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ENGLISH   SEAMEN 
IN   THE   SIXTEENTH    CENTURY 


WORKS  BY  JAMES  ANTHONY  FROUDE. 


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ENGLISH  SEAMEN 


THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 


LECTURES    DELIVERED    AT    OXFORD 
EASTER    TERMS    1S93-4 


BY 

JAMES   ANTHONY  FROUDE 

LATE      EEGIDS      PROFESSOR      OF      MODEBN      HISTORY      IN      THE 
UNIVERSITY      OF      OXFORD 


^£iu  (Siition 


LONDON 
LONGMANS,    GREEN,    AND    CO. 

1895 
[All  rights  reserved] 


UiCHARD  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited. 
LoKDON  &  Bungay. 


CONTENTS 


LECTURE  PAGE 

I.       THE   SEA   CRADLE   OF   THE   REFORMATION     .  1 
II.       JOHN     HAWKINS    AND     THE    AFRICAN     SLAVE 

TRADE             ......  35 

III.       SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  THE  SECOND  68 

IV.      drake's   voyage   ROUND   THE   WORLD            .  102 
V.       PARTIES    IN    THE    STATE      .             .             .             .141 

VI.       THE     GREAT     EXPEDITION      TO     THE     WEST 

INDIES ,          .  176 

VII.       ATTACK   ON   CADIZ     .....  207 

VIII.       SAILING   OF   THE   ARMADA              .            .            .  238 

IX.       DEFEAT    OF    THE    ARMADA.             .             .             .  272 


ENGLISH  SEAMEN 

IK 

THE   SIXTEENTH  CENTUEY 


LECTUEE  I 

THE  SEA  CRADLE  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

TEAN"  PAUL,  the  German  poet,  said  that  God 
had  given  to  France  the  empire  of  the  land, 
to  England  the  empire  of  the  sea,  and  to  his  own 
country  the  empire  of  the  air.  The  world  has 
changed  since  Jean  Paul's  days.  The  wings  of 
France  have  been  clipped ;  the  German  Empire 
has  become  a  solid  thing ;  but  England  still 
holds  her  watery  dominion;  Britannia  does  still 
rule  the  waves,  and  in  this  proud  position  she 
has  spread  the  English  race  over  the  globe ;  she 

B 


2  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

has  created  the  great  American  nation ;  she  is 
peopling  new  Englands  at  the  Antipodes;  she 
has  made  her  Queen  Empress  of  India ;  and  is 
in  fact  the  very  considerable  phenomenon  in  the 
social  and  political  world  which  all  acknowledge 
her  to  be.  And  all  this  she  has  achieved  in  the 
course  of  three  centuries,  entirely  in  consequence 
of  her  predominance  as  an  ocean  power.  Take 
away  her  merchant  fleets ;  take  away  the  navy 
that  guards  them :  her  empire  will  come  to  an 
end ;  her  colonies  will  fall  off,  like  leaves  from  a 
withered  tree ;  and  Britain  will  become  once 
more  an  insignificant  island  in  the  North  Sea, 
for  the  future  students  in  Australian  and  New 
Zealand  universities  to  discuss  the  fate  of  in  their 
debating  societies. 

How  the  English  navy  came  to  hold  so  extra- 
ordinary a  position  is  worth  reflecting  on.  Much 
has  been  written  about  it,  but  little,  as  it  seems 
to  me,  which  touches  the  heart  of  the  matter. 
We  are  shown  the  power  of  our  country  growing 
and  expanding.  But  how  it  grew,  why,  after  a 
sleep  of  so  many  hundred  years,  the  genius  of 
our    Scandinavian    forefathers    suddenly   sprang 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF   THE  REFORMATION         3 

again    into    life — of    this    we    are    left  ■  without 
explanation. 

The  beginning  Avas  uncluubtedly  the  defeat  of 
the  Spanish  Armada  in  1588.  Down  to  that  time 
the  sea  sovereignty  belonged  to  the  Spaniards, 
and  had  been  fairly  won  by  them.  The  conquest 
of  Granada  had  stimulated  and  elevated  the 
Spanish  character.  The  subjects  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  of  Charles  V.  and  PhiliiD  II.,  were 
extraordinary  men,  and  accomplished  extraordinary 
things.  They  stretched  the  limits  of  the  known 
world ;  they  conquered  Mexico  and  Peru ;  they 
planted  their  colonies  over  the  South  American 
continent ;  they  took  possession  of  the  great  West 
Indian  islands,  and  with  so  firm  a  grasj)  that 
Cuba  at  least  will  never  lose  the  mark  of  the 
hand  which  seized  it.  They  built  their  cities  as 
if  for  eternit}^  They  spread  to  the  Indian  Ocean, 
and  gave  their  monarch's  name  to  the  Philippines. 
All  this  they  accomplished  in  half  a  century,  and, 
as  it  were,  they  did  it  with  a  single  hand ;  with 
the  other  they  were  fighting  Moors  and  Turks 
and  protecting  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean 
from  the  corsairs  of  Tunis  and  Constantinople. 


4  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

They  had  risen  on  the  crest  of  the  wave,  and 
with  their  proud  Non  sufficit  orhis  were  looking 
for  new  worlds  to  conquer,  at  a  time  when  the 
bark  of  the  English  water-dogs  had  scarcely  been 
heard  beyond  their  own  fishing-grounds,  and  the 
largest  merchant  vessel  sailing  from  the  port  of 
London  was  scarce  bigger  than  a  modern  coasting 
collier.  And  yet  within  the  space  of  a  single 
ordinary  life  these  insignificant  islanders  had 
struck  the  sceptre  from  the  Spaniards'  grasp  and 
placed  the  ocean  crown  on  the  brow  of  their  oavii 
sovereign.  How  did  it  come  about  ?  What 
Cadmus  had  sown  dragons'  teeth  in  the  furrows 
of  the  sea  for  the  race  to  spring  from  who  manned 
the  ships  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  carried  the 
flag  of  their  own  country  round  the  globe,  and 
challenged  and  fought  the  Spaniards  on  their 
own  coasts  and  in  their  own  harbours  ? 

The  English  sea  power  was  the  legitimate 
child  of  the  Reformation.  It  grew,  as  I  shall 
show  you,  directly  out  of  the  new  despised  Pro- 
testantism. Matthew  Parker  and  Bishop  Jewel, 
the  judicious  Hooker  himself,  excellent  men  as 
they  were,  would  have  written  and  preached  to 


I.]  SEA    CRADLE   OF  THE  REFORMATION         5 

small  purpose  without  Sir  Francis  Drake's  cannon 
to  play  an  accompaniment  to  their  teaching. 
And  again,  Drake's  cannon  would  not  have  roared 
so  loudly  and  so  widely  without  seamen  already 
trained  in  heart  and  hand  to  work  his  ships  and 
level  his  artillery.  It  was  to  the  sujoerior  sea- 
manship, the  superior  quality  of  English  ships 
and  crews,  that  the  Spaniards  attributed  their 
defeat.  Where  did  these  ships  come  from  ? 
Where  and  how  did  these  mariners  learn  their 
trade  ?  Historians  talk  enthusiastically  of  the 
national  spirit  of  a  people  rising  with  a  united 
heart  to  repel  the  invader,  and  so  on.  But  national 
spirit  could  not  extemporise  a  fleet  or  produce 
trained  officers  and  sailors  to  match  the  con- 
querors of  Lepanto.  One  slight  observation  I 
must  make  here  at  starting,  and  certainly  with 
no  invidious  purpose.  It  has  been  said  confidently, 
it  has  been  repeated,  I  believe,  by  all  modern 
writers,  that  the  Spanish  invasion  suspended  in 
England  the  quarrels  of  creed,  and  united  Pro- 
testants and  Roman  Catholics  in  defeuce  of  their 
Queen  and  country.  They  remind  us  especially 
that  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  who  was  Eliza- 


6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lfxt. 

beth's  admiral,  was  himself  a  Roman  Catholic. 
But  was  it  so  ?  The  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  head 
of  the  House  of  Howard,  was  a  Roman  Catholic, 
and  he  was  in  the  Tower  pra}dng  for  the  success 
of  Medina  Sidonia.  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham 
was  no  more  a  Roman  Catholic  than — I  hope  I 
am  not  taking  away  their  character — than  the 
present  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  or  the  Bishop 
of  London.  He  was  a  Catholic,  but  an  English 
Catholic,  as  those  reverend  prelates  are.  Roman 
Catholic  he  could  not  possibly  have  been,  nor  any- 
one who  on  that  great  occasion  was  found  on  the 
side  of  Elizabeth.  A  Roman  Catholic  is  one  who 
acknowledges  the  Roman  Bishop's  authority.  The 
Po]3e  had  excommunicated  Elizabeth,  had  pro- 
nounced her  deposed,  had  absolved  her  subjects 
from  their  allegiance,  and  forbidden  them  to  fight 
for  her.  No  Englishman  who  fought  on  that 
great  occasion  for  English  liberty  was,  or  could 
have  been,  in  communion  witli  Rome.  Loose 
statements  of  this  kind,  lightly  made,  fall  in 
with  the  modern  humour.  Tliey  are  caught  up, 
applauded,  repeated,  and  j)ass  unquestioned  into 
histor}^     It  is  time  to  correct  them  a  little. 


1.]       SEA    CRADLE   OP  THE  REFORMATION         7 

I  have  in  my  possession  a  detailed  account  of 
the  temper  of  parties  in  England,  drawn  up  in 
the  year  1585,  three  years  before  the  Armada 
came.  The  writer  was  a  distinguished  Jesuit. 
The  account  itself  was  j)repared  for  the  use  of 
the  Pope  and  Philip,  with  a  special  view  to  the 
reception  which  an  invading  force  would  meet 
with,  and  it  goes  into  great  detail.  The  people 
of  the  towns — London,  Bristol,  &c. — were,  he  says, 
generally  heretics.  The  peers,  the  gentry,  their 
tenants,  and  peasantry,  who  formed  the  immense 
majority  of  the  population,  were  almost  univer- 
sally Cathohcs.  But  this  writer  distinguishes 
properly  among  Catholics.  There  were  the 
ardent  impassioned  Catholics,  ready  to  be  con- 
fessors and  martyrs,  ready  to  rebel  at  the  first 
opportunity,  who  had  renounced  their  allegiance, 
who  desired  to  overthrow  Elizabeth  and  put  the 
Queen  of  Scots  in  her  place.  The  number  of 
these,  he  says,  was  daily  increasing,  owing  to  the 
exertions  of  the  seminary  priests ;  and  plots,  he 
boasts,  were  being  continually  formed  by  them  to 
murder  the  Queen.  There  were  Catholics  of 
another  sort,  who  were  papal  at  heart,  but  went 


8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

with  the  times  to  save  their  property ;  who  looked 
forward  to  a  change  in  the  natural  order  of  things, 
but  would  not  stir  of  themselves  till  an  invading 
army  actually  appeared.  But  all  alike,  he  insists, 
were  eager  for  a  revolution.  Let  the  Prince  of 
Parma  come,  and  they  would  all  join  him  ;  and 
together  these  two  classes  of  Catholics  made 
three-fourths  of  the  nation. 

'  The  only  party,'  he  says  (and  this  is  really 
noticeable),  'the  only  party  that  would  fight  to 
death  for  the  Queen,  the  only  real  friends  she 
had,  were  the  Pwritans  (it  is  the  first  mention  of 
the  name  which  I  have  found),  the  Puritans  of 
London,  the  Puritans  of  the  sea  towns.'  These 
he  admits  were  dangerous,  desj)erate,  determined 
men.  The  numbers  of  them,  however,  were 
providentially  small. 

The  date  of  this  document  is,  as  I  said,  1585, 
and  I  believe  it  generally  accurate.  The  only 
mistake  is  that  among  the  Anglican  Catholics 
there  were  a  few  to  whom  their  country  was  as 
dear  as  their  creed — a  few  who  were  booinnino-  to 
see  that  under  the  Act  of  Uniformity  Catholic 
doctrine   might   be   taught    and    Catholic   ritual 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OP  THE  REFORMATION         9 

practised ;  who  adhered  to  the  old  forms  of 
religion,  but  did  not  believe  that  obedience  to  the 
Pope  was  a  necessary  part  of  them.  One  of  these 
was  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  whom  the  Queen 
placed  in  his  high  command  to  secure  the  waver- 
ing fidelity  of  the  peers  and  country  gentlemen. 
But  the  force,  the  fire,  the  enthusiasm  came 
(as  the  Jesuit  saw)  from  the  Puritans,  from  men 
of  the  same  convictions  as  the  Calvinists  of 
Holland  and  Rochelle ;  men  who,  driven  from 
the  land,  took  to  the  ocean  as  their  natural 
home,  and  nursed  the  Keformation  in  an  ocean 
cradle.  How  the  seagoing  population  of  the 
North  of  Euroj^e  took  so  strong  a  Protestant 
impression  it  is  the  purjDose  of  these  lectures  to 
explain. 

Henry  VIII.  on  coming  to  the  throne  found 
England  without  a  fleet,  and  without  a  conscious- 
sense  of  the  need  of  one.  A  few  merchant  hulks 
traded  with  Bordeaux  and  Cadiz  and  Lisbon ; 
hoys  and  fly -boats  drifted  slowly  backwards  and 
forwards  between  Antwerji  and  the  Tliames.  A 
fishing  fleet  tolerably  a23pointod  went  annually  to 
Iceland   for   cod.     Local   fishermen   worked   the 


lo  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

North  Sea  and  the  Channel  from  Hull  to  Fal- 
mouth. The  Chester  people  went  to  Kinsale  for 
herrings  and  mackerel :  but  that  was  all — the 
nation  had  aspired  to  no  more. 

Columbus  had  offered  the  New  World  to 
Henry  VII.  while  the  discovery  was  still  in  the 
air.  He  had  sent  his  brother  to  England  with 
maps  and  globes,  and  quotations  from  Plato  to 
prove  its  existence.  Henry,  like  a  practical 
Englishman,  treated  it  as  a  wild  dream. 

The  dream  had  come  from  the  gate  of  horn. 
America  was  found,  and  the  Spaniard,  and  not  the 
English,  came  into  first  possession  of  it.  Still, 
America  was  a  large  place,  and  John  Cabot  the 
Venetian  with  his  son  Sebastian  tried  Henry 
again.  England  might  still  be  able  to  secure  a 
slice.  This  time  Henry  VII.  listened.  Two  small 
ships  were  fitted  out  at  Bristol,  crossed  the 
Atlantic,  discovered  Newfoundland,  coasted  down 
to  Florida  looking  for  a  passage  to  Cathay,  but 
could  not  find  one.  The  elder  Cabot  died ;  the 
younger  came  home.  The  expedition  failed,  and 
no  interest  had  been  roused. 

With  the  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  a  new  era 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF  THE  REFORMATION        ii 

had  opened — a  new  era  in  many  senses.  Printing 
was  coming  into  use — Erasmus  and  his  compan- 
ions were  shaking  Europe  with  the  new  learning, 
Copernican  astronomy  was  changing  the  level  disk 
of  the  earth  into  a  revolving  globe,  and  turning 
dizzy  the  thoughts  of  mankind.  Imagination  was 
on  the  stretch.  The  reality  of  things  was  assum- 
ing .proportions  vaster  than  fancy  had  dreamt, 
and  unfastening  established  belief  on  a  thousand 
sides.  The  young  Henry  was  welcomed  by  Eras- 
mus as  likely  to  be  the  glory  of  the  age  that  was 
opening.  He  was  young,  brilliant,  cultivated,  and 
ambitious.  To  what  might  he  not  aspire  under 
the  new  conditions  !  Henry  VIII.  was  all  that, 
but  he  was  cautious  and  looked  about  him. 
Europe  was  full  of  wars  in  which  he  was  likely 
to  be  entangled.  His  father  had  left  the  treasury 
Avell  furnished.  The  young  King,  like  a  wise 
man,  turned  his  first  attention  to  the  broad  ditch, 
as  he  called  the  British  Channel,  which  formed 
the  natural  defence  of  the  realm.  The  opening 
of  the  Atlantic  had  revolutionised  war  and  sea- 
manship. Long  voyages  required  larger  vessels. 
Henry  was  the  first  prince  to  see  the  place  which 


12  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

gunpowder  was  going  to  hold  in  wars.  In  his  first 
years  he  re23aired  his  dockyards,  built  new  ships 
on  improved  models,  and  imj)orted  Italians  to  cast 
him  new  types  of  cannon.  '  King  Harry  loved  a 
man,'  it  was  said,  and  knew  a  man  when  he  saw 
one.  He  made  acquaintance  with  sea  captains  at 
Portsmouth  and  Southampton.  In  some  way  or 
other  he  came  to  know  one  Mr.  William  Hawkins, 
of  Plymouth,  and  held  him  in  especial  esteem. 
This  Mr.  Hawkins,  under  Henry's  patronage, 
ventured  down  to  the  coast  of  Guinea  and 
brought  home  gold  and  ivory;  crossed  over  to 
Brazil ;  made  friends  with  the  Brazilian  natives  ; 
even  brought  back  with  him  the  king  of  those 
countries,  who  was  curious  to  see  what  Eng- 
land was  like,  and  presented  him  to  Henry  at 
Whitehall. 

Another  Plymouth  man,  Robert  Thorne,  again 
with  Hem-y's  help,  went  out  to  look  for  the  North- 
west passage  which  Cabot  had  failed  to  find. 
Thome's  ship  was  called  the  Dorninus  Volmcum, 
a  pious  aspiration  which,  however,  secured  no  suc- 
cess. A  London  man,  a  Master  Hore,  tried  next. 
Master  Hore,  it  is  said,  was  given  to  cosmography, 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE    OF  THE  REFORMATION        13 

was  a  plausible  talker  at  scientific  meetings,  and 
so  on.  He  ]3crsiiaded  '  divers  young  laAvyci's ' 
(briefless  barristers,  I  suppose)  and  other  gentle- 
men— altogether  a  hundred  and  twenty  of  them 
— to  join  him.  They  procured  two  vessels  at 
Gravesend.  They  took  the  sacrament  together 
before  sailing.  They  apparentlj^  relied  on  Provi- 
dence to  take  care  of  them,  for  they  made  little 
other  preparation.  They  reached  Newfoundland, 
but  their  stores  ran  out,  and  their  ships  went  on 
shore.  In  the  land  of  fish  they  did  not  know  how 
to  use  line  and  bait.  They  fed  on  roots  and 
bilberries,  and  picked  fish-bones  out  of  the  ospreys' 
nests.  At  last  they  began  to  eat  one  another — 
careless  of  Master  Hore,  who  told  them  they  would 
go  to  unquenchable  fire.  A  French  vessel  came 
in.  They  seized  her  with  the  food  she  had  on 
board  and  sailed  home  in  her,  leaving  the  French 
crew  to  their  fate.  The  j)oor  French  happily 
found  means  of  following  them.  They  complained 
of  their  treatment,  and  Henry  ordered  an  inquiry; 
but  finding,  the  report  says,  the  great  distress 
Master  Here's  party  had  been  in,  was  so  moved 
with   pity,  that   he   did    not    punish   them,  but 


14  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

out  of  his  own  purse  made  royal  recompense  to 
the  French. 

Something  better  than  gentlemen  volunteers 
was  needed  if  naval  enterprise  was  to  come  to 
anything  in  England.  The  long  wars  between 
Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.  brought  the  problem 
closer.  On  land  the  fighting  was  between  the 
regular  armies.  At  sea  privateers  were  let  loose 
out  of  French,  Flemish,  and  Spanish  ports.  Enter- 
prising individuals  took  out  letters  of  marque  and 
went  cruising  to  take  the  chance  of  what  they 
could  catch.  The  Channel  was  the  chief  hunting- 
ground,  as  being  the  highway  between  Spain 
and  the  Low  Countries.  The  interval  was  short 
between  privateers  and  pirates.  Vessels  of  all 
sorts  passed  into  the  business.  The  Scilly  Isles 
became  a  pirate  stronghold.  The  creeks  and 
estuaries  in  Cork  and  Kerry  furnished  hiding- 
places  where  the  rovers  could  lie  with  security 
and  share  their  plunder  with  the  Irish  chiefs. 
The  disorder  grew  wilder  when  the  divorce  of 
Catherine  of  Aragon  made  Henry  into  the  public 
enemy  of  Papal  Europe.  English  traders  and 
fishing-smacks  were  plundered  and  sunk.     Their 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF  THE  REFORMATION^        15 

crews  went  armed  to  defend  themselves,  and  from 
Thames  mouth  to  Land's  End  the  Channel  be- 
came the  scene  of  desj)cratc  fights.  The  type  of 
vessel  altered  to  suit  the  new  conditions.  Life 
depended  on  speed  of  sailing.  The  State  Papers 
describe  squadrons  of  French  or  Spaniards  flying 
about,  dashing  into  Dartmouth,  Plymouth,  or 
Falmouth,  cutting  out  English  coasters,  or 
fighting  one  another. 

After  Henry  was  excommunicated,  and 
Ireland  rebelled,  and  England  itself  threatened 
disturbance,  the  King  had  to  look  to  his  security. 
He  made  little  noise  about  it.  But  the  Spanish 
ambassador  reported  him  as  silently  building  ships 
in  the  Thames  and  at  Portsmouth.  As  invasion 
seemed  imminent,  he  began  with  sweeping  the 
seas  of  the  looser  vermin.  A  few  swift  well-armed 
cruisers  pushed  suddenly  out  of  the  Solent, 
caught  and  destroyed  a  pirate  fleet  in  Mount's 
Bay,  sent  to  the  bottom  some  Flemish  privateers 
in  the  Downs,  and  captured  the  Flemish  admiral 
himself.  Danger  at  home  growing  more  menac- 
ing, and  the  monks  spreading  the  fire  which  grew 
into  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  Henry  suppressed 


1 6  ENGTJSII  SEAMEN  [lect. 

the  abbeys,  sold  the  lands,  and  with  the  proceeds 
armed  the  coast  with  fortresses.  '  You  threaten 
me;  he  seemed  to  say  to  them,  'that  you  Avill  use 
the  wealth  our  fathers  gave  you  to  overthroAV  my 
Government  and  bring  in  the  invader.  I  will 
take  your  wealth,  and  I  will  use  it  to  disappoint 
your  treachery.'  You  may  see  the  remnants  of 
Henry's  work  in  the  fortresses  anywhere  along  the 
coast  from  Berwick  to  the  Land's  End. 

Louder  thundered  the  Vatican,  In  1539 
Henry's  time  appeared  to  have  come.  France 
and  Spain  made  peace,  and  the  Pope's  sentence " 
was  now  expected  to  be  executed  by  Charles  or 
Francis,  or  both.  A  crowd  of  vessels  large  and 
small  was  collected  in  the  Scheldt,  for  what  pur- 
jaose  save  to  transport  an  army  into  England  ? 
Scotland  had  joined  the  Catholic  League.  Henry 
fearlessly  appealed  to  the  English  jDeople.  Catholic 
peers  and  priests  might  conspire  against  him, 
but,  explain  it  how  we  will,  the  nation  was  loyal 
to  Henry  and  came  to  his  side.  The  London 
merchaats  armed  their  ships  in  the  river.  From 
the  seaports  everywhere  came  armed  brigantines 
and  sloops.    The  fishermen  of  the  West  left  their 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF  THE  REFORMATION        17 

boats  and  nets  to  their  wives,  and  the  fishing  was 

none  the  worse,  for  the  women  handled  oar  and 

sail  and  line  and  went  to  the  whiting-grounds, 

while  their  husbands  had  gone  to  fight  for  their 

King.     Genius  kindled  into  discovery  at  the  call 

of  the  country.    Mr.  Fletcher  of  Rye  (be  his  name 

remembered)  invented  a  boat  the  like  of  which 

was  never  seen   before,   which   would    work    to 

windward,  with  sails  trimmed  fore  and  aft,  the 

greatest  revolution  yet  made  in  shipbuilding.     A 

hundred  and  fifty  sail  collected  at  Sandwich  to 

match  the  armament  in  the  Scheldt ;  and  Marillac, 

the  French  ambassador,  reported  with  amazement 

the  energy  of  King  and  people. 

The   Catholic   Powers   thought   better   of  it. 

This  was  not  the  England  which  Reginald  Pole 

had  told  them  was  longing  for  their  appearance. 

The  Scheldt  force  dispersed.    Henry  read  Scotland 

a  needed  lesson.     The  Scots  had  thought  to  take 

him  at  disadvantage,  and  sit  on  his  back  when 

the  Emperor  attacked  him.     One  morning  when 

the  people  at  Leith  woke  out  of  their  sleep,  they 

found  an  English  fleet  in  the  Roads ;  and  before 

they  had  time  to  look  about  them,  Leith  was  on 

c 


i8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

fire  and  Edinburgh  was  taken.  Charles  V.,  if  he 
had  ever  seriously  thought  of  invading  Henry, 
returned  to  wiser  counsels,  and  made  an  alliance 
with  him  instead.  The  Pope  turned  to  France. 
If  the  Emperor  forsook  him,  the  Most  Christian 
King  would  help.  He  promised  Francis  that  if  he 
could  Avin  England  he  might  keej)  it  for  himself. 
Francis  resolved  to  try  what  he  could  do. 

Five  years  had  passed  since  the  gathering 
at  Sandwich.  It  was  now  the  summer  of  1 544. 
The  records  say  that  the  French  collected  at 
Havre  near  300  vessels,  fighting  ships,  galleys, 
and  transports.  Doubtless  the  numbers  are  far 
exaggerated,  but  at  any  rate  it  was  the  largest 
force  ever  yet  got  together  to  invade  England, 
capable,  if  well  handled,  of  bringing  Hemy  to  his 
knees.  The  plan  was  to  seize  and  occupy  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  destroy  the  English  fleet,  then  take 
Portsmouth  and  Southampton,  and  so  advance 
on  London. 

Hemy's  attention  to  his  navy  had  not  slackened. 
He  had  built  ship  on  ship.  Tlie  Great  Harry  was 
a  thousand  tons,  carried  700  men,  and  was  the 
wonder  of  the  day.     There  were  a  dozen  others 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF  THE   REFORlMATION       19 

scarcely  less  imposing.  The  King  called  again  on 
the  nation,  and  again  the  nation  answered.  In 
England  altogether  there  were  150,000  men  in 
arms  in  field  or  garrison.  In  the  King's  fleet  at 
Portsmouth  there  were  12,000  seamen,  and  the 
privateers  of  the  West  crowded  up  eagerly  as 
before.  It  is  strange,  with  the  notions  which 
we  have  allowed  ourselves  to  form  of  Henry,  to 
observe  the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  Avhole 
country,  as  yet  undivided  by  doctrinal  quarrels, 
rallied  a  second  time  to  defend  him. 

In  this  Portsmouth  fleet  lay  undeveloped  the 
genius  of  the  future  naval  greatness  of  England. 
A  small  fact  connected  with  it  is  worth  recording. 
The  watchword  on  board  was,  '  God  save  the 
King ' ;  the  answer  was,  '  Long  to  i-eign  over  us ' : 
the  earliest  germ  discoverable  of  the  English 
National  Anthem. 

The  King  had  come  himself  to  Portsmouth 
to  witness  the  expected  attack.  The  fleet  was 
commanded  by  Lord  Lisle,  afterwards  Duke  of 
Northumberland.  It  was  the  middle  of  July. 
The  French  crossed  from  Havre  unfought  with, 
and  anchored  in  St.  Helens  Eoads  off  Brading 


20  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Harbour.  The  English,  being  greatly  inferior  in 
numbers,  lay  waiting  for  them  inside  the  Spit. 
The  morning  after  the  French  came  in  was  still 
and  sultry.  The  English  could  not  move  for 
want  of  wind.  The  galleys  crossed  over  and 
engaged  them  for  two  or  three  hours  with  some 
advantage.  The  breeze  rose  at  noon ;  a  few  fast 
sloops  got  under  way  and  easily  drove  them  back. 
But  the  same  breeze  which  enabled  the  English 
to  move  brought  a  serious  calamity  with  it.  The 
Mary  Rose,  one  of  Lisle's  finest  vessels,  had  been 
under  the  fire  of  the  galleys.  Her  ports  had 
been  left  open,  and  when  the  wind  sprang  u]3,  she 
heeled  over,  filled,  and  went  down,  carrying  two 
hundred  men  along  with  her.  The  French  saw 
her  sink,  and  thought  their  own  guns  had  done 
it.  They  hoped  to  follow  up  their  success.  At 
night  they  sent  over  boats  to  take  soundings,  and 
discover  the  way  into  the  harbour.  The  boats 
reported  that  the  sandbanks  made  the  approach 
impossible.  The  French  had  no  clear  plan  of 
action.  They  tried  a  landing  in  the  island,  but 
the  force  was  too  small,  and  failed.  They  weighed 
anchor  and  brought  u])  again  behind  Selsea  Bill, 


I.]        SEA    CRADLE    OF  THE   REFORMATION      21 

whore  Lisle  proposed  to  run  them  down  in  tlic 
dark,  taking  advantage  of  the  tide.  But  they 
had  an  enemy  to  deal  with  woi'se  than  Lisle,  on 
board  their  own  ships,  which  explained  their  dis- 
tracted movements.  Hot  weather,  putrid  meat, 
and  putrid  water  had  prostrated  whole  ships' 
companies  with  dysentery.  After  a  three  weeks' 
ineffectual  cruise  they  had  to  hasten  back  to 
Havre,  break  up,  and  disperse.  The  first  great 
armament  which  was  to  have  recovered  England 
to  the  Papacy  had  effected  nothing.  Hemy  had 
once  more  shown  his  strength,  and  was  left 
undisputed  master  of  the  narrow  seas. 

So  matters  stood  for  what  remained  of  Henry's 
reign.  As  far  as  he  had  gone,  he  had  quarrelled 
with  the  Pope,  and  had  brought  the  Church  under 
the  law.  So  far  the  country  generally  had  gone 
with  him,  and  there  had  been  no  violent  changes 
in  the  administration  of  religion.  When  Henry 
died  the  Protector  abolished  the  old  creed,  and 
created  a  new  and  perilous  cleavage  between 
Protestant  and  Catholic,  and,  while  England 
needed  the  protection  of  a  navy  more  than  ever, 
allowed  the  fine  fleet  which  Henry  had  left  to  fall 


22  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lf.ct. 

into  decay.  The  spirit  of  enterprise  grew  with 
the  Reformation.  Mcrcliant  companies  opened 
trade  with  Russia  and  the  Levant;  adventurous 
sea  captains  went  to  Guinea  for  gold.  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughby  followed  the  phantom  of  the  North- 
west Passage,  turning  eastward  round  the  North 
Cape  to  look  for  it,  and  perished  in  the  ice. 
English  commerce  was  beginning  to  groAv  in  spite 
of  the  Protector's  experiments ;  but  a  new  and 
infinitely  dangerous  element  had  been  introduced 
by  the  change  of  religion  into  the  relations  of 
English  sailors  with  the  Catholic  Powers,  and 
especially  with  Spain.  In  their  zeal  to  kee]3  out 
heresy,  the  SiDanish  Government  placed  their 
harbours  under  the  control  of  the  Holy  Office. 
Any  vessel  in  Avhich  an  heretical  book  was  found 
was  confiscated,  and  her  crew  carried  to  the 
Inquisition  prisons.  It  had  begun  in  Henry's 
time.  The  Inquisitors  attempted  to  treat  schism 
as  heresy  and  arrest  Englishmen  in  their  j)orts. 
But  Henry  spoke  up  stoutly  to  Charles  V.,  and 
the  Holy  Office  had  been  made  to  hold  its  hand. 
All  was  altered  now.  It  was  not  necessary  that 
a  poor  sailor  should  have  been  found   teaching 


I.]  SEA  CRADLE  OF  THE  REFORMATION  23 
licrcsy.  It  was  enough  if  ho  had  an  Enghsli 
Bible  and  Prayer  Book  with  him  in  his  idt ;  and 
stories  would  come  into  Dartmouth  or  Plymouth 
how  some  lad  that  everybody  knew — Bill  or  Jack 
or  Tom,  who  had  Avife  or  father  or  mother  amono- 
them,  perhaps — had  been  seized  hold  of  for  no 
other  crime,  been  flung  into  a  dungeon,  tortured, 
starved,  set  to  Avork  in  the  galleys,  or  burned  in 
a  fool's  coat,  as  they  called  it,  at  an  cmto  da  fe  at 
iSeville. 

The  object  of  the  Inquisition  was  partly  poli- 
tical :  it  was  meant  to  embarrass  trade  and  make 
the  people  impatient  of  changes  which  produced 
so  much  inconvenience.  The  effect  was  exactly 
the  opposite.  Such  accounts  when  brought  home 
created  fury.  There  grew  uj)  in  the  seagoing- 
population  an  enthusiasm  of  hatred  for  that  holy 
institution,  and  a  ]3assionate  desire  for  revenge. 

The  natural  remed}^  would  have  been  Avar ; 
but  the  division  of  nations  Avas  crossed  by  the 
division  of  creeds ;  and  each  nation  had  allies  in 
the  heart  of  every  other.  If  England  Avent  to 
Avar  Avith  Spain,  Spain  could  encourage  insurrec- 
tion among  the  Catholics.     If  Spain  or  France 


24  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

declared  war  against  England,  England  could  help 
the  Huguenots  or  the  Holland  Calvinists.  All 
Governments  were  afraid  alike  of  a  general  war 
of  religion  which  might  shake  Europe  in  pieces. 
Thus  individuals  were  left  to  their  natural  im- 
pulses. The  Holy  Office  burnt  English  or  French 
Protestants  wherever  it  could  catch  them.  The 
Protestants  revenged  their  injuries  at  their  own 
risk  and  in  their  own  way,  and  thus  from  Edward 
VI. 's  time  to  the  end  of  the  century  privateering 
came  to  be  the  special  occupation  of  adventurous 
honourable  gentlemen,  who  could  serve  God,  their 
country,  and  themselves  in  fighting  Catholics. 
Fleets  of  these  dangerous  vessels  swept  the 
Channel,  Ij^g  in  wait  at  Scilly,  or  even  at  the 
Azores — disowned  in  public  by  their  own  Govern- 
ments while  secretly  countenanced,  making  war 
on  their  own  account  on  what  they  called  the 
enemies  of  God.  In  such  a  business,  of  course, 
there  were  many  mere  pirates  engaged  who  cared 
neither  for  God  nor  man.  But  it  was  the 
Protestants  who  were  specially  impelled  into  it 
by  the  cruelties  of  the  Inquisition.  The  Holy 
Office  began  the  work  mth  the  cmtos  da  fe.     The 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF   THE  REFORMATION        25 

privateers  robbed,  burnt,  and  scuttled  Catholic 
ships  in  retaliation.  One  tierce  deed  produced 
another,  till  right  and  wrong  were  obscured  in 
the  passion  of  religious  hatred.  Vivid  pictures 
of  these  wild  doings  survive  in  the  English  and 
Spanish  State  Papers.  Ireland  was  the  rovers' 
favourite  haunt.  In  the  universal  anarchy  there, 
a  little  more  or  a  little  less  did  not  signify. 
Notorious  pirate  captains  were  to  be  met  in  Cork 
or  Kinsale,  collecting  stores,  casting  cannon,  or 
selling  their  prizes  —  men  of  all  sorts,  from 
fanatical  saints  to  undisguised  ruffians.  Here  is 
one  incident  out  of  many  to  show  the  heights  to 
which  temper  had  risen. 

'  Long  peace,'  says  someone,  addressing  the 
Privy  Council  early  in  Elizabeth's  time,  '  becomes 
by  force  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  more  hurtful 
than  open  war.  It  is  the  secret,  determined 
policy  of  Spain  to  destroy  the  English  fleet, 
pilots,  masters  and  sailors,  by  means  of  the 
Inquisition.  The  Spanish  King  pretends  he 
dares  not  offend  the  Holy  House,  while  we  in 
England  say  we  may  not  proclaim  war  against 
Spain  in  revenge  of  a  few.     Not  long  since  the 


26  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Spanish  Inquisition  executed  sixty  persons  of  St. 
Malo,  notwitlistandiug  entreaty  to  the  King  of 
Spain  to  spare  them.  Whereupon  the  Frenchmen 
armed  their  pimiaces,  lay  for  the  Spaniards,  took 
a  hundred  and  beheaded  them,  sending  the 
Spanish  ships  to  the  shore  Avith  their  heads, 
leaving  in  each  ship  but  one  man  to  render  the 
cause  of  the  revenge.  Since  which  time  Sj)anish 
Inquisitors  have  never  meddled  Avith  those  of  St. 
Malo.' 

A  colony  of  Huguenot  refugees  had  settled 
on  the  coast  of  Florida.  The  Spaniards  heard  of 
it,  came  from  St.  Domingo,  burnt  the  town,  and 
hanged  every  man,  Avoman,  and  child,  leaving  an 
inscription  explaining  that  the  poor  creatures  had 
been  killed,  not  as  Frenchmen,  but  as  heretics. 
Domenique  de  Gourges,  of  Eochelle,  heard  of 
this  fine  exploit  of  fanaticism,  equipped  a  ship, 
and  sailed  across.  He  caught  the  Spanish  garrison 
which  had  been  left  in  occupation  and  swung 
them  on  the  same  trees — with  a  second  scroll 
saying  that  they  were  dangling  there,  not  as 
Spaniards,  but  as  murderers. 

The   genius   of    adventure    tempted   men   of 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE  OF   THE  REFORMATION       27 

highest  birth  into  the  rovers'  ranks.  Sir  Thomas 
Seymour,  tlie  Protector's  brother  and  the  King's 
uncle,  was  Lord  High  Admiral.  In  his  time  (jf 
office,  complaints  were  made  by  foreign  merchants 
of  ships  and  property  seized  at  the  Thames 
mouth.  No  redress  could  be  had  ;  no  restitution 
made ;  no  pirate  was  even  punished,  and  Sey- 
mour's personal  followers  were  seen  suspiciously 
decorated  with  Spanish  ornaments.  It  appeared 
at  last  that  Seymour  had  himself  bought  the 
Scilly  Isles,  and  if  he  could  not  have  his  way  at 
Court,  it  was  said  that  he  meant  to  set  up  there 
as  a  pirate  chief. 

The  persecution  under  Mary  brought  in  more 
resjDectable  recruits  than  Seymour.  The  younger 
generation  of  the  western  families  had  grown 
with  the  times.  If  they  were  not  theologically 
Protestant,  they  detested  tyranny.  They  detested 
the  marriage  with  Philip,  which  threatened  the 
independence  of  England.  At  home  they  were 
powerless,  but  the  sons  of  honourable  houses — 
Strangways,  Tremaynes,  Staffords,  Horseys, 
Carews,  Killegrews,  and  Cobhams — dashed  out 
upon  the  water  to  revenge  the  Smithfield  mas- 


28  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

sacres.  They  found  help  where  it  could  least 
have  been  looked  for.  Henry  II.  of  France  hated 
heresy,  but  he  hated  Spain  worse.  Sooner  than 
see  England  absorbed  in  the  Spanish  monarchy, 
he  forgot  his  bigotry  in  his  politics.  He  fur- 
nished these  young  mutineers  with  ships  and 
money  and  letters  of  marque.  The  Huguenots 
were  their  natural  friends.  With  Rochelle 
for  an  arsenal,  they  held  the  mouth  of  the 
Channel,  and  harassed  the  communications  be- 
tween Cadiz  and  Antwerp.  It  was  a  wild  busi- 
ness :  enterprise  and  buccaneering  sanctified  by 
religion  and  hatred  of  cruelty ;  but  it  was  a 
school  like  no  other  for  seamanship,  and  a  school 
for  the  building  of  vessels  which  could  outsail 
all  others  on  the  sea ;  a  school,  too,  for  the  train- 
ing up  of  hardy  men,  in  whose  blood  ran  detest- 
ation of  the  Inquisition  and  the  Inquisition's 
master.  Every  other  trade  was  swallowed  up 
or  coloured  by  privateering;  the  merchantmen 
went  armed,  ready  for  any  work  that  offered ; 
the  Iceland  fleet  went  no  more  in  search  of  cod ; 
the  Channel  boatmen  forsook  nets  and  lines  and 
took  to  livelier  occupations  ;  Mary  was  too  busy 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF   THE  REFORMATION       29 

burning  heretics  to  look  to  the  police  of  the  seas ; 
her  father's  fine  ships  rotted  in  harbour;  her 
father's  coast-forts  were  deserted  or  dismantled ; 
she  lost  Calais ;  she  lost  the  hearts  of  her  people 
in  forcing  them  into  orthodoxy  ;  she  left  the  seas 
to  the  privateers ;  and  no  trade  flourished,  save 
what  the   Catholic   Powers   called  piracy. 

When  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne,  the  whole 
merchant  navy  of  England  engaged  in  lawful 
commerce  amounted  to  no  more  than  50,000  tons. 
You  may  see  more  now  passing  every  day  through 
the  Gull  Stream.  In  the  service  of  the  Crown 
there  were  but  seven  revenue  cruisers  in  commis- 
sion, the  largest  120  tons,  with  eight  merchant 
brigs  altered  for  fighting.  In  harbour  there  were 
still  a  score  of  large  ships,  but  they  were  dis- 
mantled and  rotting ;  of  ai'tiilery  fit  for  sea  work 
there  was  none.  The  men  were  not  to  be  had, 
and,  as  Sir  William  Cecil  said,  to  fit  out  ships 
without  men  was  to  set  armour  on  stakes  on  the 
sea-shore.  The  mariners  of  England  were  other- 
wise engaged,  and  in  a  way  which  did  not  please 
Cecil.  He  was  the  ablest  minister  that  Elizabeth 
had.     He   saw   at   once   that   on   the    navy   the 


30  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

prosi^erity  and  even  the  liberty  of  England  must 
eventually  depend.  If  England  were  to  remain 
Protestant,  it  was  not  by  articles  of  religion  or 
acts  of  uniformity  that  she  could  be  saved  without 
a  fleet  at  the  back  of  them.  But  he  was  old- 
fashioned.  He  believed  in  law  and  order,  and  he 
has  left  a  curious  paper  of  reflections  on  the 
situation.  The  ships'  companies  in  Henry  VIII.'s 
days  were  recruited  from  the  fishing-smacks,  but 
the  Reformation  itself  had  destroj^ed  the  fishing 
trade.  In  old  times,  Cecil  said,  no  flesh  was 
eaten  on  fish  days.  The  King  himself  could 
not  have  license.  Now  to  eat  beef  or  mutton  on 
fish  days  was  the  test  of  a  true  believer.  The 
English  Iceland  fishery  used  to  su23ply  Normandy 
and  Brittany  as  well  as  England.  Now  it  had 
passed  to  the  French.  The  Chester  men  used  to 
fish  the  Irish  seas.  Now  they  had  left  them  to 
the  Scots.  The  fishermen  had  taken  to  privateer- 
ing because  the  fasts  of  the  Church  were  neglected. 
He  saw  it  was  so.  He  recorded  his  own  opinion 
that  piracy,  as  he  called  it,  was  detcstaUe,  and 
could  not  last.  He  was  to  find  that  it  could  last, 
that  it  was  to  form  the  special  discipline  of  the 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF   THE  REFORMATION       31 

generation  whose  business  would  be  to  fight  the 
Spaniards.  But  he  struggled  hard  against  the 
unwelcome  conclusion.  He  tried  to  revive  lawful 
trade  by  a  Navigation  Act.  He  tried  to  restore 
the  fisheries  by  Act  of  Parliament.  He  introduced 
a  Bill  recommending  godly  abstinence  as  a  means 
to  virtue,  making  the  eating  of  meat  on  Fridays 
and  Saturdays  a  misdemeanour,  and  adding 
Wednesday  as  a  half  fish-day.  The  House  of 
Commons  laughed  at  him  as  brmging  back  Popish 
mummeries.  To  please  the  Protestants  he  inserted 
a  clause,  that  the  statute  was  politicly  meant  for 
the  increase  of  fishermen  and  mariners,  not  for 
any  superstition  in  the  choice  of  meats;  but  it 
was  no  use.  The  Act  was  called  in  mockery 
'  Cecil's  Fast,'  and  the  recovery  of  the  fisheries 
had  to  wait  till  the  natural  inclination  of  human 
stomachs  for  fresh  whiting  and  salt  cod  should 
revive  of  itself. 

Events  had  to  take  their  course.  Seamen 
were  duly  provided  in  other  ways,  and  such  as 
tlie  time  required.  Privatcermg  suited  Elizabeth's 
convenience,  and  suited  her  disposition.  She  liked 
daring-  and  adventure.     She  liked  men  who  would 


32  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

do  her  work  without  being  paid  for  it,  men  whom 
she  could  disown  when  expedient ;  who  would 
understand  her,  and  would  not  resent  it.  She 
knew  her  turn  was  to  come  when  Philip  had 
leisure  to  deal  with  her,  if  she  could  not  secure 
herself  meanwhile.  Time  was  wanted  to  restore 
the  navy.  The  privateers  were  a  resource  in  the 
interval.  They  might  be  called  pirates  while 
there  was  formal  peace.  The  name  did  not 
signify.  They  were  really  the  armed  force  of  the 
country.  After  the  war  broke  out  in  the  Nether- 
lands, they  had  commissions  from  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  Such  commissions  would  not  save  them 
if  taken  by  Spain,  but  it  enabled  them  to  sell 
their  prizes,  and  for  the  rest  they  trusted  to  their 
speed  and  their  guns.  When  Elizabeth  was  at 
war  with  France  about  Havre,  she  took  the  most 
note  1  of  them  into  the  service  of  the  Crown.  Ned 
Horsey  became  Sir  Edward  and  Governor  of  the 
Isle  of  Wight ;  Strangways,  a  Red  Rover  in  his 
way,  who  had  been  the  terror  of  the  Spaniards, 
was  killed  before  Rouen  ;  Tremayne  fell  at  Havre, 
mourned  over  by  Elizabeth  ;  and  Cliampernowne, 
one  of  the  most  gallant  of  the  whole  of  them, 


I.]       SEA    CRADLE   OF   THE  REFORMATION       33 

was  killed  afterwards  at  Coligny's  side  at  Mon- 
contour. 

But  others  took  their  places :  the  wild  hawks 
as  thick  as  seagulls  flashing  over  the  waves,  fair 
wind  or  foul,  laughing  at  pursuit,  brave,  reckless, 
devoted,  the  crews  the  strangest  medley :  English 
from  the  Devonshire  and  Cornish  creeks.  Hugue- 
nots from  Kochelle ;  Irish  kernes  Avith  long 
skenes,  '  desperate,  unruly  persons  with  no  kind 
of  mercy.' 

The  Holy  Office  meanwhile  went  on  in  cold, 
savage  resolution :  the  Holy  Office  which  had 
begun  the  business  and  was  the  cause  of  it. 

A  note  in  Cecil's  hand  says  that  in  the  one 
year  1562  twenty-six  English  subjects  had  been 
burnt  at  the  stake  in  different  parts  of  Spain. 
Ten  times  as  many  were  starving  in  Spanish 
dungeons,  from  which  occasionally,  by  happy 
accident,  a  cry  could  be  heard  like  this  which 
follows.  In  1 561  an  English  merchant  writes 
from  the  Canaries : 

'  I  was  taken  by  those  of  the  Inquisition 
twenty  months  past,  put  into  a  little  dark  house 
two  paces  long,  loaded  with  irons,  without  sight 


'34  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect.  i. 

of  sun  or  moon  all  that  time.  When  I  was 
arraigned  I  was  charged  that  I  should  say  our 
mass  was  as  good  as  theirs ;  that  I  said  I  would 
rather  give  money  to  the  poor  than  buy  Bulls  of 
Rome  with  it.  I  was  charged  with  being  a  subject 
to  the  Queen's  grace,  who,  they  said,  was  enemy 
to  the  Faith,  Antichrist,  with  other  opprobrious 
names ;  and  I  stood  to  the  defence  of  the  Queen's 
Majesty,  proving  the  infamies  most  untrue.  Then 
I  was  put  into  Little  Ease  again,  protestiiig  very 
innocent  blood  to  be  demanded  against  the  judge 
before  Christ.' 

The  innocent  blood  of  these  poor  victims  had 
not  to  wait  to  be  avenged  at  the  Judgment  Day. 
The  account  was  presented  shortly  and  promptly 
at  the  cannon's  mouth. 


LECTURE  II 

JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   THE   AFEICAN  SLAVE   TRADE 

T  BEGIN  this  lecture  with  a  petition  addressed 
to  Queen  Elizabeth.  Thomas  Seely,  a  mer- 
chant of  Bristol,  hearing  a  Spaniard  in  a  Spanish 
port  utter  foul  and  slanderous  charges  against  the 
Queen's  character,  knocked  him  down.  To  knock 
a  man  down  for  telling  lies  about  Elizabeth  might 
be  a  breach  of  the  peace,  but  it  had  not  yet  been 
declared  heresy.  The  Holy  Office,  however,  seized 
Seely,  threw  him  into  a  dungeon,  and  kept  him 
starving  there  for  three  years,  at  the  end  of  which 
he  contrived  to  make  his  condition  known  in 
England.  The  Queen  wrote  herself  to  Philip  to 
protest.  Philip  would  not  interfere.  Seely  re- 
mained in  prison  and  in  irons,  and  the  result  was 
a  petition  from  his  wife,  in  which  the  temper 
which  was  rising  can  be  read  as  in  letters  of  fire. 


36  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Dorothy  Seely  demands  that  '  the  friends  of  her 
Majesty's  subjects  so  imprisoned  and  tormented 
in  Spain  may  make  out  ships  at  their  proper 
charges,  take  such  Inquisitors  or  other  Papistical 
subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain  as  they  can  by  sea 
or  land,  and  retain  them  in  prison  with  such  tor- 
ments and  diet  as  her  Majesty's  subjects  be  kept 
with  in  Spain,  and  on  complaint  made  by  the 
King  to  give  such  answer  as  is  now  made  when 
her  Majesty  sues  for  subjects  imprisoned  by  the 
Inquisition.  Or  that  a  Commission  be  granted 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  other 
bishops  word  for  word  for  foreign  Papists  as  the 
Inquisitors  have  in  Spain  for  the  Protestants.  So 
that  all  may  know  that  her  Majesty  cannot  and 
will  not  longer  endure  the  spoils  and  torments  of 
her  subjects,  and  the  Spaniards  shall  not  think 
this  noble  realm  dares  not  seek  revenge  of  such 
importable  wrongs.' 

Elizabeth  issued  no  such  Commission  as 
Dorothy  Seely  asked  for,  but  she  did  leave  her 
subjects  to  seek  their  revenge  in  their  own  way, 
and  they  sought  it  sometimes  too  rashly. 

In  the  summer  of    1563  eight  English  mer- 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         37 

chantmen  anchored  in  the  roads  of  Gibraltar. 
England  and  France  were  then  at  war.  A  French 
brig  came  in  after  them,  and  brought  up  near. 
At  sea,  if  they  could  take  her,  she  would  have 
been  a  lawful  prize.  Spaniards  under  similar 
circumstances  had  not  respected  the  neutrality 
of  English  harbours.  The  Englishmen  were 
perhaps  in  doubt  what  to  do,  when  the  officers 
of  the  Holy  Office  came  off  to  the  French  ship. 
The  sight  of  the  black  familiars  drove  the  English 
wild.  Three  of  them  made  a  dash  at  the  French 
ship,  intending  to  sink  her.  The  Inquisitors 
sprang  into  their  boat,  and  rowed  for  their  lives. 
The  castle  guns  opened,  and  the  harbour  police 
put  out  to  interfere.  The  French  ship,  however, 
would  have  been  taken,  when  unluckily  Alvarez 
de  Ba^an,  with  a  Spanish  squadron,  came  round 
into  the  Straits.  Eesistance  was  impossible.  The 
eight  English  ships  were  captured  and  carried  off 
to  Cadiz.  The  English  flag  was  trailed  under  De 
Baqan's  stern.  The  crews,  two  hundred  and  forty 
men  in  all,  were  promptly  condemned  to  the 
galleys.  In  defence  they  could  but  say  that  the 
Frenchman  was  an  enemy,  and  a  moderate  punish- 


38  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

ment  would  have  sufSficed  for  a  violation  of  the 
harbour  rules  which  the  Spaniards  themselves  so 
little  regarded.  But  the  Inquisition  was  inexor- 
able, and  the  men  were  treated  with  such  peculiar 
brutality  that  after  nine  months  ninety  only  of 
the  two  hundred  and  forty  were  alive. 

Ferocity  was  answered  by  ferocity.  Listen  to 
this !  The  Cobhams  of  Cowling  Castle  were 
Protestants  by  descent.  Lord  Cobham  was  famous 
in  the  Lollard  martyrology.  Thomas  Cobham, 
one  of  the  family,  had  taken  to  the  sea  like  many 
of  his  friends.  While  cruising  in  the  Channel 
he  caught  sight  of  a  Spaniard  on  the  wa}^  from 
Antwerp  to  Cadiz  with  forty  prisoners  on  board, 
consigned,  it  might  be  supposed,  to  the  Inquisition. 
They  were,  of  course,  Inquisition  prisoners;  for 
other  offenders  would  have  been  dealt  with  on 
the  spot.  Cobham  chased  her  down  into  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  took  her,  scuttled  her,  and  rescued  the 
captives.  But  that  was  not  enough.  The  captain 
and  crew  he  sewed  up  in  their  own  mainsail  and 
flung  them  overboard.  They  were  washed  ashore 
dead,  wrapped  in  their  extraordmary  winding- 
sheet.     Cobham  was   called   to  account  for  this 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         39' 

exploit,  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  actu- 
ally punished.  In  a  very  short  time  he  was  out, 
and  away  again  at  the  old  work.  There  were 
plenty  with  him.  After  the  business  at  Gibraltar,; 
Philip's  subjects  were  not  safe  in  English  harbours. 
Jacques  le  Clerc,  a  noted  privateer,  called  Pie  de 
Palo  from  his  wooden  leg,  chased  a  Spaniard  into 
Falmouth,  and  was  allowed  to  take  her  under  the 
guns  of  Pendennis.  The  Governor  of  the  castle 
said  that  he  could  not  interfere,  because  Le  Clerc 
had  a  commission  from  the  Prince  of  Conde.  It 
was  proved  that  in  the  summer  of  1563  there 
were  400  English  and  Huguenot  rovers  in  and 
about  the  Channel,  and  that  they  had  taken  700 
prizes  between  them.  The  Queen's  own  ships 
followed  suit.  Captain  Cotton  in  the  Fhoenix 
captured  an  Antwerp  merchantman  in  Flushing. 
The  harbour-master  protested.  Cotton  laughed, 
and  sailed  away  with  his  prize.  The  Regent 
Margaret  wrote  in  indignation  to  Elizabeth.  Such 
insolence,  she  said,  was  not  to  be  endured.  She 
would  have  Captain  Cotton  chastised  as  an  ex- 
ample to  all  others.  Elizabeth  measured  the 
situation   more   correctly  than   the   Regent ;  she 


40  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

preferred  to  show  Philip  that  she  was  not  afraid 
of  him.  She  preferred  to  let  her  subjects  dis- 
cover for  themselves  that  the  terrible  Spaniard 
before  whom  the  world  trembled  was  but  a 
colossus  stuffed  with  clouts.  Until  Philip  con- 
sented to  tie  the  hands  of  the  Holy  Office  she  did 
not  mean  to  prevent  them  from  taking  the  law 
into  their  own  hands. 

Now  and  then,  if  occasion  required,  Elizabeth 
herself  would  do  a  little  privateering  on  her  own 
account.  In  the  next  story  that  I  have  to  tell 
she  appears  as  a  principal,  and  her  great  minister, 
Cecil,  as  an  accomplice.  The  Duke  of  Alva  had 
succeeded  Margaret  as  Regent  of  the  Netherlands, 
and  was  drowning  heresy  in  its  own  blood.  The 
Prince  of  Orange  was  making  a  noble  fight ;  but 
all  went  ill  with  him.  His  troops  were  defeated,  his 
brother  Louis  was  killed.  He  was  still  struggling, 
helped  by  Elizabeth's  money.  But  the  odds 
were  terrible,  and  the  only  hope  lay  in  the  dis- 
content of  Alva's  soldiers,  who  had  not  been  paid 
their  wages,  and  would  not  fight  without  them. 
Philip's  finances  were  not  flourishing,  but  he  had 
borrowed  half  a  million  ducats  from  a  house  at 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE   TRADE         41 

Genoa  for  Alva's  use.  The  money  was  to  be 
delivered  in  bullion  at  Antwerp.  The  Channel 
privateers  heard  that  it  was  coming  and  were  on 
the  look-out  for  it.  The  vessel  in  which  it  was 
sent  took  refuge  in  Plymouth,  but  found  she  had 
run  into  the  enemy's  nest.  Nineteen  or  twenty 
Huguenot  and  English  cruisers  lay  round  her 
with  commissions  from  Conde  to  take  every 
Catholic  ship  they  met  with.  Elizabeth's  special 
friends  thought  and  said  freely  that  so  rich  a 
prize  ought  to  fall  to  no  one  but  her  Majesty. 
Elizabeth  thought  the  same,  but  for  a  more 
honourable  reason.  It  was  of  the  highest  con- 
sequence that  the  money  should  not  reach  the 
Duke  of  Alva  at  that  moment.  Even  Cecil  said 
so,  and  sent  the  Prince  of  Orange  word  that  it 
would  be  stopped  in  some  way. 

But  how  could  it  decently  be  done  ?  Bishop 
Jewel  relieved  the  Queen's  mind  (if  it  was  ever 
disturbed)  on  the  moral  side  of  the  question.  The 
bishop  held  that  it  would  be  meritorious  in  a 
high  degree  to  intercept  a  treasure  which  was  to 
be  used  in  the  murder  of  Protestant  Christians. 
But    the   how   was   the   problem.      To    let    the 


42  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

privateers  take  it  openly  in  Pljmouth  harbour 
would,  it  was  felt,  be  a  scandal.  Sir  Arthur 
Champernowne,  the  Vice-admiral  of  the  West, 
saw  the  difficulty  and  offered  his  services.  He 
had  three  vessels  of  his  own  in  Conde's  privateer 
fleet,  under  his  son  Henry.  As  vice-admiral  he 
was  first  in  command  at  Plymouth.  He  placed 
a  guard  on  board  the  treasure  ship,  telling  the 
captain  it  would  be  a  discredit  to  the  Queen's 
Government  if  harm  befell  her  in  English  waters. 
He  then  wrote  to  Cecil. 

'  If,'  he  said,  '  it  shall  seem  good  to  your 
honour  that  I  with  others  shall  give  the  attempt 
for  her  Majesty's  use  which  cannot  be  without 
blood,  I  will  not  only  take  it  in  hand,  but  also 
receive  the  blame  thereof  unto  myself,  to  the  end 
so  great  a  commodity  should  redound  to  her 
Grace,  hoping  that,  after  bitter  storms  of  her  dis- 
pleasure, showed  at  the  first  to  colour  the  fact,  I 
shall  find  the  calm  of  her  favour  in  such  sort  as 
I  am  most  willing  to  hazard  myself  to  serve  her 
Majesty.  Great  pity  it  were  such  a  rich  booty 
should  escape  her  Grace.  But  surely  I  am  of  that 
mind  that  anything  taken  from  that  wicked  nation 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         43 

is  both  necessary  and  profitable  to  our  common- 
wealth.' 

Very  shocking  on  Sir  Arthur's  part  to  write 
such  a  letter :  so  many  good  people  will  think.  I 
hojoe  they  will  consider  it  equally  shocking  that 
King  Philip  should  have  burned  English  sailors 
at  the  stake  because  they  were  loyal  to  the  laws 
of  their  own  country ;  that  he  was  stirring  war  all 
over  Europe  to  please  the  Pope^  and  thrusting  the 
doctrines  of  the  Council  of  Trent  down  the  throats 
of  mankind  at  the  sword's  point.  Spain  and 
England  might  be  at  peace ;  Romanism  and  Pro- 
testantism were  at  deadly  war,  and  war  suspends 
the  obligations  of  ordinary  life.  Crimes  the  most 
horrible  were  held  to  be  virtues  in  defence  of  the 
Catholic  faith.  The  Catholics  could  not  have  the 
advantage  of  such  indulgences  without  the  in- 
conveniences. The  Protestant  cause  throughout 
Europe  was  one,  and  assailed  as  the  Protestants 
were  with  such  envenomed  ferocity,  they  could 
not  afford  to  be  nicely  scrupulous  in  the  means 
they  used  to  defend  themselves. 

Sir  Ai'thur  Champernowne  was  not  called  on 
to  sacrifice  himself  in  such  peculiar  fashion,  and  a 


44  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

better  expedient  was  found  to  secure  Alva's  money. 
The  bullion  was  landed  and  was  brought  to  Lon- 
don by  road  on  the  plea  that  the  seas  were  unsafe. 
It  was  carried  to  the  Tower,  and  when  it  was  once 
inside  the  walls  it  was  found  to  remain  the  property 
of  the  Genoese  until  it  was  delivered  at  Antwerp. 
The  Genoese  agent  in  London  was  as  willing  to 
lend  it  to  Elizabeth  as  to  Philip,  and  indeed  pre- 
ferred the  security.  Elizabeth  calmly  said  that 
she  had  herself  occasion  for  money,  and  would 
accept  their  offer.  Half  of  it  was  sent  to  the 
Priace  of  Orange  ;  half  was  spent  on  the  Queen's 
navy. 

Alva  was  of  course  violently  angry.  He  arrested 
every  English  ship  in  the  Low  Countries.  He 
arrested  every  Englishman  that  he  could  catch, 
and  sequestered  all  English  property.  Elizabeth 
retaliated  in  kind.  The  Spanish  and  Flemish 
property  taken  in  England  proved  to  be  worth 
double  what  had  been  secured  by  Alva.  Philip 
could  not  declare  war.  The  Netherlands  insurrec- 
tion was  straining  his  resources,  and  with  Elizabeth 
for  an  open  enemy  the  whole  weight  of  England 
would  have  been  thrown  on  the  side  of  the  Prince 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE   TRADE  45 

of  Orange.  Elizabeth  herself  should  have  declared 
war,  people  say,  instead  of  condescending  to 
such  tricks.  Perhaps  so;  but  also  perhaps  not. 
These  insults,  steadily  maintained  and  unresented, 
shook  the  faith  of  mankind,  and  especially  of  her 
own  sailors,  in  the  invincibility  of  the  Spanish 
colossus. 

I  am  now  to  turn  to  another  side  of  the 
subject.  The  stories  which  I  have  told  you 
show  the  tem|)er  of  the  time,  and  the  atmo- 
sphere which  men  were  breathing,  but  it  will 
be  instructive  to  look  more  closely  at  individual 
persons,  and  I  will  take  first  John  Hawkins 
(afterwards  Sir  John),  a  peculiarly  characteristic 
figure. 

The  Hawkinses  of  Plymouth  were  a  solid 
middle-class  Devonshire  family,  who  for  two 
generations  had  taken  a  leading  part  in  the 
business  of  the  town.  They  still  survive  in  the 
county — Achins  we  used  to  call  them  before 
school  pronunciation  came  in,  and  so  Philip  wrote 
the  name  when  the  famous  John  began  to  trouble 
his  dreams.  I  have  already  spoken  of  old  William 
Hawkins,  John's  father,  whom  Henry  VHI.  was 


46  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

SO  fond  of,  and  who  brought  over  the  Brazilian 
King.  Old  William  had  now  retired  and  had  left 
his  place  and  his  work  to  his  son.  John  Hawkins 
may  have  been  about  thirty  at  Elizabeth's  acces- 
sion. He  had  witnessed  the  wild  times  of  Edward 
VI.  and  Mary,  but,  though  many  of  his  friends 
had  taken  to  the  privateering  business,  Hawkins 
appears  to  have  kept  clear  of  it,  and  continued 
steadily  at  trade.  One  of  these  friends,  and  his 
contemporary,  and  in  fact  his  near  relation,  was 
Thomas  Stukely,  afterwards  so  notorious — and  a 
word  may  be  said  of  Stukely's  career  as  a  contrast 
to  that  of  Hawkins.  He  was  a  younger  son  of 
a  leading  county  family,  went  to  London  to  seek 
his  fortune,  and  became  a  hanger-on  of  Sir 
Thomas  Sejanour.  Doubtless  he  was  connected 
with  Seymour's  pirating  scheme  at  Scilly,  and 
took  to  pirating  as  an  occupation  like  other 
Western  gentlemen.  When  Elizabeth  became 
Queen,  he  introduced  himself  at  Court  and 
amused  her  with  his  conceit.  He  meant  to  be 
a  king,  nothing  less  than  a  king.  He  would  go 
to  Florida,  found  an  empire  there,  and  write  to 
the  Queen  as  his  dearest  sister.     She  gave  him 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE   TRADE         47 

leave  to  try.  He  bought  a  vessel  of  400  tons,  got 
100  tall  soldiers  to  join  him  besides  the  crew,  and 
sailed  from  Plymouth  in  1563.  Once  out  of 
harbour,  he  announced  that  the  sea  was  to  be  his 
Florida.  He  went  back  to  the  pirate  business, 
robbed  freely,  haunted  Irish  creeks,  and  set  up 
an  intimacy  with  the  Ulster  hero,  Shan  O'Neil. 
Shan  and  Stukely  became  bosom  friends.  Shan 
"wrote  to  Elizabeth  to  recommend  that  she  should 
make  over  Ireland  to  Stukely  and  himself  to 
manage,  and  promised,  if  she  agreed,  to  make  it 
such  an  Ireland  as  had  never  been  seen,  which 
they  probably  would.  Elizabeth  not  consenting, 
Stukely  turned  Papist,  transferred  his  services  to 
the  Pope  and  Philip,  and  was  preparing  a  cam- 
paign in  Ireland  under  the  Pope's  direction, 
when  he  was  tempted  to  join  Sebastian  of 
Portugal  in  the  African  expedition,  and  there 
got  himself  killed. 

Stukely  was  a  specimen  of  the  foolish  sort  of 
the  young  Devonshire  men ;  Hawkins  was  exactly 
his  opposite.  He  stuck  to  business,  avoided 
politics,  traded  with  Spanish  ports  without  offend- 
ing the  Holy  Office,  and  formed  intimacies  and 


48  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

connections  with  the  Canary  Islands  especially, 
where  it  was  said  '  he  grew  much  in  love  and 
favour  with  the  people.' 

At  the  Canaries  he  naturally  heard  much 
about  the  West  Indies.  He  was  adventurous. 
His  Canaries  friends  told  him  that  negroes  were 
great  merchandise  in  the  Spanish  settlements  in 
Espanola,  and  he  himself  was  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  Guinea  coast,  and  knew  how  easily  such 
a  cargo  could  be  obtained. 

We  know  to  what  the  slave  trade  grew.  We 
have  all  learnt  to  repent  of  the  share  which  Eng- 
land had  in  it,  and  to  abhor  everyone  whose 
hands  were  stained  by  contact  with  so  accursed 
a  business.  All  that  may  be  taken  for  granted ; 
but  we  must  look  at  the  matter  as  it  would  have 
been  represented  at  the  Canaries  to  Hawkins 
himself 

The  Carib  races  whom  the  Spaniards  found  in 
Cuba  and  St.  Domingo  had  withered  before  them 
as  if  struck  by  a  blight.  Many  died  under  the 
lash  of  the  Spanish  overseers ;  many,  perhaps  the 
most,  from  the  mysterious  causes  which  have 
made  the  presence  of  civilisation  so  fatal  to  the 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         49 

Red  Indian,  the  Australian,  and  the  Maori.  It  is 
■with  men  as  it  is  with  animals.  The  races  which 
consent  to  be  domesticated  prosper  and  multiply. 
Those  which  cannot  live  without  freedom  pine 
like  caged  eagles  or  disappear  like  the  buffaloes 
of  the  prairies. 

Anyway,  the  natives  perished  out  of  the 
islands  of  the  Caribbean  Sea  with  a  rapidity 
which  startled  the  conquerors.  The  famous 
Bishop  Las  Casas  pitied  and  tried  to  save  the 
remnant  that  were  left.  The  Spanish  settlers 
required  labourers  for  the  plantations.  On  the 
continent  of  Africa  were  another  race,  savage  in 
their  natural  state,  which  would  domesticate  like 
sheep  and  oxen,  and  learnt  and  improved  in 
the  white  man's  company.  The  negro  never 
rose  of  himself  out  of  barbarism ;  as  his  fathers 
were,  so  he  remained  from  age  to  age ;  when 
left  free,  as  in  Liberia  and  in  Hayti,  he  reverts 
to  his  original  barbarism  ;  while  in  subjection  to 
the  white  man  he  showed  then,  and  he  has  shown 
since,  high  capacities  of  intellect  and  character. 
Such  is,  such  was  the  fact.  It  struck  Las  Casas 
that  if  negroes  could  be  introduced  into  the  West 

E 


so  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Indian  islands,  the  Indians  might  be  left  alone ; 
the  negroes  themselves  would  have  a  chance  to 
rise  out  of  their  wretchedness,  could  be  made  into 
Christians,  and  could  be  saved  at  worst  from  the 
horrid  fate  which  awaited  many  of  them  in  their 
own  country. 

The  black  races  varied  like  other  animals : 
some  were  gentle  and  timid,  some  were  ferocious 
as  wolves.  The  strong  tyrannised  over  the  weak, 
made  slaves  of  their  prisoners,  occasionally  ate 
them,  and  those  they  did  not  eat  they  sacrificed 
at  what  they  called  their  customs — offered  them 
up  and  cut  their  throats  at  the  altars  of  their 
idols.  These  customs  were  the  most  sacred  tradi- 
tions of  the  negro  race.  They  were  suspended 
while  the  slave  trade  gave  the  prisoners  a  value. 
They  revived  when  the  slave  trade  was  abolished. 
When  Lord  Wolseley  a  few  years  back  entered 
Ashantee,  the  altars  were  coated  thick  with  the 
blood  of  hundreds  of  miserable  beings  who  had 
been  freshly  slaughtered  there.  Still  later  similar 
horrid  scenes  were  reported  from  Dahomey.  Sir 
Richard  Burton,  who  was  an  old  acquaintance 
of  mine,  spent   two  months  with   the   King  of 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND   THE   SLAVE    TRADE         51 

Dahomey,  and  dilated  to  me  on  the  benevolence 
and  enlightenment  of  that  excellent  monarch,     I 

o 

asked  why,  if  the  King  was  so  benevolent,  he  did 
not  alter  the  customs.  Burton  looked  at  me  with 
consternation,  '  Alter  the  customs  ! '  he  said, 
'  Would  you  have  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
alter  the  Liturgy  ? '  Las  Casas  and  those  who 
thought  as  he  did  are  not  to  be  charged  with 
infamous  inhumanity  if  they  proposed  to  buy 
these  poor  creatures  from  their  captors,  save 
them  from  Mumbo  Jumbo,  and  carry  them  to 
countries  where  they  would  be  valuable  property, 
and  be  at  least  as  well  cared  for  as  the  mules 
and  horses. 

The  experiment  was  tried  and  seemed  to 
succeed.  The  negroes  who  were  rescued  from 
the  customs  and  were  carried  to  the  Spanish 
islands  proved  docile  and  useful.  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  factories  were  established  on  the  coast 
of  Guinea.  The  black  chiefs  were  glad  to  make 
money  out  of  their  wretched  victims,  and  readily 
sold  them.  The  transport  over  the  Atlantic 
became  a  regular  branch  of  business.  Strict 
laws  were  made  for  the  good  treatment  of  the 


52  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

slaves  on  the  plantations.  The  trade  was  carried 
on  under  license  from  the  Government,  and  an 
import  duty  of  thirty  ducats  per  head  was  charged 
on  every  negro  that  was  landed.  I  call  it  an 
experiment.  The  full  consequences  could  not  be 
foreseen,  and  I  cannot  see  that  as  an  experiment 
it  merits  the  censures  which  in  its  later  develop- 
ments it  eventually  came  to  deserve.  Las  Casas, 
who  approved  of  it,  was  one  of  the  most  excellent 
of  men.  Our  own  Bishop  Butler  could  give  no 
decided  opinion  against  negro  slavery  as  it  existed 
in  his  time.  It  is  absurd  to  say  that  ordinary 
merchants  and  ship  captains  ought  to  have  seen 
the  infamy  of  a  practice  which  Las  Casas  advised 
and  Butler  could  not  condemn.  The  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  Governments  claimed,  as  I  said,  the 
control  of  the  traffic.  The  Spanish  settlers  in 
the  West  Indies  objected  to  a  restriction  which 
raised  the  price  and  shortened  the  supply.  They 
considered  that  having  established  themselves  in 
a  new  country  they  had  a  right  to  a  voice  in  the 
conditions  of  their  occupancy.  It  was  thus  that 
the  Spaniards  in  the  Canaries  represented  the 
matter  to  John  Hawkins.     They  told  him  that  if 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         53 

he  liked  to  make  the  venture  Avith  a  contraband, 
cargo  from  Guinea,  their  countrymen  would  give 
him  an  enthusiastic  welcome.  It  is  evident  from 
the  story  that  neither  he  nor  they  expected  that 
serious  offence  would  be  taken  at  Madrid.  Haw- 
kins at  this  time  was  entirely  friendly  with  the 
Spaniards.  It  was  enough  if  he  could  be  assured 
that  the  colonists  would  be  glad  to  deal  with  him. 
I  am  not  crediting  him  with  the  benevolent 
purposes  of  Las  Casas.  I  do  not  suppose  Hawkins 
thought  much  of  saving  black  men's  souls.  He 
saw  only  an  opportunity  of  extending  his  business 
among  a  people  with  whom  he  was  already  largely 
connected.  The  traffic  was  established.  It  had 
the  sanction  of  the  Church,  and  no  objection 
had  been  raised  to  it  anywhere  on  the  score  of 
morality.  The  only  question  which  could  have 
presented  itself  to  Hawkins  was  of  the  right  of 
the  Spanish  Government  to  prevent  foreigners 
from  getting  a  share  of  a  lucrative  trade  against 
the  wishes  of  its  subjects.  And  his  friends  at 
the  Canaries  certainly  did  not  lead  him  to  expect 
any  real  opposition.  One  regrets  that  a  famous 
Englishman  should  have  been  connected  with  the 


54  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

slave  trade ;  but  we  have  no  right  to  heap  violent 
censures  upon  him  because  he  was  no  more 
enlightened  than  the  wisest  of  his  contemporaries. 
Thus,  encouraged  from  Santa  Cruz,  Hawkins 
on  his  return  to  England  formed  an  African 
company  out  of  the  leading  citizens  of  London. 
Three  vessels  were  fitted  out,  Hawkins  being 
commander  and  part  owner.  The  size  of  them 
is  remarkable :  the  Solomon,  as  the  largest  was 
called,  120  tons;  the  StoaUoiv,  lOO  tons;  the 
Jonas  not  above  40  tons.  This  represents  them 
as  inconceivably  small.  They  carried  between 
them  a  hundred  men,  and  ample  room  had  to  be 
provided  besides  for  the  blacks.  There  may  have 
been  a  difference  in  the  measurement  of  tonnage. 
We  ourselves  have  five  standards :  builder's 
measurement,  yacht  measurement,  displacement, 
sail  area,  and  register  measurement.  Eegistered 
tonnage  is  far  under  the  others :  a  yacht  registered 
1 20  tons  would  be  called  200  in  a  shipping  list. 
However  that  be,  the  brigantines  and  sloops 
used  by  the  Elizabethans  on  all  adventurous 
expeditions  were  mere  boats  compared  with  what 
we  should  use  now  on  such  occasions.    The  reason 


2,]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         55 

was  obvious.  Success  depended  on  speed  and 
sailing  power.  The  art  of  building  big  square- 
rigged  ships  which  would  work  to  windward  had 
not  been  yet  discovered,  even  by  Mr.  Fletcher  of 
Rye.  The  fore-and-aft  rig  alone  would  enable  a 
vessel  to  tack,  as  it  is  called,  and  this  could  only 
be  used  with  craft  of  moderate  tonnage. 

The  expedition  sailed  in  October  1562.  They 
called  at  the  Canaries,  where  they  were  warmly 
entertained.  They  went  on  to  Sierra  Leone, 
where  they  collected  300  negroes.  They  avoided 
the  Government  factories,  and  picked  them  up  as 
they  could,  some  by  force,  some  by  negotiation 
with  local  chiefs,  who  were  as  ready  to  sell  their 
subjects  as  Sancho  Panza  intended  to  be  when 
he  got  his  island.  They  crossed  without  misad- 
venture to  St.  Domingo,  where  Hawkins  repre- 
sented that  he  was  on  a  voyage  of  discovery; 
that  he  had  been  driven  out  of  his  course  and 
wanted  food  and  money.  He  said  he  had  certain 
slaves  with  him,  which  he  asked  permission  to 
sell.  What  he  had  heard  at  the  Canaries  turned 
out  to  be  exactly  true.  So  far  as  the  Governor  of 
St.  Domingo  knew,  Spain  and  England  were  at 


$6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

peace.  Privateers  had  not  troubled  the  peace  of 
the  Caribbean  Sea,  or  dangerous  heretics  menaced 
the  Catholic  faith  there.  Inquisitors  might  have 
been  suspicious,  but  the  Inquisition  had  not  yet 
been  established  beyond  the  Atlantic.  The  Queen 
of  England  was  his  sovereign's  sister-in-law,  and 
the  Governor  saw  no  reason  why  he  should  con- 
strue his  general  instructions  too  literally.  The 
planters  were  eager  to  buy,  and  he  did  not  wish 
to  be  unpopular.  He  allowed  Hawkins  to  sell 
two  out  of  his  three  hundred  negroes,  leaving  the 
remaining  hundred  as  a  deposit  should  question 
be  raised  about  the  duty.  Evidently  the  only 
doubt  in  the  Governor's  mind  was  whether  the 
Madrid  authorities  would  charge  foreign  importers 
on  a  higher  scale.  The  question  was  new.  No 
stranger  had  as  yet  attempted  to  trade  there. 

Everyone  was  satisfied,  except  the  negroes, 
who  were  not  asked  their  opinion.  The  profits 
were  enormous.  A  ship  in  the  harbour  was 
about  to  sail  for  Cadiz.  Hawkins  invested  most 
of  what  he  had  made  in  a  cargo  of  hides,  for 
which,  as  he  understood,  there  was  a  demand  in 
Spain,  and  he  sent  them  over  in  her  in  charge  of 


2.]         HA  WKINS  AND    THE  SLA  VE    TRADE         57 

one  of  his  partners.  The  Governor  gave  him  a 
testimonial  for  good  conduct  during  his  stay  in 
the  port,  and  with  this  and  with  his  three  vessels 
he  returned  leisurely  to  England,  having,  as  he 
imagined,  been  splendidly  successful. 

He  was  to  be  unpleasantly  undeceived.  A  few 
days  after  he  had  arrived  at  Plymouth,  he  met 
the  man  whom  he  had  sent  to  Cadiz  with  the 
hides  forlorn  and  empty-handed.  The  Inquisition, 
he  said,  had  seized  the  cargo  and  confiscated  it. 
An  order  had  been  sent  to  St.  Domingo  to  forfeit 
the  reserved  slaves.  He  himself  had  escaped  for 
his  life,  as  the  familiars  had  been  after  him. 

Nothing  shows  more  clearly  hoAv  little  thought 
there  had  been  in  Hawkins  that  his  voyage  would 
have  given  offence  in  Spain  than  the  astonishment 
with  which  he  heard  the  news.  He  protested. 
He  "svrote  to  Philip.  Finding  entreaties  useless, 
he  swore  vengeance;  but  threats  were  equally 
ineffectual.  Not  a  hide,  not  a  farthing  could  he 
recover.  The  Spanish  Government,  terrified  at 
the  intrusion  of  English  adventurers  into  their 
western  paradise  to  endanger  the  gold  fleets,  or 
worse  to  endanger  the  purity  of  the  faith,  issued 


58  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

orders  more  peremptory  than  ever  to  close  the 
ports  there  against  all  foreigners.  Philip  person- 
ally warned  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  the  English 
ambassador,  that  if  such  visits  were  repeated, 
mischief  would  come  of  it.  And  Cecil,  who 
disliked  all  such  semi-piratical  enterprises,  and 
Chaloner,  who  was  half  a  Spaniard  and  an  old 
companion  in  arms  of  Charles  V.,  entreated  their 
mistress  to  forbid  them. 

Elizabeth,  however,  had  her  own  views  in  such 
matters.  She  liked  money.  She  liked  encourag- 
ing the  adventurous  disposition  of  her  subjects, 
who  were  fighting  the  State's  battles  at  their 
own  risk  and  cost.  She  saw  in  Philip's  anger  a 
confession  that  the  West  Indies  was  his  vulner- 
able point ;  and  that  if  she  wished  to  frighten 
him  into  letting  her  alone,  and  to  keep  the 
Inquisition  from  burning  her  sailors,  there  was 
the  place  where  Philip  would  be  more  sensitive. 
Probably,  too,  she  thought  that  Hawkins  had 
done  nothing  for  which  he  could  be  justly 
blamed.  He  had  traded  at  St.  Domingo  with 
the  Governor's  consent,  and  confiscation  was 
sharp   practice. 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         59 

This  was  clearly  Hawkins's  own  view  of  the 
matter.  He  had  injured  no  one.  He  had  offended 
no  pious  ears  by  parading  his  Protestantism.  He 
was  not  Philip's  subject,  and  was  not  to  be  ex- 
pected to  know  the  instructions  given  by  the 
Spanish  Government  in  the  remote  corners  of 
their  dominions.  If  anyone  was  to  be  punished, 
it  was  not  he  but  the  Governor.  He  held  that 
he  had  been  robbed,  and  had  a  right  to  indemnify 
himself  at  the  King's  expense.  He  would  go 
out  again.  He  was  certain  of  a  cordial  reception 
from  the  planters.  Between  him  and  them  there 
was  the  friendliest  understanding.  His  quarrel 
was  with  Philip,  and  Philip  only.  He  meant  to 
sell  a  fresh  cargo  of  negroes,  and  the  Madrid 
Government  should  go  without  their  30  per  cent, 
duty. 

Elizabeth  approved.  Hawkins  had  opened  the 
road  to  the  West  Indies.  He  had  shown  how 
easy  slave  smuggling  was,  and  how  profitable  it 
was;  how  it  was  also  possible  for  the  English 
to  establish  friendly  relations  with  the  Spanish 
settlers  in  the  West  Indies,  whether  Philip  liked 
it  or  not.     Another  company  was  formed  for  a 


6o  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

second  trial.  Elizabeth  took  shares,  Lord  Pem- 
broke took  shares,  and  other  members  of  the 
Council.  The  Queen  lent  the  Jesii^,  a  large  ship 
of  her  own,  of  700  tons.  Formal  instructions 
were  given  that  no  -wrong  was  to  be  done  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  but  what  wrong  might  mean  was 
left  to  the  discretion  of  the  commander.  Where 
the  planters  were  all  eager  to  purchase,  means  of 
traffic  would  be  discovered  without  collision  with 
the  authorities.  This  time  the  expedition  was  to 
be  on  a  larger  scale,  and  a  hundred  soldiers  were 
put  on  board  to  provide  for  contingencies.  Thus 
furnished,  Hawkins  started  on  his  second  voyage 
in  October  1564.  The  autumn  was  chosen,  to 
avoid  the  extreme  tropical  heats.  He  touched 
as  before  to  see  his  friends  at  the  Canaries.  He 
went  on  to  the  Rio  Grande,  met  with  adventures 
bad  and  good,  found  a  chief  at  war  with  a  neigh- 
bouring tribe,  helped  to  capture  a  town  and  take 
prisoners,  made  purchases  at  a  Portuguese  factory. 
In  this  way  he  now  secured  400  human  cattle, 
perhaps  for  a  better  fate  than  they  would  have 
met  with  at  home,  and  with  these  he  sailed  off  in 
the  old  direction.     Near  the  equator  he  fell  in 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         6i 

with  calms ;  he  was  short  of  water,  and  feared  to 
lose  some  of  them;   but,  as   the  record   of  the 
voyage  puts  it,  '  Almighty  God  would  not  suffer 
His   elect   to   perish,'  and   sent   a   breeze  which 
carried  him  safe  to  Dominica.     In  that  wettest 
of  islands  he  found  water  in  plenty,  and  had  then 
to  consider  what  next  he  would  do.    St.  Domingo, 
he  thought,  would  be  no  longer  safe  for  him ;  so 
he  struck  across  to  the  Spanish  Main  to  a  place 
called   Burboroata,   where   he   might   hope   that 
nothing  would  be  known  about  him.     In  this  he 
was  mistaken.     Philip's  orders  had  arrived:    no 
Englishman    of  any   creed   or  land    was    to   be 
allowed  to  trade  in  his  West  India  dominions. 
The  settlers,  however,  intended  to  trade.     They 
required  only  a  display  of  force  that  they  might 
pretend  that  they  were  yielding  to  compulsion. 
Hawkins  told  his  old  story.     He  said  that  he  was 
out  on  the  service  of  the  Queen  of  England.     He 
had  been  driven  off  his  course  by  bad  weather. 
He  was  short   of  supplies   and   had   many  men 
on  board,  who  might  do  the  town  some  mischief 
if  they  were  not  allowed  to  land  peaceably  and 
buy  and  sell  what  they  wanted.     The  Governor 


62  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

affecting  to  hesitate,  he  threw  120  men  on  shore, 
and  brought  his  guns  to  bear  on  the  castle.  The 
Governor  gave  way  under  protest.  Hawkins  was 
to  be  permitted  to  sell  half  his  negroes.  He  said 
that  as  he  had  been  treated  so  inhospitably  he 
would  not  pay  the  30  per  cent.  The  King  of 
Spain  should  have  7  J,  and  no  more.  The  settlers 
had  no  objection.  The  price  would  be  the  less, 
and  with  this  deduction  his  business  was  easily 
finished  off.  He  bought  no  more  hides,  and  was 
paid  in  solid  silver. 

From  Burboroata  he  went  on  to  Rio  de  la 
Hacha,  where  the  same  scene  was  repeated.  The 
whole  400  were  disposed  of,  this  time  with  ease 
and  complete  success.  He  had  been  rapid,  and 
had  the  season  still  before  him.  Having  finished 
his  business,  he  surveyed  a  large  part  of  the 
Caribbean  Sea,  taking  soundings,  noting  the 
currents,  and  making  charts  of  the  coasts  and 
islands.  This  done,  he  turned  homewards,  follow- 
ing the  east  shore  of  North  America  as  far  as 
Newfoundland.  There  he  gave  his  crew  a  change 
of  diet,  with  fresh  cod  from  the  Banks,  and  after 
eleven  months'  absence  he  sailed  into  Padstow, 


2.]         HAWKINS  AND    THE  SLAVE    TRADE         63 

having  lost  but  twenty  men  in  the  whole  adven- 
ture, and  bringing  back  60  per  cent,  to  the  Queen 
and  the  other  shareholders. 

Nothing  succeeds  like  success.  Hawkins's 
praises  were  in  everyone's  mouth,  and  in  London 
he  was  the  hero  of  the  hour.  Elizabeth  received 
him  at  the  palace.  The  Spanish  ambassador,  De 
Silva,  met  him  there  at  dinner.  He  talked  freely 
of  where  he  had  been  and  of  what  he  had  done, 
only  keeping  back  the  gentle  violence  which  he 
had  used.  He  regarded  this  as  a  mere  farce, 
since  there  had  been  no  one  hurt  on  either  side. 
He  boasted  of  having  given  the  greatest  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Spaniards  who  had  dealt  with  him. 
De  Silva  could  but  bow,  report  to  his  master,  and 
ask  instructions  how  he  was  to  proceed. 

Philip  was  frightfully  disturbed.  He  saw  m 
prospect  his  western  subjects  allying  themselves 
with  the  English  —  heresy  creeping  in  among 
them ;  his  gold  fleets  in  danger,  all  the  possibili- 
ties with  which  Elizabeth  had  wished  to  alarm 
him.  He  read  and  re-read  De  Silva's  letters,  and 
opposite  the  name  of  Achines  he  wrote  startled 
interjections  on  the  margin  :  '  Ojo  !  Ojo  ! ' 


64  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

The  political  horizon  was  just  then  favourable 
to  Elizabeth.  The  Queen  of  Scots  was  a  prisoner 
in  Loch  Leven ;  the  Netherlands  were  in  revolt ; 
the  Huguenots  were  looking  up  in  France ;  and 
when  Hawkins  proposed  a  third  expedition,  she 
thought  that  she  could  safely  allow  it.  She  gave 
him  the  use  of  the  Je,s,us  again,  with  another 
smaller  ship  of  hers,  the  Minion.  He  had  two  of 
his  own  still  fit  for  work ;  and  a  fifth,  the  Judith, 
was  brought  in  by  his  young  cousin,  Francis 
Drake,  who  was  now  to  make  his  first  appearance 
on  the  stage.  I  shall  tell  you  by-and-by  who  and 
what  Drake  was.  Enough  to  say  now  that  he 
was  a  relation  of  Hawkins,  the  owner  of  a  small 
smart  sloop  or  brigantine,  and  ambitious  of  a 
share  in  a  stirring  business. 

The  Plymouth  seamen  were  falling  into  dan- 
gerous contempt  of  Philip.  While  the  expedition 
was  fitting  out,  a  ship  of  the  Bang's  came  into 
Catwater  with  more  prisoners  from  Flanders. 
She  was  flying  the  Castilian  flag,  contrary  to  rule, 
it  was  said,  in-  English  harbours.  The  treatment 
of  the  English  ensign  at  Gibraltar  had  not  been 
forgiven,    and     Hawkins    ordered    the    Spanish 


2.]  HAWKINS  AND  THE  SLAVE  TRADE  65 
captain  to  strike  his  colours.  The  captain  re- 
fused, and  Hawkins  instantly  fired  into  him.  In 
the  confusion  the  prisoners  escaped  on  board  the 
Jcuis  and  were  let  go.  The  captain  sent  a  com- 
plaint to  London,  and  Cecil — ^who  disapproved 
of  Hawkins  and  all  his  proceedings — sent  down 
an  officer  to  inquire  into  what  had  happened. 
Hawkins,  confident  in  Elizabeth's  protection, 
quietly  answered  that  the  Spaniard  had  broken 
the  laws  of  the  port,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
assert  the  Queen's  authority. 

'  Your  mariners,'  said  De  Silva  to  her, '  rob  our 
subjects  on  the  sea,  trade  where  they  are  forbidden 
to  go,  and  fire  upon  our  ships  in  your  harbours. 
Your  preachers  insult  my  master  from  their 
pulj^its,  and  when  we  remonstrate  we  are  answered 
with  menaces.  We  have  borne  so  far  with  their 
injuries,  attributing  them  rather  to  temper  and 
bad  manners  than  to  deliberate  purpose.  But, 
seeing  that  no  redress  can  be  had,  and  that  the 
same  treatment  of  us  continues,  I  must  consult  my 
Sovereign's  pleasure.  For  the  last  time,  I  require 
your  Majesty  to  punish  this  outrage  at  Plymouth 
and  preserve  the  peace  between  the  two  realms.' 

F 


66  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

No  remonstrance  could  seem  more  just  till  the 
other  side  was  heard.  The  other  side  was  that 
the  Pope  and  the  Catholic  Powers  were  under- 
taking to  force  the  Protestants  of  France  and 
Flanders  back  under  the  Papacy  with  fire  and 
sword.  It  was  no  secret  that  England's  turn  was 
to  follow  as  soon  as  Philip's  hands  were  free. 
Meanwhile  he  had  been  intriguing  with  the 
Queen  of  Scots ;  he  had  been  encouraging  Ireland 
in  rebellion ;  he  had  been  persecuting  English 
merchants  and  seamen,  starving  them  to  death  in 
the  Inquisition  dungeons,  or  burning  them  at  the 
stake.  The  Smithfield  infamies  were  fresh  in 
Protestant  memories,  and  who  could  tell  how 
soon  the  horrid  work  would  begin  again  at  home, 
if  the  Catholic  Powers  could  have  their  way  ? 

If  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  Holiness  at 
Rome  would  have  allowed  other  nations  to  think 
and  make  laws  for  themselves,  pirates  and  priva- 
teers would  have  disappeared  off  the  ocean.  The 
West  Indies  would  have  been  left  undisturbed, 
and  Spanish,  English,  French,  and  Flemings 
would  have  lived  peacefully  side  by  side  as  they 
do  now.     But    spiritual    tyranny    had    not  yet 


2.]  HAWKINS  AND  THE  SLAVE  TRADE  G-j 
learned  its  lesson,  and  the  '  Beggars  of  the  Sea ' 
were  to  be  Philip's  schoolmasters  in  irregular  bub 
oifectivo  fashion. 

Elizabeth  listened  politely  to  what  De  Silva 
said,  promised  to  examine  into  his  complaints, 
and  allowed  Hawkins  to  sail. 

What  befell  him  you  will  hear  in  the  next 
lecture. 


LECTURE  III 

SIR  JOHN   HAWKINS   AND   PHILIP   THE   SECOND 

"TI/TY  last  lecture  left  Hawkins  preparing  to 
start  on  his  third  and,  as  it  proved,  most 
eventful  voyage.  I  mentioned  that  he  was  joined 
by  a  young  relation,  of  whom  I  must  say  a  few 
preliminary  words,  Francis  Drake  was  a  Devon- 
shire man,  like  Hawkins  himself  and  Raleigh  and 
Davis  and  Gilbert,  and  many  other  famous  men 
of  those  days.  He  was  born  at  Tavistock  some- 
where about  1 540.  He  told  Camden  that  he  was 
of  mean  extraction.  He  meant  merely  that  he 
Avas  proud  of  his  parents  and  made  no  idle  pre- 
tensions to  noble  birth.  His  father  was  a  tenant 
of  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  and  must  have  stood  well 
with  him,  for  Francis  Russell,  the  heir  of  the 
earldom,  was  the  boy's  godfather.  From  him 
Drake   took   his    Christian   name.     The    Drakes 


LECT.  3-]  SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.     69 

were  early  converts  to  Protestantism.  Trouble 
rising  at  Tavistock  on  the  Six  Articles  Bill,  they 
removed  to  Kent,  where  the  father,  probably 
through  Lord  Bedford's  influence,  was  appointed 
a  lay  chaplain  in  Henry  VIII.'s  fleet  at  Chatham.  , 
In  the  next  reign,  when  the  Protestants  were 
uj)permost,  he  was  ordained  and  became  vicar  of 
TJpnor  on  the  Medwaj^  Young  Francis  took 
early  to  the  water,  and  made  acquaintance  Avith  a 
ship-master  trading  to  the  Channel  ports,  who 
took  him  on  board  his  ship  and  bred  him  as  a 
sailor.  The  boy  distinguished  himself,  and  his 
patron  when  he  died  left  Drake  his  vessel  in  his 
will.  For  several  years  Drake  stuck  steadily  to 
his  coasting  work,  made  money,  and  made  a  solid 
reputation.  His  ambition  grew  with  his  success. 
The  seagoing  English  were  all  full  of  Hawkins 
and  his  West  Indian  exploits.  The  Hawkinses  and 
the  Drakes  were  near  relations.  Hearing  that 
there  was  to  be  another  expedition,  and  having 
obtained  his  cousin's  consent,  Francis  Drake  sold 
his  brio-,  bouo-ht  the  JuditJi,  a  handier  and  faster 
vessel,  and  with  a  few  stout  sailors  from  the 
river  went  down  to  Plymouth  and  joined. 


70  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

De  Silva  had  sent  word  to  Philip  that 
Hawkins  was  again  going  out,  and  preparations 
had  been  made  to  receive  him.  Suspecting 
nothing,  Hawkins  with  his  four  consorts  sailed,  as 
^before,  in  October  1567.  The  start  was  ominous. 
He  was  caught  and  badly  knocked  about  by  an 
equinoctial  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  He  lost  his 
boats.  The  Jes,iis  strained  her  timbers  and 
leaked,  and  he  so  little  liked  the  look  of  things 
that  he  even  thought  of  turning  back  and 
giving  up  the  expedition  for  the  season.  How- 
ever, the  weather  mended.  They  put  themselves 
to  rights  at  the  Canaries,  picked  up  their  spirits, 
and  proceeded.  The  slave-catching  was  managed 
successfully,  though  with  some  increased  difficulty. 
The  cargo  with  equal  success  was  disposed  of  at 
the  Spanish  settlements.  At  one  j)lace  the 
planters  came  off  in  their  boats  at  night  to  buy. 
At  Eio  de  la  Hacha,  where  the  most  imperative 
orders  had  been  sent  to  forbid  his  admittance, 
Hawkins  landed  a  force  as  before  and  took 
possession  of  the  town,  of  course  with  the  con- 
nivance of  the  settlers.  At  Carthagena  he  was 
similarly    ordered    off,   and    as    Carthagena    was 


jj        S7J^  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIF  II.        ji 

strongly  fortified  he  did  not  venture  to  meddle 
with  it.  But  elsewhere  he  found  ample  markets 
for  his  wares.  He  sold  all  his  blacks.  By  this 
and  by  other  dealings  he  had  collected  what  is 
described  as  a  vast  treasure  of  gold,  silver,  and 
jewels.  The  hurricane  season  was  approaching, 
and  he  made  the  best  of  his  way  homewards  with 
his  spoils,  in  the  fear  of  being  overtaken  by  it. 
Unluckily  for  him,  he  had  lingered  too  long. 
He  had  passed  the  west  point  of  Cuba  and  was 
working  up  the  back  of  the  island  when  a  hurri- 
cane came  down  on  him.  The  gale  lasted  four 
days.  The  ships'  bottoms  were  foul  and  they 
could  make  no  way.  Spars  were  lost  and  rigging 
carried  away.  The  Jesus,  which  had  not  been 
seaworthy  all  along,  leaked  worse  than  ever  and 
lost  her  rudder,  Hawkins  looked  for  some  port 
in  Florida,  but  found  the  coast  shallow  and  ' 
dangerous,  and  was  at  last  obliged  to  run  for  San 
Juan  de  Ulloa,  at  the  bottom  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 

San  Juan  de  Ulloa  is  a  few  miles  only  from 
Vera  Cruz.  It  was  at  that  time  the  chief  port 
of  Mexico,  through  which   all   the  traffic  passed 


72  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

between  the  colony  and  the  mother-country,  and 
was  thus  a  place  of  some  consequence.  It  stands 
on  a  small  bay  facing  towards  the  north.  Across 
the  mouth  of  this  bay  lies  a  narrow  ridge  of  sand 
and  shingle,  half  a  mile  long,  which  acts  as  a 
natural  breakwater  and  forms  the  harbour.  This 
ridge,  or  island  as  it  was  called,  was  uninhabited, 
but  it  had  been  faced  on  the  inner  front  by  a 
wall.  The  water  was  deep  alongside,  and  vessels 
could  thus  lie  in  perfect  security,  secured  by  their 
cables  to  rings  let  into  the  masonry. 

The  prevailing  wind  was  from  the  north, 
bringing  in  a  heavy  surf  on  the  back  of  the 
island.  There  was  an  opening  at  both  ends,  but 
only  one  available  for  vessels  of  large  draught. 
In  this  the  channel  was  narrow,  and  a  battery 
at  the  end  of  the  breakwater  would  completely 
command  it.  The  town  stood  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  bay. 

Into  a  Spanish  port  thus  constructed  Hawkins 
entered  with  his  battered  squadron  on  September 
1 6,  1568.  He  could  not  have  felt  entirely  easy. 
But  he  probably  thought  that  he  had  no  ill-will 
to  fear  from  the  inhabitants  generally,  and  that 


3.]        Sl/i  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   PHILIP  II.         ^i 

the  Spanish  authorities  would  not  be  strong 
enough  to  meddle  with  him.  His  ill  star  had 
brought  him  there  at  a  time  when  Alvarez  de 
Bagan,  the  same  officer  who  had  destroyed  the 
English  ships  at  Gibraltar,  was  daily  expected 
from  Spain — sent  by  Philip,  as  it  proved,  specially 
to  look  for  him.  Hawkins,  when  he  appeared 
outside,  had  been  mistaken  for  the  Spanish 
admiral,  and  it  was  under  this  impression  that 
he  had  been  allowed  to  enter.  The  error  was 
quickly  discovered  on  both  sides. 

Though  still  ignorant  that  he  was  himself 
De  Bagan's  particular  object,  yet  De  Bagan  was 
the  last  officer  whom  in  his  crippled  condition  he 
would  have  cared  to  encounter.  Several  Spanish 
merchantmen  were  in  the  port  richly  loaded : 
with  these  of  course  he  did  not  meddle,  though, 
if  reinforced,  they  might  perhaps  meddle  with 
him.  As  his  best  resource  he  despatched  a 
courier  on  the  instant  to  Mexico  to  inform  the 
Viceroy  of  his  arrival,  to  say  that  he  had  an 
English  squadron  with  him ;  that  ho  had  been 
driven  in  by  stress  of  weather  and  need  of  repau-s ; 
that  the  Queen  was  an  ally  of  the  King  of  Spain ; 


74  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

and  that,  as  he  understood  a  Spanish  fleet  was 
likely  soon  to  arrive,  he  begged  the  Viceroy  to 
make  arrangements  to  prevent  disputes. 

As  yet,  as  I  said  in  the  last  lecture,  there  was 
no  Inquisition  in  Mexico.  It  was  established 
there  three  years  later,  for  the  special  benefit 
of  the  English.  But  so  far  there  was  no  ill- 
will  towards  the  English — rather  the  contrary. 
Hawkins  had  hurt  no  one,  and  the  negro  trading 
had  been  eminently  popular.  The  Viceroy  might 
perhaps  have  connived  at  Hawkins's  escape,  but 
again  by  ill-fortune  he  was  himself  under  orders 
of  recall,  and  his  successor  was  coming  out  in  this 
particular  fleet  with  De  Bagan. 

Had  he  been  well  disposed  and  free  to  act 
it  would  still  have  been  too  late,  for  the  very 
next  morning,  September  17,  De  Ba§an  was  off 
the  harbour  mouth  with  thirteen  heavily-armed 
galleons  and  frigates.  The  smallest  of  them 
carried  probably  200  men,  and  the  odds  were  now 
tremendous.  Hawkins's  vessels  lay  ranged  along 
the  inner  bank  or  wall  of  the  island.  He  instantly 
occupied  the  island  itself  and  mounted  guns  at 
the  point  covering  the  way  in.     He  then  sent  a 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.         75 

boat  off  to  De  Bagan  to  say  that  he  was  an 
Enghshman,  that  he  was  in  possession  of  the 
port,  and  must  forbid  the  entrance  of  the  Spanish 
fleet  till  he  was  assured  that  there  was  to  be  no 
violence.  It  was  a  strong  measure  to  shut  a 
Spanish  admiral  out  of  a  Spanish  port  in  a  time 
of  profound  peace.  Still,  the  way  in  was  difficult, 
and  could  not  be  easily  forced  if  resolutely 
defended.  The  northerly  wind  was  rising;  if  it 
blew  into  a  gale  the  Spaniards  would  be  on  a  lee 
shore.  Under  desperate  circumstances,  desperate 
things  will  be  done,  Hawkins  in  his  subsequent 
report  thus  explains  his  dilemma : — 

'  I  was  in  two  difficulties.  Either  I  must 
keep  them  out  of  the  port,  which  with  God's 
grace  I  could  easily  have  done,  in  which  case 
with  a  northerly  wind  rising  they  would  have 
been  wrecked,  and  I  should  have  been  answerable ; 
or  I  must  risk  their  playing  false,  Avhich  on  the 
whole  I  preferred  to  do.' 

The  northerly  gale  it  appears  did  not  rise,  or 
the  English  commander  might  have  preferred  the 
first  alternative.  Three  days  passed  in  negotia- 
tion.     De  BaQan   and   Don   Enriquez,  the  new 


76  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Viceroy,  were  naturally  anxious  to  get  into  shelter 
out  of  a  dangerous  position,  and  were  equally 
desirous  not  to  promise  any  more  than  was  abso- 
lutely necessary.  The  final  agreement  was  that 
De  Ba^an  and  the  fleet  should  enter  without 
opposition.  Hawkins  might  stay  till  he  had 
repaired  his  damages,  and  buy  and  sell  what  he 
wanted ;  and  further,  as  long  as  they  remained 
the  English  were  to  \q&^  possession  of  the  island. 
This  article,  Hawkins  says,  was  long  resisted, 
but  was  consented  to  at  last.  It  was  absolutely 
necessary,  for  with  the  island  in  their  hands,  the 
Spaniards  had  only  to  cut  the  English  cables, 
and  they  would  have  driven  ashore  across  the 
harbour. 

The  treaty  so  drawn  was  formally  signed. 
Hostages  were  given  on  both  sides,  and  De  Baqan 
came  in.  The  two  fleets  were  moored  as  far  apart 
from  each  other  as  the  size  of  the  port  would 
allow.  Courtesies  were  exchanged,  and  for  two 
days  all  went  well.  It  is  likely  that  the  Viceroy 
and  the  admiiul  did  not  at  first  know  that  it  was 
the  very  man  whom  they  had  been  sent  out  to 
sink  or  capture  who  was  lying  so  close  to  them. 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   PHILIP  II.         77 

When  they  did  knoAV  it  they  may  have  looked  on 
him  as  a  pirate,  with  whom,  as  with  heretics, 
there  was  no  need  to  keep  faith.  Anyway,  the 
rat  was  in  the  trap,  and  De  Bagan  did  not  mean 
to  let  him  out.  The  Jesus  lay  furthest  in;  the 
Minion  lay  beyond  her  towards  the  entrance, 
moored  apjDarently  to  a  ring  on  the  quay,  but  free 
to  move;  and  the  Judith,  further  out  again, 
moored  in  the  same  way.  Nothing  is  said  of  the 
two  small  vessels  remaining. 

De  Bagan  made  his  preparations  silently, 
covered  by  the  town.  He  had  men  in  abundance 
ready  to  act  where  he  should  direct.  On  the 
third  day,  the  20th  of  September,  at  noon,  the 
Minions  crew  had  gone  to  dinner,  when  they  saw 
a  large  hulk  of  900  tons  slowly  towing  up  along- 
side of  them.  Not  liking  such  a  neighbour,  they 
had  their  cable  ready  to  slip  and  began  to  set 
their  canvas.  On  a  sudden  shots  and  cries  were 
heard  from  the  town.  Parties  of  English  who 
were  on  land  were  set  upon ;  many  were  killed ; 
the  rest  were  seen  flinging  themselves  into  the 
water  and  swimming  off  to  the  ships.  At  the 
same  instant  the  guns  of  the  galleons  and  of  the 


78  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

shore  batteries  opened  fire  on  the  Jemi8  and  her 
consorts,  and  in   the  smoke  and    confusion   300 
Spaniards  swarmed  out  of  the  hulk  and  sprang  on 
the  Minions  decks.     The  Minion's  men  instantly 
cut  them  down  or  drove  them  overboard,  hoisted 
sail,  and   forced   their  way  out  of  the  harbour, 
followed  by  the  Judith.     The  Jesus  was  left  alone, 
unable  to  stir.     She  defended  herself  desperatel}^ 
In   the  many  actions  which  were   fought  after- 
wards between  the  English  and  the  Spaniards, 
there  was  never  any  more  gallant  or  more  severe. 
De   Baqan's  own  ship  was  sunk  and   the  vice- 
admiral's  was  set  on  fire.     The  Spanish,  having 
an  enormous  advantage   in   numbers,  were  able 
to  land  a  force  on  the  island,  seize  the  English 
battery  there,  cut  down  the  gunners,  and  turn 
the  guns  close   at   hand  on  the   devoted   Jesus. 
Still  she  fought  on,  defeating  every  attempt  to 
board,  till  at  length  De  Bagan  sent  down  fire- 
ships  on  her,  and  then  the  end  came.     All  that 
Hawkins  had  made  by  his  voyage,  money,  bullion, 
the  ship    herself,  had  to   be  left  to   their  fate. 
Hawkins  himself  with  the  survivors  of  the  crew 
took  to  their  boats,  dashed  through  the  enemy, 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   PHILIP  II.         79 

who  vainly  tried  to  take  them,  and  struggled  out 
after  the  Minion  and  the  Jttditli.  It  speaks  ill 
for  De  Bagan  that  with  so  largo  a  force  at  his 
command,  and  in  such  a  position,  a  single  English- 
man escaped  to  tell  the  story. 

Even  when  outside  Hawkins's  situation  was 
still  critical  and  might  well  be  called  desperate. 
The  Judith  was  but  fifty  tons;  the  Minion  not 
above  a  hundred.  They  were  now  crowded  up 
with  men.  They  had  little  water  on  board,  and 
there  had  been  no  time  to  refill  their  store-chests, 
or  fit  themselves  for  sea.  Happily  the  weather 
was  moderate.  If  the  wind  had  risen,  nothing 
could  have  saved  them.  They  anchored  two 
miles  oif  to  put  themselves  in  some  sort  of  order. 
The  Spanish  fleet  did  not  venture  to  molest 
further  so  desperate  a  foe.  On  Saturday  the  25  th 
they  set  sail,  scarcely  knowing  whither  to  turn. 
To  attempt  an  ocean  voyage  as  they  were  would 
be  certain  destruction,  yet  they  could  not  trust 
longer  to  De  Bagan's  cowardice  or  forbearance. 
There  was  supposed  to  be  a  shelter  of  some  kind 
somewhere  on  the  east  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
where  it  was  hoped  they  might  obtain  provisions. 


8o  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lkgt. 

They  reached  the  place  on  October'  8,  but  found 
nothing.  English  sailors  have  never  been  wanting 
in  resolution.  They  knew  that  if  they  all  remained 
on  board  every  one  of  them  must  starve.  A 
hundred  volunteered  to  land  and  take  their 
chance.  The  rest  on  short  rations  might  hope  to 
make  their  way  home.  The  sacrifice  was  accepted. 
The  hundred  men  were  put  on  shore.  They 
wandered  for  a  few  days  in  the  woods,  feeding 
on  roots  and  berries,  and  shot  at  by  the  Indians. 
At  length  they  reached  a  Spanish  station,  where 
they  were  taken  and  sent  as  prisoners  to  Mexico. 
There  was,  as  I  said,  no  Holy  OjSice  as  yet  in 
Mexico.  The  new  Viceroy,  though  he  had  been 
in  the  fight  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  was  not 
implacable.  They  were  treated  at  first  with 
humanity;  they  were  fed,  clothed,  taken  care  of, 
and  then  distributed  among  the  plantations. 
Some  were  employed  as  overseers,  some  as 
mechanics.  Others,  who  understood  any  kind  of 
business,  were  allowed  to  settle  in  towns,  make 
money,  and  even  marry  and  establish  themselves. 
Perhaps  Philip  heard  of  it,  and  was  afraid  that  so 
many  heretics  might  introduce  the  plague.     The 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.         8i 

quiet  time  lasted  three  years ;  at  the  end  of  those 
years  the  Inquisitors  arrived,  and  then,  as  if  these 
poor  men  had  been  the  special  object  of  that 
delightful  institution,  they  were  hunted  up,  thrown 
into  dungeons,  examined  on  their  faith,  tortured, 
some  burnt  in  an  aido  dafe,  some  lashed  through 
the  streets  of  Mexico  naked  on  horseback  and 
returned  to  their  prisons.  Those  who  did  not  die 
under  this  pious  treatment  were  passed  over  to 
the  Holy  Office  at  Seville  and  were  condemned 
to  the  galleys. 

Here  I  leave  them  for  the  moment.  We  shall 
presently  hear  of  them  again  in  a  very  singular 
connection.  The  Minion  and  Judith  meanwhile 
pursued  their  melancholy  way.  They  parted 
company.  The  Judith,  being  the  better  sailer, 
arrived  first,  and  reached  Plymouth  in  December, 
torn  and  tattered.  Drake  rode  off  post  immedi- 
ately to  carry  the  bad  news  to  London.  The 
Minions  fate  was  worse.  She  made  her  course 
through  the  Bahama  Channel,  her  crew  dying  as 
if  struck  with  a  pestilence,  till  at  last  there  were 
hardly  men  enough  left  to  handle  the  sails.  They 
fell  too  far  south  for  England,  and  at  length  had 

G 


82  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

to  put  into  Vigo,  where  their  probable  fate  would 
be  a  Spanish  prison.  Hapj)ily  they  found  other 
English  vessels  in  the  roads  there.  Fresh  hands 
were  put  on  board,  and  fresh  provisions.  With 
these  supplies  Hawkins  reached  Mount's  Bay  a 
month  later  than  the  JiLdith,  in  January  1569. 

Drake  had  told  the  story,  and  all  England  was 
ringing  with  it.  Englishmen  always  think  their 
own  countrymen  are  in  the  right.  The  Spaniards, 
already  in  evil  odour  with  the  seagoing  popula- 
tion, were  accused  of  abominable  treachery.  The 
splendid  fight  which  Hawkins  had  made  raised  him 
into  a  national  idol,  and  though  he  had  suffered 
financially,  his  loss  was  made  up  in  reputation 
and  authority.  Every  privateer  in  the  West  was 
eager  to  serve  under  the  leadership  of  the  hero  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  He  speedily  found  himself 
in  command  of  a  large  irregular  squadron,  and 
even  Cecil  recognised  his  consequence.  His  chief 
and  constant  anxiety  was  for  the  comrades  whom 
he  had  left  behind,  and  he  talked  of  a  new  ex- 
pedition to  recover  them,  or  revenge  them  if  they 
had  been  killed  ;  but  all  things  had  to  wait.  They 
probably   found   means   of    communicating   with 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.         83 

him,  and  as  long  as  there  was  no  Inquisition  in 
Mexico,  he  may  have  learnt  that  there  was  no 
immediate  occasion  for  action. 

Elizabeth  put  a  brave  face  on  her  disappoint- 
ment. She  knew  that  she  was  surrounded  with 
treason,  but  she  knew  also  that  the  boldest  course 
was  the  safest.  She  had  taken  Alva's  money,  and 
was  less  than  ever  inclined  to  restore  it.  She 
had  the  best  of  the  bargain  in  the  arrest  of  the 
Spanish  and  English  ships  and  cargoes.  Alva 
would  not  encourage  Philip  to  declare  war  with 
England  till  the  Netherlands  were  completely 
reduced,  and  Philip,  with  his  leaden  foot  {^pU  de 
]3lomo),  always  preferred  patience  and  intrigue. 
Time  and  he  and  the  Pope  were  three  powers 
which  in  the  end,  he  thought,  would  prove  irre- 
sistible, and  indeed  it  seemed,  after  Hawkins's 
return,  as  if  Philip  would  turn  out  to  be  right. 
The  presence  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  in  England 
had  set  in  flame  the  Catholic  nobles.  The  wages 
of  Alva's  trooj)s  had  been  wrung  somehow  out  of 
the  wretched  Provinces,  and  his  supreme  ability 
and  inexorable  resolution  were  steadily  grinding 
down   the   revolt.     Every   port   in   Holland   and 


S4  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Zealand  Avas  in  Alva's  hands.  Elizabeth's  throne 
was  undermined  by  the  Ridolfi  conspiracy,  the 
most  dangerous  which  she  had  ever  had  to  en- 
counter. The  only  Protestant  fighting  power  left 
on  the  sea  which  could  be  entirely  depended  on 
was  in  the  privateer  fleet,  sailing,  most  of  them, 
under  a  commission  from  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

This  fleet  was  the  strangest  phenomenon  in 
naval  history.  It  was  half  Dutch,  half  English, 
with  a  flavour  of  Huguenot,  and  was  commanded 
by  a  Flemish  noble,  Count  de  la  Mark.  Its  head- 
quarters were  in  the  Downs  or  Dover  Roads, 
where  it  could  watch  the  narrow  seas,  and  seize 
every  Spanish  ship  that  jDassed  which  was  not 
too  strong  to  be  meddled  with.  The  cargoes 
taken  were  openly  sold  in  Dover  market.  If  the 
Spanish  ambassador  is  to  be  believed  in  a  com- 
plaint which  he  addressed  to  Cecil,  Spanish 
gentlemen  taken  prisoners  were  set  up  to  public 
auction  there  for  the  ransom  which  they  would 
fetch,  and  were  disposed  of  for  one  hundred-pounds 
each.  If  Alva  sent  cruisers  from  Antwerp  to 
burn  them  out,  they  retreated  under  the  guns  of 
Dover   Castle.     Roving   squadrons   of  them  flew 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   PHILIP  II.         85 

doAVii.  to  the  Spanish  coasts,  pillaged  churches, 
carried  off  church  plate,  and  the  captains  drank 
success  to  piracy  at  their  banquets  out  of  chalices. 
The  Spanish  merchants  at  last  estimated  the 
property  destroyed  at  three  million  ducats,  and 
they  said  that  if  their  flag  could  no  longer  jjrotect 
them,  they  must  decline  to  make  further  contracts 
for  the  supply  of  the  Netherlands  army. 

It  was  life  or  death  to  Elizabeth.  The  Ridolfi 
plot,  an  elaborate  and  far-reaching  conspiracy  to 
give  her  cro^vn  to  Mary  Stuart  and  to  make  away 
with  heresy,  was  all  but  complete.  The  Pope 
and  Philip  had  approved ;  Alva  was  to  invade ; 
the  Duke  of  Norfolk  was  to  head  an  insurrection 
in  the  Eastern  Counties.  Never  had  she  been 
in  greater  danger.  Elizabeth  was  herself  to  be 
murdered.  The  intention  was  known,  but  the 
particulars  of  the  conspiracy  had  been  kept  so 
secret  that  she  had  not  evidence  enough  to  take 
measures  to  protect  herself  The  privateers  at 
Dover  were  a  sort  of  protection ;  they  would  at 
least  make  Alva's  crossing  more  difficult ;  but 
the  most  pressing  exigency  was  the  discovery  of 
the  details  of  the  treason.     Nothinsf  was  to  be 


86  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [i.fxt. 

gained  by  concession ;  the  onlj  salvation  was  in 
daring. 

At  Antwerp  there  was  a  certain  Doctor  Story, 
maintained  by  Alva  there  to  keep  a  watch  on 
English  heretics.  Story  had  been  a  persecutor 
under  Mary,  and  had  defended  heretic  burning  in 
Elizabeth's  first  Parliament.  He  had  refused  the 
oath  of  allegiance,  had  left  the  country,  and  had 
taken  to  treason.  Cecil  wanted  evidence,  and  this 
man  he  knew  could  give  it,  A  pretended  informer 
brought  Story  word  that  there  was  an  Englisli 
vessel  in  the  Scheldt  which  he  would  find  worth 
examining.  Story  was  tempted  on  board.  The 
hatches  were  closed  over  him.  He  was  delivered 
two  days  after  at  the  Tower,  when  his  secrets 
were  squeezed  out  of  him  by  the  rack  and  he 
was  then  hanged. 

Something  was  learnt,  but  less  still  than  Cecil 
needed  to  take  measures  to  protect  the  Queen, 
And  now  once  more,  and  in  a  new  character,  we 
are  to  meet  John  Hawkins.  Three  years  had 
passed  since  the  catastrophe  at  San  Juan  de 
Ulloa.  He  had  learnt  to  his  sorrow  that  his 
j)oor  companions  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND    PHILIP  II.         87 

Holy  Office  at  last ;  had  been  burnt,  lashed, 
starved  in  dungeons  or  Avorked  in  chains  in  the 
Seville  yards ;  and  his  heart,  not  a  very  tender 
one,  bled  at  the  thoughts  of  them.  The  finest 
feature  in  the  seamen  of  those  days  was  their 
devotion  to  one  another.  Hawkins  determined 
that,  one  way  or  other,  these  old  comrades  of  his 
should  be  rescued.  Entreaties  were  useless  ;  force 
was  impossible.  There  might  still  be  a  chance 
with  cunning.  He  would  risk  anything,  even  the 
loss  of  his  soul,  to  save  them. 

De  Silva  had  left  England.  The  Spanish 
ambassador  was  now  Don  Guerau  or  Gerald  de 
Espes,  and  to  him  had  fallen  the  task  of  watching 
and  directing  the  conspiracy.  Philip  was  to  give 
the  signal,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  other  Catholic 
peers  were  to  rise  and  proclaim  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  Success  would  depend  on  the  extent  of 
the  disaffection  in  England  itself;  and  the  am- 
bassador's business  was  to  welcome  and  encourage 
all  symptoms  of  discontent.  Hawkins  knew 
generally  what  was  going  on,  and  he  saw  in  it 
an  opportunity  of  approaching  Philip  on  his  weak 
side.     Having  been  so  much  in  the  Canaries,  he 


88  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [i,kct. 

probably  spoke  Spanish  fluently.  He  called  on 
Don  Guerau,  and  with  audacious  coolness  repre- 
sented that  he  and  many  of  his  friends  were  dis- 
satisfied with  the  Queen's  service.  He  said  he 
had  found  her  faithless  and  ungrateful,  and  he 
and  they  would  gladly  transfer  their  allegiance 
to  the  King  of  Spain,  if  the  King  of  Spain  would 
receive  them.  For  himself,  he  would  undertake 
to  bring  over  the  whole  privateer  fleet  of  the 
West,  and  in  return  he  asked  for  nothing  but  the 
release  of  a  few  poor  English  seamen  who  were 
in  prison  at  Seville. 

Don  Guerau  was  full  of  the  belief  that  the 
whole  nation  was  ready  to  rebel.  He  eagerly 
swallowed  the  bait  which  Hawkins  threw  to  him. 
He  wrote  to  Alva,  he  wrote  to  Philip's  secretary, 
Cayas,  expatiating  on  the  importance  of  securing 
such  an  addition  to  their  party.  It  was  true,  he 
admitted,  that  Hawkins  had  been  a  pirate,  but 
piracy  was  a  common  fault  of  the  English,  and 
no  wonder  when  the  Spaniards  submitted  to  being- 
plundered  so  meekly;  the  man  who  was  offering 
his  services  was  bold,  resolute,  capable,  and  had 
great    influence    with    the    English    sailors;    he 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND   PHILIP  11.         S9 

strongly  advised  that  such  a  recruit  should  be 
encouraged. 

Alva  would  not  listen.  Philip,  who  shuddered 
at  the  very  name  of  Hawkins,  was  incredulous. 
Don  Guerau  had  to  tell  Sir  John  that  the  King  at 
present  declined  his  offer,  but  advised  him  to  go 
himself  to  Madrid,  or  to  send  some  confidential 
friend  with  assurances  and  explanations. 

Another  figure  now  enters  on  the  scene,  a 
George  Fitzwilliam.  I  do  not  know  who  he  was, 
or  why  Hawkins  chose  him  for  his  purpose.  The 
Duke  of  Feria  was  one  of  Philip's  most  trusted 
ministers.  He  had  married  an  English  lady  who 
had  been  a  maid  of  honour  to  Queen  Mary.  It 
is  possible  that  Fitzwilliam  had  some  acquaintance 
with  her  or  with  her  family.  At  any  rate,  he 
went  to  the  Spanish  Court ;  he  addressed  himself 
to  the  Ferias;  he  won  their  confidence,  and  by 
their  means  was  admitted  to  an  interview  with 
Philip.  He  represented  Hawkins  as  a  faithful 
Catholic  who  was  indignant  at  the  progress  of 
heresy  in  England,  who  was  eager  to  assist  in  the 
overthrow  of  Elizabeth  and  the  elevation  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  and  was  able  and  willing  to  carry 


go     .  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

along  with  him  the  great  Western  privateer  fleet, 
which  had  become  so  dreadful  to  the  Spanish 
mind.  Philip  listened  and  was  interested.  It 
was  only  natural,  he  thought,  that  heretics  should 
be  robbers  and  pirates.  If  they  could  be  recovered 
to  the  Church,  their  bad  habits  would  leave  them. 
The  English  navy  was  the  most  serious  obstacle 
to  the  intended  invasion.  Still,  Hawkins !  The 
Achines  of  his  nightmares !  It  could  not  be. 
He  asked  Fitzwilliam  if  his  friend  was  acquainted 
with  the  Queen  of  Scots  or  the  Duke  of  Norfolk. 
Fitzwilliam  was  obliged  to  say  that  he  was  not. 
The  credentials  of  John  Hawkins  were  his  own 
right  hand.  He  was  making  the  King  a  magnifi- 
cent offer:  nothing  less  than  a  squadron  of  the 
finest  ships  in  the  world — not  perhaps  in  the 
best  condition,  he  added,  with  cool  British  impu- 
dence, owing  to  the  Queen's  parsimony,  but 
easily  to  be  put  in  order  again  if  the  King  would 
pay  the  seamen's  wages  and  advance  some  money 
for  repairs.  The  release  of  a  few  poor  prisoners 
was  a  small  price  to  ask  for  such  a  service. 

The  King  was  still  wary,  watching  the  bait 
like  an  old  pike,  but  hesitating  to  seize  it ;  but  the 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  nil  IIP  II.         91 

duke  and  duchess  were  willing  |o  be  themselves 
securities  for  Fitzwilliam's  faith,  and  Philip 
promised  at  last  that  if  Hawkins  would  send  him 
a  letter  of  recommendation  from  the  Queen  of 
Scots  herself,  he  would  then  see  what  could  be 
done.  The  Ferias  were  dangerously  enthusiastic. 
They  talked  freely  to  Fitzwilliam  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots  and  her  prospects.  They  trusted  him 
with  letters  and  presents  to  her  which  would 
secure  his  admittance  to  her  confidence.  Hawkins 
had  sent  him  over  for  the  single  purpose  of 
cheating  Philip  into  releasing  his  comrades  from 
the  Inquisition;  and  he  had  been  introduced  to 
secrets  of  high  political  moment ;  like  Saul,  the 
son  of  Kish,  he  had  gone  to  seek  his  father's  asses 
and  he  had  found  a  kingdom.  Fitzwilliam 
hurried  home  with  his  letters  and  his  news. 
Things  were  now  serious.  Hawkins  could  act 
no  further  on  his  own  responsibility.  He  con- 
sulted Cecil.  Cecil  consulted  the  Queen,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  the  practice,  as  it  was  called, 
should  be  carried  further.  It  might  lead  to  the 
discovery  of  the  whole  secret. 

Very   treacherous,   think   some   good   people. 


92  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lfxt. 

Well,  there  are  .times   when   one   admires  even 
treachery — 

nee  lex  est  jiistior  iiUa 
Qiiam  necis  artifices  arte  perire  sua. 

King  Philip  was  confessedly  preparing  to  en- 
courage an  English  subject  in  treason  to  his 
sovereign.  Was  it  so  wrong  to  hoist  the 
engineer  with  his  own  petard  ?  Was  it  wrong 
of  Hamlet  to  finger  the  packet  of  Rosencrantz 
and  Guildenstern  and  rewrite  his  uncle's  des23atch  ? 
Let  us  have  done  with  cant  in  these  matters. 
Mary  Stuart  was  at  Sheffield  Castle  in  charge  of 
Lord  Shrewsbury,  and  Fitzwilliam  could  not  see 
her  without  an  order  from  the  Crown.  Shrews- 
bury, though  loyal  to  Elizabeth,  was  notoriously 
well  inclined  to  Mary,  and  therefore  could  not  be 
taken  into  confidence.  In  writing  to  him  Cecil 
merely  said  that  friends  of  Fitzwilliam's  were  in 
prison  in  Spain ;  that  if  the  Queen  of  Scots 
would  intercede  for  them,  Philip  might  be  induced 
to  let  them  go.  He  might  therefore  allow  Fitz- 
william to  have  a  private  audience  with  that  Queen. 
Thus  armed,  Fitzwilliam  went  down  to  Sheffield. 
He  was  introduced.     He  began  with  presenting 


3.]        Sn^  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.        93 

Mary  with  the  letters  and  remembrances  from 
the  Ferias,  which  at  once  oj)ened  her  heart.  It 
was  impossible  for  her  to  suspect  a  friend  of  the 
duke  and  duchess.  She  was  delighted  at  receiv- 
ing a  visitor  from  the  Court  of  Spain.  She  was 
prudent  enough  to  avoid  dangerous  confidences, 
but  she  said  she  was  always  pleased  when  she 
could  do  a  service  to  Englishmen,  and  with  all 
her  heart  would  intercede  for  the  prisoners.  She 
wrote  to  Philip,  she  wrote  to  the  duke  and 
duchess,  and  gave  the  letters  to  Fitzv/illiam  to 
deliver.  He  took  them  to  London,  called  on 
Don  Gerald,  and  told  him  of  his  success.  Don 
Gerald  also  wrote  to  his  master,  wrote  unguardedly, 
and  also  trusted  Fitzwilliam  with  the  despatch. 

The  various  packets  were  taken  first  to  Cecil, 
and  were  next  shown  to  the  Queen.  They  were 
then  returned  to  Fitzwilliam,  who  once  more 
went  off  with  them  to  Madrid.  If  the  letters 
produced  the  expected  effect,  Cecil  calmly  ob- 
served that  divers  commodities  would  ensue. 
English  sailors  would  be  released  from  the 
Inquisition  and  the  galleys.  The  enemy's  inten- 
tions would  be  discovered.     If  the  King  of  Spain 


94  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

could  be  induced  to  do  as  Fitzwilliam  had 
suggested,  and  assist  in  the  repairs  of  the  ships 
at  Plymouth,  credit  would  be  obtained  for  a  sum 
of  money  which  could  be  employed  to  his  own 
detriment.  If  Alva  attempted  the  projected 
invasion,  Hawkins  might  take  the  ships  as  if  to 
escort  him,  and  then  do  some  notable  exploit  in 
mid-Channel. 

You  will  observe  the  downright  directness  of 
Cecil,  Hawkins,  and  the  other  parties  in  the 
matter.  There  is  no  wrapping  up  their  intentions 
in  fine  phrases,  no  parade  of  justification.  They 
went  straight  to  their  |)oint.  It  was  very 
characteristic  of  Englishmen  in  those  stern, 
dangerous  times.  They  looked  facts  in  the  face, 
and  did  what  fact  required.  All  really  happened 
exactly  as  I  have  described  it :  the  story  is  told 
in  letters  and  documents  of  the  authenticity  of 
which  there  is  not  the  smallest  doubt. 

We  will  follow  Fitzwilliam.  He  arrived  at 
the  Spanish  Court  at  the  moment  when  Ridolfi 
had  brought  from  Rome  the  Pope's  blessing  on 
the  conspiracy.  The  final  touches  were  being 
added  by  the  Spanish  Council  of  State.     All  was 


3.]        SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHIIIP  II.         95 

hope ;  all  was  the  credulity  of  enthusiasm  !  Mary 
Stuart's  letter  satisfied  Philip.  The  prisoners 
were  dismissed,  each  with  ten  dollars  in  his 
pocket.  An  agreement  was  formally  drawn  and 
signed  in  the  Escurial  in  which  Philip  gave 
Hawkins  a  pardon  for  his  misdemeanours  in  the 
West  Indies,  a  j)atent  for  a  Spanish  peerage,  and 
a  letter  of  credit  for  40,000/.  to  put  the  privateers 
in  a  condition  to  do  service,  and  the  money  was 
actually  paid  by  Philip's  London  agent.  Ad- 
mitted as  he  now  was  to  full  confidence,  Fitz- 
william  learnt  all  particulars  of  the  great  plot. 
The  story  reads  like  a  chapter  from  Monte  Gristo 
and  yet  it  is  literally  true. 

It  ends  with  a  letter  which  I  will  read  to  you, 
from  Hawkins  to  Cecil : — 

'  My  very  good  Lord, — It  may  please  your 
Honour  to  be  advertised  that  Fitzwilliam  is 
returned  from  Spain,  where  his  message  was 
acceptably  received,  both  by  the  King  himself, 
the  Duke  of  Feria,  and  others  of  the  Privy 
Council.  His  despatch  and  answer  were  with 
great    expedition    and    great    countenance    and 


96  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

favour  of  the  King.  The  Articles  are  sent  to  the 
Ambassador  with  orders  also  for  the  money  to 
be  paid  to  me  by  him,  for  the  enterprise  to 
proceed  with  all  diligence;  The  pretence  is  that 
my  powers  should  join  with  the  Duke  of  Alva's 
powers,  which  he  doth  secretly  provide  in  Flanders, 
as  well  as  with  powers  which  will  come  with  the 
Duke  of  Medina  Cell  out  of  Spain,  and  to  invade 
this  realm  and  set  up  the  Queen  of  Scots.  They 
have  practised  with  us  for  the  burning  of  Her 
Majesty's  ships.  Therefore  there  should  be  some 
good  care  had  of  them,  but  not  as  it  may  appear 
that  anything  is  discovered.  The  King  has  sent 
a  ruby  of  good  price  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  with 
letters  also  which  in  my  judgment  were  good  to 
be  delivered.  The  letters  be  of  no  importance, 
but  his  message  by  word  is  to  comfort  her,  and 
say  that  he  hath  now  none  other  care  but  to 
place  her  in  her  own.  It  were  good  also  that 
Fitzwilliam  may  have  access  to  the  Queen  of 
Scots  to  render  thanks  for  the  delivery  of  the 
prisoners  who  are  now  at  liberty.  It  will  be  a 
very  good  colour  for  your  Lordshij)  to  confer  with 
him  more  largely. 


3-]        S/Ji  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.         97 

'  I  have  sent  your  Lordship  the  copy  of  my 
pardon  from  the  King  of  Spain,  in  the  order  and 
manner  I  have  it,  with  my  great  titles  and 
honours  from  the  King,  from  which  God  deliver 
me.  Their  practices  be  very  mischievous,  and 
they  be  never  idle ;  but  God,  I  hope,  will  confound 
them  and  turn  their  devices  on  their  own  necks. 

'  Your  Lordship's  most  faithfully  to  my  power, 

'John  HaavivINs,' 

A  few  more  words  will  conclude  this  curious 
episode.  With  the  clue  obtained  by  Fitzwilliam, 
and  confessions  twisted  out  of  Story  and  other 
unwilling  witnesses,  the  Ridolfi  conspiracy  was 
unravelled  before  it  broke  into  act,  Norfolk  lost 
his  head.  The  inferior  miscreants  were  hanged. 
The  Queen  of  Scots  had  a  narrow  escape,  and  the 
Parliament  accentuated  the  Protestant  character 
of  the  Church  of  England  by  embodying  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles  in  a  statute.  Alva,  who 
distrusted  Ridolfi  from  the  first  and  disliked 
encouraging  rebellion,  refused  to  interest  himself 
further  in  Anglo-Catholic  plots.  Elizabeth  and 
Cecil   could   now  breathe  more  freely,  and  read 


98  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Philip  a  lesson  on  the  danger  of  plotting  against 
the  lives  of  sovereigns. 

So  long  as  England  and  Spain  were  nominally 
at  peace,  the  presence  of  De  la  Mark  and  his 
privateers  in  the  Downs  was  at  least  indecent.  A 
committee  of  merchants  at  Bruges  represented 
that  their  losses  by  it  amounted  (as  I  said)  to 
three  million  ducats.  Elizabeth,  being  now  in 
comparative  safety,  affected  to  listen  to  remon- 
strances, and  orders  were  sent  down  to  De  la 
Mark  that  he  must  prepare  to  leave.  It  is  likely 
that  both  the  Queen  and  he  understood  each 
other,  and  that  De  la  Mark  quite  well  knew  where 
he  was  to  go,  and  what  he  was  to  do. 

Alva  now  held  every  fortress  in  the  Low 
Countries,  whether  inland  or  on  the  coast.  The 
people  were  crushed.  The  duke's  great  statue 
stood  in  the  square  at  Antwerp  as  a  symbol  of  the 
annihilation  of  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  Pro- 
vinces. By  sea  alone  the  Prince  of  Orange  still 
continued  the  unequal  struggle ;  but  if  he  was  to 
maintain  himself  as  a  sea  power  anywhere,  he 
required  a  harbour  of  his  own  in  his  own  country. 
Dover  and  the  Thames  had  served  for  a  time  as  a 


3-]  SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS  AND  PHILIP  II.  99 
base  of  operations,  but  it  could  not  last,  and  with- 
out a  footing  in  Holland  itself  eventual  success 
was  impossible.  All  the  Protestant  world  was 
interested  in  his  fate,  and  De  la  Mark,  with  his 
miscellaneous  gathering  of  Dutch,  English,  and 
Huguenot  rovers,  were  ready  for  any  desperate 
exploit. 

The  order  was  to  leave  Dover  immediately, 
but  it  was  not  construed  strictly.  He  lingered 
in  the  Downs  for  six  weeks.  At  length,  one 
morning  at  the  end  of  March  1572,  a  Spanish 
convoy  knoAvn  to  be  richly  loaded  appeared  in  the 
Straits.  De  la  Mark  lifted  anchor,  darted  out  on 
it,  seized  two  of  the  largest  hulks,  rifled  them, 
flung  their  crews  overboard,  and  chased  the  rest 
up  Channel.  A  day  or  two  after  he  suddenly 
showed  himself  off  Brille,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Meuse.  A  boat  was  sent  on  shore  with  a  note  to 
the  governor,  demanding  the  instant  surrender  of 
the  town  to  the  admiral  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
The  inhabitants  rose  in  enthusiasm ;  the  garrison 
was  small,  and  the  governor  was  obliged  to  comply. 
De  la  Mark  took  possession.  A  few  priests  and 
monks  attempted  resistance,  but  were  put  down 


loo  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

without  difficulty,  and  the  leaders  killed.  The 
churches  were  cleared  of  their  idols,  and  the  mass 
replaced  by  the  Calvinistic  service.  Cannon  and 
stores,  furnished  from  London,  were  landed,  and 
Brille  was  made  impregnable  before  Alva  had 
realised  what  had  happened  to  him.  He  is  said 
to  have  torn  his  beard  for  anger.  Flushing  fol- 
lowed suit.  In  a  week  or  two  all  the  strongest 
j^laces  on  the  coast  had  revolted,  and  the  pirate 
fleet  had  laid  the  foundation  of  the  great  Dutch 
Republic,  which  at  England's  side  was  to  strike 
out  of  Philip's  hand  the  sceptre  of  the  seas,  and 
to  save  the  Protestant  religion. 

We  may  think  as  we  please  of  these  Beggars 
of  the  Ocean,  these  Norse  corsairs  come  to  life 
again  with  the  flavour  of  Genevan  theology  in 
them  ;  but  for  daring,  for  ingenuity,  for  obstinate 
determination  to  be  spiritually  free  or  to  die  for  it, 
the  like  of  the  Protestant  privateers  of  the  six- 
teenth century  has  been  rarely  met  with  in  this 
world. 

England  rang  with  joy  when  the  news  came 
that  Brille  was  taken.  Church  bells  pealed,  and 
bonfires  blazed.     Money  poured  across  in  streams. 


3.]  SIR  JOHN  HA  WHINS  AND  PHILIP  II.  loi 
Exiled  families  went  back  to  their  homes — which 
were  to  be  their  homes  once  more — and  the 
Zealanders  and  Hollanders,  entrenched  among 
their  ditches,  prepared  for  an  amphibious  conflict 
with  the  greatest  power  then  upon  the  earth. 


LECTURE  IV 

drake's  voyage  round  the  world 

T  SUPPOSE  some  persons  present  have  heard 
the  name  of  Lope  de  Vega,  the  Spanish  poet 
of  Philip  II.'s  time.  Very  few  of  you  probably 
know  more  of  him  than  his  name,  and  yet  he 
ought  to  have  some  interest  for  us,  as  he  was 
one  of  the  many  enthusiastic  young  Spaniards 
who  sailed  in  the  Great  Armada.  He  had  been 
disappointed  in  some  love  affair.  He  was  an 
earnest  Catholic.  He  wanted  distraction,  and  it 
is  needless  to  say  that  he  found  distraction 
enough  in  the  English  Channel  to  put  his  love 
troubles  out  of  his  mind.  His  adventures  brought 
before  him  with  some  vividness  the  character  of 
the  nation  with  which  his  own  country  was  then 
in  the  death-grapple,  especially  the  character  of 
the  great  English  seaman  to  whom  the  Spaniards 


4.]       DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD       103 

universally  attributed  their  defeat.  Lope  studied 
the  exploits  of  Francis  Drake  from  his  first 
appearance  to  his  end,  and  he  celebrated  those 
exploits,  as  England  herself  has  never  yet  thought 
it  worth  her  while  to  do,  by  making  him  the  hero 
of  an  epic  poem.  There  are  heroes  and  heroes. 
Lope  de  Vega's  epic  is  called  '  The  Dragontea.' 
Drake  himself  is  the  dragon,  the  ancient  serpent 
of  the  Apocalypse.  We  English  have  been  con- 
tented to  allow  Drake  a  certain  qualified  praise. 
We  admit  that  he  was  a  bold,  dexterous  sailor, 
that  he  did  his  country  good  service  at  the 
Invasion.  We  allow  that  he  was  a  famous 
navigator,  and  sailed  round  the  world,  which  no 
one  else  had  clone  before  him.  But — there  is 
always  a  but — of  course  he  was  a  robber  and  a 
corsair,  and  the  only  excuse  for  him  is  that  he 
was  no  worse  than  most  of  his  contemporaries. 
To  Lope  de  Vega  he  was  a  great  deal  worse.  He 
was  Satan  himself,  the  incarnation  of  the  Genius 
of  Evil,  the  arch-enemy  of  the  Church  of  God. 

It  is  worth  while  to  look  more  particularly 
at  the  figure  of  a  man  who  appeared  to  the 
Spaniards  in  such  terrible  proportions.     I,  for  my 


104  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

part,  believe  a  time  will  come  when'  we  shall  see 
better  than  we  see  now  what  the  Reformation 
was,  and  what  we  owe  to  it,  and  these  sea-captains 
of  Elizabeth  will  then  form  the  subject  of  a  great 
English  national  epic  as  grand  as  the  '  Odyssey.' 

In  my  own  poor  way  meanwhile  I  shall  try  in 
these  lectures  to  draw  you  a  sketch  of  Drake  and 
his  doings  as  they  ajipear  to  myself  To-day  I 
can  but  give  you  a  part  of  the  rich  and  varied 
story,  but  if  all  goes  well  I  hope  I  may  be  able  to 
continue  it  at  a  future  time. 

I  have  not  yet  done  with  Sir  John  Hawkins. 
We  shall  hear  of  him  again.  He  became  the 
manager  of  Elizabeth's  dockyards.  He  it  was 
who  turned  out  the  ships  that  fought  Philip's 
fleet  in  the  Channel  in  such  condition  that  not 
a  hull  leaked,  not  a  spar  was  sprung,  not  a  rope 
parted  at  an  unseasonable  moment,  and  this  at 
a  minimum  of  cost.  He  served  himself  in  the 
squadron  which  he  had  equipped.  He  was  one 
of  the  small  group  of  admirals  who  met  that 
Sunday  afternoon  in  the  cabin  of  the  ark  Raleigh 
and  sent  the  fire-ships  down  to  stir  Medina  Sidonia 
out  of  his  anchorage  at  Calais.     He  was  a  child 


4.]     DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      105 

of  the  sea,  and  at  sea  he  died,  sinking  at  last  into 
his   mother's   arms.      But    of  this    hereafter.      I   . 
must    speak    now    of    his   still    more    illustrious 
kinsman,  Francis  Drake. 

I  told  you  the  other  day  generally  who  Drake 
was  and  where  he  came  from ;  how  he  went  to 
sea  as  a  boy,  found  favour  with  his  master, 
became  early  an  owner  of  his  own  ship,  sticking 
steadily  to  trade.  You  hear  nothing  of  him  in, 
connection  with  the  Channel  pirates.  It  was  not 
till  he  was  five-and-twenty  that  he  was  tempted 
by  Hawkins  into  the  negro-catching  business,  and 
of  this  one  experiment  was  enough.  He  never 
tried  it  again. 

The  portraits  of  him  vary  very  much,  as 
indeed  it  is  natural  that  they  should,  for  most  of 
those  which  pass  for  Drake  were  not  meant  for 
Drake  at  all.  It  is  the  fashion  in  this  country, 
and  a  very  bad  fashion,  when  we  find  a  remarkable 
portrait  with  no  name  authoritatively  attached  to 
it,  to  christen  it  at  random  after  some  eminent 
man,  and  there  it  remains  to  perplex  or  mislead. 

The  best  likeness  of  Drake  that  I  know  is 
an  engraving  in  Sir  William  Stirling- Maxwell's 


io6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

collection  of  sixteenth-century  notabilities,  repre- 
.  senting  him,  as  a  scroll  says  at  the  foot  of  the 
plate,  at  the  age  of  forty-three.  The  face  is 
round,  the  forehead  broad  and  full,  with  the  short 
brown  hair  curling  crisply  on  either  side.  The 
eyebrows  are  highly  arched,  the  eyes  firm,  clear, 
and  open.  I  cannot  undertake  for  the  colour,  but 
I  should  judge  they  would  be  dark  grey,  like  an 
eagle's.  The  nose  is  short  and  thick,  the  mouth 
and  chin  hid  by  a  heavy  moustache  on  the  upper 
lip,  and  a  close-clipped  beard  well  spread  over 
chin  and  cheek.  The  expression  is  good-humoured, 
but  absolutely  inflexible,  not  a  weak  line  to  be 
seen.  He  was  of  middle  height,  powerfully  built, 
perhaps  too  powerfully  for  grace,  unless  the 
quilted  doublet  in  which  the  artist  has  dressed 
him  exaggerates  his  breadth. 

I  have  seen  another  portrait  of  him,  with 
pretensions  to  authenticity,  in  which  he  appears 
with  a  slighter  figure,  eyes  dark,  full,  thoughtful, 
and  stern,  a  sailor's  cord  about  his  neck  with  a 
whistle  attached  to  it,  and  a  ring  into  which  a 
thumb  is  carelessly  thrust,  the  weight  of  the 
arms  resting   on    it,   as    if    in    a    characteristic 


4.]  DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD  107 
attitude.  Evidently  this  is  a  carefully  drawn 
likeness  of  some  remarkable  seaman  of  the  time. 
I  should  like  to  believe  it  to  be  Drake,  but  I  can 
feel  no  certainty  about  it. 

We  left  him  returned  home  in  the  Judith 
from  San  Juan  de  XJlloa,  a  ruined  man.  He  had 
never  injured  the  Spaniards.  He  had  gone  out 
with  his  cousin  merely  to  trade,  and  he  had  met 
with  a  hearty  reception  from  the  settlers  wherever 
he  had  been.  A  Spanish  admiral  had  treacherously 
set  upon  him  and  his  kinsman,  destroyed  half 
their  vessels,  and  robbed  them  of  all  that  they 
had.  They  had  left  a  hundred  of  their  comrades 
behind  them,  for  whose  fate  they  might  fear  the 
worst.  Drake  thenceforth  considered  Spanish 
property  as  fair  game  till  he  had  made  up  his 
own  losses.  He  waited  quietly  for  four  years  till 
he  had  re-established  himself,  and  then  prepared 
to  try  fortune  again  in  a  more  daring  form. 

The  ill-luck  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  had  risen 
from  loose  tongues.  There  had  been  too  much 
talk  about  it.  Too  many  parties  had  been  con- 
cerned. The  Spanish  Government  had  notice 
and  were  prepared.     Drake  determined  to  act  for 


io8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lfxt. 

himself,  have  no  partners,  and  keep  his  own 
secret.  He  found  friends  to  trust  him  with 
money  without  asking  for  explanations.  The 
Plymouth  sailors  were  eager  to  take  their  chance 
with  him.  His  force  was  absurdly  small :  a  sloop 
or  brigantine  of  a  hundred  tons,  which  he  called 
the  Dragon  (perhaps,  like  Loj)e  de  Vega,  playing 
on  his  own  name),  and  two  small  piimaces.  With 
these  he  left  Plymouth  in  the  fall  of  the  summer 
of  1572.  He  had  ascertained  that  Philip's  gold 
and  silver  from  the  Peruvian  mines  was  landed 
at  Panaina,  carried  across  the  isthmus  on  mules' 
backs  on  the  line  of  M.  de  Lesseps'  canal,  and 
re-shipped  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Chagre  River. 

He  told  no  one  where  he  was  going.  He  was 
no  more  communicative  than  necessary  after  his 
return,  and  the  results,  rather  than  the  particulars, 
of  his  adventure  are  all  that  can  be  certainly 
known.  Discretion  told  him  to  keep  his  counsel, 
and  he  kept  it. 

The  Drake  family  published  an  account  of 
this  voyage  in  the  middle  of  the  next  century, 
but   obviously   mythical,   in  parts   demonstrably 


4.]     DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      109 

false,  and  nowhere  to  be  depended  on.  It  can  be 
made  out,  however,  that  he  did  go  to  Nombre  de 
Dios,  that  he  found  his  way  into  the  town,  and 
saw  stores  of  bullion  there  which  he  would  have 
liked  to  carry  off  but  could  not.  A  romantic 
story  of  a  fight  in  the  to^vn  I  disbelieve,  first 
because  his  numbers  were  so  small  that  to  try 
force  would  have  been  absurd,  and  next  because 
if  there  had  been  really  anything  like  a  battle 
an  alarm  would  have  been  raised  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  it  is  evident  that  no  alarm  was 
given.  In  the  woods  were  parties  of  runaway 
slaves,  who  were  called  Cimarons.  It  was  to 
these  that  Drake  addressed  himself,  and  they 
volunteered  to  guide  him  where  he  could  surprise 
the  treasure  convoy  on  the  way  from  Panama, 
His  movements  were  silent  and  rapid.  One  in- 
teresting incident  is  mentioned  which  is  authentic. 
The  Cimarons  took  him  through  the  forest  to  the 
watershed  from  which  the  streams 'flow  to  both 
oceans.  Nothing  could  be  seen  through  the 
jungle  of  undergrowth ;  but  Drake  climbed  a 
tall  tree,  saw  from  the  top  of  it  the  Pacific 
glittering    below    him,   and    made    a   vow   that 


no  ,  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

one  day  he  would  himself  sail  a  ship  in  those 
waters. 

For  the  present  he  had  immediate  work  on 
hand.  His  guides  kept  their  word.  They  led 
him  to  the  track  from  Panama,  and  he  had  not 
long  to  wait  before  the  tinkling  was  heard  of  the 
mule  bells  as  they  were  coming  up  the  pass. 
There  was  no  suspicion  of  danger,  not  the  faintest. 
The  mule  train  had  but  its  ordinary  guard,  who 
fled  at  the  first  surprise.  The  immense  booty  fell 
all  into  Drake's  hands — gold,  jewels,  silver  bars — 
and  got  with  much  ease,  as  Prince  Hal  said  at 
Gadshill.  The  silver  they  buried,  as  too  heavy 
for  transport.  The  gold,  pearls,  rubies,  emeralds, 
and  diamonds  they  carried  down  straight  to  their 
ship.  The  voyage  home  went  prosperously.  The 
spoils  were  shared  among  the  adventurers,  and 
they  had  no  reason  to  complain.  They  were  wise 
enough  to  hold  their  tongues,  and  Drake  was  in  a 
condition  to  look  about  him  and  prepare  for  bigger 
enterprises. 

Rumours  got  abroad,  spite  of  reticence.  Im- 
agination was  high  in  flight  just  then ;  rash 
amateurs  thought  they  could  make  their  fortunes 


4.]     DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      iii 

in  the  same  way,  and  tried  it,  to  their  sorrow. 
A  sort  of  inflation  can  be  traced  in  English 
sailors'  minds  as  their  work  expanded.  Even 
Hawkins — the  clear,  practical  Hawkins — was  in- 
fected. This  was  not  in  Drake's  line.  He  kept 
to  prose  and  fact.  He  studied  the  globe.  He 
examined  all  the  charts  that  he  could  get.  He 
became  known  to  the  Privy  Council  and  the 
Queen,  and  prepared  for  an  enterprise  which  would 
make  his  name  and  frighten  Philip  in  earnest. 

The  ships  which  the  Spaniards  used  on  the 
Pacific  were  usually  built  on  the  spot.  But  Ma- 
gellan was  known  to  have  gone  by  the  Horn,  and 
where  a  Portuguese  could  go  an  Englishman  could 
go.  Drake  proposed  to  try.  There  was  a  party  in 
Elizabeth's  Council  against  these  adventures,  and 
in  favour  of  peace  with  Spain;  but  Elizabeth 
herself  was  always  for  enterprises  of  pith  and 
moment.  She  was  willing  to  help,  and  others 
of  her  Council  were  willing  too,  provided  their 
names  were  not  to  appear.  The  responsibility 
was  to  be  Drake's  own.  Again  the  vessels  in 
which  he  was  preparing  to  tempt  fortune  seem 
preposterously    small.       The    Pelican,   or    Golden 


112  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect, 

Hinde,  which  belonged  to  Drake-  himself,  was 
called  but  120  tons,  at  best  no  larger  than  a 
modern  racing  yawl,  though  perhaps  no  racing 
yawl  ever  left  White's  yard  better  found  for  the 
work  which  she  had  to  do.  The  next,  the  Eliza- 
heth,  of  London,  was  said  to  be  eighty  tons; 
a  small  pinnace  of  twelve  tons,  in  which  we 
should  hardly  risk  a  summer  cruise  round  the 
Land's  End,  with  two  sloops  or  frigates  of  fifty 
and  thirty  tons,  made  the  rest.  The  Elizctbdli 
was  commanded  by  Captain  Winter,  a  Queen's 
officer,  and  perhaps  a  son  of  the  old  admiral. 

We  may  credit  Drake  with  knowing  what  he 
was  about.  He  and  his  comrades  were  carrying 
their  lives  in  their  hands.  If  they  were  taken 
they  would  be  inevitably  hanged.  Their  safety 
depended  on  speed  of  sailing,  and  specially  on  the 
power  of  working  fast  to  windward,  which  the 
heavy  square-rigged  ships  could  not  do.  The 
crews  all  told  were  160  men  and  boys.  Drake 
had  his  brother  John  with  him.  Among  his 
officers  were  the  chaplain,  Mr.  Fletcher,  another 
minister  of  some  kind  who  spoke  Spanish,  and 
in  one  of  the  sloops  a  mysterious  Mr.  Doughty. 


4.]  DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD  113 
Who  Mr.  Doughty  was,  and  why  he  was  sent  out, 
is  uncertain.  When  an  expedition  of  consequence 
was  on  hand,  the  Spanish  party  in  the  Cabinet 
usually  attached  to  it  some  second  in  command 
whose  business  was  to  defeat  the  object.  When 
Drake  went  to  Cadiz  in  after  years  to  singe  King 
Philip's  beard,  he  had  a  colleague  sent  with  him 
whom  he  had  to  lock  into  his  cabin  before  he 
could  get  to  his  work.  So  far  as  I  can  make  out, 
Mr.  Doughty  had  a  similar  commission.  On  this 
occasion  secrecy  was  impossible.  It  was  gener- 
ally known  that  Drake  was  going  to  the  Pacific 
through  Magellan  Straits,  to  act  afterwards  on 
his  own  judgment.  The  Spanish  ambassador, 
now  Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  in  informing 
Philip  of  what  was  intended,  advised  him  to  send 
out  orders  for  the  instant  sinking  of  every  English 
ship,  and  the  execution  of  every  English  sailor, 
that  appeared  on  either  side  the  isthmus  in  West 
Indian  waters.  The  orders  were  despatched,  but 
so  impossible  it  seemed  that  an  English  pirate 
could  reach  the  Pacific,  that  the  attention  was 
confined  to  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and  not  a  hint  of 
alarm  v/as  sent  across  to  the  other  side. 


114  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

On  November  15,  1577,  the  Pelican  and  her 
consort   sailed   out   of    Plymouth    Sound.      The 
elements  frowned  on  their  start.     On  the  second 
day   they  were   caught   in  a  winter  gale.     The 
Pelican  sprung  her  mainmast,  and  they  put  back 
to  refit  and  repair.     But  Drake  defied  auguries. 
Before  the  middle  of  December  all  was  again  in 
order.      The   weather  mended,  and    with  a   fair 
wind  and  smooth  water   they  made  a   fast  run 
across  the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  down  the  coast  to 
the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands.     There  taking  up  the 
north-east  trades,  they  struck  across  the  Atlantic, 
crossed  the  line,  and  made  the  South  American 
continent  in  latitude    33°  South.      They  passed 
the  mouth  of  the  Plate  River,  finding  to  their 
astonishment  fresh  water   at   the  ship's  side  in 
fifty-four  fathoms.     All  seemed  so  far  going  well, 
when    one    morning    Mr.    Doughty's   sloop   was 
missing,   and    he    along    with    her.      Drake,   it 
seemed,  had  already  reason  to  distrust  Doughty, 
and  guessed  the  direction  in  which  he  had  gone. 
The  Marigold  was  sent  in  pursuit,  and  he  was 
overtaken  and  brought  back.     To  prevent  a  re- 
petition of  such  a  performance,  Drake  took  the 


4.]     DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      115 

sloop's  stores  out  of  her,  burnt  her,  distributed 
the  crew  through  the  other  vessels,  and  took  Mr. 
Doughty  under  his  own  charge.  On  June  20 
they  reached  Port  St.  Julian,  on  the  coast  of 
Patagonia.  They  had  been  long  on  the  way,  and 
the  southern  winter  had  come  round,  and  they 
had  to  delay  further  to  make  more  particular 
inquiry  into  Doughty's  desertion.  An  ominous 
and  strange  spectacle  met  their  eyes  as  they 
entered  the  harbour.  In  that  utterly  desolate 
spot  a  skeleton  was  hanging  on  a  gallows,  the 
bones  picked  clean  by  the  vultures.  It  was  one 
of  Magellan's  crew  who  had  been  executed  there 
for  mutiny  fifty  years  before.  The  same  fate  was 
to  befall  the  unhappy  Englishman  who  had  been 
guilty  of  the  same  fault.  Without  the  strictest 
discipline  it  was  impossible  for  the  enterprise  to 
succeed,  and  Doughty  had  been  guilty  of  worse 
than  disobedience.  We  are  told  briefly  that  his 
conduct  was  found  tending  to  contention,  and 
threatening  the  success  of  the  voyage.  Part  he 
was  said  to  have  confessed;  part  was  proved 
against  him — one  knows  not  what.  A  court  was 
formed  out  of  the  crew.     He  was  tried,  as  near  as 


ii6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

circumstances  allowed,  according  to  English  usage. 
He  was  found  guilty,  and  was  sentenced  to  die. 
He  made  no  complaint,  or  none  of  which  a  record 
is  preserved.  He  asked  for  the  Sacrament,  which 
was  of  course  allowed,  and  Drake  himself  com- 
municated with  him.  They  then  kissed  each 
other,  and  the  unlucky  wretch  took  leave  of  his 
comrades,  laid  his  head  on  the  block,  and  so 
ended.  His  offence  can  be  only  guessed ;  but  the 
suspicious  curiosity  about  his  fate  which  was 
shown  afterwards  by  Mendoza  makes  it  likely 
that  he  was  in  Spanish  pay.  The  ambassador 
cross-questioned  Captain  Winter  very  particularly 
about  him,  and  we  learn  one  remarkable  fact  from 
Mendoza's  letters  not  mentioned  by  any  English 
writer,  that  Drake  was  himself  the  executioner, 
choosing  to  bear  the  entire  responsibility. 

'  This  done,'  writes  an  eye-witness,  '  the  general 
made  divers  speeches  to  the  whole  com23any,  per- 
suading us  to  unity,  obedience,  and  regard  of  our 
voyage,  and  for  the  better  confirmation  thereof 
willed  every  man  the  Sunday  following  to  prepare 
himself  to  receive  the  Communion  as  Christian 
brothers  and  friends  ought  to  do,  which  was  done 


4.]     DRAKES  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      117 

in  very  reverend  sort ;  and  so  with  good  content- 
ment every  man  went  about  his  business.' 

You  must  take  this  last  incident  into  your 
conception  of  Drake's  character,  think  of  it  how 
you  please. 

It  was  now  midwinter,  the  stormiest  season  of 
the  year,  and  they  remained  for  six  weeks  in  Port 
St.  Julian.  They  burnt  the  twelve-ton  pinnace, 
as  too  small  for  the  work  they  had  now  before 
them,  and  there  remained  only  the  Pelican,  the 
Elizabeth,  and  the  Marigold.  In  cold  wild  weather 
they  weighed  at  last,  and  on  August  20  made  the 
opening  of  Magellan's  Straits.  The  passage  is 
seventy  miles  long,  tortuous  and  dangerous. 
They  had  no  charts.  The  ships'  boats  led,  taking 
soundings  as  they  advanced.  Icy  mountains 
overhung  them  on  either  side ;  heavy  snow  fell 
below.  They  brought  up  occasionally  at  an 
island  to  rest  the  men,  and  let  them  kill  a  few 
seals  and  penguins  to  give  them  fresh  food. 
Everything  they  saw  was  new,  wild,  and  wonderful. 

Having  to  feel  their  way,  they  were  three 
weeks  in  getting  through.  They  had  counted  on 
reachinsf  the  Pacific  that  the  worst  of  their  work 


Il8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

was  over,  and  that  they  could  run  north  at  once 
into  warmer  and  calmer  latitudes.  The  peaceful 
ocean,  when  they  entered  it,  proved  the  stormiest 
they  had  ever  sailed  on.  A  fierce  westerly  gale 
drove  them  600  miles  to  the  south-east  outside 
the  Horn.  It  had  been  supposed,  hitherto,  that 
Tierra  del  Fuego  was  solid  land  to  the  South 
Pole,  and  that  the  Straits  were  the  only  com- 
munication between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific. 
They  now  learnt  the  true  shape  and  character  of 
the  Western  Continent.  In  the  latitude  of  Cape 
Horn  a  westerly  gale  blows  for  ever  round  the 
globe;  the  waves  the  highest  anywhere  known. 
The  Marigold  went  down  in  the  tremendous 
encounter.  Captain  Winter,  in  the  Elizahcth, 
made  his  way  back  into  Magellan's  Straits. 
There  he  lay  for  three  weeks,  lighting  fires 
nightly  to  show  Drake  where  he  was,  but  no 
Drake  appeared.  They  had  agreed,  if  separated, 
to  meet  on  the  coast  in  the  latitude  of  Valparaiso; 
but  Winter  was  chicken-hearted,  or  else  traitorous 
like  Doughty,  and  sore,  we  are  told,  '  against  the 
mariners'  will,'  when  the  three  weeks  were  out, 
he  sailed  away  for  England,  where  he  reported 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     119 

that  all  the  ships  were  lost  but  the  Pelican,  and 
that  the  Pelican  was  probably  lost  too. 

Drake  had  believed  better  of  Winter,  and  had 
not  expected  to  be  so  deserted.  He  had  himself 
taken  refuge  among  the  islands  which  form  the 
Cape,  waiting  for  the  spring  and  milder  weather. 
He  used  the  time  in  making  surveys,  and  observ- 
ing the  habits  of  the  native  Patagonians,  whom 
he  found  a  tough  race,  going  naked  amidst  ice 
and  snow.  The  days  lengthened,  and  the  sea 
smoothed  at  last.  He  then  sailed  for  Valparaiso, 
hoping  to  meet  Winter  there,  as  he  had  arranged. 
At  Valparaiso  there  was  no  Winter,  but  there  was 
in  the  port  instead  a  great  galleon  just  come  in 
from  Peru.  The  galleon's  crew  took  him  for  a 
Spaniard,  hoisted  their  colours,  and  beat  their 
drums.  The  Pelican  shot  alongside.  The  English 
sailors  in  high  spirits  leapt  on  board.  A  Plymouth 
lad  who  could  speak  Spanish  knocked  down  the 
first  man  he  met  with  an  '  Abajo,  perro  ! '  '  Down, 
you  dog,  down ! '  No  life  was  taken ;  Drake 
never  hurt  man  if  he  could  help  it.  The  crew 
crossed  themselves,  jumped  overboard,  and  swam 
ashore.     The  prize  was  examined.     Four  hundred 


I20  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

pounds'  weight  of  gold  was  found  in  her,  besides 
other  plunder. 

The  galleon  being  disposed  of,  Drake  and  his 
men  pulled  ashore  to  look  at  the  town.  The 
people  had  all  fled.  In  the  church  they  found 
a  chalice,  two  cruets,  and  an  altar-cloth,  which 
were  made  over  to  the  chaplain  to  im]3rove  his 
Communion  furniture.  A  few  pipes  of  wine  and 
a  Greek  pilot  who  knew  the  way  to  Lima  com- 
pleted the  booty. 

'  Shocking  piracy,'  you  will  perhaps  say.  But 
what  Drake  was  doing  would  have  been  all  right 
and  good  service  had  war  been  declared,  and  the 
essence  of  things  does  not  alter  with  the  form. 
In  essence  there  was  war,  deadly  war,  between 
Philip  and  Elizabeth.  Even  later,  when  the 
Armada  sailed,  there  had  been  no  formal  declara- 
tion. The  reality  is  the  important  part  of  the 
matter.  It  was  but  stroke  for  stroke,  and  the 
English  arm  proved  the  stronger. 

Still  hoping  to  find  Winter  in  advance  of  him, 
Drake  went  on  next  to  Tarapaca,  where  silver 
from  the  Andes  mines  was  shipped  for  Panama. 
At  Tarapaca  there  was  the  same  unconsciousness 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     121 

of  danger.  The  silver  bars  lay  piled  on  the  quay, 
the  muleteers  who  had  brought  them  were  sleej)- 
ing  peacefully  in  the  sunshine  at  their  side.  The 
muleteers  were  left  to  their  slumbers.  The  bars 
were  lifted  into  the  English  boats.  A  train  of 
mules  or  llamas  came  in  at  the  moment  with  a 
second  load  as  rich  as  the  first.  This,  too,  went 
into  the  Pelican's  hold.  The  bullion  taken  at 
Tarapaca  was  worth  near  half  a  million  ducats. 

Still  there  were  no  news  of  Winter.  Drake 
began  to  realise  that  he  was  now  entirely  alone, 
and  had  only  himself  and  his  own  crew  to  depend 
on.  There  was  nothing  to  do  but  to  go  through 
with  it,  danger  adding  to  the  interest.  Arica  was 
the  next  point  visited.  Half  a  hundred  blocks  of 
silver  were  picked  up  at  Arica.  After  Arica  came 
Lima,  the  chief  depot  of  all,  where  the  grandest 
haul  was  looked  for.  At  Lima,  alas !  they  were 
just  too  late.  Twelve  great  hulks  lay  anchored 
there.  The  sails  were  unbent,  the  men  were 
ashore.  They  contained  nothing  but  some  chests 
of  reals  and  a  few  bales  of  silk  and  linen.  But  a 
thirteenth,  called  by  the  gods  Our  Lady  of  the 
Conception,   called    by    men    Cacafucgo,   a   name 


122  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

incapable  of  translation,  had  sailed  a  few  days 
before  for  the  isthmus,  with  the  whole  produce  of 
the  Lima  mines  for  the  season.  Her  ballast  was 
silver,  her  cargo  gold  and  emeralds  and  rubies. 

Drake  deliberately  cut  the  cables  of  the  ships 
in  the  roads,  that  they  might  drive  ashore  and  be 
unable  to  follow  him.  The  Pelican  spread  her 
wings,  every  feather  of  them,  and  sped  away  in 
pursuit.  He  would  know  the  Cacafuego,  so  he 
learnt  at  Lima,  by  the  peculiar  cut  of  her  sails. 
The  first  man  who  caught  sight  of  her  was 
promised  a  gold  chain  for  his  reward.  A  sail 
was  seen  on  the  second  day.  It  was  not  the 
chase,  but  it  was  worth  stopping  for.  Eighty 
pounds'  weight  of  gold  was  found,  and  a  great 
gold  crucifix,  set  with  emeralds  said  to  be  as  large 
as  pigeon's  eggs.  They  took  the  kernel.  They 
left  the  shell.  Still  on  and  on.  We  learn  from 
the  Spanish  accounts  that  the  Viceroy  of  Lima, 
as  soon  as  he  recovered  from  his  astonishment, 
despatched  ships  in  pursuit.  They  came  up  with 
the  last  plundered  vessel,  heard  terrible  tales  of 
the  rovers'  strength,  and  went  back  for  a  larger 
force.     The  Pelican  meanwhile  went  along  upon 


4.]       DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     123 

her  course  for  800  miles.  At  length,  when  in 
the  latitude  of  Quito  and  close  under  the  shore, 
the  Gacafiicgo's  peculiar  sails  were  sighted,  and  the 
gold  chain  was  claimed.  There  she  was,  freighted 
with  the  fruit  of  Aladdin's  garden,  going  lazily 
along  a  few  miles  ahead.  Care  was  needed  in 
approaching  her.  If  she  guessed  the  Pclicaiis 
character,  she  would  run  in  upon  the  land  and 
they  would  lose  her.  It  was  afternoon.  The  sun 
was  still  above  the  horizon,  and  Drake  meant  to 
wait  till  night,  when  the  breeze  would  be  off  the 
shore,  as  in  the  tropics  it  always  is. 

The  Pelican  sailed  two  feet  to  the  Cacafucgd s 
one.  Drake  filled  his  empty  wine-skins  with 
water  and  trailed  them  astern  to  stop  his  way. 
The  chase  supposed  that  she  was  followed  by 
some  heavy-loaded  trader,  and,  wishing  for  com- 
pany on  a  lonely  voyage,  she  slackened  sail  and 
waited  for  him  to  come  up.  At  length  the  sun 
went  down  into  the  ocean,  the  rosy  light  faded 
from  off  the  snows  of  the  Andes  ;  and  when  both 
ships  had  become  invisible  from  the  shore,  the 
skins  were  hauled  in,  the  night  wind  rose,  and 
the  water  began  to   ripple   under   the   Pelican's 


124  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

bows.  The  Cacaftiego  was  swiftly  overtaken,  and 
when  within  a  cable's  length  a  voice  hailed  her 
to  put  her  head  into  the  wind.  The  Spanish 
commander,  not  understanding  so  strange  an 
order,  held  on  his  course.  A  broadside  brought 
down  his  mainyard,  and  a  flight  of  arrows  rattled 
on  his  deck.  He  was  himself  wounded.  In  a  few 
minutes  he  was  a  prisoner,  and  Our  Lady  of  the 
Conception  and  her  precious  freight  were  in  the 
corsair's  power.  The  wreck  was  cut  away;  the 
ship  was  cleared ;  a  prize  crew  was  put  on  board. 
Both  vessels  turned  their  heads  to  the  sea.  At 
daybreak  no  land  was  to  be  seen,  and  the  examin- 
ation of  the  prize  began.  The  full  value  was 
never  acknowledged.  The  invoice,  if  there  was 
one,  was  destroyed.  The  accurate  figures  were 
known  only  to  Drake  and  Queen  Elizabeth.  A 
published  schedule  acknowledged  to  twenty  tons 
of  silver  bullion,  thirteen  chests  of  silver  coins, 
and  a  hundredweight  of  gold,  but  there  were  gold 
nuggets  besides  in  indefinite  quantity,  and  'a 
great  store '  of  pearls,  emeralds,  and  diamonds. 
The  Spanish  Government  proved  a  loss  of  a 
million   and   a   half  of    ducats,   excluding   what 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     125 

belonged  to  private  persons.  The  total  capture 
was  immeasurably  greater. 

Drake,  we  are  told,  was  greatly  satisfied.  He 
thought  it  prudent  to  stay  in  the  neighbourhood 
no  longer  than  necessary.  He  went  north  with 
all  sail  set,  taking  his  prize  along  with  him.  The 
master,  San  Juan  de  Anton,  was  removed  on 
board  the  Pelican  to  have  his  wound  attended  to. 
He  remained  as  Drake's  guest  for  a  week,  and 
sent  in  a  report  of  what  he  observed  to  the 
Spanish  Government.  One  at  least  of  Drake's 
party  spoke  excellent  Spanish.  This  person  took 
San  Juan  over  the  ship.  She  showed  signs,  San 
Juan  said,  of  rough  service,  but  was  still  in  fine 
condition,  mth  ample  arms,  spare  rope,  mattocks, 
carpenters'  tools  of  all  descriptions.  There  were 
eighty-five  men  on  board  all  told,  fifty  of  them 
men-of-war,  the  rest  young  fellows,  ship-boys  and 
the  like.  Drake  himself  was  treated  with  great 
reverence  5  a  sentinel  stood  always  at  his  cabin 
door.     He  dined  alone  with  music. 

No  mystery  was  made  of  the  Felica?is  ex- 
ploits. The  chaplain  showed  San  Juan  the 
crucifix  set  with  emeralds,  and  asked  him  if  he 


126  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

could  seriously  believe  that  to  be  God.  San  Juan 
asked  Drake  how  he  meant  to  go  home.  Drake 
showed  him  a  globe  with  three  courses  traced  on 
it.  There  was  the  way  that  he  had  come,  there 
was  the  way  by  China  and  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  and  there  was  a  third  way  which  he  did 
not  explain.  San  Juan  asked  if  Spain  and  England 
were  at  war.  Drake  said  he  had  a  commission 
from  the  Queen.  His  captures  were  for  her,  not 
for  himself  He  added  afterwards  that  the  Viceroy 
of  Mexico  had  robbed  him  and  his  kinsman,  and 
he  was  making  good  his  losses. 

Then,  touching  the  point  of  the  sore,  he  said, 
'  I  know  the  Viceroy  will  send  for  thee  to  inform 
himself  of  my  proceedings.  Tell  him  he  shall 
do  well  to  put  no  more  Englishmen  to  death, 
and  to  spare  those  he  has  in  his  hands,  for  if  he 
do  execute  them  I  will  hang  2,000  Spaniards  and 
send  him  their  heads.' 

After  a  week's  detention  San  Juan  and  his 
men  were  restored  to  the  empty  Gaeaftiego,  and 
allowed  to  go.  On  their  way  back  they  fell  in 
with  the  two  cruisers  sent  in  pursuit  from  Lima, 
reinforced  by  a  third  from  Panama.     They  were 


4-]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     127 

now  fully  armed  ;  they  went  in  chase,  and  accord- 
ing to  their  own  account  came  up  with  the  Pelican. 
But,  like  Lope  de  Vega,  they  seemed  to  have 
been  terrified  at  Drake  as  a  sort  of  devil.  They 
confessed  that  they  dared  not  attack  him,  and 
again  went  back  for  more  assistance.  The  Viceroy 
abused  them  as  cowards,  arrested  the  officers, 
despatched  others  again  with  peremptory  orders 
to  seize  Drake,  even  if  he  was  the  devil,  but  by 
that  time  their  questionable  visitor  had  flown. 
They  found  nothing,  perhaps  to  their  relief 

A  despatch  went  instantly  across  the  Atlantic 
to  Philip.  One  squadron  was  sent  off  from  Cadiz 
to  watch  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  another  to 
patrol  the  Caribbean  Sea.  It  was  thought  that 
Drake's  third  way  was  no  seaway  at  all,  that  he 
meant  to  leave  the  Pelican  at  Darien,  carry  his 
plunder  over  the  mountains,  and  build  a  ship  at 
Honduras  to  take  him  home.  His  real  idea  was 
that  he  might  hit  off"  the  passage  to  the  north  of 
which  Frobisher  and  Davis  thought  they  had 
found  the  eastern  entrance.  He  stood  on  towards 
California,  picking  up  an  occasional  straggler  in 
the  China  trade,  with  silk,  porcelain,  gold,  and 


128  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

emeralds.  Fresli  water  was  a  necessity.  He  put 
in  at  Guatulco  for  it,  and  his  proceedings  were 
humorously  prompt.  The  alcaldes  at  Guatulco 
were  in  session  trying  a  batch  of  negroes.  An 
English  boat's  crew  appeared  in  court,  tied  the 
alcaldes  hand  and  foot,  and  carried  them  off  to 
the  Pelican,  there  to  remain  as  hostages  till  the 
water-casks  were  filled. 

North  again  he  fell  in  with  a  galleon  carrying 
out  a  new  Governor  to  the  Philippines.  The 
Governor  was  relieved  of  his  boxes  and  his  jewels, 
and  then,  says  one  of  the  party,  '  Our  General, 
thinking  himself  in  respect  of  his  private  injuries 
received  from  the  Spaniards,  as  also  their  con- 
tempt and  indignities  offered  to  our  country  and 
Prince,  sufficiently  satisfied  and  revenged,  and 
supposing  her  Majesty  would  rest  contented  with 
this  service,  began  to  consider  the  best  way  home.' 
The  first  necessity  was  a  complete  overhaul  of  the 
ship.  Before  the  days  of  copper  sheathing  weeds 
grew  thick  under  water.  Barnacles  formed  in 
clusters,  stopping  the  speed,  and  sea-worms  bored 
through  the  planking.  Twenty  thousand  miles 
lay  between  the  Pelican  and   Plymouth  Sound, 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD     129 

and  Drake  was  not  a  man  to  run  idle  chances. 
Still  holding  his  north  course  till  he  had  left  the 
furthest  Spanish  settlement  far  to  the  south,  he 
put  into  Canoas  Bay  in  California,  laid  the  Pelican 
ashore,  set  up  forge  and  workshop,  and  repaired 
and  re-rigged  her  with  a  month's  labour  from 
stem  to  stern.  With  every  rope  new  set  up  and 
new  canvas  on  every  yard,  he  started  again  on 
April  16,  1579,  and  continued  up  the  coast  to 
Oregon.  The  air  grew  cold  though  it  was 
summer.  The  men  felt  it  from  having  been  so 
long  in  the  tropics,  and  dropped  out  of  health. 
There  was  still  no  sign  of  a  passage.  If  passage 
there  was,  Drake  perceived  that  it  must  be  of 
enormous  length.  Magellan's  Straits,  he  guessed, 
would  be  watched  for  him,  so  he  decided  on  the 
route  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  In  the  Philip- 
pine ship  he  had  found  a  chart  of  the  Indian 
Archipelago.  With  the  help  of  this  and  his  own 
skill  he  hoped  to  find  his  way.  He  went  down 
again  to  San  Francisco,  landed  there,  found  the 
soil  teeming  with  gold,  made  acquaintance  with 
an  Indian  king  who  hated  the  Spaniards  and 
wished  to  become  an  English  subject.    But  Drake 

K 


I30  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [i,kct. 

had  no  leisure  to  annex  new  territories.  AvoidiiiP" 
the  course  from  Mexico  to  the  Philippines,  ho 
made  a  direct  course  to  the  Moluccas,  and  brought 
up  again  at  the  Island  of  Celebes.  Here  the 
Pelican  was  a  second  time  docked  and  scraped. 
The  crew  had  a  month's  rest  among  the  fireflies 
and  vampires  of  the  tropical  forest.  Leaving 
Celebes,  they  entered  on  the  most  perilous  part 
of  the  whole  voyage.  They  Avound  their  way 
among  coral  reefs  and  low  islands  scarcely  visible 
above  the  water-line.  In  their  chart  the  only 
outlet  marked  into  the  Indian  Ocean  was  by  the 
Straits  of  Malacca.  But  Drake  guessed  rightly 
that  there  must  be  some  nearer  opening,  and  felt 
his  way  looking  for  it  along  the  coast  of  Java. 
Spite  of  all  his  care,  he  was  once  on  the  edge 
of  destruction.  One  evening  as  night  was  closing 
in  a  grating  sound  was  heard  under  the  Pelican's 
keel.  In  another  moment  she  was  hard  and 
fast  on  a  reef  The  breeze  was  light  and  the 
water  smooth,  or  the  world  would  have  heard  no 
more  of  Francis  Drake.  She  lay  immovable 
till  daybreak.  At  dawn  the  position  was  seen 
not    to    be   entirely    desperate.     Drake    himself 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      131 

showed  all  the  qualities  of  a  great  commander. 
Cannon  were  thrown  over  and  cargo  that  was  not 
needed.  In  the  afternoon,  the  wind  changing,  the 
lififhtened  vessel  lifted  off  the  rocks  and  was  saved. 
The  hull  was  uninjured,  thanks  to  the  Californian 
repairs.  All  on  board  had  behaved  well  with  the 
one  exception  of  Mr.  Fletcher,  the  chaplain.  Mr. 
Fletcher,  instead  of  working  like  a  man,  had 
whined  about  Divine  retribution  for  the  execu- 
tion of  Doughty. 

For  the  moment  Drake  passed  it  over.  A  few 
days  after,  they  passed  out  through  the  Straits  of 
Sunda,  where  they  met  the  great  ocean  swell, 
Homer's  \xkya  Kv\xa  OaXda-a-rjs,  and  they  knew  then 
that  all  was  well. 

There  was  now  time  to  call  Mr.  Fletcher  to 
account.  It  was  no  business  of  the  chaplain  to 
discourage  and  dispirit  men  in  a  moment  of 
danger,  and  a  court  was  formed  to  sit  upon  him. 
An  English  captain  on  his  own  deck  represents 
the  sovereign,  and  is  head  of  Church  as  well  as 
State.  Mr.  Fletcher  was  brought  to  the  forecastle, 
where  Drake,  sitting  on  a  sea-chest  with  a  pair 
of  pantottjles  in  his  hand,  excommunicated  him, 


132  ENGLTSn  SEAMEN  [lect. 

pronounced  him  cut  off  from  the  Church  of  God, 
given  over  to  the  devil  for  the  chastising  of  his 
flesh,  and  left  him  chained  by  the  leg  to  a  ring- 
holt  to  repent  of  his  cowardice. 

In  the  general  good-humour  punishment  could 
not  be  of  long  duration.  The  next  day  the  poor 
chaplain  had  his  absolution,  and  returned  to  his 
berth  and  his  duty.  The  Pelican  met  with  no 
more  adventures.  Sweeping  in  fine  clear  weather 
round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  she  touched  once 
for  water  at  Sierra  Leone,  and  finally  sailed  in 
triumph  into  Plymouth  Harbour,  where  she  had 
been  long  given  up  for  lost,  having  traced  the  first 
furrow  round  the  globe.  Winter  had  come  home 
eighteen  months  before,  but  could  report  nothing. 
The  news  of  the  doings  on  the  American  coast 
had  reached  England  through  Madrid.  The 
Spanish  ambassador  had  been  furious.  It  was 
known  that  Spanish  squadrons  had  been  sent  in 
search.  Complications  would  arise  if  Drake 
brought  his  plunder  home,  and  timid  politicians 
hoped  that  he  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea.  But 
here  he  was,  actually  arrived  with  a  monarch's 
ransom  in  his  hold. 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE   WORLD      133 

English  sympathy  with  an  extraordinary  ex- 
ploit is  always  irresistible.  Shouts  of  applause 
rang  through  the  country,  and  Elizabeth,  every 
bit  of  her  an  Englishwoman,  felt  with  her  subjects. 
She  sent  for  Drake  to  London,  made  him  tell  his 
story  over  and  over  again,  and  was  never  weary  of 
listening  to  him.  As  to  injury  to  Spain,  Philip 
had  lighted  a  fresh  insurrection  in  Ireland,  which 
had  cost  her  dearly  in  lives  and  money.  For 
Philip  to  demand  compensation  of  England  on 
the  score  of  justice  was  a  thing  to  make  the  gods 
laugh. 

So  thought  the  Queen.  So  unfortunately  did 
not  think  some  members  of  her  Council,  Lord 
Burghley  among  them.  Mendoza  was  determined 
that  Drake  should  be  punished  and  the  spoils  dis- 
gorged, or  else  that  he  would  force  Elizabeth  upon 
the  world  as  the  confessed  protectress  of  piracy. 
Burghley  thought  that,  as  things  stood,  some 
satisfaction  (or  the  form  of  it)  would  have  to  be 
made. 

Elizabeth  hated  paying  back  as  heartily  as 
Falstaff,  nor  had  she  the  least  intention  of  throw- 
ing to   the  wolves  a   gallant   Englishman,  with 


134  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

whose  achievements  the  world  was  ringing.  She 
was  obliged  to  allow  the  treasure  to  be  registered 
by  a  responsible  official,  and  an  account  rendered 
to  Mendoza ;  but  for  all  that  she  meant  to  keep 
her  own  share  of  the  spoils.  She  meant,  too,  that 
Drake  and  his  brave  crew  should  not  go  unre- 
warded. Drake  himself  should  have  ten  thousand 
pounds  at  least. 

Her  action  was  eminently  characteristic  of 
her.  On  the  score  of  real  justice  there  was 
no  doubt  at  all  how  matters  stood  between  her- 
self and  Philip,  who  had  tried  to  dethrone  and 
kill  her. 

The  Pelican  lay  still  at  Plymouth  with  the 
bullion  and  jewels  untouched.  She  directed  that 
it  should  be  landed  and  scheduled.  She  trusted 
the  business  to  Edmund  Tremayne,  of  Sydenham, 
a  neighbouring  magistrate,  on  whom  she  could 
depend.  She  told  him  not  to  be  too  inquisitive, 
and  she  allowed  Drake  to  go  back  and  arrange 
the  cargo  before  the  examination  was  made.  Let 
me  now  read  you  a  letter  from  Tremayne  himself 
to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham  : — 

'  To  give  you  some  understanding  how  I  have 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      135 

proceeded  with  Mr.  Drake:  I  have  at  no  time 
entered  into  the  account  to  know  more  of  the 
value  of  the  treasure  than  he  made  me  acquainted 
with ;  and  to  say  truth  I  persuaded  him  to  impart 
to  me  no  more  than  need,  for  so  I  saw  him  com- 
manded in  her  Majesty's  behalf  that  he  should 
reveal  the  certainty  to  no  man  living.  I  have 
only  taken  notice  of  so  much  as  he  lia&  revealed, 
and  the  same  I  have  seen  to  be  weighed,  regis- 
tered, and  packed.  And  to  observe  her  Majesty's 
commands  for  the  ten  thousand  pounds,  we  agreed 
he  should  take  it  out  of  the  portion  that  was 
landed  secretly,  and  to  remove  the  same  out  of 
the  place  before  my  son  Henry  and  I  should 
come  to  the  weighing  and  registering  of  what  was 
left;  and  so  it  was  done,  and  no  creature  living 
by  me  made  privy  to  it  but  himself;  and  myself 
no  privier  to  it  than  as  you  may  perceive  by  this. 
'I  see  nothing  to  charge  Mr.  Drake  further 
than  he  is  inclined  to  charge  himself,  and  withal 
I  must  say  he  is  inclined  to  advance  the  value  to 
be  delivered  to  her  Majesty,  and  seeking  in  general 
to  recompense  all  men  that  have  been  in  the 
case  dealers  with  him.     As  I  dare  take  an  oath, 


136  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

he  will  rather  diminish  his  own  portion  than  leave 
any  of  them  unsatisfied.  And  for  his  mariners 
and  followers  I  have  seen  here  as  eye-witness, 
and  have  heard  with  my  ears,  such  certain  signs 
of  goodwill  as  I  cannot  yet  see  that  any  of  them 
will  leave  his  company.  The  whole  course  of  his 
voyage  hath  showed  him  to  be  of  great  valour ; 
but  my  hap  has  been  to  see  some  particulars, 
and  namely  in  this  discharge  of  his  company,  as 
doth  assure  me  that  he  is  a  man  of  great  govern- 
ment, and  that  by  the  rules  of  God  and  his  book, 
so  as  proceeding  on  such  foundation  his  doings 
cannot  but  prosper.' 

The  result  of  it  all  was  that  deductions  were 
made  from  the  capture  equivalent  to  the  property 
which  Drake  and  Hawkins  held  themselves  to 
have  been  treacherously  plundered  of  at  San  Juan 
de  XJlloa,  with  perhaps  other  liberal  allowances  for 
the  cost  of  recovery.  An  account  on  part  of  what 
remained  was  then  given  to  Mendbza.  It  was  not 
returned  to  him  or  to  Philip,  but  was  laid  up  in 
the  Tower  till  the  final  settlement  of  Philip's  and 
the  Queen's  claims  on  each  other — the  cost,  for 
one  thing,  of  the  rebellion  in  Ireland.      Commis- 


4.]      DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      137 

sioners  met  and  argued  and  sat  on  ineffectually 
till  the  Armada  came  and  the  discussion  ended, 
and  the  talk  of  restitution  was  over.  Meanwhile, 
opinion  varied  about  Drake's  own  doings  as  it  has 
varied  since.  Elizabeth  listened  spellbound  to  his 
adventures,  sent  for  him  to  London  again,  and 
walked  with  him  publicly  about  the  parks  and 
gardens.  She  gave  him  a  second  ten  thousand 
pounds.  The  Pelican  was  sent  round  to  Dept- 
ford;  a  royal  banquet  was  held  on  board,  Eliza- 
beth attended  and  Drake  was  knighted.  Mendoza 
clamoured  for  the  treasure  in  the  Tower  to  be 
given  up  to  him ;  Walsingham  wished  to  give  it 
to  the  Prince  of  Orange ;  Leicester  and  his  party 
in  the  Counxjil,  who  had  helped  to  fit  Di-ake  out, 
thought  it  ought  to  be  divided  among  themselves, 
and  unless  Mendoza  lies  they  offered  to  share  it 
with  him  if  he  would  agree  to  a  private  arrange- 
ment. Mendoza  says  he  answered  that  he  would 
give  twice  as  much  to  chastise  such  a  bandit  as 
Drake.  Elizabeth  thought  it  should  be  kept  as 
a  captured  pawn  in  the  game,  and  so  in  fact  it 
remained  after  the  deductions  which  we  have 
seen  had  been  made. 


138  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Drake  was  lavish  of  his  presents.  He  pre- 
sented the  Queen  with  a  diamond  cross  and  a 
coronet  set  with  splendid  emeralds.  He  gave 
Bromley,  the  Lord  Chancellor,  800  dollars'  worth 
of  silver  plate,  and  as  much  more  to  other  members 
of  the  Council.  The  Queen  wore  her  coronet  on 
New  Year's  Day ;  the  Chancellor  was  content  to 
decorate  his  sideboard  at  the  cost  of  the  Catholic 
King.  Burghley  and  Sussex  declined  the  splendid 
temptation ;  they  said  they  could  accept  no  such 
precious  gifts  from  a  man  whose  fortune  had  been 
made  by  plunder. 

Burghley  lived  to  see  better  into  Drake's 
value.  Meanwhile,  what  now  are  we,  looking 
back  over  our  history,  to  say  of  these  things — the 
Channel  privateering ;  the  seizure  of  Alva's  army 
money ;  the  sharp  practice  of  Hawkins  with  the 
Queen  of  Scots  and  King  Philip ;  or  this  amazing 
performance  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  in  a  vessel  no 
larger  than  a  second-rate  yacht  of  a  modern  noble 
lord  ? 

Resolution,  daring,  professional  skill,  all  his- 
torians allow  to  these  men;  but,  like  Burghley, 
they  regard  what  they  did  as  piracy,  not  much 


4.]     DRAKE'S  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD      139 

better,  if  at  all  better,  than  the  later  exploits  of 
Morgan  and  Kidd.  So  cried  the  Catholics  who 
wished  Elizabeth's  ruin ;  so  cried  Lope  de  Vega 
and  King  Philip.  In  milder  language  the  modern 
philosopher  repeats  the  unfavourable  verdict,  re- 
joices that  he  lives  in  an  age  when  such  doings  are 
impossible,  and  apologises  faintly  for  the  excesses 
of  an  imperfect  age.  May  I  remind  the  philosopher 
that  we  live  in  an  age  when  other  things  have 
also  happily  become  impossible,  and  that  if  he  and 
his  friends  were  liable  when  they  went  abroad  for 
their  summer  tours  to  be  snapped  by  the  familiars 
of  the  Inquisition,  whipped,  burnt  alive,  or  sent  to 
the  galleys,  he  would  perhaps  think  more  leniently 
of  any  measures  by  which  that  respectable  insti- 
tution and  its  masters  might  be  induced  to  treat 
philosophers  with  greater  consideration  ? 

Again,  remember  Dr.  Johnson's  warning, 
Beware  of  cant.  In  that  intensely  serious  century 
men  were  more  occupied  with  the  realities  than 
the  forms  of  things.  By  encouraging  rebellion  in 
England  and  Ireland,  by  burning  so  many  scores 
of  poor  English  seamen  and  merchants  in  fools' 
coats  at  Seville,  the  King  of  Spain   had   given 


140  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect.  4. 

Elizabeth  a  hundred  occasions  for  declaring  war 
against  him.  Situated  as  she  was,  with  so  many 
disaffected  Catholic  subjects,  she  could  not  hegin 
a  war  on  such  a  quarrel.  She  had  to  use  such 
resources  as  she  had,  and  of  these  resources  the 
best  was  a  splendid  race  of  men  who  were  not 
afraid  to  do  for  her  at  their  own  risk  Avhat  com- 
missioned officers  would  and  might  have  justly 
done  had  formal  war  been  declared,  men  who 
defeated  the  national  enemy  with  materials  con- 
quered from  himself,  who  were  devoted  enough 
to  dispense  with  the  personal  security  which  the 
sovereign's  commission  would  have  extended  to 
prisoners  of  war,  and  face  the  certainty  of  being 
hanged  if  they  were  taken.  Yes;  no  doubt  by 
the  letter  of  the  law  of  nations  Drake  and  Hawkins 
were  corsairs  of  the  same  stuff  as  Ulysses,  as  the 
rovers  of  Norway.  But  the  common-sense  of 
Europe  saw  through  the  form  to  the  substance 
which  lay  below  it,  and  the  instinct  of  their 
countrymen  gave  them  a  place  among  the  fight- 
ing heroes  of  England,  from  which  I  do  not  think 
they  will  bo  deposed  by  the  eventual  verdict  of 
history. 


LECTURE   V 

PARTIES    IN   THE    STATE 

f\N  December  21,  1585,  a  remarkable  scene  took 
place  in  the  English  House  of  Commons. 
The  Prince  of  Orange,  after  miany  attempts  had 
failed,  had  been  successfully  disposed  of  in  the 
Low  Countries.  A  fresh  conspiracy  had  just  been 
discovered  for  a  Catholic  insurrection  in  England, 
supported  by  a  foreign  invasion;  the  object  of 
which  was  to  dethrone  Elizabeth  and  to  give  her 
crown  to  Mary  Stuart.  The  Duke  of  Alva,  at  the 
time  of  the  Ridolfi  plot,  had  pointed  out  as  a 
desirable  preliminary,  if  the  invasion  was  to  suc- 
ceed, the  assassination  of  the  Queen  of  England. 
The  succession  being  undecided,  he  had  calculated 
that  the  confusion  would  paralyse  resistance,  and 
the  notorious  favour  with  which  Mary  Stuart's 
pretensions  were  regarded  by  a  powerful  English 


142  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lkct. 

party  would  ensure  her  an  easy  victory  were 
Elizabeth  once  removed.  But  this  was  an  indis- 
pensable condition.  It  had  become  clear  at  last 
that  so  long  as  Elizabeth  was  alive  Philip  would 
not  willingly  sanction  the  landing  of  a  Spanish 
army  on  English  shores.  Thus,  among  the  more 
ardent  Catholics,  especially  the  refugees  at  the 
Seminary  at  Rheims,  a  crown  in  heaven  was  held 
out  to  any  spiritual  knight- errant  who  would 
remove  the  obstacle.  The  enterprise  itself  was 
not  a  difficult  one.  Elizabeth  was  aware  of  her 
danger,  but  she  was  personally  fearless.  She 
refused  to  distrust  the  Catholics.  Her  household 
was  full  of  them.  She  admitted  anyone  to  her 
presence  who  desired  a  private  interview.  Dr. 
Parry,  a  member  of  Parliament,  primed  by  en- 
couragements from  the  Cardinal  of  Como  and  the 
Vatican,  had  undertaken  to  risk  his  life  to  win 
the  glorious  prize.  He  introduced  himself  into 
the  palace,  properly  provided  with  arms.  He 
professed  to  have  information  of  importance  to 
give.  The  Queen  received  him  repeatedly.  Once 
he  was  alone  with  her  in  the  palace  garden, 
and  was  on  the  point  of  killing  her,  when  he  was 


5.]  PARTIES  TN  THE  STATE  143 

awed,  as  he  said,  by  the  likeness  to  her  father. 
Parry  was  discovered  and  hanged,  but  Elizabeth 
refused  to  take  warning.  When  there  were  S(3 
many  aspirants  for  the  honour  of  removing  Jezebel, 
and  Jezebel  was  so  easy  of  approach,  it  was  felt 
that  one  would  at  last  succeed ;  and  the  loyal 
part  of  the  nation,  led  by  Lord  Burghley,  formed 
themselves  into  an  association  to  protect  a  life 
so  vital  to  them  and  apparently  so  indifferent  to 
herself 

The  subscribers  bound  themselves  to  pursue 
to  the  death  all  manner  of  persons  who  should 
attempt  or  consent  to  anything  to  the  harm  of 
her  Majesty's  person ;  never  to  allow  or  submit 
to  any  pretended  successor  by  whom  or  for  whom 
such  detestable  act  should  be  attempted  or  com- 
mitted ;  but  to  pursue  such  persons  to  death  and 
act  the  utmost  revenge  upon  them. 

The  bond  in  its  first  form  was  a  visible  creation 
of  despair.  It  implied  a  condition  of  things  in 
which  order  would  have  ceased  to  exist.  The 
lawyers,  who,  it  is  curious  to  observe,  were 
generally  in  Mary  Stuart's  interest,  vehemently 
objected;  yet   so  passionate  was  public   feeling 


144  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

that  it  was  signed  throughout  the  kingdom,  and 
Parliament  was  called  to  pass  an  Act  which  would 
secure  the  same  object.  Mary  Stuart,  at  any 
rate,  was  not  to  benefit  by  the  crimes  either  of 
herself  or  her  admirers.  It  was  provided  that  if 
the  realm  was  invaded,  or  a  rebellion  instigated 
by  or  for  any  one  23retending  a  title  to  the  crown 
after  the  Queen's  death,  such  j)retender  should  be 
disqualified  for  ever.  In  the  event  of  the  Queen's 
assassination  the  government  was  to  devolve  on  a 
Committee  of  Peers  and  Privy  Councillors,  who 
were  to  examine  the  particulars  of  the  murder 
and  execute  the  perpetrators  and  their  accomplices ; 
while,  with  a  significant  allusion,  all  Jesuits  and 
seminary  priests  were  required  to  leave  the  country 
instantly,  under  pain  of  death. 

The  House  of  Commons  was  heaving  with 
emotion  when  the  Act  was  sent  up  to  the  Peers. 
To  give  expression  to  their  burning  feelings  Sir 
Christopher  Hatton  proposed  that  before  they 
separated  they  should  join  him  in  a  prayer  for  the 
Queen's  preservation.  The  400  members  all  rose, 
and  knelt  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  repeating 
Hatton's  words  after  him,  sentence  by  sentence. 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  145 

Jesuits  and  seminary  priests  !  Attempts  have 
been  made  to  justify  the  conspiracies  against 
EHzabeth  from  what  is  called  the  persecution  of 
the  innocent  enthusiasts  who  came  from  Rheims 
to  preach  the  Catholic  faith  to  the  English  people. 
Popular  writers  and  speakers  dwell  on  the  exe- 
cutions of  Campian  and  his  friends  as  worse 
than  the  Smithfield  burnings,  and  amidst  general 
admiration  and  approval  these  martyred  saints 
have  been  lately  canonised.  Their  mission,  it  is 
said,  was  purely  religious.  Was  it  so  ?  The  chief 
article  in  the  religion  which  they  came  to  teach 
was  the  duty  of  obedience  to  the  Pope,  who  had 
excommunicated  the  Queen,  had  absolved  her 
subjects  from  their  allegiance,  and,  by  a  relaxation 
of  the  Bull,  had  permitted  them  to  pretend  to 
loyalty  ad  illud  tem^us,  till  a  Catholic  army  of 
deliverance  should  arrive.  A  Pope  had  sent  a 
legate  to  Ireland,  and  was  at  that  moment  stirring 
up  a  bloody  insurrection  there. 

But  what  these  seminary  priests  were,  and 
Avhat  their  object  was,  will  best  appear  from  an 
account  of  the  condition  of  England,  drawn  up 
for  the  use  of  the  Pope  and  Philip,  by  Father 

L 


146  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Parsons,  who  was  himself  at  the'  head  of  the 
mission.  The  date  of  it  is  1585,  ahnost  simul- 
taneous with  the  scene  in  Parliament  which  I 
have  just  been  describing.  The  English  refugees, 
from  Cardinal  Pole  downwards,  were  the  most 
active  and  passionate  preachers  of  a  Catholic 
crusade  against  England.  They  failed,  but  they 
have  revenged  themselves  in  history.  Pole, 
Sanders,  Allen,  and  Parsons  have  coloured  all 
that  we  suppose  ourselves  to  know  of  Hemy  VIII. 
and  Elizabeth.  What  I  am  about  to  read  to  you 
does  not  differ  essentially  from  what  we  have 
already  heard  from  these  persons ;  but  it  is  new, 
and,  being  intended  for  practical  guidance,  is 
complete  in  its  way.  It  comes  from  the  Spanish 
archives,  and  is  not  therefore  open  to  suspicion. 
Parsons,  as  you  know,  was  a  Fellow  of  Balliol 
before  his  conversion;  Allen  was  a  Fellow  of  Oriel, 
and  Sanders  of  New  College.  An  Oxford  Church 
of  England  education  is  an  excellent  thing,  and 
beautiful  characters  have  been  formed  in  the 
Catholic  universities  abroad ;  but  as  the  elements 
of  dynamite  are  innocent  in  themselves,  yet  when 
fused  together  produce  effects  no  one  would  have 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  147 

dreamt  of,  so  Oxford  and  Rome,  when  they  have 
run  together,  have  always  generated  a  somewhat 
furious  compound. 

Parsons  describes  his  statement  as  a  '  brief  note 
on  the  present  condition  of  England,'  from  which 
may  be  inferred  the  ease  and  opportuneness  of 
the  holy  enterprise.  '  England,'  he  says,  '  contains 
fifty-two  counties,  of  which  forty  are  well  inclined 
to  the  Catholic  faith.  Heretics  in  these  are  few, 
and  are  hated  by  all  ranks.  The  remaining  twelve 
are  infected  more  or  less,  but  even  in  these  the 
Catholics  are  in  the  majority.  Divide  England 
into  three  parts ;  two-thirds  at  least  are  Catholic 
at  heart,  though  many  conceal  their  convictions 
in  fear  of  the  Queen.  English  Catholics  are  of 
two  sorts — one  which  makes  an  open  profession 
regardless  of  consequences,  the  other  believing  at 
the  bottom,  but  unwilling  to  risk  life  or  fortune, 
and  so  submitting  outwardly  to  the  heretic  laws, 
but  as  eager  as  the  Catholic  confessors  for 
redemption  from  slavery. 

'  The  Queen  and  her  party,'  he  goes  on,  '  more 
fear  these  secret  Catholics  than  those  who  wear 
their  colours  openly.     The  latter  they  can  fine, 


148  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

disarm,  and  make  innocuous.  The  others,  being 
outwardly  compliant,  cannot  be  touched,  nor  can 
any  precaution  be  taken  against  their  rising  when 
the  day  of  divine  vengeance  shall  arrive. 

'  The  counties  sjDecialiy  Catholic  are  the  most 
warlike,  and  contain  harbours  and  other  con- 
veniences for  the  landing  of  an  invading  army. 
The  north  towards  the  Scotch  border  has  been 
trained  in  constant  fighting.  The  Scotch  nobles 
on  the  other  side  are  Catholic  and  will  lend  their 
help.     So  will  all  Wales. 

'  The  inhabitants  of  the  midland  and  southern 
provinces,  where  the  taint  is  deepest,  are  indolent 
and  cowardly,  and  do  not  know  what  war  means. 
The  towns  are  more  corrupt  than  the  country 
districts.  But  the  strength  of  England  does  not 
lie,  as  on  the  Continent,  in  towns  and  cities.  The 
town  population  are  merchants  and  craftsmen, 
rarely  or  never  nobles  or  magnates. 

'  The  nobility,  who  have  the  real  power,  reside 
with  their  retinues  in  castles  scattered  over  the 
land.  The  wealthy  yeomen  are  strong  and  honest, 
all  attached  to  the  ancient  faith,  and  may  be 
counted   on  when  an  attempt  is  made   for   the 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  149 

restoration  of  it.  The  knights  and  gentry  are 
generally  Avell  affected  also,  and  will  be  well  to 
the  front.  Many  of  their  sons  are  being  now 
educated  in  our  seminaries.  Some  are  in  exile, 
but  all,  whether  at  home  or  abroad,  will  be  active 
on  our  side. 

'  Of  the  great  peers,  marquises,  earls,  viscounts, 
and  barons,  part  are  with  us,  part  against  us. 
But  the  latter  sort  are  new  creations,  whom  the 
Queen  has  promoted  either  for  heresy  or  as  her 
personal  lovers,  and  therefore  universally  abhorred. 

'  The  premier  peer  of  the  old  stock  is  the  Earl 
of  Arundel,  son  and  heir  of  the  late  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  whom  she  has  imprisoned  because  he 
tried  to  escape  out  of  the  realm.  This  earl, is 
entirely  Catholic,  as  well  as  his  brothers  and 
kinsmen;  and  they  have  powerful  vassals  who 
are  eager  to  revenge  the  injury  of  their  lord. 
The  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  his  brothers 
are  Catholics.  They  too  have  family  wrongs  to 
repay,  their  father  having  been  this  year  murdered 
in  the  Tower,  and  they  have  placed  themselves  at 
my  disposal.  The  Earl  of  Worcester  and  his  heir 
hate  heresy,  and  are  devoted  to  us  with  all  their 


I50  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

dependents.  The  Earls  of  Cumbeiiand  and 
Sonthampton  and  Viscount  Montague  are  faithful, 
and  have  a  large  follomng.  Besides  these  we 
have  many  of  the  barons — Dacre,  Morley,  Vaux, 
Windsor,  Wharton,  Lovelace,  Stourton,  and  others 
besides.  The  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  with  Lord 
Paget  and  Sir  Francis  Englefield,"  who  reside 
abroad,  have  been  incredibly  earnest  in  promoting 
our  enterprise.  With  such  support,  it  is  im- 
possible that  we  can  fail.  These  lords  and 
gentlemen,  when  they  see  efficient  help  coming 
to  them,  will  certainly  rise,  and  for  the  following 
reasons : — 

'  1.  Because  some  of  the  principals  among  them 
have  given  me  their  promise. 

'2.  Because,  on  hearing  that  Pope  Pius  intended 
to  excommunicate  and  depose  the  Queen  sixteen 
years  ago,  many  Catholics  did  rise.  They  only 
failed  because  no  support  was  sent  them,  and  the 
Pope's  sentence  had  not  at  that  time  been  actually 
published.  Now,  when  the  Pope  has  spoken  and 
help  is  certain,  there  is  not  a  doubt  how  they  will 
act. 

'3.  Because  the  Catholics  are  now  much  more 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  151 

numerous,  and  have  received  daily  instruction  in 
their  religion  from  our  priests.  There  is  now  no 
orthodox  Catholic  in  the  whole  realm  who  supposes 
that  he  is  any  longer  bound  in  conscience  to  obey 
the  Queen.  Books  for  the  occasion  have  been 
written  and  published  by  us,  in  which  we  prove 
that  it  is  not  only  lawful  for  Catholics,  but  their 
positive  duty,  to  fight  against  the  Queen  and 
heresy  when  the  Pope  bids  them ;  and  these 
books  are  so  greedily  read  among  them  that  when 
the  time  comes  they  are  certain  to  take  arms. 

'4.  The  Catholics  in  these  late  years  have 
shown  their  real  feeling  in  the  martyrdoms  of 
priests  and  laymen,  and  in  attempts  made  by 
several  of  them  against  the  person  and  State  of 
the  Queen.  Various  Catholics  have  tried  to  kill 
her  at  the  risk  of  their  own  lives,  and  are  still 
trying. 

'  5.  We  have  three  hundred  priests  dispersed 
among  the  houses  of  the  nobles  and  honest 
gentry.  Every  day  we  add  to  their  number; 
and  these  priests  will  direct  the  consciences  and 
actions  of  the  Catholics  at  the  great  crisis. 

'  6.  They  have  been  so  harried  and  so  worried 


152  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

that  they  hate  the  heretics  worse  than  they  hate 
the  Turks. 

'  Should  any  of  them  fear  the  introduction  of 
a  Spanish  army  as  dangerous  to  their  national 
liberties,  there  is  an  easy  way  to  satisfy  their 
scruples.  Let  it  be  openly  declared  that  the 
enterprise  is  undertaken  in  the  name  of  the  Pope, 
and  there  will  be  no  more  hesitation.  We  have 
ourselves  prepared  a  book  for  their  instruction,  to 
be  issued  at  the  right  moment.  If  his  Holiness 
desires  to  see  it  we  will  have  it  translated  into 
Latin  for  his  use. 

'  Before  the  enterprise  is  undertaken  the 
sentence  of  excommunication  and  deposition  ought 
to  be  reissued,  with  special  clauses. 

'  It  must  be  published  in  all  adjoining  Catholic 
countries ;  all  Catholic  kings  and  princes  must  be 
admonished  to  forbid  every  description  of  inter- 
course with  the  pretended  Queen  and  her  heretic 
subjects,  and  themselves  especially  to  make  or 
observe  no  treaties  with  her,  to  send  no  embassies 
to  her  and  admit  none ;  to  render  no  help  to  her 
of  any  sort  or  kind. 

'  Besides  those  who  will  be  our  friends  for  re- 


5.]  PARTIES  TN  THE  STATE  153 

ligion's  sake  we  shall  have  others  with  us — neutrals 
or  heretics  of  milder  sort,  or  atheists,  Avith  whom 
England  now  abounds,  who  will  join  us  in  the 
interest  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Among  them  are 
the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  the  Earls  of  Shrews- 
bury, Derby,  Oxford,  Eutland,  and  several  other 
peers.  The  Queen  of  Scots  herself  will  be  of 
infinite  assistance .  to  us  in  securing  these.  She 
knows  who  are  her  secret  friends.  She  has  been 
able  so  far,  and  we  trust  will  always  be  able,  to 
communicate  with  them.  She  will  see  that  they 
are  ready  at  the  right  time.  She  has  often  written 
to  me  to  say  that  she  hopes  that  she  will  be  able 
to  escape  when  the  time  comes.  In  her  last  letter 
she  urges  me  to  be  vehement  with  his  Holiness 
in  pushing  on  the  enterprise,  and  bids  him  have  no 
concern  for  her  o^vn  safety.  She  believes  that  she 
can  care  for  herself.  If  not,  she  says  she  will  lose 
her  life  willingly  in  a  cause  so  sacred. 

'  The  enemies  that  we  shall  have  to  deal  with 
are  the  more  determined  heretics  whom  we  call 
Puritans,  and  certain  creatures  of  the  Queen,  the 
Earls  of  Leicester  and  Huntingdon,  and  a  few 
others.   They  will  have  an  advantage  in  the  money 


154  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

in  the  Treasury,  the  public  arms  and  stores,  and 
the  army  and  navy,  but  none  of  them  have  ever 
seen  a  camp.  The  leaders  have  been  nuzzled  in 
love-making  and  Court  pleasures,  and  they  Avill  all 
fly  at  the  first  shock  of  war.  They  have  not  a  man 
who  can  command  in  the  field.  In  the  whole 
realm  there  are  but  two  fortresses  which  could 
stand  a  three  days'  siege.  The  people  are  ener- 
vated by  long  peace,  and,  except  a  few  who  have 
served  with  the  heretics  in  Flanders,  cannot  bear 
their  arms.  Of  those  few  some  are  dead  and 
some  have  deserted  to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  a 
clear  proof  of  the  real  disposition  to  revolt.  There 
is  abundance  of  food  and  cattle  in  the  country,  all 
of  which  will  be  at  our  service  and  cannot  be 
kept  from  us.  Everywhere  there  are  safe  and 
roomy  harbours,  almost  all  undefended.  An  in- 
vading force  can  be  landed  with  ease,  and  there 
will  be  no  lack  of  local  pilots.  Fifteen  thousand 
trained  soldiers  will  be  sufficient,  aided  by  the 
Catholic  English, .  though,  of  course,  thS  larger 
the  force,  particularly  if  it  includes  cavalry,  the 
quicker  the  work  will  be  done  and  the  less 
the  expense.     Practically  there  will   be  nothing 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE   STATE  155 

to  overcome  save  an  imwarlike  and  undisciplined 
mob. 

•'  Sixteen  times  England  has  been  invaded. 
Twice  only  the  native  race  have  repelled  the 
attacking  force.  They  have  been  defeated  on 
every  other  occasion,  and  with  a  cause  so  holy  and 
just  as  ours  we  need  not  fear  to  fail.  The  ex- 
penses shall  be  repaid  to  his  Holiness  and  the 
Catholic  King  out  of  the  property  of  the  heretics 
and  the  Protestant  clergy.  There  will  be  ample 
in  these  resources  to  comiDensate  all  who  give  us 
their  hand.  But  the  work  must  be  done  promptly. 
Delay  will  be  infinitely  dangerous.  If  we  put  off, 
as  we  have  done  hitherto,  the  Catholics  will  be 
tired  out  and  reduced  in  numbers  and  strength. 
The  nobles  and  priests  now  in  exile,  and  able  to 
be  of  such  service,  will  break  down  in  poverty. 
The  Queen  of  Scots  may  be  executed  or  die  a 
natural  death,  or  something  may  happen  to  the 
Catholic  King  or  his  Holiness.  The  Queen  of 
England  may  herself  die,  a  heretic  Government 
may  be  reconstructed  under  a  heretic  successor, 
the  young  Scotch  king  or  some  other,  and  our  case 
will  then  be  desperate ;  whereas  if  we  can  prevent 


156  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [i.ect. 

this  and  save  the  Queen  of  Scots  there  will  be 
good  hope  of  converting  her  son  and  reducing  the 
whole  island  to  the  obedience  of  the  faith.  Now 
is  the  moment.  The  French  Government  cannot 
interfere.  The  Duke  of  Guise  will  help  us  for  the 
sake  of  the  faith  and  for  his  kinswoman.  The 
Turks  are  quiet.  The  Church  was  never  stronger 
or  more  united.  Part  of  Italy  is  under  the  Catholic 
King;  the  rest  is  in  league  with  his  Holiness. 
The  revolt  in  the  Low  Countries  is  all  but  crushed. 
The  sea  provinces  are  on  the  point  of  surrender- 
ing. If  they  give  up  the  contest  their  harbours 
will  be  at  our  service  for  the  invasion.  If  not, 
the  way  to  conquer  them  is  to  conquer  England. 

'I  need  not  urge  how  much  it  imports  his 
Holiness  to  undertake  this  glorious  work.  He, 
supremely  wise  as  he  is,  knows  that  from  this 
Jezebel  and  her  supporters  come  all  the  perils 
which  disturb  the  Christian  world.  He  knows 
that  heretical  depravity  and  all  other  miseries 
can  only  end  when  this  woman  is  chastised.  Re- 
verence for  his  Holiness  and  love  for  my  afflicted 
country  force  me  to  speak.  I  submit  to  his  most 
holy  judgment  myself  and  my  advice.' 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  157 

The  most  ardent  Catholic  apologist  will  hardly 
maintain,  in  the  face  of  this  document,  that  the 
English  Jesuits  and  seminary  priests  were  the 
innocent  missionaries  of  religion  which  the  modern 
enemies  of  Elizabeth's  Government  describe  them. 
Father  Parsons,  the  writer  of  it,  was  himself  the 
leader  and  director  of  the  Jesuit  invasion,  and 
cannot  be  supposed  to  have  misrepresented  the 
purpose  for  which  they  had  been  sent  over.  The 
point  of  special  interest  is  the  account  which  he 
gives  of  the  state  of  parties  and  general  feeling  in 
the  English  people.  Was  there  that  wide  disposi- 
tion to  welcome  an  invading  army  in  so  large  a 
majority  of  the  nation  ?  The  question  is  supposed 
to  have  been  triumphantly  answered  three  years 
later,  when  it  is  asserted  that  the  difference  of 
creed  was  forgotten,  and  Catholics  and  Protestants 
fought  side  by  side  for  the  liberties  of  England. 
But,  in  the  first  place,  the  circumstances  were 
changed.  The  Queen  of  Scots  no  longer  lived, 
and  the  success  of  the  Armada  implied  a  foreign 
sovereign.  But,  next,  the  experiment  was  not 
tried.  The  battle  was  fought  at  sea,  by  a  fleet 
four-fifths  of  which  was  composed  of  Protestant 


IS8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

adventurers,  fitted  out  and  manned  by  those  zeal- 
ous Puritans  whose  fidelity  to  the  Queen  Parsons 
himself  admitted.  Lord  Howard  may  have  been 
an  Anglo-Catholic ;  Roman  Catholic  he  never 
was ;  but  he  and  his  brother  were  the  only  loyalists 
in  the  House  of  Howard.  Arundel  and  the  rest 
of  his  kindred  were  all  that  Parsons  claimed  for 
them.  How  the  country  levies  would  have  be- 
haved had  Parma  landed  is  still  uncertain.  It  is 
likely  that  if  the  Spanish  army  had  gained  a  first 
success,  there  might  have  been  some  who  would 
have  behaved  as  Sir  William  Stanley  did.  It  is 
observable  that  Parsons  mentions  Leicester  and 
Huntingdon  as  the  only  powerful  peers  on  whom 
the  Queen  could  rely,  and  Leicester,  otherwise  the 
unfittest  man  in  her  dominions,  she  chose  to 
command  her  land  army. 

The  Duke  of  Alva  and  his  master  Philip,  both 
of  them  distrusted  political  priests.  Political 
priests,  they  said,  did  not  understand  the  facts 
of  things.  Theological  enthusiasm  made  them 
credulous  of  what  they  wished.  But  Father 
Parsons's  estimate  is  confirmed  in  all  its  parts  by 
the  letters  of  Meudoza,  the  Spanish  ambassador 


5-]  PAK77ES  IN  THE  STATE  159 

in  London.  Mencloza  was  himself  a  soldier,  and 
his  first  duty  was  to  learn  the  real  truth.  It  may 
be  taken  as  certain  that,  with  the  Queen  of  Scots 
still  alive  to  succeed  to  the  throne,  at  the  time  of 
the  scene  in  the  House  of  Commons,  with  which 
I  began  this  lecture,  the  great  majority  of  the 
country  party  disliked  the  Reformers,  and  were 
looking  forward  to  the  accession  of  a  Catholic 
sovereign,  and  as  a  consequence  to  a  religious 
revolution. 

It  explains  the  difficulty  of  Elizabeth's  posi- 
tion and  the  inconsistency  of  her  jDolitical  action. 
Burghley,  Walsingham,  Mildmay,  Knolles,  the 
elder  Bacon,  were  believing  Protestants,  and 
would  have  had  her  put  herself  openly  at  the 
head  of  a  Protestant  European  league.  They 
believed  that  right  and  justice  were  on  their  side, 
that  their  side  was  God's  cause,  as  they  called  it, 
and  that  God  would  care  for  it.  Elizabeth  had 
no  such  complete  conviction.  She  disliked  dog- 
matism, Protestant  as  well  as  Catholic.  She 
ridiculed  Mr.  Cecil  and  his  brothers  in  Christ. 
She  thought,  like  Erasmus,  that  the  articles  of 
faith,  for  which   men  were  so  eager  to  kill  one 


i6o  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

another,  were  subjects  which  thej^  knew  very 
little  about,  and  that  every  man  might  think 
what  he  would  on  such  matters  without  injury  to 
the  commonwealth.  To  become  '  head  of  the 
name '  would  involve  open  war  with  the  Catholic 
powers.  War  meant  war  taxes,  which  more  than 
half  her  subjects  would  resent  or  resist.  Eeligion 
as  she  understood  it  was  a  development  of  law — 
the  law  of  moral  conduct.  You  could  not  have 
two  laws  in  one  country,  and  you  could  not  have 
two  religions ;  but  the  outward  form  mattered 
comparatively  little.  The  people  she  ruled  over 
were  divided  about  these  forms.  They  were 
mainly  fools,  and  if  she  let  them  each  have 
chapels  and  churches  of  their  own,  molehills  would 
become  mountains,  and  the  congregations  would 
go  from  arguing  into  fighting.  With  Parliament 
to  help  her,  therefore,  she  established  a  Liturgy, 
in  which  those  who  wished  to  find  the  Mass  could 
hear  the  Mass,  while  those  who  wanted  predestin- 
ation and  justification  by  faith  could  find  it  in  the 
Articles.  Both  could  meet  under  a  common  roof, 
and  use  a  common  service,  if  they  would  only  be 
reasonable.     If  they  would  not  be  reasonable,  the 


50  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  i6i 

Catholics  might   have  their  own  ritual  in  their 
own  houseSj  and  would  not  be  interfered,  with. 

This  system  continued  for  the  first  eleven 
years  of  Elizabeth's  reign.  No  Catholic,  she 
could  proudly  say,  had  ever  during  that  time  been 
molested  for  his  belief  There  was  a  small  fine 
for  non-attendance  at  church,  but  even  this  was 
rarely  levied,  and  by  the  confession  of  the  Jesuits 
the  Queen's  policy  was  succeeding  too  well. 
Sensible  men  began  to  see  that  the  differences  of 
religion  were  not  things  to  quarrel  over.  Faith 
was  growing  languid.  The  elder  generation,  who 
had  lived  through  the  Edward  and  Mary  revolu- 
tions, were  satisfied  to  be  left  undisturbed ;  a  new 
generation  was  growing  up,  vv^ith  new  ideas ;  and 
so  the  Church  of  Rome  bestirred  itself  Elizabeth 
was  excommunicated.  The  cycle  began  of  intrigue 
and  conspiracy,  assassination  plots,  and  Jesuit 
invasions.  Punishments  had  to  follow,  and  in 
spite  of  herself  Elizabeth  was  driven  into  what 
the  Catholics  could  call  religious  persecution.  Re- 
ligious it  was  not,  for  the  seminary  priests  were 
missionaries  of  treason.  But  religious  it  was 
made   to  appear.     The   English   gentleman  who 


i62  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

wished  to  remain  loyal,  without  forfeiting  his 
faith,  was  taught  to  see  that  a  sovereign  under 
the  Papal  curse  had  no  longer  a  claim  on  his 
allegiance.  If  he  disobeyed  the  Pope,  he  had 
ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Church  of  Christ. 
The  Papal  party  grew  in  coherence,  while,  opposed 
to  them  as  their  purpose  came  in  view,  the 
Protestants,  who  at  first  had  been  inclined  to 
Lutheranism,  adopted  the  deeper  and  sterner 
creed  of  Calvin  and  Geneva.  The  memories  of 
the  Marian  cruelties  revived  again.  They  saw 
tiiemselves  threatened  with  a  return  to  stake  and 
fagot.  They  closed  their  ranks  and  resolved  to 
die  rather  than  submit  again  to  Antichrist.  They 
might  be  inferior  in  numbers.  A  'plebiscite,  in 
England  at  that  moment  would  have  sent  Burgh- 
ley  and  Walsingham  to  the  scaffold.  But  the 
Lord  could  save  by  few  as  well  as  by  many.  Judah 
had  but  two  tribes  out  of  the  twelve,  but  the 
words  of  the  men  of  Judah  were  fiercer  than  the 
words  of  Israel. 

One  great  mistake  had  been  made  by  Parsons. 
He  could  not  estimate  what  he  could  not  under- 
stand.    He  admitted  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 


5-]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  163 

towns  were  mainly  heretic  —  London,  Bristol, 
Pljmaouth,  and  the  rest — ^but  he  despised  them  as 
merchants,  craftsmen,  mean  persons  who  had  no 
heart  to  fight  in  them.  Nothing  is  more  remark- 
able in  the  history  of  the  sixteenth  century  than 
the  effect  of  Calvinism  in  levelling  distinctions  of 
rank  and  in  steeling  and  ennobling  the  character 
of  common  men.  In  Scotland,  in  the  Low 
Countries,  in  France,  there  was  the  same  pheno- 
menon. In  Scotland,  the  Kirk  was  the  creation 
of  the  preachers  and  the  people,  and  peasants  and 
workmen  dared  to  stand  in  the  field  against  belted 
knights  and  barons,  who  had  trampled  on  their 
fathers  for  centuries.  The  artisans  of  the  Low 
Countries  had  for  twenty  years  defied  the  whole 
power  of  Spain.  The  Huguenots  were  not  a  fifth 
part  of  the  French  nation,  yet  defeat  could  never 
dishearten  them.  Again  and  again  they  forced 
Crown  and  nobles  to  make  terms  with  them. 
It  was  the  same  in  England.  The  allegiance 
to  their  feudal  leaders  dissolved  into  a  higher 
obligation  to  the  King  of  kings,  whose  elect  they 
believed  themselves  to  be.  Election  to  them  was 
not  a  theological  phantasm,  but  an  enlistment  in 


1 64  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

the  army  of  God.  A  little  flock  tliey  might  be, 
but  they  were  a  dangerous  people  to  deal  with, 
most  of  all  in  the  towns  on  the  sea.  The  sea  was 
the  element  of  the  Eeformers.  The  Popes  had 
no  jurisdiction  over  the  winds  and  waves.  Rochelle 
was  the  citadel  of  the  Huguenots.  The  English 
merchants  and  marmers  had  wrongs  of  their  own, 
perpetually  renewed,  which  fed  the  bitterness  of 
their  indignation.  Touch  where  they  would  in 
Spanish  ports,  the  inquisitor's  hand  was  on  their 
ships'  crews,  and  the  crews,  unless  they  denied 
their  faith,  were  handed  over  to  the  stake  or  the 
galleys.  The  Calvinists  are  accused  of  intolerance. 
I  fancy  that  even  in  these  humane  and  enlightened 
days  we  should  not  be  very  tolerant  if  the  King 
of  Dahomey  were  to  burn  every  European  visitor 
to  his  dominions  who  would  not  worship  Mumbo 
Jumbo.  The  Duke  of  Alva  was  not  very  merciful 
to  heretics,  but  he  tried  to  bridle  the  zeal  of  the 
Holy  Office  in  burning  the  English  seamen. 
Even  Philip  himself  remonstrated.  It  was  to  no 
purpose.  The  Holy  Office  said  they  would  think 
about  it,  but  concluded  to  go  on.  I  am  not 
the  least  surprised  if  the  English  seamen  were 


5.]     ■  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  165 

intolerant,  I  should  be  very  much  surprised  if 
they  had  not  been.  The  Queen  could  not  protect 
them.  They  had  to  protect  themselves  as  they 
could,  and  make  Spanish  vessels,  when  they  could 
catch  them,  pay  for  the  iniquities  of  their  rulers. 

With  such  a  temper  rising  on  both  sides, 
Elizabeth's  policy  had  but  a  poor  chance.  She 
still  hoped  that  the  better  sense  of  mankind 
would  keep  the  doctrinal  enthusiasts  in  order. 
Elizabeth  wished  her  subjects  would  be  content 
to  live  together  in  unity  of  spirit,  if  not  in  unity 
of  theory,  in  the  bond  of  peace,  not  hatred,  in 
righteousness  of  life,  not  in  orthodoxy  preached 
by  stake  and  gibbet.  She  was  content  to  wait 
and  to  persevere.  She  refused  to  declare  war. 
War  would  tear  the  world  in  pieces."  She  knew 
her  danger.  She  knew  that  she  was  in  constant 
peril  of  assassination.  She  knew  that  if  the 
Protestants  were  crushed  in  Scotland,  in  France, 
and  in  the  Low  Countries,  her  own  turn  would 
follow.  To  protect  insurgents  avowedly  vfould  be 
to  justify  insurrection  against  herself  But  what 
she  would  not  do  openly  she  would  do  secretly. 
What  she  would  not  do  herself  she  let  her  subjects 


1 66  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

do.  Thousands  of  English  volunteers  fought  in 
Flanders  for  the  States,  and  in  France  for  the 
Huguenots.  When  the  English  Treasury  was 
shut  to  the  entreaties  of  Coligny  or  William  of 
Orange  the  London  citizens  untied  their  purse- 
strings.  Her  friends  in  Scotland  fared  ill.  They 
were  encouraged  by  promises  which  were  not 
observed,  because  to  observe  them  might  bring 
on  war.  They  committed  themselves  for  her 
sake.  They  fell  one  after  another  —  Murray, 
Morton,  Gowrie  —  into  bloody  graves.  Others 
took  their  places  and  struggled  on.  The  Scotch 
Eeformation  was  saved.  Scotland  was  not  allowed 
to  open  its  arms  to  an  invading  army  to  strike 
England  across  the  Border.  But  this  was  held 
to  be  their  sufficient  recompense.  They  cared  for 
their  cause  as  well  as  for  the  English  Queen,  and 
they  had  their  reward.  If  they  saved  her  they 
saved  their  own  country.  She  too  did  not  lie  on 
a  bed  of  roses.  To  prevent  open  war  she  was 
exposing  her  own  life  to  the  assassin.  At  any 
moment  a  pistol-shot  or  a  stab  with  a  dagger 
might  add  Elizabeth  to  the  list  of  victims.  She 
knew  it,  yet  she  went  on  upon  her  own  policy, 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  167 

and  faced  in  her  person  her  own  share  of  the  risk. 
One  thing  only  she  did.  If  she  would  not  defend 
her  fiiends  and  her  subjects  as  Queen  of  England, 
she  left  them  free  to  defend  themselves.  She 
allowed  traitors  to  be  hanged  when  they  were 
caught  at  their  work.  She  allowed  the  merchants 
to  fit  out  their  privateer  fleets,  to  defend  at  their 
own  cost  the  shores  of  England,  and  to  teach  the 
Spaniards  to  fear  their  vengeance. 

But  how  long  was  all  this  to  last  ?  How  long 
were  loyal  citizens  to  feel  that  they  were  living 
over  a  loaded  mine  ? — throughout  their  own 
country,  throughout  the  Continent,  at  Rome  and 
at  Madrid,  at  Brussels  and  at  Paris,  a  legion  of 
conspirators  were  driving  their  shafts  under  the 
English  commonwealth.  The  Queen  might  be 
indifferent  to  her  own  danger,  but  on  the  Queen's 
life  hung  the  peace  of  the  whole  realm.  A  stroke 
of  a  poniard,  a  touch  of  a  trigger,  and  swords 
would  be  flying  from  their  scabbards  in  every 
county ;  England  would  become,  like  France,  one 
wild  scene  of  anarchy  and  civil  war.  No  suc- 
cessor had  been  named.  The  Queen  refused  to 
hear  a  successor  declared.     Mary  Stuart's  hand 


i68  .  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

had  been  in  every  plot  since  she  crossed  the 
Border.  Twice  the  House  of  Commons  had 
petitioned  for  her  execution.  Elizabeth  would 
neither  touch  her  life  nor  allow  her  hopes  of  the 
cro'svn  to  be  taken  from  her.  The  Bond  of  Asso- 
ciation was  but  a  remedy  of  despair,  and  the  Act 
of  Parliament  would  have  passed  for  little  in  the 
tempest  which  would  immediately  rise.  The 
agony  reached  a  height  when  the  fatal  news  came 
from  the  Netherlands  that  there  at  last  assassin- 
ation had  done  its  work.  The  Prince  of  Orange, 
after  many,  failures,  had  been  finished,  and  a  libel 
was  found  in  the  Palace  at  Westminster  exhorting 
the  ladies  of  the  household  to  provide  a  Judith 
among  themselves  to  rid  the  world  of  the  English 
Holofemes. 

One  part  of  Elizabeth's  subjects,  at  any  rate, 
were  not  disposed  to  sit  down  in  patience  under 
the  eternal  nightmare.  From  Spain  was  to  come 
the  army  of  deliverance  for  which  the  Jesuits 
were  so  passionately  longing.  To  the  Spaniards 
the  Pope  was  looking  for  the  execution  of  the 
Bull  of  Deposition.  Father  Parsons  had  left  out 
of  his   estimate    the   Protestant   adventurers   of 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  169 

London  and  Plymouth,  who,  besides  their  creed 
and  their  patriotism,  had  their  private  wrongs  to 
revenge.  Philip  might  talk  of  peace,  and  perhaps 
in  weariness  might  at  times  seriously  wish  for  it ; 
but  between  the  Englishmen  whose  life  was  on 
the  ocean  and  the  Spanish  Inquisition,  which 
had  burned  so  many  of  them,  there  was  no  peace 
possible.  To  them,  Spain  was  the  natural  enemy. 
Among  the  daring  spirits  who  had  sailed  with 
Drake  round  the  globe,  who  had  waylaid  the 
Spanish  gold  ships,  and  startled  the  world  with 
their  exploits,  the  joy  of  whose  lives  had  been  to 
f]ght  Spaniards  wherever  they  could  meet  with 
them,  there  was  but  one  wish — for  an  honest 
open  war.  The  great  galleons  were  to  them  no 
objects  of  terror.  The  Spanish  naval  power 
seemed  to  them  a  '  Colossus  stuffed  with  clouts.' 
They  were  Protestants  all  of  them,  but  their 
theology  was  rather  practical  than  speculative. 
If  Italians  and  Spaniards  chose  to  believe  in 
the  Mass,  it  was  not  any  affair  of  theirs.  Their 
quarrel  was  with  the  insolent  pretence  of  Catho- 
lics to  force  their  creed  on  others  with  sword  and 
cannon.     The  spirit  which  was  working  in  them 


I70  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

was  the  genius  of  freedom.  On  their  own  element 
they  felt  that  they  could  be  the  spiritual  tyrants' 
masters.  But  as  things  were  going,  rebellion  was 
likely  to  break  out  at  home;  their  homesteads 
might  be  burning,  their  country  overrun  with  the 
Prince  of  Parma's  army,  the  Inquisition  at  their 
own  doors,  and  a  Catholic  sovereign  bringing 
back  the  fagots  of  Smithfield. 

The  Reformation  at  its  origin  was  no  intro- 
duction of  novel  heresies.  It  was  a  revolt  of  the 
laity  of  Europe  against  the  profligacy  and  avarice 
of  the  clergy.  The  popes  and  cardinals  pretended 
to  be  the  representatives  of  Heaven.  When 
called  to  account  for  abuse  of  their  powers,  they 
had  behaved  precisely  as  mere  corrupt  human 
kings  and  aristocracies  behave.  They  had  in- 
trigued ;  they  had  excommunicated ;  they  had 
set  nation  against  nation,  sovereigns  against  their 
subjects  ;  they  had  encouraged  assassination  ;  they 
had  made  themselves  infamous  by  horrid  mas- 
sacres, and  had  taught  one  half  of  foolish  Christen- 
dom to  hate  the  other.  The  hearts  of  the  poor 
English  seamen  whose  comrades  had  been  burnt 
at   Seville   to  make  a  Spanish   holiday,  thrilled 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  171 

with  a  sacred  determination  to  end  such  scenes. 
The  purpose  that  was  in  them  broke  into  a  wild 
war-music,  as  the  wind  harp  swells  and  screams 
under  the  breath  of  the  storm,  I  found  in  the 
Record  Office  an  unsigned  letter  of  some  inspired 
old  sea-dog,  written  in  a  bold  round  hand  and  ad- 
dressed to  Elizabeth.  The  ships'  companies  which 
in  summer  served  in  Philip's  men-of-war  went  in 
winter  in  thousands  to  catch  cod  on  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland.  '  Give  me  five  vessels,'  the  writer 
said,  '  and  I  will  go  out  and  sink  them  all,  and  the 
galleons  shall  rot  in  Cadiz  Harbour  for  want  of 
hands  to  sail  them.  But  decide.  Madam,  and  decide 
quickly.  Time  flies,  and  will  not  return.  The,  iviiigs 
of  man's  life  are  plumed  with  the  feathers  of  death! 
The  Queen  did  not  decide.  The  five  ships 
were  not  sent,  and  the  poor  Castilian  sailors 
caught  their  cod  in  peace.  But  in  spite  of 
herself  Elizabeth  was  driven  forward  by  the 
tendencies  of  things.  The  death  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  left  the  States  without  a  Government. 
The  Prince  of  Parma  was  pressing  them  hard. 
Without  a  leader  they  were  lost.  They  offered 
themselves  to  Elizabeth,  to  be  incorporated  in  the 


172  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

English  Empire.  Tliey  said  that  if  sHe  refused  they 
must  either  submit  to  Spain  or  become  provinces 
of  France.  The  Netherlands,  whether  Spanish 
or  French,  would  be  equally  dangerous  to  Eng- 
land. The  Netherlands  once  brought  back  under 
the  Pope,  England's  turn  would  come  next ;  while 
to  accept  the  proposal  meant  instant  and  des- 
perate war,  both  with  France  and  Spain  too — for 
France  would  never  allow  England  again  to  gain 
a  foot  on  the  Continent,  Elizabeth  knew  not  what 
to  do.  She  would  and  she  would  not.  She  did 
not  accept ;  she  did  not  refuse.  It  was  neither  No 
nor  Yes.  Philip,  who  was  as  fond  of  indirect  ways 
as  herself,  proposed  to  quicken  her  irresolution. 

The  harvest  had  failed  in  Galicia,  and  the 
population  were  starving.  England  grew  more 
corn  than  she  wanted,  and,  under  a  special 
promise  that  the  crews  should  not  be  molested,  a 
fleet  of  corn-traders  had  gone  with  cargoes  of 
grain  to  Coruna,  Bilbao,  and  Santander.  The 
King  of  Spain,  on  hearing  that  Elizabeth  was 
treating  with  the  States,  issued  a  sudden  order 
to  seize  the  vessels,  confiscate  the  cargoes,  and 
imprison   the   men.      The    order  was    executed. 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  173 

One   English   ship   only   was    lucky   enough    to 
escape  by  the  adroitness  of  her  commander.     The 
'Primrose,  of  London,  lay  in  Bilbao  Roads  with  a 
captain  and  fifteen   hands.     The  mayor,  on  re- 
ceiving the  order,  came  on  board  to  look  over  the 
ship.     He   then   went   on   shore  for  a   sufficient 
force  to  carry  out  the  seizure.     After  he  was  gone 
the  captain  heard  of  the  fate  which  was  intended 
for  him.     The  mayor  returned  with  two  boatloads 
of  soldiers,  stepped  up  the  ladder,  touched   the 
captain  on  the  shoulder,  and   told   him  he  was 
a  prisoner.     The  Englishmen  snatched  pike  and 
cutlass,  pistol  and  battleaxe,  killed  seven  or  eight 
of  the  Spanish  boarders,  threw  the  rest  overboard, 
and  flung  stones  on  them  as  they  scrambled  into 
their  boats.     The  mayor,  who  had  fallen  into  the 
sea,  caught  a  rope  and  was  hauled  up  when  the 
fight   was   over.     The   cable   was   cut,   the   sails 
hoisted,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  Primrose  was 
under  way  for  England,  with  the  mayor  of  Bilbao 
below  the  hatches.     No  second  vessel  got  away. 
If  Philip  had  meant   to  frighten  Elizabeth   he 
could  not  have  taken  a  worse  means  of  doing  it, 
for  he  had  exasperated  that  particular  part  of  the 


174  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

English  population  which  was  least  afraid  of  him. 
He  had  broken  faith  besides,  and  had  seized  some 
hundreds  of  merchants  and  sailors  who  had  gone 
merely  to  relieve  Spanish  distress.  EHzabeth,  as 
usual,  would  not  act  herself.  She  sent  no  ships 
from  her  own  navy  to  demand  reparation;  but 
she  gave  the  adventurers  a  free  hand.  The 
London  and  Plymouth  citizens  determined  to 
read  Spain  a  lesson  which  should  make  an  im- 
pression. They  had  the  worst  fears  for  the  fate 
of  the  prisoners  ;  but  if  they  could  not  save,  they 
could  avenge  them.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  who 
wished  for  nothing  better  than  to  be  at  work 
again,  volunteered  his  services,  and  a  fleet  was 
collected  at  Pl3mQouth  of  twenty-five  sail,  every 
one  of  them  fitted  out  by  private  enterprise.  No 
finer  armament,  certainly  no  better-equipped 
armament,  ever  left  the  English  shores.  The 
expenses  were,  of  course,  enormous.  Of  seamen 
and  soldiers  there  were  between  two  and  three 
thousand.  Drake's  name  was  worth  an  army. 
The  cost  was  to  be  recovered  out  of  the  ex- 
pedition somehow;  the  Spaniards  were  to  be 
made   to   pay   for  it;   but    how    or   when    was 


5.]  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  175 

left  to  Drake's  judgment.  This  time  there 
was  no  second  in  command  sent  by  the 
Mends  of  Spain  to  hang  upon  his  arm.  By 
universal  consent  he  had  the  absolute  command. 
His  instructions  were  merely  to  inquire  at 
Spanish  ports  into  the  meaning  of  the  arrest. 
Beyond  that  he  was  left  to  go  where  he  pleased 
and  do  what  he  pleased  on  his  own  responsibility. 
The  Queen  said  frankly  that  if  it  proved  con- 
venient she  intended  to  disown  him.  Drake  had 
no  objection  to  being  disowned,  so  he  could  teach 
the  Spaniards  to  be  more  careful  how  they 
handled  Englishmen.  What  came  of  it  will  be 
the  subject  of  the  next  lecture.  Father  Parsons 
said  the  Protestant  traders  of  England  had  grown 
effeminate  and  dared  not  fight.  In  the  ashes  of 
their  own  smoking  cities  the  Spaniards  had  to 
learn  that  Father  Parsons  had  misread  his 
countrymen.  If  Drake  had  been  given  to  heroics 
he  might  have  left  Virgil's  lines  inscribed  above 
the  broken  arms  of  Castile  at  St.  Domingo : 

En  ego  victa  situ  quam  veri  effeta  senectus 
Axma  inter  regmn  falsa  formidine  ludit : 
Eespice  ad  hsec. 


LECTURE  VI 

THE   GREAT  EXPEDITION  TO   THE   WEST  INDIES 

r\UEEN  ELIZABETH  and  her  brother-in-law 
of  Spain  were  reluctant  champions  of  oppos- 
ing principles.  In  themselves  they  had  no  wish 
to  quarrel,  but  each  was  driven  forward  by  fate 
and  circumstance — Philip  by  the  genius  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  Elizabeth  by  the  enthusiasts 
for  freedom  and  by  the  advice  of  statesmen  who 
saw  no  safety  for  her  except  in  daring.  Both 
wished  for  peace,  and  refused  to  see  that  peace 
was  impossible;  but  both  were  compelled  to 
yield  to  their  subjects'  eagerness.  Philip  had  to 
threaten  England  with  invasion ;  Elizabeth  had 
to  show  Philip  that  England  had  a  long  arm, 
which  Spanish  wisdom  would  do  well  to  fear.  It 
was  a  singular  position.  Philip  had  outraged 
orthodoxy  and    dared    the   anger   of    Rome   by 


LECT.6.]  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  WEST  INDIES  177 
maintaining  an  ambassador  at  Elizabeth's  Court 
after  her  excommunication.  He  had  laboured  for 
a  reconciliation  with  a  sincerity  which  his  secret 
letters  make  it  impossible  to  doubt.  He  had 
condescended  even  to  sue  for  it,  in  spite  of  Drake 
and  the  voyage  of  the  Pelican;  yet  he  had 
helped  the  Pope  to  set  Ireland  in  a  flame.  He 
had  encouraged  Elizabeth's  Catholic  subjects  in 
conspiracy  after  conspiracy.  He  had  approved  of 
attempts  to  dispose  of  her  as  he  had  disposed  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange.  Elizabeth  had  retaliated, 
though  with  half  a  heart,  by  letting  her  soldiers 
volunteer  into  the  service  of  the  revolted  Nether- 
lands, by  permitting  English  privateers  to  plunder 
the  Spanish  colonies,  seize  the  gold  ships,  and 
revenge  their  own  wrongs.  Each,  perhaps,  had 
wished  to  show  the  other  what  an  open  war  would 
cost  them  both,  and  each  drew  back  when  war 
appeared  inevitable. 

Events  went  their  way.  Holland  and  Zeeland, 
driven  to  extremity,  had  petitioned  for  incorpora- 
tion with  England ;  as  a  counter-stroke  and  a 
warning,  Philip  had  arrested  the  English  corn 
ships  and  imprisoned  the  owners  and  the  crews. 


178  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Her  own  fleet  was  nothing.  The  safety  of  the 
English  shores  depended  on  the  spirit  of  the 
adventurers,  and  she  could  not  afford  to  check 
the  anger  with  which  the  news  was  received.  To 
accept  the  offer  of  the  States  was  war,  and  war 
she  would  not  have.  Herself,  she  would  not  act 
at  all ;  but  in  her  usual  way  she  might  let  her 
subjects  act  for  themselves,  and  plead,  as  Philip 
pleaded  in  excuse  for  the  Inquisition,  that  she 
could  not  restrain  them.  And  thus  it  was  that 
in  Se23tember  1585,  Sir  Francis  Drake  found 
himself  with  a  fleet  of  twenty-five  privateers  and 
2,500  men  who  had  volunteered  to  serve  with 
him  under  his  own  command.  He  had  no  distinct 
commission.  The  exjpedition  had  been  fitted  out 
as  a  private  undertaking.  Neither  officers  nor 
crews  had  been  engaged  for  the  service  of  the 
Crown.  They  received  no  wages.  In  the  eye  of 
the  law  they  were  pirates.  They  were  going  on 
their  own  account  to  read  the  King  of  Spain  a 
necessary  lesson  and  pay  their  expenses  at  the 
King  of  Spain's  cost.  Young  Protestant  England 
had  taken  fire.  The  name  of  Drake  set  every 
Protestant  heart  burning,  and  hundreds  of  gallant 


6.]  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  WEST  INDIES  179 
gentlemen  had  pressed  in  to  join.  A  grandson 
of  Burghley  had  come,  and  Edward  Winter  the 
Admiral's  son,  and  Francis  Knolles  the  Queen's 
cousin,  and  Martin  Frobisher,  and  Christopher 
Carlile.  Philip  Sidney  had  wished  to  make  one 
also  in  the  glory ;  but  Philip  Sidney  was  needed 
elsewhere.  The  Queen's  consent  had  been  won 
from  her  at  a  bold  interval  in  her  shifting  moods. 
The  hot  fit  might  pass  away,  and  Burghley  sent 
Drake  a  hint  to  be  off  before  her  humour  changed. 
No  word  was  said.  On  the  morning  of  the  14th 
of  September  the  signal  flag  was  flying  from 
Drake's  maintop  to  up  anchor  and  away.  Drake, 
as  he  admitted  after,  '  was  not  the  most  assured 
of  her  Majesty's  perseverance  to  let  them  go 
forward.'  Past  Ushant  he  would  be  beyond  reach 
of  recall.  With  light  winds  and  calms  they 
drifted  across  the  Bay.  They  fell  in  with  a  few 
Frenchmen  homeward-bound  from  the  Banks,  and 
let  them  pass  uninjured.  A  large  Spanish  ship 
which  they  met  next  day,  loaded  with  excellent 
fresh  salt  fish,  was  counted  lawful  prize.  The  fish 
was  new  and  good,  and  was  distributed  through 
the   fleet.     Standing   leisurely   on,   they   cleared 


I  So  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Finisterre  and  came  up  with  the  Isles  of  Bayona, 
at  the  mouth  of  Vigo  Harbour.  They  dropped 
anchor  there,  and  '  it  was  a  great  matter  and  a 
royal  sight  to  see  them.'  The  Spanish  Governor, 
Don  Pedro  Bemadero,  sent  off  with  some  as- 
tonishment to  know  who  and  what  they  were. 
Drake  answered  with  a  question  whether  England 
and  Spain  were  at  war,  and  if  not  why  the 
English  merchants  had  been  arrested.  Don  Pedro 
could  but  say  that  he  knew  of  no  war,  and  for 
the  merchants  an  order  had  come  for  their  release. 
For  reply  Drake  landed  part  of  his  force  on  the 
islands,  and  Don  Pedro,  not  knowing  what  to 
make  of  such  visitors,  found  it  best  to  propitiate 
them  with  cartloads  of  wine  and  fruit.  The 
weather,  which  had  been  hitherto  fine,  showed 
signs  of  change.  The  wind  rose,  and  the  sea 
with  it.  The  anchorage  was  exposed,  and  Drake 
sent  Christopher  Carlile,  with  one  of  his  ships 
and  a  few  pinnaces,  up  the  harbour  to  look  out 
for  better  shelter.  Their  appearance  created  a 
panic  in  the  town.  The  alarmed  inhabitants 
took  to  their  boats,  carrying  off  their  property 
and    their    Church    plate.      Carlile,    who   had   a 


6.]  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  WEST  INDIES  i8i 
Calvinistic  objection  to  idolatry,  took  the  liberty 
of  detaining  part  of  these  treasures.  From  one 
boat  he  took  a  massive  silver  cross  belonging  to 
the  High  Church  at  Vigo ;  from  another  an  image 
of  Our  Lady,  which  the  sailors  relieved  of  her 
clothes  and  were  said,  when  she  was  stripped, 
to  have  treated  with  some  indignity.  Carlile's 
report  being  satisfactory,  the  whole  fleet  was 
brought  the  next  clay  up  the  harbour  and  moored 
above  the  town.  The  news  had  by  this  time 
spread  into  the  country.  The  Governor  of  Galicia 
came  down  with  all  the  force  which  he  could 
collect  in  a  hurry.  Perhaps  he  was  in  time  to 
save  Yigo  itself  Perhaps  Drake,  having  other 
aims  in  view,  did  not  care  to  be  detained  over  a 
smaller  object.  The  Governor,  at  any  rate,  saw 
that  the  English  were  too  strong  for  him  to 
meddle  with.  The  best  that  he  could  look  for 
was  to  persuade  them  to  go  away  on  the  easiest 
terms.  Drake  and  he  met  in  boats  for  a  parley. 
Drake  wanted  water  and  fresh  provisions.  Drake 
was  to  be  allowed  to  furnish  himself  undisturbed. 
He  had  secured  what  he  most  wanted.  He  had 
shown  the  King  of  Spain  that  he  was  not  in- 


i82  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

vulnerable  in  his  own  home  dominion,  and  he 
sailed  away  unmolested.  Madrid  was  in  con- 
sternation. That  the  English  could  dare  insult 
the  first  prince  in  Europe  on  the  sacred  soil  of 
the  Peninsula  itself  seemed  like  a  dream.  The 
Council  of  State  sat  for  three  days  considering 
the  meaning  of  it.  Drake's  name  was  already 
familiar  in  Spanish  ears.  It  was  not  conceivable 
that  he  had  come  only  to  inquire  after  the 
arrested  ships  and  seamen.  But  what  could  the 
English  Queen  be  about  ?  Did  she  not  know 
that  she  existed  only  by  the  forbearance  of 
Philip  ?  Did  she  know  the  King  of  Spain's 
force  ?  Did  not  she  and  her  people  quake  ? 
Little  England,  it  was  said  by  some  of  these 
councillors,  was  to  be  swallowed  at  a  mouthful 
by  the  King  of  half  the  world.  The  old  Admiral 
Santa  Cruz  was  less  confident  about  the  swallow- 
ing. He  observed  that  England  had  many  teeth, 
and  that  instead  of  boasting  of  Spanish  greatness 
it  would  be  better  to  provide  against  what  she 
might  do  with  them.  Till  now  the  corsairs  had 
appeared  only  in  twos  and  threes.  With  such 
a  fleet  behind   him   Drake  might   go  where  he 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       183 

pleased.  He  might  be  going  to  the  South  Seas 
again.  He  might  take  Madeira  if  he  liked,  or 
the  Canary  Islands.  Santa  Cruz  himself  thought 
he  would  make  for  the  West  Indies  and  Panama, 
and  advised  the  sending  out  there  instantly  every 
available  ship  that  they  had. 

The  gold  fleet  was  Drake's  real  object.  He 
had  information  that  it  would  be  on  its  way  to 
Spain  by  the  Cape  de  Yerde  Islands,  and  he  had 
learnt  the  time  when  it  was  to  be  expected.  From 
Vigo  he  sailed  for  the  Canaries,  looked  in  at 
Palma,  with  '  intention  to  have  taken  our  pleasure 
there,'  but  found  the  landing  dangerous  and  the 
to"\vn  itself  not  worth  the  risk.  He  ran  on  to  the 
Cape  de  Verde  Islands.  He  had  measured  his 
time  too  narrowly.  The  gold  fleet  had  arrived 
and  had  gone.  He  had  missed  it  by  twelve  hours, 
'  the  reason,'  as  he  said  with  a  sigh,  '  best  known 
to  God.'  The  chance  of  prize-money  was  lost, 
but  the  political  purpose  of  the  expedition  could 
still  be  completed.  The  Cape  de  Verde  Islands 
could  not  sail  away,  and  a  beginning  could  be 
made  with  Sant  lago.  Sant  lago  was  a  thriving, 
well-populated  town,  and  down  in  Drake's  book 


1 84  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

as  specially  needing  notice,  some  Plymouth  sailors 
haing  been  recently  murdered  there.  Christopher 
Carlile,  always  handy  and  trustworthy,  was  put 
on  shore  with  a  thousand  men  to  attack  the  place 
on  the  undefended  side.  The  Spanish  commander, 
the  bishop,  and  most  of  the  people  fled,  as  at 
Vigo,  into  the  mountains  with  their  plate  and 
money.  Carlile  entered  without  opposition,  and 
flew  St.  George's  Cross  from  the  castle  as  a  signal 
to  the  fleet,  Drake  came  in,  landed  the  rest  of 
his  force,  and  took  possession.  It  happened  to  be 
the  17th  of  November — the  anniversary  of  the 
Queen's  accession — and  ships  and  batteries,  dressed 
out  with  English  flags,  celebrated  the  occasion 
with  salvoes  of  cannon.  Houses  and  magazines 
were  then  searched  and  plundered.  Wine  was 
found  in  large  quantities,  rich  merchandise  for 
the  Indian  trade,  and  other  valuables.  Of  gold 
and  silver  nothing — it  had  all  been  removed. 
Drake  waited  for  a  fortnight,  hoping  that  the 
Spaniards  would  treat  for  the  ransom  of  the  city. 
When  they  made  no  sign,  he  marched  twelve 
miles  inland  to  a  village  where  the  Governor  and 
the  bishop  were  said  to  have  taken  refuge.     But 


6.1        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       185 

the  village  was  found  deserted.  The  Spaniards 
had  gone  to  the  mountains,  where  it  was  useless 
to  follow  them,  and  were  too  proud  to  bargain 
with  a  pirate  chief.  Sant  lago  was  a  beautifully 
built  city,  and  Drake  would  perhaps  have  spared 
it ;  but  a  ship-boy  who  had  strayed  was  found 
murdered  and  barbarously  mutilated.  The  order 
was  given  to  burn.  Houses,  magazines,  churches, 
public  buildings  were  turned  to  ashes,  and  the 
work  being  finished  Drake  went  on,  as  Santa 
Cruz  expected,  for  the  Spanish  West  Indies.  The 
Spaniards  were  magnificent  in  all  that  they  did 
and  touched.  They  built  their  cities  in  their  new 
possessions  on  the  most  splendid  models  of  the 
Old  World.  St.  Domingo  and  Carthagena  had 
their  castles  and  cathedrals,  palaces,  squares,  and 
streets,  grand  and  solid  as  those  at  Cadiz  and 
Seville,  and  raised  as  enduring  monuments  of  the 
power  and  greatness  of  the  Castilian  monarchs. 
To  these  Drake  meant  to  pay  a  visit.  Beyond  them 
was  the  Isthmus,  where  he  had  made  his  first 
fame  and  fortune,  -with  Panama  behind,  the  depot 
of  the  Indian  treasure.  So  far  all  had  gone  well 
with  him.     He  had  taken  what  he  wanted  out  of 


i86  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Vigo;  he  had  destroyed  Sant  lago  and  had  not 
lost  a  man.  Unfortunately  he  had  now  a  worse 
enemy  to  deal  with  than  Spanish  galleons  or 
Spanish  garrisons.  He  was  in  the  heat  of  the 
tropics.  Yellow  fever  broke  out  and  spread 
through  the  fleet.  Of  those  who  caught  the 
infection  few  recovered,  or  recovered  only  to  be 
the  wrecks  of  themselves.  It  was  swift  in  its 
work.  In  a  few  days  more  than  two  hundred  had 
died.  But  the  north-east  trade  blew  merrily. 
The  fleet  sped  on  before  it.  In  eighteen  days 
they  were  in  the  roads  at  Dominica,  the  island  of 
brooks  and  rivers  and  fruit.  Limes  and  lemons 
and  oranges  were  not  as  yet.  But  there  were 
leaves  and  roots  of  the  natural  growth,  known  to 
the  Caribs  as  antidotes  to  the  fever,  and  the 
Caribs,  when  they  learnt  that  the  English  were 
the  Spaniards'  enemies,  brought  them  this  precious 
remedy  and  taught  them  the  use  of  it.  The  ships 
were  washed  and  ventilated,  and  the  water  casks 
refi.lled.  The  infection  seemed  to  have  gone  as 
suddenly  as  it  appeared,  and  again  all  was  well. 

Christmas  was  kept  at  St.  Eatts,  which  was 
then  uninhabited.     A  council  of  war  was  held  to 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       187 

consider  what  should  be  done  next.  St.  Domingo 
lay  nearest  to  them.  It  was  the  finest  of  all  the 
Spanish  colonial  cities.  It  was  the  capital  of  the 
West  Indian  Government,  the  great  centre  of 
West  Indian  commerce.  In  the  cathedral,  before 
the  high  altar,  lay  Columbus  and  his  brother 
Diego.  In  natural  wealth  no  island  in  the  world 
outrivals  Esj^inola,  where  the  city  stood.  A  vast 
population  had  collected  there,  far  away  from 
harm,  protected,  as  they  supposed,  by  the  majesty 
of  the  mother  country,  the  native  inhabitants 
almost  exterminated,  themselves  undreaming  that 
any  enemy  could  approach  them  from  the  oCean, 
and  therefore  negligent  of  defence  and  enjoying 
themselves  in  easy  security. 

Drake  was  to  give  them  a  new  experience  and 
a  lesson  for  the  future.  On  their  way  across  from 
St.  Kitts  the  adventurers  overhauled  a  small 
vessel  bound  to  the  sapae  port  as  they  were.  From 
the  crew  of  this  vessel  they  learnt  that  the 
harbour  at  St.  Domingo  was  formed,  like  so  many 
others  in  the  West  Indies,  by  a  long  sandspit, 
acting  as  a  natural  breakwater.  The  entrance 
was  a  narrow  inlet  at  the  extremity  of  the  spit, 


1 88  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

and  batteries  had  been  mounted  there  to  cover  it. 
To  land  on  the  outer  side  of  the  sandbank  was 
made  impossible  by  the  surf.  There  was  one 
sheltered  point  only  where  boats  could  go  on 
shore,  but  this  was  ten  miles  distant  from  the 
town. 

Ten  miles  was  but  a  morning's  march.  Drake 
went  in  himself  in  a  pinnace,  surveyed  the 
landing-place,  and  satisfied  himself  of  its  safety. 
The  plan  of  attack  at  Sant  lago  was  to  be  exactly 
repeated.  On  New  Year's  Eve  Christopher  Carlile 
was  again  landed  with  half  the  force  in  the  fleet. 
Drake  remained  with  the  rest,  and  prepared  to 
force  the  entrance  of  the  harbour  if  Carlile  suc- 
ceeded. Their  coming  had  been  seen  from  the 
city.  The  alarm  had  been  given,  and  the  women 
and  children,  the  money  in  the  treasury,  the  con- 
secrated plate,  movable  property  of  all  kinds,  were 
sent  off  inland  as  a  precaution.  Of  regular  troops 
there  seem  to  have  been  none,  but  in  so  populous 
a  city  there  was  no  difficulty  in  collecting  a  re- 
spectable force  to  defend  it.  The  hidalgos  formed  a 
body  of  cavalry.  The  people  generally  were  unused 
to  arms,  but  they  were  Spaniards  and  brave  men, 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO   THE    WEST  INDIES       189 

and  did  not  mean  to  leave  their  homes  without  a 
fight  for  it.  Carlile  lay  still  for  the  night.  He 
marched  at  eight  in  the  morning  on  New  Year's 
Day,  advanced  leisurely,  and  at  noon  found  him- 
self in  fi'ont  of  the  wall.  So  far  he  had  met  no 
resistance,  but  a  considerable  body  of  horse — 
gentlemen  and  their  servants  chiefly — charged 
down  on  him  out  of  the  bush  and  out  of  the  town. 
He  formed  into  a  square  to  receive  them.  They 
came  on  gallantly,  but  were  received  with  pike 
and  shot,  and  after  a  few  attempts  gave  up  and 
retired.  Two  gates  were  in  front  of  Carlile,  with 
a  road  to  each  leading  through  a  jungle.  At  each 
gate  were  cannon,  and  the  jungle  was  lined  with 
musketeers.  He  divided  his  men  and  attacked 
both  together.  One  party  he  led  in  person.  The 
cannon  opened  on  him,  and  an  Englishman  next 
to  him  was  killed.  He  dashed  on,  leaving  the 
Spaniards  no  time  to  reload,  carried  the  gate  at 
a  rush,  and  cut  his  way  through  the  streets  to 
the  great  square.  The  second  division  had  been 
equally  successful,  and  St.  Domingo  was  theirs 
excejit  the  castle,  which  was  still  untaken.  Carlile's 
numbers  were  too  small  to  occupy  a  large  city. 


igo  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

He  threw  up  barricades  and  fortified  himself  in. 
the  square  for  the  night.  Drake  brought  the 
fleet  in  at  daybreak,  and  landed  guns,  when  the 
castle  surrendered.  A  messenger — a  negro  boy — 
was  sent  to  the  Governor  to  learn  the  terms  which 
he  was  prepared  to  offer  to  save  the  city  from 
pillage.  The  Spanish  officers  were  smarting  with 
the  disgrace.  One  of  them  struck  the  lad  through 
the  body  with  a  lance.  He  ran  back  bleeding  to 
the  English  lines  and  died  at  Drake's  feet.  Sir 
Francis  was  a  dangerous  man  to  provoke.  Such 
doings  had  to  be  promptly  stopped.  In  the  part 
of  the  town  which  he  occupied  was  a  monastery 
with  a  number  of  friars  in  it.  The  religious  orders, 
he  well  knew,  were  the  chief  instigators  of  the 
policy  which  was  maddening  the  world.  He  sent 
two  of  these  friars  with  the  provost-marshal  to 
the  spot  where  the  boy  had  been  struck,  promptly 
hanged  them,  and  then  despatched  another  to 
tell  the  Governor  that  he  would  hang  two  more 
every  day  at  the  same  place  till  the  officer  was 
punished.  The  Spaniards  had  long  learnt  to  call 
Drake  the  Draque,  the  serpent,  the  devil.  They 
feared  that  the  devil  might  be  a  man  of  his  word. 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO   THE    WEST  INDIES       191 

The  offender  was  surrendered.  It  was  not  enough. 
Drake  insisted  that  they  should  do  justice  on  him 
themselves.  The  Governor  found  it  prudent  to 
comply,  and  the  too  hasty  officer  was  executed. 

The  next  point  was  the  ransom  of  the  city. 
The  Spaniards  still  hesitating,  200  men  were 
told  off  each  morning  to  burn,  while  the  rest 
searched  the  private  houses,  and  palaces,  and 
magazines.  Government  House  was  the  grandest 
building  in  the  New  World.  It  was  approached 
by  broad  flights  of  marble  stairs.  Great  doors 
opened  on  a  spacious  gallery  leading  into  a  great 
hall,  and  above  the  portico  hung  the  arms  of 
Spain — a  globe  representing  the  world,  a  horse 
leaping  upon  it,  and  in  the  horse's  mouth  a  scroll 
with  the  haughty  motto,  '  Non  sufficit  orbis.' 
Palace  and  scutcheon  were  levelled  into  dust  by 
axe  and  gunpowder,  and  each  day  for  a  month 
the  destruction  went  on,  Drake's  demands  steadily 
growing  and  the  unhappy  Governor  vainly  pleading 
impossibility. 

Vandalism,  atrocity  unheard  of  among  civilised 
nations,  dishonour  to  the  Protestant  cause,  Drake 
deserving  to  swing  at  his  own  yardarm ;  so  indig- 


192  ENGLISH  SEAMEN         ,  [lect. 

nant  Liberalism  shrieked,  and  has  not  ceased 
shrieking.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  for  fifteen 
years  the  Spaniards  had  been  burning  English 
seamen  whenever  they  could  catch  them,  plotting 
to  kill  the  Queen  and  reduce  England  itself  into 
vassaldom  to  the  Pope.  The  English  nation,  the 
loyal  part  of  it,  were  rej)lying  to  the  wild  pre- 
tension by  the  hands  of  their  own  admii-al.  If 
Philip  chose  to  countenance  assassins,  if  the  Holy 
Ofi&ce  chose  to  burn  English  sailors  as  heretics, 
those  heretics  had  a  right  to  make  Spain  under- 
stand that  such  a  game  was  dangerous,  that,  as 
Santa  Cruz  had  said,  they  had  teeth  and  could 
use  them. 

It  was  found  in  the  end  that  the  Governor's 
plea  of  impossibility  was  more  real  than  was  at 
first  believed.  The  gold  and  silver  had  been 
really  carried  off.  All  else  that  was  valuable 
had  been  burnt  or  taken  by  the  English.  The 
destruction  of  a  city  so  solidly  built  was  tedious 
and  difficult.  Nearly  half  of  it  was  blown  up. 
The  cathedral  was  spared,  perhaps  as  the  resting- 
place  of  Columbus.  Drake  had  other  work  before 
him.      After   staying    a   month   in    undisturbed 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       193 

occupation  he  agreed  to  accept  25,000  ducats  as 
a  ransom  for  what  was  left  and  sailed  away. 

It  was  now  February.  The  hot  season  was 
coming  on,  when  the  climate  would  be  dangerous. 
There  was  still  much  to  do  and  the  time  was 
running  short.  Panama  had  to  be  left  for  another 
opportunity.  Drake's  object  was  to  deal  blows 
which  would  shake  the  faith  of  Europe  in  the 
Spanish  power.  Carthagena  stood  next  to  St. 
Domingo  among  the  Spanish  West  Indian  for- 
tresses. The  situation  was  strong.  In  1740 
Carthagena  was  able  to  beat  off  Vernon  and  a 
great  English  fleet.  But  Drake's  crews  were  in 
high  health  and  spiiits,  and  he  determined  to  see 
what  he  could  do  with  it.  Surprise  was  no  longer 
to  be  hoped  for.  The  alarm  had  spread  over  the 
Caribbean  Sea.  But  in  their  present  humour 
they  were  ready  to  go  anywhere  and  dare  anything, 
and  to  Carthagena  they  went. 

Drake's  name  carried  terror  before  it.     Every 

non-combatant — old  men,  women  and  children — • 

had  been  cleared  out  before  he  arrived,  but  the 

rest  prepared  for  a  smart  defence.     The  harbour 

at   Carthagena  was  formed,  as   at  St;   Domingo 

o 


194  ■     ENGLISH  SEAMEN    -  [lect. 

and  Port  Royal,  by  a  sandspit.  The  spit  was 
long,  narrow,  in  places  not  fifty  yards  wide,  and 
covered  with  prickly  bush,  and  along  this,  as 
before,  it  was  necessary  to  advance  to  reach  the 
city.  A  trench  had  been  cut  across  at  the  neck, 
and  a  stiff  barricade  built  and  armed  with  heavy 
guns ;  behind  this  were  several  hundred  mus- 
keteers, while  the  bush  was  full  of  Indians  with 
poisoned  arrows.  Pointed  stakes — poisoned  also 
— had  been  driven  into  the  ground  along  the 
approaches,  on  which  to  step  was  death.  Two 
large  galleys,  full  of  men,  patrolled  inside  the 
bank  on  the  harbour  edge,  and  with  these  pre- 
parations the  inhabitants  hoped  to  keep  the 
dreadful  Drake  from  reaching  them.  Carlile,  as 
before,  was  to  do  the  land  fighting.  He  was  set 
on  shore  three  miles  down  the  spit.  The  tide  is 
slight  in  those  seas,  but  he  waited  till  it  was  out, 
and  advanced  along  the  outer  shore  at  low-water 
mark.  He  was  thus  covered  by  the  bank  from 
the  harbour  galleys,  and  their  shots  passed  over 
him.  Two  squadrons  of  horse  came  out,  but  could 
do  nothing  to  him  on  the  broken  ground.  The 
English  pushed  on  to  the  wall,  scarcely  losing  a 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       195 

man.  They  charged,  scaled  the  parapets,  and 
drove  the  Spanish  infantry  back  at  point  of  pike. 
Carlile  killed  their  commander  with  his  own  hand. 
The  rest  fled  after  a  short  struggle,  and  Drake 
was  master  of  Carthagena.  Here  for  six  weeks 
he  remained.  The  Spaniards  withdrew  out  of 
the  city,  and  there  were  again  parleys  over  the 
ransom  money.  Courtesies  were  exchanged  among 
the  officers.  Drake  entertained  the  Governor  and 
his  suite.  The  Governor  returned  the  hospitality 
and  received  Drake  and  the  English  captains. 
Drake  demanded  100,000  ducats.  The  Spaniards 
offered  30,000,  and  protested  that  they  could  pay 
no  more.  The  dispute  might  have  lasted  longer, 
but  it  was  cut  short  by  the  re-appearance  of  the 
yellow  fever  in  the  fleet,  this  time  in  a  deadlier 
form.  The  Spanish  offer  was  accepted,  and  Car- 
thagena was  left  to  its  owners.  It  was  time  to 
be  off,  for  the  heat  was  telling,  and  the  men 
began  to  drop  with  appalling  rapidity.  Nombre 
de  Dies  and  Panama  were  near  and  under  their 
lee,  and  Drake  threw  longing  eyes  on  what,  if 
all  else  had  been  well,  might  have  proved  an  easy 
capture.     But  on  a  review  of  their  strength,  it 


196  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

was  found  that  there  were  but  700  fit  for  duty 
who  could  be  spared  for  the  service,  and  a  council 
of  war  decided  that  a  march  across  the  Isthmus 
with  so  small  a  force  was  too  dangerous  to  be 
ventured.  Enough  had  been  done  for  glory, 
enough  for  the  political  impression  to  be  made  in 
Europe.  The  King  of  Spain  had  been  dared  in 
his  own  dominions.  Three  fine  Spanish  cities 
had  been  captured  by  storm  and  held  to  ransom. 
In  other  aspects  the  success  had  fallen  short  of 
expectation.  This  time  they  had  taken  no 
Gacafuego  with  a  year's  produce  of  the  mines  in 
her  hold.  The  plate  and  coin  had  been  carried 
off,  and  the  spoils  had  been  in  a  form  not  easily 
turned  to  value.  The  expedition  had  been  fitted 
out  by  private  persons  to  pay  its  own  cost.  The 
result  in  money  was  but  60,000/.  Forty  thousand 
had  to  be  set  aside  for  expenses.  There  remained 
but  20,000/.  to  be  shared  among  the  ships'  com- 
panies. Men  and  officers  had  entered,  high  and 
low,  without  wages,  on  the  chance  of  what  they 
might  get.  The  officers  and  owners  gave  a 
significant  demonstration  of  the  splendid  spiiit 
in  which  they  had  gone  about  their  work.     They 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       197 

decided  to  relinquish  their  own  claims  on  the 
ransom  paid  for  Carthagena,  and  bestow  the  same 
on  the  common  seamen,  '  wishing  it  were  so  much 
again  as  would  be  a  sufficient  reward  for  their 
painful  endeavour.' 

Thus  all  were  well  satisfied,  conscious  all  that 
they  had  done  their  duty  to  their  Queen  and 
country.  The  adventurers'  fleet  turned  home- 
wards at  the  beginning  of  April.  What  men 
could  do  they  had  achieved.  They  could  not 
fight  against  the  pestilence  of  the  tropics.  For 
many  days  the  yellow  fever  did  its  deadly  work 
among  them,  and  only  slowly  abated.  They  were 
delayed  by  calms  and  unfavourable  winds.  Their 
water  ran  short.  They  had  to  land  again  at 
Cape  Antonio,  the  western  point  of  Cuba,  and 
sink  wells  to  supply  themselves.  Drake  himself, 
it  was  observed,  worked  with  spade  and  bucket, 
like  the  meanest  person  in  the  whole  company, 
always  foremost  where  toil  was  to  be  endured  or 
honour  won,  the  wisest  in  the  devising  of  enter- 
prises, the  calmest  in  danger,  the  first  to  set  an 
example  of  energy  in  difficulties,  and,  above  all, 
the  firmest  in  maintaining  order  and  discipline. 


igS  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

The  fever  slackened  as  they  reached  the  cooler 
latitudes.  They  worked  their  way  up  the  Bahama 
Channel,  going  north  to  avoid  the  trades.  The 
French  Protestants  had  been  attempting  to 
colonise  in  Florida.  The  Spaniards  had  built  a 
fortress  on  the  coast,  to  observe  their  settlements 
and,  as  occasion  offered,  cut  Huguenot  throats. 
As  he  passed  by  Drake  paid  this  fortress  a  visit 
and  wiped  it  out.  Farther  north  again  he  was 
in  time  to  save  the  remnant  of  an  English  settle- 
ment, rashly  planted  there  by  another  brilliant 
servant  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Of  all  the  famous  Elizabethans  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  is  the  most  romantically  interesting.  His 
splendid  and  varied  gifts,  his  chequered  fortunes, 
and  his  cruel  end,  will  embalm  his  memory  in 
English  history.  But  Raleigh's  great  accomplish- 
ments promised  more  than  they  performed.  His 
hand  was  in  everything,  but  of  work  successfully 
completed  he  had  less  to  show  than  others  far 
his  inferiors,  to  whom  fortune  had  offered  fewer 
opportunities.  He  was  engaged  in  a  hundred 
schemes  at  once,  and  in  every  one  of  them  there 
was    always    some    taint    of    self,    some    personal 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       199 

ambition  or  private  object  to  be  gained.  His 
life  is  a  record  of  undertakings  begun  in  enthu- 
siasm, maintained  imperfectly,  and  failures  in  the 
end.  Among  his  other  adventures  he  had  sent 
a  colony  to  Virginia.  He  had  imagined,  or  had 
been  led  by  others  to  believe,  that  there  was  an 
Indian  Court  there  brilliant  as  Montezuma's,  an 
enlightened  nation  crying  to  be  admitted  within 
the  charmed  circle  of  Gloriana's  subjects.  His 
princes  and  princesses  proved  things  of  air, 
or  mere  Indian  savages ;  and  of  Raleigh  there 
remains  nothing  in  Virginia  save  the  name  of  the 
city  which  is  called  after  him.  The  starving 
survivors  of  his  settlement  on  the  Roanoke  River 
were  taken  on  board  by  Drake's  returning 
squadron  and  carried  home  to  England,  where 
they  all  arrived  safely,  to  the  glory  of  God,  as 
our  pious  ancestors  said  and  meant  in  uncon- 
ventional sincerity,  on  the  28th  of  July,  1586. 
The  expedition,  as  I  have  said,  barely  paid  its 
cost.  In  the  shape  of  wages  the  officers  received 
nothing,  and  the  crews  but  a  few  pounds  a  man ; 
but  there  was,  perhaps,  not  one  of  them  who  was 
not  better  pleased  with  the  honour  which  he  had 


200  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

brought  back  than  if  he  had  come  home  loaded 
with  doubloons. 

Startled  Catholic  Europe  meanwhile  rubbed 
its  eyes  and  began  to  see  that  the  '  enterprise  of 
England/  as  the  intended  invasion  was  called, 
might  not  be  the  easy  thing  which  the  seminary 
priests  described  it.  The  seminary  priests  had 
said  that  so  far  as  England  was  Protestant  at  all 
it  was  Protestant  only  by  the  accident  of  its 
Government,  that  the  immense  majority  of  the 
people  were  Catholic  at  heart  and  were  thirsting 
for  a  return  to  the  fold,  that  on  the  first  appear- 
ance of  a  Spanish  army  of  deliverance  the  whole 
edifice  which  Elizabeth  had  raised  would  crumble 
to  the  ground,  I  suppose  it  is  true  that  if  the 
world  had  then  been  advanced  to  its  present 
point  of  progress,  if  there  had  been  then  recog- 
nised a  Divine  right  to  rule  in  the  numerical 
majorit}^,  even  without  a  Spanish  army  the 
seminary  priests  would  have  had  their  way. 
Elizabeth's  Parliaments  were  controlled  by  the 
municipalities  of  the  towns,  and  the  towns  were 
Protestant.  A  Parliament  chosen  by  universal 
suffrage  and  electoral  districts  would  have  sent 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       201 

Cecil  and  Walsingham  into  private  life  or  to  the 
scaffold,  replaced  the  Mass  in  the  churches,  and 
reduced  the  Queen,  if  she  had  been  left  on  the 
throne,  into  the  humble  servant  of  the  Pope  and 
Philip.  It  would  not  perhaps  have  lasted,  but 
that,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  would  have  been  the 
immediate  result,  and  instead  of  a  Reformation 
we  should  have  had  the  light  come  in  the  shape 
of  lightning.  But  I  have  often  asked  my  Radical 
friends  what  is  to  be  done  if  out  of  every  hundred 
enlightened  voters  two-thirds  will  give  their 
votes  one  way,  but  are  afraid  to  fight,  and  the 
remaining  third  will  not  only  vote  but  will 'fight 
too  if  the  poll  goes  against  them  ?  "Which  has 
then  the  right  to  rule  ?  I  can  tell  them  which 
will  rule.  The  brave  and  resolute  minority  will 
rule.  Plato  says  that  if  one  man  was  stronger 
than  all  the  rest  of  mankind  he  would  rule  all 
the  rest  of  mankind.  It  must  be  so,  because 
there  is  no  appeal.  The  majority  must  be 
prepared  to  assert  their  Divine  right  with  their 
right  hands,  or  it  will  go  the  way  that  other 
Divine  rights  have  gone  before.  I  will  not  believe 
the  world   to   have  been  so  ill-constructed  that 


202  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

there  are  rights  which  cannot  be  enforced.  It 
appears  to  me  that  the  true  right  to  rule  in  any 
nation  lies  with  those  who  are  best  and  bravest^ 
whether  their  numbers  are  large  or  small ;  and 
three  centuries  ago  the  best  and  bravest  part  of 
this  English  nation  had  determined,  though  they 
were  but  a  third  of  it,  that  Pope  and  Spaniard 
should  be  no  masters  of  theirs.  Imagination  goes 
for  much  in  such  excited  times.  To  the  imagin- 
ation of  Europe  in  the  sixteenth  century  the 
power  of  Spain  appeared  irresistible  if  she  chose 
to  exert  it.  Heretic  Dutchmen  might  rebel  in 
a  remote  province,  English  pirates  might  take 
liberties  with  Spanish  traders,  but  the  Prince 
of  Parma  was  making  the  Dutchmen  feel  their 
master  at  last.  The  pirates  were  but  so  many 
wasps,  with  venom  in  their  stings,  but  powerless 
to  affect  the  general  tendencies  of  things.  Except 
to  the  shrewder  eyes  of  such  men  as  Santa  Cruz 
the  strength  of  the  English  at  sea  had  been  left 
out  of  count  in  the  calculations  of  the  resources 
of  Elizabeth's  Government.  Suddenly  a  fleet  of 
these  same  pirates,  sent  out,  unassisted  by  their 
sovereign,  by  the  private  impulse  of  a  few  indi- 


6.]        EXPEDITION   TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       203 

viduals,  had  insulted  the  sacred  soil  of  Spain 
herself,  sailed  into  Vigo,  pillaged  the  churches, 
taken  anything  that  they  required,  and  had  gone 
away  unmolested.  They  had  attacked,  stormed, 
burnt,  or  held  to  ransom  three  of  Spain's  proudest 
colonial  cities,  and  had  come  home  unfought  with. 
The  Catholic  conspirators  had  to  recognise  that 
they  had  a  worse  enemy  to  deal  with  than  Puritan 
controversialists  or  spoilt  Court  favourites.  The 
Protestant  English  mariners  stood  between  them 
and  their  prey,  and  had  to  be  encountered  on  an 
element  which  did  not  bow  to  popes  or  princes, 
before  Mary  Stuart  was  to  wear  Elizabeth's  crown 
or  Cardinal  Allen  be  enthroned  at  Canterbury. 
It  was  a  revelation  to  all  parties.  Elizabeth 
herself  had  not  expected — ^perhaps  had  not  wished 
— so  signal  a  success.  War  was  now  looked  on 
as  inevitable.  The  Spanish  admirals  represented 
that  the  national  honour  required  revenge  for  an 
injury  so  open  and  so  insolent.  The  Pope,  who 
had  been  long  goading  the  lethargic  Philip  into 
action,  believed  that  now  at  last  he  would  be 
compelled  to  move;  and  even  Philip  himself, 
enduring  as  he  was,  had  been  roused  to  perceive 


204  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

that  intrigues  and  conspiracies  would  serve  his 
turn  no  longer.  He  must  put  out  his  strength 
in  earnest,  or  his  own  Spaniards  might  turn  upon 
him  as  unworthy  of  the  crown  of  Isabella.  Very 
reluctantly  he  allowed  the  truth  to  be  brought 
home  to  him.  He  had  never  liked  the  thought 
of  invading  England.  If  he  conquered  it,  he 
would  not  be  allowed  to  keep  it.  Mary  Stuart 
would  have  to  be  made  queen,  and  Mary  Stuart 
was  part  French,  and  might  be  wholly  French. 
The  burden  of  the  work  would  be  thrown  entirely 
on  his  shoulders,  and  his  own  reward  was  to  be 
the  Church's  blessing  and  the  approval  of  his 
own  conscience — nothing  else,  so  far  as  he  could 
see.  The  Pope  would  recover  his  annates,  his 
Peter's  pence,  and  his  indulgence  market. 

If  the  thing  was  to  be  done,  the  Pope,  it  was 
clear,  ought  to  pay  part  of  the  cost,  and  this  was 
what  the  Pope  did  not  intend  to  do  if  he  could 
help  it.  The  Pope  was  flattering  himself  that 
Drake's  performance  would  compel  Spain  to  go 
to  war  with  England  whether  he  assisted  or  did 
not.  In  this  matter  Philip  attempted  to  un- 
deceive his  Holiness.     He  instructed  Olivarez,  his 


6.]        EXPEDITION  TO    THE    WEST  INDIES       205 

ambassador  at  Rome,  to  tell  the  Pope  that  nothing 
had  been  yet  done  to  him  by  the  English  which 
he  could  not  overlook,  and  unless  the  Pope  would 
come  down  with  a  handsome  contribution  peace 
he  would  make.  The  Pope  stormed  and  raged ; 
ho  said  he  doubted  whether  Phihp  was  a  true  son 
of  the  Church  at  all ;  he  flung  plates  and  dishes 
at  the  servants'  heads  at  dinner.  He  said  that  if 
he  gave  Philip  money  Philip  would  put  it  in  his 
pocket  and  laugh  at  him.  Not  one  maravedi 
would  he  give  till  a  Spanish  army  was  actually 
landed  on  English  shores,  and  from  this  resolution 
he  was  not  to  be  moved. 

To  Philip  it  was  painfully  certain  that  if  he 
invaded  and  conquered  England  the  English 
Catholics  would  insist  that  he  must  make  Mary 
Stuart  queen.  He  did  not  like  Mary  Stuart.  He 
disapproved  of  her  character.  He  distrusted  her 
promises.  Spite  of  Jesuits  and  seminary  priests, 
he  believed  that  she  was  still  a  Frenchwoman  at 
heart,  and  a  bad  woman  besides.  Yet  something 
he  must  do  for  the  outraged  honour  of  Castile. 
He  concluded,  in  his  slow  way,  that  he  would 
collect  a  fleet,  the  largest  and  best-appointed  that 


2o5  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect.  6. 

had  ever  floated  on  the  sea.  He  would  send  or 
lead  it  in  person  to  the  English  Channel.  He 
would  command  the  situation  with  an  over- 
whelming force,  and  then  would  choose  some 
course  which  would  be  more  convenient  to  himself 
than  to  his  Holiness  at  Rome.  On  the  whole  he 
was  inclined  to  let  Elizabeth  continue  queen,  and 
forget  and  forgive  if  she  would  put  away  her 
Walsinghams  and  her  Drakes,  and  would  promise 
to  be  good  for  the  future.  If  she  remained 
obstinate  his  great  fleet  would  cover  the  passage 
of  the  Prince  of  Parma's  army,  and  he  would  then 
dictate  his  own  terms  in  London. 


LECTURE   VII 

ATTACK   ON   CADIZ 

T  RECOLLECT  being  told  when  a  boy,  on 
sending  in  a  bad  translation  of  Horace,  that  I 
ought  to  remember  that  Horace  was  a  man  of 
intelligence  and  did  not  write  nonsense.  The 
same  caution  should  be  borne  in  mind  by  students 
of  history.  They  see  certain  things  done  by  kings 
and  statesmen  which  they  believe  they  can  inter- 
pret by  assuming  such  persons  to  have  been 
knaves  or  idiots.  Once  an  explanation  given  from 
the  baser  side  of  human  nature,  they  assume  that 
it  is  necessarily  the  right  one,  and  they  make 
their  Horace  into  a  fool  without  a  misgiving  that 
the  folly  may  lie  elsewhere.  Remarkable  men 
and  women  have  usually  had  some  rational  motive 
for  their  conduct,  which  may  be  discovered,  if  we 
look  for  it  with  our  eyes  open. 


2o8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Nobody  has  suffered  more  from  bad  translators 
than  Elizabeth.  The  circumstances  of  Queen 
Elizabeth's  birth,  the  traditions  of  her  father,  the 
interests  of  England,  and  the  sentiments  of  the 
party  who  had  sustained  her  claim  to  the  succession, 
obliged  her  on  coming  to  the  throne  to  renew  the 
separation  from  the  Papacy.  The  Church  of  Eng- 
land was  re-established  on  an  Anglo-Catholic 
basis,  which  the  rival  factions  might  interpret 
each  in  their  own  way.  To  allow  more  than  one 
form  of  public  worship  would  have  led  in  the 
heated  temper  of  men's  minds  to  quarrels  and 
civil  wars.  But  conscience  might  be  left  free 
under  outward  conformity,  and  those  whom  the 
Liturgy  did  not  suit  might  use  their  own 
ritual  in  their  private  houses.  Elizabeth  and  her 
wise  advisers  believed  that  if  her  subjects  could 
be  kept  from  fighting  and  killing  one  another, 
and  were  not  exasperated  by  outward  displays  of 
difference,  they  would  learn  that  righteousness  of 
life  was  more  important  than  orthodoxy,  and  to 
estimate  at  their  real  value  the  rival  dogmas  of 
theology.  Had  time  permitted  the  experiment 
to  have  a  fair  trial,  it  would  perhaps  have  sue- 


7-]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  209 

ceeded,  but,  unhappily  for  the  Queen  and  for 
England,  the  fire  of  controversy  was  still  too  hot 
under  the  ashes.  Protestants  and  Catholics  had 
been  taught  to  look  on  one  another  as  enemies  of 
God,  and  were  still  reluctant  to  take  each  other's 
hands  at  the  bidding  of  an  Act  of  Parliament.  The 
more  moderate  of  the  Catholic  laity  saw  no  differ- 
ence so  great  between  the  English  service  and  the 
Mass  as  to  force  them  to  desert  the  churches 
where  their  fathers  had  worshipped  for  centuries. 
They  petitioned  the  Council  of  Trent  for  permis- 
sion to  use  the  English  Prayer  Book ;  and  had  the 
Council  consented,  religious  dissension  would  have 
dissolved  at  last  into  an  innocent  difference  of 
opinion.  But  the  Council  and  the  Pope  had 
determined  that  there  should  be  no  compromise 
with  heresy,  and  the  request  was  refused,  though 
it  was  backed  by  Philip's  ambassador  in  London. 
The  action  of  the  Papacy  obliged  the  Queen  to 
leave  the  Administration  in  the  hands  of  Protes- 
tants, on  whose  loyalty  she  could  rely.  As  the 
struggle  with  the  Reformation  spread  and  deep- 
ened she  was  compelled  to  assist  indirectly  the 
Protestant  party  in  France  and    Scotland.     But 


2IO  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

she  still  adhered  to  her  own  principle ;  she  refused 
to  put  herself  at  the  head  of  a  Protestant  League. 
She  took  no  step  without  keeping  open  a  line  of 
retreat  on  a  contrary  policy.  She  had  Catholics 
in  her  Privy  Council  who  were  pensioners  of 
Spain.  She  filled  her  household  with  Catholics, 
and  many  a  time  drove  Burghley  distracted  by 
listening  to  them  at  critical  moments.  Her  con- 
stant effort  was  to  disarm  the  antagonism  of  the 
adherents  of  the  old  belief,  by  admitting  them 
to  her  confidence,  and  showing  them  that  one  jjart 
of  her  subjects  was  as  dear  to  her  as  another. 

For  ten  years  she  went  on  struggling.  For 
ten  years  she  was  proudly  able  to  say  that  during 
all  that  time  no  Catholic  had  suffered  for  his 
belief  either  in  purse  or  person.  The  advanced 
section  of  the  Catholic  clergy  was  in  despair. 
They  saw  the  consciences  of  their  flocks  be- 
numbed and  their  faith  growing  lukewarm.  They 
stirred  up  the  rebellion  of  the  North.  They  per- 
suaded Pius  V.  to  force  them  to  a  sense  of  their 
duties  by  declaring  Elizabeth  excommunicated. 
They  sent  their  missionaries  through  the  English 
counties   to   recover   sheep    that   were   straying, 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  211 

and  teach  the  sin  of  submission  to  a  sovereign 
whom  the  Pope  had  deposed.  Then  had  followed 
the  Ridolfi  plot,  deliberately  encouraged  by  the 
Pope  and  Spain,  which  had  compelled  the 
Government  to  tighten  the  reins.  One  conspiracy 
had  followed  another.  Any  means  were  held 
legitimate  to  rid  the  world  of  an  enemy  of  God. 
The  Queen's  character  was  murdered  by  the  foulest 
slanders,  and  a  hundred  daggers  were  sharpened 
to  murder  her  person.  The  King  of  Spain  had 
not  advised  the  excommunication,  because  he 
knew  that  he  would  be  expected  to  execute  it,  and 
he  had  other  things  to  do.  When  called  on  to 
act,  he  and  Alva  said  that  if  the  English  Catholics 
wanted  Spanish  help  they  must  do  something  for 
themselves.  To  do  the  priests  justice,  they  were 
brave  enough.  What  they  did,  and  how-  far  they 
had  succeeded  in  making  the  country  disaffected. 
Father  Parsons  has  told  you  in  the  paper  which 
I  read  to  you  in  a  former  lecture.  Elizabeth 
refused  to  take  care  of  herself.  She  would  show 
no  distrust.  She  would  not  dismiss  the  Catholic 
ladies  and  gentlemen  from  the  household.  She 
would    allow    no    penal     laws    to    be     enforced 


212  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

against  Catholics  as  such.  Repeated  conspiracies 
to  assassinate  her  were  detected  and  exposed, 
but  she  would  take  no  warning.  She  would 
have  no  bodyguard.  The  utmost  that  she  would 
do  was  to  allow  the  Jesuits  and  seminary  priests, 
who,  by  Parsons's  own  acknowledgment,  were 
sowing  rebellion,  to  be  banished  the  realm,  and 
if  they  persisted  in  remaining  afterwards,  to 
be  treated  as  traitors.  When  executions  are 
treated  as  martyrdoms,  candidates  will  never  be 
wanting  for  the  crown  of  glory,  and  the  flame 
only  burnt  the  hotter.  Tyburn  and  the  quartering 
knife  was  a  horrid  business,  and  Elizabeth  sick- 
ened over  it.  She  hated  the  severity  which  she 
was  compelled  to  exercise.  Her  name  was  defiled 
with  the  grossest  calumnies.  She  knew  that  she 
might  be  murdered  any  day.  For  herself  she  was 
proudly  indifferent ;  but  her  death  would  and 
must  be  followed  by  a  furious  civil  war.  She 
told  the  Privy  Council  one  day  after  some  stormy 
scene,  that  she  would  come  back  afterwards  and 
amuse  herself  with  seeing  the  Queen  of  Scots 
making  their  heads  fly. 

Philip  was  weary  of  it  too.     He  had  enough  to 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  213 

do  in  ruling  his  own  dominions  without  quarrelling 
for  ever  with  his  sister-in-law.  He  had  seen  that 
she  had  subjects,  few  or  many,  who,  if  he  struck, 
would  strike  back  again.  English  money  and 
English  volunteers  were  keeping  alive  the  war 
in  the  Netherlands.  English  privateers  had 
plundered  his  gold  ships,  destroyed  his  commerce, 
and  burnt  his  West  Indian  cities — all  this  in  the 
interests  of  the  Pope,  who  gave  him  fine  words  in 
plenty,  but  who,  when  called  on  for  money  to  help 
in  the  English  conquest,  only  flung  about  his 
dinner-plates.  The  Duke  of  Alva,  while  he  was 
alive,  and  the  Prince  of  Parma,  who  commanded 
in  the  Netherlands  in  Alva's  place,  advised  peace 
if  peace  could  be  had  on  reasonable  terms.  If 
Elizabeth  would  consent  to  withdraw  her  help 
from  the  Netherlands,  and  would  allow  the  English 
Catholics  the  tacit  toleration  with  which  her  reign 
had  begun,  they  were  of  opinion,  and  Philip  was 
of  opinion  too,  that  it  would  be  better  to  forgive 
Drake  and  St.  Domingo,  abandon  Mary  Stuart 
and  the  seminary  priests,  and  meddle  no  more 
with  English  internal  politics. 

Tired  with  a  condition  which  was  neither  war 


214  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

nor  peace,  tired  with  hanging  traitors  and  the 
endless  problem  of  her  sister  of  Scotland,  Elizabeth 
saw  no  reason  for  refusing  offers  which  would  leave 
her  in  peace  for  the  rest  of  her  own  life.  Philip, 
it  was  said,  would  restore  the  Mass  in  the  churches 
in  Holland.  She  might  stipulate  for  such  liberty 
of  conscience  to  the  Holland  Protestants  as  she 
was  herself  willing  to  allow  the  English  Catholics. 
She  saw  no  reason  why  she  should  insist  on  a 
liberty  of  public  worship  which  she  had  herself 
forbidden  at  home.  She  did  not  see  why  the 
Hollanders  should  be  so  precise  about  hearing 
Mass.  She  said  she  would  rather  hear  a  thousand 
Masses  herself  than  have  on  her  conscience  the 
crimes  committed  for  the  Mass  or  against  it.  She 
would  not  have  her  realm  in  perpetual  torment 
for  Mr.  Cecil's  brothers  in  Christ. 

This  was  Elizabeth's  personal  feeling.  It 
could  not  be  openly  avowed.  The  States  might 
then  surrender  to  Philip  in  despair,  and  obtain 
better  securities  for  their  political  liberties  than 
she  was  ready  to  ask  for  them.  They  might  then 
join  the  Spaniards  and  become  her  mortal  enemies. 
But  she  had  a  high  opinion  of  her  own  statecraft. 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  215 

Her  Catholic  friends  assured  her  that,  once  at 
peace  with  Philip,  she  would  be  safe  from  all  the 
world.  At  this  moment  accident  revealed  suddenly 
another  chasm  which  was  opening  unsuspected 
at  her  feet. 

Both  Philip  and  she  were  really  wishing  for 
peace.  A  treaty  of  peace  between  the  Catholic 
King  and  an  excommunicated  princess  would  end 
the  dream  of  a  Catholic  revolution  in  England. 
If  the  English  peers  and  gentry  saw  the  censures 
of  the  Church  set  aside  so  lightly  by  the  most 
orthodox  prince  in  Europe,  Parsons  and  his 
friends  would  preach  in  vain  to  them  the  obliga- 
tion of  rebellion.  If  this  deadly  negotiation 
was  to  be  broken  off,  a  blow  must  be  struck, 
and  struck  at  once.  There  was  not  a  moment 
to  be  lost. 

The  enchanted  prisoner  at  Tutbury  was  the 
sleeping  and  waking  dream  of  Catholic  chivalry. 
The  brave  knight  who  would  slay  the  dragon, 
deliver  Mary  Stuart,  and  place  her  on  the 
usurper's  throne,  would  outdo  Orlando  or  St. 
George,  and  be  sung  of  for  ever  as  the  noblest 
hero  who  had  ever  wielded  brand  or  spear.    Many 


2i6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

a  young  British  heart  had  thrilled  with  hope  that 
for  him  the  enterprise  was  reserved.  One  of  these 
was  a  certain  Anthony  Babington,  a  gentleman 
of  some  fortune  in  Derbyshire.  A  seminary  priest 
named  Ballard,  excited,  like  the  rest,  by  the  need 
of  action,  and  anxious  to  prevent  the  peace,  fell 
in  with  this  Babington,  and  thought  he  had 
found  the  man  for  his  work.  Elizabeth  dead 
and  Mary  Stuart  free,  there  would  be  no  more 
talk  of  peace.  A  plot  was  easily  formed.  Half 
a  dozen  gentlemen,  five  of  them  belonging  to  or 
connected  with  Elizabeth's  own  household,  were 
to  shoot  or  stab  her  and  escape  in  the  confusion ; 
Babington  was  to  make  a  dash  on  Mary  Stuart's 
prison-house  and  carry  her  off  to  some  safe  place  ; 
while  Ballard  undertook  to  raise  the  Catholic 
peers  and  have  her  proclaimed  queen.  Elizabeth 
once  removed,  it  was  supposed  that  they  would 
not  hesitate.  Parma  would  bring  over  the 
Spanish  army  from  Dunkirk.  The  Protestants 
would  be  paralysed.  All  would  be  begun  and 
ended  in  a  few  weeks  or  even  days.  The  Catholic 
religion  would  be  re-established  and  the  hated 
heresy  would   be  trampled   out   for  ever.     Mary 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  217 

Stuart  had  been  consulted  and  had  enthusiastic- 
ally agxeed. 

This  interesting  lady  had  been  lately  profuse 
in  her  protestations  of  a  desire  for  reconciliation 
with  her  dearest  sister.  Elizabeth  had  almost 
believed  her  sincere.  Sick  of  the  endless  trouble 
with  Mary  Stuart  and  her  pretensions  and  schem- 
ings,  she  had  intended  that  the  Scotch  queen 
should  be  included  in  the  treaty  with  Philip, 
with  an  implied  recognition  of  her  right  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  English  throne  after  Elizabeth's  death. 
It  had  been  necessary,  however,  to  ascertain  in 
some  way  whether  her  protestations  were  sincere. 
A  secret  watch  had  been  kept  over  her  corre- 
spondence, and  Babington's  letters  and  her  own 
answers  had  fallen  into  Walsingham's  hands. 
There  it  all  was  in  her  own  cipher,  the  key  to 
which  had  been  betrayed  by  the  carelessness  of  a 
confederate.  The  six  gentlemen  who  were  to 
have  rewarded  Elizabeth's  confidence  by  killing 
her  were  easily  recognised.  They  were  seized, 
with  Babington  and  Ballard,  Avhen  they  imagined 
themselves  on  the  eve  of  their  triumph.  Babing- 
ton  flinched   and   confessed,  and   they   were   all 


2i8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

hanged.  Mary  Stuart  herself  had  outworn  com- 
passion. Twice  already  on  the  discovery  of  her 
earlier  plots  the  House  of  Commons  had  petitioned 
for  her  execution.  For  this  last  piece  of  treachery 
she  was  tried  at  Fotheringay  before  a  commission 
of  Peers  and  Privy  Councillors.  She  denied  her 
letters,  but  her  complicity  was  proved  beyond  a 
doubt.  Parliament  was  called,  and  a  third  time 
insisted  that  the  long  drama  should  now  be  ended 
and  loyal  England  be  allowed  to  breathe  in  peace. 
Elizabeth  signed  the  warrant.  France,  Spain, 
any  other  power  in  the  world  would  have  long 
since  made  an  end  of  a  competitor  so  desperate 
and  so  incurable.  Torn  by  many  feelings — 
natural  pity,  dread  of  the  world's  opinion — 
Elizabeth  paused  before  ordering  the  warrant  to 
be  executed.  If  nothing  had  been  at  stake  but 
her  own  life,  she  would  have  left  the  lady  to  weave 
fresh  plots  and  at  last,  perhaps,  to  succeed.  If 
the  nation's  safety  required  an  end  to  be  made 
with  her,  she  felt  it  hard  that  the  duty  should  be 
thrown  on  herself.  Where  were  all  those  eager 
champions  who  had  signed  the  Association  Bond, 
who  had  talked  so  loudly  ?     Could  none  of  them 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  219 

be  found  to  recollect  their  oaths  and  take  the  law 
into  their  own  hands  ? 

Her  Council,  Burghley,  and  the  rest,  knowing 
her  disposition  and  feeling  that  it  was  life  or 
death  to  English  liberty,  took  the  responsibility 
on  themselves.  They  sent  the  warrant  down  to 
Fotheringay  at  their  own  risk,  leaving  their 
mistress  to  deny,  if  she  pleased,  that  she  had 
meant  it  to  be  executed ;  and  the  wild  career  of 
Mary  Stuart  ended  on  the  scaffold. 

They  knew  what  they  were  immediately 
doing.  They  knew  that  if  treason  had  a  mean- 
ing Mary  Stuart  had  brought  her  fate  upon  her- 
self They  did  not,  perhaps,  realise  the  full 
effects  that  were  to  follow,  or  that  with  Mary 
Stuart  had  vanished  the  last  serious  danger  of 
a  Catholic  insurrection  in  England ;  or  perhaps 
they  did  realise  it,  and  this  was  what  decided 
them  to  act. 

I  cannot  dwell  on  this  here.  As  long  as  there 
was  a  Catholic  j)rincess  of  English  blood  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  throne,  the  allegiance  of  the  Catholics 
to  Elizabeth  had  been  easily  shaken.  If  she  was 
spared  now,  every  one  of  them  would  look  on  her 


220  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

as  their  future  sovereign.  To  overthrow  Elizabeth 
might  mean  the  loss  of  national  independence. 
The  Queen  of  Scots  gone,  they  were  paralysed 
by  divided  counsels,  and  love  of  country  proved 
stronger  than  their  creed. 

What  concerns  us  specially  at  present  is  the 
effect  on  the  King  of  Spain.  The  reluctance  of 
Philip  to  undertake  the  English  enterprise  (the 
'  empresa,'  as  it  was  generally  called)  had  arisen 
from  a  fear  that  when  it  was  accomplished  he 
would  lose  the  fruit  of  his  labours.  He  could 
never  assure  himself  that  if  he  placed  Mary 
Stuart  on  the  throne  she  would  not  become 
eventually  French.  He  now  learnt  that  she 
had  bequeathed  to  himself  her  claims  on  the 
English  succession.  He  had  once  been  titular 
King  of  England.  He  had  pretensions  of  his 
own,  as  in  the  descent  from  Edward  III.  The 
Jesuits,  the  Catholic  enthusiasts  throughout 
Europe,  assured  him  that  if  he  would  now  take 
up  the  cause  in  earnest,  he  might  make  England 
a  province  of  Spain.  There  were  still  difficulties. 
He  might  hope  that  the  English  Catholic  laity 
would  accept  him,  but  he  could  not  be  sure  of  it. 


J.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  221 

He  could  not  be  sure  that  he  would  have  the 
support  of  the  Pope.  He  continued,  as  the 
Conde  de  Feria  said  scornfully  of  him,  '  meando 
en  vado,'  a  phrase  which  I  cannot  translate ;  it 
meant  hesitating  when  he  ought  to  act.  But  he 
saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  that  he  could  now  take  a 
stronger  attitude  towards  Elizabeth  as  a  claimant 
to  her  throne.  If  the  treaty  of  peace  was  to  go 
forward,  he  could  raise  his  terms.  He  could  in- 
sist on  the  restoration  of  the  Catholic  religion  in 
England.  The  States  of  the  Low  Countries  had 
made  over  five  of  their  strongest  towns  to  Eliza- 
beth as  the  price  of  her  assistance.  He  could 
insist  on  her  restoring  them,  not  to  the  States, 
but  to  himself.  Could  she  be  brought  to  consent 
to  such  an  act  of  perfidy,  Parma  and  he  both 
felt  that  the  power  would  then  be  gone  from 
her,  as  effectually  as  Samson's  when  his  locks 
were  clipped  by  the  harlot,  and  they  could  leave 
her  then,  if  it  suited  them,  on  a  throne  which 
would  have  become  a  pillory — for  the  finger  of 
scorn  to  point  at. 

With  such  a  view  before  him  it  was  more  than 
ever  necessary  for  Philip  to    hurry  forward   the 


222  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

preparations  which  he  had  already  com- 
menced. The  more  formidable  he  could  make 
himself,  the  better  able  he  would  be  to  frighten 
Elizabeth  into  submission. 

Every  dockyard  in  Spain  was  set  to  work, 
building  galleons  and  collecting  stores.  Santa 
Cruz  would  command.  Philip  was  himself  more 
resolved  than  ever  to  accompany  the  expedition 
in  person  and  dictate  from  the  English  Channel 
the  conditions  of  the  pacification  of  Europe. 

Secrecy  was  no  longer  attempted — indeed, 
was  no  longer  possibe.  All  Latin  Christendom 
was  palpitating  with  expectation.  At  Lisbon,  at 
Cadiz,  at  Barcelona,  at  Naples,  the  shipwrights 
were  busy  night  and  day.  The  sea  was  covered 
with  vessels  freighted  with  arms  and  provisions 
streaming  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus.  Catholic 
volunteers  from  all  nations  flocked  into  the 
Peninsula,  to  take  a  share  in  the  mighty  move- 
ment which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  the  world, 
and  bishops,  priests,  and  monks  were  set  praying 
through  the  whole  Latin  Communion  that 
Heaven  would  protect  its  own  cause. 

Meantime   the   negotiations   for    peace    con- 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  223 

tinued,  and  Elizabeth,  strange  to  say,  persisted 
in  listening.  She  would  not  see  what  was  plain 
to  all  the  world  besides.  The  execution  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots  lay  on  her  spirit  and  threw  her 
back  into  the  obstinate  humour  which  had  made 
Walsingham  so  often  despair  of  her  safety.  For 
two  months  after  that  scene  at  Fotheringay  she 
had  refused  to  see  Burghley,  and  would  consult 
no  one  but  Sir  James  Crofts  and  her  Spanish- 
tempered  ladies.  She  knew  that  Spain  now 
intended  that  she  should  betray  the  towns  in  the 
Low  Countries,  yet  she  was  blind  to  the  infamy 
which  it  would  bring  upon  her.  She  left  her 
troops  there  without  their  wages  to  shiver  into 
mutiny.  She  named  commissioners,  with  Sir 
James  Crofts  at  their  head,  to  go  to  Ostend  and 
treat  with  Parma,  and  if  she  had  not  resolved  on 
an  act  of  treachery  she  at  least  played  with  the 
temptation,  and  persuaded  herself  that  if  she 
chose  to  make*  over  the  towns  to  Philip,  she  would 
be  only  restoring  them  to  their  lawful  owner. 

Burghley  and  Walsingham,  you  can  see  from 
their  letters,  believed  now  that  Elizabeth  had 
ruined  herself  at  last.     Happily  her  moods  were 


224  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

variable  as  the  weather.  She  was  forced  to  see 
the  condition  to  which  she  had  reduced  her 
affairs  in  the  Low  Countries  by  the  appearance  of 
a  number  of  starving  wretches  who  had  deserted 
from  the  garrisons  there  and  had  come  across  to 
clamour  for  their  pay  at  her  own  palace  gates. 
If  she  had  no  troops  in  the  field  but  a  mutinous 
and  starving  rabble,  she  might  get  no  terms  at 
all.  It  might  be  well  to  show  Philip  that  on  one 
element  at  least  she  could  still  be  dangerous. 
She  had  lost  nothing  by  the  bold  actions  of 
Drake  and  the  privateers.  With  half  a  heart  she 
allowed  Drake  to  fit  them  out  again,  take  the 
BuonaventtLTa,  a  ship  of  her  own,  to  carry  his  flag, 
and  go  down  to  the  coast  of  Spain  and  see  what 
was  going  on.  He  was  not  to  do  too  much.  She 
sent  a  vice-admiral  with  him,  in  the  Lion,  to  be 
a  check  on  over-audacity.  Drake  knew  how  to 
deal  with  embarrassing  vice-admirals.  His  own 
adventurers  would  sail,  if  he  ordered,  to  the 
Mountains  of  the  Moon,  and  be  quite  certain  that 
it  was  the  right  place  to  go  to.  Once  under  way 
and  on  the  blue  water  he  would  go  his  own 
course  and  run  his   own   risks.     Cadiz    Harbour 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  225 

was  thronged  with  transports,  provision  ships, 
powder  vessels — a  hundred  sail  of  them — -many  of 
a  thousand  tons  and  over,  loading  with  stores  for 
the  Armada.  There  were  thirty  sail  of  adven- 
turers, the  smartest  ships  afloat  on  the  ocean, 
and  sailed  by  the  smartest  seamen  that  ever 
handled  rope  or  tiller.  Something  might  be  done 
at  Cadiz  if  he  did  not  say  too  much  about  it. 
The  leave  had  been  given  to  him  to  go,  but  he 
knew  by  experience,  and  Burghley  again  warned 
him,  that  it  might,  and  probably  would,  be  re- 
voked if  he  waited  too  long.  The  moment  was 
his  own,  and  he  used  it.  He  was  but  just  in 
time.  Before  his  sails  were  under  the  horizon  a 
courier  galloped  into  Plymouth  with  orders  that 
under  no  condition  was  he  to  enter  port  or  haven 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  or  injure  Spanish  subjects. 
What  else  was  he  going  out  for?  He  had 
guessed  how  it  would  be.  Comedy  or  earnest  he 
could  not  tell.  If  earnest,  some  such  order  would 
be  sent  after  him,  and  he  had  not  an  instant  to 
lose. 

He  sailed  on  the  morning  of  the  1 2th  of  April. 
Off  Ushant  he  fell  in  with  a  north-west  gale,  and 


226  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

he  flew  on,  spreading  every  stitch  of  canvas  which 
his  spars  would  bear.  In  five  days  he  was  at  Cape 
St.  Vincent.  On  the  i8th  he  had  the  white 
houses  of  Cadiz  right  in  front  of  him,  and  could 
see  for  himself  the  forests  of  masts  from  the 
ships  and  transports  with  which  the  harbour  was 
choked.  Here  was  a  chance  for  a  piece  of 
service  if  there  was  courage  for  the  venture. 
He  signalled  for  his  officers  to  come  on  board 
the  Buonaventura.  There  before  their  eyes  was, 
if  not  the  Armada  itself,  the  materials  which 
were  to  fit  the  Armada  for  the  seas.  Did  they 
dare  to  go  in  with  him  and  destroy  them  ?  There 
were  batteries  at  the  harbour  mouth,  but  Drake's 
mariners  had  faced  Spanish  batteries  at  St, 
Domingo  and  Carthagena  and  had  not  found  them 
very  formidable.  Go  in  ?  Of  course  they  would. 
Where  Drake  would  lead  the  corsairs  of  Plymouth 
were  never  afraid  to  follow.  The  vice-admiral 
pleaded  danger  to  her  Majesty's  ships.  It  was 
not  the  business  of  an  English  fleet  to  be  particu- 
lar about  danger.  Straight  in  they  went  with  a 
fair  wind  and  a  flood  tide,  ran  past  the  batteries 
and  under  a  storm  of  shot,  to  which  they  did  not 


7,]     ,  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  227 

trouble  themselves  to  wait  to  reply.  The  poor 
vice-admiral  followed  reluctantly  in  the  Lio%.  A 
single  shot  hit  the  Lion,  and  he  edged  away  out 
of  range,  anchored,  and  drifted  to  sea  again  with 
the  ebb.  But  Drake  and  all  the  rest  dashed  on, 
sank  the  guardship — a  large  galleon — and  sent 
flying  a  fleet  of  galleys  which  ventured  too  near 
them  and  were  never  seen  again. 

Further  resistance  there  was  none — absolutely 
none.  The  crews  of  the  store  ships  escaped  in 
their  boats  to  land.  The  governor  of  Cadiz,  the 
same  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  who  the  next  year 
was  to  gain  a  disastrous  immortality,  fled  '  like  a 
tall  gentleman '  to  raise  troops  and  prevent  Drake 
from  landing.  Drake  had  no  intention  of  landing. 
At  his  extreme  leisure  he  took  possession  of  the 
Spanish  shipping,  searched  every  vessel,  and 
carried  off  everything  that  he  could  use.  He  de- 
tained as  prisoners  the  few  men  that  he  found  on 
board,  and  then,  after  doing  Ms  work  deliberately 
and  completely,  he  set  the  hulls  on  fire,  cut  the 
cables,  and  left  them  to  drive  on  the  rising  tide 
under  the  walls  of  the  town — a  confused  mass  of 
blazing  ruin.      On  the  1 2th  of  April  he  had  sailed 


228  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

from  Plymouth ;  on  the  19th  he  entered  Cadiz 
Harbour ;  on  the  ist  of  May  he  passed  out  again 
without  the  loss  of  a  boat  or  a  man.  He  said  in 
jest  that  he  had  singed  the  King  of  Spain's  beard 
for  him.  In  sober  prose  he  had  done  the  King 
of  Spain  an  amount  of  damage  which  a  million 
ducats  and  a  year's  labour  would  imperfectly 
replace.  The  daring  rapidity  of  the  enterprise 
astonished  Spain,  and  astonished  Europe  more 
than  the  storm  of  the  West  Indian  towns.  The 
English  had  long  teeth,  as  Santa  Cruz  had  told 
Philip's  council,  and  the  teeth  would  need  drawing 
before  Mass  would  be  heard  again  at  Westminster. 
The  Spaniards  were  a  gallant  race,  and  a  dashing 
exploit,  though  at  their  own  expense,  could  be 
admired  by  the  countrymen  of  Cervantes.  '  So 
praised,'  we  read,  'was  Drake  for  his  valour 
among  them,  that  they  said  that  if  he  was  not  a 
Lutheran  there  would  not  be  the  like  of  him  in 
the  world.'  A  Court  lady  was  invited  by  the  King 
to  join  a  party  on  a  lake  near  Madrid.  The  lady 
replied  that  she  dared  not  trust  herself  on  the 
water  with  his  Majesty  lest  Sir  Francis  Drake 
should  have  her. 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  229 

Drake  might  well  be  praised.  But  Drake 
would  have  been  the  first  to  divide  the  honour 
with  the  comrades  who  were  his  arm  and  hand. 
Great  admirals  and  generals  do  not  win  their 
battles  single-handed  like  the  heroes  of  romance. 
Orders  avail  only  when  there  are  men  to  execute 
them.  Not  a  captain,  not  an  officer  who  served 
under  Drake,  ever  flinched  or  blundered.  Never 
was  such  a  school  for  seamen  as  that  twenty 
years'  privateering  war  between  the  servants  of 
the  Pope  and  the  West-country  Protestant 
adventurers.  Those  too  must  be  remembered 
who  built  and  rigged  the  ships  in  which  they 
sailed  and  fought  their  battles.  We  may  depend 
upon  it  that  there  was  no  dishonesty  in  con- 
tractors, no  scamping  of  the  work  in  the  yards 
where  the  Plymouth  rovers  were  fitted  out  for 
sea.  Their  hearts  were  in  it ;  they  were  soldiers 
of  a  common  cause. 

Thi-ee  weeks  had  sufficed  for  Cadiz.  No  order 
for  recall  had  yet  arrived.  Drake  had  other  plans 
before  him,  and  the  men  were  in  high  spirits  and 
ready  for  anything.  A  fleet  of  Spanish  men-of- 
war  was  expected  round  from  the  Mediterranean. 


230  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

He  proposed  to  stay  for  a  week  or  two  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Straits,  in  the  hope  of 
falling  in  with  them.  He  wanted  fresh  water, 
too,  and  had  to  find  it  somewhere. 

Before  leaving  Cadiz  Roads  he  had  to  decide 
what  to  do  with  his  prisoners.  Many  English 
were  known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Holy  Office 
working  in  irons  as  galley  slaves.  He  sent  in  a 
pinnace  to  propose  an  exchange,  and  had  to  wait 
some  days  for  an  answer.  At  length,  after  a 
reference  to  Lisbon,  the  Spanish  authorities 
replied  that  they  had  no  English  j)risoners.  If 
this  was  true  those  they  had  must  have  died 
of  barbarous  usage ;  and  after  a  consultation  with 
his  officers  Sir  Francis  sent  in  word  that  for  the 
future  such  prisoners  as  they  might  take  would 
be  sold  to  the  Moors,  and  the  money  applied  to 
the  redemption  of  English  captives  in  other  parts 
of  the  world. 

Water  was  the  next  point.  There  were  springs 
at  Faro,  with  a  Spanish  force  stationed  there  to 
guard  them.  Force  or  no  force,  water  was  to  be 
had.  The  boats  were  sent  on  shore.  The  boats' 
crews  stormed  the  forts  and  filled  the  casks.     The 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  231 

vice-admiral  again  lifted  up  liis  voice.  The 
Queen  had  ordered  that  there  was  to  be  no 
landing  on  Spanish  soil.  At  Cadiz  the  order  had 
been  observed.  There  had  been  no  need  to  land. 
Here  at  Faro  there  had  been  direct  defiance  of 
her  Majesty's  command.  He  became  so  loud  in 
his  clamours  that  Drake  found  it  necessary  to 
lock  him  up  in  his  own  cabin,  and  at  length  to 
send  him  home  with  his  ship  to  complain.  For 
himself,  as  the  expected  fleet  from  the  Straits  did 
not  appear,  and  as  he  had  shaken  off  his  trouble- 
some second  in  command,  he  proceeded  leisurely 
up  the  coast,  intending  to  look  in  at  Lisbon  and 
see  for  himself  how  things  were  going  on  there. 
All  along  as  he  went  he  fell  in  with  traders 
loaded  with  supplies  for  the  use  of  the  Armada, 
All  these  he  destroyed  as  he  advanced,  and  at 
length  found  himself  under  the  purple  hills  of 
Cintra  and  looking  up  into  the  Tagus.  There 
lay  gathered  together  the  strength  of  the  fighting 
naval  force  of  Spain — fifty  great  galleons,  already 
anived,  the  largest  war-ships  which  then  floated 
on  the  ocean.  Santa  Cruz,  the  best  ojfficer  in  the 
Spanish  navy,  was   himself  in  the  town  and  in 


232  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

command.  To  venture  a  repetition  of  the  Cadiz 
exploit  in  the  face  of  such  odds  seemed  too 
desperate  even  for  Drake,  but  it  was  one  of  those 
occasions  when  the  genius  of  a  great  commander 
sees  more  than  ordinary  eyes.  He  calculated, 
and,  as  was  proved  afterwards,  calculated  rightly, 
that  the  galleons  would  be  half  manned,  or 
not  manned  at  all,  and  crowded  with  landsmen 
bringing  on  board  the  stores.  Their  sides  as 
they  lay  would  be  choked  with  hulks  and  lighters. 
They  would  be  unable  to  get  their  anchors  up, 
set  their  canvas,  or  stir  from  their  moorings. 
Daring  as  Drake  was  known  to  be,  no  one  would 
expect  him  to  go  with  so  small  a  force  into  the 
enemy's  stronghold,  and  there  would  be  no  pre- 
parations to  meet  him.  He  could  count  upon  the 
tides.  The  winds  at  that  season  of  the  year  were 
fresh  and  steady,  and  could  be  counted  on  also  to 
take  him  in  or  out ;  there  was  sea  room  in  the 
river  for  such  vessels  as  the  adventures'  to  man- 
oeuvre and  to  retreat  if  overmatched.  Rash  as 
such  an  enterprise  might  seem  to  an  unprofessional 
eye,  DraKe  certainly  thought  of  it,  perhaps  had 
meant  to  try  it  in  some  form  or  other  and  so  make 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  233 

an  end  of  the  Spanish  invasion  of  England.  He 
could  not  venture  without  asking  first  for  his 
mistress's  permission.  He  knew  her  nature.  He 
knew  that  his  services  at  Cadiz  would  outweigh 
his  disregard  of  her  orders,  and  that  so  far  he  had 
nothing  to  fear;  but  he  knew  also  that  she  was 
still  hankermg  after  peace,  and  that  without  her 
leave  he  must  do  nothing  to  make  peace  im- 
possible. There  is  a  letter  from  him  to  the 
Queen,  written  when  he  was  lying  off  Lisbon, 
very  characteristic  of  the  time  and  the  man. 

Nelson  or  Lord  St.  Vincent  did  not  talk  much 
of  expecting  supernatural  assistance.  If  they 
had  we  should  susjDect  them  of  using  language 
conventionally  which  they  would  have  done  better 
to  leave  alone.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  like  his  other 
great  contemporaries,  believed  that  he  was  engaged 
in  a  holy  cause,  and  was  not  afraid  or  ashamed  to 
say  so.  His  object  was  to  protest  against  a  recall 
in  the  flow  of  victory.  The  Spaniards,  he  said, 
were  but  mortal  men.  They  were  enemies  of 
the  Truth,  upholders  of  Dagon's  image,  which 
had  fallen  in  other  days  before  the  Ark,  and 
would  fall  again  if  boldly  defied.     So  long  as  he 


234  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

had  ships  that  would  float,  and  there  was  food  on 
board  them  for  the  men  to  eat,  he  entreated  her 
to  let  him  stay  and  strike  whenever  a  chance  was 
offered  him.  The  continuing  to  the  end  yielded 
the  true  glory.  When  men  were  serving  religion 
and  their  country,  a  merciful  God,  it  was  likely, 
would  give  them  victory,  and  Satan  and  his  angels 
should  not  prevail. 

All  in  good  time.  Another  year  and  Drake 
would  have  the  chance  he  wanted.  For  the 
moment  Satan  had  prevailed — Satan  in  the  shape 
of  Elizabeth's  Catholic  advisers.  Her  answer 
came.  It  was  warm  and  generous.  She  did  not, 
could  not,  blame  him  for  what  he  had  done  so 
far,  but  she  desired  him  to  provoke  the  King  of 
Spain  no  further.  The  negotiations  for  peace 
had  opened,  and  must  not  be  interfered  with. 

This  prohibition  from  the  Queen  prevented, 
perhaps,  what  would  have  been  the  most  remark- 
able exploit  in  English  naval  history.  As  matters 
stood  it  would  have  been  perfectly  possible  for 
Drake  to  have  gone  into  the  Tagus,  and  if  he 
could  not  have  burnt  the  galleons  he  could  cer- 
tainly have  come  away  unhurt.     He  had  guessed 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  235 

their  condition  with  entire  correctness.  The 
ships  were  there,  but  the  ships'  companies  were 
not  on  board  them.  Santa  Cruz  himself  admitted 
that  if  Drake  had  gone  in  he  could  have  himself 
done  nothing  '  por  falta  de  gente '  (for  want  of 
men).  And  Drake  undoubtedly  would  have  gone, 
and  would  have  done  something  with  which  all 
the  world  would  have  rung,  but  for  the  positive 
command  of  his  mistress.  He  lingered  in  the 
roads  at  Cintra,  hoping  that  Santa  Cruz  would 
come  out  and  meet  him.  All  Spain  was  clamour- 
ing at  Santa  Cruz's  inaction.  Philip  wrote  to 
stir  the  old  admiral  to  energy.  He  must  not 
allow  himself  to  be  defied  by  a  squadron  of  in- 
solent rovers.  He  must  chase  them  off  the  coast 
or  destroy  them.  Santa  Cruz  needed  no  stirring. 
Santa  Cruz,  the  hero  of  a  hundred  fights,  was 
chafing  at  his  own  impotence ;  but  he  was  obliged 
to  tell  his  master  that  if  he  wished  to  have 
service  out  of  his  galleons  he  must  provide 
crews  to  handle  them,  and  they  must  rot  at 
their  anchors  till  he  did.  He  told  him,  more- 
over, that  it  was  time  for  him  to  exert  himself 
in  earnest.     If  he  waited  much  longer,  England 


236  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

would  have  grown  too  strong  for  him  to  deal 
with. 

In  strict  obedience  Drake  ought  now  to  have 
gone  home,  but  the  campaign  had  brought  so  far 
more  glory  than  prize-money.  His  comrades  re- 
quired some  consolation  for  their  disappointment 
at  Lisbon.  The  theory  of  these  armaments  of 
the  adventurers  was  that  the  cost  should  be  paid 
somehow  by  the  enemy,  and  he  could  be  assured 
that  if  he  brought  back  a  prize  or  two  in  which 
she  could  claim  a  share  the  Queen  would  not  call 
him  to  a  very  strict  account.  Homeward-bound 
galleons  or  merchantmen  were  to  be  met  with 
occasionally  at  the  Azores.  On  leaving  Lisbon 
Drake  headed  away  to  St.  Michael's,  and  his 
lucky  star  was  still  in  the  ascendant. 

As  if  sent  on  purpose  for  him,  the  ^an  FMli'p, 
a  magnificent  caraque  from  the  Indies,  fell 
straight  into  his  hands,  '  so  richly  loaded,'  it  was 
said,  'that  every  man  in  the  fleet  counted  his 
fortune  made.'  There  was  no  need  to  wait  for 
more.  It  was  but  two  months  since  Drake  had 
sailed  from  Plymouth.  He  could  now  go  home 
after  a  cruise  of  which  the  history  of  his  own  or 


7.]  ATTACK  ON  CADIZ  237 

any  other  country  had  never  presented  the  like. 
He  had  struck  the  King  of  Spain  in  his  own 
stronghold.  He  had  disabled  the  intended 
Armada  for  one  season  at  least.  He  had  picked 
up  a  prize  by  the  way  and  as  if  by  accident, 
worth  half  a  million,  to  pay  his  expenses,  so  that 
he  had  cost  nothing  to  his  mistress,  and  had 
brought  back  a  handsome  present  for  her.  I 
doubt  if  such  a  naval  estimate  was  ever  presented 
to  an  English  House  of  Commons.  Above  all 
he  had  taught  the  self-confident  Spaniard  to  be 
afraid  of  him,  and  he  carried  back  his  poor  com- 
rades in  such  a  glow  of  triumph  that  they  would 
have  fought  Satan  and  all  his  angels  with  Drake 
at  their  head. 

Our  West-country  annals  still  tell  how  the 
country  people  streamed  down  in  their  best 
clothes  to  see  the  great  8an  Philip  towed  into 
Dartmouth  Harbour.  English  Protestantism  was 
no  bad  cable  for  the  nation  to  ride  by  in  those 
stormy  times,  and  deserves  to  be  honourably 
remembered  in  a  School  of  History  at  an  English 
University. 


LECTURE  VIII 

SAILING  OF  THE   ARMADA 

T)EACE  or  war  between  Spain  and  England, 
that  was  now  the  question,  with  a  prospect 
of  securing  the  English  succession  for  himself  or 
one  of  his  daughters.  With  the  whole  Spanish 
nation  smarting  under  the  indignity  of  the  burn- 
ing of  the  ships  at  Cadiz,  Philip's  warlike  ardour 
had  warmed  into  something  like  fire.  He  had 
resolved  at  any  rate,  if  he  was  to  forgive  his 
sister-in-law  at  all,  to  insist  on  more  than  toler- 
ation for  the  Catholics  in  England.  He  did  not 
contemplate  as  even  possible  that  the  English 
privateers,  however  bold  or  dexterous,  could  resist 
such  an  armament  as  he  was  preparing  to  lead 
to  the  Channel.  The  Royal  Navy,  he  knew  very 
well,  did  not  exceed  twenty-five  ships  of  all  sorts 
and  sizes.     The  adventurers  might  be  equal  to 


LECT,  8.]        SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  239 

sudden  daring  actions,  but  would  and  must  be 
crushed  by  such  a  fleet  as  was  being  fitted  out 
at  Lisbon.  He  therefore,  for  himself,  meant  to 
demand  that  the  Catholic  religion  should  be 
restored  to  its  complete  and  exclusive  superiority, 
and  certain  towns  in  England  were  to  be  made 
over  to  be  garrisoned  by  Spanish  troops  as  securi- 
ties for  Elizabeth's  good  behaviour.  As  often 
happens  with  irresolute  men,  when  they  have 
once  been  forced  to  a  decision  they  are  as  too 
hasty  as  before  they  were  too  slow.  After  Drake 
had  retired  from  Lisbon  the  King  of  Spain  sent 
orders  to  the  Prince  of  Parma  not  to  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Armada,  but  to  cross  the  Channel 
immediately  with  the  Flanders  army,  and  bring 
Elizabeth  to  her  knees.  Parma  had  more  sense 
than  his  master.  He  represented  that  he  could 
not  cross  without  a  fleet  to  cover  his  passage. 
His  transport  barges  would  only  float  in  smooth 
water,  and  whether  the  water  was  smooth  or 
rough  they  could  be  sent  to  the  bottom  by  half 
a  dozen  English  cruisers  from  the  Thames.  Sup- 
posing him  to  have  landed,  either  in  Thanet  or 
other  spot,  he  reminded  Philip  that  he  could  not 


240  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

have  at  most  more  than  25,000  men  with  him. 
The  English  militia  were  in  training.  The  Jesuits 
said  they  were  disaffected,  but  the  Jesuits  might 
be  making  a  mistake.  He  might  have  to  fight 
more  than  one  battle.  He  would  have  to  leave 
detachments  as  he  advanced  to  London,  to  cover 
his  communications,  and  a  reverse  would  be  fatal. 
He  would  obey  if  his  Majesty  persisted,  but  he 
recommended  Philip  to  continue  to  amuse  the 
English  with  the  treaty  till  the  Armada  was 
ready,  and,  in  evident  consciousness  that  the 
enterprise  would  be  harder  than  Philip  imagined, 
he  even  gave  it  as  his  own  opinion  still  (notwith- 
standing Cadiz),  that  if  Elizabeth  would  surrender 
the  cautionary  towns  in  Flanders  to  Spain,  and 
would  grant  the  English  Catholics  a  fair  degree 
of  liberty,  it  would  be  Philip's  interest  to  make 
peace  at  once  without  stipulating  for  further 
terms.  He  could  make  a  new  war  if  he  wished 
at  a  future  time,  when  circumstances  might  be 
more  convenient  and  the  Netherlands  revolt 
subdued. 

To  such  conditions  as  these  it  seemed  that 
Elizabeth  was  inclining  to  consent.      The  towns 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  241 

had  been  trusted  to  her  keeping  by  the  Nether- 
landers.  To  give  them  up  to  the  enemy  to  make 
better  conditions  for  herself  would  be  an  infamy 
so  great  as  to  have  disgraced  Elizabeth  for  ever ; 
yet  she  would  not  see  it.  She  said  the  towns 
belonged  to  Philip  and  she  would  only  be  restor- 
ing his  own  to  him.  Burghley  bade  her,  if  she 
wanted  peace,  send  back  Drake  to  the  Azores 
and  frighten  Philip  for  his  gold  ships.  She  was 
in  one  of  her  ungovernable  moods.  Instead  of 
sending  out  Drake  again  she  ordered  her  own 
fleet  to  be  dismantled  and  laid  up  at  Chatham, 
and  she  condescended  to  apologise  to  Parma  for 
the  burning  of  the  transports  at  Cadiz  as  done 
against  her  orders. 

This  was  in  December  158/5  only  five  months 
before  the  Armada  sailed  from  Lisbon.  Never 
had  she  brought  herself  and  her  country  so  near 
ruin.  The  entire  safety  of  England  rested  at 
that  moment  on  the  adventurers,  and  on  the 
adventurers  alone. 

Meanwhile,  with  enormous  effort  the  destruc- 
tion at  Cadiz  had  been  repaired.  The  great  fleet 
was    pushed   on,   and   in   February   Santa   Cruz 


R 


242  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

reported  himself  almost  ready.  Santa  Cruz  and 
Philip,  however,  were  not  in  agreement  as  to 
what  should  be  done.  Santa  Cruz  was  a  fighting 
admiral,  Philip  was  not  a  fighting  king.  He 
changed  his  mind  as  often  as  Elizabeth.  Hot 
fits  varied  with  cold.  His  last  news  from  England 
led  him  to  hope  that  fighting  would  not  be 
wanted.  The  Commissioners  were  sitting  at 
Ostend.  On  one  side  there  were  the  formal 
negotiations,  in  which  the  surrender  of  the  towns 
was  not  yet  treated  as  an  open  question.  Had 
the  States  been  aware  that  Elizabeth  was  even 
in  thought  entertaining  it,  they  would  have  made 
terms  instantly  on  their  own  account  and  left 
her  alone  in  the  cold.  Besides  this,  there  was  a 
second  negotiation  underneath,  carried  on  by 
private  agents,  in  which  the  surrender  was  to 
be  the  special  condition.  These  complicated 
schemings  Parma  purposely  protracted,  to  keep 
Elizabeth  in  false  security.  She  had  not  deliber- 
ately intended  to  give  up  the  towns.  At  the  last 
moment  she  would  have  probably  refused,  unless 
the  States  themselves  consented  to  it  as  part  of 
a  general  settlement.     But  she  was  playing  with 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  243 

the  idea.  The  States,  she  thought,  were  too 
obstinate.  Peace  would  be  good  for  them,  and 
she  said  she  might  do  them  good  if  she  pleased, 
whether  they  liked  it  or  not. 

Parma  was  content  that  she  should  amuse 
herself  with  words  and  neglect  her  defences  by 
sea  and  land.  By  the  end  of  February  Santa 
Cruz  was  ready.  A  northerly  wind  blows  strong 
down  the  coast  of  Portugal  in  the  spring  months, 
and  he  meant  to  be  off  before  it  set  in,  before  the 
end  of  March  at  latest.  Unfortunately  for  Spain, 
Santa  Cruz  fell  ill  at  the  last  moment — ill,  it  was 
said,  with  anxiety.  Santa  Cruz  knew  well  enough 
what  Philip  would  not  know — that  the  expedition 
would  be  no  holiday  parade.  He  had  reason 
enough  to  be  anxious  if  Philip  was  to  accompany 
him  and  tie  his  hands  and  embarrass  him.  Any- 
way, Santa  Cruz  died  after  a  few  days'  illness. 
The  sailing  had  to  be  suspended  till  a  new  com- 
mander could  be  decided  on,  and  in  the  choice 
which  Philip  made  he  gave  a  curious  proof  of 
what  he  intended  the  expedition  to  do.  He  did 
not  really  expect  or  wish  for  any  serious  fighting. 
He  wanted   to   be  sovereign   of  England  again, 


244  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

with  the  assent  of  the  English  Catholics.  He 
did  not  mean,  if  he  could  help  it,  to  irritate  the 
national  pride  by  force  and  conquest.  While 
Santa  Cruz  lived,  Spanish  public  opinion  would 
not  allow  him  to  be  passed  over.  Santa  Cruz 
must  command,  and  Philip  had  resolved  to  go 
with  him,  to  prevent  too  violent  proceedings. 
Santa  Cruz  dead,  he  could  find  someone  who 
would  do  what  he  was  told,  and  his  own  presence 
would  no  longer  be  necessary. 

The  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  named  El 
Bueno,  or  the  Good,  was  a  grandee  of  highest 
rank.  He  was  enormously  rich,  fond  of  hunting 
and  shooting,  a  tolerable  rider,  for  the  rest  a 
harmless  creature  getting  on  to  forty,  conscious 
of  his  defects,  but  not  aware  that  so  great  a 
prince  had  any  need  to  mend  them ;  without 
vanity,  without  ambition,  and  most  happy  when 
lounging  in  his  orange  gardens  at  San  Lucan. 
Of  active  service  he  had  seen  none.  He  was 
Captain-General  of  Andalusia,  and  had  run  away 
from  Cadiz  when  Drake  came  into  the  harbour ; 
but  that  was  all.  To  his  astonishment  and  to 
his  dismay  he  learnt  that  it  was  on  him  that  the 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  245 

choice  had  fallen  to  be  the  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  Spain  and  commander  of  the  so  much  talked 
of  expedition  to  England.  He  protested  his 
unfitness.  He  said  that  he  was  no  seaman ;  that 
he  knew  nothing  of  fighting  by  sea  or  land ;  that 
if  he  ventured  out  in  a  boat  he  was  always  sick ; 
that  he  had  never  seen  the  English  Channel ;  and 
that,  as  to  politics,  he  neither  knew  anything  nor 
cared  anything  about  them.  In  short,  he  had  not 
one  qualification  which  such  a  post  required. 

Philip  liked  his  modesty;  but  in  fact  the 
Duke's  defects  were  his  recommendations.  He 
would  obey  his  instructions,  would  not  fight  unless 
it  was  necessary,  and  would  go  into  no  rash 
adventures.  All  that  Philip  wanted  him  to  do 
was  to  find  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  act  as  Parma 
should  bid  him.  As  to  seamanship,  he  would 
have  the  best  officers  in  the  navy  under  him ; 
and  for  a  second  in  command  he  should  have  Don 
Diego  de  Valdez,  a  cautious,  silent,  sullen  old 
sailor,  a  man  after  Philip's  own  heart. 

Doubting,  hesitating,  the  Duke  repaired  to 
Lisbon.  There  he  was  put  in  better  heart  by  a 
nun,  who  said  Our  Lady  had  sent  her  to  promise 


246  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

him  success.  Every  part  of  the  service  was  new 
to  him.  He  was  a  fussy,  anxious  little  man ;  set 
himself  to  inquire  into  everything,  to  meddle  with 
things  which  he  could  not  understand  and  had 
better  have  left  alone.  He  ought  to  have  left 
details  toi  the  responsible  heads  of  departn^ents. 
He  fancied  that  in  a  week  or  two  he  could  look 
himself  into  everything.  There  were  130  ships, 
8,000  seamen,  19,000  Spanish  infantry,  with 
gentlemen  volunteers,  officers,  priests,  surgeons^ 
galley  slaves — at  least  3,000  more — provisioned 
for  six  months.  Then  there  were  the  ships'  stores, 
arms  small  and  great,  powder,  spars,  cordage, 
canvas,  and  such  other  million  necessities  as  ships 
on  service  need.  The  whole  of  this  the  poor 
Duke  took  on  himself  to  examine  into,  and,  as  he 
could  not  understand  what  he  saw,  and  knew  not 
what  to  look  at,  nothing  was  examined  into  at  all. 
Everyone's  mind  was,  in  fact,  so  much  absorbed 
by  the  spiritual  side  of  the  thing  that  they  could 
not  attend  to  vulgar  commonplaces.  Don  Quixote, 
when  he  set  out  on  his  expedition,  and  forgot 
money  and  a  change  of  linen,  was  not  in  a  state 
of  wilder  exaltation  than  Catholic  Europe  at  the 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  247 

sailing  of  the  Armada.  Every  noble  family  in 
Spain  had  sent  one  or  other  of  its  sons  to  fight 
for  Christ  and  Our  Lady, 

For  three  years  the  stream  of  prayer  had  been 
ascending  from  church,  cathedral,  or  oratory. 
The  King  had  emptied  his  treasury.  The  hidalgo 
and  the  tradesman  had  offered  their  contributions. 
The  crusade  against  the  Crescent  itself  had  not 
kindled  a  more  intense  or  more  sacred  enthusiasm. 
All  pains  were  taken  to  make  the  expedition 
spiritually  worthy  of  its  purpose.  No  impure 
thing,  specially  no  impure  woman,  was  to  approach 
the  yards  or  ships.  Swearing,  quarrelling,  gamb- 
ling, were  prohibited  under  terrible  penalties.  The 
galleons  were  named  after  the  apostles  and  saints 
to  whose  charge  they  were  committed,  and  every 
seaman  and  soldier  confessed  and  communicated 
on  going  on  board.  The  shipboys  at  sunrise 
were  to  sing  their  Buenos  Dias  at  the  foot  of  the 
mainmast,  and  their  Ave  Maria  as  the  sun  sank 
into  the  ocean.  On  the  Imperial  banner  were 
embroidered  the  figures  of  Christ  and  His  Mother, 
and  as  a  motto  the  haughty  '  Plus  Ultra '  of 
Charles   V.  was  replaced   with   the   more  pious 


248  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

aspiration,  '  Exsurge,  Deus,  et  vindica  causam 
tuam.' 

Nothing  could  be  better  if  the  more  vulgar 
necessities  had  been  looked  to  equally  well.  Un- 
luckily, Medina  Sidonia  had  taken  the  inspection 
of  these  on  himself,  and  Medina  Sidonia  was  un- 
able to  correct  the  information  which  any  rascal 
chose  to  give  him. 

At  length,  at  the  end  of  April,  he  reported 
himself  satisfied.  The  banner  was  blessed  in  the 
cathedral,  men  and  stores  all  on  board,  and  the 
Invincible  Armada  prepared  to  go  upon  its  way. 
No  wonder  Philip  was  confident.  A  hundred  and 
thirty  galleons,  from  1,300  to  700  tons,  30,000 
fighting  men,  besides  slaves  and  servants,  made 
up  a  force  which  the  world  might  well  think 
invincible.  The  guns  were  the  weakest  part. 
There  were  twice  as  many  as  the  English ;  but 
they  were  for  the  most  part  nine  and  six  pounders, 
and  with  but  fifty  rounds  to  each.  The  Spaniards 
had  done  their  sea  fighting  hitherto  at  close  range, 
grappling  and  trusting  to  musketry.  They  were 
to  receive  a  lesson  about  this  before  the  summer 
was  over.    But  Philip  himself  meanwhile  expected 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  249 

evidently  that  he  would  meet  with  no  opposition. 
Of  priests  he  had  provided  1 80 ;  of  surgeons  and 
surgeons'  assistants  eighty-five  only  for  the  whole 
fleet. 

In  the  middle  of  May  he  sent  down  his  last 
orders.  The  Duke  was  not  to  seek  a  battle.  If 
he  fell  in  with  Drake  he  Avas  to  take  no  notice  of 
him,  but  thank  God,  as  Dogberry  said  to  the 
watchman,  that  he  was  rid  of  a  knave.  He  was 
to  go  straight  to  the  North  Foreland,  there  anchor 
and  communicate  with  Parma.  The  experienced 
admirals  who  had  learnt  their  trade  under  Santa 
Cruz — Martinez  de  Recalde,  Pedro  de  Valdez, 
Miguel  de  Oquendo— strongly  urged  the  securing 
Plymouth  or  the  Isle  of  Wight  on  then*  way  up 
Channel.  This  had  evidently  been  Santa  Cruz's 
own  design,  and  the  only  rational  one  to  have 
followed.  Philip  did  not  see  it.  He  did  not 
believe  it  would  prove  necessary;  but  as  to  this 
and  as  to  fighting  he  left  them,  as  he  knew  he 
must  do,  a  certain  discretion. 

The  Duke  then,  flying  the  sacred  banner  on 
the  Ban  Martin,  dropped  down  the  Tagus  on  the 
14th  of  May,  followed  by  the  whole  fleet.     The 


2SO  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

San  Martin  had  been  double-timbered  with  oak, 
to  keep  the  shot  out.  He  liked  his  business  no 
better.  In  vain  he  repeated  to  himself  that  it 
was  God's  cause.  God  would  see  they  came  to 
no  harm.  He  was  no  sooner  in  the  open  sea  than 
he  found  no  cause,  however  holy,  saved  men  from 
the  consequences  of  their  own  blunders.  They 
were  late  out,  and  met  the  north  trade  wind,  as 
Santa  Cruz  had  foretold. 

They  drifted  to  leeward  day  by  day  till  they 
had  dropped  down  to  Cape  St.  Vincent.  Infinite 
pains  had  been  taken  with  the  spiritual  state  of 
everyone  on  board.  The  carelessness  or  roguery 
of  contractors  and  purveyors  had  not  been  thought 
of  The  water  had  been  taken  in  three  months 
before.  It  was  found  foul  and  stinking.  The 
salt  beef,  the  salt  pork,  and  fish  were  putrid,  the 
bread  full  of  maggots  and  cockroaches.  Cask  was 
opened  after  cask.  It  was  the  same  story  every- 
where. They  had  to  be  all  thrown  overboard. 
In  the  whole  fleet  there  was  not  a  sound  morsel 
of  food  but  biscuit  and  dried  fruit.  The  men 
went  down  in  hundreds  with  dysentery.  The 
Duke  bewailed  his  fate  as  innocently  as  Sancho 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  251 

Panza.  He  hoped  God  would  help.  He  had 
Avished  no  harm  to  anybody.  He  had  left  his 
home  and  his  family  to  please  the  King,  and  he 
trusted  the  King  would  remember  it.  He  wrote 
piteously  for  fresh  stores,  if  the  King  would  not 
have  them  all  perish.  The  admirals  said  they 
could  go  no  further  without  fresh  water.  All  was 
dismay  and  confusion.  The  wind  at  last  fell 
round  south,  and  they  made  Finisterre.  It  then 
came  on  to  blow,  and  they  were  scattered.  The 
Duke  with  half  the  fleet  crawled  into  Corunna, 
the  crews  scarce  able  to  man  the  yards  and  trying 
to  desert  in  shoals; 

The  missing  ships  dropped  in  one  by  one,  but 
a  week  passed  and  a  third  of  them  were  still 
absent.  Another  despairing  letter  went  off  from 
the  Duke  to  his  master.  He  said  that  he  con- 
cluded from  their  misfortunes  that  God  disapproved 
of  the  expedition,  and  that  it  had  better  be 
abandoned.  Diego  Florez  was  of  the  same 
opinion.  The  stores  were  worthless,  he  said. 
The  men  were  sick  and  out  of  heart.  Nothing 
could  be  done  that  season. 

It  was  not  by  flinching  at  the  first  sight  of 


252  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

difficulty  that  the  Spaniards  had  become  masters 
of  half  the  world.  The  old  comrades  of  Santa 
Cruz  saw  nothing  in  what  had  befallen  them 
beyond  a  common  accident  of  sea  life.  To 
abandon  at  the  first  check  an  enterprise  under- 
taken with  so  much  pretence,  they  said,  would  be 
cowardly  and  dishonourable.  Ships  were  not  lost 
because  they  were  out  of  sight.  Fresh  meat  and 
bread  could  be  taken  on  board  from  Coruima. 
They  could  set  up  a  shore  hospital  for  the  sick. 
The  sickness  was  not  dangerous.  There  had  been 
no  deaths.  A  little  energy  and  all  would  be  well 
again.  Pedro  de  Valdez  despatched  a  courier  to 
Philip  to  entreat  him  not  to  listen  to  the  Duke's 
croakings.  Philip  returned  a  speedy  answer 
telling  the  Duke  not  to  be  frightened  at  shadows. 
There  was  nothing,  in  fact,  really  to  be  alarmed 
at.  Fresh  water  took  away  the  dysentery.  Fresh 
food  was  brought  in  from  the  country.  Galician 
seamen  filled  the  gaps  made  by  the  deserters. 
The  ships  were  laid  on  shore  and  scraped  and 
tallowed.  Tents  were  pitched  on  an  island  in 
the  harbour,  with  altars  and  priests,  and  every- 
one confessed  again  and  received  the  Sacrament. 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  253 

'  This,'  wrote  the  Duke,  '  is  great  riches  and  a 
precious  jewel,  and  all  now  are  well  content  and 
cheerful.'  The  scattered  flock  had  reassembled. 
Damages  were  all .  repaired,  and  the  only  harm 
had  been  loss  of  time.  Once  more,  on  the  23rd 
of  July,  the  Armada  in  full  numbers  was  under 
way  for  England  and  streaming  across  the  Bay 
of  Biscay  with  a  fair  wind  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Channel. 

Leaving  the  Duke  for  the  moment,  we  must 
now  glance  at  the  preparations  made  in  England 
to  receive  him.  It  might  almost  be  said  that 
there  were  none  at  all.  The  winter  months  had 
been  wild  and  changeable,  but  not  so  wild  and 
not  so  fluctuating  as  the  mind  of  England's 
mistress.  In  December  her  fleet  had  been  paid 
off  at  Chatham.  The  danger  of  leaving  the 
country  without  any  regular  defence  was  pressed 
on  her  so  vehemently  that  she  consented  to  allow 
part  of  the  ships  to  be  recommissioned.  The 
Revenge  was  given  to  Drake.  He  and  Howard, 
the  Lord  Admiral,  were  to  have  gone  with  a 
mixed  squadron  from  the  Royal  Navy  and  the 
adventurers  down  to  the  Spanish  coast.     In  every 


254  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

loyal  subject  there  had  long  been  but  one  opinion, 
that  a  good  open  war  was  the  only  road  to  an 
honourable  peace.  The  open  war,  they  now 
trusted,  was  come  at  last.  But  the  hope  was 
raised  only  to  be  disappointed.  With  the  news 
of  Santa  Cruz's  death  came  a  report  which 
Elizabeth  greedily  believed,  that  the  Armada 
was  dissolving  and  was  not  coming  at  all.  Sir 
James  Crofts  sang  the  usual  song  that  Drake  and 
Howard  wanted  war,  because  war  was  their  trade. 
She  recalled  her  orders.  She  said  that  she  was 
assured  of  peace  in  six  weeks,  and  that  beyond 
that  time  the  services  of  the  fleet  would  not  be 
required.  Half  the  men  engaged  were  to  be 
dismissed  at  once  to  save  their  pay.  Drake  and 
Lord  Henry  Seymour  might  cruise  with  four 
or  five  of  the  Queen's  ships  between  Plymouth 
and  the  Solent.  Lord  Howard  was  to  remain  in 
the  Thames  with  the  rest.  I  know  not  whether 
swearing  was  interdicted  in  the  English  navy  as 
well  as  in  the  Spanish,  but  I  will  answer  for  it 
that  Howard  did  not  spare  his  language  when 
this  missive  reached  him.  '  Never,'  he  said  '  since 
England    was    England   was    such    a    stratagem 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  255 

made  to  deceive  us  as  this  treaty.  We  have  not 
hands  left  to  caiTy  the  ships  back  to  Chatham. 
We  are  like  bears  tied  to  a  stake ;  the  Spaniards 
may  come  to  worry  us  like  dogs,  and  we  cannot 
hurt  them.' 

It  was  well  for  England  that  she  had  other 
defenders  than  the  wildly  managed  navy  of  the 
Queen.  Historians  tell  us  how  the  gentlemen  of 
the  coast  came  out  in  their  own  vessels  to  meet 
the  invaders.  Come  they  did,  but  who  were  they  ? 
Ships  that  could  fight  the  Spanish  galleons  were 
not  made  in  a  day  or  a  week.  They  were  built 
already.  They  were  manned  by  loyal  subjects, 
the  business  of  whose  lives  had  been  to  meet  the 
enemies  of  their  land  and  faith  on  the  wide  ocean 
— ^not  by  those  who  had  been  watching  with 
divided  hearts  for  a  Catholic  revolution. 

March  went  by,  and  sure  intelligence  came 
that  the  Armada  was  not  dissolving.  Again 
Drake  prayed  the  Queen  to  let  him  take  the 
Mevenge  and  the  Western  adventurers  down  to 
Lisbon ;  but  the  commissioners  wrote  fiill  of  hope 
from  Ostend,  and  Elizabeth  was  afraid  '  the  King 
of  Spain  might  take  it  ill.'     She  found  fault  with 


256  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Drake's  expenses.  She  charged  him  with  wasting 
her  ammunition  in  target  practice.  She  had  it 
doled  out  to  him  in  driblets,  and  allowed  no  more 
than  would  serve  for  a  day  and  a  half  s  service. 
She  kept  a  sharp  hand  on  the  victualling  houses. 
April  went,  and  her  four  finest  ships — the 
Triumph,  the  Victory,  the  Elizabeth  Jonas,  and 
the  Bear — were  still  with  sails  unbent,  '  keeping 
Chatham  church.'  She  said  they  would  not  be 
wanted  and  it  would  be  waste  of  money  to  refit 
them.  Again  she  was  forced  to  yield  at  last,  and 
the  four  ships  were  got  to  sea  in  time,  the 
workmen  in  the  yards  making  up  for  the  delay ; 
but  she  had  few  enough  when  her  whole  fleet 
was  out  upon  the  Channel,  and  but  for  the 
privateers  there  would  have  been  an  ill  reckoning 
when  the  trial  came.  The  Armada  was  coming 
now.  There  was  no  longer  a  doubt  of  it.  Lord 
Henry  Seymour  was  left  with  five  Queen's  ships 
and  thirty  London  adventurers  to  watch  Parma 
and  the  Narrow  Seas.  Howard,  carrying  his  own 
flag  in  the  Arh  Pialeigh,  joined  Drake  at  Plymouth 
with  seventeen  others. 

Still  the  numbing  hand  of  his  mistress  pursued 


8.]  SAILING   OF   THE  ARMADA  257 

him.  Food  supplies  had  been  issued  to  the 
middle  of  June,  and  no  more  was  to  be  allowed. 
The  weather  was  desperate — wildest  summer  ever 
known.  The  south-west  gales  brought  the 
Atlantic  rollers  into  the  Sound.  Drake  lay 
inside,  perhaps  behind  the  island  which  bears  his 
name.  Howard  rode  out  the  gales  under  Mount 
Edgecumbe,  the  days  going  by  and  the  provisions 
wasting.  The  rations  were  cut  down  to  make 
the  stores  last  longer.  Owing  to  the  many 
changes  the  crews  had  been  hastily  raised.  They 
were  ill-clothed,  ill-provided  every  way,  but  they 
complained  of  nothing,  caught  fish  to  mend  their 
mess  dinners,  and  prayed  only  for  the  speedy 
coming  of  the  enemy.  Even  Howard's  heart 
failed  him  now.  English  sailors  would  do  what 
could  be  done  by  man,  but  they  could  not  fight 
with  famine.  '  Awake,  Madam,'  he  wrote  to  the 
Queen, '  awake,  for  the  love  of  Christ,  and  see  the 
villainous  treasons  round  about  you.'  He  goaded 
her  into  ordering  supplies  for  one  more  month, 
but  this  was  to  be  positively  the  last.  The 
victuallers  inquired  if  they  should  make  further 
preparations.     She  answered  peremptorily,  '  No ' ; 


2S8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

and  again  the  weeks  ran  on.  The  contractors,  it 
seemed,  had  caught  her  spirit,  for  the  beer  which 
had  been  furnished  for  the  fleet  turned  sour,  and 
those  who  drank  it  sickened.  The  officers,  on 
their  own  responsibility,  ordered  wine  and  arrow- 
root for  the  sick  out  of  Plymouth,  to  be  called 
to  a  sharp  account  when  all  was  over.  Again  the 
rations  were  reduced.  Four  weeks'  allowance 
was  stretched  to  serve  for  six,  and  still  the 
Spaniards  did  not  come.  So  England's  forlorn 
hope  was  treated  at  the  crisis  of  her  destiny. 
The  preparations  on  land  were  scarcely  better. 
The  militia  had  been  called  out.  A  hundred 
thousand  men  had  given  their  names,  and  the 
stations  had  been  arranged  where  they  were  to 
assemble  if  the  enemy  attempted  a  landing.  But 
there  were  no  reserves,  no  magazines  of  arms,  no 
stores  or  tents,  no  requisites  for  an  army  save  the 
men  themselves  and  what  local  resources  could 
furnish.  For  a  general  the  Queen  had  chosen 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  who  might  have  the  merit 
of  fidelity  to  herself,  but  otherwise  was  the 
worst  fitted  that  she  could  have  found  in  her 
whole  dominions;  and  the  Prince  of  Parma  was 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  259 

coming,  if  he  came  at  all,  at  the  head  of  the 
best-provided  and  best-disciplined  troops  in 
Europe.  The  hope  of  England  at  that  moment 
was  in  her  patient  suffering  sailors  at  Plymouth. 
Each  morning  they  looked  out  passionately  for 
the  Spanish  sails.  Time  was  a  worse  enemy  than 
the  galleons.  The  six  weeks  would  be  soon  gone, 
and  the  Queen's  ships  must  then  leave  the  seas 
if  the  crews  were  not  to  starve.  Drake  had 
certain  news  that  the  Armada  had  sailed.  Where 
was  it  ?  Once  he  dashed  out  as  far  as  Ushant, 
but  turned  back,  lest  it  should  pass  him  in  the 
night  and  find  Plymouth  undefended ;  and  smaller 
grew  the  messes  and  leaner  and  paler  the  seamen's 
faces.  Still  not  a  man  murmured  or  gave  in. 
They  had  no  leisure  to  be  sick. 

The  last  week  of  July  had  now  come.  There 
were  half-rations  for  one  week  more,  and  powder 
for  two  days'  fighting.  That  was  all.  On  so  light 
a  thread  such  mighty  issues  were  now  depending. 
On  Friday,  the  23rd,  the  Armada  had  started  for 
the  second  time,  the  numbers  undiminished; 
religious  fervour  burning  again,  and  heart  and 
hope    high    as    ever.      Saturday,    Sunday,    and 


z6o  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Monday  they  sailed  on  with  a  smooth  sea  and 
soft  south  winds,  and  on  Monday  night  the  Duke 
found  himself  at  the  Channel  mouth  with  all  his 
flock  about  him.  Tuesday  morning  the  wind 
shifted  to  the  north,  then  backed  to  the  west,  and 
blew  hard.  The  sea  got  up,  broke  into  the  stern 
galleries  of  the  galleons,  and  sent  the  galleys 
looking  for  shelter  in  French  harbours.  The  fleet 
hove  to  for  a  couple  of  days,  till  the  weather 
mended.  On  Friday  afternoon  they  sighted  the 
Lizard  and  formed  into  fighting  order ;  the  Duke 
in  the  centre,  Alonzo  de  Leyva  leading  in  a  vessel 
of  his  own  called  the  Rata  Goronada,  Don  Martin 
de  Recalde  covering  the  rear.  The  entire  line 
stretched  to  about  seven  miles. 

The  sacred  banner  was  run  up  to  the  masthead 
of  the  San  Martin.  Each  ship  saluted  with  all 
her  guns,  and  every  man — officer,  noble,  seaman, 
or  slave — knelt  on  the  decks  at  a  given  signal  to 
commend  themselves  to  Mary  and  her  Son.  We 
shall  miss  the  meaning  of  this  high  epic  story  if 
we  do  not  realise  that  both  sides  had  the  most 
profound  conviction  that  they  were  fighting  the 
battle  of  the  Almighty.     Two  principles,  freedom 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  261 

and  authority,  were  contending  for  the  guidance 
of  mankind.  In  the  evening  the  Duke  sent  off 
two  fast  liy-boats  to  Parma  to  announce  his 
arrival  in  the  Channel,  with  another  reporting 
progress  to  Philip,  and  saying  that  till  he  heard 
from  the  Prince  he  meant  to  stop  at  the  Isle  of 
Wight.  It  is  commonly  said  that  his  officers 
advised  him  to  go  in  and  take  Plymouth.  There 
is  no  evidence  for  this.  The  island  would  have 
been  a  far  more  useful  position  for  them. 

At  dark  that  Friday  night  the  beacons  were 
seen  blazing  all  up  the  coast  and  inland  on  the 
tops  of  the  hills.  They  crej^t  on  slowly  through 
Saturday,  with  reduced  canvas,  feeling  their  way 
— not  a  sail  to  be  seen.  At  midnight  a  pinnace 
brought  in  a  fishing-boat,  from  which  they  learnt 
that  on  the  sight  of  the  signal  fires  the  English 
had  come  out  that  morning  from  Plymouth. 
Presently,  when  the  moon  rose,  they  saw  sails 
passing  between  them  and  the  land.  With  day- 
break the  whole  scene  became  visible,  and  the 
curtain  lifted  on  the  first  act  of  the  drama.  The 
Armada  was  between  Kame  Head  and  the  Eddy- 
stone,  or  a  little  to  the  west  of  it.    Plymouth  Spund 


262  .       ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

was  right  open  to  their  left.  The  breeze,  which 
had  dropped  in  the  night,  was  freshening  from  the 
south-west,  and  right  ahead  of  them,  outside  the 
Mew  Stone,  were  eleven  ships  manoeuvring  to 
recover  the  wind.  Towards  the  land  were  some 
forty  others,  of  various  sizes,  and  this  formed,  as 
far  as  they  could  see,  the  whole  English  force.  In 
numbers  the  Spaniards  were  nearly  three  to  one. 
In  the  size  of  the  ships  there  was  no  comparison. 
With  these  advantages  the  Duke  decided  to 
engage,  and  a  signal  was  made  to  hold  the  wind 
and  keep  the  enemy  apart.  The  eleven  ships 
ahead  were  Howard's  squadron  ;  those  inside  were 
Drake  and  the  adventurers.  With  some  surprise 
the  Spanish  officers  saw  Howard  reach  easily  to 
windward  out  of  range  and  join  Drake.  The 
whole  English  fleet  then  passed  out  close-hauled 
in  line  behind  them  and  swept  along  their  rear, 
using  guns  more  powerful  than  theirs  and  pouring 
in  broadsides  from  safe  distance  with  deadly  effect. 
Recalde,  with  Alonzo  de  Leyva  and  Oquendo,  who 
came  to  his  help,  tried  desperately  to  close ;  but 
they  could  make  nothing  of  it.  They  were  out- 
sailed and  out-cannoned.     The  English  fired  five 


S.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  263 

shots  to  one  of  theirs,  and  the  effect  was  the  more 
destructive  because,  as  with  Rodney's  action  at 
Dominica,  the  galleons  were  crowded  with  troops, 
and  shot  and  splinters  told  terribly  among  them. 

The  experience  was  new  and  not  agreeable. 
Recalde's  division  was  badly  cut  up,  and  a  Spaniard 
present  observes  that  certain  officers  showed  cow- 
ardice— a  hit  at  the  Duke,  who  had  kept  out  of 
fire.  The  action  lasted  till  four  in  the  afternoon. 
The  wind  was  then  freshening  fast  and  the  sea 
rising.  Both  fleets  had  by  this  time  passed  the 
Sound,  and  the  Duke,  seeing  that  nothing  could 
be  done,  signalled  to  bear  away  up  Channel,  the 
English  following  two  miles  astern.  Recalde's 
own  ship  had  been  an  especial  sufferer.  She  was 
observed  to  be  leaking  badly,  to  drop  behind,  and 
to  be  in  danger  of  capture.  Pedro  de  Valdez  wore 
round  to  help  him  in  the  Ga^pitana,  of  the  Anda- 
lusian  squadron,  fouled  the  Santa  Catalina  in 
turning,  broke  his  bowsprit  and  foretopmast,  and 
became  unmanageable.  The  Andalusian  Capi- 
tana  was  one  of  the  finest  ships  in  the  Spanish 
fleet,  and  Don  Pedro  one  of  the  ablest  and  most 
popular   commanders.      She    had    500    men   on 


264  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

board,  a  large  sum  of  money,  and,  among  other 
treasures,  a  box  of  jewel-hilted  swords,  which 
Philip  was  sending  over  to  the  English  Catholic 
peers.  But  it  was  growing  dark.  Sea  and  sky 
looked  ugly.  The  Duke  was  flurried,  and  signalled 
to  go  on  and  leave  Don  Pedro  to  his  fate.  Alonzo 
de  Leyva  and  Oquendo  rushed  on  board  the  8an 
Martin  to  protest.  It  was  no  use.  Diego  Florez 
said  he  could  not  risk  the  safety  of  the  fleet  for  a 
single  officer.  The  deserted  Capitana  made  a 
brave  defence,  but  could  not  save  herself,  and 
fell,  with  the  jewelled  swords,  50,000  ducats, 
and  a  welcome  sujDply  of  powder,  into  Drake's 
hands. 

Off  the  Start  there  was  a  fresh  disaster.  Every- 
one was  in  ill-humour.  A  quarrel  broke  out  be- 
tween the  soldiers  and  seamen  in  Oquendo's 
galleon.  He  was  himself  still  absent.  Some 
wretch  or  other  flung  a  torch  into  the  powder 
magazine  and  jumped  overboard.  The  deck  was 
blown  off,  and  200  men  along  with  it. 

Two  such  accidents  following  an  unsuccessful 
engagement  did  not  tend  to  reconcile  the 
Spaniards   to   the   Duke's   command.     Pedro   de 


S.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  265 

Valdez  was  universally  loved  and  honoured, 
and  his  desertion  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  so 
inferior  in  numbers  was  regarded  as  scandalous 
poltroonery.  Monday  morning  broke  heavily. 
The  wind  was  gone,  but  there  was  still  a  consider- 
able swell.  The  English  were  hull  down  behind. 
The  day  was  sj)ent  in  repairing  damages  and  nail- 
ing lead  over  the  shot-holes.  Recalde  was  moved 
to  the  front,  to  be  out  of  harm's  way,  and  De 
Leyva  took  his  post  in  the  rear. 

At  sunset  they  were  outside  Portland.  The 
English  had  come  up  within  a  league ;  but  it  was 
now  dead  calm,  and  they  drifted  apart  in  the  tide. 
The  Duke  thought  of  nothing,  but  at  midnight 
the  Spanish  officers  stirred  him  out  of  his  sleep  to 
urge  him  to  set  his  great  galleasses  to  work ;  now 
was  their  chance.  The  dawn  brought  a  chance 
still  better,  for  it  brought  an  east  wind,  and  the 
Spaniards  had  now  the  weather-gage.  Could  they 
once  close  and  grapple  with  the  English  ships, 
their  superior  numbers  would  then  assure  them  a 
victory,  and  Howard,  being  to  leeward  and  inshore, 
would  have  to  pass  through  the  middle  of  the 
Spanish  line  to  recover  his  advantage.     However, 


266  .  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

it  was  the  same  stoiy.  The  Spaniards  could  not 
use  an  opportunity  when  they  had  one.  New- 
modelled  for  superiority  of  sailing,  the  English 
ships  had  the  same  advantage  over  the  galleons  as 
the  steam  cruisers  would  have  over  the  old  three- 
deckers.  While  the  breeze  held  they  went  where 
they  pleased.  The  Spaniards  were  out-sailed,  out- 
matched, crushed  by  guns  of  longer  range  than 
theirs.  Their  own  shot  flew  high  over  the  low 
English  hulls,  while  every  ball  found  its  way 
through  their  own  towering  sides.  This  time  the 
y^an  Martin  was  in  the  thick  of  it.  Her  double 
timbers  were  ripped  and  torn  ;  the  holy  standard 
was  cut  in  two ;  the  water  poured  through  the 
shot-holes.  The  men  lost  their  nerve.  In  such 
ships  as  had  no  gentlemen  on  board  notable  signs 
were  observed  of  flinching. 

At  the  end  of  that  day's  fighting  the  English 
powder  gave  out.  Two  days'  service  had  been  the 
limit  of  the  Queen's  allowance.  Howard  had 
pressed  for  a  more  liberal  supply  at  the  last 
moment,  and  had  received  the  characteristic 
answer  that  he  must  state  precisely  how  much  he 
wanted  before  more  could  be  sent.     The  lighting 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  267 

of  the  beacons  had  quickened  the  official  pulse  a/ 
little.  A  small  addition  had  been  despatched  to 
Weymouth  or  Poole,  and  no  more  could  be  done 
till  it  arrived.  The  Duke,  meanwhile,  was  left  to 
smooth  his  ruffled  plumes  and  drift  on  upon  his 
way.  But  by  this  time  England  was  awake. 
Fresh  privateers,  with  powder,  meat,  bread,  fruit, 
anything  that  they  could  bring,  were  pouring  out 
from  the  Dorsetshire  harbours.  Sir  George  Carey 
had  come  from  the  Needles  in  time  to  share  the 
honours  of  the  last  battle, '  round  shot,'  as  he  said, 
'flying  thick  as  musket  balls  in  a  skirmish  on 
land.' 

The  Duke  had  observed  uneasily  from  the 
^an  Mai'tin's  deck  that  his  pursuers  were  growing 
numerous.  He  had  made  up  his  mind  definitely 
to  go  for  the  Isle  of  Wight,  shelter  his  fleet  in  the 
Solent,  land  10,000  men  in  the  island,  and  stand 
on  his  defence  till  he  heard  from  Parma.  He 
must  fight  another  battle ;  but,  cut  up  as  he  had 
been,  he  had  as  yet  lost  but  two  ships,  and  those 
by  accident.  He  might  fairly  hope  to  force  his 
way  in  with  help  from  above,  for  which  he  had 
special  reason  to  look  in  the  next  engagement. 


268  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Wednesday  was  a  breathless  calm.  The  English 
were  taking  in  their  supplies.  The  Armada  lay 
still,  repairing  damages.  Thursday  would  be  St. 
Dominic's  Day.  St.  Dominic  belonged  to  the 
Duke's  own  family,  and  was  his  patron  saint.  St. 
Dominic  he  felt  sure,  would  now  stand  by  his 
kinsman. 

The  morning  broke  with  a  light  air.  The 
English  would  be  less  able  to  move,  and  with  the 
help  of  the  galleasses  he  might  hope  to  come  to 
close  quarters  at  last.  Howard  seemed  inclined 
to  give  him  his  wish.  With  just  wind  enough  to 
move  the  Lord  Admiral  led  in  the  Arh  Baleigh 
straight  down  on  the  Spanish  centre.  The  Arh 
outsailed  her  consorts  and  found  herself  alone 
with  the  galleons  all  round  her.  At  that  moment 
the  wind  dropped.  The  Spanish  boarding- 
parties  were  at  their  posts.  The  tojDS  were 
manned  with  musketeers,  the  grappling  irons 
all  prepared  to  fling  into  the  Aries  rigging.  In 
imagination  the  English  admiral  was  their  own. 
But  each  day's  experience  was  to  teach  them  a 
new  lesson.  Eleven  boats  dropped  from  the  ArKs 
sides  and  took  her  in  tow.     The  breeze  rose  again 


8,]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  269 

as   she   began   to    move.     Her   sails   filled,   and 
she   slipped   away   through    the   water,    leaving 
the  Spaniards  as  if  they  were  at  anchor,  staring 
in  helpless  amazement.     The  wind   brought   up 
Drake  and  the  rest,  and  then  began  again  the 
terrible  cannonade  from  which  the  Armada  had 
already  suffered  so  frightfully.     It  seemed  that 
morning  as  if  the  English  were  using  guns   of 
even  heavier  metal  than  on  either  of  the  preceding 
days.     The   armament   had    not    been  changed. 
The  growth  was  in  their  own  frightened  imagin- 
ation.   The  Duke  had  other  causes  for  uneasiness. 
His  own  magazines  were  also  giving  out  under 
the  unexpected  demands  upon  them.     One  battle 
was  the  utmost  which   he  had  looked  for.     He 
had  fought  three,  and  the  end  was  no  nearer  than 
before.     With   resolution    he    might    still    have 
made   his   way   into   St,   Helen's   roads,  for  the 
English  were  evidently  afraid  to  close  with  him. 
But  when  St,  Dominic,  too,  failed  him  he  lost  his 
head.     He   lost   his   heart,  and  losing  heart   he 
lost  all.     In  the  Solent  he  would  have  been  com- 
paratively safe,  and   he  could  easily  have  taken 
the  Isle  of  Wight ;  but  his  one  thought  now  was 


270  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

to  find  safety  under  Parma's  gaberdine  and  make 
for  Calais  or  Dunkirk,  He  supposed  Parma  to 
have  already  embarked,  on  hearing  of  his  coming, 
with  a  second  armed  fleet,  and  in  condition  for 
immediate  action.  He  sent  on  another  pinnace, 
pressing  for  help,  pressing  for  ammunition,  and 
fly-boats  to  protect  the  galleons ;  and  Parma  was 
himself  looking  to  be  supplied  from  the  Armada, 
with  no  second  fleet  at  all,  only  a  flotilla  of  river 
barges  which  would  need  a  week's  work  to  be 
prepared  for  the  crossing. 

Philip  had  provided  a  splendid  fleet,  a  splendid 
army,  and  the  finest  sailors  in  the  world  except 
the  English.  He  had  failed  to  realise  that  the 
grandest  preparations  are  useless  with  a  fool  to 
command.  The  poor  Duke  was  less  to  blame 
than  his  master.  An  ofiice  had  been  thrust  upon 
him  for  which  he  knew  that  he  had  not  a  single 
qualification.  His  one  anxiety  was  to  find  Parma, 
lay  the  weight  on  Parma's  shoulders,  and  so  have 
done  with  it. 

On  Friday  he  was  left  alone  to  make  his  way 
up  Channel  towards  the  French  shore.  The 
English   still   followed,   but   he   counted  that  in 


8.]  SAILING   OF  THE  ARMADA  271 

Calais  roads  he  would  be  in  French  waters,  where 
they  would  not  dare  to  meddle  with  him.  They 
would  then,  he  thought,  go  home  and  annoy  him 
no  further.  As  he  dropped  anchor  in  the  dusk 
outside  Calais  on  Saturday  evening  he  saw,  to  his 
disgust,  that  the  endemoniada  gente — the  infernal 
devils — as  he  called  them,  had  brought  up  at  the 
same  moment  with  himself,  half  a  league  astern  of 
him.  His  one  trust  was  in  the  Prince  of  Parma, 
and  Parma  at  any  rate  was  now  within  touch. 


LECTURE  IX 

DEFEAT   OF   THE   ARMADA 

TN  the  gallery  at  Madrid  there  is  a  picture, 
painted  by  Titian,  representing  the  Genius 
of  Spain  coming  to  the  delivery  of  the  afflicted 
Bride  of  Christ.  Titian  was  dead,  but  the  temper 
of  the  age  survived,  and  in  the  study  of  that  great 
picture  you  will  see  the  spirit  in  which  the 
Spanish  nation  had  set  out  for  the  conquest  of 
England.  The  scene  is  the  seashore.  The  Church 
a  naked  Andromeda,  with  dishevelled  hair, 
fastened  to  the  trunk  of  an  ancient  disbranched 
tree.  The  cross  lies  at  her  feet,  the  cup  over- 
turned, the  serpents  of  heresy  biting  at  her  from 
behind  with  uplifted  crests.  Coming  on  before  a 
leading  breeze  is  the  sea  monster,  the  Moslem 
fleet,  eager  for  their  prey ;  while  in  front  is 
Perseus,  the   Genius  of  Spain,  banner  in  hand, 


LECT.  9-]        DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  273 

with  the  legions  of  the  faithful  laying  not  raiment 
before  him,  but  shield  and  helmet,  the  apparel  of 
Avar  for  the  Lady  of  Nations  to  clothe  herself 
with  strength  and  smite  her  foes. 

In  the  Armada  the  crusading  enthusiasm  had 
reached  its  j)oint  and  focus.  England  was  the 
stake  to  Avhich  the  Virgm,  the  daughter  of  Sion, 
was  bound  in  captivity.  Perseus  had  come  at 
last  in  the  person  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia, 
and  with  him  all  that  was  best  and  brightest  in 
the  countrymen  of  Cervantes,  to  break  her  bonds 
and  replace  her  on  her  throne.  They  had  sailed 
into  the  Channel  in  pious  hope,  with  the  blessed 
banner  waving  over  their  heads. 

To  be  the  executor  of  the  decrees  of  Providence 
is  a  lofty  ambition,  but  men  in  a  state  of  high 
emotion  overlook  the  precautions  Avhich  are  not  to 
be  dispensed  with  even  on  the  sublimest  of  errands. 
Don  Quixote,  when  he  set  out  to  redress  the 
Avrongs  of  humanity,  forgot  that  a  change  of  linen 
might  be  necessary,  and  that  he  must  take  money 
with  him  to  pay  his  hotel  bills.  Philip  II.,  in 
sending  the  Armada  to  England,  and  confident  in 
supernatural  protection,  imagined   an   unresisted 


274  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

triumphal  procession.  He  forgot  that  contractors 
might  be  rascals,  that  water  four  months  in  the 
casks  in  a  hot  climate  turned  putrid,  and  that 
putrid  water  would  poison  his  ships'  companies, 
though  his  crews  were  companies  of  angels.  He 
forgot  that  the  servants  of  the  evil  one  might  fight 
for  their  mistress  after  all,  and  that  he  must  send 
adequate  supplies  of  powder,  and,  worst  forgetful- 
ness  of  all,  that  a  great  naval  expedition  required  a 
leader  who  understood  his  business.  Perseus,  in  the 
shape  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  after  a  week 
of  disastrous  battles,  found  himself  at  the  end  of 
it  in  an  exposed  roadstead,  where  he  ought  never 
to  have  been,  nine-tenths  of  his  provisions  thrown 
overboard  as  unfit  for  food,  his  ammunition  ex- 
hausted by  the  unforeseen  demands  upon  it,  the 
seamen  and  soldiers  harassed  and  dispirited, 
officers  the  whole  week  without  sleep,  and  the 
enemy,  who  had  hunted  him  from  Plymouth  to 
Calais,  anchored  within  half  a  league  of  him. 

Still,  after  all  his  misadventures,  he  had  brought 
the  fleet,  if  not  to  the  North  Foreland,  yet  within 
a  few  miles  of  it,  and  to  outward  appearance  not 
materially  injured.     Two  of  the  galleons  had  been 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  275 

taken ;  a  third,  the  Santa  Ana,  had  strayed ;  and 
his  galleys  had  left  him,  being  found  too  weak  for 
the  Channel  sea ;  but  the  great  armament  had 
reached  its  destination  substantially  uninjured  so 
far  as  English  eyes  could  see.  Hundreds  of  men 
had  been  killed  and  hundreds  more  wounded,  and 
the  spirit  of  the  rest  had  been  shaken.  But  the 
loss  of  life  could  only  be  conjectured  on  board  the 
English  fleet.  The  English  admiral  could  only 
see  that  the  Duke  was  now  in  touch  with  Parma. 
Parma,  they  knew,  had  an  army  at  Dunkirk  with 
him,  which  was  to  cross  to  England.  He  had 
been  collecting  men,  barges,  and  transports  all  the 
winter  and  spring,  and  the  backward  state  of 
Parma's  preparations  could  not  be  anticipated, 
still  less  relied  uj)on.  The  Calais  anchorage  was 
unsafe;  but  at  that  season  of  the  year,  especially 
after  a  wet  summer,  the  weather  usually  settled  ; 
and  to  attack  the  Spaniards  in  a  French  port  might 
be  dangerous  for  many  reasons.  It  was  uncertain 
after  the  day  of  the  Barricades  whether  the  Duke 
of  Guise  or  Henry  of  Valois  was  master  of  France, 
and  a  violation  of  the  neutrality  laws  might  easily 
.at  that  moment  bring  Guise  and  France  into  the 


276  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

field  on  the  Spaniards'  side.  It  was,  no  doubt, 
with  some  such  expectation  that  the  Duke  and 
his  advisers  had  chosen  Calais  as  the  point  at 
which  to  bring  up.  It  was  now  Saturday,  the  7th 
of  August.  The  Governor  of  the  town  came  off  in 
the  evening  to  the  Ban  Martin.  He  expressed 
surprise  to  see  the  Spanish  fleet  in  so  exposed  a 
position,  but  he  was  profuse  in  his  offers  of  service. 
Anything  which  the  Duke  required  should  be  pro- 
vided, especially  every  facility  for  communicating 
with  Dunkirk  and  Parma.  The  Duke  thanked 
him,  said  that  he  supposed  Parma  to  be  already 
embarked  with  his  troops,  ready  for  the  passage, 
and  that  his  own  stay  in  the  roads  would  be  but 
brief.  On  Monday  morning  at  latest  he  expected 
that  the  attempt  to  cross  would  be  made.  The 
Governor  took  his  leave,  and  the  Duke,  relieved 
from  his  anxieties,  was  left  to  a  peaceful  night. 
He  was  disturbed  on  the  Sunday  morning  by  an 
express  from  Parma  informing  him  that,  so  far 
from  being  embarked,  the  army  could  not  be 
ready  for  a  fortnight.  The  barges  were  not  in 
condition  for  sea.  The  trooj^s  were  in  camp.  The 
arms  and  stores  were  on  the  quays  at  Dunkirk. 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  277 

As  for  the  fly-boats  and  ammunition  which  the 
Duke  had  asked  for,  he  had  none  to  spare.  He 
had  himself  looked  to  be  supplied  from  the 
Armada.  He  promised  to  use  his  best  expedition, 
but  the  Duke,  meanwhile,  must  see  to  the  safety 
of  the  fleet. 

Unwelcome  news  to  a  harassed  landsman  thrust 
into  the  position  of  an  admiral  and  eager  to  be 
rid  of  his  responsibilities.  If  by  evil  fortune  the 
north-wester  should  come  down  u]3on  him,  with 
the-  shoals  and  sandbanks  close  under  his  lee,  he 
would  be  in  a  bad  way.  Nor  was  the  view  behind 
him  calculated  for  comfort.  There  lay  the  enemy 
almost  within  gunshot,  who,  though  scarcely  more 
than  half  his  numbers,  had  hunted  him  like  a  pack 
of  bloodhounds,  and,  worse  than  all,  in  double 
strength ;  for  the  Thames  squadron  —  three 
Queen's  ships  and  thii^ty  London  adventurers — 
under  Lord  H.  Seymour  and  Sir  John  Hawkins, 
had  crossed  in  the  night.  There  they  were  be- 
tween him  and  Cape  Grisnez,  and  the  reinforce- 
ment meant  plainly  enough  that  mischief  was  in 
the  mnd. 

After  a  week   so   trying   the   Spanish   crews 


278  ENGLISH  SEAMEN      '  [lect. 

would  have  been  glad  of  a  Sunday's  rest  if  they 
could  have  had  it ;  but  the  rough  handling  which 
they  had  gone  through  had  thrown  everything 
into  disorder.  The  sick  and  wounded  had  to 
be  cared  for,  torn  rigging  looked  to,  splintered 
timbers  mended,  decks  scoured,  and  guns  and 
arms  cleaned  up  and  put  to  rights.  And  so  it  was 
that  no  rest  could  be  allowed ;  so  much  had  to  be 
done,  and  so  busy  was  everyone,  that  the  usual 
rations  were  not  served  out  and  the  Sunday  was 
kept  as  a  fast.  In  the  afternoon  the  stewards 
went  ashore  for  fresh  meat  and  vegetables.  They 
came  back  with  their  boats  loaded,  and  the  prospect 
seemed  a  little  less  gloomy.  Suddenly,  as  the 
Duke  and  a  group  of  officers  were  watching  the 
English  fleet  from  the  San  Martins  poop  deck,  a 
small  smart  pinnace,  carrying  a  gun  in  her  bow, 
shot  out  from  Howard's  lines,  bore  down  on  the 
San  Martin,  sailed  round  her,  sending  in  a  shot 
or  two  as  she  passed,  and  went  off  unhurt. 
The  Spanish  officers  could  not  help  admiring 
such  airy  impertinence.  Hugo  de  MonQada  sent 
a  ball  after  the  pinnace,  which  went  through 
'  her    mainsail,    but    did    no    damage,    and    the 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF   THE  ARMADA  279 

pinnace  again   disappeared   behind   the   English 
ships. 

So  a  Spanish  officer  describes  the  scene.  The 
EngHsh  story  says  nothing  of  the  pinnace;  but 
she  doubtless  came  and  went  as  the  Spaniard 
says,  and  for  sufficient  purpose.  The  English, 
too,  were  in  straits,  though  the  Duke  did  not 
dream  of  it.  You  will  remember  that  the  last 
supplies  which  the  Queen  had  allowed  to  the  fleet 
had  been  issued  in  the  middle  of  June.  They 
were  to  serve  for  a  month,  and  the  contractors 
were  forbidden  to  prepare  more.  The  Queen  had 
clung  to  her  hope  that  her  differences  with  Philip 
were  to  be  settled  by  the  Commission  at  Ostend ; 
and  she  feared  that  if  Drake  and  Howard  were 
too  well  furnished  they  would  venture  some  fresh 
rash  stroke  on  the  coast  of  Spain,  which  might 
mar  the  negotiations.  Their  month's  provisions 
had  been  stretched  to  serve  for  six  weeks,  and 
when  the  Armada  appeared  but  two  full  days' 
rations  remained.  On  these  they  had  fought 
their  way  up  Channel.  Something  had  been 
brought  out  by  private  exertion  on  the  Dorset- 
shire coast,  and  Seymour  had,  perhaps,  brought  a 


28o  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

little  more.  But  they  were  still  in  extremity. 
The  contractors  had  warned  the  Government  that 
they  could  provide  nothing  without  notice,  and 
notice  had  not  been  given.  The  adventurers 
were  in  better  state,  having  been  equipped  by 
private  owners.  But  the  Queen's  ships  in  a  day 
or  two  more  must  either  go  home  or  theii*  crews 
would  be  starving.  They  had  been  on  reduced 
rations  for  near  two  months.  Worse  than  that, 
they  were  still  poisoned  by  the  sour  beer.  The 
Queen  had  changed  her  mind  so  often,  now 
ordering  the  fleet  to  prepare  for  sea,  then  re- 
calling her  instructions  and  paying  off  the  men, 
that  those  whom  Howard  had  with  him  had  been 
enlisted  in  haste,  had  come  on  board  as  they  were, 
and  their  clothes  were  hanging  in  rags  on  them. 
The  fighting  and  the  sight  of  the  fl3^ng  Spaniards 
were  meat  and  drink,  and  clothing  too,  and  had 
made  them  careless  of  all  else.  There  was  no 
fear  of  mutiny;  but  there  was  a  limit  to  the 
toughest  endurance.  If  the  Armada  was  left 
undisturbed  a  long  struggle  might  be  still  before 
them.  The  enemy  would  recover  from  its  flurry, 
and  Parma  would  come  out  from  Dunkirk.     To 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  281 

attack  them  directly  in  French  waters  might  lead 
to  perilous  complications,  while  delay  meant 
famine.  The  Spanish  fleet  had  to  be  started 
from  the  roads  in  some  way.  Done  it  must  be, 
and  done  immediately. 

Then,  on  that  same  Sunday  afternoon  a 
memorable  council  of  war  was  held  in  the  Arlx's 
main  cabin.  Howard,  Drake,  Seymour,  Hawkins, 
Martin  Frobisher,  and  two  or  three  others  met  to 
consult,  knowing  that  on  them  at  that  moment 
the  liberties  of  England  were  depending.  Their 
resolution  was  taken  promptly.  There  was  no 
time  for  talk.  After  nightfall  a  strong  flood  tide 
would  be  setting  up  along  shore  to  the  Spanish 
anchorage.  They  would  try  what  could  be  done 
with  fire-ships,  and  the  excursion  of  the  pinnace, 
which  was  taken  for  bravado,  was  probably  for  a 
survey  of  the  Armada's  exact  position.  Mean- 
time eight  useless  vessels  were  coated  with  pitch 
— hulls,  spars,  and  rigging.  Pitch  was  poured  on 
the  decks  and  over  the  sides,  and  parties  were 
told  off  to  steer  them  to  their  destination  and 
then  fire  and  leave  them. 

The  hours  stole  on,  and  twilight  passed  into 


282  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

dark.  The  night  was  without  a  moon.  The 
Duke  paced  his  deck  late  with  uneasy  sense  of 
danger.  He  observed  lights  moving  up  and 
down  the  English  lines,  and  imagining  that  the 
endemoniada  gcntc — the  infernal  devils — might  be 
up  to  mischief,  ordered  a  sharp  look-out.  A  faint 
westerly  air  was  curling  the  water,  and  towards 
midnight  the  watchers  on  board  the  galleons 
made  out  dimly  several  ships  which  seemed  to 
be  drifting  down  upon  them.  Their  experience 
since  the  action  off  Plymouth  had  been  so  strange 
and  unlooked  for  that  anything  unintelligible 
which  the  English  did  was  alarming. 

The  jDhantom  forms  drew  nearer,  and  were 
almost  among  them  when  they  broke  into  a  blaze 
from  water-line  to  truck,  and  the  two  fleets  were 
seen  by  the  lurid  light  of  the  conflagration ;  the 
anchorage,  the  walls  and  windows  of  Calais,  and 
the  sea  shining  red  far  as  eye  could  reach,  as 
if  the  ocean  itself  was  burning.  Among  the 
dangers  which  they  might  have  to  encounter, 
English  fireworks  had  been  especially  dreaded 
by  the  Spaniards.  Fire-ships — a  fit  device  of 
heretics — had  worked  havoc  among  the  Spanish 


9-]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  28 3 

troops,  when  the  bridge  was  blown  up,  at 
Antwerp.  Thej  imagined  that  similar  infernal 
machines  were  approaching  the  Armada.  A 
capable  commander  would  have  sent  a  few 
launches  to  grapple  the  burning  hulks,  which 
of  course  were  now  deserted,  and  tow  them 
out  of  harm's  way.  Spanish  sailors  were  not 
cowards,  and  would  not  have  flinched  from  duty 
because  it  might  be  dangerous ;  but  the  Duke 
and  Diego  Florez  lost  their  heads  again.  A 
signal  gun  from  the  Ban  Martin  ordered  the 
whole  fleet  to  slip  their  cables  and  stand  out 
to  sea. 

Orders  given  in  panic  are  doubly  unwise,  for 
they  spread  the  terror  in  which  they  originate. 
The  danger  from  the  fire-ships  was  chiefly  from 
the  effect  on  the  imagination,  for  they  appear  to 
have  drifted  by  and  done  no  real  injury.  And  it 
speaks  well  for  the  seamanship  and  courage  of 
the  Spaniards  that  they  were  able,  crowded 
together  as  they  were,  at  midnight  and  in  sudden 
alarm  to  set  their  canvas  and  clear  out  without 
running  into  one  another.  They  buoyed  their 
cables,  expecting  to  return  for  them  at  daylight, 


284  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

and  with  only  a  single  accident,  to  be  mentioned 
directly,  they  executed  successfully  a  really 
difficult  manoeuvre. 

The  Duke  was  delighted  with  himself.  The 
fire-ships  burnt  harmlessly  out.  He  had  baffled 
the  inventions  of  the  endemoniada  gente.  He 
brought  up  a  league  outside  the  harbour,  and 
supposed  that  the  whole  Armada  had  done  the 
same.  Unluckily  for  himself,  he  found  it  at  day- 
light divided  into  two  bodies.  The  San  Martin 
with  forty  of  the  best  appointed  of  the  galleons 
were  riding  together  at  their  anchors.  The  rest, 
two-thirds  of  the  whole,  having  no  second  anchors 
ready,  and  inexperienced  in  Channel  tides  and 
currents,  had  been  lying  to.  The  west  wind  was 
blowing  up.  Without  seeing  where  they  were 
going  they  had  drifted  to  leeward,  and  were  two 
leagues  off,  towards  Gravelines,  dangerously  near 
the  shore.  The  Duke  was  too  ignorant  to  realise 
the  full  peril  of  his  situation.  He  signalled  to 
them  to  return  and  rejoin  him.  As  the  wind  and 
tide  stood  it  was  impossible.  He  proposed  to 
follow  them.  The  pilots  told  him  that  if  he  did 
the   whole   fleet    might    be   lost   on   the   banks. 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  285 

Towards   the   land   the   look  of  things  was   not 
more  encouraging. 

One  accident  only  had  happened  the  night 
before.  The  Caintana  galleass,  with  Don  Hugo 
de  Mongada  and  eight  hundred  men  on  board, 
had  fouled  her  helm  in  a  cable  in  getting  under 
way  and  had  become  unmanageable.  The  galley 
slaves  disobeyed  orders,  or  else  Don  Hugo  was  as 
incompetent  as  his  commander-in-chief  The 
galleass  had  gone  on  the  sands,  and  as  the  tide 
ebbed  had  fallen  over"  on  her  side,  Howard, 
seeing  her  condition,  had  followed  her  in  the 
Arh  with  four  or  five  other  of  the  Queen's  ships, 
and  was  furiously  attacking  her  with  his  boats, 
careless  of  neutrality  laws.  Howard's  theory  was, 
as  he  said,  to  pluck  the  feathers  one  by  one  from 
the  Spaniard's  wing,  and  here  was  a  feather  worth 
picking  up.  The  galleass  was  the  most  splendid 
vessel  of  her  kind  afloat,  Don  Hugo  one  of  the 
greatest  of  Spanish  grandees. 

Howard  was  making  a  double  mistake.  He 
took  the  galleass  at  last,  after  three  hours' 
fighting.  Don  Hugo  was  killed  by  a  musket 
ball.     The  vessel  was   plundered,  and  Howard's 


286  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

men  took  possession^  meaning  to  carry  her  away 
when  the  tide  rose.  The  French  authorities 
ordered  him  off,  threatening  to  fire  upon  him ; 
and  after  wasting  the  forenoon,  he  was  obliged 
at  last  to  leave  her  where  she  lay.  Worse  than 
this,  he  had  lost  three  precious  hours,  and  had 
lost  along  with  them,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  the  honours  of  the  great  day. 
Drake  and  Hawkins  knew  better  than  to 
waste  time  plucking  single  feathers.  The  fire- 
ships  had  been  more  effective  than  they  could 
have  dared  to  hope.  The  enemy  was  broken  up. 
The  Duke  was  shorn  of  half  his  strength,  and 
the  Lord  had  delivered  him  into  their  hand.  He 
had  got  under  way,  still  signalling  wildly,  and 
uncertain  in  which  direction  to  turn.  His  un- 
certainties were  ended  for  him  by  seeing  Drake 
bearing  down  upon  him  with  the  whole  English 
fleet,  save  those  which  were  loitering  about  the 
galleass.  The  English  had  now  the  advantage  of 
numbers.  The  superiority  of  their  guns  he  knew 
already,  and  their  greater  speed  allowed  him  no 
hope  to  escape  a  battle.  Forty  ships  alone  were 
left  to  him  to  defend  the  banner  of  the  crusade 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  287 

and  the  honour  of  Castile ;  but  those  forty  were 
the  largest  and  the  most  powerfully  armed  and 
manned  that  he  had,  and  on  board  them  were 
Oquendo,  De  Leyva,  Recalde,  and  Bretandona, 
the  best  officers  in  the  Spanish  navy  next  to  the 
lost  Don  Pedro. 

It  was  now  or  never  for  England.  The  scene 
of  the  action  which  was  to  decide  the  future  of 
Europe  was  between  Calais  and  Dunkirk,  a  few 
miles  off  shore,  and  within  sight  of  Parma's 
camp.  There  was  no  more  manoeuvring  for  the 
weather-gage,  no  more  fighting  at  long  range. 
Drake  dashed  straight  upon  his  prey  as  the  falcon 
stoops  upon  its  quarry.  A  chance  had  fallen  to 
him  which  might  never  return ;  not  for  the  vain 
distinction  of  carrying  prizes  into  English  ports, 
not  for  the  ray  of  honour  which  would  fall  on  him 
if  he  could  carry  off  the  sacred  banner  itself  and 
hang  it  in  the  Abbey  at  Westminster,  but  a 
chance  so  to  handle  the  Armada  that  it  should 
never  be  seen  again  in  English  waters,  and  deal 
such  a  blow  on  Philip  that  the  Spanish  Empire 
should  reel  with  it.  The  English  ships  had  the 
same  superiority  over  the  galleons  which  steamers 


288  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

have  now  over  sailing  vessels.  They  had  twice 
the  speed ;  they  could  lie  two  points  nearer  to 
the  wind.  Sweeping  round  them  at  cable's 
length,  crowding  them  in  one  upon  the  other,  yet 
never  once  giving  them  a  chance  to  grapple,  they 
hurled  in  their  cataracts  of  round  shot.  Short  as 
was  the  powder  supply,  there  was  no  sparing  it 
that  morning.  The  hours  went  on,  and  still  the 
battle  raged,  if  battle  it  could  be  called  where 
the  blows  were  all  dealt  on  one  side  and  the 
suffering  was  all  on  the  other.  Never  on  sea  or 
land  did  the  Spaniards  show  themselves  worthier 
of  their  great  name  than  on  that  day.  But  from 
the  first  they  could  do  nothing.  It  was  said 
afterwards  in  Spain  that  the  Duke  showed  the 
white  feather,  that  he  charged  his  pilot  to  keep 
him  out  of  harm's  way,  that  he  shut  himself  up 
in  his  cabin,  buried  in  woolpacks,  and  so  on. 
The  Duke  had  faults  enough,  but  poltroonery  was 
not  one  of  them.  He,  who  till  he  entered  the 
English  Channel  had  never  been  in  action  on  sea 
or  land,  found  himself,  as  he  said,  in  the  midst 
of  the  most  furious  engagement  recorded  in  the 
history  of  the  world.     As  to  being  out  of  harm's 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF   THE  ARMADA  289 

way,  the  standard  at  his  masthead  drew  the 
hottest  of  the  fire  upon  him.  The  Ban  Martin's 
timbers  were  of  oak  and  a  foot  thick,  but  the 
shot,  he  said,  went  through  them  enough  to 
shatter  a  rock.  Her  deck  was  a  slaughterhouse ; 
half  his  company  were  killed  or  wounded,  and 
no  more  would  have  been  heard  or  seen  of  the 
San  Martin  or  her  commander  had  not  Oquendo 
and  De  Leyva  pushed  in  to  the  rescue  and 
enabled  him  to  creep  away  under  their  cover. 
He  himself  saw  nothing  more  of  the  action  after 
this.  The  smoke,  he  said,  was  so  thick  that  he 
could  make  out  nothing,  even  from  his  masthead. 
But  all  round  it  was  but  a  repetition  of  the  same 
scene.  The  Spanish  shot  flew  high,  as  before, 
above  the  low  English  hulls,  and  they  were 
themselves  helpless  butts  to  the  English  guns. 
And  it  is  noticeable  and  supremely  creditable  to 
them  that  not  a  single  galleon  struck  her  colours. 
One  of  them,  after  a  long  duel  with  an  English- 
man, was  on  the  point  of  sinking.  An  English 
officer,  admiring  the  courage  which  the  Spaniards 
had  shown,  ran  out  upon  his  bowsprit,  told  them 
that  they  had  done  all  which  became  men,  and 


29Q  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

urged  them  to  surrender  and  save  their  lives. 
For  answer  they  cursed  the  English  as  cowards 
and  chickens  because  they  refused  to  close.  The 
officer  was  shot.  His  fall  brought  a  last  broadside 
on  them,  which  finished  the  work.  They  went 
down,  and  the  water  closed  over  them.  Rather 
death  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Cross  than  surrender 
to  a  heretic. 

The  deadly  hail  rained  on.  In  some  ships 
blood  was  seen  streaming  out  of  the  scupper- 
holes.  Yet  there  was  no  yielding;  all  ranks 
showed  equal  heroism.  The  priests  went  up  and 
down  in  the  midst  of  the  carnage,  holding  the 
crucifix  before  the  eyes  of  the  dying.  At  midday 
Howard  came  up  to  claim  a  second  share  in  a 
victory  which  was  no  longer  doubtful.  Towards 
the  afternoon  the  Spanish  fire  slackened.  Their 
powder  was  gone,  and  they  could  make  no  return 
to  the  cannonade  which  was  still  overwhelming 
them.  They  admitted  freely  afterwards  that  if 
the  attack  had  been  continued  but  two  hours 
more  they  must  all  have  struck  or  gone  ashore. 
But  the  English  magazines  were  empty  also ;  the 
last   cartridge   was   shot    away,   and    the   battle 


9-]  DEFEAT  OF   THE  ARMADA  291 

ended  from  mere  inability  to  keep  it  ujx  It 
had  been  fought  on  both  sides  with  peculiar 
determination.  In  the  English  there  was  the 
accumulated  resentment  of  thirty  years  of  menace 
to  their  country  and  their  creed,  with  -^he  enemy 
in  tangible  shape  at  last  to  be  caught  and 
grappled  with ;  in  the  Spanish,  the  sense  that  if 
their  cause  had  not  brought  them  the  help  they 
looked  for  from  above,  the  honour  and  faith  of 
Castile  should  not  suffer  in  their  hands. 

It  was  over.  The  English  drew  off,  regretting 
that  their  thrifty  mistress  had  limited  their  means 
of  fighting  for  her,  and  so  obliged  them  to  leave 
their  work  half  done.  When  the  cannon  ceased 
the  wind  rose,  the  smoke  rolled  away,  and  in  the 
level  light  of  the  sunset  they  could  see  the  results 
of  the  action. 

A  galleon  in  Recalde's  squadron  was  sinking 
with  all  hands.  The  Ban  Philip  and  the  San 
Mattco  were  drifting  dismasted  towards  the  Dutch 
coast,  where  they  were  afterwards  wrecked.  Those 
which  were  left  with  canvas  still  showing  were 
crawling  slowly  after  their  comrades  who  had  not 
been  engaged,  the  spars  and  rigging  so  cut  up 


292  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

that  they  could  scarce  bear  their  sails.  The  loss 
of  life  could  only  be  conjectured;  but  it  had  been 
obviously  terrible.  The  nor'-wester  was  blowing 
up  and  was  pressing  the  wounded  ships  upon  the 
shoals,  from  which,  if  it  held,  it  seemed  impossible 
in  their  crippled  state  they  would  be  able  to 
work   off. 

In  this  condition  Drake  left  them  for  the 
night,  not  to  rest,  but  from  any  quarter  to  collect, 
if  he  could,  more  food  and  poAvder.  The  snake 
had  been  scotched,  but  not  killed.  More  than 
half  the  great  fleet  were  far  away,  untouched  by 
shot,  perhaps  able  to  fight  a  second  battle  if  they 
recovered  heart.  To  follow,  to  drive  them  on  the 
banks  if  the  wind  held,  or  into  the  North  Sea, 
anywhere  so  that  he  left  them  no  chance  of  join- 
ing hands  with  Parma  again,  and  to  use  the  time 
before  they  had  rallied  from  his  blows,  that  was 
the  present  necessity.  His  own  poor  fellows  were 
famished  and  in  rags;  but  neither  he  nor  they 
had  leisure  to  think  of  themselves.  There  was 
but  one  thought  in  the  whole  of  them,  to  be  again 
in  chase  of  the  flying  foe.  Howard  was  resolute 
as  Drake.     All  that  was  possible  was  swiftly  done. 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  293 

Seymour  and  the  Thames  squadron  were  to  stay- 
in  the  Straits  and  watch  Parma.  From  every 
attainable  source  food  and  powder  were  collected 
for  the  rest — far  short  in  both  ways  of  what  ought 
to  have  been,  but,  as  Drake  said, '  we  were  resolved 
to  put  on  a  brag  and  go  on  as  if  we  needed 
nothing.'  Before  dawn  the  admiral  and  he  were 
again  off  on  the  chase. 

The  brag  was  unneeded.  What  man  could 
do  had  been  done,  and  the  rest  was  left  to  the 
elements.  Never  again  could  Spanish  seamen  be 
brought  to  face  the  English  guns  with  Medina 
Sidonia  to  lead  them.  They  had  a  fool  at  their 
head.  The  Invisible  Powers  in  whom  they  had 
been  taught  to  trust  had  deserted  them.  Their 
confidence  was  gone  and  their  spirit  broken. 
Drearily  the  morning  broke  on  the  Duke  and  his 
consorts  the  day  after  the  battle.  The  Armada 
had  collected  in  the  night.  The  nor'-wester  had 
freshened  to  a  gale,  and  they  were  labouring 
heavily  along,  making  fatal  leeway  towards  the 
shoals. 

It  was  St.  Lawrence's  Day,  Philip's  patron 
saint,  whose  shoulder-bone  he  had  lately  added  to 


294  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

the  treasures  of  the  Escurial ;  but  St.  Lawrence 
was  as  heedless  as  St.  Dominic.  The  &an  Martin 
had  but  six  fathoms  under  her.  Those  nearer  to 
the  land  signalled  five,  and  right  before  them 
they  could  see  the  brown  foam  of  the  breakers 
curling  over  the  sands,  while  on  their  weather- 
beam,  a  mile  distant  and  clinging  to  them  like 
the  shadow  of  death,  were  the  English  ships 
which  had  pursued  them  from  Plymouth  like 
the  dogs  of  the  Furies.  The  Spanish  sailors  and 
soldiers  had  been  without  food  since  the  evening 
when  they  anchored  at  Calais.  All  Sunday  they 
had  been  at  work,  no  rest  allowed  them  to  eat. 
On  the  Sunday  night  they  had  been  stirred  out 
of  their  sleep  by  the  fire-ships.  Monday  they 
had  been  fighting,  and  Monday  night  committing 
their  dead  to  the  sea.  Now  they  seemed  advanc- 
ing directly  upon  inevitable  destruction.  As  the 
wind  stood  there  was  still  room  for  them  to  wear 
and  thus  escape  the  banks,  but  they  would  then 
have  to  face  the  enemy,  who  seemed  only  refrain- 
ing from  attacking  them  because  while  they 
continued  on  their  present  course  the  winds  and 
waves  would  finish  the  work  without  help  from 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF   THE  ARMADA  295 

man.  Recalde,  De  Leyva,  Oquendo,  and  other 
officers  were  sent  for  to  the  8an  Martin  to  consult. 
Oquendo  came  last.  'Ah,  Senor  Oquendo/  said 
the  Duke  as  the  heroic  Biscayan  stepped  on  board, 
'  que  haremos  ? '  (what  shall  we  do  ?)  '  Let  your 
Excellency  bid  load  the  guns  again,'  was  Oquen- 
do's  gallant  answer.  It  could  not  be.  De  Leyva 
himself  said  that  the  men  would  not  fight  the 
English  again.  Florez  advised  surrender.  The 
Duke  wavered.  It  was  said  that  a  boat  was 
actually  lowered  to  go  off  to  Howard  and  make 
terms,  and  that  Oquendo  swore  that  if  the  boat 
left  the  San  Martin  on  such  an  errand  he  would 
fling  Florez  into  the  sea.  Oquendo's  advice  would 
have,  perhaps,  been  the  safest  if  the  Duke  could 
have  taken  it.  There  were  still  seventy  ships 
in  the  Armada  little  hurt.  The  English  were 
'bragging,'  as  Drake  said,  and  in  no  condition 
themselves  for  another  serious  engagement.  But 
the  temper  of  the  entire  fleet  made  a  courageous 
course  impossible.  There  was  but  one  Oquendo. 
Discipline  was  gone.  The  soldiers  in  their  des- 
peration had  taken  the  command  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  seamen.     Officers  and  men  alike  abandoned 


296  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

hope,  and,  with  no  human  prospect  of  salvation 
left  to  them,  they  flung  themselves  on  their  knees 
upon  the  decks  and  prayed  the  Almighty  to  have 
pity  on  them.  But  two  weeks  were  gone  since 
they  had  knelt  on  those  same  decks  on  the  first 
sight  of  the  English  shore  to  thank  Him  for  having 
brought  them  so  far  on  an  enterprise  so  glorious. 
Two  weeks ;  and  what  weeks  !  Wrecked,  torn 
by  cannon  shot,  ten  thousand  of  them  dead  or 
dying — for  this  was  the  estimated  loss  by  battle 
— the  survivors  could  now  but  pray  to  be  delivered 
from  a  miserable  death  by  the  elements.  In 
cyclones  the  wind  often  changes  suddenly  back 
from  north-west  to  west,  from  west  to  south.  At 
that  moment,  as  if  in  answer  to  their  petition,  one 
of  these  sudden  shifts  of  wind  saved  them  from 
the  immediate  peril.  The  gale  backed  round  to 
S.S.W.,  and  ceased  to  press  them  on  the  shoals. 
They  could  ease  their  sheets,  draw  off  into  open 
water,  and  steer  a  course  up  the  middle  of  the 
North  Sea. 

So  only  that  they  went  north,  Drake  was  con- 
tent to  leave  them  unmolested.  Once  away  into 
the   high   latitudes   they  might   go  where  they 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  297 

would.  Neither  Howard  nor  he,  in  the  low  state 
of  their  own  magazines,  desired  any  unnecessary 
fighting.  If  the  Armada  turned  back  they  must 
close  with  it.  If  it  held  its  present  course  they 
must  follow  it  till  they  could  be  assured  it  would 
communicate  no  more  for  that  summer  with  the 
Prince  of  Parma.  Drake  thought  they  would 
perhaps  make  for  the  Baltic  or  some  port  in 
Norway.  They  would  meet  no  hospitable  recep- 
tion from  either  Swedes  or  Danes,  but  they  would 
probably  try.  One  only  imminent  danger  re- 
mained to  be  provided  against.  If  they  turned 
into  the  Forth,  it  was  still  possible  for  the 
Spaniards  to  redeem  their  defeat,  and  even  yet 
shake  Elizabeth's  throne.  Among  the  many 
plans  which  had  been  formed  for  the  invasion 
of  England,  a  landing  in  Scotland  had  long 
been  the  favourite.  Guise  had  always  preferred 
Scotland  when  it  was  intended  that  Guise  should 
be  the  leader.  Santa  Cruz  had  been  in  close 
correspondence  with  Guise  on  this  very  subject, 
and  many  officers  in  the  Annada  must  have 
been  acquainted  with  Santa  Cruz's  views.  The 
Scotch  Catholic  nobles  were  still  savage  at  Mary 


298  •  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Stuart's  execution,  and  had  the  Armada  anchored 
in  Leith  Roads  with  twenty  thousand  men,  half 
a  million  ducats,  and  a  Santa  Cruz  at  its  head, 
it  might  have  kindled  a  blaze  at  that  moment 
from  John  o'  Groat's  Land  to  the  Border. 

But  no  such  purpose  occurred  to  the  Duke 
of  Medina  Sidonia.  He  probably  knew  nothing 
at  all  of  Scotland  or  its  parties.  Among  the 
many  deficiencies  which  he  had  pleaded  to  Philip 
as  unfitting  him  for  the  command,  he  had  said 
that  Santa  Cruz  had  acquaintances  among  the 
English  and  Scotch  peers.  He  had  himself  none. 
The  small  information  which  he  had  of  anything 
did  not  go  beyond  his  orange  gardens  and  his 
tunny  fishing.  His  chief  merit  was  that  he  was 
conscious  of  his  incapacity;  and,  detesting  a 
service  into  which  he  had  been  fooled  by  a 
hysterical  nun,  his  only  anxiety  was  to  carry 
home  the  still  considerable  fleet  which  had  been 
trusted  to  him  without  further  loss.  Beyond 
Scotland  and  the  Scotch  Isles  there  was  the  open 
ocean,  and  in  the  open  ocean  there  were  no  sand- 
banks and  no  English  guns.  Thus,  with  all  sail 
set  he  went   on  before   the   wind.      Drake   and 


9.]    .  DEFEAT  OF   THE  ARMADA  299 

Howard  attended  him  till  they  had  seen  him 
past  the  Forth,  and  knew  then  that  there  was 
no  more  to  fear.  It  was  time  to  see  to  the  wants 
of  their  own  poor  fellows,  who  had  endured  so 
patiently  and  fought  so  magnificently.  On  the 
13th  of  August  they  saw  the  last  of  the  Armada, 
turned  back,  and  made  their  way  to  the  Thames. 

But  the  story  has  yet  to  be  told  of  the  final 
fate  of  the  great  '  enterprise  of  England '  (the 
'empresa  de  Inglaterra '),  the  object  of  so  many 
prayers,  on  which  the  hopes  of  the  Catholic  world 
had  been  so  long  and  passionately  fixed.  It  had 
been  ostentatiously  a  religious  crusade.  The  pre- 
parations had  been  attended  with  peculiar  solem- 
nities. In  the  eyes  of  the  faithful  it  was  to  be 
the  execution  of  Divine  justice  on  a  wicked 
princess  and  a  wicked  people.  In  the  eyes  of 
millions  whose  convictions  were  less  decided  it 
was  an  appeal  to  God's  judgment  to  decide 
between  the  Reformation  and  the  Pope.  There 
was  an  appropriateness,  therefore,  if  due  to 
accident,  that  other  causes  besides  the  action  of 
man  should  have  combined  in  its  overthrow. 

The   Spaniards   were    experienced    sailors;  a 


300  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

voyage  round  the  Orkneys  and  round  Ireland  to 
Spain  might  be  tedious,  but  at  that  season  of  the 
year  need  not  have  seemed  either  dangerous  or 
difficult.  On  inquiry,  however,  it  was  found  that 
the  condition  of  the  fleet  was  seriously  alarming. 
The  provisions  placed  on  board  at  Lisbon  had 
been  found  unfit  for  food,  and  almost  all  had 
been  thrown  into  the  sea.  The  fresh  stores 
taken  in  at  Corunna  had  been  consumed,  and  it 
was  found  that  at  the  present  rate  there  would 
be  nothing  left  in  a  fortnight.  Worse  than  all, 
the  water-casks  refilled  there  had  been  carelessly 
stowed.  They  had  been  shot  through  in  the  fight- 
ing and  were  empty;  while  of  clothing  or  other 
comforts  for  the  cold  regions  which  they  were 
entering  no  thought  had  been  taken.  The  mules 
and  horses  were  flung  overboard,  and  Scotch 
smacks,  which  had  followed  the  retreating  fleet, 
reported  that  they  had  sailed  for  miles  through 
floating  carcases. 

The  rations  were  reduced  for  each  man  to  a 
daily  half-pound  of  biscuit,  a  pint  of  water,  and 
a  pint  of  wine.  Thus,  sick  and  hungry,  the 
wounded  left  to  the  care  of  a  medical  officer,  who 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  301 

went  from  ship  to  ship,  the  subjects  of  so  many 
prayers  were  left  to  encounter  the  climate  of  the 
North  Atlantic.     The  Duke  blamed  all  but  him- 
self; he  hanged  one  poor  captain  for  neglect  of 
orders,  and  would  have  hanged  another   had  he 
dared ;  but  his  authority  was  gone.     They  passed 
the  Orkneys  in  a  single  body.     They  then  parted, 
it  was  said  in  a  fog  ;  but  each  commander  had  to 
look  out  for  himself  and  his  men.     In  many  ships 
water  must  be  had  somewhere,  or  they  would  die. 
The  8an  Martin,  with  sixty  consorts,  went  north 
to  the  sixtieth  parallel.     From  that  height  the 
pilots  promised  to  take  them  down  clear  of  the 
coast.     The  wind  still  clung  to   the   west,  each 
day  blowing  harder  than  the  last.     When  they 
braced  round   to   it   their   wounded   spars  gave 
way.     Their  rigging  parted.     With  the  greatest 
difficulty  they  made  at  last  sufficient  offing,  and 
rolled  down  somehow  out  of  sight  of  land,  dipping 
their  yards  in  the  enormous  seas.     Of  the  rest, 
one  or  two  went  down  among  the  Western  Isles 
and  became  wrecks  there,  their  crews,  or  part  of 
them,   making   their  way    through   Scotland   to 
Flanders.     Others  went  north  to  Shetland  or  the 


302  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

Faroe  Islands.  Between  thirty  and  forty  were 
tempted  in  upon  the  Irish  coasts.  There  were 
Irishmen  in  the  fleet,  who  must  have  told  them 
that  they  would  find  the  water  there  for  which 
they  were  perishing,  safe  harbours,  and  a  friendly 
Catholic  people ;  and  they  found  either  harbours 
which  they  could  not  reach  or  sea-washed  sands 
and  reefs.  They  were  all  wrecked  at  various 
places  between  Donegal  and  the  Blaskets.  Some- 
thing like  eight  thousand  half-drowned  wretches 
struggled  on  shore  alive.  Many  were  gentlemen, 
richly  dressed,  with  velvet  coats,  gold  chains,  and 
rings.  The  common  sailors  and  soldiers  had  been 
paid  their  wages  before  they  started,  and  each 
had  a  bag  of  ducats  lashed  to  his  waist  when  he 
landed  through  the  surf  The  wild  Irish  of 
the  coast,  tempted  by  the  booty,  knocked  un- 
known numbers  of  them  on  the  head  with  their 
battle-axes,  or  stripped  them  naked  and  left  them 
to  die  of  the  cold.  On  one  long  sand  strip  in  Sligo 
an  English  ojfficer  counted  eleven  hundred  bodies, 
and  he  heard  that  there  were  as  many  more  a 
few  miles  distant. 

The  better-educated  of  the  Ulster  chiefs,  the 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE    ARMADA  303 

O'Rourke  and  O'Donnell,  hurried  down  to  stop 
the  butchery  and  spare  Ireland  the  shame  of 
murdering  helpless  Catholic  friends.  Many — how 
many  cannot  be  said  —  found  protection  in 
their  castles.  But  even  so  it  seemed  as  if  some 
inexorable  fate  pursued  all  who  had  sailed 
in  that  doomed  expedition.  Alonzo  de  Leyva, 
with  half  a  hundred  young  Spanish  nobles  of  high 
rank  who  were  under  his  special  charge,  made  his 
way  in  a  galleass  into  Killibeg.  He  was  himself 
disabled  in  landing.  O'Donnell  received  and 
took  care  of  him  and  his  companions.  After 
remaining  in  O'Donnell's  castle  for  a  month  he 
recovered.  The  weather  appeared  to  mend.  The 
galleass  was  patched  up,  and  De  Leyva  ventured 
an  attempt  to  make  his  way  in  her  to  Scotland. 
He  had  passed  the  worst  danger,  and  Scotland 
was  almost  in  sight ;  but  fate  would  have  its 
victims.  The  galleass  struck  a  rock  off  Dunluce 
and  went  to  pieces,  and  Don  Alonzo  and  the 
princely  youths  who  had  sailed  with  him  were 
washed  ashore  all  dead,  to  find  an  unmarked 
grave  in  Antrim. 

Most  pitiful  of  all  was  the  fate  of  those  who 


304  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  garrisons  in 
Galway  and  Mayo.  Galleons  had  found  their 
way  into  Galway  Bay — one  of  them  had  reached 
Galway  itself — the  crews  half  dead  with  famine 
and  offering  a  cask  of  wine  for  a  cask  of  water. 
The  Galway  townsmen  were  human,  and  tried  to 
feed  and  care  for  them.  Most  were  too  far  gone 
to  be  revived,  and  died  of  exhaustion.  Some  might 
have  recovered,  but  recovered  they  would  be  a 
danger  to  the  State.  The  English  in  the  West 
of  Ireland  were  but  a  handful  in  the  midst  of  a 
sullen,  half-conquered  population.  The  ashes  of 
the  Desmond  rebellion  were  still  smoking,  and  Dr. 
Sanders  and  his  Legatine  Commission  were  fresh 
in  immediate  memory.  The  defeat  of  the  Armada 
in  the  Channel  could  only  have  been  vaguely 
heard  of  All  that  English  officers  could  have 
accurately  known  must  have  been  that  an  enor- 
mous expedition  had  been  sent  to  England  by 
Philip  to  restore  the  Pope ;  and  Spaniards,  they 
found,  were  landing  in  thousands  in  the  midst  of 
them  with  arms  and  money ;  distressed  for  the 
moment,  but  sure,  if  allowed  time  to  get  their 
strength   again,   to   set   Connaught   in   a    blaze. 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  305 

They  had  no  fortresses  to  hold  so  many 
prisoners,  no  means  of  feeding  them,  no  men  to 
spare  to  escort  them  to  Dublin.  They  were 
responsible  to  the  Queen's  Government  for  the 
safety  of  the  country.  The  Spaniards  had  not 
come  on  any  errand  of  mercy  to  her  or  hers. 
The  stern  order  went  out  to  kill  them  all 
wherever  they  might  be  found,  and  two  thousand 
or  more  were  shot,  hanged,  or  put  to  the  sword. 
Dreadful !  Yes,  but  war  itself  is  dreadful  and 
has  its  own  necessities. 

The  sixty  ships  which  had  followed  the  ^an 
Jlfar^m  succeeded  at  last  in  getting  round  Cape 
Clear,  but  in  a  condition  scarcely  less  miserable 
than  that  of  their  companions  who  had  perished 
in  Ireland.  Half  their  companies  died — died  of 
untended  wounds,  hunger,  thirst,  and  famine  fever. 
The  survivors  were  moving  skeletons,  more 
shadows  and  ghosts  than  living  men,  with  scarce 
strength  left  them  to  draw  a  rope  or  handle  a 
tiller.  In  some  ships  there  was  no  water  for 
fourteen  days.  The  weather  in  the  lower  lati- 
tudes lost  part  of  its  violence,  or  not  one  of  them 
would  have  seen  Spain  again.     As  it  was   they 

X 


3o6  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

drifted  on  outside  Scilly  and  into  the  Bay  of 
Biscay,  and  in  the  second  week  in  September 
they  dropped  in  one  by  one.  Recalde,  with 
better  success  than  the  rest,  made  Corunna. 
The  Duke,  not  knowing  where  he  was,  found 
himself  in  sight  of  Corunna  also.  The  crew  of  the 
8an  Martin  were  prostrate,  and  could  not  work 
her  in.  They  signalled  for  help,  but  none  came, 
and  they  dropped  away  to  leeward  to  Bilbao. 
Oquendo  had  fallen  off  still  farther  to  Santander, 
and  the  rest  of  the  sixty  arrived  in  the  following 
days  at  one  or  other  of  the  Biscay  ports.  On 
board  them,  of  the  thirty  thousand  who  had  left 
those  shores  but  two  months  before  in  high  hope 
and  passionate  enthusiasm,  nine  thousand  only 
came  back  alive — if  alive  they  could  be  called. 
It  is  touching  to  read  in  a  letter  from  Bilbao  of 
their  joy  at  warm  Spanish  sun,  the  sight  of  the 
grapes  on  the  white  walls,  and  the  taste  of  fresh 
home  bread  and  water  again.  But  it  came  too 
late  to  save  them,  and  those  whose  bodies  might 
have  rallied  died  of  broken  hearts  and  disap- 
pointed dreams.  Santa  Cruz's  old  companions 
could  not  survive  the  ruin  of  the  Spanish  navy. 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  307 

Recalde  died  two  days  after  he  landed  at  Bilbao. 
Santander  was  Oquendo's  home.  He  had  a  wife 
and  children  there,  but  he  refused  to  see  them, 
turned  his  face  to  the  wall,  and  died  too.  The 
common  seamen  and  soldiers  were  too  weak  to 
help  themselves.  They  had  to  be  left  on  board 
the  poisoned  ships  till  hospitals  could  be  prepared 
to  take  them  in.  The  authorities  of  Church  and 
State  did  all  that  men  could  do ;  but  the  case 
was  past  help,  and  before  September  was  out  all 
but  a  few  hundred  needed  no  further  care. 

Philip,  it  must  be  said  for  him,  spared  nothing 
t©  relieve  the  misery.  The  widows  and  orphans 
were  pensioned  by  the  State.  The  stroke  which 
had  fallen  was  received  with  a  dignified  sub- 
mission to  the  inscrutable  purposes  of  Heaven. 
Diego  Florez  escaped  with  a  brief  punishment  at 
Burgos.  None  else  were  punished  for  faults 
which  lay  chiefly  in  the  King's  o^vn  presumption 
in  imagining  himself  the  instrument  of  Providence. 

The  Duke  thought  himself  more  sinned 
against  than  sinning.  He  did  not  die,  like 
Recalde  or  Oquendo,  seeing  no  occasion  for  it. 
He  flung  down  his  command  and  retired  to  his 


3o8  ENGLISH  SEAMEN  [lect. 

palace  at  San  Lucan ;  and  so  far  was  Philip  from 
resenting  the  loss  of  the  Armada  on  its  com- 
mander, that  he  continued  him  in  his  governorship 
of  Cadiz,  where  Essex  found  him  seven  years  later, 
and  where  he  ran  from  Essex  as  he  had  run  from 
Drake. 

The  Spaniards  made  no  attempt  to  conceal 
the  greatness  of  their  defeat.  Unwilling  to  allow 
that  the  Upper  Powers  had  been  against  them, 
they  set  it  frankly  down  to  the  superior  fighting 
powers  of  the  English. 

The  English  themselves,  the  Prince  of  Parma 
said,  were  modest  in  their  victory.  They  thought 
little  of  their  own  gallantry.  To  them  the  defeat 
and  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  was  a  declara- 
tion of  the  Almighty  in  the  cause  of  their  country 
and  the  Protestant  faith.  Both  sides  had  ap- 
pealed to  Heaven,  and  Heaven  had  spoken. 

It  was  the  turn  of  the  tide.  The  wave  of  the 
reconquest  of  the  Netherlands  ebbed  from  that 
moment.  Parma  took  no  more  towns  from  the 
Hollanders.  The  Catholic  peers  and  gentlemen 
of  England,  who  had  held  aloof  from  the  Estab- 
lished   Church,   waiting   ad   illud   tempus   for   a 


9.]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  ARMADA  309 

religious  revolution,  accepted  the  verdict  of  Provi- 
dence. They  discovered  that  in  Anglicanism  they 
could  keep  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  yet  remain 
in  communion  with  their  Protestant  fellow- 
countrymen,  use  the  same  liturgy,  and  pray  in 
the  same  temples.  For  the  first  time  since 
Elizabeth's  father  broke  the  bonds  of  Rome  the 
English  became  a  united  nation,  joined  in  loyal 
enthusiasm  for  the  Queen,  and  were  satisfied  that 
thenceforward  no  Italian  priest  should  tithe  or 
toll  in  her  dominions. 

But  all  that,  and  all  that  went  with  it,  the 
passing  from  Spain  to  England  of  the  sceptre  of 
the  seas,  must  be  left  to  other  lectures,  or  other 
lecturers  who  have  more  years  before  them  than 
I.  My  own  theme  has  been  the  poor  Protestant 
adventurers  who  fought  through  that  perilous 
week  in  the  English  Channel  and  saved  their 
country  and  their  country's  liberty. 

THE   END 


Richard  Clay  if  Sons,  limited,  London  Sr  Bungay. 


April,  1895. 

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Crown  8vc.,  21J. 

Biographies  oi'  Words,  and  the 
Home  OF  the  Akyas.  Crown  Bvo., 
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Max  Miiller.— Works  by  F.  Max 
Mi'LLEK — continued. 

Three  Lectures  on  the  Science 
of  Language,  and  its  Place  in 
General  Education,  delivered  at 
Oxford,  1889.     Crown  8vo. ,  y. 

Roget.  —  Thesaurus  of  English 
Words  and  Phrases.  Classified  and 
Arranged  so  as  to  Facilitate  the  Ex- 
pression of  Ideas  and  assist  in  Literary 
Composition.  By  Peter  Mark  Roget, 
M.  D. ,  F.  R.S.  fiecomposed  throughout, 
enlarged  and  improved,  partly  from  the 
Author's  Notes,  and  with  a  full  Index, 
by  the  Author's  Son,  John  Lewis 
Rcget.     Crown  Bvo.,   10s.  6d. 

Whately. — English  Synonyms.  By 
E.  JANE  W'hately.     Fcp.  8vo. ,  3^. 


12       LONGMANS  &»  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Political  Economy  and  Economics. 


Ashley.— English  Economic  History 
AND  Theory.  By  W.  J.  Ashley, 
M.A.  Crown  8vo.,  Part  I.,  55.  Part 
II.,  lOJ.  bd. 

Barnett.— Practicable  Socialism  : 
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Erassey. — Papers  and  Addresses  on 
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duction by  George  Howell,  M.P. 
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Devas.— A  Manual  of  Political 
Economy.  By  C.  S.  Devas,  M.A. 
Crown  8vo. ,  6s.  6d.  {Manuals of  Catliolic 
Philosophy. ) 

Do"well. — A  History  of  Taxation 
AND  Taxes  in  England,  from  the 
Earliest  Times  to  the  Year  1885.  By 
Stephen  Dowell  (4  vols.  8vo. )  Vols. 
I.  and  II.  The  History  of  Taxation, 
215.  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  The  History  of 
Taxes,  21J. 

Leslie. — Essays  in  Political  Econ- 
omy. By  T.  E.  Cliffe  Leslie.  8vo.  , 
10 J.  6d. 

Macleod. — Works  by  Henry  Dunning 

MACLEOD,  M.A. 

BiMETALISM.     8vo.,  y.  net. 

The  Elements  of  Banking.  Crown 
8vo.,  3J.  6d. 

The  Theory  and  Practice  of  Bank- 
ing.   Vol.  I.   8vo. ,  125.   Vol.  II.    145. 

The  Theory  of  Credit.  8vo.  Vol. 
I.  loj.  net.  Vol.  II.,  Part  I.,  los.  net. 
Vol.  II.  Part  II. ,  I05.  6d. 


Mill.— Political  Economy. 
Stuart  Mill. 


By  John 


Popula7-  Edition. 
Library  Edition. 


Crown  8vo. ,  35  6rf. 
2  vols.      8vo. ,  30J. 


Symes.— Political  Economy  :  a  Short 
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Problems  for  Solution,  and  Hints  for 
Supplementary  Reading.  By  Prof.  J-  E. 
Symes,  M.A.,  of  University  College, 
Nottingham.     Crown  Bvo. ,  -zs.  bd. 


Toynbee. — Lectures  on  the  In- 
dustrial Revolution  of  the  i8ih 
Century  in  England.  By  Arnold 
Toynbee.  With  a  Memoir  of  the 
Author  by  B.  Jowett.     8vo.  ,  xos.  bd. 


Webb.— The  History  of  Trade 
Unionism.  By  Sidney  and  Beatrice 
Webb.  With  Map  and  full  Bibliography 
of  the  Subject.     8vo.,  185. 


Wilson.— Works  by  A.  J.  Wilson, 
Chiefly  reprinted  from  The  Investors' 
Review. 

Practical    Hints    to    Small    In- 
vestors.    Crown  8vo. ,  is. 

Plain  Advice  about  Life  Insurance. 
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Clodd. — Works  by  Edward  Clodd. 
The  Story  of  Creation  :  a  Plain  Ac- 
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Huth. — The  Marriage  of  near  Kin, 
considered  with  Respect  to  the  Law  of 
Nations,  the  Result  of  Experience,  and 
the  Teachings  of  Biology.     By  Alfred 
Henj^y  Huth.     Royal  8vo. ,  7s.  bd. 
Lan^.— Custom   and   Myth:    Studies 
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Lang,    M.A.      With   15    Illustrations. 
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Evolution,  Anthropology,  &c. 

Lubbock. — The  Origin  of  Civilisa- 
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With  5  Plates  and  20  Illustrations  in  the 
Text.     8vo.  185. 


Romanes. — Works  by  George  John 
Romanes,  M.A.,  LL.D.,  F.R.S. 

Darwin,  and  After  Darwin  :  an  Ex- 
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An  Examination  of  Weismannism. 
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LONGMANS  &=  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


13 


Classioal  Literainre  and  Translations,  &c. 

Abbott. — Hellenica.  A  Collection  of  j  Rich. — A  Dictionary  of  Roman  and 
Essays  on  Greek  Poetry,  Philosophy,  I  Greek  Antiquities.  By  A.  Rich, 
History,  and  Religion.  Edited  by  I  B.A.  With  2000  Woodcuts.  Crown 
Evelyn  Abbott,  M.A.,LL.D.  8vo.,i6j.  i      S\o.,'js.6d. 


-5i]sehylus.— EuMENiDES  of  ^schy- 
Lus.  With  Metrical  English  Translation. 
By  J.  F.  Da  VIES.     8vo.,  js. 

Aristophanes. — The  Acharnians  of 
Aristophanes,  translated  into  English 
Verse.  By  R.  Y.  Tyrrell.   Cr.  8vo.,  u. 

Becker. — Works  by  Professor  Becker. 

Gallus  :  or,  Roman  Scenes  in  the  Time 
of  Augustus.  Illustrated.  Cr.  8vo. , 
3,r.  6d. 

Charicles  :  or.  Illustrations  of  the 
Private  Life  of  tlie  Ancient  Greeks. 
Dlustrated.     Cr  8vo. ,  35.  6d. 

Cicero. — Cicero's  Correspondence.  I 
By  R.  Y.  Tyrrell.  Vols.  I.,  II.,  III.  I 
8vo. ,  each  125.      Vol.  IV.,  155-.  j 

Farnell.— Greek   Lyric    Poetry  :    a  I 
Complete   Collection  of  the    Sur\aving 
Passages  from  the  Greeic  Song- Writing. 
By  George  S.  Farnell,  M.A.    With  5 
Plates.     8vo. ,  165. 

Lang.— Homer  and  the  Epic.  By 
Andrew^  Lang.     Crown  8vo. ,  gs.  net. 

Maekail. — Select  Epigrams  from 
the  Greek  Anthology.  By  T.  W. 
Mack.ail    8vo.  ,  16s. 


Sophocles.— Translated  -into  English 
Verse.  By  Robert  Whitelaw,  M.  A. , 
Assistant  Master  in  Rugby  School :  late 
Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 
Crown  8vo.  ,  85.  6d. 


Theocritus. — The  Idylls  of  Theo- 
critus. Translated  into  English  Verse. 
By  James  Henry  H.^llard,  M.A. 
Oxon.     Fcp.  4to. ,  65.  6d. 

■Tyrrell. — Translations  into  Greek 
and  Latin  Verse.  Edited  by  R.  Y. 
Tyrrell.     8vo.,  6s. 


Virgil. — The  ^NEiD  OF  Virgil.  Trans- 
lated into  English  Verse  by  John  Con- 
ington.     Crown  8vo.,  6s. 

The  Poems  of  Virgil.  Translated 
into  English  Prose  by  John  Coning- 
TON.     Crown  8vo. ,  6s. 

The  ^neid  of  ViRGiL.freely  translated 
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The  yEneid  of  Virgil.  Books  I.  to 
VI.  Translated  into  English  Verse 
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Wilkins.— The  Growth  of  the  Hom- 
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Poetry  and 

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has.  Rendered  into  English  Verse  from 
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Allingli  am.— Works 

Allingham. 


by      William 


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Laurence  Bloomfield.  With  Por- 
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the  Drama. 

Flower  Pieces  ;  Day  and  Night 
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Thought  and  Word,  and  Ashby 
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14       LONGMANS  b'  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL   WORKS. 


Poetry  and  the  Drama — continued. 


Armstrong. — Works  by  G.  F.  Savage- 
Armstrong. 
Poems  :    Lyrical  and  Dramatic.      Fcp. 

8vo. ,  65. 
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Israel,  Part  III.)     Fcp.  8vo.,  6s. 
Ugone:  a  Tragedy.     Fcp.  Svo. ,  6s. 
A  Garland  from  Greece:  Poems. 

Fcp.  8vo. ,  7s.  6d. 
Stories  of  Wicklow  :  Poems.     Fcp. 

Svo. ,  js.  6d. 
Mephistopheles  in  Broadcloth  :  si 

Satire.     Fcp.  8vo. ,  4s. 
One  in  the  Infinite  :  a  Poem.     Cr. 

8vo.,  7s.  6d. 

Armstrong. — The  Poetical  Works 
OF  Edmund  J.  Armstrong.  Fcp. 
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Arnold. — Works  by  Sir  Edwin  Arnold, 
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The  Light  of  the  World  :  or,  the 
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Presentation  Edition.     With  14  Illus- 
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Beesly.— Ballads,  and  other  Verse. 
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Bell. — Chamber  Comedies  :  a  Collec- 
tion of  Plays  and  Monologues  for  the 
Drawmg  Room.  By  Mrs.  Hugh 
Bell.     Crown  Svo.,  65. 

Bjbrnsen. — Works  by   Bjornstjerne 
Bjornsen. 
Pastor  Sang  :  a  Play.     Translated  by 

William  Wilson.     Cr.  Svo.,  55. 
A  Gauntlet:    a  Drama.     Translated 

into  English  by  Osman  Edwards. 

With  Portrait  of  the  Author.     Crown 

Svo.,  5J-. 

Cochrane. —  The  Kestrel's  Nest, 
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rane.    Fcp.  Svo.,  3J-.  6d. 


Goethe. 

Faust,  Part  I.,  the  German  Text,  with 
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M.  Selss,  Ph.D.,  M.A.     Cr.  8vo.,  51. 

Faust.  Translated,  with  Notes.  By 
T.  E.  Webb.     Svo.,  12s.  6d. 

Ingelow. — Works  by  Jean  Ingelow. 
Poetical  Works.    2  vols.    Fcp.  Svo. , 

T.2S. 

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cloth  gilt. 

Kendall. — Songs  from  Dreamland. 
By  May  Kendall.    Fcp.  Svo. ,  5^.  net. 

Lang. — Works  by  Andrew  Lang. 
Ban  and  ARRifeRE  Ban.    A  Rally  of 

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net. 
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88  Illustrations  in  the  Text  by  H.  J. 

Ford  and  Lancelot  Speed.  '  Crown 

Svo.,  6s. 

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Peek.  —  Works     by     Hedley     Peek 

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Dedicatory   Poem    to   the   late    Hon. 

Roden  Noel.     Fcp.  Svo.,  2s.  6d.  net. 
The  Shadows    of  the    Lake,   and 

other  Poems.     Fcp.  Svo.,  2s.  6d.  net. 

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Makah.     Fcp.  Svo.,  6s.  6d. 

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LuciLE.     Crown  Svo.,  ioj.  6d. 

Selected  Poems.     Cr.  Svo.,  105.  6d. 


LONGMANS  b'  CO.' S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS. 


IS 


Poetry  and  the  Drama — continued. 


Macaulay.— Lays  of  Ancient  Rome, 
&c.     By  Lord  Macaulay. 


Illustrated  by  G.  Scharf. 
•LOS.  6d. 


Fcp.  4to., 


Bijou      Edition. 

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Popular  Edition. 


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8vo. ,  3^-.  6d. 
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sewed,  zs.  6d.  cloth.  ■ 

! 

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Scarlet   Gown'.       His   Poems,    with   a 
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Nesbit. — Lays  and  Legends.  By  E. 
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Series,  with  Portrait.    Crown  8vo. ,  $s. 

Piatt. — Works  by  Sarah  Piatt. 
Poems.     With  portrait  of  the  Author. 


Piatt. — Works  by  John  James  Piatt. 

Idyls    and    Lyrics    of    the    Ohio 
Valley.     Crown  8vo. ,  5^. 

Little  New  World  Idyls.  Cr.  8vo. , 

Rhoades.— Teresa  and  Other 
Poems.  By  James  Rhoades.  Crown 
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Riley. — Works 
Riley. 


by  James  Whitco.mb 


Old  Fashioned  Roses  :  Poems. 
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Poems  Here  at  Home.  Fcap.  8vo., 
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Shakespeare. — Bowdler's  Family 
Shakespeare.  With  36  Woodcuts. 
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The  Shakespeare  Birthday  Book. 
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2  vols.     Crown  8vo. ,  jos. 
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in  Ireland.     Crown  8vo. 


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Alistey. — Works  by  F.  Anstey,  Author 
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ridge.    Fcp.  4to. ,  65. 

Astor. — A  Journey  in  Other  Worlds. 
a  Romance  of  the  Future.  By  John 
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Baker.— By  the  Western  Sea.  By 
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Beaeonsfield.— Works  by  the  Earl  of 
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Henrietta  Temple. 
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Coningsbv.      Sybil. 
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TheYoungDuke,  &c. 
Alroy,  Lxion,  &c. 
Contarini    Fleming, 
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Novels  and  Tales.  The  Hughcndcn 
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Clegg.— David's  Loom  :  a  Storv  of 
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Nineteenth  Century.  By  John  Tr af- 
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i6        LONGMANS  &■  CO.'S  STANDARD  AND  GENERAL    WORKS. 


forks  of  Fiction,  Humour,  &c. — continued. 


Del  and.— Works  by  Margaret    De- 
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Mr.  Tommy  Dove,  and  other  Stories. 

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IParrar. — Darkness  and  Dawn:  or, 
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toric Tale.  By  Archdeacon  Farrar. 
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boy  :  an  Irish  Romance  of  the  Last 
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3^.  6d. 

Gilkes.  —  The  Thing  That  Hath 
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Haggard.— Works  by  H.  Rider  Hag- 
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The  People  of  the  Mist.  With  16 
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She.  With  32  Illustrations.  Crown 
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Allan  Quatermain.  With  31  Illus- 
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Maiwa's  Revenge  ;  or.  The  War  of 
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Beatrice.     Cr.  8vo.,  35.  6d. 

Ei;ic  Brighteyes.  With  51  Illustra- 
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G  ARD — con  tin  iied. 

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Allan's  Wife.  With  34  Illustrations. 
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Origin  and  Development  of  Religion  ? 
ByM  aurice  Phillips,  London  Mission, 
Madras.     Crown  8vo.,  6s. 
Scholler. — A    Chapter    of   Church 
History  FROM  South  Germany: being 
Passages  from  the  Life  of  Johann  Evan- 
gelist Georg  Lutz,  formerly  Parish  Priest 
and  Dean  in  Oberroth,  Bavaria.     By  L. 
W.  ScHOLLER.      Translated  from  the 
German  by  W.  Wallis.     Crown  8vo., 
35.  6d. 

SUPERNATURAL     RELIGION:     an 
Inquiry  into  the  Reality  of  Divine  Revela- 
tion.    3  vols.     8vo. ,  36J. 
Reply  (A)to  Dr.  Lightfoot's  Essays. 
By  the  Author  of  '  Supernatural  Re- 
ligion '.     8vo. ,  6s. 
The  Gospel  according  to  St:  Peter: 
a  Study.      By  the  Author  <^f  '■  Saner- 
natural  Religion  '.     8vo. ,  6s. 


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