE  BOOKS  37.1 

Der  niedefsdchsisch-dcmiscJie  Kricg.    Von  Julius  Otto  Opel.    III. 
(Magdeburg :  Faber.     1894.) 

The  completion  of  this  valuable  work,  of  which  the  first  and  second 
volumes  respectively  appeared  as  far  back  as  1872  and  1878,  has  been 
long  delayed,  partly  on  account  of  a  failure  of  health  in  its  author.  Since 
the  actual  publication  of  the  concluding  volume  of  his  principal  contribu- 
tion to  historical  literature  Professor  Opel  has  passed  away ;  but  it  is 
satisfactory  to  know  that  he  lived  not  only  to  complete  this  enduring 
monument  of  his  powers  of  research,  but,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Halle- 
Wittenberg  jubilee,  celebrated  last  autumn,  to  present  to  the  university, 
with  which  he  had  long  maintained  an  honorary  connexion,  an  edition  of 
the  minor  German  writings  of  Thomasius.  Furthermore,  the  late  Dr. 
Opel  had  in  him  a  popular  vein,  as  was  shown  not  only  by  his  well-known 
publication  of  the  Memoirs  of  Spittenbach,  a  town  councillor  of  Halle, 
but  by  the  very  instructive  and  entertaining  collection  of  songs  and  squibs 
of  the  thirty  years'  war,  edited  by  him  in  conjunction  with  M.  Adolf 
Cohn,  which  I  remember  reviewing  and  enjoying  more  than  thirty  years 
ago.  Professor  Opel,  who  was  born  at  Loitschiitz,  nearZeitz,  on  17  July 
1829,  devoted  the  whole  of  his  manhood  to  educational  and  literary  work 
in  the  part  of  Germany  of  which  he  was  a  native,  and  is  known  to  have 
been  one  of  the  most  active  contributors  to  the  journal  of  the  Thiiringisch- 
siichsische  Geschichtsverein.  Only  in  September  last  he  retired  from  his 
labours  as  a  schoolmaster  at  Halle,  and  here  he  died  quite  suddenly  on 
17  February. 

The  third  and  last  volume  of  the  history  of  that  division  of  the  thirty 
years'  war  which  is  usually  called  the  Danish,  but  to  which  Dr.  Opel 
more  appropriately  gives  a  composite  name,  covers  not  more  than  two 
years  and  a  half ;  but  this  brief  period  is  one  of  great  and  varied  historical 
significance.  The  spirit  of  Christian  IV  had  not  been  entirely  crushed 
at  Lutter,  although  his  council,  when  informing  him  of  the  fresh  supplies 
patriotically  voted  by  his  estates,  pointed  out  to  him  the  shortcomings  of 
his  western  allies  and  the  untrustworthiness  of  the  most  recent  signatary 
of  the  Hague  compact,  the  well-informed  and  wily  Transylvanian.  The 
complete  success  of  Wallenstein's  Silesian  campaign  at  last  forced  Chris- 
tian to  sue  for  peace,  but  even  then  he  would  not  grant  the  terms 
demanded  ;  nor  was  his  attempt  to  continue  the  war  at  an  end  till  the 
surrender  of  the  Danish  cavalry  near  Aalborg  in  October  1627,  amidst 
the  unconcealed  disloyalty  of  the  Jutish  population.  These  events,  which 
reduced  Denmark  to  a  defenceless  condition  and  necessitated  a  definite 
understanding  between  her  and  Sweden,  are  narrated  by  Dr.  Opel  at  con- 
siderable length,  and  in  part  with  the  aid  of  Danish  authorities  to  which 
he  offers  special  acknowledgments  in  his  preface. 

The  efficacy  of  the  Suedo-Danish  alliance  might  have  been  speedily 
and  seriously  tested  had  the  imperialist  schemes  for  the  establishment  of 
a  North  German  navy  met  with  a  readier  response  from  the  deputies  of 
the  Hanseatic  towns  who  met  at  Liibeck  in  the  early  months  of  1628. 
Dr.  Opel's  account  of  these  transactions  is  full  of  interest,  although  it 
tends  to  show  how  exiguous  was  the  basis  of  fact  which  underlay  this 
much-vaunted   development  of  imperial  policy.    How  far  Wallenstein's 

^  1?  2 


372  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

acquisition  of  the  Mecklenburg  duchies  and  his  very  energetic  endeavours 
to  consolidate  their  government  formed  part  of  these  schemes,  and  how 
far  they  were  due  to  a  personal  ambition  which  at  once  found  opponents 
near  the  emperor,  are  questions  which  receive  fresh  light  from  the 
inquiries  of  Dr.  Opel,  a  particularly  careful  and  critical  student  of 
Wallenstein's  correspondence.  On  the  solution  of  these  questions  must 
depend  our  interpretation  of  Wallenstein's  policy  in  the  matter  of  the 
peace  of  Liibeck,  which  he  certainly  promoted  to  the  best  of  his  ability, 
and  which  in  point  of  fact  saved  the  monarchy  of  Christian  IV,  though 
in  some  measure  at  the  expense  of  allies  who  had  done  little  or  nothing  to 
preserve  it  from  ruin.  In  Dr.  Opel's  opinion  Wallenstein's  real  motive  in 
abandoning  the  siege  of  Stralsund,  although  disguised  under  various 
pleas,  had  been  to  avoid  a  joint  intervention  on  the  part  of  Sweden  and 
Denmark.  Such  an  intervention  must  have  delayed  the  peace  ;  and  thus 
Wallenstein,  if  there  was  any  truth  in  his  assertion  to  the  emperor  that 
in  a  fortnight  the  town  must  have  been  his,  deprived  the  imperial 
authority  of  the  opportunity  of  victoriously  asserting  what  Dr.  Opel  calls 
its  climax. 

The  elaborate  work  which  the  present  volume  brings  to  a  close  will  be 
indispensable  to  all  future  historians  of  the  great  war  ;  nor  is  it  likely 
that  the  digest  of  materials  which  it  supplies  will  at  any  time  require 
more  than  incidental  revision.  A.  W.  Ward. 


Life  and  Times  of  William  Laud.     By  C.  H.  Simpkinson.     (London  : 
'  Murray.     1894.) 

William  Laud.    By  W.  H.  Hutton.     (London  :  Methuen  &  Co.     1895.) 

Mr.  Simpkinson  writes  with  vigour,  and  has  produced  a  work  which  will 
no  doubt  be  read  with  pleasure  by  partisans,  but  which  cannot  be  taken 
seriously  by  historians.  He  rides  to  death  any  point  to  be  made  in  favour 
of  his  idol,  and  has  produced  the  merest  caricature  of  his  idol's  oppo- 
nents. Nor  is  his  knowledge  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  deal  faithfully 
with  the  authorities  he  quotes.  He  finds  fault,  for  instance,  with  the 
house  of  commons  (p.  78)  for  not  following  Wentworth  in  1C28,  whereas 
it  was  the  king  who,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  threw  Wentworth  over.  After 
arguing,  truly  enough,  that  the  dissolution  of  the  short  parhament  was, 
partly  at  least,  brought  about  by  the  king's  persuasion  that  the  commons 
'would  vote  the  war  with  Scotland  to  be  unjust,'  Mr.  Simpkinson  (p.  238) 
states  in  a  note  that  *  the  State  Papers  show  that  Pym  had  intended  to 
raise  this  question,  in  the  hope  of  confusing  the  issues.'  Not  a  word 
about  Pym's  intention  is  to  be  found  in  the  State  Papers,  and  that  Mr. 
Simpkinson  should  have  added  the  phrase  as  if  he  had  found  it  in  his 
authority  merely  shows  his  incapacity  for  dealing  with  historical  evidence. 
The  king  asked  for  money  to  fight  the  Scots.  Pym  was  ready  to  grant 
money,  but  not  for  the  purpose  of  going  to  war  with  the  Scots.  There 
was  no  confusing  of  the  issues  in  the  matter. 

Mr.  Hutton's  work  is  very  different.  He  knows  perfectly  well  how 
to  handle  evidence,  and  the  result  is  the  production  of  a  Life  of  Laud 
which,  at  least  from  the  writer's  point  of  view,  has  superseded  all 
others.     He   does  not  regard  Laud's   antagonists   as  villains,  and  his 


1895  HEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  373 

criticisms  on  other  writers  are  usually  acute.  Occasionally,  no  doubt,  he 
goes  beyond  his  authorities  in  dealing  with  Laud's  victims,  as  when  he 
says  (p.  134)  that  Prynne's  ears  after  his  condemnation  for  writing 
'  Histriomastix '  were  '  but  touched,  not  shorn,'  when  all  the  evidence  we 
have  is  that  the  ears,  not  being  cut  off  close  to  the  head,  were  capable  of 
a  second  clipping.  A  little  consideration,  too,  might  have  led  him  to  the 
conclusion  that  Prynne,  Burton,  and  even  Bastwick  had  more  to  say  for 
themselves  in  1637  than  he  is  inclined  to  allow. 

It  is  not,  however,  on  account  of  minor  blemishes  that  Mr.  Hutton's 
biography  of  Laud  will  fail  to  satisfy  those  who  are  looking  for  a  com- 
plete account  of  Laud's  influence  on  the  world.  Mr.  Hutton,  it  is  true, 
does  not  pretend  to  give  them  what  they  will  naturally  ask  for.  He 
describes  his  book  (Preface,  p.  xi)  '  as  an  attempt  justly  and  historically  to 
estimate  the  character '  of  his  hero.  Those,  however,  who  admit  that  in 
this  he  has  been  completely  successful  may  proceed  to  ask  questions 
about  the  character  of  Laud's  work  and  its  impress  upon  England,  which 
Mr.  Hutton  fails  to  answer.  The  truth  is  that  he  is  so  attached  to  what 
it  is  the  fashion  to  call  'historic  Christianity,'  so  delighted  that  Laud 
contributed  to  its  restoration  after  the  puritan  interval,  that  he  hardly 
takes  sufficient  account  of  the  fact  that  Laud's  church,  as  compulsorily 
including  all  English  subjects,  never  revived  at  all,  and  that  he  is  inclined 
to  give  Laud  more  credit  for  the  church  of  the  Eestoration  than  he  really 
deserves.  What  Laud  really  contributed  to  that  church  was  its  form. 
By  resting  his  ecclesiastical  principles  on  legality  he  handed  down  no 
mere  body  of  traditional  belief,  but  a  complete  system  of  ritual  and  dis- 
cipline. On  the  other  hand,  his  part  in  perpetuating  the  doctrine  of  the 
church  and  the  intellectual  breadth  which  Mr.  Hutton  rightly  ascribes 
to  him  was  very  little.  Those  who  were  attached  to  his  beliefs  in  the 
time  of  the  Commonwealth,  as  opposed  to  those  who  sighed  for  may- 
poles and  Christmas  feasts,  were  of  a  restricted  class.  There  were 
scholars  ejected  from  the  universities,  clergymen  ejected  from  their  livings, 
a  certain  number  of  persons  in  London,  and  above  all  the  royalist  country 
gentlemen  and  persons  under  their  influence,  who  had,  for  the  most 
part,  cried  out  against  him  in  1640,  but  had  since  learnt  to  admire 
the  man  hated  by  their  own  oppressors.  Nothing  is  more  remarkable 
than  the  absence  of  any  popular  feeling  for  the  system  of  the  Common 
Prayer  Book  under  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate.  George  Fox, 
for  instance,  wandered  over  every  part  of  England,  attacked  by  mobs 
wherever  he  went.  Never  once  does  he  hint  at  the  existence  of  a 
church  of  England  mob.  Never  once  does  he  mention  any  church  of 
England  argument  as  brought  against  him.  It  would  have  been 
impossible  for  him  to  travel  through  England  in  the  early  years  of 
Elizabeth  without  meeting  large  numbers  of  Roman  catholics,  or  in  the 
years  of  Charles  II  without  meeting  large  numbers  of  dissenters.  The 
fact  is  that  the  restoration  of  the  church  of  England  in  1660  was  owing 
chiefly  to  the  strong  feeling  in  its  favour  prevailing  amongst  the  country 
gentlemen,  and  to  the  general  dislike  of  the  military  government  which 
had  been  the  result  of  puritan,  success.  Samuel  R.  Gardiner. 


^^  mEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  A^ril 

The  Clarke  Papers :  Selections  from  the  Papers  of  William  Clarke, 
Secretary  to  the  Council  of  the  Army,  1647-1649,  and  to  General 
Monck  and  the  Commanders  of  the  Army  in  Scotland,  1651-1660. 
Edited  by  C.  H.  Firth.  II.  (London  :  printed  for  the  Camden 
Society.  1894.) 
The  second  volume  of  the  *  Clarke  Papers,'  the  first  of  which  was  noticed 
in  the  sixth  volume  of  this  Review  (p.  781),  has  a  more  general  character 
than  its  predecessor.  Besides  some  debates  of  the  council  of  war,  it 
contains  letters,  memoranda,  and  despatches  by  various  persons  on 
different  subjects,  ranging  from  May  1648  down  to  the  Protectorate  in 
1655.  These,  like  the  documents  in  the  first  volume,  are  transcribed 
mainly  from  the  manuscript  papers  in  Worcester  College,  Oxford. 
But  a  few  have  been  added  from  other  collections.  All  students 
of  this  period  are  now  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  Clarke  Papers, 
especially  of  the  shorthand  reports  of  debates  of  the  council  of 
the  army,  first  given  to  the  world  by  Mr.  Firth  in  1891.  As  Mr. 
Gardiner  truly  said  in  his  preface  of  that  year,  Mr.  Firth's  discovery 
'  throws  every  other  accession  of  material  into  the  shade,'  especially  in 
unravelling  the  intricate  and  triangular  negotiations  of  1647,  '  the  crucial 
year  of  Cromwell's  career  ;  '  and  we  know  the  use  Avhich  the  historian  of 
the  *  Great  Civil  War  '  was  able  to  make  of  the  new  material.  We  must 
refer  readers  to  Mr.  Firth's  preface  to  his  first  volume  for  some 
account  of  Sir  William  Clarke,  ultimitely  secretary  at  war  after  the 
Restoration  and  killed  in  battle  in  1666,  and  also  for  an  account  of  the 
papers  he  left,  and  of  the  great  difficulties  which  beset  the  task  of  the 
modern  editor.  Mr.  Firth's  preface  to  his  new  volume  gives  us  some 
further  particulars  of  Clarke's  chequered  career,  and  also  a  few  notes 
respecting  his  papers  and  some  ultimate  selections  to  follow,  which  we 
ma,y  hope  to  receive  from  the  same  hand. 

In  one  sense  the  present  volume  is  of  more  general  interest  than  the 
first,  inasmuch  as  it  deals  with  many  various  questions  arising  in  the 
course  not  of  eight  months  but  of  eight  years.  And  the  discovery  of 
three  important  and  most  intimate  letters  of  Oliver  (1648,  1651,  1655), 
and  at  least  one  very  important  speech  (1649,  on  the  expedition  to  Ireland), 
would  alone  make  the  present  publication  w^elcome.  Of  this  speech,  by 
the  fortunate  entente  cordiale  that  exists  between  the  editor  of  the  *  Clarke 
Papers '  and  the  historian,  Mr.  Gardiner  has  been  able  to  make  full  use.^ 
The  new  matter  respecting  the  prisoners  taken  at  Colchester,  Aug.  1648, 
the  debates  as  to  the  levellers  and  the  fifth  monarchy  men,  the  speeches 
of  Harrison,  Hewson,  and  Ireton,  and  the  account  of  socialist  diggers  in 
1649,  and  some  curious  debates  on  religion  are  interesting  and  instructive, 
and  serve  to  confirm  some  conclusions  already  maintained  about  the 
Commonwealth,  its  supporters  and  its  difficulties. 

In  another  sense  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  present  volume  has  the 
special  historical  value  of  the  first,  as  it  does  not  throv/  much-needed  light 
on  one  of  the  more  obscure  problems  of  the  great  struggle  ;  it  does  not 
show  us  Cromwell  wrestling  in  spirit  with  his  own  ironsides,  for  he  is 
only  present  once  out  of  twelve  sittings  of  the  council  of  officers  from 

*  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  i.  27-31. 


1895  BE  VIEWS  OF  BOOKS  375 

Nov.  1648  to  Feb.  1649,  whilst  Ireton  and  Hewson  attended  eleven. .  It  is 
somewhat  disappointing  to  find  that  Clarke  did  not  join  in  the  expedition 
to  Ireland  and  has  nothing  to  tell  us  about  it ;  and,  though  he  served  in 
Scotland  from  1651  to  1660,  the  portions  of  his  notes  and  papers  referring 
to  this  period  are  reserved  by  Mr.  Firth  for  a  volume  to  be  published 
by  the  Scottish  Historical  Society.  The  series  of  Clarke's  Papers 
relating  to  the  trials  of  Hamilton,  Capel,  Holland,  and  Norwich  in 
Feb.  1649,  used  by  Mr.  Gardiner  under  the  title  of  *  Clarke  Trials,'  ^ 
have  been  found  too  long  to  be  printed  in  this  volume,  and  only  a 
short  debate  at  the  committee  of  officers  is  given.  Unfortunately 
the  Clarke  Papers  are  silent  concerning  the  king's  trial ;  and  Clarke  has 
left  no  reports  of  the  council  of  officers  later  than  March  1649,  though 
the  council  continued  to  meet  and  debate  down  to  1653.  Thus,  with  no 
new  material  relating  to  Ireland,  to  Scotland,  to  the  trial  of  the  king  or 
of  his  prominent  adherents,  and  but  scanty  reports  of  the  army  council, 
the  present  volume  can  only  be  regarded  as  an  instalment,  a  promise  of 
things  to  come.  But  those  who  may  be  inclined  to  feel  any  disappoint- 
ment must  accuse  fate  and  William  Clarke.  Mr.  Firth  has  given  as 
much  labour'to  the  second  as  to  his  first  volume,  perhaps  from  its  more 
miscellaneous  character  even  more,  and  has  performed  his  task  with  the 
same  scrupulous  accuracy  and  wide  knowledge. 

The  most  really  interesting  point  in  the  present  volume  is  the  long 
speech  of  Cromwell  to  the  officers,  23  March  1649,  before  his  acceptance 
of  the  command  in  Ireland.  It  is  entirely  consistent  with  his  other 
declarations  as  to  his  Irish  policy,  and  with  the  burning  manifesto  of  Jan. 
1650,  in  reply  to  the  Clonmacnoise  declarations.  It  is  given  by  Mr. 
Firth,  pp.  200-7  ;  and  as  we  read  it  we  can  see  what  was  preparing 
months  later  in  Drogheda  and  Wexford,  and  the  deep-seated  passion  with 
which  Cromwell  set  forth  on  his  Irish  campaign. 

All  the  Papists  and  the  Kinges  partie — I  cannott  say  all  tlie  Papists,  butt  the 
greatest  partie  of  them — are  in  a  very  stronge  combination  against  you  ...  If 
these  Confederate  forces  shall  come  nppon  them,  itt  is  more  than  probable, 
without  a  miracle  from  heaven,  our  interest  will  easily  bee  eradicated  out  of 
these  parts.  And  truly,  this  is  really  believed :  if  wee  doe  nott  indeavour  to 
make  good  our  interest  there,  and  that  timely,  wee  shall  nott  only  liav6  (as  I 
said  before)  our  interest  rooted  out  there,  butt  they  will  in  a  very  short  time  bee 
able  to  land  forces  in  England,  and  to  putt  us  to  trouble  heere  ...  I  had 
rather  bee  overrun  with  a  Cavalerish  interest  than  of  a  Scotch  interest ;  I  had 
rather  bee  overrun  with  a  Scotch  interest  than  an  Irish  interest ;  and  I  thinke 
of  all  this  is  most  dangerous.  If  they  shall  be  able  to  carry  on  their  worke  they 
will  make  this  the  most  miserable  people  in  the  earth,  for  all  the  world  knowes 
their  barbarisme — nott  of  any  religion,  almost  any  of  them,  butt  in  a  manner  as 
bad  as  papists — and  you  see  how  considerable  therin  they  are  att  this  time. 

And  so  Cromwell  pours  on,  in  a  style  which,  after  nearly  two  centuries 
and  a  half,  we  still  hear — that  England  must  master  Ireland  or  Ireland 
will  master  England.  He  believes  that  the  Confederates  in  Ireland  have 
upwards  of  20,000  troops,  '  ready  in  conjunction  to  roote  out  the  English 
interest  in  Ireland'  and  then  to  invade  England ;  and  his  leading  idea  is, 
that  liberty  of  conscience  and  freedom  in  England  can  only  be  secured  by 

2  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  i.  11. 


376  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

assuring  the  ascendency  of  the  predominant  partner  in  Scotland  and  in 
Ireland,  but  first  and  foremost  in  Ireland.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
belief  of  his  was  as  sincere  as  it  was  passionate  ;  and  it  can  be  proved 
that  it  was  the  belief  of  the  immense  majority  of  serious  and  thoughtful 
Englishmen.  Milton,  Lucy  Hutchinson,  Thomas  May,  Ludlow,  Fairfax 
do  not  disagree.  This,  as  Mr.  Gardiner  says,  was  the  tragedy  of  the 
situation.  *  For  evil  as  well  as  for  good  [Cromwell]  stood  forth,  so  far  as 
Ireland  was  concerned,  as  the  typical  Englishman  of  his  time.' 

Next  in  importance  to  this  speech  of  Oliver's  to  his  officers  come  the 
new  letters  of  his,  of  various  dates  between  1648  and  165.5.  The  three 
letters  addressed  to  Colonel  Robert  Hammond,  found  by  Mr.  Gardiner 
amongst  the  Newbattle  MS S.,  one  of  them  being  in  a  slightly  variant 
copy  amongst  the  Clarke  Papers,  show  in  fuller  light  Cromwell's  affec- 
tionate remonstrances  with  his  beloved  friend,  that  most  weak  vessel, 
*  Robin,'  one  of  those  *  hesitating  spirits,  under  the  bondage  of  scruples.' 
They  agree  with  the  Hammond  letters  in  Carlyle,  Nos.  hi.,  Ixxxv.,  and 
show  the  same  affection  and  consideration  for  this  half-hearted  young 
man.  '  Deare  Robin,  am  I  forgotten  ?  Thou  art  not,  I  wish  thee  much 
comfort  in  thy  great  businesse,  and  the  blessinge  of  the  Almighty  upon 
thee.'  ^  Robin  was  in  charge  of  the  king  at  Carisbrook  and  half -inclined 
to  hsten  to  overtures.  The  beautiful  letter  of  13  May  1651,  shows  us 
Cromwell  in  all  his  sense  of  justice  and  aversion  to  nepotism.  Ham- 
mond, who  was  removed  from  his  command  in  November  1648,  and 
never  employed  under  the  Commonwealth,  sought  for  office  in  1651,  and 
thought  he  could  bring  himself  to  serve  in  Ireland,  if  not  in  Scotland. 
Cromwell  refuses — most  affectionately,  but  most  positively — 

You  hint  somewhat  of  a  wiUingnesse  to  bee  againe  engaged,  but  with  this 
that  the  worke  in  Ireland  goes  smoother  with  you  than  this  [i.e.  the  war  in 
Scotland].  You  will  forgive  niee  if  I  wonder  what  makes  the  difference,  is  it 
not  one  common  and  complexed  interest  and  cause  acted  in  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land ? 

So  he  said  in  the  speech  of  March  1649.     He  goes  on : 

The  Lord  hath  noe  neede  of  you,  yet  Hee  hath  fitted  you  with  abillityes  for 
the  present  dispensation,  your  freindes  lieere  indge  soe,  and  will  heartily  wel- 
com  you,  but  indeed  I  doe  not  thin'ke  you  fitted  for  the  worTce  untill  the  Lord 
give  you  a  heart  to  begg  of  him  that  Hee  will  accept  you  into  his  service. 

And  so,  in  the  letter  of  6  Nov.  1648,  presumed  to  be  from  Cromwell 
to  Hammond,  of  which  copies  exist  both  in  Worcester  College  and  at 
Newbattle,  he  uses  the  same  strain  as  in  the  Carlyle  letter  Ixxxv.,  a  few 
weeks  later : 

^  Looke  to  thy  hearte,  thou  art  where  Temptations  multiply.  .  .  .  Howe  easy 
is  it  to  finde  arguments  for  what  wee  would  have ;  how  easy  to  take  offence  at 
things  called  Levellers,  and  run  into  an  extremity  on  the  other  hand,  medling 
with  an  accursed  thing.  ...  I  have  waited  for  the  day  to  see  union  and  right 
understanding  between  the  godley  people  (Scotts,  English,  Jewes,  Gentiles, 
Presb"%  Independents,  Anabaptists,  and  all). 

We  note  here  that  Jews  and  Gentiles  are  within  the  pale,  but  neither 
Catholics  nor  Irish  !    Cromwell  in  this  letter  evidently  was  contemplating 

■  3  Between  January  and  April  1648. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  377 

a  forcible  calling  of  a  new  parliament,  though  he  afterwards  consented 
to  a  purge. 

Cromwell's  intimate  letters  during  the  Protectorate  are  so  rare  that  it 
is  very  interesting  to  peruse  the  one  to  Lieutenant- Colonel  Wilks  so  late  as 
January  1655.  It  is  found  amongst  the  '  Clarke  Papers  '  in  two  versions, 
and  is  here  printed  entire  for  the  first  time,  p.  239.  It  is  an  intimate 
outpouring  of  heart  over  the  dissensions  amongst  his  old  comrades,  in 
accordance  with  his  other  letters  and  speeches  of  this  period. 

If  I  looked  for  anything  of  helpe  from  men,  or  yet  of  kindnes,  it  would  be 
from  such  as  feare  the  Lord,  for  whom  I  have  been  ready  to  lay  downe  my  life* 
and  I  hope  still  am,  but  I  have  not  a  few  womids  from  them. 

He  sees  them  ready  to  fall  foul  on  one  another,  whilst  the  enemy  is  sure 
to  unite  to  their  common  destruction. 

These  four  new  letters,  to  Hammond  and  to  Wilks,  give  us  indeed 
no  fresh  information  as  to  facts,  nor  do  they  alter  at  all  our  conception 
of  Oliver's  heart  and  plans.  Their  interest  lies  in  this,  that  they  exactly 
correspond  with  all  the  other  known  expressions  of  his,  whether  public  or 
private,  of  the  same  dates,  and  thus  strengthen  the  sense  of  certainty 
with  which  we  can  form  in  our  minds  a  definite  image  of  Oliver  as  always 
true  to  himself  and  his  ideals,  though  altering  his  course  with  circum- 
stances, and  invariably  holding  the  same  language  to  friends  and  to  foes 
in  public  debate  and  in  the  most  private  friendship. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  papers  in  this  volume  is  the  account  of 
the  surrender  of  Colchester,  28  Aug.  1648,  and  the  execution  of  the 
prisoners  of  war,  pp.  28-39.  The  dramatic  piece  at  the  shooting  of  Sir 
Charles  Lucas  and  Sir  George  Lisle,  and  the  strange  discussion  between 
Sir  Charles  and  Ireton,  has  a  wonderfully  vivid  power.  Ireton  as  usual 
shows  himself  a  skilful  debater  and  a  stern  soldier.  The  story  of  this 
execution  has  recently  excited  new  acrimony,  as  may  be  read  in  full  in  Mr. 
J.  H.  Round's  paper  in  the  '  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society,' 
1894.''  No  one  can  now  doubt  Avhat  were  the  exact  facts,  though  men 
will  continue  to  differ  as  to  the  justice  and  humanity  of  the  proceeding. 
Both  Lucas  and  Ireton  state  the  case  with  precision,  and  except  as  to  the 
meaning  of  '  treason,'  they  hardly  differ  about  facts.  It  is  clear  that  there 
was  no  case  of  breach  of  parole  ;  as  Mr.  Gardiner  shows  '  the  deed  may  be 
explained  rather  than  justified.  Fairfax  and  Ireton  considered  that  they 
were  authorised  to  kill '  rebels  '  taken  in  arms  in  this  renewed  Civil  War. 
Lucas  and  Lisle  considered  that  they  were  fighting  against  usurpers  under 
commissions  from  their  lawful  sovereign.  To  decide  which  were  the 
*  traitors,'  *  rebels,'  '  lawful '  government,  is  to  take  one  side  or  the  other 
in  the  great  struggle.  The  letter  of  Fairfax  to  the  speaker,  13  Oct.  1648, 
now  for  the  first  time  printed  in  full  by  Mr.  Firth  in  his  preface,  p.  xiii,  is  of 
great  interest,  as  bearing  on  the  plea  of  the  Earl  of  Norwich  (Goring)  at 
his  trial,  Feb.  1649.  Fairfax  distinctly  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  com- 
mon quarter  given  to  a  prisoner  on  the  field  was  simply  an  assurance  of 
his  life  from  immediate  military  execution,  but  not  a  guarantee  against 
judicial  procedure.     The  officers  taken  at  Colchester,  says  Ireton,  sur 

*  Vol.  viii.  N.S.  157.  §  Q^eat  Civil  War,  iii.  462,  1st  ed. 


078  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

rendered  *  at  mercy,'  but  h^d  no  quarter.  Even  if  they  had,  as  Fairfax 
says,  that  is  no  indemnity  in  a  trial  for  treason. 

The  various  debates  of  the  Army  Council  are  interesting,  but  they 
cannot  be  said  to  give  us  any  new  information.  Cromwell  is  recorded  in 
the  table  as  present  at  one  only,  15  Dec.  1648,  when  no  speeches  are  re- 
ported, though  important  resolutions  were  taken.  The  debate  on  the  day 
preceding,  Cromwell  being  absent,  *  whether  the  civill  magistrate  had  a 
power  given  him  from  God,'  was  attended  by  forty-five  officers  and  was  a 
striking  example  of  the  way  in  which  the  army  regarded  itself  as  a  moral 
and  spiritual  congress.  Ireton's  long  and  laboured  speeches  in  a  political 
spirit  are  almost  as  obscure  and  as  cautiously  balanced  as  any  of  Oliver's. 
These  debates  have  all  the  dulness  of  any  parliament  and  the  involutions  of 
any  Conventicle.  These  saintly  warriors  revolve  in  a  vicious  circle.  They 
cannot  conceive  any  authority  not  being  derived  from  God  and  not  con- 
forming to  the  will  of  God,  and  yet  they  will  not  suffer  any  authority  to 
prescribe  to  them  in  the  matter  of  conscience. 

The  solemn  debates  of  the  godly  men  of  war  over  the  revelations  of 
Elizabeth  Poole  of  Abingdon,  29  Dec.  1648,  and  5  Jan.  1649,  are 
astonishing  reading  ;  men  like  Ireton  and  Deane  gravely  accepting  these 
unsupported  intimations  from  the  spirit  above.  And  hardly  less  curious  is 
the  trial  of  Mr.  John  Erbury,  8  Feb.  1652,  for  blasphemy,  when  various 
wild  sayings  are  recorded—'  therefore  Christs  body  is  in  Babilon,  and  one 
clashing  against  another,  and  now  I  waite  when  the  spiritt  will  appeare 
to  make  us  alio  we  and  convince  us  of  being  yet  in  Babilon,'  and  so  forth, 
&c.  Things  grew  wilder  every  day  spiritually,  as  the  fight  at  Worcester 
had  put  an  end  to  the  excitement  of  war. 

Mr.  Firth's  second  volume  contains  an  excellent  Index  to  both  volumes, 
but  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  he  had  given  a  table  of  contents  with  a 
numbered  list  of  the  various  papers  he  prints,  and  also  that  he  had 
supplied  dates  in  his  headlines  for  convenience  of  reference.  With  a  hope 
that  we  may  have  a  further  selection  from  the  '  Clarke  Papers,'  all 
students  of  this  period  will  join  in  thanking  Mr.  Firth  for  the  care  with 
which  he  has  enabled  them  to  see  and  also  to  understand  these  most 
curious  and  important  documents.  Feederic  Harrison. 


History  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate.  By  Samuel  Eaw^son 
Gardiner.     Vol.  I.     (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

Letters  and  Papers  illustrating  the  Belations  between  Charles  the  Second 
and  Scotland  in  1650.  Edited  by  Samuel  Eawson  Gardiner. 
(Edinburgh  :  Scottish  History  Society.     1894.) 

Mr.  Gardiner  is  to  be  specially  congratulated  on  the  appearance  of 
vol.  i.  of  the  last  division  of  his  great  work,  betokening,  as  it  does,  that 
with  powers  of  application  and  research  invigorated  rather  than  weakened 
by  his  laborious  task,  he  is  now  nearing  its  full  accomplishment.  Only 
those,  perhaps,  who  have  had  occasion  to  study  minutely  certain  special 
aspects  or  portions  of  this  period  of  history  can  reaUse  how  thoroughly 
the  task  is  being  performed  ;  but  with  each  succeeding  volume  his  mastery 
of  the  period  becomes  more  apparent  even  to  the  general  reader  in  the 


1895  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  37-9 

luminous  coherency  of  the  narrative  as  a  whole,  not  less  than  in  the 
elucidation  of  many  points  hitherto  obscure  or  dubious. 

The  present  volume  deals  mainly  with  the  troubles  which  the 
Commonwealth  had  to  face,  chiefly  as  a  consequence  of  the  execution  of 
Charles  I.  The  essential  difficulty,  according  to  Mr.  Gardiner,  was  the 
impossibility  for  '  men  of  the  sword  to  rear  the  temple  of  recovered 
freedom  ; '  but,  if  this  dictum  be  not  too  unqualified,  how  are  we  to  ac- 
count— to  name  only  these  palpable  instances — for  the  creation  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  or  the  permanent  success  in  our  own  country 
of  the  revolution  by  which  the  main  line  of  the  Stuart  dynasty  was 
finally  expelled  by  the  sword  ?  Were  the  difficulties  of  the  Commonwealth 
not,  partly  at  least,  traceable  to  the  fact  that  it  represented  merely  a  re- 
action or  an  '  ism  ; '  that  the  parliamentary  party  were,  to  a  certain  degree, 
the  victims  of  self-deception  ;  that  their  conceptions  of  freedom  were 
somewhat  lop-sided  ;  and  that  in  some  respects  their  political  aims  were 
quite  as  tyrannical  as  those  of  Charles  I  ?  In  any  case,  as  Mr.  Gardiner 
states,  they  '  found  themselves  in  a  vicious  circle  from  which  there  was 
no  escape.  No  government  they  could  set  up  would  be  strong  enough  to 
remain  erect  unless  the  army  were  kept  on  foot ;  and  if  the  army  were 
kept  on  foot  popular  support  would  be  alienated  by  its  intervention  in 
political  affairs.'  This  was  their  dilemma  as  regards  England.  But,  in 
addition,  the  Commonwealth  was  encircled  with  external  perils.  It  had 
to  guard  itself  against  a  hostile  Europe,  to  repeat  the  subjugation  of 
Ireland,  and  forcibly  to  demonstrate  to  the  presbyterian  Scots  the  mad 
folly  of  their  attempt  to  impose  upon  England  a  so-called  covenanted 
king.  The  triumphant  manner  in  which  it  coped  with  such  an  array  of 
imminent  dangers  is  a  striking  witness  not  merely  to  the  ability  of  its 
leaders,  but  to  the  integrity  and  marvellous  resolution  of  the  great  mass 
of  its  adherents.  At  the  same  time  these  external  perils  were  the 
immediate  salvation  of  the  parliamentary  party,  for  they  enforced  the 
necessity  of  unity  and  cohesion.  Moreover  the  English  nation  as  a  whole 
was  disposed  to  resent  any  interference  in  its  affairs  from  without.  It 
was  mainly  by  the  conquest  of  Ireland  and  the  chastisement  of  the  Scots 
that  Cromwell  attained  his  predominance,  and  the  naval  achievements  of 
Blake  securely  established  it. 

As  regards  the  Irish  campaigns,  especially  noteworthy  is  ^Ir.  Gardiner's 
examination  of  the  evidence  bearing  on  the  massacre  of  Drogheda. 
Carlyle's  method  of  justifying  his  hero  is  by  a  brilliant  impromptu  on  the 
theme  of  Clod's  judgments  to  the  enemies  of  God,'  depicting,  no  doubt 
with  great  vividness,  the  feelings  by  which  Cromwell,  however 
mistakenly,  was  partly  actuated.  Mr.  Gardiner,  however,  is  of  opinion 
that  the  massacre  on  the  Mill  Mound  is  ascribable  to  the  fact  that 
Cromwell  supposed  that  those  of  the  garrison  who  ascended  it  intended 
to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  they  could,  and  that  thus,  as  defenders  of 
an  indefensible  position,  they  had  no  claim  to  quarter.  This  seems  the 
most  probable  explanation  of  the  origin  of  Cromwell's  ungovernable 
wrath ;  but  though  Mr.  Gardiner  also  shows  that  various  statements 
regarding  the  subsequent  massacre  are  fabrications  or  exaggerations,  he 
quite  admits  the  heinousness  as  well  as  folly  of  the  general  massacre. 
The  truth  seems  to  have  been  that  in  the  crisis  of  a  conflict  Cromwell 


380  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

laboured  under  almost  uncontrollable  excitement,  and  that  his  passions, 
especially  his  religious  passions,  occasionally  drove  him  into  frenzies, 
during  which  he  was  scarcely  responsible  for  his  actions.  John  Aubrey 
in  his  '  Miscellanies  '  states  that  he  was  informed  by  one  who  w  as  present 
at  Dunbar  that  *  Oliver  was  carried  on  with  a  divine  impulse  ;  he  did 
laugh  so  excessively  as  if  he  had  been  drunk,  his  eyes  sparkled  with 
spirits.'  The  frenzy  having  passed,  there  is  evidence  that  on  cool 
reflexion,  as  Mr.  Gardiner  points  out,  Cromwell  had  some  prickings  of 
conscience  for  his  excesses. 

The  bulk  of  the  volume  is  occupied  with  details  of  the  abortive  attempt 
of  Charles  II  to  recover  the  throne  of  his  father  by  the  aid  of  the 
covenanted  Scots.  In  '  Letters  and  Papers  illustrating  the  Kelations 
between  Charles  the  Second  and  Scotland'  (an  invaluable  guide  to 
this  portion  of  his  *  History ')  Mr.  Gardiner  prints  certain  notes  of 
Secretary  Long,  one  of  which  he  thinks  establishes  *  that  Charles  did  the 
best  he  could — short  of  breaking  with  the  covenanters — to  bring  Montrose 
off  in  safety  ; '  and  in  his  '  History  '  he  more  fully  explains  his  meaning 
by  affirming  that  '  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  before  he  signed  the  draft 
agreement  he  had  assurances  that  if  Montrose  would  lay  down  his  arms, 
not  only  he  and  his  troops,  but  the  Scottish  royalists  in  Holland  should 
receive  complete  indemnity.'  The  evidence  seems  scarcely  conclusive,  at 
least  as  regards  Montrose.  No  direct  mention  is  made  of  an  indemnity 
to  him— only  to  *  all  his  officers  and  soldiers.'  Montrose  himself  was  *  to 
stay  in  safety  for  competent  time  in  Scotland,  and  ship  to  lye  provided  for 
transporting  where  he  pleased.'  Does  this  not  rather  look  like  a  private 
hint  to  Montrose  to  make  good  his  escape  ?  The  copy  of  the  order  to 
Montrose  to  lay  down  his  arms  was  read  in  parliament,  and  apparently 
contained  no  mention  of  an  indemnity.^  Mr.  Gardiner  thinks  that  the 
assurances  were  given  not  by  the  official  commissioners,  but  by  Will 
Murray,  acting  as  Argyll's  agent.  That  the  commissioners  on  almost  any 
conditions  would  have  consented  to  an  indemnity  of  Montrose — whom  the 
kirk  regarded  as  its  arch-enemy — is,  of  course,  hardly  conceivable ;  but 
it  is  almost  equally  inconceivable  that  Argyll  could  have  sincerely  agreed 
— if  he  did  agree — to  the  indemnity  of  Montrose  or  to  his  '  employment 
against  the  rebels '  either  in  Ireland  or  Engl^^nd.  The  influence  of 
Montrose  was  what  Argyll  had  mainly  to  dread.  It  must  be  remembered 
also  that  while  in  his  defence  at  his  own  trial  Argyll  asserted  that  he  had 
taken  no  part  in  bringing  Montrose  to  the  scaffold,  he  made  no  mention  of 
having,  provisionally  on  Montrose  laying  down  his  arms,  arranged  for  his 
indemnity,  or  for  his  escape. 

Mr.  Gardiner  has  done  well  to  publish  in  full  the  sad,  dignified,  heroic 
letter  of  Montrose  to  Charles,  26  March,  when  he  had  reason  to  suspect 
that  Charles  was — he  hoped  unconsciously — betraying  him  to  the  cove- 
nanters. Also  it  may  be  added  that  nowhere  is  Mr.  Gardiner's  method 
seen  to  better  advantage  than  in  deahng  with  Montrose.  Montrose  re- 
quired to  be  saved  from  his  friends  no  less  than  from  his  enemies.  No 
one  was  less  in  need  of  partisan  advocacy.  For  his  vindication  all  that 
was  necessary  was  to  state  the  tiuth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth  ;  and  the  more  simply  it  was  stated  the  better.     *  In  this  world  of 

*  Balfour,  iv.  25. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  381 

mingled  motives,'  as  Mr.  Gardiner  remarks,  'the  correctness  of  a  religious  or 
political  creed  does  not  form  a  test  by  which  to  distinguish  the  noble  from 
the  ignoble  man  ; '  and  surely  the  time  has  now  come  when  the  nobility 
and  greatness  of  Montrose  may  without  compunction  be  admitted  by  all 
true  Scots,  of  whatever  creed. 

As  to  Montrose's  great  opponent  Argyll,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
nobility  is  not  so  evident.  But  has  Mr.  Gardiner  not  done  him  rather 
scant  justice  ?  His  main  quarrel  with  Argyll  is  that  he  was  given  to 
follow  the  multitude,  in  order  that  he  might  appear  to  lead  it,  and  that  he 
subordinated  his  convictions  to  his  interests.  There  is  some  truth  in  the 
accusation,  but  is  it  the  whole  truth  ?  Of  the  strenuous  personal  ambi- 
tion of  Argyll  there  can  be  no  question  ;  and  the  grasping  policy  of  his 
house  had  become  proverbial.  But  at  the  same  time  the  sincerity  of  his 
patriotism  can  as  little  be  questioned,  and  just  as  little  could  the  wisdom 
and  ability  of  his  statesmanship  so  long  as  it  was  possible  for  his  country 
to  be  saved  even  by  the  wisest  statesmanship.  It  has  been  objected  that 
at  the  beginning  he  did  not  openly  side  with  the  covenanters  against 
Charles  I  until  he  knew  that  he  had  the  Scottish  nation  at  his  back  ;  but 
the  fact  that  Charles  was  endeavouring  to  coerce  the  Scottish  nation  was 
the  main  reason  for  opposing  him.  It  was  the  execution  of  Charles  I  that 
mainly  upset  Argyll's  policy,  and  rendered  him  powerless  to  intervene 
with  effect  in  the  guidance  of  his  countrymen.  No  doubt  he  cut  a  sorry 
figure  in  connexion  with  the  recall  of  Charles  II,  and  he  himself  admitted 
that  his  conduct  was  that  of  a  man  *  distracted  ; '  but  then  had  ever  poli- 
tician to  face  a  situation  of  such  complicated  difficulty  ?  Possibly  he  sup- 
posed that  by  the  execution  of  Charles  I  the  Commonwealth  had  sealed  its 
own  fate,  and  that  the  recall  of  Charles  II  was  inevitable  even  as  regards 
England.  He  made  too  little  account  of  the  personality  of  Cromwell ;  but 
who  could  have  then  dreamed  that  Cromwell  had  such  a  future  before 
him  ?  Moreover  was  there  the  slightest  chance  that  Argyll  could  have 
persuaded  even  a  moiety  of  his  followers  to  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  Com- 
monwealth ?  Then  there  was  the  immediate  danger  of  the  Montrose 
expedition.  True  it  turned  out  a  fiasco,  but  would  it  have  done  so  had 
the  covenanters  not  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  exiled  king  ?  There 
seems  every  likehhood  at  least  that  but  for  these  negotiations  Seaforth 
would  have  instructed  the  Mackenzies  to  support  Montrose,  and  if  the 
example  of  the  Mackenzies  had  proved  contagious  Montrose  might  soon 
again  have  overrun  Scotland.  Mr.  Gardiner  laments  that  '  no  word  of 
honest  warning  '  to  his  countrymen  sprang  to  Argyll's  '  lips  as  he  fol- 
lowed the  multitude  turning  aside  to  what  he  knew  to  be  stupendous 
folly.'  But  Argyll  had  used  every  effort  to  thwart  the  extreme  demands 
of  the  covenanters,  and  while  he  had  less  than  no  influence  over  the 
royalists  he  also  knew  that  he  might  as  well  seek  to  persuade  the  tem- 
pests as  the  covenanting  leaders.  Yet  had  he  not  been  too  timorous  in 
regard  either  to  his  own  interests  or  those  of  his  house,  he  could  scarce 
have  incurred  the  shame  of  stooping  to  the  mean  and  tortuous  policy 
by  which  he  fell. 

Space  will  not  permit  a  detailed  consideration  of  Cromwell's  conflict 
with  the  covenanters.  One  point,  however,  small  in  itself,  but  yet  of  some 
importance,  possibly,  in  its  bearing  on  the  purpose  of  Leslie  at  Dunbar, 


382  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

may  be  touched  on.  *  Qfe'omwell,'  says  Mr.  Gardiner  in  a  foot-note, 
'  speaks  of  the  fight  as  not  beginning  till  6,  whereas  on  13  Sept.  the 
sun  rises  at  5.33.  Cadwell,  however,  talks  of  fighting  by  moonhght, 
and  Cromwell's  well-known  words,  ''  Let  God  arise,"  &c.,  spoken  after 
the  tide  of  battle  turned,  coincided  with  sunrise.'  0f  course  in  those 
times  accuracy  as  to  the  hour  of  day  was  scarcely  possible  ;  but  the  diffi- 
culty is  that  Cromwell,  though  he  mentions  that  '  the  time  of  falling  on  ' 
was  '  to  be  by  break  of  day,'  yet  distinctly  affirms  that  '  through  some 
delays  it  proved  not  to  be  so.'  In  this  he  is  corroborated  by  Hodgson, 
who  is  also  the  authority  for  'Let  God  arise.'  It  is  just  possible  that 
the  sun,  if  not  at  first  hid  by  the  nature  of  the  ground,  was  concealed 
by  cloud.'  Of  course  if  the  day  had  well  broken  before  Cromwell 
made  his  attack  this  would  clearly  show  not  only  that  Leslie  had  no 
expectation  of  an  attack,  but  that  his  officers  had  been  guilty  of  shameful 
carelessness.  T.  F.  Hendeeson. 


Lettres  intimes  cVAlberoni  adressees  au  Comte  J.  Rocca.     Publiees  par 
Emile  Bourgeois.     (Paris :  Masson.     1892.) 

In  this  sumptuous  volume  published  under  the  auspices  of  the  university 
of  Lyons,  M.  Bourgeois  has  printed  the  correspondence  of  Alberoni  with 
his  most  intimate  friend,  Count  Rocca,  minister  of  finance  to  the  duke  of 
Parma.  The  letters  form  a  continuous  series  from  1705  to  1719,  while  a 
few  belong  to  an  earher  or  a  later  date.  This  series  divides  itself  naturally 
into  two  groups.  Alberoni  until  April  1713  writes  in  what  must  pass  for 
French,  whereas  after  that  date  he  is,  as  his  master's  accredited  repre- 
sentative at  the  court  of  Spain,  instructed  to  employ  his  native  tongue. 
For  the  convenience  of  the  indolent  or  unlearned  M.  Bourgeois  prefaces 
each  Italian  letter  with  a  full  summary  in  French,  which,  it  may  be  said 
in  passing,  in  some  instances  requires  revision.  The  originals  are  pre- 
served in  the  college  San  Lazaro  Alberoni,  founded  by  the  statesman  near 
his  native  town  of  Piacenza.  Here  the  Abbe  Bersani,  the  high  priest  of 
the  Alberoni  cult,  has  combined  a  cartulariiun  with  a  rdiquariitm,  and 
the  care  which  he  has  bestowed  upon  the  correspondence  has,  indeed, 
rendered  its  publication  possible. 

M.  Bourgeois  has  been  generally  criticised  for  including  in  his  collec- 
tion the  letters  written  by  Alberoni  during  his  service  under  Vendome  in 
Lombardy  and  Flanders.  With  this  criticism  we  are  at  variance.  They 
add,  it  is  true,  little  or  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  those  well-worn 
campaigns,  but  their  writer  is  a  sufficiently  interesting  personality  to 
make  his  fresh  letters,  written  at  such  a  crisis,  well  worth  reading.  They 
prove,  moreover,  that  he  was  no  unlicensed  adventurer,  but  was  attached 
to  the  suite  of  the  French  general  in  the  interests  of  the  court  of  Parma. 
It  was  only  when  Alberoni  refused  to  abandon  Vendome  upon  his  loss  of 
royal  favour  that  he  was  not  acting  on  official  instructions.  Alberoni's 
observations  during  this  period  served  him  in  good  stead  hereafter.  He 
marked  the  contrast  between  the  army  of  Italy,  which  was  professional, 
and  that  of  Flanders,  to  which  thronged  all  the  nobility  of  France.  Here 
he  saw  the  best  troops  in  Europe  become  the  worst,  and  this  deterioration 
he  ascribed  to  promotion  by  favour,  and  to  the  calculation  of  the  great 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  383 

lords  that  in  risking  their  skins  they  risked  their  lucrative  appoint- 
ments. Hence  when  Alberoni  reorganised  the  Spanish  armies  he  resolved 
to  make  merit  the  sole  path  to  promotion,  and  certainly  with  excellent 
results.  But  even  apart  from  military  matters  the  chief  object  of  his 
administration  was  to  oust  the  Spanish  nobles  from  the  monopoly  of  power 
which  they  had  usurped.  Alberoni's  diplomatic  methods  during  this  early 
period  consisted  in  the  purveyance  of  Itahan  delicacies  for  the  French 
officers.  He  acted  on  the  fixed  principle  that  gluttony  was  a  constant 
quantity  with  which  diplomacy  must  reckon  :  Ce  sont  les  petits  presens  de 
la  table  qui  conservent  le  souvenir  et  Vamiti&  des  Francais.  The  same 
system  he  afterwards  applied  to  Spanish  grandees  and  foreign  envoys, 
ascribing  the  elevation  of  Elizabeth  Farnese  in  great  measure  to  his 
hospitality  to  the  princesse  des  Ursins's  household.  It  was  partly  through 
her  appetite  that  he  held  the  affections  of  his  queen,  and  he  jokingly  con- 
fessed that  he  signed  the  commercial  treaty  with  England  to  get  rid  of 
an  expensive  guest. 

Were  we  disposed  to  criticise  M.  Bourgeois's  selection  of  Alberoni's 
letters,  we  should  suggest  that  for  the  later  section  of  the  letters  to  Count 
Rocca  he  should  have  substituted  those  to  the  duke  of  Parma,  which  still 
lie  unprinted  in  the  Archivio  di  Stato  at  Naples,  except  for  extracts  relating 
to  the  earlier  part  of  Alberoni's  career  in  Spain,  which  are  given  in  the 
appendix  of  Signor  A.  Professione's  unfinished  work.  The  letters  to  the 
duke  of  Parma,  as  confidential  as  those  to  his  friend,  form  the  text  of 
Alberoni's  history,  on  which  those  here  printed  are  a  running  commentary. 
The  writer,  knowing  that  Rocca  saw  the  letters  addressed  to  his  master, 
refers  to  important  events  in  terms  which  must  often  be  unintelligible 
except  to  those  who  have  read  the  fuller  series.  On  the  other  hand  we 
hear  too  much  of  the  cheese  and  sausages  ordered  through  Count  Rocca, 
though  these  gastronomical  details  are  not  without  their  interest.  Another 
unimportant  thread  which  runs  throughout  the  correspondence  is 
Alberoni's  anxiety  for  his  nephew's  education  ;  yet  we  should  be  sorry  to 
miss  the  lights  thrown  on  Italian  schooling  by  the  uncle's  criticisms  and 
desires. 

If  these  letters  are  less  important  than  those  of  the  Carteggio  Farne- 
siano  at  Naples,  they  have  the  value  of  being  written  rapidly  and  naturally, 
and  are  less  open  to  any  suspicion  of  arriere-pensee.  They  serve  in  many 
cases  to  supplement  the  weightier  despatches.  Thus  the  hurried  notes 
written  to  Rocca  on  14  and  25  Dec.  1714  fully  confirm  the  longer  and  later 
letters  written  to  the  duke,  printed  in  this  Review,  and  which  ascribe  the 
expulsion  of  the  princesse  des  Ursins  to  Alberoni's  persuasions  at  Pampe- 
luna,  and  to  the  elaboration  of  the  plan  of  action  during  the  journey  to 
Quadraque.  One  veiled  reference  to  Elizabeth's  previous  flirtation  with  the 
chaplain  Maggiali  is  more  remarkable  than  any  of  the  outspoken  comments 
to  her  father,  and  proves  how  very  real  was  the  Parmesan  envoy's  anxiety. 
So  also  it  seems  clear  that  Alberoni's  alternate  criticisms  and  panegyrics 
on  his  mistress  were  the  genuine  expressions  of  the  moment,  and  represent 
the  varying  fortunes  of  the  conflict  between  natural  ability  aided  by  good 
advice  and  a  wretched  education.  Elsewhere  we  have  dwelt  upon  the 
respectability  of  the  Spanish  court  as  compared  with  other  contemporary 
royal  circles.     This  receives  curious  illustration  from  a  letter  of  18  Nov. 


384  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

1718 :  '  Three  times  a  we^  their  majesties  make  the  Italian  comedians 
come  from  Madrid,  and  so  they  spend  an  innocent  life,  unique,  perhaps, 
among  the  courts  of  Europe.' 

The  two  main  subjects  for  which  the  reader  naturally  turns  to  these 
letters  are  Alberoni's  determination  to  annul  the  '  treaties  of  twenty-four 
hours,'  Utrecht  and  Eastadt,  as  being  subversive  of  the  balance  of  power 
and  disastrous  to  Spain  and  Italy,  and  secondly,  his  efforts  to  develop 
the  resources  of  Spain.  These  objects  proved  incompatible.  Alberoni 
realised  their  incompatibility,  but  believed,  perhaps  rightly,  that  time 
alone  was  needed  to  reconcile  his  aims.  They  were,  indeed,  inseparably 
connected,  for  on  the  revival  of  Spain  depended  the  restoi'ation  of  the 
balance.  'As  the  duke  of  Parma's  envoy  his  original  object  was  the  libera- 
tion of  Italy  from  the  Germans ;  no  permanent  peace,  he  wrote,  was 
possible  as  long  as  a  single  German  remained  in  Italy.  Alberoni  had  a 
true  Italian  hatred  for  the  Germans,  the  nation  which  was  *  always  inso- 
lent and  unbearable  in  prosperity,'  and  which  *  throughout  history  had 
been  fatal  to  his  country.'  As  early  as  30  Jan.  1713  he  had  written, 
Taprens  qice  les  Prussiens  et  les  Saxegottes  s'en  vont  d  tous  les  Diables. 
Dicu  fasse  qti'il  arrive  le  temps  que  toute  cette  maudite  race  puisse  s'en 
aller  dans  leur  7naudit  pays  !  When,  however,  he  became  in  effect  first 
minister  of  Spain,  the  reorganisation  of  her  commerce  and  finance  became 
his  primary  interest,  to  which  the  duke  of  Parma's  pressure  for  immediate 
intervention  was  an  unwelcome  interruption.  He  begged  for  respite  ; 
sometimes  three,  sometimes  five  years  were  all  he  asked. 

Unfortunately  Alberoni's  hand  was  forced  by  the  brutal  treatment 
of  the  octogenarian  inquisitor-general  Molines  at  the  hands  of  the  Mila- 
nese governor.  That  his  disappointment  was  genuine  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that  his  invectives  were  directed  as  much  against  '  that  pompous  old 
fool  Molines,'  whose  indiscretion  caused  his  arrest,  as  against  the  '  Turk  of 
the  west.'  Of  the  expedition  to  Sardinia  these  letters  say  not  a  word,  and 
little  that  is  fresh  on  the  occupation  of  Sicily,  except  that  the  disaster  of 
Cape  Passaro  is  ascribed  to  three  weeks'  delay  at  Palermo,  whereas  the 
Spaniards  should  have  at  once  pushed  forward  to  Messina.  Alberoni's 
responsibility  for  the  Sicilian  expedition  is  a  difficult  problem.  In  a 
letter  of  8  June  1719  he  assured  Rocca  that  he  had  protested  against  it 
both  verbally  and  in  writing,  but  that  finding  the  king's  obstinacy  insuper- 
able, his  only  duty  was  to  strive  to  make  it  a  success.  Of  more  value  than 
this  late  defence  is  a  letter  to  the  same  effect  in  the  Carteggio  Farnesiano, 
written  to  the  duke  of  Parma  on  5  April  1718,  before  the  disaster  of  Cape 
Passaro.  There  is,  ho^vever,  much  evidence  on  the  other  side.  Alberoni 
believed  that  an  English  whig  government  wdth  commercial  interests 
could  not  afford  to  allow  the  occupation  of  Sicily  by  a  strong  Mediter- 
ranean power,  and  that  it  was  impossible  that  France  should  actively  ally 
herself  with  England  for  the  humiliation  of  Spain.  These  were  the  two 
maxims  upon  which  Alberoni's  adventurous  policy  rested.  Disillusion 
had,  indeed,  come  before  the  fleet  sailed,  and  he  then  consoled  himself 
with  the  thought  '  that  in  great  enterprises  one  cannot  walk  and  act 
compass  in  hand  ;   something  must  be  left  to  chance.'  ^ 

Of  the  subsidiary  chances,  of  the  encouragement  of  noble  or  provincial 

*  Letter  of  6  June  1718. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  385 

discontent  against  the  regent's  government,  or  of  the  hopes  based  upon  a 
Jacobite  rising,  these  letters  have  Httle  to  say.  Yet  they  confirm  the 
impression  derived  from  those  addressed  to  the  duke  of  Parma  that 
Alberoni  relied  much  upon  a  Swedish-Muscovite  diversion  in  England, 
and  more  especially  in  Germany.  As  early  as  6  Dec.  1714,  before  he 
had  any  authority  in  Spain,  he  told  Rocca  that  Spain,  well  administered, 
could  subsidise  the  good  king  of  Sweden,  and  that  if  he  were  minister  he 
would  send  an  ambassador  to  his  court  to-morrow.  When  Charles  XII 
was  killed,  and  when  French  armies,  acting  in  concert  with  an  English 
squadron,  were  invading  Spain,  he  knew  that  the  game  was  lost.  *  If  but 
one  of  my  schemes,'  he  wrote  on  26  April  1719,  *  had  succeeded,  it  would 
have  been  enough  to  render  the  enemies'  plans  abortive.'  Whatever  is 
Alberoni's  responsibility  for  the  commencement  of  the  war,  there  is  ample 
evidence  to  show  that  he  was  opposed  to  its  continuation.  In  October 
1718  he  told  Rocca  that  it  was  madness  for  Spain  to  make  war  alone,  and 
in  a  letter  of  29  Nov.  1719  assured  him  that  he  would  have  made 
peace  in  the  previous  autumn.  These  statements  find  full  confirmation 
in  the  Carteggio  Farnesiano.  Alberoni  never  shared  Philip's  delusion 
that  his  manifesto  would  tempt  the  French  soldiers  from  their  colours. 

Contemporary  ambassadors  were  wont  to  believe  that  Alberoni's  out- 
bursts of  passion  were  diplomatic  tricks.  These  confidential  letters  would 
lead  us  to  think  them  genuine.  In  no  measured  terms  he  reviles  those 
who  had  been  the  cause  of  Spanish  failure.  He  threatens  the  regent's 
government  with  future  vengeance  ;  he  inveighs  against  the  four  English 
blackguards,  sold  to  Hanover,  who  would  divide  the  world  into  mouthfuls 
and  distribute  them  at  pleasure.  But  bis  invectives  are  most  bitter  against 
the  sloth  and  cowardice  of  his  countrymen,  those  Italians  who  were  deter- 
mined to  be  slaves,  who  would  allow  a  single  German  regiment — nay,  a 
corporal — to  hold  them  down.  Clement  XI,  ^vlio  was  ^just  the  pope  to 
lose  the  small  portion  of  Europe  that  was  still  left  to  Catholicism,'  is  now 
reviled  for  his  cowardice,  now  threatened  with  a  second  sack  of  Rome. 
'  Yet  even  in  our  days,'  cries  Alberoni,  '  a  resolute  pope  might  be  a  some- 
bodyj  and  could  find  protectors.'  Italian  indifference  brought  home  to 
Alberoni  the  incompatibility  of  his  two  aims.  He  realised  at  times  that 
Spain  was  better  without  Italy,  which  had  drained  her  of  money,  even  as 
the  Germans  were  draining  Italy.  '  If  I  were  king  of  Spain,'  he  wrote  to 
Rocca,  *  I  would  not  take  back  the  lost  states  of  Italy  if  they  threw  them- 
selves at  my  head.' 

It  is  often  urged  that  Alberoni  after  all  would  only  have  replaced  the 
Germans  by  the  Spaniards.  This  would  be  true  at  most  of  the  period 
previous  to  the  birth  of  Don  Carlos.  When  Alberoni  saw  that  Elizabeth 
was  '  made  to  give  princes  to  half  Europe  '  his  ideas  of  the  relations  of 
Spain  to  Italy  were  altered.  More  than  once  he  pledged  himself  to  Rocca 
that  under  no  circumstances  should  Parma  become  a  tributary  province. 
The  queen  herself  would  never  have  suffered  the  heritage  or  the  conquests 
of  her  children  to  become  the  possession  of  the  crown.  A  reviewer  in 
the  Athenceum  of  19  August  189B  ridicules  a  suggestion  thrown  out  by  M. 
Bourgeois  in  his  admirable  preface  that  Alberoni  had  dreams  of  Italian 
unity  under  the  house  of  Farnese.  Neither  in  these  letters  nor  in  those 
at  Naples  have  we  found  any  evidence  for  such  a  supposition.     We  are, 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXVIII.  C  C 


386  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

however,  at  disaccord  wifli  M.  Bourgeois's  critic  when  he  adds  that  the 
idea  of  ItaHan  nationahty  did  not  as  yet  exist.  There  is  all  the  difference 
in  the  world  between  a  political  union  and  a  sense  of  common  nationality. 
One  instance  out  of  fifty  will  prove  that  Alberoni,  as  Petrarch,  looked 
not  to  his  own  little  paltry  state,  but  to  the  nation  which  lay  between 
the  two  seas  and  the  Alps.  'Let  me  again  assure  you,'  he  wrote  on 
17  June  1718,  *  that  not  only  to  those  states  in  which  I  have  had  the 
great  advantage  to  be  born,  but  to  all  Italy,  if  I  can  do  no  good,  I  will  at 
least  do  no  harm.' 

Alberoni,  even  before  reaching  Spain,  had  conceived  high  ideas  of  her 
natural  resources.  Like  other  statesmen  of  his  century  he  believed  the  rise 
and  fall  of  nations  to  depend  entirely  on  administration.  His  diagnosis  of 
Spain's  decline  is  very  remarkable,  as  ascribing  to  its  origin  a  much  earlier 
date  than  was  customary  with  his  contemporaries.  Spain,  he  wrote,  was 
a  vigorous  tree,  capable  of  bearing  an  infinite  quantity  of  fruit,  but  for  the 
swarms  of  insects  which,  owing  to  mismanagement,  had  made  it  their 
home,  devouring  leaves  and  fruit  directly  they  began  to  form.  *  If  you 
wish  to  realise  what  Spain  really  is,  you  must  reflect  that  from  Ferdinand 
the  Catholic  until  now  each  successive  king  has  done  his  best  to  ruin 
her.  That  Don  Quixote  of  a  Charles  V  first  introduced  the  system  of 
jiLvos  to  pay  for  all  his  mad  schemes.  Philip  II  with  his  atrabilious 
humours  thought  of  nothing  but  creating  councils,  and  out  of  an  absolute 
monarchy  manufactured  an  oligarchy,  an  inveterate  complaint  which  it 
has  caused  me  infinite  difficulty  to  exterminate.'  This  oligarchy,  Alberoni 
elsewhere  declares,  was  responsible  for  the  miseries  of  Charles  II,  driving 
him  from  his  favourite  Escurial  from  want  of  means,  forcing  his  coach- 
men to  strike  from  lack  of  pay,  compelling  him  to  sell  a  grandeeship  for 
his  dinner.  The  multiplicity  of  councils  added,  no  doubt,  to  the  delays 
of  which  the  original  cause  lay  in  the  natural  indolence  of  the  Spanish 
aristocracy.  A  good  war,  held  the  Italian,  was  the  only  means  of  reviving 
the  energies  of  Spain,  which  must  be  braced  by  alternations  of  fortune. 
He  had  as  little  liking  for  provincial  as  for  class  privilege,  regarding  the 
humiliation  of  Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia  as  an  incalculable  boon. 
Hitherto  they  had  been  the  most  fortunate  mortals  upon  earth  ; 
henceforth  they  would  be  forced  to  contribute  to  the  necessities  of  the 
monarchy  in  the  same  proportion  as  Castile. 

Of  the  reorganisation  of  the  Spanish  marine  and  of  the  attempts  to 
regularise  the  sailing  of  the  galleons  for  the  Indies  the  letters  to  Count 
Rocca  say  much,  but  little  that  is  new.  In  these  matters  Alberoni's 
French  predecessors  had  laid  some  slight  foundations  ;  in  others  he  has 
recourse  to  the  thrifty  court  of  Parma.  Rocca  is  consulted  on  the 
reform  of  the  coinage,  and  on  proposals  for  simplification  of  taxation  by 
the  introduction  of  a  land  tax.  He  is  to  suggest  a  scheme  for  the  regu- 
lation of  the  markets  ;  for  the  butchers  sold  diseased  meat,  oil  was  adul- 
terated with  every  kind  of  impurity,  and  weights  and  measures  varied 
with  the  retailer's  fancy.  Notwithstanding  her  colonies  not  a  pound  of 
genuine  cocoa  could  be  bought  in  Spain  ;  it  must  needs  be  smuggle!  from 
Genoa  ;  there  was  not  a  mechanic  in  the  country  who  could  mend  a 
clock,  not  an  upholsterer  who  could  hang  a  curtain.  Alberoni  believed 
that  Spain  could  never  be  prosperous  until  the  lower  classes  were  tempted 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  §§? 

back  to  agriculture.  He  complained,  as  many  others,  that  there  was  not 
a  country  house  nor  a  tree  within  twenty  miles  of  Madrid.  *  What  are 
you  to  say,'  he  asked,  '  of  people  who  have  governed  the  finest  states  of 
Europe,  and  yet  have  always  preferred  to  live  like  Moors  ? '  Three 
hundred  cows  were  roaming  wild  in  the  woods  of  Aranjuez,  and  yet  the 
queen  could  not  get  a  pat  of  butter.  As  there  was  no  power  of  initiation 
in  the  Spaniards,  Alberoni  was  a  pioneer  in  the  foundation  of  foreign 
colonies,  a  system  which  was  afterwards  greatly  to  be  extended.  But  the 
Parmesan  peasants  whom  he  settled  at  Aranjuez  were  so  badly  treated 
that  they  begged  to  be  sent  home.  This  caused  one  of  the  reformer's 
outbursts  :  *  This  is  an  evil  race,  and,  if  I  were  not  under  infinite  obliga- 
tions to  their  majesties,  I  swear  I  would  leave  it  to  its  own  vile  nature. 
They  will  not  do  any  good  themselves  nor  suffer  any  one  else  to  do  it.' 

It  is  impossible  to  read  many  of  Alberoni's  letters  without  feeling  that 
he  was  a  genuine  and  even  a  generous  character,  without  sympathising 
in  his  alternate  fits  of  hopefulness,  anger,  and  depression.  He  was  the 
one  man  in  Spain,  perhaps,  who  sincerely  regretted  the  death  of  Philip's 
courageous  Savoyard  wife,  expressing  his  disgust  at  the  indifference  of 
those  who  to  her  owed  everything.  Sociable  by  nature,  he  felt  the  loneli- 
ness of  his  life  ;  his  sole  exercise  was  to  walk  backwards  and  forwards 
to  the  royal  apartments  ;  his  reforms  were  interrupted  that  he  might  act 
as  nurse  or  gossip  to  the  queen.  He  confessed  to  Eocca  that  the  idea  of 
reforming  the  world  was  the  sign  of  a  lunatic,  and  that  the  wise  man 
leaves  it  as  he  finds  it ;  yet  he  could  not  resist  the  pressure  of  the  king 
and  queen.  '  I  realise,'  he  wrote,  '  that  my  wish  to  reform  the  nation  is 
utter  madness.  The  tortures  which  I  suffer  surpass  those  of  the  first 
martyrs.  In  the  end,  I  see,  I  shall  be  forced  to  leave  her  to  her  own  bad 
principles,  which  have  dragged  the  monarchy  down  to  the  grave  in  disgrace 
and  beggary,  whereas,  well  governed,  she  might  play  the  leading  part  in 
Europe.'  Alberoni  was  probably  honest  when  he  wished  that  those  who 
envied  him  would  take  his  place  for  two  or  three  months.  Even  his 
enemies  never  doubted  his  industry  and  ability.  Yet,  although  he  had 
a  long  Hfe  before  him,  he  began  to  feel  his  age.  ^Yhen  it  was  certain 
that  Spain  must  fight  single-handed  against  the  three  great  powers,  he 
wrote  to  Eocca,  '  The  worst  of  it  is  that  I  am  old  and  broken ,  and  so  the 
consolation  will  be  reserved  for  others.  If  I  were  only  forty  I  should 
not  despair  of  seeing  the  foreigner  driven  out  of  Italy.'  Amid  the  mise- 
rable intrigues  which  led  to  his  disgrace  the  gardener's  son  was  the  only 
figure  who  showed  dignity  and  courage ;  his  fall,  he  told  Eocca,  was  the 
least  sacrifice  that  he  could  make  for  peace. 

That  Alberoni  was  interesting  and  honest  does  not  make  him  a  great 
statesman.  M.  Bourgeois's  critics  exclaim  in  chorus  that  his  hero  was 
no  statesman,  because  all  his  projects  failed.  Is  this  so  certain  ?  Is  it 
not  rather  that  even  intelligent  readers  close  their  Spanish  history  on 
Alberoni's  fall  for  the  very  inadequate  reason  that  the  rest  is  dull  ?  Was 
Pitt  a  failure  because  he  died  after  the  defeat  of  Austerlitz  ?  To  test  the 
question  it  would  be  well  to  tabulate  in  parallel  columns  Alberoni's  aims 
and  the  changes  in  the  relations  of  Spain  to  the  great  powers  and  Italy 
during  the  half-century  which  followed  his  disgrace.  To  prove  his 
abiding  influence  on  the  internal  administration  of  Spain  it  may  sufifiQe 

c  g  a 


SBB  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

to  quote  from  his  own  #  letter  of  18  March  1717  the  first  notice  of  his 
greatest  pupil :  *  One  man  alone  so  far  have  I  found  to  help  me,  and  that 
is  a  certain  Don  Giuseppe  Pattigno,  of  Spanish  family,  but  born  and 
educated  at  Milan  ;  a  man  of  ability  and  great  industry,  and  whose  hands 
are  clean.'  E.  Abmstrong. 


The  Marquis  d'Argenson :  a  Study  in  Criticism ;  being  the  Stanhope 
Essay,  Oxford,  1893.  By  Arthur  Ogle.  (London :  T.  Fisher 
Unwin.     1893.) 

This  essay  deserves  high  praise  as  a  careful  and  a  conscientious  study  in 
historical  biography,  which  carries  out  with  firmness  and  force  a  distinct 
method  of  treatment.  It  is,  moreover,  freshly  and  effectively  written, 
although  in  the  matter  of  style — or,  to  adopt  his  own  distinction, 
'  stylishness  ' — I  cannot  confess  myself  able  to  applaud  all  the  devices  of 
the  author.  An  historical  scholar  who  takes  pains  to  so  much  purpose  will 
probably  before  long  come  to  think  less  of  this  minor  department  of  *  the 
critic's  craft,'  and  will  perceive  that  an  author  full  of  matter  commands 
attention  even  when  he  writes  at  his  ease.  Such  was,  for  instance,  the 
case  with  the  marquis  d'Argenson  himself,  whose  pen  was  rarely  out  of 
his  hand,  and  who,  as  has  been  remarked  before  now,  even  in  his 
'  Materiaux  pour  I'Histoire  de  sa  Vie  et  de  son  Temps  '  seems  to  have  been 
quite  aw^are  that  he  was  not  writing  for  his  own  satisfaction  only. 

As  I  have  indicated,  Mr.  Ogle's  method  is  genuinely  biographical ; 
and  it  is  this  which  sustains  the  interest  of  the  reader.  The  evolutionary 
process  through  which  the  inherited  elements  of  Argenson's  character 
passed  in  the  successive  phases  of  his  career  has  of  course  been  pointed 
out  long  since  ;  nor  was  any  special  insight  required  for  comparing  the 
most  noteworthy  of  this  powerful  thinker's  Platonic  speculations  with 
the  actual  political  remedies  which  the  French  or  other  nations  have 
since  swallowed  at  a  gulp.  Since  to  explain  was  accordingly  here  of 
more  importance  than  to  interest,  Mr.  Ogle  may  be  congratulated  on 
having  succeeded  in  conveying  within  a  couple  of  hundred  short  pages 
an  adequate  notion  of  the  individual  solution  which  actually  resulted  from 
an  antithetical  mixture  of  practical  energy  and  proud  reserve,  of  a  noble 
trust  in  theory  and  a  singular  susceptibility  to  personal  antipathies,  of  an 
eagerness  to  dare  and  a  readiness  to  hold  aloof,  and  of  much  else  of  action 
and  reaction  which  nothing  but  the  art  of  a  true  portrait  painter  could  in 
perfection  mutually  reconcile. 

Here  I  must  content  myself  with  a  few  remarks  on  a  single  portion 
of  Mr.  Ogle's  varied  but  well-ordered  researches.  The  marquis  d'Ar- 
genson, whose  highest  praise  it  was  to  have  carried  into  official  life  the 
aspiring  single-mindedness  which  had  pervaded  the  irresponsible  delibera- 
tions of  the  Entresol  club,  actually  held  an  important  position  in  the 
administration  of  French  affairs  for  a  period  of  less  than  three  years 
only  ;  nor  is  it  possible  to  deny  that,  so  far  as  the  relation  between 
intention  and  effect  is  concerned,  the  history  of  his  foreign  policy  must 
be  summarised  in  the  ^vord  '  failure.'  Yet  Mr.  Ogle  is  not  merely  justified 
in  refusing  to  judge  the  foreign  minister's  action  by  the  standard  of  a 
note,  or  commentary,  indited  by  him  seven  years  previously  in  reference 


I 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  889 

to  the  worthy  abbe  de  St.  Pierre's  contribution  to  the  perpetual  project  of 
a  perpetual  peace,  but  he  is  even  better  warranted  in  inquiring  whether 
or  not  Argenson's  *  system '  of  forcing  a  policy  was  sound  in  itself. 
This  special  issue  need  not  be  too  readily  confounded  with  the  broader 
question  involved  in  the  assertion,  effectively  if  rather  rhetorically  put, 
that  although  it  was  not  till  1789  '  that  the  French  monarchy  surrendered 
its  charter  to  the  French  people,  it  had  resigned  it,'  a  generation  '  before, 
into  the  hands  of  Maria  Theresa.'  Beyond  a  doubt  the  momentous 
revulsion  in  French  foreign  policy  which  found  its  complete  expression  in 
the  Versailles  treaty  of  alliance  of  May  1756  was  no  sudden  achievement 
of  Kaunitz  and  Madame  de  Pompadour.  But  how  far  did  Argenson, 
whom  its  consummation  crushed  as  a  practical  statesman,  foresee,  and  in 
what  measure  did  he  labour  to  avert,  this  fatal  political  blunder  ? 

France  had  entered  with  few  misgivings  into  the  treaties  with  Prussia 
and  Bavaria  which  preceded  the  second  Silesian  war,  and  had,  early  in 
1744,  declared  war  against  Great  Britain  and  Austria  with  a  light  heart. 
A  patriotic  love  of  peace  was  then,  as  ever,  a  drug  in  the  French  political 
market,  and  the  effect  of  the  successes  of  the  French  troops  in  Flanders 
under  the  personal  command  of  King  Lewis  XV  was  only  heightened  by 
his  recovery  from  the  illness  which  had  overtaken  him  at  Metz.  But 
Frederick  II' s  invasion  of  Bohemia  ended  in  disastrous  failure  ;  and 
Argenson's  first  important  task  as  minister  of  foreign  affairs  was  to  meet 
or  make  use  of  the  Prussian  king's  overtures  towards  extricating  himself 
from  an  apparently  hopeless  situation  by  diplomatic  means,  in  which  he 
sought  the  aid  of  his  French  ally.  Argenson,  as  his  abortive  draft  of  a 
reply  to  the  pacific  proposals  of  Prussia  shows,  was  prepared  to  fall  in 
with  them  in  principle ;  but  he  had  reckoned  without  his  master,  and 
this  premature  readiness  must  have  weakened  his  position  at  the  outset. 
He  had  therefore  to  direct  his  energy  to  advising  the  best  means  of  carry- 
ing on  the  war  ;  but  this  endeavour  was  rendered  more  difficult  by  the 
French  reverses  of  the  close  of  the  year,  and  was  further  complicated 
by  the  death  of  Charles  Albert  in  January  1745,  which  took  the  heart 
out  of  Argenson's  scheme  of  making  the  reinforcement  of  the  Bavarians 
an  essential  part  of  the  French  military  operations.  His  endeavour  to 
carry  out  this  portion  of  his  plan,  and  thus  prevent  the  definitive  detach- 
ment of  Bavaria  and  the  German  south-west  from  the  allies  of  Frank- 
fort, was  frustrated  by  the  supineness  of  his  own  government ;  and  the 
peace  of  Fiissen  subordinated  Bavaria  to  the  house  of  Austria  for  a 
generation. 

While  Mr.  Ogle  is  clearly  right  in  claiming  for  Argenson  the  credit 
of  having  opposed  the  policy  to  which  the  break-up  of  the  league  of 
Frankfort  was  partly  due,  his  exposition  of  the  ensuing  series  of  events  is 
too  much  condensed,  and  here  and  there  unconvincing.  If  the  ad\dce  of 
Frederick  II  to  Lewis  XV  had  for  its  object  the  bringing  of  pressure  to 
bear  upon  the  maritime  powers,  then  the  glory  of  Fontenoy  cannot  have 
been  so  *  utterly  vain  '  as  Mr.  Ogle  is  pleased  to  assume  ;  for  the  captures 
to  which  it  led  had  for  their  result  the  withdrawal  of  the  British  troops 
from  the  continent.  Moreover,  in  spite  of  Frederick's  previous  protestations 
to  the  French  king,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  successes  of  his  ally  in 
Flanders  encouraged  him  to  the  daring  operation  which  at  Hohenfriedberg 


3^  BEVimVS   OF  BOOKS  Apfi! 

(Mr.  Ogle  should  not  ca^l  it  '  Friedbourg  ')  turned  the  tide  in  his  favour. 
The  withdrawal  of  Conti,  which  followed,  was  no  doubt  a  most  unwelcome 
sequel  for  Frederick,  but  the  augmentation  of  the  French  forces  in 
Flanders  hastened  the  conclusion  of  the  convention  of  Hanover,  of  which 
the  high  spirit  of  Maria  Theresa  weakened  the  immediate,  but  could  not 
destroy  the  enduring,  effect.  Argenson's  policy  had  in  the  meantime 
been  chiefly  occupied  with  the  design  of  gaining  over  Saxony-Poland  from 
Maria  Theresa's  side  by  dangling  before  Augustus  III  the  prospect  of  the 
succession  to  the  vacant  imperial  throne.  A  more  futile  project  hardly 
ever  engaged  the  attention  of  a  responsible  statesman  ;  for  there  is  no 
reason  for  supposing  that  it  was  seriously  viewed  by  any  of  the  principal 
partners  in  the  negotiation — least  of  all  by  Frederick  II,  who  merely  used 
it  as  a  means  of  producing  mutual  distrust  between  Saxony  and  Austria. 
When,  therefore,  the  announcement,  on  13  Sept.  1745,  of  the  election 
of  Francis  of  Lorraine  as  emperor  seemed  to  French  patriots  to  imply  a 
direct  menace  to  the  integrity  of  the  French  monarchy,  Argenson  could 
not  escape  at  the  same  time  the  discredit  of  a  deserved  diplomatic  defeat. 
As  is  well  known,  the  efforts  to  which  Maria  Theresa  was  inspired  by  the 
consummation  of  one  of  her  chief  hopes  ended  in  discomfiture,  most  dire 
for  her  Saxon  ally,  and  in  the  abandonment  or  postponement  of  her 
design  for  the  recovery  of  Silesia.  But  at  one  point  in  the  struggle  a 
different  result  had  seemed  more  than  probable,  and  it  was  then  that  she 
had  made  a  final  attempt  to  detach  France  from  the  Prussian  alliance. 
The  success  of  this  attempt  must,  by  setting  free  the  Austrian  forces 
employed  in  the  Low  Countries,  have  led  to  the  overwhelming  of  Frederick 
in  Silesia.  It  would  seem  that,  although  the  French  ministry  accepted 
the  invitation  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Austria,  Argenson's  in- 
structions, based  on  this  acceptance,  were  couched  in  so  significantly  cold 
a  tone  that  when  they  arrived  at  Dresden  (where  Frederick  was,  however, 
already  master)  Vaulgrenant,  the  French  envoy  there,  had  little  inclination 
to  interfere.  Thus  the  peace  of  Dresden  was  signed ;  but  though  it  is 
manifest  that  Argenson  had  in  some  measure  smoothed  the  way  for 
Frederick,  he  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  materially  contributed  to  the 
Prussian  king's  political  triumph. 

Mr.  Ogle  recognises  the  ineffectiveness  of  Argenson's  policy  in  these 
transactions  so  clearly  that  the  appreciation  which  he  claims  for  its 
insight  seems  to  me  excessive.  A  practical  politician  must  be  primarily 
judged  by  the  effect  of  his  influence  upon  the  actual  course  of  pubhc  affairs  ; 
and  in  Argenson's  case  this  amounted,  so  far  as  the  Second  Silesian  war 
was  concerned,  to  almost  less  than  nothing.  I  have  left  myself  no  space 
to  speak  of  the  negotiation  of  Turin,  of  which  the  failure  was  even  more 
conspicuous  than  that  of  Argenson's  German  policy.  But  the  historic 
foresight — if  the  expression  be  permitted— which  it  displayed  was  even 
more  remarkable  ;  and  on  this  quality  Argenson's  reputation  as  a  foreign 
minister,  taken  altogether,  must,  I  fear,  fall  back.  A.  W.  Ward. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  391 

Un  Precurseur  du  Socialisrne  :    Saint-Siynon  et  son  CEuvrc.    Par 
Georges  Weill,  docteur  es  lettres.     (Paris  :  Perrin.     1894.) 

This  small  volume  is  not  quite  fairly  described  by  its  first  title.  It  is  a 
careful  and  well-written  account  of  St.  Simon  and  his  writings  in  all  their 
chief  aspects,  and  not  only  in  their  bearing  on  socialism.  We  hear  not 
only  of  St.  Simon's  influence  on  Bazard  and  Enfantin,  but  of  his  rela- 
tion with  Augustin  Thierry  and  Aaguste  Comte.  Like  most  founders  of 
schools,  St.  Simon  had  the  good  or  ill  fortune  to  be  left  behind  by  his 
own  followers ;  and  these  were  not  merely  socialists.  It  is  difficult  to 
do  justice  to  a  writer  who  never  expressed  himself  fully  and  at  large,  but 
only  in  a  succession  of  short  papers,  unequal  to  his  wishes  and  not 
always  in  harmony  with  each  other.  Organisation  was  always  his  watch- 
word ;  he  is  always  confronting  the  intellectual  and  religious  anarchy  of 
the  Revolution,  as  well  as  its  political  anarchy.  But  in  the  course  of  his 
lifetime  his  view  of  reform  changed.  At  first  he  thought  (as  Comte  after- 
wards) that  the  moral  world  cannot  be  reformed  till  the  world  of  science 
and  opinion  has  been  altered  for  the  better  before  it.  At  a  later  time  he 
thought  that  the  two  reforms  must  proceed  pari  passu.  At  first  he 
thought  (as  did  Fourier)  that  the  law  of  gravitation  extended  to  both  the 
physical  and  the  moral  worlds,  and  explained  every  difficulty  in  either. 
At  a  later  time  he  dropped  this  notion,  and  attached  perhaps  undue  im- 
portance to  changes  in  the  system  of  industry.  Even  on  this  last  point 
he  shifted  his  ground  a  little.  After  insisting  strongly  on  the  importance 
of  captains  of  industry  he  came  to  see  that  fraternity  was  more  important 
still.  Hence  to  his  watchword,  Organisation,  his  disciples  usually  added 
Association.  He  expected  great  things  from  the  collaboration  of  scientific 
workers,  himself  to  be  the  leader  of  the  group.  He  was  more  than  once 
successful  in  securing  this  end ;  but  his  discernment  of  merit  was  only 
too  acute.  Thierry  and  Comte  were  of  too  high  quality  to  work  long 
under  his  leadership,  though,  he  inspired  them  quite  as  much  by  his 
character  as  by  his  ideas. 

The  story  of  his  life  is  not  uneventful.  Claude-Henri  de  Rouvroy, 
comte  de  Saint- Simon,  was  born  in  1760,  of  noble  family.  He  studied 
Alembert  and  Rousseau,  and  became  philosophe.  Then,  like  his  hero 
Descartes,  he  served  in  the  wars.  He  took  part  (1779-83)  in  the  French 
expedition  in  aid  of  the  American  colonists.  He  was  present  at  the  siege 
of  York  Town  ;  and  in  the  operations  at  St.  Christopher  and  Martinique 
he  was  made  prisoner,  and  confined  in  Jamaica  till  the  peace.  He  was 
impressed  with  the  practical  bent  of  the  Americans  and  the  high  estima- 
tion of  industry  in  their  country.  It  appears,  too,  that  before  returning 
to  France  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  persuade  the  government 
of  Mexico  to  set  on  foot  a  canal  between  the  two  oceans,  as  in  1788  he 
vainly  sought  to  induce  the  Spanish  monarch  to  make  a  canal  between 
Madrid  and  the  sea.  Although  never  all  his  life  quite  free  from  pride  of 
birth,  he  was  an  ardent  champion  of  equality  in  1789.  His  temporal 
wealth  suffered  by  the  Revolution ;  but  he  had  talents  for  business,  and 
his  speculative  purchases  of  crown  lands  in  1791  restored  his  fortunes  in 
1794,  when  he  emerged  from  an  eleven  months'  imprisonment  under  the 
convention.     Unhappily  he  spent  his  wealth  rapidly,  and  from  1803  on- 


892  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

wards  his  life  was  a  struggle  with  poverty,  in  the  intervals  of  which  he 
devoted  all  he  had  to  the  causes  he  had  at  heart. 

His  eccentricities  are  well  known.  Inter  alia  he  divorced  his  wife  in 
order  to  propose  marriage  to  Madame  de  Stael,  who  was  unkind  enough 
to  refuse  him  (1802).  When  at  Geneva  on  that  fool's  errand  he  pub- 
lished his  first  book,  '  Letters  of  an  Inhabitant  of  Geneva '  (1802).  His 
admiration  of  Napoleon  broke  down  many  years  before  the  fall  of  the 
emperor,  and  he  addressed  him  in  very  free  criticisms  (1813),  following 
them  up  with  a  proposal  that  Napoleon  should  give  a  prize  of  1,000,000/. 
for  the  best  plan  for  the  reorganisation  of  European  society.  How  much 
there  was  in  common  between  St.  Simon  and  Eobert  Owen  besides  their 
socialism  appears  from  this  incident. 

St.  Simon's  influence  did  not  extend  widely  abroad,  and  is  sometimes 
regarded  as  very  limited  even  in  his  own  country.  Yet  among  English- 
men he  profoundly  impressed  John  Stuart  Mill.  His  relations  with 
Comte  and  Thierry  have  been  mentioned.  Thierry  at  least  never  ceased 
to  respect  him.  Beranger  defended  him  in  a  poem,  and  Kouget  de  I'lsle 
composed  for  him  *  Le  Chant  des  Industriels.'  He  made  disciples  among 
'  captains  of  industry,'  especially  among  Jewish  bankers,  one  of  whom 
(Rodrigues)  secured  his  latter  years  from  want.  The  poet  Halevy  became 
his  friend  and  secretary.  On  his  death-bed  in  1825  he  continued  with  his 
latest  breath  to  speak  of  his  '  plans.' 

Of  the  nature  of  these  '  plans  '  this  is  not  the  place  for  a  full  account. 
His  reasoning  starts  from  the  conviction  that  there  has  been  enough  of 
destruction.  A  new  *  Encyclopedic  '  is  wanted,  one  which  will  build  up 
instead  of  pulling  down.  In  the  '  Letters  of  an  Inhabitant  of  Geneva ' 
(1802)  and  in  the  '  Introduction  to  the  Scientific  Labours  of  the  Nine- 
teenth Century  '  (1807)  St.  Simon  himself  gives  suggestions  for  this 
new  '  Encyclopedic.'  He  would  unite  the  a  priori  method  of  Descartes 
with  the  a  jJosteriori  of  Newton.  He  preaches  a  gospel  of  labour,  as 
did  Carlyle  later.  He  recommends  a  bipartite  government,  an  intel- 
lectual or  spiritual  hierarchy  on  the  one  side  and  an  industrial  (of  great 
capitalists)  on  the  other.  His  notion  ^  that  *  astronomy,  physics,  chemistry 
are  already  positive,  and  physiology  and  psychology  will  soon  become 
so  '  after  the  other  sciences,  sounds  like  an  anticipation  of  Comte  ;  but 
(as  Dr.  Weill  remarks)  it  is  a  recollection  of  Burdin,  with  whom  St. 
Simon  had  studied  fifteen  years  before.  Comte  may  have  learned  some- 
thing from  St.  Simon's  classification  of  the  sciences,^  and  more  from 
the  emphatic  assertion  that  the  military  epochs  are  giving  place  to  the 
industrial.  Finally,  though  Comte,  after  his  breach  with  the  master  in 
1824,  considered  St.  Simon  to  have  been  too  much  led  by  '  a  religious 
tendency,'  it  is  remarkable  that  Comte  himself  displayed  the  same  feature 
in  later  life.  St.  Simon's  view  of  religion  was  at  least  an  essential  feature 
in  his  scheme  of  history.  Unlike  the  eighteenth-century  philosophe,  he 
sees  in  history  no  record  of  mere  failures,  but  the  best  guide  to 
humanity  in  its  future  development.  He  sees  good  even  in  the  Saracens 
and  in  the  middle  ages.  He  regards  the  religion  of  a  people  and  time 
as  summing  up  its  philosophy  and  science ;  the  clergy  are  to  him  not  a 
troupe  of  knavish  confederates,  but  the  teachers  and  leaders  of  humanity. 
'  Memoircs  sur  la  Science  de  VHomme,  1813.  -  Ibid.  p.  88. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  893 

In  the  manner  of  Condorcet  he  traces  the  progress  of  the  race  through  a 
long  series  of  steps  from  savagery  through  barbarism  to  civiUsation.  We 
can  only  expect  in  this  '  epoch  of  transition  '  to  make  further  progress  by 
study  of  the  past.  Instead  of  considering  *  past,  present,  and  future  '  we 
ought  to  consider  the  present  last  of  all,  when  we  have  found  out  from 
the  past  what  the  future  has  in  store  for  us.  Condorcet's  view  of  history 
as  a  long  struggle  against  superstition  and  despotism  seems  to  St.  Simon, 
as  to  Comte,  too  narrow.  History  has  been  considered  too  much  as  a 
chronicle  of  kings  instead  of  a  record  of  the  life  of  peoples.  Thierry  and 
he  were  at  one  in  this  matter.  St.  Simon's  criticism  on  Thierry's 
*  Norman  Conquest '  is  that  it  exaggerates  the  evils  of  the  Conquest  and 
under-estimates  the  social  progress  it  occasioned.^  Towards  England  the 
master's  attitude  was  remarkable.  As  long  as  England  had  the  same 
religion  as  the  rest  of  Europe,  he  says,  the  ambition  of  the  English  was 
moderate ;  as  soon  as  they  had  a  religion  of  their  own  [V anglicanisme) 
their  desire  of  empire  knew  no  bounds,  especially  on  the  sea.  The  safety 
not  only  of  France  but  of  Europe  is  that  France  and  England,  the  only 
two  countries  constitutionally  governed,  should  enter  into  a  league,  an 
Anglo-French  federation  directed  by  an  Anglo-French  parliament.''  The 
idea  was,  perhaps,  less  visionary  than  some  of  his  schemes  of  social 
reform,  and  it  showed  St.  Simon's  consciousness  that  political  stability 
is  not  to  be  taken  for  granted  by  social  reformers.  A  federation  of  all 
Europe  was  his  desire  ;  but  he  saw  that  so  large  a  change  was  not  to  be 
made  all  at  once. 

Dr.  Weill's  book  should  do  something  to  revive  interest  in  St.  Simon. 
Comte's  work  has  been  more  abiding,  because  far  more  systematic  and 
thorough,  while  Jess  brilliant  and  pleasing  in  form  ;  but  Dr.  Weill  seems 
right  in  contending  that  Comte  owed  more  to  St.  Simon  than  he  was 
always  willing  to  acknowledge.  J.  Bonak. 

Glimpses  of  the  French  Bcvolut'wn.     By  John  G.  Algee.     (London  : 
Sampson  Low,  Marston,  k  Co.     1894.) 

This  little  book  does  not  claim  the  rank  of  a  regular  history,  but  it  con- 
tains much  that  will  be  new  to  persons  who  have  some  historical  reading. 
Mr.  Alger  begins  with  the  myths  of  the  Eevolution,  Cazotte's  vision, 
Mademoiselle  de  Sombreuil's  draught  of  blood,  the  last  supper  of  the 
Girondins,  the  tannery  for  human  skins  at  Meudon,  and  Tom  Paine's 
providential  escape  from  the  guillotine.  Then  he  touches  upon  the 
Utopias  of  the  Revolution,  and  gives  (what  is,  historically,  the  most  solid 
part  of  his  book)  a  very  full  account  of  Cloots'  Deputation  of  the 
Human  Race.  Next  he  illustrates  the  part  played  in  the  Revolution  by 
women  and  children.  The  working  of  the  revolutionary  tribunal  is  ex- 
emplified in  the  trials  of  Sir  William  Codrington,  General  Dillon,  and 
J.  J.  Arthur,  ^he  pathetic  stories  of  the  women  of  Verdun  and  the 
Compiegne  Carmelites  are  told  once  more,  and  a  highly  interesting 
chapter  on  the  prisons  during  the  reign  of  terror  concludes  a  book 
which  affords  evidence  of  wide  reading,  a  judicial  temper,  and  historical 
insight.  F.  C.  Montague. 

3  Weill,  p.  93,  *  Ibid.  p.  8i  ;  cf.  pp.  67,  68,  81. 


894  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

The  Empire  of  the  Tsars  cnid  the  Bussians.  By  Anatole  Leroy-Beau- 
LiEU.  Translated  by  Zenaide  A.  Ragozin.  Part  II. :  The  Institu- 
tions.    (New  York  :  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.     1894.) 

The  second  volume  of  M.  Anatole  Leroy-Beaulieu's  famous  book  on 
Eussia  is  devoted  to  the  discussion  of  some  of  the  most  interesting 
questions  connected  with  that  colossal  empire.  Most  people  want  to 
know  about  the  mir,  the  tchinovniks,  and  the  zemstvo.  Not  second  in 
importance  is  the  system  of  the  administration  of  justice,  coupled  with 
its  penalties,  and  above  all  the  exile  to  Siberia,  about  which  such  con- 
tradictory accounts  have  been  published.  Before  the  sensational  stories 
of  Mr.  George  Kennan  have  died  away  from  the  ears  of  an  astonished 
audience  Mr.  De  Windt  steps  in  with  quite  as  much  experience  of 
the  country  and  gives  us  an  entirely  different  story.  Book  v.  of  this 
volume  treats  of  the  press  and  the  censorship.  Many  will  be  glad  to  get 
something  of  the  truth  about  these  matters.  The  last  book  attempts 
to  put  before  us  no  less  a  subject  than  nihilism  and  the  revolutionary 
committees.  Perhaps,  therefore,  this  second  volume  is  the  most  inter- 
esting of  the  three,  although  it  may  not  have  the  same  charm  for  the 
philologist  and  the  ethnologist.  The  great  thing  that  strikes  us  and 
gives  us  confidence  in  the  author  is  his  unmistakable  bona  fides.  Here 
we  have  not  to  do  with  a  man  who,  goaded  by  some  slights  put  upon  his 
egotism,  or  baffled  in  the  career  which  he  had  marked  out  for  himself, 
would  involve  Russia  in  a  sanguinary  revolution  and  create  a  situation 
out  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  see  the  exit.  The  author  thoroughly 
understands  Russia,  sees  the  problems  she  is  called  upon  to  solve,  and 
assists  her  in  the  solution.  Like  all  true  friends  of  the  country  he  looks 
to  the  establishment  of  constitutionalism,  but  it  must  be  established 
gradatijii  (see  p.  537). 

The  account  of  the  zemstvo,  as  given  by  M.  Leroy-Beaulieu,  will  be 
read  with  much  interest.  It  has  probably  not  realised  all  that  was  ex- 
pected of  it,  but  it  has  done  a  great  deal,  and  will  probably  do  more  as 
time  goes  on.  Some  think  that  by  proper  expansion  it  may  bring  back 
the  old  Russian  zemskaya  duma.  How  few  people  realise  that  even  in 
that  country  an  autocracy  has  arisen  upon  the  ruins  of  something  like  a 
representative  system !  Even  the  mzV,  which  many  think  must  become 
extinct  as  the  country  advances,  has  not  been  without  its  use  in  the 
political  training  of  the  people,  and  we  have  courts  not  only  of  the  wir, 
but  also  of  the  volost,  another  territorial  division.  Into  these  latter 
M.  Leroy-Beaulieu  goes  at  considerable  length,  and  tells  how  a  customary 
law  is  administered  in  them  by  the  peasants. 

Perhaps  the  safeguard  of  Russia  as  she  advances  in  constitutional 
progress  will  be  the  conservative  and  even  patriarchal  character  of  her 
population.  The  west  has  not  much  to  give  her  in  exchange  for  it.  This 
character  may  free  her  from  what  Tennyson  called  the  blind  hysterics  of 
the  Celt.  There  is  great  patriotism  among  the  Russians  themselves  and 
great  solidarity,  but  there  is  a  large  alien  element  in  the  country.  There 
are  difficulties  connected  with  the  Polish  question,  many  of  which  apply 
as  much  to  Prussia  as  to  Russia,  and  her  large  oriental  population  is  con- 
terminous with  the  central  European  race.  These  circumstances  are  all 
understood  by  M.  Leroy-Beaulieu  and  enhance  the  value  of  his  book. 

A  few  words  must  be  sEiid  about  the  translation.    Mme.  Ragozin 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  395 

gives  us  a  spirited  and  clear  version,  with  the  exception  of  here  and  there 
a  strange  word  which  is  not  familiar  to  us  and  must,  we  think,  be  an 
Americanism.  She  also  adds  useful  little  notes,  sometimes  explaining, 
at  others  controverting  the  views  of  her  author.  W.  R.  Morfill. 

London  and  the  Kingdo^n.     By  Reginald  R.  Shabpe,   D.C.L.     I.   II. 

Printed  by  Order  of  the  Corporation.     (London :  Longmans,  Green, 

&  Co.  1894.) 
Theee  is  a  large  public  of  patriotic  Englishmen  who  naturally  feel  a 
sincere  and  special  interest  in  a  history  of  London  produced  by  order  of 
the  corporation  in  honour  of  the  700th  anniversary  of  the  mayoralty  of  the 
city.  To  the  historical  student  the  announcement  of  *  a  history  derived 
mainly  from  the  archives  at  the  Guildhall  in  the  custody  of  the  corporation ' 
is  an  event  of  capital  importance.  The  design  of  the  corporation  is  worthy 
of  all  honour,  and,  fitly  carried  out,  must  have  added  a  new  distinction  to 
the  list  of  earlier  benefactions  to  the  public.  It  is,  therefore,  deeply  to  be 
regretted  that  the  work  itself  does  not  justify  the  anticipations  which  might 
reasonably  have  been  formed.  The  plan  of  the  book  is  laid  down  in  the 
preface,  where  the  author  explains  that,  in  view  of  the  amount  of  labour 
already  expended  by  others  on  municipal,  ecclesiastical,  and  social  history, 
these  subjects  are  to  be  set  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  work.  We  are 
left  in  some  doubt  as  to  w^hether  the  corporation  or  the  author  should  be 
held  responsible  for  the  very  remarkable  view  that  the  municipal  organisa- 
tion and  growth  of  London  have  already  been  so  far  made  clear  as  to  render 
it  possible  to  give  a  satisfactory  account  of  the  influence  of  the  city  in  the 
national  development ;  but,  on  whatever  grounds  this  opinion  has  been 
formed,  we  have  no  choice,  save  to  submit  to  the  limitations  which 
the  author  has  seen  fit  to  adopt.  In  all  the  great  matters  of  civic  life,  and 
the  problems  as  to  its  growth  which  are  so  prof oundly  exercising  historical 
students,  we  must  expect  no  information  ;  nor,  indeed,  is  any  offered  to  us. 
If  the  authoT  chooses  to  allot  the  same  space  to  the  critical  question  of 
the  great  conflict  between  the  guilds  and  the  citizens  for  the  control  of 
the  common  council  as  he  gives  to  the  personal  appearance  and  fate  of 
Alice  Ferrers,  he  allows  the  vexed  reader  no  remonstrance.  We  must 
judge  the  book  for  what  it  proposes  to  tell,  not  for  what  is  deliberately 
set  aside. 

Undoubtedly  the  subject  chosen — the  political  relation  of  London  to 
the  kingdom  and  the  influence  exercised  by  it — might  form  the  theme  of 
a  book  of  first-rate  importance  and  enduring  interest.  The  subject  might 
be  looked  at  from  two  points  of  view.  On  the  one  hand  London  might  be 
seen  as  the  centre  not  only  of  the  island  Britain,  but  of  England  as  the 
conqueror  of  the  seas,  the  founder  of  a  world-wide  empire,  the  capital  of  a 
universal  commerce.  In  this  sense  Michelet  has  pictured  it  to  us  as  seen 
with  the  eyes  of  the  historian  and  the  poet :  '  Tous  Ics  aiitrcs  jjaijs  out  leurs 
capitalcs  d  Vouest  ct  regardent  aic  couchant :  le  grand  vaisscau  curopccn 
semble  flotter,  la  vuile  enflce  du  vent  qui  jadis  souffla  de  VAsie.  L'Aiiglc- 
terre  seide  a  la  prone  a  Vest,  comme  ponr  braver  le  monde,  unum  omnia 
contra.'  It  was  within  the  period  of  which  Dr.  Sharpe  writes  in  his  first 
volume  that  London  first  entered  into  successful  rivalry  with  the  old  lords 
of  commerce,  that  it  formed  its  companies  of  foreign  traders  with  peculiar 
and  interesting  privileges,  that  it  scattered  abroad  merchants  who  served 
as  envoys  and  political  agents  of  the  crown  in  an  extended  foreign  policy, 


396  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

that  the  city  claimed  to  doibinate  and  control  the  whole  commerce  of  the 
land,  and  to  become  the  ruling  capital  of  a  commercial  society  that  should 
reach  out  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth.  The  movement  had  already 
begun  which  was  ultimately,  as  but  one  of  the  incidents  of  its  history,  to 
make  of  a  group  of  merchants  in  Leadenhall  Street  the  founders  and 
rulers  of  an  Indian  empire.  Of  the  beginnings  of  this  commercial  develop- 
ment, however,  one  of  the  most  astonishing  in  history.  Dr.  Sharpe  has 
nothing  to  say.  This  branch  of  the  subject  is  wholly  omitted,  and  that 
without  any  explanation  or  reason  given. 

There  is,  however,  another  aspect  of  London  life —its  internal  relations 
to  the  kingdom  considered  as  a  separate  unit  unconnected  with  the  outer 
world.  Here,  unfortunately.  Dr.  Sharpe  has  thought  it  necessary  to  fetter 
himself  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  his  task  impossible  and  his  work 
entirely  useless.  Assuming  that  his  readers  come  to  the  book  with  no 
previous  knowledge,  he  has  devoted  nearly  the  whole  of  his  space  to 
recounting  obvious  facts  which  may  be  found  in  every  school  handbook, 
or  in  chronological  tables.  Questions  of  succession,  lists  of  coronations, 
banquets,  wars,  and  rebellions  form  a  book  of  annals  which  is  unnecessary 
alike  for  the  learned  and  for  the  ignorant ;  and  the  scanty  space  which 
remains  is  not  occupied  by  any  serious  account  of  the  influence  of  London 
on  the  kingdom.  For  example,  though  Dr.  Sharpe  gives  a  statement, 
incoherent  and  insufficient,  of  the  part  played  by  London  in  the  wars 
of  Matilda  and  Stephen,  he  offers  no  suggestion  of  'the  real  problem 
which  here  awaits  solution.  It  was  in  the  twelfth  century  that  our 
foreign  kings  were  carrying  out  in  their  continental  dominions  a  very 
definite  policy  of  centralisation,  by  destroying  the  political  autonomy  of 
the  towns,  and  forcing  upon  the  communes,  from  Eouen  to  Bayonne,  a 
form  of  government  which  gave  to  the  people  the  smallest  amount  of 
rights  that  a  commune  could  possess,  and  substituted  for  self-government 
the  unlimited  power  of  the  king  and  a  military  organisation  under  the 
mayor.  It  is  very  possible  that  while  the  foreign  kings  were  thus  forcibly 
imposing  on  the  continental  towns  the  system  which  was  most  favourable 
to  the  exercise  of  their  own  authority  there  may  have  been  a  similar 
attempt  to  control  local  government  in  England  in  the  interests  of  the 
crown.  Many  things  seem  to  indicate  a  conflict  of  this  kind  during  the 
twelfth  century  between  the  crown  and  London,  and  to  suggest  that 
London,  while  seeming  only  to  fight  for  its  own  local  interests,  became 
the  true  defender  of  municipal  freedom  throughout  the  land,  and  made 
it  impossible  for  our  foreign  kings  to  lay  on  the  necks  of  Englishmen  the 
yoke  which  they  had  imposed  on  Normandy  and  Anjou.  If  this  be  the 
case,  London  takes  a  pre-eminent  and  honourable  place  as  the  inheritor 
and  defender  of  English  liberties  in  their  most  characteristic  form,  and 
the  discussion  of  the  subject  would  be  more  profitable  than  the  record  of 
how  often  its  citizens  attended  a  coronation  or  witnessed  a  riot. 

Dr.  Sharpe's  second  volume  extends  from  the  death  of  Elizabeth  to 
the  death  of  Anne.  As  he  approaches  modern  times  he  is  on  more 
familiar  ground,  and  though  he  continues  to  distract  the  reader  with 
matter  hardly,  if  at  all,  germane  to  his  subject,  the  thread  of  the  re- 
lations between  London  and  the  kingdom  is  tolerably  well  preserved. 
His  knowledge  of  general  history  is,  however,  still  defective ;  and  even 
when,  as  in  his  account  of  the  quarrel  between  the  city  and  the  army 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  397 

in  1647,  he  makes  no  positive  mistakes,  he  often  fails  to  convey  any 
adequate  impression  of  the  meaning  of  the  facts  he  adduces.  Perhaps  the 
most  interesting  thing  in  the  volume  is  the  facsimile  of  an  extract  from 
the  minutes  of  the  common  council  on  29  May  1641,  ordering  the  taking 
of  the  parliamentary  protestation.  This  entry,  like  so  many  others,  is 
shown  to  be '  disclaimed  and  repealed '  by  lines  drawn  crossways  over  it  by 
order  of  Pritchard,  the  lord  mayor  intruded  on  the  city  by  Charles  II. 
Even  in  the  height  of  the  reaction  in  1660  no  elected  lord  mayor 
thought  fit  to  erase  from  the  journals  anything  that  the  duly  constituted 
authorities  of  the  city  had  inserted  therein. 

Unhappily  London  still  awaits  its  historian.  The  failure  of  the  volumes 
before  us  to  supply  the  want  is  profoundly  to  be  regretted,  because, 
from  the  position  of  the  author  and  the  distinguished  patronage  under 
which  the  book  has  been  produced,  it  may  be  too  commonly  assumed 
that  the  end  has  been  achieved,  and  the  industry  of  young  scholars  may 
be  thus  diverted  to  other  and  less  important  work.  Such  a  result  would 
be  a  grave  calamity.  X.  Y.  Z. 

Early  London  Theatres  {in  the  Fields).     By  T.  Fairman  Ordish,  F.S.A. 
With  Illustrations  and  Maps.     (London  :  Elliot  Stock.     1894.) 

A  HISTORY  of  the  original  London  theatres  has  long  been  required  by 
students,  for  the  late  Mr.  Payne  Collier's  '  History  of  Dramatic  Poetry 
and  Annals  of  the  Stage '  is  so  untrustworthy  in  details  that  for  some  years 
no  one  has  felt  safe  in  using  any  fact  in  that  book  without  verification. 
Mr.  Ordish's  work,  therefore,  will  be  welcomed  as  a  valuable  contribution 
to  the  true  understanding  of  this  history.  Unfortunately,  although  certain 
important  facts  relating  to  these  theatres  have  come  down  to  us,  we  are 
left  very  much  to  conjecture  in  respect  to  a  great  part  of  the  history. 
There  appears  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  Theatre  and  the  Curtain  were 
built  about  the  same  time  in  the  fields  of  Shoreditch,  the  former  in  1576 
and  the  latter  shortly  afterwards.  When  we  consider  the  primitive  state 
of  the  drama  at  this  period,  we  must  feel  surprise  that  separate  buildings 
should  have  been  required  for  the  performance  of  the  plays  then  in 
existence,  and  we  are  forced  to  admit  that  they  were  required  quite  as 
much  for  other  forms  of  entertainment,  like  bear-baitings,  wrestlings,  &c., 
as  for  plays  ;  and  this  suggests  that  the  buildings  were  round,  as  were  the 
theatres  afterwards  built  on  the  Bankside.  This,  however,  is  not  certain, 
and  the  only  definite  statement  on  the  point  is  that  of  De  Witt  that  there 
were  in  1596  four  amphitheatres  in  London,  two  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river  and  two  on  the  south.     Mr.  Halliwell  Phillipps  supposed  that  the 

*  wooden  0  '  referred  to  in  the  prologue  to  '  Henry  V  '  was  the  Curtain, 
in  opposition  to  the  general  belief  that  it  was  the  Globe.  Mr.  Ordish  takes 
this  for  granted,  but  we  are  scarcely  prepared  to  give  up  our  belief  in  the 

*  wooden  0 '  being  the  Globe  until  fuller  evidence  is  produced.  The 
Theatre  had  only  an  existence  of  twenty-one  years,  and  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  original  lease  in  1597  the  timber  was  removed  to  the  Bankside 
and  re-erected  there  as  the  building  renowned  under  the  name  of  the 
Globe.  The  Curtain  remaineil  until  the  suppression  of  the  stage  in  the 
period  of  the  civil  war  and  the  Commonwealth.  Mr.  Halliwell  Phillipps 
in  his  valuable  *  Outlines  of  the  Life  of  Shakespeare '  placed  the  history 
of  these  two  theatres  on  a  firm  basis. 


398  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  April 

The  history  of  the  buildngs  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  is  rather 
more  confused.  We  know  that  the  Rose  was  opened  about  1592,  the 
Swan  about  1596,  the  Globe  in  1599,  and  the  Hope  in  1613,  but  there 
are  some  doubts  as  to  the  localities  of  the  Bear  Gardens.  Mr.  Ordish 
disputes  the  existence  of  a  Paris  Garden  Theatre  before  the  erection  of 
the  Swan  in  1596,  and  he  certainly  succeeds  in  throwing  doubt  on  the 
received  opinion  by  proving  that  Collier's  quotations  from  the  *  North- 
umberland Household  Book '  (17  Henry  VIO),  and  from  the  '  Duke  of 
Najera's  travels  in  1544,'  are  incorrect,  as  no  specific  references  to  Paris 
Garden  are  found  in  the  origmals,  these  being  interpolated  by  Collier. 
On  the  other  hand  we  must  remember  that  the  tradition  of  a  theatre  in 
this  place  is  older  than  Collier,  and  Crowley's  reference  in  1550  seems  to 
infer  a  building  of  some  sort.  The  stage  that  broke  down  in  1583  is 
said  definitely  to  have  been  in  Paris  Garden.  Mr.  Ordish's  explanation 
of  this  is  that  a  mistake  was  made  for  the  Bankside,  but  the  people  of 
that  day  knew  too  well  what  the  Paris  Garden  was  to  make  any  such 
mistake.  With  regard  to  one  of  the  theatres  on  the  Surrey  side,  viz.  the 
Swan,  we  are  sorry  to  see  that  Mr.  Ordish  speaks  rather  depreciatingly 
of  De  Witt's  view  of  the  interior,  first  published  by  Dr.  Gaedertz  in  1888, 
and  doubts  its  being  an  original  drawing  made  in  the  theatre.  This 
opinion  is  partly  grounded  on  the  incorrect  copy  printed  in  his  book.  The 
words  Ex  observationibus  Londinensibus  Johannis  de  Witt,  as  seen  on 
Dr.  Gaedertz 's  copy  (and  reproduced  in  this  work),  were  discussed  at  a 
meeting  of  the  New  Shakespeare  Society,  and  it  was  generally  felt  that  it 
was  not  easy  to  explain  them.  When,  however,  the  original  was  sent 
over  to  England  for  examination  at  the  British  Museum,  it  was  found 
that  the  words  Ex  observationibus,  &c.,  were  at  the  head  of  the  written 
description  and  not  on  the  drawing  at  all.  It  then  became  quite  clear 
that  the  description  and  drawing  were  copied  by  Van  Buchell  into  his 
commonplace  book  from  De  Witt's  original  description  and  drawing  made 
in  London  in  1596. 

Although  we  have  found  it  necessary  to  differ  from  Mr.  Ordish  in  a 
few  points,  we  hold  this  volume  to  be  a  real  addition  to  the  literature  of 
the  stage,  and  we  look  forward  to  the  appearance  of  the  companion 
volume  on  the  *  London  Theatres  in  the  Town,'  which  is  promised. 

Henry  B.  Wheatley. 

Materials  for  the  History  of  the  Church  of  Lancaster.  By  W.  0. 
Roper.  (Chetham  Society.)  Vol.  H.  1894. 
One  is  always  sorry  to  criticise  severely  such  a  work  as  editing  a  cartulary, 
but  the  second  volume  of  the  work  before  us  does  not  alter  the  opinion 
previously  expressed  in  this  Review  (vol.  viii.  185).  As  this  volume 
contains  only  the  texts  and  translations  of  charters  without  a  table  of 
contents  or  index,  it  is  difficult  to  say  exactly  what  it  includes ;  but  the 
documents  seem  to  be  nearly  all  of  purely  local  interest,  and  to  relate  to 
small  parcels  of  land.  We  cannot  think  that  an  editor  who  renders  '  Apud 
Cenom  '  [Le  Mans]  in  a  charter  of  King  John  as  '  at  Cenom  '  is  qualified 
to  undertake  a  cartulary,  nor  can  one  admire  the  rendering  of  '  Sees ' 
(Seez),  and  even  of  Sagiuyn,  by  '  Sees  '  merely,  throughout.  Surely  an 
editor  with  local  knowledge  could  do  better  than  render  'Eicardi  filii 
Waltheni'  as  'Richard  son  of   Walthen,'  and,  in  the  next  charter^ 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  399 

'  Vetredi  filii  Huk  *  as  '  Vetred  son  of  Huk.'  '  Walthenus  '  is  clearly 
*  Waltheuus,'  i.e. '  Waltheof,'  and  *  Vetred  '  must  be  *  Uctred,*  i.e,  Uchtred. 
Both  names  have  a  local  flavour.  The  most  interesting  document  in  the 
book,  perhaps,  to  the  student  of  records  is  a  plea  from  a  Roll  of  8  Ed.  Ill, 
in  which  is  recited  in  extenso  a  fine  of  1196.  The  pes  finis  in  the  treasury 
of  which  the  king  ordered  a  transcript  for  the  purpose  of  this  suit  was 
printed  only  last  year  by  the  Pipe  Roll  Society.  But  in  the  interval  of 
more  than  five  centuries  it  had  been  greatly  damaged.  The  transcript, 
therefore,  enables  us  to  fill  in  the  blanks  in  the  Pipe  Roll  Society's  version, 
while  the  latter  enables  us  to  correct  the  wild  misreading  of  William  '  de 
Gunevill '  for  William  '  de  Chimilli,'  archdeacon  of  Richmond. 

J.  H.  Round. 

English  Becords :  a  Companion  to  the  History  of  England.    By  H.  E. 
Malden.     (London  :  Methuen  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  idea  of  a  handbook  supplying  facts  not  given  in  the  text-books, 
tabulating  those  which  are  there  scattered,  and  directing  the  student  to 
fuller  authorities  is  a  good  one,  and  on  the  whole  has  been  well  carried 
out  by  Mr..  Maiden,  though  we  cannot  think  his  title  happily  chosen. 
The  arrangement  is  by  subject  up  to  the  Norman  Conquest ;  afterwards 
under  reigns  subdivided  into  sections — dominions,  wars,  officials,  govern- 
ment, acts  and  documents,  authors — serving  as  a  general  framework,  into 
which  special  paragraphs,  such  as '  Cinque  Ports,'  '  The  Reformation,'  and 
so  forth,  are  introduced  at  suitable  points.  This  involves  a  good  many 
repetitions,  and  some  of  the  details  of  wars  might  be  left  to  the  text-book  ; 
but  the  classified  lists  of  great  officials,  including  in  later  times  the  lords- 
lieutenant  of  Ireland  and  governors-general  of  India,  the  short  surveys  of 
special  subjects,  like  the  composition  of  the  medieval  baronage  or  the  local 
character  of  the  Marian  persecution  and  pedigrees,  showing  inter  alia  the 
connexion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  Avith  other  northern  houses  and  of 
the  parliamentary  nobility  of  the  civil  war  with  each  other,  can  be  unre- 
servedly praised.  The  book  is  disfigured  by  a  few  errors,  such  as  that 
Edward  the  Elder  built  the  county  towns  of  the  midlands,  that  there  were 
no  *  acts  or  documents  '  of  validity  or  importance  in  Stephen's  reign  but 
the  treaty  of  Wallingford,  that  the  first  duke  of  Norfolk  was  son  (instead 
of  grandson)  of  Edward  I's  granddaughter  Margaret,  and  that  the  Lollard 
statute  was  passed  in  1402.  It  is  not  made  clear  that  though  the  earl  of 
Westmorland  in  1399  received  the  lands  of  the  earldom  of  Richmond  they 
did  not  carry  the  title,  and  considering  the  predominance  of  the  house  of  York 
in  the  march  of  Wales  it  is  ratherhard  to  number  the  Welsh  borderers  among 
the  unruly  elements  of  society  who  supported  the  Lancastrian  dynasty. 
There  are  a  number  of  printer's  errors,  such  as  Saintogne.  J.  T. 

In  The  Gelasian  Sacramentary ,  Liber  Sacramentorum  Bomanae 
Ecclesiae,  edited,  with  introduction,  critical  notes,  and  appendix,  by  H.  A. 
Wilson,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen  College  (Oxford  :  Clarendon 
Press,  1894),  we  are  given  the  first  critical  text  of  the  so-called '  Gelasian  ' 
sacramentary  preserved  in  one  of  Queen  Christina's  manuscripts,  dating 
from  about  700,  at  the  Vatican.  Mr.  Wilson  has  collated  it  with  two  other 
manuscripts,  one  from  Rheinau  (now  at  Ziirich),  the  other  from  St.  Gall, 
of  not  much  later  date,  which  often  serve  to  restore  good  readings,  as  well 


400  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  April 

as  with  three  nianuscr%)ts  of  less  importance.  He  also  supplies  for 
purposes  of  comparison  frequent  citations  from  various  Gallican, '  Leonine,' 
'  Gregorian,'  and  other  sacramentaries,  and  adds  throughout  references  to 
them  in  his  margin,  which  enable  us  to  see  at  a  glance  what  portions  of 
the  collection  belong  to  the  normal  Roman  type  and  what  present  peculi- 
arities. The  edition  is  one  of  admirable  scholarship  and  the  introduction 
is  learned  and  complete.  On  p.  xxxv  Mr.  Wilson  says  that  in  the 
Rheinau  manuscript '  the  Good  Friday  prayers  mention  the  "  king  "  as  well 
as  the  Christiani  imperatores,  and  the  imperium  Francorum  as  well  as 
the  imperium  BomanorumJ'  The  first  phrase  no  doubt  refers  to  the 
eastern  imperial  house  and  presents  no  difficulty  ;  but  we  question  if  the 
editor  has  rightly  interpreted  the  second.  The  Vatican  manuscript  has 
Bomanum  [sic]  sive  Francorum  imperium  (p.  76),  while  that  of  Rheinau, 
having  previously  distinguished  the  emperors  and  the  king  by  vel,  reads 
Bomanorum  atque  Francormn  imperium  (p.  78,  n.  29).  The  difference 
seems  to  be  designed,  and  it  is  worth  noticing  that  this  latter  title  (in  the 
personal  form)  is  actually  found  later,  though  very  rarely,  in  documents  of 
Otto  the  Great.  It  is,  in  fact,  only  known  to  occur  in  six  documents  (three 
coupled  with  et  and  three  with  ac),  all  passed  under  the  chancellorship  of 
his  son  Liudolf ,  and  dated  between  January  and  July  966  (*  Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.'  Diplom.  i.  Nos.  318,  322,  324-26,  329).  It  would  be  interesting  if 
we  could  discover  whence  the  title,  thus  experimentally  introduced  and 
then  abandoned,  was  derived. 

In  the  fourth  and  concluding  volume  of  the  illustrated  edition  of 
Green's  Short  History  of  the  English  People  (London  :  Macmillan  &  Co. 
1894),  Mrs.  J.  R.  Green  and  Miss  Kate  Norgate  have  brought  their  pious 
task  to  a  worthy  conclusion.  With  the  increasing  wealth  of  illustration  at 
their  disposal,  they  have,  perhaps,  been  able  to  make  this  final  volume 
the  most  notable  of  the  four. .  Page  after  page  gives  the  reader  the  very 
form  and  pressure  of  the  age  in  portraits  of  notable  personages,  in  serious 
and  satirical  sketches,  in  topographical  illustrations,  in  representations 
of  manners  and  customs,  of  machinery,  and  of  the  countless  other  objects 
which,  once  placed  before  the  eye,  vivify  our  knowledge  of  the  past.  It 
may  be  pointed  out,  on  the  other  hand,  that  in  the  useful  map  of  London 
and  the  suburbs,  showing  the  accretions  to  the  city  at  different  dates,  we 
have  our  attention  drawn  to  a  strongly  marked  '  Boundary  of  Jurisdiction 
of  Metropolitan  Board  of  Works.'  As  it  is  hardly  to  be  supposed  that 
the  editors  had  never  heard  of  the  county  council,  the  inference  appears 
to  be  that  the  publishers  thought  it  more  economical  to  use  an  old  map 
than  to  engrave  a  new  one.  In  the  map  of  Europe  after  the  peace  of 
Luneville  Piedmont  is  wrongly  shown  as  forming  part  of  Liguria. 


CORRESPONDENCE 
The  BiETHrLACE  of  Salutati 
I  AM  indebted  to  Mr.  W.  Kenworthy  Browne  for  calling  my  attention  to 
a  mistake  which  I  made  by  inadvertence  in  my  review  of  the  '  Epistolario  ' 
of  Coluccio   Salutati   (January  1895).     The  humanist's   birthplace  was 
not  Settignano,  as  there  given,  but  Stignano,  in  the  Val  di  Nievole. 

E.  Aemstkong. 


1895  401 


Periodical  Notices 


[Contributions  to  these  Notices,  whether  regular  or  occasional,  are  invited.  They 
should  be  drawn  up  on  the  pattern  of  those  printed  below,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  B.  L. 
Poole,  at  Oxford,  by  the  first  week  in  March,  June,  September,  and  December.] 

The  book  of  Tohit  and  the  first  Sargonide  kings  of  Assyria ;  by  F.  de  Mook  [who 
defends  the  historical  character  of  the  book].— Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  1.  Jan. 

Early  Christian  monuments. — Edinb.  Eev.  371.     Jan. 

Note  on  an  edition  of  Gregory  of  Tours'  '  Historia  ecclesiastica  Francorum'  prepared 
byGilles  Bouchier  [1576-1665] :  by  H.  Omont. — Bibl,  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  5. 

The  '  Martyrologium  Hieronymiamim '  [of  the  end  of  the  sixth  century] :  by  B. 
Krusch  [with  reference  to  the  new  edition  in  the  '  Acta  Sanctorum,'  Nov.,  i.  1]. — 
N.  Arch.  XX.  2. 

On  the  Acts  of  the  synod  of  Tribur  [895] :  by  E.  Seckel.  II.  1 :  An  unnoticed  source 
of  the  vulgate  text  of  the  Acts  [the  '  Collectio  Canonum  Hibernensis'].  2:  An 
unknown  recension  of  the  '  Collectio  Diessensis-Coloniensis  '  [entitled  '  Capitula 
Theodori,'  but  having  nothing  to  do  with  archbishop  Theodore  of  Canterbury] ; 
with  further  textual  notes,  collations,  and  supplements. — N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

Supplement  to  the  second  volume  of'  DiplomataHn  the  ^  Monument  a  Ger^naniae'.''  by 
W.  Eeben  [charters  of  the  Saxon  emperors  doubtful,  spurious,  or  wrongly  assigned]. 
N.  Arch.  XX.  2. 

On  a  manuscript  at  Graz  containing  the  treatise  '  de  Continentia  Clericortim'  attri- 
buted to  Udalricus,  and  Bruno  of  Segni's  book  '  de  Symoniacis :  '  by  J.  Loserth 
[giving  various  readings]. — N.  Arch,  xx.  2. 

The  ^ Epistolae  Viennenses'  and  the  oldest  chronicle  of  Vienne  :  by  W.  Gundlach  [con- 
testing U.  Chevalier's  date  (the  tenth  century)  for  the  manuscript  of  the  latter 
and  maintaining  that  the  chronicle  furnishes  no  argument  against  the  proposition 
that  the  collection  of  '  Epistolac  Viennenses'  was  forged  c.  iioo].— N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

The  collection  of  canons  in  the  '  Regesto  di  Farfa '  [its  object,  origin,  and  author]  by 
P.  FouRNiER.— Arch.  E.  Soc.  Eom.  67-68. 

A  forgery  of  Egidio  Rossi:  by  P.  Scheffer-Boichoest  [tracing  the  model  on  which 
a  false  charter  of  Henry  VI  was  concocted]. — N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

Description  of  a  manuscript  of  medieval  poems  (Berlin,  Cod.  theol.  oct.  94)  :  by  W. 
Wattenbach  [the  manuscript  contains  many  poems  printed  as  the  work  of  Philip 
of  Harvengt,  abbot  of  the  Premonstratensian  house  of  Bonne  Esp^rance  in  the 
diocese  of  Cambrai;  but  for  this  attribution  professor  Wattenbach  finds  no 
evidence.  The  manuscript  also  contains  poems  here  printed  for  the  first  time: 
these  are  of  various  origins,  but  come  for  the  most  part  from  northern  France  and 
Belgium.  Among  the  contents  is  a  flattering  epitaph  on  William  II  of  England]. — 
K.  Preuss.  Akad.  SB.  1895,  8. 

The  Irish  '  Mirabilia  '  in  the  Norse  Speculum  Regale  [written  about  1250] :  by  K. 
Meyer  [who  considers  these  accounts  to  be  derived  exclusively  from  oral  and  local 
tradition]. — Folk-Lore,  v.  4.  Dec. 

Two  medieval  Christmas  offices  [according  to  the  uses  of  Sarum  and  of  St.  Donat  at 
Bruges]  :  by  F.  E.  Gilliat-Smith.— Dublin  Eev.,  N.S.  13.    Jan. 

Dietrich  von  Niem  and  the  'Liber  pontificalis  : '  by  J.  B.  S^agmuller  [arguing  that 
Niem  did  not  actually  write  any  papal  lives,  but  that  the  resemblances  between 
portions  of  the  biographies  from  Benedict  XII  to  Martin  V,  printed  by  Duchesne 
YOL.  X. — NO.  XXXVIII.  D  D 


402  ~I>ERIODICAL  NOTICES  April 

as  an  appendix  to  the  'Liber  pontificalis,'  ii.  527-545,  and  Niem's  books,  indicate 
that  their  writer  borrowed  from  the  latter,  and  explain  how  Niem  came  to  be 
credited  with  the  authorship  of  papal  lives].— Hist.  Jahrb.  xv.  4. 

The  so-called  Waldensian  Bible  and  master  Johannes  Rellach  :  by  F.  Jostes  [giving 
reasons  for  considering  this  Dominican  friar,  who  preached  the  crusade  against 
the  Turks  in  Germany  in  1450,  as  the  translator  of  the  printed  pre-Lutheran 
Bible].— Hist.  Jahrb.  xv.  4. 

The  '  Doctrinale  '  of  Alexandre  de  Villedieu  [de  Villa  Dei]  and  the  '  Epithoma 
Vocabulorum '  and  other  works  by  Guillaume  le  Moine  of  Villedieu :  by  L.  Delisle 
[chiefly  a  bibliography,  of  interest  for  the  history  of  education  at  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  and  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centuries.  Guillaume  le  Moine  furnishes 
notices  illustrating  popular  opinions,  &c.,  in  Normandy].— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  5. 

Josse  Bade  [Jodocus  Badius  Ascensius]  and  the  translations  of  Claude  de  Seyssel :  by 
E.  CoYECQUE. — Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  5. 

A  silver  bull  of  Thomas  Palaeologus  and  other  documents  :  described  by  F.  Patetta 
[an  account  of  fourteen  Greek,  thirteen  Latin,  and  two  Italian  deeds  of  a  refugee 
family  from  Patras ;  with  the  text  of  six,  granted  by  Carlo  I  Tocco,  despot  of 
Eomania,  Carlo  II,  Saint-Exapery,  vicar-general  of  Achaia,  T.  Palaeologus,  despot 
of  Achaia,  and  others.  Carlo  I  uses  an  imperial  hanging  seal  and  red  ink  ;  Carlo  II, 
having  lost  Gianina  to  the  Turks  and  Patras  to  the  Palaeologi,  has  abandoned  these 
distinctions].— N.  Arch.  Ven.  viii.  2. 

The  will  of  Antonio  de  Herrera,  chronicler  of  Castille  and  the  Indies  [an  elaborate 
document  containing  notices  as  to  his  writings,  and  his  difficulty  in  obtaining 
arrears  due  to  him] :  printed  by  C.  P.  Pastob. — Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist.  xxv.  6. 

The  school  of  chartography  at  Antvoerp  in  the  sixteenth  century :  by  P.  Wauvermans 
[chiefly  on  Mercator  and  Ortelius]. — Bull.  Soc.  roy.  de  G6ogr.  d'Anvers,  xix.  2. 


The  beliefs,  rites,  and  customs  of  the  Jews  connected  with  death,  burial,  and  mourn- 
ing :  by  A.  P.  Bender. —  Jew.  Qu.  Rev.  26.  Jan.  (continued  from  25). 

Mixed  fo7'ms  of  government  according  to  Aristotle :  by  H.  Francotte. — Compte  rendu 
3^  Congr.  scient.  internat.  des  Catholiques  (Louvain). 

Alexander  the  Great  and  Hellenism  :  by  J.  Kaerst.— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  1. 

The  legend  of  Caesar  in  Belgiurn  :  by  A.  &  G-  Doutrepont. — Compte  rendu  3*  Congr. 
Bcient.  internat.  des  Catholiques  (Louvain). 

The  Roman  tenure  of  land  in  the  time  of  the  emperors  :  by  I.  Grevs.— Zhur.  Min. 
Narod.  Prosv.     Jan. 

The  primitive  church  and  the  papacy,  part  ii. — Church  Qu.  Eev.  78.     Jan. 

The  early  history  of  baptism  and  confirmation :  by  J.  E.  Gasquet. — Dublin  Eev., 
N.S.  13.     Jan. 

The  Stylites;  St.  Symeon  and  his  imitators  :  by  H.  Delehaye.— Eev.  Quest,  hist. 
Ivii.  1.     Jan. 

The  treaties  of  the  popes  with  the  Carolings  :  by  W.  Sickel.  I :  The  pope  and  the 
East-Eoman  empire.  II:  The  Frankish  intervention.  Ill:  The  pope's  territorial 
dominion.  IV  :  The  treaty  of  protection  for  the  Eoman  church.  V  :  The  alliance 
between  the  Frankish  king  and  the  pope.  VI :  The  Eoman  patriciate. — D.  Zft. 
Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 

The  restoration  of  king  Eardulf  of  Northumbria  by  Charles  the  Great  and  pope  Leo 
III:  by  K.  Hampe  [who  rejects  the  date,  807-808,  assigned  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
'  Councils  '  iii.  561  a,  to  Eardulf's  expulsion,  and  examines  in  detail  the  course  of 
the  proceedings  which  led  to  his  restoration]. — D.  Zft.  Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 

Was  Gregory  III  amonk  ?  by  P.  Scheffer-Boichorst  [who  accumulates  evidence  against 
W.  Martens's  denial  of  the  fact,  and  brings  together  a  variety  of  particulars  with 
reference  to  Hildebrand's  personal  history] .— D.  Zft.  Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 

Henry  IV's  penance  at  Canossa :  by  G.  Meyer  von  Knonau  [accepting  in  the  main 
0.  Holder-Egger's  strictures  on  the  credibility  of  Lambert  of  Hersfeld's  account, 
but  differing  as  to  the  site  of  the  emperor's  three  days'  waiting,  and  suggesting 
that  the  chapel  of  St.  Nicolas  may  have  stood  at  the  foot  of  the  hill].— D.  Zft. 
Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  403 

The  origin  of  medieval  town  cdnstitutions :  by  H.  Pirbnne.    II.— Rev.  hist.   Ivii. 

1.     Jan. 
The  date  of  Alfonso  of  Castile's  resignation  of  his  claim  to  the  imperial  crown :  by  H. 

Otto  [before  28  July  1275].— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  1. 
Critical  observations  on  the  trial  of  the  knights  templars  :  by  H.  Prutz  [in  connexion 

with  J.  Gmelin's  defence  of  the  order].— D.  Zft.  Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 
On  the  prophecies  of  John  de  Rupescissa  :  by  F.  Kampers  [dealing  specially  with  his 

utterances  concerning  the  empire  and  Charles  IV].— Hist.  Jahrb.  xv.  4. 
Memoir  on  Tamerlan  and  his  court  written  by  a   Dominican  in  1403  :  printed  by 
H.  MoRANviLLE    [from  two   manuscripts    supplying    a   more    correct  text  than 
that  given  as  an  appendix  to  the  early  printed  '  Fleur  des  histoires  d'Orient '  of 
Hetoum  the  Armenian.] — Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  5. 
The  Franco-Italian  question  in  history  [in  connexion  with  J.  Reinach's  work]  :  by 

E.  Armstrong. — Scott.  Eev.  49.     Jan. 
The  alliance  between  Alexander  VI  and  Louis  XII  [the  marriage   of   Louis  XII 
and  of  Caesar  Borgia  ;  the  alienation  of  Alexander  VI  from  Milan]  :  by  L.    G. 
Pelissier  [with  numerous  documents].— Arch.  E.  Soc.  Rom.  67-68. 
Erasmus  [with  severe  criticisms  on  J.  A.  Froude's  work].— Quart.  Rev.  359.  Jan. 
James  Anthony  Froude  and  his  lectures  on  Erasmus.— ^^inh.  Rev.  371.  Jan.  [For 

strictures  on  this  article  seethe  '  Athen.'  23  Febr.,  p.  252.] 
New  documents  on  Giovanni  da  Empoli  [the  merchant's  will  executed  on  the  ship 
Spera  off  Belem  before  his  voyage  to  Sumatra  and  China,  1515,  and  papers  relating 
to  it.     The  will  contains  details  as  to  the  freights  of  Gualterotti  e  C.  of  Bruges, 
and  directions  as  to  the  disposal  of  the  testator's  '  Yellow  Book  ']  :  by  A.  Giorgetti. 
Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser.  xiv.  2. 
Creighton's  '  History  of  the  Papacy,'  v.— Church  Qu.  Eev.  78.     Jan. 
The  regulations  of  the  court  of  Charles   V:  by  A.  de  Ridder  [from  documentary 

sources].— Messager  Sciences  hist.  Belg.  1894,  3. 
The  financial  decree  of  Philip  II  [1575]  and  the  Fuggers  :  by  K.  Habler.— D.  Zft. 

Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 
Alessandro  Tesauro  [poet  and  architect  in  the  service  of  Carlo  Emanuele  I]  :  by  G. 
Sanesi  [giving  two  sonnets  on  the  duke's  triumphs,  and  four  letters  to  a  Sienese 
friend  relating  to  the  Savoyards'  designs  on  Provence  and  his  attack  on  Geneva, 
Sept.  to  Dec.  1589].— Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser.  xiv.  2. 
Gibraltar  and  the  regent  Orleans  [17 17-1720] :  by  P.  Bliard  [insisting  on  the  impor- 
tance of  the  French  support  in  securing  the  retention  of  the  fortress  by  England]. 
Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  1.      Jan. 
The  Russo-French  alliance  in  thereigyi  of  Catherine  II:  by  V.  TimRiAZEV.— Istorich. 

Viestnik.     Dec. 
The  embassy  of  count  P.  Tolstoi  at  the  court  of  Napoleon  in  1807-8  :  byV.  Petersen. — 

Istorich.  Viestnik.  Dec. 
Metternich'' s  mission  to  Paris  in  1810:  by  A.  Beer  [with  state  papers  on  the  negotia- 
tions for  a  commercial  treaty  and  for  the  extension  of  Austrian  trade  with  which 
he  was  charged]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  1. 
Chernishev  and  Michel :  an  episode  of  the  relations  betiveen  Russia  and  France  before 

the  war  of  1812  :  by  V.  Timiriazev. — Istorich.  Viestnik.     Feb. 
Kutuzov  in  the  year  1812  :  by  K.  Schilder,— Russk.  Starina.  Dec. 
Belgium  and  the  fall  of  Napoleon  I:  by  P.  Poullet  [combating  the  opinion  that  the 
Belgians  under  French  dominion  lost  the  feeling  of  national  individuality  ;  show- 
ing, by  quotations  from  the  reports  of  the  French  prefects  in  the  national  archives 
at  Paris,  the  discontent  which  prevailed  during  the  empire  ;    and  explaining  the 
social,  political,  and  military  reasons  which  prevented  the  Belgians  rising  against 
the  French  in  i8i3].-Rev.  g6n.  1895, 1,  2. 
Fieldmarshal  von  Muffling  and  Justus  Gruner  during  the  occupation  of  Paris  by  the 
allies  in  181 5:  by  J.  von  Gruner  [giving  an  account  of  Gruner's  plan  for  the 
establishment  of  a  police  fund  from  the  profits  of  gaming-houses  to  be  set  up 
under  authority]. — D.  Zft.  Geschichtswiss.  xi.  2. 
Bentham's  infltience  upon  lawyers  and  politicians  in  Spain  as  portrayed  and  criticised 
by  Don  Luis  Silvela  :  by  C.  Kenny.— Law  Qu.  Rev.  41.    Ja7i. 

D  D  2 


404  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  April 

The  Servian  constitution:  by  F.  Morel  [an  examination  of  the  constitutions  of  1835 
and  1838,  the  first  national,  the  second  entirely  foreign  in  its  origin,  showing  the 
defects  of  the  constitution  of  1838  and  the  modifications  made  in  it  by  the  laws  of 
1 858- 1 862].— Ann.  Sciences  Polit.  x.  1.     Jan. 

The  origin  of  the  war  of  1870  :  by  H.  Delbrijck  [drawing  attention  to  memoirs  of  the 
king  of  Eoumania  which  contain  important  information  on  the  Hohenzollern 
candidature  for  the  Spanish  throne,  and  show  that  it  had  been  strongly  supported 
by  Bismarck].— Preuss.  Jahrbb.  xcii.  2. 

Prince  V.  A.  Cherkaski  and  the  civil  government  of  Bulgaria  187 7- 187 8:  by  D. 
Anuchin. — Eussk.  Starina.  Feb. 

Count  E.  Todlehen  and  M.  Skobelev  :  by  prince  Obolenski  [incidents  of  the  Russo- 
Turkish  war  and  the  last  days  of  Skobelev]. — Istorich.  Viestnik.  Feb. 

France 

The  city  and  church  of  Auch :  by  R.  Twigge.— Dublin  Rev.,  N.S.  13.     Jan. 

The  servile  classes  in  Champagne  from  the  eleventh  to  the  fourteenth  century:  by 

H.  See,  concluded.— Rev.  hist.  Ivii.  1.  Jan. 
The  household  of  Philip  VI  of  Valois  :  by  J.  Viard  [who  prints  the  '  Ordonnance  de 

I'hostel  du  roy  Philipes  VI.'     Part  I].— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  5. 
The  expenses  of  the  kings'  notaries'  and  secretaries'  dinners  at  the  hdtel  des  C4lestins 

in  1422  and  1427  :  by  A.  Spont.— Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  1.  Jan. 
The  war  of  Charles  VII  in  Gascony  [from  1442],  and  the  dauphin's  conspiracy  in  the 

summer  of  1446  :  by  A.  Breuils. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  1.     Jan. 
The  fourteen  of  Meaux  [1546]  :  by  H.  M.  Bower. — Proc.  Huguenot  Soc.  of  London, 

V.  1. 
Guy   Chabot  de  Jarnac,  a   statesman  of   the   sixteenth   century   [i  562-1568]:   by 

D.  d'Aussy. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  1.     Jan. 
Specimens  of  controversial  pieces  writteji  in  the  seventeenth  century  [with  refrains 

taken  from  the  '  Ave  Maria,'  the  '  Pater  noster,'  &c.] :  by  C.  Garrisson. — Bull.  Soc. 

Hist.  Protest,  fran?.  xliii.  12.     Dec. 
Sai7it-Cyr  and  La  Beaumelle,  from  unpublished  documents  :  by  A.  Taphanel.— Rev. 

hist.  Ivii.  1.     Ja7i. 
General  La  Fayette  :  by  E.  Charavay  [1757-1790].—  Revol.  Fran?,  xiv.  8.     Feb. 
The  co7iversion  of  the  nobility  in  1789  :  by  E.  Champion — Revol.  Fran?,  xiv.  7.     Jan. 
Letters  of  Thiroux  de  Crosne  to  Louis  XVI :  printed  by  A.  Brette  [reports  on  the 

state  of  Paris,  20-30  April  1789].— Revol.  Franc?,  xiv.  8.     Feb. 
Mirabeau  and  the  cou7it  of  Provence  [1789-1790];  the  charges  against  the  marquis 

de  Favras  and  his  trial  and  execution :   by  M.  Sepet.— Rev.    Quest,  hist.  Ivii. 

1.     Jan. 
The  Terror  at  Marseilles  :  by  J.  Viguier  [founded  on  a  manuscript  in  the  possession  of 

the  author]. — Revol.  Fran?,  xiv.  7.     Jan. 
The  mission   of  Lequinio  and  Laignelot :    by  C.  L.  Chassin.— R6vol.  Fran?,  xiv. 

8.     Feb. 

Germany  and  Austria 

On  a  fragment  of  the  'Annates  Ottenburani'  preserved  at  Melk  :  by  E.  E.  Katsch- 
thaler  [it  is  of  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century,  whereas  the  only  other  known 
copies  of  the  Annals  were  written  in  the  eighteenth]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterr.  Gesch.- 
forsch.  xvi.  1. 

The  origin  of  the  college  of  electors:  by  G.  Seeliger  [who  opposes  T.  Lindner's 
theory  (1)  of  nomination  by  a  single  elector,  who  was  afterwards  supported  cere- 
monially by  a  select  body  of  princes  sharing  his  title,  and  (2)  of  acceptance 
(laudatio)  by  the  assembled  princes  in  the  double  form  of  (a)  fealty  sworn  by 
them  as  subjects  and  (6)  homage  as  vassals].— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.- 
forsch.  xvi.  1. 

On  the  date  of  the  so-called  '  Eationarium  Austriacum '  [or  terrier  of  the  Austrian 
possessions]  :  by  W.  Erben  [placing  its  original  composition  under  Leopold  VI, 
instead  of  under  Ottokar].— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  1. 


1895  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  405 

On  the  history  of  the  idea  of  an  hereditary  German  empire  after  the  fall  of  the  house 
of  Hohenstaufen :  by  C.  Rodenbekg.— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  1. 

On  the  authorities  for  Thuringian  history :  by  0.  Holder-Egger.  I :  The  *  Chronica 
Thuringorum  '  printed  by  Pistorius  as  the  '  Historia  de  Landgraviis  Thuringiae  ' 
and  its  sources,  and  the  later  chronicle  published  under  the  same  title  by  Eccard 
[both  proceeding  from  Eisenach,  the  one  the  work  of  a  Dominican,  1395-1396, 
the  other  of  a  Franciscan  nearly  half  a  century  later].— N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

The  contest  ofRaban  von  Helmstadt  and  Ulrich  von  Manderscheid  for  the  archbishopric 
of  Trier  [i 430-1439] :  by  Dr.  Lager.— Hist.  .Tahrb.  xv.  4. 

The  description  of  Luther's  death  by  a  citizen  of  Mansfeld  :  by  N.  Paulus  [who  iden- 
tifies the  writer  with  Johann  Landau,  the  apothecary  at  Eisleben,  and  takes  occa- 
sion to  reject  emphatically  the  story  recently  revived  that  Luther  committed 
suicide]. — Hist.  Jahrb.  xv.  4. 

The  Jews  at  Prague  in  the  time  of  the  thirty  years'  war  :  by  M.  Popper.— Rev.  Etudes 
Juives,  57. 

Wilhelm  von  HumboldVs  retirement  from  the  ministry  in  1810  :  by  B.  Gebhardt. — 
Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  1. 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland 

The  Culdees  :  by  A.  Allaria  [who  makes  them  canons  regular].— Scott.  Rev.  49.    Jan. 
The  text  of  Henry  Fs  coronation  charter:  printed  by  F.  Libbermann  [with  a  descrip- 
tion of  twenty-eight  texts  and  a  full  collation]. — Trans.  R.  Hist.  See,  N.S.  viii. 
Pike's  history  of  the  house  of  lords  :  by  sir  W.  R.  Anson. — Law  Qu.  Rev.  41.     Jan. 
The  statutes  of  the  synod  of  Exeter  held  by  bishop  Quivil  in  1287  :  by  W.  R.  Brownlow, 

bishop  of  Clifton. — Dublin  Rev.,  N.S.  13.     Jan. 
The  expmlsion  of  the  Jews  from  England  [1290]  :  by  B.  L.  Abrahajis.     H. — Jew.  Qa. 

Rev.  26.     Jan. 
Notes  on  the  register  of  the  Walloon  church  of  Southainpton  and  on  the  churches  of  the 

Channel  islands  :  by  J.  W.  de  Grave. — Proc.  Huguenot  Soc.  of  London,  v.  1. 
Navy  records  of  the  Spanish  armada  [with  reference  to  J.  K.  Laughton's  collection 

of  state  papers]. — Edinb.  Rev.  371.     Jan. 
The  commojiwealth  and  protectorate  [on'S.  R.  Gardiner's  '  History,'  i.,  and  C.  H.  Firth's 

edition  of  Ludlow's  memoirs].— Edinb.  Rev.  371.     Jan. 
The  history  of  the  cabinet  before   1760  [treated  in  connexion  with  W.  M.  Torrens's 

work] — Edinb.  Rev.  371.     Jan. 
Rural  Scotland  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  :  by  H.  G.  Graham. — Scott. 

Rev.  49.     Jan. 
James,  first  duke  of  Chandos,  and  the  university  of  St.  Andrews  [1720-1744]:  by 

J.  M.  Anderson.— Scott.  Rev.  49.     Ja7i. 
The  life  of  Edward  Bouverie  Pusey,  iii.— Church  Qu.  Rev.  78.     Jan. 
The  derivatio7i  of  English  surnames.  — Quart  Rev.  359.     Jan. 

Italy 

Miscellanea  diplomatica  cremonese  [deeds  of  foundation  and  gift  to  Cremonese 
monasteries  (990  and  996) ;  award  by  cardinal  Guido  da  Somma,  and  Oberto,  arch- 
bishop of  Milan,  in  a  dispute  between  the  bishops  of  Cremona  and  Bergamo  (i  148)] : 
by  F.  NovATi. — Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th.  ser.  xiv.  2. 

Summary  of  the  deeds  drafted  by  C.  Cristiani,  1391-1399  :  by  G.  Romano  [giving 
abstracts  and  in  some  cases  the  text  of  documents  relating  to  the  rule  of  Gian 
Galeazzo  Visconti,  e.g.  the  protection  of  the  Certosa  of  Pavia  and  its  tenants  ;  the 
alleged  treason  of  the  humanist  secretary  Capelli ;  oaths  of  fealty  from  Pisa, 
Leghorn,  Urbino,  and  Siena],  concluded. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  4. 

On  the  short  Venetian  Annals  published  by  H.  V.  Sauerland :  by  H.  Simonsfeld 
[maintaining  that  they  are  a  copy  of  the  Annals  printed  from  a  Vatican  manuscript 
in  the  '  Monumenta  Germaniae,'  xiv]. — N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

The  Diario  Fiorentino  of  Bartolommeo  di  Michele  del  Corazza,  vintner  [1405-1438]  : 
by  G.  0.  CoRAzziNi.  [Of  this  diary  a  portion,  relating  chiefly  to  ecclesiastical  cere- 
monies, is  printed  from  the  Codice  Estense  in  Muratori,  xix.     To  this  is  now  added 


406  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  April 

from  the  Strozzi  manuscript  the  portion  relating  to  Florentine  affairs,  full  of 
interesting  references  to  the  vintners'  guild ;  the  capture  of  Pisa ;  the  peace  with 
Ladislas;  palio  races;  jousts  and  public  dances ;  the  death  of  Salutati ;  Antonio 
d'Arezzo's  lectures  on  Dante,  1429  ;  the  completion  of  the  cupola  of  the  cathedral, 
1436  ;  influenza, '  unapestilentia  d'  infreddati,'  Feb.  1414]. — Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser. 
xiv.  2. 

Critical  remarks  on  the  authorities  for  Veronese  history :  by  G.  Sommerfeldt.  I : 
The  chronicle  published  by  Orti  Manara  [based  on  a  source  common  to  the 
chronicle  of  Boninsegna  de'  Mitocolo,  but  compiled  not  earlier  than  the  first  half 
of  the  fifteenth  century].— N.  Arch.  xx.  2. 

The  court  of  Ferrara  in  the  fifteenth  century :  by  count  Gandini. — Scott.  Eev.  49. 
Jan. 

The  constitutional  reforms  forced  upon  Maximilian  Sforza  by  Milan  [11  July  1515, 
caused  by  the  rapacity  of  the  Swiss,  and  confirming  the  transference  to  the  muni- 
cipality of  the  canals  and  irrigation  system,  the  election  of  the  financial  chamber 
and  of  certain  municipal  officers]  :  by  E.  Verga. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii,  4. 

A  Milanese  precursor  of  Cagliostro  [a  biography  of  Borri,  mystic,  alchemist,  charlatan, 
and  scientific  physician]  :  by  G.  de  Castro. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  4. 

Census  of  Bmie  under    Clement   VII   [taken  immediately    before   the    sack]  :    by 

D.  Gnoli.  [It  gives  head  of  house  and  numbers  of  household  in  the  thirteen  rioni  : 
houses  9,285,  population  55,035.  Half  the  population  were  foreigners,  many  of 
them  women.  The  large  establishments  of  cardinals  may  be  noted  :  e.g.,  Farnese, 
306 ;  Cesarini,  275].— Arch.  E.  Soc.  Eom.  67-68. 

Bibliography  of  recent  loorks  on  Italian  history  :  by  C.  Cipolla. — N.  Arch.  Yen.  viii.  2 
(continued). 

The  Netherlands  and  Belgium 

The  chartulary  of  the  church  of  St.  Lambert  at  LiSge  published  by  S.  Bormans  and 

E.  Schoolmeesters :  by  E.  Eeusens  [a  severe  criticism]. — Anal.  Hist.  eccl.  Belg. 
XXV.  1,  2. 

Grant  of  land  [1295]  w  Nieuwland  [in  Delfland]  for  the  use  of  the  poor  donee  ad 
transmarinas  partes  generalis  transitus  moveatur,  to  be  sold  when  the  crusade 
takes  place  :  printed  by  J.  de  Fremery. — Arch,  nederl.  Kerkgeschied.  v.  2. 

The  credibility  of  Jacques  de  Guyse,  the  chronicler  of  Hainault  :  by  A.  Wauters 
[adverse]. — Bull.  Acad.  roy.  Belg.  3rd  ser.  xxviii.  9,  10. 

Adriaan  Stolker  and  his  plan  for  the  extension  of  remonstrant  congregations  abroad  : 
by  H.  C.  Eogge. — Arch,  nederl.  Kerkgeschied.  v.  2. 

Russia 

The  measurement  of  land  in  ancient  Russia  :  by  V.  Vladislavlev  [with  reference  to 

the  origin  of  the  desiatina]. — Zhur.  Min.  Narod.  Prosv.     Feb. 
The  fate  of  Ivan  Antonovich  [for  a  short  time  emperor,  but  dethroned  on  the  election 

of  Elizabeth]. — Eussk.  Starina.     Dec. 
An  examinatio7i  of  the  tnaterials  of  the    Voskresenski  chronicle  [on   the  affairs  of 

the  principality  of  Moscow]  :  by  I.  Tikhomirov. — Zhur.  Min.  Narod.  Prosv.     Dec. 
The  union  of  Curland  with  Russia  [in  the  time  of  Catherine  II]  :  by  V.  Bilbasov. — 

Eussk.  Starina.     Jan. 
The  battle  of  Macieoiuice  and  the  surrender  of  Kosciuszko  :  by  E.  Albovski. — Eussk. 

Starina.     Jan. 
Memoirs  of  M.  Olshevski  [descriptive  of  the  war  in  the  Caucasus  in  1841-1846]. — 

Eussk.  Starina.     Dec. 

Switzerland 

Place-names  in  the  Vallais  :  by  L.  E.  Iselin  [rejecting  the  Arabic  etymologies  proposed 

for  Mischabel  and  Allalin  ;  with  notes  on  the  legendary  derivations  of  Aroleid 

and  Leichenbretter]. — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.  5,  6. 
The  Swiss  name  for  2  January  [Berchtoldsdag,  probably  a  mistake  for  Berchtendag, 

named  from  Bertha  the  queen  of  Rudolf  II  of  Burgundy] :    by  M.  Estermann.— 

Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.     5,  6. 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  407 

The  first  reformation-ordinance  at  Basle  :  by  T.  Burckhardt-Biedermann  [who  dates 

it    not  in  1522   or   1524,   but  in  April  or   May  1523]. — Anz.  Schweiz.    Gesch. 

1894.  5,  6. 
A  narrative  of  the  French  attach  on  Disentis  [6  March  1799] :  printed  by  E.  Hoppeler. 

Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.    5,  6. 
Obituaries  of  Swiss  historians   deceased  in   1893,   with  full   bibliographies. — Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1894.     5,  6. 

America 

Letter  of  Philip  II  [28  Feb.  1566]  on  the  Florida  massacre  of  1565  [translated  from 
the  published  Spanish  original]. — Bull.  Soc.  hist.  Protest.  fran<j.  xliii.  12.     Dec. 

The  constitutional  beginnings  of  North  Carolina :  by  J.  S.  Bassett  [insisting  on  the  view 
that  the  organisation  of  the  county  palatine  of  Durham  was  the  model  followed  in 
forming  the  constitution  of  Carolina,  tracing  the  history  of  the  'Fundamental 
Constitutions,'  and  concluding  by  an  analysis  of  the  constitution  as  it  existed  during 
the  first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century]. — Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  polit. 
and  hist.  Sc.  xii.  3. 

The  Carolina  pirates  and  colonial  commerce  [1670-1740]  :  by  S.  C.  Hughson  [based  on 
the  records  of  the  colony.  The  pressure  of  the  navigation  laws  led  the  colonists 
to  tolerate  the  pirates,  and  successive  governors  connived  at  piracy.  With  the 
death  of  captain  Teach  and  the  capture  and  execution  of  major  Stede  Bonnet  in 
1 7 18  the  era  of  piracy  ended.  The  author's  researches  confirm  and  illustrate 
Charles  Johnson's 'History  of  the  Pirates,'  1724,  which  he  considers  remarkably 
accurate].— Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  polit.  and  hist.  Sc.  xii.  5-7. 


408 


April 


List  of  Recent  Historical  Publications 


I.  GENEEAL   HISTOEY 

(Including  works  of  miscellaneous  contents) 


Altamira  (E.)  La  enseiianza  de  la  his- 
toria.  2nd  ed.  enlarged.  Pp.  479. 
Madrid  :  Suarez.  5*50  pes. 
AvENEL  (vicomte  G.  d').  Histoire  6cono- 
mique  de  la  propri6t6,  des  salaires,  des 
denr^es,  et  de  tous  les  prix  en  g6n6ral 
[1 200-1800].  2  vol.  Pp.  726,  916. 
Paris  :  impr.  nationale. 
Beer  (E.)  Handschriftenschatze  Spa- 
niens.  Pp.  755.  Vienna  :  Tempsky. 
12  m. 
Bry  (T.  de).  Emblemata  nobilitatis : 
Stamm-  und  Wappenbuch  [1593],  mit 
einem  Vorwort  iiber  die  geschichtliche 
Entwickelung  der  Stammbiicher  bis 
zum  Ende  des  sechzehnten  Jahrhun- 
derts,  herausgegeben  von  F.  Warnecke. 
58 plates.  Berlin:  Stargardt.  4to.  40m. 

(J.  T.  de).     Emblemata  saecularia  : 

Kulturgeschichtliches  Stamm-  und 
Wappenbuch  [161 1],  mit  einer  Einlei- 
tung  liber  die  Stammbiicher  des  sieb- 
zehnten  Jahrhunderts,  herausgegeben 
von  F.  Warnecke.  Pp.  56 ;  100  plates. 
Berlin :  Stargardt.  4to.  50  m. 
Buys  (J.  T.)  Studien  over  staatkunde  en 
staatsrecht.  II,  1.  Pp.  1-160.  Arnhem. 
Cara  (C.  a.  de).  Gli  Hethei-pelasgi : 
ricerche  di  storia  e  di  archeologia  orien- 
tale,  greca,  e  latina.  I :  Siria,  Asia 
Minore,  Ponto  Eussino.  Pp.  749, 
illustr.  Eome  :  tip.  dell'  Academia  dei 
Lincei. 
Casinensis,  Bibliotheca,  seu  codicum 
manuscriptorum  qui  in  tabulario  Casi- 
nensi  asservantur  series  per  paginas 
singillatim  enucleata  notis,  charac- 
termn  speciminibus  ad  unguem  exem- 
platis  aucta,  cura  et  studio  mona- 
chorum  ordinis  s.  Benedicti.  V.  Pp. 
96,  224.  Monte  Casino :  typ.  Casi- 
nensis. 12  1. 
Hauke  (F.)  Die  geschichtlichen  Grund- 
lagen  des  Monarchenrechts.  Pp.  146. 
Vienna :  Braumiiller.  3  m. 
Lr.GiiAND  (E.)  Bibliographic  hell^nique, 
ou  description  raisonnee  des  ouvrages 
pubKes  par  des  Grecs  au  dix-septieme 
siecle.     3  vol.    Paris  :  Picard.     75  f. 


Madan  (F.)  a  summary  catalogue  of 
western  manuscripts  in  the  Bodleian 
library  at  Oxford  which  have  not 
hitherto  been  catalogued  in  the  quarto 
series.  III.  Pp.  651.  Oxford:  Cla- 
rendon Press.     21/. 

Miller  (K.)  Mappae  mundi :  die  altes- 
ten  Weltkarten,  herausgegeben  und  er- 
lautert.  I  :  Die  Weltkarte  des  Beatus 
[776  nach  Chr.]  Pp.  70,  illustr.  Stutt- 
gart :  Both.     4to.     5  m. 

Petitot  (E.)  Origines  et  migrations  des 
peuples  de  la  Gaule  jusqu'a  I'av^ne- 
ment  des  Francs.  Paris  :  Maisonneuve : 
12  f. 

Eambaud  (J.)  Elements  d'^conomie  poli- 
tique.    Paris  :  Larose.     10  f. 

Say  (L.),  Foyot  (L.),  &  Lanjalley  (A.) 
Dictionnaire  des  finances.  2  vol. 
Paris  :  Berger-Levrault.     90  f. 

Schwarz  (F.  von).  Sintfluthund  Volker- 
wanderungen.  Pp.  552,  11  illustr. 
Stuttgart :  Enke.     14  m. 

Shaw  (W.  A.)  The  history  of  currency 
[1252-1894],  being  an  account  of  the 
gold  and  silver  monies  and  monetary 
standards  of  Europe  and  America, 
&c.  Pp.  431.  London:  Wilsons  & 
Milne. 

Steinmetz  (S.  E.)  Ethnologische  Studien 
zur  ersten  Entwickelung  der  Strafe. 
Leyden:  Doesburgh.     12  fl. 

Vallee  (L.)  La  Bibliotheque  Nationale  : 
choix  de  documents  pour  servir  a  I'his- 
toire  de  I'etablissement  et  de  ses  collec- 
tions.    Pp.  525.     Paris. 

Verdegay  y  Fiscowich  (E.)  Historiadel 
correo  desde  susorigenes  hasta  nuestros 
dias.     Pp.  480.     Madrid.     4to. 

Weigand  (G.)  Die  Aromunen :  ethno- 
graphisch-philologisch-historische  Un- 
tersuchungen  iiber  das  Volk  der  soge- 
nannten  Makedo-Eomanen  oder  Zin- 
zaren.  II.  Pp.  383.  Leipzig :  Barth. 
8  m. 

WiSLiCENUs  (W.  F.)  Astronomische 
Chronologic :  ein  Hiilfsbuch  fiir  His- 
toriker,  Archaologen,  und  Astronomen. 
Pp.  163.     Leipzig  :  Teubner.     5  m. 


1895 


REGENT  HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


409 


II.  ORIENTAL   HISTORY 


Aegyptische  Urkunden  aus  dem  konig- 
lichen  Museum  zu  Berlin.  Griechi- 
sche  Urkunden.  II,  1-3.  Pp.  1-96. 
Berlin :  Weidmann.  4to.  Each  2-40  m. 

CoLViN  (sir  A.)  John  Eussell  Colvin,  the 
last  lieutenant-governor  of  the  North- 
West  under  the  Company.  (Eulers  of 
India.)  Pp.  214,  portr.  Oxford:  Cla- 
rendon Press.     2/6. 

CuMONT  (F.)  Textes  et  monuments  figures 
relatifs  aux  myst^res  de  Mithra.  Publ. 
avec  une  introduction  critique.  J.,  2. 
Pp.  464,  3  plates.  Brussels  :  Lamertin. 
4to.     22-50  f. 

DiJMicHEN  (J.)  Der  Grabpalast  des  Patua- 
menap  in  der  thebanischenNekropolis. 
III.  Mit  Vorvvort  von  W.  Spiegelberg. 
31  plates.  Leipzig :  Hinrichs.  Fol. 
50  m. 

Egyptian  book  of  the  dead,  ed.  by  C.  H. 
S.  Davis.  Illustr.  London :  Putnam. 
Fol.    30/. 

Haelez  (C.  de).  La  religion  et  les  cere- 
monies imperiales  de  la  Chine  moderne, 
d'apr^s  le  ceremonial  et  les  decrets 
officiels.  Pp.  556.  Brussels :  Hayez. 
10  f. 

HuTH  (G.)  Die  Inschriften  von  Tsaghan 
Baisin.  Tibetisch-mongolischer  Text  mit 
einer  Uebersetzung  und  Erlauterungen. 
Pp.  63.     Leipzig  :  Brockhaus.     3  m. 

JosEPHi  (Flavii)  opera,  edidit  et  appa- 
ratu  critico  instruxit  B.  Niese.  VI  : 
De  bello  ludaico  libros  VII  ediderunt 
I.  a  Destinon  et  B.  Niese.  Pp.  Ixxvi, 
628.     Berlin  :  Weidmann.     26  m. 

KoHLER  (J.)  &  Peiser  (F.  E.)  Aus  dem 
babylonischen  Eeehtsleben.  III.  Pp. 
64.     Leipzig :  Pfeiffer.     4  m. 

Louw  (P.  J.  F.)  De  Java-oorlog  van 
1825-1830.  L  Pp.  734,  with  atlas.  Ba- 
tavia. 

Maspero  (G.)  The  dawn  of  civilisation  : 
Egypt  and  Chaldaea.  Ed.  by  A.  H. 
Sayce.      Transl.    by   M.   L.   McGlure. 


Pp.  806,  illustr.  London  :  Society  for 
promoting  Christian  knowledge.     24/. 

Matheson  {G.  B.)  Life  of  Warren  Hast- 
ings, first  governor-general  of  India. 
Pp.  574,  portr.  London  :  Chapman  & 
Hall.     18/. 

Moor  (F.  de).  Un  Episode  oubli6  de 
I'histoire  primitive  d'Israel  et  I'Asie 
ant6rieure  sous  le  r^gne  des  deux  Am6- 
nophis  III  et  IV,  d'apr^s  la  correspon- 
dance  d'El  Amarna.  Pp.  45.  Arras  : 
Sueur-Charruey. 

NiEBUHR  (C.)  Studien  und  Bemerkungen 
zur  Geschichte  des  alten  Orients.  I : 
Gideon  und  Jerubbaal ;  ein  Buch  Levi ; 
Kaleb  und  Juda  in  Eichter  I ;  Tukulti- 
Aschur-Bil ;  Chanirabbat  und  Mitani ; 
zur  Lage  von  Alaschja.  Pp.  102. 
Leipzig :  Pfeiffer.     6  m. 

Petrie  (W.  M.  F.)  a  history  of  Egypt, 
from  the  earliest  times  to  the  sixteenth 
century.  Pp.268.  London:  Methuen. 
6/. 

Eea  (A.)  South  Indian  Buddhist  anti- 
quities, including  the  stupas  of  Bhatti- 
prolu,  Gudivada,  and  Ghantasala,  and 
other  ancient  sites  in  the  Krishna  dis- 
trict, Madras  presidency.  Pp.  52,  47 
plates.  Madras.  (London:  Luzac).  4to. 
12/6. 

Schwartz  (E.)  Die  Konigslisten  des  Era- 
tosthenes und  Kastor  mit  Excursen 
liber  die  Interpolationen  bei  Africanus 
und  Eusebius.  Pp.  96.  Gottingen : 
Dieterich.     4to.     10  m. 

Snouck   Hurgronje    (C.)     De    Al.jehers. 

II.  Pp.  438.     Batavia. 
Wellhausen   (J.)     Israelitische   und  jii- 

dische  Geschichte.  Pp.  342.  Berlin  : 
Eeimer.     7  m. 

WiNCKLER  (H.)  Altorientalische  For  - 
schungen:  III.  Pp.  197-303.  Leip- 
zig :  Pfeitfer.     6.50  m. 

Sammlung    von    Keilschrlftfcex  ten 

III,  1.    Pp.  40.    Leipzig :  Pfeiifer.    4to. 


III.   GREEK  AND  ROMAN.  HISTORY 


Allard  (P.)  Le  paganisme  au  milieu  du 
quatrieme  siecle  ;  situation  materielle  et 
legale.  Pp.  51.  Besan(?on:  impr.  Jacquin. 

Aristotle's  Politics.  A  revised  text, 
with  introduction,  analysis,  and  com- 
mentary, by  F.  Susemihl  and  E.  D. 
Hicks.  Books  1-5.  Pp.  694.  London : 
Macmillan.     18/. 

Hammond  (B.  E.)  The  political  institu- 
tions of  the  ancient  Greeks.  Pp.  122. 
London :  Clay.     4/. 

HocHART  (P.)  Nouvelles  considerations 
au  sujet  des  Annales  etdes  Histoires  de 
Tacite.     Paris  :  Thorin.     8  f . 

Inscriptions  juridiques  grecques,  Eecueil 
des.  Texte,  traduction,  commentaire, 
par  E.  Dareste,  B.  Haussoullier,  et  T. 
Eeinach.     III.     Paris  :  Leroux.   7*50  f . 


Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  Corpus.  VI  : 
Inscriptiones  urbis  Eomae  Latinae, 
collegerunt  G.  Henzen,  I.  B.  de  Eossi, 
E.  Bormann,  C.  Huelsen.  IV,  1.  Pp. 
2459-3001.  Berlin  :  Eeimer.  Fol.  58  m. 

Kern  (0.)  Die  Griuidungsgeschichte  von 
Magnesia  am  Maiandros :  eine  neue 
IJrkunde,  erlautert  von.  Pp.  27,  plate. 
Berlin  :  Weidmann.     4to.     4  m. 

Lehmann  (K.)  Der  letze  Feldzug  des 
Hannibalischen  Krieges.  Leipzig : 
Teubner.     2-80  m. 

MwYER  (E.)  Untersuchungen  zur  Ge- 
schichte der  Gracchen.  Pp.  33.  Halle  : 
Niemeyer.     1*60  m. 

Mommsen  (T.)  History  of  Eome,  transl. 
by  W.  P.  Dickson.  New  ed.  revised 
throughout     and     embodying     recent 


410 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


April 


additions.  I,  II.  Pp.  510,  530. 
London  :  Bentley.  Eacl#7/6. 
PuLLEN  (H.  W.)  Handbook  of  ancient 
Eoman  marbles  ;  or,  a  history  and  de- 
scription of  all  ancient  columns  and 
surface  marbles  still  existing  in  Eome. 
Pp.  190.   London :  Murray.    18mo.  2/. 


Eamsay  (W.)  Manual  of  Roman  an- 
tiquities. 15th  ed.  revised  by  R. 
Lanciani.  Pp.  580.  London :  Griffin. 
10/6. 

Seeck  (0.)  Geschichte  des  Untergangs 
der  antiken  Welt.  I.  Pp.  404.  Berlin  : 
Siemenroth  &  Worms.     8-50  m. 


IV.  ECCLESIASTICAL   AND  MEDIEVAL  HISTOEY 


Acta  Sanctorum  Novembris  coUecta, 
digesta,  illustrata.  II,  1.  Pp.  624, 
Brussels  :  Schepens.     75  f. 

Albebdingk-Thijm  (P.)  Les  dues  de 
Lotharingie  et  sp6cialement  ceux  de 
Basse-Lotharingie  du  X«-XI«  si^cles 
[933-1023].  I.  Pp.  34.  Brussels: 
Hayez. 

Akbois  de  JuBAiNViLiiE  (H  d').  Etudcs 
sur  le  droit  celtique.  I.  Paris :  Thorin. 
8f. 

Bbeyek  (R.)  Die  Legation  des  Kardinal- 
bischofs  Nikolaus  von  Albano  in  Skan- 
dinavien.  Pp.  23.  Halle :  Gebauer- 
Schwetschke'sche  Buchdruckerei.   4to. 

Clement  IV  [1265 -1268],  Les  registres 
de :  recueil  desbulles  de  ce  pape,  publi6es 
ou  analysees,  d'apr^s  les  manuscrits 
originaux  des  archives  du  Vatican, 
par  E.  Jordan.  11.  Pp.  113-256. 
Paris  :  Thorin.     4to.     10  f. 

Chronica  minora  saec.  IV.  V.  VI.  VII.  edidit 
T.  Mommsen.  (Monumenta  Germaniae 
historica.  Auctorum  antiquissimorum 
tomi  XIII  pars  1.)  Ill,  1.  Pp. 
222.    Berlin :     Weidmann.     4to.   8  m. 

Dahn  (F.)  Die  Konige  der  Germanen  : 
das  Wesen  des  altesten  Konigthums  der 
germanistischen  Stamme  und  seine 
Geschichte  bis  zur  Auflosung  des 
karolingischen  Reiches,  nach  den 
Quellen  dargestellt.  VII :  Die  Franken 
unter  den  Merovingern.  II.  Pp.  273. 
Leipzig  :  Breitkopf  &  Hartel.     8  m. 

DoDu  (G.)  De  Fulconis  Hierosolymitani 
regno.    Pp.  72.     Paris :  Hachette. 

Histoire     des    institutions    monar- 

chiques  dans  le  royaume  latin  de 
Jerusalem  [1099-1291].  Pp.  381. 
Paris :  Hachette. 

DouAis  (C.)  L'Albigeisme  et  les  freres 
precheurs  a  Narbonne  au  treizieme 
si^cle.     Pp.  149.     Paris  :  Picard.     5  f . 

Egils  saga  Skallagrimssonar,  nebst  den 
grosseren  Gedichten  Egils.  Herausge- 
geben  von  Finnur  Jonsson.  Pp.  xxxix, 
334.     Halle :  Niemeyer. 

Fkoissart,  The  chronicles  of,  translated 
by  John  Bourchier,Lord  Berners.  Edited 
and  reduced  into  one  volume  by  G,  C. 
Macaulay.  Pp.  xxx,  484.  London : 
Macmillan.     3/6. 

FuHRER  (J.)  Zur  Felicitas-Frage.  Pp. 
36.    Leipzig :  Fock. 

Gachon  (C.)  Pieces  relatives  au  d6bat 
du  pape  element  V  avec  I'empereur 
Henri  VII-  Pp.  xliv,  79.  Montpellier : 
impr.  Martel. 


Goetz  (C.)  Die  Busslehre  Cyprians  : 
eine  Studie  zur  Geschichte  des  Buss- 
sacraments.  Pp.  100.  Konigsberg: 
Bi^un  and  Weber.     2  m. 

Gregoire  IX,  Les  registres  de :  recueil 
des  buUes  de  ce  pape,  publi6es  ou 
analys6es  d'apr^s  les  manuscrits  origi- 
naux du  Vatican  par  L.  Auvray.  III. 
Pp.  529-784.  Paris:  Thorin.  4to. 
9f. 

Grupp  (G.)  Kulturgeschichte  des  Mittel- 
alters.  II.  Pp.  466,  illustr.  Stuttgart : 
Roth.     6-80  m. 

Guldenchrone  (D.  de).  L'Achaie  f^odale : 
6tude  sur  le  moyen-age  en  Gr^ce 
[1205-1456].     Paris  :  Leroux.     10  f. 

Hagiographica,  Bibliotheca,  Graeca  seu 
elenchus  vitarum  sanctorum  Graece 
typis  impressarum  ediderunt  Hagio- 
graphi  Bollandiani.  Pp.  144.  Brussels  : 
Polleunis.     6  f. 

Heck  (P.)  Die  altfriesische  Gerichtsver- 
fassung,  mit  sprachwissenschaftlichen 
Beitragen  von  T.  Siebs.  Pp.  499. 
Weimar  :  Bohlau.     12  m. 

Hesseling  (D.  C.)  Over  het  Grieksch 
der  middeleeuwen.  Pp.  23.  Leyden : 
Brill.     1  f. 

JiJNGST  (J.)  Die  Quellen  der  Apostel- 
geschichte.  Pp.  226.  Gotha :  Perthes. 
4  m. 

Kruger  (G.)  Geschichte  der  altchrist- 
lichen  Litteratur  in  den  ersten  drei 
Jahrhunderten.  (Grundriss  der  theolo- 
gischen  Wissenschaften.  2.  Reihe.  III.) 
Pp.  254.    Freiburg :  Mohr.    4-80  m. 

Maltzew  (A.)  Der  grosse  Buss-Kanon 
des  heiligen  Andreas  von  Kreta. 
Deutsch  und  slavisch  unter  Beriicksich- 
tigung  des  griechischen  Urtextes.  Pp. 
108.  Berlin  :  Siegismund.   12mo.    3  m. 

Martens  (W.)  Gregor  VII,  sein  Leben 
und  Wirken.  2  vols.  Pp.  351,  373. 
Leipzig  :  Duncker  &  Humblot.     16  m. 

MiTROVic  (B.)  Cipro  nella  storia  medio- 
evale.  Pp.  108.  Trieste :  Schimpff. 
3-20  m. 

Pastor  (L.)  The  history  of  the  popes 
from  the  close  of  the  mindle  ages, 
drawn  from  the  secret  archives  of  the 
Vatican  and  other  original  sources. 
English  translation,  edited  by  F.  I. 
Antrobus.  Ill,  IV.  Pp.  Iviii,  424, 
537.     London :     Kegan  Paul. 

Segovia  (loannes  de).  Historia  gestorum 
generalis  synodi  Basileensis.  Ed.  R. 
Beer.  Vol.  II.  Liber  XVII.  (Monumenta 
conciliorum     generalium    seculi    XV. 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


411 


Concilium  Basileense.  Scriptorura 
tomi  III  pars  III.)  Pp.  539-946. 
Vienna :  Tempsky.     4to.     20  m. 

Sathas  (C.)  Bibliotheca  Gragca  medii 
aevi.  VII :  Anonymi  compendium 
chronicum.  Pp.  680.  Paris :  Maison- 
neuve.     20  f. 

ScHENKL  (H.)  Bibliotheca  patrum  Lati- 
norum  Britannica.  III.  1 :  Die  Biblio- 
theken  der  englischen  Kathedralen. 
Pp.  79.     Leipzig  :  Freytag.     1-60  m. 

Tangl  (M.)  Die  papstlichen  Kanzleiord- 
nungen  [i 200- 1500],  gesammelt  und 
herausgegeben  von.  Pp.  Ixxxi,  461. 
Innsbruck  :  Wagner.     14  m. 


Tardif  (A.)  Histoire  des  sources  du 
droit  fran(?ais :  origines  romaines. 
Pp.  528.     Paris  :  A.  Picard.     8  f. 

TscHACKERT  (P.)  Ungedruckte  Briefe  zur 
allgemeinen  Eeformationsgeschichte. 
Pp.  57.  Gottingen :  Dieterich.  4to. 
6-40  m. 

Wagner  (J.)  Dictionnaire  de  droit 
canonique,  ou  le  Dictionnaire  de  Mgr 
Andre  et  de  I'abb^  Condis,  revu,  aug- 
ments, et  actualist.  II,  III.  Pp.  830, 
857.     Paris :  Walzer.     30  f. 

Wolf  (T.)  Johannes  Honterus,  der 
Apostel  Ungarns.  Pp.  186.  Kronstadt : 
Zeidner.     2*40  m. 


V.  HISTORY   OF   MODERN  EUROPE 


Barbarich  (E.)  La  guerra  serbobulgara 
nel  1885  :  le  operazioni  nei  Kodza  Bal- 
kan.    Pp.  239.     Turin  :  Casanova. 

Barthelemy,  ambassadeur  de  France  en 
Suisse  [i  792-1797].  Papiers  publics 
par  J.  Kaulek.  V :  septembre  1 794- 
septembre  1796.     Paris:  Alcan.     20  f. 

BiTTARD  DES  PoRTES  (E.)  Histoirc  des 
zouaves  pontificaux.  Pp.  401.  Paris  : 
Bloud  &  Barral.     5  f. 

BoNACiNi  (E.)  Guerra  franco-germanica 
del  1 870-1 87 1.  45  plates.  Florence. 
4to. 

Chiala  (L.)  Politica  segreta  di  Napoleone 
III  e  di  Cavour  in  Italia  e  in  Ungheria 
[1858-1861].     Pp.  204.     Turin.    16mo. 

Chuquet  (A.)  La  guerre  1870-1871.  Paris. 

Dawson  (S.  E.)  The  voyages  of  the 
Cabots  in  1497  and  1498.  (Transactions 
of  the  Eoyal  Society  of  Canada,  xii.  2). 
Montreal  :  Foster  Brown. 

GioDA  (C.)  La  vita  e  le  opere  di  Gio- 
vanni Botero.  II,  III.  Pp.  397-795, 
331.     Milan:  Hoeph. 

GuiLLAUME.  Code  des  relations  conven- 
tionnelles  entre  la  Belgique  et  la  France. 
Brussels  :  Falk.     4to.     12  f. 

Larivikre  (C.  de).  Catherine  II  et  la 
revolution  fran(?aised'apres  de  nouveaux 
documents.  Paris  :  Le  Soudier.  12mo. 
3-50  f. 

Lavanchy  (J.  M.)  Le  diocese  de  Geneve 
(partie  de  Savoie)  pendant  la  revolution 
fran(?aise.  II.  Pp.  797.  Annecy  : 
Burnod.     7  f. 

Lkgrelle  (A.)  Notes  et  documents  sur 
la  paix  de  Eyswick.  Pp.  136.  Lille  : 
Desclee  &  de  Brouwer. 

Maag  (A.)  Geschichte  der  Schweizer- 
truppen  in  franzosischen  Diensten  vom 
Riickzug  aus  Eussland  bis  zum  zweiten 
Pariser  Frieden  [1813-1815].  Pp.  568, 
illustr.     Biel :  Kuhn.     10  m. 

Montesquieu,  Voyages  de.    Publ.  par  le 


baron  A.  de  Montesquieu.  I.  Pp. 
xlviii,  373.     Paris :  Picard.     4to. 

Montgaillard  (comte  de),  agent  de  la 
diplomatic  secrete  pendant  la  revolu- 
tion, I'empire,  et  la  restauration.  Sou- 
venirs publics  d'apres  des  documents 
inedits  par  C.  de  Lacroix.  Paris :  Ollen- 
dorf.     7-50  f. 

Ompteda  (L.,  Freiherr  von).  Irrfahrten 
und  Abenteuer  eines  mittelstaatlichen 
Diplomaten :  ein  Lebens-  und  Kultur- 
bild  aus  den  Zeiten  um  1800.  Pp.  435. 
Leipzig  :  Hirzel.     6-50  m. 

PouLLET  (P.)  La  Belgique  et  la  chute  de 
Napoleon  1".  Pp.  44.  Brussels:  Soci6t6 
Beige  de  Librairie. 

Professione  (A.)  Storia  moderna  e  con- 
temporanea,  dalla  pace  d'Aquisgrana 
ai  giorni  nostri.     I,     Pp.  406.     Turin. 

SciiLiTTER  (H.)  Pius  VI  und  Josef  II 
von  der  Eiickkehr  des  Papstes  nach 
Eom  bis  zum  Abschluss  des  Concordats : 
ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  Bezieh- 
ungen  Josefs  II  zur  romischen  Curie 
[1782- 1 784].  (Fontes  rerum  Austria- 
carum.  II  :  Diplomataria  et  acta. 
XXXXVII.  2.)  Pp.  225.  Vienna: 
Tempsky.     3-40  m. 

ScHiMPFF  (G.  von).  1813:  Napoleon  in 
Sachsen ;  nach  des  Kaisers  Korrespon- 
denz  bearbeitet.  Pp.  278.  Dresden. 
6  m. 

Spanish  armada,  State  papers  relating  to 
the  defeat  of  the,  [1588],  ed.  by  J.  K. 
Laughton.  11.  (Publications  of  the 
Navy  Eecords  Society.  II.)  Pp.  418. 
London  :  Printed  for  the  Navy  Eecords 
Society. 

Stoerk  (F.)  Nouveau  recueil  general  de 
traites  et  autres  actes  relatifs  aux  rap- 
ports de  droit  international.  Continua- 
tion du  grand  recueil  de  G.  F.  de  Mar- 
tens. 2'=  serie.  XIX,  2.  Pp.  287-760. 
Gottingen  :  Dieterich.     20  m. 


A.    FRANCE 


AuBERT  (F.)  Histoire  du  parlement  de 
Paris  de  I'origine  a  Fran9ois  I®""  [1250- 
1515].  2  vol.  Pp.  400,  340.  Paris: 
Picard.     16  f. 


AuLARD  (F.  a.)  Eecueil  des  actes  du  co- 
mity du  salut  public,  avec  la  correspon- 
dance  officielle  des  repr6sentants  en 
mission  et  le  registre  du  conseil  ex6cutif 


412 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


April 


provisolre.  VII:  [22-  septembre- 
24  octobre  1793].  Pp.  ^68.  Paris: 
Hachette.     12  f. 

BixET  (A.)  Inventaire  sommaire  des 
archives  d6partementales  anterieures  a 
1790.  Calvados  :  archives  civiles ; 
serie  D.  II :  University  de  Caen  (Art. 
87-644).  Pp.  333.  Caen:  Delesques. 
4to. 

Bekthault  (M.)  L'abbaye  de  Chelles 
(ordre  de  Saint-Benoist),  diocese  de 
Paris  [657-1790]  :  E6sum6s  chronolo- 
giques.  Ill:  [1734-1789].  Pp.  259. 
Paris  :  Dupont.     6  f. 

Brette  (A.)  Eecueil  de  documents  rela- 
tifs  a  1^  convocation  des  6tats  g6neraux 
de  1789.  I.  Pp.  cix,  534.  Paris : 
Hachette.     12  f. 

Debidodb  (A.)  &  Etienne  (E.)  Les  chro- 
niqueurs  fran^ais  au  moyen  age  : 
etudes.  Pp.  408.  Paris  :  Lec^ne  & 
Oudin.     18mo.     5  f. 

Desme  de  Chavigny  (0.)  Histoire  de 
Saumur  pendant  la  revolution.  Pp. 
260.     Vannes:  Lafolye. 

DucROT  (general),  La  vie  militaire  du, 
d'apr^s  sa  correspondance  [1839-1871]. 
2  vol.     Paris  :  Plon.     15  f. 

Favatier  (L.)  La  vie  municipale  a  Nar- 
bonne  au  dix-septieme  si^cle :  une 
election  en  1667  ;  une  fete  publique  en 
1645  ;  les  pestes  et  le  bureau  de  la 
sante.  Pp.  Ixxi,  198.  Narbonne  : 
impr.  Caillard. 

Eeret  (P.)  La  faculte  de  theologie  de 
Paris  et  ses  docteurs  les  plus  celebres. 
Moyen  age.  II.  Pp.  615.  Paris : 
Picard. 

Fournier  (M.)  Les  statuts  et  privileges 
des  universites  fran^aises  depuis  leur 
fondation  jusqu'en  1789.  2"  partie, : 
XVI«  siecle.  IV  :  L'universit6  de 
Strasbourg  et  les  academies  protes- 
tantes  fran^aises.  I.  Pp.  472.  Paris  : 
Larose.     4to.     30  f. 

Garnier  (J.)  Inventaire  sommaire  des 
archives  departementales  anterieures  a 
1790.  Cote-d'Or  :  archives  civiles. 
Serie  B.  Parlement  de  Bourgogne 
(Nos.  12068-12269).  Pp.  383.  Dijon  : 
impr.  Darantiere.     4to.     10  f. 

JoiNviLLE  (prince  de).  Memoirs,tr.byLady 
Mary  Lloyd.  Pp.  340,  illustr.  London  : 
Heinemann.     15/. 

JoussET  (abbe).  Henri  IV  et  son  temps. 
Pp.  400,  illustr.  Tours  :  Mame.  4to. 
5-50  f. 

Kahn  (L.)  Histoire  de  la  communaute 
Israelite  de  Paris:  les  juifs  de  Paris  au 
dix-huitieme  siecle,  d'apr^s  les  archives 
de  la  lieutenance  generale  de.  police  a 


la  Bastille.  Paris  :  Durlacher.  12mo. 
3f. 

Lacombe  (C.  de).  Vie  de  Berryer:  Berryer 
et  la  monarchic  de  Juillet.  I,  II. 
Paris. 

Lenient  (C.)  La  poesie  patriotique  en 
France  dans  les  temps  modernes.  II. 
Paris  :  Hachette.     16mo.     3-50  f. 

Magen  (A.)  Jurades  de  la  ville  d'Agen 
[1345-1355],  traduit  et  annote.  I.  Pp. 
431.     Auch  :  impr,  Cocharaux. 

Marsy  (comte  de).  Catalogue  des  manus- 
crits  de  la  biblioth^que  de  la  ville  de 
Compi^gne.     Pp.  47.     Paris  :  Plon. 

Mauldb  La  Clavibre  (R.  de).  Louise  de 
Savoie  et  Franpois  P"" :  trente  ans  de 
jeunesse  [1485-1515].  Paris  :  Perrin. 
8f, 

Mautort  (chevalier  de),  Memoires  [1752- 
1802]  publics  par  le  baron  Tillette 
de  Clermont-Tonnerre.  Pp.  512,  portr. 
Paris :  Plon, 

Mavidal  (J,)  &  Laurent  (E,)  Archives 
parlementaires.  Eecueil  complet  des 
debats  des  chambres  franpaises  de  1787 
a  i860.  Premiere  s6rie  [1787-1799]. 
XLIV :  Assembl6e  nationale,  Paris  : 
Dupont.     20  f. 

Orleans,  duchess  of,  mother  of  the  regent, 
Secret  memoirs  of  the  court  of  Louis 
XIV  and  of  the  regency,  extracted  from 
the  German  correspondence  of  the. 
Pp,  372,     London  :  Nichols.     10/6. 

Paris,  Actes  de  la  commune  de,  pendant 
la  revolution,  publics  et  annotes  par 
S.  Lacroix.  II  :  Deuxieme  assemblee 
des  representants  de  la  commune. 
Paris.     7-50  m. 

Documents  pour  servir  a  1 'histoire 

des  libraires  de  Paris  [i486- 1600], 
publics  par  J.  Pichon  et  G.  Vicaire, 
Paris.     10  m. 

Petit  (E.)  Histoire  des  dues  de  Bour- 
gogne de  la  race  capetienne,  avec  des 
documents  inedits  et  des  pieces  justifi- 
catives.  V.  Pp.  514,  illustr.  Dijon : 
impr.  Darantiere.     10  f. 

Eemusat  (madame  de).  Memoirs  [1802- 
1808]  ;  tr.  by  Mrs.  C.  Hoey  &  J.  Lillie. 
Pp.  740.     London  :  Low.     7/6. 

Saurel  (F.)  Histoire  religieuse  du  depar- 
tement  de  I'Herault  pendant  la  revolu- 
tion. I.  Pp.  334.  Paris  :  Champion.  5  f. 

SoYER  (J,)  Etude  sur  la  communaute 
des  habitants  de  Blois  jusqu'au  com- 
mencement du  seizieme  siecle.  Pp.  145. 
Paris  :  Picard,     3  f, 

VioLLET  (P.)  Les  etats  de  Paris  en  fe- 
vrier  1358,  Pp.  36,  Paris  :  Klincksieck. 
4to. 


B.  GERMANY  AND  AUSTBIA-HUNGABY 


Arneth  (A.,  Eitter  von).  Anton,  Ritter 
von  Schmerling  :  Episoden  aus  seinem 
Leben  [1835,  1848-1849].  Pp.  343, 
2  plates.     Leipzig  :  Freytag.     8  m. 

Augsburg.-  Die  Chroniken  der  schwabi- 
schen  Stadte.  Augsburg.  IV,(Die  Chroni- 


ken der  deutschen  Stadte  vom  vierzehn- 
ten  bis  ins  sechzehnte  Jahrhundert, 
XXIII.)  Pp.  Ixviii,  546,  Leipzig : 
Hirzel.  16  m. 
Bernhardi's  (Theodor  von),  Aus  dem 
Leben.  IV  :  Die  ersten  Eegierungsjahre 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


413 


Konig  Wilhelms  I;  Tagebuchbliitter 
aus  den  Jahren  1860-1893.  ^P- 
340,  portr.  Leipzig.  Hirzel.  7  m. 
Bismarck  (Fiirst  von)  Ansprachen 
[i  848-1 894.]  Herausgegeben  von  H. 
von  Poschinger.  Pp.  358,  portr.  Stutt- 
gart :  Deutsche  Verlags-Anstalt.     7  m. 

Politische      Keden.        Historisch- 

kritische  Gesammtausgabe,  besorgt  von 
H.  Kohl.  XII:  [1886-1890.]  Pp. 
697.     Stuttgart :    Cotta.     8  m. 

Brunneck  (W.  von).  Zur  Geschichte 
des  Grundeigenthums  in  Ost-  und 
Westpreussen.  II :  Die  Lehngiiter. 
I :  Das  Mittelalter.  Pp.  123.  Berlin  : 
Vahlen.     3  m. 

Carl  von  Oesterreich  (Erzherzog). 
Ausgewahlte  Schriften.  6  vol.  Map. 
Vienna  :  Braumiiller.     60*90  m. 

Cologne. — Kolner  Schreinsurkunden  des 
zwolften  Jahrhunderts.  Quellen  zur 
Eechts-  und  Wirthsehaftsgeschichte 
der  Stadt  Koln,  herausgegeben  von  K. 
Hoeniger.  II,  2.  (Publikationen  der 
Gesellschaft  fiir  rheinische  Geschichts- 
kunde.  I.  II,  2.)  Pp.  320.  Bonn : 
Weber.     4to.     22  m. 

Du  Moulin  Eccart  (Graf  K.)  Bayern 
unter  dem  Ministerium  Montgelas. 
[1799-1817].  I:  [1799-1800].  Pp. 
439.     Munich :  Beck.     8-50  m. 

Friedrich's  des  Grossen,  Politische 
Correspondenz.  XXI.  Pp.  600. 
Berlin  :  Duncker.     15  m. 

Garmo  (C.  de).  Herbart  and  the  Her- 
bartians.  Pp.  268.  London :  Heine- 
mann.     5/. 

Geiger  (L.)  Berlin,  1688-1840:  Ge- 
schichte des  geistigen  Lebens  der 
preussischen  Hauptstadt.  II:  [1786- 
1840].  Pp.  651.   Berlin :  Paetel.  15  m. 

Glaser  (A.)  Geschichte  der  Juden  in 
Strassburg,  von  der  Zeit  Karls  des 
Grossen  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart.  Pp. 
88.     Strassburg :  Noiriel.     2  m. 

Hessisches  Urkundenbuch.  II :  Urkun- 
denbuch  zur  Geschichte  der  Herren 
von  Hanau  und  der  ehemaligen  Provinz 
Hanau  von  H.  Keimer.  Ill:  [1350- 
1375]-  (Publikationen  aus  den  konig- 
lich  preussischen  Staatsarchiven.  LX.) 
Pp.  922.     Leipzig  :  Hirzel.     24  m. 

Janssen  (J.)  Geschichte  des  deutschen 
Volkes  seit  dem  Ausgang  des  Mittel- 
alters.  VIII  :  Culturzustande  des 
deutschen  Volkes  seit  dem  Ausgang 
des  Mittelalters  bis  zum  Beginn  des 
dreissigjahrigen  Krieges.  4tes  Buch  : 
Volkswirtschaftliche,  gesellschaftliche, 
und  religios-sittliche  Zustande  ;  Hexen- 
wesen  und  Hexenverfolgung.  Erganzt 
und  herausgegeben  von  L.  Pastor.  Pp. 
Iv,  719.     Freiburg  :  Herder.     7  m. 

JuRiTSCH  (G.)  Geschichte  der  Baben- 
berger  und  ihrer  Lander    [976-1276]. 


Pp.      726.  Innsbruck :      Wagner. 

12-80  m. 
Keutgen  (F.)     Untersuchungen  iiber  den 
Ursprung   der   deutschen  Stadtverfas- 
sung.     Pp.  236.     Leipzig :  Duncker  & 
Humblot.     5  m. 
Knittel  (A.)      Beitrage  zur  Geschichte 
des  deutschen  Genossenschaftswesens. 
Pp.   124,  plates.       Freiburg:     Mohr. 
3-60  m. 
Leipzig,  Urkundenbuch  der  Stadt.     HI, 
Herausgegeben     von    J.    Forstemann. 
(Codex   diplomaticus  Saxoniae  regiae. 
2.  Hauptteil.     X.)     Pp.  422.     Leipzig : 
Giesecke  &  Devrient.     4to.     20  m. 
Lindner  (T.)     Geschichte  des  deutschen 
Volkes.     2  vol.     Pp.  342,  388.      Stutt- 
gart :  Cotta.     10  m. 
LoHER  (F.   von).     Kulturgeschichte    der 
Deutschen      im      Mittelalter.         Ill : 
Kaiserzeit.       Aus       dem       Nachlasse 
herausgegeben.  Pp.      383,      portr. 

Munich  :  Schweitzer.     7'50  m. 
LuscHiN  VON  Ebengreuth   (A.)     Oester- 
reichische       Reichsgeschichte :       Ge- 
schichte der  Staatsbildung,  der  Eechts- 
quellen,  und   des   offentlichen  Eechts. 
I.       Pp.    160.       Bamberg :   Buchner. 
3-20  m. 
Mayer  (H.)     Geschichte  der  Universitat 
Freiburg  in  Baden  in  der  ersten  Halfte 
des  neunzehnten  Jahrhunderts.     Ill : 
[1830-1852].     Pp.  135.     Bonn :     Han- 
stein.     2-50  m. 
Nehlsen  (R.)     Dithmarscher  Geschichte 
nach    Quellen    und    Urkunden.      Pp. 
xlvi,    639.     Hamburg :  Verlagsanstalt. 
5  m. 
Orleans    (Herzogin    Elisabeth  Charlotte 
von).     Brief e    an     ihre    friihere    Hof- 
meisterin  A.  K,  von  Harling  und  deren 
Gemahl.        Herausgegeben     von      E. 
Bodemann.       Pp.    xxxii,    234,    portr. 
Hanover  :  Hahn.     6  m. 
Petersdorff  (H.  von).     General  Johann 
Adolph,  Freiherr  von  Thielmann :  ein 
Charakterbild  aus  der  napoleonischen 
Zeit.    Pp.  352,  portr.  Leipzig  :  Hirzel. 
8  m. 
Priebatsch  (F.)  Politische  Correspondenz 
des  Kurfiirsten  Albrecht  Achilles.     I : 
[1470-1474].        Pp.   830.         Leipzig : 
Hirzel.     25  m. 
Sybel   (H.   von).     Die    Begriindung  des 
deutschen   Reiches  durch   Wilhelm  I. 
VI,      VIL     Pp.    377,    416.     Munich: 
Oldenbourg.     Each  7  50  m. 
Thudichum    (F.    von).      Geschichte   des 
deutschen     Privatrechts.       Pp.     474. 
Stuttgart :  Enke.     11  m. 
ToEPPEN   (M.)     Beitrage  zur   Geschichte 
des    Weichseldeltas.      (Abhandlungen 
zur   Landeskunde  der  Provinz    West- 
preussen.      VIII.)         Pp.    129,   map. 
Danzig :  Bertling.    4to.     6  m. 


414 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


April 


C.  GEE  AT  BBITAIN  AND  IRELAND 


Ancient  deeds,  A  descriptive  catalogue  of, 
in  the  public  record  office.  11.  Pp. 
739.  London :  Published  under  the 
direction  of  the  master  of  the  rolls.  15/. 

BioGBAPHY,  Dictionary  of  national.  XLII : 
O' Duinn— Owen.  London  :  Smith, 
Elder,  &  Co.     15/. 

BoNNEB  (Hypatia  B.)  Charles  Bradlaugh  : 
a  record  of  his  life  and  work.  2  vol. 
Pp.  850.    London :  Unwin.     21/. 

BouvEKiE-PusEY  (S.  E.  B.)  The  past 
history  gf  Ireland.  Pp.  164.  London  : 
Unwin.     1/. 

Bowes  (E.)  A  catalogue  of  books  printed 
at,  or  relating  to,  the  university,  town, 
and  county  of  Cambridge  [1521-1893]. 
Index.     London :  Macmillan.     7/6. 

Canteebury,  The  registers  of  the  Wallon 
or  strangers'  church  in,  ed.  by  R. 
Hovenden.  (Publications  of  the  Hu- 
guenot Society  of  London,  V.)  II.  Pp. 
305-503.  Lymington  :  Printed  for  the 
Society.     4to. 

Chalmers  (George).  Caledonia ;  or,  a 
historical  and  topographical  account 
of  North  Britain  from  the  most  ancient 
to  the  present  times.  From  the  hitherto 
unpublished  manuscripts  in  the  Advo- 
cates' library.  VII.  London :  Gardner. 
4to.     21/. 

Cunningham  (W.)  &  McArthur  (Ellen  A.) 
Outlines  of  English  industrial  history. 
Pp.  274.    Cambridge :  University  Press. 

4/. 

Edward  II.  Calendar  of  the  close  rolls 
preserved  in  the  public  record  office 
[1318-1323].  Pp.  879.  London  : 
H.  M.  Stationery  Office.     15/. 

FiTZMAURicE  (lord  E.)  The  life  of  sir 
William  Petty  [1623-1687].  Portr. 
London  :  Murray.     16/. 

Gasquet  (F.  a.)  The  last  abbot  of 
Glastonbury  and  his  companions  :  an 
historical  sketch.  Pp.  195.  London : 
Simpkin  Marshall.     7/6. 

Green  (John  Richard).  A  short  history 
of  the  English  people.  Illustr.  ed.  by 
Mrs.  J.  R.  Green  &  Miss  K.  Norgate. 
IV.  Pp.  Ixxxiii-cx,  1411-1906.  London  : 
Macmillan.     12/. 

Henry  VIII,  Letters  and  papers,  foreign 
and  domestic,  of  the  reign  of.  Arranged 
and  catalogued  by  J.  Gairdner  &  R.  H. 
Brodie.  XIV,  1:  29  December  1538- 
July  1539].  Pp.  li,'  611.  London: 
H.M.  Stationery  Office.     15/. 

Hinds  (A.  B.)  The  making  of  the  Eng- 
land of  Elizabeth.  Pp.  152.  London  : 
Rivington,  Percival,  &  Co.     4/6. 

Button  (W.  H.)  WiUiam  Laud.  Pp.  240, 
portr.     London :  Methuen.     3/6. 

Kenyon    (lord),     The     manuscripts     of. 


Fourteenth  report  of  the  Historical 
Manuscripts  Commission.  IV.  Lon- 
don :  H.M.  Stationery  Office.     2/10. 

Melville  (A.  P.)  The  last  Scots  parlia- 
ment.    Pp.  66.     Perth :  Cowan     1/. 

Ministers'  accounts,  List  of  original, 
preserved  in  the  public  record  office. 
Part  I  (Lists  and  indexes,  V.)  London  : 
H.M.  Stationery  Office.     16/. 

Newell  (E.  J.)  A  history  of  the  Welsh 
church  to  the  destruction  of  the  monas- 
teries.   Pp.  435.     London  :  Stock. 

Oliphant  (Mrs.)  Historical  sketches  of 
the  reign  of  queen  Anne.  Pp.  381,  portr. 
London :  Macmillan.     8/6. 

Oman  (C.)  A  history  of  England.  Lon- 
don :  Arnold.     4/6. 

Oxford,  The  cartulary  of  the  monastery 
of  St.  Frideswide  at.  Ed.  by  S.  R. 
Wigram.  (Oxford  Historical  Society.) 
L  Pp. 503, plates.  Oxford:  Clarendon 
Press. 

Pepys  (Samuel).  Diary.  Ed.  by  H.  B. 
Wheatley.  V  :  i  July  1665-30  Sept. 
1666.  Pp.  451,  portraits.  London: 
Bell.     10/6. 

Pollock  (sir  F.)  &  Maitland  (F.  W.).  The 
history  of  English  law.  2  vol.  Cam- 
bridge :   University  Press.   40/. 

PovAH  (A.)  The  annals  of  the  parishes 
of  St.  Olave,  Hart  Street,  and  All 
Hallows,  Staining,  in  the  city  of  Lon- 
don.    London :  Blades.     4to.     21/. 

RjiNwicK  (R.)  Abstracts  of  protocols  of 
the  town-clerks  of  Glasgow.  I:  1547- 
1555.  Pp-  130.  Glasgow:  Carson  & 
Nicol.     4to.     6/. 

Salisbury  (marquis  of).  Calendar  of  the 
manuscripts  of  the,  V.  (Historical 
Manuscripts  Commission.)  London : 
H.  M.  Stationery  Office.     2/6. 

Verney  (Margaret  M.)  Memoirs  of  the 
Verney  family.  Ill :  During  the  com- 
monwealth [1650-1660].  Pp.  493, 
illustr.    London :  Longmans. 

York,  The  historians  of  the  church  of, 
and  its  archbishops.  Edited  by  J. 
Raine.  IIL  Pp.443.  London:  PubHshed 
under  the  direction  of  the  master  of 
the  rolls.     10/. 

Yorkshire  lay  subsidy,  being  a  ninth  col- 
lected in  26  Edw.  I  [1297]  ;  ed.  by  W. 
Brown.  (Yorkshire  Archaeological  So- 
ciety. Record  series,  XVI.)  Pp.  xxix, 
191.     Printed  for  the  Society. 

The  certificates  of  the  commis- 
sioners appointed  to  survey  the 
chantries,  guilds,  hospitals,  &c.,  in  the 
county  of  York.  I.  (Publications  of 
the  Surtees  society,  XCI.)  Pp.  210. 
Durham  :  Andrews.  (London  :  Whit- 
taker.     14/. 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


415 


D.  ITALY 


Browning  (0.)  The  age  of  the  condot- 
tieri :  a  short  history  of  medieval  Italy 
[1409 -1530].  Pp.  275.  London: 
Methuen.     5/. 

Cannavale  (E.)  Lo  studio  di  Napoli  nel 
rinascimento.     Pp.  291.     Turin.     4to. 

DiEHL  (C.)  L'art  byzantin  dans  I'ltalie 
m6ridionale.  Illustr.  Paris :  Librairie 
de  Part.     4to.    15  f. 

Gbegorovius  (F.)  History  of  the  city  of 
Kome  in  the  middle  ages.  Transl.  from 
the  4th  German  ed.  by  Annie  Hamilton. 


I,  n.    Pp.   505,  516.    London  :    Bell. 

Each  6/. 
Savini  (F.)     II  commune  Teramano  nella 

sua  vita  intima  e  pubblica  dai  piii  antichi 

tempi  ai  moderni.     Pp.  612.     Eome  : 

Forzani.     10  1. 
TiRABOscHi  (Girolamo).     Lettere  al  padre 

Ireneo  Affo,  a  cura  di  C.  Frati.     I.    Pp. 

320.     Modena :  Vincenzi.     4to.     10  1. 
Travali  (G.)     Documenti  su  lo  sbarco,  la 

cattura,  e  la  morte  del  re  Gioacchino 

Murat  al  Pizzo.     Palermo  :  Reber. 


E.  OTHER   COUNTRIES 


Bain  (R.  N.)     Gustavus  III  and  his  con- 
temporaries [1746- 1792].     2  vol,    Lon- 
don :  Kegan  Paul.     21/. 
Barbiek   (V.)      Histoire   de  I'abbaye  de 

Malonne  de  I'ordre  des  chanoines  regu- 
liers   de    S.  Augustin.      I.      Pp.    483. 

Namur :  Delvaux.     4  f . 
Bergh    (E.)     Finland   under   det   forsta 

Srtiondet    of    kejsar    Alexander    Ill's 

regering.         Pp.    515.         Helsingfors. 

(13-50  m.) 
Burke  (U.  R.)     A  history  of  Spain  from 

the  earliest  times  to  the  death  of  Ferdi- 
nand the   Catholic.     2  vol.     Pp.  384, 

360.     London :  Longmans.     32/. 
Bury  Adels  Torn.     La  maison  de  Croy  : 

6tude  historique,  h6raldique,  et  critique. 

I.      Pp.     243.      Brussels :     Schepens. 

10  f. 
Byvanck  (W.  G.  C.)    Hoofdstukken  onzer 

geschiedenis :    de  jeugd  van  Isaac  da 

Costa    [1798  -  1825].       L       Pp.    260. 

Leyden. 
Candau  y  Pizarro  (F.)     Prehistoria  de  la 

provincia   de   Sevilla.     Seville :  Salas. 

4to.     10  pes. 
Casier  (C.)   &    Stallaert    (C.)     Recueil 

des  anciennes  coutumes  de  la  Belgique. 

Coutumes  de  la   ville   d'Aerschot,   de 

Neder-Assent,  et  de  Caggevinne.      Pp. 

232.     Brussels :  Goemare.     4to. 
David  (J.)    Vaderlandsche  historic.    8  vol. 

Louvain  :  Van  Linthout.     16  f. 
Denmark. — Forordninger,    Recesser,     og 

andre  kongeiige  Breve  Danmarks  Lov- 

givning     vedkommende     [1558- 1660]. 

IJdgivne  ved  V.  A.  Secher.    IV,  1.    Pp. 

160.     Copenhagen.     (3  m.) 
Fredericq  (P.)     Onze  historische  volks- 

liederen.     I.     Pp.  119.     Ghent :  Vuyl- 

steke.     4  f. 
Gailliard  (E.)    De  keure  van  Hazebroeck 

van  1336.    L    Pp.410.    Ghent :  Siffer. 

10  f. 
Goblet  d'Alviella  (comte  E.)     Emile  de 

Laveleye,  sa  vie  et  son  oeuvre.    Pp.  200. 

Brussels :  Hayez.     16mo.     2-50  f. 
Jacobs  (J.)     An  inquiry  into  the  sources 

of   the  history  of  the  Jews  in  Spain. 

Pp.  xlviii,  263.     London  :  Nutt. 
Juste  (T.)     Histoire  de  Belgique  depuis 


les  temps  primitifs  jusqu'a  nos  jours. 
3  vol.  Pp.  352,  380, 438,  illustr.  Brus- 
sels :  Bruylant.     60  f . 

Knuttel  (W.  p.  C.)  De  toestand  der 
nederlandsche  katholieken  ten  tijde  der 
republiek.  II  :  De  achttiende  eeuw. 
Pp.  317.     The  Hague  :  Nijhoff. 

Laurent  (C.)  Recueil  des  anciennes  or- 
donnances  de  la  Belgique.  2"  ser. 
[1506-1700].  I.  Pp.  762.  Brussels: 
Goemaere. 

Oliveira  Martens  (J.  P.)  Historia  de  la 
civilisacion  iberica.  Pp.  Ix,  416.  Ma- 
drid. 

PoswicK  (E.)  Histoire  des  troupes  lie- 
geoises  pendant  le  dix-huitieme  siecle. 
Pp.  222.    Liege  :  Cormaux.    4to.    20  f. 

Reitsma  (J.)  &  Veen  (S.  D.  van).  Acta 
der  provinciale  en  particuliere  synoden, 
gehouden  in  de  Noordelijke  Nederlanden 
gedurende  de  jaren  1572-1620.  Ill: 
Zuid-Holland,  1593-1620.  Pp.  525. 
Groningen:  Wolters. 

ScHREVEL  (C.  A.  de).  Troubles  religieux 
du  seizieme  siecle  au  quartier  de  Bruges 
[1566-1568].  I.  Pp.  515.  Bruges: 
De  Plancke.     5  f. 

Staghelin  (R.)  Huldreich  Zwingli  :  sein 
Leben  und  Wirken  nach  den  Quellcn 
dargestellt.  I.  Pp.  1-256.  Basel : 
Schwabe.     4-80  m. 

Vadianische  Brief sammlung,  Die,  der 
Stadtbibliothek  St.  Gallen.  II.  Heraus- 
gegeben  von  E.  Arbenz.  (Mitteilungen 
zur  vaterlandischenGeschichte.  XXV, 
2.)     Pp.  193-482.     St.  Gallen:  Huber. 

VisscHER  (H.)  Guilielmus  Amesius,  zijn 
leven  en  werken.  Pp.  227,  portr. 
Haarlem. 

Waliszewski  (K.)  The  story  of  a  throne ; 
Catherine  II  of  Russia.  Engl,  transl. 
2  vol.  Pp.  530.  London  :  Heinemann. 
28/. 

Witte  (A.  de).  Histoire  mon^taire  des 
comtes  de  Louvain,  dues  de  Brabant  et 
marquis  du  saint-empire  remain.  I. 
Pp.  214,  25  plates.  Antwerp :  De 
Backer.     20  f. 

Zabala  y  Urdaniz  (M.)  Cuadros  de  his- 
toriografia  de  Espaiia.  Pp.  152.  Va- 
lencia.    4to. 


416     RECENT  HISTORICAL   PUBLICATIONS    April  1895 


VI.    AMERlfcAN  AND   COLONIAL  HISTORY 


History  of  the  United 
Pp.   390,   341,  maps. 


AcosTA  (J.  de).  Historia  natural  y  moral 
de  las  Indias.  2  vol.  Pp.  486,  392. 
Madrid. 

Andkews  (E.  B.) 
States.     2   vol. 
New  York. 

Begg  (A.)  The  history  of  British  Co- 
lumbia from  its  earliest  discovery  to 
the  present  time.     Toronto. 

Bbooks  (N.)  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the 
downfall  of  American  slavery.  Pp.  470. 
London  :  Putnam.     5/. 

Chabaud-Aknault  (C.)  La  marine  pen- 
dant les  guerres  d'ind6pendance  de 
I'Am^rique  du  Sud.  Pp.  46.  Paris : 
Baudoin. 

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colonizaci6n,  dominacion,  6  indepen- 
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Dadelszen  (E.  J.  von).  New  Zealand 
official  year-book,  1894.  Pp.  567. 
Wellington  (N.  Z.) :  Costall.  (London : 
Eyre  &  Spottiswoode.)     1/. 

Feeguson  (H.)  Essays  in  American 
history.  Pp.  211.  New  York :  Pott. 
^1-25. 


Lee  (F.)  General  Lee  of  the  Confederate 
army.  Pp.  420.  London :  Chapman 
and  Hall.     6/. 

Maclay  (E.  S.)  a  history  of  the  United 
States  navy  from  1775  to  1894.  II. 
London :  Bliss,  Sands,  &  Foster. 

MiXLAEES  (A.)  Historia  general  de  las 
Islas  Canarias.  VI,  VII.  Madrid: 
Murillo.     4to.     Each  3*50  pes. 

Pope  (J.)  Memoirs  of  sir  John  Alexander 
Macdonald,  first  prime  minister  of  the 
dominion  of  Canada.  2  vol.  Pp.  710. 
London :  Arnold.     32/. 

Pkadoy  Ugaeteche  (J.)  Estado  social  del 
Peru  durante  la  dominacion  espanola. 
Pp.  191.    Lima  :  Agois.     2-75  f. 

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war  in  the  United  States  of  America 
[1861-1865].  I:  To  the  opening  of 
the  campaigns  of  1862.  Pp.  270, 
maps  and  plans.  London  :  Putnam.  6/. 

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original  papers  recently  found.  Pp. 
179.  Louisville,  Kentucky:  Morton, 
fol. 


Errata 

Vol.  ix.  page  813,  line  12  :  for  '  Pembroke '  read  '  Plymouth.' 

Vol.  X.  pages  [90-91  :  for  '  Kothley  in  Nottinghamshire ;  .  .  .  Mansfield  .  . 

Warwickshire  ;  Stoneleigh '  read  '  Eothley  in  Leicestershire ;  in  Nottinghamshire, 

Mansfield  .     . ;  in  Warwickshire,  Stoneleigh.' 


The   English 
Historical    Review 


NO.   XXXIX.— JULY  1895 


The  Co7iditio7i  of  Morals  and  Religious 
Belief  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  VI 

I. 

IN  the  general  absence  of  contemporary  diaries  and  the  extreme 
scarcity  of  most  of  the  pubKcations  of  the  few  years  of  the  brief 
reign  of  Edward  VI  it  is  very  difficult  to  determine  what  was  the 
state  of  morals,  or  what  was  the  prevalent  form  of  rehgious  behef 
amongst  the  masses  of  the  people,  though  no  such  difficulty  exists 
as  regards  their  leaders  and  others  who  played  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  changes  that  w^ere  continually  going  on.  The  consequence 
has  been  that  very  considerable  mistakes  have  been  made  as  regards 
both  these  points,  and  it  is  only  of  late  years  that  the  true  state  of 
the  case  has  begun  to  dawn  upon  writers  of  history.  Till  Mr.  Froude 
reached  this  period  of  his  work  it  was  commonly  supposed  that  the 
protestant  party  were  pretty  well  united  among  themselves  in  their 
opposition  to  the  abettors  of  the  old  learning,  and  that  as  dis- 
tinguished from  catholics  they  were  mostly  patterns  of  a  somewhat 
austere  but  genuine  piety  ;  whilst  Archbishop  Laurence's  '  Bampton 
Lectures '  of  1804  were  eagerly  accepted,  as  having  distinctly  proved 
that  the  English  church  had  been  modelled  much  after  the  Augs- 
burg confession,  and  that  no  material  changes  had  been  introduced 
into  the  English  ritual  and  offices  subsequent  to  the  year  1552, 
when  the  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  VI  had  been  published, 
with  the  design  of  superseding  the  less  perfect  development  of 
doctrine  which  had  appeared  in  the  earlier  Prayer  Book  of  1549.  A 
little  light  had  indeed  been  thrown  upon  the  subject  by  the  republi- 
cation of  both  these  Books  of  Common  Prayer,  the  contents  of  which 
were  scarcely  known  half  a  century  ago  even  to  the  better  informed 

VOL.    X. NO.    XXXIX.  E  E 


418  MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

amongst  the  clergy.  Seme  of  the  publications  of  the  Parker  Society 
also  had  opened  men's  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  reforming  party,  on 
the  showing  of  their  own  adherents,  were  very  inferior,  as  regards 
their  morals  and  general  mode  of  life,  to  what  had  been  commonly 
believed,  and  the  *  Zurich  Letters  '  especially  had  revealed  the  fact 
that  English  reformers  had  far  more  sympathy  with  the  Zwingli- 
anism  of  Switzerland  than  the  Luther anism  of  Germany. 

The  erroneous  view  of  Laurence's  '  Bampton  Lectures  '  held  its 
ground  for  a  full  generation,  no  other  volume  of  this  series  ever  having 
had  so  extensive  a  circulation  or  passed  through  so  many  editions 
during  the  first  quarter  of  the  present  century.  At  a  later  time 
additional  information  caused  a  reaction  in  the  minds  of  the  better 
educated  of  the  English  clergy,  who  began  to  see  that  the  First 
Book  of  Edward  was  in  the  main  much  more  catholic  in  tone  than  the 
Second.  It  thus  came  to  be  a  received  opinion  amongst  a  very  large 
section  of  them  that  all  things  were  going  right  as  long  as  the  English 
divines  had  everything  their  own  way,  and  that  it  was  not  till  the 
interference  of  Bucer,  Martyr,  and  other  foreign  reformers  was 
allowed  to  influence  proceedings  that  sundry  further  alterations 
were  made  in  a  protest  ant  direction.  Yet  still  the  defence  of  the 
existing  Prayer  Book  of  the  church  of  England  was  made  to  rest 
on  the  supposed  catholic  tone  of  the  book  of  1552  rather  than  on 
the  slight  changes  made  in  the  Elizabethan  Prayer  Book  or  the 
more  important  additions  w4iich  were  inaugurated  at  the  Hampton 
Court  conference  and  after  the  failure  of  the  Savoy  conference  in 
1661. 

This  view  prevails  extensively  even  in  the  present  day,  though 
it  has  been  entirely  annihilated  by  recent  discoveries  which  have 
been  made  by  a  collation  of  the  state  papers  and  scarce  printed  books 
of  the  reign.  It  can  no  longer  be  denied  that  the  changes  were 
brought  about  by  the  protector  Somerset,  himself  a  rank  Calvinist,. 
and  that  the  intention  w^as  from  the  very  first  to  carry  things  in 
the  protestant  direction  beyond  the  point  which  was  reached  by  the 
Prayer  Book  and  articles  of  1552.  The  evidence  of  all  this,  as  well 
as  some  account  of  the  deterioration  of  morals  all  through  the 
reign,  may  be  seen  in  various  publications  which  have  appeared 
during  the  last  thirty  years.  A  general  view^  of  the  nature  of  the 
change  in  religion  appeared  in  this  Review  in  the  year  1886,  in  an 
article  entitled  '  The  Restoration  Settlement.'  A  more  particular 
account  both  of  the  gradual  development  of  Zwinglianism  and  its 
change  into  Calvinism  was  given  in  two  articles  printed  in  the 
Church  Quarterly  Review  in  October  1892  and  1893,  where 
copious  extracts  from  the  scarce  publications  of  the  period  were 
quoted  in  evidence  of  the  view  advocated. 

The  general  state  of  morals  during  the  reign  was  scarcely 
touched   upon   in   these   articles,   and   in    directing   our   readers'" 


1895  THE  EEIGN  OF  EDWABD    VI  419 

attention  to  this  subject,  as  well  as  to  the  gi'adual  nature  of  the 
proceedings  in  the  changes  of  doctrine,  we  shall  avoid  any  allusion 
to  the  publications  there  referred  to.  There  was,  however,  in  the 
first  of  these  articles,  on  the  'Preparation  for  the  First  Prayer* Book,' 
an  omission  of  any  notice  of  a  very  remarkable  though  very  scarce 
little  volume  entitled  *  The  V  abominable  Blasphemies  conteined 
in  the  Masse,'  pubhshed  in  London  by  H.  Powell,  1548,  16mo.  It 
is  evidently  one  of  a  series  of  works  of  a  similar  kind  which  the 
council  secretly  encouraged,  but  were  obliged  to  appear  to  the  out- 
side world  to  discountenance,  as  going  much  too  fast  for  their 
present  purpose.  The  only  copy  of  this  book  which  I  have  seen  is 
in  the  archbishop's  library  at  Lambeth,  and  is  calendared  as  xxxi. 
9,  3  (14).  It  has  no  title,  but  it  can  easily  be  identified,  as  the 
second  leaf,  with  the  signature  Ah,  is  headed  with  the  words  '  conteined 
in  the  masse.'  The  importance  of  this  work  must  plead  my 
excuse  for  making  considerable  extracts  from  it,  but  its  tone  and 
tendency  may  easily  be  judged  of  by  its  first  sentence,  which 
shall  be  quoted  at  length. 

Here  I  was  minded  (good  Christian  readers)  to  have  made  an  end  of 
writing  against  that  cursed  and  abominable  sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  but 
being  compelled  by  the  obstinate  blasphemy  of  certain  papists  which 
everywhere  do  depredicate  and  say  that  we  rmi  before  the  King  and  his 
Council  (for,  good  Christian  readers,  this  is  their  only  refuge  that  they  flee 
to,  not  having  one  syllable  in  the  Scriptures  to  confirm  their  purpose)  I 
am  fain  to  meddle  further  in  this  matter  and  to  shew  how  they  go  about 
in  so  saying  to  make  the  King  and  his  Council  partakers  of  their  ungodly 
blasphemy  against  God  and  his  Scriptures,  which  may  be  proved  after 
this  manner.  .  .  . 

Afterwards  the  writer  continues — 

Now  mark  ye  this  argument,  mark  ye,  I  say,  what  foUoweth  of  your 
sayings,  if  the  King  and  his  honourable  Council  have  not  yet  (as  ye  most 
craftily  persuade  unto  the  simple  and  ignorant  people,  which,  if  it  were 
not  for  you,  would  gladly  and  joyfully  receive  the  Gospel  of  the  Son  of 
God)  disannulled  and  put  down  the  Mass,  that  is  to  say  the  most 
abominable  and  damnable  idol  that  ever  Satan  with  all  his  craft  could 
invent,  then  are  they  by  your  own  confession  all  ungodly  and  also  par- 
takers of  your  idolatrous  blasphemy,  which  thing  ye  shall  never  be  able 
to  avoid.  ...  Ye  attach  yourselves  of  plain  and  deadly  treason  against 
the  King  and  his  honourable  Council,  which  all  (thanks  be  unto  the  lord, 
that  hath  the  hearts  of  all  rulers  in  his  hand)  be  as  far  in  this  point 
from  all  ungodliness  and  blasphemy  as  ye  are  now  from  all  truth  and 
verity  that  so  stiffly  keep  up  the  banner  and  standard  of  your  master 
Satan.  This,  I  say,  is  the  very  banner  and  standard  of  Satan,  the  devil, 
which  he  hath  set  up  to  obscure,  pervert  and  utterly  banish  from  the 
memory  and  remembrance  of  all  men  the  death  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  blinding  all  the  world  with  most  pestilent  error,  that  is  to  say  with 
full  persuasion   that  the  Mass  was  a   sacrifice  and  oblation  to  obtain 

E  E  2 


420  MORALS  AND   RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

remission  of  sins  or  a  wDrk  whereby  the  priest  that  offereth  Christ  and 
they  that  are  participant  of  the  same  do  deserve  ex  opere  operato,  that 
is  to  say  of  the  work  that  is  wrought,  forgiveness  of  their  sins  and 
heavenly  joy  not  only  for  them  that  be  in  purgatory  but  also  for  them 
that  be  in  hell,  briefly  for  all  them  that  are  alive  and  dead  though  it  be  a 
thousand  years  ago.  Is  not  this  to  blaspheme  and  dishonour  Christ,  to 
burn  and  oppress  his  cross,  to  bring  his  death  to  perpetual  oblivion  and 
forgetfulness,  to  take  away  the  fruits  of  his  passion,  and  to  enervate  and 
abolish  the  sacrament  of  his  death  ?  These  five  abominable  blasphemies 
I  will  here,  with  the  leave  of  God,  so  lively  depict  and  set  before  the  eyes 
of  all  Christian  readers  that  the  very  infants  and  babes  shall  clearly  see 
that  they  which  so  lewdly  afifirm  that  we  so  run  afore  the  King  and  his 
Council  intend  nothing  else  but  to  defame  their  prince  and  all  them  that 
be  about  him  with  papistical  heresy,  therewith  seeking  to  keep  the  true 
subjects  of  this  illustrious  realm  in  perpetual  blindness  and  ignorance. 

The  rest  of  the  volume  from  signature  A-  to  B^  is  occupied 
with  the  five  blasphemies,  which  are  as  follows : — 

1.  The  Interference  with  the  everlasting  priesthood  of  Christ,  the 
massing  priests  being  substituted  in  the  room  of  Christ,  that  is  still  wuth- 
holden  with  death,  as  suffragans  of  his  everlasting  priesthood,  which  for 
all  them  remaineth  without  end  ;  whereas,  according  to  S.  Paul,  '  since 
Christ  cannot  be  letted  by  death  he  is  that  one  only  priest  and  hath  no 
need  either  of  suffragans  or  successors.' 

2.  It  obscures  the  passion  of  Christ,  who  bids  us  eat  and  drink,  and 
this  is  the  way  to  apply  the  sacrifice  of  the  cross  unto  us,  when  we  feed 
upon  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  spiritually  either  in  the  holy  mysteries 
or  in  the  hearing  and  receiving  of  his  word  faithfully. 

3.  It  drives  away  from  memory  the  death  of  Christ,  for  what  is  the 
Mass  but  a  new  and  clean  contrary  Testament  ? 

4.  It  takes  away  the  fruits  of  the  death  of  Christ,  for  who  will  trust 
that  his  sins  are  forgiven  when  he  seeth  every  day  a  new  sacrifice  afore 
his  eyes  ?  It  is  to  say  we  are  therefore  bought  and  redeemed  of  Christ 
because  that  we  should  redeem  ourselves. 

5.  The  supper  of  the  lord  is  cancelled. 

Look  what  difference  between  giving  and  receiving  that  the  same  is 
betwixt  this  word  sacrament  and  this  word  sacrifice.  This  communion 
the  sacrifice  of  the  Mass  hath  clean  banished  away  from  the  congregation, 
and  hath  brought  in  instead  thereof  a  very  excommunication.  .  .  .  This, 
I  say,  is  the  adulterous  Helen  with  whom  all  the  Papists  throughout  all 
the  world  do  commit  deadly  fornication  and  adultery.  But  blessed  be  that 
puissant  lord  of  hosts  which  of  his  tender  love  and  mercy  hath  preserved 
our  most  sovereign  lord  and  prince  Edward  the  Sixth  from  the  flattering 
lips  of  this  adulterous  harlot,  which  hath  so  by  the  space  of  these  five 
hundred  years  and  more  deceived  all  nations,  alluring  them  from  their 
true  spouse  and  husband  Jesus  Christ  to  all  kinds  of  abomination  and 
filthiness.  Oh,  how  much  bound  are  we  all  which  have  any  zeal  to  the 
gospel  of  Christ  to  laud  and  praise  that  Almighty  and  merciful  father 
which  hath  provided  such  a  noble  protector  and  defender  not  only  of  all 
the  king's  dominions  and  realms,  but  also  of  all  truth  and  verity,  which 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD    VI  421 

at  this  present  time  Satan  doth  not  cease  with  his  ministers  to  expugn 
and  assail  on  every  side,  calumniating  the  true  preachers  thereof,  as 
though  in  this  matter  they  should  run  before  the  king  and  his  honourable 
council,  surely  is  nothing  else  but  which  to  accuse  their  prince  and 
governor  with  all  his  honourable  Councillors  of  plain  blasphemy  against 
God  and  his  word,  which  to  do  is  no  less  than  deadly  treason,  as  I  have 
said  before.  Beware  therefore  and  cease  to  bear  yourselves  in  this  your 
abomination  by  your  prince  or  any  of  his  honorable  Council,  which  all  do 
detest,  abhor,  and  hate  all  such  idolatrous  blasphemy,  being  always  ready 
with  all  their  might  and  endeavour  to  seek,  set  forth  and  promote  the 
glory  of  Almighty  God,  to  whom  with  the  son  and  the  holy  ghost  be 
praise,  glory  and  honor  for  ever.     So  be  it. 

Finis. 

There  is  no  evidence  to  show  who  w^as  the  author  of  this  little  work. 
We  need  hardly  inform  our  readers  that  it  was  not  published  cum 
privileyio  ad  imprimendum  solum.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  neither 
is  there  any  evidence  that  the  council  made  a  scape-goat  of  the 
writer  or  publisher. 

We  proceed  now  to  give  some  further  evidence  of  both  the 
points  we  have  undertaken  to  illustrate,  by  quotations  from  some 
printed  volumes  of  the  succeeding  reign,  which  are  almost  as 
inaccessible  to  general  readers  as  that  from  which  we  have  made 
so  many  extracts.  And  first  as  regards  the  general  deterioration 
of  morality.  It  is  curious  to  observe  how  early  this  laxity  of  morals 
began  to  set  in.  Perhaps  one  of  the  earliest  evidences  of  it  may 
be  seen  in  the  proclamation  of  24  April  1548  against  such  as 
putting  away  one  wife,  married  another,  or  who  kept  two  wives  at 
once.  Some  taught  that  this  was  lawful  for  the  husband,  and 
some  went  the  length  of  advocating  the  same  licence  for  the  wife, 
arguing  that  the  prohibition  was  not  of  God's  law,  but  only  by 
command  of  the  bishop  of  Kome.  And  so  the  king  straitly 
charged  bishops  to  proceed  against  all  such  as  should  have  offended, 
or  should  hereafter  offend,  in  this  way.  All  such  offenders  are  to 
be  delated  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  and  if  they  should  be 
negligent  in  enforcing  the  law  and  in  punishing  such  evildoers, 

then  the  Justices  of  peace  in  every  shire  shall  declare  such  offenders  to 
the  King's  highness  Council  by  their  letters,  that  his  highness  by  the 
advice  aforesaid  might  see  a  convenient  redress  made  of  such  misorders 
and  look  more  straightly  upon  the  Archbishops  and  Bishops  which  doth 
not  execute  their  duties  in  this  behalf  according  to  the  trust  committed 
unto  them. 

The  evidence  of  opponents  of  protestantism  in  Mary's  reign  will 
not  be  thought  of  so  much  value  as  many  of  the  numerous  testimonies 
to  the  same  effect  which  are  borne  by  protestant  writers  of  the 
period ;  but  it  may  be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth  after  making 
such  deductions  as  the  reader  may  think  reasonable  on  the  score 


422  MORALS  AND   RELIGIOUS   BELIEF  IN        July 

of  probable  exaggeration  or  prejudice  in  writers  who  are  describ- 
ing the  effects  of  a  system  to  which  they  were  opposed. 

This  remark  applies  especially  to  the  first  and  earliest  of  the 
printed  volumes  we  are  going  to  refer  to.  It  is  entitled  *  The  dis- 
playing of  the  Protestantes,  and  sondry  their  practises,  with  a  di- 
scription  of  divers  their  abuses  of  late  frequented.  Newly  imprinted 
agayne,  and  augmented,  with  a  table  in  the  ende  of  all  suche  matter 
as  is  specially  contained  within  this  volume.  Made  by  Myles  Hug- 
garde,  servant  to  the  Queue's  maiestie.  Anno  1556.  Cum  privi- 
legio  ad  imprimetidum  solum,'  ^  We  cannot  find  any  evidence  of 
an  earlier  edition  except  the  statement  made  by  the  writer  in  the 
dedication  that  it  had  been 

before  this  time  imprinted,  although  not  in  such  perfection  as  the  same  is 
at  this  present,  having  called,  since  the  first  edition,  the  aid  of  my  friend, 
and  therefore  thought  it  more  mete  the  dedication  unto  your  majesty. 

The  date  at  the  end  of  the  prologue  to  the  reader  is  June  1556, 
and  the  only  allusion  to  time  in  the  course  of  the  work  is  that  of 
the  burning  of  the  four  Sussex  men  at  Canterbury,  which  he  speaks 
of  as  being  '  about  twelve  months  past,'  which  was  12  July  1555. 
He  speaks  of  one  being  a  Dutchman  of  Lewes  ;  and  it  is  remarkable 
that  he  supplies  what  Foxe  has  taken  no  notice  of  in  his  account  of 
Sheterden's  examination  and  martyrdom — how,  when  he  was  ex- 
amined on  baptism,  he  replied  that 

it  is  but  an  extern  sign,  and  worketh  little  grace.  For,  saith  he,  like  as 
a  man  doth  wash  his  hands  in  a  basin  of  water,  signifying  that  the  hands 
are  clean,  so  the  child  is  washed  at  baptism  to  accomplish  the  exterior 
figure.  Then  was  objected  unto  him  the  saying  of  christ  unless  a  man 
be  borne  again  with  water  and  the  holy  ghost  he  could  not  be  saved. 
'  Tush,'  said  he,  *  the  water  profiteth  nothing,  it  is  the  holy  ghost  that 
worketh '  (fol.  20). 

The  chief  purpose  of  the  volume  is  to  display  the  fact  that,  as 
the  author  expresses  it  in  the  prologue,  *  our  late  elders  and 
ministers  (for  so  they  termed  themselves)  neither  established  an 
uniform  religion  nor  yet  persuaded  correction  of  life.'  We  are 
not  here  concerned  with  the  variations  of  protestants  abroad — of 
which  he  specifies  Lutherans,  Zwinglians,  anabaptists,  Jews,  and 
papists,  whose  chief  captains  are  Calvin,  Peter  Martyr,  BuUinger, 
Musculus,  and  such  hke — but  he  notices  that  Hooper  and  Cranmer 
had  admitted  they  had  erred  greatly  in  taking  Luther's  part.  And 
he  mentions  the  fact  that  about  twenty  years  before  a  priest  had 
consecrated  with  ale  instead  of  wine,  and,  having  repented,  bore  a 
fagot  at  St.  Paul's  Cross ;  and  that  a  tyler  had  done  penance  in 
the  same  way  for  maintaining  the  opinion  that  Christ's  death  only 
was  of  benefit  to  those  who  died  before  his  incarnation.     We  do 

'  Brit.  Mus.  C.  37.  b.  45. 


1895 


THE  REIGN   OF  EDWARD    VI 


423 


not  profess  to  give  a  complete  analysis  of  the  book,  but  only  make 
such  extracts  as  throw  light  upon  the  teaching  and  morals  of  the 
time  of  Edward  VI.  Thus,  speaking  of  the  marriages  of  priests,  he 
says  (fol.  74)— 

The  women  of  these  married  priests  were  such,  for  the  most  part,  that 
either  they  were  kept  of  other  before,  or  else  as  common  as  the  castway  ; 
and  so  bound  them  to  incestuous  lechery,  which  women  are  led  with 
divers  lusts,  ever  learning  and  never  able  to  attain  unto  the  truth.  Were 
not  the  said  women  ever  learning  and  never  able  to  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  truth,  being  led  with  divers  lusts,  using  their  bodies 
with  other  men  as  well  as  with  their  supposed  husbands  :  yea,  and  one  of 
them  with  another's  woman,  taking  it  (as  it  is  thought)  for  a  brotherly 
love,  one  to  help  another,  after  the  doctrine  of  Friar  Luther,  the  first 
author  of  their  marriage  ;  (7w  libro  de  captivitatc  Babylonica.)  Is  it  not 
seen  now  by  experience  that  some  of  their  women  being  divorced,  are 
married  again  to  ruffians,  and  such  other  gallants,  following  the  opinion 
of  Sir  Jhon  Hoper  in  his  book  of  the  '  Ten  Commandments '  ? 

As  to  the  mode  of  celebration  of  the  holy  communion  in 
Edward's  time  (fol.  80),  he  says  that  they  were  constantly  changing 
the  position  of  their  table ;  some  turning  their  faces  towards  the 
north,  south,  or  west ;  some  using  leavened,  some  unleavened  bread  ; 
the  changes  adopted  in  the  first  office  for  communion  and  that  of 
the  First  Prayer  Book  being  compared  to  the  work  of  a  mason  first 
rough-hewing  the  stones,  then  polishing  them,  the  authors  of  the 
two  offices  admitting  that  they  were  but  rough-hewn, '  wherein  they 
said  truth,  for  God  knoweth  they  were  but  homely  stuff.  But 
this  book,'  meaning  their  last  book  of  communion  (which  was  the 
worst  of  all),  *  is  wrought  to  the  perfection.'  As  to  the  mode  of 
receiving,  he  says — 

Some  of  the  communicants  stand,  some  sit,  some  kneel,  some  would  hold 
the  cup  himself,  some  would  receive  it  at  the  minister's  hand,  some  of  his 
next  fellow,  some  would  have  a  short  piece  of  bread,  some  a  thin,  some  a 
thick  and  thin.  Some  would  use  the  ministration  themselves,  some  were 
contented  to  take  it  in  the  church,  some  at  their  own  tables,  and  after 
supper,  according  to  the  institution.  Some  would  have  the  wine  to  be 
drunk  in  pewter,  some  in  silver,  some  in  a  glass  or  treue  dish.  Some 
would  have  a  table  cloth  to  cover  the  board,  some  a  towel,  and  some 
neither  of  them  both.  Thus  in  sum  they  used  the  matter  in  such 
sundry  forms,  that  the  Total  was  nought. 

Probably  there  is  not  elsewhere  to  be  found  any  so  detailed  an 
account  of  the  practice  of  the  time.     At  fol.  94  the  writer  says — 

Nothing  is  less  used  than  morning  and  evening  prayer,  never  was  more 
irreverence  in  the  church,  never  such  disobedience  to  magistrates,  and 
as  for  repairing  to  the  church,  it  is  counted  a  thing  of  no  importance. 

With  regard  to  the  denial  of  sacramental  grace,  his  account  (fol. 
112)  is  as  follows  : — 


424  MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN.       July 

Have  they  not  denied  the  power  of  God's  word,  to  work  anything  to 
the  justifying  of  man,  by  the  \vater  of  baptism  ?  Have  they  not  also 
denied  the  most  manifest  words  of  God  spoken,  touching  the  consecration 
of  his  real  body  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  and  say  that  those  w^ords 
be  spoken  tropically  and  figuratively,  and  that  they  can  work  no  such  effect, 
as  bread  to  be  transubstantiated  into  his  body,  although  Christ  by  his 
Evangelists,  Apostles,  Prophets,  Doctors,  Martyrs  doth  most  plainly 
affirm  the  same  ?  Have  they  not  also  denied  the  power  of  God,  in  the 
words  spoken  by  the  priest  at  the  time  of  confession,  being  so  plainly 
commanded  by  Christ  saying,  Whose  sins  you  forgive,  the  same  shall  be 
forgiven.?  Have  they  not  also  denied  the  power  of  God's  word  in  the  rest 
of  the  seven  sacraments,  abolishing  five  quite  out  of  their  company  as 
unworthy  thereof,  and  the  other  twain  remaining  as  they  handled  them, 
scarce  worthy  the  name  of  a  sacrament  ?  And  as  they  have  denied  the 
power  of  godliness  in  these  sacraments  :  so  have  they  also  denied  the 
same  in  the  works  of  God  wrought  by  his  grace  in  all  godly  men,  to  be 
any  means  to  attain  to  justification,  contrary  to  the  words  of  S. 
John.  .  .  . 

Here  follows  an  argument  against  justification  by  faith  alone,  quite 
implying  that  antinomianism  was  rampant  in  England  amongst  the 
protestants. 

The  same  view  of  the  great  varieties  of  belief  and  practice  which 
existed  in  the  preceding  reign  appears  in  the  work  of  Bishop 
Christopherson  on  '  Eebellion,'  published  by  Cawood,  London,  1554. 
The  bishop  speaks  of  Friday  being  turned  into  a  feast  day,  and 
persons  invited  in  order  to  allure  them  to  heresy,  of  the  carnal 
liberty  which  procured  divorces  and  remarriage.  He  alludes  to 
the  destruction  of  images,  the  digging  up  of  crosses,  the  blessed 
sacrament  being  trodden  under  foot  and  the  last  communion  book 
teaching  that  it  was  only  common  bread.  As  to  varieties  of  opinion, 
some  held  all  things  common,  some  thought  all  things  fatal  and 
that  there  was  no  free-will.  Some  believed  God  to  be  the  author  of 
sin.  Some  believed  no  resurrection,  and  some  that  all  should  be 
saved  ;  some  that  Christ  took  no  flesh  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and 
was  less  than  the  Father,  and  that  there  was  neither  heaven  nor 
hell,  that  the  inward  man  did  not  sin,  but  that  a  man  having  the 
Spirit  might  lie  with  another's  wife.  In  fine,  there  was  no  heresy 
that  ever  was  which  had  not  shown  its  face  in  England.  The  colo- 
phon bears  date  24  July  1554.  A  copy  is  in  the  British  Museum, 
697.  a.  17.  All  this  is  attributed  to  Lutherans,  or  rather  Zwinglians. 

Such  is  the  account  of  an  enemy.  On  the  other  hand  the 
following  extracts  from  a  work  published  in  the  first  year  of  the 
reign  tell  us  what  one  of  their  own  number  thought  of  his  fellows. 
The  copy  we  take  them  from  is  in  the  Grenville  library,  5921. 
It  is  entitled  '  A  faythful  admonycion  of  a  certen  trewe  pastor 
and  prophete,  sent  unto  the  germanes  at  such  tyme  as  certen  great 
princes  went  about  to  bring  in  alienes  into  germany,  and  to  restore 


1 


1895     .  THE   llEIGN  OF  EDWARD    VI  425 

the  papacy,  the  Kingdom  of  Antychrist  etc.  Now  translated  into 
Inglyssh  for  a  lyke  admonycyon  unto  all  trewe  Inglyssh  hartes, 
whereby  thei  may  lerne  and  knowe  how  to  consyder  and  receive 
the  procedings  of  the  Inglyssh  magistrates  and  Bisshops,  with  a 
preface  of  M.  Philip  Melancthon.'  As  this  is  a  translation  from 
a  German  book  adapted  to  English  circumstances,  we  are  only 
concerned  here  with  the  preface  of  the  translator,  who  styles 
himself  Eusebius  Pamphilus.     Who  he  was  we  are  unable  to  say. 

This  preface  is  to  the  general  effect  that  God  had  permitted  the 
death  of  *  our  late  Josias,  noble  King  Edward '  as  a  punishment  for 
the  sins  of  the  nobles  and  people  who  had  embraced  the  Gospel. 
The  editor  says — 

0  Ingland  Ingland  thy  nobles  were  preached  unto  and  told  plainly 
enough  by  Gods  prophets,  that  Gods  wrath  was  at  hand  if  they 
would  not  redress  their  enormities,  but  they  could  not  be  heard,  yea 
those  to  whom  they  preached  made  a  mock  and  a  Jest  at  their  earnest 
crying  and  calling  upon  them,  asking  tbem  who  made  them  so  mock  of 
Gods  counsel.  It  would  never  sink  into  their  heads  that  God  would  so 
deal  with  them  as  the  preachers  out  of  the  spirit  of  God  threatened  them. 
They  thought  peradventure  that  it  was  enough  for  them  to  pretend  Gods 
true  religion  how  little  soever  they  framed  their  lives  thereafter.  (Signat. 
Am.) 

After  continuing  his  invective  for  some  time  he  adds — 

Thus  much  be  spoken  to  the  nobles  for  their  advertisement,  whose 
insolencY  and  supine  dissoluteness  without  doubt  hath  been  a  great  cause 
of  this  plague  that  is  now  come  upon  us.  Notwithstanding  I  mean  not 
thereby  to  clear  and  excuse  the  inferior  and  mean  sort,  as  though  their 
part  were  not  therein  also.  How  unthankful  have  they  been  also  in 
receiving  and  how  slack  in  following  the  earnest  advertisements  that 
were  daily  given  them  ....  Let  us  all,  therefore,  repent  our  former  neg- 
ligence. Let  us  all  amend  our  former  faults.  And  also  let  us  all  be  true 
followers  of  the  gospel  indeed  as  we  have  long  been  professors  thereof  in 
word.  And  then  doubtless  God  shall  cease  and  withdraw  his  plague 
wherewith  he  had  minded  to  scourge  us,  he  shall  drive  the  papists  and  the 
aliens  (which  they  go  about  to  bring  in  to  maintain  their  kingdom 
and  to  make  themselves  strong  against  God)  out  of  our  country. 
(Signat.  Ay.) 

After  this  follows  the  preface  by  Melanchthon,  but  the  expressions 
used  are  so  unlike  his  writing  and  so  immediately  applicable  to 
English  affairs  of  the  day  that  we  are  half  inclined  to  think  that 
either  it  was  composed  by  the  editor  himself  or  else  materially 
altered  to  accommodate  it  to  existing  circumstances,  such  as  the 
approaching  arrival  of  Philip  of  Spain  to  marry  the  queen.  The 
following  passage  is  in  point : — 

First,  people  are  to  abstain  from  intercourse  with  idolatrous  unbe- 
lievers, and  then  to  make  known  their  faith  to  others  ;  for  there  are  many 


426  MORALS  AND   llELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

who  pretend  to  dislike  thi  supremacy  of  Antichrist,  the  bishop  of  Eome, 
and  yet  act  in  religion  as  if  they  had  got  all  from  Rome,  not  caring 
what  villany  is  practised  (as  the  Spaniards  are  most  vile  and  beastly 
people,  given  to  vice  and  brutishness),  and  if  they  should  once  be  suffered 
to  enter  they  will  creep  into  all  the  high  places  and  will  establish  the 
idol  of  Rome  and  the  whole  cursed  papacy  again.  Already  those  who 
have  preached  true  doctrine  are  imprisoned  and  deprived.  There  is  no 
reason  because  of  the  sins  of  professors  of  the  true  religion  to  run  to 
idolatry.  These  idolaters  find  fault  with  our  sins,  which  are  incomparably 
less  than  the  idolatry  of  the  Mass  of  the  Latin  service,  of  the  invocation 
of  saints,  of  the  filthy  and  abominable  pretended  chastity,  that  is  of  the 
Sodomitical  single  life  of  priests,  and  of  such  other  hypocrisy  and  super- 
stition as  our  adversaries  go  about  with  fire  and  fagot,  with  tooth  and 
nail  to  maintain  and  set  up  for  the  service  of  God.  For  whatever  vices 
rule  among  the  professors  of  the  true  religion  yet  they  have  not  among 
them  murder  and  blasphemy  and  idolatry.  All  other  sins  may  be 
forgiven,  but  a  fautor  of  such  murderers  shall  never  be  forgiven.  It  is 
right  to  resist  tyrants  who  set  up  idolatry,  separate  godly  men  from 
their  lawful  wives  and  bring  in  strangers  to  subvert  the  state  of  the 
commonwealth,  and  such  like,  for  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  Spaniards  will 
subvert  all  rule,  if  they  are  once  allowed  to  enter. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  colophon,  *  Imprinted  at  Grenewych 
by  Conrade  Freeman  in  the  month  of  May  1554,'  is  a  fiction,  the 
tract  being  plainly  in  Zurich  type.  Melanchthon  can  hardly  have 
written  this  preface,  which  appears  to  have  been  penned  just 
before  the  coming  of  Philip  to  England  in  July  1554.  Indeed,  it 
seems  to  us  scarcely  probable  that  there  was  anybody  at  that 
time  living  who  could  have  used  such  filthy  language  except  Bale, 
afterwards  bishop  of  Ossory,  who  has  earned  the  well-deserved 
reputation  of  being  the  most  foul-mouthed  of  all  the  protestant 
reformers. 

There  is  one  other  publication  of  the  year  1554,  which  we 
believe  has  escaped  the  notice  of  all  historians.  We  know  no 
more  of  its  history  than  what  the  colophon  informs  us  of, 
where  it  is  dated  thus  :  *  From  Wittonburge  by  Nicholas  Dorcastor 
An.  M.  D.  L.  iiii.  the  xiiii  of  May.'  Who  the  refugees  were,  and 
how  many,  and  under  what  circumstances  they  were  tolerated 
in  such  a  hotbed  of  Lutheranism  as  Wittenberg,  we  do  not  know. 
But  this  little  volume,  a  copy  of  which  exists  in  the  Bodleian 
Library  (Tanner,  76),  gives  us  a  very  curious  and  most  in- 
structive confession  of  their  faith,  addressed  to  their  brethren  in 
England,  which  represents  the  matured  opinions  of  the  reformed 
party  at  this  time,  very  much  in  the  same  style  as  most  of  the  publi- 
cations of  the  preceding  reign.  It  is  entitled  '  The  humble  and 
unfained  confession  of  the  belefe  of  certain  poor  banished  men, 
grounded  upon  the  holy  Scriptures,  of  God  and  upon  the  Articles  of 
that  undefiled  and  only  undoubted  true  Christian  faith  which  [the 


1895  THE   REIGN  OF  EDWARD    VI  427 

lio]ly  Catholic,  that  is  to  say  universal  Church  of  Christ  pro- 
fesseth.  C  Specially  concerning  not  only  the  word  of  God  and  the 
ministry  of  the  same,  but  also  the  Church  and  sacraments  thereof, 
which  we  send  most  humbly  unto  the  lords  of  England  and  all 
the  commons  of  the  same.  C  To  believe  with  the  heart  justifieth 
and  to  confess  with  the  mouth  saveth.     Lord,  increase  our  faith.' 

The  first  six  leaves  of  this  curious  little  work  are  taken  up  by 
a  prefatory  epistle  addressed  in  the  singular  number  by  a  curate 
to  his  late  flock,  lamenting  the  passing  away  of  King  Edward's 
days  and  the  present  punishment  under  which  the  nation  is  suffer- 
ing, of  which  the  writer  says — 

I  certainly  beheve  that  our.  too  much  slothfulness  in  prayer  and  our 
slothful  and  seldom  coming  to  the  holy  supper  of  the  Lord  are  two 
of  the  great  causes  why  the  Lord  hath  thus  plagued  us. 

Nevertheless,  he  says,  he  has  '  set  forth  this  following  confession,' 
which  he  doubts  not  those  who  read  will  see 

that  all  their  strugghng  is  to  bring  thee  to  their  stinking  Romish  puddles 
again.  Be  not  abashed  therefore  with  names,  titles,  dignities,  as  lord,  duke, 
&c.,  or  bishop,  doctor,  &c.,  for  except  he  bring  the  word  of  God  and 
Christ's  communion,  with  the  maintenance  of  it,  doubt  not ;  by  the  fruits 
know  him,  and  give  him  his  name  that  the  Lord  givetli  him,  a  blasphemer 
of  the  synagogue  of  Sathanas. 

The  work  itself,  commencing  with  a  salutation  addressed  to 
their  brethren  in  England,  states  their  confession,  which  includes 
Scripture  and  the  three  creeds,  discarding  all  traditions.  Their 
definition  of  the  church  affirms  that,  though  there  are  various 
significations  in  which  the  word  '  church '  is  used,  yet  what  they  mean 
is  one  only  apostolic  and  holy  catholic  church,  which  is  sanctified, 
and  which  exhibits  holiness  of  life,  and  to  this  church  belong 
all  those  who  are  citizens  with  the  saints,  God's  elect  and  chosen, 
who  are  the  salt  of  the  earth,  the  light  of  the  world,  who  do  all  good 
works,  to  whom  it  is  given  to  know  the  mysteries  of  the  kingdom 
of  God,  whose  unrighteousness  is  forgiven,  and  whose  sins  are 
covered  and  not  imputed  to  them.  This  church  has  the  keys,  and 
in  this  church  of  the  elect  the  pure  word  of  God  is  preached,  the 
sacraments  administered,  and  discipline  is  applied.  In  it,  though 
some  may  err,  none  shall  perish.  It  is  invisible,  though  it  may  be 
known  by  its  fruit. 

The  next  part  in  the  *  Confession  '  refers  to  the  ministry  of  the 
word  of  God.  This  part  is  briefly  treated,  few  points  being  alluded 
to  except  that  divers  ministers  are  appointed  for  the  purpose  of 
edifying,  and  that  these  must  preach  the  atonement  and  have 
faithful  wives.  The  next  subject  which  concerns  the  sacraments  is 
dealt  with  at  greater  length.  It  is  opened  by  a  description  of  the 
sacraments  of  the  old  law,  circumcision  being  spoken  of  as  not 


428  MOEALS  AND   RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

being  only  a  mere  sign#  but  '  a  very  seal  in  which  the  holy  Ghost 
certified  their  consciences  of  their  portion  in  the  said  everlasting 
life.'  In  the  passover,  the  other  sacrament  of  the  old  law, 
they,  giving  faith  and  credit  to  the  said  promise  made  in  the  blessed 
seed,  saw  the  worthiness  and  merits  of  Christ's  blood,  by  the  comfortable 
sweetness  whereof  in  the  operation  of  the  holy  Ghost  they  were  assured 
of  the  said  life  everlasting. 

After  a  few  words  about  the  manna  in  the  wilderness,  which 
served  the  same  purpose  of  certifying,  it  proceeds  to  the  sacraments 
of  the  new  law,  of  which  they  say — 

Moreover  the  sacraments  that  are  of  the  Lord's  holy  institution  we  do 
reverently  esteem  to  be  no  vain  or  bare  signs,  neither  only  evidences  of  the 
profession  of  Christian  men,  but  also  certain  assured  and  effectuous  testi- 
monies (or  rather  seals)  of  the  righteous  grace  and  goodwill  of  God  towards 
us,  whereby  he,  working  in  us  supernaturally  and  after  ah  invisible  manner, 
doth  not  only  stir  up  our  faith  towards  him  but  also  establisheth  and  con- 
firmeth  it  the  more  in  the  assurance  of  everlasting  life.  Wherefore  like 
as  stedfast  faith  in  the  operation  of  the  holy  Ghost,  doth  certify  us,  even 
so  the  Sacraments  by  proper  similitudes  being  used  accordmg  to  the  Lord's 
institution  testify  the  same.  For  the  holy  Ghost,  who  glorifieth  his  own 
ordinances  with  his  blessed  presence,  and  also  the  word  itself,  assureth  us 
that  nothing,  though  it  be  outward  and  external  (appointed  and  apper- 
taining to  the  right,  whole,  and  perfect  use  of  God's  holy  sacraments),  is 
in  vain  or  but  a  bare  sign,  forasmuch  as  when  the  minister  doth  execute 
the  Lord's  will  according  to  his  holy  ordinance  in  the  ministration  of  the 
visible  sacrament  by  an  outward  action,  the  holy  Ghost  not  only  certi- 
fieth  the  faithful  sicacciners  [sic]  that  they  are  partakers  of  the  things  pro- 
mised, that  is  to  say  everlasting  life  (which  life  everlasting  is  even  God  the 
Son,  whose  divine  nature  is  joined  with  the  humanity  now  sitting  in 
glory),  not  only,  we  say,  certifieth  but  also  invisibly  worketh  in  them  those 
virtues  whereby  they  be  undoubtedly  joined  unto  Christ  and  one  towards 
another,  his  mystical  members  and  partakers  of  eternal  life.  So  that  to 
be  partakers  of  that  everlasting  life  is  to  be  as  verily  joined  unto  him  and 
to  be  a  member  of  his  glorious  body  of  his  flesh  and  of  his  bones  as  his 
own  divine  nature  is  joined  unto  his  humanity. 

The  writer  goes  on  to  say  that  as  there  was  a  prescribed 
form  under  the  old  law  for  circumcision  and  the  passover,  so 
under  the  new  there  is  also  for  baptism  and  the  supper  of  the 
Lord.  As  regards  the  latter,  the  following  is  a  significant  com- 
mentary upon  the  alteration  of  the  words  used  in  the  First  Prayer 
Book  into  those  of  the  Second  Book.  The  form  of  administration 
is  described  as  being  that 

where  first  the  minister,  taking  the  bread,  giving  thanks,  and  breaking  it, 
ought  by  the  Lord's  ensample  to  deliver  it  unto  other,  willing  them  also 
to  take  and  eat  it  in  remembrance  of  the  Lord,  whose  words  also 
he  ought  to  repeat  accordingly.  And  likewise  taking  the  cup  to  give 
thanks  and  to  deliver  to  the  communicants,  willing  them  all  to  drink 
thereof  in  remembrance  of  the  Lord. 


1895  THE   IlEIGN   OF  EDWARD    VI  429 

After  this  follows  a  protest  against  the  ceremonies  of  the  mass 
with  this  intimation  :  '  Ye  shall  see  shortly  a  hook  when  every  part 
of  the  Mass  began.'  A  special  exception  is  then  taken  to  the  use  of 
wafer  bread  and  the  denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  and  the  protest 
ends  with  the  wTiter's  opinion  that  nothing  has  caused  God's  anger 
so  much  as  '  the  most  filthy  and  abominable  idolatry  and  super- 
stition of  their  mass.'  The  peroration  states  that  the  brethren  in 
exile  hold  the  sacrament  in  such  honour  as  being 

a  singular  jewel  left  to  the  congregation,  designed  as  a  special  renewing 
of  his  covenant  and  seal  of  mercy,  and  should  be  a  provocation  to  good 
works  to  those  who  duly  examine  themselves  and  approach  it  reverently, 
and  who  w^orthily  receiving  such  notable  increase  of  heavenly  comfort  and 
spiritual  repast  in  our  consciences  are  armed  afresh  for  the  conflict  against 
the  world,  the  flesh  and  the  devil. 


11. 

There  are  three  principal  sources  of  information  subsequent  to 
the  death  of  Edward  VI  which  throw  a  little  further  light  upon  the 
belief  and  practice  of  the  period  of  his  reign.  The  first  is  the  ac- 
count given  by  the  persons  imprisoned  for  false  doctrine  at  the 
commencement  of  Mary's  reign.  This  exists  in  a  manuscript  in  the 
Bodleian  Library.  Archbishop  Laurence  printed  from  this  as  much 
as  suited  his  purpose,  which  seems  to  have  been  to  show  that  Calvinism 
scarcely  existed  at  all  in  Edw^ard's  reign  ;  but  he  omitted  the  greater 
part  of  the  manuscript,  w^hich  contains  an  elaborate  argument  written 
by  Augustin  Bernher,  a  Swiss  attendant  upon  Hugh  Latimer,  by 
which  he  attempts  to  prove  against  the  advocates  of  free  will  the 
Calvinistic  doctrines  of  election  and  reprobation.  The  second  is 
the  account  given  by  Utenhoven,  Avhieh  was  pubHshed  in  1560,  of 
the  reception  the  Dutch  and  English  members  of  the  foreigners' 
church  in  London  met  with  at  all  the  Lutheran  towns  in  Norway, 
Denmark,  &c.,  where  they  touched.  The  third  is  the  '  Troubles 
of  Frankfort,'  published  by  one  of  their  own  body,  William  Whit- 
tingham,  afterwards  dean  of  Durham.  We  propose  to  give  some 
account  of  these  sources  in  as  few  words  as  possible. 

1.  As  regards  the  first.  Archbishop  Laurence  asserts  that 
there  is  no  evidence  contained  in  the  volume  to  show  that 
Cranmer  and  Eidley  w^ere  specially  addicted  to  Calvinism.  His 
argument  is  entirely  superfluous,  for  no  one  ever  accused  them  of 
Calvinism  ;  but  the  whole  of  the  tract  plainly  j^roves  that  the  majo- 
rity of  the  prisoners  were  of  this  way  of  thinking,  and  that  those 
whom  they  styled  free-willers  and  Pelagians  were  quite  an  insig- 
nificant number.  Also  whereas  the  archbishop  of  Cashel  hazards 
the  assertion  that  there  were  few  Calvinists,  and  they  of  the 
sublapsarian  school,  if  he  had  read  Bernher's  tract,  which  it  did 


430  MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

not  suit  him  to  pul^ish,  he  might  have  seen  that  this  writer 
at  least  stands  committed  to  the  supralapsarian  view ;  for  he 
professes  to  give  an  answer  to  the  four  very  pertinent  questions 
put  to  him  by  Henry  Hart,  whom  he  speaks  of  as  a  Pelagian  and  a 
free-wilier. 

The  questions  are  the  following : — ■ 

1.  Whether  God  would  have  all  men  to  keep  his  law  or  no  ? 

2.  The  man  which  gave  the  talent  to  his  three  servants,  the  one 
servant  hiding  his  talent  in  the  ground,  whether  it  was  his  master's 
will  and  ordinance  that  he  should  hide  it ;  yea  or  nay  ? 

3.  The  certain  man  that  had  the  fig  tree,  and  came  three  years,, 
one  after  another,  and  sought  fruit  and  found  none,  and  yet  let  it 
stand  one  year  more  to  see  whether  it  would  bring  forth  fruit  or  no,, 
whether  that  man  had  ordained  that  tree  to  that  end  that  it  should 
bear  fruit  or  no  ? 

4.  What  is  the  root  of  the  olive  tree  of  the  which  the  branches 
were  broken  off,  and  what  were  the  branches  that  for  unbelief  were 
broken  off,  and  what  were  the  branches  that,  contrary  to  nature,, 
were  grafted  in  ?     The  answer  is  that 

God  of  his  infinite  mercy  was  determined  and  purposed  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world  was  laid  to  take  some  out  of  the  lost  seed  of 
Adam  and  to  regenerate  them  and  make  them  heirs  of  bis  kingdom  and 
vessels  of  his  glory,  to  set  forth  in  them  his  profound  mercy  and  goodness,, 
and  also  that  he  hath  prepared  the  rest  to  be  vesselsof  his  wrath,  in  whom 
he  is  determined  to  shew  and  set  forth  his  righteous  judgments  and 
justice,  rewarding  them  according  to  their  deeds  with  everlasting  punish- 
ments, whereby  he  bringeth  to  pass  that  the  wicked  may  feel  his  hatred 
against  sin,  and  also  the  godly  may  the  more  see  the  exceeding  goodness 
of  their  heavenly  father  towards  them.^ 

In  the  course  of  his  argument  Bernher  will  not  allow  that  it  was 
in  the  power  and  liberty  of  the  man  who  had  the  one  talent  not 
to  hide  it,  but  to  use  it  profitably,  for  fear  he  should  grant  free- 
will to  man,  as  his  adversary  does,  and  he  asserts  that 

it  sufficeth  the  children  of  God  to  be  assured  in  their  heart  by  the  opera- 
tion of  the  holy  Ghost  that  they  themselves  be  chosen  to  eternal  life  before 
the  world  was  made,  and  in  that  God  doth  give  them  faith  and  true- 
repentance  and  all  manner  of  spiritual  gifts  they  praise  him  for  it  and 
confirm  their  election  by  it.  That  is  to  say,  they  learn  to  know  and  by 
the  operation  of  the  holy  Ghost  they  are  assured  that  by  the  immutable 
counsel  of  God  they  are  chosen  to  eternal  life  ;  as  for  the  reprobate,  they 
will  not  dispute  with  God  why  he  did  not  ordain  them  also  to  life,  but 
rather  do  worship  and  reverence  his  divine  Majesty  and  unspeakable 
power  and  wisdom,  by  the  which  he  is  able  to  set  forth  his  own  glory  and 
renown  even  in  the  very  reprobate,  which  shall  be  damned  for  evermore 
■  because  of  their  own  wickedness,  God  himself  being  just  and  holy  in  all 
his  works,  and  not  the  author  or  cause  of  any  evil.^ 

-  Bodleian  MS.  1972,  fol.  109.  ^  j^^^^  f^j  hq 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  431 

Afterwards  (at  fol.  144)  Bernlier  says- 
God  would  have  Adam  to  fall  because  he  thought  it  so  good.     Why- 
he  thought  it  so  good  is  unknown  to  us.     Adam  did  fall,  the  providence 
of  God  so  appointing  the  same  ; 

and  again  afterwards  (ihid.) — 

If  you  grant  an  election  before  the  beginning  of  the  world  you  must 
needs  grant  likewise  a  reprobation,  for  they  be  correlatives,  so  that  there 
could  be  no  election  except  there  be  also  reprobation. 

The  prisoners  who  adopted  the  Calvinist  creed  seem  to  have 
been  much  the  most  numerous  ;  the  others,  being  twelve  or  fourteen 
in  number,  protest  against  them  for  their  opinions,  as  well  as  for 
their  practice  of  gambling  and  other  amusements,  which  were 
thought  unlawful,  their  indulgence  in  which  they  considered  the 
result  of  their  doctrine  of  assurance,  which  caused  '  many  to  live  at 
free  chance  careless,'  and  to  neglect  prayer  except  for  corporal  ne- 
cessities. The  dispute  ran  so  high  that  after  much  altercation  they 
refused  to  communicate  with  each  other  at  Christmas  1554. 

What  is  most  remarkable  is  that  this  supralapsarian  Calvinist 
should  claim  as  being  on  his  side  '  my  dear  master  Latimer,  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Mr.  Eidley  and  Mr.  Bradford,  Philpott, 
Careless,  and  the  rest  of  the  saints  of  God.' 

The  penultimate  document  is  in  favour  of  the  Calvinistic  doc- 
trine, addressed  from  the  ministers,  seniors,  and  deacons,  evidently 
a  much  larger  body  than  the  free-willers,  to  whom  it  is  addressed, 
and  the  last  is  from  C.  P.  to  the  ministers,  thanking  them  for  their 
letter  and  book  which  had  been  sent  him  on  the  subject  of  pre- 
destination. Whether  this  was  Bradford's  or  Bernher's  does  not 
appear.  The  minority  may  be  best  described  as  Zwinglians,  the 
majority  as  Calvinists.  The  free-willers,  as  they  are  called,  make 
their  appeal  to  the  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  VI,  and  the  Cal- 
vinistic opinions  avouched  by  their  opponents  certainly  go  beyond 
anything  that  either  the  Prayer  Book  or  the  forty-two  articles  coun- 
tenance. But  though  few  at  that  time  would  have  expressed  their 
faith  in  the  language  used  by  Augustin  Bernher,  the  distinction 
between  the  sublapsarian  and  the  supralapsarian  view  being  yet 
scarcely  pronounced,  yet  the  former  tenet  seems  to  have  been  that 
which  was  adopted  by  the  greater  number  of  protestants  of  the 
time.  The  controversy  between  the  two  parties,  who  seem  by  common 
consent  to  rest  all  their  arguments  on  separate  texts  of  Scripture,  is 
extremely  instructive  as  to  the  uselessness  of  reference  to  isolated 
passages  of  Holy  Scripture  with  no  other  clue  to  their  interpretation 
than  the  reader's  fancy.  The  texts  adduced  by  either  party,  or 
taken  by  themselves,  must  have  seemed  entirely  conclusive  on  the 
one  side  for  absolute  decrees  of  election  and  reprobation,  and  on 
the  other  for  the  existence  of  free-will,  which,  it  must  be  admitted,. 


I 


432  MORALS  AND   RELIGIOUS   BELIEF  IN        July 

they  did  not  press  unduiy,  or  interpret,  as  their  adversaries  imagined, 
in  any  Pelagian  sense,  but  only  as  the  foundation  of  moral 
responsibility. 

Probably  the  confession  of  faith  made  by  John  Clement,  a 
wheelwright  who  was  in  the  King's  Bench  prison,  and  who,  in  protest 
against  the  various  sects  of  protestants  which  had  sprung  up,  drew 
np  for  himself  his  confession  of  faith,  indicates  the  popular  form  of 
belief.  It  seems  from  Strype's  account  that  '  there  were  now  abund- 
ance of  sects  and  dangerous  doctrines.  Some  denied  the  Godhead 
of  Christ,  some  his  manhood  ;  others  denied  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination and  free  election,  the  baptism  of  infants.'  Accord- 
ingly Clement  says,  as  against  those  who  deny  *  the  doctrine  of 
God's  firm  predestination  and  free  election  in  Jesus  Christ,  which  is 
the  very  certainty  of  our  election,'  that  he  firmly  believes  that  he  is  '  a 
true,  lively  member  of  this  blessed  church  of  Christ,  which  can  never 
wholly  err  in  any  necessary  point  of  salvation.'.  He  affirms  that 
good  works  ought  to  be  done  to  *  shew  obedience  to  God  and  the 
fruits  of  faith  unto  the  world.'  He  accepts  the  last  book  given  to 
the  church  by  the  authority  of  King  Edward  VI  and  the  godly 
articles  agreed  upon  in  the  convocation  house  in  the  last  year  of  his 
most  gracious  reign.  He  further  professes  that  the  two  sacraments 
are  certain  and  sure  witnesses  and  effectual  signs  of  grace  and 
God's  goodwill  towards  us,  which  sacraments  have  a  wholesome 
effect  and  operation  in  such  only  as  do  worthily  receive  the  same  ; 
that  '  Baptism  is  a  sign  and  seal  of  our  new  Birth,  whereby  the  pro- 
mises of  God  and  our  adoption  are  visibly  signed  and  sealed  to  us  ; 
yea,  faith  is  confirmed  and  grace  increased  by  virtue  of  prayer  unto 
God.'  Of  the  supper  of  the  Lord  he  says  that  it  is  a  sure  seal  and 
a  firm  testimony  of  our  eternal  redemption  by  Christ's  death  and 
blood-shedding,  '  insomuch  as  to  such  as  with  true  faith  and  feeling 
of  the  mercy  of  God  do  rightly  and  worthily  receive  the  same  they 
do  spiritually  receive  Christ.'  And  in  confirmation  of  all  this  he 
claims  the  sanction  of  the  names  of  Cranmer,  Ridley,  Latimer, 
Hooper,  Rogers,  Saunders,  Bradford,  and  divers  other  godly 
preachers.  Against  the  Pelagian  sect,  which,  he  says,  swarms 
everywhere,  he  professes  that 

the  will  and  imaginations  of  man's  heart  is  only  to  evil  and  altogether 
subject  to  sin  and  misery,  and  bond  and  captive  to  all  manner  of  wicked- 
ness, so  that  it  cannot  once  think  a  good  thought,  much  less  then  do  any 
good  deed  as  of  his  own  work,  until  such  time  as  the  same  be  regenerate 
and  prevented  by  the  grace  of  God. 

In  conclusion  he  recurs  to  the  subject  of  predestination  and  free 
election,  which  is  the  sure  certainty  of  our  salvation  in  Jesus 
Christ,  asserting  that  of  the  number  of  those  appointed  to  be  saved 
'  my  firm  faith  and  belief  is  that  I,  although  unworthy,  am  one,'  so 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  ,488 

that  *  neither  I  nor  any  of- these  his  chosen  children  shall  Anally 
perish  or  be  damned,'  and  that  this  is  a  wholesome  and  comfortable 
doctrine,  to  be  received  of  all  Christian  men.  In  support  of  this 
theory  he  refers  to  Ochino's  sermons.  The  writer  follows  closely 
on  the  lines  of  the  so-called  Calvinistic  articles,  and  especially 
resembles  the  seventeenth  article  in  his  avoiding  all  notice  of 
reprobation,  which  he  absolutely  declines  to  enter  upon,  herein 
differing  entirely  from  the  treatises  on  the  subject  written  by 
Bradford  and  Bernher.  As  being  a  mere  illiterate  mechanic, 
he  was  quite  incapable  of  inventing  these  views  for  himself. 
He  simply  reflects  the  general  tone  of  opinion  of  the  protestants  of 
his  time. 

2.  The  second  source  we  have  alluded  to  is  the  description  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  Marian  exiles,  chiefly  Dutch,  with  some  French, 
English,  and  Scotch  men.  This  congregation  had  been  formed  in 
July  1550,  when  Edward  VI  granted  them  a  patent  to  assemble 
under  their  superintendents,  John  Alasco  and  Peter  Deloenus,  ap- 
parently intending  this  church  to  be  a  model  on  which  the  church 
of  England  was  to  be  reformed.  Alasco,  with  about  175  others,  set  sail 
from  Gravesend,  17  Sept.  1553,  in  two  vessels.  In  the  larger  was 
Alasco  himself,  with  Micronius  and  Utenhoven,  who  wrote  the 
account  which  we  now  abridge.  They  were  driven  by  stress  of 
weather  to  the  coast  of  Norway,  from  whence  they  managed  to  get, 
partly  overland,  partly  by  boat,  to  Elsinore.  But  the  king  of  Den- 
mark, who  was  a  bigoted  Lutheran,  refused  to  allow  them  shelter 
in  his  dominions,  alleging  that  they  were  of  the  sect  of  saoramen- 
tarians,  whom  Luther  abhorred,  though  the  exiles  persisted  that 
after  all  there  was  no  great  difference  between  their  opinions  and 
those  of  the  Lutheran  party,  and  they  were  willing  to  discuss  the 
differences  according  to  Scripture.  They,  however,  put  out  a  form 
of  faith  which  materially  differed  from  that  of  the  Augsburg  con- 
fession. In  vain  did  they'  plead  that  they  had  themselves  been 
tolerant  of  Lutherans,  as  even  their  friends  at  Zurich  had  admitted 
to  communion  the  Swedish  ministers  who  had  quitted  their  country 
because  of  the  Interim.  The  plea  urged  against  them  was  their 
contemptuous  mode  of  administering  the  Lord's  supper  and  the 
many  divisions  that  existed  among  them.  Wherever  they  went 
they  met  with  the  same  treatment,  the  Lutheran  authorities  urging 
that  they  were  only  following  out  Luther's  views,  the  chief  pastor 
at  Bremen,  Jacob  Probst,  quoting  Luther's  own  words— L'ea^^ts  vir 
qui  non  ahiit  in  Concilio  Sacramentariorum  et  in  via  Zuinglianorum 
non  stetit  et  in  cathedra  Tigurinorum  non  sedit.  After  many  refusals 
of  settlement  the  whole  party  of  the  larger  ship  arrived  at  Emden, 
Liibeck,  and  Wismar.  Those  in  the  smaller  vessel  reached  Copen- 
hagen on  3  Nov.,  where  they  were   evidently  taken  for   anabap- 

YOL.   X. — NO.   XXXIX.  F  ^ 


434         MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

9 

tists,  but  where  they  remained  unmolested  till  the  magistrates 
had  orders  from  the  king  to  get  rid  of  them  unless  they  would  sub- 
scribe to  the  king's  confession  of  faith.  This  they  refused  to  do,  and 
departed  for  Kostock.  Here  David  Whitehead,  who  was  afterwards 
pastor  at  Frankfort,  and  had  the  first  offer  of  the  archbishopric  of 
Canterbury  from  Elizabeth,  was  their  spokesman ;  but  he  failed  to 
satisfy  the  Lutherans,  and  so  in  January  1554  they  were  obliged 
to  depart  and  make  their  way  to  Wismar.  Here  Micronius  was 
their  spokesman ;  but  he  too  failed  to  convince  the  authorities  that 
they  Were  not  dangerous  sacramentarians,  who  would  pay  no  heed 
to  magistrates ;  and  on  22  Feb.  they  were  forced  to  migrate  to 
Liibeck.  The  fear  was  that  some  of  them  were  perhaps  ana- 
baptists, and  therefore  Micronius  gave  a  written  confession  of  their 
faith,  which  is  as  follows  : — 

Baptism  is  a  seal  of  divine  grace  towards  all  those  who,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  the  gospel,  have  communion  with  God  the  Father  and  the 
Son  and  the  holy  Spirit.  The  ministration  of  baptism  ought  to  be  done  in 
the  church,  without  any  of  those  superstitions  of  the  Papists  which  obscure 
its  mystery.  We  therefore  condemn  all  those  things  in  its  administration 
which  have  been  invented  by  men  and  obscure  its  dignity.  We  allow  that  the 
baptism  of  children  has  place  in  the  church  of  Christ.  For  since  Infants, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Gospel,  have  communion  with  God  the 
Son  and  the  holy  Ghost,  and  are  already  members  of  the  church  which 
Christ  cleanses  with  the  washing  of  water  by  the  word,  it  is  impossible 
to  deny  them  the  right  of  baptism,  unless  at  the  same  time  it  is  denied 
that  they  are  members  of  the  church  and  have  a  saving  communion  with 
God.  Meanwhile  we  strongly  repudiate  that  preposterous  reliance  on 
infant  baptism  which  is  the  faith  of  so  many  at  the  present  time. 

This  confession,  the  petitioner  says,  'shews  how  far  we  are 
from  the  opinions  of  the  anabaptists.'  There  can,  therefore,  be  no 
doubt  that  Micronius  and  his  party  expressed  the  highest  view  of 
baptism  that  they  could ;  and  we  ask  any  candid  reader  whether 
more  can  be  made  of  it  than  this,  that  it  sets  a  visible  seal  to  a 
grace  which  has  been  conferred  independently  of  and  antecedent 
to  the  sacrament.  The  same  separation  of  grace  from  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  other  sacrament  is  expressed  in  exactly  similar  lan- 
guage, the  only  difference  being  that,  whereas  baptism  is  styled  sig- 
naculiim,  the  Lord's  supper  is  designated  as  ohsignacidum.  The 
latter  is  not  a  classical  word,  and  we  know  not  how  to  render  it, 
unless  we  adopt  the  expression  for  the  two  respective  words  of 
seal  and  counter- seal,  though  it  is  difficult  to  perceive  any  dis- 
tinction of  meaning  in  the  present  case. 

Upon  their  arrival  at  Liibeck  they  found  several  of  their  com- 
panions, who,  after  being  driven  away  from  Copenhagen,  had 
arrived  at  Liibeck,  19  Dec.  1553.  Here  they  had  been  allowed  to 
remain  till  3  Jan.  1564,  when  a  complaint  was  lodged  against  them 


1895  THE  BEIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  485 

that  they  had  spoken  disparagingly  of  the  sacrament.  But  upon 
their  further  remonstrance,  and  chiefly  on  account  of  the  severity 
of  the  weather,  they  were  still  permitted  to  stay  till  the  end  of 
February.  On  the  26th  of  this  month  Micronius,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  the  newly  arrived  party,  held  a  controversy  with 
certain  Lutheran  pastors.  But  all  endeavours  were  in  vain.  They 
were  driven  from  Liibeck  and  had  to  take  refuge  at  Hamburg, 
where  several  others  of  the  Dutch  congregation  had  collected  in  the 
preceding  October.  Here,  on  3  March,  he  disputed  with  the  cele- 
brated Lutheran  Westphal,  who  seems  to  have  implied  that  no 
departure  from  the  Augsburg  confession  could  be  allowed,  and 
represented  that  the  Zwinglian  views  had  been  entirely  disposed  of 
at  the  Marburg  conference  in  1529.  Micronius,  however,  on  the 
contrary,  was  of  opinion  that  the  Zwinglians  had  the  advantage 
in  that  controversy,  the  truth  being  that  both  parties  had  shaken 
hands  and  agreed  to  differ  as  to  the  matter  of  the  real  presence. 
On  the  following  day,  4  March,  when  the  colloquy  was  renewed, 
Westphal  turned  to  a  Scotchman  named  Simpson  and  asked  him 
what  he  thought  about  the  sacraments,  to  which  he  replied  that  he 
was  of  the  same  opinion  as  Micronius,  and  that  theirs  was  the 
same  doctrine  that  was  established  in  the  reign  of  Edward  YI  in 
England. 

On  the  next  day  they  were  summoned  before  the  magistrates, 
who  accused  them  of  being  anabaptists  and  of  belonging  to  the 
Miinster  sect.  They,  however,  presented  their  petition  with  their 
confession  of  faith,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  They  were  driven  away 
from  Hamburg,  and  they  at  last  settled  at  Emden.  Alasco 
remained  there  a  year,  and  thence  migrated  to  Frankfort,  and 
Micronius  superintended  a  congregation  at  Norda.  In  1556  Alasco 
returned  to  Poland.  The  whole  history  shows  that  these  exiles 
believed  themselves  to  be  in  conformity  with  the  Zwinglian  doctrine 
as  preached  at  Ziirich,  as  well  as  the  well-understood  meaning  of 
the  Second  Book  of  Edward  VI,  and  as  such  were  rejected  at  every 
place  where  they  requested  shelter  in  which  the  Lutheran  doctrine 
was  established.  They  were  treated  everywhere  by  the  Lutherans 
as  what  the  Marian  sufferers  were  almost  always  designated  by 
them,  as  the  devil's  martyrs.  They  w^ere  not  condemned  for  any 
pronounced  Calvinism,  but  for  the  special  denial  of  the  Lutheran 
doctrine  of  the  real  presence  in  concomitance  with  the  bread  and 
the  wine  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  supper. 

The  opinions  of  these  exiles  would,  of  course,  be  of  little 
importance  if  it  were  not  that  they  so  materially  contributed 
towards  the  formation  of  the  rehgious  views  of  the  protestant  por- 
tion of  the  nation  during  the  reign  of  Edward  YI.  Alasco  had 
been  converted  probably  by  Zwingli  himself  at  Ziirich  about  the 
year    1530,  though  for  many  years  afterwards  he  retained  his 

F  F  2 


436         MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

f 

benefices  in  the  Koman  church,  and  when  he  came  to  England  it 

is  plain  that  he  was  mainly  instrumental  in  drawing  off  Archbishop 
Cranmer  from  his  Lutheran  views  to  the  anti^ sacramental  opinions 
he  afterwards  advocated.  He  had,  when  it  suited  his  purpose, 
endeavoured  to  represent  the  difference  between  his  own  and 
Luther's  views  as  of  small  importance,  and  after  the  death  of 
Luther  in  1546  he  had  hoped  that  a  nearer  approach  to  unity 
amongst  protestants  of  the  German  and  Swiss  schools  might  have 
been  effected.  And  it  was  specially  with  this  view  that  Cranmer 
had  summoned  Alasco  to  England.  But  after  Bucer's  death  on 
28  Feb.  1551  the  last  faint  hopes  of  any  such  amalgamation  had 
died  away,  and  Peter  Martyr  and  Alasco  carried  everything  before 
them. 

Cranmer's  change  of  opinion  may  be  gathered  from  the  follow- 
ing short  extracts : — 

1  Aug.  1548.  *  All  our  countrymen  .  .  .  entertain  in  all  respects  like 
opinions  with  you  ...  I  except  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ...  he 
conducts  himself  in  such  a  way  ...  as  that  the  people  do  not  think  much 
of  him,  and  the  nobility  regard  him  as  lukewarm.' 

28  Sept.  1548.  *  Latimer  has  come  over  to  our  opinion  respecting  the 
true  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  together  with  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury and  the  other  bishops  who  heretofore  seemed  to  be  Lutherans.' 

31  Dec.  1548.  '  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  contrary  to  general 
expectation,  most  openly,  firmly,  and  learnedly  maintained  your  opinion 
upon  this  subject.  ...  I  perceive  that  it  is  all  over  with  Lutheranism 
now  those  that  were  considered  its  principal  and  almost  only  supporters 
have  come  over  to  our  side.' 

All  this  was  written  to  BuUinger  by  Bartholomew  Traheron. 

The  next  extract  is  from  John  ab  Ulmis,  writing  from  Oxford  to 
the  same,  27  Nov.  1548. 

Even  that  Thomas  Cranmer  himself,  about  whom  I  wrote  to  you  when 
I  was  in  London,  by  the  goodness  of  God  and  the  instrumentahty  of  that 
most  upright  and  judicious  man  master  John  Alasco  is  in  a  great  measure 
recovered  from  his  dangerous  lethargy. 

And  again,  2  March  1549 — 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  .  .  .  has,  contrary  to  the  general  expec- 
tation, delivered  his  opinion  on  the  subject  correctly,  orderly,  and  clearly, 
and  by  the  weight  of  his  character  and  the  dignity  of  his  language  and 
sentiments  easily  drew  over  all  his  hearers  to  our  way  of  thinking — 

i.e.  the  views  advocated  by  Martyr,  following  in  the  steps  of  Zwingli. 
These  extracts  show  the  opinion  of  a  foreigner  resident  in 
England,  who  appears,  from  his  letters,  to  have  been  cognisant  of 
all  that  was  going  on  in  the  changes  of  religion  and  worship. 

But  we  have  also  distinct  evidence  of  Alasco's  influence  over 
Cranmer  in  other  letters  which  have  been   printed  in  Gorham's 


1895  THE  BEIGN  OF  EDWABD   VI  ,437 

'  Eeformation    Gleanings.'     Thus   Alasco,   writing    to    Bullinger, 
10  April  1551,  says-— 

Not  long  ago  D''  Martin  Bucer  departed  this  hfe.  The  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  consulted  me  on  inviting  to  this  country  several  learned  men. 
I  therefore  proposed  Musculus,  your  BibHander,  and  CastaHo ;  he  sug- 
gested also  Brentius,  but  when  I  mentioned  that  he  did  not  agree  with  us 
en  the  Sacramentarian  matter,  he  rephed  that  he  had  already  been  so 
informed.  I  could  strongly  desire,  holy  man,  that  we  had  here  some  of 
your  ministers.  I  already  number  Musculus  among  yours,  and  I  knew 
some  time  since,  that  Bibhander  is  your  co-pastor ;  already  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  has  instructed  John  Hales  to  provide  for  the  journey  of 
Musculus  and  BibHander,  if  they  be  disposed  to  come.  If  you  think  it 
possible  to  persuade  Castalio  to  undertake  a  journey  hither,  I  request  you 
to  ascertain  and  inform  me  of  his  wishes. 

From  all  this  it  is  abundantly  plain  that  Martyr  and  Alasco 
w^ere  carrying  all  before  them,  and  that  we  are  far  more  indebted 
to  them  than  to  Ridley  and  Cranmer  for  the  Second  Prayer  Book  of 
Edward  VI  and  the  forty-two  articles  which  quickly  followed  it. 
There  was  evidently  a  lingering  hope  in  Cranmer's  mind  that, 
now  that  Bucer,  the  sole  remaining  Lutheran  in  England  after  the 
German  reformer's  death,  had  followed  him  to  the  grave,  some  com- 
promise might  yet  be  made  with  his  adherents,  some  of  whom 
were  fast  developing  into  Zwinglianism.  But  it  did  not  suit  Alasco's 
purpose  that  Brentz  should  be  invited  to  take  part  in  the  changes 
going  on,  and  so  the  Lutheran  reformer  remained  at  his  post  till  his 
death,  his  last  wdil  condemning  all  heretics,  especially  the  Zwinglians, 
whom  he  does  not  hesitate  to  speak  of  as  liars.  He  made  his  con- 
fession at  his  death,  expressing  his  agreement  with  Luther's 
doctrine. 

This  was  the  state  into  which  affairs  had  drifted  in  the  year 
1551.  There  had  been  a  systematic  attempt  from  the  first  to  get 
rid  of  catholic  doctrine,  and  to  reform  the  church  after  the  model 
of  foreign  protestantism.  It  was  not,  as  has  been  erroneously 
supposed,  that  the  English  reformers  were  becoming  gradually  en- 
lightened, and  so  slowly  adopted  changes  as  they  from  time  to  time 
approved  themselves  to  their  better  judgment.  On  the  contrary, 
every  change  was  deliberately  made  with  a  view  to  a  subsequent 
alteration  ;  and  a  Third  Prayer  Book  would  soon  have  supplanted  the 
Second,  just  as  the  Second  had  been  designed  to  supersede  the  First. 
The  pretence  of  the  compilers  of  the  Second,  that  it  was  only  an 
improved  edition  of  the  First,  must  be  seen  to  be  mere  hypocrisy 
when  the  two  are  compared  together  in  regard  to  the  doctrine  of 
sacramental  grace.  If  the  two  books  do  not  seem  to  any  one  to  pro- 
claim this  on  the  face  of  things,  how  is  it  possible  to  resist  the  evi- 
dence afforded  by  the  correspondence  of  the  period  and  the  history 
of   the  Marian   exiles?     Is   it  not  plain   that  the  denial  of  the 


4B8         MOEALS  AND  EELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

real  presence  is  as  cle^r  in  the  Second  as  its  assertion  is  in  the 
First  ?  That  it  was  so  to  Lawrence  Humphrey  and  Thomas  Sampson 
in  July  1566  is  plain  from  their  complaint  alleged  in  a  letter  to 
Bullinger,  when  they  averred  that 

the  Article  composed  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Sixth  respecting  the 
spiritual  eating,  which  expressly  oppugned  and  took  away  the  Real 
Presence  in  the  Eucharist  and  contained  a  most  clear  explanation  of  the 
truth,  is  now  set  forth  among  us  mutilated  and  imperfect.'^ 

This,  of  course,  refers  to  the  reintroduction,  in  1559,  of  the  words 
used  in^the  First  Prayer  Book  of  1549 — *  The  body  [or  blood]  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  was  given  for  thee,  preserve  thy  body  and 
soul  unto  everlasting  life.' 

And  now  let  us  briefly  summarise  the  evidence  of  the  intentions 
and  purpose  of  the  reformers  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  If  we 
bear  in  mind  the  absolute  necessity  there  was  for  caution  in  the 
mode  of  proceeding,  and  also  the  known  opinions  of  Cranmer 
expressed  during  the  reign  of  Henry  YIII  as  regards  confirmation 
and  holy  orders,  there  will  seem  nothing  unreasonable  in  the  view 
which  we  believe  to  be  the  only  true  account  of  the  changes  in 
religion  successively  adopted  in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  and  that 
account  is  as  follows :  There  was,  from  the  moment  of  Henry's 
death,  a  systematic  attempt  made  by  the  men  of  the  new  learning, 
headed  at  first  by  Somerset  and  afterwards  by  Northumberland, 
gradually  to  get  rid  of  catholic  doctrine.  In  furtherance  of  this 
project,  which  was  never  lost  sight  of  during  the  whole  of  Edward's 
reign,  they  first  put  out  the  order  of  communion,  which  was  partly 
in  English,  partly  in  Latin ;  they  then  proceeded  to  the  First  Prayer 
Book,  which  came  out  little  more  than  a  year  afterwards,  and  then, 
whilst  pretending  that  the  First  Prayer  Book  of  1549  had  been  drawn 
up  with  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  they  hypocritically 
destroyed  the  doctrine  of  the  Eucharist,  and  pared  down  other 
sacramental  doctrines  to  the  lowest  point  they  could  venture.  The 
next  step  was  the  new  ordinal  of  April  1550,  and  then  they 
endeavoured  to  impose  upon  the  clergy  the  forty- two  articles,  with 
the  view  of  paving  the  way  for  a  Third  Prayer  Book,  which  would  go 
still  further  in  denying  sacramental  grace  and  assimilating  the  church 
of  England  to  the  platform  of  Ziirich  and  Geneva.  The  successive 
publication  of  the  new  ordinal  between  the  times  of  the  issue  of  the  two 
Prayer  Books  and  the  improved  edition  of  it  which  appeared  as  part 
of  the  Prayer  Book  of  1552  points  in  the  same  direction.  In  the 
earlier  ordinal,  though  much  of  the  ceremonial  was  dropped,  there 
were  still  retained  the  use  of  the  vestments  ;  the  cope,  the  tunicle, 
the  surplice  and  the  alb,  and  the  pastoral  staff  being  mentioned  by 
name.     All  these  were  omitted  from  the  second  ordinal  of  1552, 

*  Zurich  Letters  (1st  ser.),  Ixxi.  p.  165 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  439 

because  these  offices  were  intended  to  be  performed  without  any 
special  dress,  the  careful  exclusion  of  any  such  mention  being  an 
accommodation  to  the  scruples  of  such  men  as  Hooper. 

The  matter  scarcely  needs  the  additional  evidence  afforded  by 
the  fact  that  Cranmer  had  ordered  Dr.  Taylor,  of  Hadley,  a  mere 
priest,  to  ordain  Kobert  Drake  as  deacon  in  the  year  1548,  and 
afterwards  admitted  him  to  the  order  of  priesthood,  according  to 
some  form  resemblmg  the  ordinal  of  the  following  year,  which  was 
not  yet  authorised  or  perhaps  even  composed.  It  was  not  proposed 
in  the  lords  till  22  Jan.  1550,  and  did  not  come  into  operation  till 
the  following  April.  The  story  is  not  told  by  an  enemy,  but  by 
Foxe  (vol.  viii.  p.  107),  and  plainly  proves  the  indifference  both  to 
the  law  of  the  land  and  the  customs  of  the  church  which 
characterised  that  unhappy  period. 

The  men  who  succeeded  in  EHzabeth's  reign  to  the  place  of 
Edward's  bishops  were  of  the  same  school.  They  neither  valued 
the  apostolical  succession  which  they  possessed  nor  believed  in  the 
sacraments  they  administered.  What  wonder  is  it  that  when 
Elizabeth  had  occupied  the  throne  for  nearly  thirty  years  no  attempt 
was  made  to  answer  Cawdrey's  allegation  ^  that  the  bishops  had  all 
that  time  for  the  most  part  neglected  to  administer  the  rite  of  con- 
firmation ?  They  had  been  but  faithful  to  the  traditions  of  the 
Zwinglian  party,  who  had  taught  them  that  orders  were  a  state  of 
life  allowed  in  Holy  Scripture,  and  that  confirmation  had  grown  of 
corrupt  following  of  the  apostles. 

3.  The  third  source  of  information  we  have  alluded  to  is  the 
history  of  the  Frankfort  and  Genevan  exiles  as  detailed  in  Whit- 
tingham's  'Brief  Discourse  of  the  Troubles  begun  at  Frankfort  in  Ger- 
many, A.D.  1554,  about  the  book  of  Common  Prayer  and  Ceremonies, 
and  continued  by  the  Englishmen  there  to  the  end  of  Q.  Mary's 
reign.'  This  was  first  published  in  1575,  and  though  twice  reprinted, 
once  in  the  second  volume  of  the  *  Phenix '  in  1708  and  again  in  a 
separate  volume  in  1846,  is  not  very  commonly  met  with.  It  gives 
an  account  of  the  quarrels  which  originated  in  the  dislike  of  some 
of  their  body  of  the  Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  YI,  which  the 
most  influential  of  the  party  wished  to  have  in  use  in  their  congre- 
gation, though  by  common  consent  of  all  the  reformers  the  litany 
and  surplice  were  to  be  discontinued,  together  with  other  ceremonies 
that  might  seem  strange  to  the  French  reformed  communion  which 
had  been  allowed  by  the  magistrates.  Several  other  ceremonial 
acts  as  regards  the  ministration  of  the  sacraments  were  omitted 
as  superstitious.  Both  of  these  parties,  therefore,  if  they  had  been 
at  home,  would  have  been  in  favour  of  that  further  revision  of  the 
Prayer  Book  which  Cranmer  had  taken  in  hand.  Accordingly  on 
5  Strype's  Aylmer,  p.  90. 


i 


440         MOBALS  AND  BELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

2  Aug.  1554  they  wrote  off  to  their  fellow-countrymen  at  Strassburg, 
Zurich,  Wesel,  Emden,  &c.,  their  ideas  about  discipline,  in  order  to 
establish  some  unity  amongst  the  Enghshmen  dispersed  in  those 
towns,  whom  they  accordingly  desired  to  come  and  settle  at  Frankfort. 
But  there  were  already  divisions  at  Frankfort,  tidings  of  which  had 
spread  abroad,  and  the  other  exiles  would  not  unite  unless  they 
would  promise  some  substantial  agreement  with  Edward's  Second 
Book.  But  Knox  and  Lever  had  already  been  elected  superintendents, 
and  there  was  no  chance  of  Knox  consenting  to  anything  in  that 
Prayer  Book  which  could  not  be  proved  from  Scripture.  Accord- 
ingly Knox  and  Whittingham  wrote  to  Calvin,  describing  the 
points  they  objected  to,  and  from  their  mode  of  expression  it  is 
plain  that  they  had  no  idea  that  there  was  any  consecration  of  the 
elements  intended,  but  only  a  prayer  like  that  w^hich  precedes  it,  *  in 
which  are  contained  the  words  of  institution  ; '  but  they  distinctly 
object  to  the  *  Gloria  in  Excelsis '  as  being  used  by  the  papists.  At 
Calvin's  suggestion  a  sort  of  compromise  was  adopted,  which  lasted 
from  6  Feb.  1555  till  13  March  of  the  same  year.  This  letter  of 
Calvin's  is  the  celebrated  one  in  which  he  uses  the  expression  tolcra- 
hiles  inejitiae  of  parts  of  the  contents  of  the  Prayer  Book.  The 
patched  up  concord  was  disturbed  by  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Cox,  who 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  was  promoted  to  the  bishopric  of  Ely. 
Cox  soon  got  his  own  way,  and  managed  to  drive  away  Knox  and 
Whittingham  to  Geneva.  He  wrote  to  Calvin  explaining  how  the 
magistrates  had  given  them  leave  to  use  the  Enghsh  Prayer  Book^ 
of  which  they  had,  however,  given  up  confirmation,  saints'  days, 
kneeling  at  communion,  surplices,  crosses,  and  other  like  things, 
for  fear  of  offending  the  weak  brethren.  The  upshot  of  the  matter 
was  that  the  congregation  was  split  up,  some  retiring  to  Geneva, 
some  to  Basle,  whilst  Cox,  Whitehead,  and  others  remained  at 
Frankfort,  using  the  English  Prayer  Book  but  omitting  the  services 
and  ceremonies  mentioned  above.  But  the  retirement  of  those  who 
w^ere  dissatisfied  did  not  put  an  end  to  their  differences,  which  lasted 
all  the  time  till  the  accession  of  Elizabeth.  In  the  discussion  of 
these  troubles  occurs  one  of  the  earliest  assertions  about  the  Third 
Prayer  Book,  the  statement  being  (p.  82,  ed.  1708) 

that  Cranmer,  Bishop  of  Canterbury,  had  drawn  up  a  Book  of  Prayer  an 
hundred  times  more  perfect  than  this  we  now  have,  yet  the  same  could 
not  take  place,  for  that  he  was  matched  with  such  a  wicked  clergy  and 
convocation,  with  other  enemies. 

We  need  not  enter  into  the  details  of  the  quarrels  between 
the  elders  and  ministers  and  the  congregation.  It  seems  as  if  they 
could  not  agree  upon  any  matters  of  discipline,  and  as  if  they  were 
obHged  to  appoint  as  deacons  men  possessed  of  private  means,  for 
fear  they  should  embezzle  the  alms  which  it  was  their  business  to 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  4il 

collect.  The  factions  seem  to  have  numbered  about  thirty-six 
or  thirty-eight  on  one  side  and  fourteen  or  fifteen  on  the  other. 
The  dispute  lasted  from  13  Jan.  1557  till  30  March,  when  the  new 
book  of  discipline  was  subscribed  by  forty- two  out  of  the  whole 
congregation,  which  were  in  all  sixty-two.  Home  and  Chambers 
seem  to  have  been  the  principal  persons  in  the  minority,  who 
found  fault  with  the  new  discipline ;  "Whitehead  the  chief  of 
the  majority,  who  W'ere  for  imposing  it.  After  this  Home  and 
Chambers  appear  to  have  left  Frankfort  and  joined  the  preceding 
seceders  at  Geneva  in  1558,  soon  after  which  tidings  reached  them 
of  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  when  it  was  thought  best  at  Geneva  to 
close  up  all  differences,  and  accordingly  Kethe  was  sent  with  a 
letter,  dated  15  Dec.  1558,  to  Aarau,  Basle,  Strassburg,  Worms, 
Frankfort,  and  other  places  where  there  w^ere  any  English  pro- 
testants  assembled,  exhorting  them  to  forget  all  past  grievances  and 
join  together,  lest  the  papists  should  find  occasion  against  them 
because  of  their  dissensions.  This  w^as  signed  by  the  well-known 
names  of  Goodman,  Coverdale,  Knox,  Gilby,  and  Whittingham 
amongst  others.  The  answer  to  the  letter  from  Frankfort  was  signed 
by  Pilkington,  Nowell,  and  others,  expressing  their  hope  that  all 
would  agree  in  w^hatever  should  now  be  arranged  by  authority  in 
England  and  by  consent  of  parliament,  '  being  not  of  themselves 
wicked.'  The  answer  from  Aarau,  which  was  nearly  to  the  same 
effect,  is  signed  by  Thomas  Lever  and  three  others,  and  dated 
16  Jan.  1559. 

The  quarrels  of  the  exiles  as  detailed  by  one  who  professes  to  be 
an  impartial  judge  would  be  of  small  importance  but  for  the 
distinct  revelation  of  the  fact  of  the  existence  of  two  principal 
factions  amongst  them,  one  of  which  was  for  doing  away  with  the 
Second  Prayer  Book  of  Edward  VI,  the  other  being  content  to 
adopt  it,  wdth  the  omission  of  certain  provisions  which  they  disliked, 
amongst  which  were  the  kneeling  position  at  the  reception  of  the 
Lord's  supper  and  the  existence  of  an  office  for  confirmation,  both 
of  which  were  supposed  to  be  relics  of  popery.  The  latter  party 
were  Zwinglians  in  reality,  but  they  were  usually  designated  as 
Pelagians  and  free-willers  by  the  others,  who  were  more  or  less 
advanced  Calvinists. 

At  the  risk  of  being  charged  with  enlarging  upon  evidence  of 
what  has  been  abundantly  proved  already,  we  venture  upon  an  ex- 
tract from  a  very  scarce  tract  which  is  amongst  the  last  of  the  pub- 
lications of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  It  is  a  translation  by  T.  C.  of 
a  work  written  in  German  by  Micronius,  and  addressed  by  him  to 
the  faithful  congregation  of  the  Dutch  church  at  London.  The  only 
copy  we  have  seen  is  that  in  the  British  Museum,  with  the  press- 
mark '4326.  a.,'  entitled 'A  short  and  faythful  |  Instruction,  gathered 
out  of  holy  Scrilpture,  composed  in  Questions  and  Anisweres,  for. 


442  MORALS  AND  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  IN        July 

the  edifyeing  and  com^rt  |  of  the  symple  Christianes,  whych  |  in- 
tende  worthely  to  receyve  |  the  holy  Supper  of  the  |  Lorde.'  To  the 
first  question,  *  Whereby  knowest  thou,  that  thou  arte  a  Christian  ?  ' 
the  answer  is,  *  By  cause  the  holy  ghost  by  the  witnesse  of  fayth  certi- 
fieth  me  in  myne  herte  and  sealeth  my  conscience,  that  I  am  the 
chylde  of  God  alonly  through  the  merite  of  Jesus  Christe.'  To  the 
question,  *  What  are  the  Sacramentes  ?  '  the  answer  is,  *  They  are 
holy  exercises,  scales  and  effectual  tokens  of  remembrance,  ordeyned 
of  the  Lorde  himselfe  for  the  comforte  of  his  congregacion.'  Again, 
to  'What  is  Baptyme?'  we  have,  *  It  is  an  holy  ordinaunce  of 
Christ  in  the  recept  wherof  all  the  membres  of  hys  congregation 
(in  which  yonge  children  are  conteyned  also)  are  baptysed  with  water 
in  the  name  of  the  father,  and  of  the  Sonne,  and  of  the  holy  Ghost.' 
We  have  only  space  for  one  of  the  answers  to  the  questions  on  the 
other  sacrament,  viz.  '  What  profyt  and  comforte  fyndest  thou  in 
the  due  and  worthye  recepte  therof  ? ' 

Ansiuere,  Truely,  in  the  ryght  ministracion  therof,  it  is  lyuely and  effectu- 
ally set  out  to  me  myserable  synner  as  it  were  before  myne  eyes,  beaten 
into  my  remembraunce,  yea  wytnessed  and  sealed  to  my  feble  conscience 
through  the  holy  Ghost,  that  Christ  hath  once  for  al  upon  the  crosse 
made  an  euerlastyng  full  and  parfyte  oblacion  and  sacrifice  for  my  synnes, 
and  that  I  also  beleuynge  in  hym  haue  thorough  hys  death  and  oblacion 
once  made  forgyvenes  of  my  synnes  wyth  comfort  and  full  truste  of  euer- 
lastynge  lyfe  as  verely,  truly  and  certeinlye  as  I  at  hys  table  eate  of  the 
bread  broken  and  drinke  of  the  cuppe  of  the  Lorde,  whyche  (after  the  use  of 
holy  scripture  and  maner  of  Sacramentes)  he  calleth  his  body  and  bloude. 

This  little  work  was  reproduced  exactly  in  sixteen  pages  of  one  of 
the  Camden  Society's  publications  in  1884.^  If  any  one  should  be 
inclined  to  wonder  at  the  extraordinary  unanimity  of  the  reformers 
of  Edward's  reign  in  their  endeavour  to  detach  the  grace  of  God 
from  the  sacramental  signs,  or  to  disparage  the  sacraments,  we 
w^ould,  in  explanation  of  this  point,  refer  to  what  we  believe  was  the 
original  source  of  it  all,  viz.  the  publication,  in  the  year  1527,  of 
the  '  Farrago  annotationum  in  Genesim  ex  ore  Huldrychi  Zuinghi 
per  Leonem  Judae  et  Casparem  Megandrum  exceptarum.  Tiguri 
ex  aedibus  Christophori  Froschover  Anno  M.D.  XXVII.  Mense 
Martio.'  ^  The  whole  passage  from  p.  173  to  p.  178  is  well  worth 
reading,  and  is  most  instructive  in  this  relation.  W^e  have  only 
space  for  one  short  but  pregnant  extract,  from  p.  176. 

Satis  de  signis  superius  loquuti,  hie  breviter  dicimus,  Signa  quaedam 
esse  miracula,  quae  fidelium  non  mentes,  sed  carnis  imbecillitatem  non- 
nihil  firmant ;  infideles  excaecant,  et  eis  in  testimonium  damnationis  fiunt. 
Signa  vero  pacti  aut  symbola  (quae  alii  signa  sacramentalia  vocant),  ut  est 
in  veteri  lege  Circumcisio,  et  agni  paschalis  manducatio,  in  nova,  bap- 
tismus  et  Eucharistia,  fidem  interiorem  nee  adjuvant,  nee  firmant  (ut 

®  Troubles  connected  with  the  Prayer  Booh  of  1549,  edited  by  the  Eev.  N.  Pocock, 
pref.  pp.  xxxi-xlvi.  ^  Brit.  Mus.  690.  a.  3, 


1895  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD   VI  443 

quidam  absque  verbo  Dei  decent)  sed  admonent  hominem  officii :  et  sunt 
testimonia  damnationis  his,  qui  non  servant  quae  per  symbola  sif^ni- 
iicantur. 

It  has  always  been  asserted  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  Second 
Prayer  Book  and  the  forty- two  articles  to  Cranmer  and  Eidley,  but 
no  evidence  is  ever  produced  to  show  that  Eidley 's  influence  was  any- 
thing more  than  indirect,  whereas  all  the  evidence  points  to  Alasco 
and  Peter  Martyr  as  their  compilers  or  as  assistants  to  Cranmer  in 
compiling  them.  And  it  has  been  urged  in  favour  of  their  Lutheran 
origin  that  the  baptismal  office  is  very  like  Hermann's,  and  that 
many  of  the  earlier  articles  are  expressed  exactly  in  the  same  form 
as  those  of  the  Augustan  confession.  There  is  some  force  in 
the  argument,  as  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  wording  of  the  articles 
is  more  in  accordance  with  the  Augustan  than  with  any  of  the  Hel- 
vetic confessions.  Yet  we  should  remember  that  the  confession 
of  Augsburg  was  the  earhest  and  far  the  most  celebrated  of  all  the 
confessions  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  that  even  Martyr  was  quite 
willing  to  adopt  it  if  he  might  be  allowed  to  take  it  in  his  own  sense, 
although  he  was  almost  as  bitterly  opposed  to  Lutheranism  as 
Luther,  and  after  his  death  Westphal,  was  to  the  Zwinglians  and 
Calvinists.  Thus  in  his  address  to  the  governors  at  Strassburghesays, 
*  I  willingly  embrace  and  confess  the  confession  made  at  Augusta,' 
though  he  had  refused  to  subscribe  to  the  agreement  made  between 
Martin  Bucer  and  Luther  and  his  fellow-ministers,  because  he  would 
not  grant  that  they  that  are  without  faith  in  receiving  the  sacrament 
receive  the  body  of  Christ,^  alleging  that  Bucer  himself  had  taught 
otherwise  at  Cambridge.  And  yet  in  his  epistle  to  the  English  he 
inveighs  most  strongly  against  the  Lutherans  at  the  commencement 
of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  For  it  appears  that,  though  the  current 
of  religious  belief  had  set  very  strongl^y  in  towards  denying  the  grace 
of  either  sacrament,  there  were  still  some  who,  though  opposed  to 
all  Eoman  doctrine,  yet  adhered  to  the  Lutheran  teaching  of  grace 
being  conferred  in  both  the  sacraments.  Certain  persons  who 
had  conceived  a  dislike  of  Lutheranism  applied  to  Peter  Martyr  at 
Strassburg  for  advice  as  to  whether  it  was  lawful  for  them  to  have 
their  children  baptised  by  one  who  held  to  Lutheran  doctrine,  and 
Martyr  replied  that  though  baptism  by  a  Lutheran  was  valid,  and 
was  on  no  account  to  be  repeated,  yet  they  ought  not  to  allow  a 
child  to  be  baptised  by  a  Lutheran,  because  baptism  was  a  seal  of 
faith,  and 

the  faith  of  the  Lutherans  and  ours  are  so  different  that  they  even  detest 
our  faith,  and  the  controversy  between  us  is  not  about  a  small  matter,  but 
about  a  principal  point  of  faith.  The  Lutherans  would  not  allow  their 
children  to  be  baptised  by  us,  so  neither  should  we  allow  Qura  to  be 
baptised  by  them. 

8  Common  Places,  part  ii.  p.  136. 


444  MORALS  ETC.    UNDER  EDWARD   VI  July 

In  explaining  the  diffetence  between  the  Lutherans  and  himself  he 
says — 

They  attribute  unto  the  sacraments  a  great  deal  more  than  is  requisite, 
and  tie  the  grace  of  God  unto  baptism.  There  is  none  agreement  between 
them  and  us  in  any  of  both  sacraments.  Infants,  if  they  die  without  bap- 
tism, are  in  no  danger,  as  neither  grace  nor  predestination  must  be  tied  to 
outward  things  and  sacraments.  Furthermore,  it  is  better  that  the  discord 
between  us  and  the  Lutherans  should  be  increased  than  that  we  should 
be  in  danger  of  ceasing  to  defend  that  truth  about  the  Sacrament  which 
has  hitherto  been  constantly  held. 

In  further  evidence  of  the  connexion  that  exists  between  the 
expressions  of  the  articles  and  the  opinions  of  Martyr  it  seems 
worth  while  to  exhibit  the  following  comparison  of  the  ninth  article 
with  certain  phraseology  used  by  Martyr  in  a  letter  to  an  unknown 
friend  in  England,  written  soon  after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  to 
the  throne  ; — 

But  to  declare  in  few  words,  this  is  my  opinion,  that  even  as  by  the 
holy  words  either  heard  or  read  our  faith  is  stirred  up,  waxeth  fervent, 
and  is  increased,  so  doth  it  also  happen  while  we  receive  the  sacraments 
which  be  the  words  of  God,  but  yet  visible  words,  that  our  faith  is  made 
more  firm  and  increaseth.^ 

Surely  these  words  exactly  explain  the  meaning  and  intention  of 
the  clause  in  the  twenty- seventh  article,  that  '  the  promises  of 
forgiveness  of  sin  and  of  our  adoption  to  be  the  sons  of  God  by  the 
holy  Ghost  are  visibly  signed  and  sealed,  faith  is  confirmed,  and 
grace  increased  by  virtue  of  prayer  unto  God.' 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  some  of  the  other  articles,  there 
is  no  trace  in  the  sacramental  portion  of  them  of  their  having  been 
derived  from  the  Augsburg  confession,  which  is  so  definite  in  Arti- 
cles IX.  and  X. 

In  baptismo  docent  quod  sit  necessarium  ad  salutem  quodque  per  bap- 
tismum  offeratur  Dei  gratia  et  quod  pueri  sint  baptizandi  qui  per  bap- 
tismum  oblati  Deo,  recipiantur  in  gratiam  Dei. 

De  coena  Domini  docent  quod  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  vere  adsint  et 
distribuantur  vescentibus  in  coena  Domini  et  improbant  secus  docentes. 

If  there  were  any  possibility  of  evading  the  plain  meaning  of 
these  words,  the  strong  language  used  by  Melanchthon  in  his 
^Apologia  €Dnfessi()«is  Augi^^tanae '  cuts  away  the  ground  entirely. 

Nicholas  Pocock. 

f  Ex>istles,f,  127. 


1895 


445 


The    Constable   Lesdiguieres 


TI/fORTUUS  est  insenectute  bond , plenus  dierum  et  divitiis  et gloria. 
J.IL  Tj^Y^Q  Jacobin  who  preached  Lesdiguieres'  funeral  sermon  was 
happy  in  his  text.  Few  indeed  were  the  soldiers  who  took  horse 
after  the  massacre  of  Vassi,  and  fought  a  hard  campaign  in  the  heart 
of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  Lesdiguieres  could  reckon  eighty-three 
years  of  life,  and  sixty- four  of  almost  continuous  fighting.  His  life 
and  his  luck  alike  seemed  charmed.  Born  to  poverty  he  died  a 
millionaire  ;  the  intended  advocate  of  Dauphine  was  the  last  on  the 
roll  of  the  Constables  of  France.  Even  in  his  biographers  is  he 
fortunate.  The  Secretary  Videl  wrote  his  master's  life  from  fifteen 
years  of  close  association,  with  his  voluminous  correspondence  at  his 
hand,  while  Dauphine  was  still  echoing  every  tradition  of  its  hero. 
MM.  Douglas  and  Eoman  have  ransacked  France  to  accumulate 
materials  for  a  more  scientific  biography.^  To  these  M.  Dufayard's  ^ 
industry  has  largely  added  from  the  archives  of  Grenoble  and  Turin, 
while  his  literary  skill  has  moulded  them  into  a  definitive  life  of  him 
whom  Voltaire  christened  '  I'heureux  Lesdiguieres.' 

Prodigies  and  prophecies  cling  to  the  cradle  of  the  young  Fran9ois 
de  Bonne  ;  yet  scarcely  could  a  Cornelius  Agrippa  or  a  Nostradamus 
have  correctly  cast  the  horoscope  of  the  child.  His  father  and  fore- 
fathers were  petty  Dauphinois  gentry,  following  the  profession  of 
notary  in  the  district  of  Champsaur,  differing  rather  in  birth  and  pride 
than  in  wealth  and  manners  from  the  peasant  farmers  of  the  country- 
side. Fran9ois  when  five  years  old  lost  his  father,  and  the  boy, 
complained  these  peasants  to  his  mother,  was  soon  the  nuisance  of 
the  parish,  dividing  their  children  into  bands,  and  training  them  in 
mimic  war.  His  youth  and  entrance  into  life  were  characteristic  of 
his  class.  Sent  to  the  university  of  Avignon,  where  lectures  were 
already  disorganised  by  seismic  symptoms  of  the  great  upheaval, 
the  undergraduate  preferred  the  garrison  drums  to  the  college  bell, 
and  became  with  his  ribald  comrades  the  terror  of  the  pavement, 
forming  intimate  acquaintance,  if  not  friendship,  with  the  pontifical 

^  Actes  ct  Corresr>ondance  du  ConnUahlc  de  LesdigitUres,  par  MM.  Douglas  et 
Boman.     3  vols.  1878-89. 

2  Le  Conn^tabk  de  LesdiguUres,i^a.x  C.  Dufayard.    Paris,  189?. . 


446  THE   CONSTABLE  LESBIGUIEEES  July 


f 


police.     Hence  he  passed  on  to  Paris,  to  study  law  at  the  college  of 

Navarre.     Term   and  vacation   were  equally  intolerable.     Kicher 

relations    turned   the    cold   shoulder   to   their   ill-dressed   cousin. 

Neighbours  smiled  and  footmen  laughed  at  the  disagreeables  which 

to  the  young  or  the  sensitive  are  disasters.     Law  was  thrown  to  the 

winds,   and  the  boy   enlisted,  joining  before  long   the   compagnie 

d'ordonnance  of  Gordes,  lieutenant-general   in  Dauphine.     Here, 

like  many  young  nobles,  he  served  as  a  private  of  light  horse,  eking 

out  his  pay  by  opportunities  of  pillage.     In  helmet  and  breastplate, 

with  musket  in  hand,  sword  at  side,  and  pistol  in  the  saddle-bow,  he 

no  longer  cut  the  sorry  figure  of  college  days.    He  was  well-knit  and 

muscular,  extraordinarily  active,  with  flashing  eyes,  and  the  air  of 

a  great  gentleman.     The  best  traditions  of  the  French  army  were 

maintained  by  Gordes,  himself  a  pupil  of  Bayard,   and  Bonne 

attracted  his  commander's  notice.  With  the  outbreak  of  the  wars  of 

religion  the  market  value  of  a  good  trooper  rose  rapidly.     Huguenot 

churches  and  nobles   busily  enrolled   soldiers  and   commissioned 

officers.    Gentlemen,  whom  the  cessation  of  the  Spanish  war  had  left 

to  starve,  now  found  a  competence  if  not  a  fortune.     Apart  from 

religious  proclivity,  higher  pay  and  hatred  for  the  Lorrainer,  to  whom 

the  disastrous  peace  was  attributed,  attracted  them  to  the  party  of 

Keform.     Even  while  at  Avignon,   Lesdiguieres  ^   seems  to  have 

become  a  convert.     But  he  would  not  sacrifice  career  to  conviction  ; 

the  sight  of  fellow  students  haled  in  their  shirts  to  the  papal  prisons 

served  as  a  deterrent  from  profession.     Now,  however,  after  some 

hesitation  he  left  the  royal  service  to  join  the  partisan  chief  Furmeyer. 

Reform  in  its  south-eastern  outpost  had  a  peculiar  character.   Its 

hold  upon  the  country  people  was  stronger  than  elsewhere.    In  most 

villages  there  was  a  small  reformed  congregation,  in  many  cases 

whole  v?.lleys  declared  themselves.     Nobles  and  tow^ns  were  alike 

divided,  the  balance  of  numbers  and  importance  being  however  in 

favour  of  Catholicism.     Yet  the  Huguenots  were  the  more  pushing 

party,   and  seemed  likely  at  first  to  carry  the  province  with  them. 

The  w^ar  was  here  even  unusually  cruel.     The  natives  of  the  uplands 

were  fierce,  the  lesser  gentry  more  numerous  and  less  cultivated 

than  in  the  northern  or  central  provinces.     The  small  noble  or  the 

adventurous  rohirier  treated  the  rising  as  a  speculation,  levied  the 

local  vagabonds  and  the  floating  scum  of  French,  Swiss,  or  Rhenish 

mercenaries,  and  fought  for  plunder.     There  was  little  concentration 

and  therefore  little  discipline.     Geographical  features,  the  mountain 

ranges,  and  the  torrents  cutting  the  country  into  strips,  determined 

the  character  of  the  operations.     It  was  a  war  of  small  castles  against 

small  towns,  of  ambush,  camisade,  and  escalade.     In  the  country, 

'  This  name,  by  which  Francois  de  Bonne  is  usually  known,  was  derived  from  the 
estate  Diguieres  erected  into  a  duchy-peerage  by  an  ordinance  of  1611,  verified  by 
Parliament  in  1812', 


1895  THE  CONSTABLE  LESDIGUIERES  Ul 

peasants  were  burnt  out  of  their  villages,  in  the  towns  the  weaker 
party  was  expelled  or  massacred,  priest-hunting  and  cattle-lifting 
became  an  art.  The  early  Huguenot  leaders,  Adretz,  Mouvans,  and 
Furmeyer,  set  an  atrocious  example,  only  to  be  palliated  by  the 
crimes  of  their  opponents.  Yet  success  required  high  miUtary  gifts, 
personal  courage,  endurance,  ingenuity,  and  above  all  rapidity,  the 
*  assaut  de  levrier,  defense  de  sanglier,  et  fuite  de  loup  '  once  dear 
to  Bayard,  himself  a  Dauphinois.  In  such  a  school  Lesdiguieres 
was  the  aptest  pupil ;  he  absorbed  its  vices  with  his  virtues  ;  in  the 
last  campaign  of  his  life  his  brutality  to  the  Genoese  peasantry 
cost  him  dear.  Yet  this  training  was  tempered  by  good  nature, 
perhaps  by  religious  indifference,  above  all  by  his  belief  in  regular 
pay  and  discipline. 

In  Dauphine  the  first  three  wars  of  religion  were  practically  one, 
for  neither  party  deemed  it  prudent  to  disarm.  In  1568-9, 
Lesdiguieres  acquired  a  wider  military  experience.  He  served  under 
Montbrun  in  Acier's  hazardous  march  across  France  to  join  Conde's 
army.  Thus  it  was  that  the  young  Dauphinois  officer  fought  both 
at  Jarnac  and  Moncontour,  and  that  he  first  formed  the  friendship 
of  Henry  of  Navarre,  who  early  recognised  his  gifts.  Adretz  mean- 
while had  seceded  to  the  Catholics,  Furmeyer  was  killed,  the 
campaign  in  central  France  removed  many  a  possible  rival ;  the 
fittest  only  survived,  for  out  of  12,000  men  who  marched  from 
Dauphine  only  a  twelfth  returned.  With  the  peace  of  Saint- 
Germain,  Dauphine  at  last  took  breath,  and  Lesdiguieres  was 
already  a  military  personage,  and  a  man  of  substance.  The  wealth 
was  not  all  well  earned.  He  loved  his  mother  and  he  married  a 
rich  wife  to  give  her  comfort.  He  loved  himself,  and  he  pillaged  and 
secularised  to  adorn  and  enlarge  the  poor  manor  of  his  heritage. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  fatal  character  of  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew  was  due  to  the  craving  of  the  Huguenot  nobility  to 
return  to  Paris.  The  more  provincial  the  noble,  the  more  irresistible 
the  temptation.  The  pauper  undergraduate  of  the  college  of  Navarre 
could  now  exhaust  the  pleasures  of  the  capital,  as  a  man  of  light 
and  leading,  as  a  friend  of  the  bridegroom,  in  whose  honour  all 
Huguenot  gentility  had  met.  Lesdiguieres,  however,  with  the 
flair  of  the  hunter  and  the  hunted  sniffed  blood.  An  accidental 
meeting  with  his  old  tutor  is  said  to  have  revealed  the  coming 
tragedy.  He  left  Paris  suddenly  on  the  pretext  of  his  wife's  ill 
health.  That  the  excuse  was  accepted  proves  how  little  Lesdiguieres 
was  known  ;  domestic  anxiety  was  not  his  foible.  The  tale  is 
characteristic.  The  *  renard  Dauphinois  '  exposed  his  life  in  action, 
but  he  never  risked  a  guet-a-pens  without  precaution  and  a  loaded 
pistol.  The  more  intense  effects  of  St.  Bartholomew  were  not  felt  in 
Dauphine.  Gordes  to  the  best  of  his  ability  prevented  massacre, 
while  the  Dauphinois,  *  plus  consciencieux  et  plus  gens  de  bien ' 


448  THE   CONSTABLE  LESDIGUIERES  July 


i 


than  other  Frenchmen,"  were  less  ready  to  take  arms  against  the 
crown.  Many  Huguenots  fled  to  Geneva,  many  *  to  save  the  body 
lost  the  soul.'  Lesdiguieres  did  neither.  It  is  a  proof  of  his 
growing  importance  that  his  old  commander  did  his  utmost  to  win 
him,  now  employing  theological  arguments,  now  dwelling  on  the 
duty  of  obedience.  The  quondam  Hght-horseman  replied  that  he 
knew  the  duty  of  a  subject  towards  his  king,  and  of  a  Christian 
towards  his  God,  that  they  seemed  hard  to  reconcile,  and  that 
reflexion  needed  time.  This  reply  became  with  him  a  formula ; 
reflexion- needed  exactly  half  a  century. 

In  the  wars  of  religion,  as  in   all   great  revolutionary  move- 
ments, the  leading  actors  are  interesting  because  they  are  excep- 
tional, or  because  they  are  typical.     To  the  former  class  belong 
Coligny,  Henry  of  Guise,  La  Noue ;  to  the  latter,  Navarre,  Monluc, 
Lesdiguieres.     The  Dauphinois  wa  s  pre-eminently  a  type  of  his  class, 
his  province,  his  party,  and  his  nation.     This  is  nowhere  more 
clearly  recognised  than  in  what  may  be  termed  in  more  than  one 
sense  *  the  mean  period,'  which  lies  between  the  great  massacre  and 
the  Catholic  League.    Side  issues  and  personal  ambitions  everywhere 
distorted  the  professed  objects  of  the  strife.     Members  of  each  party 
intrigued  with  their  opponents  or  with  foreign  powers  against  the 
crown  or  without  its  sanction.     The  conflict  became  rather  social 
or  political  than  religious.     Party  chiefs  at  one  moment  prepared 
to  throw  their  forces  upon  the  border  lands  of  France,  at  another 
invited  foreign  princes  to  intervene  in  the  religious  struggle.     It 
was  Lesdiguieres'  good  fortune  to  survive  his  friends,  his  rivals,  and 
his  enemies.     Shortly  after  the  resumption  of  hostilities  Montbrun 
was  taken  and  beheaded.     Lesdiguieres  rose  upon  his  fall.    Merciless 
as  his  soldiers  were,  they  were  at  least  under  discipline,  and  his 
highly  drilled  force  gave  him  the  advantage  over  other  Huguenot 
chiefs.    He  was  at  once  marked  out  by  popular  feeling  as  Montbrun's 
successor.     But  a  dozen  nobles  of  better  birth  or  higher  standing 
pressed  their  claims ;  they  scorned  to  serve  the  adventurous  cadet 
of  La  Bonne.  Lesdiguieres  developed  his  powers  of  intrigue,  applying 
the  system  familiar  in  his  later  years.     He  modestly  professed  his 
own  unworthiness ;  he  dwelt  on  the  services  of  impossible  candidates  ; 
he  pressed  upon  Navarre,  Conde,  and  Damville,  relations  of  their  own, 
unlikely  to  accept  the  post ;  he  left  meanwhile  no  stone  unturned  to 
further  his  own  cause.     His  reward  was  a  temporary  commission 
from  the  princes  to  levy  troops  and  taxes  in  the  name  of  the  churches 
of  the  province,  to  appoint  officers,  to  fortify  and  garrison,  to  dispose 
in  fact  of  all  the  resources  of  Dauphine  with  the  aid  of  a  provincial 
council.     He  was  now  the  first  man  in  his  party,  in  one  of  its  most 
important  provinces.     The   rival  nobles,  however,  formed  a  party 
called   the   Desunis  ;  they  sulked  in  their  castles,  or   engaged   in 
open  hostilities  against  their  chief,  they  joined  their  catholic  foes, 


1895  THE    CONSTABLE   LESDIGUlMiES  449 

they  pressed  for  peace  when  Lesdiguieres  proved  the  necessity  of 
war,  they  even  attempted  assassination.  Had  the  cathoHcs  at  this 
period  been  in  earnest,  the  Huguenot  cause  could  hardly  have  survived. 
The  social  war  which  broke  out  in  Dauphin e  was  perhaps  Lesdi- 
guieres' salvation.  The  exactions  and  brutalities  of  the  nobles  and 
the  soldiery  had  become  intolerable  to  the  poorer  classes  of  both 
faiths.  Peasants  and  artisans,  catholic  and  protestant,  combined 
in  armed  bands,  and  blowing  upon  horns  after  the  fashion  of  the 
Swiss,  they  fell  upon  the  troops,  burnt  castles,  and  massacred  their 
occupants.  They  doubtless  received  encouragement  from  higher 
quarters.  Henry  of  Guise,  looking  to  the  democracy  for  support 
against  the  crown,  is  said  to  have  stimulated  the  Jacquerie,  while 
the  Huguenot  chief  was  accused  of  acting  in  concert  witli  the 
peasants.  Nobles,  however,  and  town  governments  alike  had  always 
feared  to  arm  the  masses,  and  few  leaders  of  either  religion  were 
bold  enough  to  appeal  to  Acheron.  If  the  peasants  were  Lesdi- 
guieres' alHes,  he  could  not  save  them  from  being  cut  to  pieces  by 
Mandelot  and  by  Guise's  more  conservative  brother  Mayenne. 

For  Dauphine  the  petty  peaces  of  this  period  had  little  meaning. 
Peace,  as  war,  was  made  to  enrich  the  princes,  and  Dauphine  lay 
outside  the  immediate  area  of  court  intrigue.  Lesdiguieres  had  as 
yet  no  assured  position,  his  interest  lay  in  the  continuance  of  war, 
and  he  urged  upon  his  party,  perhaps  with  truth,  that  peace  im- 
plied annihilation.  The  court  believed  that  the  submission  of 
Dauphine  depended  upon  the  Huguenot  leader,  and  that  his  religion 
was  but  pocket  deep.  The  queen-mother  journeyed  in  person  to 
Grenoble  to  convert  or  to  corrupt  the  dangerous  mountaineer. 
Lesdiguieres,  however,  was  a  master  of  excuse ;  he  never  ventured 
to  subject  himself  to  Catherine's  powers  of  persuasion.  He  un- 
swervingly insisted,  from  a  distance,  on  the  guarantees  which  were 
ultimately  to  be  accorded  by  the  edict  of  Nantes.  The  court  find- 
ing him  impracticable  resolved  to  crush  him,  and  Mayenne  was 
despatched  to  Dauphine  with  an  overwhelming  force.  In  the  pre- 
ceding struggle  Lesdiguieres  had  not  met  with  unvarying  success. 
The  Catholicism  of  the  towns  had  baffled  him.  At  P]mbrun  his 
emissary  who  attempted  to  beguile  a  sentinel  was  arrested  and 
quartered.  His  partisans  at  Grenoble  were  massacred  in  their 
houses.  The  disreputable  consuls  of  Brian9on,  who  would  conceal 
their  peculations  by  betraying  the  towai,  were  detected,  and  their 
severed  heads  grinned  a  ghastly  welcome  from  the  ramparts.  The 
catholic  peasants  of  the  Alpine  valleys  were  learning  to  barricade 
their  passes  as  the  heretic  scourge  approached.  Mayenne's  opera- 
tions determined  the  campaign.  The  Huguenot  chief  had  not  yet 
met  so  scientific  a  soldier,  nor  so  regular  a  force.  His  strongest 
fortress.  La  Mure,  was  after  desperate  resistance  taken  in  his  teeth. 
The  Desunis  had  joined  the  enemy  ;  the  peasant  revolt  was  stamped 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXIX.  G  G 


450  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

out.  The  Huguenots  welry  of  the  struggle  cried,  '  Sooner  persecu- 
tion than  continual  war.'  Lesdiguieres  in  despair  turned  to  the 
dangerous  resource  of  foreign  aid.  He  who  was  to  be  the  bulwark 
of  the  eastern  frontier  inaugurated  his  foreign  policy  by  action 
Kttle  short  of  treason.  Earlier  intrigues  with  Savoy  on  the  subject 
of  Saluzzo  had  at  least  been  questionable;  he  now  implored  Charles 
Emmanuel  to  intervene  against  Mayenne.  The  duke  had  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  political  barometer,  and  refused  to  stir.  Les- 
diguieres was  fairly  beaten  ;  there  was  an  end,  to  all  appearance,  of 
the  abnoi:mal  importance  of  the  impudent  Dauphinois  adven- 
turer. 

Future  events  were  to  prove  that  Mayenne  with  all  adventitious 
advantages  and  considerable  talents  was  a  lesser  man  than  his 
beaten  and  humbled  opponent.  In  France  an  unimpaired  physique 
was  an  incomparable  advantage.  Lesdiguieres  was  no  saint,  and  he 
lived  in  an  age  of  sinners.  Henry  of  Navarre  and  Henry  of  Guise 
rarely  relaxed  their  intellectual  vigour,  but  Lesdiguieres  was  perhaps 
the  one  leader  since  Coligny's  death  and  La  Noue's  misfortunes  who 
was  never  physically  slack.  He  utilised  peace  as  he  had  exploited 
war.  Beaten  on  the  question  of  submission  in  his  own  assembly, 
he  yet  secured  the  command  of  the  places  of  security.  Deserted  by 
Navarre,  his  agent  Calignon  extorted  from  his  leader's  petulant  or 
politic  indolence  the  confirmation  of  his  command  in  Dauphine. 
The  Desunis  were  forced  to  recognise  his  title.  Making  a  journey 
to  Guyenne  he  improved  his  personal  friendship  with  Navarre. 
Gascon  and  Dauphinois  agreed  that  peace  could  not  be  permanent. 
While  Guise  was  manipulating  local  disaffection  in  the  four  corners 
of  France,  Lesdiguieres  was  drilling  in  Dauphine  his  400  gentlemen 
and  4,000  harquebusiers. 

The  formation  of  the  great  catholic  league  raked  up  in  Dauphine, 
as  elsewhere,  the  embers  of  civil  war,  and  before  long  the  flames 
burnt  fiercely.  The  larger  towns  and  the  catholic  valleys  eagerly 
affiliated  themselves  to  the  league.  The  house  of  Guise  had  no 
slight  influence  in  the  province.  The  lower  classes  remembered 
the  duke's  sympathy  in  the  social  war,  whereas  Mayenne  had 
nursed  the  favour  of  citizens  and  nobles.  Until  now  the  catholics 
had  never  been  adequately  organised,  had  never  utilised  their 
numerical  superiority ;  on  the  other  hand  the  breaches  which  had 
divided  the  Huguenot  nobles  were  closed,  they  no  longer  fought  for 
place  or  plunder,  but  for  life  or  home.  In  Lesdiguieres  were  at 
length  concentrated  the  whole  resources  of  his  party,  and  never 
were  his  talents  more  conspicuous.  His  marvellous  rapidity  multi- 
plied liis  forces ;  his  light  guns,  carried  sometimes  on  the  shoulders 
of  his  men,  commanded  positions  inaccessible  to  siege  artillery. 
He  possessed  the  strategic  instinct  of  his  master,  Henry  of  Navarre. 
Scanty  as  his  forces  were,  he  clogged  the  vital  arteries  of  the  two 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  451 

chief  catholic  towns,  Gap  and  Grenoble.  The  rapidity  of  his  raids 
terrorised  the  capital.  As  at  Paris,  the  clergy  were  armed  and 
drilled,  chains  were  hung  across  the  streets,  the  sessions  of  parlia- 
ment were  suspended.  The  growing  importance  of  the  war  in 
Dauphine  was  recognised  at  headquarters.  Mayenne  moved  in 
person  on  the  province,  the  governors  of  Lyons  and  Provence  were 
ordered  to  co-operate,  while  La  Valette  was  commissioned  to  reduce 
Dauphine  to  submission.  Once  more,  however,  the  political  divisions 
of  the  stronger  religious  party  saved  the  existence  of  the  weaker. 
The  interests  of  royalists  and  leaguers  were  far  asunder.  Among 
the  local  nobility  a  party  of  politiqu.es  was  already  forming,  opposed 
to  the  extremists  of  the  towns.  The  league  was  directed  against 
both  Huguenots  and  Mignons,  and  La  Valette  was  the  brother  of 
the  royal  favourite  Epernon.  Thus,  though  the  royal  troops  acted 
in  nominal  concert  with  the  leaguers,  a  secret  compromise  with 
the  Huguenots  was  effected  on  the  basis  of  religious  toleration, 
and  upon  the  murder  of  Guise,  La  Valette's  successor,  the  Corsican 
Ornano,  publicly  negotiated  an  arrangement  with  Lesdiguieres  in  the 
teeth  of  catholic  opposition.  The  news  of  the  king's  assassination  was 
received  with  frenzied  joy  in  the  Dauphinois  capital ;  Grenoble  had 
its  '  Day  of  Barricades,'  and  Ornano  with  his  Corsicans  was  expelled. 
The  result  was  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  between  royalist 
and  Huguenot  for  the  recognition  of  Navarre,  and  this  was  cemented 
by  the  fall  of  Gap.  The  war  was  changing  its  character,  massacre 
and  expulsion  were  out  of  date.  The  town  retained  its  catholic 
garrison,  its  catholic  worship,  its  catholic  municipality.  Submission 
to  the  crown  was  the  one  condition. 

Henceforth  the  peril  to  the  French  frontier  provinces  came  from 
without,  rather  than  from  within.  The  danger  was  not  disinte- 
gration, but  dismemberment.  This  was  peculiarly  the  case  in 
Dauphine,  which  is,  or  was,  only  accidentally  a  part  of  France. 
Close  geographical  and  commercial  relations  bound  the  Dauphinois 
to  the  Savoyards  on  their  north,  and  the  Proven9als  on  their 
south.  Even  the  Alps  were  a  less  effective)  frontier  than  the 
Khone,  for  the  great  route  of  Mont  Genevre  united  Dauphine  to 
Piedmont.  Reform  had  spread  rapidly  from  Geneva  through  the 
three  sub-Alpine  provinces,  each  of  which  had  long  contained  its 
Vaudois  element,  and  this  had  formed  yet  another  bond  of  sympathy. 
It  was  a  common  accusation  that  the  Huguenots  intended  the  substi- 
tution of  a  Swiss  cantonal  system  for  the  monarchy.  In  the  south- 
eastern provinces  this  charge  was  not  wholly  groundless.  Hugue- 
not enthusiasts  had  dreamed  of  the  revival  of  an  Allobrogian  nation, 
comprising  all  the  Savoyards,  Dauphinois,  and  Proven9als,  with 
Geneva  for  their  capital.  With  the  disputed  succession  to  the  crown 
dismemberment  passed  out  of  dreamland  into  the  sphere  of  over- 
wakeful  politics.     The  danger  now  consisted  in  the  combination  of 

G  G  2 


452  THE   CONSTABLE   LESBIGUIERES  July 

• 
leaguer  disloyalty  with  foreign  ambition.     The  weakness  of  France 

was  the  opportunity  of  Savoy.  For  a  decadent  monarchy  the  new 
duke,  Charles  Emmanuel,  was  a  dangerous  neighbour.  None  could 
so  obstinately  play  a  losing  game,  none  so  skilfully  utilise  success. 
His  culture,  greater  than  is  the  common  lot  of  rulers,  he  applied  to 
diplomacy  and  war.  His  troops,  ill-clothed,  ill-shod,  ill-fed,  blindly 
followed  the  general  who  when  unhorsed  would  lead  them  pike  in  hand. 
The  Savoyard  envoys  were  as  devoted  and  as  well  drilled  as  the  regi- 
ments. Nobles  and  peasantry  vied  in  loyalty.  French  sympathies 
in  Savoy  were  infinitesimal  as  compared  with  Savoyard  sympathies 
in  France.  It  is  Lesdiguieres'  real  claim  to  greatness  that  with 
paltry  resources  he  baffled  so  remarkable  a  foe,  converting  finally 
his  skill  and  his  ambition  to  the  defence  of  France  and  the  detri- 
ment of  Spain.  From  1588  the  relations  of  Lesdiguieres  with 
Charles  Emmanuel,  either  as  friend  or  foe,  are  closer  than  with  any 
other  living  man. 

The  duke  of  Savoy  sat  upon  the  Alps  as  upon  a  rail,  and 
circumstances  decided  the  side  of  his  descent.  Abandoning  awhile 
Italian  ambitions,  he  transferred  the  centre  of  his  activity  from 
Turin  to  Chambery.  Geneva  was  saved  by  Lesdiguieres'  watchful- 
ness, but  the  duke  swore  *  to  burn  his  boots  rather  than  not  take 
the  town.'  Every  French  party  was  essayed  in  turn ;  he  tried  to 
win  Lesdiguieres  and  Montmorenc}"  against  the  crown,  he  offered  to 
defend  Saluzzo  against  the  Dauphinois  and  La  Valette.  His  mar- 
riage with  a  Spanish  infanta  yet  further  determined  his  policy,  the 
revival  of  a  Burgundian  kingdom,  a  buffer  state  stretching  from  the 
Mediterranean  to  the  Jura.  The  duke  eagerly  welcomed  the  French 
catholic  league ;  to  the  Guises  his  price  was  the  district  between 
the  Alps  and  the  Ehone  ;  to  the  king  he  represented  that  Lesdiguieres' 
propagandism  was  dangerous  to  all  Italy ;  let  him  block  his  path  by 
the  occupation  of  the  Italian  nursery  of  heresy,  Saluzzo.  In  1588, 
rightly  believing  the  monarchy  to  be  powerless,  he  annexed  this 
marquisate,  the  last  shred  of  French  territory  over  Alps,  and  once 
more  turned  upon  Geneva.  The  murder  of  Henry  III  opened  wider 
prospects.  As  grandson  of  Francis  I  he  claimed  the  succession  to 
the  throne,  but  at  all  events  he  would  annex  Provence  and  Dauphine. 
He  pressed  his  project  of  a  kingdom  of  the  Alps  upon  the  parliament 
of  Grenoble. 

La  nature  a  fait  des  Dauphinois  et  des  Savoyens  un  seul  et  meme 
peuple.  Quand  vous  leur  aurez  donne  un  meme  maitre,  ils  seront  encore 
ces  indomptables  Allobroges  qui  furent  la  gloire  des  Celtes,  la  terreur  de 
Rome.  Renouez  la  chaine  des  temps,  rattachez-vousa  I'ancienne  dynastie 
de  vos  rois. 

Receiving  in  Dauphine  a  temporary  rebuff,  the  duke  was  rap- 
turously received  by  the  populace  and  parliament  of  Provence. 
He  entered  Aix  amid  cries  of  Vive  Savoy e  !  Vive  la  Messe  !     Before 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIJERES  458 

long  Grenoble  was  calling  for  his  protection.  Lesdiguieres  realised 
that  the  reduction  of  the  Dauphin ois  capital  was  essential  to  the 
integrity  of  France.  Ornano  was  a  prisoner,  and  he  was  left  to 
his  own  resources.  With  forces  not  exceeding  1,500  men  the  re- 
maining leaguer  strongholds  in  upper  Dauphine,  Brian9on,  Exilles, 
and  Barcelonnetta  were  reduced,  the  Savoyards  driven  back,  the 
Alpine  passes  blocked.  He  then  closed  upon  Grenoble.  With  his 
usual  confidence  he  begged  the  king  for  the  governorship  of  the  town. 
Cap  de  Diou,  sire^  laughed  Biron,  donnez-lui  le  gouvernement  de  Lyon 
et  de  Paris  s'il  les  pent  prendre.  Grenoble  he  did  take  by  famine 
and  by  battery.  But  it  waS  not  enough  to  take  the  town,  he  must 
make  it  French  and  loyal.  The  past  was  forgiven  ;  the  leaguer 
parliament  was  retained  intact,  the  dissident  members  rejoined  the 
body.  Huguenot  worship  was  confined  to  a  suburb.  Lesdiguieres 
gained  the  affections  of  the  townspeople ;  he  personally  begged  the 
friendship  of  his  most  active  enemy,  the  archbishop  of  Embrun.  For 
Lesdiguieres  his  exploits  in  the  Huguenot  cause  were  over ;  henceforth 
he  fought  for  Dauphine  and  France  against  the  foreigner,  or  for  the 
crown  against  its  rebels.  He  was  no  longer  a  partisan  leader  who 
must  live  by  war,  but  a  royal  representative  whose  interest  at  home 
was  peace. 

From  1590  to  1598,  while  the  king  was  stamping  out  or  buying 
out  the  league,  and  driving  the  Spaniards  from  French  soil,  Les- 
diguieres was  combating  the  duke  of  Savoy  and  his  papal  and 
Spanish  auxiliaries.  His  military  experience  was  enlarged,  his 
forces  more  considerable,  and  he  won  his  great  victory  of  Pontcharra 
over  15,000  men  of  the  three  allied  powers.  The  civil  wars  had 
developed  an  excellent  infantry,  and  nowhere  was  it  better  than  in 
Dauphine  ;  it  met,  ever  on  unequal  terms,  the  veteran  Spanish 
foot  and  the  admirably  trained  Savoyards.  The  aims  of  Charles 
Emmanuel  were  always  the  same,  to  annex  Dauphine  from  Savoy 
and  the  Mont  Genevre,  and  Provence  from  the  Argentiere  pass  or 
the  Var.  Lesdiguieres  realised  that  defensive  warfare  is  a  losing 
game,  that  the  war  was  fed  from  Piedmont,  and  in  Piedmont  must 
be  decided,  that  the  Alps  could  only  be  effectually  blocked  by  occu- 
pation of  the  eastern  slopes.  Thus,  while  the  Savoyard  pushed 
towards  Grenoble  and  Aix,  Lesdiguieres'  light  horse  rode  w^ellnigh 
to  Turin,  and  Cavour  and  Briqueras  far  within  Piedmontese  terri- 
tory were  strongly  garrisoned.  It  was  in  the  main  a  war  of  sieges, 
for  the  small  forts  and  villages  commanded  mountain  passes,  and 
it  was  unsafe  to  leave  them  in  the  rear.  The  results  were  singularly 
even.  If  Lesdiguieres  failed  to  rescae  his  garrisons  at  Cavour  and 
Briqueras,  he  recovered  his  stronghold  at  Exilles,  beat  the  Spaniards 
descending  the  Doria  valley  at  Salbertran,  and  relieved  Grenoble 
by  the  brilliant  capture  of  Barraux.  The  duke's  success  depended 
upon  the  divisions  of  France  and  the  attacks  of  Spain,  and  if  he 


454  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIFRES  July 

could  be  held  in  check  mntil  civil  war  had  worn  itself  out,  the 
drawn  game  was  the  battle  won. 

The  convention  of  Paris  between  France  and  Savoy  was,  like  the 
treaty  of  Vervins  itself,  no  peace,  but  a  truce  for  taking  breath. 
The  chief  point  at  issue,  the  retention  of  Saluzzo,  was  referred  lo 
arbitration.  Charles  Emmanuel,  however,  could  no  longer  rely  on 
Spain ;  Philip  II  bequeathed  nothing  to  the  duchess  his  daughter 
but  an  image  and  a  crucifix.  Yet  the  duke  could  not  reconcile 
himself  to  the  condition  of  French  alliance,  the  cession  of  Saluzzo. 
While  he  retained  the  one  j:>Zac^  cVarwes  of  France  in  Italy,  it  was 
vain  to  tempt  Henry  with  Naples  or  the  Milanese.  The  duke  hoped 
against  hope  for  the  renewal  of  civil  war.  His  envoy  reported 
encouraging  symptoms  of  catholic  discontent,  but  his  unfailing 
theme  was  the  ambition  of  Lesdiguieres,  who  would  now  absorb 
Savoy  by  gathering  in  his  hands  the  south-eastern  provinces,  now 
conquer  Saluzzo  for  his  son-in  law.  Lesdiguieres  was  in  fact  the 
real  opponent,  and  Savoyard  fears  magnified  his  influence.  Thus 
Charles  Emmanuel  insisted  on  Lesdiguieres'  absence  when  he  prac- 
tised in  person  the  persuasion  of  his  silver  tongue  upon  the  king. 
Henry,  however,  was  primed  against  concession.  *  These  guns  are 
to  take  Montmelian,  he  said,  as  he  did  the  honours  of  the  arsenal ; 
*and  this  my  most  faithful  servant,'  as  he  introduced  Lesdiguieres. 

The  duke  returned  with  the  clear  alternative  of  the  cession  of 
Saluzzo  or  the  right  bank  of  the  Ehone.  He  had  sown  his  bribes 
broadcast,  but  thought  neither  time  nor  money  w^asted.  He  had 
studied  the  temper  of  religious  parties,  had  deepened  the  discontent 
of  Bouillon  and  Epernon,  and  dangled  before  Biron's  eyes  the  dis- 
memberment of  France  and  a  Burgundian  kingdom.  When  his 
ambassador  counted  up  the  cost,  the  duke  replied  that  he  had  come 
to  sow  and  not  to  reap  ;  when  twitted  with  bringing  nothing  home 
but  Parisian  mud,  he  rejoined  that  the  traces  of  his  visit  would 
long  outlast  the  mud  upon  his  mantle.  But  Lesdiguieres  was 
always  in  his  path,  brushing  aside  the  representations,  timid  or 
corrupt,  of  the  dangers  of  a  foreign  war.  It  was  Lesdiguieres  who 
brought  the  king  to  Grenoble,  who  had  armed  Dauphine  to  the 
teeth,  and  to  whom  the  rich  results  of  the  campaign  were  really  due. 
The  actual  operations  did  the  Savoyards  no  little  credit.  Bourg 
and  Chambery  fell  indeed  without  serious  resistance  ;  yet  it  took 
the  whole  French  army  to  conquer  Savoy,  which  in  the  past  and 
future  was  occupied  at  pleasure.  But  the  French  commanders 
were  divided,  and  when  in  the  latter  and  more  difficult  stage  the 
sole  command  was  conferred  upon  Lesdiguieres  the  nobles  served 
under  him  with  extreme  reluctance,  the  musketeers  of  the  guard 
mutinied,  and  even  Sully,  who  afterwards  gave  his  loyal  co-opera- 
tion, grumbled  at  being  forced  to  take  his  orders.  Victory  was 
indeed  mainly  won  by  the  French  artillery,  by  the  science  and  the 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  455 

siege-train  of  the  grand-master,  and  the  ingenuity  and  mountain 
batteries  of  Lesdiguieres.  While  the  greater  nobles  danced  and 
flirted  at  Chambery  or  Grenoble,  the  two  artillerists  cleared  the 
Alpine  slopes  from  Mont  Cenis  westwards,  and  following  the  Isere, 
contrary  to  all  belief,  won  Montmelian,  Savoy's  last  stronghold, 
just  before  winter  fell.  Charles  Emmanuel  stormed  over  the  Little 
St.  Bernard,  and  fought  Lesdiguieres  with  varying  success  amid 
the  snows,  but  January  brought  the  peace  of  Lyons.  Bresse,  Bugey, 
Valromey,  and  the  Pays  de  Gex  were  rich  compensations  for 
Saluzzo.  France  gained  a  fertile  province  stretching  far  within 
her  natural  frontier ;  the  fat  capons  of  La  Bresse  were  henceforth 
the  choicest  dainty  of  the  Halles  ;  the  church  of  Brou,  the  most 
legitimate  offspring  of  the  union  of  Gothic  and  Kenaissance  art,  the 
sepulchre  of  Savoyard  dukes,  now  lay  without  the  duchy  ;  the  very 
tomb  of  Margot,  the  relentless  foe  of  France,  was  to  become  a 
French  public  monument. 

The  gain  of  France  was  not,  however,  universally  recognised. 
The  decadence  of  Spain  was  not  yet  foreseen,  and  the  closure  of 
the  Alps  left  her  to  work  her  will  on  Italy.  Henry  had  long  been 
fostering  an  Italian  opposition.  Venice  was  the  first  power  to 
recognise  his  accession  ;  the  rulers  of  Tuscany  and  Mantua  turned 
towards  France ;  the  pope  had  rejoiced  at  Lesdiguieres'  victories, 
although  his  harquebusiers  ate  meat  on  fast  days.  These  allies 
seemed  now  abandoned.  The  duke  of  Savoy  was  still  regarded  as 
a  Spanish  agent.  Lesdiguieres  had  long  protested  against  playing  the 
game  of  Spain,  against  the  cession  of  Saluzzo,  the  surrender  of  French 
claims,  the  betrayal  of  Italy.  *  Henry,'  he  exclaimed,  '  had  made 
peace  like  a  huckster,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy  like  a  king.'  After  the 
signature  he  besought  his  master  on  his  knees  that  he  would  not  so 
dishonourably  desert  the  states  of  Italy.  The  '  Premiere  Savoisienne,' 
a  pamphlet  which  he  unquestionably  inspired,  cried  shame  upon 
the  great  kingdom  which  abandoned  to  a  wretched  kinglet  of  the 
Alps  her  arsenal  and  stronghold  in  Italy ;  was  it  not  enough  to 
have  borne  this  mark  upon  her  brow  for  twelve  long  years  ? 
France's  true  frontier  was  the  Alpine  chain,  and  this  it  w^as  the 
king's  duty  to  secure.  Lesdiguieres*  protests  were  ascribed  to 
interested  motives  ,-  his  fortunes  depended  upon  war ;  he  hoped  to 
add  to  Dauphine  such  territories  as  were  torn  from  Savoy  ;  he 
aspired  to  rule  Saluzzo,  and  thus  hold  the  key  of  Italy.  M.  Dufayard 
admits  that  self- advancement  was  always  among  his  hero's  motives, 
yet  statesmen  and  patriots,  Ossat  and  Du  Plessis  Mornay,  concurred 
in  condemning  the  peace  of  Lyons.  How,  it  was  asked,  could  the 
king  trust  a  prince  whose  faithlessness  was  his  heritage  ?  Charles 
Emmanuel  himself  had  vowed  that  he  would  never  respect  this 
treaty  made  without  his  knowledge  and  against  his  will.  The 
peace  found  full  favour   alone   with  the  overburdened  natives  of 


456  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

Dauphine,  and  with  the  Savoyard  peasants  rid  at  last  of  the  false 
Dauphinois,  the  glutton  fox  who  ate  their  chickens  and  their  cheese. 

The  importance  of  Lesdiguieres'  further  career  is  threefold.  He 
is  the  autocratic  administrator  who  wins  the  title  of  the  Roi- 
Dauphin ;  he  is  the  mediator  between  monarchy  and  freedom, 
between  nationality  and  religion  ;  and  finally  he  is  the  propagandist 
of  French  influence  in  Italy.  From  1601  until  1610  Lesdiguieres 
was  the  sentinel  of  the  Alps,  and  his  vigilance  insured  the  com- 
parative repose  of  south-eastern  France.  Charles  Emmanuel  had 
never  despaired  of  the  dismemberment  of  France ;  he  played  no 
secondary  part  in  the  plots  of  Biron  and  Bouillon.  The  monarchy 
and  Lesdiguieres  had  no  more  irreconcilable  enemy  than  the  ex- 
leaguer  governor  of  Grenoble,  Albigny,  upon  whom  the  government 
of  Savoy  was  ostentatiously  conferred.  Lesdiguieres  purposely 
exaggerated  the  danger  as  a  corrective  against  a  relapse  of  listless- 
ness.  He  pressed  for  reinforcements,  for  more  artillery,  reported 
the  massing  of  Savoyard  troops,  the  march  of  Spanish  regiments, 
the  construction  of  pontoons.  Well  might  Henry  write  when  he 
applied  for  furlough,  Revencz  bien  vite  en  Dauphine,  car  je  suis  en 
repos  quand  vous  ctes  dans  ces  quartiers-la,  et  je  suis  tonjours  en 
inquietude  quand  vous  ctes  absent.  The  Dauphinois  was  now  a 
personage  in  Europe.  Elizabeth  held  him  in  high  esteem*  The 
princes  of  Brandenburg,  Hesse,  and  Baden  begged  his  friendship. 
Maurice  of  Nassau  would  fain  serve  at  his  side.  His  intercourse 
with  Swiss  and  Italian  states  was  close  and  constant ;  his  activity 
extended  from  the  Var  to  the  Valtellina,  from  Vaud  to  Geneva.  His 
estate  at  Coppet  gave  him  a  ined-a-terre  in  the  Vatican  of  reform. 
Geneva  had  good  reason  to  be  grateful.  He  thwarted  Spanish 
intrigues  at  Bern,  he  notified  every  movement  of  troops  in  Savoy. 
Before  Albigny's  celebrated  escalade  Lesdiguieres'  spies  had 
described  Semori's  ladders,  fitting  one  within  the  other,  painted 
black,  furnished  with  rollers,  and  tipped  with  cloth,  that  they  might 
glide  noiselessly  along  the  walls.  Sensitive  and  jealous  of  inde- 
pendence as  the  republic  was,  she  bowed  to  the  pis-aller  of  French 
protection.  Further  to  the  east  Lesdiguieres  was  already  watching 
the  Valtellina.  Fuentes,  governor  of  Milan,  had  built  a  fort  upon 
the  Adda  to  command  the  Spliigen  and  Maloja  ;  Spanish  influ- 
ence was  spreading  among  the  cathohc  population  of  the  great 
German-Italian  artery.  At  once  Dauphinois  agents  were  examining 
the  strategic  capabilities  and  the  political  peculiarities  of  the  valley  ; 
their  master  was  urging  the  Grisons  to  rehgious  concessions  to  their 
cathohc  Italian  subjects,  to  the  union  of  political  parties  in  the  face 
of  Spanish  aggression. 

In  Ital}^  meanwhile,  there  were  symptoms  of  a  momentous 
change,  the  latter  end  of  which  was  Solferino.  Charles  Emmanuel 
had  hoped  to  wed  his  son  to  Philip  Ill's  heiress ;  the  birth  of  an 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  457 

heir  disturbed  his  calculations.  He  wished  at  first  to  be  rid  of  both 
France  and  Spain,  to  form  a  confederacy  with  the  pope,  Tuscany, 
and  Venice  under  the  protection  of  the  emperor,  England,  and  the 
Swiss.  When  Henry  IV  made  advances  he  wrote  to  his  son  that 
he  would  never  admit  the  traditional  enemy  to  the  heart  of  Pied- 
mont, he  could  never  trust  a  nation  so  fickle  as  the  French.  He 
soon  realised,  however,  like  more  than  one  of  his  successors,  that 
the  lords  of  Lombardy  could  only  be  beaten  by  French  aid.  Fuentes 
alarmed  him  by  the  annexation  of  Finale,  and  by  continued  aggres- 
sion in  the  Valtellina.  Charles  Emmanuel  prepared  to  enter  the 
great  European  combination  against  the  Habsburgs,  and  nowhere 
found  such  warm  support  as  with  his  most  formidable  enemy. 
With  real  diplomatic  insight,  Lesdiguieres  appreciated  the  full  im- 
portance of  this  new  opening.  His  king  suggested  that  the  aid 
granted  to  Savoy  might  be  secret ;  Sully  urged  that  Henry's 
strength  should  be  thrown  upon  the  Ehine.  Lesdiguieres  would 
have  no  half  measures ;  he  insisted  on  vigorous  action  upon  the 
Po  as  upon  the  Ehine.  With  councillor  Bullion  he  signed  the 
defensive  and  offensive  alliance  in  a  personal  interview  with  Charles 
Emmanuel  at  Brusol.  At  the  last  moment  Henry  hesitated  under 
pressure  from  the  pope ;  Lesdiguieres  assured  him  that  it  was  too 
late,  his  troops  were  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps.  On  19  May  the  army 
of  Italy  would  have  crossed  the  frontier,  on  the  15th  the  king  was 
struck  down  by  Eavaillac.  His  presage  that  the  old  Huguenot 
would  outlive  him  was  fulfilled. 

We  cannot  here  follow  closely  the  shifting  relations  of  the 
queen-regent  and  of  Luynes  towards  Savoy.  The  former,  not- 
withstanding her  early  protestations,  was  soon  dazzled  by  the  pro- 
posals for  the  Spanish  marriages.  Upon  Lesdiguieres  devolved  the 
hateful  duty  of  personally  informing  Charles  Emmanuel  that  the 
treaty  of  Brusol  was  broken.  In  vain  the  betrayed  ally  shrieked 
and  wept  and  tore  his  beard,  crying  shame  upon  '  this  miracle  of 
treachery.'  Equally  in  vain  he  tempted  the  marshal's  loyalty  by 
offering  the  chieftainship  of  a  rebellious  party,  which  should  include 
Guise,  Joyeuse,  Nemours,  and  Epernon.  Yet  Lesdiguieres'  face 
was  always  turned  towards  Italy.  He  was  intent  by  one  means  or 
other  to  force  his  court  into  an  Italian  war  of  which  he  should  be 
the  hero.  Hence  his  apparent  inconsistency  when  the  death  of 
Francesco  Gonzaga  left  in  dispute  the  inheritance  of  Montferrat, 
the  prelude  of  the  later  war  of  Mantuan  succession.  With  his  en- 
couragement Charles  Emmanuel  overran  the  marquisate,  claiming 
it  as  a  female  fief  for  his  granddaughter,  Francesco's  only  child. 
Finding,  however,  that  public  feeling  ran  high  against  the  duke, 
Lesdiguieres  besought  his  court  to  take  immediate  action  against 
Savoy,  and  France  clumsily  combined  with  Spain  in  driving  Charles 
Emmanuel  from  his  conquest.   The  treaty  of  Asti  which  closed  this 


458  THE   CONSTABLE  LESDIGUIERES  July 

war  was  soon  infringed  1^  the  shameless  attack  of  Don  Pedro  de 
Toledo  upon  Piedmont.  In  a  moment  Lesdiguieres  was  at  Turin. 
Th8  time  was  come,  he  cried,  to  pacify  Italy  and  have  done  with 
Spain.  Disavowed  by  his  court  he  rejoined  that  his  honour  and 
his  country's  interest  pledged  him  to  the  defence  of  Piedmont. 
While  at  Grenoble  in  the  assembled  parliament,  the  greffier  read 
aloud  the  royal  ordinance  forbidding  the  army  of  the  Alps  to 
march,  the  drums  were  beating  in  the  streets,  and  from  the 
palace  windows  could  be  seen  Lesdiguieres'  veterans  defiling 
towards  the  bridges  of  the  Isere.  A  more  extraordinary  example 
of  the  disjointed  condition  of  France  could  scarcely  be  found. 
Seven  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse  followed  a  peer  and 
marshal  of  France  across  the  Alps  to  attack  the  king's  ally.  Nor 
is  it  less  characteristic  that,  before  the  campaign  on  the  Tanaro  was 
closed,  the  general,  publicly  disavowed,  was  receiving  private  con- 
gratulatory letters  from  the  new  minister  of  foreign  affairs.  It  was 
Richelieu's  initiation  in  Italian  politics.  The  schemes,  however,  of 
both  minister  and  marshal  were  momentarily  arrested  by  Con- 
cini's  murder  and  the  queen's  disgrace.  Louis  XIII's  favourite 
Luynes  has  been  regarded  as  Eichelieu's  forerunner,  as  suggesting 
the  political  programme  which  the  cardinal  executed.  This  much 
is  true  that,  with  Concini's  fall,  France  breathed  a  fresher  air,  and 
her  renewed  vigour  was  manifested  in  the  revival  of  Italian 
interests.  Lesdiguieres  was  sent  back  to  win  his  brilliant  victory 
of  Felizzano,  and  in  six  weeks  to  take  five  towns  aad  kill  or  capture 
6,000  Spaniards. 

Luynes  himself  drifted  in  October  1617  into  peace  with 
Spain.  Spanish  aggression  in  Italy,  however,  depended  little  on 
Madrid.  Toledo,  Bedmar,  and  Osuna  fought,  robbed,  and  plotted 
on  their  own  account,  while  Philip  prayed  and  Lerma  drafted  treaties. 
Lesdiguieres  soon  found  his  opportunity.  In  the  early  days  of 
Spanish  power  Italians  had  looked  to  a  Spanish  governor  for  libera- 
tion, tempting  Pescara  with  the  crown  of  Italy  or  Naples.  The 
melodrama  was  now  revived.  Osuna,  viceroy  of  Naples,  was  the 
typical  prancing  proconsul  of  his  day.  He  had  defied  Jesuits  and 
Inquisition.  With  his  colours  flying  from  Spanish  ships  he  had 
waged  private  war  against  Venice.  To  him  had  been  attributed, 
rightly  or  wi-ongly,  the  mysterious  plot  to  overthrow  the  repul^lic. 
He  had  seen  Don  Pedro  and  Bedmar  at  length  disgraced  ;  he  feared 
his  own  recall.  The  Neapolitan  squadron  was  at  his  disposal ;  his 
mercenaries  looked  only  to  himself ;  he  won  the  populace  by  rough 
treatment  of  the  nobles,  by  promises  to  suppress  the  hated  Alcabala. 
It  was  easy  to  enlist  Lesdiguieres  and  Charles  Emmanuel  in  an 
impudent  design  upon  the  throne  of  Naples.  Venice  was  vainly 
tempted  by  the  traditional  bait,  the  cession  of  Apulian  towns.  To 
no  purpose  Lesdiguieres  entreated,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy  stormed  ; 


1895  THE    CONSTABLE   EESBIGUIERES  459 

he  would  turn  monk,  he  cried,  if  Venice  let  slip  so  fine  a  chance. 
The  Lombard  towns,  wrote  the  marshal  to  his  court,  were  ripe  for 
revolt;  all  Italy  would  answer  the  call  of  France.  A  Franco- 
Savoyard  corps  was  ready  to  embark  the  very  moment  that  the 
viceroy  should  take  the  leap.  But  each  feared  the  other,  and 
there  was  a  race  in  treachery.  Luynes  disavowed  his  promises. 
Osuna  betrayed  the  marshal  and  the  duke.  The  Savoyard  envoy 
and  Prince  Philibert  betrayed  the  viceroy.  The  fire-eating  Osuna 
surrendered  without  stroke  or  shot  to  the  cardinal  Borgia.  Naples 
learnt  once  more  that  Spain,  if  slack,  was  strong,  and  Italy  that 
salvation  came  not  from  the  south. 

By  Lesdiguieres  these  years  had  not  been  wasted.  He  strove 
to  commit  his  court  to  Savoyard  interests  by  the  marriage  of  the 
king's  sister  with  the  prince  of  Piedmont.  He  raised  the  cry  of  the 
natural  union  of  France  and  Savoy — germains  par  la  ressemhlance 
de  leur  couvplexion  et  la  conformite  de  lenr  fortune.  Historians, 
diplomatists,  patriots  caught  up  the  chorus.  The  court  was  plied 
with  the  ponderous  erudition  of  Gnillet,  the  persuasive  eloquence 
of  Sales.  In  vain  ministers  protested  that  France  was  taking  a 
serpent  to  her  bosom ;  vainly  Christine  implored  that  she  might 
wed  a  king.  Lesdiguieres  conquered,  consoling  the  princess  by  her 
royal  reception  at  Grenoble.  The  rejoicings  of  France  and  Savoy 
echoed  throughout  Italy  ;  the  marriage  was  held  to  be  the  beginning 
of  the  end  of  Spanish  sway.  Action  was  indeed  delayed  by  the 
outbreak  of  religious  war.  But  if  Lesdiguieres  served  the  crown 
against  his  co-religionists,  like  Coligny  he  ceaselessly  urged  the 
king  to  turn  catholic  and  Huguenot  swords  against  the  national 
enemy. 

Great  as  was  Lesdiguieres'  activity  in  Italy,  this  had  been  b}-  no 
means  the  only  vent  for  his  indomitable  energy;  since  1598  his 
career  was  closely  intertwined  with  the  tangled  skein  of  party 
politics.  His  independent  position  in  Dauphine  laid  him  open  at 
once  to  temptation  and  suspicion.  The  former  he  could  resist,  for 
he  was  passionately  devoted  to  the  unity  of  France  and  the  person 
of  his  king.  Suspicion  was  harder  to  set  aside.  Even  Sully, 
partly  from  personal  jealousy,  partly  from  ministerial  fear  of  pro- 
vincial autonomy,  communicated  his  disquietude  to  the  king.  Henry 
looked  askance  at  his  over-mighty  subject  with  his  companies  of 
guards,  whose  strong  places  commanded  Dauphine,  whose  arsenal 
at  Vizille  could  arm  10,000  foot  and  3,000  horse,  whose  alliances 
extended  to  Savoy,  Switzerland,  and  Germany,  and  whose  influence 
among  Huguenots  was  all-pervading.  Que  diriez-vous,  he  once 
said,  de  monsieur  de  Lesdiguieres  qui  se  reut  /aire  dauphin  !■  Yet 
^acts  were  stubborn.  Royal  commissions  reported  that  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor was  scrupulously  loyal.  His  prompt  obedience  to 
the  king's  orders  against  his  co-religionists  in  Orange  forced  even 


460  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIEEES  July 

Sully  to  retract.  Henry  Showed  his  penetration  when  with  some 
presage  of  his  fate  he  commended  his  child  to  the  great  Dauphinois. 

After  Henry's  death  it  became  increasingly  difficult  to  reconcile 
loyalty  with  religion.  The  Huguenots  would  utilise  the  weakness  of 
the  government  to  extort  concessions,  while  the  crown  would  mini- 
mise or  invalidate  the  privileges  of  the  edict  of  Nantes.  Within  the 
Huguenot  party  divisions  of  long  standing  were  accentuated,  aristo- 
cratic and  democratic  sections  watched  each  other,  the  nobles  resent- 
ing the  political  ambitions  of  the  ministers,  the  latter  suspecting  the 
princes'  devotion  and  resisting  their  supremacy.  France  was  a  prey 
to  an  oligarchy  of  blood-royal  or  adventure,  and  every  faction-chief 
bid  high  for  the  support  of  a  religious  party  which  in  spite  of  its  divi- 
sions retained  a  military  and  political  organisation.  Lesdiguieres' 
duties  fortunately  removed  him  from  court  intrigues  ;  he  had  more- 
over, with  all  the  great  nobles,  causes  of  dispute ;  for  the  dead  king 
alone  had  he  any  personal  affection.  Within  Dauphine  he  balanced 
the  clerical  party  in  the  Huguenot  synod  by  giving  increased  influence 
to  the  nobles.  His  autocratic  disposition  disliked  the  ministers' 
political  pretensions,  while  he  had  reasons,  not  of  the  purest,  for 
resenting  their  pastoral  interference.  In  the  party  generally  he  was 
regarded  as  a  Huguenot  d'Etat.  Upon  the  assembly  of  Saumur  he 
urged  the  necessity  of  scrupulous  obedience  to  the  crown,  yet  he 
frankly  reproached  the  regent  with  her  breach  of  faith,  imploring 
her  to  be  honest  and  generous  towards  the  Huguenots.  He  acted 
usually  with  Sully,  but  always  with  Du  Plessis  Mornay,  and  formed 
with  the  latter  and  with  Eohan  in  1612  a  close  union  which  caused 
much  disquietude  to  the  crown.  Lesdiguieres'  breach  with  his  party 
may  be  said  to  date  from  the  assembly  of  1615.  After  the  fiasco 
of  the  last  estates-general  of  old  France,  Conde  had  broken  into 
open  revolt,  and  the  court  had  selected  Grenoble  as  the  seat  of  the 
Huguenot  assembly,  that  it  might  be  removed  from  Conde's  influence 
and  be  subject  to  Lesdiguieres'  control.  No  one  detested  Concini  and 
the  Spanish  alliance  more  keenly  than  the  Dauphinois.  Yet  he 
warned  the  assembly  that  if  it  left  Grenoble  and  held  out  its  hand 
to  Conde,  s^/eu  de  paille  might  blaze  into  a  dangerous  civil  war,  and 
by  its  own  act  the  great  edict  be  torn  in  shreds.  The  extremists, 
however,  had  their  way.  The  assembly  moved  to  Nimes  and  thence 
to  Eochelle.  To  the  last  it  implored  Lesdiguieres  not  to  desert  the 
churches,  with  whom  he  would  always  find  the  rank  and  the  honour 
that  were  his  due.  He  replied  that  the  churches  must  return 
to  their  duty,  and  that  then  he  would  never  separate  his  cause 
from  theirs.  The  rebellion  was  after  all  a  feu  de  paille,  yet  it  had 
estranged  Lesdiguieres  from  his  party,  and  had  caused  the  deter- 
mination of  the  young  Eichelieu  to  have  done  with  the  political 
pretensions  of  the  Huguenots. 

Against  Mary  and  Concini  the  Huguenots  may  be  regarded  as 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  461 

liaving  taken  the  offensive.  Luynes,  more  audacious,  and  more 
subject  to  Jesuit  influences,  put  them  on  their  defence.  The  king's 
action  in  personally  reinstating  Catholicism  in  Beam,  and  in  re- 
ducing his  father's  kingdom  to  the  position  of  a  French  province, 
was  a  direct  provocation  to  civil  war.  As  the  Huguenots  had 
utilised  the  revolt  of  Conde  against  the  queen,  so  now  they  sup- 
ported the  queen  and  Epernon  against  Luynes.  At  the  assembly 
of  Kochelle  the  scabbard  was  thrown  aside;  the  leaders  of  the 
party  could  no  longer  compromise.  Kohan  had  rated  the  mutinous 
democracy  for  its  disobedience,  but  refused  to  desert  their  cause. 
Lesdiguieres  placed  his  sword  at  the  service  of  the  crown,  but 
before  marching  he  ostentatiously  communicated  at  Charenton  on 
Easter  day,  and  swore  to  the  consistory  to  live  and  die  in  the 
reformed  faith.  With  pathetic  hopefulness  the  Huguenots  in  their 
paper  constitution  nominated  their  old  chief  to  the  command  of 
Dauphine,  Provence,  and  Burgundy,  but  with  politic  foresight  they 
associated  with  him  another  Huguenot  of  historic  name,  Montbrun. 

Of  this  disastrous  war  the  hero  was  not  Lesdiguieres,  but  Eohan. 
The  renard  Dauphinois  cheated  indeed  Du  Plessis  Mornay  out  of 
the  possession  of  Saumur,  he  planted  the  batteries  against  the 
walls  of  Saint- Jean  d'Angeli,  hallowed  in  Huguenot  story.  Yet  he 
was  well-nigh  a  prisoner  in  the  catholic  camp,  and  the  king's  per- 
sonal kindness  alone  kept  him  from  desertion.  Even  Louis,  how- 
ever, hesitated  to  entrust  to  him  the  siege  of  Eochelle.  Before  the 
ramparts  of  Montauban  Lesdiguieres  ate  his  heart  out  in  naction. 
While  the  Huguenot  chiefs  displayed  all  their  old  resource  and 
resolution,  the  greatest  captain  of  France  was  reduced  to  the 
criticism  of  the  tiro  Luynes  and  the  foolhardy  young  Mayenne. 
The  catholic  generals  assured  the  king,  now  that  the  marshal- 
general  was  in  his  dotage,  now  that  he  w^as  in  treasonable  com- 
munication with  the  enemy.  At  length  the  Huguenots  of  Dauphine 
declared  for  the  rebellion.  Lesdiguieres,  despatched  to  his  own  pro- 
vince, was  once  more  himself.  By  rapid  and  resolute  movements, 
by  dexterous  diplomacy  and  well-timed  liberality,  he  conquered  or 
conciliated  his  opponents ;  he  prepared  with  Guise  and  Mont- 
morency to  encircle  and  crush  Eohan  in  the  narrowing  limits 
of  his  power.  At  this  moment  Luynes  died  and  peace  became 
possible.  Negotiations  were  entrusted  to  Lesdiguieres  and  Eohan. 
Personal  sympathies  and  mutual  esteem  made  them  the  easier.  If 
the  peace  of  Montpellier,  the  prelude  of  foreign  war,  was  yet  for  six 
months  delayed,  the  blame  was  due  to  neither. 

Posterity  will  always  differ  in  its  estimate  of  the  conduct  of 
these  two  great  men  in  the  war  which  was,  and  which  both  felt  to 
be,  a  momentous  crisis  for  France.  Both  monarchy  and  Huguenots 
were  in  the  wrong ;  which  of  two  false  tracks  was  an  honest  man 
to  choose  ?     Was  national  union  or  independence  of  thought  the 


462  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

§ 
greater  aim  ?     Was  the  centralisation  of  power  too  dearly  bought 

by  the  sacrifice  of  provincial  liberties?     Of  each  the  panegyrist 

might  reasonably  write,  II  a  toujoiirs  cherche  Vlwnneur  dans  le  devoir ; 

and  of  each  the  detractor  might  naturally  reply — 

His  honour  rooted  in  dishonour  stood, 
And  faith  unfaithful  kept  him  falsely  true. 

Meanwhile  Lesdiguieres  had  taken  the  fatal  leap.  It  is  easy  to 
justify  his  policy,  it  is  difficult  to  pardon  his  perversion.  In  every 
historic  somersault,  be  it  political  or  religious,  analysis  of  motives 
must  needs  be  arbitrary.  Lesdiguieres  had  a  passion  for  the  unity 
of  France ;  it  may  have  been  impossible  to  maintain  this  from 
within  his  party.  Yet  unquestionably  there  were  less  creditable 
causes.  Lesdiguieres  had  married  not  for  love  but  comfort.  His 
bride  was  rich,  but  dull  and  shy.  Far  different  was  Marie  Vignon, 
the  wife  of  a  Lyonese  silk  merchant.  When  the  Huguenot  chief 
became  a  widower  he  took  his  mistress  to  his  home.  But  she  was 
not  content  with  her  anomalous  position.  Her  husband  was  as- 
sassinated by  the  Savoyard  agent  Allard,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
exonerate  Lesdiguieres.  His  church  indignantly  refused  to  celebrate 
a  marriage.  Prayers  were  put  up  for  his  repentance,  deputations 
besought  him  to  purge  his  household  of  the  unclean  thing.  The 
catholics  had  no  such  scruples ;  the  union  was  blessed  by  the  arch- 
bishop of  Embrun.  Marie  Vignon  never  forgave  the  ministers; 
she  lavished  all  her  fascination  to  convert  her  elderly  adorer  to  the 
church  which  unceasingly  caressed  her.  To  Gregory  XV  she  ex- 
pressed her  heartfelt  joy  on  seeing  ses  esjyerances  heureusement 
terminees,  ses  souhaits  accomplis  et  ses  soins  recompenses. 

Apart  from  love,  ambition  had  been  Lesdiguieres'  pole-star. 
Even  in  1612  he  had  been  suspected  of  serving  the  interests  of  his 
party  for  a  duchy-peerage.  In  1621  the  court  had  tried  to  discredit 
him  with  the  Huguenots  by  bribing  him  to  Catholicism  with  the 
sword  of  constable,  which  it  never  intended  to  confer.  Luynes 
having  once  committed  him  induced  him  to  refuse  the  honour,  to 
propose,  indeed,  that  it  should  be  conferred  upon  himself.  Hence- 
forth every  one  knew  Lesdiguieres'  price.  The  paschal  communion 
at  Charenton  was  the  farce  which  preceded  the  comedy.  Upon 
Luynes'  death  the  supreme  honour  could  no  longer  be  denied  with- 
out risking  the  royal  power  in  the  south-eastern  provinces.  To  a 
great  soldier  the  bribe  was  also  great.  The  bargain  was  quickly 
struck.  On  23  July,  1622,  Lesdiguieres  made  his  solemn  abjura- 
tion at  Grenoble,  and  received  in  return  the  constable's  sword.  All 
France  and  all  Europe  congratulated  the  old  soldier  on  the  honour 
which  his  military  talents  well  deserved.  Rohan,  however,  nobly 
spoke  his  mind  :  J'ay  aussy  appris,  monsieur,  que  le  Boy  vous  avoit 
honore  de  la  charge  de  Conestahle  de  France,  dont  je  vous  felicite ; 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIG UTERES  463 

Men  Jasche  neanmoins  que  vos  longs  et  (jrands  services  ne  roiis 
Vayent  peu  acquerir  sans  c/ehenner  rotre  conscience.  The  conver- 
sion was  not  one  of  which  the  catholic  church  can  boast.  The 
instruments  were  corruption  and  the  condonation  of  adultery  and 
murder. 

It  is  to  Ijesdiguieres'  credit  that  with  his  conversion  he  did  not 
abandon  his  conciliatory  policy.  He  was,  if  possible,  the  more  con- 
siderate to  the  Huguenots,  retaining  his  old  captains,  continuing 
his  annual  gifts  to  the  Grenoble  pastors,  protecting  the  Dauphinois 
churches,  and  saving  the  Vaudois  from  Savoyard  persecutions. 
Questa  manifattiira,  wrote  the  nuncio  of  the  negotiations  of  Mont- 
pellier,  e  stata  del  contestahile  il  quale  e  peggiore  Ugonotto  die  quando 
ne  portava  il  nonie.  In  1026  his  entreaties  to  the  king  to  spare 
Eochelle  provoked  Eichelieu'.s  accusation  that  le  bonhomme  peu  zele 
dc  Catholique  de  legere  teinture  had  purposely  misconducted  the  war 
in  Italy  to  force  the  king  to  treat  with  his  subjects.  Lesdiguieres* 
Catholicism  was  indeed  little  deeper  than  his  Calvinism.  The  very 
tales  of  his  deathbed  illustrate  the  sceptical  irony  with  which  his 
new  religion  was  regarded  by  the  late  Huguenot  d'Etat.  Whether 
or  not  his  conversion  was  a  crime,  it  was  undoubtedly  an  error.  An 
octogenarian  does  not  lightly  belie  the  principles  of  his  life.  From 
the  moment  of  the  change  the  constable's  fortunes  seem  to  fade. 
It  was  as  a  catholic  that  he  fought  his  disastrous  campaign  against 
Genoa.  His  Catholicism  caused  the  first  breach  of  the  peace  of 
religion  in  his  province.  His  last  months  were  occupied  in  com- 
bating his  subordinates,  in  extinguishing  the  flame  that  had  spread 
from  Eochelle  and  leapt  the  Ehone.  He  corrupted  rather  than 
conquered  his  Huguenot  opponents,  teaching  to  Brison  and  to 
Gouvernet  the  lesson  which  he  had  learnt  himself. 

Yet  outwardly  Lesdiguieres'  conversion  was  the  climax  of  his 
fortunes,  and  the  peace  of  Montpellier  the  triumph  of  his  policy. 
He  was  now  constable  of  France,  an  important  factor  in  the  council, 
the  natural  leader  of  French  armies.  Meanwhile  the  two  lines  of 
Habsburg,  acting  in  close  concert,  had  crushed  the  Grisons.  Under 
the  compromise  of  1623  papal  troops  had  occupied  the  Valtellina 
fortresses.  Urban  VIII  extended  the  term  of  occupation  from  three 
months  to  eighteen ;  his  object  was  merely  to  shield  the  Spaniards 
from  attack.  "With  Eichelieu  as  first  minister  and  Lesdiguieres  as 
constable,  France  was  less  long-suffering.  Yet  she  would  not  commit 
herself  to  war  with  Spain.  While  Coeuvres  acted  in  the  Valtellina, 
while  employment  was  found  for  the  Austrian  Habsburgs  in  the 
Palatinate,  and  Flanders,  Lesdiguieres  and  Charles  Emmanuel 
combined  in  their  long- designed  attack  on  Genoa.  This  republic, 
nominally  independent,  was  the  bank  of  Spain,  and  her  Watergate 
to  Italy.  No  partition  treaty  between  France  and  Savoy  was  abso- 
lutely determined,  but  it  was  understood  that  France  should  annex 


464  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

Genoa  and  the  eastern Eiviera,  and  Charles  Emmanuel  the  Milanese/ 
It  is  noticeable  that  Lesdiguieres'  chief  interest  lay  in  Italy  and  the 
seaboard ;  he  would  surrender  Bresse  if  the  western  Eiviera  were 
also  conceded  to  France.  But  to  this  proposal,  as  to  the  annexation 
of  Montferrat  by  Piedmont,  Louis  XIII  was  fundamentally  opposed. 
The  old  constable  crossed  the  Alps  in  January  of  1625.  For 
the  first  time  he  commanded  a  large  national  force,  comprising 
picked  regiments  from  all  France.  He  was  promised  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  fleets  of  the  duke  of  Guise  and  Maurice  of  Nassau.  Yet 
this  was  the  least  fortunate  of  all  Lesdiguieres'  campaigns.  From 
the  first  the  dual  control  caused  disagreement.  The  constable 
would  ha\e  made  Savona  the  base  of  operations  and  here  awaited 
the  Dutch-Proven 9al  fleet;  Charles  Emmanuel  insisted  on  a  direct 
attack  on  Genoa,  and  Lesdiguieres'  commission  compelled  him  to  ac- 
quiesce. Moving  on  parallel  lines  the  duke  ascended  the  Stura  valley, 
while  Lesdiguieres  followed  the  more  ordinary  route  along  the  Lemmo, 
utilised  by  the  modern  railway  from  Alessandria  to  Genoa.  Charles 
Emmanuel  stormed  Eossiglione,  and  nothing  but  the  difficulties  of 
the  Col  di  Mazone  lay  between  him  and  Voltri.  The  peasants  of  the 
southern  slopes  fled  into  the  capital,the  Genoese  merchants  despatched 
their  valuables  to  Leghorn.  Meanwhile  the  bulk  of  the  Genoese  forces 
were  concentrated  in  advance  of  the  more  practicable  Bocchettapass, 
and  Lesdiguieres  was  checked  by  the  lines  of  Gavi.  This  position 
Charles  Emmanuel  turned,  and  routing  the  main  Genoese  army  at 
Voltaggio  in  its  rear  he  climbed  the  Bocchetta,  and  saw  the  Eiviera  at 
his  feet.  Geroa  was  within  a  few  hours'  march ;  its  fall  seemed  certain. 
The  constable  however,  experienced  in  mountain  warfare,  refused 
to  leave  an  untaken  position  in  his  rear,  and  the  capture  of  Gavi  cost 
a  fortnight.  Again  the  duke  insisted  on  advance.  Again  Lesdiguieres 
refused.  The  allies,  he  urged,  had  neither  transport  nor  supplies, 
no  reinforcements  were  at  hand,  the  Dutch  and  Proven9al  squadrons 
had  not  left  their  ports,  the  Apennines  once  crossed  a  Spanish 
advance  from  the  Milanese  would  cut  off  retreat,  the  troops  would 
lie  starving  round  the  walls  of  Genoa  subject  to  attack  from  Sicily 
and  Naples.  The  delay  was  fatal.  News  arrived  that  the  Hugue- 
nots were  in  arms  at  Eochelle,  that  the  Dutch  fleet  was  detained  to 
fight  them.  The  Austrians  overrunning  the  Yaltellina  set  the 
Spaniards  free  to  act  upon  the  flank  of  the  allies.  Spanish  troops 
and  Spanish  gold  were  pouring  into  Genoa;  enthusiasm  had  replaced 
despair.  The  allies'  retreat  was  one  long  disaster.  The  peasants, 
brutally  ill-used  by  the  French  soldiery,  fell  upon  the  stragglers, 

■•  This  partition  scheme  of  the  Eoy-dauphin  curiously  resembles  the  abortive  treaty 
■of  1446,  by  which  the  last  independent  dauphin — afterwards  Louis  XI— agreed  to 
partition  Lombardy  with  Savoy.  To  France  was  assigned  Genoa  with  its  Riviera,  as 
far  as  Lucca  and  the  territory  south  of  the  Po,  to  Savoy  the  district  north  of  the  Po 
and  west  of  the  Adda. 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE  LESDIGUIMES  465 

hamstrung  the  teams,  and  looted  the  baggage- trains.  Desertion 
.and  disease  decimated  the  ranks.  Large  garrisons  were  fooHshly 
left  along  the  route  with  no  option  but  surrender.  The  Franco- 
Savoyard  divisions,  with  an  overwhelming  Spanish  force  upon  their 
heels,  was  ignominiously  driven  within  the  walls  of  Asti.  Piedmont 
was  only  saved  by  Feria's  delay.  The  duke  and  constable  recover- 
ing confidence,  and  learning  the  lesson  of  concord,  made  a  forward 
movement,  and  holding  both  banks  of  the  Po  at  Verrua  and 
Crescentino  checked  the  Spanish  advance  on  Asti  or  Vercelli. 
Here  their  shattered  regiments  redeemed  their  reputation,  and 
before  winter  fell  were  rescued  by  French  reinforcements.  Once 
more  Lesdiguieres  raised  the  cry  of  the  conquest  of  the  Milanese. 
It  was  but  a  hollow  echo.  His  marvellous  vitality  had  at  length 
been  sapped  by  fever  ;  the  conduct  of  the  retreat,  even  the  defence 
of  Verrua,  he  had  been  forced  to  leave  to  others.  The  French 
government  had  no  taste  for  another  fall  with  Spain.  On  Christmas- 
eve  the  constable  bade  farewell  to  his  old  ally  and  enemy,  promising 
to  return  in  spring.  But  he  was  never  again  to  cross  the  Alps. 
The  treaty  of  Mon9on  destroyed  Lesdiguieres'  hopes.  Charles 
Emmanuel,  cursing  once  more  the  prodigious  treachery  of  France, 
turned  his  restless  energy  to  the  formation  of  a  national  Italian 
league.  The  last  service  which  he  imposed  upon  his  friend  was  the 
disbandment  of  the  French  regiments  for  which  Italy  had  no 
further  use. 

If  France,  indeed,  had  any  genuine  interest  in  Italy,  Lesdiguieres 
was  right  and  Richelieu  was  wrong.  The  statesman  missed  the 
supreme  moment  which  the  soldier  would  have  seized.  The  paltry 
p)articularism,  the  mountaineer's  short-sighted  greed  of  the  house  of 
Savoy,  are  the  commonplace  of  French  historians.  But  Charles 
Emmanuel  was,  until  the  present  century,  the  one  sovereign  of  his 
race  who  was  rather  Italian  than  Savoyard.  Shrewd  and  unscrupu- 
lous as  the  third  ruler  of  his  name,  he  had  the  soaring  imagination, 
the  speculative  spirit,  the  lack  of  which  in  his  descendant  was  the 
despair  of  Argenson.  He  was  by  nature  gifted  for  the  r<)le  which 
painful  practice  has  taught  the  later  members  of  his  house  to  play. 
By  tongue  and  pen  he  strove  to  revive  the  sentiment  of  Italian 
nationality,  while  round  his  uplifted  sword  might  well  have  rallied 
the  broken  remnants  of  Italian  valour.  This  Lesdiguieres  alone 
had  recognised.  Franco- Savoyard  treaties  have  ever  been  writ  in 
sand  ;  Lesdiguieres  would  have  carved  their  clauses  on  Alps  and 
Apennines.  Richelieu's  Italian  policy  has  been  constantly  belauded, 
yet  by  him  the  hold  of  Spain  on  Italy  was  not  a  whit  relaxed,  while 
Savoy,  the  single  strong  native  power,  was  wellnigh  annihilated. 
The  cardinal  did  but  tread  on  the  heels  of  Spain,  the  constable 
would  have  struck  fiercely  at  Milan  and  Naples,  the  two  eyes  of  the 
Spanish  giant. 

VOL.    X. NO.    XXXIX.  H  H 


466  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  Jiiljr 

Notwithstanding  the  faihires  of  his  last  campaign  Lesdiguieres' 
mihtary  gifts  are  beyond  all  doubt.  He  was  eminently  a  scientific 
soldier,  trusting  nothing  to  chance.  He  never  fought  without 
careful  survey  of  the  ground,  without  full  consultation  with  his 
officers.  Before  a  campaign  opened  stores  were  collected,  magazines 
established,  the  medical  service  organised,  contracts  for  baking 
signed.  The  service  of  spies  was  reduced  to  a  system,  his  horse 
scientifically  trained  in  outpost  and  reconnoitring  duties.  The 
pioneer  and  engineer  departments  formed  an  integral  part  of  the 
military  organism.  Lesdiguieres  with  La  Noue  believed  that  success 
depended  not  on  numbers,  but  on  selection  of  men  and  officers  and 
on  drill.  Among  his  most  trusted  lieutenants  were  found  the 
proudest  nobles  of  Dauphine,  side  by  side  with  adventurers,  with 
sons  of  peasants  and  small  tradesmen  risen  from  the  ranks,  and 
this  in  an  age  when  Sully  was  thought  courageous  for  bestowing 
commissions  upon  rotnriers.  The  artillery  and  cavalry  arms  were 
almost  revolutionised.  Mule  batteries  of  light  bronze  guns  were 
substituted  for  the  heavy  artillery  of  the  day.  The  proportion  of 
light  horse  and  mounted  harquebusiers  in  the  regular  cavalry  was 
largely  increased.  The  campaign  once  opened,  Lesdiguieres  de- 
livered his  blows  with  extraordinary  rapidity  ;  he  was  versatile 
in  expedients,  modifying  his  plans  with  a  minimum  of  confusion, 
appreciating  in  a  moment  his  enemies'  mistakes,  varying  his  tactics 
to  meet  national  or  personal  characteristics.  Above  all,  though 
freely  exposing  his  life  in  action,  and  sharing  with  his  privates 
every  hardship  of  mountain  warfare,  he  had  none  of  the  false  sense 
of  honour  or  the  foolhardiness  of  his  contemporaries.  He  thought 
it  no  shame  to  decline  a  combat,  to  retreat  before  superior  force ; 
he  would  never  have  lost  a  Jarnac  or  a  Moncontour.  If  La  Noue 
earned  the  title  of  the  Bayard  of  the  civil  wars,  Lesdiguieres  may 
well  be  called  their  Duguesclin. 

The  administration  of  Lesdiguieres  in  Dauphine  well  illustrates 
the  absolute  power  of  a  French  provincial  ruler.  The  independence 
of  these  great  officials  had  grown  beyond  all  bounds  during  the  civil 
wars ;  they  were  forming  a  new  stratum  of  feudalism  closely 
resembling  that  which  was  the  original  foundation  of  French 
nobility.  Large  landed  estates  within  the  province  increased  their 
official  importance,  and  they  strained  every  nerve  to  establish  the 
hereditary  principle.  A  proposal  was  actually  made  to  Henry  IV 
that  the  governorships  should  be  hereditary  fiefs  held  on  military 
tenure.  This  absolutism  Lesdiguieres  in  his  distant  govern- 
ment carried  to  its  extreme.  Even  the  king  would  complain  of 
his  system  and  his  manners,  reproaching  him  d'lise?-  d'autorite 
absolue,  et  rh  jmrler  tovjours  en  grondant  comme  les  vieilla'^-ds. 
The  Dauphinois  had,  indeed,  httle  of  the  Gascon's  geniality  and 
tact.     He  possessed,  however,  the  talent  for  detail,  the  mark  of  a. 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  467 

magnificent  physique ;  to  him  his  master's  fits  of  indolence  were 
unknown.  What  Sully  was  attempting  to  do  for  France,  Lesdi- 
guieres  performed  for  Dauphine ;  for  the  feverish  exhaustion  from 
which  factions  were  still  suffering  even  his  high-handed  despotism 
was  a  wholesome  tonic.  In  him  every  provincial  institution  found 
its  master.  He  held  the  estates  and  fixed  the  contributions.  The 
Dauphinois  law  court,  the  parliament  of  Grenoble,  had  led  to  the 
last  the  catholic  extremists.  It  was  now  bent  to  Lesdiguieres'  will,, 
holding  its  sessions  only  when  he  was  present.  If  he  enforced 
impartiality  where  he  was  indifferent,  scant  justice  could  be  ob- 
tained against  himself  or  his  officials.  All  symptoms  of  urban 
independence,  which  both  in  the  Huguenot  party  and  the  league 
had  threatened  the  unity  of  the  state,  were  rigorously  suppressed. 
The  town  consuls  were  elected  only  with  his  consent ;  his  surveil- 
lance extended  even  to  the  parish  councils.  While  forcing  the 
peasants  of  the  Champsaur  to  buy  their  wine  from  his  estates,  he 
forbade  the  consuls  of  Grenoble  to  grant  differential  duties  to  the 
Graisivaudan  vineyards.  In  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the  local 
capitalists  he  created  a  bank  of  Grenoble  ;  he  knew,  he  said,  their 
interests  better  than  themselves.  More  popular  was  the  magni- 
ficent embankment  of  the  Isere  and  the  Drac,  the  building  of 
bridges  and  quays,  the  erection  of  fountains,  the  widening  of  streets 
and  squares.  The  town  became  not  only  a  stately  capital,  but  a 
first-class  fortress.  Throughout  the  province  labourers  were  busy 
on  roads  and  bridges,  communication  with  Italy  was  improved,  the 
fairs  of  Brian9on  stimulated,  village  shooting  clubs  encouraged,  and 
police  organised.  This  was  not  without  its  cost,  for  improvements 
are  often  dearly  bought.  The  province,  moreover,  groaned  under 
the  standing  army  which  was  the  open  secret  of  Lesdiguieres' 
power.  He  attempted,  indeed,  to  protect  peasants  from  soldiers, 
and  soldiers  from  officers.  But  even  when  the  troops  did  not 
plunder  the  country-side  they  lived  on  it,  while  the  towns  were 
forced  to  exempt  the  officers  from  the  taille  and  municipal  imposts. 
If  at  the  constable's  table  guests  found  always  mutton  and  mush- 
rooms, his  harquebusiers  also  fared  daintily  at  the  villagers'  ex- 
pense. Each  private  had  his  bed  with  pillows,  counterpane,  and 
two  clean  sheets  a  fortnight ;  his  table  must  have  a  snowy  cloth 
with  two  and  a  half  pounds  of  bread  and  a  jug  of  wine  thereon. 

Lesdiguieres  was  greatly  feared,  yet  he  was  not  quite  unpopular 
nor  unkindly.  Kichelieu  once  termed  him  an  ahtme  de  bonte.  He 
felt  strongly  for  widows,  orphans,  and  broken-down  soldiers.  In 
his  own  palace  he  presided  over  a  charity  organisation  society,  the 
outcome  of  which  was  a  definite  poor-rate.  Popularity  is  gained 
either  by  the  geniality  of  the  indolent  or  by  the  industry  of  the 
importunate.  It  was  a  far  ci-y  to  Paris,  yet  every  Dauphinois  who 
wished  a  job  perpetrated  found  that  his  representative  rarely  refused 

H  H    2 


468  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

and  never  forgot  a  commission.  The  magnates  nicknamed  Les- 
diguieres  the  avocat,  yet  they  reaUsed  that  his  sentiments  were 
aristocratic.  He  hotly  supported  the  gentry  in  the  burning  ques- 
tion of  the  taille,  insisting  that  it  was  personal  and  not  real,  attached 
not  to  land  as  such,  but  to  land  owned  by  roturiers.  He  defended 
the  nobles'  interests  and  arbitrated  in  their  quarrels.  If  a  noble- 
man loved  a  lady  or  her  dower,  Lesdiguieres  arranged  the  match. 
Above  all  he  loyally  carried  out  the  prohibition  of  duelling,  which, 
if  contemporaries  may  be  believed,  had  caused  more  loss  of  noble 
blood  than  civil  war  or  religious  massacre.  Men  grumbled  but 
were  grateful.  Voluntary  duellists  form  a  small  proportion  of 
their  class.  Those  who  have  contributed  to  anarchy  often  welcome 
its  suppression. 

For  the  execution  of  the  provisions  of  Nantes  Lesdiguieres' 
comparative  indifference,  his  absence  of  religious  zeal,  pre-eminently 
fitted  him.  His  industry  and  love  of  detail  enabled  him  to  discuss 
and  decide  those  apparently  trifling  questions  upon  which  religious 
peace  depends.  He  gave  a  proportionate  representation  to  the 
Huguenots  in  the  town  councils,  and  fixed  their  share  of  taxation. 
He  divided  the  cemeteries,  gave  the  use  of  the  bells  to  each  congre- 
gation alternately,  and  insisted  on  the  common  use  of  hospitals.  In 
education  the  passions  of  the  time  justified  a  rigid  secularism,  worthy 
of  Paul  Bert ;  in  the  public  schools  it  was  forbidden  to  touch  upon 
religious  mstruction.  In  every  town  where  catholic  worship  had 
been  suppressed  Lesdiguieres  restored  it.  When  asked  if  he  would 
reinstate  it  at  Die  and  Montelimar,  where  his  own  harquebusiers 
had  expelled  the  priests,  *  Oui,'  he  replied,  *  et  je  Vy  ferai  plutot 
entrer  a  coups  de  canon.'  On  the  other  hand  he  provided  that  temples 
should  be  built  wherever  they  were  authorised  by  the  Edict.  In 
some  cases  he  permitted  prayer  without  preaching,  in  others  pro- 
hibited psalm-singing  in  the  street ;  in  others  the  temples  must  have 
no  windows  towards  the  road.  Butchers  were  ordered  not  to  hang 
out  their  meat  on  authorised  fast  days.  Many  ordinances  show  a 
puritanical  character.  Blasphemy  and  games  of  dice,  cards  or 
ninepins  were  forbidden  in  the  neighbourhood  of  churches  and 
chapels,  taverns  were  closed  during  service.  Public  balls  were 
prohibited,  and  at  private  dances  decency  and  modesty  were  required 
from  those  who  indulged  in  such  profane  amusements.  Questions 
more  difficult  and  important  were  the  return  of  exiles,  the  restora- 
tion of  their  property,  the  recrudescence  of  religious  hate,  as  when 
the  catholic  and  Huguenot  nobles  of  Montelimar  interchanged  a 
series  of  challenges  which  might  readily  have  ended  in  civil  war. 
The  chief  stumbling-block  was  however  the  restoration  of  secularised 
church  property.  This  had  frequently  changed  hands,  w^as  the 
subject  of  mortgage,  dower,  or  settlement.  A  convent  had  become 
an  arsenal  which  could  not  be  spared.     A  large  proportion  had  fallen 


1895  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIEBES  469 

into  the  hands  of  influential  nobles,  and  especially  of  the  lieutenant- 
governor  himself.  In  such  cases  the  church  obtained  but  scant 
restitution.  Lesdiguieres  could  reconcile  party  with  party,  but  not 
his  profits  with  his  principles.  Yet,  all  deductions  made,  his  work 
was  great ;  in  a  province  where  religious  war  had  been  most  cruel, 
religious  parties  most  evenly  divided,  there  was  no  fresh  outbreak 
until  Lesdiguieres  by  his  conversion  drove  the  Huguenots  to  despair. 
A  quarter  of  a  century  of  peace  was  no  small  tribute  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  one  who  had  lived  and  thriven  on  war. 

Lesdiguieres  rose  from  rags  to  purple  and  fine  linen.  He  amassed 
an  enormous  fortune  by  the  worst  of  means.  His  possessions 
spread  from  his  native  village  over  the  whole  district  of  Champsaur 
to  every  part  of  Dauphine,  to  all  quarters  of  France.  Even  in 
Switzerland  Coppet  received  its  first  title  to  distinction  from 
Lesdiguieres'  possession.  During  the  wars  the  value  of  land  had 
rapidly  depreciated,  and  the  speculator  had  every  opportunity.  Many 
of  Lesdiguieres'  estates  were  however  robbed  from  the  church,  con- 
fiscated from  enemies,  bought  from  the  state  at  his  own  price, 
acquired  or  retained  by  scandalous  terrorism  over  the  law  courts. 
The  purchase-money  was  obtained  by  the  pillage  or  ransom  of 
catholic  populations,  the  loot  of  Savoyard  villages  or  towns.  On  the 
mere  rumour  of  the  Huguenots'  advance  the  merchants  of  North 
Italy  hid  their  wares.  Friends  fared  little  better  ;  requisition  was 
as  ruinous  as  plunder.  Traditions  long  survived  that  the  women 
of  Champsaur  lost  their  hair  in  carrying  stones  upon  their  heads 
for  the  chateau  of  Vizille,  that  the  peasants  who  resisted  the  lord's 
commands  were  told  that  they  must  come  or  burn.  From  the  state 
Lesdiguieres  was  an  indefatigable  beggar.  His  letters  complain 
ceaselessly  of  his  '  honest  poverty,'  and  crave  tolls  and  salt  monopo- 
lies, judicial  fines,  and  charges  on  the  faille.  Theft  was  not  neglected. 
The  great  official  appropriated  a  sum  transmitted  from  Languedoc 
to  Geneva  to  be  invested  for  the  augmentation  of  pastors'  stipends. 
We  must  admit  with  his  biographer  that  our  hero  7ie  ressemblait  que 
troy  a  ces  hommes  de  proie  de  toute  taille  et  de  toute  origine,  jwur  qui 
la  concussion  ctait  une  habitude  et  le  vol  line  tradition. 

If  Lesdiguieres  made  his  money  like  a  thief,  he  spent  it  like  a 
king.  Vizille  was  his  Fontainebleau,  with  its  huge  park,  its  dragon 
fountains,  its  long  gallery  painted  with  the  victories  of  its  master 
and  his  king,  and  above  the  door  the  great  bas-relief  of  Lesdiguieres 
on  horseback.  His  Louvre  was  the  palace  of  the  treasury  at 
Grenoble.  Here  his  visitors  admired  the  orangeries,  the  botanical 
rarities,  the  gardens  peopled  with  statues,  the  coverlets  of  cloth  of 
gold,  the  mirrored  chamber.  Upon  his  cannon  were  cast  his  arms 
together  with  the  king's;  he  coined  money,  which  was  the  very 
symbol  of  royal  power.  Though  not,  as  Monluc  and  La  None,  him- 
self a  writer,  Lesdiguieres  appreciated  letters,  stocking  his  library  as 


470  THE   CONSTABLE   LESDIGUIERES  July 

§ 

carefully  as  his  arsenal.  He  read  the  classical  historians,  giving 
the  preference  to  Plutarch ;  Thou  and  Aubigne  were  among  his 
correspondents.  Que  ne  dois-je  pas  a  ma  inere  !■  he  would  often 
say,  a  ma  mere  qui  m'a  si  bien  fait  elever  ?  Yizille,  moreover,  not 
only  contained  a  fine  collection  of  pictures,  but  became  a  school 
of  artistic  industries  to  which  the  sculptors  Jean  and  Jacob  Kichier 
have  given  abiding  fame.  Here  Lesdiguieres  lived  among  his 
people  in  the  grand  manner.  His  long  grave  face,  his  bright  eyes, 
his  broad  brow  with  its  deep  furrow,  the  short  hair  and  pointed 
beard,  th'e  upright  figure  which  age  never  bent,  harmonised  well 
with  cette  maison  de  paix,  d'honneur  et  de  courtoisie.  For  the  con- 
stable's end  the  hardships  of  the  Grenoble  campaign  were  probably 
responsible.  His  splendid  constitution  repeatedly  threw  off  the 
fever,  but  at  length  on  28  Sept.  1626  he  died. 

Born  the  son  of  a  petty  Dauphinois  notary,  Lesdiguieres  had 
lived  to  play  le  roy -dauphin.  As  his  career  widened  his  capacities 
had  developed.  The  soldier  of  fortune  became  the  statesman,  serv- 
ing the  interests  of  his  country  as  skilfully  as  he  had  served  those 
of  his  party  and  his  own.  If  posthumous  fame  be  added  to  wealth 
and  dignity,  he  was,  perhaps,  the  greatest  adventurer  in  an  age  of 
rapid  fortunes — a  beggar  mounted,  it  may  be,  but  one  whose  incom- 
parable seat  deserved  the  mount. 

E.  Armstbong. 


1895  ^^"^^       471 


Cromweir s  Major-Generals 


AMONG  the  experiments  of  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate 
the  rule  of  the  major-generals  in  1655-7  possesses  a  threefold 
interest  and  importance.  First,  it  throws  much  light  on  Crom- 
well's general  methods,  both  of  regular  government  and  of  meeting 
•emergencies.  Secondly,  though  an  exceptional  and  temporary 
expedient,  it  teaches  us  something  about  the  working  of  normal 
and  permanent  local  institutions  in  England  during  the  Common- 
wealth. Thirdly,  it  illustrates  vividly  that  conflict  between 
parliamentary  and  extra-parliamentary  government  w^hich  was  so 
prominent  a  feature  of  the  period,  and  which,  in  popular  estimation, 
is  its  leading  feature. 

In  considering  the  pretexts  for  instituting  the  major-generals  it 
is  necessary  to  recall  the  state  of  public  affairs  in  the  early  part  of 
1655.  On  19  Jan.  1654-5  Cromwell  dissolved  the  first  Protectorate 
parliament,  because  it  persisted  in  regarding  itself  as  a  constituent 
assembly,  with  a  right  to  amend  the  Instrument  of  Government  of 
December  1653,  while  the  Lord  Protector  maintained  that  such  a 
claim  was  barred  by  the  Instrument  itself,  to  which  parliament 
was  subordinate.  Between  January  1654-5  and  September  1656 
no  parliament  was  called  together,  and  England  was  ruled  strictly 
in  accordance  with  the  Instrument  of  Government  as  it  stood. 
This  interval  was  a  time  of  serious  unrest,  which  made  itself 
felt  both  in  constitutional  opposition  and  armed  insurrection.  The 
constitutional  opposition  turned  on  the  legality  of  such  extra- 
parliamentary  taxation,  as,  by  the  Instrument,  the  Lord  Protector 
was  entitled  to  impose ;  ^  and  it  gathered  chiefly  round  what 
students  of  the  time  know  as  *  Cony's  case,'  which  ended  in  a  victory 
for  Cromwell.  The  armed  insurrection  was  more  formidable.  It 
was  not  the  orthodox  republican,  such  as  Ludlow,  whom  Crom- 
well had  most  to  fear.  The  government  was  attacked  on  two 
sides  by  forces  ready  to  meet  sword  with  sword.  On  the  one  hand 
were  the  fanatical  republicans,  or  Levellers,  led  by  such  men  as 
Wildman  and  Sexby,  who  hated  Cromwell  for  his  exalted  position 

'  E.g.^  in  accordance  with  the  27th  clause  of  the  Instrument,  the  Protector  and  coun- 
cil on  8  Feb.  1654-5  fixed  the  assessment  for  the  army  and  navy  at  60,000^.  per  month, 
to  be  continued  until  24  June. 


472  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  Jn\y 

and  conservative  ways  ;  on  the  other  were  ^Le,  rojaiists,  ever  on  the 
watch,  keeping  their  champion  in  readiness  on  the  nearest  continental 
shores.  These  two  forces,  so  dissimilar  in  antecedents  and  prin- 
ciples, wej^readj, to  combine  against  the  king-like  'usurper.'  In 
his  speech  before  the  dissolution  in  January  1654-5  Cromwell 
asserted  that  the  government  had  in  their  hands  a  treasonable 
correspondence  between  the  Cavaliers  and  the  Levellers.  At  the 
same  time  he  referred  ominously  to  the  rapid  generation  of  dis- 
content, which  he  attributed  to  the  malign  influence  of  the  parlia- 
ment. While  parliament  was  weakening  authority  by  fruitless 
debates  the  Cavaliers  had  been  collecting  arms,  and  Charles 
Stewart  had  been  issuing  military  commissions  and  giving  the 
command  of  castles  to  his  followers.^  The  widespread  unrest  had 
more  than  one  centre.  Early  in  February  1654-5  Wildman  was 
arrested  by  Major  Butler  near  Marlborough  in  the  act  of  dictating 
an  insurrectionary  manifesto,  and  imprisoned  in  Chepstow  Castle. 
In  March  a  threatening  royalist  outbreak  in  Yorkshire  under  Sir 
Henry  Slingsby  and  Sir  Kichard  Mauleverer  was  suj)pressed,  and 
the  two  chief  insurgents  were  arrested.  Above  all,  on  11  March 
1655,  200  Cavaliers  under  Wagstaff  and  Penruddocke  entered 
Salisbury  during  the  assizes,  and  seized  the  judges  in  their  beds. 
They  hoped  to  rouse  the  inhabitants,  but  being  disappointed 
they  moved  from  Salisbury  to  South  Molton,  in  Devonshire,  where 
they  were  overtaken  and  defeated  by  the  government  forces  under 
Crook.3 

Cromwell's  government  being  thus  surrounded  by  dangers,  it 
was  hampered  by  two  weaknesses,  one  civil -.and  the  other  military. 
The  civil  weakness  was  in..lQcaLjidminis±ration.  Local -^govern- 
ment was  mainly  exercised  by  two  bodies,  viz.  the  justices^of 
assize  and  the  justices  of  the  peace.  In  the  seventeenth  century 
the  justices  of  assize  performed  administrative  acts  and  exeimad 
a  general  administrative  oversight  in  a  way  which  has  become 
entirely  obsolete.  The  circuit  system  was  disorganised  by  the 
outbreak  of  the  civil  war,  and  between  1642  and  1646  it  was  sus- 
pended altogether.  Although  the  circuits  were  resumed  and  con- 
tinued after  the  close  of  the  war,  it  was  not  till  the  beginning  of 

2  Carlyle's  Croniivell,  speech  v. 

3  In  the  course  of  the  spring  and  summer,  before  the  major-generals  were  all 
appointed  and  settled  in  their  districts,  many  arrests  of  individual  royalists,  and  of 
persons  to  whom  the  most  shadowy  suspicion  of  royalist  tendencies  might  be  supposed 
to  cling,  were  made.  One  interesting  instance  is  the  arrest  of  the  much-enduring 
Sir  Ealph  Verney  in  his  house  at  Claydon,  on  13  June  1655,  and  his  detention  in 
London.  Sir  Ealph's  letters  describing  the  circumstances  are  among  the  Verney  MSS. 
and  have  been  kindly  brought  to  my  notice  by  Mr.  S.  E.  Gardiner. 

For  the  details  of  the  insurrection  see  Godwin's  English  Commonwealth,  vol.  iv. 
chap.  xii.  The  evidence  as  to  its  extent  and  importance  has  been  examined  by  Messrs. 
Palgrave  and  C.  H.  Firth  in  the  Quarterly  Review  for  April  1886,  and  in  the  English 
HiSTOEicAL  Eeview,  1888  and  1889. 


/ 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  473 

the  Commonwealth  that  the  judicial  system  entered  on  a  new  lease 
of  life  and  vigour.  The  justices  of  the  peace,  deprived^of  the 
indispensable  supervision  of  the  circuits,  and  convulsed  by  the 
troubles  of  the  time,  had  become  to  a  large  extent  useless  during 
and  immediately  after  the  civil  war.  The  county  magistracy 
was  reformed  by  a  new  commission  of  the  peace  in  1651,  but  it 
was  affected  by  a  weakness  which  no  mere  legislation  could  cure. 
The  government  had  no  real  hold  on  the  landed  gentry,  from  whose 
ranks  the  justices  were  taken.  The  county  magistracy  could  not 
be  restored  to  its  old  streng^th^^^^^^  government  could 

found  itself  on  the  affections  of  the  country  population.  The  im- 
perfection of  local  administration  was  brought  into  prominence 
by  the  Puritan  standard  of  manners  to,  which  the  „^overnment 
desired  the  behaviour  of  the  people  to  be  conformed.  Such  puri- 
tanism  was  as  little  rooted  in  the  average  English  heart  as 
republicanism  ;  and  Cromwell  might  well  call  out  for  new  agents 
of  his  will. 

From  a  military  point  of  view,  too,  the  Commonwealth  was 
at  first  weakened  by  the  inadequacy  of  the  local  militia.  The 
reconstruction  of  this  was  accordingly  undertaken  early,  and  was 
completed  in  the  beginning  of  1651.  In  quiet  times  such  a  force 
might  have  been  adequate  to  the  maintenance  of  local  order ;  but 
when,  as  in  1655,  the  very  existence  of  the  government  was  threat- 
ened on  all  sides,  and  armed  conspiracy  was  at  work  everywhere, 
it  was  necessary  to  have  an  omnipresent  and  always  ready 
military  force,  including  cavalry.  The  regular  standing  army  had 
its  hands  full,  and  unless  a  standing  local  force  of  horse  and  foot 
could  be  provided,  the  country  districts  would  fall  into  dangerous 
anarchy. 

I. 

Although  the  weakness  of  the  government  was  chiefly  felt  at  a 
distance  from  the  metropolis,  Cromwell's  attention  was  called  first  to 
the  condition  of  London,  where  the  need  of  efficient  and  permanent 
defence  was  obvious.  On  15  Feb.  1655— ?.e.  not  much  more  than  a 
fortnight  after  the  dissolution,  and  about  a  month  before  the  outrage 
at  Salisbury — the  Protector  issued  a  commission  to  the  lord  mayor 
and  the  recorder  of  London,  to  the  sheriffs  and  a  large  number  of 
the  aldermen  (one  of  whom  was  Major-General  Philip  Skippon),  to 
Colonel  John  Barkstead,  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  to  twenty- 
three  other  military  officers  and  gentlemen,  to  be  mihtia  commis- 
sioners for  the  city  of  London."*  He  alleged  thai_  the  enemies 
of  the  public  peace  were  still  restless  and  active,  and  that  a  great 
part  of  the  army  would  therefore  be  needed  at  a  distance.    In  order 

^  Cal.  State  Palmers  (Dom.),  1G55,  pp.  43-4.    Cf.  Mercurius  Politicus,  No.  245. 


474  CROMWELL'S  MAJOE-GLJNERALS  July 

that  the  capital  might  nof  bejeft  iindefendecl^  the.commissionei^ 
were  ordered  to  raise  an  armed  force,  to-ba-  coiiimajided^bxofficers 
chosen  on  consultation  with  the  Lord  Protector.  The  duties  of  the 
force  to  be  thus  raised  were  carefully  prescribed.  It  was  (l)__to 
suppress  all  rebellions,  insurrections,  tumults,  and  unlavvfuL.assem- 
blies  ;  (2)  to  seize,  disarm,  and  slay  all  who  levied  forces  against  the 
government ;  (3)  to  disarm  all  persons  known  to  beEomajOLxatholLCS, 
_as  well  as  all  w^ho  were  reputed  dangerous  or  seditious,  and  to  give 
their  arms  to  the  well-affected.  Such  a  commissif^n,  considered  as  a 
piece  of  administrative  machinery,  was  no  novelty.  By  the  act  of 
1650,  in  which  the  militia  of  the  Commonwealth  had  its  origin, 
commissions,  similar  to  this  one,  were  substituted  in  counties  for 
the  lords-lieutenant ;  and  on  them  were  imposed  similar  adminis- 
trative responsibilities. 

The  London  commissioners  quickly  resolved  to  raise  three  regi- 
ments of  foot.'^  On  9  March  the  Protector  ordered  them  to  raise 
and  arm  a  force  of  horse  under  Skippon's  command  and  that  of 
officers  appointed  by  him,  to  obey  the  same  orders  as  those  given 
to  the  foot.  This  w^as  the  month  of  the  Salisbury  plot  and  other 
revolutionary  explosions  in  various  parts  of  England,  and  Cromwell 
and  the  council  rapidly  rpsnlvpd  to  extend  their  plan  of  dpfpnne  from 
London  to  the  counties,  and  to  rnake  thp  new  militia,  something  like 
a  national  force.  The  method  adopted  in  the  capital  was  closely 
followed.  Commissioners  were  a.p.pi)inted  and-instructed  in  a  large 
number  of  the  counties  and  in  several  of  the  principal  towns.  In 
the  counties  these  commisRinnprs  wp.re  the  Ipadin^  mpn^  pivil  and 
military,  of  the  district,  often  including  the  high  sheriff  and 
generally  including  justices  of  the  peace.  In  the  towns  the 
mayors  and  many  of  the  aldermen  seem  to  have  been  generally 
included.  By  the  middle  of  March  twenty- two  commissions  were 
issued,  viz.  for  Dorset,  Cheshire,  Chester,  Durham,  Staffordshire, 
Sufi'olk,  Essex,  the  three  ridings  of  Yorkshire,  Northamptonshire 
and  Piutland,  Cambridgeshire,  the  Isle  of  Ely,  Hertfordshire, 
Lancashir  ,  Leicestershire,  Monmouthshire,  South  Wales,  the 
city  of  York,  Bristol,  and  Huntingdonshire.  The  numbers  on 
the  commissions  were  on  the  whole,  but  not  invariably,  propor- 
tioned to  the  size  and  population  of  the  districts,  and  ranged  from 
nine  for  Chester  to  twenty-three  for  South  Wales,  twenty-four  for 
Lancashire  and  for  Suffolk,  and  twenty-six  for  Northants  and 
Eutland.« 

As  a  specimen  we  may  take  the  Dorset  commission  and  instruc- 
tions, which  were  issued  on  14  March.  The  commissioners  were  to 
be  militia  commissioners,  and  were  appointed  because  '  the  enemies 
are  raising  new  troubles  and  now  robbing  and  plundering  the  people.' 
They  were  to  inquire  into  conspiracies  and  secret  meetings  (the 

'  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.),  1654-5,  p.  72.  «  Ibid.  pp.  78-9. 


1895  CROMWELUS  MAJOR-GENERALS  475 

justices  of  the  peace  on  the  commissions  being  ordered  to  take  in- 
formation on  oath  of  what  had  been  spoken,  done,  written,  printed, 
or  pubHshed  against  the  peace);  M  disarm  and^seize.  the  horses 
of  p_apists^^ royalists,  and  other  rebelHons  persons  ;  to  exercise  a 
careful  espionage  on  strangers;  and  to_  confiscate  all  stray  arms  and 
ammunition  to  the  use  of  the  state.  They  were  to  require  the  co- 
operation of  the  sheriff  and  the  ordinary  civil  magistracy,  and  to 
correspond  with  the  '  commanders  of  the  forces,'  who  should  aid 
them  on  application.  They  were  to  raise  a  military,  force,  commis- 
sions for  field  officers  being  sent  to  them  for  the  purpose,  and  the 
said  officers  being  ordered  to  appoint  subordinates  on  the  approval 
of  the  militia  commissioners.  The  force  was  to  be  supported  by3 
tax  imposed  on  the  '  malignant '  and  disaffected  ;  it  was  to  be  care- 
fully trained  and  mustered,  and  to  act  with  great  stringency  in  the 
suppression  of  rebellion.^ 

When  these  instructions  are  compared  with  the  brief  and  bald 
London  commission,  they  show  how  much,  under  the  stress  of 
eveafcav  .tha-Xlesi^n  had  been  developed  and  defined.  The  espionage 
of  doubtful  persons  and  strangers  is  made  more  constant  and 
formidable  ;  the  clauses  bearing  on  disarmament  and  the  use  of 
arms  are  of  greater  stringency  ;  the  interference  with  individual 
liberty  is  serious  throughout.  Above  all,  the  combination  of  civil 
and  military  duty  and  responsibility  is  made  more  prominent  and 
carried  out  more  completely.  Not  only  is  there  the  same  blending 
of  soldiers  and  civilians  in  the  Dorset  commission  as  in  the  London 
one,  not  only  is  there  the  same  militar}'  sanction  attached  to  civil 
duties,  but  there  is  express  provision  for  the  co-operation  of  the 
sheriff"  and  magistrates  with  the  militia  commissioners.  Above  all, 
the  prominence  given  to  the  justices  of  the  peace  in  this  commis- 
sion and  in  other  ones,  and  their  deliberate  inclusion  in  the  scheme, 
deserve  the  most  careful  notice.^ 
...^  .Thus,  then,  before  the  end  of  March  1655,  a  vigorous  militia, 
ox  at  least  the  new  machinery  for  providing  it,  was  in  full  opera- 
tion in  England  and  part  of  Wales.  In  each  district,  whether  a 
county  or  a  town,  or  more  than  one  county,  there  was  a  group  of 
commissioners,  distinct  from  the  commission  of  the  peace,  consist- 
ing for  the  most  part  of  county  gentlemen  or  municipal  officers 
(according  as  the  district  was  rural  or  urban),  with  a  few  military 
officers  interspersed.  Primarily  the  commission  was  a  police  force, 
with  large  powers  of  inquisition,  disarming,  and  punishment. 
Secondarily  it  was  the  provider  and  organiser  of  a  military  force 

'  The  full  instructions  thus  summarised  are  in  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.),  1654-5,  pp.  77-8. 

"  In  the  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.),  under  date  24  March  1655,  there  is  a  series  of  instruc- 
tions to  justices  of  the  peace,  which  show  how  desirous  Cromwell  and  the  council 
were  to  put  life  into  the  county  magistracy,  and  to  associate  it  with  the  utmost 
activity  of  local  government. 


476  CIWMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

or  new  militia,  which  it  was  to  use  partly  to  defend  the  district 
against  insurrectionary  violence,  partly  for  the  performance  of  its 
own  direct  executive  duties. 

11. 

Tl2e_commissiQners  haying  been  chosen,  the  next  business  was 
to  provide  officers  for  the  militia ;  and  that  business  was  begun 
by  one.  noteworthy  transaction.  Cromweirs  brother-in-laWjLj^ 
Desbprough,  was  one  of  the  Protector's  most  trusty  servants. 
In  the  crisis  of  the  Salisbury  plot,  when  it  was  not  unreason- 
able to  fear  that  the  flame  of __rab£llion  might  spread  over 
the  whole  south-west,  Cromwell  turned  to  Major-General  Des- 
borough.  On  12  March,  two  days  before  the  commissioners  for 
Dorset  were  appointed,  and  before  any  steps  had  been  taken 
towards  organising  the  militia  in  those  parts,  Desborough  was, 
commissioned  to  take  his  regimeniof  j:egu.lM.S- into  'the  west,'  and 
to  collect  under  his  command  all  the  horse  and  foot  in  '  the  western 
countries,'  especially  the  forces  of  Colonel  James  Berry.  The 
duties  imposed  on  these  regulars  were  essentially  similar  to  those 
afterwards  imposed  on  the  new  militia.  In  the  first  place  the 
troops  were  to  suppress  the  rising ;  secondly,  they  were,  in  co- 
operation with  the  justices  of  the  peace,  mayors,  bailiffs,  and  other 
civil  officials,  to  arrest  all  dangerous  persons,  disarm  them, 
and  confiscate  their  horses  to  the  use  of  the  state. ^ 

Thus  empowered,  Desborough  was  styled  '  major-general_al_the 
west,'  and  we  must  suppose  him  entering  promptly  on  his  duties, 
and  making  a  vigorous  inquiry  into  the  condition  of  a  wide  district 
stretching  westward  and  north-westward  from  Wiltshire.  While 
thus  engaged  he  must  soon  have  come  into  contact  with  the  militia 
commission  for  Dorset,  which  was  formed  on  14  March.  As,  in 
the  formation  of  the  new  militia  commissions,  no  south-westeri\ 
county  or  district  besides  Dorset  is  mentioned,  it  seems  evident  that 
Desborough,  as  '  inajor-general  of  the  west,'  with  the  regulars 
under  his  command  and  the  civil  authorities  well  drilled  into 
co-operation  with  him,  was  all-sufficient  for  a  long  time  after  his 
appointment,  and  it  is  more  than  probR.ble  that  the  Dorset  commis- 
sion,  with  the  militia  raised  by  it,  was  in_nior:e_Qr_l.ess_.clos£L_ean- 
nexion  with,  or  subordination  to,  the  majorigeneraLolthe  district. 

As  to  what  happened  in  the  counties  between  the  end  of  March 
and  the  end  of  May  1655  there  is  hardly  any  evidence,  but  the 
commissioners  must  have  been  hard  at  work  raising  troops,  rousing 
justices  and  sheriffs,  and  appointing  officers.  In  the  end  of  May 
the  process  of  fusion  between  Desborough  andJLhfLjmlitiaL-CQnimis- 
sioners  of  Dorset,  as  well  as  the  peace-preserving  auihjori^es^^ 
south-west  which  we  have  supposed  to  be  going  on,  was  acknow- 

"  Thurloe.  iii.  221-2. 


1895  CROMWELL  S   MAJOR-GENERALS  477 

ledged  and  confirmed.  On  28  May  a  second  commission  was-^sent 
to  Desborough,  '  to  be  major-general  of  all  the  militia  forces  raised 
and  to  be  raised  within  the  counties  of  Cornwall,  Devon,  Somerset^ 
Dorset,  Wilts,  and  Gloucester.'  ^° 

This  secondjcojannis^^^  to  Desborough  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
4ireciafi.hfiginmng_aL_tlie. institution  of  the  major-generals,  properly 
§£LCBlled.  The  wording  of  it  shows  that,  with  or  without  formal 
commissions,  the  counties  named  had  been  organising  a  militia  ; 
that  the  original  commission  to  Dorset  had  merged  in  the  new 
one;  and  that  Cromwell  had  discovered  that  an  officer  of . ihe 
regular  army  would  make  an  excellent  major-general  of  a  new  militia 
district.  The  Protector's  aim  was  to  make  the  combination  oLcivil 
and  military  authority  practically  effective,  and  to  prevent  friction 
01-  waste  -of-energy  lietw een  commissioner  and_ officers . ' '  In  the 
south-w^est  the  aim  was  easily  attained :  a  regular  officer  of  high 
rank  and  great  experience  had  been  ordered  into  a  wide  district ; 
he  proved  himself  there  an  excellent  raUying-point  and  head  of  all 
the  forces  that  made  for  order ;  nothing  better  could  be  done, 
therefore,  than  to  group  the  militias  of  several  contiguous  counties 
under  his  command,  leaving  it  to  him,  with  the  force  of  his 
character  and  the  prestige  of  his  position,  to  co-operate  with  the 
commissioners  and  insist  on  the  execution  of  their  many-sided 
work.  What  had  proved  so  easily  possible  with  Desborough  and 
the  south-west  might  prove  equally  so  in  other  districts ;  there 
might  be  the  same  grouping  of  counties,  the  same  co-operation 
with  commissioners,  the  same  vigorous  headship  of  the  new  forces 
by  trained  officers.  That  was  what  actually  happened  in  the 
summer  and  autumn  of  1655,  and  that  was  the  institution  of  the 
major-generals. 

By  the  middle  of  June  Desborough  was  in  the  midst  of  his 
labours,  working  from  a  centre  at  Exeter  ;  and  about  the  same  time 
Colonel  James  Berry  was  similarly  engaged  at  Lincoln,  and  Major 
Hezekiah  Haynes  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds.'-^  The  scheme  was  exten- 
sively developed  in  August  and  September.  By  2  Aug.  it  had  b^en 
decided  that  there  were  to  be  twelve  militia  troops  in  the  counties 
making  up  Desborough's  district ;  ^^  and  by  the  10th  of  the  same 
month  so  many  more  officers  had  been  appointed  in  the  same  way, 
each  bearing  the  title  'major-general  of  the  mihtia,'  ^^  that  it  was 
necessary  for  the  Lord  Protector  and  the^council  to  frame  general 

»"  Thurloe,  iii.  486. 

"  One  great  advantage  of  the  plan  was  the  grouping  together  of  such  districts  as 
Devon  and  Cornwall,  which  had  exhibited  so  much  separatist  feeling  during  the 
civil  war. 

'2  Thurloe,  iii.  556-7.  '^  (>^^  ^  p  (Dom.),  1655,  p.  267. 

**  On  9  Aug.  most  of  the  major-generals  were  definitely  appointed  to  their 
respective  districts  {Cal  S.  P.  (Dom.),  1655,  p.  275).  On  11  Oct.  some  altera- 
tion   of  one   or  two  of  the  districts  took  place ;    and  on  19  Oct.  two  of  the  major- 


•• 


478  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GEXERAL.S  July 

instructions  for  theni.^"'*  In  ithe  course  of  the  month  various  instruc- 
tions were  issued.^^  On  21  Sept.  a  general  commission  was  issued 
to  the  major-generals.^7  It  began  by  referring  to  the  rebellion  of 
the  spring  as  having  been  stirred  up  by  '  the  old  malignant  and 
popish  enemies,'  who,  though  suppressed  by  God's  mercy,  were 
still  stirring  up  troubles.  On  account  of  the  ever-4)r£seniL_danger 
a  well-affected  militia  of  horsejiad  been  raised. 

As  they  need  a  commander  to  discipline  and  conduct  them,  we  appoint 
you  major-general  and  commander-in-chief  in  counties,  with  full  powers 
to  keep  the  said  militia  in  good  discipline,  conduct  them  to  fight  againsb 
all  enemies  ....  We  give  you  power,  in  case  of  invasion  or  rebellion,  to 
raise  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  counties,  and  to  exercise,  arm,  muster, 
and  conduct  them  to  the  places  where  we  shall  direct  you  in  case  of 
rebellion. 

The  major-generals  were  then  authorised  to  appoint  deputies,  if 
necessary  ;  and  they  were  promised  the  assistance  of  the  justices  of 
the  peace  and  other  civil  officials.  To  this  circular  commission  the 
instructions  prepared  in  the  preceding  month  were  annexed. 

^0  much  for  the  military  side  of  the  institution.  At  iha_same 
time  nine  orders  for  securing  the  peace  of  the  CommonwealthjKBre 
issued,  to  the  following  effect,  viz.  : — 

(1)  All  persons  engaged  in  rebellion  since  the  beginning  of  the  Pro- 
tectorate were  to  be  imprisoned  or  banished,  and  their  estates  sequestered 
towards  payment  of  the  forces  newly  raised,  one-third  being  allowed  to 
their  wives  and  children. 

(2)  All  adhering  to  the  late  king  or  Charles  Stewart,  his  son,  were  to 
be  imprisoned  or  transported. 

generals  were  authorised  to  act  through  deputies  with  full  powers.  In  the  end 
of  October  and  beginning  of  November  two  more  major-generals  were  ap  ointed, 
bringing  up  the  total  number  (excluding  deputies)  to  12.  (See  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.), 
under  dates;  Public  Intelligencer,  29  Oct. ;  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  334;  Thurloe, 
iv.  117.)     The  list,  as  it  finally  stood,  was  as  follows  : — 

Kent  and  Surrey       ....         Col.  Kelsey. 

Sussex,  Hants,  Berks        .         .         .         Col.  Goffe. 

Gloucester,   Wilts,   Dorset,   Somerset, 


„  ,    ,  ,,  ,  Major-General  Desborough. 

Devon,  Cornwall  ('  the  west  ) 

Oxford,  Bucks,  Herts,  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  1  Lord-Deputy  Fleetwood  (with  Major 

Essex,  Cambs  J      Hezekiah  Haynes  as  deputy). 

London Major-General  Skippon. 

Westminster  and  Middlesex    .         .         Col.  Barkstead. 

Lincoln,  Notts,  Derby,  Warwick,  Lei-  ^,  ^  .  ^        „,,    „ 

*'  )  Commissary-Gen.  Whalley. 

cester  J 

Northants,  Beds,  Kutland,  Hunts    .  Major  Butler. 

Herefordshire,  Salop,  N.  Wales        .  Col.  Berry. 

Cheshire,  Lancashire,  Staffordshire  Col.  Worsley. 

Yorkshire,  Durham,  Cumberland,  West- 1  Lambert  (with  E,  Lilburne  and  Charles 

moreland,  Northumberland  J      Howard  as  deputies). 

Monmouthshire  and  S.  Wales  .         .  Col.  Rowland  Dawkins. 

In  July  1656  Worsley  died,  and  was  replaced  by  Tobias  Bridges. 

"  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.),  1655,  p.  278.  '«  Ibid.  p.  296.  '^  Ibid.  p.  344. 


1895  CROMWELUS  MAJOR-GENERALS  479 

(3)  A  tax  of  10  per  cent,  on  all  with  100/.  a  year  from  lands,  and  10/. 
a. -year  on  all  with  1,500/.  personalty,  was  to  be  levied  on  the  estates  of  all 
sequestered  for  delinquency,  or  who  had  fought  against  parliament. 
Sequestration  was  to  be  the  penalty  for  non-payment,  which  penalty  might 
be  discharged  by  giving  good  security,  or  otherwise  assuring  it  by  a  rent 
charge,  &c. 

(4)  Those JiYingjQDselyand^iinahkjQ._giYe  a  good  account  of  them- 
selves were  to  be  transported. 

(5)  From  1  Nov.  1G55  none  of  '  the  party '  {i.e.  the  disaffected  or 
royalists)  were  to  keep  in  their  liouses  chaplains,  schoolmasters,  ejected 
ministers,  or  fellows  of  colleges,  nor  have  their  children  taught  by  such, 
on  pain  of  double  taxation. 

(6)  No  ejected  ministers  or  schoolmasters  were,  after  1  Nov.  1655,  to 
return  to  the  exercise  of  their  functions,  under  penalties,  unless  they 
obtained  the  approval  of  the  commissions  for  public  preachers. 

(7)  None  were  to  keep  arms  without  licence. 

(8)  None  banished  were  to  return  without  licence. 

(9)  A  competent  number  of  commissioners  were  to  execute  these  orders 
in  each  county.  ^^ 

Of  these  instructions  the  third  is  at  this  stage  worthy  of  special 
attention.  The  financing  of  the  major-generals  was  an  essential 
part  of  the  institution,  and  was,  perhaps,  that  part  of  it  of  which 
Cromwell  was  proudest.  The  military  aspect  of  the  institution  was 
the  one  on  which  it  was  most  politic  to  dwell.  The  nation  might 
resent  an  extension  or  intensifying  of  the  police  system  or  local 
executive ;  it  was  less  likely  to  resent  protection  against  domestic- 
enemies  and  widespread  rebellion  ;  and,  if  by  any  cleverness  the 
bulk  of  the  nation  could  be  relieved  from  contributing  towards  tlie 
cost  of  the  militia,  there  might  be  no  general  resentment  at  all. 
Therefore,  as  the  Protector  afterwards  said, 

where  that  insurrection  was,  and  we  saw  it  in  all  the  roots  and  grounds 
of  it,  we  did  find  out  a  little  poor  invention.  ...  I  say  there  was 
a  little  thing  invented,  which  was  the  erecting  of  your  major-generals.  .  .  . 
We  did  find— I  mean  myself  and  the  council  did— that,  if  there  were  need 
to  have  greater  forces  to  carry  on  this  work,  it  was  a  most  righteous  thing 
to  put  the  charge  upon  that  party  which  was  the  cause  of  it.  .  .  .  When 
we  saw  what  game  they  [the  royalists]  were  upon  ...  we  did  think  it 
our  duty  to  make  that  class  of  persons,  who  as  evidently  as  anything  in 
the  world  were  in  the  combination  of  the  insurrectionists,  bear  their  share 
of  the  charge.  ^'^ 

In  short,  the  new  militia  was  to  be  paid  for  out  of  taxation  levied, 
not  on  the  nation  generally,  but  on  royahsts  only  ;  and  thus  arose 
the  ten  per  cent,  tax,  the  decimation  mentioned  in  the  third  instruc- 
tion of  '21  Sept.     W^e  shall  hear  a  good  deal  more  about  it  presently, 

'8  Cal.  S.  P.  (Dom.),  1655,  pp.  346-7. 

'"  From   Cromwell's   speech   at  the  opening  of  the  second   Protectorate   parlia- 
ment, 17  Sept.  1656.     See  Carlyle's  Cromwell. 


430  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

and  see  how  the  collectiag  of  it  became  one  of  the  primary  as  well 
as  the  most  troublesome  duties  of  the  major-generals  themselves. 

In  October  the  council  was  busy ;  additional  instructions  were 
prepaxed^iscussedjjind  despatched ;  the  connexion  with  the  general 
police  system  was  brought  into  prominence ;  the  districts  of  several 
of  the  major-generals  were  defined  and  settled,  and  at  last  everything 
was  ready  for  the  complete  publication  and  final  launching  of  the 
scheme.2^  Qi-^  31  Oct.  an  official.  declarMion..was„^ 
Protector  in  council,  which  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  publication  and 
also  as  the  practical  inauguration  of  the  institution.  It  purported 
to  show  'the  reasons  of  the  government's  proceedings  for  securing 
the  peace  of  the  Commonwealth  on  the  occasion  of  the  late  in- 
surrection ; '  2'  and  it  dealt  with  the  major-generals  as  the  chiefs  of 
a  new  military  force,  provided  for  by  the  taxation  of  disaffected 
royalists.     Its  substance  is  as  follows  :  — 

(1)  Providence  having,  by  the  issue  of  the  civil  wars,  declared 
against  the  royalist  party,  the  victors  signalised  their  triumph  by 
extremely  mild  measures  towards  the  vanquished,  e.g.  the  Act  of 
Oblivion.  That  leniency  gave  the  government  courage  to  act 
promptly  and  decidedly  in  the  crisis. 

We  do  acknowledge,  unless  the  carriage  towards  them  had  been  such 
as  is  before  expressed,  we  could  not,  with  comfort  and  satisfaction  to  our- 
selves, have  used  the  courses  we  now  see  we  are  obliged  to  take  against 
the  persons  and  estates  of  that  party  for  securing  the  lives,  liberties, 
peace,  and  comfort  of  all  the  well-affected.^^ 

(2)  But  all  such  pardons  and  leniency  werejcimditionaljupmi 
good  behaviour  for  the  future;  and  the  royalists J]aving.Jiailed  in 
«uch  behaviour  the  government  was  no  longer  bound  to  be  lenient. 

\Ye  do  not  now  only  find  ourselves  satisfied  but  obliged  in  duty  .  .  . 
to  proceed  upon  other  grounds  than  formerly.  ...  It  will  not  be  denied 
that  as  well  the  articles  of  war  as  the  favour  and  grace  granted  by  the 
Act  of  Oblivion  contained  in  them  a  reciprocation.  ...  If  the  state  do  not 
attain  their  end,  neither  ought  the  other  to  accomplish  theirs.  In  such 
acts  .  .  .  either  both  are  bound  or  both  are  at  liberty.  .  .  .  [The  supreme 
magistrate]  may  proceed  with  greater  severity,  inasmuch  as  he  hath  used 
the  last  means  to  reclaim  them  without  fruit,  and  knows  by  experience 
that  nothing  but  the  SAvord  will  restrain  them  from  blood  and  violence.^^ 

(3)  They  had,  therefore,  (a)  made  various  arrests ;  (b)  taxed 
the  royalists  especially,  in  order  to  put  down  violence  planned  and 
carried  out  by  them. 

It  will  not  be  thought  strange  .  .  .  that  we  have  laid  a  burden  upon 
some  of  their  estates  beyond  what  is  imposed  upon  the  rest  of  the  nation 
towards  the  defraying  of  the  charge  which  they  are  the  occasion  of.^^ 

20  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  1656,  pp.  370-405. 

■•^'  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  434-60 ;  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  1655,  pp. 
405-11.  •■-  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  438. 

23  Ihid.  XX.  438-40.  "  Ibid,  p.  241. 


181)5  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  481 

(4)  Details  were  given  of  the  royalist  plot  culminating  in  a  corre- 
spondence with  Charles  Stewart  in  the  summer  of  1654,  which  was 
to  bring  about  general  insurrection  and  open  war. 

(5)  The  royalists  (in  alliance  with  some  of  the  Levellers)  being 
thus  formidable,  additional  forces  must  be  raised  to  deal  with  their 
designs.  Therefore  '  a  new  and  standing  militia  of  horse '  has 
been  raised  in  every  county,  the  expense  being  defrayed  by  the 
rebels. 

It  is  plain  to  every  one  that  is  not  blinded  with  prejudice  that  these 
men  .  .  .  will  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  render  vain  and  fruitless  all 
that  blood  which  hath  been  spilt  to  restore  our  liberties,  and  the  hopes 
we  have  conceived  of  seeing  this  poor  nation  settled  and  reformed  from 
that  spirit  of  profaneness  which  these  men  do  keep  up  and  countenance 
.  .  .  and  therefore  we  thus  argued  that  .  .  .  the  peace  and  comniDn 
^cnncernments  of  this  Commonwealth  must  be  otherwise  secured  and  pro- 
vided for  than  at  present  they  were  ;  thq^t  this  was  not  to  be  done  withaut 
raising  additional  forces  ;  that  the  charge  of  those  forces  ought  not  to  be 
put  upon  the^ood  people  .  .  .  but  upon  those  who  have  been,  and  are 
the  occasion  of  all  our  danger.^"' 

(6)  It  is  equitable  to  impose  the  tax  on  the  ivhole  of  the  royalist 
party,  because  the  insurrection  evidently  involved  the  whole  party 
by  implication. 

We  do  appeal  to  all  indififerent  men  .  .  .  whether  the  party  were  not 
generally  involved  in  this  business,  and  in  reason  to  be  charged  with  it. 
...  It  is  certain  here  was  the  cause  and  quarrel  of  the  pretended  king 
once  more  brought  upon  the  stage  by  his  followers.  ...  He  was  ready  to 
embark  for  England  upon  the  first  notice  of  success,  which  no  man  will 
believe  he  would  have  put  himself  upon,  in  the  eye  and  face  of  the  worlds 
if  those  who  showed  themselves  in  arms  were  to  have  no  other  seconds 
than  what  appeared  ;  nor  will  it  be  imagined  that  those  of  his  party  who 
came  over  hither  upon  that  errand  .  .  .  would  have  run  so  great  hazard 
upon  so  weak  grounds.  .  .  .  Great  sums  of  money  were  collected  and  sent 
over  to  the  pretended  king,  and  furnished  also  for  this  design,  which  we 
cannot  think  came  out  of  a  few  hands.  .  .  .  The  time  when  this  attempt 
was  made  is  likewise  observable  ;  it  was  when  nothing  but  a  well-formed 
power  could  hope  to  put  us  into  disorder.  .  .  .  These  things  alone  are 
enough  to  satisfy  that  these  troubles  were  the  fruit  of  great  deliberation 
and  consent.2^ 

(7)  The  difficulty  and  danger,  then,  being  so  serious,  the  hands 
of  the  supreme  magistrate  must  not  be  tied  by  ordinary  rules. 

It  is  evident  that  in  this  Declaration  the  institution  is  regarded 
as  purely  military  ;  there  is  no  mention  of  the  functions  of  the  new 
force  in  detail ;  nor  could  we  gather  from  it  that  it  was  designed  to 
meet  in  any  way  the  exigencies  of  provincial  government. 

"  Parliamentary  History,  XX.  455.  Cf.  to  the  same  effect  Thurloe's  memorandum 
on  the  reasons  for  erecting  a  new  standing  militia  in  all  the  counties  in  England 
(Thurloe,  iv.  132-3). 

2«  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  45G-7. 
VOL.    X. — NO.   XXXIX.  *     I  I 


482  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

III. 

For  thefuUi'ecognition  and  explanation  of  the  exe.cutiy£.  functions 
of  the  major-generaly  we  must  turn  to  twenty-one  Instructions  which 
were  issued  to  them  at  a  som e what. later  date^ and  then  pubHshed  in 
the  newspapers.  Taken  together  with  the  Declaratioaihey  represent 
the  full  idea  of  the  institution  as  it  left  Cromw^ell's  brain,  while  in 
themselves  they  are  the  completion  of  the  partial  instructions  issued 
from  time  to  time  by  the  council  during  the  summer  and  early 
autumn.^^  In  these  Instructions  the  military  aspect  of  the  institution 
is  made  -almost  entirely  subordinate  to  the  administrative ;  in  the 
course  of  the  twenty-one  clauses  the  major-generals  are  ordered  to 
act  practically  as  a  police,  with  a  military  force  to  assist  them,  if 
necessary.  The  document,  in  fact,  indicates  a  scheme  of  local 
government  conformed  to  a  puritan  standard  of  public  morals.  No 
very  special  or  temporary  danger  to  the  state  was  assumed  to  exist ; 
it  was  only  assumed^  that  plenty  ol  the-influences  which  make  for 
bad  or  loose_ government  are  abroad  and  acti^^-iii  England  and 
^Vales.  In  particular  it  was  assumed  that  there  had  hitherto  been 
too  great  carelessness  as  to  the  loyalty  of  large„hojisfiholds  in 
country  districts,  and  also  that  the  land  swarmed  with  vagrants^ 
native  and  foreign,  whose  movements,  so  long  as  they  were 
unaccounted  for,  were  a  source  of  risk  to  the  public  peace. 

The  major-generals,  then,  having  been  fairly  installed  and  in- 
structed by  the  beginning  of  November  1655,  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  how  they  actually  did  their  w^ork — how  their  actions 
corresponded  with  their  instructions.  The  best  evidence  as  to  their 
actual  achievements  is  to  be  fouad  in  iheh:_  frequent  despatches. 
It  will  be  convenient  to  analyse  the  instructions  and  the  corre- 
spondence together,  in  order  that  conception  and  reality,  design 
and  accomplishment,  may  be  presented  side  by  side. 

Thus  treated  the  subject  may  be  arranged  under  six  heads — 
<1)  taxation,  (2)  general  conservation  of  the  peace,  (3)  religion 
and  morals,  (4)  poor  law,  (5)  registration,  (6)  licensing.  Before 
these  are  dealt  with  in  order  a  word  must  be  said  as  to  the  evidence 
afforded  by  the  correspondence  as  to  co-operation  between  the 
major-generals  and  the  militia  commissioners  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  local  magistracy  on  the  other. 

The  relations  between  the  .major-generals  and  the  militia  com- 
missioners were  naturally  a  matter  of  primary  importance.  In  a 
sense  the  former  were  subordinate  to  the  latter,  inasmuch  as  the 
militia  was  raised  by  the  commissioners,  and  its  officers  were  at  least 
partly  appointed  by  them.  In  another  sense,  however,  the  commis- 
sioners were  subordinate  to  the  major-generals,  inasmuch  as  the 

2'  Parliamentary  History,  xx.  461-7  ;  Public  Intelligencer,  17  and  31  Dec.  1655  ; 
Mercurius  Politicus,  20-27  Dec.  1655,  No.  289,  and  5  Jan.  1655-6. 


.i. .' 


1895  CBOMWKLVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  483 

latter  were  entrusted  with  large  and  independeni  powers,  l)Qtkjiml 
and  military.  There  w^as  thus  not  only  tiie_possibility  of  dispute 
as  to  co-ordination  or  subordination,  but  also  the  .absolutejifiCfissity 
of  frequent  conference,  especia.lly  at  the  outset.  On  the  whole  the  two 
bodies  seem  to  hM^jyorked  jvelHogether^.  ^^^^^^  Some- 

times the  commissioners  are  expressly  praised  for  their  behaviour,'^** 
and  frequently  they  themselves  write  expressing  their  willingness  to 
^ct.^^  As  to  their  constitutional  position  there  seem  to  have  been 
few  difficulties,  though  they  occasionally  complain,  or  the  major- 
generals  complain  for  them^  that  they  are  not  JrL-possession  of 
sufficiently  explicit  instructions.^^  Their  success  probably  depended 
on  their  frank  and  hearty  co-operation  with  the  major-generals, 
both  in  the  taxation  of  royalists  and  in  the  invigoration  of  local 
government,  predisposed  as  they  were  to  such  co-operation  by 
possessing  a  moral  standard  in  common  with  their  military  coad- 
jutors and  heads. 

It  was  different   as   to   the  permanent   local   magistracy,  with 
whom  the  major-generals  and  the  commissioners  found  themselves 
in  contact,  and   with  whom   they  were  instructed   to  co-operate. 
The  difficulties  here  were  of  a  more  serious  nature,  owing  to  the 
_  disaffection  or  apathy  of  the  gentry,  which  has  been  already  referred 
to.     The  correspondence  gives  ample  evidence  of  the  embarrass- 
ment  to   the   major-generals   caused    by   the    unsympathetic   or 
obstructive  behaviour  of  the  local  executives.     As  early  as  June 
1655,  before  Berry  had  been  moved  from  the  east  of  England  to 
his  proper  sphere  in  the  west  midlands  and  North  Wales,  he  wrote 
from  Lincoln  to  Cromwell,    '  Our  magistrates  are  idle,  and    the 
people  all  asleep.'  ^^     The  chief  difficulties  continued  to  be  felt  in 
towns,  with  the  corporations.     In  November  1655  Whalley  reports 
a  controversy  about  precedence  at  Leicester,  and  asks  for  a  de- 
cision from  headquarters.^^     In  the  same  month  Haynes  writes  of 
his   difficulties  with   '  malignants '    at   Cambridge,    Norwich,  and 
Colchester ;  ^^  and  he  warns  the  council  of  state  that  '  if  corpora- 
tions be  not  soon  considered  the  work  now  upon  the  wheel  will 
certainly  receive  a  stand.'     In  January  1655-6  the  malignants  in 
the  Bristol  corporation  were  giving  trouble.  Desborough  accordingly 

29  Thurloe,  iv.,  M.-G.  Butler  to  Thurloe,  p.  218  ;  Wovsley  to  Thurloe,  p.  224  ; 
Kelsey  to  Thurloe,  pp.  224-5  ;  Haynes  to  Thurloe,  pp.  227-8  ;  do.  p.  257. 

29  E.g.  commissioners  for  Norfolk  to  Protector,  Thurloe,  iv.  171 ;  do.  from  those 
under  Haynes,  ibid.  p.  225,  &c.  &c. 

=*»  Butler  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  179  ;  Goffe  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  190 ;  Berry  to 
Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  211 ;  commissioners  for  Lincoln  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  212 ;  do.  ibid. 
p.  238 ;  Goffe  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  238-9,  &c. 

3'  Thurloe,  iii.  590.  ■'-  Whalley  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  240-1. 

33  Thurloe,  iv.  257.  Colchester  was  especially  troublesome,  on  account  of  the 
traditions  of  1648  and  the  second  civil  war.  On  19  Dec.  1G55  the  government  took 
the  strong  step  of  having  the  corporation  elected  in  the  presence  of  the  major- 
general  {ibid.  pp.  330-1). 


•• 


484  CROMWELL' S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

wrote  to  Cromwell,  repti-tinj^  that  lie  had  gone  to  the  mayor  and 
requested  him  to  deal  with  such  persons,  informing  him  that,  if  he 
failed  to  do  so,  he  himself  would  he  ohliged  to  purge  the 
corporation.^'' 

In  tlie  counties  th^mgyor-generals  soon  found  that  they  could 
not  do_their,  work  efficiently  unless  they  themselves  were  made 
justices^  of  the  peace.  On  14  Nov.  1G55  Whalley  complained  that 
he  was  forced  to  take  more  upon  him  than  his  instructions  war- 
ranted by  the  fact  that  he  was  not  on  the  commission  of  the  peace.^'"' 
Ten  days  later  he  wrote  to  the  same  effect  more  urgently  still. ■^' 
In  Berry's  district  the  difficulty  was  met  by  the  enrolment  of  the 
militia  commissioners  on  the  commissions  of  the  peace.^^  In 
some  cases  there  was  a  scarcity  of  justices ;  -^^  sometimes  they  fell 
into  a  general  condemnation  which  included  a  whole  host  of  local 
officials.^^ 

(1)  Taxation. — The  financial  duties  of  the  major-generals,  which 
do  not  appear  at  all  in  the  Instructions,  make  a  very  great  show  in 
the  correspondence.  An  income  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  was  im- 
posed on  all  royalists  possessing  estates  in  land  of  the  value  of 
100/.  a  year  or  upwards,  or  personal  property  amounting  to 
1,500/.;*"  and  on  the  major-generals  lay,  first,„th£_inqiiisilQry 
duty  of  determining  who  in  their  respective  districts  were  royalists- 
within  the  prescribed  limits  of  means  ;  secondly, the  duty  of  collecting 
the  tax  from  them;  thirdly,  the  duty  of  paying  the  militia  outj^f 
the  proceeds.  They  entered  on  this  part  of  their  work  at  an  early 
stage — as  soon,  indeed,  as  they  had  had  the  essential  preliminary  in- 
terviews with  the  commissioners — and  it  was  theircMei  And_appa- 
rently  most  difficult  duty  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1655-6.^* 

As  regards  the  determination  of  liability  and  the  collection  of 
the  tax,  there  were  not  a  few  difficulties.  The  general  method  was 
to  rc(iuire  a  declaration  on  oath  from  each  reputed  royalist  as  to  the 
amount  of  his  estate,  and  then  to  make  a  list  of  persons  liable  in 
each  county.  One  difficulty  at  the  outset  was  the  number  of  claims 
to  exemption.  In  these  cases  it  was  the  practice  of  the  major- 
generals  to  appeal  to  the  Protector  and  the  council  of  state ;  as  a 
rule  they  were  directed  to  adhere  firmly  to  their  instructions,  but 
in  certain  cases  the  pleas  were  allowed.  Another  difficulty  arose 
out  of  the  defalcation  claims  made  by  many  persons  to  a  deduction 
of  their  debts  and  burdens  from  the  estimate  of  their  total  property. 
The  first  mention  of  this  matter  came  from  the  Lincolnshire 
commissioners  in  Whalley's  district,  on  17  Nov.  1655.'*''^     In  this 

»'  Tluuloe,  iv.  3<)().  "  j^^^  p   ^(jy  36  j^^^^  pp.  240-1. 

=''  Beny  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  310.  ss  75^^.  p,  353, 

»'  Ibid.  Berry  to  Thurloe,  pp.  393-4.      «  Ibid.  pp.  208,  216,  218  ;  Godwin ;  iv.  230. 
*'  As  early  as  20  Nov.  Kelsey  wrote  to  Thurloe   of  '  this  uncouth  employment  * 
(Thurloe,  iv.  224-5).  «  Thurloe,  iv.  212. 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOIi-GENERALS  485 

case  Wlialley  made  the  allowances  on  his  own  responsibility^ 
but  asked  for  confirmation  and  advice  from  headquarters.  A 
prompt  reply  came  from  AVhitehall  on  20  Nov.  *  His  high- 
ness and  the  council,'  the  message  ran,  *  do  not  think  fit  to  allow 
defalcations  for  debts.'  ^^  Whalley's  leniency  can  hardly  have 
arisen  from  firm  conviction,  for  immediately  on  receipt  of  the 
council's  order  he  wrote  from  Leicester  to  Thurloe — 

I  am  exceeding  glad  you  sent  me  his  highness  and  the  councirs 
orders  not  to  allow  of  debts  and  incumbrances  on  delinquents'  estates. 
It  will  very  much  shorten  our  work.  And  certainly  had  not  such  an 
order  been  made  the  tax  would  come  to  little.^^ 

Another  difficulty  was  connected  with  property  belonging  to  one 
owner,  but  situated  in  different  counties  or  in  the  districts  of  more 
than  one  major-general.  It  often  happened  that  a  man  had,  say, 
50^  a  year  from  land  in  one  county  and  SOL  in  another ;  and  yet, 
according  to  the  letter  of  the  instructions,  he  would  escape  *  decima- 
tion '  owing  to  his  not  having  lOOZ.  in  one  county.  It  was  decided 
that,  in  such  cases,  the  tax  should  either  be  laid  in  each  county  in 
proportion  to  the  amount  of  land  held  there,  or  nominally  charged 
on  the  county  in  which  the  landowner  resided. 

Another  point  was  the  date  at  which  the  valuation  of  property 
was  to  be  made.  A  valuation  had  been  made  on  1  Nov.  1G5B  ;  and 
the  commissioners  were  instructed  to  use  it  as  the  basis  of  assess- 
ment.'*^ But  the  difficulty  was  that  since  that  date  much  land  had 
passed  .out.  of  the  hands  of  the  proprietors,  and  they  very 
naturally  objected  to  being  taxed  on  land  which  they  possessed 
no  longer.  The  Lincoln  commissioners,  having  stated  the  difficulty, 
were  ordered  to  assess  the  tax  on  the  valuation  of  1  Nov.  1G58, 
though  in  some  cases  an  option  seems  to  have  been  left  to  the 
unhappy  royalists. ^'^  The  injustice  of  the  government's  decision 
caused  heart-burnings  in  Whalley's  district,''  but  apparently  the 
government  stood  firm. 

Another  difficulty  sometimes  arose  when  the  same  person  pos- 
sessed real  and  personal  property,  each  l)eing  liable  to  the  tax.  For 
example,  the  Lincoln  commissioners,  whose  lot  it  was  to  discover  so 
many  snakes  in  the  grass,  raised  the  difficulty  in  this  form :  If  one 
taxed  has  1,500L  personal  estate  and  less  than  100/.  a  year  in  land, 
is  the  1,500/.  to  be  charged  with  100/.,  or  is  10/.  to  be  charged  on 
the  land?'*'  Desborough  solved  the  difficulty  in  such  cases  in 
Bristol  by  taxing  all  capital  of  1,500/.  and  all  income  of  100/.  a 
year,  without  caring  what  were  the  proportions  of  realty  and  per- 

"  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  1655-6,  p.  29. 

**  Thurloe,  iv.  240-1.     Cf.  Worsley  from  Cheshire,  ibid.  p.  251. 

«  Ibid.  p.  238. 

*«  Berry  to  Hanmer,  Thurloe,  iv.  294.  "■  Thurloe,  iv.  411-2. 

*«  Ibid.  p.  238. 


486  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

sonalty  in  the  estate.  He  asked  for  a  confirmation  from  head- 
quarters, but,  as  no  formal  one  is  recorded,  we  may  assume  that  his 
practice  was  approved/^  Where  leases  for  lives  had  been  granted  it 
was  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  land  tax  was  to  be  laid  on  the 
reserved  rent  or  on  the  value  of  *  the  living.'  ^"  How  this  problem 
was  solved  we  do  not  learn. 

Another  difficulty  stated,  but  not  solved,  was  in  relation  ta 
estates  forfeited  for  treason,  and  repurchased  by  trustees  on  behalf 
of  '  delinquents.'-'^' 

The  assessment  of  the  tax  was  facilitated  by  getting  lists 
of  those  who  had  compounded  at  Goldsmiths'  Hall,  i.e.  those 
*  delinquents '  whose  estates  had  been  sequestrated  and  were  man- 
aged by  the  Committee  for  Compounding  in  permanent  session 
at  Goldsmiths'  Hall.^-^ 

As  time  went  on,  and  the  necessities  of  the  new  militia  revealed 
themselves   more  and  more   clearly,   the   commissionerg   and  the 
major-generals  began  to  feel  that  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  were  not 
likely  to  be  sufficient,  and  that  the  exemption  from  taxation  was 
placed   too   high.     To   this  effect   Berry   and   the   commissioners 
for  his  district  wrote  at  an  early  stage  .'^     Kelsey,   writing   from 
Maidstone,  proposed  that   all   persons  having   an  income  of  50/. 
should  be  taxed  ;  ^"^  while  the   Northamptonshire   commissioners^ 
writing   a   few   days   later,    suggested   that   those   with    20/.   per 
annum  real  or  300/.  personal  estate  should   be   taxed,-^"'  on  the 
ground  that  such  persons  were  as  dangerous  as  those  of  higher 
quality.     This    was    an    extreme    proposal.     On    12    Dec.    1655 
Whalley  wrote   to  Thurloe,  mentioning  a  more  moderate  one  of 
Lilburne's,  viz.  that  40/.  real  and  500/.  personal  should  be  the  limits, 
and  adding  that  he  disapproved  of  it  on  the.  ground  that  it  would 
alienate  and  irritate  the  royalists,  without  producing  any  return 
woi'th  the  cost.^^    Nevertheless  Worsley  made  almost  the  same  pro- 
posal ;  ^"  and   it   was  frequently   made   afterwards. •'^*^     Desborough 
wrote  from  Exeter  on  12  Jan.  1665-6  that  the  persons  who  might 
be  irritated  by  the  taxation  of  the  smaller  incomes  were  not  worth 
conciUating.'^^     Further  experience  led  Worsley  to  sink  to  a  40/. 
limit ;  ^^  and  he  reported  that  the  commissioners  of  his  district  were 
unanimous  in  thinking  that  50/.  real  and  500/.  personal  were  the 
proper   limits.     The   government   in   London,   however,  probably 
realising  that  the  decimation  as  it  stood  was  severe  enough,  gave 

*''  Thurloe,  iv.  359-60.     See  ibid.  pp.  336-7-v         •«  Ibid.  p.  278.        ^>  Ibid.  p.  541. 

^^  Ibid.  pp.  156, 185,  207-8,  212.  The  committee  was  started  as  a  joint  parliamentary 
and  civic  body  to  plan  taxation  in  Sept.  1643.  After  Feb.  1653-4  its  sole  function 
was  to  manage  sequestrated  estates.  See  Calendar  of  the  Committee  for  Compounding,. 
1643-1660. 

^3  Thurloe,  iv.  215-6.  '*  Ibid.  pp.  224-5.  "  j^d.-pp,  235,  320. 

^«  Ibid.  p.  308.  57  50^^  i-eai  and  500Z.  personal  {ibid.  pp.  340-1). 

'^s  E.g.  by  Desborough  [ibid.  p.  391).         ^^  Ibid.  p.  413.         «»  Ibid.  pp.  449-50. 


1895  CROMWELUS  MAJOR-GENERALS  487 

no  heed  to  these  representations ;  and  accordingly,  as  the  winter  of 
1655-6  grew  into  the  spring,  the  commissioners  and  the  major- 
generals  came  face  to  face  with  a  shortcoming  of  funds,  and 
were  obliged  to  report  to.  the  Lord  Protector  that  if  more  money 
was  not  forthcoming  the  numbers  of  the  militia  must  be  reduced. 

Thus  the  third  financial  duty  imposed  on  the  major-gene- 
rals— namely,  the  payment  of  the  new  militia— came  to  be  no 
light  one.  Some  districts — e.r/.  Wales  and  Norfolk — proved  very 
scarce  in  royalists  who  could  be  fleeced  for  the  benefit  of  needy 
soldiers.^'  Districts  varied_muchJxi  pxodudiffiiieas :  <?.(/.  Lincoln- 
shire was  expected  to  yield  at  the  rate  of  above  3,000/.  a  year ; 
from  Staffordshire  1,300L  or  1,4001.  was  expected  ;  while  Lancashire 
was  not  expected  to  yield  more  than  1,100^'''-^  Soon  after  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year  (1656)  the  question  of  payment  began  to 
become  pressing.  On  11  Jan.  Whalley  wrote  from  Lincoln  that 
more  than  six  months  had  elapsed  since  the  troops  in  his  district 
enlisted,  and  he  asked  for  a  warrant  to  pay  them  out  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  tax.*^^  On  25  Jan.  Desborough  wrote  to  the  same 
effect ;  ^^  but  the  government  would  not  speak.  On  the  28th  he 
wrote  from  Truro  that  in  order  to  pay  the  troops  he  had  to  go 
beyond  his  commission,  which  he  greatly  regretted.''^  On  2  Feb. 
Goffe  reported  from  Winchester  that  the  decimation  of  his  district 
would  certainly  not  suffice  to  pay  its  troops.  Sussex,  he  expected, 
would  yield  1,5001.  ;  Hampshire,  1,000L  ;  Berks,  1,000/.  '  For  the 
two  first  counties,'  he  went  on,  '  this  is  just  half  as  much  as  will 
pay  the  troops.  Indeed,  in  the  other  it  may  come  near  the  money 
appointed  to  pay  that  troop  ;  but  then  there  will  be  nothing  left  to 
discharge  the  officers  bolonging  to  the  commissioners  of  the  three 
counties  (which,  as  his  highness'  letter  seemeth  to  imply,  we  are 
also  to  satisfy  out  of  this  money,  though  we  are  not  directed  by  what 
rule  we  shall  proceed  in  paying  them).'  The  major-geaeral  then 
made  a  suggestion.  *  I  take  the  humble  boldness  to  offer,'  he  wrote, 
*  that  all  the  money  raised  upon  this  account  may  be  brought  to  the 
common  treasury,  and  that  we  may  all  be  paid  alike  out  of  ike 
said  treasury ;  or  else  I  fear  those  associations  that  raise  least 
money  will  have  such  a  pitiful  militia  that  the  major-generals  will 
have  little  honour  or  comfort  in  commanding  them.'  ^^'  On  7  Feb. 
Butler  wrote  from  Northampton  that  1,080Z.  over  and  above  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  decimation  were  needed  to  pay  the  troops. ^^"  On 
11  Feb.  Goffe  wrote  with  much  seriousness,  conveying  to  the  council 
a  message  from  one  of  his  subordinates  :  '  Captain  Dunch  bids  me 
tell  you,  if  you  do  not  help  us,  he  must  be  forced  to  mutiny.'  *'"^ 

«'  Thurloe.  iv.  287.     Cf.  pp.  170-1.  «-  Ibid.  pp.  887,  340-1,  427,  434-6. 

«3  Ibid.  pp.  411-2.  «•  Ibid.  p.  462. 

"  '  It's  unpleasant  to  me  to  act  without  rule '  (ibid.  p.  472).         •*«  Ibid.  pp.  497-8. 
«'  Ibid.  p.  511.  «*<  Ibid.  pp.  525-6. 


488  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

What  was  to  be  doife  ?  For  weeks  the  stream  of  grumbhiig 
had  found  its  way  to  Whitehall ;  but  the  government  had  made  up 
its  mind  that  the  maximum,  of  practicable  taxation  was  reached. 
Yet  in  all  quarters  of  the  land  the  balance-sheet  showed  an  ugly 
deficit.  On  29  Jan.  Cromwell  had  authorised  the  major-generals 
to  give  to  their  soldiers  and  officers,  out  of  money  already  levied, 
six  months'  pay,  or  as  much  thereof  as  the  money  received  within 
their  districts  (over  and  above  the  necessary  charge  incident  to  the 
service)  should  amount  to,  the  whole  receipts  being  applied  in  equal 
proportion  to  the  whole  militia  forces.^^  This  did  not  advance 
matters  very  far.  At  last  the  council  of  state  began  to  bestir  itself. 
A  committee  was  formed  to  consider  the  affairs  of  the  major- 
generals  ;  and,  on  its  report,  the  council,  on  27  Feb.,  advised  the 
Protector  to  reduce  the  militia  of  Oxfordshire,  Bucks,  Herts,  Berks, 
Southampton,  Sussex,  Kent,  Cambs,  Suffolk,  Norfolk,  and  Eutland 
from  100  to  80  in  each  troop,  and  to  pay  them  up  to  the  date  of 
reduction.^^  On  11  April  the  government  announced. their  intention 
to  reduce  all  the  militia  troops  to  the  same -extent,^  ^  and  on  the 
same  day  the  council  issued  to  the  major-generals  the  tardy  author- 
isation to  pay  the  militia  out  of  the  extraordinary  tax.'^  An  esti- 
mate was  also  made  of  the  total  cost  of  the  reduced  force  for  a  year 
from  24  June  1656  ;  the  salaries  of  the  eleven  major-generals  were 
fixed,  and  the  major-generals  themselves  reappointed.  The  total 
estimate  w^as  80,067?.  12.9.  M.  The  soldiers  disbanded  w^ere  to 
be  paid  only  up  to  24  June.^^ 

The  whole  management  w^as  made  more  systematic ;  e.g.  the 
council  appointed  what  it  called  aii_a.ijiiy_£mnmiti£^  to  consider  fit 
rules  for  the  major-j^eiierals,  tojiiitnrn  -a  yearly  aopount  of  moneys 
and  charges  in  their  associations,  and  to  issue_the^  moneys  by 
_  warrants  from  the  Mid,,  committee  for  paying  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  new  militia  troops.  On  the  army  committee  was 
henceforward  to  devolve  the  vesponsibility  of  both  collecting  and 
disbursing  the  tax,  a  responsibility  which  had  hitherto  lain  on  the 
major-generals,  the^ooaiQitgeJiar^ls  now,  together  with  officials 
called  receiYfim-general  and  ..county,  treasurers,  Ricting  aiS  Rigents  of 
the  committee.'''^  The  major-generals  were  to  give  in  to  the  army 
committee  perfect  lists  of  all  persons  charged  with  yearly  or  gross 
payments,  signed  by  themselves  and  three  commissioners,  with 
duplicates  to  the  receivers-general.  They  were  also  to  cause  the 
county  treasurers  to  send  in  accounts  of  their  receipts  within  ten 
days  from  25  Dec.  and  24  June  annually,  noting  any  additions  or 
alterations.  They  were  also  to  return  the  addresses  of  the  county 
treasurers,  and  cause  the  muster  rolls  to  be  sent  to  the  commissary- 

«'»  Cal.  state  Papers  (Dom.),  1655-6,  p.  140.  '«  Ibid.  p.  200. 

'"  The  actual  order  was  despatched  on  15  April  {ihid.  p.  27). 
/•-  Ihid.  pp.  262-3.  "^  Ihid.  '*  Ibid.  pp.  367-8.  12 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  489 

general  of  musters,  with  duplicates  to  the  army  committee,  the 
commissary-general  to  obey  the  directions  of  the  army  committee. 
As  for  the  county  treasurers,  they  were  to  deliver  up  to  the  army 
committee  a  perfect  account  of  all  sums  raised  and  spent  in  the 
half-year  ended  21  Dec.  1655,  which  account  the  committee  were 
to  pass,  or,  if  not  satisfied  with  it,  to  refer  to  the  council  of  state. 
In  sliprt^he  .government  _  seem^  tc^  jp_  the  conclusion 

that. the  collection  of  the  'decimation'  and  its  payment  to  the 
troops  had  not  been  a  great  success  as  conducted  by  the  major- 
generals,  and  that  these  things  would  be  better  managed  from 
Whitehall. 

(2)  General  Conservation  of  the  Peace. — The  major-generals  were 
instructed  to  suppress  insurrections  and  unlawful  assemblies,  and 
to  repel  invasions.^'^  They  were  to  see  that  all  papists,  rebels,  and 
dangerous  persons  were  disarmed,  and  their  arms  confiscated."^ 
They  were  to  provide  police  protection  for  the  highways  and  roads, 
especially  near  London,  and  to  insist  on  the  prosecution  of  robbers, 
highwaymen,  &c.,  and  the  punishment  of  their  abettors.  (In  this 
work  the  major-generals  were  to  co-operate  with  the  sheriffs  ;  every 
one  discovering  or  apprehending  a  malefactor  of  the  aforesaid  sort 
was  to  be  paid  a  reward  not  exceeding  10/.,  by  the  sheriff,  who  was 
to  be  recouped  by  the  state.^")  They  were  to  watch  the  behaviour 
of  disaffected  persons,  and  that  of  their  subordinate  officer s."^"^ 
When  any  one  prosecuted  an  undiscovered  murderer  or  other  gross 
offender  againbt  the  peace  he  might  apply  to  the  major-general  or 
his  deputy ;  and  he,  knowing  what  the  business  was,  might  '  as 
well  by  summoning  all  persons  who  lived  dissolutely  or  without  a 
calling,  or  at  a  higher  rate  having  no  visible  estate  answering 
thereunto  ...  if  he  should  see  cause,  as  by  the  diligence  of  all 
civil  officers  or  persons  under  his  command,  according  to  their 
respective  duties  in  apprehending  all  suspected  persons  who  passed 
through  or  lay  lurking  within  any  place  under  his  charge,  to 
endeavour  the  finding  out  and  apprehending  the  offenders,'  for 
which  purpose  he  might  give  notice  to  and  get  the  help  of  the 
major-generals  of  neighbouring  associations."'' 

In  the  correspondence  there  is  no  greatbulk  of  evidence  bearing 
on  this  head,  but  what  there  is  unmistakably  indicates_  bjdth 
vigour  and  success.  The  absence  of  armed  rebellion  deprived  the 
major-generals  of  any  pretext  for  repelling  invasion  by  military 
force  ;  but  in  the  department  of  police  they  had  much  work  to  do, 
and  they  evidently  did  it.  They  entered  at  once  into  hearty 
co-operation  with  the  justices  of  the  peace,  and  into  as  hearty 
co-operation   with   municipal   magistrates   as   those  functionaries 

^*  Instruction  1,  Pari.  Hist.  xx.  461-7.  "«  Inst.  2,  ibid. 

"  Inst.  3  and  16,  ibid.  ^«  Inst.  4,  ibid. 

"  Inst.  15,  ibid. 


490  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

would  allow.  Haynes  l:^gan  to  search  for  arms  in  Suffolk  as 
early  as  22  June  1655/"  AVe  have  seen  how  early  and  how  fully 
Berry  realised  his  general  responsibility  in  Lincolnshire.  The 
work  of  disarming  seems  to  have  proceeded  briskly  in  many 
districts.^^  With  papists  there  was  sharp  practice.  On  one  occa- 
sion, for  example,  Butler  relates  how,  as  he  was  riding  through 
the  forest  of  Eockingham,  he  overtook  a  wayfarer  who  proved  to  be 
a  Koman  catholic  priest  '  without  any  certain  habitation.'  Being 
thus  doubly  an  offender,  he  was  put  into  custody  ;  and  a  copy  of 
his  examination,  along  with  a  catechism  found  upon  him,  was 
forwarded  to  Whitehall,  the  major-general  retaining  the  Agnus 
Dei  and  rosary  of  the  priest,  along  with  *  a  medal  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  or  crucifix,  and  some  other  books.'  ^''  There  wiLSjniicIijeilfirg;^^ 
in  arresting  and  iniprisoning  a.ll  persons  wha  appeaired  to  -be._dan- 
gerous,  or  who,  on  exammation,  could  give  no  satisfactory  account 
of  tjiemselves.  So  many  of  such  persons  were  deprived  of  liberty 
that  there  were  some  complaints  of  want  o^i^g^^^ 
On  5  Jan.  1655-6  Berry  wrote  to  Thurloe  a  letter  about  the  state 
of  things  in  Shropshire,  showing  how  completely  the  preservation 
of  the  peace  in  that  county  came  within  the  purview  of  the  major- 
general  ;  ^^  and  in  a  later  letter  he  complains  bitterly  of  over-work 
in  quarter  sessions,  alleging  that  he  .i3_  losing^  his  miHta^  character 
altogeth er  an d ..becQjning n -mere. loi li n g  magistrate . ^^  On  29  Jan. 
Whalley  complained  of  over-work  in  the  same  department.  *I 
wish,'  he  wrote,  *  there  had  been  more  major-generals.  Our 
presence,  I  find,  is  desired  in  all  places,  and  gives  life  to  all  pro- 
ceedings ;  ...  if  the  Lord  gives  abilities  to  your  major-generals  .  .  . 
it's  the  best  way  that  ever  as  yet  was  devised  for  the  peace  and 
safety  of  the  nation.  You  cannot  imagine  what  an  awe  it  hath 
struck  into  the  spirits  of  wicked  men.'  ^''  On  9  Feb.  1655-6 
Berry  wrote  from  Monmouth,  *  I  am  much  troubled  with  these 
market  towns  everywhere ;  vices  abounding  and  magistrates  fast 
asleep.'  ®^ 

Quakers  were  regarded  as  being  almost  as  dangerous  to  the 
public  peace  as  Roman  catholics,  and  were  treated  with  almost  equal 
severity.  ^^  It  was  alleged  that  they  '  troubled  the  markets,'  and 
otherwise  interfered  with  public  peace  and  comfort.  In  their  early 
days  they  were  active  peripatetic  religionists,  entering  freely  into  places 

««  Thurloe,  iii.  574. 

«>  Correspondence  throughout,  and  especially  Thurloe,  iv.  379,  '  Instructions  by  the 
major-general  of  Bristol.' 

«2  Thurloe,  iv.  274.  «»  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  333-4. 

''  I6i^.  pp.  393-4.  «5  '  I  am  now  at  last  become  civil '  {ibid.  p.  413). 

s«  Ibid.  p.  434.  As  to  Whalley  and  his  success  cf.  Mei-mritis  Politicus,  No.  294^ 
24-31  Jan.,  and  Political  Intelligencer,  No.  18,  28  Jan.-4  Feb.  1G55-6. 

"  Ibid.  pp.  545-6. 

88  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  315,  ibid.  333-4,  ibid.  G13,  Ac. 


1895  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENEUALS  491 

of  public  resort,  whether  churches  or  market-places,  and  calling  out 
for  the  instant  reform  of  what  they  deemed  abuses.  Once  there  was 
hope  of  striking  at  the  arch-quaker,  George  Fox,  himself.  '  I  have 
some  thoughts  to  lay  Foxe  and  his  companions  by  the  heels,  if  I 
see  a  good  opportunity.'  ^^  On  one  occasion  Butler  forwarded  a 
list  of  the  persons  committed  to  gaol  by  him,  with  specimens  of 
the  offences  thus  punished.""  The  system  of  espionage  was  brought 
to  a  high  point  of  perfection.  On  21  March  the  major-generaP^ 
wrote  from  Stafford,  '  We  have  things  in  that  posture  already  that 
there  is  hardly  a  meeting  of  three  cavaliers  together  on  any  account 
but  I  am  suddenly  acquainted  with  it.'  ^'^  On  5  July  1656  Haynes 
proposed  to  accompany  the  judges  on  circuit,  with  a  view  to  the 
more  thorough  preservation  of  order. •'-*  On  21  April  1656  Whalley 
had  reported  thus  triumphantly  of  part  of  his  district :  *  This  I 
may  truly  say :  you  may  ride  over  all  Nottinghamshire  and  not  see 
a  beggar  or  a  wandering  rogue,'  though  he  was  obliged  to  add,  *  I 
hope  suddenly  to  have  it  so  in  all  the  counties  under  my  charge  if 
it  be  not  already  ;  but  I  much  fear  it.'  -'^ 

(3)  Religion  and  Morals. — During  a  prevalence  of  puritan 
thought  and  feeling  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  efforts  to  preserve 
public  peace  from  efforts  to  purify  public  morals  ;  and  it  is  still 
more  difficult  to  distinguish  the  latter  from  efforts  in  behalf  of 
religion.  The  major-generals  were  instructed  to  prevent  horse- 
racing,  cock-fighting,  bear-baiting,  and  the  performance  of  stage 
plays  within  their  districts,  because  of  the  danger  of  general  evil  and 
wickedness,  as  well  as  of  hatching  treason  and  rebellion."^  They 
were  to  report  upon  the  character  of  teachers  and  preachers,  and 
to  secure  the  execution  of  the  ordinance  for  the  ejection  of  in- 
sufficient ministers  and  schoolmasters."'^  By  their  behaviour  thej' 
were  to  promote  godliness  and  virtue,  and  to  co-operate  with 
justices  of  the  peace,  ministers,  and  officers  intrusted  with  the  care 
of  such  things  to  secure  the  execution  of  the  laws  against  drunken- 
ness, blasphemy,  swearing,  plays,  profaning  the  Lord's  day,  &c.*' 
They  were  to  seek  out  and  suppress  all  gaming-houses  and  houses 
of  ill  fame  in  London  and  Westminster."*^ 

The  correspondence  shows  no  lack  of  stringency  in  compliance 
with  these  instructions.  There  is  some  evidence  that  efforts  w^ere 
made  to  distinguish  what  was  immoral  from  what  was  inexpedient. 
Thus  in  March  1656  the  spring  races  at  Lincoln  fell  due,  and  the 
earl  of  Exeter  asked  Major-General  Whalley  whether  Lady  Grant- 
s'' Goffe  to  Thurloe,  10  Jan.  1655-6.     Thurloe,  iv.  408-9 

9»  Thurloe,  iv.  632-3. 

"'  Called  '  Gofte  '  in  Thurloe,  but  this  must  be  an  error. 

»-'  Thurloe,  iv.  639.  "«  Ibid.  v.  1187-8.  ^*  Ibid.  iv.  718-9. 

«^  Inst.  4,  Pari  Hist.  xx.  461-7. 

»«  Inst.  7.     Cf.  No.  5  of  the  Instructions  of  21  Sept. 

»^  Inst.  6.  98  Inst.  19. 


492  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

ham's  cup  might  be  ruif  for.  Whalley  gave  permission ;  and  he 
reported  to  Cromwell,  '  I  assured  him  it  was  not  your  highness's 
intention  in  the  suppressing  of  horse  races  to  abridge  gentlemen  of 
their  sport,  but  to  prevent  the  great  confluences  of  irreconcilable 
enemies.^^  Against  wickedness,  profaneness,  &;c.,  the  major-generals 
worked  steadily.  Against  swearing  they  were  especially  severe. 
Butler  fined  a  certain  Mr.  Barton  6L  for  saying  '  God  damn  me,'  and 
protested  that  it  should  have  been  lOZ.  if  the  culprit's  horse  would 
have  fetched  as  much.'"^  Attempts  were  made  to  prevent  the  pro- 
fanation of  Sunday  by  preventing  markets  from  being  held  on 
Saturday  or  Monday.^^^  In  some  places  '  base  books  '  were  sup- 
pressed ;  and  a  raid  was  made  against  illegal  marriages.'"'^ 

The  most  direct  efforts  in  behalf  of  religion  were  those  to  carry 
out  the  ordinance  for  the  ejection  of  insufficient  ministers  and 
schoolmasters,  and  generally  to  regulate  cbui-ches  and  schools. 
The  demand  for '  ejectors  '  is  heard  very  early  in  the  correspondence ; 
and,  along  with  complaints  of  their  inefficiency,  is  repeated  again 
and  again  throughout  its  course.  Ejection  was  not  always  for 
scandalous  living  only.  Kelsey  on  one  occasion  reported  that  the 
whole  garrison  of  Kochester  was  perverted  and  injured  by  the 
heresies  of  a  certain  minister  named  Coppin.  The  major-general 
had  arrested  and  imprisoned  him,  and  proposed  that  he  should  be 
transported.^"-'  On  28  Feb.  1656  Berry  sent  in  a  bad  report  of  the 
spiritual  condition  of  Breconshire.  The  county,  he  wrote,  was 
getting  heathen  from  the  want  of  able  preachers  and  the  slowness 
in  filling  up  vacancies.'"''  On  23  April  Haynes  proposed  a  confer- 
ence in  his  district  with  disaffected  ministers  and  those  tinged  with 
anabaptist  or  fifth -monarchy  views. '"^ 

On  the  whole  there  are  indications  that  this  part  of  the  major- 
generals'  duties- was  not  only  dihgently  but  sometimes  severely  _and 
irritaMngly  carried  out.^""^  Sometimes  the  council  of  stata_had_to 
exercise  its  right  of  supervision  and  revision.  Thus  on  12  March 
1656,  on  the  petition  of  the  parishioners  of  Kadwinter,  in  Essex, 
Haynes  was  ordered  to  show  cause  why  the  clergyman,  one  Keynolds, 
had  been  made  to  stop  preaching,  and  to  suspend  the  restraint  if  it 
should  be  found  desirable. '^^ 

(4)  Poor  Laic. — The  major-generals  w^ere  instructed  to  see  that 
unemployed  persons  were  either  made  to  w^ork  or  sent  out  of  the 
Commonwealth  ;  to  consider  the  case  of  the  poor,  and  to  report 
upon  it  to  the  Lord  Protector  and  his  council ;  meanwhile  they  were 
to  insist  upon  the  execution  of  the  laws  bearing  on  such  cases.^"^ 

"^  Thurloe,  iv.  C07.  '««  Ibid.  pp.  632-3. 

""  Ihid.  pp.  277-8 ;  ihid.  v.  296.  '"^  j^j^^^  j^^  523, 

'«3  Ihid.  p.  486.  »»«  Ibid.  p.  565.  i"*  jj^^^  p.  727. 

*"®  See  the  case  of  Mossom,  the  schoolmaster  at  Richmond,  Cah  State  Papers 
(Dom.),  1655-6,  Jan.  24. 

'"'  Ihid.  12  March.  ioh  i^gt.  5  :  Pari.  Hist.  xx.  461-7. 


1895  CROMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  493 

On  this  head  the  correspondence  yields  very  httle  evidence,  and 
such  as  there  is  seems  to  justify  the  heHef  that  the  penal  aspects  of 
the  poor  law  were  those  most  insisted  on  hy  the  major-generals. 

(5)  Registration. — The  major-generals  were  instructed  that  every 
householder  in  their  respective  districts  must  give  security  by  his 
bond  that  his  aervants-should  keep  iha  peace  of  the  Common- 
wealth while  in  his  service,  during  which  time  he  must  be  ready  to 
appear  before  the  major-general  or  his  deputy  or  agent,  whensoever 
and  wheresoever  and  as  often  as  he  should  appoint,  on  notice  left  at 
his  house.  Also  every  major-general  and  every  deputy  was  to 
keep  a  list  of  all  persons  in  his  district  giving  such  security  ;  and 
from  time  to  time  to  return  it,  with  information  as  to  the  quality 
and  place  of  abode  of  each  householder,  to  be  entered  in  a  central 
register.  For  the  purpose.  oL_this  register  a  registry  office  was  to 
be  set  up_in  London,  in  which  such  lists  were  to  be  entered  alpha- 
betically.'^-' When  a  householder,  who  had  given  security,  appeared 
at  the  office,  the  registrar  was  to  take  his  name  and  that  of  the 
place  whence  he  came,  as  well  as  his  temporary  address  in  London 
or  Westminster.  Every  time  he  changed  his  lodgings  he  was  to 
furnish  his  new  address  to  the  office.  When  he  intended  to  remove 
to  the  country  the  registrar  was  to  inform  the  major-general  of 
the  district  into  which  he  proposed  to  go  of  (a)  his  name,  (J))  the 
place  of  his  former  abode,  (c)  how  long  he  had  been  in  London, 
{(I)  to  what  place  he  had  gone  from  London.  In  case  the  registrar 
should  find,  when  he  received  the  name  of  such  a  householder,  that 
the  name  did  not  appear  in  the  district  list  furnished  by  the  major- 
general,  the  registrar  was  to  inform  the  secretary  of  state  of  the 
name  and  lodging  of  such  a  householder.' '^ 

Besides  the  bond  for  the  household  entered  into  by  its  head 
there  was  a  'personal  bond  bearing  on  four  classes  of  persons,  viz. 

(1)  those    who   had   borne    arms    against    the    Commonwealth  ; 

(2)  those  who  lived  dissolutely ;  (3)  those  without  a  calling ; 
(4)  those  apparently  living  beyond  their  means.  Every  member  of 
those  four  classes  was  to  give  bond  with  two  sureties,  with  condition 
that  if  '  the  above  bounden  A.  B.'  should  (1)  henceforth  live  peace- 
ably, &c.,  (2)  reveal  to  the  authorities  any  knowledge  of  plots  against 
the  government,  (3)  be  ready  to  appear  before  the  major-general 
whenever  called  upon,  (4)  formally  notify  any  change  of  address,  (5) 
on  going  to  London  comply  with  rules  for  registration  there,  (6)  re- 
frain from  ever  using  a  false  name,  the  obligation  should  be  void.^'' 

'"^  The  London  registry  office,  known  as  '  the  major-generals'  office,'  was  opened 
in  Fleet  Street,  at  the  '  Cock,'  over  against  Black  Horse  Alley  {Pari.  Hist.  xx.  p.  468). 
Under  the  chief  registry  there  were  to  be  several  subordinate  offices  in  London  and 
Westminster. 

""  Inst.  8,  9,  10  ;  Pari.  Hist.  xx.  461-7. 

"'  This  form  of  '  bond  to  be  entered  into  before  the  major-generals '  will  be  found 
in  Mercurius  PoUticus,  13  Dec.  1655,  No.  288. 


494  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

Further,  every  oiy,  whether  a  foreigner  or  not,  landing  in 
England  after  1  Dec.  1655,  was,  within  twenty-four  hours  after 
landing,  (a)  to  appear  hefore  an  agent  of  the  major-general  of  the 
district  in  which  he  landed  ;  (/>)  to  tell  the  name  of  the  place  from 
which  he  came,  and  that  to  which  he  was  going,  the  said  places  to 
be  entered  in  a  book  ;  (c)  to  engage  that,  on  going  to  London  or 
Westminster,  he  would  make  himself  fully  known  to  the  registrar. 
If  the  immigrant  had  beeii  a_rebel  he  muslgiye-nQiiicej)l£Yery.  change 
of  lodging.  If  he  gave  a  false  name  or  acted  otherwise  fraudulently, 
he  was  to  be  imprisoned  during  the  pleasure  of  the  Lord  Protector 
or  the  council  of  state.  The  agents  of  the  ports  were  from  time 
to  time  to  send  lists  of  immigrants  to  the  registrar  in  London, 
with  an  account  of  their  personal  appearance ;  and,  if  the  immi- 
grants were  not  bound  for  London,  the  same  information  was  to  be  * 
forwarded  to  the  major-generals  of  the  districts  to  which  they  were 
bound. 

As  often  as  any  inhabitant  of  London  or  Westminster  who  had 
given  security  intended  to  change  his  residence  he  was  in  person 
to  give  notice  of  such  intention  to  the  registrar  or  his  deputy,  who 
was  thereupon  to  enter  his  name,  together  with  the  names  of  his 
former  and  his  intended  residences,  and  by  the  next  post  to  signify  the 
same  to  the  major-general  in  whose  district  the  place  lay  whither 
the  said  person  intended  to  remove.'''-^ 

Cromwell's  scheme  thus  included  a  double  system  of  security  for 
the  sake  of  the  public  peace,  viz.  (1)  an  assurance  to  be  given  by 
every  householder  ;  (2)  a  bond  to  be  entered  into  by  royalists,  as 
well  as  dissolute,  idle,  and  extravagant  persons,  both  parts  of  the 
system  being  worked  in  connexion  with  a_  central  registration  office 
in  London,  and  with  the  constant  co-operation  of  the  major-generals. 
A  moment's  reflexion  on  the  total  effect  of  the  instructions  is  enough 
to  show  how  great,  both  in  extension  and  intension,  were  the  powers 
conferred  on  the  major-generals  under  this  head.  The  correspond- 
ence gives  evidence  both  of  their  activity  and  of  some  of  the  difficul- 
ties with  which  they  had  to  deal.  We  hear  little  indeed  of  the  mere 
registration  business — of  the  central  office  in  London  or  any  of  its 
subordinates.  But  *  taking  security  '  by  means  of  bonds  gave  much 
work  and  trouble.^''* 

Sir  Ealph  Verney,  for  example,  was  from  home  when  the  Bucks 
gentry  were  summoned  by  the  commissioners  and  major-general. 
On  10  Nov.  1655  Sir  Eoger  Burgoyne  wrote  to  him,  '  The  Grand 
Commissioner  '  (it  is  to  be  presumed  he  means  Haynes,  Fleetwood's 
deputy)  '  is  come  into  these  parts,  and  has  convented  before  him  the 

»'2  Inst.  11,  12,  13  ;  Pari.  Hist.  xx.     See  also  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  26  Dec. 
1655. 

"»  Thurloe,  iv.  150, 184-5, 190,  208,  231,  293-4,  322,  340-1,  411-2,  485-6,  495,  745. 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  495 

principall  gentry  of  our  county  that  have  been  either  sequestred  or 
sequestrable,  though  they  escaped  the  hands  of  the  Committee.' 
Dr.  Denton,  the  physician,  Sir  Kalph's  uncle  and  faithful  friend, 
warned  him  to  delay  his  return  us  long  as  he  could,  that  he  might, 
if  possible,  be  overlooked.  Sir  Kalph's  difficulty  was  in  ascertaining 
wherein  consisted  the  offence  which  had  led  to  his  arrest  in  June. 
He  was,  however,  set  at  liberty  in  October,  on  giving  security  for 
good  behaviour.  In  March  1656,  to  save  himself  from  the  clutches 
of  Major-General  Fleetwood,  he  prepared  a  petition  to  the  Protector, 
asking  to  be  excused  the  decimation,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
never  been  a  delinquent.  The  Protector,  however,  referred  him 
back  to  the  major-general,  and  the  decimation  was  confirmed, 
though  apparently  some  alternative  was  offered,  which  Sir  Ralph's 
scrupulous  sense  of  honour  forbade  him  to  accept.^ ^"^ 

One  difficulty  was  raised  more  than  once  by  Major-General  Goffe. 
Security,  he  wrote,  could  not  well  be  taken ;  the  machinery  for 
registration  must  be  ready  and  in  working  order  first ;  "^  besides,  he 
considered  that  it  would  be  a  milder  measure  to  postpone  taking 
security  to  taxation.  Kelsey  was  puzzled  as  to  the  precise  definition 
of  the  classes  for  whom  security  was  to  be  required,  and  he  also 
complained  of  the  want  of  prison  accommodation  for  those  who 
failed  to  give  it.'^*^  On  14  Dec.  1655  Berry  wrote  from  Wrexham  to 
say  that  a  local  Welsh  register  was  much  wanted.''^  On  17  Dec. 
Worsley  sent  a  request  for  more  printed  bonds,  according  to  private 
instructions. 

A  certain  Thomas  Dunn  was  appointed  registrar  of  the  city  of 
London  at  Christmas  1655.'^^ 

(6)  ,_Liceiisin{i. — The  major-generals  were  instructed  to  suppress 
all  solitary  alehouses.  They  were  to  prevent  all  persons  from 
posting  without  special  warrant,  and  to  allow  no  horses  to  be  '  laid ' 
to  convey  passengers  without  notice  of  place  and  persons  being  first 
given  to  the  nearest  justice  of  the  peace.  Whatever  inn,  alehouse,  or 
tavern  allowed  horses  to  be  so  laid,  and  found  out  what  had  been 
done  only  after  the  horses  had  been  used,  was  to  forfeit  its  licence, 
which  could  not  be  granted  again.  All  alehouses  were  to  be  care- 
fully regulated  both  as  to  numbers  and  character.''^ 

Under  this  head  the  major-generals  seem  to  have  done  their 
work  briskly.  There  was  a  good  deal  to  be  done.  By  Tudor  legis- 
lation the  licensing  of  public-houses  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the 
justices  of  the  peace ;  and  they  showed  themselves  more  careful  for 
the  relief  of  thirst  than  for  the  prevention  of  drunkenness.  There 
were  also  many  unlicensed  houses.  The  constables  of  Coventry, 
for  example,  reported  that  there  were  fifty  unlicensed  alehouses  in 

"'  Memoirs  of  the  Verney  Family,  iii.,  chapters  vii.  and  viii. 

"^  Thurloe,  iv.  190,  208.  "«  Ibid.  p.  234.  "•  Ibid.  p.  316. 

"«  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  26  Dec.  ""  Inst.  17,  18,  21. 


496  cnOMWELJ/S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

the  town.  Whalley  wfote  from  Coventry  on  1  Dec.  1655  that  both 
there  and  in  Lincohi,  owing  to  the  want  of  co-operation  on  the  part 
of  the  civic  magistrates,  alehouses  were  no  sooner  put  down  than 
they  were  set  up  again. '-°  On  11  Jan.  1655-6  Whalley  wrote  that  the 
alehouses  in  Lincoln  were  incredibly  numerous.  ^^^  About  the  same 
time  the  stimulating  effects  of  the  new  regime  began  to  be  felt  in 
Shropshire,  where  the  justices,  *  considering  that  the  end  of  the 
law  in  licensing  inns  was  not  to  set  up  houses  to  tipple  in,  but  to 
make  entertainment  for  strangers  and  travellers,'  roused  themselves 
to  put  the  licensing  regulations  in  force. ^^^  To  take  another  instance, 
on  24  Jan.  1655-6  Worsley  wrote  that  he  was  doing  his  best  in 
Lancashire,  but  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  carry  out  the  work  of 
suppression  without  seriously  weakening  the  revenue.  He  intended 
to  put  down,  if  he  could,  two  hundred  alehouses  in  the  hundred  of 
Blackburn  alone. '-^  By-and-by  a  note  of  progress  is  heard  from 
Lincoln,  whence,  on  26  Jan.  1655-6,  the  report  comes,  *The  busi- 
ness (blessed  be  God)  that  our  major-generals  and  we  are  entrusted 
with  goes  on  very  well ;  ...  we  have  suppressed  forty,  fifty,  and 
sixty  alehouses  in  some  corporations.'  '"^  Under  the  same  impulse 
the  justices  of  Warwickshire  directed  the  high  constables  of  the 
hundreds  to  suppress  a  third  of  the  inns  and  alehouses  within  their 
districts.  ^2o  Qj^  9  ^eh.  Worsley  wrote  to  Thurloe  from  Chester  that 
he  was  putting  down  all  alehouses  which  belonged  to  one  or  more 
of  the  five  following  classes  :  (1)  those  hostile  to  the  government  ; 
(2)  those  whose  owners  had  other  means  of  livelihood  ;  (3)  such  as 
were  in  '  big  and  dark  corners  '  (blind  alehouses) ;  (4)  those  of  bad 
repute  and  disorderly ;  (5)  those  suspected  to  be  houses  of  ill- 
fame.'2« 


Besides  the  foregoing  six  departments  of  work  imposed  on  the 
major-generals  by  their  instructions  there  is  evidence  to  show  that 
they  discharged  an  additional  function — namely^  an  oversight  of 
various  matters  of  local  administration.  This  must  have  had  im- 
portant practical  results.  For  example,  they  were  entrusted  with 
the  regulation  of  weights  and  measures  in  many  places. ' ^^  Again ,  we 
find  Major-General  Whalley  writing  from  Nottingham  on  9  April 

'-«  Thurloe,  iv.  272-3.  '-'  Ibid.  pp.  411-2.     Cf.  p.  434. 

""  Public  Intelligencer,  14-21  Jan.  1655-6,  No.  16. 

•-3  Thurloe,  iv.  449-50.     Cf.  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  473. 

'-'  Public  Intelligencer,  No.  18,  28  Jan.-4  Feb.  1655-6. 

lii  i  You  are  cUrected  within  fourteen  days  from  receipt  to  bring  in  a  list  in  your 
resi)ective  divisions,  setting  a  mark  on  the  third  part  of  such  as  may  best  be  spared  ' 
{Mercurius  Politicus),  No.  295,  31  Jan.-7  Feb.  1655-6. 

'■-«  Thurloe,  iv.  522-3.  Cf.  commissioners  for  Cheshire  to  Thurloe,  ibid.,  and  see 
commissioners  for  Durham  to  Protector,  ibid.  p.  541. 

«"  See  Worsley  to  Thurloe,  Thurloe,  iv.  533-4  ;  Whalley  1 3  Thurloe,  ihid.  pp.  686-7 ; 
ibid.  Thurloe,  v.  211-2. 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  497 

1656  and  reporting  that  the  market  bell  there,  the  ringing  of  which 
gave  signal  for  the  market  to  begin,  was  not  rung  till  one  o'clock, 
;so  that,  in  the  winter,  business  began  too  late  for  the  convenience 
of  people  who  came  long  distances  from  the  country.  *  If,'  he  wrote, 
"*  his  highness  and  council  would  issue  out  a  proclamation  through- 
out England,  commanding  all  mayors,  aldermen,  and  bailiffs  of 
-cities  and  corporations  to  cause  their  market  bell  to  ring  by  ten  or 
eleven  of  the  clock  at  furthest,  the  major-generals  would  take  care 
it  should  be  observed.'  '^^ 

Again,  a  petition  for  a  college  at  Durham  having  been  forwarded 
to  the  council  of  state  by  the  justices,  sheriffs,  grand  jury,  and 
gentlemen  of  the  county,  an  order  was  issued  to  Lilburne  to  make 
the  foundation.  ^2^  The  inhabitants  of  Chester  having  petitioned  for 
5/  new  head  of  the  city  hospital,  the  major-general  and  three  of  the 
militia  commissioners  were  empowered  to  deal  with  the  subject. 
As  time  went  on  the  miscellaneous  responsibilities  of  the  major- 
generals  evidently  multiplied.  Thus  we  find  that  on  the  report  of 
a  committee  appointed  to  supervise  and  regulate  the  work  of  the 
sheriffs,  to  the  effect  '■  that  complaints  have  been  made  of  the  exces- 
sive charges  burdening  the  office  of  sheriff  through  the  example  of 
some  which  discourage  those  employed,'  the  major-generals  were 
•ordered  to  appoint  in  their  respective  counties  troops  of  horse  to 
attend  the  sheriff  at  the  assizes,  to  wait  on  the  judges,  and  to  per- 
form the  services  previously  required  of  the  sheriff's  men.^^^  Again, 
■on  a  petition  of  the  inhabitants  against  the  bad  work  of  the  worsted 
weavers  of  Norwich  and  Norfolk,  Major-GeneralHaynes,  along  with 
the  sheriff'  and  others,  was  ordered  to  advise  with  the  justices  of 
assize  at  the  following  circuit  as  to  the  best  way  of  securing  the 
good  quality  of  the  manufacture.^^'  We  find  Desborough  ordered 
•on  behalf  of  the  baptists  of  Exeter  to  take  care  that  the  best 
repaired  public  meeting-place  of  the  city  which  could  conveniently 
be  spared  should  be  assigned  to  them ;  ^^^  and  similarly  Whalley 
was  ordered  to  consider  the  repair  of  the  parish  church  of  Scartho, 
in  Lincolnshire,  on  the  petition  of  the  patron. '-^^ 

IV. 

When  we  put  together  the  foregoing  evidence  and  estimate  its 
total  import,  we  are  able  to  form  a  pretty  clear  picture  of  the 
doings  of  the  major-generals  between  November  1655  and  the 
summer  of  1656.  At  the  latter  date  the  pressure  of  general  politiiLS 
ill  England  forced  their  energies  into  a  new  channel.  At  the  same 
time  the  growth  of  public  opinion  about  them  was  stimulated^  and 

'-«  Thurloe,  iv.  686-7. 

'•^"  Ihid.  p.  442 ;  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom,),  1  Feb.  165o-(). 
'='«  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  13  Feb.  1655-6.  i^i  j^^^^  27  Feb.  1655-6. 

^''  Ibid.  13  March  1655-6.       '='='  Ihid.  15  May  1656.   Cf.  the  order  of  28  Aug.  1656. 
VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXIX.  K  K 


498  CROMWELUS   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

inAa,n?^  were  notjon^.  wfiitiiig^  of  giving  it  systematic  expression. 
The  central  events  of  the  year  were  the  alliance  with  France, 
concluded  in  October  1655,  just  when  the  major-generals  were 
finally  girding  themselves  for  their  task,  and  the  outbreak-oljicar 
between  England  and  SpaiiLi^^  The  latter  event 

necessitated  a  very  large  outlay  on  military,  and  a  still  larger  one 
on  naval,  preparations ;  and  for  the  purposes  of  such  outlay  the 
revenue  fell  far  short.  The  major- generals  met  in  the  spring  to 
consult  with  the  council  of  state,  and  recommended  the  imposition 
o^  a  genej^al  property;  tax.  To  this  proposal  Cromwell  at  last  reluc- 
tantly yielded ;  and  the  tax  was  imposed  accordmgly.  It  encopn- 
tered  much  opposition  in  the  country ;  and  in  the  early  summer  it 
became  evident  that,  if  x^ublic  opinion  was  not  to  be  dangerously 
irritated,  another  parliament  must  be  called  together. 

The  unpopularity  which  a  taxing  government  inevitably  incurs 
fell  on  the  Protectorate  before  and  during  the  general  election,  and 
the  attention  of  the  public  was  specially  directed  to  the  strenuous- 
ness  of  the  rule  of  the  major-generals.  After  the  issue  of  the  writs 
on  11  July  Cromwell  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  baffling  cross- 
currents of  opinion,  most  uncongenial  to  his  temperament ;  pent- 
up  opposition  burst  forth  on  every  hand,  and  he  had  to  content  him- 
self with  the  support  of  a  party  instead  of  that  of  a  united  nation. 
In  this  state  of  affairs  it  occurred  to  the  Lord  Protector  that-,the 
major-generals  might  be  utilised  to  help  the  government  party- in 
the  elections,  a,nd  there  is  much  evidence  to  show  that  from  July 
onwards  the  activities  of  the  major-generals  became  mainly  alfi£.tiQn- 
eering,  while  their  importance  in  other  aspects  began  to  decline. 
On  27  June  1656  Haynes  wrote  to  Thurloe  from  Bury  St.  Edmund's 
that  he  would  try  to  sound  people  about  a  parhament,  warning 
him  at  the  same  time  that  the  chances  of  government  candidates 
would  be  poor  unless  the  arrears  due  to  the  militia  were  paid  up.^^'' 
On  30  June  Goffe  wrote  from  Winchester  of  the  probable  parliament 
in  September,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  it  would  not  reopen  the 
question  of  the  form  of  the  government.^^^  As  July  advanced  interest 
in  the  subject  grew  keener.^^^  It  was  proposed  to  elect  Goife  for 
Abingdon,  but  he  asserted  that  he  only  wanted  to  keep  bad  men 
out,  not  to  get  in  himself. ^^^  On  16  July  Haynes  wrote  expressing 
his  eagerness  in  the  work,  at  the  same  time  complaining  that  the 
electors  were  insufficiently  instructed  from  headquarters,  and  again 
sounding  a  warning  note  about  the  payment  of  the  troops. ^^®  A  few 
days  afterwards  he  wrote  that  it  was  too  late  to  hope  anything  from 
the  assistance  of  the  militia. '^^ 

'3*  Thurloe,  v.  165.  '35  j^^^  pp   i7i_2. 

'■'«  Packer  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  187  ;  Haynes  to  Thurloe,  ibid.  pp.  187-8  ;  Berry  ta 
Thurloe,  ibid.  p.  219.  '3;  Thurloe,  v.  215. 

"8  Thurloe,  p.  220.  "»  j^^^  p  230. 


1895  CllOMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  4Q9 

On  0  Aug.  Lilburne  reported  the  existence  of  a  powerful  anti- 
government  party  in  Durham  and  Northumberland,  whose  chief 
grievance  seems  to  have  been  the  doings  of  the  major-generals.*'*^  On 
11  Aug.  Whalley  asserted  that  no  member  would  be  chosen  for 
Nottingham  without  his  advice,  adding  that  what  he  called  *the 
mediterranean  part  of  the  nation '  was  sound.  He  besought 
Cromwell  not  to  irritate  the  constituencies  by  adding  to  the  militia 
at  that  juncture.'^*  Kelsey  reported  trouble  at  Dover  through  the 
candidature  of  Cony,  and  hinted  that  it  would  be  well  to  '  seclude  * 
him.^^2  Qii  15  A^g^  Haynes  wrote  that  he  was  working  hard  to 
influence  the  elections  ;  '^^  and  Bridges,  who  had  been  appointed 
Worsley's  successor,  reported  that  all  the  commissioners  in  his 
district  were  doing  likewise.*'*'' 

Shortly  after  the  middle  of  August  the  elections  began.  On  the 
20th  Haynes  wrote  that  they  were  proceeding  in  his  district ;  that 
the  opposition  was  strong  and  troublesome,  chiefly  on  account  of 
the  militia  arrears.  On  the  23rd  Goffe  reported  with'  regard  to 
Surrey  that  the  opposition  cry  was,  *  No  soldier,  decimator,  or  any 
man  that  hath  salary.'  '^"'  On  the  same  day  Whalley  was  able  to 
report  satisfactorily  of  the  results  in  his  district. *^^  On  the  26th 
Kelsey  sent  a  disquieting  report  to  the  Lord  Protector  himself.  At 
Maidstone  there  was  a  coalition  of  cavaliers  and  presbyterians 
against  the  government  and  all  '  swordsmen,  decimators,  and. 
courtiers  ; '  and  most  of  those  chosen  to  sit  in  the  ensuing  parlia- 
ment were,  he  considered,  of  the  same  spirit.  There  was  a  likeli- 
hood of  violence :  the  party  wished  to  destroy  major-generals, 
decimators,  and  the  new  militia.  He  then  went  on  to  make 
suggestions  to  Cromwell.  New  justices  of  an  '  honest '  complexion 
should  be  added  to  the  commission  of  the  peace ;  and  all  members 
of  parliament  should  engage  not  to  meddle  with  the  Instrument  of 
Government  or  with  the  doings  of  Protector  or  council  without 
the  Protector's  consent.  *  There  is  such  perverseness,'  Kelly  con- 
cluded, '  in  those  chosen,  that  without  resolution  in  you  and  the 
council  to  maintain  the  interest  of  God's  people,  which  is  to  be 
preferred  before  a  thousand  parliaments,  against  all  opposition,  we 
shall  return  to  our  Egyptian  taskmasters.'  ^''^ 

Not  only  did  the  majpr-generals  work  hard  for  government 
candidates ;.  they  became  candidates  themselves;  and  were  all 
returned — Skippon  for  Lynn,  Barkstead  for  Middlesex,  Kelsey  for 
Guildford,  Goffe  for  Hampshire,  Fleetwood  for  Oxfordshire,  and  his 
deputy,  Haynes,  for  Essex  ;  Whalley  for  Nottinghamshire,  Butler 
for  Bedfordshire,  and  Bridges  for  Chipping  Wycombe  ;  Lambert 

1 10  Thurloe,  v.  296.     '  The  people  are  perfect  in  their  lesson,  saying  they  will  have 
no  sworJmen  nor  decimator,  or  ...  to  serve  in  parliament.' 

'«  Ibid.  pp.  299-300.     Cf.  Haynes,  ibid.  pp.  312-3.  "-'  Ibid.  p.  308. 

•*3  Ibid.  pp.  311-2.  1"  Ibid.  pp.  313-4.  >"  Ibid.  p.  341. 

"«  Ibid.  p.  343.  >^'  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  20  Aug. 

K    K    2 


mo  CllOMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

for  the  West  Biding  (ff  Yorkshire,  and  his  deputies,  Lilburne 
and  Howard,  for  the  North  Biding  and  Cumberland  respectively. 
Desborough  was  associated  with  Skippon  in  the  representation  of 
Lynn ;  Berry  was  elected  for  Herefordshire,  Bowland  Dawkins  for 
Carmarthen,  and  Packer  for  Woodstock.'''^ 

Y. 

Enough  has  been  said  in  connexion  with  the  elections  of  1656 
i;OL^liQW,ilie-exisleiLae..of.  vigorous  opposition  to  the  new  institution . 
As  an  agenay..Qf„aj:bitraj:y-.a]idaey£rejtaxatiQiiit  necessarily  incurred 
the  detestation  of  the-eiitiraj:Qyalist_party  ;  as  a  polic,Q  gaximilitai'v 
force^  designed  to  detect  and  suppress jL'ebellian  of  all  sorts  within  the 
Commonwealth,  it  was  hated  by  the  heterogeneous  mass  pf  anti- 
Oliverians  everywhere,  from  semi-royalists  to  fifth-monarchy  men 
and  Levellers  ;  as^a^atringent  licensing  authority- iLAKaa^Dbnoxious 
tp_  Lthe-Jtrade  '  and  all  connected  with  it ;  in  its  efforts  on  behalf  of 
religion  and  morals  it  met  the  inevitable  fate  of  unpopularity; 
while,  as  a  noveland  aJ±^traJ^y-Jdeidc^,iilkdeIi.^g.Qn-al^ 
individual  liberty,  and  lying  wholly  aside  from  the  tried  ways  of 
constitutional  and  administrative  routine,  it  was  intolerable  to  the 
staunch  parliamentary  republicans,  who  regarded  the  Protectorate 
.as  a  disease  within  the  body  politic. 

What  the  last-mentioned  party  thought  of  the  major-generals 
■and  their  rule  is  sufficiently  shown  in  Ludlow's  *  Memoirs.' 

In  the  meantime  [wrote  Ludlow,  with  reference  to  the  summer  of 
1656]  the  major-generals  carried  things  with  unheard  of  insolence  in 
their  several  precincts,  decimating  to  extremity  whom  they  pleased,  and 
interrupting  the  proceedings  at  law  upon  petitions  of  those  who  pretended 
themselves  aggrieved,  threatening  such  as  would  not  yield  a  ready  sub- 
mission to  their  orders  with  transportation  to  Jamaica  or  some  other 
plantations  in  the  West  Indies  ;  and  suffering  none  to  escape  their  perse- 
cution but  those  that  would  betray  their  own  party.  .  .  .  And  here  I 
cannot  omit  to  mention  a  farmer  in  Berkshire,  who,  being  demanded  to 
pay  his  tenth,  desired  to  know  of  the  commissioners,  in  case  he  did  so, 
what  security  he  should  have  for  the  other  nine  parts  ;  and  answer  being 
made  that  he  should  have  Cromwell's  orders  and  theirs  for  the  enjoyment 
of  the  rest,  he  replied  *  that  he  had  already  an  act  of  parliament  for  the 
whole,  which  he  could  not  but  think  to  be  as  good  security  as  they  could 
give.  But,'  said  he,  '  if  goodman  such  a  one,'  and  another  whom  he 
named  of  his  neighbours,  '  will  give  me  their  bond  for  it,  I  know  what  to 
say  to  such  a  proposal ;  for  if  they  break  their  agreement  I  know  where 
to  right  myself;  but  these  swordmen  are  too  strong  for  me.'  ^^^ 

Take,  on  the  other  hand,  a  specimen  of  royalist  opinion. 
W^riting  about  the  same  time,  Boger  Coke  tells  us — 

These  major-generals   acted   their  parts   to  the  life  ;  and  being  an 

'^«  See  Cobbett's  Pari.  Hist.  iii.  1479. 

*"  Ludlow's  Memoirs  (Clarendon  Press  ed.  1894),  ii.  3. 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  £01 

obscure  company  of  mean  fellows  (except  Fleetwood),  lorded  it  over  the 
nobility,  as  well  as  gentry  and  clergy,  with  an  unheard  of  insolence. 

He  goes  on  to  tell  how  his  father,  a  country  gentleman  of  Suffolk, 
fared  at  the  hands  of  Fleetwood's  deputy,  Haynes.  He  had  been 
expelled  from  the  long  parhament  for  '  malignancy,'  and  im- 
prisoned in  London,  but  afterwards  liberated  through  the  soHcita- 
tion  of  his  wife,  when  he  returned  to  the  ordinary  life  of  a  quiescent 
royalist  in  Suffolk,  his  two  sons,  Roger  and  a  brother  of  nineteen, 
living  with  him.  In  1656  Roger  was  induced  to  show  active 
sympathy  with  a  meditated  cavalier  rising,  and  to  buy  arms  which 
were  to  be  secretly  imported  into  his  father's  house.  The  authorities 
got  wind  of  the  plot ;  and  one  Sunday  at  midnight  horsemen  from 
Yarmouth  broke  into  the  Cokes'  house,  seized  the  father  and  the 
younger  son,  put  them  in  ward  at  Yarmouth,  and  extracted  from 
the  boy  the  story  of  the  plot  by  holding  lighted  matches  between  his 
fingers.  On  Roger  Coke's  remonstrating  with  the  authorities  he 
was  told  that  the  Lord  Protector  only  wanted  security  for  his 
father's  good  behaviour.  Roger  repudiated  the  necessity  in  his 
father's  case,  urging  that  he  was  already  *  decimated '  for  having 
been  sequestered.  It  turned  out  that  Coke  senior  had  given 
much  offence  by  the  irreverent  w^ay  in  which  he  had  spoken  of 
the  Lord  Protector  ;  bat  in  a  few  days  he  was  set  at  liberty. 
Soon  after  he  was  sent  for  to  appear  before  Haynes  at  Bury  St. 
Edmund's,  to  give  security,  and  show  cause  w^hy  he  should  not  be 
*  decimated.'  His  son  pleaded  that  he  was  not  within  the  scope  of 
the  major-general's  instructions,  as,  though  he  had  been  sequestered, 
no  charge  was  alleged  against  him.  Haynes  discharged  the  seques- 
tration, but  persisted  in  demanding  the  truth.  Roger  Coke  there- 
upon w^ent  to  London,  and  in  the  end  Coke  senior  was  not  decimated. 
'  I  believe,'  adds  his  son,  '  he  was  the  only  man  sequestered  in 
England  who  escaped.'  ^''^ 

This  story  is  intended  to  redound  to  the  discredit  of  the  major- 
generals,  but  the  impartial  reader  will  probably  find  that  another 
inference  may  be  drawn  from  it.  The  major-generals  may  have 
been  *  mean  fellows '  from  the  country  gentleman's  exalted  point  of 
view,  and  the  Yarmouth  gaolers  may  have  been  cruel ;  but  Roger 
Coke  was  a  detected  conspirator ;  his  father  lent  his  house  for  the 
storage  of  arms  for  an  illegal  purpose,  and  he  ultimately  got  off 
scot  free.  On  the  whole  the  evidence  of  the  correspondence  goesjo 
show-tliat  the  major-generals  w^ere  high-minded  and  conscientiQus 
nien,^:5(Yare  that  their  functions  were  novel,  and  at  many-points 

''•  Eoger  Coke's  Detection  of  the  Court  and  State  of  England,  ii.  60-6.  The 
Verney  manuscripts  give  some  hints  as  to  the  feeling  of  the  country  gentry  with 
out  strong  royalist  prepossessions.  With  regard  to  liability,  Dr.  Denton  wrote  to 
Sir  Kalph  Verney  on  17  Nov.  1655 :  '  I  hear  .  .  .  that  sequestration  and  delinquency 


502  CROMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

lacking  in  legal  definitfon^ajgLdg^^  draw- 

backs  should  be  met  bx  tact  and  wisdom  at  headquarters. 

The  currents  of  outside  opinion  were  soon  collected  in  the  one 
ref^ular  channel.  The  second  protectorate  parliament  met  on 
17  Sept.  1656.  The  government  was  aware  that,  in  spite  of  all  its 
electioneering  efforts,  it  had  only  a  party,  and  probably  only  a 
minority  of  the  new  house  of  commons,  behind  it.  The  Protector, 
accordingly,  after  addressing  to  all  the  members  the  long  speech  in 
which  he  made  his  apology  for  the  major-generals,^-^'  reverted  to  the 
tactics  he  had  used  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  protectorate  parlia- 
ment. By  the  twenty-first  clause  of  the  Instrument  of  Government 
the  council  of  state  had  the  right  to  examine  the  list  of  persons 
elected,  to  sit  in  judgment  on  their  qualifications,  and  to  prevent 
them  from  taking  their  seats  without  their  ap]3roval.  Those  who  were 
approved  were  presented  with  tickets  of  admission  ;  those  who  had 
no  tickets  to  produce  were  incapacitated  from  sitting  in  parliament. 
On  this  occasion  the  clause  was  put  in  force  with  startling  effect. 
Nearly  one  hundred  members  holding  opinions  hostile  to  the  govern- 
ment were  refused  the  necessary  tickets,  and  sent  back  to  their 
homes  to  swell  the  mass  of  opposition  out  of  doors. '•^- 

Parliament  sat  three  months  before  the  question  of  the  major- 
generals  came  before  it.  When  it  did  present  itself  it  was  in  its 
financial  aspect.  The  main  reason  for  calling  parliament  together 
had,  after  all,  been  the  need  for  putting  taxation  on  a  satisfactory 
footing ;  money  was  needed  for  the  war  with  Spain  as  well  as  for 
the  exigencies  of  internal  government.  As  Christmas  approached 
it  became  necessary  to  decide  whether  the  new  militia  and  executive 
should  be  continued  ;  and  whether,  if  so,  they  were  to  be  supported 
by  the  same  plan  of  taxation  as  formerly.  In  the  discussion  of  the 
questions  the  '  decimation  '  of  the  past  year  inevitably  came  up  for- 
judgment.  On  Christmas  Day  a  long  and  heated  debate  arose  on 
the  question  of  *  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  of  assessments  for  mainte- 
nance of  the  militia  forces  ;  the  same  to  be  levied  on  such  persons  as 
have  been  in  arms  against  the  parliament,  or  sequestered  for  their 

shall  not  be  the  only  standard,  but  disaffection  shall  in  due  time  have  its  place.' 
Again,  Sir  Roger  Burgoyne  wrote  to  Verney  on  10  Dec.  IGoo,  '  Sir  Francis  Willowby 
-  .  .  pleaded  a  non-sequestration.  "  The  more  to  blame,"  replied  Major-General 
Whalley,  "  was  the  committee,  for  you  sent  two  horses  to  the  king.*  So  he  was  cast 
as  for  the  tenth  part.  Sir  Clement  Fisher,  though  sequestered,  pleaded  an  article 
which  runs  to  this  sense :  that  those  are  to  be  excepted  who  have  manifested  their 
good  affections  to  the  Commonwealth  since,  which  he  pretends  to  have  done  by  a 
voluntary  offering  of  himself  ...  to  serve  the  Lord  Protector  when  the  late  insurrec- 
tion began  to  appear ;  this,  if  he  can  get  but  the  testimony  of  Sir  Gilbert  for,  will  free 
him.  Sir  George  Devereux,  though  not  sequestered,  being  charged  for  sending  in  two 
orses,  pleaded  that  his  unruly  son  took  them  out  of  the  stable  without  his  knowledge 
or  consent,  and  went  to  the  king  with  them.  This  reprieved  him  for  the  present,  how- 
ever, and  was  dismissed  upon  it,  and  hopes  not  to  be  questioned  any  more  about  it.' 
'^'  Speech  v.  in  Carlyle's  Cromwell.  '"  See  Godwin,  iv.  286-98. 


1895  CROMWELL'S  MAJOR-GENERALS  603 

delinquency  in  the  late  wars,  with  the  restrictions,  exceptions,  and 
provisoes  to  be  contained  therein,  for  some  persons  and  in  some 
cases.'  ^^^  The  bill  was  brought  forward  by  Desborough,  the  first 
major-general,  it  will  be  remembered,  who  was  appointed  under  the 
scheme.  His  argument  was  simple  and  familiar.  The  tax,  he 
said,  was  essential  to  the  maintenance  of  internal  tranquillity  ;  and 
it  was  only  just  that  its  incidence  should  be  solely  on  those  by  whom 
the  peace  of  the  nation  was  endangered.'"'^  The  speakers  in  favour 
of  the  motion  for  the  most  part  followed  Desborough 's  lead.  The 
opposition,  from  the  outset,  maintained  the  inconsistency  of  the 
tax  with  the  Ant  of  Oblivion ,  passed  on  25  Feb.  1651-2,  a  difficulty 
anticipated  in  Cromwell's  Declaration.  The  substance  of  that 
measure  was  that  all  political  offences  whatever,  committed  befoi*e 
the  date  of  the  battle  of  Worcester  (3  Sept.  1651),  were  pardoned 
(a  few  exceptions  being  specified);  and  all  who  would  projiiise 
allegiance  to  the  Commonwealth  as  it  was  then  constituted  were 
accepted  as  satisfactory  citizens  without  any  deduction  or  reflexion. 
In  other  words,  the  great  bulk  of  the  royalist  party  began  on 
3  Sept.  1651  to  face  the  world  with  a  politically  stainless  record. 
This  aspect  of  the  case  was  brought  into  prominence  by  the  op- 
ponents of  Desborough's  motion ;  and  their  main  argument  was 
that  while  individual  royalists  might  of  course  lose  the  benefits 
of  the  act  of  oblivion  by  subsequent  offences,  the  whole  body  of 
royalists  could  not,  by  the  sins  of  any  minority  of  them,  forego  the 
benefits  of  their  corporate  exemption  in  the  manner  involved  in  the 
^  decimation.'  The  tax  by  which  the  institution  of  the  major-generals 
was  supported  was  levied  on  all  royalists  simply  as  such  ;  and  the 
opposition  held,  surely  not  without  justice,  that  this  was  a  direct 
breach  of  the  Act  of  Oblivion. 

The  parliament  to  which  this  issue  was  presented  was  natu- 
rally, after  the  exclusion  of  the  ninety  odd  members,  mainly 
Oliverian  in  opinion.  Chief  among  the  obvious  supporters^otthe 
motion  for  continuing  the  major-generals  were^  first,  of  .ull^he 
major-generals  themselves,  all  of  whom,  as  we  saw,  were  electeil 
to  the  second  Protectorate  parliament.  Secondly,  there  were  the 
members  of  the  council  of  state,  of  whom  thirteen  at  least  had 
seats  in  the  assembly.  Thirdly,  there  were  miscellaneous  officials, 
such  as  Thurloe,  the  secretary  of  state  ;  and  miscellaneous  mili- 
tary or  naval  men,  who  would  probably  support  the  government 
measure,  but  were  by  no  means  as  certain  to  do  so  as  major- 
generals  in  the  specific  sense,  or  councillors  of  state.  In  the  oppo- 
sition were  first  of  all  the  large  body  of  lawyers,  who  had  never 
much  liked  the  Protectorate  and  the  Instrument  of  Government, 
and  who  were  bound  to  suffer  no  breach,  open  or  insidious,  of  the 
Act  of  Oblivion.     With  the  lawyers  would  naturally  go  any^cmmlxy 

'*^  Commons^  Journals,  25  Dec.  1656,  vol.  vii.  ''^'  Burton's  Diary,  i.  230. 


504  CROMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

gentlemen  wliq  might  Ife  in  theiiQUse — men  who,  with  or  without 
royalist  antecedents  or  secret  royalist  sympathies,  would  be  con- 
scious of  sohdarity  with  all  heavily  taxed  landlords,  and  would 
dislike  all  excessive  military  or  executive  espionage.  Doubtful 
groups,  again,  would  be  the  law  officers  of  the  crown,  who  would 
oscillate  between  the  bias  of  professional  esprit  de  corps  and  that 
of  co-operation,  as  far  as  possible,  with  the  head  of  the  state  ;  and 
miscellaneous  republicans,  either  actively  hostile  to  Cromwell  or 
lukewarm  and  suspicious  in  their  attachment  to  him. 

In  the  Christmas  Day  debate  eight  of  the  fifteen  speakers  in 
favour  of  the  bill  were  either  major-generals  or  members  of  che 
council  of  state,^'^'' while  the  rest  were  new-model  officers  or  staunch 
Cromwellians.^"*^  Of  the  nine  speakers  on  the  opposition  side  four, 
viz.  Lenthall  (master  of  the  rolls),  Widdrington  (the  speaker) r 
Bampfield,  and  Godfrey,  WTre  lawyers ;  two,  viz.  Dennis  Bond  and 
Sir  John  Hobart,  may  be  taken  as  representing  the  class  of  country 
gentlemen  loyal  both  to  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate.  Two- 
others,  viz.  Major-General  Jephson  and  Colonel  John  Jones,, 
represent  the  non-official  opinion  which  was  free  to  attach  itself 
to  one  side  or  the  other.  In  the  first  of  the  two  divisions  which 
followed  the  debate  the  two  tellers  against  the  motion  were  Sir 
W.  Roberts,  a  Cromwellian  country  gentleman  who  held  offices 
under  the  state,  and  Eichard  Hampden,  son  of  John  Hampden,  the 
inheritor  of  his  father's  position  and  (it  is  to  be  presumed)  of  his 
dislike  of  arbitrary  taxation. 

All  the  essential  argument  in  the  debate  turned  on  the  Act  of 
Oblivion  and  on  the  punishment  of  the  royalists  as  a  class  involved 
in  the  proposal.  Robinson  maintained  that  the  royalists  as  a  body 
had  broken  the  Act,  and  therefore  ought  to  suffer  as  a  body.  To 
this  Jephson  retorted  that  such  an  allegation  must  be  proved. 
Whitlock  suggested  the  reference  of  the  bill  to  a  grand  committee. 
This  proposal  took  deep  root  in  the  lawyer  mind,  and  was  sup- 
ported by  the  speaker  and  by  Godfrey.  The  major-generals,  how- 
ever, set  themselves  resolutely  against  delay.  On  this  point  they 
prevailed,  and,  after  two  divisions,  leave  was  given  to  bring  in  the- 
bill.  The  debate  on  the  first  reading  began  on  7  Jan.  1656-7,  with 
a  dramatic  surprise.  The  first  serious  speech  was  made  by  John 
(often  called  Lord)  Claypole,  Cromwell's  son-in-law,  the  master  of 
the  horse  and  a  lord  of  the  bedchamber.  Whoever  opposed  the 
bill,  it  might  have  been  expected  that  Claypole  would  support 
it.  Instead  of  doing  so  he  rose  to  move  its  rejection.  The 
renewal  of  the  tax,  he  said,  would  be  inconsistent  with  the 
Act  of  Oblivion,  though  he  was   prepared   to  give  parliamentary 

'"  The  major-generals  were  Desborough,  Lambert,  Whalley,  Packer,  and  Kelsey.. 
The  councillors  of  state,  besides  Lambert,  were  Sydenham,  Pickering,  and  Strickland.. 
'•'«  Cols.  Holland,  Hewson,  and  Clarke,  with  Lisle  and  Fiennes. 


1895  CEOMWELVS  MAJOR-GENERALS  505 

sanction  to  the  doings  of  the  major-generals  in  the  past.  Such 
a  speech,  coming  from  such  a  quarter,  seemed  to  indicate  that 
the  bill  was,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  no  longer  to  be  regarded  as. 
a  government  measure. 

The  subsequent  debate  was  overwhelmingly  against  the  bill. 
Lord  Broghill,  whose  position  and  character  gave  great  weight  ta 
his  words,  condemned  the  measure  uncompromisingly  as  being 
unprecedented,  ungenerous,  and  dishonourable.  Nor  was  it  even 
a  prudent  measure,  for  it  w^ould  probably  give  to  the  cavaliers  the 
corporate  character  which  it  attributed  to  them.  This  last  point 
was  emphasised  by  Trevor,  one  of  the  members  for  Flint,  who  also- 
objected  to  the  institution  of  the  major-generals  as  involving  w4iat 
he  called  a  '  cantonisation '  of  the  nation,  i.e.  the  setting  up  of 
provincial  military  government,  which,  he  considered,  would  rivet 
the  fetters  of  despotism  on  the  state.  Desborough  thereupon  asked 
whether  the  old  militia  of  England  had  produced  any  of  the  terrible 
consequences  which  Trevor  expected  from  the  new  one.  The 
obvious  answ^er,  of  course,  was  that  the  major-generals  were 
objectionable,  not  because  they  were  the  heads  of  a  military  force,^ 
but  of  an  inquisitional  taxing  authority  and  police  backed  by  a 
military  force. 

Whitlocke  wound  up  the  debate  with  an  impassioned  appeal  to 
the  Act  of  Oblivion,  and  nothing  then  practically  remained  but  ta 
divide  the  house.  A  series  of  adjournments  of  the  debate,, 
however,    intervened.     On  Wednesday,  21  Jan.,  we  are  told  that 

*  exceptions  were  taken  against  words  spoken  by  Mr.  Cromwell  as- 
charging  some  major-generals  to  have  acted  unjustly  and  against 
law.  It  was  desired  that  they  might  be  named,  but  it  was  put  off 
until  the  main  debate  ended  .  .  .  and  the  debate  was  again 
adjourned.  From  the  letter  of  a  certain  Mr.  Vincent  Gookin, 
preserved  among  Thurloe's  State  Papers,  we  learn  that  the  *  Mr^ 
Cromwell '  above  mentioned  was  not  the  Lord  Protector's  son 
Pdchard,  but  Colonel  Henry  Cromwell,  his  first  cousin  once 
removed,  and  that  the  attack  was  instigated  by  a  speech  of  Major- 
General  Butler  in  favour  of  the  bill.  Subsequently  the  Lord  Pro- 
tector conferred  with  his  bold  young  relative,  and  expressed  anything 
but  unmingled  disapprobation  of  his  conduct. 

After  more  adjournments  Wednesday,  28  Jan.,  was  reached. 
An  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  by  those  in  favour  of  the 
bill  to  apply  a  sort  of  closure  ;  and  the  house  divided  on  the 
question  '  whether  this  debate  shall  be  further  proceeded  in.'  The 
majority  against  the  closure  was  75.     The  debate,  therefore,  was 

*  proceeded  in,'  but  only  to  be  once  more  adjourned.  On  Thursday, 
29  Jan.,  the  last  scene  began,  and  two  divisions  were  taken.  The 
first  question  put  w^as,  *  that  a  day  be  appointed  for  the  second 
reading  of  this  bill.'     The  negative  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  43,. 


506  CROMWELL'S   MAJOR-GENERALS  July 

one  of  the  tellers  for  fthe  *  noes '  being  Ilicliard  Cromwell.  A 
second  division  was  then  taken  on  the  direct  question,  '  that  this 
bill  be  rejected.'  Here  the  votes  for  the  motion  were  124,  and 
those  against  it  88,  the  majority  in  favour  of  rejection  being  36.  It 
was,  therefore,  resolved  '  that  the  bill  concerning  the  militia  forces 
be  rejected.'  ^'^ 

And  soj  the  means  for  their  snpj^ort  being  denied,  Cromwell's 
major-generals  practically  disappeared  from  English  history.  It 
was  said,  indeed,  that  they  lingered  on  at  Cromwell's  pleasure  ;  ^^^ 
and  in  the  early  months  of  1657  there  is  some  evidence  thaLthey 
kept  their-. places,  and  discharged  some  few  of  their  old  duties.''''*^ 
But  the  Protector  had  fallea  out  of -sympatliyjEdtk-ihem^and,  they 

with  him.      ftp,rntir>y   of  thp.  finfl.l    Rta.gp.H   of    ihf^.   dfthatps^    ip  \vhi<»h 

Cromwell's  son  and  cousin,  as  well  as  his  son-in-law,  are  seen  to  be 
working  against  the  major-generals,  shows  that  they  had  ceased  to 
be  a  Cromwellian  institution,  and  that  for  some  reason  which  is 
not  on  the  surface  the  Protector  must  have  been,  to  say  the  least 
of  it,  willing  to  acquiesce  in  their  abolition.  On  the  other  hand  it 
is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  two  decisive  majorities  of  43  and  36  by 
which  the  bill  was  destroyed  were  not  overwhelming,  and  that  the 
final  one  was  the  smallest  of  all. 

Ludlow  had  no  hesitation  about  ascribing  the  fall  of  the  major- 
generals  to  Cromwell's  moral  turpitude,  which  could  impose  odious 
duties  on  a  body  of  men,  and  then  leave  them  to  sink  under  the 
odium,  without  the  offer  of  support  or  sympathy.  It  is  surely  pos- 
sible to  find  some  explanation  less  damaging  to  the  reputation  of  a 
great  man.  The  major-generals  were  a  creation  of  personal  govpj-n- 
ment ;  they  were  instituted,  and  the  taxation  wliicli-SupporJtfidihem 
was  imposed,  because  Cromwell  could  not,  or  would  aot,  work  in 
harmony  with  parliament.  After  September  1656  this  state  of 
things  was  altered.  Parliament  and  the  Protector  found  ou 
ways  of  being  at  peace  with  one  another  ;  English  arms  were 
successful  against  the  Spaniard,  and  parliament  took  heart  to  vote 
a  subsidy  of  400,000L,  which  was  enough  to  meet  all  instant 
emergencies.  When  Sindercomb's  plot  again  put  the  state  in 
jeopardy,  parliament  proposed  to  make  the  threatened  chief  magis- 
trate a  king.  The  hour  for  military  government  seemed  to  have 
passed  away,  and  the  time  seemed  to  have  come  for  the  state  to  feel 
its  way  back  to  some  at  least  of  the  old  and  tried  paths,  though 
the  shrewdest  observer  then  living  can  hardly  have  foreseen  how 
soon  and  how  completely  the  return  was  to  be  made. 

David  Watson  Eannie. 

'■"  Commons''  Journals, 

^^'^  See  Hum.  Robinson  to  Williamson,  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  29  Jan.  1656-7. 

»^"  Cal.  State  Papers  (Dom.),  5, 10,  12  Feb. ;  3,  5,  17,  19  March  ;  16,  28  April  1657. 


1895  507 


John  Robert  Seeley 


SINCE  Sir  John  Seeley' s  death  a  good  deal  that  is  interesting 
has  been  said,  both  about  his  remarkable  personality  and  his 
historical  and  literary  work.  Older  men  have  recalled  the  half- 
forgotten  controversy  that  raged  round  '  Ecce  Homo '  and  the  well- 
kept  secret  of  its  authorship,  and  3^ounger  men  have  contributed 
appreciations  of  The  Expansion  of  England,'  and  have  pointed  out 
how  Seeley's  exposition  of  English  colonial  policy  touched  a  new 
chord  of  patriotism,  and  roused  in  ordinary  men  a  new  feeling 
towards  their  splendid  inheritance.  The  result  of  this  has  been 
that  although  during  his  lifetime  Seeley's  name  was  not  much 
before  the  public,  yet  the  public  have  been  enabled  to  realise 
the  extent  of  their  loss.  They  understand  now  the  magnificent 
range  and  vitality  of  the  writer  who  in  the  sixties  was  discuss- 
ing at  once  reverently  and  suggestively  the  historical  problems 
connected  with  the  life  of  Christ,  and  in  the  eighties  was  popular- 
ising the  imperial  idea,  and  promulgating  doctrines  from  a  profes- 
sorial chair  which  have  already  had  a  considerable  influence  upon 
practical  statesmanship.  But  one  very  important  aspect  of  Seeley's 
work  has  been  left  untouched — his  work  as  one  of  the  most  stimu- 
lating and  inspiring  of  Cambridge  teachers.  Of  this  the  present 
article  seeks  to  give  grateful  account. 

His  old  pupils  used  to  say  that  Seeley's  lectures  were,  at  any 
rate,  an  education  in  lucidity  and  thoroughness— virtues  which 
they  were  accustomed  to  claim  as  specially  characteristic  of  the 
university  in  which  he  was,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  Eegius 
Professor.  His  published  work  was  elaborated  in  a  way  that  his 
readers  never  realised,  for  as  a  rule  he  was  sparing  of  footnotes  and 
references,  and  made  no  parade  of  the  pains  he  took.  The  excep- 
tion is  his  diploma  work,  '  The  Life  and  Times  of  Stein.'  Dedicated 
to  Reinhold  Pauli,  and  with  a  quotation  from  Goethe  at  the  back  of 
the  title-page,  it  is  conceived  and  carried  out  after  the  German 
plan.  The  biography  of  Stein  involves  a  detailed  history  of  Prussia 
between  1806  and  1822,  '  abundant  information  about  other 
German  states,  and  about  Germany  in  general '  is  given,  and 
*  biographies   of  other   distinguished   men,   such   as   Hardenberg, 


508  JOHN  BO  BERT  SEE  LEY  July 

Scharnhorst,  and  other#,'  are  '  interwoven  with  the  biography  of 
Stein.'  The  authorities  on  which  the  text  is  based  are  classified  and 
described  in  the  preface  in  an  orderly  manner,  and  though  the  style 
is  dry  and  unimpassioned,  nothing  escapes  the  writer.  And  the 
method  of  '  Stein  '  was  Seeley's  ordinary  method.  The  posthumous 
work  on  '  The  Growth  of  British  PoHcy,'  still  in  the  press,  is  based 
on  forty  manuscript  volumes  of  extracts  copied  from  the  Eecord 
Office  and  other  sources.  Critics  who  read  his  finished  work,  and 
talk  of  '  hasty  generalisation,'  fail  to  appreciate  the  laborious  pro- 
cess by  which  the  finished  work  was  produced.  This  habit  of 
thoroughness  Seeley  communicated  insensibly  to  his  pupils.  He 
never  preached  it  to  them,  but  it  soon  came  to  influence  uncon- 
sciously the  standard  of  criticism  which  they  were  accustomed  to- 
apply  to  what  they  wrote  for  him.  To  spare  trouble  was  regarded 
by  him  as  a  kind  of  treason,  and  thus,  though  some  of  us  might  be 
flighty  and  others  dull,  we  never  scamped  our  work. 

The  other  transcendent  merit  of  Seeley  as  a  teacher  was  his- 
habit  of  insisting  first  of  all  uj^on  clearness  of  thought  and  expres- 
sion. It  was  never  permitted  to  us  to  wrap  up  fallacies  in  fine 
phrases,  or  to  use  high-sounding  terms  that  had  not  been  defined. 
There  was  nothing  that  the  professor  enjoyed  more  than  exposing 
this  kind  of  imposture,  and  with  him  it  was  rarely  attempted.  He 
hated  above  ail  things  the  picturesque  in  history.  '  That  is  the 
business  of  the  stage-manager  and  scene-painter,'  he  would  sayy 
*  and  not  of  the  historian.'  The  business  of  history  was  with 
serious  things,  with  great  causes  and  great  results.  *  I  fully  admit,' 
he  writes  in  '  The  Expansion  of  England,  '  that  history  should  not 
be  solemn  and  pompous,  and  I  admit  that  for  a  long  time  it  was 
both.  But  solemnity  is  one  thing,  and  seriousness  is  quite  another.' 
And  this  hatred  of  the  picturesque  in  history  was  largely  due,  as  a 
correspondent  in  the  '  Journal  of  Education  '  has  acutely  pointed 
out,  to  the  severity  of  his  artistic  feeling.  He  was  accustomed  to 
keep  strong  restraint  upon  himself,  to  concentrate  deliberately  his 
whole  attention  upon  clearness,  and  clearness  only.  His  lectures 
consisted  largely  of  dry  statements  of  fact,  marshalled,  indeed,  with 
such  skill  that  their  very  order  and  arrangement  were  suggestive, 
but  handled  as  a  lawyer  would  handle  them  who  was  directing  his 
argument  not  to  the  jury  but  to  the  judge.  Yet  in  spite  of  this 
resolute  self-restraint,  Seeley,  himself  a  poet,  as  we  have  come  to 
know  since  his  death,  w^as  always  keenly  alive  to  the  poetry  of 
history,  and  when  he  chose,  the  effect  was  irresistible.  The 
modern  theory  of  our  colonial  empire  has  become  practical  and 
prosaic  under  the  hands  of  recent  writers.  Captain  Mahan  has 
worked  it  out  on  the  naval  side,  and  Mr.  Spencer  AVilkinson 
has  popularised  its  more  business-like  aspect,  until  even  the  man 
in  the  street  knows  something  of  the  way  in  which  the  empire 


1895  JOHN  ROBERT  SEELEY  509 

was  built  up,  and  of  the  policy  by  which  it  may  be  preserved.  But 
the  romantic  story  was  first  told  in  a  Cambridge  lecture -room, 
and  told  in  such  a  way  as  to  stir  the  imagination  and  quicken 
the  pulses  of  the  dullest  undergraduate  among  the  audience. 
Seeley's  conception  of  the  empire  was  the  conception  of  a  poet 
as  well  as  an  historian.     To  him  it  was  a  '  world- Venice ' — 

The  sea  is  in  the  broad,  the  narrow  streets. 
Ebbing  and  flowing. 

This  is  almost  commonplace  now,  but  upon  some  of  us  it  came 
fifteen  years  ago  as  a  revelation. 

If  Seeley's  style  was  highly  artistic,  it  was  also  highly  artificial. 
The  effects  were  consummate,  but  they  were  all  carefully  planned. 
His  voice  was  never  strong,  but  it  was  clear,  and  he  managed  it 
with  the  utmost  ability,  using  all  the  delicate  shades  of  emphasis. 
The  lucidity  of  his  arrangement  seemed  almost  to  communicate 
itself  to  his  reading,  and  to  find  physical  expression,  as  it  were, 
in  his  modes  of  speech.  His  old  pupils  will  recollect  also  ^Yith  what 
infinite  skill  he  utihsed  a  slight  cough,  in  order  to  point  a  sentence 
or  emphasise  a  phrase.  His  use  of  quotations  ^Yas  masterly 
and  suggestive  in  the  highest  degree.  .  He  once  summed  up  a  long 
passage  that  dealt  with  the  important  place  occupied  by  religion  in 
early  states  :  '  We  may  say  of  states,  as  Wordsworth  did  of  men, 
Heaven  lies  about  them  in  their  infancy.' 

Headers  of  the  little-read  volume  published  in  1870  under  the 
title  'Lectures  and  Essays,'  and  republished  only  a  few  weeks 
ago,  will  also  remember  the  quotation  with  which  he  concludes  his 
striking  parallel  between  Milton  and  Carlyle  at  the  end  of  the 
essay  on  '  Milton's  Political  Opinions.'  The  same  habit  of  delibe- 
rately working  up  his  effects  is  to  be  traced  in  the  subject-matter 
of  his  lectures  as  well  as  in  the  literary  form  into  which  they  were 
thrown.  He  would  take  pains  to  travel  to  the  same  conclusion  by 
several  roads  in  order  to  make  it  appear  irresistible.  Lines  of 
argument,  however  different,  converged  inevitably  upon  the  same 
point.  The  result  was  that  one  of  the  greater  objects  of  the  teacher 
was  secured,  and  it  became  impossible  for  his  scholars  to  mis- 
understand or  to  forget  what  he  was  teaching  them.  They  left 
the  lecture-room  feeling  that  though  other  departments  of  know- 
ledge might  be  affected  by  the  process  of  the  suns,  the  conclusions 
of  the  Begins  Professor  of  Modern  History  were  established  upon 
adamantine  foundations.  This  note  of  dogmatism  was  in  all  Seeley's 
professorial  utterances.  Personally  reserved  and  reverent,  when  he 
epoke  ex  cathedra  it  was  with  no  uncertain  sound.  Even  in  its  pub- 
lished form  '  The  Expansion  of  England  '  begins  with  the  words,  '  It 
is  a  favourite  maxim  of  mine,'  and  those  who  were  accustomed  to  hear 
him  lecture  will  recollect  the  autocratic  phrase,  *  according  to  me.' 


510  JOHN  ROBERT  SEELEY  July 

Yet  this  dogmatism  appeaf  ed  as  the  natural  expression  of  an  austere 
and  dignified  j)ersonality,  and  it  was  impossible  that  it  should  ever  be 
resented.  The  professor  had  studied  all  the  sources,  and  had  arrived 
at  certain  results ;  why  should  he  make  a  pretence  that  he  did  not 
himself  believe  in  them  ?  The  monarchical  manner  sat  well  upon 
one  whose  sovereignty  in  his  lecture-room  was  so  absolute  and 
unquestioned. 

In  selecting  subjects  for  his  public  lectures  Seeley  was  attracted 
most  by  the  international  history  of  modern  Europe.  Of  late 
years  he  has  lectured  on  *  Napoleon,'  on  '  English  Foreign  Policy 
in  the  Eighteenth  Century,*  '  International  History  from  the  Six- 
teenth Century,'  *  The  Wars  of  Louis  XIV,'  and  congenial  subjects 
of  the  kind.  *  The  Expansion  of  England  '  itself  was  a  course  of 
lectures  delivered  in  1881-2.  Quite  recently  he  delivered  a  course 
on  *  Political  Science,'  dealing  especially  w^ith  the  classification  of 
states.  Thus  he  was  accustomed  to  study  the  broad  effects.  He 
preferred  what  he  called  '  large  considerations,'  and  was  much  more 
at  home  in  dealing  with  a  century  than  with  a  decade.  The  whole 
drift  of  his  mind  w  as  towards  the  suggestive  treatment  of  large  phe- 
nomena, rather  than  the  microscopic  investigation  of  details.  Thus 
*  The  Expansion  of  England'  rather  than  *  Stein '  represents  the  kind 
of  work  he  liked  best.  His  method  w^as,  as  it  were,  astronomical. 
He  swept  the  w^hole  heaven  with  his  telescoi)e.  It  w^as  the  heaven 
that  had  overarched  all  our  lives,  but  he  found  new  things  there, 
and  his  hearers  shared  the  delight  of  discovery.  The  old  familiar 
facts  became  instinct  Avith  new  meaning,  and  they  felt  '  like  some 
watcher  of  the  skies,  wdien  a  new  planet  swims  into  his  ken.' 

If  the  various  courses  of  public  lectures  delivered  by  the  late 
professor  during  the  last  fifteen  years  were  passed  in  review%  the 
most  characteristic,  though  not  the  best,  would  be  found  to  be  a 
course  on  the  'Holy  Koman  Empire,'  delivered  in  the  academical 
year  1879-80.  It  covered  an  enormous  area  of  history,  for  the 
first  lecture  was  concerned  with  the  fall  of  Eome  before  the  bar- 
barians, and  the  last  dealt  with  the  characteristics  of  modern 
democracy.  The  purpose  of  the  course  was  *  to  follow  out  in  each 
of  its  stages  the  transformation  of  the  Eoman  empire  into  modern 
independent  states,'  and  this  gave  abundant  opportunity  for  the 
historical  paradoxes  which  Seeley  loved.  In  these  discursive 
lectures  he  summed  up,  as  it  w^ere,  all  the  views  with  which  his 
name  has  been  specially  identified.  From  time  to  time,  in  parallels 
drawn  from  Scripture  history,  the  author  of  '  Ecce  Homo  '  spoke. 
In  a  lecture  that  dealt  with  the  progress  of  the  '  nation-states  '  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  *  The  Expansion  of  England  '  was  foreshadowed. 
In  the  final  lectures  of  the  course  Seeley  sketched  out  the  concep- 
tion of  Napoleon  that  was  to  come  before  the  world  in  his  '  Short 
History  of  Napoleon  '  in  1886.     The  lectures  are  full  of  the  protests 


1895  JOHN  llOBERT   SEELEY  511 

in  which  he  took  so  much  pleasure  against  rhetorical  views  of 
history. 

We  are  not  to  imagine  that  the  claims  of  Hildebrand  had  been  delibe- 
rately planned  from  the  beginning,  and  held  in  reserve  by  generations  of 
popes  till  the  time  was  ripe  for  urging  them.  These  are  melodramatic 
and  sentimental,  not  sober  views  of  history.  We  have  to  explain,  not  an 
incredible  priestly  plot,  woven  through  a  thousand  years,  but  a  transitory 
exaggeration  of  a  sacerdotalism  which  had  been  in  existence  since  the 
beginning. 

A  similar  opportunity  came  again  in  his  treatment  of  English 
liberty,  which  he  was  careful  to  regard  as  the  result  of  geographical 
and  other  favourable  conditions. 

When  we  look  at  Europe  from  a  distance  we  shall  be  tempted  by  the 
ethnological  fallacy,  we  shall  attribute  the  political  success  of  Englishmen 
exclusively  to  *  English  political  capacity,'  or  to  the  '  quiet  perseverance,' 
the  '  common-sense,'  or  the  *  natural  moderation  '  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  in 
distinction  to  all  other  races.  It  is,  no  doubt,  hard  to  reject  the  doctrine 
that  we  are  better  than  other  people  when  it  presents  itself  in  the  form  of 
a  grand  inductive  law. 

But  while  he  denounced  rhetorical  views  of  history,  the  ma- 
jestic longevity  of  the  Holy  Eoman  Empire  inspired  him  to  a 
rhetoric  of  his  own.  After  a  long  and  close  discussion  of  the 
'  Romanism  '  of  the  middle  ages,  in  which  he  saw  a  combination  of 
'  Romanity,  the  religion  of  the  Seven  Hills,'  and  *  Christianity,  the 
religion  of  Mount  Zion,'  he  pointed  out  that  Dante  perceived  the 
double  character  of  Romanism  in  his  day. 

Dante,  led  by  two  guides,  Beatrice,  who  symbolised  Christian  theology, 
and  Virgil,  who  *  was  born  under  Julius  and  lived  under  the  good 
Augustus,'  sees  in  the  deepest  pit  of  hell's  ninth  circle  the  giant  Lucifer, 
with  his  three  mouths,  in  which  he  champs  eternally  three  great 
criminals — in  the  one  Judas  Iscariot,  for  a  reason  we  can  easily  under- 
stand ;  and  in  the  other  two,  Brutus  and  Cassius,  because  they  murdered 
the  first  Roman  emperor. 

The  point  is  not  that  there  is  anything  new  here,  for  the 
passage  is  little  more  than  a  paraphrase  of  Mr.  Bryce,  but  that 
Seeley,  in  spite  of  his  apparent  renunciation  of  rhetoric,  was  keenly 
alive  to  the  rhetorical  possibihties  of  his  subject.  He  rejected  a 
rhetorical  view,  but  he  did  not  reject  a  rhetorical  statement  of  a 
sober  view,  and  his  habit  of  deliberate  self-restraint  enabled  him, 
when  he  did  use  rhetoric,  to  use  it  with  prodigious  ejBfect.  He  was 
himself  the  pattern  of  these  austere  virtues,  and  yet  he  wielded 
all  the  spells  of  eloquence  as  well.  It  was  as  though,  like  King 
Solomon,  we  had  chosen  wisdom,  and  received  riches  also.  Thus  from 
the  beginning  Seeley's  supremacy  over  young  men  was  assured. 

But  this  supremacy  did  not  rest  upon  the  professor's  public 
lectures  alone.   His  old  pupils  carry  with  them  grateful  recollections 


512  JOHN  ROBERT  SEELEY  July 

of  his  *  Conversation  Cla^.'  The  subject  was  x^olitical  science  studied 
by  way  of  discussion,  and  discussion  under  the  reverential  conditions 
that  prevailed  resolved  itself  into  question  and  answer — Socrates 
<3xposing  the  folly  of  the  Athenians.  It  was  mainly  an  exercise  in 
the  definition  and  scientific  use  of  terms.  What  is  liberty  ? 
Yarious  definitions  of  the  term  would  be  elicited  from  the  class  and 
subjected  to  analysis.  The  authors  of  them  would  be  lured  by  a 
subtle  cross-examination  into  themselves  exposing  their  inconsis- 
tencies. Then  the  professor  would  take  up  his  parable.  He  would 
first  discuss  the  different  senses  in  which  the  term  had  already 
been  used  in  literature.  Coleridge  admired  the  French  Revolution 
as  a  triumph  of  liberty  because  he  liked  '  the  free  motion  of  the 
-clouds  ; '  Shelley,  in  the  '  Masque  of  Anarchy,'  suggests  that  starv- 
ing men  are  not  free  ;  according  to  him  liberty  is  something  to  eat. 
Some  writers  speak  as  though  it  were  decentralisation,  and  Mill  uses 
it  to  express  independence  of  public  opinion.  From  an  examination 
of  these  inconsistent  accounts  the  professor  would  proceed  to  the 
business  of  building  up  by  a  gradual  process,  and  with  the  help  of 
the  class  itself,  a  definition  of  his  own.  Liberty  is  the  opposite  of 
government,  and  there  is  perfect  liberty  only  where  there  is  no 
state.  Thus  liberty  is  not  necessarily  good,  and  there  is  no  point 
in  the  common  antithesis  between  liberty  and  licence.  We  are  not 
concerned  here  to  defend  the  definition,  but  only  the  method  of  the 
great  teacher  who  promulgated  it.  It  was  not  told  us  on  authority 
as  something  to  remember,  but  we  assisted  ourselves  at  the  creation 
of  it.  Thus  it  became  a  possession  to  be  enjoyed  wdth  a  title 
analogous  to  the  title  of  authorship.  It  took  an  hour  to  define 
liberty,  but  the  leisurely  process  had  the  highest  educational  value. 
It  was  an  application  to  literature  of  the  methods  that  are  usually 
regarded  as  peculiar  to  science. 

And  this  leads  naturally  to  what  lay  behind  all  Seeley's  public 
teaching,  his  definite  and  reasoned  conception  of  the  nature  and 
functions  of  history.  According  to  him,  history  has  an  allotted 
place  among  the  sciences,  and  is  in  a  fair  way  to  become  an  exact 
science  itself.  He  would  sometimes  put  it  that  history  is  the  resi- 
duum left  by  the  sciences  as  they  take  possession  one  by  one  of  the 
various  departments  of  phenomena.  '  At  one  time  all  phenomena 
were  recorded  by  historians.  Livy  tells  us  that  a  bull  spoke,  but 
now  this  department  has  been  annexed  by  physiology.'  But  the 
phenomena  that  are  left  to  history  can  be  dealt  with  scientifically. 
There  is  a  '  political '  science,  the  science  of  states.  The  method  of 
this  science  is  similar  in  character  to  that  of  other  sciences ;  it 
proceeds  by  observation  and  induction,  though  it  is  unable  to  conduct 
experiments.  It  is  therefore  all  the  more  dependent  upon  a  large 
supply  of  trustworthy  registered  observations.  These  are  history. 
Thus  the  method  of  modern  political  science  differs  from  that  of  the 


1895  JOHN  ROBERT  SEE  LEY  513 

earlier  political  thinkers  in  two  ways.  In  the  first  place,  where 
■early  historians  took  little  pains  to  secure  trustworthy  observations, 
modern  historians  take  immense  trouble  about  the  authentication 
of  facts,  and  apply  to  recorded  observations  tests  which  are  not 
needed  in  any  other  science.  In  the  second  place,  where  Aristotle 
reasoned  concerning  the  best  state,  modern  political  science  sets  aside 
deliberately  the  problems  of  good  and  bad.  There  is  also  another 
close  resemblance  between  the  method  of  political  science  and  that 
of  the  other  sciences,  for  in  a  sense  the  state  can  be  described  as  an 
organism.  The  analogy  was  noticed  by  early  writers,  as  in  the  fable 
of  the  Belly  and  the  Members,  or  in  the  phrase  of  St.  Paul, 
*  schism  in  the  body.'  But  it  is  not  more  than  an  analogy,  since 
the  development  of  the  state  is  partly  self-conscious. 

Though  Seeley  makes  large  concessions  to  his  critics  when  he 
admits  that  the  conclusions  of  political  science  are  incapable  of 
verification,  and  the  development  of  the  state  organism  is  partly 
self-conscious,  he  held  firmly  himself  in  all  his  public  teaching  to 
his  main  position  that  a  scientific  treatment  of  history  is  possible. 
He  set  himself  '  problems,'  constructed  '  formulae '  for  the  '  solution  ' 
of  these  problems,  and  regarded  the  explanation  of  historical 
'  causation  '  as  his  principal  business.  Thus  his  attitude  towards 
the  political  controversies  of  history  w^as  naturally  that  of  a  man  of 
science.  '  Some  historians,'  he  would  say,  '  do  not  classify  corrupt 
governments  or  states  of  low  civilisation.  It  is  as  though  a  scien- 
tific man  should  refuse  to  classify  a  centipede  on  the  ground  that  he 
disapproved  of  creatures  that  had  more  than  four  legs.'  Thus  he 
thought  with  Freeman  that  there  was  no  real  distinction  for  the 
historian  between  ancient  and  modern  history,  although,  unlike 
Freeman,  he  found  it  convenient  for  certain  purposes.  And  the 
same  attitude  of  mind  led  him  to  refuse  to  distinguish,  on  the  other 
side,  between  history  and  politics.  According  to  him  all  the 
phenomena  of  states  are  the  proper  business  of  the  historian,  and 
it  is  from  the  labours  of  the  historian  that  the  statesman  obtains 
materials  for  forming  a  judgment.  '  History,'  he  said,  *  is  the 
school  of  statesmanship.'  If  the  question  had  ever  been  put  to 
him,  he  would  probably  have  held  that  the  functions  of  a  royal 
commission  are  historical  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term.  That 
his  literary  instincts  should  have  prevented  his  being  always  con- 
sistent is  not  surprising.  It  is  the  author  of  a  vehement  moral 
condemnation  of  Napoleon  who  writes  : 

The  danger  of  the  controversial  study  of  history  is,  not  that  it  makes 
us  judge  unjustly,  but  that  it  makes  us  judge  at  all.  Men  are  apt  to  forget 
the  proper  historical  question,  and  to  lose  exactitude  of  definition  in 
exuberance  of  praise  or  blame. 

No  one  was  more  sensitive  to  the  charm  of  romance,  or  more 
habitually  inclined,  by  stating  a  paradox  in  the  very  process  of 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXIX.  L  L 


# 


514  •     JOHN  EOBERT  SEELEY  July 

explanation,  to  make  Ifis  audience  feel  the  attraction  of  the  un- 
explained.    Yet  it  is  he  who  says  in  another  place  : 

Some  would  have  all  history  partake  of  the  nature  of  romance,  but  in 
reality  history  is  the  exact  opposite  of  romance.  Romance  excites  wonder: 
history  appeases  it ;  romance  seizes  upon  the  marvellous,  the  unaccountable : 
history,  by  explaining  causes,  destroys  the  existence  of  the  unexplained. 

It  will  be  doubted  by  some  whether  Seeley's  view  of  history  is^ 
one  that  can  be  maintained  in  the  present  imperfect  state  of  human 
knowledge.  His  critics  may  be  disposed  to  regard  his  use  of 
the  terminology  of  science  as  somewhat  misleading ;  they  may 
urge  that  the  concessions  made  to  them  are  so  great  as  to  involve 
a  practical  surrender  of  the  whole  position  ;  the  fact  remains  that 
for  five-and-twenty  years  an  acute  and  subtle  thinker  invested  this 
view  w^ith  an  irresistible  fascination.  And  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  for  the  purposes  of  education  it  possessed  great  practical  value- 
Seeley's  method  taught  a  high  sense  of  the  dignity  of  history,  and 
this  in  turn  drew  out  the  best  powers  of  those  who  studied  it  under 
him,  and  inspired  them  with  the  kind  of  devotion  to  a  subject 
which  is  only  found  among  those  who  thoroughly  believe  in  it. 
They  felt  that  they  were  not  concerned  with  musty  records  so  much 
as  with  the  great  elemental  forces  that  determined  over  centuries- 
of  time  the  organised  life  of  mankind.  The  method  also  encouraged 
definiteness  in  investigation,  for  the  true  historian  was  not  a  mere 
digger  in  likely  places  on  the  chance  of  finding  spoil.  And  if  it 
was  all  based  on  a  dream,  a  suspicion  may  sometimes  cross  our 
minds  that  the  hope  of  completing  the  imperfect  chains  of 
causation  and  filling  up  the  gaps  in  human  knowledge,  which  at 
once  inspires  and  gives  definiteness  to  ordinary  scientific  investiga- 
tion, is  based  upon  a  dream  also.  Whether  Seeley  was  right  or 
wrong  in  his  view  of  history,  matters  little  to  his  memory.  It 
is  sufficient  that  he  was  a  great  influence  in  his  day  and  genera- 
tion ill  favour  of  thoroughness  of  investigation,  of  habits  of  clear 
thinking  and  lucid  expression,  and  that  he  did  all  in  his  power  to 
bestow  upon  his  pupils  the  incommunicable  gift  of  style.  Many 
who  are  middle-aged  men  to-day,  in  the  full  stream  of  active  life,. 
thought  of  him  to  the  end  with  the  same  reverence  as  when  they 
sat  at  his  feet  as  scholars.  It  is  in  his  teaching  that  they  find  the 
source  of  that  intellectual  inspiration  which  sometimes  comes  at 
the  impressionable  time  of  life,  like  the  philosopher's  stone,  to 
transmute  base  metal  into  gold.  J.  E.  Tanner. 


189^ 


515 


Notes  and  Docwnents 


THE  PASCHAL  CANON  ATTRIBUTED  TO  ANATOLIUS  OF  LAODICEA. 


I. 

The,  Pasclial  List  of  Nineteen  Years  attributed  to  Anatolius, 
Bishop  of  Laodicea,  c.  a.d.  280.^ 


- 

Feria  Aeqiiinoctii 

Luna 
Aequinoctii 

Dies  Paschae 
XV  Kal.  Maii 

Luna  Diei 
Paschae 

1 

Sabbato 

xxvi 

xviii 

2 

Dominica 

vii 

Kalendis  Aprilis 

xiv 

3 

ii  feria 

xviii 

xi  Kal.  Maii 

xvi 

4 

iii  feria 

xxix 

Idibus  Aprilis 

xix 

5 

iv  feria 

X 

iv  Kal.  Aprilis 

xiv        i 

6 

V  feria 

xxi- 

xiv  Kal.  Maii 

xvi 

7 

Sabbato 

ii 

vi  Kal.  Aprilis 

xvii 

8 

Dominica 

xiii 

Kalendis  Aprilis 

XX 

9 

ii  feria 

xxiv 

xviii  Kal.  Maii 

XV 

1         10 

iii  feria 

V 

viii  Idiis  Aprilis 

XV 

11 

iv  feria 

xvi 

iv  Kal.  Aprilis 

XX 

i         12 

V  feria 

xxvii 

iii  Idus  Aprilis 

XV 

18 

vi  feria 

viii 

.  iii  Nonas  Aprilis 

xvii 

14 

Sabbato 

XX 

ix  Kal.  Maii 

XX 

15 

Dominica 

i 

vi  Idus  Aprilis 

XV 

16 

ii  feria 

xii 

ii  Kal.  Aprilis 

xviii 

17 

iv  feria 

xxiii 

xiv  Kal.  Maii 

xix 

18 

V  feria 

iv 

ii  Nonas  Aprilis 

xiv 

19 

vi  feria 

1            XV 

vi  Kal.  Aprilis 

xvii 

The  construction  of  the  Paschal  canon  in  which  this  Hst  of  E asters 
is  contained  is  attrihuted  to  AnatoHiis  of  x\lexandria,  who  was 
bishop  of  the  church  of  the  Laodiceans  towards  the  close  of  the 
third  century .2  By  some  modern  writers  this  attribution  has  been 
regarded  as  a  well-authenticated  and  trustworthy  one  ;  •*  by  others 

'  Anatolii  Alexandrini  Laodicensis  in  Syria  Episc.  Canon  Paschalis  nunc 
primum  e  veteri  MS.  in  lucem  edittts  et  brevi  commentario  ilkistratus  ab  Aegidio 
Bucherio,  Soc.  Jesu ;  opus  De  Doctrina  Temponim  (Antwei*p,  1684,  foL),  pp.  438  et 
seqq.  Dr.  Bruno  Krusch,  in  his  paper  in  the  Neues  Archiv  der  Oesellschaft  filr 
altere  deictsche  Geschichtskunde,  1884,  Bd.  ix.  p.  142,  has  edited  the  canon  from  a 
different  manuscript. 

'^  Eusebius,  H.  E.  vii.  32 ;  Jerome  {De  Viris  Illustribus,  cap.  78)  says  of  Anato- 
lius,  cuius  ingenii  magnitudinem  de  volumine  quod  super  pascha  coinposnit,  et 
decern  libi'is  de  arithmeticae  institutionibus  intelligere  possumus. 

*  Bucher  dates  the  compilation  of  this  canon  in  a.d.  276,  and  refers  (p.  465) 
to  George  Heerwart,  who,  in  his  Nova  Chronologia,  cap.  236,  had  dated  it  in  a.d.  277. 

L  L  2 


# 


516       THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO     July 

the  whole  compilation 'has  been  pronounced  to  be  a  forgery.'' 
The  ecclesiastics  of  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  centuries  do 
not  appear  do  have  suspected  that  this  Paschal  list  and  canon  were 
a  product  of  the  fifth  century ;  and  though  Baeda  rejected  it  he 
did  not  do  so  because  it  could  not  have  been  written  by  Anatolius, 
but  because  the  Latin  verr^ion  of  it,  with  which  he  was  acquainted, 
was  evidently  the  work  of  schismatic  computists,  who  had  not 
scrupled  to  alter  and  emend  (at  least  so  Baeda  judged)  in 
accordance  with  their  peculiar  views.^  Both  schismatic  and 
orthodox  celebrants  professed  to  regard  the  supposed  author  of  the 
canon  as  one  who  was  worthy  of  all  praise.  The  canon  attributed 
to  Anatolius  plays  a  very  prominent  part  in  the  disputations  and 
the  epistolary  controversies  connected  with  the  Easter  observances 
of  the  schismatic  churches  of  the  British  Isles.  This  prominence 
is  the  more  remarkable  on  account  of  the  fact  that  those  eccle- 
siastics who  invoked  the  authority  of  Anatolius  as  that  of  one 
who  provided  the  sanction  of  their  schismatic  observance  of  Easter 
did  not  obey  the  Paschal  decrees  w^hich  they  undoubtedly  believed 
him  to  have  promulgated.  Notwithstanding  this  disobedience 
they  always  referred  to  the  canon  of  Anatolius  as  that  upon  which 
their  custom  of  celebrating  Easter  upon  the  14th  moon,  when  that 
fell  upon  Sunday,  was  founded.*' 

There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  Paschal  canon  which  w^e 
possess  is  identical  with  that  which  is  so  frequently  referred  to  in 
the  disputes  respecting  the  proper  time  of  Easter  observance. 
Columbanus  of  Luxeuil,  in  his  Paschal  epistle  to  Pope  Gregory 

Denis  Petau  {opus  Dc  Doctrina  Temporum  (Lutet.  Paris.  1627),  iv.  15  and  vi.  11) 
attributes  the  grave  errors  of  the  West  respecting  the  date  of  the  vernal  equinox 
to  an  incorrect  version  of  this  canon.  This  version  both  Petau  and  Bucher  assigned 
to  Rufinus.  Fabricius  also  (Bibl.  Grace,  torn.  iii.  p.  461)  regarded  this  canon  as 
a  genuine  work  of  the  bishop  of  Laodicea. 

••  Dr.  Ludwig  Ideler  (Haiidbuch  dcr  Chronologie,  1826,  Bd.  ii.  pp.  229-33),  where 
he  was  not  misled  by  Van  der  Hagen,  undoubtedly  arrived  at  correct  conclusions 
relative  to  the  spuriousness  of  the  canon.  Van  der  Hagen  {De  Cyclis  Pasclialibus, 
p.  115  seqq.)  dated  the  construction  of  this  canon  about  a.d.  650  (see,  however, 
note  46,  infra).  Tlie  Rev.  Lewis  Hensley  (article  '  Easter,'  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Antiquities,  1875,  p.  593)  declared  it  to  be  a  forgery. 

^  Ipsiun  vero  lihelluvi  Anatolii  postnwdum  in  aliquibus  Latlnorum  excmplaribus 
esse  corruptum  eorum  nimirwn  fraudc  qui  paschae  veruvi  teinpus  ignwantes  \sc.  the 
Scots  of  Ireland  and  the  Britons]  errorern  sunm  tanti  Patris  auctoritate  defenders 
gestirent;  v.  Baeda's  Epistle  (iv.)  to  Wicraed,  De  Pascliae  Cclebratione,  sive  de 
aequinoctio  vernalijuxta  Anatolium  (ap.  Migne,  Patrol.  Cursns,  torn.  xciv.  col.  679,  D). 

*  Columbanus  is  the  earliest  schismatic  who  mentions  it;  see  his  epistle  to  the 
fathers  convened  to  the  Gallican  synod  of  a.d.  602  in  order  to  discuss  the  question  of 
the  Scotic  Easter  {ap.  Migne,  tom.  Ixxx.  col.  266,  D) ;  and  also  his  epistle  to  Pope 
Gregory  I  {ibid.  col.  260,  C),  written  before  a.d.  604.  In  the  time  of  Aedan  of  Holy 
Island  (c.  a.d.  650)  the  Picts  asserted  that  they  followed  the  Paschal  directions  of 
Anatolius  (Baeda,  H.  E.  iii.  3  ;  ed.  Stevenson,  1838-41,  §  155,  p.  160).  Colman,  in  the 
Paschal  dispute  at  Whitby,  in  a.d.  664,  made  a  like  assertion  (Baeda,  H.  E.  iii.  25 ; 
§  232,  p.  225). 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  517 

(written  before  a.d.  604),  presents  quotations  from  it ; "  Cummian, 
in  his  Paschal  epistle  to  Segene,  abbot  of  lona  (written  a.d.  633), 
also  quotes  it ;  ^  Wilfrid's  references,  in  the  controversy  at  Whitby 
(a.d.  664),  to  its  doctrine  of  the  vvxOniispov,  or  lunar  day,  are  un- 
mistakably occasioned  by  a  superficial  review  of  the  peculiarities 
which  the  canon  embodies.^  Baeda,  in  his  epistle  addressed  to 
Bishop  Wicraed  concerning  the  date  of  pseudo-Anatolius's  equinox,'" 
presents  several  direct  references  to  the  lunar  method  of  this  canon, 
and  also  elsewhere  ^^  criticises  the  peculiar  position  of  the  salt  us 
hi  nans  in  this  Paschal  list. 

It  is  certain  that  this  Paschal  canon  could  not  have  been 
written  before  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Anatolius  became 
bishop  at  Laodicea  in  a.d.  270 ;  the  compiler  of  the  canon  w^hich  is 
erroneously  attributed  to  him  refers  {vide  infra)  to  the  advance- 
ment of  the  vernal  equinox  in  the  calendar,  and  declares  that 
those  who  should  celebrate  upon  any  one  of  the  three  days  which 
had  been  added  to  the  Paschal  period  by  this  advancement  would 
be  involved  in  error.  In  the  first  place  the  alteration  in  the 
calendar  date  of  the  vernal  equinox  did  not  take  place  until 
A.D.  325 ;  ^■-  in  the  second,  even  if  Anatolius  of  Alexandria,  some- 
while  bishop  of  the  church  of  the  Laodiceans,  had  outlived  the  date 
of  the  council  of  Nicaea,  he  would  certainly  not  have  maintained 
that  the  Alexandrine  computations  respecting  the  date  of  the  eccle- 
siastical equinox  were  erroneous.  Neither  would  he  have  resisted 
the  decree  of  Nicaea  respecting  the  observance  of  the  equinox.'* 


'  This  (luotation  is  one  of  considerable  length ;  it  varies  a  little  from  the  canon. 
Cf.  the  epistle  in  Migne  (torn.  Ixxx.  col.  200,  C  and  D,  and  col.  201,  A)  with  the  canon 
in  Bucher  (p.  443,  cap.  iii.) 

**  Cf.  the  epistle  in  Migne  (torn.  Ixxxvii.  col.  975,  C,  11.  8-11)  with  the  canon  in 
Bucher  (p.  439,  cap.  i.   11.  15-7). 

"  Baeda,  H.  E.  iii.  25  ;  §  233,  p.  225.  '«  T.  note  5,  ut  supra. 

"  V.  Baed.  oims  de  Temporttm  Batione,  cap.  xxx.  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  xc.  col. 
430,  A) ;  and  also  the  same  work,  cap.  xlii.  (ibid.  col.  475).  In  the  last  passage 
cited  Baeda  says,  .  .  .  in  xiv.  ejus  [sc.  Anatolii  canonis]  anno  qui  est  idtimus 
Ogdoadis  mutationem  Lu7iae  posuit :  faciens  iUavi  asccndere  in  aequinoclio  de  viii. 
m  XX.  Bucher  makes  use  of  this  passage,  in  conjunction  with  a  remark  of  St.  Cyril, 
to  prove  that  this  Latin  version  of  Anatolius  existed  before  St.  Cyril  wrote.  A 
reference  to  the  passage  in  Cyril's  Paschal  prologue  which  is  cited  by  Bucher  (cf.  p. 
4H3,  par.  5,  with  p.  481,  par.  1)  will  show  that  Cyril  spoke  of  a  cycle  which  effected  the 
saltus  lunaris  every  fourteen  years  (i.e.  circidus  Ixxxiv.  annormn  per  sex  quatiior- 
decennitates  of  the  Quartodecimans),  and  not  of  one  which  effected  the  saltus  in  the 
fourteenth  year  of  a  period  of  nineteen  years. 

''  V.  Baed.  Eplstol.  ad  Wicred  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  xciv.  col,  680,  C). 

'^  The  fathers  at  Nicaea  fixed  the  vernal  equinox  for  ecclesiastical  purposes  at 
xiL  Kal.  Api'il.,  not  because  they  had  performed  or  had  accepted  any  abstruse 
astronomical  calculations,  as  Gibbon  thought  {Decline  and  Fall,  &c.,  cap.  xlvii.) 
and  other  writers  have  maintained,  but  because  the  ratio  of  the  epact  assigns  the 
earliest  possible  Easter  Day  to  22  March  ;  consequently  21  March  is  necessarily  the 
prior  term  of  the  Paschal  period  in  the  Julian  calendar.  As  the  equinox  is  the  prior 
term  of  the  Paschal  period  according  to  the  law  of  Moses,  the  law  and  the  calendar, 


#• 


518       THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED   TO     July 

This  Paschal  canon  contains,  in  short,  nothing  whatever  which 
can  be  correctly  ascribed  to  Anatolius,  except  those  passages  which 
are  extracted  from  the  '  Church  History '  of  Eusebius  (vii.  32). 

11. 

In  any  comparative  consideration  of  the  Paschal  principles  of  the 
British  and  Irish  schismatics  there  are  three  criteria  to  which 
priority  of  application  must  be  accorded.  These  are  {a)  the  date 
of  the  equinox  (this  was  attached  by  the  Britons  to  25  March) ;  ** 
{h)  the  date  of  the  posterior  limit  of  the  Paschal  period  (this  the 
Britons  fixed  at  21  April) ;  ^^  and  (c)  the  treatment  accorded  to  the 
21st  moon  of  the  Paschal  lunation  (this  moon  the  Britons  and  the 
Irish  entirely  eliminated  from  their  Paschal  observance).'^ 

The  date  at  which  Anatolius  of  Laodicea  fixed  the  vernal  equinox 
is  in  dispute ;  the  remarks  of  Eusebius  do  not  enable  us,  it  is 
contended,  to  determine  this  date  with  certainty.'^     We  are  not, 

it  was  supposed,  were  reduced  to  agreement  by  fixing  the  ecclesiastical  equinox 
at  this  date. 

'*  Cf.  the  Monastic  Eule  of  Columbanus,  cap.  vii.  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  Ixxx.  col. 
212,  B)  .  .  .  in  vernali  aeq^uinoctio,  id  est  octavo  Kalendas  Aprilis  ;  and  the 
Paschal  canon  of  Anatolius,  cap.  xii.  {ap.  Bucher,  p.  448),  Nobis  ergo  similiter 
[the  comparison  is  with  the  Jews,  by  whom,  so  pseudo-Anatolius  supposed,  the 
Paschal  lamb  was  never  sacrificed  earlier  than  viii.  Kal.  April.']  si  eveniat  ut  vii. 
Kalendas  Aprilis,  et  dies  Dominica  et  liina  xiv.  inveniatur,  xiv.  Pascha  celebrandum 
est.  This  rejects  viii.  Kal.  April,  as  unfit  for  the  celebration  of  Easter.  Both 
pseudo-Anatolius  (cap.  xiii.,  Bucher,  p.  449)  and  Columbanus  iloc.  cit.)  divide  the 
year  into  four  parts,  commencing  respectively  upon  the  eighth  day  before  the  Kalends 
of  April,  July,  October,  and  January.  Compare  F.  O.  Seebass  (Ueber  Colnmba  von 
LuxeuiVs  Klosterrecjel  iind  Bussbuch,  1883,  p.  19,  note,  and  pp.  13,  30-3),  who 
directly  and  convincingly  replies  to  the  doubts  of  Dr.  Ebrard  {Die  irosclwttische 
Missionskirche,  1873,  pp.  39-41)  respecting  the  date  (25  March)  of  the  schismatic 
equinox.  Dr.  Krusch  ('  Die  Einfiihrung  des  griechischen  Paschalritus  im  Abendlande,' 
Neues  Aixhiv,  1884,  Bd.  ix.  p.  142)  is  less  helpful,  inasmuch  as  he  confines  his 
remarks  upon  this  point  to  ridiculing  Ebrard. 

1^  Baeda's  statement  {H.  E.  ii.  2  ;  §  91,  p.  99),  quae  computatio  [sc.  that  of- the 
schismatics]  octoginta  quatiior  annorum  circulo  continetur  when  amplified  and  ex- 
plained by  a  reference  to  the  Paschal  epistle  of  St.  Ambrose  {ap.  Bucher,  pp.  477-8, 
par.  8),  in  which  we  read  that  the  posterior  Latin  limit  of  celebration  of  Easter 
was  xi.  Kalendas  Maii,  should  put  this  terminal  date  of  British  Paschal  celebration 
beyond  cavil.  Dr.  Ebrard  and  Dr.  B.  MacCarthy,  however,  question  its  correctness. 
See  also  Baeda  {H.  E.  v.  21 ;  §  444,  p.  408)  and  Ideler  {Handhuch,  Bd.  ii.  p.  295)  in 
support  of  the  date  assigned. 

'«  Wilfrid,  replying  to  Colman  (H.  E.  iii.  25  ;  §  231,  p.  225),  says.  Item,  Iwiam 
vicesimam  primam  .  .  .  a  celebratione  vestri  Paschae  funditus  eliminatis.  Ceolfrid 
{Epistola  ad  Naitanum,  ap.  Baed.  H.  E.  v.  21;  §  433,  p.  399)  makes  an  identical 
remark :  Et  cum  vicesima  p?-ima  die  mensis  PascJm  Dominicum  celebrare  refugiunt 
\sc.  the  Scots  and  Britons],  patet,  &c.  In  any  other  field  of  research  such  statements, 
in  such  an  authority,  would,  I  am  convinced,  be  regarded  as  conclusive.  In  investi- 
gations of  early  British  and  Irish  history,  however,  it  is  the  practice  to  discard 
ancient  or  contemporary  notices  when  they  disagree  with  modern  theories.  E.g.  vide 
Van  der  Hagen  {Observationes  in  Prosperi  Chronicon,  1733,  cap.  xxxviii.  p.  338)  and 
Dr.  Krusch  (in  Neues  Archiv,  Bd.  ix.  p.  169). 

'"  If  the  true  decemnovennal  canon  of  Anatolius  had  been  constructed  in  a.d.  276, 
as  Bucher  maintained  respecting  the  false  canon,  then  the  opinion  of  some  commen- 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  519 

liowever,  concerned  with  the  cletermmation  of  this  date,  inasmuch 
^s  the  following  passage  clearly  indicates  that  this  Paschal  canon, 
having  been  written,  as  I  have  just  observed,  later  than  a.d.  325, 
<}ould  not  have  been  written  by  Anatolius,  who  was  already  famous 
for  his  learning  in  a.d.  262.  After  blaming  the  Gallican  computists 
for  their  willingness  to  celebrate  upon  moon  21  and  moon  22,  the 
canon  (cap.  v.)  continues  (Bucher,  p.  444) — 

Sed  quid  mirum  si  in  xxi.  luna  erraverint  qui  tres  addiderunt  dies 
ante  Aequinoctium  m  quibus  Pascha  immolari  posse  definiunt  ? 

The  three  days  referred  to  are  22,  23,  and  24  March,  which 
were  added  to  the  Paschal  period  by  the  council  of  Nicaea  ;  there- 
fore the  computist  who  constructed  this  Paschal  canon  dated  the 
vernal  equinox,  in  theory,  at  25  March,  even  as  the  Scots  and  the 
Britons  did  in  practice. 

The  Paschal  canon  of  pseudo-.x\natolius  differed  from  British  and 
Irish  custom,  however,  in  dating  its  posterior  limit  of  celebration 
ix.  Kal.  Mai,  It  consequently  exceeded  the  proper  time,  from  the 
point  of  view  of  British  custom,  by  two  days,  and  could  not,  upon 
this  account,  have  been  regarded  by  the  Britons  as  a  trustworthy 
guide. 

The  lunar  observance  enjoined  by  pseudo- Anatolius  is  presented 
in  cap.  iv.  of  the  canon  (Bucher,  p.  444)  in  the  following  rule : — 

Omnis  namque  dies  in  hmae  computatione  non  eodem  numero  quo 
mane  initiatur  ad  vesperum  '^  finitur,  quia  dies  quae  mane  in  luna,  id  est, 

tators  that  Anatolius  of  Laodicea  dated  the  equinox  at  19  March  is  supported  by  the 
fact  that  the  vernal  equinox  fell  at  this  period  on  20  March.  Therefore  in  a  leap 
year  [e.g.  276)  it  fell  one  day  earlier  in  the  calendar.  Mr.  Hensley,  in  his  article 
concerning  Easter,  already  referred  to,  makes  a  curious  mistake  respecting  this 
point.  He  says  that  the  (supposed),  calculations  of  the  council  of  Nicaea  which 
resulted  in  dating  the  equinox  21  March  were  incorrect — '  because  the  equinox  only 
fell  upon  that  date  once  in  four  years.'  The  effect  of  intercalation  is  to  advance  an 
astronomical  event  in  the  calendar  and  not  to  retard  it. 

'*  Vesperum  is  one  of  the  seven  unequal  portions  into  which  the  ancient  com- 
putists divided  the  night  season  ;  it  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  more  frequently 
recurring  ad  vesperam.  Veaperum  immediately  succeeds  crepuscuhim,  which 
extends  from  the  going  down  of  the  sun  to  the  appearance  of  the  evening  star  in  the 
west.  Cf.  the  Monastic  Rule  of  David,  which  is  preserved  in  Rieemarch's  Life  of 
St.  David  (ed.  Rees,  Cambro-British  Saints,  1853,  pp.  127-8),  with  Baeda,  De 
Tempo7'um.  Ratione,  cap.  vii.,  '  De  Nocte '  (aj>.  Migne,  tom.  xc.  col.  '625,  A).  David's 
rule  required  the  monks,  at  the  evening  office,  to  serve  God  upon  their  knees,  in 
Xtrayev—quoadMsque  sidera  celo  visa  finitum  clauderent  diem.  As  with  the  Britons  the 
appearance  of  Vesper  rounded  the  divinely  appointed  day,  therefore  the  day  of  the 
Britons  was  made  up  of  the  evening  and  the  morning,  and  was  consequently  a 
yvxB'fiiiepov.  Proofs  of  this  abound  in  the  lives  edited  by  Bees.  Similarly  pseudo- 
Anatolius,  cap.  iii.  (Bucher,  p.  443),  uses  '  vigil '  as  coincident  and  conterminous 
with  feria,  both  the  vigil  and  the  feria  being  completed  at  midnight. 

Dr.  Reeves,  long  ago,  showed  that  this  was  the  case  in  lona  (v.  Colmnba,  ed.  1857, 
^Additional  Notes,'  p.  310).  This  important  fact  has  not  been  reahsed  by  continental 
inquirers ;  see  the  wholly  erroneous  computation  of  the  obit  of  St.  Columba  by  Dr. 
Bruno  Krusch  (k>c.  cit.  p.  143),  and  the  unnecessary  emendation  by  Seeba,ss(  I7e6er 


520      THE  PAISCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO      July 

usque  ad  sextam  et  dimidium  liorae  xiii.  annumeratur,  eadem  ad 
vesperum  xiv.  invenitur.  Unde  ergo  et  Pascha  usque  ad  xxi.  in 
vesperum  extendi  praecipitur  ;  quae  mane  sine  dubio,  id  est,  usque  ad 
eum  quern  diximus  horarum  terminum  xx.  habebatur. 

Computa  ergo  a  fine  xiii.  lunae  quod  est  initium  xiv.  ad  finem 
vicesimae,  unde  et  xxi.  principium  inchoatur  ;  et  invenies  septem  tantum 
dies  Az3rmorum,  in  quibus  verissimum  Pascha  Domini  ducatu  praefinitum 
est  immolari  debere. 

The  computistical  contentions  of  pseudo-Anatolius  are,  therefore, 
as  follows:  (1)  The  feria,  or  Eoman  day,  which  extends  from 
midnight  to  midnight,  ^^  has  portions  of  two  lunar  days,  and  has, 
therefore,  two  lunar  values,  one  a  diurnal  value,  the  other  a 
nocturnal  value.^^  (2)  The  Paschal  week,  or  rather  the  se'nnight, 
should  commence  witli  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  moon,  and 
should  not  be  extended  beyond  the  end  of  the  twentieth  moon. 
Consequently  Sunday,  moon  13-4,  ought  to  be  regarded  as  the 
true  Pasch,  and  Sunday,  moon  20-1,  ought  to  be  rejected.  In 
this  particular  pseudo-Anatolius  is  not  in  agreement  with  the 
custom  of  the  Irish  and  the  Britons.  He  is  not,  however,  consist- 
ent in  his  observance  of  Easter.  It  is  clear  that  he  considered 
that  the  Paschal  feast  should  be  celebrated  upon  Sunday  evening  ; 
consequently,  when  he  assigns  Easter  Day  to  moon  20,  as  he 
does  in  the  years  8,  11,  and  14,  by  so  doing  he  enjoins  celebration 
upon  the  twenty-first  moon,  because  moon  20  marks  the  morning 
of  Sunday  in  these  years.  Colman,  in  the  famous  dispute  at 
Whitby  (Baeda,  'H.  E.'  iii.  25;  §  229,  p.  222),  declared  that  in 
continuing  to  observe  Easter  after  the  fashion  of  his  forefathers  he 
was  guided  by  the  authority  and  depended  upon  the  sanction  of 
St.  John  the  Apostle  and  of  Anatolius.  Wilfrid  replied  to  Colman 
in  these  words  {ibid.  §  238,  p.  225):— 

Constat  ....  Anatolium  virum  sanctissimum  doctissimum  ac  laude 
esse  dignissimum  ;  sed  quid  vobis  cum  illo  cum  nee  ejus  decreta  servetis  ? 
lUe  enim  in  pascha  suo,  regulam  utique  veritatis  sequens  circulum  decem 
et  novem  annorum  posuit,  quem  vos  aut  ignoratis,  aut  agnitum  et  a  tota 
Christi  ecclesia  custoditum  pro  nihilo  contemnitis.  Ille  sic  in  pascha 
dominico  quartam  decimam  lunam  computavit  ut  banc  eadem  ipsa  die, 
more  Aegyptiorum,  quintam  decimam  lunam  ad  vesperam  esse  fateretur. 
Sic  item  vicesimam  die  dominico  paschae  annotavit  ut  banc,  declinata 

Columha  von  LnxeuiVs  Klosterregel  unci  B^issbuch,  p.  13)  of  a  reference  to  the 
coincidence  of  the  vespers  of  the  vyxO-hf^epou  of  the  Lord's  Day  with  the  vigil  of 
septima  feria,  viz.  7ioctc  Dominica  sahbati  vigiliae. 

'*  .  .  .  Romani  a  medio  noctis  in  medium ;  Baeda,  De  Temxwrum  RationCy 
cap.  V.  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  xc.  col.  313,  B),  and  De  Divisionibus  Temporum,  cap.  viii. 
{ap.  Migne,  torn.  xc.  col.  656,  B) ;  and  compare  Censorinus,  Pliny,  and  other  writers 
quoted  by  Ideler  {Handbuch,  Bd.  i.  pp.  80,  100). 

=0  Cf.  the  lunar  computation  of  the  trabeation  by  Epiphanius,  in  his  work 
Adversus  Haereses,  ii.  26  {ap.  Migne,  Patrol.,  Series  Graeca,  tom.  xli.  col. 
y34,  C  D). 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  521 

eadem  die,  esse  vicesimam  primam  crederet.  Cujus  regulam  distinctionis 
vos  ignorasse  probat,  quod  aliquoties  pascha  manifestissime  ante  pleni- 
lunium,  id  est,  in  tertia  decima  luna,  facitis. 

From  these  remarks  we  may  assume  that  Wilfrid  did  not 
question  the  authenticity  of  the  Paschal  list  attributed  to  Anatolius. 
Wilfrid  asserted  (1)  that  the  schismatics  did  not  obe}^  the  decrees 
of  Anatolius  ;  (2)  that  Anatolius  presented  orthodox  decemnovennal 
computation,  which  the  schismatics  despised ;  (3)  that  Anatolius 
treated  the  Paschal  pvx^vf^spov  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
Alexandrines ;  (4)  that  where  he  dated  the  Paschal  Sunday  upon 
moon  14  he  actually  assigned  celebration  to  moon  15,  and  (5)  that 
where  he  dated  the  Paschal  Sunday  upon  moon  20  he  actually 
assigned  celebration  to  moon  21. 

The  first  assertion  of  Wilfrid  must  be  admitted  to  be  correct, 
inasmuch  as  the  schismatics  would  not  obey  this  Paschal  canon  in 
celebrating  after  21  April.  The  second  and  third  assertions  are 
inaccurate.  The  day  of  the  Alexandrine  computists  proceeded 
from  sunset  to  sunset ;  '-*  the  lunar  day  of  this  computist  commenced 
and  terminated  at  12.30  p.m.  This  day,  consequently,  was  not  the 
Alexandrine  or  Egyptian  day.-^  When  Wilfrid  asserted  that  the 
Alexandrine  Pasch  is  discoverable  in  the  Paschal  canon  which  we 
are  considering,  he  was  in  error  ;  the  Alexandrines  never  kept 
Easter  upon  moon  15  -^  when  the  evening  of  that  moon  fell  upon 
Sunday.  Wilfrid's  fourth  assertion  is  equally  erroneous  when 
viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  pseudo-Anatolian  principle ;  as  the 
anonymous  computist  included  the  whole  of  the  14th  moon  in  his 
Paschal  se'nnight,  he  necessarily  rejected  the  whole  of  the  21st 
moon.  His  practice,  however,  as  displayed  in  the  j^ears  8,  11,  and 
14,  reveals  inconsistencies  which  have  already  been  referred  to,  and 
which  give  some  countenance  to  Wilfrid's  assertion. 

If  we  examine  the  lunar  method  of  this  computist,  as  it  is 
exhibited  in  cap.  ix.  of  the  canon  (r.  Bucher,  p.  44G),  ne  shall 
discover  other  peculiarities.  The  commencement  of  the  lunar 
year  is  dated  1  Jan.  The  lunations,  after  that  of  February,  are 
divergent  throughout  the  year  from  those  which  are  computed  by 
decemnovennal  rules.  These  lunations  run  :  Kal.  laniiar.,  I.  i. 
Kal.  Fehruar.,  I.  ii.  ;  Kal.  Mart.,  I.  i. ;  Kal.  April.,  I.  iii.    After  April 

■-'  .  .  .  Acgyptii  ab  occasu  ad  occasion  [diel  cnrsum  dcdnciint] ;  Baeda,  De 
Tempoinim  Batione,  cap.  v.  (fyj.  Migne,  torn.  xc.  col.  313),  and  cf.  other  authorities  in 
Ideler  {v.  ut  sujyra,  note  19). 

-'-'  The  Umbrians  commenced  their  day  at  high  noon  ;  v.  Baeda  and  Ideler,  locc. 
citt.  I  cannot  trace  any  connexion,  nor  yet  do  I  know  if  the  custom  of  the  ancient 
Umbrians  which  is  mentioned  by  Pliny  (ft.  N.  ii.  79)  lingered  into  later  ages. 

"*  Sunday  evening,  moon  15,  falls  upon  the  same  day  of  the  calendar  month  as 
Sunday  morning,  moon  14.  When  the  Paschal  moon  14  fell  upon  Sunday  the 
Alexandrines  always  deferred  celebration  to  moon  21.  Cf.,  from  among  many  refer- 
ences to  this  practice,  S.  Theophil.  Prolog.  Paschal,  {ap.  Bucher,  p.  472.  par.  3),  and 
S.  Ambros.  Epistol.  de  Festo  PascliaU  {ibid.  p.  476,  par.  5). 


522       THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO     July 

one  day  is  added  for  each  month,  and  the  full  and  hollow  moons 
alternate  until  the  end  of  the  year.  The  lunations  of  March  and 
September  have  only  29  days  allotted  to  them.  When  this  treat- 
ment of  the  lunations  is  compared  with  Alexandrine  practice,  the 
following  differences  are  discoverable  :  The  Alexandrine  computists, 
when  using  the  Julian  calendar,  commenced  the  year  upon  1 
Sept.^^  They  gave  thirty  days  to  the  lunation  of  March  in  common 
years,  and  always  thirty  days  to  the  lunation  of  September,  which 
was  the  head  of  their  lunar  year  ;  ^^  in  those  lunar  years  in  which 
thirteenth. month  is  intercalated,  i.e.  in  embolismic  years,  the  Alex- 
andrines allotted  thirty-one  days  to  the  lunation  of  March.  These 
divergencies  demonstrate  that  the  computation  embodied  in  the 
Paschal  canon  falsely  attributed  to  Anatolius  of  Alexandria  is  not 
purely  Alexandrine.  As,  however,  the  Paschal  list  is  one  of  nine- 
teen years  and  the  salttis  hinaris  is  effected  only  once  in  this  period, 
the  computation  of  these  nineteen  E asters  is  decemnovennal.  The 
decemnovennal  nature  of  the  computation  is  the  only  characteristic 
which  is  common  to  both  pseudo-Anatolius  and  the  Alexandrines. 

III. 

The  reconstruction  of  the  Paschal  list  of  pseudo-Anatolius 
necessarily  depends  upon  the  application  of  his  Paschal  method  to 
the  analysis  of  the  data  which  are  embodied  in  the  list.  These  data 
are  presented  in  four  classes.  We  find  the  Jhia  of  the  day  of  the 
equinox,  the  calendar  date  of  Easter  Day,  the  moon's  age  at  the 
equinox,  and  the  moon's  age  on  Easter  Day.  Two  of  these  classes 
of  data,  therefore,  belong  to  the  Sabbatical  cycle  and  the  other  two 
to  the  pseudo-Anatolian  lunar  cycle. 

It  is  well  known  to  computists  that,  if  the  bissextile  position  of 
any  year  be  given,  as  well  as  the  moon's  age,  by  table,  upon  any 
day  in  that  year,  the  Paschal  year  indicated  by  these  data  can 
only  occur  twice  in  1,064  years.  If,  therefore,  we  can  discover  the 
true  Sabbatical  sequence  of  the  years  whose  Easters  are  dated  in 
this  Paschal  list,  the  completion  of  the  task  is  merely  a  matter  of 
inspection,  whose  result,  when  the  wide  intervals  just  referred  to 
are  kept  in  view,  has  every  element  of  apodictic  certainty. 

A  superficial  examination  of  the  list  which  heads  these  notes 
will  show  that  only  two  years,  7  and  17  namely,  appear  to  have 
been  treated  as  bissextile  ;  that  the  annual  increase  of  lunar  worth 
of  the  day  of  the  equinox  is  eleven  days,  and  that  the  triennial 
intercalation  is  one  of  thirty  days ;  that  the  saltus  lunaris  occurs 
in  the  middle  of  the  lunar  period  and  not  at  the  end  ;  that  some  of 

■-*  V.  S.  Ambros.  Ejoistol.  cle  Festo  Paschali  {ibid.  p.  477,  par.  7,  11.  16  ct  seqq.) ; 
and  cf.  Baecl.  De  Temporttni  Puttione,  cap.  xx.  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  xc.  col.  395,  C),  and 
also  L'Ari  de  verifier  les  Dates,  tome  i.  p.  52. 

■^  Concerning  the  lunation  of  Thoth-September  see  L'Art,  &c.,  tome  i.  sec.  xi., 
'  De  ri:re  de  Diocletien,'  pp.  50  2. 


1895  .       ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODWEA  528 

the  dates  of  Easter  do  not  mark  the  Lord's  Day ;  and  that  the 
calendarist  has,  apparently,  produced  a  Sabbatical  cycle  which 
repeats  after  nineteen  years.  This  list,  therefore,  as  we  possess  it, 
is  an  impossible  one.  Its  Sunday  letters  run  :  A  (or  B),  G,  F,  E, 
D,  C ;  A  (or  G),  G,  F,  E,  D,  C,  B,  A,  G,  F ;  D  (or  C),  C,  B.  As 
it  stands  the  list  is  either  an  irresponsible  and  worthless  confusion, 
or  else  the  Sabbatical  sequence  has  been  tampered  with  in  order  to 
conceal  a  fraud. 

(1)  We  know  that  the  British  and  Irish  schismatics  would  not 
celebrate  Easter  later  than  21  April ;  the  Paschal  list  enjoins  one 
celebration — that  of  14,  upon  23  April.  This  transgression  of  the 
Latin  limit  of  the  Paschal  period  is  very  noteworthy  ;  it  recalls  to 
the  memory  the  important  schism  of  a.d.  444,  in  which  year,  as  the 
day  of  the  Passion  was  extended  to  21  April,  the  games  at  Rome  in 
honour  of  the  building  of  the  city  were  not  celebrated,  and  Easter 
was  kept  upon  Sunday,  28  April. 2*^ 

(2)  If  we  analyse  the  data  which  are  supplied  by  the  year  7,  we 
find  that  this  year  is  bissextile,  inasmuch  as  its  equinox  falls  two  days 
later  in  the  week  than  that  of  the  preceding  year.  As  the  moon  of 
the  equinox  is  two  days  old,  and  as  the  moon  of  Easter  Day  is  seven- 
teen days  old,  therefore,  moon  17  should  fall  in  April.  Conse- 
quently dies  Paschae,  vi.  Kal.  April.,  as  it  is  in  the  list,  is  incorrect. 

If  we  emend  this  to  vi.  hi.  April,  we  still  do  not  insure  the 
concurrence  of  all  the  data.  If  vi.  Id.  April,  be  inoon  17,  then 
moon  2  must  fall  ix.  Kal.  Ajml.  This  date  is  the  i)rior  term  of  the 
British  Paschal  period,  however.  25  March,  Saturd;  y,  moon  2,  gives 
9  April  {v.  Id.  April.),  Sunday,  moon  17,  as  Easter  Day.  This, 
however,  neither  agrees  with  the  date  in  the  list  nor  yet  with  the 
emendation  suggested.  Therefore  either  we  must  alter  the 
numerals  which  date  the  Easter  of  year  7  or  we  must  assume 
that,  in  his  computation  of  the  wx^yfispov,  pseudo-Anatolius 
preferred  to  give  the  fcria  of  24  March,  and  to  compute  the  lunar 
worth  of  that  day. 

If  we  read— equinox  term  [24  March]  :  Saturday,  moon  2  ; 
Easter  Day  :  8  April  (/•/.  Id.  Aprd.),  Sunday,  moon  17 — all  the  data 
of  year  7  are  in  agreement.  As  8  April  is  moon  17,  1  April  must 
be  moon  10  ;  moon  10  is  the  lunar  value  of  the  Kalends  of  April 
in  the  first  year  of  the  decemnovennal  cycle— i.e.  in  the  year  of 
nulla  epacta.'^'^     Therefore  we  have  these  data — year  i.  of  XIX.  and 

'*'  Plutarch,  Vita  Rom.  cap.  xii.,  says  that  Kome  was  built  on  the  xi.  Kalendas 
Maias',  v.  Ideler,  Handbtidi,  13d.  ii.  p.  206.  Prosper,  in  his  chronicle  («^j.  Migne, 
torn.  li.  col.  GOO,  13),  refers  to  the  Easter  of  a.d.  444  in  these  terms  :  PascJia  Domini  ix. 
Calendas  Mail  celebratiim  est.  Nee  erratum  est,  quia  inde  xi.  Calendarum  Maiaruvi 
dies  passionis  fuit.  Ob  cuius  reverentiam  no  talis  urbis  liomae  sine  circensibns 
trans  at. 

-'  For  the  meaning  of  this  and  other  computistical  terms  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Petau  {De  Doctrina  Teniporum,  tom.  i.  cap.  xxiv.  p.  oD?)  and  to  the  computistical 


524       THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED   TO      July 

leap-year  with  Sunday  upon  8  April— to  discover  the  a.d.     Golden 
number  I.  and  Sunday  letters  A  G  concur  in  a.d.  456  and  in  a.d.  988. 

(3)  In  the  year  17  of  the  Hst  we  find  the  second  bissextile.  The 
years  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  and  19  have,  respectively,  if  we  compute 
with  the  dates  of  the  Easter  Days  which  are  assigned  to  these  years 
in  the  list,  the  Sunday  letters  A,  G,  F,  C,  C,  and  B.  Such  a 
sequence  of  letters  is,  of  course,  impossible.  Year  17,  equinox  ; 
qvarta  feria,  moon  23  ;  Easter  Day  :  moon  19,  requires  Sunday  to 
fall  xii.  and  not  xiv.  Kal.  Mai.  The  Sunday  letter  of  17,  therefore, 
is  E,  and  this  year  is  not  a  leap-year.  The  true  leap-year,  upon 
examination,  will  be  found  to  be  18.  This  year  has — equinox : 
quinta  feria,  moon  4;  Easter  Day :  4  April,  moon  14— all  which 
dates  are  in  agreement.  4  April,  moon  14,  allots  moon  11  to  1 
April;  moon  11  minus  10  (the  lunar  regular  of  the  Kalends  of 
April)  gives  one  moon  of  epact.  This  epact  is  connoted  with  the 
golden  number  XII.  Therefore  we  have  these  data — year  xii.  of 
XIX.  with  Sunday  upon  4  April — to  discover  the  a.d.  Golden 
number  XII.  and  Sunday  letters  D  C  concur  in  a.d.  448,  and  in 
a.d.  980.  Thus  the  j'ear  14  of  the  list  equals  a.d.  444 ;  the  year 
18  equals  a.d.  448,  and  the  year  7  equals  a.d.  456. 

The  years  14  to  19  and  1  and  2  indicate,  in  the  age  of  the 
moon  at  the  equinox,  the  golden  numbers  YIII.  to  XV.  ;  the  year  7, 
as  we  have  just  discovered,  is  a  year  whose  golden  number  is  ], 
Therefore  from  1  to  13  of  the  list  the  golden  numbers  are  XIV. 
to  VII. ;  from  14  to  19  the  golden  numbers  are  VIII.  to  XIII.  How 
are  we  to  account  for  this  obvious  dislocation  ? 

This  Paschal  list  presents  seventy-six  computistical  items. 
Analysis  of  these  items,  both  in  their  annual  groupings  and  in 
their  particular  sequences — a  method  of  investigation  which  is  not 
more  tedious  than  it  is  necessary — will  reveal  the  correctness  of  the 
following  assertions : — 

(1)  The  equinox  is  dated  riii.  Kal.  Aj^ril.  in  the  years  1  and  2 
and  from  14  to  19 ;  it  yields  place  to  the  prior  term  of  British 
celebration,  ir.  Kal.  April,  namely,  from  3  to  13. 

(2)  The  true  incidence  of  the  leap-years  is  concealed  by  the 
variation  from  the  equinox  date,  and  also  by  the  erroneous  connota- 
tion of  the  bissextile  with  the  year  17.  This  error  has  already  been 
discussed,  and  its  correction  renders  it  obvious  that  the  leap-years 
are  3,  7,  11 ;  and  14  and  18.  The  intercalation  in  3  is  concealed  by 
the  advancement  of  the  equinox  term  in  that  year  from  25  March 
to  24  March ;  the  leap  in  11  has  been  purposely  ignored,  and  the 

'  Dissertation  '  in  tome  i.,  L'Art,  &c.  Dionysius  Exiguus  (Epistola  II.,  Dc  Pasclm,  ap. 
Buclier,  p.  490)  says,  .  .  .  dccemnovennalis  Cijdus  per  Ogdoadem  et  Endecadcm 
semper  in  se  revolvitur.  The  first  eight  years  form  the  ogdoade,  the  remaining  eleven 
the  hendeeade.  Baeda,  De  Temporum  Eatione,  cap.  xlii.  (a^:).  Migne,  tom.  xc, 
col.  475,  A),  says  of  the  14th  year  of  pseudo-Anatolius,  qui  est  ultimus  Ogdoadis,  i.e, 
has  golden  number  YIII. 


I 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  525 

leap  in  14  reveals    the  fraud  of  which  the  computist  who  framed 
this  Easter  list  was  guilty. 

(3)  The  age  of  the  moon  at  the  equinox  is  that  of  25  March 
in  1  and  2,  and  from  14  to  19 ;  it  is  that  of  24  March  from  3  to  6 
and  from  7  to  13.  As  the  computist  purposely  omitted  to  effect 
the  saltus  in  the  year  7,  after  the  year  xix.  of  XIX.,  the  moon  is  one 
day  younger  on  24  March  from  7  to  13  than  it  should  be. 

(4)  The  Easter  dates  are  divisible  into  tw^o  classes — {<()  those 
dates  which  indicate  Easter  Day ;  (6)  those  dates  which  indicate 
what  pseudo-Anatolius  regarded  as  the  morning  of  the  Paschal 
vvx^vfispov,  i.e.  Monday  morning.  In  the  former  case  the  lunar 
value  is  that  of  the  calendar  date  ;  in  the  latter  case  the  lunar  value 
is  that  of  the  day  preceding  the  calendar  date. 

(5)  The  dates  of  Easter  Day  after  the  intercalation  in  the 
bissextile  year  11 — i.e.  of  the  Easter  Days  in  11,  12,  and  13 — are 
incorrectly  computed,  the  intercalation  having  been  overlooked  ; 
they  must  be  emended  v.  Kal.  April.,  instead  of  ir.  ;  //;.  Idus 
April.,  instead  of  Hi.  ;  iv.  Nonas  April.,  instead  of  Hi. 

These  peculiarities  show  that  a  period  of  nineteen  years  has 
been  split  into  portions,  one  of  which  is  intended  to  represent  the 
ogdoade,  the  other  the  hendecade  ;  ^^  and  that  the  order  of  these 
years  has  been  purposely  broken,  so  that  the  list  might  conceal  its 
true  period  and  yet  commence  with  a  year  w^hose  Sunday  letter, 
viz.  A,  should  be  identical  with  that  of  a.d.  271,  which  year  enclosed 
the  first  Easter  that  Anatolius  computed  after  he  became  l)ishop 
at  Laodicea.  The  Easters  of  the  quasi-ogdoade  are  dated,  with 
the  exception  of  two  celebrations  upon  moon  14,  upon  orthodox 
Easter  Days  ;  the  Easters  of  the  quasi-hendecade  are  schismatic 
vvyOr^fjispa. 

The  first  year  in  the  list  which  exhibits  a  schismatic  peculiarity 
which  we  are  able  to  point  to  as  being  one  which  is  discoverable 
in  British  celebration  is  3.  In  this  year  Easter  is  dated  one 
month  later  than  orthodox  computation  enjoined.-*^  In  3  Easter 
should  have  fallen  on  23  March  ;  this  was  too  early,  as  the  British 
churches  would  not  celebrate  before  the  Julian  equinox.  Therefore 
the  date  of  Easter  was  put  back  to  20  April.  Having  occasion,  in 
this  year,  to  reject  Alexandrine  methods,  the  computist  substi- 
tuted his  own  corrections  and  adaptations  of  the  decemnovennal 
method. 

In  the  light  of  these  discoveries  I  restore  the  Paschal  list  of 
pseudo-Anatolius    to    its     true     decemnovennal     and     soli-cyclic 

-**  Compare  the  remarks  of  Cummian  respecting  an  identical  deferment  presented 
by  the  celebration  of  the  schismatic  Easter  of  a.d.  631  {Kplstola  de  Controversia 
Pascliali,  ap.  Migne,  tom.  Ixxxvii.  coll.  977-8).  Speaking  of  the  orthodox  celebra- 
tion of  Easter  in  Rome  of  this  year,  Cummian  says,  in  quo  [sc.  in  Pasclia]  mcnse 
integro  disjuncti  suimis. 


526      THE   PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO      July 


sequences,  as  follows  (psAido-Atiatolius's  lunar  computation,  except 
in  10,  being  retained)  : — 

Reconstruction  of  the  Paschal  List  of  Pscudo-AnatoUus. 


Feria  of 

Moon  of 

Moon 

Year  of 

the 

tlie 

Date  of 

of 

Golden 

i^umlav 

the  List 

Equinox  ; 

Equinox  ; 

Easter  Day 

Easter 

Number 

Letter 

A.l). 

25  Mar. 

25  Mar. 

23  April 

Day 

14 

vii 

XX 

XX 

VIII 

BA 

444 

15 

i 

i 

8     „ 

XV 

IX 

G 

445 

16 

ii 

xii 

31  March 

xviii 

X 

F 

446 

17 

iii 

xxiii 

20  April 

xix 

XI 

E 

447 

18 

V 

iiii 

4     „ 

xiv 

XII 

DC 

448 

19 

'  vi 

XV 

27  March 

xvii 

XIII 

B 

449 

1 

vii 

xxvi 

16-17  April 

xviii 

XIV 

A 

450 

2 

i 

Fcrin   of 
the 

vii 

1 

xiv 

XV 

G 

451 

• 

Moon  of 
the 

Date  of  tlie 
Pasclial 

Equinox  ; 
24  Mar. 

Equinox  ; 
24  Mar. 

Nux^Tj/oiepoi' 

3 

ii 

xviii 

20-21  April 

xvi 

XVI 

FE 

452 

4 

iii 

xxix 

12-13     „ 

xix 

XVII 

D 

453 

5 

iiii 

X 

28-29  March 

xiv 

XVIII 

C 

454 

6 

V 

xxi 

17-18  April 

xvi 

XIX 

B 

455 

7 

vii 

ii 

8-9       „ 

xvii 

I 

AG 

456 

8 

i 

xiii 

31  March-1  A. 

XX 

II 

F 

457 

9 

ii 

xxiiii 

13-14  April 

XV 

III 

E 

458 

10 

iii 

V 

5-6       „ 

xvii 

IV 

D 

459 

11 

V 

xvi 

27-28  March 

XX 

V 

CB 

460 

12 

vi 

xxvii 

9-10  April 

XV 

VI 

A 

461 

13 

vii 

viii 

1-2       „ 

xvii 

VII 

G 

462 

lY. 

The  date  at  which  this  Paschal  list  was  constructed  is  fixed  by 
four  indications.  It  was  after  a.d.  455  ;  it  was  before  a.d.  462  ;  the 
computistical  errors  after  a.d.  458  are  thrice  as  numerous  as  they 
are  in  the  preceding  fifteen  years,  and  the  sequence  of  the  lunations 
set  forth  by  the  computist  in  cap.  ix.  of  his  canon  {v.  supra,  p.  521) 
is  the  sequence  of  the  lunations  of  a.d.  458. 

In  A.D.  455  the  Paschal  Book  of  St.  Theophilus  enjoined  the 
celebration  of  Easter  upon  vivL  Kal.  Mai.,  I.  xxi.-^  As  this  date 
exceeded  the  Latin  limit  by  three  days,  the  Latin  churches  were 
in  great  doubt  respecting  the  proper  time  of  Easter  in  this  year. 
Pope  Leo  ^°  decreed  that,  instead  of  celebrating  upon  24  April, 
moon  21,  the  Latin  churches  should  celebrate  upon  17  April,  moon 
14.     Leo,   after  corresponding   with   the   emperor   and   with  the 

-**  Only  the  prologue  of  Theophilus  has  survived  ;  the  list  of  Easters  has  perished. 
We  know,  however,  from  Leo's  letters  to  Marcian,  Eudocia,  and  Bishop  Julian,  that  the 
Paschal  Book  for  One  Hundred  Years  enjoined  the  celebration  of  Easter,  in  this  year, 
at  viii.  Kal.  Mai.  The  important  dispute  concerning  the  Easter  of  a.d.  455  is  very  fully 
treated  by  Bucher  (pp.  78-92) ;  v.  also  Ideler  {Handbuch,  Bd.  ii.  pp.  265-270). 

^  V.  Prosper,  who  says,  in  his  chronicle  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  Ii.  col.  606,  A),  S. 
Papa  Leo  xv.  Kalendas  Maias  potius  [sc.  qiiam  viii.  Kal.  Mai.]  observandum  pro- 
testaretur.  Leo,  in  his  epistle  to  Marcian  {v.  Ideler,  Handbuch,  Bd.  ii.  p.  267),  as. 
serted  that  ab  xi.  Calendarum  Aprilitim  usque  in  xi.  Calendarum  Maiarimi 
legitimum  spatium  sit  praefixum  intra  quod  omnium  varietatum  necessitas  co^icluda' 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  527 

bishop  of  the  church  of  the  Alexandrines,^'  rescinded  this  decree 
and  ordained  that  the  Pasch  of  Theophihis  should  be  celebrated  in 
the  west. 

In  A.D.  444  pseudo-Anatolius  dated  Easter  upon  23  April.  As  he 
had  no  objection  to  celebrating  later  than  the  Latin  limit  in  this 
year,  it  is  very  noticeable  that,  in  a.d.  455,  he  should  avoid  exceed 
ing  the  Latin  limit,  and  should  assign  Easter  to  the  day  which 
Prosper  informs  us  Pope  Leo  regarded  as  the  correct  day  before  he 
had  corresponded  with  the  orientals. 

Pseudo-Anatolius  does  not,  it  is  true,  assign  moon  14  to  17 
April  in  455.  This  year  is  the  last  of  one  cycle  of  XIX. ;  consequently 
the  Alexandrines  treated  it  as  an  embolismic  year  and  allotted 
thirty-one  days  to  the  lunation  of  March,  which  it  enveloped. 
Pseudo-Anatolius  allotted  twenty-nine  days  only,  and  thus  com- 
menced the  lunation  of  April  two  days  earlier  than  its  proper  date. 
Hence,  when  we  read  in  this  Paschal  list :  [year  G]  acqidnoctium : 
quintaferia,  I.  xxi. ;  dies  Paschae  :  xiv.  Kal.  Mai.,  I.  ,rrL — which  data 
we  must  render,  24  March,  Thursday,  moon  21,  assigning  Easter 
to  17-18  April,  moon  16 — we  need  have  no  doubt  but  that  this  con- 
notation was  penned  after  the  earlier  opinion  of  Leo  became  known, 
and  after  the  Paschal  method  of  pseudo-Anatolius  had  been  elabo- 
rated. 

The  period  of  nineteen  years  in  which  pseudo-Anatolius 
constructed  his  list  of  Easters  is  not  extended  later  than  a.d.  462. 
If  it  had  been  extended  later,  then,  obviously,  the  year  444  would 
have  been  rejected  and  the  limits  assigned  by  the  computist  (r. 
Bucher,  p.  447)  for  his  computation — Hoc  Pasclia  a  ri.  [sic]  Kalendas 
AjyriUs,  usque  in  ix.  Kalendas  Mali,  namely — would  have  lacked  the 
authority  and  the  precept  of  the  Easter  of  a.d.  444.  I  infer  front 
this  that  pseudo-Anatolius  was  not  a  member  of  any  church,  such 
as  that  of  Gaul  or  that  of  Spain,  which  entertained  an  insuperable 
objection  to  celebrate  Easter  later  than  21  April."'-  If  he  had  been 
averse  from  exceeding  the  Latin  limit,  nothing  would  have  been 
easier  than  to  have  retained  it  by  commencing  his  period  of 
nineteen  years  with  the  year  445,  or  with  a  later  year,  and  thus 
rejecting  and  ignoring  the  decree  of  Leo  in  444  entirely. 

Pseudo-Anatolius  accepted  the  decree  of  Leo,  however,  even  as 
Victorius  accepted  it.^'*  From  this  acceptance,  and  from  the 
subsequent   rejection   of  24   and   25   April  by   Leo   as    unfit   for 

tur,  ut  imscha  dominicum  nee  'prius  possimus  habere  nee  tardms.  Icleler  points  out 
that  this  certainly  rejects  the  cycle  of  LXXXIV.,  and  draws  attention  (p.  269)  to  the 
discontent  of  Prosper,  who  believed  that  xv.  Kal.  Mai.  {I.  xviii.,  in  secimdo  mense,  by 
LXXXIV.)  was  the  true  Pasch. 

^'  V.  Leon.  Exnstol.  (No.  xcv.)  ad  occidentales  Episcopos ;  this  letter  enjoins  celebra- 
tion upon  via.  Kal.  Mai.  (Bucher,  pp.  88-9 ;  Ideler,  loc  cit.) 

^  Cf.  Leon.  Epistol.,  cited  note  31. 

"  Cf.  the  Eastera  in  ann.  455,  539  in  the  Paschal  canon  of  Victorius  (Bucher,  De 
Doctrina  Teviporum). 


# 


528      THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO      July 

celebration,  there  arose  that  tampering  with  the  decemnovennal 
method  which  has  been  referred  to  already.  As  the  latest  Alexan- 
drine Paschal  term — that  of  VIII.,  namely — falls  18  April,  and  as 
its  latest  Easter  Day  would  fall,  by  the  lunar  method  of  pseudo- 
Anatolius,  upon  24  April,  it  is  clear  that  some  method  of  advancing 
the  date  of  this  Paschal  term,  so  that  its  latest  Easter  Day  might 
fall  23  April,  would  be  at  once  perceived  to  be  necessary.  The 
artifice  of  allotting  only  twenty-nine  days  to  the  lunation  of  March 
would  enable  the  computist  to  date  the  Paschal  term  of  VIII.  upon 
16  April,-  and  thus  to  bring  all  the  Sundays  which  are  thereby  co- 
ordinated with  VIII.  within  the  pseudo- Anatolian  period. 

As  this  Latin  computist  dates  the  posterior  limit  of  celebration 
at  23  April,  it  is  clear  that  he  wrote  after  the  year  444,  which  was 
the  first  year  in  the  fifth  century  in  which  the  Latins  exceeded 
their  ancient  limit  of  21  April. 

The  lunations  of  a  certain  year  are  computed  in  cap.  ix.  of  the 
canon ;  in  this  computation  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the 
figures  would  represent  the  tabular  age  of  the  several  lunations  at 
the  several  Kalends  in  the  first  year  whose  Easter  was  inde- 
pendently computed.  In  this  computation  we  find  that  moon  8 
fell  upon  the  Kalends  of  April.  What  we  seek,  therefore,  in  the 
Paschal  list  which  we  are  analysing  is  an  Easter  Day  in  April 
whose  date  and  moon  shall  assign  moon  3  to  1  April.  There  are, 
however,  two  such  Easter  Days  :  the  year  1  of  the  list  has  16  April, 
moon  18 ;  the  year  9  has  13  April,  moon  15.  The  former  year 
agrees  with  Alexandrine  computation  in  its  lunation ;  consequently 
we  must  reject  it.  The  latter  year,  a  common  lunar  year,  not  only 
presents  the  position  which  we  seek,  but  also,  if  it  be  computed  by 
Alexandrine  methods,  shows  the  difference  of  one  day  between 
pseudo-Anatolius  and  the  Alexandrines,  which  has  been  already  ex- 
plained. Therefore  year  9,  which  equals  a.d.  458,  is  the  year  whose 
lunations  are  computed  by  pseudo-Anatolius  according  to  his  own 
lunar  method. 

The  preceding  year,  therefore — namely  a.d.  457 — is  necessarily 
the  year  in  which  pseudo-Anatolius  constructed  his  Paschal  list. 

V. 

The  British  and  Irish  churches  were  unable  to  obey  the  rule 
of  pseudo-Anatolius,  for  the  following  reasons  :  {a)  they  kept  no 
Pasch  later  than  21  April ;  (6)  they  rejected  moon  21  entirely  ; 
(c)  they  broke  fast  in  the  evening  of  moon  13  when  the  Easter  moon 
14  fell  upon  Sunday  ;  ^^  and  {d)  they  did  not  fast  upon  Sunday. 

3*  In  Wilfrid's  reply  to  Colman  (Baeda,  H.  E.  iii.  25 ;  §  231,  p.  225)  we  find  him 
asserting  .  .  .  ita  ut  tertia  decvna  luna  ad  vesperam  saepiits  Pascha  incipiatis.  V. 
also  Ceolfrid's  letter  to  Nechtan  {ap.  Baeda,  H.  E.  v.  21 ;  §  433,  p.  399),  and  cf.  S. 
Theophil.  Prolog.  Paschal,  {ap.  Bucher,  p.  472,  par.  3). 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  529 

Now  pseudo-x\natolius,  as  we  have  seen,  acted  in  this  manner : 
{a)  he  was  wilKng  to  celebrate  later  than  21  April ;  {h)  he  assigned 
•certain  celebrations  to  the  vespers  of  moon  21 ;  (c)  he  broke 
fast  upon  the  evening  of  moon  14,  Sunday,  and,  consequently, 
{d)  he  fasted  with  the  Manichees  upon  the  Lord's  Day.^^  That 
is  to  say,  his  Paschal  rule  and  his  wholly  erroneous  and  un- 
paralleled theory  respecting  the  vvx^nfjispov  required  this  fast. 
That  any  community  kept  Easter  by  this  list  cannot,  i  imagine,  be 
admitted  for  one  moment.^^  Only  five  of  its  Easters  (a.d.  458-462) 
<;an  be  presumed  to  present  a  computation  which  is  both  a  forecast 
and  is  independent  of  that  of  the  '  Paschal  Book  for  One  Hundred 
Years '  of  Theophilus ;  and  these  five  Easters  are  burdened  with  no 
less  than  ten  computistical  errors.  The  fourteen  earlier  Easters 
only  present  four  errors  among  them,  and  of  these  two  were 
certainly  made  of  set  purpose  to  conceal  the  Sabbatical  sequence. 

The  Easter  of  a.d.  444,  it  was  known  to  pseudo-Anatolius,  had 
been  celebrated  at  Eome  and  in  some  parts  of  the  West  upon  23  April. 
Other  occidentals  had  celebrated  upon  26  March.  This  day, 
by  the  computation  of  the  Latin  cycle  of  LXXXIV.,  was  moon  23. 
The  Easter  of  a.d.  444  is  dated  by  the  Latin  cycle  upon  19  March, 
moon  16.  This  is  an  impossible  date,  being  two  days  before  the 
equinox.  Hence,  in  this  year,  it  is  certain  that  no  Latin  church 
either  kept  the  Easter  of  LXXXIV.  or  computed  by  the  lunar  method 
of  LXXXIV.  26  March  is  moon  21  by  the  decemnovennal  method 
in  VIII. ;  this  day,  according  to  Latin  views,  was  a  fit  day  for  the 
celebration  of  Easter.^' 

^^  V.  Theophil.  Prolog.  Paschal,  (ibid.) :  '  Deinde  ne  Dominicd  Lund  decimaqitartd 
cxisiente  jejunare  cogamur :  Jwc  enim  Manichaeoriim  rede  consuetudo  possidet.  .  .  • 
neque  consequens  est  lit  si  in  Sabbati  [so.  ad  vespcrayii]  die  declina  qiiaiia  Luna  veniat 
solvamus  jejuniumJ'  The  reason  for  the  British  churches  breaking  the  Lenten  fast  at 
the  end  of  moon  13,  Saturday,  is  thus  rendered  manifest :  they  did  so  in  order  to  avoid 
the  error  of  the  Manichees  andPriscilHanists,  who  fasted  upon  the  Lord's  day.  Compare 
also  upon  this  point  St.  Ambrose's  epistle  De  Festo  Paschali  {ap.  Bucher,p.476, 11. 18, 19). 

^^  As  the  leaders  of  the  Priscillianists  were  banished  to  the  Scilly  Isles  by  Maximus, 
it  is  not  impossible  that  the  heresy  of  Priscillian  should  have  been  implanted  and  re- 
ceived upon  the  mainland  of  Britain.  If  the  false  canon  of  Anatolius  were  the  work 
of  a  Priscillianist,  we  should  look,  however,  to  find  some  allusion  to,  and  pretended 
sanction  of,  heretical  doctrine.  Such  are  absent,  I  believe,  from  the  canon.  This  view 
of  the  question,  however,  I  must  leave  to  scholars  who  are  conversant  with  the  history 
of  heresies,  and  who  are  skilled  in  tracing  their  ramifications  and  recrudescences. 

The  Montanists  of  Phrygia,  a  sect  of  the  Quartodecimans  which  was  persecuted  by 
Justinian,  fixed  the  equinox  at  the  same  date  as  did  pseudo-Anatolius,  viz.  at  ix.  Kal. 
April,  {v.  Adclf  Hilgenfeld,  Der  Pasclmstreit  der  altefi  Kirche,  1860,  p.  395).  This, 
similarly,  I  regard  as  a  coincidence,  and  no  more. 

^'  According  to  the  Latins  the  Paschal  xiv.  might  fall  ex  xv.  Kaleiidarum 
Aprilium  usque  in  xvii.  Kalendarum  Maiarum  diem ;  see  the  Expositum  de  Die 
Paschae  et  Mensis  of  Hilarianus  {ap.  Galland,  Bibliotheca  Patritm  (Venet.  1772),  torn, 
viii.  pp.  745-8).  This  tract  was  compiled  .  .  .  in  die  .  .  .  Hi.  Nonariim  Martiaruvi  post 
Considatum  Arcadii  IV.  et  Honorii  III. ;  i.e.  5  March  a.d.  397.  It  holds  the  same  place 
with  regard  to  the  cycle  of  LXXXIV.  as  the  Prologues  of  Theophilus  and  Cyril  hold 
with  regard  to  their  Paschal  productions.  In  cap.  viii.  (p.  746  h)  the  lunations  of 
VOL.    X. NO.    XXXIX.  M  M 


580      THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO      July 

§ 
The   appearance   of  the   Alexandrme   date   of  Easter   in   the 

Paschal  list  of  pseudo-Anatolius  does  not,  of  course,  warrant  the- 

assumption  that  the  Church  in  Britain  celebrated  Easter  in  a.d.  444 

according  to  the  directions  of  Pope  Leo  and  the  '  Paschal  Book  '  of 

Theophilus.     The  circumstances  surrounding  the  computation  of 

the  Easters  of  444  and  455  are  so  pecuhar,  however,  that  we  may 

certainly  assume  that  pseudo-Anatolius  constructed  his  canon  in 

Britain  and  that  the  views  of  Leo  were  partially  known  in  that 

country. 

In  A.D'.  444  Leo  decreed  that  the  Latin  limits  should  be  exceeded  ;: 
in  pseudo-Anatolius  these  limits  are  exceeded  in  this  3^ear,  and  the 
date  of  this  Easter  is  asserted  by  him  to  be  the  true  limit  of  the 
Paschal  period.  In  a.d.  455  Leo  decreed,  at  first,  that  the  Latin 
limits  should  not  be  exceeded,  but  that  Easter  should  be  celebrated 
upon  17  April,  which  was  the  fourteenth  moon  ;  in  pseudo-Anatolius 
the  lunar  method  of  the  decemnovennal  computation  is  changed, 
and  in  this  year  the  Latin  limits  are  not  exceeded,  while  Easter  m 
assigned  to  17  April,  in  accordance  with  the  opinion  which  Leo  had 
expressed  at  first. 

Now,  in  the  '  Annales  Cambriae  '  we  read  : 

Annus  IX. — Pasca  commutatur   [super  diem  dominicum]  cum  Papa 
Leone  episcopo  Romae.^^ 

I  have  elsewhere  pointed  out  that  this  item  must  be  dated  in 
the  ninth  year  of  the  false  era  of  St.  Germanus.  Some  ancient 
writers  misdate  the  coming  of  St.  Germanus  to  Britain  in  a.d.  446  ; 
440  plus  ix.  =a.d.  454.  Towards  the  close  of  this  year,  i.e.  in  Sep- 
tenilier,  when  the  Latin  ecclesiastics  commenced  their  year,^^  the 
determination  of  the  date  of  the  first  day  of  Lent  and  of  the  date 
of  Eastei'  Day  would  necessitate  a  reference  to  the  '  Paschal  Book  for 
One  Hundred  Years  '  of  Theophilus.  It  would  then  be  found  that 
Theophilus' s  date  exceeded  the  Latin  limit  by  three  days.  A  cor- 
respondence among  the  bishops  of  the  west  no  doubt  ensued.  Leo 
had  serious  misgivings  respecting  the  righteousness  of  celebrating 
so  late  as  24  April,  and  at  first,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  gave 
his  sanction  to  those  Latin  computists  who  demanded  the  rejection 
of  the  *  Paschal  Book '  of  Theophilus.     This  earlier  opinion  of  LeO' 

the  year  are  dated  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Latin  cycle  of  LXXXIV. :  these 
lunations  were,  assuredly,  the  first  to  be  computed  by  this  method,  and  in  this  year,  viz. 
\j).  897,  LXXXIV,  originated.  This  tract  is  not  considered  by  those  continental 
writers — Bruno  Krusch,  DeEossi,  andMommsen — ^Avho  follow  Van  der  Hagen.  Amidst 
the  cloud  of  dogmatising  respecting  LXXXIV.  it  is  not  surprising  that  a  fourth-century 
document  which  forms  the  prologue  to  that  method  of  computation  should  have  re- 
mained unreviewed. 

=«'*  Ed.  J.  Williams  ab  Ithel,  1860,  Rolls  Series,  p.  3.  The  words  in  crotchets  are 
omitted  from  the  similar  notice  respecting  Elbod  in  an.  cccxxiv.  p.  10. 

»  V.  S.  Ambros.  Epistol.  de  Festo  Paschali  (a^;.  Bucher,  p.  477,  par.  7)  :  Hie  .... 
viensis  [sc.  viensis  Aprilis]  octavus  secundum  consuetudinem  7iostrani  [est]. 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  531 

undoubtedly  reached  Britain,  and  is  reflected  in  the  extract  from 
*  Annales  Cambriae '  given  above. 

The  position,  therefore,  at  which  we  have  arrived  is  as  follows  : 
An  opinion  of  Pope  Leo  respecting  the  proper  time  of  celebiating 
Easter  in  a.d.  455  reached  Britain.  This  opinion  was  regarded  in 
Britain  as  one  which  directed  an  alteration  in  the  observance  of 
Easter.  Leo's  opinion,  and  also  his  decree  respecting  the  Easter  of 
A.D.  444,  are  reflected  in  a  Paschal  canon  which  was  constructed  in 
A.D.  457.  This  canon,  moreover,  forbids  the  celebration  of  Easter 
before  25  March,  and  enjoins  the  observance  of  Easter  from  moon 
13  to  moon  20. 

At  the  close  of  the  following  century  the  Britons  presented 
Paschal  peculiarities  which  are  distinct  from  those  presented  by  any 
other  ecclesiastical  community.^"  Not  only  did  they  avoid  trans- 
gressing the  Latin  limit  by  celebrating  upon  moon  14  when  moon 
21  fell  beyond  the  Latin  limit,  but  the}^  also  reflected  the  theory  of 
pseudo-Anatolius  in  so  far  as  the  observance  of  Easter  from  moon 
13  to  moon  20  is  concerned,  and  in  rejecting  the  three  days  whicli 
fall  before  25  March  as  unfit  for  the  celebration  of  Easter. 

The  origin  of  the  British  Paschal  schism  is  manifest  herein. 
Leo's  earlier  decision  respecting  the  Easter  of  a.d.  455 — the  decision, 
namely,  to  celebrate  upon  17  April,  moon  14,  in  preference  to 
exceeding  the  Latin  limit  b}'  celebrating  upon  24  April,  moon  21  — 
was  undoubtedly  regarded  in  Britain  as  the  promulgation  of  a  new 
Paschal  rule ;  and  his  direction  to  celebrate  in  one  particular  instance 
upon  the  14tli  moon  was  viewed  by  the  clergy  in  western  Britain  as 
a  direction  whose  application  was  to  be  universal.  Hence  they 
rejected  the  21st  moon ;  their  observance  was  altered  to  an 
observance  from  moon  13  to  moon  20  ;  the  retention  of  the  Julian 
equinox,  for  reasons  to  which  I  shall  presently  revert,  was  not 
corrected,  and  the  observance  of  the  posterior  Latin  limit  of  the 
Paschal  period,  which  all  Latin  churches  were  prone  to  regard  as  the 
true  limit  of  Easter-tide,  became  eventually  the  established  custom. 

VL 

The  discovery  of  the  method  of  computation  made  use  of  by  the 
church  in  Britain  before  a.d.  455  depends  upon  our  ability  to  reply 
to  this  question  : — ^Li  a.d.  455  Pope  Leo  changed,  or  altered  in  some 
way,  the  celebration  of  Easter  ;  what  was  it  that  was  changed  in 
Britain  ?  We  know  that  at  Pome  it  was  the  Easter  of  Theophilus 
that  was  changed.  With  regard  to  Britain,  many  writers  assert 
that  the  British  churches  computed  the  date  of  Easter  by  the  lunar 
method  of  LXXXIV.''^  For  this  assertion  there  is  neither  foundation 

^"  Cf.  Cummian.  Epistol.  ad  Segicnum  {ap.  Migne,  torn.  Ixxxvii.  col.  974,  D). 
*'  Every  English  investigator  in  theory  asserts  this  to  be  the  case.     When  the 
question  of  practice  arises  none  can  be  found  who  computes  the  xiv.  of  the  Paschal 


532       THE  PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTE  J)    TO      July 

# 

nor  authority.     No  writer  has  considered  it  necessary  to  submit  to 

I)roof  either  (a)  the  facile  assumption  that  the  Latin  cycle  of  LXXXIV. 
was  known  out  of  Italy  before  the  fifth  century,  or  (h)  the  illusory 
one  that  the  British  churches  were  acquainted  with,  and  made 
use  of  this  lunar  method  during  four  centuries  and  a  half — sc.  from 
814  to  750. 

St.  Cyril  assures  us  that  the  lunar  calculations  of  the  Alexan- 
drines were  accepted  throughout  the  Christian  world ;  I  am  not 
acquainted  with  any  reason  for  rejecting  his  assurance,  neither  do 
the  writers  who  parade  the  Latin  cycle  of  emergency  seem  willing 
to  recognise  the  fact  that  they  should  provide  some  reason  for  such 
rejection.  As  St.  Cyril,  writing  in  436,  asserted  that  the  Alexan- 
drine lunar  method  had  been  accepted  throughout  the  Christian 
world,  therefore  it  had  been  accepted  in  Britain. 

I  have  elsewhere  shown,  on  the  authority  of  Cummian,''^  that 
St.  Patrick  introduced  the  Alexandrine  computation  and  observance 
into  Ireland  in  a.d.  433,  and  we  have  seen,  in  this  disquisition,  that 
pseudo-Anatolius,  writing  in  Britain  in  a.d.  457,  was  acquainted 
with  decemnovennal  computation,  and  that  he  had  perverted 
Alexandrine  rules  to  suit  his  own  ends.  In  Gaul  also  Victorius 
adapted,  in  a.d.  457,  the  Alexandrine  method  to  Latin  views,  while, 
from  the  epistles  of  Leo  respecting  the  Easter  of  a.d.  455,  we  are 
able  to  infer  that  the  lunar  method  and  the  Paschal  limitations 
enjoined  by  LXXXIV.  were  cast  aside  by  Leo  entirely.'*^ 

Pseudo-Anatolius  refers  to  the  Alexandrine  computations  in 
these  terms  (cap.  xi.  Bucher,  pp.  447-8)  : 

Hie  Circulus  XIX.  annorum  [the  computist  means  his  Paschal  list] 
a  quibiTsdam  Africanis  rimariis  qui  ampliores  Circulos  conscripserunt  non 

lunation  by  LXXXIV.  Dr.  Ebrard  {Die  iroschottiscJie  MissionsJcirche,  1873,  pp.  73-4)  is 
the  only  writer  with  whom  I  am  acquainted  that  has  challenged  this  view ;  he  er- 
roneously contended  that  the  British  church  only  deviated  from  the  Alexandrine  Pasch 
when  the  latter  fell  upon  moon  21.  Dr.  Krusch  has  computed  the  dates  of  British  and 
Irish  Easters  for  some  hundreds  of  years  according  to  LXXXIV.  (v.  Neues  Archiv, 
1884,  Bd.  ix.  pp.  167-9.)  His  table  dates  no  celebrations  at  all  upon  moon  13, 
upon  which  day,  if  we  may  believe  Baeda,  the  Britons  sometimes  celebrated ;  to  com- 
pensate for  this  several  celebrations  are  arranged  (p.  169)  upon  moon  21,  which  day, 
if  we  may  believe  Wilfrid  and  Colman  and  Columbanus,  the  Britons  and  Scots  wholly 
eliminated  from  their  observance.  The  reader  who  seeks  for  Dr.  Krusch's  authorities 
respecting  Paschal  observance  in  Home  and  Britain  during  the  fourth  century  will 
discover  that  the  Nicene  encyclical  to  the  church  of  the  Alexandrines  (a.d.  325)  ; 
the  Paschal  epistles  of  Constantine  (a.d.  325),  Ambrose  {ante  a.d.  387),  Innocent 
(a.d.  414) ;  as  well  as  the  Paschal  Prologues  of  Theophilus  (a.d.  380),  Hilarianus 
(a.d.  397),  Cyril  (a.d.  436) ;  and  even  the  Circulus  CXIL  Anjiorumot  Hippolytus  (a.d, 
222)  are  not  considered. 

*2  Cummian  declares  in  his  Paschal  letter  to  Segene  {ajy.  Migne,  torn.  Ixxxvii. 
col.  975,  C)  that  Patrick  introduced  the  Alexandrine  Pasch  into  Ireland  :  Primum  il- 
ium [cyclum]  que^n  smictus  Patricius  imjya  noster  hilit  et  facit  [sic] ;  in  quo  luna 
a  decima  qtiarta  usque  in  vigesimaprivia  regulariter  et  aequinoctium  a  xii.  Kal.  April, 
ohscrvatur. 

*3  V.  Ideler,  as  cited  ut  supra,  notes  29  and  30. 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  L  ADVICE  A  533 

probatur  quia  eorum  suspicationibus  ac  opinionibus  videtur  satis  esse 
contrarius. 

The  longer  cycles  to  which  this  computist  refers,  and  with  the 
*  guesses  and  fancies '  of  which  he  challenges  us  to  compare  his 
own  clear  and  correct  supputation,  are  the  hundred  years  and  the 
nhiety-five  years  cycles  of  Theophilus  and  Cyril  respectively.  Of 
the  Alexandrine  limits  the  computist  remarks — 

Quos  terminos  non  solum  non  sequendos  sed  etiam  detestandos  ac 
succidendos '•^  esse  decernimus. 

Speaking  of  preceding  computations  he  remarks  (cap.  i.,  p.  439)  — 

E  quibus  Hippolytus  XVI.  annorum  Circuluin  quibusdam  ignotis 
Lunae  cursibus  composuit.  Alii  XXV.  [lone  XCV.]  alii  XXX.,  nonnulli 
LXXXIV.  annorum  Circulum  computantes  nuinquam  ad  veram  Pascliae 
computandi  rationem  perveneruiit. 

The  last  lines  are  merely  a  flourish  ;  no  cycle  whose  method  of 
observance  awaits  the  arrival  of  the  Lord's  Day  before  celebrating 
Easter  could  be  so  incorrect  that  it  never  assigned  Easter  Day 
correctly.  The  reference  to  a  cycle  of  thirty  years  relates,  no 
doubt,  to  some  obscure  and  neglected  attempt  by  a  Gallican 
computist  to  use  the  ancient  lunar  cycle  of  his  country. ^^  The 
cycle  of  '  XX V^.'  is  certainly  the  cycle  of  XCV.  of  Cyril.  This  cycle 
was  composed  in  a.d.  430.  From  pseudo-Anatolius"s  reference  to 
LXXXIV.  we  perceive  that  in  Britain,  as  well  as  in  Eome,  that 
method  of  computation  had  been  rejected  entirely. 

Other  writers  upon  Paschal  matters  who  are  referred  to  as  sucli 
by  pseudo-Anatolius  are  Clement,  and  Origen,  and  Isidore,  and 
Hieronymus.^''     This  Isidore   can  be  no  other  than  the  abbot  of 

"  By  what  must  be  presumed  to  be  an  error  of  the  copyist  the  Latin  limit,  ,ri.  Kal. 
Mai,  stands  for  the  limit  of  the  '  African  '  computists,  i.e.  vii.  Kal.  Mai.  ;  succidcndos, 
from  the  pen  of  one  who  fixed  the  posterior  limit  at  ix.  Kal.  Mai.,  could  not,  it  is  clear, 
refer  to  a  limit  dated  xi.  Kal.  Mai. 

*'  V.  the  work  of  Joseph  Justus  Scaliger,  Do  Emendatione  Ttnupornm  (Col.  Allo- 
brog.  1029).  In  his  chapter  De  VeAerum  Gallorum  Anno  (fol.  17"2)  Hcaliger  suggests 
difiiculties  respecting  the  Gallic  period  of  thirty  years  which  have  no  actual  exist- 
ence. If  we  add  eleven  days  of  epact,  year  after  year,  nullity,  i.e.  thirty  days  of  epact, 
is  necessarily  attained  to  in  thirty  years.  It  would  be  quite  possible  to  compute  in 
this  manner ;  as  this  method,  however,  cannot  effect  the  saltas  lunaris,  the  Gallic 
full  moon  in  ninety-five  years  would  fall  four  days  later  than  the  phase. 

*"  Ideler  {Handbiich,  Bd.  ii.  p.  230)  remarks,  Van  der  Hagcn,  der  itinstcuidlicJi  von 
dicscm  Product  handell  {^  De  Cyclis  PascJiallbus,'  S.  115  ff.),  glauht  dass  es  nicht  vor 
del'  ersten  Hdlfte  des  siehentcn  Jahrhunderts  cntstanden  sein  konnc,  weil  darin  des 
hekannten  Bischofs  Isidorus  atis  Sevilla  gedacht  icird,  der  630  gestorben  ist.  .  . 
Isidore  became  bishop  of  Seville  in,  or  soon  after,  a.d.  000 ;  we  have  already  seen  that 
Columbanus  mentions  the  Paschal  canon  of  Anatolius  in  a.d.  002,  and  that  the  Picts, 
who  were  converted  about  a.d.  580,  also  revered  this  Paschal  canon.  Ideler  (loc.  cit.) 
remarks  respecting  Baeda,  Dass  jener  der  Chronologic  sonst  so  kundige  ^cliriftstellcr 
den  offenharen  Betnig  nicht  geahnet  hat  ist  allerdings  anjfallend ;  doch  die  Kritik  war 
damals  in  der  Kindheit.  Neither  Van  der  Hagen  nor  Ideler,  it  would  seem,  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  Paschal  writings  of  Columbanus,  and  Ideler  had  not,  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed, examined  Baeda's  epistle  to  Wicraed  {v.  note  5,  siqt-^-a). 


♦• 


534      THE   PASCHAL   CANON  ATTRIBUTED    TO      July 

# 

Pelusium,  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Chrysostom  and  wrote  agamst 
Theophilus  and  Cyril.  Theophilus  distinguished  his  episcopate 
by  a  bitter  persecution  of  the  Origenists.  Jerome  joined  him  in 
this,  though  he  had  at  one  time  accounted  Origen  as  second 
only  to  the  disciples  of  Jesus.  Isidore  died  about  450,  Jerome 
in  420. 

As  the  decemnovennal  computation  was  known  to  pseudo- 
Anatolius,  as  he  was  also  acquainted  with  the  lengthy  cycles  of  the 
Alexandrine  patriarchs,  and  as  he  exceeded  the  Latin  limits  in 
assigning  'the  Easter  of  a.d.  444,  therefore  it  is  not  unreasonable 
to  assume  that  the  change  produced  in  Britain  by  Leo's  earlier 
judgment  in  a.d.  455  took  the  form  of  a  rejection  of  the  *  Paschal 
Book  for  One  Hundred  Years  '  of  Theophilus. 

The  consequence  of  such  a  rejection  would  be  the  construction 
of  a  new  Paschal  method ;  this  construction  has  been  dated,  in  this 
examination,  in  a.d.  457  for  the  following  year.  Why,  it  will  be 
asked,  did  not  the  British  computist  construct  his  new  list  at  once, 
i.e.  in  a.d.  455,  instead  of  deferring  the  appearance  of  his  novelty 
for  three  years  ?  The  '  Paschal  Book '  of  Theophilus  dated  the  Easter 
of  its  year  Ixxix.,  i,e,  of  a.d.  458,  20  April,  moon  21.  When  the 
British  computists  came  to  consult  the  *  Paschal  Book '  of  Theophilus, 
in  order  to  learn  the  date  of  Easter  in  458,  they  found  that  a 
celebration  upon  moon  21  was  ordained.  Their  obedience  in 
rejecting  the  twenty-first  moon  in  455,  at  the  instance  of  Leo, 
would  necessarily  be  fresh  in  mind  ;  the  supposed  command  to 
reject  moon  21  and  to  celebrate  upon  moon  14,  Sunday,  would  be 
recalled ;  the  Paschal  canon  of  pseudo-Anatolius,  which  computes 
the  lunations  of  a.d.  458,  was  constructed,  and  the  isolated  church 
of  the  Britons  entered  upon  its  long  schism  of  three  centuries. 

VII. 

The  question  of  the  equinox  date  must  now  be  considered.  In 
view  of  my  assertion  that  the  British  church  in  the  fifth  century 
kept  the  Easter  of  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  and  also  of  the  fact 
that  the  Britons  retained  the  Julian  equinox  and  rejected  the 
Nicene  equinox,  the  following  question  at  once  suggests  itself : 
How  could  the  Britons,  who  retained  from  earlier  times  the  equinox 
date  25  March,  have  kept  the  Easters  of  Theophilus,  who  dated 
the  equinox  21  March,  and  consequently  celebrated  before  25 
March  ? 

The  Alexandrine  computists,  it  has  already  been  observed,  were 
accustomed  to  allot  thirty- one  days  in  years  of  embolism  to 
the  lunation  which  is  extinguished  in  March.  The  result  of  this 
is  that  the  Paschal  term  in  the  lunation  of  April  in  those  em- 
bolismic  years  which  are  connoted  with  the  golden  numbers  V. 
and  XVI.  is  deferred  one  day.     As  these  years  are  the  only  years  in 


1895  ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA  535 

which  it  is  possible  for  orthodox  computists  to  celebrate  before  25 
March,  I  regard  this  peculiarity  of  Alexandrine  computation  as  a 
"direct  concession  to  the  susceptibilities  of  those  Latins  who  were 
desirous  of  retaining  the  ancient  date  of  the  equinox."*^ 

When  Sunday  fell  in  V.  upon  24  March,  moon  15,  and  when 
"Sunday  fell  in  XVI.  upon  23  March,  moon  15,  or  upon  24  March, 
moon  16,  the  Alexandrines  required  the  Latins  to  celebrate  in 
-company  with  them. 

Now  in  v.,  G  F,  a.d.  384,  Easter  was  dated  24  March ;  no 
other  celebration  before  the  Julian  equinox  could  be  required  until 
A.D.  452,  XVI.,  F  E,  Easter  Day,  23  March.  That  is  to  say,  in 
seventy  years  the  '  Paschal  Book '  of  Theophilus  only  once  enjoined 
celebration  of  Easter  before  25  March.  In  this  year  pseudo- 
Anatolius  dates  Easter,  as  I  have  already  pointed  out,  one  month 
later  than  its  proper  time.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  such 
apparent  desuetude  as  that  which  has  just  been  discovered  would 
-confirm  the  British  computists  in  their  belief  that  the  three  days 
between  21  March  and  25  March  were,  as  pseudo-Anatolius 
maintains,  unfit  for  the  celebration  of  Easter. 

In  A.D.  414,  XVI.,  D,  and  in  a.d.  441,  V.,  E,  the  Easters  of 
Theophilus  were  dated,  respectively,  29  March  and  30  ^larch. 
These  dates,  we  shall  find,  if  we  inspect  the  lists  of  Paschal  schisms 
compiled  by  the  Benedictines,"*®  proved  to  be  the  occasion  of  schism. 
In  A.D.  414  Pope  Innocent  rejected  the  Paschal  date  of  Theophilus  ^^ 
and  celebrated  upon  22  March.  In  a.d.  441  some  of  the  Latins 
celebrated  upon  23  March. 

Both  these  dates  are  discoverable  in  the  '  Circulus  LXXXIV. 
Annorum.'  As  the  ]jritons  in  452  would  not  celebrate  before 
25  March,  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  assume,  without  any  attempt  at 
proof,  that  they  were  willing  to  celebrate  before  25  March  in  441. 
This  assumption,  however,  is  inherent  in  the  assertion  that  the 
British  church,  in  the  fifth  century,  computed  the  date  of  Easter 
by  means  of  the  cycle  of  LXXXIV.  Innocent,  in  414,  knew  that  the 
cycle  of  LXXXIV.  was  one  day  in  precession  of  the  moon  of  XIX.  ; 
Cyril  in  436,  pointed  out  that  this  precession  amounted  to  two 
days.'^'*  As  the  moon  of  LXXXIV.  continuously  and  in  an  increasing 
degree  preceded  the  moon  of  the  heavens,  it  is  certain  that  in  a 
very  short  time  after  a.d.  450  the  cycle  of  LXXXIV.  became  useless 
and  was  rejected  universally.  A.  Anscombe. 


••'  Note  the  frequent  remarks  of  Theophilus  (Prolog.  Paschal,  ap.  Bucher,  p.  473, 
par.  .")),  of  Ambrose  {Epistol.  de  Fcsto  PascJuiU,  ibid.  p.  477,  par.  8),  and  of  Cyril 
{Prolog.  Paschal,  ibid.  p.  484,  par.  0)  respecting  the  computations  of  the  common 
people  and  their  obstinacy  respecting  the  equinox  date. 

^**  L\Art  de  vdrificr  les  Dates,  tome  i.  Easter  Tables. 

*■'  V.  Innocent.  Pap.  Epistol.  (xi.)  ad  Aurelium  {ap.  Bucher,  p.  480). 

^»  V,  Prolog.  Paschal,  (ap.  Bucher,  p.  484,  par.  8). 


# 


536       THE   POPE    WHO   SENTENCED  HIMSELF      Juljr 


My  friend  Professor  Maitland  has  now  found  this  story  in  the  Year 
Book,  in  an  interesting  case  on  the  privileges  of  the  chancellor  of 
Oxford,  8  H.  VI,  18  ;  it  occurs  on  p.  20.  The  question  before  the 
court  being  whether  a  certain  charter  of  Eichard  II  gave  the 
chancellor  jurisdiction  in  cases  where  he  was  himself  a  part}^. 
and,  if  so,  whether  such  a  grant  was  good,  Eolf,  of  counsel  for  the 
chancellor,  is  reported  to  have  said — 

Jeo  vous  dirai  un  fable  :  En  ascim  temps  fuit  un  Pape,  &  avoit  fait  un 
grand  offence,  &  le  Cardinals  vindrent  a  luy  &  disoyent  a  luy,  Peccasti,  & 
il  dit,  Judica  [sid]  me :  &  ils  disoyent,  non  possumua,  quia  caput  es 
Ecclesiae,  judica  te  ipsum  :  Et  rApostor  [sic]  dit,  Judico  me  cremari :  & 
fuit  combustus :  &  en  cest  cas  il  fuit  son  juge  demesne,  &  apres  fuit  un 
Sainct :  &  issint  n'est  pas  inconvenient  que  un  home  soit  [son]  juge- 
demesne,  &c. 

This  is  probably  the  source  of  the  story  as  current  in  England^ 
though  I  am  quite  sure  that  as  I  first  heard  it  the  whole  was  in 
Latm.  Obviously  Rolfs  version  is  a  long  way  from  Bonitho's,  and 
the  intermediate  stages  remain  unaccounted  for.       F.  Pollock. 


HENRY    I   AT    '  BURNE. 


In  working  at  the  charters  of  Henry  I,  1  have  long  been  puzzled  a& 
to  what  place  is  represented  by  'Burna.'  It  is  connected  with  the 
king's  departures  for  Normandy,  especially  in  1114,  when  we  learn 
from  the  '  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle '  that  the  forcing  of  the  see  of 
Rochester  on  the  reluctant  Ernulf  took  place  at  a  '  tune  '  called 
*  Burne  '  on  15  Sept.,  while  the  king  was  waiting  for  a  favourable 
wind  ;  that  he  was  at  Rowner  ('  Rugenor  '),  opposite  to  Portsmouth^ 
six  days  later,  and  that  he  took  ship  at  Portsmouth  the  same  day 
(21  Sept.)*  Eastbourne  is  the  only  obvious  '  Burne  '  lying  on  the 
south  coast,  and  local  research  has  assured  the  identity  of  the  two 
names.-  The  Rolls  edition  of  the  '  Chronicle  '  also  identifies  them 
here,'^  and  Mr.  Eyton  observes  that  '  we  have  a  charter  of  King 
Henry  I,  dated  apud  Marenchnaiiiy  and  that  it  passed  in  the  same 
week  or  month  as  other  charters  which  that  king  expedited  at 
Fareham  (Hants)  and  at  Eastbourne  (Sussex)  when  about  to  cross  to 
Normandy.'  ^  In  spite  of  these  identifications  it  has  always  seemed 
to  me  that  Eastbourne  was  not  a  probable  point  of  departure,  was 
not,  so  far  as  we  know,  a  recognised  port  at  all,  and  was  not,  in  any 
case,  near  Portsmouth  or  Fareham.     Seeking  for  a  place  fulfilling 

>  See  above,  p.  293.  '  Plummer's  Two  of  the  Saxon  Chronicles,  i.  245-6. 

-  Sussex  Arch.  Coll.  xiv.  120. 

■^  As  does  the  life  of  Ernulf  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biograjyhy. 

*  Itinerary  of  Henry  II,  p.  293,  note. 


1895  HENRY  I  AT  'BURNE'  537 

this  last  condition,  I  found  it  in  Westbourne,  Sussex,  on  the  Hamp- 
shire border,  close  to  the  sea.  But  what,  it  may  be  asked,  took 
Henry  to  Westbourne,  which  is  off  the  main  road  ?  The  answer 
is  that  Westbourne  ('Borne'),  like  Harden  (' Meredone ') ,  which 
lay  to  the  north  of  it,  formed  part  of  the  honour  of  Arundel,-'^  then 
by  forfeiture  in  the  king's  lands,  and  afterwards  his  widow's  dower. 
In  accordance  with  immemorial  practice  Henry  would  sojourn  at 
his  own  manors  when  he  found  himself  in  their  neighbourhood. 

The  statement  of  the  *  Chronicle  '  implying  the  presence  of  mag- 
nates, ecclesiastical  and  lay,  on  the  occasion  at  '  Burne,'  is  confirmed 
by  the  charter  settling  the  differences  between  Hyde  Abbey  and 
the  bishop  of  Winchester,  which  was  there  granted,  13  Sept.  (1114). •* 
It  was  witnessed  by  the  archl)ishops  of  Canterbury  and  York,  the 
bishops  of  Salisbury,  London,  Lincoln,  Bath,  Exeter,  and  Durham, 
the  count  of  Meulan,  and  Henry,  earl  of  AVarwick,  Walter  (of 
Gloucester),  the  Constable,  William  *  Camerarius '  of  Tancarvilie, 
Adam  de  Port,  Nigel  d'Oilli,  H.  de  Port,  Ralph  de  Limesi,  and  Nigel 
d'Aubeni.  This  list  of  witnesses,  on  the  roll,  is  of  special  value, 
because  in  the  '  Monasticon  '  all  those  after  the  earl  of  AVarwick  are 
omitted,  Dugdale  having  taken  for  his  text  the  Cottonian  manuseiipt 
Dom.  A.  xiv.,  where,  also,  the  name  of  the  place  is  given  as  Barn- 
ham  ('  Mon.  Angl.'  ii.  444).  He  does,  indeed,  print  the  mnpeximvM 
also  {ih.  445),  but  gives  the  date  of  the  original  charter  in  it  as 
1110  quarto  die  idus  Sept.,  instead  of  1114  die  idns  Sept. 

To  Westbourne  also  I  am  tempted  to  assign  two  Eamsey 
charters  granted  apud  Burnhani,'  though  Mr.  E.  E.  G.  Kirk  in 
the  index  identifies  this  place  with  '  Brunham,'  Norfolk.^  The 
evidence  may  be  short  of  actual  proof,  but  seven  of  the  nine 
witnesses  to  the  first  of  these  Piamsey  charters  witnessed  that  to 
Winchester,  which  certainly  suggests  that  the  documents  l)elong  to 
the  same  place  and  the  same  occasion.''  Both  these  charters,  one 
must  add,  are  gravely  misdated,  as  '1119'  and  '1119-1123,' 
for  both  are  previous  to  the  king's  departure  in  111 G. 

Henry's  great  charter  of  confirmation  to  the  church  of  Ciren- 
cester ('  Mon.  Angl.'  ii.  177)  is  dated  apnd  Burnam  in  traiisfretationc 
7nea  anno  Ine.  Dom.  MCXXXIII,  rer/ni  cem  mei  XXXIII,  and  is  no 
less  valuable  than  that  to  Winchester  in  1114  for  its  long  list  of 
witnesses,  nineteen  in  number,  in  conjunction  with  a  fixed  date 
(August  1133).  J.  H.  EoiM). 


•'  Domesday,  i.  23  b.,  24. 

♦'  Thirtieth  Report  of  the  Deputy  Keeper  of  the  UeeorcU,  p.  200. 

'  Ramsey  Cartulary,  i.  245.  '*  Ibid.  iii.  308. 

"  The  Norfolk  Burnhams  lie  in  the  remote  north  of  tlie  county,  an  unlikely  spot 
from  which  to  expedite  a  charter.  There  is  also  a  Barnhani  in  Suffolk,  close  to 
Thetford.  As  llamsey  held  lands  at  Burnhani,  the  cartulary  scribe  may  well  have 
interpolated  an  '  h,'  confusing  the  two  places. 


•• 


538        THE   'HEUSE'    OF  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY      July 

9 

THE  *  HEESE  '  OF  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY. 

Few  passages  have  been  more  variously  interpreted  than  that  in 
which  Froissart  describes  how  the  English  archers  of  the  front 
division  were  drawn  up  at  Crecy — mis  leurs  arciers  a  manlere  d'lone 
herce  et  les  gens  d'armes  on  fans  de  leur  hataille.^  Mr.  Oman,  in  his 
*  Art  of  War  in  the  Middle  Ages,'  supposed  them  to  be  formed  in  line 
in  the  centre  of  the  '  battle,'  with  a  solid  phalanx  of  dismounted 
men-at-arms  at  each  end  of  the  line,  to  guard  their  flanks  ;  but  he 
has  recently  taken  a  different  view.  The  line,'  he  now  says,  *  was  com- 
posed alternately  of  triangular  bodies  of  archery  and  smaller 
squares  of  dismounted  knights  using  the  long  lance.'  *  The  archers 
were  drawn  up  in  wedge-shaped  formation,  "  like  a  [triangular] 
harrow,"  as  Froissart  expresses  it.'  '^  In  adopting  this  sense  of 
herse  he  agrees  with  Pere  Daniel,^  but  the  latter  supposed  the  men- 
at-arms  to  be  in  the  centre  and  the  archers  on  the  flanks.  He 
took  Froissart's  phrase  to  mean  que  ces  deux  corps  d'archers  etaient 
prolouges  bien  au-dcla  de  la  ligne,  et  fannaient  chacun  comme  tin 
triangle y  dont  la  base  fart  large  etait  tournee  du  cote  dcs  Franc^ais. 
Why  it  should  be  turned  that  way  he  does  not  explain. 

But  other  writers  of  authority  in  medieval  warfare  have 
dismissed  the  idea  of  a  harrow,  and  have  understood  Froissart  to 
say  that  the  archers  were  extended  in  a  line  in  front  of  the  men-at- 
arms.  So  Napoleon  III,^  who  thinks  Froissart  likened  them  to  a 
portcullis,  because,  with  their  stakes  fixed  in  front  of  them,  they 
form  an  impassable  barrier.  So  Colonel  Riistow,''  who  renders  herse 
by  Stahetenzaun,  and  takes  it  to  mean  that  the  archers  with  their 
stakes  enclosed  the  men-at-arms,  at  all  events  in  front,  as  a  fence 
does  a  house.  So  also  Viollet-le-Duc  says  of  Edward  III,*^  Ses 
archers,  en  avant,  etaient  disposes  en  herse,  and  elsewhere  explains 
this  to  mean  se  developper  en  lignes  de  hatailles  .  .  .  comme  le  fant 
encore  nos  tirailleurs.''  He  quotes  from  a  manuscript  how  Godefroy 
d'Harcourt,  at  the  beginning  of  the  action  in  which  he  was  killed, 
(near  Coutances)  in  1356,  mist  ses  archiers  tout  devant  ce  qu'il  en 
avait.     Sir  Sibbald  Scott  ^  comes  to  the  same  conclusion. 

That  the  archers  were  in  front  and  the  men-at-arms  behind  is 
suggested  by  the  expression  oufans  de  leur  bataille.  It  is  distinctly 
stated  in  the  Eome  manuscript  of  the  '  Chronicles,'  missent  les 
archiers  tout  devant  enfaurme  de  uneerceet  les  gens  d'armes  oufans.^ 
It  is  also  implied  by  the  statement  that  in  the  course  of  the  battle 
certain  knights  and  squires  of  the  French  Sivray  jmr  farce  d' amies 
rompirent  les  arciers  de  la  bataille  dou  Prince  et  vinrent  jusques  os 

'  Ed.  Luce,  iii.  175.  -'  Social  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  7o. 

•^  Histoire  de  la  Milice  Frani;aise,  i.  220.  *  OJnvres,  iv.  40. 

^  Geschichte  der  Infanterie,  i.  105. 

•*  Dictionnaire  de  Mobilier  Franqais,  vi.  37-4.  '  Ibid.  v.  49. 

British  Army,  ii.  540,  &c.  "  Ed.  Luce,  iii.  416. 


1895      THE   'HEESE'    OF  ARCHEllS   AT   CllECY       539 

gens  (Varmes  comhattre  as  espees,  main  a  main,  moult  vaillamment  ^^ 
Again,  if  we  turn  to  the  account  of  Poitiers,  in  which  Froissart  uses 
the  same  illustration,  we  find  that  Eustace  de  Eibeaumont  reports 
to  the  French  king,  after  mentioning  the  archers  who  lined  the 
hedges  of  the  road  of  approach,  et  ont  mis  leurs  gens  iVarmes  tout 
devant  yaits  leurs  arciers  a  maniere  rVune  herce.^^  In  the  Amiens 
manuscript  this  description  is  vo^'ied,  and  stands,  Ajjries  ee  tenoient 
oufons  de  ce  chemin  les  gens  (ramies  en  hon  convenant,  deux  hayes 
d'archiers  devant  yaux,  a  nianni'ere  d'une  heree.^'^  "While  Froissart 
says  that  the  archers — not  all  of  them,  but  those  of  the  prince's 
'  battle ' — were  in  front.  Baker  of  Swinbrook  says  they  were  on  the 
flanks.  Sagittariis  eciam  sua  loea  designarunt  \_AngUci],  ut,  non 
coram  armatis,  set  a  laterihus  regis  exercitus  quasi  ale  astarent,  et 
sic  non  impedirent  armatos  negue  inimicis  oecurrerent  in  f route,  set  in 
latere  sagittas  fidminarentJ''^ 

At  Agincourt  Henry's  small  numbers  obliged  him  to  draw  up 
Tan,  main  body,  and  rear  all  in  one  line,  instead  of  in  successive 
^  battles,'  and  there,  according  to  the  chaplain  who  witnessed  the 
battle,^"^  inter miscuisset  cnneos  sagittariorum  suoruni  cuiUhet  aciei,  et 
/ecisset  eos  affigere  palos  eoram  eis.^^  But  the  herald  St.  Bemy,  who 
was  also  present  with  the  English  army,  and  who  also  says  that  in 
the  original  order  of  battle  the  archers  were  placed  aux  deux 
costez  des  homnies  d'armes,  says  that  just  before  the  battle  began 
Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  was  directed  by  Henry  pour  ordoniier  ses 
arcMers  et  les  mectre  au  froneq  devant,  en  deux  ellc^,  and  did  so.'*' 
Hence  Viollet-le-Duc  concludes  that  Henry  rangeu  m  petite  armee 
.  .  ,  en  trois  eorps,  entre  lesquels  il  posta  des  arelicrs  en  ordre  tri- 
angulaire,^"^  avee  leurs  jjieux  Jiehes  devant  eux.  Puis  en  avaiit  de  ee 
front  de  hataille  il  Hahlit  une  double  ligne  d'archers  en  herse.^^ 

According  to  Christine  de  Pisan  the  usual  (French)  practice  at 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  to  draw  up  the  army  in 
three  divisions,  the  foremost,  or  vanguard,  consisting 

■of  a  long  train  of  men  of  arms,  all  close  together  and  ranged  full  smoothly, 
that  the  one  pass  not  the  other  .  .  .  and  at  the  foremost  sides  are  made 
wings,  in  which  be  all  manner  of  shooters  ranged,  and  in  good  array,  as 
well  gunners  as  balesters  and  archers.'-' 

This  corresponds  to  the  arrangement  adopted  in  later  times  for 
pikemen  and  musketeers  ;  but  at  the  beginning  of  an  action  '  shot ' 
Avere  usually  placed  in  front  of  the  pikes,  either  as  skirmishers  or 

'»  Ed.  Luce,  iii.  182.  "  Ibid.  v.  22.  '-  Ibid.  252. 

'■'  Chronicon  Galfridi  Ic  Baker  de  Sivyncbrokc  (ed.  lS8i)),  p.  84. 

"  Chronicler  A  of  Sir  Harris  Nicolas. 

'••  Gcsta  Henrici  Quinti,  p.  50.  '*  Clironiqiie,  ed.  Morand,  i.  253. 

'"  It  is  not  safe  to  regard  cuneics  as  decisive  of  shape.     It  seems  often  to  have  been 
used  for  masses  or  columns  of  troops.     Cf.  coin  de  terre. 

"*  02).  cit.  vi.  385. 

'"  Book  of  Faittes  of  Arms,  Caxton's  translation,  B.  1,  ch.  23. 


540        THE   'TTERSiy    OF  ARCHERS   AT   CRECY      July 

f 

in  close  order.  In  the  latter  case  we  find  the  term  herse  still  used 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  Robert  Ward,  in  his  '  Animadversions 
of  War '  (1639),  describes  what  he  calls  a  '  demi-hearse  Battell/  to 
form  which 

the  two  wings  of  shot  are  advanced  before  the  front  of  the  body  of  pikes  : 
and  closing  their  divisions  they  shelter  the  pikes  from  the  fury  of  the 
enemies'  shot.^^ 

Sir  John  Smythe,  writing  while  archers  were  still  seen  in  the 
field  (1590),  says— 

The  ancient  order  of  reducing  archers  into  form  by  our  most  skilful 
and  warlike  ancestors  was  into  hearses — that  is,  broad  in  front  and  narrow 
in  flank,  as,  for  example,  if  there  were  25,  30,  35,  or  more  or  fewer  archers 
in  front,  the  flanks  did  consist  but  of  7  or  8  ranks  at  the  most.  .  .  .  They 
placed  their  hearses  of  archers  either  before  the  front  of  their  armed  foot- 
men or  else  in  wings  upon  the  corners  of  their  battles,  and  sometimes 
both  in  front  and  wings.^' 

By  supposing  that  at  Crecy  they  were  originally  in  masses  on 
the  flanks,  but  were  afterwards  extended  (in  whole  or  part)  across 
the  front  of  the  men-at-arms  before  the  battle  began,  we  may 
partially  reconcile  Froissart's  statement  with  that  of  Baker  of 
Hwinbrook. 

The  question  remains.  How  came  the  term  herse  to  be  applied  to 
them  in  this  linear  formation?  In  Du  Gauge's  'Glossary'  (ed. 
Henschel  and  Favre)  hericla  is  defined  as  septum  quod  portis  itrhimn 
objieihir,  sen  quodvis  rejmgulum,  quo  locus  aliquis  oecluditur  ac  munitur, 
nostris  Herse.  A  passage  is  quoted  in  illustration  (from  '  Eeg.  feudor. 
Norman./  Sec.)  :  Homines  sui  dehent  reparare  unam  perticatam  dc 
Jhssatis  .  .  .  etfaeere  Hericiam  supra  illam  perticatam  cum  reparata 
j'uerit.  This  is  closel}'  parallel  to  the  lines  in  the  '  Eoman  de 
Eou  :  '— 

Avait  a  eel  tens  une  fosse 

Haut  e  parfont  e  repare 

Sor  le  fosse  out  hericon.         (ii.  204t.f^ 

Hericon  is  defined  in  the  '  Glossary '  (ix.  234)  as  defense  qu\>n 
mettait  aux  passages  pour  servir  de  harrieres,  cheval  defrise.  In  this 
sense,  as  well  as  in  its  pjrimitive  sense  of  '  hedgehog,'  herlsson  is 
derived  from  ericius.  In  describing  the  attack  on  one  of  Pompey's 
camps  Caesar  mentions  ^^  erat  object  us  portis  ericius  .  .  .  excisoquc 
ericio  .  .  .  irruperunt.  Following  the  latest  editors  of  Du  Cange, 
then,  we  may  trace  herse,  as  used  by  Froissart,  not  to  hirpex,  a 
harrow,  but  to  herisson,  hericia,  and  ericius,  and  understand  b}^  it  a 
bristly  fence,  of  varying  extent,  of  the  nature  of  cheraux  de  frise,. 

•■'»  Part  i.  p.  262. 

■-'  Discourses  concerning  the  Form  and  Effect  of  divers  Sorts  of  Wea2)ons,  p.  30. 

--  Quoted  by  Mr.  Archer  in  Contemporary  lievieic,  March  1893. 

"  Bel.  Civ.  iii.  c.  07. 


1895  THE   'HERSE'    OF  ARCHERS   AT   CRECY       541 

placed  in  front  of  an  entrance  or  along  the  top  of  a  scarp.-^  In 
this  sense  it  is  quite  as  applicable  to  the  line  of  archers  as  the 
term  haie,  which  Froissart  also  uses.  It  is  not  necessary  to  refer 
to  their  stakes  in  justification  of  it,  any  more  than  we  seek  material 
means  of  explaining  the  historic  exclamation,  *  See  how  Jackson's 
brigade  stands  like  a  stone  wall.'  The  archers  were  a  fence  or 
hedge  to  the  men-at-arms.^  Their  arrows  were  their  bristles. 
There  is  no  direct  evidence  that  they  had  stakes  at  Crecy^*^  or 
Poitiers ;  and  at  Agincourt,  where  they  had  them,  they  seem  to 
have  planted  them  not  across  the  whole  front  of  the  line  of  battle, 
but  as  a  protection  for  their  rallying  points  in  that  line.  So  the 
chaplain  says ;  and  this  makes  it  easier  to  understand  the  l^nglish 
advance  to  provoke  the  French  onset  after  the  stakes  had  been  fixed. 
If  the  above  explanation  is  correct,  it  is  a  curious  reversal  of 
metaphor  that  the  herse,  after  lending  its  name  to  a  line  of  infantry, 
should  have  been  itself  renamed  cheraux  de  /rise  in  the  Low  Country 
wars.  E.  M.  Lloyd. 


HERALDRY    OF    OXFORD    COLLEGES. 


In  the  April  issue  of  the  English  Historical  Eeview  there 
appeared  a  paper  by  the  Piev.  Andrew  Clark  commenting  upon 
some  articles  that  had  appeared  in  ArcJiaeologia  OxoidenHis  upon 
the  heraldry  of  Oxford  colleges.  I  should  be  glad  to  discuss  briefly 
the  charges  made  by  Mr.  Clark,  and  the  evidence  with  which  he 
supports  them. 

I.  I  am  quite  willing  to  accept  his  correction  upon  a  subject 
that  he  has  made  his  own.  The  question  of  the  technical  right  of 
the  elder  Wood  to  claim  the  privileges  of  the  university  was, 
perhaps,  outside  the  scope  of  my  subject. 

II.  Mr.  Clark  does  not  accept  the  distinct  statements  of 
Twyne  (1)  that  the  university  enjoyed  exemption  a  marcscalU>i 
regiis  by  virtue  of  two  royal  charters,  and  (2)  that  the  '  visita- 
tion '  of  1574  alleged  by  the  heralds  in  1634  was  a  pretence 
of  which  the  records  of  the  university  bore  no  trace.  As  evidence 
of  his  contention  Mr.  Clark  produces  the  exemplifications  of 
the  arms  of  Lincoln  College  and  of  one  or  two  others  signed 
as  correct  by  Lee  in  1574.  In  any  case  I  should  be  unwiUing  to 
admit  that  these  emblazoned  copies  indicated  more  than  that  a 

■'^  I  find  this  is  the  view  of  Kohler  {Die  Entwickelung  des  Kriegswcsens  in  dcr 
Bittcrzcit,  ii.  304)  both  as  regards  the  meaning  of  herse  and  its  derivation.  Cf.  also 
Hewitt,  Ancient  Armour  and  Weapons,  ii.  70. 

■"  In  the  same  way  the  Hnes  of  men  told  off  to  guard  the  flanks  or  rear  of  an  army, 
or  the  ranks  of  musketeers  round  a  square  of  pikemen,  were  termed  an  impalement  by 
writers  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

■-'«  It  is  so  far  evidence  to  the  contrary  that  Baker  says  the  English  dug  what  are 
now  called  shallow  military  pits  along  their  front,  as  an  obstacle  to  the  French  horoe, 
.at  Crecy.    At  Poitiers  the  hedges  formed  an  obstacle. 


542  HERALDRY  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  July 

few  colleges  took  advantage  of  the  presence  of  a  skilled  heraldic 
draughtsman  in  their  midst ;  but  that  the  copies  in  question  were 
not  considered  the  work  of  any  one  having  authority  to  pro- 
nounce upon  the  true  bearings  is  clearl}'  shown  in  the  case  of 
Christ  Church.  Here  the  herald,  Eichard  Lee,  Portcullis,  emblazons- 
as  the  arms  of  Christ  Church  a  coat  that  was  not  then,  and  never 
has  been,  recognised  by  that  house.*  The  coat  had  been  granted, 
apparently  on  their  own  motion,  by  the  College  of  Arms  in  1546,. 
but  the  scant  respect  shown  for  their  *  grant '  both  then  and  after 
Lee  had,  in , his  attempted  visitation  of  1574,  again  tried  to  foist  the 
coat  upon  Christ  Church,  indicates  clearly  enough  the  value  that 
the  university  set  upon  the  authority  of  the  Heralds'  College.  I  do 
not  think  that  these  coats  can  be  regarded  as  other  than  the  result 
of  the  wish  of  the  college  authorities  to  have  their  arms  blazoned 
by  a  qualified  herald,  who  was  probably  glad  to  get  the  chance 
of  inserting  the  *  confirmation '  clause  as  a  protest  against  the 
claim  of  the  university  to  exemption.  Certainly  the  College  of 
Arms  would  be  very  unlikely  either  to  lose  or  to  omit  to  copy  into 
its  official  records  notes  of  such  a  triumph  as  a  successful  visitation 
of  the  university  in  1574.  And  no  such  record  exists  either  in 
London  or  in  Oxford. 

in.  I  am  indebted  to  a  recent  writer  in  the  Academy  for  an 
opportune  and  clinching  proof  of  the  tincture  of  archbishop 
Eotherham's  stags.-  But  almost  from  Mr.  Clark's  own  words  can 
the  unreasonableness  of  his  contention  be  deduced.  The  coat& 
of  Eotherham's  '  proximate  predecessors  and  successors  '  are  all 
known,  and  not  one  resembles  that  of  the  cardinal.  In  fact,, 
extremely  few  families  bear  arms  even  approximating  to  that  in 
the  impaled  coat  of  Lincoln  College,  and  not  one,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Trollops  of  Durham,  arms  that  are  identical.^  Mr.  Clark's- 
sole  piece  of  evidence  in  favour  of  golden  stags  is  Eichard  Lee's 
emblazoned  copy  of  the  arms  of  Lincoln  College — one  of  those 
just  referred  to.  Whatever  authority  this  may  have  attaches  also- 
to  another  statement  by  Lee  in  a  work  Mr.  Clark  seems  to  have 
overlooked ;  in  his  '  Gatherings  of  Oxfordshire,'  a  collection  of 
church  notes  made  at  the  same  time  as  his  visitation,  1574,  he 
records  the  arms  of  Eotherham  in  All  Hallows  Church,  in  Oxford,, 
as  veri,  three  staffs  argent  attired  or.     So  that  Lee's  oversight  can  be 

'  The  arms  thus  '  confirmed  and  allowed '  by  Lee  are  France  and  England 
quarterly,  over  all  a  cross  argent  charged  ivith  an  open  hook  havmg  six  seals  ppr 
and  ensigned  ivith  an  imperial  crown.  (Harl.  MS.  5812.) 

-  In  the  issue  of  the  Academy  for  11  May,  'J.  S.  C  points  out  that  the  original 
statutes  of  the  archbishop's  college  at  Eotherham,  now  preserved  at  Sidney  Sussex 
College,  Cambridge,  have  Eotherham's  arms  emblazoned  on  the  first  leaf,  and  that 
the  stags  or  '  roes  '  are  argent. 

='  Papworth,  it  is  true,  admits  Green,  but  Guillim  {writing  at  a  date  almost  con- 
temporaneous with  that  of  the  assumption  of  arms  by  Jesus  College)  decides  in  favour 
of  an  azure  field  for  this  family. 


1895  HERALDlir  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  54B 

corrected  by  his  own  hand.^  Were  this  not  the  case,  and  were 
Lee's  blazon  supported  by  other  sources  of  earHer  date  than  1574, 
some  question  as  to  the  balance  of  evidence  might  arise,  but  as  it 
stands  Mr.  Clark  will  probably  be  the  first  to  admit  that  Lee's 
blazon  in  the  Lincoln  exemplification  can  hardly  weigh  against 
the  earlier  evidence  of  York,  Bolton,  Sarnesfield,  and  Cambridge. 

IV.  To  answer  fully  Mr.  Clark's  criticisms  of  the  notes  upon  the 
arms  of  Jesus  College  would  occupy  more  space  than  I  have  at  my 
disposal.     I  should,  however,  be  glad  to  state  succinctly — 

1.  Mr.  Clark  bases  much  of  his  criticism  upon  a  misquotation. 
I  carefully  abstained  from  the  use  of  the  words  '  without  authority." 

2.  The  absence  of  any  other  source  for  the  arms  makes  a 
confusion  with  those  of  a  college  not  twenty  yards  away  (admitted, 
indeed,  by  Mr.  Clark  himself),  and  a  subsequent  acquiescence  by 
the  authorities  of  Jesus  College  in  the  mistake,  the  only  reasonable 
explanation. 

3.  The  Earliest  authority  for  the  college  arms  ^ives  azure  as  the 
field,""'  and  the  College  of  Arms,  the  weight  of  whose  opinion  Mr. 
Clark  will  readily  admit,  blazons  the  coat  thus. 

4.  I  intended  rather  to  indicate  that  the  choice  of  green  as  the 
*  colours  '  of  the  college  had  probably  been  the  immediate  cause 
that  made  the  error  popular  and  practically  universal. 

5.  Not  having  seen  the  will  of  Dr.  Price  myself,  I  can  only  say 
that  the  margin  of  a  will  is  an  unusual  place  for  desultory  sketching, 
that  the  custom  of  inscribing  the  arms  of  the  testator  upon  the 
margin  of  a  will  is  well  known,^'  and  that  Anthony  Wood  distinctly 
states  that  the  arms  there  found  are  those  of  Dr.  Price."^ 

Under  the  circumstances  I  gave  the  '  azure '  coat  as  the  more 
probable  rendering  of  '  the '  arms,  but  I  gave  it  with  an  admission 
of  uncertainty,  to  which  Mr.  Clark  does  not  advert. 

The  whole  subject  is  one  of  extreme  difficulty,  and  I  fully  admit 
that  several  corrections  should  be  made  in  the  '  notes '  both  here 
and  elsewhere  ;  but  though  criticism  and  expansion  are  most 
necessary  to  clear  up  a  neglected  branch  of  heraldry,  I  do  not  think 
that  Mr.  Clark's  somewhat  vigorous  denunciation  will  have  con- 
vinced many  that  I  have  approached  the  matter  in  an  intemperate 
spirit,  or  that  I  am  open  to  a  charge  of  '  inventing  reasons  and 
imagining  motives.'  Perceval  Landon. 


In  the  April  number  of  this  Eeview  I  tried  to  show  that  the 
very  decided  terms  in  which  Mr.  Landon  had  expressed  his  conclu- 
sions on  some  points  of  Oxford  heraldry  made  several  matters  of 
inference  and  opinion  (and  possibly  of  erroneous  inference)  appear 

*  See  also  Havl.  MSS.  1754  (c.  1G23)  and  1993  (c.  1585).        ^  Harl.  MS.  6331. 

*  The  first  example  of  about  the  date  that  comes  to  mind  is  that  of  Mary,  daughter 
of  Sir  John  Gresham  (1582,  P.C.C.)  '  Fasti,  1525. 


544  HERALDRY  OF   OXFORD   COLLEGES  July 

f 

as  matters  of  fact.  I  have  read  Mr.  Landon's  defence  of  his  posi- 
tions, and  am  content  to  abide  by  the  arguments  of  my  former  paper. 
But  there  is  one  point  of  general  historical  interest  at  issue 
between  us  which  may  be  stated  rather  more  fully.  Did  the 
heralds  in  1574  include  in  their  visitation  the  university  and  col- 
leges of  Oxford  ? 

I.  As  to  the  fact :  In  1634  the  heralds,  who  then  came  to  visit  in 
the  university,  positively  asserted  that '  amio  1574  their  predecessors 
had  done  the  like.'  Twyne's  note  of  what  then  took  place,  far  from 
rebutting  that  statement,  goes  a  long  way  to  confirm  it.  He  confesses 
that  he  forgot  *  to  procure  of  them  the  sif/ht  of  the  allegation  which 
they  prixliiced  for  their  visitation  '  in  1574,  the  plain  inference  from 
which  is  that  they  brought  wdth  them  and  exhibited  (to  the  vice- 
chancellor  apparently)  some  documentary  evidence  that  a  visitation 
had  then  been  held.  Against  this  assertion  and  implied  evidence  for 
it  what  have  we  to  set  ?  (i.)  In  1634  the  university  claimed  exemp- 
tion. But  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  heralds  then  allowed  this  claim. 
They  abandoned  the  visitation  for  that  time,  it  is  true ;  but  for  the 
sufficient  reason,  as  stated  by  Twyne,  that  they  would  make  no 
money  by  it,  the  university  intending  to  impound  any  fines  they 
inflicted  on  its  members.  And,  in  the  next  generation,  Anthony 
Wood,  the  close  friend  of  Dugdale,  St.  George,  and  others  of  the 
College  of  Arms,  and  likely  to  represent  their  views,  rejected  the 
claim  as  '  false  '  ('  Life,'  i.  45).  Besides,  even  were  the  claim  just, 
we  must  remember  that  in  Leicester's  chancellorship  the  liberties 
of  the  university  and  colleges  were  constantly  set  aside  by  the  court 
and  court  officials.  The  heralds  in  1634  came  down  with  a  recom- 
mendation from  Laud  (then  chancellor)  ;  what  is  there  to  prevent 
a  similar  recommendation  before,  with  the  difference  that  Leices- 
ter's recommendations  had  the  force  of  commands  ?  The  preferring 
of  a  claim  of  exemption  in  1634  does  not  establish  the  slightest 
probabihty  that  the  claim  was  allowed  or  even  preferred  in  1574. 
(ii.)  The  university  registers  of  1574  do  not  mention  the  visitation. 
This  silence,  if  it  proves  anything,  confirms  the  statement  that  a 
visitation  then  took  place.  The  university  and  college  registers 
are  not  a  record  of  events  in  Oxford,  but  of  proceedings  in  con- 
vocation and  congregation  and  acts  of  the  colleges.  If  the  vice- 
chancellor  and  officers  of  the  university  and  colleges  in  1574  allowed 
the  visitation,  then  the  registers  of  the  university  and  of  the  colleges 
would  not  mention  it ;  and  they  do  not,  so  far  as  is  known.  If 
the  visitation  had  been  disputed,  there  would  have  been  some  record 
of  the  claim  of  the  heralds  and  the  objection  to  it. 

II.  The  existing  records  of  the  visitation,  in  the  archives  of 
certain  colleges  and  in  MS.  H.  6  of  the  College  of  Arms,  Mr.  Landon 
sets  aside,  alleging  against  them  their  incompleteness,  and  being 
prejudiced  (as  I  think)  by  his  belief  that  a  visitation  in  1574  was 


1895  HERALDRY  OF  OXFORD   COLLEGES  545 

impossible.  Now  the  incompleteness  of  the  records  is  no  argument 
against  their  validity.  Two  colleges  at  least  possess  Lee's  certifi- 
cates. Others  may  exist,  for  outsiders  know  nothing  practically 
of  the  present  contents  of  most  college  muniment  rooms  and  other 
receptacles  of  college  documents.  Even  if  no  additional  certificates 
are  to  be  found,  no  presumption  is  established  that  they  never 
existed.  Losses  of  single  documents  and  whole  sets  of  volumes 
are  on  record.  The  wonder  rather  is  that  any  of  these  separate 
parchment  sheets  have  survived.  The  College  of  Arms  MS.  is 
unfinished.  A  book,  as  I  infer,  large  enough  to  contain  all  the 
college  coats  was  provided,  some  six  or  eight  shields  (I  speak 
merely  from  recollection)  were  blazoned,  and  then  the  work  was 
left  off.  But  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  Lee's  rough  notes, 
from  which  presumably  he  worked,  went  no  further  ;  many  of  us 
leave  unfinished  work  we  begin,  and  our  rough  notes  perish.  And 
every  shield,  both  in  the  College  of  Arms  MS.  and  in  the  Oxford 
parchments,  contains  an  explicit  statement  that  it  was  taken  at 
^  his  visitation.'  I  am  not  concerned  with  the  competency  of  Lee 
to  copy  correctly  or  to  confirm  coats ;  but  I  feel  that  we  must 
choose  between  two  alternatives,  either  that  Lee  '  visited '  the  uni- 
versity or  that  he  used  his  official  position  to  make  a  deliberate 
lie.  No  one  could  accept  the  latter  alternative,  except  under  com- 
pulsion of  the  most  positive  evidence. 

With  respect  to  the  intricate  problem  of  the  Jesus  College  coat 
Mr.  Landon  seems  still  involved  between  two  hopelessly  contradictory 
positions — (i.)  that  the  college  authorities  borrowed  the  third  of  the 
Lincoln  college  coat,  i.e.  vert,  three  stags  ;  (ii.)  that  the  coat  adopted 
was  azure,  three  stags,  and  that  the  colour  was  subsequently 
changed  ty  some  person  unknown.  Andrew  Clark. 


TOL.  X. NO,  XXXIX.  N  N 


546  July 


Reviews  of  Books 


Christianity  and  the  Boman  Government :  a  Study  in  Imperial  Admi- 
nistration. By  E.  G.  Hardy,  M.A.  (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  & 
Co.     1894.) 

The  Church  in  the  Boman  Empire  before  A.D.  170.  By  W.  M.  Eamsay,, 
M.A.  (London :  Hodder  &  Stoughton.  1st  edition,  1893 ;  4th 
edition,  1895.) 

So  far  as  they  are  concerned  with  the  persecution  of  Christianity  in  the 
early  empire  (Professor  Ramsay's  is  concerned  with  a  good  many  other 
things  as  well),  both  these  books  appear  to  have  owed  the  impulse  which 
brought  them  into  being  to  Mommsen's  famous  essay  on  '  Der  Religions - 
frevel  nach  romischem  Recht,'  in  the  Historische  Zeitschrift  for  1890. 
Mommsen's  essay,  itself  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  the  first  volume 
(no  second  volume  has  as  yet  appeared)  of  K.  J.  Neumann's  important 
book  on  '  Der  romisclie  Staat  und  die  allgemeine  Kirche  bis  auf  Diocletian,' 
which  had  been  published  earlier  in  that  year,  was  chiefly  devoted  to  an 
exposition  of  the  view  that  Christianity  came  under  no  definite  law  against 
which  it  offended ;  that  the  purely  religious  offence  did  not  jcome  into 
Roman  law  at  all,  and  that  there  was  no  quaestio  under  which  it  could  be 
tried ;  but  that  the  magistrates  commonly  acted  against  the  Christians  in 
virtue  of  the  summary  coercitio  which  was  inherent  in  the  very  conception 
of  the  magisterial  power.  This  coercitio,  or  summary  intervention  of  the 
magistrate  against  a  publicly  disobedient  person  or  disturber  of  public 
order,  is  not  a  conception  which  it  is  easy  to  bring  home  to  Englishmen ; 
but  perhaps  our  punishment  for  '  contempt  of  court  '  may  be  regarded  as 
a  vestige  of  it.  It  took  place,  according  to  Mommsen,  without  fixed  name 
for  the  alleged  offence,  without  fixed  procedure,  and  without  fixed  penalty. 
The  personality  of  the  official  concerned  and  the  popular  feeling  of  the 
moment  were  consequently  all-important.  The  Roman  government,  says 
Mommsen,  was  constantly  pressed  to  treat  Christianity  as  a  crime,  but  on 
the  whole  resisted.  Christianity  was  not  a  public  danger.  Its  un- 
national,  universal  tendencies  worked  in  well  with  the  universal  Hellenic 
culture  and  imperial  citizenship,  and  were  not  objectionable.  The  im- 
practicable Sabbath  privileges  were  not  claimed  by  the  Christians.  They 
made  no  difficulties  about  military  service.^     They  were  not — in  this  early 

'  Mommsen  is  surely  right  in  taking  this  view,  and  Mr.  Hardy  (p.  48)  wrong  in 
asserting  the  contrary.      See  Tertullian,  Jpo7.  42.     It  is  true  that  TertuU.  De   Cor. 


1895  HE  VIEWS   OF  BOOKS  547 

period  before  episcopal  government  and  oecumenical  councils— centralised, 
and  therefore  not  dangerous.  The  Roman  government  was  very  tolerantly 
disposed  towards  them ;  it  was  the  masses  that  were  fanatically  hostile. 
Thatsdchlich  ilhencog  entschieden  die  Toleranz.  The  doubts  thrown  on 
the  genuineness  of  Hadrian's  rescript  to  Fundanus  (laying  down  that  the 
Christians  must  be  punished  for  non-religious  offences  only  2)  show  only, 
according  to  Mommsen,  how  little  the  moderns  as  a  rule  understand  the 
attitude  of  the  Roman  government  towards  Christianity.  There  were 
martyrdoms,  but  few.  Origen  expressly  says  so  {oXiyoi  Kara  Kaipovr  kqi 
fT(fK)(''patvaf)i6fn]T()Lv-^i>-riQ\pt(Truniortv(Tfi3Ei<iQ  Ttdi'iiKam,  'Contra  Cels.'  iii. 
1),  and  most  of  them  were  no  doubt  due  to  the  blind  fanaticism  of  the  mob. 
It  was  not  till  the  third  century,  he  maintains,  that  barbarous  emperors 
like  Decius,  Valerian,  Galerius,  themselves  adopted  that  fanaticism. 

Mr.  Hardy  takes  over  Mommsen 's  theory  of  coercitio  and  attaches 
much  importance  to  it.  It  is  no  doubt  useful  to  explain  the  vagueness 
and  irregularity  of  the  proceedings  against  the  Christians,  if  they  really 
were  vague  and  irregular.  But  I  agree  with  Mr.  Headlam  ^  in  thinking 
that  doubtful.  Also,  one  can  very  well  understand  coercitio  in  emergencies, 
but  that  it  should  be  the  method  employed  in  the  *  practically  con- 
tinuous proscription  of  the  Christians  from  64  onwards '  ^  seems  strange. 
Mr.  Hardy  certainly  overstates  the  irregular,  non-legal  aspect  of  the 
proceedings,  and  accordingly  misstates  (against  Professor  Mayor)  the 
character  of  an  imperial  rescript,  which  frequently  came  to  have  full  force 
of  law.  Sohm's  '  Roman  Law,'  p.  75,  states  the  accepted  view,  whicli 
rests  of  course  on  such  familiar  texts  as  Gains,  i.  4.  Both  Mr.  Hardy  and 
Professor  Ramsay  follow  Mommsen  in  scouting  the  idea  of  there  being 
any  definite  law  against  the  Christians.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to 
explain  away  passages  like  Sulpicius  Severus,  ii.  29  {Hoc  initio  in 
Christianos  saeviri  coeptwn.  Post  ctiam  datis  legibus  religio  vetahatur  ; 
palamque  edict  is  iwopositis  Christianum  esse  non  licehat)  ;  and  Professor 
Ramsay  (pp.  255,  258,  Expositor,  viii.  295,  where,  however,  I  fail  to  find 
the  point  in  the  references  to  Pliny)  is  equal  to  the  enterprise.  Hermas, 
iii.  1,  is  also  interesting  ;  so  are  the  /v-tura  coyi^uira  of  Melito  ''  and  the  '  con- 

Mil.  11,  and  DePall.  5,  may  be  quoted  on  the  other  side  ;  but  the  broad  fact  that  Chris- 
tians did  serve  is  certain. 

■^  This  is  Mommsen's  gloss  on  the  rescript.  All  that  Hadrian  says  is  that 
Christians  must  be  shown  to  have  done  something  '  contra  legem.'  As  to  the  genu- 
ineness of  the  rescript,  the  double  testimony  of  Justin  and  Melito  can  hardly  be  got 
over,  but  the  suspicions  of  which  it  has  been  the  object  are  eminently  natural,  and 
Hilgenfeld  still  stoutly  maintains,  despite  Mommsen,  that  Keim's  argument  against 
its  genuineness  stands  just  where  it  did.  See  Berliner  phil.  Wochenschrift,  xv.  66.S. 
(1895).  The  matter  is  Jiot  settled  by  the  ipse  dixit  of  Mommsen,  though  that  ap- 
pears to  be  enough  for  Mr.  Hardy  (p.  144,  note) ;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
doubtfulness  of  the  rescript  is  greatly  enhanced  by  Monmisen's  arbitrary  version  of 
'  contra  legem,'  and  it  is  worth  noting  that  both  Mr.  Hardy  and  Professor  Ramsay 
are  too  wary  to  accept  the  latter.  Mommsen  makes  the  rescript  an  absolute  edict 
of  toleration,  which  in  view  of  later  events  seems  to  me,  as  it  seems  to  so  competent 
a  judge  as  Hilgenfeld,  incredible. 

«  Supra,  p.  127. 

*  Eamsay,  pp.  277,  339,  who  also  accepts  the  coercitio  theory.  It  should  be 
mentioned  that  Mr.  Hardy  denies  the  '  continuous  persecution  '  (pp.  120,  166),  of 
course  quite  consistently  with  his  general  minimising  view. 

*  Eusebius,  iv.  20. 

N   N   2 


548  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

« 
tra  legem  '  of  Hadrian's  rescript.  Is  it  fanciful  to  find  hints  of  possible 
laws  also  in  such  passages  as  that  in  the  *  Acta  '  of  Cyprian  {imj^eratores  .  .  . 
praeceperwit  eos  qui  Romana7n  religlonem  non  colunt  debere  Bomanas 
cerimonias  recognoscere)  or  in  what  is  recorded  of  Severus  (Jicdaeos  fieri 
sub  gravi  poena  vetuit ;  idem  etiam  de  Christianis  sanxit)  ? 

AH  this  disproportionate  stress  on  coercitiOf  and  this  refusal  to  hear  of 
definite  laws  against  the  Christians,  or  even  to  allow  an  imperial  rescript 
the  force  of  law,  is  part  of  Mr.  Hardy's  general  minimising  attitude. 
He  does  not  for  a  moment  believe  that  Christianity  was  regarded  under 
the  early  empire  as  a  danger  to  the  state,  and  he  habitually  understates 
the  antagonism  between  the  state  and  it.  '  It  is  inconceivable  to  me,' 
he  writes  (p.  162),  *  how  Professor  Eamsay  can  say  that  Trajan  found 
himself  unable  to  resist  the  evidence  that  this  organisation  was  illegal 
and  dangerous.'  Professor  Ramsay  seems  to  be  justified  in  his  conten- 
tion. Indeed  Mr.  Hardy's  remarks  about  the  non-political  character  of 
Christianity  strike  me  as  decidedly  overdone,  and  the  least  successful 
portion  of  his  most  instructive  little  book.  He  himself  admits  that 
*  Christianity  was  at  variance  with  some  of  the  essential  features  of  Roman 
society,'  and  that  the  obstiuatio  of  its  adherents  *  constituted  logically 
potential  disobedience  and  disloyalty  to  the  state.'  The  Roman  govern- 
ment from  its  very  nature  as  an  autocracy  could  not  brook  avowed  and 
obstinate  nonconformity.  Once  Christianity  was  found  to  be  contuma- 
cious, it  was  ipso  facto  treasonable.  It  may  be  that  Christianity  was 
not  strong  enough  to  be  in  fact  a  danger,  but  it  was  pessimi  exempli  to 
tolerate  open  disobedience,^  and  it  is  my  conviction  that  it  is  hardly  pos- 
sible to  date  too  early  the  moment  at  which  the  state  became  fully  conscious 
of  the  difference  between  Christianity  and  Judaism,  and  of  the  superior 
formidableness  of  Christianity  as  being  proselytist,  aggressive,  and,  in  its 
claims,  universalist  as  well  as  exclusive,  and  at  which  it  became  delibe- 
rately hostile  to  the  new  religion  on  principle.  It  seems  to  me  clear  that 
Mommsen  (and  apparently  Mr.  Hardy)  is  right  in  dating  persecution  for 
the  *  Name  '  back  to  Nero ;  that  Professor  Ramsay  is  wrong  in  putting  it 
as  late  as  the  Flavian  emperors  (though  the  first  use  of  the  Caesar- 
worship  as  a  test  for  Christians  may  very  plausibly  be  referred  to 
Domitian)  ;  and  that  the  current  German  view,  which  has  hitherto  put  it 
as  late  as  Trajan,  is  out  of  the  question.  That  view  depended  on  a  mis- 
construction of  Trajan's  correspondence  with  Pliny  which  Mr.  Hardy  and 
Professor  Ramsay  combine  their  forces  to  destroy,  and  which  is  now 
practically  dead.  It  will  be  seen  from  what  has  been  said  that  in  minimis- 
ing and  post-dating  the  antagonism  between  the  state  and  Christianity 
Mr.  Hardy  appears  to  me  to  have  made  a  great  mistake,  and  to  have 
injured  the  consistency  and  total  effectiveness  of  his  book.  But  it  is  im- 
possible for  any  serious  reader  to  lay  it  down  without  the  most  cordial 
acknowledgment  of  its  great  utility  and  of  the  general   clearness   and 

•*  Mr.  Hardy  is  so  candid  and  careful  a  writer  that  when  one  disagrees  with  him 
it  is  often  unnecessary  to  go  beyond  his  own  pages  to  find  one's  reasons.  Thus  on 
p.  119  I  find  what  I  regard  as  a  perfect  explanation  of  the  matter  :  '  Yet  if  we  inter- 
pret the  situation  into  modern  language,  the  Christians  were  punished  on  political 
and  not  on  religious  grounds,  because  it  was  not  the  slight  to  the  national  religion 
which  the  government  really  cared  about,  but  the  disobedience  shown  through  the 
religion  to  the  imperial  government.' 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  549 

consecutiveness  with  which  the  fragmentary  material  has  been  pieced 
together. 

Professor  Ramsay's  book  is  the  greatest  possible  contrast  to  Mr. 
Hardy's  :  by  which  I  by  no  means  dedire  to  imply  that  it  is  lacking  in  great 
and  distinguished  merits  of  its  own.  That  such  a  book  on  such  a  subject 
should  reach  a  fourth  edition  in  little  over  two  years  shows  the  vividness 
with  which  it  has  been  conceived,  the  freshness  with  which  it  has  been 
written,  and  the  novelty  of  many  of  its  points  of  view.  The  essay  on 
'  Paul  and  Thekla  '  is  a  most  brilliant  and  ingenious  as  well  as  convincing 
piece  of  work,  and  hardly  a  page  is  without  some  interest  or  suggestive- 
ness  of  its  own.  But  it  has  the  defects  of  Professor  Ramsay's  qualities. 
It  is  too  composite  and  miscellaneous,  and  really  consists  of  two  treatises 
on  two  quite  different  subjects — (1)  the  early  persecutions  of  Christianity 
and  (2)  St.  Paul's  Galatia — with  a  number  of  essays,  only  connected  by  the 
fact  that  they  all  relate  to  Christianity  in  Asia  Minor,  thrown  in.  It  is 
not  without  the  superfluous  personal  remarks  {e.g.  p.  6)  which  are  some- 
what of  a  trial  to  Professor  Ramsay's  most  appreciative  readers.  It  is 
unduly  disrespectful  and  *  superior '  to  German  scholars  of  the  rank  of 
Pfleiderer  ^  or  Schiirer  ;  and  the  latter,  who  only  just  abstained  from  using 
the  word  '  humbug  '  of  the  condescending  criticisms  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected,^  had  no  difficulty  in  showing  that  the  page  (Ramsay,  14) 
which  was  intended  to  demolish  him  contains  a  mass  of  inaccuracies.^ 
There  is  far  too  much  talk  about  positions  being  inconceivable  or  incredible 
(e.g.  pp.  238,  285),  when  all  that  is  really  meant  is  that  Professor  Ramsay 
does  not  agree  with  them.  There  is  a  tendency  to  colour  the  text  and  to 
read  more  into  them  than  they  will  stand,  in  order  to  bolster  up  a  theory. 
Thus  on  p.  241  the  whole  passage  from  Tacitus  is  misrepresented. 
There  is  nothing  about  *  satiety  '  in  it.  It  was  not  the  Christian  suffer- 
ings, but  the  belief  that  Nero  was  guilty,  which  made  the  populace  turn 
from  the  persecution  of  the  Christians.  Again  (p.  238)  there  is  nothing 
in  Tacitus  about  the  Christians  being  '  innocent  and  ill-treated  '  [sontes 
et  novissima  exemi)la  meritos ,  says  Tacitus),  and  the  view  of  C.  F.  Arnold, 
who  is  there  referred  to,  is  not  accurately  represented.  Again,  on  p.  192 
there  is  a  very  unfortunate  ambiguity,  if  not  actual  misrepresentation,  in 
the  statement  given  of  the  views  of  Mommsen.  '  I  am  glad,'  writes 
Professor  Ramsay,  *  to  be  able  to  refer  to  the  eloquent  and  weighty  pages 
in  which  Mommsen  last  year  showed  that  Christianity  was  in  reality  not 
the  enemy  but  the  friend  of  the  empire,  that  the  empire  grew  stronger 
when  the  emperors  became  Christian.'  It  would  appear,  then,  that 
Mommsen  can  be  quoted  as  directly  opposed  to  the  view  of  Renan — le 
Cliristianisme  etait  un  vial  general  qui  minait  V empire  ' — and  it  would 
seem  odd  therefore  that  elsewhere  '°  Mommsen  says  that  '  Christianity 

^  The  passage  quoted  from  Pfleiderer  on  p.  187  is,  it  must  be  admitted,  an  extra- 
ordinary one  to  come  from  such  a  man. 

^  '  Wir  Deutsche  pflegen  diese  Ausdrucksweise  mit  einem  guten  englischen  Wort 
zu  bezeichnen,  das  ich  aber  lieber  verschweigen  will '  {Theologische  Litteraturzeitung 
for  August  5,  1893). 

^  This  applies  only  to  the  first  edition.    '  Inscriptions  '  for  '  an  inscription  ; '  '  A  strik- 
ing  case  ' — there  is  only  one  case  ;  '  governor  '  should  be  '  procurator  ; '  '  Galatia 
should  be  '  the  Galatic  province.'     See  Classical  Review,  viii.  390. 

•"  Expositor,  viii.  5. 


550  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

f 

ruined  the  base  of  the  existing  society,'  and  that  Professor  Ramsay 
himself  refers  ^'  to  Mommsen's  contention  that  *  Christianity  was  opposed 
to  the  most  fundamental  principles  of  the  Roman  state  ;  it  was  far  more 
than  merely  illegal,  it  was  anti-Roman.'  Of  course  in  reality  Mommsen 
contradicts  neither  himself  nor  Renan.  Reference  to  his  article  shows 
that  (1)  he  '  showed  '  nothing,  but  asserted  something  :  (2)  he  said  nothing 
about  the  empire,  but  only  something  about  the  centralised  imperial 
government ;  (3)  he  said  nothing  about  *  far  stronger  :  '  he  did  say  riehnehr 
gestiltzt  als  geschiudcht.  The  passage  in  fact  asserted  what  is  no  doubt 
the  fact,  that  Christianity  was  favourable  to  the  imperial  absolutism. 
Whether  that  was  or  was  not  a  good  thing  for  '  the  empire  '  is  quite 
another  question. 

Downright  errors  of  fact  are  not  easily  to  be  found  in  Professor 
Ramsay's  work.  The  *  Thrace '  on  p.  331  is  a  mere  Icqjsus  calami.  But 
the  statement  about  '  committees  '  and  majority  voting  being  unknown  to 
the  Roman  official  system  (p.  367)  seems  highly  disputable  in  view  of  the 
frequency  with  which,  as  Mommsen  has  remarked  in  the  *  Staatsrecht,' 
such  bodies  of  officials  numbered  three.  To  discover  the  new  system  of 
*  searching  out '  the  Christians  in  1  Peter  v.  8,  iii.  15,  is  surely  quite 
extravagant.^^  To  translate  odium  generis  hitmani  as  '  some  act  of 
hostility  to  society '  (p.  243)  is  the  merest  gloss.  The  Jerome  passage 
about  the  Galatians  speaking  Celtic  in  the  fourth  century  (p.  82)  is  now 
generally  given  up,'^  and  should  not  have  been  mentioned  without  a 
warning.  Finally,  the  argument  about  the  First  Epistle  of  St.  John,  on 
p.  305,  strikes  me,  if  I  inay  venture  to  say  so,  as  puerile  and  unworthy  of 
the  writer.  It  would  have  been  far  better  to  admit  frankly  that  the 
epistle  proves  nothing  whatever  to  Professor  Ramsay's  purpose.  But  it 
is  an  essential  characteristic  of  his  work  that  he  is  never,  or  hardly  ever, 
content  to  say  '  non  liquet,'  or  '  the  evidence  is  insufficient  for  a  decision 
either  way.'  What  J.  Weiss  has  said  of  Spitta  is  very  applicable  to 
Professor  Ramsay  : — 

Daneben  fehlen  freihch  anch  nicht  die,  wie  es  sclieint,  unvermeidHchen 
Schattenseiten  eines  Pfadfindertalentes :  eine  oft  allzn  lebhafte  Phantasie,  eine 
L'berkuhnheit  im  Durchhauen  verwickelter  Problenie  und  ein  zu  gutes 
Vertrauen  zu  der  Wilhgkeit  seiner  Leser,  uberzeujj:t  zu  werdeu. 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  not  every  scholar  who  deserves,  as  Professor 
Ramsay  undoubtedly  deserves,  to  be  called  a  '  path-finder.' 

Professor  Ramsay  begins  his  exposition,  which  occupies  200  of  his 
480  pages,  with  Pliny  and  Trajan,  as  the  period  for  which  we  possess  the 
fullest  evidence  ;  then  works  back  to  Nero  ;  then  picks  up  the  inter- 
mediate stage  (in  his  view)  of  the  Flavian  emperors  ;  and  then  goes  on  to 
Hadrian  and  his  successors.  It  is  unnecessary  to  go  into  his  discussion 
of  Phny  and  Trajan  further  than  to  note  the  acceptance  of  the  Mommsen 
theory  of  coercitio,  and  the  conclusion  that  Trajan's  rescript  *  marks  the 
end  of  the  old  system  of  uncompromising  hostility.'  Pliny  acted  accord- 
ing to  a  standing  procedure  already  in  existence.     He  did  not  originate 

"  Expositor,  viii.  295. 

'-  And  the  case  is  not  mended  by  the  attempted  defence  of  it  in  Expositor,  viii.  286 
foil. 

'*  See  PeiTot,  in  Rcvuc  Celtique,  i.  179,  Revue  Arclieologujnc,  xxi.  386. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  551 

it.  Now  the  interesting  question  is,  who  did?  Professor  Ramsay  replies 
{'on  arguments  evidently  unsolid,'  Mommsen  in  Expositor,  viii.  5),: 
Vespasian.  The  true  answer  is,  Nero.  Professor  Ramsay  admits  that  Suet. 
*  Nero,'  16 — afflicti  sitppliciis  Christiani,  genus  hominum  superstitionis 
novae  et  maleficae — points  to  a  permanent  settled  policy  against  a  mis- 
chievous class,  not  merely  to  a  particular  prosecution  on  a  particular  charge 
of  incendiarism,  and  that  if  the  pagan  evidence  were  all,  '  Suetonius's  few 
weighty  words  must  be  accepted  as  the  supremo  authority.'  ^^  Nero,  he 
concedes,  *  laid  down  a  permanent  principle  regulating  the  attitude  of  the 
government  towards  the  Christians.'  *  The  persecution  of  Nero,  begun 
for  the  sake  of  diverting  popular  attention,  was  continued  as  a  permanent 
police  measure  under  the  form  of  a  general  persecution  of  Christians  as  a 
sect  dangerous  to  the  pubhc  safety.'  Quite  so.  But,  argues  Professor 
Ramsay,  though  Nero  introduced  a  new  principle,  it  was  not  the  principle 
under  which  Pliny  acted.  The  latter  was  one  of  punishment  *  for  the 
Name.'  With  Nero,  the  punishment  is  either  for  ordinary  crime  or  for 
odnmi  geyieris  Jiumani,  ^''  i.e.  for  proof  of  *  some  act  of  hostility  to  society.' 
(This  translation  is  quite  unjustifiable.)  The  further  stage  which  we 
find  in  Pliny  is  that  all  Christians  as  such  are  guilty  of  that  odmm,  and 
may  be  condemned  offhand  on  confession  of  the  Name.  Now,  was  that 
further  stage  reached  under  Nero  ?  Professor  Ramsay  thinks  not — that 
there  was  not  time  ;  that  the  persecution  practically  ceased  in  a.d.  64 
(yet  on  p.  277  he  apparently  accepts  Lightfoot's  view,  that  St.  Paul 
was  executed  in  a.d.  67).  But  the  passage  from  Sulpicius  Severus 
(already  partially  quoted)  is  against  this.  It  clearly  seems  to  prove  a 
continuous  procedure  against  the  Christians  established  by  Nero  after  his 
first  trumped-up  indictments  for  incendiarism.  Professor  Ramsay  holds 
that  the  words  post  &c.  in  the  Severus  passage  refer  to  the  '  action  of 
subsequent  emperors.'  It  will  not  do ;  the  whole  collocation  of  the  pas- 
sage, in  particular  the  following  tu7n,  makes  that  interpretation  impos- 
sible. His  next  step  is  to  deny  that  Sulpicius  Severus  is  any  authority  at 
all  except  where  he  is  demonstrably  copying  from  Tacitus,  although  he 
admits  that  it  is  quite  possible  he  may  be  copying  from  lost  books  of  that 
writer. 

Again,  the  view  that  punishment  for  the  Name  dates  back  to  Nero  is 
quite  consistent  with  the  early  date  of  1  Peter  and  with  St.  Peter's  death 
in  the  Neronian  persecution.  Professor  Ramsay's  view  is  not.  Accordingly 
he  postdates  1  Peter  to  quite  the  latter  part  of  the  first  century  in  just 
the  free  and  easy  fashion  which  he  reprehends  so  often  and  so  severely  in 
the  Germans.  Professor  Ramsay's  theory  is  that  Christianity  itself 
became  a  crime,  that  persecution  for  the  *  Name '  alone  began,  not  under 
Nero,  but  under  Vespasian-  If,  therefore,  1  Peter,  which  clearly  indicates 
the  fully  developed  persecution  for  the  Name  as  in  existence  when  it  was 
written,  was  written  before  Nero  died.  Professor  Ramsay's  theory,  as  he 
himself  admits,  must  disappear.  He  therefore  insists,  despite  of  Origen, 
Tertullian,  Sulpicius  Severus,  &c.,  that  Peter  could  not  have  perished 
under  Nero  ;  Peter  lived  a  long  time  in  Rome  (here  Professor  Ramsay 
misquotes  Harnack),  and  outlived  Nero.  '  The  tradition  that  he  died 
under  Nero  is  not  a  real  tradition  but  an  historical  theory.'     It  is  '  incon- 

'^  Expositor,  viii.  283.  '^  Tac.  Ann.  xv.  44. 


552  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

# 
ceivable  '  that  the  northern  provinces  of  Asia  Minor  addressed  in  1  Peter  i.  1 
should  have  been  evangelised  as  early  as  a.d.  64.  *  The  history  of  the 
spread  of  Christianity  imperatively  demands  a  later  date.'  All  which  only 
shows  what  comes  of  making  evidence  suit  theories,  instead  of  theories 
suit  evidence. 

In  the  ExjJositor  for  1894  Professor  Ramsay  admits  that  Tacitua 
(*  Ann.'  XV.  44)  implies  that  there  were  two  stages  in  the  persecution  under 
Nero.  Was  the  second  stage  the  *  Name  '  stage  ?  Professor  Sanday, 
Hort,  and  Mommsen  agree  that  it  was.  Professor  Ramsay  still  says  No. 
He  admits  that  Suetonius  is  against  him,  and  that  Sulpicius  Severus,  if 
accepted,  is  fatal.  But  he  once  more  argues  that  Sulpicius  Severus  is  of 
no  account.     He  thinks  he  can  save  his  view  by  the  Pastoral  Epistles. 

'  The  really  weighty  evidence  is  the  striking  agreement  between  Tacitus  [that 
is,  Professor  Ramsay's  interpretation  of  Tacitus]  and  the  Christian  documents 
which  have  the  best  claim  to  be  dated  between  a.d.  64  and  80,  especially  the 
Pastoral  Epistles.'  '  The  tone  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles  is  to  me  incomprehensible 
on  the  supposition  that  they  were  written  after  the  fully  developed  procedure  of 
"  condemnation  for  the  Name"  had  been  introduced.' 

The  tone  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles  is  one  of  patience,  indulgence  to  the 
state,  and  allowance  for  its  difficulties.  It  is  absolutely  different  from 
the  tone  of  the  Apocalypse,  which  Professor  Ramsay  seems  to  agree  with 
Mommsen  in  dating  under  Domitian ;  and  the  two  sets  of  documents 
could  not  have  been  contemporary.  The  Pastoral  Epistles  were  either 
written  a.d.  65-67,  or  cannot  be  ascribed  to  St.  Paul.  I  do  not  deny 
that  there  is  some  force,  as  well  as  much  interest,  in  these  considerations. 
But  the  Apocalypse,  with  the  uncertainty  as  to  what  is  Jewish  in  it  and 
what  Christian,  is  unsafe  ground  to  go  upon,  even  if  we  admit  that  Pro- 
fessor Ramsay  has  quite  correctly  interpreted  its  tone— which  Mr.  Hardy 
(p.  96),  I  see,  denies — and  so  is  the  date  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  itself  an 
endlessly  controverted  matter.  Is  it  certain,  moreover,  that  the  Pastoral 
Epistles  reflect  contemporary  politics  at  all  ?  When  it  suits  him,  Pro- 
fessor Ramsay  is  the  first  to  throw  doubt  on  any  such  assumption,  as  may  be 
seen  from  what  he  says  of  the  First  Epistle  of  St.  John  on  p.  304.  On 
the  whole,  then,  I  think  that  Professor  Ramsay's  notion  that  Vespasian 
was  the  first  to  introduce  persecution  for  the  *  Name  '  is  a  figment ;  that 
Mr.  Hardy  is  right  (p.  126)  in  identifying  condemnation  for  Tacitus's 
odium  generis  humani  with  condemnation  for  the  *  Name,'  and  that 
Mommsen,  with  whom  Hort  and  Professor  Sanday  agree,  hits  the  nail  on 
the  head  when  he  says  ^''  that  the  two  persecutions — for^^a^i^mandforthe 
Nomen — *  without  doubt  sprang  up  together.' 

I  have  not  left  myself  space  to  discuss  Professor  Ramsay's  Galatian 
theory  so  fully  as  I  should  Hke.  It  is  Perrot's  theory  over  again,  with 
fresh  proofs  and  illustrations.  That  is.  Professor  Ramsay  holds  that  the 
Galatians  to  whom  St.  Paul  addressed  his  epistle  were  not  the  men  of  Celtic 
race  properly  so  called  in  northern  Asia  Minor,  but  the  Lycaonians  and 
others,  of  Derbe,  Lystra,  Iconium,  and  the  Pisidian  Antioch,  to  whom  he 
preached  on  his  first  missionary  journey.  A  beautiful  congruity  between 
the  Acts  and  the  epistle  is  thus  established,  which  on  the  ordinary  theory 
that  the  Galatian  churches  were  Ancyra,  Pessinus,  Tavium — not  a  word 

'"  Expositor,  viii.  4. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  55 

about  which  is  breathed  in  the  Acts — does  not  exist.  But  why  were 
Lycaonians,  &c.,  called  Galatians '?  Because  they  were  all  members  of 
the  great  Koman  province  of  Galatia,  which  included  far  more  than 
Galatia  proper.  There  was  only  one  common  name  for  the  whole  terri- 
tory— ^Galatia ;  only  one  common  name  for  the  whole  population — 
Galatians.  How,  asks  Professor  Ramsay,  could  you  call  the  Roman 
colonists  of  Pisidian  Antioch  '  Pisidians  '  ?  You  might  as  well  call  them 
•bandits'  at  once.  Or  how  could  you  call  the  people  of  Iconium 
'  Phrygians,'  a  term  which  to  the  Roman  ear  had  the  connotation  almost 
of  '  slaves  '  ?  Lystra,  again,  as  a  Roman  colony,  was  a  bulwark  of  the  pro- 
vince Galatia,  and  its  citizens  might  therefore  well  be  called  Galatians, 
but  not  Lycaonians,  as  if  they  were  common  subjects  of  King  Antiochus. 
But  the  great  point  is  that  there  was  no  other  common  name  available, 
and  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  shift  with  raXarai,  just  as  we  have 
to  make  shift  with  'Britons.'  As  Oskar  Holtzmann  says,''^  St.  Paul 
could  hardly  have  substituted  for  w  uvoqroi  raXarai,  w  avonroi  Uifflhu  i:cu 
Awkdoifc  !  The  other  strong,  though  comparatively  familiar,  evidence^ 
adduced  by  Professor  Ramsay,  0.  Holtzmann,  Weiszacker,  and  Professor 
Rendall  '^  need  not  here  be  discussed.  If  Professor  Ramsay  had  been  con- 
tent to  hold  that  the  balance  of  evidence  was  in  favour  of  the  South 
Galatian  theory,  while  admitting  that  it  had  difficulties  of  its  own, 
probably  no  one  would  have  gainsaid  him.  But,  as  usual,  it  is  a  case 
with  him  of  all  or  nothing.  He  tries  to  prove  that  all  the  evidence  is  on 
his  side,  and  he  conspicuously  fails.  No  fair-minded  person  can  read  the 
controversy  between  Professor  Ramsay  and  Dr.  Chase  in  the  Expositor 
without  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  in  that  '  barren  logomachy '  (Pro- 
fessor Ramsay's  very  superfluous  nickname  for  a  discussion  which,  by  the 
nature  of  the  case,  turned  largely  upon  words,  and  which,  as  he  originally 
stated  it  before  any  one  attacked  him,  turned  largely  upon  words)  Dr. 
Chase  got  decidedly  the  best  of  it.  In  Acts  xvi.  6,  tijv  ^iwyiav  and 
FaXart/v//!'  x^'V"''?  ^p*^y''f"'  is  no  more  an  adjective,  as  Professor  Ramsay 
declares  it  to  be,  than  it  is  in  the  companion  phrase  of  Acts  xviii.  3,  t))v 
Va\aTLK))v  x'"^f^"''  '^■«'  ^pvyiur.  It  is  simply  impossible  to  separate  the 
two  passa.ges,  and  to  say  that  f^pvyiav  is  a  substantive  in  one  of  them,  and 
an  adjective  in  the  other.  The  absence  of  the  article  before  FdAorto/j' 
X^fKU'  is  adequately  explained  by  Dr.  Chase  as  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
adjective  and  noun  in  reality  coalesce  to  form  one  conception — as  it 
were,  united  by  a  hyphen.  That  being  so,  Socrates,  '  Eccl.  Hist.'  v.  21 
—  o'l  EK  rye  ^jivyuti;  k(u  YdXdriac  opfiwineroi  —  is  a  sound  parallel  to 
Acts  xvi.  6.  Luke  iii.  1,  which  Mr.  Chase  discovered,  is  even  closer 
— r»7c  'Irovputag  kui  'J\K()(f«'»'"'(coc  ^wpuQ.  Professor  Ramsay  tried  to 
invalidate  it,  first  by  alleging  that  Ituraea  and  Trachonitis  meant  the 
same  country,  just  as  he  contends  is  the  case  with  the  two  limbs  of  r>/i^ 
f^pvyiay  kai  ru\arif:))i'  X"'/'"''?  and  was  duly  refuted  by  Dr.  G.  A.  Smith; 
secondly,  by  denying  that  'irovpnlu  was  ever  found  as  a  substantive  in  any 
but  very  late  Greek.  But  the  Appian  passage  ('  Bell.  Civ.'  v.  7)  is  conclu- 
sive to  the  contrary.  Mendelssohn's  critical  edition  shows  that  the  best 
manuscripts  read  r/yr  'iTuvpuiar,  and  only  an  inferior  group  reads  Tovpdiioia, 
emended  by  Musgrave  into  Professor  Ramsay's  'Iroi/pcuwr.     As  for  the 

"  Zeitsclirift  far  Kirchengeschichte,  xiv.  342.  '**  Expositor,  ix.  254  foil. 


554  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

f 

notion  that  verse  6  of  Acts  xvi.  is  a  *  recapitulation '  of  verses  4  and  5,  it 
is  purely  fantastic  and  could  have  occurred  to  nobody  who  had  not  a  pre- 
conceived theory  to  defend  at  all  hazards.  Of  the  theory  about  KioXvOnrtg 
the  same  must  be  said.  The  whole  contention  is  a  piece  of  far-fetcned 
and  misguided  ingenuity,  which  was  quite  unnecessary  on  Professor 
Ramsay's  own  view  (p.  77,  4th  edition)  that  verses  4  and  5  are  '  an  addi- 
tion made  to  the  original  document.'  Weiszacker  is  equally  severe  on 
verses  5-8,  in  which  he  finds  a  mere- connecting  link,  one  of  those  which 
*  reveal  by  the  poverty  and  hesitancy  of  their  statements  that  they  were 
simply  composed  by  their  author  to  fill  a  gap.'  The  passage  is  hopeless 
(Dr.  Chase,  by  the  way,  fails  to  see  that  even  on  the  North  Galatian  theory 
the  geography  of  verses  6-8  is,  as  Oskar  Holtzmann  points  out,  extra- 
ordinary), and  no  torturing  will  set  it  right. 

Finally,  though  I  accept  the  South  Galatian  theory,  I  suspect  that 
Professor  Ramsay  has  overstated  the  Celticism  and  barbarism  of  Galatia. 
I  think  it  probable  that  these  adaptable  Celts  were  hellenised  early.  The 
term  '  Gallograecia,'  compared  w^ith  Themistius's  (p.  360)  VaXariq.  t^ 
'KWIinh,  is  significant.  There  is  plenty  of  evidence  as  to  the  early  splen- 
dour of  Ancyra  (Ay'^v^ft  rfpirvt)  TruftijxunTi'tTr]  iroXic)  and  the  facts  collected 
by  Perrot  ('Revue  Celtique,'  i.  179)  could  easily  be  added  to. 

William  T.  Arnold. 


Adamnani  Vita  S.  Columbae.  Edited,  with  Introduction,  Notes,  and 
Glossary,  by  J.  T.  Fowler,  M.x\.,  D.C.L.  (Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press. 
1894.) 

The  lives  of  saints,  such  as  the  later  lives  of  St.  Patrick  and  the  lives  of 
Welsh  saints  preserved  in  the  '  Liber  Landavensis,'  are  for  the  most  part 
dreary  reading,  consisting  very  often  of  collections  of  improbable  or 
impossible  puerilities,  and  quite  untrustworthy  as  history.  But  there  are 
a  few  early  *  Vitae  Sanctorum  '  which  by  no  means  fall  under  this  sweeping 
condemnation.  Pre-eminent  among  such  early  biographies  is  the  life  of 
St.  Columba,  founder  and  first  abbot  of  lona  {ob.  597),  written  by 
Adamnan,  ninth  abbot  of  Zona,  who  ruled  a.d.  679-704.  Its  popularity  is 
proved  by  the  fact  that  it  has  been  printed  eleven  times.  Its  value  is  due 
to  more  than  one  cause.  It  is  written  by  one  who  was  born  only  twenty- 
seven  years  after  the  death  of  St.  Columba.  It  survives  in  a  manuscript 
which,  if  not  written  in  Adamnan's  lifetime,  was  certainly  written  within 
nine  years  after  his  death.  It  has  been  edited  by  the  late  Bishop  Reeves, 
in  a  way  and  in  a  volume  which  Dr.  Fowler  justly  describes  as  *  a  truly 
monumental  work,'  and  with  an  accuracy  and  a  wealth  of  illustration 
which  left  nothing  to  be  desired.  The  present  volume  is  a  reissue  in 
an  abbreviated  form,  so  far  as  prolegomena,  appendix,  and  notes  are 
concerned,  of  Bishop  Reeves's  work.  The  abbreviation  is  achieved  by  the 
omission  or  contraction  of  many  of  the  notes.  But  much  of  their  matter 
is  reproduced  in  an  admirable  introduction,  which  gives  the  life  of  St. 
Columba  and  a  sketch — we  might  almost  say  a  history— of  the  early 
Celtic  Church.  But  the  difference  does  not  entirely  consist  in  omissions. 
In  a  very  few  instances  Dr.  Fowler  has  corrected  his  predecessor,  and  in 
many  instances  he  has  introduced  either  entirely  new  notes,  as  on  p.  117, 


i 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  555 

or  new  illustrations  of  a  classical,  antiquarian,  scientific,  or  other 
character.  Much  has  been  printed  on  the  subject  of  Celtic  archaeology 
and  ecclesiology  since  1857,  and  Dr.  Fowler  is  well  abreast  of  his  subject, 
and  has  skilfully  introduced  the  latest  conclusions  of  Celtic  scholars  and 
historians  into  his  new  volume.  Even  those  who  possess  and  value  the 
older  work  will  be  glad  to  have  this  new  edition,  and  to  those  who  cannot 
procure  the  former  it  will  be  indispensable. 

F.  E.  Warren. 


A  Student's  Manual  of  English  Constitutional  History.  By  D.  J. 
Medley,  M.A.,  Tutor  of  Keble  College,  Oxford.  (Oxford  :  Blackwell. 
London  :  Simpkin,  Marshall,  Hamilton,  Kent,  &  Co.     1894.) 

In  this  book  Mr.  Medley  has  attempted,  to  use  his  own  words,  *  in  a 
series  of  sketches  to  exhibit  the  separate  growth  of  each  great  depart- 
ment of  our  constitution.'  He  complains  that  the  existing  text-books  on 
constitutional  history  '  deal  with  the  subject  on  unsatisfactory  lines. 
The  development  of  an  institution  is  subordinated  to  the  details  of  a 
general  narrative.'  Hence  he  has  adopted  an  arrangement  different 
from  that  with  which  we  are  most  familiar,  and  gives  us  chapters  on 
'  The  Administrative,'  '  The  Legislature,'  '  The  Administrative  and 
Legislature  in  Conflict,'  &c.  Students  w^ll  be  grateful  to  Mr.  Medley  for 
breaking  with  what  we  may  now  call  the  traditional  method  and  present- 
ing the  old  facts  in  new  combinations.  But  this  arrangement,  though 
welcome  as  a  change,  has  very  serious  drawbacks.  It  is  the  arrangement 
of  a  constitutional  jurist  rather  than  of  an  historian.  While  well  suited 
to  a  description  of  the  developed  forms  of  government  of  the  modern 
world,  while  necessarily  adopted  in  an  account  of  the  English  constitu- 
tion as  it  now  exists,  it  is  ill-suited  either  to  a  description  of  the  constitu- 
tion in  its  earlier  stages,  when  the  various  functions  of  government  were 
not  differentiated,  or  to  an  account  of  the  development  of  the  constitution 
from  the  primitive  to  the  modern  form.  We  miss  the  process  of  unfold- 
ing ;  we  fail  to  comprehend  that  very  '  evolution  and  growth  '  of  institu- 
tions on  which  Mr.  Medley  lays  stress  in  his  preface.  On  the  other  hand 
he  has  done  a  great  service  in  collecting  and  incorporating  in  his  book 
the  results  of  the  most  recent  research.  Thus,  to  give  a  few  instances 
taken  haphazard,  the  arguments  of  M.  Fustel  de  Coulanges  on  the  origin 
of  the  hundred,  Mr.  Round's  articles  on  knight  service  which  appeared  in 
this  Review,  the  conflicting  views  of  Professor  Ashley  and  Mr.  Leadam 
on  the  position  of  copyholders,  come  in  for  due  notice.  Professor 
Maitland's  interpretation  of  the  crucial  clause  in  the  '  Constitutions  of 
Clarendon  '  and  Professor  Vinogradoff's  explanation  of  folkland  (both 
first  published  in  this  Review)  are  adopted.  In  Mr.  Medley's  careful  and 
cautious  summary  of  the  question  of  villenage  one  is  surprised  to  find  no 
reference  to  Mr.  Seebohm. 

The  style  is  occasionally  obscure,  chiefly  owing  to  efforts  at  condensa- 
tion. Thus  the  sentence  on  p.  495,  in  the  very  able  and  useful  chapter  on 
*  Revenue  and  Taxation  '^'  In  1(594  a  system  of  lotteries  was  introduced, 
by  which  part  only  of  the  money  subscribed  was  distributed  among  a 
small  number  of  the  ticket-holders  ' — would  convey  little  meaning  to  a 


656  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

f 

reader  who  had  no  previous  knowledge  of  the  particular  expedient.  The 
grammar  of  the  very  involved  sentence  on  p.  92  beginning,  '  The  truth 
was  that,'  is  at  least  open  to  question.  In  the  opening  sentence  of 
chapter  ii.,  while  the  use  of  a  singular  verb  after  af plural  subject  (*  to 
which  the  attempts  .  .  .  leads  ')  may  be  put  down  to  the  printers,  the 
use  of  the  phrase  '  the  science  of  government '  is  at  best  a'piece  of  careless 
writing.  On  p.  oCl  Whitgift  must  be  a  slip  of  the  pen  for  Grindal.  It 
is  to  be  regretted  that  Mr.  Medley  has  been  forced  to  omit  the  illustrative 
cases  in  '  Constitutional  Law  '  and  extracts  from  documents  referred  to  in 
the  preface,  which  would  certainly  have  added  much  to  the  value  of  the 
book.  We  Hope  that  he  will  be  encouraged  to  add  them  in  a  supple- 
mentary volume  or  in  a  second  edition.  A.  G.  Little. 

Die  Entstehumj  des  Kirclienstaates.  Vereinsschrift  der  Gorres-Gesellschaft 
zur  Pflege  der  Wissenschaft  im  katholischen  Deutschland.  Von  Dr. 
GusTAv  ScHNUKEE.     (Kolu  :  J.  P.  Bachern.     1894.) 

In  his  pamphlet  on  the  origin  of  the  papal  states  Dr.  Schniirer  has  given 
us  a  timely  and  valuable  review  of  the  investigations  of  various  scholars 
on  the  development  and  growth  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  popes  in 
Italy.  His  account  is  the  more  acceptable  as  it  is  clear  and  concise,  and 
serves  as  a  guide  to  the  general  reader  through  the  mass  of  criticism 
which  has  been  expended  on  the  subject.  In  chapters  iv.,  ix.,  and  x, 
the  author  discusses  the  inomissio  of  Quiercy  which  King  Pippin  made 
Pope  Stephen  III  in  754,  and  which  Charlemagne  confirmed  in  774  at 
Rome.  He  emphasises  once  more  that  Pippin's  charter  as  well  as  Charle- 
magne's confirmation  contained  only  a  promise  to  grant  certain  lands  in 
the  event  of  a  favourable  issue  of  the  forthcoming  Lombard  war,  not 
an  unconditional  grant.  These  chapters  deal  with  the  most  contested 
points  in  the  early  history  of  the  papal  states.  For  a  long  time  scholars 
had  tried  to  explain  away  the  contradiction  between  the  promise  of  Quiercy, 
of  which  the  original  is  not  extant,  and  its  confirmation  by  Charlemagne. 
They  tried  to  show  that  the  account  of  the  latter,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
'  Vita  Hadriani '  of  the  '  Liber  Pontificalis,'  was  either  spurious  in  toto  or 
interpolated  in  part.  But  one  of  the  latest  investigators  of  the  subject, 
Paul  Kehr,  has  shown  conclusively  that  the  accounts  of  both  the  '  Vita 
Stephani '  and  the  '  Vita  Hadriani '  are  entirely  trustworthy  in  themselves.^ 
Dr.  Schniirer  is  quite  right  in  accepting  his  conclusions  in  this  respect. 
The  fact  that  both  narratives  are  trustworthy  does  not,  however,  remove  their 
inherent  contradiction.  This  point  Adolf  Schaube  makes  against  Kehr.^ 
He  claims  that  the  document  which  Charlemagne  confirmed  in  774  was 
not  the  original  promissory  grant  of  Quiercy,  but  a  forgery.  From  this 
the  writer  of  the  '  Vita  Hadriani,'  wilfully  or  not,  took  his  account, 
Schaube  puts  Kehr  some  pointed  questions  which  the  latter  would,  we 
think,  find  it  hard  to  answer.  It  was  not  Dr.  Schniirer's  place  to  reply  to 
them,  for  he  addresses  himself  to  the  general  public  and  had  to  avoid 
involving  himself  too  much  in  details.  But  was  it  wise  of  the  author  to 
mention  Schaube' s  article  only  as  not  worthy  of  positive  refutation  ? 

F.  ZiNKEISEN. 

•  See  Sybel's  Hisforische  Zeitschrift,  Ixx.  pp.  385-441. 
-  Ibid.  Ixxii.  pp.  193-212. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  557 

Die  Weltstellung  des  hyzantinischen  Belches  vor  den  Kreuzzilgen.     Von 
Dr.  Carl  Neumann.     (Leipzig :  Duncker  &  Humblot.     1894.) 

This  readable  and  stimulating  sketch  is  not  addressed  merely  to  spe- 
cialists. Written  in  an  agreeable  style,  it  sets  forth  the  leading  features  of 
the  history  of  the  Eastern  Empire  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  up  to 
the  second  Comnenian  revolution,  and  treats  it  as  ein  Stuck  der  allgemeinen 
Geschichte.  The  writer,  who  is  well  known  to  Byzantine  students  by  his 
'  Griechische  Geschichtschreiber  und  Geschichtsquellen  im  zwolften  Jahr- 
hundert,'  makes  many  new  and  interesting  suggestions ;  but  the  most 
instructive  part  of  his  sketch  is  the  exposition  of  the  long  struggle  between 
the  throne  and  the  great  landed  proprietors  of  Asia  Minor,  which  cul- 
minated in  the  elevation  of  Alexius  Comnenus.  The  measures  by  which 
Romanus  tried  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of  latifwidia,  and  their  con- 
nexion with  the  military  necessities  of  the  Empire,  are  well  summed  up. 
It  is  shown  how  Nicephorus  Phocas  introduced  a  reactionary  policy  in 
favour  of  the  influential  landowning  class,  to  which  he  belonged  himself, 
and  endeavoured  to  meet  the  difficulties  connected  with  the  military 
system,  which  such  a  policy  occasioned,  by  laws  restricting  '  mortmain.' 
Basil  reversed  the  policy  of  Nicephorus  and  Tzimisces,  and  did  all  in  his 
power  to  annihilate  the  growth  and  influence  of  the  great  proprietors  ; 
but  they  grew  notwithstanding.  Dr.  Neumann  plausibly  proposes  to 
account  for  the  long  resistance  of  the  throne,  after  Basil's  death,  to  the 
attempts  of  the  Asiatic  'baronage'  (including  the  fiasco  of  Isaac  Com- 
nenus) by  the  length  of  the  imperial  purse :  Die  Ubcrlegenlieit  der 
hauptstddtische7i  Begierung  kcnn  daher,  dass  Hire  finanzielle  Kraft  die 
grosser e  war  (p.  75).  Very  instructive  are  the  remarks  on.  the  effect  of 
Basil's  conquest  of  Bulgaria  upon  the  position  of  the  emperor  in  regard 
to  this  struggle.  It  altered  the  centre  of  gravity,  and  made  the  emperor 
comparatively  independent  of  the  arrogant  nobility  of  Asia  Minor.  Die 
Geschichte  der  hleinasiatischen  Fronde,  die  den  Schioerpunkt  des  BeicJis 
nicht  verschoben  haben  u'ollte,  ist  ein  grosses  Stilch  der  Geschichte  der 
Begierung  Basils  II.  Wie  viel  unabhdngiger  aber  wurde  ditrch  seine 
Erfolge  das  Kaisertum  in  seiner  Hauptstadt !  Die  Ordnung  der  Balkan- 
halbinsel  machte  Konstantinopel  frei  von  der  asiatlschen  Vormundschaft 
(p.  62).  In  the  course  of  some  interesting  pages  on  Michael  Psellos  we 
find  the  new  and  valuable  remark  that  he  prided  himself  on  psychological 
analysis,  and  in  writing  his  memoirs  cared  little  for  the  historical  circum- 
stances in  comparison  with  reading  the  souls  of  the  actors  (p.  89).  It  may 
be  added  that  Neumann  has  made  use  of  the  '  Sovjety  i  Raskazy  '  of  Kekau- 
menos — anecdotes  and  adventures  of  a  noble  soldier  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury— which  Vasiljevski  published  in  1881  in  three  numbers  of  the 
Zhurnal  ministerstva  narodnago  lorosvjestchenija.  J.  13.  Bury. 

Fine  neue  Handschrift  der  Chronik  Albert's  von  Aachen.  Von  Dr. 
Bernhard  Kugler.  (Tubingen  :  W.  Armbruster  &  0.  Riecker. 
1893.) 

The  manuscript  of  the  *  Chronicle  of  Albert  of  Aix,'  of  which  Dr.  Kugler 
has  here  furnished  a  collation,  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Baron  von  dem 
Bussche-Hiinnefeld,  but,  as  a  note  in  the  manuscript  ('  Liber  Monasterii 
Sancti  Viti  in  Gladbach  ')  indicates,  it  anciently  belonged  to  the  Abbey  of 


558  REVIEWS   OE  BOOKS  July 

Gladbach.  The  manuscript  now  contains  161  unnumbered  folios,  and  on 
the  face  of  it  dates  from  the  twelfth  century.  It  is  richly  adorned  with 
arabesques  and  illuminated  initials ;  on  the  initial  letter  of  Book  XII. 
(of  which  Dr.  Kugler  gives  a  reproduction)  there  appear  the  figures  of  two 
monks,  who  clearly  represent  the  illuminator  and  writer  of  the  manu- 
script. Above  these  figures  are  written  respectively  the  names  Conrad 
and  Godfrey.  In  a  '  Liber  de  Fundatione  et  Abbatibus  Monasterii  S. 
Viti  Martyris  in  Gladbach '  we  find  that  about  or  after  1130  a  f rater 
Godefridus  subdiaconus,  and  about  or  after  1150  a  f rater  Conradus 
subdiaconus,  were  resident  in  this  monastery.  An  ancient  *  Necrologium 
Gladbacense,'  which  is  of  older  date  than  1167,  gives  the  obit  of 
Godefridus  subdiacomis  on  31  March.  There  is,  therefore,  sound  reason 
to  fix  the  date  of  the  manuscript  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century. 
Both  Conrad  and  Godfrey  were  good  workmen,  and  the  manuscript  which 
was  their  joint  production  must  hold  an  important  place  in  any  future 
recension  of  the  text  of  Albert  of  Aix.  The  editors  in  the  *  Kecueil  des 
Historiens  des  Croisades  '  employed  four  manuscripts,  which  they  de- 
signated A  (Laud.  561-3),  B  (Bibl.  Nationale,  5128),  C  (Vatican,  509), 
and  D  (Vatican,  1999).  C  is  dated  1158;  A  and  B  are  of  the  twelfth 
century,  and  D  of  the  thirteenth.  The  last  was  used  by  Reineccius  in  hi& 
edition,  which  was  substantially  reproduced  by  Bongars  and  in  the 
*  Patrologia.'  The  editors  of  the  '  Recueil '  regarded  A  and  C  as  chefs  de 
famille,  B  for  the  most  part  following  A,  and  D  coming  closest  to  C. 
This  grouping  of  the  manuscripts  requires  to  be  modified  by  comparison 
with  the  Gladbach  codex.  The  latter,  which  is  one  of  our  oldest  extant 
manuscripts,  is  most  closely  related  to  D,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  presents 
some  useful  readings  peculiar  to  it,  or  common  only  to  it  and  C  or  A-B,  or, 
still  more  remarkable,  peculiar  to  it  and  A.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  we 
must  place  the  authority  of  D  somewhat  higher  than  did  the  editors  of 
the  '  Recueil,'  and  that  a  thoroughly  satisfactory  text  will  require  to  take 
account  of  all  the  manuscripts.  Dr.  Kugler  is  indebted  to  Dr.  Heinricb 
Gunter,  of  Tiibingen,  for  a  careful  collation  of  the  text  of  the  '  Recueil  with 
the  Gladbach  manuscript.  The  collation  fills  over  a  hundred  pages,  but 
a  large  proportion  of  the  variants  turn  only  on  points  of  orthography  or 
on  the  order  of  words.  Dr.  Kugler  gives  reproductions  of  several  initial 
letters,  which  justify  his  praise  of  the  artistic  skill  of  the  illuminator. 

C.L.KlNGSFOED. 


Two  Chartularies  of  the  Priory  of  St.  Peter  at  Bath.   Edited  by  William 
Hunt,  M.A.     (For  the  Somersetshire  Record  Society.     1893.) 

The  Somersetshire  Record  Society  will  soon  obtain  a  foremost  place 
among  our  antiquarian  societies  if  it  can  often  command  the  services  of 
Mr.  Hunt.  His  learning,  patience,  and  industry  make  him  an  almost 
ideally  good  editor  for  a  cartulary,  and  the  first  of  the  two  cartularies  with 
which  he  here  deals — and  this  he  publishes  nearly  in  full — is  one  which 
is  of  very  great  and  general  importance.  It  is  the  beautiful  twelfth- 
century  cartulary  of  Bath  Priory,  which  lies  at  Cambridge  in  the  library 
of  Corpus  Christi  College.  Many  of  its  contents  have  long  been  well 
known,  for  from  t  Kemble  and  others  have  derived  some  precious  Anglo- 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  559 

Saxon  land-books,  profitable  documents  even  if  they  are  not  all  that  they 
pretend  to  be.  These  Mr.  Hunt  has  treated  judiciously.  For  one  thing, 
his  copy  of  such  portions  of  the  text  as  are  written  in  the  Old  English 
tongue  is  guaranteed  by  Professor  Skeat,  who  has  been  able  to  point  out  a 
few  mistakes  in  the  previous  editions.  For  another  thing,  we  have  from 
Mr.  Hunt  himself  not  only  a  long  introduction,  which,  in  truth,  is  an 
elaborate  history  of  the  monastery,  but  also  excellent  notes  on  the  names 
of  the  persons  who  are  supposed  to  witness  the  land-books.  A  dogmatic 
judgment  as  to  the  genuineness  of  these  ancient  documents  Mr.  Hunt 
does  not  give,  and  his  reticence  is  wise,  for  it  is  doubtful  whether  the 
man  is  yet  born  who  combines  all  the  many  kinds  of  knowledge  and 
skill  which  will  be  possessed  by  him  who  finally  assigns  to  would-be 
Anglo-Saxon  diplomata  their  proper  places  in  the  gently  graduated  scale 
of  carelessness,  improvement,  and  falsification  which  lies  between  un- 
adulterated genuineness  and  wicked  forgery.  In  the  meanwhile  the  work 
must  be  done  bit  by  bit,  and  the  laborious  discussio  testium  (if  I  may 
adopt  an  old  phrase)  which  Mr.  Hunt  has  energetically  pursued  is  work 
of  just  the  right  kind. 

Again,  it  is  highly  expedient  that  the  most  ancient  cartularies  should  be 
printed  just  as  they  stand.  Of  course  there  is  also  ample  room  for  chrono- 
logically arranged  collections  of  all  the  land-books,  such  as  Kertible  made 
and  Mr.  Birch  is  making.  Still  each  separate  cartulary  should  be  printed 
as  it  stands.  A  good  instance  of  the  necessity  of  this  procedure  appears 
in  Mr.  Hunt's  volume.  To  many  readers  the  most  attractive  of  the 
documents  that  he  prints  will  be  that  which  describes  the  services  of  the 
men  of  Tidenham ;  for  has  not  Mr.  Seebohm  made  it  classical  ?  Now  this 
document  is  undated  ;  but  the  cartulary  also  contains  a  grant  of  Tidenham 
by  King  Edwy  to  the  monastery,  which  tries  to  date  itself  in  956,  and  a 
lease  of  Tidenham  to  Stigand.  A  good  deal  in  our  conception  of  some 
early  stages  in  manorial  history  may  depend  on  the  question  whether  this 
statement  of  the  Tidenham  services  represents  matters  as  they  stood  in 
the  middle  of  the  tenth  century,  or  on  the  very  eve  of  the  Norman  Conquest. 
In  the  cartulary  it  is  placed  far  away  from  Edwy's  grant  and  immediately 
precedes  the  lease  to  Stigand.  This  is  not  conclusive,  but  I  do  not  think 
that  for  the  future  we  can  confidently  speak  of  it  as  describing  *  a  manor 
of  Edwy's  day.' 

Some  of  the  charters  of  the  Norman  age  that  are  here  printed  are  even 
more  interesting,  because  more  unique,  than  their  predecessors.  We  have 
here  (p.  49),  for  example,  Modbert's  famous  lawsuit,  which  has  been 
made  known  to  us  by  Madox  and  Mr.  Bigelow.  It  is  perhaps  the  best 
of  all  the  '  Placita  Anglo-Normannica  '  that  have  come  down  to  us.  Then 
there  is  (p.  52)  a  deed  from  1123  in  which  a  man  agrees  to  do  suit  to  the 
courts  of  the  hundred  and  the  county  for  a  whole  vill.  There  is  (p.  62)  a 
feoffment  from  1153  under  which  the  sixth  part  of  the  service  of  one  knight 
is  to  be  done.  These  are  early  specimens.  But  we  must  not  descend  to 
particulars,  else  we  shall  be  noticing  a  grant  in  pheodo  (p.  51),  of  which, 
despite  a  threat  of  modernised  spelling,  Mr.  Hunt  has  not  had  the  heart 
to  deprive  us.  On  purpose  I  will  say  nothing  of  the  matters  which  fill 
the  largest  space  in  his  introduction,  in  particular  the  relations  between 
the  churches  of  Bath,  Wells,  and  Glastonbury.     A  first-rate  cartulary 


560  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

has  many  sides,  and  Mr.  Hunt's  work  successfully  stands  the  test  of 
bemg  examined  from  a  point  of  view  that  is  not  his  own. 

The  second  part  of  his  volume  consists  of  a  calendar,  elaborately 
annotated,  of  a  later  cartulary  preserved  at  Lincoln's  Inn.  This,  no 
doubt,  will  be  of  great  service  to  the  antiquarians  of  Somersetshire,  and 
there  are  in  it  a  few  documents  printed  at  length  which  deserve  to  be  set 
before  a  larger  circle  of  readers.  No  doubt  Mr.  Hunt  has  here  given  as 
much  as  the  finances  of  the  society  would  permit  him  to  give.  Still  it 
may  be  permissible  to  remind  similar  societies  that  there  is  a  small  but 
growing  class  of  men  who  take  an  interest  in  the  form  of  medieval  docu- 
ments, and  -who  will  buy  books  in  which  such  documents  are  either  given 
in  full  or  translated  word  by  word.  Deeds  of  manumission,  for  instance, 
are  not  so  common  that  they  should  be  passed  by  with  three  or  four 
words.  One  would  like  at  least  to  know  whether  any  reason  was  given 
for  the  enfranchisement  of  the  villain,  and  whether  any  money  passed. 
Early  letters  of  credit  also  are  curiosities  which  illustrate  the  growth  of 
the  law  of  agency.  However,  Mr.  Hunt  has  behaved  so  nobly  by  the 
earlier  that  we  shall  raise  no  complaint  if  his  calendar  of  the  later  cartu- 
lary rather  whets  than  satisfies  our  appetite. 

To  catch  Mr.  Hunt  in  what  one  hopes  to  be  a  mistake  is  a  rare 
pleasure.  Whatever  the  cartulary  may  say,  the  fine  on  p.  27  can  hardly 
come  from  15  Henry  HI.  The  judges'  names  point  to  a  date  some  ten 
years  earlier.  Gerard  de  Athee  (p.  194)  was  not  'one  of  John's  Flemish 
mercenaries,'  but  came  from  Touraine.  At  least  there  is  much  evidence 
that  points  in  this  direction.  F.  W.  Maitland. 


Ueber  Pseudo-Cnuts  '  Constitutiones  de  Foresta.'     Von  F.  Liebeemann. 
(Halle:  Niemayer.     1894.) 

A  CERTAIN  derelict  code  of  Anglo-Danish  forest  laws  has  long  been 
famous  as  the  connecting  link  between  the  personal  policy  of  Saxon  and 
Norman  kings  towards  the  national  forests.  It  was  apparently  accepted 
without  question  from  the  date  of  its  discovery  in  the  sixteenth  century 
to  our  own  time,  and  though  a  very  few  have  boldly  denounced  it  as  a 
forgery,  or  rather  as  an  interpolation  in  some  genuine  code,  it  has  been 
left  for  Dr.  Liebermann  to  show  exactly  what  the  forgery  is,  how  it  was 
accomplished,  and  what  was  the  forger's  motive.  There  will  be  little 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  all  who  read  this  treatise  attentively  that  Dr. 
Liebermann  has  solved  the  problem  of  Pseudo-Cnut.  He  seems  to  have 
consulted  all  the  recognised  authorities  from  Baron  Manwood  down  to  Mr. 
Fisher.  He  is  familiar  with  the  whole  medieval  jargon  of  forest  life,  and 
for  this  reason  alone  his  treatise  has  a  distinct  value.  Some  would  be  ready 
to  take  Dr.  Liebermann's  word  for  the  fact  that  the  compiler  of  Pseudo- 
Cnut  was  a  forger  of  the  basest  kind.  But  to  all  this  treatise  will  supply 
a  revelation  of  the  legal  history  of  the  forest. 

In  the  first  place  it  must  be  observed  that  no  ancient  text  of  the 
'  Constitutiones  de  Foresta  '  is  known  to  exist,  and  that  the  existing  manu- 
scripts are  modern  and  inferior  transcripts.  It  was  unknown  to  older 
jurists,  and  was  first  produced  by  Harrison  in  his  *  Description  of  England.' 
Then  it  became  famous  in  connexion  with  the  work  of  Manwood.     At 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  561 

first  sight  it  might  seem  a  suspicious  circumstance  that  this  great  vindica- 
tion of  tlie  ancient  prerogative  of  the  crown  in  relation  to  the  forests 
should  have  been  discovered  at  the  very  time  that  the  crown  was  attempt- 
ing to  enforce  this  same  prerogative  at  the  expense  of  the  subjects.  It  was 
undoubtedly  due  to  these  pretensions  that  the  text  of  the  '  Constitutions  ' 
has  been  preserved  to  us  in  the  form  in  which  it  is  printed,  with  important 
collations,  at  the  end  of  Dr.  Liebermann's  treatise.  At  the  same  time  we 
must  be  careful  to  remember  that  Elizabeth  and  her  immediate  successors 
valued  their  forest  rights  solely  as  a  means  of  raising  supplies.  This 
was  accomplished  by  extensive  sales  of  forest  lands  to  enterprising 
subjects — a  form  of  tyranny  differing  widely  from  that  associated  with 
the  exclusive  hunting  of  Norman  kings.  Dr.  Liebermann  at  once 
dismisses  the  possibility  of  a  sixteenth-century  forgery,  and  indeed 
no  antiquary  of  that  day  was  competent  even  to  attempt  such  a  task. 
Thence  w^e  approach  the  original  position  that  this  code  purports,  truly 
or  falsely,  to  be  the  work  of  Cnut.  Dr.  Liebermann  proceeds  to 
demolish  all  the  outworks  of  those  who  have  held  this  view  by  a  com- 
parison of  the  state  of  things  described  in  the  '  Constitutions '  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  system.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  if  Cnut  himself 
had  been  able  to  read  the  *  Constitutions  '  which  pass  under  his  name 
he  w^ould  scarcely  have  understood  their  meaning,  so  foreign  are  they  to 
the  whole  spirit  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  legislation.  It  is  amusing  at  this  point 
to  recall  the  excuse  that  has  been  gravely  made  for  the  forest  tyranny  of  the 
Conqueror,  that  he  merely  followed  the  example  of  his  Danish  predecessor. 
Dr.  Liebermann  comments  on  Henry  I's  significant  allusion  to  the  forest 
policy  of  the  Conqueror  in  contrast  to  his  familiar  reference  to  the  laws  of 
the  Confessor,  and  has  some  valuable  remarks  on  the  dual  overlordship 
of  England  and  Normandy  and  the  exceptional  privileges  of  the  palatine 
earldoms.  The  proofs  which  accumulate  of  the  connexion  of  the '  Consti- 
tutions '  with  the  Anglo-Norman  rather  than  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  polity 
can  now  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  question  of  the  date  and  motive  of 
the  forgery.  It  is  true  that  the  scope  of  the  forest  laws  of  Henry  I  can 
only  be  deduced,  like  that  of  his  judicial  and  fiscal  organisation,  from  the 
existing  records  of  his  grandson's  reign,  but  Dr.  Liebermann  is  able  to  show 
that  the  forger  was  not  one  of  the  group  of  compilers  who  worked  about  the 
year  1110;  and  that  he  lived  at  a  sufficient  distance  of  time  from  the 
date  of  the  compilation  which  Dr.  Liebermann  has  elsewhere  described  as 
the  '  Instituta  Cnuti '  for  him  to  misunderstand  the  English  forms  that 
were  familar  to  a  scribe  of  Henry  I's  reign. 

The  chronicles  of  the  twelfth  century  are  next  brought  into  requisition, 
together  with  treatises  such  as  the  *  Constitutio  Domus  Eegis '  and  the 
'  Dialogus  de  Scaccario,'  to  prove,  in  conjunction  with  the  great  assizes  of 
the  reign,  that  the  forger  known  to  us  as  Pseudo-Cnut  worked  under 
Henry  II,  and  probably  during  the  last  years  of  his  reign.  Apparently 
he  did  not  flourish  in  that  later  period  when  compilers  of  the  type  so  well 
known  to  us  from  Dr.  Liebermann's  recent  work  on  the  London  inter- 
polator of  John's  reign  and  their  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century 
successors  put  their  patriotic  effusions  into  the  mouths  of  King  Arthur, 
Alfred  the  Great,  and  Edward  the  Confessor.  It  is  true  that  a  more  tempting 
motive-theory  exists  in  connexion  with  the  agitation  for  the  reform  of  the 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXIX.  0  0 


562  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

f 

forest  laws  wliich  preceded  the  great  charter.  Dr.  Liebermann,  however, 
has  good  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  compiler  had  access  to  materials 
which  must  have  existed  at  the  time  when  Richard  Fitz  Nigel  and  *  Glanville ' 
wrote  their  famous  treatises.  We  know,  indeed,  only  too  well  that  several 
invaluable  libelli  and  rotuli  of  this  period  have  not  been  preserved  in  the 
semi-official  registers  from  which  Matthew  Paris  and  other  thirteenth- 
century  historians  derived  their  knowledge  of  constitutional  documents, 
and  these  losses  seem  to  have  been  sustained  before  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century.  Moreover  we  know  that  Swereford,  the  great  antiquarian 
collector  of  the  age,  was  at  work  from  the  earliest  years  of  John's  reign  ; 
and  it  is  rnost  probable  that  the  hand  which  transcribed  the  *  Constitu- 
tion of  the  King's  House '  would  have  transcribed  or  noticed  the  *  Con- 
stitutions of  the  Forest '  if  they  had  been  produced  in  his  day.  Still 
more  certainly  they  would  have  been  referred  to  by  Matthew  Paris,  who 
had  access  to  the  whole  of  Swereford's  collections,  many  of  which  are 
now  lost  to  us. 

Dr.  Liebermann  thinks  that  the  forger  of  the  work  was  solely  interested 
in  the  legal  and  antiquarian  problems  to  which  the  confused  knowledge  of 
the  forest  law  gave  rise.  Literary  forgeries  have  been  common  in  all  ages, 
but  antiquarian  forgeries  like  the  present  one  would  not  have  been  likely 
to  occur  in  England  before  the  twelfth  century.  It  was  in  the  very  same 
spirit,  let  us  note,  that  his  contemporary  Richard  Fitz  Nigel  exalts  and 
vindicates  the  prerogative  of  the  crown  and  of  the  magnates  of  the  curia. 
The  forger  (for  forger  he  was,  inasmuch  as  he  professes  to  translate 
the  actual  words  of  an  edict  of  Cnut),  like  the  compiler  of  the  '  Instituta 
Cnuti,'  from  which  he  borrowed  freely,  was,  beyond  doubt,  a  churchman. 
Dr.  Liebermann  finds  that  although  his  knowledge  of  Anglo-Saxon  forms 
was  rather  uncertain,  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  forms  of  canon 
law,  and  was  able  to  adapt  the  material  from  which  he  worked  with 
sufficient  skill  to  avoid  more  than  a  few  gross  anachronisms  and  philo- 
logical blunders.  Amongst  these  are  some  grave  slips  connected  with 
the  designation  of  ranks,  while  to  the  *  Crimen  veneris '  of  Anglo-Saxon 
laws  the  forger  appends  et  viriclis,  to  signify  that  *  vert  and  venison ' 
were  protected  ah  antiquo.  He  also  drops  occasionally  into  the  plural 
'  style,'  which  was  not  in  vogue  before  the  last  years  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  makes  other  blunders  which  Dr.  Liebermann  detects  with  an  unerring 
eye  and  corrects  with  an  unsparing  hand.  But  we  must  not  forget  that 
the  forger  did  his  work  well  enough  to  avoid  complete  exposure  for  just 
700  years,  and  that  although  it  was  comparatively  easy  to  produce  an 
archaic  effect  by  the  liberal  use  of  expressions  such  as  '  Angli  et  Daiii,' 
'  quam  Angli  cqjj^cUcmt,'  '  Barones  7nei,'  and  the  like,  it  was  quite  another 
matter  to  sort  out,  as  it  were,  the  proper  persons  and  things,  beasts, 
birds,  trees,  and  the  rest,  from  the  most  ample  collection  of  Anglo-Norman 
forms.  In  any  case  the  harm  which  this  innocent  forgery  may  have  done 
is  more  than  compensated  by  the  fact  that  it  has  led  to  the  production  of 
Dr.  Liebermann's  essay  on  the  medieval  forest.  Hubebt  Hall. 


18^5  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  565 

Egils  Saga  Slcallagrimssonar,  nebst  den  grosseren  Gedichten  Egils, 
herausgegeben  von  Finnur  J6nsson.  (Altnordische  Saga-Bibliothek, 
III.)     (Halle:  Niemeyer.     1894.) 

*  Egils  Saga  '  was  edited  critically  by  Dr.  Finnur  J6nsson  in  1886-1888, 
with  an  introductory  essay  in  Danish,  for  the  Old  Northern  Text  Society 
in  Copenhagen.^  The  present  edition  is  intended  for  students  who  are 
learning  Icelandic,  and  may  be  found  useful,  though  the  notes  are  too 
numerous  and  too  easy.  The  text  is  far  better  than  the  old  text  of  the 
1856  edition  ;  the  editor's  critical  work  has  cleared  away  a  number  of 
unintelligible  readings.  In  the  explanation  of  the  verses  in  the  *  Saga ' 
the  commentary  is  full  and  clear,  and  affords  a  good  introduction  to  the 
Icelandic  court  poetry,  if  any  one  should  wish  to  make  himself  acquainted 
with  its  manners— at  the  least  cost— before  committing  himself  to  a 
deeper  study  of  it.  The  three  longer  poems  of  Egil  are  appended  to  the 
Saga,  with  explanatory  notes,  but  without  any  of  the  critical  annotation 
supplied  in  the  editor's  larger  work.  The  historical  problems  of  the  Saga 
are  treated  in  the  editor's  German  preface  somewhat  more  briefly  than 
in  his  Danish  edition,  but  to  the  same  effect.  The  credibility  of  '  Egils 
Saga'  has  been  a  question  for  historians  for  some  time  past.  Dr. 
Finnur  Jonsson's  Danish  essay  was  made  the  subject  of  a  rather  severe 
demonstration  by  Mr.  York  Powell  in  his  paper  on  the  '  Growth  of  the 
Sagas.'  ^  The  opposing  points  of  view  are  irreconcilable.  The  Icelandic 
editor,  who  sees  authentic  history  in  most  of  the  Saga,  is,  however,  com- 
pelled to  give  up  Brunanburh  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  many  readers 
who  take  the  Sagas  merely  as  historical  romances,  and  as  literature, 
will  find  historic  verisimilitude,  at  least,  in  the  history  of  the  brothers 
Thorolf  and  Skallagrim  and  their  dealings  with  King  Harald  Fairhair. 
'  Historical '  has  many  meanings,  and  it  might  be  argued  that  the  story 
of  Thorolf  is,  in  one  sense,  an  authentic  history  of  the  way  in  which 
Harald's  tyranny  brought  about  the  great  migration  to  the  west.  The 
historical  value  of  the  Saga  lies  mainly  in  this  earlier  part,  not  in  the 
later  romance  of  Egil's  wandering  adventures.  Whatever  his  sources  may 
have  been,  whether  the  family  traditions  of  the  Myramenn,  Egil's  de- 
scendants, or  the  suggestions  of '  Landnamabok,'  or  the  '  Kings'  Lives,'  or 
all  together,  the  writer  of  the  Saga  has  rendered  better  than  any  other 
extant  historian  the  dramatic  motives  of  the  Icelandic  migration,  and  the 
special  character  of  the  revolt  against  *  the  overbearing  of  Harald  Fair- 
hair.*  The  passages  in  the  Saga  relating  to  Halogaland  and  the  Finnish 
trade  are  no  longer,  apparently,  challenged  by  any  sceptic  as  contradictory 
of  the  narrative  of  Ohthere  to  King  Alfred.  W.  P.  Kee. 

An  Introduction  to  English  Economic  History  and  Theory.  By  W.  J. 
Ashley.     Vol.  I.  Part  II.     (London  :  Longmans  &  Co.     1893.) 

The  first  thing  that  calls  for  notice  in  this  second  instalment  of  Professor 
Ashley's  work  is  the  complete  change  which  the  author  has  made  in  both 
the  scope  and   character  of  his  undertaking  since  first  embarking  on  it. 

'  Of  this  text  a  clear,  plain,  and  faithful  version  was  published  in  1893,  under  the 
title  of  The  Story  of  Egil  Skallagrimson,  by  Mr.  \V.  C.  Green  (London  :  Stock),  who 
adopted  Dr.  Finnur  Jonsson's  views  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Saga.— Ed.  E.  H.  B, 

2  Folk  Lore,  June  1894. 

o  o  2 


664  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

# 

The  original  intention,  as  stated  in  the  present  preface,  was  to  make  the 
book  '  little  more  than  a  compilation  '  and  to  disponse  with  much  '  fresh 
investigation'  of  the  authorities.  Accordingly  part  i.,  dealing  with  the 
whole  of  the  period  before  1300,  was  entitled  an  '  Introduction.'  This  title 
is  equally  borne  by  the  present  volume,  which  deals  with  the  years 
1300-1550  ;  but  not  only  has  the  book  increased  with  the  growing  com- 
plexity of  the  subject  from  200  to  500  pages,  but  even  this  amount  of 
space  has  proved  insufficient,  and  Mr.  Ashley  has  found  himself  compelled 
to  postpone  the  treatment  of  some  important  sections  of  his  subject  to 
yet  another  volume.  The  discussion  of  foreign  trade,  for  example,  is 
altogether  omitted,  and  that  of  agriculture  left  incomplete.  Indeed,  the 
method  of  treatment  adopted  with  regard  to  the  latter  topic  is  altogether 
peculiar.  For  only  the  period  of  the  agrarian  revolution  from  1450  down 
to  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  described,  while  the  important 
years  between  1800  and  1450  are  left  wholly  untouched,  save  for  a  few 
strictures  on  Thorold  Rogers's  opinions  concerning  the  importance  of  the 
Black  Death  and  the  peasants'  revolt  as  turning-points  in  our  social  history. 
The  reason  for  this  strange  omission  seems  to  be  that  Mr.  Ashley  was 
unable  to  make  up  his  mind  on  the  vexed  question  of  the  general  pro- 
sperity or  the  reverse  of  the  fifteenth  century  from  the  rural  point  of  view, 
and  yet  at  the  same  time  found  some  discussion  of  the  change  from  tillage 
to  pasture  farming  necessary  as  a  preliminary  to  his  chapter  on  the  relief 
of  the  poor.  He  therefore  has  left  the  earlier  history  entirely  alone,  until 
more  evidence  is  forthcoming.  Some  may  regard  this  as  the  wisest 
course  ;  but  the  result  is  rather  unfortunate,  for  the  gap  is  a  large  one 
and  the  problems  left  unsolved  are  of  the  greatest  interest  and  magnitude, 
while  the  reader  is  perhaps  hardly  sufficiently  made  aware  that  there  are 
any  problems  omitted  or  even  any  gap  in  the  narrative.  Nor  is  it  the 
scope  only  of  the  book  that  has  been  extended  ;  for  the  chapters  of  11x3 
present  volume  are  no  longer  in  any  sense  resumes.  On  the  contrary, 
in  order  to  produce  them  the  author,  to  use  his  own  phrase,  has  spared 
no  pains,  but  laboriously  made  his  own  excavations  among  the  original 
authorities,  with  the  result  that  the  public  can  be  congratulated  on 
gaining  access  to  a  series  of  most  careful  and  thorough  essays,  each 
embodying  a  great  deal  of  independent  research  and  written  with  great 
skill  and  clearness. 

The  first  three  chapters  of  the  book  are  occupied  with  the  internal 
organisation  of  the  English  towns  and  give  an  admirable  description  of 
the  increased  control  which  the  municipalities  obtained  over  industry 
and  commerce,  and  of  the  measures  taken  to  meet  the  rapid  growth  of 
industrial  occupations,  and  especially  of  the  native  woollen  industries, 
which  more  than  anything  else  made  English  economic  progress 
possible.  Equally  good  too  is  the  account  given  of  the  craft  gilds  and  of 
the  position  of  the  apprentices  and  journeymen  in  connexion  with  them, 
while  their  religious  side  is  also  thoroughly  discussed,  and  especially  the 
attitude  of  the  government  towards  them  under  Edward  VI,  in  conse- 
quence of  their  superstitious  characteristics.  About  the  last  matter 
Mr.  Ashley's  contention  is  particularly  worthy  of  attention ;  for  he  has 
collected  quite  a  body  of  evidence  tending  to  show  that  the  legislation 
of  1547  neither  dissolved  nor  destroyed  the  gilds,  as  has  sometimes  been 


1896  KEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  565 

stated,  but  only  ccnfiscated  so  much  of  their  property  as  was  devoted  to 
purely  religious  purposes,  leaving  intact  all  their  rights  and  privileges  as 
commercial  corporations. 

For  the  reasons  already  pointed  out  the  fourth  chapter,  dealing  with 
agriculture,  is  comparatively  unsatisfactory,  but  still  the  systematic 
attempt  made  in  it  to  estimate  what  exact  effect  the  increase  of  pasture 
farming  had  on  the  different  classes  of  the  rural  population  is  highly  com- 
mendable. Mr.  Ashley  takes  most  interest  in  its  effect  on  the  *  customary 
tenants,'  and  hence  is  incidentally  led  into  a  valuable  discussion  of  the 
legal  position  of  the  copyholders  under  the  Yorkists.  But  his  investiga- 
tions do  not  seem  to  have  altogether  solved  the  problem,  though  he  has 
satisfied  himself  that  the  classes  afterwards  known  indifferently  as  copy- 
holders had,  even  "at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  legally  only  a  pre- 
carious tenure.  Mr.  Ashley  has  long  ago  been  attacked  by  Mr.  Leadam 
for  holding  these  opinions,  but  after  mature  consideration  he  still  main- 
tains his  view. 

The  fifth  chapter,  dealing  with  the  relief  of  the  poor,  after  showing 
clearly  what  agencies  had  been  in  existence  with  this  object  in  the  earlier 
middle  ages,  is  largely  devoted  to  proving  that  the  great  increase  of  poverty 
in  Tudor  times  was  not  due,  to  any  large  extent,  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries  and  the  consequent  cessation  of  almsgiving  ;  and,  further,  that 
the  problem  to  be  solved  was  not  at  all  peculiar  to  England,  but  was  a 
general  one  existing  throughout  all  western  Europe.  These  positions  are 
supported  with  much  effective  evidence,  especially  the  latter,  which  leads 
Mr.  Ashley  on  into  a  most  interesting  account  of  the  various  devices  for 
reform  which  were  debated  both  by  scholastic  theologians  and  humanists 
abroad,  and  into  a  sketch  of  the  actual  method  for  coping  with  the  evil 
which  was  adopted  in  1525  at  Ypres,  and  which  subsequently  became  a 
model  to  Charles  V  and  other  continental  reformers.  Finally,  Mr.  Ashley 
is  able  to  show  that  even  Elizabeth's  celebrated  poor  law  was  in  no  sense 
an  exceptional  solution  of  the  difficulty,  the  system  of  raising  the  funds 
for  relieving  pauperism  by  compulsory  assessment  having  been  adopted  in 
Paris  twenty-eight  years  earlier  than  it  was  by  the  Enghsli  parliament. 

The  sixth  and  last  chapter  deals  with  the  economic  theories  of  the 
canonists,  and  especially  with  their  doctrines  on  usury.  Here  Mr. 
Ashley  is  breaking  comparatively  fresh  ground,  for  the  subject,  though 
important,  has  escaped  much  attention  in  England,  owing  to  the  idea  that 
even  our  commercial  legislation  was  a  native  growth,  and  but  little  influ- 
enced by  the  dogmas  of  the  Roman  law.  In  treating  of  this  subject  Mr. 
Ashley  does  not  claim  to  have  any  first-hand  knowledge,  but  he  has  read 
and  assimilated  all  the  best  continental  authorities,  such  as  Endemann, 
Funk,  and  Neumann,  and  his  chapter  forms  an  impartial  and  well-digested 
criticism  of  their  main  conclusions,  showing  clearly  how  the  doctrines 
of  the  catholic  church  on  points  of  commercial  morality  were  evolved,  how 
far  the  views  of  the  protestant  and  catholic  teachers  became  divergent 
afterthe  Reformation,  and  how  far  English  opinion  and  practice  harmonised 
with  and  was  affected  by  either  school. 

Having  now  alluded  to  most  of  the  more  valuable  features  of  the  book, 
a  few  small  suggestions  may  perhaps  be  allowable.  For  example,  would 
it  not  be  better  if  Mr.  Ashley  ^.voided  mere  conjectures  altogether  ?     We 


•• 


566  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

allude  to  such  a  passage  as*that  on  p.  132,  where  the  author  is  speaking 
of  the  gradual  concentration  of  the  powers  of  the  London  companies  into 
the  hands  of  small  exclusive  committees,  to  the  detriment  of  the  liverymen 
as  a  whole,  and  then  adds,  *  Doubtless  this  process  could  be  paralleled 
from  the  history  of  the  English  town,  were  the  evidence  accessible/  Or, 
again,  on  p.  134,  where  he  is  discussing  the  differentiation  of  the  greater 
from  the  lesser  companies  in  London,  Florence,  and  elsewhere,  and  then 
says,  *  Similar  conditions  probably  appeared  in  other  English  towns.' 
These  guesses  may,  of  course,  prove  true,  but  they  may  only  turn  out  to  be 
misleading.  Might  not  also  the  map,  showing  the  enclosed  areas,  be 
improved  ?  One  of  the  features  it  professes  to  represent  is  the  amount  of 
waste  land  occupied  by  forest  and  marsh,  but  the  great  mass  of  the  fens 
are  entirely  omitted.  The  enclosed  area,  too,  shown  in  the  case  of  East 
Norfolk  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  evidence  quoted  in  the  text.  The 
authority  relied  on  is  Marshall's  *  Rural  Economy  of  Norfolk,'  a  book 
which  deals  only  with  the  triangular  piece  of  land  bounded  on  the  north 
and  east  by  the  sea,  on  the  west  by  a  line  from  Cromer  to  Norwich,  and 
on  the  south  by  the  Yare,  running  from  Norwich  to  Yarmouth.  The 
map,  however,  represents  the  enclosures  as  extending  over  the  whole 
county  to  the  south  as  well.  Another  small  defect  that  might  be  remedied 
is  the  frequent  absence  of  actual  numerical  references  in  the  passages 
which  refer  readers  to  preceding  or  succeeding  sections  for  further  infor- 
mation on  the  topics  discussed.  To  those  who  only  consult  the  book  on 
particular  branches  of  the  subject,  without  wishing  to  read  it  through,  this 
is  a  needless  but  too  common  source  of  inconvenience,  as,  for  instance,  on 
pp.  43,  45,  49,  51,  82,  133,  140,  149.  None  of  these  small  matters, 
however,  detract  appreciably  from  the  value  of  the  book  as  a  whole,  which, 
in  addition  to  the  good  points  already  mentioned,  also  possesses  the  merit 
of  abundant  and  accurate  references.  The  only  slip  we  have  noted  is  in 
the  dating  of  Blomefield's  '  Norfolk,'  vol.  ii.  This  is  given  as  1845,  but 
should  be  1741,  if  the  date  of  the  original  preface  can  be  trusted. 

W.  J.  CORBETT. 

Chartular'mm  Universitatis  Parisiensis.  EdiditHENRicusDENiFLE,  O.P. 
auxiliante  Aemilio  Chatelain.  Tom.  III.  Ab  anno  MCCCL  usque 
ad  annum  MCCCLXXXIIII.  (Parisiis  :  ex  typis  Fratrum  Delalain. 
1894.) 

Auctarium  Chartularii  Universitatis  Parisiensis.  Edd.  Henricus 
Denifle,Aemilius Chatelain.  Tom. I.  Liber  Procuratorum  Nationis 
AngHcanae  (Alemanniae)  ab  anno  MCCCXXXIII  ad  annum 
MCCCCVI.     (Parisiis  :  ex  typis  Fratrum  Delalain.     1894.) 

The  two  first  volumes  of  this  great  collection  having  been  already 
noticed  in  this  Review,  I  need  do  little  more  than  renew  my  humble 
tribute  of  welcome  and  admiration  on  the  appearance  of  the  third.  The 
work  has  now  reached  a  period  in  which  we  no  longer  expect  much  fresh 
light  upon  the  origin  and  early  development  of  the  university  as  an 
institution,  but  in  which  the  affairs  of  the  university  become  far  more 
intimately  connected  than  before  with  the  general  course  of  European 
history.     The  volume  reaches  the  beginning  of  the  schism,  i.e.  of  the 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  567 

period  during  which  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  influence  of  the  great 
academic  corporation  reached  its  zenith.  Among  the  previously  un- 
published documents  we  may  particularly  notice  many  which  throw  light 
upon  the  history  of  the  university  at  three  great  crises — (1)  the  suit  of 
the  university  against  the  chancellor,  Jean  Blanchart,  who  was  accused 
of  wholesale  bribery  in  the  conferment  of  degrees  (1385-G),  (these  docu- 
ments afford  some  very  curious  reading)  ;  (2)  the  controversy  about 
the  Immaculate  Conception  originating  in  the  preaching  of  the  Dominican 
Jean  de  Montson,  1387 ;  and  (3)  the  attitude  of  the  university  during  the 
early  years  of  the  Great  Schism.  By  the  aid  of  the  editor's  notes  and  copious 
extracts  from  the  chroniclers  the  whole  history  of  the  relations  of  the 
university,  and,  indeed,  of  the  French  church  and  nation,  towards  the 
papacy  at  this  important  epoch  may  be  studied  in  a  single  volume.  It 
is  impossible  to  praise  too  highly  the  care  and  learning  which  have  been 
expended  upon  the  elucidation  of  the  many  difficult  and  complicated  pro- 
blems which  arise  in  connexion  with  this  matter.  It  is  so  rarely  that 
the  most  diligent  reader,  can  detect  the  minutest  slip  in  the  editor's  work 
that  it  seems  almost  ungenerous  to  call  attention  to  the  title  of  document 
No.  1468,  where  the  heading  runs,  Parlamcntum  Parisiense  jus  candi- 
datos  in  theol.  et  in  arte  licentiandi  .  ,  .  ahhati  et  cancellario  S. 
Genovefae  Paris,  confirmat,  although  there  is  nothing  in  the  text  of  the 
document  about  theology. 

In  the  Auctarium  is  printed  in  extenso  the  register  of  the  English 
nation  between  1333  and  1406.  The  masters  of  the  nations  at  this  time 
are  chiefly  Germans  and  Scotsmen,  with  a  considerable  sprinkling  of 
Scandinavians.  During  the  schism  the  attitude  of  the  nation  fluctuated 
(as  the  editors  point  out)  according  as  the  balance  of  power  inclined  to 
the  Scotch  or  the  German  side.  Here  and  there  the  reader  will  find 
important  light  thrown  upon  matters  of  wide  historical  interest  connected 
with  the  schism  ;  most  of  the  volume  is,  of  course,  taken  up  with  the  no 
less  interesting  back- stairs  side  of  university  life.  In  fact,  much  of  the 
document  is  almost  literally  a  chronicle  of  small  beer,  inasmuch  as  it  is 
largely  occupied  with  a  minute  record  of  the  times,  places,  occasions,  and 
expense  of  the  periodical  feasts  or  'jocund  advents  '  of  new  proctors  and 
othev  perpotationes  01  solacia  celebrated  by  the  nation  in  various  Parisian 
taverns.  H.  Rashdall. 


Gli  Ordinamenti  Politici  e  Amyninistrativi   nelle  '  Constitutioncs  Aegi- 
dianae.'     Per  Filippo  Ermini.     (Turin :  Bocca.     1894.) 

This  pamphlet  is  an  analysis  of  the  political  and  administrative  provisions 
of  the  statutes  for  the  government  of  the  papal  states,  framed  by  Cardinal 
Albornoz  after  his  reconquest  of  its  nominal  territories  for  the  court  of 
Avignon.  The  code  of  the  Spanish  cardinal,  if  not  quite  as  permanent  as 
the  college  which  he  contemporaneously  founded,  was  the  basis  for  all 
future  administrative  ordinances  in  the  provinces  which  recognised  the 
papal  government.  The  present  treatise  describes  the  pr.wers  of  the 
rector  of  the  province,  his  judicial  and  police  staff,  his  fisca.  :ind  military 
attributes.  One  chapter  deals  with  the  relation  of  the  civil  lu  the  ecclesi- 
astical jurisdiction  of   the  rector,  another  with  the  respective  limits  of 


•• 


566  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

municipal  and  provincial  government.  On  this  latter  head  Albornoz 
shows  a  determination  that  the  municipality,  whether  in  the  form  of 
despotism  or  republic,  should  not  once  again  emancipate  itself  from  the 
central  authority,  nor  the  city  develop  into  a  state  at  the  expense  of  its 
weaker  neighbours.  Here  by  the  papacy,  as  elsewhere  by  the  emperors, 
an  honest  attempt  is  made  to  lift  the  administration  above  faction.  The 
podesta  and  all  other  municipal  officials  are  stringently  orbidden  from 
taking,  according  to  previous  custom,  an  oath  of  loyalty  to  the  Guelfic 
or  GhibelHne  party  which  happened  to  be  predominant.  A  remarkable 
and  recurring  feature  in  the  code  is  the  prohibition  of  any  pecuniary 
composition  for  murder  ;  such  composition,  even  when  accepted  by  the 
officers  of  the  law,  is  regarded  as  giving  the  oifender  no  protection.  To  the 
present  day  the  *  high  stomach  '  of  the  dwellers  by  the  Adriatic  proves  how 
necessary  were  the  cardinal's  precautions.  Albornoz  was  himself  a  lawyer, 
and  to  the  layman  the  elaborate  scale  of  fees  authorised  by  his  regulations 
seems  a  serious  obstacle  to  their  efficiency.  E.  Aemstbong. 


Nouvelles  Becherches  Critiques  sur  Us  Relations  Politiques  cle  la  France  avec 
rAllemagnedelSlSd  14:61.  ParALFBEDLEROUX.  (Paris:  E. Bouillon. 
1892.) 

In  this  second  instalment  of  his  extremely  thorough  and  suggestive  studies 
on  the  relations  of  France  and  Germany  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries  M.  Leroux  gives  us  the  results  of  many  months'  fruitful  re- 
searches in  the  archives  of  Vienna,  Munich,  and  other  German  cities,  and 
indicates  their  bearing  upon  the  investigations  of  other  workers  in  the 
same  field.  It  is  the  only  work  known  to  us  which  supplies  a  good  general 
clue  to  the  main  threads  of  West  European  policy  during  the  years  it 
covers.  The  subject  is  a  complicated  one,  since  it  is  involved  with  the 
hundred  years'  war,  the  great  schism,  and  the  French  claims  in  Italy  ; 
but  the  main  interest  is  skilfully  concentrated  on  the  frontier  questions 
between  the  two  countries  in  the  new  shape  given  to  them  by  the  efforts 
of  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  to  erect  a  middle  kingdom  in  the  borderland. 
M.  Leroux  denies,  perhaps  rightly,  that  Charles  VII  had  a,ny  idea,  such 
as  was  not  unfrequently  attributed  to  him  by  contemporaries,  of  securing 
the  Rhine  frontier.  But  the  evidence  he  adduces  for  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  between  Philippe  le  Bel  and  Albert  of  Austria  in  1299,  definitely 
adopting  the  line  of  the  Meuse  as  the  boundary,  seems  open  to  question. 
M.  Longnon,  whom  he  quotes  in  corroboration,  certainly  goes  no  further 
than  to  assert  that  the  Meuse  w^as  an  ideal  frontier,  which  it  was  the  object 
of  the  French  kings  to  convert  into  a  real  one.  And  even  if  it  had  been 
recognised  as  an  absolute  line  of  division  would  that  have  given  Verdun 
to  France  ?  (p.  75).  The  main  thesis  of  the  book  is  that  the  Swiss  expedi- 
tion of  the  dauphin  in  1444  was  not  an  attempt  to  secure  the  Rhine 
frontier,  as  some  thought  at  the  time  and  Janssen  has  recently  maintained, 
nor  a  mere  diversion  to  get  rid  of  the  ecorcheurs  after  the  truce  with 
England,  which  is  the  view  of  M.  Tuetey,  nor  a  combination  of  the  two, 
as  Beaucourt  supposes,  but  part  of  a  scheme  to  foil  Philip  of  Burgundy's 
attempt  to  link  together  his  two  isolated  masses  of  territory,  by  restoring 
the  ancient  limits  of  the  duchy  of  Lorraine  in  favour  of  Rene  of  Anjou.  In 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  560 

this  view  tlie  Swiss  expedition  was  cliiefly  intended  to  cover  the  siege  of 
Metz.  There  is  no  positive  evidence  for  it,  as  M.  Leroux  admits,  nor  does 
it  square  with  the  dauphin's  language  after  the  battle  of  St.  Jacques,  so 
that  for  the  present  it  remains  an  hypothesis  and  no  more.  But  it  may  be 
the  right  solution  for  all  that. 

Upon  the  emperor  Sigismund's  well-founded  jealousy  of  the  growth 
of  the  Burgundian  power  M.  Leroux  throws  a  good  deal  of  light,  and  it 
would  be  unfair  to  lay  too  much  stress  on  the  mistakes  he  makes  in  chap. 
X.,  written  before  Loher's  memoir,  *  Konig  Sigmund  und  Herzog  Philipp 
von  Burgund  '  (1866),  came  under  his  notice.  Sigismund's  successor  was 
less  careful  of  the  rights  of  the  empire,  and  one  of  the  most  interesting 
episodes  in  these  researches  contains  a  detailed  account  of  Philip's  ne- 
gotiations with  Frederick  in  1446-7  with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  a 
kingdom  of  Burgundy.  The  English  student  will  be  curious  to  see  what 
view  M.  Leroux  takes  of  the  motives  which  prompted  Sigismund,  who 
two  years'before  had  formed  an  alliance  with  Charles  VI  against  the  duke 
of  Burgundy,  to  enter  suddenly  into  the  offensive  treaty  of  Canter- 
bury of  August  1416  with  Charles's  foe  and  Burgundy's  ally,  Henry  V  of 
England.  With  M.  Caro  he  rejects,  and  w^e  think  rightly,  Lenz's  theory 
of  a  long  premeditation,  but,  unlike  the  former,  he  considers  that  Sigis- 
mund only  signed  the  treaty  as  a  means  of  smoothing  the  course  of  the 
council  of  Constance,  whose  success  he  had  so  much  at  heart,  and  had  no 
intention  of  deviating  from  the  policy  he  had  already  laid  down  for  him- 
self towards  France  and  Burgundy — an  explanation  which  the  emperor's 
subsequent  conduct  renders  very  probable  indeed.  Many  other  interesting 
questions  are  raised  in  these  pages,  but  to  discuss  them  fully  would  require 
a  volume.  James  Tait. 


Expeditions  to  Prussia  and  the  Holy  Land  made  by  Henry,  Earl  of 
Derby,  1390-1  and  1392-3;  being  the  Accounts  of  his  Treasurer. 
Edited  from  the  Originals  by  Lucy  Toulmin  Smith  ;  with  Introduction, 
Notes,  and  Indices.  (London :  printed  for  the  Camden  Society. 
1894.) 

Bechnungen  ilber  Heinrich  V07i  Derby's  Preussenfahrten,  1390-1  und 
1392.  Herausgegeben  von  Dr.  Hans  Peutz.  (Publication  des  Vereins 
fiir  die  Geschichte  der  Provinzen  Ost-  und  West-Preussen.)  (Leipzig  : 
Duncker  &  Humblot.     1893.) 

The  accounts  of  Eichard  Kingston,  archdeacon  of  Hereford  and  treasurer 
of  Henry,  earl  of  Derby,  during  the  two  *  crusading  '  expeditions  which 
that  adventurous  earl  undertook  in  the  days  of  adversity  that  succeeded 
the  fall  of  the  rule  of  the  lords  appellant,  have  long  been  known  and  used 
by  a  limited  number  of  historians.  It  is  somewhat  unjust  to  earlier 
writers,  especially  to  Mrs.  Everett  Green,  who  made  a  most  careful  use  of 
them  in  her  admirable  *  Lives  of  the  Princesses,'  published  between  1849 
and  1855,  and  also  to  those  even  earlier,  like  Endell  Tyler  (1838)  and 
Beltz  (1841),  who  utilised  them  to  a  more  limited  extent,  to  speak  of  these 
documents,  as  Professor  Prutz  does,  as  first  *  discovered '  in  1856  by  the 
late  Dr.  Pauli.  But  our  debt  cf  gratitude  to  Dr.  Pauli  is  very  great  in 
the  matter,  inasmuch  as  he  not  only  projected  an  edition  of  the  manuscript 


670  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

but  published  several  papers  about  these  documents  in  German  learned 
periodicals,  and  so  made  it  easy  for  inquirers  to  acquaint  themselves  with 
the  more  important  contents  of  the  records  without  the  labour  of  consult- 
ing the  not  too  legible  originals  in  the  public  record  office.  Moreover, 
although  Dr.  Pauli's  projected  edition  of  the  accounts  was  never  completed 
by  him,  he  furnished  the  editors  of  the  magnificent  *  Scriptores  Eerum 
Prussicarum '  with  the  extracts  which  he  had  made  relating  to  the  adven- 
tures of  Henry  within  the  dominions  of  the  Teutonic  order.  But  it  was 
necessary  that  the  whole  document  should  be  published,  and  now,  after 
long  and  tedious  delays,  all  workers  on  the  period  will  be  able  to  give 
their  most  cordial  thanks  to  Miss  L.  Toulmin  Smith  and  Professor  Prutz 
for  the  very  careful  editions  of  the  manuscript  which  they  have  published 
almost  simultaneously.  The  biographer  of  Henry  IV  will  find  a  new  and 
steady  light  thrown  upon  the  details  of  his  hero's  history,  which  confutes 
the  loose  gossip  of  the  chroniclers,  who  never  spoke  more  at  random  than 
when  speaking  of  Derby's  foreign  travels.  How  indispensable  a  light 
these  accounts  throw  on  this  part  of  Henry's  career  can  be  gathered  from 
the  mistakes  made  even  by  so  careful  a  writer  as  Mr.  Wylie,  writing  in 
ignorance  of  their  testimony.  But  this  by  no  means  exhausts  the  value 
of  these  records.  To  the  historical  geographer,  to  the  social  and  econo- 
mic historian,  to  the  numismatist,  to  those  interested  in  the  household 
arrangements  and  the  military  and  naval  details  of  the  period,  to  the  his- 
torians of  the  Teutonic  order  and  of  the  later  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy 
Land,  the  records  afford  most  valuable  information,  and  will  henceforward 
prove  of  very  great  service  to  workers  in  extremely  different  fields. 

At  first  sight  it  seems  almost  a  pity,  when  there  is  still  so  much  un- 
printed  stuff  in  the  world,  for  two  editions  of  the  same  manuscript  to  be 
published,  and  this  is  especially  the  case  since  Dr.  Prutz's  text  is  entirely 
derived  from  that  of  Miss  Smith  and  claims  no  original  authority.  But  the 
Camden  Society  and  the  Society  for  the  History  of  East  and  West  Prussia 
have  very  diverse  needs,  and  it  was  probably  impossible  to  find  an  editor 
who  could  deal  with  equal  competence  with  the  English  and  Prussian  sides 
of  the  documents.  It  should  be  remembered  also  that  Dr.  Prutz  does  not 
publish  the  full  text,  but  only  that  part  of  special  interest  to  Prussia,  while 
the  commentary  of  the  two  editors  is  naturally  written  from  an  entirely 
different  point  of  view.  The  result  is  that  one  edition  very  usefully  supple- 
ments the  other,  and  that  for  those  interested  in  the  whole  ground  covered 
by  the  accounts  the  two  books  are  equally  indispensable.  Miss  Smith's 
edition  of  the  whole  manuscript  is  marked  by  the  thoroughness,  care,  and 
minute  accuracy  which  we  have  long  been  accustomed  to  find  in  her  work. 
Her  introduction  is  very  well  worked  out,  and  the  only  fault  that  one  is 
disposed  to  find  with  it  is  that  she  has  set  almost  too  severe  limits  on 
herself  and  has  not  enlarged  on  several  tempting  subjects  on  which  she 
has  no  doubt  a  great  deal  to  tell  us.  Her  text,  so  far  as  one  is  able  to 
check  it,  seems  excellent.  Her  notes  are  elaborate,  minute,  and  helpful, 
and  her  three  indices,  personal,  topographical,  and  glossarial,  are  extremely 
valuable  pieces  of  work.  The  social  and  economic  historian  will  not  fail 
to  make  a  large  use  of  the  glossarial  index.  It  is  a  matter  of  little  importance 
that  Miss  Smith,  in  her  haste  to  finish  the  book,  has  written  '  Schonec  '  for 
'  Schoneck,'  '  Goban '  for  '  Guben,'  '  Triebul '  for  *  Triebel,'  *  at  Gorhtz  ' 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  571 

for '  after  passing  Gorlitz,'  '  Leoban  '  for '  Leoben,' '  Meistre  '  for  '  Mestre,* 
and  a  few  other  minute  typographical  errors  of  the  same  sort.  Perhaps 
the  only  important  weakness  that  occasionally  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  in 
Miss  Smith's  work  is  a  certain  mifamiliarity  with  continental  history  and 
historical  geography.  Whatever  Capgrave  may  say,  Lionel  of  Clarence 
did  not  die  at  Milan,  but  at  Alba  (p.  Ixviii).  The  reference  (p.  Ixix)  to 
M.  Longnon's  map  of  France  in  1380  (after  all  the  right  authority  to  go 
to)  shows  a  rather  naive  surprise  at  what  is  really  no  subject  of  wonder — 
the  fact,  namely,  that  Savoy  at  this  time  included  Bresse  and  other  lands 
north  of  the  Rhone.  On  p.  Ixxxii  she  should  have  added  a  reference  to 
Tyler's  'Henry  V,'  i.  17,  where  we  first  find  the  evidence  of  the  record  utilised 
to  establish  the  approximate  date  of  the  birth  of  Duke  Humphrey  of 
Gloucester.  On  the  next  page  Lionel  of  Clarence  is  said  to  '  lay  buried  ' 
at  Milan.  He  was  really  buried  first  at  Pavia  and  finally  with  the  Austin 
friars  at  Clare,  in  Suffolk.  That  such  minute  corrections  as  these  are  all 
that  can  be  gleaned  from  Miss  Smith's  introduction  is  the  best  tribute  to 
her  accuracy.  And  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that,  like  all  who  take  up 
work  half  done  by  somebody  else,  Miss  Smith  had  special  difficulties  to 
contend  against.  She  has  very  loyally  worked  up  all  Dr.  Pauli's  unfi- 
nished drafts  that  she  could ;  but  it  is  plain  that  Dr.  Pauli's  work  was  left 
in  such  a  state  that  it  would,  perhaps,  have  been  easier  for  Miss  Smith 
not  to  have  availed  herself  of  it  at  all.  The  notes  have  the  same  qualities 
as  the  introduction.  Li  one  or  the  other  more  space  might  have  been 
found  for  the  biography  of  Kingston,  the  compiler  of  the  accounts,  than  is 
given  on  p.  293.  For  this  purpose  Miss  Smith  would  have  found  valuable 
references  in  Mr.  Wylie's  '  Henry  IV,'  vol.  i.  p.  347,  vol.  ii.  p.  5.  The 
note  on  Otto  of  Grandison  (p.  319)  would  have  been  more  complete  had 
we  been  told  a  little  more  about  the  *  one  Otto  Granson '  who  was 
'  warden  of  the  Channel  Islands  under  Edward  I.'  But  the  same  marks 
of  painstaking  accuracy  run  through  the  whole  book. 

Miss  Smith  has  not  hesitated  to  differ  on  points  of  detail  from  Pro- 
fessor Prutz.  And  it  is  precisely  in  points  of  careful  detail  that  the 
German  professor  is  not  always  quite  so  strong  as  the  English  lady.  The 
real  value  of  Dr.  Prutz 's  edition  must  rather  be  found  in  the  broader 
historical  horizon  included  in  his  survey.  The  well-known  professor  at 
Konigsberg  speaks  with  special  authority  on  the  history  of  the  Teutonic 
order.  His  account  of  the  political  position  of  Prussia  at  the  time  of 
Derby's  visit,  his  summary  of  the  economic  and  religious  relations 
between  the  lands  of  the  order  and  England,  and  his  description  of  some 
of  the  chief  English  pilgrims  to  Prussia  during  the  fourteenth  century 
will  be  extremely  useful  to  all  future  workers  in  these  fields.  Very  clear 
and  instructive  is  the  distinction  between  the  *  ordinary '  and  *  extra- 
ordinary ' '  reys.'  Only  a  dweller  in  Prussia  could  have  identified  so  many 
of  the  little  place  names  mentioned  in  Derby's  Prussian  wanderings  as 
Dr.  Prutz  has  done.  And  his  analysis  of  the  very  complicated  Miinz- 
verhdltnisse  (a  point  on  which  Miss  Smith  has  also  taken  great  pains) 
deserves  commendation  as  a  very  elaborate  piece  of  work.  He  has  also 
printed  some  original  letters  from  dignitaries  of  the  Teutonic  order  to 
Henry  from  the  Konigsberg  archives. 

A  few  slight  mistakes  made  by  Dr.  Prutz   may  here  be  collected. 


572  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

Eeference  has  been  madl  already  to  the  mistaken  idea  that  Pauli  *  dis- 
covered '  these  documents.  Some  slips  in  the  details  of  English  history 
have  been  corrected  in  time  in  the  '  Nachtrage  und  Berechtigungen,' 
largely  with  the  help  of  Miss  Smith.  But,  unluckily,  there  remains  on 
p.  XX  a  bad  confusion  between  Henry  of  Bolingbroke's  grandfather,  Henry, 
called  *  of  Grosmont,'  who  was  created  duke  of  Lancaster  in  1352,  and  the 
father  of  this  latter,  Henry,  earl  of  Lancaster,  the  younger  son  of  Earl 
Edmund.  It  was  the  first  duke  of  Lancaster,  and  not  his  father,  Henry 
the  earl,  as  Dr.  Prutz  says,  who  undertook  the  previous  crusade  in  1351- 
r2.  Boroughbridge  is  not  on  the  Ouse,  but  on  the  Ure,  and  it  was  not 
Earl  Thomas  who  first  united  the  earldoms  of  Leicester  and  Derby  wdth 
that  of  Lancaster,  but  his  father,  Edmund,  the  first  earl.  Moreover  the 
Derby  earldom  was  not  among  die  Lehngiiter  der  Mo7itfort,  but  a  forfeiture 
from  Montfort's  ally,  Earl  Ferrers.  The  story  of  the  quarrel  of  the  earlier 
crusading  Henry  with  the  duke  of  Brunswick  would  have,  perhaps,  been 
more  clearly  put  had  Dr.  Prutz  used  Geoffrey  le  Baker  as  well  as  Knighton 
among  his  English  authorities.  On  p.  xxv  '  Thomas  von  Norfolk '  should 
be  corrected  into  '  Thomas  von  Woodstock  ; '  *  Nyddisdale '  should  be 
*  Nithsdale  '  (p.  xxvi).  On  p.  xxvi  a  quarrel  between  Henry's  followers  and 
the  Prussians  is  put  at  Konigsberg,  while  on  p.  Ixxix  Dr.  Prutz  locates  it  at 
Danzig.  On  p.  Ivii  *  Hug  Waterton '  is  a  printer's  error,  and  '  William 
Lovely  '  is  rightly  corrected  in  the  '  Nachtrage  '  to  *  William  Loveney.' 
On  p.  Ixxxv  '  7  Sept.  1393  '  is  a  misprint  for  '  7  Sept.  1392.'  On  p.  xc 
another  printer's  error  makes  the  doge  Antonio  Venier  die  ten  years  too 
late.  And  had  Dr.  Prutz  remembered  about  the  crusade  of  Boucicault, 
Bourbon  and  John  Beaufort  to  Barbary,  of  which  so  full  an  account  is  given 
by  M.  Delaville  le  Roulx  in  '  La  France  en  Orient,'  ^  he  would  not  have 
still  had  doubts  (p.  225)  ob  Barharia  die  Berherei,  Barbareskenstaaten 
Nordafrika,  bedeutet  %md  nicht  vielmehr  Preussen  u.s.iv.  als  Barbarenland 
bezciclvnct.  And  on  p.  226  Dr.  Prutz,  in  volunteering  too  much  informa- 
tion about  Lynn,  forgets  that  there  was  no  *  King's  Lynn  '  before  the  days 
of  Henry  VIII.  And  with  a  little  more  trouble  Dr.  Prutz  might  well  have 
identified  more  of  the  Italian  and  French  place-names  in  that  part  of  the 
text  which  he  prints  in  an  abbreviated  form  at  the  end.  But,  as  with  Miss 
Smith's  edition,  it  is  very  exceptional  to  find  even  such  little  slips  as  these  ; 
and  though  any  defects,  however  small,  are  worth  indicating  for  correction, 
they  bear  but  a  very  trifling  proportion  to  the  mass  of  sound  and  scholarly 
matter  which  the  labours  of  the  two  editors  of  a  remarkable  document 
have  made  easily  accessible  to  all  students  of  history.  T.  F.  Tout. 


A  Begister  of  the  Members  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen  College,  Oxford.  New 

Series.     Vol.  I.     Fellows,  to  the  Year  1520.     By  William  Dunn 

Mackay,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  Fellow,  Rector  of  Ducklington,  Oxon.  (Lon- 
don :  Henry  Frowde.     1894.) 

This  work  is  a  continuation  of  the  well-known  *  Register  of  Magdalen 
College,'  to  which  the  late  Dr.  Bloxam  devoted  the  labour  of  a  lifetime. 
Owing  to  the  peculiar  arrangement  of  the  book,  the  list  of  fellows  was 
left  to  the  last  an.d  remained  unaccomplished.     The  present  volum.e  ia- 

^  BibliptMqxie  de  VEcolfi  Frangaise  d'Athhies,  fascicijle  44,  i.  176. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  573 

eludes  a  list  of  fellows  to  1520,  with  short  notices  containing  in  the  case 
of  the  less  famous  characters  all  that  is  to  be  discovered  about  them. 
There  is  much  interesting  reading  in  these  short  biographies,  and  moi'O 
in  the  copious  extracts  from  the  bursars'  rolls  and  registers  down  to  this 
date,  which  occupy  ihe  first  part  of  the  volume.  The  most  amusing 
part  of  these  pages  is  the  detailed  account  of  the  visitation  of  150G,  when 
the  president,  Richard  Mayew,  bishop  of  Hereford,  was  deprived  for  non- 
residence  by  Bishop  Fox's  commissary ;  the  vice-president,  Stokesley  (after- 
wards bishop  of  London),  had  to  clear  himself  by  compurgation  on  a  charge 
of  baptising  a  cat  and  other  mysterious  enormities,  while  the  fellows  very 
generally  pleaded  guilty  to  card-playing,  dicing,  misbehaviour  in  chapel, 
poaching,  &c.  One  of  them  had  gone  so  far  as  to  absent  himself  from 
college  and  cook  eggs  at  the  *  Taberd  '  in  the  middle  of  the  night.  Mr. 
Macray's  name  is  usually  a  sufficient  guarantee  for  thoroughness,  accu- 
racy, and  learning,  but  a  few  obvious  errors  of  extension  seem  somehow 
or  other  to  have  escaped  the  experienced  editor. 

H.  Rashdall. 


Der  Augustiner  Bartholomdus  Arnoldi  von  Usingen,  Luthers  Lelirer  und 
Gegner :  ein  Lebe7isbild.  Von  Nicolaus  Paulus,  Priester  des  Bisthums 
Strassburg.  (Strassburger  thcologische  Studien,  I.  3.)  (Strassburg : 
B.  Herder.     1893.) 

This  is  a  careful  and  interesting  study  of  the  life  of  Bartholomew  Arnoldi 
of  Usingen,  one  of  the  leaders  at  Erfurt  in  the  days  of  Luther's  youth. 
Born  in  1465,  he  went  to  Erfurt  late  in  1484,  and  eventually  became  a 
famous  philosophic  teacher.  His  first  work,  a  Natural  Philosophy,  passed 
through  many  editions,  one  of  2,000  copies  ;  he  received  praise  in  Latin  verse 
from  Eobanus  Hessus,  and  in  German  from  Justus  Jonas.  He  belonged 
to  the  *  modern  '  school  of  philosophy,  taking  Occam  as  his  master ; 
while  he  was  thus  a  free  critic  of  authority,  yet  in  theological  matters 
he  reflected  the  scriptural  studies  of  Erfurt,  and  accepted  Scripture  and 
tradition  as  decisive.  Although  a  scholar  he  was  not  a  humanist.  In 
1512  he  joined  the  Augustinians,  and  eventually  became  prior.  When 
Erfurt,  under  the  guidance  of  Justus  Jonas,  passed  through  a  time  of 
change  (1519-21),  his  position  became  awkward,  and  in  1521  he  ceased 
to  lecture.  But  his  life  henceforth  became  one  of  controversy  from  the 
pulpit  and  the  press— with  Luther  (a  former  pupil),  with  the  Erfurt 
preachers,  especially  Culsamer,  and  with  Lang,  his  favourite  pupil.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  a  sharp  critic  of  abuses  on  his  own  side.  Of  all  these 
controversies  a  full  account  is  given,  and  consequently  the  work  has  a 
special  interest  for  students  of  the  Reformation  and  of  the  history  of 
Erfurt.  His  interest  in  affairs  was  wide  and  deep,  and  thus,  oddly  enough, 
he  wrote  a  work  on  the  Marburg  conference,  which  has  unhappily  been  lost. 
At  the  end  of  his  life  he  found  a  refuge  in  Wlirzburg,  where  he  became  a 
visitor  of  the  monasteries.  There  he  died  in  Sept.  1532.  The  work  is  a 
trifle  spoiled  by  Usingen's  being  (at  times  without  need)  so  much 
contrasted  with  Luther.  .  J.   P.  Whitney. 


574  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

Life  and  Letters  of  Erismus.  Lectures  delivered  at  Oxford,  1893-4. 
By  J.  A.  Feoude,  Kegius  Professor  of  Modern  History.  (London  : 
Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  late  Mr.  Froude,  whose  loss  we  all  deplore,  can  never  cease  to  be 
regarded  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  fascinating  writers  of  the 
present  century.  Nevertheless  I  know  no  one  whose  work  presents  greater 
difficulties  to  a  critic  honestly  desiring  to  review  it  fairly.  Mr.  Froude's 
literary  faculty  was  transcendent ;  it  placed  him  almost  above  criticism, 
it  won  for  him  a  place  in  the  very  foremost  rank  of  English  prose  writers  ; 
but  among  those  who  demand  from  the  historian  sobriety  of  judgment, 
severe  accuracy  of  statement,  and  the  subordination  of  the  functions  of 
advocate  to  those  of  the  philosophic  thinker — one  capable  of  taking  a  calm 
survey  of  conflicting  testimony  and  arriving  at  conclusions  from  large 
induction  unbiassed  by  prejudice  or  passion — he  never  can  be  accepted  as 
a  trustworthy  guide  or  a  safe  teacher  to  follow. 

Mr.  Froude's  lectures  on  the  *  Life  and  Letters  of  Erasmus  '  offer  to  the 
reader  some  notable  examples  of  his  best  manner  and  of  his  incorrigible 
defects.  In  point  of  style  the  book  is  almost  perfect ;  but  it  continually 
reminds  us  of  some  great  painter  who  should  sacrifice  fidelity  in  por- 
traiture to  effects  of  colour  and  finish  of  execution  in  detail,  till  the  result 
is  an  idealised  something  like  nobody  in  particular  and  least  of  all  like  the 
personage  whose  name  it  might  happen  to  bear.  Making  all  due  allowances 
for  the  different  times  in  which  they  lived  and  the  very  different  accidents 
of  their  respective  careers,  Erasmus  and  Mr.  Froude  had  a  great  deal  in 
common.  Both  were  men  of  letters  and  to  a  great  extent  free-lances ; 
both  were  gifted  with  an  almost  incomparable  literary  faculty  ;  both  were 
by  nature  rhetoricians  ;  both  were  good  haters  ;  and,  it  may  be  added,  both 
were  careless  about  accuracy  of  statement  when  anything  was  to  be  gained 
by  rounding  a  period  or  adding  picturesqueness  to  a  narrative.  It  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at  that  Erasmus  should  have  exercised  an  attraction  amount- 
ing to  fascination  upon  Mr.  Froude.  Nevertheless  we  can  hardly  accept 
these  lectures  as  a  serious  study  of  the  great  Dutchman's  life  and  labours. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  in  Le  Clerc's  edition  of  the  works  published 
in  1703  there  are  nearly  1,800  letters,  and  that  some  additions  to  this 
immense  correspondence  have  been  made  since  then,  it  is  obvious  that 
at  most  Mr.  Froude  can  only  have  meant  to  offer  his  audience  an 
attractive  presentment  of  the  impressions  which  a  superficial  study  of 
Erasmus's  career  had  left  upon  his  own  mind.  Even  so  there  was  all  the 
less  excuse  for  such  gratuitous  perversions,  unsupported  conjectures,  and 
reckless  misstatements  as  those  with  which  this  volume  abounds.  Why 
should  Mr.  Froude  have  gone  out  of  his  way  to  suggest  a  doubt  about 
the  illegitimate  birth  of  his  hero  ?  The  fact  has  never  been  ques- 
tioned. ^Vhy  should  he  have  insinuated,  and  something  more  than 
insinuated,  that  Erasmus's  early  schoolmaster  was  illiterate  and  a  poor 
teacher  ?  The  fact  is  that  Alexander  Heg  was  a  scholar  of  considerable 
renown  in  his  day,  and  his  school  at  Deventer  had  more  than  a  local 
reputation.  Erasmus  tells  us  in  one  passage  that  Heg  only  taught  the 
younger  boys  on  feast  days ;  his  Form  Master,  as  we  should  call  him 
now,  was  Johann  Sintheim,  a  kindly  man  who  highly  favoured  his 
promising  pupil  and  foretold  his  future  celebrity.   If  the  boys  were  beaten 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  575 

for  their  mistakes  in  the  *  butcherly  way  *  which  Ascham  denounces,  it 
was  only  what  was  done  everywhere  then  and  long  afterwards.  Melanchthon 
tells  the  same  kind  of  stories  of  his  teacher ;  yet  the  gentle  and  generous 
nature  of  the  devout  and  amiable  reformer  could  speak  of  his  old  master 
with  grateful  and  loyal  affection.  Erasmus  could  not  forget  the  snub  to 
his  vanity  which  Mr.  Froude  has  alluded  to,  though  to  describe  either 
Heg  or  Sintheim  as  illiterate  is  a  perversion  of  facts.  Again,  to  assert 
that  there  were  no  Greek  grammars  or  dictionaries  within  reach  of 
students  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  an  amazing  state- 
ment. At  least  half  a  dozen  of  these  helps  to  beginners  were  in  vogue 
before  the  fifteenth  century  had  closed.  As  early  as  1506  Camerarius 
mentions  that  Reuchlin  presented  his  great  nephew — Melanchthon — ■ 
with  a  Greek  grammar  and  a  Greek  dictionary,  and  at  the  same 
time  changed  the  boy's  name  of  Schwarzerd  into  that  by  which  he 
has  ever  since  been  known.  If  instances  of  this  incorrigible  careless- 
ness were  infrequent  in  these  lectures,  they  might  be  considered  as 
mere  slips  of  the  pen,  to  which  we  are  all  liable  ;  unhappily  they  might  be 
multiplied  almost  indefinitely.  There  are,  indeed,  more  than  one  or  two 
downright  blunders  in  the  translation  of  some  of  the  letters,  which  are 
quite  surprising.  Many  have  been  pointed  out  by  reviewers,  and  such  as  I 
do  not  care  to  repeat  here.  Moreover  there  are  serious  mistakes  of  a 
different  character  which  are  even  more  inexcusable.  It  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  Mr.  Froude  should  have  quoted,  without  a  word  of  dissent, 
such  a  ridiculous  passage  as  that  in  which  (p.  329)  Erasmus  says,  *  I  under- 
stand now  how  Arius  and  Tertullian  and  Wickliffe  were  driven  into 
schism  by  malicious  clergy  and  ivicked  mon'ks,''  or  how  he  should  have 
gone  out  of  his  way  to  tell  us  that  the  four  hundred  gold  florins  which 
he  received  by  way  of  annual  pension  from  the  emperor,  Archbishop 
Warham,  and  Lord  Mountjoy  *  were  all  on  which  Erasmus  had  to  depend  ; ' 
and  this  too  on  the  very  same  page  on  which  he  shows  how  large  an 
income  came  to  him  from  the  enormous  sale  of  his  books,  as  well  as 
from  the  liberal  supplies  which  his  friends  were  at  all  times  ready  to 
furnish.  It  would  be  just  as  true  to  say  that  the  annuity  which  was 
granted  to  Lord  Tennyson  as  Poet  Laureate  was  *  all  that  Tennyson 
had  to  depend  upon.'  The  most  extraordinary  passage,  however,  in  this 
volume,  which  may  be  said  to  be  a  very  masterpiece  of  extravagant 
exaggeration,  is  that  in  which  Mr.  Froude  describes  the  ignorance  of  the 
Scriptures  prevailing  among  clergy  and  laity  at  the  time  of  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Greek  Testament.  *  Of  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,'  we  are 
told,  *  so  much  only  was  known  by  the  laity  as  was  read  in  the  church 
services,  and  that  intoned  (!)  as  if  to  be  purposely  unintelligible  to  the 
understanding.  Of  the  rest  of  the  Bible  nothing  luas  hnoion  at  all, 
because  nothing  was  supposed  to  be  necessary.'  Had  Mr.  Froude  quite 
forgotten  Dr.  Maitland's  contemptuous  handling  of  Aubigne  when  that 
once  popular  writer  had  been  foolish  enough  to  make  a  statement  almost 
identical  with  this,  some  half-century  ago  ?  Maitland's  pregnant  question 
may  be  asked  again  :  '  Was  it  not  rather  odd  that  they  knew  nothing  of 
the  psalms  ? '  It  is  not  pleasant  to  dwell  upon  defects  so  glaring  as  these. 
A  critic  would  gladly  escape  that  part  of  his  duty  which  consists  in 
pointing  out  an  author's  mistakes ;  but  here  the  whole  air  is  full  of  them. 


•• 


676  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

There  is  one  suggestion  which  I  am  tempted,  before  bringing  this 
notice  to  an  end,  to  offer  to  those  who  may  liave  the  will  and  the  opportunity 
of  entering  upon  a  careful  and  scholarly  study  of  Erasmus's  letters.  I 
m  not  certain  how  far  Erasmus  in  his  fierce  diatribes  against  the 
*  monks  '  really  meant  to  include  all  those  who  were  bound  by  religious 
vows,  including  the  canons  at  one  end  of  the  scale  and  the  Barnabites  at 
the  other.  Erasmus  was  himself  an  Augustinian  canon.  At  Oxford  he 
lived  with  Charnock,  prior  of  the  Augustinian  house  there  ;  for  many 
years  he  continued  to  wear  the  habit  of  his  order,  and  on  one  occa- 
sion at  some  risk  to  his  personal  safety.  When  telling  the  story  of 
his  visit  to  Walsingham— which  was  a  house  of  Augustinian  canons— he 
describes'  the  members  of  the  community  as  *  of  a  middle  sort  between 
monks  and  those  canons  that  are  called  seculars.'  Mr.  Froude  and  others 
know  of  no  distinction  between  the  two  orders.  I  suspect  that  Erasmus, 
inheriting  the  old  traditions  of  rivalry  and  jealousy  which  dated  from 
many  centuries  back,  and  which  made  St.  Norbert,  while  firmly  refusing 
to  become  a  monk,  set  himself  to  effect  his  famous  reform  of  the  canons 
regular  in  his  time — I  suspect,  I  say,  that  Erasmus,  when  he  railed  so 
violently  and  so  bitterly  against  the  monks ^  meant  what  he  said  and  no 
more,  and  I  commend  to  others  an  examination  of  a  question  which  seems 
to  me  to  be  worth  lookinof  into.  Augustus  Jessopp. 


The  Fourteen  of  Meaux.  An  Account  of  the  Earliest  Eeformed  Church 
within  France  proper,  organised  by  Etienne  Mangin  and  Pierre  Le 
Clerc,  who  with  twelve  other  persons  suffered  death  by  fire  in  154G. 
By  H.  M.  BowEK,  M.A.     (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

We  are  glad  to  see  a  reprint  of  this  little  work,  for  its  subject  matter 
has  unity  of  interest  and  event  sufficient  to  merit  treatment  outside  the 
pages  of  the  Huguenot  Society's  Proceedings.  It  would  have  been  well, 
indeed,  if  in  reprinting  the  author  had  relinquished  the  epistolary  form  and 
had  imparted  to  his  work  a  less  occasional  or  transitory  aspect.  The  episode 
he  treats  is  of  no  little  interest,  and  the  introduction,  though  far  too  wide 
and  merely  generalising,  is  a  painstaking  attempt  to  estimate  the  condition 
of  the  church  and  the  prospects  of  reform  in  the  diocese  of  Meaux  under 
Francis  I.  The  work  of  Bri9onnet,  bishop  of  Meaux,  and  its  relationship 
to  the  beginnings  of  the  reformed  church  there  are  analysed  with  some 
sympathy,  though  the  derivation  of  the  latter  from  the  French  church  at 
Strassburg  is  too  nakedly  stated.  The  catholic  historian  Florimond  de 
Eaimond,  in  his  *  Histoire  de  la  Naisance,  Progrez  et  Decadence  de 
I'Heresie,'  1623,  p.  837,  says  of  the  Strassburg  church,  Bref,  c'est  Id  oil  la 
premiere  eglise  franqaise  qiCils  appelent  jut  dressee  pour  seriir  de 
modelle  et  de  patron  des  autrcs  qiCon  aveu  depuis  qd  et  Id  s'Mahlir  en  la 
France.  Crespin  also,  in  the  passage  from  his  '  Actiones  et  Munimenta  ' 
which  Mr.  Bower  here  translates,  distinctly  says  that  Mangin  and  Le 
Clerc,  the  founders  of  the  reformed  church  at  Meaux,  visited  the  Strassburg 
church  and  carefully  inquired  into  it.  There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to 
tlie  transmitted  influence.  But  what  form  it  assumed,  or  how  nearly 
the  Meaux  church  conformed  to  the  Strassburg  model,  is  not  susceptible 
of  statement.    See  Eodolphe  Reuss's  '  Notes  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  de 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  577 

TEglise  Fran9aise  de  Strasbourg,'  Alfred  Erichson's  *  L'Eglise  Fran9aise 
de  Strasbourg  au  Seizieme  Siecle,'  and  Homing's  *  Briefe  der  Strassburger 
Reformatoren.'  The  only  light  we  have  on  the  worship  of  the  French 
church  at  Strassburg  is  contained  in  the  few  letters  of  a  young  unknown 
student  who  gave  himself  the  name  of  Martin  du  Mont,  printed  by  M. 
Erichson,  while  as  to  that  of  the  Meaux  Gospellers  it  has  to  be  entirely 
inferred.  Mr.  Bower's  introduction  is  followed  by  a  translation  of  the 
chapter  of  Crespin's  *  Actiones  et  Muninenta  Martyrum,'  which  treats  of 
this  interesting  episode,  and  also  by  a  translation  of  the  '  Arret  de 
Meaux,'  from  a  copy  taken  from  the  '  Registres  Criminels  du  Parlelnent 
de  Paris,'  in  the  Paris  archives,  as  also  by  a  long  series  of  interesting 
notes.  W.  A.  Shaw. 


Eiji  Ministerium  unter  Philipp  II :  Kardinal  Granvella  am  spanischen 
Hofe,  1579-1 686.  Von  Martin  Philippson.  (Berlin  :  Cronbach. 
1895.) 

As  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  showing  elsewhere,^  the  inconsistency 
of  the  policy  of  Philip  II,  especially  in  foreign  affairs,  at  different  periods 
of  his  reign,  mainly  arose  from  the  fact  that  his  court  was  divided  into 
two  distinct  schools  of  political  thought — the  party  of  action,  severity,  and 
main  force,  headed  by  Alba  and  Granvelle,  to  which  Don  Juan  afterwards 
drifted,  and  that  of  intrigue,  diplomacy,  and  peace,  led  successively  by 
Ruy  Gomez  and  Antonio  Perez.  By  the  influence  of  the  latter  party 
Alba  and  Granvelle  were  discredited  and  sent  into  semi-retirement ; 
but  when,  in  1579,  the  crown  of  Portugal  was  to  be  had  for  the  grasping, 
and  strong  arms  and  virile  brains  were  needed  for  the  task,  then  the 
tricky  charlatan  Perez,  who  had  ruled  Philip  so  long,  sank  to  rise  no 
more,  and  the  two  old  heroes  of  the  blood  and  iron  policy  were  called 
once  more  to  the  king's  council.  During  the  next  six  years  Antoine 
de  Perennot,  cardinal  de  Granvelle,  remained  prime  minister  of  Spain, 
a  considerable  portion  of  which  time  Philip  was  absent  from  his  Spanish 
capital.  During  these  fateful  years,  under  the  guidance  of  Granvelle, 
Avith  Alba's  disciple  Mendoza  as  the  instrument  in  France  and  England, 
the  foreign  policy  of  Spain  was  changed.  The  invasion  of  Ireland,  the 
formation  of  the  League,  the  conception  of  the  invincible  armada,  and 
the  conspiracies  with  the  Scottish  nobles  and  their  captive  queen  were 
all  managed  from  Madrid  by  the  great  minister.  The  intrigues  which 
ended  in  the  election  of  Cardinal  Montalto  as  Pope  Sixtus  V,  and  the 
dexterous  chicanery  by  which  pressure  was  continually  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  pontiff  to  squeeze  more  ducats  out  of  him,  all  received  their  impetus 
from  the  same  master  mind.  The  strings  which  led  the  greedy  Guises 
to  hunger  for  the  French  dominion  when  the  last  Valois  should  disap- 
pear, which  moved  the  fanatic  Babingtons,  Somervilles,  Sanderses,  Aliens, 
and  even  Mary  Stuart  herself,  were  all  more  or  less  directly  pulled  from 
Madrid,  where  the  subtle  old  brain  of  Granvelle  dominated  the  action  of 
his  '  leaden-footed '  master.  Herr  Philippson  reverts  to  the  period  and 
subject  upon  which  he  is  the  greatest  living  authority,  and  tells  the  story 

'  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society,  1894,  and  Nineteenth  Century,  No- 
vember 1894. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XXXIX.  P  P 


•• 


578  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

of  Granvelle's  last  seveji  years  of  ministry  and  of  life  as  he  alone  is 
capable  of  telling  it.  No  period  of  history,  perhaps,  is  so  rich  as  this  in 
documents  of  value,  written  by  the  moving  hands  of  history.  Gran- 
velle's  papers  are  almost  a  library  in  themselves;  Simancas,  London, 
Paris,  Eome,  and  Brussels  abound  in  pieces  justificatives  of  the  time, 
and  the  difficulty  is  rather  one  of  selection  and  condensation  than  want 
of  material.  Herr  Philippson  has  naturally  availed  himself  to  the  full 
of  all  known  sources  of  information,  and  displays  a  profoundness  of 
learning,  a  reticence,  and  a  sound  judgment  in  the  choice  of  material  which 
it  is  impossible  too  highly  to  praise.  His  conclusions  with  regard  to 
Mary  Stuart's  intrigues  during  the  first  planning  of  the  armada,  and  the 
close  connexion  between  the  Scottish  catholic  nobles  and  Philip  at  the 
time,  will  be  the  most  interesting  as  well  as  the  newest  point  of  his 
book  to  English  readers.  I  have  the  best  personal  reason  for  entirely 
agreeing  with  him  on  these  points,  because  much  of  the  material  upon 
which  he  depends  is  now  passing  through  my  hands,  and  will  be  printed 
for  the  first  time  in  English  in  my  forthcoming  third  volume  of  the 
*  Spanish  State  Papers  of  Elizabeth.'  Maetin  A.  S.  Hume. 


Die  Katastrophe  der  spanischen  Armada,  31.  Juli  —  8.  August  1588.    Von 
William  Frederic  Tilton.^     (Freiburg  i.  B. :  Wagner.     1894.) 

This  essay,  written  for  his  degree  of  Doctor  by  a  young  American  student 
at  Freiburg,  embodies  the  result  of  original  research  in  the  British 
Museum  and  Public  Record  Office.  The  Spanish  papers  are  referred  to 
at  second  hand,  either  from  the  printed  versions  given  by  Captain  Fer- 
nandez Duro  in  '  La  Armada  Invencible  '  or  from  the  transcripts  made 
for  the  late  Professor  Froude,  now  in  the  British  Museum.  So  far  as  his 
purpose  went  and  his  limits  of  space  have  allowed,  Dr.  Tilton  has  worked 
up  his  materials  into  a  clear  and  connected  account  of  the  two  fleets  and 
of  the  several  battles.  The  comparison  between  the  English  and  Spanish 
-narratives  is  extremely  interesting,  and  more  especially  of  that  sent  by 
Medina- Sidonia  to  the  king  of  Spain  with  that  which  Dr.  Tilton  refers  to 
as  that  of  the  Engldnder,  now  known  to  be  Howard's.  Between  the  two 
the  discrepancies  are  not  many  and  are  capable  of  easy  explanation  ;  the 
details,  described  from  a  different  point  of  view,  are  naturally  different,  but 
they  are  in  perfect  agreement  as  to  the  hard  fighting  and  the  utter  defeat 
of  the  Spaniards  at  Gravelines,  and  leave  us  to  wonder  as  to  the.  origin  of 
the  astounding  falsehood  implied  in  the  motto,  Flavit  Deus  et  dissipati 
sunt,  and  its  still  persistent  reproduction  in  many  books  which  are  called 
historical. 

Lito  the  commercial,  political,  and  religious  causes  of  the  war  Dr. 
Tilton  does  not  enter,  and  he  refers  but  slightly  to  the  lack  of  victuals  and 
ammunition  which  cut  short  the  fighting.  It  would  have  been  easy 
to  join  in  the  stock  abuse  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  parsimony  ;  but  the 
author  probably  felt  that  it  would  be  unjust  and  unscientific  to  do  so 

'  It  should  be  stated  that  Dr.  Tilton's  work  was  published  before  the  appearance 
of  Professor  Laughton's  collection  of  '  State  Papers  relating  to  the  Defeat  of  the 
Spanish  Armada,'  which  is  reviewed  supra,  pp.  365-3G9.— Ed.  E.II.R. 


1895  EEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  579 

without  examining  the  subject  for  himself,  which  the  time  at  his  disposal 
did  not  permit  him  to  do.  Another  point  on  which,  having  been  unable 
to  work'  it  out  for  himself,  he  expresses  himself  doubtfully,  is  the  part 
taken  by  the  Dutch.  He  rightly  thinks  that  Howard's  expression,  '  There 
is  not  one  Flushinger  nor  Hollander  at  the  seas,'  does  not  carry  any  great 
weight ;  it  is  simply  that  Howard  had  not  seen  any,  nor — writing  on  the 
evening  of  29  July— had  he  heard  of  any.  Dr.  Tilton  refers,  at  second 
hand,  to  letters  of  Burnham  from  Flushing  and  Kyllygrew  from  the  Hague, 
as  stating  that  the  Dutch  ships  did  not  leave  the  Scheldt  till  after  the 
battle.  In  fact,  these  letters  do  not  say  anything  of  the  kind.  Burnham's 
was  written  four  days  before  the  battle,  and  clearly  could  not ;  Kyllygrew's, 
though  written  two  days  after  the  battle,  makes  no  mention  of  it,  as  if  the 
news  had  not  then  reached  the  Hague  ;  but  it  does  say,  •  I  understand 
the  admiral  Justinus  is  gone  out  already  with  thirty  sail  from  Flushing,' 
which,  so  far  as  it  has  any  definite  meaning,  is  the  very  opposite  of  what 
has  been  alleged.  The  states  of  Zealand,  however,  writing  to  the  queen 
on  G  August,  were  definite  and  positive.  '  Our  fleet,  under  the  charge  of 
Count  Justinus,  being  happily  arrived  and  riding  off  of  Dunkirk  at  the 
very  time  of  the  discovery  of  the  Armada  of  Spain,  the  forces  of  the  Prince 
of  Parma,  then  ready  to  put  to  sea,  were  by  the  same  closely  locked  in  and 
stayed  within  the  said  Dunkirk.'  This  ought  to  settle  the  question  ;  but  a 
comparison  with  other  letters,  and  notably  one  from  Borlas  to  Walsyngham, 
dated  3  August,  seems  to  leave  it  still  doubtful,  and  to  suggest  that  the 
Dutch  ships  had  actually  drawn  back  into  the  Scheldt  to  avoid  the  strong 
west  wind,  which  made  Dunkirk  a  very  unsafe  place  to  lie  off,  and 
effectually  prevented  Parma's  boats  putting  to  sea — if  they  had  wanted 
.to  do  so.  But,  in  the  presence  of  the  English  fleet,  it  is  extremely 
improbable  that  they  did. 

The  care  and  excellent  judgment  displayed  in  Dr.  Tilton's  'inaugural 
dissertation  '  give  a  lively  promise  of  more  and  more  complete  work  in  the 
future,  and  make  us  look  forward  with  pleasant  anticipations  to  the  time 
when,  with  fuller  leisure  and  more  exhaustive  research,  he  will  publish 
the  results  of  his  labours  in  his  mother  tongue.  J.  K.  Laughton. 


Uittreksel  uit  Francisci  Dusseldoiyii  Annales,  15GG-1G1G.     Uitgegeven 
door  E.  Fruin.     ('s  Gravenhage  :  Martinus  Nijhoff.     1894.) 

The  '  Annals  '  of  his  own  time  written  by  Frans  van  Dusseldorp  possess  a 
real  interest,  and  thanks  are  due  to  the  Utrecht  Historical  Society  for 
commissioning  Professor  Fruin  to  edit  them,  and  to  the  able  editor  him- 
self for  the  care  he  has  bestowed  upon  his  task,  and  especially  for  the 
admirable  introduction,  which  for  completeness  leaves  nothing  to  be 
desired.  The  irony  of  circumstances  has  decreed  that  a  manuscript  con- 
fided to  the  care  of  the  authorities  of  the  church  of  Eome  '  should  at  last 
be  published  by  a  protestant,  after  being  lost  for  upwards  of  two  cen- 
turies. The  interest  of  these  '  Annals  '  to  us  hes  in  the  fact  that  Dussel- 
dorp was  an  out-and-out  adherent  of  Rome  and  of  Spain,  and  that  the 

•  Dusseldorp  writes   as   to  this,    Omnia  penitiis  subiicio  et  submitto  censurac 
Sanctae  Bomanae  Ecclesiae.    Privates  vcro  mamivi  abstin€4it  (p.  479). 

p  p  2 


680  UEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

narrative  that  he  has  lelt  of  the  times  of  the  great  struggle  reflects  as  no 
other  contemporary  work  does  to  the  same  extent  the  spirit  of  that  by 
no  means  insignificant  portion  of  the  Dutch  people  who  clung  to  the 
faith  of  their  fathers  and  regarded  the  revolt  against  Philip  II  with 
horror  and  detestation.  In  Dusseldorp's  eyes  there  is  only  one  method 
of  dealing  with  heretics — the  fire  and  the  sword.  Alva  and  his  master 
erred  only  because  they  did  not  proceed  against  the  enemies  of  God  and 
the  king  with  sufficient  energy  and  firmness.  In  comparison  with  this 
writer  all  others  are  moderate.  A  fierce  and  unquenchable  hatred 
against  his  fellow-countrymen  and  their  leaders  seemed  to  possess  him, 
and  he  condemns  them  even  in  their  defence  of  their  national  and 
popular  rights  and  liberties.  In  reading  these  pages,  therefore,  the 
student  can  be  in  no  doubt  that  he  has  the  catholic  side  of  the  question 
uncompromisingly  set  forth.  The  original  manuscript,  rewritten  from  an 
earlier  copy  at  Cologne  in  1615-6,  was  by  the  writer  expressly  withheld 
from  immediate  publication  (pp.  225,  226),  and  was  placed  by  him  in  the 
hands  of  Archbishop  Kovenius,  the  apostolic  vicar.  Now  it  happened 
that  this  Kovenius  was  in  1640  secretly  staying  at  Utrecht  with  a  well- 
known  catholic  lady.  The  number  of  persons  frequenting  the  house 
roused  the  suspicion  of  the  authorities,  and  an  order  was  given  to  search 
the  premises.  The  archbishop  managed  to  escape  in  female  attire,  but 
his  books  and  papers,  among  them  Dusseldorp's  manuscript,  were  seized. 
These  were  placed  in  the  town  library,  in  the  choir  of  St.  Janskerk,  and 
here  they  lay,  forgotten  and  neglected,  until  the  year  1828,  when  the 
'  Annals '  were  discovered  by  Dodt  van  Flensburg,  while  engaged  in  cata- 
loguing the  library,  which  had  been  removed  from  the  church  to  its 
present  resting-place.  Until  the  publication  of  the  present  volume  the 
work  has,  however,  remained  unprinted^  and  practically  unknown. 

Professor  Fruin  (Intr.  pp.  vii-xxxi)  gives  an  interesting  sketch  of  the  life 
of  Frans  van  Dusseldorp,  and  it  may  be  well  here  to  note  very  briefly  its 
salient  features.  The  value  of  his  contribution  to  the  history  of  his  times 
depends  so  largely  upon  the  man's  personal  career  and  his  opportunities 
for  observation.  He  was  born  at  Leyden,  23  Oct.  1567,  of  a  family  of 
high  respectability  on  both  sides.  His  father  died  a  few  months  after 
marriage,  and  Frans  was  brought  up  under  the  care  of  his  widowed 
mother,  who  was  a  staunch  adherent  of  the  old  faith.  The  troubles  of 
1572  forced  her  and  the  boy,  with  a  number  of  others  who  belonged  to 
the  Spanish  party,  to  fly  from  the  town.  Utrecht  was  their  first  place  of 
refuge,  and  afterwards  Brabant.  Frans  completed  his  studies  at  Douay, 
but  appears  to  have  returned  to  Leyden  shortly  before  the  time  when 
Leicester  made  his  state  entry  in  1586.  In  1589  he  obtained  his  licentiate 
in  law,  and  commenced  to  practise  as  an  advocate  before  the  courts  at  the 
Hague.  Here,  despite  of  his  openly  avowed  opinions,  no  penalties  were 
inflicted  upon  him,  nor  was  it  until  1597  that,  on  his  refusal  to  forswear 
his  allegiance  to  Spain,  he  was  forbidden  any  longer  to  exercise  his  pro- 
fession. Upon  this  he  betook  himself  with  his  mother  once  more  to 
Utrecht.     It  is  clear,  therefore,  that,  his  outcries  against  his  treatment 

2  A  few  excerpts  are  to  be  found  in  Flensburg's  Archie/  voor  Kerkel.  en  TVereld. 
Oeschiedenis,  Wensig's  Kerkel.  Nederl.  Jaarboek,  and  Hof man's  Bijdragen  voor  de 
Geschied.  van  het  Bisdom  van  Haarlem. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  581 

notwithstanding,  he  met  with  no  small  leniency  at  the  hands  of  the 
authorities,  who,  if  they  had  carried  out  the  edicts  literally,  would  have 
visited  him  with  a  heavy  fine  and  imprisonment.  Henceforth  Dusseldorp 
gave  himself  up  entirely  to  theological  studies  and  church  affairs,  and 
continued  to  reside  in  the  old  episcopal  city,  a  large  part  of  whose  popula- 
tion had  remained  catholic,  for  seventeen  years.  The  issue  was  what 
perhaps  might  have  been  expected.  He  became  on  the  closest  terms  of 
friendship  with  Archbishop  Vosmeer,  the  apostolic  vicar,  whom  he  enter- 
tained in  his  house,  and  was  by  him  on  26  Nov.  1609  ordained  to  the 
priesthood.  Naturally  timid,  he  lived  during  the  first  years  of  the  truce 
in  continual  dread  of  persecution,  until  at  last,  his  fears  obtaining  the 
mastery  of  him,  he  fled  in  1614  to  Emmerich,  and  the  following  year  to 
Cologne.  At  this  point  his  '  Annals  '  cease,  and  though  fifteen  years  of  life 
still  remained  to  him  there  is  nothing  further  to  record.  He  died  in 
obscurity,  31  March  1630.  The  '  Annals  '  are  divided  into  two  volumes,  the 
second  of  which,  commencing  in  the  year  1589,  the  year  in  which  the 
writer  finished  his  student  life,  is  the  more  valuable,  as  being  the  work  of 
a  competent  eye-witness  of  the  events  narrated.  In  the  first  volume  the 
information  is  to  a  large  extent  hearsay,  except  in  that  portion  dealing 
with  the  years  1566-72,  where  the  editor  shows  (Int.  pp.  liii,  liv)  that 
Dusseldorp  made  use  of  a  collection  of  documents  made  by  a  certain  Jan 
Gerrits  Stempelse,  a  burgomaster  of  Gouda,  and  carried  by  him  to 
Cologne.  This  collection  contained  a  copy  of  the  '  Notulen  '  of  the  states 
of  Holland,  which  were  not  as  yet  recorded  in  print. 

From  the  critical  point  of  view  these  *  Annals,'  regarded  as  mere 
material  for  the  historian,  are  far  from  being  perfectly  trustworthy. 
Dusseldorp  was  a  singularly  careless  writer.  He  makes  frequent  and 
needless  blunders  in  names,  dates,  and  details,  not  because  he  did  not 
know  better,  but  from  sheer  slovenliness  of  mind.  Moreover  the  whole 
tone  of  the  narrative  is  bitterly  partisan.  Not  even  the  mother  and  wife 
of  William  are  safe  from  the  rancorous  spite  which  can  speak  of  the 
countess  of  Nassau  as  venenosa  vlpera  (p.  164)  and  of  Charlotte  of 
Bourbon  as  eius  scortum  (p.  191).  It  is  difficult  to  realise  nowadays 
the  intensity  of  the  religious  passions  of  those  terrible  times.  But 
when,  after  a  description  of  the  tortures  and  execution  of  Balthazar 
Gerard,  our  annalist  proceeds  (p.  202),  Statlm  ah  eius  morte  coorta 
gravis  te7npestas  cum  multo  fuhnine  et  tonitric,  ita  ut  turris  Delfensis 
ignem  conciperet,  quae  vix  extingui  potuit ;  deo  testante  eterno  igni 
puniendos,  qui  iniustae  tanti  herois  morti  causam  prehuissent,  a  feeling 
of  amazement  comes  upon  the  reader.  That  a  man  of  Dusseldorp's  up- 
right and  loyal  temperament  and  undoubted  piety  could  pen  such  a  sen- 
tence throws  no  small  light  upon  the  gloomy  intolerance  and  dark  coun- 
sels which  impelled  Philip  II  on  his  disastrous  career.  Of  this  king 
our  annahst,  after  a  detailed  account  of  the  death-bed  scene  at  the 
Escorial  (pp.  257-66),  writes  :  Fuit  sane  Philippus  p7-inceps  oinnihus 
virtutibus  longe  ornatissimus,  iustitiae  severus  ciiltor,  usque  adeo  ut 
moriens  confessits  sit,  non  esse  se  consctum  unqicam  illani  a  se  negatam. 

Whatever  may  be  their  defects  in  other  respects,  the  ^  Annals  '  of 
Dusseldorp  possess  authentic  value  for  the  church  history  of  the  period, 
and  would  have  been  of  considerable    service   to  Dr.   Kputtel  in   his 


582  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

recently  published  work  ^  on  the  condition  of  the  Netherland  catholics 
in  the  time  of  the  republic.  Especially  would  this  have  been  the  case 
in  all  that  relates  to  the  propaganda  set  on  foot  by  the  apostolic  vicar, 
Sasbout  Vosmeer,  and  the  constant  quarrels  which  arose  between  that 
active  prelate  and  the  Jesuits.  The  circumstances,  too,  which  led  to  the 
appointment  of  PhiHp  Rovenius  as  Vosmeer's  successor  in  1614  are  told 
with  all  the  circumstantiality  of  personal  knowledge  by  one  who  was 
himself  behind  the  scenes.  The  living  interest  which  attaches  to  these 
sections  of  the  '  Annals  '  led  Professor  Fruin  to  undertake  the  task  of  the 
present  publication,  and  we  may  confidently  trust  his  trained  judgment 
Avhen  he.  says  that  in  presenting  the  public  with  a  selection  of  extracts 
instead  of  a  complete  edition  of  Dusseldorp's  narrative  he  has  weeded 
out  'not  the  necessary  but  the  superfluous.'  It  was  the  editor's 
first  intention  to  have  written  a  discursive  and  continuous  commentary 
upon  the  text,  but  he  grew  tired  of  so  laborious  an  undertaking  and  has 
left  it  incomplete.  What  he  had  already  written  is,  however,  to  be  found 
at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

There  are  two  indices,  one  drawn  up  by  the  editor  himself,  containing 
the  chief  references  to  the  persons  and  events  of  the  narrative,  another 
by  Heer  Alblas,  which  gives  without  distinction  page  references  to  every 
name  and  person  mentioned  in  the  book.  The  student,  therefore,  has 
henceforth  every  facility  placed  before  him  for  consulting  this  original 
authority  for  the  history  of  the  revolt  of  the  Netherlands. 

George  Edmundson. 


CromwelVs  Soldiers'  Bible  ;  being  a  Beprint  in  Facsimile  of  *  The 
Soiddiers  Pocket  Bible.'  Compiled  by  Edmund  Calamy,  and  issued 
for  the  Use  of  the  Commonwealth  Army  in  1643  ;  with  a  Biblio- 
graphical Introduction,  and  a  Preface  by  Field  Marshal  the  Rt.  Hon. 
Viscount  Wolseley,  K.P.,  G.C.B.     (London  :  Eliot  Stock.    1895.) 

This  is  a  reprint  of  a  little  selection  of  martial  texts  put  together  in  1643 
by  some  unknown  person  for  the  use  of  the  puritan  soldier.  Lord 
Wolseley's  preface  consists  of  a  single  sentence  to  the  effect  that  the 
private  soldier  who  carries  this  in  his  knapsack  possesses  what  is  of  more 
value  than  a  marshal's  baton.  The  bibliographical  introduction  is  not 
signed,  and  its  author  omits  to  point  out  that  '  The  Souldiers  Pocket 
Bible  '  was  reprinted  in  1880  in  Waylen's  '  House  of  Cromwell,'  pp.  300- 
307.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Cromwell  had  anything  to  do 
with  its  publication,  and  none  is  adduced  in  this  introduction.  The  title- 
page  contains  an  anachronism,  in  that  it  speaks  of  the  Commonwealth  as 
existing  in  1643,  and  a  serious  blunder,  in  that  it  represents  Calamy  as 
the  compiler  of  a  book  of  which  he  was  merely  the  licenser.  The  book 
itself  was  not  officially  issued  for  the  use  of  the  parliamentary  army, 
but  was  the  private  speculation  of  a  bookseller.  The  '  G.  C. '  mentioned  on 
the  title-page  was  probably  the  compiler,  or  possibly  the  initials  denote 
simply  the  name  of  the  bookseller  for  whom  it  was  printed.  Bibles  were 
officially  issued  for  the  use  of  the  army  employed  in  the  reconquest  of 

^  See  Engl.  Hist.  Rev.  viii.  776-8. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  BSi 

Ireland,  and  at  other  times  during  the  Commonwealth  and  Protectorate; 
We  find  Bibles  issued  on  3  Aug.  1652,  by  the  commissary  of  stores 
to  the  several  companies  of  foot  and  troops  of  horse  within  the  precinct 
of  Dublin,  according  to  muster,  one  Bible  to  every  file ;  and  on  the  17th 
100  Bibles  for  the  use  of  the  forces  within  the  precinct  of  Galway, 
for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  ;  and  the  several  commissaries  of 
musters  were  to  see  the  Bibles  regularly  mustered  and  accounted  for 
by  the  officer  commanding  each  troop  and  company.^  In  the  same  way 
the  council  of  state  ordered,  on  9  June  1655,  '  that  2,000  Bibles  of  a 
pattern  shown  be  bought  and  sent  to  the  soldiers  in  the  West  Indies.* 
The  tradition  mentioned  in  the  introduction  *  that  every  soldier  in 
Cromwell's  army  was  provided  with  a  pocket  Bible  '  is  scarcely  borne  out 
by  these  facts,  though  they  explain  the  existence  of  such  a  belief.  Nor  is 
there  anything  to  show  that  the  Bibles  referred  to  in  these  orders  were 
little  collections  of  texts  like  this  one  now  reprinted.  Apart  from  these 
errors  and  exaggerations  on  the  part  of  the  editor  and  publisher,  the  little 
pamphlet  well  deserved  reprinting.  C.  H.  Fieth. 


The  Mc?noirs  of  Edmund  Ludloio,  Lieutenant- General  of  the  Horse  in 
the  Ar7ny  of  the  Commomuealth  of  England,  1625-1672.  Edited,  with 
Appendices  of  Letters  and  Illustrative  Documents,  by  C.  H.  Fieth. 
2  vols.     (Oxford  :  at  the  Clarendon  Press.     1894.) 

*  The  justification  of  the  present  edition  '  of  the  celebrated  '  Memoirs  of 
Edmund  Ludlow '  is,  according  to  Mr.  C.  H.  Firth,  whose  eminence  as  an 
historical  scholar  has  never  been  displayed  to  more  advantage  than  in  his 
admirable  performance  of  this  laborious  task,  to  be  found  in  the  two  fol- 
lowing facts.  It  is  the  first  to  restore  a  number  of  passages  suppressed 
by  the  original  editor  of  the  '  Memoirs,'  traditionally  and,  as  Mr.  Firth 
considers,  correctly,  identified  with  Isaac  Littlebury,  who  in  the  crisis  of 
1699  stubbornly  upheld,  in  opposition  to  the  leaders  of  his  party,  the 
principle  of  abolishing,  or  at  least  reducing,  the  standing  army.  These 
passages,  reflecting  on  the  early  tergiversations  of  Sir  Anthony  Ashley 
Cooper,  afterwards  Lord  Shaftesbury,  were  first  recovered  by  his  biogra- 
pher, the  late  Mr,  W.  D.  Christie,  and  certainly  demanded  reinsertion  in 
their  proper  places  in  Ludlow's  '  Memoirs.'  In  Ludlow's  opinion,  the 
future  whig  leader,  after  beginning  his  career  with  the  design  of  being 
'  a  houtefeu  between  the  parliament  and  the  army,'  helped  Monk  to  wreck 
the  last  chance  of  bringing  about  a  co-operation  between  both  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  other  fact  justifying  the  re- 
appearance in  the  present  attractive  edition  of  the  '  Memoirs  '  consists, 
as  modestly  stated  by  Mr.  Firth,  in  its  being  '  the  first  containing  critical 
and  explanatory  notes,  and  adding  the  letters  of  Ludlow.'  The  criticism 
furnished  in  the  notes  is  largely  concerned  with  a  rectification  of  errors, 
more  especially  in  chronology,  such  as  the  text  not  unfrequently  requires  ; 
but  the  present  editor  has  likewise  supplied  a  masterly  introduction, 
which  at  once  amplifies  and  points  the  summary  winding  up  his  excellent 
notice  of  Ludlow  in  the  '  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.'     And  his 

^  Prendergast,  The  CromivclUaii  Settlement  of  Ireland,  p.  78,  2nd  edit. 


584  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

appendices  contain,  besidfs  a  considerable  number  of  letters  by  Ludlow, 
referring  to  his  services  in  Ireland  in  1651-4  and  to  his  brief  command 
there  from  June  1659  to  January  1660,  much  other  valuable  matter  that 
has  hitherto  remained  uncollected  or  undigested.  In  particular  a  lucid 
sketch  is  given  of  the  civil  war  in  Wiltshire,  in  the  course  of  which 
Ludlow,  by  his  defence  of  Wardour  Castle,  gained  the  greenest  of  his 
military  laurels ;  and  Mr.  Firth  prints  a  long  series  of  letters  from  the 
English  republican  exiles  in  Switzerland,  which  first  became  known  to 
students  through  the  researches  of  that  indefatigable  inquirer  in  so  many 
fields,  Professor  Alfred  Stern. 

Unlike  the  character  and  actions  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  which  over- 
shadow s6  many  a  page  of  this  autobiography,  those  of  Edmund  Ludlow 
offer  no  difiicult  or  insoluble  problem  to  the  interpreting  powers  of  his- 
tory. Indeed,  as  may  be  observed  by  the  way,  so  simple  and  direct  were 
the  workings  of  Ludlow's  mind  that  nothing  could  be  more  consistent 
and  unhesitating  than  his  interpretation  of  Cromwell's  own  conduct  and 
motives.  Although  Ludlow  was  a  modest  man  at  bottom  (see,  for  instance, 
his  avowal  of  his  unfitness  for  so  great  an  office  as  membership  of  the 
council  of  state,  and  again  his  confession  of  his  diffidence  in  assuming  the 
military  command  in  Ireland  after  Ireton's  death),  yet  he  had  not  a 
moment's  doubt  but  that  Cromwell's  'jealousy  '  of  him  was  entirely  due 
to  the  fear  lest  he  should  impede  the  '  plot '  against  the  Commonwealth. 
Still,  as  he  assured  Cromwell  in  their  interview  after  his  forcible  detention 
at  Beaumaris,  *  his  dissatisfactions  were  not  grounded  upon  any  ani- 
mosity '  against  the  arch-plotter's  person.  *  If  my  own  father  were  alive, 
and  in  his  place,  they  would,  I  doubted  not,  be  altogether  as  great.' 
Ludlow,  although  he  refers  to  the  anti-royalist  sentiments  of  this  very 
father,  and  shows  in  other  ways  how  widely,  though  not  universally,  they 
were  shared  by  other  members  of  his  family,  does  not  waste  much  time  in 
explaining  how  he  came  to  choose  his  own  side  in  the  great  civil  conflict.  *  I 
thought  the  justice  of  that  cause  I  had  engaged  in  to  be  so  evident  that  I 
could  not  imagine  it  to  be  attended  with  much  difficulty.'  But  deeply  im- 
bued though  he  was  with  every  prejudice  against  the  king  and  his  dynasty, 
and  *  against  many  of  the  clergy,  who  had  been  the  principal  authors  of  our 
miseries,'  the  resolve  to  which  he  adhered  so  steadfastly  rested  upon  a  broad 
basis  of  principle.  For  him  monarchy  meant  irresponsible  power — '  a  power 
which,  though  it  destroys  the  people  by  thousands,'  claimed  to  '  be  ac- 
countable to  none  but  God  for  so  doing.'  Thus  the  question  as  to  the 
right  way  of  dealing  with  King  Charles  I  never  presented  any  difficulties 
to  his  mind ;  when  the  London  mob  invaded  the  house  of  commons  on 
26  July  1647,  and  the  speaker  obsequiously  put  the  question  that  the  king 
should  be  invited  to  come  to  London  *  with  honour,  freedom,  and  safety,' 
Ludlow  gave  a  loud  *  No  '  to  the  proposal ;  and  he  never  seems  to  have 
entertained  any  doubt  but  that  the  office  as  well  as  the  person  of  the  king 
ought  to  be  judged  and  condemned.  In  accordance  with  a  habit  to  which 
he  resorted  as  frequently  as  Cromwell  himself,  he  had  divers  Old  Testament 
texts  at  hand  to  prove  the  undesirableness  of  monarchy,  just  as  the 
*  express  words  of  God's  law '  in  a  passage  in  the  Book  of  Numbers 
'  convinced  '  him  that  an  accommodation  with  King  Charles  would  have 
been  unjust  and  wicked,    Hence  it  was  not  with  his  hand  only  but 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  58S 

with  his  heart  (to  use  his  own  expression)  that  he  afterwards  subscribed 
the  engagement  to  be  faithful  to  the  Commonwealth  of  England,  as  it 
was  established  without  a  king  or  house  of  lords  ;  and  no  consideration 
either  of  personal  advantage  or  public  expediency  could  turn  him  aside 
from  his  determination  to  uphold  it  in  season  or  out  of  season. 

Ludlow's  republicanism  was  fostered  by  something  besides  an  intel- 
lectual conviction  which  gradually  grew  into  a  formal  dogmatism  of  which 
there  are  some  illustrations  in  the  later  portions  of  his  '  Memoirs.'  (See, 
for  instance,  his  wish,  on  arriving  in  Dublin  as  commander-in-chief  of  all 
the  forces  in  Ireland,  to  waive  all  pretensions  to  precedence  for  himself 
over  the  commissioners  of  the  parliament,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
always  declared  it  to  be  his  opinion  that  the  military  ought  to  submit  to 
the  civil  power.)  The  sentiment  or  creed,  which  was  a  second  rehgion  to 
him  through  a  long  career,  disappointing  enough  in  the  failure  of  its  chief 
purpose  to  have  broken  a  meaner  spirit,  was  sustained  by  some  noble 
qualities  that  in  his  case  proved  compatible  with  an  unmistakable  stubborn- 
ness of  disposition  and  a  certain  narrowness  of  mind.  Above  all  he  was 
distinguished  by  a  simplicity  which  is  justly  associated  with  the  political 
opinions  maintained  by  him,  and  which  he  exhibits  not  only  in  his  avowed 
contempt  for  the  mere  trains  and  trappings  of  high  office,  but  also  in  an 
occasional  outburst  of  masculine  sentiment,  such  as  the  almost  Thucy- 
didean  passage  containing  his  reflexions  on  the  funeral  of  Ireton.  To  this 
simplicity  there  was  ^dded  in  him  a  kind  of  moral  courage  which  possibly 
cost  him  little  effort,  inasmuch  as  he  knew  himself  to  be  by  birth  and 
breeding  at  least  the  equal  of  both  the  friends  and  the  foes  with 
whom  he  stood  face  to  face  in  the  political  arena ;  so  that  (as  the  phrase 
runs)  he  could  *  afford  '  to  despise  the  scruples  of  Lord  Warwick,  who, 
while  ready  to  ally  his  own  with  the  Protector's  family,  could  not  bring 
himself  to  sit  in  the  '  Other  House '  with  Colonel  Hewson  and  Colonel 
Pride.  One  of  these  senators  had,  as  Ludlow  states,  been  a  shoemaker 
and  the  other  a  drayman ;  and,  he  adds,  '  had  they  driven  no  worse 
trade  I  know  not  why  any  man  should  refuse  to  act  with  them.'  Further- 
more, the  author  of  these  *  Memoirs '  may  be  set  down  as  having  been 
absolutely  incorruptible  by  any  consideration  affecting  his  personal 
interests,  down  to  the  offer  of  a  horse  and  saddle,  tendered  to  him  by 
Luke  Toole,  *  the  head  of  a  sept  in  the  county  of  Wicklo ;'  and  yet  he 
spent  of  his  private  estate  during  his  tenure  of  office  in  L'eland  as  freely 
as  many  a  servant  of  the  Tudor  or  the  Stuart  crown. 

The  qualities  to  which  I  have  referred,  if  not  exclusively  republican 
virtues,  at  least  sorted  well  with  the  political  professions  put  forward  by 
Ludlow  from  the  days  when  he  took  up  arms  for  the  parliament  to  those 
when  he  vindicated  the  conduct  of  his  public  life  in  friendly  discourse 
with  the  senators  of  Bern,  and  set  down  in  his  '  Memoirs  '  the  satisfaction 
wdth  which  he  had  beheld  the  statue  and  become  acquainted  with  the 
legend  of  the  Swiss  tyrannicide  '  William  Tel.'  If  it  be  further  allowed 
that  no  exception  can  fairly  be  taken  to  the  frankness  and  straightforward- 
ness of  Ludlow,  either  when  helping  to  make  or  striving  to  write  the  history 
of  his  times,  I  think  that  the  interest  which  has  so  long  attached  to  his 
personality  easily  explains  itself,  and  that  the  application  of  epithets 
emphasising  the  obstinacy  of  both  opinions  and  charter  ^yithout  which 


586  EEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  July 

such  an  individuality  is  ii^onceivable  seems  no  longer  the  most  satisfactory 
method  of  impressing  its  significance  upon  posterity.  Nothing  therefore 
could  be  more  gratifying  in  its  way  than  to  be  enabled  to  verify,  under 
the  guidance  of  so  scrupulously  exact  a  commentator  as  Mr.  Firth,  the 
generous  ejaculations  of  Carljle,  and  to  find  mitigations  possible  even  in  an 
analysis  so  judicious  and  well-balanced  as  that  of  the  late  M.  Guizot. 

1  have  no  space  left  either  to  illustrate  from  Mr.  Firth's  invaluable 
notes  the  large  number  of  chronological  and  other  inaccuracies  pointed 
out  by  him  in  these  '  Memoirs,'  which  are  accounted  for  partly  by  the 
conditions  of  remoteness  of  time  and  place  under  which  they  must  have 
been  composed,  partly,  perhaps  (and  less  excusably),  by  the  fact  that  here 
and  there  the  author  followed  other  sources  which  he  was  unable  to 
control.  The  reader  has  to  be  constantly  on  his  guard  against  the 
drawback  that  much  of  Ludlow's  narrative,  though  that  of  a  deeply 
interested  contemporary,  is  secondhand  only ;  thus  he  was  in  Ireland 
during  those  transactions  in  w^hich,  after  the  '  crowning  victory  '  of 
Worcester,  he  holds  the '  evil  intentions  '  of  Cromwell  to  have  first  distinctly 
revealed  themselves,  and  he  is  obliged  inter  alia  to  appeal  to  such  hearsay 
evidence  as  what  Hugh  Peters  afterwards  told  him  he  at  the  time  told 
a  friend.  On  the  other  hand  he  is  occasionally  obscure  where  clearness 
of  explanation  was  alike  called  for  and  within  his  power  ;  and  I  am  unable 
to  convince  myself  that  he  succeeds  in  showing  why  he  left  Irish  afi"airs 
to  take  care  of  themselves  in  the  autumn  of  1659.  His  conduct  in 
England,  as  the  catastrophe  of  the  Commonwealth  drew  near,  was,  on  the 
other  hand,  characterised  neither  by  want  of  insight  nor  by  want  of 
courage  ;  and  in  the  end  he  was  even  prepared  to  run  the  risk  of  a  more 
or  less  formidable  military  revolt.  The  story  of  his  exile,  which  lasted 
for  more  than  thirty  years  (with  a  brief  and  in  its  details  almost  ludicrous 
interruption,  viz.  his  visit  to  England  in  1689,  followed  by  his  escape  after 
proclamation  by  the  new  sovereigns),  has  a  strange  pathos  of  its  own ; 
but  his  '  Memoirs '  come  to  an  end  with  the  year  1672,  and  contain  little 
concerning  himself  for  some  years  previously.  Mr.  Firth  concludes  that 
they  were  in  all  probability  written  between  1663  and  1073.  Within 
these  years  falls  his  correspondence  with  friends  in  Holland,  with  whom 
he  would  have  been  willing  to  join  in  hostile  operations  against  England. 
His  republican  fanaticism  sufficiently  accounts  for  this  readiness  ;  yet 
one  is  glad  to  think  that  in  a  passage  of  his  *  Memoirs '  he  could  forget 
himself  sufficiently  to  dwell  on  the  fact  that  success  is  wont  to  be  on  the 
side  of  those  who  fight  in  their  country's  cause.  A.  W.  Waed. 


Die  Wilrzhurger  Hilfstruppen  im  Dienste  Oesterreichs,  1756-1763.  Ein 
Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  des  siebenjahrigen  Krieges.  Nach  archiva- 
lischen  Quellen.  Von  L.  Freiherrn  von  Thuna.  (Wiirzburg  :  A. 
Stuber.     1893.) 

Like  all  authentic  narratives  which  as  a  matter  of  course  plunge  the 
reader  in  medias  res,  this  record  of  the  fortunes,  during  the  course  of  the 
seven  years'  war,  of  the  imperial  regiments  blue  and  red  Wiirzburg  pos- 
sesses much  general  interest  of  an  incidental  kind.  The  prince  bishop  of 
the  day  and  his  minister,  Borie,  were  ardent  imperialists ;  indeed,  the  former 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  bSl 

broke  off  a  subsidy  treaty  with  Great  Britain  in  order  to  place  his  two 
regiments  at  the  disposal  of  the  house  of  Austria,  and  appears  to  have 
been  the  first  prince  of  the  empire  to  take  up  a  side  in  the  conflict.  (Seven 
years  later,  after  four  invasions  of  Franconia  by  the  Prussian  troops, 
peace  was  concluded  over  his  head  just  as  he  was  taking  steps  to  issue 
a  declaration  of  neutrality  and  was  thus  cutting  himself  off  from  the  com- 
pensation which  the  councillors  of  the  empress  represented  her  as  desirous 
to  offer.)  The  two  regiments  saw  a  good  deal  of  active  service  in  the 
course  of  the  war,  and  were,  in  fact,  so  hardly  used  (a  whole  battalion  of 
the  blue  being  in  1750  taken  prisoners  and  transported  to  Magdeburg) 
that  early  in  1761  they  were  consolidated  into  a  single  regiment — the 
same  which  in  later  days  became  part  of  the  Bavarian  army  and  in  our 
own  day  gained  laurels  at  Beaumont,  Sedan,  and  Orleans.  Here  they 
wiped  out  the  share  of  the  blue  regiment  in  the  humiliation  of  Rossbach, 
where,  however,  it  had  borne  itself  with  exceptional  gallantry. 

The  author  of  this  book,  one  of  whose  ancestors  held  a  commission  in 
the  blue  Wiirzburg  regiment,  while  another,  a  Prussian  officer,  may,  in  the 
attack  upon  Dresden  in  1700,  have  fought  against  the  red,  was  induced  to 
collect  his  materials  by  motives  of  private  piety  and  military  enthusiasm  ; 
but  he  has  conducted  his  inquiries  with  so  much  thoroughness  that  his 
contribution  to  the  history  of  the  seven  years'  war,  slight  as  it  is,  will 
not  be  thrown  away.  He  shows,  among  other  things,  how  irregularity  of 
pay  and  the  absence  of  any  settled  system  of  provisioning  obliged  the 
imperialist  soldiery  to  take  what  came  to  their  hands,  and  to  become  an 
infliction  to  the  territories  occupied  by  them  almost  as  unbearable  as  the 
French  themselves,  of  whom  one  of  their  commanders  wrote,  L'Allc- 
viagnc  est  hicn  lasso  dc  nous  autres ;  nous  la  saccageons  de  notrc  mieux  : 
ccla  Ini  ap'prcndra  a  f aire  la  guerre.  It  is  distressing  to  read  of  the 
sufferings,  for  instance,  of  the  duchy  of  Saxe-Weimar,  whose  capital,  by 
the  way,  was  occupied  by  the  imperialists  on  the  day  of  the  birth  of  the 
hereditary  prince — afterwards  known  to  fame  as  Duke  Karl  August.  At 
Mossbach,  near  Eisenach,  the  church  was  broken  open  and  the  communion 
plate  looted ;  the  bibles  were  torn  into  shreds,  the  pulpit  and  organ 
demolished,  &c.  &c.,  almost  as  if  a  religious  zealotry  had  animated  the 
bishop's  soldiers.  As  to  the  orthodoxy  of  their  commanders  there  can  be 
no  question.  It  was  shown  by  the  pressure  put  upon  deserters  from  the  blue 
regiment  to  profess  themselves  catholics  before  execution ;  for  they  were 
shot,  whether  they  gave  in,  like  one  poor  fellow  *  who  was  of  the  French 
religion  '  {sic) '  and  a  native  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Baireuth,'  or  whether 
they  held  out,  like  a  more  steadfast  comrade  of  his,  who  asserted  that  he  had 
learnt  enough  at  school  to  give  him  solid  comfort  in  his  last  hour.  Such 
details  as  these  add  to  our  insight  into  the  character  of  the  war,  the 
religious  element  in  which  should  by  no  means  be  overlooked.  It  may, 
however,  be  worth  remembering  that  the  privates  of  these  regiments  were 
not  'recruited  by  their  Landcsvater  exclusively  or  preferentially  from  his 
own  subjects,  any  more  than  were  the  troops  of  the  great  Frederick 
himself.  Of  the  value  of  these  records  for  military  history  in  the  more 
limited  sense  of  the  term  I  am  not  competent  to  speak  ;  but  the  statistical 
information  seems  remarkably  full,  and  in  any  case  Freiherr  von  Thiina's 
labours  cannot  fail  to  be  their  own  reward.  A.  W.  Ward. 


588  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

Secret  Memoirs  of  the  Bi^/al  Family  of  France  during  the  Bevolution  ; 
jjublished  from  the  Joivrnal,  Letters,  and  Conversations  of  the 
Princess  Lamhalle.  By  a  Lady  of  Rank.  2  vols.  (London  :  H.  S. 
Nichols  &  Co.     1895.) 

The  publication  of  a  journal  by  the  princesse  de  Lamballe,  if  genuine, 
would  be  an  event  of  some  literary  and  historical  importance,  as 
illustrating  an  interesting  personality  and  throwing  light  on  the  most 
important  period  of  French  history.  Many  books  have  been  written 
about  her,  but  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  discover  they  contain 
no  reference  whatever  to  any  journal  written  by  her.  Madame  Guenard, 
who  published  four  highly  imaginative  volumes  of  memoirs  of  the 
princesse  in  1801 ;  M.  Lescure,  whose  book  appeared  in  1864 ;  Madame 
de  Lage  de  Volude,  maid  of  honour  to  the  princesse,  whose  *  Souvenirs 
d'Emigration '  were  published  in  1869  ;  Mr.  Austin  Dobson  in  his 
*  Four  Frenchwomen ; '  and  M.  Bertin,  whose  careful  monograph  ap- 
peared in  1888,  are  alike  ignorant  of  it,  and  unanimous  that  the 
princesse  had  little  taste  for  writing,  and  that  her  literary  remains  are 
of  the  scantiest  description.  Moreover  the  manuscript  of  this  journal, 
which,  presumably,  must  have  been  in  the  editor's  possession  in  1826, 
when  this  book  was  originally  published,  seems  to  have  mysteriously  dis- 
appeared, despite  the  value  which  would  have  been  put  on  it  even  then, 
when  single  letters  of  the  princesse  were  fetching  thirty  francs  and  more. 
It  is,  therefore,  solely  on  the  word  of  its  anonymous  editor,  who  wrote 
thirty-four  years  after  the  princesse  de  Lamballe' s  death,  that  the  genuine- 
ness of  this  journal  rests. 

The  anonymous  '  Lady  of  Rank '  was  a  person  who  called  herself 
Catherine  Hyde  Broglio  Solari,  Marchioness  Solari.  She  published 
various  works  between  1820  and  1827,  including  a  thin  volume  on  Wel- 
lington, two  volumes  of  '  Private  Anecdotes  of  Foreign  Courts,'  *  Venice 
under  the  Yoke  of  France  and  Austria,'  and  the  present  '  Journal.'  At 
her  death,  on  7  Jan.  1844,  she  left  a  series  of  autobiographical  letters, 
which  were  published  in  the  following  year.  In  these  she  gives  an 
account  of  her  birth,  parentage,  and  life.  Her  grandfather,  she  says,  was 
'  Lord  Hyde  Clarendon,'  who  was  ambassador  at  Warsaw  in  1745.  Here 
he  '  privately  married '  a  Polish  lady,  whom,  however,  he  managed  to 
repudiate  on  his  return  to  England.  By  her  he  had  a  son,  George 
Augustus  Hyde,  who  became  a  favourite  of  Count  Briihl  and  Augustus 
III.  He  also  '  privately  married  '  a  Polish  lady,  who  procured  a  divorce 
from  a  former  husband  for  the  purpose.  Their  child,  Catherine  Hyde, 
was  born  at  the  house  of  one  Moses  Hyams,  in  Pall  Mall,  and  her  mother 
returned  to  Poland  as  soon  as  might  be,  to  find  that  her  husband  had 
meanwhile  been  murdered.  Mrs.  Hyams  had  a  child  about  the  same 
time,  which  died,  and  Catherine  Hyde  was  brought  up  as  a  substitute ; 
it  was  not  until  1796,  forty  years  later,  that  Moses  Hyams  revealed  to 
Catherine  the  true  story  of  her  birth.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out 
that  this  is  a  fiction  of  the  clumsiest  construction :  there  never  was  a 
'  Lord  Hyde  Clarendon  ; '  the  ambassador  referred  to  was  Thomas  Villiers, 
created  some  ten  years  after  Baron  Hyde  and  earl  of  Clarendon,  and  his 
children— illegitimate  or  other — could  have  borne  no  such  name  as 
Geo"ge   Augustus   Hyde ;   moreover,    a  httle    attention   to   chronology 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  68S> 

shows  that  George  Augustus  could  have  been  but  eleven  years  old  when 
his  supposed  daughter  was  born.  The  rest  of  the  story — her  education 
at  the  expense  of  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  intimacy  with  the  princesse  de 
Lamballe,  adventures  on  the  stage— is  equally  incredible.  The  parts  she 
attributes  to  herself  at  the  Haymarket  under  Colman  were  taken  by 
others,  and  no  trace  of  performances  can  be  found  in  Genest  or  elsewhere 
at  the  dates  to  which  she  assigns  them.  That  she  afterwards  married 
Antonio,  Marquis  Solari,  a  Venetian  official,  is  probably  correct ;  but  the 
interviews  she  says  she  had  with  Buonaparte  and  other  sovereigns  cannot 
be  accepted  without  independent  corroboration,  and  that  we  have  scarcely 
been  able  to  find  for  a  single  one  of  her  statements. 

Now  let  us  turn  to  this  supposed  '  Journal '  of  the  princesse  de  Lam- 
balle. In  the  first  place  it  is  not  a  journal  at  all,  but  a  series  of  remi- 
niscences or  memoirs  compiled  presumably  during  1791  or  1792.  The 
manuscript  Madame  Solari  states  to  have  been  given  to  her,  together  with 
a  quantity  of  letters,  &c.,  by  the  princesse  in  August  1792.  She  admits  that 
these  needed  a  great  deal  of  arrangement,  but  claims  that  the  portion  she 
has  printed  between  inverted  commas  are  the  very  words  of  the  princesse, 
which  she,  as  editor,  has  merely  translated.  But  it  will  not  be  difficult 
to  show  that  this  journal  is  a  forgery  of  no  less  clumsy  construction  than 
Madame  Solari's  account  of  her  antecedents,  and  that  not  only  is  it  a 
forgery,  but  that  Madame  Solari  had  but  the  flimsiest  acquaintance  with 
the  princesse  and  her  life. 

For  instance,  in  vol.  ii.  pp.  46-72,  we  have  an  elaborate  account  of  the 
events  at  Versailles  in  the  early  days  of  October  1789.  The  princesse  is 
made  to  say  that  she  was  present  during  that  time,  that  she  had  frequent 
interviews  with  the  queen,  saw  the  royal  party  start  for  the  theatre 
where  the  Flanders  officers  were  banqueting,  recognised  Mirabeau  urging 
on  the  mob  on  the  night  of  5-6  October,  and  accompanied  the  king  and 
queen  to  Paris.  Minor  fabrications  about  the  presence  of  IVIirabeau  and 
the  doings  of  Lafayette  do  not  call  for  notice  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the 
princesse  de  Lamballe  was  nowhere  near  Versailles  during  the  whole  of 
this  time.  During  August  she  was  travelling  with  her  intimate  friend 
the  comtesse  de  Lage  de  Volude  in  Switzerland ;  on  2  Sept.  she  joined 
her  father-in-law,  the  due  de  Penthievre,  at  Aumale,  and  there  she 
remained  until  7  Oct.,  when  news  of  the  events  at  Versailles  was  brought, 
and  she  joined  the  queen  at  the  Tuileries  on  the  following  day.  Madame 
Solari  accentuates  her  mendacity  by  admitting  that  the  *  Journal ' 
does  not  contain  an  account  of  the  journey  from  Versailles  to  Paris. 

Again,  in  vol.  ii.  pp.  120  et  seqq.,  the  princesse  gives  a  fragmentary 
account  of  a  visit  to  England  after  the  Varennes  affair  ;  she  spends  some 
time  in  England  on  a  mission  of  political  importance,  has  interviews  with 
the  king  and  queen,  Pitt,  Burke,  and  other  leading  statesmen,  visits 
Oxford,  Blenheim,  Bath,  &c.,  and  returns  to  Paris  about  July  or  August. 
Madame  Solari  also  states  that  she  accompanied  the  princesse  during  the 
whole  of  her  visit.  This  also  is  a  fabrication  of  amazing  mendacity. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  princesse  did  once  visit  England,  and  the 
date  has  been  the  subject  of  considerable  discussion ;  M.  Bertin  gives 
it  as  1787,  and  this  is  undoubtedly  right ;  it  is  supported  by  a  reference 
in  a  letter  from  *the  princesse  to  a  piece  called  *  Nina,'  which  was 


P90  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

translated  from  the  French  and  acted  at  Covent  Garden  in  April  1787 ; 
but  the  date  is  conclusively  proved  by  a  letter  of  Horace  Walpole's  of 
28  July,  1787,  in  which  he  says,  *  The  duke  of  Queensberry  has  given 
a  sumptuous  dinner  to  the  princesse  de  Lamballe.'  *  But  the  visit 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  politics.  In  the  suspicious  state  of 
French  public  opinion  in  1791  her  absence  naturally  gave  rise  to  the 
report  of  a  public  mission  to  Pitt,  and  this  rumour  was  repeated  in 
Madame  Guenard's  '  Memoirs  '  in  1801,  but  was  quickly  refuted.  The 
comtesse  de  Lage  de  Volude,  who  was  then  in  Paris,  consulted  with  other 
friends  of  the  princesse,  and  immediately  published  in  the  French 
papers  a  general  warning  against  Madame  Guenard's  *  Memoirs,'  and  in 
particular  a  denial  of  the  visit  to  England.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the 
princesse,  who  was  at  Passy  on  20  June,  when  she  heard  of  the  pro- 
jected flight  to  Varennes,  went  to  Boulogne,  crossed  to  Dover  on  the  23rd, 
took  ship  on  the  next  day  for  Ostend,  and  arrived  at  Brussels  on 
the  27th  ;  and  on  11  July  she  proceeded  to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where  she 
remained  until  the  middle  of  October.  Various  letters  both  from  the 
princesse  and  Marie  Antoinette,  printed  in  the  *  Souvenirs  d'E migration  ' 
by  M.  Lescure  and  M.  Bertin,  establish  this  account  beyond  doubt,  and 
the  will  which  the  princesse  made  before  re-entering  France  is  dated 
15  Oct.  1791,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.^  Nevertheless  Madame  Solari  makes 
the  princesse  give  details  in  her  '  Journal '  of  her  residence  in  Paris 
during  August  and  September  1791. 

There  are  numerous  straws  which  point  in  the  same  direction,  and 
some  are  quite  conclusive  by  themselves.  For  instance,  in  vol.  i.  p.  223, 
she  makes  the  princesse  refer  to  *  the  good  Lady  Spencer  .  .  .  from 
whom,  as  well  as  from  her  two  daughters,  the  duchess  of  Devonshire 
and  Lady  Duncannon,  since  Lady  Bessborough,'  &c.  Now  this  lady, 
Henrietta  Frances  Spencer,  who  married  Lord  Duncannon  on  27  Nov. 
1780,  did  not  become  Lady  Bessborough  until  her  husband  succeeded 
to  the  title  on  his  father's  death,  11  March  1793,  six  months  after  the 
princesse  de  Lamballe's  murder.  This,  however,  coincides  with  a  state- 
ment made  elsewhere  by  Madame  Solari  to  the  effect  that  the  princesse 
was  assassinated  on  3  Sept.  1793,  instead  of  1792.  In  vol.  ii.  p.  98,  she 
speaks  of  meeting  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald  in  Paris  during  1790,  but 
Fitzgerald  was  then  in  the  backwoods  of  America,  and  did  not  visit  Paris 
till  Oct.  1792.  In  vol.  i.  p.  123,  the  princesse  makes  her  appointment  as 
superintendent  of  the  queen's  household  come  immediately  after  the  death 
of  her  husband,  but  he  died  in  17G7,  and  the  princesse's  appointment 
dates  from  1775.  Once  more,  the  princesse  invariably  speaks  of  Marie 
Antoinette  in  the  past  tense,  which  would  be  unnatural  and  almost  im- 
possible to  one  writing,  as  she  must  have  done,  while  the  queen  was  still 
alive.  But  there  is  no  need  to  pile  on  these  instances,  which  occur  on 
almost  every  page  of  the  book,  and  leave  absolutely  no  doubt  as  to  the 
authorship  of  this  '  Journal,'  quite  apart  from  such  circumstances  as  the 
omission  of  many  of  the  most  important  events  in  the  princesse's  life,  the 
identity  of  style  between  the '  Journal '  and  Madame  Solari's  comments  on 
it,  the  tawdry  sentiments  and  impossible  speeches  which  disfigure  both, 

1  Letters,  ed.  Canningham,  ix.  102.  ^  Lescure,  pp.  453-4. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  591 

and  the  Innumerable  startling  assertions  which,  if  well  authenticated, 
would  upset  almost  every  known  fact  about  the  Eevolution. 

It  is,  however,  wdth  a  distinct  feeling  of  relief  that  we  are  able  unhesi- 
tatingly to  pronounce  this  *  Journal '  a  forgery :  had  it  been  genuine  it 
would  have  necessitated  a  complete  reversal  of  the  reputation  the 
princesse  has  enjoyed  of  being  a  better  woman  than  most  of  those  who 
surrounded  Marie  Antoinette ;  for  the  early  pages  of  the  *  Journal ' 
consist  of  little  but  unclean  scandals,  atrocious  innuendoes,  and  dis- 
gusting anecdotes,  which  no  woman  with  the  least  pretence  to  decency 
.could  ever  commit  to  writing.  A.  F.  Pollard. 


La  B&volittion  Fraiicaise  en  Hollande  :    la  Bepubllque  Batave. 
(Paris:  Hachette.     1894.) 

The  effects  of  the  French  revolution  in  Holland  present  a  problem  of 
peculiar  interest.  Here  was  a  country  which  had  won  poHtical  and 
religious  liberty  for  itself  more  than  two  hundred  years  ago,  which  had 
conquered  and  preserved  a  great  empire  beyond  the  seas,  which  had 
discovered  the  principles  of  banking  and  anticipated  the  prison  reforms 
of  Howard,  and  which  was  yet  swept  from  end  to  end  by  the  revolutionary 
propaganda  from  France,  a  country  alien  to  it  in  race,  culture,  and  re- 
ligion ;  compelled  to  change  its  constitution  five  times  that  it  might 
correspond  with  the  latest  Paris  fashion  ;  robbed  of  Ceylon,  Java,  and  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  ;  twice  invaded  ;  twice  beaten  at  sea  ;  so  crippled  in 
its  finances  by  taxation  that  after  nine  years  of  French  occupation  the 
deficit  had  amounted  to  forty  million  florins  ;  then  commercially  ruined 
by  the  continental  blockade,  and  finally  fused  by  a  European  congress 
into  a  new  state  with  a  monarchical  constitution.  During  this  period  of 
profound  humiliation  the  people  of  the  Batavian  republic  were  sunk  in 
lethargy,  le  calme  batave,  as  one  of  their  statesmen  candidly  expressed 
it.  They  were  unable  to  produce  more  than  one  man — Peter  Paulus — of 
even  respectable  fortitude,  and  he  died  in  179G,  one  year  after  the  French 
invasion ;  and  the  only  other  Dutch  statesman  who  deserves  the  name, 
the  active,  laborious,  and  sensible  Schimmelpenninck,  whose  enlightened 
administration  is  the  one  briglit  spot  in  eleven  gloomy  years,  accepts  the 
insulting  communications  of  Napoleon  with  the  abasement  of  a  courtier. 
Incapable fi,  wrote  Semonville,  de  traliison  et  de  basscsse,  mais  aus^i 
de  resolutions  fermes  et  loyales.  This  is  an  accurate  statement  of  the 
temper  in  which  the  Dutch  people  bore  their  troubles.  But  General 
Daendels,  who  has  been  represented  by  patriotic  Dutchmen  as  a  hero, 
does  not  deserve  even  this  moderate  encomium.  He  was,  in  fact,  a 
brouillon  du-  iwemier  ordre,  a  past  master  in  the  art  of  making  constitu- 
tions by  the  coitp  d'etat. 

The  author  of  the  very  solid  and  scholarly  book  which  we  have  before 
us  has  preferred  to  remain  anonymous,  but  it  seems  clear  that  his  work 
will  have  to  be  seriously  reckoned  with  by  all  students  of  the  period  ; 
for  it  is  based  not  only  upon  the  main  sources  of  printed  information, 
but  also  upon  extensive  researches  among  the  archives  of  the  Dutch  and 
French  foreign  offices.  It  is,  in  fact,  the  first  complete  account  of  Dutch 
history  from  1795  to  180G.     The  author  writes  with  great  candour  and 


592  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

impartiality.  On  the  oife  hand  he  points  out  very  clearly  the  defects  of 
the  old  oligarchic  constitution  of  the  states  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
does  not  spare  the  brutal  and  unsympathetic  conduct  of  the  French 
apostles  of  liberty,  and  he  admits  that  Pichegru's  sensational  exploit  on 
the  ice  is  mere  Jacobin  legend.  He  is,  however,  fully  alive  to  the  benefits 
which  the  revolution  did  ultimately  confer  upon  the  comitry,  when, 
during  the  administration  of  Schimmelpenninck,  theories  of  man  were 
converted  into  facts  of  administration.  But  perhaps  the  main  impression 
left  upon  the  mind  by  a  very  orderly  and  judicious  book  is  that  the  price 
paid  for  constitutional  symmetry  was  a  good  deal  more  than  it  was  worth. 

H.  A.  L.  FiSHEE. 


MSmoires  du  Chancelier  Pasquier.  Publics  par  M.  le  Due  d'Audiffret- 
Pasquier.     Vols.  I.-II.     (Paris  :  Plon,  Nourrit  et  Cie.     1893.) 

Etienne  Denis  Pasquier,  whose  interesting  memoirs  stand  high  among 
contributions  to  the  history  of  the  revolutionary  period,  belonged  to  an 
ancient  family  of  the  noblesse  cle  la  robe.  Through  his  connexion  with 
the  parliament  of  Paris  he  had  admirable  opportunities  for  gaining  a 
certain  insight  into  the  state  of  society  in  France  on  the  eve  of  the 
revolution,  while  his  knowledge  of  the  vie  de  province  owes  its  value  and 
charm  to  the  fact  that  the  Pasquiers  held  possessions  in  the  province  of 
Maine,  and  usually  spent  their  summers  in  Le  Mans.  Like  many 
educated  Frenchmen  of  his  time  he  failed  to  understand  the  drift  of 
things  before  1789,  though,  like  Talleyrand,  he  thoroughly  appreciated  the 
increase  of  the  wealth  of  France,  and  the  magnificence  of  Paris,  and 
the  delights  of  life  under  the  old  regime.  Tai  vu  les  magnificences 
imperialcs,  je  vois  chaque  jour,  depitis  la  Bestauration,  de  nouvelles 
fortunes  s'etablir  et  s' clever ;  rien  n'a  encore  egale  a  mes  yeitx  la 
splendeur  de  Paris  dans  les  annees  qui  se  sont  ecoulees  depuis  la  paix  de 
1783  jusqiCd  1789.  Till  the  rise  of  Bonaparte  Pasquier  was  regarded 
with  suspicion  by  the  directory.  With  the  peace  of  Campo  Formio  his 
fortunes  began  to  improve,  and  his  memoirs  become  more  important. 
He  confirms  the  story  that  the  directors  attempted  to  poison  Bonaparte, 
and  asserts  that  the  expedition  to  Egypt,  while  generally  regarded  as 
une  entreprise  folic,  endangered  Bonaparte's  reputation  as  a  general. 

But  from  the  moment  of  his  return  all  was  changed.  A  partir 
de  ce  mo?nent  sa  conduite  fut  un  prodige  d'habilete.  II  sut  d'abord 
tenir  tons  les  partis  dans  une  telle  incertitude  sur  ce  qiCil  medi- 
tait  que  bien  qu'un  grand  evenement  fut  attendu,  tout,  jusqu^au 
dernier  moment,  resta  ignore,  Pasquier  was  no  striking  genius,  but  he 
always  seems  to  have  attempted  to  get  at  the  truth,  and  after  the 
establishment  of  Bonaparte  in  power  his  position  enabled  him  to  be,  as 
a  rule,  well  informed.  The  execution  of  the  due  d'Enghien,  whose  case 
is  carefully  examined  by  Pasquier,  was  followed  by  the  rise  of  the  empire 
and  the  victories  of  Napoleon.  After  Austerlitz  Pasquier  became  maitre 
des  requetes  in  the  council  of  state,  and  had  ample  opportunities  of 
forming  an  estimate  of  the  emperor  and  of  his  leading  advisers.  While 
his  views  of  Napoleon  inspire  one  with  confidence  in  his  impartiality,  his 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  593 

description  of  Talleyrand  is  the  work  of  a  partisan.  A  catholic  royalist 
by  birth,  Pasquier  could  never  forgive  the  renegade  bishop,  or  see  in 
any  of  his  acts  traces  of  statesmanship.  Talleyrand,  Pasquier  asserts,  was 
the  author  of  the  disastrous  Spanish  policy  ;  Talleyrand  certainly 
intrigued  against  Napoleon  when  the  latter  was  in  Spain,  occupied 
in  driving  back  Moore  and  his  gallant  army.  During  these  years 
Napoleon's  confidence  in  Pasquier  increased,  and  in  1810  he  was 
appointed  to  the  office  of  prefect  of  the  police  in  Paris — a  most 
responsible  post,  the  arduous  duties  of  which  he  fulfilled  to  the  complete 
satisfaction  of  the  emperor.  From  the  date  of  his  appointment  to  1814 
Pasquier's  memoirs  give  us  an  admirable  account  of  the  decline  and  fall 
of  Napoleon.  The  quarrel  between  the  emperor  and  Pius  VII,  one  of 
the  most  disastrous  of  Napoleon's  many  mistakes,  receives  due  notice,  and 
Napoleon's  pride  and  arrogance  are  justly  criticised.  Before  the  latter's 
departure  for  the  Eussian  campaign  Pasquier,  who  was  keenly  alive  to 
the  risks  of  an  advance  to  Moscow,  elicited  a  curious  remark  from  his 
imperial  master :  Qui,  sans  chute  il  y  a  du  vrai  dans  ce  que  vous 
dites ;  c'est  une  difficulte  de  plus,  ajoutee  a  toutes  celles  que  je  dois 
rencontrer  dans  V entreprise  la  plus  grande,  la  plus  difficile  que  fai 
encore  tentee  ;  mais  ilfaut  bieii  achever  ce  qui  est  commence.  Pasquier's 
forebodings  were  indeed  realised  ;  Napoleon's  evil  days  began,  and  hence- 
forward, with  the  renewal  of  plots  in  Paris  against  the  emperor,  the  pre- 
fect's responsibilities  increased. 

He  confirms  the  view,  now  generally  held,  that  the  series  of  reverses 
culminating  in  Leipzig  were  due  in  great  measure  to  the  ill-health  of 
Napoleon,  and  he  bears  full  testimony  to  the  latter's  firm  resolve  not  to 
part  with  the  Illyrian  provinces.  After  the  failure  of  the  congress  of 
Chatillon  Pasquier  strongly  opposed  the  proposal  to  arm  the  mob  with 
piques.  Had  this  suggestion  been  carried  out,  it  would  have  been,  says 
Pasquier,  impossible  de  dire  ce  que  serait  devenue  la  ville  de  Paris. 
After  the  capital  had  fallen  Pasquier  had  an  interesting  conversation 
with  Alexander  I,  in  which  the  latter  declared  that  all  reconciliation  with 
Napoleon  was  impossible  after  his  outrageous  invasion  of  Russia  and  his 
violation  of  all  his  sworn  pledges.  The  second  volume  ends  with  the 
establishment  of  Louis  XVIII  on  the  throne,  with  Talleyrand  as  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  and  with  the  French  nation  permeated  by  a  profound 
hatred  of  England.  Few  men  had  such  admirable  opportunities  as 
Pasquier  for  watching  and  taking  a  personal  part  in  the  events  of  those 
momentous  times,  and  few  writers  have  contributed  memoirs  more 
valuable  for  the  historian  and  more  interesting  for  the  general  reader. 

A.  Hassall. 


Geschichte  Europas  seit  den  Vertrdgen  von  1815  bis  zujii  Frankfurter 
Frieden  von  1871.  Von  Alfred  Stern.  Erster  Band.  (Berlin  ; 
Verlag  von  Wilhelm  Hertz.  1894.) 
The  material  available  for  the  historians  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  con- 
stantly increasing.  The  generosity  with  which  the  Prussian  government 
has  allowed  access  to  its  archives  and  the  archives  of  the  other  states 
which  have  now  been  incorporated  in  Prussia,  is  well  known.     It  has  been 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XXXIX.  Q  Q 


594  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

imitated  in  other  countrfes.  For  the  period  from  1815  to  1830  at  least 
the  true  course  of  European  history  is  now  ascertained.  The  motives  and 
actions  of  the  different  cabinets  can  be  followed  from  the  official  records. 
It  may  be  anticipated  that  the  time  will  shortly  come  when  few  govern- 
ments will  find  any  scruples  about  allowing  the  full  use  of  public  papers 
as  far  as  the  year  1848 ;  in  fact,  when  once  a  single  state  of  the  first 
importance,  such  as  Prussia,  allows  free  access  to  its  records,  the  others 
are  almost  compelled  to  do  the  same  in  self-defence  :  as  the  author  of  the 
work  before  us  says,  statesmen  rather  gain  than  lose  when  a  brighter 
light  is  turned  on  the  motives  of  their  action  ;  on  the  other  hand,  they 
do  not  always  gain  when  the  light  comes  from  the  private  correspondence 
of  the  ambassadors  of  rival  and  hostile  countries.  Hitherto  this  wealth 
of  material  has  been  made  available  by  the  historians  of  a  single 
country,  and  for  obvious  reasons  chiefly  by  the  historians  of  Germany.  Dr. 
Stern  has  undertaken  the  enormous  task  of  using  it  to  write  the  history 
of  Europe  from  1815  to  1871.  The  first  volume,  which  is  before  us,  contains 
the  history  of  England,  France,  and  Germany  as  far  as  the  year  1820.  Let 
me  say  at  once,  before  proceeding  to  any  criticism  of  details,  that,  so  far 
as  I  am  able  to  judge  of  it,  the  work  is  written  with  the  greatest  care ; 
there  is  scrupulous  accuracy  and,  what  is  rarer  in  modern  German 
historians,  great  impartiality.  The  student  will  find  in  it  a  thoroughly 
satisfactory  narrative  of  the  events  as  they  really  happened.  As  an 
instance  of  this  I  may  notice  the  chapters  on  England,  which,  though 
short,  show  an  accurate  knowledge  and  appreciation  of  the  condition  of 
England,  such  as  is  seldom  found. 

In  the  introduction  the  author  explains  that  the  plan  of  the  book  is 
not  to  write  a  complete  history  of  each  country,  but  to  bring  into  promi- 
nence, '  within  the  history  of  the  single  peoples  and  states,  the  great 
common  traits  which  underlay  the  history  of  the  time.'  The  reader  who 
turns  from  the  introduction  to  the  book  with  these  words  in  his  mind 
must  be  prepared  for  some  disappointment.  It  is  true  that  the  book 
begins  with  a  description  of  the  romantic  movement,  but  even  this  is 
less  successful  than  the  other  parts  of  the  work  ;  there  is  a  sound  de- 
scription of  the  chief  romantic  writers,  but  the  difficult  transition  from 
individual  writers  to  a  general  appreciation  of  the  efforts  of  romanticism 
on  political  affairs  is  not  made,  and  the  situation  cannot  be  rendered  clear 
without  a  fuller  contrast  between  romanticism  and  the  rationalistic 
doctrines  which  were  superseded  than  the  author  gives.  We  may  say  that  he 
begins  too  suddenly :  he  does  not  trace  the  causes  of  the  reaction  suffi- 
ciently far  back,  and  in  consequence  the  introduction  has  no  real  con- 
nexion with  the  rest  of  the  book.  In  the  narrative  itself  he  is  not 
altogether  successful  in  the  attempt  to  put  into  prominence  the  main 
characteristics  of  the  period,  and  the  general  history  of  Europe  is  lost  in 
the  histories  of  individual  states.  This  characteristic  will  be  best  illus- 
trated by  a  single  instance.  Down  at  least  as  far  as  the  congress  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  there  was  certainly  a  common  European  history,  quite 
separate  from  that  of  the  individual  states  ;  surely  the  natural  method 
would  be  to  give  a  full  and  connected  account  of  the  diplomatic  history  of 
the  alliance  to  the  time  when  it  was  broken  up  by  the  secession  of  England 
and  France  and  the  outbreak  of  trouble  in  the  East.     For  this  he  has  at 


1985  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  595 

his  disposal  material  much  of  which  is  quite  new,  but,  with  the  exception 
■of  a  chapter  on  the  congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  treats  the  diplomatic 
history  of  each  country  separately.  This  inevitably  obscures  some  essen- 
tial points  in  the  judgment  to  be  formed  as  to  the  chief  statesmen  ;  in  the 
«yes  of  Metternich,  and  to  some  extent  also  of  Castlereagh  and  Welling- 
ton, the  maintenance  of  the  alliance  for  its  own  sake,  as  a  superior  board 
far  the  regulation  of  all  European  affairs,  was  the  chief  object  to  be 
attained.  This  would  be  much  more  clearly  brought  forward  if  all  the 
matters  which  occupied  the  diplomacy  of  the  time— the  Barbary  pirates, 
the  slave  trade,  Russia's  disarmament,  the  surveillance  over  France, 
and  the  Spanish  colonies — were  treated  in  a  continuous  narrative,  and  not 
divided  among  the  chapters  which  deal  with  the  separate  countries. 

For  the  whole  of  the  diplomatic  history  Dr.  Stern  has  had  the  use  of  the 
Vienna  and  Paris  archives  ;  the  former  contains,  among  other  things,  the 
official  protocols  of  the  congress,  drawn  up  by  Gentz  ;  they  add  little  to  our 
previous  knowledge,  except  that  it  appears  the  dread  of  Napoleon's  return 
was  still  very  genuine,  and  that  there  was  supposed  to  be  a  real  possibility  of 
his  escape  from  St.  Helena.  There  is  in  the  whole  account  a  tendency  to 
exaggerate  the  solidarity  of  England  and  Austria,  which  is  natural  to  one 
who  has  chiefly  relied  on  the  Austrian  state  papers.  The  private  instruc- 
tions of  Castlereagh  to  English  diplomatists  would  show  a  good  deal  of 
rather  contemptuous  criticism  of  Metternich,  which  he  knew  little  of ;  this 
is  especially  the  case  with  regard  to  the  rplations  with  Russia.  Castlereagh 
■did  not  share  Metternich' s  constant  jealousy  and  suspicion  of  the  czar, 
and  many  matters,  such  as  the  proposals  for  a  general  disarmament, 
which  occupy  a  good  deal  of  the  despatches,  he  probably  did  not  take 
very  seriously. 

The  greater  part  of  the  book  is  occupied  with  German  affairs  ;  they 
are  treated  with  a  fulness  w^hich  leaves  little  to  be  desired  :  it  might, 
indeed,  be  suggested,  with  a  fulness  out  of  proportion  to  their  importance, 
were  it  not  that  the  period  is  one  of  the  most  critical  in  German  history. 
In  this  part  he  goes  over  the  same  ground  as  Treitschke  ;  he  does  not 
attempt  to  rival  the  Prussian  historian  in  his  vigorous  descriptions  of 
public  feeling,  but  his  narrative  is  as  full  and  is  far  superior  in  judg- 
ment and  fairness.  Here  I  cannot  do  more  than  notice  a  few  points  of 
interest  on  which  new  information  is  given.  The  king  of  Wiirtemberg  is 
defended  against  the  charge  made  by  Treitschke  that  he  offered  '  to  take 
back  his  over-hasty  constitution  if  the  emperor  would  give  him  the  means 
to  do  so.'  With  regard  to  the  attitude  of  the  Czar  towards  the  Carlsbad 
decrees,  we  find  that  he  really— anticipating  Napoleon  III — had  a  double 
voice,  one  to  which  he  gave  expression  in  his  personal  intercourse  with 
ambassadors  and  other  sovereigns,  one  which  found  expression  in  the 
official  despatches  of  the  foreign  office.  We  have  some  fresh  information 
on  Prussian  history,  a  fuller  account  of  the  proposal  of  the  king  of  Prussia 
either  to  join  the  confederacy  with  all  his  dominions  or  to  take  out  of  it 
Silesia  and  Lausitz,  a  proposal  which  Metternich,  in  a  letter  to  the 
emperor,  characterises  as  '  bordering  on  madness.'  Of  more  importance  is 
the  copy  of  Hardenberg's  scheme  for  the  Prussian  constitution,  which  was 
laid  before  the  king  in  May  1819.  This  is  much  more  generous  than  would 
appear  from  Treitschke' s  descriptions  ;  it  remains  even  more  incompre- 

a  Q  2 


596  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

hensible  than  before  lio"v/ Hardenberg  could  consent  to  continue  in  office 
after  the  king  had  consulted  Metternich  on  the  internal  affairs  of  Prussia, 
and  how  he  could  bring  himself  to  lay  before  the  king  three  months  later 
a  fresh  scheme,  so  altered  and  modified  as  to  win  Metternich's  approval. 
There  is  a  full  description  of  the  gradual  victory  of  the  reactionary  party 
over  the  king ;  nothing  can  alter  the  judgment  which  has  long  been 
passed  on  this  unfortunate  change,  which  was  completed  by  the  resigna- 
tion of  Boyen  and  Humboldt ;  it  appears  especially  to  have  been  the 
influence  of  Duke  Charles  of  Mecklenburg  on  military  matters  which  led 
to  the  departure  of  the  minister  of  war ;  the  final  responsibility  rests  with 
the  king  and  the  chancellor.     The  use  of  the  archives  adds  new  facts  to 
the   picture  of  the  activity  of   the  ministers  of   police,    Sedlnitzky  in 
Austria  and  Kamptz  in  Prussia  ;  even  Gentz  was  watched  by  the  police, 
the  conversations  at  his  table  reported,  and  his  correspondence  examined ; 
it  was  stated  at  the  time  that  Bliicher  himself  was,  within  a  year  of  the 
battle  of  Waterloo,  regarded  as  a  suspected  person  and  was  watched  by 
the  police.     Boyen,  when  minister,  knew  he  was  constantly  watched; 
Gneisenau  would  not  send  his  letters  through  the  post,  where  they  would 
be  opened.     The  rulers  were  often  more  sensible  than  the  ministers  ; 
Karl  August  was  not  the  only  one  who  saw  the  folly  of  this  policy.     The 
duke   of  Oldenburg  wrote   to   Metternich   after   the  publication  of  the 
Carlsbad  resolutions  that,  in  his  opinion,  *  the  best  way  of  meeting  thi& 
spread  of  revolutionary  principles  was  to  oppose  to  them  contented  sub- 
jects ;  '  but,  generally  speaking,  this  is  a  chapter  of  history  to  which  the 
principle  does  not  apply  that  an  increased  knowledge  will  bring  a  more 
lenient  judgment. 

The  book  is  on  the  whole  the  fullest  and  best  history  of  the  period 
which  has  yet  appeared  ;  it  displays  astonishing  labour  and  care ;  in 
those  parts  which  I  have  tested  I  have  found  unvarying  accuracy ;  we 
shall  look  forward  to  the  appearance  of  the  succeeding  volumes  of  what 
promises  to  be  the  permanent  textbook  for  this  period. 

J.  W.  Headlam. 

Die  Begrilndung  des  deutschen  Beiches  dicrch  Wilhehn  I.     Von  Heinrick 
VON  Sybel.     Band  VI.     (Miinchen  :  R.  Oldenbourg.     1894.) 

We  must  confess  to  some  little  disappointment  after  reading  the  sixth 
volume  of  Dr.  von  Sybel's  great  work  upon  the  foundation  of  the  German 
empire.  Indeed,  in  his  preface  the  author  himself  admits  that  he  does 
not  regard  this  portion  of  his  undertaking  with  unqualified  satisfaction. 
For  some  of  its  deficiencies  he  is  certainly  not  to  blame.  It  seems  that 
a  few  months  after  Prince  Bismarck's  retirement  in  the  spring  of  1890 
the  historian  was  no  longer  permitted  free  access  to  the  archives  of  the 
German  foreign  office.  Reasons  of  state  may  have  been  alleged  in 
support  of  this  irksome  prohibition  ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  in  very 
august  circles  there  was  a  feeling  that  Dr.  von  Sybel  had  put  the  figure 
of  the  fallen  chancellor  too  much  in  the  foreground  of  his  history.  There 
is  no  doubt  whatever  that  the  author  is  a  confirmed  admirer  of  Prince 
Bismarck,  but  an  imperial  censorship  of  history  is  not  a  very  edifying 
arrangement.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  him 
Sybel  went  on  with  his  labours.     He  found  that,  after  all,  the  documents- 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  597 

of  the  foreign  office  were  not  indispensable  to  a  clear  understanding  of 
the  four  years  of  '  the  armed  peace  '  between  the  close  of  the  Austrian 
and  the  beginning  of  the  Franco- German  war.  He  had  himself  taken 
part  in  many  of  the  events  which  he  describes  ;  he  had  known  others  who 
had  been  behind  the  scenes,  and  who  freely  communicated  to  him  their 
reminiscences  and  their  papers.  So  he  has  been  enabled  to  give  us  an 
historical  account,  which,  if  not  final,  is  at  least  full. 

The  present  volume  deals  with  the  events  of  two  years,  and  covers  the 
period  between  the  autumn  of  1866  and  the  close  of  1868.  They  were 
years  of  important  parHamentary  discussions  at  home  and  awkward  diplo- 
matic questions  abroad.  The  deliberations  on  the  constitution  of  the 
newly  founded  North  German  confederation,  the  relations  with  the 
southern  states,  the  preparations  for  the  Zollparlament,  which  was  to  pave 
the  way  for  an  imperial  Reichstag,  the  Luxemburg  question,  and  such  side- 
issues  as  the  Roman  policy  of  Napoleon  III,  the  elevation  of  a  German 
prince  to  the  Roumanian  throne,  and  the  Cretan  insurrection— all  these 
matters  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present  volume.  This  portion  of  the 
work  has,  it  is  true,  both  the  advantages  and  the  defects  which  of  neces- 
sity belong  to  the  treatment  of  an  epoch  so  very  near  our  own  time.  The 
fact  that  many  of  the  leading  men  of  that  period  are  still  active  politicians 
lends  liveliness  to  the  narrative  ;  but  this  very  circumstance  tends  to  make 
this  part  of  the  book  a  clever  political  pamphlet  rather  than  an  impartial 
history.  Sybel's  forte,  as  we  saw  in  the  earlier  volumes,  is  character- 
sketching,  and  if  he  has  given  us  nothing  quite  so  good  as  his  famous 
portrait  of  Prince  Bismarck  in  the  second  volume  some  of  his  sketches  of 
the  politicians  of  the  North  German  Reichstag  and  of  the  southern  states 
are  very  clever.  Bennigsen,  for  instance,  then,  as  now,  the  leader  of  the 
national  liberal  party,  is  happily  described  in  a  few  incisive  words,  while 
Miquel,  the  present  Prussian  minister  of  finance,  who  even  then  enjoyed 
a  great  reputation  for  practical  business  ability,  is  drawn  to  the  life.  We 
have  one  or  two  glimpses  of  Bebel,  at  that  time  the  only  socialist  in  par- 
liament, where  he  was  shortly  joined  by  Liebknecht,  and  we  are  treated 
to  an  excellent  account  of  the  first  full-dress  debate  on  socialism  (p.  255) 
ever  held  in  a  German  legislature.  But  to  the  politician  of  to-day 
perhaps  the  most  interesting  figure  in  these  pages  is  that  of  Prince 
Hohenlohe.  By  a  curious  coincidence  the  preface  was  written  in  the 
same  month  in  which  he  became  chancellor,  and  a  quotation  from  one 
of  his  speeches  as  Bavarian  premier  forms  an  appropriate  motto  to 
the  volume.  Sybel's  description  of  him,  as  he  was  in  1867,  deserves  to 
be  quoted.  *  He  was  regarded,'  writes  the  historian  (p.  206),  '  as  the  best 
friend  Prussia  possessed  among  the  Bavarian  statesmen,  and  it  was  to 
that  fact  that  his  appointment  as  a  minister  was  due.  He  was  thorough 
and  systematical  in  the  consideration  of  his  plans,  and  careful  and  cautious 
in  carrying  them  out,  full  of  benevolence  towards  his  fellow-men  and  of 
love  for  his  country — in  fact,  a  dutiful  and  trustworthy  character  in  any 
position.'  Convinced  that  the  movement  towards  the  unification  of 
Germany  was  slow,  if  sure,  he  declared  himself  resolved  to  do  nothing 
which  should  hinder  it.  The  first  speech  which  he  delivered  as  Bavarian 
premier  (19  Jan.  1867)  amply  justifies  the  estimate  which  Sybelhas  formed 
of  him. 


598  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

But  in  his  criticisms  of  the  poUticians  of  the  North  German  Eeichstag 
the  historian  is  apt  to  lose  himself  in  the  leader-writer.  Sybel  says  (p.  284) 
that  *  the  years  which  immediately  preceded  and  followed  the  Franco- 
German  war  were  the  golden  age  of  German  parliamentary  life.'  But  he  is 
very  severe  in  his  judgments  of  those  who  differed  from  his  hero  Bismarck. 
In  the  radicals  of  that  period  he  can  see  little  to  praise  ;  their  policy  he 
defines  in  one  passage  (p.  248)  as  '  the  desire  of  the  unattainable,  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  attainable,  and  a  scorn  of  all  compromise.'  He  cannot  describe 
a  miUtary  debate  in  the  French  chamber  without  a  significant  hit  at  the 
politicians  who  were  so  misguided  as  to  oppose  the  German  army  bill  of 
1893  (p^  337).  A  national  liberal  deputy  himself,  he  does  not  take  any 
pains  to  conceal  his  political  opinions.  But  he  certainly  possesses  a  very 
clear  conception  of  practical  politics.  There  is  nothing  better  in  the 
volume  than  the  masterly  sketch  of  German  parliamentary  life,  with  its 
defects  and  its  merits,  which  he  gives  us  in  one  place  (pp.  282-5).  He 
points  out  the  lack  of  party  discipline,  and  the  consequent  formation  of 
small  '  fractions,'  arising  out  of  the  inherent  *  particularistic  '  tendencies 
of  the  German  mind.  Every  proposal  was  buried  in  amendments,  and 
even  when  every  one  approved  the  principles  of  a  measure  every  one  had 
some  objections  to  its  details.  But,  at  the  same  time,  he  pays  a  warm 
tribute  of  admiration  to  the  eloquence  and  debating  powers  of  the  leading 
politicians  of  that  generation.  He  reminds  us  that,  in  those  days,  dis- 
cussions were  largely  objective,  measures  were  considered  on  their  merits, 
and  the  personalities  which  had  prevailed  during  the  '  period  of  conflict,' 
and  which  were  revived  with  the  Culturkampf,  were  happily  rare. 

In  his  treatment  of  foreign  politics  the  author's  bias  is  as  marked  as 
in  his  criticisms  of  domestic  affairs.  He  is  a  strong  Prussian  as  well  as 
a  convinced  national  liberal.  In  reading  his  account  of  the  state  of  feeling 
which  then  prevailed  in  the  south,  one  cannot  help  feeling  struck  with 
the  lack  of  consideration  which  he  shows  for  the  natural  sentiments  of 
kingdoms  like  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg.  And  when  he  goes  still  further 
afield,  and  writes  of  the  policy  of  other  governments  towards  Germany,  he 
presents  us  with  only  one  aspect  of  the  question,  and  that  the  Prussian 
one.  The  story  of  Luxemburg,  for  instance,  is  not  very  creditable  to  the 
parties  concerned,  but  Sybel  does  not  seem  to  think  that  Bismarck  had 
acted  in  any  but  the  frankest  manner  from  the  first.  He  recognises  that 
Napoleon  III  was  not  personally  anxious  for  a  quarrel  with  the  great 
adversary  whom  he  believed  to  have  outwitted  him,  but  was  forced  on  by 
public  opinion  and  the  presumed  interests  of  his  dynasty. 

Excellent  as  the  book  is  as  a  history  of  politics  and  diplomacy,  its  great 
want  is  the  complete  lack  of  social  and  economic  facts.  In  all  Sybel's 
six  long  volumes  we  are  told  little  or  nothing  about  the  condition  of  the 
people,  the  state  of  trade,  the  influence  of  literature  and  the  universities 
upon  the  political  movements  of  the  time.  The  author  throughout  tra- 
verses the  surface  of  things.  Now  and  again  he  indulges  in  a  clever 
retrospect  of  some  particular  question,  but  he  shows  no  desire  to  pene- 
trate deep  into  social  affairs.  He  is  careful  to  give  us  the  exact  figures  of 
every  important  division  in  the  Eeichstag,  but  he  lets  us  hear  hardly 
anything  of  what  was  going  on  among  the  people,  as  distinct  from  the 
politicians,  outside.     Still  the  work  is  probably  the  best  that  has  appeared 


i 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  699 

upon  the  subject,  and  is  a  mine  of  political  information  which  no  student 
of  modem  German  history  can  afford  to  neglect.  This  volume,  like  its 
predecessors,  is  extremely  well  printed  and  remarkably  free  from  typo- 
graphical blunders.  W.  Miller. 


Life  and  Letters  of  Edward  A.  Freeman,     By  W.  R.  W.  Stephens, 
B.D.,   Dean    of  Winchester.     2  vols.     (London  :    Macmillan  &  Co. 

1895.) 

In  the  seventh  volume  of  this  Review  there  appeared  an  obituary  notice 
of  the  historian  of  the  Norman  Conquest  and  of  Sicily,  so  full  and  so 
satisfactory  in  its  delicate  appreciation  of  his  character  that  after  the 
lapse  of  three  years  the  publication  of  his  life  leaves  the  reviewer  little  to 
say,  except  to  observe  how  remarkably  the  estimate  of  Freeman's  character 
contained  in  that  article  is  confirmed  by  the  now  published  *  Life.' 

The  choice  of  Mr.  Stephens  (who  has  become  dean  of  Winchester  in 
the  interval  between  the  composition  of  this  book  and  its  publication)  to 
be  the  biographer  of  Mr.  Freeman  was  a  very  wise  one,  and  has  been 
abundantly  justified  by  the  result.  He  occupied  just  that  position  of  a 
younger  comrade  and  counsellor  which  best  enables  a  man  to  understand 
the  work  of  a  master  and  interpret  it  to  the  generation  following.  It  is 
curioas  that  the  very  first  letter  addressed  by  Freeman  to  his  future 
biographer  strikes  this  note  of  mutual  understanding. 

I  find  from  the  dean's  account  that  you  are  the  most  discerning  of  man- 
kind :  that  is,  that  you  found  out  what  a  shy  body  I  am.  That  is  one  of  the 
thincfs  which  Mr.  Timbs  ought  to  put  into  the  next  edition  of  '  Things  not 
geneially  known.'  I  never  can  make  people  believe  it,  but  so  it  is.  I  once 
began  a  speech  with, '  I  feel  great  diffidence,'  and  everybody  burst  out  laughing ; 
but  'twas  true  all  the  same.' 

The  biographer  adds  this  explanation  : 

I  met  Mr.  Freeman  for  the  first  time  in  November  of  this  year  [1871]  at  the 
house  of  my  father-in-law,  Dean  Hook,  and  I  remarked  to  the  dean  not  long 
afterwards  that  I  thought  Freeman's  occasional  roughness  and  shortness  of 
manner  to  strangers  was  mainly  the  awkwardness  of  a  shy  man.  That  the  dean 
should  have  repeated  this  remark  to  Freeman  is  a  striking  point  of  the  freedom 
and  candour  which  marked  their  intercourse. 

Having  myself  for  several  years  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  Freeman's 
friendship,  having  known  him  both  as  the  guest  and  host,  and,  what  is 
more  to  the  purpose,  as  a  companion  in  travel,  I  can  give  my  emphatic 
attestation  to  the  truth  of  this  judgment  of  his  biographer.  He  was 
essentially  a  shy,  reserved,  lonely-minded  man.  In  this  lay  both  his 
strength  and  his  weakness.  He  thought  his  own  thoughts  out  clearly, 
and  he  was  able  to  express  them  forcibly ;  but  he  had  little  or  no  power  of 
perceiving  what  was  passing  in  the  minds  of  others.  Most  of  his 
friends  who  heard  him  speak  on  public  platforms  could  add  droll 
instances  from  their  own  recollection  to  those  mentioned  by  ^Ir.  Bryce  ' 
of  his   tendency   to   shoot  over  the  heads  of   his  audience   and   of   his 

'  English  Historical  Ekview,  vii.  hOo. 


600  llEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

entire  unconsciousness  ^hat  names  and  ideas  which  were  the  veriest 
commonplaces  to  him  were  quite  out  of  their  intellectual  range.  No  doubt 
this  quahty  of  Freeman's  mind  somewhat  lessened  his  usefulness  as  a 
teacher,  and  it  would  probably  have  prevented  his  taking  high  rank  as  a 
debater  if  he  had  ever  succeeded  in  entering  parliament.  On  the  other 
hand,  as  I  have  already  hinted,  it  was  a  limitation  which  had  something 
to  do  with  the  very  vigour  and  originality  of  his  thought.  Now  that 
we  read  in  the  dean  of  Winchester's  pages  the  story  of  Freeman's  boy- 
hood, some  of  us  who  knew  him  only  in  his  maturity  find  therein  the 
key  to  much  which  we  scarcely  understood  before.  This  lonely  little 
child,  who  never  knew  his  father  or  his  mother,  being  left  an  orphan  in 
his  secohd  year,  who  from  the  age  of  three  had  but  one  sister,  twelve 
years  older  than  himself,  and  an  aged  and  uncongenial  grandmother 
for  the  inmates  of  his  home,  was  inevitably  thrown  in  upon  himself, 
and  had  no  practice  in  that  unspoken  language  by  which  most  men 
learn  instinctively  something  of  what  is  passing  in  the  minds  of 
their  fellows.  At  school  and  college  he  still  remained  comparatively 
lonely.  It  says  much  for  the  real  warmth  of  his  nature  and  the  genuine 
goodness  of  his  heart  that  he  was  so  intensely  beloved  in  his  family 
circle,  and  that  he,  who  had  been  friendless  in  youth,  made  so  many 
strong  and  true  friendships  in  later  life. 

Excellent  as  are  the  narrative  portions  of  Mr.  Stephens's  biography — 
and  among  these  I  would  particularly  refer  to  his  sketch  of  Freeman's 
attitude  on  the  eastern  question  (chap,  viii.) — probably  the  pages  which 
contain  his  own  letters  are  those  on  which  most  readers  will  dwell  the 
longest.  Here  the  biographer's  task  has  been  a  most  difficult  one, 
from  the  necessity  of  rejecting  so  large  a  part  of  the  copious  material 
which  lay  before  him.  I  imagine  that  most  of  Freeman's  correspondents 
kept  his  letters,  and  to  most  of  them  he  wrote  very  generously.  If  the 
dean  had  published  all  even  of  the  racy  and  interesting  letters  which 
were  forwarded  to  him  by  the  receivers,  these  two  modest  volumes  would 
perhaps  have  been  swollen  to  twelve.  But  those  which  are  given  are  well 
selected,  and  bring  before  us  in  bold  outline  the  character  of  the  man, 
with  his  massive  learning,  his  industry,  his  playful  humour,  and,  it  must 
be  added,  his  tremendous  and  ineradicable  prejudices.  One  used  often  to 
feel  on  receiving  such  a  letter,  full  of  recondite  historical  allusions, 
that  it  would  be  a  good  thing  to  set  it  as  an  examination  paper  in  the 
schools,  requiring  a  candidate  to  explain  the  jokes,  as  in  old  days 
one  had  to  explain  the  jokes  of  Aristophanes.  The  difficulty,  it  is 
true,  was  then  increased  by  the  physical  effort  of  mastering  a  hand- 
writing which  looked  so  neat,  and  which  was  sometimes  so  undecipherable. 
But  even  now  that  they  appear  before  us  in  all  the  luxury  of  good  type, 
and  with  some  editorial  annotations,  there  will  be  some  passages  left 
over  which  many  readers  will  break  their  shins.  The  jokes,  however, 
are  generally  pretty  well  worn,  and  the  allusions,  once  mastered, 
graciously  reappear.  We  get  to  understand  that  the  verb  '  to  preach  ' 
forms  a  perfect  '  praught,'  after  the  analogy  of  '  teach.'  We  know  that 
the  French  will  be  generally  spoken  of,  in  the  language  of  the  *  Chronicle,' 
as  '  Gal-Welsh,'  and  that  the  Italians  are  by  analogy  '  Rum- Welsh,'  that 
*  Dutch '  means  what  ordinary  speakers  call  German  and  '  Hollander ' 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  601 

Dutch.  So  too  popes  are  always  *  paips,'  and  S.  Maria  Maggiore  is 
*  Mary  Major.'  '  For  one  or  two  of  these  famiHar  jokes  or  allusions  his 
xjorrespondents  always  prepared  themselves  when  they  sat  down  to  master 
the  difficulties  of  the  well-known  handwriting.  Alas  that  none  of  these 
riddles  of  the  Sphinx  will  ever  perplex  them  more ! 

As  it  is  the  Life  of  Freeman  that  I  am  here  reviewing,  I  purposely 
■dwell  chiefly  on  his  personal  characteristics.  There  are  probably  but  few 
men  who  are  competent  to  pronounce  judgment  on  the  vast  mass  of 
historical  material  (the  mere  titles  of  which  occupy  ten  pages  in  the 
dean's  excellent  bibliographical  appendix)  which  Freeman  has  left  behind 
him,  and  of  these  few  certainly  I  am  not  one.  No  one  surely  can  even 
glance  through  that  list  of  histories,  articles,  essays,  handbooks,  without 
admiring  the  immense  industry  of  the  writer,  who  in  every  one  of  these 
productions  had  some  distinct  fragment  of  knowledge,  which  with  all  the 
energy  that  was  in  him  he  sought  to  convey  to  the  world.  Opinions  will 
vary  as  to  the  gain  or  loss  to  historical  science  caused  by  the  fact  that 
his  *  History  of  Federal  Government '  was  left  unfinished.  My  own  con- 
jecture is  that,  on  the  whole,  the  gain  outweighs  the  loss.  Over  such  an 
enormously  wide  field  as  Federal  Government  would  have  justified  him 
in  roving,  it  would  have  been  exceptionally  difficult  for  him  to  concentrate 
his  forces  and  to  condense  his  narrative.  It  seems  to  me  that  we  might 
have  thus  gained  a  somewhat  discursive  history  of  various  countries  with 
little  real  relation  to  one  another,  and  have  lost  those  '  possessions  for 
ever,'  the  histories  of  the  Norman  Conquest  and  of  Sicily.  Among  his 
smaller  books  one  belonging  to  his  later  period,  the  '  Six  Lectures  on  the 
Ohief  Periods  of  European  History,'  seems  to  me  one  of  the  most  valuable 
and  one  of  the  most  characteristic.  If  one  Avished  to  give  to  a  young 
student  a  summary  of  the  foundation  truths  of  Freeman's  historical 
teaching,  I  do  not  think  one  could  do  better  than  put  this  book  in  his 
hands.  Even  the  very  name  of  the  last  lecture,  *  The  World  Eomeless,' 
shows  how  he,  a  Teuton  of  Teutons,  who  might  be  almost  called  a  bigot 
in  his  Teutonism,  felt  the  fascination  of  '  the  great  city '  which  once 
■*  reigned  over  the  kings  of  the  earth.' 

The  readers  of  the  dean  of  Winchester's  book  will,  I  think,  receive  a 
very  vivid  and  truthful  impression  of  what  manner  of  man  the  historian 
of  the  Norman  Conquest  was  in  his  strength  and  in  his  weakness,  in  the 
wide  range  of  his  reading  and  the  somewhat  restricted  range  of  his 
sympathies.  Even  his  opponents — and  they  are  many,  and  he  both  dealt 
and  received  stout  blows  in  battle  with  them — will  recognise  that  he  was  a 
man  of  noble  and  generous  nature,  and  that  as  a  scientific  historian  he 
did  truly  hunger  and  thirst  after  accuracy,  though  he  would  have  been 
the  first  to  admit  that  he  did  not  always  attain  it.  As  the  seven  wise  men 
of  Greece  had  each  his  favourite  saying,  so  Freeman   in  my  recollection 

•  On  p.  413  of  the  second  volume  there  is  one  of  Freeman's  favourite  jokes,  to 
which  the  biographer  has  not,  I  think,  anywhere  supplied  the  much-needed  explan- 
ation. In  a  letter  written  from  Tunis  he  says,  'H.H.  the  bug  himself  cannot  be 
called  the  leading  bug,  seeing  he  is  led  by  the  nose  by  a  French  resident.'  The  allu- 
sion is  to  a  printer's  error,  the  recollection  of  which  always  gave  Freeman  food  for 
mirth,  by  which  '  three  leading  Spartan  beys '  were  transformed  into  '  three  leading 
Spartan  bugs.' 


602  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

will  always  be  associate*  with  a  saying,  so  expressive  of  his  own  temper, 
so  little  expressive  of  the  tendency  of  our  age  : — 

I  could  never  understand  why  any  man  should  be  ashamed  to  confess  that  he 
does  know  a  subject  which  he  has  made  his  own,  or  that  he  does  not  know  a 
subject  of  which  he  is  ignorant. 

Thos.  Hodgkin. 


Notes  on  the  Churches  of  Cheshire.  By  the  late  Sir  Stephen  K.  Glynne, 
Bart.  Edited  by  the  Rev.  J.  A.  Atkinson,  M.A.,  D.C.L.  (ReTiiains, 
Historical  and  Literary,  connected  ivith  the  Palatine  Counties  of 
Lancaster  and  Chester.  New  Series.  XXXII.)  (Manchester  :  printed 
for  the  Chetham  Society.     1894.) 

The  Chetham  Society  has  followed  up  its  publication  of  Sir  Stephen 
Glynne's  '  Notes  on  the  Churches  of  Lancashire '  by  a  companion  volume 
of  notes  by  the  same  ecclesiologist  on  the  churches  of  Cheshire — not,  how- 
ever, including  the  cathedral.  Sir  Stephen's  observations  range  over  the 
period  from  1832  to  1869,  and  later  information  (under  the  date  of 
1893)  is  supplied  by  the  editor.  '  So  many  changes,'  he  truly  observes, 
'  are  from  time  to  time  being  made  in  churches,  that,  after  a  few  years,  de- 
scriptions cease  to  be  accurate.'  One  sad  instance — though  in  this  case  it 
was  accidental — is  afforded  by  the  historic  church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist 
at  Chester,  the  fine  western  tower  of  w^hich  has  fallen  since  Sir  Stephen's 
time.  The  first  church  described  in  the  volume  is  that  of  Nantwich  (St. 
Mary  and  St.  Nicholas),  *  undoubtedly  the  largest  and  finest  in  the  county.' 
It  has  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  the  subject  of  what  Sir  Stephen  con- 
sidered to  be  '  one  of  the  finest  and  most  satisfactory  restorations  of  a  grand 
church  that  can  be  seen.'  Another  good  church  is  that  of  Bunbury,  inte- 
resting not  only  in  itself,  but  also  as  containing  the  tomb  of  Sir  Hugh 
Calverley.  St.  Chad's  at  Wybunbury  is,  or  was,  remarkable  for  its  leaning 
tower,  which,  when  it  '  had  declined  no  less  than  five  feet  six  inches  from 
the  perpendicular,'  was  not  only  saved  from  falling  in  1836,  but  was  set 
nearly  upright  again  '  by  the  scientific  skill  of  Mr.  James  Trubshaw, 
architect,'  and  '  is  standing  to  this  day.'  Another  St.  Chad's,  at  Over,  can 
boast  of  a  legend  (of  a  type  not  uncommon  in  folk-lore)  to  account  for  its 
peculiar  situation  :  the  devil  was  flying  away  with  the  church,  when  the 
prayers  of  its  rectors,  the  monks  of  Vale  Eoyal,  constrained  him  to  drop 
it,  and  it  came  down  in  the  hollow  where  it  now  stands.  Gawsworth, 
which  Sir  Stephen  qualifies  as  a  '  neat '  church,  has  risen  of  late  into  fame 
not  exactly  of  an  ecclesiastical  kind,  for  it  contains  the  effigy  of  the  frail 
Mary  Fitton,  whom  modern  ingenuity  has  identified  with  the  *  dark  lady  ' 
of  Shakespeare's  sonnets.  The  editor,  travelling  a  little  outside  his  subject, 
records  the  motto  of  the  first  Sir  Edward  Fitton,  knight,  placed  over  the 
door  of  the  old  hall — Fit  onus  leve  et  jugiim  suave  uniLm  quodque  nihil 
omne  totum.  '  The  first  two  words  are  clearly  a  play  on  the  family  name, 
but  the  translation  has  puzzled  the  best  Latin  scholars.'  Clear  enough,  as 
an  indication  of  somebody's  simple  and  uncompromising  political  and 
religious  sentiments,  are  the  lines  written  with  a  diamond  on  the  glass  of 
the  north  window  of  the  chancel  of  St.  Mary's  Chapel  or  Church,  Bruera, 
invoking  eternal  condemnation  upon  '  Popes,  Prelates,  Jacobitism,  idolatry.* 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  60a 

The  noting  of  this  anonymous  scrawl  of  the  eighteenth  century  shows  the 
care  with  which  every  detail  that  can  possibly  be  of  interest  has  been 
recorded.  One  other  quotation  may  cause  some  perplexity.  In  the  notes 
on  St.  John's,  Chester,  mention  is  made  of  the  *  tombstone  of  John  de 
Serjaun,  with  cross  and  sword ; '  no  date  assigned,  but,  as  modern  tombs 
are  rarely  undated,  it  may  be  presumed  to  be  ancient.  Then  immediately 
follow  the  lines — 

*  Their  bones  are  dust, 

And  their  good  Swords  rust. 

Their  souls  are  with  the  Saints,  we  trust ' 

— a  slight  variation  of  Scott's  variation  (in  '  Ivanhoe  ')  of  the  concluding 
three  lines  of  Coleridge's  '  Knight's  Tomb.'  If  they  are  here  introduced  as 
an  ornamental  quotation,  they  are  hardly  in  place  in  a  book  of  which  the 
business  is  merely  to  record  facts ;  if  they  are  actually  on  the  tomb  of 
John  de  Serjaun,  the  inscription  at  least  must  be  modern,  unless,  indeed, 
we  suppose  that  Coleridge  took  the  lines  from  St.  John's  at  Chester. 

Edith  Thompson. 

Memorials  of  St.  James's  Palace.     By  Edgar  Sheppard,  M.A. 
2  vols.     (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  pages  of  these  handsome  volumes  are  singularly  unequal  in  value, 
but  perhaps  this  was  necessitated  by  the  nature  of  the  subject.  They 
include  a  number  of  royal  portraits,  pictures  of  plate,  and  reproductions  of 
historical  prints  in  the  possession  of  her  majesty  the  Queen,  of  great 
interest  to  the  historian,  together  with  several  pages  of  facsimiles  of  the 
signatures  made  in  the  Chapel  Royal  Register  on  the  day  of  the  duke  of 
York's  wedding,  not  yet  of  historical  interest.  They  contain  a  history 
of  the  palace,  its  architectural  development  and  historical  associations, 
together  with  much  minute  detail  touching  all  the  royal  and  other  bap- 
tisms which  have  taken  place  in  the  Chapel  Royal,  including  those  of  the 
present  reign,  not  to  speak  of  valuable  contributions  from  specialists  on 
the  history  of  the  drama,  of  armour,  plate  and  tapestry.  The  historian  will 
feel  that  the  present  day  has  received  more  than  its  share  of  the  care 
lavished  on  this  book,  and  the  more  so  because  the  historical  part,  though 
professedly  a  compilation,  is  carefully  written  with  full  references  to  autho- 
rities. In  a  work  of  this  kind  it  would  not  be  reasonable  to  expect  a  complete 
concordance  of  all  the  historical  references  to  St.  James's  Palace,  interest- 
ing as  such  a  collection  would  be  ;  those  which  enter  Mr.  Sheppard's 
classification  under  special  headings,  such  as  births,  baptisms,  marriages, 
deaths,  court  functions  and  entertainments,  are  very  fully  treated,  but  the 
references  of  a  general  character  given  in  the  first  tw^o  chapters  might 
have  been  enriched.  The  history  of  St.  James's  Park  will  be  found  more 
fully  told  in  Larwood's  *  Story  of  the  London  Parks.'  It  is  worth 
remembering  that  though  in  a  sense  we  owe  the  park  to  Charles  II,  it 
was  to  the  good  taste  of  Le  Notre  that  we  owe  its  comparatively  rural 
appearance.  It  was  the  man  who  had  laid  out  the  gardens  of  the 
Tuileries  who  persuaded  Charles  II  to  avoid  the  French  example  and  keep 
that  natural  simplicity  which  '  had  something  more  grand  than  he  could 
impart  to  it.'     It  was  urged  at  the  beginning  of  the  century  that  the 


•604  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

buildings  of  St.  James'^look  unworthy  of  a  royal  palace,  and  Wyndham 
said,  '  If  it  does  not  look  like  a  palace  it  does  not  look  like  anything  else.' 
The  same  may  be  said  of  these  volumes,  which  if  they  do  not  look  like  a 
book  for  a  royal  palace  do  not  look  like  anything  else. 

Mary  Bateson. 


John  BiLssell  Colviriy  the  last  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  North-West 
under  the  Company.  By  Sm  Auckland  Colvin,  K.C.S.I.,  K.C.M.G., 
C.I.E.,  lately  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  North-Western  Provinces. 
{BuUrs  of  India.)     (Oxford:  Clarendon  Press.     1895.) 

This  concluding  volume  of  the  '  Eulers  of  India  '  series  has  a  unique 
value  of  its  own.  It  is  a  filial  tribute  to  a  very  distinguished  civil  servant 
whose  great  services  never  received  adequate  recognition  ;  it  is  an  original 
<;ontribution,  based  on  hitherto  unpublished  material,  to  the  history  of 
British  India  ;  and,  lastly,  it  is  an  important  historical  rectification  of  a 
view  which  since  the  time  of  Sir  John  Kaye  had  taken  .possession  of  the 
field.  There  is  no  need  here  to  sketch  the  life  which  Sir  Auckland 
Colvin  records  with  charming  literary  taste  and  genuine  historical  appre- 
ciation. It  will  be  read  by  all  by  whom  Indian  history  is  studied  and 
to  whom  the  Mutiny  is  still  a  tale  of  absorbing  interest.  I  need  only 
call  attention  to  the  important  points  in  which  Sir  Auckland  Colvin  adds 
to  our  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  of  the  first  Afghan  war.  He  dwells 
upon  the  despatch  from  the  board  of  control,  dated  25  June,  which 
decided  Lord  Auckland's  subsequent  policy  and  was  the  ultimate  cause  of 
the  war.  To  this  despatch  Sir  John  Kaye  makes  no  reference.  In  his 
sketch  of  the  events  which  resulted  in  the  war  the  author  is  able,  by  refer- 
ence to  documents  which  Sir  John  Kaye,  at  least  in  later  life,  could  have 
consulted,  but  was  content  to  ignore,  to  reverse  entirely  the  common  verdict 
against  Lord  Auckland  and  his  advisers.  Sir  Auckland  Colvin's  conclu- 
sive demonstration  renders  a  part  of  Captain  Trotter's  life  of  this  governor- 
general  in  the  same  series  palpably  misleading.  Passages  in  which  the 
blame  for  the  disastrous  imbroglio  appears  to  be  laid  upon  Lord  Auckland 
and,  still  more,  upon  Colvin  and  Torrens,  must  be  modified  in  any  future 
edition.  This  is  the  most  important  historical  point  in  Sir  Auckland's 
book,  but  every  chapter  has  an  interest  and  attraction  of  its  own,  and  it 
is  impossible  to  read  the  account  of  the  noble  self-sacrifice  of  the  last  few 
months  without  emotion.  W.  H.  Hutton, 


The  History  of  the  United  States.     By  E.  Benjamin  Andrews,  Presi- 
dent of  Brown  University.     (London  :  Smith,  Elder,  &  Co.     1895.) 

Mr.  Andrews's  book  is  clear  and  sensible,  and  is  evidently  based  on  a 
careful  study  of  good  authorities.  But  in  a  measure  it  falls  between  two 
stools.  Its  dimensions  leave  it  beyond  the  sphere  of  manuals  and  text- 
books. A  somewhat  monotonous  and  unimpressive  style,  a  lack  of  indi- 
viduahty  and  freshness  in  its  conception  of  men  and  events,  and  a  total 
absence  of  references  keep  it  out  of  the  category  of  high-class  literary 
work.     It  fails,  too,  somewhat  in  the  matter  of  proportion.     In  little  mor6 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  605 

than  seven  hundred  pages  Mr.  Andrews  covers  the  whole  field  of  United 
States  history,  not  even  ignoring  the  mound- builders.  In  such  a  book  a- 
description  of  the  Philadelphia  exhibition,  occupying  eight  pages  and 
written  in  the  style  of  an  intelligent  newspaper  article,  is  hardly  in  place. 
There  is,  too,  a  conspicuous  absence  of  any  distinct  and  effective  portraiture 
of  individuals.  The  great  men  of  the  revolution  are  indeed  paraded  before 
one  with  somewhat  conventional  and  undiscriminating  analogies,  but 
no  salient  features  of  character  abide  in  the  reader's  memory.  It 
would  not  be  difficult  to  pick  out  a  good  many  vulnerable  points  in 
the  writer's  style.  In  his  description  of  the  great  battles  of  the  war  of 
secession  he  constantly  uses  the  present  tense  with  unpleasant  effect. 
Leisler,  the  demagogue  who  headed  a  revolution  in  New  York,  '  assumed 
to  function  '  in  Nicholson's  stead.  To  say  that  the  Indian,  '  sometimes 
brave,  was  oftener  treacherous,  cruel,  revengeful,'  seems  rather  an  odd 
attempt  at  antithesis.  It  would  be  truer  to  say  that  he  was  always  all  of 
these.  One  event  '  antedates  '  another,  instead  of  preceding  it,  and  Mr. 
Andrews  does  not  tell,  but  *  details.'  To  say  that  '  not  a  few  New  England 
theologians  and  lawyers  were  peers  to  the  ablest  of  their  time '  is  a  not 
very  graceful  expression  of  a  rather  doubtful  view.  One  may  say  the 
same  of  Mr.  Andrews's  sketch  of  Washington  at  the  outset  of  his  career. 
*  At  sixteen  he  became  a  land  surveyor,  leading  a  life  of  the  roughest  sort ; 
beasts,  savages,  hardy  frontiersmen  his  constant  companions,  sleeping 
under  the  sky  and  cooking  his  own  coarse  food.'  Did  the  companionable 
beasts  help  to  cook  the  food  ?  And  is  it  not  at  least  a  peculiar  use  of 
language  to  say  that  '  the  future  father  of  his  country  was  of  humble 
origin  '  ?  Where,  too,  did  Mr.  Andrews  read  of  '  Sir  '  Edward  Braddock  ? 
Yet  with  these  remarks  Mr.  Andrews's  book  represents  solid  and  intelli- 
gent historical  study,  and  it  is  of  no  little  interest  as  showing  the  strides 
which  American  history  has  made  in  advance  of  the  practical  optimism  of 
Mr.  Bancroft  and  the  learned  advocacy  of  Mr.  Palfrey.       J.  A.  Doyle. 


A  Treatise  on  Ecclesiastical  Heraldry.     By  John  Woodwaed,  LL.D. 
(Edinburgh  :  W.  and  A.  K.  Johnston.     1894.) 

This  work  displays  the  same  sound  and  extensive  learning  as  the  general 
*  Treatise  on  Heraldry,'  which  the  author  completed  from  the  materials  of 
the  late  Dr.  George  Burnett,  and  which  we  noticed  some  time  ago  (vol.  vii. 
p.  814).  Many  of  its  more  attractive  features,  e.g.  the  handsome  series  of 
blazons  of  the  arms  of  all  the  sees  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  its  colonies, 
He  outside  the  strict  province  of  this  Review,  though  we  may  observe  that 
in  some  instances  (as  in  the  cases  of  the  sees  of  Lincoln  and  Manchester) 
the  tinctures  on  the  shields  do  not  in  all  points  agree  with  those  indicated 
in  the  descriptions.  The  criticisms  which  the  author  passes  on  several  coats 
recently  assumed  or  modified  are  conceived  in  the  best  taste  and  animated 
by  a  sober  historical  feeUng.  That  which  is  of  definite  historical  value  is 
the  fulness  of  illustration  (assisted  by  admirable  plates)  by  means  of  which 
he  explains  the  diversity  of  usage  in  the  bearing  of  arms  and  their  various 
accompaniments  in  different  countries  and  at  different  times.  ^  The  lists  of 
sees,  chapters,  and  rehgious  houses,  with  their  arms— extending  from  the 
British  islands  to  France  and  the  imperial  territories,  and  even  further 


606  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

into  the  eastern  regions  ftf  modern  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary — while 
not  pretending  to  be  complete,  are  within  their  limits  extremely  serviceable. 
In  the  account  given  of  the  origin  of  the  official  arms  adopted  by 
bishops  and  other  dignitaries  Dr.  Woodward  brings  together  a  large 
amount  of  material  of  various  quality.  He  is  too  prone  to  look  backward 
to  the  ages  long  before  heraldry  existed,  and  does  not  always  show  a  clear 
perception  of  what  is  history  and  what  legend.  Thus  the  well-attested 
fact  that  Leo  III  sent  the  holy  keys  and  a  banner  to  Charles  the  Great 
should  not  be  recorded  (p.  153)  with  much  the  same  air  of  incredulity  as 
the  fable  of  the  coronet  sent  by  the  Frank  Chlodovech  to  Eome  (p.  151), 
nor  should  the  legend  that  the  father  of  Archbishop  Willigis  of  Mentz  was 
a  'millwright'  be  seemingly  accepted  as  truth  (p.  254).  Moreover  in 
travelling  from  heraldry  into  the  field  of  history  Dr.  Woodward,  we  are 
sorry  to  say,  falls  into  a  large  number  of  more  or  less  serious  errors.  We 
read  on  p.  418  that  the  Benedictines  were  in  England  '  commonly  known 
as  the  Black  Friars,'  and  that  this  order  included  the  monastery  at  Oxford 
which  afterwards  became  a  cathedral  :  St.  Frideswide's  was,  in  fact,  an 
Augustinian  priory.  On  p.  417  the  priory  of  Carlisle  is  said  to  have  been 
*  made  '  a  cathedral  by  Henry  VIII,  whereas  it  had  been  one  since  the  time 
of  Henry  I.  The  abbey  of  St.  Werburg  is  called  the  *  priory  '  of  Chester 
(p.  194).  A  far  more  weighty  fault  is  committed  when  the  university  of 
Bologna  is  said  to  have  been  '  founded  in  1088  '  (p.  456).  The  date,  1385, 
assigned  to  the  '  united  bishopric  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield '  (p.  183)  is 
quite  wrong ;  and  the  phrase  '  united  bishopric  '  is  misleading,  since  there 
were  never  two  separate  sees.  On  p.  186  the  date  664  is  a  mistake  for 
644,  and  we  do  not  understand  why  Dr.  Woodward  omits  the  bishops  of 
Rochester  before  Ithamar.  On  p.  217  the  expression  '  the  sees  of  the  old 
foundation  '  is  incorrectly  used.  The  statement  that  *  both  the  arch- 
bishops '  of  Armagh  and  Dublin  '  have  the  right  to  use  the  primatial  cross 
over  the  whole  of  Ireland  '  (p.  Ill)  should  be  guarded  by  a  note  that 
down  to  the  fourteenth  century  there  was  the  same  dispute  between  them 
on  this  point  as  existed  between  the  two  English  archbishops.  The  asser- 
tion that  *  sovereign  princes  and  nobles  of  high  rank  had  sometimes  the 
rank  of  honorary  canons '  (p.  50)  requires  qualification,  since  the  title  of 
honorary  canon  can  claim  no  antiquity,  and  the  dignitaries  in  question, 
though  they  exercised  no  functions,  occupied  actual  stalls.  The  use  of 
the  amess  was  not,  as  Dr.  Woodward  leads  us  to  infer  (p.  46),  confined  to 
canons  :  it  was  occasionally  allowed  to  monks,  e.g.  to  those  of  Worcester 
by  a  privilege  of  Nicholas  IV  in  1289.  To  say  that  Mentz  was  *  originally 
suffragan  to  Trier '  (p.  252)  is  extremely  hazardous.  Magdeburg  is  by  a 
shp  styled  a '  prince-bishopric  '  on  p.  299,  though  in  the  sequel  its  occupant 
is  correctly  given  the  title  of  archbishop.  Matilda,  abbess  of  Quedlinburg, 
was  daughter,  not  sister,  of  Otto  the  Great,  and  her  grandfather  Henry  I 
did  not  defeat  the  Huns,  but  the  Hungarians  (p.  347).  Quedlinburg  is 
variously  spelled  Quedlimburg  and  Quedlemburg,  and  indexed  as  two 
separate  places,  while  the  nuns  of  the  Benedictine  abbey  are  also  called 
'canonesses'  (p.  481).  This  last  mistake  is  not  surprising,  since  else- 
where (pp.  418,  420)  Franciscans  and  Carmelites  are  indifferently  styled 
^  monks.'  On  p.  398  we  are  totally  at  a  loss  to  understand  what  is  meant 
by  '  Interlacken  [sic]  or  Lac  de  Joux.'     Errors  in  dates  are  too  common. 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  607 

On  p.  53  the  year  1363— taken,  we  suppose,  from  Valentine  Green— should 
be  1365.  On  p.  68  1271  is  wrong,  since  Gregory  X  was  not  consecrated 
until  27  March  1272.  On  p.  153  the  death  of  Clement  IV  is  placed  in 
1271  instead  of  1268.  German  names  are  very  frequently  misspelled  or 
spelled  in  a  French  way,  and  the  sign  of  vowel-modification  is  often 
inserted  where  it  should  not  be  (as  in  Frankfurt,  p.  124,  &c. ;  Hohenlohe, 
p.  273 ;  Gratz,  p.  454).  Misprints  like  Vienne  for  Vienna  (p.  456)  and 
Vienna  for  Vienne  (p.  502,  No.  3)  are  unlucky. 

We  do  not  call  attention  to  these  faults  with  the  object  of  disparaging 
a  book  of  which  the  great  merits  are  unquestionable.  Dr.  Woodward 
breaks  new  ground  in  making  a  comparative  study  of  the  heraldic  usage 
of  the  entire  catholic  church,  including  its  Anglican  descendant.  He  has 
collected  a  mass  of  valuable  evidence,  which  it  is  extremely  convenient  to 
have  put  together  in  a  single  treatise.  Our  chief  criticism  is  that  in 
matters  of  detail— mainly  non-heraldic  detail  -his  statements  are  often 
wanting  in  accuracy.  His  book  will  assuredly  be  consulted  as  a  standard 
authority,  and  we  hope,  therefore,  that  he  will  subject  it  to  a  careful 
revision  before  bringing  out  the  second  edition,  which  will  no  doubt  soon 
be  called  for.  It  would  be  much  to  be  regretted  if  the  number  of  small 
mistakes  in  it,  mostly  easy  to  be  corrected,  should  interfere  with  the  due 
recognition  of  the  author's  long  and  arduous  labours. 

Reginald  L.  Poole. 


Archery  (Badminton  Library  Series).     By  C.  J.  Longman  and  Colonel 
H.  Walrond.     (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.     1894.) 

We  have  only  to  deal  with  the  historical  portion  of  this  volume,  whose 
contents  are  of  very  uneven  merit,  chapters  full  of  information  and  research 
being  strangely  mixed  with  chronicles  of  local  archery  clubs.  One 
excellent  chapter  on  the  *  Decline  of  Archery  in  the  Sixteenth  Century,' 
by  Colonel  Walrond,  deserves  warm  praise.  It  contains  a  good  deal  of  new 
matter,  extracted  from  State  Papers  of  the  Elizabethan  age,  as  well  as  four 
contemporary  treatises  on  the  art  of  war.  The  curious  controversy 
between  Sir  John  Smythe,  Humphrey  Barwick,  capitaine,  soldat  et  encore 
plus  aultre,  and  Sir  Roger  Williams  is  well  worth  notice.  Smythe,  advo- 
cating the  retention  of  the  bow  as  the  national  weapon  of  the  English 
army  in  his '  Certain  Discourse  '  of  1590,  was  warmly  opposed  by  Barwick,  a 
vehement  advocate  of  firearms.  The  point  on  which  they  practically  join 
issue  is  the  efficiency  of  bow  as  compared  with  harquebus  as  a  weapon 
for  general  service.  The  pace  of  fire  was  allowed  by  both  to  be  in  the 
favour  of  the  archer,  but  the  certainty  and  penetrating  power  of  the 
harquebus  are  disputed.  Smythe  says  that  musketeers  habitually  became 
so  flurried  in  action  that  they  forgot  to  put  w^adding  between  the  powder  and 
the  ball,  or  even  omitted  it  on  the  top  of  the  ball,  so  that  the  bullet  dropped 
out  when  they  depressed  the  muzzle  and  before  they  had  snapped  the 
cock.  Barwick,  on  the  other  hand,  accuses  the  bowman  of  getting  equally 
nervous  and  hurried,  so  that  he  would  let  off  arrow  after  arrow  without 
drawing  to  the  head  or  taking  exact  aim.  Sir  Roger  Williams,  the  most 
practised  soldier  of  the  three  disputants,  preferred  500  musketeers  to 
1,500  archers,  because  of  the  fact  that  *  not  one  in  ten  of  them  shootes 


608  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

strong  shootes  after  thifte  months  in  the  field ;  '  hard  living  and  cold 
weather  put  the  archer  out  of  form,  for  his  strength  depended  on  *  his 
three  meals  a  day  and  his  bed  to  keep  his  body  warm  at  nights.' 

Lord  Dillon's  chapters  on  the  archaeology  of  the  bow  are  good,  but 
that  on  early  archery  in  England  is  much  inferior.  The  president  of  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  seriously  quotes  Eoger  Ascham  as  an  authority  for 
the  fact  that  the  bow  was  unknown  in  Britain  before  the  coming  of  the 
Saxons.  Yet  he  must  well  remember  hundreds  of  flint  arrow-heads  in  a 
score  of  museums,  and  need  not  have  forgotten  the  Roman  auxiliaries, 
Moors  and  others,  armed  with  the  bow,  who  formed  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  garrison  of  our  island  in  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  centuries. 
The  notes  on  Crecy  and  Poictiers  are  also  quite  inadequate.  This  is  a^ 
pity,  as  the  rest  of  Lord  Dillon's  work  is  excellent.  C.  Oman. 

Les  Grands  ^crivains  Frangais.    Froissart.     Par  Mary  Darmestetee. 

(Paris  :  Hachette.     1894.) 
The  Chronicles   of  Froissart.     Translated  by  Lord  Berners.     Edited 

and  reduced  into  one  volume  by  G.  C.  Macaulay,  M.A.     (London : 

Macmillan  &  Co.     1895.) 

In  the  opinion  of  good  judges,  Madame  Darmesteter,  who  may  be 
better  known  to  the  readers  of  this  Review  under  her  maiden  name  of 
A.  Mary  F.  Robinson,  writes  French  with  a  charming  accent.  We  feel 
sure,  however,  that  few  but  her  adopted  countrymen  could  detect  it.  For 
the  rest  she  has  caught  the  secret  of  that  lightness  and  grace  which 
is  so  much  a  matter  of  course  in  French  literary  apjjreciations,  and 
alas,  so  often  lacking  in  our  own.  In  a  few  deft  touches  the  lively^ 
inquisitive,  careless,  unthrifty  ditteur  and  canon  is  made  to  stand 
vividly  before  us,  inditing  history  in  the  spirit  of  romance  and  reflect- 
ing every  change  of  patron  in  a  new  parti  pris. 

Son  plus  grand  defaut — et  son  brevet  de  poete — c'est  qu'en  regardant  le 
monde,  il  n'y  voyait  pas  la  seule  verite,  et  que  ses  chroniques  refletent  le  monde 
comme  on  le  voit  a  vingt  ans— plus  vif,  plus  beau,  plus  laid,  plus  varie — moitie 
realite  et  moitie  reve. 

Froissart's  sojourn  at  the  court  of  Gaston  Phoebus  at  Orthez,  and  his 
last  visit  to  England  with  its  tinge  of  sad  disillusion,  are  charmingly  told. 
Thanks  to  the  good  fortune  and  the  generosity  of  M.  Longnon,  its  re- 
discoverer,  Madame  Darmesteter,  is  enabled  to  sketch  the  plot  of  that  por- 
tentous romance  of  Meliador  which  its  author  nightly  declaimed  to  the 
wakeful  count  and  his  sleepy  courtiers.  We  like  the  little  book  so  well 
that  we  could  wish  it  free  of  such  blemishes  as  the  statements  that 
Hainault  was  held  of  the  kings  of  France  and  that  Richard  of  Arundel 
disparait  assassine. 

Messrs.  Macmillan  have  been  well  advised  in  including  a  translation 
of  Froissart  in  their  useful  Globe  series.  It  is  of  necessity  a  volume  of 
selections,  but  the  compression  is  effected  not  by  abridgment  in  the 
ordinary  sense,  but  by  the  omission  of  the  less  important  chapters  and 
passages.  The  editor  has  very  properly  adopted  Lord  Berners's  spirited 
translation  in  preference  to  the  pedestrian,  if  more  accurate,  version  of 
Johnes.  But  he  is  quite  alive  to  the  shortcomings  of  the  former  as  a- 
translator,  and  has  spared  no  trouble  to  correct  both  his  mistakes  and 


1895  '  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  609 

those  of  his  printer.  The  selection  omits  nothing,  as  far  as  we  can  see, 
which  ought  to  be  included,  and  a  careful  introduction  says  all  that  need 
be  said  about  Lord  Berners  and  his  work.  James  Tait. 

The  third  and  fourth  volumes  of  Professor  Pastor's  important  History/ 
of  the  Popes  from  the  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  its  English  dress 
(London :  Kegan  Paul,  1894)  represent  vol.  ii.  of  the  original,  which  was 
noticed  by  us  in  1890  (vol.  v.  p.  782),  and  comprises  the  pontificates  of 
Pius  II,  Paul  II,  and  Sixtus  IV.  We  have  now  only  to  call  attention  to  the 
translation,  the  text  of  which  has  had  the  advantage  of  the  supervision  of 
Father  Antrobus  and  is  fluent  and  generally  to  be  depended  upon.  The 
notes  and  references  are  much  more  accurately  printed  than  was  the  case 
in  the  preceding  volumes  ;  and  the  documents,  which  form  a  leading 
feature  in  the  work,  are  happily  given  in  their  entirety.  Excellent 
type,  full  tables  of  contents,  and  indexes  add  to  the  reader's  convenience 
in  making  use  of  this  fair-minded  and  learned  work. 

Mr.  A.  B.  Hinds's  work  on  Tlie  Making  of  the  England  of  Elizabeth 
(London  :  Rivington,  Percival,  &  Co.  1895)  consists  practically  of  three 
separate  essays  and  a  few  pages  of '  conclusion,'  with  hardly  even  a  pretence 
of  justifying  the  title  of  the  book.  The  first  essay,  on  the  attempted  Calvin- 
istic  schism  in  the  English  refugee  church  on  the  continent  during  the 
reign  of  Mary,  is  almost  entirely  taken  from  a  tract  called  '  A  Brief  Discourse 
of  the  Troubles  begun  at  Frankfort.'  The  second  essay  is  concerned  with 
the  quarrels  and  intrigues  of  the  English  protestant  refugees  who  had 
fled  to  France  on  the  collapse  of  Wyatt's  insurrection,  though  by  no 
stretch  of  the  imagination  can  these  contemptible  bickerings  be  said  to 
have  appreciably  contributed  to  the  'making  of  Elizabethan  England/ 
The  third  essay — a  sort  of  summary  of  the  parliaments  during  the  reign 
of  Mary — is  decidedly  the  most  valuable  of  the  three.  The  greater  promi- 
nence gradually  assumed  by  the  house  of  commons  is  dwelt  upon,  and 
the  claim  is  made  that  Plowden  and  Kingston  were  the  forerunners  of  a 
long  line  of  heroes  who  subsequently  struggled  for  the  triumph  of  parlia- 
mentary government.  This  in  a  sense  is  true,  but  these  parliaments  of 
Mary  were  not  especially  epoch-making  ones.  Mr.  Hinds  is  sometimes 
not  too  happy  in  his  statements  of  fact.  One  instance  of  this  will  serve. 
Speaking  of  Philip's  extending  his  protection  and  patronage  to  Elizabeth 
before  her  accession,  Mr.  Hinds  says — 

He  did  this  the  more  willingly  because  he  might  reasonably  hope  by  this 
attitude  to  share  some  of  Elizabeth's  popularity.  At  the  same  time  it  looked 
as  if  Philip  was  going  about  to  midennine  Elizabeth's  influence.  In  turn  he 
proposed  to  marry  her  to  the  duke  of  Piedmont  {sic),  Don  Carlos,  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  or  one  of  his  cousins  the  archdukes  Frederick  {sic)  and  Charles.  Fully 
conscious  as  he  must  have  beeu  of  the  unpopularity  incurred  by  his  wife  in 
marrying  a  foreigner,  Philip  surely  had  some  ulterior  motive  in  these  proposi- 
tions. May  we  not  justly  suppose  that  he  hoped  to  deprive  Ehzabeth  of  her 
power  by  taking  away  her  chief  title  to  public  esteem  ? 

This   seems   inconsistent :    if  Philip's   object   was   to  share  EHzabeth's 

popularity,  he  would  hardly  seek  to  deprive  her  of  it.     Mr.  Hinds  surely 

knows  moreover  that  none  of  these  proposals  was  seriously  made  before 

VOL.  X. NO.  XXXIX.  R  R 


610  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  July 

Mary's  death,  except  thaf  of  the  duke  of  Savoy,  who  was  the  same  person 
as  the  prince  of  Piedmont.  Don  Carlos  was  barely  ten  years  old,  and 
his  name  was  only  once  unofficially  mentioned  as  a  feint,  and  the  arch- 
dukes Ferdinand  and  Charles  were  not  proposed  until  Philip's  own  suit 
had  failed,  and  subsequent  to  Elizabeth's  accession. 

In  the  Memoirs  of  Count  Lavalette  (London  :  Gibbings  &  Co.,  1894) 
we  have  a  reprint  of  the  translation  published  by  Colburn  and  Bentley  in 
1833  of  a  work  which  appeared  in  French  earlier  in  the  same  year. 
The  author  of  the  memoirs  was  for  some  time  adjutant  and  private  secre- 
tary to. Napoleon,  and  held  the  office  of  postmaster-general  under  the 
empire. 

Mr.  Falconer  Madan's  work  on  The  Early  Oxford  Press  :  a  Biblio- 
graphy of  Printing  and  Publishing  at  Oxford,  '  1468  '-1640  (Oxford  : 
Clarendon  Press,  1895),  comprises  catalogues  of  books  printed  down  to 
1486  and  from  1517  to  1519;  of  'fictitious  or  lost  Oxford  books,  1459- 
1584  ;  '  and  of  the  publications  of  the  Oxford  University  Press  from  1585 
to  1640.  After  the  first  establishment  of  printing  at  Oxford,  evidenced 
hy  fifteen  books,  there  is  an  interval  of  thirty  years  with  no  publication 
to  show.  In  another  three  years  a  longer  break  extends  from  1519  to 
1585.  This  gap  is  significant,  but  not  without  parallels ;  *  not  only  at 
Oxford,'  says  ^Ir.  Madan  (p.  263),  *  but  also  at  Cambridge,  York,  Tavi- 
stock, and  Abingdon,  in  all  of  which  there  was  an  early  sixteenth -century 
press,  printing  entirely  ceases  for  nearly  the  central  forty  years  of  that 
century.'  The  bibliographical  descriptions  are  extremely  minute  and 
serve  to  complete  and  correct  the  notices  contained  in  existing  general 
catalogues  ;  and  many  of  them,  relating  to  single  sheets,  have  previously 
eluded  observation.  The  author  has  added  frequent  notes,  helping  to 
determine  the  authorship  of  anonymous  works,  throwing  light  upon  the 
history  of  particular  publications,  and  occasionally  calling  attention  to 
points  of  interest  in  obscure  works.  The  book  falls  but  indirectly  within 
our  province,  or  we  should  take  pleasure  in  dwelling  at  length  upon  its 
interesting  contents,  among  which  we  must  not  omit  to  mention  the  care- 
ful list  of  persons  occupied  in  the  production  of  books  at  Oxford  from  the 
twelfth  century  onwards.  We  do  not  understand  why  *  Alexander  de 
Hales  ' —  '  to  be  distinguished  from  Alexander  de  Ales  or  Alesius  '—on  p.  2 
is  at  least  eight  times  called  '  Ales  '  on  pp.  238-254  ;  and  we  think  the  use 
of  the  name  '  Enghsh  '  to  indicate  black  letter  as  well  as  a  particular  size  of 
type  objectionable.  The  discussion  (pp.  245-252)  of  the  curious  fact 
that  the  earliest  book  printed  at  Oxford  probably  bears  a  false  date, 
MCCCCLXVIJI.  forMCCCCLXXVIIL  (or  may  itnot  be  MCCCCLXXIII.  ?), 
is  a  remarkably  clear  and  judicial  summing  up  of  a  difficult  question.  We 
observe  that  Mr.  Madan  does  not  include  Avignon  among  the  earliest  seats 
of  printing  in  Europe. 


1895  611 


Periodical  Notices 


[Contributions  to  these  Notices,  whether  regular  or  occasional,  are  invited.  They 
should  be  dravn  up  on  the  pattern  of  those  printed  below,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  B.  L. 
Poole,  at  Oxford,  by  the  first  week  in  March,  June,  September,  and  December.] 

The  eighth  book  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  and  related  writings  [the  *  Constitutiones 
per  Hippolytum,'  the  canons  of  Hippolytus,  and  the  so-called  Egyptian  ordinance]. 
Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  1. 

An  attempt  to  reconsti-uct  the  church  history  of  Philostorgios  :  by  J.  R.  Asmcs. Byz. 

Zft.  iv.  1.     Jan. 

The  second  letter  of  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola  to  Crispinianus  :  printed  from  two  manu- 
scripts by  C.  Weyman.—  Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  1. 

Unpublished  Carolingian  charters  [766-886] :  printed  from  French  manuscripts  by  A. 
DoPSCH. — Mittb.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  2. 

On  the  monk  and  presbyter  Epiphanios  :  by  J.  Draseke  [fixing  this  writer's  date  early 
in  the  ninth  century].— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  2.     April. 

Bheims  forgeries  concerning  St.  Remigius  :  by  B.  Krusch  [who  analyses  archbishop 
Hincmar's  Life  of  the  saint,  with  the  conclusion  that  it  was  concocted  in  order  to 
magnify  the  pretensions  of  the  see  of  Rheims,  and  that  Remigius's  shorter  will 
contained  in  it  is  likewise  a  forgery.  The  longer  will  is  maintained  to  have  been 
fabricated  by  archbishop  Gervase  about  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century. 
Hincmar  is  also  charged  with  having  forged  documents  among  the  archives  of  his 
church,  which  deceived  Flodoard]. — N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 

On  tJie  inanuscript  transmission  of  Zonaras  :  by  U.  P.  Boissevain  [who  prefers  the  text 
of  cod.  Vindobon.  16  &  Paris.  1717j.— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  2.     April. 

Manuscripts  begucathed  to  the  Bibliothegue  Nationale  by  Armand  Durand  [1894]  :  by 
L.  Delisle  [five  in  number.  The  most  important  is  a  twelfth-century  copy  of 
Sigebert's  chronicle,  formerly  at  Signy,  which  was  known  to  Tissier,  but  disappeared 
during  the  eighteenth  century  and  was  therefore  not  made  use  of  for  the  edition  in 
the  '  Monumenta  Germaniae.'  It  includes  the  chronicle  with  the  continuation  by 
Anselm  and  that  distinguished  as  the  Gemblours  continuation  down  to  11 48; 
together  with  a  thirteenth-century  list  of  the  abbats  of  Signy  and  a  chronicle  of 
the  abbey,  which  are  here  printed,  and  other  historical  notices].  — Bibl.  Ecole 
Chartes,  Iv.  6. 

Epitaphs  and  epigrams  of  the  twelfth  ccntnry  :  edited  from  the  Ziirich  "SIH.  C.  6S.  275 
by  J.  Werner. — N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 

Michael  Glykas,  the  chronicler  [a  biography  and  an  account  of  his  works]  :  by  K. 
Krumbacher  [printing  an  unpublished  poem  and  letter  by  him].— SB.  Bayer.  Akad., 
phil.-hist.  CI.  1894.  3. 

On  the  works  of  the  Bolognese  '  dictatorcs  '  from  Buoncorapagno  to  Bene  di  Lucca  [a 
contribution  to  the  history  of  the  Italian  rhetorical  school] :  by  A.  Gaudenzi.--Bu11. 
1st.  stor.  Ital.  14. 

The  Troper  and  the  Gradual.— Chmch  Qu.  Rev.  79.     April. 

A  new  fragment  of  Sodermannalagen  [fourteenth  century] :  printed  by  G.  I;,  von 
Maurer.— SB.  Bayer.  Akad.,  phil.-hist.  CI.  1894.  8. 

A  modern  Greek  paraphrase  of  the  chronicle  of  Konstantinos  Manasses :  by  K. 
Praechter.— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  2.     April. 

On  Byzantine  miniature  painting :  by  A.  Kirpicnikov  [with  illustrations  from  early 
manuscripts].— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  1.     Jan. 


612  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  July 

The  law  of  nature  [a  sketch  ci  the  history  of  the  doctrine]  :  by  J.  W.  Salmond.— Law 
Qu.  Eev.  42.     April. 

Alexander  the  Great  and  Hellenism  :  by  J.  Kaerst.— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  1,  2. 

TJie  laios  of  Augustus  relating  to  population  :  by  A.  Bouchk-Leclkrcq.— Rev.  hist.  Ivii. 
2.     March. 

Landed  estates  among  the  Romans  :  by  A.  Schulten.— Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch.-gesch.  iii.  2. 

On  the  origin  of  the  Daco- Roumanians  :  by  the  late  P.  Hunfalvy,  with  observations 
by  A.  D.  Xenopol.— Eev.  hist.  Iviii.  1.     May. 

On  the  legend  of  the  finding  of  the  cross  by  St.  Helena :  by  E.  Nestle  [who  main- 
tains that  the  Greek  and  Latin  texts  are  derived  from  the  Syriac  text,  which  pre- 
supposes the  Protonike  legend  and  is  found  in  its  earliest  form  in  the  '  Doctrina 
Addaei '].— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  2.     April. 

The  papaoy  and  the  council  of  Epliesus  [431]:  by  L.  Rivington  [who  maintains  the 
papal  supremacy].— Dublin  Eev.  N.  S.  14.     ApHl. 

'  Francia '  and  '  Francus  '  as  political  terms  in  the  middle  ages  :  by  G.  Kurth  [tracing 
the  fluctuations  of  the  former  name  down  to  the  tenth  century,  and  maintaining 
that  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  the  barbarian  Franks  from  the  Gallo- 
Eomans  in  the  established  Merovingian  kingdom]. — Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 

The  church  of  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople. — Edinb.  Eev.  372.     April. 

On  the  history  of  Byzantine  rule  in  Africa  in  relation  to  the  native  populations  :  by 
C.  DiEHL. — Byz.  Zft.  iv.  1.    Jan. 

On  the  life  and  teaching  of  bishop  Claudius  of  Turin  [fl.  815]  :  by  E.  Dl'mmler 
[adding  to  his  edition  of  Claudius's  letters  (' Mon.  Germ.,'  Epistolae,  iv.  586-613) 
an  account  of  Claudius's  other  works  and  a  discussion  of  his  position  as  a  church, 
reformer].— K.  Preuss.  Akad.  SB.  1895,  23. 

On  the  supposed  Bavarian  synod  of  870  or  871  :  by  B.  Brktholz  [who  argues  that  this 
cannot  be  deduced  from  the  Pannonian  legend  of  St.  Methodius,  cap.  ix.,  and 
examines  the  question  in  detail]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  2. 

The  legend  of  the  appearance  of  St.  Mark  in  1094  :  by  G.  Monticolo  [giving  the  text  of 
a  manuscript  by  an  anonymous  author  which  is  the  main  source  for  the  narratives 
of  Pietro  da  Chioggia  and  James  de  Voragine].— N.  Arch.  Ven.  ix.  1. 

The  origin  of  medieval  town  constitutions  :  by  H.  Pirenne.  Ill,  concluded. — Eev.  hist.. 
Ivii.  2.     March. 

The  classical  studies  of  Da^i^e. —Edinb.  Eev.  372.     April. 

Notes  on  the  first  expedition  of  Charles  IV  to  Italy  :  by  G  Eomano  [on  the  emperor's 
relations  to  the  Visconti,  and  his  coronation  in  S.  Ambrogio]. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb. 
ser.  iii.  3.     March. 

The  condemnation  and  recantation  of  Matthaens  Graboiv  [a  Dominican  of  Wismar, 
1419]  :  printed  by  W.  Wattexbach  [correcting  and  supplementing  Hardt,  '  Cone. 
Constant.'  iii.  100-120].— N.  Arch.  xx.3. 

The  emperor  Sigismund  and  Poland  [1419-1436]  :  by  J.  Goll.  Ill:  The  candidature 
of  Sigismund  Korybut.  IV  :  The  last  years  of  Witold,  Wladislaw,  and  Sigismund. — 
Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi. 2. 

Claude  de  Seijssel  [1450-1520],  successively  bishop  of  Laon  and  Marseilles  and  arch- 
bishop of  Turin  [treated  with  special  reference  to  his  '  Grand'  Monarchic  de 
France  ']  :  by  A.  Jacquet. — Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 

Erasmus  and  the  reformation  in  England. — Church  Qu.  Eev.  79.     April. 

On  the  life  of  Tetzel :  by  N,  Paulus. — Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  1. 

The  materials  for  the  history  of  Hadrian  VI:  by  M.  vox  Domarus. — Hist.  Jahrb. 
xvi.  1. 

Antonio  Perez  in  exile  [from  1591,  with  an  account  of  his  previous  career  and  a  severe 
judgment  of  his  character]  :  by  M.  A.  S.  Hume. — Trans.  E.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

Constantipi  Huy gens' s  diary  on  his  journey  to  Venice  in  1620  [in  the  suite  of  Fran<?ois 
van  Aerssen]  :  printed  by  J.  A.  Wokp.  [The  diary  gives  a  full  description  of  the 
country  traversed,  up  the  Ehine,  through  Switzerland,  and  on  by  way  of  Bergamo, 
Brescia,  Verona,  Vicenza,  and  Padua ;  of  the  reception  given  to  the  ambassador 
at  the  different  places;  of  the  stay  at  Venice  ;  and  of  the  return  journey  by  the 
same  route  to  Basel,  Strassburg,  and  Spires]. — Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.  hist.  Genootsch.. 
Utrecht,  xv. 


1895  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  613 

TJie  volicy  of   Lotiis  XIV  toioards  Spain',  by  J.  Maldonado  Macanay.— Boletin   R. 

Acad.  Hiyt.  xxvi.  4, 
The  siege  of  Chatieroi  in  1693  :  by  C.  Piox  [who  supplements  the  French  account 

of  Vaultier  and  Beaurain  by  means  of  the  journal  of  the  commandant  Juan  de 

Castillo]. — Bull.  Coram,  hist.  Belg.  5th  ser.  iv.  3. 
Klek  and  Soutorina  [on  the  north  and  south  of  the  republic  of  Ragusa]  :  by  the 

baron   A.  d'Avril  [dealing  with  their  diplomatic   treatment,   1699- 1878]. — I^ev. 

Quest  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 
Diplomatic  correspondence  about  Russia  in  the  eighteenth  century  [from  the  letters 

of  the  English  and  French  ministers  and  others  in  the  early  part  of  the  century]. — 

Russk.  Starina.     May. 
Mipperda  :  by  G.  Syveton,  third  article,  concluded.— Rev.  Hist,  diplom.  viii.  4. 
The  embassy  of  Belle-isle  to  Frankfurt  in  1742  :  by  Dr.  Grouchy.— Rev.  Hist,  diplom. 

viii.  4. 
Frederick  the  Great  and  the  origin  of  the  seven  years'  loar :  by  M.  Lehjiann  [a  reply 

to  F.  Koseb's  criticism  in  the  '  Hist.  Zft.'].     Gotting.  gel.  Anz.    1895.  2.     Feb. 
The  alliance  of  Erig land  and  Prussia  in  1576  and  its  issues  [studied  in  connexion 

with  the  Newcastle  papers  in  the  British   Museum]:  by  R.  Waddingtox.  I. — Rev. 

hist.  Iviii.  1.     May. 
The  question  of  the  opening  of  tlie  Scheld  in  1781  :  by  F.  Magnette. — Bull.  Comm. 

hist.  Belg.  5th  ser.  iv.  4. 
Letter  of  the  count  of  Artois  to  Frederick  William  II  of  Prussia  [14  Feb.  1790]. — 

Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  2. 
The  principal  causes  of  the  rcneioal  of  the  war   between   England  and  France  in 

1803:  by  W.  Ekedahl.— Trans.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 
Russia  and  England  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  :  by  F.  de  Martens. — 

Rev.  Hist,  diplom.  viii.  4. 
The   Walcheren  expedition  [1809]  :  by  A.  du  Bois  [with  curious  details] — Messager 

Sciences  hist.  Gand,  Ixvii.  3,  4. 
Memoirs    of    Joseph  Dubetski  [describing    the   war   in   Turkey   in    1828].— Russk. 

Starina.  April,  May. 
The  Servian  constitution  :  by  F.  Morel  [tracing  its  development  from  1868  to  1894,  con- 
cluding in  favour  of  a  return  to  the  constitution  of  1888  as  the  sole  way  to  preserve 

national  independence  and  political  liberty].— Ann.  Sciences  polit.  x.  2.     March. 
Prince  V.   Cherkaski  in  Bulgaria   [1877-1878]  :  by   D.   Axuchik.— Russk.   Starina. 

March,  April,  May. 

France 

■G'iannino  Baglioni,  pretender  to  the  French  throne  [claiming  to  be  the  son  of  Louis 

Hutin] :  by  the  comte  de  Puymaigre  [in  connexion  with   L.    Maccari's  work   on 

the  subject].— Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 
The  household  of  Philip  VI  of  Valois :  by  J.  Viard,  continued  [lists  of  wages  and 

salaries  of  members  of  the  households  of  the  king  and  queen  ;  regulations  for  the 

king's  household  and  for  that  of  the  duke  of  Orleans].--Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  <i. 
The  sale  of  the  barony  of  Coucy  [after  the  death  of  Enguerrand  VII  in  1397] :  by  H. 

Lacaille  [who   prints  documents  relative   to    its  acquisition   by   Louis,  duke    of 

Orleans,  in  1400].— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Iv.  6. 
Jeanne  d' Ar c.—Qusirt.  Rev.  360.     A^^ril. 
Italian  notes   upon  French  history:  by  L.   G.   Pklissier  [four  letters   of   Louis  of 

Orleans  relating  to  the  French  invasion  of  1494]. -Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5tli  series,  xv.  1. 
The  social  condition  of  France  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  illustrated 

from  the  sermons  of  Josse  Clichtoue  [1472-1543]  :  by  H.  Chkrot.— Rev.  Quest. 

hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 
The  trial  of  Guillaume  Brigonnet,  bishop  of  Meaux,  by  the  parliament  of  I'aris 

[1525] :  by  S.  Berger.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran^.  xliv.  1.     Jan. 
The  reformed  church  at  Tours  :  by  A.  Dupin  de  Saint- Andri';.     I :  The  ministers  [from 

1556].— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran?,  xliv.  2.     Feb. 
The  protestants  at  Dreux  and  in  the   Drouais  [i 557-1603]:  by  P.  de  Felice  and 

N.  Weiss.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran<?.  xliv.  1.     Jan. 


614  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  July 

Jean  de  Oassion,  marshal  of  France  [1609- 1647]  :  by  C.  L.  Froissard.— Bull.  Soc. 

Hist.  Protest,  franp.  xliv.  4.     April. 
'  LHUustre president  Jannin  ressusciU  '  [an  appeal  in  favour  of  the  Huguenots,  1699]. — 

Bull.  Coram.  Hist.  Eglises  Wallonnes,  vi.  3. 
Barthelemy  Claris  and  his  escax^e  from  the  fortress  of  Alais,  1732  :  by  N.  Weiss  and 

A.  LoDS  [printing  a  contemporary  narrative  of  his  escape].  -Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Pro- 
•      test.  Fran?,  xliv.  2.     Feb. 
Memoir  by  Paul  Babaut  on  the  state  of  the  protestants  in  Languedoc  [1752]  :  printed 

by  N.  Weiss. — Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franc;,  xliv.  3.     March. 
General  Lafayette :  by  E.  Charavay,  concluded  [with  bibliography].— Eevol.  Fran?. 

xiv.  9.     March. 
The  early  years  of  Carrier  :  by  J.  Delmas.-  E6vol.  Fran?,  xiv.  11.     May. 
Thiebaulfs  memoirs,  i.-iii. — Edinb.  Rev.  372.     April. 
The  conciergerie  at  Paris  during  the  revolution.— (^naxi.  Rev.  360.     April. 
The  origins  of  the  committee  of  general  security:  by  A.  Mktin.— Revol.  Franp.  xiv. 

9,  10.     March,  April. 
The  cliarge  against  Cavaignac  and  Pinet  in  relation  to  Mademoiselle  de  Labarrdre 

[1794] :  by  E.  Welvert  [defending  Cavaignac,  and  considering  the  charge  against 

Pinet  as  unproved]  — Rev.  hist.  Ivii.  2.     March. 
The  establishment  of  the  life  consulship:  by  F.  A.  Aulard.  — Revol.  Franp.  xiv.  10. 

Api'il. 
The  viemoirs  of  a  barrister  at  Perpignan  [1800-1809,  those  of  M.  Jaume,  recently 

published]  :  by  P.  Torreilles.  —Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 
On  the  history  of  the  Chouannerie  [after  the  death  of  Cadoudal],  and  its   English 

support  at  Bordeaux  :  by  E.  Daudet. — Rev.  hist.  Ivii.  1.     May. 
Letters  of  marshal  Davout  to  Napoleon  [16  Nov. — 4  Dec.  1813]  recently  discovered  at 

Aix-la-Chapelle  [some  in  cipher]  :  printed  by  K.  Wacker.— Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  1. 

Germany  and  Austria-Hungary 

On  the  sources  for  Hungarian  history  :  by  R.  F.  Kaindl  [on  the  relation  of  Hartwich's 
'  Vita  S.  Stephani '  to  the  *  Vita  maior '  and  '  Vita  minor,'  with  remarks  on  the 
Pest  manuscript  of  the  '  Vita '  and  its  relation  to  the  more  original  redaction  of  it 
contained  in  the  Polish -Hungarian  chronicle]. — Arch.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.  Ixxxi.  1. 

On  the  authorities  for  Thuringian  history  :  by  0.  Holder-Eggek.  II :  The  chronicle 
of  Reinhardsbrunn  and  its  lost  sources.— N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 

Calendar  of  sixteen  unpublished  documents  of  Charles  IV  [1347-1373]  :  by  J.  Becker. 
N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 

The  communism  of  the  Moravian  anabaptists  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies :  by  J.  LosERTH.  I :  Huter's  community  in  Moravia  from  its  origin  to  its 
expulsion  in  1622.  II :  The  life  and  teaching  of  the  Moravian  anabaptists  [with 
particulars  of  their  industrial  regulations,  &c.] ;  with  documents. — Arch.  Oester- 
reich. Gesch.  Ixxxi.  1. 

Bondage  and  the  enfranchisement  of  the  peasants  in  Austria:  by  J.  Redlich. — Zft. 
Soc. -Wirthsch. -gesch.  iii.  2. 

The  recognition  of  the  pragmatic  sanction  of  Cliarles  VI  [17 13]  by  Germany:  by 
H.  von  ZwiEDiNECK-StJDENHORST,  with  documcnts  [5  June-14  Dec.  1731]  and  a 
bibliography.— Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  2. 

Frederick  the  Great.— Bdinh.  Rev.  372.     April. 

The  industrial  policy  of  Austria  zinder  Maria  Theresa  :  by  A.  Beer.— Arch.  Oester- 
reich. Gesch.  Ixxxi.  1. 

Wilhelmvon  Humboldt's  retirement  from  the  ministry  in  1810:  by  B.  Gebhart. — 
Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  1. 

The  acceptance  of  industrial  freedom  in  Prussia  in  1810  and  1811  :  by  K.  von  Rohr- 
scHEiDT.     II.— Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch.-gesch.  iii.  2. 

The  Germanisation  of  Polish  Prussia  [1886-1891] :  by  B.  Auerbach.— Ann.  Sciences 
polit.  X.  2.     March. 

Obituary  tiotices  of  Wilhelm  Ferdinand  Arndt  [fio  Jan.  1895]  and  Ludwig  Weiland 
[fS  Feb.  1895] :  by  E.  D.— N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  615 


Great  Britain  and  Ireland 

Foreign  immigration  into  England  in  tJie  twelfth  century :  by  W.  Cunningham. — Zft. 
Soc.-Wirthsch.-gesch.  iii,  2. 

The  educational  organisation  of  the  mendicant  friars  in  England  :  by  A.  G.  Little. 
Trans.  E.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

The  earldoms  under  Edward  I  [an  examination  of  their  territorial  influence,  <fec.] :  by 
T.  F.  Tout.-  Trans.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

The  proceedings  in  Stiffolk  durijig  the  peasants^  rising  in  1381  :  by  E.  Powell  [print- 
ing poll-tax  lists  for  the  hundreds  of  Thingo  and  Lackford]. — Trans.  B.  Hist. 
Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

The  inquisition  of  I $1^  ;  inclosures  and  evictions:  edited  from  the  Lansdowne  MS. 
I.  153  by  I.  S.  Leadam.    Part  IH.— Trans.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

Archbishop  Laud.     I.— Church  Qu.  Rev.  79.     April. 

The  case  of  sir  Cliarles  Lucas  and  sir  George  Lisle :  by  J.  H.  Round  [who  maintains 
that  their  execution  in  1648  after  the  surrender  of  Colchester  took  place  without 
trial ;  that  the  charge  brought  against  Fairfax  was  that  he  had  them  shot  in  cold 
blood ;  that  his  defence  was  the  obstinacy  of  the  siege  ;  and  that  the  victims  were 
chosen  as  next  in  rank  to  the  peers  who  were  similarly  situated,  because  Fairfax 
hesitated  to  shoot  peers]. — Trans.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  N.S.  viii. 

The  representative  peers  of  Scotland  :  by  W.  C.  Magpherson.— Scott.  Rev.  50.     April. 

Resolutions  of  the  house  of  commons  :  by  G.  W.  Prothero — Nation.  Rev.     April. 

The  Rollright  stones  and  their  folk-lore :  by  A.  J.  Evans.  I :  Rowldrich  in  its  relation 
to  the  Wychwood  and  Cotswold  group  of  megalithic  monuments  (with  plates).  II : 
The  folk-lore  of  Rollright.  Ill :  The  Oxfordshire  Roland  and  his  continental 
compeers  [taking  the  name  to  represent  '  Rolland  riht  '  the  Lis  Bollandi. — In  dis- 
cussing the  German  '  Weicbbild'  the  writer  appears  unaware  of  recent  investiga- 
tions of  the  question].— Folk-Lore,  vi.  1.     March. 

Somerset  [antiquarian  notices].  — Edinb.  Rev.  372.     April. 

The  house  of  Gordon.— Scott.  Rev.  50.     April. 

Sir  William  Eraser's  '  Sutherland  Soo/c.'-  -Edinb.  Rev.  372.     A]pril. 

Italy 

The  sources  of  Landulf  the  elder  [the  historian  of  Milan]:  by  L.  A.  Ferrai.— Bull. 
1st.  stor.  Ital.  14. 

On  the  'Brevis  Histwia  Liberationis  Messanae' :  by  G.  B.  Siragusa  [who  had  pub- 
lished the  text  from  a  manuscript  at  Messina  in  vol.  xv.  (1890),  and  has  been  sub- 
ject to  animadversions  by  V.  di  Giovanni  in  vol.  xvii.  (1891)  on  the  grounds  that 
the  history  was  a  mere  compilation  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  that  the  new 
text  was  inferior  to  that  previously  printed.  Professor  Siragusa  maintains  his 
opinion,  particularly  on  the  point  that,  so  far  from  being  a  compilation  from 
Maurolico  and  others,  the  '  Historia  '  was  itself  made  use  of  by  Maurolico].— Arch, 
stor.  Sicil.  N.S.  xix.  3,  4. 

The  agricultural  population  of  Lombardy  in  the  barbaric  period  [the  legal  and  econo- 
mical position  of  the  peasants;  organisation  and  cultivation  of  the  farm,  and  home 
life] :  by  G.  Seregni.— Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  3.     March. 

On  the  walls  and  gates  of  the  city  of  Alcamo:  by  P.  M.  Rocca,  with  documents.-- 
Arch.  stor.  Sicil.  N.S.  xix.  3,  4.  . 

An  appeal  of  the  city  of  Albenga  to  the  emperor  [printed  as  addressed  to  Lewis  oi 
Bavaria,  1316] :  'by  G.  Caro  [who  notices  a  manuscript  of  it  assigning  it  to  1126, 
and  shows  that  it  actually  was  addressed  to  Frederick  II  in  1226].— N.  Arch.  xx.  3. 

Notes  on  the  conservation  of  the  Greek  rite  in  Calabria  and  the  district  of  Otranto  %n 
the  fourteenth  century  :  by  J.  Gay.— Byz.  Zft.  iv.  1.     Ja?i. 

The  relations  between  Florence  and  Venice  in  tJie  fourteenth  century :  by  G.  Bolognini. 
N.  Arch.  Yen.  ix.  1.  xt       1     •     >« 

A  brief  chronicle  of  the  Sforza  [1369-1458] :  printed  by  D.-Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  4. 
The  first  years  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and  the  j,nvasion  of  John  of  Anjou  :  by  E. 
NuNziANTE.     XI :  [1459-1460].- Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  4. 


616  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  July 

A  Florentine  gazetteer  at  the  §Iilanese  court  [the  correspondence  of  Benedetto  Dei, 
1471-1492,  with  K.  San  Severino,  Jaeopo  Antiquario,  and  others;  with  a  specimen 

of  his  gazette] :  by  L.  Frati.— Arch,  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  3.     March. 
Notices  concerning  Neapolitan  writers  and  artists  of  the  Aragonesc  period :  by  E. 

Pkrcopo.     V  :  Giuniano  Majo,  Giuliano  Perleoni,  Galvano  da  Padova. — Arch.  stor. 

Napol.  xix.  4. 
The  movements  of  Piero  Strozzi  against  Duke  Cosimo  de^    Medici  [1544]:   by  L. 

Staffetti.— Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser.  xv.  1. 
Seditious  manifestoes,  dc,  in  Sicily  in  1647  :  by  F.  Lionti.— Arch.  stor.  Sicil.  N.  S. 

xix.  3,  4. 
The  plague  at  Naples  in  1656  [a  narrative  printed  from  a  manuscript] :  by  A.  Rubino. — 

Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  4. 
The  cavalier e  Antonio  Micheroux  in  the  Neapolitan  reaction  of  1799  :  by  B.  Maresca. 

VI. — Arch.  stor.  Napol.  xix.  4. 
The  university  of  Palermo  in  the  7iineteenth  century :  by  L.  Sampolo. — Arch.  stor. 

Sicil.  N.S.  xix.  3,  4. 
Obituary  7iotices  of  Giovanni  Battista  de  Rossi  [t20  Sept.  1894] :  by  A.  Perate. — Rev. 

hist.  Ivii.  2.     March  ;  by  J.  Guiraud. — Vol.  Iviii.  1.   May  ;  and  by  E.  G.  Ledos.— 

Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 

The  Netherlands  and  Belgium 

The  materials  for  the  medieval  history  of  Flanders :  by  H.  Pirenne  [treating  of  the 

lives  of  saints,  miracles,  chronicles,  and  annals]. — Ann.  Cercle  hist.  Gand,  i.  1. 
Lambert  le  Begue  of  Liige  [illustrated  from  the  Hunterian  MS.  Q.  9.  182  at  Glasgow] : 

by  P.  Fredericq. — Bull.  Acad.  roy.  Belg.  3rd  ser.  xxix.  1. 
Summary  of  the  form  of  government  of  the  United  Provinces  drawn  up  in   1647  ; 

printed  by  A.  Waddington.— Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.  hist.  Genootsch.  Utrecht,  xv. 
French  refugees  at  Groningen  [from   1686]  :  by  H.  D.   Guyot. — Bull.  Comm.  Hist. 

Eglises  Wallonnes,  vi.  3. 
Jean,  baron  de  B6arn,  d^Abdre,  et  d'Usseau  [a  refugee  officer  in  Holland,  ti739]  •  ^y 

A.  J.  Enschede. — Bull.  Comm.  Hist.  Eglise  Wallonnes,  vi.  3. 
Journal  of  Abraham  Drolenvaux,   Walloon  deacon  at  Leyden  [1689]  :  printed  from 

the  original  at  Gottingen.-Bull.  Comm.  Hist.  Eglises  Wallonnes,  vi.  3. 
Letters  of  Coert  Lambertus  van  Beijma  to  Joan  Derk  van  der  Capellen  [1782- 1784] ; 

printed  by  W.  W.  van  der  Meulen.— Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.  hist.  Genootsch.  Utrecht, 

XV. 

Public  opinion  in  Belgium  during  the  French  domination  [1795-1814]:  by  P.  Poullet 
[from  the  police  reports]. — Messager  Sciences  hist.  Gand,  Ixvii.  4. 

Journal  of  the  raad-pcnsionaris  Laurens  Pieter  van  de  Spiegel  [during  his  detention 
by  the  revolutionary  authorities,  29  January  1795-20  December  1798] :  printed  by 
L.  WiCHERS.— Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.  hist.  Genootsch.  Utrecht,  xv. 

Russia 

Law  proceedings  according  to  che  Eusskaia  Pravda  [the  old  Russian  legal  code  of  the 
twelfth  century]  :  by  N.  Rozhkov.— Zhur.  Min.  Narod.  Prosv.     April. 

On  the  secularisation  of  the  estates  belonging  to  the  monasteries  in  Russia  in  the  six- 
teenth century  :  by  S.  Rozhdestvexski. — Zhur.  Min.  Narod.  Prosv.     May. 

Thepolovniki  [a  species  of  metayers]  in  the  northern  districts  of  Russia  in  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  :  by  M.  Drakonov.— Zhur.  Min.  Narod.  Prosv.     May. 

An  unpublished  contemporary  account  of  the  murder  of  the  false  Demeti^ius  [from  the 
Lemberg  archives] :  by  1.  Linnichenko  [the  eye-witness  was  a  certain  Stanislaus 
Kolaczkowicz,  an  apothecary  of  Lemberg]. — Istorich.  Viestuik.     May. 

The  Huguenot  refugees  in  Russia  :  by  H.  Tollin  [who  prints  a  letter  of  1728]. — Bull. 
See.  Hist.  Protest,  fran?.  xliv.  4.     April. 

Prince  Paskevitch,  the  conqueror  of  Warsaw  :  by  V.  K.  P.— Istorich.  Viestnik.     April. 

Memoirs  of  M.  Olshevski  [a  description  of  atfairs  in  the  Caucasus  from  1841  to  1866J.. 
Russk.  Starina.      March,  April. 


1895  PERIODICAL    NOTICES  617 

JRecoUections  of  the  Polish  insurrection  of  1863  •  by  N.  Liubarski.— Istorich.  Viestnik. 

March,  April,  May. 
Some  more  anecdotes  of  Skobelev  and  Todlehen :  by  prince  D.  Obolenski.— Istorich. 

Viestnik.     March. 
A  Lithuanian  legend  about  the  foundation  of  the  city  of  Vilno  [taken  down  from  oral 

tradition  in  1870] :  by  N.  Samoilo.— Russk.  Starina.     April. 

Spain 

Santa  Maria  la  Real  de  Ndjera  :  by  F.  Fita  [printing  the  text  of  the  charter  of  foun- 
dation, 1052,  from  a  copy  made  for  Don  Garcia's  widow  in  1054,  with  a  translation 
by  Sandoval ;  and  giving  a  history  of  the  foundation].— Boletin  R.  Acad.  Hist. 
xxvi.  3. 

Eleven  charters  of  the  same  church  [1052-1152]:  printed  by  F.  Fita. — Boletin 
R.  Acad.  Hist.  xxvi.  4. 

The  council  of  Lerida  [1193] :  by  F.  Fita  [with  documents  relating  to  the  donation  of 
Santa  Maria  la  Real  de  Najera  to  Cluny,  and  the  subsequent  litigation  from  11 55 
to  1227,  and  bulls  hitherto  unpublished  of  Celestine  III,  Innocent  III,  and  Honorius 
III]. — Boletin  R.  Acad.  Hist.  xxvi.  5. 

The  first  minute  book  of  the  7nunicipality  of  Palencia  [of  high  interest,  as  relating  to 
the  earliest  representation  of  the  town  in  the  Cortes,  and  the  organisation  of  the 
,  municipal  administration  and  its  finances,  1421-3]  :  by  F.  Simon  y  Nieto.— Boletin 
R.  Acad.  Hist.  xxvi.  3. 

The  trophies  of  D.  Alvaro  de  Bazdn  :  by  C.  P.  Pastor  [the  marquis  of  St.  Cruz  included 
his  trophies  in  the  entail  of  his  estates.  Among  them  are  presentations  of  spoil, 
especially  ships'  lanterns,  resulting  from  his  victories  at  Tercera,  Lisbon,  Sapienza, 
Lepanto,  and  the  war  in  Granada].— Boletin  R.  Acad.  Hist.  xxvi.  o. 

America  and  Colonies 

The  colonial  empire  of  the  Portuguese  down  to  the  death  of  Albuquergue  :  by  C.  R. 
Beazley. — Trans.  R.  Hist.  See.  N.S.  viii. 

Recent  literature  on  Christopher  Columbus  :  by  K.  Haebler.  —  Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  2. 

The  expedition  of  Sebastian  Cabot  to  the  Plate  river  :  by  C.  Errera.— Arch.  stor.  Ital. 
5th  series,  xv.  1. 

The  early  relations  between  Maryland  and  Virginia  [1629-1657]  :  by  J.  H,  Latane  [on 
the  disputes  caused  by  the  question  whether  Kent  island  belonged  to  Virginia  or 
Maryland,  and  by  the  treatment  of  the  puritans  in  Virginia]. — Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 
Stud,  in  polit.  and  hist.  Sc.  xiii.  3,  4. 

The  French  influence  in  Madagascar  from  1643  to  the  present  day.  by  the  comman- 
dant d'Equilly. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Ivii.  2.     April. 

The  government  of  the  colony  of  South  Carolina  from  its  foundation  to  i775-  '^y 
E.  L.  Whitney  [dealing  with  the  constitutional  history  of  the  colony  in  its  relations 
to  the  mother  country  and  the  proprietary  ;  the  powers  of  governor,  council,  and 
assembly ;  the  land  system,  local  government,  judiciary,  and  taxation.  It  is 
preceded  by  a  detailed  study  of  the  sources  of  South  Carolina  history].— Johns 
Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  polit.  and  hist.  Sc.  xiii.  1,  2 

Memoirs  of  governor  van  de  GraafJ  onjhe  occurrences  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  from 
1780  to  1806  :  printed  by  H.  C.  Vos  Leibrandt  &  J.  E.  Heeres,  with  two  maps.— 
Bijdr.  en  Mededeel.  hist.  Genootsch.  Utrecht,  xv. 

The  colony  of  the,  Isle  of  France  in  1790:  by  A.  Brette.— Revol.  Fran(,\  xiv.  12. 
June. 

The  rise  and  development  of  the  bicameral  system  in  America :  by  T.  F  Moran 
[tracing  its  origin  and  history  in  each  particular  colony  from  its  beginnings  in 
Massachusetts  to  its  adoption  in  the  federal  constitution.  The  causes  which  led  to 
the  separation  of  the  legislature  into  two  branches  were  different  in  the  different 
colonies,  but  the  evolution  of  the  system  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  English 
model].— Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  poUt.  and  hist.  Sc.  xiii.  a. 


618 


July 


List  of  Recent  Historical  Publications 


I.  GENEKAL  HISTORY 

(Including  works  of  miscellaneou  contents) 


Buys  (J.  T.)  Studien  over  staatkunde  en 
staatsrecht.  II,  2.  Pp.  161-320. 
Arnhem. 

CoNTUzzi.  Trattato  di  diritto  interna- 
zionale.     Pp.  820.     Turin. 

Defoe  (Daniel).  Of  royall  educacion  :  a 
fragmentary  treatise.  Edited  for  the 
first  time  with  notes  by  K.  D.  Biilbring. 
Pp.  72.     London  :  Nutt. 

Del  Mak  (A.)  History  of  monetary  stan- 
dards. Pp.  xxxix,  511.  London  : 
Effingham  Wilson.     15/. 

Geblesco  (C.  E.)  Etude  d'economie  poli- 
tique critique  :  La  propri6te  rurale  k 
Kome,  en  France,  et  en  Eoumanie. 
Paris  :  Pedone.     8  f. 

GiMBEL  (K.)  Tafeln  zur  Entwicklungs- 
geschichte  der  Schutz-  und  Trutzwaffen 
in  Europa  mit  Ausschluss  der  Feuer- 
walfen  vom  achten  bis  zum  siebzehn- 
ten  Jahrhundert.  Pp.  15.  Baden- 
Baden  :  Spiess.  4to,  with  atlas  of 
plates  folio.     80  m. 

HuET  (G.)  Catalogue  des  manuscrits 
allemands  de  la  Bibliotheque  nationale. 
Paris  :  Bouillon.     5  f. 

James  (M.  11.)  A  descriptive  catalogue 
of  the  manuscripts  in  the  library  of 
Sidney  Sussex  College,  Cambridge.  Pp. 
132.   Cambridge  :  University  Press.    5/. 

KjVUTsky  (K.)  Die  Vorliiufer  des  neueren 
Sozialismus.  I,  1  :  Von  Plato  bis  zu 
den  Wiedertaufern,  Pp.  435.  Stutt- 
gart :  Dietz.     3  m. 


Lambros  (S.  p.)  Catalogue  of  the  Greek 
manuscripts  on  Mount  Athos.  I. 
Cambridge :  University  Press.  4to. 
21/. 

Menzies  (A.)  History  of  religion  :  a 
sketch  of  primitive  religious  beliefs 
and  practices,  and  of  the  origin  and 
character  of  the  great  systems.  Pp. 
42G.    London :  Murray.     5/. 

Paine  (Thomas),  The  writings  of.  Ed. 
by  M.  D.  Conway.  Ill:  1791-1804. 
Pp.  436.     London  :  Putnam.     12/6. 

Peiffer  (E.)  Kecherches  sur  I'origine  et 
la  signification  des  noms  de  lieux 
(France,  Corse,  Algerie).  Paris  :  Le- 
chevalier.     5  f. 

PoHLER  (J.)  Bibliotheca  historico-mili- 
taris  :  systematische  tJbersicht  der 
Erscheinungen  aller  Sprachen  auf  dem 
Gebiete  der  Geschichte  der  Kriege  und 
Kriegswissenschaft  seit  Erfindung  der 
Buchdruckerkunst  bis  zum  Schluss  des 
Jahres  1880.  Hi,  5.  Pp.  565-773. 
Cassel :  Kessler.    4  m. 

ScHVARcz  (J.)  Elemente  der  Politik : 
Versuch  einer  Staatslehre  auf  Grund 
der  vergleichenden  Staatsrechtswissen- 
schaft  und  Kulturgeschichte.  Pp.  149. 
Berlin  :  Rosenbaum  &  Hart.     4  m. 

Seeley  (sir  J.  Pi.)  Lectures  and  essays. 
Pp.  348.     London :    Macmillan.     5/. 

Wachsmuth  (C.)  Einleitung  in  das  Sta- 
dium der  alten  Geschichte.  Pp.  717. 
Leipzig  :  Hirzel.     16  m. 


II.  ORIENTAL   HISTORY 


Aegyptisghe  und  vorderasiatische  Alter- 
thiimer,  aus  den  koniglichen  Museen 
zu  Berlin.  Pp.  31,  87  plates.  Berlin  : 
Mertens.     150  m. 

Back  (S.)  Die  jiidischen  Prediger,  Sitten- 
lehrer,  und  Apologeten  in  demZeitraum 
vom  dreizehnten  bis  Ende  des  acht- 
zehnten  Jahrhunderts.  Pp.  184.  Trier  : 
Mayer.     3-25  m. 

Clekmont-Ganneau  (C.)  Etudes  d'arch^o- 
logie  orientale.  I,  2.  Pp.  85-148,  ill. 
Paris :  Bouillon.     4to.     4  f. 

DiJMicHEN  (J.)  Zur  Geographic  des  alten 
Agypten.  Pp.  80,  ill.  Leipzig  : 
Hinrichs.     4to.     22*50  m. 

Griffis  (V/.  E.)     The  religions  of  Japan, 


from  the  dawn  of  history  to  the  era  of 

Meiji.     Pp.  476.     London:    Hodder  & 

Stoughton.     7/6. 
HoLDEN  (E.  S.)     The  Mogul  emperors  of 

Hindostan.     New  York. 
Innes     (lieut.-general   McL.)      Lucknow 

and   Oude  in   the   mutiny.     Pp.   340» 

maps,  &c.     London  :  Innes.     12/. 
KiTTEL  (R.)     A  history  of  the  Hebrews. 

I :  Sources  of  information  and  history 

of  the  period  up  to  the  death  of  Joshua. 

Tr.  by  J.  Taylor.     Pp.  308.     London  : 

Williams  &  Norgate.     10/6. 
Maqrizi.    Description   topographique    et 

historique    de   I'Egypte.      Tr.   par   U. 

Bouriant.  I.  Paris :  Leroux.   4to.  20f . 


189^ 


RECENT  HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


619- 


Mohammed  en-Nesawi.  Histoire  du  sultan 
Djelal  ed-din  Mankobirti,  prince  du 
Kharezm.  Tr.  par  0.  Houdas.  Paris  : 
Leroux.     15  f. 

MoNAscH  (M.)  Geschiedenis  van  het 
volk  Israel.     Pp.  351.     Amsterdam. 

NoER  (Graf  F.  A.  von).  Kaiser  Akbar:  ein 
Versuch  iiber  die  Geschichte  Indiens 
im  sechzehnten  Jahrhundert.  2  vol. 
Pp.  510,  600,  portr.  Kiel:  Haeseler. 
15  m. 

Philo.  About  the  contemplative  life,  edited 


by  F.  C.  Conybeare.    Pp.  403.   Oxford  : 

Clarendon  Press.     14/. 
Bendu  (A.)     The  Jewish  race  in  ancient 

and  Koman  history.     Tr.   by  Theresa 

Crook.     Pp.  439.    London :   Burns   & 

Gates. 
Tunis,  Correspondance  des  Beys  de,  et 

des  consuls   de  France   avec   la  cour 

[1577-1830].     II:  1700-1770.     Paris. 
WiNCKLER    (H.)      Sammlung  von    Keil- 

schrifttexten.       Ill,    2.       Pp.    41-60. 

Leipzig :  Pfeiffer.     4to.     6  m. 


III.   GKEEK  AND   ROMAN 


Gardner  (Alice).  Julian,  philosopher  and 
emperor,  and  the  last  struggle  of 
paganism  against  Christianity.  Pp. 
364,  ill.     London :  Putnam.     5/. 

Gilbert  (G.)  The  constitutional  anti- 
quities of  Sparta  and  Athens.  Tr.  by 
E.  J.  Brooks  &  T.  Nicklin.  Pp.  512. 
London:  Sonnenschein.     10/6. 

Levy  (L.)  &  Luckenbach  (H.)  Das  Forum 
Komanum  der  Kaiserzeit.  Pp.  21,  ill. 
Munich:  Oldenbourg.     4to.     1  m. 

Inscriptiones  Graecae  insularum  maris 
Aegaei.  I.  Pp.  241.  Berlin :  Eeimer. 
Fol.     30  m. 

MoMMSEN  (T.)  The  history  of  Rome.  Tr. 
by  W.  P.  Dickson.     New  ed.,  revised 


throughout.     III-V.     London:    Bent- 

.,  ley.    Each  7/6. 

OsTBYE  (P.)  Die  Zahl  der  Biirger  von 
Athen  im  f  iinf ten  Jahrhundert.  Pp.  32. 
Christiania  :  Djbwad.     (1  m.) 

Petit-Dutaillis  (C.)  De  Lacedaemonio- 
rum  reipublicae  supremis  temporibus 
[222-i46a.C.j  Pp.102.  Paris :  impr. 
Noizette. 

Procopius.— La  guerragotica  di  Procopio 
di  Cesarea.  Testo  Greco  eniendato  sui 
manoscritti  con  traduzione  italiana,  a 
cura  di  D.  Comparetti.  I.  (Fonti  per 
la  storia  d'  Italia.  Scrittori.  Secolo  VI.) 
Pp.  XXXV,  215.  Eome  :  Sede  dell' 
Institute  storico  Italiano. 


IV.   ECCLESIASTICAL    AND   MEDIEVAL   HISTORY 


Acta  martyrum  et  sanctorum  (Syriace) 
edidit  P.  Bedjan.  V.  Pp.  705.  Paris. 
(Leipzig:  Harrassowitz.     24m.) 

AuGUSTiNi  (S.  Aurelii)  Hipponiensis  epi- 
scopi  epistulae.  Rec.  A.  Goldacher. 
(Corpus  scriptorum  ecclesiasticorum 
Latinorum.  XXXIV.)  I.  Pp.  125. 
Vienna :     Tempsky.     3-60  m. 

Brancaccio  di  Cakpino  (F.)  Nuova  crono- 
logia  dei  papi.     Rome. 

CoNSTANTiENSiuM,  Regesta  episcoporum. 
I:  517-1293.  Bearb.  von  P.  Lade- 
wig  &  T.  Miiller.  V.  Pp.  321-399. 
Innsbruck  :  Wagner.     4to.     4  m. 

Egli  (E.)  Die  christlichen  Inschriften 
der  Schweiz  vom  vierten  bis  zum  neun- 
ten  Jahrhundert,  gesammelt  von. 
(Mittheilungen  der  antiquarischen 
Gesellschaft  in  Zurich.  XXIV,  1.) 
Pp.  64,  ill.  Zurich:  Fiisi  &  Beer. 
(4  m.) 

Gatrio  (A.)  Die  Abtei  Muibacb  in 
Elsass,  nach  Queilen  bearbeitet.  2 
vol.  Pp.  595,  752,  ill.  Strassburg : 
Le  Roux.     15  m. 

Gebhardt  (0.  von)  &  Harnack  (A.) 
Texte  und  Untersuchungen  zur  Ge- 
schichte der  altchristlichen  Literatur. 
XII,  4  :  Urkunden  aus  dem  antimon- 
tanistischen  Kampfe  des  Abendlandes. 
Pp.  167,  28.  Leipzig:  Hinrichs. 
6-50  m. 

Hariulf.  Chronique  de  I'abbaye  de  Saint- 
Riquier  (V«  si6cle-ii04).  Publ.  par 
F.  Lot.  Pp.  Ixxiii,  362.  Paris  :  Picard. 
10  f. 


Hefele  (C.  J.)  A  history  of  the  councils 
of  the  church  from  the  original  docu- 
ments. IV:  451-680.  Tr.  byW.  R. 
Clark.  Pp.  500.  Edinburgh:  Clark. 
12/. 

Malnory  (A.)  Saint  Cesaire,  ev^que 
d'Arles  [503  543].  Pp.  318.  Paris: 
Bouillon.     10  f. 

Marie  de  France.  L'espurgatoire  seint 
Patriz.  Publ.  by  T.  A.  Jenkins. 
Philadelphia,  U.S.A. :  Ferris. 

Mar  Jabalaha  III,  patriarche  des  Nes- 
toriens  [1281-1317],  Histoire  de,  et  du 
moine  Rablan  Cauma,  ambassadeur  du 
roi  Argoun  en  Occident  [1287].  Tr. 
par  J.  B.  Chabot.  Pp.  286,  ill.  Paris  : 
Leroux.     10  f . 

Muller.  Das  Magnum  Chronicon  Bel- 
gicum  und  die  in  demselben  enthal- 
tenen  Quellen  :  ein  Beitrag  zur  Histo- 
riographie  des  fiinfzehnten  Jahrhuu- 
derts.     Pp.  48.     Berlin :  Mayer.     2  f. 

Olaf  TrygcxWason,  The  saga  of.  Transl. 
by  J.  Sephton.  Pp.  500.  London  : 
Nutt.     4to.     18/. 

Raabe  (R.)  Petrus  der  Iberer  :  ein  Charak- 
terbild  zur  Kirchen-  und  Sittenge- 
schichte  des  fimften  Jahrhunderts.  Pp. 
132,  140.     Leipzig  :  Hinrichs.     15  m. 

Rkville  (J.)  Les  origines  de  I'^piscopat : 
6tude  sur  la  formation  du  gouverne- 
ment  ecclesiastique  au  sein  de  I'Eglise 
chr6tienne  dans  I'empire  romain.  I. 
Pp.  538.     Paris  :  Leroux.     7*50  f. 

RocQUAiN  (F.)  La  cour  de  Rome  et 
I'esprit   de    la  r^forme  avant  Luther. 


620 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


July 


II :      Les     abus ;      decadalice    cle    la 

papaute.  Pp.  578  .  Paris  :  Thorin.  12  f. 

SoMMEKVOGEL    (C-)     Bibliotheque    de    la 

Compagnie    de    J6sus.      VI:    Otazo- 


Rodriguez.        Pp.     991.         Brussels : 
Schepens.     4to.     30  t. 
Vacanpari)   (E.)     Vie   de  saint  Bernard, 
abbe  de  Clairvaux.     2  vol.     Paris. 


V.  HISTORY   OF   MODERN   EUROPE 


BouTBY  (vicomte  M.)  Choiseul  a  Eome 
[1754-1757]:  lettres  et  memoires  in6- 
dits,  publies  par.  Pp.  337.  Paris : 
C.  Levy.     7-50  f. 

Broglie  (due  de).  L'alliance  autrichi- 
enne.     Paris  :  C.  Levy.     7*50  f. 

Cardinal  von  Widdern  (G.)  Deutsch- 
franzosischer  Krieg  1 870- 1 871.  Ill, 
1.  Pp.  287,  ill.  Berlin:  Eisen- 
schmidt.     6  m. 

Edkn  (N.)  Die  schwedisch-norwegische 
Union  und  der  Kieler  Friede.  Pp.  156. 
Leipzig :  Duncker  &  Humblot.  3*60  m. 

Gerome.  Essai  historique  sur  la  tactique 
de  I'infanterie  depuis  I'organisation  des 
armees  permanentes  jusqu'a  nos  jours. 
Pp.  272,  ill.     Paris. 

Granvelle  (cardinal  de).  Correspondance, 
publi6e  par  C.  Plot.  XL  Pp.  Ixxii, 
770.     Brussels :  Hayez.      4to.    12  f. 

Groot  (Pierre  de),  anibassadeur  des 
Provinces-Unies.  Lettres  a  Abraham 
de  Wicquefort,  resident  des  dues  de 
Brunswick  [1668-1674].  Publiees  par 
F.  J.  L.  Kramer.  (Werken  uitgegeven 
door  liet  Historisch  Genootschap 
gevestigd  te  Utrecht.  3de  ser.  V.) 
Pp.  xxvii,  429.     The  Haguo  :  Nijhoff. 

H[ARDEGa]  (J.  von)  &  Troschke  (T., 
Freiherr  von).  Anleitung  zum  Studium 
der  Kriegsgeschichte.  II  :  Beispiele 
aus  deni  deutsch-franzosischen  Kriege 
von  1870-1871  und  deni  russisch-tiir- 
kischen  Kriege  von  1877-1878,  bearb. 
von  K.  Endres.  2.  Pp.  155—250,  map. 
Darmstadt :  Zernin.     3-20  m. 

Innes  (A.  D.)  Britain  and  her  rivals  in 
the  eighteenth  century  [1713-1789]. 
Pp.  419,  maps.     London  :  Innes.     7/6. 

KuHLMAXN  (B.)  Der  heilige  Bonifatius, 
Apostel  der  Deutschen.  Pp.  504. 
Paderborn :  Bonifacius-Druckerei. 

3-60  m. 


La  Ferrikre  (H.  de).  Les  deux  cours  de 
France  et  d'Angleterre  :  une  duchesse 
d'Uzes  du  seizieme  si^cle  ;  la  chasse  a 
courre  au  seizieme  si^cle;  Marie  Stuart; 
la  cour  et  les  favoris  de  Jacques  P^ 
Ollendorff.     7-50  f. 

Lanzac  de  Laborie  (L  de).  La  domina- 
tion fran9aise  en  Belgique  :  Directoire, 
consulat,  empire  [1795-1814].  2  vol. 
Pp.  465,  409.     Paris  :  Plon.     16  f. 

Lavisse  (E.)  &  Eambaud  (A.)  Histoire 
g^nerale  du  quatri^me  si^cle  a  nos  jours. 
V  :  Lesguerres  de  religion  [1559-1648]. 
Paris. 

Magnienville  (R.  de).  Claude  de  France, 
duchesse  de  Lorraine  [1547-1575]. 
Pp.  236,  ill.  Lille:  Taflin-Lefort. 
2-50  f. 

Rousset  (commandant).  La  seconde 
campagne  de  France  :  histoire  generale 
de  la  guerre  franco-allemande  [1870- 
1871];  I'arm^e  imp6riale.  I,  II.  Paris: 
Librairie  illustree.     15  f. 

Skgur  (g6n6ral  comte  de).  Memoires. 
II :  La  campagne  de  Russie.  Pp. 
435.  Paris :  Firmin-Didot.  18mo. 
3-50  f. 

Spain.— Correspondencia  de  los  principes 
de  Alemania  con  Felipe  II  y  de  los 
embaj adores  de  este  en  la  corte  de 
Viena  [1556-1598J.  IV  :  Desde  12 
de  Enero  de  1570  a  23  de  Agosto  de 
1572.  (Coleccion  de  documentos  in- 
editos  para  la  historia  de  Espaua.  CX.) 
Pp.  512.  Madrid  :  Perales  y  Martinez. 
4to. 

Stoerk  (F.)  Nouveau  recueil  general 
de  trait^s  et  autres  actes  relatifs  aux 
rapports  de  droit  international.  Con- 
tinuation du  grand  recueil  de  G.  F. 
de  Martens.  2"  serie.  XIX,  3.  Pp. 
761-1027.  Gottingen :  Dieterich. 
11  m. 


A.     FBANCE 


Alis  (R.  L.)     Histoire  de  la  ville  d'Ai- 

guillon  et  de  ses  environs  depuis  I'epo- 

que   gallo-romaine   jusqu'a  nos   jours. 

Pp.  568,  ill.     Agen  :  Ferran.     7.50  f. 
Amiens,  Documents  pour  servira  I'histoire 

de  la  revolution  f  ran(?aise  dans  la  ville  d'. 

II :  Registres  aux  deliberations  de  I'ad- 

ministration   municipale   [1789].      Pp. 

580.     Paris :  Picard.     8  f. 
Babeau  (A.)     Le  Louvre  et  son  histoire. 

Pp.  355,  ill.    Paris:  Firmin-Didot.  4to. 

8f. 
Barante     (bavon      de).      Souvenirs     du, 

[1 782-1866] ;  pubUes  par  C.  de  Barante. 

V.    Pp.  379.     Paris  :  C.   Levy.     7-50  f. 
Barbas,  membre  du  directoire.  Memoires ; 


publies  avec  introduction  par  G.  Duruy. 
I  :  Ancien  regime ;  revolution.  II :  Le 
directoire  jusqu'au  18  fructidor.  2 
vol.     Paris  :  Hachette.     15  f. 

Berger  (E.)  Histoire  de  Blanche  de 
Castille,  reine  de  France.  (Bibliotheque 
des  ecoies  fran(;aises  d'Ath^nes  et  de 
Rome.  LXX.)  Pp.  428.  Paris :  Thorin. 
12  f. 

Bkziers  (M.)  Memoires  pour  servir  k 
I'etat  historique  et  geographique  du 
diocese  de  Bayeux ;  publies  par  G.  Le 
Hardy.  Ill :  Archidiacones  d'Hyesmes 
et  de  Caen.  Pp.  575.  Rouen  :  Lestrin- 
gant.     12  f. 

Breuils  (A.)     La   campagne   de  Charles 


i 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


621 


VII  en  Gascogne ;  une  conspiration 
du  dauphin  en  1446,  d'apr^s  des  docu- 
ments inedits.  Pp.  36.  Besan(?on : 
imp.  Jacquin. 

BuTEAU  (H.)  L'ordre  des  avocats,  ses 
rapports  avec  la  magistrature :  histoire, 
legislation,  jurisprudence.  Paris  :  La- 
rose.     6  f. 

Castellane  (marechal  de).  Journal. 
[1804-1862].  I:  1804-1823.  Pp.485, 
portr.     Paris  :   Plon.     7*50  f . 

Clerval  (A.)  Les  6coles  de  Chartres  au 
moyen  age.     Pp.  572.     Paris. 

CoviLLE  (A.)  Les  6tats  de  Normandie  ; 
leurs  origines  et  leur  d6veloppement  au 
quatorzieme  siecle.  Pp.  423.  Paris : 
impr.  National e.     7*50  f. 

Cruppi  (J.)  Un  avocat  journaliste  au 
dix-huitieme  siecle;  Linguet.  Pp.398. 
Paris  :  Hachette.     350  f. 

Delaboede  (H.  F.)  Jean  de  Joinville  et 
les  seigneurs  de  Joinville.  Pp.  538. 
Paris  :     impr.  Nationale.     10  f. 

Ferry  (Jules).  Discourset  opinions;  pu- 
blies  par  P.  Eobiquet.  III.  Paris : 
Colin.     10  f. 

Funck-Beentano  (F.)  Catalogue  des 
manuscrits  de  la  biblioth^que  de  1' Arse- 
nal. IX,  3 :  Table  generale  des  archives 
de  la  Bastille  {L-Z).  Pp.  641-983. 
Paris  :  Plon.     6  f. 

Grandmaison  (G.  de).  Napoleon  et  les 
cardinaux  noirs  [1810-1814].  Paris: 
Perrin.     12mo.     3-50  f. 

GiBBs  (M.  B.)  ]\Iilitary  career  of  Napoleon 
the  Great.     Chicago. 

Glasson  (E.)  Histoire  du  droit  et  des 
institutions  de  la  France.  VI  :  La 
teodalite  {suite)  ;  les  finances  et  la 
justice  du  roi.  Paris  :  Pichon.  Pp. 
xxxi,  708.     10  f. 

Guibert  (L.)  Nouveau  recueil  de  registres 
domestiques  limousms  et  rnarchois.  I. 
Paris  :  Picard.     7  f. 

HoLST  (H.  E.  von).  The  French  revolu- 
tion tested  by  Mirabeau's  career,  2  vol. 
Pp.  258,  264.  Chicago:  Callaghan. 
(London :  Paul.) 

Labande  (L.  H.)  Inventaire  sommaire 
des  archives  hospitalieres  de  la  ville  de 
Verdun  anterieures  a  1790.  Pp.  xcviii, 
302.     Verdun  :  Laurent.     10  f. 

La  Borderie  (A.  de).  La  Bretagne  aux 
temps  modernes  [1491-1789].  Pp.  288. 
Rennes :  Plihon  &  Herve.  16mo. 
4f. 


Lacordaire  (H.)  Lettres  nouvelles,  pu- 
bliees  par  madame  V.  Ladey  &  P.  de 
Vyr6.  Pp.  315.  Paris  :  Delhomme  & 
Briguet.     6  f . 

Lacroix  (A.)  Inventaire  sommaire  des 
archives  hospitalieres  de  la  ville  de 
Komans  anterieures  k  1790.  Pp.  142. 
Valence  :  impr.  Ceas.     4to. 

La  Rocheterie  (M.  de)  et  Beaucourt 
(marquis  de).  Lettres  de  Marie-Antoi- 
nette :  recueil  des  lettres  authentiques 
de  la  reine.  I.  Pp.  cxxvi,  248.  Paris  : 
Picard.     10  f. 

Le  Paulmier  (Julien),  docteur-regent 
de  la  faculte  de  medecine  de  Paris, 
medecin  du  roi  Henri  III  et  de  Fran- 
Qois,  due  d'Anjou.  Pp.  48.  Nogent- 
le-Rotrou :  Daupeley-Gouverneur. 

Luce  (S.)  Histoire  de  la  jacquerie,  d'apres 
des  documents  inedits.  Nouv.  ed.  Pp. 
368.     Paris  :  Champion.     10  f. 

Paroy  (comte  de).  Memoires  ;  souvenirs 
d'un  defenseur  de  la  famille  royale 
pendant  la  revolution  [1789-1797^  ; 
publies  par  E.  Charavay.  III.  Paris  : 
Plon.     7-50  f. 

Petit-Dutaillis  (C.)  Etude  sur  la  vie  et 
le  regne  de  Louis  VIII  [1187-12251. 
Paris  :  Bouillon.     16  f. 

Quesvers  (P.)  &  Steix  (H.)  Pouille  de 
I'ancien  diocese  de  Sens,  publie  d'apres 
des  manuscrits  et  des  documents 
inedits.     Paris :  Picard.     4to.     20  f . 

Reuss  (R.)  L'Alsace  pendant  la  revolu- 
tion fran(,;aise.  II :  Correspondance  de 
Fran(,tois  Etienne  Schwendt  [1790- 
1793]-     Paris  :  Fischbacher.     8  f. 

Saurel  (F.)  Histoire  religieuse  du  de- 
partement  de  I'Herault  pendant  la 
revolution.  II.  Pp.  346.  Paris : 
Champion.     5  f. 

Stephens  (W.  W.)  The  life  and  writings 
of  Turgot,  comptroller  -  general  of 
France  [1774-1776].  Pp.331.  London: 
Longmans.     12/6. 

Thiebault  (general  baron).  Memoires 
publies  d'apres  le  manuscrit  original 
par  F.  Calmettes.  IV  :  1806-1813. 
Pp.  598,  portr.     Paris  :  Plon.     7-50  f. 

Weil  (G.  D.)  Les  elections  legislatives 
depuis  1789;  histoire  de  la  legislation 
et  des  mofcurs.  Paris  :  Alcan.  12mo. 
3-50  f. 

WoLSELEY  (field-marshal  viscount).  The 
decline  and  fall  of  Napoleon.  Pp.  203,. 
ill.     London  :  Low.     3  (5. 


B.  GEBMANY  AND  AUSTBIA-HUNGARY 


Beer  (A.)  Die  Staatsschulden  und  die 
Ordnung  des  Staatshaushalts  unter 
Maria Theresia.  I.  Pp.135.  Leipzig: 
Freytag.     3  m. 

BiJRGEL,  Urkundenbuch  von  Stadt  und 
Kloster.  I:  1133-1454.  (Thiiringisch- 
sachsische  Geschichtsbibliothek.  III.) 
Bearbeitet  von  P.  Mitzschke.  Pp. 
xxxviii,  569.     Gotha  :  Perthes.    12  m. 

Hassenpflug  (R.)      Die   erste   Kammer- 


gerichtsordnung  Kurbrandenburgs.  Pp. 

76.     Breslau:  Koebner.     2  m. 
HiNSCHius    (P.)      Das  Kirchenrecht    der 

Katholiken       und      Protestanten      in 

Deutschland.       V,   2.      Pp.    493-978. 

Berlin  :  Guttentag.     16  m. 
HoPFEN   (0.  H.)     Kaiser   Maximilian   II 

und     der      Kompromisskatholizismus. 

Pp.  439.     Munich  :  Rieger.     12  m. 
HiJBscH   (G.)      Das   Hochstift    Bamberg 


'622 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


July 


und  seine  Politik  unmittelbtr  vor  dem 
ersten  Einfalle  der  Schweden  [1631]. 
Pp.  154.    Bamberg :  Buchner.    2*50  m. 

Julich-Berg,  Landtagsakten  von,  [1400- 
16 10],  herausgegeben  von  G.  von  Below. 
(Publikationen  der  Gesellschaft  fiir 
rheinische  Geschichtskunde.  XI.)  I : 
1400- 1 562.  Pp.  824.  Diisseldorf  : 
Voss.     15  m. 

Katjfmann  (D.)  Die  Erstiirmung  Ofens 
und  ihre  Vorgeschichte,  rach  dem 
Berichte  Isak  Schulhofs  [i 650- 1732] 
(Megillath  Ofen)  herausgegeben.  Pp. 
62,  32.     Trier  :  Mayer.     2'25  m. 

Lehmann  (M.)  Friedrich  der  Grosse  und 
der  Ursprung  des  siebenjahrigen 
Krieges.     Pp.  140.     Leipzig  :  Hirzel. 

Perlbach  (M.)  Prussia  scholastica :  die 
Ost-  und  Westpreussen  auf  den  mittel- 
alterlichen  Universitaten.  I.  Pp.  160. 
Leipzig :  Spirgatis.     6  m. 

EiTTER  (M.)  Deutsche  Geschichte  im 
Zeitalter  der  Gegenreformation  und 
des  dreissigjahrigen  Krieges  [1555- 
1648].  II:  [1586-1618J.  Pp.  482. 
Stuttgart :  Cotta.     G  m. 

ScHAUENBURG  (L.)  Hundert  Jahre  olden- 
burgischer  Kirchengeschichte  von 
Hamelmann  bis  auf  Cadovius  [1573- 
1667] :  ein  Beitrag  zur  Kirchen-  und 
Culturgeschichte  des  siebzehnten  Jahr- 
hunderts.  I.  Pp.  487.  Oldenburg: 
Stalling.     9  m. 

Schneider  (J.)  Die  alten  Heer-  und 
Handelswege  der  Germanera,  Komer, 
und  Franken  im  deutschen  Reiche.  X. 
Pp.  22,  map.    Frankfurt :  Jaeger.    2  m. 

Sepp  (J.)  Religionsgeschichte  von  Ober- 
bayern  in  der  Heidenzeit,  Periode  der 


Reforrration,  und  Epoche  der  Kloster- 
aufhebung.  Pp.  309.  Munich  :  Hutt- 
ler.     5  m. 

SiLESiACARUM,  Scriptores  rerum.  XV : 
Akten  des  Kriegsgerichts  von  1758 
wegen  der  Kapitulation  von  Breslau 
am  24.  Nov.  1757.  Herausgegeben  von 
C.  Griinhagen  &  F.  Wachter.  Pp.  168. 
4to.     4  m. 

Stieve  (F.)  Briefe  und  Acten  zur  Ge- 
schichte des  dreissigjahrigen  Krieges 
in  den  Zeiten  des  vorwiegenden  Ein- 
flusses  der  Wittelsbacher.  VI :  Vom 
Reichstag  1608  bis  zur  Griindung  der 
Liga.   Pp.  780.  Munich  :  Rieger.  20  m. 

Thuringiae,  Regesta  diplomatica  necnon 
epistolaria  historiae.  I:  [c.  500-I120]. 
Bearbeitet  von  0.  Dobenecker.  Pp.  240. 
Jena :  Fischer.     4to.     15  m. 

Ullrich  (P.  W.)  Die  Anfange  der  Uni- 
versitat  Leipzig.  I:  Person alverzeich- 
nis  [1409- 1419]  aus  den  altesten  Ma- 
trikeln  der  Universitat  zusainmenge- 
stellt.  Pp.  118.  Leipzig :  Spirgatis. 
4to.     10  m. 

Wenck  (K.)  Eine  mailandisch-thiirin- 
gische  Heiratsgeschichte  aus  der  Zeit 
Konig  Wenzels.  Pp.  42.  Dresden : 
Baensch. 

Wielandt  (F.)  Das  Staatsrecht  des 
Grossherzogthums  Baden.  Pp.  345. 
Freiburg  :  Mohr.     9  m. 

WiEN,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  der  Stadt. 
Red.  von  A.  Meyer.  I :  Regesten  aus 
in-  und  auslandischen  Archiven.  I. 
Pp.  363.  Vienna  :  Konegen.  4to.  20  m. 

ZoELLNER  (A.)  Chronik  der  Stadt  Havel- 
berg.  Pp.  425,  473,  ill.  Havelberg : 
Zoellner.     8  m. 


C.  GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  IRELAND 


Allies  (Mary  H.)  History  of  the  church 
in  England  [1509- 1603].  Pp.  255. 
London  :  Burns  &  Gates.     3/6. 

Baildon  (W.  p.)  Notes  on  the  religious 
and  secular  houses  of  Yorkshire.  I. 
(Yorkshire  Archaeological  Societv.  Re- 
cord series,  XVII.)  Pp.  252.  Printed 
for  the  Society. 

Biography,  Dictionarv  of  National. 
Ed.  by  S.  Lee.  XLIII :  Oivens- 
Passeletve.  Pp.  451.  London  :  Smith, 
Elder,  &  Co.     15/. 

Boyle,  (J.  R.)  The  early  history  of  the 
town  and  port  of  Hedon,  in  the  east 
riding  of  the  county  of  York.  Pp.  227, 
ccl.  ill.     Hull :  Brown.     21/. 

Brassington  (W.  S.)  Historic  Worcester- 
tershire.  Pp.  328,  ill.  Birming- 
ham :  Midland  Education  Company. 
4to.     10. 

BuscH  (W.)  England  under  the  Tudors. 
I:  King  Henry  VIL  Tr.  by  Alice 
M.  Todd.  Pp.  445.  London  :  Innes.  16/. 

Cutis  (E.  L.)  Augustine  of  Canter- 
bury. Pp.  206.  London :  Methuen. 
3  6. 

Denny  (E.)   &  Lacey  (T.  A.)     De  hier- 


archia  Anglicana  dissertatio  apologe- 
tica.     Pp.  265.     London:  Clay.  2/6. 

Forbes  (A.)  Colin  Campbell,  lord  Clyde. 
Pp.  222.     London  :  Macmillan.     2/6. 

Froude  (J.  A.)  English  seamen  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  Pp.  241.  London  : 
Longmans.     10/6. 

George  (H.  B.)  Battles  of  English  his- 
tory. Pp.  334,  maps.  London : 
Methuen.     6/. 

GiLLow  (J.)  A  literary  and  biographical 
history  or  bibliographical  dictionary  of 
the  English  catholics  from  1534  to  the 
present  time.  IV  :  Kenieys — Metham. 
Pp.  572.  London :  Burns  &  Gates. 
15/. 

Hervey  (John),  first  earl  of  Bristol. 
Letter  books  ;  with  sir  Thomas  Her- 
vey's  letters  and  poems  [1651-1750]. 
3  vol.     Portr.     Wells  :  Jackson.    31/6. 

Diary,  with    extracts    from    his 

book  of  expenses.  Pp.  314,  ill.  Wells  : 
Jackson.    4to.    10/6. 

Jolly  (the  rev.  Thomas).  Note  book 
[1671-1693]  ;  Extracts  from  the  church 
book  of  Altham  and  Wymondhouses 
[1649-1725]  ;    and  an  account  of  the 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


623 


Jolly  family.  Ed.  by  H.  Fishwick. 
(Remains  historical  and  literary  con- 
nected with  the  palatine  counties  of 
Lancaster  and  Chester.  N.S.,  XXXIII.) 
Pp.  xxxii,  161.  Manchester  :  Printed 
for  the  Chetham  Society.     4to. 

KiTCHiN  (G.  W.)  Edward  Harold  Browne, 
bishop  of  Winchester:  a  memoir.  Pp. 
544.     London :  Murray.     18/. 

Mackintosh  (J.)  The  history  of  civilisa- 
tion in  Scotland.  New  ed.,  partly  re- 
written. III.  Pp.  476.  London: 
Gardner.     15/. 

Metcalfe  (W.  M.)  Ancient  lives  of 
Scottish  saints.  Transl.  into  English. 
London  :  Gardner.     15/. 

Ormonde  (marquis  of),  Manuscripts  of 
the.  I.  (Historical  Manuscripts  Com- 
mission. 14th  report.  Part  7.)  Lon- 
don :  H.  M.  Stationery  Office.     1/10. 

OxFOBD,  Registers  of  Wadham  College. 
II:  [1719-1871].  Ed.  by  R.  B.  Gar- 
diner.    London  :  Bell.     21/. 

Privy  council  of  England,  Acts  of  the. 
New  series.  X:  1577-1578.  Ed. 
by  J.  R.  Dasent.  Pp.  xxxi,  501.  Lon- 
don :  H.  M.  Stationery  Office.     10/. 

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Erratum. 
Vol.  X,  page  340,  line  43:  for  Malabar  read  Malabari. 


It 

.1 


^ 


<r 


The   English 
Historical    Review 


NO.   XL.— OCTOBER  1895 


The  Office  of  Constable 

THE  officer  who  in  later  times  has  been  generally  known  as 
petty  constable  or  parish  constable  may  be  viewed  in  two 
lights.  In  the  first  place  he  may  be  regarded  as  the  officer  of  a 
manor  or  a  township,  locally  appointed  for  a  special  purpose,  as  the 
hay-ward,  the  ale-taster,  or  the  beadle  might  be.  In  this  capacity 
no  special  importance  is  attached  to  him  by  the  investigators  of  early 
English  village  communities.  Neither  in  Mr.  Seebohm's  '  Enghsh 
Village  Community  '  nor  in  Professor  Vinogradoff's  '  Villainage  in 
England  '  is  the  constable  so  much  as  mentioned,  and  in  other 
writings  of  the  same  class  few  references  to  the  office  occur.  In 
the  *  Eecords  of  the  Norwich  Leets,'  pubHshed  by  the  Selden  Society 
(p.  18),  one  Simon  de  Melton  is  said  to  have  been  amerced  in  1287 
for  having  refused  to  take  oath  of  office  as  suh-coustahulariiis,  after 
having  been  chosen  _/;er  oiimes  juratores ;  and  at  p.  1  of  the  same 
volume  a  constahdarins  is  also  mentioned,  and  a  certain  offender 
described  as  having  been  arrested  and  imprisoned  at  his  suit.  But 
here  and  elsewhere  the  references  to  the  constable  in  connexion 
with  early  village  history  are  quite  incidental,  and  throw  but  little 
light  on  his  status  as  an  officer  of  law.  In  legal  writings,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  duties  and  privileges  of  the  office  have  been 
considered  worthy  of  much  discussion  and  a  considerable  display 
of  learning.  In  books  like  those  of  Serjeant  Hawkins  or  Sir 
Matthew  Hale  on  the  history  of  the  Pleas  of  the  Crown  the  con- 
stable as  an  executive  officer  takes  a  very  prominent  place  next  to 
the  sheriff  and  the  justices  of  the  peace.  Blackstone,  again,  looks  at 
him  from  a  somewhat  different  point  of  view.  High  constables, 
he  says  (i.  356),  were  first  appointed  by  the  Statute  of  Win- 
chester (13  Ed.  I,  stat.  2),  and  at  some  unknown  period  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  III  petty  constables  were  appointed  to  assist  them. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XL.  s  s 


626  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

In  the  office  of  parish  coftstahle  are  united,  he  continues,  the 
ancient  office  of  head-borough,  or  tithing  man,  and  the  office  of 
constable,  created  by  royal  authority.  This  account  is  historically 
inaccurate,  as  we  shall  see  that  the  office  of  constable,  as  it  was 
known  to  the  law  in  Blackstone's  time,  was  nou  created  either  by 
the  Statute  of  "Winchester  or  by  any  other  ordinance  of  parlia- 
ment ;  and  there  is  good  reason  to  think  that  Blackstone's  parish 
constable  did  not  merely  combine  in  his  person  two  separate 
offices,  but  rather  represented  an  office  of  remote  antiquity,  on  which 
had  been  inipressed  in  comparatively  modern  times  a  character 
that  it  could  only  have  gained  at  a  period  when  local  custom  was 
being  superseded  by  the  law  of  parliament  and  the  royal  courts. 
In  other  words,  it  is  a  reasonable  hypothesis  that  parliament  has 
merely  recognised  a  pre-existing  institution,  and  employed  it  for  its 
own  purposes.  It  is  probable  that  a  complete  history  of  the  parish 
constable  would  be  a  history  of  the  gradual  decay  of  local  self- 
government  in  the  rural  districts„  For  such  a  history  it  is  unlikely 
that  any  sufficient  materials  exist ;  at  all  events  it  could  not  be 
attempted  without  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  manorial 
court  rolls  and  other  local  records,  of  which  a  very  large  number 
still  await  examination  and  publication.  At  least  those  that  have 
been  published  throw,  as  I  have  said,  but  little  light  on  the  functions 
and  position  of  the  constable.  If,  however,  we  turn  to  such  readily 
accessible  sources  of  information  as  the  '  Statutes  at  Large,'  we  find 
indications  of  a  very  different  view  of  the  office  from  that  pre- 
sented by  legal  authors  or  that  which  would  naturally  be  derived 
from  the  writings  of  those  who  have  made  the  early  organisation 
of  our  villages  their  special  study.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  early  acts  of  parliament  embody  the  ideas  of  crown  lawyers 
and  officers  of  a  semi-foreign  court,  who  were  not  likely  to  be  very 
familiar  with  the  workings  of  our  native  local  institutions,  except 
in  so  far  as  they  might  come  in  contact  with  the  central  authority 
or  form  part  of  a  system  common  in  great  measure  to  all  Europe. 
If  such  a  proposition  regarding  the  authors  of  the  English  statute 
book  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  is  not  one  that 
meets  with  universal  assent,  I  think  an  examination  of  the  history 
of  the  title  of  constable  will  furnish  some  good  evidence  that  it  is 
at  any  rate  founded  on  strong  probability. 

In  the  first  place  it  may  be  noted  that  the  term  is  one  of  very 
wide  application.  The  comes  stahidi  was  originally  a  high  official 
of  the  Prankish  court.  This  dignity  survived  for  long  in  France. 
There  is  to  this  day  an  hereditary  constable  of  Scotland,  though 
the  office  has  ceased  to  exist  in  England  except  for  special  occa- 
sions such  as  coronations,  and  there  have  been  constables  of 
other  European  countries.  Then  the  title  was  applied  to  military 
commanders  of  a  lower  rank.    A  French  author  of  the  thirteenth 


I 


1895  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  627 

century,  quoted  by  Littre,  speaks  of  constables  of  thousands  and 
constables  of  hundreds.  Instances  occur  in  English  from  the 
thirteenth  to  the  fifteenth  century  of  the  use  of  the  word  to  denote 
any  chief  officer  of  an  army  or  of  a  household,  or  even  a  merely 
subordinate  military  officer.^  But  the  most  characteristic  use  of 
the  word  in  England  cannot  be  paralleled  in  any  foreign  country. 
By  us  it  has  been  comparatively  seldom  used,  as  it  was  used 
abroad,  in  the  sense  of  a  military  commander,  a  governor  of  men, 
the  head  of  an  organised  force,  such  as  an  army  in  the  field ;  it 
has,  on  the  contrary,  been  almost  universally  used  to  denote  an 
officer  of  a  peculiarly  local  character ;  it  connotes,  in  fact,  a  local 
rather  than  a  personal  jurisdiction,  and  it  is  associated  with  what 
is,  perhaps,  the  oldest  area  of  local  self-government  in  England. 
The  intimate  connexion  between  the  parish  and  the  constable  is  apt 
now  to  be  overlooked,  but  in  the  last  century  it  was  of  very  great 
importance  and  formed  the  basis  of  numerous  judicial  decisions. 
Thus  in  the  case  of  the  village  of  Chorley  (1  Salk.  175)  it  was  laid 
down  by  Holt  C.J.  that  a  village  and  a  constable  are  correlatives, 
while  a  hamlet  has  no  constable ;  and  that,  further,  if  a  warrant 
be  directed  to  a  constable  by  name,  he  may  execute  it  beyond  his 
precinct,  but  cannot  be  compelled  to  do  so ;  while  if  it  be  directed 
to  all  constables  generally,  no  constable  can  execute  the  same  out 
of  his  constablewick.  Again,  in  a  case  between  the  parishes  of 
Denham  and  Dalham  in  8  Geo.  II  it  was  held  by  the  court  of 
King's  Bench  that  a  place  cannot  be  a  township  unless  it  consists 
de  phiribus  mansionihus  and  has  a  petty  constable  (2  Str.  1004). 
In  fact,  the  existence  of  a  constable  came  to  be  regarded  in  the  many 
disputes  under  the  poor  law,  which  the  court  of  King's  Bench  had 
to  decide,  as  the  most  characteristic  mark  of  the  indejDendent 
township.  See,  for  example,  the  case  of  E.  v.  Sir  Watts  Horton 
(1  D.  &  E.  37G),  in  which  Buller  J.  stated  in  very  positive  terms 
that  there  is  a  township  wherever  there  is  a  constable — there  may 
be  a  constable  for  a  larger  district  than  a  township,  but  not  for  a 
smaller.  B.  v.  Inhabitants  of  Leigh  (3  D.  &  E.  74G),  and  B.  r. 
Newell  (4  D.  &  E.  270)  furnish  further  authority  on  this  point. 

Another  very  striking  feature  of  the  constable's  office  will  be 
found  to  suggest  some  interesting  conclusions.  In  an  act  of  1827 
(7  &  8  Geo.  IV,  cap.  38)  it  is  recited  that  in  some  parts  of  England 
petty  constables  have  '  from  a  very  remote  period  '  been  required 
to  appear  at  a  petty  session  of  the  peace  held  before  every  quarter 
sessions  and  assizes,  and  there  on  oath  make  presentments  of  various 
matters  connected  with  their  respective  parishes.  These  were  of  an 
extremely  miscellaneous  character.  Such  matters  as  the  existence 
in  a  parish  of  *  Popish  Becusants,  Persons  absenting  themselves 

'  Numerous  instances  of  the  use  of  the  word  as  signifying  merely  a  captain  or 
commander  are  given  in  Madox,  Hist.  Excli.  i.  39,  40. 

s  s  2 


628  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 


9 


from  their  Parish  Church  or  any  other  Place  of  Eeligious  Worship,' 
forestallers  and  regraters,  profane  swearers  and  cursers,  and  servants 
out  of  place,  may  no  doubt  have  been  presented  in  pursuance  of 
direct  statutory  enactment,  and  cannot  in  any  case  have  been  matters 
of  presentment  before  the  institution  of  a  parliament  at  all.  But 
there  were  other  subjects  on  which  the  constables  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  make  presentments,  such  as  the  condition  of  the  highways 
in  the  parish,  the  commission  of  felonies  and  the  arrest  of  the  felons, 
which  savour  of  a  much  higher  antiquity,  and  at  least  suggest  that 
the  practice  'of  making  these  presentments  was  a  survival  from  a 
very  early  period.  The  practice  was  nearly  or  altogether  abolished  by 
the  above-cited  act,  but  a  parliamentary  return  of  1827  (H.  C.  398) . 
shows  that,  though  the  custom  was  then  for  the  most  part  a  mere 
form,  the  form  was  in  many  places  most  scrupulously  observed. 
In  some  counties  constables  did  not  hesitate  to  present  on  oath 
that  all  was  well  within  their  parishes,  or  more  particularly  that 
there  were  no  popish  recusants  or  *  no  papists  but  what  behave 
well,'  no  idle  and  disorderly  persons,  and  no  profane  cursing  or 
swearing,  no  tippling  on  the  Sabbath  day,  not  even  any  persons 
that  absent  themselves  from  church,  nor  any  'badgers  of  corn, 
malt,  butter,  cheese,  &c.'  But  in  practice  the  only  matters  they 
not  unfrequently  found  reason  to  present  were  the  insecurity  of 
some  bridge  or  the  bad  state  of  the  highway  within  their  constable- 
wick.  True  or  false  as  these  presentments  may  have  been,  the 
persistence  of  local  custom  is  strikingly  illustrated  by  the  fact  that 
they  continued  to  be  made  up  to  1827  ;  and  even  after  1827  it 
still  apparently  remained  in  strictness  the  duty  of  the  constable  ,_ 

to  make  presentments  with  regard  to  the  efficiency  of  the  village  ^ 

stocks,  the  condition  of  the  roads,  and  some  other  matters  of  a  \ 

similar  kind.  ^ 

The  presentment  of  the  petty  constable  was  ordinarily  verified 
on  oath  before  two  magistrates,  and  returned  to  the  high  constable 
of  the  hundred,  for  delivery  by  him  at  assizes  or  quarter  sessions. 
Usually  it  took  the  form  of  answers  to  a  long  list  of  articles  to  be 
inquired  into.  The  articles  appear  generally  in  practice  to  have 
been  prepared  beforehand  ready  for  the  constable  to  affix  his  signa- 
ture to  each  in  token  that  in  his  parish  no  subject  of  complaint  had 
arisen  during  the  period  in  question.  They  were  much  the  same 
for  assizes  and  quarter  sessions,  and  did  not  differ  very  considerably 
in  different  counties.  In  Middlesex  the  grand  jury  for  the  court  of 
King's  Bench  issued  their  precept  to  the  high  constables,  requiring 
them  to  send  notice  to  the  petty  constables  that  they  should  make 
due  presentment  as  to  each  of  the  articles ;  and  in  the  Parts  of 
Holland  a  somewhat  similar  precept  used  to  be  issued  by  the  under- 
sheriff  on  behalf  of  the  judges  of  assize,  but  ordinarily  the  present- 
ments were  made  as  matter  of  course.     Proceedings  on  them  were 


I 


1895  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  629 

very  rare,  except  when  the  presentment  was  put  in  the  form  of  an 
indictment,  but  at  least  as  late  as  1825  in  the  county  of  Flint,  the 
grand  jury  at  the  assizes  having  ignored  a  bill  of  indictment  founded 
on  a  presentment  made  by  the  high  constable  of  one  division  of 
Naylor  hundred  with  regard  to  the  insecurity  of  a  certain  bridge  in 
the  hundred,  proceedings  were  afterwards  taken  on  the  original 
presentment  by  means  of  a  non  omittas  distringas^  and  a  sheriffs 
warrant  was  issued,  which  appears  to  have  been  effectual  in 
securing  the  abatement  of  the  nuisance  complained  of. 

Now  this  procedure  will  be  seen  to  be  of  great  significance  if  the 
following  considerations  are  taken  into  account.  A  *  presentment ' 
is  the  ordinary  technical  term  for  a  statement  on  oath  by  the 
inhabitants  of  a  certain  area  that  some  offence  against  the  law  has 
been  committed  within  their  venue  or  neighbourhood.  An  inquisition 
found  by  a  coroner's  jury  or  an  indictment  found  by  a  grand  jury 
is  the  most  typical  instance  of  a  presentment  at  the  present  day. 
In  an  indictment  at  county  quarter  sessions,  for  example,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  county,  as  represented  by  the  grand  jury,  declare  on 
oath  that  within  their  county  a  certain  person  or  persons  have  com- 
mitted a  certain  breach  of  the  law,  and  on  this  presentment  the  trial 
follows.  So  if  a  coroner's  jury  present  that  a  certain  person  has 
been  guilty  of  homicide,  he  may  without  more  ado  be  put  on  his  trial. 

Presentments  there  may  be  that  do  not  exactly  conform  to  this 
type :  thus  the  presentment  of  a  grand  jury  in  favour  of  some 
change  of  the  law  involves  no  legal  consequences,  but,  speaking 
generally,  the  characteristic  marks  of  a  presentment  are  that  it  is 
made  jointly  by  the  inhabitants  of  a  definite  locality,  visnetum  or 
venue,  and  that  it  may  give  rise  to  legal  process  against  any  indi- 
vidual therein  named.  The  constables'  presentments,  it  is  true, 
were  usually  put  in  the  form  of  a  bill  of  indictment,  and  sent  before 
the  grand  jury  before  legal  action  was  taken  on  them,  just  as  at 
the  present  time  the  common  practice  is  not  to  try  a  j)risoner  on  a 
coroner's  inquisition,  but  to  prefer  a  bill  of  indictment,  which,  if 
found  by  the  grand  jury,  serves  as  the  basis  of  the  trial,  no  pro- 
ceedings being  taken,  as  a  rule,  on  the  inquisition  if  no  true  bill  has 
been  found  by  the  grand  jury.  The  same  course  appears  to  have 
been  usually  followed  in  the  case  of  a  constable's  presentment,  but 
the  proceedings  reported  from  the  county  of  Flint  show  that  the 
constable's  presentment  was  nevertheless  a  true  presentment — that 
is  to  say,  it  was  not  merely  an  information  laid  by  an  individual 
which  might  or  might  not  lead  to  an  indictment,  but  it  was  such 
an  accusation  as  of  itself  to  furnish  sufficient  ground  for  a  trial  at 
law.  For  this  English  law  has  ordinarily  required  that  the  accu- 
sation should  be  made  by  a  body  of  men  representing  a  definite 
area,  and  at  first  sight  it  is  highly  anomalous  that  the  presentment 
made  by  a  single  constable  should  be  treated  as  having  this  com- 


630  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

munal  character.  The  hypothesis  that  this  article  is  intended  to 
suggest  is  that  the  constable  in  the  eye  of  the  law  was  not  merely 
the  officer  of  the  township,  vill,  or  tithing  for  which  he  was  ap- 
pointed, but  its  true  representative,  exercising  in  his  own  person 
its  communal  rights,  and  subject  to  its  communal  responsibilities. 
If  this  hypothesis  can  be  substantiated,  the  constable's  presentment 
is  quite  normal  and  free  from  difficulty ;  it  is,  in  truth,  the  present- 
ment of  the  inhabitants  of  his  township,  as  the  indictment  on 
which  a  prisoner  is  tried  at  county  assizes  is  merely  the  present- 
ment of  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  in  which  the  venue  is  laid. 
A  further  consideration  suggests  itself.  The  subjects  of  present- 
ment by  the  constables  are  much  the  same  as  the  subjects  of  pre- 
sentment at  courts  leet  when  courts  leet  were  most  flourishing.  In 
the  parliamentary  return  above  mentioned  it  is  stated  that  in  the 
city  of  Lincoln  presentments  were  not  made  by  the  constables,  the 
matters  with  which  they  dealt  being  there  noticed  and  corrected  by 
an  efficient  court  leet.  If  the  conjecture  I  have  hazarded  be  correct, 
the  constables  would  represent  at  the  courts  held  by  the  judges  of 
assizes  and  by  the  justices  at  their  quarter  sessions  the  leet  juries  of 
the  local  courts. 

I  have  dealt  with  this  system  of  constables'  presentments  at 
considerable  length,  partly  because  the  ordinary  legal  text-books 
have  altogether  omitted  mention  of  this  singular  form  of  procedure, 
partly  because  it  suggests  the  very  theory  which  will,  I  think,  be 
found  to  explain  most  fully  and  naturally  the  history  of  the  con- 
stable's office.  It  would,  of  course,  be  rash  to  argue  the  origin  of 
an  office  from  the  attributes  attaching  to  it  in  modern  times,  or  to 
regard  its  characteristic  marks  in  the  eighteenth  century  as  safe  in- 
dications of  the  character  of  the  office  five  centuries  before.  All 
that  we  can  do  is  to  test  by  the  available  evidence,  scanty  as  it  is, 
touching  the  early  history  of  the  constable,  the  hypothesis  on  which 
his  legal  status,  at  a  time  when  it  is  fully  known  to  us,  can  be  most 
naturally  accounted  for. 

The  first  of  the  published  documents  in  which  the  constable  makes 
his  appearance  is  the  writ  of  1252,  published  in  Stubbs's  '  Select 
Charters,'  7th  ed.  p.  371.  There  it  is  provided  that  in  each  town- 
ship {in  singulis  villatis)  one  constable  or  two,  according  to  its  popu- 
lation, should  be  appointed  (constituatur) ,  and  in  each  hundred  one 
chief  constable  {capitalis  constahularius),  who  were  to  have  special 
care  for  the  view  of  arms  and  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace. 
They  were  given  for  this  purpose  equal  authority  with  the  mayors 
or  the  bailiffs  or  praepositi  of  boroughs,  and  were  specially  respon- 
sible for  the  proper  carrying  out  of  the  hue  and  cry.  The  writ 
merely  enforced  and  elaborated  earlier  provisions  of  the  law.  Thus 
the  provisions  for  the  hue  and  cry  are  similar  to  those  indicated  in 


1895  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  681 

the  Ordinance  of  the  Hundred  of  Edgar's  time,^  in  accordance  with 
which  the  tithing  men  were  to  be  summoned  by  the  hundred  men 
for  the  pursuit  of  a  thief,  and  again  in  the  edict  of  Kichard  I ;  ^ 
nor  do  the  other  provisions  of  the  writ  introduce  new  principles  of 
administration.  There  seems,  therefore,  no  need  to  suppose  that 
the  constabularii  were  wholly  new  officers.  On  the  contrary,  the 
absence  of  any  directions  respecting  the  mode  of  their  appoint- 
ment makes  this  somewhat  improbable ;  and  ifc  appears  at  least 
equally  probable  that  the  duty  of  seeing  that  the  liability  attaching 
from  a  previous  period  to  the  individual  township  was  properly  dis- 
charged, would  in  natural  course  fall  on  its  head  man,  whether  he 
was  styled  reeve,  tithing  man,  or  head-borough.  Constabularius 
would  thus  be  his  designation  when  his  responsibility  towards  the 
central  government  was  mainly  regarded ;  this  would  be  the  title 
most  familiar  to  the  crown  officials,  and  would  be  appropriate  enough 
when  he  was  looked  on  as  the  commander  for  police  and  military 
purposes  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  township.  It  is,  in  fact,  the 
only  title  that  is  applied  in  the  statutes  of  the  realm  to  any  repre- 
sentative of  the  unit  of  local  government  until  a  comparatively  recent 
date. 

Another  argument  may  be  urged  against  the  view  that  the  parish 
constable  of  later  times  had  his  origin  in  the  writ  of  1252.  Had 
this  been  the  case,  we  should  expect  to  find  two  constables  as  normal 
an  arrangement  as  a  single  constable,  at  all  events  in  the  larger 
parishes.  As  a  matter  of  fact  some  parishes  did  appoint  two  con- 
stables, but  this  was  exceptional,  and  the  law  has  always  re- 
garded one  constable,  and  one  only,  as  a  sufficient  complement  for 
the  properly  constituted  parish.  The  double  appointment,  where  it 
was  the  practice,  may  be  due  to  the  writ,  or  it  may  be  due,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  particular  reasons  varying  in  different  localities  ;  but 
while  one  constable  was  insisted  on  by  the  King's  Bench  as  the 
necessary  mark  of  the  parish  as  a  unit  of  local  government,  the 
appointment  of  an  additional  officer  is  merely  a  matter  of  usage, 
which  may  or  may  not  be  judicially  recognised  as  binding. 

Another  consideration  that  bears  on  the  question  is  the  following. 
Many  villages  never  did  have  a  constable  under  that  name.  The 
person  who  discharged  the  duty  of  a  constable  might  be  a  borsholder, 
head-borough,  or  tithing  man.  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  ju- 
dicial decision  recognising  such  an  officer  as  distinct  from  a  constable, 
though  legal  authorities  have  sometimes  expressed  a  view  that  a 
distinction  did  exist.  Thus  Blackstone  (i.  356)  says :  '  The  antienfc 
head-boroughs,  tithing  men,  and  borsholders  were  made  use  of  to 
serve  as  petty  constables,  though  not  so  generally  but  that  in  many 
places  they  still  continue  distinct  officers  from  the  constables.'  In 
Burn's  '  Justice  of  the  Peace '  (ed.  1766,  i.  349)  it  is  said  : '  The  divers 

2  stubbs,  S.  C.  p.  70.  '  Ibid,  p.  2(34. 


\ 


632  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

names  also  of  petty  constalBles,  tythingmen,  borsholders,  boroheads, 
headborows,  chief  pledges,  and  such  other  (if  there  be  any)  that  bear 
office  in  towns,  parishes,  hamlets,  tythings,  or  borows,  are  all  in  effect 
but  two,  that  is  to  say,  constables  &  borsholders,'  But  it  appears  from 
what  follows  that  these  are  merely  to  be  regarded  as  two  names  for 
the  same  kind  of  officer. 

Again,  from  Lambard's  *  Duties  of  Constables '  (ed.  1633,  67, 
69)  it  is  to  be  gathered  that  though  in  his  view  a  borsholder  or  other 
similar  officer  was  not  competent  to  discharge  the  duties  of  a  con- 
stable in  respect  of  a  variety  of  matters  in  which  the  duty  was 
imposed  by  statute,  nevertheless,  in  such  fundamental  matters 
as  the  keeping  of  the  peace  or  the  conveyance  of  prisoners  to 
gaol,  his  duties  coincided  with  the  constable's.  In  another  place 
he  explains  this  by  saying  that  *  where  there  be  many  tything  men 
in  one  parish,  there  only  one  of  them  is  a  constable  for  the  king, 
and  the  rest  do  serve  but  as  the  ancient  tything  men  did.'  It  follows 
that  in  Lambard's  opinion  the  responsibility  for  the  keeping  of  the 
peace  or  the  arrest  of  an  offender  attached  to  a  constable,  not  as 
a  king's  officer,  but  as  the  representative  of  his  parish,  and  was 
created  not  by  statute  but  by  the  ancient  common  law. 

The  most  reasonable  explanation  of  these  facts  seems  to  be  that 
the  writ  of  1252  created  no  new  office,  but  merely  applied  to  an 
existing  officer  a  designation  which  was  specially  appropriate  in 
reference  to  the  particular  obligations  enforced  by  the  writ ;  that 
the  royal  courts  of  law  similarly  employed  this  designation  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  older  titles  of  native  growth,  and  that  consequently 
the  latter  generally  fell  into  disuse.  The  writ  of  1252  accordingly 
affords  no  conclusive  argument  against  the  hypothesis  with  which 
we  started. 

We  have  next  to  consider  the  evidence  supplied  by  the  statutes 
of  parliament.  There  the  first  occurrence  of  the  term  is  in  Magna 
Charta,  cap.  17,  where  the  office  is  coupled  with  those  of  other  royal 
officers.  Nullus  vicecomesy  constabularius,  coronator^  vel  alii  ballivi 
nostri  tencant  placita  corone  nostre.  Whatever  is  the  exact  meaning 
of  the  title  here,  it  is  evident  that  no  question  of  the  parish  constable 
can  arise.  In  two  other  early  statutes  the  term  is  clearly,  in  like 
manner,  applied  to  royal  officers  of  high  position.  The  Statutum  de 
Scaccario,  51  Hen.  Ill,  stat.  5,  associates  constables  with  sheriffs  and 
other  bailiffs  as  having  exacted  outrageous  charges,  and  in  2  Edw. 
Ill,  cap.  3,  the  constable  is  associated  with  the  sheriff  or  *  any  other 
bailiff  of  fee  which  hath  keeping  of  prisons.'  This  specialised  use 
of  the  word  survives  to  the  present  day  in  the  case  of  the  keepers 
of  Windsor  Castle,  the  Tower  of  London,  and  one  or  two  other  royal 
fortresses,  but  this  appears  to  be  the  last  occasion  on  which  it  occurs 
in  the  Statute  Book  with  this  signification. 

Next  we  come  to  the  Statute  of  Winchester,  13  Ed.  I,  stat.  2 


« 


I 


1895  THE  OFFICE  OF  CONSTABLE  633 

By  chapter  6  two  constables  were  to  be  chosen  in  each  hundred 
and  franchise  to  enforce  the  ordinances  for  the  keeping  of  arms.  It 
is  clear  that  here  the  word  is  used  as  an  appropriate  title  for  an 
official  to  be  newly  appointed  of  high  standing  and  vested  with 
authority  derived  from  the  crown.  It  is  not  improbable  that  one 
of  the  two  constables  was  the  officer  afterwards  known  as  high 
constable,  but  it  is  by  no  means  probable  that  the  first  origin  of  the 
office  is  to  be  found  in  the  statute.  Analogy  would  suggest  that  the 
high  constables  represent  the  ancient  chief  officers  of  the  hundreds, 
and  it  is  a  reasonable  conjecture  that  these  would  be  the  officers 
naturally  selected  for  enforcing  the  provisions  of  the  act,  but  this 
question  is  not  material  for  our  present  purpose. 

In  2  Edw.  Ill,  cap.  3,  we  first  come  on  the  term  in  its  more 
restricted  sense.  Sheriffs,  lords  of  franchises  and  their  bailiffs, 
mayors  and  bailiffs  of  cities  and  boroughs,  *  burghaldres,  conestables 
&  gardeins  de  la  pees  deinz  lour  gardes,'  are  all  empowered  to  take 
action  for  the  suppression  of  armed  routs,  and  the  justices  are 
authorised  when  they  come  down  into  the  country  to  see  that  these 
officers  have  truly  and  faithfully  exercised  their  office.  If  this 
statute  stood  alone  we  could  hardly  fail  to  see  in  the  conestahle  the 
representative  of  the  rural  township  or  tithing,  recognised  by  the 
draftsman  of  the  act  as  ranking  on  a  level  with  the  mayors  and 
bailiffs  of  urban  districts  ;  and  this  view  is  confirmed  by  a  further 
examination  of  the  Statute  Book.  In  chapter  7  of  the  same  year 
the  constables  appear  after  sheriffs,  coroners,  under-sheriffs,  hun- 
dreders,  and  bailiffs  in  the  list  of  officers  of  whom  the  justices  thereby 
commissioned  were  to  make  inquiry ;  and  in  4  Edw.  Ill,  cap.  10, 
constables  are  unmistakably  designated  as  the  representatives  of 
townships.  '  Whereas  .  .  .  sheriffs  and  gaolers  of  gaols  would  not 
receive  thieves  .  .  .  taken  and  attached  by  the  constables  and  town- 
ships,  whereby  the  said  constables  and  toicnships  have  been  unwilling 
to  take  thieves  and  felons  .  .  .'  We  shall  find  some  reason  later 
for  supposing  that  the  common-law  duties  and  powers  of  the  modern 
constable  are  nothing  more  than  the  duties  and  powers  attaching 
from  a  very  early  period  to  the  township  or  the  tithing.  Here  it 
will  be'  sufficient  to  note  the  significance  of  the  collocation.  For 
the  prrposes  of  police  the  township  and  the  constable  are  at  this 
date  alternative  authorities,  and  their  liability  for  the  suppression 
of  crime  is  taken,  as  it  were,  for  granted.  The  constables,  it  would 
seem,  have  only  acquired  this  liability  as  representing  their  town- 
ship and  not  by  virtue  of  any  express  enactment.  In  9  Edw.  Ill, 
cap.  14,  a  difference  is  observable,  which,  however,  may  only  be  a 
difference  in  drafting  and  not  a  difference  in  the  mode  of  regarding 
the  local  police  organisation.  After  reciting  the  necessity  for  a  more 
strict  enforcement  of  the  Statute  of  Winchester,  the  act  goes  on  to 
require  the  constables  of  the  towns  {conestables  des  villes)  to  arrest 


:634  THE   OFFICE  OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

strangers  of  whom  they  have  evil  suspicion  and  deliver  them  to  the 
sheriff,  to  await  the  coming  of  the  justices.  We  may  compare  with 
this  the  provisions  of  the  Statute  of  Winchester  itself,  whereby  every 
township  {vile)  was  obliged  to  appoint  four  or  six  night  watchmen, 
corresponding  to  the  twelve  watchmen  to  be  appointed  for  every 
borough  and  the  six  watchmen  to  be  stationed  at  each  gate  of  a  city. 
This,  it  was  declared,  was  the  old  practice ;  but  plainly  there  was, 
even  in  1285,  some  need  to  re-enforce  it  by  royal  authority,  and  by 
Edward  Ill's  time  the  transition  from  the  communal  responsibility 
of  the  township  to  the  individual  responsibility  of  its  representative, 
the  constable,  had  no  doubt  already  begun.  To  the  lawyers  of  the 
royal  court  the  latter  system  would  naturally  commend  itself,  and 
in  singling  out  an  individual  to  be  vested  with  police  responsibility 
it  would  be  obviously  desirable  to  find  for  him  some  title  that  would 
savour  of  the  royal  authority  rather  than  one  having  a  purely  local 
origin,  such  as  would  be  more  appropriate  for  the  township  meeting 
or  the  manorial  court.  In  point  of  fact,  as  I  have  said,  such  terms 
as  tithing  man,  head-borough,  or  chief  pledge  scarcely  ^"appear  in 
the  Statute  Book  till  a  comparatively  late  period. 

So  far  were  the  framers  of  the  early  statutes  carried  by  their 
desire  to  find  a  responsible  authority  in  every  place,  whether  urban 
or  rural,  that  by  23  Edw.  Ill,  cap.  1,  the  constables  of  towns  were 
given  jurisdiction  equally  with  the  sheriffs  and  bailiffs  of  the  king 
to  commit  to  gaol  any  one  refusing  to  enter  service  in  accordance 
with  the  provisions  of  the  act.  So  again  the  Statute  of  Labourers 
(25  Edw.  Ill,  stat.  1)  conferred  on  constables  the  same  powers  for 
enforcing  the  law  as  on  lords  of  franchises,  bailiffs,  and  stewards. 
It  was  this  act  that  first  required  every  township  to  be  provided  with 
stocks,  those  *  prisons  of  the  constable,'  as  they  are  called  by  an 
early  legal  historian.  Till  1827  the  condition  of  the  village  stocks 
was  a  matter  of  which  the  royal  courts  of  justice  took  formal  notice. 
In  some  of  the  later  acts  dealing  with  the  question  of  labour 
the  mayors  and  constables  appear  regularly  as  the  local  executive 
authorities  [e.g.  12  Eic.  II,  cap.  3),  till  the  time  came  when  the 
ever-growing  administrative  importance  of  the  justices  of  the  peace 
enabled  them  to  supersede  officers  of  a  merely  local  origin  in  this 
as  well  as  in  other  matters.^  But  as  soon  as  a  determined  attempt 
was  made  to  establish  the  royal  authority  throughout  the  kingdom, 
the  insufficiency  of  the  township  constables  to  secure  good  order 
in  rural  districts  must  have  become  apparent  to  the  central 
government.  For  example,  by  cap.  6  of  2  Eic.  II,  stat.  1,  special 
commissioners  were  to  be  appointed  to  exercise  much  the  same 
functions  for  the  suppression  of  routs  and  riots  as  devolved  under 

*  For  example,  by  6  Hen.  VI,  cap.  3,  it  is  already  the  justices  of  the  peace  who  in 
country  districts  were  to  discharge  the  functions  discharged  in  towns  by  mayors  and 

"  bailiffs.  ' '  -  - 


1895  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  6^ 

2  Edw.  Ill,  c.  3,  on  mayors,  constables,  and  others;  and  by  7  Ric.  II, 
cap.  6,  it  was  expressly  ordered  that  the  Statute  of  Winchester 
should  be  proclaimed  four  times  a  year  in  every  hundred  and 
every  market  town — clearly  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  home  to 
rural  authorities  the  responsibilities  with  which  the  law  had  indued 
them.  In  fact,  by  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  constables 
in  the  matter  of  keeping  the  peace  were  beginning  to  lose  their 
initiative  and  becoming  the  mere  subordinates  of  the  local  ministers 
of  the  crown.  Such  an  inference  may  fairly  be  drawn  from  the 
omission  of  any  mention  of  their  office  in  the  successive  acts 
dealing  with  this  matter,  though  the  first  positive  trace  in  the 
Statute  Book  of  the  modern  theory,  by  which  the  constable  is  the 
servant  of  the  justice  to  execute  his  warrants,  appears  to  be  in 
1  Hen.  VII,  cap.  7.  This  statute  empowered  a  justice,  on  receiving 
information  of  any  '  night  hunting,'  to  '  make  a  warrant  to  the 
sheriff  of  such  county  or  to  any  constable,  bailiff,  or  other  officer 
within  the  same  county  to  take  and  arrest '  the  accused  persons, 
and  to  *  have  him  or  them  afore  the  maker  of  any  such  warrant.' 
By  the  act  for  appointing  for  the  first  time  justices  of  the  peace 
in  Chester  and  Wales  (27  Hen.  VIII,  cap.  5,  s.  8)  both  high  and 
petty  constables  are  expressly  obliged  (together  with  sheriffs, 
coroners,  and  other  officers)  to  be  attendant  on  them  '  in  like  manner 
and  form,  and  under  like  pains  and  penalties,  as  ...  in  other 
shires  of  this  realm  of  England  ; '  and  after  this  date  the  sub- 
ordination of  the  constable  to  the  justices  in  matters  of  police  is 
always  apparent. 

After  the  constable  had  come  to  be  regarded  merely  as  a  police 
officer  attendant  on  the  justices  and  other  ministers  of  the  crown, 
his  position  caused  a  good  deal  of  difficulty  to  legal  theorists.  He 
possessed  an  undoubted  though  somewhat  vague  authority,  but  it 
was  not  derived  from  the  sovereign ;  he  was  by  common  law  a 
conservator  of  the  peace,  but  he  was  no  longer  vested  with  any  of 
those  magisterial  functions  which  justices,  coroners,  and  other  con- 
servators exercised  by  virtue  of  their  office ;  his  person  was  sur- 
rounded with  a  good  deal  of  traditional  sanctity,  but  when  the  law 
was  more  closely  examined  it  was  found  that  his  actual  powers 
for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  differed  very  slightly  from  those 
of  the  lieges  who  were  not  indued  with  the  dignity  of  office. 
Even  the  doctrine  that  a  constable  may  arrest  a  suspected  felon  on 
mere  suspicion  that  a  felony  has  been  committed,  and  a  private 
person  only  if  a  felony  has  actually  been  committed,  is  of  recent 
origin  and  is  not  recognised  by  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  one  of  the  first 
of  the  writers  who  have  spent  treasures  of  legal  learning  on  the 
status  of  the  constable.  The  law  on  this  point,  indeed,  appears 
to  have  been  judicially  laid  down  for  the  first  time  in  1780 
(Samuel  v,  Payne  and  others  ;  see  note  to  Hawkins's  *  Pleas  of  the 


636  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

Crown,'  7th  ed.  p.  162) f  The  legal  anomaly  of  the  constable's 
position  is,  however,  explained  if  we  regard  him  not  merely  as 
an  officer  appointed  for  the  preservation  of  the  king's  peace,  nor 
as  the  mere  officer  of  the  parish,  but  as  the  direct  representative 
of  the  old  vill  or  township.  His  responsibilities  were  always  un- 
doubted ;  his  liability,  for  instance,  for  the  escape  of  felons  was 
unmistakably  heavier  than  that  of  a  private  person,  though  in 
strict  law  his  privileges  for  insuring  their  safe  custody  were  some- 
what shadowy;  and  in  like  manner  in  the  earlier  provisions  for  the 
maintenance  of  order  the  responsibility  of  the  townships  was  always 
more  clearly  insisted  on  than  their  executive  powers.  But  as  the 
powers  which  might  have  grown  by  exercise  more  definite  and 
more  extensive  generally  passed  away  to  the  newly  created  local 
justices,  the  responsibilities  remained  and  became  inseparably 
attached  to  office.  In  later  times  the  privileges  of  a  constable  have 
been  enlarged  by  express  enactment ;  an  assault  on  a  constable,  for 
instance,  is  made  a  specially  heinous  offence  ;  while  it  is  every  one's 
duty  to  arrest  a  felon,  the  obligation  is  more  stringent  when  en- 
forced by  the  summons  of  a  constable,  and  a  long  series  of  statutes 
has  given  him  the  power  of  summary  arrest  in  the  case  of  a  large 
number  of  petty  offences.  These  and  other  powers  have  in  the 
course  of  the  last  two  centuries  been  assigned  to  the  office  by  express 
legislation,  but  they  evidently  represent  the  attributes  of  a  legal 
status  existing  from  a  very  remote  period,  though  perhaps  not 
previously  recognised  by  the  courts  of  law.  That  status,  though  no 
doubt  it  is  still  not  free  from  obscurity,  has  been  made  somewhat 
more  definite  by  parliamentary  enactment,  and  now,  as  from  time 
to  time  it  has  proved  necessary  to  create  organised  and  permanent 
bodies  of  men  for  the  maintenance  of  order — the  county  constabu- 
lary, the  borough  police,  and  the  police  of  the  metropolis — it  has 
been  sufficient  to  provide  that  every  member  of  the  newly  esta- 
blished force  shall  possess  '  all  those  powers,  duties,  privileges,  rights, 
and  liabilities  that  a  constable  by  law  now  has  or  ought  to  have 
within  his  constable  wick.'  The  modern  policeman  is  a  long  way 
distant  from  the  parish  constable  of  even  the  last  century,  but  the 
change  is  merely  a  development.  While  the  police  system  of  this 
country  has  during  the  present  reign  been  placed  on  an  entirely 
new  footing,  the  materials  of  which  it  has  been  formed  had  been 
in  existence  from  the  first. 

If  we  turn  from  the  preservation  of  the  peace  to  matters  in 
which  the  royal  prerogative  is  less  intimately  concerned,  we  find 
the  constable  longer  maintaining  his  position  as  the  chief  adminis- 
trative authority  of  the  rural  township.  Under  36  Edw.  Ill,  cap.  2, 
disputes  as  to  the  price  of  victuals  purveyed  for  royal  or  other 
privileged  households  were  to  be  settled  between  the  purveyors  on 
the  one  hand  and  on  the  other  the  lords  of  franchises  and  their 


I 


i 


1895  THE  OFFICE  OF  CONSTABLE  6B7 

bailiffs  or  the  constables  and  four  good  men  of  every  town.  The 
act  of  11  Henry  IV,  cap.  4,  against  the  playing  of  games  in  lieu  of 
the  practice  of  archery  was  to  be  enforced  by  the  mayors  and 
sheriffs  or  the  mayors  and  bailiffs  of  cities  and  boroughs  *  and  the 
constables  in  other  towns,'  the  mayors  and  bailiffs  or  sheriffs  being 
liable  to  a  fine  of  20s.  for  default,  while  the  fine  on  constables  was 
6s.  Sd.  Under  22  Hen.  VIII,  cap.  5,  for  the  better  repairing  of 
decayed  bridges,  all  '  towns  '  or  parishes  were  to  be  represented  be- 
fore the  justices  in  the  matter  of  assessing  the  rate  either  by  their 
constables  or,  in  the  alternative,  by  two  of  their  inhabitants. 

It  is  in  an  act  of  1540  (32  Hen.  VIII,  c.  13)  that  the  constable 
is  first  identified  with  the  'bailiff,  head-borough,  bursholder,  or 
tythingman  '  of  the  township.  This  was  an  act  for  improving  the 
breed  of  horses,  and  for  preventing  stallions  '  of  small  stature  and  of 
little  value '  being  allowed  free  range  on  forests,  chases,  commons, 
and  other  waste  grounds,  *  whereof  cometh  in  manner  no  profit  or 
commodity.'  The  responsible  authorities  were  the  keepers  of  the 
forests  or  commons,  or  the  '  constable,  bailiff,  head  borough,  burs- 
holder,  or  tythingman  of  any  township  next  adjoining  unto  the  said 
place.'  The  use  of  such  names  as  interchangeable  with  the  appel- 
lation more  familiar  to  the  parliamentary  draftsman  of  that  age 
suggests  that  the  offices  were  really  identical ;  but  a  similar  instance 
does  not  appear  to  occur  again  till  1605,  when,  in  an  act  providing 
for  the  payment  of  the  costs  of  conveying  prisoners  to  gaol,  the 
*  tything  man  or  constable '  is  designated  as  the  responsible  local 
authority.  An  act  of  1604  (1  Jac.  I,  cap.  31)  gave  the  constable 
very  extraordinary  powers.  Persons  believed  to  be  infected  with 
the  plague  might  be  ordered  to  keep  their  houses  by  justices,  or  by 
mayors,  bailiffs,  and  other  head  officers  of  towns,  and  disobedience 
to  such  an  injunction  by  a  person  found  actually  to  be  infected  was 
made  a  felony  punishable  by  death.  Outside  cities,  boroughs,  towns 
corporate,  privileged  places,  and  market  towns  a  similar  authority 
was  vested  in  the  '  constable,  head-borough,  or  other  officer  of  the 
county.'    The  statute,  however,  was  only  to  remain  one  year  in  force. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  the  two  statutes  last  mentioned  it 
was  not  considered  necessary  to  recite  all  the  titles  by  which  the 
head  officer  of  a  township  might  then  be  known.  We  must  not 
expect  to  find  the  different  elements  of  local  self-government  clearly 
distinguished  in  the  acts  of  the  central  legislature.  Tithings  and 
townships  are  not  separately  defined  :  the  organisation  of  the  manor 
and  the  organisation  of  the  vill  tended,  in  fact,  to  coalesce ;  the 
parish  came  to  be  treated  as  an  administrative  district  for  civil  as 
well  as  for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  if  the  closest  examination  of 
local  records  by  legal  antiquaries  of  to-day  fails  to  afford  a  clear  or 
continuous  history  of  the  relations  between  the  primitive  social 
system  and  the  feudal  system  imposed  on  it,  we  cannot  be  sur- 


688  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

prised  if  the  authors  of  tlie  Statute  Book  are  found  to  confuse  the 
two.  All  that  we  are  justified  in  saying  is  that  in  the  acts  of 
parliament  the  units  of  local  self-government,  by  whatever  name 
they  were  called,  appear  for  long  to  have  been  primarily  repre- 
sented by  officers  ordinarily  styled  constables.  The  *  governors' 
of  hamlets  and  parishes  mentioned  in  27  Hen.  VIII,  cap.  25, 
along  with  governors  of  shires,  cities,  and  towns,  can  scarcely 
be  other  than  these  constables.  They  were,  in  conjunction  with 
the  churchwardens,  given  fresh  duties  with  regard  to  highways  by 
2  &  3  Philip  &  Mary,  cap.  8,  and  in  the  matter  of  vagrancy  by 
14  Eliz.  cap.  5.  Again,  in  the  special  matter  of  assessment  they 
were  empowered  under  27  Eliz.  cap.  13,  to  apportion  among  the 
inhabitants  of  their  parish  the  rate  imposed  on  it  by  way  of  fine 
for  default  in  making  pursuit  of  felons  after  hue  and  cry  raised. 

The  institution  of  overseers  by  the  poor  law  of  Elizabeth 
(43  Eliz.  cap.  2)  tended  in  some  degree  to  oust  the  constable  from 
his  position  in  the  parish,  but  certainly  did  not  do  this  altogether. 
Even  under  that  act  he  w^as  associated  with  the  churchwardens  in 
assessing  the  rate,  and  in  subsequent  acts  he  was  still  recognised 
as  at  all  events  a  co-ordinate  authority.  Till  some  way  into  the 
seventeenth  century  he  still  appears  in  the  Statute  Book  not  merely 
as  the  officer  but  as  the  representative  of  the  parish.  His  position 
as  peace  officer  was  doubtless  the  most  important  side  of  the  office. 
The  first  interest  of  the  central  government  in  its  dealings  with  the 
far  more  ancient  units  of  local  government  w^as,  of  course,  the 
maintenance  of  the  king's  peace,  and  consequently,  when  it  recog- 
nised such  a  local  unit,  it  recognised  it  primarily  as  an  agent  of 
police.  The  first  powers,  or  rather  the  first  liabihties,  expressly 
recognised  by  parliament  as  belonging  to  the  township  related  to 
the  pursuit  of  felons  and  the  prevention  of  crime,  and  thus  the 
representative  of  the  township  would  be  likely,  in  the  eyes  of  a  court 
lawyer,  to  assume  almost  entirely  the  character  of  a  peace  officer. 

The  office  of  constable  has  been  recognised,  defined,  sometimes 
amplified,  and  sometimes  limited  by  statute,  but  it  is  rooted  not  in 
ordinances  of  parliament,  but  in  the  far  more  ancient  administrative 
organisation  of  our  race.  Parliament  did  not  create  the  office,  and 
it  was  not  till  the  seventeenth  century  that  it  began  to  interest 
itself  in  the  machinery  by  which  it  should  be  filled,  but  the  recog- 
nition of  the  local  constable  by  the  central  government  has  trans- 
formed by  slow  degrees  the  character  of  his  office.  The  process  by 
which  the  constable  from  being  the  representative  of  the  local  self- 
governing  body  came  to  be  the  officer  of  the  comparatively  modern 
ministers  of  royal  authority  is  somewhat  obscure.  The  orthodox 
mode  of  appointment  down  to  the  Parish  Constables  Act  of  1842  was 
election  in  court  leet.  The  power  of  appointment  was  given  by  statute 
to  the  justices  for  the  first  time  by  13  &  14  Car.  II,  cap.  12,  which  is 


1895  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  639 

also  the  foundation  of  the  subsequent  legislation  for  the  appointment 
oi  special  constables,  i.e.  constables  appointed  not,  as  in  the  ordinary 
course,  for  a  specified  term,  but  for  a  special  emergency.  Under  that  act 
the  power  was  only  to  be  exercised  by  the  justices  when  the  court  leet 
had  failed  to  elect  a  constable ;  and  for  long  afterwards  the  appoint- 
ment by  justices  seems  to  have  been  considered  an  exceptional 
measure,  though,  on  the  other  hand,  appointments  by  such  authority 
appear  to  have  been  made  for  some  time  before  the  statute  of 
Charles  II  gave  express  sanction  to  the  practice,  and  there  need  be 
no  doubt  that  constables,  however  chosen,  had  been  sworn  in  by 
justices  for  long  before.  Perhaps  the  administration  of  the  oath  to 
constables  by  justices  of  the  peace  may  be  fairly  considered  as  the 
characteristic  mark  of  the  final  subordination  of  local  to  central 
government  in  rural  districts,  of  the  conversion  of  a  local  adminis- 
trative officer  into  a  ministerial  officer  of  the  crown ;  for,  though 
the  justices  of  the  peace  are  local  officers,  they  are  independent  of 
any  of  the  more  ancient  administrative  divisions  of  the  country,  such 
as  the  township  or  the  hundred,  and  they  derive  their  authority  from 
the  crown  alone;  so  that  Avhen,  for  the  due  execution  of  the 
constables'  duties,  it  became  necessary  for  them  to  receive  the  oath 
from  the  justices,  it  may  be  said  that  the  local  origin  of  their  office 
had  passed  out  of  sight.  Some  oath  of  office  may  have  been  cus- 
tomary when  the  constable  was  merely  the  village  officer,  but  the 
date  w^hen  the  oath  came  first  to  be  administered  by  justices  is 
matter  of  conjecture  :  it  may  be  that  the  act  of  27  Eliz.  cap.  12, 
which  required  under-sheriffs,  bailiffs  of  franchises,  and  all  other 
minor  functionaries  concerned  in  the  empanelling  of  juries  to  be 
duly  sworn  in,  imposed  this  condition  also  on  constables  for  the 
first  time  ;  it  may  be  that  the  practice  had  been  introduced  long 
before.  A  study  of  local  records  might  throw  light  on  the  subject, 
and  any  information  on  the  point  could  not  fail  to  be  of  value  in 
the  history  of  the  decay  of  local  self-government  outside  the  incor- 
porated cities  and  boroughs.  In  the  last  century  high  constables 
were  always  appointed  by  justices,  and  usually  at  quarter  sessions, 
and  they  were  generally,  but  apparently  not  invariably,  sworn 
in.'"'  The  history  of  the  high  constable  in  the  hundred  is  probably 
similar  to  that  of  the  petty  constable  of  the  smaller  district,  but  the 
materials  for  it  are  even  more  scanty,  the  importance  of  the 
hundred  having  steadily  diminished  from  a  very  early  period. 

The  form  of  oath  given  by  Dalton  (p.  608)  for  petty  constables 
does  not  appear  to  be  of  any  very  great  antiquity,  for,  among  other 
matters,  it  recites  the  duties  falling  on  them  in  respect  of  the 
practice  of  archery  and  the  suppression  of  popish  recusancy.  This 
would  point  to  an  origin  in  the  sixteenth  century  ;  but,  as  the  oath 
is  clearly  given  as  a  model,  and  is  not  said  to  follow  with  precision 
*  Dalton's  Justice  of  the  Peace,  ed.  1727,  p.  84. 


640  THE  OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  Oct. 

any  ancient  precedent,  no  inference  can  be  drawn  from  the  terms 
of  it.  It  starts  with  a  recital  of  the  police  duties  which  were  the 
first  to  be  laid  by  parliamentary  enactment  on  the  constable,  and 
goes  on  to  the  other  functions,  most  of  which  were  by  the  beginning 
of  the  eighteenth  century  discharged  by  him  in  co-operation  with 
the  churchwardens  and  other  overseers  of  the  parish. 

Before  concluding  this  somewhat  conjectural  contribution  to  the 
history  of  local  government  in  England  it  may  be  worth  noticing 
that  the  institutions  of  the  Channel  Islands  as  they,  were  described 
in  the  reports  of  the  royal  commissioners  of  1846  and  1861,  and 
as  they  have. for  the  most  part  remained  down  to  the  present  time, 
supply  some  curious  and  interesting  features  which  may  fairly  be 
used  in  support  of  the  foregoing  argument. 

In  none  of  the  islands  has  any  municipal  organisation  arisen  to 
supersede  or  modify  the  primitive  institutions  of  the  township, 
which  accordingly  remains  the  most  important,  if  not  the  only  im- 
portant, district  for  local  government.  In  the  larger  islands  there 
are  no  local  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  constable  (connetable)  is 
to  this  day  the  principal  officer  of  the  parish.  In  Jersey  his 
functions  are,  as  the  royal  commissioners  of  1861  reported, 
analogous  to  those  of  the  maire  of  the  French  commune  so  far  as 
the  administration  of  parochial  matters  is  concerned.  He  is 
elected  by  the  ratepayers  for  a  period  of  three  years.  Moreover 
in  the  legislative  council  of  the  island,  which  is  presided  over  by  a 
royal  bailiff  and  appears  to  correspond  to  the  old  English  hundred 
court,  each  of  the  twelve  parishes  is  represented  by  its  constable  in 
conjunction  with  the  rector,  just  as  the  township  was  represented 
at  the  hundred  court  by  the  parson,  the  reeve,  and  four  villagers. 
In  the  absence  of  the  constable  his  place  may  be  taken  by  the 
centeniers,  of  whom  there  are  two  for  every  parish,  and  six  for  the 
parish  of  St.  Helier,  elected  in  the  same  way  as  the  constables,  and 
for  the  same  period.  It  is  impossible  to  avoid  the  surmise  that  at 
the  insular  states  the  constable  has  succeeded  to  the  communal 
rights  of  the  parish.^  In  Guernsey  each  of  the  ten  civil  parishes 
has  two  constables,  and  is  represented  by  them  at  the  insular 
states,  when  assembled  for  the  purposes  of  election,  in  association 
with  the  rectors  and  the  douzcniers.  The  latter  are  elected  for  life 
from  the  ratepayers  who  have  served  the  office  of  constable.  These 
local  officers  do  not,  however,  appear  in  the  states  when  they  are 
called  together  as  a  legislative  body.  In  the  island  of  Alderney, 
which  consists  of  one  parish  only,  the  constables  appear  to  be  no 
more  than  peace  officers ;  and  the  same  is  the  case  in  Sark. 

^  The  constitutional  history  of  Jersey  is  still  very  obscure,  and  it  would  be  unsafe 
to  deduce  any  positive  argument  from  the  composition  of  the  states  as  they  at  present 
exist.  As  a  political  body  they  are  probably  not  of  very  great  antiquity,  and  certainly 
of  later  origin  than  the  royal  court. 


189o  THE   OFFICE   OF  CONSTABLE  641 

A  study  of  the  constitutional  history  of  these  islands  would 
probably  throw  much  light  on  the  question  how  far  the  early 
system  of  local  government  in  England  is  of  purely  native  growth 
and  how  far  it  was  due  to  the  institutions  of  Norman  and  Angevin 
times.  It  is  sufficient  here  to  remark  that  the  nature  of  the  office 
of  constable  as  it  at  present  exists  in  Jersey  and  Guernsey  lends 
some  support  to  the  conclusion  that  in  England  the  name  was  one 
given  by  court  lawyers  to  a  pre-existing  local  official,  not  neces- 
sarily in  his  character  as  peace  officer,  but  in  his  general  character 
as  representative  of  the  unit  of  rural  self-government,  whether  it 
was  organised  as  a  township,  a  parish,  or  a  manor,  and  whether  he 
was  locally  styled  reeve,  chief  pledge,  head-borough,  or  tithing 
man.^  H.  B.  Simpson. 

^  Since  this  article  has  been  in  type  Sir  F.  Pollock  and  Professor  Maifcland's  great 
'  History  of  English  Law  '  has  been  published.  In  the  first  volume,  pp.  547-554,  is  a 
very  clear  account  of  the  vill  or  township  as  a  legal  entity  before  the  time  of  Edward  I. 
It  is  there  pointed  out  that  while  the  duties  and  responsibilities  falling  on  it  are  clear, 
its  rights  are  shadowy  and  it  scarcely  can  be  found  to  possess  any  organisation  beyond 
that  of  the  manor.  This  would  of  course  render  more  natural  the  process  by  which 
the  township's  individuality  gradually  merged  in  that  of  its  representative.  It  is 
clear  that  a  corporation  sole — if  a  legal  term  may  be  used  in  a  loose  and  inexact 
manner — can  be  more  easily  dealt  with  than  a  corporation  aggregate,  and  it  is  likely 
that  some  difficulty  may  have  frequently  been  found  in  enforcing  the  communal  re- 
sponsibilities of  the  township.  These,  as  summarised  by  the  learned  authors,  corre- 
spond with  curious  exactness  to  the  functions  of  the  constable  of  later  times.  Its 
presentments  at  the  courts  of  the  justices  in  eyre  and  in  the  hundred  and  county 
courts,  its  liability  for  the  arrest  of  malefactors,  and  for  following  out  a  hue  and  cry, 
and  its  duties  towards  the  coroner  —the  neglect  of  any  of  these  might  put  the  town- 
ship '  in  mercy,'  just  as  in  later  times  it  would  render  a  constable  liable  to  a  tine. 


VOL.   X. — NO.  XL.  T  T 


642  Oct, 


Eras7mis  in  Italy 


IN  his  recent  sketch  of  the  Hfe  of  Erasmus  Mr.  Froude  has 
devoted  so  much  space  to  the  relations  of  his  hero  with  the 
Eeformation  movement  as  to  neglect  almost  entirely  ^  other  not 
less  important  episodes  in  his  career.  It  is  proposed  here  to  show, 
partly  from  the  works  of  Erasmus  and  partly  from  the  biography 
by  his  friend  and  contemporary  Beatus  Khenanus,  that  the  in- 
formation which  we  possess  of  his  three  years  in  Italy  (1506-1509) 
is  as  full  and  interesting  as  is  furnished  by  any  other  period  of 
his  life. 

At  the  time  of  the  Eenaissance  no  northern  scholar  considered 
his  education  as  '  finished '  until  he  had  spent  some  months  at  least 
in  Italy.  Especially  was  this  the  case  in  those  first  golden  years 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  Greek  was  studied  with  all  the 
fervour  of  a  new  discovery,  and  when  the  universities  of  Bologna 
and  Padua  provided  advantages  for  the  student  at  that  time  un- 
rivalled. Erasmus,  as  he  tells  us  himself,  had  cherished  the  plan 
of  his  Italian  tour  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  had  thrice  been 
disappointed  for  lack  of  means  when  he  seemed  on  the  eve  of 
success.  At  length  the  long-looked-for  opportunity  came  when  he 
was  in  London  in  the  spring  of  1506.  The  king's  physician. 
Dr.  G.  Battista  Boerio,-  of  Genoa,  wished  to  send  his  sons  to  study 
in  Italy  under  the  guidance  of  some  literary  man ;  and  Erasmus 
willingly  undertook  the  charge.  What  his  remuneration  was  we 
are  not  told — perhaps  not  more  than  his  expenses,  for  he  tells  us 
that  he  was  not  to  be  their  guardian,  but  simply  to  take  a  general 
"oversight  of  their  studies.     The  lads  were  accompanied  by  a  royal 

'  Mr.  Froude's  conjecture  (pp.  78,  84)  that  there  were  two  visits  to  Italy— the  first 
in  1502  or  1503,  and  the  second  in  or  after  1507 — may  be  easily  disproved.  Further 
evidence  against  it  has  been  recently  supplied  by  a  French  savent,  M.  Pierre  de 
Nolhac,  who  has  printed  at  Paris  (Klincksieck,  1888),  together  with  an  admirable 
sketch  of  this  part  of  Erasmus's  life,  four  hitherto  unpublished  letters  of  this  period 
from  Erasmus  to  Aldus,  of  which  the  first,  from  Bologna,  is  endorsed  by  Aldus  himself 
with  the  date  of  28  Oct.  1507.  With  eight  others  of  later  date  they  were  found  at 
Eome  in  the  Vatican  and  Barberini  libraries, 

2  Mr.  Froude  follows  the  error  of  Mr.  Seebohm  and  others  in  depriving  the  do3tor 
of  his  surname  —the  only  ground  for  this  being  that  Erasmus,  familiarly  to  his  own 
friends,  speaks  of  him  as  '  Baptista.' 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  .     643 

courier  and  by  an  attendant,  named  Clyston,  who  was  person«llv 
responsible  for  them  ;  and  Erasmus  could  not  coutaiji  hia  ui-j^u  t 
alike  at  the  quarrels  and  the  boon  companionship  of  this  person 
with  the  courier. 

The  party  set  out  about  the  end  of  May,  and  even  at  that 
season  they  had  such  bad  weather  that  they  were  four  days  in 
the  Channel.  Just  after  their  arrival  in  Paris,  Erasmus  writes 
to  his  friend  Linacre,  the  scholar-physician,  that  he  longs  for 
_his  skill  to  free  him  from  a  torturing  headache — the  effect  of  sea- 
sickness. 

The  glands  of  my  neck  are  swollen,  my  temples  throb,  both  my  ears 
are  still  singing ;  such  a  price  my  Italian  bargain  has  already  cost  me. 

But  he  had  his  compensations. 

France  seems  to  smile  on  me  all  the  more  sweetly  for  the  freedom,  the 
old  associations,  and  a  kind  of  indulgeni  affection  shown  towards  me. 

Yet  most  of  his  conversation  with  her  sons,  as  with  Englishmen, 
-must  have  been  in  Latin,  for  he  never  mastered  French  ;  he  even 
calls  it  somewhere  '  that  barbarous  and  irregular  language,  w4iich 
is  not  written  as  it  is  pronounced,  with  its  peculiar  hissings  that 
sound  scarcely  human.'  From  the  literary  point  of  view  his  loss 
(  was  not  great,  for  French  literature  could  then  hardly  be  said  to 
•  exist.  Comines,  indeed,  was  finishing  his  memoirs  at  the  chateau 
of  Argenton,  but  Eabelais  was  still  immured  in  the  convent  of 
Fontenay,  and  Marot  was  bird's-nesting  in  his  native  Guienne. 
The  acquaintance  of  Erasmus  with  that  Herculean  student,  Bude, 
his  rival  in  after  days,  seems  to  have  begun  ten  years  later ;  it  was 
no  easy  matter  to  know  a  man  who  grumbled  at  getting  only  six 
hours'  work  on  his  wedding-day.  However,  if  Erasmus's  friends 
were  so  numerous,  and  were  urging  him,  as  he  tells  us,  to  take  the 
degree  of  D.D.,  it  is  strange  that  he  did  not  do  so  at  the  university 
of  Paris,  the  home  of  his  early  studies.  Perhaps  the  expense  was 
too  great;  perhaps,  with  his  new  duties,  the  requirements  were  too 
arduous.  At  any  rate  he  confined  himself  during  his  stay  at  Paris, 
which  must  have  lasted  some  weeks,  to  his  Greek  studies  and  to  the 
superintendence  of  his  young  charges.  In  a  letter  to  Colet,  dated 
12  June,  he  praises  their  modesty,  obedience,  and  devotion  to  their 
work,  and  prophesies  that  their  future  will  bring  lustre  to  their 
native  country.  He  also  expresses  much  regret  at  his  separation 
from  his  English  friends ;  '  the  whole  world,'  he  says,  '  has  not 
gained  me  so  many  learned,  obliging,  virtuous,  and  sincere  friends 
as  the  single  city  of  London.'  ^  Before  leaving  Paris  he  made 
arrangements  with  Badius,  the  printer,  to  bring  out,  at  an  early  date, 

'  This  special  reference  to  London,  together  with  the  shortness  of  his  time  in 
England  in  15C6,  makes  a  visit  to  Cambridge  in  the  same  few  months  very  improbable. 
His  first  lectures  there  were  in  1510. 

T  T  2 


644  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

some  prose  translations  of'Lucian,  and  two  plays  of  Euripides  in 
Latin  verse.  A  copy  of  the  latter  work  was  sent  to  him  in  Italy 
about  six  weeks  later. 

At  length,  before  the  end  of  July,  he  set  out  for  Turin.  It  was 
a  long  ride  of  some  four  hundred  miles ;  but,  except  a  few  nights 
at  Orleans  and  Lyons,  there  was  no  further  delay ;  and  early  in 
August  the  party  crossed  the  Alps.  A  few  months  later  Erasmus 
published,  with  his  Lucian  translations,  the  short  poem  on  old  age, 
which  he  composed  in  the  course  of  the  journey.  Its  title,  *  An 
Equestrian,  or  rather  Alpine  Song,'  hardly  prepares  us  for  its 
quasi-rehgious  character.  The  wandering  poet,  he  tells  us,  is 
warned  by  his  increasing  grey  hairs  to  forsake  profane  literature 
for  sacred — a  warning  that  was  to  be  strangely  neglected  in  the 
three  following  years. 

We  do  not  know  how  long  he  stayed  at  Turin ;  but  it  was  here, 
and  not  at  Bologna,  that  he  took  the  degree  of  D.D.  on  4  Sept., 
moved,  perhaps,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  people,  with  which  he  was 
*  marvellously  delighted.'  We  can  understand  that  a  university, 
which  had  but  just  completed  its  centenary  and  was  overshadowed 
in  importance  by  its  more  southern  Italian  rivals,  was  proud  to 
reckon  among  its  doctors  the  rising  Transalpine  scholar.  Nineteen 
years  ago  the  event  was  commemorated,  on  its  three  hundred  and 
seventieth  anniversary,  by  the  placing  of  an  inscription  under  the 
entrance  gate  of  the  university.  But  Erasmus  and  his  young 
charges  were  bound  for  Bologna,  and  they  could  not  afford  to  linger 
at  a  less  famous  school.  And  so  another  ride  of  200  miles  through 
the  fertile  country  at  the  base  of  the  Apennines  brought  them  by 
Pavia  and  Piacenza  to  Bologna  about  the  end  of  September.  On 
their  way  they  certainly  visited  the  grand  church  of  the  Carthusians 
near  Pavia,  which  was  not  yet  completed ;  and  as  Erasmus  gazed 
at  the  splendid  pile  of  white  marble,  he  asked  himself  why  so  much 
money  should  be  spent  on  a  building  intended  only  for  a  few  solitary 
monks.  He  says  that  they  were  infested  with  guests,  so  that  it  was 
only  an  expense  to  them,  but  he  does  not  add  whether  he  himself, 
the  arch-foe  of  monks,  had  accepted  their  hospitality. 

It  was  a  most  unfavourable  moment  for  the  arrival  in  Italy  of 
one  who  sought  only  a  studious  repose.  The  army  of  Louis  XII 
was  still  in  the  Milanese  ;  and  Pope  Julius  II  was  already  on  his 
way  to  depose  Bentivoglio,  the  despot  of  Bologna,  and  restore  the 
city  to  the  Holy  See.  He  fulminated  a  bull  against  him  from 
Cesena  on  10  Oct.,  calling  on  all  good  Christians  to  plunder  his 
goods  and  reduce  his  partisans  to  slavery.  Bentivoglio  was  between 
two  fires ;  for  the  French,  after  promising  him  their  support,  went 
over  to  the  enemy  and  threatened  the  city  with  pillage ;  and  his 
only  resource  Was  to  escape  to  their  camp  :  while  the  citizens,  with 
the  pope's  leave,  dislodged  the  French  army  by  closing  the  sluices 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  645 

of  their  canal  and  flooding  the  neighbourhood.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  Erasmus,  a  few  days  after  his  arrival,  decided  that  Bologna 
was  hardly  a  safe  place  of  residence,  and  retreated  across  the 
Apennines  to  Florence. 

Later  visitors  might  well  envy  his  good  fortune  in  entering  the 
great  city  at  such  a  time.  The  Medici  were  in  exile,  and  most  of 
the  literary  circle  of  Lorenzo  were  dead;  but  the  memory  of 
Savonarola — of  his  high  aims  and  his  terrible  fall — was  still  fresh  ; 
and  the  second  secretary  of  the  republic,  though  he  was  then  absent 
on  a  mission  to  the  pope,  was  Machiavelli.  Michael  Angelo  and 
Lionardo  were  putting  the  finishing  touches  to  their  rival  cartoons ; 
and  Eaphael  was  perfecting  his  wonderful  powers  for  his  later  work 
at  Kome.  But  there  is  no  sign  that  Erasmus  knew,  or  could 
appreciate,  his  opportunities.  His  stay  at  Florence  was  brief — 
perhaps  not  more  than  a  month ;  and  he  busied  himself  chiefly 
with  his  translations  of  Lucian,  as  he  tells  us  in  the  prefatory 
letter  of  dedication.  One  graphic  reminiscence  he  has  left  us  in  a 
letter  written  twenty  years  later.  He  was  studying  with  his  pupils 
in  a  retired  villa  close  to  the  walls,  when,  in  the  midst  of  a  violent 
thunderstorm,  there  was  a  terrific  explosion.  The  lightning  had 
struck  a  tower  on  the  ramparts,  which  was  stored  with  gunpowder ; 
and  the  force  of  the  explosion  demolished  the  tower,  blowing  part  of 
it  a  distance  of  two  hundred  yards  :  many  houses  were  destroyed, 
and  several  lives  lost. 

The  noise  was  so  sudden  and  so  tremendous  that  all  the  neighbours 
thought  the  sky  had  burst  and  the  end  of  the  world  had  come.  ...  I 
was  warned  to  keep  within  doors,  for  the  town  was  in  arms.  In  Florence, 
it  seems,  when  a  fire  breaks  out,  they  rush  to  guard  the  gates  and  the 
walls ;  and  it  is  then  hardly  prudent  to  meet  any  of  the  people :  their 
weapons  render  them  fierce,  especially  when  there  is  any  danger„ 

At  the  beginning  of  November  he  writes :  '  News  has  come 
that  Bentivoglio,  who  fled  with  his  sons,  has  been  slain  by  the 
French  ;  ^  and  we  shall  profit  by  the  peace  to  retrace  our  steps 
to  Bologna,  as  the  pope  and  cardinals  will  spend  the  winter  there.' 
Accordingly,  Erasmus  returned  in  time  to  be  present  on  the  11th 
at  their  triumphal  entry  into  the  town.^  The  streets  were  gaily 
decorated  with  flags  and  with  arches  of  greenery,  through  which 
the  pope  marched  in  arms  under  a  silken  canopy,  surrounded  by 
his  cardinals,  while  maidens  scattered  flowers  in  his  path.  We  can 
fancy  Erasmus  with  his  keen  eyes  watching  the  procession  from 
one  of  the  low  arcades  of  the  quaint  old  town.  Whether  or  not  he 
was  the  author  of  the  satire  *  Julius  Exclusus,'  where  it  is  vividly 

••  This  news  afterwards  proved  false. 

^  Several  of  his  biographers  are  in  error  in  supposing  from  his.  own  words  that  he 
also  witnessed  the  entry  into  Rome  on  28  March,  1507.  His  expression  is  a  carelesg 
iWia;:buj;itjaeed.aothfiai:4l3LafciueauiQg,.and.  such,  a  vi^it.is  bjgW^  imj)robable. 


'6[Q  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

described,  we  know  what  tis  feelings  were  on  witnessing  the  scene. 
*  I  could  not  but  contrast  with  a  quiet  sigh  such  triumphs  as  these 
with  the  majesty  of  the  apostles,  who  trusted  to  their  heavenly 
teaching  to  convert  the  world.'  At  this  moment  his  future  looked 
dark  indeed.  There  was  much  talk  among  the  victors  of  an 
alliance  with  the  emperor,  a.nd  of  carrying  the  war  into  the  territory 
of  Venice.  The  next  week  he  writes  almost  in  despair  of  perfecting 
his  Greek — the  one  object  of  his  visit :  '  Here  there  is  a  strange 
frost  upon  study,  while  war  is  at  boiling-point.  I  shall  do  my 
utmost  to  ilit  back  all  the  sooner.' 

It  is  not  certain  whether  he  had  an  interview  with  the  warlike 
pontiff  during  the  latter' s  three  months'  stay  at  Bologna ;  but  an 
incident,  which  Erasmus  was  fond  of  relating  in  after  years,  makes 
it  not  improbable.  The  attack,  due  in  the  first  instance  to  his 
ignorance  of  Italian,  which  was  twice  made  upon  him  in  the  streets 
of  Bologna,^  because  his  white  scapulary  was  mistaken  for  the 
band  worn  by  the  plague-physicians,  made  it  necessary  for  him  to 
apply  to  the  pope  for  leave  to  discontinue  his  religious  habit ;  and 
the  dispensation  was  readily  granted.  The  reconciliation  of  Julias 
with  Michael  Angelo — so  graphically  described  by  Vasari — certainly 
took  place  at  this  time.  The  famous  sculptor  was  in  Bologna  during 
the  whole  year  of  Erasmus's  stay,  engaged  upon  the  great  bronze 
statue  of  the  pope,  which  stood  for  three  years  in  the  square  before 
the  cathedral,  and  was  then  melted  down  into  a  cannon  by  the 
French. 

In  one  of  his  later  letters  Erasmus  speaks  of  this  year  at 
Bologna,  perhaps  with  some  exaggeration,  as  one  of  the  most  un- 
pleasant of  his  life.  It  is  true  that  the  summer  of  1507  was  excep- 
tionally hot,  and  that  the  climate  of  the  city,  never  too  healthy, 
drove  him  for  a  time  into  the  country ;  it  is  probable,  too,  that  his 
relations  with  his  pupils,  and  especially  with  their  attendant,  proved 
irksome  to  him,  and  were  abruptly  closed  by  a  quarrel  with  the 
father  before  the  end  of  the  year.  But,  in  spite  of  his  first  fore- 
bodings, it  was  a  year  of  peace,  and  also  of  intense  application 
and  great  progress  in  his  classical  studies.  The  university  was  not, 
perhaps,  then  so  brilliant  a  centre  of  learning  as  it  had  been  in  the 
previous  generation ;  but  the  memory  of  two  celebrated  professors, 
Beroaldo  and  Urceo — both  friends  and  correspondents  of  Politian — 
was  still  fresh  ;  and  the  learned  society  must  have  been  much  to 
the  taste  of  Erasmus.  Among  the  professors  were  Beroaldo  the 
younger,  afterwards  librarian  to  Leo  X,  and  Battista  Pio,  whose 
eccentric  affectation  of  archaism  made  him  a  great  mark  for  satire.^ 

«  Mr.  Froude  strangely  places  in  Erasmus's  mouth  a  statement  that  this  incident 
occurred  at  Paris  ;  but  he  has  certainly  misunderstood  the  passage.  See  the  letter  to 
Grunnius. 

^  On  leaving  a  lecture  by  this  scholar,  Erasmus,  being  pressed  for  his  opinion  of 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  647 

With  another  professor,  however,  Paolo  Bombasio,  Erasmus  con- 
tracted a  lifelong  friendship.  Bombasio  had  been  appointed,  only 
a  few  months  before,  to  the  chair  of  Greek.  He  sympathised  with 
Bentivoglio ;  and,  being  a  man  of  spirit  who  never  cared  to  conceal 
his  opinions,  he  seems  to  have  been  persecuted  by  the  victorious 
party.  Erasmus  speaks  of  him  as  *  a  golden-hearted  man,  the 
truest  friend  that  ever  lived  ' — and  with  good  reason,  for  he  opened 
his  house  to  the  wandering  scholar,  and  gave  him  all  the  time  that 
he  could  spare.  Erasmus  was  asked  to  give  public  lectures  himself, 
but  he  refused,  probably  from  the  fear  that  his  northern  pronuncia- 
tion of  Latin  would  expose  him  to  ridicule.  During  these  months 
he  seems  to  have  been  partly  occupied  on  a  treatise  upon  monasti- 
cism  and  on  the  letters  called  *  Antibarbari,'  which  were  afterwards 
lost  through  the  carelessness  of  his  English  friend  Pace ;  but  he 
was  also  amassing  a  vast  store  of  knowledge  for  a  new  edition  of 
his  *  Adagia.' 

His  relations  with  Aldus,  however,  began  on  the  subject  of  a 
much  smaller  work.  The  Latin  verse  translations  of  Euripides — 
the  *  Hecuba '  and  *  Iphigenia  in  Aulis ' — which  were  printed  for  him 
at  Paris  soon  after  his  departure,  had  caused  Erasmus  much  dis- 
satisfaction ;  the  pages  swarmed  with  errors,  for  which  the  printer 
was  mainly  responsible ;  and  though  the  latter  was  anxious  to  bring 
out  another  edition,  revised  and  corrected,  the  author  feared,  as  he 
says,  that  he  would  only  correct  one  fault  by  another,  and  looked  out 
for  more  capable  assistance.  This  was  the  occasion  of  an  interesting 
letter  to  Aldus,  first  published  by  M.  de  Nolhac,  which  Erasmus 
despatched  from  Bologna  on  28  Oct.  1507.  One  cannot  but  admire 
the  tact  with  which  he  began  a  correspondence  so  important  to 
himself ;  and  I  quote  his  opening  compliments  only  because  they 
are  as  true  in  fact  as  they  were  doubtless  sincere. 

The  wish  that  I  have  often  formed  for  you,  most  learned  Manutius,  is, 
that  as  you  have  shed  abundant  light  upon  Greek  and  Latin  Uterature  by 
your  genius  and  uncommon  learning  no  less  than  by  your  art  and  the 
splendid  types  which  you  use,  so,  too,  you  might  derive  from  them  an 
equal  profit  to  yourself.  No  one  can  doubt  that  the  name  of  Aldus 
Manutius  will  be  in  the  mouths  of  all,  to  the  latest  posterity,  who  shall 
be  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  letters  ;  and  you  will  meet  not  merely 
with  fame,  but  with  warm  affection  for  the  zeal  which  you  have  displayed 
in  restoring  and  extending  the  study  of  good  writers.  As  with  Hercules 
of  old,  the  care  which  you  give  to  your  glorious  labours  will  one  day  gain 
you  immortality,  but  in  the  meantime  it  is  more  profitable  to  others  than 
to  yourself. 

After  expressing  his  dehght,  together  with  the  rest  of  the  learned 
world,  at  the  promised  edition  of  Plato,  and  his  surprise  that  the 

him,  replied,  ^  I.  always  thought  him  a  fool,  but  now  I  am  sure  that  he  is  quite  mad.' 
Melchior  Adam,  Vitae  Germatiorum,  t.  i.  90. 


GV8  ERASMUS  IN   ITALY  Oct. 

New  Testament  had  not  yet  issued  from  so  famous  a  press,  Erasmus 
comes  to  the  subject  of  his  letter. 

I  send  you  two  tragedies  which  I  have  translated — boldly  enough,  but 
whether  happily  or  not  I  leave  you  to  judge.  Linacre,  Grocyn,  Latimer, 
and  Tonstall — your  friends  as  well  as  mine— have  given  their  high 
approval — men  whom  you  know  to  be  too  learned  to  fail  in  their  judg- 
ment, and  too  sincere  to  wish  to  flatter  a  friend,  unless  they  are  blinded 
by  their  affection  for  me ;  and  the  Italians  who  have  seen  the  work  do 
not  condemn  it.  ...  I  should  regard  my  effusions  as  sure  of  immortality 
if  they  should  issue  from  your  press,  and,  above  all,  in  that  splendid 
minute  type  ^  of  yours.  Thus  the  volume  would  be  very  small  and  could 
be  completed  at  a  trifling  expense. 

He  goes   on  to  explain   that  he  asks  no  personal  profit   for   the 
edition,  except  a  few  presentation  copies  for  his  friends. 

But  if  you  positively  require  me  to  take  100  or  200  copies,  though 
the  god  of  gain  is  not  generally  very  propitious  to  me,  and  it  would  be  an 
awkward  addition  to  my  baggage,  I  will  make  no  difficulty  about  it,  if  you 
will  kindly  fix  a  fair  price. 

Aldus  accepted  the  offer  with  enthusiasm  ;  and  in  the  next  letter 
Erasmus  courteously  declines  a  pressing  invitation  to  visit  Venice 
on  the  score  of  his  health,  which  had  suffered  from  the  climate  of 
Bologna.  He  receives  the  printer's  criticisms  in  the  most  friendly 
spirit.  'If  you  meet  with  a  manifest  error,  do  a  friend's  kind 
office  by  correcting  it ;  and  any  doubtful  point,  on  which  my  opinion 
seems  to  differ  from  yours,  either  leave,  or  make  what  change  you 
please  :  what  would  I  not  trust  to  such  a  friend  as  Aldus  ?  '  After 
discussing  some  questions  of  text  and  metre,  he  begs  for  the  utmost 
expedition  in  the  printing,  because  he  is  proposing  to  set  out  for 
Rome  after  Christmas,  and  wants  twenty  or  thirty  copies  on  the 
best  paper  as  a  New  Year's  gift  to  his  friends  at  Bologna,  *  for  I  am 
acquainted,'  he  adds,  '  with  all  here  who  make  a  study  or  profession 
of  polite  learning.'  His  wishes  seem  to  have  been  gratified  ;  for  the 
small  volume,  which  is  now  extremely  rare,  bears  the  date  of 
December  1507.  It  contains  a  long  letter  of  dedication  to  Arch- 
bishop Warham,  with  an  ode  to  the  same  prelate  and  another  in 
honour  of  England  and  her  royal  family.  Aldus  himself  prefixed  a 
short  advertisement  *  to  the  studious  reader,'  in  which  he  speaks  of 
Erasmus  as  his  excellent  friend  ;  it  is  a  commendatory  introduction 
to  the  learned  world,  congratulating  Italy  that  northern  students 
are  now  plentiful,  and  that  even  Iceland  is  sending  for  professors. 

It  is  difficult  to  rate  too  highly  the  value  of  this  small  publica- 
tion in  spreading  the  fame  of  Erasmus.  The  press  of  Aldus  had 
now  been  established  nearly  twenty  years  ;  and  between  the  years 
1494  and  1505  its  activity  had  been  so  prodigious  as  to  astonish 

^  He  refers  to  the  type  ^Allicll  we  call '  Italic,'  from  its  invention  by  Aldus  in  1501, 
who  is  said  to  have  copied  it  from  the  hapdwriting  of  Petrarch. 


L 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  ©49 

Europe.  Its  publications  were  awaited  in  Italy  as  eagerly  as  the 
AVaverley  novels  in  England  some  seventy  years  ago ;  and  the 
improvements  made  by  Aldus  in  his  art — especially  the  issue  of 
cheap  octavos  and  quartos  instead  of  the  ponderous  folio — made 
good  literature  popular  in  a  new  stratum  of  society.  His  main 
object  was  to  print  the  Greek  classics,  but  he  did  not  confine  him- 
self to  this ;  for  before  his  death  in  1515  he  had  published  some 
of  the  fathers  and  the  best  Latin  and  Italian  writers.  Erasmus 
himself,  in  his  remarks  on  the  Aldine  motto,  *  Festina  lente,'  pre- 
dicts that,  if  the  life  of  Aldus  were  spared,  he  would  cover  the 
whole  field  of  literature — Greek,  Latin,  Hebrew,  and  Syriac.  His 
device  of  the  dolphin  and  anchor  was  intended  as  a  symbol  to 
express  this  motto — ^the  dolphin  denoting  speed,  the  anchor  firmness 
and  constancy.  It  occurs  on  some  of  the  coins  of  the  Eoman 
empire,  and  this  suggests  to  Erasmus  the  reflexion  that,  as  a  literary 
token,  its  influence  was  more  useful  and  its  circulation  wider,  than 
when  it  was  a  medium  of  mercantile  exchange.  He  tells  us  that 
manuscripts  used  to  come  in  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  even  Hungary 
and  Poland  ;  and  the  printer's  advice  was  sought  by  learned  men 
in  all  parts  of  the  world.  The  expenses  of  his  establishment  were 
200  ducats  a  month  ;  though  he  was  aided  by  the  munificence 
of  the  princely  families  of  Carpi  and  Mantua,  the  strain  was  too 
great  upon  his  own  fortune,  and  he  died  poor.  He  was  not  free 
from  the  troubles  of  a  modern  employer,  for  he  was  four  times 
interrupted  by  strikes  among  his  workpeople.  His  chief  difficulty, 
however,  was  the  unsettled  state  of  Italy  consequent  on  the  wars 
with  France.  This  cause,  together  with  his  frequent  absence  from 
home,  will  explain  why,  for  two  whole  years  before  this  little  publi- 
cation, the  Aldine  press  had  been  idle.  We  can  fancy  the  enthu- 
siasm which  would  hail  its  return  to  work  ;  nor  can  we  wonder  that 
Erasmus,  giving  up  his  journey  to  Eome,  decided,  at  Bombasio's 
suggestion,  to  repair  to  Venice  and  offer  his  *  Adagia '  to  Aldus. 

Early  in  January  1508  Erasmus  paused  before  a  sombre-looking 
house,  still  standing  on  one  of  the  smaller  canals  near  the  Kialto, 
where  he  would  see  the  following  inscription  to  callers  over  the 
door : — 

Whoever  you  are,  Aldus  earnestly  begs  you  to  state  your  business  in 
the  fewest  possible  words  and  be  gone — unless,  like  Hercules  to  weary  Atlas, 
you  would  lend  a  helping  hand.  There  will  always  be  work  enough  for 
you,  and  all  who  come  this  way. 

When  he  had  summoned  a  servant  and  asked  to  see  the  master  of 
the  house,  he  was  told  that  he  was  engaged.  On  his  sending  in 
his  name,  hov/ever,  Aldus  gave  him  the  most  cordial  welcome, 
would  not  hear  of  his  going  to  an  inn,  and  prepared  a  room  for 
him  in  the  house.^ 

8  The  anecdote  is  told  by  Rhenanus. 


'650  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

At  this  moment  Venice  was  at  the  height  of  her  power,  though 
the  league  of  Cambray,  a  few  months  later,  was  the  beginning  of 
her  decline.  While  Erasmus  was  busy  upon  his  *  Adagia,'  news  was 
brought  of  a  great  victory  of  the  Venetian  general  Alviano  over 
the  troops  of  the  emperor  at  Cadore,  which  compelled  the  latter  to 
sue  for  peace.  The  commerce  of  the  republic  was  never  more 
flourishing.  Her  silks,  her  glass,  her  leather  were  conveyed  to  all 
parts  of  Europe,  and  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  and  Vasco  da 
Gama,  though  they  had  aroused  her  jealousy,  had  not  as  yet  injured 
her  trad€.  It  was  the  era  of  the  erection  of  the  splendid  court  of 
the  doge's  palace,  while  Titian  and  Giorgione  were  rising  to  fame. 
In  literature  Venice  had  not  hitherto  taken  a  high  place ;  but  the 
labours  of  Aldus  and  his  band  of  scholars  had  now  given  her  an 
unwonted  pre-eminence.  Well  might  Comines  write  that  she  was 
the  most  triumphant  city  in  the  world,  governed  with  the  greatest 
wisdom,  and  serving  God  with  the  most  solemnity. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  we  have  no  letters  of  Erasmus  to  record 
his  impressions  of  so  memorable  a  time.  During  his  nine  months' 
residence  he  must  have  seemed  almost  lost  to  his  northern  friends. 
The  fact  is  sufficiently  explained  by  his  intense  labours  upon  his 
*  Adagia.'  He  had  brought  to  Venice  a  vast  mass  of  new  material, 
noted  upon  the  margins  of  his  books ;  but  the  printing-house  sup- 
plied him  with  many  unpublished  works  that  he  had  never  seen. 
He  gratefully  acknowledges  the  zealous  help  ungrudgingly  given 
by  famous  scholars  like  John  Lascaris  and  Musurus,  the  chief 
coadjutors  of  Aldus. 

I  say  from  experience  that  there  is  not  the  same  friendliness  among 
men  of  learning  with  us  that  there  is  in  Italy.  Aldus  laid  before  me  all 
his  treasures  ...  so,  too,  did  some  with  whom  I  had  no  acquaintance  by 
sight  or  even  by  name.  I  was  rash  enough  to  propose  that  we  should 
begin  together — I  to  write  and  Aldus  to  print.  In  about  nine  months  the 
work  was  completed,  and  during  that  time  I  contracted  my  fresh  com- 
plaint of  the  stone.  You  may  well  believe  how  much  less  useful  the 
book  would  have  been  but  for  the  manuscripts  supplied  by  men  of  learning. 

The  speed  with  which  the  work  was  executed  is  astonishing; 
Erasmus  says  that  they  used  to  print  six  folio  pages  a  day.  The 
first  proof  was  corrected  by  Serafino,  a  hired  reader ;  this  was  revised 
by  the  author,  who  made  any  necessary  additions  ;  but  the  last  proof 
was  always  read  by  the  head  of  the  house. 

When  I  asked  Aldus  why  he  took  the  trouble,  his.  answer  was,  '  I  am 
getting  instruction  myself.'  He  was  astonished  that  I  could  compose  so 
fast  in  the  midst  of  the  distracting  noise  made  by  the  compositors. 

It  is  now  time  to  say  something  of  the  inner  arrangements  of 
this  busy  household.  In  1505  Aldus  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Andrea  d'Asola,  wjio  had  acquired  a  press  at  Venice  by  purchase 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Ul 

as  early  as  1479.  No  partnership  had  at  first  existed  between 
Andrea  and  his  son-in-law,  though  the  former  had  sometimes  given 
help  when  required ;  but  in  1508  there  was  a  more  formal  union, 
and  the  two  families  seem  to  have  lived  under  one  roof.  This  was 
naturally  the  cause  of  some  discomfort ;  for  no  fewer  than  thirty- 
three  persons,  including  servants  and  workmen  on  the  premises, 
composed  the  household.  The  females  and  children  lived  almost 
entirely  apart,  though  Erasmus  used  to  give  some  of  his  spare 
moments  to  playing  with  little  Manuzio,  the  eldest  son  of  Aldus. 
There  was,  indeed,  much  playful  gaiety  among  the  elders  when 
they  unbent  after  the  heavy  labours  of  the  day.  Erasmus  recalls 
that  Aldus  once  held  an  imaginary  dialogue  between  them  in  their 
old  age,  asking  after  his  health  with  a  trembling,  toothless  lisp,  and 
replying  to  his  own  query  in  a  yet  shriller  key.  He  adds  sadly 
that  Aldus  was  taken  from  his  friends  long  before  the  toothless 
age. 

There  was  one  point,  however,  in  the  household  arrangements 
which  was  a  cruel  torment  to  Erasmus.  The  meals  were  irregular, 
and,  when  they  arrived,  they  were  frugal  to  the  verge  of  parsimony. 
In  one  of  his  latest  Colloquies,  the  *  Opulentia  Sordida,'  we  have  a 
most  amusing,  if  somewhat  malicious,  picture — of  course  under 
feigned  names — of  the  table  of  Andrea,  who  acted  as  master  of  the 
household.  Granting  that  the  recital  is  in  the  main  a  caricature, 
we  cannot  doubt  that  some  of  the  details  are  real,  for  it  is  full  of 
touches  of  Venetian  manners.  There  were  only  two  meals  in  the 
day,  dinner  at  one,  and  supper — whenever  Andrea  came  home — 
sometirp.es  as  late  at  ten,  in  spite  of  the  loud  murmurs  of  Erasmus, 
who  sat  half-starved  at  his  work.  When  at  length  they  sat  down, 
a  party  of  eight  or  nine,  the  j^iece  de  resistance  was,  once  at  least, 
a  bowl  of  vinegar,  with  seven  small  lettuce  leaves  floating  in  it, 
winding  up  with  a  stony  cheese.  Yet  the  meal  often  lasted 
more  than  an  hour,  while  they  amused  themselves  with  telling 
stories,  and  soaking  their  chalky  bread— a  necessary  operation, 
for  it  was  only  baked  twice  a  month — in  a  dreggy  wine,  largely 
diluted  with  water.  When  Andrea  was  in  a  generous  mood,  he 
would  bring  home  three  bunches  of  grapes  as  a  special  dainty ;  or, 
if  grapes  were  out  of  season,  a  farthing's  worth  of  shellfish  ;  and 
then  '  you  would  have  thought  there  was  to  be  a  wedding  in  the 
family,  for  there  had  to  be  a  fire,  though  they  were  very  quickly 
cooked.'  At  other  times  the  chief  dish  was  a  soup,  made  of 
skimmed-milk  cheese,  followed  by  stale  tripe ;  and  on  fish  days  they 
had  three  small  whiting  for  eight  people.  All  these  dishes  were 
rapidly  taken  away,  as  the  ladies  made  their  meal  upon  the  remains. 
At  length  Erasmus  begged  for  the  fourth  part  of  a  boiled  fowl  at 
each  meal ;  even  this  came  up  '  as  dry  as  a  chip,  for  the  women 
lapped  up  all  the  gravy ; '  but  his  host  only  allowed  two  starved 


652  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

pullets  a  week,  and  on  tlie  odd  meat-day  he  would  pretend  that  he 
forgot  to  go  to  market.  On  fast-days  a  friend  was  privately 
employed  to  smuggle  in  three  new-laid  eggs;  but  these  were 
whisked  off  by  the  servants,  who  put  rotten  ones  in  their  place. 
The  unkindest  cut  of  all  was  when  Aldus  took  Erasmus  gently  to 
task  for  his  large  eating,  warning  him  of  the  dangers  of  indulging 
a  northern  appetite  in  a  southern  clime ;  and  at  last,  having  one 
day  found  him  furtively  munching  some  confectionery,  he  privately 
begged  a  physician  who  was  the  friend  of  both  to  remonstrate 
with  him  on  the  subject.  The  doctor,  however,  had  no  better 
success ;  '  for  his  prescription  was  that  he  should  leave  off 
suppers  altogether,  and  mix  half  water  with  his  wine.  Erasmus 
tells  us,  in  one  of  his  later  works,  that  he  soon  came  to  the  best 
solution  of  the  difficulty,  viz.  to  keep  his  own  table  in  a  private 
room.  He  allows,  however,  at  the  end  of  this  lively  colloquy, 
that  his  hosts  throve  on  their  slender  fare,  and  concludes  that  the 
quantity  of  food  and  drink  is  more  a  matter  of  custom  than  of 
nature. 

It  has  been  said  by  some  that  the  freedom  of  this  satire, 
disguised  though  it  was,  caused  an  estrangement  between  Erasmus 
and  the  family  of  Aldus.  ^^  Yot  it  was  probably  not  written  till 
1531 — after  the  deaths  both  of  Aldus  and  his  father-in-law — and 
we  find  Erasmus  in  friendly  correspondence  with  the  son  of  Andrea  ^* 
more  than  twenty  years  after  his  visit.  In  his  defence  it  must  be 
said  that,  just  before  its  publication,  he  was  brutally  attacked  by 
J.  C.  Scaliger — the  fiercest  literary  gladiator  of  his  time — in  his 
first  pamphlet  against  the  '  Ciceronianus  ;  '  and  that  the  latter 
professed  to  have  private  information  from  Venice  as  to  the 
conduct  of  Erasmus  during  his  stay.  He  represents  that  he  acted 
as  a  kind  of  hired  parasite  to  Aldus,  and  that  his  hosts  were 
disgusted  with  the  sloth  and  inebriety  of  one  who  '  drank  like  a 
three-mouthed  Geryon.'  Much  of  this  coarse  slander  refutes  itself, 
and  only  recoils  upon  his  accuser  ;  but  it  is  doubtless  based  upon 
the  fact  that  Erasmus  did  not  conform  to  Italian  ideas  of 
temperance. 

We  know  from  scattered  notices  in  his  works  that  he  was  not 
debarred  on  this  account  from  the  most  brilliant  society  in  Venice. 
He  was  invited  to  supper  with  the  victorious  general  D'Alviano, 
but  was  compelled  to  decline.  He  was  introduced  to  Bernardo 
Ruccellai,  a  relative  of  the  Medici,  and  a  writer  of  elegant  con- 
temporary histories  in  Latin, ^^  but  could  not  induce  him  to  use 

'"  The  suppression  of  the  name  of  Erasmus  in  some  later  Aldine  editions,  and  the 
substitution  of  '  Batavus  quidam  homo,'  was  due,  not  to  this  cause,  as  is  sometimea 
stated,  but  to  a  fear  of  his  enemies,  the  mrnks. 

"  M.  de  Nolhac  prints  four  hitherto  unpublished  letters  to  F}[gincesco  d'AsoIa^ 
,,_''  Eragmu§  himself  compares  hia  works  to  ^^llus.t.  <    ,     ;  |,pi 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  663 

that  language  in  conversation.  'You  speak  to  deaf  ears,  most 
noble  sir,'  said  Erasmus.  *  I  am  as  ignorant  of  your  vulgar  tongue 
as  I  am  of  Hindoo.'  He  often  dined  with  the  learned  Greek,  John 
Lascaris,  once  an  intimate  friend  of  Lorenzo,  who  now  occupied  the 
high  post  of  French  ambassador  to  the  republic.  Perhaps  it  was 
at  the  suggestion  of  Lascaris  that  he  was  admitted  a  member  of 
the  New  Academy,  which  was  founded  by  Aldus  about  1500  for  the 
promotion  of  Greek  studies.  This  learned  body  met  once  a  week 
in  the  evenings  to  collate  manuscripts,  choose  works  for  the  press, 
and  discuss  general  questions  of  scholarship.  The  members  bound 
themselves  always  to  speak  in  Greek  on  penalty  of  a  small  fine ; 
the  fines  were  saved  up,  and  spent  in  an  occasional  banquet.  Here 
he  met  Ducas,  John  of  Crete,  and  other  Greeks,  whom  Aldus  had 
gathered  round  him  as  copyists  and  correctors ;  here  he  met  also 
several  learned  Italians,  who  became  his  fast  friends.  He  speaks  of 
one  of  the  founders,  Paolo  Canale,  who  died  of  consumption  during 
his  stay,  as  '  a  young  noble  of  the  utmost  promise,  born  for  great 
things  if  death  had  not  envied  men  his  talents.'  A  more  mature 
scholar,  Fra  Urbano  Bolzani,  who  had  been  Greek  tutor  to  the  sons 
of  Lorenzo,  and  had  travelled  on  foot  through  many  Eastern 
countries,  assisted  him  in  the  preparation  of  his  '  Adagia.'  So,  too, 
did  Battista  Egnazio — once  a  pupil  of  Politian — '  a  sound  and  true 
friend,'  as  Erasmus  calls  him,  who  was  afterwards  sent  to  Paris  to 
represent  the  republic  on  the  accession  of  Francis  I.  With  the  last- 
named,  and  with  the  doctor  Leoni,  the  wittiest  member  of  the 
circle,  Erasmus  maintained  a  correspondence  to  the  end  of  his  life. 
How  affectionately  he  was  himself  remembered  may  be  judged 
from  the  hearty  reception  given  by  bis  friends  at  Venice,  nine  years 
later,  to  Ulricli  von  Hatten,  when  he  presented  letters  of  introduc- 
tion from  Erasmus.  Another  friend,  of  whom  he  saw  much  during 
the  first  months  of  his  stay,  ^Yas  Jerome  Aleander,  afterwards 
famous  as  papal  nuncio  at  Worms.  Aleander,  who  was  not  3'et 
thirty,  had  a  great  reputation  as  a  scholar,  and  gave  Aldus 
valaable  help  in  several  of  his  publications.  He  was  at  this  time 
living  in  the  house,  and,  according  to  one  account,  shared  a  room 
with  Erasmus.  Soon  after  Easter  he  was  summoned  by  the 
French  king  to  occupy  the  Greek  chair  at  Paris,  and  his  subsequent 
rise  was  rapid.  Erasmus  greatly  admired  his  abiUties,  which  he 
thought  were  thrown  away  on  politics  ;  but  he  had  no  respect  for 
the  man.  Hard  words  often  passed  between  them  in  the  first 
storm  of  the  Pieformation  ;  but  they  met  more  than  once  on 
guarded  terms  of  friendship  ;  and  they  must  have  looked  back  with 
pleasure  to  those  quiet  weeks  at  Venice,  when  Aleander  supplied 
materials  for  the  *  Adagia,'  and  Erasmus  gratefully  gave  him  letters 
of  introduction  to  his  friends  at  Paris. 

At  length,  in  September  1508,  the  *  Adagia  *  were  issued  in  folio. 


654  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

They  are  a  notable  moryument  of  the  learning  of  the  age,  and 
immensely  increased  the  author's  fame,  though  they  were  not  yet 
adorned  with  his  bold  digressions  on  abuses  in  church  and  state. 
They  were  received  with  enthusiasm  all  over  the  continent,  and  were 
reprinted  eleven  times  in  the  next  twelve  years  by  one  publisher  at 
Strassburg.  In  the  preface,  addressed  to  his  friend  Mountjoy, 
Erasmus  expresses  his  warmest  thanks  to  Aldus  for  his  generous 
help.  The  latter  would  gladly  have  kept  him  longer  at  Venice, 
and  even  proposed  receiving  lessons  from  him  in  rhetoric.  He 
did  employ  him  for  some  days  in  deciphering  some  manuscripts 
of  PlautuB  and  Terence,  for  which  he  gave  him  twenty  crowns. 
But  an  engagement,  probably  procured  for  Erasmus  by  his  friends 
in  England,  called  him  away  to  Padua  about  the  beginning  of 
October.  Alexander,  a  natural  son  of  James  IV  of  Scotland,  and 
already,  at  eighteen,  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  was  studying 
law  at  the  university;  and  Erasmus  had  agreed,  at  the  king's 
request,  to  instruct  him  in  rhetoric.  His  new  pupil  was  gentle  and 
amiable,  and  soon  won  the  affection  of  his  teacher.  At  Padua 
Erasmus  was  still  in  the  territory  of  the  republic,  and  in  constant 
communication  with  his  old  friends.  And  here,  as  was  his  wont  in 
all  his  travels,  he  soon  made  new  friends,  among  whom  were 
Texeira,  afterwards  tutor  to  the  able  Portuguese  king,  John  IH,  and 
Germain  Brice,  with  each  of  whom  he  afterwa«.*ds  corresponded. 
He  found  at  Padua,  as  professor  of  Greek,  Marcus  Musurus,  another 
light  of  the  Aldine  academy,  with  whom  he  had  been  intimate  at 
Venice.  This  Cretan  scholar  had  been  brought  over  to  teach  Greek 
in  Italy  by  John  Lascaris,  who  had  himself  given  him  Latin  lessons. 
He  was  now  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  in  himself  a  perfect  encyclo- 
paedia of  classical  knowledge.  His  lectures  were  attended  by  crowds 
of  students — '  like  chickens  under  a  hen,'  as  Leoni  described  them  in 
after  days.  We  get  a  bright  glimpse  of  the  renaissance  enthusiasm 
for  learning  when  we  hear  from  Erasmus  that  Eaphael  Eeggio,  the 
professor  of  Latin,  who  was  over  seventy  years  of  age,  used  to  attend 
these  lectures  regularly  at  seven  in  the  morning,  in  all  the  rigours 
of  an  exceptionally  cold  winter.  Erasmus  had  the  highest  esteem 
for  the  character  of  Musurus  ;  he  calls  his  teaching  *  the  richest  and 
best  mart  of  study  in  the  world  ; '  and  in  later  days  he  sent  him  more 
than  one  promising  scholar.  We  can  fancy  the  assistance  he  would 
himself  derive  from  such  a  teacher  in  the  work  on  which  he  was 
now  engaged,  of  collating  some  Greek  manuscripts  which  he  had 
borrowed  from  Aldus.  He  tried  to  borrow  others  from  the  monks 
of  Padua,  and  was  told  that  when  money  and  entreaties  were  use- 
less, the  only  resource  was  theft. 

Erasmus  was  not  unaware  that  many  Italian  scholars  of  the 
time,  in  their  enthusiasm  for  antiquity,  almost  lost  sight  of  the 
Christian  faith*  vButhe  expressly  says  that  at  Padua  th^re  was  a 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  655 

higher  religious  tone  than  elsewhere.  The  witness  is  surprising ;  '^ 
for  one  of  the  professors  at  this  very  time  was  the  well-known  Pom- 
ponazzo,  who,  in  a  work  published  in  1516,  denied  the  immortality 
of  the  soul.  It  is  true  that,  when  threatened  with  the  censure  of 
the  church,  he  explained  that  he  only  denied  it  on  grounds  of  natural 
reason,  and  accepted  it  as  a  Christian.^''  Yet  there  is  no  doubt  about 
the  infidel  tendency  of  his  teaching ;  though  his  influence  may  have 
been  partly  counteracted  by  Tomeo,  another  professor,  deeply  read 
in  Plato,  who  was  a  man  of  the  highest  character.  Erasmus  must 
have  often  seen  the  diminutive  figure  of  Pomponazzo  in  the  streets 
of  Padua  ;  and  the  high  opinion  which  the  professor  entertained  of 
his  own  talents  would  make  it  difficult  for  him  to  be  hid. 

We  have  two  short  letters  of  Erasmus  to  Aldus,  written  at  the 
close  of  his  stay  at  Padua.  From  these  we  learn  that  he  left  the 
city,  with  his  pupil,  about  the  middle  of  December,  alarmed,  like 
the  other  students,  by  the  rumours  of  impending  war.  On  10  Dec. 
1508  was  formed  the  celebrated  league  of  Cambray,  in  which 
France,  Spain,  the  emperor,  the  pope,  and  most  of  the  minor  states 
■  of  Italy  allied  themselves  against  the  republic  of  Venice.  No  wonder 
that  so  formidable  a  combination  spread  terror  in  her  dominions. 
Erasmus,  'detained,'  he  says,  'by  the  spells  of  Germain  Brice,' 
stayed  as  long  as  he  could  ;  but  the  second  letter  announces  his 
immediate  departure.  '  Accursed  wars  ! '  he  writes,  '  they  prevent 
my  enjoying  a  part  of  Italy  which  delights  me  more  every  day. 
Farewell,  my  best  of  friends  !  I  will  give  Bombasio  your  message 
and  kind  regards  in  person.' 

Their  first  resting-place  was  Ferrara,  where  they  remained  a  day 
or  two.  Different,  indeed,  is  the  Ferrara  of  to-day  from  the  pro- 
speroi^s  city  visited  by  Erasmus.  Now,  as  then,  the  dark-red  square 
towei^of  the  castle  of  Este,  gloomy  and  massive,  frowns  down  upon 
the  approaching  traveller.  But  now  the  streets  are  grass-grown 
and  almost  deserted ;  and  the  windows  of  many  of  the  houses  are 
boarded  up,  as  if  in  despair  of  the  advent  of  a  tenant.  Then,  though 
the  city  had  been  largely  extended  by  its  sagacious  princes,  no 
houses  were  to  be  let ;  and  a  thriving  population  of  100,000 — 
nearly  four  times  its  present  number — cheerfully  supported  an 
immense  weight  of  taxation.  The  reigning  duke  Alfonso,  and  his 
wife,  the  amiable  and  accomplished  Lucrezia  Borgia,  were  ardent 
patrons  of  learning  ;  and  the  university  was  one  of  the  most  famous 
in  Europe.  Ferrara,  like  so  many  Italian  towns,  could  boast  of  a 
knot  of  scholars  whose   researches  shed  lustre  upon   her  name. 

*'  The  passage  is  in  a  letter  to  Hermann  Frisius.  Yet  Hallam,  following 
Tiraboschi,  says  of  this  time  that  the  university  was  for  more  than  a  century  the  focus 
of  atheism  in  Italy  {Lit.  of  Europe^  i.  321). 

'*  Boccalini  {Ragguagli  da  Parnaso,  Cent.  i.  Rag.  90)  makes  Apollo  decide  after  this 
defence  that  Pomponazzo  should  be  exculpated  as  a  man,  and  burnt  only  as  a 
philosopher. 


656  ERASMUS  IN  •  ITALY  Oct. 

Erasmus  and  his  party |Were  received  into  the  house  of  his  old  friend 
Eichard  Pace,  afterwards  English  ambassador  at  Rome  ;  and  the 
literary  chiefs  of  the  town  assembled  there  to  do  honour  to  the 
author  of  the '  Adagia.'  Among  them  were  Leoniceno,  the  physician 
and  first  translator  of  Galen,  still  hale  though  over  eighty,  and 
destined  to  live  to  be  ninety-six  ;  Richeri  (he  preferred  to  call  him- 
self Ehodiginus),  who  was  compiling  a  work  on  antiquities — the 
marvel  of  after  times;  and  Calcagnini,  the  professor  of  belles- 
lettres,  a  young  poet  and  orator  of  no  mean  order.  The  last-named 
made  an  harangue  of  welcome  to  Erasmus  in  such  elegant  Latin 
that  the-  latter  says  his  tongue  failed  him  in  reply.  They  then  sat 
down  and  discussed  some  of  the  *  Adagia,'  Erasmus  pulling  a  copy 
out  of  his  trunk  in  order  to  explain  them  with  more  efifect.^^  Such 
a  circle  of  admirers  might  well  have  tempted  him  to  prolong  his 
stay ;  but  Ferrara  was  too  near  the  expected  theatre  of  war,  and 
Erasmus  pushed  on  to  Siena,  which  he  reached  about  New  Year's 
Day,  1509. 

This  city  was  now  governed  by  the  despot  Pandolfo  Petrucci, 
whose  wary  diplomacy  had  kept  him  free  from  the  political  em- 
broilments of  the  moment ;  and  it  proved  a  haven  of  rest  to 
Erasmus.  The  bracing  air  of  its  hills  seems  to  have  improved  his 
health,  which  had  suffered  much  during  the  past  two  years.  He 
gives  us  a  pleasing  picture  of  the  course  of  study  which  he  now 
pursued  with  his  pupil.  He  used  to  give  him  some  subject  for 
rhetorical  composition,  on  which  they  talked  together  the  next 
day ;  and  every  morning  Alexander  translated  a  passage  from 
some  Greek  author.  The  afternoons  were  given  by  the  prince  to 
singing,  learning  the  flute,  and  other  music,  of  which  he  was  pas- 
sionately fond ;  and  in  his  leisure  hours  he  read  Roman  history. 
During  meals  passages  of  the  fathers  were  read  aloud  by  a  priest. 
Erasmus  spent  some  of  his  time  in  writing  short  moral  themes 
for  his  pupil,  one  of  which,  a  declamation  on  death,  still  survives. 
Nor  were  amusements  despised.  They  threaded  the  crooked 
streets  on  21  Feb.  to  the  carnival  fetes  in  the  Piazza  del  Campo  ; 
and  there  witnessed  a  strange  entertainment,^^  in  which  a  bull  was 
placed  in  the  arena  to  face  a  huge  wooden  tortoise,  whose  creaks 
and  contortions,  produced  by  ropes  and  pulleys,  terrified  it  into 
flight.  But  Erasmus  was  now  impatient  to  see  Rome,  which  w^as 
within  three  or  four  days'  journey  ;  so  he  left  his  pupil  to  prosecute 
his  studies  at  the  university  of  Siena,  and  entered  the  Eternal  City 
about  the  beginning  of  Lent. 

Those  who  search  the  works  of  so  ardent  a  lover  of  antiquity 
for  any  particular  notices  of  the  monuments  of  ancient  Rome  will 

'*  These  remiaiscences  are  taken  from  a  correspondeiise  bstween  Calcagnini  and 
Erasmus  in  1525. 

"  Described  in  Erasmus's  Supputatio  errorum  Bedae, 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  057 

find  notluDg  to  reward  them.  Perhaps  Erasmus  himself  was  dis- 
appointed that  so  httle  remained  to  be  seen ;  at  least  he  writes  in 
later  years,  *  Old  Eome  does  not  exist,  except  in  ruins  and  rubble, 
the  traces  and  scars  of  her  old  disasters  ;  take  away  the  pope  and 
cardinals,  and  what  would  Eome  be?'  Yet  in  the  time  of  Erasmus 
far  more  of  old  Eome  remained  than  is  the  case  to-day.  The  Baths 
of  Constantine  were  in  existence  ;  the  Coliseum  was  more  perfect ; 
the  Aventine,  the  Caelian,  and  the  Esquiline  were  covered  with 
ruined  palaces.  It  seems  clear  that  Erasmus's  love  of  antiquity 
was  exclusively  literary ;  he  had  no  sentimental  feeling  about  ruins, 
and  could  not  sympathise  with  the  archaeological  enthusiasm  that 
had  lately  arisen  in  Eoman  circles.  It  was  an  age  with  a  passion 
for  antiques ;  gems,  cameos,  and  coins  had  acquired  a  value 
hitherto  unknown.  Only  a  few  months  before  the  grand  sculptured 
group  of  the  Laocoon  had  been  found  in  the  Baths  of  Titus,  and 
had  made  the  fortune  of  the  lucky  discoverer ;  while  the  poetasters 
vied  with  each  other  in  producing  verses  on  the  event.  Erasmus 
was  certainly  introduced  to  Angelo  Colocci,  the  virtuoso  of  the  day, 
whose  villa  and  gardens  were  richly  adorned  with  the  remains  of 
ancient  art.  To  the  lovers  of  modern  art  what  more  glorious  era 
could  there  be  for  a  visit  to  Eome  than  the  later  years  of  the  ponti- 
ficate of  Julius  ?  Bramante  was  just  beginning  his  colossal  plan  for 
the  rebuilding  of  St.  Peter's ;  Michael  Angelo  had  been  summoned 
to  decorate  the  Sistine  chapel ;  and  Eaphael  was  already  painting 
in  the  chambers  of  the  Vatican.  Erasmus  had  a  strong  taste  for 
art,  as  is  proved  by  his  remarks  on  Holbein  and  Albert  Dlirer  ;  he 
once  speaks  of  sculpture  and  painting  as  '  a  silent  poetry.'  He  most 
probably  visited  Eaphael's  studio,  though  we  need  not  believe  the 
story  that  he  showed  him  some  of  the  works  of  Holbein. 

The  short  weeks  which  he  spent  at  Eome  in  the  spring  of 
1509  were  given  almost  entirely  to  the  observation  of  manners 
and  the  pleasures  of  friendship.  He  was  fortunate  enough 
to  find  in  Eome  a  friend  whom  he  had  known  at  Bologna,  Scipio 
Carteromachus,  an  eminent  scholar  and  one  of  the  earliest  mem- 
bers of  the  Aldine  academy.  Scipio  left  Eome  about  ten  days 
after  Erasmus  arrived,  but  he  devoted  that  time  to  him  almost 
entirely,  living  in  the  same  house,  and  introducing  him  into  the 
best  literary  circles.  In  this  way  he  may  have  met  Sadolet,  as 
he  certainl}'  met  Egidius  of  Viterbo,  one  of  the  ablest  as  well  as 
one  of  the  most  saintly  men  of  the  time.  He  tells  us  that  he 
sometimes  shared  a  bed  with  Giulio  Camillo,  an  eccentric  genius 
of  the  day,  who  spent  forty  years  in  constructing  a  strange 
machine,  called  a  theatre,  for  tabulating  all  the  operations  of  the 
mind  under  the  signs  of  astrology.  The  academy  of  Leti  was  still 
in  existence ;  and  at  its  meetings  Erasmus  met  old  Mar  so,  one  of 
its  earliest  members,  and  two  former  Bologna  friends,  Beroaldo  and 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XL.  u  u 


658  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct. 

Spherula.  He  also  attended  the  receptions  of  a  countryman  of  his 
own,  John  Goritz,  who  held  an  office  at  the  papal  court,  and  kept 
almost  an  open  house  for  men  of  learning  at  his  palace  on  the 
Quirinal.  Our  traveller  was  also  introduced  to  Inghirami,  librarian 
of  the  Vatican,  called  from  his  preaching  abilities  the  Cicero  of 
the  day.  This  accomplished  prelate  had  acquired  the  nickname  of 
Phedro  from  his  excellent  acting  as  Phaedra  in  Seneca's  play  of 
*  Hippolytus  ;  '  and  he  was  particularly  friendly  to  Erasmus,  who 
always  speaks  of  him  by  that  name.  Inghirami  did  the  honours  of 
the  Vatican  library  for  his  new  friend,  and  doubtless  gave  him  access 
to  some  of  the  conventual  libraries,  far  richer  then  than  they  were 
after  the  sack  of  Kome  in  1527.  Nothing  made  Erasmus  look 
back  more  regretfully  to  Kome  than  the  splendid  libraries  which 
he  had  visited ;  he  longed  to  consult  their  wealth  of  manuscripts 
for  his  own  works  on  the  Bible  and  the  Greek  fathers. 

Now,  however,  his  chief  aim  was  to  see  all  that  he  could  ;  and 
his  writings  show  the  keenness  of  his  observation — particularly  the 
'  Praise  of  Folly,'  which  he  wrote  only  a  few  weeks  afterwards.  He 
tells  us  that  he  was  persuaded  by  his  friends,  much  against  his 
will,  to  attend  a  bull-fight  at  the  Vatican  ;  and  though  he  detested 
the  cruelty  of  such  a  relic  of  old  paganism,  he  describes,  with  evident 
relish,  the  drolleries  of  a  masked  buffoon,  who,  in  the  intervals,  like 
the  sham  strong  man  at  a  circus,  mimicked  the  actions  of  the 
real  fighters.  We  can  fancy  him,  too,  taking  the  air  in  the 
Campagna,  or  watching  the  feats  of  the  jugglers  in  the  Campo  de' 
Fiori,  or  reading  with  a  contemptuous  curl  of  the  lip  the  vulgar 
lampoons  that  were  affixed  every  night  to  the  base  of  Pasquino's 
statue.*'  He  notices  the  satirical  vein  of  the  populace,  and  ridi- 
cules the  unhistorical  pride  which  led  them  to  suppose  they  were 
descended  from  the  ancient  Eomans. 

Meantime  he  heard  from  his  pupil  that  he  had  been  ordered  to 
return  to  Scotland,  and  that  he  wished,  before  domg  so,  to  pay  a  visit 
to  Eome  ;  Erasmus  therefore  returned  to  Siena,  and  brought  him 
to  Rome  in  the  course  of  Holy  Week.  On  Good  Friday,  G  April, 
in  the  pope's  chapel,  they  heard  a  sermon'^  from  one  of  the  great 
preachers  of  the  Curia  before  his  holiness  and  the  cardinals  which 
strikingly  illustrates  the  paganism  of  the  period.  The  orator  began 
with  a  eulogy  of  the  pope,  whom  he  compared  to  Jove  poising  in 
his  right  hand  the  deadly  lightning,  and  regulatirg  the  world  with 
his  nod.  In  speaking  of  the  Passion  he  recalled  the  devotion  of 
Cecrops  and  Iphigenia,  the  Decii  and  Curtius  in  ancient  history  ; 

'^  Pasquino  was  a  Roman  tailor  of  caustic  wit,  who  lived  shortly  before  this  time. 
Soon  after  his  death  the  statue  of  a  gladiator  was  dug  up  and  placed  near  his  shop, 
and  was  popularly  called  by  his  name.  Erasmus  more  than  once  mentions  the 
'  pasquinades  '  on  this  statue. 

'*  Erasmus  gives  the  heads  of  this  sermon  in  the  Ciceronianus* 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  659 

and  compared  the  ingratitude  of  the  Jews  towards  the  Saviour  to 
the  treatment  which  Socrates  and  Aristotle,  Epaminondas  and 
Scipio,  experienced  at  the  hands  of  their  countrymen.  It  is  hard 
to  say  whether  the  pedantry  or  the  irreHgion  of  this  discourse  is 
the  more  remarkable ;  there  was  assuredly  an  abundance  of  both 
qualities  at  the  papal  court.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  literary 
men  to  speak  of  the  mass  as  saci'a  cleorum  and  of  the  cardinals 
as  patres  conscripti;  and  even  ecclesiastics  made  it  a  fashion  to 
treat  religious  subjects  entirely  in  the  language  of  the  classics. 
Erasmus  speaks  sadly  of  the  unbelief  which  came  under  his  own 
notice  ;  he  one  day  spent  some  time  in  confuting  a  philosopher, 
who  relied  on  the  authority  of  Pliny  the  Elder  against  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul.  But  he  testifies  to  worse  things  than  these — 
to  a  promiscuous  hunt  after  benefices,  to  men  in  society  interlard- 
ing their  conversation  with  blasphemy,  and  to  priests  of  bad  life 
parading  their  impiety  at  the  mass.  He  was  amazed  at  the 
tolerance  shown  to  such  persons  by  the  authorities  ;  like  Luther, 
who  was  at  Eome  for  a  fortnight  in  the  following  year,  he  must 
have  sometimes  thought — 'the  nearer  to  Eome  the  further  from 
Christianity.'  It  is  plain,  too,  from  the  '  Praise  of  Folly,'  that  his 
Dutch  simplicity  was  offended  at  the  pomp  and  splendour  of 
ecclesiastical  life ;  he  enumerates  all  the  parasites  of  the  Curia — 
*  that  crowd  of  scribes,  copyists,  notaries,  advocates,  secretaries, 
valets,  grooms,  bankers,  agents,  so  onerous — (what  did  I  say  ?) 
honourable  to  the  Eoman  see.'  Nor  could  he  have  been  blind  to 
the  darker  side  of  the  picture — the  heavy  debts  incurred  by  many 
of  the  cardinals  to  keep  up  their  position,  and  the  scandalous  mis- 
management of  the  papal  finances. 

Yet  he  met  with  much  personal  kindness,  as  he  often  confesses, 
at  the  hands  of  the  princes  of  the  church.  He  was  on  terms  of  in- 
timacy with  the  cardinals  of  Nantes  and  of  Bologna,  and  was 
sometimes  invited  to  the  table  of  the  more  famous  cardinal  de' 
Medici,  who  afterwards,  as  Leo  X,  wrote  to  him  that  he  had 
pleasant  recollections  of  their  friendly  talks  together.  His  chief 
patron,  however,  was  Eaphael  Eiario,  cardinal  of  St.  George,  great- 
nephew  of  Sixtus  IV,  who  was  already  one  of  the  senior  members 
of  the  college,  though  he  lived  to  conspire  against  Leo,  as  he  had 
joined  in  a  conspiracy  against  his  father  Lorenzo.  This  wealthy 
prelate  resided  in  a  noble  palace  built  for  him  by  Bramante,  now 
the  papal  chancery,  the  erection  of  which  necessitated — a  strange 
vandalism  for  those  days — the  destruction  of  the  Arch  of  Gordian. 
The  cardinal  desired  Erasmus  to  write  a  memorandum  on  the  war 
with  Venice,  which  was  then  being  discussed  in  the  consistory. 
Erasmus,  who  had  so  many  friends  at  Venice,  wrote  a  strong 
diatribe  against  the  war,  which  he  called  *  Antipolemus  ;  but  his 
patron,  who  knew  that  this  would  be  useless,. seems  to  have  persuaded 


660  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct» 

him  to  soften  it  down  'into  expressions  of  regret  at  the  necessity. 
There  is  an  unhkely  story  that  Juhus,  displeased  at  its  moderation, 
sent  for  Erasmus,  and  ordered  him  not  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of 
princes.  Unfortunately  the  pamphlet  has  perished ;  and  so  we 
cannot  tell  how  far  Erasmus  sacrificed  his  principles  at  the  shrine 
of  friendship.  The  cardinal  remained  much  attached  to  him,  and 
afterw^ards  wrote,  promising,  if  he  would  return  to  Kome,  to  procure 
him  a  position  worthy  of  his  merit. 

Before  leaving  Italy,  the  young  prince  Alexander,  with  Erasmus, 
made  a  hasty  trip  to  Naples — a  kind  of  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of 
Yirgil  and  the  cave  of  the  Sibyl.'^  There  is  but  one  allusion  to  this 
journey  in  the  works  of  Erasmus,  and  that  is  to  the  well-known 
grotto  of  Pausilippo— a  tunnel  of  unknown  age,  about  a  mile  long 
and  some  fifty  feet  high,  under  the  hill  to  the  north  of  Naples.  *  As 
you  go,'  he  says,  *  from  Naples  to  Cumse  by  the  subterranean 
passage  under  the  mountain,  you  can  see,  through  the  thick  gloom, 
a  little  speck  of  light  like  a  star,  which  seems  to  promise  an  exit.' 
On  the  hill  above  the  grotto  is  the  so-called  tomb  of  Virgil,  at  which 
our  travellers  paid  their  tribute  of  veneration,  and  then  returned 
to  Eome  by  the  Appian  Way.  Here  the  prince  bade  adieu  to  his 
tutor,  to  whom  he  gave,  as  a  mark  of  his  regard,  an  antique  ring 
with  an  inscribed  stone.  One  can  imagine  with  what  grief  Erasmus 
would  hear,  four  years  later,  of  his  death  by  his  father's  side  on 
Flodden  Field. 

The  third  visit  of  Erasmus  to  Kome  could  hardly  have  lasted 
more  than  a  month — perhaps  less  ;  for  in  the  early  days  of  June 
he  received  two  letters  from  England  which  were  the  cause  of  his 
leaving  Italy  almost  immediately.  One  was  from  his  friend 
Mountjoy,  dated  Greenwich,  27  May,  announcing  the  accession  of 
Henry  YIII,  and  begging  Erasmus  to  return  at  once  ;  the  other  was 
from  the  new  king  himself,  adding  his  own  entreaties  to  Mountjoy's 
and  making  liberal  promises  for  the  future.  Mr.  Froude  has 
translated  both  these  letters,  and  it  is  needless  to  recapitulate  them. 
The  first  enclosed  10/.  from  Mountjoy  and  Warham  for  the  expenses 
of  his  journey.  We  can  hardly  wonder  that  he  instantly  decided  to 
accept  so  flattering  an  invitation.  The  king's  letter  seemed  to 
promise  not  only  pecuniary  support,  but  a  post  of  honour  near  his 
person ;  and  Erasmus,  though  he  was  free  from  vulgar  ambition, 
w^as  conscious  of  talent  worthy  of  high  station.  It  is  clear,  too, 
from  his  own  admissions,  that  he  did  not  like  the  religious 
atmosphere  of  Eome;  the  position  in  England  promised  more 
independence  ;  and  his  weak  health,  which  had  suffered  from  the 
malaria  of  Italy,  warned  him  to  seek  a  more  northern  clime.  His 
Eoman  friends,  nevertheless,  did  their  utmost  to  retain  him  ;  he  was 
told  that  he  could  at  once  be  made  one  of  the  pope's  penitentiaries ; 
^J'  Probably  the  lake  of  Averno,  near  Naples. 


1895  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  661 

and  some  hinted  at  the  prospect  of  higher  dignities.  His  own 
resolution  wavered  for  a  moment  after  paying  a  long-promised 
visit  to  the  Cardinal  Grimani  of  S.  Mark,  in  his  palace  now  called  the 
Palazzo  di  Venezia.     He  has  himself  vividly  described  the  interview. 

It  was  afternoon,  and  the  porch  and  courtyard  were  empty.  I  left 
my  horse  with  my  servant  and  went  in  alone ;  in  the  first  three  rooms 
not  a  soul  was  to  be  seen,  yet  all  the  doors  were  'open.  At  last  I  found 
a  little  Greek  doctor,  as  I  supposed,  who  told  me  that  the  cardinal  was 
conversing  with  several  nobles.  As  I  was  looking  out  of  the  window,  the 
Greek  came  up  and  asked  my  name.  When  I  had  given  it,  he  disappeared ; 
but  returned  at  once,  and  ushered  me  in.  The  cardinal  received  me,  not 
as  such  a  prelate  might  be  expected  to  receive  so  insignificant  a  personage, 
but  like  one  of  his  own  colleagues.  They  placed  a  chair,  and  we  talked 
for  more  than  two  hours  without  his  allowing  me  to  uncover.  He 
begged  me  not  to  leave  Rome— the  nurse  of  high  talent— and  invited  me 
to  become  his  guest  and  share  his  Hfe  :  he  added  that  his  part  of  the 
town  would  especially  suit  my  health.  After  much  talk  he  sent  for  his 
nephew — a  clever  j^oung  man,  already  an  archbishop  ;  and  when  he  came 
in,  would  not  suffer  me  to  rise,  declaring  that  the  scholar  should  stand  in 
the  presence  of  the  master.  He  then  showed  me  over  his  magnificent 
library,  which  contained  books  in  many  languages.  If  I  had  known  that 
man  earlier  I  should  never  have  left  a  city  where  I  had  met  with  a 
welcome  so  much  above  my  deserts.  But  my  departure  was  so  far  fixed 
that  I  could  not  honourably  remain  at  Rome.  The  cardinal  made  me 
promise  to  see  him  again  before  I  left. 
He  did  not,  however,  keep  this  promise. 

*  I  have  fled  without  seeing  you,'  he  wrote  to  the  cardinal ;  '  my 
tottering  resolution  would  have  yielded ;  your  eloquence  and  kindness 
would  have  made  me  stay.  I  already  felt  a  strong  love  of  Rome  ;  and  if 
I  had  not  violently  torn  myself  away  I  should  not  have  been  able  to 
leave  it.' 

He  promised  himself,  however,  a  speedy  return ;  and  in  later 
years  he  every  winter  formed  some  plan  for  another  visit,  till  at 
length  his  health  and,  perhaps,  the  course  of  political  events 
rendered  it  impossible. 

In  the  middle  of  June  he  left  Rome,  as  it  proved,  for  the  last 
time ;  and  giving  only  one  night  to  Bombasio  at  Bologna,  with 
whom  he  left  a  kind  message  to  Aldus,  he  crossed  the  Alps  by  the 
Spliigen  to  Constance,  and  passing  through  the  forest  of  Breisgau 
to  Strassburg,  he  embarked  on  the  Rhine,  which  carried  him  swiftly 
to  Holland.  During  the  journey  he  whiled  away  his  time,  on 
horseback  and  by  boat,  in  composing  his  powerful  satire,  the  '  Praise 
of  Folly,'  writing  down  his  thoughts  each  evening  at  the  inn.  In 
one  of  the  liveliest  of  his  Colloquies,  called  '  Diversoria, '  -^  he  has 
described  for  us  his  uncomfortable  experiences  at  these  German 

2°  Mr.  Seebohm  and  other  biographers  place  the  lively  experiences  of  the 
Diversoria  on  the  road  to  Italy ;  yet  Erasmus  did  not  then  enter  Germany.  The 
route  in  the  text  is  given  by  Ehenanus, 


662  ERASMUS  IN  ITALY  Oct^ 

inns. ;  and  the  magic  to^ch  of  Scott  has  popularised  the  description 
in  one  of  the  most  charming  chapters  of  Anne  of  Geierstein.  By 
the  middle  of  July  Erasmus  was  once  more  in  England,  in  the 
hospitable  home  of  his  friend  More. 

Mr.  Seebohm,  in  his  '  Oxford  Keformers,'  has  spoken  of  this 
sojourn  in  Italy  as  if  it  brought  to  Erasmus  nothing  but  disappoint- 
ments and  discomforts.  There  are  certainly  expressions  in  his 
letters  which  accord  with  this  view ;  he  says,  for  instance,  in  a 
moment  of  ill-humour,  that  he  learnt  very  little  in  Italy.  But  in 
his  better  moods  he  paid  a  juster  tribute  to  the  variety  of  his 
new  experiences  and  to  the  kindness  of  his  many  learned  friends. 
He  says,  elsewhere :  *  I  left  Italy  with  regret  and  in  my  own  despite ; 
no  nation  in  the  world  pleases  me  so  well  as  the  Italians.'  And  in 
his  old  age  he  writes  :  *  My  heart  is  in  Kome,  nor  would  I  willingly 
lay  my  bones  elsewhere.'  The  last  eighteen  months,  at  any  rate, 
of  his  stay  had  been  a  time  of  happiness  and  of  renown.  Review- 
ing his  career  after  the  lapse  of  four  centuries,  we  can  see  that  the 
whole  time  was  of  the  utmost  value  to  him.  His  views  of  life  had 
been  enlarged  by  watching  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  south  ; 
his  scholarship  had  ripened  by  contact  with  the  '  New  Learning  '  in 
its  first  home ;  and  he  had  been  fitly  prepared  to  play  his  high 
part  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  mankind  along  the  path  of  progress 
and  reform. 

Edward  H.  E.  Tatham. 


1895  663 


Alt  Irish  Absentee  and  his  Tenants : 
1 768-1 792 

ONE  would  not  have  expected  to  find  in  the  French  national 
archives  a  large  collection  of  the  papers  of  an  Irish  landlord 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  That  landlord  was  frightened  away  from 
Paris  by  the  slaughter  of  the  Swiss  guards  on  10  Aug.  1792,  and  by 
the  wholesale  arrests  which  preceded  the  massacres  of  the  following 
month.  A  stampede  naturally  set  in  among  the  wealthy  visitors. 
Till  then  many  had  remained,  believing  that  the  storms  of  the 
Kevolution  were  over,  or  that  foreigners  could  be  in  no  danger  of 
molestation ;  but  they  now  perceived  that  Paris  was  not  a  safe  place  to 
dwell  in.  To  leave,  however,  was  no  easy  matter.  The  municipality 
and  the  sections,  or  district  committees,  had  usurped  the  prerogative 
of  issuing  passports,  and  these  were  not  obtainable  without  extreme 
difficulty.  There  could  scarcely  have  been  an  actual  desire  of  detain- 
ing foreigners,  but  there  was  a  suspicion,  not  always  unfounded, 
that  they  were  doing  a  good  turn  to  their  French  aristocratic  friends 
by  taking  charge  of  valuables,  or  even  by  smuggling  their  owners 
in  disguise  as  servants. 

The  earl  of  Kerry,  whose  papers  I  am  about  to  analyse,  had 
applied  for  a  passport,  but,  as  he  wrote  on  1  Sept.  to  William  Lind- 
say, the  embassy  secretary,^  '  I  now  receive  for  answer  that  I  must 
']^rove  that  we  and  our  servants  are  foreigners.  In  order  to  facilitate 
my  departure  from  this  state  of  imprisonment  I  have  given  up  the 
thought  of  taking  French  servants.'  He  contemplated  asking  for 
a  passport  for  the  provinces,  so  as  to  get  to  Calais  and  wait  for  a 
chance  of  slipping  across  the  Channel ;  but  he  feared  that  his 
property  would  be  confiscated.  Lindsay,  enclosing  the  letter  in  a 
despatch  to  his  government,  said :  *  I  have  only  to  observe  on  it 
that  there  are  many  English  here  at  present  who  are  in  a  situation 
similar  to  that  of  his  lordship.'     Alarmed  doubtless  by  the  prison 

'  Lindsay,  left  behind  by  Gower  to  wind  up  affairs,  was  dining  with  the  duke  of 
Orleans  on  3  Sept.,  when  the  princess  de  Lamballe's  head  was  carried  past  the  windows 
by  a  howling  mob.  He  obtained  a  passport  only  by  threatening  to  start  without  one, 
and  to  hold  the  government  responsible  if  he  was  stopped  or  insulted. 


664  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE  Oct; 

massacres,  which  comfnenced  the  next  day,  Lord  Kerry  started 
probably  either  with  a  passport  for  the  provinces  or  with  none  at 
all,  for  we  next  hear  of  him  in  Belgium.  He  left  all  his  plate, 
pictures,  furniture,  and  papers.  Seals  were  placed  on  them  by  the 
section,  and  on  13  April  1793  he  was  declared  an  emigre.  He 
tried,  indeed,  to  safeguard  his  property,  and  two  of  his  old  servants, 
unluckily  for  themselves,  also  endeavoured  to  preserve  it.  On  21 
May  1794  Pierre  FranQois  Nicolas  and  Capret  Brunei  were  guillotined 
at  Paris,  the  former  for  writing  to  Lord  Kerry  at  Brussels  respect- 
ing the  fate  of  his  house,  the  latter  for  receiving  a  letter  from  him 
telling  him  to  consider  himself  free  to  seek  another  situation. 
They  had  apparently  remained  for  a  time  in  charge  of  the  house. 
On  17  July,  moreover,  Louise  Blaiseau,  whose  husband,  cook  at 
the  embassy,  had  accompanied  Lord  Gower  to  England,  was 
executed  because  she  had  applied  for  the  removal  of  the  seals  on 
the  Kerry  property.  Lord  Kerry's  heirs  in  1820  were  awarded 
145,000  fr.  out  of  the  lump  sum  paid  over  by  France  to  the  British 
government  for  compensation  to  its  subjects. 

The  award  probably  did  not  take  into  account  the  only  thing 
which  interests  us,  viz.  the  correspondence  and  business  papers 
from  1768  to  1792,  which  he  had  carried  about  with  him  during 
his  continental  wanderings.  These  papers,  which  include  the 
tradesmen's  bills  down  to  5  Aug.  1792,  fill  a  dozen  of  the  number- 
less bandboxes  at  the  national  archives  labelled  Papiers  sequestres, 
emigres  et  condamnes.  They  had  probably  Iain  untouched  for  close 
on  a  century  when  I  glanced  at  them  a  few  years  ago,  and  in  my 
'  Englishmen  in  the  French  Eevolution,'  1889,  I  mentioned  the 
letters  of  the  Irish  agent  as  showing  that  *  the  collection  of  rents 
was  almost  as  difficult  then  as  now.'  I  had  not  at  that  time  in- 
clination or  leisure  to  scrutinise  the  documents ;  but  the  hint  I  threw 
out  to  persons  more  closely  interested  in  Irish  land  problems  not 
having  been  taken  up,  I  have  again  examined  the  papers,  which 
give  a  vivid  picture  of  the  relations  of  landlord  and  tenant  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  A  more  exhaustive  scrutiny 
would  be  amply  repaid,  and  a  French  historian  might  from  the 
tradesmen's  bills  tabulate  Paris  prices  prior  to  and  during  the 
Eevolution. 

Francis  Thomas  Fitzmaurice,  twenty-third  baron  and  third  earl 
of  Kerry,  was  born  at  Dublin  on  9  Sept.  1740,  six  months  before 
the  death  of  his  grandfather,  the  first  earl.^  Of  the  latter  another 
grandson,  the  statesman  known  first  as  Lord  Shelburne  and  after- 
wards as  Lord  Lansdowne,  says — 

I  spent  the  four  first  years  of  my  life  in  the  remotest  part  of  the  south 
of  Ireland,  under  the  government  of  an  old  grandfather,  who  reigned,  or 

^  Whose  own  grandfather  was  taken  away  from  his  catholic  and  rebel  father  to  be 
educated  as  a  protestant  at  Trinity  College, 


1895  AND  HIS   TENANTS:     17C8-1792  665 

rather  terrorised,  equally  over  his  own  family  and  the  neighbouring 
country  as  if  it  was  his  family,  in  the  same  manner  as  I  suppose  his 
ancestors,  lords  of  Kerry,  had  done  for  generations  since  the  time  of 
Henry  II,  who  granted  to  our  family  100,000  acres  in  those  remote  parts 
in  consideration  of  our  services  against  the  Irish.  .  .  .  My  grandfather 
had  ceased  all  intercourse  with  his  eldest  son,  who  was  gentlemanlike 
and  high-spirited,  but  weak  and  debauched,  and  married  into  a  very  weak 
family,  the  earl  of  Cavan's.  As  soon  as  he  heard  that  a  son  was  born 
of  this  marriage  he  exclaimed,  *  The  house  of  Lixnaw  is  no  more  ! '  and 
so  it  literally  proved. 

That  eldest  son's  rupture  with  his  father  can,  however,  scarcely 
have  been  so  complete  or  prolonged  as  Shelburne  represents,  for  his 
first  child,  a  girl,  was  born  under  the  ancestral  roof  at  Lixnaw, 
where,  on  the  old  man's  death,  the  second  earl  installed  himself. 
But  he  survived  his  octogenarian  father  only  six  years,  dying,  like 
him,  at  Lixnaw.  Thus  at  six  years  of  age  the  third  earl  was  an 
orphan,  his  mother  having  died  before  her  husband.  I  continue 
the  quotation. 

And  so  it  literally  proved,  for  the  present  Lord  Kerry,  after  being 
educated  under  the  direction  of  the  lord  chancellor  of  Ireland  [i.e.  he  was 
a  ward  in  chancery],  and  being  left  a  good  deal  to  himself,  fell  in  love 
with  a  married  lady  twenty  years  older  than  himself,  the  daughter  of  an 
eminent  Roman  catholic  lawyer,  and  [the  husband]  obtaining  a  divorce, 
married  her,  an  extraordinary  vain  woman. 

The  lady  thus  stigmatised  was  Anne  Anastasia,  the  second  of 
the  three  daughters  of  Peter  Daly,  a  large  landowner  at  Quansbury, 
county  Galway,  probably  a  kinsman  of  the  first  Lord  Dunsandle. 
Her  first  husband  was  a  cousin,  Charles  Daly,  of  Callow,  and  we 
may  assume  it  to  have  been  a  marriage  of  acres,  not  of  hearts. 
The  divorce^  and  the  remarriage  both  took  place  in  IVIarch  1768. 
Whether  a  divorce  was  obtained  from  Eome  as  well  as  from 
parliament  does  not  appear,  and  perhaps  it  may  be  inferred  from 
her  ultimate  burial  in  Westminster  Abbey  that  she  renounced  not 
only  husband  but  creed  for  Kerry's  sake.  One  of  her  sisters 
married  the  earl  of  Louth,  and  the  other  Viscount  Kingsland — both 
apparently  protestants. 

The  old  grandfather  had  graduated  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
in  1698,  and  the  third  earl  was  sent  thither  in  1758.  In  1746  he 
had  been  described  in  Smith's  *  History  of  Kerry  '  as  '  a  young 
nobleman  of  great  hoj)es  and  happy  accomplishments  ; '  yet  he  must 
soon  have  left  Lixnaw,  which  was  allowed  to  fall  into  ruin,  and  on 
his  marriage  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Prior  Park  House,  near  Bath, 
a  modern  ornamental  structute,  so  named  from  the  site  having 

^  The  Annual  Register  for  1766  mentions  an  action  for  crim.  con.  in  the  London 
court  of  common  pleas  by  an  Irishman  against  an  Irish  peer.  5,000Z.  damages  were 
awarded.     This  apparently  refers  to  Kerry, 


666  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE  Oct. 

formerly  belonged  to  #Bath  Abbey.  Since  1829  it  has  been  a 
Eoman  catholic  college.  Lady  Kerry,  who  had  no  children  by 
either  marriage,  was  in  dehcate  health,  and  in  1772  Kerry  sold  off 
his  furniture  and  farming  stock  and  took  her  to  the  continent. 
They  visited  Spa  and  Montpellier,  and  made  long  sojourns  in  Paris, 
hiring  expensive  houses — the  Auteuil  mansion  of  Madame  de  Boufflers, 
for  instance,  in  the  winter  of  1790 — and  keeping  eleven  servants, 
for  in  1789  we  hear  of  the  latter  making  a  patriotic  gift  of  117  fr. 
All  but  the  housemaid,  a  Mrs.  Spyer,  were  French.  The  butler  had 
1,200  fr.  a  year,  and  the  aggregate  wages  amounted  to  5,000  fr., 
while  the  monthly  washing  bill  came  to  150  fr.  Wages  were  paid 
quarterly,  and  the  servants  had  to  sign  their  names  in  a  tabular 
form.  We  may  be  sure  that  Lord  Kerry  closely  scrutinised  his 
tradesmen's  bills  before  settling  and  docketing  them,  and  hundreds, 
if  not  thousands,  of  them  remain  to  testify  to  his  businesslike  habits. 
Henry  Sykes,  ancestor  of  the  late  M.  Waddington,  who  kept  a 
jeweller's  shop  opposite  the  newly  rebuilt  Palais  Koyal,  supplied  him 
not  only  with  cosmetics  and  fancy  articles,  but  with  blankets,  for  a 
bill  of  1790  has  an  item  of  50L  on  this  score.  Kerry's  estates  had 
probably  been  mismanaged  during  his  long  minority,  for  he  had 
litigation  with  his  dismissed  agent,  Eice,  as  also  with  his  sister. 
Lady  Anne  Morris,  and  with  Lord  Glendore  and  other  neighbours. 
Possibly  he  had  sown  his  wild  oats,  for  he  had  raised  considerable 
sums  on  condition  of  annuities  payable  not  during  the  recipients' 
lives,  but  during  his  own.  These  liabilities,  however,  he  must  have 
redeemed,  otherwise  the  bonds,  discharged,  would  not  have  come 
back  into  his  possession.  He  was  apparently  anxious,  both  from 
necessity  and  temperament,  to  turn  his  Kerry  estates — the  manors 
of  Ardfert,  Lixnaw,  and  Listowel — to  the  best  advantage ;  and,  con- 
sidering the  multitude  of  small  holdings,  the  post  of  agent  would 
have  been  no  sinecure  even  had  the  rents  been  punctually  paid, 
the  very  reverse  of  which  was  the  fact.  Irish  tenants  were  then,  as 
now,  some  dreadfully  poor,  some  wholly  unmanageable.  Some,  in 
short,  could  not  pay,  and  others  would  not.  Kerry  had,  however, 
a  jewel  of  an  agent — the  Eev.  Christopher  Julian,  a  clergyman, 
and  a  pluralist  to  boot ;  but  Irish  livings  were  very  lean.  Julian, 
who  had  graduated  at  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  in  1756,  was 
rector  of  Tullamore,  a  village  near  Listowel,  which,  on  a  fanciful 
etymology,  he  uniformly  spelt  'Listow  Hill,'  and  up  to  forty  years 
ago  his  descendants  were  the  squireens  of  Tullamore.  Indeed, 
there  is  still  a  Julian  on  the  commission  of  the  peace  for  Kerry. 
He  was  a  Kerry  man,  highly  conscientious,  anxious  to  send 
vouchers  for  all  his  outgoings.  His  long,  closely  written  letters  to 
Kerry  give  the  minutest  information,  and  evidently  the  most 
judicious  advice,  not  disdaining,  moreover,  to  communicate  the 
gossip   of  the    neighbourhood.    He  wag  manifestly   desirous    of 


r 


J895  AND  HIS   TENANTS:     1768-1792  667 

making  the  largest  remittances,  but  was  often  prevented  by 
humanity  from  resorting  to  distress  warrants  or  evictions.  He 
was  sometimes  nervously  afraid  of  not  giving  satisfaction,  for  on 
8  Feb.  1779,  while  litigation  was  going  on  with  Kice,  he  says — 

Though  I  am  not  conscious  that  your  lordship  ever  suffered  in  any 
instance  by  any  neglect  or  inattention  of  mine,  on  the  contrary  that  I 
have  been  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  careful  of  your  business,  even  to  the 
saving  you  sixpence  when  I  could  do  it,  and  that  in  the  suit  I  am  now 
referring  to  no  inconvenience  has  been  hitherto  brought  on  you  by  me 
yet,  being  unused  to  law,  especially  to  the  difficulties  of  a  suit  contested 
as  this  is,  my  mind  is  kept  in  a  continual  fever  for  fear  that  there  should, 
by  any  apprehensions,  mistake,  or  inability  of  mine,  any  inconvenience 
arise  to  you. 

Julian  was  anxious  for  Lord  Kerry  to  reside  on  his  estate. 
Kerry  was  the  first  absentee  of  his  race ;  '*  his  ancestors,  some- 
times courtiers  or  political  intriguers  at  Dublin,  sometimes  rebels, 
standing  siege  at  Lixnaw,  had  lived  in  Ireland.  In  this  very  year, 
1779,  he  had  serious  thoughts  of  building  a  mansion,  for  Lixnaw 
was  in  ruins.  Arthur  Young,  in  1777,  speaks  of  it  as  *  deserted 
for  ten  years  past,  and  now  presenting  so  melancholy  a  scene  of 
desolation  that  it  shocked  me  to  see  it.  Everything  around  lies 
in  ruin,  and  the  house  itself  is  going  fast  off  by  thieving  depreda- 
tions of  the  neighbourhood.'  As  for  Listowel,  it  was  not  habitable 
even  for  the  law  agent,  for  when  Kerry  wished  the  latter,  who 
bore  the  not  inappropriate  name  of  Furlong,  to  reside  on  the 
estate,  Julian  reported — 

There  is  not  on  the  farm  a  habitation  fit  for  a  decent  family  to  go 
into.  The  castle  is  up,  and  the  walls,  I  believe,  good,  but  the  roof,  floors, 
doors,  and  windows  are  all  old  and  rotten  and  admit  the  rain  through 
every  part. 

Failing  an  outlay  of  500/.  to  make  it  tenantable,  he  urged  that 
something  should  be  done  to  stop  the  decay,  for  '  it  would  be  a  pity 
that  such  an  object  in  the  country  should  be  suffered  to  go  to  ruin.' 
Kerry  thought  of  building  on  Beale  Hill,  but  this  proved  a  castle 
in  the  air,  and  perhaps  his  wife's  health  necessitated  a  drier  climate. 
The  hotel  and  other  bills  show  that  he  was  at  Paris  in  1779,  at 
Spain  1780,  at  Paris  in  1782-83,  at  Nice,  Montpellier,  and  Toulouse 
in  1783-84,  at  Lyons  and  Spa  in  1786,  and  at  Paris  from  1789  to 
1792.  A  projected  *  new  town  '  at  Listowel  also  fell  through.  The 
idea  was  to  build  a  large  number  of  houses  and  invite  settlers,  to 
whom,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  the  castle  lands  would  have  been  leased. 
This   would  have  cost  2,000L,  which  Kerry  would   have   had   to 

■*  Absenteeism,  indeed,  was  just  beginning  to  afflict  Ireland.  Arthur  Young,  how- 
ever, on  his  tour  in  1777  was  entertained  by  several  Irish  peers  and  by  numerous 
untitled  landowners  ;  yet  London  gaieties  possessed  an  irresistible  attraction. 


668  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE  Oct, 

borrow.  Julian  might»well  advise  that  advertising  for  settlers 
should  be  deferred  till  the  houses  were  begun,  for  he  remembered 
a  case  in  which  an  advertisement  had  brought  a  throng  of  people, 
who,  finding  nothing  ready,  had  to  disperse,  only  a  few  vagabonds 
remaining.     He  significantly  adds — 

An  undertaker,  a  man  of  approved  knowledge  in  building,  &c.,  honest 
and  capable  of  keeping  accounts,  should  be  employed  to  conduct  the 
works.  I  fear  such  a  person  cannot  easily  be  had  in  Ireland,  and  there- 
fore should  be  sought  in  England. 

Although  the  scheme  came  to  nothing,  it  shows  that  Irish  land- 
lords were  not  devoid  of  enterprise,  and  the  Kerry  historian.  Smith, 
speaks  in  1796  of  the  great  expense  incurred  by  them  in  making 
roads  through  what  had  been  an  almost  inaccessible  region.  Young, 
moreover, 

was  told  a  curious  anecdote  of  his  [Lord  Kerry's]  estate,  which  shows 
wonderfully  the  improvement  of  Ireland.  The  present  earl  of  Kerry's 
grandfather,  Thomas,  agreed  to  lease  the  whole  estate  for  1,500^.  a  year 
to  a  Mr.  Collis  [there  was  a  Collis  vicar  of  Tralee  in  1729]  for  ever,  but 
the  bargain  went  off  upon  a  dispute  whether  the  money  should  be  paid  at 
Cork  or  Dublin.     These  very  lands  are  now  let  at  20,000/.  a  year. 

Shelburne,  in  1800,  also  says  the  estates  '  would  now  have  been 
worth  20,000/.,  a  year  ; '  but,  unless  some  of  the  rent  rolls  have  dis- 
appeared or  have  been  overlooked  by  me,  this  figure  was  a  great 
exaggeration.  A  rent  roll  of  1774  gives  5,124/.,  of  which  only 
3,034/.  had  been  paid.  Another  of  1777  gives  6,590/.  of  which 
3,664/.  had  been  paid.  Kerry  distributed  200/.  a  year  in  prizes  for 
the  best  crops,  the  best  spinning,  and  so  on.  The  tenancies  were 
of  every  variety  of  size,  the  rents  varying  from  a  few  shillings  to 
1,180/.  Many  leases  were  granted  not  merely  for  the  life  of  the 
tenant  but  the  lives  of  members  of  his  family.  There  were  also 
fixed  leases  of  from  twelve  months  to  thirty-one  years.  That 
under-letting,  the  '  middleman  '  so  loudly  denounced  at  a  later  date, 
was  already  a  great  evil  is  shown  by  the  frequent  stipulation 
'  tenant  not  to  alien.'  The  adjoining  Petty  estates,  bequeathed  by 
Sir  Wm.  Petty 's  son  in  1751  to  his  nephew  John  Fitzmaurice, 
Kerry's  uncle,  had  for  years  been  in  the  hands  of  middlemen,  who 
were  sometimes  *  six  deep.' 

The  accounts  have  a  column  reserved  for  *  observations,'  and 
we  meet  with  such  entries  as  these  : — • 

'  No  means  of  recovery  has  been  furnished  for  the  whole  or  any  part  of 
the  rent,  and  besides  Mr.  Collins  appears  to  be  in  distressed  circumstances.' 

'  Served  with  an  ejectment.' 

'  The  money  not  being  to  be  had  from  him  by  repeated  applications, 
though  sufficiently  solvent,  the  law  agent  was  written  to  to  sue  for  the 
contents.' 

'  Covenants  not  performed/ 


1895  AND  HIS   TENANTS:     1768-1792  669 

*  Banks  made,  but  it  is  apprehended  they  do  not,  neither  can  be  made 
so  as  to  prevent  the  overflowing  of  the  highest  tides  and  floods  in  the 
present  state  of  the  other  banks  about  Lixnaw.' 

*  The  law  agent  has  been  repeatedly  applied  to  to  sue,  but  nothing  has 
been  done  towards  it.' 

*  At  that  time  this  arrear  might  have  been  recovered,  but  the  tenant's 
circumstances  are  so  much  altered  since  as  to  make  it  now  a  desperate 
debt.' 

*  This  is  one  of  the  two  tenants  who  have  taken  advantage  of  the  fall 
of  the  lease,  and  quitted  the  lands  to  evade  the  payment  of  Gale's  rent. 
She  would  have  continued  to  hold  the  two  last,  which  were  some  bargain  ; 
but  because  I  would  not  consent  to  her  relinquishing  the  first,  which  she 
held  at  an  extended  rent,  she  withdrew  from  the  whole.  It  was  too  gross 
an  imposition  to  be  submitted  to,  be  the  profits  whose  they  may.  Some 
poor  under-tenant  of  hers  has  assumed  the  annexed  rent  for  the  two  last 
holdings,  which  is  more  than  she  was  to  have  paid  for  them,  but  it  is 
probable  it  will  not  be  all  collected.  And  it  is  also  probable  that  there 
will  be  further  loss  on  the  remainder  of  the  assumed  rents,  for  from  the 
low  condition  of  the  under-tenants  in  general  the  representatives  never 
were  without  arrears.' 

*  Has  a  long  time  lived  on  part  of  his  tenement  on  charity,  without 
payment  of  rent.' 

*  This  holding  is  made  up  of  a  number  of  poor  cabins  without  gardens.' 
'  Just  as  much  as  can  be  made  of  it  without  a  lease  in  its  present  state, 

covered  with  water,  old  trees,  &c.' 

*  No  tenant  to  be  had,  and  therefore  these  parts  remain  unlet,  and  must 
be  for  this  year  under  your  lordship's  stock.' 

*  Two  of  these  lives  are  dead  ;  James  Gorham,  the  only  surviving  life, 
a  hale  old  man,  but  turned  of  70.  The  farm  lies  near  the  town  of  Ardfert, 
convenient  to  manure  from  the  sea,  and  will  sell  for  more  than  double 
the  present  rent.' 

'  This  farm  will  let  for  500/.  a  year  more  than  the  present  rent  [1,180/.] 
The  situation  is  most  beautiful  and  convenient  to  trade.  The  land  lies 
very  high  on  the  banks  of  the  Shannon,  just  at  the  mouth  of  that  river.' 

*  The  present  tenants  have  upwards  of  300/.  a  year  profit  rent  on  this 
farm,  and  they  might  have  a  great  deal  more  could  they  make  new 
leases  for  any  certain  term  to  their  under-tenants.     [Rent,  1,071/.]  ' 

'  Would  sell  for  more  than  double  the  present  rent.' 

*  Several  great  improvements  have  been  made  on  this  land,  which  will 
make  it  let  to  great  advantage  when  the  two  surviving  lives  are  extinct.' 

'  Will  sell  for  more  than  double  the  rent  when  this  life  falls.' 

Here  are  some  passages  from  Julian's  letters  : — 

In  that  part  of  your  lordship's  letter  which  speaks  of  the  letter  of 
indemnity  sent  with  it,  you  have  not  said  whether  or  no  you  are  willing 
to  have  the  tenants  released  from  the  costs.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  by 
accepting  the  rents  they  will,  of  course,  be  released,  and,  from  your  lord- 
ship's silence  with  respect  to  costs,  that  it  is  your  intention  it  should  be 
so.  I  also  think  it  prudent  not  to  make  that  a  stumbling-block,  because 
I  fear  you  will  never  recover  them  by  any  law  proceeding.  .  .  .  The 


670  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE  Oct. 

rest  of  the  number  ejectefl  are  persons  who  would  not  yield  to  distraining 
or  ejecting  when  they  supposed  themselves  in  danger,  men  not  to  be 
misled  by  my  tears,  if  I  had  betrayed  any,  nor  to  be  intimidated  by  my 
threats.  It  is  at  the  same  time  my  opinion  that  the  most  of  them  are 
such  as  would  not  avail  themselves  of  any  pretence  to  withhold  their 
rentSj'if  they  thought  themselves  safe  in  paying  them.  The  opposition 
is  solely  to  be  imputed  to  the  notices  they  had  from  Mr.  Eice.  ...  I 
mentioned  some  time  ago  the  ejectments  served  on  the  lands  of  Cool- 
mane  for  non-payment  of  rent.  The  tenants  of  this  farm,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  inhabitants  of  Ballynageragh,  had  rescued  their  cattle  when 
distrained.  Being  informed  of  this  proceeding  of  theirs  that  they  were 
become  insufficient  for  the  rent,  I  thought  it  better  to  cut  the  matter 
short  by  an  ejectment,  which  will  either  recover  the  rent  or  the  possession 
of  the  farm  and  prevent  a  further  loss.  At  the  same  time  I  am  to  in- 
form your  lordship  that,  from  the  situation  and  quality  of  the  land,  and 
from  past  experience,  I  fear  it  will  be  a  heavy  incumbrance  on  us  ;  but 
it  could  serve  no  other  end  to  leave  these  men  in  possession  but  to  return 
you  at  last  a  long  arrear,  if  otherwise  they  will  take  care  to  redeem  it. 
(26  April  1779.) 

I  have  settled  with  the  tenants  of  Coolmane  by  taking  a  year's  rent 
on  account,  and  their  notes  for  the  costs,  amounting  to  SI.  5s.  lOd.,  pay- 
able by  four  instalments,  and  as  things  have  turned  out  since  the  eject- 
ment was  served  I  think  I  have  made  a  very  good  composition.  It  was 
more  than  I  ever  expected  to  get  from  them  by  the  service.  (21  Sept. 
1779.) 

The  whole  country  to-day,  and  I  suppose  the  whole  kingdom,  is  at 
present  covered  with  snow,  attended  with  a  very  severe  frost.  .  .  .  I  should 
hope  as  soon  as  ever  cattle  could  be  distrained  to  be  able  to  send  your 
lordship  a  remittance  of  some  sort.  .  .  .  Severe,  however,  as  the  weather 
is,  I  have  sent  the  driver  abroad  with  menaces  to  the  tenants  in  arrear 
if  they  do  not  come  in  immediately  ;  to  distrain  them  while  it  holds  thus  is 
not  in  his  power.     (26  Dec.  1779.) 

All  the  late  fairs  have  been  extremely  indifferent,  and  the  tenants  are 
and  cannot  but  therefore  be  very  backward.  They  have  nevertheless 
been  distrained,  and  your  lordship  may  depend  on  it  that  everything  shall 
be  done  that  I  can  with  humanity  do  for  you.    (9  Nov.  1781.) 

I  wish  to  discourage  all  expectation  of  abatement,  looking  upon  it 
that  too  much  had  been  already  lost  by  the  horrid  condition  of  the  estate 
when  I  became  agent  to  it.    (14  Nov.  1791.) 

Thus  far  everything  relates  to  Kerry,  but  in  1779  Julian  was 
reluctantly  induced  to  become  agent  also  for  Lady  Kerry's  estate 
in  Galway.  He  had  vainly  pleaded  distance  and  other  objections. 
A  letter  of  27  April  1784  will  give  an  idea  of  his  difficulties. 

I  have  infinitely  greater  trouble  with  Lady  Kerry's  estate  than  with  Mr. 
Hare's,  though  considerably  more  than  double  the  value.  At  this  I  should 
not  repine  if  I  could  do  her  service  in  proportion,  or  in  proportion  to  what 
she  pays  me  for  it ;  but  the  difficulties  are  so  great  that  neither  is  possible, 
and  especially  to  a  person  living  at  so  great  a  distance  from  it.  Still 
your  lordship  seems  to  think  that  I  can  do  better  than  any  other,  and  all 


r 


1895  AND  HIS  TENANTS:     1768-1792  671 

I  can  say  in  reply  is  that  while  you  think  so  and  I  can  bear  it  out  I  will 
not  relax,  but  for  thorough  satisfaction  under  all  the  circumstances 
against  me  I  cannot  answer. 

Again,  on  2  Feb.  1789  he  says-  - 

I  mentioned  to  your  lordship  in  my  last  letter  an  intention  of  remarks 
on  some  of  the  tenants  of  Lady  Kerry's  estate,  by  whom  I  meant  some 
who  have  heretofore  kept  up  a  sort  of  credit,  and  who  may  still  continue 
to  do  so,  but  with  whom  for  the  most  part  I  have  had  great  trouble  and 
difficulties  from  the  beginning,  who  are  now  more  backward  than  usual, 
and  I  fear  blunted  by  continual  threats,  and  whom  your  lordship  may 
therefore  think  it  prudent  to  look  to  by  something  more  than  I  can  do. 
Among  them  I  do  not  mean  to  mention  any  of  those  who  owe  desperate 
or  other  arrears,  of  which  your  lordship  already  knows  the  cause,  or  rents 
of  which  I  have  more  immediate  hopes  that  they  will  fall  in  of  course. 

Mrs.  Cowan,  for  Abbeygormagan,  owes  the  year's  rent  to  and  ended 
May  last ;  excused  herself  •  by  writing  to  me  when  at  Loughrea  last 
October  that  she  had  made  a  representation  of  her  distress  and  of  the 
dearness  of  her  farm  to  Lady  Kerry,  and  requesting  my  indulgence. 
Since  my  return  here  Mr.  Prendergast  has  been  requested  to  apply  to  her, 
and  answered  that  she  was  under  an  inflammatory  liver,  -svhich  it  was 
apprehended  would  fall  on  her  lungs  ;  promised  to  apply  to  her,  but  has 
given  no  further  answer.  She  never  could  be  prevailed  on  to  execute  a 
lease. 

Mr.  Burke,  for  Cloncha,  &c.,  comes  under  the  before -mentioned  de- 
scription. I  cannot  ascertain  his  arrear,  because  I  find  bills  for  70/.,  not 
yet  in  cash,  acknowledged  by  Messrs.  Latouche,  which  I  do  not  yet  know 
whether  they  are  to  be  placed  to  his  credit  or  to  account  of  Mr.  Buike, 
of  Foxhall ;  but  supposing  them  to  be  to  his  account,  he  nevertheless  owes 
to  and  for  May  last  upwards  of  101/.  His  son,  who  takes  upon  him  the 
payment  of  the  rent,  is,  I  think,  a  very  fair  dealer,  but  very  much  dis- 
tressed, and  from  that  cause  alone  obliged  to  give  continual  disappoint- 
ments. It  is  above  a  year  since  he  assured  me  that  he  would  before  the 
following  May  be  on  as  good  a  footing  as  the  best  tenants  of  the  estate  ; 
but  this  promise  was  not  made  good,  and  I  fear  he  will  be  as  backward 
next  May  as  he  was  the  last.  Your  lordship  knows  the  cause,  for  his 
lease  has  not  been  executed. 

Lady  Anne  Talbot,  for  Cosenemuck,  owes  to  and  for  May  last  G2/.  8s. 
lid.  It  is  with  the  utmost  difficulty  and  by  continual  threatening  letters 
that  the  rent  has  been  extorted  since  the  death  of  old  Mr.  Talbot.  I  sup- 
pose your  lordship  knows  that  the  younger  Mr.  Talbot  is  also  dead.  I 
have  heard  and  believe  that  she  has  been  very  much  embarrassed.  I  sup- 
pose there  is  a  lien,  but  I  don't  know  who  has  it. 

Mr.  Kelly,  for  Drimna,  owes  the  year's  rent  to  and  ended  May  last ; 
is  the  same  as  bankrupt,  all  his  goods  being  sold  by  execution.  The  lease 
never  perfected. 

The  representatives  of  Mr.  Edmund  Kelly,  for  Killine  and  Clonlide, 
owe  to  and  for  May  last  43/.  8s.  Sd.,  and  for  Loughancrow,  upon  an  ac- 
count for  corn  rent,  and  bonds  and  interest  to  10  Oct.  last,  104Z.  17s. 
Bd,     He  was  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  which  I  believe  I  did  not 


a72  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE  Oct. 

mention  to  your  lordship  when  I  mentioned  his  death.  His  leases  are 
executed ;  an  ejectment  may  therefore  be  brought  for  non-payment  of 
rent ;  but  Mr.  Prendergast  having  promised  me  to  do  for  Lady  Kerry  as 
he  should  for  Lady  Louth  what  he  could  do  by  distraining,  I  think  it  best 
to  wait  the  issue  of  his  promise  for  a  while.  As  to  his  bond  debts,  I  fear 
they  will  certainly  be  lost. 

Mr.  Bloomfield,  for  Linnishes  Park,  owes  the  year's  rent  to  and  ended 
May  last.  Has  let  the  holding,  is  very  inattentive  to  the  payment  of  the 
rent,  and  has  never  appeared  himself  for  that  purpose  or  to  execute  his 
lease. 

Mr.  Armstrong,  for  his  part  of  Quansbury,  after  a  note  acknowledged 
by  Messrs.  Latouche  for  lOOZ.  not  yet  in  cash,  owes  to  and  for  May  last 
65^.  8s.  M.  Has  been  from  time  to  time  ever  since  my  commencement 
promising  that  he  would  shortly  put  himself  on  a  level  with  the  best 
tenants ;  but  all  his  payments  have  been  extracted  from  him  by  hard 
pressing  or  severe  threats,  and  he  still  appears  distressed.  Has  not  exe- 
cuted his  lease.  Your  lordship  knows  that  where  there  are  no  leases  I 
can  neither  distrain  or  bring  ejectments  for  non-payment  of  rent,  and  how 
far  it  may  be  prudent  to  bring  ejectments  upon  the  title,  with  an  almost 
certain  loss  of  the  rents  and  arrears,  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  John  Daly, 
for  KilHane  and  Lissinishy,  is  what  I  must  submit  to  your  lordship's  and 
Lady  Kerry's  consideration.  Li  his  case  I  had  no  doubt,  knowing  to  a 
certainty  that  to  delay  it  longer  would  only  bring  the  greater  loss,  but  in 
those  which  I  have  here  mentioned  I  cannot  be  sure  that  such  would  be 
the  consequence.  I  only  entertain  apprehensions  that  in  the  end  it  may 
prove  so,  as  to  some  if  not  the  whole  of  them.  .  .  . 

After  repeated  letters  to  those  herein  mentioned  and  others  of  the 
tenants  I  am  now  again  writing  to  them,  and  I  have  made  Lady  Kerry 
acquainted  with  the  defaults  and  difficulties  I  have  so  long  laboured 
under  with  some  of  them,  and  that  I  will  make  the  like  communication 
of  others  if  not  immediately  attended  to.  The  truth  is  that  I  am  almost 
worn  out  by  ineffectual  letter-writing  to  and  about  them.  I  threatened 
a  representation  of  them  before  I  left  Loughrea,  and  with  it  a  surrender 
of  the  agency,  and  no  very  great  notice  has  been  taken  of  either. 

This  is  a  vivid  picture  of  the  troubles  of  an  Irish  agent,  and 
some  of  these  Galway  tenants,  signing  no  leases,  in  order  not  to 
facilitate  legal  processes,  evidently  took  advantage  of  the  *  long  cry  ' 
from  Loughrea  to  Tullamore.  But  what  is  most  noticeable  in  the 
entire  correspondence  is  the  absence  of  any  hint  of  disturbances  or 
of  resistance  to  distraint  or  ejectment.  There  is  no  mention  even 
of  smuggling  or  wrecking,  which,  according  to  Froude,  were  then 
rife  in  Kerry,  and  '  rapparees '  are  conspicuous  by  their  absence. 
Had  this  lawlessness  suddenly  disappeared,  or  has  Froude  mistaken 
the  exception  for  the  rule  ?  Julian  assuredly  would  not  have  been 
silent  on  such  disorders  ;  for  though  he  seldom  touches  on  politics, 
evidently  leaving  this  to  newspapers,  he  gives  the  gossip  of  the 
district,  and  sends  friendly  messages  from  Dr.  Crosbie,  dean  of 
Limerick,  and  other  neighbours.  Here  is  a  political  passage  which 
shows  that  as  early  as  1779  a  union  with  England  was  in  prospect ; — 


1895  AND  HIS   TENANTS:     1768-1792  673 

Addresses  from  both  houses  of  parhament  are  gone  up  to  the  throne 
for  a  free  trade,  so  that  I  think  we  shall  have  at  least  a  great  extension 
of  trade,  and  that  must  in  time  raise  the  value  of  our  lands.  It  is  hard 
to  say  what  would  be  the  consequence  of  a  free  trade  with  a  union.  I 
fear — I  speak  only  my  own  apprehensions  ;  I  have  very  little  opportunity 
of  knowing  the  sentiments  of  those  who  are  better  informed— that  the 
good  effects  would  only  be  local,  and  that  the  ill  effects  throughout  the 
kingdom  at  large  would  infinitely  more  than  counterbalance  them. 

A  passage  dated  22  Nov.  1776  seems  to  show  that  the  term 
*  chapel '  had  not  yet  come  into  use,  for  Julian  was  not  the  man  to 
use  an  opprobrious  equivalent : — 

On  the  Listowel  rental  is  a  tenement  called  the  mass-house,  which  pays 
40s.  per  annum.  Your  lordship  probably  does  not  know  that  land  is 
generally  given  for  such  uses  rent-free,  a  circumstance  I  should  long 
ago  have  acquainted  you  with  but  that  I  waited  your  final  determination 
about  the  new  town,  intending  to  mention  some  private  place  for  that 
purpose,  and  not  expecting  so  long  a  delay  about  it.  The  rent  it  now 
pays  was  first  assumed  to  the  representatives  of  my  grandfather  out  of  a 
tenement  the  small  garden  of  which  was  afterwards  let  by  the  under- 
tenant to  the  popish  inhabitants  of  the  parish,  who  built  their  mass- 
house  on  it.  The  tenement  has  been  some  time  in  a  state  of  ruin. 
Perhaps  your  lordship  may  think  that  rent  should  not  be  demanded  for  it. 

The  protestant  church,  though  it  had  been  repaired  in  1746,  was 
not  an  edifice  to  boast  of,  for  Julian  writes  in  1779 — 

The  church  is  in  ruin,  and  if  it  should  ever  be  put  into  repair  by  the 
parishioners  it  will  be  so  poorly  done  as  to  be  no  object  of  beauty  to  your 
town,  or  half  large  enough  for  the  inhabitants,  on  which  account  you  may 
possibly  think  it  advisable  to  contribute  a  handsome  sum  towards  it,  and 
in  that  case  I  think  there  were  no  objection  to  your  changing  the 
situation  and  placing  it  in  your  new  town. 

Lord  Kerry  probably  made  no  long  stay  at  Brussels,  which  the 
French  invasion  rendered  little  more  secure  than  Paris,  and  repair- 
ing to  London  he  took  a  house  in  Pall  Mall  and  a  villa  at  Hampton 
Court  Green.  Afterwards,  at  a  date  and  under  circumstances  of 
which   we   are   ignorant,   he   disposed  of   his  Irish   possessions. 

*  Having,'  says  his  cousin  Shelburne,  '  their  way  to  fight  up  to  get 
into  good  company,  and  having  no  posterity,  they  sold  every  acre  of 
land,'^  which  had  been  in  our  family  since  Henry  II's  time,  convert- 
ing the  remainder  into  life  rents,  to  which  she  brought  a  very  con- 
siderable addition  of  her  own,  which,  for  want  of  children,  descended 
to  her  sister's  children.'  Lord  E.  Fitzmaurice,  Shelburne's  grand- 
son and  biographer,  evidently  repeating  a  family  tradition,  says, 

*  After  dissipating  the  greater  part  of  his  inheritance  Lord  Kerry 
invested  what  remained  in  French  assignats ; '  but  this  is  manifestly 

*  According  to  the  Gentleman's  Magazine  of  1818  the  churchyard  of  Lixnaw,  the 
family  burial-ground,  was  reserved.  The  second  earl,  but  for  his  early  death,  would 
probably  have  entailed  the  estates. 

VOL.   X. — NO.   XL.  X  X 


674  AN  IRISH  ABSENTEE:     1768-1792  Oct. 

a  confusion  of  the  compensation  claims  with  investments  in  the 
French  funds,  of  which  the  manuscripts  show  no  trace.  Neither, 
indeed,  do  they  indicate  any  intention  of  parting  with  the  estates, 
and  from  Kerry's  methodical  habits  we  should  not  have  expected 
him  to  squander  his  fortune.  There  is  evidently  here  something 
unexplained.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  intercourse  between  the 
two  cousins,  and  Shelburne  was  probably  so  sore  at  the  alienation 
of  estates  which  had  been  seven  centuries  in  the  family  as  not  to  be 
quite  just  to  Kerry.     When  making  these  autobiographical  notes 

'in  1800  Shelburne,  moreover,  could  not  foresee  that  his  son  would 
receive  iinder  Kerry's  will  145,000  fr.,  the  compensation  from  France, 

'  besides  shares  in  Durham  collieries  and  real  estates  in  the  diocese 

■  of  Canterbury  worth  18,000?. 

Shelburne's  remark  implies  that  those  acres  were  sold  prior  to 
Lady  Kerry's  death,  which  took  place  in  1799.     She  was  buried  in 

.  St.  Andrew's  chapel,   Westminster   Abbey,   and  the   Gentleman  s 
Magazine^  evidently  copying  a  newspaper  of  the  time,  says,  *  Never 

.  did  any  woman  carry  with  her  to  the  grave  more  general  regret  or 

.  more  universal  and  just  esteem.'     Her  epitaph,  which  does  not 

.  give  her  age,  says — 

Her  most  afflicted  husband,  Francis  Thomas,  earl  of  Kerry,  whom  she 
-rendered  during  31  years  the  happiest  of  mankind,  not  only  by  an 
affection  which  was  bounded  only  by  her  life,  and  to  which  there  never 
was  a  single  moment's  interruption,  but  also  by  the  practice  of  the 
purest  religion  .  .  .  hoping  that  his  merciful  God  will  consider  the 
severe  blow  which  it  has  pleased  his  divine  will  to  inflict  upon  him 
...  as  an  expiation  of  his  past  offences. 

Lord  Kerry  led  a  very  secluded  life,   which   helps  to  explain 
why  he  did   not  go  over  to  Paris   during   the   peace   of  Amiens 
to  reclaim  his  papers,  and  on  every  anniversary  of  his  wife's  death 
^  he  went  to  kneel  and  pray  by  her  tomb.     He  died  at  Hampton 
Court  in  1818,  and  was  buried  in  the  same  tomb.     He  had  taken 
steps,  as  we  have  seen,  after  1815  to  obtain  compensation  from 
France.      He   bequeathed   his   funded   property,    after   deducting 
legacies   to   servants,  to    the   Christian    Knowledge  Society,    the 
residuary  legatee  and  executrix  being  a  cousin,  Louisa,  wife  of  the 
Eev.   N.   Hinde.     Whatever   the   way   in   w^hich  the  estates   dis- 
appeared, the  old  grandfather's  prediction  on  Kerry's  birth,  *  The 
house  of  Lixnaw  is  no  more  !  '  was  certainly  realised  ;  but  a  younger 
branch  of  the  family  is  still  flourishing.     The  grandfather's  fifth 
son,  John,  inherited  the  adjoining  estates  of  his  mother's  brother, 
Henry  Petty,  earl  of  Shelburne,  and  his  descendants  are  marquises 
of  Lansdowne,  while  the  descendants  of  John's  younger  son  are 
earls  of  Orkney. 

J.  G.  Alger. 


1895  675 


The  War  of  the  Sonderhund  ^ 

FEDERATION  is  one  of  the  questions  of  the  day,  and  Switzerland 
furnishes  the  most  striking  lesson  in  this  hemisphere  of  its 
success,  but  it  is  only  of  recent  years  that  the  history  of  Switzer- 
land and  its  constitutional  methods  have  attracted  serious  attention 
in  this  country.     The   gigantic  career  of  the  United   States  has 
absorbed  our  interest,  and  it  is  only  through  the  appeal  by  a  leading 
statesman  to  a  Swiss  example  in  the  referendum  that  our  gaze  has 
been  turned  to  the  smaller,  but  hardly  less  instructive,  confederation 
lying  nearer  home.     The  constitution  under  which  the  Swiss  live 
has  only  existed  for  five-and-forty  years  (indeed,  parts  of  it  date  from 
1874),  and  it  came  to  light  in  times  as  dark  and  stormy  as  those 
which  heralded  the  birth  of  the  United  States.     The  convulsions  of 
1848   had  their   preliminary  throes   in    Switzerland,  but  so  little 
warning  did  these  convey  to  the  minds  of  European  statesmen  that 
they  were  preparing  to  set  the  house  of  Helvetia  in  order  when 
their  own  came  tumbling  about  their  ears.     When  the  earth  opened 
her  mouth  and  swallowed  one  throne  after  the  other,  men  forgot  the 
storm  in  the  teacup  which  had  absorbed  attention  in  1847,  and 
the  Swiss  were  allowed  to  work  out  their  own  salvation  without  the 
intervention  of  the  great  powers.     Little  credit  has  been  done  to 
Lord  Palmerston  and  to  British  diplomacy  for  the  part  they  played 
at  that  eventful  time,  but  no  Swiss  who  remembers  the  crisis  has 
ever  failed  to  express  his  gratitude  ;  and  there  is  some  ground  for 
believing  that  had  we  been  less  ably  represented  at  Bern  or  less 
astutely  guided  in  our  foreign  affairs,  Switzerland  might  have  been 
the  battle-field  of  France  and  Germany,  or  an  interesting  reminis- 
cence like  the  Venetian  republic. 

Few  histories  are  more  confusing  than  that  of  Switzerland. 
Legend  has  made  us  familiar  with  an  imaginary  Swiss  nation  that 
rose  against  their  oppressors  and  established  Swiss  freedom ;  but 
though  the  forest  cantons  successfully  shook  off  the  Austrian  yoke 

>  My  best  thanks  are  due  to  the  Et.  Hon.  Sir  B.  Peel,  Bart.,  G.C.B.,  for  kindly 
allowing  me  to  quote  passages  from  his  letters  to  me  on  this  subject,  and  also  to  my 
friend  Mr.  C.  D.  Cunningham  for  valuable  assistance.  [This  article  was  sent  to  press 
before  Sir  Bobert  Peel's  death  took  place.— Ed.  E,  M,  iJ.J 

X  X  2 


676  THE    WAR   OF  THE   SONDERBUND  Oct. 

early  in  the  fourteenAi  century,  the  accretions  which  gathered  round 
them  were  slow  in  growth,  and  the  attachment  of  the  various  cantons 
to  one  another  was  of  the  slenderest  kind.  There  was  no  uniformity 
of  government  in  the  states  which  made  up  the  union.  There  were 
the  primitive  republics,  like  the  forest  cantons,  where  every  citizen 
had  his  say  in  the  popular  assembly,  as  in  a  Greek  democracy ; 
there  were  aristocratic  republics,  like  Bern  and  Ziirich,  which  were 
oligarchies  as  strict  as  Venice  or  Genoa  ;  the  Vallais  was  democratic, 
while  St.  Gallen  and  Basel  were  ruled  by  prelates,  as  Treves  and 
Cologne  were  by  the  spiritual  electors.  On  the  outskirts  of  this 
heterogeneous  body  politic  lay  the  Khsetian  leagues,  which  did  not 
become  the  canton  of  the  Grisons  until  1803.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  fifteenth  century  the  power  of  France  was  consolidated  by 
Louis  XI,  and  from  that  time  onwards  French  influence  was  supreme 
in  Switzerland,  nor  did  it  lose  its  hold  until  the  fall  of  Napoleon. 
Louis  began  the  system  of  engaging  Swiss  mercenaries,  and  through- 
out Europe  the  Swiss  stood  sentries  at  the  gates  of  kings,  as  they 
do  now  at  the  doors  of  our  hotels.  The  Eeformation  added  fiercer 
causes  of  dissension  to  those  already  latent  in  the  confederacy,  and 
the  strife  arising  from  religious  differences  widened  the  breach 
between  its  members  and  so  crippled  it  that  during  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries  Switzerland  was  nothing  better  than  a 
dependency  of  France.  The  diet  had  few  powers,  and  such  as  it 
had  were  wielded  by  the  catholics.  The  formation  of  the  Borromean 
league  in  1586  finally  broke  up  the  confederation  into  two  parties, 
and  the  seven  catholic  cantons,  which  composed  it,  were  the  fore- 
runners of  those  which  attempted  to  break  up  the  union  in  1847. 
For  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  religious  quarrels  raged  furiously  in 
the  land,  and  in  the  large  towns  the  power  of  the  aristocracy  grew 
steadily  till  a  few  burgher  families  absorbed  into  their  own  hands 
the  complete  control  of  public  affairs.  It  is  small  wonder  that  the 
outbreak  of  the  French  Eevolution  found  many  sympathisers  with 
the  new  order  of  things  among  the  Swiss,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
troops  of  the  republic  led  to  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions, 
when  they  were  repulsed  by  the  allied  powers.  The  Helvetic 
republic  was  a  pet  child  of  Napoleon's,  and  by  his  '  Act  of  Mediation ' 
in  1803  Switzerland,  as  a  whole,  enjoyed  an  era  of  prosperity  and 
peace  for  eleven  years  such  as  she  had  never  before  known ;  but  in 
1815  the  congress  of  Vienna  opened  a  new  chapter  in  her  history, 
which  found  its  close  in  the  Sonderbund  war  and  the  establishment 
of  the  federal  union  of  1848. 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  the  disputes  which  culminated  in 
the  Sonderbund  without  considering  the  arrangements  made  by 
the  great  powers  for  Switzerland  in  1815.  The  memoirs  of  Metter- 
nich,  published  about  ten  years  ago,  leave  no  room  for  doubt 
that  the  aim  of  that  statesman  was  to  have  a  weak  and  aristo- 


r 


1895  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  677 

cratic  Switzerland,  for  a  compact  and  democratic  Switzerland 
might  be  a  menace  to  the  Austrian  rule  on  the  east  and  south,  and 
an  encouragement  to  the  radical  elements  in  the  German  and 
Italian  territories  which  bordered  on  her.  Consequently  a  some- 
what reactionary  constitution  was  drawn  up,  less  democratic  than 
the  Act  of  Mediation,  which,  again,  had  been  made  less  demo- 
cratic than  the  original  arrangements  for  the  Helvetic  republic.  A 
large  share  of  the  power  of  which  they  had  been  deprived  by  the 
Act  of  Mediation  was  restored  to  the  cantons,  which  were  now 
twenty-two  in  number,  and  while  the  federal  pact  was  firmly  main- 
tained the  diet  for  general  affairs  consisted  of  delegates  from  the 
various  cantons,  who  had  no  initiative,  and  could  only  vote  according 
to  the  instructions  which  were  given  to  them.  This  obviously  tended 
to  make  all  the  proceedings  of  the  diet  slow  and  cumbersome  in  the 
extreme,  as  the  delegates  had  to  await  instructions  on  every  fresh 
point  of  constitutional  or  international  dispute  which  arose.  Each 
canton  was  entitled  to  one  vote ;  provision  was  made  for  a  federal 
army,  and  no  canton  was  permitted  to  make  an  alliance  hostile  to 
the  interests  of  the  others.  Finally  the  congress  of  Vienna  placed 
Switzerland  under  the  guarantee  of  the  great  powers,  and  she  thus 
found  herself  freed  from  the  subservience  to  France  which  had  been 
her  fate  for  more  than  three  hundred  years.  This  state  of  things 
was  better  than  that  before  the  French  lievolution,  but  it  gave 
occasion  for  continuous  political  disturbance,  which  ended  in  civil 
war.  The  federation  bond  was  still  too  weak,  and  local  jealousies 
had  still  too  wide  a  scope  for  their  mischievous  activity. 

Throughout  the  earlier  period  town  and  country  in  each  canton 
had  been  arrayed  against  one  another,  and  immediately  the  new  con- 
stitution began  to  work  the  old  jealousies  revived.  In  the  assemblies 
the  towns  procured  a  preponderating  representation,  and  the  old 
aristocratic  party  was  attempting  to  reassert  itself.  It  was  not 
likely  that  a  population  largely  imbued  with  the  ideas  of  1789,  and 
having  grown  up  under  the  union  brought  about  by  Napoleon,  would 
long  be  contented  with  such  a  state  of  affairs,  nor  did  each  canton 
live  in  the  state  of  isolation  to  which  the  internecine  strifes  of  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  had  condemned  them.  The 
intrepid  hunters  of  the  Alps  had  long  been  famed  for  their  unerring 
aim,  and  an  association,  at  first  formed  for  purposes  of  friendly 
rivalry  among  sportsmen,  soon  grew  into  a  political  association  with 
reforming  tendencies.  The  men  from  different  cantons  met  one 
another  and  exchanged  views  on  the  political  condition  of  the  country, 
which  bore  fruit  with  startling  rapidity  after  the  outbreak  in  Paris 
in  1830.2 

This  revolution,^  which  drove  from  the  throne  of   France  the 

2  Grote,  Seven  Letters  on  the  Recent  Politics  of  Switzerland  (Loudon,  1847),  letter  4, 
p.  93.  3  Cretineau-Joly,  Histoire  du  Sondcrbund,  vol.  i.  c.  3. 


Q7S  THE    WAR    OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

elder  branch  of  the  Bourbons,  was  the  signal  in  Switzerland  for  the 
realisation  of  the  hopes  which  the  Helvetic  Society  and  Marksmen's 
Association  had  formed.''  Within  a  few  months  the  governments  of 
twelve  cantons  had  become  popularised ;  the  new  constitutions  re- 
cognised the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and  the  political  equality  of 
all.^  Eevolutions  in  Basel  and  Schwyz  led  to  these  cantons  being 
divided  into  two  districts,  or  rather  separate  cantons,  town  and 
country,  which  division  still  prevails  in  Basel.  But  when  the 
cantonal  governments  had  been  subjected  to  much-needed  reforms 
the  federal  pact  itself  began  to  occupy  the  attention  of  politicians, 
and  indeed  the  relations  between  the  diet  and  the  cantons  held 
within  them  the  possibilities  of  most  serious  danger  to  the  republic. 
The  constitutions  of  the  cantons  had  become  popular,  but  the  diet 
remained  a  relic  of  1815.  This  political  engine  had  never  been 
intended  by  its  authors  to  be  very  efficient,  and  it  had  admirably 
responded  to  their  desires.^  An  attempt  was  made  in  1832  to  reform 
the  central  government,  but  though  it  was  accepted  by  fourteen  of 
the  cantons  the  strenuous  efforts  of  the  small  catholic  cantons 
secured  its  rejection.  After  the  changes  brought  about  by  the 
revolution  in  Paris  and  the  failure  to  reform  the  federal  pact  the 
conflict  steadily  developed  between  the  upholders  of  state  rights 
and  those  who  looked  to  a  strong  central  authority  as  the  only 
means  of  insuring  the  stability  of  the  confederation. 

There  were  other  than  political  causes  to  excite  apprehension. 
The  catholic  church,  though  she  had  seen  her  rivals  triumph  in  the 
wealthier  and  more  populous  part  of  the  country,  still  held  sway 
undisputed  among  the  simple  and  rugged  people  of  the  mountains. 
Driven  from  the  larger  towns,  where  the  bustle  of  affairs  and 
intellectual  discussions  enlarged  or  distracted  men's  minds,  she 
found  her  influence  unimpaired  among  those  who  spent  their  days 
in  the  solitudes  of  the  Alps,  while  the  town  of  Lucerne  was  the 
principal  seat  of  her  power  in  the  lower  lands.  The  monastic 
institutions,  which  had  been  suppressed  in  the  protestant  districts, 
still  held  their  dignities  and  wealth  in  undiminished  affluence 
among  a  poorer  population.  In  the  small  canton  of  Aargau 
alone  there  were  two  monasteries  and  six  convents,  whose  inmates 
had  gained  by  their  benevolence  and  assiduity  a  dangerous 
influence  over  the  minds  of  the  peasantry.  The  two  monasteries 
were  rich,  and  they  devoted  their  goods  as  well  as  their  efforts  to  the 
propagation  of  the  most  violent  form  of  aggressive  Catholicism  in 
the  country  round.  This  reached  its  height  in  the  year  1840, 
when  that  canton  was  revising  its  constitution,  and  was  only  a  more 

^  Haussonville,   Politique  ExUrieure  du   Gouvernement  Frangais,   1830,   1848, 
p.  301. 

*  Adams  and  Cunningham,  The  Swiss  Confederation,  p.  16.     London,  1889. 
•^  For  the  views  of  the  Guizot  party  on  this  matter  see  Haussonville,  p.  315. 


1895  THE   WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  679 

open  expression  than  usual  of  the  religious  strife  which  was  then 
distracting  many  parts  of  the  country.  In  Aargau  and  Soleure 
and  the  catholic  parts  of  Bern  catholic  unions  had  been  formed, 
and  the  press,  the  platform,  and  the  pulpit  had  been  put  in  force 
to  impress  on  the  people  the  obligation  of  subordinating  the  state 
to  the  church,  and  bestowing  special  privileges  on  the  catholic  as 
distinguished  from  the  protestant  population  of  the  canton.^  The 
direction  which  the  ultramontane  party  desired  revision  to  take 
was  that  of  direct  appeal  to  the  people,  a  majority  of  whom  they  could 
control,  in  the  form  of  the  referendum.  Their  efforts  failed,  and 
in  their  exasperation  the  monks  and  their  emissaries  incited  their 
partisans  to  revolt.  The  convents  sent  money  to  purchase  arms, 
and  devoted  themselves  to  the  more  suitable  office  of  tending  the 
wounded.  In  both  cantons  the  governments  triumphed,  and  it  is 
little  to  be  wondered  at  if  their  members,  cathoHc  and  protestant 
alike,  desired  to  put  an  end  to  a  state  of  things  which  seriously 
threatened  the  peace  and  order  of  the  community.  On  the  defeat 
of  this  insurrection  the  great  council  of  the  canton  was  called 
together,  and  by  an  almost  unanimous  voice  decreed  the  suppression 
of  the  monastic  houses  within  the  borders  of  the  canton.  Full 
provision  was  made  for  existing  interests,  and  the  property  of  the 
religious  houses  was  to  be  devoted  to  the  material  and  spiritual 
advancement  of  the  population  living  in  their  immediate  neighbour- 
hood. As  might  be  expected,  that  population  at  the  time  consisted, 
for  the  most  part,  of  mendicants  and  paupers,  who  existed  on  the 
charity  of  the  convents.  There  was  no  spoliation  proposed  or 
approved  for  the  benefit  of  the  adverse  party,  and  the  fact  that  the 
measure  was  proposed  by  Dr.  Keller,^  the  director  of  the  seminary 
himself,  is  sufficient  evidence  of  it.  Now,  however,  the  inherent  de- 
fects in  the  federal  pact  came  prominently  into  notice.  The  fanatical 
portion  of  the  population  of  Lucerne  ^  had  been  in  sympathy  with 
the  insurgents  of  Soleure  and  Aargau,  and  had  secretly  lent  them 
aid ;  they  now  intervened  through  their  representative  in  the  diet 
and  called  the  attention  of  that  body  to  the  fact  that  the  Argovians 
were  violating  clause  12  of  the  federal  pact.  This  clause  had  been 
inserted  at  the  instance  of  the  papal  nuncio  against  the  wish  of  the 
majority  of  the  Swiss  catholics,'^  but  they  now  showed  no  reluctance 
to  avail  themselves  of  its  provisions,  which  enacted  that  no  inter- 
ference should  bo  permitted  with  the  religious  houses  then  existing. 
The  absurdity  of  such  a  provision  was  sufficiently  clear.  The 
convents  in  question  had  made  themselves  for  some  time  centres  of 
political  intrigue,  and  finally  of  armed  opposition  to  the  govern- 
ment;  their  retainers  and  servants  had  themselves  borne  arms,  and 
yet  the  government  in  self-defence  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  put  an 

■  Grote,  p.  55.  **  Ibid.  p.  GO. 

°  Ibid.  p.  56.  '"  Ibid.  p.  61. 


680  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

end  to  institutions  which  were  a  continual  menace  to  its  own 
stabiUty.  This  was  to  carry  the  authority  of  the  central  power  to  a 
point  which  even  the  most  ardent  supporter  of  federation  could  not 
desire.  Every  one  felt  that  some  compromise  was  necessary,  and 
finally,  after  two  years  of  angry  discussion  in  the  diet,  it  was 
agreed  that  four  of  the  female  conventual  establishments  should 
be  restored,  and  the  offending  monasteries  should  remain  sup- 
pressed. 

These  events,  prolonged  over  some  years  by  the  interference  of 
Lucerne  in  the  diet,  and  bitterly  agitating  in  themselves  to  the 
catholics*  and  protestants  throughout  the  confederation,  were  but 
the  forerunners  of  events  far  more  exasperating  to  both  parties, 
and  growing  gradually  more  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  order  of 
the  whole  country.  During  the  early  years  of  these  religious 
disturbances  one  of  the  most  curious  circumstances,  and  the  most 
confusing  in  the  tracing  out  of  events,  is  the  alliance  that  some- 
times appears  between  the  leaders  of  the  different  religions  in 
various  cantons.  There  was  no  definite  attachment  of  aristocracy 
to  established  religious  interests  ;  on  the  contrary,  w^e  find  the 
priests  and  ministers  of  the  rival  creeds  bidding  for  the  support  of 
the  populace  and  leading  them  in  person  to  an  attack  on  the  existing 
order  of  things.  The  example  of  Calvin  had  never  lost  its  attrac- 
tion for  the  ecclesiastical  mind,  and  the  prospect  of  advancing 
religion  by  playing  on  popular  prejudice  appealed  to  the  ministers 
of  the  protestant  faith  no  less  than  the  catholic.  The  course  of 
affairs  in  Ziirich  affords  a  remarkable  instance  of  this. 

It  is  difficult  in  these  days,  when  criticism  has  become  a 
commonplace  and  hardly  evokes  a  protest,  to  understand  the  rage 
and  fury  aroused  among  the  orthodox  by  the  publication  of  the 
'  Leben  Jesu.'  ^^  The  name  of  Strauss  was  anathema  both  in  church 
and  conventicle,  and  the  Vatican  and  Geneva  alike  hurled  their 
spiritual  bolts  on  the  head  of  the  daring  critic.  But  if  Strauss  had 
evoked  by  his  work  a  host  of  bitter  opponents,  he  also  had  arrayed 
on  his  side  a  large  and  increasing  number  of  enthusiastic  followers, 
whose  zeal  sometimes  ran  into  indiscretion.  The  university  of 
Ziirich  contained  many  admirers  of  Strauss,  and  in  1839  a 
radical  government  was  in  power.  The  government,  looking  less 
at  the  requirements  of  expediency  than  at  the  reputation  of  the 
heretic  for  learning,  nominated  Strauss  to  the  chair  of  theology, 
then  vacant.  The  opposition  aroused  was  immediate  and  over- 
whelming ;  all  classes  joined  in  the  outcry,  and  the  hateful  appoint- 
ment was  quickly  cancelled.  But  the  government  had  given  too  fair 
a  chance  to  its  opponents  to  expect  that  they  would  fail  to  profit  by 
it.  Every  pulpit  rang  with  denunciations  of  the  men  who  would 
poison  the  wells  of  religious  learning  in  the  university  by  putting 

"  Cr6tineau-Joly,  vol.  i.  c.  5. 


r 


1895  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND 


681 


them  under  the  charge  of  the  most  notorious  infidel  teacher  of 
modern  times.  Nor  did  the  clergy  stop  at  denunciation.  Councils 
of  religion  were  formed  throughout  the  canton,  and  these  *  com- 
mittees of  faith/  as  they  were  called,  became  nothing  better  than 
insurrectionary  organisations.  The  population  of  the  country  dis- 
tricts took  up  arms,  and  under  the  lead  of  a  clergyman,  by  name 
Hirzel,  they  marched  upon  Ziirich  and  drove  out  the  members  of 
the  executive  council,  whose  resistance  was  overpowered,  one  of  its 
members  being  among  those  killed  in  the  streets.  These  deplor- 
able events  occurred  while  the  federal  diet  was  actually  assembled 
in  Ziirich,  which  happened  that  year  to  be  the  Vorort,  or  leading 
canton  town,  of  the  confederation.  By  the  federal  pact  Ziirich, 
Bern,^  and  Lucerne  had  been  appointed  the  leading  cantons,  and 
the  diet  met  at  each  alternately,  though  their  representatives  had 
no  more  votes  in  the  diet  than  those  of  the  other  cantons. 

The  insurrection  in  Zurich  was  closely  followed  by  that  in  Aargau 
and  Soleure,  which  has  been  already  described,  and  the  passions  of 
all  parties  throughout  the  confederation  were  now  in  that  state 
when  a  strong  central  authority,  with  power  to  employ  force  if 
required,  was  the  crying  necessity  of  the  hour ;  but  the  Swiss  were 
to  experience  still  further  the  evils  of  disunion  before  the  much- 
needed  revision  of  the  constitution  could  come  about.  The 
Vorort,  or  leading  canton,  under  the  constitution  of  1815  held 
its  proud  position  for  two  years  in  succession,  and  the  years 
1843  and  1844  were  those  of  the  presidency  of  Lucerne.  During 
these  years  the  catastrophe  which  had  been  threatening  became 
imminent,  and  the  disturbances  in  Zurich  and  Aargau,  which  had 
seemed  serious  indeed  at  the  time,  were  almost  effaced  from 
memory  by  political  and  religious  struggles  so  fierce  and  bloody  as 
to  recall  to  men's  minds  the  savage  feuds  which  followed  on  the 
Keformation.  The  canton  of  Vallais  was  the  stage  on  which  the 
opening  scenes  of  the  drama  were  enacted,  and  where  they  soon 
rose  to  tragic  intensity. 

The  Vallais,  though  one  of  the  largest,  is  one  of  the  least 
thickly  populated  cantons.  Agriculture  is  its  staple  industry,  and 
culture  of  the  vineyards  which  fringe  the  banks  of  the  Elione.  In 
the  valley  of  that  river  lie  several  small  towns,  the  centre  of  agri- 
cultural districts,  but  having  no  industries  of  their  o^vn,  and  though 
the  Ehone  valley  is  fertile  and  spacious  yet  the  rest  of  the  canton 
is  little  fitted  for  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  on  a  large  scale.  North 
and  south  lateral  valleys  run  deep  into  the  hills,  and  the  ^  allais 
can  boast  the  great  mass  of  the  Alps,  which  stretches  nearly  from 
Mont  Blanc  to  the  Simplon.  A  population,  scattered  for  the  most 
part  in  the  districts,  then  far  less  accessible  than  now,  of  the  Pennine 
chain,  might  be  hardy  and  vigorous,  but  they  could  hardly  be  so  en- 
lightened as  those  who  dwelt  in  the  plains  or  cities  of  the  northern 


682  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

cantons.     In  fact,  evfn  now  the  level  of  the  Vallaisan  population 
is  less  high  than  that  of  the  other  cantons,  and  stories  have  been 
current  during  the  last  fifteen  years  of  interdicts  laid  by  episcopal 
authority  on  enterprising  innkeepers  v^^ho  have  given  ground  for 
the  erection  of  heretical  fanes,  and  of  the  consequent  impossibility 
of  obtaining  eggs  and  butter  from  the  neighbouring  peasantry.     If 
religious  feeling  still  runs  so  high  in  these  districts,  it  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at  if  fifty  years  ago  the  canton  of  Vallais  was  pro- 
foundly agitated  by  the  controversy  then  raging  in  the  confederation. 
In  the  time  of  the  empire  Napoleon  had  kept  the  Vallais  closely 
under  his  own  control,  in  order  that  he  might  command  his  com- 
munications with  Italy,  and  especially  with  the  great  road  which 
he  had   constructed   over  the    Simplon ;   but   after  his   fall  the 
canton  resumed  its  place  in  the  confederation.     Of  all  the  can- 
tonal constitutions  that  of  the  Vallais  gave  the  most  direct  power  to 
the  church.    The  bishop  of  Sion  had  a  preponderating  influence  in 
the  assembly  and  the  Upper  Vallais  ;  the  least  advanced  and  most 
bigoted  portion  of  the  canton  had  more  than  its  share  of  representa- 
tion.    Still,   in   1843   the  government  was  in  the   hands   of  the 
radicals,  who,  led  by  two  brothers,  Maurice  and  Joseph  Barmen, 
appear  to  have  been  pursuing  a  policy  of  temperate  reform  strictly 
within  the  bounds  of  law.     Abuses  flourished  in  all  departments  of 
the  state,  and  the  higher  ecclesiastics  enjoyed  a  position  such  as  no 
secular   authority  could  rival.     Their  property  was  exempt  from 
taxation,  and  some  of  the  larger  religious  houses,  like  those  of  St. 
Maurice  and  the  Great  St.  Bernard,  held  lands  of  considerable 
extent.      Conflicts   between  the  civil  authority   and   the   church 
frequently  arose,  which  carry  us  back  to  the  time  of  Becket.      A 
priest  charged  with  the  most  heinous  crime  had  to  be  handed  over 
to  the  bishop,  from  whose  benevolent  custody  he  usually  escaped 
without  the  infliction  of  any  punishment.      It  is  small  wonder  if 
such  a  condition  of  affairs  as  this  had  aroused  sufficient  indignation 
to  seat  a  liberal  government  in  power  ;  but  the  popular  will  was  not 
determined  enough  to  keep  it  there,  and  the  pulpit  and  the  press, 
as  in  Aargau,  were  employed  without  intermission  to  make  their 
position    impossible.       The    bishop    of    Sion '-    excommunicated 
all  members  of  the  society  of  *  Young  Switzerland '    (the   radical 
organisation),  their  relatives,  and  all  readers  of  their  newspaper, 
the  Echo  of  the  Alps.     The  referendum,  which  was  in  force  in  the 
canton,  was  also  so  far  under  the  control  of  the  clergy  as  to  lead 
to  the  rejection  of  reform  proposed  by  the  government ;  and  after  the 
elections  of  1843  there  was  a  small  clerical  majority  in  the  -execu- 
tive council,  but  too  small  to  make  the  government  reactionary. 
Meanwhile  the  catholic  leaders  of  the  Upper  Vallais,  unchecked  by 
the  government,  had  been  drilling  and  organising  their  forces,  and  in 

^-  Grote,  p.  80, 


X895  THE    WAR   OF  THE   SONDERBUND  683 

May  1844  marched  upon  Sion,  turned  out  the  government,  and  placed 
then-  own  friends  in  power.  This  aroused  the  people  of  the  Lower 
Vallais,  who,  though  strong  cathohcs,  were  supporters  of  the  ejected 
government,  and  several  conflicts  took  place  between  the  partisans  of 
both  sides.  The  government,  being  now  in  the  hands  of  the  reac- 
tionaries, proclaimed  their  opponents  rebels,  and  when  they  had 
vanquished  them  treated  them  as  such.  The  army  of  the  Lower 
Vallais  was  completely  defeated  and  crushed  on  the  river  Trient,  and 
scenes  of  bloodshed  and  cruelty  followed  unmatched  in  Swiss  history. 
To  crown  all,  the  bishop  of  Sion  refused  to  allow  his  clergy  to 
administer  the  sacraments  to  the  dying  partisans  of  the  late  govern- 
ment, an  edict  the  refined  inhumanity  of  which  can  only  be  fully 
comprehended  by  strict  catholics,  like  the  Vallaisans  of  both  parties. 
These  events  aroused  the  most  lively  indignation  through- 
out Switzerland,  and  the  conduct  of  Lucerne,  which  was  at  that 
time  the  Vorort,  excited  strong  comment.  The  leaders  of  the 
Lucerne  government  had  actually  connived  at  and  assisted  the 
illegal  warlike  preparations  in  the  Upper  Vallais,  and  had  managed 
to  delay  armed  intervention  on  the  part  of  the  confederation  until 
it  was  too  late,  and  the  presence  in  the  protestant  cantons  of 
numerous  exiles  of  the  conquered  party,  men  of  position  and  wealth, 
who  had  been  forced  to  abandon  their  homes  and  fly  with  their 
families,  did  not  tend  to  allay  the  feeling  against  the  catholic 
leaders  in  Lucerne  and  the  Jesuits,  to  whose  influence  their 
calamities  were  attributed.  Thus  the  ultramontane  party  triumphed 
in  the  Vallais,  and  that  canton  openly  joined  the  league  of  Sarnen, 
an  association  which  afterwards  developed  into  the  Sonderbund, 
and  had  been  formed  as  long  ago  as  1832,  to  resist  the  radical  ten- 
dencies of  the  age.  The  addition  of  the  Vallais  gave  it  seven 
members,  and  it  now  consisted  of  Uri,  Schwyz,  Unterwalden, 
Fribourg,  Zug,  Lucerne,  and  the  Vallais.  The  deplorable  events  in 
the  Vallais  brought  the  feeling  against  the  Jesuits  throughout  the 
confederacy  to  a  head ;  they  had  been  the  most  active  agents  of  the 
catholic  party,  perambulating  the  country,  making  inflammatory 
harangues,  and  having  already  in  their  hands  the  control  of  popular 
education  in  the  strongly  catholic  districts,  it  was  feared  that 
they  might  endeavour  to  extend  their  influence  throughout  the 
confederacy.  At  a  meeting  of  the  rifle-shooters  held  at  Basel  in 
the  spring  of  1844  the  Vallaisan  exiles  were  received  with  the  utmost 
enthusiasm,  and  the  conduct  of  Lucerne  during  the  civil  war  in  the 
Vallais  was  vehemently  condemned.  It  may  be  imagined,  therefore, 
how  violent  was  the  indignation  when  a  popular  decree  of  the 
canton  of  Lucerne  was  passed  admitting  the  Jesuits,  the  majority 
in  its  favour  being  composed  of  the  rural  population,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  city  itself  taking  strongly  the  opposite  view.  The  catholic 
majority  appear  to  have  been  afraid  that  the  opposition  would 


684  THE    WAR   OF   THE   SONDERBUND  Oct. 

resort  to  force,  and  arrested  their  leaders.  In  this  condition  of 
affairs  the  liberals  throughout  the  confederacy  proceeded  to 
measures  for  which  no  sort  of  justification  can  be  pleaded  in  public 
law,  and  the  only  excuse  for  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  indignation 
excited  by  the  partisan  conduct  of  the  Lucerne  government  during 
the  troubles  in  the  Vallais  and  the  excesses  committed  by  the 
catholics  after  their  victory.  Even  these  provocations  could  afford 
no  reasonable  ground  for  the  course  now  taken  by  the  sympathisers 
with  the  conquered  cause.  A  corps  francy  or  body  of  free-lances, 
composed  of  volunteers  from  the  neighbouring  cantons,  descended 
on  Lucerne ;  but  the  enterprise  was  ill  conceived  and  ill  conducted. 
It  met  with  ignominious  failure.  This  first  expedition  against 
Lucerne  took  place  in  the  month  of  December  1844,  and  it  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  second  in  April  1845.  If  there  was  little  excuse  for  the 
first,  there  was  still  less  for  the  second,  which  was  carefully 
organised,  drilled,  and  equipped,  with  the  knowledge  of  the  govern- 
ments (of  some  of  the  cantons  at  all  events)  whose  citizens  took 
part  in  it.  It  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Ochsen- 
bein,  a  political  leader  of  some  eminence  in  the  canton  of 
Bern.  But  the  Lucerners  were  equally  well  prepared,  and  had 
entered  into  alliance  with  their  neighbours  of  Zug,  Uri,  and  Unter- 
walden,  contingents  from  whom  arrived  at  the  same  time  as  the 
corps  francs,  and  enabled  the  defenders  to  inflict  on  their 
invaders  a  severe  and  most  crushing  defeat. 

In  considering  the  unhapp}^  series  of  events  we  have  narrated 
one  is  led,  naturally  enough,  to  inquire  what  the  position  of  the 
federal  diet  was  during  these  years.  The  mere  fact  that  civil 
conflicts  of  such  magnitude,  and  involving  such  serious  results, 
should  have  been  entered  upon  and  carried  out  with  no  interference 
from  the  central  authority,  is  sufficient  condemnation  of  the 
federal  pact  as  approved  by  the  congress  of  Vienna.  Metternich's 
plan  of  a  weak  federation  and  an  almost  independent  cantonal 
authority  was  rapidly  threatening  to  terminate  in  a  complete  and 
final  break-up  of  the  federal  republic. 

After  the  scenes  which  had  disgraced  the  Vallais  in  1844  a  pro- 
posal had  been  made  by  the  representative  of  Aargau,  Dr.  Keller, 
who  has  been  alluded  to  before,  to  expel  the  Jesuits  from  the  terri- 
tory of  the  republic.  That  such  a  proposition  should  have  come 
from  a  strong  catholic  shows  the  view  now  held  by  public  men  not 
bigots,  on  either  side,  of  the  dangers  which  were  threatening  the 
confederation  from  the  unrestrained  activity  of  religious  fanaticism. 
This  proposal  only  received  the  assent  of  one  representative  besides 
the  mover  of  it,  but  after  the  attack  of  the  corps  francs  on  Lucerne, 
and  the  determination  of  that  government  to  admit  the  Jesuits, 
the  expression  of  opinion  in  the  diet  became  more  pronounced,  and 
in  1845  a  similar  proposal  received  the  support  of  the  representa- 


.1895  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  685 

'  tives  of  eleven  cantons.  During  the  next  few  months  the  party  of 
reform  gained  victories  throughout  the  country  ;  the  constitutions  of 
Yaud,  Bern,  Geneva,  and  Basel  were  all  changed  in  a  popular  sense, 
and  the  general  feeling  of  the  desirability  of  a  stricter  federal  bond 
and  of  hostility  to  the  Jesuits,  as  representing  the  anti-progressive 
.tendency  and  separatist  policy  of  the  catholic  cantons,  rapidly 
increased.^3  It  was  only  natural  that,  in  opposition  to  this  agita- 
tion, these  cantons  should  draw  more  closely  together,  and  the  league 
of  Sarnen  (under  which  they  were  already  more  or  less  loosely 
associated)  became  in  1846  the  Sonderbund,  a  league  closer  than 
that  of  Sarnen,  with  provisions  for  an  armed  alliance  and  a  central 
military  authority.  It  was  at  once  evident  that  here  was  taken 
the  final  step  towards  separation.  The  most  elementary  principle 
of  a  federation  must  be  that  the  central  authority,  representing  all 
the  constituent  parts,  must  control  the  military  forces  necessary 
to  maintain  order  within  and  without,  and  that  each  state  of  the 
union  should  be  able  to  use  its  own  military  forces  for  no 
purpose  beyond  the  suppression  of  disorder  strictly  within  its 
own  limits.  Any  league  of  the  members  in  opposition  to  other 
members  or  against  the  central  power  is  a  combination  fatal 
to  the  continuance  of  any  confederation ;  as  such  it  was  recog- 
nised by  the  United  States,  and  as  such  it  was  recognised  by 
the  majority  of  the  Swiss  people  in  1846,  and  they  invoked 
the  federal  pact  as  recognising,  even  in  its  then  imperfect 
state,  that  such  a  league  was  contrary  to  its  principles.  The 
sixth  article  of  the  pact  ran  thus :  '  No  alliances  shall  be  formed 
by  the  cantons  among  each  other  prejudicial  either  to  the 
general  confederacy  or  to  the  rights  of  other  cantons.'  In  1846 
the  position  of  leading  canton  was  with  Ziirich,  and  the  federal 
diet  met  in  that  town.  The  question  as  to  the  legality  of  the 
Sonderbund  was  immediately  raised,  and  it  was  proposed  by  the 
representative  of  Thurgau  to  declare  it  illegal.  Ten  cantons  and 
two  half-cantons  (Basel-Land  and  Appenzell  Ausser-Khoden)  voted 
for  the  proposal,  the  seven  cantons  of  the  Sonderbund  and  Appenzell 
Inner-Khoden  against  it,  while  four  remained  neutral.  No  majority, 
therefore,  of  the  full  diet,  either  on  this  question  or  on  that  of  the 
Jesuits,  was  obtained  in  that  year,  and  thus  two  disputed  points,  of 
the  gravest  significance  for  the  confederation,  were  left  in  a  state  of 
suspense;  but  the  revolutions  in  Geneva  and  St.  Gallen  which 
followed  shortly  after  gave  the  federalist  and  radical  parties  in  the 
diet  two  more  votes  in  1847,  and  thus  secured  them  an  absolute 
majority. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eventful  year  1847  Switzerland,  as  was 
well  pointed  out  by  Grote  in  his  *  Letters  on  Swiss  Politics,'  '^  was 
divided  into  three  parties — the  ultramontane  or  extreme  clerical 
"  Haussonville,  p.  326.  '*  P.  162. 


686  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

party,  which  was  supreme  in  the  cantons,  forming  the  Sonderbund  ; 
the  progressive  party,  consisting  both  of  cathoKcs  and  protestants — 
much  more  largely,  of  course,  of  the  latter — which  formed  a  powerful 
minority  even  in  some  of  the  Sonderbund  cantons ;  and  the  conser- 
vative party,  mostly  consisting  of  protestants  of  the  old  aristocratic 
type  and  found  chiefly  in  the  large  towns.  The  change  of  govern- 
ment which  took  place  about  this  time  in  Basel  Stadt,  Bern,  and 
Geneva  deprived  this  party  of  their  strongholds,  and  the  attitude  of 
the  Sonderbund  soon  alienated  their  sympathies.  Switzerland  in 
this  year  consisted  of  2,400,000  inhabitants,  of  whom  less  than  a 
million'  were  catholics,  and  of  this  million  many  were  in  strong 
: opposition  to  the  Jesuits  and  the  Sonderbund.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  on  the  side  of  the  union  was  not  only  the  actual 
numerical  majority  of  the  republic's  inhabitants,  but  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  the  cultivated,  wealthy,  and  industrious  part  of  the 
community.  The  seven  cantons  were  much  inferior  in  numbers, 
and  immeasurably  inferior  in  culture  and  intelligence.  Even 
though  this  were  so,  it  is  true  that  it  afforded  no  excuse  .for  oppres- 
sion or  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  majority ;  but  the  conduct  of  the 
Sonderbund  became  daily  more  menacing,  and  even  to  the  weak 
and  divided  councils  of  the  diet  it  became  more  and  more  evident 
that  some  decided  step  forward  must  be  taken  if  the  existence  of 
the  confederation  was  to  be  preserved.  While  the  diet  was  thus 
hesitating  on  the  verge  of  a  momentous  decision  an  impulse  from 
without  helped  to  drive  it  in  a  direction  whither  no  amount  of 
provocation  within  its  borders  seemed  able  to  impel  it. 

It  mu^t  not  be  supposed  that  the  course  of  events  in  Switzerland 
had  passed  unheeded  by  the  European  powers.  As  has  been  already 
pointed  out,  it  was  a  deliberate  reactionary  policy,  adopted  by  Austria 
and  France  at  the  congress  of  Vienna  to  establish  aristocratic 
governments  in  the  Swiss  cantons,  and  to  exalt  the  power  of  the 
cantonal  governments  at  the  expense  of  the  central  diet.  But  the 
first  part  of  the  scheme  had  long  since  fallen  through,  and  was 
hardly  to  be  found  in  existence  in  any  of  the  cantons,  while  the 
.second  was  developing  in  a  most  startling  manner.  The  aim  of 
Metternich  ^-^  was  to  maintain  the  league  of  the  seven  cantons,  thus 
rendering  the  diet  powerless,  without  actually  breaking  up  the 
confederation.  He  looked  confidently  for  assistance  from  the  French 
government,  then  directed  by  Guizot  and  reactionary  in  all  its 
sympathies.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Guizot  and  Metternich  were 
accomplices  of  the  Sonderbund,  and  had  it  not  been  that  the 
leaders  of  the  clerical  party  ^^  looked  to  Austria  and  France  to 
prevent  any  active  interference  by  the  diet  with  their  league, 
an  arrangement  would  have  been  come  to  during  the  course  of 

''   Metternich,  Mimoires,  vii.  451  et  seg. 
.*•  £.g'.  despatch  quoted  by  Cr^tineau-Joly.i.  354. 


1895  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  687 

1847  by  which  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  the  territory  of 
the  repubHc  would  have  been  averted  for  a  time,  and  the  vexed 
question  as  to  the  powers  of  the  federal  authority  would  have  stood 
over  until  the  convulsions  of  1848  had  distracted  the  attention  of 
the  European  courts  to  their  own  affairs.  In  that  case  similar  out- 
breaks in  Switzerland  would  probably  have  followed,  leading  to 
greater  bloodshed  and  far  worse  disaster  than  actually  happened. 
During  the  whole  of  the  year  1847  the  official  press  of  France  was 
doing  its  best  to  persuade  the  French  people  that  the  majority  in 
Switzerland  were  endeavouring  to  extinguish  the  political  rights  of 
the  cantons  and  oppress  the  catholics  ;  but  the  people  showed  no 
disposition  to  support  the  government  in  any  active  measures  in 
aid  of  the  Sonderbund,  and  Palmerston,  on  behalf  of  England, 
would  not  consent  to  any  intervention  that  was  not  purely  pacific 
in  its  nature.  So  soon  as  the  cantons  of  the  Sonderbund  grasped 
this  fact  they  made  proposals  to  treat  with  the  majority  of  the 
diet,  affairs  having  been  at  a  dead-lock  ever  since  the  latter  had 
voted  the  illegality  of  the  Sonderbund.  It  was  not  until  October 
25  that  Metternich  intimated  to  the  Sonderbund  that  in  case  of 
hostilities  the  Austrian  minister  would  withdraw  from  Bern,  but 
that  there  would  be  no  armed  intervention.  Immediately  the  dis- 
sentient cantons  proposed  to  the  diet  to  refer  to  the  pope  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Jesuits  and  the  question  of  the  re- establishment  of  the 
convents  in  Aargau.  About  this  last  matter  there  is  an  astonishing 
impertinence  on  the  part  of  the  Sonderbund  in  alluding  to  it  at  all  ; 
it  had  been  finally  settled  by  the  diet  so  long  ago  as  1843,  and  the 
question  was  not  now  in  dispute.  It  could  only  have  been  a  profound 
impression  of  the  impotence  of  the  diet,  and  the  improbability  of  its 
united  action,  which  led  them  to  make  so  ludicrous  a  proposal.  The 
majority  replied  by  a  proposition  which  had  about  it  a  more  genuine 
appearance  of  a  desire  to  come  to  terms.  They  suggested  that  the 
Jesuits  should  be  left  undisturbed  in  Fribourg,  Schwyz,  and  the 
Vallais,  but  dismissed  from  Lucerne,  and  the  Sonderbund  dissolved. 
This  offer  was  contemptuously  refused  by  the  Sonderbund,  and 
shortly  after  their  leaders  withdrew  from  the  diet.  The  refusal  of 
the  compromise  offered  by  the  majority  was  the  most  fatally  foolish 
mistake  the  confederates  could  have  committed  ;  by  accepting  it 
they  would  have  formally  broken  up  their  league,  it  is  true,  but  the 
governments  would  have  still  retained  their  full  powers.  The  Jesuits 
would  not  have  suffered  at  all,  as  their  great  strongholds  were  the 
three  cantons  they  already  occupied,  and  the  power  of  the  church  in 
Lucerne  would  have  been  untouched.  They  preferred  to  risk  the 
arbitrament  of  war,  confident  that  France  at  all  events  would  inter- 
fere before  things  had  gone  very  far,  buoyed  up  as  they  undoubtedly 
were  by  t  he  assurances  of  Guizot,  and  secretly  supported  with  money 
by  Austria. 


688  THE    WAR    OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

But  the  leaders  f>i  the  Sonderbund  had  not  reckoned  with  the 
strong  body  of  sympathisers  which  the  progressive  party  had  in 
Paris  and  the  provinces  of  France.  Throughout  the  autumn  of 
1847  '^  banquets  were  held  in  the  chief  towns  of  France  by  the  re- 
publican party,  and  along  with  denunciations  of  Guizot  and  his  policy 
enthusiastic  toasts  were  proposed  and  drunk  to  the  success  of  the 
majority  of  the  diet  and  the  confusion  of  the  ultramontane  cantons. 
From  another  quarter  also  Guizot  was  to  meet  with  an  opposition 
which  he  had  not  anticipated,  and  to  which  was  in  great  measure 
owing  the  failure  of  the  powers  to  arrest  the  forward  movement  in 
Switzerland  and  the  consolidation  of  the  federal  power.  Palmers- 
ton  was  at  this  time  foreign  secretary,  and  his  shrewd  common-sense 
had  long  foreseen  that  the  reactionary  arrangements  of  1815  could 
not  long  hold  together ;  and  with  regard  to  Switzerland  he  was  not 
likely  to  pull  the  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire  for  France  and  Austria, 
seeing  that  neither  the  sympathies  nor  the  interests  of  England 
were  enlisted  on  behalf  of  the  revolting  cantons. 

Everything  that  could  be  done  by  England  to  bring  about  a 
peaceful  solution  was  done,  but  the  Foreign  Office  strictly  abstained 
from  taking  any  such  steps  as  would  be  construed  into  an  inter- 
ference with  the  independent  action  of  the  federal  authorities. 
In  1847  this  country  was  represented  at  Bern  by  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir 
Eobert)  Peel,  the  eldest  son  of  the  great  minister,  whose  party  had 
recently  hurled  him  from  power  in  revenge  for  the  abolition  of 
the  corn  laws.  Mr.  Peel  throughout  the  crisis  did  not  conceal 
his  sympathy  with  the  federal  party  in  Switzerland,  as  the  ministers 
of  the  other  powers  took  no  pains  to  conceal  theirs  with  the  Sonder- 
bund ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  in  any  way  he  ever  acted  con- 
trary to  the  wishes  of  the  foreign  secretary.  In  no  juncture  did 
he  conduct  himself  in  the  high-handed  and  irritating  manner  which 
the  representatives  of  the  great  powers  adopted  early  in  1847 
towards  the  majority  of  the  states  in  the  confederation.  The 
post  of  Vorort  passed  lo  Bern  in  January  of  that  year.  The 
government  of  that  canton  was  strongly  liberal  since  the  recent 
revolution,  and  Colonel  Ochsenbein,  who  had  been  the  leader  of  the 
corps  francs  in  their  second  attempt  on  Lucerne,  was  at  its  head, 
thus  being  also  in  a  certain  limited  sense  the  head  of  the  con- 
federation for  the  time  being.  The  representatives  of  Austria, 
Eussia,  and  Prussia  had  thought  fit  to  remove  their  legations  from 
Bern  to  Ziirich,  and  announced  their  intention  in  a  formal  and 
almost  public  manner.  M.  Bois  le  Comte,  the  French  ambassador, 
who  had  arrived  at  his  post  about  the  same  time,  did  not  follow  the 
example  of  his  colleagues  in  this  respect,  thinking  it  ill-advised, 
but  on  his  reception  by  the  federal  authorities  proceeded  to  read 

"  Haussonville,  p.  356. 


f 


1895  THE   WAR   OF  THE  SONDEMBUND  689 

to  Colonel  Ochsenbein  a  lecture  on  his  conduct  and  on  that  of  the 
federation,  which  was,  to  say  the  least,  singularly  irritating  and 
maladroit}^  He  then  attempted  to  draw  Mr.  Peel  into  taking  action 
along  with  him  to  check  any  interference  of  the  diet  with  the 
Sonderbund,  but  with  no  success.  Bois  le  Comte  in  his  despatches 
to  Guizot  remarks  that  Peel  is  ostentatiously  ^^  making  friends  with 
the  radical  leaders,  and  intimating  to  them  that  the  Enghsh  govern- 
ment has  no  intention  of  preventing  them  from  taking  whatever 
steps  they  may  think  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  confederation.^^ 
In  the  meanwhile  Guizot  instructed  Broglie,  the  French  ambas- 
sador in  London,  to  see  Palmerston,  and  endeavour  to  get  from 
him  an  assurance  of  the  intentions  of  the  English  government  to 
side  with  France  in  any  steps  she  might  take  in  Switzerland.  But 
all  BrogHe  got  from  Palmerston  was  an  expression  of  his  sincere 
wish  for  an  amicable  settlement,  and  a  strong  statement  of  the 
determination  of  England  to  assist  in  no  steps  for  the  coercion  of 
the  majority  in  Switzerland.'-^^  This  interview  took  place  in  July.^^ 
On  30  Oct.  Palmerston  sent  Bunsen,  the  Prussian  ambassador,  to 
Broglie  to  try  and  stop  the  impending  civil  war  by  a  concert 
of  the  powers ;  but,  as  the  recognition  of  the  Sonderbund  was  the 
only  basis  for  negotiation  the  French  government  would  admit,  the 
effort  failed.  The  French  government  then  proposed  that  a  con- 
ference should  meet  to  settle  the  affairs  of  Switzerland,  but  Palmers- 
ton refused  to  be  a  party  to  it  until  the  actual  questions  to  be 
settled  were  laid  down.  There  does  not  seem  in  this  to  have  been 
any  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  Palmerston  ;  the  English  position  all 
through  had  been  that  the  political  affairs  of  the  Swiss  must  be 
settled  by  the  Swiss,  and  that  the  Jesuit  dispute  might  be  a  matter 
for  arbitration,  but  that  no  interference  was  to  be  undertaken  with 
their  affairs  except  with  their  consent.  This  position  had  always 
been  loyally  taken  up  by  Mr.  Peel,  but  it  is  not  a  matter  for  surprise 
if  both  Palmerston  and  Peel  saw  with  satisfaction  affairs  settled 
in  Switzerland  by  the  Swiss  themselves  while  the  powers  were 
negotiating. 

We  must  now  turn  to  the  course  of  events  which  followed  on 
the  rejection  by  the  Sonderbund  of  the  very  moderate  terms  offered 
by  the  majority  of  the  diet.  The  leaders  of  the  Sonderbund  had 
shortly  after  this  left  the  diet,  and  took  no  further  part  in  its 
deliberations.  Negotiations  were  now  at  an  end,  and  the  two 
parties  stood  face  to  face ;  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  had  been 
decreed,  and  the  seven  cantons  had  been  declared  in  opposition  to 
the  federal  pact  in  forming  and  adhering  to  the  Sonderbund ;  and, 

'8  Bois  le  Comte  to  Guizot,  quoted  by  Haussonville,  p.  342. 
^^  Haussonville,  p.  353. 

"  Peel  to  Palmerston,  Parliamentary  Paper,  Swiss  Affairs,  August  1847,  p.  164. 
«  Broglie  to  Guizot,  5  and  9  July  1847.  ''^  Ibid.  1  Nov.  1847. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XL.  Y  Y 


690  THE   WAR   OF  THE   SONDERBUND  Oct. 

as  no  compromise  am3eared  possible,  the  majority  had  now,  with 
great  rehictance,  to  undertake  the  task  of  coercing  the  minority  into 
obedience.  The  general  belief  of  foreigners  was  that  far  greater 
reluctance  to  resort  to  arms  existed  among  the  federalists  than  as  a 
matter  of  fact  did.  The  information  of  Europe  outside  Switzerland 
was  gathered,  as  a  rule,  from  French  sources,  and  they  were  all 
tainted  by  a  strong  preconceived  opinion  against  the  federalist  party. 
The  French  government  had  been  fiercely  hostile  throughout,  and 
the  organs  of  opinion  inspired  by  it  were  also  hostile ;  consequently 
even  in  England  to  meet  with  any  one  who  had  a  just  idea  of  the 
rights  and  wrongs  of  the  disputes  among  the  Swiss  was  a  rare  thing. 
The  Times  correspondent  during  the  war  and  at  its  close  did  his 
best  to  put  the  federalists  right  in  English  opinion,  but  certainly  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  public  opinion  was  ill-informed  on  the 
grounds  of  the  dispute,  and  the  enlightened  and  far-seeing  policy 
of  Lord  Palmerston  is  the  more  to  be  commended.  The  French 
papers  at  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  all  assumed  great  hesitation 
on  the  part  of  the  federal  authorities,  arising  from  a  conviction  on 
their  part  that  their  actions  would  not  be  unanimously  supported  by 
the  populations  of  the  cantons  they  represented,  while  on  the  other 
hand  the  Sonderbund  is  represented  as  smaller  indeed  in  numbers, 
but  as  composed  of  men  fired  with  zeal  and  enthusiasm  and  deter- 
mined to  fight  to  the  death  for  their  cause,  if  not  destined  to  inflict 
a  fatal  check  on  their  opponents. 

Never  were  prophecies  so  rapidly  and  significantly  falsified.  The 
diet  decreed  the  formation  of  an  army  of  50,000  men.  Each  canton 
sent  up  its  contingent,  properly  equipped  and  provided  with  all  the 
munitions  of  war,  on  the  appointed  days.  General  WilhelmHeinrich 
Dufour  was  placed  in  supreme  command.  It  had  been  invariably 
stated  by  the  supporters  of  the  Sonderbund  that  if  offered  the  com- 
mand he  could  refuse  it,  because  he  had  always  been  a  conservative 
and  the  enemy  of  extravagant  change  ;  consequently  when  he  accepted 
the  charge  he  was  denounced  as  a  weak  and  vacillating  character, 
unable  to  resist  the  demands  of  the  overbearing  democrats  among 
whom  he  found  himself.  But  this  very  error  with  regard  to  Dufour 
shows  how  signally  and  strangely  the  Sonderbund  and  its  supporters 
abroad  misjudged  the  actual  position  of  the  Swiss  question.  It 
was  no  longer  merely  a  dispute  as  to  how  many  convents  a  canton 
should  permit  to  be  maintained  in  its  territory,  or  how  far  the 
Jesuits  should  be  allowed  to  direct  its  elementary  education.  It 
had  now  become  a  question  whether  or  not  the  Swiss  confederation 
should  continue  to  exist  as  it  had  grown  together  after  the  trials 
and  struggles  of  centuries,  or  whether  it  should  be  split  into  two 
hostile  and  mutually  destructive  portions,  and  whether  or  not  a  small 
minority,  consisting  of  the  least  wealthy,  least  intelligent,  and  least 
progressive  cantons,  should  be  allowed  to  defy  the  remainder,  raise 


1895  THE    WAR   OF   THE   SONDEBBUND  691 

their  own  military  forces,  and  act  independently  of  the  federal  diet. 
To  that  Dufour,  with  his  clear,  impartial  intelligence,  saw  but  one 
answer,  and  was  quite  prepared  to  carry  out  his  views  into  effectual 
action.  A  better  man  could  not  have  been  found  for  the  purpose. 
An  engineer  oiBficer  trained  in  the  school  of  Napoleon,  he  had  all  the 
simplicity  of  character  which  tradition  demands  of  a  republican 
leader,  and  all  the  passionate  love  of  discipline  and  hatred  of  dis- 
order which  are  necessary  to  make  a  successful  general  and  a  saviour 
of  society.  He  had  been  the  director  of  the  engineering  school  at 
Thun,  and,  strangely  enough,  counted  among  his  pupils  Louis 
Napoleon,  destined  ere  long  to  save  society  in  his  own  way  else- 
where. The  orders  of  Dufour  were  to  suppress  disorder  and  to 
enforce  the  decrees  of  the  government,  and  he  at  once  proceeded  to 
draw  up  his  plans  of  campaign. 

Meanwhile  the  action  of  the  leaders  of  the  Sonderbund  was  lacking 
in  frankness  towards  their  followers,  and  shows  but  too  clearly 
that  they  relied  on  foreign  intervention  to  assist  them  to  maintain 
their  position.  On  4  Nov.  the  diet  had  issued  a  proclamation  to  the 
Swiss  people  pointing  out  the  reasons  for  their  action,  which  was 
most  moderate  and  concilatory  in  its  tone.  This  proclamation,  and 
subsequent  documents  of  a  similar  nature,  the  Lucerne  government 
suppressed  ;  ^^  in  fact,  the  people  of  Lucerne  never  saw  any  of  these 
declarations  of  the  diet  until  they  were  posted  on  the  walls  after 
the  federal  troops  became  masters  of  Lucerne.^^  At  the  same 
time  they  were  in  constant  communication  with  the  Austrians. 
On  15  Nov.  Siegwart  Miiller,  the  vice-president  of  Lucerne,  writes 
to  the  Austrian  ambassador,  who  had  demanded  his  passports  and 
was  now  living  just  over  the  borders  of  Switzerland,  'In  conse- 
quence of  the  acknowledgment  of  our  legal  position  by  the  powerful 
empire  of  Austria,  she  cannot  avoid  taking  opportune  measures  to 
give  us  support.'  This  shows  pretty  clearly  the  view  taken  by  the 
Sonderbund,  and,  however  much  we  may  feel  disposed  to  blame 
fanatics,  who  were  ready  to  plunge  this  country  into  civil  war, 
we  cannot  entertain  much  respect  for  the  diplomacy  which  led 
them  into  a  false  position  and  then  abandoned  them.  But  if 
the  people  were  kept  in  the  dark  by  their  earthly  leaders,  their 
spiritual  directors  encouraged  them  by  every  device  which  in- 
genuity could  devise  and  ignorance  accept.  As  well  as  promises 
of  direct  interposition  by  divine  beings,  which  were  to  be  heard  from 
the  pulpit,  a  large  business  was  done  in  the  sale  of  amulets,  to  guard 
the  fortunate  wearers  against  the  chances  of  battle.  Tenpence  pur- 
chased a  badge  which  would  keep  the  wearer  safe  from  the  bullets, 
and  half  a  crown  would  give  him  protection  even  from  the  cannon- 
balls,  of  his  enemies.^^     From  a  population  thus  inflamed  by  fanati- 

23  Times  correspondence,  November  1847*  "  Ibid, 

y  T  2 


692  THE   WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

cism  and  a  false  patHotism,  the  vast  majority  not  understanding 
the  true  grounds  of  the  quarrel,  and  brave  to  rashness,  the  federal 
troops  might  well  have  expected  a  stubborn  resistance ;  but  disaffec- 
tion was  present  among  the  members  of  the  Sonderbund,  and  very 
early  in  the  day  the  Lower  Vallais  refused  to  take  part  in  the  struggle. 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  this  portion  of  the  population 
of  the  canton,  comprising  the  larger  part  of  those  who  had  so 
grievously  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  extreme  clerical  party  a  few 
years  earlier,  should  have  shrunk  from  casting  in  their  lot  with 
their  conquerors  in  opposition  to  the  armies  of  the  diet. 

Diifour,  once  in  command,  acted  with  the  energy  and  promptitude 
which  might  have  been  expected  from  an  old  soldier  of  the  empire. 
So  soon  as  the  forces  of  the  federal  army  had  reached  head-quarters 
in  respectable  numbers,  he  marched  on  Fribourg,  on  9  Nov.,  with 
an  army  of  94,000  men,  and  encountered  little  resistance,  with  the 
exception  of  a  slight  skirmish  with  the  local  militia,  who  quickly 
disbanded  after  the  exchange  of  a  few  shots.  The  federalists,  how- 
ever, found  in  the  canton  many  sympathisers.  On  the  12th  they 
completely  occupied  the  heights  round  Fribourg  and  invested  the 
town,  at  the  same  time  summoning  it  to  surrender.  Eesistance 
was  useless,  and  the  citizens  were  but  half-hearted  in  the  struggle ; 
they  had  expected  hesitation  and  inaction  on  the  part  of  the 
diet,  now  they  found  themselves  surrounded  and  outnumbered 
by  an  active  and  determined  opponent.  The  aid  from  without, 
which  had  been  expected,  did  not  arrive,  and  there  was  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  submit.  Dufour  at  once  occupied  the  town,  a  provisional 
government  was  installed  in  power,  and  there  seems  to  have  been 
little  disorder  or  outrage  to  complain  of.  The  Jesuits  were  expelled, 
but  no  interference  took  place  with  the  catholic  clergy  or  com- 
munities of  the  place.  A  sufficient  garrison  was  left  in  charge  of 
the  district,  and  Dufour  with  the  bulk  of  his  forces  moved  off 
towards  Lucerne,  where  it  was  anticipated  that  the  most  obstinate 
struggle  would  take  place.  Meanwhile  both  parties  had  not  been 
inactive  in  other  districts,  divisions  of  the  federal  army  had  been 
despatched  to  the  east  and  the  south,  and  the  Landsturm,  or 
third  reserve,  was  under  arms  in  each  canton.  Skirmishes  took 
place  in  Ziirich  and  Aargau,  in  which  the  federalists  were  suc- 
cessful, but  more  serious  encounters  took  place  further  south.^^ 
Before  the  actual  commencement  of  hostilities  the  authorities  of 
Uri  had  commenced  to  throw  up  earthworks  in  the  St.  Gothard, 
and  from  this  shelter  their  troops  descended  on  the  Ticino, 
which  adhered  to  the  federal  cause.  In  the  first  skirmish  they 
were  repulsed,  but  subsequently,  on  17  Nov.,  a  considerable 
force  attacked  Airolo  and  drove  out  the  troops  of  Ticino.  It  was 
impossible  for  the  latter  to  assume  the  offensive,  at  all  events  till 

"  Cretineau-Joly,  vol.  ii.  c.  16. 


1895  THE   WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  693 

they  were  reinforced,  cut  off  as  they  were  by  the  Alps  and  by  a 
hostile  force  from  their  friends  in  the  north.  The  Orisons  had, 
however,  promised  two  regiments,  and  while  they  were  on  the  march 
the  men  of  Ticino  held  their  own  at  Faido.  The  troops  of  the 
Sonderbund  did  not  penetrate  beyond  Airolo,  and  in  fact  contented 
themselves  with  holding  the  summit  of  the  St.  Gothard. 

It  was  on  the  issue  of  the  impending  fight  at  Lucerne  that  the 
fate  of  Switzerland  depended.  It  is  true  that  the  federal  army 
had  vastly  the  excess  of  numbers  (it  was  at  least  four  times  as 
numerous  as  the  troops  of  the  Sonderbund),  but  the  latter  were 
strongly  posted  and  filled  with  fanatical  zeal,  and,  had  they  been 
ably  commanded,  and  had  their  government  shown  firmness  and 
determination,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  struggle  might  have  been 
prolonged  for  some  days,  and  involved  so  much  bloodshed  and  con- 
sequent exasperation  as  to  have  rendered  the  task  of  those  called 
upon  to  make  a  satisfactory  settlement  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
war  extremely  difficulfc.^'^  On  the  Sunday  before  the  attack  the 
churches  in  the  city  resounded  with  assurances  that  the  Virgin,  who 
had  twice  repulsed  the  invaders  in  previous  years,  would  not  allow 
them  to  succeed  on  a  third  attempt ;  nor  were  the  country  clergy 
behindhand.  One  cure,  however,  who  had  been  particularly  emphatic 
in  his  promises  of  celestial  succour,  was  the  first  to  welcome  the 
invaders  with  a  present  of  fifty  bottles  of  champagne.  The  govern- 
ment was  in  the  hands  of  M.  Siegwart  Miiller,  who  had  been 
one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the  Sonderbund  and  the  most  active 
of  its  members ;  the  army  was  under  the  command  of  Salis-Soglio, 
who  was  the  commander-in-cliief  of  the  forces  of  the  Sonderbund. 
The  vanquished  party  generally  accused  their  leaders  of  incom- 
petence, treachery,  or  both  ;  and  the  charge  of  incompetence  is 
also  freely  levelled  at  SaHs-Soglio  by  Cretineau-Joly,^^  the  historian 
of  the  Sonderbund,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  see  in  what  way  they 
would  have  been  better  off  had  they  been  directed  by  Siegwart 
Miiller  as  dictator.  In  fact,  while  nothing  but  praise  can 
be  given  to  the  conduct  of  the  troops,  no  words  can  be  strong 
enough  to  stigmatise  the  conduct  of  the  Lucerne  government. 
Before  the  federal  troops  actually  appeared  at  the  gates  of  the  city 
the  executive  took  a  hurried  departure  in  three  steamboats,  carry- 
ing with  them  to  Uri  the  state  chest  of  the  canton,  containing  the 
popular  contributions,  and  the  federal  chest.'^'  These  were  subse- 
quently restored,  with  a  loss  of  220,000  francs. 

On  22  Nov.  Lucerne  was  surrounded  by  the  federal  army. 
Approach  to  the  town  is  prevented  on  the  south  by  the  lake,  and 
on  the  west  by  the  fierce  and  impetuous  torrent  of  the  Eeuss, 
which   flows   out   of  it ;  on   the   north  lies  a  range  of  hills,  any 

21  Times  correspondence  during  November. 

a?  Vol.  ii.  p.  443.  *"  Tiwcs  correspondence/ 


694  THE    WAR   OF  THE   SONDERBUND  Oct. 

force  occupying  whick  would,  if  properly  supplied  with  artillery, 
hold  the  town  at  its  mercy.  The  eastern  side  is  the  most  vulnerable, 
but  here  Dufour  expressly  abstained  from  attacking,  knowing  that 
a  fierce  combat  at  the  very  gates  of  the  town  would  inflame  the 
passions  of  the  soldiery  and  make  a  peaceful  occupation  almost 
impossible.  The  forces  of  the  Bonder  bund  were  posted  at  the 
bridge  of  Gishkon,  and  extended  to  the  junction  of  the  cantons  of 
Lucerne  and  Zug,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  away ;  their  artillery 
occupied  the  heights  of  Kothenberg,  but  was  very  inferior  to  that  of 
the  federalists  in  calibre  and  handling. 

On  the  23rd  Dufour  despatched  a  detachment  to  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  and  commenced  the  attack  on  the  bridge  of  Gislikon, 
supported  by  his  artillery.  The  fight  raged  for  six  hours  with  the 
utmost  bravery  on  both  sides,  but  the  numbers  and  discipline  of 
the  assailants  prevailed ;  the  bridge  was  carried  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  and  then  the  heights  of  Rothenberg  by  the  help  of 
the  troops  which  had  been  sent  earlier  in  the  day  to  take  the 
defending  force  in  the  rear,  and  the  forces  of  the  Sonderbund  dis- 
persed in  all  directions,  never  to  be  reunited.  The  federalists  now 
had  the  town  in  their  power,  and  all  further  resistance  was  hopeless. 
A  capitulation  was  proposed,  but  Dufour  pointed  out  that  it  was 
too  late  to  demand  terms,  and  called  for  an  immediate  and  uncondi- 
tional surrender,  which  took  place.  A  military  occupation  followed, 
and  there  seems  to  have  been  a  remarkable  absence  of  anything 
like  disorder  or  outrage.  On  the  24th  the  federal  army  entered 
Lucerne,  and  shortly  afterwards  a  public  meeting  was  held  to  elect 
a  provisional  government.  It  was  presided  over  by  Dr.  Steinger, 
who  had  been  condemned  to  death  in  1845  for  taking  part  with  the 
corjys  francs.  He  had  escaped  from  his  prison  and  had  lived  in 
exile  since  that  time.  Followed  by  some  of  his  fellow  exiles,  most 
of  whom  had  purchased  the  right  to  live  in  banishment  for  many 
thousands  of  francs,  and  an  excited  crowd,  he  walked  to  the  scene 
of  his  imprisonment,  a  miserable  dungeon  eight  feet  square  and 
lighted  by  an  aperture  of  twelve  inches  by  three.  Here  he  had 
been  incarcerated  for  two  months,  awaiting  execution,  when  he  had 
the  good  luck  to  escape.^^ 

It  is  only  wonderful,  if  this  was  a  specimen  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  ultramontane  party  had  treated  its  vanquished  rivals, 
that  they,  when  their  turn  came,  were  contented  with  such  moderate 
reprisals.  But  it  was  their  moderation  in  victory  that  soon  earned 
for  the  Swiss  the  admiration  of  Europe  and  established  their  right 
to  control  and  settle  their  own  concerns,  social,  political,  and 
religious.  The  day  after  the  federal  troops  entered  Lucerne  mass 
was  being  celebrated  in  the  churches  undisturbed,  and  the  convents 
had  a  guard  of  troops  set  over  them  to  prevent  any  outrage,  should 
2"  Times  correspondence. 


1895  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  695 

it  be  attempted.  The  principal  measures  of  the  provisional  govern- 
ment were  to  decree  the  departure  of  the  Jesuits  from  the  canton 
within  forty-eight  hours  and  the  grant  of  an  amnesty  to  all  those  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  expedition  of  the  corps  francs.  A  touching 
scene  took  place  on  the  site  of  those  disastrous  conflicts.  The 
survivors,  with  the  relatives  of  the  slain  and  the  sympathisers  with 
the  cause,  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  spots  where  the  bodies 
had  been  thrown  into  a  common  grave  and  reinterred  them  in  the 
cemetery  with  religious  rites. 

The  fall  of  Lucerne  was  quickly  followed  by  the  submission  of 
Schwyz  and  Uri ;  Zug  had  surrendered  earlier,  and  by  the  end  of 
November  the  war  was  at  an  end.  In  three  weeks  what  had 
threatened  to  be  a  terrible  civil  conflict  had  collapsed,  and  compara- 
tive quiet  reigned  throughout  the  confederation.  There  could  not 
have  been  more  conclusive  evidence  of  the  flimsy  and  unsubstantial 
nature  of  the  pretences  on  which  the  Sonderbund  had  been  founded, 
or  of  the  good  sense,  energy,  and  determination  of  the  majority. 
The  greatest  gratitude  was  felt  by  the  Swiss  towards  Palmerston  for 
the  attitude  he  had  taken  up,  and  Peel  was  the  most  popular  man 
in  Bern.  On  30  Nov.  Palmerston  had  replied  to  a  question  in  the 
House  of  Commons  that  England  was  ready  to  assist  in  the  work  of 
mediation,  but  would  be  no  party  to  any  forcible  interference  with 
Swiss  affairs.^^  He  shortly  afterwards  sent  Sir  Stratford  Canning  ^^ 
to  Bern,  to  convey  to  the  chief  of  the  federal  diet  the  opinions  and 
wishes  of  the  English  government.  On  3  Dec.  Dufour  returned  to 
Bern.  A  popular  reception,  with  triumphal  arches  and  every  signs  of 
rejoicing,  had  been  prepared,  but  he  refused  it  and  entered  the  city 
in  a  close  carriage.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  acts  of  moderation 
such  as  this,  and  the  constant  refusal  of  the  federal  authorities  to 
adopt  an  attitude  of  ostentatious  triumph  towards  their  defeated 
fellow-countrymen,  did  more  than  anything  else  to  convince  right- 
feeling  men  throughout  Europe  of  the  justice  of  their  cause. 

Though  the  actual  conflict  was  over,  the  task  of  the  diet  had 
only  begun.  Their  first  business  was  to  restrain  so  far  as  possible 
any  outbreak  of  popular  feeling,  which  might  mar  the  glory  of  their 
triumph.  There  is  no  doubt  that  excesses  were  committed  in  many 
laces,  but  the  wonder  is  there  were  not  more.^^  The  Vallais  had 
now  submitted,  and  the  exiled  Barmen  was  in  power,  and  it  was 

3«  With  regard  to  this  Sir  E.  Peel  wrote :  '  I  am  unaware  that  Lord  Pahnerston 
would  have  joined  a  conference  of  the  powers  on  Swiss  affairs.  I  think  it  very  un- 
likely, although  he  did  send  Sir  S.  Canning  in  1847  to  inquire  into  the  situation. 
But  in  the  meantime  the  French  Revolution  of  February  1848  turned  attention 
to  events  which  revolutionised  Europe,  and  Switzerland  was  happily  left  to  con- 
duct its  own  affairs,  with  the  best  results,  without  any  interference  from  any  other 
quarter.' 

=»  Life  of  Stratford  Canning,  by  S.  Lane-Poole,  ii.  162. 

«  Cretineau-Joly,  ii.  452. 


696  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

difficult  to  believe  that  mo  revenge  would  be  taken  for  all  the  cruelty 
and  indignities  endured  by  the  vanquished  party  in  1844.  The  diet 
had  decreed  that  the  expenses  of  the  war  should  be  borne  by  the 
cantons  which  had  brought  it  about,  and  there  was  a  general  attempt 
in  the  cantons  themselves  to  saddle  obnoxious  individuals  or  corpora- 
tions, rather  than  the  communities  in  question,  with  the  payments. 
This  action  of  the  provincial  government  in  the  cantons  fell  so 
heavily  on  the  religious  houses  in  the  Vallais  that  the  monastery  of 
the  Great  St.  Bernard  was  for  a  time  deserted. ^^  But  wiser  counsels 
prevailed,  and  in  a  few  months  affairs  ran  more  smoothly.  On 
9  Dec.  'Sir  Stratford  Canning  arrived  at  Bern,  and  pointed  out 
to  Ochsenbein  the  danger  the  federation  was  running  in  permitting 
anything  like  disorder  or  persecution  in  its  territories.  Nor  was 
such  a  warning  superfluous.  Both  Guizot  and  Metternich  were 
farious  at  the  turn  events  had  taken  in  Switzerland ;  the  former 
was  hampered  by  the  strong  objections  of  the  French  chambers  to 
take  any  active  part  in  Swiss  affairs,  but  the  French  official  journals 
poured  forth  every  day  the  most  harrowing  accounts  of  outrages 
committed  by  the  victorious  party  on  the  catholic  population,  and 
it  w^as  to  be  feared  that  the  French  minister  might  find  excuse 
enough  to  assist  Austria  should  she  decide  on  taking  the  initiative. 
Metternich  was  now  very  old,  and  w^as  day  by  day  falling 
more  and  more  under  priestly  influence,  while  his  master,  Ferdinand, 
was  of  weak  intellect,  and  his  bigotry  was  his  only  strong  point.  The 
heads  of  the  Austrian  clergy  had  taken  much  interest  in  Swiss  affairs, 
and  communications  were  already  in  progress  between  Austria  and 
France  for  the  formation  of  a  European  congress  to  put  pressure 
on  Switzerland.  The  despatches  of  Metternich/'*  written  at  this  time 
to  the  Austrian  ambassador  in  Paris,  exhibit  the  greatest  irritation 
against  Palmer ston.  It  is  stated  that  Peel  confessed  to  the  French 
ambassador  at  Bern  that  he  had  told  Dufour  ^^  <  to  finish  the  thing 
off  quickly.' ^'^  To  leave  matters  as  they  were  was,  therefore,  to 
give  an  easy  triumph  to  Palmerston,  who  was  hated  as  the 
representative  of  the  reforming  spirit.  There  was  also  the 
undoubted  fact  to  be  reckoned  with  that  the  triumph  of  liberal  ideas 
in  Switzerland  might  give  encouragement  to  sympathisers  in  the 

33  Times  of  December  1847. 

3*  E.g.  Metternich,  Memoircs,  vii.  511,  and  2'>assim. 

35  Haussonville,  pp.  365,  367,  371,  Bois  le  Comte  to  Guizot. 

3*^  With  regard  to  this  Sir  E.  Peel  wrote  :  '  It  is  quite  true  that  when  Dufour  was 
advancing  upon  Lucerne  and  the  old  cantons,  being  alive  to  the  danger  of  protracted 
hostilities,  with  the  French,  the  Austrian,  and  the  Kussian  governments  in  a  state  of 
excessive  irritation  against  Switzerland,  so  that  the  shghtest  reverse  or  hesitation  in 
the  conduct  of  the  war  might  have  led  to  interference  on  their  part  (and  the  French 
government  was  particularly  anxious  to  interfere),  I  did  venture  to  submit  to  the 
government  of  Bern  and  to  General  Dufour  the  expediency  of  finishing  off  the  matter 
quickly.  I  acted  on  my  own  responsibility,  which  Lord  Palmerston  could  easily  have 
repudiated,  whereas  he  favoured  me  with  his  support  and  approval.' 


1895  THE   WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  697 

neighbouring  states.  In  fact  on  9  Dec.  there  had  been  a  great 
popular  demonstration  in  honour  of  the  federal  victory  celebrated 
at  Florence,  and  in  the  then  disturbed  condition  of  public  feeling 
such  sentiments  might  be  fanned  into  a  dangerous  flame. 

It  was  decided  by  29  Dec.^^  to  hold  a  conference  on  Swiss  affairs, 
with  or  without  the  co-operation  of  England,  and  Switzerland  was 
looking  forward  to  a  year  even  more  critical  and  gloomy  than  that 
from  which  she  was  just  emerging.  But  the  ministers  who  were 
meditating  interference  soon  had  enough  to  occupy  them  at  home. 
In  February  the  revolution  broke  out  in  Paris ;  Guizot  was  a 
fugitive,  and  Metternich  had  resigned.  The  Swiss  diet  met  undis- 
turbed to  draw  up  the  constitution  on  which  modern  Switzerland  is 
built,  without  any  foreign  interference  and  on  lines  suggested  by 
their  experience  of  the  needs  of  the  country. 

W.  B.  DUFFIELD. 

Note. 

Sir  Eobert  Peel  wrote  as  follows :  '  The  French  government 
of  that  time  took  an  active  part  in  favour  of  the  Sonderbund  against 
the  liberal  tendencies  of  the  other  states  of  the  confederation,  and  at  the 
outbreak  of  hostilities  the  French  ambassador,  Count  Bois  le  Comte,  the 
Kussian,  Baron  de  Kindener,  and  the  Austrian  all  retired  from  the  seat 
of  the  federal  government  and  withdrew  to  Bale,  or  Soleure,  or  else- 
where ;  but  the  French  ambassador  failed  to  induce  me  to  do  likewise, 
and  I  remained  at  my  post,  with  the  subsequent  approval  of  Lord 
Palmerston,  then  foreign  secretary. 

*  The  federal  troops  first  attacked  Freiburg,  where  there  was  a  very 
large  Jesuit  college,  and,  as  its  destruction  was  imminent,  I  went  to 
Freiburg  and  took  away  some  twenty-seven  young  students,  mostly 
French,  and  entertaining  them  at  Bern  forwarded  them  safely  to 
Strasburg,  receiving  a  personal  letter  of  thanks  from  Mgr.  the  cardinal 
archbishop  of  Strasburg  for  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  my  services  in 
the  matter.  After  the  removal  of  the  students  the  college  buildings  were 
set  on  fire  and  razed  to  the  ground,  the  Jesuits  being  the  great  cause  of 
offence  at  that  time.  The  Bernese  government,  as  a  special  favour,  allowed 
me  to  have  a  war  correspondent  at  head-quarters. 

'  The  three  leading  men  in  Switzerland  at  that  time  were  un- 
questionably 

*  James  Fazy,  of  Geneva,  who  had  just  successfully  revolutionised, 
with  very  little  bloodshed,  the  cantonal  government  in  favour  of  the 
radicals  ; 

*  M.  Dniry,  of  Vaud ;  and 

*  General  Ochsejibein,  of  Bern,  who  under  Dufour,  commander-in-chief, 
led  the  Bernese  contingent  in  the  advance  upon  Lucerne  and  the  old 
cantons. 

'  When  the  war  was  over  the  Bernese  federal  government  gave  me  a 
dinner,    and  officially  complimented    me,   in   state  ceremony,    as    an 

'^  Metternich,  vii.  529. 


698  THE    WAR   OF  THE  SONDERBUND  Oct. 

acknowledgment  to  the  British  government  for  remaining  at  my  post, 
while  the  French,  the  Kussian,  and  the  Austrian  envoys  had  abandoned 
theirs  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities, 

*  James  Fazy  and  General  Ochsenbein  were  personal  and  political 
friends  of  mine,  the  former  particularly  so,  and  some  time  after  the  war 
James  Fazy  asked  me  if  I  could  receive  anything  from  the  state  as  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  countenance  of  the  British  government  during 
the  revolutionary  troubles.  The  British  residents  in  Geneva  were  then 
raising  funds  for  an  English  church,  and  I  asked  him  to  grant  a  site 
upon  which  to  erect  the  building.  He  at  once  did  so,  and  I  had  the 
satisfaction  of  conveying  to  him  the  thanks  of  Lord  Palmerston  for  the 
generous  gift  of  land,  worth  at  least  20,000  to  30,000  francs,  upon  which 
our  first  English  church  now  stands.  I  now  proceed  to  the  other  matter 
to  which  you  refer,  and  to  the  pleasant  incident  alluded  to  in  your  letter, 
but  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  events  of  1847. 

'In  1858  Louis  Napoleon,  emperor  of  the  French,  seized  the  Savoy 
provinces  of  Chablais  and  Faucigny,  abutting  on  the  confederation  and 
the  state  of  Geneva.  These  provinces  were  considered  by  the  powers  at 
the  congress  of  Vienna  to  be  essential  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
neutrality  and  independence  of  Switzerland,  and  were  handed  over  to 
Savoy  under  a  guarantee  not  to  fall  under  French  occupation.  Louis 
Napoleon  disregarded  these  treaty  obligations,  and  the  British  government 
feebly  protested. 

*  In  parliament  I  vehemently  took  the  part  of  Switzerland,  and 
particularly  Geneva,  on  several  occasions  with  my  friend  the  late  Mr. 
Kinglake,  but  to  no  effect.  Geneva,  however,  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
attempts  in  the  British  parliament  to  rouse  public  attention  to  the 
flagrant  outrage  threatening  their  independence,  and  the  government 
presented  me  with  the  diploma  of  Swiss  citizen,  and  moreover,  alive  to 
the  inconvenience  of  the  highroad  to  Lausanne  intersecting  my  little 
property  at  Secheron,  most  generously  diverted  the  road,  so  as  to  secure 
to  the  property  complete  immunity  from  public  traffic,  and  also  erected  the 
wall  which  skirts  the  grounds  along  the  new  road.' 


i 


1895  699 


Notes  and  Documents 


THE   PASCHAL   CANON    OF    *  ANATOLIUS   OF   LAODICEA.' 

Mr.  Anscombe  has  shown  in  his  paper  (antey  p.  515)  that  a  computa- 
tion bearing  the  name  of  Anatolius  plays  a  prominent  part  in  the 
dispute  about  the  Celtic  Easter  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries, 
being  quoted  or  referred  to  by  Columban,  Cummian,  Colman,  Wilfrid, 
and  Bede  from  a.d.  600  onwards.  Among  these  the  testimony  of 
Wilfrid — as  reported  by  Bede  in  his  account  of  the  synod  at  Whitby 
in  A.D.  664  ('  H.  E.'  iii.  25) — has  been  examined,  but,  I  think,  to  some 
extent  misrepresented  by  Mr.  Anscombe.  Wilfrid,  premising  that 
it  is  not  in  dispute  that  Anatolius  was  a  man  of  holiness,  learning, 
and  well-merited  reputation,  argues  that  the  Scots  had  no  right 
to  appeal  to  him  against  the  catholic  custom,  since  in  several 
essential  respects  Anatolius  was  a  representative  of  cathohc  prin- 
ciples rejected  by  the  Scots. 

1.  Anatolius  assented  to  the  primary  principle  of  the  then 
existing  Eoman  and  catholic  method,  that  of  a  nineteen  years' 
cycle.     This  the  Scots  either  were  ignorant  of  or  ignored. 

If  I  understand  Mr.  Anscombe  aright,  he  denies  that  the  British 
church  from  the  fifth  century  onwards  ever  had  any  but  a  nineteen 
years'  cycle.  I  am  not  sure  that  he  makes  this  statement  cate- 
gorically, but  it  seems  to  result  from  what  he  says  about  the  exist- 
ence of  the  nineteen  years'  cycle  in  Britain  in  St.  Cyril's  time  and 
the  extent  of  the  changes  introduced  under  St.  Leo.  Apparently 
he  throws  over  the  categorical  assertion  of  Wilfrid,  who  ought  to 
have  known  the  facts,  in  favour  of  the  rhetorical  flourish  of  St. 
Cyril  that  the  lunar  calculations  of  Alexandria  were  accepted 
throughout  the  Christian  world— a  statement  proved  to  be  untrue 
by  the  difficulties  felt  by  many  westerns  in  accepting  the  Alexan- 
drian Easters  some  years  later,  in  a.d.  444  and  455.  Mr.  Anscombe 
forgets  how  Httle  the  east  and  west  really  knew  each  of  the 
remoter  parts  of  the  other. 

2.  While  the  Komans  celebrated  Easter  Day  from  the  15th  to 
the  21st  of  the  moon— so  that  if  the  14th  or  full  moon  fell  on  the 
Sunday  Easter  was  put  off  for  a  week— the  British  cJiurcbeS 


700  THE  PASCHAL   CANON  OF  Oct. 

adhered  to  the  older  we^ern  rule,  and  kept  it  from  the  14th  to  the 
20th.  Anatolius,  says  Wilfrid,  adopted  an  intermediate  position. 
It  is  true  that  he  marked  Easter  Sunday  in  his  cycle  on  luna  xiiii., 
but  then  he  admitted  that  the  calendar  day  which  was  luna  xiiii.  in 
the  morning  was  luna  xv.  in  the  evening,  and  in  the  same  way 
that  a  day  which  was  luna  xx.  in  the  morning  was  luna  xxi.  in  the 
evening.  He  did,  therefore,  really  include  in  a  sense  the  21st  of  the 
lunar  month  among  his  Easter  Days.  Wilfrid  adds  that  the 
Egyptians  made  a  similar  distinction  between  the  morning  and 
evening.  Mr.  Anscombe  points  out  with  truth  that  what  the 
Alexandrians  did — which  was  to  reckon  from  sunset  to  sunset,  like 
the  Jews — was  not  what  Anatolius  did,  as  explained  in  chapter  iv. 
of  the  extant  canon  (quoted  on  p.  519),  for  he  made  his  distinction 
not  at  sunset  but  at  12.30  p.m.  But  Wilfrid's  statement  remains 
perfectly  correct  as  a  rough  parallel. 

Mr.  Anscombe,  however,  makes  a  much  more  serious  error  than 
Wilfrid.  The  latter  asserts  that  Anatolius  kept  the  calendar  day 
which  corresponded  to  luna  xx.-xxi.  as  Easter  Day,  and  implies 
that  he  rejected  the  calendar  day  a  week  earlier  which  corresponded 
to  luna  xiii.-xiiii.  This  statement  Mr.  Anscombe  characterises  as 
'  erroneous,'  on  the  authority  of  the  extant  canon  bearing  Anatolius's 
name.  I  entirely  agree  with  him  that  this  canon  is  what  the 
writer  under  discussion  appealed  to  as  Anatolius,  and  therefore  he 
has  a  perfect  right  to  make  use  of  it  as  an  authority  to  test  the 
statements  of  Wilfrid.  But  any  one  who  turns  to  the  passage  in 
the  original  Latin  of  the  canon  (quoted  by  Mr.  Anscombe  himself 
uhi  sujyra)  will  see  that  it  cannot  possibly  bear  the  construction  put 
on  it.  It  begins  by  saying  (just  as  Wilfrid  reports  it  to  say)  that 
every  calendar  day  corresponds  to  one  lunar  day  in  the  morning 
and  a  fresh  lunar  day  in  the  evening :  ^  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
moon  commences  on  a  calendar  day  which  corresponds  in  its  earlier 
part  with  the  thirteenth :  unde  ergo  et  Pascha  usque  ad  xxi.  in 
vesperum  extendi  praecifitur,  quae  mane  sine  duhio,  id  est  usque  ad 
eum  quern  diximus  horarum  terminum  [12.30  p.m.],  xx.  hahebatur. 
This  Mr.  Anscombe  paraphrases  to  mean  that  Sunday,  moon  xx.-xxi., 
ought  to  be  rejected,  though  the  Latin  can  only  mean  that  the  Paschal 
limit  is  extended  (extendi)  to  the  calendar  day  which  in  the  evening 
is  equivalent  to  moon  xxi.  But  Mr.  Anscombe's  view  takes  a  further 
and  even  more  startling  development :  '  It  is  clear  that  he  [Anato- 
lius] considered  that  the  Paschal  feast  should  be  celebrated  upon 
Sunday  evening.'  To  me  the  exact  contrary  is  clear,  and  Mr. 
Anscombe's  allegation  would  ascribe  to  Anatolius  not  the  ignorance 
of  astronomy  and  mathematics  which  certainly  characterises  him,  but 

*  Mr.  Anscombe's  elaborate  note  on  vesperum  seems  to  complicate  matters  un- 
necessarily. Vesperum  as  contrasted  in  this  passage  with  mane  can  scarcely  mean 
anything  else  than  eypning  as  contrasted  with  mofniog. 


1895  'ANATOLIUS  OF  LAODICEA'  701 

a  quite  incredible  ignorance  of  the  meaning  of  the  Christian  festival 
and  even  of  the  hour  at  which  it  was  celebrated.  Whatever  disputes 
raged  between  individuals  or  churches  as  to  the  day  on  which  the 
Iid(T^a  dvaardcri/iov  was  to  be  celebrated,  there  was  no  dispute  as 
to  the  hour.  It  was  in  the  early  morning  that  the  Church  com- 
memorated the  Lord's  resurrection,  and  with  the  morning  was 
connected  not  the  following  evening,  that  of  Sunday,  but  the  pre- 
ceding one,  that  of  Saturday.  The  wxOrj^epov  of  Easter  can,  I 
conceive,  by  no  possibility  have  been  other  than  that  of  Saturday- 
Sunday.  Anatolius'  terminus  ad  quein  for  Easter  is,  therefore,  the 
Sunday  whose  early  hours  fall  on  luna  xx. — in  other  words,  the 
Sunday  equivalent  to  luna  xx.-xxi. — and  his  terminus  a  quo,  in  the 
same  way,  is  the  Sunday  which  corresponds  to  luna  xiiii.-xv.^  This 
fundamental  error  of  Mr.  Anscombe's  vitiates  some  of  his  subse- 
quent reasoning,  and  involves  him  in  unnecessary  complications. 

Of  course  Wilfrid  was  only  making  the  most  of  a  rather  weak 
case.  It  remained  true  that  Anatolius  was  in  substantial  agree- 
ment with  British  rather  than  with  catholic  practice ;  for  he  would 
celebrate  Easter  with  the  Scots  on  lunaxiiii,  (xiiii.-xv.)  and  not  with 
the  Eoman  church  on  luna  xxi.  (xxi.-xxii.) 

3.  Wilfrid's  third  point  of  distinction  between  Anatolius  and 
the  Celtic  custom  is  that  the  former  never  allotted  Easter  Sunday 
to  lima  xiii.,  while  the  latter  sometimes  did,  *  manifestly '  placing  it 
before  the  full  moon. 

Mr.  Anscombe  does  not  deny  the  correctness  of  this  statement, 
and  it  remains,  therefore,  to  do  what  I  think  Mr.  Anscombe  has 
omitted  to  do,  and  ask  for  the  reason  of  this  divergence.  Now  it  was 
Wilfrid's  purpose  to  pass  over  those  points  in  which  Anatolius  and 
the  Scots  agreed  against  the  prevalent  computation ;  he  omits,  there- 
fore, to  mention  that  while  the  ordinary  system  allowed  of  Easter 
as  early  as  22  March,  both  Anatolius  and  the  Scots  placed  the 
equinox  on  25  March  (a.d.  viii.  Kal.  April.)  and  allowed  no  Easter 
before  it.  At  the  other  end  of  the  term  the  Eoman  church  had 
long  before  Wilfrid's  time  assented  to  the  Alexandrine  extension  of 
Easter  as  late  as  25  April  (a,d.  vii.  Kal.  Mai.) ;  the  Britons  held  to 
the  now  antiquated  western  term,  and  would  not  celebrate  after 
21  April  (a.d.  xi.  Kal.  Mai.) ;  ^  in  the  table  of  Anatolius  only  one 
Easter  falls  in  the  disputed  period  22-25  April — that  of  year  14 
when  it  falls  on  luna  xx.,  23  April — but  it  is  enough  to  show  that 
he  diverged  either  partially  or  wholly  from  British  custom.  In 
such  a  year  what  would  the  Britons  have  done  ?  Ex  hypothesis 
Sunday  fell  on  26  March,  2  April,  9  April,  16  April,  23  April.  If 
23  April  was  luna  xx.,  16  April  was  luna  xiii.,  9  April  lu7ia  vi., 

'^  Mr.  Anscombe  almost  gives  away  his  case  when  he  first  invents  a  theory  for 
Anatolius  and  then  admits  that  Anatolius  did  not  carry  it  out  (pp.  520,  521). 

^  I  accept  Mr.  Anscombe's  conclusions  on  this  point,  which  seem  justified  by  the 
statements  of  Bede. 


702  THE  PASCHAL   CANON  OF  Oct. 

2  April  lima  xxviii.  or  ixxviiii.  (according  as  the  lunation  was 
reckoned  at  29  or  30  days),  26  March  luna  xxi.  or  xxii.  Now  if  it 
was  a  fixed  principle  of  the  Britons  never  under  any  circumstances 
to  celebrate  on  luna  xxi.  (and  there  no  doubt  Anatolius  agreed  with 
them),  nor  later  than  21  April,  they  must  have  fixed  on  16  April, 
luna  xiii.,  and  Wilfrid  was  justified  in  pointing  to  a  real  divergence, 
although  the  principle  laid  down  in  Anatolius'  canon — the  rejection 
of  22,  23,  24  March  as  possible  Easter  Sundays — might  have 
involved  him  in  practice,  at  least  on  some  occasions,  in  a  celebration 
of  Easter  on  lima  xiii.'' 

We  have  now  established  in  sufficient  outline  the  theory  of 
Anatolius  to  enable  us  to  turn  with  confidence  to  the  examination 
of  the  table  of  19  years  found  in  the  canon,  and  of  Mr.  Anscombe's 
treatment  of  it.  I  need  not  here  reprint  the  table  itself,  which  will 
be  found  at  the  head  of  Mr.  Anscombe's  paper,  or  in  an  emended 
form  later  on  in  this  paper  (p.  708) ;  but  I  propose  to  examine  each 
of  the  columns  in  turn,  to  suggest  such  emendations  as  seem  neces- 
sary, and  then  to  compare  my  results  with  Mr.  Anscombe's. 

1.  The  first  column  gives  the  feria  aequinoctii,  or  day  of  the 
week  upon  which  the  equinox  fell.  That  by  the  equinox  is  intended 
25  March  will  not  be  disputed  by  any  one  who  cares  to  compare  this 
column  with  the  others.  Thus  in  year  2  the  moon  is  in  her  14th 
day  (col.  4)  on  Easter  Sunday,  1  April  (col.  3),  and  in  her  7th 
(col.  2),  therefore,  on  25  March.  But  it  will  be  noticed  at  once  that 
the  day  of  the  week  of  25  March  increases  regularly  by  one  for 
every  year  of  the  cycle — Saturday,  year  1,  Sunday,  year  2,  Monday, 
year  3,  and  so  on— except  that  from  6  to  7  the  days  leap  from 
Thursday  to  Saturday,  and  from  16  to  17  from  Monday  to  Wednes- 
day. Obviously  this  is  imperfect,  for,  since  with  every  leap-year 
the  days  of  the  week  advance  two,  there  ought  to  be  in  19  years 
four  or  five  occasions  of  this  longer  leap  instead  of  only  two,  as  in 
Anatolius.  Mr.  Anscombe  has  of  course  noticed  this,  and  has  set  to 
work  drastically  to  correct  it.  Making  a  commencement  at  the 
middle  of  the  list  at  year  14,  and  altering  the  leap-year  from  year 
16  to  year  17,  he  makes  between  years  2  and  3  a  change  in  the 
equinox  from  25  March  to  24  March  (so  that  the  advance  of  one 
day,  Sunday  to  Monday,  being  on  this  hypothesis  from   Sunday, 

*  Since  the  Britons  would  not  celebrate  before  25  March  or  after  21  April,  nor  after 
luna  XX.,  then,  whenever  Sunday,  luna  xiiii.,  fell  on  any  day  from  18  March  to  24 
March,  the  Britons  must  have  kept  Easter  on  Sunday,  luna  xiii.,  from  15  April  to  21  April 
(that  is,  if  they  made  the  lunation  preceding  that  of  Easter,  as  no  doubt  they  did — in 
agreement  with  Anatolius,  on  whom  see  below — one  of  29  days ;  if  it  was  of  30  days 
they  would  have  been  involved  in  worse  difficulties).  In  some  of  these  years  Ana- 
tolius, even  if  with  the  Romans  he  celebrated  as  kte  as  25  April,  would  have  been 
forced  to  agree  with  them ;  for  if  Sunday,  lu7ia  xiiii.,  fell  on  22,  23,  or  24  March,  he  too 
must  have  kept  Easter  on  luna  xiii.,  19,  20,  or  21  April.  As  a  matter  of  fact  his  cycle 
was  so  arranged,  whether  by  fraud  or  more  probably  from  mere  stupidity,  that  it  did 
not  include  any  of  these  dangerous  years,  and  Wilfrid's  statement  was  so  far  correct. 


1895  'ANATOLIUS   OF  LAODICEA*  703 

25  March,  to  Monday,  24  March,  implies  the  additional  leap-year 
day),  which  makes  the  leap-year  pass  unnoticed.  Then  between 
years  6  and  7  the  leap-year  already  exists  in  the  table :  between  10 
and  11  there  is  no  mark  of  one,  and  Mr.  Anscombe  boldly  rewrites 
the  first  column  for  the  years  11  to  13,  and  foists  v.,  vi.,  vii.  into 
the  place  of  iiii.,  v.,  vi.  It  is  abundantly  clear  that  Anatolius  wrote, 
as  the  mamuscript  represents,  iiii.,  v.,  vi. ;  for  as  the  year  14  goes  on 
with  vii.  for  the  week  day  of  the  equinox,  and  it  is  the  elementary 
idea  of  a  cycle  that  it  goes  round  and  round  again  for  ever,  25 
March  cannot  be  a  Saturday,  as  Mr.  Anscombe  makes  it  out  to  be, 
in  two  successive  years.  Keally,  of  course,  what  Anatolius  was 
attempting  was  in  the  nature  of  things  impossible — a  cycle  of  19 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  the  full  moon  would  fall  not  only  on  the 
same  day  of  the  calendar  month  (which  is  the  meaning  of  the  19 
years'  cycle,  as  discovered  in  the  east  and  gradually  introduced 
into  the  west),  but  also  on  the  same  day  of  the  week,  so  that  the 
Sundays  after  the  full  moon— the  Easter,  in  fact — would  recur 
also  on  the  same  day  of  the  month  every  19  years.  In  other 
words,  Anatolius  either  believed,  or  wanted  to  make  others  believe, 
that  what  more  accurate  computators  saw  would  only  happen 
in  a  cycle  of  532  years  would  happen  in  19.'''  Consequently,  as  he 
had  to  make  the  days  of  the  week  recur  after  19  years,  while  the 
days  move  on  one  every  ordinary  year,  he  could  only  afford  to 
allow  2  more  for  leap-years  ;  for  the  total,  if  over  21,  would  not 
have  been  an  exact  number  of  weeks,  and  the  cycle  would  not  have 
recommenced  on  the  same  week  day.*^ 

As  regards  the  first  column,  then  (with  the  possible  exception 
of  the  change  in  year  17  from  iiii.  to  iii.,  about  which  judgment 
may  be  reserved),  Mr.  Anscombe's  alterations  are  to  be  rejected, 
and  the  manuscript  to  be  accepted  as  a  correct  reproduction  of 
Anatolius. 

2.  The  second  column  of  the  table  contains  the  age  of  the  moon 
on  the  equinox,  a  fixed  day  of  the  solar  year.  Mr.  Anscombe  has 
not  proposed,  nor  do  I  propose,  any  alterations  in  the  manuscript 
reading  of  this  column ;  but  there  is  a  feature  in  it,  not,  I  think, 
noticed  by  Mr.  Anscombe,  which  seems  to  challenge  attention. 

The  object  of  each  Paschal  cycle  was  to  find  primarily  the  '  least 

*  Supposing  the  full  moon  to  recur  on  the  same  day  of  the  month  every  nineteen 
years,  that  may  be  any  day  of  the  week,  so  that  to  find  the  Sunday  after  the  full  moon 
falling  on  the  same  day  we  must  multiply  by  seven.  This  would  be  enough  (a  cycle 
of  133  years)  except  for  leap-years,  which  throw  the  days  one  out,  and  we  must  multi- 
ply again  by  four  (532  years)  to  be  certain  that  a  cycle  of  Easter  Sundays  recurs  the 
same  from  beginning  to  end.  Even  this  only  applies  to  the  Julian  calendar,  and 
would  be  found  inexact  for  our  ovvn. 

®  I  do  not  know  whether  Mr.  Anscombe  means  to  imply  this  when  he  says  that  the 
leap  at  year  11  has  been  purposely  ignored;  if  he  does  he  is  anticipating  matters,  for 
what  we  want  is  the  table  which  Anatolius  pubHshed,  not  the  table  which  he  ought  to 
have  published- 


704  THE  PASCHAL   CANON  OF  Oct. 

common  denominator  '  #0!  the  solar  year  and  lunar  month — the 
shortest  jDeriod  of  years  after  which  a  lunar  month  would  recur 
again  at  the  same  exact  epoch  of  the  solar  year,  and  the  nineteen 
years'  cycle  was  adopted  because  it  gave  the  most  satisfactory  solu- 
tion to  this  problem.  The  ordinary  solar  year  consisted  of  365 
days:  lunar  months  or  lunations  were  ordinarily  reckoned  at  29  and 
30  days  alternately,  so  that  a  year  of  12  lunar  months  fell  short  of 
the  solar  year  by  eleven  days,^  and  every  third,  sometimes  every 
second,  year  this  difference  necessitated  the  intercalation  of  a  thir- 
teenth lunar  month,  technically  called  '  embolismic,'  before  the 
spring  equinox.  In  nineteen  years  the  difference,  if  calculated  at 
exactly  eleven  days  a  year,  amounts  to  209  days,  or  one  day  less 
than  seven  months  of  30  days.  An  examination  of  the  second 
column  of  Anatolius'  canon  will  show  that  the  embolismic  months 
are  there  calculated  at  30  days.  Thus  in  year  1  the  equinox  is 
luna  xxvi.,  and  the  lunation  began,  therefore,  on  28  Feb. ;  in  year  2 
the  equinox  is  on  luna  vii.,  and  the  month  began  on  19  March :  the 
interval  from  28  Feb.  to  18  March  of  the  next  year  is  384  days,  or 
twelve  lunations  at  354  days,  and  an  embolism  of  30.  But  seven 
months  of  30  days  amount  to  210  days,  or  one  day  more  than 
the  total  reckoned  above.  To  obviate  this  discrepancy,  one  of  the 
lunar  years  of  the  cycle  is  calculated  at  353  days  only  {i.e.  seven 
months  of  29  days  and  five  only  of  30),  and  the  difference  from 
the  solar  year  becomes  not  11  days  but  12.  Thus  in  AnatoHus' 
canon  the  equinox  is  on  luna  viii.  in  year  13,  but  on  luna  xx.  in 
year  14. 

This  column  may  well,  I  think,  have  been  derived  from  some 
pre-existing  nineteen  years'  cycle.  It  was  the  stock  on  which  our 
pseudo- Anatolius  grafted  his  errors.  But  it  is  not  apparently  con- 
sistent with  his  own  views,  for  his  pre-Paschal  lunation  in  em- 
bolismic years  is,  as  we  shall  see,  one  of  29  days,  and  it  is  almost 
necessary  to  assume  that  the  embolismic  lunation  immediately  pre- 
ceded the  Paschal  one.^ 

3.  The  third  column  of  Anatolius'  table  gives  the  calendar  date 
of  Easter  Sunday,  and  the  correctness  of  the  figure  can  be  checked 
by  comparing  it  with  the  week  day  of  25  March  in  column  1.  But 
it  may  be  useful  to  state  at  starting  on  what  principles  emendation 
in  such  a  list  may  be  permitted.  Nothing  is  more  familiar  to  students 
of  palaeography  than  the  ease  with  which  a  cypher  is  inserted  or 
omitted :  xiii.  and  xiiii.,  xviii.  and  xviiii.  can  be,  and  in  fact  often  are 

'  In  leap  years  it  would  have  fallen  short  by  12  days,  but  apparently  the  February- 
March  lunation  must  have  been  given  in  those  years  an  extra  day.  Since  12  astronomical 
lunations  appear  to  average  fully  354|  days,  the  bissextile  day  is  as  necessary  to  the 
lunar  as  to  the  solar  calendar. 

8  Certainly  the  embolismic  month  of  the  Jewish  law,  Ve-adar,  immediately  preceded 
Klsan. 


1895  'ANATOLIUS  OF  LAODICEA'  705 

substituted  one  for  the  other.''  As  a  less  usual  but  perfectly  in- 
telligible form  of  error  it  may  be  added  that  the  figure  v  is  some- 
times written  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  the  confusion  with  vi  very 
feasible,  the  second  part  of  the  v  being  a  long  straight  downward 
stroke,  very  like  the  i.  Where,  therefore,  comparison  with  the  data 
of  the  other  columns  necessitates  the  addition  or  subtraction  of  a 
cypher  in  individual  instances  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  correct  the 
tradition  of  the  manuscript.  Mr.  Anscombe's  procedure  is  different 
and,  as  I  think,  quite  inadmissible.  As  a  rule  he  has  not  ventured 
on  the  tedious  but  necessary  process  of  verifying  the  figures  of  the 
manuscript  point  by  point,  and  emending  sparingly  here  and  there  ; 
but  acting  on  his  theory  of  inserting  the  leap-year — which,  as  I  have 
show^n,  Anatolius  was  bound  by  the  very  idea  of  his  cycle  to  omit  in 
all  but  two  cases— he  has  rewritten  the  Easter  Days  to  suit  them  to 
a  particular  series  he  selects  of  nineteen  real  years.  Thus,  beginning 
with  year  14,  he  retains  the  figures  for  eight  years,  14-19,  1  and  2, 
nearly  unchanged ;  from  3  to  10  he  retains  the  figure  in  the  third 
column,  but  supposes  it  to  give  not  Easter  Sunday  but  the  vvxOrjfispov 
Paschae,  which  he  identifies  practically — again,  as  I  have  said,  a 
perfectly  impossible  hypothesis — wdth  Easter  Monday.  The  years 
11  to  13  he  rewrites  in  the  third  column  just  as  he  did  in  the 
first. 

Bet  let  us  turn  to  the  table  in  the  hst  and  work  through  it 
figure  by  figure.  In  year  1  if  25  March  was  Saturday,  Sunday 
cannot  have  fallen  on  xv,  Kal.  Mai.  =  17  April,  but  we  must  WTite  xvL 
Kal,  Mai.  =  16  April.^^  The  next  years  work  smoothly  until  we  come 
to  year  7,  where  25  March  is  Saturday  again  and  Easter  Sunday 
vi.  Kal.  Apr.  =  27  March.  It  would  be  easy  to  change  this  into  vii.  Kal. 
J_p?-.  =  26  March,  but  a  comparison  with  the  dates  of  Easter  Sunday 
in  the  year  before,  18  April,  and  in  the  year  following,  1  April,  shows 
that  the  corruption  is  more  deeply  rooted,  for  the  only  possible  date 
between  18  April  and  1  April  is  9  April  =  t;.  Id.  Ajjr.  We  must  assume, 
therefore,  a  double  change— t'.  has  been  corrupted  intot-i.,  and  Id.  has 
been  thoughtlessly  assimilated  to  the  Kal.oi  the  years  immediately 
before  and  after.  ^^  After  this  year  7  no  difficulties  arise  until  we  reach 
year  17,  w^here  25  March  is  a  Wednesday  according  to  the  table, 
and  Easter  Sunday  is  xiiii.  Kal.  Mai.  =  18  April,  a  day  too  early,  and 
we  must  write  ^iii.  Kal.  Mai.  =  19  April.  Since  the  preceding  year  had 
its  Easter  on  31  March,  19  April  will  be  correct  if  the  leap-year  day 
has  intervened,  and  it  is,  in  fact,  placed  at  this  point  in  the  first 


'  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  ancient  manuscripts  always  write  xiiii.,  not  xiv., 
Xviiii.,  not  xix. 

'"  This  emendation  is  supported  by  tlie  day  of  the  moon  in  column  4  (see  below), 
and  is  as  necessary  on  Mr.  Anscombe's  view  as  on  my  own. 

"  This  change,  again,  is  borne  out  by  the  day  of  the  moon  in  column  4,  and  bat 
been  made  (as  far  as  the  change  of  Kat.  into  Idt  goes)  by  Mri  Ans«embe  aJsoi 
VOL.   X, — NO.   XL.  z  a 


706  THE  PASCHAL   CANON  OF  Oct. 

column,  for  25  March  otf  the  year  16  is  Monday,  of  the  year  under 
discussion  Wednesday. ^^ 

4.  The  fourth  column  contains  the  figure  for  the  age  of  the  moon 
on  Easter  Day,  and,  as  the  second  column  gave  us  the  age  of  the 
moon  at  the  equinox  and  the  third  the  date  of  Easter  Day,  we  can 
obviously  use  the  results  of  a  comparison  of  any  two  of  these 
columns  as  a  check  on  the  third. 

Mr.  Anscombe's  first  change  is  in  year  10,  where  he  alters  the 
figure  for  the  moon's  age,  from  xv.  to  xvii.  As  the  moon  was  v.  days 
old  on  25  March  (col.  2)  and  Easter  was  on  6  April  (col.  3),  the  change 
is  necessary  ;  the  xv.  was  repeated  from  the  line  immediately  above 
either  by  a  scribe  or  a  printer  at  some  point  in  the  history  of  the 
canon.  His  other  changes  concern,  again,  the  unfortunate  years  11 
to  13,  where  xx.,  xv.,  xvii.  make  way  for  xviiii.,  xiiii.,  xvi — the  first 
two  changes  being  transcriptionally  most  improbable— and  the 
result  is  that  for  these  three  years  Mr.  Anscombe  alters  every  figure 
in  the  first,  third,  and  fourth  columns.  I  presume  that  Mr. 
Anscombe  intends  his  amended  version  for  these  years  to  be  accepted 
as  what  Anatolius  ought  to  have  written,  not  what  he  did  write ; 
but  it  must  be  repeated  that  the  first  thing  to  do  is  to  get  rid  of 
manuscript  corruptions  and  restore  the  true  text  of  Anatolius  before 
any  further  step  is  taken. 

To  confine  myself,  then,  to  the  latter  object,  I  take  first,  as  the 
simpler  matter,  those  years  where  the  figures  of  the  second  and 
fourth  columns— the  day  of  the  moon  at  the  equinox  and  on  Easter 
Sunday — belong  to  the  same  lunation.  This  occurs  in  eleven  cases, 
years  2,  5,  7,  8,  10,  11,  13,  15,  16,  18,  19.  In  nine  of  these  cases 
the  manuscript  reading  makes  the  three  columns  consistent  with 
themselves  and  with  one  another,  so  that  no  alteration  is  permissible  ; 
in  one  of  the  other  two  (year  7)  an  alteration  has  already  been  made 
in  the  third  column  from  27  March  to  9  April,  so  that  the  second 
and  fourth  columns  {luna  ii.-xvii.  =  25  March-9  April)  are  right 
as  they  stand,  and  in  the  remaining  one,  year  10,  I  have  just  re- 
marked that  Mr.  Anscombe  makes  the  necessary  correction  in 
col.  4  from  xv.  to  xvii.  himself.  There  remain  the  eight  cases  in 
which  the  moon  of  25  March  belongs  to  an  earher  lunation  than 
that  of  Easter  Day,  and  the  new  question  to  be  asked  is  whether 
the  earlier  lunation  ends  on  luna  xxviiii.  or  xxx.'^ 

^"^  Mr.  Anscombe,  as  we  have  seen,  transfers  the  leap-year  from  17  to  18,  and  there- 
fore rewrites  in  year  17  iii.  for  iiii.  in  col.  1  (Tuesday  for  Wednesday  on  25  March) 
and  xii.  Kal.  Mai.  =  20  April  in  the  third  colmnn  ;  in  other  words,  where  I  have  altered  the 
manuscript  figure  by  one  cypher  (xiiii.  to  xiii.)  he  has  altered  it  by  two  (xiiii.  to  xii.), 
and  has  a  made  a  change  in  another  column  as  well. 

•^  I  have  shown  already  that  the  second  column  implies  that  the  embolismic  luna- 
tion,  occurring  seven  times  in  the  nineteen  years,  is  calculated,  for  the  purpose  of  that 
column,  at  30  days ;  but  then  there  is  the  probability  that  our  Anatolius  incorporated 
his  second  column  from  some  older  and  more  correct  authority, 


1895  *ANATOLIUS  OF  LAODICEA'  707 

Now  of  these  eight  years  seven  are  embolismic,  when,  owing  to 
the  intercalation  of  a  thirteenth  lunar  month,  Easter  falls  later  than 
it  did  the  year  before  ;  one — year  4 — is  non-embolismic  (for  Easter 
is  on  13  April  earlier  than  21  April  of  the  preceding  year),  and  there- 
fore can  be  treated  apart  from  the  complication  which  the  embolism 
introduces.  In  this  year  25  March  falls  on  luna  xxviiii.,  13  April  on 
luna  xviiii. ;  it  follows  that  the  lunation  of  Easter  began  on  26  March, 
and  the  preceding  one  had,  therefore,  only  twenty-nine  days.  For 
the  non-embolismic  year,  then,  the  data  all  coincide,  and  may  not 
be  altered.  The  seven  embolismic  years  are  1,  3,  6,  9,  12,  14,  17, 
and  in  six  of  these  the  text  as  it  stands  implies  that  the  pre-Paschal 
lunation  was  one  of  29  days  :  year  3,  25  March  =  Zima  xviii.,  21  April 
=  Zt6w<xxvi. ;  year  6,  25  March  =  Z»waxxi.,  18  April =Z/maxvi. ;  year 
9,  25  March  =  Zit7ia  xxiiii.,  14  k^ri\=luna  xv.;  year  12,  25  March  = 
luna  xxvii.,  11  k^iW.  =  luna  xv. ;  year  14,  25  March  =  /vr?ia  xx. 
23  April=Z?ma  xx. ;  year  17,  25  March=Z?^/ia  xxiii.,  19  April=:Z«»a 
xviiii.  In  each  of  these  years  a  glance  is  enough  to  show  that  the 
lunation  which  ends  between  25  March  and  Easter  Day  must  be  of 
29  days  ;  and  the  amount  of  agreement  appears  to  me  to  be  enough 
to  warrant  us  in  making  the  slight  change  which  is  all  that  is  needed 
to  bring  the  remaining  case,  that  of  year  1,  into  conformity  with  the 
same  rule.  Here  25  M-d^ioh  —  luna  xxvi.  and  16  April  (which  we 
saw  was  the  true  date  for  Easter  ^^)  =  luna  y.\iii.,  figures  which 
would  imply  that  the  former  lunation  was  one  of  30  days.  But  if 
we  alter  the  fourth  column  from  xviii.  to  xviiii.  we  get  the  right 
equation,  25  March  =  /«;ia  xxvi.,  16  hjQY\\=luna  xviiii.,  and  the  luna- 
tion ending  between  one  of  29  days. 

In  this  column,  then,  I  make  two  changes,  one  with  Mr.  Anscombe 
(year  10)  and  one  in  year  1 — a  very  easy  alteration.  I  gain  a 
result,  as  I  believe,  consistent  in  itself.  .  Mr.  Anscombe  (apart  from 
his  changes  in  col.  4,  years  11-13)  does  not  seem  to  have  thought  of 
testing  his  own  results  by  their  consistency  with  one  another  in  the 
eight  years  which  admit  of  estimating  the  length  of  the  lunations ; 
I  will  therefore  do  it  for  him,  and  I  find  that  in  two  cases  (years  17 
and  1)  he  assumes  lunations  of  30  days,  in  one  case  (year  14)  of 
29  days,  and  in  five  cases  (years  3,  4,  6,  9,  12)  of  28  days,  or,  if  he 
means  the  age  of  the  moon  in  col.  4  to  apply  to  Easter  Monday 
and  not  Easter  Sunday,  of  29  days.  I  venture,  therefore,  to  com- 
mend my  own  results  in  contradistinction  to  his,  and  I  print  the 
list  with  some  confidence  as  I  believe  that  Anatolius  wrote  it,  itali- 
cising all  alterations  from  the  text  of  Bucher. 

Now  if  we  want  to  know  at  what    date  later  than  Eufinus 
translation  (c.  a.d.  400)  of  the  Church  History  of  Eusebius,  which 

'*  If  the  manuscript  reading  xv.  Kal.  Mai.  (  =  17  April)  be  retained  in  col.  3,  we  are 
'landed  in  worse  difficulties,  for  the  lunation  implied  by  the  manuscript  reading  of  col.  4 
would  be  one  of  31  days. 

2  2  2 


708 


THE  PASCHAL   CANON  OF 


Oct* 


Feria  of 
25  March 

Age  of  Moo* 
ou  25  Maroh 

Easter  Sunday 

Age  of  Moon  on 
Easter  Sunday 

1.        vii 

xxvi 

xvi 

Kal.  Mai.  =  16  April 

xviiii 

2.          i 

vii 

Kal.  Apr.  =  1  April 

xiiii 

3.         ii 

xviii 

xi 

Kal.  Mai.  =  21  April 

xvi 

4.          iii 

xxviiii 

Id.    Apr.  =  13  April 

xviiii 

5.         iiii 

X 

iiii 

Kal.  Apr.  =  29  March 

xiiii 

6.          V 

xxi 

xiiii 

Kal.  Mai.  =  18  April 

xvi 

[leap-year] 

7.        vii 

ii 

V 

Id.  Apr.  =  9  April 

xvii 

8.          i 

xiii 

Kal.  Apr.  =  1  April 

XX 

9.          ii 

xxiiii 

xviii 

Kal.  Mai.  =  14  April 

XV 

10.         iii 

V 

viii 

Id.    Apr.  =  6  April 

xvii 

11.         iiii 

xvi 

iiii 

Kal.  Apr.  =  29  March 

XX 

12.        '  V 

xxvii 

iii 

Id.    Apr.  =  11  April 

XV 

13.         vi 

viii 

iii 

Non.  Apr.  =  3  April 

xvii 

14.         vii 

XX 

viiii 

Kal.  Mai.  =  23  April 

XX 

15.          i 

i 

vi 

Id.    Apr.  =  8  April 

XV 

16.          ii 

xii 

ii 

Kal.  Apr.  =  31  March 

xviii 

[leap-year] 

17.        iiii'^ 

xxiii 

xiii 

Kal.  Mai.'5  =  19  April 

xviiii 

18.          v 

iiii 

ii 

Non.  Apr.  =  4  April 

xiiii 

19.         vi 

XV 

vi 

Kal.  Apr.  =  27  March 

xvii 

is  certainly  the  starting-point  of  the  forgery/'^  Anatolius  pub- 
lished this  very  erroneous  Paschal  list,  the  first  question  to  ask  is 
how  many  running  of  his  Easters  are  actually  correct ;  and,  since 
he  has  only  allowed  for  two  leap-years  in  nineteen,  and  those 
two,  years  7  and  17,  are  ten  years  apart  from  each  other,  it 
follows  that  no  more  than  eight  years  running  (with  the  leap-year 
in  the  fifth)  can  possibly  represent  the  real  facts.  From  year  3  to 
year  10,  or  from  year  13  to  year  1,  are,  then,  the  longest  continuous 
series  which  admit  of  verification  by  comparison  with  Easter 
tables. 

But  if  it  is  impossible  to  answer  straight  off  the  question  of  time 
we  may  derive  some  subsidiary  assistance  from  a  definite  answer  to 
the  question  of  place.  Mr.  Anscombe  has  concluded  on  general 
grounds  that  the  canon  was  written  in  Britain  ;  I  think  that  an  in- 
vestigation into  the  twelfth  chapter  of  pseudo-Anatolius  (Bucher, 
p.  448) — a  chapter,  so  far  as  I  have  noticed,  not  mentioned  by  Mr. 
Anscombe — enables  us  to  find  reasons,  amounting  to  a  high  pro- 
bability, for  ascribing  to  it  an  origin  in  the  north,  and  rather  in  North 
than  in  South  Britain.  Anatolius'  correspondent  had  asked  for 
a  particular  account  of  the  increase  and  decrease  of  the  days  during 
the  solar  year.  The  year  is  divided  by  Anatolius,  in  answer,  into  four 
quarters,  commencing  respectively  on  the  eighth  before  the  Kalends 
of  January,  April,  July,  and  October  (in  other  words,  on  25  Dec, 

'^  If,  with  Mr.  Anscombe,  we  make  a  further  change  to  feria  iii.  in"col.  1,  xii.  Kal.  Mai. 
in  col.  3,  then,  if  our  conclusion  as  to  the  pre-Paschal  lunation  of  29  days  is  correct,  we 
must  once  more  alter  col.  4  from  xviiii.  to  xx. — a  change  so  violent  that  I  think  we  may 
now  definitely  declare  Mr.  Anscombe's  combination  for  this  year  to  be  very  improbable. 

^^  Pseudo-Anatolius  borrows  word  for  word  from  Eufinus'  version  of  Eusebius' 
quotation  from  the  genuine  Anatolius  of  Laodicea  (Rufinus,  H.E,  vii.  28,  ed.  Cacciari, 
p.  452). 


1895  'ANATOLIUS  OF  LAODICEA'  709 

25  March,  24  June,  24  Sept.),  the  first  and  third  marking  the 
solstices,  the  second  and  fourth  the  equinoxes.  At  the  equinoxes 
the  day  and  night  are,  of  course,  equal,  with  twelve  hours  to  each  ; 
at  midwinter  the  day  has  six  hours,  the  night  eighteen,  and  con- 
versely the  day  eighteen  and  the  night  six  at  midsummer. 
Anatolius  proceeds,  with  calculations  in  which  his  mathematical 
incapacity  (if  the  text  be  correct)  appears  to  involve  him  in  hopeless 
error,  to  show  the  exact  increase  or  decrease  of  the  sun's  course  per 
diem  during  each  of  the  four  quarters.  I  need  not,  I  think,  follow 
him  into  these  ;  but  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  division  of  day 
and  night  into  eighteen  and  six  hours  respectively  at  the  solstices 
proves  to  demonstration  that  the  writer  lived  somewhere  in  the 
north.  I  understand  that  this  exact  division  occurs  at  about  lati- 
tude 57  north — the  latitude  of  Edinburgh  and  Copenhagen — and, 
though  we  need  not  tie  our  writer  down  to  any  exactitude  in 
calculation,  it  seems  unlikely  that  in  a  matter  of  this  sort,  admit- 
ting of  ocular  experience  every  year,  this  proportion  between  day  and 
night  could  have  been  fixed  anywhere  in  the  then  christianised 
portion  of  the  continent,  or  anywhere  even  in  the  more  southern 
portions  of  the  British  Isles. 

It  is  true,  indeed,  that  later  writers  on  Paschal  cycles  adopted 
the  same  division  without  reference  to  the  latitude  in  which  they 
themselves  were  writing.  Both  the  Missal  of  Piobert  of  Jumieges 
and  the  calendar  of  the  Leofric  book,  for  instance — south  English 
books  of  the  later  tenth  century — append  to  the  month  of  June  the 
note  that  the  day  has  eighteen  hours,  the  night  six,  and  the  converse 
to  the  month  of  December ;  and  I  dare  say  these  examples  might 
be  multiplied.  But  it  seems  to  me  most  likely  that  these  calendars 
drew  on  some  source  where  the  calculation  was  nearer  the  truth 
than  it  would  be  in  Winchester  or  Exeter ;  and  (since  Robert 
of  Jumieges'  book  at  any  rate  refers  to  Anatolius  more  than  once) 
I  should  be  inclined  to  conjecture  thas  this  source  was  no  other  than 
Anatolius  himself.'^  However  that  may  be,  I  think  the  probabilities 
are  in  favour  of  a  northern  origin  in  the  British  Isles  for  pseudo- 
Anatolius,  and  of  all  possible  localities  I  am  not  sure  that  lona  is 
not  the  most  likely.  No  doubt  it  ^\ould  follow  from  this  that  Mr. 
Anscombe's  date,  c.  a.d.  458,  is  much  too  early,  since  lona  was  only 
founded  a  century  later.  But  nothing  that  Mr.  Anscombe  urges  in 
favour  of  a  fifth-century  date  has  any  very  definite  weight ;  and  the 
silence  of  the  sixth  century  contrasted  with  the  frequent  allusions 
in  the  seventh  and  eighth  suggests  rather  the  half-century  a.d. 
550-600  as  perhaps  a  more  probable  epoch.  If  so,  a  comparison 
with  the  Paschal  tables  in  Mas  Latrie's  '  Tresor  de  Chronologie,' 

'^  Bede  too  {H.  E.  i.  1)  has  this  division  into  eighteen  and  six,  and,  though  Beds 
himself  was,  of  course,  a  north  English  ^Yriter,  it  is  pcssible  that  it  had  become  a 
commonplace. 


710 


PASCHAL  CANON 


Oct. 


p.  114,  would  suggest  that  the  only  groups  of  nineteen  years  which 
present  even  an  approximation  to  the  cycle  of  Anatolius  are  a.d. 
545-563,  556-574,  572-590,  583-601.  Of  these  I  should  be  dis- 
posed to  exclude  the  second,  for  the  following  reason.  I  have  already 
said  that  Anatolius'  second  column,  that  of  the  age  of  the  moon  on 
25  March,  is  probably  borrowed  from  an  earlier  and  sounder  decern - 
novennal  computation ;  and  this  second  column  presents  less  ap- 
proximation to  the  correct  *  Paschal  terms  '  (or  luna  xiiii.)  for  a.d. 
556-574  than  for  the  other  three.  In  the  case  of  the  first  and  fourth, 
the '  Paschal  terms  '  of  the  first  six  years,  in  the  case  of  the  third  those 
of  the  last 'two  years,  are  exactly  equal ;  and  in  the  other  years  the 
difference  is  only  that  of  a  single  cypher.  Greater  certainty  I  do 
not  pretend  to  attain  to ;  but  I  do  not  think  that  the  soundness  of 
the  conclusion  as  a  whole  is  affected  by  any  doubt  that  still  remains 
as  to  the  details.  C.  H.  Turner. 


i 


ENGLISH   TOPOGRAPHICAL   NOTES, 


I.  Some  Place-Names  in  Bede, 
Bede,  in  the  *  Historia  Ecclesiastica,'  mentions  the  Koman  names 


of  sixteen  towns, 

&c.,  in  England : 

— 

Galcaria 

Tadcaster      . 

. 

•         • 

.    iv.  23 

Campodonum 

Slack,  near  Huddersfield 

.     ii.  14 

Cantia    . 

Kent     . 

,        , 

.     often 

Cataracto  (-a) 

Catterick 

,         , 

.    ii.  14,  &c 

Dorubreuis     . 

Rochester 

•        • 

.     ii.  3 

Doruueniis     . 

Canterbury  . 

,        . 

.    often 

Doruuentio     . 

the  E.  Yorkshi] 

re  river 

Derwent 

.     ii.  13 

Eboracum 

York     . 

,        , 

.     often 

Lugubalia 

Carhsle 

•        • 

.     iv.  29 

Kutubi  Portus 

Richborough 

,        , 

.    i.  1 

Sabrina 

the  Severn    , 

.        , 

.    V.  23 

Tamensis 

the  Thames  . 

,         , 

.    often 

Tanatos 

Isle  of  Thanet 

•        • 

.     i.  25 

Vecta     . 

Isle  of  Wight 

,         . 

.    i.  3 

Venta    . 

Winchester  . 

•        • 

.     iii.  7 

Verulamium  . 

St.  Albans    . 

•        • 

.     i.  7 

These  names  are  not  contemporary  names  fitted  into  a  Latin 
dress,  like  (I  think)  Lindocolinum  or  Lundonia  ;  they  are,  with 
slight  differences,  the  actual  names  used  by  the  Romans  three  or 
four  centuries  before  Bede.  About  half  of  them  became  known,  or 
at  least  may  have  become  known,  to  Bede  through  the  Roman 
writers  from  whom  he  borrowed  :  the  rest,  notably  Galcaria,  Cam- 
podonum, Cataracto,  Dorubreuis,  Doruuernis,  Lugubalia,  cannot  be 
thus  accounted  for.     Bede  could  scarcely  have  learnt  these  obscure 


1895  ENGLISH   TOPOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  711 

Eoman  names  from  any  Roman  source,  unless  from  some  itinerary 
or  description  of  Britain,  and,  so  far  as  one  can  judge,  he  had  no 
access  to  any  such  source.  His  ignorance  of  the  real  Roman  names 
of  Lincoln  and  London,  Chester  and  Caerleon,  is  decisive  proof 
that  he  used  no  such  authority.  It  is,  however,  possible  that  he 
learnt  the  names  Calcaria,  Campodonum,  and  the  rest  from  some 
post-Roman — British  or  English — source  or  sources.  We  do  not 
know  whence  he  derived  the  materials  for  the  chapters  in  which 
these  names  occur  ;  for  the  most  part  his  sources  would  naturally 
be  English.  But  it  is  not  difficult  to  show  that  the  names  might 
easily  have  been  preserved.  The  Romanised  Britons  spoke  Latin 
to  a  considerable  extent,  and  presumably  used  the  Roman  place- 
names,  and  those  now  in  question  might  have  been  learnt  from 
them  by  the  English  with  little  difficulty.  They  belong  mainly  to 
(1)  Kent  and  (2)  Yorkshire.  (1)  Kent,  the  first  land  definitely 
occupied  by  the  English,  was,  in  the  first  instance,  occupied  by 
agreement,  and  the  conquerors  might  hear  and  record  Roman 
place-names.  (2)  In  South  and  West  Yorkshire  the  British  kingdom 
of  Elmet  survived  till  about  a.d.  625,  and  its  conquest  was  seemingly 
preceded  by  intercourse  between  Britons  and  English.  We  do  not 
know  the  exact  limits  of  Elmet,  but  it  seems  certainly  to  have  in- 
cluded the  neighbourhood  of  Calcaria  and  Campodonum.  Lugubalia, 
as  a  chief  town  of  the  Cumbrian  Britons,  retained  its  Roman  name 
similarly. 

II.  Bannavem  Taherniae, 

The  *  Confessio '  attributed  to  St.  Patrick  and  some  lives  of  the 
saint  say  that  his  father,  Calpurnius,  lived  in  uico  Bannauem 
Taherniae,  uhi  ego  [Pafr.]  capturam  dedi.  The  place  has  been 
identified  in  a  great  variety  of  ways,  with  the  aid — usually — of  more 
or  less  violent  emendation  or  etymology.  It  may  be  worth  while 
pointing  out  that  Bannaventa  is  the  name  in  the  Antonine  itinerary 
for  a  '  station  '  on  Watling  Street,  probably  three  or  four  miles  from 
Daventry,  which  itself  lies  west  of  the  road,  while  Banna  is  the 
name  of  an  unidentified  spot  in  the  north,  probably  a  dozen  miles 
east  of  Carlisle,  near  the  Wall.  I  do  not  know  what  can  be  made 
of  herniae  or  uemtaherniac,  the  two  relics  of  the  vulgate.  It  seems 
to  be  palseographically  and  otherwise  impossible  to  explain  herniae 
(as  has  been  suggested)  as  a  contraction  of  BHtanuiae,  or  (as 
has  also  been  suggested)  as  a  corruption  of  Hiberniae,  as  {inter  alia) 
the  name  of  Ireland  in  the  '  Confessio  '  is  Hyberio  ;  but  the  fact  that 
Bannauem  Taberniae  contains  the  whole  of  an  actual  place-name, 
Bannauenta,  is  a  curious  coincidence.  Patrick's  '  Confessio,'  even  if 
not  by  St.  Patrick  (Pflugk-Harttung,  Heidelherger  Jahrh.  iii.  71), 
is,  at  any  rate,  old,  and  would  naturally  preserve  the  tradition  of  a 
Romano-British  name.     I  should  add  that  the  coincidence  of  Ban- 


712 


A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL 


Oct. 


nauem  Taberniae  and  Baftnauenta  has  been  independently  observed 
by  three  persons — by  myself,  by  Mr.  E.  VV.  B.  Nicholson,  Bodley's 
librarian,  and  by  a  writer  some  time  since  in  the  Dublin  Review. 
I  am  unfortunately  unable  to  accept  the  inferences  drawn  from 
the  coincidence  by  Mr.  Nicholson  and  by  the  Dublin  reviewer,  and 
I  have  therefore  ventured  to  state  the  case  as  I  conceive  it. 

F.  Haverfield, 


A   WORCESTER    CATHEDRAL   BOOK   OF    ECCLESIASTICAL    COLLECTIONS, 
MADE    C.  1000   A.D. 

The  Corpus  Christi College,  Cambridge,  MS.  265,^  which  at  onetime 
belonged  to  Worcester  Cathedral,  contains  a  collection  of  theological 
and  legal  materials,  written  in  an  English  hand  of  the  late  tenth  or 
early  eleventh  century.  The  purpose  of  the  writer  in  copying  out  a 
quantity  of  extracts,  taken  from  various  sources,  seems  to  have 
been  to  make  a  kind  of  theological  commonplace-book  specially 
intended  for  a  bishop's  use.  The  sources  of  the  passages  are  not 
always  acknowledged ;  they  are  not  methodically  arranged,  and  vary 
greatly  in  length.  Scrapbooks  of  this  kind  appear  to  have  found 
peculiar  favour  with  the  monks  of  the  early  eleventh  century,  for 
similar  collections,  made  about  this  time,  which  contain  extracts 
on  the  subjects  of  church  discipline,  canon  and  capitulary  law, 
penitential  systems  and  liturgical  rules,  are  found  in  the  C.C.C.C.  MS. 
190,  the  Cotton  MS.  Nero  A  I,  the  Bodleian  MS.  718  (Book  I.) 
and  the  Bibl.  Nat.,  Paris,  MS.  Fonds  Latin  3182,  to  name  only 
those  w^hich  do  not  merely  resemble  C.C.C.C.  265  in  general 
character,  but  are  also  closely  similar  in  detail.  In  these 
manuscripts  the  same  extracts  show  a  tendency  to  recur  in  the 
same  or  closely  similar  sequence,  a  sequence  which  appears  to  be 
perfectly  haphazard,  if  each  manuscript  be  studied  separately. 
Sometimes  the  same  great  theologian's  name  is  chosen  to  give  sanc- 
tion to  a  set  of  laws  w4iich  cannot  have  been  in  existence  during  his 
lifetime :  sometimes  the  same  slips  of  the  pen  are  repeated :  sometimes 
the  scribes  seem  to  agree  to  detach  a  couple  of  sentences  from  their 
context — sentences  which  appear  to  have  no  importance  in  them- 
selves. All  this  is  very  unaccountable,  if  between  these  scribes 
there  was  no  co-operation,  and  no  common  original  from  which 
they  could  draw.  Yet  it  would  be  a  hard  matter  to  prove  any 
connexion  between  these  manuscripts ;  for  though  many  points  of 
similarity  in  detail  are  noticeable,  the  points  of  dissimilarity  are  no 
less  striking.  All  that  can  be  attempted  here  is  to  note  some  of  the 
entries  which  can  be  traced  to  their  original  source,  some  entries 

*  Formerly  K.  2.     My  best  thanks  are  due  to  the  librarian,  Mr.  Harmer,  for  his 
kinaness  in  allowing  me  frequent  access  to  the  Corpus  MSS. 


1895  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL   COLLECTIONS     713 

which  cannot  yet  be  traced,  and  some  which  are  found  in  more  than 
one  manuscript.  In  so  doing  we  take  a  step  towards  answering  the 
questions :  who  collected  these  manuscripts  ?  where  were  they 
collected  ?  what  relation  existed  between  the  schools  of  learning  in 
which  these  collections  were  made  ? 

The  late  Lord  Selborne  made  the  interesting  suggestion  ^  that 
the  writer  of  C.C.C.C.  265  was  Oswald,  nephew  of  the  celebrated 
Oswald  bishop  of  Worcester.  He  was  sent  by  his  uncle  to  Fleury, 
where  he  studied  under  the  abbot  Constantine,  and  travelling 
thence,  he  went  to  the  monasteries  of  St.  Bertin,  St.  Vaast,  Corbey, 
St.  Denis  near  Paris,  and  Lagny.  In  these  monastic  houses  he 
had  a  good  opportunity  of  making  such  a  compilation  as  the  manu- 
script in  question.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  younger  Oswald 
was  a  monk  of  his  uncle's  monastery  at  Eamsey,  and  not,  so  far 
as  is  known,  of  Worcester.  He  was  one  of  the  naughty  boys  who, 
in  an  idle  moment,  thought  of  ringing  the  monastery's  bells,  and 
contrived  to  break  them.  The  chronicler,  following  his  subsequent 
career  with  interest,  speaks  of  a  volume  of  his  poetry  in  the  Ramsey 
library,  but  of  any  other  work,  or  of  any  connexion  with  Worcester, 
he  has  no  record.^ 

I. 

On  f.  3  the  MS.  265  begins  with  a  passage  under  the  rubric  Incijnt 
ammonitio  spiritalis  doctriiK^,  of  which  the  first  words  are  Exalta  in  for- 
titudine  vocem  tuam  .  .  .  and  an  Admonitio  episcopalis  vitac  beginning 
0  Jcarissime  f rater  corde  tenus  .  .  .  ending  Amen.  Vale.  Then,  on  f.  7, 
comes  a  letter  of  Alcuin  to  Ethelhard,  and  on  f.  13  one  of  Alcuin  to  Ean- 
bald.  On  f.  17  come  three  chapters,  De  doctrina  &  exemplis  prcpositonnnj 
De  his  qui  bene  docent  d  male  vivunt,  De  exemplis  pravorum  sacerdotum. 
These  passages  occur  in  this  order  in  MS.  190,  f.  169  :  Incipit  admonitio 
spiritalis  doctrine,  then  the  Admo7iitio  episcopalis  vitae  under  the  title 
Admonitio  episcoporumutilis,  then  the  two  letters  and  the  three  chapters 
about  priests.  The  Admonitio  spiritualis  doctrinae  I  have  not  identified  : 
it  consists  of  short  extracts  from  named  sources  and  resembles  '  Pseudo- 
Theodore,'  cap.  2  (Thorpe).  It  is  given  in  a  shghtly  different  form  in 
Nero  A  I,  f.  126  a,  under  the  title  De  pastore  £•  predicatore.  Part  of  the 
Admonitio  episcopalis  vitae  is  repeated  in  190,  ff".  100-101,  under  the  title 
De  electione  sacerdotalium  ordinum.  The  two  Alcuin  letters  in  both 
manuscripts  have  been  collated  by  Diimmler.  The  three  chapters  on  a 
priest's  life  are  from  Isidore  or  Amalarius,  caps.  20,  29,  30  of  Book  I. 
of  the  Bcgula  Canonicorum:^  In  265  tbere  then  come  fifteen  short 
extracts  from  the  Canons  of  Carthage  IV.  on  laws  for  bishops,  under  the 
title  De  variis  ohservantiis  episcopi. 

The  contents  of  the  next  two  folios  have  made  this  manuscript  famous 
in  connexion  with  the  name  of  Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  and  thq 

2  Ancient  Facts  and  Fictions  about  Tithes,  p.  234. 

8  Chron.  Barnes.  (Rolls  Series),  pp.  112,  159-120. 

*  Migne,  Patrol,  cv.,  or  Isidor.  iii.  Sentent.  caps.  35,  37,  38. 


714  A    WORCESTER  CATHEDRAL  Oct. 

history  of  tithes.  Little  reiaains  to  add  to  Lord  Selborne's  work  on 
the  subject,  as  far  as  the  MS.  2G5  is  concerned.  The  sixth  piece  in  the 
collection  contains  the  Jura  quae  sacerdotes  debent  habere,  in  twenty-one 
chapters,  long  believed  to  be  from  the  pen  of  Archbishop  Egbert,  and 
since  shown  by  Lord  Selborne  to  be  identical  with  a  group  of  sacerdotal 
laws  to  which  he  would  ascribe  a  date  not  earlier  than  813,''  for,  he  says,  no 
earlier  canonical  authority  for  the  division  of  tithes  before  witnesses  is  known 
than  the  canon  of  Tours  in  that  year.  He  has,  however,  overlooked  the 
fact  ^  that  the  three  Galilean  MSS.  (one  at  Metz,  in  the  monastery  of 
St.  Vincent,  one  in  the  Vatican  library,  and  one  at  Andain  in  the  Ar- 
dennes) are  not  the  only  early  manuscripts  of  this  capitulary,  and  an 
earlier  date,  probably  801  or  802,  must  be  ascribed  to  the  first  '  division 
of  tithes  before  witnesses.'  Pertz  ^  gives  the  twenty-one  capikda  as  the 
capitulary  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  801,  and  mentions  as  the  oldest  manuscript 
the  *  Codex  Bibliothecae  regiae  Monacensis,  inter  libros  S.  Emmerammi 
Eatisbonensis,  F.  11  signatus,  memb.  saec.  IX,'  and  the  codex  of  the 
Paris  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Suppl.  Lat.,  No.  75,  of  the  tenth  century, 
which  agrees  with  the  Metz  codex.  Li  the  Paris  codex  it  is  referred  to 
the  first  year  of  the  empire,  when,  according  to  the  *  Annales  Juvavenses,' 
in  the  month  of  November  Charles  made  a  synod  for  the  examination  of 
bishops  and  clerics.  Boretius  ^  calls  them  Capitula  de  Sacerdotibus  Pro- 
2)osita,  and  argues  in  favour  of  the  date  October  802. 

In  two  manuscripts  these  *  capitula  *  are  found  to  precede  immedi- 
ately what  is  now  known  as  the  genuine  Latin  Penitential  of  Egbert,  i.e. 
in  Bodl.  718,  and  in  *  Egbert's  Pontifical,'  Bibl.  Nat.  Paris,  Suppl.  Lat., 
138 ;»  and  in  the  two  MSS.  C.C.C.C.  265  and  Nero  A  I,  they  immediately 
precede  a  large  set  of  '  excerptions  '  with  which  they  have  been  printed 
under  the  title  ExcerjJtiones  Egberti — a  title  which  has  now  been  rejected. 
In  Nero  A  I  the  capitulary  is  followed  by  seven  other  extracts,  all 
without  titles  ;  the  first  four  are  in  Ansegisus'  collection  of  capitularies,  i. 
155,  84,  ii.  34,  i.  85  ;  caps.  26  and  27  come  from  the  council  of  Carthage, 
436  A.D.,  and  the  first  part  of  cap.  28  comes  from  the  capitulary  of  803, 
cap.  1.  The  last  part  I  cannot  trace.  Then  follow  a  quantity  of  excerpts 
taken  from  various  sources.  ^*^  A  third  version  of  a  large  number  of  these 
extracts  lies,  hitherto  unnoticed,  in  C.C.C.C.  190.  Wilkins  and  Thorpe 
printed  their  version  from  the  Cotton  MS.  Nero  A  I.  Johnson  translated 
them  and  compared  them  with  the  collections  in  C.C.C.C.  265.  Lord 
Selborne,  in  his  'Ancient  Facts  and  Fictions  about  Tithes,'  compared 
these  two  latter  manuscripts  in  further  detail.  The  MS.  190  forms  an 
interesting  link  between  the  two.  It  appears  to  have  escaped  attention 
owing  to  the  misleading  nature  of  the  table  of  contents  written,  at  the 

*  Ancient  Facts  and  Fictions,  2nd  ed.  p.  42. 

^  '  I  am  not  aware  that  any  others  were  then  (in  the  seventeenth  century)  or  are 
now  known,'  p.  37. 

^  Mon.  Ger.  Hist. :  Leges,  i.  p.  87.  Migne,  Patrol,  xcvii.  col.  218,  note  a,  noted  that 
the  21  Capitula,  which  he  ascribes  to  the  year  801,  are  identical  with  the  21  *  excerpts  ' 
he  had  printed  in  his  vol.  Ixxxix.  col.  379  as  Egbert's.  It  is  surprising  that  this  clue 
remained  so  long  unfollowed. 

»  Mon.  Ger.  Hist. :  Capit.  Reg.  Franc.  (Hanover,  1883),  p.  105. 

^  Date  about  950  ;  printed  by  the  Surtees  Society. 

'"  Cf.  Wasserschleben,  Bvssordnnngen,  p.  45,  and  Johnson,  CoHons  p.  216. 


1895   BOOK   OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  COLLECTIONS    715 

beginning  of  the  book,  in  the  same  hand  as  the  bulk  of  the  manuscript — 
a  hand  of  the  early  eleventh  century.^  ^ 

The  first  forty- three  chapter- titles  can  be  shortly  dealt  with,  since,  as 
the  PoRnitentialc  Fseudo-Theodori,  they  have  received  a  full  measure  of 
notoriety.  At  the  head  of  the  list  of  chapter-titles  stands  in  a  sixteenth- 
century  hand  the  entry  Liber  pen.  Theod.  Arch.  Cant.  Eccles,  Then 
follows,  in  the  same  hand  as  the  bulk  of  the  manuscript,  the  rubric 
Incipitmt  capitida  de  initiis  creatur^,  in  red  ink. 

I.  Qualiter  apud  orientales  provincias  Germani^  atque  Saxoni^,  pro 
diversis  criminibus,  penitently  observatur  modus. 

12 

•  •••••••• 

VII.  Item  de  capitalibus  criminibus. 

Incipiunt  capitula  de  penitentum  [judiciis], 
1.  De  inani  gloria. 

13 

•  •••••ta* 

7.  De  luxuria. 

8.  De  fornicatione  laicorum. 

14 

•  ••••■••• 

43.  De  penitentiarum  diversitate. 

44.  De  reconciliatione.     De  eadem  re. 

45.  De  clericis  sive  ecclesiasticis  ordinibus. 

46.  De  diversitate  ordinum. 

47.  De  electione  sacerdotalium  ordinum. 

48.  Item  de  electione  Gregorius  dicit. 

49.  Item  canones  Sanctorum  de  electione  Episcoporum. 

60.  Si  Episcopus  a  Metropolicano  admonitus  pro  synodo  vel  ordina- 
tione  episcopali  venire  distulerit,  ex  concilio  Agatensi. 

51.  De  ordinatione  Archiepiscopi. 

52.  De  electione  indignorum,  canon  sanctorum. 

53.  Item  ex  concilio  Calcedonensi  titulo  secundo,  quod  non  debeant 

officia  ecclesiastica  per  pecunias  ordinari. 

54.  Item  de  lapsis  graduum. 

*'  An  interesting  copy  of  this  manuscript  is  Harl.  438,  which  was  made  by  John 
Eetchford  with  Latin  translations  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  passages  for  Mr.  Cornelius  Bee. 
f.  2  a,  Jan.  27,  IGoC^ 

£      t.      d. 

Rec.  of  Mr.  Cor.  Bee  in  part  for  transcribing  a  MS.  taken  out  of  Benet 

Coll.  Library,  Camb  :  five  pound  ten  shillings 5  10     0 

Rec.  of  Mr.  Morden  in  chamb'  uppon  Mr.  Bees  account  six  pound  tenne 
shillings.     I  say  rec.  by  mee 

John  Eetchford         .         .     6  10     0 
Rec.  of  Mr.  Cornelius  Bee  in  whole  for  the  transcribing  a  MS.  out  of  Bennet 
Coll.  Library  Camb'  the  sume  of   three   pounds   nineteene  shillings 
and  sixpence.     I  say  received  Aung,  [sic]  25  "'  by  me  William   Retch- 
ford,  1664 03  19  05 

Witnes,  Ric  Davis. 
Delivered  unto  Mr.  Richard  Richford  for  paines  in  translating  the  Saxon 

into  Lattin. 
[Historic]  Anglicanfc   Scriptores :  Matthci   Paris'  Historia  ;  Lambert   de 

Priscis  Anglorum  Legibus .         .400 

Paid  vnto  a  Scoller  in  Cambridg  for  helping  Mr.  John  Richforc\  ,         .     2  10     0 

'■'  See  Wasserschleben,  Bussordnungen,  pp.  566-7. 
"  See  ihid.  '*  See  ibid. 


716  A   WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct. 

55.  De  accusationibus  &  ftxcusationibus. 

5G.  Gregorius  Johanni  defensor!,  qualiter  de  Episcopo  Januario  obser- 
vandum  sit,  sive  de  aliis  Episcopis  injuste  condempnatis. 

57.  De  juramentis  Episcoporum. 

58.  De  vexatione  Episcoporum. 

59.  De  pastore  &  predicatore. 

60.  Verba  Ezechielis  Prophetae. 

61.  Item  de  pastore. 

62.  De  Episcopis  &  Presbyteris. 

63.  De  quotidianis  operibus  Episcoporum. 

63.  [sic]  .Augustinus  [Incipiunt  capitula  de  canonibus. 

Aureliensis  [sic  for  Aurelius]  Episcopus  dicit. 

Incipiunt  capitula  de  sacerdotali  jure  Egcberti  Archiepiscopi. 
1,  Item  Canones  Sanctorum. 

What  follows  will  be  discussed  subsequently. 

The  numeration  of  the  chapters  in  the  manuscript  has  been  followed. 
It  differs  from  that  of  Spelman.  The  manuscript  numbers  only  its  list 
of  chapter- titles  ;  the  chapters  themselves  have  no  numbers. 

Concerning  the  contents  of  these  chapters  the  following  points 
may  be  noted.  The  first  passage,  under  the  rubric  hicipit  de  initio 
creaUiVf^y  is  chiefly  taken  from  Genesis,  followed  by  a  list  of  the  ten 
commandments.  The  next  five  rubrics  have  been  omitted  from 
the  index.  They  are  :  licm  jpreccpta  Icgalia  (the  tables  of  the  Law 
of  Moses), '^  Incipiunt  dogmata  evangelica  secundum  Matheum  (the 
Beatitudes  according  to  St.  Matthew),  together  with  three  further 
chapters  on  the  Beatitudes  from  St.  Mark,  St.  Luke,  and  St.  John. 
Chapters  I.  to  VII.  and  1  to  42,  printed  by  Thorpe  as  Theodore's 
Penitential  and  by  Wasserschleben  as  Penitentiale  Pseudo-Theodori 
are  not  claimed  by  the  writer  of  the  manuscript  as  Theodore's  work, 
and  the  real  authorship  is  not  known. 

Thorpe  printed  as  far  as  the  forty-third  chapter,  De  Reconcilia' 
tione ;  the  manuscript  has  no  break  here,  f.  94,  but  follows  on  with 
the  next  rubric,  Item  de  reconciliatione,  and  a  passage  from  a  Nicene 
canon.  Next  come  two  long  passages  of  which  the  index  makes 
no  mention  :  one,  with  the  rubric  In  Nomine  Domini,  begins  Primo 
omnium  admonemus  omnes  homines  ut  super  omnia  .  .  .  percipere 
mereatur  sempiternam.  Amen.  The  next  has  a  blank  space  for 
a  rubric,  and  begins  Ecclesia  sponsa  Christi  est  d-  omnium  domina, 
and  is  directed  against  the  spoilers  of  the  church ;  the  cases  of 
Pompey  and  Alaric  are  quoted.  On  f.  97  comes  the  45th  chapter, 
Clerus  grece,  sors  latine  :  a  similar  passage  occurs  in  Nero  A  I, 
f.  127  a,  immediately  before  the  so-called  Excerptiones  Egherti, 
The  46th  chapter  resembles  Thorpe's  Excerpt  161.     Capp.  45-50 

'*  Not  identical  with  those  found  ip  sever&l  manuscripts  in  conjunction  with  the 
Hibernensis. 


1895  BOOK  OP  ECCLESIASTICAL  COLLECTIONS    111 

are  concerned  with  the  election  and  ordination  of  bishops  and 
priests.  Cap.  47  resembles  closely  the  chapter  in  265,  if.  4-7, 
headed  Admonitio  episcopalis  vitae.  Cap.  49  consists  of  excerpts 
from  the  first  Nicene  Council,  and  contains  Thorpe's  excerpts  98 
and  99.  Cap.  50  is  from  the  council  of  Agde  (544),  cap.  35. 
Cap.    51  quotes  Beda  on   the  history  of  the  archiepiscopal  pall, 

*  Legimus  in  istoriis  anglorum  scribente  Beda  Mstoriographo  & 
laiidabili  doctor e,  with  quotations  from  Pope  Boniface's  letter  to 
Justus,  and  Pope  Honorius'  letter  to  Honorius,  and  the  history  of 
Paulinus'  pall.  Cap.  52  (f.  105)  resembles  Thorpe's  Excerpt  44, 
to  which  is  added  a  passage  from  Gregory.  Cap.  53  is  cap.  2  of 
the  first  council  of  Chalcedon,  with  Thorpe's  excerpt  33.  Cap.  54 
begins  Quicunque  dignitatem  gradus  non  custodivit  .  .  .  with  long 
quotations  from  the  Old  Testament.  Cap.  55  quotes  Pope  Alex- 
ander, saint  and  martyr,  and  Felix.  Cap.  56  (f.  109)  is  a 
passage  from  Gregory's  letter  to  Johannes  Defensor  about  bishop 
Januarius.'  ^^  Cap.  57  begins  '  Sunt  quidam  sanct(^  dei  ecclesie 
inimici,'  and  complains  that  some  deny  force  to  the  clerical  oath, 

*  sed  penitus  ignoramus  quo  sancto  concilio  vel  cujus  catholici  dc 
apostolici  viri  decreto  hoc  sancituni  sit,''  with  a  quotation  from  Pope 
Pelagius.  Cap.  58  runs:  Gregorius  ait:  scimus  iiaque  quia  vita 
presulum  nulli  .  .  .  where  the  manuscript  breaks  off  abruptly ;  here 
a  sixteenth-century  hand  has  noted  Desunt  sex  alia  capitula :  the 
writer  clearly  alludes  to  the  chapters  59,  60,  61,  62,  63,  noted  in 
the  index,  and  has  included  as  a  sixth  chapter  the  passage 
Augustimis  Aurel.  Ep,  dicit,  w^hich  belongs,  as  will  be  shown,  not 
to  this  set  of  chapters,  but  to  the  next.  This  mistake  was  probably 
due  to  the  mistake  in  the  index,  which  prefixes  the  number  63  to 
this  extract  as  well  as  to  the  extract  which  precedes  it.  The  con- 
tents of  the  lost  chapters  59,  60,  61,  63,  may  be  found,  under  the 
same  rubrics  as  those  of  the  index,  in  the  MS.  Nero  A  I,  f.  126  a, 
129  a,  165  b,  but  not  in  the  same  sequence. 

On  f.  Ill  and  onwards  there  stand  fifty-two  chapters  almost  identical 
with  the  so-called  Excerptiones  Egberti  of  Nero  A  I.  When  a  passage 
occurs  which  does  not  stand  there  it  will  be  found  to  stand  in  C.C.C.C.  2G5, 
a  manuscript  which  adopts  another  arrangement  of  the  Nero  A I  passages 
and  adds  many  fresh  extracts.  The  collection  in  C.C.C.C.  190  begins  at 
the  top  of  f.  Ill  with  a  version  of  the  latter  half  of  Thorpe's  Excerpt  GO  ; 
it  is  imperfect  at  the  beginning,  and  follows  immediately  on  the  unfinished 
passage  from  Gregory,  De  vexatione  episcoporum,  noted  above.  Between 
these  sheets  a  piece  of  the  manuscript  must  be  lost.  F.  Ill  proceeds 
regularly,  like  Nero  A  I,  with  excerpts  61-85.  Of  these  chapters,  81-85 
(in  Thorpe's  numeration)  have  rubric  spaces  not  filled  in.  There  then 
follow  three  sentences  beginning  Si  homo  vexatiis  a  diabolo  .  .  .  which 
resemble  the  genuine  Theodore,  Book  2,  x.  §  1,  2,  3,  passages  found  also 

"  Migne,  Patrol  Ixxvii.  coll.  1294-5, 


718  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Ocli. 

in  265,  f.  71.  Next  come  ci^B.  86-97  of  Nero  A  I,  without  rubrication, 
and  then  a  long  passage  on  tithes,  which  is  found  in  C.C.C.C.  265, 
headed  De  jure  sacerclotali,^'^  numbered  in  Lord  Selborne's  list  68.  Then 
follow  excerpts  101-127  ^^  as  in  Nero  A  I.  The  rubrication  begins  again 
at  cap.  104  (Thorpe).  On  f.  124  is  a  quotation  from  pope  Leo's  letter  to 
Rusticus,  bishop  of  Narbonne,  not  in  the  excerpts  of  Nero  A  I,  or  265. 
Thereon  follow  excerpts  128-130,  146,  134  (entitled  'Can.  Bonan.'  for 
'Roman.'),  135-140.  Here  a  break  occurs  in  the  manuscript,  four  pages 
having  been  left  blank  and  subsequently  filled  in.^^  On  ff.  134-8  the  ex- 
cerpts continue  as  in  Nero  A  I,  Thorpe's  numbers  132,  133,  147-160.  On 
f.  138  coma  cap.  3  of  the  first  Nicene  council,  more  fully  given  than  in 
excerpt  31  where  it  stands  under  the  same  rubric,  and  then  excerpt  32. 
From  this  point  there  is  no  further  resemblance  to  the  excerpts. 

What  follows  are  passages  with  the  rubric  Alia :  Midtis  aiitem 
declaratiir  exempliSf  that  clerics  should  not  bear  arms ;  De  militia 
cC'  victoria  christiaiwrum ;  Boni  igitur  scciilares  d;  veri  Christiani 
viriliter  resistere  dehent  inimicis  sanct^  del  fcclesie  ,  ,  ,  De  exortatio- 
[lie']  :  Amhuleimis  igitur fratres  dum  lucerii  habemus ;  a  passage  ( f.  139) 
on  the  captivity  of  the  Jews.  A  passage  De  interitu  Britonum 
which  is  a  sentence  of  one  of  Alcuin's  letters  to  Ethelhard  (Haddan 
and  Stubbs,  iii.  p.  476)  ;  another  De  Anglis  (cf.  Jafife,  *  Monum. 
Alcuin.'  p.  353) ;  and  then,  f.  140,  under  the  heading  Depredatione 
Nordanimhrorum,  Alcuin's  letter  to  Ethelred,  king  of  Northumbria,^^ 
and  a  passage  f.  142  De  tribulationihiis  which  reads  like  a  work  of 
Alcuin  (see  Appendix).  At  this  point  the  nature  of  the  contents  of 
the  MS.  changes. 

If  we  now  compare  these  contents  with  the  list  of  contents  in  the 
index,  a  considerable  discrepancy  appears— a  discrepancy  of  much  interest, 
since  the  index  tells  us  that  what  is  missing  is  that  mysterious  work 
*  Capittda  de  sacerdotali  jtire  Egcherti  Archiepiscopi'  After  cap.  63 
De  cotidianis  operihus  Episcoponim  comes,  says  the  index,  cap.  63  {sic) 
Aiigustimis  [Incipiunt  capihda  de  canonihus. 

Aureliensis  Episcopus  dicit. 

Incipiunt  capitula  de  sacerdotali  jure  Egcherti  Arcliiepiscopi. 
Here,  after  the  analogy  of  Nero  A  I  and  C.C.C.C.  265,  we  expect  that 
titles  applicable  to  the  Capitulary  in  twenty-one  chapters  will  follow,  but 
this  does  not  happen.     The  list  is  : 

1.  Item  canones  sanctorum.  • 

'^  Cf.  Can.  Hib.  i.  §  3  and  ii.  §  11. 

'^  Caps.  98,  99  having  already  occurred  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  manuscript. 

'^  They  contain  a  passage  Ex  decretis  S.  Gelasii,  an  Anglo-Saxon  exorcism  (see 
Wanley's  Catalogvc,  p.  110),  a  passage  Ex  decretis  S.  Leonis  papae,  a  passage, 
Theodoriis  dicit :  Si  qziis  in  sccidari  habitu  vota  voverit  sine  consensu  episcopi,  ipse 
habet  potestatan  solvendi  si  valuerit,  followed  by  Theod.  II.  ix.  §  1,  2.  Then,  num- 
bered xxix.,  Can.  Hibern.  xxi.  29  (Wasserschleben,  Irische  Kanonensammlung),  and 
Can.  Hibern.  xxi.  12  in  part.  Last,  Cone.  Sardic,  cap.  4,  followed  by  a  table  of  pro- 
hibited degrees. 

2"  It  begins  in  the  manuscript  Alcui^ius  ad  regem  Merciorum.  Its  variations  from 
the  printed  form  will  be. given  by  Dr.  Dummler  ia  a  forthcoming  volume  of  the  MonU" 
menta  Germaniae*       '  . 


1895   BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL   COLLECTIONS     719 

2.  De  regula  canonicorum.2i 

3.  De  regula  omnium  Christianorum. 

4.  Item. 

5.  De  quattuor  principalibus  synodis. 

6.  De  synodal!  conventu. 

7.  De  p^nitentibus. 

8.  De  episcoporum  ministris. 

9.  De  excommunicatis. 

10.  Item  de  synodis  episcoporum. 

11.  De  excommunicatis  ex  concilio  Antioceno. 

12.  Item  contra  sanct^  dei  ^cclesie  inimicos. 

13.  De  excommunicatione  contra  contemptores  legis  dei  et  inimicos 
sanct^  dei  ^cclesi^. 

14.  De  his  qui  post  excommunicationem  cum  luctu  penitentise  ad 
reconciliationem  veniunt. 

15.  De  sceleratis  vel  publice  contaminatis.     Item. 
IG.  Item  exemplum  levioris  p^nitentiae. 

17.  Excerptionas  de  [MS.  De  excerptiones]  libris  canonicis. 

18.  De  humilitate  &  dignitate  pastorum. 

19.  De  timore  humano. 

20.  De  institutione  patrum. 

Carolus  de  restauratione  ecclesiarum.     [Unnumbered  in  MS.] 

21.  De  Sabbato. 

22.  De  his  qui  morientibus  p^nitentiam  denegant. 

23.  De  c^na  domini. 

24.  De  consecratione  crismatis. 

25.  Ut  ab  alterius  ^piscopo  nullus  crisma  accipiat. 

The  index  proceeds,  26.  Da  cotijugio,  and  here  the  contents  of  the 
manuscript  begin  once  more  to  answer  the  description  of  the  index.  This 
title  may  well  cover  the  excerpts  113-120  ;  the  next  title,  27.  Item  de 
legitlmo  conjugio  tallies  with  the  excerpts  121-5  ;  28.  De  matrimonio 
servulorum  with  excerpt  126  ;  29.  De  concuhinis  with  excerpt  127. 

30.  Leonis  pap^  ad  Busticum  Narhonensem  episcopum,  guod  aliud 
sit  uxor,  aliud  concubina,  nee  erret  quisquis  sifiliam  suamiri  matrimonium 
concuhinam  habenti  tradiderit,^'^  is  a  chapter  which  stands  in  190  and  not 
in  the  excerpts  of  Nero  A  I. 

31.  De  incestis  conjunctionis  covers  excerpts  128-9. 

32.  De  thoro  fratris  defomcti  is  excerpt  130. 

33.  De  conjugio  antiquo  is  excerpt  146. 

34.  De  scematibus  covers  excerpts  134-140. 

35.  De  consanguineis  is  excerpt  132-3.  Here  again  the  index  breaks 
down,  making  no  note  of  excerpts  147-151. 

36.  De  tonsura  covers  excerpts  152-3.  No  note  is  made  of  excerpts 
154-160.     The  rest  of  the  titles  tally  with  those  of  the  manuscript. 

2'  Perhaps  this  is  the  passage  from  Amalarius  found  in  C.C.C.C.  265,  f.  91  and  258, 
and  Junius  121,  f.  556.  See  below.  The  only  titles  which  are  approximately  similar 
to  the  contents  of  the  other  allied  manuscripts  are  cap.  20,  which  recalls  Thorpe's  28, 
cap.  21,  Thorpe's  26  ;  the  contents  of  cap.  22  may  be  the  same  as  those  of  cap.  50 
Thorpe)  of  the  Pseudo-Theodore.  Caps.  3-6  may  be  compared  to  A.S.  passages  printed 
in  Thorpe,  pp.  428, 437-8,  and  caps.  12  and  13  with  the  manuscript  265  ff.  156  and  21U 

"Cf.  Hinschius,  Deer*  Ps*'Isidor,  p.  615»  cap.  4, 


720  A    WORCESTER   CATttEDRAL  Oct. 

87.  De  militia  d  victoriu  Christianomm,  and  the  rest  to  cap.  43, 
De  trihulationihus  with  the  rubrics  already  cited. 

f.  143.  Incipit  expositio  officium  [sic]  sacre  misse,  and  the  nature  of 
the  contents  of  the  manuscript  changes. 

The  meaning  of  these  discrepancies,  and  especially  the  relation  of  capp. 
1-25  to  the  title  which  alleges  them  to  be  of  Egbert's  authorship,  I  can- 
not explain.^^  But  no  discussion  of  the  authorship  of  the  work  dc  Jure 
Sacerdotali  ^^  is  complete  without  a  reference  to  this  manuscript. 

Lord  Selborne  and  Johnson  have  compared  the  '  excerptions  '  of 
C.C.C.C.  265  with  those  of  Nero  A  I,  so  far  as  they  stand  grouped  as 
one  set  on  ff.  20-37.  It  should  be  noted  that  many  excerpts  missing 
from  this  place  are  supplied  in  other  parts  of  the  MS.  Thus,  on 
f.  60  (after  Theodulf's  second  letter  to  his  clergy :  see  below),  stand 
Thorpe's  excerpts  113,  114,^^  127,^^  123,  f.  61,  then  part  of  the 
tenth  canon  of  the  first  Synod  of  Aries,  followed  by  another 
sentence,  Latin  quotations  from  the  '  Shepherd  '  of  Hermas  (Man- 
datum  iv.  cap.  1,  Migne,  'Pat.  Graeco-Latina,'  ii.  coll.  918-19  ^M, 
f.  62 ;  Thorpe's  excerpt  122,  and  the  first  sentence  of  120,  followed 
by  a  sermon  on  marriage,  part  of  excerpt  121,  and  sermons  of 
St.  Paul  and  St.  Augustine  on  the  same  subject,  containing  excerpt 
119,  then  the  last  half  of  excerpt  120  with  an  added  sentence,  and 
excerpts  124,  125  ;  on  f.  QQ,  the  first  part  of  excerpt  128,  then 
passages  identical  with  sentences  of  the  Penit.  Pseudo-Theodori, 
(Wasserschleben's  cap.  v.  §  12,  11),  a  sentence  of  §  19.  Ff.  66-68 
contain  a  table  of  prohibited  degrees.  Then  Thorpe's  excerpt  182, 
133  and  an  added  sentence,  131,  a  sentence  from  121,  an  Augus- 
tinian  sentence  on  the  story  of  Abraham   and  Hagar;  on  f.    69 

"  Eetcliford,  the  copyist  of  Harl.  438,  noted  the  discrepancy. 

-*  It  is  possible  that  a  genuine  work  of  Egbert  De  Sacerdotali  Jure  may  yet  be 
found  in  the  collection  made  by  Hucar  the  deacon,  not  now  forthcoming.  Leland  says 
{Comm.  de  Script.  Brit.  i.  168)  that  Hucar  made  a  collection  of  108  homilies  and  prefixed 
a  few  '  consiittitiones  '  taken  from  the  Liber  Constitulioyium  Ecclesiasticarum  Echerti 
Archicpiscopi  Eboracensis.  This  work  was  once  at  Canterbury,  and  was  taken  thence 
to  Christchurch,  Oxford.  It  is  not  given  in  Dean  Kitchin's  catalogue  of  manuscripts 
belonging  to  that  house.  Hucar  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  St.  German's,  Cornwall, 
and  to  have  lived  about  1040.  It  is  unlikely  that  Ware's  testimony  is  independent.  In 
his  notes  to  the  Synod  of  St.  Patrick,  he  observes  that  canon  25  {De  Thoro  fratris)  is 
the  same  as  an  excerpt  e  Jure  Sacerdotali  Ecberti  per  Hucarium  levitam.  Now  this  is 
the  thirty-first  chapter  of  C.C.C.C.  190  (see  above),  also  the  thirty-fifth  chapter  of  Book 
xlvi.  of  the  Collectio  CanorMm  Hibernensis  (ed.  Wasserschleben).  Ware's  statement 
does  not  necessarily  point  to  the  fact  that  he  had  seen  Hucar's  collection,  but  rather 
that  he  had  seen  the  MS.  Nero  A  I,  calling  itself  the  work  of  Egbert  De  Sacerdotali 
Jure,  and  concluded  that  this  must  be  Hucar's  work  referred  to  by  Leland.  But 
Leland  does  not  call  Egbert's  work  De  Sacerdotali  Jure  but  Liber  Constitutionum 
Ecclesiasticarum,  and  the  108  sermons  to  which  he  says  Hucar  prefixed  his  excerpts 
are  not  extant  in  Nero  A  I,  nor  is  there  any  reference  to  his  name. 

Spelman  is  supposed  to  have  used  the  MS.  Nero  A  I  for  his  version  of  the 
excerpts,  but  for  some  reason  unknown  stopped  at  the  145th,  and  in  this  is  followed 
by  Labbe,  Concilia,  vi.  1586  (Mansi).  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  used 
another  manuscript  not  known  to  us. 

«  Of.  Can.  Hib.  xlvi.  16.  ««  Cf.  iUd.  xlvi.  17.  «^  Cf.  ibid.  xlvi.  15. 


1895  BOOK  OF  J^CCLESIASTlCAL  COLLECTIONS     721 

a  passage  analogous  to  excerpts  131,  134,  but  giving  7,  10,  and 
14  years  as  alternatives  for  penance.  On  f.  70  come  caps.  16,  17, 
18,  and  15  of  the  fourth  book  of  Halitgar's  Penitential.  Then 
excerpt  126,  and  a  passage  of  the  genuine  Theodore  Penitential, 
X.  §  1,  2,  3  (Wasserschleben,  211).  On  f.  71  stand  caps.  10,  11, 
12  of  Louis'  capitulary  of  817  ^®  (called  in  the  MS.  Laws  of  Charles) 
with  cap.  34  of  Ansegisus'  Book  II.     Here  this  group  ends,  f.  72. 

In  the  Corpus  MS.  265,  after  102  extracts  from  canons  of  councils  and 
sayings  of  Fathers,  which  form  the  so-called  Excerptiones  Egbertij  there 
follows,  f .  37,  the  work  known  as  the  genuine  Penitential  of  Egbert,  which 
is  found  also  in  Bodl.  MS.  718,  in  the  Egbert  Pontifical,  described  above, 
and  in  the  Fecamp  MS.  now  Bibl.  Nat.  3182,  ff.  351-355^ 


Johnson  noticed  that  the  MS.  265  gives  none  of  the  Irish  canons 
in  the  group  of  excerpts  which  he  analysed.  They  are,  however,  given 
in  another  place  with  some  interesting  fresh  passages. 

They  stand  in  the  manuscript  after  some  penitential  passages  from 
diverse  sources,  which  begin,  f.  94,  Licipit  qiialiter  sacerdos  suscipere 
deheat  penitentem,  with  the  opening  sentences  of  the  Pcnitentiale 
Pseudo-Romanum  (Wasserschleben,  pp.  360,  361),  but  changes  from 
the  word  statimP  Then  follows  a  passage  De  penitent'  which 
closely  resembles  the  Penitentiale  Cummeani,  on  the  means  by 
which  a  powerful  man  may  buy  himself  free  from  penance  for 
crime.^^  Then  follows  Ps.-Theodore  c.  iv.  with  a  slight  change  ; 
a  passage  resembling  the  Latin  of  the  so-called  Anglo-Saxon  Peni- 
tential of  Egbert  in  four  books,  iv.  26,  four  passages  not  identified 
on  penances  for  crimes,  resembling  excerpts  131, 134,  and  a  passage 
resembling  the  genuine  Theodore  i.  §  28,  29.  Then  f.  96,  the 
Hihernensis  excerpts  begin. 

The  Irish  canons  on  f.  96  sq.  include  Thorpe's  Egbertine  excerpts  74,^* 
79,  two  resembling  62,^2  ^nd  then  follow  others  which,  it  appears,  have 
never  before  been  printed.     Hereupon  follow 

Three  unknown  Irish  Canons, 

Si  quis  refugium  crismalis  alicujus  sancti  aut 
refugium  baculis  aut  cymbahs  fregerit  aUquomodo,  vel  per  rapinam 
predam  abstraxerit,  vel  homini  aliqua  ratione  nocuerit,   septem- 

28  Pertz,  Mon.  Ger.  Hist. :  Leges,  i.  207. 

^  F.  94.  '  Statim  juxta  qualitatem  delicti  &  institutionem  canonum.  Oportet 
itaque  eum  qui  pro  inlicitis  veniam  poscit  a  multis  etiam  Ileitis  abstinere  &  indesinen- 
ter  penitere.  Qui  enim  inlicita  commisit  a  licitis  coercere  se  debet.  Qui  per  corpus 
peccat,  per  corpus  &  peniteat.  Hoc  est  in  vigiliis,  in  jejuniis,  in  flectibus,  in  orationibus 
assiduis  &  elemosinis  multis.  Vetus  namque  proverbium  est  contraria  contrariis 
sanantur.    Cf.  C.C.C.C.  190  f.  238  and  Nero  A  I,  f.  155  a, 

*>  Wasserschleben,  Bussordnungen,  p.  464,  first  four  sentences. 

*'  Cf.  Wasserschleben,  Irische  Canmien-Sammlung,  xxix.  7. 

^-  These  three  are  not  in  the  large  Collectio  Canonum  Hibernensis, 
VOL.  X.— NO.   XL,  3  A 


722  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct. 

pliciter  restituet,  &  in  dura  penitentia  in  peregrinatione  extranea 
per  V  annos  permaneat.  Et  si  laudabilis  penitentia  ejus  fuerit, 
postea  ad  solam  patriam  [sic]  perveniat.  Sin  vero,  in  exilio  semper 
permaneat. 

Si  quis  refugium  evangelii  fregerit,  vel  per 
rapinam  aliquid  abstulerit,  septempliciter  restituet,  propter  septi- 
farmem  Christi  gratiam  &  propter  vii  gradus  ecclesiasticos,  sed 
&  per  VII  annos  in  dura  penitentia  permaneat  in  peregrina- 
tione. Si  vero  non  egerit  penitentiam,  excommunicandus  est  ab 
omni  ecclesia  catholica  &  a  communione  Christianorum  omnium, 
nee  sepultura  illi  in  loco  sancto  tribuenda  est. 

Si  quis  tirannus  \_glossed  rex]  aliquem  juxta 
episcopum  ligaverit,  sanum  solvat  &  restituat,  &  iii  alios  viros 
C09quales  cum  omni  eorum  substantia  episcopo  reddat,  &  ipse  solus 
usque  ad  x  annos  in  dure  peregrinationis  penitentia  permaneat, 
&  si  contigerit  ut  eum  vulneraverit,  vii  viros  cum  omni  substantia 
episcopo  reddat,  &  ipse  solus  per  spatium  xx  annorum  in 
peregrinatione  permaneat.  Si  vero  eum  mortificaverit,  omnem 
suam  hereditatem  &  omnem  substantiam  cum  hereditatibus  & 
substantiis  comitum  deo  reddat,  &  ipse  in  peregrinatione  perhenni 
vel  humanius  in  xxx  annorum  peregrinatione  absque  carne  & 
muliere  &  equo  in  pane  sicco  vivat,  &  exigao  vestimento  &  per  duas 
noctes  in  una  mansione  non  maneat,  nisi  tantum  sollempnitatibus 
precipuis  aut  si  infirmitas  eum  preoccupaverit.  Et  si  invitos 
comites  habuerit,  omnem  substantiam  eorum  inter  deum  & 
hominem  dividant,  &  sic  ipsi  per  spatium  vii  annorum  in  penitenti  a 
probabili  {sic)  permaneant. 

The  Irish  passages  are  then  folio wel  by  a  few  short  passages  (ff.  98-9)  : 
the  first,  under  the  rubric  Synodus,  is  Pseudo-Theodore  iii.  §  5-8  (Was- 
serschleben,  p.  5G9),  adding  the  prices  of  each  homicide  as  alternatives 
to  the  penance,  a  bishop's  price  1000s.,  a  priest's  800s.,  a  deacon's  400s., 
a  subdeacon's  300s.  Next,  iii.  §  1  to  §  4  of  the  same  writer,  and  then, 
with  the  rubric  Interrogat,  the  first  and  second  and  twelfth  questions  of 
Egbert's  Dialogue.     (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III.  403.) 

F.  100  gives  a  set  of  extracts  from  the  Canones  Wallici  which  have 
not  been  described.  They  stand  under  the  title  Excerpta  de  lihri  [sic] 
Bomanorum  &  Francoruvt,  as  in  that  manuscript  from  which  Martene 
printed  them.33  The  Corpus  MS.  gives  caps.  5-8,  10-15,  17,  19, 20,  26-34, 
37-57. 

Then  follow  the  first  half  of  Thorpe's  Egbertine  excerpt  152  and  also 
of  excerpt  153  (for  both  compare  the  Can.  Hib.  Iii.  1,  2  in  Wasserschle- 

"  Nov.  Thes.  col.  135  sqq.  Knust  gives  them  the  title  Judicium  Culparnm. 
Wasserschleben  first  recognised  their  Welsh  origin,  and  prints  them  as  Canones 
Wallici  under  the  title  Incipit  Judicium  Culparum,  p.  124.  On  extracts  from  them 
in  a  Bodleian  MS.,  unnumbered,  where  they  stand  with  a  copy  of  the  Hibernensis, 
Bee  p.  11  of  Mr.  Bradshaw's  paper  on  The  Hibernensis,  Cambridge,  1893. 


1895    BOOK   OF  ECCLESIASTICAL   COLLECTIONS     ^ 

ben's  edition),  and  a  Roman  canon  which  is  the  first  part  of  the  sixth 
canon  attributed  to  St.  Patrick,  printed  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  *  Councils,' 
II.  pt.  ii.  p.  328.  It  ends,  &  si  non  more  Bomano  capillos  d  barham 
tonderit  excommunicetur. 

On  f.  113  come  a  number  of  titles  of  chapters,  applicable  to  passages 
that  follow,  whose  source  is  not  named.  These  prove  to  be  selections 
from  the  collection  of  Rodolph,  bishop  of  Bourges,  who  in  his  turn 
borrowed  from  Ansegisus'  Capitularies.^^ 

On  ff.  83-91  stand  passages  which  will  all  be  found  in  caps.  58-76  of 
Ansegisus'  Capitulary  of  827.^'^  They  are  followed  by  a  passage,  Incipit  de 
regula  canonicorum,  which  occurs  again  on  f.  158,  in  A.S.  in  Junius  121, 
f.  55  b,  with  the  end  slightly  curtailed.  It  is  perhaps  the  lost  passage  of 
cap.  2  of  the  excerptions  in  C.C.C.C.  190.  It  is  from  the  last  chapter 
(Book  I.  145)  of  the  Beg.  Canon,  collected  by  Amalarius.^^  Then  comes  a 
passage  De  militia  scculari,  f .  93,  which  resembles  the  last  half  of  Thorpe's 
excerpt  155,  and  the  last  sentence  of  excerpt  101. 

On  f.  199  stands  a  list  of  titles  of  canons  in  two  columns,  followed  by 
the  text  of  the  same.  They  appear  to  have  been  taken  from  the  collection 
of  Dionysio-Hadriana.^^  The  titles  and  the  text  do  not  coincide  in  all 
particulars.  First  come  nine  chapter-titles  concluding  Explicitmt  Capitula 
Nicene  (sic).  The  text  shows  these  to  be  caps.  8,  17,  18,  20,  22,  25,  29,  42, 
48,  of  Dionysius'  '  Apostolical  Canons  '  issued  by  Clement.  In  the  chapter- 
titles  follows  the  rubric  Incipit  Concilium  ejusdem,  then  seven  chapter- 
titles,  of  which  the  first  is  the  title  of  the  first  chapter  of  the  text  and  is 
the  first  of  Dionysius'  Can.  Niceni  Concilii  XX.^^  In  the  text  follow 
caps.  17  and  20  of  the  same,  unrepresented  in  the  titles.  The  next  title 
is  not  the  title  of  a  Nicene  canon,  but  of  the  eighth  chapter  of  Silvester's 
Cone.  Bom.  (325  a.d.).^^  This  is  given  in  the  text  and  is  followed  by 
part  of  the  eleventh  chapter,  unrepresented  in  the  list  of  chapter-titles. 
Five  more  titles  follow,  the  first  two  not  in  the  text,  and  they  are  from 
Dionysius'  Ancyran  collection,  caps.  29,  80,  and  40 ;  the  last  two  are  his 
cap.  45  (Neo-Caesarea,  14),  and  his  cap.  51,  Nicene.  The  titles  then 
have  the  rubric  Incipit  Synodus  Gangrensis  and  the  titles  of  Dionysius' 
caps.  71,  75.  In  the  text  these  are  preceded  by  his  cap.  CO  without  any 
separate  rubric ;  the  titles  proceed  with  a  number  taken  from  his  African 
collection  ;  these  agree  with  the  chapters  and  are  those  of  his  caps.  3,  4,  5, 
7,  16,  17,  25,  32,  33,  70,  102,  109,  115.  This  ends  the  table  of  contents. 
In  the  texf**^  follows  the  rubric  De  ca;pitulis  heati  Paiot^  Adriani  et 
Angilrammi  ejnscopi,  and  chapters  71, 72  from  Angilram's  spurious  collcc- 

3^  Migne,  Pair.  cix.  col.  703.  Part  of  cap.  2  is  omitted,  also  of  cap.  5,  all  capp. 
3,  4,  C,  the  first  half  of  7  and  part  of  9,  all  10, 11, 13,  15, 16,  the  first  half  of  17,  all  22, 
the  first  half  of  23  and  all  24  to  the  end.  On  the  interest  of  Rodolph's  decrees  in  the 
.history  of  tithes,  see  Selborne,  p.  87.     He  was  abbot  of  Fleury. 

35  Mon.  Ger.  Hist. :  Leges,  i.  278. 

3«  Migne,  Fair.  cv.  932-934,  beginning  at  the  words  '  Legalibus  institutis.' 

3^  Ibid.  Ixvii.  col.  141  sqq. 

3^  The  manuscript  copy  is  slightly  different  and  imperfect. 

3»  Migne,  viii.  col.  835.  These  chapters  are  not  the  spurious  Excel pta  quaedam 
(Hinschius,  Dec.  Psetido-Isid,  p.  449). 

■•»  f.  207,  with  a  slight  change  of  hand. 


724  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct* 

tion,  delivered  to  him,  as  her  asserts,  by  Pope  Hadrian,  are  here  given.'* ^ 
Last  comes  a  passage  from  a  comicil  of  Toledo  (iv.  c.  28  '^^).  Here  there 
comes  a  break  in  the  manuscript  and  a  change  in  the  nature  of  the 
contents. 

On  f.  121  of  265  stands  the  Latin  version  of  Theodulf's  first  letter  to 
his  clergy  in  forty-five  chapters.  The  manuscript  acknowledges  his 
authorship.''^  In  the  Corpus  MS.  201  the  same  is  given  without  acknow- 
ledgment. C.C.C.C.  265,  £f.  51-58  contain  a  number  of  Latin  passages 
from  his  second  letter  to  his  clergy  ;  the  manuscript  does  not  name  him  as 
their  author.  These  passages  are  preceded  by  passages  closely  resembhng 
the  second  paragraph  of  Ps.-Theod.  cap.  xxxv.  Ite77i,  de  yoenitentiarum 
diver sitate,'^'^  and  then  the  preceding  paragraph  (save  the  last  four  lines). 
Both  these  letters  are  found  in  the  Fecamp  MS.  Bibl.  Nat.  Paris,  Fonds 
Latin,  3182.  There,  too,  appear,  with  the  Collectio  Ganonum  HibernensiSy 
the  Canones  Wallici,  or  Excerpta  de  libris  Bomanis  et  Francorum  ;  there, 
too,  is  a  version  of  the  Dionysio-Hadriana,  with,  as  has  already  been 
said,  an  imperfect  copy  of  the  genuine  Penitential  of  Egbert.  Did  the 
copyist  of  265  extract  from  this  collection  as  one  of  his  sources  ? 

IL 

After  the  Canones  WaUici,  described  above,  p.  722,  there  follows  on  f. 
105  a  collection  of  excerpts,  clearly  from  a  continental  source,  which  I  fail 
to  identify.  It  seems  probable  that  they  have  a  common  origin  with 
the  passage  which  Thorpe  prints  as  the  first  chapter  of  the  Pseudo- 
Theodore  :  Qualiter  apud  orientales provi7icias  Qermaniae  atq^ite  SaxoniaSt 
pro  diver  sis  criminibus  poenitentiae  observatur  modus.  The  collection  is 
interesting  because  it  mentions  an  ordeal  which,  so  far  as  I  can  find,  is 
not  known  to  writers  on  that  subject,  i.e.  the  ordeal  of  burial.  For  sacri- 
lege and  homicide  the  ordeal  is  to  tread  barefoot  over  nine  hot  plough- 
shares placed  in  rows.  If  a  man  be  suspected  of  parricide  and  denies 
the  charge  he  may  choose  one  of  two  ordeals,  either  to  be  buried  nine, 
seven,  or  three  feet  deep  till  the  third  day,  breathing  through  a  reed  placed 
in  his  mouth,  or  to  pass  through  fire  uninjured,  wrapped  in  a  waxed  cloth. 

F.  105.     Exempla  Saxonica  ac  castigationis  hominum. 
Germani^  sane  provinci^  mos  est  doctoribus  ut  omnium  ordinatorum 
laicorumve  delinquentium  culpis''^  ^quales  in   publico  rependant 
noxas.     Quamvis  enim  nobiles  ignobilesque  simili  modo  peccant 
non  uno  tamen  judicio  artantur.    Si  quis  vilium  personarum  publico 

*'  Bishop  of  Metz,  768  to  791.     Migne,  xcvi.  col.  1067. 

■*-  Isidore  Hisp.,  Migne,  Ixxxiv.  col.  374. 

"  Willdns  heads  it  Lihcr  Legum  EcclesiasticarwUf  but  knew  it  was  Theodulf's, 
and  Thorpe  followed  him  in  printing  it  with  the  misleading  title  •  Ecclesiastical 
Institutes,'  and  no  mention  of  their  source.  Dietrich,  Zschr.  f.  d.  hist.  Theol.  xxv. 
p.  544,  failed  to  identify  them.  That  ^Elfric  translated  them  is  possible.  Wanley  also, 
p.  158,  did  not  recognise  them. 

"  Wasserschleben,  Bussordn.  p.  622.  De  aegris  .  .  .  vel  pro  anno.  In  euuangelio. 
Mulier  paupercula  pro  quadrante  laudatur  plus  quam  potentes  pro  pretio  magno.  Et 
ideo  qui  potest  .  .  .  et  rehqua.  Etsi  aliquid  defraudavi  reddo  quadruplum.  Et  qui 
potest  .  .  .  genuflexione. 

■*^  Calpis/or  culpe.  .  . 


1895  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  COLLECTIONS     725 

commiserit  baud  dubium  quin  publice  arguatur.  Nimirum  cum 
ad  penitentiam  conversus  fuerit,  in  die  constitute  qui  est  lune 
ante  ^cclesiam  veniat,  cilicio  indutus,  nudis  apparens  pedibus, 
scopam  vero  &  forpieem  secum  habeat,  ibique  commissum  a 
preposito  9cclesi^  aut  jejunio  accepto  aut  verbera  passus  doleat. 
Attamen,  si  preposito  videtur,  ut  hie  penitens  tanta  non  valeat 
ferre  jejunia,  palam  omni  clero  scopis  vapuletur,  quin  etiam  tonsus 
depiletur  coma.  Nobilis  si  unius  carine  hoc  est  xl"*"  ^^  jejunium 
redimere  cupit,  aut  flagra  cc  sustineat  aut  cc  soHdos  solvat. 

Item.  Si  quis  nobilium  per  sonar  um  nefas  perpetraverit  & 
emendare  sponte  noluerit  aut  fastu  cordis  elatushoc  agere  spreverit, 
omni  populo  in  derisum  fiet,  sicque  excommunicatus  ab  episcopo 
invitus  ad  penitentiam  veniet,  &  sic  in  carcerem  missus  peniteat, 
jejunio  maceretur,  luminisque  absentia  puniatur. 

Exempla. — Quodam  namque  tempore  audivimus  quod  quedam 
Banctimonialis  deprehensa  in  adulterio  publice  arguebatur.  Hujus 
etenim  rei  sic  ordo  fuerat.  Ilia  vero  concipiente  prolem  cum 
genuisse%  fortasse  hujuscemodi  res  acta  episcopi  pervenit  ad  aures. 
Qui  mox  precepit  die  dominico  dum  missam  celebraret  eam  cum 
infante  adduci  statuique  ipsum  in  matris  collo,  omnique  adstanti 
ait  populo  :  Hec  namque  est  fornicaria  que  fornicata  est  peperitque 
filium  iniquitatis.  Porro  ab  omni  plebe  dum  inluderetur  ipsa 
meretrix  jussa  est  flagellis  cedi,  &  annorum  xii  penitentiam  agere. 
Namque  ipsum  adulterum  retrusum  carcere  ix  diebus  flagellis  cedi 
jussit  totque  annorum  illi  penitentiam  imposuit."*^ 

Sepe  etiam  et  nos  vidimus  ipsi  parricidas  jejuniis  macerari 
vinclisque  ferreis  quantotiens  coartari,  ita  ut  proprio  quis  circum- 
cinctus  ense  medius  ^^  cum  quo  iracundus  perculit,  trinisque  vinclis 
adhibitis,  uno  vinciretur  "^  brachio  &  numquam  solvi  aliquem  nisi 
vera  penitentia  subveniente  sacris  solveretur  in  locis,  sed  hujus 
auctoritatis  causa  nostris  latet  paginis. 

Quin  etiam  facinora  sua  refutantibus  profiterique  nolentibus 
gravia  apponunt  judicia.  Si  quis  delatus  fuerit  furtum  facere  aut 
quidlibet  levioris  sceleris  impetrasse,  ferventis  ferri  se  defendat 
examine.  At  vero  sacrilegus  &  homicida  qui  retur  esse,  alio  utatur 
judicio,  id  est  novem  calidis  vomeribus  ordinatim  positis,  nudis 
superambulet  pedibus.  Qui  autem  suspicatur  esse  parricida  aut 
sui  deceptor  erit  &  rennuit  verum  esse,  unum  de  duobus  judicium 
eligat,  aut  sepeliatur  ix  vel  vii  vel  iii  pedum  profunditate  usque 
in  diem  mum  ut  tamen  imposita  ori  ejus  harundine  tenuem 
emittat  alitum,  aut  etiam  cerato  consepto  '^^  panno  igne  consumpto  ^^ 
innoxius  adprobetur. 

46  XL""  for  XL"'^. 

*''  Cf.  Boniface's  letter  to  iEthilbald,  king  of  the  Mercians  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  ii. 
353),  and  Tacitus,  Germania,  c.  19. 

*^  Medius  perhaps  for  medio.  "  In  MS.  vinceretur. 

*"  Consepto  for  conseptus.  *'  Consumpto  for  consumptus 


726  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct.; 

Audivimus  etiam  &  opifiionem  de  quodam  adulterante  clerico 
quam  gravi  sit  usus  judicio.  Nam  cum  ipse  in  nefario  concubitu 
apud  alterum  virum  nupt^  uxoris  deprehensus  esset,  ductus  est  ad 
episcopum,  illo  quoque  precipiente  dira  verberum  passus  est 
supplicia,  tandem  que  ejus  collo  ad  portandum  gravis  affigitur 
trabes,  &  pro  majoris  adhuc  causa  dedecoris  ei  adcopulabatur 
licisca^^  &  adnexus  corrui^^  presulis,  quocumque  iter  agendum 
esset,  consecutus  est  eum  &  ad  ultimum  in  suo  fronte  causa  facti 
acu  inpingitur  :  Hie  est  profanus  adulter. 

Nec^^  quoque  reticendum  est  quod  quidam  presbyter  furtum 
aggressus,  et  audivimus  bovem  detraxisse.  Huic  vero  ne  ad  capitis 
duceretur  periculum,  ab  episcopo  decretum  est  ut  restituto  bove 
bovi  conjugaretur,  passimque  per  loca  ductum  vapulari  &  omni 
coma  decalvari,  nam  et  ipsius  fronte  nomen  odibile  ad  ultimum 
prenotatum  est,  quod  dicitur  :  Fur. 

Quedam  sanctimonialis  adulterio  deprehensa  jubente  episcopo 
flagellis  cesa  est  &  omni  expectante  plebe  circa  inguina  ejus 
concidebantur  vestimenta  &  sic  ^^  a  suo  depulsa  est  monaeterio. 

Sacer dotes  obnoxios  antequam  degradentur  laicis  judicare  nefas 
est,  dicente  scriptura :  Laicus  non  dijudicet  Christum  domini  id 
est  sacerdotem.  Quomodo  sacerdos  sit  judicandus  exemplo 
cujusdam  presbyteri  cum  alterius  viri  conjuge  adulterantis 
dooetur.  Qui  deprehensus  cum  esset,  in  sinodali  concilio  papa 
residente  episcopisque  quam  plurimis  considentibus  presentatus  est, 
&  de  eo  quid  esset  agendum  inter  se  dum  diu  quererent,  statutum 
est,  ut  sacerdotalia  legerentur  judicia,  perlectisque,  satisfacere  papa 
decrevit.  Quantum  vero  ad  solum  pertinet  sacerdotem,  primo 
perlecto  judicio  ipse  medius  statuitur,  alba  indutus  &  casula  & 
omni  vestc  que  ad  sacerdotale  ministerium  contigit,  duo  aggredi- 
entes  presbyteri  accipiebant  ■''^'  ejus  casulam,  in  limbo  replicantes, 
earn  detrahebant.  Secundo  perlecto  judicio  stola  privatus  est. 
Tertioque  finito  alba  &  omni  sacerdotali  vestimento  expoliatus  est. 
Novissime  aut  forpicibus  tonsus  turpiter  decalvatus  est.  Nunc, 
inquid  papa,  quod  ad  judicium  pertinebat  complevimus,  siquid  vero 
residui  sit  vestras  eum  secundum  leges  judicate.  Hoc  audito 
sermone,  laici  eum  accipientes  extra  ecclesiam  ducebant  dirisque 
flagris  affectum  tarn  diu  per  plateas  trahebant  usque  dum  diri 
lapides  suas  resecabant  membratim  carnes,  &  castratum  atque 
truncatum  una  manu  &  una  pede  semivivum  dimiserunt. 

Sunt  namque  his  temporibus  judices  qui  pro  modico  com- 
misso  homines  statim  morti  adjudicant,  parvi  pendentes  monita 
apostoli  dicentis,  Castigate  &  non  mortificate.  Castigandi  sunt 
enim  rei  diris  flagris  vel  vinculis  &  in  carcerem  mittendi  sunt  & 
trabibus   includendi   &  plumis'^^   piceque  perfusi  ad   spectaculum 

^2  Licisca :  cf.  Germ.  Litze,  Fr.  lisse. 

^^  Corrui,  i.e.  currui.  ^^  H(^c  in  MS.      •  "  In  MS.  se  de  added. 

^'^  In  MS.  accipiant.        -  ^''  In  MB i  plum"^ati. 


1895  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  COLLECTIONS     727 

publicum  in  cippum  mitti  debent  &  diversis  penis  cruciandi  sunt 
ne  anim^  pro  quibus  ipse  dominus  passus  est  in  ^terna  pena 
dispereant.-^®  Diversis  itaque  modis  rei  puniendi  sunt  &  non 
statim  necandi  sed  per  penas  salvandi  ne  in  eternas  incidant,  alii,  ut 
diximus,  catenis  &  flagellis,  alii  fame  vel  frigore  constringendi  sunt, 
alii  pellem  &  pilos  simul  perdentes  turpiter  obprobia  sustineant,  & 
alii  adhuc  acrius  constringantur  membrum  perdant,  oculum  vide- 
licet, vel  nasum,  manum  vel  pedem  seu  aliud  aliquid  membrum.^^ 
Unusquisque  autem  prout  gessit  penas  exsolvat.  Verumtamen 
judices  non  sint  inmemores  evangelici  sermonis.  In  quo  enim 
judicio  judicaveritis  judicabimini.  Jacobus  quoque  dicit :  Judicium 
enim  est  sine  misericordia  illi  qui  non  facit  misericordiam. 

Penances. 

I.  Quinque  vel  vii  annis  tibi  N.  penitentia  nunc  a  nobis 
inponitur.  Sed  in  isto  primo  anno  arma  depone,  ad  communionem 
noli  accedere.  Quando  plebs  ad  ecclesiam  convenerit  ad  hostium 
^cclesi9  missarum  sollempnia  audi.  IT.  Si  vero  populus  ad  ^ccle- 
siam  non  conveniat,  cum  sacerdote  intra  ^cclesiam  &  ora.  III.  Ab 
uxor  is  carnali  copulatione  &  ab  omni  fornicatione  te  omnimodis 
abstine.  IV.  In  toto  isto  anno  carnem  ne  comedas,  exceptis 
diebus  dominicis,  &  a  natale  domini  usque  epiphaniam  &  pasclia  & 
pentecosten  &  ascensum  domini,  vel  sollempnitatibus  Sanct^  Marie 
&  XII  apostolorum  &  sancti  Johannis  baptiste  &  festivitatibus 
sanctorum  in  hac  parrochia  quiescentium.  V.  Vinum  tribus 
diebus  in  ebdomada  id  est  ii'^*  iiii**  &  vi*"^  bibere  noli,  aliis  tribus 
feriis  caute  bibe  cum  biberis.  VI.  Pasch^  quoque  unum  pauperem 
omni  die  dona  ^°  refectionis  tue.  Et  si  quando  manducaveritis 
aut  biberitis  vide  ut  ad  crap ul am  aut  ebrietatem  non  pervenlus. 
VII.  De  balneatione  corporis  tui  &  rasione  in  providentia  erit  pres- 
byteri.  Si  autem  hoc  anno  I19C  libenter  sustinueris  deinceps  deo 
propitio  mitius  judicaberis. 

Then  follow,  without  a  separate  paragraph,  but  separated  by  a  slight 
gap  in  the  line,  a  number  of  formulae,  entitled  from  Lupus,  bishop  of 
London,^'  from  a  pope  John,  probably  XVIII,^'^  to  an  unnamed  bishop  and 

"  This  is  Nero  A  I,  f .  157  a,  and  in  190,  f.  242,  under  the  title  De  Inproviso  JudicAo 
Seculariuni.  These  manuscripts  proceed  differently  after  '  aliquid  membrum.'  Then 
*  Hieronimus  dicit :  Homicidas  &  sacrilegos  punire  non  est  effusio  sanguinis  sed 
legumministerium.  Nocet  itaque  bonis  qui  parcet  (sic)  malis.  Unusquisque  igitur  prout 
gessit  p^nas  exsolvat  ne  in  eternas  incidat  p^nas.  Melius  est  enim  ad  vitam  ingredi 
&  rel.  Et  melius  est  ut  quisque  parvo  tempore  donee  vivit  plangat  &  p^niteat  & 
pro  peccatis  ad  tempus  verecundiam  vel  eonf  usionera  sustineat  quam  ut  postea  ad  sup- 
plicia  ^terna  perveniat.' 

*»  Cf.  Johnson,  Canons,  p.  200.  •"•  In  MS.  omni  dcm. 

"'  Wulfstan  I  was  bishop  of  London  951-953.  No  pope  John  existed  in  his  time. 
Wulfstan,  bishop  of  London,  signs  first  997  ;  his  last  signature  is  1003  (Stubbs,  Beg. 
Sacr.  Angl.).    The  date  of  his  death  is  not  known. 

«-  Date  1003-1009. 


728  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct. 

to  archbishop  Wulfstan,^^  W.  archbishop  to  an  unnamed  pope,  and  from 
pope  Gregory,  probably  V,  (date  996-999)  to  ^Ifric, '  bishop  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,'  ^^  probably  ^Ifric,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  990-1005. 

Lupus  lundoniensis  episcopus  cunctis  fratribus  atque  conservis 
in  Christo  salutem.  Notum  vobis  esse  cupimus,  quia  homo  iste 
diabolica  fraude  deceptus  parricidii  reatum  incurrit ;  qua  propter 
ad  nostra  concurrit  pedum  vestigia  lacrimabili  prece  veniam  petens, 
&  sic  a  nobis  ammonitus,  loca  sacra  multaque  corpora  sanctorum 
atque  apostolicum  romanum  causa  tant^  necessitatis  adiit,  &  ad 
nos  rediens'  litterarum  reportavit  textum  quarum  penitet  judicio 
simul  &  nostro  imperio.  Ideoque  petimus  ut  pro  eo  precum  juvamina 
ad  deum  omnipotentem  effundere  dignemini,  quatinus  quandoque 
ei  tanti  sceleris  offensam  Christus  dominus  sua  largiflua  dementia 
indulgere  dignetur.     Valete. 

In  nomine  domini  lupus  lundoniensis  episcopus  cunctis  catholicis 
fratribus  omnibusque  Christianis  utriusque  ordinis  perpetuam  in 
domino  salutem.  Notum  fratern^  societati  vestry  esse  cupimus 
quia  homo  iste  casu  incidit  in  ingentem  atque  in  lugubrem  culpam, 
id  est  in  propri9  sobolis  necem.  Unde  petimus  ut  ei  adjuvamina 
precum  ad  deum  effundere  dignemini,  quatinus  vestris  inter- 
cessionibus  adjutus  per  venire  possit  ad  indulgentiam,  prestante 
omnipotentis  dei  multimoda  misericordia.     Bene  valete. 

Lupus  episcopus  cunctis  divine  servitutis  cultoribus  perpetuam 
in  domino  salutem.  Notum  vobis  esse  cupimus  quia  iste  homo 
diabolica  fraude  deceptus  ita  erat  per  iram  commotus,  ut  proprii 
fratris  sanguini  non  parceret  sed  ejus  temporaneam  vitam  per 
nimium  furorem  propria  manu  funditus  extinxit.  Unde  obnixe 
petimus  ut  vestris  fiat  intercessionibus  adjutus  quo  omnipotentis 
domini  misericordiam  facilius  pertingere  possit.     Valete. 

Johannes  episcopus  servus  servorum  dei  Domno  archiepiscopo 
karissimam  {sic)  salutem  &  apostolicam  benedictionem.  Hujus  igitur 
ostensorem  cartule  nomine  N.  a  nobis  circa  su^  vit^  diebus 
penitentiam  accepisse  sciatis,  ea  igitur  ratione,  ut  feriis  ii,  iiii, 
&  VI,  jejunet  in  pane  &  aqua.  Ecclesiam  non  ingrediatur  usque 
triennium ;  a  resurrectione  domini  usque  ad  pentecosten,  &  a 
natale  domini  usque  in  epiphaniam  non  jejunet.  Carnem  autem 
non  comedat  nisi  dominicis  diebus  &  precipuis  festis ;  laneo 
utatur  vestimento  in  ipsis  tribus  diebus  quando  ieiunat  &  nudis 
incedat  pedibus  ;  capillos  incidat  duabus  vicibus  per  annum.  Si 
aliquid  remedii  in  illo  vobis  placet  facere,  licentiam  damns. 

Gregorius  episcopus  servus  servorum  dei  Aelfrico  anglosaxo- 
num  episcopo  &  compresbitero  nostro  karissimam  (sic)  salutem  & 

"'  Bishop  of  Worcester  and  archbishop  of  York,  1003-1023.  Is  it  possible  that  he 
is  identical  with  Wulf stan  II,  bishop  of  London  ? 

^*  Compare  Freeman,  Norm.  Conq,  i.  597,  &c.  No  pope  Gregory  was  simultaneous 
with  any  other  bishop  ^Ifric  except  Gregory  VI  with  iElfric,  archbishop  of  York. 


1895  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  COLLECTIONS    729 

apostolicam  benedictionem.  Notum  fieri  volumus  de  istius  cartule 
portitore  qui  proprium  interemit  filium,  quamvis  non  sponte,  tamen 
precipimus  ut  vii  annos  peniteat  tribus  diebus  in  pane  &  aqua 
exceptis  paschalibus  diebus.  In  ecclesia[m]  non  intret,  pacem  non 
accipiat  &  si  in  monasterio  vult  introire  sub  abbatis  imperio 
militetur,  si  vero  hoc  facere  rennuit  in  una  domo  duas  noctes  non 
faciat,  excepto  si  preoccupatus  fuerit  infirmitate,  pro  qua  ambulare 
non  possit. 

Johannes  episcopus  servus  servorum  dei  venerabiH  N.  episcopo 
salutem  &  apostohcam  benedictionem.  Dignum  duximus  dilectioni 
vestry  indicare  istius  viri  penitentiam.  Debet  usque  septennium 
persistere  in  penitentie  luctu,  ea  videHcet  ratione  ut  feriis  ii,  iv, 
&  VI  jejunet  in  pane  &  aqua,  a  carne  [abstineat],  utatur  Hneo 
vestimento  in  ipsis  tribus  quando  jejunat,  &  nudipes  incedat 
^cclesiam,  non  ingrediatur  nisi  in  natale  domini  &  in  pascha  non 
communicet  nisi  cum  vestra  Hcentia.  Carnes  non  comedat  nisi 
dominicis  diebus  &  precipuis  festis ;  incidat  capillos  bis  per 
annum.  Si  aliquid  remedii  in  eo  vobis  facere  placet,  Hcentiam 
damns. 

Johannes  episcopus  servus  servorum  dei  Pulfstano  venerabili 
archiepiscopo  karissimam  {sic)  salutem  &  apostolicam  benedictionem. 
Iste  vir  pro  fratricidio  ^"'^  perpetrato  &  pro  aliis  suis  criminibus 
sanctorum  apostolorum  limina  adiit  fomentum  penitentie  a  nobis 
requisivit.  Injunximus  ei  penitentiam  pro  predicto  fratricidio 
circa  su^  vite  dies,  ea  videlicet  ratione  ut  feriis  ii,  iiii,  &  vi, 
jejunet  in  pane  &  aqua,  ecclesiam  ingrediatur  in  natale  Domini 
&  pascha,  carnem  comedat  dominicis  diebus  &  precipuis  festis. 
In  ipsis  tribus  diebus  quandojejunat acarne,  laneoutetur  (.s'?c)vesti- 
mento,  &  nudis  incedat  pedibus,  pacem  non  donet,  capillos  non 
incidat,  nisi  tribus  vicibus  per  annum,  non  communicet  nisi  perve- 
nerit  ad  mortis  exitum.     Si  aliquid  remedii  (&c.  as  above). 

Johannes  episcopus  N.  archiepiscopo  dilecto  confratri  nostro 
salutem  &  apostolicam  benedictionem.  Visis  apostolorum  liminibus 
presentium  latorem  litterarum  illic  repperimus.  Qui  ante  nostram 
presentiam  lacrimabiliter  fusis  precibus  penitentiam  petiit  dicens 
casu  accidente  ei  evenisse  ut  proprii  sobolis  vitam  extingueret, 
nos  vero  [ne]  in  desperationis  vinculum  incurrisset  indiximus  ei 
penitentiam  xiiii  annorum,  ea  videlicet  ratione  ^^  ut  per  annum 
quemque  dies  ^^  xl  in  pane  &  aqua  perficiat.  Iterum  indiximus  ei 
ut  post  annum  ecclesiam  introeat,  quia  apud  deum  non  tarn  valet 
mensura  temporis  quam  doloris.  Interea  dilectissime  frater  avida 
deposcimus  intentione  ut  pro  amore  Christi  hunc  gerulum  litte- 
rarum adjuvetis  apud  vestrum  regem  ut  sua  omnia  restituat. 

Domino  pape  N.  cunctisque  generaliter  sanct^  matris  9cclesi^ 
filiolis,  P  anglorum  archiepiscopus.     Notum  fieri  vobis  cupimus  de 

**  MS.  fratricido.  ^*  Batione  not  in  MS.  ®^  MS.  quidqice  tres» 


730  A    WORCESTER   CATHEDRAL  Oct. 

portitore  scedule  presentil,  qui  diabolico  instinctu  avunculi  sui 
filium  interimerat,  unde  a  nobis  penitenti^  fructum  inquirentem  in 
hujus  vit9  peregrinatione  constituimus  corporalique  cruciatui  damus, 
quo  spiritus  ejus  in  tremendi  examinis  die  salvetur.  Valete  cuncti 
fideles  vinee  Domini  cultores,  ipsius  inopiam  benedictionum  vestra- 
rum  copia  reficere  volentes  in  Christo. 


On  f.  269,  after  .Elfric's  letter  to  the  Eynsham  monks,  consisting  of 
extracts  from  ^thelwold's  Concordia  Begularis  and  Amalarius'  Deecclesi- 
asticis  officiis,^^  follow  passages  called  De  discretions  vestimentorum  divi- 
norum,  which  are  caps.  17, 18,  25,  22,  20,  21,  19,  23,  24,  26,  of  Amalarius' 
Book  II.  De  Eccles.  Officiis,  and  from  Book  III.  caps.  5,  part  of  6, 7  to  22 
27,  32,  34,  35.  Ff.  298-329  I  have  not  identified.  On  f.  329  stands  In- 
cipiunt  Aeglogae  de  or  dine  Romano.  This  is  from  Amalarius  (Migne, 
cv.  col.  1315  sqq.). 

In  C.C.C.C.  190,  on  f.  229,  under  the  rubric  Item.  Aliqua  institutio  beati 
Amalarii  dc  Ecclesiasticis  Officiis,  stands  a  passage  which  appears  to  come 
from  Book  IV.  cap.  30  sqq.  but  the  source  has  been  freely  dealt  with. 

Ff .  201-203  of  C.C.C.C.  190  contain  passages  on  the  seven  ecclesiastical 
degrees  which  are  also  in  C.C.C.C.  265,  f.  188.  The  passages  De  officio 
diurnalium  sive  nocturnalium  are  the  same  in  C.C.C.C.  190,  f.  205,  and 
265,  f.  194,  save  that  the  latter  version  is  rather  shorter. 

In  190,  f .  143,  stands  Incipit  Expositio  Officium  Sacr^  Miss^.  It  begins 
Missarum  vero  officium  constat  ex  introitu,  and  explanations  of  Collectay 
Lectio,  Gradale,  Alleluia,  etc.  follow,  with  quotations  from  Gregory,  which 
I  have  not  succeeded  in  finding.  On  f.  147  stands  Gregory's  Censuimus 
namquc  ut  in  circulo  anni  in  die  natalis  domini  ]jrimus  scol^  qui  ipsa 
die  officiuyn  facit,  solidum  uniun  accipiat ;  the  second  receives  8^.,  the 
third  (Sd.,  the  fourth  4f7.,  who  reads  the  Epistle  Qd.,  the  two  who  do  the 
responsories  4<i.  each,  those  who  sing  the  alleluia  the  same,  the  deacon 
who  reads  the  Gospel  one  shilling.  Et  dum  offertorlu7ii  cantatiir,  sacerdos 
qui  missam  cantaverit  d  qui  missalem  ante  episcopum  tenuerit,  accipiat 
oblationes  d:  diaconus  accipiat  unum  ohlatum. 

On  f.  163  of  190  and  f.  183  of  265  is  the  same  passage  De  officio  dt 
mysterio  missce.  In  190,  f.  159,  it  is  preceded  by  a  favourite  passage, 
found  also  in  265,  f.  180,  and  in  201,  f.  103,  Incipit  dc  Baptismo, 
Primo  neccsse  est  ut  paganus  catecumenus  sit.  Accedensque  .  .  .  in 
aula  celesti,  cf.  the  letter  of  Jesse,  bishop  of  Amiens.*'^  In  190  it  is 
accompanied  by  an  order  for  the  reception  of  a  catechumen. 


These  two  manuscripts,  besides  containing  the  Excerptiones  Egherti 
in  common,  have  also  a  large  number  of  penitential  passages  in  common. 
These  stand,  in  190,  on  f.  238  sqq.  and  in  Nero  A  I,  on  f.  155  a.  sqq. 

On  f.  156  b  of  Nero  A  I  stands  a  passage  De  excommunicatis.  Qui 
inviti  ad  penitcntiam  provocantur,  which  in  C.C.C.C.  190  is  on  f.  241. 

^^  Hampshire  Eecord  Soc,  Obedientiary  Bolls,  p.  171. 
'*''  Migne,  Pair.  cv.  col.  791. 


J895   BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL   COLLECTIONS     731 

The  excerpt  de  improviso  judicio,  which  follows  in  Nero  A  I,  has  been 
noted  above  as  standing  in  a  rather  different  form  on  ff.  108-9  of  C.C.C.C. 
265  ;  it  is  also  on  f .  242  of  C.C.C.C.  190.  The  passages  IncipU  Exemplum 
de  Excommunicato  pro  capitali  crimine  ^^  and  De  confcssione  et  quadra- 
gesimall  ohaervatione  are  common  to  Nero  A  I,  f.  157  b.  sqq.  and 
C.C.C.C.  190,  ff.  243-4  (compare  also  Bibl.  Reg.  5  E  xix). 

After  these  in  Nero  A I  comes  a  sermon  De  Beconciliatione  post  poeni- 
tentiam,  which  proves  to  be  Abbo  of  St.  Germain's.'^ ^  After  this  the 
resemblance  of  the  manuscript  with  C.C.C.C.  190  is  disturbed  by  excerpts 
from  the  Pseudo- Theodore,  caps.  49,  50  (Thorpe,  p.  305),  and  passages 
f.  164a,  De  Medicamento  Animarum  and  De  cotidianis  operibus  Episco- 
porum,  see  above.  On  f.  168  the  similarity  to  C.C.C.C.  190,  f.  247  con- 
tinues. Qiialiter  quarta  feria  in  capite  jejunii  circa  pcnitcntcm  agatur. 
This  describes  the  ceremony  of  sprinkling  a  penitent's  head  with  ashes 
on  Ash  Wednesday;  then  in  both  manuscripts  follows  as  a  lection  in 
the  service  (C.C.C.C.  190,  ff.  247-9),  a  Sermo  ad  p^opulum,  the  source 
of  which  I  have  not  found.'^^ 

After  the  order  Qiialiter  pcniienies  in  Cena  Domini  in  Ecclesia  intro- 
ducimtur,  in  Nero  A  I,  follows  the  hymn  0  redemptor  suine  caiincn 
which  in  190  has  been  written  in  a  different  hand  on  the  first  leaf,  and 
then  Pseudo-Theodore  I.  Mary  Bateson. 

APPENDIX. 

Alcuin  ?    De  tribulationibus.     C.C.C.C.  190,/.  142. 

Heu !  heu  !  quam  nimis  amara  quamque  "^  mala  tempora  nostris 
diebus  pro  peccatis  evenerunt,^^  quum  non  solum  prescriptis  perversi- 
tatibus  sed  aliis  diversis  criminibus  peiie  omnis  ordo  gentis  anglorum 
maculatus,  Christum  diu  ad  iracundiam  provocans,  jam  quod  meruit  sus- 
tinet ;  Et  quia  legem  &  precepta  domini  omni  modo  neglexerat,  &monita 
doctorum  contempserat,  ideo  omnibus  nationibus  terrarum  magis  cladibus 
et  depredationibus  innumeris  &  inimicorum  obseditionibus  '"'  angustatur. 
Neque  vero  post  primum  adventum  anglorum  patria  eorum  tot  &  tam  in- 
audita  pericula  experta  est  quot  nunc  gemens  sustinet.  Sed  tam  infmitam 
pecuniam  populus  sepe  pro  libertate  regni  dederat  ut  vix  aut  nullo  modo 
patria  ad  pristinam  opulentiam  perveniet  {sic).  Quid  plura  ?  quantis  malis, 
quantisque  perturbationibus,  gens  ilia  obpressa  sit,  bello  videlicet,  fame, 
igni  cedibusque,  quanta  populorum  milia  absque  numero  trucidati  sint, 
quanti  captivi  absque  discretione  per  diversas  regiones  dispersi,  non  est 
lingua  que  modum  vel  numerum  edicere  possit.  Quapropter  ortamur 
&  obsecramus  eos  qui  residui  sunt  ut  convertantur  toto  corde  ad  domi- 
num  deum  omnipotentem.  Benignus  enim  est  &  multum  misericors  & 
non  vult  mortem  sed  p^nitentiam  desiderat  peccatorum,  ut  per  prophetam 
attestatus  est,  dicens  :  In  quacumque  die  peccator  conversus  fuerit  &  in- 
gemuerit  salvus  erit. 

A  passage  follows  from  2  Chron.  xxv.  6,  7. 

'•"  Translated  in  Johnson  (ed.  Baron,  p.  222). 

'•  D'Achery,  Spicilegium,  i.  337.  It  is  given  in  C.C.C.C.  190  on  IL  253-8,  with  au 
Anglo-Saxon  translation  on  f.  354. 

'•'^  Wanley,  Index  to  Catalogue,  calls  it  forte  Aelfrici.  Its  Anglo-Saxon  translation 
is  given  C.C.C.C.  190,  f.  351. 

Wl 

^'  Quamque  :  MS.  g  quia.       ^*  MS.  evenerant.        "^  Apparently  for  obscssionibiis. 


782  THE  HUNDRED  AND   THE   GELD  Oct. 

THE  HUNDRED  AND  THE  GELD. 

Since  the  publication  of  my  '  Feudal  England  '  I  have  lighted  upon 
evidence  tending  to  confirm  the  views  advanced  in  it  as  to  the 
assessment  of  the  hundred  for  geld.  In  the  cartulary  of  St. 
John's  Abbey,  Colchester  (in  the  possession  of  Earl  Cowper),  is 
an  early  charter  of  Henry  II  remitting  for  ever  the  *geld  '  on 
thirty-eight  hides  and  one  carucate  of  land  belonging  to  the 
abbey.  The  localities  affected  are  all  specified,  and  are  classified 
according  to  hundreds,  thus  :  De  hundredo  de  Tendringia,  decern 
hidas  in  Brithlingseya  et  tres  hidas  in  Wileya,  I  believe  that  this 
classification  by  hundreds  is  due  to  the  position  of  the  hundred  as 
the  unit  of  geld  collection. 

In  the  same  cartulary  is  found  a  grant  of  land  with  the  notable 
clause — 

Nisi  quod  ipsi  monachi  defendent  eam  infra  quatuor  bancos  hundredi 
per  defensionem  x  et  viii  acrarum. 

For  the  rare  and  curious  archaism  of  *  the  four  benches '  reference 
may  be  made  to  Pollock  and  Maitland's  *  History  of  English  Law  * 
(i.  543).  There  is  also  a  remarkable  allusion  to  them  in  the 
Fordwich  custumal  lately  published,  where  the  communitas  is  de- 
scribed as  electing  the  mayor  in  the  parish  church,  primo  sedentes 
2wr  qvatnor  lancos  et  jpostca  omncs  astantes.  The  point  that  I  wish 
to  bring  out  is  that  the  phrase  per  defensionem  x  et  viii  acrarum 
corresponds  exactly  with  that  defensio  x  acrarum  which  I  have 
quoted  in  '  Feudal  England'  (p.  117)  from  a  fine  published  by  the 
Pipe  Roll  Society,  and  have  claimed  as  a  phrase  representing 
assessment.^  Now  another  document  entered  in  this  cartulary  is 
a  grant  of  two  virgates  at  Wormingford,  Essex,  and  contains  an 
equally  remarkable  clause : — 

Liberam  et  quietam  ab  omnibus  servitiis  et  scutagiis  et  expedicionibus 
et  omnibus  aliis  scottis  et  lottis  et  halimottis  et  sectis  scire,  hundret'  et 
omnibus  querelis  et  exaccionibus  nisi  quod  dimidiam  hidam  debent  defen- 
dere  predicti  sockemanni  inter  quatuor  bancos  regis  solummodo. 

Here  we  have  again  *  the  four  benches  '  (but  now  *  bancos  regis'), 
used,  I  take  it,  to  describe  the  hundred  court ;  and  the  close  asso- 
ciation which  these  passages  imply  between  assessment  for  geld  and 
the  actual  court  of  the  hundred  suggests  a  novel  train  of  thought. 
Do  they  imply  that  the  '  defence  '  {defendit  se)  formula  of  Domesday 
refers  to  an  actual  proceeding  in  the  hundred  court  ? 

J.  H.  EOUND. 

*  See  also  defensionem  de  Swepestone,  which  I  have  similarly  quoted  on  p.  204. 


1895        THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  738 


THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY. 

The  important  question  about  Crecy  is  not  what  Froissart  meant 
by  a  herse,  but  what  tactics  could  have  enabled  Edward  III  to  win 
his  great  victory.  The  word  at  a  later  date  became  a  technical 
term,  meaning  a  body  of  archers  drawn  up  in  a  way  that  can  be 
sufficiently  discerned.  Froissart,  however,  uses  it  merely  by  way  of 
comparison,  to  describe  something  new,  and  the  later  use  is  not  con- 
clusive as  to  his  meaning.  We  are  on  much  firmer  ground  if  we 
start  from  the  known  facts,  and  see  what  inferences  can  be  deduced 
from  them. 

1.  It  is  quite  certain  that  Edward  III  dismounted  his  men-at- 
arms,  in  order  to  stand  on  the  defensive :  against  great  odds  it  was 
his  best  chance,  and  horsemen  obviously  cannot  stand  to  await  at- 
tack. 2.  It  is  equally  certain  that  the  enormous  losses  of  the  French 
were  inflicted  by  the  archers,  the  effective  range  of  whose  weapon 
may  be  taken  at  400  yards,  though  doubtless  arrows  could  be  sent 
further.  3.  The  charging  French  reached  the  dismounted  men-at- 
arms,  and  engaged  in  hand-to-hand  fighting.  4.  Archers  could 
not  shoot  properly  if  formed  in  solid  bodies,  large  or  small :  those 
in  rear  could  not  see  the  enemy,  and  would  run  some  risk  of  hitting 
their  comrades.  Hence  the  archers  must  have  been  drawn  up  in 
something  like  a  line,  either  close  together  and  at  most  three  deep,  or 
at  wider  intervals  and  perhaps  eight  deep,  which  latter  was  the  forma- 
tion of  a  later  date,  and  probably  of  Crecy  also.  5.  The  English  loss 
was  extremely  small :  there  is  no  trace  of  the  archers  having 
sujffered  heavily,  as  they  would  have  done  if  ridden  down  by  the 
French  knights.  Moreover  had  they  once  been  really  defeated  the 
battle  would  have  taken  a  totally  different  turn :  it  is  implied  in 
every  narrative  that  the  archers  continued  effective  to  the  last. 

The  only  formation,  so  far  as  I  can  see,  which  answers  to  all 
these  conditions  is  as  follows :  the  dismounted  men-at-arms  drawn  up 
in  line  to  withstand  the  enemy's  charge,  having  a  line  of  archers  on 
each  flank,  with  their  front  thrown  forward  at  an  angle  to  the  front 
of  the  men-at-arms.^  In  this  position  the  archers  could  obviously 
shoot  into  the  charging  enemy  from  the  moment  they  came  within 
range  until  they  retired  out  of  range  again,  a  very  slight  change 
of  each  man's  attitude  sufficing  to  change  the  direction  of  his 
shooting. 

Combination  of  different  arms  is  the  basis  of  successful  tactics, 
and  this  combination  was  both  novel  and  successful.  It  cannot  be 
doubted  that  it  was  suggested  to  Edward  III  by  the  experience 
of  the  Scottish  wars— by  Falkirk,  where  the  Scottish  clumps  of 
spears,  impervious  to  the  men-at-arms,  were  broken  by  the  archers 

*  This  formation  is  that  indicated  by  Baker  of  Swinbrook,  whose  words  are  quoted 
and  discussed  below. 


?34  THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  'Get 

and  then  cut  to  pieces  by  the  horsemen ;  and  by  Bannockburn, 
where  the  EngUsh  knights  charged  in  vain  on  Bruce's  line  of 
spearmen,  and  the  archers  ranged  behind  the  knights  were  helpless 
to  retrieve  the  disaster.  Kohler  ^  indeed  asserts  that  Edward  III 
had  thought  it  out  long  before  Crecy,  and  adopted  it  as  his  perma- 
nent system ;  but  his  only  reference  is  very  far  from  precise,  and  I 
confess  the  statement  seems  to  me  impossible.  The  merit  of  the 
plan  consists  in  enabling  a  very  inferior  force  to  stand  on  the  defen- 
sive with  a  good  prospect  of  beating  off  the  enemy ;  but  it  is  not 
suited  for  the  offensive,  and  no  one  begins  an  aggressive  campaign 
with  the  deliberate  expectation  of  being  always  completely  out- 
numbered. But  however  this  may  be,  Edward  III  surprised  the 
French  with  it  at  Crecy ;  his  son  used  it  under  slightly  different 
conditions  at  Poitiers  with  even  greater  success.  Henry  V  had  such 
trust  in  its  efficacy,  which  he  had  himself  augmented  by  causing  the 
archers  to  carry  stakes  to  be  fixed  before  them  as  a  protection,  that 
he  could  move  in  this  formation,  instead  of  standing  in  a  carefully 
chosen  position :  arriving  within  bowshot,  he  could  force  his  enemy 
to  attack  or  give  way  altogether,  and  again  his  victory  was  over- 
whelming. 

The  essential  value  of  this  combination  depends  on  the  archers 
being  able  to  sweep  the  front  of  the  spearmen.  Hence  it  is  neces- 
sary to  calculate  how  far,  with  the  numbers  engaged  at  Crecy,  the 
archers  would  have  been  able  to  do  this.  The  numbers  actually 
engaged  are  not  known  with  accuracy ;  even  the  different  manu- 
scripts of  Froissart  do  not  agree.  But  they  are  known,  assuming 
that  credence  can  be  given  to  any  statements  at  all,  within  moderate 
limits.  Edward  III  took  with  him  4,000  men-at-arms,  10,000 
archers,  and  some  thousands  of  other  infantry,  chiefly  Irish  and 
Welsh.  He  had  had  some  fighting,  but  not  on  a  large  scale ;  he 
could  have  had  no  reinforcements,  and  we  hear  of  no  sickness. 
Hence  his  numbers  at  Crecy  were  less,  but  not  very  greatly  less, 
than  those  he  landed  with.  All  accounts  represent  the  prince  of 
Wales's  *  battle '  as  having  been  the  largest  of  the  three.  Hence 
he  had  from  1,200  to  1,600  dismounted  men-at-arms  and  8,000  to 
4,000  archers.  Northampton  and  Arundel  had  in  the  second 
*  battle '  perhaps  two-thirds  of  these  numbers. 

We  have  no  certain  knowledge  of  the  depth  of  the  formation  of 
the  dismounted  men-at-arms  at  Crecy.  At  Agincourt  we  are  ex- 
pressly told  that  they  were  drawn  up  four  deep,  and  since  the 
numbers  on  that  occasion  were  very  small  relatively  to  the  enemy— 
so  small  that  not  a  man  could  be  spared  for  a  reserve — we  may 
reasonably  assume  that  no  thinner  line  was  deemed  possible.  On 
the  other  hand  the  spears  of  the  hinder  ranks  in  a  deeper  formation 
would  have  been  hardly  of  any  use.  The  space  to  be  covered  at 
2  Entwickelung  des  Kriegswesens  in  der  Bitterzeit,  ii.  362,  * 


1895  THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  ?35 

Crecy  was  also  considerable,  which  would  furnish  a  strong  motive 
against  unnecessary  depth .  Hence  there  is  a  fair  presumption ,  though 
no  more,  that  they  were  four  deep.  They  would  naturally  stand, 
or  sit,  or  kneel,  as  close  together  as  was  consistent  with  bringing 
all  the  spear  points  to  the  front,  which  would  require  about  a  yard 
for  each  man  in  the  front  rank.  If  so,  the  prince's  front  was  from 
300  to  400  yards  long. 

We  do  not  know  the  formation  of  the  archers  with  the  precision 
of  a  modern  drill  book,  but  Sir  John  Smythe's^  description,  given 
in  1590,  when  herse  had  come  to  bear  a  technical  meaning,  is  suffi- 
ciently distinct. 

The  ancient  order  [he  says]  was  into  hearses — that  is,  broad  in  frunt 
and  narrow  in  flanck,  as,  for  example,  if  there  were  25,  30,  85,  or  more 
or  fewer  archers  in  frunt,  the  flancks  did  consist  but  of  seven  or  eight 
ranckes  at  the  most.  And  the  reason  was  this  :  that  if  they  had  placed 
anie  more  ranckes  than  seven  or  eight,  the  hinder  ranckes  of  archers 
should  have  lost  a  great  deale  of  ground  in  the  volees  of  their  arrowes  at 
their  enemies,  considering  the  convenient  and  proportional  distances 
between  rancke  and  rancke,  and  the  ranckes  before  them,  as  also  that 
the  sight  of  the  hinder  ranckes  should  have  been  taken  away  by  so  many 
former  ranckes  from  directing  their  volees  of  arrowes  towards  the  enemies' 
faces. 

It  is  obvious  from  this  that  the  archers  stood  some  distance 
apart,  like  modern  skirmishers,  the  men  in  the  hinder  ranks  not 
being  exactly  behind  those  in  front ;  this  agrees  with  the  vague  indi- 
cations of  old  prints,  and  is  what  we  should  expect  a  iiriori.  Sir 
John  Smythe  does  not  say  exactly  how  far  apart  the  archers  stood  ; 
and  if  he  did  it  would  prove  little  about  Crecy,  nearly  two  and  a 
half  centuries  before,  when  the  formation  was  tried  for  the  first 
time.  But  in  order  that  their  hinder  ranks  should  see  the  enemy 
at  all,  the  men  in  the  front  rank  cannot  well  have  been  less  than 
two  yards  apart.  On  this  calculation  the  prince's  archers  at 
Crecy  would  have  formed  a  line  of  about  400  yards  in  length  on 
each  flank.  If  this  was  placed  at  an  angle  of  45  degrees  to  the 
.men-at-arms,  the  distance  from  the  outer  end  of  one  archer 
line  to  the  outer  end  of  the  other  would  have  been  from  800  to 
1,000  yards.  That  is  to  say,  a  small  portion  only  of  the  charging 
enemy  would  have  been  out  of  effective  range,  and  these  would 
have  come  within  it  as  they  approached  nearer.  Assuming  this 
formation  for  the  English,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  a  very  large  pro- 
portion of  the  French  would  be  liable  to  be  struck  down  by  arrows, 
but  that  the  portion  in  the  centre  would  be  likely  to  run  the 
gauntlet  successfully,  at  least  so  far  as  to  reach  the  English  men- 
at-arms,  though  even  these  would  be  exposed  incessantly  to  the 
archers  nearest  to  the  flanks  of  the  men-at-arms.  If  it  be  asked 
'  Discourse  concerning  the  Force  and  Effect  of  divers  Sorts  of  WeapmtSt  p.  CO. 


736  THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  Oct. 

why  the  French  should  ha\R  charged  on  the  men-at-arms  at  the 
bottom  of  the  opening,  instead  of  at  the  archers  on  the  flanks,  two 
reasons  may  be  given^the  notorious  difficulty  of  getting  horses 
directly  to  face  arrow  flights,  and  the  equally  notorious  class  pride 
of  the  French  nobles,  who  deemed  the  plebeian  archers  unworthy 
of  their  steel. 

The  position  at  Crecy,  so  far  as  i-t  can  be  identified,  seems  to  have 
been  about  a  mile  long.  It  must  have  been  fully  occupied,  what- 
ever it  was— that  is  to  say,  the  flanks  must  have  been  covered  in 
some  way — for  Edward  had  had  ample  time  to  choose  it,  and  he 
was  certainly  a  fairly  competent  tactician.  That  the  French  did 
not  in  the  first  assault  attempt  to  turn  it  proves  nothing,  for  they 
came  on  in  a  reckless,  tumultuous  fashion,  obeying  no  general 
orders  and  expecting  easy  victory.  But  it  is  scarcely  conceivable 
that  attack  after  attack  should  have  been  made  straight  on  the 
English  front,  if  it  was  equally  open  to  them  to  turn  it.  Now  the 
prince's  '  battle,'  if  drawn  up  on  the  above  theory,  would  have 
covered  something  over  half  a  mile.  If  the  second  '  battle,'  drawn 
up  in  the  same  fashion,  adjoined  it  on  the  left,  as  seems  to  be 
indicated  by  the  authorities,  the  two  would,  on  the  above  calcula- 
tion, fairly  occupy  the  space  from  the  little  river  Maye,  flowing 
through  Crecy,  to  the  village  of  Wadicourt,  which  is  the  only 
position  that  is  pointed  out  by  competent  judgment  as  answering 
to  the  other  known  conditions.  I  assume  that  each  *  battle  '  was 
separately  drawn  up  in  this  fashion,  so  that  if  two  were  placed  in 
line  with  each  other  the  archers  of  the  inner  flanks  would  meet  at 
the  apex  of  a  more  or  less  rectangular  wedge.  In  no  other  way 
could  the  whole  front  be  even  approximately  covered  by  the  archery, 
and  it  is  certainly  in^accordance  with  medieval  practice  to  treat  each 

*  battle '  as  a  separate  organic  unit.     When,  as  at  Agincourt,  the 

*  battles  '  were  small,  the  front  would  be  still  more  effectually  swept 
by  the  arrows.  It  is  at  least  possible  that  the  enormous  slaughter 
on  that  occasion  was  partially  due  to  the  smallness  of  king  Henry's 

*  battles.' 

I  have  already  put  forward  this  theory,  though  in  a  more  sum- 
mary way,  in  my  *  Battles  of  English  History.'  It  rests  on  the 
known  facts,  but  it  does  not  controvert  anything  in  the  authorities. 
Froissart's  phrase  ou  fons  de  leur  hataille  would  be  really  more 
appropriate  to  the  men-at-arms  thus  placed  than  to  their  suggested 
position  as  a  second  line  in  rear  of  the  archers.  And  his  words 
about  the  French  knights  on  one  occasion  breaking  through  the 
archers  may  perfectly  well  mean  that  they  succeeded  in  getting 
through  their  '  zone  of  fire '  (to  use  a  very  modern  phrase ) ;  it  can- 
not mean  that  they  rode  over  and  defeated  them.  This  view  is 
also  in  accordance  with  the  interpretation  of  the  word  Jierse  most 
consonant  to  its  later  techuical  use,  which  would  make  it  descrip- 


1895  THE  ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  737 

tive  of  the  actual  formation  of  the  archers,  not  of  their  position 
relatively  to  the  men-at-arms.  More  important  still,  it  is  in  full 
accord  with  the  only  precise  tactical  statement  made  by  any  of  the 
authorities,  that  of  Baker  of  Swinbrook :  "^  Sagittariis  eciam  sua  loca 
designarunt,  ut,  non  coram  armatis,  sed  a  laterihus  regis  exercitus  quasi 
alae  astarent,  et  sic  non  impedirent  armatos  neque  inimicis  occurrerent 
infronte,  sed  in  latera  sagittas  fuhninarent.  That  this  is  a  delibe- 
rate statement  is  obvious  on  the  face  of  the  words  ;  and  confirma- 
tion is  found  in  the  fact  that  Baker,  writing  of  Bannockburn, 
attributes  the  defeat  in  part  to  the  uselessness  of  the  archers 
there — non  habentium  destinatum  locum  aptum,  set  prius  armatorum 
a  tergo  stancium  qui  nunc  a  latere  solent  constareJ"  I  admit  that 
my  last  point,  the  archers  being  thrown  forward  at  an  angle, 
is  not  actually  stated  by  Baker,  but  it  is  perfectly  consistent 
with  his  words,  and  seems  to  me  essential  to  the  effectiveness  of 
the  whole.  Writing  as  he  did  before  the  treaty  of  Bretigny,  he  is 
the  most  thoroughly  contemporary  of  all  our  authorities ;  and  no 
one  can  read  the  military  parts  of  his  chronicle  without  being  struck 
by  the  unusual  precision  of  the  language.  He,  or  his  informant,  had 
paid  intelligent  attention  to  the  tactics  of  the  long  bow,  and  would 
deserve  respect  even  if  he  made  improbable  statements.  In  the 
case  of  Crecy  his  account  of  the  formation  adopted  is  far  from  being 
improbable  ;  it  is  the  only  one,  as  I  have  attempted  to  show,  which 
agrees  with  the  known  facts. 

With  regard  to  the  word  lierse  or  lierce^  it  is  quite  possible  that 
there  are  really  two  words,  one  derived  from  liirpex,  and  meaning  a 
harrow  or  a  stand  of  candles,  the  other  derived  from  ericius,  and 
meaning  some  kind  of  cheval  de  /rise  or  other  military  obstacle. 
What  Froissart  bad  in  his  mind  we  cannot  possibly  know,  but  the 
form  of  his  phrase,  d  manniere  d'une  lierse,  implies  that  he  was 
using  the  word  by  way  of  illustration  and  comparison,  not  as  a 
technical  term;  and  it  may  be  meant  to  apply  either  to  the 
formation  of  the  archers  themselves  or  to  their  relation  to  the 
men-at-arms.  In  the  former  sense  it  became  a  technical  term, 
which  is,  so  far  as  it  goes,  an  argument  in  favour  of  this  having 
been  the  meaning  of  Froissart,  who,  so  far  as  can  be  traced,  is  the 
originator  of  the  phrase.  And  the  simile  of  a  harrow  is  an  apt  one 
for  a  body  of  men  drawn  up  as  Sir  John  Smythe  describes.  Frois- 
sart's  use  of  the  same  phrase  at  Poitiers,  w^here  certainly  the 
archers  were  on  the  flanks  of  Salisbury's  men-at-arms,  tells  also 
against  his  having  meant  a  cheval  defrisc  at  Crecy.  It  is  possible 
too,  though  rather  forced,  to  regard  the  harrow  as  a  simile  for  the 
outline  of  the  whole  front,  the  alternating  pointed  wedges  of  archers 
and  straight  lines  of  men-at-arms.     By  Sir  John  Smythe's  time  a 

*  Chronicon  Galfridi  U  BaTxcr  de  Swynebroke  (ed.  E.  M.  Thompson),  p.  84. 
s  Ibid.  p.  16. 
VOL.   X. — NO.   XL.  8  B 


738  THE   ARCHERS  AT  CRECY  Oct. 

herse  of  archers  had  becom^,  as  we  have  seen,  a  body  of  200  to  300 
men,  drawn  up  in  the  manner  described,  and  forming  a  recognised 
tactical  unit.  '  Our  ancestours,'  he  says,^  *  placed  their  hearses  of 
archers  either  before  the  frunt  of  their  armed  footmen,  or  ells  in 
wings  upon  the  corners  of  their  battailes,  and  sometymes  both  in 
frunt  and  wings.'  But  this  is  no  reason  for  asserting  that  at  Crecy 
in  particular  the  archers  were  placed  in  front,  or  even  that  they 
were  divided  into  specific  bodies.  Unless  Baker  is  entirely  wrong, 
they  were  placed  on  the  wings.  But  it  is  quite  easy  to  see  how 
convenience  might  lead  to  their  being  divided  then  or  later  into  com- 
panies, for  ^hich  Froissart's  simile  offered  an  apt  title.  And  it  is 
easy  also  to  understand  how,  as  experience  showed  more  and  more 
clearly  the  extraordinary  power  of  the  archers,  they  may  have  been 
placed  in  small  bodies  in  front  of  the  men-at-arms,  perhaps  ready 
to  retire  through  their  line,  or  to  position  on  the  flanks,  whenever 
a  charge  was  pressed  home.  Hereford  B.  George. 


A  sixteenth-century  school. 


The  manuscript  given  below  is  written  on  two  blank  leaves  at  the 
end  of  a  book  in  the  Bodleian  Library.  The  volume  into  which  it  is 
bound  (D.  7.  4.  Line.)  consists  of  a  number  of  early  sixteenth-century 
books,  most  of  them  from  the  press  of  Albert  Paffraet  at  Deventer, 
the  latest  bearing  date  1516.  The  particular  book  which  contains 
this  manuscript  is  the  *  Farrago '  (s.  1.  et  a.  4°)  of  Alexander  Hegius, 
the  famous  rector  of  the  school  at  Deventer,  who  died  in  December 
1498.  The  same  handwriting  is  found  throughout  the  volume  in 
marginal  notes  and  glosses,  which  are  written  at  great  length  and 
display  a  laborious  erudition.  PalaBOgraphically  it  has  been  assigned 
to  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century ;  and  on  other  grounds  it 
is  probably  not  much  later  than  the  date  of  the  bound  volume, 
since  in  the  early  days  of  printing  books  soon  became  rare,  and 
were  regarded  as  treasures  too  sacred  to  be  written  on  before  they 
had  been  many  years  issued  from  the  press. 

In  this  manuscript  are  contained  the  rules  of  a  school,  pre- 
scribing the  duties  of  pupils  and  teachers  alike.  The  calligraphy  is 
faulty  and  in  places  illegible,  and  the  Latinity  is  debased,  many 
words  being  used  with  such  extended  senses  that  some  portions  of 
the  code  cannot  be  interpreted  except  by  free  conjecture.  The 
comparison  of  the  fines  imposed  is  extremely  difficult,  owing  to  the 
confusion  of  monetary  systems  then  prevailing  in  Europe.  A  stufer, 
or  stiver,  seems  to  be  the  largest  coin  mentioned.  It  is  the  price 
imposed  for  the  graver  offences — for  producing  a  knife  in  a  quarrel, 
and  refusing  to  pay  fines  ;  and  for  breaking  the  copy  of  the  rules, 

*  Discourses,  &c.,  p.  61. 


1895  A   SIXTEENTH-CENTURY  SCHOOL  789 

which  probably  hung  on  the  school  wall,  two  stufers  are  exacted. 
A  stufer  contains  eight  deuts,  or  doits,  and  is  equivalent  to  six  or 
seven  obols,  or  pfennige.  The  value  of  the  denarius  is  more  puz- 
zling, since  it  varied  considerably  in  different  systems.  The  calcu- 
lation of  twelve  denarii  as  equivalent  to  a  schilling,  which  contains 
six  stufers,  makes  one  denarius  equal  to  half  a  stufer,  a  ratio  which 
is  improbable,  since  both  terms  are  used  frequently  throughout  the 
code.  Eule  3  implies  that  two  obols  are  greater  than  half  a 
denarius ;  and  the  denarius  is,  therefore,  probably  something 
between  two  obols  and  half  a  stufer.  The  scale  thus  produced 
seems  to  accord  fairly  well  with  the  character  of  the  offences,  and 
is  in  the  following  order : — 

(1)  deuta  =  |^  St.;  (2)  obol  =  ^  or  |  st. ;  (3)  medius  denarius; 
(4)  quarta  pars  stuferi ;  (5)  diobol=^  or  -f-  st. ;  (6)  denarius;  (7) 
medius  stuferus ;   (8)  stuferus. 

From  an  examination  of  the  rules  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  school  in  question  was  an  elementary  establishment  for  boys, 
and  was  attached  to  some  larger  institution.  The  whole  regime 
implies  that  the  boys  lived  in  the  house  with  which  the  school  was 
connected,  and  the  schoolroom  {gymnasium,  No.  13)  was  probably 
in  a  separate  building.  They  were  in  charge  of  a  warden  (ciistos) , 
who  lived  amongst  them  ;  and  from  the  narrow  limitation  with 
which  his  duties  are  laid  down  he  was  apparently  not  a  person  of 
trust  or  high  standing.  The  rector  (No.  13)  was  probably  a  higher 
authority  to  whom  he  was  subordinate,  perhaps  the  head  master  of 
the  school.  The  rules  against  fighting,  pulling  the  hair,  taunting, 
and  giving  nicknames  suggest  that  the  pupils  were  quite  young. 
But  the  liberty  allowed  them  in  w^alking  alone  without  supervision 
(No.  12),  their  implied  ability  to  speak  habitually  in  Latin,  and 
their  competence  to  pay  fines,  small  though  these  were,  show  that 
they  ^^c^e  not  mere  children,  but  probably  boys  between  the  ages  of 
ten  and  fifteen.  Of  the  daily  routine  not  much  is  to  be  gathered. 
It  seems  that  the  day  began  at  4  a.m.  (No.  ii.),  and  that  at  6  in  the 
evening  a  sort  of  *  lock-up  '  and  *  call-over  '  was  held  (No.  5).  From 
the  expression  angelica  salutatione  lecta  (No.  iv.),  *  when  the  ''Ave 
Maria  "  has  been  read,'  we  may  conclude  that  after  morning  prayers 
the  warden  held  an  inquiry  as  to  the  conduct  of  his  pupils,  at  which 
time  he  received  confessions  of  their  misdeeds  (No.  viii.),  entered  his 
marks  formally  in  a  register  (No.  iv.),  and  also  asked  what  they 
proposed  to  do  for  the  day  (facienda,  25  and  viii.)  ;  unless,  allowing 
for  the  laxity  of  the  Latin,  w^e  may  translate  facienda  as  facta, 
and  transfer  the  inquiry  to  the  evening  '  call-over.'  It  is  curious  to 
notice  how  elaborately  a  '  thief  is  set  to  catch  a  thief.'  The  boys 
were  in  strictness  bound  to  confess  their  misdeeds,  and  if  the 
delinquent  himself  kept  silence  any  one  of  his  companions  might 
lay  information   against  him.     Moreover,  to   keep   silence  when 

3  B  2 


U6  A   SlXTEENTH-CENTURY  SCHOOL  Oct. 

cognisant  of  another's  faiflt  was  to  become  an  accomplice  equally 
liable  to  punishment  if  the  affair  came  to  the  warden's  ears  by  any 
other  channel,  so  that  concealment  was  a  dangerous  policy.  The 
warden  himself,  too,  was  under  a  sort  of  supervision  from  the  boys, 
who  were  allowed  to  check  his  marks  and  see  that  he  made  the 
entries  fairly  in  his  book. 

The  instruction  given  does  not  seem  to  have  been  very  advanced. 
On  alternate  days  grammatical  exercises  were  set  in  the  declension 
and  comparison  of  nouns  and  in  conjugating  verbs.    Letter-writing, 
a  highly  valued  accomplishment,  was  to  be  practised  once  a  week/ 
and  a  certain  quantity  of  *  repetition  '  was  daily  prescribed.     Yet 
at  the  same  time  Latin  was  spoken  on  all  occasions,  the  use  of  the 
vernacular   being   strictly   forbidden.      Fines   were    imposed    for 
blunders    not   corrected   inter  angelicae   salutationis    spatium,   *  in 
the  time  one  could  say  an  Ave,'  and  to  pass  another's  blunder  un- 
corrected was  as  punishable  as  to  err  oneself.     The  rudimentary 
character  of  the  instruction  and  the  childish  nature  of  many  of 
the  regulations  preclude  the   supposition  that  these  rules   could 
have  belonged  to  a  college  in  a  university  town,  such  as  Louvain, 
young  as  was  the  age  of  many  university  students  in  the  sixteenth 
century.     Elementary  education  at  that  time  was  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  religious  orders.     The  town  schools  (ludi  litterarii, 
gymnasia,   scholae  puhUcae)   were   for   the   benefit   of  children  in 
the  neighbourhood,  who  lived  with  their  parents  and  not  in  the 
school ;  the  masters  were  appointed  by  the  municipal  authorities,^ 
but,  as  good  learning  was  still  thought  to  be  the  property  of  the 
church,    they    were    naturally    drawn    mainly    from   its    ranks. 
Boarding-schools  were  attached  to  many  monasteries,  and  to  all 
the  houses  of  Groot's  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  ;  ^  they  were 
found  too  in  bishops'  houses,  where  they  were   maintained   pri- 
marily for  the   support   of  cathedral  choirs.     In  the  conventual 
schools  a  distinction  was  drawn  as  early  as  817  by  the  council 
of  Aachen   between    intranei    and   cxtranei.^    The    former    were 
children  who  were  ohlati  by  their  parents  as  candidates  for  ad- 
mission to  the  order,  though  under  no  irrevocable  vows,  and  were 
domiciled  in  the  monastery ;  the  latter  were  those  who  were  destined 
for  secular  clerks,  and  were  estabhshed  in  a  house  close  outside  the 
monastery  gates,  where  they  were  subjected  to  a  rigid  discipline. 
A   similar    distinction    between    chorales,   intranei,   and    extranei 
occurs   in   Groot's  school  at  Deventer,^  which  may  be  taken  as 
typical  of  all  schools  belonging  to  his  order.     In  cathedral  schools 
also  a  difference  was  sometimes  made  between  boys  who  were  native 

1  Erasmus,  Antiharhari,  edit.  Leyd.,  x.  1698. 

*  Aub.  Miraeus,^  Codcx^  Regularum  et  Constitutionum  Clericalmm.    Antv.  1638. 

*  C.  Joly,  Des  llcoles  Episcopales  et  EccUsiastiques  (Paris,  1678),  p.  144. 

*  'Leges  Scholarum  Daventriensium,'  in  G.  Dumbar,  Kerkelijk  en  wereldlijh 
Devenfer,  i.  304-6. 


1895  A   SIXTEENTH-CENTURY  SCHOOL  741 

to  the  diocese  and  strangers.  Stephen  de  Senhs,  bishop  of  Paris 
1124-1142,  finding  his  school  grow  numerous  and  noisy,  separated 
the  two  classes  by  removing  the  strangers  to  a  building  near  his 
house,  where  they  were  still  controlled  by  the  same  discipline  as 
the  others;^  Bat  this  seems  to  have  been  an  exceptional  case 
rather  than  a  general  practice,  and  it  is  therefore  improbable  that 
the  school  now  in  question  was  one  of  this  class. 

Accordingly  it  may  be  inferred  that  these  rules  were  drawn  up 
for  a  boarding-house  of  *  externes '  attached  to  a  religious  house 
either  of  one  of  the  regular  orders  or  on  Groot's  foundation.  There 
is  a  considerable  resemblance  between  this  code  and  one  preserved 
by  D'Achery,^  which  contains  rules  for  the  governance  of  young 
boys  in  the  school  at  Cluny.  They  were  under  the  control  of  an 
inferior  officer  with  the  title  of  magister,  who  slept  with  his  charges 
and  was  responsible  for  their  behaviour,  though  he  was  not  a  person 
of  trust,  and  his  pupils  were  set  to  act  as  a  check  upon  him.  But 
at  Cluny,  and  as  it  seems  likely  at  other  monasteries  also,  punish- 
ment was  inflicted  by  beating  and  by  a  diet  of  bread  and  water 
instead  of  by  fines.  In  Groot's  schools,  on  the  contrary,  fines  were 
imposed  for  speaking  in  the  vernacular  instead  of  Latin.^  Yet 
there  is  no  mention  of  a  custos  among  the  regular  officials  of  the 
order  in  the  constitution  detailed  by  Mirseus  ;  ^  and  there  is  cer- 
tainly no  resemblance  between  our  code  and  the  *  Leges  '  in  Dumbar 
referred  to  above,  in  which  the  rector  and  lectores  are  the  only 
officials  named.  In  language  too  there  is  little  coincidence,  except 
for  a  few  words,  such  as  notare  and  cedulam  [sic].  This  dis- 
similarity, however,  may  perhaps  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
*  Leges '  are  concerned  chiefly  with  the  management  of  the  church 
and  choir  of  the  house ;  and  on  the  whole  the  rules  seem  to  accord 
better  with  the  character  of  Groot's  foundations  than  with  any 
other  kind  of  school.  For  this  view  a  slight  corroboration  may  be 
drawn  from  the  position  of  the  manuscript  at  the  end  of  Hegius' 
'  Farrago,'  in  a  volume  mainly,  and  perhaps  entirely,  composed  of 
books  published  at  Deventer. 

As  to  the  situation  of  the  school,  we  have  also  few  indications. 
Schmidt  describes  the  stiver  and  doit  as  being  primarily  Dutch 
coins ;  and  Germanice  and  Teutonice  could  be  used  loosely  for  the 
vernaculars  of  the  Netherlands  during  the  sixteenth  century.  The 
lectiones  extraordinariae  (No.  5),  if  they  be  not  merely  a  confirma- 
tion of  the  conjecture  about  houses  of  *  internes '  and  *  externes,' 
may  be  a  sign  that  there  were  other  educational  institutions  in  the 
same  town.    If  the  school  is  rightly  placed  amongst  those  of  Groot's 

*  Leon  Maitre,  lf<koles  Episcopales  et  Monastiq^iies  de  V Occident  (Paris,  1866),  p.  199. 

«  Spicilcgium,  i.  687,  edit.  1723. 

^  G.  H.  M.  Delprat,  Verh.  over  de  Broederscliap  van  Geert  Grooie,  p.  201. 

»  Miraeus,  op.  cit. 


742  A   SIXTEENTH-CENTUEY  SCHOOL  Oct. 

brethren,  it  may  perhaps  fee  localised  at  Brussels,  where  the  house 
of  the  order  (Domus  Nazarethana)  was  dedicated  to  the  Annunciation 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin  ;  ^  though  more  probably  the  praise  of  the 
Mother  of  God  is  only  such  as  would  occur  in  any  similar  composi- 
tion, by  whatever  house  and  order  drawn  up. 

The  manuscript  is  not  easy  to  interpret,  and  the  dictionaries 
afford  little  help  with  the  obscure  words.  Some  passages,  8,  13, 
15,  18,  vii,  are  partially  or  wholly  unintelligible.^^  Si  autem  nihil 
(hahiierit  ?)  in  9  and  1 1  may  possibly  be  a  provision  for  those  who 
were  not  rich  enough  to  pay  the  whole  fine ;  but  the  explanation 
seems  unlitely.  Illatinam  (2)  is  unheard  of,  but  illatiuam,  *  calum- 
nious,' gives  poor  sense.  Notare,  from  comparison  of  the  various 
passages,  seems  usually  to  mean,  *  give  a  bad  mark  to,  mark  for  a 
fine ; '  but  in  22  it  has  the  more  ordinary  sense  *  to  copy.'  In  vii 
Idus  facere  may  possibly  have  some  reference  to  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  75, 
referentes  Idibus  aera^  but  this  does  not  clear  up  the  meaning. 
Etiam  iure  an  in  10,  teiitonice  in  12,  and  schedulam  in  22  are  con- 
jectural restorations.  P.  S.  Allen. 


In  laude77i  et  honore??!  dei  o??mipote?^tis  et  ma^ris  eius  marie  omnibi^s 
co?ztu|bernalibws  otium  i/i  litteris  collocare  voleTztib^^s  haec  subscripta 
sedulo'i  su7^t  obserua?ida.| 

Speaking  1)  gi  aliquis  nostroru?;^  vernaculo  sermone  locnkcs  fuerit, 

nacufar^^"  denario  mulc|ta7idzis,  ni  custos  illi  copia?7i  fecerit.| 
Bad  2)  Si  aliquis  nostwrum  illatinam  p?'otulerit  oratiowe7?i  et 

Latin  (?)     g3^„j    jjj^gj,   angelicae   salutatio|nis   spacium  non  repurgauerit, 

mediu??i  denariu77i  dabit.| 
Swearing.  3)  gi  aliquis  nos^ror?tm  per  denm  aut  per  animu7?t  iurauerit, 

mediu?;i  dendnimn  dabit ;  |  si  antein  male,  diobulo  mnlctabit?tr.| 
Non-  4)    Si   aliquis    die   marcurij    (sic)    et    veneris   seruatisqwc 

attendance  omnibus  diebus  insuper  et  domi|nicis  re?7i  diuinam  concionemque 
a   service.  no7i  audiuerit,  deuta?7i  luet  et  precipue  eua7^geliuw.| 
Failure  in        5)  Si  quis  vespertine  tempore  hora  sexta  om^zia  a  custode 
repetition.  i7;iposita   et  i7isuper   quatuor  \ersus  alicuiws  probati  auctoris 

memoriter  recitare  nesciuerit,  de  quolibet  verbo|  mediu??^  daturzts 
Absence  est.  Preterea  et  si  quis  eade?7i  hora  ponieridia|na  no7i  adfuerit, 
from '  roll-  denariu?;t  dabit,  et  cu?7i  venerit  solws  recitabit  ;  exceptis  illis| 

qui  ilia  hora  lectio?ies  audiu7it  extraordinarias.     Et  illi  sexta 

hora  pulsata|  stati?7i  veniew^  aut  eadem  de  illis  sumeti^r  poena. | 
Fighting.  G)  Si  aliquis  nostro7-um.  irato  a^iimo  manws  suas  i?t  alterius 

capillu77i  i?ivolauerlt  aut  puglno  aut  quolibet  alijo  (sic)  instru- 

mewto  petijerit,  quarte77i  (sic)  stuferi  partem  dabit.|     Sed  si  quis 

cultru?7i  exemerit,  st[uferum]  luet.| 

^  Mireeus,  op.  cit. 

"*  In  the  transcription  the  principle  followed  is  this  :  letters  actually  written  in  the 
manuscript  are  printed  in  ordinary  type  ;  letters  expressed  by  regular  abbreviations 
and  contractions  are  printed  in  italics,  and  those  merely  designated  by  a  rough  sign 
of  contraction  are  in  italics  within  brackets. 


1895 


A  SIXTEENTH-CENTURY  SCHOOL 


743 


Talking. 


Unseemly 
conduct. 

Eefusal  to 
say  repe- 
tition. 

Bad 

marks  (?) 


Informa- 
tion on 
offences 
committed 
in  private. 


7)  Si  aliquis  sile7^tio  imposito  locutws  fuerit,  obulo  mulc- 
i&7idus  est.\ 

8)  Si  aliquis  nostrorum  in  co^tspectu  consocioruw  crepitus 
ve?itris  emiserit,  extorqueb|bitur  obulo  et  ilium  notari  petierit.| 

9)  (Written  in  the  margin)  Si  aliquis  cum  tem|pws  dicendi 
fuerit|  ad  placitu??^  custo|dis  \ersus  recita|re  noluerit,|  denarium 
dabit  ;|  si  autem  nihil,  quarjtam  partem  Bi[uferi\.\ 

10)  Si  unws  alio  notam  dederit  et[mm]  iu[r]e  an  iwiuria, 
angelica  salutatiojie  lecta|  notabitwr ;  si  vero  perperam,  ille  qui 
dedit  soluet.| 

Squabbles.  11)  Si  duo  aut  plures  litigaueii?it  et  suas  lites  inter  a?igelica 
{sic)  salutatio?iis  spa|cium  missas  facere  nolueri^zt,  denarium 
dabit ;  si  autew  nihil,  qt^artam  st[w/eri]  partewi.| 

12)  Si  duo  aut  plures  una  a?^ibulaueri?it  aut  secretiori  in 
loco  fueri7jt  et  si  tu?ic  \mus\  illorum  germanice  locutt^s  fuerit  aut 
quid  simile,  (]iiod  facere  illicitu?7j  estt  fece|rit,  hoc  alij  ad 
custode??^  defere7it.  Si  autem  no7i  detuleri?it  et  si  iwio,  ille  qui 
t[eutoni]ce  ^  ^ |  locutz^s  est  custodi  dixerit,  ijdem  soluewt.  Preterea 
si  omnes  legi  dero|gaueri?^t  et  eode??^  die  custodi  non  dixeriwt, 
hoc  ab  alijs  vel  a  custode  audito|  sive  accepto  quartam  st[uferi] 
partem  daturi  su7it.| 

13)  Si  aliquis  nostrorum  gymnasium  non  frequentauerit 
sine  ^2  rectoris  et  siue  custo|dis  venia,  singulis  horis  dena[?]| 

14)  Si  aliquis  irato  a?iimo  alio  cognome7^  dederit  aut  ei 
pare?^tes  cognatosue|  obiectauerit  aut  alicui  aliquid  mali  impre- 
cates fuerit,  diobuloj  mulctabit2<r.| 

15)  Si  aliquis  nos^ron^m  malos  mores  qua^ido  nnus  in  Uteris 
injheret  habuerit,  obulum  dabit ;  sed  si  desistere  nolueri?it  [sic] 
duplicabitwr|,  diobulo  mulctabitwr.| 

16)  Si  aliquis  nos^ron^m  cum  non  fuerit  temp?<s  lude7zdi 
luse|rit,  diobulo  mulcta?idws  est.\ 

17)  Si  aliquis  nos^rorz^m  i^ihonora  i^ihonesta  insupcr|  et 
scurrilia  impudicaq^^c  verba  p7'otulerit,  diobulo  plectet?^r.| 

18)  Si  aliquis  super  tabulatu7?i  capillum  explicauerit  suu77i, 
diobulo  plecteti^r.l 

19)  Si  aliquis  cu77t  temi^us  solutio7zis  fuerit  soluere  noluerit 
singulis  diebwsl  duplicabit^o*  et  hoc  die  saturni  fiet.| 

20)  Si  aliquis  nos^ron^m  lege7?i  ha7ic  abrogauerit,  stufero 
mulcta7id76s  est.\ 

21)  Si  aliquis  dictum  alicui«s  male  emendauerit,  mediu7;t 
dabit.  Bed  si  bo|na7;t  aut  congrua77i  protulerit  oratio7ie7/i,  et 
adhuc  eu7?t  carperc  voluerit,|  denariu7?t  daturt^s  est.  Cum 
primum  aliquis  soluit,  copia  germanice  loque7idi|  sibi  admigsa 
e5^.| 

22)  Si  aliquis  s[ch]edula77i  ha7ic,  duplici  stufero,  aut  custodis 
fregerit,  stufero|  mulctabit7<r.  'Et[iani]  si  custos  sua7?i  amiserit 
s[ch]edula7?j,  medio  mulcta7id7is  est  stufero|  et  iteru7/i  nota|bitwr 
sicut  ante|  fuit.^^l 

"  tf «%  '■•^  ?  sine ;  the  whole  line  is  obscure. 

'»  Et  iterum  ....  fuit  added  in  the  margin. 


Playing 
truant. 

Nicknam- 
ing, taunt- 
ing, and 
cursing. 

Contu- 
macy (?) 


Playing. 

Loose 
talking. 

Letting 
the  hair 
loose. 

Payment 
(of  fines  ?) 

Eefusal  to 
recognise 
Rule  19. 
Correction 
of  the 
mistakes 
of  others. 
German 
may  be 
spoken  at 
the  first 
payment. 
Injury  to 
the  copy 
of  rules. 


744 


AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  EXPERIMENT 


Oct. 


Charging 
the  war- 
den with 
giving 
wrong 
marks. 
Failure  to 
correct 
others' 
mistakes. 

Laying  in- 
formation. 


Setting 
lessons. 


Waking 
in  the 
morning. 

Omission 
of  marks. 

Marks  to 
be  made 
in  public. 

Imposing 
silence. 

Setting  a 
letter  to  be 
written 
during  the 
week. 


Failure  to 
collect  ex- 
ercises (?) 
Asking  an 
account  of 
daily 
behaviour. 


23)  Si  aliquis  dixerit  custode?7i  male  notasse  et  id  testibws 
probare  nGquiue|rit,  diobulo  niulcta?id«s.| 

24)  Si  aliquis  inco7igrue  loque/itew  audiuerifc  et  now  emewda- 
uerit,  idem  soluet.| 

25)  Nihil  deferei^dum  Qst  antequaw  custos  facienda|  inter- 
rogat.| 

Custodis  officia. 

i)  Si  custos  una  die  nomeri  quodda??i  ad  declinandum  et 
etiam  nomen  ad  compara?i|duw  et  altera  luce  verbuw  ad  conin- 
ga?zdum  [non]  imposuerit,  diobulo  mulctabitur.| 

ii)  Si  custos  ante  quartam  horam  suos  e  somno  non  excus- 
serit  contuberna|les,  obulo  plectetur.| 

iii)  Si  custos  no7i  notauerit  quae  notawda  sunt,  quoties- 
cmtque  pretermiserit|  idem  soluet.| 

iv)  Si  custos  stati7?i  quawdo  aliquis  notatz^s  est  ante  con- 
socioruw  ora  non  notauerit, |  diobulo  plecte?id26s  ;  sed  si  ipsum 
notare  noluerit,  angelica  salutatione  lecta  duplicabitz^r. 

v)  Si  custos  duobws  petentibz^s  sile7itiuw  imponere  noluerit, 
obulo  mulctandws  est] 

vij  Si  custos  die  lune  a>Ygnmenium  epistole  conficiendas 
[sic]  socijs  suis  non  dictaue|rit  aut  parieti  affixerit,  diobulo 
plectewdws  est  cum  custos  interrogat  ;|  et  si  quis  illuddie  sabbati 
in  latinumnon  transtulit  et  custodi  dederis  [sic],  de|nario  mulc- 
isibiticr. 

vii)  Si  custos  die  sabbato  colligere  noluerit  aut  idus  fecerit, 
quarta??i  si[uferi]\  parte^Tj  daturws  est. 

viii)  Si  custos  e  singulis  non  quesiuerit  facienda,  deuta 
mulctand2<s  est;\  sed  si  aliquis  legi  derogauerit  et  non  fassws 
fuerit,  alio  custodi|  dicente  dabit  in  duplo. 


AN    ECCLESIASTICAL   EXPERIMENT    IN    CAMBRIDGESHIRE,    1656-1658. 

In  1653  Baxter,  in  view  of  the  failure  which  had  attended  the 
attempt  to  establish  a  compulsory  system  of  presbyterian  discipline 
in  England,  proposed  a  scheme  for  a  voluntary  discipline,  which  he 
trusted  would  prove  acceptable  to  ministers  of  all  parties.  This 
scheme  is  set  forth  in  a  pamphlet  of  which  the  copy  in  the  British 


Museum  bears  the  press  mark 


T.759 


Christian  Concord,  or   the 


Agreement  of  the  Associated  Pastors  and  Churches  of  Worcester- 
shire.' The  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  clergy  in  Cambridge- 
shire, herewith  printed  from  the  Lambeth  MS.  637,  Gibson  Papers, 
appears  to  point  to  Baxter's  influence  rather  than  to  that  of 
presbyterianism  as  established  in  Lancashire  and  elsewhere.     It 


1895 


IN  CAMBRIDGESHIRE,   1656-1658 


745 


may  profitably  be  compared  with  the  '  Minutes  of  the  Manchester 
Presbyterian  Classis,'  edited  for  the  Chetham  Society  by  Mr. 
W.  A.  Shaw.  H.  W.  P.  Stevens. 

The  names  of  the  ministers  of  the  severall  parishes  in  Cambridgeshire. 


Ezekiell  Cachpole  Ashley 

f  Abington  mag. 

Mr 

Ezechias 
King 

1  Fulmire 

Mr 

Pell      . 

^  Abington  parva 

j> 

Fflood  . 

.  Fordham 

L  Arrington 

Dr 

Worthington    Fen  Ditton 

r  Abbington  Shin- 

Mr  JohnMaster- 

>  Fulborne 

>> 

King    . 

<      gas 

son 

LBottesham 

>) 

Fage     . 

.  Fulborne 

Willson 

.  Burwell 

j> 

Dobson 

.  Grancester 

Sendall 

.  Brinkley 

>> 

Jessop  . 

.  Gransden  parva 

Stephenson 

L  .  Burrow  greene 

>» 

Jury 

„         magna 

Templar 

.  Balsham 

Roodes 

J  Gamlingay 
\  Graveley 

Carter  . 

.  Baberham 

}i 

Baynard 

.  Bartlow 

>> 

Pettit   . 

.  Girton 

Skott    . 

.  Barrington 

Kennil  "^ 

.  East  Hatly 

Holbrook 
Holcroft  1 

.  Barton 

.  Bassingbourne 

" 

Chamber- 
laine 

>  Hazelingfeild 

Foster  . 

.  Bowrne 

Wallis  . 

.  Hasten 

Killingwor 

jh  Boxworth 

Allen    . 

.  Harleton 

Wright 

.  Cheauely 

Lindsey 

.  Hauxton 

Par       . 

.  Chippenham 

Wakefeild 

.  Horseheath 

Sendall 

.  Carleton 

Smith  . 

.  Hildersham 

Ellis     . 

.  Castle  compe  2  (?) 

Conway 

.  Hinxton 

Wignoll 

.  Cittie       „       (?) 

Church 

.  Hinton 

Masters 

.  Cumberton 

Ashley 

r  Histon 

1  Horningsey 

r  Coaton 

Fulwood 

<^  Cropton^ 

Fidoe   . 

.  Hardwick 

L  Croyden 

Pechee 

.  Isleham 

Smith  . 

.  Caldecot 

Lunne  . 

.  Ickleton 

Kamsey 

.  Caxton 

Wiborrow 

.  Impington 

Brookes 

.  Croxton 

r  Kingston 

John  Nie 

r  Cottenham 
I  Childerlie 

Stanton 

<^  Knapwell 

L  Knesworth 

Tatnall 

.  Chesterton 

Brian  . 

.  Kennil 

Whitfeild 

.  Connington 

Livermore 

.  Lanwade 

Milles  . 

.  Puxford 

Pepin  . 

.  Lorleworth 

Auger  . 

.  Dry  Draiton 

Gray    . 

.  Long  Stanton 

r!a,t,hn,rill 

f  Pullingham 
1  Eversden  mag. 

Dr 

Rawley 

.  Land  Beach 

V^CU  U-LJ-CUl-  i-XX 

Mr 

Townly 

.  LittsHngton 

Spering 

r  Eversden  parva 
I  Elseley 

Punter 

f  Linton 

\  Morden  Steeple 

(  Els  worth 

Simons 

.  Morden  gilden 

Dickons 

}  Fen  Draiton 

Cocket . 

.  Melbourne 

L  Fox  ton 

Elton    . 

.  Meldreth 

>  [In  the  congregational  chapel  at  Great  Eversden,  Cambridgeshire,  is  a  tablet  to  the 
memory  of  the  Eev.  Francis  Holcraft,  M.A.,  who  was  imprisoned  for  nearly  nine  years 
in  1663  for  preaching  to  an  independent  congregation  here.] 

2  [Camps.]  »  [Clopton.]  *  [Kennet  ?] 


746 


AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  EXPERIMENT 


Oct. 


M' 


Rannew 
Low  . 
Huson . 
Lindsey 
Willoughly 

West 
Wilson 


gnt 


.  Maddingliy 

.  Milton 

.  Newmarket 

.  Newton 

r  Orwell 

I  Ockington 

.  Over 

f  Papworth 
Will  Hayes  <      Agnes 

L  Papworth  Everet 
Johnson       .  Pampisford 
Stubbins       .  Rampton 
Gardiner      .  Roiston 
Jon.  Jephcot  Swaffam  prior 
Foote   .        .        „       Bulbeck 
Stephen  Rant  Stow  Qui 
John  Giles   .  Saham 
Rich.  H owlet  Snalewell 
Fleet    .        .  Sawston 
Tailor  .         .  Stapleford 
Patteson       .  Shelford  magna 
Cur.  M*-  Durham 

.  Shelford  parva 

I  Sheprith 


Wigmore 
Benjamin 
Laryer 
Pavy    . 


Shingai 


Mr   John  Stan-f^'o™;l°"g*„^ 
ton  1        Oeorge  Hat- 

L     ly 

„    Sampson      .  Swasie 
„    Will.  Sharpe  Teversham 
„    Crosland 
„    Pawlet. 


,  Trumpinton 
.  Tadloe 
rToft 

J  Wilberham 
t     magna 

Tho.    White-  Wilberham 
hand 

Livet    . 

Grimmer 


D"*  Cudworth 
M 


Flack  . 
Ballow 
Swan  . 
Poole  . 
Scarlet 
Young  . 
Pavy  . 
Sayer  . 
Nath.  Brad- 

shaw 
Haines 


parva 
.  Wood  Ditton 
,  Wicken 
,  Westuratten 
,  Westlie 
,  Wittlesford 
.  West  Wickam 
,  Wimple 
,  Whaddon 
,  Wendie 
.  Water  Beach 

>  Willingham 
.  West  Covin : 


Jan.  20 :  1G56  :  At  a  meeting  at  Cambridge  it  was  upon  the  question 
resolved : 

1.  That  wee  all  meet  monthlie,  &  every  time  wee  will  bee  all 
present,  unlesse  a  rationall  account  can  bee  given  to  the  contrarie,  &  that 
wee  will  meet  Feb.  3  :  1656. 

2.  That  in  our  meetinges  wee  will  keepe  our  selves  close  to  our  proper 
busines,  not  medling  with  the  civill  affaires  of  the  cofhon wealth. 

3.  That  at  every  meeting  one  shall  be  chosen  to  moderate  the  debates 
of  the  present  day,  &  shall  begin  &  end  the  worke  with  prayer.  &  before 
the  dissolution  of  the  meetinge  tliinges  to  be  debated  at  the  next  meeting 
shall  bee  propound. 

4.  That  theise  our  resolves  shall  bee  so  published  that  all  the  M'"^  of 
the  countie  who  are  willing  may  joyne  with  us  : 

5.  That  wee  all  will  agree  to  the  same  order  &  method  in  adminis- 
tration of  ordinances  even  in  circumstances  as  far  as  possibly  wee  can. 

6.  That  wee  will  yeeld  our  selves  to  brotherly  exhortation,  admonitions, 
&  reproofes,  according  to  the  ghospell  as  all  Christians  ought  to  doe : 

7.  That  OUT  actings  may  bee  manifest  to  bee  done  according  to  the 
resolves,  wee  determine  that  a  Journall  of  every  dayes  proceedings  shall 
bee  kept  by  the  moderator  of  the  day,  being  subscribed  by  theyr  hands 
that  are  present. 

8.  Resolved  that  theise  9-rticles  shall  bee  subscribed. 


1895  IN  CAMBRIDGESHIRE,   1656-1658  747 

Feb.  3  :  1656.    M"^  King  of  Fulmire  moderator. 

1 .  Resolved  on  the  question  that  wee  will  all  endeavour  in  our  several 
places  to  instruct  all  under  our  charge  in  the  fundamental!  points  of 
Christian  relligion  by  all  lawfull  and  requisite  meanes. 

2.  That  besides  diUigent  &  constant  preaching  wee  will  use  publike 
&  frequent  catechisinge. 

3.  That  wee  determine  as  neere  as  wee  can  to  promote  an  uniformitie 
in  catechisinge. 

4.  That  the  lesser  catechisme  set  forth  by  the  late  assemblie  of 
Divines  shall  by  us  generally  bee  used,  &  no  other  shall  bee  used  unles 
it  bee  for  a  time,  &  upon  such  reasons  as  shall  bee  approved  by  the  rest 
of  the  Association. 

5.  That  wee  approve  the  publike  catechising  of  all  sorts  both  elder 
&  younger,  &  wee  will  indeavour  to  the  uttermost  of  our  power  to  per- 
swade  them  unto  it,  &  wee  will  take  occasion  to  commend  catechisinge 
unto  our  people  in  the  congregations  on  the  lords  day. 

6.  That  we  will  indeavour  by  frequent  private  conference,  to  instruct 
persons  of  all  sorts,  in  the  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ,  &  of  theyr  duty 
towards  god  &  man : 

March  3,  1656.     M^'  King  Moderator. 

1.  Resolved  upon  the  question  :  That  as  wee  acknowledg  it  our  dutie 
to  preach  the  word,  so  doe  wee  likewise  to  administer  the  sacraments, 
&  wee  ingage  our  selues  that  our  practise  shall  bee  answerable  thereunto. 

2.  As  for  the  sacrament  of  the  lords  supper,  whereas  it  hath  in  some 
places  been  forborne  for  a  longe  time,  wee  resolve  for  the  future  to  set 
upon  the  due  administration  of  the  same,  accordinge  as  our  people  may 
bee  fitted  to  receave  it. 

3.  That  ignorant  &  scandalous  persons  are  not  fitt  to  bee  admitted. 

4.  That  wee  will  persuade  our  people  to  make  known  theyr  intention 
of  comming  to  the  lords  supper  at  the  least  a  weeke  before  that  the  M^ 
may  have  opportunitie  to  confer  with  them,  &  that,  in  case  they  will 
refuse  to  submit  to  a  thing  so  reasonable,  wee  shall  forbeare  to  give  them 
the  sacrament  at  the  present. 

5.  That  as  the  case  now  standeth,  wee  esteeme  it  the  best  course  for 
the  M''  to  judge  who  is  ignorant  &  scandalous,  except  it  bee  in  such  con- 
gregations where  M^  hath  or  can  [have]  some  cwivenient  assistance. 

April  7 :  1657. 

1.  Whatsoever  wee  have  doe  or  shall  resolve  upon  wee  agree  to  put  in 
practice  till  publike  authoritie  shall  settle  some  things  more  particularly. 

2.  And  it  is  determined  that  against  the  next  meeting  the  ordinance 
concerning  ignorance  &  scandalls  shall  bee  transcribed  at  large,  &  the 
rest  of  our  resolves  of  this  day  shall  bee  put  into  a  method. 

The  busines  to  bee  debated  the  next  day  shall  bee  a  further  prosecu- 
tion of  the  former  argument  viz.  of  things  relating  to  the  lords  supper 
and  M^  Bradshaw  is  chosen  Moderator  for  that  day 

Ita  testor  fratribus  suffragantibus. 

JoN  :  Jephcot. 

As  to  the  further  prosecutigi;  of  th^  busines  of  the  lords  supper  it  is 
advised  as  foUoweth  : — 


748  AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  EXPERIMENT  Oct, 

1.  That  the  rules  prescrilifed  in  an  ordinance  of  Parliament  bearing 
date  Aug.  29,  1648  bee  observed  in  case  of  ignorance  which  rules  folio-w- 
in theise  words  :  All  such  persons  who  shall  be  admitted  to  the  lords 
supper  ought  to  know  that  there  is  a  god,  that  there  is  but  one  ever 
livinge  &  true  god,  maker  of  heaven  &  earth,  &  governour  of  all  thinges, 
that  this  only  true  god  is  but  one  god,  yet  three  distinct  persons  the 
father  son  &  holy  ghost  all  equally  god ; 

That  god  created  man  after  his  owne  image  in  knowledge,  righteousnes 
&  true  holines,  that  by  one  man  sin  entred  into  the  world,  &  death  by 
sin,  &  so  death  passed  upon  all  men  for  that  all  men  have  sinned,  that 
thereby  they  -are  all  dead  in  trespasses  &  sins  &  are  by  nature  the  children 
of  wrath  &  so  liable  to  eternall  death,  the  wages  of  every  sin. 

That  there  is  but  one  mediator  betwixt  god  &  man,  the  man  Christ 
Jesus  who  is  also  over  all  god,  blessed  for  ever,  neyther  is  there  salvation 
in  any  other. 

That  hee  was  conceaved  by  the  holy  ghost  &  borne  of  the  Virgin 
Marie,  that  hee  dyed  upon  the  crosse  to  save  his  people  from  theyr  sins, 
that  he  rose  againe  the  third  day  from  the  dead,  ascended  into  heaven, 
sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  god,  &  maketh  continual  intercession  for 
us,  of  whose  fulnes  we  receave  all  grace  necessarie  to  salvation. 

That  Christ  &  his  benefite  are  applied  only  by  faith,  that  faith  is 
the  gift  of  god  &  wee  have  it  not  of  our  selves  but  it  is  wrought  in  us 
by  the  word  &  spirit  of  god. 

That  faith  is  that  grace  whereby  wee  beleive  &  trust  in  Christ  for 
remission  of  sins  &  life  everlasting,  accordinge  to  the  promises  of  the 
ghospell :  that  whosoever  beleeveth  not  in  the  son  of  god  shall  not  see 
life  but  shall  perish  eternally. 

That  they  who  truly  repent  of  theyr  sins,  doe  see  them,  sorrow  for 
them  &  turne  from  them  to  the  lord :  &  that  except  men  repent  they 
shall  surely  perish.  That  a  godly  life  is  conscionably  ordered  according 
to  the  word  of  god  in  holines  &  righteousness  without  which  no  man 
shall  see  god. 

That  the  sacraments  are  scales  of  the  covenant  of  grace  in  the  blood 
of  Christ  that  the  sacraments  of  the  new  testament  are  baptisme  &  the 
supper  of  the  lord.  That  the  outward  elements  in  the  lords  supper  are 
bread  &  wine  &  doe  signifie  the  bodie  &  blood  of  Christ  crucified, 
wliich  the  worthy  receivor  by  faith  doth  partake  of  in  the  sacrament 
which  Christ  hath  ordained  for  the  remembrance  of  his  death,  that 
whosoever  eateth  &  drinketh  unworthily  is  guiltie  of  the  bodie  & 
blood  of  Christ  therefore  that  every  one  is  to  examine  himselfe,  lest  hee 
eate  &  drinke  judgment  to  himselfe  not  discerning  the  lord's  bodie. 

That  the  soules  of  the  faithfull  after  death  doe  immediately  live  with 
Christ  in  blessednes,  and  that  the  soules  of  the  wicked  doe  inmediately 
goe  into  hell  torment ;  that  there  shall  bee  a  resurrection  of  the  bodies  both 
of  the  just  &  unjust  at  the  last  day  at  which  time  all  shall  appeare 
before  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ  to  receive  according  to  what  they 
have  done  in  the  bodie  whether  it  bee  good  or  evill,  &  that  ye  godly 
shall  goe  into  life  eternall  &  ye  wicked  into  everlasting  punishment. 

2^^.  And  it  is  also  advised  that  wee  shall  take  the  direction  of  the  sayd 
ordinance  for  our  rule  i_n  matter  of  scandall  as  it  followeth  in  theise  words  : 


18§5  'M  CAMBRlDGESlliRi],   1656-l65d  749 

All  scandalous  persons  hereafter  mentioned  are  to  be  suspended  from  ye 
sacrament  of  the  lords  supper  that  is  to  say 

All  persons  that  shall  blasphemously  speak  or  write  any  thing  of  god 
his  holy  word  or  sacraments,  all  renouncers  of  ye  true  protestant  relUgion 
professed  in  the  church  of  England,  &  all  persons  who  shall  by 
preachinge  or  writinge  maintaine  any  such  errors  as  doe  subvert  any  of 
those  articles  the  ignorance  whereof  doth  render  any  person  excluded  from 
ye  sacrament  of  ye  lords  supper. 

An  incestuous  person  an  adulterer  a  fornicator,  a  drunkard,  a  profaine 
swearer,  or  curser,  or  that  hath  taken  away  the  life  of  any  person  mali- 
ciously, all  worshippers  of  images  crosses  crucifixes  or  reliques,  all  that 
shall  [make]  images  or  pictures  of  the  trinitie  or  of  any  person  thereof:  As 
relligious  worshippers  of  Saint  Angelles  or  any  meere  creatures,  any  person 
that  shall  professe  himself  not  to  bee  in  charitie  with  his  neighbour. 

All  persons  in  whom  malice  appeareth  &  they  refuse  to  bee  recon- 
ciled [to]  any  person  that  shall  challenge  any  other  person  by  word 
message  or  writing  to  fight  or  that  shall  accept  such  challenge  &  agree 
thereto,  any  person  that  shall  knowingly  carry  any  such  challenge  by 
word  message  or  writinge.  Any  person  that  shall  upon  the  lords  day 
use  any  dancing  playing  at  dice  or  cards,  or  any  other  game,  masking 
wakes  shooting,  bowling,  playing  at  footeball  stoole  ball,  wrestling,  or  that 
shall  make  any  resort  to  playes,  interludes,  fencing,  bull  baiting,  beare 
baiting,  or  that  shall  use  hawking,  huntinge,  or  coursing,  fishing  or  fowlinge, 
or  that  publikely  expose  any  wares  to  sale,  otherwise  then  is  provided  by 
an  ordinance  of  Parliament  of  the  6  :  of  April  1644.  Any  person  that  shall 
travell  on  the  lords  day  without  reasonable  cause  :  Any  person  that  shall 
keepe  a  knowen  stewes  or  brothell  house,  or  that  shall  sollicite  the 
chastitie  of  any  person  for  himselfe  or  any  other.  Any  person,  father  or 
mother,  that  shall  consent  to  the  marriage  of  theyr  child  to  a  papist  or  any 
parson  that  shall  marry  a  papist.  Any  person  that  shall  repayre  for  any 
advice  to  any  wiche  wizard  or  fortune  teller. 

Any  person  that  shall  menace  or  assault  his  parents  or  any  magis- 
trate minister  or  elder  in  the  execution  of  his  office  :  any  person  that  shall 
be  legally  attainted  of  barratrie,  forgerie,  extortion  or  briberie. 

3.  It  is  further  advised  that  the  proofe  of  any  of  the  scandalls  afore- 
said bee  by  the  confession  of  the  partie  offendinge  or  else  by  the  testi- 
monie  of  two  credible  witnesses  at  least. 

4'y.  It  is  advised  that  no  person  lawfully  convict  of  any  of  the 
foresayd  scandalls  bee  admitted  to  the  lords  supper  without  signification 
of  sincere  repentance. 

May  5  :  1657 :  theise  ordinances  &  rules  weare  read  over  &  assented 
unto.    Itatestor:  Jon  Jephcot. 

May  5:  1657. 

1.  As  to  the  article  in  the  ordinance  for  scandall  relating  to  those  that 
repaire  to  Wiches  Wizard  &  fortune  tellers  &c.  It  was  this  day  advised 
that  wee  shall  account  all  those  guiltie  of  that  scandall  who  repaire 
to  any  that  are  famed  to  bee  such,  though  not  convict  by  law. 

2.  Also  wee  advise  that  they  who  use  spelles  or  charmes,  or  pretend 
to  use  them  thereby  to  deceave  others,  shall  bee  accounted  guiltie  of 
scandall. 


750  AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  EXPERIMENT  Oct. 

8.  That  any  that  shall  revile,  reproch,  or  contemptuously  speake  against 
the  publike  or  privat  ordinances  of  god,  or  against  any  that  professe  godli- 
nes  in  the  exercise  of  publike  or  private  duties. 

4.  Wee  advise  that  such  who  themselves  commonly  neglect  to  repaire 
to  publike  assemblies,  or  indeavour  to  partake  of  publike  ordinances  as 
reading  ye  word,  preaching,  prayer  &  sacraments,  &  such  also  as  alto- 
gether neglect  private  family  duties  on  the  lords  day  &  other  dayes  ; 
as  reading  the  word,  praying  in  theyr  families,  relligious  conference  and 
instructing  all  under  theyr  charge  in  the  principles  of  relligion  bee 
adjudged  scandalous. 

5.  If  any  in  our  congregations  shall  bee  offended  at  the  scandalous 
conversation  of  any  who  are  admitted  to  the  lords  supper,  Wee  shall 
advise  ye  person  so  offended  to  deale  with  them  according  to  our  Saviours 
rule  :  Math  :  18  :  1.  And  in  case  the  person  offending  shall  appeare  upon 
sufficient  proof e  to  bee  reprovable  &  yet  to  reject  that  rule,  that  wee  will 
forbeare  to  admit  such  to  the  sacrament  until  further  consideration  or  as 
the  case  may  require  consultation  with  our  brethern  of  the  Association. 

The  busines  to  bee  debated  the  next  day  is  the  sacrament  of  baptisme, 
&  M*"  Bradshaw  who  was  absent  this  day  is  appointed  Moderator. 

June  2 :  1657. 

1.  Wee  judge  it  requisite  that  the  minister  before  the  administration 
of  the  sacrament  of  Baptisme  to  any  infant  doe  personally  discourse  with 
the  parent  to  take  an  understanding  profession  of  the  Christian  faith  of 
him  at  the'administration  of  that  sacrament,  that  the  parent  doth  publicly 
profess  his  assent  to  the  articles  of  the  fayth  contained  in  the  Creed 
commonly  called  the  Apostles  Creed,  that  hee  will  lead  a  godly  life  bring- 
ing up  his  child  in  this  faith  in  the  nurture  &  admonition  of  the  lord. 

2.  Wee  judge  it  most  convenient  that  this  sacrament  bee  administered 
on  the  lords  day,  or  at  such  time  when  there  is  a  publike  congregation, 
that  all  may  be  minded  of  theyr  baptismall  covenant,  &  the  whole  congre- 
gation may  joyne  in  prayers  for  gods  presence  in  that  ordinance. 

3.  Wee  judge  it  most  convenient  that  according  to  an  ordinance  of 
Parliament  &  the  judgment  of  the  Assemblie  of  divines  that  this  sacra- 
ment bee  not  administered  at  the  lower  end  of  the  church  but  at  the  Deske 
where  the  minister  may  bee  conveniently  heard  in  the  administration  of 
that  holy  ordinance. 

4.  Wee  judge  it  may  bee  convenient  that  the  agreement  of  the  Ministers 
of  this  Countie  touching  Catechising,  private  instructions  of  our  people,  & 
administration  of  sacraments  bee  in  some  way  made  publikely  knowen  to 
our  people. 

Its  agreed  that  wee  meet  June  80  to  treat  of  ordination  M^  Whitfeild 
to  bee  Moderator  that  day. 

June  :  80  :  1657 : 

1.  Wee  judge  it  necessarie  that  every  publike  minister  of  the  word  bee 
solemnly  set  apart  for  that  worke. 

2.  Wee  judge  that  those  who  are  to  be  ordained  ought  to  be  set  apart 
by  fasting  &  prayer  &  imposition  of  hands. 

3.  As  the  case  now  stands,  wee  judge  that  the  worke  of  ordination  bee 
performed  by  preaching  presbiters. 


1895  IN  CAMBRIDGESHIRE,   1656-1658  751 

4.  Wee  judge  that  the  work  of  ordination  bee  performed  by  5 
ministers  at  the  least,  who  are  to  bee  chosen  by  the  Association  at  a 
pubhke  meetinge. 

5.  Wee  judge  it  convenient  that  one  bee  chosen  by  the  Association  to 
bee  president  in  that  work  that  time. 

0.  Wee  judge  it  fit  that  if  any  of  this  Countie  or  others,  where  it  can- 
not conveniently  bee  had,  have  recourse  to  us  for  ordination,  that  then 
wee  doe  proceed  accordingly  to  the  performance  of  this  businesse. 

7.  Wee  judge  it  convenient  that  the  partie  that  is  to  bee  ordained,  if 
hee  bee  of  this  Countie,  bee  thus  ordained  to  that  congregation  to  which 
hee  is  called. 

8.  Wee  resolve  that  at  the  next  meeting  a  Register  bee  chosen  to  re- 
cord what  is  done,  whose  fees  shall  not  exceed  what  the  ordinance  sets 
downe. 

9.  That  the  partie  who  is  to  bee  ordained  doe  make  application  for 
this  matter  to  the  publike  meeting  of  the  Association,  who  are  to  select  a 
number  to  judge  of  his  Testimonialls,  concei-ning  his  age  &  conversation, 
&  to  examine  him  of  his  knowledge  of  the  tongues  arts  sciences  &  divinitie, 
&  touching  ye  grace  of  god  in  him  &  of  his  ministeriall  abilities. 

10.  Wee  judge  it  convenient  that  hee  preach  before  some  of  those  who 
are  appointed  to  ordain  him. 

11.  As  to  the  manner  of  performing  the  act  of  ordination  wee  shall  as 
neere  as  we  can  follow  the  rules  which  are  set  downe  by  the  Assembly  of 
Divines.  Will  :  Whitfeild. 

It  was  concluded  June  :  30  :  1G57  :  that  wee  treat  about  the  same 
point  next  day  &  M^  Wright  is  appointed  Moderator. 

Aug  :  4  :  1G57. 
In  consideration  of  the  small  appearance  wee  proceeded  not  to  the 
election  of  a  register  according  to  our  former  order,  but  did  referre  it  to  the 
next  meeting,  &  M''  King  is  to  moderate  the  debates  of  the  day  which  are 
to  bee  to  consider  in  what  manner  wee  shall  proceed  in  our  future 
meetings.  Abram  :  Wright. 

Septemb  :  1  :  1657. 
At  a  meeting  at  Cambridge  because  few  weare  present  wee  determine 
againe  to  adjourne  the  further  discussing  of  busines  which  may  concerne 
the  carrying  on  of  this  Association  till  the  next  meeting. 

Octob:  6:  1657: 

1.  Its  agreed  that  hereafter  our  generall  meeting  bee  quarterly,  namely 
the  tuesday  before  the  quarter  Sessions  at  the  red  lion  at  Cambridge :  M'* 
Hayes  nominated  Moderator. 

2.  As  for  monthlie  meetings  wee  agree  that  they  bee  divided  in  manner 
following  viz  : 

3.  The  first  division  to  containe  the  hundreds  of  Staplee,  Cheavely, 
Radfeild,  Fiendish,  Chilford  &  Staine  the  place  of  the  first  meeting  at 
Botsham  at  the  house  of  Edward  Salsebury. 

The  second  division  to  containe  ye  hundreds  of  Papworth,  Chesterton, 
North  Stow  &  the  Isle  of  Ely,  at  Willingham  Parsonadge.  The  third 
division  to  containe  the  rest  of  the  hundreds  Thriploe,  Wittesford,  Stow 


m 


AN  ECCLESIASTICAL  EXPERIMENT 


Oct. 


Weatherlie,  the  first  meetinf  to  bee  at  Fulmire  at  the  signe  of  the  Ex- 
checher  the  second  tuesday  in  November.  In  the  monthhe  meetings  the 
discourse  or  debate  to  be  such  as  shall  bee  thought  fit  an  account  to  bee 
given  at  the  general  quarter  meetings.     Ita  testor  Ezekias  Kinge. 

January  5  :  1657  : 
At  a  meeting  at  Cambridge  there  was  present  M^  King,  M^  Rant,  M^ 
Punter,  M*"  Bradshaw,  M^  Nie,  M*"  Jephcot,  M^  Giles,  M''  Masterton ;  where 
in  regard  of  the  small  appearance  wee  did  only  adjourn  till  the  next  generall 
meeting,  which  is  appointed  the  tuesday  next  before  the  next  quarter 
Sessions,  &  M^  Wright  Moder : 

April:  20:  1658. 

At  the  quarterly  meeting  there  being  present  M*"  Rant,  M**  Jephcot, 
M^  Wright,  M^  Bradshaw,  M^  Whitfeild,  M»'  Masters,  M^  Shephenson,  M*" 
Dickons,  M^  Chambers,  Because  of  the  small  meeting  we  determined 
that  against  ye  next  meeting  notice  shold  bee  given  to  persons  absent 
that  there  being  a  fuller  meeting  wee  may  determine  what  wee  shall  doe 
for  the  future  &  M^  Rant  is  appointed  Moderator : 


The  names  of  the  subscribmg  Ministers. 

w 

King      . 

,  Fulmire 

Mr 

Hunt     . 

.  Sutton,  not. 

Jephcot 

.  Swaffhams 

Gotobed 

.  Wickam  not  : 

Wright 

.  Chevely 

Cocket . 

.  Melbourne 

Sharpe 

.  Teversham 

Dickons 

.  Elsworth 

Whitfeild 

.  Cunnington 

Masters 

.  Cumberton 

Bradshaw 

.  Willingham 

Milles  . 

,  Duxford  + 

Gray    . 

.  Stantons 

Ny 

.  Cotnam.  not : 

Pettit  . 

.  Girton 

Low     . 

.  Milton 

Giles    . 

.  Downham 

Bagly  . 

+ 

>>       • 

.  Soame 

Ashly  . 

.  Histon 

Masterson 

.  Fulborne  + 

Leigh  . 

.  not.  + 

Phage  . 

•        >> 

Ramsey 

.  Caxton 

Whitehand 

.  Wilbram 

Townly 

.  Littlelington 

Rant    . 

.  Qui 

Holcroft 

.  Bassingborn.  1 

Carre    . 

.  Stretham 

Church 

,  Hinton 

Folke   . 

.  Hadnam 

Allen    . 

.  Harlton 

Birchall 

.  Willigford  not : 

Hayes  . 

.  Papworth 

By  the  Easterne  part  of  the  Association  of  Cambridgeshire  :  June  ,  16  : 
1658  :  being  a  day  set  apart  for  publike  prayer  and  fastinge  in  the  place 
of  publike  worship  in  the  towne  of  Swaffham  Prior  in  the  Countie  of  Cam- 
bridge, Jonathan  Jephcot  minister  of  Swaffham  Prior,  Abraham  Wright 
minister  of  Cheavely,  John  Meadow  minister  of  Ousden,  James  Illing- 
worth  fellow  of  Emmanuell  Colledge  in  Cambridge,  and  William  Burchall 
minister  of  Wringford  in  the  He  of  Elie  by  prayer  &  imposition  of  hands 
did  solemnly  set  apart  to  the  worke  of  the  Ministerie  M''  Robert  Scott 
master  of  arts  &  fellow  of  Trinitie  Colledge  Cams,  M*"  Lawrence  Fog  M"" 
of  arts  &  fellow  of  S"*  Johns  College  in  Cambridge,  M*"  Martin  Frances 
master  of  arts  &  fellow  of  Pembrooke  hall  in  Cambridge  M''  John  Wild- 
bore  M'^  of  arts  &  fellow  of  Clare  hall  in  Cambridge.    They  havinge 


1895  7.V  CAMBRIDGESHIRE,   1656-1658  753 

first  given  testimonial!  of  tlieyr  godly  life   &  conversation,  &  proofe  of 
theyr  abilities  &  call  to  that  worke  : 

Signed  by  Stephen  Rants  appointed  moderator  for  the  next  general! 
meeting  &  Register  pro  tempore. 

July:  13:  1G58. 

At  the  quarterly  meeting  there  being  present  M»*  Rant,  M^  Allen, 
M»-  Nye,  M^  Bradshaw,  M»-  Wright,  M**  Carre,  M^  Whitehand,  M^  Grey, 
M*"  Sharpe  &  M^  Masters. 

1.  At  the  meeting  then  it  was  agreed  that  the  next  meeting  shall  bee 
the  first  tuesday  in  August  beinge  the  3  :  day  at  the  red  lion  in  Cam- 
bridge and  that  every  one  give  notice  to  theyr  neighbour  ministers  to  bee 
then  present  or  to  any  that  they  know  will  bee  ordained  eyther  to  bee  then 
present  themselves  or  to  send  in  theyr  names  by  some  freind. 

2.  It  is  agreed  that  notice  bee  given  of  an  ordination  intended  unon 
the  16*^  day  of  September  next  in  the  towne  of  Streatham  in  the  He  of 
Ely: 

3.  That  at  the  general!  meeting  August  ye  :  3  :  wee  doe  consider  how  to 
manage  this  busines  concerning  ordination  according  to  the  rules  formerly 
agreed  upon  &  M^  Allen  is  appointed  Moderator. 

Aug:  3:  1658. 

1.  Its  agreed  that  besides  those  who  give  in  theyr  names  this  day, 
others  also  who  give  in  theyr  names  in  a  convenient  time  to  be  approved 
of  by  those  who  are  to  see  theyr  testimonialls  &  judge  of  theyr  abilities 
may  bee  admitted. 

2.  Its  resolved  that  on  tuesday  the  last  day  of  this  present  august  such  as 
doe  intend  to  bee  ordained  have  recourse  to  M^  Bechinor  the  stationers 
howse  in  Cambridge,  there  to  apply  themselves  to  such  as  are  appointed  to 
approve  them  &  that  about  two  of  the  clocke  afternoone. 

3.  Its  resolved  that  for  the  ordination  to  bee  held  Septemb  :  IG  :  M^' 
Gray  minister  of  long  Stanton  bee  register,  and  all  to  bee  ordained  at 
Streatham  Sep  :  16  next  are  to  have  recourse  to  him  &  'give  notice  of 
theyr  purpose  to  bee  ordained. 

4.  Its  resolved  that  M''  Folkes,  M^  Carre,  M^  Bradshaw,  M^'  Wright 
Mr  Jephcot,  M^  Nie,  M''  Hayes,  M^  Hunt,  M^  Birchall,  M^  Whitfeild 
M*"  Tho :  Giles,  M"*  Templar,  M'^  Wilson,  or  any  three  of  them,  wherof 
M**  Carre  to  bee  one  &  president,  examine  &  approve  theyr  testimonialls. 

5.  Its  resolved  that  M"^  Hayes  preach  at  ye  ordination,  M""  Nie  to 
begin  with  prayer,  &  M*"  Barre  to  end  with  exhortation. 

Ita  testor  Jonathan  Allen. 
Moderator : 


VOL.   X. — NO.    XL.  3  C 


754  Oct, 


Reviezvs  of  Books 


De  VHistoire  consideree  comme  Science.  Par  P.  Lacombe,  Inspecteur 
General  des  Bibliotheques  et  des  Archives.  (Paris :  Hachette  et 
Cie.     1894.) 

This  work  would  come  under  the  German  category  of  Historik.  It 
might,  perhaps,  be  fairly  described  as  a  criticism  of  some  conceptions  of 
historians  and  sociologists,  with  suggestions  towards  a  philosophy  of 
history.  By  *  history  as  a  science  '  M.  Lacombe  means  what  might  most 
properly  claim  the  name  of  *  sociology,'  had  not  the  professed  sociologists 
occupied  themselves  almost  exclusively  with  uncivilised  races  (p.  viii).  He 
distinguishes  'history  as  a  science,'  which  seeks  to  discover  laws  and 
causes,  from  the  preliminary  work  of  scholarship  or  antiquarian  research 
{V erudition) J  which  is  concerned  with  the  discovery  of  facts,  and  also  from 
history  as  a  literary  art,  which  seeks  to  revivify  the  past  discovered  by 
historical  research.  *  History  as  a  science  '  cannot,  of  course,  exist  inde- 
pendently of  '  erudition,'  but  its  problems  may  be  examined  separately. 
In  every  human  being  maybe  distinguished  what  is '  general '  or  common 
to  mankind  as  a  whole,  what  is  *  temporary  '  or  characteristic  of  par- 
ticular times  and  places,  and  what  is  peculiar  or  special  to  each  indi- 
vidual as  such.  In  the  actions  of  individuals  we  must  likewise  distinguish 
between  incidents  {evenements)  and  institutions.  *  An  institution  is  an 
incident  which  has  succeeded  '  (p.  10).  Causes,  in  the  only  sense  in  which 
science  can  deal  with  them,  being  antecedents  that  recur,  and  what  is 
strictly  individual  being  unique,  it  follows  that  *  history  as  science  '  can 
accept  only  *  general '  or  '  temporary  '  human  nature  as  '  causes.'  But  as 
the  purely  individual  element  is  always  present  in  history,  history  con- 
tains elements  vv^hich  do  not  admit  of  '  scientific  '  methods  of  explana- 
tion. Attempted  philosophies  of  history  have  generally  failed  through 
not  taking  account  of  these  refractory  elements.  This,  for  instance,  is 
the  great  error  of  Montesquieu  (p.  11  ff.) 

This  brief  account  of  the  opening  pages  will  show  that  the  interest 
of  this  book  is  philosophical  rather  than  historical,  although  the  problems 
with  which  it  deals  are  such  that  every  historical  student  is  consciously 
or  unconsciously  concerned  with  them.  It  would  be  out  of  place  here  to 
give  any  adequate  account  of  a  lengthy  and  closely  reasoned  book,  which 
may  be  specially  recommended  to  English  readers,  as  M.  Lacombe  has 
evidently  and  confessedly  been  influenced  largely  by  English  writers,  such 
as  Mill  and  Spencer,  and  as  he  frequently  chooses  his  illustrations  from 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  766 

English  history.  To  refer  to  one  special  subject — M.  Lacombe  directs  a 
vigorous  criticism  against  those  too  facile  explanations  of  institutions  or 
events  which  account  for  everything  by  the  '  genius  '  of  the  race  or  the 
*  genius  '  of  the  individual.  *  To  use  the  language  of  J.  S.  Mill,  the  hypothesis 
of  genius  is  only  demonstrable  by  the  method  of  residues '  (p.  32G).  But 
M.  Lacombe  does  not  fall  into  the  opposite  exaggeration  of  ignoring  the 
'contingent '  element  in  human  history — the  element  that  tousremains  in- 
capable of  complete  explanation.  His  guiding  principle  is,  we  might  say, 
expressed  in  the  analysis  of  human  nature  to  which  we  have  already  re- 
ferred, and  to  which  he  recurs  again  and  again.  LHndividu  n'est  pas 
Vindividuel  (p.  248)  is  a  happy  phrase,  difficult  to  translate,  the  accept- 
ance of  which  might  help  to  obviate  a  good  many  philosophical  and  like- 
wise some  historical  controversies. 

L'histoire  n'a  pour  acteurs  reels  que  des  individiis ;  mais  chacun  de  ces 
acteurs  agit  'X  la  fois  comma  homme  general,  comme  homme  temporaire  et 
enfin  comme  caractere  singulier.  Ce  que  j'appelle  I'homme  individuel,  c'est 
I'individu  historique  considere  dans  les  effets  qui  partent  de  son  caractere  singu- 
lier, et  non  plus  du  fond  psychique  qui  lui  est  commun  avec  les  hommes  de  son 
temps  ou  de  tous  les  temps  [pp.  248,  249]. 

M.  Lacombe  seems  generally  accurate  in  his  references  to  non-French 
matters  ;  but '  whergeld '  (p.  91),  *  whitenagemots  '  (p.  347),  *  P.  Schlegel ' 
(p.  vii)  are  unfortunate  misprints.  D.  G.  Ritchie. 

The  History  of  Marriage,  Jewish  and  Christian,  in  relation  to  Divorce 
and  certain  Forbidden  Degrees.  By  Heebeet  Moetimee  Luckock, 
D.D.,  Dean  of  Lichfield.  (London  :  Longmans,  Green,  &  Co.  1894.) 
One  of  the  penalties  that  a  learned  man  must  now  and  then  pay  for  the  fame 
that  his  learning  has  brought  him  is  that  his  lightest  words  will  seem 
serious  to  others,  and  that  if,  passing  for  a  moment  outside  the  province 
that  he  has  made  his  own,  he  falls  into  mistakes,  those  mistakes  will  be 
pointed  out  by  critics  who  are  incompetent  to  judge  the  strong  points  of 
his  work.  Dr.  Luckock's  book  on  the  '  History  of  Marriage  '  is  so  likely  to 
become  authoritative  among  a  large  class  of  readers  and  disputants,  so 
likely  to  be  regarded  as  an  armoury  of  proved  controversial  weapons, 
that  the  ungracious  task  of  pointing  to  passages  in  it  that  should  either 
be  amended  or  omitted  is  a  task  which  some  one,  though  he  may  be  pro- 
foundly ignorant  of  biblical,  patristic,  and  talmudic  lore,  ought  to  under- 
take ;  and  it  falls  to  me  to  say  that,  whatever  may  be  his  title  to  write  a 
history  of  more  ancient  or  more  modem  affairs,  of  the  text  of  Leviticus 
or  the  text  of  Lyndhurst's  Act,  what  he  has  written  of  the  middle  ages 
requires  careful  revision. 

Though  I  think  that  he  has  made  several  mistakes,  it  will  be  sufficient 
if  I  single  out  two  paragraphs.  A  reconsideration  of  them  might  lead 
him  to  a  correction  of  other  passages  and  a  distrust  of  those  writers 
who  have  been  his  guides.  The  error  to  which  I  shall  refer  lies,  not  in 
an  overstatement,  but  in  an  understatement  of  what  I  take  to  be  a  part 
of  his  case,  and  therefore  bears  witness  to  his  candour,  for  he  has  in  the 
following  words  (so  it  seems  to  me)  made  unnecessary  concessions  to  those 
whom  he  regards  as  his  adversaries,  besides  needlessly  tainting  the  fair 
names  of  a  gallant  earl,  a  faithful  countess,  and  two  august  popes. 

3  c  2 


756  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

From  the  Norman  Conquest  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  no 
new  Ecclesiastical  Laws  were  made  on  this  subject  [the  indissolubility  of 
marriage].  Dispensations,  however,  for  remarriage  after  separation  were  from 
time  to  time  sought  and  obtained  from  the  Pope.  There  were  two  famous 
instances  in  the  highest  rank  of  life.  King  John  had  married  Hadwisa,  daughter 
of  William,  earl  of  Gloucester,  and  lived  with  her  for  eleven  years  without  any 
scruple  on  the  score  of  consanguinity,  but  being  captivated  by  the  personal 
beauty  of  Isabella  of  Angouleme,  he  resolved  to  shelter  himself  under  the  plea  of 
n,earness  of  kin  to  obtain  a  divorce.  The  evil  was  aggravated  by  the  fact  that 
his  second  wife  was  already  betrothed  ;  but  those  were  days  when  kings  claimed 
to  be  a  law  to  themselves,  and  a  dispensation  was  readily  granted  for  his  adul- 
terous union. 

His  example  was  followed  not  long  after,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III,  by 
Simon  de  Montfort,  who  appealed  to  Kome  to  obtain  a  ratification  for  a  second 
marriage,  while  his  lawful  wife  was  still  living.  It  was  in  direct  opposition  to 
the  Canons  and  Constitutions  of  the  Church,  but  again  the  dispensation  was 
granted.  (Morgan,  On  the  Law  of  Marriage,  ii.  218;  Jebbs'  [corr.  Tebbs'] 
Essay,  204.) 

Now  as  to  Montfort's  case,  I  cannot  but  think  that,  if  the  dean  of 
Lichfield  will  look  for  a  few  minutes  at  the  evidence,  he  will  see  the 
necessity  of  making  honourable  amends  to  Earl  Simon  and  Pope  Gregory, 
perhaps  also  to  the  countess  Eleanor,  or  of  revealing  the  name  of  that 
other  wife.  Surely  he  is  not  hinting  at  some  hitherto  undisclosed  scandal 
about  the  dowager  of  Flanders,  who,  says  M.  Bemont,  was  old  enough  to 
be  Simon's  grandmother,  and  who  swore  that  she  had  not  married  him. 
I  fear  that  Dr.  Luckock's  informants  were  ignorant  of  her  existence.  The 
names  of  his  informants  he  gives  us  in  the  fairest  way.  They  are  not 
quite  the  names  that  we  should  have  expected  in  such  a  context,  not 
Bemont  nor  Pauli,not  Prothero  nor  Creighton  nor  Norgate,  but  Morgan  and 
Tebbs  ;  still  any  warrantors  are  better  than  none. 

In  the  year  1822,  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge  in  the 
diocese  of  St.  David's  having  offered  a  prize  of  fifty  pounds,  Mr.  H.  V. 
Tebbs,  proctor  in  Doctors'  Commons,  set  to  work,  and  within  a  short  space 
of  time — two  months,  if  I  read  him  rightly— produced  an  essay  on  the 
'  Scripture  Doctrine  of  Adultery  and  Divorce,'  which  wandered  through 
many  ages  and  lands,  and  promoted  Christian  knowledge  within  the  afore- 
said diocese  in  manner  following,  that  is  to  say  : — 

In  1199,  King  John  being  divorced  from  the  duke  of  Gloucester's  daughter 
was  in  the  same  year  remarried  to  Isabell,  the  heiress  of  a  noble  family.  And, 
indeed,  king  John's  first  wife  had  been,  previously  to  her  marriage  with  him, 
divorced  from  Henry  de  Leon,  duke  of  Saxony. 

Matthew  Paris  makes  mention  of  the  case  of  Simon  de  Montford,  in  Henry 
Ill's  time,  in  which  the  pope,  in  opposition  to  the  laws  and  canons  of  the 
church,  granted  a  dispensation,  and  then  ratified  his  second  marriage.  (Matth. 
Paris,  Hist.,  p.  455.) 

Now  it  is  always  dangerous  to  speculate  about  the  origin  of  error,  for 
error  is  manifold ;  still  if  we  suppose  that  by  p.  455  Mr.  Tebbs  meant 
p.  465  in  Wats' s  edition,  we  shall  come  to  a  passage  in  which  Matthew 
Paris  speaks  of  a  marriage  contracted  by  Montfort  and  also  of  a  papal 
dispensation.  Had  Mr.  Tebbs  been  in  less  haste  to  earn  a  prize  and 
promote  Christian  knowledge,  he  might  have  turned  over  a  few  pages  and 
come  upon  another  passage  in  which  Paris  says  more  of  that  marriage 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  757 

and  that  dispensation.  He  would  have  come  upon  the  well-worn  story  of 
the  widowed  girl's  rash  vow,  and  would  have  discovered  that  (to  put 
the  matter  technically)  the  impediment  to  the  marriage  was  not  the 
ligamen  of  the  husband,  but  the  votum  of  the  wife.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that,  if  he  had  carried  his  researches  yet  a  little  further,  he  would  have 
found  that  no  papal  dispensation  was  necessary  for  the  validation  of  this 
marriage  ;  in  other  words,  that  Pope  Gregory  (who  knew  his  canon  law) 
decided,  and  was  right  in  deciding,  that  a  votum  castitatis^  however 
solemn,  provided  that  it  did  not  amount  to  a  professio  in  some  recognised 
religious  order,  was  no  impcdimcntum  dirimcns.  Simon  and  Eleanor 
had  sinned,  but  their  marriage  was  a  good  marriage.  As  to  that  other 
wife,  I  fancy  that  the  rapid  Mr.  Tebbs  invented  her.  He  saw  the  words 
Et  dispeiisavit  domijius  Papa  cum  ipsa,  protit  sermo  sequens  declarahit. 
He  had  no  mind  or  no  time  to  look  for  the  sermo  sequens  ;  he  saw  that 
the  pope  '  dispensed  with '  some  woman,  and  took  this  to  mean  that 
Simon  was  suffered  to  put  away  wife  No.  1  (whether  she  was  Eleanor  or 
no  he  does  not  tell  us)  and  marry  wife  No.  2.  The  pope  of  Rome  used 
to  do  such  things— in  England  and  the  year  1822  :  Christian  knowledge 
affirmed  it. 

In  Dr.  Luckock's  index  we  may  read,  '  Cosin,  bishop,  his  carelessness 
in  quoting  authorities — mischievous  consequences  of  this — '  I  know  not 
how  careless  Bishop  Cosin  was,  or  how  much  mischief  his  carelessness 
may  have  done,  but  I  do  not  think  that  Mr.  Tebbs  was  careful,  and  he 
seems  to  me  to  have  done  more  mischief  than  I  should  have  thought 
him  capable  of  doing,  so  artless  were  his  ways.  However,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  deceiving  the  Eev.  Hector  Davies  Morgan,  who  (so  the 
'  Dictionary  of  National  Biography '  says)  had  gained  another  of  these 
501.  prizes  by  promoting  Christian  knowledge,  and  who  in  182G  pub- 
lished a  book  on  the  doctrine  and  law  of  marriage.  Morgan  repeated 
what  Tebbs  had  said,  adding  a  generalising  ornament  of  that  kind  which 
historical  essayists  used  to  think  permissible  and  elegant.  These  sad 
cases  of  Simon  and  John  he  sets  before  us  as  mere  examples  of  the  sort 
of  thing  that  your  medieval  pope  would  do.  *  The  facility  with  which  such 
dispensations  were  granted  is  strikingly  illustrated  by  the  case  of  King 
John.'  There  are  some  marriages  with  which  we  who  are  not  popes  can 
dispense.  One  of  Earl  Simon's  seems  to  have  belonged  to  this  class.  I 
think  that  the  dean  of  Lichfield  will  not  be  infringing  any  papal  preroga- 
tives if  he  dispenses  with  that  marriage  for  the  future. 

Turning  to  King  John,  we  feel  almost  angry  with  Dr.  Luckock  for 
suppressing  that  thrilling  episode  in  these  Morgano-Tebbsian  Gcsta  Pon- 
tificum  which  introduces  us  to  Henry  de  Leon,  duke  of  Saxony.  And  I  am 
not  certain  that  something  true  might  not  be  made  of  it,  if  we  held  that  a 
count  of  Maurienne  must  be  also  count  of  Mortain  (Mortain,  Maurienne, 
Macedon,  and  Monmouth  were  much  alike  in  the  diocese  of  St.  David's), 
or  that  Clementia  of  Ziiringen  was  identical  with  her  own  daughter, 
though  in  the  latter  case  we  might  also  have  to  hold  that  a  boy  but  five 
or  six  years  old  could  be  irrevocably  bound  by  a  marriage  contract.  That 
little  John  should  marry  the  divorced  wife  (or,  in  strictness  of  law,  dis- 
carded mistress)  of  his  sister's  husband,  adds  a  spice  of  horror  to  the 
tale  and  sets  us  thinking  about  that  inscrutable  mystery  the  affinitas 


758  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

secuftdi  generis.  Dr.  Luckock  saw  that  there  was  something  wrong  with 
Henry  *  de  Leon.'  The  p^ty  is  that  when  his  scepticism  had  been  once 
aroused  it  fell  asleep  again  and  left  the  accusation  against  Innocent  III 
unretracted.  The  pope  is  still  supposed  to  do  something  wrong  and  to 
enable  our  bad  king  to  be  *  a  law  to  himself.' 

John's  matrimonial  affairs  are  not  so  plain  as  might  be  wished. 
Contemporary  Englishmen  seem  to  have  been  somewhat  uncertain  as  to 
what  really  happened.  We  start  of  course  with  this,  that  he  went 
through  the  form  of  marriage  with  Isabella,  otherwise  Avice,  of  Gloucester ; 
and  that,  if  there  was  no  dispensation  in  the  case,  this  would-be  marriage 
between  two  persons  who  stood  to  each  other  in  the  third  degree  of 
consanguinity  was  a  nullity.  John  and  Isabella  are  living  together 
in  incestuous  concubinage  ;  it  is  John's  duty  to  put  Isabella  away,  and  if 
Pope  Innocent  commands  him  to  do  so,  we  need  not  be  surprised.  Thus 
we  may  understand  the  rumour  which  found  credence  in  an  EngUsh 
monastery  to  the  effect  that  the  pope  issued  such  a  command  and  that 
John  obeyed  it.^  That  is  a  consistent  story.  Nevertheless  we  may  be 
fairly  certain  that  it  is  not  true.  We  learn  from  another  and  a  trustier 
source  that  there  had  been  some  papal  dispensation  for  the  union 
between  these  second  cousins,  and  we  are  told  that  the  pope  was  vexed 
when  certain  French  bishops  pronounced  a  divorce,  or,  to  use  stricter 
language,  declared  that  the  marriage  was  null.^  This  they  may  well 
have  done  without  questioning  the  pope's  power  of  removing  the  impedi- 
ment that  lay  between  John  and  his  kinswoman.  For  any  one  of 
twenty  reasons  they  may  have  held  that  the  document  which  John  had 
obtained  from  the  papal  chancery  did  not  meet  the  case.  I  am  not  de- 
fending them  ;  I  know  not  whether  they  need  defence,  but  it  seems  quite 
possible  that  if  an  appeal  to  Rome  had  been  made  against  their  sentence  it 
would  have  been  reversed.  Isabella,  it  may  be,  was  not  so  anxious  to  retain 
the  king  of  England  as  Ingeborg  was  to  retain  the  king  of  France  ;  we 
know  that  she  tried  two  other  husbands  before  she  died.  But,  whichever 
story  be  true,  the  marriage  with  the  Gloucester  heiress  was  pronounced 
null  by  an  ecclesiastical  court.  Indeed  John  seems  to  have  been  at 
pains  to  obtain  a  sentence  from  the  Norman  bishops  ^  and  another  sen- 
tence from  the  bishops  of  his  more  southerly  dominions.'*  John,  then,  if 
a  wicked,  was  none  the  less  an  unmarried  man.  He  required  no  dispen- 
sation if  he  wanted  to  marry. 

One  point,  at  all  events,  I  should  have  said,  was  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt,  had  not  Dr.  Luckock  written  the  paragraph  that  I  have  transcribed, 
namely,  that  the  pope  gave  John  no  help  in  getting  rid  of  Isabella  of 
Gloucester.  Innocent  himself  told  Philip  of  France  that  John's  case 
had  never  come  before  the  Roman  see.  Mistaken  he  can  hardly  have 
been.     Why  should  we  not  believe  him  ?  ^ 

Dr.  Luckock,  when  he  rejected  the  pretty  tale  about  Henry  de  Leon's 

'  Ckjggeshall,  103.  2  Diceto,  ii.  167  ;  cf.  ibid.  72. 

3  Diceto,  ii.  167.  "  Hoveden,  iv.  119. 

^  Innocentii  III  Opera  (ed.  Migne),  i.  1015  :  Licet  autem  praedictus  Litdovicus 
quondam  pater  tuus  et  praesens  ctiam  rex  Anglorum  ah  his  quas  sibi  iunxerant,  prae-- 
latorum  terrae  suae  iudicio  fuerint  separati,  super  divortio  tamen  non  fuit  ad  sedeni 
apostolicam  querela  delata.  TJnde  quod  a  praelatis  ipsis  factum  fuerat,  cum  nullus 
penitus  reclamaret,  noluit  revocare. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  769 

divorced  wife,  may  have  felt  that  he  was  depriving  his  readers  of  a  harm- 
less joy,  and  owed  them  some  compensation.  So  John's  crime  and 
Innocent's  complacency  must  be  magnified.  *  The  evil  was  aggravated 
by  the  fact  that  his  second  wife  was  already  betrothed.'  Now  no  doubt 
John  behaved  scurvily  to  the  Lusignans,  and  sorely  was  he  punished  for 
so  doing  ;  but  we  seem  to  have  very  good  reason  for  believing  that  the 
contract  between  Hugh  and  Isabella  was  one  which,  according  to  the 
law  of  the  church,  she  could  avoid.  We  are  told  that  when  she  said  her 
verba  de  praesenti  she  was  below  the  age  at  which  a  complete  marriage 
was  possible.^  Hugh  might  be  irrevocably  bound,  but  she  was  free  to  avoid 
her  contract,  and  if,  when  old  enough  to  marry,  she  married  John,  her 
marriage  with  John  would  be  valid  without  any  dispensation.  I  have  not 
come  upon  the  authority  which  asserts  that  there  was  any  dispensation 
at  all  relating  to  this  bond  (such  as  it  was)  between  Hugh  and  Isabella, 
but  I  think  that  Dr.  Luckock  would  have  considerable  difiSculty  in  proving 
that  about  the  year  1200  it  was  unlawful  or  scandalous  for  a  pope  to  dis- 
pense with  a  marriage  that  had  not  been  consummated.  Not  so  very  long 
before  that  time  such  a  marriage  would  hardly  have  been  treated  by  the 
church  as  more  than  an  agreement  to  marry.  It  may  be  formally  true  that 
after  1066  (the  date  that  Dr.  Luckock  chooses)  'no  new  ecclesiastical 
laws  were  made '  touching  the  indissolubility  of  marriage,  but  he  does 
not,  I  take  it,  doubt  that  about  a  century  after  that  date  there  was  a  very 
large  change  in  the  canonical  conception  of  the  manner  in  which  a  perfect 
and  indissoluble  marriage  comes  into  existence. 

*  These  were  days,'  he  says,  '  when  kings  claimed  to  be  a  law  to  them- 
selves, and  a  dispensation  was  readily  granted  for  his  adulterous  union.' 
Yes,  and  these  also  were  days  when  Innocent  was  laying  France  under 
an  interdict  in  order  that  King  Philip  might  be  constrained  to  dismiss 
the  German  adulteress  and  take  back  the  Danish  wife.  These  popes  were 
shamelessly  inconsistent,  were  they  not  ? 

Unless  Dr.  Luckock  is  in  possession  of  information  which  leads  him 
to  believe  that  John's  union  with  his  cousin  of  Gloucester  and  Earl 
Simon's  union  with  that  anonymous  lady  were  not  consummated  unions, 
or  were  contracted  between  persons  who  had  never  been  baptised,  he  is, 
if  I  understand  him  rightly,  charging  two  popes  with  having  done  what 
canonists  of  the  classical  age  said  that  the  popes  never  did,  and  even  that 
no  pope  could  do  ;  he  is  charging  them  with  having  dispensed  with  the 
impediment  to  marriage  which  consists  in  a  lawful  and  consummate 
ligamen  uniting  two  Christians.  This  charge  he  has  brought  not  merely 
against  two  popes,  but,  to  all  appearance,  against  the  two  most  illustrious 
of  all  ecclesiastical  legislators.  He  will,  I  think,  admit  that  his '  two  famous 
instances  in  the  highest  rank  of  life  '  are  mere  illusions.  He  speaks  of 
them,  however,  as  if  they  were  examples  of  what  was  done  '  from  time 
to  time  '  by  popes  who  lived  after  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century.  If 
he  has  some  other  and  some  better  attested  instances  to  offer,  he  should 
give  them  to  the  world.  I  am  too  ignorant  to  say  that  there  are  none  to 
be  found,  but  any  which  can  be  found  should  certainly  have  a  place  in 
every  history  of  marriage  law,  for  they  are  conspicuously  absent  in  some 
books  which  nowadays  enjoy  a  higher  repute  than  the  works  of  Messrs. 
Morgan  and  Tebbs.  F.  W.Maitland. 

e  Hoveden,  iv.  119. 


760  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

The  History  of  English  Lfiw  before  the  Time  of  Edward  I.  By  Sir 
Fredeeick  Pollock,  Bart.,  and  Frederic  Wm.  Maitland.  2  vols. 
(Cambridge  :  University  Press.     1895.) 

The  joint  labours  of  the  Corpus  Professor  of  Jurisprudence  at  Oxford 
and  the  Downing  Professor  of  the  Laws  of  England  at  Cambridge  have 
produced  a  work  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  students  both  of  law 
and  of  history.  No  work  treating  of  such  a  subject  can  be  considered 
as  final ;  but  for  the  present  state  of  knowledge,  the  authors  have  probably 
done  all  that  can  be  done.  The  mere  fact  that  the  work  bears  the  names 
of  two  legal  professors  in  our  two  ancient  universities  reminds  us  of  the 
change  which  has  come  over  these  institutions  in  relation  to  the  real  study 
of  English  law  ;  and  if  we  in  this  country  have  no  publications  which  can 
quite  compare  with  the  *  Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica,'  and  if  we 
still  owe  much  to  the  labours  of  foreign  students — to  Liebermann,  to 
Vinogradoff,  to  Bigelow — yet  the  list  of  authorities  reminds  us  how  much 
has  been  done  by  the  publication  of  the  EoUs  series,  and  how  much  also 
by  societies  like  the  Camden,  the  Surtees,  and  the  Selden.  Amongst  the 
labourers  in  the  field  of  original  research  in  the  sources  of  our  law  there 
is  no  one  to  whom  more  is  due  than  to  Professor  Maitland  himself ;  his 
edition  of  the  note-book  of  Bracton,  which  the  sagacity  of  the  Russian 
professor  Vinogradoff  discovered  in  the  British  Museum,  and  his  editorial 
labours  for  the  Selden  Society  have  placed  him  in  the  very  foremost  rank 
of  such  labourers,  and  have  enabled  him  to  bring  to  this  work  that  firm- 
ness of  hand  which  nothing  but  original  research  can  give.  It  is  needless 
to  add  with  regard  to  Sir  Frederick  Pollock  that,  in  like  manner,  his  pre- 
vious labours  have  been  conducive  to  the  successful  undertaking  of  this 
great  work.  The  collaboration  of  two  such  men  is  a  most  fortunate  cir- 
cumstance for  the  work  they  took  in  hand. 

This  book  is  admirably  written  ;  the  style  is  clear  and  vigorous,  and 
free  from  pedantry :  the  result  of  great  labour  is  often  compressed  into  a 
single  sentence  ;  the  writers  are  careful  to  note  the  amount  of  confidence 
which  they  feel  in  the  conclusions  which  they  state  ;  and  the  work  is 
illuminated  by  lights  drawn  from  all  quarters  of  the  heavens — from  the 
pages  of  history  as  well  as  of  the  records  of  the  courts — from  the  sober 
chronicles  and  the  satirist  Walter  Mapes — from  the  laws  of  Germany 
and  France  as  well  as  from  the  laws  of  Normandy  and  the  Anglo- 
Saxons. 

One  noteworthy  feature  is  the  scrupulous  care  taken  by  our  authors  to 
describe  a  given  institution  at  a  given  epoch  from  what  we  actually  know 
of  it  at  that  date  ;  they  do  not  assume,  as  is  so  often  done,  that  the  same 
word  means  the  same  thing  in  all  time,  thus  avoiding  an  -error  to  which 
the  practical  and  practising  English  lawyer  is  particularly  prone.  Another 
marked  feature  of  these  volumes  is  their  liveliness  and  point.  The  book 
is  full  of  little  touches  of  life  which  remind  one  that  lawyers  are  after 
all  men,  and  that  law  is  concerned  with  human  affairs.  The  authors 
cite  Bracton  as  telling  us  that  wakeful  nights  were  spent  over  the 
ordinance  which  is  known  as  the  Assize  of  Novel  Disseisin.  They 
illustrate  the  vast  improvements  introduced  into  the  administration 
of  the  law  by  Henry  II,  by  the  conversation  between  two  no  less 
distinguished  people  than  Ranulf  Gl^nyil,  the  great  Justiciar,  and  Walter 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  761 

Mapes,  the  most  renowned  of  satirists,  who  himself  filled  the  office  of  an 
itinerant  justice  in  this  reign. 

Walter  Map  has  told  us  [they  say]  how  in  the  exchequer  a  poor  man  obtained 
an  expeditious  judgment  against  a  rich  antagonist.  Of  this  as  of  a  marvellous 
thing  he  spoke  to  Kanulf  Glauvil.  '  Yes,'  said  the  Justiciar, '  we  are  quicker  about 
our  business  than  your  bishops  are.'  *  Very  true,'  replied  Map, '  but  you  would  be 
as  dilatory  as  we  are  if  the  king  were  as  far  away  from  you  as  the  pope  is  from 
the  bishops.'     Glanvil  smiled. 

In  like  manner  they  have  illustrated  by  a  variety  of  lively  stories  the 
holy  horror  of  intestacy  which  took  possession  of  men's  minds,  as  our 
authors  say,  for  two  centuries  after  the  Norman  Conquest.  In  one 
of  them  Abbot  Samson  of  St.  Edmondsbury  figures.  He  refuses  to 
receive  the  horse  which  had  gone  before  the  bier  of  the  dead  man  who 
had  died  intestate,  lest  the  church  should  be  polluted  by  the  gift  of 
such  a  one  :  *  By  the  fear  of  God,'  he  swore,  *  if  anything  of  this  sort 
happens  again  in  my  days,  the  delinquent  shall  not  be  buried  in  the 
churchyard.'  Our  authors  speak  of  this  horror  as  prevailing  during  the 
two  centuries  after  the  Norman  Conquest ;  but  something  of  the  same 
feeling  must  have  lasted  much  later,  if  it  has  not  descended  to  our  own 
days.  Lawyers  will  remember  Lord  Coke's  quaint  thanksgiving  on  behalf 
of  their  calling — that  '  it  is  observed  for  a  special  blessing  of  Almighty 
God  that  few  or  none  of  that  profession  die  intcstatus  et  imjjroles,  without 
will  and  without  child.' 

One  of  the  curious  things  about  the  history  of  law  is  the  number  of 
things  contrary  to  expectation  which  it  affords.  The  law  of  self-help  as 
described  by  our  author  is  one  of  these  ;  one  would  have  expected  that 
the  right  of  self-help — the  right,  for  instance,  to  distrain  without  legal 
process  and  without  judicial  authority — would  have  been  more  abundant  in 
early  than  in  later  times.  But  our  authors  tell  us  that  the  contrary 
is  the  case.  '  In  our  own  day,'  they  say,  *  our  law  allows  an  amount  of 
quiet  self-help  that  would  have  shocked  Bracton.  It  can  safely  allow  this, 
for  it  has  mastered  the  sort  of  self-help  that  is  lawless.'  Again,  the  mind 
is  apt  to  suppose  that  early  institutions  are  simple,  and  that  they  have 
grown  complicated  with  the  increasing  appliances  and  refinements  of  an 
old  civilisation  ;  but  the  history  of  law  makes  it  at  least  extremely  doubt- 
ful whether  this  is  not  an  entirely  unfounded  belief.  What  our  authors, 
using  the  fashionable  phraseology,  call  the  evolution  of  the  law  of  con- 
tract is  a  striking  instance  of  a  stream  of  law  which,  starting  in  complexity 
and  difficulty,  gradually  runs  until  it  is  clear.  Contract  in  its  origin  is 
beset  with  religious  conceptions,  it  is  followed  and  embarrassed  by  essen- 
tial forms  (i.d-  forms  without  which  it  is  invalid),  it  is  surrounded  by 
guarantors  and  earnests ;  it  was  made  by  oaths  and  by  pledges  of  faith. 
It  was  long  before  the  simple  legal  concept  that  a  binding  contract  could 
arise  from  the  consent  of  two  persons  to  the  same  terms  communicated  by 
the  one  to  the  other — from  the  simple  consensual  contract— was  arrived  at. 

Ideas  [say  our  authors]  assumed  as  fundamental  of  this  branch  of  law  in 
modern  times,  and  so  familiar  to  modern  lawyers  as  apparently  to  need  no 
explanation,  had  perished  in  the  general  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  system,  and 
had  to  be  painfully  reconstructed  in  the  middle  ages.  Further,  it  is  not  free  from 
doubt  .  .  .  how  far  the    Romans   themselves   had  attained   to   triily  general 


762  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

conceptions.  In  any  case  the  ^erman  races,  not  only  of  the  Carolingian  period, 
but  down  to  a  much  later  time,  had  no  general  notion  whatever  of  promise  or 
agreement  as  a  source  of  civil  obligation. 

In  tracing  the  stream  of  law  backward  to  its  fountain  heads  our 
authors  exhibit  a  wise  caution.  To  show  that  a  practice  or  principle  of 
English  law  is  found  amongst  the  Danes,  for  instance,  is  not  enough  to 
prove  that  it  owes  its  origin  to  the  Danish  invaders  of  our  country.  You 
must  go  further,  and  show  that  the  same  practice  or  principle  was  not 
found  amongst  the  Saxons  and  the  Normans,  and  that  it  did  not  spring 
up  spontaneously  in  English  jurisprudence  itself:  the  humanity  that  is 
common  to  all  these  nations,  the  common  circumstances  and  needs  of 
social  life  may  have  given  independent  rise  to  the  institution  in  question  ; 
or,  again,  it  may  be  derived  from  a  far-off  fountain  head,  from  which,  by 
invisible  channels,  the  springs  alike  of-  Saxon,  Danish,  and  Norman 
jurisprudence  have  been  fed. 

As  is  natural,  the  volumes  contain  many  instances  of  those  vanished 
doctrines  which  render  it  often  so  difficult  to  understand  the  meaning  of 
old  laws  ;  all  laws  have  so  much  in  common,  repose  so  largely  on  the 
broad  and  abiding  foundations  of  our  human  nature,  that  we  are  apt  to 
overlook  or  to  under-estimate  the  points  of  difference  and  the  existence 
of  lines  of  thought  which  are  now  not  familiar  either  to  ordinary  life  or 
to  the  discussions  of  the  courts.  The  doctrine  of  possessory  marriages  is 
an  illustration  of  what  we  have  been  saying,  and  the  difficulty  of  under- 
standing it  was  felt  even  in  the  highest  of  our  tribunals — the  house  of 
lords.  There  were,  as  our  authors  point  out,  marriages  of  two  kinds,  de 
iure  and  de  facto  ;  a  marriage  at  the  church  door  was  a  marriage  de  facto, 
and  was  recognised,  and  alone  recognised,  by  the  lay  courts  for  the  pur- 
poses of  a  possessory  action  ;  the  question  whether  there  was  or  was  not 
such  a  marriage  was  tried  by  the  lay  tribunal  and  by  a  jury,  and  none  of 
the  canonical  objections  to  its  validity  could  be  urged  or  attended  to.  But 
there  was  also  the  de  iure  marriage  ;  and  this  was  so  far  different  from 
the  de  facto  one  that  there  might  be  a  de  facto  marriage  where  there  was 
none  de  iure  ;  or  there  might  be  a  de  iure  marriage  when  there  was  none 
de  facto  ;  but  if  a  man  was  to  succeed  in  his  claim  by  reason  of  such  a 
marriage  he  must  proceed  to  assert  not  a  claim  to  possession,  but  a  right 
to  the  property  :  his  action  must  be  droitural  and  not  possessory  ;  and  the 
issue  of  whether  or  no  there  was  such  a  marriage  could  not  be  tried  by 
the  lay  court,  but  was  sent  to  the  ordinary  for  adjudication,  and  was 
determined  by  his  certificate.  The  presence  of  doctrines  of  which  the 
above  may  serve  as  an  illustration,  which  lie  latent  to  the  eye  of  the 
stranger,  makes  the  lawyer  who  strays  from  his  own  country  or  his  own 
time  feel  that  he  is  often  treading  on  treacherous  ground. 

The  work  before  us  is  arranged  in  a  somewhat  unusual  manner  :  it 
is  divided  into  two  books,  the  first  of  which  contains  what  our  authors 
modestly  call  *  a  slight  sketch  of  the  general  outlines '  of  English  legal 
history  before  Edward  I;  the  second  book  deals  with  the  doctrines  and  rules 
of  English  law  under  Henry  II,  his  sons  and  grandson  ;  the  one  book  is 
arranged  according  to  periods  of  time,  the  other  according  to  branches  of 
law.  No  doubt  it  follows  inevitably  from  this  arrangement  that  the 
same  subject  will  often  be  mentioned  in  two  places — once  in  the  chrono- 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  763 

logical  sketch,  once  in  its  appropriate  place  as  a  subject  of  law — but  the 
authors  have  shown  themselves  skilful  in  avoiding  repetition,  and  the 
cross  classification  is  not  without  its  advantages.  The  first  book  is  per- 
haps more  adapted  to  students  of  history,  the  second  to  those  of  law. 

Nothing  in  these  volumes  dealing  with  the  history  of  Enghsh  law  is 
more  satisfactory  and  impressive  than  the  way  in  which  our  authors  trace 
the  main  stream  of  the  common  law  of  England  from  the  writs  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  II  downwards.  But  their  whole  historical  sketch  is  of 
the  highest  value  and  interest.  Our  written  laws  may  be  said  to  begin 
with  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  Ethelbert,  and  we  are  reminded  that 
he  had  been  ruling  the  men  of  Kent  some  five  years  when  Justinian  died, 
so  that  for  our  early  laws  there  is  no  possible  question  of  the  influence 
upon  them  of  Justinian  as  a  lawgiver.  It  is  probably  not  a  mere  accident 
that  the  first  Saxon  king  who  was  a  Christian  is  the  first  who  has  left  us 
any  written  laws,  for  we  know  how  everywhere  along  the  line  of  junction 
of  the  Eoman  and  the  Teutonic  worlds,  written  laws  seem  to  have  arisen 
at  the  moment  when  the  older  civilisation,  with  its  high  value  for  legal 
institutions,  came  into  contact  with  the  German  populations.  In  most  if 
not  all  of  these  codes  the  voice  is  the  voice  of  the  Teuton,  but  the  hand  is 
the  hand  of  the  Roman ;  and  it  strikes  one  as  a  strong  evidence  cf  the 
consistency  and  firmness  of  the  Teutonic  legal  institutions  that  they  were 
able  to  resist  to  a  great  extent  the  attraction  which  the  Eoman  law  evi- 
dently possessed  for  the  barbarians.  These  early  Germanic  laws  have 
much  in  common,  one  point  in  which  they  agree  being  the  reverence 
which  they  pay  to  possession,  and  their  comparative  neglect  of  the  notion 
of  property. 

\Yhat  modern  lawyers  [say  our  authors]  call  ownership  or  property,  the 
dominiu7n  of  the  Eoman  system,  is  not  recognised  in  early  Germanic  ideas. 
Possession,  not  ownership,  is  the  leading  conception ;  it  is  possession  that  has 
to  be  defended  or  recovered  ;  or  to  possess  without  dispute  or  by  judicial  award 
after  dispute,  real  or  feigned,  is  the  only  sure  foundation  of  title  and  end  of 
strife.  A  right  to  possess,  distinct  from  actual  possession,  must  be  admitted  if 
there  is  any  ru^e  of  judicial  redress  at  all ;  but  it  is  only  through  the  conception 
of  this  specific  right  that  ownership  finds  any  place  in  pure  Germanic 
law. 

One  of  the  most  curious  points  connected  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  law 
is  the  mystery  which  has  hung  over  the  meaning  of  the  familiar  words 
bocland  and  folcland.  Every  one  who  reads  the  history  of  our  Anglo- 
Saxon  ancestors  reads  that  there  were  two  kinds  of  land  amongst  them — 
bookland  and  folkland.  The  bookland  has  always  been  understood  to 
mean  land  held  by  a  book  or  written  document  of  title.  But  what  is 
folkland?  Pracdia  Saxones  duj^Uci  tltido  x>ossidchant,  says  Spelman, 
vd  scripti  authoritatc  quod  hocland  vocabant,  quasi  terrain  librariam  vet 
codicillarem  :  vel  jJojyuU  testimonio,  quod  folcland  dixerc,  id  est  terrain 
i:)Oimlarcm.  This  doctrine  had  .been  accepted  with  more  or  less  variations 
of  statement  till  Allen  declared  that  '  folkland,  as  the  word  imports,  was 
the  land  of  the  folk  or  people.  It  was  the  property  of  the  community.' 
This  view  seems  to  have  been  accepted  with  little  discussion.  Mr.  Hallam, 
in  his  supplemental  notes  to  his  '  Middle  Ages,'  published  in  1848,  said 
that  it  was  'impossible  to  support  any  longer  the  account  of  folcland  given 


764  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

in '  his  original  work,  in  whic^^  he  had  more  or  less  exactly  followed  Spel- 
man  ;  and  so  the  concessions  w^ent  on  till,  in  1893,  Professor  Vinogradofif, 
in  this  Review,  reconsidered  the  whole  subject,  and  maintained  that 
Spelman  was  right  and  Allen  was  wrong,  a  conclusion  in  which  our  authors 
agree.  This  is  a  curious  bit  of  literary  history,  and  by  showing  us  how 
much  difference  of  opinion  there  has  been  amongst  very  learned  people  on 
an  elementary  question  of  ancient  law  may  help  us  to  keep  our  minds 
open  to  correction  on  other  points  also. 

When  the  Norman  confluent  at  the  Conquest  joins  the  Saxon  main 
stream,  it  is  interesting  to  find  that  its  memorials  are  inferior  in  value 
and  more  recent  in  time  than  those  of  the  Saxon  race  in  England.  The 
Norman  duchy  '  has  nothing  to  set  against  Domesday  Book  or  against 
those  law  books  which  we  know  as  the  Leges  of  the  Confessor,  the 
Conqueror,  and  Henry  I.  The  oldest  financial  records,  the  oldest 
judicial  records  that  it  has  transmitted  to  us  are  of  much  later  date  than 
the  parallel  English  documents.'  *  We  have  every  reason  to  believe, 
add  our  authors,  *  that  the  conquerors  of  England  had  little,  if  any, 
written  law  to  bring  with  them.'  But  they  certainly  brought  with  them 
the  ordeal  of  battle,  previously  unknown  in  England,  and  they  probably 
brought  with  them  an  institution  of  far  greater  moment  and  worth,  *  the 
sworn  inquest,  the  germ  of  the  jury.' 

When  two  races  come  together  in  one  country  and  each  of  them  is 
possessed  of  laws  of  its  own,  there  arises  a  conflict  of  laws  of  a 
very  urgent  kind.  It  may  be  that  the  laws  of  the  conquerors  will  pre- 
vail ;  it  may  even  be  that  the  laws  of  the  conquered  will  prevail ;  it 
may  be  that  the  country  will  be  divided  between  the  two  races  by  a 
local  boundary,  or  the  boundary  may  be  not  local  but  personal ;  or,  lastly, 
out  of  the  fusion  of  the  two  systems  a  new  one  may  arise.  As  the  result  of 
the  Danish  invasion  and  the  wisdom  of  Alfred  as  exhibited  in  the  treaty 
of  Wedmore,  and  as  the  result,  too,  of  tribal  differences  between  the 
Teutonic  invaders,  which  had  not  disappeared,  England  before  the 
Conquest  was  divided  into  three  parts,  in  one  of  which  the  laws  of 
Wessex  prevailed,  in  another  the  laws  of  Mercia,  and  in  a  third  the 
Danish  law  ;  the  conflict  of  the  laws  was  settled  by  local  boundaries. 
When  upon  this  state  of  things  there  came  the  Normans,  with  their  body 
of  unwritten  law,  how  was  the  matter  to  be  adjusted  ?  It  was  not  likely 
that  the  Norman  law,  inferior  as  it  was  to  the  Saxon  in  many  particulars, 
and  not  least  in  the  number  of  its  adherents,  should  prevail  over  the 
Saxon  institutions  to  the  extent  of  abolishing  the  latter.  It  looked  at 
first  as  if  a  system  of  personal  law  would  be  established,  like  that  which 
prevailed,  for  instance,  in  Italy  under  the  Lombards,  and  a  Frenchman 
would  be  judged  by  French  law,  and  an  Englishman  by  English  law. 
The  Conqueror  had  some  leanings  in  that  direction. 

He  established  a  special  protection  for  the  lives  of  the  Frenchmen  :  if  the  slayer 
of  a  Frenchman  was  not  produced  a  heavy  fine  fell  on  the  hundred  in  which  he 
was  slain.  .  .  .  He  defined  the  procedural  rules  which  were  to  prevail  if  a 
Frenchman  accused  an  Englishman  or  an  Englishman  a  Frenchman. 

But  these  rules  were  the  only  ones  in  his  legislation  which  drew  a  distinc- 
tion between  French  and  English.  Moreover,  in  spite  of  great  forfei- 
tures and  great  changes  in  the  personnel  of  the  landowners,  William 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  765 

substantially  maintained  the  old  English  land  laws.  The  danegeld  wag 
too  profitable  an  institution  to  be  abandoned  for  a  moment — nay,  it  was  so 
much  in  favour  that  the  great  work  of  Domesday  was  undertaken  to  give 
effect  to  it.  For  the  purposes  of  taxation  the  French  baron  stood  in  the 
place  of  the  English  landholder ;  what  he  succeeded  to  was  in  many 
cases  a  superiority  over  free  tenants  of  the  soil,  with  large  lights  of 
jurisdiction  and  other  matters  in  which  the  king  had  an  interest,  an 
interest  especially  in  seeing  that  the  Norman  lord  did  not  receive  more 
than  the  Saxon  had  received  before  him,  and  that  he  did  not  extend  his 
jurisdiction  beyond  that  which  had  existed  in  the  time  of  the  Con- 
fessor. 

All  this  [say  our  authors]  made  English  testimony  and  English  tradition  of 
great  importance  :  the  relative  rights  of  the  various  Norman  magnates  were 
known  only  to  Englishmen.  EngHshmen  were  mixed  up  with  Frenchmen  at 
the  moots  and  often  spoke  the  decisive  word. 

In  the  result,  as  we  know,  the  system  of  personal  law  was  never  esta- 
blished in  this  country,  but  in  lieu  of  it  there  grew  up  the  common  law 
of  England,  which  was  neither  Saxon  law  nor  Norman  law,  nor  a  mere 
fusion  of  the  two  laws,  but  a  new  product,  a  new  body  if  not  a  new 
system  of  law.  But  in  saying  that  England  escaped  the  presence  of 
personal  law  we  are  not  quite  accurate — for  one  very  remarkable  instance 
of  such  law  arose  and  subsisted  for  some  time  in  this  country  in  the  case 
of  the  law  administered  to  the  Jews,  of  which  our  authors  give  us  some 
remarkable  particulars.  The  Jews  invaded  this  country  in  the  wake  of 
the  Normans,  and  as  the  dependents — almost  as  the  serfs — of  the  Norman 
kings.  '  The  Jew,'  says  Bracton,  '  can  have  nothing  of  his  own,  for 
whatever  he  acquires  he  acquires  not  for  himself,  but  for  the  king.' 
Though  the  Jew  had  no  rights  against  the  king,  he  had  all  the  rights 
of  a  free  man  as  against  others  ;  and  as  between  Jew  and  Jew  they  were 
allowed  to  arrange  their  affairs  and  settle  their  disputes  by  the  Hebrew 
law.  Under  this  system  the  Jews  throve  and  became  great  money-lenders, 
and  lenders  in  a  way  in  which  it  seemed  likely  that  they  would  get  but 
scant  justice  in  the  common  court ;  so  a  department  of  the  royal  ex- 
chequer, the  exchequer  of  the  Jews,  vras  organised  for  the  supervision  of 
this  business,  which,  like  the  great  exchequer,  was  both  a  financial  bureau 
and  a  judicial  tribunal.  It  had  jurisdiction  not  only  between  Jew  and 
Christian,  and  between  king  and  Jew,  but  also  between  king  and  Gentile 
when,  as  often  happened,  the  king  had  asserted  his  right  to  some  debt 
due  from  a  Christian  to  a  Jew.  As  between  Jew  and  Jew,  when  the  king's 
interests  were  not  concerned,  Jewish  tribunals  administered  the  Jewish 
law,  and  in  like  manner  in  dealings  between  Jew  and  Jew  the  transaction 
was  recorded  in  the  Hebrew  language  in  a  document  known  as  the 
*  Shetar,'  or  *  Starrum,'  as  the  Latin  word  ran,  from  which  it  has  been 
often  suggested  that  the  Star  Chamber  derived  its  name. 

Our  authors  are  inclined  to  trace  the  practice  of  preserving  the  feet 
of  fines  and  the  writ  of  elegit  to  customs  which  originally  were  in  force 
in  the  king's  Jewry ;  and  if  this  should  prove  the  case  it  will  be  an 
interesting  illustration  of  the  great  variety  of  sources  from  which  our 
laws  have  borrowed.     But  about  this  and  many  other  matters  relative  to 


766  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

the  Jews  and  their  law  aifairf  we  may  hope  to  know  more  when  the 
volume  of  selections  from  the  Plea  Eolls  of  the  Jewish  exchequer  1244 
to  1272,  announced  as  in  contemplation  by  the  Selden  Society,  shall  have 
added  to  the  curious  particulars  with  regard  to  the  exchequer  of  the 
Jews  which  the  learning  of  Madox  and  of  subsequent  writers  has  got 
together. 

If  any  single  date  is  to  be  fixed  upon  as  that  of  the  commencement 
of  our  present  legal  system,  the  reign  of  Henry  II  would,  I  believe,  be 
the  birthday,  according  to  our  authors. 

If  we  try  to  sum  up  [they  say]  those  results  of  Henry's  reign  which  are  to 
be  the  most  permanent  and  the  most  fruitful,  we  may  say  that  the  whole  of 
English  law  is  centralised  and  unified  by  the  institution  of  a  permanent  court  of 
professional  judges,  by  the  frequent  mission  of  itinerant  judges  throughout  the 
land,  by  the  introduction  of  the  '  inquest '  or  '  recognition '  and  the  '  original 
writ '  as  Norman  parts  of  the  machinery  of  justice. 

All  these  great  features  we  still  retain  under  certain  modifications,  and 
when  we  saw  the  abolition  of  the  separate  courts  of  chancery,  of  the 
queen's  bench,  the  common  pleas,  and  the  exchequer,  w-e  were  witness- 
ing only  an  act  of  reversion  to  the  older  form  of  one  supreme  court 
which  existed  so  far  back  as  the  reign  of  the  second  Henry,  and 
the  abolition  of  certain  branchings  and  cleavages  which  had  grown  up 
in  the  interval  and  to  some  eyes  obscured  the  original  unity  of  the  great 
institution. 

The  history  of  the  jury  as  understood  by  our  authors  is  substantially 
that  accepted  by  the  bishop  of  Oxford — that  the  jury  has  its  origin  in  the 
inquisitio,  a  prerogative  right  of  the  Frankish  kings,  a  royal  means  of 
investigation,  a  prerogative  method  of  finding  out  the  truth— in  short,  a 
royal  commission.  This  practice  the  Norman  invaders  bring  wdth  them 
across  the  Channel ;  and  its  use  is  frequent,  though  exceptional,  during 
the  reign  of  the  Norman  kings  ;  but  under  Henry  II  that  which  had  been 
*  exceptional  becomes  normal.  The  king  concedes  to  his  subjects  as  a 
royal  boon  his  own  prerogative  procedure.' 

The  account  which  our  authors  give  of  the  origin  of  the  two  great 
branches  of  the  legal  profession  is  somewhat  difi:*erent  from  that 
previously  and  generally  received,  or  at  least  it  goes  higher  up  the  stream 
and  finds  division  where  the  common  history  assumes  unity.  It  is 
generally  represented  that  originally  there  was  a  single  class  of  practi- 
tioners in  the  courts,  and  that  this  subsequently  divided  itself  into  the 
two  groups  which  we  now  know  as  barristers  and  solicitors.  The  count 
de  Franqueville,  in  his  admirable  book  '  Le  Systeme  Judiciaire  de  la 
Grande -Bretagne,'  says  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century 
the  distinction  between  the  two  branches  began  to  establish  itself,  and 
that  the  separation  became  definite  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century  ;  and  it  may  tend  to  support  this  theory  that  attorneys  seem 
to  have  originally  frequented  the  Inns  of  Court  in  company  with 
counsel,  and  that  it  was  not  till  1557  that  they  were  excluded  from 
these  hostels.  Our  authors  describe  the  origin  of  barristers  as  due  to 
the  permission  which  was  accorded  to  the  litigant  to  bring  with  him  a 
party  of  friends,  and  to  take  counsel  with  them  before  he  pleaded — ■ 
very  much  as  nowadays  courts -martial,  whilst  not  allowing  advocates, 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  767 

allow  of  the  presence  and  the  pleadings  of  the  prisoner's  friend.  So 
by-and-by  the  courts  conceded  to  those  who  were  of  counsel,  as  the 
expression  still  goes,  with  a  litigant  party  the  permission  to  speak  and  plead 
for  him ;  and  pleading  by  another  seems,  according  to  our  authors,  to 
have  enjoyed  one  great  benefit.  '  What  the  litigant  himself  has  said  in 
court,'  say  they,  *  he  has  said  once  and  for  all,  and  he  is  bound  by  it : 
but  what  a  friend  has  said  in  his  favour  he  may  disavow.  .  .  .  Perhaps 
the  main  object  of  having  a  pleader  is  that  one  may  have  two  chances 
of  pleading  correctly.'  *  The  formal  records  of  litigation,'  they  further 
say,  *  take  no  notice  of  them  [the  pleaders]  unless  they  are  disavowed.' 
The  existence  of  counsel  arose  from  the  permission  to  a  litigant  to  be 
assisted  by  his  friends  ;  the  attorney  arose  from  the  permission  to  the 
litigant  to  appear  not  in  person  but  through  some  one  who  answered  for 
him  as  an  altei-  ego.  The  power  to  appoint  an  attorney  was  originally 
a  royal  privilege,  and  this  was  from  time  to  time,  often  under  very 
strict  conditions,  granted  by  the  king  to  his  subjects.  A  royal  writ  was 
needed  to  give  a  man  the  general  prospective  power  of  appointing 
an  attorney  to  act  in  his  behalf  in  litigation — and  in  the  old  communal 
courts  no  one  could  appoint  an  attorney  without  a  royal  writ.  The 
statute  of  Merton  gave  a  power  to  every  free  man  to  make  an  attorney  to 
do  suit  in  the  courts  of  the  county,  hundred,  and  wapentake,  and  of  his 
lord.  Gradually  and  naturally  the  persons  who  were  skilled  to  act,  either 
as  of  counsel  with  a  litigant  or  as  his  attorney,  gave  themselves  up  more 
and  more  to  the  business.  They  became  more  and  more  professional,  until 
at  length  these  occupations,  which  were  originally  the  occasional  business 
of  any  '  free  and  lawful '  person,  became  more  and  more  the  exclusive 
business  of  a  select  few,  and  thus  the  legal  profession  gradually  appeared. 
It  seems,  further,  as  if  for  a  time  the  two  classes  of  counsel  and  of  attorneys, 
however  different  their  origins  may  have  been,  had  a  tendency  to  coalesce  ; 
they  frequented  the  same  societies ;  they  had  interest  in  the  same  topics  ; 
they  had  something  of  the  same  feeling  of  scorn  for  the  ignorant  litigants  : 
'  Cursed  is  this  people  that  knoweth  not  the  law.'  Then  followed 
enactments  which  placed  the  whole  body  of  practitioners  under  the 
control  of  the  justices,  and  apparently  secured  to  them  a  monopoly  of 
practice  before  the  courts. 

But  the  two  bodies  of  professional  men  which,  though  their  origin  was 
different,  had  seemed  likely  to  coalesce  were  destined  to  be  separated 
again  into  the  two  branches  which  now  exist ;  and  the  first  definite 
enactment  in  this  direction  seems  to  have  come  from  the  citizens  of 
London,  who,  in  their  civic  courts,  were  much  troubled  by  the  ignorance 
and  ill- manners  of  the  lawyers.  They  provided  that  no  lawyer  should 
habitually  practise  there  who  had  not  boen  admitted  by  the  mayor,  and 
they  added  that  no  counsellor  or  '  counter,'  as  he  was  then  called,  should 
be  an  attorney.  As  already  mentioned  it  seems  not  to  have  been  till  1557, 
a  date  far  outside  the  scope  of  the  present  volumes,  that  attorneys  were 
finally  excluded  from  the  Inns  of  Court.  This  investigation  into  the 
origines  of  the  legal  profession  is  an  instance  of  that  which  frequently 
occurs  in  these  volumes,  of  a  more  thorough  picture  being  presented 
than  had  hitherto  been  given  of  a  matter  of  legal  antiquity  on  which  some 
learning  was  famihar. 


768  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

The  common  law  of  England  is  a  subject  well  worthy  of  the  pains 
here  spent  in  tracing  its  rfstory  and  growth.  It  is  wanting  in  some 
of  the  characters  of  the  great  jurisprudence  of  Kome ;  it  may  be 
less  systematic,  it  may  be  less  consistent ;  it  may  have  greater  breaks  and 
gaps  in  its  structure  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  body  of  law  was 
ever  marked  by  stronger  common  sense.  Of  all  the  victories  of  peace 
none  is  perhaps  greater  than  the  establishment  of  law — of  a  system 
of  approximate  righteousness  which  shall  have  sway  and  dominion 
over  the  passions  and  sins  of  mankind.  The  system  is  often  far 
removed  from  ideal  righteousness— nay,  is  often  smirched  by  the  selfish- 
ness or  greed  of  the  law-giving  class — but  no  system  of  law  can  long 
prevail  whixjli  does  not,  in  the  main,  work  for  good  ;  and  certainly  the 
English  law,  as  a  whole,  has  set  before  itself  the  weal  of  the  people. 
To  see  this  body  of  jurisprudence  gradually  emerge  from  the  seething 
and  conflicting  elements  of  English  life,  from  the  conquests  of  Saxon, 
Dane,  and  Norman,  from  the  jealousies  of  king  and  priest  and  noble 
and  burgher ;  to  watch  the  great  master  builders,  Ethelbert  and  the 
Conqueror,  Glanvil,  Bracton  and  the  second  Henry,  striving  to  erect 
this  edifice,  not  only  with  skill  and  learning,  but  with  indomitable 
courage  and  labour  and  hope — this  is  what  our  authors  have  striven  in 
these  volumes  to  enable  us  to  do,  and  have  striven  with  no  ill  success, 
but  with  an  energy  and  perseverance  worthy  of  their  theme.  No  one 
who  desires  to  regard  early  English  law  either  in  its  social  or  political 
or  its  strictly  legal  aspect,  will  do  well  to  neglect  the  aid  afforded  by  our 
authors.  We  earnestly  commend  the  volumes  to  the  student  of  English 
history.  Edwaed  Fry. 

The  History  of  Currency,  1252  to  1894.    By  W.  A.  Shaw. 
(London  :  Wilsons  &  Milne,    n.d.) 

Mr.  Shaw's  work  purports  to  give  an  *  Account  of  the  Gold  and  Silver 
Monies  and  Monetary  Standards  of  Europe  and  America,  together  with  an 
Examination  of  the  Effects  of  Currency  and  Exchange  Phenomena  on 
Commercial  and  National  Progress  and  Well-being  '  during  the  period  1252 
to  1894.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  no  one  really  qualified  for  such  a  stupendous 
task  as  this  would  ever  have  undertaken  it.  The  only  t^vo  men  of  recent 
times  at  all  equipped  by  knowledge  and  ability  for  such  an  undertaking, 
Dana  Horton  and  Soetbeer,  are  unfortunately  dead.  But  both  these  men 
would  have  said  at  once  that  they  were  not  competent  to  deal  with  many  of 
the  matters  of  fact  confidently  handled  by  Mr.  Shaw  ;  and  they  would 
certainly  have  been  astonished  at  the  assurance  with  which  he  dogmatises 
on  controversial  points.  Mr.  Shaw  must  not  be  surprised,  then,  if 
scholars  take  up  with  a  certain  j^rwia/aci'e  prejudice  a  work  which  pretends, 
in  some  400  octavo  pages,  to  give  the  history  of  the  currencies  of  the 
western  world.  A  mere  catalogue  of  the  principal  works  and  documents 
bearing  on  the  subject  would  occupy  more  space. 

The  tone  of  the  work  does  not  tend  to  mitigate  such  unfavourable 
presumptions.  It  is  full  of  confident  dogmatism,  on  points  which  are 
either  disputable  or  decided  in  a  sense  opposed  to  the  author's  views.  If 
Mr.  Shaw  had  confined  himself  to  the  work  of  an  annalist,  his  book, 
though  something  less  than  a  history,  might  have  been  useful.    But 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  IBOOKS  769 

theory  is  ever}  where  obtruded,  from  the  preface  to  the  conclusion,  and 
unfortunately  the  theory  is  of  the  shallowest,  and  is  enforced  with 
a  lecturing  tone  that  becomes  wearisome  and  offensive,  especially  if  one 
considers  the  mass  of  experience  and  authority  on  the  other  side.  Some 
of  this  petulance,  and  the  affected  humiliation  of  the  author  at  the  wretched 
work  of  his  contemporaries,  may  be  due  to  youthful  fervour,  and  will,  let 
us  hope,  be  moderated  by  maturity  of  judgment  and  greater  familiarity 
with  the  work  he  despises.  But  the  real  key  to  the  unhistorical  temper  of 
the  book  is  given  us  in  its  very  first  pages.  It  is  really  a  controversial 
pamphlet  masquerading  in  the  guise  of  history.  Its  purpose,  he  tells  us 
in  the  preface,  'is  twofold — first  and  foremost,  to  illustrate  a  question  of 
principle  by  the  aid  of  historic  test  and  application  ;  secondly,  to  furnish 
for  the  use  of  historical  students  an  elementary  handbook  of  the  currencies 
of  the  more  important  European  states  from  the  thirteenth  century  down- 
wards.' The  first  purpose  is  explained  a  little  further  on  :  *  The  verdict 
of  history  on  the  great  problem  of  the  nineteenth  century— bimetallism — 
is  clear  and  crushing  and  final,  and  against  the  evidence  of  history  no 
gainsaying  of  theory  ought  for  a  moment  to  stand.' 

To  do  justice  to  either  of  the  objects  aimed  at  by  Mr.  Shaw  would 
have  required  a  more  serious  w^ork  than  the  present  volume,  and  there  is 
obviously  something  injudicious  in  the  attempt  to  kill  the  two  birds  with 
one  stone.  It  is  a  mistake  to  complicate  an  historical  handbook  by 
attempts  to  distort  early  history  into  some  presumption  against  a  modern 
policy  concerned  with  quite  different  conditions.  The  conscious  polemi- 
cal purpose  is  apt  to  disturb  the  historian's  coolness  of  judgment  and  to 
interfere  with  the  impartiality  of  his  treatment,  while  the  student's 
attention  is  perpetually  distracted  from  the  study  of  primitive  institutions 
by  references  to  controversial  issues  which  he  is  unable  to  grasp,  and 
which  relate  to  highly  developed  and  complicated  modern  currency  systems 
unfamiliar  to  him. 

A  writer  who  chooses  such  a  suspicious  setting  for  his  historical  w^ork 
ought  to  spare  no  pains  to  place  the  accuracy  of  his  statements  beyond 
question.  Mr.  Shaw,  to  say  the  least,  has  been  most  careless  in  this 
respect.  There  are  more  footnote  references  in  many  a  single  page  of 
Ending  than  in  the  whole  of  Mr.  Shaw's  book.  He  gives  twelve  such 
references  for  six  centuries  of  history.  Others  are  given  in  the  text,  but 
most  of  these  without  chapter  and  verse.  There  is,  indeed,  a  list  of 
authorities  at  the  beginning.  But  such  lists,  easy  enough  to  compile, 
neither  inspire  confidence  nor  assist  the  reader.  The  sound  historian, 
instead  of  parading  his  authorities  in  this  perfunctory  way,  presses  them 
into  active  service  by  quoting  them  in  detail  wherever  their  support 
or  illustration  is  required.  Nor  will  the  list  bear  examination.  It  is 
very  miscellaneous  and  indiscriminate,  and  largely  composed  of  merely 
numismatic  works.  Under  '  England,'  for  instance,  w^e  find  North  ^  and 
Ealeigh,  neither  of  any  special  authority  on  this  subject.  But  we  look 
in   vain  for   such   treasure-houses   of  information   as   Malynes  (1G22), 

1  North  is  gibbeted  by  Macaulay  as  '  distinguished  from  all  the  merchants  of  his 
time  by  the  obstinacy  with  which  he  adhered  to  the  ancient  mode  of  doing  business 
long  after  the  dullest  and  most  ignorant  plodders  had  abandoned  that  mode  for 
one  better  suited  to  a  great  commercial  society ' — a  fit  authority  for  a  writer  whose 
view  of  currency  seldom  extends  beyond  the  primitive  mechanism  of  coinage. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XL,  3  D 


770  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Justice  (1707,  extolled  by  Thorold  Rogers),  Magens  (1753-G,  one  of  the  few 
writers  Adam  Smith  quotesf.  Nor,  while  he  mentions  the  '  Mint  Reports,' 
does  Mr.  Shaw  direct  the  student  to  the  mass  of  material  in  the  appen- 
dices to  the  *  Parliamentary  Reports  '  of  1797,  1810,  1819,  &c.,  or  to  the 
indispensable  reports  of  the  international  conferences,  excepting  only  that 
of  1878.  Among  modern  works  he  omits  the  masterly  writings  of  Jevons 
and  Dana  Horton,  which  he  shows  no  signs  of  having  read,  though  he 
mentions,  without  any  recognition  of  its  authorship,  the  invaluable  appendix 
contributed  by  Horton  to  the  report  on  the  conference  of  1878.  Under 
France  there  is  no  mention  of  Wolowski,  equally  eminent  as  theorist  and 
historian,  the  principal  expositor  of  the  monetary  policy  which  Mr.  Shaw's 
book  is  an  attempt  to  discredit.  Under  '  Italy  '  he  omits  such  names  as 
those  of  Scaruffi  and  Pagnini,  while  here,  as  elsewhere,  inserting  many 
works  of  only  numismatic  interest.  Under  'Spain'  he  omits  Carranza,  who 
expressly  deals  with  his  subject,  but  includes  Edward  Clarke's  *  Letters,'  a 
miscellaneous  quarto  of  which  twelve  pages,  of  no  special  value,  happen 
to  be  devoted  to  an  account  of  Spanish  coins. 

From  Soetbeer's  'Litteraturnachweis'  alone  it  would  be  easy  to  com- 
pile many  better  lists  ;  but  no  such  lists  are  of  any  use  for  the  important 
purpose  of  verifying  the  author's  statements  and  testing  his  quotations. 
In  the  absence  of  full  references  it  must  be  clear  that  anything  like  due 
verification  of  so  comprehensive  a  work  is  out  of  the  question.  But  one 
or  two  serious  blunders  in  the  later  history  may  be  mentioned,  which 
come  oddly  from  a  writer  who  gives  us  the  value  of  a  coin  in  the  four- 
teenth century  to  the  sixth  place  of  decimals.  He  tells  us  (p.  177)  that 
the  French  law  of  1803  abolished  seignorage.  He  must  either  be  confus- 
ing here  free  with  gratuitous  coinage  (as  he  certainly  does  in  other  places), 
or  he  must  have  confused  the  temporary  provision  of  1794  with  the  final 
constitution  of  the  monetary  law  in  1803.  Horton,  always  accurate,  puts 
the  point  quite  clearly.  There  has  always  been  a  charge  for  mintage  in 
France  since  1803,  and  the  variations  in  these  charges  have  been  one  of 
the  causes  of  perplexity  in  calculations  of  the  variations  of  the  ratio. 
Again,  he  says  the  convention  of  the  Latin  union  (which,  by  tlie  by,  came 
into  force  in  August  18G0,  not  1809)  prescribed  free  coinage  (p.  193). 
Chevassus,  in  the  excellent  account  of  the  Latin  union  written  for  the 
Institute  of  Bankers,  Oct.  188G,  observes  :  '  No  provision  is  made  in  any  of 
tlie  clauses  as  to  whether  the  states  concerned  shall  or  shall  not  keep 
their  mints  open  for  the  unlimited  coinage  of  either  gold  or  silver. 
Nor  is  the  question  of  uniform  mint  charges  dealt  with  '  (p.  7).  In  neither 
sense  of  the  term,  then,  was  free  coinage  prescribed  by  this  con- 
vention. Horton  has  often  insisted  upon  this  important  point.  Of  the 
convention  generally  Mr.  Shaw  says  on  p.  178  :  '  It  is  not  until  the  broach- 
ing of  a  bimetallic  theory  as  such,  and  until  the  expression  of  that 
theory,  as  a  theory,  in  the  formation  of  the  Latin  union,  that  any- 
thing like  a  special  significance  attaches  to  the  monetary  system '  of 
France.  On  p.  190,  however,  he  states  that  '  the  formation  of  the  Latin 
union  was  a  measure  of  defence  against  the  action  of  the  bimetallic 
system.'  These  two  propositions  can  scarcely  both  be  true.  But  they 
are  both  false,  and  it  would  bo  difficult  to  say  which  is  the  more 
incorrect. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  771 

Later  Mr.  Shaw  deals  with  the  monetary  congress  of  Paris  in  1889. 
Of  this  there  is  an  elaborate  official  compte  rendu.  Yet  Mr.  Shaw  goes 
out  of  his  way  to  make  a  blunder  in  his  reference  to  it.  He  says  Great 
Britain  was  not  represented  among  the  194  members  who  attended.  The 
fact  is  that  Great  Britain  and  Denmark  were  the  only  European  govern- 
ments who  sent  special  delegations.  This  country  was  officially  re- 
presented by  the  Master  of  the  Mint  and  Mr.  G.  H.  Murray,  former 
secretary  of  the  Gold  and  Silver  Commission.  More  than  that,  at  the 
special  suggestion  of  Mr.  Goschen  the  Bimetallic  League  sent  six 
representatives,  and  altogether  sixteen  Enghshmen  assisted  at  the  con- 
gress. To  the  *  Eeport  of  the  English  Gold  and  Silver  Commission  of  1888,' 
epoch-making  as  it  was,  Mr.  Shaw  can  only  devote  three  pages,  less  space 
than  he  gives  to  a  trivial  inquiry  in  1381.  However  he  contrives  to 
stumble  over  two  well-known  names  and  substitutes  for  Sir  Louis  Mallet 
Lord  Malet,  a  creation  of  his  own.  His  statement  that  no  opposition 
was  expressed  in  the  house  of  representatives  or  the  senate,  on  the 
abolition  of  the  double  standard  in  America  in  1873,  will  be  appreciated 
by  those  who  are  familiar  with  that  passage  of  history.  Those  who  are 
not  should  read  the  emphatic  words  of  General  Walker.^  It  will  be 
apparent  how  misleading  Mr.  Shaw's  account  is. 

But  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  insist  upon  these  and  many  similar 
errors,  significant  as  they  are,  because  the  whole  conception  which  Mr. 
Shaw  has  formed  of  his  subject  is  at   fault.     His  work  can  make  no 
pretension  to  being  a  '  History  of  Currency  '  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  that 
term.     He  tells  us  himself  that  it  is  confined  entirely  to  the  history  of 
metallic  currency,  as  if  one  element  of  our  composite  currencies  could  be 
considered  in  isolation  from  the  others.     But,  what  is  still  more  extra- 
ordinary, we   find  him  (on   p.   122)   dismissing  as  foreign   to  his   book 
the  most  important  part  of  the  history  even  of  metallic  currency,  viz.  its 
debasements.     '  It  would  be  unfair,'  he  says,  '  to  treat  of  debasements  in  a 
history  of  bimetallism.'     The  subject  matter  of  his  book  *  is  restricted  to 
the  natural  ebb  and  flow  of  the  precious  metals  due  to  the  action  of  bi- 
metallic  law.'      These   statements,   though   they  throw   an   instructive 
light  on  the  purpose  of   the  book,   really  defy  explanation.    It  is  im- 
possible to  give  a  definite  account  of  so  illogically  limited  a  conception. 
What  can  one  say  of  a  history  of  the  English  currency  which  dismisses 
the   recoinage   of   1G9G  in   a  page,   which  deliberately  passes  over  the 
famous   episode   of  the   suspension  of  cash  payments,  which  omits  all 
reference  to  the  celebrated  proposals  of  Ricardo  and  Baring  in  1816  and 
1819,  and  which  has  not  a  word  on  the  purchase  clause  of  Peel's  act  of 
1844,  on  which  so  much  of  modern  legislation  has  been  and  so  much 
more  will  be  based  ?    Ending  no  doubt  passed  lightly  over  many  of  these 
subjects  ;    but   then  he   was   well  aware  of  his  limitations.     He   never 
pretended  to  write  a  history  of  currency,  even  of  the  English  currency. 
He  modestly  styled  his  great  work  the  '  Annals  of  the  Coinage.'     As  such 
it  is  admirable,  and  Mr.  Shaw  would  have  been  better  advised  had  he 
followed  more  closely  upon  Ruding's  definite  and  unpretending  lines. 

On  the  whole  the  fairest   account  we   can   give   of  this   singularly 
conceived  work  is  that  it  is  an  historical  dictionary  of  coins,  with  special 

2  Journal  of  Political  Economy,  March  1893,  p.  171. 

3  D  2 


772  EEVI^WS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

reference  to  the  varying  equivalences  between  gold  and  silver  coins. 
Upon  these  changes  Mr.  Shaw  lays  a  very  exaggerated  stress.  No 
writer  on  money,  not  even  the  wildest  pamphleteer  of  Nevada,  has  ever 
assigned  so  much  importance  to  monetary  influences.  Mr.  Shaw  sees  in 
them  the  clue  to  the  evolution  of  modern  history.  'On  the  increased 
basis  of  currency,'  he  says  (p.  133),  'was  built  that  commercial  and 
national,  yea,  even  literary  growth  and  expansion  which  have  made  the 
Elizabethan  age  the  glory  of  our  history.'  The  introduction  of  gold 
coinage  in  the  West  seems  to  be  his  explanation  of  the  Renaissance.  '  So 
momentous  a  revolution '  is  enough  to  explain  the  brilliant  prosperity  of 
the  Italian  republics.  *  For  eight  centuries  or  more  those  races  in  Europe 
which  were  to  turn  the  course  of  the  modern  world  and  build  its 
civilisation  anew  were  ignorant  of  the  commercial  use  of  what  has  been 
through  all  history  the  most  potent  factor  in  civilisation— gold.'  No 
thoughtful  student  of  history  will  deny  that  price  movements  have  had 
far-reaching  effects,  though  he  will  feel  that  such  language  as  we  have 
just  quoted  is  strained.  But  what  makes  it  more  singular,  coming  from 
Mr.  Shaw,  is  that  the  author  excludes  all  consideration  of  price  move- 
ments from  his  work.  On  p.  59,  note,  he  tells  us,  '  By  prices  here,  and 
throughout  this  volume,  is  meant  the  price  or  tariff  and  mint  rate  of  the 
coins.  There  is  no  reference  whatever  to  general  prices.'  And  although 
he  cannot  always  adhere  to  this  forced  use  of  language  it  is  perfectly 
true  that  there  is  nowhere  in  the  book  any  treatment  of  the  fundamental 
question  of  currency  history,  viz.  the  changes  in  the  valuation  or 
purchasing  power  of  money  ;  or,  to  put  it  conversely,  the  movements  of 
general  prices. 

This  is  so  remarkable  an  omission,  and  enables  us  so  readily  to 
appraise  the  real  value  of  Mr.  Shaw's  work,  that  a  word  of  comment  upon 
it  may  be  permitted.  There  are  two  kinds  of  problems  involved  in  the 
working  of  monetary  systems — problems  of  internal  equivalence,  or 
parity,  and  problems  of  external  valuation,  or  stability  of  purchasing 
power.  The  currencies  of  all  civiHsed  nations  are  composite,  some  of 
them  composite  in  a  high  degree  ;  all  use  various  metals  as  well  as  paper, 
and  have  several  forms  of  legal  tender.  With  all  advanced  nations  it  is 
a  first  principle  that  the  various  constituents  of  their  currencies  shall 
circulate  at  the  par  indicated  by  their  nominal  values.  This  parity  may 
be  secured  in  various  ways  —by  limitation  of  issue,  as  in  the  case  of  token 
coinages  ;  by  convertibility  on  demand,  as  in  the  case  of  notes  ;  or  by  free 
mintage  at  a  fixed  ratio,  as  in  the  case  of  French  bimetallism.  AH 
these  methods  were  in  early  times  imperfectly  understood  and  applied ; 
and  their  consequent  partial  failures  caused  disturbances  which  are  of 
interest  to  the  historian.  Such  failures  of  internal  parity,  however,  are  for 
us  things  of  the  past.  No  country,  for  instance,  has  so  complicated  a 
currency  as  the  United  States,  but  absolute  internal  parity  is  maintained 
between  its  various  moneys.  The  preservation  of  such  parity  may  be 
regarded  as  a  first  principle  with  all  highly  civilised  nations. 

But  the  other  group  of  problems  concerned  with  the  external  relations 
of  a  currency,  while  they  both  now  are  and  always  have  been  infinitely 
more  important  in  their  historical  effects,  present  difficulties  which  are 
still  unsolved.     Reasonable  stabiUty  of  prices  is  the  first   condition  of 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  773 

social  justice  in  a  society  whose  economic  relations  are  determined  by- 
price.  Clearness  and  fixity  of  relation  between  the  moneys  of  various 
nations  are  as  essential  to  international  trade  as  the  internal  parity  of  a 
currency  is  to  domestic  trade.  But  the  currencies  of  the  western  world 
are  still  notoriously  unstable  in  their  purchasing  power ;  and  the  '  break 
of  gauge '  between  east  and  west  still  continues,  in  spite  of  the  repeated 
efforts  of  Europe  to  remove  it.  The  real  importance  of  currency  history 
and  the  real  interest  of  currency  study  lie  in  these  questions  of  valuation 
— of  the  external  relation  of  currencies.  All  such  questions  are  deliberately 
ignored  by  Mr.  Shaw,  who  does  not  even  seem  to  see  that  they  have  any 
significance,  though  they  were  the  occasion  of  our  earliest  economic 
literature,  and  have  hitherto  occupied  the  first  place  in  all  our  histories  of 
currency. 

Starting  with  this  stunted  and  inadequate  conception  of  his  subject, 
Mr.  Shaw's  work  was  foredoomed  to  failure.  It  is  an  attempt  to  prove 
that  all  the  economic  difficulties  of  former  times  were  due  to  exchange 
and  other  difficulties  connected  with  the  rating  of  the  gold  and  silver 
coins.  This  rating  he  vaguely  calls  bimetallism,  though  much  of  it  was 
really  part  of  a  policy  of  depreciation  of  the  coinage,  and  the  rest,  instead 
of  aiming  at  international  accord  and  uniformity,  was  really  an  instrument 
of  the  prevailing  mercantile  policy,  a  policy  of  the  most  uncompromising 
nationalism.  That  Mr.  Shaw  should  confuse  this  rudimentary  and  many- 
purposed  system  of  rating  with  the  scientific  international  bimetallism 
which  his  book  is  written  to  discredit  may  seem  curious.  But  the  fact  is 
that  he  has  no  glimmering  either  of  the  nature  of  the  modern  proposals 
or  of  the  theory  upon  which  they  rest.  Thus  he  everywhere  puts  forward 
the  system  of  token  currency  as  the  alternative  and  displacer  of  the  bi- 
metallic system.  It  is  really  a  device  useful  and  economical  under  any 
monetary  system.  Loolnng  at  it  from  a  broad  historical  view,  we  may 
say  that  it  is  only  a  first  step  in  the  direction  of  a  policy  in  which  all  coins 
will  be  tokens,  at  least  to  the  extent  of  a  seignorage,  and  bulHon  will 
assume  the  main  functions  of  money,  both  for  bank  reserve  and  inter- 
national exchange.  But,  apologist  as  he  is  for  the  use  of  token  money, 
Mr.  Shaw  has  not  taken  the  pains  to  understand  the  principle  upon  which 
it  rests.  He  supposes  (p.  171)  that  its  value  is  guaranteed  by  the  limita- 
tion of  legal  tender.  He  is  not  the  first  to  make  this  mistake,  which,  as 
Horton  has  shown,  appears  in  the  early  draft  proposals  for  the  Enghsh 
law  of  1816.  But  it  is  beyond  doubt  that,  without  further  provision 
than  this,  a  token  currency  might  go  to  a  discount.  The  real  safeguard 
is  limitation  of  quantity,  which  was  secured  in  our  law  of  1816  by  placing, 
the  control  of  the  mintage  in  the  hands  of  the  state. 

There  is  hardly  a  page  of  his  book  in  which  Mr.  Shaw  does  not 
declaim  against  *  the  mahgnant  bimetaUic  law  '  and  its  '  fatal  pernicious- 
ness.'  To  this  he  ascribes  every  monetary  difficulty.  It  drains  a  country 
of  its  money,  and  of  both  kinds  of  its  money,  though  how  a  discrepancy 
between  heme  and  foreign  latios  can  have  this  latter  effect  is  not  obvious. 
Further,  it  seems  to  drain  all  countries  of  their  money,  for  whatever  the 
country  of  which  Mr.  Shaw  is  treating  he  invariably  traces  its  ruin  to  the 
same  cause.  One  is  inchned  to  wonder  what  became  of  the  money.  Surely 
it  cannot  have  left  some  countries  without  going  to  others.    But  it  is 


774  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Ocfe 

abundantly  clear  that  Mr.  fthaw  has  no  real  understanding  of  the  law  he 
so  constantly  reviles.  It  is  difficult  to  attach  any  intelligible  meaning  to 
such  passages  as  those  on  pp.  106,  122,  233,  and  elsewhere,  where  he 
declaims  about  this  'law.'  It  would  be  tempting  to  quote  them,  as 
specimens  of  sheer  nonsense,  did  space  permit.  One  example  may  serve 
to  show  how  far  he  is  qualified  to  deal  with  a  subject  of  this  kind.  It  is 
well  known  that  the  smooth  working  of  a  bimetallic  system  depends 
upon  the  automatic  substitution  of  the  two  metals,  by  which  the 
disturbances  which  might  otherwise  arise  from  irregularities  in  their 
relative  supply  are  corrected.  Will  it  be  credited,  then,  that  Mr.  Shaw, 
in  seeking  to  show  that  French  bimetallism  was  ineffective  and 
mischievous,  actually  relies  upon  the  fact  that  the  French  mint  law 
brought  about  this  equilibrating  substitution  in  1852-60,  a  substitution 
which  had  the  happiest  results  for  the  world  in  general,  and  was  a  source 
of  profit  to  Frenchmen?  When  he  goes  on  to  say  that  it  prevented 
France  having  a  stable  currency  (p.  187),  he  shows  that  he  either  is 
ignorant  of  the  sense  attached  to  stability  in  monetary  science  or  else 
misleads  his  readers  by  a  verbal  quibble.  Whether  the  reserve  of  the 
Bank  of  France  was  mainly  in  yellow  or  white  metal  was  of  no  real 
consequence  to  any  one  but  bullion  dealers.  What  was  of  consequence 
was  that  the  money,  yellow  or  white,  should  as  far  as  possible  be  stable 
in  value.  Now  the  substitution  of  yellow  for  white  metal,  of  which  he 
complains,  greatly  increased  monetary  stability  by  lessening  the  disturb- 
ing effects  of  the  Australian  discoveries. 

There  must  be  a  reason  for  everything,  and  Mr.  Shaw's  hostility  to 
the  innocent  and  necessary  practice  of  rating  gold  and  silver  coins  would 
seem  to  be  due  to  his  grudging  suspicion  of  the  gains  made  by  the 
arbitragist  in  bullion.  This  unobtrusive  person  occupies  much  the  same 
position  in  Mr.  Shaw's  economics  as  the  forestaller  in  the  eighteenth- 
century  tracts,  the  silver-miner  in  monometallist  literature,  or  the  usurer 
in  the  economy  of  the  middle  age.  Any  system  is  ipso  facto  condemned, 
if  it  incidentally  leaves  an  opening  for  profit  to  the  bullion  dealer.  But 
even  monometallism  must  avail  itself  of  the  useful  functions  of  these 
men.  And  if  Mr.  Shaw  had  been  versed  in  modern  finance  he  might 
have  reflected  that  monometallism  exposes  commerce  to  the  depredations 
of  a  far  more  powerful  class,  the  financial  syndicates  who  control  and 
manipulate  the  supplies  of  gold,  and  who  count  their  profits  by  millions 
where  the  bullion  dealer  takes  his  thousands.  During  the  last  six  months 
we  have  seen  a  small  group,  by  its  control  over  gold  movements,  able 
completely  to  reverse  the  natural  movement  of  exchange  between 
England  and  the  United  States. 

It  would  be  an  endless  task  to  point  out  all  the  inconsistencies  into 
which  Mr.  Shaw  has  been  led  by  the  polemical  bias  which  disfigures  his 
work.  In  places,  as  on  p.  164,  he  recognises  the  essential  difference 
between  the  modern  and  the  medieval  situation,  between  the  international 
bimetallism  asked  for  by  modern  governments  and  the  primitive, 
antagonistic  ratings  of  the  coin  which  were  the  rule  before  the  present 
century.  The  difference,  indeed,  is  far  greater  than  that  between  the 
modern  locomotive  and  the  ancient  wagon  stage.  But  the  whole  purpose 
of  his  book,  as  explained  in  his  preface,  rests  upon  the  confusion  of  these 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  775 

systems,  the  object  being  to  discredit  the  modern  proposals  by  an 
exaggeration  of  the  inconveniences  of  the  earlier  practice.  In  a  similar 
way  he  falls  into  another  contradiction,  in  his  eagerness  to  attack 
bimetallism,  both  old  and  new.  The  greater  part  of  his  book  is  a  highly 
coloured  account  of  the  difficulties  arising  from  conflicting  national 
ratios,  one  of  the  '  almost  barbaric  '  methods  to  which  nations  formerly 
resorted  in  the  struggle  for  gold  (cf.  pp.  16,  17).  Yet  he  endeavours  to 
twist  this  history  into  a  presumption  against  a  system  the  two  main 
objects  of  v/hich  are  to  secure  a  more  adequate  supply  of  money  and  to 
establish  a  single  uniform  international  ratio  between  the  two  monetary 
metals. 

Perhaps  enough  has  now  been  said  to  show  that  Mr.  Shaw's  book 
cannot  be  received  as  authoritative,  or  even  used  by  students  as  a  safe 
guide.  It  was  necessary  to  make  this  quite  clear,  because  the  work, 
which  happens  to  lend  itself  to  controversial  exigencies,  has  in  some 
quarters  been  greatly  overrated.  At  the  same  time  it  is  agreeable  to 
be  able  to  call  attention  to  much  in  it  that  is  meritorious  and  gives 
promise  of  better  performance  in  future,  if  the  author  should  attempt 
some  more  modest  task,  better  suited  to  his  special  abilities. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  work,  as  a  whole,  is  a  laborious  com- 
pilation, and  gives  evidence  of  unusual  industry.  If  the  materials  are  too 
crowded  and  heterogeneous  for  the  main  features  of  the  history  to  impress 
themselves  clearly  on  the  reader,  this  is  not  due  so  much  to  any  defect  in 
Mr.  Shaw's  style  and  treatment  as  to  the  impossible  range  of  time  and 
space  he  has  sought  to  embrace  in  one  inquiry.  In  certain  parts  of  it  he 
seems  to  have  made  original  and  interesting  researches.  Thus  he  has 
made  a  first-hand  study  of  the  English  State  Papers,  which  throw  a 
valuable  side-light  upon  the  financial  movements  of  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries,  and  on  the  names  of  those  who  played  the  principal 
parts  in  them.  His  interpretation  of  his  material,  as  we  have  seen,  is  not 
usually  successful.  But  in  one  instance  at  least  (cf.  p.  IGO)  he  suggests 
a  new  and  interesting  view  cf  familiar  facts^  w^hich  deserves  careful  con- 
sideration. He  holds  that  the  frequent  '  raisings  of  the  denomination  '  of 
the  coins,  which  historians  generally  have  decried  as  abuses  of  authority 
due  to  royal  greed,  were  partly  attempts  by  the  legislator  '  to  follow  the 
general  rise  of  prices  [this  is  evidently  to  be  read  *  rise  in  the  value  of 
money  ']  and  meet  it  by  reducing  the  contents  of  the  coins  in  such  pro- 
portion as  he  thought  fit.'  The  subsequent  statement,  that  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  manipulation  of  the  mint  rates  is  a  sign  that  mercantilism 
had  lost  its  hold  on  men's  minds,  will  not  be  admitted  by  careful  students 
of  that  many-sided  policy.  It  w^ould  not  necessarily  be  true  even  of  the 
more  primitive  balance  of  bargain  system  out  of  which  mercantilism 
developed.  Mercantilism  was  the  dominant  force  in  English  affairs 
until  the  peace  of  1815  ;  nor  is  it  even  now  as  dead  as  is  sometimes 
assumed. 

Mr.  Shaw  deserves  credit  also  for  having  shown,  more  clearly  perhaps 
than  any  previous  writer  except  Dana  Horton,  that  England  did  not 
become  monometallist  upon  well-considered  grounds  of  principle,  but 
stumbled  into  it  accidentally  in  the  very  proper  desire  to  secure  her 
supply  of  small  change,  at  times  reduced  by  export,  owing  to  the  conflict 


776  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

of  ratios.  In  general  he  u^y  be  praised  for  the  importance  he  assigns  to 
the  question  of  token  currency  in  the  history  of  bimetaUism.  If  he  has 
somewhat  exaggerated  it,  most  other  writers  have  fallen  into  the  worse 
error  of  almost  wholly  neglecting  what  is  undoubtedly  a  very  essential 
part  of  modern  monetary  systems. 

If  the  final  judgment  on  Mr.  Shaw's  book  must  be  that  it  is  a  failure, 
it  is  for  three  obvious  reasons,  none  of  which  he  need  allow  to  mar  any 
subsequent  work  in  the  same  direction.  His  plan  was  absurdly  ambitious, 
comprehensive  without  precedent  in  the  history  of  monetary  literature  ;  he 
is  throughout  too  much  preoccupied  with  what  he  calls  *  the  vital 
didactic  importance '  of  currency  history  to  relate  it  impartially,  or  even 
consistently ;  and  he  is  evidently  wanting  in  the  economic  training,  and 
especially  in  the  famiharity  with  the  theory  of  money,  which  are  required 
to  make  monetary  history  intelligible.  If  he  would  correct  these  defects, 
and  address  himself  to  some  definite  piece  of  historical  research — say,  to 
the  monetary  history  of  England  from  Elizabeth  to  the  recoinage  of 
1696 — he  would  in  all  probability  give  us  a  standard  work,  and  render  a 
much-needed  service  to  students  of  English  economic  history.  His 
present  book  will  be  of  little  or  no  value  to  scholars,  whom  it  will  not 
dispense  from  the  necessity  of  consulting  the  original  documents,  while  it 
can  only  be  misleading  to  those  for  whom  it  is  presumably  intended,  the 
younger  students,  whose  previous  knowledge  will  not  be  sufficient  to  put 
them  on  their  guard  against  Mr.  Shaw's  continual  misinterpretations. 
One  valuable  lesson,  at  all  events,  stands  written  in  every  page  of  Mr. 
Shaw's  book.  He  has  given  us  an  unmistakable  proof,  if  proof  were 
needed,  that  to  write  economic  history  intelligently  the  writer  must  him- 
self be  an  economist.  H.  S.  Foxwell. 


Besumede  VHistoirede  VEgyptcdepuis  Ics  Temps  les  plus  recuUs  jusqu' d 
nos  Jours,  precede  d\me  Etude  sur  les  Moeurs,  les  Idees,  les  Sciences, 
les  Arts  et  V Administration  dans  VAncienne  Egypte.  Par  E. 
Amelineau.  (Annales  du  Musee  Guimet.  Bibliotheque  de  Vulgarisa- 
tion.)    (Paris:  E.  Leroux.     1894.) 

M.  Amelineau  is  a  recognised  authority  on  Coptic  Egypt,  and  his  sketch 
of  the  Christian  period  is  therefore  of  some  value ;  but  the  rest  of  this 
little  volume  is  evidently  a  mere  compilation,  not  always  from  the  most 
recent  authorities.  For  example,  the  old  confusion  of  Nitocris  and  the 
rosy-cheeked  Rhodopis  is  here  repeated,  and  we  are  gravely  told  that  the 
third  pyramid  of  Gizeh  was  restored  or  completed  by  Nitocris,  a  queen 
who  belonged  to  a  period  when  pyramids  were  built  of  rubble.  There  is 
no  evidence  for  any  restoration  of  Menkaura's  pyramid  under  the  sixth 
dynasty.  Nor,  again,  can  the  '  granite  temple  '  be  called  the  oldest  monu- 
ment in  Egypt,  since  in  all  probability,  as  Professor  Petrie  has  shown,  it 
was  built  after  the  completion  of  the  second  pyramid.  That  the  sphinx 
was  sculptured  sa?i.s  doute  sous  cette  premiere  dynastie  is  pure  assumption, 
since  the  famous  Cheops  inscription  is  now  understood  to  belong  to  a 
much  later  date.  The  volume  is  full  of  similar  over-confident  statements. 
The  Mohammedan  period  receives  scanty  justice— except  when  Harun 
er-Rashid's  reign  is  signalised  as  im  des  raves  qui  fasseyit  honneur  d 


1895  BEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  ff77 

rhumanitd.  No  Arabic  scholar  could  write  the  name  of  Ibn-Tulun's 
suburb  *  El-Qataiah,'  or  his  son  variously  Khomarouiah,  Kamarouiah, 
and  Khamarouiah.  *  Motkafy  '  (p.  256)  and  *  957  de  Vh&gire '  (p.  257) 
are,  of  course,  misprints,  but  the  last  should  be  358  and  not  357.  Many 
other  dates  are  wrongly  given,  and  the  last  Tulunid  was  certainly  not 
called  Sinan,  nor  the  second  and  fourth  Ikhshidids  Abou-Hour  and 
Kofour.  In  his  account  of  the  Fatimids  M.  Amelineau  confounds 
the  name  El-Amir  with  'Amr,  and  divides  El-Musta'li  into  two  words, 
Musta  'Ali.  On  p.  267  we  not  only  find  Schirkouet  [sic],  but  are  informed 
that  in  the  battle  of  Bilbeys  carrier  pigeons  were  used  for  the  first  time. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  without  going  back  to  Noah's  ark,  carrier  pigeons 
have  been  employed  in  all  ages,  long  before  the  twelfth  century.  'Abd- 
el-Latif  hardly  merits  the  unique  position  of  Ic  plus  honncte  et  le  plus 
veridiquG  des  auteurs  arabes,  and  his  name  does  not  mean  le  hon  scrviteur^ 
any  more  than  Shejeret-ed-durr  means  la  perle  des  prairies.  There  is  no 
account  of  Egypt  under  the  three  centuries  of  Turkish  pashas,  because 
there  happens  to  be  no  European  authority  to  '  boil  down  ; '  and  the  recent 
history  of  Mohammed  'All's  dynasty,  though  related  at  some  length,  is 
disfigured  by  many  inaccuracies  and  by  a  frantic  anglophobia  which  in 
France  even  learned  men  cannot  resist,  but  which  is  totally  out  of  place 
in  a  serious  history,  even  in  a  bibliotheque  de  vulgarisation,  where  one  is 
also  surprised  to  find  very  frank  references  to  unnatural  vices,  whether 
of  Christian  monks  or  Fatimid  caliphs.  The  book  appears  to  have  been 
hastily  written  and  carelessly  revised  in  proof.  No  references  are  given 
to  authorities,  and  there  is  none  of  the  usual  French  charm  or  lucidity ; 
if  it  achieves  any  measure  of  popularity  it  will  be  in  spite  of  itself.  The 
vulgarisation  unfortunately  corresponds  more  with  the  English  than  the 
French  sense.  S.  Lane-Poole. 


La  Propriete  Fonciere  en  Grece  jusqu'd  la  Conquete  Bomaine.  Par  Paul 
GuiRAUD.  Ouvrage  couronne  par  I'Academie  des  Sciences  Morales  et 
Politiques.     (Paris  :  Librairie  Hachette  et  Cie.     1893.) 

This  dissertation  of  650  pages  contains  no  preface,  and  we  have  no 
explanation  given  us  why  a  work  deemed  worthy  of  a  prize  in  1890  was 
not  published  till  1893.  It  is  clear,  however,  from  the  work  itself  that 
the  intervening  time  has  not  been  wasted.  The  results  of  investigation 
since  1B90  are  incorporated  in  the  text.  New  discoveries,  such  as  the 
'Adrji-alb)}'  TToXiTfid,  wliich  did  not  appear  till  1891,  and  recently  found 
inscriptions  have  been  utilised  to  make  the  work  worthy  of  the  distinction 
conferred  upon  it. 

The  author  takes  a  wide  view  of  his  subject.  He  divides  his  essay 
into  four  books,  of  which  the  first  deals  with  such  subjects  as  the 
development  of  the  law  of  property  in  primitive  Greece,  property  under 
the  patriarchal  system,  rural  economy  in  early  Greece  and  its  relation 
to  colonisation,  and  the  connexion  between  the  dissolution  of  the 
patriarchal  community  and  the  later  varieties  of  political  government  in 
Greece.  The  second  book  deals  with  the  law  of  real  property  in  the 
various  Greek  states,  while  the  third  treats  of  rural  economy,  of  the 
different  classes  of  the  agricultural  population,  of  the  crops  grown,  of  the 


778  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

expenses  connected  with  different  forms  of  culture  and  of  land  values. 
The  fourth  book  treats  briefly  of  Greek  socialistic  theories  and  practice 
with  reference  to  land  and  the  influence  of  property  on  foreign  relations. 
In  the  epilogue  M.  Guiraud  warns  the  political  reader  that  little  is  to  be 
got  for  modern  practice  from  an  investigation  of  Greek  attempts  at  the 
nationalisation  of  land. 

Like  works  which  treat  of  different  aspects  of  the  Roman  Empire,  this 
monograph  suffers  from  the  danger  of  asserting  as  general  what  at  any 
given  time  was  true  of  some  particular  district  from  which  a  record  is 
preserved.  This  danger  in  generalisation  is  greater  with  regard  to 
agricultural  matters  than  in  most  other  cases.  In  agriculture  the  causes 
of  success  6r  failure  are  more  local,  more  immediate  in  their  action,  and 
more  difficult  to  unravel  at  a  later  period  than  those  which  affect  other 
aspects  of  national  life.  Apart  from  the  difficulties  connected  with  the 
considerations  of  space  and  time,  which  make  generalisations  on 
agriculture  difficult,  the  author  seems  to  have  done  his  work  well.  In 
the  discussion  of  the  rural  life  of  the  Homeric  period  Professor  Ridge  way's 
attempt  (Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  vi.  336)  to  establish  the  common- 
field  system  ought  not  to  have  escaped  discussion.  P.  Giles. 


The  Ancient  Boeotians.    By  W.  Rhys  Roberts.     (Cambridge  : 
University  Press.     1895.) 

The  purpose  of  this  charming  little  dissertation  is  '  simply  to  bring  together 
some  of  the  hard  things  which  have  been  said  of  the  Boeotians,' and  to 
advance  certain  considerations  which  may  be  urged  in  modification  of  so 
harsh  an  estimate,  and  in  favour  of  a  more  lenient  view.'  This  purpose 
Mr.  Roberts  carries  out  in  clear  and  forcible  fashion.  He  has  made 
himself  master  of  the  literature  bearing  on  the  history  of  ancient  Boeotia, 
nor  has  he  neglected  the  modern  discoveries  of  archaeology  ;  and  he  brings 
to  his  task  great  freshness  and  vigour,  following  the  example  of  Free- 
man and  Holm  in  culling  analogies  in  many  other  fields  of  history.  The 
comparison  which  he  institutes  between  the  ancient  Bceotians  and  the 
modern  Dutch  is  a  very  suggestive  one  if  not  carried  too  far.  He  even 
finds  a  sort  of  parallel  between  conspicuous  men  of  the  two  countries, 
between  Epaminondas  and  William  the  Silent,  and  between  Plutarch 
and  Erasmus.  Mr.  Roberts  will  not  find  great  difficulty  in  convincing 
English  scholars  of  the  justice  of  his  main  thesis.  There  can  be  no 
question  that  our  Attic  authorities  condemned  too  severely  faults  to  which 
they  themselves  were  not  inclined,  and,  neighbour-like,  made  the  worst  of 
their  neighbours'  defects.  When  we  remember  that  Boeotia  contained 
only  about  eleven  hundred  square  miles  and  a  hundred  thousand  people, 
and  produced  Hesiod,  Pindar,  Epaminondas,  and  Plutarch,  the  sculptor 
Myron  and  the  painter  Aristides,  we  must  allow  that  the  district  did  at 
least  its  share  of  the  world's  best  work.  We  have  noticed  in  the  book 
very  few  defects ;  but  it  must  be  considered  a  defect  when  Mr.  Roberts 
(as  at  p.  47)  prefers  to  quote  an  incorrect  version  of  Plutarch  in  the  text 
and  to  correct  it  in  the  note,  rather  than  to  supersede  the  version  of 
Philemon  HoUanid  by  one  of  his  own.     On  almost  every  page  are  remarks 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  779 

which  give  freshness  and  interest  to  the  treatise — for  example  (p.  43),  an 
excellent  account  of  Simmias  and  Cebes,  of  the '  Phaedo  ; '  a  vindication  of 
Plutarch  (p.  64),  the  neglect  of  whose  *  Lives  '  is  one  of  the  saddest  blunders 
of  modern  education  ;  or  this  criticism  of  Epaminondas : — 

Epaminondas  grappled  with  the  difficulties  and  dissensions  which  confronted 
him  in  the  spirit  of  a  large-minded  nationalist,  one  whose  aims  promise  union 
rather  than  severance,  the  breaking  down  of  old  barriers  rather  than  the  erection 
of  new  ones-. 

Percy  Gaednee. 


Cornelii  Taciti  De  Germania.    Edited,  with  Introduction,  Notes,  and  Map, 
by  Henry  Furneaux,  M.A.     (Oxford  :    Clarendon    Press.     1894.) 

An  editor  of  the  '  Germania '  has  a  somewhat  unique  task  before  him.  He 
has  two  different  publics  to  satisfy.  There  are  the  classical  scholars,  who 
will  require  of  him  a  good  text,  faithful  variants,  notes  appreciative  of 
style  and  diction,  and  an  introduction  which  assigns  to  this  book  its 
proper  place  in  Latin  literature.  But  then  there  is  another  public,  for 
which  the  '  Germania '  is  the  first  document  of  medieval  history,  the  first 
of  a  series  of  documents  of  which  the  second  is  the  '  Lex  Balica.'  We 
may  regret  that  this  is  so,  and  to  be  sure  nothing  can  be  worse  as  a 
document  than  this  slight  essay.  We  may  hope  that  in  course  of  time 
the  obscurest  pieces  of  the  *  Lex  Salica '  will  be  understood,  for  they  did 
once  mean  something  definite,  while  it  seems  but  too  probable  that  some 
of  Tacitus's  phrases  will  be  understood  only  by  those  who  are  content  to 
say  that  they  are  vague,  and  therefore  untrustworthy.  Yet  there  the 
book  is,  and  we  cannot  ignore  what  it  says.  Every  attempt  to  explain  or 
even  to  construe  it  is  of  necessity  an  attempt  to  state  a  theory — either 
the  author's  or  the  editor's  theory — about  Germanic  laws  and  customs, 
and  this  had  better  be  done  explicitly  and  warily  than  implicitly  and 
unconsciously.  No  doubt  there  is  reason  in  the  advice,  often  given  and 
often  neglected  by  those  who  give  it,  tbat  a  student  of  the  '  Germania  ' 
should  forget  the  coming  middle  ages  and  deal  with  his  text  as  he  would 
with  another  piece  of  Latin  prose.  But  then  there  comes  the  choice 
between  two  readings  or  between  tv/o  renderings.  Which  is  the  better  ? 
That  which  is  in  fuller  harmony  with  what  we  know  about  these  bar- 
barous Germans.  He  who  attacks  such  a  question  is  wittingly  or  un- 
wittingly taking  a  side  in  a  fierce  medieval  battle.  Let  him  write  but  one 
intelligible  word  about,  for  example,  those  ccntcnlcomites  of  iliQ  imnccps, 
and  he  has,  whether  he  wishes  it  or  no,  enlisted  in  one  of  the  contending 
hosts.  I  must  not  make  even  a  guess  as  to  the  judgment  that  classical 
scholars  will  pronounce  upon  Mr.  Furneaux's  work,  and  as  to  the  fate 
which  awaits  it  among  students  of  Teutonic  antiquities  I  dare  say  but 
very  little.  Btill  it  seems  to  me  a  useful  edition  for  the  purposes 
of  those  who  are  beginning  to  read  remote  German  or  ren?otc  English 
history.  They  will,  so  I  think,  find  it  a  much  better  edition  tluin  any 
that  has  heretofore  been  published  in  England,  and  a  good  introduction 
to  the  elaborate  commentaries  of  the  professed  *  Germanists.'  Mr. 
Furneaux  has  made  a  fair  and  sensible  selection  from  among  the 
various    interpretations  that   German    historians   have   put   upon    the 


780  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

text,  though  I  miss  som%  opinions  that  I  have  seen  elsewhere  and 
which  seem  to  me  plausible.  He  notices  in  his  preface  one  omission 
which  he  regrets.  He  has  left  out  of  account  Fustel's  brilliant,  if  per- 
verse, endeavour  to  capture  the  *  Germania '  and  turn  it  against  the  Ger- 
manists.  This  is  to  be  regretted,  for  English  students  should  be  told, 
for  example,  that  what  once  was,  and,  for  aught  I  know,  still  is,  the 
orthodox  translation  of  the  passage  touching  the  centeni  comites  has 
been  vigorously  assailed.  La  th&orie  d\tn  grand  tribtmal  populaire, 
prdsid^  par  un  chef  inerte  et  docile,  est  une  pure  hypothdse.  But, 
happily,  Fustel's  essays  are  as  accessible  as  they  are  dehghtful,  and  in 
this  country  at  the  present  moment  there  is  perhaps  more  danger  of  their 
being  overvalued  than  of  their  being  neglected.  For  the  rest,  it  seems 
to  me  that  many  of  the  doctrines  that  have  clustered  round  the  '  Ger- 
mania '  are  judiciotisly  represented  in  Mr.  Furneaux's  introduction  and 
notes. 

There  are,  of  course,  passages  in  the  text  which  no  one  will  ever  ex- 
plain to  the  satisfaction  of  all  his  readers.  Thus  when  the  talk  is  of  those 
centeni  comites  I  do  not  like  the  intrusion  of  'jurors '  and  *  verdicts  ;  '  I 
should  much  prefer  *  doomsmen  '  and  '  dooms,'  while  the  allusion  to  praetor 
and  indices  seems  to  me  very  hazardous.  The  courage  which  reads  vicis 
in  that  miserable  chapter  about  agriculture  is,  to  my  mind,  the  courage  of 
despair.  But  if  as  a  critic  I  must  needs  quarrel  with  Mr.  Furneaux,  it 
shall  be  about  something  that  is  yet  more  obscure.  I  do  not  feel  sure  that 
he  has  thought  out  a  question,  which  many  of  his  readers  are  likely  to  ask, 
about  the  shape  that  the  family  takes  among  these  Tacitean  Germans. 
*  Patriarchal  government,'  he  says  (p.  31),  *  has  still  its  survivals,  and  the 
family  tie  is  still  of  supreme  importance  ;  even  the  more  primitive  so- 
called  matriarchal  system  is  not  untraceable,  but  the  state  of  society  as 
a  whole  has  far  outgrown  them.'  Now  with  the  '  so-called '  which  Mr. 
Furneaux  inserts  before  *  matriarchal  system '  I  cordially  agree.  The 
word  '  matriarchal '  is  surely  a  bad  word,  unless  those  who  use  it  intend  to 
imply — and  this  they  seldom  do — that  the  woman  governs  the  family.  A 
practice  of  tracing  kinship  only  through  women  is  not  of  necessity  incom- 
patible with  a  man's  despotic  power  over  his  women-folk  and  their  chil- 
dren. But  a  state  of  society  which  has  far  outgrown  both  patriarchal 
government  and  the  so-called  matriarchal  system,  and  which  yet  shows 
traces  of  both,  is  a  state  of  society  which  I  find  very  difficult  to  conceive, 
unless  I  give  to  the  terms  which  are  here  used  a  sense  which  they  have 
not  been  bearing  in  current  controversy.  Are  we  to  suppose  that  during 
the  whole  period  of  '  patriarchal  government '  the  bond  between  a  child 
and  its  mother's  brother  has  been  stronger  than  the  bond  between  a  child 
and  its  father,  so  that  a  man's  sister's  son  was  a  more  valuable  hostage 
than  his  own  son  ?  If  so,  we  ought  to  explain  carefully  that  patriarchal 
government  does  not — and  many  English  readers  will,  perhaps  unfortu- 
nately, think  that  it  does — imply  an  agnatic  constitution  of  the  family 
or  '  blood-feud  group.'  But,  further,  even  if  we  protest  that  the  tie  which 
unites  our  *  patriarch  '  to  those  whom  he  governs  is  not  thought  of  as  a 
tie  of  blood-kinship,  but  is  merely  a  tie  of  power,  I  still  think  it  very  hard 
to  reconcile  what  Tacitus  says  about  hostages  with  even  this  sort  of  patri- 
archalism.    Are  yoii  likely  to  get  as  a  Jiogtage  for  A  a  youth  who  is  in  B'a 


1895  llEVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  781 

power,  when  there  is  no  tie  of  blood  between  A  and  B,  or,  in  other  words, 
why  should  I  deliver  up  a  boy,  over  whom  I  have  absolute  dominion,  as  a 
hostage  for  my  wife's  brother,  who  is  not  my  kinsman  ?  The  few  sen- 
tences which  Tacitus  gives  to  these  matters  seem  to  me  to  be  beset  with 
enormous  difficulties,  and  as  yet  we  know  not  how  far  we  can  trust  him  or 
his  informants.  Modern  experience  is  showing  us  that  able  and  observant 
Englishmen  could  live  among  a  barbarous  folk,  and  write  of  its  customs, 
without  having  grasped  the  elementary  rules  of  its  family  system.  But, 
further,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  hitherto  popular  theory  which  would  make 
'  the  family  '  of  every  race  pass  through  the  same  sequence  of  stages  -to 
be  ticketed  by  such  words  as  '  patriarchal '  and  '  matriarchal ' — has  seen 
its  last  days  and  will  soon  be  on  the  shelf.  And  here  I  think  that  I  must 
be  agreeing  with  Mr.  Furneaux,  for  he  holds  that  the  state  of  society  that 
exists  among  these  Germans  has  '  far  outgrown  '  patriarchal  government, 
and  yet,  I  take  it,  would  hardly  say  so  much  of  the  state  of  society  that 
existed  among  the  civilised  Romans  of  Tacitus's  time.  Perhaps  we  shall 
have  to  learn  that  no  part  of  human  history  has  been  more  variously 
chequered,  or  is  less  reducible  within  the  bounds  of  a  general  formula, 
than  the  history  of  kinship  and  marriage.  But  though  in  this  and  some 
other  instances  Mr.  Furneaux  has  adopted  some  once  fashionable  phrases 
that  are  not  wearing  very  well,  it  seems  to  me  that  his  introduction, 
taken  as  a  whole,  will  meet  the  needs  of  English  students  who  are 
beginning  to  study  the  *  Germania.'  F.  W.  Maitland. 


Italy  and  her  Invaders,     By  Thomas  Hodgkin,  D.C.L.,  &c. 
Vols.  V.  and  VI.  (553-744).     (Oxford  :  Clarendon  Press.     1895.) 

Ten  years  have  passed  since  Mr.  Hodgkin  completed  his  narrative  of  the 
G  othic  kingdom  in  Italy ;  and  though  the  interval  has  been  far  from 
unfruitful  we  are  glad  to  welcome  the  two  fine  volumes  now  before  us. 
They  deal  with  the  Lombard  conquest,  and  with  the  Lombard  kingdom 
to  the  death  of  Liutprand  in  744.  One  more  volume  will  be  needed  for  the 
fall  of  the  Lombard  power  and  the  coronation  of  Carl  the  Great. 

The  Lombard  period  is  far  less  romantic  than  the  Gothic.  It  is  an 
age  of  exhaustion  after  the  mighty  struggle  which  had  gone  before. 
Rome  and  Italy  were  shadows  of  their  former  greatness,  and  the  Lombards 
were  much  ruder  than  the  Goths.  They  had  no  statesman  like  Theodoric  ; 
and  even  Agilulf  and  Liutprand  are  hardly  peers  of  Totila.  Cunimund's 
skull  was  a  fitting  goblet  for  Lombard  kings.  There  was  fighting  on  a 
grand  scale,  even  in  the  seventh  century ;  but  it  was  by  the  Tigris  and 
the  Yermuk,  and  before  Constantinople.  In  Italy  we  have  desultory 
inroads  of  Franks  and  Avars,  and  obscure  quarrels  in  every  corner  of 
the  land ;  but  they  are  only  wars  of  detail.  There  is  nothing  decisive 
from  Alboin  to  Pepin.  True,  we  have  romance  enough  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Lombard  people,  the  revenge  of  Rosamund,  the  marriages 
of  Theudelinda,  the  adventures  of  Lopichis  and  Grimwald,  of  Perctarit 
and  Cunincpert.  But  the  meaning  of  Lombard  history  is  not  in  these. 
It  is  in  the  building  of  the  papal  power  during  the  triangular  contest  of 
emperor  and  pope  and  Lombard ;  in  the  growth  of  Lombard  laws,  aa 


782  REVIEWS  VF  BOOKS  Oct. 

marked  by  Rothari  and  Liutprand,  and  of  Lombard  learning  from 
Cunincpert  to  Desiderius  ;  and  especially  in  the  obscure  beginnings  of 
Italian  freedom  in  Venice  and  other  cities.  Mr.  Hodgkin  has  done  his 
work  as  well  as  ever,  though  he  cannot  have  found  the  Lombard  kingdom 
so  pleasant  a  subject  as  the  Gothic  war.  If  he  is  most  at  home  in  the 
romances,  he  is  no  stranger  to  the  duller  parts  of  the  story.  He  has 
worked  faithfully  through  his  authorities,  and  is  familiar  with  the  latest 
writers  who  touch  his  subject,  like  Bury  and  Diehl,  and  he  has  not  shunned 
such  obscure  matters  as  the  Istrian  schism  and  the  organisation  of  Byzan- 
tine Italy.  The  chief  criticism  to  make  is  the  old  one,  that,  though  Mr. 
Hodgkin  does  not  avoid  ecclesiastical  affairs  as  he  used  to,  he  scarcely 
even  yet  allows  their  full  significance  in  secular  history.  Amongst  other 
subjects  carefully  treated,  or  otherwise  specially  interesting,  we  may  men- 
tion the  Frankish  invasions,  the  *  beastly  '  Heruli,  the  administration  of 
Pope  Gregory,  the  duchy  of  Friuli,  the  signs  of  improvement  in  Liutprand's 
times,  the  spurious  letters  of  Pope  Gregory  II  to  the  emperor  Leo  III, 
and  the  condition  of  the  Eoman  provincials  under  the  Lombards. 

H.  M.   GWATKIN. 


The  Saga  of  King  Olaf  Tryggtvason.     Translated  by  J.  Sephton,  M.A. 
(London  :  David  Nutt.     1895.) 

The  history  of  King  Olaf  Tryggvason  has  never  been  translated  into 
English  before,  except  in  the  abridged  and  unsatisfactory  form  of  the 
*  Heimskringla.'  The  present  translation  of  the  longer  saga  is  a  sensible 
addition  to  the  small  stock  of  Norwegian  historians  at  present  available  in 
English.  The  saga  of  Olaf  the  King  is  a  composite  work,  put  together  out 
of  a  number  of  incongruous  materials,  all  of  them  interesting  in  one  way 
or  another.  Mr.  Sephton's  introduction  gives  an  admirably  clear  account 
of  the  difficult  problems  of  the  book,  with  his  view  of  the  nearest  approaches 
to  solution.  He  appears,  it  may  be,  somewhat  too  peremptory  in  his  use  of 
the  term  *  Heimskringla  '  to  mean  Snorri  Sturluson's  *  Lives  of  the  Kings  of 
Norway,'  and  in  his  opinion  that  the  Heimskringla  *  Life  of  King  Olaf '  was 
one  of  the  sources  of  the  present  book.  He  has  rightly  called  attention 
to  passages  in  which  the  author  or  compiler  of  the  long  saga  seems  to 
have  done  injustice  to  his  materials. 

The  translation  is  plain  and  unaffected,  like  Mr.  Sephton's  translation  of 
'  Eric  the  Red.'  It  shovrs,  unfortunately,  some  taste  for  respectability  of 
diction  ;  for  example  (p.  201),  '  As  a  matter  of  common  experience  we  know 
that  no  man  preserves  a  prosperous  career  unbroken  to  the  end  of  his  life,  if 
he  has  been  guilty  of  the  murder  of  even  one  man.'  The  heaviness  of  this 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  original.  The  translation  also  fails  to  render 
adequately  what  must  be  difficult  to  render  at  all — the  variation  of  style 
between  the  different  layers  of  the  book,  the  change  from  the  dramatic 
spirit  of  the  history  to  the  homiletic  tone  of  the  commentator,  in  places 
where  a  piece  of  the  legend  of  King  Olaf  has  been  stuck  in  by  the  compiler 
in  the  middle  of  an  historical  chapter,  or  where  he  has  himself  broken  out 
into  a  voluntary  passage  of  alliterative  and  decorative  commentary,  as  at 
the  end  of  c.  104,  on  the  death  of  Earl  Hakon.  But  if  the  various  colours 
of  the  style  are  inevitably  dulled  in  the  translation,  the  variety  of  the 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  783 

matter  is  all  there.  It  is  called  the  *  History  of  King  Olaf ; '  it  really 
contains  the  history  of  the  North  from  the  time  of  Harold  Fairhair,  with 
the  discovery  and  settlement  of  Iceland,  the  sagas  of  people  who  had 
dealings  with  the  king,  such  as  Hallfred  the  Troublesome  Poet,  Sigmund 
of  the  Faroes,  and  Kiartan  Olafsson  (out  of '  Laxdaela  '),  besides  a  number 
of  short  stories  of  which  *  Heimskringla  '  makes  no  account ;  and  all  this 
over  and  above  the  double  biography  of  the  king,  historical  and  legendary. 
It  was  a  heavy  piece  of  work  to  undertake,  and  the  result  is  honourable. 

W.  P.  Ker. 

Feudal  England  :  Historical  Studies  on  the  Eleventh  arid  Ticelfth  Cen- 
turies. By  J.  H.  EouND.  (London :  Swan  Sonnenschein  &  Co. 
1395.) 

Mr.  Round's  historical  researches  are  not  specially  devoted  to  legal  insti- 
tutions, but  they  are  not  the  less  welcome  to  all  lawyers  who  are  aware 
that  law  has  a  history,  and  that  the  common  law  in  particular  is  hardly 
intelligible  apart  from  its  historical  foundations.  The  Anglo-Norman 
period  was  beginning  to  be  obscure,  one  suspects,  even  to  Bracton  and 
his  contemporaries,  and  it  has  not  only  remained  obscure  ever  since,  but 
has  been  made  more  so  by  modern  errors  and  premature  dogmatising. 
Not  the  least  of  Mr.  Round's  merits  is  that  the  next  generation  will  never 
want  to  know  how  much  rubbish  he  has  swept  or  helped  to  sweep  away. 
He  has  done  more  than  any  one  scholar  to  put  us  in  the  way  of  reading 
Domesday  Book  aright.  He  has  illustrated  by  abundant  examples  the 
wisdom  and  the  necessity  of  finding  out  by  patient  study  of  our  docu- 
ments what  were  the  normal  fasts  and  the  normal  forms  of  describing 
them,  instead  of  rushing  into  generalisation  from  examples  that  catch 
the  eye  and  seem  to  promise  a  short  cut  to  brilliant  results  just  because 
they  are  not  normal.  Two  years  ago  I  ventured  to  affirm,  in  a  paper 
read  before  the  Devonshire  Association,  that  '  neglect  of  this  simple 
canon  of  research  is  answerable  for  a  great  deal  of  the  confusion  and 
dissension  which  have  made  Domesday  Book  a  mystery  even  to  learned 
persons.'  Now  Mr.  Round  says,  '  With  singular  perversity  Domesday 
students  have  always  been  inclined  to  pitch  upon  the  exceptions  as  repre- 
senting the  rule,  forgetting  that  it  was  precisely  in  exceptional  cases  that 
figures  had  to  be  given  '  (p.  84).  The  confirmation  afforded  by  his  acute 
and  ever  watchful  criticism  not  only  of  modern  opinions  but  of  the  docu- 
ments themselves  is  even  greater  than  I  could  have  expected.  I  hope 
to  say  more  about  Domesday  on  a  future  occasion.  For  the  present  it 
may  be  enough  to  mention  some  of  the  points  which  Mr.  Round  has 
established,  as  it  seems  to  me,  with  certainty  or  great  probability.  By 
careful  collation  of  the  '  Inquisitio  Coraitatus  Cnntibrigiensis '  with  the 
text  of  Domesday  and  with  the  '  Inquisitio  Eliensij,'  ho  has  shown  that 
neither  the  original  returns  nor  the  hnal  version  can  have  been  free  from 
a  certain  number  of  errors,  but  that  the  Domesday  text  is  not  com- 
piled merely  from  the  returns,  but  represents  a  process  of  revision,  and 
is  generally  more  correct.  He  confirms  us  in  the  faith  that,  whatever 
local  variations  existed,  the  normal  hide  in  the  '  hidated  '  counties  was 
120  acres,  and  that  caruca  is  everywhere  a  plough  team  of  eight  oxen, 
neither  more  nor  less.     The  occasional  hides  in  the  '  carucated '  counties 


784  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

are  singularities,  like  the  Cornish  acre,  and  need  not  disturb  us.  People 
chose  to  call  eighteen  caft-ucates  (i.e.  what  would  have  been  eighteen 
hides  in  a  southern  county)  a  hide  in  Leicestershire,  and  six  carucates 
a  hide  in  the  land  between  the  Eibble  and  the  Mersey.  Perhaps  we  shall 
know  why  some  day,  perhaps  not  (though  Mr.  Round  has  a  very  ingenious 
suggestion  as  to  this  too  ;  see  at  p.  86).  But  for  the  general  study  of  the 
Domesday  formulas  it  does  not  matter.  It  should  be  needless  to  repeat 
that  the  fact  of  an  estate  being  assessed  or  '  defending  itself '  for  so  many 
hides  in  the  purely  English  counties  or  carucates  in  the  Danelaw  tells 
us  nothing  about  the  actual  acreage  or  value,  no  more  than  the  modern 
*  rateable  value  '  of  a  house,  though  expressed  in  terms  of  the  pound  sterling, 
tells  us  what  is  its  actual  rent  or  letting  value.  This  is  one  of  the  points 
well  settled.  All  attempts  to  find  uniformity  of  ratio  or  principle  have 
failed.  Domesday  itself  gives  us  the  actual  asAvellas  the  assessed  values,  and 
the  diiferences  admit  of  only  the  roughest  generalisation  as  between  dif- 
ferent parts  of  England  ;  and  as  between  holdings  in  the  same  county — 
Devonshire,  for  example,  which  as  a  whole  is  very  lightly  assessed — they 
often  seem  not  to  admit  of  any.  Mr.  Round,  however,  goes  a  step  further, 
and  gives  strong  reasons  for  holding  that  the  assessment  of  the  king's  geld 
was  worked  out  by  an  even  rougher  process  than  any  one  had  supposed. 
Many  figures  converge  to  the  conclusion  that  not  the  vill  or  manor  but 
the  hundred  was  the  unit,  so  far  as  the  king's  executive  officers  were  con- 
cerned ;  that  the  hundred  was  assessed  in  the  lump  for  some  multiple  of 
five  hides,  or,  in  the  Danish  counties,  of  six  carucates ;  and  that  the  inci- 
dence of  assessment  within  the  hundred  was  determined  by  local  arrange- 
ment, perhaps  in  the  hundred  court.  If  Mr.  Round  is  right,  one  of  the 
supposed  functions  of  the  township  court,  and  therefore  one  of  the  some- 
what shadowy  reasons  for  assuming  the  existence  of  such  a  court,  now 
disappears  into  the  limbo  of  needless  hypotheses. 

As  to  the  formation  of  the  survey  in  general,  Mr.  Round  does  not 
believe  that  it  was  completed  in  1086,  and  he  suggests  that  the  difterence 
between  the  '  Little  Domesday '  for  the  eastern  counties  and  the  *  Great 
Domesday  '  (to  use  Morgan's  convenient  terms)  represents  a  revision  and 
improvement  of  the  scheme  in  the  course  of  the  work.  He  also  traces  a 
probable  early  reference  to  Domesday  under  the  name  of  *  Liber  de 
thesauro '  in  the  Abingdon  Chronicle. 

The  miscellaneous  historical  studies,  which  consist  principally  of  re- 
printed matter,  must  be  left  to  professed  historians.  I  doubt  not  they  are  as 
good  in  their  kind,  but  no7i  sunt  de  7nea  facultate.  And  I  confess  I  am 
rather  glad  to  feel  that  it  is  absolutely  irrelevant  to  the  history  of  English 
law  whether  there  was  or  was  not  a  palisade  at  the  battle  of  Hastings. 

F.  Pollock. 


The  Crusades  :  the  Story  of  the  LatiJi  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  By  T.  A. 
Aechee  and  C.  L.  Kingsfoed.  (London  and  New  York:  G.  P. 
Putnam's  Sons.     1894.) 

In  this  volume  the  general  reader  will  find  a  trustworthy  and  readable 
account  of  the  crusades,  and  the  student  an  excellent  introduction  to  the 
subject.    It  is  evident  that  the  authors  have  not  spared  pains,  and  perhaps 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  785 

the  greatest  merit  of  their  book  is  that  they  have,  if  the  phrase  may  be 
used,  *  Hved  into  '  the  twelfth  century  and  sought,  with  much  success,  to 
reflect  its  spirit.  The  well-considered  chapter  on  the  *  Life  of  the 
People  '  is  more  valuable  than  many  details  of  the  fighting  and  the  feuds. 
The  illustrations  are  well  chosen,  the  printing  good,  and  the  text  free 
from  typical  errors  (three  unimportant  misprints  caught  my  eye,  pp.  41, 
171,  191).  The  style  is  agreeable  and  suits  the  subject,  though  one  is 
amused  at  the  recurrence  of  favourite  words  and  phrases,  like  '  despite ' 
and  *  historically  speaking.'  The  reader  who  is  not  familiar  with 
certain  modes  of  historical  phraseology,  and  who  thought  that  the 
Huns  had  been  blotted  out  in  the  sixth  century,  may  be  puzzled 
at  reading  on  p.  15  that  the  Huns  had  been  converted  to  Christianity,' 
especially  as,  apparently,  the  Huns  of  Attila  are  referred  to  on 
p.  12.  And  in  any  case  the  propriety  of  calling  the  Magyars  '  Huns  ' 
(as  again  on  p.  41  and  in  the  index),  except  for  some  rhetorical  purpose, 
must  be  questioned.  On  p.  87  it  might  have  baen  worth  while  (as 
the  book  is  popular)  to  state  in  so  many  words  that  Bulgaria  was  then 
part  of  the  eastern  empire,  though  of  course  this  fact  is  exhibited  en 
the  map.  In  cap.  iii.  the  '  five  distinct  bodies '  of  crusaders,  mentioned 
at  the  beginning,  are  not  clearly  marked,  and  seem  to  resolve  themselves 
into  four  as  the  narrative  proceeds.  The  description  of  the  '  belfry  ' 
(p.  852)  as  '  the  crowning  achievement  of  medieval  offensive  engineering ' 
would  certainly  convey  the  impression  that  tliis  engine  was  invented  in 
the  middle  ages.  Do  I  misconceive  its  construction  in  supposing  that  it 
was  simply  the  ancient  hclepolis  ?  On  p.  49  a  notice  of  Isangeles  (the 
count  of  St.  Gilles)  is  quoted  from  Anna  Comnena,  to  the  effect  that 
Alexius  loved  him  for  other  reasons,  and '  because  he  knew  that  he  preferred 
honour  and  truth  above  all  things.'  I  had  the  curiosity  to  look  up 
the  passage,  to  learn  Anna's  equivalent  for  '  honour,'  and  was  disappointed 
to  find  that  she  simply  says,  o-oaoi-  (thru)  -f/c  aXrjddac  {.uXet.  '  Truth  '  alone 
would  have  been  a  sufficient  and  safer  translation. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  authors  did  not  find  it  possible  to  add  a 
few  brief  notes  at  the  end  of  each  chapter,  as  Miss  Gardner  has  very 
wisely  done  in  her  recent  volume  on  '  Julian  '  in  the  '  Heroes  of  the 
Nations.'  The  reader  could  then  be  informed  occasionally  when  there  is 
a  difierence  of  opinion  on  a  question  of  real  importance.  It  is  rather  hard 
to  discover  in  the  account  of  the  'Assize  of  Jerusalem  '  (pp.  122-4)  whether 
the  authors  accept  or  not  the  main  point  in  '  the  story  preserved  by  John 
of  Ibelin,'  that  an  assize  of  the  nobles  existed  in  written  form  in  the 
twelfth  century  and  was  destroyed.  And  is  it  not  a  mistake  to  speak  as 
if  the  two  assizes,  that  of  the  liaiite  coiir  and  that  of  the  bourgeois,  were 
on  the  same  footing  ?  I  had  understood  that  the  '  Assise  des  Bourgeois,' 
as  we  have  it,  is  a  revised  edition  (made  in  the  sixteenth  century)  of  an 
original  text  which  probably  went  back  to  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth 
century.  Here  one  desires  a  note.  Again,  what  is  the  authority  for  say- 
ing that  the  assizes  of  Antioch  served,  *  no  doubt,  also  for  the  county  of 
Tripoli '  ?  Is  there  not  good  reason  for  supposing  that  the  county  of 
Tripoli  had  assizes  of  its  own  ?  J.  B.  Bury. 


VOL.    X. — NO.    XL.  3  E 


786  HE  VIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Caffaro  e  i  suoi  tanpi.   |Per  Cesaee  Imperiale  di  Sant'  Angelo. 
(Turin  :  L.  Roux  &  Ca.     1894.) 

Amongst  other  states,  great  and  small,  which  sent  their  contribution  of 
men  to  fight  the  infidel  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  was  an 
infant  community  which  in  a  marvellously  short  time  was  to  make 
itself  the  mistress  of  the  sea,  and  to  become  the  home  of  the  world's 
bankers  for  centuries  thereafter.  Gradually  after  the  fall  of  the  empire 
one  commune  after  the  other  in  Italy — often  merely  a  few  families 
living  together — had  taken  advantage  of  the  weakness  or  absence  of 
their  feudal  lords  to  assert  their  right  to  govern  themselves,  or  had 
made  their  allegiance  to  them  a  shadowy  one.  The  family  of  a  certain 
Viscount  Ido,  who  had  governed  the  march  of  Liguria  for  the  count,  had 
thus  formed  themselves  and  their  households  into  a  regularly  constituted 
government  at  Genoa,  with  six  consuls  elected  every  three  years  ;  and  in 
the  year  1100  they  sent  a  fleet  of  27  galleys  and  G  ships,  with  8,000  men, 
under  a  Genoese  who  was  already  famous  in  the  holy  war — William 
Embriaco — to  fight  under  the  banner  of  the  cross.  With  the  fleet  vrent  a 
young  lad  who,  like  the  Embriaci,  the  Spinola,  and  all  the  leading 
families  of  Genoa,  was  descended  from  the  Viscount  Ido.  The  name 
of  this  lad  was  Caffaro,  and  he,  like  the  rest  of  his  kinsmen,  would 
long  ago  have  been  forgotten,  but  that  he  not  only  rose  to  be  one  of  the 
first  citizens  and  magistrates  who  founded  the  greatness  and  wealth  of 
his  native  republic,  but  he  carefully  recorded  all  the  great  events  in  which 
he  took  part  during  a  long  life  of  active  public  usefulness. 

A  true  scion  of  the  new  era,  full  of  energy,  of  ambition,  and  of 
patriotism,  he  was  in  turn  warrior,  magistrate,  ambassador,  admiral, 
consul,  banker,  and  writer ;  and  in  his  lifetime  his  '  Annales '  were 
so  highly  esteemed  by  his  fellow-countrymen  that  they  were  ordered 
to  be  read  publicly  before  the  people.  He  tells  how  the  Genoese  went 
from  triumph  to  triumph  :  from  Assur  to  Cesarea,  to  Acre,  to  Beyrout, 
conquering  everywhere,  coming  back  at  last  to  their  obscure  little  com- 
mune with  their  galleys  fluttering  with  flags,  all  loaded  with  treasure 
from  the  first  crusade.  But  the  budding  republic  had  rivals  of  its  own  to 
crush  nearer  at  hand  than  the  Saracens.  A  struggle  like  that  between 
Rome  and  Carthage  existed  between  Genoa  and  Pisa.  The  Genoese  made 
a  supreme  effort  and  fell  upon  Pisa  by  surprise  with  an  overwhelmicg 
force  of  22,000  men,  eighty  galleys,  and  sixty-seven  boats  ;  and  Pisa,  for 
the  time,  was  crushed  ;  but  soon  to  lise  again,  and  by  diplomacy  at  Rome 
to  endeavour  to  repair  its  discomfiture.  But  Caffaro  was  sent  thither  as 
ambassador,  and  by  bribes  and  otherwise  obtained,  in  1121,  a  revocation 
of  the  episcopal  supremacy  of  Pisa  over  Genoa.  The  Pisans  again 
appealed  to  arms,  and  Caffaro  changed  from  an  ambassador  to  an  admiral, 
and  chased,  burned,  and  plundered  the  twice  beaten  foe.  And  then  for 
nearly  twenty  years  Caffaro  is  heard  of  no  more.  But  in  1141  he  was 
again  in  the  government,  just  when  the  eloquence  of  St.  Bernard  was  arous- 
ing Europe  to  a  second  crusade.  Caffaro  was  an  elderly  man  now,  but  still 
full  of  energy.  To  the  Holy  Land  his  duties  at  home  would  not  allow  him 
to  go,  but  he  led  the  Genoese  fleet  against  the  Saracens  in  Spain,  besieged 
Almeria  and  Tortosa,  overran  the  coast  of  the  kingdom  of  Valencia,  and 
captured  Majorca  ;  then  he  wrote  a  history  of  the  war  in  curious  Latin 


r 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  787 

called  '  Ystoria  Captionis  Almarie  et  Turtose,'  which,  with  the  *  Annales  ' 
and  *  De  Liberatione  Civitatum  Orientis,'  are  all  of  his  writings  which 
remain  to  us.  He  was  elected  consul  of  the  republic  in  1149;  and 
when  he  was  nearly  an  octogenarian,  in  1158,  he  took  part  in  the  delibe- 
rations which  set  the  seal  of  greatness  finally  on  his  native  city.  Frederick 
Barbarossa  had  crossed  the  Alps  for  the  second  time  with  a  great  army, 
determined  to  destroy,  once  for  all,  the  growing  power  and  independence 
of  tlie  young  communities  in  northern  Italy.  The  Genoese  rose  like  one 
man,  and,  as  Caffaro  himself  says,  were  ready  to  defy,  not  Frederick  alone, 
but  the  peoples  of  Germany  and  Italy  united.  They  flatly  refused  the 
emperor,  as  they  had  done  on  a  former  occasion,  tribute,  hostages,  sub- 
mission, and  duty ;  again  asserted  boldly  their  right  of  independent  self- 
government,  and  bade  him  do  his  worst.  The  emperor  invited  a  parley, 
and  the  wisest  citizens  of  Genoa  were  sent  as  ambassadors,  the  aged  Caffaro 
amongst  them.  Their  firmness  and  confidence  made  even  Frederick 
waver,  and  a  truce  was  concluded,  in  which  the  material  independence 
of  Genoa  was  acknowledged,  with  a  merely  nominal  suzerainty.  Bnt 
the  moment  Frederick  had  his  hands  free  the  pact  was  broken,  and 
he  turned  all  his  force  upon  the  bold  city  which  defied  him.  One  after 
another  the  communities  of  Italy  had  fallen  ;  all  Lombardy  and  central 
Italy  had  bent  its  neck  to  the  yoke  ;  Rome  itself  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  conqueror;  but  still  Genoa  held  out,  and  in  11G2  Frederick,  who 
wanted  the  Genoese  galleys  Avith  which  to  attack  the  king  of  Sicily, 
was  obliged  to  come  to  terms  with  the  republic,  which  henceforward 
for  centuries  was  mistress  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  is  this  stirring- 
story,  mainly  culled  from  Caffaro's  own  books,  which  Signor  Saiit' 
Angelo  tells  in  fine  flowing  Italian,  delightful  to  road. 

Maktin  a.  S.  Hume. 


Thomas  of  London  before  his  Consecration.  r>y  Lewis  B.  Radford,  M.A. 
(Cambridge  Historical  Essays,  No.  7.)  (Cambridge :  University 
Press.     1894.) 

Mr.  Radford's  essay  is  a  painstaking  and  readable  n.onograph.  He  has 
studied  very  carefully  and  thoroughly  the  lives  and  letters  of  St.  Thomas. 
He  has  made  good  use  of  the  Pipe  Rolls,  and  he  has  read  all  the  modern 
English  biographies.  In  his  criticisms  of  other  writers  he  is  generally 
acute,  and  in  his  own  explanations  he  is  lucid  and  methodical.  I  would 
especially  commend  his  account  of  the  difficult  and  complicated  Battle 
Abbey  case,  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  tiie  appointment  of  Gilbert 
Foliot  to  the  see  of  London,  and  of  the  discharge  of  Becket  from  his  obli- 
gations as  chancellor— on  which  points  he  seems  to  be  more  complete  and 
convincing  than  any  previous  vrriter.  The  book  as  a  whole  is  a  sound 
and  valuable  piece  of  work,  which  reflects  great  credit  upon  its  author  and 
upon  the  methods  of  the  Cambridge  historical  school.  I  must,  however, 
point  out  some  defects  which  I  hope  Mr.  Radford  may  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  correcting.  The  friend  of  Thomas's  youth  was  Richer  of  Laigle, 
not  de  I'Aigle.  Henry  II  was  not  'duke'  of  Anjou.  There  is  no 
contemporary  authority  for  the  nickname  '  Barbarossa.'  The  note  on 
John  of   Salisbury  (p.  32,  n.  3)  is  extremely  inaccurate.     He   should 

3  E  2 


788  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

consult  the  article  on  John  in  the  '  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.* 

His    reference   to   the    Frfncli   seneschalship    could    be    improved    by 

reference   to   M.   Luchaire's   *  Institutions   Monarchiques.'     He  appears 

to  be  ignorant  of  much  of  the  work  of  elucidation  for  which  students 

of  medieval   history    are    indebted    to   Mr.    J.    H.    Eound.     Thus   the 

mistake  of  Arndt  noted  on  p.   47  had  been  previously  pointed   out   in 

'  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,'  pp.  253,  257  n.  4.     He  is  silent  also  as  to  the 

real  explanation   of  the   'scutage'  of  1159,  and  is  unacquainted  with 

several  other  important  matters  which  Mr.  Eound  has  explained.     It  may 

be  hypercritical  to  suggest  that  his  account  of  the  relation  between  Robert 

of  Cricklade  and  the  Thomas  Saga  is  hardly  complete  or  satisfactory, 

but  I  think  that  Mr.  Radford  should  have  consulted  M.  Paul  Meyer's 

edition  of  the  *  Vie  Anonyme.'     From  his  general  view  of  the  character  of 

Thomas  there  will  not  be  much  dissent,  but  I  do  not  think  that  the  sneer 

at  the  claim  for  *  incipient  sanctity  '  is  historically  justified.   Bossuet  truly 

said  that  the  discipline  as  well  as  the  faith  of  the  church  needed  its  martyrs, 

and  there  can  be  no  real  doubt  that  Thomas  seriously  set  himself  to  carry 

out  a  high  ideal  of  clerical  obligation,  regardless  of  the  consequences. 

His  fight  seemed  to  him  to  be  for  righteousness'  sake.    John  of  Salisbury 

was  certainly  not  the  man  to  apply  the  term  bestias  curiae  to  a  merely 

'  anti-clerical  party,'  as  Mr.  Radford  asserts  (p.  154).    The  opponents  who 

deserved  the  name  were  the  licentious  and  brutal  following  of  the  king. 

Nor  should  the  legal  worth  of  Becket's  chancellorship  be  undervalued. 

The  reconstruction  of  a  judicial  system  and  the  issue  of  the  grand  assize 

are  works  fully  as  important  as  anything  done  later  in  the  reign.     I  hope 

Mr.  Radford  may  be  induced  to  continue  his  work  beyond  the  point  at 

which  it  stops.     We  are  much  in  want  of  a  good  life  of  St.  Thomas. 

W.  H.  HUTTON. 


Little  St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln,  Boy  and  Martyr :  Besearches  in  History, 
ArchcBology,  and  Legend.  A  Paper  read  before  the  Jewish  Historical 
Society  of  England,  on  13  May  1894,  by  Joseph  Jacobs,  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  Society.     (London  :  Jeiuish  Chronicle  Office.     1894.) 

This  is  an  attempt  to  deal  with  the  evidence  which  can  be  obtained 
regarding  the  story  of  '  Little  St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln.'  Matthew  Paris  tells 
us  that  a  boy  of  that  name,  eight  years  old,  was  stolen  by  the  Jews  at 
Lincoln  in  July  1255  and  brutally  murdered  by  them  ;  that  the  body  was 
discovered  by  the  boy's  mother,  whose  name  is  not  given ;  that  one  of 
the  canons  of  Lincoln  took  the  matter  up,  brought  pressure  to  bear  upon 
the  Jews,  and  induced  one  of  them,  named  Copin,  to  make  a  confession, 
which  must  be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth  ;  that  inquiries  were  made  ;  that 
ninety-one  Jews  were  arrested  and  sent  to  London,  and  there  thrown 
into  gaol,  and  that,  whatever  they  may  have  suffered,  nobody  pitied  them. 
That  an  abominable  persecution  was  set  on  foot  in  this  year,  and  that 
the  mob  and  their  betters  were  stirred  up  to  frantic  anti-Semitic  violence 
by  the  dissemination  of  the  Lincoln  story  far  and  wide — all  this  is  certain. 
The  question  remains.  Was  there  any  foundation  for  the  charge,  and  if 
not  on  what  facts  was  it  based  ? 

Mr.  Jacobs  has  gone  into  this  matter  with  his  usual  car    and  in- 


I 


1895  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  789 

dustry.  At  Lincoln  he  found  no  documents  of  any  service  to  him.  At 
the  record  office  he  was  more  successful.  Though  no  mention  of  any 
trial  of  Jews  is  to  be  found  in  the  Assize  Rolls  for  the  fortieth  year  of 
Henry  III,  the  entries  in  the  Close  Rolls  referring  to  the  Lincoln  affair 
are  extremely  suggestive.  On  22  November  of  that  year  ninety-two  poor 
wretches  were  brought  before  the  king  at  Westminster — not  to  be  tried, 
but  to  answer  whether  they  would  submit  to  be  tried  by  a  Christian  jury. 
Eighteen  of  them  refused,  whereupon,  without  more  ado,  they  were  hanged. 
Of  the  remaining  seventy-four  some  suffered  in  one  way,  some  in  another. 
In  the  main  the  only  question  seems  to  have  been  how  much  could  be 
squeezed  out  of  them.  The  king's  brother,  Richard  of  Cornwall,  appears 
to  have  got  the  lion's  share ;  and  only  the  friars — Franciscan  and 
Dominican— are  said  to  have  exhibited  the  smallest  sign  of  pity,  sym- 
pathy, or  common  humanity  to  the  sufferers. 

I  rise  from  the  perusal  of  this  learned  and  elaborate  pamphlet  with  a 
strong  impression  that  there  was  no  more  basis  of  fact  for  this  story  of 
'  Little  Hugh '  than  there  has  been  for  hundreds  of  similar  fabrications 
which  have  been  greedily  swallowed  by  the  rabble  during  the  periodical 
outbreaks  of  frenzy  against  the  Hebrews  all  over  Europe.^  There  is  not 
an  incident  in  the  narrative  of  Matthew  Paris  which  is  not  borrowed  from 
the  '  Life  of  St.  William  of  Norwich,'  which  Mr.  Montague  James  found 
in  Brent-Eleigh  Library,  and  which  he  and  I  are  now  carrying  through 
the  press.  The  Lincoln  people  were  very  impudent  plagiarists.  As  to 
the  local  origin  of  these  myths,  Mr.  Jacobs  is  wrong  in  giving  England 
the  discredit  of  it.  As  I  have  pointed  out  in  the  Nijieteenth  Ceiitury 
(No.  195,  p.  749),  the  first  germ  of  the  story  is  to  be  found  in  Socrates, 
from  whose  '  Ecclesiastical  History,'  I  suspect,  it  found  its  way  into  some 
early  martyrology  or  other  collection  of  edifying  tales.  There  Thomas  the 
Norwich  monk  read  it,  and  he  utilised  it  for  the  glorification  of  his  own 
monastery.  There  too  Chaucer  read  it,  and  hence  he  makes  the  events  of 
his  '■  Prioresses  Tale  '  to  take  place  *  in  Asic,  in  a  great  citee.*  Of  course  he 
works  up  the  material  which  Thomas  of  Norwich  had  made  ready  to  his 
hand. 

Mr.  Jacobs  has  brought  together  a  valuable  collection  of  information, 
gleaned  from  a  very  wide  range  of  reading,  which  students  of  this  subject 
will  find  of  much  service  in  pursuing  further  researches.  He  seems, 
however,  to  be  unacquainted  with  the  very  curious  article  in  Mr.  Rye's 
Norfolk  Antiquarian  Miscellany  (vol.  i.  pp.  312-4)  on  the  '  Alleged 
Abduction  and  Circumcision  of  a  Boy  at  Norwich  in  1230.'  Mr.  Jacobs's 
book  on  the  Jews  of  Angevin  P^ngland  is  so  creditable  a  piece  of  work 
that  it  is  to  be  hoped  he  will,  before  long,  continue  his  survey  down  to 
the  time  of  the  great  expulsion  by  Edward  I.  A.  Jessopp. 


lohanjiis  Wyclif  Opus  Evangeliciim.    Parts  I.  II.   Edited  by  Dr.  Johann 
LosERTH.     (Wyclif  Society.)    (London  :  Triibner  &  Co.    1895.) 

The  interest  of  this  work,  which  is  a  homiletic  commentary  upon  the 
sermon  on  the  Mount,  St.  Matthew  xxiii-xxv.  and  St.  John  xiii-xvii.,  is 

'  Compare  Mr.  Lea's  article  on  '  El  Santo  Ni.lo  cle  la  GuavJlia,'  in  the  Exglish 
Historical  Review,  iv.  230  If.— Et>. 


790  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

mainly  theological.  Wyclif,  wbere  he  intervenes  between  the  lengthy  quo- 
tations from  SS.  Augustine  and  Chrysostom,  is  at  his  plainest.  His  theo- 
logical position  is  that  of  his  other  works  of  the  date  (1384) — the  general 
sufficiency  of  the  law  of  God  {i.e.  to  him  the  Bible),  without  (if  necessary) 
any  church  system  at  all,  or  even  the  sacraments  (p.  375).  The  strength 
of  such  a  position  depended  upon  his  own  spirituality  and  the  abuses  he 
confronted  ;  its  weakness  lay  on  the  sides  of  practical  Hfe  and  of  historic 
Christianity.  But  although  mainly  destructive  (as  on  church  organisa- 
tion) or  critical  (as  on  the  sacrament  of  the  altar)  he  is  in  some  cases 
cautious  (as  on  auricular  confession,  p.  141 ;  cf. '  De  Blasphemia  ') ;  he  also 
expresses  a-sincere  readiness  to  be  taught  any  truth  ex  scrlptura  vol  racioiic 
vivaci  (p.  305).  His  almost  puritan  tastes  are  seen  in  his  dislike  of 
singing,  music,  and  gorgeous  churches  (pp.  262-3).  On  ecclesiastical 
matters  he  has  a  full  treatment  of  lawsuits  about  benefices  (pp.  294,  211, 
213,  and  200)  ;  the  last  reference  shows  that  if  Wyclif  was  concerned  in 
the  Canterbury  Hall  case  he  had  changed  his  mind  as  to  the  desirability  of 
appeals  to  law.  The  private  teaching  and  the  public  teaching  of  the  friars 
on  transubstantiation  are  contrasted  with  a  bitterness  showing  Wyclif's 
belief  that  some  of  them  at  heart  agreed  with  him  (p.  102)  ;  this  along 
with  appeals  (pp.  410,  414)  to  some  members  of  *  the  private  sects  '  to 
leave  them  for  '  the  sect  of  Christ '  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  Wyclif  had 
many  sympathisers  among  the  friars  (cf .  on  this  point  *  De  Apostasia,' 
'  De  Blasphemia,'  and  '  Purgatorium  Sectae  Christi ').  Arguments  such 
as  that  on  p.  381  might,  if  loosely  construed,  lead  to  the  later  charge  of 
teaching  that  ths  wickedness  of  ministers  impaired  the  sacraments, 
although  Wyclif  held  otherwise  (cf.  *De  Ecclesia,'  p.  448).  As  to  his 
private  life,  there  is  a  personal  ring  in  the  passages  on  excommunication 
(375  ct  passim).  Further  proof  of  his  citation  to  Kome  is  found  on  pp.  20 
and  434  :  he  seems,  not  unnaturally,  to  have  asked  for  his  expenses.  There 
ii  an  obvious  allusion  to  his  poor  priests  (fidelcs)  on  p.  417.  P.  214  seems 
to  glance  indirectly,  with  deprecation  of  the  violence,  although  in  sympathy 
with  the  movement,  at  the  death  of  Archbishop  Sudbury  (cf.  hero  '  De 
Blasphemia'  at  length).  The  passages  on  serfdom  (pp.  338,  415)  show 
upon  which  side  Wyclif's  feeling  lay  in  1381  ;  he  was  essentially  com- 
munistic even  so  early  as  when  he  wrote  the  *  Questiones  XII.,'  on  p.  268 
of  which  he  implies  that  in  a  state  of  innocence  riches  should  be  common, 
as  air  and  water.  A  passage  on  p.  43  is  interesting  for  the  history  of 
science,  where  he  speaks  of  the  studies  of  music,  alchemy,  and  so  on  ; 
and  chap,  xxv.,  on  light,  might  be  a  medieval  lecture  on  optics.  P.  172 
mentions  as  an  illustration  the  old  Irish  and  English  sales  of  wives 
(a  point  often  referred  to  by  medieval  writers).  This  work,  largely 
copied  by  Hus,  was  named  by  him  '  De  Sufficiencia  Legis  Dei,'  but  the 
originality  is  entirely  Wyclif's.  As  he  wrote  it  near  the  end  of  his  life 
(he  gives  in  book  iii.  the  date  1384,  and  the  copyist  says,  AtUoris  vita 
finitur  ct  hoc  opus  ita),  it  is  pleasing  to  find  strength  of  views  (which  we 
look  for  in  Wyclif)  joined  to  a  spirit  of  growing  calmness  amid  contro- 
versy. The  indices  and  side  notes  (supplied  by  Mr.  F.  D.  Matthew)  are 
ample  :  the  introduction  is  to  follow  with  vol.  ii.  Dr.  Loserth's  name  is 
sufficient  to  vouch  for  the  text  and  edition.  J.  P.  Whitney. 


I 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  791 

Eine  viailandisch-tJiilruiglsche  Ilelratsgeschichtc  aits  dcr  Zcit  Konlg 
Wenzels.  Von  Professor  Dr.  Karl  Wenck.  (Dresden :  Baensch. 
1895.) 

In  this  thin  pamphlet  Dr.  Wenck  reproduces  without  additional  material, 
but  with  some  difference  of  view,  a  piece  of  research  by  an  Italian  scholar 
which  touches  the  subject  in  which  he  is  particularly  interested — the 
history  of  the  house  of  Wettin  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  marriage  of 
Lucia  Visconti,  a  daughter  of  Bernabo,  to  Frederick,  son  of  the  landgrave 
Balthasar  of  Thuringia,  in  1399,  to  which  Professor  Romano,  of  Pavia, 
devoted  an  article  in  the  Archivio  Storico  Lombardo  (1891),  was  known 
to  the  Milanese  annalists,  but,  as  it  was  never  consummated  and  was 
fmally  declared  null,  it  had  escaped  the  notice  of  the  Saxon  historians. 
Dr.  Wenck  is  able  to  put  its  German  antecedents  in  a  clearer  light.  King 
Wenceslaus  had  just  come  near  to  throwing  Balthasar  into  the  arms  of 
the  princes  who  were  aiming  at  his  deposition  by  breaking  off  the  betrothal 
of  the  young  Frederick  to  Elizabeth  of  Gorlitz,  which  held  out  to  the 
house  of  Wettin  the  prospect  of  succeeding  to  the  great  Luxemburg 
inheritance.  Discovering  his  mistake  he  apparently  sought  to  soothe  the 
landgrave's  irritation  by  bringing  about  a  marriage  w4th  a  kinswoman  of 
Gian  Galeazzo  Visconti,  whose  interests  bound  him  to  give  every  possible 
support  to  Wenceslaus,  to  whom  he  owed  his  recognition  as  duke  of 
Milan.  Nevertheless  the  landgrave  lifted  no  hand  to  prevent  the  deposi- 
tion of  Wenceslaus,  and  after  Gian  Galeazzo's  death  Lucia  got  herself 
freed  from  the  marriage  on  the  ground  that  she  had  been  forced  into  it 
against  her  will  by  her  brother-in  law.  Romano  holds  that  this  was  only 
a  pretext,  but  Dr.  Wenck  gives  good  reasons  for  concluding  that  compul- 
sion had  actually  been  used.  The  point  has  a  particular  interest  for 
English  students,  since  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  Lucia  had 
formed  a  prior  attachment  to  no  less  a  person  than  Henry  of  Derby. 
There  is  no  doubt,  at  all  events — though  this  has  escaped  his  English 
historians — that  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1398  Henry  made- overtures 
for  her  hand.  But  at  that  time  there  did  not  seem  any  immediate  pro- 
spect of  the  condition  upon  which  Galeazzo  insisted— that  Henry  should 
first  be  taken  back  into  favour  by  Richard  II — being  fulfilled  ;  and  both 
parties  turned  elsewhere  for  a  marriage  alliance  in  the  following  winter, 
Henry  to  France  and  Gian  Galeazzo  to  Germany.  But  Henry  does  not 
seem  to  have  forgotten  Lucia,  and  w^e  may  ascribe  to  him  her  second 
marriage  to  Edmund  Holland,  earl  of  Kent.  The  date — 21  Jan.  HOG — 
which  Dr.  Wenck  accepts,  on  th3  authority  of  Fabyan,  for  this  marriage  is 
more  than  a  year  too  early.  Lucia  survived  her  husband  fifteen  years, 
living  in  England  until  her  death  on  4  x\pril  1421.  On  the  English  side 
of  his  subject  Dr.  Wenck  is  not  perfectly  at  home.  The  account  of  Henry 
of  Derby's  foreign  travels  (p.  19)  contains  several  inaccuracies. 

James  Tait. 

Social  Encjland,  By  Various  Writers.  Edited  by  H.  D.  Traill,  D.C.L. 
Vol.  Ill :  From  the  Accession  of  Henry  VIII  to  the  Death  of  Eliza- 
beth.    (London  :  Cassell  &  Co.     1895.) 

It  must  be  owned  that  Dr.  Traill's  novel  experiment  in  writing  history 
by  co-operation   has   made   remarkable  progress.     Three  stout  octavo 


792  liEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

volumes,  published  in  three  successive  years,  have  now  brought  the  work 
down  to  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  and  if  the  same  rate  of  progress  is  main- 
tained it  should  not  be  many  years  before  it  will  be  possible  for  educated 
persons  to  possess  in  their  own  libraries  a  complete  and  continuous  social 
history  of  the  country,  written,  for  the  most  part,  by  skilled  and  competent 
students  working  harmoniously  to  a  common  end.  That  the  different 
sections  are  of  unequal  merit  is,  of  course,  no  more  than  was  to  be  expected ; 
and  that  a  considerable  crop  of  errors  might  be  gathered  from  this  as  well 
as  from  other  histories  was  no  less  inevitable  from  the  first.  But  while 
it  is  always  desirable  in  any  work  to  point  out  mistakes  for  correction, 
scarcely  enough  has  been  said,  in  the  present  instance,  as  to  the  advan- 
tages and  disadvantages  of  the  plan  of  the  work  itself. 

The  feeling  is  not  of  yesterday's  growth  that  the  lack  of  information 
about  social  life  in  the  past  has  left  the  political  historian's  work  incom- 
plete and  unsatisfactory.  Attempts  were  made  to  supply  the  void  even 
in  the  last  century  by  Dr.  Henry  and  James  Pettit  Andrews,  who  pro- 
ceeded, except  in  the  matter  of  co-operation,  on  much  the  same  principles 
as  Dr.  Traill,  willi  a  little  section,  or  it  might  be  a  chapter,  from  time  to 
time,  on  art,  literature,  religion,  manners,  or  some  other  outlying  subject 
subordinate  to  the  main  story  of  political  events.  Now,  however,  ifc  is 
rightly  felt  that  each  of  these  great  departmental  subjects  requires  an 
historian  of  its  own  :  and  there  is  also  a  feeling,  no  less  just,  that  the 
knowledge  gained  in  each  of  these  different  sections  requires  to  be  properly 
co-ordinated  and  unified.  Art,  religion,  literature,  and  manners  arc  part 
of  the  same  story  as  political  history,  and  each  different  section  should 
throw  light  upon  the  others.  How  far  does  this  book  carry  us  on  to  the 
desired  harmony  ?  Undoubtedly  it  is  a  very  considerable  step  ;  but  the 
end  is  not  yet.  Our  minds,  unfortunately,  still  keep  the  history  too  much 
in  compartments,  and  the  critic  feels  this  in  himself  quite  as  much  as  he 
sees  it  in  the  contributors. 

Of  all  the  specialists,  of  course,  the  military  and  naval  specialists  are 
least  likely  to  lose  sight  of  the  main  story,  and  the  valuable  articles  of 
Mr.  Oman  and  Mr.  Laird  Clowes  deserve  particular  recognition.  But 
surely  the  relaxatioii  of  military  disciphne  under  Henry  VIII — which  Mr. 
Oman,  quite  rigbtly,  as  I  consider,  traces  to  the  breakdown  of  feudalism, 
the  confiscations  and  attainders  during  the  wars  of  the  Roses,  and  the 
stern  legislation  of  Henry  VII  against  liveries  and  maintenance— points  to 
new  social  conditions  at  home  which  have  hitherto  escaped  attention. 
When  English  troops  in  Spain  or  Picardy  mutinied  for  higher  pay,  or 
compelled  their  commanders  to  go  home  in  spite  of  orders,  they  did  things 
vastly  unlike  what  as  subjects  they  would  have  dared  to  do  in  England. 
But  then  they  were  no  longer  feudal  followers  ;  they  were  hired  men,  un- 
used even  to  true  military  service,  idle  serving  men,  vagrants  in  time  of 
peace,  distinguished  generally,  as  we  know  from  More's  '  Utopia,'  by  their 
audacity  in  theft  and  plunder.  The  maintenance  of  soldiers,  as  Sir  Thomas 
More  suggests,  was  very  much  the  same  thing  as  maintenance  of  thieves. 
The  story  of  the  navy,  on  the  other  hand,  connects  itself  with  that  of 
trade  and  commerce,  the  king's  ships  being  but  the  nucleus  of  a  fighting 
force  made  up  largely,  when  occasion  came,  from  the  mercantile  marine. 
Mr.  Laird  Clowes  has  done  his  part  well ;  but  for  that  very  reason  his 


1895  llEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  703 

matter  naturally  runs  over  into  trade  and  voyages  of  discovery,  while  Mr. 
Beazley  follows  liim  with  special  chapters  devoted  to  these  same  subjects. 
Mr.  Beazley  also  undertakes  religion,  in  which  he  has  a  divided  empire 
with  Mr.  Hutton.  Under  Elizabeth,  indeed,  no  less  than  four  writers 
treat  of  religion.  Has  not  Dr.  Traill  committed  the  mistake  which,  they 
say,  the  tendency  of  modern  politics  is  forcing  upon  prime  ministers,  of 
having  too  large  a  cabinet  ?  That  his  contributors  agree  among  themselves 
pretty  tolerably  is  only  half  a  consolation.  Separate  essays  in  violent 
disagreement  might  even  be  more  useful  to  the  student,  if  there  were  any 
great  tendency  to  vital  differences.  But  we  do  not  suppose  that  the 
agreement  is  at  all  forced.  The  only  thing  is  that  the  separate  articles 
have  rather  a  look  of  being  clipped  in  order  to  fit  them  into  their 
separate  compartments — to  which,  after  all,  some  of  them  will  not 
submit. 

On  the  attractive  subject  of  literature,  again,  no  one  will  dispute  that  it 
is  in  the  best  possible  hands  when  confided  to  Professor  Saintsbury  ;  and 
whatever  other  contributor  may  have  felt  himself  '  cabined,  cribbed,  con- 
fined,' he  at  least,  we  may  be  sure,  had  the  fullest  scope  allowed  him. 
Yet  even  here,  without  any  imposed  restriction,  is  there  not  a  want  of 
something  to  connect  literature  more  distinctly  with  the  age  and  the  actions 
of  the  age — in  short,  to  make  it  a  little  more  historic  ?  Above  all,  arc 
not  the  silences  of  literature  sometimes  almost  as  significant  as  its  utter- 
ances when  viewed  from  the  historian's  standpoint  ?  When  Mr.  Saints- 
bury  tells  us  that  the  literature  of  Henry  VIII' s  time  was  intrinsically 
second-rate,  he  says  what  nobody  will  dispute  ;  but  when  he  adds  that  it 
nevertheless  ranks  high  from  an  historical  point  of  view  as  reflecting  sweep- 
ing changes,  is  he  not  still  thinking  a  little  too  much  of  his  own  subject 
and  looking  at  mere  changes  of  style  ?  '  Here,'  he  says,  '  English  litera- 
ture ceases  to  be  mediaeval  and  prepares  itself  to  be  modern '  (p.  118). 
No  doubt ;  but  why  were  the  utterances  tlieniselvcs  so  poor '?  The  age 
which  began  with  Hawes  and  Skelton  and  ended  with  Ascham  and  Surrey, 
although  it  also  took  in  More  and  Latimer,  could  hardly  have  expressed 
its  thoughts  very  fully  on  the  deep  tragedies  passing  before  its  eyes. 
Even  More  himself  wrote  only  what  it  was  safe  to  write,  and  Latimer, 
however  much  in  earnest,  was  always  on  the  side  of  authority.  No  one 
could  say  what  he  felt — and  least  of  all  could  he  say  it  in  literary  form — 
about  judicial  massacres,  universal  alarm,  and  the  uprooting  of  old  in- 
stitutions like  the  monasteries,  popular  to  the  last,  though  less  able  to 
maintain  themselves  than  they  had  been,  and  easily  crushed,  after  the 
royal  supremacy  had  been  well  established,  by  the  heavy  hand  of 
Henry  VIII,  aided  by  his  subservient  parliaments.  It  was  in  the  literature 
of  the  next  generation — in  poems  such  as  those  in  the  '  Mirror  for  Magis- 
trates ' — that  the  pathos  of  the  past  found  utterance.  And  even  then  it 
was  an  imperfect  utterance  after  all,  for  men  had  ceased  to  bewail  a 
state  of  matters  that  could  never  be  restored. 

But  while  it  was  impossible  that  even  the  best  writers  could  give 
complete  satisfaction  in  a  work  on  such  a  plan,  the  work  itself  is  of 
undoubted  value.  I  only  regret  now  that  my  few  criticisms  have  been 
necessarily  levelled  at  the  shortcomings  of  some  of  the  best  contributors, 
and  space  is  not  available  to  do  justice  either  to  them  or  to  the  others. 


794  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Mr.  A.  L.  Smith  sketch*  the  pohtical  situation  under  Henry  VIII, 
Edward  VI,  and  Mary.  His  first  contribution  seems  to  me  the  most  suc- 
cessful, the  others  gradually  becoming  weaker.  Mr.  Hassall,  on  the  other 
hand,  who  takes  up  the  constitution  at  the  beginning  of  the  book  and  the 
politics  at  the  end,  rather  improves  as  he  goes  on.  Mr.  Beazley's  view 
of  the  religious  movements  is  a  little  conventional.  Dr.  Gasquet's  chapter 
on  the  suppression  of  monasteries  contains,  of  course,  the  essence  of  his 
book  and  of  the  fullest  information  attainable  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Bass 
Mullinger  was  clearly  the  right  man  to  treat  of  learning  and  education, 
and  Dr.  Creighton  has  a  like  claim  to  speak  about  public  health  and 
epidemics.  Mr.  Corbett's  articles  on  agriculture  arc  of  high  interest,  and 
so  arc  those  on  Scotch  and  Irish  subjects  by  Mr.  Heath,  Mr.  Colville, 
and  Mr.  Joyce.  Indeed,  there  is  no  marked  deficiency  in  any  of  the  con- 
tributions, and  probably  the  worst  errors  in  the  volume  are  due  to  mere 
popular  misapprehensions,  which  larger  research  in  future  will  tend  to 
dispel.  James  Gairdner. 


Letters  and  Papers,  Forehjn  and  Boinestic,  of  the  Beign  of  Henry  VIII. 
Preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  the  British  Museum,  and  else- 
where in  England.  Arranged  and  catalogued  by  James  Gairdner  and 
R.   H.   Brodie.     Vol.   XIV.     Part   I.     (London:   H.M.    Stationery 

Office.     1894.) 

This  volume  has  lost  nothing  by  the  association  of  Mr.  R.  H.  Brodie 
Vv'ith  Mr.  (iairdner.  The  preface  is,  of  course,  entirely  the  production 
of  Mr.  Gairdner' s  pen,  but  in  the  execution  of  the  main  body  of  the 
work  Mr.  J>rodie  has  probably  taken  a  more  prominent  part ;  and 
we  are  bound  to  say,  after  a  careful  investigation,  that  this  volume  will 
stand  the  test  of  comparison  with  any  of  the  previous  issues  as  regards 
both  accuracy  of  detail  and  freedom  from  errors  of  the  press.  Mr. 
Gairdner  has  well  earned  the  epithet  of  Emeritus,  but,  though  he  has 
entirely  given  up  any  active  duties  as  assistant  keeper  of  the  records, 
he  carries  with  him  into  his  retirement  the  same  keen  interest  in  his 
subject  and  appreciation  of  all  its  details  which  we  have  noticed  in 
the  prefaces  to  his  previous  volume.^.  Most  of  the  documents  analysed 
here  are  entirely  new,  but  we  cannot  but  regret  the  necessity  imposed 
upon  the  editors  of  curtailing  the  accounts  of  some  of  the  most  interesting 
of  the  foreign  papers  on  the  ground  that  they  have  been  already  fully 
epitomised  by  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos  in  the  simultaneous  issues 
of  the  '  Spanish  Calendar.'  The  present  arrangement  is  the  more 
to  be  regretted  because  of  the  many  inaccuracies  of  which  Don  Pascual 
has  been  found  guilty.  Some  of  these  mistakes,  we  are  glad  to  say, 
have  been  quietly  pointed  out  and  corrected  by  the  editors  in  their  foot- 
notes. 

Undoubtedly  the  prominent  feature  on  the  surface  of  the  pages  is  the 
spoliation  of  the  monasteries  and  the  disposal  of  the  plunder  amongst 
various  applicants  for  grants  or  purchase  of  the  confiscated  goods  ;  though 
it  is  probable  that  to  many,  especially  to  those  who  are  not  acquainted 
with  Cardinal  Pole's  letters  as  published  by  Quirini,  the  communications 
which  passed  between  him  and  his  various  correspondents  will  prove  the 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  793 

most  interesting  feature  in  the  volume.  As,  however,  there  are  very 
few  of  these  that  have  not  before  appeared  in  print,  we  must  content 
ourselves  with  calling  attention  to  two  or  three.  Amongst  them  is  a  very 
interesting  letter  addressed  by  the  cardinal  tD  the  emperor,  which  Mr. 
Gairdner  has  inserted  as  of  January,  though  apparently  thinking  that  it 
belongs  to  a  period  a  few  months  later.  In  this  letter  Pole  describes  the  state 
of  things  which  has  forced  him  to  break  altogether  with  the  king  and  to 
urge  the  emperor  to  make  war  on  him.  In  subsequent,  or  perhaps  it  would 
be  more  correct  to  say  in  some  preceding,  letters  of  March  and  April, 
addressed  to  Contarini  and  others,  Pole  gives  in  detail  the  account  of  his 
mission  by  the  pope  first  to  the  emperor,  then  to  the  French  king.  In 
them  he  explains  fully  the  refusal  of  the  emperor  to  second  the  pope's 
wish  for  the  invasion  of  England  and  the  reluctance  of  Francis  to  act 
independently  of  the  emperor.  Here  too  is  a  letter  which  has  never 
before  been  printed,  and  which  has  only  recently  been  acquired  by  the 
record  office.  It  is  in  Italian,  written  from  Carpentras  on  25  March 
1539,  and  addressed  to  Cardinal  Farnese.  Pole  is  at  that  time  waiting  for 
further  instructions  from  the  pope  after  the  failure  of  his  negotiations  wuth 
the  emperor,  which  Pole  is  at  a  lo£S  to  understand.  Unwilling  to  risk  his 
rfo  by  travelling  through  France,  where  Henry  VIII  had  spies  ready  to 
assassinate  him,  unless  he  could  obtain  a  safe-conduct  and  permission 
from  Francis,  he  had  sent  the  abbot  of  San  Saluto  to  feel  the  way  and 
to  report  to  the  pope  the  state  of  the  case.  It  appears  as  if  the  pope  had 
at  first  expected  that  the  emperor  and  the  French  king,  in  conjunction 
with  James  V  of  Scotland,  might  be  induced  to  declare  war  against 
Henry,  and  that  finding  this  could  not  be  attained  he  had  moderated  his 
demands  down  to  the  hope  that  they  would  at  least  have  interdicted  all 
commerce  between  the  English  and  their  subjects.  But  the  emperor  was 
too  cautious  to  entertain  even  this  proposal,  and  at  the  end  of  July  we 
find  Pole  still  waiting  at  Carpentras  for  instructions  how  to  proceed. 
It  is  sad  to  find  in  these  papers  not  a  little  that  confirms  the  accusation 
which  Pole  in  one  of  his  letters,  which  will  appear  in  the  second  part  of 
this  volume,  makes  against  the  poet  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt,  at  that  time 
English  ambassador  in  Spain.  Pole  distinctly  alleges  that  he  had  heard 
from  Spain  that  Wyatt  had  boasted  that  if  only  the  cardinal  were  once 
declared  a  traitor  he  would  within  six  months  procure  his  death,  and 
there  are  several  dark  hints  about  this  secret  service  which  occur  in 
one  of  Wyatt's  ciphered  despatches.  These  would  not  amount  to  much 
in  themselves,  but  are  confirmation  strong  when  added  to  what  Mr. 
Gairdner  has  quoted  in  his  preface  from  the  cardinal's  own  letter.  Mr. 
Gairdner  seems  to  think  it  surprising  that  a  man  holding  such  a  posi- 
tion and  a  court  poet  should  have  been  guilty  of  planning  a  murder, 
but  recent  revelations  have  not  tended  to  raise  our  estimate  of  Wyatt's 
character.  Mr.  Gairdner  does  ample  justice  to  the  cardinal  in  describ- 
ing his  spirit  of  self-sacrifice.  The  late  Dr.  Hook  could  only  view  his 
character  and  conduct  in  the  light  shed  upon  it  from  the  point  of  view 
of  an  Anglican  churchman.  The  pope,  he  held,  was  altogether  in  the 
wrong  in  denouncing  the  king  of  England,  and  Pole  w^as  an  arrant 
traitor,  combining  with  foreigners  against  his  lawful  sovereign.  But 
surely,  if  ever  a  subject  can  be  justified  in  rebellion,  the  EngUsh  people 


196  IlEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

might  righteously  have  nsen  up  against  one  who  had  trampled  on 
their  liberties  and  violated  every  principle  of  justice.  The  horrid 
cruelties  practised  by  the  king  were  the  topic  of  conversation  in  every 
court  of  Europe,  and  Henry  had  to  send  to  France  and  Scotland  to 
remonstrate  against  the  language  used  by  natives  of  those  countries 
with  regard  to  his  conduct.  In  England  people  spoke  with  bated  breath 
on  the  subject.  Cromwell  had  organised  such  a  system  of  espionage 
throughout  the  country  that  even  the  slightest  mention  of  the  king's  name 
was  reported,  and  several  offenders  tried  and  punished  for  such  alleged 
offences.  Many  were  the  representations  made  to  James  of  Scotland  to 
stop  the  slanderous  speeches  and  suppress  the  scurrilous  ballads  published 
in  that  country,  and  both  Francis  and  James  professed  an  anxiety  to 
comply  with  the  king's  wishes.  And  it  was  proposed  to  send  Sir  Ralph 
Sadler  on  a  second  embassy  to  Scotland,  to  represent  to  Henry's  dear 
nephew  the  real  state  of  the  case  as  regards  recent  severities  practised 
on  his  subjects,  and  to  explain  the  justice  of  his  course  in  his  separation 
from  the  tyranny  of  the  Roman  pontiff. 

And  here  we  encounter  two  remarkable  documents  which  serve  to 
show  at  once  the  value  of  these  calendars  in  correcting  the  mistakes  of 
previous  chroniclers  and  the  difficulties  from  time  to  time  experienced 
by  the  accomplished  editors  of  the  series  in  affixing  correct  dates  from 
internal  evidence.  The  first  of  these  is  provisionally  dated  [15  April 
1539],  and  is  headed  '  Instructions  to  Ralph  Sadeler,  one  of  the  gentle- 
men of  the  Privy  Chamber  sent  at  this  time  unto  the  King  of  Scots.'  The 
difficulty  of  ascertaining  the  proper  place  for  this  document  is  shown 
from  the  fact  that  it  was  first  printed  in  the  Sadler  State  Papers, 
as  belonging  to  the  year  1541,  and  when  it  appeared  in  the  State 
Papers  published  by  royal  commission  it  was  attributed  to  the  year 
1587,  with  a  footnote  disproving  the  date  of  1541  and  giving  reasons 
which  Mr.  Gairdner  thinks  plausible  for  assigning  it  to  the  year  1537. 
Nevertheless  the  true  date  is  plainly  that  now  assigned  to  it,  viz.  1539. 
And  now  Mr.  Gairdner  admits  that  he  was  himself  deceived  into  the 
belief  of  the  date  1537,  and  printed  it  accordingly  in  his  twelfth  volume, 
to  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  an  ep'.tome  of  its  contents.  We  can 
only  regret  that  he  did  not  see  his  way  to  reproducing  it  here  in  its 
proper  place,  as  it  is  not  always  easy  to  get  access  to  earlier  volumes  of 
these  papers. 

The  other  document  we  have  alluded  to  is  '  Sadler's  oration  on  being 
sent  to  James,  complaining  of  libels  spread  in  Scotland  against  Henry 
VIII,  and  desiring  that  the  authors  may  be  punished.'  Curiously  enough 
the  only  reference  here  is  to  the  pages  of  Foxe,  the  martyrologist.  How 
the  document  came  into  his  possession  does  not  appear,  as  no  copy  is 
known  to  exist  either  in  the  public  record  office  or  in  the  Cottonian 
library.  It  is  nevertheless  a  genuine  State  Paper,  in  which  it  is  asserted 
that  the  king  expects  other  princes  to  follow  the  example  of  the  French 
king  in  punishing  such  slanderous  words  at  Rouen.  It  is  asserted  also  in 
this  document  that  Henry  had  heard  of  the  arrival  of  a  papal  nuncio  at 
the  court  of  James,  sent,  as  he  supposes,  to  enforce  the  papal  censures 
which  neither  the  emperor  nor  the  French  king  will  countenance.  The 
alleged  oration   ends  with  a  vain  request  that  James   will  not   suffer 


.1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  797 

any  of  Lis  subjects  to  accept  from  that  '  usurper  of  Rome  that  red  hat 
of  pride  '  which  had  already  been  conferred  on  David  Beton,  the  arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrew's.  Now  it  is  certain  that  this  speech  was  never 
delivered  at  all,  for  the  papal  nuncio,  Latino  Juvenal6,  never  reached  Scot- 
land, having  been  detained  in  France,  and  it  is  even  doubtful  whether  Sadler 
actually  went  to  Scotland  on  this  occasion,  and  Mr.  Gairdner's  solution  of 
the  difficulty  is  that  the  paper  was  drawn  up  in  anticipation  of  affairs. 

In  reviewing  a  work  the  contents  of  which  are  confined  to  seven 
calendar  months,  it  would  obviously  be  impossible  to  attempt  to  give  any 
adequate  account  of  the  circumstances  which  led  up  to  the  events  recorded 
in  it,  but  two  notices  of  vol.  xiii.  parts  i.  and  ii.,  which  appeared  in  the 
English  Historical  Review  in  July  1893  and  April  1894  respectively, 
may  to  some  extent  supply  the  deficiency.  The  present  volume  is  con- 
cerned with  the  year  of  the  eventful  session  of  parhament  which  passed 
the  celebrated  act  of  the  six  articles,  as  it  is  commonly  called,  but 
which  was  really  designated  '  an  act  for  abolishing  diversity  of  opinions 
in  certain  articles  concerning  Christian  religion.'  The  session  began 
28  April  and  lasted  till  28  June.  This  calendar  supplies  very  little 
new  information  as  to  the  method  of  procedure  either  in  the  lords  or 
commons,  though  of  course  it  contains  the  remarkable  anonymous 
letter  from  some  member  of  the  upper  house,  first  published  in  Burnet's 
*  History  of  the  Reformation,'  which  details  the  opposition  offered  by 
Cranmer  and  others  amongst  the  bishops  of  the  new  learning  and 
their  subsequent  recantation,  supposed  to  have  been  produced  by  con- 
viction of  the  validity  of  the  king's  arguments.  But  the  volume  is  full 
of  documents  which  show  how  unscrupulously  the  lower  house  was 
packed  by  Cromwell  with  members  who  were  elected  to  do  the  king's 
bidding  at  all  costs ;  and,  though  it  tells  us  of  the  resignations  of 
Latimer  and  Shaxton,  it  gives  us  no  hint  of  the  marriage  of  Latimer, 
which  was  probably  the  chief  cause  of  his  retirement ;  nor  does  it  make 
any  allusion  to  the  precipitate  action  of  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  in 
sending  off  Mrs.  Cranmer  to  her  friends  in  Germany,  there  to  remain  till 
more  propitious  times  should  arise,  when  it  would  be  safe  for  priests  to 
acknowledge  the  women  they  had  married  in  violation  of  their  obligation 
to  lead  a  life  of  celibacy. 

We  must  not  omit  to  notice  one  other  very  prominent  feature  in  this 
calendar,  viz.  the  extraordinary  precautions  taken  to  protect  the  eastern 
and  southern  coasts  of  the  country  from  foreign  invasion.  They  prove 
the  extreme  fear  in  which  the  king  and  Cromwell  were  plunged,  lest  the 
emperor  and  the  French  king  should  together  make  a  descent  on 
England,  in  obedience  to  the  papal  bull  of  excommunication.  The  ten 
years'  truce  agreed  upon  at  Nice  had  united  the  two  most  powerful 
sovereigns  in  Europe,  whom  the  pope  was  doing  his  utmost  to  excite  to 
declare  war  against  England,  or,  what  was  equivalent  to  it,  to  refuse  all 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  king's  country  and  theirs,  and  he 
had  ample  reason  to  fear  lest  in  that  case  his  nephew  of  Scotland  would 
be  induced  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise.  There  was,  in  reality,  little 
reason  for  his  fears,  inasmuch  as  the  French  king  would  not  act  without 
the  emperor,  and  Charles  was  already  involved  in  troubles  wuth  the  Turks 
in  the  Levant  and  the  protestants  in  Germany.         Nicholas  Pocock. 


•• 


798  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Becueil  des  Instructions  donnees  aux  Amhassadeurs  et  Ministres  de 
France.  XI.  Espagne.  Avec  une  Introduction  et  des  Notes  par 
A.  Mokel-Fatio.    Tome  1 :  1G49-1700.     (Paris  :  Mean.     1894.) 

Fkom  the  treaty  of  the  Pyrenees  and  the  fateful  marriage  of  Louis  XIV 
with  the  infanta  Maria  Teresa,  long  before  the  birth  even  of  the  prin- 
cipal actors  in  the  great  struggle  for  the  Spanish  succession,  which  was 
to  change  the  face  of  Europe,  diplomatists  saw  the  probable  ultimate 
importance  of  the  events  which  were  taking  place,  and  for  the  next  fifty 
years  their  private  correspondence  and  memoirs  supply  the  secondary  but 
important  information  so  often  lacking  in  their  official  papers.  The  editor  of 
the  present  collection  of  '  Instructions,'  M.  Morel-Fatio,  whose  knowledge 
of  the  x>ersonnel  of  the  court  of  Charles  II  of  Spain  is  unrivalled,  edited 
recently  (1893)  the  interesting  'Memoires  de  la  Cour  d'Espagne,'  by 
one  of  the  French  ambassadors,  the  marquis  de  Villars  ;  and  the  sprightly 
letters  of  his  wife,  the  marquise  de  Villars,  written  from  Spain  to  Mme. 
de  Coulanges,  were  published  in  Paris  some  years  ago.  The  letters  of 
Sir  Richard  Fanshaw,  of  Godolphin,  of  Alexander  Stanhope,  and  other 
English  representatives  in  Spain  are  as  interesting  from  a  social  as  from 
a  political  point  of  view ;  and  as  much  may  be  said  of  Sir  William 
Temple's  anonymous  account  of  his  share  in  the  treaty  of  Nymegen  in 
1679.  Our  knowledge,  therefore,  of  events  and  individuals  of  the  court 
of  Charles  II  of  Spain  was  already  considerable,  although  the  romantic 
historian,  the  novelist,  and  the  dramatist  have  conspired  from  the  first  to 
misrepresent  them.  At  the  instance  of  Guizot  M.  Mignet  was  com- 
missioned in  1835  to  edit  the  series  of  French  state  papers  relative  to  the 
Spanish  succession,  and  his  four  volumes,  carrying  the  story  down  to  the 
peace  of  Nymegen,  are  well  known  to  historical  students.  His  task  was 
worthily  supplemented  by  M.  Legrelle's  four  volumes  on  *  La  Diplomatic 
Fran9aise  et  la  Succession  d'Espagne,'  while  the  Vienna  archives  have 
been  laid  under  tribute,  and  the  Austrian  view  of  events  represented  by 
Herr  Gaedeke  in  his  '  Politik  Oesterreichs  in  der  spanischen  Erbsfolge- 
frage  ; '  and  the  *  Avisos  '  of  J.  Barrionuevo  (Madrid,  1892)  and  the  papers 
in  vol.  Ixxix.  of  the  '  Documentos  ineditos  para  la  Historia  de  Espafia  '  and 
elsewhere  show  the  Spanish  side  of  the  subject.  At  first  sight,  therefore, 
it  may  appear  somewhat  unnecessary  to  have  published  the  present  portly 
volume  of  instructions  to  the  French  ambassadors  to  the  court  of  Spain 
from  1G49  to  1700,  especially  as  the  full  correspondence  of  at  least  two  of 
the  ambassadors  (Rebenac  and  Harcourt)  has  already  been  printed ;  but 
a  perusal  of  the  contents  will  show  that  the  gradual  development  of  the 
Roi  Soleil's  ambitious  plans  is  far  better  understood  from  his  instructions 
to  his  successive  ambassadors  than  from  any  amount  of  correspondence 
without  this  key.  Although,  curiously  enough,  the  dynastic  questions 
arising  out  of  the  marriage  of  Louis  XIV  and  the  succession  of  his 
grandson  to  the  throne  of  Spain  have  once  more  become  burning  ones  of 
the  present  day  amongst  certain  sections  of  French  politicians,  the  inte- 
rest of  English  readers  is  most  alive  to  the  picturesque  side  of  the  almost 
luridly  dramatic  decline  and  extinction  of  the  house  of  Austria  in  Spain, 
and  particularly  to  the  part  played  by  the  granddaughter  of  our  own 
Charles  I  in  the  ghastly  drama.     In  the  instructions   to  the  prince 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  799 

d'Harcourt  in  this  volume  the  smallest  point  of  etiquette  for  the  marriage 
of  the  unhappy  Marie  Louise  of  Orleans  with  Charles  the  Bewitched  is 
laid  down ;  and  then  gradually,  as  the  clouds  darken  over  the  doomed 
queen,  and  the  hope  of  progeny  fades,  the  instructions  to  Villars,  to 
Feuqui^re,  and  to  his  son  Rebenac  show  the  successive  steps  by  which 
she,  aided  by  her  own  folly  and  ineptitude,  becomes  a  person  of  no  import- 
ance, and  the  claims  of  the  Dauphin  to  the  Spanish  crown  are  dexterously 
brought  forward.  The  subsequent  instructions  deal  largely  with  the 
intrigues  of  the  powers  to  obtain  the  upper  hand  in  Spain  after  the  mar- 
riage of  the  king  with  his  second  wife,  Marie  Anne  of  Neubourg,  sister  of 
the  empress,  the  obstinate  struggle  for  precedence  between  the  French 
and  English  ambassadors  especially  reflecting  the  rivalry  of  the  nations 
in  greater  matters.  Of  the  astounding  intrigues  around  the  dying  king,^ 
by  which  the  French  party  triumphed  in  the  end,  little  is  said  in  these 
grave  diplomatic  instructions,  but  it  is  evident  that  they  were  mainly  con- 
ducted by  the  priests  who  were  sent  by  Louis  XIV  on  secret  missions  to 
Spain  independently  of  his  regular  ambassadors,  and  whose  official 
instructions  are  also  contained  in  the  present  vokime. 

The  book  has  been  edited  with  M.  Morel-Fatio's  well-known  learning 
and  thoroughness.  Hardly  a  prominent  person  in  Spahi  of  the  time  has 
been  omitted  from  his  copious  descriptive  notes,  but  the  want  of  an  index 
greatly  militates  against  the  value  of  the  book  as  a  work  of  reference. 

T^lAiiTix  A.  S.  Hume. 


Calendar  of  State  Papers.  Domestic  Series.  October  10G8  to  December 
1669.  Edited  by  Mrs.  M.  A.  E.  Green.  (London:  H.M.  Stationery 
Office.     1894.) 

This  volume  is  rather  disappointing,  and  does  not  throw  much  hght  on 
the  political  history  of  the  period  with  which  it  deals.  It  contains  the 
usual  series  of  documents  relating  to  the  history  of  the  navy,  and 
petitions  and  warrants  of  all  kinds.  A  series  of  letters  reporting  the 
motions  of  the  nonconformists  at  Yarmouth,  Newcastle,  and  other  places 
illustrate  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of  the  government,  and  the  notices  of  the 
arrest  of  unlicensed  and  seditious  printers  testify  to  the  activity  of  Hoger 
L'Estrange  in  executing  his  office.  On  11  Aug.  1GG9  the  king  severely 
reprimanded  the  Stationers'  Company  for  obstructing  L'Estrange  in  his 
task  (pp.  393,  446).  Of  the  king  himself  there  are  few  notices  of  interest, 
except  accounts  of  his  amusements  at  Newmarket  and  of  his  inspec- 
tion of  the  dockyard  at  Harwich  (pp.  3,  9).  There  are  several  papers 
of  Hterary  interest,  viz.  a  letter  from  John  Evelyn  recommending 
Christopher  Wase  to  succeed  Howell  as  historiographer  royal  (p.  G5),  a 
petition  by  Aphra  Behn  from  prison  for  payment  on  account  of  her 
services  during  the  Dutch  war  (p.  121),  a  criticism  of  John  Price's  Life 
of  Monck  (p.  519),  and  a  complaint  from  the  earl  of  Castlemaine 
concerning  his  *  History  of  the  Dutch  War  '  (p.  488).     The  popularity  of 

»  See  the  present  ^Yriter's  article  on  '  The  Exorcism  of  Charlea  the  Bewitclietl, 
Gentleman's  Magazine,  November  1893. 


800  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Dryden's  *  Indian  Emperor  '  is  shoAvn  by  its  performance  by  the  boys  of 
Coleshill  School  (p.  145).*  Hollar  petitions  in  1GG9  to  be  sent  with  Lord 
Henry  Howard,  then  going  as  ambassador  to  Morocco,  in  order  to 
improve  his  own  knowledge  of  Tangier,  ingenuously  adding,  'for  although 
there  is  a  large  map  thereof,  done  by  me — but  performed  only  upon  the 
author's  tradition  by  word  of  mouth  and  my  own  bringing  into  method — 
I  conceive,  if  one  should  compare  the  print  with  the  thing  itself,  I  should 
find  but  little  likeness  and  perhaps  quite  another  thing  '  (p.  25G).  William 
Penn  was  imprisoned  in  1GG9  for  publishing  the  '  Sandy  Foundation 
Shaken,'  and  the  present  volume  contains  a  letter  from  Penn  to 
Arlington  in  vindication  of  his  innocence  (p.  372),  and  a  warrant  for 
Dr,  Stillingfleet's  admission  to  the  Tower  to  see  Penn,  *  in  order  to  the 
convincing  him,  if  it  may  be,  of  heretical  and  blasphemous  opinions ' 
(p.  14G).  In  1GG9  a  condemned  prisoner  in  Norwich  gaol,  one  John 
Blancher,  accused  Major  Wildman  of  being  the  king's  executioner,  and 
narrated  many  curious  particulars  about  the  manner  of  the  execution. 
]3ut,  as  he  had  been  convicted  of  perjury,  amongst  many  other  crimes,  the 
government  found  themselves  unable  to  incriminate  Wildman  (pp.  424-G). 
A  petition  from  William  Ryley,  for  rewards  for  the  losses  and  services  of 
himself  and  his  father,  states  that  in  IGGO  he  aided  his  father  in  sorting 
the  Scottish  records  before  they  were  returned  to  Scotland,  found 
amongst  them  the  original  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and 
refused  2,000/.  offered  by  the  Scots  to  deliver  it  up  (p.  135).  This 
doubtless  refers  to  the  copy  of  the  covenant  signed  by  Charles  II.  in  1G50, 
which  came  into  the  hands  of  Clarendon,  and  is  now  amongst  his  papers 
in  the  Bodleian  Library.  C.  H.  Firth. 


Ell  Picjse  til  Busland  under  Tsar  Peter.  Dagbogsoptegnelser  af  Vice- 
Admiral  Just  Juel,  Dansk  Gesandt  i  Rusland,  1709-1711.  Med 
Illustrationer  og  oplysende  Anmnerkninger  ved  Gerhard  L.  Grove. 
Copenhagen  :  Gyldendalske  Boghandels  Forlag.) 

A  GREAT  deal  of  interesting  matter  has  been  publishel  on  the  life  of 
Peter  the  Great  since  the  appearance  of  the  '  Tsarstvovanie  Petra  Yelikago ' 
of  Ustrialov,  but  few  works  have  been  comparable  in  value  to  the  present 
diary,  which  now  first  appears,  at  all  events  in  a  complete  form,  in  the 
original  language.  The  editor,  Mr.  Gerhard  Grove,  secretary  in  the  office 
of  the  state  archives  at  Copenhagen,  had  previously  published  some 
extracts  only.  Portions  had  also  appeared  in  Biisski  Arkliiv  for  1892, 
translated  into  Russian  by  the  then  secretary  of  legation  at  Copenhagen, 
j\I.  Stcherbachev.  Juel  made  his  journey  during  the  period  from  30  Aug. 
1709  to  9  Oct.  1711.  The  year  in  which  he  appeared  in  Russia  was  a 
memorable  one  in  the  annals  of  northern  Europe  :  it  was  that  of  the 
mad  expedition  into  that  country  of  Charles  XII.  Juel  was  despatched 
by  his  master,  Frederick  IV,  as  an  envoy  extraordinary.  The  Danish 
king  was  anxious  to  conciliate  the  rising  power  of  Peter  the  Great, 
and  to  form  an  alliance  of  Denmark,  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Poland 
against  the  Swedes.  From  the  beginning  of  their  reigns  Charles  and 
Frederick  of  Denmark  had  been  at  variance.     The  instructions  given  to 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  801 

the  envoy  are  printed  from  the  German  original  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
He  was  to  attend  Peter  during  his  campaign.  Juel  thus  saw  the  country 
soon  after  the  hattle  of  Poltava,  and  was  traveUing  in  it  during  the  time 
of  the  disastrous  expedition  to  thePrutb,  of  which  he  has  much  to  tell  us. 

The  Scandinavian  peoples,  who  had  a  secret  dread  of  the  growing 
power  of  their  Muscovite  neighbour,  were  fond  of  employing  agents  to 
report  upon  the  country.  One  of  the  most  interesting  accounts  of  Russia 
under  the  tsar  Alexis  was  written  by  a  renegade  dial:,  or  secretary,  named 
Kotoshikhin,  who  entered  the  Swedish  service,  and  drew  up  his  information 
under  the  orders  of  the  Swedish  government.  This  document,  of  primary 
importance  for  Russian  history,  lay  unknown  in  the  archives  of  Stockholm 
till  it  was  discovered  about  fifty  years  ago  by  a  Russian  savant.  To  return, 
however,  to  Juel.  He  was  born  at  Viborg,  in  Denmark,  in  1GG4  of  a  dis- 
tinguished family.  After  some  time  spent  in  travel  he  entered  the  navy 
in  1684,  and  in  1G89  became  a  lieutenant.  We  do  not  hear  much  of  him 
from  that  time  till  his  journey  to  Russia.  After  his  return  he  was  made 
vice-admiral.  He  was  killed  in  a  battle  with  the  Swedes  at  Jasmund 
on  8  Aug.  1715.  In  his  report  of  the  battle  to  the  king  Admiral  Rabeii, 
who  was  in  command  on  that  occasion,  declared  that  his  majesty  had  in  Juel 
lost  one  of  his  best  officers.  The  narrative  is  not  in  Juel's  own  handwriting, 
but  in  that  of  his  secretary,  who  appsars  to  have  largely  added  to  it.  He 
has,  however,  here  and  there  made  corrections.  The  original  is  preserved 
in  the  Danish  state  archives. 

It  has  been  most  carefully  edited  by  Mr.  Grove,  who  has  furnished  it 
with  useful  notes  throughout ;  great  pains  have  bacn  taken  to  identify  the 
persons  alluded  to  by  Juel,  and  many  Russian  words  and  customs  are 
explained.  It  is  also  illustrated  with  some  very  good  engravings,  chieily 
copied  from  Professor  Briickner's  'Life  of  Peter  the  Great,'  which  has 
appeared  both  in  German  and  Russian. 

Juel  shows  himself  everywhere  to  be  a  most  observant  traveller ;  his 
descriptions  of  the  leading  persons  he  met  are  graphic,  and  his  remarks 
on  the  whole  are  singularly  accurate,  if  we  reflect  what  a  terra  incognita 
Russia  was  at  that  time  to  Western  Europe.  The  narrative  first  becomes 
interesting  when  the  envoy  reaches  Berlin,  where  he  finds  not  only  the  king 
of  Prussia,  Frederick  I,  but  Augustus  I  of  Poland  and  his  own  sovereign, 
Frederick  IV.  He  describes  the  festivities  there  and  a  French  comedy 
which  he  witnessed.  The  august  arrival  of  the  three  monarch s  had  been 
duly  announced  by  celestial  apparitions.  There  had  been  witnessed  at 
Potsdam  the  sun,  Saturn,  and  Venus  in  juxtaposition.  The  meeting  of  the 
kings  formed  the  subject  of  a  curious  allegorical  picture,  of  which  an 
engraving  is  given.  Of  Berlin  Juel  says  that  it  is  a  very  pretty  and  agree- 
able city,  very  clean,  and  resembling  a  Dutch  town.  He  was  as  fond  of  going 
to  sermons  as  Mr.  Pepys,  and  always  gives  us  his  opinion  of  the  divines. 
It  is  to  this  propensity  that  we  are  indebted  for  his  elaborate  accounts  of 
Orthodox  ceremonies  which  he  witnessed  while  in  Russia.  To  these 
however,  as  we  gather  from  the  preface,  large  additions  have  been  made 
by  the  secretary.  He  was  interested  in  the  languages  of  the  countries 
through  which  he  passed,  and  now  and  then  tells  us  some  curious  things. 
Thus  on  his  way  to  Danzig  he  stopped  at  a  place  called  Lupow,  where  he 
spent  the  night  in  a  comfortable  inn.     He  heard  a  sermon  in  the  parish 

VOL.    X. — NO.    XL.  3  F 


802  BEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

church,  but  tells  us  thaj  the  singing  was  in  the  Cassubish  language, 
although,  he  adds,  the  greater  part  of  the  common  people  understood 
German.  The  service,  in  fact,  seems  to  have  been  conducted  partly  in 
Cassubish  and  partly  in  German.  This  language  or  dialect — probably  the 
former — has  been  shrinking  in  its  area  for  a  considerable  time.  It  is  still 
spoken  by  some  10,000  people  near  Danzig,  chiefly  employed  as  fishermen. 
In  modern  times  it  has  reached  the  dignity  of  having  a  grammar  and  dic- 
tionary. At  Konigsberg  he  notices  the  curious  custom  that  on  one  Sunday 
a  Calvinist  preaches  and  on  the  next  a  Lutheran,  and  so  on  alternately. 
It  must  have  been  as  bewildering  for  the  audience  as  university  sermons. 

Just  about  the  time  when  he  was  entering  Eussia  he  heard  the  order  of 
the  tsar  'causing  his  subjects  to  cut  off  their  beards.  This  was  a  de- 
sperate attempt  to  europeanise  his  people,  as  Peter  thought.  If  a  man 
wished  to  preserve  the  appendage,  which  enjoyed  almost  sacred  honours 
in  Eussia,  he  must  pay  a  tax,  and  as  a  guarantee  of  the  privilege  a  medal 
was  struck  representing  a  bearded  head.  Some  of  these  coins  are  still 
preserved  in  Eussia. 

At  Narva  our  envoy  went  to  hear  a  Eussian  service,  and  gives  a  long 
and  accurate  account  of  it.  On  a  subsequent  page  his  remarks— or  those 
of  his  secretary — on  the  Easkolniks  are  quite  correct. 

It  is  noticeable  that  a  sect  of  schismatics  is  to  be  found  in  Eussia  called 
Koskolski  {sic)  ;  these  men  entirely  separate  themselves  from  the  other  Russians 
and  will  have  no  communication  with  them.  They  were  for  a  long  time  cruelly 
persecuted,  so  that  many  of  them  were  burnt  and  expelled ;  but  they  are  not 
persecuted  any  more.  Their  schism  mostly  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  neither 
eat  nor  drink  with  the  other  Russians,  and  consider  it  a  deadly  sin  to  cut  the 
hair  of  their  head  ot  their  beard.  They  cross  themselves  in  a  way  which  they 
say  has  been  handed  down  from  the  time  of  Christ,  which  he  himself  practised, 
and  likewise  the  patriarchs  in  the  Old  Testament  in  their  benedictions.  The 
other  Russians  cross  themselves  with  the  thumb,  the  fourth  finger,  and  the 
little  finger. 

Before  leaving  Narva  he  gives  us  a  description  of  the  country  seat  there 
of  Menshikov,  now  at  the  height  of  favour.  He  has  also  many  interesting 
remarks  on  Esthonia.  On  30  Nov.  1709  he  has  his  first  interview  with 
Peter  the  Great,  and  presents  his  credentials.  The  regenerator  of  Eussia 
is  thus  described  : — 

As  soon  as  I  had  paid  him  the  customary  compHments,  he  inquired  through 
an  interpreter  about  the  health  of  my  gracious  lord  and  king,  to  which  I  replied 
with  the  customary  thanks.  He  asked  further  if  I  had  previously  served  at  sea, 
to  which  I  answered  in  the  affirmative.  He  then  at  once  placed  himself  at  the 
table  and  ordered  me  to  sit  down  by  him.  After  this  he  continued  his  discourse 
without  an  interpreter,  for  he  could  speak  Dutch,  so  that  I  could  easily  under- 
stand him,  and  I  let  him  know  that  I  was  famihar  with  that  language.  He 
perfectly  understood  me  when  I  rephed  to  his  questions.  He  conversed  with  me 
as  famiharly  as  if  he  had  been  my  equal  and  had  known  me  many  years.  He 
then  drank  to  the  health  of  my  gracious  lord  and  king,  and  gave  me  with  his 
own  hand  a  glass  of  wine,  that  I  might  do  the  same. 

This  account  exactly  coincides  with  all  that  we  read  about  Peter,  who 
seemed  to  take  a  delight  in  breaking  through  the  rules  of  court  etiquette. 
Juel  thus  proceeds  to  describe  the  tsar :  *  He  is  a  very  tall  man,  wears  his 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  803 

own  hair,  which  is  short,  brown,  and  curly,  with  a  rather  large  pair  of 
moustaches  ;  of  careless  flress  and  appearance,  very  sharp-witted  and 
clever.'  On  11  Dec,  which  was  St.  Andrew's  Day,  and  therefore  the 
festival  of  the  saint  who  gave  his  name  to  the  order,  there  was  a  grand 
banquet.  The  tsar  showed  our  envoy  some  swords  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  Swedes  at  the  battle  of  Poltava.  Unfortunately  on  this  occasion 
we  are  told  that  the  patriarch  Zotov  got  very  drunk.  There  are,  indeed, 
a  good  many  of  these  bouts  recorded.  We  have  the  story  of  one  at  Tver, 
at  which  ladies  were  present,  for  Peter  had  broken  through  the  oriental 
seclusion  of  the  Russian  women,  and  the  wife  of  the  host  offered  Juel 
a  glass  of  brandy.  Later  on  our  author  describes  the  terrible  convul- 
sions to  which  Peter  was  subject  at  intervals.  They  are  supposed 
to  have  been  caused  by  attempts  to  poison  him.  The  mention  of  the 
origin  of  the  empress  Catherine  leads  Mr.  Grove  to  furnish  us  with  a 
valuable  note  which  shows  us  how  carefully  the  book  is  edited.  Of 
course  the  lowliness  of  her  family  was  an  open  secret,  and  during  Peter's 
reign  none  of  the  Skavrcnskis,  as  their  name  was,  were  admitted  to 
court  or  in  St.  Petersburg ;  but  we  find  that  after  the  tsar's  death  they 
were  ennobled  and  married  to  members  of  wealthy  families.  Other 
ladies  of  the  tsar's  family  with  whose  names  we  meet  are  Peter's  sister 
Natalia  and  Prascovia,  the  widow  of  his  elder  brother  Ivan,  who  died 
in  1696. 

Juel  has  much  to  tell  us  about  Menshikov,  with  whom  he  was  familiar. 
The  favourite  introduced  our  envoy  to  his  wife,  the  unhappy  woman  who 
was  destined  to  die  of  grief  on  her  journey  to  Siberia.  His  account  of 
the  rise  of  Menshikov  agrees  with  what  we  are  generally  told  of  him. 
He  was  a  comely  youth  who  sold  j^jywgcr,  as  our  author  calls  them 
(Russ.  inrogi),  or  little  meat  pies,  about  the  streets  of  Moscow ;  to  this 
day  it  is  a  favourite  itinerant  trade.  He  attracted  the  attention  of  Peter 
by  his  smartness,  as  the  Americans  would  say,  and  was  made  his  page. 
We  can  see  how  thoroughly  this  story  was  believed  in  Russia  during 
Menshikov's  lifetime.  Juel  gives  us  some  curious  descriptions  of  the 
Moscow  of  his  day  ;  the  account  of  the  sloboda  is  particularly  good.  This 
was  that  part  of  the  city  in  wliich  foreigners  resided  who  did  not  keep  the 
regular  Russian  fasts  and  follow  other  Slavonic  usages.  He  argues  with 
considerable  learning  upon  the  derivation  of  the  word  '  tsar.'  Certainly  his 
philology  is  most  respectable  for  his  day,  a  time,  we  must  remember,  in 
which  very  grotesque  notions  prevailed  about  the  derivation  of  words. 
He — or  perhaps  his  secretary,  who  has  largely  interpolated — has  a  pretty 
clear  idea  of  what  languages  belong  to  the  Slavonic  family,  but  makes  the 
mistake  of  including  Hungarian  among  them.  Even  the  tendency  of  the 
Russian  language  to  insert  additional  vowels  in  some  of  the  Slavonic 
words  is  noticed — e.g.  grad,  town,  Russ.  gorod,  called  by  modern  scholars 
jjolnoglasie.  In  fact  throughout  the  diary  we  are  struck  by  the  accuracy 
with  which  he  reproduces  Slavonic  names  and  sounds.  But  perhaps 
much  of  this  is  owing  to  the  judicious  secretary  of  the  envoy.  Juel's 
literary  curiosity,  always  on  the  alert,  leads  him  to  go  and  see  the  new 
Russian  type,  which  had  been  founded  by  order  of  Peter  the  Great ; 
some  of  the  letters  of  the  old  CyrilHc  alphabet  had  been  modified  by  the 
tsar  himself,  who  wished   to  adapt  them  better  to  printing.    He  also 

3  F  2 


804  REVIEWS   OE  BOOKS  :Ocfc; 

desired  to  get  rid  of  one  or  Iwo  superfluous  letters.     Afterwards  the  secre- 
tary gives  us  specimens  of  the  Kussian  cursive  alphahet. 

But  it  is  not  only  literature  and  literary  efforts  which  he  chronicles; 
he  is  witness  also  of  the  rollicking  and  frequently  less  creditable  side  of 
the  tsar.  At  one  time  he  tells  us  of  his  dancing,  at  another  of  his 
terrible  drinking  bouts.  But,  after  all,  these  were,  if  we  may  use  the 
phrase,  but  mere  parentheses  in  a  very  active  hfe,  however  much  they 
are  to  be  regretted.  Russian  writers  are  correct  in  saying  that  if  Peter 
had  been  merely  a  drunkard  he  could  not  have  found  time  to  leave  be- 
hind him  such  splendid  monuments  of  his  reign.  There  are,  indeed, 
plenty  of  stories  of  feastings  in  the  book,  and  we  are  constantly  reminded 
of  George  -Turberville,  who  was  secretary  to  the  embassy  in  Russia  in  the 
days  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  said  of  the  Russians  of  his  time— 

Drink  is  their  sole  desire,  the  pot  is  all  their  pride ; 

The  soberest  head  doth  once  a  day  stand  needful  of  a  guide. 

Among  other  places  visited  by  our  author  was  Kiev,  and  when  there 
he  did  not  fail  to  go  to  the  catacombs.  Of  these  he  gives  an  elaborate 
description.  While  he  was  in  those  regions  they  seem  to  have  been 
visited  with  a  terrible  plague  of  locusts.  Our  author  was  in  South 
Russia  during  Peter's  unfortunate  campaign  against  the  Turks,  which 
led,  as  is  well  known,  to  the  abandonment  of  Azov,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Don,  w^hich  he  had  greatly  valued  as  opening  up  communication  w^ith 
the  Black  Sea.  On  this  occasion,  when  surrounded  by  the  Turks  on 
the  banks  of  the  Pruth,  he  is  said  to  have  been  extricated  from  his 
embarrassing  position  by  the  ingenuity  of  Catherine.  Undoubtedly 
bribery  played  a  great  part  on  this  occasion,  and  the  vizier  was  induced 
to  abandon  his  advantages ;  but  here,  as  elsewhere,  when  we  get  to  the 
contemporary  accounts  we  find  nothing  to  justify  the  story  that  Peter 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  senate  declaring  that  they  w^ere  not  to  consider 
themselves  bound  by  anything  which  he  might  sign,  but  w^re  to  regard 
him  merely  as  a  person  in  duress.  In  the  diary  there  is  a  good  plan  of 
the  relative  position  of  the  armies  on  the  Pruth.  In  October  1711  Juel 
begins  to  quit  the  country.  The  backward  route  of  our  author  lies 
through  Poland,  and  gives  him  opportunities  of  describing  Warsaw, 
Lemberg,  Danzig,  and  Oliva  and  its  celebrated  monastery,  in  which  the 
treaty  was  signed  between  the  Poles  and  Swedes  in  1660.  Of  Warsaw 
he  says  that  it  w^as  a  very  handsome  city,  consisting  of  houses  some 
of  which  were  five  or  six  stories  high.  He  describes  the  statue  of 
Sigismund  III,  which  still  stands  in  the  ancient  capital.  There  is 
also  a  good  account  of  Thorn.  If  Juel  does  not  contribute  any  new 
historical  facts,  he  has  given  us  a  vigorous  representation  of  court 
life  in  the  reign  of  Peter.  We  see  the  tsar  himself,  his  wife  and  other 
female  relatives,  and  the  chief  families  and  officials.  We  also  have  a 
full  description  of  the  marriage  of  Anne,  Peter's  niece,  who  w^as  after- 
wards empress,  with  the  duke  of  Courland.  He  seems  to  have  pidted  up 
all  the  information  which  he  could  obtain.  He  was  at  the  burial  of  an 
officer  of  the  Preobrazhenski  regiment,  and  takes  the  opportunity  to  give 
us  a  long  account  of  Russian  funeral  ceremonies  ;  on  another  occasion  we 
find  him  at  the  baptism  of  one  of  the  children  of  Menshikov.     Certainly 


1B95  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  805 

at  the  battle  of  Jasmund  the  kmg  of  Denmark  lo£t  not  only  a  valiant 
captain  but  an  exceedingly  intelligent  and  honest  man  and  a  devoted 
subject.  W.  K.  McBFiLL. 


Gcschichte  des  letzten  Minlsteriums  Konigin  Annas  vcn  England  (1710- 
1714)  und  der  englischen  Thronfolgefrage.  Von  Dr.  Felix  Salomon. 
(Gotha :  F.  A.  Perthes.     1894.) 

Pending  an  opportunity,  such  as  I  have  long  been  looking  forward  to,  of 
attempting  yet  one  more  connected  survey  of  the  transactions  dealt  with 
in  this  volume,  I  must  content  myself  with  recommending  it  to  the  attention 
of  students  of  an  epoch  rightly  described  by  Dr.  Salomon  as  unique  in 
political  history.  His  purpose  was  not  to  write  over  again  the  history  of 
the  peace  of  Utrecht,  nor  to  trace  through  their  gradual  development  the 
whole  of  the  processes  which  led  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  Hanoverian 
succession  and  to  the  downfall  of  the  hopes  of  the  house  of  Stuart.  He 
rather  set  himself  the  special  task  of  delineating  the  relations  between  the 
two  questions  of  the  succession  and  the  peace,  and  of  defining  the  influ- 
ence which  the  progress  of  the  one  exercised  upon  that  of  the  other.  If 
the  results  achieved  by  his  signally  acute  as  well  as  careful  treatment  of 
this  theme  may  not  seem  altogether  commensurate  with  the  labour  that 
must  have  been  expended  upon  reaching  them,  the  remark  seems  per- 
missible that,  while  many  valuable  rectifications  have  been  effected  by 
the  way  in  the  course  of  this  inquiry,  it  could  hardly,  from  the  nature  of 
the  case,  have  led  to  results  of  more  than  approximate  conclusiveness. 
For  who  expects  that  documentary  evidence  will  be  discovered  by  the 
most  conscientious  search,  whether  in  the  Paris  archives  or  even  amoDg 
the  Longleat  papers,  to  which  Dr.  Salomon  was  refused  access,  of  a 
nature  to  expose  before  our  eyes  clearly  the  whole  minds  of  Oxford 
and  Bolingbroke  at  the  most  important  of  the  successive  stages  in  the 
complicated  proceedings  discussed  in  this  volume?  Not  the  less  is  a 
sustained  endeavour  to  construct  a  consistent  chain  of  probabilities — 
often  so  strong  as  to  be  practically  irresistible — a  legitimate  undertaking 
for  an  historical  scholar  who,  like  Dr.  Salomon,  while  sparing  no  pains  in 
the  collection  of  materials,  shows  so  much  discretion  in  their  use.  Of  the 
documents  first  printed  by  him  none  throws  any  absolutely  new  light 
upon  the  transactions  discussed  ;  on  the  other  hand,  even  where,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Gaultier  correspondence,  he  has  made  use  of  materials  already 
printed,  the  data  presented  by  him  range  themselves  under  his  marshal- 
ling with  remarkable  inferential  force. 

Perhaps  at  the  same  time  a  doubt  may  be  hinted  whether  the  first  pro- 
position (so  to  speak)  in  his  ctacna  is  not  a  little  over-elaborated.  He 
wishes  to  show  that  the  system  of  government  which  Oxford  to  the  last 
kept  in  view,  and  which  broke  down  when  in  the  end  he  succumbed  to 
Bolingbroke  as  the  champion  of  a  strong,  united,  and  militant  toryism, 
was  *that  of  an  administration  which  should  stand  above  party  and 
therefore  include  both  whig  and  tory  elements.  But  though  it  is  quite 
true  that  St.  John  shared  Harley's  dismissal  in  1708,  and  was  (at  first 
rather  hesitatingly)  brought  back  by  him  to  power  in  1710,  is  it  warranted 
to  represent  Harley  as  during  the  interval  practically  at  the  head  of  ai 


806  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

species  of  '  third  party,'  ii«ludiiig  not  only  St.  John  and  Harcourt,  but 
Atterbury  and  Bromley,  and  from  the  other  side  Peterborough  and  the 
great  dukes  of  Shrewsbury,  Somerset,  and  Argyle?     Undoubtedly  the 
current  view,  which  credits  Harley  with  the  simple  scheme  of  turning  out 
the  whigs  and  substituting  the  tories,  requires  very  considerable  modifica- 
tion, and  ignores  the  fact  that  in  the  first  four  years  of  Queen  Anne 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough  had  not  been  party  ministers.      But  that 
Harley's  *  system,'  as  understood  by  himself  and  by  those  with  whom  he 
acted,  meant  much  more  than  a  cautious  undoing  of  the  work  of  the 
junta  is  an  assumption  to  which  I  should  hesitate  to  assent.     By  the 
way,  is  there  not  a  trace  of  confusion  on  p.  34,  where  Harley  is  said  by 
placing  Anglesey  and  Paulet  in  the  privy  council,  from  which  Sunderland 
and  Godolphin  had  been  excluded,  to  have  secured  a  majority  for  his 
'  group '  ?     Is  he  really  referring  to  the  privy  council,  from   which,   of 
course,  Sunderland  and  Godolphin  had  been  by  no  means  excluded,  but  to 
which  they  would  not  as  a  matter  of  practice  be  summoned,  or  to  the 
cabinet  council,  the  real  arena  of  ministerial   discussion  ?    Nothing,   I 
may  observe,  could  form  a  more  instructive  contribution  to  the  settlement 
of  the  much-vexed  question  of  the  cabinet  council  under  Queen  Anne 
than  the  report  of  the  due  d'Aumont  printed  in  one  of  the  appendices  to 
this  volume.     But  although,  as  is  there  stated,  it  was  customary  for  the 
members  of  the  cabinet,  in  meetings  held  at  the  office  of  one  of  the 
secretaries   of  state,  from  which  she  as  a  matter  of  course  remained 
absent,  to  prepare  the  business  to  be  laid  before  the  queen  at  the  Monday 
cabinet,  it  does  not  follow  that  she  voted  at  the  cabinet  meetings  them- 
selves, as  (unless  it  be  a  mere  fagon  de  parler)  Dr.  Salomon's  phrase, 
p.  284,  seems  to  imply. 

This  narrative  puts  very  effectively  the  difficulties  that  beset  the  task 
of  concluding  peace  imposed  upon  Harley  on  his  return  to  power  in  1710, 
both  by  his  own  dispassionate  judgment  and  by  his  sensitiveness  to  the 
current  of  public  opinion.  Not  the  least  of  these  difficulties  lay  in  the 
fact  that  the  tories  rather  than  the  whigs  were  primarily  responsible  for 
the  pronouncement  that  England  would  not  consent  to  leaving  any  paH 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy  in  the  possession  of  the  house  of  Bourbon. 
Another  difficulty  was  the  political  impotence  (for  such  it  virtually  was) 
of  the  great  general  whom  pubhc  opinion  identified  with  the  continuance 
of  the  war.  Dr.  Salomon's  relation  illustrates  very  strikingly  the  lack  of 
self-directed  will  which  in  these  eventful  years  caused  Marlborough  to 
drift  towards  the  not  very  noble  ending  of  his  great  career.  But  though 
there  is  reason  for  believing  that  he  was  ultimately  distrusted  by  the 
house  of  Hanover  and  its  friends,  as  he  had  been  in  turn  by  every  political 
party,  this  distrust  must  have  been  provoked  by  documents  (whether 
originally  obtained  through  Bolingbroke  or  otherwise)  more  heinous 
than  the  rather  vapouring  letters  to  Berwick  printed  by  Dr.  Salomon  in 
his  appendix,  which,  if  I  understand  his  note  to  p.  241  rightly,  he  supposes 
the  French  government  to  have  retained  in  order  to  use  them,  should 
occasion  serve,  as  evidence  against  the  great  adversary  of  their  country. 

A  candid  review  of  the  endeavours  of  Oxford,  with  which  those  of 
Bolingbroke  up  to  a  certain  point  coincided,  in  respect  of  the  mutually 
connected  problems  of  the  peace  and  the  succession,  is  more  flattering  to 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  807 

the  ingenuity  than  to  what  may  be  called  the  higher  imaginative  power 
of  one  if  not  both  of  these  statesmen.  Such  a  power,  indeed,  presupposes 
a  generosity  of  spirit  incompatible  either  with  the  narrow-mindedness  that 
makes  itself  perceptible  through  all  the  Uterary  culture  of  Oxford,  or  with 
the  intense  selfishness  that  vitiated  the  genius  of  BoHngbroke.  Perhaps, 
too,  it  would  have  ill  agreed  with  the  *  philosophy '  (to  borrow  an  expres- 
sion used,  if  I  remember  right,  by  Torcy)  of  not  looking  beyond  the  morrow, 
which  is  the  lasting  inheritance  of  parliamentary  statesmanship.  In  any 
case  'the  greatest  disappointment,'  as,  following  Weber,  Dr.  Salomon 
terms  it,  which  befell  the  ministers  during  the  peace  negotiations  was  the 
news  that  King  Philip  of  Spain  had,  contrary  to  their  expectations,  put 
an  end  to  their  elaborate  plan  of  exchange,  which  would  have  satisfied 
everybody,  including  the  hungry  house  of  Savoy,  by  preferring  his  Spanish 
to  a  chance  of  the  French  inheritance.  Oxford,  believing  implicitly  in 
Torcy's  assurances  as  to  Philip's  inclinations,  had  been  unable  to  imagine 
more  than  one  solution— the  solution  which  he  wished — and  th«  result 
was  the  most  blameworthy  feature  of  the  peace,  viz.  the  acceptance  by 
England  of  a  renunciation  that  was  no  renunciation,  in  a  trustful  spirit 
of  waiting  upon  Providence  which  sits  ill  upon  diplomacy. 

And  in  the  matter  of  the  succession  what  was  it  but  a  deplorable  want 
of  imagination  which  led  Oxford,  and  Bolingbroke  with  and  after  him, 
to  trust  to  a  change  of  religion  on  the  part  of  the  Pretender '?  Could 
they  not  rise  to  the  conviction  that,  whatever  happened,  this  would  be  im- 
possible to  the  son  of  James  II  and  of  Mary  of  Modena  ?  Dr.  Salomon 
has  furnished  extracts  of  unprecedented  completeness  from  the  Pretender's 
correspondence  in  the  French  archives  of  foreign  afiairs,  which  prove 
more  amply  than  ever  his  absolute  consistency  on  this  subject — and,  it 
may  be  added,  on  the  whole  do  credit  to  the  head  as  well  as  the  heart  of 
the  unfortunate  prince.  But  what  were  the  hesitating  calculations  of 
Oxford  and  what  was  the  very  logical  scheme  of  Bolingbroke  worth,  if 
the  prirce  remained  true  to  his  standard  of  right  ?  Oxford  sooner,  and 
later  Bolingbroke,  although  he  had  from  the  first  declared  that  in  all 
protestant  England  there  would  not  be  a  handful  of  men  unprejudiced 
enough  to  be  willing,  like  himself,  to  accept  a  catholic  king,  concluded 
that  they  were  worth  nothing  at  all.  Bolingbroke  fell  back  upon  his 
endeavours  to  strengthen  and  unite  the  tory  party,  leaving  the  question 
of  the  succession  to  take  care  of  itself;  and,  as  Dr.  Salomon  says,  the 
dramatic  interest  of  the  last  few  days  of  Queen  Anne's  life  is  in  sober  truth 
lictitious. 

I  trust  to  meet  Dr.  Salomon  again  in  a  field  where  his  researches  have 
already  proved  of  incontestable  value  ;  and  I  have,  therefore,  a,bstajjied 
from  any  reference  to  the  very  interesting  passages  in  this  volume 
referring  to  the  attitude  of  the  house  of  Hanover,  and  of  the  elector  George 
Lewis  in  particular,  to  the  succession  question  and  to  the  course  of 
English  politics  in  the  last  years  of  Queen  Anne's  reign.  By  the  way, 
the  'bishopric'  of  Westminster  on  p.  217  should  be  the  deanery;  and 
the  misprint  of  '  confirmity  '  for  '  conformity '  has  not  been  corrected 
throughout.  English  historians  are  responsible  for  the  misleading 
practice  of  citing  the  bill  against  occasional  conformity  as  the  '  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill.'  A.  W.  Wakd. 


808  llEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

Gustaxus  III  and  his  ^ontcmjyorarics,  1740-1792.  From  Original 
Documents.  By  K.  Nisbet  Bain.  2  vols.  (London  :  Kegan  Paul, 
Trench,  Trubner,  &  Co.     1894.) 

Except  during  the  dreary  interval  between  the  death  of  Charles  XII  and 
the  accession  of  Gustavus  III,  all  the  Swedish  sovereigns  of  the  house  of 
Vasa  have  possessed  the  quality  of  interest.  There  is  not  one  whom  a 
partial  biographer  might  not  conceivably  select  as  the  principal  figure  of 
a  narrative.  The  life  of  Gustavus  III  is  not  only  a  subject  upon  which  it 
is  difficult  to  be  dull,  but  it  is  one  which  a  dull  man  would  hardly  think 
of  attempting.  Mr.  Bain  but  justifies  expectation  by  an  exceedingly 
attractive  book,  a  book  without  an  uninteresting  page. 

Another  circumstance  which  may  be  foretold  with  some  confidence, 
when  we  have  to  deal  with  the  biography  of  a  prince  of  the  house  of  Vasa, 
is  a  certain  amount  of  partisanship.  There  is  no  resisting  the  spell  of 
these  exceptional  natures.  Even  Voltaire  was  much  more  favourable  to 
Charles  XII  than  he  should  have  been,  and  missed  an  opportunity  which 
one  would  have  deemed  irresistible  to  a  philosophic  historian.  Mr.  Bain, 
who  does  not  write  from  such  a  point  of  view,  inevitably  magnifies  the 
character  of  his  hero  by  the  spirit  with  which  he  details  an  interminable 
series  of  extraordinary  actions.  It  was  the  destiny  of  Gustavus  to  be 
always  attempting  something  exceptional.  He  began  with  an  extra- 
ordinary coiq)  cVctat,  which,  in  an  age  of  liberal  principles,  made  him  the 
absolute  master  of  his  dominions.  Everything  that  happened  to  him 
afterwards,  if  not  always  fortunate  or  edifying,  is  at  least  striking.  His 
chivalrous  contest  with  Russia,  the  knight-errantry  with  which  he  took 
up  the  cause  of  the  French  monarchy,  his  contests  with  his  nobility,  his 
travels,  the  intrigues  and  scandals  of  his  court,  his  tragic  death,  were  all 
episodes  of  an  exceptional  nature.  The  historian  who  enters  sufficiently 
into  them  to  depict  them  with  the  animation  evinced  by  Mr.  Bain  cannot 
resist  the  fascination  of  the  hero  of  so  many  adventures.  He  puts  him 
of  necessity  on  a  high  pedestal,  and  it  remains  for  a  colder  criticism  to 
point  out  that  after  all  the  *  shining '  Gustavus,  unlike  the  great  sove- 
reigns of  his  house  up  to  and  including  Charles  XI,  did  not  succeed  in 
establishing  anything  permanent,  and,  except  for  his  financial  and  judicial 
reforms,  left  his  kingdom  much  as  he  had  found  it.  He  may  be  compared 
with  Charles  XII,  even  though  his  hvely  and  cultivated  intellect  made 
excursions  on  all  sides,  while  Charles  cared  for  nothing  but  war.  Had  he 
really  been  a  sovereign  of  the  first  class,  he  would  have  either  subjugated 
or  concihated  his  refractory  nobility.  He  never  thoroughly  overawed  his 
opponents,  or  got  himself  fully  accepted  by  his  friends.  Part  of  this 
may  have  been  owing  to  his  taste  for  dramatic  amusements  and  other 
recreations,  carried  too  far  for  the  dignity  of  a  monarch,  but  never 
preventing  his  displaying  the  accomplishments  of  a  warrior  when  the 
exigencies  of  the  state  required.  He  might  not  be  inaptly  compared  to 
the  emperor  Gallienus,  except  that  he  was  free  from  the  imputation  of 
cruelty,  and  that  none  would  have  said  of  him  that  '  he  possessed  all  arts 
except  the  art  of  reigning,'  for  if  not  always  a  sagacious  he  was  still  not 
an  inconsiderable  statesman. 

Mr.  Bain  is  a  connoisseur  of  Swedish  Hterature  at  first  hand,  and  his 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  809 

preface  sliows  that  he  has  had  recourse  to  every  available  authority.  He 
has  no  new  views  respecting  Gustavus  to  propound,  and  his  abstinence 
from  paradoxical  novelties  is  a  proof  of  his  good  sense.  A  substantial 
unanimity  now  prevails  among  historians  respecting  the  character  as  well 
as  the  actions  of  Gustavus  ;  the  differences  still  existing  are  rather  of 
degree  than  of  kind.  Mr.  Bain  paints  his  hero  in  hues  of  richness  and 
warmth,  and,  generally  speaking,  discerns  him  in  a  fairer  light  than  the 
majority  of  biographers  have  found  possible.  This  attitude  is  entirely 
favourable  to  his  history  from  a  literary  point  of  view,  greatly  conducing  to 
its  prevalent  spirit  and  animation  ;  and  we  are  not  disinclined  to  admit 
its  correctness.  That  there  was  something  histrionic  about  the  character 
of  Gustavus  must  be  admitted,  but  he  was  after  all  no  such  thorough 
actor  as  Napoleon ;  and  what  might  appear  an  unreasonable  devotion  to 
literature  was  shared  by  the  two  greatest  sovereigns  of  his  day,  Frederick 
and  Catherine.  If  on  some  occasions,  such  as  his  visit  to  Italy,  he 
appeared  to  little  advantage,  these  ought  not  to  obscure  his  heroic  bearing 
in  such  supreme  crises  as  his  coup  cVctat,  the  battle  of  Svensksund,  and 
his  lingering  death  from  the  bullets  and  rusty  nails  of  Ankarstrom.  The 
greatest  reproach  to  his  memory,  perhaps,  is  his  inability  either  to  extir- 
pate or  to  appease  the  spirit  of  aristocratic  faction,  which  so  nearly  proved 
the  ruin  of  Sweden,  as  it  had  proved  the  ruin  of  Poland.  Mr.  Bain's 
view  of  the  leading  events  and  the  leading  men  of  Sweden  appears  to  us 
entirely  correct.  Differences  of  opinion  on  minor  points  may  easily  exist ; 
we  may  not,  for  example,  feel  so  entirely  satisfied  of  the  legitimacy  of 
Gustavus  IV  as  he  appears  to  be.  The  extinction,  however,  of  the 
male  descent  of  the  house  of  Vasa  has  deprived  the  question  of  practical 
importance.  Mr.  Bain's  style  is  lively  and  terse,  and  his  book  is  through- 
out most  readable.  He  not  only  succeeds  with  such  dramatic  episodes  as 
Gustavus's  death,  but  imparts  a  lively  interest  to  such  less  promising 
themes  as  his  financial  reforms.  His  chief  fault  as  a  -writer  is  one  easily 
cured — indulgence  in  colloquial  expressions  below  the  dignity  of  history. 
One  interesting  and  unexpected  feature  in  Mr.  Bain's  work  is  his  appendix 
on  the  literature  of  the  period,  an  appropriate  addendum,  since  Gustavus 
occupies  a  high  rank  among  royal  patrons  of  letters,  not  merely  through 
his  munificence  to  authors  and  his  cordial  fellow  feeUng  with  them,  but 
through  the  catholicity  with  which  he  encouraged  and  rewarded  merit, 
even  when  not  in  accordance  with  his  individual  taste. 

1\.  Gaii>tett. 

Memoh-cs  da  General  Baron  ThichauU.   Ill:  1709-180G.    IV:  1608  1813. 
(Paris:  Librairie  Plon.      1894-5.) 

The  third,  like  the  preceding  volumes  of  Thiebault's  Memoirs,  is  a 
curious  medley.  Among  tedious  narratives  of  personal  adventures  and 
descriptions  of  personal  sentiments,  and  a  prodigious  number  of  queer 
uncertified  anecdotes,  are  to  be  found  some  mihtary  criticisms,  some 
expressions  of  political  opinion,  and  some  trustworthy  records  of  incidents 
witliin  the  writer's  direct  knowledge,  which  have  an  appreciable  value 
for  the  patient  historian.  Although  Thiebault  did  not  take  part  ill  the 
actual  fighting  against  Suvarov  in  1799,  his  remarks  on  the  Russian 
army  of  that  time  are  probably  based  on  the  experience  of  his  comrades. 


810  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

He  was  secretary  to  MasscAa  during  the  celebrated  siege  of  Genoa,  but 
he  does  not  describe  it  in  this  volume,  having  already  made  it  the  subject 
of  a  separate  monograph.  He  served  in  the  auxiliary  force  which  the 
first  consul  sent  in  1801  to  assist  the  Spaniards  against  the  Portuguese, 
but  he  has  little  to  say  about  the  expedition  itself,  although  he  draws  a 
minute  and  unflattering  portrait  of  his  commander-in-chief,  General 
Leclerc,  husband  of  Pauline  Bonaparte.  He  served  again  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1805,  but  it  was  not  until  the  battle  of  Austerlitz  that  he  was 
really  in  the  thick  of  the  conflict  :  at  Austerlitz  he  was  badly  wounded 
after  doing  the  most  brilliant  service  which,  thanks  to  the  jealousy  of 
Soult,  never  obtained  due  recognition  ;  at  least,  this  is  Thicbault's  version 
of  the  matter.  Every  student  of  military  history  knows  how  hopeless  it 
is  to  determine  on  such  occasions  the  relative  merits  of  different  corps 
and  of  different  commanders. 

Did  we  repose  implicit  failh  in  Thicbault's  gossip,  we  should  be 
forced  to  conclude  that  at  the  establishment  of  the  consulate  whatever 
chivalric  ardour  may  once  have  inspired  the  generals  of  the  republic  had 
almost  wholly  disappeared,  leaving  behind  little  save  rancour  and  unprin- 
cipled rivalry.  But,  since  Thiebault  was  himself  somewhat  soured,  we  may 
abate  something  from  these  stories.  Putting  Bonaparte  out  of  the  question, 
he  assigns  the  first  place  as  commanders  to  Moreau  and  Massena.  The 
passage  in  which  he  contrasts  their  respective  qualifications  is  one  of  the 
best  in  the  third  volume  (pp.  260,  2G1).  On  his  own  showing,  Moreau,  if 
a  profound  and  cautious  strategist,  was  a  boyish  and  impulsive  politician 
who  could  not  refrain  from  venting  his  rage  against  the  first  consul  even 
in  the  presence  of  an  utter  stranger  (p.  335).  Thicbault's  political  senti- 
ments w^re  probably  shared  by  the  bulk  of  the  army,  or  at  least  of  the 
officers.  He  was  a  republican  and  a  freethinker.  He  disliked  the  recon- 
ciliation with  Eome.  He  states  as  his  personal  belief  that  France,  but 
for  Bonaparte's  interference,  was  on  the  way  to  become  protestant.  This 
belief  finds  some  support  in  statements  made  by  contemporaries,  but  it  is 
hard  to  believe  that  either  Thiebault  or  they  knew  much  about  the  French 
peasant  or  realised  the  power  of  tradition  over  the  main  body  of  the 
people.  Thiebault  also  condemned  Bonaparte's  assumption  of  supreme 
power  ;  but  a  firm  repugnance  for  political  conspiracy,  the  sense  of 
military  discipline,  and  the  wonderful  fascination  of  the  man  whom  he 
neither  loved  nor  trusted  carried  him  along  with  his  comrades.  It  is 
true  that  even  as  early  as  180(3  there  were  a  few  Frenchmen,  like  the 
M.  Morin  mentioned  here  (p.  5-11),  who  saw  clearly  the  unsoundness  of 
the  Napoleonic  system.  But  Thiebault  owns  that  he  himself  had  no 
such  gift  of  prophecy. 

For  those  who  concern  themselves  mth  the.  history  of  the  French 
possessions  in  the  West  Indies  Thicbault's  account  of  M.  Chenais,  the 
father  of  his  second  wife,  affords  some  curious  particulars.  M.  Chenais 
had  been  one  of  the  greatest  planters  of  St.  Domingo.  Thiebault  assures 
us  that  he  had  at  one  time  enjoyed  an  income  equal  to  31,000/.  of  English 
money,  and  that  the  commerce  of  France  with  the  West  Indies  before  the 
Eevolution  amounted  to  700,000,000  francs  a  year. 

The  historical  interest  of  the  fourth  volume  begins  with  Thiebault's 
appointment  as  chief  of  the  staff  to  Junot  on  the  occasion  of  the  invasion 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  811 

of  Portugal.  He  spent  almost  the  whole  of  the  following  six  years  in 
the  Peninsula,  usually  in  important  posts  and  not  far  from  the  chief 
theatre  of  the  war.  Here  again  his  evidence  must  be  received  with 
caution,  for  his  personal  animosities,  his  self-complacency,  and  still  more 
his  national  vanity  colour  every  page  of  his  narrative.  Any  disaster  which 
befell  the  French  was  due  either  to  inferiority  of  numbers  or  to  the  follies  or 
dissensions  of  their  chiefs,  never  to  the  merit  of  the  adversaries,  least  of 
all  to  the  merit  of  Wellington,  whom  quelques  niais  have  mistaken  for 
a  great  man.  Thus  he  avers  that  at  Vimeiro  the  French  were  only  9,200 
strong,  whilst  Napier  quotes  a  French  order  of  battle  showing  that  they 
numbered  14,000.  Even  so  the  English  would  have  been  outflanked, 
and  probably  destroyed,  but  for  an  inconceivable  blunder  of  Junot. 
More  confidence  may  be  placed  in  his  account  of  those  internal  vices 
which  undermined  the  military  power  of  France  and  which  were  most 
fully  exhibited  in  the  Peninsular  war.  Here  Thiebault  merely  confirms 
and  illustrates  what  has  been  told  by  many  other  writers.  Were  it  not 
so  we  could  hardly  credit  his  description  of  the  French  chiefs,  of  their 
boundless  self-indulgence,  their  insatiable  greed  of  spoil,  and  their  frantic 
rage  for  precedence.  Thiebault  piqued  himself,  perhaps  justly,  upon  his 
zeal  for  the  service  and  his  consideration  for  the  vanquished.  As 
governor  of  Old  Castile  he  won,  he  assures  us,  the  esteem  and  gratitude 
of  all  conditions  of  men.  Yet  he  relates  with  perfect  simplicity  and  in- 
tarissahles  regrets  a  lost  chance  of  making  an  immense  fortune  out  of  an 
infamous  operation  on  Portuguese  paper  money.  What,  then,  must  have 
been  the  generals  whom  he  considered  unscrupulous  ? 

F.  C.  Montague. 

Essays  in  American  History.  By  Henry  Ferguson,  M.A.,  Northern 
Professor  of  History  and  Political  Science  in  Trinity  College,  Hartford. 
(New  York  :  James  Pott  &  Co.     1894.) 

These  essays  belong  to  the  same  school  of  American  history  as  the  books 
of  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams,  which  I  not  long  ago  noticed  in  this  Review.  Mr. 
Ferguson  and  Mr.  Adams  have  taken  up,  with  fuller  knowledge  and  far  more 
of  scholarly  moderation,  the  work  attempted  a  generation  ago  by  Mr. 
Oliver  in  the  '  Puritan  Commonwealth.'  All  these  represent  a  reaction 
against  that  sacred  legend  of  New  England  history  embodied  in  the 
writings  of  Mr.  Bancroft  and  Mr.  Palfrey.  Mr.  Ferguson,  however,  does 
not  steer  exactly  the  same  course  as  Mr.  Adams.  The  latter  contended 
most  emphatically  for  the  view  that  sympathy  of  any  kind  was  out  of 
place  in  an  historian  :  the  ideal  writer  of  history,  according  to  him,  strips 
himself  of  all  enthusiasm.  Convictions,  whether  political,  patriotic,  or 
religious,  are  a  hindrance  and  a  temptation  to  him.  Mr.  Ferguson,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  not  merely  an  iconoclast,  but  also  a  rehabilitator.  Such 
at  least  he  shows  himself  in  two  of  his  essays.  The  first,  and  I  venture  to 
think  the  most  satisfactory,  of  his  essays  is  on  the  '■  Quakers  in  New 
England.'  Mr.  Ferguson  here  points  out  very  forcibly  how  the  struggle 
of  puritan  against  churchman  was  a  struggle  not  for  toleration,  but 
for  ascendency.  There  is  no  great  originality  in  that  view  for  a 
generation  which  is  outgrowing  the  teaching,  shallow  in  this  matter, 
of  Hallam  and  Macaulay.    But  Mr.  Ferguson  states  the  case  tersely  and 


812  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

effectively,  and  he  shows^how  puritan  intolerance,  latent  and  seminal 
in  England,  became  a  full-blown  plant  in  its  new  home.  He  points 
out  too  very  clearly  and  with  much  force  that  many  of  those  outrages 
on  decency  which  New  England  historians  have  pleaded  as  an  excuse  for 
the  maltreatment  of  the  Quakers  really  followed  that  maltreatment. 
The  second  essay,  on  '  Salem  Witchcraft,'  deals  with  a  subject  so  trite  that 
there  is  little  room  for  novelty.  But  no  part  of  the  book  better  illustrates 
the  writer's  moderation  of  tone  and  impartiality. 

In  the  two  remaining  essays,  on  *  Sir  Edmund  Andros '  and  on  the 
*  Loyalists  in  the  War  of  Independence,'  the  writer  in  some  measure 
abandons  the  part  of  a  mere  critic  for  that  of  an  advocate.  There  is  no 
attempt  to  present  a  coloured  or  one-sided  statement  of  facts.  Indeed,  in 
thoroughness  of  research  Mr.  Ferguson  compares  favourably  with  most 
of  those  writers  who  have  taken  the  opposite  side.  But  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  an  impartial  jury  would  consider  that  in  either  instance  Mr. 
Ferguson  had  made  out  his  case.  According  to  him  Andros  was  a  capable 
administrator  thwarted  by  the  ignorance  and  prejudices  of  those  whom  ho 
ruled.  '  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  Andros  was  shocked  and  scandalised 
at  the  loose,  happy-go-lucky  way  of  doing  business  that  had  up  to  that  time 
served  the  colonies.'  '  They'  (the  New  Englanders)  'did  not  w^ant  to  be 
improved  ;  they  had  no  desire  for  any  more  efficient  or  regular  administra- 
tion than  they  w^ere  accustomed  to.  They  preferred  managing  their  own 
affairs  badly  to  having  them  done  for  them,  were  it  ever  so  well.'  The 
polity  of  Massachusetts,  with  its  elaborate  system  of  little  town  common- 
wealths, seems,  measured  by  ordinary  tests,  to  have  served  very  satisfac- 
torily all  the  main  purposes  for  which  government  exists  ;  nor  is  tliere,  as 
far  as  I  can  see,  one  tittle  of  proof  that  any  system  which  Andros  was 
likely  to  introduce  would  be  either  in  principle  or  in  detail  a  better  one. 
The  best  evidence  of  what  the  civic  qualities  of  the  New  Englander  trained 
by  local  government  really  were  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  after  the 
expulsion  of  Andros  the  country  did  not  show  the  slightest  tendency  to 
lapse  into  anarchy.  Mr.  Ferguson,  too,  gives  credit  to  Andros  and  his 
master,  James  II,  for  their  attempt  to  consolidate  the  colonies  into  a 
single  province.  It  needed  no  special  perception  to  see  that  such  union 
was  expedient  both  for  military  and  administrative  ends.  The  necessity 
for  such  union  w^as  an  official  commonplace  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  Assuredly  it  showed  very  little  wisdom  to  attempt  to  effect  such 
union  by  the  cast-iron  methods  used  by  the  English  government.  But 
statesmanship  might  have  been  shown  in  an  attempt  to  bring  about  such 
union  without  overriding  local  prejudices  or  uprooting  such  political  life 
as  already  existed. 

The  first  essay,  that  on  the  '  Loyalists,'  is  marked  by  the  same  merits, 
and  I  think  by  the  same  defects.  As  Mr.  Ferguson  has  shown  that  Andros 
was  an  honest  official,  well-intentioned  and  not  unkindly,  so  he  has  little 
difficulty  in  showing  that  the  despised  and  reviled  '  tories  '  were  many  of 
them  high-minded  and  honourable  men,  that  to  some  of  them  the  good 
name  and  the  prosperity  of  America  were  just  as  dear  as  they  were  to  any 
heady  young  patriot  who  sat  at  the  feet  of  Warren.  But  Mr.  Ferguson 
cannot  explain  away  the  fact  that  the  loyalists  w^holly  failed  to  organise 
any  kind  of  effective  resistance,  or  to  influence  public  opinion  even  by 


1895  IIEVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  BIS 

legitimate  means.  Nothing,  for  example,  could  be  weaker  than  the  way 
in  which,  at  the  tiiiio  of  the  first  congress,  the  loyalists  of  Georgia 
suffered  the  representatives  of  three  towns  to  assume  the  position  of 
colonial  delegates,  and  thus  allowed  their  colony  to  be,  so  to  speak, 
captured  and  annexed  by  the  national  party.  It  is  significant  too  that 
the  one  colony  in  which  the  English  cause  had  really  some  effective  body 
of  popular  feeling  at  its  back  was  North  Carolina,  in  all  ways  the  most 
behindhand  and  least  civilised  of  the  colonies. 

But,  though  one  may  differ  a  good  deal  from  Mr.  Ferguson's  con- 
clusions, one  cannot  regret  that  his  book  has  been  written.  Not  only  has 
he,  like  his  fellow  worker  in  the  same  field,  Mr.  Adams,  pushed  away 
many  fallacies,  but  even  where  he  has,  as  I  venture  to  think,  exaggerated, 
his  exaggerations  are  not  unprofitable.  American  history  has  suffered  in 
the  past  because  the  WTiters  of  it  have  been  maintaining  an  accepted 
thesis  before  a  convinced  audience.  Sound  views  will  gain  and  not  lose 
in  being  criticised  by  a  '  devil's  advocate'  as  learned,  as  argumentative,  and 
as  temperate  as  Mr.  Ferguson.  J.  A.  Doyle. 

Die  Begrilndung  des  deulscJicn  Belches  diirch  Wilhelm  I.     Von  Heineicii 
VON  Sybel.     Band  VIF     (Miinchen  :  E.  Oldenbourg.     1894.) 

This  last  instalment  of  Dr.  von  Sybel's  great  work  on  the  foundation  of 
the  German  empire  has  been  produced  under  the  same  disadvantages 
as  those  which  accompanied  the  composition  of  the  sixth  volume.  The 
archives  of  the  German  foreign  office  continued  to  be  closed  to  the 
author's  researches,  so  that  his  account  can  hardly  be  described  as  final. 
It  is  unfortunate  too,  as  he  points  out  in  his  preface,  that  the  present 
volume  was  printed  before  the  appearance  of  M.  Emile  Ollivier's '  L'Empire 
Liberal,'  which  to  a  certain  extent  covers  the  same  ground  as  Dr.  von 
Sybel's  narrative.  But,  in  spite  of  these  unavoidable  drawbacks,  this 
portion  of  the  book  is  extremely  interesting  to  all  who  wish  to  understand 
the  Prussian  version  of  the  events  which  led  up  to  the  war  of  1870. 
The  volume  falls  by  a  natural  division  into  two  parts.  The  former 
deals  with  the  domestic  affairs  of  Germany,  the  history  of  the  Zollpar- 
lament  of  1868,  the  growth  of  socialism  and  clericalism— those  twin 
forces  which  were  to  give  so  much  trouble  to  the  young  empire  a  few 
years  later — and  contains  an  outline  of  the  changes  in  French  politics 
which  culminated  in  the  appointment  of  the  due  de  Gramont  as  minister 
of  foreign  affairs  in  May  1870.  The  latter  part  is  entirely  occupied  with 
a  lengthy  discussion  of  the  causes  which  produced  the  war.  Some  idea 
of  the  minuteness  with  which  this  portion  of  the  story  is  told  may  be 
gathered  from  the  fact  that  no  fewer  than  180  pages  arc  devoted  to  the 
events  of  twelve  days.  The  volume  closes  with  an  elaborate  explanation  of 
the  various  reasons  which  induced  the  other  great  powers  to  remain  neutral. 
The  chapters  upon  the  internal  affairs  of  Germany  during  the  period 
immediately  preceding  the  war  contain  much  that  is  usually  ignored  by 
writers,  but  which  is  of  considerable  interest  in  the  light  of  recent  history. 
We  are  given  an  account,  for  example,  of  the  proposal  for  payment  of 
members  in  1868,  which  was  then  defeated,  but  has  been  adopted  in  prin- 
ciple by  a  majority  of  the  Reichstag  during  the  present  year.     We  find 


'814  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

the  present  chancellor,  Prince  Hohenlohe,  elected,  in  spite  of  clerical 
opposition,  as  first  of  the  two  vice-presidents  of  the  Zollparlament  of  18G8. 
It  is  noticeable  that,  in  commenting  upon  the  deliberations  of  that  body, 
Dr.  von  Sybel  expresses  the  opinion  that  it  did  very  little  for  the  realisa- 
tion of  German  unity,  and  thinks  that  the  influence  of  the  Zollverein  in 
that  direction  has  been  unduly  magnified  by  historians.  We  could  have 
wished  for  a  more  detailed  account  of  the  rise  of  social  democracy  in 
Germany,  which  awakened  little  interest  previous  to  1848,  but  which  had 
its  spokesmen  in  parliament  twenty  years  later.  But,  beyond  a  rather 
meagre  sketch  of  Marx,  Liebknecht,  and  Bebel,  we  are  told  little  about  the 
infancy  of  perhaps  the  most  important  movement  in  modern  Germany. 
Dr.  von  Sybel  concludes  his  summary  with  the  prophecy  that,  if  com- 
munism ever  come  in  sight,  the  German  nation,  like  France  in  1851, 
will  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of  a  dictator  and  beg  him  to  suspend  its 
political  rights  till  the  danger  be  past. 

The  story  of  the  Hohenzollern  candidature  is  set  out  with  great  clear- 
ness. Dr.  von  Sybel  lays  dow^n  three  propositions  on  the  subject.  In 
the  first  place  he  points  out  that  the  idea  occurred  originally  not  to  a 
Prussian  at  all,  but  to  the  Spanish  statesman  Salazar,  a  man  of  liberal 
views,  who  was  in  no  sense,  as  asserted  by  the  due  de  Gramont,  a  Prus- 
sian agent.  In  the  second  place  he  reminds  us  that  Prince  Leopold 
never  sought  the  candidature,  but,  on  the  contrary,  refused  it  three  times 
and  only  yielded  on  the  fourth  appeal.  Thirdly,  he  shows  that,  according 
to  the  Hohenzollern  family  law,  there  was  no  legal  necessity  for  the  prince 
to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  king  of  Prussia  to  his  candidature.  He  con- 
troverts in  great  detail  the  famous  story  of  the  falsification  of  the  Ems 
telegram  ;  but  he  admits,  on  the  authority  of  Moltke,  that  the  effect  of  the 
original  message  w^as  entirely  altered  by  Bismarck's  editing.  Bismarck 
read  his  version  aloud  to  Moltke  and  Eoon.  Boon  said,  '  That  sounds 
better.'  Moltke  added,  Vorhin  klang  cs  luie  Chamade,  jctzt  icie  eine  Fan- 
fare (p.  331). 

Although  he  shows  a  bias  against  France,  the  author  is  not  unfair  to 
Napoleon  III.  His  pet  aversion  is  the  due  de  Gramont,  upon  whom  he 
lays  the  chief  blame  for  the  war,  and  whose  animosity  to  Bismarck  he 
traces  to  the  latter's  concise  description  of  him  as  'the  greatest  blockhead 
in  Europe.'  He  fully  admits  the  French  emperor's  desire  for  peace,  which 
he  advocated  as  late  as  the  historic  cabinet  council  on  the  morning 
of  14  July,  on  which  occasion  Gramont  threatened  to  resign  if  the 
emperor's  suggestion  of  a  congress  w^ere  repeated.  Napoleon  himself 
confessed  to  Queen  Sophie  of  Holland  that  he  had  never  desired  the  w^ar, 
but  had  been  forced  to  it  by  the  pressure  of  public  opinion,  which,  as  so 
shrewd  an  observer  as  Lord  Lyons  remarked,  was  irresistible  in  Paris, 
although  by  no  means  strong  in  the  provinces.  The  author's  comments 
upon  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain  at  the  outbreak  of  the  contest  seem, 
however,  to  be  quite  unjustifiable.  He  appears  to  think  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  our  government  to  join  in  a  quarrel  in  which  it  had  no  concern, 
and  argues  that  it  would  have  been  in  the  interests  of  humanity  had  we 
espoused  the  cause  of  Prussia.  In  that  case,  he  thinks.  Napoleon  would 
have  been  strengthened  in  his  opposition  to  the  war  party  and  peace 
might  have  been  secured. 


1895  REVIEWS  OF  BOOKS  815 

The  volume  is  distinguished,  hke  those  which  preceded  it,  by  several 
*  purple  patches  '  of  rhetoric.  There  is  a  fine  bit  of  descriptive  writing 
on  the  commencement  of  the  war  (pp.  35G-8),  and  the  character  sketches 
of  Pius  IX,  of  Lasker,  of  the  due  de  Gramont,  and  of  Ollivier  are  in  Dr. 
von  Sybel's  best  style.  His  work  will  long  be  the  standard  book  upon 
the  great  subject  which  he  chose  for  his  study.  ^  W.  Miller. 

Parliamentary  Government  in  England :  its  Origin,  Development,  and 
Practical  Operation.  By  the  late  Alpheus  Todd,  LL.D.,  C.M.G., 
Librarian  of  ParUament  for  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  New  edition, 
abridged  and  revised  by  Spencer  Walpole.  2  vols.  (London: 
Sampson  Low,  Marston,  &  Co.     1892.) 

Parliamentary  Governinent  in  the  British  Colonies.  By  Alpheus  Todd, 
LL.D.,  C.M.G.  Second  edition,  edited  by  his  Son.  (London : 
Longmans  &  Co.     1894.) 

The  first  of  these  two  valuable  books  is  too  well  known  to  require  any 
special  recommendation.  Mr.  Spencer  Walpole's  edition  is  more  compact 
and  convenient  than  the  original  work,  and  he  has  been  able  to  reduce  the 
bulk  by  avoiding  the  repetitions  which  arose  from  the  fact  of  the  work 
having  been  originally  published  (18G7  and  18G9)  in  two  separate  parts, 
each  of  which  the  author  wished  to  make  complete  in  itself.  The  editor 
has  also  not  scrupled  to  omit  the  political  opinions  of  the  author,  leaving 
the  facts  and  arguments  to  speak  for  themselves  :  e.g.  Dr.  Todd's  pre- 
dictions of  the  consequences  of  the  Reform  Act  of  18G7  have  been  sup- 
pressed, 'because,  in  the  first  place,  they  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
verified  by  the  result ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  whether  right  or  wrong, 
they  are  apparently  out  of  place  in  a  grave  constitutional  treatise.' 

The  first  edition  of  the  work  on  the  colonies  appeared  in  1880.  '  In 
the  present  work  the  editor  has -to  his  utmost  endeavour — embodied 
important  legislation,  illustrative  of  the  author's  constitutional  doctrines, 
in  Canada  and  other  colonies,  covering  the  past  ten  years — the  period 
since  the  author's  demise.'  Dr.  Todd  died  in  the  beginning  of  1884. 
(The  same  misuse  of  the  term  '  demise '  occurs  on  p.  GO,  '  the  cabinet  was 
dissolved  through  the  demise  of  its  leader,'  where  '  decease '  is  meant.) 
The  constitutional  doctrine  on  which  Dr.  Todd  laid  special  stress  was  the 
continued  importance  of  the  political  functions  of  the  crown,  which,  he 
says,  '  are  too  frequently  assumed  to  have  been  wholly  obliterated  wherever 
a  parliamentary  government  has  been  established  '  (p.  xiii).  With  regard 
to  the  power  of  the  crown  in  such  matters  as  the  dismissal  of  ministers, 
Dr.  Todd  seems  to  rest  his  case  rather  too  much  on  the  official  or  semi- 
official utterances  of  public  men,  who  are  of  course  bound  to  speak  accord- 
ing to  the  formal  theory  of  the  constitution,  from  which  theory  the  de 
facto  distribution  of  power  may  have  come  to  deviate  considerably.  At 
least  Dr.  Todd's  account  of  the  British  constitution  tends  to  minimise  the 
actual  changes  in  the  relative  powers  of  crown,  parliament,  and  electorate 
which  have  taken  place  between  the  time  of  George  III  and  the  present 
reign.  In  his  account  of  the  functions  of  the  crown  in  the  self-governing 
colonies,  whether  those  exercised  directly  through  the  secretary  of  state 

'  This  review  was  printed  before  the  eminent  historian's  death. 


816  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  Oct. 

or  those  exercised  indirectly  through  the  colonial  governors  or  lieutenant- 
governors,  he  is  dealing  wfth  facts  of  recent  history,  and,  so  far  as  Canada 
is  concerned,  with  facts  regarding  which  he  had  very  special  means  of 
information ;  and  although  his  theory  of  the  constitution  is  very  pro- 
minent, there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  undue  bias  in  his  description  of 
imperial  control  over  colonial  legislation  and  administration.  Among  the 
additions  of  the  editor  may  be  specially  noted  the  very  full  account  of  the 
Jesuit  estate  question  in  Canada.  As  might  be  expected,  the  volume  deals 
more  fully  with  Canadian  affairs  than  with  those  of  the  other  colonies  ; 
but  as  the  Canadian  constitution,  being  federal,  is  more  complex  than 
those  of  the  other  colonies,  this  is  no  disadvantage,  but  the  reverse.  An 
appendix  gives  the  British  North  America  Act  of  18G7,  with  the  supple- 
mentary acts  passed  in  1871,  1875,  and  188G.  There  are  also  lists  of  the 
successive  governors  and  prime  ministers  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  of 
the  Australasian  colonies,  and  of  the  Cape,   Both  works  have  full  indexes. 

D.  G.  Ritchie. 

In  writing  A  History  of  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages  (London  and 
New  York  :  George  Bell  &  Sons,  1894),  Dr.  Ernest  F.  Henderson  should 
have  considered  more  carefully  the  scale  on  which  to  plan  it.  It  is  too 
small  in  bulk  to  be  complete  and  exhaustive  ;  it  enters  too  much  into  detail 
for  the  main  features  of  the  history  to  appear.  The  reader  who  has  not 
much  previous  knowledge  is  therefore  likely  to  lose  his  sense  of  proportion. 
Thus  the  divorce  of  Lothar  and  Teutberga  is  made  to  fill  three  pages, 
while  the  whole  reign  of  Otto  III  is  dismissed  in  eight.  In  a  work  of 
such  limits  it  is  impossible  adequately  to  sketch  characters,  or  describe 
the  greater  events,  without  some  sacrifice  of  detail.  The  writer's  short 
account  of  the  authorities  is  a  good  piece  of  work  ;  but  we  expect  a  high 
standard  both  of  power  and  knowledge  in  a  writer  who  speaks  of  '  Bryce's 
Essay '  as  '  the  merest  fleeting  sketch.'  And,  judged  by  such  a  standard, 
the  work  falls  short  both  in  general  grasp  and  in  specific  knowledge. 
Inaccuracies  abound,  and  the  spelling  of  proper  names  varies  from  page 
to  page.  '  Richard  Cornwallis  '  for  Richard  of  Cornwall  in  a  book  written 
in  English  is  unpardonable.  Moreover  maps  are  absolutely  essential  for 
a  history  of  the  period,  and  perhaps  the  treatment  of  territorial  matters  is 
the  least  satisfactory  part  of  the  v>^ork,  while  it  is  the  most  difficult  side  of 
German  history. 

In  the  prefatory  note  to  Tlie  French  Bevolution  tested  by  Miraheaus 
Career  (Chicago :  Callaghan  &  Co.  ;  London :  Kegan  Paul,  Trench, 
Triibner,  &  Co.,  1894)  Mr. , von  Ilolst  reminds  his  readers  that  they  are  to 
expect  '  not  a  book  on  the  French  Revolution,  but  merely  some  lectures 
on  it.'  Regarding  his  work  from  this  point  of  view,  we  can  heartily 
commend  it  to  those  who  wish  to  have  a  spirited  view  of  the  career 
of  the  only  statesman  of  the  Revolution.  The  tragedy  of  the  situation 
is  admirably  impressed  on  us,  though  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
the  absolute  certainty  of  the  catastrophe  is  adequately  conveyed.  Mr. 
von  Hoist,  indeed,  lays  full  stress  on  the  stupidity  of  Louis  XVI  and 
the  prejudices  of  the  queen,  but  the  causes  of  Mirabeau's  failure  to  con- 
vert them  to  his  wise  policy  lay  deeper  than  that.  Stupid  and  prejudiced 
people  may  possibly  grasp  a  hand  held  out  to  save  them  under  the  stress 
of  dire   calamity.     It  is  when   their   antipathies   are  strongly   enlisted 


1895  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS  817 

against  the  cause  advocated  by  the  man  offering  to  save  them  that  the 
case  is  hopeless.  That  Mirabeau  should  have  perceived  that  without  a 
government  the  revolution  must  drift  into  anarchy  is  to  the  credit  of  his 
marvellous  perspicacity  ;  but  if  Mr.  von  Hoist  had  dwelt  more  than  he  has 
done  on  Louis's  strong  feelings  against  the  equalitarian  principles  of  the 
assembly  he  would  not  have  been  quite  so  hard  on  the  vastly  inferior 
men  who  rejected  the  leadership  even  of  a  Mirabeau,  when  he  attempted 
to  establish  authority  in  the  person  of  a  king  whom  they  instinctively 
felt  to  be  hostile  to  their  aims. 

In  Documentl  su  lo  sbarco,  la  cattura  e  la  morte  di  Be  Gioacchino 
Marat  al  Pizza  (Palermo :  Reber,  1895)  Dr.  Travali  has  printed  from 
the  state  archives  at  Palermo  the  official  reports  on  the  capture  and 
execution  of  the  unfortunate  king. 

The  third  and  concluding  volume  of  Dr.  Sharpe's  London  and  the 
Kingdo7n  (London :  Longmans  &  Co.,  1895)  follows  very  much  in  the  steps 
of  its  predecessors.  There  is  a  good  deal  about  the  city,  and  a  good  deal 
about  the  kingdom ;  but  the  author  somehow  fails  to  handle  his  know- 
ledge with  dexterity,  and  the  result  is  dreary  and  disappointing. 

A  reprint  of  Sir  J.  R.  Seeley's  Lectures  and  Essays  (London  :  Ma3- 
millan,  1895)  will  be  generally  welcomed.  From  an  historical  point  of 
view  the  three  lectures  on  Roman  imperialism  and  the  essay  on  Milton's 
political  opinions  are  the  most  attractive.  The  three  lectures,  too,  may 
serve  as  an  excellent  illustration  of  Seeley's  merits  and  defects  as  an  his- 
torian. On  the  one  hand  the  clear-sightedness  which  enabled  him  to  single 
out  the  important  from  the  less  important  is  displayed  in  his  argument 
that  the  rise  of  the  empire  was  brought  about  by  military  necessities,  and 
not  by  any  growth  of  democratic  sentiment.  On  the  other  hand  in  fixing 
on  the  decline  of  population  as  the  special  cause  of  the  failure  of  the 
empire,  he  displays  the  tendency,  often  traceable  in  his  other  writings,  to 
gain  effect — no  doubt  unconsciously — by  neglecting  secondary  causes,  and 
by  throwing  brilliant  light  on  the  one  which  he  considers  to  be  primary. 
He  does  not  ask,  for  instance,  whether  slavery  had  anything  to  do  with 
the  decline  of  population  or  not,  just  as  in  his  most  noted  work,  '  The 
Expansion  of  England,'  he  lays  no  stress  on  tlie  fact  that  communities 
separated  by  the  sea  are  likely  to  be  less  united  in  feeling  than  com- 
munities with  no  such  separating  barrier. 

Last  year  (vol.  ix.  GOl)  we  noticed  the  hidex  to  the  Periodical  Litera- 
ture of  the  World  for  1893.  Its  successor,  for  which  Miss  Hetherington  is 
likewise  responsible,  bears  the  title  Index  to  the  Periodicals  of  1894 
(London  :  125  Fleet  Street,  1895)  ;  but  it  is  not  stated,  as  it  should  have 
been,  that  the  work  is  now  liinited  to  publications  issued  in  the  Englisli 
language.  Tlie  limitation  is  probably  wise,  for  it  was  impossible  to  deal 
with  the  whole  range  of  periodical  literature  satisfactorily.  For  the  same 
reason,  no  doubt,  the  rmmber  of  publications  indexed  has  been  enor- 
mously reduced,  though  this  fact,  again,  is  not  mentioned  in  the  preface. 
The  change,  however,  is  certainly  advantageous,  since  the  eye  is  no  longer 
so  much  distracted  from  the  more  important  entries  by  a  multitude  of 
comparatively  trivial  ones.  For  practical  purposes  the  index,  as  now 
arranged,  is  likely  to  be  still  more  serviceable  than  its  predecessors. 

VOL.  X. — NO.  XL.  3  G 


818  Oct. 


Periodical  Notices 


[Contributions  to  these  Notices,  whether  regular  or  occasional,  are  invited.  Ihey 
should  be  drawn  up  on  the  pattern  of  those  printed  below,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  B.  L. 
Poole,  at  Oiford,  by  the  first  week  in  March,  June,  September,  and  December.] 

On  the  method  of  editing  historical  materials  :  by  T.  Lindner  [who  advocates  their 
publication  without  comment  in  order  (1)  to  avoid  creating  a  prepossession  on  the 
reader's  part  in  favour  of  any  particular  views,  (2)  to  avoid  becoming  rapidly 
superseded,  and  (3)  to  save  expense  and  time.  Introductions  should  be  rigidly 
limited  to  the  discussion  of  the  transmission  of  the  text,  notices  of  the  writer,  and 
the  placing  of  undated  documents  and  examination  of  their  genuineness  ;  notes, 
to  the  identification  of  names,  the  explanation  of  difficult  words,  and  occasional 
references]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreicb.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

On  the  manuscripts  of  Procopius  :  by  J.  Haury. — SB.  Bayer.  Akad.  Wiss.,  phil.-hist. 
CI.,  1895.  1. 

On  the  Carolingian  imperial  annals  [741-829]  and  their  redacted  form:  by  F. 
KuRZE.  III.  1:  The  annals  published  between  795  and  813.  2:  The  second  half 
of  the  imperial  annals  [of  which  the  part  down  to  820  is  here  attributed  to  Einhard]. 
3:  The  redacted  form  [the'Annales  Einhardi,'  which  are  here  considered  not  to 
be  by  Einhard,  who  is  claimed  as  the  author  of  the  first  part  of  the  '  Annales 
Fuldenses,'  but  by  some  Low-German  writer]. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Note  on  (lie  ^  Formulae  Augienses:^  by  E.  Dl-mmler  [dealing  with  questions  of  their 
possible  authorship,  and  conjecturing  two  of  the  letters  to  be  by  Walahfrid 
Strabo].— N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Joh7i  XIIFs  hidl  for  Meissen  [2  Jan.  968]  :  by  K.  Uhlirz  [who  maintains  that  such  a 
bull  was  issued,  although  the  extant  document  is  forged  on  the  model  of  one  for 
Hersfeld  bearing  the  same  date]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

The  chronicles  of  Frutolf  of  Bamberg  and  of  Ekkehard  of  Aura  :  by  H.  Bresslad 
[who  attributes  the  first  recension  of  Ekkehard's  chronicle  extending  to  iioi,  to 
Frutolf,  prior  of  Michelsberg,  Bamberg,  and  relates  what  is  known  about  Frutolf 
and  his  other  writings]. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Notes  on  the  history  of  the  library  of  the  monastery  of  Michelsberg  at  Bamberg  ;  by 
H.  Bresslau  [who  prints  catalogues  of  the  twelfth  and  fifteenth  centuries  and 
other  documents].— N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Books  of  formxdae  in  the  Graz  university  library  [John  of  Bologna's  '  Summa  Notarie' 
and  Laurence  de  Sumelone's  '  Summa  '] :  by  J.  Loserth. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Notes  on  the  '  Provinciale  '  in  TangVs  ^ Pdpstliche  Kanzleiordnungen :  '  by  K,  Eubel. — 
Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 

Unpublished  letters  and  memoirs  of  Marino  Sanudo  the  elder  [  1334-1 336-7] :  de- 
scribed and  printed  by  C.  i>e  la  Konciere  and  L.  Dorez.  [They  concern  the  cru- 
sade against  the  Turks,  the  relations  of  the  Tartars  with  the  pope,  the  schism  of 
Lewis  of  Bavaria,  and  the  literary,  artistic,  and  commercial  intercourse  between 
Venice  and  Flanders.]— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 

The  medieval  service  books  of  Aguitaine  :  by  R.  Twigge.  II:  Audi.— Dublin  Rev., 
N.S.,  15.  July. 

The  official  minutes  of  the  ^proceedings  of  the  council  of  Basel :  by  J.  Haller  [who 
decides  that  the  '  Liber  diurnus  Petri  Bruneti  '  (Paris  MS.  Lat.  15623-4)  is  not,  as 
R.  Beer  maintains,  a  fair  copy  compiled  from  the  notary's  collectanea,  but  a  copy 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  819 

of  the  official  minutes  of  the  council  ('Acta  concilii')  made  for  the  use  of  the 

notary.    A  description  is  given  of  another  manuscript  (Vatican  MS.  Regin.  1017) 

which  in  part  agrees  with  it].— Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  3. 
Domments  relating  to  the  council  of  Basel :  printed  from  the  state  archives  at  Basel 

by  R.  Thommen].— Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  3. 
The  Breton  hook  of  hours  of  the  sixteenth  century  :  by  L.  Delisle  [who  assigns  it  to 

the  diocese  of  St.  Pol  de  L6on,  and  prints  the  list  of  confessors,  &c.,  and  typical 

names  from  the  calendar].— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
hiventory  of  the  castle  of  Quart  in  the  valley  of  Aosta   [1557]:  printed  with  an 

elaborate  commentary  by  C.  Merkel.— Bull.  1st.  stor.  Ital.  xv. 


The  historical  geography  of  the  Holy  Land  [in  connexion  with  G.  A.  Smith's  work]. 
Church  Qu.  Rev.  80.  July. 

The  archeology  of  the  Pentateuch  :  by  major  C.  R.  Conder.— Scott.  Rev.  51.  Jtily. 

The  chronology  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah:  by  F.  Ruhl.— D.  Zft.  Gesch.- wiss. 
xii.  1. 

Croesus  at  the  stake  :  by  F.  Koepp  [giving  reasons  for  believing  that  there  was  a  story 
about  the  Lydian  king's  offering  himself  to  the  gods  as  a  sacrifice  in  the  fire,  in 
order  not  to  survive  his  defeat,  and  suggesting  that  Herodotus'  statement  that 
Cyrus  condemned  him  to  be  burnt  grew  up  out  of  this].  — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  3. 

The  feast  of  Hanoucca  :  by  S.  Krauss. — Rev.  Etudes  Juives,  59,  60. 

Landed  estates  among  the  Romans  :  by  A.  Schulten.  II. — Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch. -Gesch. 
iii.  3,  4. 

On  the  legends  of  Constantine  the  Great's  youth:  by  E.  Heydenreich. — D.  Zft.  Gesch. - 
wiss.  xii.  1. 

The  Christian  clergy  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  :  by  P.  Allard.  I :  The 
social  and  political  position  of  the  bishops.  II :  Their  popularity.  Ill :  The  con- 
dition and  the  privileges  of  the  clergy.  IV  :  The  earliest  monastic  foundations, — 
Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Iviii.  1.  July. 

The  Greek  churches,  'autonomous  and  autocephalous ''  [451-1885]  :  by  the  baron 
A.  d'Avril. — Rev.  Quest,  hist.  Iviii.  1.  July. 

St.  Sophia,  Constantinople  :  by  R.  W.  Schulz.— Scott.  Rev.  51.  July. 

The  influence  of  Mohammedanism  on  civilisation.—  Quart.  Rev.  3(53.  July. 

The  indebtedness  of  Pseudo-Dionysius  the  Areopagite  to  the  Neoplatonist  Proclus  for 
his  doctrine  of  evil :  by  J.  Stigljiayr.— Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 

Pippin's  promissio  of  754  and  its  renewal  by  Charles  the  Great :  by  E.  Sackur  [seek- 
ing to  reconcile  the  '  ista  Italia  provincia  '  of  the  *  Vita  Stephani  II '  with  the 
precise  delimitation  given  in  the  '  Vita  Hadriani '  (the  authenticity  of  which  is  ac- 
cepted) by  regarding  the  latter  as  a  description  of  the  frontier  between  the 
Byzantine  and  Lombard  territories  as  they  had  been  down  to  the  time  of  Authari ; 
in  other  words,  of  the  northern  boundary  of  the  Italian  province  as  it  was  after  the 
first  stage  in  the  Lombard  conquests]. — Mitth. Inst. Oesterreich. Gesch. -forsch. xvi. 3. 

Hadrian  Ps  defence  of  the  second  synod  of  Nicea  against  the  attacks  of  Charles  the 
Great :  by  K.  Hampe. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

The  treaties  of  the  popes  with  the  Carolings,  and  the  neio  empire  :  by  W.  Sickel. 
VII :  The  empire.— Deutsche  Zft.  Gesch. -wiss.  xii.  1. 

The  'interventions  '  in  the  documents  of  Otto  III  down  to  the  death  of  the  empress 
Thcophami  [as  illustrating  the  respective  influence  of  the  empress  Adelaide,  of 
Theophanu,  and  of  archbishop  Willigis] :  by  K.  Uhlirz. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Two  Icelandic  laio  cases  from  the  Eigla  [relating  to  inheritance] :  by  K.  Maurer.—  SB. 
Bayer.  Akad.  Wiss.,  phil.-hist.  CI.  1895,  1. 

Gregory  VII  teas  not  a  monk  :  by  W.  Martens  [who  reasserts  and  defends  his  view 
against  P.  Scheffer-Boichorst].— Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 

Hildebrand  a  monastic  cardinal :  by  H.  Grauert  [who  maintains  that  Gregory  was  a 
monk,  and  adduces  illustrations  of  the  extent  to  which  it  was  possible  for  monastic 
dignitaries  to  be  exempted  from  the  obligations  of  their  rule]. — Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 

Innocent  III  and  the  right  of  taxing  the  laity  for  the  purposes  of  the  crusade:  by  A. 

3  (i  2 


820  PERIODICAL   NOTICES  Oct. 

GoTTLOB  [who  holds  that  Ini-^cent  asserted  their  moral  duty,  not  their  legal  obliga- 
tion, to  pay  such  taxes]. — Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 
St.  Francis  of  Assist. —Church.  Qu.  Bev.  80.     July. 
On  the  history  of  the  county  of  the  Upper  Eiigadine  [in  the  thirteenth  century] :  by 

F.  L.  Baumann.  — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 
TJie  suppression  of  the  Templars  :  by  G.  Salvkmini  [a  summary  and  criticism  of  recent 

works  on  this  subject]. — Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  S.  xv. 
The  date  of  the  deatli  of  Nicolas  de  Lyra  (Lire):  by  J.  Viard  [who  supports    1349 

against  1340]. — Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
The  alliance   between  Alexander    VI  and   Louis   XII:    by  L.  G.  Pllissieb  [with 
numerous  documents  of  1498-9].     Continued.— Arch,  della  B.  Soc.  Bom.  xviii.  1,  2. 
The  family  of  John  de  Lasco  :  by  C.  Pascal.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran^.  xliv.  5, 

6.     May,  June. 
The  political  relations  between  Venice  and  Savoy  [down  to  1642  ;  relating  specially  to 

the  Savoyard  claim  on  Cyprus] :  by  G.  Clakftta. — N.  Arch.  Ven.  ix.  2. 
The   Spanish  armada   [in   connexion  with  J.  K.  Laughton's  collection   of  *  State 

Papers  ']. — Quart.  Bev.  3G3.     July. 
The  legal  position  and  constitution  of  Old  Gothenburg  [1603-1612] :  by  K.  Maurer. — 

D.  Zft.  Gesch.-wiss.  xii.  1. 
Richelieu's  aims  upon  the  principality  of  Orange  [1625  1630] :  by  A.  Waddingtox. — 

Bev.  hist.  Iviii.  2.     July. 
Urban  VIII  and  Gustavus  Adolphus :    by  S.  Ehses  [printing  a  letter  of  14  Dec. 

1632].— Hist.  Jahrb.  xvi.  2. 
Sir  Andreio  Melville  [the  '  chevalier  de  Melvill,'  1621-1706,  his  family  and  his  services 

on  the  continent]. — Scott.  Bev.  51.     Jidy. 
The  naval  battle  of  the  Dardanelles  [26  June,  1656,  as  illu«lrated  by  an  unpublished 

plan  by  P.  Passionei,  a  knight  of  Malta  and  a  combatant]. — N.  Arch.  Ven.  ix.  2. 
Elizabeth  Charlotte,  princess  palatine,  duchess  of  Orleans,  mother  of  the  regent,  and 
her  correspondence  with  her  aunt  Sophia,  electress  of  Hanover :  by  G.  Depping. 
in.— Bev.  hist.  Iviii.  2.  July  (continued  from  vol.  Ivi.  1). 
Extracts  from  the  diplomatic  correspondence  about  Russia   during   the   eighteenth 
century  [on  the  reign  of  Anne  and  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  chiefly  from  the 
correspondence  of  the  English  ambassadors,  Bondeau  and  Finch]. — Bussk.  Starina 
July,  August. 
Carvalho,  marq^iis  of  Pombal:  by  count  J.  du  Hamel  ue  Breu'il.— Bev.  hist.  lix.  1. 

Sejit. 
Frederick  the  Great  and  lord  Bute  in  1762:  by  A.  von  Buville  [who  defends  the 
English  minister  against  the  charge  of  bad  faith  in  connexion  with  the  secret 
overtures  made  to  Maria  Theresa]. — D.  Zft.  Gesch.-wiss.  xii.  1. 
The  relations  between  the  Abyssinians  and  the  Russians  during  the  last  century:  by 
A.  Lvov  [a  letter  is  given  from  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  written  on  their  behalf 

to  the  empress  Elizabeth] Istorich.  Viestnik.     August. 

Catherine   II  and   the  French   Revolution',    by  A.  Bruckner.— Istorich.   Viestnik. 

August. 
Articles  from  the  '  Bulletin  Helvetique  '  of  1800  relating  to  the  union  of  Geneva  with 

France  :  reprinted  by  J.  Strickler, — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  3. 
Letter  of  Lucchesini  to  Haugwitz  [10  Jan.  1803]  [relating  to  Napoleon's  overtures  to 

the  Bourbon  princes]  :  printed  with  a  commentary  by  P.  B. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  3. 
The  Russian  embassy  to  Japan  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century :  by  K. 
VoYENSKi   [on  the   embassy  of  Bezanov  during   the   years    1803-1805]. — Bussk. 
Starina.     Jtily. 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  as  ambassador  in  Vienna  [1810-1813]  :  by  B.  Gebhardt. — D. 

Zft.  Gesch.-wiss.  xii.  1. 
The  life  and  correspondence  of  sir  Bartle  Frere.—E6.mh.  Bev.  373.     July. 
Prince  V.  Cherkaski  and  the  civil  administration  of  Bulgaria  during  the  years  1877- 
1878:  by  D.  Antjchin  [continued].— Bussk.  Starina.    Aug. 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  821 


France 

Villard  of  Honncccurf,  the  architect :  by  C.  Enlaet  [who  accounts  for  the  wide  exten- 
of  his  activity  by  the  hypothesis  of  his  having  been  in  the  service  of  the  Cister- 
cians],—Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
Lotiis  VIII  and  the  Jeivs :  by  I.  Lkvi,— Eev.  Etudes  Juivcs,  GO. 
Thc7nas  de  la  Marche,  bastard  of  Jrance  [c.  1322-1361]  :  by  M.  Boudet.—  Eev.  hist. 

lix.  1.     Sept. 
The  date  of  Bcrtrand  du  Gvcsclin's  knightivg  [not  1354  but  1357] :  by  J.  Lemoine. — 

Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
The  siege  of  Eheims  [1359- 1360] :  by  H.  Moeanvillk.— Bibl.  Ecole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
Jean  de  la  Roche,  a  captain  of  routiers  under  Charles  VII :  by  G.  Cllment-Simon. — 

Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Iviii.  1.     July. 
The  trade  relations  of  France  in  the  later  middle  ages  :  by  C.  de  la  Eonciere.    I : 

Defensive  protectionism   [1444-1467].     II :  Armed  protectionism     1467-1483].— 

Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Iviii.  1.     Jidy. 
Jean  Meschinot,  his  life  and  icorks  ;  his  satires  against  Louis  XI:  by  A.  de  la  Bor- 

DERiE  [with  documents  and  extracts]. — Bibl.  :6cole  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 
Protestantism  in  La  Rochelle  and  the  isle  of  Be :  by  various  writers  [with  documents 

and  illustrations]. — Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran?,  xliv.  7-9.     July-Scpt. 
The  bourgeoisie  of  La  Rochelle  in  the  eighteenth  century  :  by  J.  PjIrier  [pointing  out 

ihz,t  the  town  owes  its  remarkable  commercial  development  during  the  eighteenth, 

century  chieily  to  its  bourgeoisie.     An  examination  of  the  characteristics  of  the 

merchants  of  La  Eochelle  during  the  period  shows  that  this  result  was  chiefly  due 

to  the  penal  laws  which  left  commerce  the  only  pursuit  open  to  the  Huguenots]. — 

Ann,  Sciences  polit.  x.  4,     July. 
The  foreign  policy  of  France  in  1756:  by  E,  Waddington. — Eev,  hist,  Iviii,  2,     Jiily. 
Small  holdings  in  France  before  the  revolution,  and  the  sale  of  national  property :  by 

J,  LouTCHiTSKY  [giving  the  results  of  an  examination  of  the  archives  of  selected 

departments,  to  show  the  extent  to  which  the  peasantry  owned  land  and  to  which 

they  benefited  by  the  sale  of  the  property  of  the  church  and  of  the  emigres].— 'Rqy. 

hist,  lix.  1,     Sept. 
A  revolutionary  poem  in  1779  [the  Mois  of  Boucher]  :  by  Louis  Amiable,— Eevol.  Fran?. 

XV.  2,  3.     Aug.,  Sept. 
The  tactics  and  ideas  of  the  parliamentary  opposition  [1788-1789]  :  by  H,  Carre  [based 

on  the  important  and  hitherto  unpublished  correspondence  of  Cortot  and  Godard]. 

Eevol.  Fran?,  xv,  2,     Aug. 
Ignace  Joseph  de  Brosse  created  marquis  de  Montandre  by  Louis  XVI  [27  May  1 789]  : 

by  L,  Audiat  [who  claims  that  Brosse  was  a  clever  impostor], — Eev,  Quest,  hist. 

Iviii,  1.     July. 
The  missing  cahiers  of  1789  [enumerated]  :  F.  A.  Aulard.— Eevol.  Fran?,  xv.  2.    Aug. 
MirabeaiC s  military  service  :  by  A.  Bkette  [showing  that  he  was  only  nominally  cap- 
tain of  dragoons].— Eevol.  Fran?,  xv.  3.     Sept. 
The  revolution  in  Perigord  from  the    notes  and  correspondence  of  the  abbe  Pierre 

Lespine  [ti83i] :  by  L.  de  Lanzac  de  Laborie.— Eev.  Quest,  hist.  Iviii.  1.     July. 
Nine  unpublished   letters  of  Madame  Poland  to  Champagneux  [29  March-12  Oct. 

1791] :  published  by  C.  Perroud. — Eevol.  Fran?,  xv.  2.     Aug. 
The  mission  of  Laplanche  in  the  Cher:  by  T.  H.  Lemas.— Eevol.  Fran?,  xiv,  12,  xv,  1. 

Jime,  July. 
The  dates  of  the  execution  of  Madame  Poland  and  of  the  suicide  of  Poland :  by  C. 

Perrcud  [proving  that  Madame  Eoland  died  on  8  Nov.  and  Eoland  on  10  Nov., 

1793].— Eevol.  Fran?.  XV.  1.  Jidy. 
The  memoirs  of  Barras  :  by  F.  A.  Aulard,— Eevol.  Fran?,  xv.  1.  J%ihj. 
The  Chouans  in  La  Manche  :  by  V.  Jeakvrot  [based  chiefly  on  Sarot's  '  Les  Tribu- 

naux  repressifs  ordinaires  de  la  Manche  '),— E6vol,  Fran?,  xv.  1.     Jidy. 
Andre  Pcvillc  [1S67-1804]  :  by  C.  rExiT-DuxAiLLiH.— Bibl.  Eco'c  Chartes,  Ivi.  1,  2. 


822  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Oct. 

Germjfny  and  Austria-Hungary 

071  the  authorities  for  Thuringian  history :  by  0.  Holder-Eggeb.  Ill :  The  trans- 
mission of  the  text  of  the  chronicle  of  Reinhardsbrunn  and  the  works  derived 
from  it. — N.  Arch.  xxi.  1. 

Becent  literature  on  the  history  of  German  towns :  by  K.  Uhlirz  (continued).— Mitth. 
Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

German  notices  from  the  English  pipe  rolls  [i  1 58-1 171] :  by  F.  Liebermann.— N.  Arch, 
xxi.  1. 

Sigrnar  and  Bernhard  of  Kremsmilnster ;  a  criticism  of  the  materials  for  the  history 
of  Kremsmilnster  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  :  by  J.  Loserth. — 
Arch.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.  Ixxxi.  2. 

Corruption  and  h^iefice-huntvig  at  the  court  of  Albert  I  and  Henry  VII:  by  S.  Herz- 
jberg-Frankel  [with  documents]. — Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

Contributions  to  the  history  of  Upper  Hungary :  by  F.  von  Krones.  I :  Documents 
from  the  municipal  archives  at  Kaschau  [1444-1491].  II:  On  the  history  of  the 
royal  free  town  of  Zeben  [1370-1770].  Ill:  Two  German  legal  manuscripts  at 
Gollnitz.— Arch.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.  Ixxxi.  2. 

On  the  statistics  of  population  and  wealth  in  Germany  in  the  fifteenth  century :  by  F. 
Eulenburg.— Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch.-Gesch.  iii.  3,  4. 

Sender's  Augsburg  chronicle  :  by  F.  Frensdorff.— Goetting.  gel.  Anz.  1895.  7.  July. 

The  dearth  in  the  duchy  of  Jillich  in  1557:  by  G.  vox  Below  [printing  an  ordinance 
on  the  subject]. — Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch.-Gesoh»  iii.  3,  4. 

The  Teutonic  order  and  the  defence  of  the  Hungarian  frontier  agairist  the  Turks  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century :  by  W.  Ebben — Arch.  Oesterreich.  Gesch. 
Ixxxi.  2. 

On  the  resistance  of  the  merchants  of  Augsburg  to  the  postal  monopoly  of  the  house  of 
Taxis  [chiefly  1572-1621] :  by  J.  Hartung.— Zft.  Soc.-Wirthsch. -Gesch.  iii.  3,  4. 

The  viarriage  of  the  margravine  Jakobe  of  Baden  with  dtike  Johann  Wilhelm  of 
Jlllich-Cleve-Berg  [1581-1585]:  by  M.  Lossen.  — SB.  Bayer.  Akad.  Wiss.,  phii.- 
hist.  CI.,  1895.  1. 

The  policy  of  the  Palatinate  at  the  end  of  1622  and  the  beginning  of  i()2t,  :  by  M. 
Bitter. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxiv.  3. 

Documents  illustrating  the  history  of  the  year  1756:  printed  by  M.  Lehmann  [two 
letters  from  the  secretary  of  the  Austrian  cabinet,  baron  Koch,  written  in  May  ; 
and  minutes  of  the  imperial  council  of  war,  8  and  9  July].  — Mitth.  Inst.  Oester- 
reich. Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

A  letter  of  Stein  written  during  his  retreat  at  Briinn  [7  May  1809]:  printed  by  A. 
Becker  [who  enters  into  particulars  concerning  Stein's  position  and  prospects]. — 
Mitth.  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

Becent  communications  and  illustrations  concerniyigvols.  vi.  and  vli.  of  H.  von  SybeVs 
'  Foundation  of  the  German  Empire  by  William  I' :  by  the  author  [a  notable  series 
of  replies  to  criticisms  by  Bossier,  Geffcken,  Brandenburg,  &c.,  and  of  comments  on 
publications  cited  by  them.  The  sections  entitled  '  Napoleon  and  Eugenie,'  con 
trasting  the  legend  as  to  her  influence  with  the  historical  data  on  the  subject,  and 
'  Bismarck's  policy '  in  reference  to  the  Hohenzollern  candidature  for  the  Spanish 
throne,  are  specially  interesting]. — Hist.  Zft.  Ixxv.  1.] 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland 

Monasticism  in  England  and  its  suppression  by  Henry  FIJI.— Quart.  Eev.  363. 
July. 

The  bishops  of  Exeter  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  [1257-1419],  in  con- 
nexion with  F.  C.  Hingeston-Bandolph's  edition  of  their  registers]  :  by  A.  Hamil- 
ton.—Dublin  Rev.,  N.S.,  15.  July. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Jeius  from  England  in  1290:  by  L.  Abrahams.  Ill  (concluded). 
Jew.  Quart.  Eev.  28.    Jidy. 

A  consultation  on  the  divorce  of  Henry  VIII:  by  D.  Kaufmann.— Rev.  Etudes 
Juives,  60. 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  823 

The  first  twenty  years  of  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth  [from  the  Calendars  of  Venetian 

and  Spanish  state  papers].—  Church  Qu.  Kev.  80.    July. 
Mary  Tudor  and  the  reformers  :  by  J.  D.  Fkeen  [who  lays  stress  upon  the  queen's 

natural  moderation  and  upon  the    fact    that  from    1555   she  took  little  part  in 

government]. — Dublin  Rev.  N.S.  15.  July. 
Archhishop  Laud.     II.— Church  Qu.  Kev.  80.     July. 
The  life  of  sir  William  Petty  [in  connexion  with  lord  E.  Fitzmaurice's  biography].— 

Edinb.  Eev.  373.     July. 
Letter  of  Henri  de  Ruvigny,  earl  of  Galway  [31  Aug.  1702,  relating  to  the  payment 

of  the  French  refugee  troops  in  the  English  service] :  printed  by  C.  Pascal.— Bull. 

Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Fran<?.  xliv.  5.     May. 
Adam  Smith  and  his  /n<37i^s.— Edinb.  Eev.  373.     July. 
English  church  bells  ami  customs  connected  ivith  them  :  by  Miss  F.  Peacock.— Dublin 

Rev.,  N.S.,  15.     July. 

Italy 

Bibliography  of  recent  ivorks  on  medieval  Italian  history  :  by  C.  Cipolla N.  Arch. 

Ven.  ix.  2. 

AgnelUis  of  Ravenna  and  the  Pontificate  Ambrosianum  :  by  L.  A.  Ferrai  [showing  the 
relation  of  the  anonymous  Milanese  historian  to  the  earlier  work  of  Agnellus].— 
Arch.  Stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  G.     June. 

The  archives  of  Viterbo  :  by  P.  Saviononi.  [The  documents  selected  for  print  begin  with 
1 169.]— Arch,  della  R.  Soc.  Rom.  xviii.  1,  2. 

The  archives  of  Tuscan  Bomagna  :  by  D.  Marzi  [illustrating  the  relations  of  the 
communes  to  Florence].— Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser.  xv. 

Buoncompagno'' s  '  Siege  of  Ancona  '  ('  Ystoria  obsidionis  civitatis  Anchonitane  ')  : 
printed  from  two  manuscripts  by  A.  Gaudexzi.— Bull.  1st.  stor.  Ital.  xv. 

On  the  date  of  the  birth  of  Cangrande  I  della  Scala :  by  G.  Sommerfeldt  [arguing  for 
April  1281,  not  1291].— Mitth,  Inst.  Oesterreich.  Gesch.-forsch.  xvi.  3. 

The  economic  conseq_uences  of  the  black  death  in  Italy  :  by  M.  Kovalevsky. — Zft.  Soc- 
Wirthsch.-Gesch.  iii.  3,  4. 

The  corporation  of  Milanese  painters  of  1481  :  by  E.  Motta  [with  documents  relat- 
ing to  other  Milanese  artists]. — Arch.  stor.  Lomb  ser.  iii.  G.     June. 

Marcello  Alberini  and  the  sack  of  Rome  in  1527  :  by  D.  Okano  [who  gives  a  descrip- 
tion of  an  autograph  diary  of  Alberini,  of  \\hich  the  manuscript  '  Narrazione  o 
diario  del  saccheggio  '  is  an  excerpt  much  altered.  This  diary  is  also  the  source  of 
the  account  of  the  sack  in  the  Memorie  of  de  Rossi]. — Arch,  della  R.  Soc.  Rom. 
xviii.  1,  2. 

An  unpublished  letter  of  F.  Guicciardini  and  A.  Pazzi  to  G.  B.  Sanga, papal  secretary 
[30  Sept.  1529]  [describing  Guicciardini's  departure  from  Florence  with  the  pope's 
approval,  and  the  state  of  public  feeling  in  the  city  previous  to  the  siege]  :  printed 
by  A.  Rossi.— Arch.  stor.  Ital.  5th  ser.  xv. 

The  assembly  of  the  province  of  Milafi  [a  representative  body  for  the  rural  districts 
instituted  in  1572  owing  to  the  jealousy  between  city  and  country  with  regard  to 
taxation.  It  dealt  with  imports  and  military  service  to  1760]:  by  E.  Verga. — 
Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  G.     Jime. 

The  ivorks  of  the  Cistercian  Ermete  Bonomi :  by  A.  Ratti  [on  a  gift  of  23  manuscript 
volumes  of  researches  into  Lombard  ecclesiastical  archives  by  Bonomi  made  to  the 
Biblioteca  Braidense].— Arch.  stor.  Lomb.  ser.  iii.  6.     June. 

HusBia 

On  the  composition  of  the,  Moscow  chronicles  between  the  years  1425-1533:  by  I. 
TiKHOMiROV  [an  examination  of  the  materials  out  of  which  three  of  these  important 
historical  monuments  in  the  vernacular  were  compiled].— Zhur.  Min.  Narod. 
Prosv.     Jidy. 

Michael  Suslov,  a  political  agent  of  the  seventeenth  century  [chiefly  in  Poland,  but 
also  in  Wallachia,  Venice,  and  the  German  empire] :  by  N.  Ogloblin  [interesting 
extracts  from  his  reports  preserved  in  the  archives]. — Istorich.  Viestnik.    July. 


824  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  Oct. 

Ha^psal  and  traditions  of  Peter  the  Great  [who  visited  it  in  1715  ;  the  house  in  which 

he  stayed  being  still  pieservdR] :  by  I.  Tiumenev.— Istorich.  Viestnik.     June. 
One  of  Catherine's  bulldogs  in  the  Black   Sea :  by  V.  Timikiazev  [a  sketch  of  the 

Eussian  career  of  Paul  Jones]. — Istorich.  Viestnik.     July. 
Memoirs  of  Andrei  Bolotov  [resumed  from  the  last  instalment  published  in  1892  in 

consequence  of  the  acquisition  of  fresh  material.     These  memoiis  are  of  great 

importance  in  illustration  of  the  reigns  of  Catherine  II  and  Paul]. — Eussk.  Starina. 

August. 
Memoirs  of  Josei^h  Duhetski  [describing  the  war  in  Turkey  in  182S],  continued. — 

Eussk.  Starina.    June. 
The  Polish  revolution  of  1 830- 1 831  and  the  deposition  of  Nicholas:  by  F.  Baeosz 

[severely  blaming  the  policy  of  Chlopicki,  and  justifying  the  vote  for  the  deposition 

of  Nicholas].— Ann.  Sciences  polit.  x.  3,  1.     Maj/,  July. 
Memoirs  of  M.  Olshcvski  [on  the  war  in  the  Caucasus  from  1841  to  1866J,  continued.  — 

Eussk.  Starina.     June. 


Spain 

Documents  relating  to  the  first  cardinals  in  the  sec  of  Toledo  [1181-1299]  :  by  E.  Eiu 

Y  Cabanas. — Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist,  xxvii.  1-3.     July-Sept. 
Bulls  of  Celestine  III  and  hinocent  III  relating  to  Navarre  [1196-1199] :  printed  by 

r.  FiTA  [with  a  full  commentary,  throwing  light  on  the  hostile  relations  of  Casiille 

and  Aragon  with  Navarre  after  the  defeat  of  Alfonso  VIII  at  Alarcos].— Boletin  E. 

Acad.  Hist.  xxvi.  6.    June. 
A  diary  written  at   Teruel  [1500-1543]  :    by  G.  Llabrks. — Boletin  E.  Acad.  Hist. 

xxvii.  1-3. 
Alonso  de  Zaviora  [with  a  bibliography  of  his  works]  :    by  A.  Neubauer. — Boletin  E. 

Acad.  Hist,  xxvii.  1-3. 
His  collaboration  icith  cardinal  Ximencz  :  by  the  Same.— Jew.  Qu.  Eev.  28.    July.   . 


Switzerland 

The  lords  of  'Aigle  [in      e  twelf  h  and  thirteenth  century] :  by  E.  HorrELER. — Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  3. 
The  earliest  league  of  the  original  Siviss  cantons :  by  H.  Bresslau  [arguing  from  a 

diplomatic  study  of  the  document  of  1291  and  on  other  grounds,  that  the  league 

was  a  renewal  of  a  previous  one  dating  not  from  about  1245,  but  either  from  the 

period  of  the  Interregnum  or  from   the  reign   of  Eudolf   of  Habsburg]. — Jahrb. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  xx.     (Compare  a  notice  by  A.  Bernoulli,  Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch. 

1895.  3.) 
The  part  taken  by  count  Aimon  of  Savoy  in  the  tear  of  Laiipenivovci  the  accounts 

of    the  baililf  of   Chablais    [1338-1339]  :    by   V.   van   Berchem — Anz.    Schweiz. 

Gesch.  1895.  2. 
Bernese  chronicles  of  the  fifteenth  century  :  by  G.  Tobler  [on  the  relation  of  Schilling 

to  Tschachtlan]. — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  2. 
Notes  on  Albert  of  Bonstcttcn  :  by  A.  Bvchi. — Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  3. 
Commemoration  of    Schioyzers  tvJio  fell  in  the  war  with   Zurich   and  other  wars: 

printed    from    the    Schwyz     '  Jahrzcitluch '     by    A.    Dettling.— Anz.    Schweiz. 

Gesch.  1895.  1. 
The  religious   movement   in   the  landvogtd   of  Sargans:    by  F.   Fail     II:    1526- 

1 533-— Jahrb.  Schweiz.  Gesch.  xx.  (continued  from  vol.  xix. 
Document  on  the  reformation  at  Chur  [1529]  :  printed  by  F.  Jecklin. — Anz.  Schweiz. 

Gesch.  1895.  3. 
The  publication  of  Tschudi's  '  Rhetia  :  '  by  W.  Oechsli  [who  exposes  certain  mystifi- 
cations on  its  author's  part  with  reference  to  the  delay  in  printing  it].— Anz. 

Schweiz.  Gesch.  1895.  2. 
The  civil  war  in  Lucerne  of  1653  :  by  T.   von  Liebenau.— Jahrb.  Schweiz.  Gesch. 

XX.  (continued  from  vol.  xix.) 


1895  PERIODICAL  NOTICES  825 

An  account  of  the  events  in  the  tear  of  Villmergcn  [4  Jan.-14  Feb.  1656] :  reprinted  by 
T.  VON  LiEBENAu  [from  an  extremely  rare  tract  of  the  same  date  written  by  a  Jesuit 
of  Lucerne].— Anz.  Schweiz.  Gesch.     1895.     1. 

Documents  on  the  engagements  at  Bremgartcn  and  Villmergcn  [17 12]  :  printed  by  T. 
VON  LiEBENAU.— Anz.  Schwciz.  Gesch.     1895.     3. 

America  and  Colonies 

White  servitude  in  the  colonij  of  Virgijiia  :  by  J.  C.  Ballagh  [tracing  first  the  history 
of  servitude  under  the  London  Virginia  company's  rule,  1606-1624;  next,  the 
growth  of  the  system  of  indented  servants  down  to  the  prohibition  of  the  further  im- 
portation of  convicts  in  1788;  finally  examining  the  social  condition  of  indented 
servants  and  fiecdmen,  and  the  consequences  of  th.c  system  economically  and 
socially].— Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  Hist,  and  Pol.  Science,  xiii.  0,  7. 

New  liochclle  (Long  Island,  New  Yoik)  and  its  Huguenot  associations:  by  G.  Bonet- 
Mauky.  — Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest.  Franv.  xliv.  7-9.     July-Sept. 

The  French  in  Canada ;  the  early  years  of  Bougainville  and  the  seven  years'  war 
[1729-1763]  :  by  11.  i>E  Kerallain.-Hcv.  hist.  Iviii.  2.     Jidy. 

A  Huguenot  refugee  in  the  American  tear  of  independence  [Pierre  Chaillc  and  his 
family  history]  :  by  colonel  Chaillk-Long  and  N.  Weiss.— Bull.  Soc.  Hist.  Protest. 
Franc;,  xliv.  G.     June. 

The  finances  cf  the  United  States  [i  775- 1789]  Avith  special  reference  to  the  budget :  by 
C.  J.  Bullock.— Bull.  Univ.  Wisconsin,  Econ.,  Pol.  Sci.,  and  Hist.  i.  2. 

21ie  colony  of  the  Isle  of  France  in  1790  :  by  A.  Brette.— llevol.  Franc,-,  xiv.  12.  June. 

The  genesis  of  California)  the  first  constitution  [1846-1849]:  by E.D.  Hunt.- Johns 
Hopkins  Univ.  Stud,  in  Hist,  and  Pol.  Science,  xiii.  8. 

Double  taxation  in  the  United  States:  by  F.  Walkek.— Columbia  Cull.  Stud,  in  Hist., 
Econ.,  and  Public  Law,  v.  1. 


826 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Oct. 


Li'sif  of  Recent  Historical  Pubdcaiions 


I.  GENERAL  HISTORY 

(Including  works  of  miscellaneous  contents) 


Bleunaed  (A.)  Histoire  g6nerale  de 
I'industiie.  I :  Industries  du  regne 
vegetal.  Pp.  408.  Paris :  Laurens. 
7-50  f. 

BoiiGEAUi)  (C.)  Adoption  and  amend- 
ment of  constitutions  in  Europe  and 
America.  Tr.  by  C.  D.  Huzen.  Pp. 
350.     London :  Macmillan.     8;0. 

Casa  Valencia  (C.  de).  Estudios  histori- 
cos  :  La  embajada  de  Jorge  Juan  a  Mar- 
ruecos  [1767];  La  guerra  de  Espafia 
con  las  repiiblicas  del  Peru  y  de  Chile 
[1866]  ;  Un  diario  de  Fernando  VII 
[1823].     Pp.249.     Madrid:  Eortanet. 

Catalogue  general  des  manuscrits  cles  bi- 
bliothequcs  publiques  de  France.  De- 
partements.  XXIV.  Pp.  769.  Paris : 
Plon.     12  f. 

DuHAMEL  (L.)  Les  archives  notariales 
d'Avignon  et  du  Comtat-Venaissin. 
Pp.  68.     Paris  :  Picard.     2  f. 

Gil  Maestre  (A.)  Compendio  de  derecho 
internacional  de  guerra.  Pp.  268. 
Madrid :  Suarez.     4to. 


Labande  (L.  H.)  Catalogue  general  des 
manuscrits  des  biblioth^ques  publiques 
de  France.  Departements.  XXVII :  Avi- 
gnon. 1.  Pp.  cxii,  649.  Paris:  Plon. 
12  f. 

LiTTLEJOHN  (.J.  M.)  The  political  theory 
of  the  schoolmen  and  Grotius.  I-IIL 
Pp.  296.  College  Springs  (Io\Ya)  : 
Current-press. 

MucKE  (J.  E.)  Horde  und  Familie  in  ihrer 
urgeschichtlichen  Entwickelung  :  eine 
neue  Theorie  auf  statistischer  Grund- 
lage.  Pp.  808.  Stuttgart :  Enke. 
8  m. 

Neukamp  (E.)  Entwicklungsgeschichte 
des  Rechts.  L  Pp.  192.  Berlin: 
Heymann.     5  m. 

ScHMiDKONTZ  (.J.)  Ortskuude  und  Orts- 
namenforschung  iniDienste  der  Sprach- 
wissenschaft  und  Geschichte.  I.  Pp. 
94.     Halle  :  Niemeyer.     2*40  m. 

Walkeu  (T.  a.)  a  manual  of  public 
international  law.  Pp.  xxviii,  228. 
Cambridge  :  University  Press.     9/. 


II.  ORIENTAL   HISTORY 


Aegyptisciie  Urkunden  aus  dem  konig- 
lichen  Museum  zu  Berlin.  Griechische 
Urkunden.  I.  12  :  Indices  und  Nach- 
trage.  Pp.  353-899,  2  plates.  Berlin  : 
Weidmann.     4to.     2*40  m. 

Ahlwardt  (W.)  Verzeichniss  der  ara- 
bischen  Handschriften  der  koniglichen 
Bibliothek  zu  Berlin.  Pp.  806.  Berlin  : 
Asher.     4to.     36  m. 

Amklineau  (E.)  Essai  sur  revolution 
historique  et  philosophique  des  idees 
morales  dans  I'Egypte  ancienne.  Paris  : 
Leroux.     8  f. 

Monuments  pour  servir  a  I'histoire 

de  I'Egypte  chretienne  aux  4*^,  5"^,  6*-"  et 
7^^  si^cles.  Texte  copte  public  et  trad, 
par.     Paris :  Leroux.     4to.     36  f. 

Gkunwald  (M.)  Die  Eigennamen  des 
Alten  Testamentes  in  ihrer  Bedeutung 


f  iir  die  Kenntnis  des  heidnischen  Volks 
glaubens.  Pp.  77.  Breslau :  Koebner. 
2-50  m. 

Piehl  (K.)  Inscriptions  hieroglyphiques, 
recueillies  en  Egypte.  III.  1.  100 
plates.  Leipzig  :  Hinrichs.  4to.  25  m. 

Poels  (H.  a.)  Le  sanctuaire  de  Kirjath- 
Jearim  :  etude  sur  le  lieu  du  culte  chez 
les  Israelites  au  temps  de  Samuel.  Pp. 
140.     Louvain  :  Istas.     3  f. 

RoBiou  (M.)  L'etat  religieux  de  la  Gr^ce 
et  de  rOrient  au  siecle  d'Alexandre. 
II :  Les  regions  syro-babyloniennes  et 
I'Eran.  Pp.  116.  Paris :  Klincksieck. 
4to.     4-50  f. 

Slane  (baron  de).  Catalogue  des  manus- 
crits arabes  du  departement  des  manus- 
crits de  la  Bibliotheque  nationale.  III. 
Pp.  657-820.  Paris :  imp.  nationale.  4to. 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


827 


III.   GREEK  AND   ROMAN  HISTORY 


Arneth  (F.  H.  von).  Das  classische 
Heidenthuni  und  die  christlichc  lleli- 
gion.  2  vol.  Pp.  396,  332.  Vienna : 
Konegen.     15  m. 

Baumgarten  (M.)  Lucius  Annaeus  Seneca 
und  das  Christenthum  in  der  tiefge- 
sunkenen  antiken  Weltzeit.  Vp.  308. 
Rostock  :  Werther.     6  m. 

Holm  (A.)  The  history  of  Greece,  from 
its  commencement  to  the  close  of  the 
independence  of  the  Greek  nation. 
Transl.  II :  Fifth  century  u.c.  Pp. 
536.    London :  Macmillan.    6/. 


Lanciani  (R.)  Forma  urbis  Romae,  di- 
mensus  et  ad  modulum  1 :  1000 
delineavit.  III.  Milan :  Hoepli.  Fol. 
25  1. 

Waltzing  (J.  P.)  Etude  historique  sur 
les  corporations  professionnelles  chez 
les  Romains  depuis  les  origines 
jusqu'a  la  chute  de  I'empire  d'Occi- 
dent.  I.  Pp.  528.  Louvain :  Peeters. 
10  f. 

Wills  (A.)  Die  Schlacht  bei  Cannae. 
Pp.  29,  map.  Hamburg:  Herold. 
2  m. 


IV.   ECCLESIASTICAL   AND  MEDIEVAL   HISTORY 


Alexandre  IV,  Les  registres  d' :  recueil 
des  bulles  de  ce  pape,  publiees  ou 
analysees,  d'apr^s  les  manuscrits  ori- 
ginaux  des  archives  du  Vatican.  Par 
C.  Bourel  de  la  Ronciere.  I.  Pp.  1-128. 
Paris  :  Thorin.     4to.     9-60  f. 

Belfort  (A.  de).  Description  generale 
des  monnaies  nierovingiennes,  publiee 
d'aprdS  les  notes  nianuscrites  de  M.  le 
vicomte  de  Ponton  d'Am^court.  V. 
Pp.  291.  Paris  :  Societe  fran^aiso  de 
numismatique.     8  f. 

Bernoulli  (C.  A.)  Der  Schriftstellerka- 
talog  des  Hieronymus  :  ein  Beitrag  zur 
Geschichte  der  altchristlichen  Littera- 
tur.  Pp.  342.  Freiburg  :  Mohr.  6-GO  m. 

Blauk  (J.  F.)  Le  sud-ouest  de  la  Gaule 
franquc  depuis  la  creation  du  royaumc 
d'Aquitaine  jusqu'a  la  mort  de  Charle- 
magne.   Pp.  91.  Paris  :  Leroux.  2-25  f. 

Brants  (V.)  Les  theories  cconomiques 
aux  13*^  et  14-  siecles.  Pp.  279. 
Louvain :  Peeters.     12mo.     3  f. 

Cabrol  (F.)  Etude  sur  la  Peregrinatio 
Silviae ;  les  6g]ises  de  Jerusalem  ;  la 
discipline  et  la  liturgie  au  4''  siecle. 
Pp.  208.     Poitiers  :  Oudin.     5  f. 

Chevalier  (U.)  Repertoire  des  sources 
historiques  du  moyen  age.  Topo- 
bibliographie.  II:  B-E.  Pp.  530- 
1055.     Montbeliard:  Hoffmann. 

Chronica  minora  saec.  IV,  V,  VI,  VII. 
Ed.  T.  Mommsen.  III.  (Monumenta 
Germaniaehistorica.  Auctoresantiquis- 
simi.  XIII.)  2.  Pp.  223-354.  Ber- 
lin :  Weidmann.     4to.     5  m. 

GoTHEiN  (E.)  Ignatius  von  Loyola  und 
die  Gegenreformation.  Pp.  795. 
Halle  :  Niemeyer.     15  m. 

Gregorii  I  papae  registrum  epistolarum. 
II.  2  :  libri  X — XIV  cum  appendici- 
bus.  Post  Pauli  Ewaldi  obitum  ed.  L. 
M.  Hartmann.  (Monumenta  Gcrma- 
niae  historica.  Epistolae.  II.  2.)  Pp. 
233-464.  Berlin :  Weidmann.  4to. 
8  m. 

Harnack  (A.)  Sources  of  the  apostolic 
canons  ;  with  a  treatise  on  the  origin 
of  the  readership  and  other  lower 
orders.  Tr.  by  L.  A.  Wheatley.  Pp. 
230.    London:  Black.    7/6. 


Hausrath  (A.)  A  history  of  the  New 
Testament  times :  the  times  of  the 
apostles.  4  vol.  Tr.  by  L.  Huxley. 
London  :  Williams  &  Norgate.     42/. 

Karolini  aevi  epistolae.  Rec.  E.  Diunm- 
ler.  (Monumenta  Germaniae  historica. 
Epistolae.  IV.)  Pp.  639.  Berlin  : 
W^eidmann.     4to.     21  m. 

Knoi'fler  (A.)  Lehrbuch  der  Kirchen- 
geschichte,  auf  Grund  der  akadenii- 
schen  Vorlesungen  von  Joseph  von 
Hefelo.  Pp.  748.  Freiburg :  Herder. 
9  m. 

Krumraciier  (K.)  Micjuael  Glykas  :  cine 
Skizze  seiner  Biographic  und  seiner 
litterarischcn  Thatigkeit,  nebst  einem 
unedierten  Gedichte  und  l^riefc  dessol- 
bcn.    Pp.  70.    Munich  :  Franz.  I'OO  m. 

Legeand  (E.)  llecueil  do  documents 
grecs  concernant  les  relations  du  pa- 
triarcat  de  Jerusalem  avec  la  Rou- 
manie.     Pp.  480.    Paris  :  Welter.  30  f. 

MiRBT  (C.)  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des 
Papstthums.  Pp.  288.  Freiburg: 
Mohr.     4  m. 

Papal  registers,  Calendar  of  entries  in  the, 
relating  to  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 
Papal  letters.  II:  1305-1342.  Ed. 
by  W.  H.  Bliss.  Pp.  675.  London  : 
H.M.  Stationery  Office.     15/. 

RoRDAM  (H.  F.)  Kirkehistoriske  Samlin- 
ger.  III.  2.  Pp.  224.  Copenhagen : 
Gad. 

Schultze  (V.)  Avchiiologie  der  altchrist- 
lichen Kunst.  Pp.  382,  ill.  Munich : 
Beck.     10  m. 

Seeherg  (R.)  Lehrbuch  der  Dogmenge- 
schichte.  I :  Die  Dogmengeschichte 
der  alten  Kirche.  Pp.  332.  Leipzig  : 
Deichert.     5-40  m. 

Steyert  (A.)  Nouvelle  histoire  de  Lyon 
et  des  provinces  de  Lyonnais  ;  Forez, 
Beaujolais,  Franc-Lyonnais,  et  Douibes. 
Pp.  621,  ill.  Lyons  :  Bernoux  & 
Cumin.     8  f. 

Taglialatela  (G.)  Lezioni  di  storia 
ecclesiastica  e  di  archeologia  cristiana. 
I.  Pp.  508.  Naples  :  tip.  Napoletana.  4  1. 

WuLF  (M.  de).  Etudes  sur  Henri  de 
Gand.  Pp.  228.  Louvain  :  Uystpruyst- 
Dieudonn6.     2*50  f. 


828 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Oct. 


V.  HISTORY   OF   MODERN  EUROPE 


Broglie  (due  de).  La  paix  d'Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle.  Pp.  350.  Paris:  C.  Levy„ 
18mo.     3-70  f. 

Denmark. —  Eecueil  des  instructions 
donnees  aux  ambassadeurs  et  ministres 
dc  France  depuis  Ics  traitts  de  West- 
phalie  jusqu'a  la  revolution  fran^aise. 
XIII:  Danemark,  avec  intrcd.  et  notes 
par  A.  Geffroy.  Pp.  lxvii,240.  Paris: 
Alcan.     14  f. 

EuGENio  Di  Savoia,  priucipe,  Canipagnc 
del.  Serie  I,  VII :  Guerra  per  la  suc- 
cessions di  Spagna;  campagna  del 
1705.    Pp.' 475.     Turin :  Eoux.     101. 

Lehautcourt  (P.)  Campagne  de  la 
Loire  en  1870- 1871  :  Josnes,  Vendome, 
le  Mans.  Pp.  448,  13  maps.  Nancy : 
Berger-Levrault.     7 '50  f. 

Lichtenbergeb  (A.)  Le  socialisme  au  dix- 
huiti^me  siccle.  Pp.  473.  Paris : 
Alcan.     7-50  f. 

LuMBRoso  (A.)  Saggio  di  una  bibliografia 
ragionata  j)er  servire  alia  storia  dell' 
epoca  napoleonica.  Ill :  Barluzzi  — 
Bazzoni.  Pp.  179.  Modena :  tip. 
Namias.     5  1. 

LuYTEN  (A.)  Het  ontstaan  van  den  oorlog 
van  1870:  eene  geschiedkundige  bij- 
drage.  Pp.  31.  Amsterdam  :  Allert  de 
Lange. 

MocENiGO  (A.)  Eelazione  ufficiale  della 
battaglia  navale  di  Paros  [165 1].  Pp. 
68.     Venice  :  tip.  Emiliana. 

NuNTiATURBERicHTE  aus  Dcutscliland, 
nebst  erganzenden  Aktenstiicken.  IV  : 
1 628-1635.  Nuntiatur  des  Pallotto 
[1628-1630].  I:  1628.  Bearbeitet  von 
H.  Kiewning.  Pp.  cvii,  380.  Berlin, 
Bath.     16  m. 

OxEXSTiERXAs  (rikskanslcreu  Axel)  skrif  ter 
och  brefvexling.  Senare  afdelningen 
VII.  1:  HertigBernhardsaf  Sachsen- 
Weimar  bref  [1632-1630]  ;  2  :  Land- 
grefve  Wilhelms  af  Hessen-Kassel  bref 
ri632-i637].  Stockholm:  Norstedt. 
9-50  kr. 


Professione  (R.)  Storia  moderna  e  con- 
temporanea  dalla  pace  di  Acquisgrana 
ai  giorni  nostri.  II:  1815-1895.  Pp. 
530.     Turin  :  tip.  Bona.    3-50  1. 

Reaulx  (marquise  des).  Le  roi  Stanislas 
et  Marie  Leczinska.  Pp.  423,  ill. 
Paris  :  Plon.     7-50  f. 

RiBiER  (G.  de).  Repertoire  de  traites  de 
paix,  de  commerce,  d'alliance,  etc.,  con- 
ventions ct  autres  actes  conclus  entre 
toutes  les  puissances  du  globe  depuis 
1861  jusqu'a  nos  jours  (faisant  suite 
au  Repertoire  de  M.  Tetot).  Table 
gen^rale,  partie  chronologique  [1867- 
1894].  I:  Pp.  346.  Paris:  Pedone. 
15  f. 

RoTT  (E.)  Inventaire  sommaire  des  docu- 
ments relatifs  a  I'histoire  de  Suisse 
conserves  dans  les  archives  et  biblio- 
theques  de  Paris  et  sptcialement  de  la 
correspondance  echangee  entre  les  am- 
bassadeurs de  France  aux  ligues  et  leur 
gouvernment  [1444-1700].  V:  Tables. 
Pp.  495.     Geneva  :  Georg.     15  f. 

RoDSSET.  Histoire  g6nerale  de  la  guerre 
franco-allemande.  Ill :  Le  si^ge  de 
Paris.  Paris :  Librairie  illustree. 
7-50  f. 

Spain. — Calendar  of  letters,  despatches, 
and  state  papers,  relating  to  the  negotia- 
tions between  England  and  Spain. 
VL  2.  Henry  VIII:  1542-1543.  Ed. 
by  P.  de  Gayangos.  Pp.  li,  740.  Lon- 
don :  H.  M.  Stationery  Ofljce.     15/. 

Venice.  — Calendar  of  state  papers  and 
manuscripts,  relating  to  English  affairs, 
existing  in  the  archives  and  collections 
of  Venice,  and  in  other  libraries  of 
northern  Italy.  VI:  1581-1591.  Ed. 
by  H.  F.  Brown.  Pp.  xlvi,  619.  Lon- 
don :  H.M.  Stationery  Office.     15/. 

Wachter  (A.)  La  guerre  franco-alle- 
mande de  1870-71  :  histoire  politique, 
diplomatique,  et  militaire.  Edition  re- 
maniee  et  augmentce.  2  vol.  10  plates. 
Paris  :  Baudoin.     21  f. 


A.     FBANCE 


Alhanhs  (J.  H.)  Gallia  Christiana  novis- 
sima  :  histoire  des  archeveches,eveches, 
et  abbayes  de  France.  I.  1 :  Province 
d'Aix;  archeveche  d'Aix ;  evechts 
d'Apt  et  Frejus.  Pp.240.  Montbeliard 
Hoffmann.     4to.     10  f. 

Audiat  (L.)  Le  diocese  de  Saintes  au 
dix-huitieme  siecle  ;  hopitaux,  commu- 
nautes  rcligieuses,  abbayes.  Pp.  509. 
Paris  :  Picard.     10  f . 

AuLABi)  (F.  A.)  Recueil  des  actes  du 
comite  de  salut  public,  avec  la  corres- 
pondance officielle  des  representants 
en  mission  et  le  registre  du  conseil 
exccutif  provisoire.  VIII :  4  brumaire 
6  frimaire  an  II.  Pp.  775.  Paris : 
Leroux.     12  f. 

AussY   (D.  d').     Cajupagneg  des  Anglais 


dans  les  provinces  de  I'Ouest  [1345- 
1355].     Pp.24.     Vannes :  Lafolye. 

Auton  (Jean  d').  Chroniques  de  Louis 
XII ;  publ.  par  11.  de  Maulde  la  Cla- 
viere.  IV.  Pp.  557.  Paris  :  Laurens.  9  f. 

Barras.  Memoirs.  Tr.  by  C.  E.  Roche. 
I,  II.  Pp.  1220.  London :  Osgood.    32/. 

Beliiomme  (V.)  L'armee  fran(;aise  en 
1690.     Pp.210.     Paris:  Baudoin.    5  f. 

BoNDOis  (P.)  Napoleon  et  la  societe  de 
son  temps  [1793-1821].  Pp.  445. 
Paris:  Alcan.     7  f. 

Bonnefoy  (G.)  Histoire  de  I'administra- 
tion  civile  dans  la  province  d'Auvergne 
ct  le  departement  du  Puy-de-D6me  de- 
puis les  temps  les  plus  recules  jusqu'a 
nos  jours.  I.  Pp.  685,  ill.  Paris : 
Lechevalier,     10  f. 


1895 


HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 


829 


BouDON  (A.)     Les  municipalites  du  Puy 
pendant    la    periode    revolutionnaire ; 
leur  fonctionnement,  leui's  actes.     IV  : 
Pp.  433.      Le   Pny :    Prades-Fieydier. 
Broc  (vicomte   de).      La  vie  en  France 
sous    le    premier    empire.       Pp.    528. 
Paris  :  Plon.     7-50  f . 
Charavay  (E.)     Le  general  Alexis  le  Ve- 
neur,  le  heros  de  Namur  et  le  maitre  de 
Hoche  [1746-1833].     Pp.  115.     Paris: 
imp.  nationale. 
Charrier  (G.)     Les  jurades  de  la  ville  de 
Bergerac,  tirees  des  registres  de  I'hotel 
de  ville.     IV:    [1576-1598J.     Pp.401. 
Bergerac  :  imp.  generale  du  Sud-Ouest. 
16mo.     4  f. 
Chassin  (C.  L.)      Etudes   docuraentaires 
sur  la  revolution  fran^aise  ;  La  Vendee 
patriote   [i 793-1 795]-     IV.      Pp.  703. 
Paris  :  Dupont.     10  f. 
CoNDE   (Louis   de  Bourbon,  prince    de). 
Lettres    au    marechal    de    Grammoiit 
[1641-1678J.      Pp.   03.      Paris  :    imp. 
May  &  Motteroz.     4to. 
CosNAC  (comte  J.  de).    Le  baron  de  Pena- 
cors   et  le  cardinal  de  Pietz.     Pp.  68. 
Tulle :  imp.  Crauffon. 
CoYECQUE    (E.)        Inventa're     sommaire 
d'un  minutier  parisien  pendant  le  cours 
du    seizieme    siecle.     I:    [1498-1530]. 
Pp.  124.     Nogent-le-llotrou  :  imp.  Dau- 
peley-Gouverneur. 
Fabre  (J.)     Proces   de  condamnation  de 
Jeanne  d'Arc,  d'apres  les  textes  autlien- 
tiques  des  proces-verbaux  otiiciels.    Pp. 
432.     Paris:  Hachette.    18mo.     2-25  f. 
FiNOT  (J.)   &  Vermaere  (A.)     Inventaire 
sommaire  des  archives  communales  de 
la  ville  de  Saint-Amand  (departement 
du  Nord)  anterieures  a  1790.     Pp.  xlii, 
89.     Lille  :  imp.  Danel.     4to. 
FocKE  (R.)     Charlotte  Corday  :  eine  lai- 
tische    Darstellung  ihres   Lebens    und 
ihrer  Personlichkeit.     Pp.   102,    portr, 
Leipzig  :  Duncker  &  Hum  blot.    3-00  m. 
GouRviLLE  (M.    de).      Memoires,  publie^ 
par    L.     Lecestre.      II:     [1670-1702]. 
Pp.  338.     Paris  :  Laurens.     9  f. 
Grand  -  Carteret      (J.)        Napoleon    en 
images ;  estampes  anglaises,  portraits, 
et  caricature.     Pp.  100,  130  ill.    Paris  : 
Firmin-Didot.     4to.     5  f. 
GuERY    (G.)     Economic   ruvale ;    mouve- 
ments  et  diminution  de  la  population 
agricole  en  France.     Pp.  230.     Paris: 
Kousseau.     0  f. 
GuiLLON  (E.)     Histoire  de  la   revolution 
et  de  I'empire.   Pp.  320,  150,  ill.  Paris  : 
Charavay.     4to.     G  f. 
Hassall  (A.)     Louis  XIV.     Pp.  444,  ill. 
London  :  Putnam.     5/. 


Ledain    (B.)       Archives    historiques    du 
Poitou.     XXV  :  Cartulaires   et  charte  1 
de  I'abbaye  de  I'Absie.     Pp.  4G6.     Poi- 
tiers :  imp.  Oudin.     12  f. 
Maugras  (G.)     Le  due  de  Lauzun  et  la 
cour    de   Marie-Antoinette.      Pp.   555. 
Paris  :  Plon.     7-50  f. 
Mknard  (abb6).    Un  chapitre  de  I'histoire 
de  la  terreur  h  Avranches,  d'apres  les 
pieces  officielles  [juillet  1794].     Pp.44. 
Avranches:  imp.  Perrin. 
Montgaillard    (comte  de),    agent  de   la 
diplomatic  secrete  pendant  la   r<!;volii- 
tion,  I'empire,  et  la  restauration.     Sou- 
venirs.    Pp.  340.     Corbeil :  Crete. 
Mougenot  (L.)     Jeanne  d'Arc,  le  due  de 
Lorraine,  et  le  sire  deBaudricourt.    Pp. 
165.     Nancy  :  imp.  Berger-Levrault. 
PicHox  (J.)  &  VicAiRE  (G.)     Documents 
pour  servir  a  I'histoire  des  libraii'es  de 
Paris   [1486-1600].     Pp.   300.      Paris: 
Leclerc  &  Cornuau.     10  f. 
Pilot  (J.  J.  A.)     Histoire  municipale  de 
Grenoble.      I.      Pp.   233.      Grenoble : 
Drevet. 
PoLi   (0.  de).     Les    defenseurs  du  mont 
Saint-Michel  [1417-1450J.     Pp.  clxxvi, 
251.      Saint-Amand :    imp.    Destenav. 
18mo. 
RoYE  (J.  de).    Journal  connu  sous  le  nom 
de  Chronique  scandaleuse  [1460-1483'  ; 
public  par  B.  de  Mandrot.    I.    Pp.  373. 
Paris  :  Laurens.     0  f. 
Saint-Saud      (comto     de).        Documents 
inedits  concernant  la  Guyenne.    I.    Pp. 
38.      Bordeaux :     imp.     Gounouilhou. 
4to. 
Segur  (comte  de).    Le  marechal  de  Segur 
[1724-1801],  ministre  de  la  guerre  sous 
Louis   XVI.     Pp.    308,    portr.      Paris  : 
Plon.     7-50  f. 
Skrres  (J.  B.)     Histoire  de  la  revolution 
en   Auvergnc.      1.      Pp.    216.      Paris : 
Vic  tt  Amat.     16mo. 
Sievagxi  (U.)     Napoleone  Bonaparte  c  i 

suoi  tempi.     I.     Piome. 
Stoui;m  (K.)    Bibliographic  historique  des 
fmances  de  la  France  du  dix-huitienic 
siecle.     Paris :  Guillaumin.     0  f. 
Thirria  (H.)     Napoleon  III  avant  TEm- 

pire.  Pp.  404.  Paris :  Plon.  8  f. 
Valentin  (F.)  Augustin  Thierry.  Pp. 
240.  Paris :  Lecene  et  Oudin. 
1-50  f. 
ViOLLET  (P.)  Les  etats  ce  Paris  en 
fevrier  1358.  Pp.  36.  Paris  :  impr. 
nationale  (Klincksieck).     1-70  f. 

Comment  les  femmes  out  ete  exclues 

en  France  de  la  succession  a  la  cou- 
ronne.  Pp.  58.  Paris  :  impr.  nationale 
(Klincksieck).     2-60  f. 


B.    GERMANY 


Ahrens  (H.)  Die  SVettiner  und  Kaiser 
Karl  IV  :  ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der 
wettiner  Politik  [1364-1379]-  (Leipziger 
Studien  aus  dem  Gebiet  der  Geschichte, 
I.  2.)  Pp.  103.  Leipzig :  Duncker  & 
Hurablot.    2-CO  m. 


Altmann  (W.)  &  Bernheim  (E.)  Aus- 
gewiihlte  UrkundenzurErliiuterung  der 
Verfassungsgeschichte  Deutschlands 
im  Mittelalter.  2nd  ed.  Pp.  405. 
Berlin  :  Gaertner.     6  m. 

Ballheiuee  (R.)    Zeittafeln  zur  hambur- 


830 


LIST  OF  RECENT 


Oct. 


gischen  Gescliichte.  Pp.  28.  ^amburg. 

Herolcl.     4to.     2  m. 
Brandenburg   (E.)     Die  Gefangennahme 

Herzog  Heinrichs  von    Braunschweig 

durch    den      schmalkaldischen    Bund 

[1545].       Pp.    74.       Leipzig:      Fock. 

1-50  m. 
Eberhard  (W.)      Ludwig   III,   Kurfiirst 

der  Pfalz,  und  das  Eeich  [1410-1427J. 

I :     [1410-1414].      Pp.  54.      Giessen : 

Bicker.     1-20  m. 
Frohnhauser  (L.)      Gustav   Adolf    und 

die  Schweden  in  Mainz  und  am  Rhein. 

Pp.  232,  ill.  Darmstadt :  Bergstriisser. 

3  m. 
JoACHiMSOHN'  (P.)       Die    humanistische 

Geschichtschreibung  in   Deutschland. 

I  :  Die  Anfange  ;  Sigismund  Meisterlin. 

Pp.  335.     Bonn  :  Hanstein.     10  m. 
LoEscHE  (G.)     Johannes  Mathesius  :  ein 

Lebens-  und  Sittenbild  aus  der  Refor- 


mationszeit.  II.  Pp.  467.  Gotha: 
F.  A.  Perthes.     6  ra. 

LoEWE  (V.)  Die  Organisation  und  Ver- 
waltung  der  Wallensteinischen  Heere. 
Pp.  99.     Freiburg  :  Mohr :  2  m. 

LowENSTEiN  (L.)  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte 
der  Juden  in  Deutschland.  I  :  Ge- 
schichte der  Juden  in  der  Kurpfalz. 
Pp.  329.  Frankfurt :  Kauffmann.    G  m, 

Pauli  (Elisabeth).  Reinhold  Pauli :  Le- 
benserinnerungen  nach  Briefen  und 
Tagebiichern  zusamraengestellt.  Pp. 
377.    Halle :  Karras  (privately  printed). 

Villermont  (comte  de).  Marie-Ther^se 
[1717-1780].  Pp.  432,  430.  Brussels: 
Descl6e  &  De  Brouwer.     15  f. 

ZiEGLAUER  (von).  Gcschichtliche  Bilder 
aus  der  Bukowina  zur  Zeit  der  oster- 
reichischen  Militar-Verwaltung.  II : 
Die  Jahre  1780  und  1781.  Pp.  176. 
Czernowitz  :  Pardini.    2  m. 


C.  GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  IRELAND 


Admiralty,  Select  pleas  in  the  court 
of.  I :  The  court  of  the  admiralty  of 
the  west  [1390--1404]  and  the  high 
court  of  admiralty  [1527-1545].  Ed. 
by  E.  G.  Marsden.  (Selden  Society. 
VI.)  Pp.  Ixxxviii,  263.  London  : 
Quaritch.     4to. 

Barcock  (W.  H.)  The  two  lost  centuries 
of  Britain.  Pp.  239.  Philadelphia : 
Lippincott. 

Bates  (C.  J.)  The  history  of  Northumber- 
land.    Pp.  303.     London  :  Stock.    7/6. 

Biography,  Dictionary  of  national.  Ed. 
by  S.  Lee.  XLIV  :  Faston  -Percy.  Pp. 
447.  London  :  Smith,  Elder,  &  Co.  15'. 

Bradley  (A.  G.)  Wolfe.  Pp.  214.  Lon- 
don :  Macmillan.     2/6. 

Brosch  (M.)  Geschichte  vcn  England. 
VIII.  (Geschichte  der  europaischen 
Staaten.  LVI,  1.)  Pp.  517.  Gotha  : 
F.  A.  Perthes.     10  m. 

Calendar  of  state  papers,  domestic  series, 
Jan.-Nov.  1 671,  preserved  in  the  public 
record  office.  Ed.  by  F.  H.  B.  Daniell. 
Pp.  xliv,  712.  London  :  H.M.  Statio- 
nery Office.     15/. 

Camden  miscellany,  The.  IX.  London  : 
Printed  for  the  Camden  Society.     4to. 

Clark  (A.)  The  life  and  times  of  Anthony 
Wood,  antiquary,  of  Oxford  [1632- 1695] 
described  by  himself ;  collected  from 
his  diaries  and  other  papers.  IV : 
Addenda.  Pp.  322,  plates.  (Oxford 
Historical  Society.)  Oxford  :  Clarendon 
Press. 

Edwards  (rev.  Griffith).  Works.  Ed.  by 
E.  Owen.     Pp.  296.     London  :  Stock. 

Healy  (J.)  Maynooth  College  [1795- 
1895].  PP-  770,  ill.  Dublin  :  Browne 
&  Nolan.     4to.     28/. 

Hewison  (J.  K.)  The  Isle  of  Bute  in  the 
olden  time.  II :  The  royal  stewards 
and  the  Brandanes.  Pp.  408,  ill.  Edin- 
burgh :  Blackwood.     4to.     15/. 

Hood  (sir  Samuel),  viscount  Hood,  Letters 
written  by  [i  781 -83] ;    illustrated  by 


extracts  from  logs  and  public  records. 
Ed.  by  D.  Hannay.  Pp.  xlvii,  170. 
London  :  Printed  for  the  Navy  Records 
Society. 

Horstmann  (C.)  Richard  Rolle  of  Ham- 
pole  and  his  followers.  Pp.  443.  Lon- 
don :  Sonnenschein. 

Kalkmann  (P.)  England's  tJbergang  zur 
Goldwiihrung  im  achtzehnten  Jahr- 
hundert.  (Knapp's  Abhandlungen  aus 
dem  staatswissenschaftlichen  Seminar 
zu  Strassburg.  XV.)  Pp.  140.  Strass- 
burg  :  Triibner.     4  m. 

Kromsigt  (P.  J.)  John  Knox  als  kerkher- 
vormer.  Pp.  360.  Utrecht :  A.  H.  ten 
Bokkel  Huinink. 

London. — Visitations  of  churches  belong- 
ing to  St.  Paul's  cathedral  [1297  and 
1458J.  Ed.  by  W.  S.  Simpson.  Pp. 
Ixx,  130.  London :  Cahiden  Society. 
4to. 

Mason  (A.  J.)  Lectures  on  Colet,  Fisher, 
&  More.  London  :  Society  fcr  pro- 
moting Christian  knowledge.  12mo. 
1/6. 

Millar  (A.  H.)  Fife,  pictorial  and  histo- 
rical :  its  people,  burghs,  castles,  and 
mansions.  2  vol.  EdinJburgh :  Men- 
zies.     42/. 

Mirror  of  justices  (The),  ed.  by  W.  J. 
Whittaker,  with  introd.  by  F.  W.  Mait- 
land.  (Selden  Society.  VII.)  Pp.  Iv, 
210.     London :  Quaritch.     4to. 

Neilson  (G.)  Repentance  Tower  and  its 
traditions.  Pp.  25.  Edinburgh  :  John- 
ston.    4to. 

Patent  rolls,  Calendar  of  the,  preserved 
in  the  public  record  office.  Edward  I : 
1292-1301.  Pp.  889.  London:  H.M. 
Stationery  Office.     15/. 

Pepys  (Samuel).  Diary.  Ed.  by  H.  B. 
Wheatley.  VI:  1  Oct.  i666-30  June 
1667].     Pp.  408,  ill.    London  :  Bell. 

Ransome  (C.)  History  of  England.  Pp. 
1069,  maps,  &c.  London  ;  Rivington. 
7/6. 


1895 


TIISTOhlCAL  PUBLICATIONS 


831 


Reid  (S.  J.)  Lord  John  llussell.  Pp. 
381,  portr.     London  :  Low.     3/0. 

Scotland,  The  register  of  the  privy  council 
of.  Ed.  by  D.  Masson.  XII:  1619- 
1622.  Edinburgh :  PubHshed  under 
the  direction  of  the  lord  clerk  register. 
15/. 

Shand  (A.  I.)  The  life  of  general  sir 
Edward  Bruce  Hamley.  2  vol.  Pp. 
G22,  portr.  Edinburgh  :  Blackwood.  21/. 

Sharpe  {R.  R.)  London  and  the  king- 
dom :  a  history  derived  mainly  from 
archives  at  Guildhall.  III.  Pp.  567. 
London :  Longmans.     10/6. 

Smith  (G.  Barnett)  John  Knox  and  the 
Scottish  reformation.  Pp.  160,  ill. 
London :  Partridge.     1/6. 

Stephen  (L.)  The  life  of  sir  James  Fitz- 
james    Stephen,    a  judge  of  the  high 


court  of  justice.  Pp.  510,  portr.  Lon- 
don :  Smith,  Elder,  &  Co.     16/. 

Strickland  (P.)  Chronological  table  of 
public  general  acts  in  force,  20  Hen. 
Ill  [I235J-57  &  58  Vict.  [1894].  Pp. 
82.    London :  Clowes.     4to.    3/. 

Yorkshire. — The  certificates  of  the  com- 
missioners appointed  to  survey  the 
chantries,  guilds,  hospitals,  &c.,  in  the 
county  of  York.  II.  (Publications  of 
the  Surtees  Society.  XCII.)  Durham  : 
Andrews     (London  :  Whittaker).  31/6. 

YoiJKsiiiRE  royalist  composition  papers, 
or,  proceedings  of  the  committee  for 
compounding  with  delinquents  during 
the  commonwealth.  (Yorkshire  Ar- 
chreological  Society.  Record  series. 
XVIII.)  Ed.  by  J.  W.  Clay.  Pp.  244. 
S.  I. :   Printed  for  the  society. 


D.  ITALY 


Alvisi  (E.)  II  libro  delle  origini  di  Fie- 
sole  e  di  Firenze,  pubblicato  su  due 
testi  del  secolo  XIII.  Pp.  124.  Parma  : 
tip.  Ferrari  e  Pellegrini.     24mo. 

Capasso  (B.)  Inventario  cronologico-sis- 
tematico  dei  registri  angioini  conser- 
vati  neir  archivio  di  Stato  di  Napoli. 
Pp.  Ixxxi,  542.  Naples :  tip.  di  R. 
Rinaldi.  25  1. 

CiEsco  (T.  di).  Catalogo  dei  vescovi  della 
venosina  diocesi,  con  brevi  notizie  in- 
torno  a  Venosa  e  le  sue  chiese.  Pp. 
108.     Siena  :  tip.  s.  Bernardino. 

Gherahdi  (A.)  Le  consulte  della  repub- 
blica  fiorentina,  per  la  prima  volta  pub- 
blicate.  XXVII.  Pp. 513-552.  Florence: 
Sansoni.     4to.     4  1. 

Giovanni  (V.  di).  Giovanni  Pico  della 
Mirandola  nella  storia  del  rinascimento 
e  della  filosofia  in  Italia.  Pp.  208. 
Palermo :  tip.  del  Bcccone  del  Povero. 
3  1. 

Gotti  (A.)  Vita  del  barone  Bettino  Rica- 
soli.     Pp.  406.     Florence. 

MoRozzo  DELLA  RoccA  (E.)  Lc  storic  deir 
antica  cittadi  Monteregale  ora  Mondovi 
in  Piemonte.  Pp.  616.  Mondovi :  tip. 
Fracchia.     5  1. 

NoGARA  (B.)  II  nome  personale  nella 
Lombardia    durante    la    dominazione 


romana.     Pp.    272.     Milan :    Hoepli. 

12  1. 
Orano  (D.)     Marcello  Alberini  e  il  sacco 

di  Roma  [1527].     Pp.50.     Rome:  So- 

cieta  Romana  di  Storia  Patria. 
Oreglia  (G.)    Giovanni  Pico  della  Miran- 
dola e  la  cabala  :  studio  storico.     Pp. 

67.     Mirandola :  lip.  Cagarelli.     4to. 
Pkpe   (L.)     Storia   della   citta  di   Ostuni 

[1463-1639].     Pp.  292.    Trani:  Vccchi. 

4  1. 
Pyiuus  (G.  B.)    Cronaca  della  citta  e  pro- 

vincia   di   liavi    [1647- 1648],  edita   da 

E.  Rogadeo   di  Torre(iuadra.     Pp.  82. 

Trani:  Vecclii. 
Santalena    (A.)      Fn'    ambasciata  trevi- 

giana  a  Venezia  al  tempo  della  lega  di 

Cambray.     Pp.  16.    Treviso  :  tip.  della 

Gazzetta. 
Santini  (P.)     Document!  dell'  antica  cos- 

tituzione  del  comune  di  Firenze.     Pp. 

Ixxii,  742.    Florence :  Vieusseux.    4to 

15  1. 
Villari  (P.)    Niccolo  Machiavelli  e  i  suoi 

tempi,  illustrati  con  nuovi  documenti. 

II.    2nd  ed.  revised.     Pp.  639.     Milan  : 

Hcej^li. 

VoGELSTEIN      (H.)     &     RiEGER      (P.)        Gc- 

schichte  der  Judon  in  Rom.     II.     Pp. 
456.     Berlin  :  Maver  &  Miiller. 


E.  OTHER    COUNTBIES 


Agram.  —  Monumenta  historica  liberae 
regiao  civitatis  Zagrabiae  metropolis 
regni  Dalmatiae,  Croatiae  et  Slavoniac. 
Collegit  et  sumptibus  ejusdem  civitatis 
edidit  J.  B.  Tkalcie.  11  :  Diplomata 
[1400-1499].     Pp.  ccxliii,  587.     10  m. 

Bakunin  (M.)  Social- politischer  Brief- 
wechsel  mit  Alexander  I.  Herzen  und 
Ogarjow,  mit  einer  biographischen  Ein- 
leitung  von  M.  Dragomanow.  Aus  dem 
Russischen  von  L.  Minzes.  (Schie- 
mann's  Bibliothek  russischer  Denkwur- 
digkeiten.  VI.)  Pp.  ex,  420.  Stuttgart : 
Cotta.    6  m. 


BAN(t  (A.  C.)     Den  Norske  kirkes  histoiio 

i   det  sextende  aarhundrede.    Pp.  435. 

Christiania.     (10  m.) 
Disc'ailles   (E.)      Charles  Rogior   [1800- 

1885I,   d'apres  dcs  documents  inedits. 

4  vol!   Pp.  211,  441'),  440,  390,  portraits. 

Brussels:  Lebegue. 
HoLBERG  (L.)     Konge  og  Danehof  in  det 

13.  og  14.  Aarhundrede.     I.     Pp.  350. 

Copenhagen.     (7-50  m.) 
Holm    (E.)      Danmark-Norgcs     Historic 

under  Kristian  VI  [1730-1746].    Anden 

Halvdel.     Pp.  474.    Copenhagen  :  Gad. 
Hubert  (E.)     Un  chapitre  de  I'histoire 


832       RECENT  HISTORICAL   PUBLICATIONS   Oct.  1895 


tlu   droit   ciiminel   dans   le^Pays-Bas 

autriehiens  au  dix-buitieme  sitcle  ;  les 

memoiies  de  Goswin  de  Fierlant.     Pp. 

102.     Brussels :  Ilayez. 
Janssen  van  Eaaij  (H.  L.)     Kroniek  der 

stad   Haarlem,   van    de   vermoedelijke 

stichting   dor   stad  tofc  het    einde   van 

het  jaar    1890.     Pp.   281.     Haarlem: 

Loosje. 
KiEViTS  (D.  B.)   Hoofdpunten  der  geschie- 

denis   van   Nederland.      I.      Pp.   282. 

Groningen  :  Wolters. 
Legraxd  (L.)  Geschiedenis  dor  Bataafsche 

republiek.'      IV-VII.      Pp.      ITO-BTl. 

Arnhem. 
Labayru  y  Goicoechea  (E.  J.  de).  Historia 

general  del  sefiorio  de  Bizcaya.  I.    Pp. 

889,  64  plates.     Bilbao. 
Le  Coukt  (J.  de)     Eecueil  des  anciennes 

ordonnances   de   la   Belgique ;    recueil 

des  ordonnances  des   Pays-Bas   autri- 


ehiens.    'd"   Svjrie:     1700-1794.     VIII: 

[12   Janvier    1756-29   decembre    1762J. 

Pp.  549.  Brussels :  Goemaere.  Fol.  25  f. 
Li^N  Y  PizAKKO  (D.  Jose  Garcia  de),  Memo- 

rias  de  la  vida  del  excelentisimo  senor. 

(Coleccion    de    escritores     castellanos. 

CIV.)    Pp.  443.    Madrid  :  Rivadeneyra. 
Scuvveizer  (P.)    Geschicbte  der  schweize- 

rischen  Neutralitiit.  III.  Pp.  529-1032, 

maps.     Frauenfeld :  Huber. 
ViLLANUEVA  (L.)     Vida  del  gran  mariscal 

de  Ayacucho.    Pp.  590,  portr.    Caracas. 

4to. 
Wauters  (A.)     Les  plus  anciens  echevins 

de  la  ville  de  Bruxelles  :    essai  d'une 

liste  complete  de  ces  niagistrats  pour 

les  temps  antdrieurs  al'annee  1339.  Pp. 

54.     Brussels:  Vromant.     2*50  f. 
Wyss  (G.  von).     Geschichte  der  Historio- 

graphic  in  der  Schweiz.     II,  III.     Pp. 

81-338.     Zurich  :  Fiisi  &  Bee)-. 


VI.    AMERICAN  AND   COLONIAL  HISTORY 


Cappa  (R.)  Estudio3  criticos  acerca  de 
la  dominacion  espafiola  en  America. 
IV.  13,  14.     Madrid  :  G.  del  Amo. 

Coroleu  (J.)  America :  historia  de  su 
colonizacion,  dominacion,  e  indepen- 
dencia.    II.   Pp.  370.    Barcelona.    4to. 

Davies  (H.  E.)  General  Sheridan.  Pp. 
339,  portr.     Kew  York  :  Appleton. 

FisKE  (J.)  and  others.  The  presidents  of 
the  United  States  [1789- 1894].  Ed.  by 
J.  G.  Wilson.  Pp.  538.  London  :  Gay 
Bird.     12/0. 

Gannett  (H.)  The  building  of  a  nation  : 
the  growth,  present  condition,  and  re- 
sources of  the  United  States.  Pp.  252, 
maps.     New  York. 

Herkan  (G.)  Relacion  historial  de  las 
misiones  de  indios  Chiquitos  que  en  el 
Paraguay  tienen  los  padres  de  la 
Compafiia  de  Jesus  [1726].  (Coleccion 
de  libros  raros  que  tratan  de  America. 
XL)  L  Pp.  282.  Madrid:  Minuesa  de 
los  Rios. 

Jenks  (F.)  The  history  of  Australasian 
colonies  from  their  foundation  to  the 
year  1893.  l^P-  '^^2,  maps.  Cam- 
bridge :  University  Press.     0/, 

KiRKLAND  (J.)  The  Chicago  massacre  of 
1812.  111.  Chicago:  Dibble  PubHshing 
Co.    12mo. 

—The  story  of  Chicago  [to  1894].  2  vol. 
111.  Chicago:  Dibble  Publishing  Co. 
12mo. 

LoFviN    (H.)     Le    comte    de    Frontenac : 


etude  sur  le  Canada  franya's  a  la  fin  du 

dix-septieme sitcle.  Paris:  Colin,    10  f. 
Marcel  (G.)     Reproductions  de  cartes  et 

de   globes    relatifs  a   la  decouverte  de 

r  Am6rique  du  seizi^me  au  dix-huitieme 

sitcle  avec  texte    explicatif.     Pp.  147. 

Paris  :  Leroux.     4to  ;  and  atlas  of  40 

plates,  fol.     100  f. 
MiLLAREs    (A.)     Historia  general  de   las 

Islas  Canarias.  VIII  —X.  Las  Palmas  : 

Miranda.     4to. 
McoRE  (J.  W.)     The  American  congress  : 

a   history  of   national  legislation    and 

political  events  [1774- 1895].     Pp.  581. 

London  :  Longmans.     15/. 
Prowse  (D.  W.)     A  history  of  Newfound- 
land from   the  English,   colonial,  and 

foreign   records.     Pp.   742,   maps,   &c. 

London;  Macmillan.     21/. 
Rhodes    (J.   F.)     History  of   the  United 

States,  from  the  compromise  of   1850. 

Ill:  [1860-1862].     Pp.059.     London: 

Macmillan.     12/. 
Thompson  (R.  E.)     History  of  the  pres- 

byterian  churches  in  the  United  States. 

New   Y'ork  :      Christian  Literature  Co. 

12mo.     (12,0.) 
Walker    (F.    A.)     The    making    of    the 

nation    [1783-1817].     Pp.   329,   maps. 

New  Y^ork :  Scribner.     12mo.     (6/G.) 
WiNSOR  (J.)   The  Mississippi  basin  :  the 

struggle  in   America  between  England 

and    France    [1697-1763].        Pp.    494. 

London  :  Low.     15/. 


INDEX 


THE     TENTH     VOLUME 


ARTICLES,   NOTES,   AND  DOCUMENTS 


Anatolius  of  Laodicea,  The  Paschal 
canon  attributed  to :  by  A.  Ans- 
combe,  515 

by  C.  H.  Turner,  699 

Anne  Boleyn,  The  age  of :  by  J. 
Gairdner,  104 

Bengal,  The  permanent  settlement  of  : 
by  B.  H.  Baden-Powell,  C.I.E.,  27G 

Bulstrode,  Sir  Richard,  The  memoirs 
of  :  by  C.  H.  Firth,  266 

CAMBitiDGESHiiiE,  An  ecclesiastical  ex- 
periment in   (1656-1658):    by   the 
Rev.  H.  W.  P.  Stevens,  744 
Campaign  of  1815,  Disputed  passages 

of  the :    by  his  Honour  Judge  W. 

O'Connor  Morris,  55 
City   parish   under  the   Protectorate, 

Troubles  in   a :  by  the  Rev.   J.  A. 

Dodd,  41 
Clement,  Henry,  The  murder  of  [1235] : 

by  Professor  Maitland,  LL.D.,  294 
Constable,    The    otlicc  of :    by  H.  B. 

Simpson,  625 
Constantine,    The   Donation   of :    by 

H.  C.  Lea,  LL.D.,  86 
Coote,  Sir  Eyre,  and  the  '  Dictionary 

of    National    Biography :  '     by    F. 

Dixon,  336 
Crecy,  The   archers  at:   by  the  Rev. 

H.  B.  George,  733 
Crecy,  The  '  herse '  of  archers  at :  by 

Lieutenant-Colonel  E.    M.    Lloyd 

R.E.,  538 
Cromwell's  major-generals  :  by  D.  W. 

Rannie,  471 

VOL.  X.—  NO.  XL. 


Dante,  A  biographical  notice  of,  in  the 
1494  edition  of  the  '  Speculum 
Historiale  :  '  by  P.  Toynbee,  297 

Edmund,  earl  of  Lancaster:  by  W.  E. 

Rhodes,  19,  209 
Edward  VI.,  The  condition  of  morals 

and  religious  belief  in  the  reign  of ; 

by  the  Rev.  N.  Pocock,  417 
English  topographical   notes  :   by  F. 

Haverfield,  710 
Erasmus  in  Italy :  by  the  Rev.  E.  H.  R. 

Tatham,  642 

Guises,  The  assassination  of  the,  as 
described  by  the  Venetian  ambassa- 
dor: by  Horatio  Brown,  304 

Henry  I.  at  Burne  :  by  J.  H.  Round, 

536 
Heraldry  of  Oxford  colleges:  by  the 

Rev.  A.  Clark,  333,  543 

by  P.  Landon,  541 

Humphrey,  duke  of  Gloucester,  Some 

literary  correspondence  of:  by  the 

Bishop  of  Peterborough,  99 
Hundred  and  the  geld.  The  :  by  J.  H. 

Round,  732 

Irish  absentee,  An,  and  his  tenants 
[1768-1792]  :  by  J.  G.  Alger,  663 

King  Stephen  and  the  earl  of  Chester 
by  J.  H.  Round,  87 

Lesdiguieres,  The  Constable:  by  E- 
Armstrong,  445 

3h 


834 


INDEX   TO    THE    TENTH  VOLUME 


Morals  and  religious  belief,  The  con- 
dition of,  in  the  reign  of  Ed  warn  VI : 
by  the  Rev.  N.  Pocock,  417 

Oxford  colleges.  Heraldry  of  :  by  the 

Rev.  A.  Clark,  333,  543 
by  P.  Landon,  541 

Paschal   canon,    The,    attributed    to 

Anatolius    of    Laodicea  :      by    A. 

Anscombe,  515 

by  C.  H.  Turner,  699 

Pope  who  deposed  himself,  The  :  by 

Sir  F.   Pollock,   Bart.,  LL.D.,   293, 

536 
Pym,  John,  An  alleged  notebook  of  • 

by  S.  R.  Gardiner,  D.C.L.,  105 

Saye  and  Sele,  Lord,  A  letter  from, 
to  Lord  Wharton,  1657  :  contributed 
by  C.  H.  Firth,  106 


School,  A  sixteenth-century :  by  P.  S. 
Allen,  738 

Seeley,  John  Robert :  by  J.  R.  Tanner, 
507 

Shakespeare  and  the  Jews  :  by  the 
Rev.  A.  Dimock,  192 

Sonderbund,  The  War  of  the  :  by  W. 
B.  Duffield,  675 

Stephen,  King,  and  the  earl  of  Chester  : 
by  J.  H.  Round,  87 

Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  The  early  his- 
tory of :  by  J.  E.  Gilmore,  1 

Vanini  in  England  :  by  R.  C.  Christie, 
238 

Wycliffjte  Bible,  The  authorship  of 
the  :  by  F.  D.  Matthew,  91 

Worcester  Cathedral  book  of  ecclesi- 
astical collections  made  c.  1000  a.d.  : 
by  Miss  M.  Bateson,  712 


LIST  OF  REVIEWS   OF  BOOKS 


Adamnani  Vita  S.  Columbae ;  edited 
by  J.  T.  Fowler :  by  the  Rev.  F.  E. 
Warren,  554 

Alberoni,  Lettres  intimes  adress<}^s  au 
comte  J.  Rocca  ;  edited  by  E.  Bour- 
geois :  by  E.  Armstrong,  382 

Alger  (J.  G.)  Glimpses  of  the  French 
revolution :  by  Professor  Montague, 
393 

Amelineau  (E.)  Resume  de  Vhistoire 
de  VEgypte :  by  S.  Lane-Poole, 
776 

Andrews  (E.  B.)  The  history  of  the 
United  States :  by  J.  A.  Doyle, 
604 

Aragon  (Marquis  d')  Lepriyice  Charles 
de  Nassau- Siccjcn  [1784-1789] :  by 
Principal  Ward,  Litt.D.,  179 

Archer  (T.  A.)  &  Kingsford  (C.  L.) 
The  Crusades  :  by  Professor  Bury, 
Litt.D.,  784 

Ashley  (W.  J.)  An  introduction  to 
English  economic  history  arid  theory, 
i,  2  :  by  W.  J.  Corbett,  563 

Bain  (R.  N.)  Gustavus  III  and  his 
contemporaries  :  by  R.  Garnett, 
LL.D.,  808 

Balau  (S.)  La  Belgiqiie  sous  V empire 
et  la  d^faite  de  Waterloo  [1804- 
1815]  :  by  Professor  Hubert, 
182 


Bath,  Two  chartularies  of  the  priory 
of  St.  Peter  at :  edited  by  W.  Hunt : 
by  Professor  Maitland,  LL.D.,  558 

Beale  (T.  W.)  Oriental  biographical 
dictionary  ;  edited  by  H.  G.  Keene  : 
by  S.  Lane-Poole,  132 

Bertolotti  (A.)  Martiri  di  libero  pen- 
siero  e  vittime  delta  santa  inquisi- 
zione  nei  secoli  xvi,  xvii,  e  xviii  :  by 
the  Rev.  A.  J.  Carlyle,  167 

Binterim  &  Mooren,  Die  Erzdibneae 
Koln  bis  ziir  franzosischen  Staats- 
umwdlzung,  191 

Bower  (H.  M.)  The  Fourteen  of 
Meaux  :  by  W.  A.  Shaw,  576 

Breyer  (R.)  Die  Legation  des  Kardi- 
nalbischofs  Nikolaus  von  Albano 
in  Skandinavien  :  by  Miss  K.  Nor- 
gate,  351 

Bury  (J.  B.)  A  history  of  the  Roman 
Empire  from  its  foundation  to  the 
death  of  Marcus  Aurelius :  by  R. 
M.  Burrows,  121 

Calendar  of  letters  and  state  papers 
relating  to  English  affairs, preserved 
principally  in  the  archives  of  Si- 
mancas,  ii. ;  Elizabeth  [1568-1579] ; 
edited  by  M.  A.  S.  Hume,  162 

See  also  Henry  VIII  and  State 

papers 

Canada,  Proceedings  and  transactions 


INDEX  TO   THE   TENTH  VOLUME 


885 


of  the  royal  society  of:  by  C.  P. 
Lucas,  188 

Cartwright  (Julia)  Madame,  a  life  of 
He7irietta,  ducJiess  of  Orleans  :  by 
C.  H.  Firth,  173 

Church  (S.  H.)  Oliver  Cromwell, 
191 

Clarke  Papers,  The,  ii.  [1647-1649] ; 
edited  by  C.  H.  Firth :  by  F.  Harri- 
son, 374 

Colvin  (Sir  A.)  John  Russell  Colvin  : 
by  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Hutton,  604 

Conybeare  (F.  C.)  The  Apology  and 
Acts  of  Apollonius,  and  other 
monuments  of  early  Christianity : 
by  the  Rev.  A.  C.  Headlam, 
125 

Crampe  (R.)  Philopatris ;  cin  heid- 
nisches  Konvc7itikel  des  siebentcn 
Jahrhunderts  zu  Constantinopel : 
by  Professor  Bury,  Litt.D.,  130 

CromioelVs  Soldier's  Bible :  by  C.  H. 
Firth,  582 

Dante,  Opere  dl :  ed.  E.  Moore, 
190 

Darmesteter  (Mary)  Froissart:  by  J. 
Tait,  608 

Davenport  (F.  G.)  List  of  materials 
for  English  manorial  and  agra- 
rian history  during  the  middle  ages, 
192 

Dieterich  (A.)  Nekyia  :  Beitrage  nir 
Erkldrung  der  neuentdeckteu 
Petrus-Apokalypse :  by  the  Rev.  A. 
C.  Headlam,  348 

Dusseldorpii,  Francisci,  Annates 
[1566-1616] ;  edited  by  R.  Fruin  : 
by  the  Rev.  G.  Edmundson,  579 

Egils  Saga  Skallagrimssonar  \  edited 
by  Finnur  Jonsson :  by  Professor 
Ker,  563 

Ermini  (F.)  Gli  ordinajuenti  politici  e 
amministrativi  nelle  '  Constitu- 
tiones  Aegidiatme : '  by  E.  Arm- 
strong, 567 

Ferguson  (H.)  Essays  in  American 
history :  by  J.  A.  Doyle,  811 

Ferguson  (R.  S.)  History  of  Westmor- 
land :  by  C.  H.  Firth,  187 

Fishwick  (H.)  History  of  Lancashire : 
by  C.  H.  Firth,  187 

Flint  (R.)  Historical  philosophy  in 
France  and  Fretich  Belgium  and 
Switzerland :  by  Lord  Acton,  D.C.L., 
108 


Forst  (H.)  Maria  Stuart  und  der  Tod 

Darnleys:    by    T.    F.   Henderson 

160 
Franco,     Recueil     des     instructions 

donndes     aux     amhassadeurs     et 

ministres  de,   xi,    Espagne,  i. :   by 

Major  Hume,  798 
Fredericq  (P.)  Geschiedenis  der  inqui. 

sitie  in  de  Nederlanden  [1025-1520], 

i.,  190 
Freeman  (E.  A.)  The  history  of  Sicily, 

iv. :  by  the  Rev.   Sir   G.   W.   Cox, 

Bart.,  341 
Froissart,  The   chronicles   of;  trans- 
lated by  Lord  Berners,  edited  by  G. 

C.  Macaulay :  by  J.  Tait,  608 
Froude   (J.  A.)    Life  and   letters    of 

Erasmus :  by  the  Rev.  A.  Jcssopp, 

D.D.,  574 

Gakdinkr  (S.  R.)  History  of  the  Com- 
vioniccalth  and  Protectorate,  i. :  by 
T.  F.  Henderson,  378 

Garnier  (R.)  History  of  the  English 
landed  interest :  by  Miss  E.  A. 
Mc  Arthur,  135 

Gelasian  Sacramcntary,  Tlic,  Liber 
sacramento7-um  Bomanae  ecclcsiac ; 
edited  by  H.  A.  Wilson,  399 

Geschiedktindige  opstellen,  aangeboden 
aan  Robert  Fruin  :  by  the  Rev.  G. 
Edmundson,  363 

Glynne  (Sir  S.  R.)  Notes  on  the 
churches  of  Cheshire  ;  edited  by  the 
Rev.  J.  A.  Atkinson :  by  Miss 
Thompson,  602 

Gottlob  (A.)  Die  papstlichcn  Kreuz- 
zugsstcuern  des  drcizehnten  Jahr- 
hunderts :  by  the  Rev.  J.  P.  Whit- 
ney, 147 

Grasso  (G.)  Studi  di  storia  anticacdi 
topografia  storica :  by  G.  McN. 
Rushforth,  118 

Green  (J.  R.)  Sliort  history  of  the 
English  people  (illustrated  edi- 
tion), iv.,  400 

Green  (Mrs.  J.  R.)  Town  life  in  the 
fifteenth  century  :  by  J.  Tait,  157 

Greenidge  (A.H.J.)  Infamia,  its  place 
in  Roman  public  ami  private  laio  : 
by  H.Bond,  LL.D.,  119 

Guiraud  (P.)  La  propriHi  fonci^re  en 
Grece  jusqu'd  la  conquSte  romaine : 
by  P.  Giles,  777 

Hardy  (E.  G.)  Christianity  ami  the 
Roma7i  government:  by  T.  W.  Ar- 
nold, 646 


836 


INDEX   TO    THE    TENTH   VOLUME 


Heigel  (C.  von)  Konig  Ludwig  Iff  von 
Bayern:  by  Principal  Ward, 
Litt.D.,  185 

Henderson  (E.  F.)  A  history  oj 
Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  816 

Henry  IV. — Expeditions  to  Prussia 
and  the  Holy  Land  made  by  Henry, 
earl  of  Derby,  1390-1  and  1392-3  ; 
being  the  accounts  of  his  treasurer ; 
edited  by  Miss  L.  Toulmin  Smith : 
by  Professor  Tout,  569 

Eechnungen  ilber  Heinrich  von 

Derby's  Preussenfahrten,  1390-1 
und  1S92 ;^ edited  by  H.  Prutz  ;  by 
Professor  Tout,  569 

Henry  VIII,  Letters  and  papers, 
foreign  and  domestic,  of  the  reign  of, 
xiv.  1,  edited  by  J.  Gairdner  &  E.H. 
Brodie  :  by  the  Kev.  N.  Pocock,  794 

Hildebrand  (E.)  Ueber  das  Problem 
einer  allgemeinen  Entwickelungsge- 
schichte  des  Rechts  und  der  Sitte  : 
by  Sir  F.  Pollock,  Bart.,  LL.D.,  113 

Hinds  (A.  B.)  The  making  of  the  Eng- 
land of  Elizabeth,  609 

Hodgkin  (T.)  Italy  and  her  invaders, 
V,  vi :  by  the  Eev.  Professor  Gwat- 
kin,  781 

Hollande,  La  revolution  frarigaise  en  ; 
la  rdpublique  batave  :  by  H.  A.  L. 
Fisher,  591 

Hoist  (H.  E.  von)  The  French  revolu- 
tion tested  by  Mirabeau's  career,  816 

Humboldt,  W.  von,  Briefe  an  G.  H. 
L.  Nicolovius  ;  edited  byE.  Haym  : 
by  W.  Miller,  184 

Hutton  (W.  H.)  William  Laud :  by 
S.  E.  Gardiner,  D.C.L.,  372 

Jacobs  (J.),  Little  St.  Hugh  of  Lin- 
coln :  by  the  Eev.  A.  Jessopp,  D.D., 
788 

Jorga  (N.)  Thomas  III,  marguis  de 
Saluces,  Mude  historiguc  et  litte- 
raire:  by  the  Eev.  W.  A.  B.  Coolidge, 
156 

Juel  (Just)  En  Rejse  til  Rtisland  under 
Tsar  Peter :  by  W.  E.  Morfill,  800 

Kempf  (J.)  Geschichte  des  deutschen 
Reiches  wdhrend  des  grossen  Inter- 
regnums [1245-1273] :  by  F.  Keut- 
gen,  353 

Kugler  (B.)  Eine  neue  Handschrift 
der  Chronik  Alberts  von  Aachen  : 
by  C.  L.  Kingsford,  557 

Kiikelhaus  (T.)  Der  Ursprung  des 
Planes  vom  evngen  Frieden  in  den 


Memoiren  des  Herzogs  von  Sully : 
by  Principal  Ward,  Litt.  D., 
369 

Lacombe  (P.)  De  Vhistoire  considdr4c 
comme  science  :  by  Professor  Eitchie, 
818 

Lair  (J.)  Etude  sur  la  vie  et  la  mort 
de  Guillaume  Longue-Epie,  due  de 
Normandie :  by  J.  H.  Eound,  134 

Lamballe,  Princess,  Secret  memoirs 
of  the  royal  family  of  France  during 
the  revolution:  by  A.  F.  Pollard, 
588 

Lane-Poole  (S.)  The  Mohammedan 
dynasties  :  by  Sir  H.  H.  Howorth, 
K.C.LE.,  M.P.,  131 

Lavalette,  Count,  Memoirs,  610 

Lee-Warner  (W.)  The  protected 
princes  of  India,  189 

Leroux  (A.)  Nouvelles  recherches  cri- 
tiques sur  les  relations  politiques  de 
la  France  avec  VAllemagne  [1378- 
1461] :  by  J.  Tait,  568 

Lcroy-Beaulieu  (A.)  The  empire  of  the 
Tsars  and  the  Russians  ;  translated 
by  Z.  A.  Eagozin  :  by  W.  E.  Morfill, 
394 

Letters  and  papers  illustrating  the  re- 
lations between  Charles  the  Second 
and  Scotland  [1650]  ;  edited  by  S. 
E.  Gardiner  :  by  T.  F.  Henderson, 
378 

Liebermann  (F.)  Ueber  Pseudo-Cnuts 
'  Constitutiones  de  Foresta : '  by  H. 
Hall,  560 

Longman  (C.  J.)  &  Walrond  (H.) 
Archery :  by  C.  Oman,  G07 

Luckock  (H.  M.)  History  of  marriage, 
Jeiuish  aud  Christian  :  by  Professor 
Maitland,  LL.D.,  755 

Ludlow  (Edmund)  Memoirs  [1625- 
1672] ;  edited  by  C.  H.  Firth  :  by 
Principal  Ward,  Litt.  D.,  583 

Madan   (F.)    The  early  Oxford  press 

[1468-1640],  610 
Maiden   (H.   E.)   Ejiglish  records:  a 

companion  to  the  history  of  Eng- 
land, 399 
Medley  (D.    J.)    A  students'  manual 

of  English  constitutional  history  : 

by  A.  G.  Little,  555 
Mirbt  (C.)  Die  Publicistik  im  Zeitalte 

Gregors    VII:   by  the  Eev.   J.   H. 

Maude,  349 
Die  Wahl  Gregors  VII:  by  th 

Eev.  J.  H.  Maude,  349 


INDEX  TO    THE    TENTH  VOLUME 


837 


Neilson  (G.)  Peel,  its  meaning  and 
derivation :  by  the  Eev.  Professor 
Skeat,  Litt.  D.,  187 

Neumann  (C.)  Die  Weltstelhmg  des 
byzantinischen  Reiches  vor  den 
Kreuzzilgen :  by  Professor  Bury, 
Litt.  D.,  557 

Nys  (E.)  Les  origincs  du  droit  inter- 
national: by  J.  Westlake,  LL.D., 
Q.C.,  114 

Ogle  (A.)  The  marquis  d'Argenson : 
by  Principal  Ward,  Litt.  D.,  388 

Olaf  Tryggivason  {king),  The  saga  of; 
translated  by  J.  Sephton  :  by  Pro- 
fessor Ker,  782  . 

Opel  (J.  0.)  Der  niedersdclisisch- 
ddnische  Krieg,  iii. :  by  Principal 
Ward,  Litt.  D.,  871 

Ordish  (T  F.)  Early  London  theatres  : 
by  H.  B.  Wheatley,  397 

Parisiensis,    Charlularium   iinivcrsi- 

tatis,  iii.  ;  edited  by  H.  Denilie  and 

E.  Chate]ain  :  by  the  Rev.  H.  Ilash- 

dall,  5G6 
Auctarium  chariidarii  universi- 

tatis ;  edited  by  H.  Denifle  and  E. 

Chatelain  :  by  the  Eev.  H.  Rashdall, 

566 
Pasguier  (C/iancclier)  Memoircs,  i.  ii. ; 

edited  by  the  Due  d'Audiffret-Pas- 

quier  :  by  A.  Hassall,  592 
Pastor  (L.)   History  of  the  popes  from 

the  close  of  the  middle  ages  ;  Engl. 

transl.,    edited   by  F.   I.   Antrobus, 

609 
Patent  rolls,  Calendar  of  the,  Edward 

IL  i.  [1307- 1313^, :  by  A.  G.  Little, 

362 
. Edward    III      [1330-1334] :     by 

Professor  Tout,  150 
Paulus  (N.)  Per  AuguHtiner  Bartho- 

lomaus     Arnoldi     von      Usingen, 

Luthers  Lehrer  und  Gegner  :  by  the 

Eev.  J.  P.  Whitney,  573 
Pepys  (Samuel)  Diary,  ii-iv.,   edited 

by  H.  B.   Wheatley :  by   Principal 
^Ward,  Litt.  D.,  169 
Periodicals    of    1894,   Index   to    the, 

817 
Philippson     (M.)     Ei7i    Ministeriinn 

unter  Philipp  II;  Kardinal  Gran- 

vella  am   spanischen  Hofe   [1579- 

1586]  :  by  Major  Hume,  577 
Pollock  (Sir  F.)  &  Maitland   (F.  W.) 

History  of   English   laio  :    by  the 

right  hon.  Sir  E.  Fry,  D.C.L.,  760 


Eadford  (L.  B.)  Thomas  of  London 

before  his  consecration :  by  the-Eev. 

W.  H.  Hutton,  787 
Eamsay  (W.  M.)  The  church  in  the 

Roman  empire  before  A.D.  170  :  by 

W.  T.  Arnold,  546 
Eoberts     (W.     Eh.)     The      ancient 

Boeotians :    by  Professor  Gardner, 

Litt.  D.,  778 
Eoper  (W.  0.)  Materials  for  the  history 

of  the  church  of  Lancaster,  ii. :  by  J. 

H.  Bound,  398 
Bound  (J.  H.)  Feudal  England:  by 

Sir  F.  Pollock,  Bart.,  LL.D.,  783 

Sackur  (E.)  Die  Cluniacenser  in  ihrcr 
kirchlichen  und  allgemeingeschicht- 
lichen  Wirksamkeit  bis  zur  Mitte 
des  elf  ten  Jahrhimderts :  by  Miss 
M.  Bateson,  137 

St.  Mary  Magdalen  College,  Oxford, 
A  register  of  the  members  of,  i.  ; 
edited  by  the  Eev.  W.  D.  Macray  : 
by  the  Eev.  H.  Eashdall,  572 

Salomon  (F.)  Geschichie  des  Ictzten 
Ministeriums  Konigin  Annas  von 
England  [1710-1714] :  by  Principal 
Ward,  Litt.  D,,  805 

Salutati  (Coluccio),  Epistolario  i.,  ii. 
edited  by  F.  Novati :  by  E.  Arm- 
strong, 151,  400 

Sant'  Angelo  (C.  I.  di)  Caffaro  c  i 
suoi  tempi  :  by  Major  Hume,  786 

Saxo  Grammaticus,  Danish  History, 
i-ix. ;  translated  by  0.  Elton  :  by 
H.  L.  D.  Ward,  141 

Schniirer  (G.)  Die  Entstehung  des 
Kirchenstaates:  by  F.  Zinkeisen, 
556 

Sceley  (J.  E.)  Lectures  and  essays, 
817 

Sharpe  (E.  E.)  London  and  the  king- 
dom, L,  ii.,  395  ;  iii.,  817 

Shaw  (W.  A.)  History  of  currency 
[1252-1894]  :  by  Professor  Foxwell, 
768 

Sheppard  (E.)  Memorials  of  St. 
James's  Palace  :  by  Miss  M. Bateson, 
603 

Simcox  (E.  J.)  Primitive  civilisations, 
or  outlines  of  the  history  of  owner- 
ship in  archaic  communities  :  by  H. 
W.  Blunt,  339 

Simpkinson  (C.  H.)  Life  and  times  oj 
William  Laud  :  by  S.  E.  Gardiner, 
D.C.L.,  372 

Simpson  (W.  S.)  St.  PauVs  cathedral 
and  old  city  life,  192 


838 


INDEX    TO    THE   TENTH  VOLUME 


state  iMiJers  relating  to  the  defeat  of 

the   Spanish  Armada ;    edited  by 

J.  K.  Laughton :  by  Major  Hume, 

365 
State  papers,  Calendar  of\   domestic 

series,  1668-69 ;  edited  by  Mrs.  M. 

A.  E.  Green  :  by  C.  H.  Firth,  799 
Stephens  (W,  R.  W.)  Life  and  Utters 

of   Edward  A.  Freeman :    by    T. 

Hodgkin,  D.C.L.,  599 
Stern  (A.)  Geschichte  Europas,  1815- 

1871,  i. :  by  J.  W.  Headlam,  593 
Strabo,  Selections  from  ;  edited  by  the 

Rev.  H.  F.  Tozer  :  by  W.  T.  Arnold, 

116 
Straehan-Davidsou  (J.  L.)  Cicero  and 

the  fall  of  the  Boman  republic :  by 

E.  S.  Shuckburgh,  345 
Strakosch-Grassmann  (G.)  DerEinfall 

der     Mongolen     in     Mitteleuropa 

[1241-1242]:     by     S.    Lane-Poole, 

352 
Swift  (F.  D.)  Life  and  times  of  James 

J,  the  Conqiicror,  king  of  Arago7i : 

by  Major  Hume,  147 
Sybel  (H.  von)  Die  Begriindung  dcs 

dcutschen  Reichcs  durch  Wilhelm 

I,  vl,  vii. :  by  W.  Miller,  596,  813 

Taciti  (C.)  de  Germania;  edited  by 

H.  Furneaux  :   by   Professor  Mait- 

land,  LL.D.,  779 
Thiebault  (general   baron)  Memoires, 

iii.,  iv.  [1799-1813]  :    by  Professor 

Montague,  809 
Thiina  (L.  von)  Die  Wiirzburger Hilfs- 

truppen    im    Dienste    Oesterreichs 

[1756-1763]:    by  Principal   Ward, 

Litt.  D.,  586 
Tilton  (W.  F.)  Die  Katastrophe  der 

spanischen  Armada :   by  Professor 

Laughton,  578 
Todd  (A.)  Parliamentary  government 

in  England  (new  ed.) :  by  Professor 

Ritchie,  815 
Parliamentaj-y    govermnent    in 

the  British  colonies  (2nd  ed.) :  by 

Professor  Ritchie,  815 
Tonikinson  (W.),  Diary  of  a  cavalry 

officer    in    the     Peninsular     and 

Waterloo  campaigns :  by  Professor 

Montague,  184 


Traill   (H.  D.)    Social    England,    ii. 

[1272-1509]   edited  by  :  by  J.  Tait, 

359 
iii.  [1509-1603] :  by  J.  Gairdner, 

791 
Travali  (G.)   Documenti  su  lo  sbarco, 

la  cattura,  e  la  morte  di  Be  Gio- 

acchino  Murat  al  Pizzo,  817 
Turba    (G.)     Zicr     Verhaftung    des 

Landgrafen    Philipp  von  Hessen  : 

by  Principal  Ward,  Litt.  D.,  160 

Utrecht,  Bidlarium  Traiectense : 
edited  by  G.  Brom,  i.  3-ii.  2,  190 

Het    oudste  cartidarium    van 

het  sticht :  edited  by  S.  Muller 
Fz.,  190 

ViLLARi  (P.)  I  primi  duo  secoli  delta 
storia  di  Firenze,  ii. :  by  E.  Arm- 
strong, 355 

The     tivo     first     centuries     of 

Florentine  history,  i.,  translated  by 
Linda  Villari :  by  E.  Armstrong. 
358 

Wakeman  (H.  0.)  Periods  of  Euro- 
pean history,  v.  [1598-1715]  :  by 
Principal  Ward,  Litt.D.,  168 

Webb  (S.  and  Beatrice)  History  of 
trade  imiionism  :  by  the  Rev.  L.  R. 
Phelps,  186 

Weill  (G.)  TJn  pricurseur  du  so- 
cialisme,  Saint-Simon :  by  J. 
Bonar,LL.D.,39L 

Wenck  (K.)  Eine  maildndisch-thii- 
ringische  Ileiratsgeschichte  aus  der 
Zeit  Konig  Wenzels  :  by  J.  Tait, 
791 

Westlake  (J.)  Chapters  on  the  prin- 
ciples of  international  laio  :  by  Pro- 
fessor T.  Raleigh,  341 

Wolseley  (Viscount)  Life  of  John 
Churchill,  duke  of  Marlborough, 
to  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  : 
by  C.  H.  Firth,  174 

Woodward  (J.)  A  treatise  on  ecclesi- 
astical heraldry  :  by  R.  L.  Poole, 
605 

Wyclif  (lohannis)  Opus  evangelicum, 
i.,  ii. :  by  the  Rev.  J.  P.  Whitney, 
789 


INDEX   TO   THE   TENTH  VOLUME 


839 


LIST  OF  WRITERS 


Acton,  Lord,  D.C.L.,  108 

Alger,  J.  G.,  GG3 

Allen,  P.  S.,  738 

Anscombe,  A.,  515 

Armstrong,  E.,  151,  355,  382,  400,  445, 

567 
Arnold,  William  T.,  116,  546 

Baden-Powell,  B.  H.,  CLE.,  276 
Bateson,  Miss  Mary,  137,  603,  712 
Blunt,  Herbert  W.,  339 
Bonar,  James,  LL.D.,  391 
Bond,  Henry,  LL.D.,  119 
Brown,  Horatio,  304 
Burrows,  Eonald  M.,  121 
Bury,   Professor    J.    B.,   Litt.D.,  130, 
557,  784 


Headlam,  Kev.  A.  C,  125,  348 
Headlam,  J.  W.,  593 
Henderson,  T.  F.,  160,  378 
Hodgkin,  Thomas,  D.C.L.,  599 
Howorth,  Sir  Henry  H.,  K.C.LE.,  M.P., 

131 
Hubert,  Professor  Eugene,  182 
Hume,  Major  Martin  A.  S.,  147,  365, 

577,  786,  798 
Hutton,  Bev.  W.  H.,  604,  787 

Jessopp,    Rev.    Augustus,   D.D.,   574, 

788 

Ker,  Professor  W.  P.,  563,  782 
Keutgen,  P.,  353 
Kingsford,  C.  L.,  557 


Carlyle,  Rev.  a.  J.,  167 
Christie,  Richard  Copley,  238 
Clark,  Rev.  Andrew,  333,  543 
Coolidge,  Rev.  W.  A.  B.,  156 
Corbett,  W.  J.,  563 
Cox,  Rev.  Sir  George  W.,  Bart.,  341 

Dlaiock,  Rev.  Arthur,  192 
Dixon,  Frederick,  336 
Dodd,  Rev.  J.  A.,  41 
Doyle,  J.  A.,  604,  811 
Duffield,  W.  B.,  675 

Edmundsox,  Rev.  George,  363,  579 

Firth,  C.  H.,  106,  173,  174,  187,  266, 

582,  799 
Fisher,  H.  A.  L.,  591 
Foxwell,  Professor  H.  S.,  768 
Fry,  Right  Hon.  Sir  Edward,  D.C.L., 

760 

Gairdner,  James,  104,  791 

Gardiner,     Samuel    R.,    D.C.L.,     105, 

372 
Gardner,  Professor  Percy,  Litt.D.,  778 
Garnett,  R.,  LL.D.,  808 
George,  Rev.  Hereford  B.,  733 
Giles,  P.,  777 
Gilmore,  John  E.,  1 
Gwatkin,  Rev.  Professor  H.  M.,  781 

Hall,  Hubert,  560 
Harrison,  Frederic,  374 
Hassall,  A.,  592 
Haveraeld,  F.,  710 


Landon,  Perceval,  541 

Lane-Poole,  S.,  132,  352,  776 

Laughton,  Professor  J.  K.,  578 

Lea,  Henry  Charles,  LL.D.,  86 

Little,  A.  G.,  362,  555 

Lloyd,  Lieutenant-Colonel  E.  M.,  R.K., 

538 
Lucas,  C.  P.,  188 

McArthur,  Miss  Ellen  A.,  185 
Maitland,    Professor    F.    W.,   LL.D., 

294,  6o^,  755,  77<) 
Matthew,  F.  D.,  91 
Maude,  Rev.  J.  H.,  349 
Miller,  W.,  184.  596,  813 
Montague,  Professor F.  C,  184, 393,  .^09 
Morfill,  W.  R.,  394,  800 
Morris,   His   honour    Judge   William 

O'Connor,  ido 

Norgate,  Miss  Kate,  351 
Oman,  C,  607 

PETEiU!',)R()U(in,     Iviglit      Rev.     liOrd 

Bishop  of,  99 
Phelps,  Rev.  L.  R.,  18() 
Pocock,  Rev.  Nicholas,  417,  7*.»4 
Pollard,  A.  F.,  m^ 
Pollock,  Sir  Frederick,  Bart.,  LL.D., 

113,  293,  536,  783 
Poole,  Reginald  li.,  605 

Raleigh,  Professor  T.,  341 
Rannie,  David  Watson,  471 
Rashdall,  Rev.  H.,  566,  572 


840 


INDEX  TO    THE   TENTH  VOLUME 


Bhodes,  Walter  E.,  19,  209  ]  f 

Kitchie,  Professor  D.G.,  754,  815 
Bound,  J.  H.,  87,  134,  398,  536,  732 
Rushforth,  G.  McN.,  118 

Shaw,  William  A.,  576 

Shuckburgh,  E.  S.,  345 

Simpson,  H.  B.,  625 

Skeat,    Rev.    Professor    Walter    W., 

Litt.D.,  187 
Stevens,  Rev.  H.  W.  P.,  744 

Tait,  James,  157,  359,  399,  568,  608, 

791 
Tanner,  J.  E.,  507 
Tatham,  Rev.  Edward  H.  R.,  642 


Thompson,  Miss  Edith,  602 
Tout,  Professor  T.  F.,  150,  669 
Toynbee,  Paget,  297 

Wakd,  Principal  A.  W.,  Litt.D.,  160 
168,  169,  179,  185,  369,  371,  388 
583,  586,  805 

Ward,  H.  L.  D.,  141 

Warren,  Rev.  F.  E.,  554 

Westlake,  Professor  J.,  LL.D.,  Q.C., 
114 

Wheatley,  Henry  B.,  397 

Whitney,  Rev.  J.  P.,  147,  573,  789 

ZiNKEISEN,  F.,  556 


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