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THE 

ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES. 



VOL. II.— PART II. 




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ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES. 



V. A. RUBER, 



AHRltXiCD TRANSLATION, 



FRANCIS W. NEWMAN, 
VOL. II.--PART II. 




LONDON: 

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MANCHB8TKR : 

raiNTKD BY CHABLKt SIMMS AND CO. 



CONTENTS TO VOL. I J 



PART II. 



NOTES AND APPENDICES. 

NOTE PAUE 

42. On the privilege granted to the Universities to send Mem- 

bers to Parliament 421 

43. Conduct of the Universities concerning the Covenant, &c. 422 

44. The Submission of the Universities to Cromwell's rule . . . 423 

45. Transition of the Court and High Church from Calvinism 

to Arminianism, under James 1 424 

46. Introduction of the Thirty -nine Articles, at Oxford and 

Cambridge, under James 1 425 

47. Statutes, &c. relating to the Conduct of Students 426 

48. Text Books for the University Lectures 427 

49. Statutory Regulations as to the Lectures, &c 428 

50. Lord Bacon, the Fatlicr of Modem would-be University 

Reformers 421) 

51. Petition from Oxford for Radical Reform of the Univcrsitv 

in 1659; Sketch of a Model College 430 

52. Expulsion of Locke 431 

53. That in the earliest times, Oxford had a Chancellor of its 

own 432 

54. The Nations considered as Corporations 434 

55. On theSwoBN Officers of the Nations 435 

5Q, On the actual use of the word Regent 436 

57. School Poem in the Reign of Henry III 438 

58. On the position of the Faculties in the English Universities 439 

59. On the Mendicant Orders of Monks 442 

2 ^^« 



VI CONTENTS. 

MOTE PAGE 

60. Ou the Chancellor and Archdeacon at the Universities... 445 

61. Whether tliere may possihly have hccn once a Rector at 

Oxford distinct from tlic Chancellor 449 

62. On the refusal of the Bishop to confirm without personal 

presentation 451 

63. Disputes respecting the spiritual attributes of the Chan- 

cellor 452 

64. On the right of Episcopal Visitation at both Universities 454 

65. On the Functions of the Chancellor 455 

66. On the Courts of Jurisdiction of the Chancellor 458 

67. Concerning the Commissaries 459 

68. On the Functions and Duties of the Proctors, &c., and on 

the Veto 

69. Cambridge Degree of 1522 appointing a Public Orator ... 461 

70. On the Beadles or Bedells of the Universities 

71. On College Tuition and the Veto of the Head 462 

72. Authority of the Heads of Colleges in the University... 466 

73. The Visitations of 1555-7 467 

74. On the youthful age of Graduates 470 

75. On the Statutes of 1570,— and on the Test Oaths 471 

76. On the Board of Heads at Cambridge 473 

77. On the election of Powerful Statesmen as Chancellors of 

the Universities 474 

78. On the Cycle of Proctors 475 

79. Details concerning University Professors, their Salaries, 

Appointment, &c 476 

80. On the Abolition of the Black Congregation 479 

81. On the right of the Chancellor to nominate his own De- 

puties 480 

82. On the right of voting of the Regents and Non-Regents.. 482 

83. On the Archbishop's Right of Visitation ; and on the Bull 

of Boniface 483 

84. The Universities had neither Vote nor Seat in the Con- 

vocation of the Clergy 487 

85. Powers of the Pope and of the Archbishop over the 

Universities 488 



• • 



CONTENTS. Vll 

NOTE PAGE 

86. On the Prerogadve of Uie Crown over the Uuiversities... 489 

87. On the Royal Lettebs 492 

88. On the Taxation of the Universities and Colleges 493 

89. Exemption of the Universities from Purveyance, &c. &c. 496 

90. On the Taxation of the Universities hy the Parliament... 498 

91. On Acts of Parliament which concern the Universities ... 500 

92. On the University Disputations of the Eighteenth Century 501 

93. On the petty persecution of Whigs in Oxford, in the last 

Century 502 

94. Tables 503 

1 to i. Oxford Honors and Degrees 503 

& Gambridge Honors and Ordinary Degrees, in 1839 505 

6L Cambridge Matricnlations — 

7. Gambridge Degrees 506 

& Oxford Residents, May, 1843 607 

9. Cambridge Residents, November, 1840. 508 

10. May, 1841 — 

IL Clergymen and Laymen in the Cambridge Senate, 1841 500 

IS. Proportion of Students irho are admitted, and irho obtain Tes- 
timonials for Orders, in Trinity College, Cambridge. — 

95. On English Cant 510 

(Remarks on the Morality of the Universities, hy the 
Editor) 511 

96. (Oxford Examination Subjects, by the Editor) 521 

(Questions given at the Oxford Mathematical Scholar- 
ship, 1841) '.. 527 

97. On the modem Cambridge Examination for the B.A. De- 

gree — with remarks on English and German Philosophy 530 

98. Defence of the Universities from the charge of Immorality 541 

99. Justification of not repealing and yet not enforcing or ob- 

serving Statutes that we judge to be unsuitable 543 

100. On the right of Self-defence of the Universities against 

encroachments 547 

101. (On the nature of the Colleges and of the Universities, 

and on the interference of the State with the Univer- 
sities and the Colleges, by the Editor) 549 

102. (An account of the University of Durham, by the Rev. 

H..L. Jones) 553 

103. (An Account of the University of London, by Dr.Rothman) 563 



• • • 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

APPENDICES PAGE 

Appendix (by the Rev. H. L. Jones) 568 

Table 1. Ck)llege Reyennes in Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Dorham. 676 

„ 2. Uniyenity Degrees 677 

„ S. Ranks and Stimulating Forces 678 

„ 4. Cambridge Forces and Honors 679 

„ 6. Average Incomes — 

„ & Expenditure, Ac. — 

„ 7. Professors and Lecturers 680 

„ 8. General Abstract 661 

Appendix by the Author 

The Literature connected with the subject of the Knglish Universities. 68S 

Titles of Histories of the Uniyersities 688 

Several Colleges 680 

TJniyersity Towns, &c 600 

Descriptive Works on the TJniyersities 600 

Works on Legal Points, and on the Bentley Transactions 60S 

More recent Works 604 

(Appendix to the English Edition, added by James Heywood, 

F.R.S) 597 

1. Historical Doubts, by Thomas Wright, F.S.A., on the Biography 

of Alfred, attributed to Bishop Asser ; with remarks on the Anti- 
quity of the University of Oxford, from other writers 607 

2. On the Foundation Statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and 

the Obligations of the University of Oxford to the Commissioners 

of King Henry VIII. for the promotion of Classical Learning 818 

3. Indirect Influences of the Reformation :— from Dr. Vaughan's Age 

of Great Cities 638 

i. Account of the Parliamentary Visitations of the Universities, dur- 
ing the Civil Wars of the seventeenth century 631 

5. Lord Bacon on the Defects of Universities 640 

6. Views on Scientific and General Education, by Sir John Herschel, 

Bart., F. R. S., M. A., and formerly Fellow of St. John's College, 
Cambridge 645 

7. Observations on the Admission of Dissenters to Academical De- 

grees, by the Right Rev. Connop Thirl wall, D.D., Bishop of St. 
David's, and formerly Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge .^. 640 

a Remarks on University Education, from the North American Re- 
view for October, 1842, and from the American Notes of Mr. 
Dickens .^ 660 

9. Copy of the Clerical Petition, relating to the Subscription to the 
Thirty-nine Articles, signed by 260 clergymen and others, and 
offered on the 6th February, 1772, to the House of Commons, 

with subsequent proceedings 667 

10. Conclusion 680 

(Index) 707 



LIST OF PLATES 



VOL II.— PART II. 



Edward Copleston, D. D., late Provost of Oriel College, Oxford, 
and now Bishop of Landaff, to face the Title-page. 

Olivbb Cromwell, 1653 puge 424 

John Lockb, 1690 432 

An Oxford Proctor requesting a Student to put on his gown, 

instead of carrying it on his .arm 460 

Cardinal Pole, 1557 468 

Plan of Cambridge with the seventeen Colleges, 1842 508 

John Eveleioh, D.D., late Provost of Oriel College, Oxford 512 

Cyril Jackson, D.D., late Dean of Christ Cliurch, Oxford. 514 
Tlie Vice-chancellor conferring the degree of Master of 

Art8,atOxford, April, 1842 516 

Examination of Candidates for the degree of Bachelor of 

Arts, Oxford, 1842 524 

Annual Examination in Trinity College, Cambridge, 1842... 532 
Examination of the Students of the University of Durham, 

1842 556 

English Medical Schools and English Colleges in connexion 

with the University of London, 1842 564 

Examination of the Students of the University of London, 

1842 566 

Plan of Oxford with the twenty-four Colleges and Halls, 1842 576 

Edward Montague, Earl of Manchester, 1 644 632 

Lord Bacon, 1605 640 

A Student signing his name in the matriculation book, before 

the Vice-chancellor, at Oxford, 1842 672 

Examination of the subscription book, containing the Church 
of England Test, for the Bachelors degree, at Cam- 
bridge, 1842 678 

Great Court of Trinity College, Cambridge 698 



CX)RRIGENDA IN VOL. H, 

PART 11. 



PaKe 427, title of Note 48, for Tesibookt, read TeMbooks. 
,, 516, line 20, for Fellow, read Feilotn. 
„ tfS, line 13, for teAo2e, read variable. 
., W3, line 9 from bottom, read *' nnprejadiced" 
„ fiM, in the Foot-note, leave out the quotation marks on each side of ** sober 

tnith." 
„ (09, line 6 from bottom, dele after. 
„ MS, line S2, read " practice of life." 



NOTES. 



Note (42) referred to in Page 3. 

Oil the privilege granted to the Universities to send Members to 

Parliament. 

The motive for this Royal privilege (dated 12th March, 1603) 
is expressed as follows : " As in the Colleges of our University 
there are many local statutes, constitutions, &c., and as in past 
times, and especially of late, many Statutes and Acts of Parliament 
have heen made concerning them, it therefore appears to us worth 
while and necessary that the said University should have Burgesses 
of its own in Parliament, who from time to time may make known 
to the Supreme Coiurt of Parliament, the true state of that Uni- 
versity, so that no Statute or Act may offer any prejudice or 
injury to them, or any one of them severally, without just and due 
notice and information being had in that respect. Know therefore 
all, &c." (Dyer i. 135.) Under the circumstances, it is not likely 
that there was any extensive or deep political intention at the 
bottom of this measure, for the strengthening of the Royal 
influence in Parliament; however plausible such an explanation 
may appear at first sight. But in point of feict, the foundation for 
future extensions of the Parliamentary sphere of agency was laid 
by this means. It is evident at the same time, that the political 
importance of the Universities was much increased by the measure; 
whether to their advantage needs no investigation here. The 
expediency of bestowing political rights such as these, upon 
scientific corporations, may be looked upon as very doubtful. But 
if once possessed of them, they should never be expected to use 



422 NOTES. 

them in an unworthy or slavish manner. Wood gives an account 
of the opinions entertained at Oxford, with regard to this new 
privilege. 

Note (43) rbf£rrbd to in Paob 15. 

Conduct of the Universities concerning the Covenant, S(C 

The University appealed to the protest set forth hy Parliament 
in 1641, and signed by both Universities, which was principally 
directed against the Papists, but which, next to the Royal prero- 
gative, expressly and prominently set up the rights of Parliament, 
thus forming, as long as men's intentions with regard to constitu- 
tional Monarchy were good, a sufficient guarantee, as far indeed 
as any guarantee can exist in such things. Even the " Covenant," 
as is well known, was not drawn up in an anti-Monarchal form, 
and was, consequently, admirably calculated to ensnare imprudent, 
weak, or dishonest minds, into ultimate republicanism, and to test 
really firm and sincere Royalists. The '* ordinationes'* were the 
principles and regulations established in 1644, in the English 
Church, and were entirely incompatible with her Episcopal Consti- 
tution. The "Juramentum negathmm'* enjoined a total abstinence 
from every kind of opposition to the troops, decrees and orders of 
the Parliameat, and every kind of support of the King and his 
adherents. The unanimity of the Convocation (with the exception 
of one vote) which is expressly mentioned by Wood, is certainly 
very striking, and we must conclude from it, that many of the 
Puritans, who had been expelled or had withdrawn at an earlier 
period, had not yet returned to the University, whilst others 
allowed themselves to be carried away by the momentary impulse 
of the corporate spirit. To this we may add, that the more 
moderate of the Puritans began already to be alarmed for Royalty 
itself, and were under the influence of reaction, which could 
nowhere have better play than here, since the " Judgment of the 
University of Oxford touching the Solemn League," &c. contained, 
in the letter, nothing, that they could not subscribe >%ith a good 
conscience and without proving faithless to their original principle;*. 



NOTES. 423 

This document may be fomid in Wood, and is printed, moreover, 
in English, FVench and Italian translations. 



NOTB (44) B£F£BRBO TO IN PaOB 16. 

The Submission of the Universities to Cromwell's rule. 

After the Visitation of 1646, there were but few members of 
the University who came forward as martyrs on account of their 
political opinions : but this needs no detailed explanation, being 
merely a repetition of what took place in the kingdom at large, 
and I am not writing a history of those times. Here it will suffice 
to call to mind, that the spirit which was introduced at the 
Universities by the last Visitation, and of which the Covenant may 
be considered as the symbol, had not in itself any defined political 
character, neither republican nor purely despotic, nor yet decidedly 
constitutional ; to say nothing of the theological views. It was 
die spirit and sentiment of the '* Juste milieu" then prevailing; 
which, without actual apostacy, easily submitted to any ruling 
principle whatever, provided on the one hand, it was able to 
protect and promote existing interests, possessions, habits, and 
business, (which may be termed the material foundation of all 
civic associations ;) and on the other hand, it required no active 
part to be taken, involving sacrifice or danger. A spirit of this 
kind excludes neither honorable elements nor honorable persons : 
and if to this, we add the very important considerations, which 
induced men to look upon Cromwell's rule, not only as a lesser 
evil, and as the sole guarantee against unlimited disorder, but 
also as a positive benefit for the nation, especially in foreign 
affeurs, we shall have no reason to animadvert upon the passive 
submission of the Universities : although many of their members 
probably mourned at heart after the Constitutional Monarchy, and 
some even for the pure Republic. Cromwell, moreover, had 
several very zealous adherents at the Universities. Especially 
those who clung to Monarchy, and gave up the fallen dynasty as 
lost, were desirous of honoring Cromwell as the Founder of a new 



424 NOTES. 

one. For instance, a Greek ode to Cromwell was written at 
Cambridge, which commences x^V "AyyKav /Soo-iXcv k. t. X. — ^And 
terminates with 

Ovroo iras trto \ahs ryrcv^/i^crci ovcraff ; 
Ovx ayaB6v noKvKoipavirf, tts Kotpavos If (ma. 

Such and similar academic effusions of the time are be found in 
the " Oliva pacts ad cehissimum Oliverum Cromwellum," 8(C. 
Cambridge, 1654. 



Note (45) referred to in Page 33. 

Transition of the Court and High Church from Calvinism to 

Arminianism, under James I. 

To say nothing of the times of Henry VIII., and Edward VI., 
there was certainly no want of theological idolatry towards 
£Hzabeth: but the character of this Queen, her ministers, her 
Court, and her whole reign, gave infinitely better ground for such 
exaggeration than in the case of her successor. Her whole nature 
also came nearer to stricter Calvinism, and possibly she had 
sincerer intentions towards it, than the Stuarts. In her case, 
external accident forbade favor to the Puritans ; but the whole 
nature and education of the Stuart race urged them to the other 
extreme. The extreme points of contrast, and the gradual 
transition between them, — from the strict Calvinism which James 
I. brought from Scotland, to the Popery, with which James II. 
fled to France ; I must presume my readers to be acquainted with, 
in a general sense. A satisfactory and detailed account is wanting; 
but to attempt it is beyond my power; and indeed it would 
demand a combination of qualities too seldom found. The turn 
of the tide may be computed from the year 1621, as an external 
era, when an accidental homicide was committed by Archbishop 
Abbot, the representative of the stricter Calvinism. This unlucky 
event irrevocably ruined his influence, and proved signally favora- 
ble to that of Laud. Yet, assuredly, great changes liad taken 



NOTES. 425 

place in the King^s mind since 1611, at which time he was so 
violent against the Dutch Arminianism, as to refute it with his 
own pen. 

NOTB (46) REFERRED TO IN PaGB 39. 

Introduction of the Thirty -nine Articles, at Oxford and Cambridge, 

tinder James I. 

James called these articles his darlings. As early as 1613, the 
subscription to the three articles, in compliance with Royal letters, 
w^as prescribed at Cambridge, by a decision of the Senate, as 
necessary for a degree in the higher faculties. This was followed 
in June 1616, by an autograph letter hx)m the King, in which, 
among many other matters, — such as the dress, the seats in the 
chapels, the frequenting taverns, and similar most important regu- 
lations of the Royal pedant ; — it was recommended that the three 
articles should be subscribed by all degrees in all faculties. Al- 
though it is not expressly stated that these regulations were ac- 
cepted by the Senate ; yet the fact, that they proceeded upon this 
rule afterwards, proves that they became valid in the usual way. 
Similar demands on the part of the King were met by corres- 
ponding decisions at Oxford in 1617 (v. Wood). The Thirty-nine 
Articles were then already expressly mentioned, although in Cam- 
bridge, only a general mention is made of them in the third Article 
of 1604. Whether, at Oxford, the subscription was extended, 
from those who took their degrees to those who matriculated, 
before the acceptance of the Statutes of 1636, or not, I cannot 
tell: however, it is scarcely probable that any one would have 
matriculated without having a degree in view. It is well known 
that the first of these articles contains a recognition of the King's 
supremacy in spiritual and ecclesiastical, as well as in temporal 
afiairs — the second contains a recognition of the principles estab- 
lished in the book of Common Prayer, and of ordering of Bishops, 
Priests and Deacons, &c., and the third, a general recognition of 
the articles of faith of 1562. 



426 NOTES. 

Note (47) rbfbrrbd to in Paob 47. 

Statutes, SfC. relating to the Conduct of Students, 

I refer my readers to Wood, where (for instance in the years 
1606 and 1623) Statutes against all kinds of more or less serious 
misconduct are quoted, such as drinking, whoring, gaming, rioting, 
unseemly splendor of dress, &c. Some of the principal occasions 
of these disorderly doings appear to have heen, either the yearly 
elections of the Proctors and other Academic OlBicers, (when it 
was the custom to give feasts and banquets as a kind of bribe,) or 
the festivities upon the conferring of degrees, and more particularly 
the scholastic exercises ''pro gradu" when, especially at Shrove- 
tide, a great state of excitement invariably prevailed among the 
academic youth. This was an old subject of complaint at all 
Universities, and more particulariy at such a time, as the admis- 
sion to degrees was granted by voting, and was, consequently, 
to a certain extent, a kind of election, which as such gave rise to 
manceuvres of every kind. Another complaint which was often 
brought forward, was against the excursions of the scholars into 
^e neighborhood of the town, where a numerous population had 
sqwUted in temporary huts, who are represented by the University- 
authorities, as " a graceless rabble, which seduces the youth, and 
must be stubbed up, root and branch." The principles which 
prevailed respecting the academic discipline, may be easily gathered 
from what has been said above ; of course the clearest account 
may be obtained from the Statutes themselves, on which c. xiv. 
treats " de vestitu et habitu scholastico" and c. xv. " de Moribus 
conformandis.** The titles of some of tlie paragraphs run as 
follows [in Latin] : " On ^e reproof and punishment of those who 
introduce unusual dresses. — On the reverence of the juniors towards 
the seniors. — On hindering lounging and lazy scholars from 
roving about the city. — That scholars be not present at the 
assizes. — On not frequenting the houses of townsmen. — On not 
frequenting winehouses and taverns. — Against night-strolling. — ^ 
On prohibited games. — Against infieimous books. — Against foul 
language. — Against personal violences. — Against wearing arms. 



NOTES. 427 

— Against imlawfid conventicles. — On punishing the authors and 
originators of schism. — On the opposers and violators of the 
public authority.'* Among prohibited games are mentioned, 
" Every kind of game in which money is concerned, such as dibs, 
dice, cards, cricketing in the private grounds or gardens of towns- 
people ; " and then " every kind of game or exercise from which 
danger, injury, or inconvenience might arise to other people, such 
as the hunting of beasts with any sort of dogs, ferrets, nets or 
toils ; also any use or carrying of muskets, crossbows or falcons :" 
" neither ropedancers, nor actors, nor shows of gladiators, are to be 
permitted without especial permission : " moreover, " the scholars 
are not to play at football, nor with cudgels, either among them- 
selves or with tLe townsfolk, a practice," it goes on to say, " from 
which the most perilous contentions have often arisen." The 
penalties are corporal punishment, ( " if by reason of age it be 
becoming,") fines in money, loss of a greater or lesser period of 
time of study necessary for the degree, and finally expulsion, either 
partial [i. e. rusticaiion'] or entire. To this was added in the 
Colleges, impositions and the stocks, and also a stoppage of the 
daily rations (commons). The minimum of age was fourteen. 
None of this was new, but it was previously contained in the 
Cambridge Statutes. 



N0T£ (48) REFERRED TO IN PAOE 62. 

Test Books for the University Lectures. 

It would be quite unnecessary for me to enter into all the details 
respecting the number of Lectures, the behaviour of the Scholars 
during their delivery, the punishments for not attending them, &c. 
I can only find room for an enumeration of the Authors prescribed 
for each of the Faculties, as a sort of standard of the scientific de- 
mands of the time. — (T. IV. sect. i. stat.) — " Prselector Gram- 
maticus legat lingua latina vel technice e Prisciano, Linacro aut 
alio probato autore, vel critice sen philologice, selectos, aliquos titu- 
lo8, dc antiquitatibus grsecis vel romanis explicet. — P. Rhetoricw 



428 NOTES. 

exponat Rhet. Aristotelis, Ciceronis, Quinctiliani aut Hermogenis ; 
quos inter se sic conferat ut ex lis artis prsecepta in unum corpus 
redigat. — P. Dialect, exponat aut Porphyrii Isagogen aut quam- 
cumque Log. Aristot. partem. — P. Moral. Philos. Aristot. Ethica 
ad Nicomachum, Politica nee non CEconomica legat, textum expo- 
nendo et qusestiones prout e textu Arist. emergant discutiendo. — 
P. Geometria (no author mentioned.) — P. Astronomise et P. Mu- 
sicK, (the same thing.) — P. Natur. Philos. Aristotelis Physica aut 
Libros de Coelo et Mundo, aut de Meteons, aut ejus panra Natu- 
ralia aut Libros de anima, nee non de Generatione et Corruptione 
exponat. — P. Metaphysicse Arist. Metaphys. legat, textum expo- 
nendo et qusestiones Metaphys. qua; apud antiquos et modemos 
exagitantur succincte ventilando. — P. Historise Lucium Florum 
aut alios quosvis antiquioris et melioris nota* historicos perlegat. — 
Prof. Lingua; Gmdcse Homerum, Isocratem, Euripidem aut alium 
quemvis ex classicis autoribus explicabit. — Prof. L. Hebraicse e 
Sacrse Scripturoe fontibus qusecunque ad illius linguae proprietatem 
pertinent explicabit." — ^The number of Lectures for each Profesor- 
ship is fixed at two .a week. — In comparing this with the Statutes 
of Edward no difference is found. The Cambridge Statutes of 
Elizabeth, however, give a much more prominent place to Mathe- 
matical Studies,* (s. 56,) and this fact also brings us back to the 
difference so often mentioned. 



Note (49) referred to in page 63. 

Statutory Regulations as to the Lectures, S(C, ^ 

The Oxford Statutes of 1636, mostly differ from those of Cam- 
bridge of 1571 herein, that only two hours a week were set apart 
for the lectures, instead of four, and that no mention whatever is 
made of Canon-Law. The sum of these regulations amounts to 
the following: — "Let the Civilian Professor expound any part 
that he pleases of the body of Civil Law, and especially those 
chapters which lu-c of service for use and practice in this realm. — 
• [Does 8. 56 mean statute 56, or duos it rt'fur to /ntge 561] 



NOTES. 429 

Let the Medical Professor lecture on Hippocrates and Gralen. — 
Let the Divinity Professor expound some part or other of Holy 
Writ.** — ^The Professorship of Anatomy was joined to that of Me- 
dicine, but this was no addition, as the Medical Professor was 
already bound to hold at least one course of Anatomy yearly, and 
to demonstrate upon a skeleton. A real step onwards in these 
branches, was in the Botanical Lectures, which, however, as well 
as tlie Botanical Grarden itself, were quite in their infancy. As 
to the Examination, there is certainly a vacant paragraph in the 
Statutes after the directions for the Examinations in Arts, (headed 
De examinandis graduum candidatis in aliis Facultatibw) but when 
the further regulations were completed, and introduced with 
respect to Arts, no mention was made of the other Faculties ; and 
the paragraph remained evidently an empty one. 



NoTB (50) RBFERRED TO IN PaGE 74. 

Lord Bacon, the Father of Modern would-be University Reformers, 

Lord Bacon is in fact the father of all modem opponents and 
theoretical reformers of all that the English Universities are and 
ever were in history. It is remarkable, that four centuries before, 
Roger Bacon acted very nearly the same part as his namesake ; 
yet he had some nearer historical ground to rest on, considering 
the [more positive] character of the earliest studies in Arts. 
Among the many things said by the second Bacon to this effect, 
the following later expressions will serve as an example : ** In the 
moral sentiment and established principles of academicians, of 
schools, and of colleges, every thing is adverse to the progress of 
the sciences," (Nov. Org. 90) a proof that the hints ^ven almost 
twenty years earlier {De dign. et augment, scient. I, II.) for the re- 
form of the academic studies, had remained ineffectual, although 
in the mean time, by the possession of the higher dignities in the 
State, he had arrived at a position to effect a practical application 
of his views, and although reforms in the academic studies had 
been continually carried on, but in another direction. Had his 



430 NOTES. 

principles found any fieivor in the the eyes of the academic ruling 
powers, opportunities were not wanting to recommend or prescribe 
such works as the " Organon" either by statute or in some other 
official manner. However this ^'as not done at the time, nor in 
the Oxford Statute of 1 636 ; at all events, not in reference to the 
University studies, properly so called ; and this was the real 
point. For, as feu* as regarded the preparatory studies of the 
Colleges, the Old Fathers and the Scriptures were sufficient — and 
it was only when these had been thoroughly studied and the fur- 
ther and higher scientific developement was concerned, that the 
choice lay between Bacon and the Thirty -nine Articles. 



Note (51) RSFBRREn to in Page 76. 

Petition from Oxford for Radical Reform of the University, in 

1 659 ; — Sketch of a Model-College. 

One document is interesting, from its analogy to very modem 
effi)rts and wishes. It was entitled " A petition from some well- 
affected persons in the University of Oxford, to the Parliament of 
the Commonwealth of England.* I shall extract a few particulars 
from this sketch of Reform. " Every thing in the laws, instruc- 
tion, customs and persons of the Universities, which could be 
looked upon as monarchal, superstitious and despotic, is to be done 
away with. Opinions are to be free. Republicans alone are to be 
Principals of Colleges : better were it to abolish these than leave 
them in other hands. Neither the Chancellor nor any ecclesiastic 
whatever, nor any person in authority is to exercise power, except 
under the strict control of the Government. All ceremonies, 
" tending to enervate and beget pride " are to be abolished. The 
public exercises are to take place in the presence of patriotic Sena- 
tors, that these, when they may be seeking men for offices in the 
Republic, &c. may be acquainted with the merits of Scholars. 
Then follows " A slight model of a College to be erected, SfC." — 

* [Harleian Miicellaniet, vol. vii. Sundry things by several hands, concerning 

the University of Oxford. London, 1659.] 



NOTES. 431 

FundB for this " pattern college" were to be procured from the 
Canoniies of Christ Church, &c. The Fellows were to have no 
other income, than what they earned from pupils, with occasional 
bounties for good conduct. Instruction was to be given only from 
prescribed text-books. Vacancies were to be filled up from West- 
minster School, which was to receive a corresponding organization. 
An students were to be acquainted with the "grounds of the 
Commonwealth." Their studies once ended, they were to be em- 
ployed in Government offices. There were to be Professorships 
for Theology, Civil Law, Politics, (to inspire a love for the Repub- 
lic,) the Philosophy and Mathematics of Descartes, the Philosophy 
and Geography of Gkssendi, Magnetism, Optics, Mechanics, Me- 
dicine, Anatomy, useful Logic, civic Eloquence (both in English 
and in Latin.) Good society was to be encouraged. A third of 
the Fellows was to go by turns to London, and become acquainted 
with the world, that they might be qualified afterwards, for em- 
bassies, &c. The others were to be employed as public teachers. 
Conmientary upon these propositions is unnecessary. 



NOTB (52) aSFBRKED TO IN PaOB 81. 

Expulsion of Locke. 

The most detailed account that I have been able to meet with 
of this often discussed afEiedr, which in Germany (as feur as I can 
make out) has been so completely misunderstood, I have found in 
an official correspondence between the Minister Sunderland and 
Doctor Fell, who, as Dean of Oxford, was also head of Christ 
Church; in which College Locke was also a student. The 
correspondence is given in the Oxoniana (ii. p. 205, et. sqq.) 
Whether the King had any reason for his suspicions, cannot be 
investigated here : but it is absurd to deny or forget that such a 
thing is possible. When great philosophers mix in political 
intrigues, they share like other mortals in the disadvantages as 
well as the advantages of the trade : still more if they are entan- 
gled in it in their character of Philosophers. It may be doubtful 



432 NOTES. 

whether the Kiu^. a» special \'i:!^itor of Christ Church, was %\T)t»^ 
uutliorised to demaud hU expuUion, without proof against him ' 
and whether the Dean was bound to obey his command; bu^^ 
considerinj;: the character ot tXK'tor Fell, we ought not, without^ 
proof, to sup|)0:»e a violation of the Statutes. That the proceeding! 
npiiu8t liiK'ke were spiteful enough, appears from Fell's own words, 
which aft'onl some traits of Locke's character not altogether 
uuim|H>rtiint. — *' He Innng a })er8on ill affected, I have for divers 
years had my eyes on him, but so close hath his guard been (m 
hiinst'lf. that after M'veral strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, 
that tliere is not luiy man in the College, however familiar with 
him. who has heani him sj^uk a word either against or so much 
as concerning the Oon^mment. And although very frequently, 
iKith in private and in public, discourses have been purposely 
introduced to the dis|mragement of his master, (Shaftesbury,) his 
jmrty, and designs, he could never be provoked to take any notice 
or discover in a word or look the least concern : so that I believe 
there is noi in the world tuch a master of tacitmrmity and passion." 
The answer of the Minister announces the King's *' will and plea- 
sure, that Locke be fbrth^dth expulscd." The whole proceeding 
and the state of feeling against liocke, proves how far political 
passions may be carried, even in academic circles, and in men 
otherwise perfectly honorable, when once tlie Universities are 
admitted to bear a jHilitical character. No one, however, who 
understands those times, would assert that there was no reason 
for enmity towards IxH'ke. It is only curious, that party-instinct 
should have thus seen through this " master of taciturnity." We 
must observe that in this whole business, the College alone was 
qalled into play, and not the Uni\*crsity at all. 



Note (53) REFBRRsn to in Page 89. 
That in the earliest Times, Oxford had a Chancellor of its own. 

The analogy of the University of Paris, the nature of things, 
and well known fiacts of a later period, will assist us in the 



NOTES. 433 

establishment of this characteristic of the early Oxford consti- 
tution. Two documents of the time of Henry I. and one of 
Matilda, make mention of the " Cancellarius apud Oxenford/' 
(vide Monasticon ii. p. 145, ed. 1819.) The date of these docu- 
ments does not appear, but the two first must belong to some 
period between 1100 and 1134, which was the reign of Henry I. 
(Beauclerc.) 

Wood expressly remarks that mention is nowhere made of any 
other " Cancellarius Oxoniensis/' or " apud Oxenford/' than the 
officer appointed to superintend the schools at that place ; and this 
Chancellor is repeatedly named after the beginning of the thirteenth 
century : so that it is evident that the officer above alluded to 
cannot be the Chancellor of Lincoln, but must have been the 
ChanceUor of Oxford, 

A document of 1201 is communicated by both Wood and Dyer, 
which contains the words " domo nostro Congregationis," alluding 
probably to the Congregation of the Masters. This is the first 
time in which the Congregation is mentioned; but we must sup- 
• pose it earlier ; otherwise it is impossible to understand how the 
intercourse between the Chancellor and the Masters should pre- 
viously have been carried on. Before the middle of the twelfth cen- 
tury, scientific developement had reached to such a height in 
Oxford, that beyond a doubt, this assembly as well as the Chan- 
cellor, was already in operation. 

The Paris document of 1201, and the Oxford Compact of 1214, 
which were referred to in our first volume, will have already given 
ample proof, that there was an ecclesiastical jurisdiction over both 
Scholars and Masters; and I will only venture on one further 
illustration of this fact. 

In the year 1194, a Papal Bull bestowed upon the Archbishop 
of Paris and the Abbot of St. Oenevi^ve the power of judgment in 
the money-matters of persons who were connected with the 
University, and resident within the limits of the ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction of either of these authorities, (v. Bulseus, iii. 500.) 
Ecclesiastical power was indeed, at that time, fully recognized, 

VOL. II. F F 



434 NOTES. 

and the only innovation was the extension of this power to money- 
matters. 

The Chancellor [at Oxford] was then an Episcopal officer, no- 
minated exclusively by the Bishop. 



NOTB (54) REFBRRBD TO IN PaGB 95. 

The Nations considered as Corporations, 

Whether these " Nations " ought to be looked upon as Corpo- 
rations, is a question which I leave to be answered by those who 
consider the investigation worth their while. As a fact actually 
existing, we have here a body with certain common principles, 
common purposes, common laws, and common officers, with 
religious ceremonies for admission (sacra), and, doubtlessly, also 
with common property, although it may perhaps only have been 
of a moveable description. All these matters had obtained recog- 
nition on the part not only of the University, but of the Higher 
Powers. The position of the Proctors is in itself decisive on that 
point. But, setting that aside, a Royal brief of the year 1274, 
addressed to the Bishop of Lincoln, (v. Wilkins's Concil. ii. 25,) 
proves, that also other officers of the Nations were recognized by 
the Crown. It runs as follows : " Being desirous of providing for 
peace, &c. we lay it on your fatherly care to study to take valid 
bail of the Majors and Captains of the scholars studying at Oxford, 
that the scholars may come in safety without arms," &c. There 
can be no doubt that these Captains of the scholars are the arbi- 
trators and the sureties of the Nations mentioned by Wood (an. 
1265). We must not be led astray by a declaration like that of 
1274, which, in fact, was made upon the occasion of a new solemn 
regulation, and, consequently, recognition of the Nations : namely, 
" Let there be no parties in the University, but one College and 
one body." It refers simply to the abuse of their position and the 
hostile difference which existed. Traces of the National and 
Provincial " sacra " are to be found in Wood (v. an. 1434), which 
also bear a direct reference to the antiquity of the ceremony of 



NOTES. 435 

" masses" for the Nations on the day of the Patron Saint. It 
is well known that similar ceremonies took place at the Univer- 
sities of Paris, Bologna, &c. If all this is not sufficient to meet 
the notion of a Corporation, let the Nations be called Communities, 
(as they are termed in the compacts,) or anjrthing else : the facts 
remain the same. 



NOTB (55) REFERRBD TO IN PaOB 96. 

On the Sworn Officbrs of the Nations. 

From the Oxford Compacts of 1252, 1267, and 1274, it appears 
that not only Masters, but also Bachelors and Scholars took part 
openly in the consultations [concerning those Compacts]: also 
that the choice of the " Sworn Officers," (who temporarily at 
least, exercised a great, if not altogether preponderating, influence, 
upon the national, and thereby upon the academic aflairs,) was by 
no means determined by the Degree, but, beside popular influences, 
by pecuniary considerations. " Let them be rich," said the Sta- 
tute concerning the sworn officers; since they were obliged to 
offer security for their Nation or Province. We find, it is true, 
(1254) the expression " Regentea aut non Regentes ; " yet the list 
^ven shows that Under-graduates also were' elected. Besides, in 
the Compact of 1274, we find it expressly mentioned: "All the 
above was done and ordained with the full consent of all Masters, 
teaching or not teaching, [Regentium out Non-Regentium,'] Lords 
and Bachelors of the University, greater and smaller. The Lorde* 
are doubtless members of noble birth, whether graduates or under- 
graduates. Besides, the very expressions made use of in the 
Royal Brief, quoted in the preceding Note, show that these 
Captains were looked upon as essentially representatives of the 
scholars in contradistinction to the Masters. 

* [This may seem less certain : for Domine ! is still the Oxford title of 

address to eyery common Bachelor.] 



436 NOTES. 



NoTB (56) REFERRED TO IN PaGE 101. 

Off the actual use of the word Regent. 

The following may serve to illustrate all that has been said upon 
this subject. — I must warn my readers especially, not to lay too 
much stress upon names. The expressions congregatio and convo- 
catio are used indiscriminately imtil late in the sixteenth century : 
thus they are both used to signify the assembly of the Regentea, 
sometimes that of the Regentes and non-Regentes. The term con- 
vocation however, is the only one employed to signify the latter 
alone. This was also called congregatio magna, and sometimes con- 
vocatio magna. The expressions catu8, conventus, senatus academi- 
CU8 do not appear in documentary papers with respect to Oxford, 
and seem only to have been occasionally used by Wood, and in a 
perfectly general sense. Comitia always signifies the regular 
assemblies of graduates and under-graduates for Scholastic acts. 
All this might be proved by some twenty passages in Wood, were it 
at all necessary. The expression congregatio, however, is the more 
prevalent one, partly for the larger body, partly with reference to 
the non-Regentes : nor can any fixed distinction between the 
functions of the Regents and non-Regents be pointed out before 
the end of the fifteenth century. In the Laudian Statutes it is at 
length firmly established, but it is there alluded to as having long 
subsisted: — prout ab antiquo fieri consuevit — prout de more 
antiquo observatum fuit — de more recepto, &c. The Statutes of 
Edward and Mary give no explanation of the matter. They only 
casually mention the congregatio regentium et non regeHtium. We 
cannot aim at a more precise analogy. Accidental points of 
reference, bearing more or less upon the subject, may be found in 
various passages, especially in Wood. The first mention of these 
matters I find in a protocol of 1281, which says: " Congregata 
universitate magistrorum regentium, et non regentium, etc,: Ma- 
gistri et non regentes in partes se trahenies, et regentes similiter 
per se deliberavere, SfC. turn compertum et declaratum unanimi con- 
sensu omnium magistrorum regentium et non regentium, etc," The 



NOTES. 437 

negociations refer to the limits of the authority and attributes of 
the Archdeacon and Chancellor, consequently to a subject which 
would afterwards have fallen solely into the hands of the convocation 
(without any separation of regentes and non-regentes.) No men- 
tion is ever made afterwards of any such itio in partes : but that 
leads to no certain conclusion. Hie next indication we have, is 
the mention of the congregatio magna regentium et non regentium 
in 1311 ; without any nearer details as to the deliberations upon 
this occasion. However, several other statutes are referred to, 
relating to the '* Gradus " and many other matters, as decided tH 
congregatione regentium et non regentium. Further on I find (in 
1337, Rob. de Avesbiuy. Hist. Edward III. ed. Heame) a delibe- 
ration in congregatione regentium respecting the election of the 
Beadles, their duties, fees, &c. 

The Beadles were to be elected in the same manner as the 
Chancellor, and by that is undoubtedly understood tn congregatione 
regentium et non regentium. It would have been very extraordi- 
nary, for the regentes to come to such a decision, in a matter 
which at all times fell to the competence of all the Masters. 
Very probably, however, the expression regentes is here used in 
its original signification for Magistri, and consequently means 
both M. regentes and non regentes. Such a use of regens occurs 
even in the Edwardian Statutes. If we were permitted to suppose 
a similar confusion of terms in other passages, up to the middle of 
tlie sixteenth century, where mention is made of a congregatio 
regentium, or mag, regentium, the matter would be much simpler 
and much easier to explain. For all these cases refer to subjects, 
which (as the attributes of each party were afterwards established) 
came before the convocatio regentium et non regentium: conse- 
quently, in all of them we might properly understand by congre- 
gatio regentium the congregatio (afterwards " convocatio ") magis- 
trorum vel regentium. And this may appear the more probable, 
as the business which afterwards fell exclusively to the congregatio 
(such as the conferring of degrees) from their very nature could 
seldom become the subject of history. The only cases of the kind 
which I have found, are the following: one in 1368, where the 



438 NOTES. 

question is about granting the Degree to a Franciscan; and another 
in 1578, when a Bachelor of Civil Law was to get his Degree. 
In both cases the congregatio mag, regentwm must naturally be 
taken in the latter sense. But, if we may not assume regentes or 
magistri regentea to be synonymous with Magistri, it becomes no 
longer possible to decide the bounds between the competency of the 
two assemblies : or rather, nothing remains, but to conclude, that 
the congregatio (in the later sense) occupied itself occasionally with 
all the subjects, which afterwards fell to the convocatio. This view 
of the subject may the more easily be presumed, since a similar 
course was pursued (as a general rule) at Cambridge. I do not 
consider it necessary to cite the passages bearing upon this point, 
(1370, 1383, 1396, 1506, 1513, 1522, 1528,) a single one wiU suf- 
fice to show how little information they afford. — In 1522 it was 
decreed by the regentes in fiill congregatio of the magistri, that, &c. 
The question is respecting a measure in favor of the Benedictines in 
scholastic acts. As a new Statute, the afiair ought to have been 
brought before the convocatio, (as understood in a later sense,) 
which is here called plena congregatio magistrorum : but then, why 
do the regentes give their decisions alone ? or is regens only here 
used to mean as much as magister} Without examining the 
Protocols, &c. on the very spot, we cannot hope to arrive at any 
certain result. 

Note (57) kbfbrrbi) to in Paob 102. 

School Poem in the reign of Henry IIL 

A silly poem of the date of Henry III., in which a Magister is 

begged to grant a holiday, might possibly be quoted by some, as 

proving the great authority of the Masters in that day. It runs 

as follows : 

O Doctrinis Tir praclare, 

Ccgas BedsaSy taaqaam mare, 

Redundat in medium ; 

Nihil posco singulare, 

Sod adducor explicare 

Voces anus omnium. 



NOTES. 439 



*' Omues las potestati 
Sumus ultro sabjagati, 
Nod Tereutes aliam : 
Sed jam diu fatigati, 
Non ralemas ultra pati 
Scholas et jejaoitiin," &c Sec. 

The conclusion is this : 

" Ergo, cleri flos divine, 
Respirare paulum sine, 
Qnos yexarit studiam 
Ne jam tote discipline 
Nobis fiant ditpUcina 
Vergantes in Uediiim. 

Amen." 

But it is &r from clear that this has any thing to do with 
the Universities. Boys at a grammar school are probably the 
speakers ; imless indeed the whole was a joke. 



NoTB (58) RBFBaaBo TO IN Paob 107. 
On the position of the Faculties in the English Universities. 

In support of what has been said upon this subject, I refer to 
the Cambridge Statutes of 1570, and to the Oxford Statutes of 
1636. It appears as well from the very words of the Statutes 
themselves, as from the earlier accounts (which, however scattered 
and scanty they may be, vouch either positively or negatively for 
the previous existence of the scune regulations and circumstances) 
that both were in aU essential matters, merely confirmations of the 
earlier regulations. Of these accounts, it is necessary only to 
adduce a few of those which refer to the vain attempts at emanci- 
pation on the part of the Faculties, without entering into any of 
the subordinate points, such as the contentions between the 
Canonists and Civilians, and the struggle for precedency between 
the legal and medical Faculties. 

The oldest Oxford document upon the point is of the year 1251. 



440 NOTES. 

" Tlie Masters and Bachelors " it says, " have decreed in the room 
and stead of the Chancellor and University of Oxford, that for the 
future, none shall commence in Theology until they have first gone 
through their acts in Arts, &c.; and if any one should obtain by im- 
portunity the prayers of great personages armed with authority, in 
behalf of any one who labors under this defect, let him be deprived 
of the privileges of the University." This decree was passed in 
consequence of the attempts of the Theologians of the Mendicant 
Orders to free themselves from the constraint of the Degree in 
Arts. It was not a new regulation, but only an enforcement of 
the old, as a defence against new pretensions. The same reason 
led upon other occasions (for instance in 1378) to a further con- 
firmation or renewal of this Statute. The term Bachelors, must 
be understood of Bachelors in Divinity, and by no means of those 
in Arts. They were Theologians of the Secular Clergy, who held 
on to the Faculty of Arts, in opposition to the Monks. As fiar as 
regards Theology, however, this Statute remained in unchanged 
validity, up to the time of the already mentioned Statute or regu- 
lations respecting the ten years men. As for the Medical, and 
especially, the Legal Faculty, it appears from their repeated com- 
plaints, that they were originally in the same position as the The- 
ologians. These complaints became more violent in the beginning 
of the fifteenth century ; at which period, in the assemblies of the 
Church (for instance in the London Convocation of 1417) it was 
proposed to give a bounty on the Academic Degrees, by filling up 
JBenefices according to a certain scale. Upon this occasion, the 
Masters considered themselves degraded, because they were placed 
upon an equal footing with the Bachelors of the other Faculties. 
" The order of the Degrees is perverted," it was said. " The 
Philosophical Faculty, which is the foundation of the University as 
well as of Tlieology, is deprived of its due favor." (Wilkins's Con- 
cil. iii. 383.) And in order to spoil the joy of the higher Faculties, 
or to compel them to join them in one common cause, they embit- 
tered their very existence, by such measures as the Statutes above 
alluded to, which obliged them to pass through the Degrees in 
Arts, in order to arrive at the advantages offered them. So much 



NOTES. 441 

the more did the Jurists and Physicians struggle to free them- 
selves from this constraint, and were occasionally joined by the 
Theologians, at least by the Monks. All these contests continued 
through a variety of decisions, some of which were of a very con- 
tradictory nature, till the year 1438 ; when the Masters yielded 
so far as to agree to be placed upon an equal footing in the sti- 
pends, not only with the Doctors, but also with the Bachelors of 
the higher Faculties ; and students in Law were also allowed to 
omit the Degree in Arts, although under very heavy conditions. 
The whole contest proved, as we have previously stated (Vol. i. p. 
360) merely one " de lana caprina" since neither " Artists" nor 
Jurists ever came to the enjo3rment of the stipends. It is possible 
at the same time, that the " Artists *' sought to take back their 
concessions : at least, so it would appear from certain indications. 
At all events they took the strictest pains to prevent the Jurists 
from making any misuse of the advantages granted, or extending 
them any further. Thus for instance, we find that at the same 
period, some very violent disturbances were occasioned by the Ba- 
chelors in Law, who endeavored to assume the title of Master, 
without having obtained it according to the regulations of the 
Statutes : and against this^ the University took the strongest mea- 
sures. Detailed documents respecting tliis contest about the sti- 
pends, may be found, more particularly, in Wilkins. (Ck>ncil. iii.) 
Another question was the following : Whether in the Academic 
Assemblies, at least in certain cases, the Votes were to be given 
according to the Faculties ; or whether the Votes of the Masters 
were to be counted severally ? A decision of this in favor of the 
Faculties, would have given them the advantage in all other points, 
by a corresponding modification of the Statutes. But such a deci- 
sion does not appear to have been ever carried out ; on the con- 
trary, the original regulations appear only to have been confirmed. 
A decision of the year 1302, for instance, which we find in Wood, 
refers to this : " Whatever law," it says, " may have been con- 
sented to and ratified by the Magistri Regentes and the majority 
of the non Regentes, notwithstanding the dissent of tlie Faculties." 
— We find several decisions of the years 1369, 1375, which bear 



442 NOTES. 

upon this point, and more especially one of 1433, which decided a 
violent contest, respecting the election of the Beadles, in &vor of 
the " Artiits " and Proctors, in opposition to all the other Faculties 
and the Chancellor, and in which the decree of 1302 was expressly 
confirmed, on the principle " Universiias revera fumiata in Artihus" 
(Rob. de Avesb. ed. Heame, appendix p. 324.) Farther proof is 
superfluous. 



NOTB (59) REPBREED TO IN PaGB 121. 

On the Mendicant Orders of Monks, 

This account is principally derived from various scattered notices 
in Wood. Separate documents bearing upon the subject may be 
found in Dyer, Rjrmer, Wilkins and in the Parliamentary RoUs. 
Wood fixes the commencement of the quarrel, in 1230, and refers 
to the contemporary disputes at Paris, without detailing the causes. 
Whether in Oxford likewise the dispute referred principally to the 
Divinity chairs, and whether the Papal restriction relative to the 
number twelve ever affected the English Universities also, is not 
clear from the accounts before us. The real points of dispute at 
Oxford and Cambridge, may be best understood by the statement 
of grievances, laid before the Court of Rome in 1311, by the Do- 
minicans ; which were as follows : 

(1): The Statute, enacted sixty years before, "that no one 
should commence in Divinity, imless first a Regent in Arts, and 
that he should not be admitted to this Regency, without the con- 
sent of the Chancellor and Masters, any one Master being compe- 
tent to refuse the &vor." " This," they complained, " was a great 
injury to them, as by the rules of their Order, it was unlawful to 
commence in Arts." It may be seen from this, how very much 
the Candidates, even when they went through all the precstanda, 
were in the hands of the Artists, To what extent the Mendicant 
Monks were prevented by their regulations from commencing in 
Arts, is not very clear to me. The obstacle cannot have been in- 
surmountable, since, in spite of that Statute, Mendicant Monks 



k 



NOTES. 443 

continually did commence, and were admitted to the Regency. — 
(2) : The Statute by which Incipients in Divinity were obliged to 
hold their Vesper Disputations, and Bachelors their Probation 
Sermons, in the University Church, (St. Mary's,) wlule, before, the 
Dominicans had been left at liberty to hold them in their own 
Church, or their own School. The latter may have been the case 
at an earlier period, and may have been winked at by the Univer- 
sity : it would probably have been difficult to prove a right in the 
case. — (3) : The Statutes whereby only Bachelors of Divinity 
might read the Bible Bihlice. They said, " lliLs was a preposter- 
ous mode of studying, to neglect the elements of Theology (which, 
after all, ought to be gathered from the Holy Scriptures) and pre- 
pare first for that very difficult task, the explaining of the " Sen- 
tences." For it was notoriously less difficult to lecture from the Holy 
Scriptures than from the Sentences. It was absurd, consequently, 
to restrict the number of those who explain the Scriptures, and 
augment that of those who interpreted the Sentences." What they 
desired by this, was, clearly, to emancipate the Theologians of their 
own Order from the constraint of the study in Arts : and in ex- 
cuse, they brought forward perhaps a real fault in the prevailing 
system. — (4) : The Statute, by which the majority of the Masters 
decided upon all matters, without taking into consideration the 
opposition of the Doctors of the higher Faculties, as such. We 
have already seen^ how in Oxford the Mendicants sought to mix 
up their affairs with that of the Faculties. — (5) : The Statute of 
1257, by which no one was admitted to his Degree, without bind- 
ing himself by oath to observe the Statutes and customs of the 
University. They themselves, (they complained,) were much in- 
jured in many respects, and placed in many ways in great embar- 
rassment by means of this unconditional obligation, whilst many 
scholars were alienated from them, through fear of violating in 
some manner, those obligations, by having intercourse with them. 
— Upon this we have only to remark here, that, fully authorized 
as the University may have been to demand a guarantee of this 
kind, yet such an oath imposed so many vague, contradictory, and 
var3ring duties, that very many conscientious men, particularly in 



444 NOTES. 

the peculiar position of the Mendicant Orders, may have hesitated 
to take it purely and simply. — (6) : That the decisions of the 
University were generally formed without proper calmness and 
reflection. Then follow complaints respecting certain events that 
had lately happened. 

The complaints of the Monks referred at all times to some 
one or several of these points. The University on the other hand, 
complained of the violation of its privileges, especially with regard 
to the appeals to the ecclesiastical court, the " Curia Christiani- 
tatis" of the Archbishop. In addition to these, there were other 
points of contention, (such, for instance, as the reception of novices 
under eighteen years of age,) all which were more or less connected 
with the means, by which these Orders sought to extend their in- 
fluence. With the exception of the last mentioned points, all the 
decisions of the higher authorities were in &vor of the Universities. 
In a Compact of the year 1314, however, the Dominicans in Ox- 
ford were so far favored, that the Probationary Sermons of all 
Bachelors were ordered to be held either at St. Mary's, or in the 
Dominican Church. We find at the same time, however, several 
warnings and rebukes addressed to them respecting abuses of the 
Statutes. 

That Mendicant Monks, when once matriculated in or con- 
nected with the University, came under the Chancellor's jurisdic- 
tion, may be learnt, partly from several isolated facts, and partly 
from documentary evidence, either of an indirect and general, or of 
a direct and decided nature. Neither the Royal Privileges of 1 248, 
nor the Papal Bulls, (as that of Boniface,) contain any exception 
with regard to the Monks. On the contrary, they unconditionally 
place " tarn clerici quam laici" under the Chancellor's jurisdiction. 
A privilege of 1318 says, with express reference to the refractory 
opposition of the Dominicans : " Since our ancestors have granted 
the Chancellor the power of judging all offences whatever, whether 
of the clergy or of the laity," &c. In truth, the matter speaks for 
itself: and it is only the contrary that would need any further 
proof. As a mere illustration, an instance from a later period will 
suffice. In 1382 two Minorites were cited before the Chancellor 



NOTES. 445 

of Oxford, for difiusing heretical doctrines in Ireland, " sub pcenas 
spoliationis a gradu" Ten years before, a Carmelite was deprived 
of his Degree, and expelled from the University. We find men- 
tion made very often in Wood's Fasti of Mendicant Monks in the 
office of Chancellor, Proctor, &c. 



NOTB (60) RBFEBRED TO IN PaOB 124. 

On the Chancellor and Archdeacon at the Universities. 

There is no real need of proof, as to the position of the Bishop 
(and of the Chancellor, as his representative) towards the Univer- 
sity. The general customs and arrangements of the Church, and 
the analogy with all the Cisalpine Universities of the same period, 
are sufficient. — At the same time, seeing the strange confusion of 
ideas prevailing upon this point, it may be as well to find room 
here for some documentary evidence upon the subject. 

Among other things we may cite a Bull of the year 1247, ad- 
dressed to the Bishop of Lincoln, (v. Wood.) "Moved by 
your supplications we grant you, by the authority of these pre- 
sents, to forbid any one to teach there (at Oxford), until he shall 
have been first examined and approved by you or by Comnussioners, 
to whom you may have granted fiill powers for this purpose, ac- 
cording to the mode of Paris," — Mention is evidently made here, 
of the examination held previous to conferring the '* Licentia do- 
cendi," as usual with the Chancellor in Paris. The exercise of 
these functions lay in the very nature of the Chancellorship, as 
long as they were not performed by the Bishop himself : nor is 
there need of Wood*s addition, (made by him in a note,) that even 
here the Chancellor is meant : for in fact he had always performed 
these functions in the promotions for degrees, ever since the latter 
half of the thirteenth century. That the Chancellor, even at that 
time, represented the Bishop in the general superintendence of the 
schools, is clear enough from this Bull: yet two ordinances of 
Robert Grosseteste (of the years 1247 and 1250) prove, that this 
by no means excluded the occasional direct interference of the 
Bishop. 



446 NOTES. 

That in bis academic jurisdiction, the Bishop was generaUy re- 
presented by the Chancellor, is palpably evident from the whole 
after-course of things. It never could have occurred to the Chan- 
cellor afterwards, when his post, as Episcopal Officer, merged more 
and more in his Academic character, to have laid claim to the 
Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, if he had not exercised it before, in the 
name of the Bishop. That which alone requires especial evidence, 
is, the occasional interference of the Archdeacon, and the relation 
of his attributes to those of the Chancellor. There was evidently 
a period, when the Bishop, according to circumstances, or his own 
convenience, entrusted tlie same business at the University, some- 
times to the Archdeacon, and sometimes to the Chancellor ; or 
perhaps even by preference to the former, in spite of the original 
difference of their functions. For it was to the Archdeacon, as 
Episcopal Official, that devolved the simple Bcclesiastical Jurisdic- 
tion (upon matters of heresy, unclean living, &c.) over nott'-aca' 
demic clergy and lajrmen. This indeterminate position is clearly 
shown in the Compact of 1214, which says ; ** but if it should 
come to pass that any clericus should be taken, &c., as soon as 
required by the Bishop or Archdeacon or his Official, or by the 
Chancellor, or whoever may be deputed by the Bishop to this 
office," &c. The townspeople are then required to tender in their 
oath of peace " before the Archdeacon of the place and the Chan- 
cellor, or before one or other of them, if both are not present." 

The position of the Archdeacon is also referred to, in a Royal 
Letter of the year 1236, respecting the return of the scholars who 
fled after the riot about the Legate. It commences : " The King 
to the Archdeacon and Chancellor of Oxford," &c. The same 
may be inferred by the manner, in which the Archdeacon Robert 
de Marisco the confidant of Bishop Grosseteste interfered in aca- 
demic aflairs, especially in the year 1248, upon the murder of a 
scholar of noble birth. In 1251 also, the Archdeacon appears, as 
mediator between the University and the Bishop, and as the actual 
representative of the latter, whilst the Chancellor seems already 
looked upon as a party concerned, as forming essentially one with 
the University. Thus for instance, in the year 1248, [we find a 



NOTES. 447 

letter of the Bishop of Lincohi.] " The Chancellor and Univer- 
sity of Oxford having written to us, Slc, Slc, we therefore order 
you (the Archdeacon) to go over personally to the Town of Oxford 
and proclaim an excommunication 8lc,, and make most diligent 
enquiry. Sac, 8lc,, and those whom you may find to be guilty, you 
shall punish by canonical reproof," &c. — Also we find a case in 
1251, where the Archdeacon makes a statement to the Bishop 
respecting certain extensions of the Chancellor's jurisdiction, at 
the cost (in part) of that of the Bishop, which the University was 
endeavouring to effect by application to the King. It is not in 
my power to give more definite details respecting the relative po- 
sition of these ofiicers. 

We may now proceed to the other points connected with the 
post of Chancellor. We learn by a document of 1201 (important 
upon this point) that the Chancellor, even at that time, considered 
himself as belonging to the University, in a sense of which we find 
no trace in Paris, and such as lay in the nature of a Rector only. 
" Know all men, that we. the Chancellor of the University of Ox- 
ford, with the whole company of the Masters of the same, are 
bound and indebted to the Prior and Monastery of St. Frideswide, 
in two hundred pounds of English money, &c. . . . Given in the 
house of our congregation," &c. There is also a letter from the 
Archdeacon to the Bishop of the year 1231, from which it appears 
that the Chancellor of that time as well as his predecessors, made 
use of the University seal, — that the Bishop looked upon this as a 
gross violation of the Chancellor's duty towards him — that is to 
say, as an Episcopal Officer, and that the Chancellor himself 
was forced to acknowledge this judgment as perfectly correct. 
" The said Chancellor," says this writing, " has made use of the 
seal, called the seal of the University of Oxford, in his sim- 
plicity, as many of his predecessors have done : moreover, if you 
so command, he will never make use of it again, and is ready to 
give up his office at the nod of your good will and pleasure." 
Since it appears by this passage, that the Chancellor could 
be dismissed from his post by the Bishop at will, we might con- 
clude with every probability, that he was also nominated by the 



448 NOTES. 

Bishop alone. I am quite unable under these circumstances to 
understand in any other sense the expressions of the Compact of 
1214, which says, '* 52 solidi for the use of poor scholars shall be 

dipensed by the hand, &c or of the Chancellor whom 

the Bishop of Lincoln may set over the scholars there.'* And 
again, " an oath before the Chancellor of the scholars, whom the 
Bishop may appoint.'* I grant at the same time, that the positive 
proofs, that the Oxford Chancellor was, at any time, nominated 
purely by the Bishop, are not altogether satisfEu;tory. That at a 
later period the Chancellor was proposed by vote (" nominatus **) 
of the University, and then named and confirmed by the Bishop, 
is clear enough from the proceedings connected with the presenta- 
tion of the *' electus *' at the end of the century. To tlus point we 
shall return. But the very expressions then used by the Bishop 
to denote the position of the Chancellor, with regard to himself, 
appear clearly to indicate that a much greater dependence existed 
at an earlier period, when he was nominated and confirmed simply 
and directly by the Bishop. To this efiect is an address of the 
Bishop to the University in 1290, in which he says to them : " As 
for the Chancellorship of your University, — an office, which until 
a fixed day now passed, Mr. W. de Kingscote held by our com- 
mission and of our special favor; we have thought fit, at the 
request of your devout affection, to bestow it, until we may give 
you other commands, on a discreet man, &c. &c. nominated by 
you to the same office." (v. Wood, ii. 393.) At what time this 
co-operation on the part of the University first began, I cannot 
more nearly determine. That it took place as early as the time 
of Grosseteste's predecessor in the Bishopric, appears from a 
declaration referring almost expressly to this period, and made by 
the Bishop in 1294. " The Chancellors for the time being,** it 
says, " were not elected by the Masters, but only nominated.** We 
may presume, that this course of proceeding was at first pursued 
only upon some occasions, and in consequence of some peculiar 
circumstances, as a favor shown by the Bishop. Should however 
this participation of the University In the nomination of the Chan- 
cellor at all times have existed as a right, it would more strongly 



NOTES. 449 

prove the peculiar nature of the Oxford Chancellor, as compounded 
of Rector and Chancellor, (in the usual sense of the Paris Uni- 
versity.) 

As an excuse for this very detailed explanation, I may be per- 
mitted to observe, that I have never found the remotest indication 
of any correct view of these matters, indeed scarcely an idea 
upon the subject, in any of my predecessors. It is only in an 
(otherwise very unimportant) article of Richardson, in Transactions 
of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. xii., that I have been able to 
find traces of a vague boding of the real relation of things. 



Note (61) rbfbrred to in Page 125. 

Whether there may possibly have been once a Rector at Oxford 

distinct from the Chancellor. 

In an earlier part of this work it was too decidedly and uncon- 
ditionally denied, that there ever was a Rector at Oxford as Head 
of the University ; when in fact I did but desire to protest against 
confounding the terms Rector and Chancellor as only different 
names for the same thing. I believe however that it is impossible 
to show, that the Head of the Oxford studium was at any time 
called Rector : for the expression Rector Scholarum which occurs 
in Oxford, after the beginning of the eleventh century, may be 
taken just as well to mean Magister Regens. Least of all is there 
any authority for doing as Wood has done, — namely, bringing 
forward Rectores of this kind in his catalogue of the Chancellors, 
when the " Cancellarius Oxoniensis '* is mentioned in documents, 
by function and by name, immediately after the commencement of 
the twelfth century. It is certainly possible, (although improbable,) 
that the expression may have really sometimes been used in earlier 
times, to signify the Rector of the University, whom we must then 
imagine to have existed in addition to the Chancellor. Orosse- 
teste's statement (Wood a. d. 1294) is remarkable ; " That when 
he was Chancellor, the Bishop of that time would not permit him 
to be called ' Cancellarius,' but only ' Magister Scholarium/ {vel 

VOL. II. o o 



450 NOTES. 

Seholarum)." We might perhaps conclude from this, that such 
was the usual title of the Rector of Oxford, so long as there ex* 
isted one separate from the Chancellor. Why the Bishop chose to 
have his Chancellor so called, is not very clear. That like most of his 
predecessors, and all his successors, he really was at the same rinMi 
Magiiter Scholamm (that is to say, here, " Rector Universitatis") 
is no reason : for otherwise, the Chancellors might always have 
been thus styled on the part of the Bishop. I am inclined to t-liinlr 
that the appellation was uttered in anger. The Bishop may have 
thought : — "If you choose no longer to be looked upon as my 
Chancellor, if you choose to use the academic seal, and be consi- 
dered as belonging to the University, as proceeding out of it, 
and not as nominated and authorized by me, then you may be 
that; and be called whatever may remain to you after I have 
withdrawn my authority from you ; that is to say. Rector, Head of 
the University, Magisier Scholariumr But what if from the very 
first, there existed at Oxford only an Episcopal Chancellor, who 
then, Hke the Chancellor at Paris or elsewhere, originally combined 
the ftmctions of Capischola, Magiiter Scholarum ? What if the 
difference consisted merely in the fact, that in Paris these two 
functions were severed in the after-progress of things, whilst in 
Oxford, the two remained combined ? —This explanation sounds 
very plausible at first ; but there is neither trace of the fact, nor 
the least probability, that the Oxford Studium rose out of the Ca- 
thedral Chapter to the Bishop of Lmcohi, and grew up as a part 
of this Church, as the Paris Studium did out of the Qoister School 
of the Cathedral of Paris. Had the Lincoln Cathedral developed a 
scholastic organ of this kind, it would have been at Lincoln and not 
at Oxford. The reasons which tend to prove a completely differ- 
ent origin of the Oxford schools, must not be entered into here. 
The existence, however, of such a Studium once established, it was 
to be expected from the analogy of such matters in the West, that 
the Bishop would interfere by one of his ofiicers named a Chancel- 
lor, although he may not have performed all the duties of such an 
oflice. Such an interference on the part of the Church may well 
be presumed ; especially under the circumstances of the Conquest. 



NOTES, 451 

Not the slightest trace is any where to be found of any thing in 
defence of the opinion which Ingram puts forth as a matter of 
course, that the University rose out of a school belonging to St. 
Frideswitha. There is much to be said for the idea, that the Proc- 
tors were originally in the place of Rectors, each for his Nation, 
by the side of and over against the Chancellor ; especially if what 
Walsh asserts be true, (v. Hist. Account of Univ. of Cambridge, 
&c.,) that the Procuratores in the oldest Statutes are mentioned 
also under the name of Rectores. However, I consider such vague 
assertions of little importance. 



Note (62) rbfebbbd to in Page 127. 

On the refusal of the Bishop to confirm without personal presentation. 

Beside the accounts to be found in Wood relative to these mat- 
ters, we may cite the following as characteristic of the disputes. 
Parliamentary documents of the year 1290 state, ** The Masters of 
Oxford declared, that they were never used to send their nominee 
[electum suum] out of Oxford for confirmation, but he was always 
confirmed by his messengers, and the Bishop's commission trans- 
mitted to him. The said Bishop however declared that the com- 
mission was of his own pure free will, so that when granted 
through his messengers, this was of his pure favor. And because 
the said Masters wanted to turn his favor into a right and custom, 
the said Bishop did not mean to continue it. At length the parties 
agreed thus : viz. : that the first time when the said Masters 
elected a Chancellor, the said Bishop came so near to Oxford, that 
the Masters of the same University could come to him to present 
their nominee, and return without losing any lecture, . . . &c. 
And that if the Bishop shall be at a distance, he intends of his 
favor to receive them by proxies ; but in.no other way than of his 
own pure favor and free will." (Rolls of Pari. i. p. 16.) The 
reasons why the Bishop required the personal presentation we find 
expressed in 1288 : — "The Bishop," says this passage, "refused 
to admit the presentation by proxy, asserting that he did not 



452 NOTBS. 

choose in any way to commit to a person absent, and unknown to 
him, so great an authority and jurisdiction, which not only ex- 
tended itself to things corporal, but also to things purely spiritual." 
That, on the other hand, the fears of the Masters relative to the 
dangers of any possible prolonged delay, were not altogether vain, 
appears plainly enough from the lengthy proceedings carried on 
before the London Convocation in 1350: upon which occasion, 
the Archbishop, after the repeated refusals of the Bishop to ratify 
the election of the Chancellor without personal presentation, 
himself confirmed him in office, — " considering the dangers which 
would probably threaten the University by leaving vacant the said 
oflice." (Wilkins's concil. iii. 3.) 



Note (63) referred to in Page 128. 

Disputes respecting the spiritual attributes of the Chancellor. 

The dispute as to the spiritual attributes of the Chancellor 
assumes a more decided form under Bishop Oliver Sutton; although 
there are indications of the kind to be found under his predecessor. 
Wood says, (a. d. 1281,) " As the Chancellor had claimed several 
ecclesiastical rights, and had been accustomed to take cognizance 
of the offences of the clergy, which came under the Court of ChriS' 
tianity, Oliver Sutton, &c., called him to account for these doings, 
concluding his authority to be brought into contempt ; on which 
account he designed to despoil the Academy of this right for the 
future." He allowed himself, however, to be soothed, (as the then 
Chancellor had or won his favor) and expressly granted him the 
further exercise of these attributes, with the proviso, that the ap- 
peal to the Bishop should remain. This is clear enough from the 
promise which he gave not to withdraw any " notorious offenders" 
from the punishment adjudged them. The quarrel, however, broke 
out afresh. The extent of jurisdiction claimed by the University 
against the Archdeacon, may be gathered in part from the trans- 
actions of the Convocation mentioned by Wood shortly after. The 
principal points are : the Proving of Wills, whether of clergy or 



NOTBS. 453 

laity, and the superintendence over both, in matters of Police and 
of Morality, especially by means of an Inquisition to be held at 
indeterminate epochs, and in an unexpected manner, in different 
parts of the town. The length of time this state of mistrust and 
irritation lasted on both sides, or at all events on that of the Uni- 
versity, may be seen in a statement made by Wood, (a. n. 1458,) 
when the University protested violently and solemnly against ad- 
mitting the Bishop, even as arbitrator in a quarrel between it and 
the Townspeople. The dispute with the Archdeacon also lasted 
very long, and was recommenced by the latter of his own accord 
in the fourteenth century; the office having been bestowed by 
Pq)Ql provision upon a Roman Cardinal, who, under the influence 
of his own rapacity or that of his agents, sought to extend his 
jurisdiction as far as he could. All the former subjects of dispute 
being re-exdted, and the whole aflair brought before the Roman 
Court for decision, the University was put to immense trouble and 
expence. After the matter had been taken up by Pope, King and 
Parliament, it was at last decided in 1345, upon all essential 
points in favor of the University ; whose jurisdiction within the 
above mentioned limits was confirmed. It would be superfluous to 
enter into details, but in addition to Wood, I refer my readers 
more especially to Rjrmer, who communicates numerous documents 
and writings bearing upon this subject. 

The confirmation by the Synod of Reading in 1279, (v. Wil- 
kins's oondl. ii. 39,) of the right of the Chancellor to deal out 
ecclesiastical reproo£s and punishments, has already been men- 
tioned. This confirmation of the right does not exclude, but 
rather tends to support the idea, that it may have been previously 
exercised. In consequence of his exemption from the episcopal 
and archi-episcopal jurisdiction, the exercise of these and similar 
spiritual acts, (such for instance as absolution,) was claimed by 
the Chancellor, as proceeding directly from the "poiestas apos^ 
iolica," 



454 NOTES. 




Note (64) referred to in Page 131. 

On (he Right of Episcopal Visitation at both Universities, 

Upon this as well as upon many other points, less information is 
derived from the Cambridge accounts, than from those of Oxford. 
As to the election and confirmation of the Chancellor ; beside the 
general notices in Fuller and Dyer, no further proof of the analogy 
with Oxford is necessary. The Bull of 1402, which did away 
with the ratification by the Ordinary, I find quoted in Dyer, (i. p. 
.32.) Whether it is any where printed, I do not know. With re- 
spect to the appeal to the Ordinary, it was expressly claimed in the 
Compact of 1276. " If it be necessary,*' it says, " in matters in 
which the Church is judge, recoiu'se shall be had to us or our 
deputy." I find however as early as 1314, the following: — 
" Royal letters were addressed to the Bishop of Ely and his deputy, 
to send in future no summons to take cognizance of decrees, to 
the hindrance of the University liberties." (v. Dyer.) The afiair 
however was not decided till 1430, by the Barnwell case, " in 
which is contained the opinion of the delegates, as to the use and 
exercise of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction towards scholars and 
others under rule," &c. In this case, the Pope, as is remarked 
by Dyer, (i. 38,) made enquiry by delegates, whether the Univer- 
sity ought to be subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the 
Chancellor, and exempt from every other ; and gave his delegates 
full power, if they found the case so to be, to confirm this juris- 
diction and exemption : which really took place. The Episcopal 
right of Visitation has, it is true, been disputed and denied, but 
to my certain knowledge, it was recognized even in the Bentleian 
contests. In Cambridge as well as Oxford, so long as the position 
of the Chancellor was uncertain, his jurisdiction often came into 
collision with that of the Archdeacon. Upon this point the de- 
cision of Hugh de Balsham (already often mentioned) is of import- 
ance. The result in all essential parts is the same as that of the 
Oxford negociations in 1281 and 1345. All that belonged bond 
fide to the University, fell to the Chancellor and every thing else 



NOTES. 455 

to the Archdeacon. The position of both towards the Ordinary 
IB very distinctly defined in the fc^owing words: — "Whereas 
the jurisdiction of the said Archdeacon is plainly distinguished 
from the jurisdiction of the said Chancellor, as well in the nature 
of the dealings, [contractuum,'] as in that of the persons and 
causes, and it is ascertained that both are immediately subject to 
us," &c. Balsham's connexion with Cambridge may be compared 
to that of Grosseteste with Oxford : and the quarrel may probably 
have begun under his successor. I find that Lamb (Collect. &c. 
p. 12) communicates a document relative to the occurrence of 
1529, from which he thinks he can adduce arguments against the 
Bishop's right of Visitation ; but like ahnost all his predecessors, 
in treating of Oxford and Cambridge, he confounds the right of 
Visitation with the Jurisdiction. As well in the Barnwell case as 
in this affiBur, it \b the latter and not the former that \b referred to. 



NOTB (65) BBFSRBED TO IN PaGB 132. 

On the Functions of the Chancellor, 

The functions of the Chancellor are certainly described in as 
comprehensive a form in the Elizabethan Statutes of 1570 as any 
where else. "The Chancellor," it says "shall have authority, 
summarily, and without any legal solemnities, to hear and decide, 
according to dvil law" — (probably before the Reformation, it was. 
Civil or Canon Law,) " and their own privileges and customs, all 
disputes of all scholars and scholars' servants : to call Congrega- 
tions of the Grraduates and Scholars : to adorn deserving men with 
Scholastic Degrees, and to reject and repel the undeserving : to 
punish all violators of these (statutes and privileges) : to take care, 
moreover, that every University-servant keep to his duty : to 
punish idle strollers, spendthrifts, sulky and disobedient, by sus-* 
pension from their Degrees, by imprisonment, or any other lighter 
punishment, at his discretion, and with the consent of the Heads 
of the Houses." (Of course this clause was not in existence be- 
fore the developement of the Colleges.^ " For the same Chancellor 



456 NOTES. 

it shall be lawful, with the consent of the whole University, to 
enact new Statutes for the extension of learning and the preserva- 
tion of decorum and propriety among the Scholars." 

The attributes exercised by the earlier Chancellors by apostolic 
authority, namely, excommunication, absolution and ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, were in a great measure abolished by the Reformation, 
rhe Cambridge Chancellor however still at the end of every term 
grants (" by the authority committed to us '*) a general absolution 
for all unintentional violations of the Statutes. 

As to his Veto, the existence of it is denied by modem liberal 
writers, such as Walsh and others : but this can only show their 
shallow prejudices. If we consider realities rather than forms, a 
Veto was contained in the Chancellor's authority to convoke the 
University; in the admitted fact, that every transaction, every 
decision, which did not take place in presence of him or his deputy, 
was invalid. (Walsh, p. 29.) He could thus at any moment end 
a conference, and stop a measure by breaking up the sitting. Be- 
sides, there is no doubt, that it lay with him to prepare the 
business for deliberation : although naturally his will or caprice 
alone could not determine such matters without reasonable grounds, 
(v. Lamb. Collect, p. 16.) If the above may seem to prove too 
much, the following is decisive. In the first place, Walsh appears 
not to have noticed, that the Veto is most decidedly ascribed to 
the Chancellor in the Statutes of 1549, so highly praised by 
Walsh for their republican liberality of opinion. We find in them, 
word for word, the same enactment, as that which I have cited 
above from the Statutes of 1570, decried by Walsh as t3qrannical. 
" To the same Chancellor also it shall be lawful with the consent 
of the whole University to enact new Statutes," &c. : an arrange- 
ment, which, beyond a doubt, makes the concurrence of the Chan- 
cellor with the University essential to Academic legislation. As 
now the Edwardian Statutes in so many points return to an earlier 
state of things, even from this we might infer that the arrange- 
ment belonged to the very oldest Statutes, or at all events to the 
earliest practice of the University. The inference is fully con- 
firmed by two Statutes of 1303. (v. Lamb Collect, p. 21.) 



NOTES. . 457 

(1.) The first says : " By the authority of the whole University, 
it is ordained, that in decreeing, &c., &c., that alone shall he ac- 
counted a Decree (Statutum) which shall have been decreed with 
the consent of the larger and sounder [sanioris] part of the said 
Regents, and with the consent of the non-Regents." — Lamb 
fimcies, in his favorite way, that the jus statuendi was then, and 
by that means, first transferred from the Chancellor to the Senate : 
but this needs no refutation. The object is evidently only to pro- 
tect the decisions of the majority against factious minorities. 

(2.) The next Statute, — " On the duty of the ChanceUor not 
to innovate," says : " Let not the Chancellor presume to pass any 
new Statute, without the consent of the larger and sounder part 
of the Regents and non-Regents." — The sense is palpably the 
same as in the clause of the Statutes of 1549 : namely, that nei- 
ther the Chancellor nor the Senate could decide any thing alone, 
and consequently, that the former had a Veto. Of course every 
proposal that fell within his own sphere, he could d/or/iort reject. 
As to the old Statute quoted by Walsh, (p. 26,) " That the Chan- 
cellor is bound to execute the decisions of the Masters, when they 
had been announced to him ; " it is impossible for me to take it 
into consideration, without having the original Latin before me ; 
for I am aware of the caprice of these Gentlemen. As here 
translated, (perhaps freely enough,) the passage is either nonsense, 
when we consider the well known system of procedure, or only 
proves that the Chancellor was bound to execute the decisions of 
the Statutes which had been enacted with his consent in the man- 
ner described. — As for Oxford, we may presume that the usual 
analogy holds good. Besides, the point is distinctly proved in the 
Statutes of 1636 ; and there is no reason for thinking it an inno- 
vation. 

That both in Oxford and Cambridge from the remotest times 
the Chancellor did possess a negative vote, in my opinion can 
scarcely be doubted : how he obtained it, is not so easy to say : 
particularly when there is so much confusion as to the original 
Chancellor and Rector. No Rector (at least to my knowledge) 
ever possessed a negative attribute of this kind. In the Chancellor, 



458 NOTES. 

on the contrary, we often find something of the kind, as he ori- 
ginally had to defend the rights and interests of others against 
the University ; thus, in Oxford and Cambridge, the rights and 
interests of the Ordinary, lliis may explain how the Chancellor 
not only kept the right in latter times, but even extended it to 
matters which perhaps did not before concern him. I say perhaps : 
as it would be very difficult to name any point, in which the Ordi- 
nary, (or the Chancellor in his name,) might not have interfered as 
Visitor. According to a documentary account in Wood, dated 
A. D. 1257, some other Episcopal Officer, — the Archdeacon, for 
instance, — was accustomed in those times to be present at the 
deliberations of the Masters, in order to watch over the rights of 
the Ordinary : probably, because the Chancellor was even then 
being more and more drawn over into the " Corpus Scholasticum," 
and estranged from the Bishop. 



Note (66) referred to in Page 133. 
On the Courts of Jurisdiction of the Chancellor, 

It appears to me quite unnecessary to enter into any further 
explanations respecting these matters, or to give any detailed evi- 
dence upon the point, as I cannot imagine that any objections will 
be made to what has already been advanced upon the subject, 
which more properly belongs to the Law department. The pro- 
cedure in the Chancellor's court is prescribed in detail by the 
Cambridge Statutes of 1570, and by those of Oxford of 1636 : — 
undoubtedly in accordance to long existing Statutes and usages. 
The rest may be gathered from scattered notices and general 
deductions, the indication and repetition of which would lead us 
too far. 

As to the Penal Code, Wood asserts, it is true, that fines of 
money were introduced in 1433 first : but it would be very easy to 
prove the contrary. In fact, he almost does this himself: for he 
adds, that the fines were " originally" paid over to tlie University, 
but afterwards divided between the Chancellor, Proctors and the 



NOTES. 459 

Common Chest. This error arises, as in many other instances, 
from the injurious habit of regarding any single documentary or 
other unconnected account as decisive. 



NOTB (67) RBFBRRED TO IK PaOB 134. 

t 

Concerning the Commissaries, 

As to these Commissaries, I depend upon the statement of 
Wood, (ii. 387,) which is confirmed in the " Fasti" and in other 
incidental accounts. The Hebdomadarius or Assessor appears to 
have been a more permanent office. The former title is used in 
the Compact of 1267 between the Southemmen and Northemmen. 
" If umpires* are not to be had, let the matter be judged by the 
Chancellor or by the Hebdomadarius, or by judges appointed for 
the purpose." What is meant by these judges is not very clear 
to me: — they were probably umpires.f The same need must 
have been felt in Cambridge also. For instance in the year 1406, 
we find mention of a Chancellor, who was sent to Rome as King's 
orator. (Wilkins's Concil. in. 190.) No doubt, on such and simi- 
lar occasions, recourse must have been had to the same measures 
as at Oxford. 



NoTB (68) REFBRRBD TO IN PaOE 135. 

On the Functions and Duties of the Proctors, 8(C,, and on the Veto, 

A long list of the functions and duties of the Proctors, at about 
the beginning of the fifteenth century (as it appears) is given by 
Wood, (ii. 387.) It will be as well to quote it here. " It was 
formerly the business of the Proctors to give judicial and penal 
sentence against all those who did not come to the schools, those 
who passed their Lent in the schools (trahentes in scholis quadra- 
gesimaj those who " determined " when of insufficient standing, 
or without the logical disputation, those who did not become 

• [ Arbitrig.] f [Austrage.] 



460 NOTES. 

candidates for a degpree, (non accedentes ad licentiationesj those who 
did not obey the admonitions of the Chancellor, those who trans- 
gressed the Privileges or Statutes, those who did not come forward 
as opponents to the inceptors, who did not pay the Masters, did 
not read (lectures) in their established order, fmodo nto consuetoj 
were too late or too early with their stated duties, Cordinaria,) did 
not choose to discharge the business of the University, did not 
come in proper time into the schools, did not wear their dress and 
tonsure decently, did not keep the names of scholars, did not read 
aloud the muster roll,* did not obey the regulations of the Proc- 
tors, begged a suspension of the peace for three years, fimpetrantea 
pacts suspendium per trienniumj* all who were suspected in any 
manner, who joined the mob, refused to go to prison, payed ma- 
nagers (mancipes) or tailors (scissoresj higher than the Statutes 
allowed, trustees (of the public chests) or bailifis who did not 
give in their accounts, jur3rmen (fudicesj who did not obey the con^ 
fulsiones, Advocates and Proctors who went beyond [the confuU 
nonesf] Wood moreover expressly states, that this Hst by no 
means contains all the attributes and duties of the Proctorial au- 
thority. " Inasmuch," he says, " as even at the present day it 
extends to preserving the peace of the town, and punishing lay- 
men who are unruly or refractory, or who at improper times fre- 
quent the taverns,*' &c. See also the Oxford and Cambridge 
Statutes. As feu: as regards the Veto of the Proctors, it is pre- 
served in the Oxford Statutes of 1636 ; in Cambridge this was 
probably transferred, like the Veto of the Chancellor, to the Caput, 
It was perhaps originally directed against the Chancellor, when 
the Ph>ctors were Representatives of the Nations; — or else 
against the Masters, as, in the Nations, the undergraduate demo- 
cracy certainly prevailed. Afterwards the Vetof of the Proctors, 
like that of the Chancellor, was extended to all transactions 
except the elections. The whole affair however is not clear, and 
appears to me remarkable. 

* [The Author annexes notes of f [Tho Veto was lately exercised 
interrogation to these two items, as if by the Oxford Proctors in the affair of 
to indicate that he felt a difficulty.] Dr. Hampden.] 



NOTBS. 461 



NOTB (69) RBFBB&BO TO IN PaOB 139. 

Cambridge Decree of 1522 appointing a Public Orator, 

I refer to the expressions used in the Cambridge Decree of 1522. 
(v. Dyer's Priv. i. 213.) "Whereas our commonwealth/' it says, 
" has been much endangered by the want of letters to ask the aid 
of great men against our adversaries ; since individuals refuse the 
task, partly from the scanty remuneration offered, partly for fear of 
the authority and might of those against whom they may have to 
write : we have thought fit, &c., &c., and we decree that a PubKc 
Orator be elected," &c. According to Wood, (ii. 47.) an Orator 
was elected for life at Oxford first in 1564. The University had 
previously managed as best it could. The Chancellor commis- 
sioned his Registrar or Secretary, or any one else whom he might 
consider fit for the purpose, to perform these functions. The 
Secretary probably performed also the ofiice of Keeper of the 
Records, for which an especial post was created in 1633. Such 
at least is Wood's opinion. 



NoTB (70) bbfbrrbd to in Page 140. 

On the Beadles of the Universities. 

They were called " Bidelli, pracones, viatores.** According to 
Wood, (i. 239,) there were formerly six in Oxford, and besides, a 
rodbearer and a crossbearer. No mention is made of these after- 
wards. The Cambridge Statutes speak : — "Of the nomination 
of [Bamaby ?] lecturers, of beadles, of stationers* [or sentinels ?] 
of guagers, winemerchants, and other servants and ofiicers of 
the University," under which are included also the artisans, vint- 
ners, &c., Hcenced by the University. In modem times a dis- 
tinction was made between Esquire Beadles and Yeoman Beadles ; 
offices which correspond to the Upper and Under Beadles in the 
(German Universities. In Oxford we find also a Baili£P, whose 

• [Lat Sutionarioram.] 



NOTES. 



463 



Head, a deputy was elected, on each occasion afresh, it would 
appear. For the older Fellows to have larger revenue and greater 
influence, seems have been common in all Colleges, although it 
might be difficult to point out any express Statute to this effect 
in many of them. This is too natural to deserve further remark. 

I will here cite, only as an isolated curiosity, the meaning of which 
IB not clear to me, a docimient with the date 1464, entitled, " An 
amicable Agreement or Compact between Queen's College, Cam- 
bridge, and Eton College, with the Wykehamite College, at Ox- 
ford, [i. e. New College,] and near Winchester ; that they may 
rejoice {ut se gaudent ] in mutual defence." This document is 
mentioned in the Oxoniana, and is printed at length (if I am not 
mistaken) in Rymer. 

There is one point, however, which requires further explanation 
— namely, the Veto of the Head of the College. The Liberal 
Opposition brings forward this point among others, as a usurpa- 
tion of the Elizabethan period, and they certainly can appeal to the 
contemporaneous complaints of their predecessors : — yet, what- 
ever may be the propriety of such power in such hands, this 
arrangement belongs so completely to the original disposition of 
College matters, that it is probably taken for granted in the Sta- 
tutes. In fiEu^t, when we reflect that a College was originally a 
society of youths, and in part boys, brought together for the 
purposes of study, whose superior director was an elder man of 
talent,* to whom was confided their superintendence, and the di- 
rection of their corporate afiairs, it is almost impossible to imagine 
that he did not posses a Veto. If the Fellows themselves chose 
their Principal, and jointly decided all matters of importance, as 
elections, &c., this rendered a supreme Veto so much the more 
necessary. For the same reason, and lest an unsuitable man be 
chosen as Head, the Visitor also had a Veto on his election : and 



• [Without disrespect to the nu- 
Bieroas able men, who have filled or 
All this post, the assertion in the text 
■eems far too strong. Poverty, not 
Talent, is the indispensable Statutory 
qoaliflcation for being a Fellow in 
most Colleges : and in nnnc whatever 



can it be pretended that the Statutes 
jastifj a strong presomption that the 
Head will be an abler man than the 
Fellows. But theVeto, if I rightly on- 
ilerstand, is that of the Head agaimst 
the Fellows, some of whom also may 
be nlder than the Rpa<l ] 



464 NOTBS. 

this is the reason why his qualifications are not in all Statutes ex- 
actly defined. It was as superfluous expressly to recognize his 
Veto, as the Visitor's. Decisions, which he could neither approve 
nor execute, and elections, which he refused to ratify, naturally 
remained in suspense, until the Visitor had decided : and it was 
always to be presumed, that the latter would support the authority 
of the Head. We do not speak here of wilful and arbitrary con- 
duct, manoeuvres, or evil intrigues. These were exceptions, in 
which the Fellows also were able to have recourse to the Visitor. 

At the same time, we are by no means without distincter evi- 
dence, in support of the Veto, In the first place, the Chancellor 
and Heads of the Colleges in Cambridge declared very decidedly 
before the Council of State, in reply to the complaints of the Op- 
position in 1572, (Lamb p. 384,) that the negative vote was con- 
tained in the Statutes of all the Colleges, with the exception of two 
or three. Beside this, they appealed to a Royal Ordinance of 1543, 
concerning the government of Colleges ; nor can any one take it 
amiss, that I lay more stress upon this testimony, than upon the 
vague, confused, and exaggerated complaints of the Opposition, 
which moreover are directed chiefly against the injurious tendencies 
of this Veto, and but seldom attack it as a usurpation. Unfortu- 
nately, I am scarcely able to judge of the College Statutes, either 
in Oxford or Cambridge, firom personal inspection. Neither Wood, 
Parker, Dyer, nor any one else gives satisfactory explanations in this 
respect. The statutes, however, which are communicated by Pftrker 
(p. 178) as given by Richard II. to King's Hall in Cambridge, 
contain matter referring to this point. In the first place, there are 
many regulations in them, which mark the great power of the 
Head over the Fellows in matters of discipline. The following 
document is a proof of this : — " In all great and arduous business 
of the said house, the aforesaid Warden shall undertake nothing 
without the consent of all the Fellows, or of the greater part of 
them : but in all other business, the Warden may ordain, and dis- 
pose as may seem most fit," &c. — Should any one stOl doubt 
whether the Veto of the Warden is here implicitly expressed; 
(t. e, the principle, that no matters of importance can be undertaken 



NOTES. 



465 



nnless he concurs with the majority of the Fellows,) the sense 
of the following, at all events, is* evident. " Also, if any per- 
son or persons be elected to any office by the Warden and the 
majority of the Committee (comitiv^e), &c., let it not be lawful to 
decline this office." — As to the admission of new Fellows, the 
final veto may certainly be found in the duty of the Headf to 
examine new candidates. The Statutes of Oriel College, commu- 
nicated by Heame, fiilly agree in this partictdar. In the very first 
Statutes, we have the following (Thorkelowe, appendix, p. 304): 
" No letter shall be written or signed with the said seal, unless 
first examined by the said Provost and Guardians [Trustees? 
custodes] ; or, if it concern any great matter, by the said Society, 
and sealed in their presence." — In other words, t the principle is 
precisely the same as tliat above alluded to. It may be found 
even still more decidedly, in the title, introduction, and manner of 
drawing up of all the later Statutes, in which mention is made, at 
the same time, of the position of the Visitor — for instance, in the 
supplementary Statutes of 1364 (p. 307). "The ordinances,*' 
they are called, "of the Provost and Scholars of the House of 
the Blessed Mary, at Oxford, confirmed by Henry, Bishop of 
Lincoln, by the common consent of the said," &c. And further on 
we find the passage, "Let all men know, that the ordinances 
written below were made and established by the Provost and 



• [It might rather leem, that this 
aigoment has leu strength than the 
preceding. The enactment does not 
give the Head a Teto on something 
that the Fellows desire to do ; bat de- 
prives the Fellows and Scholars, as 
indtvidualM, of the liberty to decline a 
duty which the Head and the msjo* 
rity of the Committee concur in ira. 
posing on them : e. ^. to accept the 
office of Tutor, Dean, Borsar, &c.] 

f [If this be a jost inference,— ( I 
confess I do not see the weight of it,) 
—the ooartesy and good feeling which 
prerails between the Head and Fel- 
lows, has in many Oxford Colleges 
rednoed this reto to a mere theory. 
If I do not mistake, in some Colleges 
the Head gives a double rote, but that 
baa] 



X [Our Author's opinion on the 
matter may be Tery just, and it is far 
from my thought to controvert it; but 
the arguments which he adduces, seem 
to me to weaken his case. The Col • 
lege Seal was probably in the keeping 
of the Provost ; and whatever letter or 
deed was signed with such a seal, 
legally implicated the whole Collegiate 
corporation. Hence it was possible 
that he might even alienate the Col. 
lege property, if some check were not 
placed on the use of the seal : and to 
avert this danger, the Statute requires, 
that in ordinary cases the Custodes, in 
extraordinary the whole body of Fel- 
lows, should have a joint control over 
the sealing. But how different this from 
vesting in the Head a right to resist 
the unanimous wish of the Fellows ! ] 



VOL. II. 



H H 



466 NOTES. 

Scholars," &c. And that this formula was the one generally observed 
in all Colleges, for such and similar acts, is evident enough from 
the statements of Wood and others, so that, in this respect, it is 
almost indifferent, whether we have any really perfect Statutes 
before us or not : for, although the minor part of them perhaps 
may have contained a clause expressly declaring that the Head 
had a right to a Veto, yet the absence of such an express declara- 
tion only proves, under the circumstances, that it was looked upon 
as a fact which no one doubted. It is really a pity, that the 
confidence with which assertions are made, in order to flatter 
preconceived opinions devoid of historical truth, should render it 
necessary to enter into detailed explanations of points, which may 
be regarded as a matter of course. 



Note (72) befbrrbd to in Pagb 150. 
Authority of the Heads of Colleges in the University, 

We can find, even early in the fourteenth century, traces of a 
direct communication between the higher Powers and the Heads 
of the Colleges, in which the latter are looked upon as, at least 
in conjunction with the Chancellor, Heads of the University. 

A Royal Letter, of the year 1339, for the maintenance of the 
Statutes and Ordinances, against the disorders occasioned by the 
butchers ; is addressed to the Chancellor and the Warden of Merton 

College (v. Wood). This case, however, cannot be looked upon as 

• 

an isolated one. On the contrary, it authorizes a conclu^on, " & 
fortiori," that if the Warden of Merton was called upon to give his 
co-operation in such a case, in which he and his house were by no 
means directly concerned, and which treated of matters not at all 
belonging to the University, how much more in those which bore 
upon the Academic discipline. The want of more docimients and 
notices of this kind (with reference to other Provosts and Wardens) 
is no argument against this opinion , since so little has been pre- 
served at all. 

Next, as to the exercise of Ecclesiastical authority, [by the 



NOTES. 467 

Heads J I know of only one decided instance ; but it must not, 
in consequence, be looked upon as an anomaly. The ninth clause 
of the Arundelian Constitutions of 1408, refers expressly to the 
co-operation of the Heads of the Colleges, in watching over and 
rooting out the Lollard heresies. We need no evidence, (yet 
evidence we have,) that, under these circumstances, the Chancellor 
could not avoid consulting with the Heads of the more considerable 
Colleges, on the execution of the Statutes, and, consequently, on 
proposals and discussions which bore reference to them. Indepen- 
dently of the first traces of the Black Congregation, we find that 
the Chancellor of Oxford, in the fifteenth century, assembled the 
Principals and Heads of Places, (the word Places being evidently 
used for Houses,) and called upon them to admonish their scho- 
lars, to observe in the strictest manner the prohibition of inter- 
course issued against the University's hereditary enemy. Alderman 
Haynes. We cannot* suppose, that they would have agreed in 
such measures, if the prohibition had been issued by the Con- 
vocation, against their will. Again, in 1512, the Chancellor 
consulted with the Heads of Colleges and Halls, as to stricter 
measures against the Chamberdekyns. — Of course matters took 
a similar course in Cambridge. I can find no decided evidence 
upon this point, prior to the first half of the sixteenth century : 
but that is of such a nature, as to render the ancient origin of 
proceedings of the kind undoubted. I refer to various writs 
addressed upon very different subjects, to the Vice-chancellor and 
Heads of the Colleges, by the Privy Council, — contained in Lamb's 
Collection. 

NOTB (73) REFBRBED TO IN PaOE 159. 

The Visitations of 1555-7. 

trhcR i» aometliiBg in the dates of thin Note, wlikk I eumot nodanUmd : bat I have not the meuu ot 
Tcriiying them. I add thii notiee, nerd/ that they may sot be taken for miapriDts.] 

The documents relating to the Visitation of 1556, in Cambridge, 
and its consequences, together with the journal of the Registrar at 

* [Tliis argument seems to me to lean decidedly tlie other way.] 



468 NOTES. 

the time of the Visitation, were, I believe, first printed by Lamb. 
The course which, on the same occasion, matters took in Oxford, 
may be easily comprehended firom Wood's account. From all 
these documents it is very clear, that the expression, Mary's 
Statutes, (in the same sense as those of Edward, &c.,) is, in strict- 
ness, false. The course taken was as follows. 

First, a letter was addressed by the Queen, to Gardiner, who 
was regarded by her as Chancellor, both de facto and dejure, (com- 
pletely overlooking his deposition, &c.,) and who was also imme- 
diately again elected, or rather recognized, as Chancellor, by the 
University. In this letter, he was called upon to see the restora- 
tion of the " auncient Statutes, foundations and ordinaunces of the 
University, which, without sufficient authority, only upon the 
sensuall mindes and rashe determinations of a few men had been 
muche altered and broken, and almoste utterlie subverted." Of 
course, the Edwardian Statutes were thus set aside, although they 
had partly revived the very oldest Statutes ; as in the election of 
the Proctors, by which the Cycle of 1514 was suppressed. 

In the second place, certain general regulations were issued by 
the Chancellor, which dwelt more particularly upon the subscrip- 
tion of a Catholic confession of ficdth, in fifteen articles. In 
addition to what has been already said about the Test Oaths, I 
may here remark, that, according to the documents published in 
Lamb's Collection, (p. 161,) nothing but the death of Edward VI. 
prevented the compulsory subscription of the forty-two Protestant 
Articles. 

Then 8Ucceeded,-^from January to May, 1557, — the Visitation 
made by the Commissioners of Cardinal Pole, the Pope's Legate, 
who had been elected Chancellor in 1555. The aim, and the 
result, of this Visitation, was provisionally to restore things as 
they were before the Reformation. Yet it was not overlooked, 
that there had even previously been many evils, complications, and 
contradictions; and immediately after the termination of the 
Visitation, in May, 1555, the " Ordinances of Heginald Pole, for 
the government of the University," (v. Lamb, p. 237-254,) were 
laid before the University for strict observance. The introduction 



NOTES. 469 

runs as follows : " Whereas, in the Visitation, &c. it was discovered, 
that the Statutes of the University, together with the Compact *' 
(of 1514) " regarding the election of Proctors, were in need of no 
small emendation," &c. The Chancellor is then charged as fol- 
lows: "With the advice as well as the consent of the larger 
Congregation, [select] two or three persons of any Faculty, 
remarkable for their piety, &c., having also caUed in the Heads of 
the Colleges, &c. Let them diligently revise and examine, and 
(with the reservation of our good pleasure) reform and correct, &c. 
Meanwhile, for the regulation and salutary government of the said 
University, you shall yourself in the first place observe, and shall 
cause all others to observe, the following Ordinances, (which have 
almost all been brought in by those whom we deputed to visit, 
&c.,) and also such Statutes of the same University, as are suited 
to the present time, and not opposed to these injunctions." I 
ought to remark, that, according to the journal of the Registrar, he 
and his colleagues were busied with transcribing the old Statutes. 
These were then probably forwarded to Pole, and formed the 
groundwork of his Ordinances. They have but little to do with 
our subject, and treat chiefly of the studies, scholastic ezerdses, 
and church service. Few of them refer to the constitution and 
government of the University, although we find articles — "on 
the election of the Chancellor," — " on the election of ordinary 
Lecturers," — "on the Vice-chancellor, and other Officers and 
Ministers of the University," — " on the public chest," — " on 
the private chests." Then follow : " Ordinances for the govern- 
ment and salutary regulation of the Colleges," &c. In consequence 
of this injunction, three delegates of each Faculty were chosen, in 
February, 1556 or 57, (v. Lamb, xxxviii. :) but, most probably, 
their legislative powers came to end, before they began to use 
them, by the Accession of Elizabeth. Neither the contents, nor 
the introduction of the " Ordinances of Cardinal Pole," nor their 
whole connection, imply that they were intended to introduce any 
thing essentially new. The necessary innovations were to be made 
by the University-delegates. All that was done by the " Ordi- 
nances," was to establish certain Statutes, out of the existing 



470 NOTES. 

confused mass, which were to be valid for the time being at all 
events, independently of others which might be introduced, and 
which did not come into contradiction with them. This may be 
proved without any trouble, as regards most of the points : in some 
alone, it is doubtfid ; and in such instances might be found per- 
haps an anticipation of the innovations desired. Whoever over- 
looks (as Walsh and Lamb have done) the whole previous deve- 
lopement of the College influence, the origin of the Black Congre- 
gation, or whatever else this body may have been called, in 
Cambridge ; whoever thinks he may judge of the sixteenth century 
by the standard of the thirteenth, will find in these Ordinances 
plenty of innovations, and much that is tyrannical, according to the 
Liberal standard of the nineteenth. Nothing appears to me truly 
and essentially such, but the setting aside of the Doctors, who, 
until then, had had their seats along with the Heads of the Colleges. 
Things, however, had long fluctuated. In the documents and 
accounts published by Lamb, (of the dates of 1524 to 1550,) the 
same, or similar affairs, are transacted sometimes with, and some- 
times without, the Doctors. It does not appear that they ever 
complained, and the young opposition of 1572 evidently thrust 
themselves forward, quite uncalled for, to advocate their rights. 
I can scarcely imagine that this was an intentional regulation, but 
merely a consequence of the gradual dying away of the Faculties. 
They preserved their influence, however, although in another form, 
as Seniors of the Colleges. They also continued to be represented 
in the Cambridge Caput, which, evidently in the *' Ordinances," is 
alluded to as a much earlier institution, although Walsh ascribes it 
to Pole. 



Note (74) rbfbrrbd to in Paob 161. 

On the youthful age of Graduates. 

I cannot here discuss at large, why a state of democracy might 
have been injurious in the i*ixtcenth century, though in the thir- 
teenth it wa^ dcsinible, at least as the lesser evil. One point, 



NOTES. 471 

however, we may be allowed to touch upon. How would it have 
been possible, at the earlier period, to have protected the property 
and existence of the Universities against the Towns, without a 
numerous and vigorous party, directly concerned in the privileges, 
&c. — in a word, without a ruling Democracy ? We must not, at 
the same time, omit to observe, that in consequence of the diminu- 
tion of time requisite for the course of study, the Master's Degree 
was obtained in the sixteenth century, many years earlier than 
in the thirteenth and fourteenth. Perhaps it would be better to 
give one decided instance of this : — Richard Lee (a Physician and 
a Chemist) entered the University of Cambridge in 1542, in his 
fifteenth year, and took his Master's Degree in 1548, without any 
especial fi&vor. This was brought about not by Statute, but by 
Dispensations, which also depended upon the majority of the 
Masters. To judge by this instance, it cannot be wondered at, 
that the majority should have consisted of young men, of from 
twenty to twenty-four years of age. Nor can we say that the 
promoters of the Statutes of 1750 were wrong, when they 
remarked, in answer to the complaints of the opposition, ** At the 
tyme of the makinge of the old Statute, theie were allmost all 
R^ents that were of alle degrees in the Universitie, and that, 
auncyent men for the moste parte : but nowe theie be not only 
younger in age, but more youthfiill and untractable." 



Note (75) rbfbrrbd to in Page 165. 

On the Statutes of 1570, — and on the Test Oaths. 

The account in the text, of the proceedings, with respect to the 
Cambridge Statutes, may be the more depended upon, as it is 
derived partly from authentic documents, and partly from the 
testimony of opponents to the Statutes. Among the latter, I 
reckon Walsh and Lamb. The few facts cited by the writers 
from trustworthy sources to which I had no access, I have used 
without agreeing in their opinions or conclusions : nor will it, I 
hope, be urged against me, that they have furnished the sharpest 



472 NOTES. 

weapons against themselyes. But what are we to think of a 
historical and political author, who had free access to all the 
sources that were open to me, beside many others of the greatest 
importance ; and could yet overlook the gradual developement of 
the power of the Heads, and assert that " the Statutes of 1570 com- 
pletely revolutionized the whole order of things, by transferring a 
more than ordinary influence over all our deliberative proceedings, 
into the hands of the Masters of the Colleges !" I might cite 
much more to the same piurport, — for instance, the conmion 
declamations against the Test Oaths, as originally unheard of and 
unknown in the Universities, " which were national establishments 
open to men of every sect," and, as first introduced by Cardinal 
Pole in a Catholic, and by James I. in a Protestant sense. Can 
anything be more confused and prejudiced, than this modem 
idea of national establishments, as applied to the Corporations of 
the Middle Ages ? What can Mr. Walsh possibly mean, when 
he feudcies the Catholic Church tolerated " men of all sects *' at 
the Universities, whilst he himself, and those of his opinions, 
never can declaim loudly enough against the persecution of the 
Lollards'*' and other heretics? The decided form, however, of 
preventive Test Oaths, is to be found in the times of the Catholic 
Church. For instance, in 1425, the preceptors were obliged to 
take the following oath, among others. — " Also, thou shalt swear 
never to teach any of the conclusions laid down by the Friar W. 
de Russel {Item tujurabis ut nullam conclusionum per /ratrem W, 
de Russell positarum docebis — y. Wood). The "conclusions'* 
mentioned, are Wykliffite doctrines. Lamb, it is true, also com- 
pletely entertains all these distorted opinions, but he deserves our 
gp^teful acknowledgement, for having communicated all the docu- 
ments, (v. Collect, &c. p. 335 to 402,) namely, (in addition to 
Statutes which were published by Dyer,) the memorial of the 160 ; 
the reply of the Chancellor and the Heads ; the further objections 
of the complainants; the counter statements of the Heads; the 
resolution of the commissioners ; and various other documents. I 

• [The Universities were not the less national for that. The Lollards and 
other ** heretics " were then persecuted in the Nation aiso.Jl 



NOTES. 473 

cannot attempt to examine the several points. The memorial 
contains a great and confused mass of perfectly inconsistent truths, 
semi-truths, exaggerations, and errors, collected together from a 
perfectly untenable point of view : and although the defence of the 
other party has many weak points, I am, after a most conscien- 
tious and unprejudiced investigation, altogether of the decided 
opinion of the Conmiissioners, '* that the Statutes, as they be 
drawen, maie yet stande and no greate reason to make any altera- 
tion, &c. ; and that theis younger men have been fare overseen to 
seek their pretended reformation, by disordered meanes," &c. The 
Heads complain bitterly, chat whilst they are accused of oppression 
and intolerance, the most unbridled and arrogant licentiousness had 
gained ground, and that so far from seeking to direct the academic 
affisdrs, the time would soon come, when no respectable, sensible, 
and peacefully-disposed man would consent to accept such an 
office. 



NOTB (76) REFERRED TO IN PaOE 166. 

Oft the Board of Heads at Cambridge. 

I have already stated, that in the Cambridge Statutes, no 
express mention is made of the assembling of the Heads. These 
Statutes have no settled expression corresponding to the '' Weekly 
Meeting" of the Oxford Statutes. The authority of the body may 
be deduced, however, partly from the incidental regulations, in 
which the Provosts or Principals are mentioned, and partly from 
the whole course and direction of these matters, as described above. 
To cite the passages of the Statutes, bearing upon the subject, 
would be unnecessary, as nobody doubts of their containing these 
arrangements; it is only their suitability and legality that are 
called in question by one party. To appeal however to the letter 
of the Statutes, in support of the power of the Heads, might with 
more reason be objected to. The manner in which the Statutes 
have been drawn up, upon this point, is such, that while most of 
the attributes of the Heads are very distinctly expressed (for 



4/4 NOTES. 

instance, in cap. 50, on the interpretation of the Statutes), other? 
are only implied, hinted at, or even tacitly presupposed, and are to 
be interpreted only by a conclusion H fortiori. This is more espe- 
cially the case with regard to the participation of the Heads in the 
general direction of affairs, along with the Chancellor and Proctors, 
about which there exists just as little doubt as about any other of 
their attributes, which are more definitely stated. But even in this 
point, there are minor details, which are expressly laid down ; for 
instance, in a matter of discipline, where the Vice-chancellor is not 
allowed to pronounce any sentence of expulsion or rustication, or 
of imprisonment against Graduates, without the consent of the 
majority of the Heads, (v. cap. 52.) 



NOTB (77) &BFBRRBD TO IN PaGB 167. 

On the Election of Powerful Statesmen as Chancellors of the 

Universities. 

Although, even earlier, distinguished Prelates had been elected 
Chancellors, the system took a decided form first in 1453, when 
Neville, Bishop of ]Sxeter, and afterwards Archbishop of York, was 
chosen Chancellor, and remained so by re-election till the year 
1472, when he fell into disgrace with the King, and of his own 
accord laid down his Academic ofiice. Then followed several 
Chancellors chosen after the old fashion. From 1484 to 1494, 
the dignity of Chancellor was fiUed by Russell, Bishop of Lincoln ; 
then, till the year 1500, by Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury ; 
then again, up to the year 1506, by different persons, either 
Prelates or resident-Masters ; and, finally, till the year 1532, by 
Wareham, Archbishop of Canterbury, in whom commences the 
list of Chancellors for life (in the above-mentioned sense ; that is 
to say, as long as the circumstances lasted which determined the 
choice). The common opinion (which is repeated also by Lamb) 
that Russell was the first Chancellor who wbs elected for life, is 
(as far as we may judge from Wood's Fasti) entirely erroneous, as 
he was al>i'ay8 re-elected, and declared himself, in 1494, incapable 



NOTES. 475 

of any longer holding the office, on account of the increasing infir- 
mities of old age. This \s, after all, a matter of indifference ; and 
is only another proof of the necessity of receiving such traditional 
accounts with caution ; since, even upon points where trustworthy 
information is at hand, — (where, as in this instance, only a re- 
ference to Wood is necessary,) — the greatest inaccuracy prevails, 
even among authors who lay claim to research. As for Cambridge, 
we find that Rotherham, Archbishop of York, was Chancellor there 
from 1473 to 1483. He was succeeded by several Bishops, most 
of whom continued many years, some only one ; in the first case, 
probably by re-election. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester was elected 
in 1504, and remained in office at least until his fall in 1535. 
Whether he was elected at once for life, I cannot tell : but in 
1528^ the University endeavored to obtain Wolsey as Chancellor. 
The Statutes of 1570 say ; " The office of Chancellor shall be held 
as long as the ancient Statutes and customs of the University per- 
mitted, namely, for two years complete, or for such a time as the 
Chancellor shall be allowed by the tacit consent of the University 
to remain in office/* — So too the Oxford Statutes. — ^The first /ay- 
Chancellor, in Oxford, was Sir John Mason ; in Cambridge, the 
Duke of Northumberland : both from 1552 to 1558. For the last 
two hundred years, none but lay- Chancellors have been elected. 



NOTB (78) RBPBRRED TO IN PaOE 172. 

On the Cycle of Proctors, 

Before the institution of the Cycle, matters probably went on in 
Cambridge much as Wood relates of Oxford, when, without leave 
by Statute, powerful Election Clubs conspired to keep the office of 
Proctor among themselves. Doubtless these clubs (sodalitia) had 
fixed rules, for agreeing on their candidate ; and if they could not 
carry his election, the riots ensued of which such bitter complaints 
were made. These were the inevitable consequences of the free 
election in the Senate, and gave an impulse to the obvious remedy 
of transferring the election to the Colleges by a set Cycle. The 



476 NOTES. 

confusion, contradictions, and endless changes which must have oc- 
curred during the reign of Henry VIII. may be well imagined from 
the accounts given of Oxford: as to Cambridge, we have no spe- 
cial details. The tabula rasa of the Statutes of 1549, could only 
increase the confusion or, at the best, make room for that sort of 
practical Cycle which was probably established before 1514. It is 
very difficult to say what could have been better, under the circum- 
stances, than again introducing the Cycle of 1514, which was a 
course as natural as it was legal. But all this is never taken into 
consideration by the liberal opposition, which thinks only of party 
theories and interests, to support which they accommodate (in 
order to suit their own views) some pretended ancient right which 
is as little enquired into as it is known. 



Note (79) rbfbrrbd to in Pagb 179. 

Details concerning University Professors, their Salaries, 

Appointment, SfC, 

The patronage of Professorships of Royal Foundation is vested 
in the Crown. To those founded by the University itself, (as to all 
other academic offices,) the Heads nominate and the (General As- 
sembly elects. As to those endowed by individuals, there was no 
rule at all. In order to give a general idea of the pecuniary means 
under the control of the Academic authorities, I communicate the 
following statistical notices, in which I have thought it better to 
place the two Universities side by side. — 

Oxford. Cambridgb. 

(1) Professors and Lecturers £5400 £5630 

(2) University Officers 3000 2000 

(3) CoUege Officers 15000 17750 

(4) Heads of CoUeges 18350 12650 

(5) Fellows 116500 90330 

(6) University Scholarships, &c. . 1 1 88 1 320 

(7) College Scholarships, &c 6030 13390 

(8) University Prizes 168 342 



NOTES. 477 

Oxford. Cambridge. 

(9) College Prizes — 1038 

(10) University Livings 2400 600 

(11) CoUege Livings 136500 93300 

The yearly total in salaries, benefices, stipends, &c. amounts, in 
Oxford, to £31 1 ,1 70 ; in Cambridge, to £242,568. We need not 
state that the Colleges give away their own benefices, offices, &c. 
quite independently, and without interference on the part of the 
University : while in the University, as in the Colleges, it is the 
Heads who exercise the decisive influence in the appointments to 
offices and endowments. 

[Continued from the Appendix to the Authors second volume,'] 

Respecting the moral and scientific import of the numbers of 
Professors, I have already said all that was needed. According to 
Thompson's British Annual, thirteen out of the twenty-four Pro- 
fessors in Cambridge, give lectures; and in Oxford ten, out of 
thirty-seven Professors and Lecturers. This giving of lectures 
itself, amounts (as we have seen) to delivering a course of from 
twenty to thirty hours in a year. 

Concerning the nomination of the Professors in both the Univer- 
sities, the following brief notices will suffice. 

In Oxford, excepting the five Regius Professors who are 
nominated by the Crown, most of the Professorships, — such as 
those of Ancient History, Poetry, Anglo-Saxon, Common Law, 
Sanscrit, Political Economy, Anatomy, Medicine (Aldrich's), — 
are appointed by election of the University '* in Convocation." In 
this arrangement, however, there are, in some cases, certain res- 
trictions. Thus, the Professor of Anglo-Saxon is chosen every 
five years, according to a Cycle of the Colleges, &c. &c. This 
appears very strange : yet if the aim was to give an impulse to 
these studies, but littie can be said against it. To some Professo- 
rial chairs, the Vice-chancellor and the Heads of certain Colleges 
nominate : to others, the Heads of certain Colleges alone : in other 
cases, the election lies with the Proctors, as in regard to the 



478 NOTES. 

Professorship of Music, which is an annual appointment. Much 
more complicated steps are taken for the SaviUe Professorship of 
Geometry, the election to which is placed in the hands of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, the Chancellor 
of England, the Prime Minister, the Lord Chief Justice, the Lords 
of the Treasury, and the Dean of the Arches. 

In Cambbidge, in addition to the four older Regius Professors, 
there are three more (those of Modem History, Botany, and 
Mineralogy) that are nominated by the Crown. The Professor of 
Geology is chosen by the Senate, the Chancellor of the University, 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely, the President of 
the Royal Society in London, the President of the Royal Medical 
College, and the Members of Parliament for the University. The 
Profess9r of Astronomy and Geometry is nominated by the Lord 
Chancellor of England, the President of the Privy Council, the 
Lord Privy Seal, the Lord High Treasurer, and the Lord Steward 
of the Royal Household. For the Norrisian Professorship of The- 
ology two Candidates are set forth by the Masters of Trinity, 
King's, and Cai'us Colleges, between whom the other Heads are to 
choose. The Professor of Experimental Physics is elected by those 
" Regent-Masters " who have resided the greater part of a year 
before the election. The Professors of Chemistry and Anatomy are 
elected in the Senate, " after the manner of citizens,*' and the Pro- 
fessor of Political Economy by " a grace." 

The salaries in Oxford and Cambridge vary between £40. and 
£400. a year. These examples, to which we might add many 
others, (especially if we were to enter upon other foundations, sti- 
pendiary offices, &c.,) are quite enough to show the peculiarity of 
all these matters at the English Universities, and the great variety 
in their different arrangements. 



NOTES. 479 

NOTB (80) &BFBRRED TO IN PaOB 182. 

On the Abolition of the Black Congregation. 

I cannot tell how hi the Statutes of 1549 were tacitly, and how 
far expressly abolished, to make room for the older regulations, 
which those Statutes had ignored. There was no want of Com- 
mittees of Revision, with full powers, (for instance, a. d. 1576,) 
but we learn nothing about the results. According to Wood, I 
cannot but conclude that the Black Congregation, which was 
superseded by the Weekly Meeting, was in active exercise even in 
1569. Whether it returned of its own accord, or was formally 
re-established, is more than I can say ; nor can I tell, whether the 
expression " Conventus Hebdomadalis/* and the rule to meet every 
Monday, already existed. Both these points, at all events, are dis- 
tinctly mentioned in the Statutes of 1633. Perhaps it was not at 
all the intention of the Statutes of 1549, to do away with this body. 
As to the innovations introduced by Leicester, if we even take 
the very worst case for granted, namely, that he introduced them 
by a stroke of his pen, and without regard to the established legis- 
lative forms, we may still conclude, (from the nature of the case, 
and from the analogy with Cambridge,) that his measures had fiill 
as many partizans as opponents. But it is not proved that he pro- 
ceeded contrary to the Statutes. The principal passage in Wood 
(i. 290) declares : — "He plunged himself still deeper in our 
affidrs : for when he had become versed in the Chancellorship, he 
changed the University administration in almost every part ; in 
some things, for the better ; but in most for the worse. In the 
last year he abolished the ancient form (named Per instantes) of 
electing the Proctors. He nominated, moreover, the Commissary, 
or Pro-chancellor, sometimes without consulting the Convocation, 
a thing which, it is ascertained, had in ancient times most rarely 
been done. Yet we ought not to suppress what is notorious from 
public usage, that he was the first to abolish the Black Congrega- 
tion, and to enact that the Vice-chancellor, Proctors, and Heads 
of the Houses should meet and deliberate, before any matter was 



480 NOTES. 

laid before the Senate of the whole University. He, moreover, 
decreed, that public business, and especially that of the greatest 
moment, should be despatched secretly, and by ballot, and not, as 
before, openly, and by giving in the votes to the Proctors." With 
regard to the nomination of the Vice-chancellor, Wood certainly 
says, in his Fasti, (ii. 428) : — " He seized upon the power of 
nominating;*' but, in a passage shortly after, with reference to 
abolishing the electing of Proctors per instanies, he states : — "It 
was abrogated at the advice of the Chancellor." In this instance, 
at least, mention is made of the common and regular way of 
Academic legislation; while in the previous one, every thing is 
expressed very vaguely. At the very worst, the expression " seize 
upon'* can only be made to refer to the nomination of the Vice- 
chancellor ; as to which the right was doubtful, and he had prece- 
dents in his fi&vour. In feict, had Leicester been guilty of no 
greater misdeeds towards the University, he would scarcely need 
any justification. Besides, if he had been desirous of doing any- 
thing extraordinary, he might have easily done it by a Royal 
Letter. 

[See also the following Note, on the election of the Vice-chan- 
cellor.] 



NOTB (81) BBFBBBBD TO IN PaOB 184. 

On the right of the Chancellor to nominate his own Deputies. 

It appears to me very probable, that the Chancellor originally 
nominated his Deputy or Deputies, with the proviso that they were 
approved of by the University. Wood's explanations upon this 
point are in the highest degree unsatisfeu^ry. In a passage where 
he professedly treats of the question, he says : " The Chancellor 
formerly called-in as subsidiaries, sometimes fewer, sometimes more 
gownsmen, as need might be." (ii. 387.) This we might imagine 
would infer the system of nomination. The expressions used, how- 
ever, with reference to the innovations introduced by Leicester, hint 
at the contrary : although in the first passage the words " very rarely 



NOTES. 481 

done in ancient times " may be made to refer only to the " without 
consuldng the Convocation/' and not to the nominating. Such an 
interpretation would agree with what became the established rule : 
and neglecting to consult the Convocation was but a temporary 
act of caprice. As to the period prior to Henry VIII., we have no 
authentic notices whatever. The Vice-chancellors, however, were 
then usually nominated by the Chancellor, which is satisfactorily 
proved in the " Fasti" We might perhaps infer, that at an earlier 
period, the Chancellor, after coming to an understanding with the 
University, nominated his Deputies, who were forthwith recog- 
nized. That the Chancellor should have a share in the matter was 
only reasonable. His confidence in the Comqiissary was necessarily 
a very principal point, as they had to act together and share 
a common responsibility. On the other hand prudence and 
equity required, that the University should have no Commissary 
forced upon it, who did not possess its confidence. Thus a 
previous* good understanding between the parties was* the sub- 
stance of the matter : the rest was a mere form, expressing the 
actual position of things. The following, most assuredly, was no 
isolated case, and will render the matter more intelligible. When 
Russel, Bishop of Liondon, was chosen Chancellor for the second 
time, after much resistance he accepted the oflice upon the ex- 
press condition, that he should be allowed to be constantly ab- 
sent, and to be represented by Commissaries, who should perform 
the duties of Chancellor in every respect: (v. Wood, ii. 414.) It 
is impossible to imagine the course pursued in choosing the Com- 
missaries to have been other than has been just described. The 
Chancellor, no doubt, oflicially designated the persons whom, by 
previous conference, he had been left free to nominate : and the 
Convocation accepted them. Nor can we doubt that the previous 
conference was of a private nature ; that is to say, was only with 
the more influential members of the University, the Heads of the 
Colleges and Doctors, the viri potiores in fact ; and that it was they 
who guaranteed and effected the acceptance by the Convocation 
of the person proposed. Just so, at this day, the four Pro- 
Vice-chancellors, (who hold the same position towards the 

VOL. II. I I 



482 NOTES. 

Vice-chancellor as the Commissaries formerly held towards the 
Chancellor,) are nominated by the Vice-chancellor, though it was 
never enacted by Statute. 



NOTB (82) REFERRBD TO IN PaOB 196. 

On the right of voting of the Regents and Non- Regents. 

Respecting the strangely confused position of the Regents and 
Non-Regents, established partly by statute, partly. by dispensation 
or sufferance, the followhig notice will suffice. The compulsory 
Regents in Oxford consist of all Masters during the first year after 
taking their Degree. The voluntary Regents, of the Masters dvur- 
ing their second year's standing, the Resident Doctors of all Fa- 
culties, all the Heads of the Colleges and Halls, all Professors and 
Lecturers, the Masters of the Schools, the Examiners, the Deans 
and Censors of the Colleges : the Master's Degree and one year's 
Regency being necessary for all. The Non-Regent Masters are all 
[other] Masters after the end of the second year of their Regency. 
With regard to their corporate rights, all the Regents have a 
vote in Congregation, and all Regents and Non- Regents in Convo- 
cation, The compulsory Regents in Cambridge, consist of Masters 
during the first ^ve years after taking their Degree. The voluntary 
Regents comprise the same classes as in Oxford, with the excep- 
tion of the Masters of two years' standing, who (of course) are 
still compulsory Regents, The Non-Regent Masters are all Masters 
upon the termination of their Regency of five years. The Regents 
of every description vote in the Upper House of the Senate (the 
White Hood Congregation). In the Lower House, on the con- 
trary, vote, in the first place, the Non-Regents, — that is to say, 
the Masters after the termination of their Regency ; and secondly, 
the voluntary Regents, if so inclined. If all the Masters of Arts 
were to remain at the University or in closer connexion with it, 
kept their names upon the College books, and made use of the 
ri<rht of voting thus devolving upon them, the resident voluntary 
Regents (Doctors, &c.) voting in the Convocation in the Lower 



NOTES. 483 

House would naturally always be in the minority ; but as the mi- 
nor part only of the Masters retain this right, and fewer still make 
use of it, this never occurs. Walsh and others look upon it as 
shocking (as upon everything that does not agree with their own 
views) that the voluntary Regents should vote in the Lower House 
also; but as I have proved, (p. 100, &c.,) it perfectly corresponds 
with the original state, which is still preserved unrestricted in 
Oxford, while in Cambridge, the compulsory Regents are no longer 
expressly entitled to this double vote. The latter point does 
certainly seem to be unjust, nor can I explain the origin of it. 



Note (83) referred to in Page 219. 

On the Archbishop* s right of Visitation : and on the Bull of 

Boniface. 

My statements are certainly opposed to the opinion of Oxford 
men concerning the -Bull of Boniface IX., (which they ascribe 
to Boniface VIII. ;) a Bull which they considered to emanci- 
pate them not only from the Judicial, but also from the Visitorial 
power. But on the former point the Bull seems to contain 
notjiing but a confirmation of claims already enforced, although 
never formally recognized : while to the second point it does not 
refer at all, although its expressions are certainly vague and ora- 
torical enough to admit of a very extensive interpretation. The 
Bull itself was obtained illegally, being not only an infringement of 
the Statute of " Pnemunire,^* but against the will and without the 
knowledge of the University ; indeed in violation of its Statutes. 
Accordingly, it was never recognized, either by the Crown or by 
the Primate ; and was afterwards revoked by Pope John XXIII. 
Sixtus IV., it is true, again confirmed it, but, undoubtedly, only in 
the sense actually intended, namely, as establishing that no appeal 
could be made from the University Tribunals to the Archbishop's 
Court ; a privilege which was recognized by all. The temporary 
revocation of the Bull was probably occasioned by the misinterpre- 
tation of it by the University. Be this as it may : this Bull, to 



484 NOTES. 

which the University never ventured to appeal, either before Parlia- 
ment or before the Royal or Ecclesiastical Judges, and which was 
consequently null and void at all events in /act, cannot possibly be 
looked upon as a confirmation or extension of the undisputed right 
of the de non irahi extra. There can be no doubt that the right, 
in this very application of it to the Archbishop's Court, is much 
older than the Bull, although, like the other privileges, it was 
always attacked from time to time by those who suffered from it. 
The Bull confirms this privilege, as well as all other more ancient 
and more modem ones. 

The following notice may serve as proof. With regard to Ox- 
ford, we find a case mentioned by Wood, (a. d. 1362,) in which a 
Carmelite Monk appealed to the Archbishop's Court : whereupon 
Royal Letters of Prohibition were issued against every appeal of 
the kind, both within and without the kingdom ; and the jw de 
non trahi extra was thus protected alike against Rome and 
against the Archbishop. The state of things in Cambridge was 
also closely similar. Dyer mentions Letters Patent of the year 
1352, which declare: "That no scholars, in any causes touching 
their privileges, shall be summoned out of the University into 
the Curia Christianitatis :" adding thereto [in English words] : 
" tfi cases cognizable by Chancellor" Letters also of the year 
1404 decree : " That the Chancellor shall not be impeded by ap- 
peals to the Archbishop," &c. The Bamwell-ctLBe of 1430, which 
has been equally misunderstood by the Cambridge men, as the 
Bull of 1 396 by the Oxford men, must be considered in like man- 
ner, simply as a confirmation of the already existing exemptions, 
de jurisdictione ecclesiastica Episcopi et Archiepiscopi, But it is just 
as certain that the Archbishop's right of Visitatio in capite et 
membris, which took place, for instance, as late as 1401, (v. Ful- 
ler,) was never given up ; and can scarcely be said to have been 
abolished by the above-mentioned Bull. The introductory expres- 
sions are : " By the power of these presents we exempt, &c., frt)m 
all jurisdiction, dominion and power of any Archbishops soever, 
as also of the natural [natorum] Legates of the said see ; likewise of 
all Bishops, and other ordinary Judges, as to contracts entered 



NOTES. 485 

into, or excesses, crimes, and misdemeanors committed beneath the 
limits," &c. : — words, which may certainly be screwed into meaning 
something more than the jurisdiction. That endeavors should have 
been made at the time to do so, is not very extraordinary, but it is 
curious that Wood and other more modem authors should quite 
have overlooked the difference between Jurisdiction and Visitation. 
Were any other evidence respecting these points necessary, a Cam- 
bridge document of the year 1405 would be decisive, — namely, 
the " Letters of the Archbishop, lest, while his Visitation is 
pending, the jurisdiction of the University be hindered." A Visi- 
taiio in capUe et membris occurred in 1401, and shortly afterwards 
followed the decree of 1405, with regard to the jurisdiction. To 
assert that an Archiepiscopal Visitation never really took place in 
Oxford, is an unfounded boast. To say nothing of the earlier Visi- 
tations of 1276, and 1284, there was the Visitation of 1384, which 
notoriously took place in capite et membris, respecting which I refer 
my readers to Wood, and to the " Life of Richard IL, by the Monk 
of Einsham :" (ed. Heame, p. 115, sqq.) The Visitation of which 
notice was given in 1390, was prevented only by the violent resist- 
ance of the University. After that (between 1394 and 97) the 
BuD of Boniface was put forth, which was immediately attacked in 
the most decided manner by the Jiuists of the University, and was 
totally rejected by King, Parliament, and Convocation ; so that it 
was only out of extreme consideration that the University was 
spared the Praemunire. When the Constitutions of Arundel were 
introduced by the Visitation of 1410, the University once more 
resisted upon the strength of the Bull : but the King interfered so 
decidedly, that in 1411 the measures were put in force. The 
Oxford men next maintained, that this Visitation was no precedent 
for the future, as it had not been made '* in capite et membris ** but 
only " de hceresi** and they did not wish to dispute the Arch- 
bishop's right to a Visitation of that nature. But in 1390, the 
question had been precisely the same, and, after all, it was a mere 
distinction without a difference. — The principal object of the Visit- 
ation was undoubtedly the extirpation of heresies. It does not 
appear that any other Archiepiscopal Visitations took place, after 



486 NOTES. 

this aim had been attained ; probably, because there was no urgent 
cause for it, and nobody felt inclined to stir up unnecessarily this 
whole swarm of academic bees ; or nests of wasps, they might be 
called by the 'evil disposed. The thorough Visitations, afterwards 
made, were in the name of the Crown ; Pole also visited the Uni- 
versity as Legate, and not as Archbishop. This discontinuation of 
the Archiepiscopal right of Visitation may very probably have con- 
firmed Oxford in its defusion that it was exempt. When, upon a 
later occasion, in Laud's time, the Archbishop^s right of Visitation 
was reasserted, apparently without a real or immediate motive, and 
merely in the unfortunate spirit, which prevailed, of claiming theo- 
retical powers without practical need, the University indeed again 
brought forward quite bona fide, all its old, and very bad, argu- 
ments. ITie matter, however, was laid before the King's Court, 
and, as was to be expected, was decided against the University: and 
since then, no further mention has been made of it. As to the fable 
or tradition current at the University, which ascribed this Bull to 
Boniface VIII., it scarcely indeed requires further refutation. No 
mention is ever made of the Bull prior to 1396, and certainly the 
University would have founded its claims upon it often enough 
before, (as in 1390 for instance,) had it really been in existence at 
that time. The manner, however, in which it is mentioned in the 
transactions of 1396^and 1398 and 141 1, clearly proves, that it had 
been only just then obtained, and that, in such great haste and in 
such a way, that even the most necessary formalities were over- 
looked, to an extent which excited suspicions that the whole was a 
fabrication. Upon the subject of these transactions, I refer, after 
Wood, more especially to Wilkins (iii. 227, sqq.) The King men- 
tions the Bull as " Nuper a vobis impetratum " and the Jurists 
speak of it among other tilings as follows : *' Certain Masters and 
Bachelors of Art have lately cunningly obtained from the Court of 
Rome, in the name of the whole University, a certain absurd privi- 
lege of exemption," &c. Further on it says : ** Holding in his 
hand a schedule not fortified with the Apostolic Boss, (bulla,) nor 
with any authentic seal nor any sign or signature whatever of a 
public notary.'' The Bull of Sixtus IV. (of the year 1480) 



NOTES. 487 

moreover, expressly ascribes it to Boniface IX., as Wood himself 
admits, although he afterwards, when he cites the Bull, puts a 
" VIII.*' after it, in order not to belie the tradition. How far the 
uncertain tenor of the expressions used in the Bull, " Bonif actus 
servus servorum, SfC, datum Roma Pontificatus nostri anno sexto," 
may have been made use of in support of this idea. I cannot say ; 
it became, however, by degrees an academic article of faith, which 
even Wood did not venture expressly to gainsay, although he 
was convinced of the contrary. I have never been able to find 
the Bull itself anywhere except in Wood, or in others who have 
borrowed it from Wood, as Bulseus for instance. I have looked 
for it in vain in the " Bullaria.** 



Note (84) referrko to in Page 219. 

The Universities had neither Vote nor Seat in the Convocatio Cleri, 

A negative proof that the Universities had neither vote nor seat 
in the " Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury," 
may be found in all the notices respecting these assemblies — and 
especially in Wilkins. That they were only occasionally summoned 
or admitted to give evidence on certain points, may be seen most 
plainly in the transactions respecting the benefices in the first half 
of the fifteenth century. I may cite also the Royal Letters of 
1414, addressed to the Cambridge Chancellor: (v. Rymer.) " Since 
we have heard of your different dissensions, &c., we command 
you to appear in proper person before the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, and his co -brethren in Convocation, at the Church of 
St. Paul, &c., to the end that provision be made to this effect in 
the aforesaid Convocation, &c. And, moreover, you shall cause 
to be ordained that four sufficient men of each side be there," 
&c. It is expressly said, with reference to this affair elsewhere, — 
" The King sent an order to the Chancellor of Cambridge, to be 
present at this London Synod, but only (non-nisi) for consultations 
respecting the janglings," &c. Of the taxation of the Universities, 
1 have taken some notice below. As to the part taken by them 



488 NOTES. 

in several of the general Councils, (respecting which Meiners and 
others have such strange notions,) the following proofs ^ill suffice. 
When the London Synod met in 1395, upon the suhject of the 
Schism, [between Pope and Anti-Pope,] it is stated : " Whereas a 
letter from the University of Paris had been transmitted by the 
King of France, our King caUed a Convocation at Oxford, of the 
more skilful Theologians of the whole University, as well Regents 
as Non-Regents, who wrote in favor of Urban, their Roman Pope, 
and confirmed their writing with the seal of the Oxford University : 
and transmitted it by King Richard to the King of France, at 
Paris:" (Knighton and Wilkins, iii. 225.) In 1309 we find 
another RoyBl brief, asking " What was the opinion of the Univer- 
sity in the matter of the Schism ?" In the summons to the Archi- 
episcopal Convocation in 1410, after the usual formula, follow the 
words : — " We order you to summon all and every sufiragan, &c.; 
also all the other men of mighty literature, equally sagacious and 
ripe;*' to treat about the Schism : (iii. 359.) These " learned men" 
evidently belonged to the Universities, and were perhaps even 
their elected representatives or *' Oratoresi" indeed, their Chan- 
cellors are afterwards expressly mentioned. The Universities were 
in the same way invited to send their "learned men" to Pisa, 
Constance, and Basel. If they took no such part at Trent, it was 
because the Reformation had destroyed all these relations. As 
late as 1521, Wobey called upon "certain academicians, with 
other learned men, to refute the heresy of Luther." 



NOTB (85) RBFERRBD TO IN PaOE 221. 

Powers of the Pope and of the Archbishop over the Universities. 

We have often mentioned Papal Bulls, bearing upon these 
matters and upon others of a secular kind; and the analogy in 
this respect between Paris and the English Universities, is unde- 
niable. Although perhaps not all the Bulls concerning the Uni- 
versity of Paris were applicable to the English Universities; extant 
testimony proves that the Pope had the right to make similar 



NOTES. 489 

regulations with regard to them also. Few documents of the kind 
have been preserved, — obviously by reason of the devastations and 
spoliations which accompanied the Schism and the Reformation. 
In their temporary differences also with the Crown, documents 
may have been tampered with and injured, yet not so as to alter 
the whole character of things, which was sure, moreover, to be 
always recognized again by the Crown. Besides, the Clementine 
Constitution was expressly adopted in Oxford, and in the same 
way a new book of the Decretals was ordained by the Pope, in 
1299, for lecturing. The matters which, under certain circum- 
stances fell into the hands of the Papal Legates to arrange and 
decide, may be seen by the events of 1209 and 1214. 

Examples of the Archbishop's right of Visitation may be found 
(in Wood and Wilkins, ii. 109) in the years 1276 and 1284 ; when 
not only matters of heresy, but even barbarisms of every kind in 
Grammar, (such as " ego currit ; tu curro/*) Logic, Natural 
Philosophy, &c. came under the Archbishop's reproof. In 1343, 
laws were proposed by the Archbishop against too great luxury in 
dress, which were sanctioned by the London Convocation. Those 
who resisted their authority were even deprived of their Degree or 
expelled. There were, consequently, also judicial powers that 
were connected with the right of Visitation. 



NOTB (86) REFERRED TO IN PaGB 227. 

On the Prerogative of the Crown over the Univenities, 

The following notice may serve to illustrate and explain the 
above. I shall avoid all controversy (to which the temptation is 
so great) about the Middle- Age judicature, particularly the English; 
my business is solely with the Universities. Let us first turn our 
attention to the power which the Crown might exercise, by a 
" Visitdtio in capite et tnembris,'* Those of the years 1538, 1549, 
1555, and 1559, certainly appear at first sight to be anomalies, 
affording no conclusions as to the real position of things before, 
and scarcely any as to their after- condition. In so far as these 



490 NOTES. 

Visitations comprised spiritual as well as temporal matters, such a 
view of them is correct, but it is equally certain, that they did not 
surpass the ordinary authority of the prerogative in all the tempo- 
ral afiioirs of the Universities. There is indeed something to be 
said on the side of restricting the name *' Visitation," according to 
the ancient usage of it in the language, to the sphere of the 
Church. Indeed, during the dispute respecting the Archbishop's 
Visitation in the reign of Richard II., (an. 1397,) the University 
endeavored to escape from it under the pretext, (among many 
others,) that the right of Visitation belonged to the King, ground- 
ing this plea partiy upon Lollard principles. The King, however, 
decidedly declined the honor, though certainly without meaning to 
give up a right of the Crown. In temporal concerns, however, 
RoyBl Letters, Counsellors, or Commissioners, might eiFect changes 
as extensive as were afterwards carried out by a RoyBl " Visita- 
tion." when the spiritual power was joined with the secular. The 
foUowing warrant, granted to the Bishops of London, Ely, &c., in 
the year 1376, may serve as a specimen of the full powers given 
to the Royal Commissioners in old times : — " Having heard of 
the dissensions," it says, "between the Masters and Doctors of 
Divinity, of Canon and Civil Law, and of the Faculty of Arts, as 
to the form of the Statutes, &c. &c. ; we, being desirous of pre- 
serving the said University in its accustomed usages and privileges, 
give unto you collectively [universis vobis] our own full powers, 
&c., cutting off all delay soever, &c., without waiting in any way 
for the presence of the other party, &c., fuUy to examine, reform, 
and determine ... to revoke or withdraw in whole or in part, 
banbhments, convictions, and the aforesaid Statutes, as may seem 
fit to you, &c. . . .» directing the Chancellors, Proctors, Masters, 
Doctors, Scholars, and all other members of the said University, 
not to make or issue any unjust or unreasonable Statutes against 
your ordinances, under pain of forfeiture," &c. . . . : (v. Rymer.) 
Let it not be said, that this plenary authority presupposed always 
that the preservation of the rights and privileges of the University 
was the end to be aimed at. The moment that the Commissioners 
were emi)owered to find out what was right and legtd, the legislative 



NOTES. 491 

agency of the University certainly was suspended, and that too 
upon a purely scholastic point, in which any interference from 
without was least of all to he expected. A fortiori ; the same 
attrihutes must have come still more into play, when it was 
required to maintain the general laws of the land, at the Univer- 
sities. If such instances did not occur before the Reformation, it 
was because the application of the prerogative, in this sense, was 
not needed. Yet, — as well then, as afterwards, — it might have 
been applied not only to protect established rights, but also to 
suspend, restrict and withdraw them, unless connected with any 
settled property. In other cases, such privileges were looked upon 
as only lent (as it were) by the Crown, and consequently could 
not be appealed to against the prerogative, which was their origi- 
nal source. Accordingly, in 1377, the Universities were threatened 
with suspension and eventual withdrawal of all the Royal privileges. 
A similar proceeding is found to have taken place, even in 1262 ; 
indeed, that which followed the riot of 1335, may be looked upon 
in the same Hght. The University, it is true, of its own accord, 
resigned its privileges ; yet the very fact indicates the relation of 
the two parties : and undoubtedly the King could always demand 
a like act of self-renunciation on the part of the University. 

We need not suppose any real judicial procedure: except that in 
theory the King was supreme judge, and of course his judicial 
power was transferable at pleasure. The source remained always 
the same, whether the power exercised was called ordinary or 
special. As far as regards the full powers which undoubtedly 
correspond to the technical expression, *'de audiendo et terminando,' 
{of oyers and terminers ;) they are mentioned so frequently, (espe- 
cially in Wood, Rymer, and the Parliamentary Rolls,) that it is 
quite unnecessary to cite single instances. They naturally refer 
only to more important matters and points. These full powers 
were frequently granted, in consequence of appeals and contests 
as to competency : and upon these occasions the Commissioners 
appear, at one time in the form of a supreme court of appeals, and 
at another as arbitrators. ITie last resource was the King him- 
self. If he took counsel at will, of liii? confidential advisers, this 



492 NOTES. 

is not more strange in very important cases respecting the affairs 
of the Universities, than in any others ; nor can it form any 
argument against the absolute authority of the prerogative. It 
was in his power just as well to decide alone. But the point at 
Nnrhich the Counsellors of the King became real judges ; at which 
consequently (in modem phraseology) a matter passed from the 
administrative department, to the judicial ; it is impossible to 
point out distinctly. It is in vain to seek, in these earlier times, 
for the fuDy developed organization of the State. We find only 
a King surrounded by his Lords and Counsellors, to whom, as 
occasion required, he transferred this or that function, in the ill- 
defined departments of political, military, administrative, and 
judicial affairs. How far these Counsellors were freely chosen by 
the King, or how far he was forced by the special case to have 
recourse to them, we need not investigate here. 



Note (87) rbfbrreo to in Page 232. 
On the Royal Letters. 

According to all the notices that we are able to find, respecting 
the Royal Letters before the Revolution, it seems impossible to 
name a single point in the Academic existence, which might not 
have been controlled by them. In important matters, the examples 
are too numerous to need to be pointed out. As a proof, however, 
to what details the Royal prerogative sometimes descended, we 
may quote a letter sent to the Chancellor of Cambridge in 1393 
(v. Dyer) " that he cause them to reform certain hurtful gutters*' 
(gvteras). 

No express notices of any collision between the Universities and 
the authority of a Royal Letter, are to be found before the six- 
teenth century : but the legislation of that period does not differ 
in principle from that of the earlier ages. Upon the introduction 
of the Statutes of 1549, 1556, 1559, in Oxford and Cambridge, 
as of the Cambridge Statutes of 1570, nothing is recorded to imply 
that the concurrence of the Universities was necessary, or that any 



NOTES. 493 

previous communications made to them were from any other prin- 
ciple than courtesy. Judging even by the proceedings of the 
Opposition (in the Cambridge transactions of 1572) the right of 
resistance on the part of the Universities (where the Royal Letters 
were concerned) was limited to a refusal of the vote of thanks, 

• 

Of course they might also try what was to be done by appeals and 
representations ad regent melius informandum. The Oxford Sta- 
tutes of 1636, it is true, were originated by the spontaneous legis- 
lation of the University and confirmed by the King: but we 
cannot infer that they could not have been established just as well 
by the direct act of the Crown : as was the case with the im- 
portant Statute respecting the election of the Proctors; which 
was introduced but a few years before by Royal Letters. From 
the Visitation of Cardinal Pole, it is true, no rule can be deduced, 
since he was a Legate of the Pope : still there is no doubt that the 
Crown had frbm the very first an authority as unfettered in the 
secular concerns of the Universities, as, before the Reformation, 
the Pope had in the ecclesiastical. On that occasion however, the 
preliminary Statutes were laid before the University for considera- 
tion, and the University was then called upon (as we have seen) 
to nominate a Commission for the purpose of drawing up the de- 
finitive Statutes ; the Legate meanwhile by no means renouncing 
his right to give them of his own sole authority. 



Note (88) referred 70 in Page 238. 

Oil the Taxation of the Universities and Colleges, 

The documentary evidence here cited will speak for itself; I do 
not understand, in face of such testimony, the uncertainty which 
prevails among English Authors upon this point. The dociunents 
are gathered firom Wood, Ayliffe, Parker, Dyer, Rymer, Wilkins 
and the Parliamentary Rolls. When a legal opinion was asked, 
respecting a " tenement" in Oxford, which had been presented to 
the University, the reply was, that it would be to the prejudice of 
the King and the Town, since, as ecclesiastical property, it would 



494 NOTES. 

pay no taxei*. ITie only obscure part of the passage (v. Wood, i. 
140) is that which relates to the " messuage/' which it ap]>ears 
had been before exempted from taxes, by scholars merely dwell- 
ing in it. I do not venture to assert that this was at all a general 
rule. In 1334 the Townspeople complained before Parliament, 
that the " clerks'' bought so many houses and thereby exempted 
them from the King's taxes and the Town-rates. The Universi- 
ties and Colleges are at least comprehended among the " clerks" 
here mentioned. In consequence of similar complaints, a fixed 
date had already been settled in the year 1292, after which all 
lands and houses acquired by the clergy were no longer to be ex- 
empt. — It would appear, however, that this restriction was not 
long observed; for in 1379 and 1389 complaints were laid before 
Parliament, that pieces of land lately bought {pourchac^ recemen. 
Rot. Pari. iii. 276) by ecclesiastical corporations and the Univer- 
sity-colleges laid claim to be exempt, as clerical property. The 
only exception from these ecclesiastical exemptions is that men- 
tioned in 1251, in the matter of the waU-rate (muragium) : and in 
this instance, it is still doubtful, whether any were meant but the 
University dependents, whose exemption was never recognized, 
and who were favored merely so far, as to be taxed by the Chan- 
cellor, and not by the Town authorities. At all events, of such 
alone mention is made in the 27th Clause of the Cambridge Com- 
pact of 1501. 

That the property of the Universities was regarded as ecclesias- 
tical ; that the amount of the. contributions was fixed by the Con- 
vocation, and by the kindly consideration of the Crown for the 
Universities; is clear from the following evidence. In 1377, the 
tribute laid upon the Universities, by a vote of the Clergy of the 
Province of Canterbury in 1372, was remitted to them. In 1378 
Richard II. remitted to the Universities the tax forcibly imposed 
upon the Church by Edward III. In 1452 three Colleges in Ox- 
ford were exempted from the two-tenths, which had been voted 
by the Province of Canterbury. There can be as little doubt, 
that exemptions of this kind frequently occurred, as that they 
were not always granted, nor for all Colleges alike. There is 



NOTES. 495 

every reason to suppose, that the Colleges of £ton and Winches- 
ter were treated in the same manner as the Universities : and in 
foct, they were themselves Academic foundations. 

That the property of the Universities was ecclesiastical, may be 
said to be testified both positively and negatively : positively, when 
we hear of them as taxed by the Convocation of the Clergy ; nega- 
tively, when they are expressly exempted from the lay-taxation 
imposed by the House of Commons. Of the latter character is a 
Royal Letter of 1311, which says, "lliat Scholars should, as 
usual, be free from tollage for their lands and tenements." The 
matter appears to have become again doubtful in 1314 : — "The 
King gave orders to his Treasurer, &c. &c., if after examining [the 
register of] the tollages, it shall appear that the Chancellor and 
Scholars ought to be free from paying tollage for their tenements, 
let them be left free and the Sheriff's distraint be removed." — 
The exemption was called in question at the beginning of the 
reign of Edward II. : but it is evident, that the final result was 
favorable to the Universities, since (as we have seen) the complaint 
laid before the Commons in 1379, was only against the exemption 
of the tenements lately purchased. It had probably reference to 
the doubts already entertained as to the interpretation and appli- 
cation of the decision of 1292, and perhaps also to the claims of 
the academic dependents. 

Certainly the summons of 1440 refers to these : — " That the 
Chancellor of Cambridge should lay before the Treasurer and 
Barons of the Exchequer the names of all persons within the juris- 
diction of the University and Town of Cambridge, who are taxable 
for the payment of any subsidy." — It was recognized even in 1386, 
" That Scholars had nothing to pay of the subsidies of tenths or 
fifteenths, or any per centage for their tenements, schools, and 
books." And in 1496, we read in the granting of the supplies by 
the Lower House, — " Provided alway, that no landes, &c., appro- 
priated or belonging to any College in any of the Universities of 
Oxford or Cambridge, or to Eton or Winchester, be charged or 
chargeable for or with sayd aid :" (Rot. Pari. vi. 517.) The same 
was the case in 1503, and when we find a Royal Ordinance 



496 NOTES. 

(mentioned in Parker's History and Antiquities, &c.) in which it is 
said that " taxes, tollages, aides and other charges to the King, 
shall be assessed indifferently by eight burghesses, and four of the 
University," it must refer to the Academic dependents : ebe it is 
to me quite incomprehensible. 



Note (89) referred to in Page 240. 
Exemption of the Universities from Purveyance, Sgc, Sgc. 

The earliest recorded exemption from the extortions of the 
" Purveyors," which I have been able to trace, is in an agreement 
betwten the University and the Town, of the year 1547, (v. Lamb, 
p. 90 :) and it is evidently spoken of as an old subject of contest. 
Mention is again made of it, in an Oxford privilege of 1553 : 
(v. Salmon and Dyer.) It is referred to, however, in a complaint 
of the University of Cambridge, (v. Lamb, 60,) as a long existing 
custom, and I have no doubt, that it subsisted, if not as an estab- 
lished right, at least as an occasional one, from the very earliest 
times. It is, after all, only a confirmation or a supplementary 
addition to the freedom of the University market. A Royal 
Mandate of 1371, (v. Dyer,) respecting " the carrying off victuals 
into the Town of Cambridge, for the accommodation of scholars, 
notwithstanding a former mandate of the King," — probably refers 
to the same point. There is also something similar in Ayliffe, 
which I am not able, just now, more particularly to refer to. The 
protection afforded to the horses and mules of the Universities, it 
is true, is mentioned, for the first time, in the privilege of 1562 : 
but this privilege contains almost entirely mere confirmations of 
what already existed, without laying any stress on this : yet it is 
with certain authors a sufiicient reason for dating everything from 
this privilege ! 

The answer given by Henry VIII. to the Universities in 1546, 
when they petitioned for the security of their property and the 
confirmation of their privileges, is remarkable, as feu* as regards 
the exemption from the (3ourt supplies : — "He made answer and 



NOTES. 49/ 

smiled, that he could not but wiyght for hys servauntes and others 
doing the service for the realme in warys and other afiayres, but 
he sayd he wold put us to our choyce wether we shulde gratifie 
them or no*/' (v. Lamb, p. 60.) The exemption firom service 
upon juries, was a consequence of the other judicial exemptions, 
and was confirmed by Edward II., in 1317. The terms are as 
follows : — " Let not clerks who possess a lay-fee, {laicum fadum,) 
or Cambridge students, be placed among jurymen, (in assists 
juratis,)" Before the Reformation, there was, undoubtedly, but 
little need of a special exemption from military service ; but it was 
so expressly granted by Edward VI. and Elizabeth, because all 
their rights had been called in question ; moreover, the Town- 
Authorities had actually endeavored to press gownsmen into the 
militia : (v. Lamb, 92.) But still a privilege of this kind appears to 
have been granted, as early as 1290 : (v. Salmon.) It was doubt- 
less subject to the same exceptions as that of all the other clergy : 
and in cases of sudden and urgent danger, neither the Universities 
nor anybody ebe would have looked for exemption. Royal Man- 
dates, " on arraying the clergy for the defence of the sea-coasts," 
may be found frequently in Rymer, (for instance, in 1374.) No 
further proof is required, that the Universities were as free as the 
dei^ at large from extraordinary war taxes. The same was 
expressly declared in privileges already mentioned, (for instance, in 
1522 and 1562.) Yet in 1542, shortly after the Town had been 
rebuked by the King for attempting, contrary to all custom, to 
enrol members of the University, the Cambridge Colleges are said 
(v. Lamb, p. 42) to have been assessed, for fitting out recruits to 
the Duke of Norfolk's army against the Scotch. Again, in 1544, 
the Duke called upon the University to fit out certain " hable men" 
for the army he was about to command in France. Was it a 
voluntary *' captatio benevolentia*' since the Duke was Steward of 
the University ? Yet he caUed upon it to perform these services, 
very much as if it were a duty : — " forasmyche as I am Stuarde 
of your Universitie," says he. But in truth, by reason of the 
Schism, all ecclesiastical rights were then become uncertain. 

VOL. II. K K 



498 NOTES. 



NOTB (90) RBFBRRBD TO IN PaOB 241. 

On the Taxation of the UniversUiea hy the Parliament. 

The first trace, of which I have any knowledge, of the taxation 
of the Universities by Parliament, is, when the tenths and first 
fruits of the property of the clergy were granted by Parliament to 
the King, in 1530. The payment was remitted by him, originally 
under the condition of their founding Professorships, but after- 
wards unconditionally: this however was avowedly a matter of 
favor, and not a general rule. In 1540 again, when the fifth of 
clerical property was granted to the King by Parliament, the pay- 
ment was expressly remitted to the Universities; and similarly 
in 1556 with the tenths and first fruits. Thie tax, however, toge- 
ther with the tenths and fifteenths of the secular contributions 
was, in 1559, remitted ** in perpetuum," by Parliament: an Act, 
which for the first time recognized the Universities as secular 
corporations ; though the ecclesiastical tenths and first fruits de- 
volved upon them stiU as ecclesiastical. The expressions used in 
Wood (i. 281) leave it very doubtful, whether this remission " tn 
perpetuum** referred only to the first, or also to the second species 
of taxes. In the Cambridge privilege of 1561, (which in this 
point is doubtless the result and the expression of the above-men- 
tioned Act of Parliament, with some additions perhaps by Royal 
favor,) I cannot have any doubt that it was so intended : [t. e. to 
remit both .*] " We give and grant to the Chancellor," &c. runs 
the privilege, " that he and his successors, and all and every Doctor, 
Master, Bachelor, Scholar, Ofiicer, Servant, Common Attendant 
or Servant of Scholars, now, or hereafter, who resides or shall 
reside, &c. in the said University, &c., shall be free and undisturbed, 
and exonerated from all and every kind of subsidy, relief, exaction, 
imposition, contribution, and aids of money whatever, to be 
granted to us, our heirs and successors hereafter, by any Act of 
Parliament, Statute, or Ordinance," &c. This was expressly 
confirmed by the Incorporation Act of 1571, as follows; — "And 
be it further enacted, that the letters patent of the Queen's 



NOTES. 499 

Majestie granted, &c., bearing date 26th of April, in the third 
year of her reign, &c., shall from henceforth be good, effectual, 
and available in law,[' &c. It would be natural after this to sup- 
pose that the Universities were to be exempted alike from eccle- 
siastical and from secular taxation. Yet they were not. And 
this is another reason for doubting, whether this act is (in compa- 

• 

rison with earlier ones) of such eminent importance as the prevailing 
opinion holds ; and whether, in fact, similar views are admissible 
as to other similar political acts. The special privilege [of 1561?] 
may possibly have been formally revoked; but of this I know 
nothing. However, before the breaking out of the civil disturb- 
ances, it is certainly regarded as resting on the pleasure of the 
Parliament to grant or refuse to the Universities exemption frt)m 
the contributions voted by Parliament. This is very evident from. 
a letter, written the 17th of July, 1620, by one of the Cambridge 
Members of the House of Commons, and most kindly communica- 
ted to me (from the manuscripts in the British Museum) by Thomas 
Wright, Esq., the well-known author of "Queen Elizabeth and 
her Times." — "You must know by the way," runs this letter, 
"that we of the Lower House do find ourselves scandalized by 
both the Universities, for some public speeches used by men in 
chief place among them, in disgrace of our proceedings, &c. &c., 
making us no better than church robbers, for our acts of Reforma- 
tion in the Church. Whereof complaint being made in the Lower 
House, at such time as the Bill of Subsidy was in question, wherein 
the Universities by custom have exception, it grew now to a great 
doubt whether we should afford them that accustomed favor. In 
conclusion, we thought not fit to punish societies for private men's 
^EUilts; but order was given to the Speaker to write to both 
Universities, to admonish them of their indiscretion.*' One might 
almost say, that the exemption from taxation was done away with 
" ipso facto," when the University gained representatives in the 
Lower House ; 'although (or perhaps because) the privilege refer- 
ring to it says nothing about the matter. Such representation 
implies participation in voting the subsidies, although in certain 
cases, these may have been afterwards remitted. But according 



500 NOTES. 

to the above quoted letter, this "exemption by Custom" was 
evidently more than seventeen years old : and I am jnore inclined 
to believe, that the franchise was extended to them, because they 
had fiedlen under the taxation. That the Universitiei^, since the 
Revolution, have not been exempted either by custom, or fieivor, 
or privilege, is well known : and without evidence, we may take 
for granted that the exemption was lost in the great Civil War, 
and was not recovered by the Restoration. 



NOTB (91) RBFBRBBD TO IN PaGB 242. 

On Acts of Parliament which concern the Universities, 

Passages in proof of the statements in the text are numerous in 
all the different sources of the History of the Universities : (Wood, 
Ayliffe, Dyer, Rjoner, the Parliamentary Rolls, &c.) In fact, 
when the Lower House of Parliament either did not as yet exist, 
or was quite in embryo, all important interests of the Universities 
seem to have been discussed "before the Ghrandees,'* — "before 
the Nobles," — afterwards, " before the Commons,'* — " before 
the Parliament," — " before the Orders :" and many of the most 
important decisions were made " by the authority of the Nobles," 
— " of the Orders," — " of the Parliament." I will here refer 
only to the decisions given in 1290 by the King, in and with 
Parliament, concerning the complaints of the Oxford townspeople : 
by which decision the most important privileges of the Universities 
were confirmed. It is clear, that by Parliament at that time was 
meant the Nobles ; and that when the Lower House had become 
more prominent, the Commons took a similar part. One of the 
first dear instances, that I am aware of, is of the year 1472. 
The University pleads, (Rol. Pari. vii. 33,) "that by assent of 
the Lords spiritual and temporal, and of the Commons of this your 
realm, it may please, &c. to orda3me, establish," &c. This, it may 
be said, was but a trifling afiiedr. If however the Parliament would 
interfere in it, how much more in greater cases ! 



NOTES. 501 



NOTB (92) REFKRBKD TO IN PaOB 284. 

On the University Disputations of the Eighteenth Century. 

In proof of the degeneracy of the University Studies in the last 
century, I need only refer to Kiittner's " SJeitrage jur ^eitntnifi 
t)On Snglanb." This excellent work might put to the hlush the 
conceited, ill-judged, unprofitable productions of our modem 
travellers ; and it continues to be a manual indispensable for all 
who would understand that country; the more recent state of 
which is throughout closely connected with its previous condition. 
Kiittner's account refers more immediately to the second half of 
the eighteenth century ; but if any alteration had by then taken 
place, it was for the better : so that the earUer period, cL fortiori, 
deserves the severest censure justly applicable to the later. 

Among the many details extant, I will here give only an exam<- 
ple (from the Terrse Filius) of a disputatio quodlibetica ; which is 
not likely to have been among the dullest of its kind. [The 
original is in Latin.] 

Opponent : I propose to you. Sir, this question : whether action 
on a distant body is possible. — Respondent : It is not possible. — 
0. It is possible: therefore you are mistaken. — R. I deny the 
antecedent. — 0. Here is my proof. If it be granted that there 
is an emanation of force from one who acts when he is distant, 
then action on a distant body is possible. But such an emanation 

of force exists; therefore, &c — R. I deny your minor. — 

0. Here then is a proof of my minor. The Vice-chancellor is the 
agent ; and there is an emanation of force from him when he is 
distant ; therefore, &c. — R. I deny your minor. — O. Here then 
is a proof of my minor. If when holding a disputation in the 
little go (? parvisiis) or with his hat on, any one is afraid and is 
affected in mind, though there is a space between the Vice-chan- 
cellor and the disputant or him that has his hat on ; then there is 
emanation of force from the Vice-chancellor upon a distant body. 
But he with hat on does fear, and does suffer ; therefore, &c. — 
-R. I deny both your minor and your inference. — 0. The minor 
is certified by the most perfect discipline and experience of the 



502 NOTES. 

University : the validity of the inference is undeniable ; since to 
inspire fear is an action upon somebody. — Modbratob : A dis- 
tinction is needed in your argument. Fear does not proceed from 
an emanation or effluvium from the person of the Vice-chancellor ; 
but from his Beadles, who possibly by their sticks inspire fear, 
&c. &c. . . . 

Such jokes as these are among the less ordinary effusions of 
talent. Generally, the whole party — Moderator, Opponents and 
Respondents, — passed the prescribed half-hour in reading or 
talking. 



Note (93) bbferrbd to in Page 289. 

On the petty persecution of IVhigs in Oxford, in the last Century, 

For an account of the matters here alluded to, in as far as they 
do not rest upon well-known fiacts of English History, I refer my 
readers to the notorious "Terras Filius" of Amherst, (1721.) 
That work, no doubt, was a patchwork composition (more malicious 
than witty) and in fact, a libel from a not very reputable par- 
tisan ; as his after-career in life fully proved : and is anything but 
authentic testimony for the state of things at that time, and even 
much later, at Oxford ; as Meiners, and many others, both English 
and Germans, have made it. I do not consider myself at all called 
upon to enter into any minute criticism of this, upon the whole 
unimportant, work. What we can collect from it is just sufficient 
for us, in connexion with other testimony of a less detailed and 
circumstantial but of a more trustworthy nature, and by comparing 
it with all the circumstances of the times, to establish the fact that 
all kinds of injuries were done to the Whigs of the University in 
the manner above described, and that even a permanent, systematic, 
and secret Terrorism was exercised over them. There is no doubt, 
at the same time, that many a blow fell upon those who deserved 
it, and that many who received these merited blows, passed them- 
selves off for martyred Whigs — as may be seen very plainly in 
Amherst*s instances. Tliat honorable and respectable persons 
were also annoyed and persecuted in various ways, is proved by 



NOTES. 503 

the many rexationa that bo meritorioue a man as Heame was 
obliged to bear. He was one of the few Oxford men of his time 
who displayed any conaideiable degree of learning or science; 
although it was not as Professor, any more than Blackstone. It 
would be impossible for us to enter into details respecting these 
vexatious proceedings, even If they had any Interest. 



NoTR (94) BSFKKBBD TO IN Paoes 305 1 



361. 



[In this Note, 1 propose to throw together a variety of Tables, 
of which the Oxford ones have been principally furnished to me 
dther by Mr. S. W. Wayte or by Professor Powell, and the Cam- 
bridge ones have been collected by Mr. James Heywood. For 
other Tables, see Appendix I. to each volume. 

Since 1837, the number of the highest Honors at Oxford has 
declined : Indeed, in five years, only four Double F^ts are found, 
making that honor as unique as that of Senior Wrangler at 
Cambridge. I find it is not believed, that the standard of the 
Mathematical First has risen In the last seven or eight years ; and 
it is certtun that Christ Church and Oriel do not furnish members 
for the Class list as In former years. Perhaps therefore the dif- 
ference is to be imputed to the &ct, that so many of the abler 
youths now give themselves to the study of Ecclesiastical Anti- 
qm.tiea.'] 

TABLE I. 

(Kitraeltdfivm a Tatle firmliStd bf Prgfittr FomtH.) 

uoKoas oBTAiKsn at oxfohd, vbou 1807 to 1819. 





11 


if 


ii 


ii 


a 


-a 
da 




lid 
IK 


7 



504 NOTES. 

TABLE II. 

(FiiniU»tdiflliHmimaiiifMr..1. W. Wmflt. Ftllem, a/ THaUf CHIigt, Oiftrd.) 

BTUDINTB WaO HAVB FABBBD THB SIAMINATION lUR 
THE DBOBBE OP B.A. AT OSFOBD, FROM 1820 TO 1841. 



y«r.. 






Ii 




11 


Ill 


Clwa. 


CIui. 


aari. 


9nd 


Is 1 




:j 


i 
i 


: 




IS 
30 


i 




-: 


» 

'i 


1833 

■ MO 




1 


i; 




BO 


:?. 

lit 


I7B 
WD 

S 

!7J 


-! 


? 



lun .uppIM Uk wl!i^ or I'uUl.. Iron • Tr 

TABLE III. 

AVBKAOBS, COIIPILBD FBOU 



v«„. 


CL*..,«. 




II 


IS 

II 


„., 


ii 


fii 


clJii' 


s. 


ClJl. 


Cta». 


ISTO-M 


\r 


30-* 


" 


K 


3J'A 


iS" 


SS 


[•; 


s 


\'dl-^t 


w 


IS 


" 


;:; 


jr-» 


ir 


«; 


*l 


•... 



TABLE IV. 
I PBOFBaaoB PowBLL. 





i 






^ . 




i 


k 




ii 


& 


1 




g 


1 




Ii 


II 


11 


II 


\i 




i 




il 


SI 




■ 


& 


US 


5 


s 


^ 




5 


s 


5H 


ci 




411 


_ 


:u 


!l 


■Hi\ 


in 


_ 


_ 




_ 


- 


_ 




























l»M 




• in 




il^ 




" 


vSh 






* 




't 


'"" 




SOT 


""■ 




'''- 


u -Ml ,r. 


■'' 


" 


'■' 


" 






TABLE V. 

Cambkidob, Jant. 19th, 1839. — At the B.A. 

Wranglers 41 

Senior Optimea 52 

Junior Optimea 30 

— 123 

Degrees allowed 17 

,<«grotata 2 



Ordinary degrees . 
Allowed to jiass . . . 
iCgrotat 



Complete Total of those qualified to graduate 276 



TABI-E VI. 

MATRICULATIONS AT CAMBBIDOB, FKOU ISIO TO 1839 IKCLVSITB. 



Y«I brgtcnloe 


«..,™. 


Comniooeis. 


....„,„ 


.... 


Tcil.1. 


















to 


IBS 




*fli 




















i;s 














at 


ws 




















»»7 




BUB 








u? 


V 


3M 








an 


t\ 


*I7 


Imo 


J 


M 


316 


iO 




















4S 


MS 


















tBd!ngJtll^ IBM 












Y«r beglanlnE 












mUi Oct. JB» 










"7 






t1 












3,- 














aw 


V 












18 




lauB 




3» 






tu 


















3t 


331 














18 








an 


I9t 


3B 










iSn 














» 




IHSS 












.937 










m 












ion 















TABLE VII. 

(PnnH Ikt Onet.Betk af Ikt Siulr.] 
DB0RBB8 AT CAHBBIDOB FROM 1810 TO 1840 ISCl^VtlVM. 



[ 


II 


a 


a 




In 


« 




m 


d 




a 


D 


P 




1 


1 




ID 


a„.n. 




D 








, 


II 


1 


M 


191 


D 




Ml 


lan 


W 


^\il 


} 












' 


1 




IH 


lU 








W 


1813 






































'J 


3d[ 














f 


g 




93 


lie 








Mt 


llj 


la 


5 1.^. D. 












I 


u 




141 


ioh 








319 


























jifl 








i^ 


BM 


Tb 


1 D.' d! 












\ 


i« 




Jl» 


IS3 








S7S 






1 a'.o.' 
































7 


{"-.;:} 












t 






]Jg 


m 








4011 


iS 


>l 














J 






JW 


is; 










LSai 

IBS 


J 


; 












7 


11 




Hj 


Ms 

9tl 


























» 


ti 
















t^ 


1? 


i 












? 


10 




jM 


as; 








ae? 


































541 




sS 
















7 














Hio 




7 


















« 


IjH 


w 








Slfl 


w; 


T 






















iM 












a 
































891 


a 






























S97 


Ml 


















Li 


i 


_j[M«L 


J. 


I 


I 


m 



€ a 



^ 


i 
if 


g 


ll 
ii 


1 

1 

i 1 


iii.HB.pirautp3-is 


--, 


1- 1 1 1 


-, 


1 M- 1 1 i; 


3 3 


■IlSHLmqiVtS 




l-l 1 1 


« 


Mill 1 1^= 


o - 


■[l<Hii"IJi*S 


" 1 1 


""III 


* 


1 1 1 1 1 1"- 


.. 2 


ihh nonpaiM 


1 " 1 


"* 1 1 1 


2 


u 1 1 1 1 :a 


S S 


■|I»H 5.1J«K -IS 


1 - 1 


"-III 


- 


1 1 l-l 1-2 


s & 


■aviitoiA 


- (- 


" l"l 1 


* 


1 -.1 - 1 1 «* 


S 8 


iHojqowd 


" 1 - 


l""l 1 


Z 


12 1- 1 Mil 


i! 3 


■«n»r 


- ( * 


1 I"!! 


= 


l"l 1- 1 I'S 


S 9 


•iiiii|P«M 




-"-- 1 


= 


1-1*1 i-S 


S X 


-l,UqorMS 


- 1 ""■""I 1 1 


S 


»M"I l"3 


2 K 


■SJIBHL 


- 1 -M 1 1 1 1 


» 


121 i ( IIS 


S R 


■qajnua iniqj 


-fss-i-i 


s 


r--l 1= 'S8 


S 5 


■mdioj 


- 1 ■'M I""! 


■s 


*'i 1 1 I'l 


:: n 




- 1 2|''="| 1 


s 


1 S M 1 1 1 !; 


t « 


■uJiipJiM 


- 1 ::--|'='i 


s 


l-i'l I'l 


;: ; 


■.iinogirv 


- 1 <••" 1-1 M 


= 


1 1 I'l III 


• 2 


-oiraan 


- 1 e""""| 1 


L: 


1=1-1 1 lEf 


= s 


-aaailDj «as 


- 1 »"-! i-v- 


S 


= 1 l-l 1"! 


S 5 


■LDBStlD 


- 1 -t"""!- 


= 


12-11 IIS 


S S 


'iaWO 




5 


1-1-1 -°3 


S R 


-»W>8 


- 1 *««^-i 1 


8 


""III llE 


= ; 


■noMaK 




= 


isci iia 


3 ? 


[flllM 


- 1 "--""I 1 


2 


|2M 1 1 IS 


R S 


*i|103 *l[»ja»!Dfl 


- 1 "1 I'"! 1 


E 


l — l 1 1 15 


» a 




■ 


s 

1. 

ii 


1 


s - 

ii 


1 


III III 


t 


i 
1 

3 



TABLE IX. 

. OF RBSIDEKT UBUBBBB OF THE UKIVBR8ITI 0F\;AHBBID 
!f NOVBHBBR, 1840, WITH TBB NUMBBE KATBtCtTLtTBU. 





In 

«oT«nber. IMO 


ColleiT 


Lodging,. 


Total 
ReUdcnt. 






IS 

it 


i 


it 


CorpDiCtailRL... 




tUhirlDClUII .. 




H>Bd>i*D ::;;:::: 




KK"!;::::: 

TOTAL 


890 


M78 


.» 


.7» 



TABLE X. 

HBUBBBS OF TBB DHIVBBSITT OF CAUBBIDOE, WHO WBBK i: 
i, BBBIDBNCB, MAT 184L 



i 

t 




1 


j 


i 

1 


i 


1 


1 

1 

3 


'6 

a 


i 

i 

: 
. 




! 


1 


i 


1 


1 


1 


i 
1 


, 


T.,„. 


HouUofHDua^.. 

M.A. imd iba'vE/ 
nolonthcFoun- 


a 


;» 





'i 














' 






z 


tbui M. A.-Hta- 
oludioBWhpluij 


*; 


11 


11 








13 


» 










i» 






J 


37* 


Sehotan. 


-1 


■: 


1 


'; 




' 


■i 


i; 


'. 


^ 




' 




\ 











B87 


rbo>c who B,Bl 


JBS 


"'' 


afl 


"' 


rfi 


M 

' 


V 


» 


l|: 


<p 


31! 


TS 


.. 


I 


" 


:; 


utv 



NOTES. 



509 



TABLE XI. 

MEMRBRS OF THE SENATE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, 

1841. 





Clergymen. 


Laymen. 


Total. 


1 St. Peter's College 
S Clare Hall 

3 Pemberton 

4 GoD.aod Caius .. 

5 Trinity Hall 

6 Corpus Christ! 

7 Kioir's 


73 
69 

34 
86 
21 

91 
46 
116 
82 
56 

87 
401 

64 
481 

86 

47 
15 


21 
14 
12 
54 
28 
12 
36 
25 
9 
29 
29 

198 
20 

498 

27 

5 
16 


93 

83 

46 

140 

49 
103 

82 
141 

91 

86 

116 

599 

84 

079 

113 

62 

81 


8 Queen's 


9 Catharine Hall.... 
10 Jesus 


1 1 Christ's 


12 St. John's 

13 Magdalen 

14 Trinity 


15 Emmanuel 

16 Sidney Sussex.... 

17 Downing 


1854 


1033 


2887 



TABLE XII. 

{Extracted principally from the Aitniuion Book.) 

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF THE NUMBER OF STUDENTS ADMITTED AND 
OF THE NUMBER OF GRADUATES WHO RECEIVED TESTIMO- 
NIALS FOR deacon's ORDERS, IN TRINITY COLLEGE, 
CAMBRIDGE, DURING TEN YEARS, FROM 
1831 TO 1840. 



Years. 


ADMISSION OF STUDKNTS. 


Testimonials 

for Deacon's 

Orders, given 

by the Tutors. 


Pensioners. 


Sizars. 


Ten-Year 
Men. 


Total. 


1831 
1832 
1833 
1834 
1835 
1836 
1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 


151 
142 
134 
142 
136 
156 

117 
145 
116 
113 


8 

7 

10 
14 

8 
10 

6 

9 
8 

11 





1 



1 

2 
2 





169 
149 
145 
166 
145 

167 
125 
164 
124 
121 


41 
62 

47 
SO 

38 

47 
38 

37 
40 
43 


Total in \ 
ten years / 


1348 


91 


6 


1446 


413* 



• It that appean t^ only one-third of tlw Stadcnti adinitted nltiiBBtdT tak* Holy Onkn ; wfaidi 
u probably a miaUer portion thaa la any otbar CoUege of either UniTerilty. 



510 NOTES. 



Note (95) rbferrbd to in Page 313. 

On English Cant. 

It is against my will that I have touched upon the fruitful 
subject of English '' Cant ;" but it was impossible to do otherwise, 
as this evil spirit nowhere displays itself in such glaring colors as 
here : and I was naturally afraid that many persons not acquainted 
with this might be led astray by the hardihood with which the 
most notorious facts are overlooked or denied. Any one at all 
acquainted with England and English literature, and particularly 
the pamphlet, review and newspaper literature of the day, must 
know what I mean : to initiate those who are completely ignorant 
upon the point, I should have to write a whole treatise. The 
depths into which men, otherwise most honorably minded, may 
plunge in this species of falsehood, may be seen by the work lately 
published by Whewell, (London, 1837,) " On English University 
Education," in which he speaks with so much unction and simpli- 
city of the exemplary morality and piety of the Cambridge youth, 
the watchful care of the tutors, &c., that one might believe, if 
charitably disposed, that he knew as little about the matter, as he 
evidently knows about the German Universities. To be sure, 
concerning these latter, his authority is Diesterweg, and in saying 
that, we say everything. There are Tories, however, in England, 
who are candid enough to laugh at such idle talk, and to do full 
justice to the truth. Among others I will cite the well-known 
and much respected Beloe : (" Sexagenarian," i. 87.) With many 
Whigs too, the spirit of " Cant " is so powerful, that they woidd 
rather sacrifice their enmity to the Universities than give up the 
fondly-cherished illusion that England is the most eminently, or ra- 
ther the only, moral country in the world. In one respect however 
the results of the system of discipline in the English Universities is 
really to be preferred — namely, in the greater respect shown to the 
University and College authorities. This also, however, must not be 
rated too high. It is at least as much an outward formality, as 
the contrary (which apparently exists with us) is mere rudeness of 



NOTES. 511 

manner. It is paid to the more dignified material position of the 
English University authorities ; just as the external want of respect 
with us proceeds from the total want of those external forms of 
dignity which exercise so much influence upon personal manner. 
We need only call to mind, how much is done on the part of the 
other powers of the country to shear the Academic Authorities 
of their due and necessary dignity. After all, true and inward 
respect and attachment is everywhere, in England as weU as 
Germany, independent of mere outward signs : and it woidd be 
diflicidt to find instances at the English Universities of that sort 
of general feeling and independent testimony to the merits of 
their Professors and Teachers which is offered again and again by 
the youth of all the GFerman Universities to theirs. The reason 
lies in the perfectly different and much higher intellectual and 
scientific position and sphere of action of the German Professors. 

[Remarks on the morality of the Universities, 

If it were not clear that our worthy Author always looks with 
an evil eye at would-be University- Reformers, whatever their class 
or complaint; it might seem truly extraordinary that he should 
ascribe'*' to the same spirit of Cant, and treat as equally unjustifia- 
ble, both the "hypocrisy" (as he says it should be entitled) of 
ascribing a high moral excellence to our Universities, and the 
outcry against their immoralities. Is it possible that he can be so 
unjust, as to shut his eyes to the substantial merits of a cause 
and a claim, because many voices which sweU its cry, come from 
hearts full of bitterness and ignorance ? or can he be so ignorant 
himself of English feeling, as not to know the disgust, with which 
tens of thousands of sober (for I need not say, pious) people, 
regard the immoralities of youth in those Universities, which are 
held up (to use our Author's words) as " holy asylums," not to be 
profaned by an unbelieving or Dissenting foot ? True ; things are 
altered now: the rake is reformed! but, alas, it will be long 
before he can earn a new character. News of this sort travels but 

• Sco the Text; p. 313. 



612 NOTES. 

slowly; and when the temptation to hypocrisy is so great, and 
occasional instances of it notorious, much incredulity on the part 
of the public is inevitable. Indeed perhaps universally, the popular 
reputation of all national institutions of a moral and religious 
intention is borrowed from a past time, both veneration and dis- 
gust, under ordinary circumstances, outlasting their causes at least 
half a century. 

The great moral improvement in Oxford and Cambridge to 
which our Author bears witness, itself shows how unjust is his 
censure of those who have cried out for it loudly, and, be it granted, 
rudely : and it likewise forms an adequate d priori ground for 
maintaining that these Universities have not, even yet, attained to 
the greatest height of possible human perfection in this matter. 
It may be conceded to our Author, that the existing evil, so feu: as 
it is inevitable, is not to be groaned over : but what proof does he 
bring that it is inevitable ? None but his own " sincere conviction 
founded on investigation," &c. : and 6n the ground of this he 
ventures to accuse of Canting those who complain. At the same 
time, no voices from without would be raised to reproach the 
University-authorities with these things, if the general system of 
decent paneg3nric, which he stigmatizes, did not diffuse far and 
wide a belief, that those authorities are thoroughly satisfied with 
the state of things, and indisposed to aim at feu-ther improvement. 
It is not at all uncommon to hear from persons officially active in 
our Universities, the sentiment which our Author ascribes to one 
very eminent man ; that " whatever defects these institutions have 
in comparison with those of Grermany, on the score of erudition, 
are amply compensated by the moral and spiritual influences which 
ours diffiise." In short : as long as the advocates of the Univer- 
sities insist on claiming for them far greater purity than is found 
in the mixed world, the public of course will carp and rail at follies 
or sins within the Universities, which would seem natural enough 
out of them. 

But when we ask how the modem improvement has been brought 
about, we learn yet more distinctly that the academic authority is 
by no means so helpless in this matter, as our Author's statements 



NOTES. 513 

might imply. The intellectual reform, as far as it has proceeded, 
has drawn after it a moral reform. Whatever occasional anomalies 
may be quoted to the contrary, it is certain that the active pursuit 
of knowledge generally operates to improve the moral character of 
the individual, and the spiritual character of the Age. Doubtless, 
the young men who carried off the various University and College 
prizes from the year 1801 to the end of the War, were morally 
sujjerior to the mass ; yet of tiiese but few can have become per- 
manent residents in Oxford, as so few Fellowships were as yet 
thrown o^ten to any sort of fair competition. The first College 
which in this respect became celebrated, is Oriel ; and to two suc- 
cessive Provosts, — of whom the latter still lives, Dr. Coplestone, 
now Bishop of Llandaff, — the University is deeply indebted, for 
the energy with which they carried out the principle of electing to 
the Fellowships the ablest candidate. The Oriel doctrine estab- 
lished under Dr. Coplestone. was, that though moral reasons 
might in strong cases become an adequate preliminary objection 
to admitting a name into the list of competitors ; yet, after permis- 
sion to compete had once been given, the decision should depend, 
singly and solely, on the literary ability displayed in the examina- 
tion. The result was, that Oriel College became celebrated for 
its body of accomplished Fellows ; men differing in tempers, pur- 
suits, genius, religious and political views, but agreeing in ability, 
moral worth and (to say the least) religious respectability. Other 
Colleges were at first jcjJous of the superioritj^ and angry at the 
supposed claims of the Oriel men ; but in time, first one and then 
another, began to imitate their proceedings. It was gradually 
foimd, that to have a high reputation, a College must stand high 
in the Class List: but this could not be, unless it had good 
Tutors ; and as the Tutors are taken from the Fellows, it needed 
an able body of Fellows permanently to afford competent Tutors. 
Thus, in spite of crippling Statutes and (very often) unworthy 
executors of them, — in spite of old habit and dread of innovation, 
— the leaven, which had once begun to work, hos already to no 
small extent leavened the whole lump. Tiie present generation 
of resident Fellows, taken as a whole, is beyond a doubt very 

VOL. II. LL 



514 NOTES. 

superior in moral worth tx) those of thirty years ago ; and the same 
causes which have made them so, are more actively than ever at 
work among the Undergraduates, — viz., a greater opening of the 
eye to what is true, beautiful and instructive, and a profitable filling 
up of that time and application of that energy, which would else 
have been spent in the company of grooms and jockeys, — perhaps 
in hunting, and in the immoderate banquets which naturally fol- 
lowed a diversion alike exciting and exhausting. Our Author's 
opinion that the opportunity of hunting at the University is a 
great benefit, and his calling the sport itself *' one of England's 
greatest blessings ;" may be lawfully smiled^t, as the mistake of 
a foreigner. Even when enjoyed by some old squire, with the 
parson at his side, it was always difficult enough for English 
natures to separate the sport from scenes of odious intemperance : 
but at the Universities, where a body of young men were associated 
in it with one another, and with lacqueys, grooms and huntsmen, 
ready to become ministers of every vice for lucre's sake, — without 
the restraint of father or senior friend, — it cannot be doubted that 
the results were peculiarly mischievous. It is however notorious, 
that at many Colleges in old days, and at some to quite a recent 
period, the moral character of the ruling body^was far too low 
to have any beneficial influence on the Undergraduates : and pri- 
vate reproof or a public sermon on any of these practical questions 
must inevitably have aggravated the evil. Personal interest and 
loving counsel must very rarely indeed have been possible. 

Another society, Christ Church, bore also an eminent part in 
the inteUectual Reform. Whether indeed to its celebrated Dean, 
Cyril Jackson, or to Dr. Eveleigh, Ptovost of Oriel, the University 
is more indebted for the introduction of the new system of Examina^ 
tions, it may be very hard to say. In his large community. Dean 
Jackson succeeded in finding energetic men to fill the office of 
Tutor, who would not endure that their Undergraduates should 
be less successful than those of Oriel in obtaining the honors of 
the Public Schools : and probably the rivalry of these two bodies, 
more than any thing else, secured the steady advance of the new 
Class-system. Yet, — since even to this day the Studentships of 



> 



NOTES. 515 

Christ Church are given away by a direct nomination, — honorable 
as is the use generally made of that power, — it could not be a pat- 
tern to other societies; nor do I believe that it has had any 
influence on the rest to compare to that of Oriel. Oxford appears 
to stand alone in the midst of England in one respect : viz., it has 
been so Httle influenced by the great EvangeUcal movement which 
began from Whitfield and Wesley. Its regeneration (such as it 
is) has been wrought out from within, and in no small degree in 
hostility to the Evangelical party of the Church : a fact which 
throws some light on its existing state. 

The real difficulty connected with the moral regimen of a Uni- 
versity, was clearly stated in an able article of the Edinburgh 
Review, as consisting in this: that in the world at large, the 
Public Opinion which regulates morality and punishes such im- 
morality as the Law cannot touch, is formed from the minds of all 
ages and both sexes ; but in a University, the local public opinion 
which rules among the Undergraduates, proceeds from very young 
men alone. The mere statement is enough to carry conviction to 
well-informed minds, that this is the nucleus of the disease ; and 
the experience of these two Universities shows that the cure is 
by no means so hopeless as Professor Huber thinks. If it were 
BO, they would be destined always to be, as they certainly were, 
more corrupting places than are elsewhere to be found in reputable 
circles; and it would be the strongest argument for destroying 
them as nuisances to society, if with this actual immorality, they 
must needs combine a high. religious profession. But the moment 
it is understood how large a proportion of the College Fellows, 
especially where the election b freest, are under the age of thirty, 
it is dear that Oxford and Cambridge have materials for counter- 
acting the evil, which do not exist in the German Universities. 
If that free and kindly intercourse between the resident Fellows 
and the Undergraduates, in which the noblest natures most de- 
light, were fostered, instead of being thwarted, by tradition and 
precedent ; a large part of the Fellows would naturally bear the 
place of elder brothers to the Undergraduates, and would become 
the link so much to be desired between the youthful fluctuating 



510 XOTKS. 

mass, and tlie more aged iixed residents : and there appears ever}*^ 
reason to believe, that the sympathy of the Undergraduates with 
the more elevated minds of the Fellows, has contriljuted largely to 
the moral progress made in the last fifteen years. Certainly the 
phenomena which have accompanied the religious movement to 
wliich the name of Dr. Pusey has been attaclied, strongly indicates, 
that if tlie University-youths were previously careless to such 
topics, it was because they had not seen among the seniors any 
such union of learning and station with generous and enthusiastic 
piety, as w^as ctdculated to attract them ; and I am confident that 
scores of Fellows from both Universities could testify, how suscep- 
tible to all such influences are the natures of our aristocratic youth. 

■ 

But that to which they arc peitinaciously tiitimprcssible, and which 
has exasperated tenfold the moral disease of our Universities, is, 
the system of technical rule which has fixed its roots so deeply 
there. As strangers cannot by any mere hints understand what is 
meant, it is nccessiuy to explain this distinctly, more especially 
since Professor Huber has nowhere nbticed it. 

After taking the Bachelor's Degree, a Student at Oxford is 
admissible to dine at the Iligli Table with the Fellow, and to sit 
in the Fellows' Common Room ; and a Bachelor who is likely 
to conthiue in residence tither in Oxford, or Cambridge, often 
passes abrui)tly from the society of Undergraduates, and, in a 
single year's time, associates almost solely with Graduates. At 
any rate, by the time that he takes his Master's degree, which is 
generally about the age of twenty-five, liis contemporary Under- 
graduates have either vanished from the place, or have passed with 
him into the elder and ruling part of the University. Unless 
therefore a positive effort be made to form new acquaintances 
with the younger men, he becomes absorbed completely into the 
body of the fixed residents. From various causes it sometimes 
ha])pens, that very young Fellows are called to be Tutors, and, as 
Buch, to bear an important place of authority in matters of disci- 
pline : and the old doctrine used to be, that without much technical 
formality, men so young could not keep up discipline at all. At 
any rate the young Fellow would be in danger of imbibing airs of 



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NOTES. 517 

self-importauce. The term Don is familiarly used to denote a 
character, who is actuated by a petty love of form and of power ; 
who, upon attaining his Degree, aims to sepa^tite himself as widely 
as possible from all familiarity with Undergraduates, although 
he may be but two or three years older than they ; puts-on the air 
of a man of middle age ; avoids all use of their common phrase- 
ology, and behaves with a rather stiff politeness and condescend- 
ing kindness. This is the machinery, by which an exterior decency 
of deportment may perhaps be more uniformly kept up, than would 
be possible without it : but young men are keenly alive to the true 
state of things, and resent its absurdity. A sort of enthusiastic 
perverseness is called out, to resist or outwit one invested with 
scholastic authority, whenever a love of power is perceived in him, 
and a sense of personal dignity : much more, if admonitions are 
given for decency's sake and for form's sake, are they received as 
meaning nothing. In short, Donnism, wherever it exists, destroys 
that simple acting of heart on heart and conscience on conscience, 
which is God's great instrument for regenerating society and for 
the training up of youth ; without which. College-restraints on 
high-spirited young men certainly cannot be of any moral benefit. 
It is however by no means true, that the University-youth spium at 
all restrictions : on the contrary, a severe Proctor is often more 
popular than one who is lax. They look to the motives of his 
severity, and to the manner of the enforcement, far more than to 
the amount of the restraint. If they find in him a ready and 
cordial granting of all that can be yielded, an unassuming deport- 
ment, an indisposition to meddle in petty matters or to enforce 
anything for* mere form's sake, they only respect him so much the 
more for strictness in matters of moral seriousness. The spirit of 
the Don, which so offends them, may of course exist at every time 

* By far the worst uproar which this was instituted, they the next night 

took place in Oxford during my per- trenched the doors off their hinges 

sonal acquaintance with if, was occa- and made a fire of thcin in the Qua- 

sioned by the (thon^ Dean of Christ drangle. Had they been forbidden to 

Church forbidding his Uudergradu- hunt a/ a//, they would probably have 

ntes to hunt in red coats. A night or been less exasperated, because this 

two aflcriK'ards, they daubed over with would have seemed to involve a morul 

red paint all the doors of the Dean end. 
and Canons; and when inquiry into 



518 NOTES. 

of life, though it is most ofFeDsive in the young official. In mean 
and vulgar natures it naturally takes root, in consequence of the 
formal deference, which, in CoUege or University office, they 
habitually receive, and that, from many of higher worldly rank 
than themselves. 

But this is to touch another side of the subject. In the actual 
working of the system, a singular anomaly is found : — that while 
the rising branches of our noblest families enter the Universities 
to receive instruction, the persons to bear authority over them are 
nearly always men of but middling rank, and sometimes of almost 
plebeian origin. In most CoUeges, or at least in those which are 
practically most important, " poverty" is essential to becoming a 
candidate for a Fellowship ; where ** poverty" means the absence 
of landed estate, or of funded property above a very small amount. 
The Fellowship is in the same cases generally forfeited by sue- 
ceeding to property, and always by marriage; so that men of 
aristocratic connexions seldom in any case remain to become Senior 
FeUows : on the other hand, only the older FeUows are likely to 
be elected Heads of Colleges or even of Halls, and thus to pass 
into the academic Oligarchy. It is reasonable to believe that these 
arrangements really do exclude men of high or good family from 
holding authority in the Colleges and University ; for no small 
proportion of First Classes and Prizes is carried off by men of 
aristocratic circles. The advantages which wealth commands, — 
such as the best tutors from an early age, and access to the most 
intellectual society, — with the more generous stimulus given by 
the love of knowledge for its own sake; to say nothing of the 
desire of fame; fully make up for the stimulus of famine, sup- 
posed to goad poorer students on to great exertion. Indeed it is 
hardly probable, that at present even the younger branches of our 
aristocracy would like the thought of becoming College Tutors. 
The office needs to be purified from its semi-plebeian associations, 
to say nothing of the drudgery, which is imposed in dealing with 
ill-prepared students. But that drudgery would almost vanish, if 
the Universities had (what they wiU probably at length adopt) an 
efficient Entrance-Examination conducted by University Officers : 



NOTES. 519 

and in the instruction delivered by the Public Professors, no school- 
work of this kind shows itself at aU. It is however chiefly in the 
post of PubHc Professor that without very great changes men of 
higher rank might be found : for the English aristocracy are 
ambitious of honor, wherever it is to be had; and their junior 
branches by no means shrink from severe and persevering appli- 
cation in employments which fashion has consecrated. It is an 
anomaly, that while they aspire to the dignified offices of the 
Church, they are excluded from those of the Universities: yet 
their admission into the governing body of the latter would surely 
be attended with many advantages. In fact, that the want of 
adequate rank in those who have to bear rule over young men of 
rank, would naturally produce serious evils, is too plain to need 
more than hinting at : and the headship of Colleges would be a 
post most of all fitted for them, if it were possible. A collateral 
advantage gained by every step in this direction would be, that if 
the aristocratic element within were thus strengthened, — not by 
form or statute, but by nature and sentiment, — the Universities 
would be still better able to endure whatever danger of democracy 
some might apprehend from the influx of new pupils with new 
studies. At the same time, as the great meeting-places of all the 
intellect of the nation, and, in no small degree, (to use our Author's 
phrase,) the door for passing into the aristocracy ; they would be 
reconcilers of party-strife, interpreters of all to all, and would link 
together the sympathies of m3nriads instead of thousands. 

One branch of this fertile subject still remains ; the inadequate 
supply of educated female society at the Universities. — To make 
any direct effort for increasing the supply, would probably be alike 
useless and ridiculous : yet we may be right in saying, that mea- 
sures which tend to diminish it, are, in so hi, hurtful; and 
measures which, while good for other reasons, have the secondary 
result of increasing the nimiber of resident feunilies, are so much 
the better for that. The regulation which* practically ejects a 
Tutor frx)m his office in case of his marrying, is of the former 
kind. It has two bad results : first, it deprives the Colleges of the 

* Sereral exceptions to the fact can be pointed out. 



520 NOTES. 

services of their ablest members, just at the time when their talents 
and experience are ripening ; so that those which have the most 
capable Fellows, are most exposed to the inconvenience of too 
yomig Tutors : for as a general rule, the cleverest men marry 
earliest, since they most easily find other means of supporting 
themselves. But secondly, the number of resident families is 
greatly diminished by the Tutorial celibacy : and the same may be 
said of non-resident Professors. It is hardly requisite to argue 
and prove, that the company of educated and amiable females 
tends to soften the boisterous spirits of youth, and to sustain in 
them the same modesty and discretion, which they observe in the 
presence of their mothers and sisters : to have alluded to the topic 
is sufficient. 

My object in writing tliis long note, is, to show, (1) that what- 
ever moral improvement has aLready taken place in Oxford, has 
arisen according to an intelligible law of causation, as a result, 
primarily, of University regulations, and secondarily, of College 
elections ; and (2) that no one has any right to suppose with our 
Author, that all has now been attained which can be attained, and 
that Universities must be of necessity immoral places. If ever 
they are to desen^e veneration, their moral atmosphere must be 
purer and more healthy than that of the mixed world — not by 
any formal restraints, but by higher influences and sympathies ; 
and Professor Huber's defence of them, because they are (or were ?) 
only something worse than the world, is to me highly oflFensive. 
With the great advantages which they enjoy in England, I believe 
they ought to be eminent alike in a moral and in an inteUectual 
view ; and if they are not, it is to the discredit, — not perhaps of 
any one individual who can be named, — but of the whole system. 
To inculcate the necessity of their corruption, is to paralyze all 
efforts at improvement. Rather, let every person in official power 
there count that nothmg is done, until he is able to invite his 
friends (cordially and without " Cant ") to send their sons to the 
Universities as to Schools of virtue, if not of piety : and those 
who with simplicity of heart, and without mawkish or false mo- 
ralitv, aim at this end, will have all the aid which Parents or the 



% 



NOTES. 521 

Legislature can give them ; — will be '* acceptable to God and ap- 
proved of men."] 

Note (96) referred to in Pages 353 and 354. 

[As the subject is one of considerable interest, and our Profes- 
sor's notices are not all accurate nor very explicit, I thought it 
desirable to draw up a connected statement here concerning the 
books which enter the Oxford Examinations. 

The system of taking up books distinguishes Oxford from Cam- 
bridge ; and (though as an Oxonian, I may be partial) it appears 
to me to have great advantages, llie candidate previously de- 
livers-in a paper, stating in what particular books he i^ willing to 
undergo examination ; and his list at once shows at what Class he 
is aspiring. The Statutes limit his choice to the Greek and Latin 
writers potioris nota ; and it is rarely that any student goes beyond 
a well understood circle of books. The effect of tliis arrangement, 
is, to enable Examiners to put questions concerning the substance 
of the Author; and although History and Philosophy have no 
separate place as Scholastic Faculties, yet a certain portion of both 
is in this way often learned very thoroughly. At Cambridge, as 
I have been informed by a judicious friend, it is not a very rare 
thing for students so to concentrate their attention on mere lan- 
guage and style, on the manual caUed " The Grreek Theatre," and 
on books of Greek and Latin Antiquities, as to be quite unac- 
quainted with the contents of any one work ; having perhaps not 
read a single author through. This is a result of not offering any 
definite books. On the other hand, the abuse of the Oxford 
system, is, that as Examiners occasionally ask minute questions 
about dates, numbers and petty events, many candidates are led 
injudiciously to overtask their memory in learning such matters, 
not knowing perhaps how venial incorrectness in many of these 
wiU seem to the Examiner. 

Confining my attention first to the Classical Branches, I propose 
to state the two extremes ; that is, the minimum of what is required 
to obtain the Degree at all ; and the maximum of what is ordinarily 



522 NOTES. 

taken up for a First Class. It must however be observed, tbat 
the minimum does not aud cannot give much idea to scholars 
without, as to the real state of things; first, because it is the 
policy of both Universities to keep the minimum so low as on no 
account to frighten away the aristocracy, and yet it may be true, 
that a very handsome proportion of those who pass their Degree 
without distinction, pass considerably higher than the minimum ; 
which I believe to be the case. But secondly, all depends on the 
quality of the performance. No alteration has been made, I believe, 
in the nominal minimum for the last thirty years or more; yet 
through the gradual improvement of the Public Schools, and the 
improved material on which the Universities now act, it is not 
questionable that the standard has gradually risen of itself. Our 
Author's comparison of Oxford to Cambridge in the Note to page 
361, is quite ill-grounded; for the average quality of a Degree is 
decidedly different in the two cases, and is believed to be higher 
at Oxford. Moreover the step upwards from the Oxford minimum 
to the Oxford Fourth Class, would seem to be much wider than 
that from the Cambridge minimum to the lowest name on the 
Cambridge list of honors. 

The candidate must pass his Examination in Divinity, and gain 
his certificate for proficiency in that branch, before he can even be 
heard at all in anything else. Under the head of Divinity, the 
Statute includes a competent knowledge of the four GbspeLs in the 
original, the general Bible History, and an understanding of the 
Thirty-nine Articles and the Scriptural proofs on which they rest. 

He must sustain an examination in Aldrich's Logic, as far as 
the section called Sorites ; unless he exempt himself from this by 
taking the first three books of Euclid instead. 

He must further offer to the Examiners three classical writers at 
least; ("tres ad minimum scriptores Grseci et Romani, melioris 
sevi et notee :") but as it is thought dangerous to offer only three, 
since failure in one would be the more disastrous, it is, I believe, 
nearly the universal practice to take up two Latin and two Ghreek 
books. What is meant by a book is not easy to define : but the 
following will serve as examples of diiTerent lists. Something 
historical seems generally needed : — 



NOTES. 



523 



LIST 1. 

SPonon's four plays of 
Earipides. 
Five last books of 
Herodotus. 
i Five first books of 
I.ivy. 
Horace, entire. 



I 



LIST 2. 

Four plays of Sopho- 
cles. 
[Sixth and Seventh 
books of Thucvdides. 
i Second decade of Li vy. 
< Eclogues and Oeor- 
( gics of Virgil. 



LIST 3. 

(Twelve books of the 
1 Iliad. 

^Xenophon's Memora- 
( bilia. 

llie Annals of Taci- 
tuf. 

The iEneid of Virgil. 



1 



It will be observed that the second and third list here are 
decidedly superior to the first. Indeed the first probably sinks to 
the minimum of that which is ever proposed. 

The candidate, finally, must be able to translate from English 
into Latin without gross grammatical inaccuracy. It is difi&cult 
to judge by description what is in this exercise the real minimum 
of quality, which can be allowed to pass ; but unless the standard 
has very much risen in later years, it must be very low. 

Thus we have completed aU that needs to be said concerning 
the most ordinary examination : let us proceed to a First Class 
List. 

The " Divinity" is altogether as before stated, as in this branch 
honors are not aUowed. It is not possible to supersede Logic by 
Mathematics, in the case of a candidate for a First Class, (nor 
indeed for the Second and lliird Class,) and beside Aldrich and 
part of Whately's Logic, selections from Aristotle's Organon are 
usually taken up. 

The following is a good but not extraordinary First Class List. 



(1) Science, 

Aristotle's Ethics. 
— ^-^ Rhetoric 

Poetics, 

[Else, VoW^CB—as hard- 
er than the Poetics.] 
A philosophical treatise 
of Cicero, — or else— 
of Plato. 



ic. > 



(2) Hifttory. 

Thucydides. 
Herodotus. 
Xenophon's Hellenics, 

[or, only first two 

books.] 
Two Decades of Livy, 

[or Three decades.] 
Annals {or Histories) of 

Tacitus. 
Polybius, first, second, 

and sixth books. 



(3) Poetry. 

^schylus. 

Sophocles. 

Rndar. 

Select plays either of 
Euripides or of Aris- 
tophanes. 

[Else, Theocritus.] 

Virgil. 

Horace. 

Lucretius. 

Terence. 



Many of these books might be exchanged for some others nearly 
equal in difliculty. The most unchangeable are Aristotle's Ethics 
and Rhetoric (or Politics), Thucydides, Herodotus, iEschylus and 



524 NOTES. 

Sophocles. Whatever the preciae Hst of historical books, the 
candidate is expected to reply to questions in Grreek History, as feu: 
as to the death of Epaminondas, and in Roman History to the end 
of the third Punic War, and again, the period comprehended in 
the Annals and Histories of Tacitus. 

The Examination is partly vivd voce, but principaUy on paper. 
ITie four Examiners deliver the* same printed paper to all* the 
candidates ; but no candidate is expected to answer questions 
which refer to books which he has not taken up. The printed 
paper contains critical and historical questions, sometimes demand- 
ing of them short historical essays ; beside numerous translations 
from Greek and Latin into English : also, translations* into Latin 
Hexameters and Greek Iambics. To write good Latin and Attic 
prose is likewise quite essential : deficiency in either would be fatal 
to the candidate's pretensions. 

The most remarkable omission in all this, is in the names of 
Demosthenes and Cicero ; whose works, and the period of History 
belonging to them, seem never to find a place in the List. This is 
no doubt due to the immense time and effort given to Aristotle. 
Whatever be the advantages gained by tlie acquaintance with his 
philosophy so inexorably demanded in the Oxford system, they are 
bought with great sacrifices : and the same may be said of the 
Latin and Greek Versification. 

The regulations marked with an asterisk are, I believe, the most 
important of those introduced in 1830. That Versification was 
then for the first time brought into the Examinations, is to be 
ascribed to the influence of the University Scholarships, which, 
from the year 1825 onwards, have given a great impetus to Grreek 
and Latin Composition at Oxford. When all the ablest students 
had been led to give so much of their time to obtain this accom- 
plishment, it was no doubt found impossible to exclude it from the 
Public Examinations. Yet these Scholarships were founded by 
non-resident individuals ! So easily may a University, by accept- 
ing endowments burdened with the stipulations of the F'ounder, 
yield up unwittingly the rights and responsibilities of government 
into the hands of private persons not nlwayj* eriftcd with large and 



NOTES. 525 

penetrating views; whose enactments nevertheless impress upon 
it a spirit in perpetuutn, for good or for evil. 

Some notice of the Mathematical Examination must now be 
added. It is only since 1825 that separate Examiners have been 
appointed for this department ; at which era Mathematics appeared 
to become de facto a separate Faculty which had branched oft' from 
the Stock of "Arts." It includes all those Physical Sciences which 
are brought under the domain of the modem analytical Calculus ; 
so that, previously to 1825, Arts was in theory a jumble quite 
worthy of the Middle Ages. We may regard 1825 as the era 
which decided the triumph of the New, as opposed to the Old, 
Mathematics at Oxford ; but as it has been effected by thrusting 
the study itself into the Faculties, a common starvation is possibly 
the only result. Indeed the Public Mathematical Professors are 
(against their will) more inefficient than ever ; since, through the 
exertions of the Colleges to provide Mathematical Tutors among 
their own Fellows, the little which needs to be done in this way is 
done without the help of the Professors. Yet an Oxford First 
Class in Mathematics is in itself at a very respectable elevation, 
llie Examination lasts four days and a half ; and the questions are 
directed to try the knowledge of the candidates in the following 
subjects : — 

Pure Mathematics, as high as the Integral Calculus. 
Mechanics, Hydrostatics and Pneumatics, treated analytically. 
Opening of Newton's Principia, with the Elements of Physical 

Astronomy, treated analjrtically. 
G^metrical Optics (analytically). 
Elements of Plane Astronomy. 

A small part of the Examination is conducted by word of mouth, 
but by far the most important part is in >^Titing ; and the chief 
stress is laid on the application of the principles of the books to 
solve problems set before the candidate. To answer the questions 
under all the heads set down above, is not absolutely requisite for 
a first class : thus, of the four Sciences, — Optics, Plane Astronomy, 



526 NOTES. 

Hydrostatics and Pneumatics, — the two first might be sufficient, or 
the first, third and fourth, or the second, third and fourth. It is 
difficult to describe the limit up to which the skill of the candidates 
must reach ; but we may say generaUy, that in spite of tendencies 
and lapses into an opposite system, the prevailing rule is to aim at 
processes of analysis elevated in principle, rather than tangled and 
wearisome in detail. Their Integral Calculus barely reaches to 
Elliptic Functions and Linear Differential Equations; and their 
progress in Analytical G^metry and the annexed Physical Sciences 
is bounded by this line. Practical minutiae are of course little 
sought after in any of the apphcations, as professional skill is not 
the object. In the actual management of the examination, there 
is not the racing of one against another in mere rapidity, which 
(as reported by Cambridge men) appears to strangers so unpleasing 
a feature of the Cambridge regulations. 

The changes made in the year 1830, though doubtless on the 
whole for the benefit of the Classical Studies, affected the Mathe- 
matics more slightly, and perhaps not for the better. A fourth 
Class in Mathematics (as in Classics) was introduced; whether 
with any sensible advantage, I am unable to say : but, beside this, 
a step backwards was taken in the arrangements concerning 
Examiners. In 1825, as was noticed above, separate Examiners 
for Mathematics were appointed : but in 1830, — in order to relieve 
the Classical Examiners from a part of the drudgery which fell 
upon them, — instead of granting them assistance from other 
quarters where it might be had in abundance, the Mathematical 
Examiners were required to take part in examining the candidates 
for common degrees. The consequence is, that precisely those men, 
who, by their single devotion to Mathematics, are most competent 
to serve as Mathematical Examiners, are found sometimes to de- 
cline the office ; because it would force them to spend time and 
thoughts on details long since forgotten and not valued by them. 

About the year 1830, (I believe,) there was also founded a 
University Mathematical Scholarship ; but it has not uniformly 
elicited candidates at all to the satisfaction of the Oxford Mathe- 
maticians. Indeed the annual average number has been only 




NOTES. 527 

three ; while the Ireland Scholarships (for Classics) have an average 
of ahout thirty. The following Questions however, which were 
given last year, will show at what sort of standard they expect 
their candidates to aim. I am enabled to present them, by the 
kindness of the Rev. Professor Powell ; and as they are fewer than 
those given for the First Class, I have preferred them to the 
Examination Papers of the Public Schools. 



QuestioM given at the Oxford Mathematical Scholarship, 1841. 

I. 

1 . Every equation has as many roots as it has dimensions, and 
no more. GKve a proof. 

2. What is meant by a discontinuous function ? Illustrate by 
tracing a locus of such a function. 

3. Three planes at right angles to each other are tangents to an 
ellipsoid : it is required to determine the locus of their intersection. 

4. A vessel filled with wine has an orifice opened in the base ; 
and as the wine runs out, the loss is continuaUy supplied with 
water which mixes instantly with the wine. Find the proportions 
of wine and water after a given time. 

5. Integrate 

6. What is meant by general differentiation ? Obtain a general 
expression for the nth differential coefficient of tf=~- 

7. A homogeneous prismatic beam rests with one end on a 
semicircular plate whose diameter is horizontal ; find the nature of 
a curve supporting the other extremity, that it may be at rest at 
aU inclinations. 

8. It is required to determine the curve along which a body 
descending by the force of gravity exerts a pressure at any point 
reciprocally proportional to the radius of curvature. 



528 NOTES. , 

9. State and prove the principle of least action, and apply it to 
the law of ordinary refraction of a ray of light. 

10. The moon's motion may be represented by supposing it 
to move in an ellipse, the elements of which are continually chang- 
ing. It is required to show this. 

1 1 . Determine the effect upon the elliptic orbits of the planets, 
if they are supposed to move in a medium in which the resistance 
varies as the square of the velocity. 

12. What is meant by polarized light ? Explain the separation 
of common light by doubly refracting crystals, and show that both 
rays are polarized. 

II. 

1. To transform — rlP— rf = -«p and -^^— := — S mto equa- 

diy dt^ dt ^ 

tions in which B shall be the independent whole. 

2. The parallax and latitude of the moon being respectively 

P=/l-f-ecos (cd — a)-hOT«cos [(2 — 2m)^— 2^] 

15 \ 

-f- —me cos [(2 — 2in — c) B — 2^-fa]) 

wad 8 = k[8m(gB — y) +-^sin [(2 — 2m—g)B — 2^-f-y1 

to explain the effect of the different terms. 

3. To investigate the variation in the eccentricity of a disturbed 
orbit. 

4. It is required to give a physical explanation of the pheno- 
mena of precession and nutation. 

5. To deduce the laws of the reflexion and refraction of light 
from the undulatory hjrpothesis. 

6. Of all plane curves of a given length drawn between two 
^ven points, to determine that which by its revolution produces 
the solid of the greatest surface. 

7. It is required to determine the color, origin, and intensity of 
a ray that results from the interference of two others having differ- 
ent origins and intensities. 

8. To investigate a method of determining the longitude of a 
place by observing the distance of the moon from a star. 



NOTES. 529 

9. To enumerate the elements of a planet's orbit, and to show 
how they may be determined by obser\'ation . 

10. To determine the curve of greatest inclination on the sur- 
face of an ellipsoid. 

11. To integrate du=^yzdx -^xzdy -\'Xydz and the partial dif!er- 

dz dz dz dz 

ential equations (x — rnz)—- -f (y — nz) -;- = and y-r- -h x~ =z. 

dx dy dx dy 

12. To find in how many trials there is an even chance of 
throwing all the faces of a common die. 

III. 

1. If /(jT-fyV — 1)=P-|-Q. V — l,then the roots of the equa- 
tion obtained by eliminating y between P=0 and Q=0, will be 
half the sums of the roots of/(jr)=0 taken two and two. 

2. Trace the curve (--f-) (*'+y* )=a. 

V y^ 

3. Explain how the solution of a diflferential equation may be 

facilitated in certain cases by differentiating it ; and integrate the 

-1 dy 
equation «=a tan -f- 

dx 

4. Find the equation to a curve such that the product of i)er- 
pendiculars on the tangent from two fixed points is constant. 
Show the connexion between the general and singular solutions. 

5. If a string is stretched upon a surface by forces at its two 
ends, show that the osculating plane of the string at any point is 
perpendicular to the tangent plane to the surface, and that the 
pressure on the surface at any point varies inversely as the radius 
of curvature of the thread. 

6. State and prove Sturm's theorem, and apply it to find the 
number of real roots of the equation Sjr' — 6jr — 1=0, and the 
whole numbers between which they respectively lie. 

7. A conical surface is circumscribed about an ellipsoid. Find 
the surface which is always touched by the plane containing the 
points of contact, supposing the vertex of the cone to describe a 
sphere concentric with the ellipsoid. 

8. If a rigid body moves about a fixed point, and is acted on by 

VOL. II. M M 



530 NOTES. 

no force, the instantaneous axis of rotation will describe a cone of 
the second degree within the body. 

9. Find the moment of inertia of an ellipsoid about one of its 
principal axes. 

10. Find the law of force in order that the attraction of a sphe- 
rical shell upon any particle within it may be nothing. State the 
physical application of the problem. 

1 1 . From a bag containing three balls, each of which is either 
white or black, a white ball has been drawn (and replaced) m times 
successively. Required the probability first, that two of the balls 
are black ; secondly, that in each of the n drawings a black ball 
will be drawn. 

12. Light diverging from a point falls perpendicularly uopn a 
screen after passing through a small circular aperture in a plane 
parallel to it. Find the intensity of the light at the central point 
on the screen. 



Note (97)* which should have been befbbbed to in Page 358. 

On the modern Cambridge Examination for the B.A. Degree — 
with remarks on English and German Philosophy. 

The best idea of the present state of this afiair in Cambridge, is 
given by the Examination Papers; for a selection of which be- 
longing to the most recent time I am indebted to the goodness of 
Mr. Thomas Wright ; of whose equally various and deeply 
grounded erudition the most delightful fruits already appear ; and 
who, if any of his countrymen, seems destined to establish a 
most fertilizing channel of communication between the mind of 
Germany and of England. I may here refer also to a little-known 
and unpretending production, from which may be gained, by 
reason of the want of design and the naivete of the perfectly well- 
informed author, perhaps the best picture of the new condition of 
the University, at least in Cambridge. It is entitled. Alma Mater, 
or, Seven years at the University of Cambridge: London, 1827 : 

* The references in pp. 354, 358, are misprints ; so are those in pp. 392, 

398, 400. 



I 



NOTES. 531 

2 vols. It contains a very clear survey of the studies (private, 
Collegiate, or Academic) of a tolerably industrious and tolerably 
clever student. 

For the principal features, the short notice in the University 
Calendar for 1 838 suffices ; and may here find a place, as it gives 
only a very general view. The Studies in Natural Philosophy 
include : 



Euclid's Elements, 

Algebra, 

Plane and Spherical Trigonometry, 

Conic Sections, 

Mechanics, 

Hydrostatics, 



Optics, 
Astronumy, 
Fluxions, 

Newton's Principia^ 
Incrementos. 



Under Moral Philosophy and Theology are included, the New 
Testament,* [or rather one of the Historical books in the original 
Greek, such as one of the Oospels, or the Acts ;] Beauderc's In- 
troduction, [now no longer required ;] Doddridge's Works, [not 
required ;] Paley's Natural Theology ; Paley's Evidences of Chris- 
tianity ; Butler's Analogy ; Butler*s Horse Biblicse, [not required ;] 
Locke's Essay ; and Duncan's Logic, [not required.] 

[But Classics form a very important and prominent feature in 
education at Cambridge, and especially in the first year of the 
Undergraduate career. In Trinity College, and probably in all the 
other Colleges, lectures are regularly given to the first-year men, on 
a Greek play, a book of Ghreek prose, and a book of Latin, either 
in prose or verse, as well as on the elementary branches of Mathe- 
matics, Euclid's Elements, Algebra, and Trigonometry ; at the end 
of the first year, examinations are usually held in each College, 
on these sul subjects, and great attention is paid to the classical 
department, in which many of the students, from their acquisi- 
tions at public schools, naturally excel. Afterwards, College and 
University Scholarships are granted to students who are distin- 
guished in Classical or Mathematical pursuits, and the subsequent 
attainment of high honors in the Mathematical or Classical Tripos 

[• The words and paragraphs in* copied senrilely from old regolations; 

closed in brackets, have been added hy as if to justify our Author's remark, 

Mr. James Hey wood ; as our Author's that, " even upon the spot, nothing is 

notices are in part antiquated and in so difficult as to ascertain existing 

part defective. The University Ca- fact"] 
lendar for 1838 appears to have been 



532 NOTES. 

is almost certain to be followed, if required, by the substantial re- 
ward of a College Fellowship. 

The Classical books actually selected for the main subjects of 
the annual College Examinations are few in number, but the exa- 
minations are searching and laborious to all the ambitious students, 
and the examinations for College Scholarships, University Classi- 
cal Honors, and College Fellowships generally include a wider 
range of Classical learning. 

In the second year of College residence, the subjects of the first 
or previous University Examinations, familiarly termed the " Little 
Go," are usually adopted in the Colleges for lectures, and for the 
annual examinations; those subjects may include a Gh'eek play, 
an historical book of the Greek Testament, Paley's Evidences cf 
Christianity, and a Latin book. In addition to the examination in 
the Little Gro subjects. Mathematical Papers are given in the 
second year, in the Colleges, on Mechanics, Differential and In- 
tegral Calculus, the first three sections of Newton's Principia, and 
the higher parts of Algebra. 

The third year supposes greater advancement in learning, and 
Mathematical studies are then particularly encouraged : they include 
Optics, Hydrostatics, Astronomy, the higher parts of Newton's 
Principia, and Greometry of three dimensions ; and the examina- 
tions also contain Classical subjects, a little Moral Philosophy, and 
a {)aper on one of the historical books of the Greek Testament, in 
which some Theological and Controversial Questions have been 
set, probably for the sake of the students who may intend to enter 
the clerical profession, and who constitute more than half of the 
Undergraduates of the third year, in the University. To answer 
these questions is not compulsory. 

. Residence for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts is still protracted, 
at Cambridge, until the end of the first quarter of the fourth year, 
after entrance, and the candidates for this Degree are examined 
either for graduation with Mathematical honors, or for the ordi- 
nary Degree ; after the examination, they are classed and indivi- 
dually arranged, according to their proficiency, and all who obtain 
any Mathematical honor are allowed, if they desire it, to compete 



k 





'-,> c' -^'i3tfer= -^ m 


^-^ ^' 1 M-'it ' •' 


«f ■ 




4J 


^t 4 


^^H: 



NOTES. 533 

for Classical honors in the Tripos, which is set apart for that pur- 
pose. It is to be regretted, that those students, who are not of 
noble birth, and who have but little taste for the pursuits of 
abstract Science, whilst they are well skilled in Classics, and who 
are eager to distinguish themselves in their own fields, are, never- 
theless, not allowed to be examined in the Classical Tripos, unless 
they have first passed the examination for Mathematical honors. 
Noblemen, however, are permitted to compete for Classical honors, 
after having merely passed the ordinary (or Pol,) examination for 
the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, in which Classical subjects form a 
considerable portion of the Works required in the examination. 
Such a privilege might however be advantageously extended to 
Commoners, and the literary reputation of Cambridge would be 
thereby materially increased. 

By a Grrace of the Senate, of the 11th May, 1842, the following 
additional subjects in Theology will enter the examination for the 
B. A. at Cambridge in a few years* time. 

1 . The first fourteen or the last fourteen chapters of the Acta of 
the Apostles, and one of the longer, or not less than two of the 
shorter. Epistles of the New Testament in the original Greek. 

2. The History of the Christian Church from its origin to the 
assembling of the Council of Nice, and the History of the English 
Reformation. 

At the previous examination, some acquaintance with the Old 
Testament History is to be required from the students in the Lent 
term of 1844. 

The new Ecclesiastical subjects for the B. A. Degree are not 
to be enforced before the Lent term of 1846, and the questions on 
the Epistles are limited to (Grammar, History, and Geography.] 

The list of " Standard " Works, [stated above, on the authority 
of the Oxford Calendar,] of course does not exclude a great 
number of others. Besides, the noble trade of Cratn-book-mskuig 
is hardly anywhere else so thriving, as in Oxford and Cam- 
bridge : a fact, which is sufficiently evinced by the Advertise- 
ments annexed to the University Calendars and to other books 
of the sort. One may confidently believe, that no considerable 



534 NOTES. 

philosophical author has arisen or will arise in England, without 
finding, more or less, a sphere of influence at the Universities. 
If the deistical school of the last century was regarded as for- 
bidden fruit; I need not remind the reader that it was nibbled 
at so much the more eagerly. 

Even the Idealists, like Berkeley, and the Scotch, like Dugald 
Stewart, were (to say the least) not recommended ; but that is not 
the reason why they were less read : the fact is pretty w^ell ex- 
plained however by their inferior affinity for the predominating 
spirit and needs. About the history of Philosophy, and the histo- 
rical importance of every critical period in the unfolding of the 
human mind, people in England think yet less without than within 
the academic precincts : and whatever goes on of this kind, — as 
by translations or compilations from the German, — proceeds 
chiefly from the Universities. The pubUc desires such a philoso- 
phical system, as suffices for practical necessities; and by this 
standard, no essential defect would be felt even in the school of 
Paley and Locke ; (though, as we have said, this is no longer the 
only school now studied.) At least wc are entitled to look first 
for a proof that the school of Hume or of the Scotch has opened 
not merely a new, but also a higher and more fruitful path. 

Finally, what singular notions are held at the English Uni- 
versities concerning the philosophical work that goes on in 
Germany, is shewn quite recently in Whewell, on University Edu- 
cation. He regards us as, all and every one, in a like miserable 
plight with the poor souls in the second region of Dante's Hell ; 
driven in dense masses this way and that by irresistible philoso- 
phical whirlwinds. He compares the leaders of our philosophipal 
schools, from Kant to Hegel, with so many Timours or Jengis- 
khans, whose hosts pour themselves over the land, desolating, 
subjugating, hunying away every thing ; so that no honest tran- 
quil spirit can rest under its own vine and fig-tree in peace and 
safety. Our students especially have absolutely nothing in their 
head but these philosophical gusts: as to positive and useful 
cience, there is really nothing to be said at all ! ! The good man 
appears not to have a conception of those magic words, Examina' 
tion, Slate- Service, Bread-Studies, 



NOTES. 535 

[It is perhaps desirable that the reader shoidd see what Mr. 
Whewell (now Master of Trinity College) said, to occasion these 
remarks. It is believed that the following two passages are those 
intended by our Author; at least immediately and principally.] 

From Whewell's English University Education, pages 24 — 27. 
" But we have not yet done with the survey of this great experi- 
ment. In one coimtry of Europe the Universities give up their 
habits of practical teaching, and return to the speculative method. 
They make Philosophy their main subject. Their Professors deliver 
from their chairs system after system to admiring audiences. The 
listener may assent or criticise ; but he is not disturbed by any 
demands on his mind, such as the teaching of Mathematics gives 
rise to. And what is the class of men thus produced, in their 
bearing upon the progress of sure and indestructible knowledge ? 
They are such men as to be utterly incapable even of compre- 
hending and appreciating the most conspicuous examples of the 
advance of science. Those who are universally allowed to be the 
greatest philosophers of our own day in the German Universities, 
Hegel and Schelling, cannot imderstand that Newton went further 
than Kepler had gone in physical astronomy, and despise Newton's 
optical doctrines in comparison with the vague Aristotelian dogmas 
of Grothe respecting colors.* 

" Thus, the experiment on education, which has been going on 
from the beginning of Greek civilization to the present day, appears 
to be quite distinct and consistent in its result. And the lesson 
we learn from it is this ; — that so for as civilization is connected 
with the advance and diffusion of human knowledge, civilization 
flourishes when the prevalent education is mathematical, and fades 
v/hea philosophy is the subject most preferred. We find abundant 
confirmation of the belief, that education has a strong influence 
upon the progress of civilization ; and we find that the influence 
follows a settled rule : when the education is practical teaching, it 
is a genuine culture, tending to increased fertility and vigor ; when 
it is speculative teaching, it appears that, however the efiect is 
produced, men's minds do, in some way or other, lose that force 
and clearness on which intellectual progression depends. 

* See Hegel's Encyclopedia, and Schelling's Lectures. 



536 NOTES. 

" I cannot go on to the next point of my argument without an 
observation foimded on the view which has been presented. It is 
impossible, after the survey we have just made, not to reflect, of 
what immense importance the question of the two kinds of educa- 
tion is. The reform of the European Universities, a subject which 
is now exciting so much interest in England, France, and Grermany, 
is, in truth, what it has been termed, the Vital Question of Civili- 
zation. Upon the decision of that question may depend, whether 
Europe, and America, which must follow the inteUectual fortunes 
of Europe, shall, for the next thousand years, be in the condition 
of the later Greeks and Romans, having for their mental aristoc- 
racy, a class of philosophical system-builders, commentators, and 
mere metaphysicians ; or shall go on to exhibit that healthy vigor 
and constant effort at real progress and improvement^ which has 
characterized this quarter of the globe for the last three hundred 
years. This is no slight matter. And let no one attempt to make 
it less momentous, by persuading himself that civilization must 
advance ; — that we cannot run back into an inferior condition of 
culture and thought. The history of the world shows that we 
have no such security. Civihzation, in its best sense, may too 
surely decline. Gicece and Rome had wasted by their own foUy 
almost all that was most valuable in their intellectual inheritance, 
before the foreign spoiler came. The civilization of the eastern 
and southern shores of the Mediterranean, once the fairest spots 
in the world of literature and art, — where is it, and how is it 
vanished } It is not enough to say that the barbarizing storm of 
Mahommedan conquest has swept over and destroyed it. The 
Mahommedans did not barbarize Spain or Persia. And to what- 
ever violent external causes we may ascribe this deplorable change, 
it shows, at least, that in some coimtries civilization takes deeper 
root than in others ; and warns us to use our best endeavor, that, 
so far as we are concerned, our country and the world may lose 
nothing of that real civilization which, combined with morality and 
reUgion, constitutes the brightest glory and most precious treasure 
of the human race." 

Again : pages 46 — 53. " In philosophical doctrines, on the 



I 



NOTES. 537 

contrary, a constant change is going on. llie commentator 
supersedes the original author, or at least becomes equally im- 
portant : the systematizer is preferred to him who first threw Out 
the same thoughts in a less regular form. Or else a revolution 
takes place ; the old system is refuted ; a new one is erected, to 
last its little hour, and wait its certain doom, like its predecessor. 
There is nothing old, nothing stable, nothing certain, in this kind 
of study. Change is constantly taking place ; change is constantly 
looked for. Novelty is essential, in order to command attention 
or approbation. The car roUs on ; old objects glide back ; the 
point of view changes. The student knows, or at least cannot 
but suspect, that his teacher and his teacher's creed are but for a 
day; and that what is demonstrated to be true, will be foimd 
hereafter to be a truth so imperfect, that it is best put out of sight. 
" Now I conceive it cannot be doubted that the mind of a young 
man employed mainly in attending to teachers of this latter kind, 
must fedl to acquire any steady and unhesitating conviction of the 
immutable and fixed nature of truth, such as the study of Mathe- 
matics gives. This constant change in the system of received 
doctrines must imsettle and enfeeble his apprehension of all truths. 
He has no time, no encouragement, to take up the doctrines that 
are placed before him, and to study them till he is firmly possessed 
of them, secure that their certainty and value can never alter. 
He lives among changes, and has not the heart to labor patiently 
for treasures that may be ravished from him by the next revolu- 
tion. The state of Grermany, for instance, has of late years been 
as unfiavorable to the intellectual welfare of its students, as the 
condition of the most unstable government of the East is, to the 
material prosperity of its subjects. A great philosophical conquest 
is made by Kant, and a universal empire is supposed to be on the 
point of being established. But Fichte, who began with being a 
follower of Kant, ends by deposing him. Schelling carries away 
the allegiance of Germany from Fichte ; and then Hegel becomes 
more powerful than any of his predecessors ; and a younger Fichte 
raises the standard against all these rulers. And thus, with dire 
shedding of ink, revolution after revolution succeeds. 



538 NOTES. 

" Now amid all this change and fear of change, how can any man 
eat tranquilly of the fruit of his own field, under his own vine and 
fig-tree ? How can he cultivate his own thoughts, and possess in 
a tranquil and even spirit the knowledge and the hahits of mind 
which he has acquired ? He cannot feel or relish old and familiar 
truths, such as mathematical sciences deal with. He cannot be 
content with such conclusions as can be obtained by the viray of 
demonstration. He becomes almost inevitably himself a wide and 
restless speculator; criticizing what has already been done in 
Philosophy ; attempting to guess what will be the next step ; and 
destitute, not only of those clear ideas, and those habits of exact 
thought, through which alone any real advances in knowledge can 
be appropriated by the student, but devoid also of that steady 
belief in the permanent nature and value of speculative truth, 
which is an essential virtue of the imderstanding. 

" Again ; another mode in which this speculative feeling operates 
unfiavorably, as I conceive, upon students, is this ; — it places them 
in the position of critics instead of pupils. In mathematical and 
other practical teaching, the teacher is usually and almost neces- 
sarily, much the superior of his scholar in the knowledge which 
they cultivate together ; and the scholar cannot but feel this, and 
must consequently be led to entertain a docile and confiding dis- 
position towards his instructor. On the other hand, when a 
system is proposed which offers its claims to him, and asks his 
assent, which he may either give or refuse, he feels himself placed 
in the situation of an equal and a judge, with respect to his Pro- 
fessor. And if, as is very likely to be the case with active-minded 
young speculators, he goes through several phases of philosophical 
opinion, and gives his allegiance to a succession of teachers, he 
can hardly fail to look upon them with a self-complacent levity, 
which involves little of respect. He will probably think of his 
masters much as the poet speaks of the objects of his transient 
admiration whom he chronicles : 

The gentle Henrietta then, 

And a third Mary next did reign, 

And Joan, and Jane, and Andria; 



% 



NOTES. 539 

And then a pretty Thomasine, 
And than another Katharine, 
And then a long et cetera. 

"Now this want of docility, confidence, and respect, when it 
prevails in the student towards his teacher, cannot, I think, be 
looked upon otherwise than as a highly prejudicial feeling, and 
one which must destroy much of the value and usefulness of the 
education thus commimicated. 

•* The difference of the subjects which are recommended by dif- 
ferent persons as suitable for University teaching, does in fact 
depend upon an entire difference in the views and tempers of the 
authors of the recommendations. In the teaching of Universities, 
a spirit of respect, or a spirit of criticism , may be appealed to. 
According to the first system, we must select subjects which 
consist of undoubted truths, and works of unquestioned excellence, 
and must require the student to familiarize himself with these. 
Such subjects are Mathematical studies, and the best Classical 
authors. According to the other system, we take subjects in 
which we endeavor to draw the student's attention by our mode of 
treating them, and to carry his conviction with us by our argu- 
ments. In this system, we invite him to inquire for himself; to 
accept or reject according to his best judgment; to examine all 
doctrines boldly and thoroughly. This critical system it is which 
rqoioes to have philosophy for its subject, and has shown alike its 
vigor and its tendency by the rapid succession of prevalent systems. 

" I do not at all hesitate to say, that the respectful system appears 
to me the proper line of education. I conceive that the student 
ought to have placed before him, something which is of a stable 
and permanent kind; — in which it is a good mental exercise to 
struggle with the apparent objections, because it is certain that by 
effort and practice they may be overcome ; — and in which it has 
been ascertained that admiration is not the result of novelty, or of 
some transient bearing upon the feelings of the age. The critical 
system seems to me to be properly addressed, not to students who 
are imdergoing education, but to philosophers who have already 
been completely educated. Nor can I believe, that to put young 



540 NOTES.' 

men in such a position, at a period of their lives when they ought 
to be quietly forming their minds for future action, can have any 
other result than to fill them with a shallow conceit of their own 
importance; to accustom them to deliver superficial and hasty 
judgments ; and to lead them to take up new systems, with no due 
appreciation of the knowledge, thought, and gravity of mind, 
which are requisite for such a purpose. If this course educate a 
man for anything, it educates him to be a judge of philosophical 
systems ; — an ofiice which few Englishmen will ever have to fill. 

** I believe that this opinion of the effect of the two modes of 
University education has been confirmed by the actual result. The 
practical education of the English Universities has produced men 
fitted for practical life. I need not dwell upon this. I have 
already noticed how weU the training of the College appears to 
prepare men to become good lawyers. I will add, that I conceive 
our physicians to be the first in the world, and that I ascribe their 
excellence mainly to the practical course of general culture which 
they receive in the Universities ; which does what no merely pro- 
fessional education can do ; and of which the effects are seen, when 
the professional employments bring into play the intellectual habits. 
Our clergy derive inestimable advantages from the cast of their 
University education ; and if clerical education among us be capa- 
ble of improvement, this certainly will not be brought about by 
the substitution of the Philosophy of Schelling and Hegel for the 
Mathematics of Euclid and Newton. That our Universities edu- 
cate men to be legislators, statesmen, and magistrates of some 
practical power and skill, no one can doubt, except he who thinks 
that this little island has, for the last three himdred years, run an 
unprosperous course, and held an imdistinguished place in Europe. 
For the fortunes of nations are determined, under Providence, by 
their practical leaders, and men are formed by their education. 

" In Germany and France, we are told that there prevails among 
the young men of the Universities a vehement and general hos- 
tility to the existing institutions of their country. I know not how 
truly this is sziid ; but I conceive that such a consequence may 
naturally fiow from an education which invokes the critical spirit, 



NOTES. 541 

and invites it to employ itself on the comparison between the 
realities of society and the dreams of system- makers. 

" I shall not here prosecute this subject further, since my object 
is to hasten on to some principles which apply more intimately to 
that process of instruction which has hitherto existed in the 
English Universities. But I hope I have made it appear that, 
distinguishing the two systems of education as I have done, we 
may, with nearly equal propriety, treat of them as practical and 
speculative teaching ; — or on the one hand Mathematics combined 
with Classics, and on the other Philosophy ; — or College lectures 
and Professorial lectures ; — and may look upon them as exem- 
plifying a respectful and critical spirit. And I hope I have satis- 
fied the reader that (allowing fully the value and use of Philosophy 
and of Professorial lectures in their due place, of which I may 
afterwards speak) we could not abandon the practical teaching, 
the Mathematical and Classical Studies, and the College Lectures 
of our Universities, without great loss to the intellectual training 
of our youth, without destroying highly beneficial feelings which 
exist between them and their teacheri^, and without putting in 
serious and extensive jeopardy the interests of the civilization of 
England and of the world. *' 



NOTB (98) WHICH SHOULD HAVE BEEN REFERRED TO IN PaGE 392. 

Defence of the Universities from the charge of Immorality, 

Luxury and display have very much increased at the Universi- 
ties, as well as among the higher and middling classes in general 
in England; but the Universities have not become really more 
immoral on that accoimt. On the contrary, many of the darkest 
spots of former days — as drunkenness and other debauchery — have 
greatly diminished, more particularly in Oxford, (rambling, how- 
ever, appears in later times to have become more general and more 
desperate than before. In all these matters, the Universities follow 
pretty closely the varying fashions of the higher classes. Upon the 
whole, I am of opinion that things have rather improved than 



642 NOTES. 

otherwise ; the greater part of the evil which remains, is, as I have 
already insisted, inevitable, under the free developement of character 
so indispensable to a University. Those who more especially urge 
these points against the English Universities, have generally no 
idea of the actual state of the case, and never raised themselves 
beyond the level of the most trite and often scarcely sound mo- 
ralism. Edinburgh, for instance, has been pointed out as a prac- 
tical example of su|)erior morality in the academic population. 
But, besides that in Scotland ** Cant " in morality is carried to a 
higher pitch than even in England, and the morality of the aca- 
demic youth of Edinburgh is by no means such as is pretended to 
be, (of which my own eyes and ears afford ample testimony ;) the 
comparison is inadmissible, inasmuch as the pecuniary and social 
circumstances of the Edinburgh students, of themselves exclude a 
great part of the follies and excesses committed among the English. 
We must also take into consideration the general difference of 
national habits, good or evil, between England and Scotland ; and 
there is no denying, that the Scotch have a much more quiet, sober, 
and sparing way of living ; yes, and also of sinning. 

Another reproach commonly cast against the Universities, is 
their illiberality in the most general sense, especially in case of any 
contact or approach of an unacademic nature. There is certainly 
much that is true in this. The Oxford men especially are for from 
liberal towards strangers, when not supplied with very pressing 
recommendations : and even then, the stranger must not expect 
to be admitted beneath the mere surfisu^e of society. Cambridge is 
much more accessible, and liberal in the best sense of the word. 
Pedantry, rudeness, and want of kindly feeling may certainly have 
more or less to do with all this : but we must not forget, at the 
same time, that this kind of repulsive exclusiveness is a very 
essential trait in the English character itself, especially with regard 
to the interior of domestic life ; so that the Universities do not 
mean or claim to behave otherwise towards the world without, 
than every proprietor of house or lands would do. To this we 
may add, that they have only too much cause for feelings of 
irritability and mistrust towards strangers, (I speak not so much 



NOTES. 543 

of foreigners, as of English not belonging to the Universities,) in 
consequence of the bitterness and unfairness of the attacks, to 
which they have been on so many sides exposed. 



Note (99) referred to in Page 392. 

Justification of not repealing and yet not enforcing or observing 
Statutes that we judge to be unsuitable. 

Another point, which may be touched upon here, relates to the 
real or supposed incompatibility, the intolerable contradictions 
between the old Statutes and the present practice, or between the 
older and newer Statutes. There are some people who regularly 
set out himting after these things. Miller may be considered as 
the chief of this school of " creators of difficulties :" (v. his work, 
"The present state of the University of Cambridge," &c., 1771 :) 
and Walsh in later times has endeavored to follow in his footsteps. 
These good gentlemen complain of and condemn, in one breath, 
first the perverse tendency of the old Statutes, and then the 
abomination of their not being observed, and their being allowed 
to fall into disuse ; in the very instances, when the whole aim and 
result of their being set aside, is precisely to get rid of this very 
perverse and unsuitable tendency. Tender consciences are sought 
to be alarmed by reference to the academic oaths, which they are 
told, prevent all such innovations : and thus the Universities, in 
the very same breath, are reproached again with disinclination to 
undertake any requisite innovations, and informed that they have 
no right to make such innovations, [A] : consequently, that those 
really introduced, are morally to be condemned. People put for- 
ward also the imchangeableness of the Royal Statutes, although 
the Crown is itself alone authorized to animadvert upon any real 
violation of them, and that has never yet been done. Among 
these accusations, may be classed the complaint, that the Statute 
Oath is a grievous weight upon the tender consciences of the 
youth, as in taking the oath, they do not know precisely what 
the Statutes are, and when they know them, cannot observe them 



544 NOTES. 

all. We willingly admit that some few timorous consciences may 
have been embarrassed in this manner: but the same may be 
found in all other complicated matters : consequently such con- 
sciences should be advised to retire from the world altogether. 
But in fact, men of real delicacy of feeling do not judge in this 
petty and uncharitable way. In all these matters, " bona fides" is 
the main point, [B] ; and with that, life passes smoothly over all 
these kinds of difficulties, not only in all honor and passive inno- 
cence, but generally in ignorance even of the existence of the 
difficulties by which it may have been surroimded. Under such 
complicated circumstances as these, instances certainly may be 
found of real abuses, and unjustifiable deviations from the Statutes, 
but then these have never been proved to be more than mere 
exceptions. Here, as in many other cases, these so called abuses 
are more or less correctives of unsuitable laws or regulations : and 
it is really to be feared, that this hunting out of abuses, about 
which people employ themselves so diligently, may destroy life 
itself at last. The University -life of modem times needs, generally 
speaking, no justification for deviating from the old Statutes : and 
the utmost that could be done, would be to ask, why the old 
Statutes were not made to apply throughout to the present state 
of things. Any one, however, who is able to judge impartially 
and with any knowledge of the feuits, such matters as these, which 
have continued to develope themselves for centuries in an histori- 
cal manner, out of a certain fixed foundation, and have arrived at 
a most complicated state, will easily perceive how extremely diffi- 
cult and dangerous it would be, even in a legal point of view, to 
attempt any formal change in this fixed and endowed foundation — 
especially, at a time when every innovation of the kind is sooner 
or later brought into the precipitous course of System, where there 
is no stopping; — and is moulded according to an Idea. But 
why run this risk? when people can get on in other ways, and 
have got on very well until now, " bond fide,*' by sufierance, inter- 
pretation, or alteration in detail. Certainly, those who bring for- 
ward these complaints only to obtain a total change, cannot 
reasonably be set up to judge of the greater or lesser changes 



NOTES. 545 

required. Besides, in the whole afikir, we find so much arbitrary 
obstinacy, self-contradiction, partiality, ignorance, and often dis- 
honesty, that I should not be inclined to enter into any longer 
detailed account of the whole matter, even had I time and space 
to do so. 

(A) [I know no passage in our Author's whole work, which 
seems to me less worthy of his truthfulness, than this. Can he 
really understand the case ? Is he justified in calling it timorouS' 
ne$8 of conscience, not to make light of solemn engagements in 
the name of the Holy Trinity ? Or what must be the tendency of 
a system, which dares not stir up too much academic conscien- 
tiousness ? What inconsistency there is in Mr. Walsh and others, 
who complain of " both matters in the same breath," I cannot 
conceive. At Oxford, for instance, (for I believe there is no 
change, since the time of my personal knowledge,) a young man 
is made to take the most solemn of all oaths, that he will observe 
the Statutes, a selection from which is put into his hand, and a 
part of which he is made to read aloud. And yet, on quitting the 
Vice-chancellor's presence, he is told that many of these things 
he is not to keep ; for, they are inconvenient — and obsolete ! 
(Observe ; — not, repealed by authority ; hut, the' violation of them 
illegally winked at ; — things which our Author most unwarrantably 
confounds.) Of these matters, those which strike the mind of the 
freshman most, are trivial observances ; such as, among others, the 
duty of taking off his hat to every one who holds a higher Univer- 
sity-rank than himself. This would oblige almost everybody to 
walk bareheaded in the High Street at certain times, since civility 
enforces that the Senior return the salutation. When the young 
man inquires, how he can violate with a safe conscience this and 
other rules which he has solemnly sworn to observe, an Appendix 
called Epinomia is read to him, in which it is declared, that if 
any one shall neglect [wilfully ? ! !] any of the Statutes, he shall 
nevertheless be regarded as having kept his oath, if he reve- 
rently submits to such punishment as shall be lawfully imposed on 
him for the violation. Hence it is inferred, that as long as the 

VOL. II. N N 



546 NOTES. 

Authorities wink at the violation, hie conscience may be safe. — But 
in what position does this put the Authorities, who solemnly swetir 
that they will enforce all the Statutes, and not suffer them to be 
neglected ? (I have not the words of their oath before me, but I 
believe this is almost the letter of it, and certainly the spirit.) — 
I cannot but feel that all this shuffling teaches men to tamper with 
solemn engagements ; and is connected with the scandalous fiact, 
that men of the most opposite creeds continue to sign the same 
Thirty-nine Articles, and to read the same Baptismal Service. It 
is however a blot, not upon University Law in particular, but upon 
English Law in general. Witness the persevering defence of 
making a poor criminal commit one sin more, by saying that he is 
Not Guilty, when his conscience teUs him that this is to make bad 
worse.] 

(B) [IVue : but it is not " bona fides," — when the living make 
oath to obey the ordinances of the dead, and step into power by so 
doing, — then to make a secret compact not to observe some of 
them ; as though it were an agreement in which the living alone 
are concerned. According to this, a body of Trustees may by 
secret agreement pervert a Trust, and call it " bona fides," because 
they are agreed with one another: and may decline to get the 
Lord Chancellor to authorize an alteration, alledging that they are 
afraid, if they do, of his making more chfmges than they like, or of 
his adding other Trustees whom they would rather keep out. 
Such is the dishonorable defence of our Universities which I grieve 
to read. It would be the more aggravated iniquity, if ever the 
Universities were really to plead thus ; for they are accustomed to 
profess the most sensitive conscientiousness as to the duty of 
observing Statutes, in all points which impede the admission of 
Dissenters, &c. When the Author says, "They have got on 
hitherto very well, bond fide, by sufferance," &c. &c. ; might we 
not as justiy alter bond to maid ? There are certainly many viola- 
tions of truth, which convenientiy assist men and corporations to 
get on well. Besides, independentiy of bona fides among men, is 
there not something very irreverent, in swearing before God to do 
certain things, and then saying to one another, " That means, we 
have no thought at all of doing them ?" 



NOTES. 547 

As for the complication, &c,, why did it ever exist ? No hono- 
rable reason can be given. The present generation ought not to 
be blamed for it, if they showed eagerness to get rid of it : but 
our Author seems to defend them in going on contentedly under it. 
The defence which he makes — (dread of the spirit of the Age) — 
is at once insufficient to justify and inadequate to account for the 
fieicts. Before that spirit awoke, they were not more active than 
now to remove these blots.] 



NOTK (100) REFERRED TO IN PaGE 392. 

On the right of Self-defence of the Universities against encroach- 
ments. 

That species of absurdity,* or insincerity, which under the name 
of tolerance demands of any element positively founded in feeling, 
conviction, right and material possession, that it should give up 
without defence, its privileges, its possessions, its nature, and its 
existence, to the first* vague negative opinion or desire that might 
arise, may also be found frequently enough in England, especially 
in modem times. This however is, properly speaking, a plant of 
German growth, and may be considered as a fruit of that soft- 
hearted, well-intentionedness and tameness which proceed from 
our bound and fettered condition. Modem Philosophy, it is true, 
has sought to deck out the evil with glittering figures of speech. 
Any one desirous of seeing the state of things in England repre- 
sented with all that want of character by which the German "juste 
milieu" is distinguished, should read Herr Von Raumers work. 
Meanwhile it is well known, that the only persecutions to which 
liberalisim is exposed in Oxford and Cambridge, are confined to 
the Tories being selected *' cateris paribus," in preference to the 
Liberals, for livings, benefices, or official posts ; or, in other words, 

* [Our worthy Author appears so an ignorant, or a most fantastical and 

excited against the despotic tendencies unreasonable University-Reformer, as 

of German (Centralization, as quite to a sort of man of straw to knock down, 

misconceire what are the needs the It does not seem to me worth while to 

rights and the claims of Freedom in set him up again.] 
England. He sets up a brawling, 



548 NOTES. 

that no one is anxious to open the gate to the enemy. And then 
again, we are told of the unheard-of cruelty of attempting to 
remove preachers, whose doctrines are* contrary to the dogma of 
the Anglican Church — as was the case lately in Oxford with 
Hampden, (otherwise certainly a most meritorious man,) on ac- 
count of his Bampton Lectures. Doubtless, the same line of 
conduct is observed against the other members of the Universities, 
who make themselves conspicuous by their hostility to the spirit, 
the principles, and the rights of the Universities. The criterion, 
the standard by which to decide what appertains to self-defence, 
is probably to be found nowhere but in the instinct of each party. 
This instinct seldom or never errs. On the contrary, in the strug- 
gles of the different religious and spiritual tendencies, it is very 
remarkable how soon the positive Christian elements recognized 
what was the danger that threatened them from the tot dtsant 
most harmless and apparently most beneficial tendencies of the 
general cultivation of man. 

lliere is but one way of giving a just historical view of political 
contests ; viz. — to grant to every Party, even if it be not in itself 
absolutely and clearly justified, a right of self-preservation ; and 
leave it to every individual to find out to which he belongs. But 
it is the height of confusion of ideas, to suppose, that if a ten- 
dency does but want all positive foundation, it thereby at once 
gains the right of destroying all others, without defence, under 
the pretext of freedom. Every one, who is not quite a condemned 
miserable sinner, should at least be permitted to defend his own 
life; equally then the Church and the Universities. To those 
who are fearful about the higher unity of historical developement, 
I must reply briefly in the words of the Spanish proverb, " Cada 
uno por 81 y Dios sobre todos .*" and the world at all events would 
do better with this maxim, than under the shocking presumption 

• [Thi8, if uncontradicted, may be possibility for him to make a reply, 
mistaken for admitted fact The He tnay be guilty, but he was not 
friend!^ of Dr. Hampden complain, treated with common justice. He was 
that he was condemned (virtually) for appointed by valid authority, and his 
heresy, by a tribunal which had no functions were impaired by a demo- 
right to try a cause of heresy ; without cratic interference.] 
any statement of his offence, or any 



NOTES. 549 

which, fi&vored as it is by pitiable cowardice and hypocrisy, so 
easily succeeds in giving the tendency predominating for the time 
a usurped part to play, bestowing upon it that absolute moral 
right which belongs only to the Lord of Heaven and Earth. 



Note (101) referred to in Page 298. 

CAdded by the Editor.] 

Professor Huber insists, first, that the Colleges, and therefore, 
that the Universities, are by inherent and perpetual right an 
Ecclesiastical organ and possession : and therefore, that the State 
may not interfere to alter their subscriptions. The first assertion 
appears to me every way questionable, and the two deductions to 
be most undoubtedly illogical and untrue. This I will endeavor 
to show. 

(1) First, he says that the Colleges ever were and are organs of 
" the Church." But of what Church ? He cannot mean of the 
Church of Christ, as such ; of the Church in all places and under 
all organizations ; for this would admit the very Dissenters whom 
he excludes. The most valuable Colleges were founded for the 
Church of Rome, yet this is the community most pointedly shut 
out by the existing regulations. The system now in force is a 
flagrant and imdeniable violation of Founders' Wills : and for those 
who uphold things as they are, to plead a conscientious regard for 
the sanctity of Testaments and Foundations, as a reason against 
admitting Dissenters or Laymen to participate in the Fellowships, 
is straining 'Out a gnat and swallowing a camel. It has been argued 
with much apparent force, that the Acts of Parliament which 
enforce an abjuration of the Romish Creed, and of ordination 
according to that plan which the Founders contemplated, do vir- 
tually abolish those Foimdation Statutes, w^hich enjoin the entering 
into Holy Orders. If it be alledged that the Founders would 
probably have approved the present system, if they could have 
foreseen the present times, — this is but a surmise, and justifies 
the retort : — Perhaps they would have preferred to have the whole 
diverted to lay-purposes, rather than to the estabUshment of h 



550 NOTES. 

rind creed. Indeed it must be remembered that in tmAj times the 
•floerdotal order ooatained aO the literuT men of the natioo ; so 
that a cleric (or clergyman) became identical with one who could 
read and write. Even until a recent time no one could keep a 
school without a license from the Bishop. It is certain that die 
Founders desired their FeUows to become men of letters, not 
parish priests : ought we not then to interpret " sacerdotal'* pur- 
suits to mean " literary" pursuits, since (if we will not admit 
Romanists) we can no longer adhere to the strict and undoubted 
meaning of the foundations ? True : the Founders looked to the 
promotion of religion, as the end of the literature ; but we repeat, 
this must not be interpreted to mean, the exclusive advantage of 
the Protestant Episcopal Church, which they certainly did not 
design to favor. In fact, to enforce on Fellows the ordination of 
the English Church, really thwarts the literary objects of many of 
the Founders ; for, so strongly does that form consecrate men to 
the work ofpattors and preachers, that many conscientious persons 
are afterwards unable happily to devote themselves to a literary or 
scientific life. 

(2) But even waiving these arguments, our Author is wholly 
without justification, in inferring, that, if the Colleges be an 
Ecclesiastical (by which he means a Clerical) organ, therefore the 
Universities are. The Universities have a Theological Faculty: 
the fact itself proclaims that the other Faculties are not clerical ; 
and such is notoriously the case : nor does mere admission into 
the University impose on the laity the obligations of the clergy. 
Now the Laity outside of the Universities do not subscribe the 
Thirty-nine Articles ; yet they are not the less in the Church : 
our Author however throughout speaks as if the Clergy alone con- 
stituted the Church. But once more: the Universities receive 
civil privileges of various kinds from the State, because it is for 
the public good to have the higher classes well educated. It is 
the duty of the State to secure especially to all public men, (what- 
ever their religion,) access to the best education which the Age 
can afford : otherwise the public interests will assuredly suflRer. 
The Universities exist for the good of the nation; not for the 



NOTES. 551 

convenience of those who frequent them ; and Parliament watches 
over them as Trustee for this end. For the State to insist on the 
beneficial management of the Universities, is one thing : to desire 
a new appropriation of College funds, is another. It wpuld be 
better to throw into the sea all the College Property, than allow it 
to do mischief to the Universities, The private persons, who 
(doing as they would with their own) charitably left money to be 
paid to poor clerks, under conditions imposed by themselves, did 
not intend to become, what they had no right to be, University- 
Legislators : and if ever the Crown and Parliament should be of 
opinion that the University System needs enlargement and im- 
provement, it is absurd to reply, that this must not be done, 
because of the wills of such and such College Founders. 

The historical fact is, that the CoUege-Fellows have stept into 
a place of University-power never intended for them. To re- 
establish the University in absolute independence of the Colleges, 
would be legally just : but it would be rending the whole system 
to pieces ; — a measure of violence which I hardly think any well- 
informed person could desire or approve. On the other hand, if 
the State leaves the Colleges in possession of University-power^ 
this at once constitutes in the State both a right and a duty, to 
enforce such an alteration in the College-Statutes as will secure 
that the ablest and best men shall be in power over the Universi- 
ties ; and that no vexatious impediment shall exist to their benefi- 
cial legislation, impartial administration, extended utility, and to 
the successful pursuit of all those sciences, which it is for the good 
of the Nation to have taught at the Universities. If ever it should 
be proved, that the supremacy of the Clerical order in the Colleges 
thwarts these most necessary ends; then, I think, a clear case 
would be made out for the interference of Parliament to abolish 
that supremacy. 

(3) But finally, I contend : If we allow that the Colleges are an 
Ecclesiastical possession; and allow feuther, that therefore the 
Universities are so likewise ; it stiU does not follow that there/ore 

m 

the State ought not to interfere with them : and for this plain 
reason, that the Church of England, so feur as it is an Established 



552 NOTES. 

Church at all, — so far as it enjoys any territorial ri^ts, privileges 
or possessions, — is the mere Creature of the State. As a worldly 
Corporation, it exists by State-sufferance, " durante bene-pladto/' 
and under conditions imposed by the will of the State. Its very 
formularies, ordinances and creed, — its only permanent spiritual 
essence, — were dictated in recent times by an arbitrary and violent 
act of King and Parliament ; which ejected from the Universities 
and from the Church from 1500 to 2000 respectable and orderly 
clergymen, free from all personal offence ; whose leaders moreover 
had actively co-operated in bringing-back the dynasty and the 
statesmen by whom they were so perfidiously betrayed. If now, 
after the injustice of 180 years, the State should come to a belief 
that this deed of guilt is still bearing bitter fruit in England ; and 
that as long as the Act of Uniformity remains on the Statute 
Book, the Statesmen who uphold it are perpetuating the original 
mischief and becoming partakers of the original guilt ; — it seems, 
(according to our Author,) Parliament is yet not morally competent 
to repeal an Act of Parliament : and this, even though such a 
repeal would undoubtedly be so regulated, as to inflict no injury 
whatever on the person or property of a single individual. But 
farther ; in a worldly, corporate and legal sense, every Englishman 
is a member of the Church of England, at least as long as he does 
not by any legal act claim some privilege as a Dissenter, such as 
various recent laws permit. Because an Englishman happens to 
think many things wrong in the Church of England, that is no 
reason why he should be deprived of a voice for altering them. 
There is on the face of the matter no moral propriety, and (except 
in the case of Roman Catholics) there is no legal one, why a Dis- 
senting Member of Parliament should not vote for opening either 
the Universities, or the Church, to such views of religion as he 
thinks more true. To claim a disproportionate preponderance to 
his own particular views, would be imrighteous : but that the bare 
fieict of his thinking the Church deeply to need reform, disenfran- 
chises and disqualifies him for voting in favor of that reform, is a 
most inordinate assumption of those, who imagine national institu- 
tions to be constructed for the convenience, advantage or pride, of 



NOTES. 



553 



those who happen to be administering them. Nothing but the 
unwholesome centralization of pow^er in Grermany, and his disgust 
at the despotic use of it, will account to me for so strong-minded a 
man as our excellent Author maintaining this crooked phantasy. 



NOTB (102) REFERRED TO IN PaOB 400. 
[Commnnicatcd by the Rer. H. Longueville Jones.] 

An account of the University of Durham. 

This University was founded by Act of Parliament in 1832, at 
the instance and by the munificence of the Bishop, the Dean, and 
the Chapter of the cathedral church of that city. We extract the 
following abridged statement of the circumstance which led to 
this event and of the constitution of the University from the Dur- 
ham University Calendar for 1842. 

" The great and increasing population of the North of England, 
and its remoteness from the Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, had long pointed out the expediency of establbhing in that 
part of the kingdom an Institution which should secure to its in- 
habitants the advantages of a sound yet not expensive academical 
education. It was perceived by the late Bishop Van Mildert, and 
by the Dean and Chapter of Durham, that the means of supplying 
this acknowledged deficiency might be provided from the resources 
of that body, not only without contravening, but in exact confor- 
mity with the principles on which it was incorporated : the educa- 
tion of youth being enumerated among the objects of the establish- 
ment, both in its Charter of Foundation and in its Statutes.* 



* It is also a fact worthy of notice, 
that the Dean and Chapter were on- 
dewed by Henry VIII., not only with 
the rorenues of the Benedictine Priory 
at Durham, bat also with those of 
the College connected with it in the 
University of Oxford. This College, 
thoagh in existence at an earlier 
pertod, seems to have owed much of 
itH prosperity to Bishops Richard do 
Bury and Hatfield, and, at the death 
of the latter prelate in 1381, is stated 
to have enjoyed a provision for eight 
Fellows (one of whom was Warden or 



Prior), and eight secular Scholars. 
It was dissolved at the Reformation 
on account of its connexion with the 
Priory of Durham ; and its advowsons 
and other endowments were granted 
by Henry VIII. to the new Dean and 
Chapter. This body, therefore, is the 
representative of the ancient College, 
as well as of the ancient Priory : and 
thus there is a peculiar fitness in their 
endeavor to replaco the suppressed 
establishment for education in Oxford 
by the foundation of a new one of a 
similar nature at Durham. 



554 NOTES. 

It was at the same time felt, that any institution established on 
these grounds must necessarily be placed in close connexion widi 
the Cathedral Church; and also that, to ensure the attainment 
of its objects, it must be planned and endowed on a large and 
liberal scale. 

" In accordance with these views, a scheme was arranged between 
the Bishop and the Dean and Chapter, after much deliberation, 
for the foundation of a University in connection with the Cathe- 
dral Church ; the Chapter undertaking to assign immediately to 
this purpose, property producing £3000 per annum: and the 
Bishop promising to provide eventually for the Warden, the Pro- 
fessor of Divinity, and the Professor of Grreek, by attaching Pre- 
bendal stalls to the several Offices. As some time would dapse 
before the intended provision would be available, the Bishop 
engaged in the mean while to make a large annual contribution. 
This contribution, which was at first £1000 and afterwards £2000 
per annum, ceased at the Bishop's death. 

" In pursuance of this arrangement, a Bill was introduced into 
Parliament in 1832, to enable the Dean and Chapter to appro- 
priate an estate at South Shields for the establishment of a Uni- 
versity. The general principles on which the projected institutkm 
was to be conducted were clearly stated by Bishop Van Mildert 
during the progress of the Bill through the House of Lords. ' I 
have already noticed to your Lordships,' he observed, 'one ex- 
press provision in the printed statement of the plan, which allows 
persons to be admitted to public lectures in science or literature, 
of whatever description, without being subject, as other Students 
will be, to the discipline of the University. By this regulation, 
many may avail themselves of very considerable advantages from 
the institution, subject to no previous enquiry or restriction as to 
their religious persuasions. With respect also to those Students 
who are to be actually members of the University, I have to state 
that it is intended to adopt the regulation of the University of 
Cambridge, which does not require tests or subscriptions at the 
admission of members, nor until they take degrees or other acade- 
mical privileges. Such persons, however, will necessarily become 



NOTES. 555 

subject to the discipline of the University, and, consequently, 
as a part of that discipline, wiU be required to attend the daily 
service of the Church/ The BiU, after this explanation, being 
supported by the Premier (Earl Grrey) in the House of Lords, and 
by Lord Althorp in the House of Commons, passed the two 
Houses ; and on the 4th of July, 1832, received the Royal assent. 

" By this Act, the Dean and Chapter of Durham were empowered 
to appropriate the above-mentioned estate for the establishment of 
a University in connexion with the Cathedral Church : such Uni- 
versity to consist of such Warden or Principal, of such Professors 
and Readers in such branches of learning and sciences, of such 
Tutors, Students, and other officers and persons, and to be estab- 
lished according to such regulations, as the Dean and Chapter 
shall, from time to time, with the consent of the Bishop prescribe. 
And it was further enacted, that the government of the University, 
and the discipline to be observed therein, shall be vested in the 
Dean and Chapter; and that the University shall be under the 
jurisdiction of the Bishop as Visitor. 

" In 1834, Bishop Van Mildert introduced a Bill into the House 
of Lords for annexing stalls in the Cathedral to the offices of 
Warden, Professor of Divinity, and Professor of Grreek, in the 
University, the patronage of those offices being, in consequence, 
vested in the Bishop for the time being. Circumstances caused 
that BiU to be withdrawn : and in the meantime, the Dean and 
Chapter being unwilling to withhold from the public the advan- 
tages of the new institution, imtil the plans for endowing it might 
be fiilly carried into execution, had opened the University in Oc- 
tober, 1833. The Bishop of Durham, exercising the power pro- 
posed to be vested in him in consequence of his annexation of 
Prebendal stalls to the offices of Warden, Professor of Divinity, 
and Professor of Greek, appointed persons to fill those offices : 
the Professor of Mathematics and the other officers of the Univer- 
sity were appointed by the Dean and Chapter. 

" In 1835, a Statute was passed by the Dean.juid Chapter, and 
approved by the Bishop, entrusting the ordinary management of 
the University, under the Bishop as Visitor, and the Dean and 



536 XOTES. 



1.1- 



Chapter as Governors, to the Warden, a Senate, and a Convbca^ . ^ 
tionJ The Senate is composed of the chief officers of the Uiiifer= ' ^\ 
sity : the Convocation cons*isted originally of the Warden, and o€.-V 
a certain number of Doctors and Masters in the Facultiw of ':\ 
Divinity, Law, Medicine, and Arts, from the Universitiea of Oz^ 
ford and Cambridge ; and consists at present, besides the oxigindl 
members, of all such persons as have been regularly admitted' to 
th^ like degrees in the University of Durham, and have conformed • 
to the regulations thereof. • .- 

'* The Senate, in the exercise of the powers vested in them by tibo 
Statute, lost no time in preparing a body of Regulaticms tes.. 
conducting the studies and the general business of the UnivdrrftyV '- 
These Regulations were submitted to Convocation and i^proredC '- 
by it, on tlie 4tli of March, 1836. 

" llie constitution and studies of the University having thus beeOr -. 
satisfactorily arranged in accordance with the provisions of the - -r 
Act of Parliament, a Royal Charter was granted under the Gieet '^^'^ 
Seal on the 1st of June, 1837, incorporating the persons theniii. ''-T 
described by the name of ' The Warden, Masters, and Scfaolm .' ~ 
of the University of Durham,' recognizing and confirming the '■'• 
constitution of the University as established by the Dean and 
Chapter, and authorizing the body corporate to have perpetoal 
succession and a common seal, and to enjoy all the rights and 
privileges which are assured to the University by the Act of Pttr>» 
liamcnt, or are incident to a University established by Royal 
Charter. The first Degrees were conferred under the sanction ot 
this Charter, on the 8th of June, 1837. 

"By an Act of 1 Victoria, c. 56, § 1, entitled 'An Act for 
amending the several Acts for the regulations of Attomies and 
Solicitors," the provisions of former Acts, relating to the admis- 
sion and enrolment as Attomies of Bachelors of Arts or Law of 
the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, are extended 
to Bachelors of Arts or Law of the University of Durham. 

" A further provision was made for the University by an Order 
of Her Majesty in Council, June 4th, 1841, in pursuance of a 
recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England. 



NOTES. 55/ 

" By that Order it was provided that the office of Warden shall 
in future be permanently annexed to the Deanery of Durham : a 
Canonry in the Cathedral Church was annexed to each of the Pro- 
fessorships of Divinity and Greek : the Professor of Mathematics 
was appointed Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy, with an 
increased- salary. It was also provided that, when the office of 
Warden shall be annexed to the Deanery, a Professorship of 
Hebrew and the other Oriental languages shall be founded : and, 
in addition to the six Fellowships which had previously been 
established by the Detin and Chapter, eighteen other Fellowships 
were founded, two of which are to be filled up every year, until 
the whole number of twenty-four Fellows, shall be complete. 

" The Foimders of the University further formed within the Uni- 
versity, a College, to which, or to some other College, Hall, or 
House, established on similar principles, every matriculated stu- 
dent is required to belong. They fitted up buildings for the 
reception of Students, and appointed Censors and Tutors to watch 
over their conduct and direct their studies, imder the superinten- 
dence of the Warden. These accommodations for Students have 
subsequently been much enlarged, especially by the addition of the 
Castle of Durham with its precincts ; which is now held in trust 
by the Bishop for the benefit of the University. This acquisition 
has provided the College with an excellent Chapel and Hall, 
besides affording a number of convenient rooms for the reception 
of Students and for general academical purposes. 

" Provision has thus been made for a regular course of general 
academic education, similar to that which is given at Oxford and 
Cambridge. The qualifications of the Students to enter on this 
course are ascertained by examination before admission. Their 
proficiency during its continuance is ascertained by public exami- 
nations held annually, particularly by one at the end of the third 
year, for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and another at the end of 
the fourth year, for the degree of Master of Arts. The standing 
for the degree of B.A., as for all other degrees, is the same as that 
which is required at Oxford. 

** Besides this general academical education^ provision has also 



358 NOTES. 

been made for a course of Theological study. Those who have 
passed the examination for the degree of Bachelor of Arts at Dur- 
ham, Oxford, Cambridge, or Dublin, are admitted as Students in 
Theology, on producing satisfeustory testimonials of character. 
Other persons also between the ages of 21 and 26 are admissible 
to this class ; but they must previously pass an examination in the 
Ghreek and Latin languages, and in the Elements of Theology 
At the end of the course, the Students of this class, if they pass 
the requisite examination, and produce the necessary testimonials, 
receive under tlie common seal of the University a certificate of 
competency and character, which is caUed a License in Theology. 
Those who have been admitted to the degree of B.A., at least, at 
Durham, Oxford, Cambridge, or Dublin, obtain a license at the 
end of one year. 

" In 1 837, an important extension of the benefits of the University 
was made by the Establishment of a course of instruction for Stu- 
dents in Civil Engineering and Mining. The extensive public 
works of this country, and the vast national interests involved in 
them, seemed to require that the Civil Engineer should have an 
education expressly adapted to his profession : and the University 
of Durham was considered, from its local position, to have peculiar 
facilities for combining, with the requisite instruction in science, a 
practical insight into all the ordinary operations of Civil En- 
gineering and Mining. It was also conceived that, if an education 
of this nature were carried on in the same place and in the same 
spirit, with a more general course of academic reading, great 
benefit might be anticipated from the association of young men 
intended for the higher departments of civil engineering with those 
who are destined for the learned professions, or for other stations 
in the higher or middle ranks of life. With this view it seemed 
desirable that the class of Civil Engineers should be admitted in 
the University on the same footing as other Students, should be 
subject to the same discipline, and engaged in a course of study 
which should be assimilated, as far as was practicable, to the 
general system of the University. 

" Regulations for admitting Students in Civil Engineering and 



NOTES. 559 

Mining were accordingly passed by the Senate and Convocation, 
November 22, 1837 ; and the Class was opened January, 1838. 

" The Students, at the time of their admission, are examined in 
the Latin language, in arithmetic, and the elements of mathematics. 
The fiill course of study extends over three years. But the Regu- 
lations provide for shortening the period for students who, on 
admission, or in their second, or third term, pass with credit the 
examination appointed for Engineer Students at the end of their 
first year. The competency of the Students is tested by a public 
examination at the end of every year. At the close of the three 
years' course, honors arc given to those who distinguish them- 
selves : and those who have passed all the requisite examinations 
are admitted to the 'academical rank' of Civil Engineer. Cer- 
tificates of competency in any particular branch of study may be 
received at an earlier period. 

" The following are the regulations for the elections to Fellow- 
ships and Scholarships : — 

" That no person shall be eligible unless he has been admitted to 
the degree of B.A., in the University. That no person shall be 
eligible oftener than three times, nor at any other than consecutive 
elections of Fellows. That, when the number of twenty-four 
Fellows is complete, not more than eight of those Fellows who 
have attained the age of twenty-five years shall be laymen. That 
the annual value of each Fellowship shall be £120; and that a 
further annual sum of £«30 shall be paid to each of the Senior 
Clerical Fellows to the number of ten. That a Fellowship shall 
be tenable for eight years, from the time of election, and for the 
further time of two years, by a Fellow who has taken holy orders 
within a specified time. That a Fellowship shall be vacated by 
marriage, or by admission to any cathedral preferment, or to any 
benefice. That the Warden shall have power to require any Fel- 
low to take part in the public examinations, and to call him into 
residence, when he shall deem it expedient to do so. And that 
the University shall have authority to make Regulations, from 
time to time, for securing the election of the most meritorious 
candidate, regard being had to moral character, as well as to 
learning. 



660 NOTES. 

" UNIVERSITY SCHOLARSHIPS. 

- 

" There are twenty University Schularships of the annual value 
of £30 each. The Dean nominates to two of these Scholarships, 
and each Prebendary to one. One is filled up from the Durham 
Grammar School, and the remainder are given to the students who 
distinguish themselves at the first and Second Year Examination 
in Arts. 

** HARRINGTON SCHOLARSHIPS. 

'* Bishop Barrington's Trustees are accustomed to grant annual 
exhibitions for the support of students being tlie sons or orphans 
of clergymen in the Diocese of Durham. 



tt 



VAN MILDBRT SCHOLARSHIPS. 



" Soon after the death of Bbhop Van Mildert, in February, 
1836, a subscription was made for the purpose of endowing one 
or more Scholarships in the University, to be called the Van Mil- 
dert Scholarships. One Scholarship was founded in 1837: and 
in 1841, a further sum having been giveii by the Subscribers to a 
Monument in memory of the late Bishop, two Scholarships were 
founded, of the annual value of £50 each. The first election on 
this foundation is to take place in June, 1842, and no further 
elections are to be made on the old foundation. 



(f 



GISBORNB SCHOLARSHIP. 



'* The Rev. Thomas Gisbome, M. A., Canon of Durham, having 
placed at the disposal of the Dean and Chapter, in the year 1841, 
£500 for the benefit of the University, and the Dean and Chapter 
having determined that the sum should be applied to the founda- 
tion of a Scholarship ; a Grace was passed in Convocation, Dec. 
22, 1841, for adding to this sum £100, to be called the Grisbome 
Scholarship. 

'* We have seen the circumstances and the manner of the foimda- 
tion of the University of Durham : it is not without interest to 
know that it was the intention of Oliver Cromwell to have estab- 
lished a College in the place of the Dean and Chapter of Durham, 
which he had dissolved. Great progress had been made by the 



NOTES. 561 

Government of the Protector, and afterwards by that of his son, 
towards this object ; but the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, 
afraid of the influence of this new Institution, petitioned against it, 
and the foundation never took place. The original decree of the 
Protector to this efi^ect, dated May 15, 1657, is printed at full length 
in the appendix No. VIII. of Burton's Diary, vol. ii, p. 531. It 
states that the Protector was petitioned to found a College by the 
Justices, Grand Jury, Gentlemen, and Inhabitants of the city and 
county of Durham, the county of Northumberland, and the town 
of Newcastle-on-Tyne : and that therefore, of ' our especial grace, 
certain knowledge, and mere motion,' as the decree in imitation of 
the absurd language of Royal orders used in that and the preceding 
century, goes on to state, ' we do erect and found a College of our 
said city of Durham, in our county of Durham, within the site of 
the College houses, Cathedral Church, and Castle in our said city 
of Durham, or some of them : to be and continue a College from 
time to time hereafter, for ever.' This College was to consist of one 
Provost or Master, two Preachers or Senior Fellows, and twelve 
other Fellows ; four of the twelve Fellows to be Professors, four 
to be Tutors, and four to be Schoolmasters ; and also twenty-four 
Scholars, twelve Exhibitioners, and eighteen Scholars in the Free 
School belonging to the College. All the usual privileges of a 
Collegiate or Corporate body were granted to this institution, and 
rentals amounting to £900 a-year were granted to the College out 
of property belonging to the dissolved Chapter. The valuable 
libraries belonging to the Bishop and the Chapter were also given 
to this Institution ; and permission was given for the holding of 
any additional property not exceeding £6000 a-year, notwith- 
standing the Statute of Mortmain. No mention of conferring 
degrees is made in this document, nor is the word University 
applied to this Institution, which seems to have been intended 
merely as a College. The Proctor appointed an unusual number 
of Visitors to examine into the progress of the Institution from 
time to time, and to alter and amend its Statutes. Those first 
appointed to this oflUce included Sir Thomas Widdrington, Speaker 
of the Parliament, Maj. Gen. Lambert. Walter Strickland, Algernon 

VOL. II. o o 



562 NOTES. 

Earl of Northumberland, Lord Fairfiax, Lord Ghrey of Werke, George 
Lord Eure, Philip Lord Wharton, Thomas Bellasis, Viscoimt 
Fawconberge, Maj. Gen. Howard, Sir H. Vane, Maj. Gen. Lil- 
bume, Prideaux the Attorney General, Ellis the Solicitor General, 
and aevetUy'One other gentlemen and burgesses of Durham, New- 
castle, London, and the counties of York, Durham, and Newcastle, 
as well as various Ministers of the Gk)spel, including Richard 
Gilpin of Graystock in Westmoreland, making in all eighty-one 
in Visitors. Out of them only twelve were to be constant Visitors 
of the College, the others were to be Visitors for only two years. 
An appeal lay from the decisions of the Visitors to the Lord Chan- 
cellor and Lord Keeper of the Ghreat Seal, and to the Lords 
Commissioners for holding the same. The license to have a 
printing press was also granted to the College, and various civil 
immunities were conceded by the same document. 

" The petition of the University of Cambridge against this in- 
tended Institution was presented to Richard Cromwell when Pro- 
tector, and was approved of by a Grace of the University-Senate, 
dated April 18, 1659. It ran as follows : — 

'" To his highness Richard, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth 
of England, Scotland, Ireland, &c. 

*' ' The humble petition of the University of Cambridge sheweth : 
that your Petitioners have notice of a grant ready for the seal from 
your Highness to a College at Durham, in the Bishopric of Dur- 
ham, imparting the said College to become a University, and 
bestow Degrees of all sorts :* Now the said grant being not only 
prejudicial to but also destructive of the charters and fundamental 
privileges of this University, which your Petitioners are jointly and 
severally obliged by oath to maintain and assert, as being estab- 
lished by Act of Parliament, and likewise frt)m time to time con- 
firmed to us and our successors by divers of the Kings and Queens 
of this nation : May it please your Highness to inhibit the sealing 
of the said grant imtil such time as your Petitioners are heard in 
what they have to alledge in the maintenance of their charters and 
ancient rights. And your Petitioners shall ever pray,' &c. 

• This BUtement was perfectly erroneous. 



NOTES. 563 

"The eminent name of Dr. Benjamin Whichcote, Provost of 
King*s College, one of the most enlightened men of his times, 
appears among those of the persons delegated to present this 
Petition to the Protector." 



Note 103 referred to in Page 418. 



[The following hat bees connimiiaUed to Mr. J«awt Heywood, bj the kjndaest of Dr. Bothman, Rrgjutnur 

of the UnirenityO 

On the University of London. 

• 

The University of London may be said to owe its origin to an 
Address from the House of Conmions to the Crown, on the 26th 
March, 1835, praying the then King (William IV) to confer upon 
the London University College (then called the London University) 
a Charter of Incorporation as a University, by which it might be 
enabled to grant Degrees to its Students in all the Faculties except 
Divinity and Medicine. To this address the following reply was 
returned, on the 1st April of the same year : — 

" His Majesty acquaints his faithful Conmions, that having been 
desirous of giving to this important subject the fullest and most 
mature consideration, His Majesty referred it, in the course of last 
year, for examination by the Privy Council, who entered upon an 
enquiry, the final result of which has not yet been conmiunicated 
to His Majesty. 

"His Majesty assures his faithful Commons that he will call 
upon the Privy Council, without delay, for a report of the proceed- 
ings adopted in this matter, in order that His Majesty may be 
enabled to judge what may be the best mode of canying into 
effect the wishes of his faithful Commons in respect of a grant of 
a Charter to the University of London, and what may be the con- 
ditions with which such a grant ought to be accompanied." 

In pursuance of the intentions expressed in this message. His 
Majesty accordingly, by charter, dated 28th November, 1836, was 
pleased to incorporate a certain number of noblemen and gentle- 
men as the Senate of a new University, to be entitled the " Univer- 
sity of London :" " for the advancement,'* says the Charter, " of 



564 NOTES. 

religion and morality, and the promotion of useful knowledge — 
to hold forth to all classes and denominations .... without any 
distinction whatever, an encouragement for pursuing a regular and 
liheral course of education." The Senate, the appointment of 
which was stated to he " for the purpose of ascertaining by means 
of examinations the persons who have acquired proficiency in lite- 
rature science and art by the pursuit of such course of, education, 
and of rewarding them by academical degrees, as evidence of their 
respective attainments, and marks of honor proportionate there- 
unto," was composed of a Chancellor, Vice-chancellor, and thirty- 
six Fellows named in the Charter, besides such persons as the 
Crown might think fit to add at any subsequent time. The ofiice 
of the Chancellor was for life, the Crown retaining the right of 
nomination in case of a vacancy : that of the Vice-chancellor an- 
nual, the vacancy to be fiUed up by the Senate. The Eail of Bur- 
lington was nominated in the Charter as the first Chancellor, and 
J. W. Lubbock, Esq., (now Sir J. W. Lubbock, Bart.,) as Vice- 
chancellor. The general management and superintendence of the 
afiairs, concerns, and property of the University was vested in 
the Chancellor, Vice-chancellor, and Fellows for the time being; 
and they were empowered to make and alter bye-laws and regu- 
lations touching the granting of Degrees, and other matters, sub- 
ject to the approbation .of one of the Secretaries of State. The 
Charter empowered the University to grant the six following 
Degrees only. Divinity being wholly excluded, viz : Bachelor and 
Master of Arts, Bachelor and Doctor of Laws, Bachelor and 
Doctor of Medicine. To the four first of these Degrees, such 
candidates only were to be admitted as had prosecuted their 
studies at University College, London ; King's College, London, 
or such institutions, either in the metropolis or elsewhere, as 
the Crown under sign manual shall subsequently authorize.* For 

* A List of rnstitations from which the University is now (1842) authorized 
to receive certificates for such Degrees, is here subjoined : 

University College, London. Manchester New College. 

King's College, London. St. Mary's College, Oscott 

St. Cuthbert's College, Ushaw. Carlow College. 

Stonyhurst College. St Edmund's College, near Ware. 

Royal Belfast Academical Institution. Homerton Old College. 

Bristol College. Highbury College. 










I. 









NOTfiS. 565 

the Medical Degrees, the Senate were required to report from 
time to time to the Secretary of State what should appear to them 
to be the Medical Institutions and Schools from which it might 
appear to them expedient to admit candidates, and on such report 
being approved by the said Secretary of State, it was to be a 
sufficient authority for admission.* llie Senate assembled for the 
first time at Somerset House, (where the Government had given 
them apartments.) on the 4th March, 1837, and proceeded at 
various subsequent meetings to consider a Code of Regulations 
touching the Examinations for the respective Degrees. Before 
however this task was completed, the death of the Sovereign 
occurred, when it was discovered that in the appointment of the 
Senate, the words, " during our Ro3ral will and pleasure," having 
been introduced, the Charter had in fiEu:t become ipso facto annul- 
led by the death of the Sovereign. In consequence, on the 5th 
December, 1837, a Second Charter was granted to the University 
by Queen Victoria, differing in no important particular from the 
first, but not containing the words just quoted. It is by virtue of 
this Second Charter that the University is now incorporated, and 
in the exercise of its functions. The Senate having pursued its 
labors, completed in the first instance a Code of Regulations 
regarding degrees in Arts and Laws ; and, at a later epoch, a Code 
of Regulations in Medicine : all of which were approved in due 
form by Lord John Russell, then Secretary of State for the Home 
Department. The principal provisions of these regulations, which 
have from time to time received various modifications, may shortly 
be stated as follows : — Candidates for Degrees in Arts and Medi- 
cine are required, previous to Matriculation in the University, to 

Colleges of St Peter and St Paul, at Baptist College, at BristoL 

Prior Park, near Bath. Airedale College, Undercliffb, near 

Spring Hill, College, Birmingham. Bradford. 

Stepney College. Protestant Dissenters' College, at 

College of St Gregory the Great, Rotherham. 

Downside, near Bath. Presbyterian College, at Caermarthen. 

Conntess of Huntingdon's College, at 
Cheshont 

* The List of Schools from which the University now receives Candidates 
for Medical Degrees, comprises every Medical School of note in England, and 
most of those in Scotland and Ireland. 



566 NOTES. 

put ah Bxammation in Classics, the EngHsh Language, ^e OoU 
Hnea of History and Geography, the elements of Ma&einalacs> a 
popular knowledge of Natural Philosophy, the most efementafy 
portions of Chemistry, and the leading divisions in Botany and 
Zoology. A competent knowledge in Classics^ Madiematids aatt 
Natural Philosophy is required from all ; of the three lemaiiuiig. 
subjects Candidates may select one. 

The Examination for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts takes fhuot 
two years after Matriculation. These two years must bepasMd- 
in Study at one of the Colleges in connexion with the Unr^mily^ 
The Bxamination is much the same in its general character W^ 
that for Matriculation, but a more extensive knowledge in the 
respective subjects is required, and none of them are optional. 
• The Examination for the Degree of Master of Arts takes <me 
year after that of Bachelor. Candidates may select for Examina* 
tion one of the tiiree following branches: — I. Classics: — 11. 
Mathematics and Natural Philosophy : — III. Logic ; Moral, Men« 
tal; and Political Philosophy, with Political Economy. To obtain 
this Degree requires the exhibition of considerable proficiency in 
the aubjects selected. 

The Medical Student is required, two years after Matriculation, 
to pass an Examination in Anatomy and Physiology, in Compara- 
tive Anatomy and Riysiology, in Structural and Physiological 
Botany, and in Chemistry. Two years after this First Examina- 
tion he is required to pass a Second in. Medicine, Surgery, Mid- 
wifery, Forensic Medicine, and other Practical Subjects, upon 
which he obtains the Degree of Bachelor of Medicine. After one 
or more years (according to circumstances) of attendance on Clini- 
cal and Practical Medicine, the Bachelor is admitted to the Degree 
of Doctor of Medicine, for which he is examined again in Medi- 
cine, Surgery, and Midwifery, with the addition of the Elements 
of Intellectual Philosophy, Logic, and Moral Philosophy. 

All the Examinations required for obtaining a Degree (with the 
exception of those of Master of Arts and Doctor of Laws) are fbl 
lowed by voluntary Examinations for Honors, at the close of which 
the respective candidates arc placed in the order of merit, and 




/^ 



NOTES. 667 

rewards of different kinds, as Scholarships, Medals, &c., granted 
to the most distinguished. 

Various exemptions with regard to the preliminary courses of 
study and other conditions were made in favor of those candidates 
whose studies had commenced at the epoch of the first publication 
of the regulations. 

The first Examination that took place was that for Matricula- 
tion in November, 1838, and since that time Degrees have been 
granted annually in all the Faculties, llie whole number of 
Graduates at this moment (June, 1842) amounts to 145 :* of 
Undergraduates to 201 ; a number which wiU probably receive a 
considerable increase when the Examinations for the current year 
have taken place. 

The Senate grants nearly one thousand pounds annually in 
Scholarships and other rewards to deserving Students; and as 
this sum absorbs the whole amount of the fees received for the 
Examinations, (which have been purposely fixed very low,) the 
University is supported at present by a Parliamentary grant, the 
principal part of which ia expended in the remuneration of the 
Examiners, Registrar, Clerk, &c. The duties discharged by the 
Senate are gratuitous. 

• No Honorary or <* ad eundem'* Degrees are conferred in this University^ 
the Charter requiring in all cases a previous Examination. 



APPENDIX. 



Thb following is extracted* from a paper entitled " Statistical 
Illustrations of the Principal Universities of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland : by H. Longueville Jones, 
M.A., late Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge. Read before 
the Statistical Section of the British Association at Newcastle, 
August 21, 1838." 

" The sources from which the information contained in the ac- 
companying Tables has been derived are partly pubHc and partly 
private. Of the former kind are the Oxford University Calendar 
for 1838, the Cambridge University Calendar for 1838, the Dub- 
lin University Calendar for 1838, and the Parliamentary Report 
on the Scottish Universities, drawn up by the Commission ap- 
pointed in 1826 and 1830, and published in vol. xii., 1831, p. 115, 
&c. of the general collection of Parliamentary Papers of the Com- 
mons. Besides these works much private information has been 
used in determining the value of Professorships, Fellowships, &c., 
points on which the above works are mostly silent. In determin- 
ing the revenues of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, as 
distinct from those of the Colleges, local information is almost all 
that can be obtained for arriving at an approximate estimate of 
their amount. There are no published returns on the subject, or 
none that give sufficiently detailed information. 

* [Mr. Longueville Jones has kindly thought better to present the extract 

made the extract himself, and corrected in this form, than in the more concise 

the Tables so as to be accurate at the one chosen by Professor Hubcr.] 
present date (June, 1842). It was 



APPENDIX. 569 

" The Collegiate Revenues consist principally of landed estates, 
of tithe impropriations, of the rent of rooms leased out to students, 
of fees paid by all members of the College, generally of trifling 
amount, and of profits upon various minor charges for articles of 
consumption, such as ale, &c. used by the students. These sources 
of income vary in difi^erent societies ; some exist in one which do 
not in another. They by no means bear the same relative propor- 
tions in all Colleges ; and they are very difldcult to be calculated 
with anything like accuracy. The accounts are, however, strictly 
audited by the bursar and the governing portion of the collegiate 
body every year ; but they are open to the inspection only of the 
persons auditing ; and, with the exception of the value of some 
Fellows* and Scholars' stipends, the University Calendars are to- 
tally silent on the subject of the collegiate accounts. No published 
returns upon the actual revenues of any College are known to 
exist. 

" It is obvious from this that the results collected in the accom- 
panying Tables must, as far as these three Universities are con- 
cerned, be considered as only approximative ; they affect variable 
quantities, and cannot, therefore be taken in themselves as con- 
stant. In all cases, however, where a doubt existed, the minimum 
value has been taken, it being the safer error to underrate rather 
than exaggerate the amount of income belonging to any public 
body, especially when so much room is left for calculative con- 
jecture. The averages, where averages occur, have been taken 
rather at low than at high estimates, when pecuniary matters are 
concerned. In the point of numbers of students, &c., very little 
room has been left for conjecture, the information of the Univer- 
sity Calendars being' positive on this part of the subject, and the 
Tables in this respect may be considered as nearly exact. 

" Description of the Tables. 

"Table I. — College Revenues — exhibits a summary of the 
revenues of the Colleges in the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, 
and Dublin, subdivided under the following heads: 1st, Number 
and Income of the Heads of Houses ; 2nd, Number and Income 



570 APPENDIX. 

of Fellows ; 3rd, Number and Income of Scholars. In the cases 
of New College, Oxford, and King's College, Cambridge, it is not 
easy to determine the actual number of scholars, on account of 
these institutions being so connected with the Colleges of Win- 
chester and Eton, that the line of separation can hardly be drawn ; 
no scholars therefore have been put down in the Table. At 
Dublin there is an uncertainty connected with the number of 
Erasmus Smith's Exhibitions ; whether they are to be considered 
as belonging to the University, or to the College, or to neither ; 
but to the schools established by that Founder. 4th, The head 
College Officers includes not only the tutors, but also the lecturers, 
deans, stewards, &c. ; and though they do not all derive their 
emoluments of office from the tuition-money, yet in general the 
sums they receive from other sources are so small, that they may 
be considered as merged either in the tuition -money or in the 
general article of College Revenue. 5th, Number and Value of 
Prizes. No definite information is given on this point by the 
Oxford Calendar, nor are the Cambridge and Dublin Calendars so 
explicit as they might be. In the case of Cambridge, the amount 
of College Prizes is much greater than what is stated at page 65, 
(viz,, £600 ;) probably on account of the value of books not having 
been taken into the estimate. 6th, Number of Incumbents and 
Benefices, with their Average Value. In this division, all benefices 
are counted as single distinct benefices, when they are separately 
entered in the King's Books ; and their average annual value is in 
all cases assumed to be £300. This sum is too large perhaps in 
the case of some Colleges, such as Trinity College, Camlnridge, 
where the benefices are mostly vicarages; and is too small in 
others, such as Magdalen College, Oxford, where the value of the 
benefices is proverbial ; but as a general average it is believed to 
be far beneath the real value, llie number of cases of pliuidities 
will be observed to be remarkably small, in proportion to the total 
number of benefices. 7th, The Rent of Rooms is assumed to vary 
from £10 to £15 per annum; and is believed to be very nearly 
correct. In certain cases, such as All Souls' College, Oxford, and 
Kiug's College, Cambridge, where the members of the foundation 



APPENDIX. 671 

are the only members in residence, and either pay no rent, or else 
pay it to themselves in their corporate capacity, no rent is put 
down. 8th, The College Revenues are formed by the addition of 
the foregoing sums, with the exception of tuition-money — an 
item with which the College has no concern, it being understood 
to be a private affair between the college-tutor and the pupil — 
and with the exception also of a few fees not taken into account 
imder the head of tuition-money, and of the value of benefices. 
The revenues of the Scotch and other Colleges are inserted in the 
general Table. 

" Table II. — Degrees — contains an account of all the mem- 
bers on the books or boards of each College of the three Universi- 
ties above mentioned, classed as they stand in the calendars ; the 
members of foundations being however ranged among the Gra- 
duates, &c. Thus those only are inserted as noblemen who are 
classed under that head in the calendars, and that too without any 
distinction of degree. The usage of the three Universities in 
arranging their members is by no means uniform ; and particularly 
with regard to noblemen and gentlemen-commoners, or fellow- 
commoners. This last-named class is enumerated without any 
distinction of Bachelor of Arts or Undergraduate ; and in all Col- 
leges, except Church-Church, the distinction ceases as soon as the 
gentleman-commoner or fellow- commoner has taken a degree su- 
perior to, or different from, that of B.A. Among the titles at 
Oxford, connected with the Grraduation, is one not yet adopted at 
Cambridge or Dublin, ' Student of Medicine,' S.M. ; and in the 
same way the class at Cambridge called ' Ten- Year Men,' T.Y.C., 
does not exist in any other University. The academic titles of 
Licentiate and Student in Theology are peculiar to the University 
of Durham. The title of Civil Engineer is used only in this Uni- 
versity and that of London. In the Oxford Calendar several 
Gb^uates are counted twice over, and in one instance three times ; 
so that the numbers of Oxford are rather smaller than they are 
stated to be. In the Cambridge Calendar, a mistake exists in 
the enumeration of the members of St. John's College, which are 
greater by nine than they are stated to be; while, therefore, it 



5/2 APPENDIX. 

appears by that book, that the total number of the University (not 
of the Colleges only) is 5566, the real number is 5575. In one 
curious instance at Oxford, the Professor of Music, Dr. Crotch, is 
not reckoned in the calendar among the members of the University. 
The class of commorantes in villd is unknown at Oxford. 

" Table. III. contains the members of the three Universities of 
Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, arranged according to their ranks. 
There is also a subsidiary division, in which an attempt is made 
to find the ' stimulating force* of each College. Assuming that 
the practical pecuniary influence of the various revenues, possessed 
or disposed of by each College, is to apply a certain stimulus to 
the persons either in possession of these revenues or in expectation 
of them, or having the faculty of competing for them, we may find 
the pecuniary stimulating force exercised by these revenues, by 
dividing in each case their sum by the number of persons influ- 
enced by them. The quotient will give the proportion of a certain 
sum of money applicable to a single individual, and may be taken 
as an index of the average pecuniary stimulating force acting on 
each member of the College. Since the incimibencies of the 
benefices are at the disposal of the Colleges, their value and the 
number of their incumbents come into the composition of this 
force; and the other members who are aflected by it may be 
assumed as composed, on the average, 1st, of all the members of 
the Foundations ; 2nd, of all the members of each College who are 
not members of the Senate or Convocation ; elections to College 
Oflices or preferment being very rarely made from Members of the 
Senate or Convocation, who are not previously on the Foundation. 
The result, after all, is to be considered as a mere speculation, for 
the pecuniary stimulating force is so mixed up with the moral force 
of these institutions, that their eflects can hardly be estimated se- 
parately. The Universities, too, connected as they are with the 
frame-work of the upper ranks of society, exercise a silent and 
almost imperceptible, but constant influence upon the education of 
the country and the results of that education, which it is very 
diflicult rightly to appreciate. 

"Table IV. presents a comparative view of the stimulating 



APPENDIX. 573 

force of each College at Cambridge, with the literary and scientific 
honors gained by each society, according to the interesting and 
useful Table published in the Cambridge Calendar, which is want- 
ing in the other two works. This proportion of effects to force, 
which, in the case of King's College for example, is as one to 
three, will be observed in those of St. John's and Trinity to be 
about five to one and ten to one respectively. But here again it is 
evident that the moral force of the respective institutions must 
be taken largely into account, in order to obtain the true duty 
of such vast intellectual machinery. 

" In the Table No V. is a statement of the average incomes 
of the various functionaries of the Universities of Grreat Britain. 
These are accurate for Scotland only up to the date of the report 
above alluded to, 1827-1830; and it may be reasonably sup- 
posed, from the increasing prosperity of the Scotch Universities, 
that these incomes have since been considerably augmented, on 
account of the increase of students. 

" Under the division of expenditure. Table No. VI., the aver- 
age annual sum spent at Oxford, is assumed for each individual at 
£300 per annum ; at Cambridge, at £250 ; at Dublin, £200 ; at 
Durham, £150 ; at Edinburgh, rather under £100 ; at Glasgow, 
about £70 ; at Aberdeen, about £50 ; and at St. Andrew's, at 
about the same sum, or rather more. 

"Table VII. gives a complete list of all the Professorships and 
Lectureships in each of the Universities classed according to sub- 
jects. 

" Table VIII. contains most of the results of the above Tables, 
and others not comprised in them, giving a general statistical view 
of the personnel and materiel of each University. 

" In the cases of the Scotch Universities and Colleges there is a 
difi&culty in distinguishing between the University and the College 
officers; the distinction between the University and the CpUege 
not being so precise as in England ; the numbers, therefore, under 
these heads are somewhat indeterminate. The same annual aver- 
age value is adopted for the University benefices as for College 
benefices, much below what is supposed to be their real value. 



674 APPENDIX. 



«( 



In estimating the incomes of the Universities, as distinct from 
those of the Colleges, the same difficulty of distinction exists in 
the Scotch Universities, and in that of Dublin, as is the case with 
regard to the officers. For Cambridge and Oxford the sources of 
the income may be indicated, though the amount cannot be so easily 
estimated. Thus the revenues held in trust for particular pur- 
poses, such as museums, botanical gardens, &c., are not taken 
into account ; the only fund partaking of this nature, which is 
taken notice of, is that which constitutes the principal wealth of 
the Universities — the profits from the printing-offices. These 
establishments, having peculiar privileges of monopoly, in the cases 
of all Bibles, Testaments, and Prayer-Books published without 
notes, and having attained considerable celebrity as classical and 
mathematical presses, are in the enjoyment of a vast printing 
trade. 

" It appears by Parliamentary Papers (Commons, 1815, July 6, 
Nos. 461 and 462,) that — 

"The drawback on paper printed at the Camhridge ^ £. s, d. 

University I'ress, during seven years ending 5th > 13,087 7 6 

April, 1815, was ) 

The drawback on paper printed at the Oxford? |fi6.V) 2 6 

University Press, daring the same period, was. . \ * 

The value of Bihles, Testaments, and Prayer. ^ 

Books printed at Camhridge, during the same > 149,050 4 2 
period, was ) 

The value of other hooks printed at Camhridge? igooQ \k a 
daring the same period, was \ ^ 

166,042 19 2 



■ m III, 

The value of Bibles, &c., printed at Oxford, during ? 010017 1 a 

the same period, was J ^i^^n i » 

The value of other books printed at Oxford, during ? ^a Tfa r n 

the same period, was J '"•^^^ *^ " 

237,693 6 8 

Yearly average value^ Camhridge 23,720 8 5 

Yearly average valuey Oxford 33,956 3 9 

" If the peculiar circumstances under which the Universities con- 
duct their business be taken into account, and compared with the 
general condition of the book trade, it may be calculated that 



APPENDIX. 675 

nearly 30 per cent, upon the above sums is clear profit. Since 
1815, however, the book trade of the Universities has at least 
doubled ; and their profits must have kept pace with their extent 
of business, from the circumstances of monopoly attending it. In 
calculating the revenues of the Universities in the table, the profits 
of the printing-press at Oxford are assumed to be 10,000/. per 
annum ; at Cambridge, 5000/. ; both sums being greatly below 
the reputed amounts. The other income of the Universities arises 
from degree-fees and estates, &c. ; which for Oxford is assimied at 
5000/. per annum, and for Cambridge at 4000/. ; the scholarships 
of the Universities, the professorships, and the prizes, make up the 
other income. In all cases, the common reputed value and the 
probable value are both much above the sums given in the Table. 

" In the case of the Scotch Universities, there is no doubt but 
that their revenues must have been much augmented since the 
time of the report above quoted, which, however, is the only 
authentic document published on the subject. 

" There is very little chance of error in estimating the total in- 
comes of the Universities and Colleges mentioned in this table at 
500,000/., and if to this be added the tuition-money, and the value 
of the benefices, the total amount disposable by the Universities is 
about 800,000/. per annum ; which is in reality only a small simi 
when compared either with the annual budget and revenues of the 
country, or with the paramount importance of superior education 
to a great and intelligent nation. 



Table I. — College Revenues. 

NoTB.— Whenever an AstetUk is affixed to any flgforea in the foUowluf Tables, it aigntflea 

that the figures marked are doubtfol. 













C-ollege 








(i 














Officers, 


a 




*tt .1 




Heads. 


Fellows. 


Scholar- 


and 


Prizes. 


Benefices. 


Zl 








ships, kz. 


Tuition 






a Q 




COLLBOBS. 






1 




Money. 






&i 






















• • 










• 


• 

9 

a 


• 

1 


a 


i 




her 
unt. 


• 

1 


• 


• 

1 


0% 


• 


*3 

a 

g 
1 


q 
9 




i 


5? 


a 

B 


> 


1 

s 


9 
I 


S 

9 

2 




5 


E 

9 

2; 


9 

1 

£. 


Z 




a 


Q 


OXFORD. 




£. 




itf. 




^' 




£. 


£. 


itf. 


^. 


University .. ij 800 


12 


2400 18 


270 


6 


600 


— 


— 


10 


10 


3000 


430 


8900 


Baliol . . . . 




800 


12 


2400' 28 


430 


9 


850 


— 


— 


20 


18 


6000 


640 


4260 


Merton . . . 




700 


24 


4800: 20 


300 


13 


300 


— 


— 


16 


16 


4800 


330 


6090 


Exeter . . . . 




700 


25 


5000' 19 


285 


9 


1300 


— 


— 


12 


9 


3600 


960 


6966 


Oriel .. .. 




1000 


IH 


3960' 15 


225 


8 


800 


— 


— 


13 


13 


3900 


630 


5815 


Qaeen*8 .. .. 




800 


24 


5800j 49 


735 


9 


1300 


— 


— 


30 


36 


9000 


930 


7355 


New . . . . 




1000 


70 


17500 — 


"^ 


23 


120 


— 


— 


37 


36 


11100 


90 


18590 


Lincoln . . . . 




700 


12 


2400 


21 


315 


i 


400 


— 


— 


11 


10 


3300 


300 


37I6 


All Soul*8 




1000 


40 


10000 


4 


60 


3 


— 


— 


— 


18 


17 


5400 


^_ 


llOOO 


Magdalen 




1000 


40 


12000 


30 


450 


16 


200 


— 


— 


37 


35 


11100 


160 


13610 


Brazen Nose . . 




800 


20 


4000 


47 


750 


14 


750 


— 


— 


40 


39 


13000 


560 


6110 


Corpus Christ! . 




700 


20 


4000 


24 


360 


11 


350 


- 




32 


33 


6600 


190 


5S«0 


Christ Church . 




2000 


1101 


8000 \ 
10100 J 




17 


3000 


^ 




94 


89 


38300 


1910 


88010 


Trinity .. .. 




700 


12 


2400 


16 


240 


9 


850 


— 




9 


9 


3700 


640 


3960 


St. John's 




800 


50 


10000 


2 


30 


s 


350 


— 


— 


29 


39 


8700 


270 


11100 


Jesus . . . . 




800 


19 


2800 18 


270 


11 


750 


— 




34 


33 


7300 


570 


4400 


Wadham . . . . 




800 


15 


3000 31 


465 


10 


780 


— 


— 


11 


9 


3300 


600 


4805 


Pembroke 




700 


14 


2800 31 


465 


/ 


550 


— 


— 


13 


13 


3900 


430 


4395 


Worcester 




700 


21 


4300 21 


315 


6 


880 


— 




8 


8 


3400 


680 


5895 


St. Mary Hall. . 




300 


— 


— 


— 


— 


1 


200 


— 


— 


— 


^— 


— 


150 


460 


Magdalen HaU. 




800 


— 




4 


60 


1 


800 


— 


-^ 


1 


1 


300 

■ 


780 


1640 


New Inn Hall. . 




250 


— 


— 




— 


— 


330 


— 


^— 


— 


■^ 




300 


450 


St Alban Hall . 




200 


— 


— 


— 


— 


3 


200 


— 


_ 


— 


■^ 


— 


150 


350 


St. Edmd. HaU. 
Total .... 

CAMBRIDGE. 




300 


— 


— 


1 
399 


15 


1 


300 


— 




— 




— 


830 


SS& 


24 


18350 


557 


116560 


6030 


m 


15650 


- 


— 


445 


430 


136500 


11730 


153670 




























Peterhouse 


1 500 


24 


8960 


50 


440 


10 


750 


13 


26 


11 


11 


3300 


720 


5646 


Clare Hall 


1 600 


22 


4400 


46 


680 


6 


600 


13 


43 


16 


16 


4800 


480 


6208 


Pembroke 


l! 690 


16 


2960 


43 


670 


8 


550 


8 


16 


10 


10 


3000 


500 


474A 


Caius . . . . 


I 1000 


29 


7370 


41 


1580 


14 


1100 


8 


54 


35 


16 


7500 


840 


I0B44 


Trinity Hall .. 


1 


300 


12 


1440 


16 


210 


4 


600 


11 66 


10 


8 


3000 


430 


S44A 


Corpus Christ! . 


1 


400 


12 


2400 


60 


660 


10 


900 


5 25 


12 


11 


3600 


!050 


4535 


King's . . . . 


1 1600 


70 


30400 


— 


— 


11 


150 


14 


71 


34 


30 


10300 


__ 


S8O7I 


Queen's .. .. 


r 600 


20 


4000 


26 


440 


9 


1300 


7 


43 


11 


10 


3300 


600 


5668 


Catharine Hall. 


1 500 


14 


2060 


43 


670 


R 


850 


9 


31 


4 


4 


1300 


330 


3571 


Jesus .. .. 


I'i 400 


16 


3200 


46 


860 


6 


800 


10 


38 


16 


15 


4800 


500 


4996 


Christ's .. .. 


1 


800 


15 


3500 


89 


1740 


7 


900 


13 


311 


17 


15 


6100 


720 


6971 


St. John's 


1 


1000 


61 


10560 


126 


2000 


35 


3200 


64 


110 


48 


46 


14400 


3750 


17480 


Magdalene 


1 


900 


17 


1580 


43 


900 


6 


600 


9 


78 


8 


7 


3400 


540 


3996 


Trinity . . . . 


1 2000 


60 


14400 


83 


1000 


45 


5000 


50 


159 


63 


67 


18900 


3750 


81409 


Emmanuel 


1 


350 


15 


3500 


40 


670 


9 


750 


9 


37 


18 


17 


5400 


730 


4877 


Sidney . . . . 


1 


600 


12 


2400 


36 


650 


i 


400 


8 


43 


6 


6 


1800 


540 


4838 


Downing 
Total 


1 


500 


16 


3200 


6 
793 


120 


6 


300 


— 


— 


3 


I 


600 


400 


4830 


17 12650 


431 


90330 


13390 


179 


17750 


351 


1038 


311 


380 


93300 


15860 


133806 


Dublin (Trinity) 


1 


2000 


25 


25400 


70" 


3100 


10 


20000 


17 




31 


31 


9300 


2000 


31500 


Durham 


1 


— 


24 


3180 


27 


880* 


7 


— 


- 


— 


- 


— 


— 


— 


— 


Loudon 




— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


- 




- 


— 


— 


— 


— 



» No information on this point is given in the Oxford Calendar. 










^- J i^ ^ ti *i ! 



.j3 



APPENDIX. 

TABLE No. II.— Oeyrw*. 



OXFORD. 1 


riDl^nllT 


79 


C 


4 

s 


i 


a 


« 




i 


s 


J 


3* 

S 


d 


i 


o 


j 


1 


1 




sT 


= 


I 


i 

,! 

1 

IS 


18 
79 

1 

9 
46 


4 


i 


1 

i 


1 





-, 


E 


40 
34 


- 
- 


SM 

lb 
lOO 

M 

1B1 








anna's 


UDcnln 

ili^M :::::: 
STcSSSI:: 


f^^^'' 






46 


B 


BSi 




SB 


4 


:IOI 


I35J 


» 


iKh 


c....™.. 1 


paBbrake::::'.'.: 


1 


d 


J 




s 




d 


5 


i 


:^ 


a 'n 




^ 


1 


i 


t 


i 


73 


1 




^ 


1 


70 


1 
i 


1 


■I 


33! 


I 


E 


•i 


51 

el 
«p 


ei 


6 
3 

i 

9 


104 

i 

«9a 

MO 

11 


TrlnitrHiU 




C»ft«liieH.li... 








DowSL,-;.::::'.- 


11 


M 


iS 


40 


J 


Ida 


MW 


i9 


S3 


loia 




1 


M 


311 


40 


14 


strs 


DUBLIN. Nub. 


D.D. 


D,C.L 


D.> 


. D.MU..B.D 


M.A. 


,C.l 


B.A.F.C 


Per, 


.SK. 


rot^. 


TrinltT 3 


33 


13 





1 4 


» 


1 


ifli la 


iisg 


t1 


jflu 


VolTenlty Col1r(c 


D.D. 




B.D. 




BC.L. 


■ 


.[ucTlital. CiTll Eng 


3,uflenu 


T«,l. 


11 


.» 


« 


73 


* 


. 


1 .. 


«4 


W 



5"8 APPENDIX. 

TABLE No. m.—Ranh aul SHmMiating Forett. 



OHM^Ch 



MkCdil™ Hall . 



CAMBRIDGE. 



39»1K) 



STIMtTLATlNO 



STIMULATING 



APPENDIX. 579 

Table No. IV. — Cambridge Forces and Honors. 



[Tnlvtrslty 1 


tog 


■3 


1 
1 


3 


^ 


1 


11 


1 


1 


1 


1 




1 


1 


1 

UBS 


1 


1 


BB-i 


£. 


'; 


J. 

19-5 


rf. 




4. 


7ip 




^. 


*. 


^. 


: 


t. 


M 


n 


.. 


.. 


„ 


» 


„ 


,..(. 


,. 


., 


it 


.,. 


33 


„. 




.. 


i 


,.. 



Tablb No. V. — Average Incomes. 





HwK. 


Fellawi. 


achDUn,&c 




ProteMora. 


UMntom. 




^. 






























t« 
































OlD 
















































M»7 


























""*™ 


~ 


- 


90 


- 


JD« 







Tablb No. VI.— 


£^>«i({iAir« 


4c. 




OUbrt 


Numb« 


AUDIUl 

EiprndiUm of 
uiullrRnldeat 


lUM 


1B3J. 




u'ISS 


iftdj- 




lDl«M..Bltl 

In^B3?..lrt^ 

Diff. ..!! lOB 


'E: 




DobUn 

Bt.AndnWi .. 


TOO* 

>soo* 

WW* 


jooon' 


iB-a 


Ihirbun 


- 


- 


- 


wt 


- 



t Tboe Decreet la tbe UolT«ilt7 of 



T».Li No. VII.- 


Pro/nti 


m and Leettaren 








'■==:" 


1 


i 


i 


! 

.5 

3 


1 
1 


1 


I 


i 
1 


1 


1 






; 


i 


J- 


E 


= 




= 


E 


2 


~ 




PtailDHphr'Lectwcn " 


Dlltnlictiuen 

KUo Lecturen !! '.'. .'. 

£X«™«it,- V 

CUuiul Lltrntora .. ., 


Oriental LueiucM .. . 


HibdoottMiw 


Modern LoDgiucn '.'. 
PMiich 

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APPENDIX BY THE AUTHOR. 



THE LITBRATUBB CONNECTED WITH THE SUBJECT OF THE 

ENGLISH UNIYB&SITIES. 



Unfoetunatelt, in every branch of learning and science, the 
number of works actually written is always large, in proportion to 
those from which any thing really profitable may be learnt : but I 
doubt whether this is anywhere more emphatically true than in 
the History of the English Universities. I am forced to give pro- 
minence to this statement, lest some officious Reviewer, — (for 
what book can be secure against such critics ?) — imagine that the 
Author has taken matters easily, and has merely referred to some 
half dozen books, with which he happened to be acquainted : when 
by diligent and judicious research he might have learnt much more, 
&c., &c. However, I do not hesitate to assert that, — ^while my 
chief difficulty lay in want of matter for details, — at the same 
time the materials which did exist were generally such, and so 
weighty, that, taking them for my text, they needed a very full 
and detailed commentary. They are like some scanty but import- 
ant ruins, which, in their scattered state, still show traces of a vast 
building, — a palace, a temple, a whole town, — while, if we are to 
restore the past, arguments m\ist be drawn from every remaining 
stone. Among more than a hundred works upon the English 
Universities that I have either had in my own hands, or become 
acquainted with in other ways, I could scarcely name six which 
have been of real use to me. I do not here speak of those general 
historical works, that I have been forced to employ by way of stlp- 
plement ; and on this head I merely observe, that I do not believe 
I have overlooked any thing of consequence. Should any one 
doubt this, I would suggest that he examine them well before 



APPENDIX. 583 

accusing me of negligence : I have myself been only too often un- 
deceived in such ideas. It is especially remarkable how little that 
is new or good can be gleaned from the biographical literature 
upon this subject. For treating as worthless or unimportant, 
works which I have not seen myself, I could easily adduce suffi- 
cient grounds : but, I believe, judicious men will thank me for 
not wasting time and room about it. Why so pleasing and rich a 
field has drawn to it so few able laborers, I cannot say : except 
that the Universities themselves, not only by their apathy, but also 
by their mistrust and illiberality, have done very much indeed to 
throw difficulties in the way of the few willing and able tillers of 
this soil. By way of sample, I need only refer to Heame and 
Wood, formerly ; and in later times, to Dyer's caution and timidity : 
though certainly Dyer's ability for the task was but very moderate. 
Among the few preliminary works of value, there is one so pre- 
eminent, that it is scarcely possible to place it in the same class 
with the rest. Of course I refer to the [Latin] History and Antu 
ptitiet of the University of Oxford, by the excellent Anthony 
Wood, who alone has done ten times more for the cause, than all 
the others put together ; and without whose labors, it would be 
impossible now to entertain even a thought of writing a History 
of the Knglifth Universities. Yet from his autobiography, (v. ed. 
Heame,) and from other known incidents of his life, it is very clear 
that even he was exceedingly hampered by various considerations, 
and by the interference of the Academic Authorities; and that 
every striking historical truth to be found in his works was attacked 
as a malevolent slander. His adversaries perhaps might plead, 
that if a historian lay under the duty of Truth, so had they, as a 
Ck)rporation, rights and duties to defend : but be that as it may, 
it is said that the Vice-chancellor of the day. Dr. Fell, (other- 
wise a most respectable man,) used his influence, when Wood's 
work was coming out, to injure the independence of the historian. 
By his advice and will, the work, which was originally written 
in English, appeared in Latin, and thereby got tainted with the 
curse of University Rhetoric; a style sufficient in itself to wipe 
out all the broader features of local truth. The English original. 



584 APPENDIX. 

it is true, was afterwards published with additions and remarks by 
the editor, (Gutch,) under the title of " History and Antiquities of 
the University of Oxford;** &c.; by A. Wood, 5 vols. 4to.; 1786- 
90 ; but I could not get it, and I do not believe it is to be found 
in any German library, unless perhaps at Vienna. Yet, from all 
that I have heard, it seems I need not regret this ; especially con- 
sidering how extremely little that is new, appears in the second* 
part of the History, (with which I am acquainted,) published in 
the English by Gutch, and how very little the English original 
differs from the Latin in this part of the work. Bliss, in pub- 
lishing the "Fasti Oxonienses,*' and the '* Athena Oxon.*' (1819, 
4 vols. 4to.) has at least done us the service of continuing them to 
his time. But these works, however meritorious in themselves, 
are but little to the purpose of my History. Indispensable as they 
are for a history of University Literature, {i.e, two-thirds of English 
Literature,) they yield but few materials for the history of the 
University itself. As to Wood's most important work, as far as it 
goes, (t.tf. up to the beginning of the Republican Usurpation,) it 
may be called a collection of materials in the form of annals; 
entirely devoid of comprehensive views, and almost entirely of all 
judgment, combination, and talent; but true, systematic, and 
even in a certain sense, critical, and comprising all the matter 
there to be found. Wood's sound criticism fails him indeed at 
the beginning, where he suffers himself to be led (against his own 
will perhaps, or as a point of honor) into all the absurdities about 
the Graco-Briton origin of the Universities. Except in this in- 
stance, he almost always adheres either to contemporaneous and 
for the most part documentary evidence, (his sources being enu- 
merated at the end of the work,) or to such histories as were to 
be found at the time. If he leaves us in the dark on several im- 
portant points,, we may probably conclude, that even in his time 
little certain could be learned about them. It is only in his his- 
tory of the academic constitution and laws that we might charge 
him with confusion, and scantiness of explanation ; faults which 
might have been greatly avoided, by citing the documents before 

* This coDtaing the History of the Colleges and of other Institations, 



APPENDIX. 585 

him, had he not beeu quite wanting in comprehensive views, and 
in a right understanding of what would be most important for 
posterity to know. How far the fault belongs to him personally, 
and how feu: to his times, is a nice point to decide. 

The only author upon Oxford after Wood, worthy to come 
under our notice, is Ayliffe, (" Ancient and Present State of the 
Universities of Oxford," 1714, 2 vob. 8vo.) For although his 
history, except a few scanty details concerning the end of the 
seventeenth century, is a meagre extract from Wood; he has 
communicated many entire documents, from which Wood gives 
only separate quotations. With AylifFe, however, terminate all 
the works upon Oxford which have the least value. 

Only the "Oxoniana" (1812, 4 vols. 12mo.) contains a few 
passages, not borrowed from Wood, and yet of service. Chalmers, 
in his " History of the Universities of Oxford, &c., with a series 
of Engravings, &c.; 1820, 2 vols., 8vo. ;*' gives only a few very 
superficial notices of the different Colleges up to his time. I am 
not acquainted with the " Collectanea** published by Gough; yet 
I have no great curiosity about them : Ingram, who has used 
them, has at all events gathered nothing new from them. As to 
Ingram's own work, it must be greatly recommended, on account 
of its illustrations ; moreover it completes Wood, as regards seve- 
ral of the Colleges and Institutions. But his history of the Uni- 
versity proper, shows at best that no new materials are to be 
foimd in Oxford, that were not used and communicated by Wood. 
As for the controversial works, so highly prized in their day, of 
Th. Caius (Assertio Antiquit, Ojcon» cum fragmento Ox, Histo* 
riola ; 1568, 4to.,) and Bryan Twin, ( Antiq. Acad. Oxon. 
Apolog. 1608, 4to.) I name them only to state, that I owe 
nothing whatever to them. They communicate nothing of value, 
even incidentally, that is not to be found in Wood. I have had 
little access to the histories of the separate Colleges; nor have I 
much needed it. I give below a list of those with which I am 
acquainted. The Statutes of 1636 were printed. (1766, 2 vols. 
4to.,) but never published. Some scanty extracts from them have 
been occasionally put forth, " ad usum Juventutis,*' 



586 APPBNDIX. 

With respect to Cam bbidob, we have only Caius, Fuller, Parker, 
and Dyer. 

In J. Caius (" Historia Universitatis Cantahrig. ;" 1574, 4to.) I 
have found nothing of service, which has not heen better and more 
fiilly treated in later works ; and on that account I lay no stress 
upon him. He too wastes time, room, .and learning, on unpro- 
fitable antiquarian contests with the Oxonians. 

Fuller's " History of the University of Cambridge" first appeared 
simply as an Appendix to his Church History, (1655, folio.)* 
Fuller gives a continuous historical narration down to his own 
time, in which he avails himself of the various documentary, tradi- 
tional, written and oral accounts : but these are in some respects 
too pithy and short. He himself evinces a want of talent for the 
work. He shows continually a kind of satirical humor, which 
certainly has an excellence of its own, — as a reaction of sound 
common sense against antiquarian pedantry and absurdity, — but 
which greatly impairs the value of the book as a source of reference ; 
since it allows considerable license in the use of his materials. 
Besides, he is wholly wanting in the comprehensive judgment 
needed for compiling a historical work : indeed he appears to use 
his materials in a modem, heterogeneous, and almost contemp- 
tuous style; while the sort of light banter which he laboriously 
adopts, irresistibly reminds one of a dancing bear. 

Dyer, in lus History of the University of Cambridge, (1814, 
2 voLb., 8vo.,) gives nothing of the History of the University prO" 
per, except dry extracts horn Fuller, and a few confused and 
detached (generally merely literary - historical) notices upon its 
later history. The separate Colleges are treated of in tolerably 
fiill detail, and from his own researches ; but in a very superficial 
and confused manner. They occupy by for the greater part of 
the book. The faults of this author are even still more con- 
spicuous in his second work, (" The Privileges of the University of 
Cambridge ; together with additional observations on its Antiqui- 
ties:" 2 vols., 1824, 8vo.) Herein we meet with nothing but 

• I have unfortunately been able to refer only to a part of the new edition 
lately published by Thomas Wright, Esq., with several very learned Notes 
and other additions. 



APPENDIX. 587 

endless confusion in ideas, in language, and in interpretation of 
his rather copious materials; besides, a total want of historical 
judgment, mixed up with a sort of vague half-timid, half-silly 
reformationary liberalism. Yet this is by fEU* the most usefid and 
meritorious work upon the History of Cambridge, because it com- 
municates for the first time and generally at full, so many docu- 
ments, statutes, graces, interpretations, and Royal letters. For 
the sake of these valuable materials, which occupy nearly two- 
thirds of the first volume, we might almost determine to be pleased 
with the rest of the farrago, could we but persuade ourselves, that 
he had not yet more in his power to communicate, which might 
have been of the greatest service. In fact, he had access, first to 
the manuscript collections of Hare, 5 vob. folio ; next, to those of 
Baker, 42 vols, folio, partly in the University Library, partly in 
the British Museum ; thirdly, to those of Cole, 60 vols, folio, in 
the British Museum. The latter contain, for the greater part, 
general antiquarian matter respecting Cambridge and the sur- 
rounding counties. When to the above we add, that probably 
every thing existing in the way of protocols and decisions of the 
Senate were at his disposal, we can scarcely suppress indignation, 
that he has given us next to nothing from these sources. As far 
indeed as I have been able to ascertain, they contained very little 
information concerning the earlier history of the University, but 
so much the more respecting the history of the Colleges, the 
Literature and Literati connected with the University since the 
Reformation. 

Some compensation in this respect has been lately supplied by 
Lamb's "Collection of Letters, Statutes, and other Documents 
from the MSS. of C.C. Coll.," &c. (1838, 8vo.;) and it is to be 
hoped, that before long still more will be done, by editing the 
" Graces and Statutes ;" a task which we understand the Rev. 
H. Longueville Jones has in hand. We are afraid, however, that 
Baker's remark — " our registers are so imperfect, that it is scarcely 
possible to give a perfect account of anything," — will be found to 
be only too true. Be that as it may, — documents are, properly 
speaking, the only serviceable materials which it is possible to find 



588 APPENDIX. 

with regard to the history of Camhridge. In this respect the 
work published under the title of the " History and Antiquities of 
the University of Cambridge, in two parts/' (London, 1721.) is 
also of value. It contains, firstly, a translation of the famous 
HUtoriola, Secondly, the description of the present Colleges, with 
an account of their Founders, 8fC, ; by I, Parker : first printed in 
Leland's Collect. Lat. in 1622 : a very weak production. Thirdly, 
•• Several Charters granted to the Colleges" Fourthly, " A Cata- 
logue of the Chancellors, and a summary of all the privileges 
granted to this seminary of learning, SfC, from a MS, in the 
Cotton Library" Only the two last parts have been at all to 
our purpose here. A work similar to that of Ingram upon Ox- 
ford, was commenced by Wright respecting Cambridge, but never 
continued ; and this is every way to be regretted, if we may judge 
by the beginning; particularly, as regards the Colleges. The 
external history of the University, during the last fifty years or so, 
offers little that deserves attention. Besides, the sources from 
which it might be learnt are very scanty, and not easy of access. 
Beyond what may be found scattered about here and there in 
Biographies, I can only refer to the " Annual Register" as far as it 
goes. Perhaps much might be gathered from the earlier numbers 
of the " Gentleman's Magazine," and such like periodicals. 

Of other works, it is enough to mention their titles; at the 
utmost with an occasional notice, and pointing out those which 
are* worthless by the markf. Herein we have omitted some 
hundreds of controversial pamphlets. 

A. — Histories of the Universities, properly speaking, 

1. Regesta privileg. almae Universit. Oxon., 1770. (I am sorry 

not to be better acquainted with this work. As far as I 
know, however, it is a compilation from Wood and Ayliffe.) 

2. Peshall. History of University of Oxford. 1722. (Compiled 

from Wood.) • 
t3. Langbain. Founders of University of Oxford, &c. 1651. 

* [The Oerman wordg are: "mil Bezeichnung tier werlhlosen durch einf."] 



APPENDIX. 589 

t4. Hutten. Letter on the Antiq. &c. In append, textus Roff. 
(£d. Heame.) 

5. Oxoniana. 4 vols. 12mo. (This work contains little that 

is not taken from Wood.) 

6. Commentatio rerum. Illustr. Oxon. gestarum in adventu 

seren : princip. Elizabethae. 1566. 

7. Account of His R. Highness and Gruests' visit to Oxford. 

1814. 

8. Querela Cantabrig. 1647. 

t9. Math. Parker. Hist. Ck)lleg. et aular. academ. Cantabrig. 
An appendix to the Antiquit. Ecclesise Britan. ed. Drake, 
1729. 

flO. Foundation of University of Cambridge, with Catalogue of 
Founders, &c. 1651. 4to. 

fll. Carter's History of University of Cambridge, &c. 1753. 

tl2. Auckeley. Palaeographia Britannica. Pars. II. 1736. 4to. 
Containing an account of origin of University of Cam- 
bridge, &c. 

4 13. Wilson. Memorabilia Cant. 1803. 8vo. 

B. — Relating to the History of the several Colleges. 

14. Kilner. Account of Pythagorean School at Cambridge, (v. 

i. p. 306.) 

15. Smyth. An account of University College. 1728. 8vo. 

16. William Faber. Annals of University College. (?) 

17. Savage: BaUiofergus. History of BalHol College and its 

Founders. 1668. 

18. Statuta Aulae Regise de Brasenose. 1772. 

19. Chourton. Lives of the Founders of Brasenose College. 

1800. 8vo. 

20. Skelton. PietasOxon; or Records of Founders, &c. 1828. 

Folio. (A work of illustrations and engravings, the text of 
which gives some very useful antiquarian notices ; but only 
as regards the foundation of the College, and the Biogra- 
phies of its Founders.) 



\ 



590 APPENDIX. 

21 Duck. life of Chichele, Founder of AU Souls' CoUege. 
1699. 8vo. 

22. Spenser. Life of Chichele, Founder of All Souls' College. 

1783. 8vo. 

23. Warton. Ldfe of Sir. Th. Pope, Founder of Trinity College. 

1780. 8vo. 

24. Lowth. Life of Bishop Wickenham, Founder of New Col- 

lege. 1777. 8vo. 

25. Chauder. Life of Waynflet, Founder of Magdalen College. 

1811. 8vo. 

26. Master's History of Bennet College. 1753. 4to. 

27. Charters and Statutes of Downing College. 1805. 

C. — Relating to the History of the University Thums ; with various 
Historical and Antiquarian Researches, 

t28. Peshall. Ancient and Present State of City of Oxford ; by 
Wood ; with additions, &c. 1713. 4to. 

29. King. Vestiges of Oxford Castle. 1796. Folio. 

30. Swayne's Memoirs of Osney Abbey. 1759. 8vo. 

31. Skelton. Antiq. Oxoniensis restauratse. 1823. 2 vols. 

4to. (A mere architectural and antiquarian work of amuse- 
ment.) 

32. Crutch. Collectanea curiosa, &c. 1781. 2 vols. 8vo. (This 

work contains but little; and still less of any value as 
regards the History of Oxford.) 

33. Blomfield. Collectanea Cantabrig. 1751. (For the greater 

part monumental inscriptions, &c., of no great value, as 
regards the EQstory of the Universities.) 

D. — Works ; the principal object of which is a description of the 

state of the Universities at the time being, fin part with illus* 

trations,) some of which however enter upon historical topics. 

t34. Nicolai Fierberti descriptip Oxon. Acad. 1602. 
t35. Alibond. Rustica Acad. Oxon. nuper reformatse in visita- 
tione fEuiiticorum descriptio. 1648. Folio. 



APPENDIX. 591 

t36. Dodwelli, &c. Disputatio de Oxon. sedifidis, &c. 1713. 
(ed. Heame.) 

37. Loggan. Oxonia lUustrata. 1675. (Remarkable as feu: as 

regards the state of the different buildings at the time.) 

38. Th. Nele. Collegiorum Scholarumque Oxon.: typograph. 

descriptio. (ed. Heame (?) ) 
t39. Fulman. Notitia Oxon. Acad. 1675. 4to. 
t40. William's Oxonia depicta. 1738. Folio. 

41. Pointer. Academia Oxoniensis, &c. 1742. 12mo. 

42. Memorials of an Oxford Scholar. 1765. (This work is 

unknown to me ; but it is probably much in the style and 
spirit of Amherst.) 

43. Amherst. Terrae Filius, &c. 1754. 2 vols. 12mo. (See 

pp. 262, 502 above.) 

44. Salmon. The Present State of the Universities, &c. 1 744. 

8vo. (Only one volume of this work has appeared, which 
treats of Oxford — a bad compilation from Wood and 
Ayliffe, with a few additional notes respecting the events 
of 1688.) 

t45. Malton. Views of Oxford. 1810. Folio. 
46. Specimens of Gothic Architecture ; or buildings of Oxford. 
By Mackenzie and Pugin. 4to. 

t47. Wade. Walks in Oxford. 1821. 2 vols. 8vo. 
43. Ackerman. History of the University of Oxford, with nu- 
merous Plates, &c. 1814. 2 vols. 4to. (Tolerably executed 
engravings — the text a poor compilation.) 

49. Peme. Description of Foundation and Privileges of Univer- 

sity of Cambridge. 1571. 

50. Projecte containing the state, order and manners of Oovem- 

ment of University of Cambridge, &c. 1669. 4to. 

51. Loggan. Cantabrigia illustrata. 1690. Folio. 

52. Ghreen. The Academic; or on the state of University of 

Cambridge. 1756. 
t53. History of University of Cambridge : illustrated, &c. by Har- 
rad. 1813. 
54. Ackerman. History of University of Cambridge ; with nu- 
merous Plates, &c. 1814. 2 vols. 4to. 




592 APPENDIX. 

Descriptions of the Universities may be found also (and some- 
times mixed up with historical matters) in many works, and upon 
other and more general subjects, as, for instance, in the Polydori 
Virgilii Historia Rer. Anglicar. ; in Harrison^s Description of Eng- 
land, (an introduction to Holinshed's Chronicles;) in Camden's 
Britannia ; in the Scriptores Anglic. ; and of Pitsseus. Of the 
works of the different travellers, who mention the state of the 
Universities in the last century, Kiittner alone is, properly speaking 
of any importance. A great deal, especially as far as regards 
statistical notices upon the present state of the Universities, hiay 
be gathered from " Thompson's British Annuals," 1838-*-9 ; much 
however in this work, and more particularly all the historical part, 
is extremely superficial and incorrect. 

E. — Works upon certain points or occurrences. — ^a.— of a legal 

nature,) 

55. J. Colbatch. Jus Academicum. 1733. 4to. 

56. An inquiry into the Right of Appeal from the Vice-chancel- 

lor's Court of the University of Cambridge, in matters of 
discipline. 1751. 

57. Opinion of an eminent lawyer on the Right of Appeal, &c. 

to the Senate. 1781. (?) 

58. Further Enquiry on the same. — Answer to Author of Further 

Enquiry, &c. 1763. (?) 

59. Magdalen Case, Oxford. — Impartial Account of Illegal Pro- 

ceedings, ,&c. against Magdalen College. 1687. 

60. Impartial Account of the late Visitation. 1688, By N. 

Johnson, at the command of the King. 

{h, — upon the Bentley transactions.) 

61. Account of Proceedings in the University of Cambridge, 

against Dr. Bentley. 1719. 

62. Present State of Trinity College, &c. 1710. 

63. Full view of Dr. Bentley's case; by Th. Blomer. 1710. 



APPENDIX. 593 

64. True and impartial account of present differences in Trinity 

College. 1711. 

65. Case of Dr. Bcntley vindicated. 1719. 

66. Apothecary's Defence of Dr. Bcntley. 1721. 

67. True copy of articles against Dr. Bentley. 1710. 

68. Bentley's answer to a late pampUet, &c. 1710. 

F. 

With regard to the modem state of the Universities, it is gene- 
rally very difficult to separate the polemical and apologetic from 
the descriptive works, although the one suhject may preponderate 
in one work and the other in another. I therefore comprise 
this mixed literature all together here. Early in the preceding 
century, Miller, in his " Account of the University of Camhridgo," 
&c., 1717, commenced (not to mention the "TerrsB Filius") his 
polemical attacks on the Universities. He was followed up hy 
Vicesimus Knox, in his " Essays, moral and literary," 1778, in a 
more moderate tone, and, at the same time, in a much vaguer 
manner. These attacks were resumed about the year 1810, with 
fresh zeal and more successful results, particularly by the Edin* 
burgh Review. I can neither enter into any dissertation upon 
the articles relating to this subject in that Review, nor upon the 
replies contained in the Tory periodicals, especially the Quarterly 
Review and Blackwood's Magazine; nor upon the way the subject 
was afterwards taken up by the Westminster, and Foreign Quar^ 
terly, and Journal of Education, &c., with the rest of the periodical 
press. Among the more unprejudiced but not so well informed 
foreign observers, we could name many tourists: yet none of them 
deserve attention here, except Niemeier and Spieker. Modem 
travellers often seem to tliink it their duty, to make displays of 
vnt quite uncalled for, allowing their fancy to soar so high, that 
they scarcely condescend to meddle ^\nth sober truth at all. Many 
again, like Herr Von Ramner, know every thing by instinct, before 
they reach the spot. The following works however deserve to be 

VOL. II. Q Q 



594 APPENDIX. 

noticed, as affording unprejudiced and well-informed descriptions 
of the present state of things, without any polemical or apologetic 
intentions. 

1. Alma Mater, &c. (noticed above, p. 530.) 2. Letters from 
Cambridge, illustrative of habits, studies, &c.; 1828. 3. Oxford 
as it is; by a foreigner of rank; 1834: (I am not personally 
acquainted ^ith this work.) 4. Gradus ad Cantabrig., or a 
new University Giudc; 1824: (this book introduces us to the 
Gownsmen's slang; — the reverse of the medal, the "low life" 
at tlie Universities.) There are several novels also of merit 
upon the Universities, that ought not to be overlooked; one of 
them at least we must mention here, namely, a novel by Lock- 
hart, (too little known with us in Germany,) called "Reginald 
Dalton,*' which gives the most lively* description of English 
University life. The University Calendars, annually published, 
are indispensably necessary for a knowledge of the English 
Universities, and among the different " Guides" also, some will be 
found useful. Satirical descriptions of manners, &c. are deline- 
ated in such works as the " Oxford Sausage," &c., of which 
new editions are continually published ; " Oxford Pluck Ex- 
amination Papers," 1830; "Cambridge Jests and Witty Alarum," 
&c., 1700 ; " The Oxford Spy." The best standard for judging 
of the present state of the studies at the Universities, is found, 
first, in the "Examination Papers;" — (some of the Cambridge 
ones are printed and published: the Oxford ones are very 
difficult to be obtained ;) — next, in the Text Books, and Books 
for " Cramming" &c. ; but thirdly, we must not omit the printed 
Prize Poems. In conclusion, I subjoin a list of several polemi- 
cal or apologetic writings published since the middle of the last 
century. Among the crowd of modem pamphlets, the more rc- 
remarkable only have been noticed. 

71. Christ Angelus Encomimn of the two English Universities. 
Greek and EngHsh. 1629. 4to. 

* [Most English University-men wiU protest against the idea, that that 
novel can communicate the ''sober truth" of things.] 



APPENDIX. 595 

72. Bcntley. University of Cambridge vindicated from charges 

of disloyalty. 1710. 

73. Thomas Wood. Some thoughts concerning the study of 

the laws of England in the two Universities. 1718. 

74. Bagot A Defence of the Subscription of the Tliirty-ninc 

Articles. 1788. 

75. Jesse. Letters to the gentlemen of Oxford and Cambridge, 

on the Subscription, &c. 1788. 

76. Lindley. Vindicice PriestleyansB to the Students of Oxford 

and Cambridge. 1784. 8vo. 

77. Russel. View of System of Education in Scotland ; with 

an Appendix on Cambridge, &c. 1814. 8vo. 

78. Literature and Science enforced in Cambridge. WainuTight. 

1815. 

79. Reply to Calumnies of Edinburgh Review against Oxford. 

1816. 

80. Coke. Reflections on the election of Chancellor of Univer- 

sity. 1810. 

81. Home Drummond. Observations suggested by Uie stric- 

tures of Edinburgh Review, on the University of Oxford. 
1810. 

82. Ed. Copleston. Huits to Young Reviewers, &c. 

83. Second Reply to Edinburgh Review. 1810. 

84. Examiner examined. 1812. 

85. An inquiry into the studies, &c. adopted in the two Univer- 

sities, as preparatory to holy orders in the Established 
Church, &c., 1824. (The confessions of a candid 
Tory!) 

86. Remarks on the actual state of the University of Cambridge. 

1830. 

87. W. Whewell. On the principles of English University 

Education. 1837. 

88. A. Sedgwick. Discourse on the studies of the University 

of Cambridge. 1 833. 



596 APPENDIX. 

89. Daniel Walsh. Historical Account of the University of 
Cambridge, &c. 1837. (Several times referred to 
above.) 

P.S. I have just received the first numbers of a '^ Cambridge 
Portfolio," which contains much that is new, instructive and 
amusing, but very little with regard to the earlier history of the 
Universitv. 



APPENDIX 

TO 

THE ENGLISH EDITION, 

ADDED BY 

JAMES HEYWOOD, F.R.8. 



1. Historical Doubts^ by Thomas Wriykt^ F.S-A.^ on the Hioi/ra- 

phy of Alfred^ attributed to Bishop Asser ; fcith remarks 

on the antiquity of the University of Oxford^ 

from other writers. 

Since the publication of the original German edition of the English 
Universities, in 1839 and 1840, some important critical researches 
into the authenticity of the biography of King Alfred, which had 
been, until then, generally attributed to Bishop Asser, were commu- 
nicated to Sir Henry Ellis, K.H, F.R.S., secretary of the Society of 
Antiquaries, by Mr. Thomas Wright, F.S.A.,* and were read to 
the Society in November, 1841. During the last year (1842), the 
paper by Mr. Wright on this subject was published in the Archse- 
ologia, and with the kind permission of the author, I am now able 
to add its main arguments in this place. 

It will be seen, by a reference to vol. i. p. 373 of the present 
work, that the antiquity of the Oxford schools had engaged much 
of the attention of Professor Huber ; but if the origin of the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, from any scholastic institutions of King Alfred, 

* Mr. Wright has been reeentlv by preparing the biography of the 
elected a member of the French literary characters of tnc Anglo- 
Institute, and he has shown his Saxons, as a part of the Diographia 
ffreat knowledge of the Anglo- Britannica literaria. 
Saxon period oiEnglish Litoraturc^ 



598 APPENDIX. 

be principally dependent on a biography of that monarch, compiled 
in the eleventh century, and professing to be a contemporary 
narrative, the University \*ill probably have to trace the com- 
mencement of its connexion with royalty from a later date. 

Some idea of the nature of the disputed biography of Alfred 
may be formed from the folloAiing account of it, by Lappenberg, 
in the introduction to his History of England (p. 48) : — "A work 
of consequence for an important epoch of English history must 
here be cursorily mentioned, ' The Biography of King Alfred, 
composed by Bishop Asser.' Although no entire and good copy of 
this work appears to have come down to us, yet we can frequently 
restore it from the Chronicle of Florence of Worcester, who, for 
the most part, has transferred it verbally into his work. In Sir R. 
Cotton s library there was an old copy of the tenth century extant, 
which 'was not sufficiently valued, because it was noticed that many 
passages were wanting in it, which were extant in other manu- 
scripts, although equally wanting in Florence's, and on this account 
it was declared defective.* Yet most of these passages, which are 
wanting, are to be rejected for their contents, especially the much 
disputed ones respecting the antiquity of the University of Oxford, 
first given in Camden's edition, even if their non-existence had not 
made the best manuscripts suspected of party spirit These pas- 
sages were first interpolated into the ' Biography of Alfred ' at a 
later date, out of a work which has erroneouslv been named 
'Asser's Amials/t The Annals were derived from the Saxon 
Chronicle, Dudo's Norman History, various legends, Assers Bio- 
graphy of Alfred, and some unknown sources, and can scarcely 
have originated before the eleventh ccntur}\ An error of Leiand, 
or rather of Gale, has also caused it to be supposed that these 
annals of pseudo-Asser received the title of * Chronicon St Neoti.' "J 

Anxiety to give the University of Oxford a British origin, and 
an extraordinary precedence over her younger sister of Cambridge, 

* Edition, Parker, 1570. Camden, f Printed in Gale Ck>llect. vol. i., 

1600 and 1603. Annales rer^jrest. see page 339. 

Alfredi auct. Asserio rec. F. Wise. t See Wiae's Prefoce and other 

Oxon. 1722-3, where the comparison places, 
with the Cottonian Copy is given. 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 599 

may have led to the interpolation of the pastsagcs referred to ; 
but whether they were interpolated or not, the historical value 
of the biography of Alfred must be lessened, from the uncertainty 
of its authorship. 

" No person," observes Mr. Wright, " can read Asser s life of 
Alfred, without obser^'ing, that it consists of two distinct parts ; of 
a chronology of events arranged year by year, on which are next 
engrafted a few anecdotes of Alfred's private life and also a 
eulogy of his character. The first of these portions, which is 
the strictly historical part, will be fomid, on comparison,^ to be 
nothing more than a translation of the Saxon Chronicle." 

Remarkable examples of this fact are alluded to, by Mr. 
Wright, in the entries for the years 867, 86i), 870, 871, Sec. ; and 
he particularly instances the brief entry for the year 874, which 
stands, as follows, in the Chronicle, only in the Anglo-Saxon 
language. 

A. D. 874. "Here went the army from Lindesse to Hreope- 
dune, and there took its winter quarters, and t/iejf drove over the 
sea the King Burhred, about two and twenty years aflter he had the 
kingdom, and ha<l overcome all that land. And he went to Rome, 
and there remained till his life's end, and his body lieth in St. 
Mary's church, in the school of the Angles. And the same year 
they gave to Ceolwolf, an unicise thane of t/ie kintj^ the kingdom 
of Mercia to hold, and he swore oaths to them, and gave hostages, 
that it should be ready for them on whatever day they vould 
have ity and that he would be ready with himself, and with all 
that would remain with him, to be at the serrice of the amiv." 

A literal translation, of Asser's Latin, in the entry for the same 
year, is as follows : — 

" In the year of the incarnation of our Lord 874, and of the 
nativity of Kuig Alfred 25, the above after-mentioned army leav- 
ing Lindissig, entered Mercia, and wintered in a place called 
Hreopedune. It also compelled Burghred, king of the Mercians, 
to leave his kingdom, and to withdraw over the sea nnd to po to 
Rome against his will, in the 22nd yeur of his reijrn. Aftir Iun 
arrival at Rome, he did not long survive, but died and uas hurled 



600 



APPENDIX. 



honourably in the scliool of the Saxons in the cliurch of St. Mary, 
in expectation of the coming of the Lord, and of the first resur- 
rection ^ith the righteous. After his expulsion the pagans brought 
under their subjection the whole kingdom of the Mercians. How- 
ever, on account of its miserable condition, tbey entrusted it to the 
keeping of a certain unwise minister* of the king^ (whose name was 
Ceolwulf,) with the understanding, that on whatever day they would 
have it again he should peaceably resign it to them ; in recogni- 
zance whereof he gave them hostages, and 8Wore, that he w^ould 
in no wise oppose their will, but be obedient in all things." Page 8. 

Mr. Wright deduces from these two accomits, that one of them 
is taken verbatim from the other. '* It is," he says, " improbable 
that Asser should be the original, because in his narrative the 
yearly entries contain many things wliich are irrelevant to the sub- 
ject, and they have there a remarkable appearance of ^ patch-work,' 
while in the Saxon Chronicle they are perfectly in their place, in 
entire harmony with what goes before and what follows. 

*' Now if these entries are taken from the Saxon Chronicle, it is 
impossible that they can have been \iTitten so early as 894, be- 
cause by the most favorable supposition that has been hazarded on 
the antiquity of this part of the Chronicle, it was not composed 
before the beginning of the tenth century, and it is more tlian pro- 
bable that it is a work of a later period. t 

With regard to the other portion of the work, the biographical 
matter interwoven with the chronological entries, Mr. Wright does 
not consider that it embraces the kind of information to be ex- 
pected from Alfred's friend and contemporary. "Let any one," 
gays the critic, " read Eginhard s Life of Charlemagne, and com- 
pare it \i'ith tbc dry chronicles of the time, he ^^ill find facts told 
by the biographer with the vigour and spirit of a man who wag 



♦ « What Alfred calls the king's 
Thane is in Bede the king*8 Min- 
ister." Turner's Anglo - Saxons, 
vol. iii. p. 232. 

\ Mr. Wright does not think, 
that there is any suhstantial reason 
for attributing a part of the Anglo- 
Baxon Chronicle to Plogmund, 



and he adds, that even supposing 
the entries durins* the greater part 
of the reign of Alfred to have been 
contemporary, it is quite impro- 
bable that tiuch a man as Asser 
should have used them in the way 
they are used in the *' Life of 
Alfred." 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 601 

active and interested in them, accompanied ynth vivid sketches 
and clear views of the policy and character of that great monarch. 
When we turn to Asscr, we seem to have a wiiter who would 
fain imitate the hiographer of the Frankish Emperor, but who only 
knows the historv of his hero from one bare chronicle, and de- 
pends upon popular traditions for his views of Ids personal cha- 
racter. 

" There is clearly much," continues Mr. Wright, " that is 
legendary and not historically true in Asser s account of Alfred. 
I am inclined," he observes, *' to doubt the tnith of the al- 
leged neglect which, according to Asscr, had been shown to 
Alfred's education in his infancy. We know that his father. 
King Ethelwolf, was an accomplished scholar ; that he had been 
an ecclesiastic before he came to the throne ; that his friends and 
advisers were ecclesiastics, such as Swithun and Alstan, the former 
of whom at least was a scholar ; that he was a great patron of the 
clergy and of the Church; that Alfred (liis favorite child) was 
twice carried to Rome before he was six years of age: — is it 
probable tliat 'under such circumstances the royal youth would be 
left to pick up his first scraps of learning after he was advanced 
beyond the common age of receiving such instruction, by the 
caprice of accident ? or is it not much more likely that he derived 
the thirst for knowledge, which distinguished his after life, from 
the teaching and example of the leanied men whom he had seen 
at his father 8 court ? 

*' At page 5, the ivriter of the biography quotes the oral authority 
of Alfred, in a very ostentatious manner, for the story of Offa's 
wife, Eadburgha, which must have been familiar to the ears of every 
inhabitant of Alfred's dominions. Yet a Httle further on, when he 
arrives at one of the most important events of Alfred's life, his 
pretended destitution in the isle of Athelncy, which one would 
suppose Asser must have had many occasions of hearing from the 
King's own mouth, all that he has to add to the words of the Saxon 
Clironicle he professes to take from a legendary Hfe of St. Neot ! 
I am aware [remarks Mr. AVright] that the passage relating to the 
adventure of Alfred with the neatherd's wife is considered to be an 



602 APPENDIX. 

interpolation, and that it was omitted in what appears to have been 
the oldest MS. But by giving up the passage omitted in the ma- 
nuscript, we do not get rid of the allusion to the story, or of the 
reference to the authority of St. Neot's life, for the oldest MS. 
contained the words, ^And, as is related in the life of the holy 
Father Neot, that the King sought shelter in the house of one of 
his neatherds ;' and there is, moreover, in this book, a second re- 
ference to the same authority. Now it is my opinion that no life 
of St. Neot existed in the time of the real Asser, but that the 
lives of that saint were first composed later on, in the tenth century, 
perhaps not till his name was made famous by the violent dispute 
about the possession of his relics, at the time of their felonious 
translation from Cornwall to Huntingdonshire, in the year 974. 

*' The second reference to the authority of the life of St. Neot 
also relates to what is perhaps a legendary part of Alfred's history, 
namely, the unknown disease under which he is said to have 
laboured. At page 12, the writer, with the life of St Neot before 
him, states that he suffered under this disease from the twentieth 
year of his age until he had passed his fortieth year — ^ and what, 
sad to relate, is worst of all, he incessantly suffered such a daily 
recurrence of it through so long a course of years, — from the 
twentieth year of his age to the fortieth and more;* — at which time, 
when hunting in Cornwall, he came to the shrine of St. Neot, where 
he humbled liimself in 'prayer, and wbs miraculously and radically 
cured — ' but at a certain time, by the di\'ine will, when he had 
gone into Cornwall for the sake of hunting, and had turned aside 
to pray in a certain church, in which St. Guer}T, and now also St. 
Neot reposes, he was relieved .... Having finished his 
prayer he resumed his journey, and not long after, as he was en- 
gaged in prayer, he felt himself divinely cured of that disease, so 
that it was entirely eradicated.' Yet, after so explicit a statement 
that the King had been cured of his disease, we find the writer a 
little further on, at page 17, asserting that he still laboured under 
it at the time the book was written, and that he had never expe- 
rienced even a short intermission of relief. — 'For from twenty 
years of age to forty-five, tchich he now «>, he has been incessantly 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 603 

troubled with the severest harassing by an unknown disease, so 
thai he heis no security /or one hour^ that he shall not have an attack 
of the disorder, or is not disheartened by the dread of its recur- 
rence/ I can with difficulty be brought to believe that King 
Alfred 8 friend. Bishop Asser, could have made so much coniiision. 
"With the few contemporary documents preserved from the 
ravages of time, it is impossible to test in a satisfactory manner the 
historical accuracy of the account of Alfred, which we owe entirely 
to the writer of this book. I think it would not be difficult to 
point out one or two passages which ore of a kind to excite sus- 
picion, but I will only mention one. Under A. D. 877, Asser 
says, ^ Then King Alfred conunanded boats and galleys, that is, 
long Mpe^ to be constructed throughout the kingdom.' — I suspect 
that this is an allusion to the long ships which Alfred caused to be 
constructed, not in 877, but in 897, (as we learn from the Saxon 
Chronicle,) long after the book from which we are quoting is sup- 
posed to have been written. I would add, that I think I can 
sometimes detect the \iTiter forgetting his assumed character for a 
moment, and speaking of tilings as though he were living long 
after the time at which they occiured. At the period when the 
book is pretended to have been \^Titten, Alfred must have been 
occupied in the midst of all the reforms he was introducing into 
his kingdom, and particularly those which affected the administra- 
tion of justice. I can hardly think that a person wTiting at the 
time, and avowedly closing his work with that time, and, more- 
over, addressing it to A If red himself would have ^litten thus : — 
^ For that King was a most discreet and diligent inquirer into all 
trials at law which were carried on, as well as in all other affiiirs ; 
for he sagaciously investigated all the verdicts throughout nearly 
the whole of his kingdom which were delivered in his absence, 
as to their merits,' &c. I think it impossible that a person would 
speak of a King of the country in which he was writing, during 
his reign, and in a work addressed to that King, as ' that King 
(rex illc). It would be used rather by a person who was speaking 
of a King long since dead, and who would distinguish him from 
those who came before or after him. 



C04 APPENDIX. 

" Many of Asser s anecdotes arc not only evidently legendary, but 
tbcy are extremely puerile. When we arc expecting some remark- 
able proof of the great genius of Alfred, this wTiter tells us seri- 
ously that the pious monarch, long grieved that the candles offered 
in his churches should not bum steadily, because the T^nnd pene- 
trated through the crevices of the doors and windows, and caused 
a current of air in the interior, at length Iiit upon the wonderful idea 
of making horn lanterns to put over them ! — ' He considered how 
he could hinder such currents of i^ind, and nith cunning and vnse 
device he ordered a lantern to be very beautifully constructed of 
wood and the horns of oxen. For the karns of an ox when tehite^ 
and scraped thin with an axe, are not less transparent than glass. 
Which lantern therefore being, as we have said before, wonderfuUy 
made of wood and honi, and a candle being put into it at night, 
shone a« brightly externally as internally, ivithout being troubled 
Mith currents of air, because he had like^vise ordered a door to be 
made of horn for the lantern.' 

" There is another remarkable circumstance connected with As- 
ser s narrative, — he says nothing of Alfred's ^\Titings. Yet it ^Fa8 
probably between 890 and 894 that the King translated the Pastorale 
of St. Gregory into Anglo-Saxon, and distributed it among his 
bishops, in the preface to which work he says he translated it 
' sometimes word for word, sometimes meaning for meaning, 
even as I learnt them of Plegnmnd my Archbishop, and of As^er 
my Bishop^ and of Grimbold my Mass-priest, and of John my 
Mass-priest.' 

"It is clear from what has been just said, either that Alfred's 
translation of the Pastorale was made after the year 894, or that 
the \iTiter of Asser s Life of Alfred believed such to have been the 
case, for it is not possible that, if Asser's book be authentic and 
the Pastorale had been translated before the time in which it \*tis 
written, Asser should have been ignorant of so important a circiun- 
stance. Now Asser (pp. 18, 19.) gives the story (which appears 
to have been prevalent at a later period, as it is alluded to under 
different fonns by historians of the twelfth century) of the munler 
of John the ' Presbyter by some of his monks, after he had been 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 605 

made by Alfred Abbot of Athelucy; and he introduces it as a 
thing wliich had occurred some time before — (' the deed also 
which was perpetrated at that time in the same monastery I shall 

consign to oblivion in mute silence for a^ that time^ with 

diabolical instinct, a certain })riest and deacon they keep 

themselves exceedingly secret so much were they eiMttered against 
his abbot, the aforesaid John') — and which he was going out of 
his way to mention. Yet Alfred himself, in the passage above 
quoted from the preface to the Pastorale, speaks of the same John 
as being not only alive then, but as being a simple Presbyter, and 
not an abbot (my 'mass-priest' not 'my abbot'). This appears 
to me sufficient in itself to destroy our faith in the book, and I have 
no doubt if we had contemporary documents of the proper kind 
we should find numerous similar mistakes. I am inclined to think 
that the story concerning Alfred's school for the children of the 
nobles, where they were to be mstructed in the English and Latui 
languages, (Asser, p. 13,) had no other foundation than the words 
of the king in the same preface — ' Therefore it appears to me 
better, if it appear so to you, that we also have some books, which 
are judged most ncedfiil for all men to understand ; tliat we trans- 
late them into that language which we all know ; and bring to pass, 
as we very easily may, with God's help, if we have quietness, that 
all the youth that are now in the EngUsh nation of free-bom men, 
who have the means to maintain them, may be set to learning, 
while they are capable of no other occupation, mitU first they knoto 
tteU to read English writifig. Let tliose be afterwards taught fur- 
ther in the Latin tongue^ whom one will teach fiu*ther, or one 
designs for a higher degree.' We have here an indirect recom- 
mendation of a certain mode of instruction, which was to be the 
result of the English translations of Latin books, but no indications 
of any schools having been established for the purpose. 

" We are accustomed to consider Asser as having been made by 
Alfred, Bishop of Sherborne, (though this is not stated in Asser's 
work.) It is rather singular that the original copy of Alfred's 
translation of Gregory's Pastorale in the Public Library of the 
University of Cambridge (apparently the one from which Matthew 



GOG 



APPENDIX. 



Parker printed the introduction) is addressed to Wulfsigc, Bishop 
of Sherborne, although in the same introduction Asser is spoken of 
as being a Bishop. Perhaps the Asser of history was made Bishop 
of Sherborne towards the end of Alfred's reign, or in that of Ids 
successor, having previously been bishop of some other see. The 
list of the Bishops of Sherborne in Gkxlwin is confused ; a better 
list is found in the Cottonian Manuscript, Tiberius B. v., written 
about the year 993, where they stand thus : Ealhstan, Heahmund, 
iEthelheah, Wuffki^e^ Asser^ iSthelweard, Waerstan, iEthel- 
bald, Sigehn, Mhed^ Wul&ige, Alfn'old, iEthelsige. The Saxon 
Chronicle gives us the bore statement that Asser, Bishop of Sher- 
borne, died in 910 (nine years after King Alfred). 

*^ I think that the writer of the book (si^posing it to be a forgery) 
did know that Asser was a bishop, although his information is not 
easily reconciled with history. After giving a somewhat osten- 
tatious and suspicious account of the favors which he had received 
from Alfred, and telling us that the King made him in one day 
Abbot of the two Monasteries of Angrcsbury and Banwell, at the 
same time promising greater gifts at a future period, he adds, that 
the King afterwards gave him .*• £xeter, \vith the whole parochia 
which appertained to it in Saxony (Wessex) and in Cornwall.' p. 
15. I believe that among the Anglo-Saxon writers the word 
parochia (our parish J wvlb used invariably (according to its Greek 
root) to signify an episcopal diocese ;* and that Asser, or the person 
who took on himself to represent him, intended to say that the 
King made lum Bishop of Exeter. I am not aware that there wua 
a Bishop of Exeter before the reign of Edward the Confessor, 
when (about A. D. 1049) the see of Crediton was removed to 



* "Thus, to quote the first ex- 
ample which comes to hand^ the 
list of Bishops of the end of the 
tenth century in MS. Cotton. 
Tiber. B. v. it it is said of Wessex, 
' It is divided into two dioceses 
CparoehiasJ ; one the church of 
Winchester, the other of Sherborne 
.... The church of Winchester 
was divided into two dioceses Cpa- 
roehiasJ in the time of Fridestan 



.... then it was divided into threo 
dioceses (parochias) the churehes 
of Wilton, Wells and Crediton 

The province of Mcrcia had 

two bishops, Headda and Wilfrid, 
after that Wilfrid elect and Ueadda 
aforesaid ruled both dioceses (pa- 
rochias/Sic. seeB^liquiso AntiqusD, 
vol. ii. pp. 169, 170, where this valu- 
able document is printed." 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 607 

Exeter by Lcofric. I at first thought that the book of which we 
are speaking might have been fabricated towards the end of the 
tenth century ; but the mistake just pointed out would bring it 
down as low as the reign of the Confessor. At either of these 
periods, traditionary anecdotes of King Alfred (the ^' darling of the 
English," as he is called in the popular poetry even of the twelfth 
century) must have been very abundant, and in everybody's mouth. 
At both periods it may have had a political use, either as intended 
to encourage the Anglo-Saxons in resisting the Danes, or in sup- 
porting the English party, headed by Earl Grodwin, against Edward's 
Norman and French favorites. For this purpose, some monk 
appears to have conceived the idea of forming a life out of the 
traditions, and to have taken for his ground-work a copy of the 
Saxon Chronicle (perhaps mutilated, and ending with the year 
894) and the legendary life of St. Neot ; and, in order to give 
greater authority to his book, he pretended that it was written by 
Alfred's friend, Asser. This would also account for the writer's 
dwelling so much on Alfred's patriotic love for the popular poetry 
of his native land ; which must have been a peculiarly gratifying 
theme to the Anglo-Saxons in Uie tenth and eleventh centaries. 
The writer's ignorance with regard to the see of Exeter is not 
greater than several historical blunders in the life of St. Neot 
There appeared another edition of the life of Alfred, with the ad- 
dition of the translation of the entries of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
previous to Alfred's birth, and a short continuation from the same 
source. It was printed by Gale, and goes under the name of 
Asscrii Annales ; but its more proper title is said to be the 
Chronicle of St Neot's, it having been written there. This cir- 
cumstance, and the use made of the life of St Neot,* lead me to 
suggest that the writer of the life of Alfred was a monk of that 
house. It does not appear, on an investigation of Uie subject, that 
any person has ever seen a MS. of Asser which can safely be as- 
signed to an earlier date than the eleventh century. 

^^ These are the grounds on which I have been led to suspect the 

* ^ Loland mentions the Chronicle alluded to and two different Lives of 
the Saint, as being in the library of St. Neot's in Huntingdonshire." 



608 APPENDIX. 

Life of Alfred attributed to Assor. It i;^ a subject wbich requires 
fiulbcr investigation ; and I bave too mucb diffidence in my o\m 
reasoning to ventiu'e to quote tbe book as otber tban autbentic, 
until tbey be confirmed by tbe opinions of better scbolars tban 
myself. ** 

Lappenberg states, in bis bistor}* of England^ p. 336, tbat, at 
tbe time wben Alfred commenccnl bis reign, very few of tbe 
clergy to tbe soutb of tbe Huniber, and none to tbe Soutb of tbe 
Tbames, could be found, wbo could translate a Latin work ; tbis 
condition of ignorance, tbe bistorian traces to tbe effects of tbe 
Danisb wars^ wben so many monasteries witb tbeir Hbraries and 
treasures were burnt. 

Alfred is ver}' properly praised, by tbe same \^Titer, for bis love 
of learning, and bis efforts to promote education, and tbe contested 
passage, respecting Grimbold and tbe antiquity of tbe University 
of Oxford is referred to, after wbicb Lappenberg adds : — 

" Tbis account, bowevcr, is only to be found in Camden's printed 
copy of Aaser's Life of Alfred, tbe manuscript of wbicb is un- 
known. Tbe older edition of Parker, tbe manuscript of wbicb was 
lost by tbe burning of Sir R. Cotton's librar\% does not contain tbe 
passage in question. As, bowever, botb editions first appeared 
in tbe reign of Queen Elizabetb, wbile a fierce dispute waa 
going on about tbe relative antiquity of tbe Universities of Ox- 
ford and Cambridge, it is ver\' doubtful wbetber one editor 
omitted tbe passage in question, or wbetber tbe otber inserted 
a forger}'. Tbe circumstance tbat none of tbe autbors wbo are 
accustomed to follow Asser so closely, contain a trace of tbis 
account, as well as many internal grounds speak for tbe latter 



View. * 



A curious old manuscript dissertation on tbe origin of tbe Uni- 
versity of Oxford is preserved in volume 338 of tbe Tanner MSS. 
in tbe Bodleian Librar}^ of wbicb an Engli^^b translation may 
perbaps be interesting to tbe reader, wbo is desirous to obtain 
information respecting tbe works in wbicb tbe name of Alfred 
was fomicrlv associated witb tbe Universitv. 

* Lappenberg. Geschicbtc von England, vol. i. p. .*W9. 




HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 609 

Tills dissertation, being found among tlie Tanner MSS., may 
possibly have been drawn up in the time of Bishop Tanner, and if 
80, its date would be about the commencement of the last century, 
for the bishop was bom in 1674, and died in 1735. It contains 
two separate assertions; the first, that it is not certainly agreed 
upon, from the most ancient and indisputable histories, whether 
King Alfred founded the University of Oxford or not; and the 
second, that, on the authority of later historians, it is to be asserted, 
that Alfred did found the University of Oxford. 

Under the first assertion, and without being aware of the doubts 
of recent historical criticism, the %\Titer, very naturally for his day, 
begins with a reference to John Asser, Bishop of Sherborne, who, 
he says, \\Tote an abridged life of Alfred, in the Annals of Britain, 
and one at greater length in the book concerning the actions of 
Alfred, but never mentions the University of Oxford in either work, 
or alludes to its fomidation, although he lived in the time of 
Alfred, and was the familiar friend of that monarch. ^'But it 
is altogether incredible," continues the i\Titer, " that Asser should 
have omitted to mention such a memorable act of Alfred, as the 
first founding of the University, especially as it is represented 
to us in the Chronicle of the New Monastery of Winchester, and 
also by John Boss, where so many celebrated Professors are 
individually enumerated in separate faculties. Neither is it likely 
that Alfred was himself present at the foundation, and that Asser 
purposely omitted the whole account; although the latter was 
himself a distinguished Professor, and has recorded, at great length, 
many facts of much less importance, such as the privileges which 
Alfred obtained from Pope Marinus for the school of the Anglo- 
Saxons at Rome, and the school which he founded in his own 
palace. Ethelward Patricius, sixty years afler, took up the history 
of Asser. He gives a frill and accurate account of the deeds of 
Alfred in the third chapter of the fourth book. Under the year 
885, he mentions the liberty which Pope Marinus granted, at the 
request of Alfred, to the English school at Rome ; but he makes 
no mention of Oxford, or of any school being either founded 
or restored there bv Alfred. 

VOL. II. R R 




GIO APPENDIX. 

*' Ethel ward n-as followed by Ingulf, the abbot ; but although he 
studied in his youth at Oxford,* and relates at considerable length 
the actions of Alfred, he neither mentions Oxford nor makes any 
allusion to the University being founded there or restored by 
Alfred ; and when he mentions the learned men who had been 
invited from foreign coimtries by Alfred, he adds, that after the 
King had detained them for a time in his own palace, to instruct 
him in sacreil literature, he promoted them to different prela- 
cies and diirnities. Hence, he savs, St. Grimbold was made 
abbot of the New Monaster}' of Winchester; John, commonly 
calloil the Scot, was appointed prelate of his own Monastery 
of Atheling. Ho next mentions Athelstan, Wexulph, Phleg- 
mimd, and Asser, men of profound leannng, who lived on terms 
of the closest intimacy with the King. All these abode for a 
considerable time in the palace, and the King took advantage 
of their societv and leaniin;; to make himself a sound and accom- 
plished scholar. This is asKterted on the authority of Ingulf. 
Here, then, is a profound silence on either the foimdation or the 
restoration of the school at Oxford, which might very properly 
have been mentioned with its first professors. But neither 
Marianus Scotus, nor William of Malmesbury, Florence of Wor- 
cester, Alfred of Beverley, Hour}' of Huntingdon, Geoffrey of 
Monmouth, William and Ealrt^l of Rievaulx, Svmeon of Durham, 
Richard of Devizes, Richard [Hangidstadiensis], Roger de Hoveden, 
nor anv of our historians for four hundred vears and more after 
the time of Alfred mention him either as the foimder or restorer 
of the schools of Oxford; neither is he spoken of as such, by 
Roger of Cirencester, a monk of Westminster, who, in his His- 
torical Mirror, B. 3, p. 8, gives a full account of the acts of Alfred, 
expressing himself, for the most part, in the very words of Asser. 

* Tliis statement was probably on this point, Mr. Hallam, in his 

derived from the Chronicle of In- History of Literature, ( vol. i. p. 

ffulf, wliieli, according to Professor 12,) says, that the history of the 

Hul)er, (vol. i. p. 3S5,) is considered University of Oxford before Henry 

by Lappenberg to be possibly itself II. is but obscure, and ^' depend 

a later compilation or multifarious chiefly on a suspicious passage in 

materials, although the genuine- Ingulfiis, against which we mugt 

ness of the passage there referred set the absolute silence of other 

to, is not especially doubted, but writers." 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 611 

Indeed I am not aware that any historian, previous to Ranulph of 
Chester, can he found, who mentions, as a fact, that tlie University 
of Oxford was founded or restored hy Alfred, or that its scholars 
were supported hy his mimificence. Wlien this opinion had heen 
once delivered, all who followed confidently repeated the same as- 
sertion, walking, for the most part, in the same steps, and using 
almost the same words, with very little regard to the truth or ac- 
curacy of their statement. Ranulph lived ahout A. D. 1363." 

Having thus discussed the first division of his suhjcct, the writer 
of the dissertation gives his second assertion, " that, although we 
may say, on the authority of later historians, that Alfred founded 
the University of Oxford, yet it is to he asserted, from the statement 
of Uie same parties, that he did not restore that University, hut that 
he originally founded it." 

Ranulph of Chester, who WTote ahout 500 years after Alfred, 
is related to have said in the 6th Book of his Polychron., that 
"Alfred was the first who founded puhlic schools at Oxford, for 
various arts," and nearly the same account of the foundation of the 
Universitv is referred to, from an anon\'mous writer in the Oxford 
lihrary. John Brampton is the next author cited, who, in his 
Historia Fomalensie, says, in the Life of Alfred: — 

" Wherefore, with the advice of the ahhot St. Neot, whom he 
was in the hahit of frequently visiting, he [Alfred] first founded 
puhlic schools for various arts at Oxford, on which he caused 
many privileges to be conferred." 

Tlie writer then quotes the Annals of the New Monastery of 
Winchester, which record that, " in the year 886, the second year 
after the arrival of St. Grimhold in England, the University of 
Oxford was commenced ; the first who presided, and read divinity 
lectures in it were St. Neot, an abbot and able divine, and 
St Grimhold, a most excellent professor of the incomparable 
sweetness of the sacred pages; Asser the monk, an eminent 
and accomplished scholar, was professor of grammar and rhe- 
toric; and John the monk, colleague of St. Grimhold, gave 
lectures in logic, music, and arithmetic, in the presence of the most 
glorious and invincible King Alfred, whose memory will dwell, 
like honey, in the mouths of all." 



\ 



612 APPENDIX. 

The ^Titer thus continues: "the History of Caenobius of 
Glastonbury, on the antiquity of Glastonbury, falsely ascribed to 
Geoffrey of Monmouth, asserts that 'Alfred, by the advice of 
St. Neot the abbot, first founded public schools for various arts at 
Oxford ; he sent also Ambassadors to Rome, to request Pope 
Marinus, that he would deign to grant to the English school the 
same liberties which he had granted to the one at Rome.' The 
holy father granted his request, \\ithout any hesitation, and the 
King granted many pri\'ileges to the University. 

" John Ross, in his book ' On the Kings,' says, ' He, [Alfred,] 
among other praiseworthy acts of magnificence, institutedy by the 
ad%'ice of St Neot the abbot, public schools for various arts at 
Oxford, in the year 874 ;' and soon after he says, *' At the first 
•foundation of the aforesaid University ^ the noble King Alfred 
himself appointed within the walls of the city of Oxford at his 
ovrti expense teacliers in grammar, in arts, and . . .* Thomas Gray, 
in his Life of Alfred, v^Titten in French, in the ' Scala Chronica,* 
says, that 'Alfred caused the University of Oxford to be estab- 
Hshed.' 

" So also Polydore, Leland, and others assert. 
" A letter of the University of Oxford to Humplu^y, Duke of 
Gloucester, states, that with the exception of Alfred, of most 
blessed memor}', the founder of this fostering University, none 
ever conferred so great a benefit. 

" It is certain from the early books of the Bedells, that, when 
the Oxonians were accustomed to pray for their benefactors, they 
used the following form : — ' We pray for the soul of King Alfred, 
the first founder of this University.' 

But it has been objected, that in the best manuscript copy of 
Asser, which William Camden used, and from which the Frank- 
fort edition mtis printed, mention is made of a serious quarrel, 
which arose at Oxford, between Grimbold and the learned men 
who had accompanied him on the one side, and the old scholars 
whom he had found there on the other. Hence, therefore, on the 
testimony of Asser, it would follow, that Alfred did not originally 
institute schools at Oxford, but that he restored and revived them. 



k 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 613 

To this objection, the writer answers : " That it is very properly 
doubted whether the passage which is quoted by Camden in his 
Britannia, when he is treating of the University of Oxford, was 
ever written by Asser, and, that it appears indeed to have been 
fraudulently tacked* to his histor\'. 

^^ For, 1st, in many of the most faithful manuscript copies^ the 
whole account of the quarrel at Oxford is wanting ; and this not 
only in the copy which Matthew of Canterbury used, but also in 
all the copies which Leland saw, if indeed he means to imply 
that Asser mentioned the ford of the Isis.t It is also wanting 
in all the copies which were used by those historians who fix on 
Alfred as the first founder of the Universitv of Oxford, and whose 
names we mentioned above in our second assertion on the anti- 
quity of Oxford. For it is not likely that they would have assigned 
the foundation of the University to Alfred, if they had found in 
Asser, his cotemporary and friend, as well as the best and 
earliest historian of his life, a passage which clearly proves tliat 
he was only the restorer of the school, and not its original 
founder. Add, too, that it is altogether improbable that the 
earlier historians who followed Asser, viz. : Ethel ward. Ingulf, 
Marianus Scotus, Florence of Worcester, and the rest, for a period 
of four hundred years or more from the time of Asser, whoso 
names we mentioned above in our first assertion on the antiquity of 
the University of Oxford, should have been altogether silent on the 
restoration of the University by Alfred and the quarrel between 
Grimbold and the old scholars, if they had really read this passage 
in the copies of Asser. For these reasons it is probable, that 
hardly any other manuscript copy exists or has existed, than the 
one which Camden mentions, and in which this passage is found ; 
it is therefore credible that the passage H'as dishonestly inserted. 

2. ^' Is it to be believed, that a foundation or restoration so cele- 
brated as that of the University of Oxford, such as we have de- 
scribed from the Chronicle of Winchester, and by Ross, would 
have been passed over in silence by Asser, who undertook to write 
a particular account of all the acts of Alfred, and who, if we attach 

* Malft fido assuta. t Comment in Cygn. Cantioucm. 



614 APPENDIX. 

any credit to the aforesaid Chronicle and to Ross, was himself 
one of the chief professors of the University ? for he must have 
mentioned it heforc he mentioned the quarrel, if he hod had any 
plan of wTithig a correct histor}'. 

3. " It is scarcely credible, that the old scholars would have 
alleged, in a serious contest with Grimbold, those fables about 
Gildas, Melkin, Nennius, and Kentigem growing old in their studies 
at Oxford, when they could have been so plainly refuted from the 
history of the lives and actions of the same individuals. For none 
of the early writers said that Gildas grew old at Oxford. He 
was a monk of Bangor, and afterwards travelled into Ireland; 
on his return, he set out for Rome, and led a hermits life for 
a period in the island of Sabrina. Having lefl this island, he 
went to Glastonbur}', and abode there for some time. After this, 
he lived, as a recluse, in the neighbourhood of Glastonbun' ; there 
he died, and was buried at Glostonburv in the vear of our Lord 
512. This account of him is taken from Caradoc of Lancarvan 
and Ca})gravius. Melkin also spent his old age at Glastonbury. 
Kentigem' lived at Glasgow, in Scotland, and not at Oxford ; he was 
promoted to the bishopric of Ghwgow in the 25th year of his age, 
and continued the bishop for one hundred and sixty years, according 
to the account of John Capgravius, who wrote a life of Kentigem. 
Lastly, Ninnius, or as Bcde writes liis name Nynias, (Book iii. c. 
5,) or us others, Ninianus, was a Briton, who, according to Bede, 
was regularly educated at Rome in the faith and the mjrsteries of 
truth ; afterwards he preached the Gospel to the Southern Picts ; 
he was made Bishop of Galloway, and according to the testimony 
of Bede, died, and was buried at Candida Cassa (or Whithome). 
How, then, could he have grown old in his studies at Oxford ? 

4. " With reference to the foundation or restoration of the schools 
at Oxford by Alfred, nothing is found in Asser; nor w^ould any 
thing else be implied by Leland, if the school in whicli Alfred 
caused his younger son, Ethelward, to be liberally educated, with 
all the noble youths of nearly tlie whole kingdom, as well as with 
many of more humble birth, was held within the walls of the 
pulace, or of the King's court ; and this is clear from the accoiuit of 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 616 

Asscr, in the year 884 ; p. 13. edit. Franc, liu. 45, where he says, 
^ The sons of the nobles were brought up in the King's family,' or 
as Roger of Cirencester says, ' witliin his palace.' To this school he 
appropriated every year the seventh part of liis annual income, or, 
as Asser says, the seventh part of all the revenues which came to 
him every year from the general taxation, and which were paid into 
the exchequer — observe to this school, not to the one at Oxford; 
and this I assert in accordance with the meaning of Asser, and of 
those early historians who act as commentators on Asscr. Ranulpk 
was the first, or, at least, was one of the iirst, who recorded that 
this sum was appropriated to the school at Oxford." 

Perhaps, the silence of Domesday Book, witli respect to any 
University at Oxford, at the time of that survey, may be of some 
influence, in proving the probable non-existence of that University, 
even in 1066. Dr. Ingram states, in his Memorials of Oxford,* that 
the long-established importance of Oxford is sufficiently proved by 
the statistical description of the town, its walls, its mural mansions, 
its " domus hospitatie," &c., in the Domesday survey, but although 
he says, that the good King Alfred has been generally considered as 
the restorer rather than the founder of the University, he contents 
himself with attributing the loss of earlier records to the ravages of 
the Danes, and adds, that some of the most venerable churches of 
Oxford are incidentally noticed in Domesday Book, and that the 
landed property of the canons of St. Fridcswide is there men- 
tioned, " which never belonged to any hundred." The inhabitants 
of Oxford appear, according to AylifFe,t to have been so much 
impoverished at the time of the Conquest, that many of them were 
not able to pay the tribute, although previously they had paid vari- 
ous duties to their former kings; there were then 750 houses, 
besides 24 mansions on the walls in Oxford, and of these 500, 
or nearly two-thirds, were unable to pay tribute. Oxford was 
at that time anti-Norman, for the chieftain to whom King William 
granted that part of the country, was obliged by the Conqueror to 
build a castle on the west side of the city, fortified with large 

* Memorials of Oxford. Schools. Vol. ii. p. 2. 
t Ancient and present state of the University of Oxford. Vol. i. p. 21 



61G APPENDIX. 

trenches and nunparts in order to repress the insolence of the in- 
habitants, and the neighbouring nllages. 

Mr. Hallani, in the History of Literature, (vol. i. p. 16,) con- 
denses the whole controversy on the origin of the University of 
Oxford into a few words, when he says of the University of 
Paris : — 

" The comniencenient of tliis famous University, like that of Ox- 
ford, has no record. But it owes its first reputation to the sudden 
spread of what is usually called the scholastic philosophy." 

In the same chapter, this impartial historian states of Paris, that 
the University created patrons, and was not created by them, and 
he is evidently disposed to give very little credence to the foimda- 
tion of the University of Oxford by what lie tenns the " prophetic 
munificence" of Alfred. 

Giraldus Canibrcnsis, is considered by Mr. Hallam, to have 
been, about 1180, the first unequivocal witness to the resort of 
students to Oxford as an established scat of instruction, and it is 
certain, he continues, that Vacarius read lectures there on the civil 
law, in 1149, which affords a presumption, that it was already as- 
suming the character of a University at that time. 

In his account of Universities, Mr. Hallam places Oxford second 
only to Paris, in the thirtcentli century, for the multitude of its 
students and the celebrity of its scholastic disputations; he ex- 
plains the j)rinciple of the schoolmen to have been " the expand- 
ing, developing, and, if possible, illustrating and clearing from 
objection, the doctrines of natural and revealed religion, in a 
dialectical method, and by dint of the subtlest reasoning." Scho- 
lastic philosophy was probably one of the principal founders of 
the University of Oxford, and the arts and subtleties of scholastic 
disputation were so successfully taught there, that England, in 
the words of Mr. Hallam, " especially through Oxford, could 
show more names of the first class in this line, than any other 
country.** 

As to any real connexion of Alfred with the University of 
Oxford, modem criticism may now probably be satisfied with tho 
scholastic origin of the University, either at the end of the 1 1 th, or 



HISTORICAL DOUBTS. 617 

at the beginning of the 1 2th century, and the subsequent accounts 
of an Anglo-Saxon regal foundation must be considered as mythical 
narrations. 

If the disputed passage, respecting Orimbold and Alfred, were 
not interpolated by Camden, it may have formed a part of the 
flattering legends of Oxford, which were either compiled or in- 
vented long after the time of Asser; — and with this conclusion 
the tone of the passage* itself will correspond, when it speaks of 
the blessed Gildas, &c., who had gro\iii old at Oxford in letters, 
and had administered affairs there in peace and concord, and of 
the blessed German, who had come to Oxford, and had resided 
there half a year, while travelling about Britain, to preach against 
the Pelagian heresies, and who had admired their ordinances and 
institutions beyond all measure. 

The traditionary account of the origin of the University of 
Cambridge, by monks from the University of Orleans, at the 
commencement of the 12 th century, appears to have excited some 
doubts in the mind of Professor Huber,t on account of the text 
books mentioned in it, which could not have been in use at the 
supposed period of the foundation, and the Dean of Ely, in his 
observations on the Statutes of the University of Cambridge, 
(p. 15,) farther notices, that the course of studies, (including 
Rhetoric and Logic,} which was said to have been pursued at that 
time, would have more properly characterized the beginning of the 
fourteenth than of the twelfth century. Hence the origin of the 
University of Cambridge probably has no record. 

♦ VoL i. p. 376. + Vol. i. p. 62. 



618 APPENDIX. 



2. On the Foutidation Statutes of Corpus Christi CoUegey Oirford^ 

and the Migations of the University of Oxford to the 

Commissioners of King Henry VIIL^ for the 

promotion of Classical Learning. 

Professor Huber, in the first yolume of this work, page 231, 
descrihcs the foundation of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, by 
Bishop Fox, as expressly established for the promotion of classical 
learning, and it is certain, that Classics did give to this College 
its early reputation, so that of the three College lecturers on Greek, 
Latin, and Theology, the first two only seem to have been maintained. 

Bishop Fox gave his statutes to his college, in 1517, and he died 
in 1528. A few years afterwards, probably in 1535, at the visitor 
tion of the University and Colleges, under Henry the Eighth, Dr. 
Layton, one of the ^dsitors, thus \^Tote to the chief secretary, 
Cromwell, that hi Corpus Christi College, " yvc found two lectures 
established by the founder ; one in Greek, another in Latin, public 
for all men thereunto to have concourse." He does not mention 
any divinity lectiurc at that time in that College. 

Tliree lecturers were, however, ordained in the old statutes, one 
of Latin, the second of Greek, and the third, whom it was said 
to be requisite for the others to obey, was to be a Reader in 
Sacred Divinity, a study which, the bishop continued, he had ever 
held to be of such importance, that he had constructed his College 
for its sake, either wholly or principally. 

A pleasing simile was kept up in these statutes, by comparing 
the College to a bee garden, and the lecturers to gardeners, or 
herbahsts. The students were of course the bees, and, in the chapter 
on the pubHc lecturers, the founder began with a direct reference 
to the bees themselves, and then stated his resolution to appoint 
tlu'ce herbalists in his College, for the "honoiu* of the EngUsh name, 
and the praise of God. 

The statutes of Corpus Christi College have been recently trans- 
lated into English, by Mr. Ward, M.A., of Trinity College, Oxford; 



FOUNDATION STATUTES. 619 

Olid Irom this work, the following description of the lecturers as they 
were intended to he instituted, three hundred years ago, will explain 
some of the plans of the founder with respect to public instructioii : 

" Chapter xxii. — Of the Public Lecturers, — The bees make 
not lioncy of all flowers without choice, but from those of all 
the sweetest and best scents and savours, which are tasted and 
distinguishable in the honey itself; hence the kinds of honey 
in different regions are various, according to the diversity of the 
flowers, and neither Britain, Attica, or Hybla can produce honey, 
80 long as the honey-bearing flowers are far away. We therefore 
are resolved to constitute within our bee-garden for ever, three 
right skilful lierbaHsts, therein to plant and sow stocks, herbs, and 
flowers of the choicest, as well for fruit as thrift, that ingenious 
bees swarming hitherward from the whole gymnasium of Oxford, 
may thereout suck and cull matter convertible not so much into 
food for themselves, as to the behoof, grace, and honour of the 
whole English name, and to the praise of God, the best and great- 
est of beings. 

" Of the above three, one is to be the sower and planter of the 
Latin tongue, and to be called the Reader or Professor of the 
Arts of Humanity ; who is manfully to root out barbarity from 
our garden, and cast it forth, should it at any time germinate 
therein; and he must, on all common days and half-holidays 
throughout the year, during an entire hour, or a little more, be- 
ginning at about eight o'clock in the forenoon, pubUcly lectiu'e 
in the Hall of oiu* College, or elsewhere at some public place 
in the University, if it seem good to the President and a ma- 
jority of the seven Seniors, and clearly interpret some part of the 
underwritten authors; namely, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and 
Fridays, Cicero's Epistles, Orations, or Offices, Sallust, Valerius 
Maxinius, or Suetonius Tranquil! us, at the will of the President 
and Seniors. But when his hearers have made such progress in 
the above authors, that they wish and are able to mount to higher 
things, and it seems good to the President and Seniors, and the 
majority of the auditors also, then we permit Pliny, that luminary 



620 APPENDIX. 

in natural history, Cicero De Arte, Dc Oratore, or Do Partitionibud, 
the Institutio Oratoria of Quiuctilian, or The Declamations, or 
some such exalted writer to be read and explained in the room 
of the above-mentioned authors and works. But on Tucsdajrs, 
Thursdays, and Saturdays, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal, Terence, 
or Plautus are to be explained by liim. And on every feast day 
in the aflemoon, at any hour to be assigned by the President and 
Seniors, at a full meeting of all, he is publicly to read and explain 
Horace or Persius. Nor, however, do we forbid him to change 
these lectures, with the consent of the President and Seniors, and 
to explain on consecutive days what we have hinted at for reading 
on alternate days ; and, besides, to interpret on the same day some 
part of a poet, together with an orator. Furthermore, tlu^e times 
dining every week of the year, and four times only at his own 
election, during the excepted periods of the vacations, on dayis and 
at hoiu^ to be limited by the President and Seniors, he is to read 
privately, in some place of our College to be appointed by the 
President, to all of the household who wish to hear him, either 
the elegancies of Laurentius, Vallensis, or the Attic Lucubrations 
of Aulus Gellius, or the Miscellanies of Politian, or some such 
author, at the pleasure of tlie President and the majority of the 
auditors. 

*''But the second herbalist of our apiary is to be, and to be 
called, the Reader of the Grecists and of the Greek Language; 
whom we have placed in our bee-garden expressly, because the 
Holy Canons have established and commanded, most suitably for 
good letters, and Christian literature especially, that such an one 
should never be wanting in this University of Oxford, in like man- 
ner as in some few other most famous places of learning. Nor, 
yet, for this reason would we have those persons excused, who 
ought at their own charge to support a Greek Lecturer therein; 
but this Lectiu'er of ours is, on all common or half-hoUdays 
throughout the year, publicly to read, and clearly to explain, be- 
ginning at ten o'clock in the forenoon, or a little earlier, some 
portion of two of the underwritten authors, for an entire hour, or 
somewhat longer, in the Hall of our College. He is, therefore, to 



FOUNDATION STATUTES. 621 

read on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, some part of the Ghram- 
mar of Theodorus, or some other approved Greek grammarian, 
together with some part of the speeches of Isocrates, Lucian, 
or Philostratus ; hut on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, he is 
to read Aristophanes, Theocritus, Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, or 
Hesiod, or some other of the most ancient Greek poets, together 
with some portion of Demosthenes, Thucydides, Aristotle, Theo- 
phrastus, or Plutarch; hut on holidays. Homer, the Epigrams, or 
some passage from the Divine Plato, or some Greek tlieologian. 
Also, thrice every week, and four times only at Ids own option 
during the excepted periods of the vacations, he shall read pri- 
vately in some place of our College, to he assigned for the purpose 
by tlie President, some portion of Greek Grammar or Ehetoric, 
and also of some Greek author rich in various matter, to all of the 
household of our College who ^vish to hear him ; and, moreover, 
he is equally often to examine the hearers of the public Lecturers 
of our College, who are presently designated below, a httle before 
eight o'clock in the aflemoon, or at some other hour, the most con- 
venient in the judgment of the President and Seniors, for the space 
of half an hour ; and any person who contemptuously refuses to 
midergo examination, or is found guilty of negligence, evidenced 
by a want of improvement, on the testimony of the Reader and 
one other Fellow, is to be punished, according to the form given 
below in the chapter concerning the withdrawal of commons. 
And we will that each of the Lecturers shall, before the President 
or Vice-President, ui the presence of two of the Senior Fellows of 
our College, make his corporal oath, on touch and insjiection of the 
Holy Gt>spel8 of God, faithfully and diligently, so far as concerns 
himself, to fulfil ^ith all his might all the above particulars. 
Nevertheless, we allow, that on reasonable cause, to be first ap- 
proved of by the President, or, in liis absence, by the Vice-Presi- 
dent and the majority of the seven Senior Fellows of our College, 
the two Lecturers above-mentioned, during thirty days continuous 
or at intervals, may during the vacations without the substitution 
of any person, and for every urgent cause, first approved of by tlie 
above persons, even in term time be absent for the same space, or 



_LP?ir:yi»r3 



kaf 



imx»cest n 'ze nr~oa c -ne ~eT«uc2 a)ore-.fceinxGne«t. "v^tf we 

ftmifr v} •nnmne 'ne -ome -ri - ' -ui g s , «r u «9iiC jche*^ » be 

V noi^ *«f?mi2& Ins Hi "ne ?*-:Iows. Scaoior^ sod 

r nr • ' ulese. -^nea "se MasKr* ::•: z '-^tais. Divme*. w?so 

we "PK«:r a. ze Tni'^rHrr. ire 'o .:ear ■-iimi^oui diesw pvbtie 

-tmr?-. j» "w«i Tf^tjt m ' ^r-n a -iie •ricr ibove rren. And 

"▼▼■j f?oe''i?r •oou «• -0^21 Trm iay »iit -i "itr** .etrtares. or aoc 

>ivj«!!ic is ^-HPiL :* ^v 'Qt^ r 'nem :f >r:riii. imi •iiH*;^ aoc rcinain 

ill s »^m"'T»j«n_ -tt:2.ijiii k "oiT rvoboo. "b:^ iDDro^eti or by the 

pTPsiiiect -r ■-•e-?-?fSiuir!ic Liii "i:e 3«9Ln *f Arts or bi> lieoaST. 

•r f :sje ^arrr tr "He 3^!in •£ Arrs^ :hen )y :he Deaa or DirinitT 

»r ::» itrr-sr. -r is ca»i o ."e urrroTe^i if m die june dav. shdQ 

HP -^.zj*r.=-i z lie ^az2e -aaczer » i je Iiad HtHfn abssent on s 

- Lj^ci-". i 'il:-: r'-T'iturr. T'lom :f befio«"e?j the other saundeners 
to W^. -rait lu ui'l *r^«.'. -4ia*: >? -mailed and be che Reader 
in ^a».T^i I'T'-niiy. a <uu.^- v-uch Te "aa^e ever iioiden of soch 
imporsuiL't^. is^ :u lu'-e .'jasfCrLL-TLxi uils out apiary iSbr its sake, 
either Vii .1;-. :r x«.'>« :'!:trT;-: md Te prav. ami m Tirtue of 
our iiiciort7 .••jmnxnud iZ :iie .yee* zhj -trive and endeaTOor, with 
ail 2eal ind jame^de^e^ ?.f ^iUipse in it. a«:cordin2 to the Statates. 
This MIT last lad -ii^jie xariener is* on evcrv common or half- 
hoiiiiaT tiinuirhouc die vear. Ve-jmrnur at two o'clock in the 
artemi^^n, ::fibiicLj zo read, and protoundiv to interpret in the 
Hal! or our r"o'"e<^?. -iarJEur an entire hour* some portion of Holy 
Writ, to die oqiI iLac thotse wonder-working jewels which lie 
remote from view and latent, may come forth to the light; and 
this Lh to be done with the exception of eight weeks only, that 
ifi, three about Cliri>tmas, two at Easter, one at Pentecost, and 
two in Autumn., during which we, by these presents, give to 
the PrcHident, and the majority of the seven Senior Fellows, 
i)w pfiwfT of dispensing ^ith his reading. Neyertheless, we 
flo not forbid that on very urgent cause, first approved of by the 
|ifrnoiiK nlwvc mentioned, he may, even in term time, be absent 
for n littlo while, or forbear to lecture ; provided only he substitutes 



FOUNDATION STATUTES. 623 

some other person of competence, in their judgment, who mean- 
while is cither to carry on the same reading, or at least some 
oUicr, to he assigned hy the parties ahovo mentioned. But in 
alternate years, tliat is, every other year, he is to read some part 
of the Old Testament and some part of the New, which the Presi- 
dent and the major part of the Seniors appoint; and he must 
aliiiTiys in his interpretation, as far as he can, imitate the holy and 
ancient doctors, hoth Latin and Greek, and especially Jerome, 
Austin, Amhrosc, Origen, Hilary, Chrysostom, Damascenus, and 
others of that sort, — not Liranus, not Hugh of Vicnne, and the 
rest, who, as in time, so in learning, are far helow them; ex- 
cept where the commentaries of the former doctors fail. Also 
we will, that all the Fellows of our College by us designed 
for divinity, saving tlie doctors, shall be bound to attend these 
Theological Lectiu'cs, in the same manner as we have above 
bound the Bachelors of Arts, the Masters who are not Divines, 
and the others, to attendance at the other lectures. Now we will, 
that the Lecturer himself should be alwavs bound by oatli, dili- 
gently to perform aU the above acts, ^ith all his might, in the 
same way as the rest of the Lecturers. 

"Moreover, we will, that each of the above gardeners shall 
empower their hearers, after their lectiu^s, to question, without 
great or unseemly debate, what either the gardeners have not 
sufficiently explained during their reading, or what has caused 
scruple or doubt to the hearers themselves; and, so fiEU* as they 
can, shall rcnolve and clear up their questions and difficulties. 
But if other hours should seem more convenient and seasonable 
to the President and Senior Fellows themselves, as well as to 
the rest of their hearers, then we will, enjoin, and, in virtue 
of their oath, command the Lecturers to read at such hours, 
and continue all the lectures so long as shall appear necessary 
to the President and Seniors ; and in the country likewise, while 
the plague rages in Oxford, in some place or places appointed 
by the same President and Seniors. But on the days when, on 
account of the public Acts of the University, no hom*, at least 
no convenient one, can be allotted to any lecture, we allow it, Ti-ith 




624 APPENDIX. 

the consent of tbc President and Seniors, to be omitted on such 
days, the above-mentioned Statute and the oath notwithstanding. 
The above three persons are to be Fellows of our College, or at 
least Scholars in their two years' probation, each of whom, besides 
their own commons and portion of apparel, and besides their pen- 
sion, and the several otlier emolument*^ wliich they w^ould other- 
^visc receive from our College, shall liave a certain pension and 
stipend for their lectures, and the other duties which are charges 
on their office, out of the common goods of our College, by the 
hands of the Bursars each year, at the four terms of tlie year, by 
equal portions of that stipend; that is to say, the Lectiurer in 
Humanity five pomids every year : the Greek Lecturer five poimds, 
or at most ten marks ; but the Lecturer in Divinity, six pounds 
thirteen shillings and eight pence, or at most ten poimds. And our 
pleasure is, that the Lecturers and each of them shall be elected 
and assumed in the manner, order, and form above described, and 
ordained in the clause, ' But if after the devolution from the whole 
body of Fellows to the Seniors,' respecting the course of choosing 
the Scholars of two yeors' probation to the office of lecturing, so 
often as any one of them shall be wanting, within fifteen days after 
the vacancy has occurred, by the President and the seven Seniors 
of our College, sworn before him in the same manner as on the 
election of the Vice-President ; and in the absence of the Presi- 
dent, sworn in the same manner, but before the Vice-President, 
by the Vice-President and the other six Senior Fellows, the Vice- 
President liimself also being then sworn before the person next 
senior to himself. But every Fellow and Scholar of our College 
shall be bound to undertake the office of any Lecturer, on his 
election to it, within three days afl«r having had lawful notice of 
his election ; and within three days after he has in fact taken the 
office upon himself, as aforesaid, he shall be bound to read pub- 
Ucly, and to perform and continue the reading, and the other 
duties to the office belonging, as in this chapter is contamed, 
under the penalty of expulsion for ever from our College, which 
he shall, by virtue of the act itself, incur, unless before that time 
he of his own accord departs from it for ever." 



FOUNDATION STATUTES. 625 

Bishop Fox was probably iu wlvuiicc of general opinion, among 
the Roman C-atholic clergy of Oxford, when he gave these statutes, 
and lie thought it advisable to appeal to the commands of the 
Church (^anons, in the establishment of his Greek Lecturership m 
that University. The Canon to which he alluded, had been j)romul- 
gated in 1311, on the authority of the Council of Vienne in Dau- 
phiny,* and had enjoined that Professorships of Greek, Hebrew, 
and Arabic, should be instituted in the Universities of Paris, 
Oxford, Bologna, Salamancu, and the Court of Rome. 

Early in the sixteenth century, the study of Greek was looked 
upon with great suspicion among the ancient English teachers of 
scholastic learning ; in fact their craft was in danger, for the suc- 
cessful pursuit of classical studies ut Oxford and Cambridge put 
the old scholastic system companitively out of fashion, and the 
classical movement party might have been also identified, in some 
measure, with the growing desire for religious independence, 
which soon after assisted in the Reformation. 

But the enormous power of the Crown was fortunately exer- 
cised at that time for the improvement of learning, and classical 
studies became generally adopted throughout the University of 
Oxford, principally through the exertions of the Commissioners 
of King Henry VIII. 

An interesting account of their labours is preserved in the letter 
already mentioned,t of Dr. Layton to the Chief Secretary of State, 
Cromwell ; and it appears from the details there given, that pro- 
fessed monastic students still frequented the University, at the 
time of the visitation, (153.),) and that the works of Duns Scotus 
were especially singled out, to be removed from the course of 
University reading. Dr. Lav ton WTote in the name of the Com- 
missioners, and he thus described the state of Academic Lectures 
in different Colleges, and the improvements and innovations of the 
Commissioners hi the lectures. 

* Ackermann. Hist. Oxford, vol. precision of Monasteries, and has 

ii. p. 37. been there copied in old Engli>h, 

+ P. 61H. This letter is printed Irom the Cotton MS. Fr.ustiua 

in a volmne of the publications of c. vii. fol. 20.5. 
the Camden Society, on the siij)- 

VOL II. ss 



626 APPENDIX. 

'^Please it your goodness to be advertised, that in Magdalen 
College, we found established one Lecture of Divinity, two of 
Philosophy, (the one of Moral and the other of Natural Philoso- 
phy,) and one of the Latin tongue, all well kept, and diligently 
frequented. To these, we added a lecture in the Greek, that is, 
grammar in Greek, perpetually to be read there, and all the youth 
thereunto to have confluence for their principles. In New Col- 
lege, we have established two public lectures, one of Greek, the 
other in Latin, and we have made for them for evermore an 
honest salary and stipend. In All Souls College, we have in like 
manner established two lectures, one of Greek, another in Latin, 
with a good stipend and salary thereunto assigned for ever. 

" In Corpus Christi College, we found two lectures established 
by the Founder, one in Greek, another in Latin, public for all 
men thereunto to have concourse. We have further established a 
public lecture in the Latin tongue, in Marten [or perhaps Mor- 
ton] College ; and another in Queen's College ; and we hare 
assigned and made a sufficient stipend for each of these for ever- 
more. Because we found all the other Colleges unable, in lands 
and revenues, to have "within them public lectures, as the before- 
mentioned Colleges have, we have enjoined the said poor Col- 
leges, that they each and every one of them shall frequent and 
have dailv concourse unto the said lectures. 

" We have imposed a punishment on every scholar, within the 
University, not hearing, at least, one of these lectures. He is to 
be punished by the loss of his commons, for that day, on which 
be shall be absent from one of the said lectures, and the said 
penalty is to be enforced, for every day, as oflen as he shall have 
been absent, unless when there is some lawful cause which is to 
be approved of, by the head of the house or hall." 

Such determined, and as we might now consider them, arbi- 
trary proceedings were probably required, in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, for the proper establishment of classical studies throughout 
the University, and, it can hardly be questioned but that an occa- 
sional interference with the foundation statutes and educational 
plans of Colleges, by an enlightened body of Commissioners, 



FOUNDATION STATUTES. G27 

having the power to act, is beneficial to such ancient bodies as 
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. — In the latter Uni- 
versity, the power of Henry VIII. was afterwards exerted in the 
formation of a magnificent new College, entitled Trinity College, 
which he endowed with the property of three old-established 
foundations, King's Hall, Michael House, and Physwick's Hostel, 
besides the grant of some minor Hostels, all of which hod been 
surrendered to him ; the king did not live to grant statutes to his 
College, but a code of laws was given to the institution by his 
successor Edward VI., and other codes of laws were subsequently 
granted by Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth. Whenever any 
consolidation of small Colleges into large and more vigorous soci- 
eties, can be effected, with due respect and regard to existing 
interests, it would appear from the successful working and wide 
spread influence of this' great foundation at the present day, 
that the educational interests of the British nation may be mate- 
rially promoted. Indeed, greater facilities are afforded in a large 
College for ensuring regular and more searching examinations of 
the candidates for Fellowships ; and the actual honor of the Fellow- 
ships themselves and their estimation in the world are increased 
by the strictness and impartiality of the examiners, as well as by 
the extension of the subjects of examination. 



G28 APPENDIX. 



3. Indirect hifuences of the Reformation* From Dr. Vaughans 

Age of Great Cities, 

*'If Christianity has done much to foster tlie spirit which de- 
clares that every man should be a freeman, and that woman sliould 
be his companion, and not his slave ; it has done much more, since 
the era of the Refonnation, to strengthen all previous impulses of 
that nature, by calling upon men, without respect of persons, to 
become, in the main, their own teachers with regard to all matters 
of religioiLs o])inion and religious duty. Tliis wtxs the great blow 
against social selfishness, as takuig the form of exclusion and 
monopoly. No other movement could have given such solemn 
prominence to the broad ground occupied by men in common, as 
distinguished from the narrow grounds on which they differ from 
each other. It brought home the doctrine of human responsibility 
to every man's conscience and bosom, and with a force altogether 
new. 

" It taught tt peoi)le, who seemed to have nothing to do in reli- 
gion, except to be observant of its forms, to feel as though they 
had ever}' tiling to do in it, if their observance of forms was to be 
found of the slightest value. Men who had been taught to lean 
entirely on the priesthood of others, were admonished, that as 
they hoped to be saved, it would behove them to become their 
own priests. In this manner, it set forth a new doctrine in respect 
to Imman right and human duty, based on new views in regard to 
human capability. It raised man from a condition of mere pas- 
siveness in the hands of the accredited ministers of religion, and 
required him to act ^ith the intelligence and seriousness proper to 
a being conscious of his personal accountablcness to God. 

" No lingering attachment to the old forms of authority on the 
port of the Reformers themselves, could prevent the impulse 
which they had brought upon society from taking this direction, 
or from proceeding to this extent. Their mission was, in effect, a 

• Age of Great Citio:*, p. 72. See Iluber, vol. i. p. 2S.'). 



THE REFORMATION. 629 

proclamation of liberty to the captive, and of the opening of the 
prison to them that were bound, — or, as the utterance of a warn- 
ing Yoice, saying, the night is far spent, the day is at hand, be 
sober, be vigilant! For this call was not more a call to liberty 
than to labour. Its aim was not merely a restoration of human 
rights, but the restoration of a spirit in man that should be worthy 
of them. 

^^ It was no mean thing that men should leani to regard them- 
selves as competent to pursue the course which had been thus 
marked out for them in respect to rehgion, inasmuch as it would 
prepare them to look with a new intelligence on many other 
matters, which, in common with religion, had been long accomited 
as subjects greatly above their comprehension. If men, for ex- 
ample, were to conduct themselves after this manner with regard 
to religion, was it not reasonable that they should Icam to conduct 
themselves in the same manner 'witli regard to the questions of 
civil government? If the church could err — and err so fatally, 
might not the state also err, and no less fatally, and could it be 
improper that the right to judge concerning the more sacred 
sliould be extended to the less ? Religion and govenimcnt are 
the great questions of society, and the principle which conveys a 
right to take cognizance of these, conveys a right to take cogni- 
zance of every thing else. It is the fact that the principle of the 
Reformation carried with it these seeds of general improvement, 
that has given to it so much importance in the view of all muids 
interested in the progress of man and society. It was a call to 
wakefulness on one great subject, and a call made \vitli so much 
success, that it could not fail to induce a habit of wakefulness in 
respect to many other subjects. Sagacious men perceived that 
matters tended to this issue, some regarding it with dismay, others 
with hope, and neither were disappointed. 

" The fearing class were bold in their predictions with regard 
to the ruin that must come. Nor is it to be supposed, that the 
minds of men could pass through such a transition without behig 
affected bv circumstances so novel, so as to call forth some of the 
infirmities of human natiu-e in new forms. In breaking uwny 



630 APPENDIX. 

from the odious assumptions of a false autliority, it was to be 
feared that many would fail to discern the just claims of the true. 
In some cases, the modest self-reliance which religion enjoins, 
would bo confounded with the spirit of presumption which it con- 
demns. The war of argument, also, soon brought on the war of 
the sword. School became divided against school, and, as the 
next step, nation became divided against nation. 

'\But to judge wisely concerning any such change, we must 
look upon it broadly and as a whole. Despotism has its seasons 
of repose, but it is not a repose with wliich wise men will be en- 
amoured. The errors attendant on the Reformation may have 
been many, but they were neither so many, nor of a kind so 
much to be deplored, as were those which they served in a great 
measiu'e to supersede. It was, we admit, anotlier consequence of 
that change, that the wars of Europe during more than a century 
from that time, were, for the most part, wars of rchgion. But 
when we look to the wars which preceded that interval, and to 
those which followed upon it, we see little reason to doubt that, 
had the pretexts or incentives of religion been wanting, their place 
would have been readily supphed by others not less potent or 
mischievous. But while the place of the evils in the train of the 
Reformation would no doubt have been supplied by others of 
greater magnitude, the good which resulted from the mental and 
spiritual revolution of the sixteenth century, \vbs such as could not 
have been realized, within the same space of time, from any other 
cause." 



APPENDIX. 631 



4. Account of the Parliamentary Visitations of the Universities, 
during the Civil Wars of the Seventeenth Century. '^ 

** The first instance in which the University of Camhridge forced 
itself into notice in the present contest, was when they attempted, 
in August, 1642, to send the University plate to the King, to be 
coined into money to enable him to carry on the war. Cromwell 
was one of the representatives for the town of Cambridge in this 
Parliament, and he had just received a commission to raise a troop 
of horse against the King. One of his first exploits was an en- 
deavour to defeat the measure now adopted by the University. 
We are assured by the ecclesiastical writers, that Cromwell was 
outwitted in this, and bafHcd of his prize, by means of which his 
character as a subtle, active man was somewhat brought uito ques- 
tion : but we find by the journals, that the House of Commons 
voted him an indemnity for what he effected in this transaction. 
The truth probably is, that a great part of the plate was stopped; 
but that a portion of it reached its destination. Cromwell is said 
by the rovalist writers to have conducted himself with some rug- 
gedness on this occasion. 

^^ Shortly after this, Cambridge was made a garrison for the Par- 
liament, chiefly under the superintendence of Cromwell. That his 
soldiers were not debauched and licentious, is proved to us by tlie 
most indubitable testimony; but it must have been sufficiently 
vexatious in this seat of learning, that many of them were quartered 
upon the University ; and we may be sure, from the detestation 
they had imbibed of idolatry and ceremonial observances, that they 
were unwelcome guests to many of the older members of that 
body. They frequently vented the fervour of their zeal in the de- 
molishing of images and painted windows ; and they expressed, in 
a way sufficiently unequivocal, their dislike of the habits and cos- 
tume of more elevated members of the estabUshment. Add to 

* From Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. i. p. 306, vol. iii. p. 86. 

See Huber, vol. ii. p. 10 and p. 14. 



632 APPENDIX. 

whicli, those of the Cambridge clergy, who felt themselves stimu- 
lated by their political partialities to give vent, in an imseasonable 
and offensive manner, to the lively interest they took in the roynl 
cause, experienced more serious effects from the displeasure of the 
Parliament and its adherents. Several of them were taken into 
custodv, and were occasionallv treated with that contumelious 
severity which is so apt to form one of the features of civil broils. 

" At length, in the beginning of the present year, (1644,) the Par- 
liament set itself seriously to introduce that change into the Univer- 
sity of Cambridge which the circumstances of the times demanded at 
their hands. Asa first step, an order was issued by the two houses, 
declaring that, whereas doubts had been suggested, ui)on the ordi- 
nance for the sequestration of the estates of delinquents, whether 
the estates of the different bodies in that University came within 
the operation of the ordinance, the meaning of Parliament was 
that these estates and revenues should be in no wise sequestrable, 
but that the sequestrations should fall merely upon the individual 
who had been pronounced deHnqueut, and that no longer than 
during the time that he would otherwise have received or enjoyed 
those revenues. 

" Having thus recognized and declared the solidity of the fabric 
of the University, the Parliament next proceeded to the consider- 
ation of the amendments they were desirous of introducing into its 
present condition. That every thing whicli regarded it might be 
conducted with as much mildness and iu*banity as the nature of the 
case would bear, they placed the affair entirely under the direction 
of the Earl of Manchester. He was a man of a gentle and gener- 
ous nature, and a true lover of his country. His temper withal 
was so excellent, that the harshness of the contest now at issue, 
and the rough ])art he was called upon to act in it, had scarcely 
power to obscure the marks of his original disposition ; msomuch 
that he was never guilty of rudeness towards those against whom 
it was necessary for him to ])roceed ; and he peribrmed all good 
offices towards his old friends of the court, and others, which the 
strictness of the times, and the nature of the emploj-mcnts in which 
he was engaged, would allow him to exert. A fitter person could 



LORD MANCHESTER. 633 

not be found for the office ; iind accident seemed to point him out 
for the business, as he was local military commander, or, in the 
language of the times, Serjeant major-general to the seven associ- 
ated counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Essex, Huntingdon, 
Hertford, and Lincoln. An ordinance was tlierefore made, con- 
ferring on him an extensive authority. He was empowered to 
appoint committees, who were entitled to call before them all 
provosts, masters, fellow.'?, and students of the University, and to 
hear complaints against such as were scandalous in their lives, ill 
affected to the Parliament, fomeuters of the present unnatural war, 
or who had deserted the ordinary places of their residence, and to 
examine witnesses in support of these complaints. The com- 
mittees were to make their report to the sergeant major-general, 
who had power to eject such as he should judge uniit for their 
offices, and to put in their places persons whom he should nomi- 
nate, and who should be aj)j)roved by the assembly of divines sitting 
at AVestminster. 

" Manchester, being invested \^ith these powers, arrived at Cam- 
bridge in the middle of Febniary. Speedily after, he issued his 
warrants to the different Colleges and Halls in the University, forth- 
with to send him their statutes, with the names of their members, 
and to certify to him who were present, and who absent, with the 
express time of their discontinuance. Two days later, he sent to 
the officers of the different Colleges, requiring them to appear be- 
fore him on the tenth of March, to answer such enquiries as should 
be made by himself, or commissioners appointed by him. 

" The thirteenth of March was the day destined for the first 
great alteration to be introduced into the discipline of the Uni- 
versity. The number of the Colleges was sixteen, and of these 
the heads of six were allowed, and gave their consent, to retain 
their former stations. Ten new heads of Colleges were ap^winted; 
mid these appear to have been selected with great propriety and 
judgment. Two of them were Benjamin Whichcote and Ralph 
Cud worth, men of miquestionable literary emmence, both of them, 
but ])articularly the latter, quaUfied to do bonour to any seminar}' 
for education in the world. Another was Thomas Young, the 



634 APPENDIX. 

preceptor and friend of Milton. The remainder, though their 
names are not so familiar to our ears, were men of great learning, 
high respectability, and miblemished life. A few days later, sixty- 
five fellows were ejected from the different Colleges, and their 
places filled by others, nominated by Manchester, and approved by 
the assembly of divines. The ordinance of Parliament empowered 
the Serjeant major-general to dispose of a fifth part of all the 
estates or revenues he should sequester, for the benefit of the re- 
latives of the persons ejected. 

" Undoubtedly this revolution involved in its operation a con- 
siderable portion of calamity. But it seldom happens that any 
considerable reform is free from that blemish. The reformation of 
the preceding century, when the Popish religion was thrown down 
in this kingdom, and Protestantism erected in its room, was liable 
to the same objection. Many of the ejected clergy were deprived 
of their profession and their means of subsistence ; and a multitude 
of monks, nuns, and friars were turned out vagabonds through the 
land. It would be a senseless illiberality to doubt that there were 
among these many excellent and exemplary persons; and, if it 
were otherwise, destitution and starving are not the punishments 
tliat equity would award against those who offended. The thing 
to be desired in all cases is, that the present holder should not 
suffer by the change, and that the revenues should be appropriated 
to other purposes only as lives fell in in the ordinary course of 
mortality. 

^*'But reformation in certain cases seems to require, that the 
change which is contem])lated should be executed at once. The 
revolution from Popery to Protestantism could scarcely have been 
effected by the tedious process of waiting for the decease of the 
present holders. Nor could the abolition of episcopacy in England, 
especially amidst the tumultuous and urgent scenes of a civil war, 
have been operated in that way. 

" Much of the calamity attendant on the Reformation in the six- 
teenth century might have been avoided, if the business had been 
undertaken in a more moderate temper. Immense revenues were 
confiscated at that time, which never returned to the Church. Out 



PARLIAMENTARY VISITATION. 636 

of these 110 doubt sufficient provision uiiglit have been made for 
those who suffered by the change. But this mode of proceeding 
had no affinity with the violent temper of Henry the Eighth. The 
rapacioiisness of his o\\7i disposition, and the sordid mind of his 
courtiers, scarcely allowed tliat the smallest tritle should escape 
from their grasp. 

^^ There was not the same opportunity for a liberal and generous 
procedure in the case wc are here considering. The same living 
in the Church, and the same stipend to the University, could not 
be appropriated entire to two parties, the person who was ejected 
from the situation, and the person nominated in his room. The 
revenues of the episcopal sees might have done something; but 
they were not adequate to all purposes. There must have been 
some suiferers ; men who, from opulence, were reduced to a mir- 
row income, and men, it is to be feared, who from a narrow income 
were reduced to want. The Ecclesiastical Revolution was con- 
ducted with considerable sobriety, and with nmch attention to the 
general welfare of the community ; but there were still cases in 
abundance to excite our deepest s\nnpathy, and to iill us \iith 
poignant regret." 

" Oxford was surrendered to the Parliament on the twentieth of 
June, 1(546. The present rulers, however, proceeded cautiously, 
and somewhat tardily, in the execution of the great task which 
was thus devolved on them.* In the month of September, seven 
of the most jwpular preachers of the Presbyterian denomination, 
one of whom was Reynolds, who after the Restoration was made 
Bisho]) of Norwich, ^^ere sent do^\^l by order of the two houses to 
preach in any of the churclies in Oxford, to endeavour to bring the 
University into a better temper, and dispose them to a reconciliation 
with the Parliament and its proceedings. Their exertions appear 
to have had a considerable effect on the toi^-n's people, but were 
treated by the remaining members of the University with all pos- 
sible contempt. 

*' Early in January in the following year, (1647,) an ordinance 

* (fodwiu's History of the ('oinnioiiwt»alt!i, vol. iii. p. 8(». 



636 APPENDIX. 

was introduced into the House of Commons, for the purpose of 
appointing four-and twenty persons, one-third of them clergy, to 
visit the University, to enquire into the disaffection of any of its 
members to the present Establishment in Church and State, and to 
exercise all the powers that had been accustomed to be exercised 
by any visitors, by whatever authority appointed. The same ordi- 
nance named twenty-six lords and fifty-two members of the House 
of Commons, as a committee, to whom the members of the Uni- 
versity might appeal, if they deemed themselves aggrieved by any 
decision of the visitors. This ordinance, however, was so long de- 
pending, partly by a difference between the two houses, tlie Com- 
mons insisting upon the members of their house amounting to the 
double of those of the House of Lords, and the Lords pressing for 
an equality, that it did not finally acquire the force of a law till the 
first of May following. 

" Fourteen days after the passing tliis ordinance, a citation was 
issued, bemg signed by ten of the visitors, requiring all the officers, 
fellows and scholars of the different Colleges, to appear before 
them in the Convocation-house of the University on the fourth of 
the following month, and to bring with them a Hst of all the mem- 
bers, officers, and scholars of their respective esUiblishments. Mean- 
while, it was precisely at this period that the misunderstanding 
broke out between the Parliament and the Army ; and the fourth 
of June, the day fixed for the visitation, was the very day on 
wliich the King was conveyed from Holdenby under miHtary 
escort. 

*' What would have been the conduct of the heads of houses at 
Oxford under other circumstances, it is difficult to pronoimce. 
They had committed themselves too far, to hope for forbearance 
from the present niling powers. Countenanced by the presence of 
the Kmg, and feeling that his cause and the cause of episcopacy 
were one, there were no len":ths of hostilitv to which thev had not 
proceeded, and no contumely with which they had not ambitiously 
loaded the nniovatoi*s in the Chm-ch, and the adversaries of passive 
obedience in the State. 

"Meanwhile the present state of things afforded them every 



PARLIAMENTAEY VISITATION. 637 

excitement to proceed with the utmost effrontery and arrogance 
against those who were coming among them to correct tlieui. The 
visitors hy whom they were summoned were Preshyterian ; hut it 
was evident enough that the power of the Preshyterians was rapidly 
on the decHne. Amidst the intestine divisions of those who had 
hitherto fought against prerogative, the officers of the University, 
like the King, anticipated the triumph of him who could no longer 
oppose his adversaries in the field, imaged to themselves hoth par - 
ties as courting the fallen Sovereign, and believed, with Cliarles, 
that neither could do without liim, and that he would be able to 
give the law to both. 

" At this very time there \\tis a mutiny in the garrison of Oxford, 
in concert with the defection of the army at head quarters, they 
refusing to disband in obedience to the orders of Parliament, and 
seizing upon the money which had been sent down to facilitate 
that operation. 

" The three things the visitors were specially to insist on, were 
the covenant, the negative oath, (or oath not to assist the King 
in his war against the Parliament,) and the directory, or formula 
of Presbyterian Church-government and worship. No person 
was hereafter to hold any office in, or be a member of the Uni- 
versity, who neglected to subscribe the two first, or opposed the 
execution of the last. On the first of June, three days before the 
visitation was to take place. Fell, the Vice-chancellor of Oxford, 
held a convocation, in which a })aper was consented to, and ordered 
to be i)ublished, entitled * Reasons of the Present Judgment of the 
Uiuversity against each of the above particulars.' 

'* On the day appouited, a sermon was preached, previously to 
the opening the visitation, at St. Mary's chiu'ch, in Oxford ; and 
from thence the visitors passed to the convocation-house, for the 
puq)ose of proceeding with their commission. But the plan of the 
dignitaries of the University was already fixed. They were sum- 
moned to ai)pear before the visitors between the hours of nine and 
eleven in the forenoon ; and, having waited in the vestibule of the 
hall till the time was expired, they entered the building, and for- 
mally dismissed the assembly. In their return, Fell, attended by 




638 APPENDIX. 

his beadles and other officers, met the visitors ; and, a cry being set 
up by his followers of * Room for the Vice-chunccllor,* he passed 
on. Meanwhile Fell moved his cap to the visitors, and accosted 
them ^ith, ' Good morrow, gentlemen ; it is past eleven o'clock.' 
Upon this occurrence the visitors consulted for some time, and al 
length decided, under all the circumstances, to adjourn the visi- 
tation till the next term. 

^ Not long after this period, an ordinance was passed by the two 
houses, restoring the Earl of Pembroke to the office of Chancellor 
of the University, who had been superseded by the King during 
the civil war, and the Marquis of Hertford elected Chancellor in 
his room. This ordinance of course put an end to the authority of 
Fell as Vice-chancellor, and of all other officers appointed by the 
latter of these noblemen. A further ordinance was also made, ex- 
planatory of the ordinance of visitation, empowering the visitors to 
administer the covenant and negative oath, to call for all the books 
of the University, and to order into custody, and commit to prison 
all persons disobeying the authority hereby conveyed. St. John 
was at the same time directed to draw up a commission in the 
amplest manner, to which the great seal was to be affixed, invest- 
ing the visitors in all the functions of their appointment. This 
commission was given, according to the forms conf^tantly employed 
on such occasions, in the name of the King. 

" The visitation took place on the twenty-ninth of September. 
Fell and the heads of the different houses were ordered to appear 
before the visitors, and to bring with them their statutes, registers, 
and public writings. Refusing this latter, Fell was in the eighth 
of the following month formally declared to have forfeited the 
office of Vice-chancellor, and was ordered to be attached, and 
brought before the lords for contempt. He was committed to 
prison, and remained in confinement till the May or June of the 
following year. The report of the visitors was referred to the 
committee of Lords and Commons for regulating the University, 
who accordingly summoned several of the heads of houses to ap- 
pear before them at Westminster, to answer for their contumacy ; 
but none of these officers, except Fell, seem to have been detained 



PARLIAMENTARY VISITATION. 639 

in custody. They were allowed couasel to plead for them ; and 
the main argument employed in their faTour appears to have heen 
that hy their statutes they were not hound to suhmit to any visitors, 
but the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury : the Archbishop 
was dead; and though the commission had been drawn in the 
name of the King, tliis was a fiction only, and the instrument had 
not his real concurrence. This argument would, in ordinary times, 
probably have been admitted as valid ; but upon occasions like the 
present, forms must undoubtedly give \i*ay to the demands of the 
public safety. In conclusion, it was decided that the heads of 
houses who had been summoned, had been guilty of the contempt 
alledged against them, and they were accordingly voted to be re- 
moved from their respective offices. 

" It was not till the eleventh of April that the Earl of Pembroke 
made his public entry into the University, and the next day Rey- 
nolds, after\vards Bishop of Norwich, was vested with the office of 
Vice-chancellor. Mrs. Fell, the ^^ife of his jiredccessor, refusing 
to quit the apartments she occupied, was carried in a chair by the 
soldiers into the quadrangle of C-lmHt Church, where they were 
situated. And on the following day they put Harris and Chcynel, 
two of the persons who in SoptoniW, 1646, had been sent doMH 
by Parliament to preach to this University, into possession of the 
office of Presidents of Trinity ('allege and St. John's. Wilkins, 
the celebrated Natural Philosoplirr, who afterwards married a sister 
of Cromwell, was at the Huuio time installed Warden of Wadham 
College, John Palmer, Warden of All Souls, John Wilkinson, 
President of Magdalen, and Daniel Orcenwooil, Principal of 
Brazennose. Reynolds had, by the same authority, been made 
Dean of Christ Church." 

From the foregoing remarks of Godwin, the episcopalians must 
have over estimated the disunion and wt^akncsn of their opponents, 
(see p. 637,) and they were naturally incensed by the new tests 
proposed by the parliamentary party. 




C40 APPENDIX. 



.5. Lord Bacon on the Defects of Universities, 

Lord Bacon has the distinguished title bestowed upon him, by Pro- 
fessor 11 liber,* of being the father of all the modern opponents 
and theoretical refonners of all that the EngHsh Universities are and 
ever were m history. The opinions of such a deep thinking and 
calm judging philosopher, as Lord Bacon, arc in themselves, how- 
ever, worthy of serious attention on such a noble subject as 
University Reform, and they are thus given by Inm, in his Advance- 
ment of Learning, imder the head ; " Defects of Universities.^t 

" First, therefore, amongst so many great foundations of Col- 
leges in Europe, I find it strange that they are all dedicated to 
professions, and none left free to arts and sciences at large. For 
if men judge that leamhig should be referred to action, they judge 
well ; but in this they fall into the error described in the ancient 
fable, in which the other parts of the body did suppose the 
stomach had been idle, because it neither performed the office 
of motion, as the limbs do, nor of sense, as the head doth ; but 
yet, notwithstanding, it is the stomach that digesteth and distri- 
buteth to all the rest : so if any man think philosophy and univer- 
sality to be idle studies, he doth not consider that all professions 
are from thence served and suppHed. And this I take to be a 
great cause that hath hindered the progression of learning, because 
tliese fundamental knowledges have been studied but in i)assage. 
For if you vn\\ have a tree bear more fruit than it hath used to do, 
it is not anything you can do to the boughs, but it is the stirring 
of the earth, and putting new mould about the roots, that must 
work it. Neither is it it to be forgotten, that this dedicating of 
foundations and donations to professory learning hath not only had 
a mahgn aspect and influence upon the growth of sciences, but 
hath also been prejudical to states and governments. For hence 
it proceedeth that princes find a solitude in regard of able men to 

* Vol. ii. Part ii. p. 429. 
t Lord Bacon's Works, edited by Basil Montagu. Vol. ii. i>. 92. 




> 



BACON ON DEFECTS. 641 

serve them in causes of state, because there is no education col- 
legiate which is free ; where such as were so disposed might give 
themselves to histories, modem languages, books of policy and 
civil discourse, and other the like enablements unto service of 
estate. 

^^ And because founders of Colleges do plant, and founders of 
lectures do water, it followeth well in order to speak of the defect 
which is in public lectures ; namely, in the smallness and mean- 
ness of the salary or reward which in most places is assigned to 
them ; whether they be lectures of arts, or professions. For it is 
necessary to the progression of sciences that readers be of the most 
able and sufficient men; as those which are ordained for genera- 
'ting and propagating of sciences, and not for transitor}' use. This 
cannot be, except their condition and endoTiment be such as may 
content the ablest man to appropriate his whole labour, and con- 
tinue his whole age in that function and attendance; and therefore 
must have a proportion answerable to that mediocrity or compe- 
tency of advancement, which may be expected from a profession, 
or the practice of a profession. So as, if you will have sciences 
flourish, you must obser\'o David's militar}' law, which was, ' That 
those which staid with the carriage should have equal part with 
those which were in the action;' else will the carriages be ill at^ 
tended. So readers in sciences are indeed the guardians of the 
stores and provisions of sciences, whence men in active courses are 
furnished, and therefore ought to have equal entertainment witli 
them ; other uise if the fathers in sciences be of the weakest sort, 
or be ill maintained, 

' Et patmm invalidi referent jejunia nati.' 

" Another defect I note, wherein I shall need some alchemist 
to help me, who call upon men to sell their books, and to build 
furnaces ; quitting and forsaking Minerva and the Muses as barren 
virgins, and rehing upon Vulcan. But certain it is, that imto the 
deep, fruitful, and operative study of many sciences, especi- 
ally Natural Philosophy and Physic, books be not the only 
instrumentals, wherein also the beneficence of men hath not been 
altogether wanting : for we see spheres, globes, astrolabes, maps, 

VOL. II. T T 



642 APPENDIX. 

and the like, have been provided as appurtenances to Astronomy 
and Cosmography, as well as books : we see likewise that some 
places instituted for Physic have annexed the commodity of 
gardens for simples of all sorts, and do likewise command the use 
of dead bodies for Anatomies. But these do respect but a few 
things. In general, there will hardly be any main proficicnce in 
the disclosing of nature, except there be some allowance for ex- 
penses about experiments; whether they be experiments apper- 
taining to Yulcanus or Daedalus, furnace or engine, or any other 
kind ; and therefore as secretaries and spials of princes and states 
bring in bills for intelligence, so you must allow the spials and in- 
telligencers of nature to bring in their bills ; or else you shall be 
ill advertised. 

*^ And if Alexander made such a liberal assignation to Aristotle 
of treasure for the allowance of hunters, fowlers, fishers, and the 
like, that he might compile an history of native, much better do 
they deserve it that travail in arts of nature. 

^*' Another defect which I note, is an intermission or neglect in 
those which are governors in Universities, of consultation ; and in 
princes or superior persons, of visitation : to enter into account and 
consideration, whether the readings, exercises, and other cus- 
toms appertaining unto learning, anciently begun, and since con- 
tinued, be well instituted or not; and therefore to ground an 
amendment or reformation in that which shall be found inconve- 
nient. For it was one of your Majesty's own most vnse and 
princely maxims, ' That in all usages and precedents, the times be 
considered wherein they first began ; which if they were weak or 
ignorant, it derogateth from the authority of the usage, and leaveth 
it for suspect.* And therefore in as much as most of the usages 
and orders of the Universities were derived from more obscure 
times, it is the more requisite they bo re-examined. In this kind 
I will give an instance or two, for example sake, of things that are 
the most obvious and familiar : the one is a matter, which though 
it be ancient and general, yet I hold to be on error ; which is, that 
scholars in Universities come too soon and too unripe to Logic and 
Rhetoric, arts fitter for graduates than children and novices: for 



BACON ON DEFECTS. 643 

these two, rightly taken, are the gravest of sciences, heing the 
arts of arts ; the one for judgment, the other for ornament : and 
they he the rules and directions how to set forth and dispose 
matter ; and therefore for minds empty and imfraught with matter, 
and which have not gathered that which Cicero calleth * sylva' and 
^ supellex,' stuff and variety, to hegin with those arts, (as if one 
should learn to weigh, or to measure, or to paint the wind,) doth 
work but this eifect, that the wisdom of those arts, which is great 
and universal, is almost made contemptible, and is degenerate into 
childish sophistry and ridiculous affectation. And further, the 
imtimely learning of them hath drai^n on, by consequence, the 
superficial and unprofitable teaching and writing of them, as fittest 
indeed to the capacity of cliildren. Another is a lack I find in 
the exercises used in the Universities, which do make too great a 
divorce between invention and memory; for their speeches are 
either premeditate, ' in verbis conceptis,' where nothing is left to 
invention ; or merely extemporal, where little is left to memory : 
whereas in life and action there is least use of either of these, but 
rather of intermixtures of premeditation and invention, notes and 
memory ; so as the exercise fitteth not the practice, nor the image 
the life : and it is ever a true rule in exercises, that they be framed 
as near as may be to the life of practice ; for otherwise they do 
pervert the motions and faculties of the mind, and not prepare 
them. The truth whereof is not obscure, when scholars come to 
the practices of professions, or other actions of civil life; which 
when they set into, this Ti'ant is soon found by themselves, and 
sooner by others. But this part, touching the amendment of the 
institutions and orders of Universities, I will conclude \^'ith the 
clause of Caesar's letter to Oppius and Balbus, ^ Hoc quemadmo- 
dum fieri possit, nonnulla mihi in mentem veniunt, et multa re- 
periri possunt ; de iis rebus rogo vos ut cogitationem suscipiatis.' 

^^ Another defect, which I note, ascendeth a little higher than 
the preceding : for as the proficience of learning consisteth much 
in the orders and institutions of Universities in the same states 
and kingdoms, so it would be yet more advanced, if there were 
more intelligence mutual between the Universities of Europe than 



644 APPENDIX. 

there now is. We see there be many orders and foundations, 
which though they be divided under several sovereignties and ter- 
ritories, yet they take themselves to have a kind of contract, fra- 
ternity, and correspondence one ^ith the other ; in so much as they 
have provincials and generals. And surely as nature createth 
brotherhood in families, and arts mechanical contract brotherhoods 
in commonalities, and the anointment of God superinduceth a 
brotherhood in kings and bishops ; so in like manner there cannot 
but be a fraternity m learning and illumination, relating to that 
fraternity which is attributed to Grod, who is called the Father of 
iUuminations or lights. 

*' The last defect which I Ti-ill note is, that there hath not been, 
or very rarely been, any public designation of writers or inquirers 
concerning such parts of knowledge as may appear not to have 
been already sufficiently laboured or undertaken; unto which 
point it is an inducement to enter into a view and examination 
what parts of learning have been prosecuted, and what omitted; 
for the opinion of plenty is amongst the causes of want, and the 
great quantity of books maketh a show rather of superfluity than 
lack; which surcharge, nevertheless, is not to be remedied by 
making no more books, but by making more good books, which, as 
the serpent of Moses, might devour the serpents of the enchanters." 



HERSCHEL ON EDUCATION. 645 



6. Views on Scientific and General Education^ hy Sir John 

Herschely Bart,^ F.R.S.^ Af.A,^ and formerly Feliow 

of St. Johns CoUege^ Cambridge^ S^c, 

Sir John Herschel visited South Africa a few years ago, to ob- 
serve the stars of the Southern hemisphere, and when at the 
Cape, he was consulted respecting the scheme of instruction 
for a South African College. His ophiions were then given in a 
letter to the Rev. Dr. Adamson, and they were afterwards re- 
published in this country; they are the matured views of a phi- 
losophic mind, anxious for the real improvement of public educa- 
tion, and among other novel i)oints they contain a recommendation* 
of Lord Bacon's Novum Organum for a text book at College. 
Sir John Herschel thus explains his >'iews: — 

"A good practical system of public education ought, ui my 
opinion, to be more real than formal ; I mean, should convey much 
of the positive knowledge with as little attention to mere systems 
and conventional forms as is consistent with avoiding solecisms. 
This principle carried into detail, would allow much less weight to 
the study of languages, especially of dead languages, than is usually 
considered its due in our great public schools, where, in fact, the 
acquisition of the latter seems to be regarded as the one and only 
object of education. While, on the other hand, it would attach 
great importance to all those branches of practical and theoretical 
knowledge, whose possession goes to constitute an idea of a well- 
informed gentleman ; as, for example, a knowledge of the nature 
and constitution of the world we inhabit — its animal, vegetable, 
and mineral productions, and their uses and properties as subser- 
vient to human wants. Its relation to the system of the universe. 

■I 9 

and its natural and pohtical subdivisions ; and last and most im- 
portant of all, the nature and propensities of man himself, as de- 
veloped in the history of nations and the biography of individuals ; 
the constitutions of human society, including our responsibilities to 

* See Ilaber, vol. ii. part ii. p. 430. 




646 APPENDIX. 

individuals and to the social body of which we are members. In 
a word, as extensive a knowledge as can be grasped and conveyed 
in an elementary course of the actual system and laws of nature, 
both physical and moral. 

" Again, in a country where free institutions prevail, and where 
public opinion is of consequence, every man is to a certain extent 
a legislator ; and for this his education (especially when the Go- 
yemment of the country lends its aid and sanction to it) ought at 
least so far to prepare him, as to place him on his guard against 
those obvious and popular fallacies which lie across the threshold 
of this, as well as of every other subject with which human reason 
has any thing to do. Every man is called upon to obey tlie laws, 
and therefore it cannot be deemed superfluous that some portion of 
every man's education should consist in informing him what they 
are. On these grounds it would seem to me that some knowledge 
of the principles of political economy — of jurisprudence — of trade 
and manufactures — is essentially involved in the notion of a sound 
education. A moderate acquaintance also with certain of the 
useful arts, such as practical mechanics or engineering — agricul- 
ture — draftsmanship — is of obvious utility in every station of 
life ; — while in a commercial country, the only remedy for that 
proverbial short-sightedness to their best ultimate interest which is 
the misfortune rather than the fault of every mercantile community 
upon earth, seems to be, to inculcate as a part of education, those 
broad principles of free interchange and reciprocal profit and 
public justice, on which the whole edifice of permanently success- 
ful enterprise must be based. 

*^The exercise and development of our reasoning faculties is 
another grand object of education, and is usually considered, and 
in a certain sense justly, as most likely to be attained by a judici- 
ous course of mathematical instruction — while it stands if not op- 
posed to, at least in no natural connexion with, the formal and 
conventional departments of knowledge (such as grammar and the 
so-called Aristotelian logic). It must be recollected, however, 
that there are minds whicli, though not devoid of reasoning powers, 
yet manifest a decided inaptitude for mathematical studies, — 



HERSCHEL ON EDUCATION. 647 

which are estimative not calculating^ and which are more im- 
pressed by analogies, and by apparent preponderance of general 
evidence in argument than by mathematical demonstration, where 
all the argument is on one side, and no show of reason can be ex- 
hibited on the other. The mathematician listens only to one side 
of a question, for this plain reason, that no strictly mathematical 
question has more than one side capable of being maintained other- 
wise than by simple assertion ; while all the great questions which 
arise in busy life and agitate the world, are stoutly disputed, and 
often with a show of reason on both sides, which leaves the 
shrewdest at a loss for a decision. 

*' This, or something like it, has often been urged by those who 
contend against what they consider an undue extension of mathe- 
matical studies in our Universities. But those who have urged the 
objection have stopped short of the remedy. It is essential, how- 
ever, to fill this enormous blank in every course of education which 
has hitherto been acted on, by a due provision of some course of 
study and instruction which shall meet the difficulty, by showing 
how valid propositions arc to be draHU, not from premises which 
virtually contain them in their very words, as in the case with ab- 
stract propositions in mathematics, nor from the juxtaposition of 
other propositions assumed as true, as in the AristoteHan logic, but 
from the broad consideration of an assemblage of facts and circum- 
stances brought under re>iew. This is the scope of the Inductive 
Philosophy — apphcable, and which ought to be applied (though 
it never yet has fairly been so) to all the complex circumstances of 
human Hfe ; to politics, to morals, and legislation ; to the guidance 
of individual conduct, and that of nations. I cannot too strongly 
recommend this to the consideration of those who are now to de- 
cide on the normal course of instruction to be adopted in your 
College. Let them have the glory — for glory it will really be — 
to have given a new impulse to public instruction, by placing the 
Noviun Organum for the first time in the hands of young men 
educating for active life, as a text book, and as a regular part of 
their College course. It is strong meat, I admit, but it is manly 
nutriment ; and though imperfectly comprehended, (as it must be 



\ 



648 APPENDIX. 

at that age when the College course terminates,) the glimpses 
caught of its meaning, under a due course of collateral explanation, 
will fructify in afler life, and, like the royal food with which the 
yoTmg hee is fed, will dilate the frame, and transform the whole 
hahit and economy. Of course, it should be made the highest 
book for the most advanced classes." 



THIBLWALL ON DISSENTERS. 649 



7. Observations on the Admission of Dissenters to Academical 

Degrees* by Hie Right Reverend Connop Thirlwally D.D.^ 

Bishop of St. David'Sy and formerly Fellow and 

Tutor of Trinity College^ Cambridge. 

" The first question is, whether any change in our present system 
would become necessary, if a greater number of Dissenters should 
be induced by the prospect of admission to degrees, should tliey 
be tlirown open, to send their sons to be educated at the Univer- 
sity. To this I answer, that I know of no change which would 
in that case be rendered necessary, and that I do not even see any 
which would be then more desirable than they appear to be now, 
and to have long been, in the judgment of at least many very 
sincere members of the Church of England, on perfectly distinct 
and independent grounds. That the Dissenters would not be 
willing attendants at our daily service, I can easily believe ; it is 
difficult enough already, as my friend, Mr. Wordsworth, assures 
us, to find any persons who arc. But one thing, I think, I may 
assert, if not without fear of contradiction, yet with the certainty 
of general and deeply felt assent, that if one half at least of our 
present daily congregations were replaced by an equal number of 
Dissenters, they would not have come with greater reluctance, nor 
pay less attention to the words of the service, nor be less edified, 
or more delighted, at its close.t 

* From a letter to the Dean of were discontinued, and if in their 
Peterborough, Kegius Professor of stead, there should be established a 
Divinity in the University of Cam- weekly service, which should re- 
bridge, on the admission of Dis- mind the yoang men of that to 
eenters to Academical degrees, by which they had most of them been 
Connop Thirlwall, M.A., Fellow of accustomed at home. The learned 
Trinity College, Cambridge, Kidg- writer thought that ** such a service 
way. 1834. would afford the best opportunity 

+ In a previous part of the same of affording instruction of a reallv 
letter, (p. 33,) the Bishop of St. religious kind, instruction which 
David's, then Mr. Tldrlwall, had should be something more and bet- 
stated his opinion, that it would ter than a mere exercise either of 
1)0 a great benefit to religion, if the memory or the undcrstandinff, 
the dailv services of the chapel which should apply itself to their 
in Trinity College, Cambridge, situation and prospects, and address 



650 



APPENDIX. 



*' With regard to our ' Divinity' lectures, there would, for rea- 
sons already assigned, be still less need or motive for any change 
in the case I am sup]K>sing. No one, I presume, imagines that 
any Dissenter would object to the works of Paley or Butler or 
Doddridge (for we use liis Evidences too) being put into his son's 
hands. As little could he apprehend any danger to the young 
man's principles, whatever they might be, from such lectures and 
such examinations as it is our present practice to give, in any of 
the books of the New Testament Can it be supposed that he 
would desire his son to be kept in ignorance that there are con- 
flicting opinions as to the meaning of several texts, or that he 
would think this knowledge dangerous, if it was communicated by 
a clergyman of the Church of England, who should take occasion 
to express his non-preference of the opinion adopted in his own 
Church ? If there is any Dissenter wlio entertains any such fears, 
it con only arise from his ifmorance of the character of our *" Di- 
yinity' lectures. All that the Dissenters would have to wish 
would be, that no alteration should be made on their account in 
this part of our system. I do not even think it necessary to press 
the fact, that nothing is more usual than to grant leave of absence 
from particular lectures. Only let things remain as they are and 



itflelf to their feelingfl.** lie then 
added, that in hia opinion '^this 
weekly service ought to be purely 
voluntary," and ho continuea, that, 
in this case, it might be probable that 
it would not be quite so numerouHly 
attended as the liturgy is now, 
but from what every one might 
observe of the attendance in the 
parish churches, as well as in that 
of the University, he thought that 
there was no reason to roar that 
gueh a voluntary system of religion 
would be changed into no religion 
at all. 

The Dean of Ely has more re- 
cently suggested an alteration in 
the present system of college chapel 
worship, which deserves serious 
consideration in connexion with 
this subject, lie remarks, in his 
observations on the statutes of the 
University of Cambridge, that the 



college enactments relating to pub- 
lic worship have been, to a g^reat 
degree, superseded by the provi- 
sions of the act of Umformity, and 
that this act has prescribed the use 
of the morning and evening prayers 
of the (>hurch, without addition or 
diminution, in the colleffo chapels 
of the Universities, and that its in- 
junctions are almost uni verily 
obeyed. ** But" the Dean adds, 
''it may be seriously doubted, 
whether the use of shorter forms of 
prayer, except on Sundays and Fes- 
tivals, such as have been sanctioned 
by the Bishop of London at the 
l!.ast India College, llayleybury, 
and in King's Coficge^ I^ndon, bo 
as to make those services approxi- 
mate in their character to lamily 
worship, might not l)e advantageous 
to the cause of religion and good 
order." 



^ 



THIBLWALL ON DISSENTEB8. 651 

have been in this respect, and the more they know of us, the more 
diey will be convinced of the perfect harmlessncss of our ^ Divinity 
lectures. It appears to me by no means desirable, in itself, at any 
time, that these lectures should be made to assume a more theo- 
logical character: at this time I must earnestly deprecate any 
attempt at such a change. The Dissenters would say to us (and 
who could gainsay?) : you have kept your theology locked up, as 
long as it could only be of use to your pupils ; you bring it out as 
soon as it may be made a weapon for deterring or annoying us. 
They would doubt the sincerity of our sudden display of zeal for 
religion : and who could believe in it ? They would think (and 
with every appearance [of truth) that they saw, not the workings 
of Christian piety, but the base acts of a miserable priestcraft. 

^^ The evils, sir, which you and others apprehend from the influx 
of a greater number of Dissenters into this University (Cambridge) 
and from their introduction into Oxford, mav be reduced to two 
heads. You fear that the tranquillity of our young men will be 
disturbed, and their religious principles imsettled, by theological 
disputes. You point to Daveutry for an example of the latter evil: 
of the former I do not perceive the slightest trace even there ; un- 
less theology is the only subject on which it is impossible there 
should ever be an amicable debate. I am almost afraid that the 
reader will be angry with mc, if I suppose that he is not by this 
time sufficiently convinced how inapplicable die case of the Daven- 
try Seminary is to our own. But I must just remind him that the 
imlikeness does not stop ^\ith that great fundamental diifercnce 
which I have already examined. It extends to all our habits and 
modes of life. At every College, great and small, each young man 
has associates of his choice. The rest, if he even knows them by 
sight and name, have no more familiar intercourse with him than 
if they were absolute strangers. The degree of intimacy which 
would be necessary to enable conversation to fall on theological 
subjects, is of course still more rare. But the occasions which the 
ordinary occupations of the place afford for the introduction of such 
topics are the rarest things of all, unless it be the interest in the 
subject which might sustain it five minutes if any accident should 



652 APPENDIX. 

start it Religious circles indeed there are ; but they are formed, 
I believe, ou very strict principles of union, and meet for better 
purposes than theological disputation. Into them a Dissenter, as 
such, could never find entrance : into all others he might be ad- 
mitted ; but I believe if he could ever succeed in turning the con- 
versation on a point of doctrine, he would seldom be seen again in 
the same company. The possibility of the consequences you ap- 
prehend, in one or two extraordinary cases, depends upon a 
combination of circumstances which can so rarely concur, that the 
business of life would come to a total stand, if we allowed our- 
selves to stop till we could calculate or provide against such remote 
and improbable contingencies. The most anxious parents do not 
scruple to send their sons to a place, where it is not impossible 
that they may meet with associates who may exercise a pernicious 
influence over them, in tilings still more important tlian tlieir theo- 
logical speculations. 

"The whole argument of your pamphlet, sir, professes to be 
founded on experience : and it is a little surprising that you should 
not only have sought this at Daventry, where it cannot possibly be 
found, but should have overlooked that which presents itself at 
Cambridge constantly before your eyes. You augur the approach 
of an ominous bird, at whose arrival our halcyon days will be for 
ever at an end: but you seem to forget — possibly you do not 
know — that we have already in times past had such visitors, who 
have, nevertheless, not proved the harbingers of any storm ; you 
forget that wo are no more secure against them now, than we shall 
be if the measure you deprecate should pass into a law. You 
think that in that case ^ it is by no means improbable that persons 
trained in controversies would be entered at the Universities for 
the very purpose of producing the results we deprecate.* If so, 
why are they not here now? Why have they not been here 
always ? Or, if they ever have been here, what has averted the 
calamities you now anticipate? According to our common Pro- 
testant notion of the Komish faith, which we are accustomed to 
treat as Punic, there is nothing, even at Oxford, to prevent 
a Jesuit in disgiuse from entering there, and insinuating his 




THIBLWALL ON DIS8ENTEBS. 653 

principles under the most dangerous of all forms — the mask of 
a friend. Among us these is no need of so much as an ahsolution 
from Rome for this purpose. Here a Roman Catholic may enter 
without aifecting to disguise his sentiments. He may attend our 
daily service; he cannot, indeed, exhihit greater indiiference and 
aversion to it than be sees manifested by members around him; 
but while his own dislike of it is fostered and strengthened by the 
constant view of it under its most repulsive form, he may take ad- 
vantage of the disgust it produces in those on whom it is forced 
till they are weary of it, to recommend the solemn and majestic 
ceremonies, the picturesque spectacle, the poetical associations, the 
intense and ravishing devotion, of his ohti worship, the worship of 
those ages of faith, of those dark ages^ the praise of which is heard 
even in our ohti churches. This, sir, is not an imaginar}' case : 
we have had such persons among us ; the most fonnidable of all 
missionaries, young enthusiasts not untrained in the arts of contro- 
versy, but furnished yv\\h still more powerful anns, exerting the 
influence of a lofty and chivalrous spirit over kindred natures, win- 
ning oil affections by the gentleness of their manners, by the pmdty 
of their lives, by the glowing fervour of their zeal. They have 
been \\i\\\ us ; they are gone ; they have left behind them a re- 
membrance full of love and esteem ; but I am not aware that tlicy 
have made a single proselyte. But where they failed, who shall 
hope to succeed ? Is there anything so seducing to youthful 
imaginations in the creed of the Unitarian ? I am strangely mis- 
taken indeed if this is the bent of that part of our youths, who 
think much, and feel earnestly, about religion. 

^^ But, sir, there are other lessons which experience may teach 
us, if we are content to observe it at home, and not to wander in 
search of it into regions, where we can only be deceived by an ima- 
ginary resemblance to our own case, which vanishes as we bring 
it closer to our eye. You rejoice in the * aspect of tranquillity 
which * every thing wears' under our present system, and you fear 
lest we should be hurried into a vortex of unsanctified speculation 
and debate. Others complain that ^ our Universities are to be 
made an arena of religious contention :' otliers ^ that the quietness* 




654 APPENDIX. 

of our Colleges is to be disturbed, their studies interrupted, their 
aifections embittered, their friendships torn and lacerated by the 
restless passions, the strife and hatred and ^-indictive prejudice of 
religious hostility/ One would suppose, from these descriptions, 
that the Church had hitherto enjoyed a perpetual unruffled calm, 
stirred by no breath of controversy ; or at all events that, whatever 
angry winds might rage without, here we were in a harbour se- 
cure from every blast But is it indeed true, that the Church is 
at present agitated by no contentions, which to the parties which 
embarked in them appear to involve principles of vital importance ? 
Is it true, tliat the old controversies between the followers of Calvin 
and Arminius arc now hushed among us, or that they can no 
longer inspire any feelings of animosity? Have we in our own 
time never heard a Professor of Divinity fulminating from the pul- 
pit and the press, against the errors of a person whom a part of his 
young hearers revered as a teacher of the purest faith ? No, sir, 
we have not been strangers to such *• unsanctified speculation and 
debate :' we are not unused to the 'jargon of controversy;' but yet 
they have never seriously disturbed our tranquillity. Our young 
men have looked on and listened : some perhaps have been scan- 
dalized, and others amused by the warmth of the combat ; but they 
have returned to their ordinary pursuits, not indeed the wiser or 
the better for what they have seen and heard, but they have not 
allowed their studies to be interru])ted, their affections embittered, 
their friendships to be torn and lacerated: the restless passions, 
the strife and hatred and vindictive prejudice of religious hostility, 
they have left for their elders to indulge in. There is good hope 
that they will do so in future. 

^ I am afraid, sir, that we are too apt to attribute to the yoimg 
what seems to ourselves natural and necessary. We are used to 
hear of the peculiar malignity of theological hatred : but surely it 
is not the exclusive property of theological differences to engender 
evil passions. Are not political disputes, at all times, but more 
especially in our own, capable of kindling personal animosity? 
Have we succeeded as well in guarding our young men from this 
danger, as we are supposed to have done in securing their concord 



THIRLWALL ON DISSENTERS. 655 

on religious subjects ? We have, sir, it is well known, on arena of 
political contention constantly open for them : a place resounding 
continually with the voice of unsanctiiied speculation and debate. 
I have heard and known of many acquaintances, of some friend- 
ships, formed or cemented there : I never heard of any having been 
torn or lacerated by those conflicts. But does it not occur to you, 
sir, that even if such consequences had arisen from this cause, it 
must at least, as far as its operation extends, exclude that of 
which you dread the effects? This highly excited political in- 
terest, nourished by constant opportunities and habits of reading 
the adverse journals, is scarcely consistent with a strong relish for 
theological controversy. When I think of these features in our 
academical society, and of others which I need not touch on, for 
they will present themselves spontaneously to every one who 
knows us, I am only at a loss to assign an adequate cause for the 
error which you have been labouring under, in comparing our con- 
dition, past, present, future, or possible, with that of the Daventry 
Academy. I can only explain it by supposing, that you may have 
been led to transfer the tastes, pursuits, and feelings of a narrow 
circle, with which you are most familiar, to the University at large : 
and that in this way it has shrunk up in your imagination, so as to 
reflect the image of a theological seminary. Perhaps, sir, the 
humility of my station gives me some advantage over you in this 
respect, by enabling me to learn and observe a little more of what 
is really going forward in the younger and larger part of our aca- 
demical world. Of their politicd debating societies you are no 
doubt well aware : but you seem to imagine that they have hitherto 
been perfectly exempt from the dangers of religious speculation and 
debate, and consequently from the 'restless passions, the strife, 
hatred, and vindictive prejudice,' which in the mind of young theo- 
logians are inseparably connected with such controversies. If you 
are not acquainted with the fact, you may be alarmed when I in- 
form you, that there has long existed in this place a society of 
young men, limited indeed in number, but continually receiving 
new members to supply its vacancies, and selecting them by pre- 
ference from the youngest, in which all subjects of the highest 



[ 



656 APPENDIX, 

interest, without any exclusion of those connected with religion, arc 
discussed with the most perfect freedom. But if this fact be new 
to you, let me instantly dispel any apprehensions it may excite, by 
assuring you that the members of this society for the most part 
have been and are among the choicest ornaments of the University, 
that some are now among the ornaments of the Church ; and that 
80 far from having had their affections embittered, their iriendships 
torn and lacerated, their union has been one rather of brothers than 
of friends. We cannot, sir, make our young men children ; and it 
is therefore better not to treat them as such. 

" I have now, sir, come very nearly to the close of your argu- 
ment. I have endeavored to shew that from whatever side the 
real state of the case is viewed, the apprehensions which have 
been expressed and excited as to the consequences of the proposed 
measure to the religious welfare of our students, are utterly chi- 
merical. If I could succeed in impressing others with this convic- 
tion as strongly as I feel it myself, I am persuaded that, with the 
most intelligent and the sincerest members of the Church of Eng- 
land, it would be unnecessary for me to add another word. There 
are, however, persons who will think that I have not yet touched 
on the vital point of the whole controversy : on the danger lest any 
of the endowments, provided for the most part by the munificence 
of our Roman Catholic ancestors, of the dark agea^ and now exclu- 
sively enjoyed by members of the Church of England, should ever 
be shared by Dissenters, for instance by persons of the same creed 
with the founders. With those who attach supreme importance to 
this question, it will perhaps be matter of surprise and offence, that 
I am about to touch upon it very briefly. But, for being brief, I 
shall not be the less open. It appears to me that it would have 
been the height of folly and presumption in the persons who peti- 
tioned for the admission of Dissenters to our Degrees, to have ex- 
pressed any opinion, or offered any advice, to the legislature on the 
other subject. It is one on which at present it is scarcely possible 
to form any thing more than vague hopes or vague apprehensions. 
No practical measure adapted to new circumstances can safely be 
recommended, until it is known what those circumstances are to 



THIRLWALL ON DISSENTERS. 657 

be. But though I cannot pretend to such an insight into futurity, 
as to determine at present what will be found desirable or practi- 
cable in this respect, I can see clearly that the question is one, in 
which science or literature may hereafter be interested, but in 
which religion has no concern. If that part of our endowments 
which are enjoyed by laymen were to be thrown open to Dis- 
senters, I can see no other effect that would be produced than an 
increased activity of competition for them. Or to put the some 
case in another shape, if one half of our junior fellows who are 
now preparing themselves for the bar, or practising at it, were Dis- 
senters instead of Members of the Church of England, however this 
might be matter of regret so far as the individuals themselves are 
concerned, it does not appear how either religion or the Church 
woidd suffer by the change. 

"I drop this subject the more willingly as you, sir, have ab- 
stained from it : I would fain hope, because your view of its im- 
portance does not differ very Ti-idely from my own. You have, 
however, spoken of the power which the possession of our Degrees 
may give to the Dissenters, as a just ground of alarm: * great 
power' as you call it, which will be given to, ' it is impossible to 
say what number of persons, who may employ it to very pernicious 
objects.* But you seem to overlook that not only whether this 
power will be great or small, but whether it will exist or not, de- 
pends on the very circumstance which, as you observe, it is im- 
possible to determine, the number of the persons who are to possess 
it. The wedge might be inserted : but if a single arm should be 
thrust into the cleft with the hope of rending the tree, the rash 
man who made the attempt, would find himself held fast, and run 
the risk of being torn to pieces like Milo. The lever may rest : 
but whether it will move, must depend on the force applied to it. 
I have yet seen no attempt made by the persons who have specu- 
lated on this subject, to assign any grounds for even a conjecture, 
as to the number of Dissenters who are likely to be induced to 
send their sons to the University, by the measure which you de- 
precate. Yet on this, the amoimt of the practical good or evil 
which may arise from it must mainly depend: the kind of evil 

VOL. II. u u 




658 APPENDIX. 

which you apprehend, from the abuse of the power possessed by 
members of the senate, depends entirely on this contingency. We 
may after all be battling about a straw. We are not, however, 
lefl in such utter uncertainty on this point, as not to be able to 
form even a probable conjecture, within limits sufficiently precise 
for our present purpose. The proportion of Dissenters to Members 
of the Church of England at the University, cannot be expected to 
exceed that of the fonner body to the latter in the country ; but 
there is reason to think that it will fall far short of this proportion. 
It is not, however, the proportion of the whole numbers of the two 
bodies that we have here to look to, but it is the proportion be- 
tween the educated and affluent classes among them. We Church- 
men commonly believe that in this comparison at least we have an 
immense advantage over the Dissenters. If we are not entirely 
deceived in our calculation, we must always form the preponder- 
ant, the overpowering body here : if we should have any thing to 
fear from the Dissenters, it would certainly not be from their supe- 
riority in numbers; and we shall surely not give them credit for 
any other. 

" For my own part I am not one of those, if there are any such, 
who only consider this measure as one of policy, or of liberality, 
or of justice, but care little about its operation. I heartily wish 
that, if carried, it may have the effect of attracting many Dissenters 
to receive an University education. I wish it not for their sakes 
only, but for our own. I think the substantial interests of the 
University, literature and science, morality and religion, would all 
gain by such an accession to our numbers. This beHef is more 
than a vague surmise. It is grounded on facts which no candid 
observer can dispute : it is grounded on experiment, which, though 
limited, is applicable as far as it goes. All observation and all 
analogy lead us to expect that the sons of Dissenters of the mid- 
dling class, and it is such alone that we have to look for here, would 
add strength to that part of our students which we desire to see 
growing till it absorb all the rest : to that part which includes the 
quiet, the temperate, the thoughtful, the industrious, those who 
feel the value of their time, and the dignity of their pursuits. Such 



THIRLWALL ON DISSENTERS. 669 

Dissenters we have had, and have now among us ; I \iish we had 
more of them ; I should think the advantage of their presence 
cheaply purchased hy any share of our endowments, which, if all 
were thrown open to competition, they would he ahle to ohtain." 




660 APPENDIX. 



8. Remarks on University Education^ from the North American 

Eevietrfor October^ 1842, and from the American 

Notes of Mr. Dickens, 

" The immediate advantages of a good system of College education 
affect but a small part of the community, though its more remote 
and equally certain results are felt throughout the social and po- 
litical system. These touch the welfare of men, who never heard 
the lecture of a professor, and who hardly know what a University 
means. In the Colleges is determined the character of most of the 
persons, who are to fill the professions, teach the schools, write the 
books, and do most of the business of legislation, for the whole 
body of the people. The general direction of literature and poli- 
tics, the prevailing habits and modes of thought throughout the 
country, are in the hands of men, whose social position and early 
advantages have given them an influence, of the magnitude and 
permanency of which the possessors themselves are hardly con- 
scious. 

"How much, for instance, of the present aspect of English 
literature, of the conservative tone of British politics, of the actual 
direction of the wealth and power of the mother countr}', is to be 
ascribed to the influences at work \^ithin the walls of the two great 
Universities of England, and to the nature of the education which 
is there given. We do not refer merely to the number of authors, 
politicians, and public men, who were educated at Oxford and 
Cambridge. It is rather the great body of the English gentry, the 
wealthy, influential, and intelligent classes, who really hold the 
reins of power in the country, and to whom books and speeches 
are addressed ; who hear what authors, politicians, and reformers 
have to say, and then decide upon the character of what they have 
heard. The tendency of national literature, the tone of public 
sentiment, is rather determined by people who read books, than 
by those who write tliem ; by men who vote, rather than by those 
who speak in Parliament or C'ongress. The nature of the supply 



AMERICAN REMARKS. 661 

will always be directed by the demand. It is by overlooking this 
important distinction, and by attending only to the alleged fact, 
that the graduates of Colleges do not, after all, monopolize the 
prizes in science, literatmt^, and public life, that men are led to 
underrate the influence of the great seminaries of learning. A cul- 
tivated taste, a fine appreciation of scholarship, a regard for scien- 
tific pursuits, a nice sense of honour, an attachment to existing 
institutions, are some of the qualities which English gentlemen 
acquire in these venerable establishments ; and, though the edu- 
cation there given is far from being the best possible one, though 
the alumni may often win less distinction in after life, than men of 
ardent temperaments and brilliant talents, but of irregular training, 
who start forth from the mass of the people, yet these last would 
find their progress impeded and their efforts fruitless, if they were 
not understood, encoimigcd, and supported by the wealthy gradu- 
ates of the Universities. A century ago, the aid, thus given, 
assumed the offensive form of individual patronage, which it ha^ 
now happily lost, because a taste for literary and scientific pursuits 
has spread through a larger number, and manifests itself in a more 
delicate and effectual wav. 

^^ In this country, the want of an influential and higlily educated 
class, able to appreciate die studies and productions of scholars, 
discoverers in science, and laborers in the less popular departments 
of literatiu'e, is likely to be felt in a serious degree. Such a body 
of men can be trained only in Colleges deserving of the name, 
where a large and generous scheme of instruction is prosecuted 
with ample means and lofty aims. An institution, which is in- 
tended to be popular in the lowest sense of the term, which is 
dependent for support on the majority of the people, and must 
therefore flatter the prejudices and follow the giudance of that 
majority, cannot send forth graduates, whose acquu'ements, tastes, 
and opinions will tend to elevate and refine the feelings and judg- 
ments of the community. The utmost they can do will bo to 
preserve the standard of taste and leaniing \^hcre it is; thoy 
cannot raise it." 



•«■ 



662 APPENDIX. 

^^ American legulatures are far more willing to found new Col- 
leges, than to make any attempt to improve the condition of old 
ones. Public aid is loudly invoked in the outset ; but, as soon as 
the institution is fairly under way, any censorsliip, any criticism on 
its management, any suggestion for its improvement, is apt to be 
resented as ofticious intermeddling with the concerns of a Corpo- 
ration or a Board of Trustees. The establishment ceases to be a 
public one. Commonly it is in the hands of a sect, or a party. It 
is supported by their donations, and filled by their children, and 
any efforts of Uie pubHc to control it are successfully resisted ; — 
supposing always, that the public ever makes the effort, which it is 
not likely to do, because no pecuniary or political gain can be ex- 
pected from the interference. A German University, on the other 
hand, is the child of the state. It is a great public institution, in 
the welfare of which the government and the people arc as deeply 
interested, as in the good condition of the finances, the laws, the 
schools, or the roads. A constant oversight is maintained, and 
such changes are made in the constitution of the seminary, and 
such persons appointed to office in it, as the altered circumstances 
of the times, and the public voice, may require. Though the 
creature of a despotic government, the institution is eminently a 
popular one, and as such is controlled by public opinion ; for there 
are no politics in learning and science, and the interests of the 
constituted authorities, in regard to such establishments, nmst coin- 
cide \idth the views and feelings of that portion of the people, who 
are competent to consider and decide upon such matters. Thus 
the prosperity and the sphere of action of the University are coex- 
tensive with the liberal spirit, the enlightened mind, and the 
powerful resources of the nation to which it belongs. American 
colleges are generally close, private corporations. Each institution 
is controlled entirely by its private board of trustees or other 
officers, and this board is responsible only to the cliquey the district 
of country, the political party, or the religious sect, which called it 
into being. The interests of this party or denomination form 
the leading object of effort, and to this end the more general and 
lofly aims of a University are sacrificed. No wonder, that the 



AMERICAN REMARKS. 663 

inutitution's sphere of usefulness is coutracted, its management 
wavering, and its influence small. 

" But in this country, [the United States,] it is said, there would 
be danger in committing the direction of a College to the public 
authorities, among whom the mutations of party, the eagerness to 
obtain office, the restless spirit of innovation, and occasional fits of 
parsimony, destroy all harmony of action and uniformity of manage- 
ment. Nothing could be more fatal to the welfare of a seminary, 
than to convert its offices, which should be the rewards of scientific 
activity and thorough scholarship, into the prizes of political am- 
bition. We confess, that there is Imzard of this kind under a 
popular government, to which the more stable institutions of the 
old world are not subject. But, in avoiding this danger, there is 
no need of rushing into the opposite extreme, and regarding all in- 
terference on the part of the community as an encroachment on 
private right. The people can have no sjinpathy with an insti- 
tution, in the management of which their voice is of no weight. 
Uniformly to repel their criticisms, and reject their suggestions, is 
to convert them into lukewarm friends or open enemies. The 
sorest evil of the whole system, the vast multiplication of Colleges, 
may, among others, be traced to this cause. Men, who were in- 
dignant that their voice should never be heard in the management 
of the estabUshed seminaries, have sought to carry their views into 
effect by creating new ones. Parties and sects, whose attempts at 
interference have been too hastily rebuffed, have revenged them- 
selves by starting an opposition. What should be a generous 
emulation in promoting the great ends for which all Colleges are 
endowed, thus degenerates into a narrow exclusiveness in the dis- 
pensation of favors generally, and especially of appointments to 
office, and a petty contest in obtaining the largest number of 
students. 

'' The rich endo^-ments of the Enghsh Universities enable them 
to hold up numerous scholarships, fellowships, and situations in the 
Church, as the fit and even magnificent prizes, that jawait distin- 
guished scholars ; and, defective in other respects m the system of 



664 APPENDIX. 

these establislimeuts is, the good actually accomplished by them 
must be attributed almost entirely to these noble rewards of in- 
dustry and talent. In France and Germany, niuncrous and honor- 
able offices in the seminaries themselves and under government 
are the almost sure recompense of distinguished pupils. In the 
United States, we have nothing of the kind. A scale of rank, it is 
true, is kept in the interior of the College ; but it becomes known 
beyond the walls only on Commencement day, when the high 
standing of a pupil at the completion of his course is felt as a 
transient pleasure by liis relatives and friends, though it is pro- 
ductive of no solid or permanent results. Even the first honors 
of a class are perceived to be a flattering, rather than profitable 
distinction, and destined to be soon forgotten. No wonder that 
many students of considerable ability decline to engage in such a 
iruitless race, and even refuse the honours when offered to them. 
But let a sufficient number of scholars be endowed, and the spur 
would be felt by ever}' member of the institution. The cost of 
founding one would not be more than one fifth of the expense of 
estabhshing a professorship, and the name of the donor would bo 
for ever connected with the most efficient means of promoting the 
welfare of the seminary, and advancing the interests of letters. To 
preserve the importance and respectability of the scholarships, they 
should be rather few in nmnber, than small in profit; but the 
beneficial effects of their establishment would not be perceived to 
the full extent, till they were numerous enough to exert an m- 
fluence through the whole body of the students. Founders who 
are much interested in a particular science, might confine the 
benefit of their funds to pupils distinguished only in their favourite 
study ; but the best interests of letters and education require, that 
the bulk of the prizes should be given for general scholarship. If 
tliis scheme could be carried into effect, we believe that a new 
spirit would be awakened among the students, and a new chapter 
commenced in the history of American Colleges. The operose 
machinery of Exhibitions and Commencements, affording very in- 
sufficient proof of industry and learning, might be done away, and 
rigid examinations, closed by the formal award of the merited 



HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 665 

scholarships, he the only puhlic, as they are the proper tests of the 
efficiency of the institution." 

Harvard University, at Cambridge, in the neighbourhood of 
Boston, attracts the particular attention of the North American 
Reviewer, and he describes its early history and the struggle which 
took place in the last century between the College or University 
Corporation and the Government Authorities of the country. This 
contest terminated in the independence of the Corporation, and 
the visitatorial power over them was reduced to the mere shadow 
which it afterwards remained. The College, according to the 
reviewer, fell entirely into the hands of seven men, who filled the 
vacancies in their oym body, held office for life, and were placed 
under only a nominal accountability. 

'^ The legislatm-e," continues the North American writer," ceased 
to cherish an institution, which it could no longer control. It gave 
a cold approval to the measures of the Corporation, or disregarded 
its proceedings altogether, or began an active op])osition by with- 
holding money, which it was bound to furnish, or by chartering 
new colleges. In these measures the legislature acted in strict 
accordance with the feelings of the people, of whom they were the 
representatives. A small class, composed of the graduates, the 
immediate friends of the officers, the parents in the vicinity, who 
had children to be educated, and a few far-sighted observers of the 
progress of letters and science in the country, continued to wish 
well to the College, and by all feasible means to aid in its ad- 
vancement. But the body of the community lost all interest in tlie 
progress of the institution, and not a few, in the contests of parties 
and sects, learned to regard it with suspicion and positive disHkc. 
The College soon assumed too much of the character of a private 
establishment. It has partaken of the improvements of the age ; 
it has rendered noble services to the cause of learning. But, rela- 
tively to the means of the coimtry and the demands of the times, 
it has declined. It was far beyond what could reasonably be ex- 
pected in the seventeenth centur}' ; it falls short of the impatient 
spirit and lofty expectations of the nineteenth." 

Having thus stated the corporate cxclusiveness of Harvard, or 



666 APPENDIX. 

as it is sometimes termed, Cambridge University, it is only ftur 
to that seat of learning, to add, on the authority of Mr. Dickens, 
that many of the resident gentry of Boston, and a large majority of 
the professional men of that city are educated there, and that the 
resident Professors are gentlemen of learning and varied attain- 
ments, who would shed a grace upon, and do honor to any society 
in the civilized world. 

Mr. Dickens is of opinion, that much of the intellectual refine- 
ment and superiority of Boston is referable to the quiet influence 
of the University of Cambridge, and when visiting the capital of 
Massachusetts, he observed veith pleasure, the humanising tastes 
and desires created by this University, the affectionate friendships 
to which it had given rise, and the amount of vanity and prejudice 
which it had dispelled. 

*' Whatever the defects of American Universities may be," 
remarks that observant author, *•*• they disseminate no prejudices ; 
rear no bigots; dig up the buried ashes of no old superstitions; 
never interpose between the people and their improvement; ex- 
clude no man because of his religious opinions ; above all, in their 
whole course of study and instruction, recognize a world, and a 
broad one too, lying beyond the college walls."* 

* Dickens's American Notes, vol. i. p. 62. 



APPENDIX. 667 



Copy of the Clerical Fetition^ relative to the ettbscription to the 39 

Articles^ signed by 250 clergymen and otherSy and offered 

an the 6th Feltriiary, 1772, to the House of Commons* 

with subsequent proceedings, 

^^ To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain, in Parlia- 
ment assembled. 

" The humble petition of certain of the Clergy of the Church of 
England, and of certain of the two professions of Civil Law and 
Physic, and others, wliose names are hereunto subscribed, 

" Sheweth, 

^'That your petitioners apprehend Uiemselves to have certain 
rights and jirivileges which they hold of God only, and which are 
subject to his authority alone. That of this kind is the free exer- 
cise of their own reason and judgment, whereby they have been 
brought to, and confirmed in, the belief of the Christian religion, 
as it is contained in the Holy Scriptures. That they esteem it a 
great blessing to live under a constitution, which, in its original 
principles, ensures to them the full and free profession of their 
faith, having asserted the authority and sufficiency of Holy Scrip- 
tures in — ' all things necessary to salvation ; so that whatsoever is 
not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required 
of any man that it should be believed as an article of faith, or be 
thought rei^uisite or necessary to salvation.' That your petitioners 
do conceive that they have a natural right, and ore also warranted 
by those original principles of the refonnation from Popery, on 
which the Church of England is constituteil, to judge in searching 
the Scriptures each man for himself, what may or may not be 
proved thereby. That they find themselves, however, in a great 
measure precluded the enjoyment of this iuA'aluable privilege by the 
laws relating to subscription ; whereby your petitioners are required 
to acknowledge certain articles and confessions of faith and doc- 
trine, drawn up by fallible men, to be all and every of them 

* From the Annual Register for 1772, p. 171. 



668 APPENDIX. 

agreeable to the said Scriptures. Your petitioners therefore pray 
that they may be relieved from such an imposition upon their 
judgment, and be restored to their undoubted right as Protestants 
of interpreting Scripture for themselves, without being bound by 
any human expHcations thereof, or required to acknowledge, by 
subscription or declaration, the truth of any formulary of religious 
faith and doctrine whatsoever, beside Holy Scripture itself. 

" That your petitioners not only are themselves aggrieved by 
subscription, as now required, (which they cannot but consider as 
an encroachment on their rights, competent to them both as men 
and afi members of a Protestant establishment,) but with much 
grief and conccni apprehend it to be a great hindrance to the 
spreading of Christ's true religion : As it tends to preclude, at least 
to discourage, further enquiry into the true sense of Scripture, to 
divide Communions, and cause mutual dislike between fellow Pro- 
testants : As it gives a handle to unbelievers to reproach and vilify 
the clerg}', by representing them (when they observe their diversity 
of opinion touching those very articles which were agreed upon for 
the sake of avoiding the diversities of opinion) as guilty of prevari- 
cation, and of accommodating their faith to lucrative \iews or 
pohtical considerations : As it affords to Papists, and others disaf- 
fected to our religious establishment, occasion to reflect upon it 
as inconsistently framed, admitting and authorizing doubtful and 
precarious doctrines, at the same time that Holy Scripture alone 
is acknowledged to be certain and sufBcicnt for salvation : As it 
tends (and the evil daily increases) unhappily to divide the clergy 
of the Establishment themselves, subjecting one part thereof, who 
assert then* Protestant privilege to question every hiunan doctrine, 
and bring it to the test of Scripture, to be resiled, as well from the 
pulpit as the press, by another part, who seem to judge the articles 
they have subscribed to be of equal authority with the Holy Scrip- 
ture itself: And lastly, as it occasions scruples and embarrassments 
of conscience to thoughtful and worthy persons in regard to en- 
trance into the ministrv or cheerful continuance in the exercise 
of it. 

"That the clerical part of your petitioners, upon whom it is 



CLERICAL PETITION OF 1772. 669 

peculiarly incumbent, and who are more immediately appointed by 
the state, to maintain and defend the truth as it is in Jesus, do 
find themselves under a great restraint in their endeavours herein, 
by being obliged to join issue with the adversaries of revelation, in 
supposing the one true sense of Scripture to be expressed in the 
established system of faith, or else to incur the reproach of having 
departed from their subscriptions, the suspicion of insincerity, and 
the repute of being ill-affected to the Church ; whereby their com- 
fort and usefulness among their respective flocks, as well as their 
success against the adversaries of our common Christianity are 
greatly obstructed. 

" That such of your petitioners as have been educated with a 
view to the several professions of Civil Law and Physic, cannot 
but think it a great hardship to be obliged (as are all in one of the 
Universities, even at their first admission or matriculation, and at 
an age so immature for disquisitions and decisions of such moment), 
to subscribe their unfeigned assent to a variety of theological pro- 
positions, concerning which their private opinions can be of no 
consequence to the public, in order to entitle them to academical 
degrees in those faculties; more especially as the coiu-se of their 
studies, and attention to their practice respectively, afford them 
neither the means nor the leisure to examine whether and how far 
such propositions do agree with the word of God. 

"That certain of your petitioners have reason to lament, not 
only their own, but the too probable misfortune of their sons, who, 
at an age before the habit of reflection can be formed, or their 
judgment matured, must, if the present mode of subscription re- 
mains, be irrecoverably bound down in points of the highest con- 
sequence, to the tenets of ages less informed than their own. 

" That, whereas the first of the three articles, enjoined by the 
<36th canon of the Church of England to be subscribed, contains a 
recognition of his Majesty's supremacy in all causes ecclesiastical 
and civil, your petitioners humbly presume, that every security, 
proposed by subscription to Uie said article, is fully and effectually 
provided for by the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, prescribed 
to be taken by every deacon and priest at their ordination, and by 



670 APPENDIX. 

every graduate iu both Universities. Your petitioners, neverthe- 
less, are ready and willing to give any further testimony which 
may bo thought expedient, of their affection for his Majesty's per- 
son and government, of their attachment and dutiixd submission in 
Church and State, of their abhorrenee of the unchristian spirit of 
Popery, and of all those maxims of the Church of Rome, which 
tend to enslave the consciences, or to undermine the civil or re- 
ligious liberty, of a free Protestant people. 

^^Your petitioners, in consideration of the premises, do now 
humbly supplicate this Honourable House, in hope of being re- 
Ueved from an obligation so incongruous with the right of private 
judgment, so pregnant nith danger to true religion, and so produc- 
tive of distress to mnny pious and conscientious men, and useful 
subjects of the state ; and in that hope look up for redress, and 
humbly submit their cause, under God, to the wisdom and justice 
of a British Parliament, and the piety of a Protestant King. 

" And your petitioners shall ever pray," &c. 

This petition was signed by Archdeacon Blackbumc, who was 
probably the author of the celebrated work, entitled, "The Con- 
fessional, or a full and free enquiry into the right, utility, edification, 
and success of establishing systematical Confessions of Faith and 
Doctrine in Protestant Churches \ and it also received the signa- 
tures of the Rev. Thcophilus Lindsey, and the Rev. John Jebb, as 
well as those of Wyvill, Law, Disney, Chambers, and mojiy other 
men of high consideration in point of talents, learning, and moral 
worth. It was read to the House of Commons bv Sir William 
Meredith, who spoke in its support, and a spirited debate ensued 
on the question of bringing the petition up, which was ultimately 
decided in the negative, by a large majority (217 to 71). 

In the course of the discussion, tl)e Hon. Mr. Fitzmaurice said, 
that " as to the Universities, he believed, that they had a power 
to remedy any defect of this nature, (probably alluding to the sub- 
scription test,) which there might be in their constitution, and he 
was persuaded, that upon proper application they would be ready 
to imdertakc so desirable a work. Why then bring the affair 
before this House? the step was certainly precipitate.'* 



SUBSCRIPTION AT MATRICULATION. 671 

Lord George Germain declared, with reference to the thirty- 
nine articles, that it appeared to him ^^ a melancholy thought and 
indeed a crying grievance, that his son at sixteen must suhscrihe, 
upon entering tlie University [of Oxford] what he himself could 
not understand, much less explain to him, at sixty. The matter 
certainly called aloud for redress, and ought alone, as had been 
justly observed, to determine them to enter into the merits of this 
petition."* 

Mr. Charles Jenkinson commenced his speech, by stating, tliat 
*'*' the subscription required from young students at the Universities 
upon matriculation seemed to have struck the House as the most 
forcible argument for taking this petition into consideration. But 
let him ask, have the Universities been properly solicited to grant 
relief in this case ? He conceived not ; because if they had, they 
would in all probability have rectified the abuse. It was said, 
indeed, that they did not possess the power; but that was said 
without any authority. The University of Oxford hod lately 
altered its constitution in a much more essential article: it had 
made a new regulation in the qualification necessary to entitle a 
man to vote in choosing members of parliament. Having allowed 
them the power of altering their laws in the greater point, how 
could thcv denv it them in the less? Suffer the Universities 
themselves then to rectify this matter, they had the power and, he 
hoped, the vnW; when they failed it would be time enough for 
them (the House) to take the point into consideration." 

Lord John Cavendish declared, that he was sure, that ^'the 
articles wanted a revision ; because several of them were hetero- 
dox and absurd, warranted neither by reason nor by scripture, and 
savouring strongly of the dark ages, in which the doctrines in them 
were originally fabricated. For let me tell you, (he continued,) 
these articles are much older than the Reformation. Many of 
them arc Popish tenets, invented by a crafty priesthood, when 
they were forging chains for the human mind, and sinking it into 
ignorance and barbarism, that being masters in spiritual, they 
might also become lords and masters in temporal concerns. What 

* Cobbett's l^arliamentary History of Enp^land, voL xvii. p. 266. 




672 APPENDIX. 

else but this idea could have tempted them to establish at our 
Universities such a shocking practice as that which has been just 
now exposed ? They acted like true monks, who inveigle into 
their order young and inexperienced persons, who, they well know, 
will, after once swearing, be ashamed to recant, or even murmur 
their dissent, for fear of such reflections as have just now been 
cast, and unjustly cast, u|)on the petitioners. For my own part, 
(he said,) as I am for allowing men a freedom of thought in poli> 
tics, so am I for granting liberty of conscience in religion. I 
would not expel a man from this House, because he differs from 
me in opinion about public affairs. Why should I not follow the 
same rule in theological matters ? We admit of dissenters in this 
house ; and yet I do not find that the indulgence has done us much 
injury. Methinks the same reasoning is applicable to the Church. 
Men's faces arc not more different than their minds. No two 
persons can agree entirely in opinion ; and indeed the same indi- 
vidual cannot boast of much uniformity in this particular. In- 
fancy, youth, manhood, and old age, bring each along with them 
their peculiar notions and habits ; and the body is not in a more 
constant state of change than the mind. Why then should we be 
so rigid in exacting a conformity in sentiment, which is in the 
nature of things impossible ? We should allow of a discreet lati- 
tude of opinion, and bring things as much as possible into the 
channel of nature, whom no body ever neglected with impunity. 
Instead of shutting our church we should open her doors as wide 
as possible, and not put it in the power of any man to say that 
strait is the way and narrow is the path which leads into her 
bosom." 

Mr. Solicitor General Wedderbum thought " the petition ought 
not to be compUed with, but he should vote for receiving it, for at 
that present time, it was not before the House, and he did not 
regularly know the prayer. The Universities, which were to 
prepare them for all the learned professions, and to make persons 
fit members of parliament, ought to be under parUamentary 
cognizance, if they did not take care to reform themselves. He 
could not conceive but a prescription was equally efficacious, and 



WISH OP UNIVERSITY FRIENDS. 673 

proper to be followed, whether the physician had signed the arti- 
cles, or not." 

One important result of the parliamentary debate of the 6th 
February, 1772, was manifested in the follo^ving proceedings with 
reference to the University of Cambridge. 

" It appeared, (remarks Dr. Jebb,)* to be the sense of the ma- 
jority of the members of the House of Commons, who spoke in 
the debate of February 6, 1772, upon the merits of the clerical 
petition, that the Dissenters ought to be relieved from the imposi- 
tion of subscription ; and that the practice should be abolished at 
both the Universities. 

" In consequence of the general persuasion of the impropriety of 
the requisition [of this subscription], the Duke of Grafton (Chan- 
cellor of the University) and the Bishop of Peterborough wrote to 
the Rev. Dr. Brown, the Vice-chancellor of Cambridge, assuring 
him that it was the wish of the friends of the University, that sub- 
scription to the thirty-nine articles of the Church of England, at 
least as far as respected lay degrees, should not any longer be 
required. 

^^ A gentleman of character and considerable standing in the 
University, observing the disposition of the resident members to be 
inclined to a relaxation, proposed a grace for the appointment of a 
committee to draw up a state of the case ; and to consult counsel 
about the power of effecting the alteration ; as doubts had arisen 
whether statutes, which in their formation seemed to have a mix- 
ture of royal authority, could be rescinded without a formal appli- 
cation to the King. 

^^ An account of the iUiberal treatment that gentleman met with 
from the Vice-chancellor and some of the heads of houses would 
swell my narrative beyond all reasonable bounds. Let it suffice 
to observe that, after much altercation, a grace did actually pass 
the house, for the appointment of a committee; that the case 
was stated; that Mr. Thurlow, Mr. Wedderbum, Mr. Jackson, 
and Mr. Cust, were consulted upon the subject; that the last 
gentleman had doubts about the power, but that the three former 

* Jebb's Works, vol. iii. p. 222. 

VOL. II. X X 



674 APPENDIX. 

were clear and express in their opinion, that academical sabecrip- 
tion, in every instance wherein it was now required, could be 
utterly abolished by a vote of the Senate of Cambiidge." 

Much time, (according to Dr. Jebb,) elapsed between the de- 
claration of the Duke of Graflon, and the report of the comiisel, to 
whom the University had applied, and in this interval, the bill for 
the relief of the Dissenters had been rejected in the House of 
Lords. " The intolerant spirit then broke out in all its fury. It 
was the general cry, that the University would be ruined by an 
influx of the Dissenters. It was resolved, that subscription, even 
in the case of the first degree, should still be rigorously insisted 
on ; and further regulations were talked of, tending to drive the 
Dissenters entirely from the University." 

A change, however, in party feeling took place at the Univer- 
aty, and with the aid of the Vice-chancellor and some other per- 
sons, the following declaration was devised, as a substitution for 
the subscription to the thirty-nine articles of the Church of Eng- 
land, in the case of candidates for the first degree in arts ; and a 
grace for its establishment, at the instance of the Vice-chancellor, 
passed the Senate : 

^^ I do declare, that I am ^ bond fide,' a member of the Church 
of England, as by law established." 

Dr. Jcbb observes, that the authors of this grace frequently ex- 
plained themselves, in private conversation with the anti-subscrip- 
tionists, as if they intended nothing but a declaration of con- 
formity, but if this were their intention. Dr. Jcbb asks, why they 
did not choose the parliamentary form to which all fellows of 
Colleges are, at present, (by the Act of Uniformity of 1662,) 
required to subscribe, and which runs as follows: 

^^ I, A. B., do declare, that I will conform to the Liturgy of the 
Church of England, as it is now by law establLshed." 

^^This is a declaration," says Dr. Jebb, ^^ which alludes to a 
plain fact, viz., the act of appearing at, and conforming to, the 
established worship ; and the legislature presiunes, that the person 
consenting is a member of the Church of England, without further 
ceremony. But this would not serve the purpose of our subtile 
subscriptionists." 



tillotson's declaration. 675 

When Dr. Tillotson, in 1689, drew up concessions for the union 
of Protestants, which he sent to the Earl of Portland hy Dr. 
Stillingflcct, he suggested in his paper,* that *•*• instead of all former 
declarations and suhscriptions to he made hy ministers, it shall he 
sufficient for those that are admitted to their ministry in the 
Church of England, to suhscrihe one general declaration and pro- 
mise to this purpose, viz. : ^- 

^' ^ That we do suhmit to the doctrine, discipline, and worship of 
the Church of England, as it shall he estahlished hy law, and pro- 
mise to teach and practice accordingly.' " 

This declaration had heen ohviously intended solely for clei^- 
men of the Church of England, and would therefore have heen too 
professional for the variety of students, who are annuaUy admitted 
to graduate at the University of Cambridge, hut some idea of the 
new form may possibly have heen derived from it, and the petition 
of a numerous hody of undergraduates presented to the Vice- 
chancellor, in December, 1771, and praying for a release from the 
necessity of subscribing the thirty-nine articles of religion, at their 
first degree, may also have been consulted by the University au- 
tliorities, in the preparation of the new form. 

A copy of this petitiont has been preserved in Dr. Jebb's 
works, in the notes to letters originally published in 1771, and 
addressed "to the gentlemen of the University of Cambridge, 
who intend proposing themselves, the ensuing January, as candi- 
dates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts." The petition was pre- 
sented by Mr. Crawford, Fellow Commoner of Queen's College, 
and was thus worded : — 

" To the Vice-chancellor and Senate of the University of Cam- 
bridge; the humble petition of certain undergraduates in 
the said University, 

" Shewcth, 

" That your petitioners apprehend themselves, in consequence of 
engagements entered into with the University at the time of their 
admission or matriculation, to be under an obligation of devoting 

• See Cardwell's Conferences, p. 412. + Jebb*8 Works, vol. i. p. 208. 

Letters of Paulinus. 



676 APPENDIX. 

their attention to that course of studies^ which is recommended 
to them hy their superiors; that they are expected to employ 
themselves in the pursuit of natural and metaphysical knowledge ; 
to improve themselves in moral philosophy, and to acquaint them- 
selves with the sentiments and language of those authors who in 
their time were esteemed the greatest ornaments of Greece and 
Rome ; that, in consequence of this multiplicity of academical en- 
gagements, they have neither the leisure nor the opportunity of 
inquiring into the ahstruser points of theology ; that they never- 
theless find themselves under a necessity of declaring their un- 
feigned assent to a set of theological propositions, usually called 
* the thirty-nine articles of religion,' apparently of high argument 
and great importance ; or of suhjecting themselves to a repulse in 
their petition for a degree, which they have endeavoured to qualify 
themselves for, with much trouhle and at no Httle expense. Your 
petitioners, therefore, entreat, if such indulgence can he granted to 
them Aidthout infringement of the University statutes, that they 
may he released from the necessity of testifying their assent to the 
aforesaid propositions ; or, that such timely assistance may he af- 
forded in their respective Colleges, as will enable your petitioners 
to satisfy their consciences in subscribing them. 

" And your petitioners shall ever pray, &c.*' 

On the 13th of January, 1772, Mr. Crawford, on behalf of the 
petitioners, went to the Vice-chancellor, to request an answer to 
this petition of the undergraduates, and addressed him in this man- 
ner: — 

"Mr. Vice-chancellor, 

" I wait upon you again concerning the petition of the under- 
graduates, and would beg to be indulged with a few moments 
hearing. We have received as yet no direct answer to our petition, 
which, with great submission, we think deserves one. It has been 
intimated to us, however, that it is thought improper to grant us 
our request at this time, lest those in authority in the University 
should be said to favour the petition of the clergy. We have been 
told that after that is presented to Parliament we may expect re- 
lief. Our petition we think to be quite independent of the petition 



PETITION OF UNDERGRADUATES. 677 

of the clergy. We beg that our subscription to the articles may 
be dispensed with, not because we object to any of them, but 
because we have not had an opportunity to study them. You must 
consider, sir, that there are some who have subscribed their names, 
who are to take their degrees in a few days; they, therefore, 
claim an immediate relief. The most zealous advocates of the 
Church will not impute to you a desertion of its cause, by granting 
our request ; for all mankind, with one voice, cry out against the 
imposition we speak of as absurd and illegal, which an arbitrary 
Stuart, in the wantonness of his power, had pleased to establish in 
the University. What answer, sir, shall I carry back to the rest 
of the subscribers ?" 

The Vice-chancellor then said, that ^^ there were many names 
erased in the petition, that some others were also willing to erase 
theirs, and that he had not power to grant the petition." 

Mr. Tyrwhitt had offered a grace at Cambridge, on the 6th of 
December, 1771, to excuse gentlemen who were candidates for the 
degree of Bachelor of Arts from subscribing the thirty-nine articles, 
but the grace was unanimously rejected by the Caput, and tliis 
appears to have been done for the reason stated in the General 
Evening Post, of the 7th December, 1771,* which is called "the 
same reason as before," and is thus given as a quotation, " that the 
University had no power of making so material a change ; and that 
the times were not favourable to so great an undertaking, which 
required the slow and wise deliberations of the supreme legislature, 
not the partial determinations of a few academics." 

Dr. Jebb, who was a zealous opponent of subscription to the 
articles, terms the new form of subscribdon a *' Jesuitical substi- 
tution for subscription to the articles," t and he praises the conduct 
of Mr. Thomas Blackbume, of Peterhouse, Cambridge, in refusing 
to bear testimony to the truth of the Athanasian creed, which 
creed every professing member of the Church of England, (he 
says,) avows as one of the formularies of his faith. [?] 

* Jebb*B Works, vol. i. p. 209. the Caput prevented the grace from 
In the rejection of the Bimilar g^ntce coming betore the body of the Uni- 
on the 11th Jane, 1T71, no reason venity. Ibid, (p. 202.) 
is said to have been assigned, when f Jebb's Worlu, vol. iii. p. 211. 




078 APPENDiX. 

Mr. Tlionintj Blockbiinic was the second son of Arclidcocon 
Blackbume, and after having been educated at Richmond, in York- 
shire, and at the Charter-house, was admitted a student of St. 
Peters College. In Januar}', 1773, afler having passed the osiud 
examination in his owa College, and in the Senate-house, he ap- 
plied for the degree of Bachelor in Arts, and was rejected. His 
testimonials and qualifications are thus described by Jcbb :* — ^ At 
the close of the examination, in his own College, the master signed 
a paper, importing that Mr. Blackbume, with two other persons, 
had resided for the major part of such a number of terms as the 
statute requires. A grace for his degree was then passed in Col- 
lege, which implies an approbation of his moral conduct, and pro- 
ficiency in learning. He appears in the Senate-house at the 
customary hours of examination ; and, as he was a youth who had 
greatly distinguished himself in all the previous exercises, is par^ 
ticularly noticed during the time of trial. He passes through that 
trial with applause ; and, in the judgment of the moderators and 
all the examiners, is declared worthy of one of the first honours 
which the University is wont to bestow upon approved merit At 
the close of this examination, when nodiing now remained, hut 
what is too frequently regarded as mere form and ceremony, the 
conscientious voun<]: man hints to the master and tutor of his Col- 
lege his objections to the declaration in question, and delivers into 
their hands the following declaration : — 

" ' I, Tliomas Blackbume, do hereby declare my full persuasion 
of tlie truth of the Christian religion, as exhibited in the Scriptures; 
that I have hitherto communicated with the established Church, 
and have no present intention of communicating with any other/ 

" His 'supplicat,' or petition, for his degree is next presented to 
the Caput ; the Kubscription-book is called for ; and, his name not 
appearing in its place, the Vice-chancellor refuses to read his sup- 
plicat, and he is, consequently, repelled from his degree. 

" It is in vain for the parties concerned in the rejection to urge, 
that as tlie regulation stands at present, Mr. Blackbume is statut- 
ably rejected. Tlie question is asked, and it is a question which 

* Jobb'b Works, vol. iii. p. 228. 



MR. THOMAS BLACKBUBNE. 679 

cannot be answered to the honour of the Universitj, why was not 
a grace immediately proposed for the amendment of this informal 
regulation, as a fact had shewn, that it was capable of being in- 
terpreted in a sense different from that which the imposers them- 
selyes would be understood to mean ? 

^^ There would have been a peculiar propriety in the passing of 
such an amending grace, as more than one of the former grace- 
makers were then in the Caput But humanity, integrity, and 
honour, in vain pleaded in behalf of the conscientious sufferer. He 
is now retired from the University; and, after near four years 
residence, after he had done credit to his College and his {riend% 
by a remarkably steady and uncommonly virtuous demeanour; 
afi;er he hod been honoured by incontestiblo marks of academical 
approbation, with respect to his literary accomplishments, he is 
compelled to resign the fruits of his many labours, and to retire 
from the University, as if unworthy of its ^eivours. 

^^ The circumstances of the case are more aggravating, as a de- 
gree was some days afterwards conferred upon two persons, a cer- 
tificate for whose sufficiency in learning, one, if not both of the 
moderators had refused to sign. And the consequences are still 
more to be lamented, as a fellowship hath lately hllen in his Col- 
lege, to which there is every reason to suppose Mr. Blackbume 
would succeed, if he could be persuaded for a moment to let go 
his integrity." 



680 APPENDIX. 



10. Ccnduston. 

Gratitude is due to Professor Hubcr, for the large store of valu- 
able historical observations which he has collected together re- 
specting the Universities of this country, as well as for the extreme 
care and labour with which he has inquired into and recorded the 
working of the University constitutions. His book, after having 
been translated by Mr. Simpson, is now introduced to the English 
public, under the talented editorship of Professor Newman, whose 
sentiments on the great University questions, to which he has 
alluded in his preface and in his notes, are well worthy of general 
consideration. 

Illustrations of some of the most interesting academical customs 
and ceremonies have been added from die spirited and original 
drawings of Mr. Buss, of Warren Street, Fitzroy Square, London. 
These drawings have been ably lithographed by Messrs. Day and 
Haghe, and by Mr. Hullmandel, or engraved, with skill, by Mr. 
Adcock and Mr. Henry Shaw. Other illustrations of remarkable 
University personages have been lithographed, cither from the 
drawings of Mr. Buss, as in the case of Wolsey and Nei^-ton, or 
from good engraved portraits. A few architectural views, from 
drawings by Mr. Mackenzie and Mr. Harraden, have been included, 
that the venerable appearance of the ancient Universities may be 
in some degree appreciated by those who are not familiar with it, 
but the recently published engravings of Le Keux in the Memo- 
rials of Oxford and Cambridge, and the works of Ackermann and 
others have already supplied ample specimens of die monasdc and 
collegiate exterior of the great English Universities. 

Any one, who has resided within the walls of the once almost 
monasdc Colleges of Oxford or Cambridge, will probably consider 
diat the internal state of their undergraduate colonics at the present 
day partakes largely in the prevalent tastes of the greater world 
around them. Human nature does not become essentially altered 
from the wearing of a dark robe or a white surplice, and die love 




PRACTICAL REFORMS. 681 

of display, the love of pleasure, the ambition of rising in station, 
and the energetic achievement of conquests over difficulties, 
characterize the great national seats of learning, as much as tho 
general tone of English society. 

Practical reforms are, however, from time to time, needed, to 
invigorate antiquated institutions ; and it is to be hoped, that this 
work may assist in leading public attention to consider the mode 
in which the Universities have arrived at their present state, and 
to devise a practical plan of University enlargement 

When the bill for the admission of Dissenters to academical 
degrees, at Oxford and Cambridge, passed the House of Commons, 
in 1834, and wfis thrown out in the Lords, it was opposed by a 
majority of the ruling assemblies in each of those Universities, and 
the clergy, who constitute the greater part of the members of the 
Convocation at Oxford, and of the Senate at Cambridge, may now 
very possibly be still less inclined to open degrees, than they were, 
nine years ago: ancient corporations seem to have an historical 
right to resist reform, and it is fortimate, that the minority, who 
would gladly aid in opening these Universities are generally men 
of at least equal scientific or literary talent with the majority of 
their contemporaries in either University. 

Among the statesmen who gave their sanction to the partial 
opening of the Universities, in the debates of the House of Com- 
mons, in 1834, one of the most eminent was Lord Stanley : he held 
the question to be of the highest political expediency, in what 
manner religious instruction was given at the Universities, because 
they were inaccessible to a large proportion of the people, who 
must necessarily derive their knowledge from the pastors who were 
\ educated at the Universities, and he looked on the subject then be- 

fore the House, as referring to the encouragement of Dissenters to 
send their sons to the Universities, that they might see and partici- 
pate in the liberal education of the gentry of the country, without 
interfering in any way with the system of moral and Christian in ^ 
struction. In the course of an able speech, he addressed the 
following impressive remarks to the House : — 

^^If they could, by the removal of tho tests of admission, as 




682 APPENDIX. 

they at presented existed, prevail upon the Dissenters to oveiv 
look what was objectionable in the UniversitieSy by adopting a 
mild course of concession, they would confer a great benefit^ not 
only on the Dissenters, but on those attached to the Church of 
England, not only on the ministers of cither doctrine, but on the 
whole conununity. They would soften the religious animosities 
which had prevailed between the two parties, bring into one com- 
mon education, and that not an irreligious education, the various 
classes of Dissenters, and thereby cause the Churchman and Dis- 
senter, by early association, to form those habits of firiendship 
which would prevent them from breaking out in after life into 
political or theological asperities." * 

Lord Stanley, in an earlier part of the same speech, had ex- 
pressed his concurrence in the principle laid down in the Cambridge 
petition, which had been couched in the most moderate language 
possible, and which had declared ^ the expediency of introducing, 
as far as it could be done, with safety to the interests of the £stal>- 
lished Church, all Protestant Dissenters whatever, as well as those 
professing the Catholic religion, to a participation in the civil 
privileges and benefits of the two national Universities." t 

The Cambridge petition, here referred to, had been signed by 
sixty-two resident members of the Senate of that University, and 
had been presented in March, 1834, to the House of Lords, by 
Earl Grey, and to the House of Conmions, by Mr. Spring Rice, 
now Lord Monteagle ; its prayer to the Conmions was as foUows : 

^^ To the Honorable the House of Conmions of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland: the humble petition of 
the undersigned resident Members of the Senate of the 
University of Cambridge, 

" Sheweth, 

'^That your petitioners are honestly attached to the doctrines 
and discipline of the Church of England, as by law established, 
and arc well persuaded of the great benefits it has conferred and is 
conferring upon the kingdom at large. They beg leave also to 
declare their sincere attachment to the University of Cambridge ; 

* Hansard's Debates, vol. xxiv. p. 684. f Ibid, p. 682. 



PETITION FOR THE DISSENTERS. 683 

grounded upon its connexion with the established religion of the 
country, and upon a conviction of the wholesome effect it has pro- 
duced on the learning, piety, and character of the nation. Strongly 
impressed with this conviction, they would humbly submit to your 
Honourable House their belief, as Protestant Christians, that no 
civil or ecclesiastical polity was ever so devised by the wisdom of 
man as not to require, from time to time, some modification from 
the change of external circumstances or the progress of opinion. 

^' In conformity with these sentiments, they would further sug- 
gest to your Honourable House, that no corporate body like the 
University of Cambridge can exist in a free country in honour and 
safety, unless its benefits be conmiunicated to all classes as widely 
as may be compatible with the Christian principles of its foundation. 
Among the changes which they think might at once be adopted 
with advantage and safety, they would suggest to your Honorable 
House the expediency of abrogating, by legislative enactment, 
every religious test exacted from members of the University before 
they proceed to degrees, whether of Bachelor, Master, or Doctor 
in Arts, Law, or Physic. In praying for the abolition of these re- 
strictions, they rejoice in being able to assure your Honourable 
House that they are only asking for a restitution of their ancient 
academic laws and laudable customs. These restrictions were im- 
posed on the University in the reign of King James the First; 
most of them in a manner informal and unprecedented, against the 
wishes of many of the then members of the Senate, during times 
of bitter party animosities, and during the prevalence of dogmas, 
both in Church and State, which ore at variance with the present 
spirit of English law, and with the true principles of Christian 
toleration. 

" Your petitioners conscientiously believe that, if the prayer of 
this petition be granted, the great advantage of good academic 
education might be extended to many excellent men, who are now, 
for conscience sake, debarred from a full participation in them, 
though the true friends to the institutions of the country. And 
yoiu* petitioners arc convinced that this is the best way at once to 




684 APPENDIX. 

promote the public good, and to strengthen the foundations of the 
civil and ecclesiastical establishments of this redbi. 

^' The University is a body recognized by the law of England as 
a Lay Corporation, invested with important civil privileges, and on 
that account resting on no secure foundation which is not in har- 
mony with the social system of the State. Your petitioners, there- 
fore, humbly beg leave to suggest that, as the legislative bodies of 
the United Kingdom have repealed the Test Act, and admitted 
Christians of all denominations to seats in Parliament, and to 
places of dignity and honor, they think it both impolitic and unjust 
that any religious test should be exacted in the University pre- 
viously to conferring the civil advantages implied in the degrees 
above enumerated. 

'^ Lastly, your petitioners disclaim all intention of hereby inter- 
fering, directly or indirectly, with the private statutes and regu- 
lations of individual Colleges, founded, as those Colleges are, on 
specific benefactions, and governed by peculiar laws, of which the 
respective heads and fellows are the legal and natural guardians. 

^^To the several clauses of this petition, the consideration of 
your Honorable House is humbly, but earnestly, entreated." * 

In subjects of party controversy, the arguments on both sides 
ought to be taken into consideration, and, as many of the members 
of the Senate of the University of Cambridge were opposed to the 
admission of Dissenters to degrees, they sent up a counter petition, 
which was presented in April, 1834, to the Lords, by the Duke of 
Gloucester, Chancellor of the University, and to the Commons by 
Mr. Groulbum, M. P. for the University. This petition against 
the Dissenters' claims had received tlie signatures of two himdred 
and fi fly-eight members of the Cambridge Senate, of whom the 
greater part were described by Dr. Lamb as non-resident Indeed 
the total number of signatures to the two petitions had greatly ex- 
ceeded the usual number of the resident members of the University 
Senate, which wt1\ be manifest by a reference to the statistical 
table of residents, in May, 1841, (see page 508 of this volume,) 

* Lamb's Documents, p. Iviii. 



COUNTER PETITION. 685 

where the number of the resident members of the Senate at Cam- 
bridge is thus given : — 

11 Heads of Houses. 
2 Vice-Masters. 
132 Fellows, M. A., and above that 

degree. 
16 M. A. and above, not on the 

Foundationof any College. 

160 Total number of Resident 
Members of the Senate. 



62 Signatures to Dissenters* Pe- 
tition. 
268 Signatures to counter Petition. 



320 Total number of Signatures. 






Non-residents, however, naturally take a warm interest in great 
political questions, and there may have been a few residents 
omitted, whose names might not have been on their College hall- 
boards, but the words ^' resident members" should be here under- 
stood as referring to members of the Senate who were at that 
time present in Cambridge. 

The prayer of the petition against the Dissenters' claims was 
thus worded : — 

''To the Honourable the House of Commons of the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland : the humble petition 
of the undersigned resident members of the Senate of the 
University of Cambridge, 
Sheweth, 

That your petitioners have learned, ^ith the deepest concern, 
that a petition from certain resident members of the Senate of this 
University has been recently presented to your Honourable House, 
praying for the abrogation, ' by legislative enactment,' of ' every 
religious test exacted irom members of the University before they 
proceed to degrees, whether Bachelor, Master, or Doctor in Arts, 
Law, or Physic' 

'' That, in the judgment of your petitioners, a compliance with 
the prayer of the aforesaid petition, must have the effect of ad- 
mitting into the several Colleges, persons whose religious opinions 
are avowedly adverse to the tenets of the Established Church, and 
possibly opposed to the truth of Christianity itself; and that under 
such circumstances, the maintenance of any uniform system of 
wholesome discipline, or sound religious instruction, would, aa 
your petitioners are firmly convinced, be vtterly impracticable. 




686 APPENDIX. 

^^That notwithstanding the assertion of those petitioners, that 
they ore only asking for a 'restitution of their ancient academic 
laws and laudable customs,' your petitioners beg leave to assure 
your Honourable House that a conformity to the doctrine and dis- 
cipline of the Established Church has been required from all 
members of the University according to their several orders, both 
by its own laws and the statutes of the realm, ever since the time 
of the Reformation, except during the calamitous period of the 
overthrow of the Church and Monarchy in the middle of the 17th 
century. 

^ That the tests now sought to be removed appear to your pe- 
titioners to have been originally introduced, and, after the Resto- 
ration, re-established in a manner similar to that in which various 
other statutes and ordinances have been given, by royal authority, 
for the government and good order of the University. 

'^ Your petitioners, therefore, humbly and most earnestly pray 
that your Honourable House will not lend its countenance to the 
changes suggested in the petition above referred to, and thus, in 
effect, formally recognise and sanction dissent from the Established 
Church within the University itself; but itdll strenuously en- 
deavour to preserve inviolate that constitution of the University 
under which it has so long ministered to the public good, and has 
now for many years been enjoying, by the Divine favour, uninter- 
rupted internal peace and continually increasing prosperity." 

Lord John Russell most judiciously informed the House of 
Commons, during the debate on the University question, that 
'' Dissenters of all denominations had for a long time been ad- 
mitted into the University of Cambridge, and that at that time, in 
1834, the son of the Earl of Surrey, and others, who were Dis- 
senters, were at the University." No practical inconvenience had, 
in his opinion, resulted from the admission of Dissenters into the 
University of Cambridge. "The only difficulty," he continued, 
" was when they were about to leave the University. They were 
then told, that although they had been there for three or four 
years, and although they had acquired what proficiency soever 
they might in the various studies of the University, and had 



ALDAM AND SYLVESTER. 687 

adhered with what regularity soever they might to the regulations of 
the Universityy they should not receive the degree to which their 
proficiency in knowledge and their good conduct fully entitled 
them." 

Ahout two years after these dehates, (in 1836,) Mr. Aldam, of 
Trinity College, who was at that time a memher of the society of 
Friends, and is now M. P. for Leeds, ohtained the distinguished 
place of fourth wrangler at Camhridge, and did not take his B. A. 
degree ; in the succeeding year, (1837,) Mr. Sylvester, of St. John's 
College, a Jewish gentleman, ohtained the still higher place of 
second wrangler, in the same University, and also declined to 
take his B. A. degree, on account of ihe religious tests : he was 
however desirous to compete for the two annual prizes of £25 
each, left to the University hy the Rev. Dr. Smith, formerly Master 
of Trinity College, Camhridge, for the hest proficients in Mathe- 
matics and Natural Philosophy, among the commencing Bachelors 
of Arts. These Smith's prizes have a purely scientific value far 
ahove their pecuniary amount, on account of the severe mathe- 
matical examination which it is requisite to pass in order to ohtain 
them, and the second wrangler of any year may generally he con- 
sidered to have a good chance of success in that examination. 

Mr. Sylvester applied to the Vice-chancellor of the University 
for leave to enter the examination for the Smith's prizes, hut this 
permission was not granted to him, and the third wrangler of that 
year ohtained the second prize, which generally falls to the lot of 
the second wrangler. According to the statutes, the Vice-chan- 
cellor was prohahly right, hut the statutes themselves are only 
partially adapted to the actual state of the University, and the un- 
fortunate occurrence of party poUtics may render some of those 
memhers, who are possessed of high authority, unwilling to exer- 
cise it, whenever an unstatutahle stretch of power may he con- 
strued into the slightest movement to aid the progress of one who 
does not helong to their Church. 

Practical reforms in various departments of the University have 
heen recently presented to puhhc notice in the ahle work of 
the Dean of Ely on the Camhridge statutes ; and many of the 



688 APPENDIX. 

peculiarities of University customs are there explained and illus- 
trated with great clearness and originality. 

At the present time, the strictest impartiality characterizes the 
examinations hoth of the University and the Colleges: no ques- 
tions are asked ahout the Church of England students or Roman 
Catholic students, or Dissenting students, and the rewards, which 
are accessible to all, are faithfully distributed to the most deserv- 
ing. In Trinity College, Cambridge, Dissenters have been re- 
peatedly candidates for the scholarships, and, occasionally, they 
have obtained these honorable rewards of merit The class lists 
of the Colleges and the mathematical honors of the University are 
still more open than the scholarships, for there are no oaths of 
bygone days to be sworn to, in the comparatively recent system 
of annual examinations and of mathematical or classical papers. 
Students generally arc now placed, according to merit, in fellow- 
ships, which were formerly intended exclusively for divinity stu- 
dents, and it has been found, that both the University and the 
Colleges have alike prospered by the large numbers of young men, 
who have been attracted to several Colleges, from the liberal man- 
ner in which the ancient ecclesiastical restrictions of College sta- 
tutes have been cither interpreted, or allowed to rest in tranquil 
oblivion, in modem times. 

With respect to the future, the great questions of University 
education relate to the settlement of the best plan for the instruction 
and moral training of the rising generation, and the proper regular- 
tion of time, residence, and examinations. Long apprenticeships of 
seven years' study for the degree of Master of Arts have been 
given up, for at least two himdred years, and the Dean of Ely 
most wisely recommends the keeping of terms, at the University, 
for three years and a quarter, to be abridged to the more moderate 
period of three years, for the degree of Bachelor of Arts. 

Instead of obliging the students to commence a fourth year of 
residence in the University, the learned Dean would advise the 
final examination for the ordinary B.A. degree, as well as the ex- 
aminations for the mathematical and classical triposes to take place 
in the midsummer term of the third year, and he would have the 



REDUCTION OF RESIDENCE. 689 

degrees conferred, immediately after the conclusion of the exa- 
mination. 

" The adoption of such a scheme," observes the Dean, " would 
afford three academical years for those preparatory studies which 
the University has most wisely adopted as the basis of a sound 
education, whether designed for general or professional objects ; it 
would tend to equalize the population of the University ; it would 
afford additional time for the pursuit of professional studies after 
the first degree, the general neglect of which is now so just a topic 
of complaint and so injurious to the credit and interests of the 
University. 

^' It would be no sufficient objection to the adoption of this plan, 
that it would tend to lower the standard of the mathematical, phi- 
losophical, or classical attainments of the more distinguished stu- 
dents at the time of their graduation; for it is less the proper 
object of academical education to complete the fabric of human 
knowledge, than to provide a firm and secure basis on which it 
may be raised. And it may be safely asserted, that there is no 
department of knowledge, the elements of which may not be 
completely mastered in a shorter period than that which we have 
proposed as the ordinary limit for the completion of such a pre- 
paratory course of academical education.*** 

The Dean of Ely states in a note, that in many instancefi, the 
ordinary studies of the University would not terminate at the 
degree, but "would continue to be prosecuted, as they are at 
present, whether from a simple love of knowledge, or as prepara- 
tory to the acquisition of fiirthcr honors or appointments in the 
University or elsewhere." 

At Trinity College, and St John's College, Cambridge, separate 
examinations are held of the candidates for fellowships, and the re- 
duction of the highest amount of mathematical or classical know- 
ledge required at the time of the B.A. degree need not affect the 
public estimation of the College fellowships of those two splendid 
institutions, or the quantity of learning expected from the candidates 

* Observations on the Statutes of the University of Cambridffe, by 
the very Bev. George Peacock, D. D., Dean of Ely ; p. 15z. 

VOL. II. Y Y 



690 APPENDIX. 

at their fellowship examinations. But the authorities in tlie 
smaller Colleges of the University generally hestow their fellow- 
ships on those candidates of their own societies, who have ob- 
tained the highest places in the mathematical or classical tripoe, 
and the reduction of the severest trials of the first degree may 
possibly prepare the way for a combination of several small Col- 
leges into one consolidated body, for the purpose of holding regular 
fellow^ship examinations, similar to those now maintained with so 
much advantage in the principal Colleges. 

To the large class of students, who merely go to the University 
for an ordinary degree, the reduction of the time of residence will 
be most important, both in lessening the chances of idleness and 
extravagant expenditure, and in enabling them, at an earlier period, 
to commence their professional studies, whether for the church, the 
bar, the senate, or any other occupation. 

For all non-reading men of average ability, the time of two 
years and a quarter, which is allowed to young noblemen, would 
be amply sufficient to prepare them for the ordinary examination 
for the B. A. degree. 

An exclusive rule still prevails at Cambridge, obliging the 
candidates for classical honors to obtain mathematical honors, 
before they can be permitted to enter the examination for the 
classical tripos, and the privilege of entering the classical tripos 
examination, ailer having passed the ordinary B.A. examination, 
18 only granted to young noblemen. It is, however, now high 
time, that this aristocratic privilege should be extended to the 
students, generally, of the University : many of the most dis- 
tinguished classical scholars of Eton and other public schools do 
not happen, by birth, to be entitled to this indulgence, and the 
preliminary of a severe mathematical examination is frequently 
so little congenial to their literary tastes, that the University of 
Oxford is preferred to Cambridge on account of the superior 
advantages there bestowed on classical attainments. Expediency 
might indeed recommend the opening of the classical tripos to all 
undergraduates and the attachment of the classical scholars of 
Eton would thus probably be revived towards the University of 
Cambridge. 



BISHOP MALTBY. 691 

The pian for the reduction of the time of residence for the de- 
gree of Bachelor of Arts at Camhridge was advocated, hy Bishop 
Malthy, in 1834, at the time, when he held the see of Chichester, 
and this learned prelate especially alluded to this plan, as well as 
to the admission of Dissenters into the Universities, in his charge to 
the clergy of the Archdeaconry of Lewes. He was naturally 
anxious for an amicable settlement of the Dissenters' question, and 
he wished, if possible, to avoid legislative interference, by shortening 
the ordinary term of study, and then setting apart a subsequent 
examination for the students who intended to bo candidates for 
holy orders. His views, on this subject, were expressed in the 
following manner : — 

'^ As to the claim of admission into our Universities, far more 
desirable is it, that it should be amicably settled between the par- 
tics immediately interested than become a matter of legislative in- 
terference. Involved, as the question is, in extreme difficulty, yet 
I should be sorry to find the difficulty insuperable. Perhaps, in- 
deed, after due consideration, it might not be found impossible to 
frame provisions by which those who arc not members of the 
Establishment should obtain degrees in all the faculties, excepting 
theology, without detriment to the interests either of the established 
religion or of the Universities. In some respects, both might be 
benefited, as a separate examination might be instituted for stu- 
dents in theology, which would prepare them much more suitably 
than they are in general now prepared, for admission into holy 
orders. My notion is shortly this, and it is not one which I have 
taken up as an expedient for getting rid of present difficulties, but 
which I have entertained after long and serious consideration. 

^^ Instead of admission to the degree of B.A. in the January 
term, it might take place in the June preceding. Then, such 
young men as are looking forward to lay professions and employ- 
ments might betake themselves without loss of time to their 
destined occupations ; while such as were intended for the ministry 
should have a coiu^e of study laid down, to which they might 
apply themselves diligently till the ensuing spring or summer. 
They should then repair to their respective Universities, and there 



692 APPENDIX. 

undergo an examination. Unless they acquit themselves to the 
satisfaction of their examiners, no College testimonials for orders 
should be granted, nor should they be permitted to appear as can- 
didates before any bishop. Whether this or any other arrange- 
ment be judged expedient for the very desirable object of extend- 
ing to Dissenters the facilities of obtaining knowledge which are 
possessed by ourselves; it might perhaps appear more advisable 
that such suggestions should be addressed to the Universities than 
to a meeting of parochial clergy. But the close connexion of the 
subject with the great questions now agitated, and the vital in- 
terests at stake, as well as the advantage which would be derived 
from a purely professional examination in the University for holy 
orders, justify me in offering them to your attentive consideration ; 
even if they be not appropriate to one of the main objects of our 
meeting."* 

The reviewer, who has quoted these excellent words of advice, 
proposes an additional improvement, which has long been in prac- 
tice at Cambridge, and might probably be adopted, with advantage, 
at Oxford, that the examination in the rudiments of religion should 
be limited to Paley s Evidences of Cliristianity, with one of the his- 
torical books of the New Testament, and he also suggests that the 
divinity department might be separated from the rest of the ex- 
amination, and on one or other of these plans, he considers, that the 
difficulty with respect to students who do not profess the creed of 
the Church of England may be entirely removed. 

Some indulgence is, however, required for conscientious stu- 
dents, who may object to attend the Church of England services 
in the College chapels. A Turkish student, at Trinity Hall, Cam- 
bridge, was recently allowed to absent himself from chapel in that 
College, but a Jewish student, of the noble family of Rothschild, 
was compelled, within the last few years, to attend the ordinary 
Church of England services, in the chapel of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, and search was vainly made in that University for a 
College, in which the master would grant him an exemption from 
the obligation to attend chapel services. In the sixteenth and 

* From the Quarterly Journal of Education, vol. viii. p. 273. 



ATTENDANCE AT CHAPEL. 693 

scyenteentb centuries, the attendance at the College chapels was 
regarded as a test of attachment to the Established Church of the 
country, and as one means of excludmg dissidents from Univer- 
sities ; it still forms a part of College discipline. 

The Act of Uniformity (of 1662) does not specifically mention 
the compulsory attendance of the students of either University, at 
the College chapels, and it may have been intended, to leave this 
department of discipline to the College rules : the fellows were how- 
ever obliged by this act to subscribe a declaration of conformity to 
the Liturgy. At the present day, in Trinity College, Dublin, the 
Provost of the College liberally grants leave for dissenting or 
Roman Catholic students to absent themselves from the services of 
the Church of England, in the College chapel, and a similar 
indulgence should be granted by the heads of houses at Qxford 
and Cambridge. 

In Trinity College, Cambridge, and probably in all other colleges 
of that University, the attendance at the sacrament is now volun- 
tary, except in the case of the students who propose afterwards to 
apply to the College authorities for testimonials for Deacon's 
orders, and who are, on this account, still liable to be disappointed 
of the College testimonials, unless they have previously attended 
at the sacrament in the College. 

Subscription tests, which still remain for matriculation and for 
all degrees at Oxford, as well as for all degrees at Cambridge, may 
be considered as a species of representative of the old sacramental 
test, which was formerly directed as a proper qualification for civil 
offices in this country : these different tests were in fact each in- 
tended to be declarations of Church-membership, and the advantages 
of the corporation or magisterial offices, in the one case, and of the 
degree or the matriculation in the other, were intended to be 
restricted solely to members of the Church of England. But it 
was found, that Dissenters occasionally manifested no repugnance 
to partake of the sacrament, as a qualification for office, and the 
ecclesiastical subscription test was, in like manner, from time to 
time, signed by Dissenters, as a mere form, which stood in the way 
of their University degree. 




694 APPENDIX. 

Public opinion, however, and the legislature of the countiy have 
already signified their disapprobation of the sacramental test, by 
repealing the exclusive acts of Parliament which had enforced it, 
and the Parliament passed an act in 1828, that in the place of the 
sacramental test, for the various offices enumerated in the act, a 
certain declaration should be signed, which may be considered as a 
compromise between the total repeal of tests and the maintenance 
of the exclusive system. 

By this sacramental test repeal act, (9 Geo. IV. c. 17)) it was 
enacted that ^^ every person who shall hereafter be placed, elected, 
or chosen in or to the office of mayor, alderman, recorder, bailiil^ 
town clerk, or common councilman, or in or to any office of magis- 
tracy, or place, trust, or emplojnnent relating to the government of 
any city, corporation, borough or cinque port, within England and 
Wales or the own of Berwick-upon-Tweed, shall, within one calen- 
dar month next before or upon his admission into any of the aforesaid 
offices or trusts, make and subscribe the declaration following : —^ 

*•*• I, A. B., do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of Qody 
testify and declare, upon the true faith of a Christian, that I will 
never exercise any power, authority, or influence which I may 

possess by virtue of the office of to injure or weaken 

the Protestant Church as it is by law established in England, or to 
disturb the said Church, or the bishops and clergy of the said 
Church, in the possession of any rights or privileges to which such 
Church, or the said bishops and clergy, are or may be by law 
entitled.** 

When this form was first introduced into the House of Commons, 
ihe phrase, " Upon the true faith of a ChrisUan," which still ex- 
cludes some of the most wealthy and patriotic Jews fit>m office, did 
not form a part of the declaration, and these words are said to have 
been introduced into it, by the House of Lords, but as soon as any 
compromise can be effected, with respect to tests at Oxford and 
Cambridge, the substitute for the existing tests ought to be, at least 
as comprehensive as the declaration of the House of Conmions, in 
ite original form. 

Long continued resistance of the most reasonable modification of 



ROYAL COMMISSION. 695 

existing tests will probably lead, at some time or other, to the ap- 
pointment of a Royal Commission, to visit the Universities, which 
in itself would be a most desirable step, for the improvement of 
the Universities and their Colleges. 

Hitherto, very little inclination has been shown on the part of 
the Universities themselves to enlarge their own boundaries by the 
repeal of the ecclesiastical tests, and some danger may exist of 
these magnificent institutions becoming again mere ecclesiastical 
schools. 

At Cambridge, any new measure, when proposed for the con- 
sideration of the Senate, is liable to be rejected by the Caput com- 
mittee, before it can proceed further, but the Caput committee 
seldom exercise that power unless their doing so be in accordance 
with the opinions and wishes of the majority of the Senate. 

" At a congregation, on the 4th of December, 1833, two graces 
were brought forward by Professor Pryme, at Cambridge ; one, to 
appoint a syndicate or committee to consider the propriety of dis- 
continuing the subscription to the three articles of the 36th canon 
at the time of taking the degree of Master of Arts, &c., or to sub- 
stitute some other subscription in its stead ; the other, to consider 
of the propriety of discontinuing the subscription, that the indi- 
vidual is band fide a member of the Cliurch of England, at the time 
of taking the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and to inquire whether 
some other form of subscription might not be substituted in its 
stead. They were both rejected by the Caput."* 

In the debates of the following year (1834) Lord Melbourne 
recommended a voluntary concession on the part of the Universi- 
ties, and a compromise and good understanding between the two 
parties. Some efforts were subsequently made, in influential quar- 
ters, to induce the Oxford University authorities to modify, in a 
slight degree, their matriculation test, and the failure of this at- 
tempt led to the following conversation in the House of Lords, 
May 26th, 1835 : — " The Earl of Radnor wished to ask the noble 
Duke opposite whether what he had seen in the public papers was 
correct, as to the rejection of the proposal of a new and amended 

* Quarterly Journal of Education, vol. vii. p. 181. 



iii)G 



APPENDIX. 



form of declaration on the admission of members to the Universitj? 
If the statement was correct, he begged to give notice, that, as the 
University had refused, of its own accord, to amend the form of the 
declaration, he should, before the session passed over, introduce a 
measure for effecting that change. 

^^ The Duke of Wellington could not say exactly what statement 
had been made in the public prints, but it was true that such a 
proposal as that referred to by the noble Earl had been made, and 
it was equally true that that proposal had been rejected."* 

Several of the ancient Roman Catholic Colleges were founded at 
Oxford and Cambridge, in an age, when prayers for tlie souls of 
the founders formed the usual spiritual gifts, with which the terres- 
trial gifts of property and income were repaid by the Universitji' 
and Colleges : priests were then necessarily required for the 
repetition of the masses for the dead, as well as for the numerous 
other masscH and religious ceremonies of the Roman Catholic 
Church ; indeed a relic of ancient times is still manifest in the 
celibacy of College fellows, which was preserved by the statutes of 



* Hansard's Parliamentary De- 
1)ates, vol. xxviii. p. 129. 

+ « To all the faithful in Christ 
about to see the present letter, we, 
Eudo La Touche, Doctor of Laws, 
and Chancellor of the University 
of Cambridge, for the perpetual 
commemoration of the deed. We 
make known by these presents that 
since Sir James de Koos, knight, 
John Pechel, rector of the church 
of St. Andrew of Histon, and Henry 
Hammond, executors of the will of 
Sir William de Thorpe, knieht, of 
good memory, have on behalf of the 
souls of the said William, and Lady 
Grace, his wife, caused solemnly to 
be built the schools of the divines, 
with the chapel, to the honour of 
God, the promotion of study, and 
the profit of the University ; and 
since it suits ecclesiastical distribu- 
tion, to pve sjpiritual in return for 
terrestrial gifts, thin^ firm for 
things unstable, and things eternal 
for things temporal ; of our own 



authority and that of the whole Uni- 
versity aforesaid, both of regents 
and non-regents, we enact, promise, 
and strictly compel ourselves and 
our successors to the observance of 
the following : that each year, on 
the 2nd of the nones of May, the 
chancellor of the aforesaid U^ver- 
sity for the time being, and each of 
the regents, shall meet in the afore- 
said chapel, solemnlv to celebrate 
the funeral masses for the soul of 
the aforesaid Sir WiUiun, with a 
mass on the morrow, viz., with the 
deacon and subdeaeon. We aJso 
enact and ordain, that eveir year 
on the 19th of November, nmeral 
masses shall be celebrated by the 
aforesaid chancellor and regents of 
the aforesaid University, for the 
soul of Lady Grace, consort of the 
aforesaid Sir William, with a mass 
on the morrow, and the ceremonies 
before adverted to," &c. — Ancient 
Statutes of ths Univsnity of Cam- 
bridge, i-.D. 1396. 



ANCIENT STATUTES. 



697 



Whitgift, in the reign of Elizabeth, although, at that time, the 
clergy generally were in this country allowed to he married. 

Long periods of residence were formerly insisted upon, in the 
ancient College and University statutes; hut the literary and sci- 
entific apprenticeship which was then intended to precede the 
professional studies of theology, civil law, or medicine, has been, 
in later times, wisely reduced to a much shorter term of residence, 
and as the business of instruction rose in importance, it was gra- 
dually found to be the interest of the Colleges themselves to 
disregard, in many points, the spirit of the statutes, by which they 
were supposed to be bound.* • 

Thus, in the royal foundation of Trinity College, Cambridge, the 
oath taken by the fellows still records the ecclesiastical intentions 
of the statute makers of the sixteenth century, although laymen con- 
tinually hold fellowships ; the newly-elected fellow is there obliged 
to swear that he will embrace, with all his soul, the true religion of 
Christ ; that he vvdll prefer the authority of Scripture to the judg- 
ments of men ; that he will take his rule of faith and life from the 
word of God, and will account as human other things, which are 
not proved from the word of God ; that he will hold the authority 
of the Crown supreme among men, and in no way subject to the 
jurisdiction of foreign bishops ; that he will confute, with his whole 
will and mind, opinions contrary to the word of God ; that, in the 
matter of religion, he will prefer things true to things customary, 
and things written to things which are not viTitten. Having thus 
made his declaration of belief in the Protestantism of the sixteenth 
century, the young bachelor fellow goes on to swear, that he will 
make theology the end of his studies ; and that, when the time 
prescribed in the statutes shall arrive, he will either take holy 



* When Bishop Wykeham, in 
the foarteenth centuir, drew up 
his statutes for New College, Ox- 
ford, and for Winchester School, 
he confessed, that he had ^ dili- 
gently examined and considered the 
various rules of the religious orders 
(of monks^, and had compared them 
with the lives of their several pro- 



fessors ; but that he had been 
obliged with grief to declare, that 
he could not anv where find that 
the ordinances of the Founders, ac- 
cording to their true design and 
intention, were at present observed 
bv any of them." — Lowth^a Life of 
^iUiam of Wykeham, p. 91. 



\ 



698 APPENDIX. 

orders or quit tlie College ; and then that he will obecrre all the 
statutes, laws, usages, and laudable customs, which shall Goncem 
him, of this College ; also, that he will be faithful and weU-affec- 
tioned to this College, and that he will give his aid and good wishes 
to the fellows, scholars and master of the same, not only while he 
lives in it, but also afterwards, according to his ability, whenever 
need shall be ; that he will never cause any injury or inconveni- 
ence to the College, and that ho will repel to the utmost of his 
power all the designs, combinations, conspiracies, snares, deeds and 
words of others, which are calculated to bring damage or disgrace 
upon the College, and will make them known to the officers of the 
College, whose duty it is to take cognizance of, and pronounce 
sentence on, all such proceedings. And if, in consequence of any 
offence reckoned among the greater offences, he shall be expelled 
from the College i^ith the consent of the master uid the majority 
of the seniors, in tlie way defined in the chapter on greater offences, 
that he will not appeal to any other judge or judges, or on that 
ground bring any action or indictment at any future time against 
the master of the College, or any fellow ; and that he will never 
seek for any dispensation from this his oath, nor will accept it, if 
sought by others and offered him ; and then that he vnUl be obedi- 
ent to the master, the vice-master, the seniors, and other officers, 
in all lawful and honest things, and that he will yield them the 
reverence and honour, which arc their due ; finally, that he will 
undertake all duties imposed on him by the master and the eight 
seniors, and that he will discharge them with the utmost fidelity 
and diligence. 

The chapter on greater offences just referred to, begins with the 
appropriate words, that ^^ nothing is a greater incentive with men 
to transgression than impunity," and it then ordains the punishment 
of absolute expulsion, with the consent of the master and a majority 
of the eight senior fellows, for a variety of offences, at the head of 
which are placed heresy, or a probable suspicion of heresy, or any 
perverse or impious opinion or doctrine. 

Ecclesiastical objects may have been paramount in the regula- 
tions of this College, during the contests of the fifteenth century, 



/ 



TRINITY COLLECfE FELLOWSHIPS. 699 

and there can be little doubt but that the oath to ^^ make Theology 
the end of their studies," was not intended to assist legal students 
at the bar, or any laymen at all. 

In modem times, it has been suggested, that the alternative of 
*' quitting the College, at the time prescribed in the statutes," 
applies not merely to the '^taking of holy orders," but also to 
the ^^ making theology the end of his studies,* and the fellow- 
ships are easily opened without any inquiry, to all candidates, for 
the prescribed time, which is about ten years. 

Among the most distinguished laymen, who haye held fellow- 
ships of late years, in Trinity College, are. Lord L3nidhurst, Lord 
Chief Justice Tindal, Baron Parke, Mr. Justice Williams, Mr. 
Justice Coltman, Sir Frederick Pollock, Mr. John Shaw Lefevre, 
and many others. The introduction of these powerful minds into 
the College must have been valuable to the institution, and the 
free distribution of fellowships ought to be continued, but the oath, 
as it is now worded, should be given up, for lawyers cannot really 
be considered to make theology the end of then* studies, in the 
manner which was intended by the statute makers of the sixteenth 
century. 

A revision of College oaths is required almost as much as the 
revision of the University tests, and the legislature may probably 
possess an equal right of interference in both these artificial bar- 
riers to the advancement of intellectual improvement. Very little 
attention is probably paid to the College oaths, when they are 
taken, and as they are almost always in Latin, and are read by the 
master of the College, the fellow or scholar who is sworn in, need 
not give his attention to them, unless he be particularly disposed 
so to do. 

Candidates for fellowships at Trinity College, Cambridge, are 
required to pass a severe examination in Greek, Latin, Mathema- 
tics, and Moral Philosophy: the fellows are also elected from 
among the scholars of the College, who are themselves elected 
from among the undergraduates, af^r a serious examination in 
Classics and Mathematics, and the degree of Bachelor of Arts is a 
necessary preliminary for the subsequent honor of a fellowship. 



700 APPENDIX. 

No divinity subjects enter, in any wbv, into the examinations 
either for scholarships or fellowships, and the natural result of 
opening the B. A. degree at Cambridge would be the introduction 
of Dissenters among the candidates for fellowships. 

Religious liberty has been always fluctuating in all coimtries, but 
in England, at the present time, it is probably gaining strength, and 
considerate toleration of religious differences generally characterizes 
good society, in the private intercourse of life. The general diffu- 
sion of enlightened views on the right of individual judgment will 
be promoted by the early association of the members of different 
religious denominations at College, and the opening of the Univer- 
sities may ultimately afford the happiest means of providing for an 
enlightened and hberal system of general education, in the rising 
generation. 

Of the two ancient Universities, Cambridge possesses the ad- 
vantage of being already partially open, and it was well observed 
by Lord Polraerston, in the debates of 1834, that Dissenters were 
admitted to the course of study in that University, and were 
allowed equally to partake of those honors, the hope of which hod 
been the great stimulus to exertion during the academic course, 
and the attainment of which stamped the possessor for life with 
an honorably marked character. " It was said," he continued, 
"that the mere privilege of attaching the letters M. A. or B. A. 
to their names was of too trifling a nature to be made the grave 
matter of complaint. Suppose these titles were nothing but empty 
honors, still, he maintained, that the honors and titles were matters 
of local and conventional value,* and that much depended upon 
the labors by which honors were obtained ; and he would venture 
to say, that any young man of genius and talent, who had toiled 
through the labors of academical study, (and few honorable mem- 
bers were aware of the extent of that labor,) who had undergone 
these toils, and who had succeeded in crowning himself with aca- 
demic laurels, — no man of that class would listen with patience to 
those who would tell him, that those titles were empty names. It 
must be most galling to the heart of any honest man to be deprived 

* Ilansard's Debates, vol. xxii. March, 1834. 



LORD PALMERSTON. 701 

of tlicse honors (conferred, perhaps, on associates less deserving) 
merely for conscience sake, because he had adopted the creed of 
his fathers, — because, at an age when, in temporal matters, he 
could not take a binding engagement, he was called upon to sub- 
scribe articles of faith which concerned the most imjiortant, because 
the most lasting, interests of mankind. Could it be denied that 
this was a serious grievance? It was well kno\%'n that with 
respect to the learned professions to which many members of the 
University devoted themselves, Physic and Law, the attaining a 
degree was a most essential help to their future professional pros- 
pects. 

" He," (Lord Palmerston,) " remembered having heard a strik- 
ing illustration of the importance of those degrees, in the Hall of 
Trinity College, Cambridge, from the late Lord Erskine, who, with 
that talent by which he adorned every thing he touched, was ex- 
plaining how all his professional success was owing to his having 
graduated in the University of Cambridge. He stated, that having 
taken to the bar late in life, he was discouraged by the long pro- 
bation he would have to go through, and was about to quit it with 
disgust, when it was suggested to him, that if he went do\\7i to 
Cambridge, and took out his degree there, to which his previous 
studies had entitled him, it would be of essential benefit to him ; 
he went down ; he took his degree ; he was encouraged to perse- 
vere, and to that degree he mainly attributed his subsequent emi- 
nence. If Lord Erskine had been a Dissenter, he would have 
been cut off from this resource, and the English bar would have 
lost one of its brightest ornaments. The grievance, then, was 
necessarily a severe one upon the Dissenter, who could not be ad- 
mitted to a degree. 

^'But he Avas prepared further to contend that it was a still 
greater grievance upon the public at large. The public had a 
right to have the benefit of all the best talent in the law or in 
medicine, that the country might possess ; but, by the absurd j)rin- 
ciples which prevailed, the supply of persons properly qualified to 
discharge those duties Avas necessarily limited, and the country in- 
jured. The injur}' to the individuals might be measured as fiu* as 




702 APPENDIX. 

it was possible to measure the sufferings of a wounded ^irit; Init 
the injury to the public could not be estimated, becaiue no man 
could tell how much talent was suppressed, or how much genius 
was blighted, by their exclusion from their natural career." 

Considerable progress has been made, of late years, in the reform 
of College statutes, at Cambridge, uid the improved codes of Jesus 
College, Queen's College, and Pembroke College, have been 
already duly confirmed. The revised laws of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, have also been laid before the Queen in council, and 
the royal authority has been beneficially exerted, in other Colleges, 
to dispense ^dth various unwise regulations of the ancient founders. 
Thus, in Queen's College, Cambridge, when Dr. King, the princi- 
pal tutor in that society and a layman, was elected President of 
the College, in 1832, by a majority of the fellows, a Royal Dis- 
pensation was requested and granted to enable him to hold that 
oflice, although, according to the statutes, the presidency had been 
intended for a theological graduate. At St John's College, Cam- 
bridge, the foundation fellowships were opened, by letters patent, 
from King George IV., to natives of England and Wales, without 
any restriction or appropriation whatsoever, and to this happy cir- 
cumstance, together with the wide-spread influence of private tui- 
tion, the present prosperous state of St. John's College may be 
in great measure attributed. 

Interest will be felt in the circumstance, that the statutes of 
the University of Cambridge have been recently submitted to re- 
vision in the University itself, and that the oaths of obedience to 
the statutes were considerately changed, we believe, under the 
Vice-chancellorship of the Rev. Dr. Ainslie, the enlightened Master 
of Pembroke College, for equivalent declarations, so that students, 
who may have a conscientious objection to such oaths, are no 
longer obliged to take them in their original form, either at matri- 
culation or graduation. But the political system of excluding 
Roman Catholics and Dissenters from power, by the existing 
ecclesiastical tests for degrees, can hardly be expected to be 
altered solely by the local authorities of cither University, and 
the revision of the University statutes, by the University, either 



CONNEXION OF THE CROWN. 703 

at Oxford or Cambridge, will probably not extend far beyond 
the improvement of educational and internal regulations, which 
may easily be modified, from time to time, without exciting party 
feelings on any important principle of legislation. 

The connection of the Grown with the Universities of this country 
has been described by the Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone, 
as "yielding perhaps the most emphatic testimony borne by our 
existing institutions, to the concern of government in the general 
culture of the people." Mr. Gladstone considers, that in our 
Universities, " according to their idea, all rudimental and inferior 
learning is to receive its consummation ; and that they, (the Uni- 
versities,) can only, according to our constitutional practice, exist 
by the direct act and warrant of the Crown. And, if we recur,' 
he continues, " to our earlier history, we shall find abundant evi- 
dence, sometimes, as under James IL, from the abuse of the power 
in question ; at other times, and most conmionly, from its careful 
and paternal empIo}'ment ; that this connection was by no means 
intended to be nominal or dormant"* 

All the Colleges of Oxford and Cambridge were subjected to 
Royal Visitations, under Henry VHI., Edward VL, and Eliza- 
beth, and these important societies became, as it were, government 
institutions, from the new statutes, imposed upon them by the 
Crown. In the reign of Queen Mary, Cardinal Pole, as the legate 
of the Pope, conducted the University Visitations, but Queen 
Elizabeth resumed the regal authority, which her father had ob- 
tained over the Universities. Jealousy was naturally felt under 
the early Stuarts of the talented and earnest preaching of the 
Puritans, and the subscription tests of James I. were probably 
adopted, in order to exclude the Puritans on the one hand, and the 
Roman Catholics on the other, from the privileges of graduation. 
The long parliament wisely determined to repeal these tests, and 
declared them to be " contrary to the law and liberty of the sub- 
ject," but the principles of toleration were only imperfectly known 
at that time, and the tests of the solemn league and covenant and 

* The State in its relations with Oxford, and M. P. for Newark, vol. 
the Church, by W. E. Gladstone, i. p. 166. 
Esq., late Student of Christ Chnrch, 



704 APPENDIX. 

the directory were obviously intended daring the civil wars, to 
exclude the Episcopalians from power. Parliament undertook the 
visitation of both Universities, in those troubled times, and the 
Earl of Manchester was especially distinguished for his judgment 
and moderation, in the office of visitor. 

Afler the restoration of the monarchy, Charles II. issued a de- 
claration to all his loving subjects of England and Wales, concern- 
ing Ecclesiastical affairs, and in this state paper, he graciously 
signified his royal will and pleasure, that no persons in the Univer- 
sities should be hindered in the taking of their degrees, from the 
want of the subscription to the three articles of the 36th Canon of 
the Church of England. The King was at first inclined to be 
tolerant towards the Presbyterians, who had assisted in his acces- 
sion to the throne, and he wished that no one should be disquieted 
or called in question for differences of opinion in matters of reli- 
gion, which did not disturb the peace of the kingdom,* but his 
views for the extension of religious liberty were unfortunately 
checked bv the intolerance of Baxter towards the Roman Catho- 
lies and Unitarians : Charles II. was probably at heart, a Roman 
Catholic, and when he found himself unable to obtain a general 
system of toleration, he quietly acquiesced in the re\ival of the 
ancient tests and the invention of new ones for the exclusion of 
nonconformists, and the Act of Uniformity was passed, in 1662, 
which confirmed the parliament in its supremacy over the Colleges 
as well as the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. 

Since the revolution of 1688, parliament has been the great field, 
in which the battles of ci\'il and religious liberty have been fought 
and won, and in 1772, 1834, and subsequently, serious debates 
have taken place respecting the antiquated tests of the seventeenth 
century, which are still maintained in the Universities. But the 
publication of the statutes of these ancient corporations is still re- 
quired for the guidance of the legislature in the difRcult path of 
University reform, and great benefit will be derived from the 
appointment of a Royal Commission of inquiry into the state of 
the Universities 'with full power to suggest improvements. 

* Bishop Kennet's Register, vol. i. p. 293. 



MODERN LITERATURE. 705 

Modern literature, which is almost entirely neglected at the ex- 
aminations in the Universities and Colleges of Oxford and Cam- 
hridge, should he especially considered by the members of this 
Commission, and the extension of the examination system, so as to 
include some portion of the magnificent literature of France and 
Germany, may perhaps prove the most efficient means of en- 
couraging the study of modem languages among the general body 
of the students. 

Professor Huber, with his usual acuteness of observation, de- 
scribes the knoH-n duty and vocation of the Universities of Oxford 
and Cambridge to consist in the formation, first, of gentlemen, and, 
next, of schoolmasters who may educate the rising generation of 
gentlemen.* For both these objects, a knowledge of modem lan- 
guages is important, and able instructors in French and German 
are already settled in our ancient Universities, and are well 
attended by their pupils. 

In the German Universities of Berlin and Marburg, and pro- 
bably in many other Foreign Universities, lectures are regularly 
delivered on modem languages, and by a happy coincidence, modem 
literature forms the particular subject on which Professor Huber 
himself gives instruction at Marburg. 

During last winter, this leamed Professor explained the reading 
of English, and gave historical and literary commentaries on our 
language; he also delivered lectures on Italian, on a Spanish 
comedy of Moreto, and on the history of modem literature from 
the beginning of the twelfth to the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. In the present summer session, (May to September, 1843,) 
he illustrates the play of King Henry V., from Shakspeare, 
and teaches the English language publicly; the same leamed 
gentleman also finds time to explain the Divina Commedia of 
Dante, and to give lectures on the Hterary history of the Roman 
people during the Middle Ages. 

The establishment of professorships in modem literature at Ox- 
ford and Cambridge is by no means sufficient to spread a knowledge 
of modem languages generally among the students, for it is well 

• Vol.ii. p. 381. 
VOL. II. z z 



706 APPENDIX. 

known, that in England, as in Grermany, the subjects chosen for 
examinations form the guiding and too oflen the limiting subjects 
of study at the Universities, and the newly established University 
of London has most wisely introduced French and German ex- 
amination papers into the exercises for the degree of Bachelor of 
Arts, so that her students are required to show some proficiency 
in one or other of these modem languages, in order to obtain their 
Bachelor's degree. 

Prizes have been recently instituted by His Royal Highness 
Prince Albert, for the encouragement of modem literary studies 
among the boys of Eton College, and modem literature will, ere 
long, it is hoped, enter into fair competition with the Greek and 
Roman languages. All classes of educated persons, in this country, 
tae interested in the diffusion of those various branches of know- 
ledge which really improve the minds of the youth around them, 
and Schiller and Molierc ought to have, at least, an equal place 
assigned to them, with Tacitus and Aristophanes, in the University 
and College examinations at Oxford and Cambridge. 

Increased remuneration should be also provided for the exami- 
ners at the ancient Universities, and if antiquated statutes, made 
in times when the present system of examinations was entirely 
unknown, are still to be followed, additional grants might be given 
by Parliament, for the suitable payment of those most responsible 
and meritorious officers, the Examiners in Colleges and Universities. 

JAMES HEYWOOD. 

Manchester, 

Mat 18th, 1843. 



INDEX.* 



A. 



Abclard, i. 8, 15, 16, 371. 

Aberdeen, University of, i. 302. 
ii. 344, ii. (2) ^TS. Tables of 
income, expenditure, profes- 
sors, &c. ii. (2) 579, 580. 

Abingdon, Abbey of, i. 140. 

Academicians, number of, at Ox- 
ford, in the thirteenth century, 
i. 66, 402 ; in the fifteenth, "i. 
163. Their poverty, i. 170; 
and alms begging, i. 171. 
Tables of Residents, ii. (2) 
507, 508, 578. 

Academies in Europe before 
Charlemagne, i. 3. 

Act for the degree of Master of 
Arts, ii. 254, 260, 280, 299. 

Act of Uniformity, i. xiv. ; ii. 
17 ; ii. (2) 552' 

Admission of Dissenters into the 
Universities; see "Dissenters." 

^'Advancement of Learning," ex- 
tract from, on the Defects of 
Universities, ii. (2) 640. 

^diles ; see *•' Taxors." 

Age, remarks on the Spirit of 
the, i. xHv. Of College pu- 
pils required in the seven- 
teenth century, ii. 257. Of 
Graduates, ii.'(2) 470, 471. 



Aliizardus, Antonins, i. 344. 

Albert, Prince. His ]>rizes at 
Eton, ii. (2) 706. 

Alfred. Professor Huber on the 
tradition of the foundation of 
the University of Oxford by, 
i. 44 ; not disproved, i. 45. 
His splendid character, ibid. 
Literary state of his times, 
ibid. Account of his patron- 
age of Oxford, from As- 
sers Biography, i. 373; ii. 
(2) 609. Subsequent ac- 
counts, ii. (2) 611. His foun- 
dation of Oxford considered 
mythical, ii. (2) 617. His- 
torical doubts on the authen- 
ticity of Asser s Biography, ii. 
(2) 597. 

All Souls College, Oxford, i. 
193. Elizabeth's interference, 
i. 355. 

Alms, practice of begging, by 
students, i. 170. 

Amherst. His "Terree filius," 
ii. (2) 502. 

Andrew's St, University of, ii. 
344 ;ii. (2)573. Tables of in- 
come, expenditure, professors, 
&c. ii. (2) 579, 580. 

Anger>'ille. His legacy to Ox- 
ford, i. 167. 



* The Index was originally prepared by Mr. D. M. I^Iackintosh, B A., 
of CorpuB Christi College, Cambriag^, and baa been rabiiequently enlarged 
by Mr. J. J. Reed, of Lyming^on. 



708 



INDEX. 



Anglican Church, ii. 51, 393. 

See also " Church." 
Anglo-^axon, Professorship at 

Oxford, ii. 365. 
Anjou, Margaret of, i. 215. 
Anselm, i. 8, 50. 
Apothecaries, Corporation of, i. 

347. 

Appeals, ii. 234 : To Rome, ^ide 
" Rome." 

Aquinas, Thomas, i. 8. 

Arbitrations between Town and 
University, i. 105, 107. 

Archbishop, the, his Court, ii. 
216, 218, ii. (2) 484 ; right of 
visitation, ii. (2) 483 ; his 
powers, ii. (2) 488. 

Archdeacon, at the Universities, 
ii. (2) 445. 

Aristocracy, the, at the Univer- 
sities, ii. (2) 519. 

Aristotle, i. 252, 348; ii. (2) 524. 

Arminianism, i. 357; in the 
Church, ii. 32, 67 ; ii. (2) 424. 

Arnold of Brescia, i. 11. 

Arnold, Dr., Master of Rugby, 
ii. 364. 

Articles, the Thirty-nine; see 
*" Thirty-nine Articles." 

Arts, preeminence of, at Paris, 
i. 34. Rector and Proctors 
elected from the faculty, i. 35; 
in the fourteenth century, ibid. 
Predominance of, ii. 62, 103, 
110. Influence of the degree, 
ii. 99 ; Universities based 
upon, i. 34, ii. 94, 104. 

Arundel Marbles, Oxford, ii. 27. 

Ascham, Roger, i. 336. 

Ashmolean Museum, ii. 27. 

Asser, (Bishop), Biography of 
Alfred, i. 373; ii. (2) 609. 
Historical Doubts, by Mr. 
Wright, on the authenticity 
of this biography, ii. (2) 597 ; 
probability of a later date, and 
of Monkish origin, ii. (2) 607. 



Assessor, ii. 134 ; ii. (2) 459. 

Auberiims Caius, ii. 138. 

Augustinians, ii. 113, 114. 

Aungerville ; see " AngerriUe." 

Authorities ; see their respective 
titles : at Oxford unfavourably 
contrasted vinth those of Cam- 
bridge, i. 322. 

Authors; at Universities in the 
fourteenth century, i. 401 : of 
histories of ditto, ii. (2) 582. 



B. 



Bachelor, Degree of, its origin 
and rise, i. 29, ii. 252; up to 
the twelfth century a scholas- 
tic step, i. 31. Its importance, 
ii. 353. The average annual 
number, ii. 361 (n). Table of 
number taken at Oxford from 
1518 to 1680, i. 445; Cam- 
bridge, 1500 to 1658, i. 446. 

Bachelorship, closed academical 
studies till a recent period, ii. 
300 ; qualifications for, ii. 304, 
354. Time of examinatioii 
for, 353 (n). 

Bacon, Francis Lord. His phi- 
losophy neglected in the Uni- 
versities, i. 348 ; ii. 74. The 
father of modem theoretical 
University reformers, ii. 429 
(n). Remarks on the Defects 
of Universities, ii. (2) 640. 

Bacon, Roger, i. 69, 70 ; ii. (2) 
429. 

Balliol College, Oxford. Foun- 
dation, i. 192. Revenue in 
Henry the Eighth's time, L 
197. Common table, i. 200. 
Disputations, L 209. Property, 
i. 434. Tables of revenues 
and ranks, ii. (2) 576, 578. 

Ballot in Elections, ii. 186. 



INDEX. 



709 



Balsham, Hugh de, i. 191, 899; 
ii. (2) 454. 

Barebones expelled from Oxford, 
i. 848. 

Bamabj Lectures, at Cambridge, 
i. 256. 

Basle, Council of. Poverty of 
the University of Oxford on 
the occasion of sending ora- 
tors to, i. 165. 

Beadles, ii. 139 ; ii. (2) 461. 

Beaufort, Margaret, Countess of 
Richmond, i. 215, 257. 

Bee, Monastic School at,i. 17,47. 

Beccaria, Antonio, i. 214. 

Beda, supposed Founder of Cam- 
bridge University, i. 385. 

Benedictines, ii. 113, 114,115. 

Benefices, Papal. Bestowal of, 
contrasted with that under 
the Protestants, i. 174. 

Beunet College, Cambridge, i. 
193,231. Bequest of Library 
by Archbishop Parker, i. 306; 
see also " Corpus Christi." 

Bentham, Jeremy, ii. 379. 

Bentley, Dr., Professor of Di- 
vinity at Cambridge, ii. 292. 
His unpopularity, ii. 294. 

Bereford, John de, Bailiif of Ox- 
ford, A.D. 1355. His riot, i. 
140 — 146. 

Bishops. Their ancient main- 
tenance of Students, i. 171. 
University jurisdiction, ii. (2) 
446. Confirmation, ii. (2) 451 . 

Blackbume, Thomas, case of, ii. 
(2) 678. 

Black Congregation, ii. 151 ; ii. 
(2) 467, 479. 

Boards of Arbitration, i. 105, 
107. 

Boar's Head, Legend of, i. 193. 

Bodleian Library, i. 304. En- 
larged by James the First, ii. 
27. Admission to it after tak- 
ing the Bachelor 8 degree, ii. 
365 (n). 



Bodley, Sir Thomas ; his present 
of books to Oxford Univer- 
sity, i. 304. 

Boethius on the Tuition of Scho- 
lars, i. 404. 

Bologna, University of; its ori- 
gin, i. 13; its law professor- 
ships, i. 14. 

Boniface IX. ; his Bull, ii. 114, 
129,216; ii. (2) 483. 

Botanical Grarden, Oxford, ii. 27. 

Bo3rs studied at Universities, i. 

67. 

Brazennose College, Oxford, L 
193. Tables of its Revenues 
and Ranks, ii. (2) 576, 578. 

Bristol Society tor Educating 
Clergymen, ii. 330 (n). 

British Association, ii. 416. 

Buckhurst, Lord, Chancellor of 
Oxford, i. 362. 

Buckingham, Villiers Duke of. 
Chancellor of Cambridge, ii. 
41. 

Buildings, Academic, poverty oi\ 
in the fifteenth century, i. 167. 

Bulaeus. His testimony to the 
functions of the Chancellor, 
i. 18. Cited i. 24, 27, 31, 
67. His testimony to the 
formation of the faculty of 
theology, i. 369. Mendi- 
cant Orders, ii. 116, 118, 
121. 

Burleigh, Cecil, Lord, i. 309, 
365; ii. 162. 

Byngham, William, founds a 
Grammar School at Cam- 
bridge, i. 213. 



C. 



Caesar, Rishts of, i. 11. 

Caius College, Cambridge, i. 
193, 287. Revenues and de- 
grees. Tables of, ii. (2) 576, 
577. 



no 



INDEX. 



Calendar, University, ii. 355. 

Calvinism at Oxford, i. 360. 
Elizabeth's dislike of, ibid; 
Transition of the Church from, 
to Arminianism, ii. 32 ; ii. (2) 
424. Out of favour at Oxford, 
ii. 72. 

Cambridge ; Grammar School at, 
i. 213. Charter given up, i. 
249. Taken by the Parliament 
forces, ii. 11. Dependent on 
the University for its great- 
ness, i. 73. 

Cambridge University. Its origin, 
i. 43, 61, 385, 397, ii. 88; 
probably imrecorded, ii. (2) 
617. Migration to, from Ox- 
ford, i. 62. Under the Bishop 
of Ely, i. 63, ii. 130. Num- 
ber of Students, i. QQ^ 311 ; 
ii. 361. Riots, i. 72, 148, 
292, 418. When inferior to 
Oxford, i. 116, ii. 41 ; when 
superior, i. 313, 314, 321, 
365 ; ii. 80, 268. Its privi- 
leges increased by Edward 
the Third, i. 148. Bequests 
of libraries, i. 1 67, 306. Its 
first College, i. 191. Intro- 
duction of the Classics, i. 224. 
Royal visits: Henry the Eighth, 
his divorce, i. 241 ; Elizabeth, 
i. 309 ; James the First, ii. 4 ; 
divorce of Henry the Eighth, 
i. 247 ; Charter given up to 
him, i. 249. Reform in Stu- 
dies, i. 277. Schools in the 
fifteenth century, i. 305. Visi- 
tations: under Elizabeth, i. 
307. Mary, ii. (2^ 467. Sta- 
tutes of Edward the Sixth, i. 
307; of Elizabeth, i. 308, 
319; ii. 161, ii. (2) 471. Pro- 
fessorship of Theological Pole- 
mics, i. 315. Expulsion of 
the Catholics, i. 307. Lord 
Burleigh, Chancellor, i. 309. 



Reform: under Elizabeth, i. 
319, 364; in modem times, 
ii. 349, 385 ; see also '' Re- 
form." Cycle of Proctors, i. 
320; ii. 158. Patronage of 
Court and Chancellor, i. 365. 
Episcopalians at, i. 366. Arch- 
bishops Parker and Whitgift, 
ibid. WhitgiftandCartwright, 
i. 367. The Puritans, i. 367; 
ii. 13, 14. Five ChanceUors 
beheaded, i. 367. Essex and 
Cecil, ibid. The Nations, i. 
415, 418 ; see also " Nations.* 
The University and the Town, 
i. 421, 440 ; ii. (2) 497. Com 
rent, i. 440. Studies, during 
Elizabeth's time, i. 442. Par- 
liamentary Franchise, L 163; 
ii. 3 ; ii. (2) 428. Church 
Patronage, ii. 3. Chaiies the 
First and the Parliament, ii. 
10, 11. Parliamentary visi- 
tation, ii. 14; ii. (2)631. Its 
condition under Charles the 
Second, ii. 16; under James 
the Second, ii. 19. A Bene- 
dictine recommended by James 
the Second refused a degree, 
ii. 21. The Revolution of 
1688, ii. 26. Professorships 
of Arabic, Mathematics, and 
Casuistry, ii. 28. Its press, 
ii. 29. Subscription to Ar- 
ticles, ii. 38 ; ii. (2) 425 ; see 
also " Test Oaths^ and *' Thir- 
ty-nine Articles." Bucking- 
ham, Chancellor, ii. 4 1 . State 
of morals, ii. 70, 305 ; ii. (2) 
511. Its Chancellors, i. 367; 
ii. 130, 166 ; ii. (2) 475. 
Congregation, ii. 1 1 . Senate, 
ibid^ ii. 198. Steward, ii. 101. 
White and Black Houses, ibid. 
Heads of Houses, ii. 1 65 ; 
. ii. (2) 464, 467, 473. Hul- 
sean Foundation, ii. 179. Its 



INDEX. 



711 



constitution compared with 
Oxford, ii. 1 9 1 . Costs for Re- 
newing Privileges, ii. 236. 
Duke of Newcastle nominated 
Chancellor by George the Se- 
cond, ii. 248. Examinations 
for Degrees, ii. 252, 355 ; ii. 
(2) 521, 530. Degrees, how 
conferred, ii. 353, 374. Re- 
venue from Printing, ii. 267. 
Whiggism in the eighteenth 
century, ii. 290. Newton and 
Bentley, ii. 291, 292. Pro- 
fessorships founded in the 
nineteenth century, ii. 292. 
Mathematical pre-eminence, 
ii. 293, 299, 304, 346 ; ii. (2) 
428. Its improvement, ii. 
294. Prize Competitors, ii. 
300. Higher Faculties : Me- 
dical Fellowships, ii. 302. 
Theology, preachers, ii. 303. 
Average attainments, ii. 304. 
Its unpopularity, ii. 348. Ad- 
mission to Library', ii. 365. 
Society of Natural History, ii. 
366. ' English Law, ii. 374 ; 
see also " Law." Divinity, ii. 
375. PubHc Orator, ii. (2) 
461 . Dissenters, ii. 392 ; see 
also " Dissenters." Episcopal 
Visitation, ii. (2) 454. Sala- 
ries and Election of Professors, 
ii. (2) 476, 478. Vote in 
Convocatio Cleri, ii. (2) 487. 
Royal Letters, ii. (2) 492. 
Taxation, ii. (2) 495, 498. 
Purveyance, ii. ^2) 497. Ta- 
bles; of Bachelors Degrees, 
from 1500 to 1658, i. 446; 
of Degrees during same pe- 
riod, i. 447 ; of Honors and 
Matriculations, ii. (2) 505-6; 
of Members, ii. (2) 508; of 
the Senate in 1841, ii. (2) 
509. Statistical Tables by the 
Rev. H. Longueville Jones, 



M.A., ii. (2) 568 ; of Univer- 
sity Press, h. (2^ 574. College 
Revenues, ii. (2) 576. De- 
grees, ii. (2) 577. Ranks and 
Stimulating Forces, ii. (2) 578. 
Honors, ii. (2) 579. Average 
Income and Expenditure, t^Mf. 
Professors and Lecturers, ii. 
(2) 580. General Abstract, 
ii. (2) 581. Histories of, ii. 
(2) 586. Lamb's Collection 
of Documents, ii. (2) 587. 
List of Books, ii. (2) 589. 

[For different CoDegM k* their reepcctlTe Name*.] 

Camden, i. 377. 

Candidates for Degrees. Deter- 
minations and Disputations of, 
became public solemnities, i. 
30. Examination of, ibid. ii. 
251, 355; ii. (2) 521,530. 

Candidus Petrus, i. 214. 

Canon Law, Study of, greatly 
honored at the Universities, i. 
159. Decay of, after the sup- 
pression of the Lollard move- 
ment, ibid. Its banishment 
from the Universities after the 
Reformation, i. 252, 255, 275; 
see also " Law." 

Cant, ii. 313, (n) 510. 

Caput, ii. 173, 174, 175. 

Cardinal College, i. 237, 248, 
260, 262 ; see also " Christ- 
church College, Oxford." 

CarmeUtes, ii. 114, 115. 

Caroline Statutes, ii. 46, 57. 

Cartesian Philosophy, ii. 81, 296. 

Castiglione, Lupo da, i. 214. 

Catholics, Early cultivation of 
learning by, i. 1. Predomi- 
nant amongst the southern 
men in the twelfth century, i. 
86. The revived study of 
the Classics, their great legacy 
to the Protestants, i. 153. 
Victorious opposition to Wick- 
liffe, i. 156. Dishonestv of 



712 



INDEX. 



their HiBtorians,!. 174. Earli- 
est promoters of the Classics, 
i. 226; for })olitical reasons, 
ibid. Opposition of, to Henry 
the Eighth's divorce, i. 242, 
243. Their Doctrines recom- 
mended at the Visitation in 
1535, i. 252. Their Dogmas 
retained in the innovations of 
Henry the Eighth, i. 268. 
Persecution of, in 1549, i. 
273, 280. Unsatisfactory re- 
sults of, i. 278. Reaction in 
their favour under Mary, 
i. 286. Learned Teachers 
amongst, i. 290. Violent pro- 
ceedings of, under Mary, i. 
292; expel Heads of Colleges, 
ibid. Treatment hy Elizabeth, 
i. 297. Expelled from the 
Universities, i. 307 ; some be- 
headed, i. 308 ; expelled from 
the Mini8tr\', i. 339. Church 
patronage removed, ii. 3. Ex- 
citement against, in Oxford, 
in 1679, ii. 21. Test Oaths, 
ii. 37, 38 ; inconsistent laws 
respecting, ii. 39. In Ireland, 
ii. 343. Their rights, ii. 399. 
Test Oaths originated bv, ii. 
(2W72. 

Cecil, see "• Burleigh." 

Celibacy of College Fellows, 
i. xxiv. ; i. 317. 

Century, similarity between the 
movements of mind in the 
ninth and sixteenth, i. 3. 
Similaritv between ditto in 
the nineteenth and twelfth, i. 
5. Spirit of the twelfth fa- 
vourably contrasted with that 
of the sixteenth, i. 5, 6. 
Growth of Schools and Uni- 
versities during the twelfth, i. 
63. 

Chadworth, Bishop of Lincoln, 
i. 218. 



Chamber, a New, of Professors 
and Tutors, for Univernty 
legislation suggested by the 
Editor, i. xxz. 

Chamberdekyns, i. 79, 179 ; ii. 
96 ; ii. (2) 467. 

Chancellor (University), i. 18, 
390. See respective Uni- 
versities. 

Chapel Attendance, iL 316, ii. 
(2) 693. 

Chapels (Private), at Colleges, 
i. 200. 

Chaplaincies, ii. 138. 

Charlemagne, Schools before his 
time, i. 3. 

Charles the First, visits the Uni- 
versities, ii. 5. Flattery of, by 
the University of Oxford, ii. 
55, His Statutes, ii. 46, 57. 

Charles the Second, The Uni- 
versities under, ii. 16 ; his in- 
gratitude, ii. 18. 

Charterhouse, founded by Eliza- 
beth, i. 302. 

Chastisement (Corporal), inflict- 
ed on Collegians, i. 206. 

Chaucer, i. 161 ; his Picture of 
a Scholar, i. 1 82. 

Children at Universities, i. 67. 

Christ Church College, Oxford; 
(see also " Cardinal College,**) 
its numerous Students and 
Officers, ii. 272 ; its Revenues 
and Walks, ibid; its Archi- 
tecture, ii. 273; dimensions 
of its Dhiing-hall, and of other 
parts of the College, ibid ; its 
Portraits noticed, ii, 274 ; its 
Apartments and College estab- 
lishments ii. 275 ; its Dean's 
Residence, ii. 276 ; its Bell, 
Great Tom, ibid^ (n). Re- 
formed manners at, ii. (2) 
5 1 4. Tables of Revenues and 
Degrees, ii. (2) 576, 577. 

Christendom, Western, State of. 



INDEX. 



713 



in connexion with the rise of 
the Universities, i. 1. 

Christ's Hospital, i. 272. 

Christianity, ii. 317, not ad- 
vanced hj the Universities, 
ii. 405, 413. In Germany, 
ii. 411. 

Cliurch, the, in the Middle 
Ages, i. 2. 3. Its policy to- 
wards the new philosophy of 
the twelfth century, i. 11. 
Fosters the Canonical Law, i. 
12. Its influence over the 
Continental Universities in the 
Middle Ages, i. 13 ; over the 
New Schools, i. 17. Its con- 
nexion with the Universities, 
i. 26, 28, 338, 370 ; ii. 205, 
210, 400, 401, 406. The 
Universities, an integrant part 
of, i. 170 ; ii. 400. Its worldly 
spirit, i. 159. Specimen of 
its Instruction in the Middle 
Ages, i. 160. Its profligacy 
in Elizabeth's reign, i. 339. 
Increase of Dissent, i. 407. 
Its patronage bestowed on the 
Universities by James the 
First, ii. 3. Its character- 
istics in the seventeenth cen- 
tury, ii. 29, 34 ; ii. (2) 424. 
Results of, on the Univer- 
sities, ii. 33. Unitarianism 
in, ii. 51. Its present ten- 
dency to Catholicism, ii. 52. 
Compromises with the State, 
ii. 207 ; vrith the Universities, 
ii. 218 ; their aspect towards 
its convocation, ii. 219. Source 
of evils in, in the eighteenth 
centurv, ii. 316. Hostilitv of 
Dissenters, ii. 391. Opposed 
to their admission into Uni- 
versities, ii. 393, 394. Test 
Oaths and Thirtv-nine Ar- 
tides, ii. 395. Want of Chris- 
tian Faith in ; difliculties of 



its position, ii. 407. Its tran- 
sition from Calvinism to Ar- 
minianism under James the 
First, ii. (2) 424. 

Church Livings, how far be- 
stowed on members of the 
University, i. 172. 

Church Service, anecdote con- 
cerning, by Wood, i. 326. 

Civil Law, study of, limited, i. 
159; see "Law." 

Civil Wars, effects of, on the 
Universities, i. x. 8 — 12. 

Clarehall, Cambridge, i. 193, 
213. Tables of revenues and 
degrees, ii. (2) 576, 577. 

Clarendon Press, Oxford, ii. 28. 

Classics, the, predominance of, 
i. xxvi. The legacy of Roman 
Catholic to Protestant Eng- 
land, i. 153. Revived study 
of, i. 155, 212, 217; ii. 72. 
The cause of the rise of Col- 
leges, i. 185, 210. Schools 
for the promotion of, at Cam- 
bridge, i. 213; in England, 
i. 221. Fostered by the con- 
nexion between England and 
Italy, i. 214. Their influence, 
i. 215, 333. Patronage of, i. 
217. Neglected till sixteenth 
centiu-y, i. 218. Opposition 
to, in flfleenth century, i. 221, 
222. Valuable works de- 
stroyed, i. 274. Condemned 
by the Protestants, i. 282. 
Translations of, i. 333. 

Clergy. Quotation from the 
Talbotpapcrs concerning them 
in Elizabeth's reign, i. 342. 

Clerks of the Market, ii. 97, 
137, 138. 

Cobham. Legacy of Books to 
Oxford, i. 167. 

Colet, Dean, i. 220. 

Collections, or private terminal 
examniations at Oxford, ii. 352. 



714 



INDEX. 



I 



Collectors, ii. 137. 

Colleges, gradually acquire Uni- 
versity power, i. xxii; i. 180. 
Reform of, i. xxii ; ii. (2) 549. 
Origiu and gradual rise, i. 76, 
153, 186, 199; ii. 144. Ori- 
ginal use, i. 177, 207. Dis- 
putes at, i. 181. Elevated by 
the Classics, i. 185, 210, 219. 
Meaning of the word "Col- 
lege," i. 186, 187. Original 
endowments, i. 194. Archi- 
tecture, i. 195. Poverty, i. 
196. Internal administration, 
i. 198. Independent of the 
Universities, i. 208. Con- 
sidered parts of them, i, 253. 
Lectiu'eships for Classics and 
Theology, ifnd. Danger diu*- 
ing the Reformation, i. 259. 
Regulations of Elizabeth, i. 
316. Attachment to the Re- 
formation, i. 317. Power of 
the Heads, i. 318; ii. 149; 
ii. (2) 462, 466. Proctors, i. 
319. The power of, ii. 144, 
148. Reaction in their favoiu*, 
ii. 159. Authority of the 
Crown, ii, 230. Donations, 
ii. 266. Buildings, ii. 276. 
Studies at, ii. 284, 356, 358, 
363; ii. (2) 462. Cost of 
Education at, ii. 329. Sketch 
of a Model, ii. (2) 430. Tu- 
ition at, and Veto of the 
Heads, ii. (2) 462. Taxation, 
ii. (2) 493. Organs of the 
Church ; power of the State 
to alter them, ii. (2) 549. 
Table of Revenues, Degrees, 
&c. ii. (2) 576, 577. 

[For particular Colleges w« retpectlre NaniM.] 

Comedies in Latin, Representa- 
tion of, in the Universities, i. 
223 ; not mentioned until the 
close of Henry the Eighth's 
reign, ibid (n) ; first introduced 



by Reuchlin in Gfennany, a,i>. 

1495, ibid (n). 
Commencement ; at Cambridge ; 

see " Act" 
Commissaries, iL 133 ; ii. (2) 

459. 
Cpmmissioners, for visiting the 

Universities ; ii. (2) 695, 704; 

see "Visitations." 
Commoners (at Oxford), i. 201. 
Confirmation by the Bishop, ii. 

(2) 451. 
Congregation, Cambridge, ii. 

101, 143. 
Ditto, Oxford, ii. 100, 143; ii. 

(2) 436. 
Conservatism at the Universities, 

i. 101. 
Controversy, its advantages, ii. 

78. 
Convocation, ii. 100, 143, 192 ; 

ii. (2) 487. 
Coplestone, Dr., Bishop of Llan- 

daff, ii. (2) 513. 
Coroner of the Universitv, ii. 

190. 
Corporal Chastisement, i. 206. 
Corporate Rights, extended, i. 

40 ; how obtained, i. 74. 
Corporation, Use of the Term, 

ii. 85. 
Corporations ; the principle 

which actuates, ii. 212. 
Corpus Christi College, Cam- 
bridge, i. 193, 231. Table 

of Revenues and Degrees, ii. 

(2) 576, 577. 
Counsel for the University, ii. 

1.90. 
Court Leet, ii. 136, 137. 
Covenant, the Solemn League 

and, ii. (2) 422. 
Creed, the, ii. 414. 
Cromwell, Lord, follows Wol- 

sey's Plans, i. 250. 
Cromwell, OHver, ii. 16; Chan- 
cellor of Oxford, ibid; ii. (2) 



INDEX. 



715 



42f3 ; intends to found a Col- 
lege at Durham, ii. (2) 560. 

Crown, the, relation of the 
Universities to, ii. 222. Its 
authority, ii. 230. Preroga- 
tive, ii. 232; ii. (2) 480. 
Power in the present day, ii. 
244. 

Cnrriculum, of the seventeenth 
century, ii. 257; of the eigh- 
teenth, ii. 294 ; of the nine- 
teenth, ii. 352. 

Custos, ii. 137. 



D. 



Dahlman, Professor, i. xlviii. 

Dead languages, the only ohject 
of education at our great pub- 
lic schools, ii. (2) 645. 

Declaration of sacramental-test 
repeal act, ii. (2) 604. 

Dedication of Colleges to pro- 
fessions, considered j)rejudicial 
to states and governments, by 
Lord Bacon, ii. (2) 640. 

Dee, John. Destruction of his 
philosophical collections under 
Edward VI., i. 274. 

Defects of Universities remarked 
by Lord Bacon, ii. (2) 640. 

Degrees. (See also ** Bachelors 
Degree" and " Master s De- 
gree.") C/onferred on men of 
rank, i. 311, 329. Table of 
number taken at Cambridge 
from 1500 to 1658, i. 447. 
Subscription to articles, ii. 39. 
Public examination, ii. ^9, 61. 
Qualifications for, in 1603, ii. 
103, 106. In Arts necessary 
to an interest in College pro- 
perty, ii. 109. Value of, ii. 
250. Fees, ii. 255. Honorary, 
ii. 255. Mode of conferring 
at Oxford, ii. 256, 375 ; ditto 



at Cambridge, ii. 374. Qua- 
lifications, ii. 256. For higher 
faculties, ii. 259, 301, 302, 
304. Table of, ii. (2) 577, 
Admission of Dissenters to; 
see " Dissenters." 

Delegates, University, ii. 190. 

Democracy of Universities de- 
stroyed by endowments, i. 76. 

Dervorguilla, i. 192. 

Dickens, Mr. His Remarks on 
the results of American Uni- 
versity Education, ii. (2) 666. 

Discommmiion (or Discommon- 
sing). Its nature, i. 128. 

Dispensations, ii. 262. 

Disputations in the eighteenth 
centurv. Specimen of, ii. (2) 
501. 

Dissenters. Admission of, into 
the Universities, i. xiii. ; ii. 
342, 395, 396, 397 ; have no 
claims to, ii. 400. Test oaths, 
i. xvii. ; ii. 37. Elizabeth's 
mode of persecuting, i. 297. 
May become pensioners at 
Cambridge, ii. 343. No equi- 
table or rational claim to par- 
take of the corporate life of 
the Universities and Colleges, 
ii. 399. Observations on the 
admission of, to academical 
degrees, by Bisho]) Thirl wall, 
ii. (2) 649. Admitted to 
degrees in the University of 
London, ii. (2) 564. Propor- 
tion, who will come to Oxford 
and Cambridge likely to be 
small, compared with the 
members of the Church of 
England, ii. (2) 658. Charac- 
ter of, at Cambridge, ibid. 

Divinity. Competent know- 
ledge of, required, i. 339. 
No stimulus to study of, ii. 
303. Private studies in, ii. 341 . 
Examination, ii. (2) 691. 



716 



INDEX. 



DiTorce of Henry the Eighth, 
brought before the Universi- 
ties, 1. 242; geuerallj opposed 
to their feelmgs, i. 243. De- 
cision of the Universities in 
&vor of, ibid. Remarks upon 
their conduct, iind. 

Doctor. Use of the term, ii. 92. 

Doctor 8 Degree. When granted 
at Cambridge, ii. 375 ; at 
Oxford, ibid. 

Doctors, joined with the Heads 
at Cambridge, ii. 107. 

Domesday Book. Silent res- 
pecting the existence of any 
University at Oxford, at the 
the time of Conquest, ii. (2) 
615. 

Dominicans. Disputes with, i. 
Ill, 115. 

Don. Use of the term, ii. (2) 
517. 

Donations to the Universities, 
by noblemen who have com- 
pleted their terms, ii. 266. 

Donnism, ii. ^2) 517. 

Doiming College, Cambridge, 
ii. (2) 268. 

Downing Profesorship of Law, 
ii. 374. 

Drusius, John, ii. 147. 

Dublin, Trinity College. Vide 
« Trinity College, Dublm." 

Duelling, ii. 309, 310. 

Dumfries College. Tables of 
income, expenditure, &c., ii. 
(2^ 579, 580, 581. 

Dunbar, proposed University at, 
ii. 417. 

Duns Scotus, i. 8, 85. 

Durham, University of, i. vii. ; 
ii. 417; ii. (2) 553. Tables 
of income, expenditure, &c., 
ii. (2) 577, 579, 580, 581. 

Durham, William de, founds 
University College, Oxford, 
i. 189. 



Duty of UniTeraitieS) to fbnn 
Gentlemen and SchoohnAs- 
ters, ii. 381. 



E 



Ecclesiastical reproof, L 127. 

Ecclesiastics, we Universities 
originally schools for, i. 163. 

Edinburgh, University of, simi- 
lar to those of Germany, i. 
87; i. 302; ii. 344; ii. (2) 542. 
Tables of income, expendi- 
ture, professors, &c., li. (2) 
577, 579, 580, 581. 

Edmund Hall, Oxford, i. 437. 

Education, (University,) Profes- 
sor Whewell's remarks on, ii. 
(2) 535. 

Edward III. increases the privi- 
leges of Cambridge, i. 148. 

Edward VI. State of the Univer- 
sities in his time, i. 270. His 
statutes, i. 312; ii. 157. His 
code of laws for Trinity Col- 
lege, Cambridge, ii. (2) 627. 

Elizabeth. Murder of her cousin 
Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 294. 
State of religion under, i. 295. 
Persecution of Dissenters, i. 
297. Struggle with Spain, i. 
299. Want of generosity to 
Hterary men, i. 301. Visits 
Oxford and Cambridge, i. 309. 
Her learning, i. 328. Her 
prejudicial interference with 
the Universities, i. 355. Her 
oratory, i. 441. Academic 
studies during her reign, i. 
442. Her power over the 
Universities, ii. 225. 

Ely, the Dean of, on shorter 
forms of prayer for College 
chapels, ii. (2) 650. On re- 
duction of residence, ii. (2) 
689. 



INDEX. 



717 



Emmanuel College, Cambridge 
i. 304. Tables of revenues 
and degrees, ii. (2) ;>76, .577. 

Endowments, i. 171, 257, ii. 
177 ; see also " Professor- 
ships." 

England. Genius of North and 
South, i, 81. Sympathy with 
Universities, i. 82. Groi^'th of 
the national mnid, i. IGO, 162. 
Literary connexion witli Italy, 
i. 214. Social state under 
Elizabeth, i. 298, 321). Its 
intellectual efforts, i. 330. In- 
fluence of authors, i. 331. Pre- 
valence of hypocrisy, i. 360. 
Feeling against Rome, ii. 113. 
Not dependent on the Uni- 
versities for eminent men, ii. 
337. Her Universities answer 
her ends, ii. 345. Defective 
legislation, ii. 347. Present 
social state, ibid. Literary 
institutions, ii. 415. Her fu- 
ture destiny, ii. 4 1 8 . Statistics 
of the Universities, by tlie 
Rev. H. Longueville Jones, 
ii. (2) 568. 

English language should be used 
instead of Latin, i. xxxi. 

Engravings of Le Keux, ii. (2) 
689. 

Entrance Examination, should 
be confided to University 
ofRccrs, i. xxix. ; ii. (2) 518. 

Episcopal Visitations, right of, 
at both Universities, ii. (2)|454. 

Episcopalians, preponderance of, 
at Cambridge, i. 366. 

Erasmus, i. 198, 212, 219, 220, 
224. 

Essex, Earl of. Chancellor of 
Cambridge, L 265. Favor- 
ably contrasted with Leices- 
ter, ibid. Contests Oxford 
with Lord Hatton, i. 361. 

Etiquette, ii. 200. 



Eton school, i. 202. ii. (2) 706. 

Evangelical doctrines, ii. 405, 
410. 

Examinations. Entrance i. 
xxix. ; ii. (2) 518. For B. A. 
degree conducted by Proc- 
tors, i. X. Public, ii. 5.9, 61, 
251, 283, 284, 29.9, 352. 
Medical, ii. 379. Formerly 
dreaded, ii. 62. Nature of, 
at Oxford, ii. (2) 52 1 . Cam- 
bridge, ii. (2) 530. 

Exclusion from the University, 
rarely exercised, ii. 197. 

Exconmiunication by the Chan- 
cellor, i. 127. 

Exercises, recommended by Lord 
Bacon, to be framed to the 
practice of life, ii. (2) 643. 

Expenses for experiments, re- 
commended by Lord Bacon, 
ii. (2) 642. 



F. 



Factions at Oxford, i. 70, 71, 95, 
96 ; see also " Nations." 

Faculties, gradual organization 
of, i. 24. Formation of, i. 32. 
The Quadrivium preparatory 
to the Faculty of Arts, ibid. 
Law and Medicine made sepa- 
rate Faculties from Arts, ibid. 
Etymology of the word, i. 33. 
Rise of, at Paris, i. 35. Re- 
marks on, ii. 103, 104, 106. 
Legal and Medical, ii. 105. 
Weakness of, ii. 107. Neglect 
of Studies, ii. 302. Lectures 
at Cambridge, ii. 373. Their 
position, ii. (2) 439. 

Faith, Christian, developed un- 
der the Anglican Church, the 
foundation of the right of in- 
dependent corporate existence 
for the Universities, ii. 404. 



718 



INDEX. 



Foes taken at tlic Abbey of St. 
Genevieve in the thirteenth 
century, i. 23. For Degrees, 
origin of, ii. 255. Cost of, ii. 
376 ; for Lectures, ilnd. 

Fellows, their increased preten- 
sions, i. 203. Not ongkiallj 
Tutors, i. 207; but sometimes 
voluntarily so, ibid. Instruc- 
tion not their original duty, i. 
209. Became Tutors gradu- 
ally, i. 210. Guarantees taken 
for their attachment to the 
Reformation, i. 3 1 7. Celibacy 
enforced, ibid. Their num- 
bers, ii. 325. 

Fellowships, imfair use of, i. xxx. 
Their term originally limited, 
i. 177. Made permanent after 
the Reformation, ibi^L Their 
holders succeed to the teacher- 
aristocracy, ibid, (xradual 
transformation of, into hfe 
maintenances, i. 204 ; but 
their numbers not added to, 
ibid. Their incomes increased, 
ibid. Candidates for, ii. 301. 
Further account of, ii. 32.5. 
Their value, ii. 327. Poverty 
essential to, ii. (2) 5\S, Ex- 
amination for, ii. (2) 627. 
Trinity College oath, ii. (2) 

697. 

Female Society, deficiency of, at 
the Universities, ii. (2) 519. 

Festivities, restored to the Uni- 
versities by Elizabeth, i. 
312. 

Flemjmg, i. 215. 

Florence of Worcester, i. 378. 

Ford, his violent Sermon in 1 631, 
ii. 53. 

Forojuliensis, T. L., i. 214. 

Foundation, Members of Col- 
leges, description of, ii. 201. 

Foundation Statutes ; of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, on 



the public lecturers, ii.(2) 618, 
619. Advantage of occasional 
interference vrith Foundation 
Statutes by Commissioners, ii. 
(2) 626. • Revision of, ii. (2) 
702. 

Foundations, RojtiI, the Univer- 
sities pretended to be, by a 
legal fiction, ii. 204. 

Fox, Bishop of Winchester. First 
established a great Academic 
Foundation expressly to pro- 
mote the Classics, i. 231. 
Foimdation of Corpus Cliristi 
College, Oxford, by him, ad. 
1516, ibid. Endows it ^^ith 
a Greek, Latin, and Divinity 
Professorship, ibid, Wolsey's 
great rival, i. 232. His Sta- 
tutes on the public lecturers 
of Corpus Christi College, Ox- 
ford, h. (2) 619. His appeal 
to Church Canons on behalf 
of his Greek Lectureship, ii. 
(2) 625. 

Franchise ; vide " Parliamentary 
Franchise." 

Franciscans, ii. 116. 

Free Schools founded by Parlia- 
ment in 1549, i. 271. 

Freedom. Lunits of, discussed, 
i. xvii. Its necessitv to intel- 
lectual cultivation, i. 291. 
Want of it at the Reformation 
in the Universities, ibid. 

Freshmen, custom on admitting 
them as Seniors, ii. 77. 

Frideswitha, St., i. 293. Abbey 
of, i. 395, ii. (2) 451. 



G. 

Gardiner, Bishop, i. 224, 266, 

292. 
General Assemblies, ii. 192. 
Geneneve, St., Abbey of, its 



INDEX. 



719 



Chancellor, i. 22. Fees, i. 23. 
Abbot, ii. (2) 433. 

Gentlemen, English, ii. 320. 
Tlie rearing of, the object of 
the Universities, i. xiii. ; ii. 
333, 334, 381. Supplemen- 
tary education, ii. 338. Their 
noble character, ii. 347. 

Gentry. The connexion of the 
Universities with, under Eli- 
zabeth, i. 334. Objects of 
tlieir sons in visiting the Uni- 
versities, ibid; little benefit 
derived from it, i, 335. Do- 
mestic education of, ibid. 
Quotations from Peacham 
concerning, ibid; from Asch- 
am, i. 336 ; from Hall, ibid. 

Geography, study of, ii. 363. 

German Philosophy, ii. 368 ; ii. 
(2) 534. 

Germans ; called '^ plodding," ii. 
369. 

German Universities, i. xlviii. 
Remarks on the present state 
of, i. 405. State of morals, 
ii. 306, 309. Compared with 
the English, ii. 320 — 331, 
335, 356, 366, 376-7, 390. 

Germany, the source of the ui- 
tellectaal reform party, i. 88. 
(see *' Whiggery and Tory- 
ism.") Christianity in, ii. 41 1 . 

Gerson, cited, i. 154. 

Giraldus Cambrensis. His to- 
pography of Cambria, i. 70. 

Glasgow, University of, i. 302; 
ii. 844. Tables of income, 
expenditure, &c., ii. (2) 568, 
579, 580, 581. 

Glomeria, Etymology of the 
word, i. 399. History of, ibid. 
ii. 92. 

Glomerelli, ii. 92. 

Gh)nville Institution, Cambridge, 
united to Caius College, i. 287. 

Gown and Town, quarrels of, i. 



70, 71 ; see also the respec- 
tive Universities. 

Graduates, the youthful age of, 
ii. (2)470, 471. 

Grammar, regarded as a sort of 
Faculty, ii. 103. 

Grammar Schools, i. 213, 221. 

Grancester, his riot at Cam- 
bridge in 1381, i. 147. 

Gray, Thomas, the poet, ii. 364. 

Great Britain, literary institutions 
of, ii. 415. Statistics of the 
Universities of, by llov. H. 
Longueville Jones, ii. (2) 5QS. 

Great Tom, of Oxford, ii. 276. 

Greek Language. The study of, 
subjected to the suspicion of 
heresy, i. 155. Henry the 
Eighth's interference with the 
pronunciation of, i. 265. The 
Reuchlinian method, i. 267. 
Opinion of Bishop Gardiner 
on, ibid, 

Greeks and Trojans. Academic 
Nicknames, i. 222. Connexion 
with the old national contro- 
versy, i. 224. Greeks pre- 
dominate at Oxford, Trojans 
at Cambridge, ibid, 

Gresham, Sir Thomas. His en- 
douTuent of a College, i. 303. 
Accomit of his Professorships, 
ibid. Unjust application of 
the term Industrialist to, ibid. 

Grey, i. 215, 219. 

Grimbold, i. 375, first Chan- 
cellor of Oxford, i. 391. 

Grimm, the brothers. Professors 
at Gbttingen, i. xxii. xlviii. 

Grocyn, i. 220. 

Grosseteste, Robert, Bishop of 
Lincoln, i 69. His interfer- 
ence with the riots of a.d. 
1238, i. 94. His collision with 
Rome, ibid. His zeal as Head 
of the University of Oxford, i. 
95, 98. Testimony borne by 



720 



INDEX. 



Edward the First in favour of, 
quoted, i. 411. 
Gunthorpe, i. 215, 21.9. 



H. 

Hall, Alexander, i. 8. 

Hall, Bishop, i. 336. 

Halls, at Oxford, i. 51, 54, 55, 
56. Teachers and students 
dwelt together in, i. 75; ii. 
94. Dependent on Colleges 
at Oxford, hut distinct from, 
at Cambridge, i. 178. Nature 
of their distinction from Col- 
leges, i. 187, 437. Want 
of pennanent property, i. 188. 
Meaning of the word, i. 393. 
394. Account of the earlier 
ones, i. 395 ; ii. 91, 93. 

Hampden, Dr., Regius Professor, 
ii. (2) 548. 

Harrow School, founded hy 
Queen Elizabeth, i. 302. 

Hartewell, W. de. His case, 
i. 432. 

Hatton, Lord Chancellor, elected 
Chancellor of Oxford after 
Leicester, i. 361. 

Ha3mes, alderman of Oxford, i. 
233. 

Heads of Colleges. Their pow- 
ers, i. 205, 318; ii. 149, 165, 
191, 196; ii. (2) 466. Ele- 
ven expelled from Cambridge, 
under Mary, i. 292. Guaran- 
tees taken for their attach- 
ment to the Reformation, i. 
317. Exempted from celi- 
bacy, ibid. Duties, ii. 92. 
At Cambridge, ii. 165 ; ii. (2) 
473. At Oxford, ii. 182, 183, 
194. Usurp patronage, ii. 
176. 

Hebdomadarius, ii. 134; ii. (2) 
459. 



Hebrew, i. xxviii. Study of, 
promoted by Laud, ii. 69. 
Not esteemed at Oxford, ii. 
376. Lectures recently bet- 
ter attended, ii. 408. 

Henry I. His favor to Oxford. 
i. 387. 

Henry III. Opposition to Rome 
under, i. 194. Appoints pro- 
tectors to the Universities, ii. 
226. School poem, in his time, 
ii. (2) 438. 

Henry VI. founds King's Col- 
lege, Cambridge, i. 171. His 
taste, i. 215. 

Henry VII. demands Bishop 
Still ington of Oxford, ii. 225. 
Nominates a ChanceUor, ii. 
229. 

Henry VIII. His patronage of 
the Classics, i. 225, 227. His 
personal interest in them, i. 
228. Traits of his classical 
taste from Wharton, «5«/. 
Suspends the privileges of the 
Universities after their deci- 
sion on the Divorce, i. 249. 
Encourages their intellectual 
movement, ibid. Pays Oxford 
a visit, ibid. Determines in 
favor of the rights of the 
University, ibid. Commands 
the Town and University to 
give their charters into his 
hands, ibid. Evil consequences 
to learning from his tyranny, 
i. 264. His six articles of 
faith, i. 265. Comparison of 
bis religious innovations with 
those of Edward the Sixth, i. 
268. His despotism, i. 270. 
Exertions of his University 
Commissioners to promote 
classical learning at Oxford, 
ii. (2) 625. His foundation 
of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
ii. (2) 627. 



INDEX. 



721 



Hertford College, Oxford, i. 193, 
ii. 27. 

History, study of, f. xxviii. ; ii. 
363. Natural ; see " Natural 
History." 

Historical Doubts, by Tbomas 
Wright, on the biography of 
Alfred attributed to Bishop 
Asser, ii. (2) 597. 

Holland, Lord, Chancellor of 
Cambridge, ii. 41. 

Honorary Degrees, ii. 255. 

Honors; not necessary nor re- 
quired, ii. 363. 

Hospitals, founded in Henry the 
Eighth's time, i. 345. 

Hough, Dr., President of Mag- 
dalen College, Oxford, ii. 231. 

House Rent, disputes at Oxford 
concerning, i. 106, 107, 108. 

Houses, early preponderance of, 
at Oxford, ii. 91. Heads of; 
see " Heads of Colleges." 

Huber, Professor; his lectures, 
ii. (2) 705. 

Hugo of St. Victor, i. 8. 

Hulsean foundation of "Chris- 
tian Advocate" and " Chris- 
tian Preacher* at Cambridge, 
ii. 179. 

Hume, David, ii. 371, 379. 

Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester ; 
his munificent patronage of 
the learned, i. 214. 

Hunting, ii. 310; ii. (2) 514. 



I. 



Ingram, i. 385 ; ii. (2) 451. 

Ingulf, statement concerning his 
Studies at Oxford, i. 385. 
Doubts respecting the genu- 
ineness of the passage, ii. (2) 
610. 

Inns ; see " Halls." 

Inns of Court. Their rise, i. 



159. Their connexion with 
the Universities imder Eliza- 
beth, i. 331. Their original 
intention, ibid. Their con- 
nexion with the Universities, 
not favorable to the latter, 
i. 332. 

Ipsi^-ich, Great School at, found- 
ed by Wolsey, i. 237, 238. 

Irish Students, expelled from 
Oxford, i. 180. 

Italy. Intercoiu^e with England 
in the fifteenth century, i. 215. 
Its classical teachers in Eng- 
land, i. 216. 



J. 



Jacobites, their prevalence in 
Oxford University, ii. 286. 
Secretly persecuted the Whigs, 
ii. 288. Gradually blended 
with the Tories, ii. 289. 

James the First. Bestows the 
Parliamentary Franchise and 
Church Patronage on the Uni- 
versities, ii. 3. Visits Cam- 
bridge and Oxford, ii. 4. His 
timidity and vanity, ibid. En- 
larges Bodleian Library, ii. 27. 
Adulation of, by the Church, 
ii. 32. His weakness of mind, 
ii. 35. Enforces Subscription 
to Articles, ii. 39. Calvinism 
and Arminianism in the Church 
under, ii. (2) 424. 

James the Second. The Uni- 
versities under, ii. 19. His 
arbitrary proceedings with 
them, ii. 21, 22. 

Jesus College, Oxford, i. 304. 
Tables of revenues, degrees, 
&c., ii. (2) 576, 577, 578. 

Jewish Student compelled to at- 
tend Church of England ser- 
vice at Cambridge, ii. (2) 692. 



VOL. II, 



3 A 



722 



INDEX. 




Jews. Persecuted in the Uni- 
versitiesy i. 109. Money Lend- 
ers to the Students, ibid. As- 
sault the Proctors in Oxford, 
A.D. 1278, i. 111. 

John's (Saint) College, Cam- 
bridge, L 197. Tables of 
reyenues, degrees, &c., ii. 
(2) 576, 577, 578. 

John's (Sfunt) College, Oxford, 
i. 287; ii. 44. Tables of 
revenues, degrees, &c., ii. 
(2) 576, 577, 578. 

Judicial Authorities. At Oxford, 
L 114. At Cambridge, i. 
116; see also the respective 
Universities. 

Jurisprudence ; vide " Law." 

Jurors. Academicians exempt, 
iL 239. 

Jus Caesareum, i, 11. 



K. 



King's CoDege, Cambridge, foun- 
ded by Henry the Sixth, i. 
171,193. Injured by Edward 
the Fourth, i. 215. Tables 
of revenues, degrees, &c., ii. 
(2) 576, 577, 578. 

Kmghton, imprisoned for preach- 
ing resistance, ii. 53. Released 
by Laud, ibid. 



L. 



Lanfranc, i. 8, 50. 

Langton, Bishop of Winchester, 
i. 218. 

Languages, study of, ii. 363. 
Teachers of; see " Teachers." 

Lappenberg, i. 384, 385, 386; 
11. (2) 608. 

Latin, discontinuance of, recom- 
mended, i. xxxi. Talked in 



the Schools, L 60. Revived 
study of, i. 213. In the As- 
sembliesf ii. 198. 

Laud, Archbishop, Chancelloi 
of Oxford, ii. 6, 41, 42. Hk 
liberal character, ii. 44, 45. 
Promotes study of Hebrew, 
ii. 69. 

Law, English and Roman, i. 
xxviii. Study of the Roman^ 
commenced m the twelfth 
century, i. 4, 8. Canonical 
Law fostered by the Church, 
i. 12. Not admitted amongst 
the liberal arts, i. 32, 34. State 
of, after the Reformation, i, 
343. Common Law, no) 
scientifically cultivated at th< 
Universities, ibid. Study of 
ii. 63. Faculty of, at Oxford 
independent, iL 105. Iti 
privileges, ibid. Downing 
Professorship, iL 374. 

Law Suits, iL 214, 218, 238. 

Layton, Dr. His Report tc 
Secretary Cromwell respect- 
ing the exertions of the Uni- 
versity Commissioners, ii. (2] 
626. 

Learned Men, of the Universi- 
ties, ii. 73. 

Learning, gradual progress of 
between the ninth and the 
eleventh century, i. 49. Un- 
der Henry the First, and 
Stephen, i. 50. State of, ii 
the twelfth century, i. 388, 
Quotations in honorable tes- 
timony of, ibid. 

Lectors, election o^ transferred 
to the Colleges, ii. 66, 

Lecture Rooms, at Oxford, de- 
stroyed and appropriated b} 
the townspeople, L 280. 

Lectures. Rules observed a1 
Paris, i. 24. Prescribed bj 
the Elizabethan Statutes, i 



INDEX. 



723 



442. Mathematics, i. 443. 
Formerly attended for a Mas- 
ter's Degree, ii. 253, 254. 
Statutory, ii. 259. Those for 
Theology required latterly by 
the Bishops, to be attended 
prior to the ordination, ii. 
408. At Cambridge, ii. 373. 
Oxford, ii. 375. 
Leicester, Lord, i. 309. Chan- 
cellor of Oxford, i. 355 ; ii. 
(2) 479. His encouragement 
of, and dependance on the 
Puritans, i. 356. Considered 
as their Head, ibid. His dis- 
simulation with the Queen, i. 

357. His falsity to the Ar- 
minians and Puritans, ibid. 
Deplorable consequences to 
the Universities of, ibid. His 
influence at Oxford greater 
than that of the Queen, i. 

358. Effect of his death, 
find. His character as Chan- 
cellor, ii. 187. 

Lessons (Private), i. x. 

Letters (Royal); see **Ro3ral 
Letters." 

Librarians, ii. 138. 

Libraries, access to, ii. 298, 365. 

Library. First University Li- 
brary founded in the middle 
of the fourteenth century, i. 
166. 

Lily, L 216, 221. 

Linacre ; see " Lynacrc.* 

Lincoln, the Bishop of, his au- 
thority in Oxford, ii. 89. 

Lincoln College, Oxford, i. 193. 
Tables of revenues, degrees, 
&c., ii. (2) 576, 577, 578. 

Lingard, Dr., reproached, i. 
174. 

Literature, national, i. 161. Its 
foundation laid in England 
after the middle of the four- 
teenth century, ibid. Its 



emancipation from the French 
elements instanced in Chau- 
cer, ibid. Its modern eleva* 
tion, ii. 378. Modem, recom- 
mended, ii. (2) 705. 

Locke, expelled from Oxford, 
ii. 81, 82 (n). His philosophy 
proscribed as Whiggish, ii. 
289. His spirit cherished at 
Cambridge, u. 291. His phi- 
losophy opposed to mystical 
Christianity, ii. 317, 371. His 
treatment at Oxford con- 
demned, ii. (2) 432. 

Lodgings, at Universities, i. 
393. 

Logic in the twelfth century, i. 
4, 10. 

Lollards, principally of the mid- 
dle classes, i. 99. Extinction 
of, i. 183. Supposed to have 
appealed to Rome, ii. 216. 

London, University of, i. vii. 
302, 303 ; ii. 362, 388, 417 ; 
ii. (2) 563. Tables of Pro- 
fessors, &c., ii. (2) 581, 582. 

Lydgate, i. 214. 

Lynacre, i. 220, 257, 345. 



M. 

Magdalen College, Oxford, i. 
193; ii. 22, 231. Tables of 
revenues, .degrees, &c., ii. (2) 
576, 577, 578. 

Magister; use of the term, ii. 
92. 

Making more good books recom- 
mended by Lord Bacon, ii. (2) 
644. 

Malmesbury, William of, i. 374, 
389. 

Maltby, Bishop, on Dissenters, 
reduction of residence, and 
theological examination, ii. 
(2) 691. 



I 



724 



INDEX. 



Manchester, Earl of, character 
of, ii. (2) 632. 

Margaret of Anjou, i. 215. 

Margaret Beaufort, i. 215, 257. 

Market, Clerks of the, ii. 97, 
137, 138. 

Market regulations, i. 104, 106. 
Separate powers of market 
and town police, mixed hoards 
of arbitration, i. 107; control 
of, i. 129. 

Markets in the fourteenth cen- 
tury i. 131. 

Mart>T, Peter, i. 282, 292, 
293. 

Mary. Her benefactions to the 
Universities, i. 290. Inyites 
Foreign Catholics over as 
teachers, ibid. Establishes the 
privileges of the University 
against the Town, ibid. Foun- 
dation of new Colleges and 
enlargement of old ones in 
her reign, i. 287. 

Masters of the Schools, ii. 137. 

Masters of the Streets, ii. 137. 

Masters, Regent and Non-regent, 
i. 30. Professors to be elected 
from, i. 276. Non-reffent, ii. 
99 ; resident, compelled to 
teach, ii. 100. 

Masters Degree. Its original 
intention, i. 29. Afterwards 
granted by the teachers, ibid. 
Necessary to a fellowship, i. 
204. Lectures, li. 253. Ad- 
vantages of, in Inns of Court, 
ii. 301. Standing required 
for, ii. 304. 

Mathematics, predominance of, 
i. xvii. At Cambridge, ii. 
293, 299, 304, 346. At 
Oxford, ii. 304 ; ii. (2) 525, 
527. Superiority over phi- 
losophical criticism, ii. (2) 
539. Recommended by Sir 
John Herschel, ii. (2) 646. 



Mathematical Scholarship at Ox- 
ford, iL (2) 527. 

Matriculation, subscription at, 
imposed at Oxford, ii. 39. 
Remarks on, in the House of 
Commons, ii. (2) 671. 

Maynooth College, ii. 344. 

Medical Fellowships, foimded at 
Oxford and Cambridge, ii. 
302. 

Medical Professorships, foimded 
by Henry the Eighth, i. 345. 

Medicine, new cultivation of, in 
the twelfth century, i. 8. Its ef- 
fect upon the old schools, i. 
10. Not admitted amongst 
the liberal arts, i. 32. Its 
transitions from science to em- 
piricism in the Universities, 
i. 158. In danger of Ecclesi- 
astical prohibitions, ibid. Its 
withdrawal from the Univer- 
sities at the close of the four- 
teenth century, ibid. Study 
of, after the Reformation, i. 
344. Lectures on, given by 
Alazardus, a. d. 1508, ibid. 
Foundation of the College of 
Physicians and the principal 
Hospitals, i. 345. Study of, 
ii. Q5. The faculty of, at 
Oxford, ii. 105. Rank of, ii. 
257. Value of University 
Diploma, ii. 260. Knowledge 
of, how acquired in England, 
ii. 377. 

Meiners controverted, i. 2, 14, 
44, 77, 370, 372, 389, 390, 
406, 408, 419. 

Melancthon. His writings re- 
conunended, i. 252. 

Members of Parliament; see 
" Parliamentary Franchise." 

Membership of the XJhurch of 
England, substituted as a test, 
for the Thirty-nine Articles, 
at Cambridge, ii. (2) 674. 



INDEX. 



725 



Mendicant Orders, ii. Ill, 114, 
118; ii. (2) 442; sec also 
" Monks." 

Mental Philosophy, i. 347, 443. 

Merchant Tailors' School, i. 302. 

Merton College; expulsion of 
Northemmen from, and riots 
in 1349, i. 102. Founded by 
Walter de Merton, i. 190. 
Became a College before Uni- 
versity College, ibid. Its Head 
called a Warden, i. 191. Its 
privilege to hang, draw, and 
quarter, i. 194. Provided from 
the first with a private chapel, 
i. 200. Celibacy of the Fel- 
lows, i. 203. The manor of 
Maiden extorted from, by 
Leicester, i. 352. Tables of 
revenues, degrees, &c., ii. (2) 
576, 577, 578. 

Merton, Walter de, i. 190. 

Methodists, persecuted at the 
Universities, ii. 318. 

Middle Ages. Struggle between 
spiritual and temporal power, 
i. 154. 

Middleton, Conyers, ii. 364. 

Mind, great movement of, in the 
twelfth and sixteenth centu- 
ries, i. 5 ; during the Middle 
Ages, i. 154. 

Miracles, Scriptural, Latin Co- 
medies substituted for, i. 223. 

Moderators, ii. 137. 

Modem History and Literature, 
Professors of,ii. 364, ii. (2) 705. 

Modem English Literature tends 
to a sort of vague Deism, and a 
self-complacent justification, 
ii. 405. 

Monasteries. Their suppression 
injurious to intellectual cul- 
ture, i. 264. 

Monastic Bodies; disputes with 
the Universities, i. 1 1 1 ; ii. 1 1 4. 

Monks possessed property at 



Oxford, i. 75. The agitations 
and influence of their Orders 
in the Universities, ii. 115, 
116. The Mendicants pro- 
moted leaming when the Uni- 
versities stood still, ii. 118; 
contests for superiority in the 
University of Paris, ii. 119; 
their success, ii. 120 ; mas- 
tered in the English Univer- 
sities, ibid ; their continual 
struggles for mastery, ibid. 
Note on the Mendicant Or- 
ders, ii. (2) 442. 

Monte, Pietro da, i. 214. 

Montfort, Simon de, i. 97, 99. 

Morality of the Universities, ii. 
(2) 511; see the respective 
Universities. 

Morals of English and Ger- 
man Universities compared, 
ii. 309, 310 ; see also " Ger- 
man Universities." 

More, Sir Thomas, i. 220, 224. 

Music. Degrees of bachelor and 
doctor, of a modem creation, 
ii. 257. 

Mutual Intelligence between dif- 
ferent European Universities, 
recommended by Lord Bacon, 
ii. (2) 643. 



N. 

Nations, the origin of, i. 24, 77, 
406. At Paris, i. 25, 80. 
Their division into northern 
and southern men, i. 60, 79. 
At Oxford, i. 77, 406 ; ii. 99. 
At Cambridge, i. 77. Recog- 
nized as communities, i. 78. 
Their decline, i. 78, 79; ii. 
95. Riots concerning Realism, 
i. 85. The system superseded 
in modem times by political 
parties i. 87. Proverb of the 



\ 



726 



INDEX. 



southemmen against thenorth, 
i. 90. Conflicts in 1267, i. 96, 
99. In 1389, L 100. In 1587, 
i. 35S. Depression of the 
northemmen, i. -101, 102. 
Reyival in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, i. 224. Their last strug- 
gle, i. 358. Forbidden to 
celebrate Saints' Days, L 407. 
Their composition and sub- 
divisions, i. 408. Considered 
corporations, ii. (2)434. Their 
sworn officers, ii. ^2) 435. 

Natural History, stuay of^ in the 
twelfth century, i. 4. In the 
eiffhteenth, ii. 363. At Cam- 
bndge, ii. 366. 

Neoth, St, brother of King 
Alfred, i. 378 ; ii. (2) 607. 

Neville, Chancellor, at one and 
twenty, ii. 200. 

Newcastle, Duke of, i. 193. 
Chancellor of Cambridge, ii. 
248. 

New College, Oxford, i. 195, 
197, 202. Tables of its reve- 
nues, degrees, &c., ii. (2) 576, 
577, 578. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, Lucasian Pro- 
fessor of Mathematics at Cam- 
bridge, ii. 291. 

Noblemen, honorary degrees to, 
i. 311. 

Nominalism ; vide '^ Realism and 
Nominalism " 

Nonconformists, Elizabeth's per- 
secution of, i. 297. Test 
Oaths, ii, 37. 

Non-Reading men, reduction of 
residence for, ii. (2) 690. 

Normans, had no exclusive rights 
at Oxford, i. 60. 

Nortliampton, Migration of Stu- 
dents from Oxford to, in 1260, 
i. 96. Their bravery at the 
siege of, ibid. Attempt to 
found an University at, i. 101, 



415. Migration in 1204, i. 
413. 

Northemmen. (Sec also '^ Na- 
tions.") Under Henry the 
Third, their opposition to 
Rome, i. 95. Their ultin:iate 
defeat, i. 101. Their absorp- 
tion into the Colleges, i. 179. 
Their distinction from the 
southemmen lost afler the 
Reformation, i. 180. Last 
mention of diem, i. 359. 

Novum Oi^ganum, by Lord Ba- 
con, recommended for a Col- 
lege Text-book, by Sir John 
Herschel, ii. (2) 645, 647. 



O. 



Oath of Allegiance, violated hy 
the Jacobites, ii. 287. Not to 
be reconciled with honour, 
by the Jacobites, ilnd. 

Oath of Supremacy, ii. 38. 

Oaths, Test ; vide " Test Oaths." 

Occam, i. 8, 85. 

Officers, subordinate, of the Uni- 
versities, ii. 139, 141. 

Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, i. 
218. 

Orator, Public, ii. 13^, 223 ; ii. 
(2) 461. 

Order of Rank, stated, ii. 201. 

Oriel College, Oxford, i. 193, 
203, 224; ii. (2) 462, 513. 
Tables of revenues, degrees, 
&c., ii. (2) 576, 7, 8. 

Oriental Languages, Professor- 
ships for, i. 166. 

Osney, Abbey of, i. 168, 262, 
280, 395. 

Orthodoxy in the seventeenth 
century, ii. 34. 

Oxford, Town of, its position 
suited to an University, i. 48. 
In the Diocese of Lincoln in 



INDEX. 



727 



the eleventh century, i. 57- 
Depends upon the University, 
i. 73. The " Mad Parliament" 
at, in 1258, i. 95. Protestants 
burnt at, i. 293. Position and 
strength of the city, i. 386. 
Its Fortifications mentioned in 
Domesday-book, ibid. Num- 
ber of inhabited and unin- ' 
habited houses in, after tlie 
Conquest, i. 387. Scholastic 
Street in, ibid. Quotation from 
Wood, ibid. Riot in 1263 on 
approach of Prince Edward, 
i. 412. Powers of the Mayor 
curtailed, complaints to Par- 
liament, i. 426. Ascendancy 
of the University, i. 428. 
Events at, during the civil 
war of Charles the First, ii. 
10. Description of, ii. 268. 
Garrisoned in 1745, ii. 286. 
Oxford, Universitv of. Its an- 
tiquity, i. 43, 45, 48, 51, 373, 
385 ; ii. (2) 450, 451. Schools 
founded oy Alfred, i. 46; ii. 
87. Authenticity of the pas- 
sages asserting this circum- 
stance disputed, ii. (2) 597. 
Unrecorded origin of the Uni- 
versity, ii. (2) 616. Silence 
of Domesday-book, ii. (2) 
615. Scholastic tendency, ii. 
[2] 616. Early constitution 
of, ii. 88, 89, 90, 91. Com- 
parison of, \^ith that of Paris, 
1. 51, 59, 157. Inunigration 
of Students from Paris, i. 51, 
59, 108, 390. Its Halls and 
Inns, i. 54, 55, 5% 61, 75, 
178; ii. 94. S&te after the 
Conquest, i. 5%. Authority 
of the Pope, i. 61; ii. 127. 
Numbers of Students at vari- 
ous times, i. 67, 311, 401 ; ii. 
47, 361. Distinguished in 
Science, i. 69. Tumults at, 



i. 71. Its Poverty, i. 74, 
76, 435. Deficiency of Pub- 
lic Rooms, i. 74. Its central 
position, i. 84. Outbreak and 
Secession in 1209, i. 88, 105. 
Privileges granted by King 
John, i. 90. Riot of 1238. 
Bishop Grosseteste, i. 90, 93, 
412. The « Mad Parliament" 
in 1258, i. 95. Migration of 
Students to Northampton, i. 
96, 413. Disputes with the 
Town, i. 104, 105, 106, 134, 
136, 140, 419. Fifty Citizens 
sureties to the Bishop of Lin- 
coln, i. 106. Dissipation at, 
i. 108. Jews, i. 109, 111, 
116 ; their assault on a Proc- 
tor, i. 111. Disputes with 
monastic bodies, i. 111. Par- 
liaments and Councils at, i. 
112. Riot of Robert de Wells, 
i. 136 ; of John Bereford, i. 
140. Privileges of 1244 and 
1255, i. 117; amended by 
Edward the Third, i. 145. 
Charter of 27th June, 1356, 
i. 146, 428. Its decline after 
Wychffe, i. 157. Theologi- 
cal School, i. 168. Erasmus, 
his opinion, i. 220. Wolsey, 
his power, i. 232, 234 ; founds 
Cardinal College, i. 236. 
Henry the Eighth's Divorce, 
i. 241. Proceedings concern- 
ing, i. 246. Visited by Henry 
the Eighth, i. 249. New 
course of studies, i. 276. Per- 
secution of Protestants, i. 292. 
Various bidldings erected, i. 
305. Fourteen Heads and 
ninety Fellows expelled, i. 
307. Leicester, Cnancellor, 
i. 309. Elizabeth's visit, ibid. 
Number of Students in the 
sixteenth century, i. 311. 
Professorship of Thcologica! 



( 



728 



INDEX. 




Polemics, i. 315. Opposition 
to improvement, i. 321. Su- 
preme executive vested in 
the Heads, i. 323. Its de- 
graded condition in the six- 
teenth century, i. 324, 325. 
State of studies at, i. xxvi.349. 
Baneful influence of Leicester, 
i. 351, 352, 363. State after 
his death, i. 363. Last con- 
test of the nations, i. 358; 
see also '*• Nations." Hatton, 
Chancellor, i. 361. Rent of 
Lodgings, i. 419. Testing of 
victuals; police, i. 423. Powers 
of the Mayor, i. 426. Ascen- 
dancy over the town, i. 428. 
Wood's pancg3Tic, i. 430. 
Revenues at different periods, 
i. 432. Law suits at Rome, i. 
436. Com Rent, i. 440. 
Studies in Elizaheth's reign, i. 
442. Parliamentary franchise, 
ii. 3. Visit of James the 
First, ii. 4; of Charles the First, 
ii. 5. Willis, Professor of Na- 
tural Philosophy, ii. 83. Wal- 
lis, Savilian Professor of Geo- 
metry, ibid. Natural Philoso- 
phy at, ii. 83. Election of a 
Chancellor hy the Nations, ii. 
99. Congregation and Convo- 
cation, ii. 100. Compulsory 
Regency, ibid. Reform of 
Statutes, ii. 180. Board of 
Heads, ii. 182. Its consti- 
tution compared with Cam- 
hridge, ii. 191. Appeals to 
Rome, ii. 212. Contest with 
Henry the Seventh, ii. 229. 
Examinations for Degrees, ii. 
252, 256, 353; ii. (2) 521, 
Revenue from printing, ii. 
267. Description of the City 
and University, ii. 267, 270 ; 
of Christ-Church College, ii. 
272 ; University huildings, ii. 



278, 279. Festivities, iL 281. 
Its political position, ii. 285. 
The seat of Jacobite principles, 
ii. 286. Improvements in the 
eighteenth century, ii. 294. 
Prizes at, ii. 299. Medical 
fellowships, ii. 302. Preach- 
ers, ii. 303. Morality at, ii. 
305; ii. (2) 511. Respon- 
sions, ii. 351. Collections, ii. 
352. Professorships of His- 
tory and Literature, ii. 364 ; 
of Anglo-Saxon and Poetry, 
ii. 365. Admission to Bod- 
leian Library, ibid. Lectures, 
how attended, ii. 375. Ex- 
clusion of Dissenters, ii. 392 ; 
see also " Dissenters." Seat 
of the present Catholic move- 
ment, ii. 52, 406. Petition 
for Reform in 1659, ii. (2) 
430. Faculties, iL (2) 439. 
Bishop, confirmation by the, 
ii. (2) 451. Salaries of Pro- 
fessors, &c., ii. (2) 476. Tax- 
ation, ii. (2) 493, 498. Pur- 
veyance, ii. (2) 496. Perse- 
cution of Whigs, ii. (2) 502. 
Not affected by the great 
evangelical movement, ii. (2) 
515. Books taken up for ex- 
aminations, ii. (2) 521. Ma- 
thematics, ii. 304 ; ii. (2) 525. 
Mathematical Scholarship, 
questions for, ii. (2) 527. Its 
Steward, i. 146 ; see also 
"Steward." Its Vice-Chan- 
cellor, ii. 183; see also '* Vice- 
Cliancellor." Proctors, li. 56; 
see also " Proctors." Pem- 
broke and his Son, Chan- 
cellors, ii. 6. Laud, Chan- 
cellor, ii. 6, 42. Riots in 
1641, ii. 8. Conduct praised 
during the civil war, ii. 10, 
14. ParUamentary visitation, 
ii. 15 ; ii. (2) 635. Conduct 



INDEX. 



729 



concerning covenant, ii. (2^ 
422. Vice -Chancellor Fell 
arrested; Members expelled, ii. 
15. Mistake of Episcopalians, 
ii. (2) 639. Cromwell, Chan- 
cellor, ii. 16; ii. (2) 423. 
Royalists reinstated, ii. 17. 
,Wood, expelled for censuring 
Clarendon, ibid. State under 
Charles the Second, ii. 16; 
under James the Second, ii. 
19; his violent measures, ii. 
22, 23. Its conduct and po- 
sition at the Revolution of 
1688, ii. 24. Four new Col- 
leges, Theatre, Museum, Bo- 
tanical Garden, ii. 27. New 
Professorships and Clarendon 
Press, ii. 28. Subscription to 
the Thirty-nine Articles, ii. 
39; ii. (2) 425; sec also 
" Test Oaths," and " Tliirty- 
nine Articles." Caroline Sta- 
tutes, ii. 42, 57. Reform of 
Statutes, ii. 46 ; ii. (2) 426. 
Number of Students in the 
seventeenth century, ii. 47. 
Election of Proctors, ii. 5Q. 
Public examinations, ii. 59. 
Behind Cambridge, ii. 80. 
Expulsion of Locke, ii. 81, 
82 ; condemned, ii. (2) 432. 
Its Chancellor ; (see also 
"Cliancellor") compared with 
that of Paris, i. 53, 390 ; his 
original functions, i. 5^^ 58 ; 
ii. (2) 432; his powers, i. 
117, 118, 119, 120; ii. 122, 
132; ii. (2) 455. Appeals 
from his jurisdiction, i. 119; 
his privileges, i. 120 ; his 
Court of Record, i. 122 ; his 
control over the police, i. 123; 
his means of punishment, i. 
117, 127; ceases to be an 
episcopal officer, i. 132 ; his 
episcopal prerogatives, i. 133; 



how elected, i. 133; ii. 124, 
127, 166, 167; chosen from 
influential men, i. 309 ; ii. 5, 
167; ii. (2) 474; his secret 
patronage abolished, i. 363; 
his power of testing victuals, 
i. 424 ; curtails the power of 
the Mayor, i. 426 ; chosen 
for life, ii. 5 ; election of, by 
the nations, ii. 99 ; right of 
the Bishop to ratify his elec- 
tion, ii. 125, 127; his depu- 
ties, ii. 133; ii. (2) 480; his 
power of absolution, ii. 155 ; 
represents the University in 
the House of Lords, ii. 191 ; 
King's right to nominate, ii. 
229 ; not originally a Rector, 
ii. (2) 449; remarks on his 
office, ii. (2) 445, 449, 455 ; 
and on his spiritual attributes, 
ii. (2) 452 ; his courts of 
jurisdiction, ii. (2) 458. Tables 
of Bachelors degrees taken 
from 1518 to 1680, i. 445; 
of revenues in 1612, i. 450; 
of honors, ii. (2) 503 ; of 
Bachelors, ii. ^2^ 504; of 
Residents, ii. (2) 507 ; by 
the Rev. H. Longueville Jones, 
M. A., ii. (2) 568 ; of University 
press, ii. (2) 574 ; of College 
Revenues, li. (2) 576 ; of De- 
grees, ii. (2) 577; of Ranks and 
stimulating forces, ii. (2) 578 ; 
of Average income, ii. (2) 579; 
of Expenditure, ibid; of Pro- 
fessors and Lecturers, ii. (2^ 
^80 ; general abstract, ii. (2) 
581. Histories and Hterary 
memorials, ii. . (2) 583 ; and 
* list of books relating to the 
History of the Universities, ii. 
(2) 588. 

[For different CoDeget see their rMpectiv* Names.] 



730 



INDEX. 






P. 



Padua, University of, i. 14. 

Paley, ii. 317, 371. 

Parker, Archbisbop, L 366. 

Parker, Bishop of Oxford, iL 22. 

Parker, Bishop, L 306. 

Paris, Matthew, i. 410. 

Paris, University of. Its con- 
nexion with England, i. 2. 
Its Chancellor, i. 20, 57, 373, 
390. Rules observed at lec- 
tures, i. 24. Its four nations, 
24, 80. Rector and Proc- 
tors, ibid. Teachers, their 
power, i. 26. Predominance 
of Arts, i. 34. Struggle 
against the Pope and the Bi- 
shop, i. 40. Its jurisdiction, 
i. 41. Contrasted with Ox- 
ford, i. 51, 57, 59, 390. 
Emigration of Students to 
Oxford, i. 51, 390; see also 
" Oxford University." No do- 
cuments older than A.D. 1200, 
i. 59. Theology, i. 369. Riot 
in 1200, i. 370. Its corpo- 
porate privileges, i. 372. Its 
Chancellor forbidden to have 
a prison, i. 373. Non-exist- 
ence of Halls at, i. 393. Con- 
tests with the Mendicants, ii. 
118. Powers of the Arch- 
bishop, ii. (2) 433. 

Parliament Its right to inter- 
fere with the Universities, i. 
XXX. ; ii. 243, 244, 246. Its 
taxation of them, ii. (2) 498. 
Acts of, ii. (2) 500. 

Parliamentary Franchise. Its 
early state, i. 163. Bestowed on 
the Universities, ii. 3; ii.(2)421*. 

Parliamentary Visitation of the 
University of Oxford, ii. 15; 
ii. (2) 636; and Cambridge, 
ii. 14; ii. (2)631. 

Parties, modem political, con- 



trasted with the ^'Nations," 
i. 87. 

Patronaffe of offices, in whom 
vested, ii. 175, 176. Of yoimg 
CTaduates generally a delusive 
hope, ii. 331. 

Paul's (St) School, i. 221. CaU- 
ed a house of idolatry, i. 225. 

Peacham, cited, i. 335. 

Pembroke College, Cambridge, 
i. 193. 

Pembroke College, Oxford, 
founded, ii. 27. 

Pembroke, Earl of. Chancellor 
of Oxford, iL 6. 

Pensioners at Cambridge, i. 201. 

Pestilences at the Universities, 
i. 265. 

Peter of Blois, i. 62. 

Peter Lombard cited, i. 8. 

Peter Martyr, i. 227, 282, 292, 
293. 

Peter s (St.) College, Cambridge, 
founded by Hugh de Balsham, 
A.D. 1274, i. 191, 399. 

Petition of the University of 
Cambridge against Durham 
College, ii. (2) 562. Clerical, 
1772, to the House of Com- 
mons, ibid, 667. Of under- 
graduates at Cambridge, to 
the Vice-chancellor, iWflf, 675. 
Of members of the Senate to 
Parliament for the admission 
of Dissenters to degrees, ibidy 
682. Of members of tlie Se- 
nate to Parliament against the 
admission of Dissenters to de- 
grees, ibidy 685. 

Philosophy. Its rise in the 
twelfth century, i. 4. Old 
and New, in ditto, i. 8. Policy 
of the Church towards the 
New, in ditto, i. 10. Its low 
state in Bacon s time, ii. 73. 
In Germany, ii. 368; ii. (2) 
534. In England, ii. 371. 



INDEX. 



731 



Philosophy, Mental, state of, at 
the Universities, i. 347. Gives 
way to Theology after the 
Refonuation, i. 848. 

Physicians, College of, i. 345. 
Its un&vorahlc relation to 
the Universities, i. 346. Its 
inability to maintain its privi- 
leges, i. 347. 

Pierce Plowman, i. 196. 

Plate, accumulation of, ii. 266. 

Plato, neglected, i. 348. 

Plays, managers of the, i. 223. 

Poem (School) in Henry the 
Third's time, ii. (2) 438. 

Poetry, Professorship of, at Ox- 
ford, ii. 365. 

Pole, Cardinal, i. 287. His vi- 
sitation of the Universities, in 
the reign of Queen Mary, i. 
289. 

PoUce at the Universities; see 
respective Universities. Ge- 
neral powers concerning, i. 
40, 104, 106, 123. Gradually 
formed, i. 130. 

Political economy recommended 
by Sir John Herschel, as part 
of a sound education, ii. (2) 
646. 

Pope, Alexander, ii. 318. 

Pope, Sir Thomas, i. 287. 

Pope, the; his decisions between 
the Chancellor and the teach- 
ers, i. 29. His interference 
nith the Universities, i. 61 ; 
ii. 127, 207, 208. His powers, 
ii. (2) 488. 

Porson, ii. 294. 

Poverty of the University of 
Oxford, in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, i. 165 ; instance of, ibid. 
Petition of the Convocation of 
the clergy, A.p. 1439, quoted 
in proof of, i. 435. Of acade- 
micians, i. 170; attested by 
their alms begging, ibicf. Es- 



sential to candidates for fel- 
lowships, ii. (2) 518. 

Praevaricator at Cambridge, ii. 
262. 

Preachers, how licensed, ii. 141 ; 
how regulated, ii. 303. 

Prerogative of the Crown, ii. 
231, 232; see also "Crown.* 

Presbyterianism at Oxford, i. 86. 

Priestley, Dr., ii. 379. 

Printing, i. 219 ; at Oxford, 
ibid; ii. 28; at Cambridge, 
ii. 29. Profits of, ii. 267. 

Printing presses, ii. 266. 

Private study, iL 339, 352. 

Privilege of exemption in certain 
cases from the Chancellors 
jurisdiction, i. 121 ; disputed 
by the Universities, t^. Of 
the Crown ; vide " Crown." 

Prizes at the Universities, ii. 
299. 

Proctors. Do not superintend 
Examinations, i. x. Elected 
by the " Nations" at Paris, i. 
25 ; at Oxford, i. 78 ; ii. 56, 
171, 185, 188; ii. (2) 475; 
at Cambridge, i. 320, 321 ; ii. 
158. Ancient mode of elect- 
ing, ii. 96. Of the Nations, 
iL 134, 135 ; ii. (2) 459. 

Prsemunire, Statute of, i. 173, 
174. 

Professional dedication of Col- 
leges censured by Lord Bacon, 
ii. (2) 640. 

Professor. Use of the term, ii. 
92. 

Professors. Their difficulties in 
modem times, i. xxix. A 
chamber of, for University 
legislation, proposed, i. xxx. 
To be elected annually from 
the Masters, i. 276. Their 
influence, ii. 178. Salaries 
and election at Cambridge and 
Oxford, ii. (2) 476. High 



732 



INDEX. 



r 
i 



i ' 





; [f. I 




rank in, advantageous, ii. (2) 
519. Tables of, ii. (2) 580. 

Professorships. At Oxford and 
Cambridge, i. xxYi. Their pre- 
sent inefficiency, i. xxix., xxx. 
When first endowed, i. 165; 
by Wolsey, i. 236 ; by Henry 
the Eighth, L 255; by Lord 
Chief Justice Reade, ilnd. 
Their poverty, i. 256. The 
main organ of instruction in 
the Universities, i. 257. Why 
become sinecures, ibid. Their 
influence, ii. 177. 

Property of the Universities, i. 
75; see respective "Univer- 
sities." 

Pro- proctors, ii. 135. 

Protectors, only occasionally ap- 
pointed, ii. 205. 

Protestantism ; in accordance with 
the German mind, i. 86. Pow- 
erful in the North of Eng- 
land, ibid. Its relation to the 
Classics in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, i. 226. Assmned the 
form of the " Omnipotence of 
the State,'* under Edward the 
Sixth, i. 269. 

Protestants desert the Univer- 
sities, i. 282. Expelled and 
persecuted, i. 291, 292. 

Pro- Vice-chancellors, ii. 184. 

Provisions, contests respecting, 
i. 106. 

Public Buildings, their defici- 
ency in the fifteenth century, 
i. 167. 

Public Lecturers, statutes re- 
specting, in Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford, ii. (2^ 619. 
Small salaries to generally, in 
Universities, censured by Lord 
Bacon, ii. (2) 641. 

Public Orator, ii. 138, 223; ii. 



(2) 461. 
ibli( 



Public Schools a clog, i. xxv. 



Furnish pupils to the Col 
leges, ii. 351. Reform of 
ibtd ; see also " Schools." 

Punishment, corporal, i. 206. 

Puritans, Elizabeth's dislike to 
i. 309, 353. Patronised bj 
Leicester, i. 356; assist hii 
views on the Netherlands 
ibid; their evasions -with th< 
Court, i. 357. Swayed the 
University during Leicester f 
chancellorship, i. 359. Theii 
contest with the Episcopali- 
ans for a successor to Leices- 
ter, i. 362. Few in Oxford, 
ii. 13. Numerous at Cam- 
bridge, ii. 13. Expelled from 
Oxford, ii. 14 ; theur exclusion 
from, ii. 39. Their strength^ 
ii. 40. Resistance to reform^ 
ii. 46. Their learning, ii. 49. 
Their violence, ii. 52. Theii 
severe discipline, ii. 76. 

Purveyance, exemption &om, ii. 
239 ; ii. (2) 496. 

Pusey, Dr. Philip, ii. (2) 516. 



Q. 

Quadrivium; its nature, i. 4 
Falls into disrepute, i. 32. 

Queen's College, Cambridge, i 
193, 215. 

Queen's College, Oxford, i. 193 

Questions for degrees in philoso- 
phy in the time of Henry the 
Fifth, specimen of, i. 160 
for Oxford mathematical scho- 
larsliip, ii. (2) 527. 



R. 



Ramus, Peter, i. 348. 
Rank in the Universities; gra- 
dations of, ii. 200. 



INDEX. 



733 



Rcadc, Lord Chief Justice, i. 
255, 256. 

Realism and Nominalisin, i. 70. 
Under Duns Scotus, and Oc- 
cam, i. 85. Northemmen 
Realists, ibid. Southemmcn 
Nominalists, ibid. Supposed 
connexion between Realism 
and the Reformation, i. 86. 

Record, Court of, i. 123. Its 
powers, ibid. Not an exten- 

• sion of academic privileges, 
ibid ; see also " Oxford Uni- 
versity ' Chancellor.' " 

Record-keeper, ii. 138. 

Rector at Paris, i. 25 ; see " Pa- 
ris University." Remarks on 
the office of, i. 390. Use oi 
the term, ii. .92. At Oxford, 
ii. (2) 449. 

Reform of the Universities, i. 
viii; ii. 350, 380, 385, 414; 
ii. (2) 543. Under Henry the 
Eighth, i. 253. Under Edward 
the Sixth. Its violent cha- 
racter, i, 273, 278. Under 
Elizabeth, i. 323. Under 
Charles the First, ii. 46. Un- 
der the Long Parliament, ii. 15; 
ii. (2) 632. Recommended 
by Lord Bacon, ii. (2) 642. 

Reformation. Advanced by the 
University factions, i. 98. 
Violence of, i. 269. Injuri- 
ous to the Universities, i. 
284. Its influence on spiri- 
tual religion, ibid. Not its 
intention to unshackle the 
mind, i. 285. Freedom of 
thought and demolition of 
authority unintentionally oc- 
casioned, i. 285 (n). Guaran- 
tees taken from the Heads 
and Fellows of Colleges for 
their attachment to, i. 317. 
Indirect influences in favour 
of mental independence, ii. 
(2) 628. 



Regency, compulsory, ii. 100. 

Regens, use of the term, ii. 92. 

Regents, ii. 101. Their power, 
ii. 196, 197. Use of the 
term, ii. (2) 436. Right of 
voting, ii. (2) 482. 

Registrar, ii. 138. 

Rent of houses and lodgings. 
Treaty between the Univer- 
sity and Town, i. 419; see 
also " Oxford University." 

Responsions, or previous exami- 
nations of candidates, ii. 357* 

Reuchlin, i. 223, 265. 

Revolution of 1 688. Universities 
at, ii. 24. 

Rc}iiolds sent down to preach 
at Oxford, ii. (2) 635. Dean 
of Christ Church, ii. (2) 639. 

Richmond, Margaret, Countess 
of; see •' Margaret Beaufort." 

Rights, Corporate ; see " Corpo- 
rate Rights." 

Riots at Oxford concerning Re- 
alism and Nominalism, i. 85 ; 
of 1209, i. 88; of 1238, i. 
90 ; of 1389, i. 100 ; of Robert 
de Wells, i. 137; of John 
Bereford, i. 140 ; see also 
" Nations," and the respective 
Universities. 

Roman Catholic England, grand 
legacy to Protestant England, 
in the revived study of the 
Classics, i. 153. 

Roman Catholics of the dark 
ages ; munificence of, in their 
endowments, ii. (2) Q5Q. 
Solemn ceremonies of, ii. (2) 
653. 

Roman Law ; vide " Law." 

Rome, national opposition to, in 
Henry the Third's time, i. 
194. Rupture of England 
with, A.D. 1297, i. 250. Com- 
munication of the University 
with ; great expense attend- 
ant on this, i^. Lawsuits 



734 



INDEX. 



at, iL 214, 218. Intrigues of 
the Lollaidfl with, iL 216. 

Boyal Commission of Edward 
the Sixth, L 272. Declares 
the Popish Statutes null, and 
establishes scholastic exer- 
cises and the clasacs, L 275. 
Ordinances changing the stu- 
dies and divine service, L 
276, 277. 

Rojal Fofuidations, the Univer- 
sities pretended to be, iL 204. 

Boyal Letters, iL 232 ; iL (2) 
492. 

Bojal Society, the, q)ring8 up in 
Oxford, iL 82. 

Royalty, its power, iL 19. 

Royal V isits ; see the respectiyc 
Universities. 

Rugby School founded by Eliza- 
bcOi, L 302. 

Rutherford, iL 78. 



S. 



Salerno, University of; visit of 
Rodbertus de Mala Corona to, 
in A.]>. 1030, i. 13. Had not 
an ecclesiasdcal origin, ibid. 

Scholars, character of one, de- 
picted by Chaucer, L 182; 
poverty and distress, L 197. 
Of Baliol College, i. 200. 
Their menial offices and sti- 
pends, ibid. Their distress on 
the abolition of the monas- 
teries, i. 279. Wandered 
about the Universities as beg- 
gars, ibid; see also, ^^ Stu- 
dents." 

Scholarships, iL 300. 

Schoolmasters, formed by Uni- 
versities, ii. 381. 

School poem, in the reign of 
Henry the Third, ii. (2) 438. 

Schools, public, i. xxv. ; pre- 



ceded Universities, L 3. Their 
rise in the eleventh and 
twelfth centuries, i. 4. Not 
at first established in the Col- 
leges, L 209. Founded by 
Parliament, L 271. State o^ 
under Elizabeth, L 340. An- 
tiquity of those at Oxford, L 
373 ; iL (2) 450. Foundati<m 
of, by Alfied, L 373, 374, 
375, 384. Reform of, iL 351. 

Scientific knowledge ; its low 
state in Bacon s time, iL 73. 
Its extra-academical pTX)gres8, 
ii. 379. 

Scotch students expdUed, i. 180. 

Scotch PresbjTterians, did not 
complain that the English 
Universities, were inaccessi- 
ble, or insufficient, iL 344. 

Scrutineers, election o^ ii. M^ 
97, 137. 

Secretary, ii. 138. 

Selling, L 215, 219. 

Seneschal ; see ^^ Steward." 

Sermon, Latin ; in the Universi- 
ties, L 315 ; iL 303. 

Servants at Collies, on the 
foundation, L 200. 

Shawling Lectures, ii. 141. 

Sheriff; difficulties of his po- 
sition, L 125. 

Sidney Sussex College, Cam- 
bridge, L 304. Tables of re- 
venues, degrees, &c., ii. (2) 
576, 577. 

Sinfulness of man and the doc- 
trine of the Redemption con- 
sidered to be the essence of 
Christianity, ii. 405. 

Sizars, ii. 202. 

Smith, Dr. Adam, iL 379. 

Society, Female, deficiency of» 
at the Universities, ii. (2) 
519. 

Soldiers; academicians cxanpt 
from beiner, ii- 240. 



INDEX. 



736 



Somerset, Chancellor, ii. 157- 

Southemmen ; see ^' Nations." 

Spirit of the Age, i. xliv. 

Spiritual and temporal power; 
Tain attempt to unite them in 
the Middle Ages, i. 154. 

Sprott, i. 374. 

Stamford, attempt to found an 
University at, i. 102. 

State, the doctrine of its omni- 
potence, the foundation of 
Protestantism, i. 269. Pro- 
fessor Huber's idea of, ii. 
338. Its inteiference with 
the Universities, how far jus- 
tified, ii. 387 ; ii. (2) 704. 

Statistics, ii. 363. Of the Uni- 
versities of Great Britain, 
by the Rev. H. Longueville 
Jones, M.A., iL (2) 568. 

Statutes, ii. 46, 57. Incon- 
sistency of, ii. 154. Occa- 
sion false oaths, ii. 155. Abso- 
lution for, ibid. Suspension 
of, by Henry the Eighth, ibid. 
Attempts at reforming by 
Edward, the Sixth, ii. 157. 
Set aside by Mary, ii. 159. 
Restored and further altered 
by Elizabeth; Cambridge Sta- 
tutes reformed ; drawn up by 
Archbishop Whitgift, ii. 162, 
164. Complaints against, to 
Parliament, ii. 164. Estab- 
lished, ii. 165. Oxford Sta- 
tutes tardily reformed, ii. 181. 
Liable to alteration by King 
or Parliament, ii. 231. Re- 
form of, ii. 351. Those re- 
lating to conduct of students, 
ii. (2) 426. Lectures, ii. (2) 
428. On those of 1570, ii. 
(2) 470, 471. Mendicant 
orders, ii. (2) 442. Contra- 
dictions between the old and 
new, ii. (2) 543. Enforce- 
ment of, by oaths, ii. (2) 547. 



Steward, his powers in criminal 
cases, i. 121. First institution 
of the office, i. 146, 430. His 
duties, ii. 136, 137. His 
election, ii. 171. Represents 
the University in the House 
of Lords, ii. 191. 

Stillington, Bishop, ii. 225. 

Streets, Masters of the, ii. 137, 
138. 

Students. Their maintenance at 
the expense of great men, L 
171. Decrease in the num- 
ber of, after the Reformation, 
i. 176. Their scanty prospects 
of Church promotion, ibid. 
Obliged to reside in Colleges, 
i. 178. Specimen of their 
mode of life in early times, 
i. 197. Position towards 
teachers in the thirteenth 
century, i. 404. Their elec- 
tion, ii. 171. Number of, at 
the Universities, ii. 361 ; sec 
also respective Universities. 

Studies of the Universities. Li- 
terference of the legislature 
respecting, L xxv. Decay of, 
after the Lollard movements, 
i. 158. Ordinance of 1549, 
concerning, i. 276. During 
Elizabeth's reign, i. 442. In- 
ducements, ii. 299. 

Sunday, puritanical observance 
of, ii. 76. 

Surgeons, incorporation of, i. 
345, 347. 

Sylvester, Mr., Second Wrangler 
in 1837, refused permission 
to try for the Smith's prize on 
account of the Test, ii. (2) 687. 

Syndics, ii. 142. 



T. 



Tables of revenues, degrees, &c. 






736 



INDEX. 



f. 

1. 

**■ 



\y-: 




&c,y by Mr. James He3rwood, 
of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
i. 445; by the Rev. H. L. 
Jones, ii. (2) 568. 

Taxation of Universities, ii. (2) 
493. 

Taxes, ii. 237, 238. 

Taxors, i. 106, ii. 97, 137, 138, 
158. 

Teachers ; of modem languages, 
i. X. Difference between old 
and new, i. 1 5. Not all clergy, 
i. 16. Dependent on the 
Church, i. 17. Licensed by 
the Chancellor, i. 19, 21, 23. 
At Paris, i. 26, 27. At Ox- 
ford, lived in common with 
the students, i. 75. Small re- 
muneration of, i. 254. Their 
position towards students in 
the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries, i 404, ii. 90. Ori- 
ginally Regent Masters, ii. 
140. 

Ten year's men, ii. 106, 260. 

Term-times, ii. 253. 

Term-trotters, ii. 302. 

Terrae filius, ii. 59, 262. 

Test Books for lectures, ii. (2) 

427. 

Test Oaths, i. xvii., ii. 37, 80, 
391, 392, 395, 415; ii.(2) 471. 

Theatre of Oxford University, 
ii. 27. 

Theological Faculty, established 
in Paris, ii. 112. Resisted in 
England, ii. 1 1 2, 1 1 3. Needs 
much improvement, ii. 409. 

Theological Professorships, i. 
xxix. 16. 

Theology at Oxford, i. xxvii. 
Rise of, in the twelfth cen- 
tury, i. 4. Absorbs the ca- 
nonical law : separate from the 
faculty of arts, i. 33. School 
of, opened a.d. 1480, i. 168. 
Professorship of theological 



polemics established by Wa] 
singham, i. 315. Its separa 
don from other branches o 
study, i. 369. Study of, ii 
65. Neglected, ii. 67. 'Rega 
lations of 1616, ii. 68. No 
prescribed to Divines, ii. 72 
Encouraged by Cromwell, ii 
78. Ten years' men, ii. 106 
State in the fourteenth cen 
tury, ii. 109. Not a faculty 
ii. 110. In France, ii. Ill 
State in the eighteenth cen 
tury, ii. 317. Its presen 
state, ii. 358. Lectures on 
ii. 408. Its importance, ii 
409. 

Thirty-nine Articles, subscrip- 
tion to, i. xiv. ii. 38, 69, 414 
ii. (2) 425. Their impor- 
tance, ii. 395. Keys to th< 
Anglican Universities, ii. 397 
Subscription to, required as c 
prerequisite for Fellow^ipt 
at Oxford, ii. 401. Laity not 
called upon to subscribe them, 
ii. 402. James the First, his 
fondness for them, ii. (2) 425. 
Remarks of Lord John Cav- 
endish upon, in the House oi 
Commons, ii. (2) 671. Sub- 
scription to, at Cambridge, foi 
first degree, changed, ii. (2] 
674. 

Thomas*, St., Hospital, i. 345. 

Toleration of Dissenters, sec 
" Dissenters." 

Tories — the education and in* 
crease of, the aim of the Uni- 
versities, i. X. ; ii. 287. 
333. 

Toryism, identification of, witl 
the Southern element, i. 87 
Prevalence of, in Oxford, ihid 

Tory literature, ii. 378. 

ToHTi Corporation, Oxford, dis- 
putes with the University, i 



INDEX. 



737 



134,150; sec also "Oxford 
University." 

Tradesmen at Oxford. Their 
matriculation a grievance to 
the town, i. 112. Exemption 
from taxes, ii. 238. 

Trinity College, Cambridge, 
foundation of, by Henry the 
Eighth, i. 263; ii. (2) 627. 
Enlarged under Mary i. 287, 
288; ii. 102. Table of stu- 
dents and graduates from 1831 
to 1840, ii. (2^ 509. Tables 
of revenues, degrees, &c., ii. 
(2) 576, 577. Statutes of 
Edward the Sixth to, ii. (2) 

627. 

Trinity College, DubHn, i. 303 ; 
ii. 417. Average income and 
expenditure, &c., ii. (2) 578, 
57.0. 

Trinity College, Oxford, i. 287. 
Tables of revenues, degrees, 
&c., ii. (2) 576, 577. 

Trinity Hall, Cambridge, i. 193. 

Triviura, i. 4, 32. 

Tuckney, Regius Professor, Cam- 
bridge, ii. 78. 

Tudor style of architecture, i. 
195. 

Tutore of Colleges, chamber of, 
for UniverHity legislation, pro- 
posed, i. XXX. \VTien first 
authorized to teach, i. 206. 
Consisted at first of the Heads 
of Houses, ibid. First express 
mention of, i. 207. Their in- 
fluence, ii. 297. 

Twyn, Bryan, i. 377. 



U. 



Undergraduates, i. xxxvi. 395. 
Uniformity, Act of, i. xiv. ; ii. 

17; ii.'(2)552. 
Universities, the. Reform of, i. 

VOL. II. 3 B 



viii ; ii. 244, 246, 350, 380, 
381, 385, 414; ii. (2) 549. 
Tlieir vocation, i. ix.; ii. 8, 
319, 333, 339, 381. Charac- 
teristics of, by Professor Hu- 
ber, i. x, ; ii. 320—377. Their 
political importance, i. xi. 82, 
83 ; ii. 322. Their object to 
multiply Tories and gentle- 
men, i. xvii. ; ii. 320, 333, 
334. Studies at, i. xxv. 158, 
272, 276 ; ii. 282, 339. A 
Chamber of Professors and 
Tutors proposed, i. xxx. Ne- 
cessity for adapting them- 
selves to the age, i. xxxiii. 
Their character in the Middle 
Ages, i. 2. Origin of the 
Northern ones, i. 3. Their 
relation to the Church, i. 13, 
14, 169, 172, 270, 370; ii. 
29, 33, 205. The Italian, 
non-scholastic, i. 14. Their 
organization, i. 36. Exemp- 
tion from common jurisdiction, 
i. 38 ; but claimed by the ec- 
clesiastical, i. 39. Their cor- 
porate j urisdiction, i. 4 1 . Their 
" Middle Age," i. 65. Boys 
and children at, i. 67. Feroci- 
ous manners at, i. 71. The 
foreign, subordinate to the 
towns, i. 73. National in- 
terest in them, i. 83 ; ii. 324. 
Their power over the towns, 
i. 104. Power of trpng of- 
fenders in cases of property 
and treason, i. 121. Their 
wealth and stabiHtv in the 
fourteenth century, i. 148, 
150. The Wickliffe contro- 
versy, i. 156. Declme afler 
the fourteenth century, and 
relapse into their primitive 
ecclesiastical form, i. 162. 
Their poverty, i. 164, 170, 
176. Professorships, i. 165 ; 



738 



INDEX. 



ii. 364. Libraries, i. 166. 
Public buildings, i. 167. Con- 
nexioD with Rome, i. 169, 
250; ii. 211. Attacked at 
the Reformation, i. 233. Their 
conduct nith regard to Henry 
the Eighth's divorce, i. 243. 
Their danger at Wolsey's fall, 
i. 246. Visitation in 1535, 
i. 251, 258. Not considered 
ecclesiastical corporations, i. 
270; ii. 240. Reform of 
Statutes in 1549, i. 272. New 
course of studies, i. 276. De- 
serted by the Protestants, i. 
283. Visitation in 1557, i. 
289. Privileges over the 
town, i. 290. Tlie persecu- 
tion under Marv, i. 293. 
Their revenues, settled, i. 
306. Exemption from tax- 
ation, i. 306; ii. 237, 238, 
241 ; ii. (2) 493, 498. Be- 
come Protestant, i. 307. Royal 
visits, i. 308. Their elevation 
in rank, i. 310. Their in- 
fluence on the Inns of Court, 
i. 33 1 . Influence of the gentry 
upon, i. 333. State after the 
Reformation, i. 350. Re- 
ligious parties in, i. 351. Ar- 
minians and Puritans, i. 357. 
State after Leicester's death, 
i. 362. Remarks on the Grer- 
man Universities, i. 405 ; ii. 
306, 356. The civil war — 
conduct during ii. 9; ii. (2) 
422, 423. Influence of the 
Church upon, ii. 29, 33. 
State of morals, ii. 70, 306— 
317; ii. (2) 511, 541. State 
during the Commonwealth, ii. 
76. Their intellectual pur- 
suits, ii. 80. Permanently 
organised by the Reformation, 
ii. 86. When incorporated, 
ii. 88. Right of licensing 



Ereachers, ii. 141. Franchise, 
ow retained, ii 148. Board 
of Heads, ii. 191. Greneral 
Assemblies, iL 192. Working 
of their constitution, iL 195. 
Power of exclusion, iL 197. 
Their foundatioft moral, not 
legal, iL 203. Compromises 
between Church and State, 
ii. 207. Appeals to the Arch- 
bishop's Court, ii. 218. RejM^- 
sentatives at convocations and 
at the Councils of Pisa, Con- 
stance, and Basle, iL 219, 
220; iL (2) 487. Judicial 
interference of the Crown, ii. 
222,226,227. Internal juris- 
diction, ii. 233. Exemption 
from Purveyance, ii. 239 ; ii. 
(2) 496. Exemption from 
juries and the militia, ii. 240. 
Influence of Parliament, ii, 
243. Less dependent on the 
State than formerly, ii. 247. 
Tutors and reading-men at, iL 
297. Curriculiun in the seven- 
teenth century, ii. 257 ; in 
the eighteenth, ii. 294 ; in 
the nineteenth, ii. 352. Lec- 
tures, ii. 298. Prizes, iL 299. 
Divinity at, ii. 303. Qualifi- 
cations for degrees, ii. 304. 
Resident undergraduates, iL 
305. Compared with the Ger- 
man Universities, ii. 306, 309, 
310,331,335,356,366. Cant 
respecting, ii. 312, 313. Their 
religious state, ii. 316. Per- 
secution of Methodists, ii. 
318. Their object not to form 
professional men, ii. 319. 
Number of members, ii, 323, 
361, 378. Fellowships, ii. 
325. Cost of education at — 
its advantages, iL 329. Their 
defects, ii. 335, 346, 366, 
377. Thev lav the foundation 



INDEX. 



739 



for future studies, ii. 339. 
Exclusion of Dissenters, ii. 
342, 396, 398, 401. Public 
opinion respecting them, ii. 
345. Their past influence, ii. 

348. Hostility to them, ii. 348, 

349, 379. Their state during 
the past and present century, 
ii. 378. Their end and design, 
ii. 381. Christianity not ad- 
vanced by, ii. 405. Religious 
regeneration, ii. 406, 410. 
The new Universities com- 
mended, ii. 416. State inter- 
ference, how far justified, ii. 
387; ii. (2) 549. Religious 
antipathies, ii. 390. Endow- 
ments, ii. 394. Test Oaths, 
and the Thirty-nine Articles, 
ii. 392, 395; ii. (2) 425. 
Faculties, ii. (2) 439. Visita- 
tion, ii. (2) 454. Right of 
self-defence, ii. (2) 547. Sta- 
tistics and Tables by the Rev. 
H. Longueville Jones, ii. (2) 
568 ; see also the respective 
Universities. 

University, use of the term, ii. 
88. 

University of London, see " Lon- 
don University." 

University College, Oxford, part 
of the Alfred foundation, i. 
56^ 439. Its foundation, i. 
189, 438. Tables of reve- 
nues, degrees, &c., ii. (2) 576, 
577. 

University Education, i. xvii. 
311; ii. 320, 333; ii. (2)640, 
645, 660. 

University, of Harvard, near Bos- 
ton, in the United States, ii. 
(2) 6G5. 

University Press, ii. 28 ; see the 
respective Universities. 

Usages of Universities chiefly 
derived from more obscure 



times, noticed by Lord Bacon, 
ii. (2) 642. 



V. 

Van Mildert, Bishop of Durham, 
ii. (2) 553. 

Veterinary College, ii. 335. 

Veto ; of the Chancellor, ii. 132. 
Of the Proctors, ii. 135, ii. 
(2) 459. Of the Heads, ii. 
(2) 462, 466. 

Vicarius taught civil law at Ox- 
ford in the twelfth century, i. 
51. 

Vice-chancellor, why needed, 
ii. 168. Different mode of 
choosing in the two Univer- 
sities, ii. 170. Mode of elec- 
tion of, at Oxford, ii. 184, 
192, ii. (2) 480. 

Vice-pro -proctors, ii. 135. 

Vice-regents, ii. 133. 

Views on scientific and general 
education, bv Sir John Her- 
schal, Bart., li. (2) 645. 

Visitation under Henry tlie 
Eighth, in 1535, i. 251, 258. 
Under Edward the Sixth, in 
1549, i. 272. Under Man', i. 
289, ii. (2) 467. Under EHza- 
beth, i. 307. Under the Long 
Parliament, ii. 14. Right of 
Episcopal, ii. (2) 454. Arch- 
bishops' right of, ii. (2) 483, 

489. The Cro\ni'8, ii. (2) 

490. Details of Parliamentary 
Visitations in tlie seventeenth 
century, ii. (2) 631. Neglect 
of, in princes or superior 
persons, noticed by Lord 
Bacon, ii. (2) 642. 

Vitelli, Cornelius, i. 216. 
Vives, Luis, i. 229. 
Voting, right of. Regents and 
Non-regents, ii. (2) 482. 



740 



INDEX. 



W. 

Jf 
Wadhom College, Oxford, 

founded, ii. 27. Tables of 

revenues, degrees, &c., ii. (2) 

576, 577. 
Wakefield, summoned by Heniy 

the Eighth, from Gk^rmany, i. 

229. 
Wall Lectures, ii. 283. 
Wallis, Savilian professor of 

Gktometry, ii. 83. 
Wolsingham founds theological 

professorships, i. 315. 
Watson, Bishop, ii. 78. 
Weak point of the Universities, 

ii. 403 ; iL (2) 683. 
Welsh students, at Oxford, i. 

100, 180. 
Wells, Robert de, i. 136. 
Westminster School, founded by 

Elizabeth, i. 302. 
Wethanstead, i. 214. 
Whewell, Professor, ii. 357, 390; 

ii. (2) 534. 
Whiggism, of Germanic origin, 

i. 87. Identification of, with 

the Northern system, ihid. 

Its exclusion from Oxfonl» 

and refuge in Edinburgh, 

ibid. 



Whigs, persecution of, at 0\ 
ford, ii. (2) 502. 

Whitgifl, Archbishop, i. 366 
ii. 163. 

William of Malmesburx', i. 37' 

Willis, Thomas; Prof. No 
Hist, at Oxford, ii. 83. 

Winchester School, L 202, 21 ; 

Wine, excesses in, ii. 308. 

Wine-shoi>8, riots concemin 
them, i. 130. 

Wood, Anthony. Monkish 
rh}Tnes, quoted by, i. 8j 
Testimony against Oxford, : 
325. Expelled from Oxfon: 
ii. 17. 

Worcester College, Oxfort 
founded, ii. 27. Tables t 
revenues, degrees, &c., ii. ('i 
576, 577. 

Works on the Universities enii 
merated, ii. (2) 594. 

Wolsoy, i. 229, 234—241. 

Wvkeham or Wykenham, Wi 
liam de, Bishop of Winchcfi 
tcr, i. 193, 202, 213. 

Wykliffe, a Northemnian and 
liealist, i. 85. His osccndanc 
at Oxford, i. 155. His pnj 
motion of classical studies 
ibid. 



Cte lEnti. 




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