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THE 

ENGLISH   UNIVERSITIES. 

VOL  I. 


ENGLISH  UNIVEESITIES. 

rtoM  Tu  a»uiN  or 

V.  A.  HUBEK, 


AN   ABRIDQED  TRANSLATION, 


FRANCIS  W.  NEWMAN, 


LONDON: 

riLLIAU   PtCKSBINO. 
STEB:     SIMMS    and    DI 

1843. 


MANCHE8TRR  .* 

FRINTID     BT    CHARLES     SIMMS     AND    CO. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE. 


The  following  Work  presents  the  English  reader  with  the 
general  history  of  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
from  the  eariiest  period  to  its  natural  termination  at  the 
Revolution  of  1688.  It  contains  ample  details  concerning 
the  ancient  University  Constitution  and  its  later  changes ; — 
concerning  that  curious  and  dark  subject,  the  Academic 
Nations ; — the  Town  Corporations  and  their  long  struggle 
with  the  Universities: — as  also  the  relation  of  the  latter  with 
the  Church,  the  Crown,  and  finally  with  the  Parliament.  As 
for  as  the  materials  allow,  the  interTial  and  moral  history  of 
the  Universities  has  been  carried  down  to  the  present  day. 
Many  of  the  most  remarkable  personages  connected  with 
them  are  particularly  described,  and  the  connexion  of  Uni- 
versity sentiments  and  manners  with  the  contemporaneous 
events  in  England  is  carefully  traced.  To  the  learning 
usually  characteristic  of  Germans,  the  Author  adds  a  re- 
markable insight  into  the  working  of  British  Institutions; 
and  his  developement  of  the  action  and  reaction  which  goes 
on  between  Aristocratic  Society,  the  Church,  the  Universi- 
ties, and  the  State,  will  be  read  with  interest,  it  is  believed, 
by  the  best  informed  Englishmen.  The  work  has  the  pecu- 
liarity of  presenting  both  our  old  Universities  in  a  single 
view,  and  illustrating  them  alike  by  their  analogies  and 
by  their  contrasts.     For  further  information  the  reader  is 


VI  EDITORS   PREFACE. 

referred  to  the  Table  of  Contents.  Considering  the  igno- 
rance prevailing  among  us  as  to  the  real  composition  and 
interior  management  of  institutions  so  influential  and  so  truly 
valuable,  and  the  great  number  of  questions  concerning 
them  on  which  an  enlightened  curiosity  desires  reply,  it  is 
hoped  that  the  publication  of  Professor  Huber'^s  history  in 
our  own  language,  may  prove  seasonable. 

The  numerous  Plates,  with  which  these  volumes  are  now 
illustrated  by  the  zeal  of  Mr.  James  Heywood,  F.R.S.,  of 
Trin.  Coll.,  Cambridge, — who  is  the  sole  originator  of  the 
entire  undertaking,  and  proprietor  of  the  work,  —  have  oc- 
casioned many  months'  delay  in  the  publishing.  When  the 
translation  was  all  printed  off,  except  a  few  of  the  last  Notes 
and  Appendices,  it  was  sent  to  the  Author ;  and  a  correspond- 
ence has  ensued,  which  leads  the  Editor  considerably  to  alter 
his  Preface.  For  while  on  the  one  hand  there  is  now  less 
need  of  explaining  in  detail  the  Uberties  which  have  been 
taken  with  the  form  of  the  work, —  (for  of  these  the  Author 
does  not  appear  to  complain,)  —  it  has  become,  on  the  other 
hand,  necessary  for  the  Editor  to  enter  somewhat  more  at 
large  into  his  own  views ;  since  he  finds  that  the  tendency 
of  his  remarks,  (contained  in  the  bracketed  foot-notes,)  has 
been  altogether  misconceived. 

The  Grerman  text  was  originally  translated  in  its  full  integ- 
rity by  Mr.  J.  Palgrave  Simpson,  M.A.,  of  Corpus  Christi 
College,  Cambridge,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Heywood :  and  I 
may  be  allowed  to  add,  that  without  some  study  of  the 
original,  no  one  will  easily  conceive  how  arduous  was  Mr. 
Simpson'^s  task.  The  whole  has  since  been  recast  by  me, 
with  immense  abridgment  of  the  earlier  chapters,  and  consi- 
derable condensation  in  all  but  the  last,  ^ofact  however 
has  been  omitted  that  had  any  reference  to  the  main  subject, 
or  to  which  the  Author  gave  any  prominence.  No  opinion 
which  he  expresses  on  the  historical  questions  treated,  has 


editor's  preface.  vii 

been  suppressed ;  nor  any,  even  the  slightest,  change  of  tone 
and  spirit  wilfully  introduced.  In  dealing  with  the  last 
chapter  I  was  timid,  lest  I  should  unawares  injure  the 
strength  of  the  Author's  reasonings  ;  as  I  differ  very  widely 
from  his  practical  results.  The  only  condensation  therefore 
which  I  there  attempted,  is  of  a  verbal  kind ;  such  as  more 
legitimately  belongs  to  a  mere  translator.  Repetitions  will 
still  be  found  in  the  work ;  which,  having  been  deliberately 
introduced  by  the  Author  with  a  view  to  the  arrangement 
which  he  has  adopted,  could  not  be  retrenched  without 
leaving  a  sensible  gap.  Of  the  ample  Notes  with  which  the 
(lerman  abounds,  many  have  been  worked  up  into  the  text, 
while  the  longer  ones  have  been  appended  to  the  end  of  the 
volumes.  In  preparing  these  for  the  press,  considerable 
help  has  been  obtained  from  Mr.  Crossthwaite,  of  Ryde,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  a  gentleman  professionally  engaged  as  a 
teacher  of  German.  I  have  myself  added  the  sectional 
divisions  and  their  headings ;  in  the  management  of  which 
occasional  transposition  of  paragraphs  was  needed. 

At  the  request  of  Mr.  Heywood,  Dr.  Rothman,  Registrar 
of  the  University  of  London,  has  politely  furnished  us  with 
an  account  of  the  rise  and  present  state  of  that  Institution : 
this  has  been  substituted  for  a  note  of  Professor  Huberts, 
which  contained  a  less  complete  and  accurate  statement. 
The  Rev.  H.  Longueville  Jones  has  likewise  had  the  kind- 
ness to  compile  a  similar  account  of  the  University  of  Dur- 
ham ;  and  to  revise  and  correct  (for  Appendix  i.  Vol.  ii.)  a 
paper  of  his  own,  which  was  laid  before  the  British  Associ- 
ation in  the  year  1838 ;  and  from  which  our  Author  had 
extracted  certain  tables  only. 

I  was  greatly  concerned  (and  am  anxious  to  say  so)  at 
finding  the  Author  to  think,  that  I  do  not  show  him  that- 
personal  courtesy  and  deference  which  is  due.      I  had  cer- 
tainly intended  to  direct  any  remarks  of  mine  entirely  against 


viii  editor's  preface. 

his  arguments ;  and  am  conscious  that  I  had  conceived  a  high 
impression  not  only  of  his  accurate  and  extensive  learning, 
but  likewise  of  his  great  general  impartiality  and  moral  wis- 
dom, in  all  the  earlier  part  of  the  work.  As  long  as  the 
reforming  party  of  the  Universities  moves  vnthin^  he  appears 
to  me  to  appreciate  them  and  their  views  fairly :  but  not  so 
in  later  times,  when  the  Reformers  are  principally  without. 
The  latter  are  of  course  liable  to  make  a  thousand  practical 
blunders,  and  their  claims  stand  out  in  coarse  colors  in  the 
party-journals :  but  it  is  no  rare  case  for  a  popular  outcry  to 
be  unreasonable  in  its  letter,  and  just  in  its  spirit.  The 
Author's  defence  of  the  Universities  is  as  distasteful  to  my 
academic  feelings,  as  his  representations  of  the  opponents  and 
their  cause  appear  unjust :  and  this  may,  unawares  to  my- 
self, have  put  a  little  asperity  into  my  replies  to  his  ever- 
repeated  attacks.  Nevertheless,  allowance  must  perhaps  be 
made  for  the  necessary  conciseness  of  notes,  and  for  the 
pointedness  in  coni^uence  assumed  by  remarks,  which 
would  be  taken  in  good  part  when  expanded. 

It  was  quite  against  my  wish,  indeed  against  my  determi- 
nation, to  bring  forward  in  any  detail  my  o>^ti  private  judg- 
ments concerning  University  Reform.  They  are  of  course 
insignificant,  except  as  they  may  be  supported  by  reasons ; 
and  this  is  not  a  place  in  which  it  is  possible  satisfactorily  to 
enter  upon  so  large,  complicated,  and  truly  arduous  a  subject. 
That  decisive  Reforms*  are  needed,  has  long  appeared  to  me 
as  clear  as  day ;  but  when  those  who  agree  in  this  opinion 
begin  to  debate  the  subject,  endless  differences  arise  both  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  changes  required,  the  order  and  the 
rapidity  with  which  they  should  be  introduced,  and  the  Power 
by  which  they  should  be  originated  and  enforced.  Nothing 
could  appear  to  me  more  calamitous  to  a  literary  body,  than 

*   It  will  easily  be  perceived,  that,  as  an  Oxonian,  I  refer  peculiarly, 

though  not  exclusively,  to  Oxford. 


editor's  preface.  ix 

a  sudden  and  violent  alteration  of  its  studies,  carried  by 
party  spirit  and  enforced  by  power  from  without.  But  the 
certainty  which  I  feel,  that  nothing  of  the  kind  can  for  a 
moment  be  contemplated  by  an  English  parliament  during 
the  present  generation,  makes  me  bold  in  discussing  the 
whole  question.  It  has  no  present  tendency  to  stir  up  the 
passions  of  a  multitude :  and  I  cannot  but  believe  that  tran- 
quil argumentation  on  this  point  between  those  who  know 
what  our  Universities  are,  and  who  most  heartily  desire  their 
welfare,  their  efficiency,  their  dignity, — must  have  a  valu- 
able result.  If  the  publication  of  this  work  shall  stimulate 
discussion  in  such  a  spirit,  I  shall  feel  that  I  have  attained 
something. 

To  form  a  very  high  conception  of  the  dignity  and  vocar 
tion  of  a  University,  even  higher  than  any  thing  that  can 
immediately  be  realized,  is  the  way  to  ennoble  the  Institu- 
tion itself:  and,  (provided  it  do  not  lead  to  unkind  thoughts 
of  individuals,)  a  consequent  immoderate  undervaluing  of 
that  which  has  hitherto  been  attained,  is  a  generous  fault. 
Such  a  state  of  mind  at  least  ought  not  for  a  moment  to  be 
mistaken  for  hostility :  it  is  the  feeling  of  a  friend,  who  is 
disappointed  that  the  object  of  his  fond  desires  is  not  so 
elevated  and  efficient  as  he  could  wish.  To  be  severe  on 
human  failure,  is  the  fault  of  those  who  are  wanting  in  self- 
knowledge;  but  severity  is,  I  think,  well  directed  against 
those,  who  set  their  own  standard  of  excellence  low,  and 
busily  exert  themselves  to  hinder  others  from  raising  it. 
Nothing  will  be  effected  worth  having,  either  by  an  indivi- 
dual or  by  a  body  of  men,  unless  there  is  a  constant  aspira- 
tion after  higher  and  higher  perfection ;  unless,  therefore, 
there  is  a  keen  sense  of  our  own  failings,  utterly  excluding 
self-complacency. 

In  my  apprehension,  England  needs  her  Universities  to 
assume  a  place  of  intellectual,  moral,  and  spiritual  superiority. 


editor's  preface. 


such  as  shall  lift  them  entirely  above  the  dense  clouds  of 
Party.  They  should  move  in  a  higher,  serener,  atmos- 
phere, unaffected  by  its  storms.  Reverenced  by  all,  they 
should  restrain  all,  and  unite  all.  To  employ  Science  and 
Religion  as  a  tool  for  the  passing  convenience  of  State- 
Policy,  appears  to  me  a  high  desecration :  I  must  therefore 
deprecate  the  idea,  that,  because  I  utterly  disapprove  of  their 
being  Tory-fortresses,  I  desire  them  to  be  engines  of  Whigs 
or  Radicals.  In  the  present  state  of  England,  I  should  wish 
to  see  them  rather  remain  under  Tory  or  Conservative  do- 
minion, than  subjected  to  such  a  revolution.  But  I  regard 
the  supposition  as  wholly  idle.  As  long  as  the  seats  of  learn- 
ing are  frequented  by  the  English  Aristocracy,  so  long,  as  I 
believe,  it  will  be  morally  impossible  to  turn  them  into  tools 
of  democratic  faction :  and  for  this  reason,  I  cannot  share  the 
fears  felt  by  our  Author  on  this  head.  To  alledge  that  our 
Universities  must  of  necessity  be  strongholds  of  Party,  is 
arbitrary  and  paradoxical;  for  the  Universities  of  Germany 
are  not.  If  it  were  true,  it  would  be  a  miserable  necessity, 
debasing  their  nature  and  pretensions ;  and  the  opinion  itself 
is  of  pernicious  tendency.  Even  during  the  explosion  of 
Civil  War,  a  University  cannot  assume  such  a  place  without 
certain  and  irredeemable  mischief;  nor  can  any  one  secure 
that  it  will  not  be  pillaged  or  dismantled,  jure  beUi^  if  it 
lower  its  sacred  character  into  that  of  a  belligerent.  He 
who  justifies  it  in  such  a  proceeding,  ought  to  be  the  last 
man  to  complain  of  the  \nolence  of  its  political  adversaries; 
and  has  no  pretext  for  disapproving  of  stringent  State- 
measures,  carried  in  self-defence  by  the  opposite  lotion, 
during  a  moment  of  accidental  ascendancy.  Moreover,  just 
in  proportion  as  they  put  on  the  Partizan,  they  lose  the 
higher  station  of  Umpire  and  Judge ;  and  forfeit  all  possi- 
bility of  becoming  grand  centres  of  Historical  and  Political 
Philosophy,  to  whose  wisdom  all  parties  would  gladly  listen. 


\ 


editor's  preface.  xi 


The  political  importance  of  our  Universities  appears  to 
me  in  a  widely  different  light  from  that  which  Professor 
Huber  describes  and  seems  to  defend.  In  the  progress  of 
society,  the  rule  of  the  sword  and  of  blind  veneration  gives 
way  to  that  of  intelligence ;  for  which  reason  the  Monarchal 
and  the  Ecclesiastical  powers  become  less  and  less  able  to 
unite,  by  virtue  of  mere  external  pretensions,  the  parts  of  a 
great  nation.  As  yet,  happily,  the  Crown  stands  quite  above 
the  conflicts  of  party :  and  it  is  difficult  to  limit  the  recon- 
ciling influence  which  might  be  exerted  by  a  Sovereign  of 
mature  and  unblemished  wisdom.  But  such  personal  quali- 
fications cannot  be  secured  by  any  institutions ;  and  I  need  not 
here  prove,  that  no  permanent  union  for  England  can  be  ex- 
pected from  this  quarter.  As  for  the  organs  of  the  National 
Church,  they  have  unhappily  long  and  long  since  thrown 
themselves  into  the  scale  of  party,  with  a  unanimity  surpass- 
ing that  of  the  Universities.  The  mass  of  the  nation  is  learn- 
ing, by  a  succession  of  experiments,  to  hope  much  &om  the 
fears,  and  little  from  the  justice  or  wisdom  of  those  in  power : 
and  there  is  no  umpire  left  between  rich  and  poor,  "  to  lay 
his  hand  upon  us  both.'*'*  If  it  is  too  early  for  thoughtful  men 
to  ask,  what  is  to  save  our  children  from  Civil  War,  it  at 
least  is  not  too  early  to  inquire,  whither  we  are  to  look  for 
that  profound,  tranquil,  unbiassed  Political  Wisdom,  which 
becomes  the  more  essential  for  our  welfare,  the  more  our 
population  increases  in  density,  our  social  relations  in  com- 
plexity, and  our  whole  civil  state  in  advancement.  Sv>ch 
wisdom  must  rest  upon  a  broad  surface  of  History,  and  be 
deeply  grounded  on  a  knowledge  of  the  moral,  social,  and 
spiritual  nature  of  Man.  It  can  be  no  fruit  of  the  genius  of 
an  individual,  but  the  net  result  of  the  experience  of  ages 
and  of  the  activity  of  ten  thousand  intellects :  and,  as  such, 
it  would  difiuse  itself  not  as  a  set  of  propositions  based  on 
the  authority  of  a  few  eminent  Professors,  but  as  a  spirit 


xii  editor's  preface. 


breathing  through  the  whole  minds  of  those  who  have  access 
to  its  abode.  Now  this  is  the  political  side  of  the  ideal, 
which  I  form  of  the  Universities ;  this  is,  I  think,  the  po- 
litical part  which  the  Nation  needs  them  to  play.  Such  a 
Function  is  essential  for  the  permanent  welfare  of  the  Body 
corporate;  and  it  seems  impossible  to  point  out  any  other 
national  Organ,  by  which  the  function  could  be  executed. 
At  present,  unhappily,  the  greatest  questions  of  Politics  are 
decided  among  us  by  voting,  not  by  knowledge.  Measures 
intended  for  popular  benefit  can  hardly  be  carried  without 
the  help  of  popular  fanaticism ;  and  leave  behind  them  un- 
reasonable expectations,  certain  to  issue  in  disappointment 
and  in  a  craving  for  greater  changes.  Resistance  is  at- 
tempted, less  by  diffusing  knowledge,  than  by  stifling  dis- 
cussion. So  highly  organized  a  frame  as  this  nation,  pos- 
sesses an  intense  sensibility,  exposing  it  to  torture  even  from 
the  lesser  ignorances  of  its  rulers :  nevertheless,  from  the  in- 
terminable debates  and  hopeless  conflict  of  opinion  on  points 
of  the  most  immediate  practical  importance,  it  might  seem 
that  at  least  one  half  or  other  of  our  legislators  are  mentally 
incompetent  for  their  critical  duties.  If  it  be  replied,  that 
the  ignorance  and  party-spirit  of  constituencies  is  to  blame 
for  this,  we  are  only  thrown  back  on  the  inference  that  we 
are  suffering  from  the  effects  of  past  neglect.  This,  however, 
is  not  the  place  to  develope  that  argument :  it  will  be  enough, 
if  I  have  made  plain  what  is  my  own  sentiment. 

Again  :  although  I  am  far  from  contented  with  the 
Author's  representations  of  University  Reformers  and  of 
their  arguments  concerning  Subscriptions  to  Creeds;  it  is 
not  to  be  inferred  that  I  advocate  an  immediate  compulsory 
Act,  for  admitting  into  our  Universities  and  Colleges  per- 
sons of  all  religious  sentiments  soever;  much  less  for  put- 
ting all  on  a  perfect  equality.  Speaking  abstractedly,  I 
acquiesce  in  the   argument  that  every  body  ought  to  be 


editor's  preface.  xiii 

admitted  both  to  the  Studies  and  to  the  Degrees  of  a  National 
University.  But  even  as  to  these  —  however  hard  the  ex- 
clusion may  be  on  individuals  —  I  am  not  able  to  desire  an 
inunediate  change,  against  the  will  of  those  who  at  present 
hold  Academical  authority.  Having  absolutely  no  power, 
vote,  or  influence  in  the  matter,  it  can  hardly  be  necessary 
for  me  here  to  open  at  full  my  reasons  for  this  feeling :  yet, 
unless  I  add  a  few  words,  I  may  expose  myself  to  the  charge 
of  arbitrary  evasion. 

The  most  plausible  form  in  which  it  has  been  proposed  to 
admit  Dissenters  to  the  Studies  and  Degrees,  is,  by  allowing 
the  foundation  of  new  Colleges,  with  any  internal  religious 
arrangements  which  the  founders  may  choose.  If  this  were 
done  in  the  midst  of  party-hostility,  the  result  might  be,  to 
build  up  within  the  Universities  themselves  sectarian  barri- 
ers of  the  most  rigid  kind,  and  England  might  lose  what 
may  seem  her  last  chance  of  attaining  a  comprehensive 
religious  union.  Such  unions  cannot  be  manufactured  by 
legislation,  though  they  can  be  destroyed.  Speaking  socially, 
our  religious  disease  is  this ;  that  the  persecuting  measures 
which  followed  the  Restoration  have  split  up  the  nation  into 
heterogeneous  masses,  which  do  not  acknowledge  religion  to 
be  a  social  bond  at  all.  Now,  though  it  is  a  profanation 
alike  hateful  and  unprofitable,  to  seek  after  religious  faith  as 
a  means  of  national  welfare,  it  is  certain  that  no  national 
bond  is  so  valuable,  and  no  engine  of  moral  cultivation  so 
eflicacious,  as  those  of  religion,  when  it  is  an  unforced  genu- 
ine sentiment.  If  the  Universities  themselves  should  gra- 
dually learn,  that  the  value  of  faith  is  not  to  be  measured  by 
the  number  of  articles  in  a  creed,  but  by  the  intenmty  with 
which  the  grand  ideas  of  God  and  duty  and  holiness  are 
realized ;  and  that  the  scanty  belief  of  an  Abraham  or  a 
Job  may  be  worth  more  than  the  full  confession  of  a  Bull  or 
a  Hooker ;  in  that  case  a  gradual  enlargement  of  their  system 


xiv  editor's  preface. 


would  follow,  without  any  of  the  risks  attending  a  violent 
change,  or  the  enmity  and  bitterness  which  the  struggle  would 
leave  behind  it.  —  At  the  same  time,  it  is  more  than  possible, 
that  none  but  Roman  Catholics  would  prove  disposed  to  found 
new  Colleges  at  our  Universities.  If  even  the  existing  Col- 
leges were  opened  to  Dissenters,  so  very  few  would,  as  I 
think,  take  advantage  of  it,  that  I  do  not  know  how  to  re- 
gard it  as  of  inuuediate  national  importance,  and  worth  the 
risks  of  the  conflict. 

It  is  however  a  perfectly  different  question,  whether  or  not 
the  subscription  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  should  be  re- 
tained, as  well  as  the  other  declarations,  required  from  the 
holders  of  all  places  of  Academical  emolument  or  privilege 
by  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  Our  Author,  like  so  many 
others,  confounds  these  two  things;  and  seems  unable  to 
believe  that  any  one  can  desire  to  repeal  these  subscriptions, 
except  with  a  view  to  eject  political  or  religious  opponents, 
or  to  thrust  a  new  party  into  power.  For  myself,  I  must 
protest,  that  if  I  possessed  despotic  authority  in  this  matter, 
I  would  neither  put-out  nor  put-in  any  individual,  nor  put-in 
any  party,  religious  or  political :  and  I  entreat  that  no  reader 
will  imagine  that  I  want  to  enact  measures  for  making  the 
Universities  a  transcript  of  my  own  mind.  But  I  cannot 
have  the  slightest  sympathy  with  an  argument,  which  really 
(however  unconsciously)  postpones  the  interests  of  truth  to 
those  of  power :  which  acknowledges  that  the  subscriptions 
are  not  believed,  in  any  vital  or  practical  sense;  which 
attacks  the  Universities  as  not  diffusing  an  evangelical  savor 
through  their  instructions ;  which  predicts  that  the  subscrip- 
tion to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  could  not  be  repealed  with- 
out producing  the  widest  spread  of  avowed  unbelief  in  them 
among  those  who  are  at  present  bound  by  them ; —  and 
therefore  vehemently  opposes  the  repeal.  If  the  facts  are  true, 
I  cannot  conceive  a  stronger  proof  that  an  immediate  repeal 


editor's   preface.  XV 

is  absolutely  necessary :  for  at  present  a  mere  hollow  hypo- 
crisy is  fostered  (according  to  this  admission)  in  the  heart 
of  those  institutions  to  which  we  ought  to  look  for  Truth, 
smd  the  Love  of  Truth.  What  consolation  is  it  to  inform 
us  that  an  external  ceremony  of  subscription  is  still  retained,* 
if  the  entire  system  of  profession  is  a  standing  lie  i  Those 
who  think  they  can  refute  the  assertion,  that  the  current 
doctrine  diffused  by  the  Universities  among  their  lay-mem- 
bers has  no  \'ital  affinity  with  the  Thirty- nine  Articles, 
—  may  reply  to  our  Author  on  this  ground.  I  am  satis- 
fied with  urging,  that  the  more  cogently  he  can  demon- 
strate the  fearful  results  of  abolishing  the  subscription,  so 
much  the  more  fearful  does  he  prove  the  maintenance  of  it 
to  be. 

To  impute  and  to  disclaim  personal  motives  in  this  contro- 
versy, appear  to  me  equally  gratuitous.  The  unscrupulous 
imputation  is  by  far  too  common ;  and,  even  when  wholly 
ungrounded,  has  a  strange  weight  with  the  thoughtless. 
The  disclaimer  might  seem  to  imply,  that  a  man  has  gained 
peculiar  value  for  his  opinion,  by  avoiding  or  overcoming 
one  vulgar  temptation,  which  in  some  minds  has  no  great 
strength.  I,  however,  protest  by  anticipation,  against  setting 
down  my  judgment  in  this  matter  as  selfish  or  warped,  be- 
cause I  once  felt  the  corrupting  tendency  within  my  own 
heart  exerted  by  the  subscription,  —  from  the  time,  indeed, 
that  I  began  to  doubt  one  article  of  very  secondary  im- 
portance. It  will  be  strange  indeed  to  make  less  of  a  person'^s 
disapproval  of  a  system,  because  he  has  had  the  best  possible 
opportunity  of  ascertaining  that  its  immoral  tendencies  are 
real,  and  no  mere  pretence.  The  Test,  as  applied  to  the 
laity,  has  little  or  no  selecting  power.     The  same,  or  very 

*    See  Vol  ii.  316,  where  our  to  him :  hut  I  cannot  understand 

Author    has    virtually   the    same  how   to    reconcile    his    conflicting 

sentiment.      If  I  did  not  refer  to  declarations. 
this,  he  might  think  I  was  unjust 


xvi  editor's  preface. 

nearly  the  same  individualB,  will  enter  the  Universitiew, 
whether  the  subscription  is  exacted  or  not.  Few  parents, 
who  are  professedly  of  the  Established  Church,  enter  into  the 
question  at  all ;  it  is  looked  upon  as  the  duty  of  a  young 
man  to  subscribe,  as  it  is  laid  down  to  be  his  duty  to  be- 
lieve. Upon  those  who  are  somewhat  prematurely  thought- 
ful and  conscientious,  the  infliction  is  the  worst,  and  the 
mischief  greatest :  for  it  is  certain  that  active  minds  can- 
not, and  do  not,  adjust  themselves  to  the  creed.  Ingenuity 
is  called  out  to  distort  its  meaning,  so  as  to  meet  their  own 
views  —  at  least  half  way ;  and  a  pettifogging  casuistry  is 
generated.  Would  that  those  who,  now  and  then,  cry  out 
against  this  result  with  indignation,  would  open  their  eyes 
to  see  the  cause  of  it.  To  whatever  extent  the  evil  spreads 
among  the  laity,  whether  it  be  rated  more  or  less  highly,  it 
is  entirely  gratuitous.  Since  no  one  dreams  of  exacting  the 
subscription  as  a  prerequisite  for  receiving  the  Lord*s  Sup- 
per,—  but  indeed  the  attempt  to  exact  it  would  be  resented 
as  intolerable, — there  is  not  a  pretence  left  for  making  it  a 
condition  of  the  University  Degrees.  As  regards  the  inward 
belief  of  nien"*s  hearts,  I  think  we  have  a  right  to  assume  that 
no  difference  would  be  made  by  an  entire  repeal  of  the  Aca- 
demical Tests,  for  Fellowships  as  well  as  Degrees,  as  long  as 
the  clerical  onler  retains  its  predominance  in  the  Universities. 
To  moot  the  larger  and  far  more  difficult  question, — the  effect 
of  removing  or  altering  the  clerical  subscriptions,  —  has  no 
proper  concern  with  these  jiages.  Only  let  it  be  obsen^ed, 
that  it  is  practically  easy  to  admit  the  laity  of  the  Church 
of  England  without  any  test  at  all,  and  yet  to  exclude  Dis- 
senters. It  is  not  needftd  to  substitute  a  new  declaration, 
that  one  is  "  bom  fide  member  of  the  Church  of  England  :*" 
it  suffices,  to  declare  that  none  others  are  admitted,  and  to 
treat  all  members  of  the  Universitv  as  members  of  the 
Church.      Those  who  have  no  scruples  of  conscience  against 


editoe's  preface.  xvii 


submitting  to  its  ordinances,  are,  in  the  only  practical  sense 
of  the  words,  bona  fide  members. 

On  the  general  question  of  Test- Articles,  our  Author^s 
sentiment  is  this:  that  Freedom  is  absolutely  essential  to 
intellectual  or  religious  prosperity,  but  that  in  every  religi- 
ous conmiunity,  freedom  must  have  its  limits ;  t^nlimited 
freedom  being  in  such  a  connexion  a  mere  chimsera.  In 
this  opinion  I  entirely  acquiesce;  or  at  least,  it  is  certain 
that  England  is  not  ripe  for  religious  organization  on  any 
other  principle.  It  remains  to  inquire,  how  and  by  whom 
the  limits  of  freedom  are  to  be  fixed :  and  on  this  question  I 
cannot  ascertain  what  is  the  Author'^s  judgment.  He  would 
assuredly  resent  it  with  indignation,  if  I  said  that  he  thought 
his  own  mind  was  to  be  the  measure  of  just  freedom :  yet 
he  will  not  allow  that  either  the  Church  or  the  Universities 
have  a  right  to  deviate  from  that  which  he,  (perhaps  with 
perfect  truth,)  regards  as  orthodoxy.  Nor  yet  will  he  allow 
that  the  State  has  a  right  to  fix  the  limits  of  freedom  ;  very 
for  otherwise:  on  this  point  indeed  he  is  peculiarly  dog- 
matic. He  might  seem  sometimes  to  look  on  the  Act  of 
Uniformity  as  a  final  settlement  of  truth,  which  later  gene- 
rations —  in  Church  or  State  —  have  no  right  to  reconsider : 
and  that  the  Universities,  by  being  kept  under  it  for  180 
years,  have  earned  a  right  to  be  compelled  to  think  as  it 
orders  them.  Nevertheless,  he  is  desirous  that  the  Univer- 
sities themselves  should  relax  the  too  cramping  tightness  of 
the  present  subscriptions ;  which  he  believes  to  be  injurious 
to  the  cultivation  of  sound  theological  knowledge. 

It  is  astonishing  to  me,  that  in  all  this  he  does  not  see 
that  he  is  blinking  the  critical  question,  Who  is  it  that  has 
a  right  to  judge  what  ought  to  be  the  creed  of  a  University  ? 
In  matter  of  fact,  we  all  know  that  the  civil  power  has 
made  the  existing  system:  and  it  is  preposterous  to  say, 
that  an  arrangement  of  this  sort,  once  made,  is  binding  for 

b 


xviii  editor's  preface. 

ever.  Tliat  a  creed  has  once  passecl  into  a  law,  is  no  reason 
why  it  may  not  —  especially  without  harm  to  existing  indi- 
vidual interests, —  at  a  later  time  be  reconsidered.  More 
especially  does  this  apply  to  the  case  before  us :  for  the  Act 
of  Unifonnity  now  stands  alone,  out  of  a  series  of  persecu- 
ting acts  which  have  one  by  one  since  been  repealed.  It 
was  passed  moreover  by  perfidiously  taking  advantage  of  a 
parliament  drunk  with  loyalty,  at  a  time  of  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  parties,  and  when  amnesty  had  been  promised.  Of 
all  Acts  on  the  Statute  Book  there  is  none  that  seems  to 
have  less  claim  to  be  counted  eternally  sacred.  I  fear  that 
the  Author  may  attribute  it  to  a  wilful  stupidity  on  my 
part ;  but  I  am  perplexed  beyond  measure  to  guess  what  he 
can  mean  by  saying,  that  an  English  parliament  cannot 
without  immorality  repeal  its  own  act:  what  mean  such 
terms  as  "  spoliation'*''  in  such  a  case :  and  why,  if  the  Uni- 
versities (should  they  be  disposed)  may  extend  the  freedom 
of  their  own  theologians,  the  Parliament  may  not. 

As  the  Universities  have  no  legal  power  in  this  matter,  I 
interpret  him  to  mean,  that  the  legislature  should  of  course 
accede  to  whatever  alterations  they  request ;  within  certain 
restrictions  however,  indefinitely  expressed  by  him.  He  de- 
clares (vol.  ii.  p.  410)  that  Evangelical  Doctrine  is  to  be 
preserved  at  any  price ;  and  this,  in  the  very  front  of  the 
section  in  which  he  advocates  giving  more  freedom  to  Theo- 
logians. It  seems  therefore  that  if  the  Universities  were  to 
adopt,  what  he  terms,  "  a  vague  Deism''  or  a  "  Romanizing^'* 
theology,  the  State  is  bound  to  resist  their  desires  of  change : 
—  as  though  some  exterior  earthly  Judge  of  Truth,  superior 
both  to  the  Universities  and  to  the  Nation,  had  fixed  for 
their  creed  certain  limits,  which  without  breach  of  common 
honesty  and  flagitious  spoliation  cannot  be  passed.  It  is 
however  (with  deference  I  must  say)  quite  unhistorical,  and 
a  gratuitous  fiction,  to  pretend  that  the  Nation  has  ever 


editor's  preface.  xix 

parted  with  one  portion  of  its  power  over  the  Universities. 
To  reform,  to  transform,  or  even  to  annihilate  them,  indispu- 
tably lies  within  the  constitutional  authority  of  the  supreme 
legislature :  and  if  a  new  interference  of  the  State  would  be 
in  itself  iniquitous^  then  the  old  one  was  equally  iniquitous, 
and  has  never  ceased  to  be  so ;  and  the  existing  system  itself 
is  a  "  crying  iniquity'*'*  and  a  "  robbery,'*'* —  to  bandy  back 
some  of  the  Author'*s  phrases.  If  he  alledged  that  the 
present  Test  is  perfect  for  its  purpose,  and  is  believed  by 
those  who  sign  it,  and  simply  argued  that  there  is  no  call 
for  a  change ;  I  might  be  indisposed  to  offer  a  remark  upon 
it.  But  to  claim  the  Universities  as  private  corporations, 
conftises  people'*s  apprehensions;  especially  when  it  comes 
from  a  learned  historian,  who  in  his  Preface  claims  to  be 
heard  in  the  questions  of  the  day  on  the  ground  of  his 
historical  researches :  a  claim,  preferred  most  modestly  by 
him,  but  certain  to  be  pushed  to  the  very  utmost  by 
others. 

The  moment  the  statement  is  made,  that  "  Freedom 
within  Limits'"*  is  the  wholesome  and  rightful  condition 
of  a  reh^ous  corporation,  it  becomes  obvious  that  the 
limits  must  be  fixed,  not  by  any  absolute  standard  of 
truth,  (for  this  is  the  very  point  about  which  opposite 
parties  are  at  variance,)  but  with  a  reference  to  the  existing 
state  of  the  nation :  and  therefore  although,  speaking  ab- 
stractedly. Religious  Truth,  (as  all  other  Truth,)  is  un- 
changeable, yet  the  just  limits  of  freedom,  about  which  we 
speak,  must  vary  from  age  to  age.  Now  it  is  by  no  means 
true,  that  a  clerical  order  is  peculiarly  competent  to  decide 
what  enlargement  from  time  to  time  is  required :  nor  even 
that  high  religious  feeling  fits  a  person  for  judging  on  such  a 
topic  better  than  lukewarm  latitudinarianism.  It  is  not  a 
question  of  truth,  but,  in  very  great  measure,  of  statistics : 
and  he   who  can    discriminate    religious    earnestness  and 


XX  editor's  preface. 

devout  conBcientiousness  in  others,  however  little  he  may 
himself  have,  possesses  faculties  adequate  to  the  investigation. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  union  of  strong  religious  feeling  with 
a  calm  unbiassed  appreciation  of  those  who  have  opposite 
reUgious  opinions,  is  an  attainment  arduous  to  an  individual, 
and  never  to  be  expected  in  a  mass  of  men.  Religious  bodies 
are  peculiarly  unfit  for  the  task  of  enlarging  the  creed  to 
which  they  have  been  habituated.  In  consequence,  it  has 
often  been  observed,  that  democratic  churches  retain  their 
primitive  creed,  be  it  what  it  may,  with  a  tenacity  not  to 
be  found  among  those  of  more  aristocratic  constitution :  and 
the  larger  the  body  that  is  really  active  in  judging,  the 
greater  the  bigotry  which  cceterU  paribus  is  to  be  expected. 

But  the  hopelessness  of  expecting  a  vast  corporation 
deliberately  to  enlarge  its  own  creed,  while  it  continues  to 
believe  it,  is  exaggerated  intensely  if  it  be  bound  down  already 
to  definite  written  articles.  For  no  individual  of  eminence 
can  come  forward  to  propose  the  change,  without  incurring 
odious  imputations  of  being  a  secret  enemy  to  the  creed  which 
he  is  actually  professing ;  and  wliile  violent  partizans  who 
oppose  him  will  easily  carry  oft'  credit  for  orthodoxy  and  zeal, 
he  himself  is  certain  to  lose  his  influence  within,  by  his  too 
great  sympathy  with  those  without.  In  such  a  contest,  the 
narrowminded  formalist  and  the  cunning  preferment-hunter, 
are  more  than  a  match  for  simple,  noble  and  far-seeing 
minds ;  nor  vdll  any  measure  of  real  importance  be  carried, 
except  after  the  whole  body  has  been  demoralized  in  the 
matter  of  veracity :  which  must  be  the  ultimate  consequence 
of  obstinately  retaining  any  fixed  creed  for  ages  together.  In 
short,  let  us  put  a  fictitious,  yet  not  an  improbable  contin- 
gency. Suppose  that  James  II.  had  succeeded  in  gaining 
the  Universities  and  their  endowments  for  Romanists,  and 
in  enforcing  the  Oreed  of  Pope  Pius:  is  it  conceivable 
that  a  University  so  packed,  or  their  successors  200  years 


editor's  preface.  xxi 

afterwards,  would  ever  petition  the  legislature  to  allow 
them  to  admit  Protestants !  and  yet  no  Protestant  will  say, 
that  unless  such  a  petition  should  be  made,  it  would  be 
immoral  for  the  State  in  the  present  day  to  rescind  the  acts 
of  the  reign  of  James  II.  For  these  reasons,  I  think  it  is 
as  Aitile  to  look  to  the  Universities  themselves  for  change  in 
this  direction,  as  it  is  culpable  to  use  inflammatory  language 
against  the  moral  right  of  the  State  to  make  such  changes. 

Whatever  be  right  or  wrong  in  this  matter,  the  Limits 
within  which  Freedom  shall  be  allowed,  in  a  country 
like  England,  trill  and  mtist  in  the  long  run  be  settled  by 
the  struggle  of  parties  in  the  State :  but  how  numerous  are 
the  evils  of  a  convulsive  action  of  the  Supreme  Power  on  the 
Universities,  these  volumes  sufficiently  set  forth.  It  makes 
them  a  battle-field  of  Party,  and  unfits  them  for  being 
organs  of  Truth :  it  gives  them  value  chiefly  as  engines  of 
Power  or  as  storehouses  of  Pelf.  If  the  practical  result,  as 
to  admission  into  the  Universities,  were  clearly  recognized 
to  be  righteous,  as  well  as  inevitable ;  methods  would  be 
devised  for  their  self-adjustment  in  this,  as  in  other  matters. 
Those  who  do  not  recognize  it,  will  blindly  and  perhaps 
heroically  struggle  against  a  law  of  nature  and  of  God ;  in 
well-meant  zeal  for  truth,  demanding  that  their  views  of 
truth  shall  be  a  standard  for  the  nation.  If  however  the 
Universities  desire  to  be  living  organs  of  the  national  frame, 
they  must  be  willing  to  partake  of  the  national  life,  spiritu- 
ally as  well  as  intellectually ;  which  will  not  only  involve 
no  violation  of  conscience  to  any  individuals,  but  (judging 
by  well-established  precedents)  no  violation  to  existing  pecu- 
niary interests. 

There  is  another  decidedly  more  difficult  matter,  on  which 
it  appears  to  me  both  that  change  is  needed,  and  that  it  can 
come  only  from  the  State ; —  and  if  so,  it  ought  to  be  intro- 
duced, even  without  the  will  of  the  Universities  : —  I  allude 


to  xiich  iiiixliliratiunH  as  the-  nvhIciii  iiuc<Ih,  in  conuequencc  of 

tliu  ("ulk-jrcs  liaving  bccoino  jKUHCswd  of  all  Unircnity  au- 

thoritv.    Tlicrc  arc  some  who  will  have  it,  that  the  Univpr- 

Mitii-8  mr  not  national  institiittuiiH,  because  the  Colleger  Ktr' 

not :  others  arc  then  jii-ovokod  to  dciiiancl,  that  the  Univcr-i 

ties  Rliall  he  si-t  up  ii^niin  in  their  natural  and  primitive  iml- 

jientleni-e.  of  n'hii'h  those  ])rivate  Coriwrations  called  "  <  '■ 

le;;eH"  have  Btript  them.    To  eject  the  Heads  <rf  Houtiex  fr 

their  phii-e  as  a  Univenity  Orj^n,  to  abolidi  the  law  ' 

every  member  of  the  University  shall  become  a  im  ■ 

of  Honic  CoIlejH?.  to  authorize  every  Master  of  Arts  ■ 

old)  to  jrive   l*id)lie   Lectures  in   Arts,  and  every 

;:mduntc  to  select  his  o\\'n  teacher: — this  8chein<-. 

ontly  carried  (uit,  would  be  invidious  in  the  extreiii- 

tivc  of  immcuNC  confusion,  with  the  greatest  uiii-< 

lK>rictit ;  and  would,  I  believe,  turn  out  so  entir. 

faihirc.  as  to  be  abandoned  half  w»y.     Yet  nol'  "" 

thirl  would  Ite  a  liberation  of  the  Univflnity  fni) 

yoke.    If  however  certain  pri>'ate  corporatioRf' ' 

themselves  with  a  national  institution,  they  ari 

fore  |icnnitted  to  appropriate  it  as  a  aoftdl 

do  not  drag  it  down  to  their  Icr^  i 

iHfome  elevated  into  a  part  of  tj 

n)i)X'arB  to  me  to  he  a  clear  i 

any  of  the  Collope  StatuI 

the   roiversity  :   that  I 

ditliciilt  to  prove. 

Kouuder'sWilla.^ 

tiHP  eyes.  whi(d 

litr  I'rutcstaiit.^ 

is  not  IniKMrril 

learn    that  j 

csM'utial  fiwj 

that  he  c 


i>tect  myself 
wuuld  to  nic 


a  subject,  on 
ilbout,  may  Imj 
-  dearly  left  tor 
nay  be  generally 
*"    i;st  men  are  put 
"^   iico  of  the  BtiidicB 
lias  a  moral  right 
.'.■nt  dull  be  unfet- 
-■e ;  the  enactments  of 
K^ons.    An  artificial 
iiihmenta :  and  however 
::  the  eystem  <tf  studies, 
iniled.     To  me,  I  coii- 
t'.  that  a  man  should  be 
liis  own  opinions  /or 
lul  it  is  abrancbdfthe 
'  itiUowed  by  those  who 
>ii  of  this  whole  subject 
;<i-ovement  exists,  not  in 
-  Ts  where  it  is  seldom 
r4iut  (he  slightest  causu  to 
grmi.  University,  under 
■V-  it  ought  to  be,  Con- 
i^'D  is  too  serious  to  be 
"  shouldere  it  rcats. 
.tlways  adr:|uatc  to 
'  very  time  we  have 
111',  rather  than  the 

..-■  Stat«  to  Bccuro,  that 
il>le,  and  which  <'an  nowhere 


xxiv  editor's  preface 

I  called  this  a  more  difficult  question  than  the  other, 
because,  although  the  evil  is  plain,  the  modes  of  remedy- 
ing it  are  various;  and  it  may  be  found  hard  to  gain 
agreement  of  opinion  as  to  the  best  mode.  I  am  very 
far  indeed  from  having  any  fixed  judgment  myself  on 
this  head,  and  whatever  notions  I  may  have,  would  in 
all  probability  be  greatly  modified  by  listening  to  im- 
partial discussions  and  by  learning  the  sentiments  of 
others.  In  bringing  forward  any  suggestions,  I  wish 
solely  to  iUiiutrate  what  has  already  been  said.  The  Con- 
vocation then  might  be  ordered  to  deliberate  in  English^ 
and  to  give  admission  to  strangers  :  and  individual 
Members  of  the  Convocation  might  be  authorized  to 
originate  measures  without  the  Board  of  the  Heads. 
Certain  general  regulations  might  without  difficulty  be 
enforced  by  the  direct  legislation  of  Parliament.  The 
Professors  of  the  University  and  the  College  Tutors 
might  be  constituted  into  a  Board  for  regulating  all 
literary  elections;  and  under  their  direction,  vacancies 
in  Fellowships  might  be  filled  up  by  Examiners  taken 
firom  another  College  :  (this  is  a  point  on  which  I 
am  disposed  to  lay  particular  stress  : )  and  in  place  of 
the  unmeaning  and  hurtftil  law  of  celibacy,  a  fixed 
period  might  be  enacted,  at  which  the  Fellowship 
should  be  vacated,  unless  held  in  conjunction  w4th 
Bcme  important  College  Office  or  a  University  Profes- 
sorship. Vexatious  restrictions  concerning  what  arc 
technically  called  "'wealth''*  and  "poverty"  should  cer- 
tainly be  done  away  ;  many  of  which  act  as  the 
Founder  never  intended:  indeed  I  would  not  hesitate 
to  justify  and  recommend  abolishing  all  such  restric- 
tions. I  have  ventured  to  specify  these  points,  partly  to 
diow  that  many  changes  of  great  magnitude  in  the  result 
mi^  be  carried  by  external  power,  without  the  slightest 


editor's   preface.  XXV 


ikock  or  disorder  to  the  sygtem ;  partly  also  to  protect  myself 
from  the  imputation  of  desiring  Reforms,  which  would  to  me 
appear  questionable  Revolutions. 

The  studies  of  the  Universities  constitute  a  subject,  on 
which  much  jealousy  of  interference  from  without,  may  be 
justified :  yet  even  in  this,  I  think  a  sphere  is  clearly  left  for 
the  action  of  the  national  legislature.  It  may  be  generally 
well  satisfied  (after  securing  that  the  ablest  men  are  put 
into  authority)  to  leave  the  superintendence  of  the  studies 
to  the  Universities  themselves:  but  it  has  a  moral  right 
to  demand  at  least  that  their  judgment  shall  be  unfet- 
tered. At  present,  this  is  not  the  case :  the  enactments  of 
founders  have  prejudged  too  many  questions.  An  artificial 
monopoly  is  given  to  a  few  accomplishments :  and  however 
great  might  be  the  desire  of  modifying  the  system  of  studies, 
the  power  of  doing  so  is  often  very  limited.  To  me,  I  con- 
fess, it  seems  a  wrong  thing  altogether,  that  a  man  should  be 
permitted,  by  bequest,  to  propagate  his  own  opinions  for 
cm  indefinite  time  after  his  death;  and  it' is  a  branch  &f  the 
same,  to  dictate  what  studies  shall  be  followed  by  those  who 
enjoy  his  money.  A  full  investigation  of  this  whole  subject 
might  show,  that  great  room  for  improvement  exists,  not  in 
the  Universities  only,  but  in  corners  where  it  is  seldom 
thought  of.  In  this  matter  there  is  not  the  slightest  cause  to 
dread  the  spirit  of  innovation.  A  great  University,  under 
the  rule  of  a  Few,  necessarily  is,  as  it  ought  to  be.  Con- 
servative. The  responsibility  of  change  is  too  serious  to  be 
trifled  with,  when  all  know  on  whose  shoulders  it  rests. 
The  Public  Schools  moreover  are  a  clog,  always  adequate  to 
restrain  too  rapid  movement :  and  at  every  time  we  have 
to  dread  the  inactivity  which  apes  prudence,  rather  than  the 
rashness  which  loves  experiment. 

But  peculiarly  is  it  the  duty  of  the  State  to  secure,  that 
studies  which  are  confessedly  valuable,  and  which  can  nowhere 


i 


xxvi  editor's  preface. 


be  so  well  pursued  as  at  Universities,  should  be  really  and 
efficiently  taught  there :  and  that  accidental  or  capricious 
limitations  should  not  be  made.  No  one  can  pretend  that 
Oxford  and  Cambridge  are  unexposed  to  the  charge  of  having 
caused  or  permitted  such  limitations.  And  here  I  will  not 
speak  of  the  Physical  or  Physiological  Sciences,  such  as 
Chemistry,  Botany,  Geology,  Anatomy,  &c.,  besides  Mathe- 
matics,—  the  taste  for  all  which  in  the  University  of  Oxford 
has  in  very  recent  years  actually  declined :  that  involves 
topics  too  nimierous  to  be  here  touched.  But  confining  our 
view  to  the  circle  of  studies  which  constituted  the  original 
basis  of  the  Universities,  it  is  extraordinary  to  see  the  neglect 
and  decay  into  which  the  majority  of  them  have  fallen.  If 
any  one  were  asked,  for  instance,  what  studies  the  University 
of  Oxford  regarded  as  primitively  and  eminently  its  own,  the 
reply  would  be : — Theology,  Mental  and  Moral  Philosophy, 
Roman  Law,  Ancient  Languages  and  History.  Now  I 
appeal  to  any  Oxonian,  whether, —  w4th  the  exception  of 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages,  and  a  fair  proportion  of  the 
corresponding  history, —  there  is  any  one  of  these  subjects, 
for  which  Oxford  is  even  a  third-rate  school. 

This  is  no  imputation  on  individual  Oxonians :  assuredly 
not  a  few  of  them  lament  over  the  fact,  but  they  are  helpless, 
and  cannot  alter  it.  It  remains,  that  the  fault  is  in  the  sys- 
tem. The  misfortune  is,  that  long  habit  prevents  those  who 
are  within,  from  seeing  how  great  is  the  fault :  and  when 
they  hear  it  complained  of,  they  impute  the  scorn  or  indig- 
nation of  the  complainant  to  his  own  evil  temper  and  folly, 
being  unable  to  conceive  that  their  institutions  can  deser\'e 
such  censures.  And  yet,  neglect  so  inveterate, — comparable 
only  to  that  of  the  Universities  of  Spain, —  surely  implies  a 
most  inveterate  malady :  and  though  the  public  may  judge 
wrongly  concerning  the  best  remedy,  it  is  probably  more 
competent  to  estimate  the  evil  and  the  guilt,  than  are  our 


editor's  preface.  xxvii 


Universities  themselves.      Let  us  for  a  moment  dwell  on 
particolars. 

These  great  corporations  boast  of  their  religious  character ; 
they  treat  the  separation  of  other  branches  of  Science  from 
Religion  as  a  shocking  thing :  they  hold  Theology  to  be  a  sci- 
ence, and  have  no  sympathy  with  the  sentiment  that  the  un- 
learned and  the  learned  are  on  a  par  in  the  field  of  religion  : 
it  cannot  be  said  that  they  deprecate  the  union  of  Religion 
and  Learning,  for  they  would  assuredly  treat  this  sentiment 
as  fanatical :  they  have  continued  all  along  to  bestow  Degrees 
in  Theology,  and  have  shown  no  small  anxiety  to  withhold 
from  other  Universities  the  authority  to  grant  like  degrees  : 
nevertheless,  ttith  them^  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity 
notoriously  implies  no  theological  learning  whatever.  I  be- 
lieve that  for  nearly  200  years  this  anomaly  has  continued. 
When  I  had  personal  connexion  with  Oxford,  a  candidate 
for  this  de^ee  had  simply  to  read  aloud  an  old  composition, 
lent  him  by  the  clerk, —  it  mattered  not  what,  so  that  it 
lasted  an  hour;  and  this  was  his  sufficient  scientific  quali- 
fication. Faint  attempts  have  since  been  made  to  remove 
at  least  so  glaring  a  scandal :  but  there  neither  is,  nor 
is  pretended  to  be,  any  substantial  improvement.  The 
Author  of  these  volumes  lays  the  blame  on  the  party  of 
Archbishop  Laud,  who,  not  believing  the  Thirty-nine  Arti- 
cles, dreaded  the  influence  which  the  Puritans  would  gain, 
if  theology  were  allowed  to  be  cultivated  according  to  that 
standard ;  and  therefore  suppressed  the  theological  studies. 
Others  may  inquire  whether  this  explanation  is  historically 
correct:  but  be  that  as  it  ma>%  the  notorious  facts  are,  on 
every  supposition,  deeply  disgraceful. 

In  regard  to  the  subordinate  studies  of  Hebrew,  Biblical 
Criticism,  and  Ecclesiastical  History,  the  apathy  of  our 
Universities  has  been  just  the  same:  and  whatever  has 
recent Iv  been  done  in  this  wa>-,  has  come  from  individuals, 


xxviii  editor's  preface. 


with  at  most  the  bare  consent  of  the  University.  An 
energetic  Professor  of  Hebrew  may  endeavour  to  revive  (or 
rather  to  create)  the  study ;  but  the  Public  Schools  of  the 
University  take  no  more  cognizance  of  his  pupils^  attain- 
ments, than  if  he  were  a  Professor  of  Chemistry. Of 

Mental  and  Moral  Philosophy,  it  is  enough  to  say,  that 
those  who  desire  to  study  these  subjects,  look  every  where 
else,  rather  than  to  our  Universities :  and  that  even  if  it  be 
inquired,  what  Aristotle  and  Plato  held,  we  have  to  apply 
to  Grermany,  not  to  Oxford,  for  information.  How  large  an 
item  of  mischief  in  our  national  condition  is  ascribable  to 
the  feebleness  and  low  rank  of  Moral  Science  in  our  Uni- 
versities, cannot  here  be  discussed :  else  it  might  perhaps  be 
made  probable,  that  what  are  called  by  some  '^  the  material 
and  mechanical  tendencies  of  the  Age^  are  in  no  small 
measure  ascribable  to  this  neglect. 

As  to  Jurisprudence,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  prove  its 
extreme  importance,  or  that  its  proper  seat  is  at  the  Uni- 
versities. Our  Inns  of  Court  cannot  study  Law  6W  a  science^ 
nor  pursue  its  histor}^  through  many  nations ;  and  therefore 
they  could  in  no  case  systematically  inquire  how  its  rules, 
processes  and  organs  among  ourselves  may  be  improved. 
They  would  always  have  enough  to  do  in  teaching  what 
English  Law  is ;  and  could  scarcely  touch,  in  passing,  on 
what  it  ouffht  to  be.  But  the  Professorships  and  Degrees  for 
Civil  or  Roman  Law,  sufficiently  indicate  that  one  function 
of  our  Universities  is,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  Jurisprudence 
and  its  kindred  sciences,  historically  and  critically.  If  for 
the  last  three  centuries  our  Judges  and  Lawgivers  had 
passed  through  such  a  school,  would  English  Law  be  in  the 
state  in  which  it  now  is? 

Even  in  regard  to  Ancient  Languages  and  Ancient 
History,  our  great  establishments  sustain  a  singularly  hum- 
bling position.      With   exceptions   few   and   for  between. 


editor's  preface.  xxix 

we  have  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  the  Germans.  We  import 
and  reprint  German  editions  of  the  Classics :  we  translate 
their  books  of  illustration  and  their  histories:  we  have 
daily  to  borrow  both  learning  and  wisdom  from  institu- 
tions which  we  decry.  In  short,  in  the  smaller  establish- 
ments of  that  country  more  is  done  for  promoting  sound 
knowledge  in  those  very  branches  which  we  fondly  boast 
of  as  our  own,  than  in  all  England  together.  Surely  phe- 
nomena so  remarkable  are  not  to  be  dismissed  with  super- 
ficial moralizing  on  the  difference  of  the  two  nations.  The 
fiurts  indicate  a  very  vicious  and  rooted  system  among  our- 
selves; and  it  is  a  mere  delusion  to  imagine  that  the  evil 
can  be  overcome  without  organic  changes.  The  world  at 
least  moves  too  fast  on,  to  allow  time  enough  for  the  cure. 

The  recent  foundation  of  two  new  Professorships, —  in 
Pastoral  Theology  and  in  Ecclesiastical  History, —  shows 
that  Oxford  is  awakening  to  a  sense  that  Theology  has  been 
neglected :  and  there  are  analogous  phenomena  at  Cambridge. 
But  the  experience  of  the  past  sufficiently  proves,  that,  in 
and  by  itself,  the  foundation  of  Professorships  is  absolutely 
useless.  Able  men  may  accept  the  appointments,  but  the 
difficulty  is,  to  get  fixed,  persevering  and  energetic  classes  of 
pupils.  As  long  as  the  Public  Examinations  are  so  con- 
structed, that  students  must  undergo  the  Classical  (or  Ma- 
thematical) examination,  and  either  need  not  or  cannot  be 
examined  in  other  branches;  those  other  branches  will  be 
neglected.  Of  this  injustice  I  have  never  heard  even  a 
plausible  defence  upon  principle :  the  practical  difficulty  of 
remedying  it  is  the  only  reply.  Undoubtedly  it  might  be 
difficult  to  pass  the  needftil  measures  in  the  University : 
otherwise,  the  remedy  is  obvious  enough.  If  it  is  thought 
proper  to  exact  a  certain  knowledge  of  the  Classics  from  aU^ 
this  might  be  done  by  establishing  a  Public  Entrance-l^tX- 
amination  under  Universitv  officers :  and  those  who  obtained 


XXX  editor's  preface. 

Honors  at  this  preliminary  trial  might  be  allowed  to  proceed 
forthwith  to  study  in  other  branches  exclusively,  and  at  the 
end  of  their  career,  might  claim  to  be  examined  in  those 
only.  At  present,  under  the  pretence  of  giving  a  more 
"  liberar**  education,  those  years  are  stolen  away  by  the  Clas- 
sics, in  which  alone  the  other  Academic  Lectures  might  be 
attended,  and  the  basis  of  liberal  education  be  enlarged.  To 
aggravate  the  unfairness,  the  Fellowships  are  throx^Ti-in  as 
an  additional  premium  to  the  favored  branches,  as  if  to  se- 
cure that  no  Public  Professor  should  have  a  remote  chance 
of  zealous  and  steady  attendance.  While  this  extraordinary 
monopoly  continues,  it  is  impossible  for  a  University  to  be- 
come a  first-rate  school  even  in  subjects  theoretically  its 
own :  and  the  facts  are  so  notorious,  that  I  cannot  imagine 
why  an  English  Parliament  should  not  interfere. 

Some  will  reply,  that  the  constitution  of  our  Parliament 
does  not  fit  it  for  judging  on  scientific  questions.  It  is 
granted  that  they  need  an  organ  to  furnish  them  with  mate- 
rials for  legislation  ;  but  the  mode  of  obtaining  such  an 
organ  is  easy.  Let  them  for  instance  establish  at  Oxford 
and  Cambridge  a  new  Chamber,  consisting  of  tlie  Public 
Professors  and  of  the  College  Tutors ;  let  this  Chamber  be 
vested  with  authority  to  originate  in  Convocation  any  scien- 
tific measures ;  let  their  deliberations  be  carried  on  in  Eng- 
lish, and  with  open  doors  :  and  let  it  be  their  daty  annually 
to  report  to  Parliament  the  state  of  the  academic  studies.  The 
discussions  elicited  in  such  a  body,  would  before  long  enable 
the  supreme  legislature  to  understand  both  principles  and 
details:  and  if  such  organic  connexion  with  Parliament 
were  kept  up,  sudden  and  violent  changes  would  never  be 
dreamed  of. 

A  few  (questions  might  remain,  on  which  the  Board  of 
Professors  and  Tutors  would  themselves  have  too  strong 
a  corporate  interest  to  make  them  a  serviceable  organ  of 


editor's  preface.  xxxi 


infonnation :  especially, —  whether  it  be  advisable  to  recog- 
nize anew  in  Masters  (or  in  such  as  have  taken  the  higher 
honors)  a  freedom  of  Public  teaching ;  as  likewise  in  under- 
graduates a  corresponding  freedom  of  attendance.  I  am 
fer  from  insensible  of  the  e\41  of  leaving  young  pupils  to  in- 
dulge their  own  caprices  in  the  choice  of  teachers ;  and  of 
the  yet  greater  danger  of  disinclining  able  men  to  expose 
themselves  to  the  dishonor  of  being  capriciously  deserted  by 
pupils; — to  which  the  Universities  nevertheless  at  present 
abandon  their  Professors.  At  the  same  time  there  appears 
to  be  a  great  injustice,  in  first,  under  pretence  of  moral 
discipline,  forcing  University  students  to  enrol  themselves 
in  some  College ;  in  which  case  they  must  get  admitted 
wherever  they  can :  and  next,  (as  if  morality  required  that 
also,)  forcing  upon  them  the  Tutor  of  their  College :  al- 
though a  notoriously  abler  instructor  may  be  on  the  other 
side  of  the  street.  If  however  the  tongue  of  Convocation 
were  untied  and  spoke  in  vernacular  English,  some  light 
might  be  thrown  also  on  this  certainly  difficult  practical 
question. 

In  any  case,  I  am  persuaded,  the  real  danger  at  present  is 
not  that  of  too  rapid  change:  the  danger  is,  that  sham 
reforms  (such  as  the  appointment  of  Professors)  will  be  used 
to  pacify  the  University-Conscience,  and  meanwhile,  politi- 
cal odium  against  the  s}^stem  will  accumulate,  until,  at 
some  great  national  crisis,  an  explosion  is  produced.  Our 
Author  is  surprised,  and  complains,  that  although  im- 
provement so  decided  has  taken  place  in  this  century,  a- 
bitter  feeling  against  the  Universities  has  become  stronger 
and  stronger.  The  explanation  is  not  difficult.  The  Univer- 
sities have  improved,  as  most  other  institutions :  but  the 
sense  of  need  on  the  part  of  the  nation  has  advanced  far 
more  rapidly  than  they,  and  they  are  still  prodigiously  be- 
hindhand.    It  is  pecidiarly  creditable  to  the  past  generation 


xxxii  editor's  preface. 

at  Oxford  and  Gambridgo,  that  their  reforms  took  place 
independently  of  danger  or  pressure  from  without.  (I  refer 
to  the  year  1801  at  Oxford,  which,  I  apprehend,  is  the  real 
era  of  their  Reform.)  Yet  the  past  does  not  count  for 
nothing.  Its  effect  on  the  nation  has  been  most  disastrous, 
and  cannot  be  forgotten,  while  wo  are  still  in  so  many  ways 
ruing  it.  If  therefore  the  Universities  desire  to  put  away 
from  themselves  the  guilt  and  disgrace  of  byegone  days, 
neither  must  they  aifect  the  hauteur  of  ancient  and  time- 
honored  bodies.  This,  I  believe,  is  their  great  danger,  their 
very  natural  foible.  Personal  pride  and  vanity  soon  find 
their  limits,  in  the  rebuffs  which  we  meet  from  our  equals, 
and  in  the  ready  standard  applied  to  measure  us :  but  men 
who  are  individually  humble,  are  not  the  less  liable  to  inor- 
dinate and  unbounded  pride  as  to  the  institution  of  which 
they  are  a  part,  when  it  has  come  down  from  distant  ages, 
and  is  encircled  with  some  mystic  antiquarian  glory.  A 
son  descended  from  four  or  five  generations  of  abandoned 
progenitors,  cannot  clear  himself  of  the  inheritance  of  shame 
which  they  have  entailed  upon  him,  except  by  taking  the 
modest  place  of  one  who  pretends  to  no  ancestry  whatever : 
and,  when  Institutions  whose  sole  claim  to  reverence  is  of 
a  moral,  intellectual  or  spiritual  nature,  have  been  for  a 
length  of  time  degenerate  and  corrupt ;  if,  immediately 
upon  a  partial  reform,  tlioy  assume  the  high  tone  of  tradi- 
tional dignity;  they  stir  up  just  resentment  against  them, 
and  draw  down  uiK)n  their  own  heads  retribution  for  the 
past.  Such  conduct  is  far  more  offensive,  than  sermons  of 
virtue  from  a  newly  reformed  profligate:  for  in  the  latter 
case,  nature  and  decency  extort  at  least  the  utterance  of 
contrition,  nor  is  the  past  iniquity  wholly  ignared.  It  may 
be  true,  (as  I  believe  it  is,)  that  both  our  Universities  have 
done  quite  as  much,  as,  under  their  difficulties^  could  be  ex- 
pected of  them :  but,  if  they  wish  allowance  to  be  made  for 


editor's  preface.  xxxiii 


these  difficulties, —  if  they  wish  to  avoid  being  judged  by  an 
abstract  standard, —  their  advocates  must  assume  a  humbler 
tone.  It  must  be  far  more  keenly  felt  than  it  is,  that  they 
do  not  inherit  a  good  reputation,  but  are  engaged  in  earning 
one :  more  especially  as, —  since  those  distant  days,  in  which 
alone  it  can  be  said  that  our  Universities  took  the  lead  of 
the  national  intellect, —  their  internal  organization  has  been 
thoroughly  revolutionized,  and  the  whole  genius  of  the  in- 
stitutions fundamentallv  reversed. 

That  they  should  once  more  lead  the  intellect  of  England, 
is  a  matter  which  concerns  not  merely  the  good  &me  of  the 
Universities,  but  the  well-being  of  the  kingdom.  Although 
it  is  for  moral  and  abstract  science  in  particular,  and  for  an- 
cient learning,  that  we  are  accustomed  to  look  to  them,  I  am 
very  far  from  admitting  that  a  proportionate  developement 
should  be  refused  to  the  newer  knowledge :  and  the  Univer- 
sities themselves,  by  accepting  Professorships  in  Botany, 
Chemistry,  Physiology,  Greologj%  Modem  History,  Political 
Economy,  &c.,  may  be  said  to  have  given  their  own  ver- 
dict on  the  question.  It  cannot  be  wise  to  drive  beyond 
their  reach  and  control,  powers  which  they  are  unable  to 
destroy.  If  the  moral  and  the  material  sciences,  the  modern 
and  the  ancient  knowledge,  all  grow  up  together  in  the 
same  University,  and  justice  is  done  to  all ;  they  will  grow 
up  in  friendship,  not  in  hostility ;  and  a  mutual  action  be- 
tween the  opposite  branches  will  take  place,  beneficial  to  both. 
But  when  the  new  sciences,  and  all  which  are  of  more  imme- 
diate and  visible  im})ortance  to  the  outward  physical  welfare 
of  the  nation,  are  driven  out  from  the  old  Universities ;  it  is 
not  wonderfiil  if  under  them  there  grow  up  a  spirit  quite  un- 
congenial with  and  hostile  to  the  old  system  and  to  all  that  is 
associated  with  it.  In  friendly  union  every  variety  of  talent, 
— genius, —  knowledge,  might  be  beneficially  cultivated :  but 
two  national  minds  generated  under  two  hostile  systems,  is 


xxxiv  editor's  preface. 

a  preparation  for  a  war  of  opinion ; —  a  war,  however,  hardly 
to  be  decided  by  argument,  when  neither  side  can  under- 
stand the  arguments  of  the  other.  In  such  a  war,  rude 
^^industrialism'''*  will  prove  as  much  stronger  than  specuhi- 
tive  acuteness  or  profound  erudition,  as  the  wants  of  the 
body  are  more  craving  than  those  of  the  spirit.  Indeed, 
every  twenty  years,  modem  science  and  knowledge  must 
become  increasingly  important,  and  increasingly  valued. 
The  ancient  knowledge  may  be  really  more  needed  by  way 
of  equilibrium,  hereafter,  than  at  present;  and,  through 
more  perfect  cultivation,  may  be  of  greater  intrinsic  worth : 
yet  with  the  progress  of  events  it  is  assuredly  destined  to 
sink  more  and  more  into  a  valuable  professional  accomplish- 
ment, and  to  abandon  perforce  its  claims  to  be  the  basis  of 
all  ingenuous  cultivation.  Nor  is  this  to  be  regretted.  Such 
a  revolution  will  be  a  mark  and  consequence  of  a  real 
advance:  and  until  it  has  come  about,  Oxford  and  Gam- 
bridge  (whatever  eminence  individuals  may  attain)  will 
never  be  able  to  offer  to  the  Classical  Student  a  band  of 
Tutors  and  Professors  who  are  on  a  level  with  the  best 
knowledge  of  the  Age. 

In  the  University  of  Oxford  I  have  received  much  unde- 
served, unsolicited,  disinterested  kindness :  and  (except  that 
in  every  personal  retrospect  matter  of  regret  and  humiliation 
will  mix  itself  up)  the  remembrance  of  my  residence  there 
excites  in  me  nothing  but  gratitude  and  affection.  Alas ! 
that  the  amiableness  of  individuals  cannot  atone  for  the  in- 
adequacy of  the  system  to  the  present  state  of  Knowledge 
and  of  Need.  If  for  the  last  two  centuries  the  Universities 
had  grown  healthily  and  moderately,  no  faster  change  might 
perhaps  be  now  requisite  than  actually  went  on  for  thirty 
years  together :  but  they  need  a  more  than  juvenile  vigor, 
—  such  as  can  only  be  gained  })y  either  new  elements  or 


EDITORS   PREFACE.  XXXV 

new  organs, —  to  expand  proportionally  to  the  free  intellect 
which  has  been  formed  without  them  and  every  day  wins 
upon  them.  In  order  therefore  that  they  may  recover 
their  lost  intellectual  leadership,  a  friendly  but  decisive 
acting  upon  them  appears  to  me  quite  essential.  I  would 
fiun  hope  that  no  Englishman  who  loves  the  Universities, 
will  adopt  a  fiction,  which  will  exasperate  enemies,  and 
will  (in  the  hour  of  danger)  be  repudiated  by  pretended 
friends;  —  that  the  Universities  are  a  private  possession. 
The  Institutions  of  our  country  cannot  become  such,  any 
more  than  our  soil,  however  loaded  with  benefactions  by 
private  enterprise  and  good  will :  and  as  for  the  wild  talk  of 
some,  that  they  will  rather  destroy  the  Universities  than 
allow  them  to  be  reformed ;  we  might  as  well  propose  to 
swamp  our  fruitfrd  fields,  to  bum  our  forests,  to  choke  our 
harbors ;  because  the  coming  generation  desired  to  use  them 
according  to  its  free  judgment,  as  we  have  used  them  accord- 
ing to  ours.  Tradition  and  precedent  have  immense  power 
in  all  countries :  in  England  most  remarkably  so :  and  there 
is  little  danger  of  a  flood  of  innovation,  unless  fertilizing 
streams  be  unwisely  danuned  up.  The  admirable  material 
Btructure  of  our  noble  Universities,  the  broad  basis  which 
nnnumbered  zealous  bene&ctors  have  laid,  the  schools  con- 
nected with  them  which  spread  over  the  whole  kingdom, 
the  sympathies  and  venerable  remembrances  with  which 
theirrmes  are  entwined,  give  them  substance  for  a  perpe- 
tual  youth,  co-enduring  with  the  energies  of  the  British 
nation,  the  prime  talent  of  which  they  will  long  have  the 
means  of  picking :  while  the  high  political  place  which  they 
hold,  enables  them  to  act  with  the  cautious  gravity,  by 
which  alone  they  can  retain  permanent  veneration.  Only 
may  Party-Spirit  not  mar  their  high  powers  and  promise : 
may  the  favor  of  Princes  not  make  them  fancy  that  their 


xxxvi  editor's  preface. 

greatness  is  unassailable :  nor  their  eye  be  so  bent  on  the 
remote  past,  as  to  be  blind  to  the  wants  of  the  present  and 
the  signs  of  the  Aiture ! 

Francis  W.  Newman. 

Manchester,  Jan.  I3th,  1843. 


ADDENDUM. 

I  have  recently  discovered  that  for  some  years  I  have  lived 
under  a  misapprehension  concerning  a  change  in  the  form  of 
Matriculation  at  Oxford  which  was  made  in  the  year  1837. 
In  at  least  oq^  note  I  have  alluded  to  it  as  a  fact,  that 
{Zndl^r-graduates  are  no  longer  obliged  to  subscribe  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles :  which  is  entirely  a  mistake,  as  that 
subscription  is  still  continued. 

F.  W.  N. 


9intf)0i*i  Mttiixntiotu 


DEDICATED 


WITH 


SINGER  EST    VENERATIOX, 


TO  Htf 


ROYAL  HIGHNESS  THE  CROWN-PRINCE 


or 


PRUSSIA.* 


183  9. 


*  [Now  Fretlerick  William  IV.,  Kinijof  PriiK«ia.: 


^'  Those  who  are  aware  that  the  great  naturalist,  Humboldt,  is  also 
a  distinguished  historian,  gain  a  clue  to  the  truth,  that  History, 
which  is  now-a-days  so  often  referred  to  abstract  Philosophy, 
has  a  far  more  genuine  affinity  with  the  Sciences  of  Observation. 
If  we  would  arrive  at  a  feeling  and  representation  of  perfect  Truth 
in  History,  we  must  apply  inductive  methods  to  investigate  their 
connexions  and  then  bring  them  under  well  known  principles  of 
Nature.  Truth  is  for  the  Historian,  infinitely  more  important 
than  any  general  abstractions  and  reasonings:  nor  can  these  be 
made  the  ultimate  aim  of  History,  without  utterly  destroying  its 
reaUty."— K.  O.  MuUer  — in  the  Gotingen  «®ele^rte  ?(njeige." 
1839. 


THE  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


TO  VOL.  I. 


That  the  reader  and  writer  of  a  work  feel  a  com- 
mon interest  in  the  subject  of  it,  must  be  taken 
for  granted:  but  whether  this  mutual  good  un- 
derstanding is  to  be  afterwards  confirmed,  must 
depend  upon  the  book  itself  I  need  not  therefore 
insist  on  the  importance  of  Universities  in  general, 
and  of  the  English  Universities  in  particular ;  on 
the  interest  attached  to  their  history,  or  on  the  de- 
ficiencies in  the  works  which  have  hitherto  handled 
it.  A  few  words,  however,  to  explain  the  origin 
and  justify  the  undertaking  of  the  present  work, 
may  not  be  superfluous. 

The  first  idea  of  it  was  suggested  by  a  visit  to 
Oxford,  unfortunately  of  very  short  duration,  in  the 
year  1824 :  which  left  a  peculiar  and  profound  im- 
pression, such  as  to  remain  unobliterated  by  striking 


xl  author's  prefaces. 

and  fresher  pictures  of  European  ei\dlization  and 
scenery.  My  literary  studies  afterwards  gave  a  new 
impulse  to  my  interest  in  the  English  Universities. 
Twice*  I  endeavored  to  satisfy  my  conscience  more 
cheaply;  but  this  served  only  to  prepare  me  for  a 
greater  effort ;  encouraged  as  I  was  by  the  reception 
given  to  these  preliminary  essays.  The  subject  in- 
terested me,  it  is  true,  chiefly  with  reference  to  the 
existing  political  position  of  England;  which  I 
sought  during  a  longer  stay  at  two  different  periods, 
fully  to  understand  ;  and  to  retain,  as  far  as  possible, 
after  I  had  quitted  the  country.  It  soon,  however, 
became  evident  to  me,  that  through  the  past  alone 
was  it  possible  rightly  to  understand  the  present: 
and  in  proportion  to  my  knowledge,  my  fear  of  hasty 
judgments  increased.  This  feeling  has  much  re- 
stricted my  discussion  of  the  party-questions  of  the 
day,  and  has  given  the  past  an  entire  preponderance 
over  the  present  in  this  work.  Nevertheless,  I  could 
not  refrain  from  speaking  out  my  mind  on  some  im- 
portant practical  questions,  remote  from  the  proper 
sphere  of  history.    Whether  my  historical  researches 


*  An  article  in  tlie  Mccklcn-  under  the  head  "  Oxford,"  in 
hurg  Periodical  Paper,  which  I  tlie  Eucyclopfledia  puhlished  hy 
then   edited,    (1834)    and    that     Ei-sch  aiid  Gruhcr. 


author's  prefaces.  xli 

add  any  weight  to  my  opinions,  I  must  leave  others 
to  judge. 

On  my  qualifications  for  the  task,  I  have  but  few 
remarks  to  make.  My  opportunities  of  local  re- 
search I  must  needs  highly  prize.  The  want  of  it 
too  often  leaves  visible  traces  in  works  otherwise 
meritorious.  That  I  have  not  taken  mcyi^e  advantage 
of  it  has  caused  me  great  mortification.  Yet,  strange 
to  say,  even  upon  the  very  spot,  existing  fact  con- 
cerning these  Institutions  is  of  all  things  most  diffi- 
cult to  learn :  and  the  very  latest  local  publications 
give  me  no  reason  to  suppose  that  their  authors 
have  found  out  any  important  sources  of  information 
that  were  not  open  to  me.  I  infer  either,  that  / 
could  not  have  discovered  any  thing,  where  they 
(with  so  many  advantages)  have  failed;  or  that 
there  is  no  intrinsic  value  in  the  records  unknown  to 
me,  and  that  these  could  in  no  case  have  any  mo- 
mentous influence  upon  my  results.  I  speak  here  of 
manuscripts  especially;  for  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe,  that  no  printed  book  of  real  value  has 
escaped  me.  As  for  our  very  richest  German  libra, 
ries,  in  works  upon  such  especial  subjects,  and  in 
foreign  literature  generally,  their  deficiencies  are 
great  indeed :     and  this  is  felt  the  more  painfully 


xlii  author's  prefaces. 

from  the  liberality  with  which  the  official  superin- 
tendents of  the  Grerman  State  Libraries  &cilitate 
access  to  what  does  exist  —  liberality  which  I 
have  often  had  cause  to  acknowledge  with  grateful 
thanks.  Whether  my  results  are  satisfactory,  (or  at 
least  in  the  principal  points,)  time  must  show ;  and 
should  a  newer  History  of  the  English  Universities 
sooner  or  later  supersede  mine,  and  supply  all  its  de- 
ficiencies, no  one  will  hail  it  with  greater  satisfaction 
than  myself:  I  think,  however,  that  I  may  say,  that 
I  now  put  forth  a  more  complete  and  better  work 
than  those  which  have  hitherto  seen  the  light.  At 
the  end  of  my  Second  Volume,  I  moreover  propose 
to  give  a  general  survey  of  the  Literature  connected 
with  the  subject. 

In  working  up  my  materials  I  had  to  encounter 
the  usual  difficulties  of  reconciling  the  conflicting  de- 
mands of  form  and  matter^  of  aesthetical  and  histo- 
rical criticism.  But  I  deliberately  resolved,  in  case 
of  need,  to  sacrifice  the  form  to  the  matter.  In 
fact,  while  there  are  more  or  less  illustrious  prece- 
dents for  a  contrary  procedure,  I  have  never  yet  seen 
an  example  in  which  both  are  combined  in  any  per- 
fection. Till  better  roads  are  levelled  for  us,  we 
must  be  content  to  trudge  slowly  on  with  our  heavy 


author's  prefaces.  xliii 

baggage  of  quotations,  notes,  appendices,  and  even 
repetitions,*  while  lighter  travellers,  no  doubt,  show 
off  to  better  advantage:  and  this  plain  statement 
may  prove  that  I  fully  feel  the  defects  of  the  form  I 
have  chosen,  as  well  as  the  importance  of  the  matter. 
Barely  to  glance  at  a  problem,  and  then  trumpet  it 
forth  as  solved,  is  a  counterfeit  philosophizing  only 
too  much  in  &shion :  but  this  is  not  useless  merely ; 
—  it  seduces  even  better  minds,  first,  into  a  fatal 
self-deceit,  and  next,  into  systematic  deception  of  the 
world. 

I  have  entitled  this  work  an  Introduction  to  a 
History  of  English  Literature.  Whoever  has  any 
correct  notion  of  the  true  position  of  the  Univer- 
sities and  of  the  proper  aim  of  a  History  of  Literar 
ture,  will  doubtless  agree  with  me,  that  to  execute 
such  a  task  useftilly,  an  author  should  have  inti- 
mately studied  the  connexion  of  the  intellectual 
with  the  physical  life  [of  a  nation] ,  and  consequently 
with  its  intellectual  orgam.  In  truth,  if  by  modem 
literature  is  imderstood  that  which  is  produced  upon 

*  Repetitions  in  fact,  cannot  transition    from    one    epoch    to 

be  avoided,  whenever  it  is  ncces-  another,  will  always  be  found, 

tary  to  give  a  perfect  picture  of  and  must  consequently  be  stated 

any  epoch;  since  characteristic  again,    although    perliaps  more 

traits,  of  greater  or  lesser  im-  fully  described  before, 
portance,   forming   part  of  the 


xliv  author's  prefaces. 

the  field  of  ancient  Philology  and  Archaeology,  its 
standard  is  greatly  different  from  my  own.  Still  I 
claim  in  favour  of  my  own  labors  that  position  which 
a  better  judgment  would  bestow  upon  them ;  the 
more  so,  since  they  really  originated  as  I  have  said. 
Anyhow,  I  have  given  fair  notice,  that  I  am  dealing 
with  a  history  of  the  English  Universities^  not  with 
a  history  of  the  learning  or  lite^'ature,  or  of  the  learned 
men  and  authors^  directly  or  indirectly  connected 
with  the  Universities. 

I  have  freely  spoken  ray  sentiments  as  to  the 
spirit  and  tendencies  of  the  present  Age,  but  I  must 
not  be  interpreted  as  indiscriminately  hostile  to  them, 
nor  as  desiring  the  return  of  what  is  past  for  ever. 
Assuredly  I  am  infinitely  far  from  looking  upon  the 
Spirit  of  the  Age,  as  one  unconditionally  and  pre- 
eminently good^  much  less  as  holy  ;*  or  from  allow- 
ing that  a  numerical  majority  may  claim  to  sit  as 
judges  in  the  realm  of  spirits.  Arrogance  in  matters 
so  serious,  problems  so  difficult,  with  so  dark  a 
future  before  us,  is  in  fact  the  most  noxious  ingre- 
dient in  our  cup,  and  the  principal  ground  for 
placing  the  present,  in  spite  of  all  its  advantages 

*  Some  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  look  upon  all  resistance  to 
this  "  Spirit  of  the  Age"  as  tlie  sin  against  the  Holy  Spirit. 


author's  prefaces.  xlv 

below  even  the  worst  of  byegone  times.  I  ask  only 
a  candid  interpretation  of  sharp  words,  which  in 
just  indignation  may  have  escaped  me  against  those 
bold,  yet  servile  spirits,  who  combine  an  appearance 
of  popular  liberality  with  a  senseless  and  shameless 
adoration  of  the  ruling  powers,  and  with  the  das^- 
zling  artificial  language  of  false  worldly  wisdom; 
thus  laying  upon  us  the  worst  and  most  oppressive 
yoke :  as  though  in  each  Age  that  alone  had  right  or 
title  to  existence  which  floats  with  the  stream:  as 
though  all  that  refuses  to  move  on  so  nimbly  and 
quickly,  all  that  cannot  and  will  not  tear  its  roots 
up  from  history  and  from  right,  all  that  is  not  new 
and  of  to-day,  were  obsolete,  and  therefore  to  be 
cast  aside.  But  in  spite  of  any  such  presumptuous 
folly,  we  still  belong  to  the  Age  by  true  consangui- 
nity, while  envying  nobody  the  equivocal  honor  of 
being  its  darlinff  child.  We  are  too  conscious  of  our 
own  duties,  and  of  our  participation  in  that  life- 
blood  which  to  all  eternity  flows  on,  from  the  past 
to  the  futm-e,  to  disown  the  Age  for  its  own  weak- 
ness or  for  the  naughtiness  of  its  pet.  I  forget, 
however,  that  I  have  no  right  to  speak  here  in  the 
plural  number.  I  am  not  alone,  it  is  true,  in  my 
position  toward  the  (so-called)  "  Spirit  of  the  Age :" 


xlvi  author's  prefaces. 

but  this  is  the  very  position  which  admits  of  the 
gresitest  freedom  and  variety  of  independent  developed 
ment.  I  am  conscious  of  no  shackles  whatever^  and 
much  less  of  having  received  full  powers  from  any 
party. —  Should  I  find,  here  or  there,  agreement  or 
sympathy,  I  shall  hail  it  with  joy,  little  as  I  seek  it. 
But,  desire  as  I  may  to  soothe  down  jarrings  and 
clashings,  at  all  events  never  by  me  shall  historical 
truth,  (the  foundation  of  aU  living  and  life^ving 
truth,)  be  sacrificed. 

V.    A,    HUBER. 

Mabbubg,  Jan.  1839. 


THE  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 


TO  VOL.  II.* 


The  more  probable  it  is,  that  this  Volume  may 
prompt  inquiry,  contrary  to  the  current  sentiments 
and  those  favored  by  the  State ;  the  less  do  I  think 
it  needful  to  enter  upon  it  myself.  But  as  some  of 
my  expressions,  if  torn  away  from  their  context, 
may  be  liable  to  misinterpretation,  as  though  I 
desired  to  hold  up  the  English  Universities  as  mo- 
dels to  our  own  country;  I  here  distinctly  state 
that  this  is  not  my  meaning.  Whatever  may  be  my 
views  as  to  our  own  Academic  Constitution,  and  its 
deficiencies,  I  have  never  had  the  most  remote 
thought  of  obtruding  my  advice  either  upon  the 
ruling  powers,  or  upon  public  opinion. 


[This  Preface  is  placed  here,  because  a  different  division  of 
the  volumes  lias  been  necessary  in  the  English.] 


xlviii  author's  prefaces. 

Wherever  mention  may  have  been  made  of  our 
Universities,  it  has  been  only  to  bring  out  by  con- 
trast the  English  peculiarities.  K  the  question  be 
pressed,  I  should  not  fear  to  recommend  strength- 
ening the  corporate  powers  of  our  Universities,  and 
(in  so  far)  bringing  them  nearer  to  those  of  England, 
not  so  much  in  intellectual  matters,  as  in  Character 
and  Sentiment.  But,  as  long  as  staunch  supporters 
of  Grerman  Learning,  who  did  not  think  their  duties 
and  rights  as  Men  swallowed  up  in  those  of  the 
Professor ;  as  long  as  the  two  Grimms  especially, 
— those  truest  sons  of  the  true  German  mother,  — 
are  torn  away  from  the  academic  life;  so  long  we 
may  take  it  for  granted,  that  Character  and  Sen- 
timent are  incompatible  with  the  demands  made  by 
the  State  upon  our  most  accomplished  men:*  so 
long,  no  doubt,  the  surest  way  to  the  end  proposed, 
is,  unflinchingly  to  enforce  on  the  Universities  the 
laws  of  the  State-M echanLsm.    How,  in  the  long  run. 


*  [Professor  Hiiber  has  ex-  more  so,  as  even  Dahlmanu,  one 

pressed  a  wish,  to  have  it  nicn-  of  the  most  conspicuous  among 

tioned,  tliat  the  excellent   king  the  seven  martyr-professors   of 

of  Prussia    has    reinstated    tlie  Gottingen,  has  been  recently  aj)- 

two  Grimms  in  academical  func-  pointed  to  the  Professorship  of 

tions,  and  tliat  the  odium  con-  Political  Economy  in  the  Prus- 

ditionally  expressed  in  the  above  sian  University  of  Bonn.       In- 

passage  of  the  preface  of  1839,  is  deed,  six  of  tliose  professors  are 

fairly  and  entirely  removed,  at  already  reestablislied  in  profes- 

Icast  with  regard  to  Prussia, — the  serial  cliairs.] 


author's  prefaces.  xlix 

Science  without  Sentiment  might  fare^  may  be  a 
little  dubious.  A  third  case  indeed  is  imaginable  : 
everybody  might  divest  himself  of  both,  except  so 
&r  as  they  were  to  be  applied,  directly  and  uncon- 
ditionally, to  State  Service. 

V.    A.    HUBER. 

Mabburo,  SOth  Octobeb,  1839. 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


rAOK 

Editor  s  Preface v 

Dedication  to  the  King  of  Prussia xxxvii 

Author  8  Preface  to  Vol.  I xxxix 

Author  s  Preface  to  Vol.  II xlvii 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory,  on  the  growth  op  (Continental) 
Universities  in  the  Twelfth  Century. 

racT. 

1.  Reasons  for  comprehending  within  our  survey  the  Uni- 

versities of  the  Continent 1 

2.  On  the  Schools  of  Learning  which  preceded  the  rise  of 

Universities  proper 3 

3.  Spirit  of  the  twelfth  century  compared  to  that  of  the  nine- 

teenth, and  contrasted  with  that  of  the  sixteenth    ....      5 

4.  On  the  New  Philosophy  of  the  twelfth  century,  theoretic 

and  practical , 8 

5.  Dangers  which  threatened  the  Church  from  the  new  move- 

ment ;  and  her  proceedings 10 

6.  Relation  of  the  Church  to  the  Universities,  at  their  rise  . .  12 

7.  Contrast  of  the  Old  and  New  Teachers 15 

8.  Original  fimctions  of  the  Chancellor, — gradually  delegated  18 

9.  Early  growth  of  the  University  of  Paris 20 


lii  CONTENTS. 

SSCT.  fAQM 

10.  Similar  developement  in  the  Abbey  of  St  G^nevi^ye, ...  22 

11.  The  Scientific  and  National  States    23 

12.  Establishment  of  the  aristocracy  of  the  Teachers  in  Paris. .  26 

13.  On  the  degrees  of  Bachelor  and  Master 28 

14.  Public  trial  of  Candidates  for  degrees 30 

15.  Separation  of  the  Faculties 32 

16.  On  the  pre-eminence  of  Arts  in  the  University 34 

17.  On  the  Organic  Structure  supposed  to  be  requisite  to  con- 

stitute a  University 36 

(1)  Right  of  Internal  Regulation. 

(2)  Exemption  from  Conmion  Jurisdiction. 

(3)  Corporate  Rights  concerning  PoUce  and  Property. 


CHAPTER  n. 

Thb  English  Universities  before  the  Thirteenth 

Century. 

1 8.  The  Antiquity  of  Oxford  has  been  undervalued 43 

19.  Tradition  connecting  the  University  with  Alfred 44 

20.  Literary  state  of  Alfred's  times 45 

21.  That  Oxford  was  a  seat  of  learning  in  Saxon  times,  and 

probably  in  Alfred's  reign 46 

22.  Physical  position  of  Oxford 48 

23.  Fluctuations  in  the  progress  of  learning    49 

24.  Oxford  was  depressed  by  being  too  much  in  advance  of 

the  age 50 

25.  Divergence  of  the  Oxford  System  from  that  of  Paris   ....  51 

26.  The  effect  of  the  Emigration  from  Paris  has  been  overrated  52 

27.  The  position  of  the  Chancellor  at  Oxford  had  no  parallel 

at  Paris 53 

28.  On  the  Oxford  Halls  and  Inns 54 

29.  On  the  original  Oxford  Chancellor 56 

30.  Similarity  of  Oxford  to  Paris  as  to  Studies  and  Degrees 

in  early  times 59 

31.  Early  state  of  Cambridge 61 


CONTENTS.  liii 


CHAPTER  ni. 

General  Remarks  concerning  the  English  Universities  in 
Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth  Centuries. 

•SGT.  PAOV 

32.  Middle  Age  of  the  English  Universities 64 

33.  On  the  number  of  the  Academicians    66 

34.  Positive  Science  at  Oxford   69 

35.  Systematic  tumults  at  Oxford 71 

36.  Importance  of  the  fact,  that  Oxford  was  not  a  capital  city  72 

37.  On  the  Funds  and  Estates  of  the  Universities . . , 74 

38.  Transition  to  the  Aristocratic  State 76 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  "Nations"  (op  Northernmen  and  SouTHERNiiEN) 
IN  the  English  Universities. 

39.  Limits  of  time  within  which  the  Nations  appear  at  the 

Universities 77 

40.  The  four  Nations  at  Paris,  and  their  Provinces    80 

41.  Contrast  of  genius  between  Northern  and  Southern  Eng- 

land      81 

42.  Sjrmpathy  between  the  English  Nation  and  the  Univer- 

sities     82 

43.  Central  position  of  Oxford 84 

44.  Riots  concerning  Realism.     Speculation  upon  its  connexion 

with  the  Northern  or  Grermanic  spirit ^  .    85 

45.  Comparison  of  the  two  modem  PoUtical  Parties  with  the 

two  Nations  of  the  Universities 87 

46.  Outbreak  and  Secession  in  1209    88 

47.  Riot  of  1238 90 

48.  Reflections  on  the  above — and  on  the  relation  then  sus- 

tained by  Grosseteste  to  the  University 93 

49.  Direct  political  factions  at  Oxford 95 


liv  CONTENTS. 

SBCT.  'AGS 

50.  How  these  movements  were  connected  with  the  Reform- 

ation        98 

51.  The  Northemmen  of  Oxford  probahly  embraced  the  po- 

pular side  in  the  war  of  De  Montfort 99 

52.  Gradual  decline  of  contests  between  the  Nations 100 

53.  Depression  of  the  Northern  interests,  and  permanent  pre- 

dominance of  Conservatism  at  the  Universities 101 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  English  Univebsities  in  their  Relations  toward 
THE  Town  Corporations  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

54.  Difficulty  of  keeping  peace  between  two  heterogeneous 

populations,  locally  mixed 103 

55.  Arbiters  —  and  mixed  Boards  for  fixing  prices 105 

56.  Increase  of  difficulties,  as  manners  became  more  expen- 

sive and  students  more  dissolute    * 107 

57.  Fresh  entanglement  from  the  presence  of  Jewish  money 

lenders    109 

58.  The  Jews  act  on  the  aggressive  in  1278 Ill 

59.  On  the  Monastic  Bodies  resident  in  the  University    ....  Ill 

60.  Matriculated  Tradesmen  another  grievance  to  the  Town  112 

61.  Confusion  produced  by  bands  of  Visitors    112 

62.  On  the  Judicial  Tribunals  accessible  in  the  Universities. .  114 

63.  University  Privileges  of  1244  and  1255 1 16 

64.  On  the  supposed  privileges  granted  in  1523     119 

65.  How  the  Academicians  might  proceed  in  the  cases  over 

which  the  Chancellor  had  no  jurisdiction 121 

66.  On  the  Chancellors  Court  of  Record 122 

67.  Practical  difficulties  of  the  Chancellor  concerning  police 

assistance    1 23 

68.  The  Chancellor  s  direct  Ecclesiastical  and  Academic  wea- 

pons,—  inefficient 127 

69.  The  feud  is  exasperated  by  the  absorption  of  the   Chan- 

cellor into  the  Academic  body,  as  its  Officer  and  Head.  131 


CONTENTS.  Iv 

70.  The  increase  of  wealth,  importance,  and  spirit,  in  the 

Town  Corporation,  leads  to  bursts  of  violence 134 

71.  Contest  against  Robert  de  Wdls  136 

72.  Tumults  during  the  transition  from  the  old  University 

system 139 

73.  Contest  against  John  Hereford,  with  frightful  Riot,  in  1355  140 

74.  Consequences  of  the  Riot   145 

75.  Parallel  events  in  Cambridge 147 

76.  Permanent  ascendancy  of  the  Universities 148 

77.  Tranquillizadon  of  the  Academic  Population  under  a 

stable  Oligarchy 150 

CHAPTER  VI. 

GxNEBAL  Remarks  on  thb  English  Universities  from  the 

MIDDLE  OF  THE  FOURTEENTH  CeNTURT  TO  THB  REFORMATION. 

78.  Torpor  of  the   Universities  while    vegetating  towards 

wealth    152 

79.  Ambitious  efforts,   in  government  and  philosophy,   by 

which  the  Middle  Age  exhausted  itself 154 

80.  On  the  Wykliffite  struggle,  and  the  results  of  quelling  it.  155 

81 .  Decay  of  the  University  Studies 158 

82.  The  growth  of  the  Native  English  intellect   160 

83.  Rise  of  a  National  Spirit    162 

84.  The  Universities  dwindle  into  mere  ecclesiastical  schools  162 

85.  Their  doubtful  position,  half  clerical,  half  l&y 163 

86.  State  of  the  University  Finances 164 

87.  On  the  endowment  of  Professorships 165 

88.  University  Libraries    166 

89.  University  Public  Buildings   167 

90.  Drawbacks  on  their  Financial  Prosperity 169 

91.  Greneral  Poverty  of  the  Academicians   170 

92.  Benefactions  from  Prelates  and  other  great  men 171 

93.  Church-Livings,  how  far  bestowed  on  Members  of  the 

University 172 


Ivi  CONTENTS. 

SBCT.  rA«B 

94.  Contrast  of  the  then  resident  Academicians  to  those  of 

an  earlier  and  those  of  a  later  period    1 75 

95.  Fellowships  gradually  become  tenable  for  an  unlimited 

time    177 

96.  The  Colleges  are  elevated  into  constituent  and  necessary 

parts  of  the  University 178 

97.  Final  establishment  of  a  single  Nationality  within  the 

Universities    179 

98.  The  Colleges  gradually  obtain  University  Supremacy. .    180 

99.  The  disputes  of  the  Colleges  against  other  Parties  are 

confined  to  a  war  of  words    181 

100.  Chaucer's  Picture  of  a  Scholar 182 

101.  Meagreness  of  the  external  history  of  the  University 

during  this  period 183 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Thb  Colleges,  and  thb  Revival  op  Classical  Studies  in 

THE  Universities. 

102.  Different  treatment  which  this  subject  has  received  from 

most  English  Writers    185 

03.  Uncertainty  as  to  the  Form  of  the  earliest  Colleges  . .  1 86 

04.  On  the  Halls 187 

05.  Details  concerning  University  College,  Oxford    189 

06.  On  Merton  College 190 

07.  Other  Colleges, —  especially  Balliol 191 

08.  Pecuniary  resources  of  the  Colleges 194 

09.  Political  causes  of  Distress. — Hard  life  of  the  Scholars  196 

10.  Specific  Differences  of  the  several  Colleges 198 

11.  Interior  Growth  of  the  Colleges  and  of  their 'Endow- 
ments   199 

12.  Swelling  numbers  of  Academicians  in  single  Colleges.  •  201 

13.  Increased  pretensions  of  College  Fellows 203 

14.  New  importance  gained  by  the  Heads  of  the  Colleges — 
and  tightening  of  the  discipline    205 


CONTENTS.  Ivii 

amcT,  PAos 

115.  On  the  Colleges  as  Establbhrnents  for  Teaching    ....    206 

116.  The  Colleges  are  elevated  by  the  cultivation  of  the 

Classics 210 

117.  Hie  rise  of  a  Classical  spirit  may  be  traced  back  to  an 

earlier  time    212 

118.  Direct  Literary  Connection  between  England  and  Italy.  214 

119.  The  new  movement  came  neither  from  the  Church  nor 

from  the  Universities,  but  frt>m  individual  energy    . .    216 

120.  It  pervades  the  Higher  Classes,  and  the  Dignitaries  of 

the  Church 217 

121.  That  the  cooperation  of  the  Colleges  in  the  new  move- 

ment was  real  and  considerable  in  the  fifteenth  century  218 

122.  Opposition  to  the  Classic  Literature    221 

123.  Disposition  of  Henry  VIII.  and  the  Great  Men  of  his 

Court  toward  the  new  learning 225 

124.  Wolsey,  Patron  of  the  Classics    229 

125.  Fox  and  Wolsey,  rival  Patrons  of  the  University  of 

Oxford   231 

126.  The  University  of  Oxford,  in  dismay  at  threatening 

storms,  gladly  accepts  Wolsey's  protection 233 

127.  Wolsey  obtains  for  the  University  a  New  Charter  from 

the  King    235 

128.  Wolsey  plans  and  begins  Cardinal  College,  Oxford, 

and  a  School  at  Ipswich   236 

129.  Remarks  upon  Wolsey  after  his  fall 239 

130.  The  Question  of  the  King's  Divorce  is  brought  before 

the  Universities 241 

131 .  Detail  of  the  proceedings  at  Oxford 246 

132.  The  King  long  keeps  the  Universities  in  suspense  con- 

cerning their  Privileges 248 

133.  Hie  Universities,  at  the  King's  command,  declare  for 

the  Separation  from  Rome ;  in  1534 250 

134.  Visitation  of  the  Universities  in  the  King's  name,  in 

1535 251 

135.  University  Professorships 253 

136.  Causes  of  the  failure  of  the  Visitation  to  do  good    ....    258 


Iviii  CONTENTS. 

•acT.  ?▲«■ 

137.  The  crisiB  of  danger  passes,  and  Henry  founds  Christ- 

Church  (College)  with  Wolsey's  endowments 260 

138.  The  tyranny  of  Henry  blights  all  intellectual  fruit. . . .    263 

CHAPTER  VIIL 

Thb  English  Univbrsities  during  the  Reformation  to  the 

END  OF  Elizabeth's  Reign. 

139.  Comparison  of  the  religious  innovations  of  Henry  VIII. 

with  those  of  the  reign  of  Edward  VI 268 

140.  Disposition  of  the  Regency  toward  the  Universities, 

contrasted  with  Henry's    270 

141.  Employment  of  the  National  Ecclesiastical  Funds  ....  271 

142.  University  Reform  of  1549 272 

143.  Unsatisfactory  results  of  the  Reform   277 

144.  Indigence  of  the  Scholars    279 

145.  The  Reformers  begin  a  direct  persecution 280 

146.  Honorable  exception  of  Peter  Mart]^' 282 

147.  The  Protestants  become  alienated  from  the  Universities  282 

148.  The  benefits  of  the  Reformation  are  not  to  be  looked  for 

in  its  influence  on  the  Universities   283 

149.  The  Reformers  did  not  mean  to  unshackle  the  mind   . .    285 

150.  Reflections  on  the  Catholic  reaction  under  Mary 286 

151.  New  Colleges  founded,  &c 286 

152.  Fresh  University  Visitation 288 

153.  The  Universities  continue  to  droop,  in  spite  of  Royal 

Patronage :  the  cause,  want  of  freedom 290 

154.  Ejection,  and  then  fierce  persecution,  of  Protestants  . .    291 

155.  General  review  of  the  morale  of  Elizabeth's  reign :  her 

persecution  of  Dissenters :  effects  of  the  war  with  Spain  294 

156.  Elizabeth,  a  Patroness  of  Learning 300 

157.  Miscellaneous  notices   of  Endowments   to   encourage 

Learning    , , .  ^ 302 

158.  New  Colleges  at  the  English  Universities:  —  Bodleian 

Library 303 


CONTENTS.  lix 

59.  Cambridge  Libraries 305 

60.  Revenues  of  the  Universities  and  Colleges 306 

61.  The  Universities  are  made  essentially  Pbotbstamt.  . . .  307 

62.  Court-fiEivour  showered  on  the  Universities.  Royal  Visits  308 

63.  Elevation  of  the  Universities  both  in  rank  and  in  wealth  310 

64.  Efforts  to  assimilate  the  academic  population  to  the 

morale  of  the  Court 312 

65.  Cambridge  takes  the  lead  of  Oxford  in  all  improvement  313 

66.  Moral  and  religious  agencies    315 

67.  The  general  discipline :  College  regulations    316 

68.  All  power  lodged  with  the  Colleges 317 

69.  Peculiarities  of  the  Cambridge  Reform    319 

70.  Importance  of  the  change  in  the  mode  of  Electing  the 
Proctors 320 

71.  Evil  spirit,  or  incapacity,  retarding  all  improvement  at 
Oxford  321 

72.  In  neither  of  the  Universities  were  the  fruits  propor- 
tionate to  expectation    323 

73.  Testimony  of  Anthony  Wood  against  the  state  of  Ox- 
ford      325 

74.  Moral  and  intellectual  influence  of  the  Court  on  the 
Universities    327 

75.  Influence  of  the  Nation  at  large,  and  especially  of  the 
Metropolis,  on  the  Universities 329 

76.  Reciprocal  influence  between  the  Inns  of  Court  and  the 
Universities 331 

77.  Evil  influence  of  the  Gentry  upon  the  Universities. ...  333 

78.  Evidence  concerning  the  Domestic  Education  of  the 
Gentry   335 

79.  Mutual  action  between  the  Universities  on  one  side,  and 
the  Schools  and  the  Church  on  the  other 337 

80.  Cultivation  of  Law  at  the  Universities 343 

81 .  Medical  Study  at  the  Universities    344 

82.  Effect  on  the  Universities  of  the  London  College  of 

Physicians 345 

183.  State  of  Mental  Philosophy  at  the  Universities 347 


Ix  CONTENTS. 

fllCT.  PAOB 

184.  Evil  influences  acting  within  the  Universities :  especially 

at  Oxford 349 

185.  Wood's  testimony  concerning  Leicester  as  Chancellor 

of  Oxford 352 

186.  Intrigue  is  complicated  hy  the  anti-Puritanical  tenden- 

cies of  the  Queen « 353 

187.  Leicester,  as  Patron  of  the  Puritans    356 

188.  Last  contest  of  Northern  and  Southemmen,  in  electing 

Leicester's  Successor 358 

189.  State  of  Oxford  after  Leicester's  death 361 

190.  GFeneral  remarks  on  Cambridge  during  the  reign  of 

Elizabeth    364 

NOTES. 

KOT* 

1 .  Separation  of  Theology  from  other  Branches  of  Study  369 

2.  CJonnexion  of  the  Universities  with  the  Church    370 

3.  Corporate  Privileges  of  the  University  of  Paris    372 

4.  On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Oxford  Schools    373 

6.  Testimony  of  Ingulf  (in  1050)  relating  to  Oxford    385 

6.  Physical  Position  and  Strength  of  Oxford 386 

7.  Number  of  Houses  at  Oxford,  after  the  Conquest    387 

8.  Favor  of  Henry  I.  towards  Oxford  387 

9.  State  of  Learning  in  the  Twelfth  Century 388 

10.  Parisian  Immigrration  to  Oxford  389 

11.  On  the  Terms, "Rector— Chancellor,"  &c 390 

12.  Respecting  the  "  AuIsd  and  Hospitia"  (Halls  and  Lodgings.) 393 

13.  Early  Growth  of  the  University  of  Cambridge 397 

14.  Learned  Authors  in  the  Fourteenth  Century,  connected  with  the 

two  Universities 401 

15.  Greatest  number  of  Academicians  at  Oxford,  &c 401 

16.  Position  of  Students  towards  Teachers  in  the  Twelfth  and 

Thirteenth  Centuries 404 

17.  Present  State  of  the  German  Universities 406 

18.  Dates  respecting  the  rise  of  "the  Nations"  at  Oxford 406 

19.  Oxford  Decree  of  1262,  forbidding  the  Nations  to  celebrate 

certain  Saints'  days    407 

20.  Respecting  •*  the  Nations"  and  their  Subdivisions    408 

21.  Testimony  borne  by  Edward  I.  in  favor  of  Robert  Grossotcste  411 


CONTENTS.  Ixi 

HOT!  PAOB 

22.  Tamalt  in  1263,  occasioned  by  the  approach  of  Prince  Edward 

to  Oxford 412 

23.  Migration  of  Students  to  Northampton,  &c in  1264  413 

24.  Warlike  Part  taken  against  the  King  by  the  Scholars  at  North- 

ampton    414 

25.  **  The  Nations"  at  Cambridge — Documents  forbidding  the  estab- 

lishment of  a  University  at  Northampton 415 

26.  Disturbances  at  Cambridge  in  the  Thirteenth  Century 418 

27.  Rent  paid  by  Oxford  Scholars  for  Houses  and  Lodgings — who 

fixed  it: — the  Oath  taken  by  the  Citizens,  &c 419 

28.  Document  relating  to  the  treaty  between  the  University  and  the 

Town  of  Cambridge   421 

29.  On  the  Right  of  the  University  (Oxford)  to  test  the  Quality  and 

Quantity  of  Victuals,  and  other  Matters  of  Street  Police 423 

30.  Powers  of  the  Mayor  curtailed  by  the  Authority  of  the  Chancellor.  426 

31.  Decisive  Crisis  which  established  the  ascendancy  of  the  Univer- 

sity over  the  Town 428 

32.  Panegyric  on  the  University  (Oxford) 430 

33.  Revenues  of  the  University  of  Oxford 432 

34.  Poverty  of  the  University  in  1336  435 

35.  Expenses  incurred  by  the  University  (Oxford)  in  Lawsuits  at 

Rome 436 

36.  Mode  in  which  the  Halls  (as  contrasted  to  the  Colleges)  originated  437 

37.  Document  whereby  the  College,  called  University  College, 

was  founded  by  the  University  (of  Oxford)  itself^  in  the  year 
1280   438 

38.  Account  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  the  increased  maintenance 

of  Colleges,  1676 440 

30.  Specimen  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Oratory  at  the  University 441 

40.  On  the  Academic  Studies  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth    442 

41.  On  the  Cultivation  of  Mental  Philosophy  at  the  Universities  ...  443 

APPENDIX. 
Statistical  Tables  relating  to  the  Universities  in  the  Sixteenth  and 

Seventeenth  Centuries  445 


*^*  A  paper  on  the  historical  doubts  respecting  the  principal 
authority  for  the  supposed  connexion  of  Alfred  with  the  University 
of  Oxford,  has  been  added  to  the  English  edition,  in  vol.  ii.  part  2, 
page  597,  with  remarks  on  the  antiquity  of  that  University,  and 
some  observations  on  College  Statutes,  referred  to  in  this  volume. 


LIST  OF  PLATES. 

VOL  I. 


Presentation  of  the  Senior  Wrangler  to  the  Vice  chancellor, 

at  Cambridge,  1842,  to  face  the  Title-page. 
Frbdbbick  William  IV.,  King  of  Prussia,  to  face  the 

Author  8  Dedication  p€tge  xxxvii. 

John  Wyclifp,  1372 156 

Lady  Maboarbt,  Countess  of  Richmond  and  Derby,  1502.  166 
Exercise  at  Oxford  for  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Divinity, 

in  the  Theological  or  Divinity  School,  1842  168 

Dbrvobouilla,  Lady  Balliol,  1282  192 

West  Entrance  of  King's  College  Chapel,  Cambridge 200 

William  op  Wykeham,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  1379 202 

Erasmus,  1497  212 

Cardinal  Wolsey,  1525  236 

Christ  Church  Chapel,  Oxford  262 

Sir  Thomas  BoDLBY,  1598 304 

Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  1565 356 

Matthew  Parker,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  1559 366 


CORRIGENDA  IN  VOL.  I. 


The  reader  is  requested  to  make  the  following  corrections : — 

Paige  17,  line  9  of  Note,  for  actual,  read  reiU. 
22,  line  5,  for  not,  read  but. 
27,  line  5  from  bottom,  for  it  conid  not  bwi  be  that  they  jxtmetae^,  read  they  of 

coune  pouesaed. 
Xi,  line  15,  for  then,  read  ntJtf. 
45.  line  1,  torffainst,  read  againgt. 
70,  line  3  from  bottom,  for  tpeculatUm,  read  speetdutumg* 
K4,  line  6  from  bottom,  for  special  members^  read  membersr^tor  mesienoera, 

resid  special  metsenffert. 
85,  line  5,  for  are,  read  tcere. 

103,  line  10  from  bottom,  for  Southemmen,  read  Oafonl  Southemmen. 
103,  line  2,  for  Academicaru,  read  Academicians, 
109,  line  7,  for  precedences,  read  precedents. 
222,  line  15,  for  might,  read  icculd. 
249,  line  18,  for  1553,  read  1535. 
271,  line  7,  for  this,  read  /kts. 
354,  line  11  from  bottom,  for  hyaUy,  read  royalty. 

It  has  been  suggested  to  me,  that  in  p.  99,  /.  10,  fowrieenJtIi 
century  ought  to  be  thirteenth  century ;  and  it  appears  to  me  that 
the  remark  is  just.  Nevertheless,  I  think  I  have  expressed  the 
Authors  meaning  in  Vol.  i.  p.  204  of  the  German. 

An  obscurity  will  be  felt  in  the  remark,  contained  in  the  last 
sentence  of  §  173 ;  (p.  327.)  This,  I  believe,  is  due  to  my  having 
translated  eruditarum  inopidy  "by  want  of  learned  men;"  while 
our  Author  either  understood  it,  "  by  the  indigence  of  (its)  learned 
men,"  or  is  suggesting  a  reason  for  not  so  understanding  it. 

F.  W.  N. 


THE 


ENGLISH  UNIVEESITIES 


INTRODUCTORY  CHAPTER. 


ON  THE  GROWTH  OF  (CONTINENTAL)  UNIVERSITIES, 

IN  THE  12th  century. 


4  1 .  Reasons  for  comprehending  within  our  survey 
the  Universities  of  the  Continent. 

Rightly  to  understand  so  important  a  pheno- 
menon as  the  rise  of  Universities,  we  must  consider 
the  subject  in  connexion  with  the  general  state  of 
Western  Christendom  during  the  Middle  Ages.  In 
spite  of  national  diversities,  there  existed  all  over 
Europe  a  striking  unity  of  spirit,  of  civilization,  of 
learning  and  of  religious  feeling ;  diffused  mainly  by 
the   Church,  which,  from  her  centre  at  Rome, 


2  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

acted  as  the  mainspriiig  of  mental  cultivation  every 
where,  and  penetrated  into  the  internal  constitu- 
tion of  all  the  nations  beneath  her  sway.  On  the 
Continent,  several  Universities  had  arisen  before 
those  of  England,  and  others  sprang  up  at  the  same 
time. 

All  these  institutions  are  to  be  regarded  as  phe- 
nomena characteristic  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  each 
separate  University  was,  at  that  time,  intimately 
connected  with  the  state  of  European  civilization. 
Even  this  circumstance,  were  this  all,  would  de- 
mand from  an  historian  of  the  English  Universities, 
previously  to  examine  the  older  institutions  of  a 
similar  kind.  But,  in  fact,  we  cannot  dispense  with 
the  information  to  be  derived  from  this  source; 
for  our  accounts  of  the  English  Universities  are  too 
scanty  to  be  understood  without  such  illustrations. 
Moreover,  it  is  well  known,  that  they  stood  in  close 
relationship  with  the  Universities  of  the  Continent, 
and  especially  with  that  of  Paris ;  so  that  this  pre- 
liminary enquiry  legitimately  falls  within  our  pro- 
vince. But  it  will  be  somewhat  more  laborious, 
because  we  have  come  to  conclusions  essentially  dif- 
ferent from  those  which  are  current  concerning  these 
matters,*  and  we  must  therefore  detail  our  own 
views  more  fully. 

*   [The  Author  refers  to  the  opinion  of  Meiners,  that  the  Univer- 
sities were  originally  independent  of  the  Church.] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  3 


^2.  On  the  Schools  of  Learning  which  preceded 
the  rise  of  Universities  proper. 

While  it  will  be  conceded,  that  no  natural  and 
healthy  development  of  human  existence  takes 
place,  except  so  far  as  its  outward  forms  are  shaped 
by  the  silent  yet  powerful  working  of  the  mind ; 
equally  certain  is  it,  that  such  working  is  eminently 
promoted  by  institutions  in  which  the  highest  know- 
ledge  attainable  in  the  age  is  cultivated  and  trans- 
mitted. 

Before  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  monastic  and 
cathedral  schools  existed  in  Italy  and  in  England  : 
after  his  time  they  were  established  on  the  Conti- 
nent, north  of  the  Alps.  These  schools  were  in- 
tended for  the  cultivation  of  the  higher  learning ; 
and  such  extent  and  importance  did  they  attain,  as 
to  be  called,  Places  of  General  Study,  Literary 
Universities,  or.  Academies.*  Indeed,  under 
Charlemagne  and  Alfred,  and  even  in  Germany  un- 
der the  Othos,  the  Church  manifested  an  intellectual 
spirit  much  more  similar  than  is  generally  admit- 
ted, to  the  spirit  of  the  Reformation  and  of  the 
period  of  revived  Classical  learning.  This  was 
manifested  in  her  mode  of  treathig  the  Holy  Scrip 
tures,  the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  the  Ancient 
Writers  and  their  languages,  the  discoveries  made 

*  Studium  generale  :  Universitas  Literaria :  Academia. 


4  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

by  that  age  in  Natural  Philosophy,  and  even  its 
imaginative  productions ;  which  had  in  part  come 
down  from  the  Heroic  and  Heathen  ages.  I  am 
aware  that  the  existence  of  any  similarity  between 
the  two  periods  will  be  inconceivable  to  those  who 
see  in  the  Reformation  nothing  but  a  negative 
principle.  I,  however,  believe  that  at  both  epochs 
there  prevailed  eminently  an  objective  historical 
spirit,  which  desires  external  fact  as  a  basis  for 
spiritual  conviction  ;  a  spirit  which  has  great  power 
of  faith  in  approved  testimony,  and  can  bring 
such  faith  to  work  on  practical  life.  But  that  early 
era, —  artless  and  natural, — was  of  course  exceed- 
ingly confined  as  to  its  absolute  amount  of  know- 
ledge and  the  extent  of  its  views.  It  disappears,  as 
something  quite  insignificant,  before  the  glittering 
pomp  and  the  great  moral  contests  of  the  succeed- 
iug  period,  the  Age  of  Chivalry. 

In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  however, 
the  schools  continued  to  rise  and  to  extend  their 
organization,  parallel  to  the  general  progress  of 
intelligence.  Speculative  Theology  and  Philosophy 
were  growing  out  of  the  narrow  Logic  and  Rhe- 
toric of  the  ancient  Trivium  and  Qtuidrivium  ;*  and 
two  new  sources  of  knowledge, — Roman  Law  and 
Grseco- Arabian  Natural  History, — were  opened. 

♦  ['Jlie  Trivium  included  Grammar,  Logic,  and  Rhetoric:  and  the 
Quadrivium,  Arithmetic,  Greometry,  Astronomy,  and  Music] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


^  3.  Spirit  of  the  Twelfth  Century^  compared  to 

that  of  the  Nineteenth^  and  contrasted 

mth  that  of  the  Sixteenth. 

An  important  and  essential  similarity  appears  to 
me  to  exist  between  the  general  movement*  of  mind 
in  the  present  nineteenth  century,  and  that  in  the 
twelfth.  Our  own  age  seems  to  carry  forward  a  like 
spirit,  although  on  a  larger  scale,  and  with  more 
abundant  resources.  Both  epochs  are  characterized 
by  philosophic  speculation :  there  is  in  both  a 
striving  like  that  of  Sisyphus,  without  tangible 
result,  yet  never  wholly  useless :  in  both  there  is  a 
plentiful  supply  of  materials,  not  only  for  faith,  but 
also  for  knowledge.  It  is  true,  we  cannot  tell 
whether  the  Wise  Men  of  the  present  day  will 
recognize  and  admit  the  likeness;  and  still  less, 
what  result  for  their  own  labors  it  will  lead  them 
to  augur.  But,  instead  of  dwelling  on  this  similarity, 
and  involving  ourselves  in  a  period  of  time  which 
is  not  yet  vnthin  the  domain  of  history ;  it  is  more 
appropriate  to  illustrate  the  spirit  of  the  twelfth 
century  by  putting  it  in  contrast  with  that  by 
which  the  sixteenth,  and  the  latter  part  of  the 
fifteenth,  are  characterized. 

In  each  of  the  periods  now  contrasted,  there  was 
a  great  movement :  nor  was  the  earlier  of  the  two 

^  [It  must  be  remembered  that  the  author  has  German  philo- 
sophy peculiarly  in  view  in  these  remarks.] 


6  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

much  inferior  in  the  variety  and  importance  of  its 
results  to  the  general  intellect.  We  are  indeed 
apt  to  feel  an  undue  partiality  toward  the  sixteenth 
century  in  comparison  with  the  twelfth,  because  the 
great  discoveries  of  the  later  epoch  still  so  seriously 
affect  the  whole  substance  and  direction  of  our 
outward  life.  The  twelfth  on  the  contrary  has  its 
beams  dimmed  by  a  nearer  brightness ;  nor  has  it 
much  with  which  many  men  in  our  day  can  sym- 
pathise: we  must  then  carefully  examine  every 
lasting  impression  which  it  has  left.  At  any  rate 
from  the  East,  fresh  streams  were  poured  in  upon 
that  age  to  contribute  to  its  outward  and  inward 
life ;  nor  ought  we  to  assume  that  these  were  less 
abundant  than  those  which  afterwards  overflowed 
the  sixteenth  century,  when  the  old  world  was 
recovered  and  a  new  world  opened :  much  less,  if 
in  each  instance  we  compare  that  which  was  added 
with  that  which  already  existed.  But  this  remark 
refers  to  the  material  of  knowledge,  not  to  the 
intellectual  spirit  which  was  at  work,  nor  to  its 
results. — In  the  period  of  the  Crusades,  the  naive 
capacity  of  belief,  transmitted  from  the  preceding 
age,  reached  its  height,  simultaneously  with  the 
Chivalric  spirit.  With  this  it  most  strangely 
blended  a  whimsical  fancy  and  a  speculative  keen- 
ness, by  the  working  of  which  its  childlike  faith 
was  sapped,  and  the  whole  system  at  length  fell. 
Then,  out  of  the  rubbish  of  scholastic  speculation 
and  poetical  enchantment,  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  / 

centuries  dawn  upon  us,  fresh  in  youth,  and  illus- 
trious by  the  resurrection  of  Heathen  Art  and 
Gospel  Faith.  The  positive  amount  of  culture, — the 
accumulations  of  knowledge, —  were  then  far  richer 
and  fuller  than  at  the  earlier  epoch.  But  the 
mental  activity,  absolutely  considered,  was  much 
greater  in  the  twelfth  century ;  even  to  so  feverish 
a  degree  as  chiefly  to  give  that  age  its  unpractical 
character.  Too  vigorous  a  fancy  seized  upon, 
and  consumed,  all  the  materials  of  knowledge. 
They  vanished  under  the  magical  influence  of  an 
intellect  which  converted  their  most  solid  substance 
into  artificial  webs.  Even  institutions  which  pro- 
fessed to  be  practical,  as  those  of  Chivalry  and 
Monachism,  seem  too  fantastic  and  incorporeal 
for  true  history ;  while  the  really  substantial  mat- 
ters of  fact  which  chronologically  fall  into  the  same 
period, —  the  extension  of  commerce,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  rights  of  chartered  cities,  the  league  of 
the  Hanse  towns, —  these  look  quite  out  of  place, 
as  though  they  rather  made  part  of  a  more  sober 
age  to  come.  But  I  must  not  tarry  on  a  question 
which  does  not  so  immediately  concern  me,  nor 
must  I  seek  to  decide  on  the  value  of  the  results 
obtained  from  the  speculative  philosophy  of  that 
period.  Except  in  circles  decidedly  deficient  in 
historical  cultivation,  these  are  perhaps  rather  too 
highly  than  too  slightly  appreciated ;  and  it  is  now 
a  sort  of  axiom,  that  in  that  age,  the  struggle  to 
apprehend  things  which  began  to  outgrow  faith, 


8  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

things  which  had  hitherto  been  believed,  involved 
the  most  vitally  important  questions ;  —  that,  in  so 
far,  the  impulse  had  an  excellent  tendency ; — that  it 
was  diffused  among  all  ranks  more  widely  than  can 
again  be  shown  in  the  annals  of  history ; —  in  fine, 
that  such  names  as  Lanfranc,  Anselm,  Abelard, 
Peter  Lombard,  Hugo  of  St.  Victor,  Alexander 
Hall,  Albert  the  Great,  Thomas  Aquinas,  Duns 
Scotus,  Occam,  and  many  others,  have  a  place  in 
the  Golden  Book  of  the  Peerage  of  Intellect* 


§  4.  On  the  New  Philosophy  of  the  Twelfth 
Century y —  theoretic  and  practical. 

I  have  not  to  treat  on  the  tendencies,  absolutely, 
of  the  philosophy  which  in  the  twelfth  century  was 
called  New,  so  much  as  on  its  contrast  with  the 
Old :  and  next,  on  the  part  taken  by  the  Church  in 
that  revolution. 

When  I  thus  contrast  the  old  and  the  new  stu- 
dies, let  me  not  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  the 
germs  of  the  new  philosophy  are  not  discoverable 
at  a  much  earlier  time, —  in  Alcuin,  in  Erigena,  in 
the  Fathers  of  the  Church.  But  if  a  greater  fulness 
of  development  may  not  be  taken  as  a  mark  of  a 
new  epoch,  history  cannot  distinguish  old  and 
new  ;  for  the  new  was  ever  in  the  womb  of  the  old. 

That  at  this  period  Law  and  Medicine  began  to 
be  cultivated  anew,  is  well  known.     Yet  it  is  less 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  9 

considered  than  it  deserves,  that  in  the  heart  of 
Christian  Europe  they  forthwith  lost  their  positive 
nature,  and  were  swallowed  in  the  vortex  of  fan- 
tasy. At  a  much  later  time,  (after  the  Aristotelic 
Physics,  tinged  by  the  Arabian  spirit,  had  spread 
over  Western  Christendom,)  the  very  same  thing 
happened  to  the  auanliary  medical  sciences.  Of 
course,  no  place  was  then  left  for  experimental  and 
inductive  methods  in  Natural  Philosophy  and  Me- 
dicine. As  for  Roman  Law  indeed,  it  was  wholly 
untractable  to  speculation ;  but  for  this  very  rea- 
son, it  was  deprived  of  all  scientific  treatment 
whatever.  It  won  its  way  very  slowly  on  this 
side  the  Alps,  in  competition  with  the  native  juris- 
prudence. That  part  only  on  which  the  Church 
could  graft  her  claims,  attained  a  systematic  cul- 
tivation ;  and  this  was  incorporated  with  Theology. 
However,  Law  and  Medicine  may  be  called  the  new 
practical  sciences  of  that  day,  in  contrast  to  the 
new  dialectical  speculations. 

The  Old  School  complained,  Jirst^  that  the  bold 
spirit  of  innovation  was  remodelling  at  will  all  the 
dogmas  of  the  Church :  nea^ty  that  through  its 
prevalence  must  ensue  an  entire  oblivion  of  the 
scientific  facts  laboriously  gleaned  from  classic 
authorities,  (for  their  intrinsic  value  was  not  so 
much  regarded,)  and  the  study  of  the  old  languages 
themselves  would  be  despised.  Bold  spirits  and 
fluent  tongues  were  able  also,  without  the  toil  of 
the  Trivium  and  Quadriviuniy  to  make  themselves 


10  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

important  by  a  smattering  of  Dialectics  ;*  while  the 
substantial  recompences  earned  by  Jurisprudence 
and  Medicine,  drew  oflF  many  more  minds  from  the 
old  routine  of  study.  Its  sincere  followers,  whether 
scientifically  or  spiritually  devoted  to  it,  probably 
looked  on  these  lucrative  branches  as  degrading  to 
the  nobler  feelings:  and  indeed  their  own  self- 
interest  and  self-importance  must  likewise  have 
been  sometimes  wounded.  It  is  remarkable  that 
the  speculative  schools,  old  and  new,  made  common 
cause  against  the  new  practical  studies.  These 
intruders  were  wholly  heterogeneous,  but  the  new 
speculation,  having  developed  itself  out  of  the  old, 
had  points  of  agreement  and  sympathy  with  it. 


$  5.  Dangers  which  threatened  the  Church  from  the 
new  movement ;  and  her  proceedings. 

The  progress  of  events  now  depended  on  the 
path  chosen  by  the  Church ;  and  it  is  our  first 
question,  how  she  looked  on  the  new  movements, 
and  secured  the  ascendancy  of  her  own  doctrines  in 
their  chief  seat,  the  Universities. 

They  must  undoubtedly  have  caused  her  deep 
anxiety.  How  her  own  policy  was  finally  decided, 
has  never  yet  been  cleared  up :  nor  can  we  under- 
take that  task.  Suffice  it  to  rest  in  the  known 
general  result,   that  she  met  the  new  speculative 

*  [Dialectics,  another  name  for  Logic,  in  the  Aristotelic  schools.] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  11 

tendency  not  altogether  in  hostility.  She  de- 
termined to  adopt  it  for  herself ;  to  mould  it  (as  far 
as  possible)  to  her  service ;  yet  to  isolate  it  from 
Theology,  her  own  peculiar  charge.  'R)  meet  the 
wants  of  the  age,  she  established  (as  at  other  times) 
new  organs.  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  under 
her  banners,  rushing  into  the  arena  of  speculation, 
soon  made  it  their  own ;  and  though  the  movement 
was  not  quelled,  (for  active  controversy  con- 
tinued between  the  very  champions  of  the  Church,) 
it  was  far  less  dangerous,  than  if  it  had  been 
wholly  independent  of  her.  Much,  it  may  be  said, 
was  lost  by  this  policy ;  but  how  much  more  was  at 
stake !  and  how  much  was  saved  by  her !  Remem- 
ber Arnold  of  Brescia ;  and  at  least  the  adroitness 
of  the  Church  must  appear  admirable,  even  if  we 
are  too  blind  to  see,  that  in  spite  of  her  defects, 
higher  principles  were  at  work  within  her.  To 
save  her  dogmas  was  an  urgent  necessity :  for  [not 
saving  all  the  positive  elements  of  the  old  studies, 
she  cannot  be  blamed :  but  for  whatever  of  them  { 

survived,  the  merit  is  hers. 

But  she  had  also  to  dread  bitter  fruit  from  the 
practical  branches  of  the  new  tree  of  knowledge. 
In  Italy  however,  where  the  Rights  of  Ccesar* 
might  have  been  most  dangerous,  the  danger  dis- 
appeared with  the  imperial  power  itself.  The 
lesser  sovereigns  who  cloaked  their  usurpations  by 

*  ["  Jus  Caesareum,"  the  vague  rights  claimed  by  the  Emperor  of 

Rome.] 


t 


12  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

claiming  the  name  of  Caesars,  were  not  formidable 
to  her;  though, —  to  suppress  both  old  and  new 
freedom, —  they  soon  called  into  play  the  worst 
principles  of  the  old  Roman  despotism. 

Beyond  the  Alps  the  vigorous  Germanic  Institu- 
tions stifled  whatever  of  the  Roman  Jurisprudence 
would  have  been  hostile  to  the  Church ;  while,  as 
for  that  part  of  it  which  was  called  the  Canonical 
Law,  she  was  able  to  foster  it  at  will  under  the 
nurture  of  her  own  champions ;  the  more  distin- 
guished and  active  of  whom  were  the  Dominicans. 
Physical  studies  were  the  most  unmanageable. 
The  Physician  was  a  person  practically  too  in- 
dispensable, to  be  under  surveillance  for  his  or- 
thodoxy, by  Church  or  by  State :  nay,  nor  could 
he  be  troubled  by  them,  whether  he  learned  his 
art  from  Jew,  from  Arabian,  or  from  the  very 
spirits  of  Hell.  Other  applications  however  of 
Natural  Philosophy,  were  severely  watched;  and 
such  sciences,  even  to  be  endured,  needed  to  wear 
the  glittering  garb  of  Speculation  or  Mysticism. 


§  6.  Relation  of  the  Church  to  the  Universities^ 

at  their  rise. 

But  how  stood  the  Church  towards  the  Univer- 
sities ?  And  how  did  she  recommend  and  establish 
her  own  interests  ? 

Erroneous  views  concerning  the  origin  of  the 


"A 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


13 


Universities  have  arisen  from  an  erroneous  reply 
to  this  question.  It  has  been  supposed  that  all 
these  bodies  were  primitively  independent^  and 
were  brought  under  her  guardianship  gradually, 
and- by  equivocal  means.  On  the  contrary,  most 
of  the  Continental  Universities  originated  in  entire 
dependence  on  the  Church.  Some  only  were  after- 
wards gradually  emancipated,  and  not  entirely  till 
after  the  Reformation.  Her  superintendence  was 
undisputed,  her-interest  m  retaining  it  ciear :  and, 
^ox  two  PP|ftnripfi  hpr  mq^lg  tf  fi,if;firffi«ippf  SO  impor- 
^V^^  "^  ^'^iifiti  i^  ^^^if^^  |]Y  ^ti  honorable  activity. 

No  reference  is  here  made  to  the  Italian  Univer- 
sities,  nor  to  mere  isolated  cases,  such  as  that  of 
Montpellier,  for  we  might  err  in  supposing  them 
analogous  to  the  others.  Those  north  of  the  Alps 
originated  from  Monastic  and  Cathedral  Schools; 
those  in  Italy,  from  institutions  independent  of  the 
Church.     For  example,  Bologna  and  Salerno,*  the 


*  I  have  neither  Ackermann*8 
treatise  on  the  Schools  of  Saler- 
no at  hand,  nor  any  other  work 
immediately  bearing  upon  this 
subject,  and  what  I  could  ad- 
duce, from  my  own  knowledge 
of  the  matter,  would  carry  us 
too  far ;  besides,  the  above  ge- 
neral view  of  the  case,  will  not 
easily  be  contested.  Yet  I  may 
in  this  place,  be  permitted  to 
remind  my  readers  of  a  pas- 
sage in  Ordericus  Vitalis  (in 
Duchesne's  Scriptores  Rerum 
Normanicorutn,  p.  177.)  Since 
Rodbertus  de  Mala  Corona,  when 


already  advanced  in  years,  en- 
tered in  1059,  the  monastery  of 
EvreuXt  and  prior  to  this,  during 
his  earlier  travels  had  visited 
Salerno,  then  a  celebrated  insti- 
tution ;  we  may  reasonably  con- 
sider this  account  to  refer  to  the 
year  1030,  which  is  generally 
assigned  as  the  period,  when  the 
establishment  of  this  place  of 
study  (Studium)  occiured.  A 
remarkable  account  is  also  given 
in  the  same  place,  of  a  matron, 
the  only  person  who  shewed 
herself  superior  to  this  equally 
brave  and  learned  Norman. 


14  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

oldest  and  most  considerable^  had  not  an  ecclesias- 
tical origin :  at  least  there  is  every  reason  for  so 
judging  even  in  the  latter  case,  where  we  have  no 
positive  and  complete  testimony.  The  Northern 
studies  were  speculative;  the  Italian,  eminently 
practical ; —  that  is,  in  the  older  Universities,  such 
as  Bologna,  Padua,  and  Salerno.  By  the  epithet 
Italian  then,  I  may  be  permitted  to  denote  the 
Non- Scholastic  Universities,  whether  or  not  geo- 
graphically included  in  Italy.  The  Law  Professor- 
ships of  Bologna  were  connected  vnth  the  Imperial 
Courts ;  a  fact  which  made  it  impossible  for  them  to 
be  subject  to  the  Church  and  Pope :  and  the  age  itself 
forbade  the  idea  of  such  a  thing.  They  sprang  primi- 
tively out  of  their  peculiar  position^  and  assumed  a 
.  corresponding  organization ;  in  the  one  and  in  the 
other  diflPering  from  those  beyond  the  Alps.  We 
caimot  now  discuss  how  far  they  were  influenced 
by  the  social  and  intellectual  state  of  Italy,  where 
the  Middle  Age  ceased  with  Dante ;  where  many 
elements  of  ancient  civilization  were  retained,  and 
opportunities  for  ^^  objective"  culture  abounded. 

X5L_iLis.-Df^^ft^J9?dJbx  rnfiny  (as  hy  Mpinpra*)^ 

that  the  Northern  Universities  were  originalV 
free ; — were  produced  by  a  voj 
teachers  and  scholars  of  the  new  philospphy.  n< 
ecclesiastigal.  men,  who  desired  no  authorization 
from  the  Church.  This  opinion  pleases  the  fantasy 
and  pride  of  learning,  and  ministers  to  anti-ecclesi- 

*  [The  author  quotes  from  Meiners's  History  of  the  Schools.'] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  15 

astical  feelings.  Once  advanced  with  some  show 
of  research,  it  is  no  wonder  that  it  has  been  re- 
peated as  unquestionable  fact.  Yet  all  historical 
evidence  leans  so  directly  the  other  way,  that  we 
can  only  attribute  the  opinion  to  confusedness  of 
mind,  or  to  prepossession.  The  source  of  the 
error  may  be  traced  in  part  to  an  anticatholic,  or 
rather  an  antichurch,  and  even  antichristian  spirit : 
while,  (not  to  speak  of  other  practical  results,) 
it  gives  a  false  tendency  to  historical  research. 
The  opinion  has  been  unduly  propped  by  a  few 
exceptive  cases,  such  as  that  of  the  bold,  talented, 
unhappy  Abelard;  whose  history,  rightly  under- 
stood, really  proves  the  contrary  —  namely,  the 
dependence  of  the  Universities  on  the  Church.  In 
fact,  bo^josigYe  testimony  and  generaLEEobaMIi-. 
ties  assure  us,  th^t  thft  npty^  intellectual  impulse 
sprang  up,  not  only  on  the  domain  and  under  the 
g^jTijonng  Qf  fii^  Churchy  but  out  of  Ecclesiastical 
Schools. 


$  7.  Contrast  of  the  Old  and  New  Teachers. 

I  must  now  advert  to  a  diflFerence  which  has 
been  misunderstood,  between  the  old  and  the  new 
teachers.  The  former  were  members  of  an  ecclesi- 
astical corporation,  with  an  appointment  and  a 
salary.  Their  scholars  were  boys  or  youths,  gene- 
rally from  the  neighbouring  province,  and  destined 


16  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

to  become  ecclesiastics.  Schools  of  higher  repu- 
tation now  and  then  attracted  lay-pupils  from  a 
greater  distance,  who  were  sometimes  accommo- 
dated beyond  the  monastic  precincts.*  But  after  the 
close  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  secular  students  in- 
creased ;  many  also  came  at  a  more  advanced  age, 
and  from  other  countries.  The  teachers  too  in- 
creased in  number,  and  were  not  all  clergy.  Some 
may  even  have  been  self-taught.  For  the  most 
part,  they  were  now  neither  appointed  nor  salaried 
by  the  monastery,  and  many  had  to  rely  for  their 
maintenance  on  the  fees  from  their  scholars.  Yet 
a  large  proportion  of  the  pupils,  and  nearly  all  the 
teachers,  were  still  ecclesiastical :  in  fact,  up  to  the 
thirteenth  century  it  is  hard  to  count  half  a  dozen 
Jay-teachers.  Of  course  the  members  of  the  cleri- 
cal profession  were  responsible  to  their  order ;  and 
many  of  them,  enjoying  benefices,  were  thus  indi- 
rectly salaried  by  the  Church.  Finally,  most  of 
them  had  proceeded  from  the  old  schools.  In  fact, 
I  know  not  of  one  proved  case  of  a  self-taught 
instructor;  nor  can  I  tell  why  Abelard  has  been 
thought  to  furnish  an  example.  Thus  it  was  out  of 
the  Church  herself  and  her  institutions  that  the 
new  speculation  blossomed ; — ripened,  no  doubt,  by 
other  influences,  but  springing  from  no  other  root. 
No  one  will  deny  the  importance  of  these  facts 
to  a  right  view  of  our  subject.     I  allow  that  this  is 

*  A  lively  picture  is  given  of  this  in  the  St.  Grail  Chronicles  of 

the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


17 


a  question  of  ^^more  or  less;"  but  it  is  on  the 
preponderance  of  one  principle  that  every  historical 
phenomenon  depends.  In  this  case  the  guardian- 
ship of  the  Church  did,  beyond  a  doubt,  prepon- 
derate from  the  first  in  the  new  schools,  as  truly  as 
in  the  old.  The  final  outbursting  was  sudden,  (and 
so  is  the  blossoming  of  a  flower,)  but  the  prepara- 
tory steps  were  gradual.* 

It  is  not  at  all  strange  that  the  schools  which 
rose  beyond  the  old  local  limits,  should,  first,  get 
the  start  of  those  within^  and  next,  become  more  or 
less  independent  of  them.  But  to  imagine  them 
originally  independent,  is  to  impute  to  the  Church 
a  carelessness  and  short-sightedness  which  all  his- 
tory refutes.  In  truth,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
eleventh  century,  the  Papal  Bulls  and  Briefs  took 
notes  of  the  most  minute  details  of  management ; 
even  superintending  the  schools,  as  far  as  the  age 
permitted.  The  fact  will  not  be  denied  by  any :  it 
is  the  more  remarkable,  that  the  bearing  of  it 
should  have  been  so  little  understood. 


*  Most  important  upon  this 
subject,  are  the  accounts  which 
have  been  transmitted  to  us,  of 
such  schools  as  point  out  to  us 
the  steps  of  developement,  which 
took  place  in  the  commencement 
of  the  eleventh  century,  immedi- 
ately preceding  the  formation  of 
the  actual  Universities.  Among 
these,  we  may  for  instance  refer 
to  the  documents  concerning  the 
monastery  of  Bee  in  Normandy 


(Ordericus  Vitalis,  &c.)  This 
school,  like  many  others,  re- 
mained stationary,  or  probably 
even  retrograded,  while  in  Paris, 
Toulouse,  Orleans,  and  many 
other  places,  similar  institutions, 
under  more  favorable  circum- 
stances, were  raised  a  degree 
higher,  and  at  length,  toward  the 
close  of  the  eleventh  century,  we 
find  them  taking  their  stations 
as  Universities. 


18  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


§.  8  Original  functions  of  the  Chancellor^ — 

gradually  delegated. 

But  it  is  disputed  whether  the  new  schools  were 
ever  dependent  on  the  Authorities  of  the  old 
schools.  At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
notoriously  it  was  otherwise ;  and  it  is  alleged  that 
at  no  later  period  was  there  a  recognized  subordi- 
dination.  To  elucidate  this  matter^  I  shall  explain 
the  position  and  functions  of  the  Chancellor.  There 
was  a  time  when  he  was  himself  the  head  of  the 
school;  whence  he  received  the  names  Regens, 
Rectory  Propositus,  or,  Magister  Scholee  or  Schola- 
rum,  or  Capischolee,  or  Scholasticus.  Combining  at 
that  time  many  functions,  he  was  generally  Secre- 
tary, Keeper  of  the  Records,  and  Librarian  to  the 
Monastery.*  With  the  growth  of  the  establish- 
ment, division  of  labor  was  requisite.  As  the  Bishop 
or  Abbot  had  transferred  to  him  the  duty  of  school- 
keeping,  so  he  in  turn  passed  it  over  to  one  or  more 
deputies,  who  gradually  assumed  the  names  Magis- 
tri,  Regentes,  &c.,  though  the  Chancellor  did  not 
on  that  account  abandon  these  titles.  First  of  all, 
the   extra  monastic  schools    were    provided  with 

*  Extract  from  Bulaeus,  Hist,  to  impart  Licence  to  Teach : — 

Univ.  Paris,  i.  277.    "  We  read  to  appoint  some  Master  or  other 

that  the  following  were  the  fimc-  to  teach  in  the  Cloister  [in  claus- 

tions  of  the  Parisian  Chancellor :  trd]  : — to  hold  the  Lihrary  and 

— in  the  name  ofthe  Bishop  or  of  Seal  of  the  Chapter  in  trust." 

the  Apostles  to  inflict  or  remove  The    Cloister    means    the    old 

censures : — in  the  names  of  hoth  School  of  the  Chapter. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  19 

these  deputy  teachers ;  but  from  the  press  of  scholars 
who  poured-m  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century, 
an  increased  number  of  instructors  soon  became 
necessary,  and  fresh  school  buildings.  In  the  great 
demand  for  eminent  teachers,  the  Chancellor  was 
glad  to  accept  oflFers  from  competent  persons,  and 
to  give  them  —  not  so  much  an  appointment,  as 
licence  to  teach.  The  necessity  of  his  licence  was 
not  questioned ;  but  it  appeared  no  longer  a  conse- 
quence of  organic  connection  between  Head  and 
Members,  but  rather  as  an  influence  exerted  by 
him  over  a  foreign  system.  The  persons  permitted, 
at  their  own  desire,  to  teach,  naturally  were  the 
most  active  in  finding  a  suitable  locality  for  that 
purpose,  the  old  buildings  not  sufficing.  Meanwhile, 
however  the  older  schools  might  be  affected  by  the 
movement,  their  teachers  were  certainly  nominated 
by  the  Chancellor.*  We  may  add  that  the  changes 
which  we  have  described  as  incident  to  an  Episco- 
pal Chancellor,  might  equally  happen  to  the  Chan- 
cellor of  an  Abbey. 

Evidence  of  the  above  is  found  in  the  history  of 
the  more  favored  bodies,  which  earned  the  names 
of  Academy,  Place  of  General  Study,  Literary  Uni- 
versity; but  in  future  we  shall  confine  ourselves 
to  the  University  of  Paris,  the  analogy  of  which 
to  those  of  England  is  eminently  instructive  in 
elucidating  the  position  of  the  latter. 

*  See  the  distinctioii  drawn  in  the  quotation  from  Buleeus,  p.  18. 


20  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  9.  Early  growth  of  the  University  of  Paris. 

In  the  University  of  Paris,  even  from  its  very 
origin,  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  no  one 
could  teach  within  the  jurisdiction  of  an  ecclesias- 
tical corporation  without  leave  from  the  Chancellor 
of  that  corporation.  The  form  of  licence  may  once 
have  been  less  official  and  more  vague ;  the  Church 
may  have  been  satisfied  with  negative  superintend- 
ence, and  may  sometimes  have  winked  at  an  unli- 
censed teacher.  This  is  possible,  though  we  have 
no  proof  of  it:  but  it  would  not  alter  the  case. 
The  accounts  from  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century  agree  as  to  the  absolute  necessity  of  the 
Chancellor's  licentia  docendi  for  one  who  was  to 
be  a  teacher,  CMagister  Regens  Schola,  or  after- 
wards Doctor  ;J  yet  the  Chancellor  could  not  refuse 
to  license  an  applicant  on  any  other  ground  than 
unworthiness.  Papal  ordinances  in  vain  strove  to 
check  the  abuse  of  demanding  or  accepting  presents 
and  fees  for  such  a  grant. 

But  wherein  was  ability  to  be  held  to  consist, 
and  how  was  the  existence  of  it  to  be  ascertained  ? 

When  matters  were  in  the  bud,  and  the  candi- 
dates were  men  of  riper  age,  who  had  travelled 
wearily  along  the  Trivium  and  Quadrivium,  the 
Chancellor  could  easily  form  his  own  judgment  by 
direct  or  indirect  examination.  But  when  learning 
was   making   rapid  progress, —  when  teachers  of 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  21 

celebrity  were  every  day  rearing  hosts  of  pupils,  and 
hundreds  of  these  came  boldly  forward  to  claim  the 
post  of  teachers  themselves,  the  Chancellor  needed 
new  help.  His  personal  right  to  examine  the  can- 
didate was  acknowledged  and  exercised  even  long 
after  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century ;  but  even 
at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  the  custom  had  grown 
up  for  the  teachers  themselves  to  examine  the 
scholars  and  recommend  to  the  Chancellor  for 
his  licence  those  whom  they  deemed  competent. 
The  natural  progress  of  events  would  of  itself  re- 
commend this  to  every  unprejudiced  mind  as  the 
solution  needed.  Let  us  suppose  a  Chancellor 
superannuated,  or  overprest  with  business,  or  too 
indolent  to  keep  up  with  the  new  movement.  How 
could  he  maintain  his  dignity  in  conducting  a 
sham  examination  of  acute  young  men,  fired  with 
enthusiasm  at  their  supposed  progress  in  science, 
if  he  were  unable  to  cope  with  them  on  their 
own  ground?  Things  did  not  go  on  then,  any 
more  than  now,  according  to  the  letter  of  ordi- 
nances: it  would  have  been  wonderful  had  the 
Chancellor  not  desired  to  modify  his  right,  without 
renouncing  it.  Thus  reserving  to  himself  the 
exercise  of  it  in  extraordinary  cases,  he  ordinarily 
trusted  to  the  testimony  of  the  teachers.  That  this 
natural  middle  course  was  taken,  is  proved  by  ori- 
ginal documents  of  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  Yet  it  cannot  have  been  then  less  than 
a  century  old;  for  the  Papal  Bulls  on  this  subject 


22  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

do  not  imply  that  there  has  been  recent  mnova- 
tion^  and  breathe,  throughout,  a  conservative  spirit. 
But  (as  we  might  expect)  by  the  end  of  the  thir- 
teenth century  the  Chancellor's  right  to  examine 
dies  a  natural  death ;  and  thenceforth  he  does  not 
grant  the  licence  to  those  whom  the  Teachers  re- 
commend. It  is  not  important,  nor  possible,  to 
settle  exactly  when  the  examination  fell,  finally  and 
exclusively,  into  the  hands  of  the  Universities  and 
their  "  Faculties,"  but  it  was  in  the  course  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  It  must  have  been  equally 
desired  by  Teachers  and  Scholars.  The  Chancellor, 
an  Episcopal  Officer,  had  long  stood  without  their 
circle,  and  must  have  been  regarded  by  them  as  an 
incompetent  judge. 


$  10.   Similar  developement  in  the  Abbey  of 

St.  Genevieve. 

In  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Genevieve,  a  like  change 
in  the  Chancellor's  position  took  place,  about  the 
same  time.  Circumstances  may  have  led  one 
teacher  or  other  to  desire  to  fix  his  School  —  not 
between  the  two  bridges  on  the  Island  of  N&tre 
Dame  where  was  the  principal  seat  of  the  Studium 
GeneraUy  but  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Seine,  upon 
the  domain  of  the  Abbey  and  liable  only  to  its 
prohibition.  (For  they  thus  evaded  all  conflict 
with  the  Bishop  and  his  Chancellor,  who  had  no 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  23 

jurisdiction  there.)  It  would  also  be  to  the  interest* 
of  the  Abbey  to  encourage  such  a  Colony.  The 
competition,  then,  of  the  two  Chancellors  would 
promote  the  independence  of  the  University,  while 
every  indulgence  granted  by  one  was  quoted  as 
precedent  to  the  other. 


$11.  The  Scientific  and  National  States. 

We  must  then  abandon  the  idea,  that  the  Uni- 
versities arose  from  the  spontaneous  action  of  men, 
who  stept  beyond  and  set  at  nought  the  ecclesias- 
tical organization.  Their  independence  was  not 
originaUy  contemplated  ;  but  it  was  in  great  mea- 
sure achieved  by  L  energies  of  the  men!  by  whom 
they  were  raised  into  so  flourishing  a  state.  Led 
by  a  free  and  inward  call,  these  master-spirits  of 
the  age  won  their  emancipation  from  the  restric- 
tions which  had  now  become  empty  forms;  and 
herein  they  were  not  only  tolerated,  but  welcomed 
with  honor. 

The  state  of  things  which  we  have  described  is 
characterized  by  the  general  rule,  (allowance  being 
made  for  exceptions)  that  the  licence  to  teach  was 
granted  by  the  Chancellor,  upon  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  Teachers.      This   may  be   called   the 


*  Fees,  though  forbidden,  were  taken,  and  many  indirect  advan- 
tages accrued  both  to  the  Abbey  authorities,  and  to  the  whole 
quarter  of  the  town. 


24  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

scientific  in  distinction  to  the  national  state.*  Under 
the  former,  an  aristocracy  of  the  teachers  unfolded 
itself;  of  the  latter,  the  pupils  appear  as  the  na- 
tural supporters.  Moreover,  while  the  scientific 
developement  advanced,  the  Faculties  simultane- 
ously received  a  fuller  organization. 

When  thousands  of  students  of  different  nations 
flocked  to  Paris,  methodic  arrangement  was  needed 
for  preventing  riot  and  confusion.  That  the  Chan- 
cellor or  any  Secular  authority  organized  a  com- 
plete body  of  Statutes  for  this  purpose,  no  one  will 
imagine,  unless  he  is  ignorant  of  the  spirit  and  man- 
ners  of  those  times  and  prepossessed  with  notions 
of  modem  police.  Matters  went  on  as  they  best 
might,  till  something  insufferable  occurred;  and 
then,  regulations  arose  for  the  exigency.  The 
rules  to  be  observed  during  the  time  of  Lectures, 
settled  themselves  by  tradition  and  precedent. 
Outside  the  Lecture  Room,  the  academicians  fell 
into  clans,  based  upon  community  of  language  and 
manners,  and  technically  called  nations  ;t  which 
assumed  spontaneously  an  independent  organiza- 
tion. None  from  without  desired  to  interfere  with 
them,  so  long  as  they  adhered  to  decorum:  but 
as  the  clans  had  a  community  of  interest,  against 
the  townsmen  as  well  as  against  the  teachers, 
they  naturally  united  into  a  greater  whole,  with  a 
more  comprehensive  inward  constitution.  Primi- 
tively republican  as  it  was,  there  was  yet  in  it  an 

♦  [Thia  word  is  presently  explained.]      t  See  Bulseus,  i.  250. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  25 

aristocratic  tendency  among  its  elder  and  more 
experienced  men.  The  four  nations  in  Paris 
are  known  to  have  elected  superintendents  called 
Proctors,  who,  with  a  Rector*  as  their  head  (also 
chosen  by  all  the  nations)  presided  over  the  Cotyms 
Scholarium.  None  who  understand  those  times, 
would  think  of  seeking  documentary  accounts  of 
the  origin  of  such  arrangements.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  thirteenth  century  they  appear  as  the 
natural  order ;  named  indeed  only  in  contrast  to  the 
scientific  constitution,  which  then  assumed  the  pre- 
ponderance, though  its  commencement  was  much 
earlier.  Wherever,  as  in  the  Italian  system,  the 
teachers  were  primitively  independent  of  the 
Church;  they  became  proportionably  dependent 
on  their  pupils,  and  the  national  organization  pre- 
vailed. Where  (as  in  Bologna)  no  licence  to  teach 
was  needed  at  all,  there  the  recommendation  of  the 
teachers  was  equally  needless:  and,  as  it  rested 
with  the  scholars  to  decide  to  whom  they  would 
listen,  it  soon  fell  to  them  to  decide  who  ought  to 
teach. 

*  The  Rector  was  afterwards  a  common  head  to  the  nations 
and  to  the  Teacher-Aristocracy.  I  confess  I  am  not  certain  that 
he  was  ever  head  of  the  nations  only. 


26  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

§  12.  Establishment  of  the  aristocracy  of  the 

Teachers  in  Paris. 

In  Paris,  the  teachers,  and  the  scholars  who 
aspired  to  be  teachers,  had  a  common  interest  in 
prospect,  which  worked  side  by  side  with  the  no- 
tional  interests.  Meanwhile,  when  the.  Chancellor 
threw  more  and  more  of  his  responsibility  on  the 
teachers,  these  last  were  of  necessity  led  into  closer 
union  one  with  another.  For  the  tendency  of  each 
teacher  to  over-esteem  his  own  scholars  and  re- 
commend them  unduly,  needed  to  be  checked; 
and  either  a  joint  examination,  or  a  committee  of 
examiners,  was  the  obvious  resource.  The  work- 
ing of  this  must  soon  have  raised  the  teachers  mto 
an  aristocracy,  by  their  influence  over  so  many 
candidates  for  their  approbation:  but  an  aristo- 
cracy open  to  all  who  were  worthy,  cannot  have 
been  oppressive.  Again;  within  each  nation  the 
same  spirit  wrought :  for  the  elder  and  more  able 
scholars,  being  often  candidates  for  the  post  of 
teacher,  sympathized  with  the  teacher's  interests : 
and  these  elder  scholars  formed  a  knot  within  the 
general  body,  and  gained  influence  by  the  same 
means  as  the  teachers  themselves.  Soon,  there- 
fore, the  Teachers  {Magistriy  Doctores)  monopolized 
all  the  higher  functions ;  —  as,  the  right  of  delibe- 
ration and  decision  on  common  interests,  of  elect- 
ing, and  being  elected;  —  alike  in  the  general 
organization,  and  in  that  of  the  separate  nations. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  27 

The  preponderance  of  the  Teachers  was  con- 
firmed^ by  their  bemg  the  only  representatives  of 
the  whole  scholastic  body  to  those  without.  As  that 
body  grew  in  importance,  it  attracted  the  atten- 
tion even  of  the  temporal  Sovereign,  and  much 
earlier  that  of  the  Pope.  Now  to  whom  but  the 
Teachers  should  the  Pope  address  himself,  when 
the  Chancellor  had  practically  transferred  to  them 
his  most  important  prerogative  ?  The  Popes  espe- 
cially aimed  to  save  the  Universities  from  becoming 
subservient  merely  to  local  interests,  and  elevate 
them  into  general  organs  of  the  Church :  and  the 
intercourse  hence  arising,  exhibited  and  confirmed 
the  supreme  authority  of  the  Teachers. 

We  have  seen  how  the  first  grant  to  them  by 
the  Chancellor,  drew  after  it,  almost  by  necessity 
and  by  natural  developement,  the  full  system  of 
their  power.  It  must  be  observed  also,  that  as  the 
scholars  originally  went  through  their  entire  educa- 
tion in  a  single  school,  each  teacher  was  supreme 
enactor  of  the  curriculum  of  study  for  his  own 
scholars.  When  therefore  the  Teachers  coalesced, 
it  could  not  but  be  that  they  possessed  collectively 
the  powers  of  scholastic  legislatioriy  which  they  had 
already  exercised  individually;  and,  there  is  no 
question*  that  it  lay  from  the  beginning  with  the 
body  of  Masters  (Magistri)  and  Doctors.  Yet  it  is  as 


*  Bulaeus,  iii.  141,  from  the  Constitution  of  Ghregory  IX. — 
"Constitutiones  faciendi  de  modo  et  hor&  legendi  et  disputandi, 
&c.  . .  conoedimus  fEuniltatem." 


28  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

certain  that  the  Church  claimed  the  right  of  super- 
vision :  and  as  the  matter  grew  in  general  estima- 
tion. Bishops,  Councils,  and  especially  Popes,  in- 
terfered by  undisputed  right  in  minor  details  of 
scholastic  discipline ;  yet  without  detriment  to  the 
internal  independence  of  the  Teachers.  Such  ano- 
malies may  appear  irreconcilable  to  modem  readers; 
but  they  need  not  seem  so,  if  it  be  remembered 
that  no  systematic  Cbnstitutions  were  aimed  at; 
but  things  were  regulated  for  then  oncey  as  occa- 
sion demanded :  a  process  which  worked  quite  as 
well  with  them,  as  the  oj^osite  method  with  us. 
Precedent  was  their  general  recognised  guide.  It 
had  indeed  to  be  disentangled,  defined,  and  con- 
firmed ;  but  it  was  sure  to  be  well  meant  and  well 
adapted  to  the  spirit  of  the  system.  This  method 
of  proceeding  first  unfolded  itself  in  the  old  Cathe- 
dral and  Abbey  Schools,  and  descended  with  cer- 
tain modifications  to  the  new  Academies. 


^  13.  On  the  Decrees  of  Bachelor  and  Master. 

The  mode  of  instruction  in  the  higher  branches, 
was  such,  as  to  call  out  the  self-activity  of  the 
scholars;  the  more  advanced  propounding  questions 
to  the  rest,  especially  in  the  terminal  exercises.* 
We  cannot  enter  into  the  varying  details,  practically 

*    pn  the  original :    "  Determinationen,  (Definitionen,)   Dispu- 

tationen."] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  29 

important  as  they  were ;  but  on  two  things  we 
must  dwell  a  moment.  The  Bachelor's  degree 
rose  out  of  the  separate  scholastic  disputations^ 
and  concerned  only  the  internal  economy  of  one 
school ;  it  needed  therefore  no  general  authorisa- 
tion. But  the  Master's  degree,  fMagistratus, 
DoctoratuSy  RegentiaJ  implied  the  right  of  open- 
ing a  school  oneself,  and  was  originally  dependent 
on  the  Chancellor's  licence.  It  was  not  then  an 
academical  dignity,  but  was  a  mere  leave  to  keep 
school,  granted  by  an  ecclesiastical  officer,  who 
within  recent  memory  had  been  himself  the  School- 
master. But  when  the  Teachers  had  risen  into  a 
Universitas  LiterariUy  with  authority  practically 
their  own  (in  spite  of  the  Chancellor's  theoretical 
rights)*  to  confer  the  licence,  the  reception  of  it 
became  an  honor,  for  which  many  competed  who 
had  no  wish  to  keep  a  school.  The  Licence  was 
but  the  testimonial  and  attribute  of  the  academical 
dignity  now  obtained. 

The  Licentiate  thus  accepted,  was,  by  virtue  of 
express  Papal  privileges,  competent  to  open  a 
school  any  where ;  but  he  was  not  yet  member 
of  any  particular  corporation  of  teachers.  As  a 
general  rule  however,  he  would  naturally  gain 
formal  admission  into  that  under  which  he  had 
been  educated.  He  received  a  Hat,  as  symbolic 
of  his  admission  among  the  Magistri  (Teachers, 

*  In  cases  of  controversy  between  the  Teachers  and  Chancellor, 
while  things  were  still  wavering,  appeal  was  made  to  the  Pope. 


30  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVER8ITIB8. 

Masters^)  and  so  regular  did  this  proceeding  be 
come^  that  it  was  soon  looked  upon  as  the  legitimate 
consequence  of  attaining  the  licence. 

Those  who  sought  and  attained  this  dignity,  were 
in  due  time  called-on  to  declare  whether  they  really 
intended  to  come  forward  as  Teachers.  In  case  they 
declined,  they  were  naturally  disabled  from  taking 
part  in  certain  business,  conferences  and  decisions, 
immediately  connected  with  the  relation  of  Teacher 
to  Scholar.  Hence  arose  the  distinction  between 
the  Moffistri  Regentes  and  the  Magistri  non  Re- 
gentesy  the  former  of  whom  formed  a  kind  of  select 
committee  possessing  a  preponderating  influence  in 
academic  matters.  With  the  difference  of  Actu 
Regentes  from  Necessarie  Regentes  we  have  nothing 
to  do  at  present. 


§  14.  Public  trial  of  Candidates  for  Degrees. 

m 

Another  step  was,  to  convert  the  private  ex- 
ercises in  the  schools  of  the  separate  teachers,  into 
a  part  of  the  general  University  system.  Thus  the 
"  determinations''  and  "  disputations"  between  the 
scholars  themselves,  became  public  academical 
solemnities,  in  which  the  candidate  had  to  make 
good  his  ability  to  teach,  prior  to  obtaining  the  re- 
commendation, the  licence,  and  the  incorporation. 
Examinations  on  a  narrower  scale,  either  by  the 
Chancellor,  or  by  the  Teachers,  proportionally  fell 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  31 

into  disuse  and  indeed  were  superfluous^  while 
the  disputations  retained  their  life.  In  the  same 
maimer  was  the  Bachelor's  degree  afterwards  raised 
into  an  academic  dignity ;  and  when  it  was  thus 
become  pre-requisite  to  the  degree  of  Master  or 
Doctor^  the  latter  naturally  assumed  the  character 
of  a  second  and  higher  degree. 

We  cannot  here  enter  into  the  details  of  a 
fluctuating  system ;  nor  into  the  etymology  of 
technical  terms^  into  the  primitive  meaning  of 
ceremonies^  nor  into  the  history  of  feed,  presents, 
and  treats,  which  the  candidates  were  to  give 
per  fas  aut  ne/as.*  The  changing  sense  of  terms 
involves  harassing  difficulties,  which  cannot  be 
investigated  in  this  work.  But  we  have  reason 
to  believe  that  up  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century 
the  title  of  Bachelor  denoted  merely  a  scholastic 
step ;  after  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth,  exclusively 
an  academic  dignity.  In  the  interim,  there  was 
irregularity :  and  it  must  be  kept  in  mind,  that  the 
elevation  of  the  Teachers  into  a  corporate  ruling 
body,  preceded  the  developement  of  the  academic 
dignities. 

*   Bulseus  is  ample  on  the  subject.     Meiners  thinks  that  much 

may  be  said  upon  all  the  points. 


32  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


§  15.  Separation  of  the  Faculties. 

We  proceed  to  an  important  subject ; —  the  for- 
mation of  the  Faculties.  Not  to  enter  into  minutiae 
concerning  the  form  which  they  assumed,  their 
substantial  nature  resulted  directly  out  of  the  mate- 
rials of  knowledge  then  existing.  The  new  philoso- 
phy had  grown  insensibly  out  of  the  old,  especially 
out  of  the  dialectics  of  the  Triviiim.  The  Quadri- 
vium  also  was  retained,  but  fell  into  a  lower  place ; 
its  four  sciences  becoming  mere  preparatory  studies 
to  the  Facultas  Artium.*  It  is  remarkable,  that  these 
positive  branches  of  the  old  studies,  though  neglected 
in  comparison  with  the  speculative  ones,  coalesced 
with  them  in  common  opposition  to  the  practical 
studies  of  Jurisprudence  and  Medicine.  These  last 
were  not  admitted,  as  in  the  circle  of  artes  liberates. 
Their  principal  roots  were  long  fixed  beyond  the  scho- 
lastic pale,  except  in  the  Italian  Universities :  and 
though  they  afterwards  were  as  it  were  grafted  into 
the  main  stem,  they  still  remained  subordinate.  The 
sciences  auxiliary  to  medicine  had  indeed  no  small 
connexion  both  with  the  studies  of  the  Quadrivium 
and  with  the  prevailing  dialectics ;  yet  a  separation 
of  Law  and  Medicine  from  Arts,  was  unavoidable ; 
and  these  formed  two  new  Faculties.  It  was  other- 
wise with  Theology.     As  a  science,  it  had  unfolded 

*  Also  called  Facultas  Philosophica,  from   the  preponderating 
tendency.  [On  the  Trivium  and  Quadrivium,  'see  the  Note  in  p.  4.] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  33 

itself  entirely  out  of  the  old  studies,  and  could  not 
be  severed  from  them ;  and  had  not  the  coming-in 
of  Canonical  Law  evolved  new  materials.  Theology 
might  perhaps  not  even  have  constituted  a  separate 
Faculty.  In  other  places  the  Jurists  sought  to  keep 
possession  of  Canonical  Law;  but  in  Paris,  they 
were  weak :  and  the  Theologians,  by  seizing  upon 
it,  first  separated  themselves  from  the  students  in 
Arts.  This  separation  was  promoted  by  the  zeal  of 
the  mendicant  orders  for  the  rights  of  the  Pope, 
against  those  of  the  Empire ;  but  the  origin  of  it 
lies  much  farther  back.* 

Etymology  suggests  that  the  word  Faculty  pri-  {y 
mitively  meant  ability  to  teach  in  one  branch; 
and  then  was  applied  to  the  authorized  teachers  of 
it  collectively.  Such  bodies  of  Teachers  did  arise, 
in  separate  branches,  by  the  same  process  as  in 
the  general  stem ;  namely  by  their  co-operation  to 
examine  those  who  were  candidates  for  the  Licentia. 
With  the  progress  of  learning,  separate  schools 
for  each  branch  had  become  necessary,  and  sepa- 
rate examinations  by  the  special  Teachers.  We 
have  however  no  documentary  history  of  these 
changes.  We  must  suppose  that  at  first,  a  Teacher 
of  Medicine  or  Law  obtained,  from  the  Chancellor 
direct,  a  licence  to  open  a  school :  certainly  no 
Teacher  of  Arts  could  have  claimed  to  examine 
him.  But  when  scholars  had  sprung  from  the  first 
schools,  and  a  body  of  Teachers  arose ;  the  right  of 

*  See  Note  (1)  at  the  end. 


34  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

examination  in  their  own  branch  would  naturally 
fall  to  them :  and  such  a  body  is  as  fitly  called  a 
FacultaSj  as  Teachers  in  Arts  a  Universitas  Lite- 
raria. 

The  farther  corporate  developement  of  the  Fa- 
culties need  not  occupy  us.  (In  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge it  never  went  so  far  as  in  Paris.)  Nor  can 
we  here  investigate  the  relation  of  the  Faculties 
to  one  another  and  to  the  nations. 


$16.  On  the  preeminence  of  Arts  in  the  University. 

So  surpassing  was  the  preeminence  of  Arts,  em- 
bracing, as  it  did,  all  the  old  sciences  and  the  new 
philosophy;  that  it  is  even  questionable  whether  the 
Term  Facultas  is  strictly  applicable  to  the  Masters 
of  Arts,  who  are  properly  the  Universitas.  The 
studies  of  Law  and  Medicine  grew  up  by  the  side 
of  Arts,  but  never  gained  strength  to  compete  with 
the  last :  nor  has  the  principle  ever  been  attacked, 
that  the  University  has  its  foundation  in  Arts.  Yet 
this  apparent  preeminence  concealed  a  real  inferi- 
ority. The  Students  in  Arts  always  maintained 
(more  or  less  successfully)  that  their  studies  were 
an  indispensable  preparation  for  the  Faculties. 
What  else  was  this,  but  to  assign  to  the  Arts  a 
lower  position,  as  being  merely  preliminary  ?  The 
great  superiority  in  age  and  in  other  external  cir- 
cumstances, on  the  part  of  students  and  graduates 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  35 

in  the  Faculties^  led  to  the  same  result ;  for  some  of 
the  graduates  in  Arts  were  mere  boys.  But  the 
final  settling  of  these  matters  varied  with  place, 
and  with  the  relation  between  the  Faculties  and 
the  Nations.  In  Paris,  the  sympathy  of  studies 
and  of  age  between  the  Masters  of  Arts  and  the 
Nations,  developed  a  democratic  spirit  in  the 
former,  in  opposition  to  which  the  Faculties  came 
forward  as  a  natural  aristocracy  of  the  elder  men. 
Their  precedence  was  at  first  but  honorary;  the 
formal  rights  being  vested  in  the  Arts,  from  which 
were  elected  the  Proctors  of  the  Nations  and 
the  Rector.  But  when,  with  these  ofl&cers,  the 
Deans  of  the  higher  Faculties  were  united  in  ad- 
ministration, and  the  Doctors*  also  of  the  Faculties 
gave  their  votes  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Masters  of 
Arts ;  a  new  Universitas  in  fact  arose,  out  of  the 
old  Universitas  and  the  Faculties  conjoined.  For 
a  while,  the  old  University  did  not  rank  as  a 
Faculty  of  Arts  coordinate  to  the  other  Faculties : 
for  the  Students  in  Arts  represented  the  nations; 
and  voting  by  Corporations  in  the  Assembly,  they 
had  practically  four  votesf  instead  of  one.  But 
after  the  fourteenth  century,  the  occasion  for  the 
national  state  was  lessened,  and  the  system  gave 
way.  The  scientific  state  assumed  the  ascendant, 
and  the  other  Faculties  did  all  they  could  to  elevate 

♦  This  word  was  once  identical  with  Magister,  Teacher ;  being 

applicable  to  every  branch  alike, 
t  (There  were  four  Nations  in  the  University  of  Paris.] 


36  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

it.  Thus  in  the  fifteenth  century  the  national 
corporations,  though  existing,  were  no  longer  re- 
presented by  the  Arts,  and  the  latter  was  but  one 
Faculty,  with  a  single  vote,  like  each  of  the  other 
Faculties. 


^17.    On  the  Organic  Structure  supposed  to  be 
requisite  to  constitute  a  University. 

Our  review  suggests  the  inquiry — What  form  of 
organization  and  independence  will  answer  to  the 
notion  of  a  Universitas  Literaria?  The  whole 
difficulty  of  reply  turns  upon  the  fact  that  it  is  a 
question  of  more  or  less.  We  cannot  at  all  go 
along  with  the  idea  that  Letter  and  Seal  on  the^ 
part  of  supreme  authority,  ecclesiastical  or  temporal, 
are  the  critical  matter.  We  believe  contrariwise 
that  organization  generally  proceeds  of  itself  with- 
out formal  sanction  for  some  time;  and  that  in 
the  farther  growth,  external  Power  can  protect 
and  ratify,  but  cannot  create.  The  structure  must 
work  itself  out,  according  to  the  organizable  mate- 
rials at  hand,  by  a  natural  independent  energy  of 
life. 

Right  of  Internal  Regulation. 

Yet  it  may  be  well  to  point  a  few  steps  in  the 
developement :  and  first,  the  right  of  internal 
regulation.  By  reason  of  diflFerence  in  language, 
in   manners,   and  rights   of  property,   it  was  an 


k 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  37 

axiom  in  the  Middle  Ages,  that  ^^  foreigners  must 
be  judged  by  their  own  laws :"  and  as  none  could 
know  these  laws  but  themselves,  they  were  left  to 
settle  by  themselves  all  internal  questions,  wherever 
they  colonized  and  were  amicably  received.  There 
can  then  be  no  doubt,  that  the  nations  of  the  Stu- 
dents, from  the  very  first  moment  of  their  assem- 
bling in  numbers,  possessed  a  sort  of  sovereignty 
over  their  own  members  ;  especially  since  the 
scholars  were  favored  guests,  whose  company  was 
desired. — Within  the  lecture-rooms  equally,  was 
an  authority  independent  of  external  control ;  ex- 
ercised however  imder  a  form  more  monarchal. 
But  the  scholastic  monarch  was  tied  too  closely  by 
precedent  to  rule  arbitrarily;  and  the  scientific 
union  overpowering  the  bonds  of  nation,  brought 
him  into  closer  contact  with  the  Church  and  her 
Head.  Indeed  many  Papal  Bulls  and  Briefs  med- 
dled with  internal  arrangements  of  the  schools :  yet 
we  must  not  infer  that  the  school  was  not  indepen- 
dent, but  only  that  the  independence  had  its  limits. 
Even  in  the  fullest  power  of  the  Universities,  there 
were  like  interferences ;  nor  did  Papal  and  Royal 
Ordinances  scruple  to  overrule  and  dictate  to  the 
nations, — in  matters  strictly  internal,  and  when 
their  corporate  rights  were  most  recognized, — as 
often  as  some  evil  forced  itself  upon  external  notice. 
Doubtless  the  same  must  occasionally  have  occurred 
at  earlier  times. 

Transfer  what  has  been  said  of  the  Nations  and 


38  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Schools  J  to  the  University  itself;  and  it  becomes 
clear  that  the  first  step  of  organization  is,  when 
the  University  (that  is,  the  Teachers  corporately) 
assume  the  right  of  enacting  and  deciding  in  scho- 
lastic matters: — the  right  which  each  Teacher 
before  possessed  in  his  own  school.  One  Autho- 
rity would  now-over  rule  all,  without  distinction  of 
schools  or  nations ;  reserving  only  the  right  of 
interference  for  the  Church  or  Chancellor.  But 
when  the  Teachers  were  recognized  by  Pope  and 
Prince  as  representatives  of  the  entire  body  of  stu- 
dents, the  former  presently  extended  their  power 
to  legislate  for  all  students,  in  regard  to  numerous 
matters  v\dthin  the  academic  life,  though  wholly 
beyond  the  circle  of  the  schools  themselves.  Herein 
they  may  have  clashed  with  the  authority  of  the 
nations,  (for  the  bounds  dividing  the  two  could  not 
be  defined,)  yet  the  corporate  independence  of 
the  nations  was  still  theoretically  upheld.  Like 
encroachments  were  made  on  the  authority  of  the 
separate  Faculties ;  in  short,  not  only  on  the  Col- 
leges (in  the  stricter  sense)  which  afterwards  arose, 
but  on  the  more  ancient  Hospitia,  or  lodging  houses 
where  teachers  and  scholars  dwelt.  Doubtless  a 
sort  of  corporate  law  had  established  itself  already, 
for  the  internal  management  of  these  dwellings. 

Exemption  from  common  Jurisdiction. 
A  SECOND  step   of  corporate  growth  is  cha- 
racterized by  exemption  from  comm^m  jurisdiction. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  39 

It  would  b^in  with  personal  matters,  and  sach  as 
the  general  laws  of  the  land  had  imperfectly  pro- 
vided for ;  but  it  would  afterwards  reach  far  be- 
yond  this  limit,  in  cases  where  none  but  members 
of  the  body  were  concerned.  Quite  diflFerent  is 
the  right  claimed  by  members  of  Universities  to  be 
under  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  which  some  have 
confounded  with  the  other,  supposing  it  a  step  of 
progression  attained  at  Paris,  Oxford,  and  Cam- 
bridge, nearly  at  the  same  time,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  But  this  state  of  things 
at  that  period  shows  itself  as  the  established  order, 
and  there  is  no  proof  that  it  was  an  innovation.* 
The  opposite  opinion  rises  out  of  the  belief  (which 
was  above  contested,)  that  the  Universities  were 
originally  independent  of  the  Church.  Now  in  fact, 
the  primitive  relation  of  the  Universities  to  the 
Chancellor  and  to  the  old  schools,  shows  at  a  glance 
that  the  Bishop  or  his  deputy  must  at  first  have 
been  the  ordinary  Judge  of  the  Teachers  and 
Scholars.  The  presence  of  lay  Teachers  and  Scho- 
lars would  occasion  anomalies  and  fluctuations,  and 
as  the  lay  spirit  predominated  in  their  mind  and 
life,  we  can  understand  the  occurrence  of  frequent 
conflicts  between  the  ecclesiastical  and  temporal 
authorities,  even  concerning  really  clerical  persons ; 
while,  as  even  the  lay  persons  took  the  name  Clericij 
it  is  not  wonderful  that  they  were  claimed  by  the 
ecclesiastical   jurisdiction.      Exemption   from  the 

*  See  Note  (2)  at  the  end. 


40  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

ordinary  tribunals  would  consist,  not  in  becoming 
subject  to  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  but  in  becoming 
free  from  them. 

Of  this  nature  was  the  controversy  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris  against  the  Bishop  and  Chancellor, 
and  against  the  Papal  interference.  At  first,  it  was 
a  question  as  to  the  limits^  or  a  resistance  to  the 

almsey  of  the  Episcopal  rights  ;  but  at  last  it  came 

»  ^^  

to  an  eflFort  for  entire  Emancipation.  The  right  to 
"  internal "  jurisdiction  on  the  part  of  the  Univer- 
sity, was  conceded  by  the  Bishop  and  by  every 
body ;  the  whole  diflBculty  was,  to  define  internal 
concerns  appropriately.  Take  the  phrase  in  too 
narrow  a  sense,  and  the  corporate  rights  of  the 
University  were  annihilated ;  explain  it  too  widely, 
and  the  Bishop's  jurisdiction  was  at  an  end.  Yet  he 
was  needed  by  way  of  appeal,  when  parties  who  were 
wronged  by  the  lower  authority  would  otherwise 
take  the  law  into  their  own  hands ;  though  in  fact 
the  case^  of  appeal  reported  to  us  are  explicable 
only  by  supposing  incurable  ill  will  somewhere. 
It  is  any-how  certain,  that  the  University  of  Paris 
never  gained  this  second  step  of  independence. 
The  Papal  patronage  did  but  aid  them  against  gross 
encroachments  on  their  rights  by  the  Bishop,  the 
Chancellor,  or  the  temporal  powers.* 

Corporate  rights  concerning  Police  awrf  Property. 
The  THIRD  and  last  step  of  independence  lay, 

*  See  Note  (3)  at  the  end. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  41 

not  in  particular  privileges  such  as  an  individual 
might  possess^  but  in  the  extension  of  the  rights  of 
corporate  legislation  and  jurisdiction;  which  (we 
shall  find)   drew  within  its  sphere  persons  lying 
beyond  the  University  itself.     This  indeed  in  mat- 
ters of  Police  must  have  happened  from  the  very 
first.     But  hereto  were  added  questions  of  Pro- 
perty, as  the  University  and  its  members  grew 
richer,  and  when  finally  it  fell  into  contest  with  the 
State.    This  happened,  when  public  ministers  and 
farmers  of  taxes  were  desirous  of  violating  the  aca- 
demical privileges  before  granted  by  the  Sovereign. 
In  the  University  of  Paris  however,  no  pretence  of 
real  independence  was  set  up,  and  all  such  questions 
were  decided  by  the  Royal  Judges.     Minor  police 
matters  were  brought  •  before   the   Chancellor  or 
the  Academic  Tribunals;    those  which  concerned 
public    revenues,    before    the    Treasury    officials. 
Afterwards  indeed.  Appeal  was  gained  to  the  Par- 
liament of  Paris ;  but  it  was  mainly  on  the  favor 
of  the  King  that  the  University  was  forced  to  de- 
pend, in  case  their  privileges  were  violated :  for  the 
royal   prerogative  asserted  preeminence  over  the 
Pope  himself  in  this  matter.     The  University  how- 
ever, had  an  ultimate  remedy  in  a  secession,  or 
volimtary  suspension   of    all    scholastic    business. 
Needlessly  enough,  the  Pope  sanctioned  this  pro- 
ceeding :  as  though  without  him  they  had  not  an 
inherent  power  to  do  nothing.     The  royal  ordi- 
nances at  a  later  time  to  limit  the  right  of  secession 


42  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

were  but  injurious  remedies  for  injurious  abuses ; 
symptomatic  indeed  of  coming  revolution  in  the 
State  itself.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris  never  attained  the  same  fiill  measure 
of  corporate  independence  as  other  Continental 
Universities,  especially  those  of  royal  foundation. 
But  we  must  turn  to  the  English  Universities, 
which  in  these  matters  went  beyond  any  on  the 
Continent ;  in-that  their  jurisdiction  extended  to 
all  cases  concerning  any  person  connected  with 
them,  excepting  possessors  of  copyhold  property 
held  on  a  free  tenure. 


CHAPTER  11. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES  BEFORE  THE 
THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 


§18.  The  antiquity  of  Oxford  has  been  undervalued. 

As  early  as  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  Oxford 
was  the  seat  of  a  school  of  the  highest  intellectual 
cultivation  then  existing.  By  the  end  of  the 
eleventh  it  had  as  good  a  title  to  be  called  a  Uni- 
versity, as  had  that  of  Paris;  whether  we  regard 
the  quality  of  its  studies,  or  its  inward  organ- 
ization. Nothing  of  the  sort  can  be  shown  of 
Cambridge,  till  after  the  twelfth  century  had  be- 
gun ;  but  in  the  thirteenth  she  takes  her  place  by 
the  side  of  her  elder  sister. 

Both  in  England  itself,  and  in  Germany,  the  real 
antiquity  of  the  English  Universities  has  been  rated 
far  lower ;  as  though  Oxford  had  been  first  founded 
by  a  Colony  from  Paris  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
and    Cambridge   somewhat    later,    by    migrations 


M 


44  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

from  Oxford. — I  am  not  willing  to  expose  myself 
justly,  to  the  rebuke  which  will  be  thrown  on  me 
unjustly,  of  cooking  up  old  wives'  tales.  I  do  not 
maintain  that  the  English  Universities  were  founded 
by  British  or  Iberian  Princes,  by  Grecian  or  Roman 
Philosophers — nay,  nor  by  King  Alfred,  in  the  ex- 
tent and  with  the  detail  which  has  been  pretended. 
Yet  I  believe  that  Meiners's  work  is  the  only  and 
the  insufficient  ground  for  most  of  the  opinions 
which  I  dispute  concerning  these  Universities  and 
Universities  in  general.  Rejecting  uncritical  ped- 
antry, I  believe  we  can  establish  the  antiquity  of 
the  Oxford  University  by  real  historical  proof. 


% 


^19.  Tradition  connecting  the  University  with 

Alfred. 

When  our  historical  researches  lead  us  farthest 
back  into  the  darkness  of  ages,  then  most  must  we 
cherish  as  valuable  even  insignificant  matters,  if 
they  are  but  trustworthy;  and  this  consideration 
may  suffice  to  give  some  weight  and  interest  to  sub- 
jects otherwise  tedious.  Such  moreover  is  my 
reverence  for  the  genealogies  of  the  past,  that  I 
rather  sympathize  with  our  "Foster  Mother"  of 
Oxford  for  her  fond  clinging  to  the  tale  of  her 
descent  from  Alfred,  than  blame  her  clumsy  unhis- 
torical  defence  of  it.  Both  for  individuals  and 
for  corporate  bodies,   a  sentimental  affection  for 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  45 

the  past  is  a  valaable  set-off  gainst  a  shallow  over- 
yaluing  of  the  present.  And  who  may  not  justly 
glory  in  anything  that  could  connect  him  with 
such  a  man  as  Alfred  !  Can  history  place  any 
name  above  his,  or  even  at  his  side  ?  Hero,  States- 
man and  Sage,  warmed  by  humanity,  sanctified 
by  religion,  eminently  cultivated  in  intellect,  and 
abounding  in  genuine  patriotism ; — the  very  splen- 
dor of  such  a  character  tempts  us  to  disbelief :  al- 
though the  newest  and  most  authentic  researches* 
do  but  add  fresh  confirmation  to  the  truth  of  the 
facts.  No  wonder  that  Oxford  has  held  fast  by  the 
tradition  which  imites  her  to  him; — a  tradition 
which  has  never  been  disproved.  There  is  no 
evidence  whatever  against  it :  and  though  we  can- 
not pretend  direct  historical  proof  in  its  favor, 
indirect  proofs  exist,  adequate  to  give  such  a  mea- 
sure of  confirmation,  as  in  the  darker  portions  of 
history  satisfies  reasonable  minds. 


§  20.  Literary  state  of  Alfreds  times. 

It  is  well  known,  how  the  path  between  Saxon 
Britain  and  Rome  was  first  opened  by  Gregory  the 
Great  ;t  and  how  Apostles  of  the  Christian  Faith 
issued  from  Britain  to  convert  the  Pagans  of  Ger- 
many :  how  England  was  desolated  by  the  struggles 

*  See  especially  Lappenberg's  History  of  England, 
t  See  Walton's  History  of  English  Poetry,  Ist  Part,  on  the  Intro- 
duction of  learning  into  England. 


46  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

of  Saxon  Chiefe,  and  by  inroads  of  the  Sea-kings  of 
the  North.  Meanwhile^  learning  was  so  trampled 
under  foot,  that  no  traces  of  it  were  to  be  found, 
except  in  Ireland,  and  in  the  North  and  West  of 
England;  when  Alfred  appeared  for  his  people's 
rescue.  From  the  less  distracted  parts  of  his  own 
kingdom  he  collected  pious  and  learned  men,  and 
brought  over  others  from  the  Continent ;  *  — a  har- 
vest long  since  sown  by  the  apostolic  missions  of 
England :  and  now  happily  reaped.  The  will  and 
example  of  the  King  gave  a  vast  impulse  to  learn- 
ing, and  his  youth  flocked  to  the  newly  opened 
schools. 


§21.  That  Oxford  was  a  seat  of  learning  in  Saxon 
times ,  and  probably  in  Alfred's  reign. 

The  question  here  arises,  whether  Oxford  was 
one  of  the  chief  seats  of  learning  in  that  day  ? 

No  other  place  is  authentically  named.  The 
story  given  in  the  biography  of  Alfred  by  Bishop 
Asser,  explicitly  tells  of  scholastic  institutions  at 
Oxford,  not  only  in  his  day,  but  as  far  back  as  the 
fifth  century.  This  absurdity  has  led  to  the  con- 
viction, that  the  passage  is  not  authentic :  yet  we 
may  inquire,  whether  all  of  it  is  an  interpolation  or 
a  part  only.     My  own  mature  judgment  is,  that  the 

*  Such  as  Hegmund,  Werfnth,  Asser,  St.  Neot,  Johannes  Erigena, 
Johannes  de  Corvey.  Ghrymbold  of  Saint  Omer. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  47 

beginning  and  end  are  authentic,  in  which  are 
narrated  the  contests  of  the  Schoolmen  and  the 
efiFbrts  of  Alfred  to  reconcile  them.  The  inter- 
mediate part  is  very  awkwardly  interposed  and 
(I  think)  was  interpolated  in  order  to  pretend  the 
yet  greater  antiquity  of  these  institutions.'*  Beside 
this  testimony,  (in  itself  assuredly  unsatisfactory,) 
we  have  other  proof  that  before  the  Norman  Con- 
quest, Oxford  was  a  seat  of  learning :  and  we  find 
in  Oxford  itself  internal  marksf  of  some  other 
origin  than  from  Abbey  or  Cathedral  Schools. 

We  have  testimony,  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  par- 
took in  the  scholastic  movement  of  the  eleventh 
century  :  many  of  them  indeed  are  named,  as  fre^ 
quenting  the  celebrated  school  of  the  monastery  of 
Bee  in  Normandy.  The  political  intercourse  of 
England  with  Normandy,  and  the  extent  of  British 
commerce,  made  this  inevitable:  and  though  the 
only  passage  in  which  Oxford  is  named^  (viz.  by 
Ingulf,!  the  Conqueror's  Secretary,)  is  not  beyond 
suspicion ;  it  has  never  yet  been  attacked. 

The  oldest  authentic  accoimts  of  Oxford  lead  us  to 
believe,  that  its  schools  are  earlier  than  the  Norman 
Conquest.  That  scholastic  streets,  {School-Street 
and  Shydiardstreet^)  existed  there  in  the  year  1 109, 
is  clear  from  old  documents  quoted  by  Wood.||      A 

*  On  this  matter  I  have  en-  X  See  Note  (5)  at  the  end. 

larged  in  Note  (4)  at  the  end.  §  Vicus  Schectiasticorum. 

t  See  b^ow  on  the  Halls  and  ||  Wood  does  not  use  the  quo- 
Inns  :  also  on  the  position  of  tation  as  a  basis  for  the  argu- 
the  Oxford  Chancellor.  ment  here  advanced. 


48  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

scholastic  population  must  have  filled  them ;  and  we 
can  hardly  allow  less  than  from  twenty  to  thirty 
years^  for  the  gathering  of  such  a  population  and 
erecting  of  the  streets.  Now  this  takes  us  back 
just  to  the  horrors  of  the  Norman  Conquest  and  its 
immediate  consequences.  None  can  choose  such 
a  date  as  the  conceivable  origin  of  the  system :  we 
are  forced  to  carry  it  higher.  We  then  fall  back  on 
the  Saxo-Danish  period,  and  on  the  time  when 
Ingulf  is  said  to  have  studied  in  Oxford.  Granting 
that  this  is  the  first  notice  of  the  system,  it  is  un- 
reasonable to  infer  that  this  was  its  beginning. 
Indeed  even  at  a  later  period,  it  is  seldom  enough 
that  the  Chronicles  are  led  to  name  the  Academi- 
cians. Now  considering  what  times  preceded  the 
Conquest,  we  may  be  sure  that  at  most  they  would 
barely  sustain  existing  schools.  No  reign  nearer 
than  Alfred's  was  likely  to  originate  them. 

Thus  whatever  we  know  at  all, —  by  tradition, 
by  documents  (suspected  or  unsuspected,)  or  by  the 
evidence  of  general  probability, —  converges  to  the 
same  result, —  that  the  Oxford  Schools  are  as  an- 
cient as  King  Alfred. 


$  22.  Physical  position  of  Oxford. 

Even  the  physical  position*   of  Oxford  might 
seem  worthy  of  Alfred's  wisdom.     In  the  middle  of 

*  See  Note  (7)  at  the  end. 


JHB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  49 

Southern  England^  situated  on  several  islands  in  a 
broad  plain,  through  which  many  streams  flowed ; 
it  had  easy  communication  with  the  Metropolis  and 
with  other  parts ;  while  by  its  marshes  it  was  inac- 
cessible to  an  invading  enemy.  Its  own  fortifica- 
tions are  recorded  to  have  been  of  singular  strength ; 
while  those  of  London  Bridge  hindered  the  sea- 
pirates  from  sailing  up  to  attack  the  town.  Once 
only  did  the  Danes  occupy  it  as  enemies,  viz.  in 
1009 ;  and  then  perhaps  only  one  quarter,  or  island. 
As,  then,  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  it  was  an 
important  place  ;  and,  soon  after,  we  find  its  pros- 
perity to  depend  on  the  University ;  this  must  proba- 
bly have  been  the  case  also  at  an  earlier  period.* 


4  23.  Fluctuations  in  the  progress  of  learning. 

Of  course  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  con- 
nexion was  uninterrupted  between  the  scholastic 
institutions  of  the  ninth  and  of  the  eleventh  century. 
We  cannot  imagine  that  the  studies  went  on  quietly 
during  the  Conquest,  or  even  in  the  Dano-Saxon 
period.  Many  scholastic  buildings  may  have  fallen 
into  ruin,  or  have  become  void :  yet  if  traditions 
and  lively  recollections  remained,  they  would  ex- 
ceedingly aid  the  after-revival  of  the  University  : 
indeed,  a  self-restoration  might  be  expected 
whenever  peace  and  quiet  returned.     Slowly  and 

*  See  Note  (7)  at  the  end. 


50  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

diffidently  this  took  place  toward  the  end  of  the 
eleventh  century.  The  zeal  for  learning  in  a  Lan- 
franc  or  an  Anselm,  coald  not  be  wholly  vain ;  and 
in  the  milder  reign  of  Henry  I.  the  eflPects  began 
to  appear.  His  marriage  with  good  Queen  Maude 
began  the  reconciliation  of  the  two  races  and  a 
new  nationaUty ;  and  thenceforth  men  of  learmng 
appear  in  England,  equal  to  any  of  their  Conti- 
nental contemporaries :  nor  was  it  without  reason* 
that  the  king,  as  patron  of  learning,  received  the 
name  of  Beauclerc.  It  is  admitted  that  all  through 
Stephen's  stormy  reign  the  age  still  advanced  in 
intellect,  till  it  reached  its  most  flourishing  state  in 
the  thirteenth  century  if  we  know  that  from  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  Oxford  was  in  repute  as 
a  seat  of  learning ;  and  there  is  every  probability 
that  she  bore  a  large  share  in  the  national  progress. 


§  24.   Oxford  was  depressed  hy  being  too  much  in 

advance  of  the  age. 

Whether  Oxford  was  already  to  be  called  a  Uni- 
versity, whether  she  had  any  pre-eminence  over  the 
schools  of  Canterbury,  Saint  Alban's,  Lincoln, 
Westminster,  Winchester,  Peterborough, — ^may  in- 
deed be  questioned.  Granting  that  she  had  none  in 
the  beginning  of  this  twelfth  century,  it  rather  goes 
to  prove  my  point.     For  (as  will  be  stated)  there  is 

*  See  Note  (8)  at  the  end.  t  See  Note  (9)  at  the  end. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  51 

ground  to  believe  that  Oxford  was  then  less  popular 
with  the  Church  and  the  public,  for  the  very  reason 
that  she  was  before  the  age  in  her  estimate  of  posi^ 
five  Science.  In  fact,  in  the  middle  of  the  century 
Civil  Law  was  taught  by  Vicarius  at  Oxford ;  and 
Medical  Science  not  long  after  by  others.  Beside 
which,  although  we  find  no  mention  of  any  Abbey 
or  Cathedral  Schools  which  could  be  a  nucleus  for 
the  University,  yet  it  had  Halls  and  Inns  from  the 
earliest  time :  wherein  it  shows  a  remarkable  pre- 
matureness  of  developement,  distinguishing  it  from 
all  contemporaneous  institutions. 

§  25.  Divergence  of  the   Oxford  System  from 

that  of  Paris. 

The  points  of  contrast  to  the  University  of  Paris, 
which,  in  the  midst  of  similarities,  Oxford  presents ; 
grow  more  strongly  marked  with  time,  and  indicate 
a  diflFerence  of  origin  and  of  organic  tendencies. 
All  this  is  at  once  accounted-for,  if  we  believe  the 
system  to  come  down  from  Alfred.  Although  the 
relative  antiquity  of  the  Universities  of  Paris  and 
of  Oxford  is  not  to  be  treated  as  an  afiair  of  honor, 
it  is  not  immaterial  to  a  right  understanding  of  the 
history :  and  the  superior  antiquity  of  Oxford,  once 
established,  sets  at  rest  many  erroneous  opinions. 
Now  that  a  considerable  emigration  of  students 
took  place  from   Paris    to    Oxford    about    1229, 


52  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

cause  of  disturbances  in  Paris,  is  true:  and  it 
doubtless  imparted  a  great  impulse  to  Oxford :  but 
such  a  fact,  in  face  of  the  evidence  already  adduced 
will  never  prove  that  then  first  it  began  to  be  a 
University.  At  the  same  time,  I  am  not  denying 
the  superior  ability  of  Paris  in  those  times:  for 
Oxford  never  claimed  more  than  the  second  place. 


§  26.  The  effect  of  the  Emigf  ation  from  Paris  has 

been  overrated. 

If  the  Parisian  emigration  had  been*  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Oxford  University,  the  character 
and  form  of  the  latter  would  have  been  mainly 
determined  by  the  new  elements  now  brought  in : 
Oxford  would  have  been  modelled  after  Paris,  as 
to  all  fundamental  points.  But  in  point  of  fact, 
on  many  of  these  we  finc^  singular  contrast.  She 
had  but  two  nations  and  two  Proctors,  instead  of 
four  as  at  Paris ;  and  no  Rector,  no  common  head : 
the  position  also  of  her  Chancellor  peculiar.  Again ; 
the  prevailing  usage  in  Oxford  was  to  live  in  Halls 
and  Inns,  (out  of  which  the  Colleges  arose ;)  while 
this  at  Paris  was  the  exception,  not  the  rule.  Had 
not  the  system  of  two  nations,  (North  and  South 
English)  been  already  iramoveably  established,  the 
Parisians  would  surely  have  organized  themselves 

*  Note  (10)  at  the  end,  is  intended  to  show  more  fully  that 

Meiners  is  wrong  on  this  point. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  53 

as  a  third  nation  co-ordinate  to  the  rest :  but  no 

foreign    nations  were   recognized  in   the  Oxford 
system. 


$  27.  The  position  of  the  Chancellor  at  Oxford  had 

no  parallel  at  Paris. 

It  has  been  imagined  indeed^  that  the  Chancellor 
of  Oxford  was  nothing  but  the  Rector  of  Conti- 
nental Universities  with  a  new  title ;  a  pure  assump- 
tion opposed  to  testimony  and  to  facts.*  The  two 
names  had  every  where  their  distinctive  meaning, 
though  occasionally  the  functions  of  both  might  be 
united  in  one  person.  In  Oxford^  the  Chancellor  was 
the  organic  head  in  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century ;  but  we  have  decided*  accounts  that  his 
position  was  very  diflferent  in  the  former  half,  when, 
like  the  Parisian  Chancellor,  he  was  an  Episcopal 
officer,  beyond  the  scholastic  body,  and  could  not 
be,  like  the  Parisian  Rector,  its  organic  head :  so 
that  in  fact,  the  University  had  then  no  head  at  all ; 
but  the  two  Proctors  in  a  certain  sense  supplied  the 
want.  We  are  justified  in  assuming  that  in  the 
previous  century  also  the  same  arrangement  sub- 
sisted, there  being  no  indication  to  the  contrary. 
Yet  there  are  marks  that  the  Chancellor  considered 
himself  to  be  a  true  member  of  the  University,  and 
no  mere  foreign  inspector  appointed  by  the  Bishop : 

*  See  Note  (11)  at  the  end. 


54  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

and  this  may  help  us  to  understand  the  otherwise 
unparallelled  and  extraordinary  change  of  his  posi- 
tion, which  exerted  influence  so  important  on  the 
University.  Mere  external  circumstances  would 
hardly  have  sufficed  to  bring  about  such  a  change. 
To  explain  the  fact,  it  may  be  imagined  by  some 
that  there  was  originally  a  Rector,  who  was  after- 
wards transformed  into  an  Episcopal  Officer.  But, 
how  would  this  have  vested  him  with  the  title  and 
power  of  Chamiellor?  The  idea  is  unsupported 
by  testimony ;  and  is  a  reversing  of  the  probable 
order  of  events.  In  Paris  and  elsewhere,  the  Uni- 
versities began  in  entire  dependence  on  the  Church, 
and  went  on  towards  independence.  In  Oxford 
(according  to  this  view)  it  was  just  the  opposite. 
Nor  can  any  date  for  such  a  change  be  found.  For 
the  Rector  must  have  been  a  recent  officer  in 
Paris  in  the  year  1200  (indeed  the  name  was  not 
yet  thus  appropriated :)  while  before  this  date  the 
imaginary  Oxford  Rector  must  have  fallen  under 
the  episcopal  authority. 


$  28.  On  the  Oxford  Halls  and  Inns. 

We  shall  get  involved  in  endless  contradiction, 
if  we  allow  ourselves  to  assume,  without  the  slightest 
evidence,  that  the  University  of  Oxford  developed 
itself  out  of  Abbey  or  Cathedral  Schools.  The 
very  early  appearance  of  Halls  and  Inns  in  Oxford 

ft 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  55 

remarkably  distiDguish  it  from  Paris,  where  the 
stadents  lodged  in  private  houses  among  the  town's 
people.*  Even  if  ever  they  hired  a  house  ex- 
pressly for  themselves  (a  thing  not  recorded)  it 
must  have  been  an  exceptive  case:  while  in  Ox- 
ford it  was  ever  the  rule  that  they  lived  sepa- 
rately from  the  townsmen.  The  few  Parisian  Col- 
legesf  which  rose  after  the  date  of  1200,  were  not 
a  gradual  developement  of  the  Inns,  as  at  Oxford ; 
(where  the  Inns  too  rose  out  of  the  Halls ;)  nor  did 
they  ever  attam  any  great  influence  over  the  Uni- 
versity. The  great  mass  of  students  still  lived 
among  the  citizens ;  a  thing  most  rare  at  Oxford, 
and  hardly  admitted  at  the  Parisian  emigration  of 
]  229 :  while  the  gradual  preponderance  attained 
by  the  Colleges  was  evidently  an  organic  move- 
ment, brought  about  mainly  by  internal  causes, 
though  favored  also  by  external  circumstances. 

It  has  appeared  that  the  Halls  existed  immedi- 
ately after  the  Conquest,  and  were  doubtless  earlier 
than  that  era :  nor  have  we  reason  for  imagining 
any  other  state  of  things  to  have  existed  before, 
even  up  to  the  very  time  of  Alfred.  We  are  then 
led  to  believe  that  the  kernel  of  the  University  was 
one  or  more  Halls  founded  by  Alfred  himself ;  that 
is  to  say,  that  from  the  very  beginning  it  was  essen- 
tially a  scholastic  body,  and  not  a  number  of  parish 
priests,  who  undertook  tuition  of  youth  as  a  bye- 
work.      Believing  that  historical  criticism  fairly 

*  See  Meiners  i.  107,  &c.  f  See  Note  (12)  at  the  end. 


J 


56  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

tends  to  this  conclusion,  I  must  not  shrink  from  it 
on  the  mere  ground  that  it  is  the  same  as  the  anti- 
quarians of  Oxford  have  reached  by  an  unhistorical 
method ;  nor  will  their  pedantic  follies  shame  me 
from  avowing,  that  the  tradition  which,  ever  since 
the  thirteenth  century,  has  represented  University 
College  as  a  part  of  the  Alfred  foundation,  is  not 
wholly  to  be  rejected. 

Her  very  independence  of  all  Ecclesiastical  C!or- 
porations,  must  have  been  injurious  to  Oxford,  by 
deprivmg  her  of  powerful  support.  After  the 
Conquest,  we  find  the  Halls  and  Schools  in  the 
possession  of  common  citizens,  and  the  academi- 
cians to  have  lost  whatever  endowments  they  before 
possessed :  a  natural  result  of  the  circumstances. 
Their  buildings,  as  well  as  their  lands,  had  pro- 
bably been  seized  by  violence ;  and  they  had  no 
redress.  Yet  it  may  be  that  their  own  Halls  had 
become  dilapidated  during  the  suspension  of  studies 
in  those  troublesome  times,  and  that  none  re- 
mained habitable  but  those  which  had  all  along 
been  the  private  property  of  townsmen.  On  return- 
ing they  would  be  glad  to  live  together  in  the  old 
fashion,  paying  a  rent  for  the  permission. 


$  29.   On  the  original  Oxford  Chancellor. 

We  cannot  positively  decide,  whether  the  Princi- 
pal  of  the  schools  was  originally  nominated  by  the 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  57 

King  or  by  the  scholastic  body :  and  the  analogy 
of  the  University  of  Paris  wholly  fails  us  in  this 
matter.  Nor  do  we  even  know  the  original  title 
of  this  Principal ;  except  that  we  may  be  sure  it 
cannot  have  been  Chancellor,  since  his  functions 
were  wholly  different.  But  we  have  proof  that 
twenty  or  thirty  years  after  the  Conquest,  the  ap- 
pointment was  important  enough  to  be  contested 
between  the  academicians  and  the  Church.*  It 
was  to  be  expected  that  the  Ordinary  must  at  the 
first  prevail.  No  fixed  system  was  actually  at 
work;  and  the  general  system  of  the  Church 
patronage,  as  well  as  the  analogy  of  the  Conti- 
nental Universities,  was  in  favor  of  the  Bishop^s 
power.  Thus  an  Episcopal  Chancellar  was  set  over 
the  schools.  Yet  the  person  so  installed  was 
suflSciently  identified  with  the  academicians,  to 
make  it  needless  for  them  to  elect  a  Rector  as  their 
head  in  the  same  way  as  at  Paris,  where  the  Chan- 
cellor had  estranged  himself  from  the  University, 
Moreover,  as  his  duties  were  internal  to  the  Uni- 
versity, he  was  naturally  called  the  Oxford  Chan- 
cellor ;  while  the  actual  Chancellor  of  Lincoln 
retained  those  peculiar  duties  toward  the  Bishop, 
which  had  been  the  principal  functions  of  the 
Parisian  Chancellor.  So  great  was  the  importance 
of  the  fact  that  Oxford  was  not  the  seat  of  a  Bishop 
and  Chapter.     It  may  indeed  cause  surprise  that 

*  The  Bishop  of  Lincohi  was  especially  active  in  the  matter. 
[Oxford  was  at  that  time  in  the  diocese  of  Lincoln.] 


i 


58  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  name  Chancellor  was  given  at  all^  and  not 
Rector,  to  the  new  head  of  the  University ;  but  the 
latter  title  might  have  given  inconvenient  counte- 
nance to  the  notion^  that  his  election  lay  with  the 
academicians ;  besides  that  the  Oxford  Chancellor 
exercised  functions  never  any  where  falling  to  the 
Rector ;  as,  the  granting  of  the  licence  to  teach,  and 
other  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Let  it  then  be 
considered,  that  the  Parisian  Rector,  being  a  crea- 
ture of  the  University,  could  but  receive  from  the 
University  the  rights  which  she  herself  possessed ; 
but  the  Oxford  Chancellor,  being  a  head  bestowed 
from  without,  enlarged  his  attributes  and  jurisdic- 
tion in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authority.  Thus,  when  drawn  over  entkely  into 
the  scholastic  body,  by  the  latent  affinities  which 
existed  in  him,  he  brought  with  him  to  the  Univer- 
sity that  great  extension  of  rights  which  charac- 
terized the  English  Universities  in  contrast  to  Paris 
and  other  places. 

But  these  points  of  contrast  were  not  immedi- 
ately apparent.  In  the  earliest  times  the  points 
of  agreement  were  more  influential ;  and  on  that 
account  we  may,  with  these  reservations,  illustrate 
our  subject  by  comparison  with  the  University  of 
Paris.  The  unimportance,  at  that  time,  of  the 
functions  of  Rector,  and  indeed  of  the  corporate 
rights  themselves  of  both  Universities  (confined  as 
they  were  to  purely  internal  jurisdiction)  make  any 
diflferences  between  the  two  on  these  matters  quite 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  59 

• 

secondary. — But  whatever  we  say  on  these  subjects 
is  gathered  from  probable  evidence,  not  from  con- 
temporaneous testimony.  To  my  knowledge,  the 
University  of  Paris  has  no  documents  older  than 
A.  D.  1200,  and  Oxford  is  far  more  deficient. 


$  30.  Similarity  of  Oxford  to  Paris  as  to  studies 

and  degrees  in  early  times. 

All  that  concerns  the  studies  and  degrees  must 
have  been  substantially  the  same  in  both  Universi- 
ties. An  old  Latin  rhyme  (in  Wood)  expresses  itself 
quaintly  on  this  subject : 

"  Et  procul  et  propius  jam  Francus  et  Anglicus  aequ^ 
Norunt  Parisiis  quid  fecerint  Oxoniaeque,"* 

We  may  indeed  regard  this  as  an  unavoidable 
result  of  the  intellectual  state  of  the  times,  and  of 
the  relations  between  England  and  Northern  France. 
On  the  other  hand  the  immigration  from  Paris  in 
1229  has  had  its  importance  to  Oxford  overrated 
and  misunderstood.  There  was  no  need  of  a  colony 
from  Paris  to  effect  that  which  the  progress  of 
events  would  have  wrought  out :  still  less  could  it 
have  brought  a  more  advanced  organization  than 
it  left  in  Paris.  More  effect  may  have  been  pro- 
duced immediately  after  the  Conquest,  by  Normans 

*  [To  French  and  English  far  and  near  is  known. 
At  Paris  and  at  Oxford  what  is  done.] 


i 


60  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

or  French,  who  stood  in  some  connexion  to  the 
Paris  schools ;  yet  they  must  not  make  us  forget 
the  action  of  Saxon  scholars, — unless  England  was 
then  destitute  of  scholastic  cultivation,  or  the  native 
Saxons  were  excluded  from  the  University :  suppo- 
sitions contrary  to  all  known  facts.  Nor  indeed 
were  there  at  Oxford  any  fat  benefices  and  rich 
sinecures  to  tempt  the  Norman  conquerors  to 
exclusive  measures  in  that  domain.  Much  rather 
may  it  be  believed,  that  the  poor  Saxon  student 
returned  into  the  ruins  of  the  old  schools  unenvied 
and  unmolested.  At  any  rate  from  Henry  I.  down- 
ward, there  is  not  the  smallest  reason  for  imagining 
that  Normans  had  any  exclusive  rights  at  Oxford : 
nor  is  it  improbable  that  the  intellectual  union  of 
the  races  which  here  took  place,  poweriiilly  contri- 
buted  to  their  amalgamation  into  a  single  nation. 
Any-how  it  is  remarkable,  that  in  the  academic 
nations  we  find  a  mere  geographical  distinction, — 
North  and  South  English  ;  not,  Normans  and  Sax- 
ons. As  regards  the  pretended  prohibition  to  talk 
Saxon  publicly,  it  concerns  us  not  here ;  for  Latin, 
not  Norman,  was  the  language  talked  in  the 
schools. 

After  all  that  has  been  said,  we  can  hardly  be 
expected  to  detail  the  early  scholastic  developement 
in  Oxford.  Much  was  undoubtedly  in  mere  embryo, 
and  very  unsettled,  even  in  Paris :  the  two  Univer- 
sities however  had  several  points  in  common.  In 
both,  the  licence  to  teach  was  granted  by  the  Bishop, 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  61 

or  Chancellor^  to  suitable  and  worthy  men ;  and  the 
Teachers  themselves  co-operated  in  decidmg  on  the 
ability  of  candidates.  In  both^  the  right  to  teach 
was  gradually  transformed  into  an  academic  degree ; 
a  governing  body  of  masters  was  formed  within  the 
academicians;  and  special  Faculties  arose.  Nor 
were  superintendence  and  patronage^  by  the  Church, 
rejected  at  Oxford  any  more  than  at  Paris.  Indeed, 
not  the  Pope  and  the  Ordinary  only,  but  the  Chan- 
cellor also,  exerted  a  decided  control  over  every 
part  of  the  Oxford  system.  There  was  the  less 
need  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Head  of  the 
Church,  because  Oxford  was  but  a  small  town,  and 
her  schools  far  less  important  than  those  of  Paris. 
Her  academicians  lived  in  masses,  apart  from  the 
citizens,  and  are  said  not  to  have  exceeded  the 
number  of  three  thousand  in  the  year  1209.*  We 
shall  see  that  the  contrast  of  Oxford  and  Paris 
depended  not  a  little  on  all  these  circumstances. 


§  31.  Early  state  of  Cambridge. 

But  we  must  now  bestow  a  glance  on  Cambridge. 
This  town  was  raised  into  a  seat  of  learning  first 
by  the  monks  of  Croyland,  a  place  about  thirty 
miles  to  the  north  of  it.  Their  Abbot  Goisfred  had 
studied  at  Orleans,  and  promoted  their  teaching 
(A.  D.  1109—1124)  at  a  farm  called  Cottenham 

*  Matth.  Paris  ad  a.  1209. 


i 


62  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

near  Cambridge,  and  afterwards  in  a  bam  at  Cam- 
bridge itself.*  The  great  press  of  students  rapidly 
raised  up  schools ;  and,  though  we  have  no  direct 
proof  of  their  continuing  to  exist  for  any  time,  these 
may  probably  have  been  the  germ  of  the  Uni- 
versity. Any-how  it  13  certain,!  that  (A.  D.  1209) 
riots  in  Oxford  induced  three  hundred  scholars  and 
masters  to  migrate,  many  of  whom  settled  at  Cam- 
bridge. In  1231  we  find  that  the  new  University 
had  attained  all  the  essential  peculiarities  of  Oxford : 
but  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  even  at  the  earlier 
period  (1209)  the  Cambridge  schools  had  already 
some  important  attractions  to  Oxford  scholars, 
although  they  may  not  have  attained  the  eminence 
of  a  University,  until  elevated  by  the  fortunate  im- 
migration. No  decided  differences  appear  to  have 
existed  between  the  two  Universities  until  after 
the  Reformation.      We  may  therefore  direct  our 

*  The  authority  for  this  story,  very  innocently  have  mixed  him 

is  Peter  of  Blois,  in  his  "  Con-  up  ynth  the  other  authors,  as  a 

tinuation  of  Ingulfs  History  of  matter  of  course :  nor  is  there 

England"  (Saville),  and  we  find  even  need  of  supposing  a  later 

no  objections  fatal  to  his  testi-  interpolation.      Whether  there 

mony.       It  is  true,   he  names  be  one  or  not,  even  Lappenberg, 

Averroes,  as  studied  with  Aris-  (who  seems  to  fancy  that  there 

totle,  Cicero,  and  other  scholastic  is,)  does  not  hesitate  to  look  upon 

text-books ;  which  clearly  cannot  the  account  as  true  in  the  main, 

agree  with  the  date  of  the  trans-  and  to  make  use  of  it  as  such, 

action  itself —  (11 09  —  1 124)  :  It  would  then  be  imbecoming  in 

[For  Averroes  was  not  even  bom  me  to  reject  it.    The  date  [1 1 09 

tiU    A.  D.   1149:    Translator.]  —1124]  is  fixed  from  *'Orderi- 

But  Peter  of  Blois,  as  a  contem-  cus  Vitalis"  where  Evis/red  is 

porary  witness  of  the  fame   of  named  as  Ingulfs  successor, 
the  Arabian    philosopher,   may 

t  See  Note  (13)  at  the  end. 


THB  BN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES.  63 

attention  to  Oxford  principally ;  and  this  is  the  more 
needful^  as  the  scanty  materials  to  be  found  with 
respect  to  Cambridge  are  in  fact  only  just  sufficient 
to  justify  us  in  this  course.  All  that  appears^  is  in 
strict  analogy  with  the  Oxford  institutions.  We 
may  then  infer,  that  Cambridge  was  under  the  su- 
perintendence and  patronage  of  the  Ordmary,  the 
Prince  Bishop  of  Ely,  whose  exteusive  prerogative 
could  never  have  been  resisted  by  any  Abbot  of 
Croyland.  Even  at  the  present  day,  the  Bishop 
possesses,  in  theory,  rights  over  Cambridge,  from 
which  Oxford  was  expressly  emancipated  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  The  more  recent  institution 
could  not  resist  the  spiritual  power  so  advanta- 
geously. Yet  we  may  assume,  that  the  influence 
and  example  of  Oxford  would  draw  over  the  Cam- 
bridge Chancellor  into  the  body  of  academicians. 


CHAPTER  III. 


GENERAL  REMARKS  CONCERNING  THE  ENGLISH 

UNIVERSITIES  IN  THIRTEENTH  AND 

FOURTEENTH  CENTURIES. 


§  32.  Middle  Age  of  the  English  Universities. 

For  the  future  we  have  to  deal  not  with  uncertam 
mferenees,  but  with  positive  history  of  the  Univer- 
sities. Our  task  is  now  sitnpler  and  better  defined ; 
yet  the  difficulty  of  selecting  what  is  instructive  is 
greater :  and  the  reader  must  allow  me  to  pursue 
my  own  course  as  to  the  arrangement  of  my  ma- 
terials. I  find  it  here  especially  needful  to  discri- 
minate the  internal  from  the  external  history.  The 
latter  is  apt  Hot  only  to  be  eminently  uninteresting, 
but  to  take  for  granted  the  very  thing  which  we 
most  desire  to  know.  The  Annalist  writes  for  men 
who  have  a  familiarity,  which  we  have  not,  with 
the  internal  history; — the  condition,  organization, 
importance,  efficiency,  and  general  position  of  the 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  65 

University :  we  must  use  external  facts  principally 
as  clues  to  guide  us  toward  this  more  valuable 
information. 

To  mark  off  the  Middle  Age  from  the  Modern 
Period  of  the  University  is  certainly  very  difficult. 
Indeed  the  earlier  times  do  not  form  a  homoge- 
neous whole,  but  appear  perpetually  shiftmg  and 
preparing  for  a  new  state.  The  main  transition 
however  was  undoubtedly  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century;  and  the  Reformation,  a  re- 
markable crisis,  did  but  confirm  what  had  been  in 
progress  for  more  than  a  century  and  a  half:  so 
that  the  Middle  Age  of  the  University  contained 
the  thirteenth  century,  and  barely  the  former  half 
of  the  fourteenth.  The  changes  are  not  so  much 
the  bloom  and  decay  of  the  same  institution,  as 
radical  revolutions  into  new  states,  which  must 
be  measured  by  wholly  new  standards.  Many 
things  which  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century  were  supposed  to  be  causes  or  symptoms 
of  decay,  proved  after  another  century  to  be 
conditions  essential  to  prosperity  in  their  altered 
circumstances. 

Yet  there  is  no  question,  that  during  this  Middle 
Age  the  English  Universities  were  distinguished  far 
more  than  ever  afterwards  by  energy  and  variety  of 
intellect.  Later  times  cannot  produce  a  concen- 
tration of  men*  eminent  in  all  the  learning  and 

*  Names  such  as  Grosseteste,  Bacon,  Middleton,  Hales,  Burley, 
Kilwarby,  Bradwardine,  Holcot,  Duns  Scotus,  Occam,  and  others. 
—See  Note  (14)  at  the  end. 


/ 

/ 


66  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVER8ITIB8. 

science  of  the  age,  such  as  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
then  poured  forth^  mightily  influencing  the  intel- 
lectual developement  of  all  Western  Christendom. 
Their  names  indeed  may  warn  us  against  an  undis- 
criminating  disparagement  of  the  Monasteries,  as 
'^ hotbeds  of  ignorance  and  stupidity;'*  when  so 
many  of  those  worthies  were  monks  of  the  Bene- 
dictine, Franciscan,  Dominican,  Carmelite,  or  re- 
formed Augustinian  order.  But  in  consequence  of 
this  surpassing  celebrity,  Oxford  became  the  focus 
of  a  prodigious  congregation  of  students,  to  which 
nothing  afterwards  bore  comparison.  The  same 
was  probably  true  of  Cambridge  in  relative  pro- 
portion. 


^  33.  On  the  number  of  the  Academicians. 

Difficult  it  is  alike  to  be  at  rest  without  com- 
puting their  numbers,  or  to  be  convinced  of  the 
truth  of  any  computation.  A  tolerably  well  au- 
thenticated account,  attacked  of  late  by  undue 
scepticism,  fixes  those  of  Oxford  at  thirty  thousand, 
in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  want 
indeed  of  contemporary  evidence  must  make  us 
cautious  of  yielding  absolute  belief  to  this :  in  fact 
we  have  no  document  on  this  matter  even  as  old  as 
the  Reformation.  But  we  do  not  know  that  the 
author  of  the  statement  had  no  documentary  proof, 
and  we  have  no  reason  to  suspect  him  of  intentional 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS.  67 

foiigery,  so  that  oar  main  question  is^  whether  the 
thing  is  intrinsically  too  improbable.  Now  if  the 
number  thirty  thousand  included  all  the  serving 
persons,  (for  barbers,  copyists,  waiters,*  and  many 
others  were  matriculated,  and  some  of  them  actu- 
ally took  part  in  inferior  scholastic  exercises,  and 
were  reckoned  as  clerici  or  clerks^)  it  appears  in 
fact  even  probable.  Not  only  did  the  Church  and 
the  new  orders  of  Monks  draw  great  numbers 
thither,  but  the  Universities  themselves  were  vast 
High  Schools,  comprising  boys  and  even  children.t 
It  is  not  extravagant,  if  Cambridge  was  not  yet  in 
great  repute,  to  imagine  fifteen  thousand  students 
of  all  age8  at  Oxford,  and  as  many  more  attend- 
ants. Nor  was  it  at  all  difficult  to  accommo- 
date them  in  the  town,  when  Oxford  contained 
three  hundred  Halls  and  Inns :  and  as  several 
students  dwelt  in  one  room,  and  were  not  careful 
for  luxury,  each  building  on  an  average  might 
easily  hold  one  hundred  persons.  The  style  of 
Architecture  was  of  the  simplest  and  cheapest 
kind,  and  might  have  been  easily  run-up  on  a  sud- 
den demand :  and  a  rich  flat  country,  with  abun- 
dant water  carriage,  needed  not  to  want  provisions. 
That  the  numbers  were  vast,{  is  implied  by  the 


*  [Parchment  preparers,  Illu-  f  To  the  same  e£Pect  we  find 

minators.  Bookbinders,  Station-  in  Bulseus,  iii.  81 ;  "  Let  no  one 

ers,     Apothecaries,     Surgeons,  study  Arts  in  Paris,  until  he  has 

Laundr^ses,  with  their  under-  passed  his  12th  year." 

strappers  and  other  nondescripts,  X  Further  see  Note  (15)  at 

(p.  225  of  the  German.)]  the  end. 


^ 


68  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

highly  respectable  evidence  which  we  have,  that 
as  many  as  three  thousand  migrated  from  Oxford 
on  the  riots  of  1 209 ;  although  the  Chronicler  ex- 
pressly states  that  not  all  joined  in  the  secession. 
In  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  the  reduced  numbers 
are  reckoned  at  fifteen  thousand.  After  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  they  were  still  as  many 
as  from  three  to  four  thousand ;  and  after  the  Re- 
formation they  mount  again  to  five  thousand.  On 
the  whole  therefore  the  computation  of  thirty  thou- 
sand, as  the  maximum,  may  seem,  if  not  positively 
true,  yet  the  nearest  approximation  which  we  can 
expect.  Of  Cambridge  we  know  no  more  than  that 
the  numbers  were  much  lower  than  at  Oxford. 
[  {Fb-om  a  note  in  vol.  ii.  p.  260,  of  the  German.)  I 
had  strangely  overlooked  the  following  direct  evi- 
dence,  quoted  by  Wood,  (i.  p.  80,)  out  of  a  sermon 
preached  by  an  Oxford  Master  named  Richard  of 
Armagh,  before  the  Pope  at  Avignon  in  1387. 
"  Although,"  he  says,  "  there  were  at  the  Studium 
of  Oxford  even  in  my  time  thirty  thousand  students ; 
there  are  not  now  six  thousand."  He  attributes 
the  diminution  to  the  intrigues  of  the  Dominicans : 
but  contemporaries  are  bad  judges  of  the  causes  of 
social  changes.  As  to  the  matter  of  fact,  his  testi- 
mony is  decisive ;  and  it  suggests  a  correction  of 
my  statement  that  the  numbers  of  the  students 
reached  their  zenith  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  then  permanently  declined  ;  for  "  my 
time"  must  refer  to  the  early  part  of  the  four- 
teenth century.] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVEHSITIBS.  69 

It  is  really  of  great  importance  to  know  whether 
the  students  of  a  University,  are  reckoned  by 
hundreds  or  by  ten-thousands.  Vast  numbers, 
eminently  testify  intellectual  activity  in  the  nation 
and  times;  especially  since  the  University  was  as 
yet  very  poor,  and  had  no  outward  attractions  to 
offer.  Moreover  the  multitude  of  minds  simul- 
taneously enjo3ring  cultivation,  must  have  helped 
greatly  to  increase  the  richness  and  variety  of  the 
products.  But  the  intellectual  importance  of  Ox- 
ford at  that  period,  is  universally  acknowledged. 


$  34.  Positive  Science  at  Oa^/ard. 

We  have  only  to  add,  that  while  in  the  general, 
there  was  a  substantial  identity  between  the  scho- 
lastic learning  of  Oxford  and  of  Paris,  yet  Oxford 
was  more  eager  in  following  positive  science ; — and 
this^  although  such  studies  were  disparaged  by 
the  Church,  and  therefore  by  the  public.  Indeed 
originally  the  Church  had  been  on  the  opposite 
side ;  but  the  speculative  tendency  of  the  times  had 
carried  her  over,  so  that  speculation  and  theology 
went  hand  in  hand.  In  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  we  may  name  Robert  Grosseteste  and  John 
Basingstock,  as  cultivating  physical  science,  and 
(more  remarkable  still)  the  Franciscan  Roger  Ba- 
con :  a  man  whom  the  vulgar  held  to  be  equal  to 
Merlin  and  Michael  Scott  as  a  magician,  and  whom 


70  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


N 


posterity  ranks  by  the  noblest  spirits  of  the  fif- 
teenth and  sixteenth  centuries^  in  all  branches  of 
positive  science, —  except  theology.  A  biography 
of  Roger  Bacon  should  surely  be  written ! 

Unfortunately,  we  know  nothing  as  to  the  influ- 
ence of  these  men  on  their  times,  nor  can  we  even 
learn  whether  the  University  itself*  was  at  all 
interested  in  their  studies.  Yet  we  may  rather 
believe  that  the  learned  men  then,  were  not  so 
much  severed  firom  practical  influence  as  at  a  later 
time ;  when  we  consider  the  restless  energy  of  the 
Universities,  the  diversity  and  extent  of  their  study, 
their  internal  freedom,  and  the  active  intercourse 
between  teachers  and  pupils.  Indeed,  as  there  were 
no  endowments  adequate  to  support  these  eminent 
men,  so  much  the  more  needful  was  it  for  them  to 
interestf  others  in  their  sciences ;  while  the  intel- 
lectual spirit  of  the  age  warrants  us  in  believing 
that  this  was  not  likely  to  degenerate  into  sordid 
and  despicable  results. 

It  was  at  Oxford  that  Giraldus  Cambrensis  pro- 
pounded his  Topograph/  of  Cambria^  nor  is  it 
likely  that  this  was  a  solitary  case, — an  example  of 
individual  caprice.  We  have  also  a  strange  testi- 
mony to  the  interest  which  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fourteenth  century  the  mass  of  the  students  took  in 
the  speculation  of  their  elders ;  for  the  street  raws 
were  carried  on  under  the  banners  of  Nominalists 
and  Realists. 

*  For  at  a  later  period,  we  certainly  find  great  eminence  of 

individuals  coexist  with  entire  apathy  in  the  body. 

t  See  Note  (16)  at  the  end. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  71 


$  35.  Systematic  tumults  at  Oxford. 

Offensive  to  our  feelings  as  are  the  tumults  of 
these  scholastic  bands^  we  must  beware  of  inferring 
that  they  were  incompatible  with  a  general  zeal  for 
study.  Cause  enough  for  complaint  must  have  ex- 
isted :  but  the  complaints  were  then  loudest^  when 
the  disorders  had  really  abated;  when  a  sterner 
discipline  had  gained  ground  in  the  Colleges^  and 
the  State  had  ended  the  quarrels  of  the  Gown  and 
Town,  by  interfering  m  favor  of  the  former.  In- 
deed, towards  the  period  of  transition,  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Nations  was  dissolving  of  itself,  and 
physical  disorder  was  perishing  from  internal  debi- 
Uty ;  but  at  the  same  time,  not  without  a  corres- 
ponding decay*  of  intellectual  energy. 

The  coarse  and  ferocious  manners  prevalent  in 
the  Universities  of  the  Middle  Ages  are  every 
where  in  singular  contrast  to  their  intellectual 
pretensions :  but  the  Universities  of  the  CJontinent 
were  peaceful,  decorous,  dignified, —  compared  with 
those  of  England.  The  storms  which  were  else- 
where occasional,  were  at  Oxford  the  permanent 
atmosphere.  For  nearly  two  centuries,  our  "Foster 
Mother  "  of  Oxford  lived  in  a  din  of  uninterrupted 
furious  warfare ;  nation  against  nation^  school 
against  school,  faculty  against  faculty.  Halls,  and 
finally  Colleges,  came  forward  as  combatants  ;  and 

*  See  Note  (17)  at  the  end. 


72  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS.' 

the  University,  as  a  whole,  against  the  Town ;  or 
against  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln ;  or  against  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  Nor  was  Cambridge  much 
less  pugnacious.  Scarcely  Pope  or  King  could 
interfere  (in  matters  however  needful)  without 
unpleasant  results.  Every  weapon  was  used.  The 
tongue  and  pen  were  first  employed :  discussions 
before  all  kinds  of  judges^  ordinary  and  extraordi- 
nary, far  and  near ;—  negociation  and  intrigue  with 
all  the  powerful  of  the  day :  and  when  these  failed, 
men  did  not  shrink  from  the  decision  of  violence. 


§  36.  Importance  of  the  fact  that  Oxford  was  not 

a  capital  City, 

Such  matters  would  hardly  deserve  more  than  a 
passing  allusion,  were  nothing  deeper  hidden  be- 
neath these  scandalous  riots.  But  they  are  closely 
connected  with  the  freer  and  more  manly  develope- 
ment  of  the  nationality  of  England,  which  has  there 
consolidated  into  practical  utility  ebullitions  of 
intemperance,  which  elsewhere  have  been  at  once 
culpable  and  absurd.  The  local  circumstances  of 
Oxford  were  in  this  connection  also  important. 
The  Universities  were  in  fact  scholastic  colonies 
upon  the  domain  of  common  life ;  and  of  necessity 
were  affected  by  the  soil,  so  to  say,  and  climate,  in 
which  they  were  planted.  Now  Paris,  Toulouse, 
Orleans,   Bologna,    Padua,   Naples,   Pisa,   Lisbon, 


THK  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  73 

Salamanca^  and  afterwards  Prague^  Vienna  and 
Cologne,  were  towns  of  the  first  rank,  and  wholly 
independent  of  their  Universities  :  but  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  were  great,  only  by  virtue  of  the  aca- 
demicians. The  Town  would  in  each  case  have 
risked  suicide,  in  endeavouring  to  crush  the  privi- 
leges of  the  Gown.  Contrariwise,  in  the  great 
cities  of  the  Continent,  the  academic  body  upheld 
its  rights  against  the  townsmen,  only  by  calling-in 
the  aid  of  the  higher  spiritual  or  temporal  autho- 
rities. Where  such  authorities  did  not  exist,  as  in 
Bologna,  and  Padua,  the  Universities  would  soon 
have  been  utterly  ruined  by  the  brutal  tyranny  of 
the  town-corporation,  had  they  not  invoked  help 
from  the  Emperor,  the  Pope,  and  the  Venetians. 
These  potentates  placed  officials  of  their  own  in 
permanent  residence  at  the  Universities,  for  the 
protection  of  the  scholars ;  a  measure  which  at  the 
same  time  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  greatness 
of  the  towns.  While  this  was  for  the  individual 
benefit  of  the  academicians,  it  kept  them  corpo- 
rately  in  a  wholly  subordinate  position.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say,  how  at  Paris  the  Univer- 
sity and  its  Rector  were  eclipsed  by  a  Royal  Court, 
by  the  High  Courts  of  justice,  by  Nobles,  Bishops 
and  Abbots.  But  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge  the 
SheriflF  was  the  highest  civil  officer,  the  Archdeacon 
the  highest  functionary  of  the  Church:  and  so 
defective  was  the  police  of  that  day,  that  even 
when    a   matter  came   to    blows,    these    officers 


74  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

might  not  easily  get  the  better,  unless  well  fore- 
warned, and  (in  extreme  cases)  determined  to 
exert  themselves.  Nor  would  they  ever  think  of 
more  than  keeping  the  peace,  and  confirming 
the  status  quo.  But  in  greater  cities,  the  temporal 
and  spiritual  dignities  repressed  with  a  high  hand 
every  tumult.  The  very  Rector  of  the  University 
met  with  little  ceremony  from  a  Captain  of  the 
Royal  Body-Guard,  or  even  of  the  Provost's  Guard  : 
and  the  authorities  sought  to  punish  for  the  past 
and  prevent  for  the  future,  as  well  as  to  uphold 
tranquillity  for  the  present.  In  fact  in  our  modem 
days,  when  the  most  uproarious  of  academicians  is 
a  lamb  compared  to  the  heroes  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
it  has  been  thought  advisable  to  remove  some  of 
our  German  Universities  to  the  Capitals  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  enforcing  discipline  upon  them. 
What  then  must  have  been  the  case,  in  the  time  of 
the  old  defective  police,  and  in  a  University  num- 
bering from  fifteen  to  thirty  thousand  scholars? 
We  may  in  fact  say,  that  the  unparallelled  exten- 
sion of  corporate  rights  won  by  the  University, 
were  not  more  obtained  through  the  Chancellor, 
than  fought  out  by  an  academic  mob. 


§  37.  On  the  Funds  and  Estates  of  the  University. 

In  the  whole  earlier  period,  the  University-Cor- 
porations had  been  populous  and  poor.     By  fees. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  75 

« 

contributions,  impositions  and  donations,  money 
came  slowly  in:  legacies  were  rather  more  pro- 
dactive.  Their  slender  funds,  lent  out  at  moderate 
mterest  to  their  own  members,  yielded  a  scanty 
income :  but  it  is  remarkable  that  as  yet  the 
University  had  none  but  rented  buildings,  and 
little  or  no  land.  They  were  miserably  supplied 
with  Public  Rooms  for  scholastic  uses ;  as  nothing 
of  the  kind  appears  to  have  been  University-pro- 
perty.  An  ill-defined  right  in  Saint  Mary's 
Church  was  gained  by  lengthened  use.  There,  or 
partly  in  the  Chtirch  of  Saint  Frideswide,  were 
kept  the  monies,  treasures,  books  and  deeds  of 
the  University:  afterwards,  the  handsome  rooms 
erected  by  several  orders  of  monks*  proved  a  great 
convenience,  being  rented  occasionally  by  other 
teachers.  Endowments  of  course  did  not  exist: 
every  teacher  was  left  to  find  his  own  level,  and 
(as  we  have  seen)  he  generally  dwelt  with  his 
pupils  in  the  same  Hall  or  Inn.  Their  food,  and 
other  expenses,  were  defrayed  in  common :  but  in 
the  Disciplina  Scholarium  (Ed.  of  1496)  it  is  hinted 
to  be  convenient,  that  the  scholars  relieve  the  Mas- 
ter from  the  trouble  of  all  such  provision.  But 
meanwhile,  the  various  monkish  societies  domicili- 
ated in  Oxford  possessed  some  landed  property, 
and  hereby  stood  on  a  different  footing;  nor  is  it 
easy  to  explain  their  relation  to  the  University, 

♦  First  of  all,  the  Augustin  Monks ;  and  hence  comes  the  Oxford 
technical  name,  Austins,  for  certain  exercises. 


76  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

which  was  indeed  a  contested  point.  Anyhow  it 
is  clear,  that  this  state  of  things  was  essentially 
democratic. 


$  38.  Transition  to  the  Aristocratic  State. 

But  after  attaining  its  greatest  external  privi- 
leges, a  new  process  commenced  to  the  University. 
The  number  of  students  diminished,  but  endow- 
ments kept  increasing;  and  of  course  democracy 
waned  rapidly.  Several  of  the  cohabitant  societies 
began  to  procure  houses  and  land,  and  to  draw 
revenue  from  them,  as  the  Monastic  bodies  had 
done.  Under  the  name  (generally)  of  CollegeSy 
they  became  incorporated  as  organic  parts  of  the 
University :  and  as  the  stream  of  students  ran  oflF, 
these  fixed  points  stood  up  to  view  and  were  rela- 
tively more  and  more  important.  The  University 
became  gradually  more  dependent  on  fixed  posses- 
sions, and  assumed  a  new  impress.  It  was,  of 
course,  more  aristocratic ;  and  did  not  wholly  escape 
the  deadening  influence  of  worldly  goods.  The 
number  of  endowed  Colleges  continually  increased : 
University  buildings  arose,  and  all  the  material 
foundations  of  stability  were  consolidated. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  "NATIONS"  (OF  NORTHERNMEN  AND 

SOUTHERNMEN)  IN  THE  ENGLISH 

UNIVERSITIES. 


i  39.  Limits  of  time  mthin  which  the  Nations 

appear  at  the  Universities. 

The  system  of  Nations^  which  we  explained  to 
be  party-associations  of  the  students,  according  to 
their  diflferent  places  of  birth,  sprung  up  in  the 
English,  as  well  as  in  the  a)ntinental  Universities, 
as  an  order  of  things  congenial  to  the  wants  of  the 
age.  We  may  suppose  the  Nations  to  have  existed 
in  Oxford  soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century ;  in  Cambridge,  after  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth.*  No  regular  history  of  them  is  possible ; 
for  we  meet  with  only  incidental  allusions  to  their 
contests,  and  to  their  bloody  skirmishes.    We  know 

*  See  Note  (18)  at  the  end,  for  evidence  that  the  date  assigned  by 

Meiners  is  erroneous. 


J 


78  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIE8. 

nothing  of  their  constitution^  rights^  and  laws^  ex- 
cept that  they  were^  in  fact^  if  not  in  l^al  form, 
expressly  recognized  as  communities,  at  least  by 
and  in  the  University,  up  to  the  end  of  the  four- 
teenth century.  At  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth they  were  becoming  gradually  obsolete. 
An  occasional  authority  was  vested  by  them  in 
some  of  their  more  eminent  members  to  provide 
for  order  and  to  treat  for  peace ;  as  is  mentioned 
in  1252,  1267^  and  1274.  Their  only  permanent 
authorities  were  the  Two  Proctors;  but  although 
the  functions  of  these  two  officers  are  well  ascer- 
tained, it  is  not  certain  in  what  relation  they  stood 
toward  the  Two  Nations,  except  that  they  were 
elected  by  them  for  two  years.  When  the  nations 
kept  holiday,*  all  sorts  of  disorders  would  break 
out,  calling  for  severe  discipline  and  new  legisla- 
tion :  but  little  besides  is  known  of  them.  Nor  is 
it  safe  to  appeal  to  the  University  of  Paris,  and 
supply  by  analogy  all  that  we  wish  to  know  con- 
cerning Oxford ;  for  even  the  Faculties,  based  as 
they  were  on  the  same  studies  and  the  same  state 
of  knowledge,  had  developed  themselves  very  dif- 
ferently at  those  two  Universities.  How  much  more 
easily  may  this  have  happened  in  regard  to  the 
nations,  which  were  composed  of  materials  originally 
diflFerent  at  Oxford  and  at  Paris. 

Throughout  the  fourteenth  century  and  especiaUy 
in  the  first  half  of  it,  the  nations  are  mentioned,  by 

*  See  Note  (19)  at  the  end. 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIB6.  79 

the  names  of  Northemmen  and  Southemmen^  as 
continnally  taking  a  part  in  riotous  exploits.  Even 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  we  hear  of  crimes  com- 
mitted by  Irish  and  Welsh  vagabonds,  called 
Chamberdekins,*  who  pretended  to  be  scholars ;  but 
nothing  further  is  stated  distinctly  of  the  nations 
till  1 506 :  and  in  1 587^  we  hear  of  them  for  the 
last  time.  The  vast  decrease  of  numbers,  and  the 
importance  of  the  Colleges,  had  long  since  broken- 
np  the  system :  in  fact,  so  great  a  fusion  of  the 
North  and  South  of  England  had  taken  place,  that 
no  materials  existed  for  the  distinction  of  two 
nations  at  the  University.  Yet  in  1 540  the  Proctors 
are  still  discriminated  by  the  names  of  the  nations ; 
nor  does  the  new  method  of  electing  them  by  the 
Colleges  appear  till  1626.  We  may  believe  that 
in  the  time  of  transition  there  had  long  been 
irregularities  and  uncertainty:  at  least,  that  the 
Nations,  from  inward  feebleness,  ceased  to  elect, 
before  the  right  of  electing  was  formally  lodged  in 
other  hands.  It  may  indeed  seem  doubtful,  whe- 
ther the  conflicts  of  Northemmen  and  Southemmen, 
mentioned  in  1 587  after  a  full  century  of  inaction, 
were  not  a  new  phenomenon  under  an  ancient 
name.  At  any  rate  this  geographical  distinction 
of  students  disappeared  in  the  Universities  with 
the  sixteenth  century. 

*  [Cameris  degentea,  i.  e.  Hying  in  private  lodgings.] 


80  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


§  40.  The  four  Nations  at  Paris,  and  their 

Provinces. 

The  University  of  Paris  had  far  more  of  a 
European  than  of  a  French  character,  as  to  the 
elementary  bodies  which  composed  it.  It  com- 
prised four  Nations,  viz.  French,  English,  Normans, 
and  Picards;  the  French  containing  as  Provinces 
(or  subdivisions)  Frenchmen,  Provenfals,  Gascons, 
Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Greeks.  Under  the  English 
Nation  were  ranked  the  British  and  Irish,  Germans 
and  Scandinavians.  The  third  Nation  had  no  sub- 
division. The  fourth  comprised  Picardy,  Brabant, 
and  Flanders.  Races  so  opposed,  socially  and 
politically,  could  not  cohere  in  any  durable  organi- 
zation, with  one  another,  and  with  the  common 
population  around  them.  It  would  have  been 
impossible  to  admit  the  University  of  Paris  into 
any  close  political  and  social  relation  with  the 
nation  at  large.  Nor  indeed  was  the  case  very 
different  in  the  other  Continental  Universities. — 
But  although  foreigners  often  came  to  the  English 
Universities  for  the  advantage  of  study,  they  were 
never  recognized  as  integrant  parts  of  the  scho- 
lastic organization.  Its  two  nations  were  wholly 
native,  except  that  the  Southemmen  generally 
included  the  Irish  and  Welsh,  while  under  the 
Northemmen  were    comprehended   the    Scotch.* 

*  See  Note  (20)  at  the  end. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  81 


^41.  Contrast  of  genius  between  Northern  and 

Southern  England. 

In  a  philosophical  survey,  one  may  be  allowed 
to  remark  on  the  analogy  borne  by  these  two 
nations  to  the  grand  European  contrast  of  Ger- 
manic to  Romanic  races.  Not  to  dwell  on  the 
physical  geography  of  the  British  Isles  minutely, 
nor  to  embarrass  ourselves  at  present  by  the — still 
not  insignificant — out-lying  masses  of  the  Celtic 
population ;  we  may  remark  that  the  tribes  north 
of  the  Mersey  and  Humber  were  mainly  Ger- 
manic, while  in  the  southern  portion  of  Britain 
the  Normans  and  the  Romanizing  Anglo-Saxons 
predominated.  The  contrast  of  the  two  elements 
continues  almost  to  this  day;  indeed  thirty  years 
ago,  the  Scotch  and  English  were  as  strange  to 
each  other's  feelings,  as  Germans  to  Dutch.*  Yet 
a  fusion  of  the  two  began  at  a  very  early  period, 
in  consequence  of  the  wars  with  Scotland,  and 
afterwards  with  France ;  so  that  a  new  or  English 
nationality  developed  itself.  But  southeriSI  Scot- 
land still  stood  aloof,  and  maintained  a  far  purer 
Germanic  character;  (for  it  is  now  well  known 
not  to  be  Celtic ;)  moreover  the  mass  of  the  English 
people,  in  contrast  to  the  nobles,  must  be  regarded 

*  Without  giving  due  weight  to  explain  the  history  of  modern 

to  such  considerations  no  soimd  France  by  the  mixture  of  the 

history    can    exist.     Yet   it   is  conquerors  and  conquered  in  the 

going  into  the  opposite  extreme  French  population. 


83  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

as  Saxon^  and  not  French.  The  complication  was 
increased  by  the  growth  of  the  great  commercial 
towns  of  the  South, — London  especially, — ^which 
tended  to  exalt  the  Saxon  element,  and  to  amalgamate 
North  and  South.  The  advance  also  of  intellectual 
cultivation,—  in  language,  poetry  and  Uterature,— 
had  its  chief  spring  in  the  middle  orders,  though 
I  would  not  say  that  the  nobles  took  no  part  in  it. 
Difficult  as  it  may  be  to  bring  demonstrative  proof, 
it  still  seems  reasonable  to  believe,  that  the  two 
Nations  at  the  University  of  Oxford  represented 
in  matter  of  fact  this  double  element,  and  that  with 
the  progressive  fusion  in  the  country  at  large,  they 
naturally  lost  their  significance.  Indeed  the  great 
political  importance  which  has  ever  belonged  to  the 
English  Universities  seems  explicable  only  by  their 
action  and  reaction  on  the  national  existence.*  To 
this,  their  scientific  importance  is  frequently  essen- 
tially inferior ;  a  fact,  the  knowledge  of  which  is 
requisite  to  avoid  the  strangest  errors. 


^  42.  Sympathy  between  the  English  Nation  and  the 

Universities. 

In  those  days,  (I  have  already  said)  the  Univer- 
sities as  it  were  monopolized  education ;  including 

*  Even  in  the  German  Universities,  crippled  by  State-Mechan- 
ism,  the  pulsation  of  national  life  is  intensely  felt ;  and  but  lately, 
clanship  was  rather  vigorously  upheld. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  •      83 

Students  both  younger  and  older  than  m  the 
present  day.  The  scholars  of  the  higher  faculties 
must  have  been  from  twenty-five  to  thirty  years 
old ;  the  Doctors  much  older ;  the  number  of  resi- 
dent Masters  far  greater  than  now.  In  those  ages 
also  personal  servants  were  comparatively  far  more 
numerous  than  at  present ;  and^  before  the  wars  of 
the  Roses  had  drawn  the  Barons  off  to  other  pur- 
suits^ every  noble  family  sent  at  least  one  son  to 
the  University,  accompanied  with  an  ample  train 
of  followers.  The  townspeople  of  England  like- 
wise took  much  more  interest  in  University  studies 
than  afterwards.  Before  the  ecclesiastical  abuse 
of  giving  benefices  to  foreigners  had  become  pre- 
valent, the  Church  was  their  open  door  to  elevation. 
On  the  whole,  in  the  period  of  which  we  treat,  the 
University  comprised  the  strength  and  bloom  of 
the  nation;  picked  from  all  ranks  and  orders. 
North  and  South,  and  sympathising  intensely  with 
the  general  course  of  public  policy.  The  excita- 
bility of  youth  accounts  for  many  an  outbreak ; 
and,  as  every  pulsation  of  the  national  life  was 
certainly  felt  in  great  power  at  the  Universities, 
so  it  is  probable  that  the  nation  received  in  turn 
many  a  vigorous  impulse,  especially  on  points  of 
learning  and  science.  In  fact,  the  "  Degree"  being 
an  indelible  character,  a  student  who  had  ceased  to 
reside,  did  not  cease  to  sympathize  with  his  "  Fos- 
ter Mother":'  and  every  rank  of  civil,  and  much 
more  of  ecclesiastical  life,  was  filled  with  men  who 


84  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

identified  themselves  with  her  interests.*  We  have 
indeed  still  to  fight  against  the  prejudice,  that  all 
erudition  was  then  confined  to  a  few  ascetic  or  disso- 
lute ecclesiastics.  On  the  contrary,  the  scholastic 
culture  (be  its  merits  what  it  may)  was  widely 
diffused  through  the  nation  at  large;  and,  especiaUy 
by  means  of  the  intellectual  position  of  the  Clergy, 
formed  a  tie  to  which  later  times  have  nothing  to 
compare.  Those  days  can  never  return — (we  may 
have  a  lively  realization  and  love  of  them,  without 
desiring  that:) — for  this  plain  reason,  that  then  men 
learned  and  taught  by  the  living  word,  but  now 
by  the  dead  paper. 


^  43.  Central  position  of  Oxford. 

England  is  ^^ an  Island,''  "a  little  world T  as 
Shakspere  proudly  felt ; — the  sea-breeze  braces  her 
children's  hearts : — and  of  "this  England"  Oxford 
was  the  centre.  Not  only  in  the  vacations  did  her 
special  members  return  to  their  homes  in  all  parts, 
but  her  messengers  were  engaged  every  where  in 
all  seasons  of  the  year.  So  intimate  has  her  con- 
nexion ever  been  with  the  whole  country,  that 
Popular  Opinion,  ages  ago,  looked  on  serious 
University- strife  as  a  presage  of  civil  war.    Indeed, 


*  See  the  works  of  John  of  Salisbury,  Peter  of  Blois,  GKrald  of 
Cambridge,  and  other  biographies,  &c.  in  Warton,  the  Monasticon, 
Leland,  Heam. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  85 

(whatever  may  be  said,)  the  usual  disputes  among 
young  people  at  drinking  bouts,  do  not  suffice  to 
explain  the  Oxford  feuds,  or  the  formal  battles  in 
which  even  Masters  and  Doctors  took  part.  They 
are  the  continued  vibration  of  powerful  springs, 
elsewhere  set  in  motion.  In  Wood,  we  read  a  very 
significant  monkish  doggerel : — the  monks  of  those 
days  were  the  chief  union  between  high  and  low : — 

Thus  old  story  says : 
From  our  Oxford  frays. 
After  few  months  and  days. 
All  England's  in  a  blaze.* 

^  44.  Riots  concerning  Realism.    Speculation  upon 

its  conneooion  with  the  Northern  or 

Germanic  spirit. 

About  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  the  con- 
flicts of  Realism  and  Nominalism  began,  but  they 
rose  into  full  vigor  under  the  patronage  of  Duns 
Scotus  and  Occam,  in  the  first  half  of  the  four- 
teenth. The  Northemmen  declared  for  their 
Countryman  and  his  Realism;  the  Southemmen 
sided  with  Occam  and  his  Nominalism.  WyckliflFe 
also,  who  soon  became  celebrated,  was  a  North 
Countryman  and  a  Realist,  but  it  would  be  far 

♦  Chronica  sipenses ; 
Cum  pugnant  Oxonienses, 
Post  paucos  menses 
Volat  iraper  Angligenenses. 


86  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

too  precipitate  to  connect  Realism  with  the  Re- 
formation generally.  We  only  assert,  that  at  that 
period  both  Realism  and  Reformation  found  favor 
chiefly  with  the  Northemmen;  and  that  the  two 
causes  may  in  their  minds  have  been  somehow 
connected.  The  author  believes  also,  that  the  Ger- 
manic spirit,  being  prone  to  Ideology  (as  Napoleon 
remarked,)  has  also  in  it  a  certain  spiritualism  that 
tended  to  Protestant  views.  But  all  this  is  said 
with  drfl5dence  and  under  correction.  Any-how  it 
will  not  be  questioned  that  there  is  a  close  S3rmpa- 
thy  between  the  Germanic  mind  and  Protestantism, 
between  the  Romanic  mind  and  Roman  Catho- 
licism ;  nor  is  it  a  mere  fancy,  to  believe  that  this 
very  controversy  was  deep  at  work  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Oxford,  at  a  time  when  none  understood 
the  full  meaning  of  their  strife.  Even  at  a  later 
period,  when  all  England  was  decidedly  Protestant, 
as  contrasted  with  the  great  Southern  kingdoms, 
the  Northern  part  of  England  was  preeminently 
Protestant  as  compared  with  the  South.  Indeed  at 
the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  after  methods  so 
stringent  had  been  used  to  suppress  the  weaker 
party  in  the  Universities,  and  so  great  an  internal 
revolution  had  passed  upon  them,  we  find  the 
contests  of  Northern  and  Southemmen  renewed, 
at  the  time  when  the  Puritan  controversy  was 
rising  into  strength.  It  is  remarkable  how  much 
underhand  countenance  Presbyterianism  received 
at  Oxford,  (as  will  hereafter  be  stated,)  even  when 
professedly  in  disgrace. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  87 


$45.  Comparison  of  the  two  modem  political  parties 
with  the  two  Nations  of  the  Universities. 

The  distinction  of  races  has  vanished  in  the 
nation  at  large,  and  political  parties  have  taken 
their  place.  We  may  however  remark  that  Whig- 
gery*  is  of  Scotch  (or  Germanic)  origin;  while 
Toryism  had  its  strength  in  the  South.  The  South- 
em  element  still  prevails  in  the  Aristocratic  and 
High-Church  spirit,  and  in  the  old-fashioned  clas- 
sical studies  of  the  College  system ;  and  that  this 
system  is  truly  Romanic,  may  easily  be  proved  by 
comparing  it  with  the  Universities  of  Spain,  which 
have  suffered  least  disturbance  in  recent  centuries. 
The  Northern  system,  driven  out  of  Oxford,  took 
refuge  in  Edinburgh,  the  Athens  of  the  North, 
where  every  thing  reminds  us  of  the  German  Uni- 
versities and  of  the  German  developement  of  the 
Reformation.  The  main  strength  of  the  Liberal 
intellectual  developement  in  the  last  half  century 
has  come  from  Scotland  and  the  North.  That  is 
ever  the  seat  of  the  animating  spirit,  though  the 
material  power  which  ultimately  works  out  the 
results  will  be  found  in  the  populous  and  wealthy 
South ;  whether  in  the  seventeenth  or  in  the  nine- 
teenth century. 


*  The  name  is  derived  from  Whig,  the  Scotch  name  for  sour 
whey.  Tory  is  well  known  to  he  a  word  of  Irish  origin,  originally 
applied  to  Irish  Catholic  outlaws. 


88  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES. 

It  is  a  coDfirmation  of  the  above  to  hear^  that 
the  modem  intellectual  Reform  party  itself,  as  well 
as  its  opponents,  look  on  Germany  as  the  fountain- 
head  of  its  movements;  and  it  seems  that  they 
cannot  be  altogether  wrong  in  bestowing  on  us 
the  honor  or  the  shame.  Each  English  University 
has  still  its  Minority,  representing  the  Northern 
interests,  and,  in  no  small  measure,  of  real  North- 
em  extraction:  and  at  every  shaft  which  strikes 
the  University,  men's  eyes  instinctively  turn  north- 
ward for  the  bowman  who  shot  it. 


^  46.  Outbreak  and  Secession^  in  1209. 

Having  endeavoured  to  exhibit  the  general  mean- 
ing of  the  contrast  between  the  two  nations,  as 
ever  existing  both  in  England  and  in  the  micro- 
cosm of  the  Universities ;  I  must  endeavour  to 
collect  such  details  as  deserve  notice,  in  the  remote 
period  when  the  two  academic  nations  were  in 
their  zenith. 

In  the  year  1209  a  scholar  practising  archery 
accidentally  killed  a  woman,  and  immediately 
made  his  escape.  The  townspeople  seized  some 
of  his  companions  and  hanged  them,  with  the 
permission  of  King  John,  who  was  then  residing 
at  Woodstock.  Such  an  outbreak  on  the  part 
of  the  tovm  is  intelligible  enough;  but  why  the 
King  should  have  countenanced  them,  needs  some 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  89 

explanation.  The  nobility  were  at  this  time  strug- 
gling against  the  royal  power,  while  the  Pope  too 
was  aiming  to  gather-in  the  crop  which  had  been 
fertilized  with  the  blood  of  Thomas  a  Becket ;  by 
connecting  the  English  Church  more  closely  with 
Rome,  and  defending  it  against  the  encroachments 
of  the  Crown.  The  King  would  fain  have  played 
off  the  Pope  and  Barons  against  one  another :  the 
Pope,  finding  no  sure  aid  in  the  Barons,  had 
sought  help  from  France ;  and  in  1 208  had  issued 
his  famous  interdict.  Hereupon,  the  mean,  pas- 
sionate and  cowardly  King,  in  universal  spite 
against  the  Church,  rejoiced  to  trample  on  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  by  the  murder  of  a  few  poor 
Oxford  scholars. 

It  is  possible  that  the  University  had  not  wholly 
stood  aloof  from  the  contest  between  the  Pope  and 
King;  and  that  this  stirred  up  the  wrath  of  the 
latter.  However,  they  now  determined  on  a 
suspension  of  all  scholastic  exercises,  with  the 
sanction  of  the  Pope's  Legate,  Nicholas  of  Tuscu- 
lum ;  who  laid  an  interdict,  not  only  on  the  Town, 
but  on  all  Masters  and  Scholars  who  should  con- 
tinue in  residence.  The  town  immediately  suffered 
by  the  departure  of  so  large  a  body  as  three 
thousand  Masters  and  Scholars,  and  in  1213,  after 
the  King  had  been  humbled  to  accept  his  crown 
from  the  Pope  in  fee,  the  Oxford  citizens  had  to 
submit  absolutely  to  the  mercy  of  the  Legate.  The 
Town- Warden  gave  security,  by  oath,  in  the  name 


90  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIB8. 

of  the  Corporation^  not  to  encroach  in  future  on 
the  episcopal  authority :  to  offer  masses  for  the  de- 
parted souls;  beside  paying  fines  and  remitting 
house  rents  to  the  living.  The  University  also 
received  privileges  from  the  King  on  this  occasion^ 
to  which  it  afterwards  appealed :  but  of  their 
nature  we  have  no  distinct  account. 

Yet  it  is  a  curious  fact^  that  a  considerable  part 
of  the  University  reftised  to  abide  by  the  decision 
of  the  Majority ;  continued  their  studies  at  Oxford ; 
braved  the  Papal  Interdict,  and  incurred  the  pun- 
ishment of  three  years*  suspension.  Although  no 
positive  proof  is  attainable  that  this  refiactory  body 
consisted  of  the  Northemmen,  I  feel  persuaded  that 
this  was  the  case.  One  may  see  in  the  proverb  of 
the  South  Countrymen,*  All  evil  comes  from  the 
North,  how  intense  was  the  opposition  at  that  very 
time. 

$  47.  Riot  of  1238. 

The  University  after  this  began  to  feel  its  own 
strength ;  as  is  manifest  from  an  occurrence  which 
deserves  to  be  told  somewhat  more  at  length.  We 
take  our  account  from  Matthew  of  Paris  and 
Thomas  de  Wyke  (in  Gale,  p.  43) 

"About  this  time  (1238)  the  Lord  Legate  Otho 
(who  had  been  sent  to  England  to  remedy  multifa- 
rious abuses  in  the  Church)  came  to  Oxford  also ; 

*  Applied  to  Bishop  Grilbert  the  Northumbrian  by  a  South  English 
Monk,  A.  D.  1214 — (Wharton  Anglia  Sacra,  p.  146. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIYERSITIBS.  91 

where  he  was  received  with  all  becoming  honors. 
He  took  up  his  abode  in  the  Abbey  of  Osney. 
The  Clerks  of  the  University,  however,  sent  him  a 
goodly  present  of  welcome,  of  meats  and  various 
drinks  for  his  dinner,  and  after  the  hour  of  the 
meal  repaired  to  his  abode,  to  greet  him  and  do 
him  honor.  Then  so  it  was  that  a  certain  Italian^ 
a  doorkeeper  of  the  Legate,  with  less  perchance  of 
courtesy  towards  visitors  than  was  becoming,  called 
out  to  them  with  loud  voice^  after  Romish  fashion, 
and  keeping  the  door  ajar, —  ^What  seek  ye?* 
Whereupon  they  answered  :  ^The  Lord  Legate, 
that  we  may  greet  him.'  And  they  thought  within 
themselves  assuredly,  that  honor  would  be  requited 
by  honor.  But  when  the  door-keeper  with  violent 
and  unseemly  words  refused  them  entrance,  they 
pressed  with  force  into  the  house;  regardless  of 
the  clubs  and  fists  of  the  Romans,  who  sought  to 
keep  them  back.  Now  it  came  to  pass  also,  that 
during  this  tumult  a  certain  poor  Irish  clerk  went 
to  the  door  of  the  kitchen,  and  begged  earnestly  for 
God's  sake,  as  a  hungry  and  needy  man,  that  they 
would  give  him  a  portion  of  the  good  things.  The 
Master-cook  however,  (the  Legate's  own  brother  it 
is  said,  who  filled  this  office  for  the  fear  of  poison,) 
drove  him  back  with  hard  words,  and  at  last  in  great 
wrath  flung  hot  broth  from  out  of  a  pot  into  his 
face.'  *  Fie,  for  shame ! '  cries  a  scholar  from 
Welshland,  who  witnessed  the  affront,  'shall  we 
bear  this  ?'    *  And  then  bending  a  bow,  which  he 


92  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

held  in  his  hand  (for  during  the  turmoil  some  had 
laid  hands  upon  such  weapons  as  they  found  within 
reach)  he  shot  the  cook  —  whom  the  scholars 
in  derision  named  Nebuzaradan^  the  Prince  of 
Cooks  — with  a  bolt  through  the  body,  so  that  he 
fell  dead  to  the  earth.  Then  was  raised  a  loud 
cry ;  and  the  Legate  himself  in  great  fear,  disguised 
in  the  garment  of  a  Canonist,  fled  into  the  tower 
of  the  church,  and  shut-to  the  gates.  And  there 
remained  he  hidden  until  night;  and  only  when 
the  tumult  was  quite  laid,  he  came  forth,  mounted 
a  horse,  and  hastened  through  bye-ways  and  not 
without  danger,  led  by  trusty  guides,  to  the  spot 
where  the  King  held  his  Court ;  and  there  he  sought 
protection.  The  enraged  scholars  however,  stayed 
not  for  a  great  length  of  time  seeking  the  Legate 
with  loud  cries  in  all  the  comers  of  the  house, 
saying:  *  Where  is  the  usurer,  the  simonist,  the 
plunderer  of  our  goods,  who  thirsts  after  our  gold 
and  silver,  who  leads  the  King  astray,  and  upset- 
ting the  kingdom,  enriches  strangers  with  our 
spoils.'  " 

The  exasperated  Legate  issued  an  interdict 
against  the  University,  and  called  on  the  King  to 
punish  the  crime  with  exemplary  and  indiscriminate 
severity.  The  King,  with  his  usual  precipitation, 
put  authority  into  the  hands  of  the  Town  to  take 
the  preliminary  steps ;  in  which  quarter  there  was 
no  lack  of  rancorous  activity.  Scholars  and  Mas- 
ters  were  huddled  into  prison  with  all   sorts  of 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  93 

lawless  violence.  The  Sheriff  of  Oxford  gave  his 
help  to  arrest  students^  wheresoever  found ;  and  a 
general  dispersion  and  flight  ensued.  But  the 
extravagance  of  the  retaliation  raised  up  for  them 
a  defender  in  Grosseteste,  the  excellent  Bishop 
of  Lincoln ;  who^  in  face  of  both  King  and  Legate, 
threatened  with  his  interdict  whoever  should  make 
an  unwarrantable  attack  on  any  scholar  ;  and 
before  long,  pity  for  the  suffering  of  the  innocent 
began  to  move  the  Legate  himself.  To  all  Church- 
men it  seemed  invidious  and  shocking,  that  the 
University  should  thus  be  handed  over  to  the  rude 
violence  of  the  Town ;  and  the  Court  was  already 
ashamed  of  itself.  The  Legate  appointed  a  peni- 
tential procession  on  the  part  of  the  University,  to 
beg  pardon  of  him  with  due  humility ;  and  his  pride 
being  thus  appeased,  he  became  sincerely  reconciled. 


$  48.  Reflections  on  the  above — and  on  the  relation 
then  sustained  by  Gfrosseteste  to  the  University. 

A  close  consideration  of  the  facts,  shews  this 
to  have  been  no  mere  academic  brawl.  The  re- 
proaches with  which  the  scholars  attacked  the 
Legate,  were  the  expression  of  the  public  opinion 
in  England ;  and  do  but  state  more  correctly  and 
plainly,  the  sentiments  then  held  by  many  of  the 
most  eminent  English  divines.  The  whole  nation 
soon  after  came  forward  energetically  to  resist  the 


94  THB  BN6LISH  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

peculations  of  Rome,  and  her  obtrusion  of  foreigners 
into  English  benefices:  and  we  here  see  the  Uni- 
versity convulsed  by  the  same  dispute.  Moreover 
the  very  name  of  the  distinguished  bishop  who 
headed  the  opposition  to  Rome^  speaks  powerfully 
to  the  fact^  that  in  Oxford  we  witness  the  national 
struggle  in  miniature.  Robert  Grosseteste,  friend 
of  Roger  Bacon^  and  one  of  the  most  learned  men 
of  his  time^  was  for  nearly  a  whole  generation  the 
head  and  soul  of  the  University ;  exercising  there 
an  influence  attained  by  no  one  else^  before  or 
after  him. 

His  preference  for  the  positive  studies  and  of  the 
old  Augustinian  theology,  threw  him  into  yet 
stronger  collision  with  Rome,  which  was  beginning 
to  fall  away  to  the  new  philosophy.  It  is  not  then 
wonderful  that  neither  all  his  piety,  nor  the  public 
reverence,  and  the  express  petition  of  Edward  I.,* 
could  obtain  his  canonization  of  the  Pope.  Nay  in 
spite  of  the  warm  panegyrics  passed  on  him  by  the 
King  and  by  the  University,  in  addresses  to  the  Papal 
Chair,  he  was  stigmatized  as  a  heretic,  and  his 
bones  were  not  allowed  to  repose  in  consecrated 
earth.  But  the  English  people  did  not  the  less 
reverence  Holy  Robert  of  Lincoln  and  celebrate  his 
memory  in  tradition  and  song.f 

*  See  Note  (21)  at  the  end.  rights."     In  the  time  of  trouble 

t  Wood  states,   "  Upon  his  above  described,  he  offered  per- 

death  (1254)  an  incredible  sor-  sonal  security  for  many  of  the 

row  fell  upon  all  the  gownsmen,  -  academicians.  "  Grosseteste  and 

the  poorer   regretting  a  most  his  times,"  would  form  a  noble 

benevolent  patron,   the  rest  a  subject  for  a  monograph, 
strenuous    upholder    of    their 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  95 

This  great  man  was  long  a  teacher  at  Oxford^ 
afterwards  Chancellor,  (or  representative  of  the 
Bishop)  and  finally  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  the  ex-offido 
head  of  the  University.  The  studies  and  discipline 
of  the  place  thus  fell  under  his  immediate  control, 
and  we  have  documentary  evidence  how  zealously 
he  fulfilled  his  duty.  Doubtless  his  anti-Papal 
spirit  must  have  widely  influenced  the  whole  body 
of  students ;  and  (little  as  he  can  have  approved  of 
the  riot  which  has  been  described)  it  cannot  be 
dissociated  from  the  cause  which  he  espoused. 
Nor  is  it  all  improbable  that  the  opposition  to 
Rome  had  its  chief  strength  among  the  Northern- 
men,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  III. 


$  49.  Direct  political  factions  at  Oxford. 

A  germ  of  republican  feeling  had  developed  itself 
since  the  successful  resistance  to  King  John;  and 
the  youths  at  the  University,  bold,  passionate,  and 
exercised  in  arms,  could  not  be  neutral.  Before 
the  breaking  out  of  civil  war,  the  conflicts  between 
the  academic  nations  were  so  frequent  and  violent, 
as  to  occasion  a  wide-spread  presentiment  of  public 
disturbances.  The  discontented  Barons  moreover 
selected  Oxford  as  a  suitable  place  for  frequent 
meetings;  especially  in  1258,  Simon  de  Montfort 
assembled  there  the  celebrated  "  mad  parliament," 
which  drew  up  the  articles,  a  refusal  of  which  by 


96  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIB8. 

the  King  was  the  critical  occasion  of  the  civil  war. 
Two  years  later,  a  part  of  the  Oxford  students 
migrated  to  Northampton,  abandoning  the  Univer- 
sity to  the  opposite  faction.  But  even  so,  quiet  in 
Oxford  was  not  ensured :  for  when  Prince  Edward, 
in  1263,*  showed  himself  outside  the  walls  with  an 
army,  a  civil  war  was  produced  inside  the  town 
between  the  remainmg  students  and  citizens. 

To  follow  this  historyt  in  detail,  might  be  tedious. 
Let  it  suffice  to  say,  that  as  the  students  who  re- 
mained in  Oxford  appear  to  have  been  of  the  King's 
party,  so  those  who  migrated  to  Northampton  were 
his  fierce  enemies.  They  were  joined  there  by 
similar  exiles  from  Cambridge,  and  at  the  siege  of 
Northampton  signalized  themselves  above  all  others 
by  their  obstinate  bravery ;  so  that  the  King,  after 
taking  the  town,  was  with  difficulty  dissuaded  from 
putting  every  one  of  them  to  death.  After  the 
battle  of  Lewes  (1265)  Simon  de  Montfort  restored:|: 
them  to  Oxford,  and  the  old  state  of  things  rapidly 
returned.  In  1267  we  again  read  of  violent  con- 
flicts between  the  nations ; — perhaps  not  from  new 
causes; — mere  undulations,  it  may  be,  continuing 
after  the  storm  had  ceased. 

We  must  infer  from  the  events  described,  that 


*  See  Note  (22)  at  the  end.  King's  letter  to  Northampton, 

t  I  need  not  quote  on  every  for    some    further    information 

occasion  the  usual  authorities,  ahout    the    migration    of    the 

Matth.  Paris,  Rishanger,  Wal-  students.] 

smgham.  Th.  Wyke,  &c.     [See         t  See  Note  (24)  at  the  end. 

Note   23   at   the   end,   on   the 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  97 

each  of  the  great  political  parties  of  the  day  had 
its  avowed  representatives  and  champions  at  Ox- 
ford ;  and  we  cannot  imagine  that  the  nations,  as 
such^  espoused  neither  side,*  when  we  know  that 
their  organic  life  was  then  in  great  vigor.  Although, 
then,  the  fact  is  not  named,  we  seem  justified  in 
assuming  thus  much ;  and  we  have  only  to  enquire 
which  side  each  nation  took.  The  Barons,  though 
Norman-French  by  extraction,  were  engaged  on 
the  side  of  the  democracy  against  the  King,  and  all 
the  important  towns  were  with  them.  Moreover, 
it  was  Simon  de  Montfort  who  first  set  in  motion 
that  democratic  organ,  a  lower  house  of  parliament. 
Thus  the  new  English  nationality, —  and  almost 
simultaneously  an  English  language  and  litera- 
ture,—was  springing  up.  Meanwhile,  the  King 
was  looked-on  as  the  head  of  a  foreign  faction;  and 
indeed  his  armies  were  chiefly  composed  of  French 
and  Italian  mercenaries.  The  Pope  and  the  King 
had  vied  in  eflForts  to  raise  such  foreigners  to  power 
and  riches  in  England.  The  nation,  apprehending 
a  new  Norman  conquest,  (and  what  abomination 
did  they  not  attribute  to  these  hated  aliens  ?)  had 
the  double  task  of  upholding  its  freedom  against 
the  King,  its  independence  against  the  Pope.  Their 
traditionary  songs,  long  after,  celebrated  Simon 
de  Montfort  as  a  hero  and  a  saint ;  a  martyr  for 

*    The   Oxford  riot   in  the  Note  (25)  at  the  end,  which  will 

spring  of  1264  was  in  part  at  distinctly  show  that   the  Nor- 

least  got  up  by  avowed  Royalist  themmen  there  were  the  party 

Scholars.    As  to  Cambridge,  see  opposed  to  the  King. 

H 


98  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  national  Churchy  and  for  evangelical  truth  and 
life.  Popular  feeling*  wholly  identified  his  cause 
with  that  of  the  revered  Grossesteste  ;  and  it 
therefore  is  not  wonderful  that  Oxford  was  so 
deeply  moved  by  the  conflict. 

Yet  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  the  victory  of 
the  national  party  would  have  developed  plenty  of 
evil  among  themselves ;  and  would  have  shown  that 
the  controlling  power  of  Rome  could  not  advan- 
tageously be  dispensed  with  altogether.  We  must 
hesitate  then  to  pronounce  the  Romish  side  to 
have  been  absolutely  bad,  and  the  other,  as  abso- 
lutely good.  Neither  among  us,  nor  in  the  heart  of 
Rome  herself,  is  the  struggle  between  opposite  sides 
of  truth  as  yet  settled  on  such  terms,  as  to  attain 
living  truth  and  unity. 


§  50.  How  these  movements  were  connected  mth  the 

Reforwution. 

But  it  is  important  to  consider,  how,  out  of  this 
opposition  to  Rome,  the  more  decided  reformatory 
movements  developed  themselves.  On  every  oc- 
casion, the  chief  support  of  such  movements  is 
found  in  the  Saxon  element.  In  fact,  the  combat 
for  civil  and  that  for  religious  freedom,  were  inti- 
mately united  all  along,  and  were  maintained  by 
the  same  parties.     Each  cause  advanced  just  in 

*  See  the  continuator  of  Matth.  Paris. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  99 

proportion  as  the  Saxon  spirit  became  ascendant^ — 
in  law,  in  literature,  in  social  life,  in  politics.  The 
moving  power  was  clearly  in  the  middle  classes 
and  lower  gentry,  and  in  the  Northern  feeling; 
which  gradually  drew  over  more  and  more  of  the 
aristocracy.  The  Lollards  were  principally  of  the 
middle  classes;  and  their  coarser  political  fellow 
workers  were  found  among  the  peasants.  The 
rural  wars,  with  which  England  was  threatened 
after  the  fourteenth  century,  by  the  worshippers  of 
"  Sir  Simon  the  Righteous,"  that  miracle-working 
martyr  and  saint ;  have  quite  a  Germanic  character : 
and  there  is  little  doubt,  that  the  Barons  had  not 
only  learned  to  regard  themselves  as  true  English- 
men, but  had  really  imbibed  much  of  Saxon  blood. 


$51.  The  Northernmen  of  Oaf  ord probably  embraced 
the  popular  side  in  the  war  of  De  Montfort, 

After  all  this,  (regarding  it  as  certain  that  the 
academic  nations  did  not  remain  neutral,)*  it 
seems  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  Northemmen 
embraced  the  popular  side,  and  that  the  Southern- 
men  were  of  the  King's  party.  In  fact,  the  latter 
included  the  great  mass  of  French  and  other  Sou- 
themmen,  who  at  the  King's  express  invitation,  had 
come  to  study  at  Oxfofd.  The  ei^ire  expulsion  of 
these  had  been  repeatedly  demanded  by  the  Barons. 

*  See  also  Note  (26)  at  the  end,  for  some  fiEurther  notices. 


100  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Nor  ought  it  to  remain  unobserved,  that  the  Welsh 
students  ordinarily  sided  with  the  Southemmen; 
whereas  in  1258,  (according  to  Wood)  they  fought 
in  union  with  the  Northemmen  in  various  severe 
battles;  in  which  (as  Matthew  Paris  states)  they 
had  their  war-standards  unfurled.  Now  this  strik- 
ingly agrees  with  the  well  known  alliance  formed 
by  the  Barons  vrith  the  Welsh  Princes. 


$  52.  Gradual  decline  of  contests  between  the 

Nations. 

It  has  been  already  stated,  that  a  gradual  change 
in  the  circumstances  of  the  academic  population 
brought  them  to  take  a  less  direct  and  less  warlike 
part  in  civil  commotions.  In  fact,  after  the  thir- 
teenth century  but  one  undoubted  example  of  this 
kind  occurs.  The  party  spirit  of  the  reign  of 
Edward  II.  somewhat  disturbed  the  Universities; 
but  no  deep  national  feeling  was  connected  with 
it.  In  Edward  III.'s  reign,  Oxford  does  not  appear 
wholly  to  have  lost  its  military  importance ;  if  we 
may  judge  by  the  urgent  address  of  the  King  to 
the  Chancellor,  to  suppress  internal  disorders,  "  lest 
the  more  exalted  personages  of  the  kingdom  should 
be  stirred  up  to  innovation."  An  extraordinary 
riot  is  detailed  in  the  year  1389,  when  the  Nor- 
themmen conquered  the  Southerns  in  a  bloody  fight 
during  Lent.     Among  the  latter  it  is  mentioned 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  101 

that  Italians  were  particularly  active,  and  several 
of  them  were  killed  by  the  Northemmen,  who  pur- 
sued them  with  the  cries :  "  Battle !  Battle !  strike 
and  spare  not!  smite  down  the  Italian  dogs  and 
their  young  !'*  The  Duke  of  Gloucester  came  over 
from  Woodstock,  and  at  last  gained  permission  for 
the  Italians  to  leave  the  town  uninjured :  yet  they 
were  in  fact  expelled  with  much  violence  and 
brutal  insult. 

$  53.  Depression  of  the  Northern  interests^  and 
permanent  predominance  of  Conservatism 

at  the  Universities. 

Nevertheless,  the  Northemmen  seem  to  have 
been  physically  the  weaker  party  at  both  Uni- 
versities, ever  after  the  overthrow  of  Simon  de 
Montfort.  In  fact  from  this  era  downwards,  the 
movement  party,  whether  in  Church  or  State,  or  in 
philosophy,  has  been  in  an  academic  minority. 
There  has  ever  since  been  a  compact  and  perma- 
nent majority  in  favor  of  the  Southern  tendencies, 
such  as  Nominalism,  Romish  rights,  and  afterwards 
Episcopalianism ;  and  this  coincidence  strengthens 
the  opinion,  that  in  the  civil  war  which  ended  by 
the  battle  of  Evesham,  the  Northemmen  of  the 
Universities  had  identified  themselves  with  the  party 
which  was  then  overthrown.  Various  attempts 
were  made  by  the  Northemmen  to  secede  and 
found  an  independent  University  at  Northampton 


.f 


102  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

or  Stamford;  and  the  migration  of  discontented 
Oxonians  to  Cambridge  in  1209  and  1239  may 
account  for  the  greater  comparative  strength 
of  the  Northern  interests  of  Cambridge  thence- 
forward. Curious  anticipations  these,  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  of  the  spirit  which  in  the  sixteenth 
gave  rise  to  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  and  to 
that  of  London  in  the  nineteenth. 

Even  Wood  expressly  observes  that  as  early  as 
1314,  the  Northern  party  was  evidently  the  weaker ; 
he  opines  also  that  the  faction  in  Merton  College 
consisted  of  Southernmen,  which  in  1349  elected  a 
Chancellor  by  force,  drove  out  the  Northern  Proc- 
tor, killed  many  scholars  and  imprisoned  others. 
He  likewise  mentions  the  fact,  that  Merton  Col- 
lege, to  stand  well  with  the  University,  had 
refused  in  1334  to  admit  Northern  scholars. 
Yet,  not  to  attribute  too  much  to  the  civil  war  to 
which  we  have  so  often  referred,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  position  of  Oxford  naturally 
connects  it  less  than  Cambridge  with  the  North. 
The  Southernmen  were  also  somewhat  earlier  re- 
inforced  by  the  presence  of  many  Frenchmen  and 
Others  of  Romanic  origin;  and  after  the  Italians 
were  driven  out,  their  spirit  and  sentiment  sur- 
vived and  spread  in  that  party :  nor  did  the  expul- 
sion entirely  reach  the  French.  Thenceforward  the 
Universities  have  been  on  the  whole  decidedly 
opposed  to  the  national  majority,  and  to  its  efforts 
at  progression:  as,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  they 
are  at  this  day. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES  IN  THEIR  RELATIONS 

TOWARD  THE  TOWN  CORPORATIONS 

IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


$54.  Difficulty  of  keeping  peace  between  two  hetero- 
geneous populations,  locally  mixed. 

I  MUST  here  beg  indulgence  of  my  readers,  if  in 
the  course  of  this  chapter  I  have  to  adduce  petty 
details  concerning  the  price  and  quality  of  common 
articles  and  similar  mean  concerns.  Much  often 
depends  upon  these  matters,  and  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  naturalia  non  sunt  turpia.  Nay, 
whereever  the  spirit  enters,  it  refines  and  ennobles 
all  that  is  lowest;  and  from  such  materials  we 
have  often  to  extract  the  most  valuable  results. 

Even  Academicans  need  food,  clothing  and  lodg- 
ing, and  other  etcaeteras.      Their  presence  gives 


104  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

support  to  numerous  trades ;  and  on  these  depends 
the  developement  of  the  Civic  State.  Hand  in 
hand  with  the  cause  of  learning  and  the  reputation 
of  teachers,  the  numbers  and  wealth  of  the  towns- 
people increased,  and  the  importance  of  the  town 
Corporation :  yet  mutual  need  was  not  adequate  to 
ensure  mutual  good-will  between  the  Gown  and  the 
Town.  The  conflicting  interests  of  buyers  and 
sellers,  and  the  danger  of  a  deterioration  in  the 
quality  of  goods,  called  for  Market  and  Police 
regulations:  and  some  of  the  most  characteristic 
privileges  of  the  English  Universities  arose  out  of 
the  efforts  of  men  to  obtain  right  or  revenge  by 
taking  the  law  into  their  own  hand.  Two  co-ordinate 
tribunals  produced  nothing  but  confusion ;  yet  no 
higher  local  authority  to  overrule  both  corporations 
was  in  those  days  attainable :  it  is  not  then  won- 
derful, that  the  University  claimed  and  gained  a 
decided  supremacy.  Her  power  of  removal  to 
another  place,  while  as  yet  unencumbered  with 
buildings,  gave  her  an  inherent  independence  of 
the  town,  and  inevitably  ensured  her  pre-eminence. 
The  heterogeneous  character  of  the  academic  and 
town  population,  made  it  certain  in  that  day,  that, 
which  ever  had  the  upperhand,  would  often  abuse 
its  power :  we  must  not  then  wonder  that  the  town 
struggled  obstinately  to  establish  its  independence. 
In  spite  of  this,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Chancellor 
continually  extended  itself,  and  his  power  after- 
wards gradually  passed  over  into  the  hands  of  the 
University. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  105 


§  55.  Arbiters — and  mixed  Boards  f(yr  fiaing prices. 

In  the  twelfth  century  and  in  the  early  part  of 
the  thirteenth  matters  had  not  yet  proceeded  to 
such  a  pitch  of  hostility  between  the  gown  and  the 
town,  as  afterwards ;  nor  had  it  become  at  all  so 
plain  that  the  interests  of  the  latter  must  be  sacri- 
ficed to  the  former.  The  fiiendly  arbitration 
of  higher  powers,  especially  of  ecclesiastics,  was 
looked-to  for  terminating  disputes.  It  is  therefore 
the  more  extraordinary,  that  in  1209,  when  (as 
above  narrated)  a  scholar's  arrow  proved  so  un- 
fortunately fatal,  the  townspeople  should  have 
been  hurried  mto  such  a  cruel  and  precipitate  re- 
taliation. In  fact  there  is  reason  to  think,  that 
they  were  not  actuated  by  any  deeply  rooted  hos- 
tility to  the  University,  nor  intended  to  violate  its 
privileges.  The  extravagant  injustice  of  executing 
without  trial  the  persons  arrested,  was  perpetrated, 
it  must  be  remembered,  at  the  express  order  of  the 
King ;  nor  can  any  thing  to  compare  to  this  in 
atrocity,  be  found  in  any  of  the  later  conduct  of 
the  townspeople,  when  the  feud  between  the  two 
corporations  had  risen  to  a  far  more  serious  height. 
The  University,  of  course,  made  the  Town  respon- 
sible, because  it  was  impossible  to  call  the  King 
personally  to  account :  but  the  circumstances  of  the 
reconciliation  afterwards  brought  about  by  the  Pope's 
Legate,  prove  that  no  very  fundamental  ill-will 


106  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

could  have  then  existed,  and  that  they  had  not 
begun  to  despair  of  establishing  a  mixed  tribunal. 
For  in  the  very  curious  Brief,  put  forth  by  the 
Legate  on  this  occasion,  we  find  that  the  questions 
of  hcmse-rent  held  the  first  place  in  their  previous 
differences.  The  price  of  lodgings  had  been  de- 
cided by  Taxors  chosen  from  the  two  corporations 
jointly ;  and  the  Legate  settled  for  twenty  years  to 
come,  that  they  should  consist  of  four  Masters  of 
Arts,  and  four  respectable  citizens.  The  mention 
made  of  the  prices  of  provisions,  especially  bread 
and  beer,  proves  that  these  had  been  matters  of 
contest ;  yet  the  town  authorities  are  merely 
charged  to  use  vigilance  in  preventing  frauds 
upon  the  University.  It  appears  therefore  that 
the  Market  Police  was  not  yet  under  the  control 
of  the  latter.  The  Town  Police  was  permitted, 
under  certain  circumstances,  to  arrest  a  scholar, 
but  was  directed  to  give  him  over  forthwith  to  his 
own  ecclesiastical  tribunal.  The  chief  novelty  in 
the  Brief,  was,  that  both  the  Town  Authorities  and 
likewise  fifty  respectable  citizens,  were  to  bind 
themselves  by  oath  before  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln 
or  his  substitute,  to  hinder  to  the  uttermost  any 
aggression  on  the  rights  of  the  University.  Oxford 
authors*  have  chosen  to  look  upon  this  as  an  oath 
of  obeisance  and  homage ;  but  the  truth  is,  that  it 
bound  the  Town  only  to  do  that,  which  ought  to 
have  been  matter  of  course;    and  at  the  time  it 

♦  See  Note  (27)  at  the  end. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  107 

was  felt  to  be  so  little  burdensome,  that  the  Town 
did  even  more  than  was  required  of  it. 


§  56.    Increase  of  difficulties,  as  manners  became 
more  expensive  and  students  more  dissolute. 

Mixed  boards  for  arbitration,  such  as  have  been 
described,  must  have  been  of  very  great  advantage ; 
but  their  powers  were  scarcely  extended  farther 
than  the  mere  regulation  of  the  prices  of  lodging, 
&c.  There  are  indeed  indications  that  in  1228 
and  1239  their  jurisdiction  at  Oxford  was  en- 
larged* so  as  to  include  cases  of  Police ;  but  this 
matter  is  not  quite  clear.  In  Cambridge  however 
we  have  documentary  evidence,  that  this  was 
brought  about  in  the  year  1270,  by  the  inter- 
vention  of  the  Prince  of  Wales.  A^ formal  treaty 
was  made  between  the  two  corporations,  providing 
that  a  commission  be  annually  elected — of  thirteen 
academicians  and  ten  citizens,  sworn  to  preserve 
the  public  peace.  Yet  nothing  durable  came  of 
these  beginnings.  In  Oxford,  at  any  rate,  they 
were  given  up  even  before  the  middle  of  that 
century :  nor  could  the  mixed  board  for  deciding 
questions  of  house-rent  hinder  the  most  bitter 
complaints  on  both  sides.  Ill  will  in  fact  con- 
tinued and  grew,  until  the  academicians,  personally 
or  corporately,  became  themselves  proprietors  of 

*  See  Note  (28)  at  the  end. 


108  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

houses.  The  landlords*  had  endeavoured  to  throw 
upon  their  tenants  the  expence  of  the  periodical 
repairs ;  moreover,  when  they  could  get  a  higher 
rent  from  some  non-academical  person,  they  de- 
sired to  retain  in  their  own  hands  the  right  of 
ejecting  the  students,  in  his  favor.  But  both  these 
matters  were  decided  against  the  landlords.  To- 
wards the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  with 
the  rapid  increase  in  the  numbers  of  academicians 
and  in  the  town  population  proportionably,  the 
state  of  things  became  more  and  more  compli- 
cated ;  and  questions  of  police,  as  well  as  of  legal 
affairs,  became  more  difficult  of  solution.  The 
simpler  and  comparatively  patriarchal  tribunals 
were  no  longer  competent.  Students  from  Paris 
introduced  a  taste  for  many  new  luxuries,  of  which 
not  the  least  influential  were  the  lovef  of  wine  and 
of  women.  It  may  be  believed  that  the  Southern- 
men  were  the  first  to  imitate  the  evil  example; 
but  any-how  it  is  certain,  that  the  Northernmen 
when  once  shown  the  way,  went  to  yet  greater  ex- 
tremes in  the  same  brutal  courses.  The  manners 
of  the  middle  ages  admitted  of  a  more  sharply 
marked  contrast  than  is  now  possible,  between 
domestic  strictness  and  loose  connexions,  monastic 
demureness  and  cynical  shamelessness : — the  two 
last  often  related  as  cause  and  effect.       Nor  is 


*  For  details  see  Wood  and  Dyer  (1231  and  1255.) 
t  [The  Author  appends  a  note  in  the  German  with  documents 

to  prove  this.] 


THB  BN6LI8H  UNIVERSITIES.  109 

there  wanting  abundant  proof  that  the  dissolute 
habits  of  the  Parisian  Scholars^  far  outwent  those 
of  modem  times.  Love  of  dress,  of  show  and 
every  vanity  followed;  and  the  students  became 
more  arrogant,  violent  and  thoughtless.  Almost 
monkish  laws  against  luxury  and  dissipation  were 
afterwards  enacted;  but  with  little  eflfect,  after 
simpler  habits  had  once  given  away.  Not  that  it 
is  just  to  attribute  the  whole  evil  to  the  influx  of 
French  students.  It  in  great  measure  character- 
ized the  whole  nation  at  that  crisis,  owing  to  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  England,  and  its  rapid 
increase  of  wealth. 


$  57.  Fresh  entanglement  from  the  presence  of 

Jewish  Money  Lenders. 

The  influence  also  of  the  Jews  in  the  University- 
population  simultaneously  increased.  A  commu- 
nity of  this  nation  had  long  been  established  at 
Oxford,  and  from  them  Roger  Bacon  and  others 
are  said  to  have  acquired  a  knowledge  of  Hebrew. 
But  public  opinion  stigmatized  all  such  studies  as 
antichristian ;  and  strong  hostility  was  kept  alive 
against  this  people  by  bigotry  and  by  interest 
united.  They  were  believed  to  seduce  youths  to 
embrace  their  religion,  by  the  persuasion  of  hand- 
some  Jewesses ;  and  it  was  often  found  convenient 
to  cancel  debts  owing  to  Jews,  by  violent  attacks 


110  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIB8. 

on  their  persons  and  property.  Such  scenes,  to 
the  grief  of  all  reasonable  persons,  took  place,  not 
in  Oxford  and  Cambridge  alone,  but  in  many  other 
towns  of  England.  Attempts  were  made  to  pre- 
vent them,  by  summary  orders  for  the  expulsion  of 
Jews ;  but  they  never  failed  either  to  secrete  them- 
selves, or  to  return  ere  long ;  and  with  the  increase 
of  wealth,  Jewish  money  brokers  became  more  and 
more  indispensable.  In  the  Universities  they  were 
eminently  necessary,  and  this  made  them  powerful. 
To  abuse  power  is  natural  to  man;  but  men  so 
cruelly  persecuted  must  have  had  a  deeply  rooted 
hatred  to  their  oppressors.  It  is  then  useless  to 
inquire  which  were  the  aggressors.  We  only 
know  that  the  Christians  assailed  the  Jews  law- 
lessly, and  the  Jews  retaliated  by  cautious  oppres- 
sion,— not  indeed  legal,  for  their  trade  itself  was 
looked  on  as  accursed, —  yet  sanctioned  by  the 
necessities  of  society  and  by  tacit  privilege.  In 
modern  days,  it  is  easy  to  tolerate  Judaism,  because 
in  fact  there  is  nothing  left  to  tolerate:  the  Jew 
differing,  in  no  respect,  as  a  trader,  ft*om  other 
industrious  citizens.  But  then^  the  two  parties  stood 
opposed  to  each  other  in  sharp,  well-founded  and 
bitter  enmity,  which  often  burst  forth  on  both  sides 
m  horrid  deeds  of  every  description. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  Ill 


§  58.  The  Jews  act  on  the  aggressive j  in  1278. 

The  boldness  with  which  the  Jews  assumed 
sometimes  the  place  of  assailants  may  well  surprise 
as.  In  the  year  1278,  during  a  solemn  procession 
in  honor  of  Saint  Frideswide,  the  Patron  Saint  of 
the  town,  a  Jew  tore  the  cross  out  of  the  Proctor's 
hands  and  trampled  it  under  foot.  The  University, 
it  is  clear,  already  possessed  jurisdiction  over  the 
Jews ;  and  on  this  occasion  they  imposed  a  penalty 
far  milder  than  could  have  been  expected:  that 
the  Jews  should  make  a  heavy  silver  crucifix  for 
the  University  to  carry  in  the  processions,  and 
erect  a  stone  cross  on  the  spot  where  the  crime 
had  been  committed. 


§  59.   On  the  Monastic  Bodies  resident  in  the  Uni- 
versity. 

Connected  also  directly  v\rith  the  University  were 
the  members  of  the  resident  conventual  bodies : 
but  so  ill  ascertained  were  their  reciprocal  rights 
and  duties,  that  the  most  violent  and  protracted 
disputes  frequently  arose  between  the  academicians 
md  these  orders, —  more  especially  with  the  Do- 
ninicans.  This  also  tended  to  complicate  yet 
nore  the  position  of  the  University. 


112  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVER8ITIBS. 


$  60.  Matriculated  Tradesmen  another  grievance  to 

the  Town. 

Moreover,  it  was  a  sore  subject  to  the  Town, 
that  so  very  large  a  body  of  tradesmen  and  atten- 
dants, as  constituted  the  retinue  of  the  University 
already  spoken  of;  should  claim  exemption  from  the 
civic  authorities,  and  rank  as  members  of  the  eccle- 
siastical corporation.  Not  only  was  the  claim  of 
superior  rank  herein  involved;  but  it  gained  for 
the  academic  dependents  exemption  from  town- 
rates  and  other  civic  burdens;  likewise  from  ser- 
vice in  the  army  and  purveyance  for  the  King. 
Even  without  documentary  proof,  it  is  manifest 
that  such  a  state  must  occasion  innumerable  colli- 
sions and  complaints. 


$61.  Confusion  produced  by  bands  of  Visitors. 

Fully  to  see  the  difl&culties  of  the  local  administra- 
tion, we  must  add  to  all  the  above,  the  presence  of 
occasional  visitors.  Beside  those  who  came  to  the 
weekly  markets  and  to  the  great  yearly  fairs,  the 
nobility  of  the  country  round  frequently  resorted 
to  both  Universities.  In  Oxford  the  presence  of 
the  Court  and  Parliament  sometimes  assembled  the 
Barons  of  all  England  within  the  walls ;  nay,  even 
without  the  order  or  against  the  will  of  the  King, 


THS  XN6LI8H  UNIVBR8ITIB8.  113 

the  nobles  found  it  convenient  to  meet  there. 
Chivalric  sports  were  perhaps  the  pretext ;  but  as 
the  gathering  of  these  bodies  of  armed  men  was 
dangerous  to  the  public  peace,  it  was  for  the 
interest  of  the  King  and  of  the  University  alike,  to 
prevent  them.  So  great  and  so  frequent  was  the 
evil,  that  out  of  it  arose  a  permanent  University- 
privilege,  that  "  no  tournament,  games,  or  warlike 
sports  be  held  within  its  precincts."  Less  violent 
and  noisy,  yet  not  less  fruitftd  in  quarrels,  were  the 
numerous  ecclesiastical  assemblies  held  in  Oxford; — 
the  synods  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
the  councils  held  by  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  Similar 
meetings,  probably,  were  held  at  Cambridge  some- 
times. Not  to  name  other  inconveniences  from 
such  an  influx  of  strangers ;  it  is  enough  to  hint  at 
the  disputes  which  would  arise,  when  a  landlord 
was  oflTered  by  such  guests  large  sums,  for  accom- 
modation in  a  dwelling  tenanted  by  scholars.  [With 
respect  to  the  difficulties  of  preserving  order  and 
discipline  at  the  University,  I  have  not  laid  suffi- 
cient stress  upon  the  well-known  fact,  (which  may 
be  found  in  the  hbtory  of  other  Universities,)  that 
it  was  principally  about  the  time  of  Shrove  Tues- 
day, that  the  worst  disorders — at  least  among  the 
students  themselves — always  arose;  on  account  of 
the  great  concourse  and  the  confficts  of  those 
who  had  to  discuss  publicly  for  their  degree.  This 
is  stated,  for  instance,  in  a  Royal  Letter  of  1378. 
(v.  Wilkins,  iii.  157.)  "  Since,  in  the  times  of  our 


114  THB  BNGLISH  UNIYSIUailTIBS. 

forefathers,  the  peace  of  the  said  University  was 
wont  to  be  very  dangerously  disturbed  at  the 
Commencement  in  Lent,  more  than  at  any  other 
time;  we  have  sent/'  &c.     From  the  Appendices^ 


S  62.  On  the  Judicial  TrUnmals  accessible  in  the 

Universities. 

What  authority  th^i  was  to  uphold  ^^  the  King's 
peace"  among  masses  so  thoughtless  and  heteroge- 
neous. Even  overlooking  these  occasional  visitors, 
the  position  of  the  University  and  Town  was 
in  itself  sufficiently  embarrassing.  It  is  hard  to 
explain  the  real  state  of  the  judicial  authorities, 
without  getting  entangled  in  a  history  of  the 
English  Courts  of  Law:  yet  a  few  words  on  the 
subject  seem  to  be  needed.  The  lower  jurisdiction 
and  police  in  temporal  matters,  remained  with  the 
Town  Authorities, — Mayor,  Bailiffs  and  Aldermen. 
Authority  to  take  cognizance  of  Religion  and 
Morality,  and  to  a  certain  extent  even  oi  common 
causes  affecting  Ecclesiastics,  lay  with  the  Bishop 
or  his  substitute.  But  the  half  clergy,  or  academi- 
cians, were  responsible  to  the  Chancellor,  saving 
the  rights  of  the  Proctors. 

The  Mgher  police  was  administered  in  the  im- 
mediate  name  of  the  King,  by  the  Sheriff  and  a 
Jury ;  but  the  attributes  ]of  the  Sheriff  are  rather 
uncertain.     His  business  was  to  maintain  ^'the 


THB  BNOLI8H  UNIVBRSITIBS.  115 

King's  peace,*'  partly  as  a  judge,  partly  as  a  mili^ 
tary  officer.  Besides,  high  officers  of  the  crown 
went  in  circuit  as  judges,  (though  not  then  as 
regularly  as  afterwards,)  and  on  more  serious  occa- 
sions were  sent  down  specially,  as  now.  It  was 
only  too  often  that  the  University-towns  needed 
this  procedure. — Finally,  as  extraordinary  aid,  when 
the  Sheriff  and  other  authorities  were  insufficient, 
special  magistrates  were  created  with  a  sort  of  die* 
tatorial  power,  to  whom  all  the  others  were  directed 
to  give  support.  These  were  called  Guardians  of 
the  Peace ;  since  named  Justices  of  the  Peace,  with 
very*  inferior  authority. 

It  might  seem  that  there  could  be  no  lack  of 
judicial  powers  in  such  a  state  of  things.  But 
the  difficulty  arose  in  mixed  cases,  which  affected 
Gown  and  Town  equally,  and  belonged  to  the  in- 
/eriar  jurisdiction.  These  were  of  very  frequent 
occurrence.  On  the  other  hand,  the  upper  courts 
were  seldom  accessible :  and  in  all  the  Universities 
of  Europe,  their  interference  between  townsmen 
and  academic  youths  has  always  proved  injurious. 
This  may  not  be  clear,  to  those  who  do  not  under* 
stand  the  peculiar  working  of  such  a  system,  and 
who  are  smitten  with  a  love  of  uniformity  and  cen- 
tralization :  but  the  fact  is  not  the  less  certain.  A 
new  difficulty  afterwards  arose;  how  to  execute 
sentences  and  to  prevent  conflicts. 

In  both  Universities  the  system  developed  itself 

^  On  their  authority,  see  Rymer,  and  the  Parliamentary  Writs. 


116  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

according  to  the  pressure  of  each  emergency ;  and 
.though  the  process  was  generally  similar,  every 
thing  was  on  a  smaller  scale  in  Cambridge,  and 
brought  about  under  feebler  impulse.  She  was, 
in  consequence,  often  a  whole  generation  behind. 
When  Oxford  obtained  a  privilege,  her  younger 
sister  laid  claim  to  the  same ;  and  sooner  or  later 
obtained  it,  even  though  she  might  not  urgently 
need  it.  But  as  our  knowledge  of  the  details  is 
most  scanty,  it  is  as  well  in  all  our  notices  to  keep 
Oxford  principally  in  view. 


$  63.  University  Privileges  of  1244  and  1255. 

From  the  want  of  a  court  to  try  mixed  causes, 
parties  would  often  take  the  law  into  their  own 
hands.  But  it  can  be  of  no  interest  to  us  to  pursue 
such  instances,  except  when  they  gave  rise  to  some 
organic  change.  Such  a  change  was  brought  about 
in  1244,  when  a  riotous  body  of  students  invaded 
the  Jewish  quarter  of  the  town.  The  citizens 
(strange  to  say)  arrested  them  in  great  numbers 
with  much  violence.  It  was  their  duty  and  calling 
to  suppress  disturbances :  but  the  University  made 
complaints  so  loud  and  urgent,  that  the  King 
(Henry  III.)  was  induced  to  interfere  with  a  pro- 
spective and  permanent  arrangement.  In  all  mixed 
causes,  between  gownsmen  as  buyers  or  hirers, 
and  townsmen  as  sellers  or  letters,  he  gave  the 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  117 

jurisdiction  absolutely  into  the  hands  of  the  Chan- 
cellor :*  as  though  the  want  of  a  competent  judge 
in  these  cases  had  been  the  chief  cause  of  disorder. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Chancellor  was 
still  a  deputy  of  the  Bishop^  essentially  depending  on 
him ;  so  that  this  could  not  then  have  been  looked- 
on  as  an  extension  of  University  power,  but  rather 
of  the  Episcopal  jurisdiction.  Even  when  Robert 
Grosseteste  was  in  the  office  of  Chancellor,  the 
Bishop  allowed  him  to  take  no  higher  title  than 
Master  of  the  Schools:  this  was  about  1230.  It 
may  well  have  been  supposed,  that  the  Bishop  stood 
high  enough  above  both  corporations;  and  was 
likely  to  act  fairly  towards  the  town. 

Though  experience  soon  showed  that  a  local 
judge,  like  the  Chancellor,  could  not  maintain  his 
impartial  position;  his  powers  were  now  almost 
adequate  to  the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to 
struggle.  One  base  still  existed,  which  he  was  not 
competent  to  try :  viz.  when  damage  was  claimed 
for  violence  done  to  person  or  property :  but  it  is 
certain  that  this  defect  was  shortly  repaired.  From 
a  documentt  of  the  year  1255,  this  is  clear.  "  If 
any  layman,"  it  says,  ^^  should  inffict  an  injury,  &c. 
&c.  on  a  clerk,  he  shall  be  imprisoned,  until  he  shall 
have  given  satisfaction  to  the  clerk  according  to  the 
decision  of  the  Chancellor.'^  In  1268,  Cambridge 
gained  a  similar  privilege. 

We   must  not  hastily  assume,  that  even  this 

♦  See  Wood,  10th  May,  1244.         t  See  Wood. 


118  THB  BN6LI8H  UNIVBR8ITIBS. 

was  practically  an  innovation.  It  is  quite  credible, 
that  injured  citizens  had  already  often  sued  scho- 
lars before  the  Chancellor,  just  because  his  juris- 
diction could  not  be  disowned  by  a  scholar :  and 
every  case  of  this  sort  would  become  a  {M'ecedent. 
Nor  even  did  the  regulation  of  1244  appear  to 
settle  the  question  for  ever.  Numerous  remon- 
strances and  appeals  followed.  Men  in  highest 
office  did  not  always  view  the  question  in  the  same 
light,  and  their  decisions  constituted  counter-pre- 
cedents on  the  side  of  the  town.  But  in  course  of 
long  time,  all  these  confficts  ended  in  establishing 
decidedly  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Chancellor.  Nu- 
merous attempts  were  made,  to  drag  parties  before 
another  court :  and  the  execution  of  sentences  was 
violently  resisted.  To  secure  themselves  against 
appeal  to  higher  powers,  the  Universities  gained  a 
confirmation  of  the  Chancellor's  rights,  from  the 
Pope,  from  the  King,  from  the  House  of  Peers, 
and  afterwards  from  the  Commons.  But  centuries 
were  needed,  before  it  could  be  felt  that  it  was  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  submit  to  the  less  of  two  evils, 
and  that  the  opposite  alternative  was  worse  still. 
It  is  moreover  remarkable  that  the  men  of  those  days 
doubted  the  power  of  the  Crown  to  confer  such  and 
such  privileges  on  the  University  to  the  disparage- 
ment of  the  Town  Corporation ;  however  necessary 
they  were  for  keeping  the  public  peace.  Blackstone 
expressly  tells  us :  "  These  privileges  were  of  such 
importance,  that  they  were  looked  on  as  invalid." 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIYBRSITIBS.  119 

For  although  the  King  was  able  to  create  new 
courts  of  justice^  still  he  had  not  the  right  of  vio* 
lating  the  laws  by  the  privileges  he  granted.  Thus 
after  the  academic  jurisdiction  had  been  confirmed 
in  almost  every  reign  from  Henry  III.  to  Henry 
Vin. ;  after  innumerable  causes  had  been  decided 
by  it  for  three  centuries,  the  first  legal  authorities 
in  Elizabeth's  time  were  still  doubtful  as  to  its 
validity;  and  it  needed  to  be  sanctioned  by  an 
act  of  her  Parliament.  In  fact  the  consent  of  the 
Nobles — (the  Parliament  of  the  day) — ^had  been 
sought  and  obtained  on"*^  earlier  occasions :  but  it 
seems^  through  change  of  circumstances,  or  from 
the  developement  of  legal  knowledge,  this  did  not 
seem  satisfietctory .  Nay,  not  even  yet  was  resistance 
silenced;  and  no  wonder,  for  the  foundations  of 
the  state  itself  were  beginning  to  be  questioned. 
To  this  day  indeed  it  is  not  clear,  whether  appeal 
can  be  made  from  the  Chancellor  to  a  higher 
court. 


$  64.  On  the  supposed  privileges  granted  in  1523. 

Some  have  imagined  that  a  vast  extension  of  the 
Academic  jurisdiction  took  place  in  1523,  when 
Henry  VIII.   decided    that    the    Chancellor   was 


*  Twenty  passages  of  Wood  and  Rayner  show  this ;  as  early  as 
the  thirteenth  century.  The  settlement  of  1290  was  before  King 
and  Parliament. 


120  THB  BKGLI8H  UNIVBR8ITIE8. 

competent  to  deal  with  mixed  causes  occurring  in 
any  part  of  England.  This  certainly  sounds  large : 
but  what  was  the  practical  meaning?  Not  every  gra- 
duate  was  understood  to  have  right  of  access  to  the 
Chancellor*s  courts,  but  only  an  actually  residing 
University-man.  If,  either  during  vacation,  or 
through  questions  of  inheritance  and  other  con- 
cerns, he  were  cited  in  another  court,  he  might 
plead  the  old  privilege  of  being  tried  at  the  Uni- 
versity  rde  non  trahi  extra  J  As  early  as  1290 
the  Parliament  decided,  that  strangers  in  Oxford, 
of  whatever  rank,  who  had  any  affair  with  the 
scholars,  should  be  brought  before  the  Chancel- 
lor ;*  so  that  the  privilege  of  the  University,  from 
old  times  had  been  in  force  ag^unst  all  England, 
not  against  the  town  of  Oxford  only.  But  had 
the  grace  of  Henry  VIII.  been  understood  to  apply 
to  all  non-resident  graduates,  this  certainly  would 
have  gone  near  to  annihilate  all  other  courts  in  the 

*  An  enquiry  of  the  Sheriff  of  Pari :  ii.  1 6.)   The  answer  given 

Oxford,  made  before  King  and  says,  "  Soit  enquerre  et  soit  bref 

Council   in   1328,    bears  refer-  mande  a  le  Chauncelier  et  Univ  : 

ence  to  such  contests  as  took  qu  *il  ne  facent  tiels  gravaunces 

place  between  persons  connected  au  dit  W,  et  lui  soeffrent  entrer 

with  the  Universities  and  stran-  la  vile  et  user  sa  marchandise," 

gers.    It  runs  as  follows.    "Vint  From  this  it  appears,— in  the  first 

un   W,  de  Wyneye  un   clerk  e  place,  that  the  University  had 

empledaleditJV.devantleChaun-  for   some   time   past    put   into 

celier  des  trespas  foitz  hors  de  practice  this  natural,  useful,  and, 

8on  poer  en  forein  countee,  hors  in  itself,  necessary  extension  of 

del  countee   de   0.   ^c  ,    et    le  its  jinisdiction ; —  in  the  second 

Chauncelier  le  condampna  <Src.,  e  place,    that  this    practice    had 

le  detient  tant  il  eust  faict  gre  never  been  generally  recognized 

au  dit  TV.  d'une  grande  summe  de  as  legal,  and  had  not  yet  been 

^deners,  etfaite  une  obligation  de  sanctioned  by  an  express  pri- 

20£.  a  /'  universite"       (Rot:  vilege. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  121 

kingdom.  There  is  little  doubt  that  it  did  but 
confirm  to  the  letter  the  practice  which  the  in- 
stinct of  the  University  had  already  introduced. 


§  65.   How  the  Academicians  might  proceed  in  the 
cases  over  which  the  Chancellor  had  no  jurisdiction. 

Two  kinds  of  cases  are  mentioned  in  documents 
of  all  periods  as  exempted  from  the  Chancellor's 
jurisdiction,  viz. :  questions  of  freehold  property 
and  those  of  serious  crimes,  such  as  high  treason, 
sedition,  murder  and  mortal  injuries.  Yet  even  in 
such  cases  the  Universities  dared  to  plead  their 
right  to  a  special  trial;  a  fact  which  has  given 
occasion  in  modem  days  to  indiscriminate  invec- 
tive against  their  privileges.  For  instance ;  if  a 
student  was  arrested  for  a  grievous  crime,  the 
Chancellor  could  claim  him,  to  be  tried  by  the  High 
Steward  of  the  University.  The  Steward,  having 
first  obtained  full  power  under  the  Great  Seal, 
summoned  a  jury  of  eighteen  Masters  and  eighteen 
Freeholders  to  try  the  case.  This,  we  say,  is 
treated  by  some  as  intolerable.  But  in  fact,  from 
the  Parliamentary  Records  it  appears  that  even  as 
early  as  1406  and  1409  the  University  of  Oxford 
made  good  against  the  Town  and  against  the 
neighbouring  Country-magistrates  its  claim  to  be 
exempted  from  the  common  courts:  though  we 
cannot  prove  that  Cambridge  had  equal  rights  in 


122  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

this  respect,  until  1 56 1 . — But  again ;  this  was  no 
extension  of  the  Chancellor's  jurisdiction.  It  was 
in  fact  nothing  but  the  establishing  of  a  new  cri- 
minal court.  The  Great  Seal  of  the  Kingdom  was 
essential  to  the  procedure,  on  every  such  occasion : 
this,  and  this  alone,  gave  the  Steward  power  to 
act.  On  the  contrary,  the  authority  of  the  Chan- 
ceUor  was  given  him  once  for  aU,  by  the  election 
of  the  University.*  In  this  matter,  the  real  privi- 
l^e  granted  to  the  scholars,  was,  the  dignity  im- 
plied by  such  a  form  of  trial,  similar  to  that  which 
was  enjoyed  by  Peers  of  the  Realm :  and  it  is  not 
wonderful  that  this  was  at  first  invidious.  Yet  in 
course  of  time,  it  could  not  seem  so  oppressive  as 
their  other  distinctions ;  apparently  smaller,  yet  of 
more  daily  importance  in  the  later  and  more  peace- 
ful ages.  In  fact,  during  four  centuries,  it  is  hard 
to  enumerate  ten  cases  of  the  other  kind :  Black- 
stone  knows  but  of  five  in  Oxford.  It  is  not 
wonderful  then  that  this  privilege  is  looked  on  by 
many  as  antiquated,  and  is  totally  unknown  to 
others. 

$  66.  On  the  Chancellor's  Court  o/ Record. 

Some  have  also  seen  a  farther  extension  of  aca- 
demic privileges,  in  the  right  of  the  Chancellor's 

*  [It  is  not  easy  to  see,  how  gained  in   1406,   or  in   1561  ; 

these  arguments  tend  to  satisfy  and  whether  exercised  throogfa 

the  ohjectors    They  will  object  the  Chancellor,  or  through  tibe 

to  the  privileges,  alike ,  whether  Steward.] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS.  123 

Court  of  Record;  which  had  power  to  proceed  either 
by  the  Common  Law^  or  by  the  Roman  Law^ 
or  by  the  University  Statutes.  The  Chancellor's 
Court  was  put  upon  this  footing  as  early  as  1244 
and  1255 ;  and  this  obviously  rose  out  of  the  fact^ 
that  he  was  an  ecclesiastical  judge^  and  the  Univer- 
sity an  ecclesiastical  corporation.  That  every  one 
who  had  to  do  with  the  scholars^  had  to  abide  by 
the  University  Statutes^  lay  in  the  very  nature  of 
the  case.  On  the  other  hand,  academicians  would 
often  consent  to  be  tried  by  the  common  law  alone, 
only  with  precautions  to  prevent  this  from  being 
drawn  mto  a  precedent. 


4  67-  Practical  difficulties  of  the  Chancellor 
concerning  police  assistance. 

The  extension  of  the  Chancellor's  jurisdiction 
over  the  suburbs  of  the  town  can  scarcely  be  looked 
upon  as  a  new  privilege :  it  was  the  natural  con- 
sequence of  the  ill-defined  boundaries  between 
town  and  suburb.  We  shall  thus  find  that  no 
real  change  of  principle  in  his  jurisdiction  took 
place  after  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century ; 
and  no  extension  of  its  sphere  after  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth.  Yet  doubtless,  when  it  was  felt 
by  the  Town  that  the  Chancellor  was  more  and 
more  falling  into  the  academic  body,  great  and 
frequent  resistance  was  made,  to  that  which  was 


124  TH£  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

practically  a  total  subjection  to  the  University. 
To  make  bad  worse  to  the  Town ;  it  being  requi- 
site for  the  Chancellor  to  suppress  riot  and  to 
enforce  the  execution  of  lus  sentences,  he  was 
next  invested  with  authority  over  the  police,  who 
were  in  those  ages  a  sort  of  military  body.  The 
constant  need  of  this  help  tended  still  more  to 
elevate  his  power  and  importance.  Originally  in- 
deed, as  the  Town  had  its  Mayor  and  Bailifis,  the 
County  its  SheriflF;  so  to  the  University  the  Prin- 
cipals  of  the  Nations  and  the  Heads  of  the  Halls 
or  Schools^  were  the  police-authorities;  and  the 
Chancellor  was  then  looked  on  as  an  extra-aca- 
demical officer,  who  was  at  liberty  to  summon  any 
of  these  to  his  aid.  In  those  days  he  had  plenty 
of  nominal  authority,  and  two  prisons  at  his  dis- 
posal— the  town  prison,  {Bocardo)y  and  the  castle 
prison ;  —  but  he  was  in  want  of  officers  to  arrest 
culprits  and  stop  tumults,  being  unable  to  do  any- 
thing without  the  concurrence  of  the  Proctors  of 
the  nations.  Assistance  from  the  Sheriff  and 
Mayor  came  slowly  and  dubiously.  In  affairs  so 
difficult  and  disagreeable,  great  zeal  on  their  part 
or  peremptory  orders  from  higher  powers  were 
needed,  to  induce  them  to  act;  nor  was  it  con- 
sidered right  to  have  recourse  to  the  Sheriff  at  all, 
except  in  extreme  cases.     This  officer*  himself  had 

*  A  remarkable  instance  of  given  in  the  following  document 

the  position  of  the  Sheriff  and  of  1334.    ••  Willem  de  Spersholt 

the  insufficiency  of  the  means  gardein  der  Chasteil  de  0.  ScC, 

of  control  within  his  power   is  au  Roi  et  Conseil  SfC.     he  gaol 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


125 


but  a  few  men-at-arms  at  his  disposal^  who  perhaps 
formed  the  castle-garrison ;  while  a  little  standing 
army  whould  often  have  been  needed  for  inter- 
fering wifh  eflFect.  When  a  battle  commenced 
between  the  town-rabble  and  harebrained  scho- 
lars, peaceable  citizens  and  sober  students  would 
keep  themselves  safe  at  home  as  long  as  they 
could.  But  confusion  and  danger  would  at  last 
reach  a  point,  at  which  the  better  and  serious 
part  must  needs  interfere;  and  real  weapons  of 
war  were  then  employed.  From  a  fray  rose  a  riot, 
from  the  riot  a  battle.  Unless  the  King  or  some 
grandee  had  an  armed  force  on  the  spot,  it  was 
requisite  to  leave  the  storm  to  rage  itself  out.  In- 
deed in  any  case  it  was  a  delicate  matter  to  meddle 
with  a  body  of  exasperated  armed  combatants,  among 
whom  were  members  of  the  most  distinguished 
families  of  the  land.  But  the  extreme  evil  partially 
wrought  its  own  remedy.  In  all  the  more  mode- 
rate disturbances,  it  became  a  received  principle 
that  the  Chancellor  was  to  have  the  town-police  at 
his  disposal.  The  citizens  were  bound  by  duty  to 
wear  arms ;  and  a  strong  patrol  of  special  guards 
was   formed.      (For  there  was  an  ancient  rule. 


du  dit  Chasteil  e  surcharge  8tc. 
U  Chauncelier  de  Join  en  aultre 
mande  a  sa  volunte  e  sauni 
garant  par  ses  bedeaux  clers 
iurroU  et  norrois  SfC.  dont  le 
chasteile  grandement  surcharge 
e  le  dit  viscount  se  double  e  des- 
asseure  de  le  pluis  de  sa  garde  du 


chasteil  SiC.  et  que  par  mal  engc" 
niment  de  deux  clers  demurrani 
en  le  chastiels  e  des  aultres  de^ 
hort  ifC.  pissent  estre  compasse 
a  le  chasteil  en  peril  e.  N,  8. 
Roi  par  taunt  ses  garnestures 
et  aultres  ses  choses  en  mesme  le 
chasteil  estraunti,  Stc  8sc'* 


126  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVER8ITIB8. 

which  prohibited  the  scholars  from  even  possessing 
arms;  and  the  Chancellor  would  not  have  called 
on  them  to  transgress  this;  which  would  have 
been  a  most  dangerous  precedent.)  But  after  getting 
this  Bidy  he  was  far  better  provided  with  the  means 
of  controlling  riotous  students,  than  of  r^ulating  the 
the  behaviour  of  lus  guard,  or  of  enforcing  by  their 
help  against  the  townsmen  lus  own  decrees  or 
the  privileges  of  the  University;  and  we  have 
already  seen  how  in  1238  (to  say  nothing  of  1209) 
the  gownsmen  were  treated.  Thus  the  University 
was  one  moment  obliged  to  beg  for  the  reinforce- 
ment of  the  town  police,  and  the  next  moment  was 
dreading  to  use  such  a  weapon.  We  find  alternate 
complaints  that  the  police  was  too  weak  and  that 
it  was  too  vigorous ;  and  the  Chancellor  was  ever 
in  difficulties.  It  was,  then,  according  to  the 
notions  of  the  time,  a  clever  thought,  to  bind  the 
town  authorities  by  oath  to  respect  the  privileges 
of  the  University ;  which  (as  we  have  said)  was 
done  in  1214.  Words  to  this  eflFect  were  inserted 
into  the  regular*  oath  of  office  in  1 248,  when  a 
scholar  of  noble  birth  had  been  mortally  wounded, 
and  his  assailants  protected  by  the  bailifl^.  Yet 
all  this  time,  the  town  did  not  the  less  question  the 
most  important  privileges  of  the  University,  some 
of  which  were  incompatible  vnth  other  parts  of  the 
same  oath  of  office;  and  concerning  others,  the 
greatest  jurists  of  the  land  were  in  doubt  for 

*  Ayliffe  App.  p.  7. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBBSITIBS.  127 

centuries  afterwards.  While  the  town  thus  felt  itself 
oppressed,  and  was  yet  so  necessary  to  the  Chan- 
cellor,  the  Pope  and  the  King  together  were  unable 
by  all  their  eflfbrts  to  help  the  University  out  of  her 
embarrassment.  After  many  useless  efforts  on  the 
part  of  these  great  potentates,  it  became  clear  that 
the  academic  authorities  must  help  themselves  as 
they  could. 


^  68.  The  Chancellor  s  direct  Ecclesiastical  and 
Academic  weapons, — inefficient. 

The  most  powerful  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the 
Chancellor  against  the  Town  Magistrates,  was 
Ecclesiastical  Reproofs  which  he  could  carry  as  far 
as  Excommunication.  This  he  had  at  first  exercised 
in  the  Bishop^s  name ;  but  afterwards  when  his 
connexion  with  the  Bishop  became  loosened,  in  his 
own:  and  though  the  Ordinaries  protested  much 
and  long  against  this  usurpation,  yet  Popes  and 
Archbishops  believed  that  he  could  not  fulfil  his 
office  vrithout  this  right,  and  repeatedly  confirmed 
it.  The  Kings*  also  ordered  their  Sheriffe  to 
arrest  the  excommunicated  person,  and  deliver  him 
up  to  the  Chancellor.  Still,  this  was  far  too  heavy 
a  weapon  for  common  use ;  and  though  cautiously 
employed,  does  not  seem  to  have  led  to  practical 
advantage. 

*  See  Aylifie  (1314  and  1316.) 


128  TH£  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

The  same  objection  applied  to  a  secession  of  the 
University,  such  as  took  place  in  1209 :  an  extreme 
measure  suited  to  extreme  cases  only.  Even  a 
suspension  of  studies  involved  inconvenience  and 
injury  to  the  students  themselves,  while  on  the 
town  it  operated  rather  as  a  serious  threat,  than  as 
a  blow.  The  punishment  called  discommunion,  was 
therefore  preferred  to  any  of  these.  It  consisted 
in  prohibiting  scholars  from  holding  any  intercourse 
whatever  with  certain  citizens,  who  obstinately  set 
at  nought  the  academic  privileges.  This  wounded 
the  citizen  in  his  most  sensitive  part,  in  his  pecu- 
niary interests ;  if  the  scholastic  body  were  pretty 
unanimous,  and  obedient.  But  the  intestine  divi- 
sion of  the  two  nations  was  itself  generally  enough 
to  ensure  to  the  citizens  a  party  among  the  students 
which  favored  them.  The  Northemmen,  especially 
after  their  overthrow,  became  a  formidable  minority 
disaffected  to  the  University.  Beside  which,  there 
were  many  cases  in  which  the  offending  townsman 
was  too  independent  or  too  angry  to  tremble  before 
such  a  rod. 

Thus  the  Chancellor's  weapons  were  either  too 
dreadful  or  too  feeble.  Indeed  if  they  were  ill 
adapted  for  protecting  the  persons  of  the  students, 
still  less  efficient  were  they  in  defending  them  from 
pecuniary  extortion, — in  enforcing  regulations  for 
health  and  cleanliness,  for  the  market,  and  for  the 
(so  called)  public  morality.  These  things  properly 
and  naturally  belonged  to  the  town,  and  so  it  was 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  129 

expressed  in  royal  charters.  Most  inconsiderate  is 
the  assertion  of  Wood  and  others,  that  all  these 
rights,  originally  and  from  the  earliest  times,  be- 
longed to  the  University  and  not  to  the  Town.  The 
tmth  is,  that  in  the  northern  suburb,  the  rights  of 
lord  of  the  manor  belonged  to  the  D' Amory  family, 
who  in  1 357  transferred  them,  by  contract,  and  with 
the  royal  sanction,  to  the  University ;  the  same  rights 
over  the  rest  of  the  Town  having  already  been 
ceded.*  The  superintendence  of  the  Market  and 
the  Police  formed  a  part  of  the  manorial  authority. 
In  the  times  of  which  we  speak,  the  mixed  boards 
of  C!ommissioners  could  effect  nothing  against  the 
adulteration  of  articles;  and  the  direct  conflict 
of  interests  between  the  two  corporations  made  co- 
operation impracticable. 

Yet  the  health  of  the  scholars  was  dependent 
on  a  good  supply  of  wholesome  food,  and  on 
decent  habitable  dwellings,  to  say  nothing  of  re- 
moving pestilential  accumulations  from  the  streets. 
Many  fruitless  efforts  were  made  by  the  Univer- 
sity against  the  dealers,  to  establish  for  itself  a 
free  trade  and  open  market,  by  which  it  might 
get  the  cheapest  supply  of  wholesome  food.  But 
the  fiercest  conflicts  rose  out  of  discontent  with 
the  wine  shops  and  other  houses  of  a  worse  descrip- 
tion ;  and  in  fact,  the  introduction  of  wine  in  place 

*  In  a  petition  of  the  Cam-  price  of  wine  in  Cambridge  be 

bridge  Chancellor  in  1330  (Rolls  not  higher   than  in  London." 

of  Pari.   ii.  48)   among   other  The  answer  is,  **  Let  them  have 

requests  we  find  one,  **  that  the  it  as  in  Oxford." 


130  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIB8. 

of  heeTy  by  the  Continental  students,  may  have  had 
no  small  influence  on  the  course  of  events.     We 
have  even  documentary  evidence  of  the  great  riots 
rising  out  of  the  wine  shops.    When  wine  was  good 
and  cheap,  men  got  drunk  oftener  and  quarrels 
followed :  when  it  was  bad  and  dear,  their  anger  was 
directed  at  the  landlord's  head.     In  any  case,  the 
road  from  wine  to  women  was  but  short ;  and  these 
base  matters,  which  might  seem  unworthy  of  being 
recorded,   become  important  by  the  large  space 
they  fill  in  the  deliberations  and  charges  of  Kings, 
Legates  and  Bishops.     The  King's  message  to  the 
Mayor  and  Bailifl^  in  1234,  shows  distinctly  that 
the  Police  force,  whose  business  it  was  to  restrain 
these  evils,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Town  at  that 
time.     But  neither  all  the  urgent  addresses  of  the 
royal  and  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  nor  the 
oath  of  office  taken  by  the  townsmen,  availed  to 
bring  a  real  remedy  to  the  grievances  complained  of. 
It  became  at  length  clear,  that  a  direct  control 
on  the  part  of  the  Chancellor  was  essential ;   and 
that   nothing   would   succeed,   to    obviate   fraud, 
short  of  direct  trial  whether  the  quality  of  pro- 
visions was  good  and  the  weights  employed  fair. 
An  academic  police  was  gradually  formed,  which, 
at  his  order,  exercised  the  summary  process  of  con- 
fiscating and  carrying  oflF  out  of  the  market  all 
spoiled  or  bad  articles ;  and  removing  obstructions 
from  the  streets.     Riotous  as  this  probably  was  in 
its  origin,  it  became  legitimate  by  the  appointment 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  131 

of  Masters  or  Supervisors  of  the  streets.  Clerks  of 
the  market,  &c.:  and  a  usurpation  so  natural  and 
necessary,  was,  before  long,  confirmed  as  a  privilege. 
The  town  authorities  had  over-reached  themselves 
by  a  languid  performance  of  their  duties,  and  thus 
at  length,  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  they  were  doomed  to  forfeit  some  of  their 
principal  functions.  The  perpetual  collision  and 
resistance  which  continued,  caused  such  fluctuations, 
that  we  cannot  attempt  to  define  the  limits  of  the 
authority  possessed  by  either  party.  It  is  however 
probable,  that  down  to  the  middle  of  that  century, 
the  town  retained  the  rights  connected  with  the 
lordship  of  the  manor,  although  practically  control- 
led in  their  exercise,  more  or  less,  by  the  pretensions 
of  the  University.* 

$  69.  The  feud  is  exasperated  hy  the  absorption  of 
the  Chancellor  into  the  Academic  body,  as 
its  Officer  and  Head. 

We  have  seen  how  great  power  each  Corporation 
had,  to  pester  the  other,  and  how  little  power  the 
University  had  to  compel  the  town  to  be  honest, 
clean,  zealous  and  considerate; — and  that  mutual 
complaints  and  mutual  exasperation  continued  vsrith- 
out  avail.  Their  opposition  was  brought  out  into 
a  yet  more  sharply  defined  state,  by  the  progress 
of  internal  changes  within  each  body. 

*  See  Note  (29)  at  the  end. 


/ 


132  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

The  change  withm  the  University,  consisted  in 
the  Chancellor*s  ceasing  to  be  an  episcopal  ofiElcer, 
and  being  elected  by  the  academicians  from  among 
themselves.  This  arose  out  of  causes  which  must 
be  here  concisely  touched. 

In  consequence  of  the  share  which  the  Univer- 
sities took  in  the  civil  wars  of  Henry  III.,  they 
became  objects  of  far  greater  attention  to  the 
Kings  of  England.  They  were  called  upon  to 
assist  in  the  Councils,  concerning  doctrinal  ques- 
tions of  importance  to  Church  and  State.  Efforts 
were  made  to  win-over  their  judgment,  and  to  use 
them  as  an  organ  of  public  opinion,  not  only  for 
England,  but  for  the  whole  of  Western  Christendom. 
We  have  an  instance  of  this  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
II.,  and  Matthew  of  Paris  mentions  a  similar  one 
in  1253.  The  increasing  importance  of  the  Uni- 
versities made  their  dependence  on  their  Ordinaty 
appear  to  be  preposterous;  nor  could  a  distant 
Bishop  bring  any  help  to  the  local  difficulties  of 
the  Chancellor.  His  position  was  obviously  un- 
tenable ;  being  neither  in  nor  of  the  University ; 
but  above  it,  below  it,  without  it.  He  urgently 
needed  the  moral  and  physical  support  of  the 
University  itself,  given  at  the  instant  it  was  asked ; 
but  to  reckon  on  these,  he  must  be  elected  by 
and  out  of  the  University,  as  its  organic  Head. 
The  Ordinary  for  a  while  struggled  to  retain  at 
least  the  right  of  confirming  the  election,  when  lus 
assent  was  become  a  mere  formality ;  but  that  too 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  133 

vanished  in  the  course  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
For  a  while  it  was  questioned  whether  the  Chan- 
cellor, now  loosed  from  the  Bishop,  could  retain 
the  prerogatives  which  had  flowed  to  him  from  the 
episcopal  power;  but  at  last,  from  a  feeling  that 
they  were  needftil  to  his  office,  it  was  decided  iu 
the  affirmative. 

The  Chancellor  thus  elected,  had  a  far  better 
defined  and  firmer  position  than  before;  even  if 
only  a  majority  were  favorable  to  him  personally. 
But  to  the  Town,  his  office  became  more  obnoxious 
than  ever ;  inasmuch  as  he  now  made  the  Univer- 
sity judge  in  its  own  cause ;  nor  can  we  doubt  that 
many  a  Chancellor  owed  his  seat  to  the  notorious 
&ct  or  understood  promise,  that  he  would  prove  a 
zealous  champion  of  the  academic  rights  in  pending 
controversies;  in  other  words,  he  was  elected  on 
condition  of  being  a  zealous  enemy  of  the  Town. 
The  mutual  exasperation  became  thus  more  intense 
than  ever.  Languid  co-operation  or  active  over- 
reaching on  the  part  of  the  Town,  demanded  a  more 
and  more  stringent  exercise  of  the  Chancellor's 
authority:  the  Pope  and  King  were  called  upon 
yet  oftener :  more  and  ampler  privileges  were 
granted  to  the  University.  For  when  it  came  to 
be  a  question  which  of  the  two  Corporations  must 
be  sacrificed,  the  increasing  importance  of  the 
academic  body  ensured  a  decision  in  its  favor; 
although,  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  times,  it 
involved  the  overthrow  of  civic  freedom. 


134  TH£  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES. 


$  70.  The  increase  of  wealthy  importance  and  spirit 
in  the  Toum  Corporation,  leads  to  hursts  of  violence 

But  meanwhile^  the  towns  also  were  becominj 
of  greater  national  importance.  A  Mayor,  a  Bailii 
or  an  Alderman,  on  his  return  from  a  Parliamen 
in  London  or  in  York ;  a  citizen  or  a  town  officei 
just  come  back  from  a  campaign  in  Scotland  or  ii 
France,  rich  in  the  spoils  of  victory ;  would  be  lesi 
willing  than  his  father  had  been,  to  submit  to  wha 
appeared  scholastic  usurpation.  Such  men  had  th< 
opportunity  also  of  comparing  the  freedom  of  othe 
towns  with  the  vassalage  of  their  own;  and,  w 
need  not  doubt,  found  a  stimulus  in  every  soci£ 
meeting  to  a  more  vehement  struggle  for  thei 
natural  liberties.  Honorable  patriotism  and  pett 
jealousy  alike  dictated  the  same  course;  and  th 
insults  they  were  liable  to  receive  from  youthft 
levity,  must  often  have  left  wounds  more  deep  tha 
are  inflicted  by  open  hostility.  Many  a  coars 
practical  joke  would  be  played  by  scholars  on  th 
shopkeeper  or  artisan,  who  was  importunate  a 
a  dun ;  nor  perhaps  would  the  good  man's  wife  o 
daughter  be  spared.  But  when  the  heedless  youth 
had  long  left  the  University,  and  had  forgotten  thei 
own  conduct ;  it  remained  rankling  in  the  citizen' 
bosom,  and  was  handed  down  as  an  inheritanc 
of  hatred  from  father  to  son.  Thus,  in  a  Royi 
Mandate*  of  1 352,  the  "  grievous  dissentions^-an 

*  Ayliffe. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  135 

quarrels**  of  the  parties  are  ascribed  to  old  rancor 
and  insolence,  stimulated  by  the  wantonness  of  youth. 
The  sulky  obstinacy  or  bitter  spite  produced  in 
those  who  are  liable  to  the  haughty  contempt  of  a 
higher  caste^  is  the  same  all  the  world  over.  But 
it  may  also  be  believed^  that  between  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries  the  towns  felt  such  con- 
tempt with  peculiar  keenness:  for  it  is  probable 
that  many  an  ambitious  and  turbulent  citizen^ 
when  he  looked  on  the  vigorous  self-elevation  of 
the  towns  of  the  Netherlands^  Lombardy  and  the 
Hanse,  dreamed  that  a  republican  age  was  dawn- 
mg  on  Europe. 

The  unmeasurable  rage  of  the  explosions  which 
took  place,  frustrated  all  hope  of  permanent  ad- 
vantage from  them  to  the  Town.  The  University, 
bleeding,  as  it  were,  with  rough  usage,  attracted 
sympathy  from  public  opinion  and  from  the  highest 
authorities.  The  daily  galling  provocation  she  had 
given,  was  unknown  and  forgotten ;  the  cruel 
retaliation  exhibited  her  as  an  injured  sufferer. 
Moreover  the  Townsmen  often  called  in  as  natural 
allies,  the  savage  heroes  of  the  country  round; — 
men  anxious  for  fight,  for  drink  and  for  plunder ; 
an  aid  dangerous  to  the  more  quiet  citizens,  and 
yet  impossible  to  be  rejected  when  it  came.  Hence 
too  arose  factions  among  the  townspeople.  There 
were  demagogues  of  the  Town-Hall,  whose  whole 
life  was  given  to  the  single  object  of  resisting  the 
University:  and  about  them  would  cluster  every 


136  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

element  of  discontent  and  turbulence.  Such  men 
were  offensive  to  sober  and  discreet  citizens,  who 
lamented  the  disturbance  of  traffic,  which  neces- 
sarily resulted,  and  the  fieu:  worse  results  to  be 
feared  from  the  law  and  from  the  lawless.  Every 
power  finds  adherents,  more  or  less  sincere  in  their 
praise,  even  among  those  on  whom  it  presses ;  and 
such  must  the  University  have  found  among  the 
citizens.  Nor  can  we  doubt  that  the  intrigues 
were  made  more  complicated  by  the  relations  of 
the  parties  as  buyers  and  sellers. 


^71.  Contest  against  Robert  de  Wells. 

The  events  of  1296*  deserve  especial  mention.f 
In  vain  efforts  to  pacify  the  warring  parties,  the 
King,  his  Councillors,  and  the  Peers  of  the  Realm 
had  been  called  in.  The  great  opponent  of  the 
University  was  a  baker  named  Robert  de  Wells, 
who  was  a  personification  of  the  deeply  rooted 
hatred  of  the  citizens  to  the  University.  We 
have  no  means  of  learning  whether  it  was  farther 
inflamed  by  personal  motives  in  his  case ;  but 
anyhow  he  possessed  much  boldness,  activity  and 
cunning,  and  in  another  place  might  have  left  a 
reputation  in  history,  like  Arteveldt  of  Ghent.  He 
did  not  shrink  from  appearing  before  King  and 
Parliament,   as  champion  of  his  native  town,  of 

*  [Qu.  1297  ?    See  below.]         f  See  Note  (30)  at  the  end. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  137 

which  he  was  soon  chosen  Bailiff.  In  1283,  having 
been  excommunicated  by  the  Chancellor,  he  pro- 
tested against  it  so  powerfully  before  the  Parlia- 
menty  that  the  Chancellor  was  obliged  to  give  way. 
In  1288,  academic  influence  ejected  him  from  his 
post :  upon  which  the  University  was  indiscreet 
enough  to  enact  in  solemn  Congregation,  that 
should  he  ever  be  readmitted  to  office,  all  the 
studies  should  be  suspended  as  long  as  he  held 
authority  in  the  Town.  So  oppressive  an  in- 
terference with  the  Town-elections,  exceedingly 
strengthened  him  in  the  good  will  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  held  him  up  as  a  martyr  for  the  liberties 
of  the  Town. 

Excitement  and  bitterness  increased.  The  Uni- 
versity solemnly  implored  the  King,  to  prevent 
the  bakers  and  brewers  from  using  fetid  water, 
and  the  vintners  from  diluting  their  wine.  For 
some  years,  a  diversion  was  brought  about  by 
contests  of  the  University  with  the  Bishop  of 
Lincoln  and  his  Archdeacon,  and  by  quarrels  of 
the  nations.  But  in  February  1297  an  affair  took 
place,  possibly  arranged  by  Wells  and  his  party ; 
but  in  fact  it  is  so  variously  told,  that  we  know  not 
where  to  lay  the  blame.  A  scuffle  arose  between 
the  rabble-dependents  of  the  two  nations^  in  which 
both  citizens  and  scholars  joined:  while  the  au- 
thorities on  each  side,  instead  of  restoring  peace, 
attacked  one  another.  It  grew  into  a  battle,  in 
which  many  thousands  on  both  sides  took  part. 


138  THB  BN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

The  armorers*  magazines  were  plundered;  and 
other  shops  of  citizens.  On  the  second  day  of  the 
fight^  a  host  of  countrymen  who  had  been  called 
in  overpowered  the  scholars ;  yet  not  till  the  tMrd 
day,  when  the  victorious  party  was  itself  worn 
out,  was  quiet  restored  by  the  King's  special  com- 
missioners. Many  of  the  combatants  had  been 
wounded,  and  not  a  few  killed.  Scholastic  houses 
had  been  devastated,  and  churches  desecrated 
by  corpses  and  by  blood.  Nevertheless,  the  result 
was  a  practical  triumph  to  the  University,  by 
help  of  Episcopal  fulminations  and  Royal  decrees. 
Robert  de  Wells  and  other  of  the  most  violent 
citizens  were  expelled  from  the  town,  or  forbidden 
all  intercourse  with  the  University. 

This  account  is  remarkable,  as  a  specimen  how 
the  whole  struggle  was  carried  on,  and  how  the 
University  wielded  the  weapons  which  lay  within 
her  grasp.  I  may  be  allowed  to  insert  here  the 
preamble  of  the  above  mentioned  decree  of  the 
University  (according  to  Wood) ;  since  it  contains 
a  reference  to  the  personal  character  of  Wells : — 
^^  Inasmuch  as  it  may  come  to  pass  that  the  said 
Robert  may  obtain  by  fair  or  foul  means  the  favor 
of  being  restored  to  hold  the  said  post  of  Bailiff  or 
some  other  in  the  town  or  suburb ;  the  Univer- 
sity itself,  having  the  very  strongest  presumptions 
against  the  aforesaid  Robert,  being  aware  of  his 
craft  and  premeditated  malice  from  his  ancient 
intrigues;  and  fearing,    therefore,    more   for   the 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  139 

future; — ^by  common  consent  of  the  Masters^  de- 
crees &c.,  &c, . . .  '* 

The  final  pacification  i;^as  brought  about  by  a 
formal  treaty^  which  together  with  the  privileges 
of  1248,  for  a  long  time  formed  'the  chief  basis  for 
fairer  dealings  between  the  two  C!orporations.  But 
the  townspeople  were  naturally  more  discontented 
than  ever,  and  the  repeated  complaints  of  the 
University  prove  that  malice  or  fraud  still  found 
many  ways  of  gratifying  themselves.  The  problem 
was  not  yet  solved.  The  Town-police  would  not 
co-operate  cordially,  and  the  University  had  as  yet 
no  power  to  compel  it.  A  new  crisis  was  needed, 
which  should  transfer  the  control  of  the  city-force 
entirely  from  the  Town  to  the  Gown. 


^  72.  Tumults  during  the  transition  from  the  old 

University  System. 

About  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  the 
process  was  already  begun,  by  which  the  University 
passed  into  its  more  modem  state.  Colleges  were 
rising ;  and  the  scholars  in  them,  kept  under  stricter 
restraint,  lost  in  pugnacity  what  they  gamed  in 
respectability.  The  total  number  of  the  academic 
body  had  greatly  sunk ;  the  spirit  of  the  nations 
was  nearly  gone.  Party  feud  between  them  was 
probably  but  feigned  as  a  cover  for  evil  deeds; 
while  individual  crimes  were  more  rife  than  ever 


140  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

among  the  free  students^  who  were  no  longer  even 
under  that  measure  of  restraint  which  the  organi- 
zation of  the  nations  had  imposed  on  them. 
Vagabonds  of  every  kind  flocked  to  the  University 
as  a  fair  field  for  their  exertions.  Under  these 
circumstances,  the  Academic  Authorities^  however 
unwillingly,  resorted  to  the  Town-Authorities  for 
help:  who  never  failed  to  seize  such  opportu- 
nities of  exercising  their  power  at  the  expense  of 
the  gownsmen.  Some  of  the  worst  excesses,  as 
the  burning  of  the  rich  Abbey  of  Abingdon  in 
1327,  were  committed  by  bands  of  scholars  and 
town-marauders  combined.  It  may  be  guessed, 
that  the  gownsmen  were  of  the  Northern  clan ;  but 
however  this  might  be,  such  tumults  could  not  but 
bring  odium  on  the  whole  University.  About  this 
time  moreover,  a  yet  more  formidable  enemy  of 
its  privileges  than  Robert  de  Wells,  was  found  in 
an  opulent  and  respectable  citizen,  named  John 
Hereford ;  who  had  been  often  elected  Bailiff,  and 
who  now  headed  the  reaction  which  in  the  year 
1355  led  to  a  fearful  crisis. 


^  73.  Contest  against  John  Bereford,  vnth  frightful 

Riot,  in  1355. 

The  causes  of  this  outbreak  may  be  traced  back 
to  the  year  1349,  in  which  a  dreadful  plague 
ravaged  all  England.     It  carried  off  or  dispersed 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  141 

all  the  Oxford  scholars^  so  that  the  studies  were 
intermitted  for  three  years ;  after  which  not  one 
third  of  the  former  number  reassembled.  Mean- 
while many  buUdmgs,  before  let-out  to  the  acade- 
micians^  were  applied  by  the  citizens  to  other 
purposes:  the  police  was  exercised  by  the  Town 
Authorities^  undisturbed  by  University  claims ; 
which,  upon  their  renewal,  must  have  appeared 
doubly  oppressive.  In  fact,  the  Chancellor  had  no 
physical  power  to  enforce  them.  If  the  townspeople 
closed  the  market  gates  upon  him,  he  was  unable 
to  force  his  way  in,  to  inspect  the  bread  and  beer. 
If  a  citizen  chose  to  sell  or  let  to  others  a  Hall 
which  the  academicians  had  previously  tenanted,  it 
was  in  vain  for  them  to  plead  treaties  and  privi- 
leges, when  the  door  was  shut  in  their  face. 
Hereford  and  his  party  were  also  strengthened 
miintentionally  by  that  excellent  king,  Edward  III., 
the  great  patron  of  the  Universities.  In  the  wide- 
spread crime  consequent  on  the  plague,  the  Aca- 
demic Authority  was  not  vigorous  enough:  the 
King,  perhaps  for  this  reason,  at  Hereford's  re- 
presentation, issued  ordinances  for  the  arrest  of 
criminals  by  the  Mayor  and  Sheriff ;  a  proceeding 
which,  however  needful,  broke  through  the  Univer- 
sity privileges,  and  gave  dangerous  weapons  into 
the  hands  of  its  enemies. 

So  intense  was  the  bitterness  of  feeling  generated 
between  the  parties,  that  an  explosion  soon  followed, 
for  which  Hereford,  it  seems,  was  well  prepared. 


142  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

A  quarrel  arose  on  St.  Scholastica's  day  (February 
lOth)  in  the  year  1355^  between  certain  scholars 
and  the  host  of  a  tavern  which  belonged  to  Hereford. 
The  scholars  thought  the  wine  bad;  and  as  the 
host  only  answered  by  ill  words,  they  broke  his 
flasks  about  his  head.  The  tavern-keeper  called 
for  help.  Speedily  (as  if  all  had  been  preconcerted) 
the  Town  alarm-bell  was  rung  from  St.  Martin's 
Church:  armed  citizens  assembled,  and  fell  upon 
the  scholars  who  were  walking  unarmed  and  un- 
suspecting in  the  streets.  The  Chancellor  in  vain, 
and  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  entreated  the  townsmen 
to  keep  the  peace ;  at  last  he  ordered  the  bell  of 
St.  Mary's  to  sound  an  alarm,  and  call  the  scholars 
to  arms.  They  had  taken  to  flight  at  the  first 
surprise ;  but  they  now  rallied,  and  oflfered  so  stout 
an  opposition,  as  to  keep  their  adversaries  in  check 
that  night.  In  the  morning,  the  Chancellor's 
eflForts  at  pacification  were  again  frustrated  by  the 
determined  hostility  of  the  Town ;  and  it  appeared 
that  the  scholars  would  be  murdered,  if  they  did 
not  stand  on  their  defence.  Though  so  inferior  in 
numbers,  yet  by  great  exertion  they  succeeded  in 
seizing  the  gates,  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  the 
country  people; — a  measure  of  traditionary  tactics. 
But  towards  evening,  about  two  thousand  armed 
countrymen  burnt  down  the  West  Gate,  and  forced 
their  way  in,  headed  by  a  black  banner,*  with  a 

*  Wood  cites  the  following  verses  from  a  poet  of  the  day : — 
Urehat  portas  agrestis  plebs  populosa ; 
Post  res  distortas  videas  quae  sunt  vitiosa. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  143 

void  cry  of  Murder  and  Plunder.  The  scholars, 
borne  down  by  the  torrent,  fled  into  the  open 
country,  into  the  churches  or  into  their  private 
rooms.  But  the  savage  mob,  that  night  or  next 
day,  stormed  most  of  the  Colleges  and  Halls,  and 
hunted-out  the  inmates.  Those  who  could  not 
escape  were  killed,  wounded,  thrown  into  the  sinks 
and  sewers,  or  dragged  to  prison.  All  their  pro- 
perty was  destroyed  or  plundered ;  after  which  the 
mob  began  to  carouse,  and  abundance  of  drink 
inflamed  them  to  still  madder  deeds.  Crucifixes 
and  church  ornaments  were  demolished ;  students 
shaven  as  monks  were  treated  with  peculiar  cruelty : 
the  scalp  was  actually  torn  off  the  head  of  some. 
No  holy  place  was  respected.  In  vain  did  the  more 
popular  of  the  clergy  carry  the  host  along  the 
streets  in  solemn  procession.  Monks  were  seized 
or  maltreated  at  the  foot  of  the  cross  or  chalice. 
In  short,  forty  scholars  or  masters  are  recorded 
by  name,  as  having  been  killed  in  this  fray;  but 
these,  without  a  doubt,  are  but  a  fraction  of  those 
who  suffered. 

As  soon  as  the  storm  began  to  subside,  and  the 
rabble  to  decamp  with  their  booty,  the  more  pru- 
dent citizens  assembled  to  prevent  further  mischief. 
The  Town- Authorities  also  met,  with  a  few  of  the 
more   eminent   Academicians,   who   had  sent  to 

Vexillum  geritur  nigrum.     "  Slea  !  Slea ! "  recitatur ; 
Credunt  quod  moritur  Rex,  vel  quod  sic  humiliatur. 
Clamant.  "  Havock !  Havock !  non  sit  qui  salvificetur ! 
Smite  faste !  give  gode  knockes !  nullus  posthac  dominetur.'* 


144  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

demand  assistance  from  the  Bishop  of  lineohi  and 
from  the  King.  The  former  issued  an  interdict 
against  the  Town ;  and  the  latter  pursued  measures, 
at  first  equally  vigorous.  Less  energy  however 
appears  in  their  after-proceedings.  Perhaps,  upon 
examination,  the  King  found  the  blame*  to  be  more 
equally  divided  between  the  parties,  than  was  sup- 
posed in  the  first  moment  of  wrath  against  so  brutal 
an  abuse  of  victory.  At  any  rate  it  was  clear,  that 
the  scholars  had  begun  the  fray;  and  there  must 
have  been  plentiful  ground  for  crimination  against 
them.  That  the  Town-Authorities  had  misconducted 
themselves,  does  not  appear;  but  the  Sheriff  of 
Oxford  was  displaced  by  the  Royal  Commissioners, 
which  may  seem  to  imply  that  the  fault  was  in  a 
different  quarter. 

There  is  also  ground  to  believe,  that  the  very 
intensity  of  this  savage  contest  gave  rise  by  reaction 
to  feelings  of  a  far  more  honorable  and  Christian 
nature.  Terror,  grief,  repentance  and  a  feeling  of 
helplessness  and  misery,  seem  to  have  driven  all 
the  more  baneful  passions  into  the  back-ground. 
Both  parties  were  humbled  at  the  common  guilt, 
distressed  by  the  common  suffering;  and  such 
feelings  were  widely  shared  by  the  nation  at  large. 
The  whole  affair  assumed  a  public  importance,  and 
no  one  was  concerned  so  much  to  recriminate  or 
retaliate  for  the  past,  as  to  reconcile  and  prevent 
for  the  future. 

*  The  whole  story  is  compiled  from  Wood. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  145 


^  74.  Consequences  of  the  Riot. 

We  do  not  pretend  to  documentary  evidence 
that  we  rightly  read  the  hearts  of  the  comba- 
tants; but  the  actual  course  of  events  can  hardly 
be  understood  without  assuming  the  above  highly 
probable  hypothesis.  The  University  now  resigned 
absolutely  all  her  privileges  into  the  hands  of  the 
King,  as  though  her  very  existence  were  too  dearly 
purchased  by  a  liability  to  such  outrages.  The 
Town  took  the  same  course,  without  the  least  effort 
at  self-justification:  thus  the  King  [Edward  III.] 
had  to  rebuild  the  whole  system  anew  as  a  law- 
giver, and  not  to  sit  upon  the  question  as  a  judge. 

The  method  which  he  pursued,  was,  to  establish 
the  University  as  a  decidedly  independent,  as  well 
as  preponderating  authority ;  vesting  in  the  Chan- 
cellor control  over  the  Town  Police,  and  all  the 
jurisdiction,  civil  or  military,  connected  with  it.* 
Every  point  before  contested,  was  clearly  given  in 
favor  of  the  University:  and  with  these  reserva- 
tions, the  Town  also  received  back  its  privileges. 
Farther  difficulty  however  arose  concerning  com- 
pensation to  the  plundered.  The  books  destroyed 
were  estimated  at  so  very  high  a  price,  that  the 
Town  declared  itself  unable  to  replace  them.  Upon 
this,  the  sum  of  two  hundred  and  fifty-six  pounds 
was  imposed  as  a  nominal  indemnification,  and  the 

*  See  Note  (31)  at  the  end. 


146  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

University  joined  with  other  persons  of  consequence 
in  interceding  with  the  King  for  the  immediate 
liberation  of  Hereford  and  others^  who  had  been 
put  into  confinement.  Hereford  himself  lived  long 
after,  as  a  sincere  friend  and  benefactor  to  the 
University. 

The  question  remained;  what  was  to  be  done 
with  the  country  people^  who  had  been  the 
chief  criminals.  —  They  were  passed  by  unno- 
ticed; probably  on  prudential  grounds:  as  we 
know  how  violent  was  the  stir  among  them  in  the 
reign  of  Richard  II.,  how  deep-rooted  a  hatred 
against  the  clergy  they  had  already  displayed,  and 
the  danger  of  exasperating  them  at  so  critical* 
a  moment  of  the  French  war.  The  Church  fol- 
lowed up  the  King*s  merciful  and  prudent  policy, 
and  having  first  mitigated,  shortly  removed  the 
interdict  on  the  Town.  As  an  expiation,  the  Town 
bound  itself  to  institute  masses  for  the  souls  of 
the  dead,  and  to  feed  poor  scholars  on  St.  Scholas- 
tica's  day  for  ever.  Now  also,  it  appears,  was 
instituted  the  office  of  Steward  or  Seneschal  of 
the  University,  who  was  chosen  generally  from  the 
most  distinguished  of  the  neighbouring  nobility,  as 
conservator  of  the  academic  privileges.  At  least 
there  is  no  other  time  on  which  we  can  fix,  at 
which  it  is  probable  that  an  officer  of  so  high 
dignity  and  prerogative  was  created ;  although  we 

*  The  battle  of  Maupertuis  was  fought  in  July,  1356.     The 
King's  new  charter  to  the  University  was  dated  27th  June,  1356. 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIB8.  147 

have  no  express  mention  of  him  until  the  beginning 
of  the  fifteenth  century.* 

Thus  terminated  this  tragical  and  important 
crisis.  We  have  thought  right  to  lay  it  before  our 
readers  in  some  detail,  particularly  because  it 
contains  so  many  characteristic  pomts,  vividly  pic 
turing  to  us  the  manners  of  the  age.  Beside  which, 
it  went  far  toward  deciding  a  fluctualong  and  con- 
tested state  of  things,  and  separates  the  history  of 
Oxford  into  two  ages. 


^  75.  Parallel  events  in  Cambridge. 

We  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  course  of 
things  at  Cambridge  was  not  dissimilar,  though 
every  element  was  there  developed  in  less  power. 
In  fact,  she  followed  in  the  steps  of  Oxford,  ever 
claiming  by  imitation,  and  claiming  successfully, 
Uke  privileges.  Smaller  conflicts  there  took  place 
at  this  same  time ;  but  another  generation  passed, 
before  the  final  crisis  was  brought  about.  This  was 
towards  the  end  of  the  century,  when  the  great 
outbreak  of  the  lower  orders  took  place,  against 
their  lords  in  Church  and  State.  In  March  1381, 
a  man  named  Grancester  headed  a  mob  of  rioters 
in  Cambridge,  who  killed  several  scholars  and 
Masters,   maltreated  others,  or  dragged  them  to 

*  It  must  however  be  confessed  that  there  are  difficulties  ia  tho 
history  of  the  powers  extended  to  this  office,  which  need  to  be 
cleared  up. 


i 


148  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

prison.  After  they  had  committed  much  ravage 
after  the  pattern*  of  the  Oxford  tumult,  though 
on  a  smaller  scale,  order  was  restored  in  a  few 
days  by  very  vigorous  measures.  The  riotous 
state  of  the  kingdom  generally,  urged  the  King  to 
adopt  these  the  more  readily ;  and  the  result  was, 
to  carry  the  privileges  of  the  University  to  the 
greatest  possible  extent. 


^  76.  Permanent  Ascendancy  of  the  Universities. 

Yet  although  we  now  enter  on  a  new  epoch  of 
the  University  existence,  it  would  be  a  great  error 
to  suppose  the  contests  of  the  Gown  and  Town  to 
be  at  an  end.  They  continued  to  break  out  now 
and  then,  but  chiefly  when  the  whole  fabric  of  the 
State  or  Church  seemed  to  be  tottering,  in  the 
various  convulsions  which  followed.  Indeed,  le^al 
doubts  were  afterwards  stirred,  as  to  the  authority 
of  the  King  to  grant  such  privileges  to  the  Uni- 
versity. But  the  grand  fact,  that  through  the 
civil  wars,  in  the  Reformation,  and  in  the  counter 
Reformation,  the  academic  privileges  were  never 
shaken,  but  were  rather  more  and  more  consoli- 
dated, proves  how  firm  a  hold  they  had  got,  after 
the  era  of  which  we  have  been  treating.     Thus ; 

*  When  the  rioters  had  burnt  the  ashes  into  the  air,  crying  : 

all  the  documents  on  which  they  So  perish  all  the  craft  of  the 

could  lay  hands,   it  is  related  divines, — An   anecdote,   which 

that  an  old  woman  tossed  up  marks  the  popular  feeling. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  149 

about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the 
Chancellor  obtained,  in  all  essential  matters,  his 
fullest  juridical  authority,  and  in  a  century  more, 
his  fullest  powers  over  the  services  of  the  police  and 
military.  All  the  privileges  afterwards  granted  to 
him,  however  high-sounding,  will  be  found  to  have 
been  in  practice  either  a  mere  confirmation,  or 
a  following  out  into  some  minor  detail,  of  what 
was  already  in  substance  enjoyed. 

In  those  ages,  the  question  was  not  so  much. 
What  could  the  King  grant?  for  in  fact,  what 
could  he  not  grant, —  upon  parchment  ?  but.  What 
privileges  could  the  grantees  succeed  in  enforcing  ? 
Now  from  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
Oxford  did  succeed  in  enforcing  her  privileges; 
and  herein  consists  the  contrast  of  the  latter  epoch. 
We  need  hardly  doubt  why  the  new  state  of  things 
was  acquiesced  in.  The  moral  effect  of  the  fatal 
aflfray  may  have  lasted  for  a  generation,  and  have 
allowed  the  sway  of  the  University  to  become  cus- 
tomary ;  after  which,  it  probably  was  not  felt  to  be 
oppressive,  but  rather  beneficial  to  both  parties; 
since  it  seems  to  have  been  really  suited  to  the 
exigency  of  the  case.  And  if  occasional  unfairness 
was  felt,  sensible  men  may  well  have  perceived 
that  it  was  unavoidable,  and  by  far  the  less  of  two 
evils. 


150  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


^  ^^ .  TranquUUzation  of  the  Academic  Population 

under  a  stable  Oligarchy. 

At  the  same  time,  the  academic  population  was 
constantly  becoming  more  tranquil,  by  decrease  of 
numbers  and  by  severer  discipline :  so  that  far  less 
wanton  exasperation  was  inflicted  on  the  townsmen. 
The  University  fell  under  the  rule  of  a  sedate 
oligarchy,  instead  of  a  riotous  democracy.  Becom- 
ing possessed  of  landed  estates  and  buildings  of 
its  own,  numberless  sources  of  contention  with  the 
Town  were  removed.  The  external  dignity  of  wealth 
which  gradually  followed,  elevated  the  gownsmen 
more  and  more  over  the  Town,  and  made  it  seem 
only  natural  to  pay  them  respect :  for  wealth  every 
where  claims  such  subordination,  and  nowhere 
receives  it  so  surely  fis  in  England.  In  the  Towns 
themselves  similar  changes  occurred :  for  while  the 
number  of  citizens  decreased  with  that  of  the 
academicians,  oligarchal  and  exclusive  influences 
also  prevailed  in  the  corporation ;  and  in  this  state 
of  things*  it  was  far  easier  for  the  two  bodies  to 
come  to  an  understanding:  nor  indeed  did  the 
University  press  the  letter  of  its  privileges  against 
the  Town,  either  as  to  the  Police  or  as  to  the 
Market.  The  Chancellor  even  yielded  the  Ni^ht 
Watch  into  the  hands  of  the  Mayor;  though  (we 

*  Proof  of  this  in  detail  will  be  in  vain  sought  for  in  documents. 
Ing^ram,  the  latest  Oxford  Historian,  to  a  certain  extent  supports 
the  view  I  have  given. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  151 

need  not  doubt)  with  a  reservation  of  the  power  of 
the  University  to  resume  its  rights.  Thus,  in  one 
word,  was  formed  the  present  state  of  things,  which 
is  held  to  work  at  least  moderately  well  in  the 
opinion  of  those  most  concerned. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


> 


GENERAL  REMARKS  ON  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES 

FROM  THE  MIDDLE  OF  THE  FOURTEENTH 

CENl'URY  TO  THE  REFORMATION. 


^  78.   Torpor  of  the  Universities  while  vegetating 

towards  wealth. 

After  the  stormy  period  of  University-life  which 
we  have  described,  the  waves  became  hushed, 
stagnation  followed,  and  a  long  ebb  took  place  in 
the  intellectual  progress :  nor  did  the  tide  of  know- 
ledge rise  again,  until  the  influx  of  re-opened 
classical  literature.  Yet  in  this  interval  of  mental 
inactivity,  a  corporeal  vegetation  was  going  on,  of 
immense  significance  to  the  after-condition  of  the 
academic  body.  The  Universities  were  all  this 
time  quietly  accumulating  landed  property,  and  the 
Colleges  were  assuming  the  prominence  which  they 
have  ever  since  maintained.  On  this  h^  depended 
the  peculiar  character  of  the  English  Universities; 
and  this  it  is  which  so  strikingly  contrasts  their  new 


THB  BNGLI8H  UNIVBR8ITIBS.  153 

State  with  the  old.  The  change  by  which  the  new 
developement  was  wrought  out,  proceeded  very 
slowly,  as  is  to  be  expected  of  every  natural 
organism;  and  the  era  of  the  Reformation  was 
almost  reached,  before  the  revolution  was  com- 
plete. Of  the  thirty-six  Colleges  of  the  two  Univer- 
sities, six  only  date  their  origin  later  than  the 
Reformation.  Of  the  thirty  older  ones,  four  were 
already  founded  before  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  eight  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth. 
In  strictness  then,  these  might  be  alleged  as  be- 
longing to  the  earlier  epoch.  But  this  would  be 
giving  undue  weight  to  a  dry  chronology ;  for  the 
fact  is,  that  their  extension,  their  wealth  and  their 
influence,  were  not  obtained  till  after  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth.  When  their  physical  developement 
was  greatly  advanced,  then  new  intellectual  ex- 
istence came  forward  in  its  own  peculiar  form. 
The  revived  study  of  the  Classics,  was  the  grand 
legacy  of  Roman  Catholic  to  Protestant  England ; 
a  noble  gift,  which,  though  an  extorted  one,  it  is 
high  time  for  the  latter  to  acknowledge. 

During  this  period  of  transition,  the  life  of  the 
University  was  torpid.  The  speculative  philosophy 
had  lost  its  interest ;  the  number  of  scholars  was 
diminished,  and  the  teachers  had  no  stimulus,  until 
classical  studies  reanimated  them.  The  relation 
also  between  the  Colleges  and  the  University  was  as 
yet  but  ill-defined.  On  these  subjects  I  must  now 
collect  whatever  is  to  be  said. 


154  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


§  79.  Ambitious  efforts,  in  government  and  pMlo^ 
sophy,  by  which  the  Middle  Age  exhausted  itself. 

The  grand  stru^le  of  the  Middle  Ages  (and 
under  which  they  sank  exhausted,)  had  been,  to 
unite  the  Spiritual  and  the  Temporal  power.  The 
attempt  was  first  prompted  by  theory, — by  a  specu- 
lative or  mystical  longing  of  mind  for  the  sublimest 
unity:  but  such  an  end  was  too  exalted  to  be 
reached  by  mortal  eflForts.  Believing,  as  we  may 
and  *  do,  that  no  mere  vulgar  ambition  stimulated 
many  in  this  dream  of  perfection,  it  is  certain  that 
nothing  came  of  it  but  hatred  and  destruction. 
The  two  conflicting  powers  fell  back  torn  and  ex- 
hausted, and  universal  debility  prevailed  for  no 
small  time,  while  a  new  age  was  preparing. 

Not  dissimilar  was  the  case  with  learning.  In 
the  Middle  Ages  with  bold  simplicity  it  had  sought 
to  take  Heaven  and  Earth  by  storm;  and  had 
fallen  blasted  and  decaying,  before  half  of  the  four- 
teenth century  was  complete.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  fifteenth,  a  few  forms  stood  forth,  as  Gerson 
and  his  friends, — Nominalist-Mystics, — as  relics  of 
the  old  heroic  ages :  but  the  spirit  of  the  former 
days  was  departed.  Skill  indeed  and  knowledge 
were  manifested  by  some,  in  applying  the  old 
machinery  to  new  purposes,  and  a  vain  effort  to 
reform  the  Church  by  such  a  method,  hastened 
the  decline.     Repetition  of  dead  forms,  mechanical 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  155 

exercise  of  Logic  and  Speculation,  now  formed 
the  highest  intellectual  occupation  of  the  old 
stamp;  and  the  new  learning,  when  it  came  in, 
refused  to  blend  with  it.  At  first,  classical  know- 
ledge, (the  most  important  feature  of  which  con- 
sisted in  the  study  of  Ancient  History,)  was  confined 
to  a  very  limited  circle  of  persons :  and  it  had  no 
power  to  attract  the  mass  of  th^  nation  toward  the 
Universities,  the  less  indeed,  since  so  many  other 
fields  were  opening  for  the  exercise  of  men's  energies. 


§  80.  On  the  Wykliffite  struggle,  and  the  results  of 

quelling  it. 

It  is  indeed  remarkable,  that  toward  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century  Wykliflfe  and  his  followers 
had  almost  gained  the  upper  hand  at  Oxford :  and 
the  only  knowledge  which  his  school  valued,  was  of 
the  positive  kind.  At  a  later  period,  even  the  study 
of  Greek  exposed  a  man  to  the  suspicion  of 
WykUffite  heresy.  Nor  is  this  wonderful :  for  the 
classical  studies  of  Oxford  in  those  ages  were  pur- 
sued in  a  totally  difierent  spirit  from  those  of  Italy. 
It  was  not  for  the  admiration  of  beauty  and  indul- 
gence of  taste,  but  for  a  cultivation  of  solid  know- 
ledge and  judgment,  that  the  embryo-puritan  of 
Oxford  read  the  works  of  antiquity,  unknowingly 
preparing  materials  for  the  great  reformationary 
movements  which  were  to  follow. 


156  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

One  might  have  expected  that  this  great  battle 
should  be  fought  out  at  the  Universities,  and  that  the 
emergency  would  have  called  out  the  most  brilliant 
talents  on  both  sides.  It  might  have  been  so,  had 
not  the  higher  powers  from  without,  both  temporal 
and  spiritual,  on  each  successive  crisis  crushed  the 
adverse  party  in  the  Universities ;  thus  entailing 
intellectual  imbecility  on  the  other  side  likewise, 
when  a  battle  essentially  intellectual  and  spiritual 
was  never  allowed  to  be  fairly  fought  out.  This 
has  ever  been  the  eflfect  every  where,  but  especially 
at  the  English  Universities ;  and  it  explains  the 
extreme  languor  and  torpor  which  prevailed  in 
them  at  that  time. 

The  victorious  Catholic  party  might  indeed  have 
found  room  for  excellent  exercise  of  the  intellectual 
faculties  upon  the  materials  of  the  new  knowledge, 
within  the  limits  of  their  orthodoxy ;  but  it  had 
become  a  suspected  field  of  inquiry,  in  which  they 
were  neither  willing  nor  able  to  walk.  Almost  a 
century  passed  after  the  suppression  of  the  WyklijBBte 
outburst,  before  classical  studies  were  adopted  in 
England :  and  during  this  whole  period,  the  Uni- 
versities took  no  such  prominent  part  in  the  great 
ecclesiastical  questions,  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  their  ancient  reputation.  In  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  century,  the  University  of  Oxford 
had  reared  and  sent  forth  sons,  who  attracted 
European  regard :  but  in  the  great  Councils  of  the 
Church  of  the  fifteenth  century,  she  was  no  where 


THE  BNOLISH  UNIVBR8ITIES.  157 

to  be  found.  The  powerful,  well-judged  and 
urgent  appeals  made  to  her  by  her  sister  of  Paris, 
met  with  a  tardy,  lame  and  uncertain  co-operation. 
I  may  here  quote  the  opinion  of  an  Oxford  contem- 
porary, brought  forward  by  Wood  himself ;  (who  in 
his  innocence  is  led  astray  by  certain  flowers  of 
rhetoric,  to  believe  great  things  of  his  beloved 
Oxford :)  — "  The  University  of  Paris,"  it  says,  "  for 
three  years  past  has  labored  to  find  a  remedy  for 
this  poisonous  disease  of  schism ;  but  in  her  labors 
she  has  home  all  alone  the  burden  and  heat  of  the 
day.  Well  might  she  complain  of  her  sister,  (our 
Mother,)  to  the  King  of  England,  saying :  *  Speak 
unto  my  sister,  that  she  labor  with  me,'  &c.,  &c. 
Let  it  not  be  said  to  our  shame  and  reproach,  how 
long  will  ye  hold  your  peace!"  Though,  in  the 
schism  of  the  Antipopes,  the  English  Universities 
acknowledged  a  diflferent  Pope  from  the  Gallican 
Universities,  this  need  not  have  hindered  Oxford 
from  proving  herself  worthy  of  her  past  renown. 
Much  rather ;  the  long  wars  with  France  had  broken 
her  connection  with  Paris,  and  had  tended  to  isolate 
the  English  schools,  so  that  they  entered  little  into 
European  life :  and  this  doubtless  helped  to  degrade 
them  as  seats  of  learning.  Yet,  the  isolation  was 
not  complete;  and  probably  this  cause  was  less 
powerfully  injurious,  than  the  crushing  of  the 
rising  intellect  of  the  age,  in  the  party  of  Wykliffe. 
The  real  inferiority  of  the  University  of  Oxford 
after  that  event  is  so  plain,  that  no  impartial  person 


158  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIB8. 

will  allow  himself  to  be  deceived  by  paneg3rrics,* 
in  bad  taste  and  exaggeration,  passed  upon  her  by 
her  fondly  admiring  sons. 


^81.  Decay  of  the  University  Studies. 

In  name,  no  doubt,  the  course  of  studies  remained 
as  before,  but  the  spirit  was  fled,  and  dead  forms 
alone  were  left.  Indeed  the  practical  faculties  of 
Jurisprudence  and  Medicine  had  attained  a  &r 
higher  comparative  rank,  when  Speculation  first 
began  to  decay;  but  afterwards,  Theology  or 
Canon  Law  displaced  these,  and  began  to  be 
looked  on  as  the  only  practical  studies.  The 
studies  in  Arts  became  a  mere  opus  operatum ;  a 
mechanical  process  to  satisfy  a  traditionary  rule. 
This  lamentable  decay  rose  out  of  causes  which 
can  be  traced.  Medicine  was  at  one  time  thrust 
out  by  Natural  History  and  Natural  Philosophy; 
namely,  when  it  tried  to  be  scientific ;  next,  it 
was  degraded  into  a  coarse  empiricism,  when  it 
tried  to  be  practical.  It  stood  also  in  danger  of 
ecclesiastical  prohibitions ;  and  altogether  found  its 
account  in  withdrawing  from  the  Universities  to 
cities,  courts,  and  the  circles  of  the  great.  There 
also  it  had  access  to  large  hospitals,  and -exemp- 
tions from  academic   formality. — Nor    was  there 

*  See  Note  (32)  at  the  end,  for  illustrations  of  this  point  from 

Wood. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  159 

any  adequate  inducement  to  the  study  of  Civil 
(or  B«man)  Law ;  when  the  national  jurispru- 
dence  so  vehemently  rejected  it.  The  common 
lawyer  had  of  course  no  local  attraction  to  the 
Universities :  his  proper  seat  was  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  great  courts  of  justice,  to  whose  prece- 
dences and  sentences  he  looked.  Naturally  then, 
the  ^^  Inns  of  Court/'  so  called,  formed  themselves  in 
London.  The  department  of  Civil  Law  which  was 
of  national  importance,  was  but  limited ;  and  the 
number  of  individuals  who  studied  it  were  too  few 
to  constitute  a  school.  It  became  but  an  append- 
age of  the  Canon  (or  Ecclesiastical)  Law ;  insomuch 
that  the  Kings,*  in  order  to  have  Counsellors,  had 
to  obtain  of  the  Pope  permission  for  certain  Eccle- 
siastics to  study  it :  for,  by  the  ordinances  of  the 
Church,  it  was  (for  good  reasons)  in  general  un- 
lawful to  them.  Such  applications  would  have 
been  needless,  if  laymen  could  have  been  found 
who  studied  the  Civil  Law. 

We  have  already  remarked  that  the  Canon  Law, 
as  a  main  branch  of  Theology,  (and  indeed  the 
distinguishing  ornament  of  the  Theologian,)  was 
greatly  in  honor  at  the  Universities :  for  in  all  other 
theological  studies,  laymen  participated.  But  after 
the  suppression  of  the  Lollard-movement,  Canon 
Law  more  and  more  lost  scientific  interest,  and 
became  a  mere  scholastic  ritual.  The  Church  was 
increasingly  worldly  in  spirit ;  and  actual  Theology 

*  See  Rymer  (1321). 


160  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

became  of  minor  importance:  nor  indeed  was  a 
Catholic  Theology  produced,  until  it  came  by  a 
reaction  against  the  Reformation.  Thus,  as  the 
decidedly  predominating  character  of  this  epoch,  a 
meagre  miserable  formal  dead  system  was  the  intel- 
lectual food  administered  at  the  Universities. 

An  idea  of  the  sort  of  instruction  necessary  for 
obtaining  a  degree  in  philosophy  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  may  be  gathered  from  the  following 
"  Questions,"  which  were  proposed  to  candidates  in 
the  time  of  Henry  V. :  — 

"  Whether  the  cardinal  virtues  of  Prudence,  com- 
paring future  contingencies  with  present  facts,  re- 
gulates the  acting  of  intellect,  whereto  rational 
desire  is  made  harmonious  ?  Whether  a  free  rati- 
onal energy,  empress  of  impulses,  lofty  governess  of 
morals,  is  crowned  with  the  laurelled  dignity  of 
deliberate  choice,  as  despotic  mistress  ?"* 


$  82.  The  Growth  of  the  Native  English  Intellect. 

Dull  and  scanty  intellectual  attainments  could 
not  attract  to  the  Universities  the  mind  of  a  nation 
which  was  opening  to  widely  different  and  more 

*  Utrum  futura  contingentia  Utrum  potentiarum  imperatrix 

Comparans  ad  praesentia  Celsa  monim  gubernatru:, 

Prudentia  cardinalis  Vis  libera  rationalis 

Pnaxin  regat  intellectus,  Sit  laureata  dignitate 

Cui  concors  est  effectus  Electionis  consiliatae 

Appetitus  rationalis.  Ut  domina  principalis. 

(See  Wood.) 


THB  BNOLISH  UNIVBRSITIES.  161 

worthy  occupation.  From  the  middle  of  the  four- 
teenth century,  and  especially  under  Edward  III., 
the  cultivation  of  the  native  tongue  went  on,  and 
the  foundation  of  a  national  literature  was  laid, 
which  soon  drove  out  the  French  elements  intro- 
duced at  the  Conquest.  Let  me  point  out  but  one 
eminent  spirit,  the  poet  Chaucer ;  a  poet,  to  whom 
few  of  any  time  whatever  come  near,  in  manifold 
variety  and  versatility  of  talent  and  language ;  and 
more  especially,  in  the  mixture  of  frank  simplicity 
with  deep  knowledge  of  the  world.  This  is  truly  as 
a  vein  of  silver  in  the  cultivation  of  an  individual 
or  of  a  people.  In  other  nations  of  Europe,  on 
the  Northern  side  of  the  Alps,  a  rude  national  lite- 
rature sprung  up,  independently  of,  though  simul- 
taneously with,  the  scholastic  philosophy :  but  they 
drooped  and  died  together.  Only  in  England  do 
we  see  the  cultivation  of  the  national  tongue  rise  in 
vigor,  when  the  academic  learning  began  to  decay. 
The  people  seemed  to  rejoice  that  the  life-blood  of 
French  letters  was  drying  up,  and  the  noblest  spi- 
rits turned  from  the  now  mouldering  Universities 
towards  this  new  and  youthful  impulse.  We  may 
well  believe  that  the  Northern  (or  Saxon)  element, 
when  vanquished  at  the  seats  of  learning  by  its 
Southern  rival,  put  forth  its  strength  in  a  new  field, 
and  fought  for  a  nobler  prize,  the  heart  of  the  na- 
tion. The  University  became  the  more  severed 
from  public  sympathy,  the  more  the  people  awoke 
to  the  feeling  that  they  were  true-born  Englishmen. 

M 


162  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIBS. 


$  83.  Rise  of  a  National  Spirit. 

Meanwhile  also  the  Scottish  wars  had  heightened 
the  national  consciousness  of  power,  and  yet  more 
the  wars  under  Edward  III.  and  the  Black  Prince, 
and  those  under  Henry  IV.  and  Henry  V. ;  heroes, 
who  for  a  century  together  led  the  English  armies 
to  conquest.  Native  commercial  companies  like- 
wise were  formed,  as  early  as  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury ;  and  the  Island-people,  surely,  though  slowly, 
was  assuming  its  natural  possession, — the  commerce 
of  the  world,  and  mastery  by  sea.  Nor  were  the 
fearful  convulsions  of  civil  war  which  followed,  so 
injurious,  as  might  be  supposed,  to  the  national 
developement.  Their  chief  eflfect  was  to  ruin  or 
extirpate  the  old  nobility,  whose  blood  flowed  in 
torrents  in  the  field  of  battle  or  on  the  scaffold,  and 
whose  estates  were  lost  by  confiscation  or  usury. 
In  fact  this  proved  rather  advantageous  to  the 
ascendancy  of  the  Saxon  element. 


$  84.  The  Universities  dwindle  into  mere  ecclesias- 

tical  schools. 

Henceforward,  the  laity  cared  little  for  the  Uni- 
versities, which  thus  became  a  mere  clerical  popu- 
lation. The  diminution  of  numbers  was  so  great, 
that  (Wood  informs  us)  out  of  two  hundred  schools 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  163 

which  had  once  been  filled^  only  twenty  were  in  use 
in  the  year  1 450 :  and  in  an  academic  detail  of 
grievances^  dated  1438^  we  read:  ^'Outof  so  many 
thousand  students,  which  are  reported  to  have  been 
here  at  a  former  time,  not  one  thousand  now  re- 
mains to  us."  In  a  certain  sense,  we  may  say  that 
the  Universities  rel^sed  into  their  primitive  con- 
dition, as  mere  schools  for  Ecclesiastics;  and  the 
consequences  of  this  must  be  farther  detailed. 


§  85.  Their  doubtful  position,  half  clerical,  half  lay . 

The  Universities  were  never  regarded  as  strictly 
ecclesiastical  corporations.  Amphibious  indeed  they 
were ;  for  they  were  tcuved  with  the  clerical  orders : 
but  their  orators  appeared  only  on  extraordinary 
occasions  in  the  ecclesiastical  councils,  and  then 
merely  as  representatives  of  the  learning  of  the  age. 
The  Reformation ^ made  no  change  in  this;  as  is 
clear  from  the  fact,  that  their  deputies  sit  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  But  though  they  are  thus 
non-clerical,  their  abandonment  by  the  laity  threw 
them  back  into  dependence  on  the  Church,  and 
made  their  contact  with  it  more  frequent,  and  of 
greater  importance.  The  ecclesiastical  element 
became  inordinately  predominant  within  them,  and 
of  course  stamped  their  whole  being.  Yet  so  far 
from  thinking  of  replacing  themselves  under  the 
guardianship  of  their  Ordinaries,  they  sought  to 


164  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

free  themselves  from  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bmy,  from  the  Convocation  and  even  from  the 
Papal  Legates ;  and  to  place  themselves  in  direct 
contact  with  the  Pope  himself.  Nor  was  the  en- 
deavour unreasonable,  when  so  many  and  diverse 
ecclesiastical  corporations  took  part  in  the  acade- 
mic studies  —  especially  the'  Dominicans^  Fran- 
ciscans and  Augustinians.  The  contests  of  the 
Universities  with  their  Ordinaries,  and  their  Arch- 
deacons; with  the  Archbishops  and  vdth  the 
Monastic  orders,  occupy  no  small  place  in  their 
history  at  this  period:  but  I  must  reserve  an 
account  of  these  matters  for  another  place.  On  the 
whole  however,  the  struggle  wrought  out  a  result 
altogether  satisfactory  to  the  Universities. 


§  86.  State  of  the  University  Finances. 

At  this  period  the  Universities  were  undoubtedly 
poor.  As  early  as  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
they  attained  some  small  property  in  land  and 
houses,  beside  money,  books  and  other  valuables ; 
chiefly  by  presents  and  legacies.  This  source  of 
income  kept  increasing  after  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century :  but  on  the  other  hand,  those 
revenues  kept  decreasing,  which  were  drawn  from 
students  and  from  all  other  matriculated  persons, 
as  well  as  from  those  who  in  any  way  came  into 
the  Chancellor's  Court.*    It  is  impossible  to  give 

*    See  Note  (33)  at  the  end. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  165 

details  which  would  establish  any  satisfactory  com- 
putation: nor  is  it  easy  to  explain  the  items  of 
extant  documents  on  this  subject.  But  it  is  certain 
that  the  Universities  were  supposed  by  their  con- 
temporaries to  be  poor  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
and,  could  we  believe  their  own  lamentations,  it 
was  a  poverty  truly  pitiable.  Testimony,  however 
of  greater  weight  is  here  accessible  to  us,  that  of 
kings  and  bishops."*^ 

Indeed  as  late  as  the  year  1430,  the  University 
begged  of  the  Convocation  some  aid,  "  were  it  ever 
so  smaU,"  towards  the  expences  of  its  Orators  who 
went  to  the  Council  of  Basel. 


§  87.  On  the  Endotvment  of  Professorships. 

In  such  a  state  of  things,  even  the  matters  of 
nearest  interest, — the  endowment  of  Professorships 
and  the  erecting  of  academic  buildings,  was  but 
negligently  carried  on.  The  former  object  had  be- 
come peculiarly  needful,  since  it  was  now  hard  for 
teachers  to  gain  a  decent  and  independent  living, 
under  so  great  a  decrease  of  students.  Indeed  it 
cannot  be  proved  that  there  was  ever  an  actually 
endowed  Professorship,  until  about  1430;  although 
a  century  and  a  half  earlier,  occasional  bounties! 
were  oflFered,  to  fix  teachers  in  the  University. 
In  the  year  1311,  Clement  VII.  called  upon  Oxford 

*  See  Note  (34)  at  the  end.  f  Wood  (1275). 


166  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

and  other  celebrated  seats  of  learning,  to  establish 
Professors*  Chairs  for*  the  Oriental  Languages ;  but 
without  effect.  That  indefatigable  benefactor  of 
the  University,  Humphrey  duke  of  Gloucester, 
founded  a  Chair  for  Arts  and  Philosophy ;  but  from 
some  insolidity  in  the  arrangements,  it  soon  disap- 
peared. At  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
countess  Margaret  of  Richmond  established  at  both 
Universities  the  well  known  Margaret-Professor- 
ships ;  to  which  succeeded  the  grander  institutions 
of  Henry  VIII.  But  even  these  have  never  attained 
the  same  importance  as  the  Professorships  of 
foreign  Universities.  It  wo\dd  seem,  the  English 
system  had  already  assumed  a  form,  which  con- 
demned the  University-Professor  to  be  but  a  very 
subordinate  character,  as  will  be  afterwards  more 
fully  explained.  It  moreover  is  to  be  noticed  that 
the  Professorships  were  set  on  foot,  not  by  the 
University,  but  by  its  ftiends  from  vdthout. 


§  88.   University  Libraries. 

As  regards  the  materials  of  erudition,  we  must 
not  look  for  museums  or  antiquarian  collections 
in  those  days:  but  books  came  naturally  within 
their  reach.  The  first  attempt  to  found  a  Uni- 
versity Library,  was  in  the  middle  of  the  four- 
teenth   century.       Two    considerable   legacies   of 

*  Wood  (1320). 


M^^fisr  pfJi'ifi^  N^-^jy  7IL 


THB  BN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES.  167 

books  had  been  received,  called  after  the  names  of 
the  donors,  Angerville  and  Cobham.  Arrangements 
for  a  [library  room  and  for  a  Chaplain-Librarian 
were  made  by  the  same  bequests.  Bat  after  the 
University  had  suffered  much  from  actions  at  law, 
entaUed  by  this  affair,  and  from  other  untoward 
events,  the  remnant  of  the  library  was  added  to  the 
collection  presented  by  "the  good  duke  Hum- 
phrey," about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
This  old  library  however,  was  destroyed  or  dis- 
persed by  the  Reformation,  though  it  contained 
five  hundred  volumes,  and,  relatively  to  the  wants 
of  the  time,  was  of  considerable  value  and  price. 
The  history  of  the  Cambridge  libraries  is  perfectly 
similar. 

^  89    University  Public  Buildings. 

With  academic  buildings  for  public  purposes  the 
scholars  were  miserably  provided  until  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century.  St.  Mary's  Church  and  its  de- 
pendencies  was  made  to  suffice.  There  the  Congre- 
gations and  Convocations,  there  the  Assemblies  and 
Councils,  the  public  Scholastic  Exercises,  (which 
included  Sermons,)  were  held:  there  too  the 
archives,  the  books,  the  monies  of  the  University 
were  preserved.  Only  the  most  important  docu- 
ments, for  greater  security,  were  kept  in  some 
friendly  neighbouring  monastery.* 

♦  Wood  (1248)  and  (1308). 


168  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

We   may  form  some  conception  of   the 
which  were  previously  employed,    when  we  hei 
that  even  in  the   fifteenth   century,  the   Maste 
would  assemble   their   classes  in   the  porches  i 
houses.    The  Conventual  Schools  alone  had  som 
good  Lecture-Rooms.     The  University  did  not  'm 
terfere  between  Master  and  scholars,  as  to  the  plai 
of  teaching;   being  satisfied  to  defend  them  i 
questions  of  rent  and  taxation.    By  the  Tbeologici 
Faculty  as  early  as  in  the  thirteenth  century  an  ar-i 
rangement  was  made  with  the  Augustinian  monki 
for  the  use  of  their  Room :   and  in  the  fifteenti 
the  Abbey  of  Osney  erected  ten  large  rooms*  foi 
Schools  in  Arts,  and  let  them  outtothe  Uuiversttyjl 
The  predominance  of  the  ecclesiastical  element  wai 
testified  remarkably,  by  the  erection  of  a  Theologi^fl 
cal  School  nearly  at  the  same  time,  for  which  thel 
University  begged  assistance  in  all  quarters.      Itl 
occupied  many  years  in  building,  and  was  opened 
in  1480 ;  and  to  this  day  stands  as  a  splendid  me- 
morial of  the  architecture  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
IV.     This  was  the  only  University  building  of  im- 
portance erected  before  the  Reformation,  and  the 
expences  (as  we  have  seen)  were  not  defrayed  from 
the  ordinary  sources  of  emolument. 

*    In  general  many  of  these  the  thin  attendance  of  ecbokn. 

remained  empty ;  either  because  The  rent  of  each,  school  wai 

the  rent  could  not  be  aiforded,  thirteen  diillings  and  fouipence. 

or  because  the  demand  was  so  — Wood,  ii.  22. 
meily  satisfied  at  that  time,  from 


— % '      jl 

^^^^*fc'^'"" 

'•il 

imm. 

~        '  ■    -^-li..-;—    "    ^'^  VI 

-^'- 

-^; 

-——-—p^ 

^ 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  169 


^  90.  Drawbacks  an  their  Financial  Prosperity. 

It  would  appear  that  legal  proceedings,  and  ne- 
gociations  at  the  King's  Court  or  at  Rome  generally 
absorbed  a  main  part  of  the  yearly  revenues.  The 
communication  of  the  University  with  Rome  had 
become  much  more  frequent  and  direct,  (as  we 
have  already  noticed :)  and  the  great  expence*  of 
this  was  a  drawback  on  the  advantage  gained  by 
emancipation  from  inferior  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties. At  the  same  time,  other  causes  prohibited  the 
finances  from  flourishing.  The  habits  of  the  age 
were  not  yet  such  as  to  allow  of  an  orderly  and 
simple  management  of  accounts  naturally  compli- 
cated. They  had  too  many  financial  officers,  and 
these  were  too  often  changed.  Every  legacy  had 
its  separate  chestf  and  separate  trustees:  so  that 
costs  were  much  increased  and  other  mismanage- 
ment inevitable.  Measures  of  precaution  and  reci- 
procal control  made  the  complexity  worse ;  to  say 
nothing  of  the  contests,  both  between  individuals  and 
Orders,  for  the  management  of  funds.  Under  such 
circumstances,  what  is  natural  to  mortal  man,  we 
must  infer,  happened  here  also ;  and  without  alleg- 
ing malversation,  or  pretending  to  documentary 
evidence,  one  may  believe  that  party  spirit  and 

*  See  Note  (34)  at  the  end :  also  Note  (35). 
t  Fuller  on  the  Cambr.  Visitation  of  1401. —  See  also  Wood 

(1293,  1317,  1336). 


170  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

personal  interest  did  its  part  in  wasting  or  misdi- 
recting the  scanty  funds.  It  is  certain  that  at  the 
Reformation  the  academic  treasury  was  found 
empty;  but  the  former  managers  might  plausibly 
assert^  that  they  had  spent  the  money^  as  was  rights 
in  defending  the  privileges  of  the  University :  and 
who  could  refute  the  assertion  ? 


$  91 .  General  poverty  of  the  Academicians. 

The  ordinary  poverty  of  the  Universities  and 
their  members  may  seem  to  be  attested  by  their 
begging  alms  on  every  extraordinary  occasion ;  a 
word  which  I  would  not  use  contemptuously,  but  I 
know  no  other  word  which  so  well  expresses  the 
actual  proceeding.  The  ecclesiastical  stamp  which 
the  Universities  had  received,  resulted  in  this ;  that 
the  pupils  were  nearly  aU  of  the  poorer  sort, —  the 
remuneration  of  the  common  clergy  being  scanty 
enough, —  so  that  in  fact  few  of  the  academic  popu- 
lation could  support  themselves.  Even  respectable 
families  who  sent  a  younger  son  into  the  Church, 
did  so  to  avoid  dividing  the  family  estate;  and 
after  sending  him  to  the  University,  grudgingly 
contributed  any  thing  to  his  maintenance,  thinking 
that  he  ought  to  be  provided  for  by  the  University, 
which  was  justly  looked-on  as  a  part  of  the  Church. 
Thus  Scholars  and  Teachers  were  alike  straitened. 
Numerous  benefactions   were   dependent   on  the 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  171 

lives  and  fortunes  of  the  donor,  or  were  liable  to  be 
wrecked  in  the  storms  of  those  times.  In  the  civil 
wars  of  the  Roses  even  real  estates  were  with  diffi- 
culty preserved,  and  all  other  possessions  vanished 
like  chaff  before  the  wind.  Under  the  first  Tudors 
a  partial  calm  was  followed  by  attacks  on  Church 
property,  forerunning  the  great  revolution  of  the 
time ;  and  the  distress  of  the  University  reached  its 
height.  Many  students  had  nothing  left  but  to 
betake  themselves  to  begging,  after  the  example  of 
Alma  Mater;  but  this  would  not  go  far. 


$  92.  Benefactions  from  Prelates  and  other  ^reat  men. 

The  last  gleam  of  light  which  the  poor  academi- 
cians had  received,  was  in  the  reign  of  Henry  \I., 
who,  beside  founding  King's  College,  gave  many 
benefactions  and  stipends  to  scholars.  It  was  also 
the  custom  for  Prelates  and  other  great  men  to 
maintain  a  certain  number  of  students  at  their  own 
expence.  Indeed,  after  the  Bishops  attached  them- 
selves to  the  Royal  Court,  they  gradually  diminished 
or  vdthdrew  their  benefactions:  most  of  them  among 
the  intrigues  of  party  forgetting  every  thing  but  to 
look  after  their  own  interests  and  court  the  favor 
of  the  Sovereign.  Yet  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
some  of  the  Bishops  and  Prelates  most  creditably 
performed  their  duty  to  the  Universities,  by  sti- 
pends, donations,  and   legacies;   indeed  we   have 


172  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

both  express  and  indirect  testimony  to  the  fact. 
Every  circumstance  of  those  times  thus  tended  to 
make  the  Universities  more  and  more  intimately 
dependent  on  the  Church. 

Ecclesiastical  endowments  were  another  more 
considerable  livelihood  for  the  academicians ;  and 
on  the  lowest  step  of  this  Church-ladder,  we  find 
the  poor  scholars  and  masters.  Even  these,  after 
the  necessary  ordination,  might  hope  to  gain  a 
slender  subsistence  by  reading  Mass.  Those  who 
obtained  the  higher  prize  of  one  or  more  benefices, 
must  often  have  found  diflficulty  in  combining  the 
vocations  of  a  parish  priest  and  of  an  academic 
teacher.  But  the  same  difficulties  still  exist,  and 
are  yet  surmounted ;  nor  could  it  have  been  harder 
then  than  now,  to  evade  the  laws  of  the  Church  or 
to  obtain  a  dispensation. 


$  93.  Church'Livings,  how  far  bestowed  on  Members 

of  the  Universitif, 

Not  only  must  the  number  of  the  students  have 
depended  greatly  upon  the  number  of  benefices 
ultimately  attainable  in  this  channel ;  but  the  aca- 
demic studies  were  become  only  means  to  the  end 
of  attaining  some  such  living.  The  scholar  was 
reared  for  the  Church ;  and  the  Master  existed  for 
the  Church,  which  finally  determined  his  position. 
But  as  usual,  more  came  to  compete  for  the  scanty 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  173 

prizes,  than  could  be  rewarded :  and  the  complamts 
which  rise  towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury swell  louder  and  louder  at  the  end  of  the 
fourteenth,  that  the  scholars  raised  for  the  Church 
are  neglected  in  the  bestowal  of  patronage. 

The  direct  interference  of  Rome  to  fill  up  foreign 
benefices,  had  caused  in  England,  as  elsewhere, 
great  bitterness :  more  peculiarly,  because  Italians 
or  other  non-resident  and  unknown  persons  were 
appointed  to  the  revenues.  Out  of  this  abuse  rose 
the  celebrated  and  rigorous  statute  of  Pramunirey* 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III. :  and  Protestant  writers 
are  unanimous  in  ascribing,  eminently  to  this  Papal 
practice,  as  well  as  to  other  parts  of  the  Romish 
system,  the  decay  of  the  Universities.  But  this  is 
a  very  one-sided  view,  and  quite  untenable.  The 
Parliamentary  enactments  of  Edward  III.  were 
rigorously  executed  in  England,  and  all  complaints 
against  that  particular  abuse  soon  ceased  entirely. 
But  it  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  Church-patronage 
was  any  the  better  bestowed,  when  confined  to 
native  holders  and  native  clergy ;  and  it  is  certain 
that  the  Universities  in  particular  gained  nothing 
by  the  anti-Romish  system.  In  fact  after  the 
end  of  the  fourteenth  century  their  complaints 
against  the  Pramunire  are  still  more  frequent  and 
more  violent  than  they  had  been  against  the 
Papal  Provisions ;  insomuch  that  they  occasionally 

*   [It  declares  a  person  outlawed  by  the  very  feuit  of  corresponding 

with  Rome,  &c.] 


174  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIEff; 

extorted  from  the  King*  exceptions  in  their  own 
favor.  These  were  mere  temporary  alleviations : 
but  at  the  time  of  the  great  assemblies  of  the 
Church,  the  grievance  was  urged  so  forcibly,  that 
the  King  and  Prelates,  not  choosing  to  open  again 
the  way  for  Rome,  sought  for  another  remedy.  In 
the  convocation  of  14 17^  the  patrons  of  livings 
were  ordered  to  fill  up  their  appointments  in  part 
from  University-students,  according  to  a  fixed  ar- 
rangement. In  practice  however,  the  Universities 
were  the  first  to  object  to  the  working  of  the  sys- 
tem ;  nor  did  the  patrons  adhere  to  the  rule  pre- 
scribed. The  same  orders  were  re-enacted  by  tiie 
Prelates  in  1438,t  but  without  eflfect ;  which  is  not 
strange,  considering  the  political  aspect  of  the 
times.  The  Universities  gained  no  relief,  and  con- 
tinued to  reiterate  their  complaints. 

Thus  both  the  Romish  and  National  system  failed 
to  cooperate  aright  with  the  academico-ecclesias- 
tical  institutions:  and  whichever  system  was  at 
work,  appeared  by  far  the  more  oppressive  of  the 
two.  The  academicians  of  that  day,  forgetting  the 
past  and  feeling  the  present,  fell  into  panegyrics  of 
the  good  old  times,  with  the  usual  simplicity  or 
self-deception  of  human  nature.  Catholic  writers} 
have  made  a  dishonest  use  of  the  facts  for  party 

*  In  1392  and  1401  the  Par-         f  See  Wilkins*  Concilia,  (iii. 
liament  pleaded  for  exemption     881,  383,  399,  525). 
in  behalf  of  the  Universitiea. —         X  I  allude  particularly  to  Lin- 
(Rolls  of  Pari.  iv.  81.)  gard,   whom  it  is  not  easy  to 

acquit  of  this  reproach. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  175 

ends,  representing  the  decayed  state  of  the  Univer- 
sity in  the  latter  period  as  a  testimony  in  favour  of 
the  Rdmish  system  at  a  former.  Yet  more  melan- 
choly is  it  to  find  Protestants,  who,  shutting  their 
eyes  to  the  evils  of  the  later  system,  imagine  the 
Papal  provisions  to  have  been  the  grievance,  and 
unblushingly  persevere  in  this  statement!  Is  it 
indeed  so  incredible,  that  the  bestowal  of  lay  and 
crown-patronage  should  have  been  guided  less  by 
religious  and  intellectual  worth,  than  by  personal 
and  worldly  motives  ?  Those  who  know  how  such 
patronage  is  now  exercised,  and  how  it  affects  theo- 
logical studies,  might  be  expected  to  give  a  shrewd 
guess  how  matters  stood  then :  and  indeed  it  would 
be  well  for  modem  churches  to  learn  from  history 
the  baneful  effects  of  these  secular  influences. 


$  94.  Cantrcist  of  the  then  resident  Academicians  to 
those  of  an  earlier  and  those  of  a  later  period. 

When  there  was  such  a  check  on  the  outflowing 
of  the  academic  population,  the  internal  stagnation 
was  certain  ultimately  to  diminish  the  influx  of 
students;  and  we  might  well  presume  (what  in 
fact  we  find  expressly  testified)  that  the  scanty 
prospects  of  church  promotion  kept  great  numbers 
away.  But  though  plethora  in  the  academic  body 
was  thus  obviated,  active  life  was  not  thereby 
generated :  but  torpidity  and  decrepitude  was  the 


176 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


result.  The  resident  Masters  who  gained  a  scanty 
maintenance  there,  lingering  on  in  vain  hope  of 
promotion  elsewhere,  formed  a  stable  element  of 
the  academic  population.  The  proportion  which 
they  bore  to  the  shifting  and  variable  element  of 
the  younger  men,  was  much  smaller  at  first  than 
afterwards;  for  the  number  of  those  expectants 
kept  increasing,  while  the  stream  of  students  was 
ever  lessening.  From  mere  numerical  inferiority 
therefore,  they  must  have  had  less  influence  than 
at  a  later  time.  In  a  moral  point  of  view,  their 
contrast  to  the  ancient  Teacher- Aristocracy  is  most 
striking.  These  attached  themselves  to  the  Uni- 
versities fi*om  fi*ee  will, —  and  generally  from  a 
love  of  learning,  —  in  an  atmosphere  of  vigorous 
intellectual  activity.  Their  more  modem  repre- 
sentatives remained  imprisoned  and  pining  after 
a  benefice,  embittered  by  neglect  and  disappoint- 
ment, humbled  ofttimes  by  having  to  ask  downright 
alms ;  while  a  general  stagnation  of  intellectual 
life  prevailed  around  them.* 


*  The  following  is  from  an 
academic  detail  of  grievances, 
in  1438:  "And  thus  in  truth, 
fathers,  in  the  raging  of  the 
wars  and  scarcity  of  food  and 
money,  our  kingdom  is  impo- 
verished; and  as  for  the  mode- 
rate reward  due  to  virtue  and 
study,  few  give  any  thing  to 
the  University.  Our  Halls  and 
Lodgings  are  ruined ;  the  doors 
of  our  schools  and  lecture  rooms 


closed  ;  while  of  the  many  thou- 
sand students  which  report  says 
once  existed  here,  not  one  thou- 
sand is  left.  This  remnant  is 
weary  of  life,  and  after  most 
laborious  study,  has  attained 
neither  reward  nor  even  honor. 
Some  even  work  on  to  old  age, 
men  of  the  greatest  wisdom,  ex- 
pecting in  vain  the  fruits  of  their 
good  works,"  &c.,  &c. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  177 


4  95.  Fellowships  gradually  become  tenable  for  an 

unlimited  time. 

The  earliest  Colleges  were  by  no  means  intended 
to  afford  their  members  a  permanent  maintenance, 
but  to  assi3t  clerical  students  through  their  course 
of  study,  which  might  last  from  ten  to  fifteen  years. 
But  when  this  time  was  completed,  and  no  promo- 
tion opened  to  them,  could  they  be  turned  out  into 
the  streets  and  consigned  to  want  and  misery  ?  It 
was  against  nature  to  enforce  such  a  thing.  In  the 
older  Colleges  the  practice  gradually  established 
itself,  (though  it  was  looked  on  as  a  necessary 
evil,)  that  the  Fellows  retained  their  stipends  until 
they  obtained  some  benefice :  and  this  became  the 
understood  or  expressed  rule  in  those  of  later  foun- 
dation. As  then,  in  the  political  tempests  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  nearly  all  other  stipends  disap- 
peared,  and  the  whole  academic  population  dimin- 
ished, the  College-Fellows  became  gradually  the 
actual  stem  of  the  University.  The  pecuniary  sup- 
port which  they  received,  gave  tijem  a  fixed  hold 
on  the  spot,  and  as  they  generally  became  Masters, 
and  in  fact,  applied  themselves  to  the  business  of 
teaching,  they  naturally  succeeded  to  the  authority 
of  the  ancient  Teacher-Aristocracy.  The  academic 
Ufe  was  indeed  but  little  quickened  by  this  means, 
yet  it  was  kept  from  dying  out  entirely.  It  may 
be  hardly  needftil  to  add,  that  the  relationship  of 


M 


178  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  Fellows  to  their  College,  quite  preponderated 
over  that  which  united  them  to  the  University  or 
to  their  Pupils. 


^  96.  The  Colleges  are  elevated  into  constituent  and 
necessary  parts  of  the  University. 

The  Colleges,  it  must  be  distinctly  kept  in  mind, 
were  primarily  convictoria  or  boarding-houses ;  and 
as  such,  were  in  a  certain  sense  representatives  of 
the  older  institutions  which  bore  the  latter  name. 
This  circumstance  aided  them  in  assuming  power 
over  the  independent  students  who  derived  no  emo- 
lument from  their  funds.  ♦ 

The  University  was  of  itself  retiring  as  it  were 
into  the  background,  in  comparison  with  the  Col- 
leges, from  the  natural  working  of  circumstances : 
but  this  was  aided  also  by  direct  legislation.  As 
in  former  ages,  it  had  been  a  rule  that  every  aca- 
demician should  reside  in  some  boarding  house; 
(a  rule  constantly  violated,  when  the  vast  numbers 
could  be  hardly  anyhow  thus  accommodated ;)  this 
was  again  called  into  life,  and  was  interpreted 
to  mean  that  independent  students  should  subject 
themselves  to  the  authority  of  the  Colleges,*  where 
they  had   to  defray   from  their   own   means  the 

*  Or  else,  of  the  few  Halls,  convictorium  or  boarding-house, 
which  were  generaUy  dependent  under  a  Principal.  At  Cam- 
on  the  Colleges.  A  Hall  at  bridge,  the  Halls  and  Colleges 
Oxford   means   an   unendowed  differ  only  in  name. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIYERSITIB8.  l79 

e2q[>ence  of  lodging,  food,  and  tuition — a  measure  by 
which  also  the  revenue  of  the  establishment  was 
helped.  I  have  already  alluded  to  the  great  ex- 
cesses committed  by  many  of  the  independent  stu- 
dents,—  even  theft,  robbery  and  murder, —  when 
the  organization  of  the  nations  was  dissolved,  and 
vagabonds  technically  called  "  Chamber-dekyns"* 
joined  them,  claiming  the  name  and  rights  of 
gownsmen.  It  rose  to  such  a  dreadful  height,  that 
King,  Church  and  Parliament  were  stirred  up  by 
the  magnitude  of  the  evil,  nor  is  it  wonderful  that 
the  University  sought  to  check  it,  by  forcing  every 
student  to  place  himself  under  the  supervision  of  a 
College.  This  might  be  felt  as  a  hardship  by  some, 
but  the  well  disposed  would  acquiesce  under  it  as 
the  less  of  two  evils. 


$  97.  Final  establishment  of  a  single  Nationality 

within  the  Universities. 

It  is  worth  stating  that  the  Northemmen  were 
the  last  to  be  absorbed  into  the  Colleges.  They  were 
probably  of  themselves  peculiarily  averse  to  it,  and 
they  were  also  for  some  time  purposely  kept  out 
by  the  opposite  and  uncongenial  element,  wherever 
it  had  sway.  When  however  in  the  full  devel- 
opement  of  English  nationality,  the  distinction  of 

*  Chamber-dekjm ;  a  corruption  of  Camerd  degens,  living  in 
his  chamber,  or  lodgings ;  as  opposed  to  those  who  lived  in  a  College. 


180  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Northern  and  Southern  was  lost,  the  contrast  of 
the  Englishman  to  the  Scotch,  Welsh  and  Irish, 
became  so  much  the  stronger.  From  the  last  three 
nations  chiefly  came  the  raff  and  rabble  of  the 
academicians ;  and  considering  the  times,  it  is  not 
wonderful  that  the  severest  laws  were  enacted, 
bearing  expressly  on  scholars  of  these  nations. 
Being  in  fact  hordes  of  hungry  beggars,  with  ab- 
solutely no  means  of  sustaining  themselves,  they 
were  easily  driven  into  violences  of  every  kind. 
Poaching  was  their  favorite  mode  of  life,  and  this 
is  but  a  step  distant  from  worse  crime.  No  wonder 
that  the  English  antipathy  to  them  was  strongly 
called  forth,  and  that  the  Colleges  (founded  by  and 
for  Englishmen)  should  determine  to  subjugate  or 
expel  them.  The  wars  with  Scotland  and  the  re- 
peated struggles  of  expiring  Welsh  independence, 
served  to  exasperate  a  contest,  which  of  course 
ended  in  the  complete  victory  of  the  English. 


$  98.     The  Colleges  gradually  obtain    University 

Supremacy. 

Meanwhile,  the  Colleges  continued  to  multiply, 
and  to  increase  in  at  least  relative  opulence ;  and 
in  spite  of  opposition,  and  of  some  very  violent 
disturbances,  the  system  worked  on  and  on ;  the 
University  gradually  dissolving  itself  into  these 
parasitic    institutions.      The    whole    direction    of 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  181 

public  affairs  fell  of  its  own  accord  to  the  Heads  of 
Colleges,  and  the  course  of  University-studies  was 
practically  determined  by  the  College-tuition.  All 
inducement  for  Theological  and  Canonical  studies 
fell  away,  and  of  Arts  there  remained  only  a  scanty 
and  mechanical  system.  Even  this  too  would  have 
been  lost,  had  not  a  seat  and  voice  in  academic 
affairs,  and  many  advantages  in  the  Colleges,  been 
still  connected  with  the  Master's  degree.  To  ob- 
tain this  degree  somehow  or  other,  was  generally 
the  sole  end  of  the  barbarous  exercises  which  had 
taken  the  place  of  study ;  until,  about  the  end  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  the  spirit  of  Classical  Anti- 
quity revived  this  caput  mortuum. 


$  99.    The  disputes  of  the    Colleges  against  other 
Parties  are  confined  to  a  war  of  words. 

After  the  beginning  of  that  century,  we  hear 
little  of  the  violent  movements  of  the  academicians, 
directed  to  the  maintenance  of  their  rights  and  pri- 
vileges. Putting  aside  the  mere  rabble  who  aimed 
at  riot  or  plunder, —  the  animal  spirits  of  the  stu- 
dents had  been  greatly  tamed ;  and  the  only  occa- 
sions on  which  they  came  to  blows  concerning  any 
academical  interests,  are  found  in  the  collision  of 
national  antipathies  in  the  Colleges.  There  was 
indeed  no  lack  of  disputes ;  but  the  peaceful  and 
almost   monkish    position    of   the  parties   chiefly 


182  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

concerned,  led  them  to  prefer  decision  by  competent 
judges,  before  whom  they  pleaded  with  word  or 
pen.  This  applies  to  the  disputes  between  the 
University  and  the  Town,  to  those  with  diflFerent 
orders  of  Monks,  and  those  between  the  several 
Faculties ;  the  influence  of  which  in  the  develope- 
ment  of  the  academic  system  will  be  treated  more 
at  length  hereafter. 


§  100.    Chaucer  s  Picture  of  a  Scholar. 

The  prevailing  type  of  a  true  scholar  at  the  end 
of  the  foor.ee/fl.T,.mry  ^y  b,  found  in  the 
Uving  picture  painted  by  the  great  poet  of  the 
age :  —  I  only  regret  that  we  have  not  a  similar 
one,  from  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

A  clerk  ther  was  of  Oxenford  also. 
That  unto  logik  hadde  long  ygo. 
As  lene  was  his  hors  as  is  a  rake. 
And  he  was  not  right  fat,  I  undertake  ; 
But  looked  holwe*  and  thereto  soberlye. 
Ful  thredbare  was  his  overest  courtepie. 
For  he  had  geien  him  yet  no  benefice, 
Ne  was  not  wordlyf  to  have  an  office. 
For,  him  was  leverj  have  at  his  beddes  hed 
Twenty  bookes  clothed  in  blake  or  red 
Of  Aristotle  and  his  philosophic. 
Then  robes  riche  or  fidel  or  sautrie.$ 

*  hollow.         I  liever,  liefer,  t.  e,  more  glad,  or,  more  desirable, 
t  [In  some  editions,  worldly.]         §  psaltery. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  183 

But  allbe  that  he  was  a  philosophre. 
Yet  hadde  he  but  littel  of  gold  in  cofire ; 
But  all  that  he  might  of  his  friends  hente,'*' 
On  bookes  and  on  learning  he  it  spente ; 
And  besily  'gan  for  the  soul's  praie 
Of  hemf  that  gave  him  wherewith  to  scholaie.^ 
Of  studie  took  he  most  care  and  hede. 
Not  a  worde  spake  he  more  than  was  nede ; 
And  that  was  said  in  forme  and  reverence. 
And  short  and  quicke  and  fill  of  high  sentence. § 
Souningll  in  moral  vertue  was  his  speche, 
And  gladly  wolde  he  leme  and  gladly  teche. 

That  not  all  scholars  were  so  worthy,  is  shown  to 
us  by  Chancer  immediately  afterwards,  in  the  tale 
of  the  Miller  and  in  that  of  the  Reve. 


§101.    Meagreness  of  the  external  history  of  the 

University  during  this  period. 

The  external  history  of  the  Universities  in  this 
era,  is  naturally  meagre  enough.  The  only  matter 
of  importance  is  the  suppression  of  the  Wickliffites 
and  persecution  of  the  Lollards  ;  which  must  enter 
a  history  rather  of  the  Church,  than  of  the  Univerr 
sities.  There  are  points  in  this  which  remain  to  be 
cleared  up.  It  has  been  alledged  by  some,  that  a 
rejection  of  the  Wickliffites  was  obtained  by  unfair 

*  take,  seize.  t  them.  J  to  study. 

§  sentiment.         ||  sounding. 


184  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

means ;  but  for  this  opinion  I  find  no  good  autho- 
rity. They  seem  to  have  been  a  strong  minority, 
having  an  inward  energy  which  might  have  raised 
them  into  a  majority,  but  for  the  interference  of  the 
highest  powers  from  without.  Except  in  this  con- 
troversy, the  University  at  this  period  partook  in 
the  national  movements  in  one  sense  only :  viz.  in 
the  great  danger  or  loss  of  their  revenues  by  civO 
storms.  But  all  public  interest  in  them  and  their 
doings  was  lost,  and  they  appeared  as  it  were  iso- 
lated from  the  national  existence,  in  which  the 
Northern  element  was  more  and  more  prevailing. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  COLLEGES  AND  THE  REVIVAL  OF  CLASSICAL 
STUDIES  IN  THE  UNIVERSITIES. 


^  102.  Different  treatment  which   this  subject  h(xs 
received  from  most  English  Writers. 

It  is  proper  to  connect  the  two  subjects  as  here 
announced.  For  it  was  to  the  renew^ed  study  of  the 
Classics  that  the  Colleges  owed  their  elevation ;  and 
the  grander  foundations  were  in  fact  a  result  of  the 
stimulus  given  by  the  same  cause  to  the  nobler 
spirits  of  the  nation. 

We  must  not  be  expected  to  treat  of  the  Colleges 
in  the  same  spirit  as  English  writers  have  done. 
With  them  the  University  has  appeared  in  a  light  so 
subordinate,  that  one  might  imagine  it  existed  only 
in  and  by  the  Colleges.  Hence,  while  they  pass* 
most  slightly  over   all  the   earlier   developements 

*  Of  course  I  do  not  here  speak  of  Wood.     But  alter  all,  he  does 

but  give  materiah,  not  a  history. 


186  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

of  the  University  organization,  they  dweU  on  the 
details  of  the  history  of  each  College  with  a  dif- 
fiiseness  which  would  occur  to  no  one  out  of 
England.  Great  allowance  must  be  made  for  the 
sort  of  pious  attachment*  to  localities,  to  persons 
and  families,  (one  symptom  of  conscious  camforU 
ablenesSy)  which  generally  inspires  the  extraordinary 
mass  of  book-gossip  to  which  the  nation  is  prone. 
Yet  a  history  compiled  in  the  spirit  of  the^e  Oxford 
writers  would  give  us  nothing  but  a  dead  and  spi- 
ritless heap  of  facts,  often  leading  us  far  astray 
from  the  true  conception  of  the  times  described. 
Biographical  notices  of  benefactors  or  of  other 
College-worthies,  must  not  be  expected  of  tis ;  nor 
details  concerning  the  funds  or  the  buildings  of 
separate  Colleges.  Assuredly  such  topics  may  be 
treated  worthily.  If  viewed  from  a  higher  elevation ; 
but  in  a  general  account  they  cannot  be  made 
prominent. 


$   103.   Uncertainty  as  to  the  form  of  the  earliest 

Colleges. 

The  earliest  Colleges  date  their  origin  as  far  back 
as  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century;  but  the 
question,  in  what  year  they  rose,  is  embarrassed  by 
the  uncertain  meaning  attached  to  the  word  College. 

*  It  is  disappearing  so  £ast,  that  there  is  little  danger  of  excess  of 

it  in  future. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  187 

We  suppose  it  to  be  a  corporation  which  lives  at  a 
common  table,  assisted  by  revenues  derived  from 
land,  having  also  academical  studies  .for  its  object, 
and  standing  in  connection  with  a  literary  Univer- 
sity. To  possess  and  dwell  in  a  peculiar  building 
naturally  follows,  yet  does  not  appear  to  be  indis- 
pensable. Being  a  corporation,  it  must  have 
Statutes,  or  the  right  of  enacting  them ;  also  the 
power  of  directing  its  own  aflFairs  and  securing  the 
right  appUcation  of  its  funds.  Whatever  may  be 
said  to  the  contrary,  to  us  it  appears  clear  that  the 
Colleges  are  civil,  not  ecclesiastical,  corporations ; 
although  many  of  their  members  may  have  been 
ecclesiastics,  and  the  bodies  themselves  may  have 
acquired  clerical  immunities.  • 


$   104.  On  the  Halls. 

The  Halls  are  distinguished  from  the  Colleges, 
primarily,  in  their  want  of  all  material  founda- 
tions. From  the  earliest  times,  as  we  have  often 
said.  Halls  existed,  over  which  an  academic  teacher 
generally  presided,  (a  Regent-Master,)  who  some- 
times as  a  sort  of  speculation  set  up  at  his  own  cost 
what  we  may  shortly  designate  as  a  boarding- 
school  of  a  higher  kind.*  A  Hall  under  such  a 
Principal  could  not  have  even  the  appearance  of  a 
corporation.      But  at  other  times  several  scholars 

*  See  Note  (36)  at  the  end. 


188  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

would  agree  to  live   together  as  a  society,  and 
having  provided  and  furnished  their  own  dwelling, 
proceeded  to  choose  their  own  Director,  who  might 
or  might  not  be  their  teacher.     Of  this  fact  we 
have  express  mention ;  but  how  far  the  University 
interfered,  to  restrict  their  choice  of  a  Director,  is 
unknown.     Such  a  Hall,  while  it  subsisted,  had 
all  the  attributes  of  a  corporation,  and  was  recog- 
nized as  such  by  the  University.     Express  incor- 
poration was  probably  thought  of  by  no  one ;  and 
it  is  not  credible  that  the  oldest  Halls,  which  had 
been  regarded  as  corporations  for  centuries  past, 
could  have  produced  records  in  proof  of  their  claim 
to  the  title.     But  the  want  of  permanent  property 
has  distinguished  them  from  the  Colleges.     Some 
of  them  indeed  gradually  acquired  such  property, 
—  whether  by   dispensation  from  the  Statute    of 
mortmain,  or  by  evasion  or  violation  of  it, — and  in 
this  way  gradually  passed  over  into  the  position  of 
Colleges.     (This  has  happened  with  all  the  societies 
still  called  Halls  at  Cambridge.)    But  in  such  cases 
it  is  extremely  difficult  to  fix  the  exact  year  in  which 
the  society  first  became  a  College :  and  to  search  in 
parchment  only  for  the  decision  of  a  question  which 
is  one  of  inward  growth  and  developement,  is  quite 
a  mistaken  and  lifeless  process.     Indeed  between 
the  two  states  of  Hall  and  College,  there  may  have 
been  something  intermediate, — that  of  a  stipendiary 
foundation  —  while  as  yet  the  management  of  the 
funds  were  in  other  hands  :  to  illustrate  which,  it  is 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  189 

worth  while  to  addace  some  details*  from  the  his- 
tory of  University  College,  Oxford. 


$105.  Details  concerning  University  CollegeyOxford. 

William  de  Durham,  who  died  in  1249,  be- 
queathed to  the  University  three  hundred  and  ten 
marks,  for  the  benefit  of  ten  or  twelve  poor  Masters 
from  Durham  or  the  neighbourhood.  The  Chan- 
cellor accordingly  put  out  the  money  to  interest, 
with  the  approval  of  the  Doctors  of  Divinity ;  and 
divided  the  proceeds  among  the  parties  interested. 
In  a  few  years  however,  the  money  was  invested  in 
houses ;  and  certainly  as  early  as  the  year  1 280  the 
matter  developed  itself  into  an  entirely  new  form. 
What  had  happened  in  the  interim,  we  can  but 
guess ;  but  at  the  date  of  which  we  speak  so  many 
abuses  and  such  mismanagement  were  discovered, 
that  a  Commission,!  appointed  by  the  University  to 
settle  the  whole  affair,  gave  over  the  management 
in  future  to  four  of  the  legatees,  and  constituted 
them  all  after  the  model  of  what  we  now  call  a 
College.  The  number  of  the  Fellows  was  to  be 
increased  according  to  circumstances,  and  the  Sta- 
tutes to  be  extended  or  modified.  Legacies  after- 
wards received,  enabled  them  to  effect  the  former 

*  I  make  use  only  of  the  ac-  College,   and   the  best  known 

counts  given  by  Wood.     I  have  works  on  Oxford  contain  nothing 

not  been  able  to  get  a  sight  of  new. 
Smith's   History  of  University         f  See  Note  (37)  at  the  end. 


190  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

object,  and  to  purchase  a  house  which  to  this  day 
forms  part  of  their  extensive  and  rather  handsome 
buildings.  New  Statutes  were  added  in  1313, 
and  these  again  were  modified  in  1475.  But  we 
cannot  go  into  details ;  and  it  is  enough  to  have 
shown,  how  gradual  was  the  passage  from  a  mere 
stipendiary  establishment  into  a  coUegiate  body, 
residing  within  the  same  walls,  with  Statutes  of 
their  own  and  a  Principal. 


^106.  On  Merton  College. 

But  before  this  establishment  had  completed  its 
transition,  Merton  College  shot  up  all  at  once,  and 
gave  a  pattern  for  others  to  follow.  Its  founder, 
Walter  de  Merton,  Chancellor  of  England  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  III.,  had  passed  through  every 
grade  of  rank,  and  was  animated  by  an  intelligent 
attachment  to  learning,  to  the  Church,  and  to  his 
native  land.  The  foundation-documents  display  his 
distinct  insight  into  the  wants  of  the  times,  and  his 
consciousness  of  the  importance  of  his  scheme.  In 
1264  he  obtained  from  the  King  and  the  Pope  full 
authority  to  proceed,  and,  the  very  next  year,  he 
opened  his  College  at  Oxford,  in  a  house  which  had 
belonged  to  the  Abbey  of  Reading.  The  establish- 
ment was  enlarged  both  in  1270  and  1274  ;  and  in 
the  latter  year  it  seems  that  certain  scholars  who 
had  been  studying  under  his  patronage  at  Maiden 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


191 


in  Surrey,  migrated  to  Oxford.  He  made  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  Visitor  of  the  College,  and 
authorized  him  to  elect  from  the  Fellows  a  Head, 
called  the  Warden.  The  yearly  income  of  the  Fel- 
lows was  fixed  at  fifty  shillings,  and  their  number' 
was  to  be  increased  according  to  circumstances.* 


$107.  Other  Colleges^ — especially  Balliol. 


His  example  was  followed  at  Cambridge  earlier 
than  at  Oxford;  except  that  the  completion  of 
University  College,  Oxford,  may  have  been  acceler- 
ated by  the  impulse  given  from  Merton.  But  even 
before  this,  already  in  1274,t  Hugh  de  Balsham, 
Prince-Bishop  of  Ely,  had  founded  the  first  College 
at  Cambridge,  called  Domus  Sancti  Petri,  (Peter 
House).  At  the  same  time  another  stipendiary 
establishment  at  Oxford  began  to  develope  itself 
into  the  collegiate  form.  John  Balliol,  of  Bar- 
nard's Castle  in  Yorkshire,  (father  of  John  Balliol, 


*  Wright  endeavours  to  show 
in  a  note  to  page  76  of  his  edi- 
tion of  Fuller's  History,  that 
Walter  de  Merton  founded  even 
earlier,  or  at  least  at  the  same 
time  with  his  well  known  Col- 
lege in  Oxford,  a  similar  estab- 
lishment at  Cambridge :  never- 
theless, I  must  confess  that 
the  documentary  passages  there 
cited  do  not  convince  me  of  the 
fact,  but  merely  prove  according 
to  my  opinion  (what  is  already 


partly  known)  that  the  scholares 
domus  de  Merton  at  Oxford,  had 
likewise  considerable  possessions 
in  Cambridge  as  well  as  in  the 
County.  [From  the  Appendices,'] 
t  There  are  no  grounds  for 
fixing  the  date  1256,  commonly 
assigned  for  this  College.  Whar- 
ton however  in  his  Anglia  Sacra, 
(i.  p.  74)  represents  a  document 
of  die  year  1274  to  make  men- 
tion oi  Peter  House ;  and  I  know 
no  reason  for  doubting  the  fact 


192  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  Pretender-King  of  Scotland,)  had  maintained^ 
daring  his  life  time,  several  poor  scholars  at 
Oxford.  He  died  in  1269,  but  not  without  ear- 
nestly recommending  to  his  wife  Dervorguilla  to 
'further  and  extend  his  plans.  By  the  advice  of 
her  Father-Confessor,  the  Minorite  Richard  Slick- 
bury,  she  collected  into  a  single  house  all  who 
were  receiving  the  stipend,  increased  the  endow- 
ment, gave  them  .(in  1282)  express  Statutes,  and  in 
1284  purchased  *)r  them  a  building  on  the  pre- 
sent site,  into  which  they  forthwith  removed.  Her 
scholars  had  the  right,  it  would  seem,  of  choosing 
two  Masters,  not  belonging  to  their  body,  as,  in 
some  sense,  their  Visitors ;  (at  least,  to  this  day, 
Balliol  is  the  only  College  which  boasts  of  choosing 
its  own  Visitor ;)  they  chose  also  their  own  Head, 
but  it  rested  with  the  Visitors  to  confirm  the 
choice.  The  scholars  were  enjoined  to  study  in 
Arts,  to  observe  temperance,  good  conduct.  Church- 
services,  masses  and  prayers  for  the  souls  of  the 
founders,  of  their  ancestors  and  their  posterity,  and 
to  use  only  the  Latin  language,  especially  in  their 
weekly  disputations.  The  number  of  those  who 
were  to  profit  by  the  endowment  was  originally 
sixteen,  each  of  whom  received  a  yearly  revenue  of 
seven  and  twenty  marks.  What  was  left  at  the 
common  meals  of  the  society  was  to  be  given  to 
poor  scholars. 

Henceforth  the  Universities  found  from  time  to 
time  more  or  less  generous  benefactors,  eager  to 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  193 

save  their  souls  or  benefit  the  Church,  by  either 
founding  new  or  enriching  old  Colleges.  Under 
the  head  of  the  interests  of  the  Church  were  in- 
cluded, according  to  the  opinions  of  the  time,  all 
branches  of  learning :  nor  can  we  expect,  before 
the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  to  find,  that 
learning,  in  and  for  itself,  was  looked-on  as  of 
primary  importance  in  such  acts.  In  this  manner 
arose,  before  the  commencement  of  more  modem 
history, —  in  Oxford,  Hertford  College,  in  1312, 
Oriel  College  in  1324,  Queen's  College  in  1340, 
New  College  in  1379,  Lincoln  College  in  1427,  AH 
Souls'  College  in  1438,  Magdalen  College  in  1458, 
Brazeuose  College,  in  1509, —  and  in  Cambridge, 
Clarehall  in  1326,  Pembroke  College  in  1343,  Caius 
College,  in  1348,  Trinity  Hall,  in  1350,  Bennet 
College  (Corpus  Christi)  in  1351,  King's  College 
in  1441,  and  Queen's  College  in  1448. 

Each  separate  College  not  only  has  its  history, 
but  once  had  its  traditions ;  of  which,  however,  the 
over-wisdom  of  modem  times  has  scarcely  left  us 
one.  Among  the  best  was  certainly  that  concern- 
ing a  scholar  of  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  who,  be- 
ing attacked  during  a  solitary  walk  by  a  wild  boar, 
thrust  his  Aristotle  down  the  animal's  throat  and 
returned  home  in  triumph  with  the  head.  For 
this  reason  the  Boar's  head  played  a  prominent 
part  in  the  Christmas  festivities  at  this  College,  and 
even  in  Wood's  time  continued  to  be  greeted  with 
the  following  verses : — 


194  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

The  boar's  head  in  hand  bear  I, 
Bedecked  with  bays  and  rosemary. 
And  I  pray  you,  masters,  merry  be 
Quot  quot  estU  in  convivio. 
Caput  apri  defero 
Reddens  laudes  Domino. 
The  boar's  head,  as  I  understand     Our  steward  has  provided  this 
Is  the  bravest  dish  in  the  land.       In  honour  of  the  king  of  bliss. 
Being  thus  bedecked  with  gay     Which  on  this  day  to  be  served  is 

garland  In  Reginensi  Atrio. 

Let  us  servire  convivio.  Caput  apri,  8ic. 

Caput,  SfC, 

^108.  Pecuniary  resources  of  the  Colleges. 

All  these  institutions  were  more  or  less  endowed 
with  landed  property,  houses,  money,  jewels  and 
articles  of  value,  Church  patronage,  the  power  of 
imposing  fines,  and  other  more  or  less  honorable 
or  profitable  juridical  and  police  rights.  Wood 
had  himself  seen  the  spot*  where  Merton  College 
had  the  privilege  of  exercising  the  extreme  acts  of 
penal  judicature;  to  "hang,  draw  and  quarter;" 
(v.  Heame's  Lib.  Scaccarii.  Append,  p.  575). — 
Yet  we  must  not  figure  to  ourselves  any  very  bril- 
liant picture  of  their  exterior  appearance,  nor  im- 
agine that  we  are  to  find,  in  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries,  those  palace-like  buildings, 
richly  fitted  up  with  the  luxuries  of  modem  life, 

*  [Although  Professor  Huber  than  the  fact   that   Wood  had 

seems   to  believe  this  extraor-  seen  the  very  spot  where  such 

dinary  statement,  we  should  be  things  went  on.] 
glad  of  some  better  proof  of  it, 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  195 

which  in  the  pt-esent  day  adorn  the  English  Univer- 
sities. The  academic  architecture  first  began  to 
improve  in  the  age  of  Edward  III.  We  might 
mention  the  Library,  Great  Entrance,  and  New 
Chapel  of  Merton  College,  the  greater  part  of 
Oriel  College,  the  great  Hall  of  Queen's  College, 
&c.  But  it  was  New  College  which  first,  by  the 
princely  liberality  and  cultivated  taste  of  its 
founder,  Wykenham,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  reared 
its  head  in  splendor  till  then  unknown.  This 
example  was  not  without  its  influence,  especially 
after  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The 
revival  of  the  Arts  in  Italy  then  began  to  be 
felt  in  England,  and  produced  the  Architecture 
which  is  there  known  as  the  Tudor  style.  King's, 
Queen's  and  Trinity  Colleges  in  Cambridge  ; 
in  Oxford,  Magdalen  College,  the  great  Theo- 
logical School,  Corpus  Christi  College,  and  some 
other  buildings,  are  admirable  memorials  of  that 
epoch. 

We  are  not,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  whole 
economy  of  these  Institutions  was  of  corresponding 
splendor.  On  the  contrary  the  effort  at  architec- 
tural beauty,  which  was  favored  by  the  spirit  of  the 
times,  disproportionately  exhausted  the  College  re- 
sources. Temporary  difficulties  also,  arising  out  of 
the  civil  wars  which  preceded  the  reign  of  the 
Tudors,  seem  to  have  pressed  hard  on  most  of  the 
Colleges.  At  all  events  it  is  certain,  that  these 
bodies  up  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation   were 


196  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

never  taxed  with  intemperance  and  gluttony,  at  the 
time  when  this  imputation  was  most  freely"*^  laid  on 
the  clergy,  and  especially  on  the  monastic  establish- 
ments. On  the  contrary,  we  find  constant  com- 
plaints of  real  want  even  in  the  larger  Colleges^ 
and  as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century. 


§  109.  Political  causes  of  Distress. — JHard  life  of 

the  Scholars, 

In  truth,  the  struggle  between  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  powers  was  beginning  to  shake  society  and 
to  depreciate  property,  while,  through  the  influx  of 
American  gold,  prices  continued  to  rise.  Assisted 
by  the  endowment,  the  Fellows  of  the  Colleges  lived 
on  through  the  hard  times ;  yet  even  they  had  but 
the  barest  necessaries  of  life,  and  these  not  always. 
Moreover  the  rules  prescribed  by  the  College  disci- 
pline for  study  and  devotion  left  but  few  hours  for 
sleep,  food,  and  recreation. 

It  is  indeed  clear  enough  from  what  we  have 
said  above  of  University,  Merton,  and  Balliol  Col- 
leges, that  it  was  not  the  object  of  the  earlier  Col- 
leges that  their  members  should  live  in  pleasure  and 
luxury.  Even  the  richest  establishments  —  such 
for  instance  as  New  College  —  gave  no  more  than 
from  ten  to  twelve  pounds  yearly  to  each  Fellow. 

*  We  need  only  refer  to  the  Lollards  and  the  Vision,  and  more 
especially  the  Credo  of  Pierce  Plowman. 


THE  ENGLISH   UNIVERSITIES.  19/ 

The  annual  revenues  of  this  College  were  reckoned 
in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  at  eight  hundred  and 
eighty-seven  pounds  (v.  Chalmers),  and  that  of 
Balliol  College  at  seventy-four  pounds.  Those  of 
the  others  lie  for  the  most  part  between  the  two. 
Bitter  complaints  were  made  before  Parliament 
by  the  Fellows  of  University  College,  respecting 
their  distress  and  want,  occasioned  by  the  mal- 
administration of  their  revenues  by  the  Head  of 
their  College,  (v.  Rol.  Pari.  iii.  69.)  A  lively  pic- 
ture of  the  very  frugal  circumstances  of  the  Colleges 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  contain- 
ing more  special  details  of  what  is  intimated  in 
general  terms  by  earlier  testimony,  is  to  be  found 
in  a  manuscript  written  by  a  scholar  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge;  in  which,  after  many  bitter 
complaints  of  the  general  distress,  he  proceeds  [in 
Latin]  : — "  The  greater  part  of  the  scholars  get  out 
of  bed  between  four  and  five  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing: from  five  to  six  they  attend  the  reading  of 
public  prayers,  and  an  exhortation  from  the  Divine 
Word  in  their  own  chapels  :  they  then  either  ap- 
ply to  separate  study,  or  attend  lectures  in  com- 
mon, until  ten,  when  they  betake  themselves  to 
dinner,  at  which  four  scholars  are  content  with  a 
small  portion  of  beef  bought  for  one  penny,  and  a 
sup  of  pottage  made  of  gravy  of  the  meat,  salt,  and 
oaten  flour.  From  the  time  of  this  moderate  meal 
to  five  in  the  evening  they  either  learn  or  teachy  and 
then  go  to  their  supper,  which   is   scarcely  more 


198  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

plentifdl  than  the  dinner.  Afterwards  problems 
are  discassed^  or  other  studies  pursued^  until  nine 
or  ten  o'clock;  and  then  about  half  an  hour  is 
spent  in  walking  or  running  about  (for  they  have 
no  hearth  or  stove)  in  order  to  warm  their  feet  be- 
fore going  to  bed/*  It  is  not  very  clear^  it  is  true, 
whether  this  account  includes  those  on  the  founda- 
tion :  but  even  if,  in  what  is  there  said,  we  compre- 
hend only  the  pupils  who  bore  their  own  expences,  it 
gives  us  a  standard  to  judge  the  whole  by.  The  dif- 
ference  between  the  manner  of  living  of  the  Fellows 
and  of  these  pupils,  was  certainly  not  very  great. 
From  Erasmus  we  learn  that  the  Fellows  drank 
beer,  not  wine.  His  letters  firom  Cambridge  depict 
much  external  meanness  there  :  indeed  Oxford  ap- 
pears already  to  have  gained  a  start  of  Cambridge 
in  these  matters,  which  until  recent  times  she  kept. 
In  more  prosperous  days  we  may  admit  that  the 
Colleges  had  more  to  eat  and  drink,  and  possibly 
a  fire  in  the  chimney ;  but  no  one  who  considers 
the  above,  will  imagine  them  ever  to  have  had  lux- 
uries; while,  how  matters  stood  at  a  still  earlier 
time,  Chaucer's  description  of  an  Oxford  clerk 
may  show. 


$  1 10.     Specific  Differ mces  of  the  several  Colleges. 

Much  as  the  Colleges  appear  at  first  sight  to 
resemble  each  other,  very  great  diflferences  existed . 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  199 

among  them^  from  the  various  means^  intentioDS^ 
and  perhaps  caprices,  as  well  of  the  original  fotmd- 
ers  as  of  subsequent  benefactors.  The  opmions  also 
and  views  of  the  corporation  itself  exercised  much 
influence  on  its  own  destiny.  Some  may  have  so 
managed  their  property,  as  always  to  reserve  a 
fund,  even  independently  of  any  new  donations. 
Any  such  residue  might  be  used,  either  to  adorn  the 
exterior  of  the  College,  or  to  extend  its  scientific 
resources,  or  to  enrich  the  fellowships,  or  to  found 
new  ones.  The  mode  also  of  election  to  these  posts 
varied  exceedingly.  Indeed  a  plurality  of  votes 
among  the  already  existing  members  geQerally  de- 
cided how  the  vacant  places  were  to  be  filled  :  but 
the  qualifications  for  candidates  were  very  diflferent. 
In  some  cases  the  matter  was  perfectly  unrestricted ; 
in  others  especial  advantages  were  granted  either 
to  members  of  the  founder^s  family,  or  to  natives  of 
certain  towns  or  counties,  or  to  the  scholars  from 
certain  schools,  &c. 


$111.  Interior  Growth  of  the  Colleges  and  of  their 

Endowments. 

The  first  stem  of  a  corporation  of  this  kind  con- 
sisted of  the  endowed  members,  and  their  Head,  who 
was  elected  from  among  themselves  and  bore  vari- 
ous names  :*  but  to  these  were  very  soon  added 

*   [Master  of  University  College,  President  of  Magdalen  College, 

Provost  of  Oriel  College,  &c.] 


200  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

members  of  another  kind.  Thus  we  find  in  the 
oldest  statutes  of  Balliol  College  the  directions  that 
the  remnants  of  the  common  table  should  be  given 
to  poor  scholars.  A  more  intimate  connection  of 
course  then  arose  between  them  and  the  CSoll^ge,  | 
by  their  rendering  certain  menial  offices  in  the 
house  in  return  for  this  benefaction.  Fixed  stipen- 
diary endowments  for  poor  scholars  were  then  es- 
tablished ;  and  they  thus  became  members  and 
inhabitants  of  the  College,  in  a  subordinate  position^ 
although  in  some  cases  with  special  advantages  for 
attaining  a  fellowship  when  vacant.  Many  of  these 
stipends  were  destined  for  scholars  of  certuh 
schools  —  a  new  element  of  diversity  between  Col- 
lege and  College.  Another  tie  to  the  growing 
societies  rose  out  of  their  devotional  exercises. 
Merton  College  first,  from  its  very  foundation,  was 
provided  with  a  private  chapel :  and  a  private  cha- 
pel was  soon  looked  upon  as  indispensable  to  every 
College.  This  arose  both  from  the  ordinary  reli- 
gious duties  attendant  upon  College  discipline,  and 
from  the  extraordinary  ones,  such  as  the  masses  to 
be  repeated  for  the  souls  of  benefactors.  Hence  it 
became  needful  to  swell  the  retinue  of  the  Collie 
with  Chorister-boys,  Chaunters,  Organists,  and  Sa- 
cristans, all  of  which  posts  by  degrees  received 
especial  endowments.  After  this,  the  College  libra- 
ries were  a  new  call  on  the  liberality  of  benefac- 
tors. Finally,  the  servants  properly  so  called,  at 
least  the  most  important  of  them,  such  as  Cook, 


i 


r\ 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  201 

Butler,  and  Purveyor,  were  established  by  especial 
foundation. 

§  112.  Swelling  numbers  of  Academicians  in  single 

Colleges. 

In  all  the  Colleges,  the  pupils  or  boarders*  whose 
payments  formed  one  source  of  the  College  reve- 
nues, soon  greatly  outnumbered  all  the  other  mem- 
bers. To  accept  of  such  inmates,  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  originally  at  all  intended,  at  least  in  the 
earlier  Colleges :  yet  it  soon  became  not  only  the 
general  practice  and  right,  but,  to  a  certain  extent, 
a  duty  also,  since  (as  we  have  seen)  the  academic 
pupils  were  obliged  to  enter  some  College  or  other. 
Most  of  the  old  Halls  were  entirely  given  up,  or 
became  the  property  of  the  Colleges;  to  which 
they  served  as  supplementary  buildings  under  the 
superintendence  of  Fellows  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose. Naturally,  it  was  but  by  degrees  that  the 
earlier  Colleges  enlarged  themselves,  and  developed 
their  system ;  but  the  later  ones,  which  had  a  pat- 
tern before  them  to  copy,  from  the  very  first  aimed 
to  attain  every  thing.  At  the  same  time  the  grades 
of  liberality  in  the  Founders  were  very  various. 
We  see  the  college  system  begin  from  the  four  poor 
Magistri  who  formed  the  first  germ  of  University 
College,  and  proceed  to  the  seventy   Fellows   of 

*    [Called  at  Oxford  commoners,  at  Cambridge  pensioners ;  i.  e. 

those  who  pay  for  their  board.] 


f 


202  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

King's  College,  Cambridge.  •  But  even  this  last 
was  to  be  eclipsed  by  the  more  than  princely  foun- 
dations of  Wolsey  and  Henry  VIII.  Bishop  Wy- 
kenham  however  was  the  first  to  found  a  college, 
complete,  from  the  very  first,  in  all  its  parts.  His 
endowment  was  named  New  College,  and  contained 
seventy  fellows ;  (of  whom  fifty  were  Theologians, 
ten  Canonists,  beside  ten  Chaplains ;)  three  Choral- 
ists,  (music  directors,)  and  sixteen  Chorister  boys. 
To  this  institution  he  attached  a  Latin  School  at 
Winchester,  the  pupils  of  which  were  afterwards 
to  enter  the  College.  But  this  was  by  no  means  a 
common  school.  It  was  as  rich  and  extensive  a 
foundation  as  that  at  Oxford,  being  in  fact  a 
College,  with  twelve  Prebendaries,  (as  teachers,) 
and  seventy  free  admissions  for  scholars.  This 
establishment  afterwards  served  as  a  model  for 
King's  College,  Cambridge,  and  the  Latin  School  at 
Eton.  There  was  however  less  difference  in  the 
incomes  of  Fellows  at  different  Colleges,  than  in 
the  number  of  fellowships ;  because  founders  were 
originally  less  anxious  to  raise  the  incomes  above 
mediocrity,  than  to  support  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  academicians.  Partial  changes  however 
in  this  respect  certainly  took  place  as  early  as  the 
fifteenth  century,  accompanying  the  change  in  the 
academic  population  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


203 


4  1 13.     Increased  pretensions  of  College  Fellows. 

For  from  the  very  first,  the  endowed  members  of 
the  Colleges,  either  belonged,  by  preference,  to  the 
ecclesiastical  order,  or  were  destined  to  the  Church. 
This  was  partly  enforced  by  the  Statutes,  partly 
effected  by  the  habits  and  spirit  of  the  times ;  and 
afterwards  by  express  provisions  to  that  purpose.* 
Their  foundations  were  intended  to  afford  a  main- 
tenance to  students;  and  it  will  be  remembered 
that  a  Master  of  Arts  was  still  but  a  student  of  the 
higher  faculties :  no  provisions  therefore  were  made 
in  the  earlier  Statutes  as  to  the  duration  of  the  en- 
joyment of  these  fellowships.  We  saw,  however, 
how  the  principle  established  itself,  in  spite  of  re- 
sistance,! that  the  fellows  should  remain  in  their 
place  until  provided  for  elsewhere.  Now  as  such 
provision  was  often  slow  in  coming,  the  fellowship 
gradually  ceased  to  be  a  stipend  for  young  Students, 


*  The  rule  came  to  be  estab- 
lished even  in  Colleges  where  no 
express  mention  was  made  of  it, 
as  we  may  see  by  a  command  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
to  the  Warden  of  Merton  Col- 
lege, enjoining  the  Fellows  to 
take  orders  within  a  certain  time 
and  not  to  marry.  (Wilkins* 
Concil.  140.)  This  was  for  the 
interest  of  the  body,  because  ec- 
clesiastical members  could  not 
burden  the  college  so  easily  or 
so  openly  with  ^milies. 


t  An  instance  of  this  is  giv- 
en in  the  supplementary  Statutes 
of  Oriel  College ;  which  provide 
that  the  Fellows  should  resign 
their  Fellowships,  upon  obtain- 
ing a  benefice  elsewhere,  or  when 
twenty  years  had  elapsed  without 
their  obtaining  any ;  since  such 
a  case  must  presuppose  that  they 
deserved  none,  and  had  employed 
their  time  improperly,  (v.  Job : 
de  Thorkelowc.  Annales  Ed- 
warde  II..  Ed:  Heame  1729. 
Appendix.) 


204  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

and  was  transformed  into  a  life-maintenance  for 
learned  ecclesiastics  of  maturer  years.  Hence,  as 
the  pretensions  of  the  Fellows  increased,  benefac- 
tors began  to  aim  at  increasing  their  incomes,  in 
preference  to  founding  new  fellowships.  The  self- 
interest  of  the  members  themselves,  in  the  ad- 
ministration and  disposition  of  collegiate  property, 
tended  of  course  to  the  same  end ;  often  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  desire  of  the  Founder  and  to  the 
Statutes.  If  the  Visitors,  at  first,  endeavoured  to 
counteract  this,  they  at  last  gave  way  to  the  force 
of  circumstances;  and  the  necessity  of  larger  in- 
comes was  at  least  tacitly  recognized.  Thus  in 
founding  new  Colleges,  or  new  Fellowships  in  the 
old  Colleges,  the  benefactors  of  the  University,  as 
early  as  the  fifteenth  century,  generally  intended 
to  furnish  a  decent  and  permanent  maintenance  for 
poor  men  of  learning  of  the  clerical  order ;  and  not 
mere  stipends  for  young  students.  The  elections 
also  fell  on  persons  of  older  standing :  and  thus  the 
degree  of  Master*  became  at  least  the  tacit  con- 
dition of  election,  unless  the  contrary  was  expressly 
ordained  by  the  Statutes.  The  transformation  pro- 
ceeded very  gradually ;  and  exceptions  to  these 
rules  exist  in  fact  to  this  day:  but,  at  the  same 
time,  the  principle  which  we  have  here  noted  was 
the  predominating  one  even  at  the  end  of  the  fif- 
teenth century.  The  Reformation  did  nothing 
more  in  this  respect  than  hasten  the  process 
already  going  on. 

*  [It  is  expressly  thus  in  the  German.] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  205 

Meanwhile  the  position  of  the  Fellows  diverged 
more  and  more  from  that  of  the  younger  stipendiary 
students  (or  Scholars)  and  that  of  the  independent 
pupils ;  towards  whom  they  became  a  sort  of  per- 
manent aristocracy.  Their  authority  too  was  in- 
creased  by  dependents  outside  of  the  College 
walls,  such  as  the  parents  and  relations  of  the 
Scholars,  the  servants  and  the  chorister  boys :  who 
generally  came  from  the  College  estates  or  from 
tradesmen  in  the  town. 


§  114.  New  importance  gained  by  the  Heads  of  the 
Colleges  —  and  tightening  of  the  discipline. 

A  question  of  new  importance  was,  the  relation 
of  the  Head  of  the  College  to  the  Fellows.  The 
Statutes  in  this  respect  established  only  general 
principles,  which  admitted  of  being  diflFerently 
worked  out.  The  form  of  the  Colleges  was  cer- 
tainly republican :  yet  there  were  materials  enough 
for  a  Principal,  with  talent,  firmness,  and  perse- 
verance, to  establish  a  pretty  despotic  rule.  More- 
over the  relation  of  the  College  to  the  University, 
and  indeed  to  all  exterior  persons  and  bodies, 
necessarily  put  forward  the  Head  as  the  only 
representative  of  the  College,  and  secured  for  him 
a  dignified  position. 

The  strong  separation  thus  marked  out  between 
the  ruling  and  the  ruled,  facilitated  the  enactment 


s 


206  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

and  the  execution  of  severe  and  almost  monastic 
restrictions  on  the  younger  portion :  especially  since 
the  elder  members,  all  of  them  ecclesiastics,  would 
find  no  great  personal  hardship  in  submitting  to 
the  rules.  It  is  however  remarkable  that  corporal 
chastisement  was  practised  on  the  pupils  as  late  as 
the  seventeenth  century,  even  upon  "gentlemen" 
who  wore  swords,  and  who  were  on  the  point  of 
entering  themselves  in  an  Inn  of  Court  at  London. 


$  115.  On  the  Colleges  as  Establishments  for 

Teaching. 

Another  important  point  must  have  developed 
itself  gradually:  the  College-Tutor  system.  At 
what  period  certain  of  the  Fellows  were  first  au- 
thorized by  the  College  to  superintend  the  studies 
of  the  younger  members,  we  have  no  precise  no- 
tices ;  and  we  may  fairly  infer  that  it  rose  of  itself, 
and  spread  as  circumstances  required.  But  this 
leads  naturally  to  a  new  side  of  the  subject,  and  a 
very  important  one,  viz.  the  influence  of  the  Col- 
leges as  establishments  for  Teaching. 

It  is  indeed  clear  that  even  in  the  earliest  times 
the  Principals  of  the  Halls  were  necessarily  the 
Tutors  of  those  who  came  so  closely  into  connec- 
tion with  them  as  boarders.  We  have  an  ordinance 
to  this  effect  as  early  as  the  year  1231,  which  says 
that  no  clerk  or  scholar  shall  remain  a  fortnight  in 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  207 

the  Town  without  placing  himself  under  a  Master 
of  the  Schools  as  tutor.  The  first  express  mention 
which  I  have  been  able  to  find  of  the  "  tutors"  (in 
the  latter  sense,)  although  a  perfectly  casual  one, 
is  of  the  year  1 548.  It  speaks  of  the  "  Principals 
of  the  Schools  and  Halls''  and  of  the  "  Masters,  to 
whose*  instruction  the  juniors  are  to  be  committed''* 
This  is  a  proof  that  the  practice  had  long  existed. 
As  long  as  every  thing  retained  a  very  limited 
form,  the  Head  of  the  College  (like  the  Magister 
Regens  before)  was  the  tutor  of  the  younger  mem- 
bers of  his  establishment.  But  when  every  thing 
became  more  extensive,  and  the  Principal  took  a 
higher  position,  his  occupations  as  well  as  the 
number  of  the  juniors  was  increased.  Other  Fel- 
lows therefore  necessarily  relieved  him  in  part  or 
wholly  of  these  duties.  When  we  reflect  at  what 
time  and  how  gradually  all  this  took  place,  we  can 
scarcely  expect  to  find  any  documentary  evidence 
as  to  its  origin. 

But  it  is  certain  that  the  Colleges  were  not 
originally  establishments  for  instruction.  The  Fel- 
low had  no  other  duties,  than  those  of  religion, 
prescribed  by  the  College  Statutes,  and  those  of 
study,  prescribed  by  the  University.  He  was  in 
possession  of  a  fee-simple  ;*  and  all  that  he  did 
toward  the  moral  or  intellectual  improvement  of 
the  younger  boarders,  could  only  be  of  his  free 
will.      His  teaching  might  be  inspected,  limited,  or 

*-  [In  the  Latin  diaciplinam^  t  [Bemficium  simplex,'] 


M 


208  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

permitted  by  the  College  and  its  Principal ;  but  not 
required.  Upon  the  Head  of  the  College  alone  was 
imposed  either  expressly  (as  was  the  case  in  Balliol 
College)  or  tacitly,  the  duty  of  superintending 
certain  College  exercises  of  the  Fellows  while 
they  remained  learners.  These  exercises,  however, 
were  completely  minor  affairs,  as  long  as  the  r^u- 
lar  studies  of  the  collegians  were  pursued  in  the 
University-Lecture-Rooms,  just  as  was  done  before 
the  existence  of  the  Colleges  by  the  members  of 
the  Halls.  In  fact,  the  Colleges  had  a  less  proper 
and  intimate  concern  than  the  Halls,  in  the  in- 
tellectual improvement  of  their  members ;  for  with 
the  Hall  there  was,  at  least  often,  a  School  connected, 
and  the  Head  of  the  Hall  was  at  the  same  time  the 
Director  of  the  School,  the  teacher  of  the  society. 
Even  from  the  very  nature  of  the  case  this  could 
not  well  be  in  the  Colleges;  where  the  Principal 
was  by  no  means  chosen  for  intellectual  accom- 
plishments. And  how,  in  fact,  would  this  have 
been  possible  when  the  other  members  were  study- 
ing in  different  branches  of  academic  learning? 
For  although,  most  assuredly,  the  theological  ele- 
ment prevailed,  yet  there  were  studies  in  Arts  by 
way  of  preparation,  and  the  Canon  Law  as  com- 
pletion. Thus  wherever  the  Principal  or  one  of 
the  Fellows  acted  as  a  University  teacher,  this  was 
quite  independent  of  the  College  regulations,  and 
probably  seldom  or  never  took  place  within  its 
walls.     For  it  is  hardly   probable,   either  that  a 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  209 

competent  teacher  would  volunteer  to  restrict  him- 
self to  the  few  members  of  his  own  College,  or  that 
the  College  should  have  opened  its  Lecture-Rooms 
to  the  University.  Anyhow,  the  fact  is  undeniable, 
that  until  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  to  teach 
in  the  Colleges  was  a  purely  voluntary  act  on  the 
part  of  the  Fellows.  Since  the  Statutes  nowhere 
lay  upon  them  the  duty  of  teaching,  no  evidence  is 
needed  to  disprove  the  assertion  so  often  made  in 
modem  times,  that  instruction  was  their  original 
duty,  and  that  the  neglect  of  it  in  the  present  day 
is  an  abuse.  Exceptional  cases  in  certain  Colleges 
prove  the  very  opposite ;  as,  the  custom  enacted  in 
Queen's  College,  that  the  Scholars,  before  dinner, 
(where  they  waited  as  servants,)  should  answer 
upon  their  knees  questions  put  to  them  by  the  Fel- 
lows. Not  only  is  it  clear  from  the  nature  of  the 
case,  as  we  have  said,  that  schools  were  not  origin- 
ally opened  in  the  Colleges,  but  we  find  in  the  Sta- 
tutes of  University  College  the  express  injunction ; 
"That  Schools  should  not  be  established  in  the 
houses  of  the  said  Masters  without  their  consent." 
The  following  article  from  the  Statutes  of  Balliol 
College  is  also  worthy  of  note :  "  It  is  likewise  en- 
acted that  every  week  each  should  discuss  some 
sophisMy  and  that  each  in  turn  plead  for  and 
against ;  but  if  any  of  the  sophists  be  sufficiently 
advanced  to  pass  his^  examination  in  the  [public] 
schools  before  long,  then  he  shall  be  examined  by 

*  determinare. 


210  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  Principal^  that  he  may  first  display  his  abilities 
before  his  fellow-collegians.  But  let  it  be  the  part 
of  the  Principal  to  act  as  Moderator/'  &c. —  Like 
preparatory  exercises  would  naturally  take  place  in 
all  the  Colleges. 

If  there  is  no  case  definitely  recorded,  of  a  Fellow 
volunteering  to  give  private  lessons  to  the  junior 
members  of  his  own  society,  this  is  no  ground  for 
inferring  that  such  cases  did  not  happen.  The  very 
nature  of  things  suggests  that  this  would  begin  from 
kindness,  and  would  become  a  source  of  emolu- 
ment ;  would  then  be  imitated,  and  would  extend 
itself,  until  it  attained  system  and  importance, 
calling  for  regulation  or  establishment  by  statute. 


^116.  The  Colleges  are  elevated  by  the  cultivation  of 

the  Classics. 

The  great  intellectual  barrenness  of  the  Univer- 
sities towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
eminently  assisted  the  Colleges  in  assuming  a  loftier 
and  independent  position.  We  have  seen  how  the 
older  speculative  philosophy  sank  into  a  heavy 
formalism,  and  how  the  regenerating  principles 
from  the  school  of  Wykliflfe  had  been  crushed.  The 
University  studies  were  evidently  as  salt  which  had 
lost  its  savor,  and  there  was  no  inducement  for 
eager  cultivation  of  the  same  branches  in  the  new 
and  rising  institutions.     The  Colleges  were  a  part 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  211 

of  the  movement  of  the  age,  and  they  seized  upon 
its  newest  fruits, —  the  revived  classical  studies; 
on  the  culture  of  which,  the  fame  of  the  Colleges 
was  based.  Such  at  any  rate  is  the  fact,  however 
it  be  accounted  for.  The  use  of  the  Latin  lan- 
guage in  daily  life  was  already  prescribed  by 
statute  to  the  earlier  Colleges ;  a  rule,  which,  with 
all  its  serious  inconveniences,  may  often  have 
forced  a  culture  of  the  language  by  no  means 
despicable.  The  "Grammatical  Faculty"  of  the 
Universities  was  extinguished  in  the  year  1442; 
obviously  because  the  Public  Teaching  of  the  Uni- 
versity could  not  compete  with  the  rising  zeal  of 
the  Colleges.  There  a  few  nobler  spirits,  in  their 
solitary  cells,  first  cultivated  the  Classics  with  a 
kind  of  secret  devotion.  But  this  new  vocation  in 
the  Colleges  necessarily  became  more  prominent, 
when,  even  beyond  the  Universities,  the  more  dis- 
tinguished among  the  rich  and  powerful  of  the  land 
taught  the  new  impulse,  and  poured  out  their 
benefactions,  expressly  to  promote  this  object. 
The  form,  however  was  generally  the  one  originally 
given ;  to  found  new  Colleges,  or,  to  enrich  those 
already  existing.  To  this  was  now  added,  the 
founding  of  Professorships  in  the  new  or  received 
branches  of  learning,  partly  for  Public  lecturing, 
but  more  especially  for  tuition  in  the  Colleges. 
This  point,  however  needs  further  explanation. 


212  THB    ENGLISH  UNIYBRSITIES. 


$117.  The  rise  of  a  Classical  spirit  may  be  traced 

back  to  an  earlier  time. 

It  is  well  known  that  zeal  for  the  cultivation  of 
the  Classics  reached  its  highest  point  during  the 
first  half  of  the  sixteenth  Century ;  and  that  the 
reign  of  Henry  VIII.  and  his  all  powerful  favorite, 
Wolsey,  derived  from  it  the  best  and  purest  por- 
tion of  its  fame.  The  Elizabethan  period  was 
distinguished  only  by  a  wider  diffusion  of  the  same 
impulse,  and  by  an  adaptation  of  its  results  to  the 
popular  mind.  But  the  springs  of  this  intellectual 
movement  lie  much  further  back  than  is  generally 
supposed.*  Even  the  better  informed  upon  the 
subject  are  inclined  to  look  upon  Erasmus  of  Rot- 
terdam as  the  father  of  classical  studies  in  England : 
but,  the  testimony  of  Erasmus  himself  shows,  that 
upon  his  very  first  visit  to  Oxford,  he  found  there  a 
richness  and  maturity  in  this  cultivation,  which 
could  have  been  the  result  only  of  long  time  and 
care.  Of  course  this  does  not  lessen  the  merit  of 
his  successful  attempts  to  promote  the  same  studies 
at  that  period,  and  also  a  few  years  later  during 
his  longer  stay  at  Cambridge. 

*  I  cannot  of  course,  pretend  difiiise  account  upon  which  I 

to  instruct  professed  Philologists  have  entered  above  may  not  be 

in  the  History  of  their  own  sci-  superfluous.      I  have  borrowed 

ence  in  England :  but,  beyond  several   notices    from  Warton, 

their  sphere  so  few  correct  or  who,  however,  also  arrives  at  no 

definite  opinions  are  entertained  very  decided  view  of  the  subject, 
upon  this  point,  that  the  more 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  213 

In  fact  we  may  trace  the  matter  back,  with  cer- 
tainty, beyond  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century : 
and  we  might  perhaps  recognize  even  in  Wyken- 
ham's  foundations  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  a  movement  in  this  direction,  though  per- 
haps he  had  no  very  clear  consciousness  of  its  scien- 
tific importance.  There  first  do  we  find  a  College  ^ 
to  which  is  attached,  beyond  the  University,  a 
School  expressly  devoted  to  Latin  literature.  We 
Cannot  learn  in  what  spirit  these  studies  were  con- 
ceived and  pursued  at  Winchester ;  or  whether 
they  exhibited  any  trace  of  the  new  classical  life. 
More  definite  infonnation  might  perhaps  be  gained 
from  the  statutes  of  a  great  Grammar  School 
founded  at  Cambridge  in  the  year  1439.  Its 
founder,  William  Byngham,  intended  it  to  be  con- 
nected with  Clare  Hall,  Cambridge,  nearly  as  Wyk- 
enham's  School  at  Winchester  with  his  College  at 
Oxford.  The  pupils,  however,  (probably  after  com- 
pleting their  course  in  Arts)  were  to  be  employed 
as  Teachers,  in  hope  of  reviving  the  decayed  Gram- 
mar-Schools  in  many  parts  of  England ;  in  other 
words,  to  bring  the  neglected  Classics  into  repute. 
There  is  no  express  record  (as  far  as  I  know,)  that 
Byngham  himself  had  been  educated  in  Italy,  or 
had  elsewhere  drunk  of  the  new  streams  of  learning. 
Yet  this  zeal*  for  Latin  literature  which  had  for 
almost  three   centuries   past    been    neglected    in 

*  [By  Grammar  School,  was  understood  a  School  for  learning 
Latin  Grammar,  as  introductory  to  the  study  of  the  classical 
writers.] 


214  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

England,  was  in  itself  a  strong  proof  that  he  was 
influenced  by  the  new  spirit  breathed  from  Italy. 


^118.  Direct  Literary  connection  between  England 

and  Italy,, 

Nor  was  direct  intercourse  wanting  even  at  that 
time  between  Italy  and  England  :  for  English  Eccle- 
siastics were  continually  employed  on  business^  at 
Rome.  As  one  of  the  great  promoters  of  this  new 
impulse  we  ought  to  mention  Humphrey  duke  of 
Gloucester.  We  have  spoken  of  his  benefactions  to 
Oxford,  early  in  the  same  century ;  especially  the 
MSS.  of  the  Classic  authors  which  he  presented. 
But  beside  this,  he  was  ever  conferring  favors  on 
men  peculiarly  eminent  for  Classical  attainments. 
In  his  society,  learned  Italians  such  as  Titus  Livius 
Forojuliensis  and  Antonio  Beccaria,  met  with  such 
men  as  Lydgate  and  Wethanstead.  Indeed  there 
is  no  doubt  of  the  Duke's  close  connection  with 
Italian  scholars.  Leonardo  Aretino  dedicated  to 
him  his  translation  of  Aristotle;  Petrus  Can- 
didus  (Duke  Cosmo's  private  secretary)  his  trans- 
lation of  Plato's  Republic ;  and  Lupo  da  Castiglione 
and  Pietro  da  Monte,  their  translations  and  trea- 
tises. In  Lydgate's  own  poems,  though  the  spirit 
of  the  Middle  Ages  predominates,  we  can  recognize 
the  influence  of  classical  literature.  In  fact,  the 
more  we  approach  the  middle  of  this  century,  the 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVSRSITIBS.  215 

more  distinctly  do  we  discern  the  movements  to  be 
in  this  direction :  insomuch  as  to  make  it  probable 
that  the  same  end  was  aimed  at  in  the  Eton  and 
Cambridge  foundations  of  Henry  VI.  and  his  noble 
Claeen.  Their  own  characters  countenance  the 
belief.  Henry  had  a  learned  education,  was  en- 
dowed with  much  tenderness  and  taste,  and  took 
deep  interest  in  the  cause  of  learning.  Margaret 
of  Anjou  surpassed  most  women  of  her  time  in 
grace  and  beauty,  and  most  of  the  men  in  strength 
of  mind  and  intellectual  cultivation.  To  her  is 
owing  the  foundation  of  Queen's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, in  1446.  Yet  the  political  revolution  which 
followed,  endangered  the  stability  of  these  institu- 
tions. According  to  Puller,  Edward  IV.,  in  enmity 
to  the  House  of  Lancaster,  deprived  King's  College 
of  several  of  its  estates,  and  other  sources  of  reve- 
nue. Nor  had  the  first  Tudor  sovereign  much  taste 
for  learning.  Indeed  the  Professorships  of  Theology 
founded  by  his  mother,  the  Countess  Margaret  of 
Richmond,  proceeded  more  from  piety,  than  from 
sympathy  with  the  new  spirit  of  the  times.  Never- 
theless, classical  studies,  less  favoured  by  Princes 
and  Nobles  after  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, won  their  way  unnoticed,  with  a  progress 
perhaps  so  much  the  more  pure,  free  and  healthy. 
A  little  later,  we  find  clear  evidence  of  the  most 
advantageous  intellectual  intercourse  between  Eng- 
land and  Italy.  Flemyng,  Grey,  Tipetoft,  Free, 
Selling  and  Gunthorpe  are  mentioned,  at  the  age  of 


d 


216  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

sixty,  as  among  the  most  famous  scholars  of  the  cele- 
brated masters  at  Bologna,  Padua,  Ferrara,  Rome 
and  Florence.  Soon  afterwards,  Lily  pressed  on 
still  further  toward  the  sources  of  this  new  life, 
and  received,  in  Rhodes,  instructions  from  fugitive 
Greeks  out  of  Constantinople.  At  the  same  period, 
we  find  Italian  teachers  in  England ;  as  Cornelius 
Vitelli  at  Oxford  and  Cajus  Amberinus  at  Cam- 
bridge. 

$119.   The  new  movement  came  neither  from  the 
Church  nor  from  the  Universities^  hut  from 

individual  energy. 

These  men  and  their  labors,  it  is  true,  were  not 
devoted  to  the  Universities  alone.  It  is  indeed  a 
striking  fact,  that  they  were  originally  employed 
here  and  there,  with  the  greatest  freedom,  in  the 
most  diflFerent  circles.  The  inward  impulse  anima- 
ting them  was  sustained  by  the  cooperation,  not 
of  institutions,  but  of  individuals.  The  same  may 
in  part  be  said  of  the  speculative  movement  of  the 
twelfth  century;  and,  without  a  doubt,  of  every 
intellectual  impulse,  which  is  animated  by  an  in- 
dependent principle  of  life.  In  that  instance, 
however,  the  movement  naturally  and  almost  ne- 
cessarily proceeded  from  ecclesiastics  and  their 
schools ;  and  the  Church  herself  soon  turned  all  her 
attention  to  the  matter,  exercising  (as  far  as  possible) 
an  immediate  superintendence.   This,  however,  was 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  217 

lot  the  case  with  the  revival  of  classical  studies, 
^hich  originated  chiefly  in  private  circles  and 
imong  the  higher  classes.  With  these,  the  nevr 
iterature  was  pursued  as  a  free  and  polite  art, 
!onducing  to  the  highest  mental  cultivation  of 
in  e<rfra-religious  kind. 


]  20.  It  pervades  the  Higher  ClctsseSj  and  the  Dig- 

nitaries  of  the  Church. 

Throughout  Christendom  at  large,  in  conse- 
[uence  of  the  disordered  and  decayed  state  of 
he  Church — (so  diflfierent  from  that  of  the  twelfth 
nd  thirteenth  centuries)  —  Bishops,  Cardinals  and 
^opes  gave  themselves  up  entirely  to  those  pro- 
ane  studies,  even  in  their  worst  tendencies ;  seek- 
Qg  only  to  derive  enjoyment  from  them.  They 
[id  not  dream  of  superintending  a  movement  so 
langerous  to  Christianity,  all  being  in  fact  too  luke- 
(^arm  to  trouble  themselves  about  it.  And  so  the  new 
ree  of  knowledge  bloomed  here  and  there,  either 
n  brilliant  courts  and  rich  cities,  among  the  other 
njoyments  of  the  great  world ;  or  else,  in  retired 
loisters  and  schools. 

In  England,  the  Court  and  courtiers  stood  aloof 
rom  the  whole  matter  till  the  beginning  of  the 
ixteenth  century;  yet  not  a  few  Churchmen  of 
ome  consideration  took  up  the  cause  with  great 
eal :  nor  must  we  overlook  the  fact,  that  several 


e 


218  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Monasteries  towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury were  transformed,  by  the  zeal  of  their  Ab- 
bots, into  very  productive  nurseries  of  the  new 
learning.  But  these  were  brilliant  exceptions. 
The  majority  of  the  religious  houses  persevered  in 
their  old  torpidity,  until  common  ruin  overwhelmed 
them  all.  Even  among  the  Bishops  were  to  be 
found  at  that  time  several  patrons  of  these  new  and 
worldly  Muses, — as  for  instance  Chadworth,  Bishop 
of  Lincoln ;  Langton,  Bishop  of  Winchester ;  and 
Oldham,  Bishop  of  Exeter.  Such  facts  need  to 
be  set  forth,  both  because  they  have  been  too  little 
dwelt  on  by  the  Protestant*  party,  and  because 
they  had  an  important  influence  on  the  course  of 
things  at  the  Universities. 


^121.  That  the  cooperation  of  the  Colleges  in  the 
new  movement  was  real  and  considerable  in  the 

fifteenth  century. 

Although,  therefore,  it  may  not  have  been  in  the 
Universities,  alone  or  chiefly,  that  classical  studies 
were  nurtured,  it  is  certain  that  before  long  these 
studies  assumed  a  predominating  importance  there. 
Most  of  the  men  whom  we  have  named,  belonged, 
in  one  quality  or  other,  to  the  Universities,  spent 
more  or  less  time  there,  and  gave  such  proofs  of 

*  Except  Warton,  (sec.  iii.  256,)  who  on  these  matters  shows 
most  praiseworthy  impartiality  and  solidity  of  judgment. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


219 


their  attachment  either  to  their  ^'  Foster  Mother,"  or 
to  some  of  the  Colleges,  that  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  they  regarded  these  institutions  as  fellow- 
tielpers  in  the  work  of  advancing  classical  litera- 
ture. Through  the  liberality  of  such  men,  the 
Universities  became  possessed  of  numerous  MSS.* 
Df  Classic  authors,  imported  from  Italy. 

When  we  farther  remember  how  soon  the  art  of 
printing  came  to  be  employed  upon  this  field,  it 
pvill  appear  beyond  doubt  that,  immediately  after 
the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  Classics 
were  studied  at  the  Universities.  We  cannot  be 
mrprised  that  the  relation  of  Teachers  to  Scholars 
was  not  at  first  formally  established,  and  definitely 
recognized.  Generally,  it  assumed  the  form  of  af 
friendly  intercourse  between  kindred  spirits,  espe- 
cially in  the  Colleges:  and  was  therefore  the  less 
likely  to  be  transmitted  to  us  by  direct  historical 
testimony.     But  when  Erasmus,  at  the  end  of  the 


*  The  Humphrey  Library  al- 
ready contained  great  treasures 
yi  this  kind.  Ghinthorpe  after- 
wards presented  to  each  of  the 
iwo  Universities,  and  also  to 
King's  Hall  (?)  in  Cambridge, 
some  very  valuable  Manuscripts 
3f  the  Classic  authors.  Crrey 
svinced  his  generosity  in  the 
same  manner  to  Balliol  College, 
uid  Selling  to  All  Souls'  College, 
(v.  Warton,  iii.  250,  et  sqq.) 
Phe  introduction  of  printing  into 
England  took  place  according  to 
the  best  authority  in  1472.  Ac- 
cording to  Wood  the  art  was 


already  practised  at  Oxford  in 
1465.  But  there  is  no  doubt 
that  Wood's  calculation  is  erro- 
neous and  the  other  correct. 

t  The  fact  that  instruction  in 
the  Classic  studies  was  at  first 
given  privately  at  the  Univer- 
sities, and  bore  the  character  of 
mere  friendly  communication  be- 
tween the  parties,  may  be  seen 
frx)m  Wood's  expressions  with 
respect  to  Grocyn,  who,  he  says, 
gave  lectures  in  Greek  "  of  his 
own  free  will  and  without  any 
emolument." 


220  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

century,  could  declare,  that  at  Oxford,  in  the  so- 
ciety of  Lynacre,  Grocyn,  More,  Colet,  and  others, 
he  forgot  even  Italy  with  her  Masters  and  Schools ; 
the  fact  speaks  loudly  enough  in  favor  of  the  silent 
but  active  progress  of  the  preceding  generation  of 
English  classical  scholars. 

Independently  of  many  other  expressions  used 
by  Erasmus,  we  may  quote  the  following  pas- 
sage  from  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Robert  Pisco 
(Dec.  1497).  ^'^But  what?  (say  you)  does  our 
beloved  England  please  thee?'  If  thou  canst  be- 
lieve me  at  all,  friend  Robert,  believe  me  in 
this,  that  nothing  ever  pleased  me  so  much.  I 
have  found  here  a  most  pleasant  climate ;  and  of 
Classic  erudition  (not  trite  and  shallow,  but  pro- 
found and  accurate,  both  in  Latin  and  Greek)  so 
much  that  I  no  more  long  greatly  for  Italy,  except 
by  way  of  a  visit.  In  my  friend  Colet,  I  seem  to 
hear  Plato  himself.  In  Grocyn,  who  can  but  admire 
that  complete  circle  of  learning?  Than  the  taste 
of  Lynacre,  what  can  be  acuter,  loftier,  purer? 
What  has  nature  ever  created  in  genius,  more  easy, 
more  happy,  more  charming  than  Thomas  More? 
But  why  should  I  go  through  the  rest  of  the  cata- 
logue? It  is  wonderful  what  a  rich  harvest  of 
Classic  literature  flourishes  here  on  every  side,"  &c. 
His  accounts  of  Cambridge  during  his  second  stay 
in  England  are  far  less  favorable,  and  though  we 
find  a  sort  of  vague  praise  of  the  University  in  a 
letter   of  the   year   1519,  where   he  says  that  it 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  221 

"  flourishes  with  all  ornaments,"  yet  he  gives  vent 
to  continual  complaints  of  ignorance  and  want  of 
sympathy  in  his  labors.  The  whole  style  of  life  at 
Cfimbridge  seems  to  have  pleased  him  less  than 
that  of  Oxford. 

This  more  tranquil,  and  perhaps  more  salutary 
growth  soon  attracted  wider  and  louder  sympathy, 
and  gained  for  the  University  many  outward  and 
pecuniary  resources,  mixed  up  with  many  adventi- 
tious and  in  part  injurious  elements.  Numerous 
schools  were  endowed  and  opened  throughout  all 
England,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  promotmg 
Latin  literature;  the  most  distinguished  of  which 
was  St.  Paul's  School  in  London,  under  Lily's 
management.  Nor  did  this  new  impulse  fail  to 
take  effect  upon  the  academic  population.  Among 
the  fruits  of  the  period,  we  may  recount  the  well- 
known  names  of  Crooke,  Cheke,  Tyndall,  Latimer, 
Stockley,  Prior,  Tunstal,  Pace,  Wakefield,  Smith, 
Leland,  &c.,  all  of  whom  belonged  more  or  less 
to  the  Universities. 


^  122.  Opposition  to  the  Classic  Literature. 

In  the  progress  of  the  new  learning,  however, 
a  double  action  ensued.  If,  in  the  change  thus 
rapidly  working,  favor  was  bestowed  by  the  most 
influential  men  in  the  country  upon  the  new  po- 
lite literature,   on  the  other  hand  much  violent 


# 


222  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES. 

« 

opposition  arose  against  it  in  many  other  quar- 
ters. Here,  of  course,  as  elsewhere,  the  chief 
opposition  came  from  duller,  narrower,  and  more 
vulgar  minds,  to  whom  all  that  is  new  is  in  many 
respects  inconvenient.  But  opposers  were  also 
found  of  nobler  and  sterner  mind,  more  far  see- 
ing, and  more  deeply  feeling ;  who  discerned  and 
dreaded,  as  well  the  heathen  element  which  essen- 
tially prevaded  this  new  spirit,  as  the  anti-catholic 
tendencies  which  soon,  more  and  more,  attached 
themselves  to  it.  Their  hostility  might  very  shortly 
have  mounted  into  persecution,  had  not  the  clas- 
sical scholars  preoccupied  the  good  opinion  and 
secured  the  protection  of  the  highest  powers.  The 
danger  might  have  been  tiie  more  serious,  since  tiie 
opposition  party  was  not  wanting  in  popular  sup- 
port, especially  from  the  academicians ;  who  might 
easily  have  excited  their  partisans  to  the  most  tu- 
multuous excesses.  Yet  in  fact,  the  struggles  which 
took  place  between  these  academic  "Greeks"  and 
"  Trojans,"  who  under  their  "  Achilles"  and  "  Hec- 
tor," &c.,  &c.,  fought  the  battles  of  the  new  Classics 
and  the  old  Scholastics,  were,  without  a  doubt, 
among  the  least  disagreeable  and  injurious  expres- 
sions of  popular  opposition.  For  although  the  stu- 
dents of  neither  host  were  much  enlightened  by 
such  demonstrations  of  zeal,  yet  the  whole  affair 
was  thus  forced  upon  public  notice,  which  could 
not  fail  of  being  in  the  long  run  advantageous  to 
the  new  and  more  vigorous  principle.      Similar 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 


223 


effects  must  have  followed  the  dramatic  representa- 
tions  which  from  earliest  times  had  been  connected 
with  the  academic  festivities.  Whenever,  either  in 
the  Colleges  or  in  the  Monasteries,  the  Greeks  (or 
Classicists)  had  gained  the  upper  hand,  efforts  were 
made  to  act  Latin  Comedies  in  the  place  of  the  old 
Scriptural  Miracles,  and  we  may  well  believe  that 
the  stage  often  became  the  field  of  battle  or  of  vic- 
tory, to  Greeks  or  Trojans.  But  at  the  same  time, 
these  amusements  were  the  best  means  of  attract- 
ing youths  of  talent,  and  uniting  the  utile  with 
the  dulce,* 

Beside  what  is  mentioned  by  Wood  respecting 
these  academic  Greeks  and  Trojans,  we  have  a  long 


*  Theatrical  festivities  of  this 
kind  are  not  mentioned  until 
near  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII.,  but  frequently 
afterwards:  because  then  first 
they  were  conducted  with  splen- 
dor and  exhibited  before  noble  and 
even  royal  spectators.  Yet  there 
is  no  doubt  that  they  were  well 
known  much  earlier,  although 
acted  with  fewer  exterior  advan- 
tages. Many  points  bearing  up- 
on these  matters  may  be  found  in 
Warton,  (iii.  205,  sqq).  When 
we  find  in  the  statutes  of  Trinity 
College  in  1546  express  regula- 
tions respecting  the  office  of 
the  Managers  o/"  the  Plays,  and 
the  duties  of  the  Lecturers  to 
write  Latin  Comedies  upon  cer- 
tain occasions,  we  may  calculate 
with  certainty  that  the  thing 
itself,  although  in  a  state  of  less 
advanced  and  formal  develope- 


ment,  had  for  some  time  existed 
in  the  CoUeges.  Latin  Come- 
dies were  brought  on  the  stage 
by  Reuchlin  in  Germany  in 
1495  ;  and  how  easily  might 
Erasmus  have  introduced  into 
the  English  Universities  the  same 
exercises,  when  it  certainly  had 
advantages  as  a  means  of  in- 
struction. Beyond  the  Univer- 
sities, we  find  that  Latin  Come- 
dies were  represented  for  the 
amusement  of  the  Court  (those 
of  Plautus  for  instance)  in  1514 
and  1522,  (v.  Warton,  1.  c.  and 
Collier's  Annals  on  the  English 
Stage,  i.  89).  It  is  scarcely  to 
be  supposed  that  the  Universi- 
ties should  have  remained  be- 
hind in  such  a  track.  Of  course 
we  do  not  allude  to  the  un- 
doubted cases  which  happened 
later  (under  Elizabeth,  &c.) 


224  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

epistle  from  More  to  the  Oxonians  relative  to  these 
follies,  in  which  the  "  Trojans"  are  reminded  of  the 
proverb:  The  Phrygians  are  slow  to  became  wise. 
I  have  already  mentioned  that  at  this  time  the  long 
forgotten  quarrels  between  the  Northemmen  and 
Southernmen  again  broke  out :  nor  can  I  think  it 
improbable  that  the  Northemmen  formed  the  very 
heart  of  the  Trojans.  In  these  same  stru^les 
we  might  perhaps  find  also  the  last  traces  of  the 
opposition  of  the  old  Universities  to  the  new,  of 
the  old  "national"  principle  to  that  of  the  Colleges. 
Nor  does  it  appear  unsignificant^  that  the  slow 
to  he  wise  predominated  particularly  in  Cambridge. 
The  influence  however  of  Chancellor  Gardiner,  who 
from  his  ascetic  Catholicism  was  by  no  means 
favorable  to  the  Classics,  was  enough  in  itself  to 
eflFect  this.  Yet  as  the  "  handmaid  of  religion,"  he 
favored  Philology  and  cultivated  it  himself  with 
much  success.  That  (after  the  manner  of  such 
men)  he  laid  great  stress  also  upon  very  mmor 
matters,  is  proved,  by  the  part  which  he  took  in 
the  contest  about  Greek  pronunciation,  respecting 
which  he  issued  as  severe  and  serious  ordinances 
as  if  the  most  important  articles  of  faith  had  been 
concerned.  Erasmus  was  nicknamed  Grteculus  iste 
at  Cambridge.  Yet,  that  at  Oxford  also,  men  of 
consideration  headed  the  opposition,  is  clear;  for 
even  in  1531  the  new  Statutes  of  Oriel  College 
contained  the  following  passage,  (Thorkelowe  Hist. 
Edward  II.,  Ed.  Heame  append.)  —  "We  enjoin 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  225 

every  body  to  give  less  attention  to  the  new  lite- 
rature and  to  the  Latin  tongue ;  and  to  direct  their 
main  efforts  to  the  ancient  studies^  which  will 
be  more  serviceable  to  them  in  exercising  and  de- , 
fending  their  ordinary  disputations."  As  a  proof 
that  similar  feelings  existed  beyond  the  Universities 
we  need  only  call  to  mind  the  zeal  of  a  distin- 
guished Prelate,  who  denominated  St.  Paul's  School, 
opened  by  Lily,  a  house  of  idolatry :  and  it  was  a 
common  proverb :  Let  the  Greeks  take  heed  lest 
they  become  heretics. 


$  123.  Disposition  of  Henry  VIII.  and  the  Great 
Men  of  his  Court  toward  the  new  learning. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  done  earlier  in 
England  in  the  way  of  classical  cultivation,  it  is 
clear  that  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  opened  for  it  a 
new  epoch  of  outward  brilliancy,  through  the  de- 
cided favor  shown  it  by  the  Sovereign  himself  and 
some  of  his  Councillors.  This  favor,  however,  was 
by  no  means  steady  or  sure,  especially  as  regarded 
the  Universities.  On  the  contrary  the  most  serious 
crisis  was  brought  about  toward  the  end  of  this 
period,  and  in  consequence  of  the  efforts  and  inter- 
ests of  those  high  circles  being  otherwise  directed. 

The  favor  of  the  Court  at  this  period  was  attracted 
to  the  new  learning,  by  the  increasing  interest 
which  the  fine  arts  inspired,  and  by  the  rise  of  a 


226  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

taste  which  could  appreciate  classical  beauty.  It 
served  to  embellish  the  life  and  ennoble  the  outward 
enjoyments  of  the  rich  and  powerful :  and  who  — 
(then  more  than  nowj) — would  think  of  strictly  ex- 
amining the  genuineness  or  depth  of  their  sjrmpathy 
with  it  ?  In  addition  to  this,  however,  was  another 
point,  accidental  to  the  matter  itself,  which  made 
it  an  instrument  that  many  were  anxious  to  wield. 
The  ecclesiastical  corruption  of  the  times,  had  al- 
ready made  all  the  more  discerning  and  right  hearted 
feel  the  necessity  of  a  thorough  regeneration.  Many 
found  relief  for  this  want  in  the  reformationary 
movement  proceeding  from  Germany,  to  which  kin- 
dred elements  in  England  soon  attached  themselves. 
Others  saw  in  this  nothing  but  a  subversion  of 
all  that  existed  —  a  remedy  worse  than  the  disease. 
Now  the  new  learning  offered  weapons  for  the  com- 
bat to  these  defenders,  as  well  as  to  many  of  the 
opponents,  of  the  Catholic  Church.  There  farther 
arose  on  both  sides  rugged  and  inflexible  extremes, 
which  looked  upon  the  Classics  as  only  a  revived 
Heathenism.  Protestantism  gave  birth  as  well  as 
Catholicism  to  its  lovers  of  darkness;"^  and,  as 
for  England  especially,  nothing  is  more  incorrect 
than  the  Protestant  idea,  that  only  Catholicism  was 
opposed  to  the  learning  of  the  times.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  earliest  promotion  of  the  new  studies 
came  from  the  policy  of  Catholicism,  with  the  pe- 
cuniary assistance,  if  not  exactly  the  direct  patron- 
age, of  the  highest  powers  of  the  State.     The  ends 

*  [Ftrt  obscuri.'} 


THE  SNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  227 

umed  at,  were; — to  combat  heresy, —  to  drive 
)ut  of  the  Church  the  barbarism,  which  had  pro- 
iroked  so  many  attacks, —  and  to  bring  about  a 
general  inward  reform.  And  in  this  respect,  what 
^as  done  in  England  must  be  distinguished  greatly 
Tom  the  favor  shown  by  the  Church  to  polite 
iterature  in  Italy  and  Rome  itself.  There,  it  was 
ong  a  mere  pagan  thoughtless  love  of  pleasure : 
n  England,  a  serious  interest  for  the  Catholic 
Zlhurch.  A  policy,  at  bottom  the  same,  was 
idopted  even  earlier,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
E^renees,  as  for  instance  by  Cardinal  Ximenes;  and 
it  afterwards  appeared  under  a  systematic  form, 
ilthough  less  fresh  and  young,  in  the  widely  ex- 
tended influence  of  the  Jesuits.  Whether  a  primary 
md  essential  error  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  whole 
effort ;  and  whether,  sooner  or  later,  it  must  have 
been  inevitable  to  sacrifice  either  Catholicism  or 
learning;  it  is  not  our  business  to  consider  here. 
[t  is  enough  to  know,  that  sincere  and  able  men 
believed  it  possible  to  strengthen  and  support  the 
former  by  the  latter. 

It  is  difficult  to  decide  what  part  Henry  VIII. 
took  in  these  efibrts,  and  in  what  direction  he 
Favored  them.  We  need  no  proof  that  the  new 
learning  must,  more  or  less,  have  aflfected  him ;  in- 
asmuch as  it  opened  a  rich  source  of  those  more 
refined  sensuous  enjoyments  required,  (according  to 
the  model  of  Italian  and  French  Princes,)  for  the 
splendor  and  honor  of  a  young  Court.     In  this 


228  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

respect^  his  reign  opened  in  England  the  new  epoch, 
precisely  as  did  that  of  Francis  I.  in  France.  Yet 
the  interest  evinced  by  the  King  toward  these  mat- 
ters, in  great  measure,  no  doubt,  sprang  from  the 
influence  which  others  exercised  upon  him.  We 
may  still  put  the  question :  Had  he  personally  any 
perception  of  the  higher  importance  of  the  subject  ? 
The  now  prevailing  opinion  denies  him  this,  as  well 
as  every  other  elevated  sentiment :  but  such  a  re- 
action against  the  shameless  flatterers  of  his  time, 
may  have  gone  further  than  the  impartiality  of 
history  would  justify.  Henry  was  not  deficient  in 
nobler  capacities,  nor  in  such  a  cultivation  of 
them  as  was  to  be  expected  or  desired  in  a  Prince. 
And  although,  at  a  later  period,  through  the  im- 
measurable excesses  of  his  violent  passions, —  (nou- 
rished as  they  were,  by  the  unprincipled  selfishness 
of  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  oppose  them,) — these 
better  qualities  may  have  been  driven  back  and 
spoiled :  yet  we  may  find  traces  of  them  even  in 
his  later,  though  not  perhaps  his  latest,  years. 
Especially,  he  appears  to  have  appreciated  correctly 
the  importance  of  severer  studies  and  of  intellectual 
life  in  general :  and  he,  doubtless,  took  them  up  as 
strengthening  Catholicism,  according  to  his  views 
of  it. 

I  may  here  be  allowed  perhaps  to  present  to 
my  readers  a  few  characteristic  traits  collected  from 
Wharton .  As  early  as  1 5 1 9,  when  the  contest  which 
existed  in  Oxford  upon  these  matters  came  before 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  229 

him  for  decision,  Henry  declared  most  decidedly  to 
the  Masters^  who  waited  upon  him  at  Abingdon, 
that  the  Sacred  Scriptures  ought  to  be  read  in  the 
original  language.  He  it  was  who  in  1524  sum- 
moned Wakefield  from  Germany  to  labor  in  this 
cause  at  Cambridge,  and  admonished  him  upon 
the  subject  with  much  seriousness  and  discernment. 
At  his  express  invitation  Luis  Vives  too  came  over 
to  England.  But  ignorant  ecclesiastics  were  often 
made  to  feel  the  weight  of  his  displeasure ;  as  oc- 
curred for  instance  with  his  Court  Preacher,  who 
having  been  driven  by  More  to  confess  in  the  King*s 
presence  that  he  could  not  distinguish  Greek  from 
Hebrew,  was  immediately  banished  from  Court. 
That  the  King's  polemical  writings  against  the  Re- 
formation manifested  some  knowledge  of  theology, 
is  well  known:  and  this  theological  tendency, 
favored  by  vanity  and  other  passions,  may  latterly 
have  thrust  more  into  the  back-ground  his  interest 
for  polite  literature. 


$  124.  Wolsey,  Patron  of  the  Classics. 

Be  this  as  it  may ;  we  do  not  deny  that  to  Cardi- 
nal Wolsey  belong  alike  the  honor  and  the  respon- 
sibility of  Patron  to  these  branches  of  learning,  as 
handmaids  and  supports  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Wolsey  surpassed  the  King  greatly,  both  in  pure 
relish  for  their  beauties,  and  in  depth  of  intellectual 


r 


230  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

culture.  For,  however  much  he  may  have  been 
actuated  by  low  and  selfish  purposes;  however 
often  he  may  have  adopted  unworthy  means  for 
attaining  nobler  ends,  his  better  qualities  justified 
the  very  highest  pretensions.  Under  rougher  forms, 
he  concealed  a  Medicean  spirit;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Leo  X.  could  have  had  no  worthier 
successor  than  he.*  It  is  notorious  that  Wolsey 
promoted  classical  cultivation  both  with  much  dis- 
cernment and  attachment,  and  with  unlimited 
generosity.  The  only  question  could  be  as  to  his 
spirit  and  purpose.  Already  several  worthy  Pre- 
lates, such  as  Fox,  bishop  of  Winchester,  his  prede- 
cessor Langham,  and  Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester, 
had  set  an  example  of  employing  influence  and 
wealth  in  establishing  schools,  and  patronizing 
learned  men.  They  had  even  sought  to  impart 
to  all  around  them  the  same  impulse,  and  thus  to 
convert  their  palaces  (as  it  were)  into  high  schools 
for  polite  literature.  All  this  was  done  by  Wolsey 
also,  to  an  extent  and  in  a  manner,  which  proved 
at  once  the  immensity  of  his  resources,  and  the 
lofty  standard  of  his  rather  ostentatious  munifi- 
cence :  nor  did  he  disdain  to  advance  the  cause  in 
other  ways,  as,  for  instance,  in  the  treatise  ad- 
dressed to  the  Schoolmasters  of  England,  in  which 
he  exhorted  them  to  initiate  their  pupils  into  this 

*  An  inordinate  hist  of  powerdoes  to  Fiddes  and  Grove,  on  account 

not  necessarily  exclude    nobler  ofthepassagesfromWolsey'scor- 

motives.  I  refer  my  readers,  with  respondence  contained  in  them, 

regard   to  Wolsey 's   connexion  Howard'sWolsey  (London  1825) 

with  the  Universities,  especially  is  also  valuable  in  this  respect. 


THE  SNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  231 

most  elegant  literature.  But  we  must  return  to  the 
Universities,  Wolsey's  great  scene  of  action  in  this 
respect. 

J  125.  Foa^  and  Wolseyj  rival  Patrons  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oxford. 

•  Even  in  the  Universities  one  of  his  fellow  Prelates 
bad  preceded  him.  To  the  venerable  Fox  is  due 
the  honor  of  having  been  first  to  establish  a  great 
eu^emic  foundation  expressly  to  promote  the  Clas- 
sics. To  this  intent,  he  founded  at  Oxford,  in 
1616,  Corpus  Christi  College,  for  twenty  Fellows 
and  twenty  stipendiary  Students,  and  endowed  it 
with  three  Professorships,  for  Greek,  Latin^  and 
rheology.  The  very  names  of  the  men,  whom, 
partly  from  the  Continent,  he  introduced  into  this 
establishment ; — (men  such  as  Luis  Vives,  Krucher, 
Clement,  Utten,  Lupsat,  and  Pace;) — sufficiently 
prove  that  he  really  intended  to  provide  for  this 
aewly  awakened  branch  of  learning  a  powerful 
Drgan,  under  the  orders  of  the  Church.*     In  fact, 

*  According  to  Warton,  it  is  houses  for  Monks,  whose  down- 

bnie,  there  existed  in  Christ's  fall  we  ourselves  may  yet  outlive. 

College,  Cambridge,  as  early  as  No :  let  us  rather  do  something 

1506,  a  Lecturer  who  was  to  for  the  cause  of  learning,  and 

teach  Logic  and  Philosophy,  and  for  such  men  as  may  be  useful 

also  to  give  explanations  from  to   State   or   Church   by   their 

the  works  either  of  poets  or  of  erudition."     As  far  as  regards 

orators.       Fox   had    originally  the  lecturer  in  ancient  literature, 

meant  to  found  a  great  Mon-  it  is  expressly  stated  in  the  Sta- 

astery,   but  was   dissuaded  by  tutes;  "  If  ever  ftar6ari^m  should 

his    friend    Oldham,    with    the  bud  forth,  let  him  with  all  his 

(vords  :    **  Why  should  we  build  might  extirpate  it  from  our  hive." 


232  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

nothing  was  left  for  Wolsey,  unless  he  renounced 
all  ambition  of  this  kind^  but  to  throw  previous 
establishments  into  the  back  ground  by  the  mag- 
nificence of  his  own. 

Fox  was  Wolsey's  most  dangerous  rival  in  the 
favor  of  the  King,  and  still  more  in  the  good  opin- 
ion of  thoughtful  men  both  in  the  Church  and  in 
the  nation:  and  just  at  the  time  when  Fox  put 
forth  his  generous  benevolence  in  Oxford,  Wolsey's 
relations  with  the  University  were  assuming  greater 
importance.  It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  it 
was  in  great  measure  this  that  spurred  him  on.  The 
University,  however,  had  just  then  the  most  urgent 
motives  for  seeking  in  every  way  to  win  such  a 
patron.  Beside  the  direct  influence  of  the  German 
reformationary  movements,  there  had  prevailed  for 
many  years,  in  England  as  elsewhere,  an  uneasy 
spirit,  the  eflbrts  of  which  were  by  no  means  solely 
directed  toward  spiritual  freedom  and  heavenly 
treasure,  but  most  decidedly  towards  every  kind  of 
worldly  goods.  A  rich  and  weak  Church  appeared 
to  all  craving  appetites  like  a  stricken  deer,  the 
easiest  and  most  desirable  prey:  nor  could  the 
Universities,  which  had  so  often  enjoyed  the  advan- 
tages of  a  semi-ecclesiastical  character,  in  this  crisis 
avoid  community  of  danger.  The  first  opponents 
with  whom  they  had  to  contend,  were  the  Corpo- 
rations, the  citizens,  and  the  rabble,  of  the  Univer- 
sity Towns.  All  the  old  points  of  contention  were 
again  raked  up :  the  privileges  of  the  University 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  233 

irere  again  attacked^  and  with  weapons  of  every 
ort.  Even  had  the  numbers  and  the  physical  force 
nd  courage  of  the  Universities  been  as  great  as 
a  the  old  times,  the  violent  scenes  of  the  four- 
eenth  century  might  now  recur:  indeed  the  Wells's 
nd  Berefords  had  admirable  representatives  in 
dderman  Haynes  and  other  popular  leaders.  * 
lie  Universities,  therefore,  less  prepared  than 
ver  to  maintain  a  warlike  opposition,  sought  on 
very  side  protection  from  the  mighty  of  the  land. 


126.  The  University  of  Oxford,  in  dismay  at  threat- 
ening  storms^  gladly  accepts  Wolsey's  protection. 

During  the  stormy  periods  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
iiry,  at  a  time  when  Warwick  gained  the  name  of 
[ing-maker ;  there  was  no  King  in  fact,  but  only 
^•etenders;  whose  protection,  (had  they  been  at 
3isure  to  protect  any  beside  themselves,)  might  at 
ny  moment  have  proved  ruinous.  In  those  times 
de  Universities  had  sought  to  secure  the  less  legal, 
et  more  eflective  protection  of  Nobles  and  Prelates, 
lence  the  custom  arose  of  choosing  for  Chancellors 
f  the  University  men  of  rank  so  high  that  the 
ffice  appeared  as  one  of  mere  general  patronage ; 

*  Wood    gives    accounts    of  dictines  and  the  University,  and 

lese  matters  under  the  date  of  gave  weapons  to  the  former,  in 

517  and  the  years  immediately  order  to  attack  the  Vice-Chan- 

^ore  and  after.  Hajrnes,  among  cellor  and  Proctors.     I  cannot 

;her  things,  availed  himself  of  here  enter  into  details. 
le  quarrels  between  the  Bene- 


234  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVSRSITIBS. 

while  the  current  business  of  it  was  performed  by  a 
substitute.  The  same  thing  occurred  with  respect 
to  the  post  of  Seneschal  of  the  University.  All 
this^  however^  did  not  appear  sufficient,  against  the 
storms  which  collected  during  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury; particularly  since  the  Crown  had  emerged 
from  the  conflict  more  powerful  than  ever,  inso- 
much that  every  thing  appeared  now  to  depend  upon 
the  opinion  or  caprice  of  the  King.  Henry,  more- 
over, had  doubtless  a  dim  consciousness  that  the 
possessions  of  the  Church  would  shortly  fall  a  prey 
to  the  times,  and  that  in  any  case  the  lion's  share 
was  due  to  him.  It  became  then  a  serious  question 
whether  the  Royal  hand  would  grasp  the  booty  or 
not ; — whether  the  King,  (should  he  desire  to  med- 
dle at  all  in  such  matters,)  would  protect  the  Univer- 
sities against  attack,  or  would  rather  leave  matters 
to  take  their  course,  calculating  that  the  hunted 
deer  must  be  at  last  driven  into  his  nets.  All  de- 
pended on  gaining  over  the  wavering  mind  of  the 
King ;  and  this,  (as  appeared  daily  more  and  more 
clear,)  was  to  be  eflected  by  Wolsey  alone.  Thus 
it  need  not  seem  strange,  that,  as  soon  as  Wolsey 
evinced  his  readiness  to  serve  it,  the  University 
resigned  itself  unconditionally  into  his  hands. 
Wareham,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  then  their 
Chancellor,  was  no  more  thought  of:  Wolsey  quite 
usurped  his  sphere  of  influence,  as  Patron  of  the 
University.  Cambridge  also  sought  to  stand  on 
like  terms  witl\  him  by  choosing  him  (in  the  year 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  235 

1514)  for  its  Chancellor:  but  Wolsey,  for  reasons 
unknown,  declined  the  honor,  and  appears,  in 
general,  to  have  had  less  regard  for  Cambridge, 
bestowing  his  favors  almost  exclusively  on  Oxford.* 


$127.  Wolsey  obtains  for  the  University  a  New 

Charter  from  the  King. 

A  decisive  step  appears  to  have  been  taken,  on 
the  visit  with  which  Queen  Katharine  honored 
Oxford  in  1518,  accompanied  by  Wolsey ;  while 
the  King  stayed  behind  with  his  Court  at  Abing- 
don; as  though  still  indiflferent  to  the  University. 
Wolsey,  after  closer  enquiries,  declared  in  the  Aca- 
demic Convocation,  that  he  would  do  nothing  and 
answer  for  nothing,  unless  the  University  would 
commit  itself  entirely  to  his  direction.  The  Uni- 
versity accepted  his  terms,  and  at  once  deli- 
vered into  his  hands  all  its  Charters  and  Statutes, 
to  be  made  use  of  at  will  and  altered  if  neces- 
sary :  in  return  for  which  he  undertook  to  plead 
their  cause  with  the  King.    The  result  proved,  that 

*    The    accounts  which   we  thors.     According  to  the  cata- 

have  found  relative  to  these  mat-  logue  of  Cambridge  Chancellors 

ters  are  in  great  part  contradic-  in  Parker,  Bishop  Fisher  was 

tory  and  obscure.     It  is  very  elected  Chancellor  several  times 

certain  that  he  never  accepted  from  1504  to  1514,  and  then 

the  post;    and   when   we  find  for  life  —  doubtless   in  conse- 

Chalmers  and  even  the  Biogra-  quence  of  Wolsey's  refusal.     I 

phia  Britannica  asserting  that  he  refer  my  readers  to  Fiddes  (ii. 

filled  the  office,  we  can  but  look  p.  213)  and  Howard  (pp.  94  and 

upon  it  as  one  of  the  numerous  95)  :  as  far  as  regards  Fisher  to 

negligences  of  this  kind  in  au-  the  **  Anglia  Sacra,"  (i.  382.) 


J 


236  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

this  confidence  was  not  misplaced.  Wolsey,  after 
keeping  the  documents  for  about  four  years,  there- 
by causing  no  little  uneasiness  to  the  UniTcrsity, 
restored  them  in  1 524,  together  with  a  new  one, 
which  he  had  obtained  from  the  King,  eonfirmiiig 
all  their  earlier  privileges  and  in  many  points  mak- 
ing them  still  more  favorable  and  decisive.  As 
one  result  of  the  mighty  Prelate's  protection,  tbe 
townspeople  now  felt  the  need  of  greater  cautioii 
and  compliance  toward  the  University. 


$  128.  Wolsey  plans  and  begins  Cardinal  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  and  a  School  at  Ipswkk. 

Not  content  with  having  thus  secured  what  al- 
ready existed,  Wolsey  now  took  measures  for  new 
creations  of  his  own.  Already  in  1518  had  he 
made  arrangements  for  appointing  a  Professor  of 
Rhetoric  and  of  Greek  at  the  University;  and 
he  appears,  for  a  time,  to  have  meant  to  found 
University  Professorships  on  a  large  scale,  and  to 
build  University  Lecture-Rooms.*  But  this  inten- 
tion must  have  been  soon  laid  aside ;  as  we  fibtid  no 
farther  mention  of  it.  As  a  sort  of  compensation, 
he  undertook  to  found  a  College  upon  such  a 
scale,  as  to  be  able,  by  itself,  to  form  as  it  were  a 

*  That  Wolsey  had  had  plans  we  hear  nothing  more  either  of 

of  the  kind  ai)pears  by  the  ad-  these   jjrojected  Professorships, 

dress  of  thanks  from  the  Uni-  or  of  the  one  founded  in   1518. 
versity  in  1520  (v.  Wood).    But 


/eitnder  of  Cardinal  Cs/lidt  nr. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  23/ 

University,  for  cultivating  the  new  literature  in 
the  service  of  the  old  Church.  At  all  events,  it 
was  destined  to  throw  into  the  shade  every  thing 
which  Christendom  had  as  yet  possessed  in  educa- 
tional institutions.*  How  strange  then,  how  sig- 
nificant is  it,  that  the  very  means  by  which  he 
sought  to  rear  these  new  props  of  the  Church, 
should  have  so  eminently  contributed  to  hasten  the 
fall  of  the  old  building!  It  is  well  known,  that 
the  confiscation  of  several  smaller  ecclesiastical  en- 
dowments, for  the  benefit  of  Wolsey's  College,  was 
made  a  precedent  for  the  subsequent  great  spolia- 
tions of  the  Church ;  although,  in  this  instance, 
every  thing  was  done  with  the  approval  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  and  absolutely  none  of  the  rights 
and  ordinances  of  the  Church  were  violated  by  it. 
Like  cases  had  also  occurred  in  earlier  times ;  but 
just  now,  it  was  an  extremely  hazardous  measure, 
even  for  a  friend  and  master,  to  move  but  a  stone 
of  the  tottering  building. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  in  the  year  1524  and  1525  no 
less  than  two  and  twenty  Priories  and  Convents 
were  done  away  with.  Their  revenues,  amounting 
to  two  thousand  pounds  a  year,  were,  by  Papal 
bulls  and  a  Royal  privilege,  bestowed  upon  a  Col- 
lege for  secular  clergy,  to  be  erected  in  Oxford 
under  the  name  of  Cardinal  College.     The  number 

*  For  the  history  of  Wolsey's  torians.      Documents  may  be 

foundations  in  Oxford  and  Ips-  found    in   the  Monasticon,   in 

wich,  I  refer  my  readers  to  Wood,  Rymer  and  Wilkins. 
and  Wolsey's  Biographical  His- 


238  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

of  its  members  was  to  amount  to  sixty  Canonists 
and  forty  Priests ;  whose  chief  duty,  beside  divine 
service,  was  to  consist  in  various  academic  studies, 
but  especially,  in  classical  and  biblical  Philology, 
and  in  giving  instruction.     For  the  latter  purpose 
the   College  had,    attached  to    it,    ten    endowed 
professorships:— m  Latin,   Greek,  and  Hebrew; 
Theology,  Canon  and  Civil  Law,  and  Medicine. 
Beside  the  posts  of  the  actual  Canonists,  a  certam 
number  of  subordinate  situations,   stipends,  &c., 
were  also  to  be  founded,  so  that  the  members  of 
this  Institution  would  have  been  not  less  than  a 
hundred  and  sixty.      Lastly,  Wolsey  founded,  at 
the  same  time,  a  great  school  at  Ipswich,  to  be 
connected  with  his  College,  nearly  as  Wykenham's 
School  at  Winchester  with  New  College,  and  Eton 
School  with  Kiug*s  College.     The  first  stone  of 
Cardinal  College  was  laid  in  1525  by  Wolsey  him- 
self, after  which  the  building  proceeded  rapidly. 
In  the  first  year  alone  its  expenses,  (which  Wolsey 
drew  from  his  own  resources,)  amounted  to  about 
eight  thousand  pounds ;  at  that  time  an  enormous 
sum.     The  Kitchen  was  completed  first,  and  who- 
ever has  seen  it,  cannot  be  surprised  that  its  size 
and  splendor  gave  rise  to  a  good  deal  of  mockery 
among  the  envious.     "He  began  with  a  College, 
and  ended  with  a  cook's  shop,"  was  the  [Latin] 
sarcasm  of  some  one.      A  more  serious  meaning 
is   to  be  found  in   the  following  allusion  to  his 
diverting  money   from  other  corporations  to   the 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  239 

service  of  the  C!ollege  :*  That  house  shall  not  stand, 
founded  by  plunder:  If  it  fall  not,  some  other  plun- 
derer  shall  get  it. 

The  buildmgs  rose  on  the  site  of  the  ancient 
Abbey  of  St  Frideswide,  whose  beautiful  Church 
was  to  serve  as  Chapel  to  the  College.  Wolsey, 
meanwhile,  sought  far  and  near  for  men  worthy  of 
being  installed  in  such  a  dwelling,  and  capable  of 
cooperating  in  so  vast  a  scheme.  He  engaged  at 
last  Tyndal  and  Frith  from  Cambridge ;  Vives  who 
had  long  taught  in  Oxford ;  and,  from  the  Conti- 
nent, Johannes  de  Colonnibus ;  Nicholaus  de  Burgo ; 
Petrus  Garcias  de  Lalo ;  Niclaus  Kratzer,  the  Bava- 
rian Mathematician ;  Mathoeus  Calpurnius,  a  Greek ; 
and  several  others ;  and  the  completion  of  his  gigan- 
tic projects,  both  as  to  Oxford  and  as  to  Ipswich, 
was  shortly  expected,  when,  in  the  year  1 528,  his 
sudden  fall  brought  the  whole  to  a  stop. 


$  129.  Remarks  upon  Wolsey  after  his  fall. 

Whatever  may  be  said  about  Wolsey's  demea- 
nor in  misfortune,  it  is  but  just  to  remark  that 
almost  to  his  last  moment,  solicitude  for  his  Oxford 
foundations  most  frequently  and  most  deeply  oc- 
cupied his  thoughts.  The  earnest  and  touching 
letters  upon  this  subject  which  he  addressed  partly 

*  "  Non  stabit  ilia  domuB  aliis  fimdata  rapinis ; 
Aut  met,  aut  alter  raptor  habebit  earn." 


240  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

to  the  King  himself,  partly  to  Cromwell,  (the  only 
one  of  his  many  friends  and  admirers  who  had  re- 
mained faithful  to  him,)  will  be  a  proof,  as  long  as 
his  name  exists,  that  he  was  capable  of  really  great 
and  noble  feelings.* 

I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  quoting  here, 
Shakespere's  immortal  testimony  concerning  Wolsey 
and  his  institutions ;  which,  (Henry  VIII.  Act  v. 
Scene  2,)  independently  of  its  poetic  worth,  is 
pregnant  with  historical  truth: — 

"  This  Cardinal, 
Though  from  an  humble  stock,  undoubtedly 
Was  fEishion'd  to  much  honour.     From  his  cradle 
He  was  a  scholar,  and  a  ripe,  and  good  one ; 
Exceeding  wise,  fair  spoken,  and  persuading : 
Lofty  and  sour,  to  them  that  lov'd  him  not ; 
But,  to  those  men  that  sought  him,  sweet  as  summer. 
And  though  he  were  unsatisfied  in  getting, 
(Which  was  a  sin,)  yet  in  bestowing,  madam, 
He  was  most  princely  :  Ever  witness  for  him 
Those  twins  of  learning,  that  he  rais'd  in  you, 
Ipswich,  and  Oxford  !  one  of  which  fell  with  him. 
Unwilling  to  outlive  the  good  that  did  it ; 
The  other,  though  unfinished,  yet  so  famous, 
So  excellent  in  art  and  still  so  rising, 
That  Christendom  shall  ever  speak  his  virtue. 
His  overthrow  heaped  happiness  upon  him ; 
For  then,  and  not  till  then,  he  felt  himself. 
And  found  the  blessedness  of  being  little  : 
And,  to  add  greater  honours  to  his  age 
Than  man  could  give  him,  he  died  fearing  God." 

*  These  letters  may  be  found  in  "  Ellis's  Letters  relating  to  Eng-  ^ 
lish  History,"  &c.     Second  series,  ii.  17  and  sqq. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIBS.  241 

As  far  as  r^ards  the  Christian  resignation  of  Wol- 
sey  after  his  fall^  I  must  confess  that  from  all  other 
evidence  there  would  be  every  reason  to  doubt  of 
it,  did  not  Shakespere  testify  in  favor  of  it. 


$  1 30.  The  Question  of  the  King^s  Divorce  is 
brought  before  the  Universities. 

But  in  spite  of  the  intercession  of  Cromwell,  and 
other  highly  esteemed  and  well  meaning  men,  the 
King  for  many  years  left  the  fate  not  only  of 
Wolsey's  institutions,  but  of  the  Universities  them- 
selves, very  doubtful.  The  mediation  of  the  fallen 
favorite,  had  certainly  given  to  these  bodies  a 
greater  importance  than  before,  in  the  King's  eyes 
and  thoughts.  Nor  indeed  was  Henry  VIII.  in- 
capable of  taking  a  higher  and  more  serious  view 
of  the  question;  so  that  the  attention  which  he 
had  paid  it  merely  for  Wolsey*s  sake  at  first,  soon 
assumed  more  or  less  of  a  political  character.* 
But  when  the  King's  favor  for  Wolsey  had  changed 
into  aversion,  the  danger  became  imminent,  that 
the  Universities  would  share  with  their  fallen 
patron  in  the  effects  of  the  Royal  caprice.  New 
dangers  moreover  arose  from  the  real  importance 
of  the  matter  itself,  in  the  light  in  which  it  was 
regarded  by  the   King.      For  he,  after  Wolsey's 

*  Cambridge  received  the  honor  of  the  first  Ro3ral  visit,  under 

Henry,  in  1522. 


# 


242 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


fall^  (in  part,  no  doubt,  occasioned  by  the  (5risis,) 
hurried  towards  a  point,  in  which,  except  by  a 
breach  with  Rome,  he  could  not  obtain  the  grati- 
fication of  his  passions.  The  profitable  favor,  the 
destructive  anger,  of  the  King,  were  suspended 
on  the  condition  of  advocating  his  divorce  from 
Katharine,  without  scruples  of  conscience  or  honor. 
The  Universities  saw  themselves  the  less  able  to 
evade  the  alternative,  the  more  the  King  recog- 
nized their  ancient  national  importance,  (of  late 
again  exalted  by  Wolsey,)  and  their  weight  in 
public  opinion.  In  the  actual  result,  Oxford  and 
Cambridge,*  with  the  more  important  Universities 
of  the  Continent,  were  desired  to  give  their  opinions 
upon  the  subject  of  the  divorce:  and  the  proceedings 
which  followed,  are,  we  grieve  to  say,  a  shameful 
stain  in  the  History  of  the  two  Universities.  It 
may  be,  that  many  of  their  members  were  already 
actuated  by  an  unscrupulous  policy,  that  sought  in 
any  way  to  advance  either  Protestantism  or  Classical 
Literature.     Be  that  as  it  may ;  it  is  certain  that 


*  A  most  lamentable  repre- 
sentation is  made  of  the  embar- 
rassment and  fear  of  the  Univer- 
sity at  that  period,  in  an  account 
given  (in  1529)  by  the  [Cam- 
bridge] Vice-Chancellor,  of  his 
visit  to  Court.  Although  Cam- 
bridge had  shown  itself  only  too 
ready  to  give  in,  yet  the  King 
"with  the  Pope  sticking  in  his 
throat"  was  not  satisfied,  and 
public  opinion,  at  the  same  time, 
censured  its    compliance   most 


bitterly.  "  And  on  the  morrow," 
says  the  Vice-Chancellor  in  con- 
clusion, "I  departed  from  thence 
thynking  more  than  I  did  say, 
and  beyng  glad  that  I  was  oute 
of  Courte,  wheare  many  men,  as 
I  dyd  both  here  and  perceave, 
dyd  wonder  at  me.  And  here 
shal  be  an  ende  for  this  tyme  of 
this  fable.  All  the  worlde  al- 
moste  cryethe  out  of  Cambridge 
for  this  acte  and  specially  on 
me,"  &c.  (Lamb.  24.) 


THB  BNOLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  243 

there^  as  well  as  throughout  all  Catholic  Chris- 
tendom, and  at  all  the  other  Universities,^  the  ma- 
jority were  convinced,  that  the  wishes  of  the  King 
were  contrary  to  all  the  rights  of  morality,  as  well 
as  of  religion.  That  an  opinion  was  nevertheless 
given  in  favor  of  the  divorce,  can  therefore  be 
explained  only  by  supposing  a  preponderance  of 
worldly  and  selfish  considerations,  and  a  most 
lamentable  want  of  moral  dignity.  True ;  the  Uni- 
versities, had  they  done  their  duty,  would  have 
had  to  fear  the  worst  from  the  King's  wrath ;  but 
this  can  in  no  way  justify  their  despicable  aban- 
donment of  truth.  It  is  a  most  wretched  error,  an 
utterly  false  estimate,  that  a  body  to  which  intel- 
lectual interests  are  entrusted, — at  all  more  than  an 
individual  man, — can  or  ought  to  preserve  its  ma- 
terial life  and  its  immediate  eflScacy,  at  the  expense 
of  moral  worth  and  conscious  uprightness.  By  this 
means,  in  fact,  the  very  thing  is  lost  which  alone  is 
worth  the  sacrifice  of  life.  It  forfeits  exactly  that, 
from  which  it  derives  its  highest  sanction,  its  best 
and  most  vigorous  powers.  What  it  is  that  duty  de- 
mands from  an  individual  or  from  a  corporation, 
must  never  be  determined,  by  inquiring,  what  dan- 
gers threaten  it  from  powers  which  lie  beyond  the 
circle  of  its  moral  nature.  But  the  truth  is,  that 
institutions  which  are  representative  of  the  public 

*  We  do  not  speak  here  of  and    which    sufficiently    prove 

the  judgment  delivered,  but  of  what  was   the   real  conviction 

the  means  by  which  it  is  well  of  men's  minds, 
known  to  have  been   obtained, 


244  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIB8. 

sentiment,  so  long  as  they  preserve  an  unblemished 
int^rity,  may  well  defy  the  terrors  which  cowardly 
self-interest  conjures  up.  Exalted  by  conscious 
rectitude,  they  have  a  far  greater  power  of  life 
within,  than  has  passionate  and  blind  impulse. 
Even  their  outward  prosperity  can  be  injured  only 
temporarily,  as  long  as  they  retain  spiritual  vigor. 
Should  any  one  be  disposed  to  think  that  I  am 
laying  too  much  stress  on  the  whole  matter,  let 
him  reflect  that  the  Universities  were  formally  and 
professionally  called  upon  to  ^ve  judgment  in  their 
own  proper  vocation ;  and  the  passing  of  a  Mse 
sentence  was  a  direct  abuse  of  learning  and  dese- 
cration of  the  bodies  themselves.  Two  verses  of 
Juvenal^  are  fiill  of  deep  meaning :  Deem  it  to  he 
the  height  of  abomination  to  rate  your  breath  higher 
than  honor ;  and  to  save  life  by  losing  the  sole  end 
of  living.  What  would  have  followed,  if,  instead 
of  truckling  to  the  King's  lusts,  they  had  boldly 
stood  up  for  Religion,  Morality,  Learning  and  posi- 
tive Right; — how  the  example  might  have  influ- 
enced the  public  morale  and  hereby  the  course  of 
political  events,  we  cannot  certainly  tell ;  nor  yet 
can  those,  who  choose  to  look  upon  the  very  worst 
consequences  as  certain.  At  any  rate,  the  fact  is, 
that  this  immoral  cowardice  has  ever  since  entailed 
its  curse  upon  the  spiritual  and  intellectual  life  of 
these   Universities.      Much   trouble   and   distress 


*  '•  Summum  crede  nefaa  anitnam  prte/erre  pudori 
Et  propter  vilam  vivendi  perdere  causas." 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBR8ITIBS.  245 

henceforward  were  the  schools  of  learning  to  suffer. 
No  wonder.  They  had  cringed  for  Ciourt  favor, — 
they  had  meddled  with  the  selfish  intrigues  of  the 
powerful ;  they  had  taught  the  possessor  of  phy- 
sical force^  what  unreasonable  demands  he  might 
make,  and  what  convenient  tools  they  might  be- 
come. 

It  is  true,  that  at  that  time,  no  worthier  senti- 
ments were  to  be  found  in  any  quarter :  everything 
bowed  down  before  a  savage  despotism.  In  fact, 
the  gratification  of  the  Kmg*s  desires,  was  rendered 
possible,  only  by  the  cowardice  or  self-interest 
completely  prevailing  among  the  higher  circles, 
especially  in  the  Church.  All  this  may  palliate  the 
conduct  of  the  Universities,  but  certainly  cannot 
justify  it :  nay,  these  bodies,  above  all  others,  were 
in  duty  bound  to  keep  free  from  the  corruptions  of 
the  times.  At  the  same  time,  for  their  honor,  it 
must  be  stated,  that,  though  the  case  was  emi- 
nently and  unprecedentedly  hazardous,  yet  (at  least 
at  Oxford)  this  despicable  decision  was  obtained  in 
such  a  way  only,  that  at  most  a  passive  responsi- 
bility fell  upon  the  majority,  and  that,  only  after  a 
long  and  honorable  opposition.  The  details  of  the 
proceedings  at  Cambridge  are  not  known,  but  a 
more  minute  account  of  what  occurred  at  Oxford, 
may  not  perhaps  be  superfluous. 


246  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBB. 


$131.  Detail  of  the  proceedings  at  Oxford. 

The  position  of  the  Universities  was  certainly 
very  critical ;  for  Wolsey's  fall  was  the  signal  for 
all  their  enemies  to  recommence  the  most  violent 
attacks  upon  them.  The  Town  Corporations  and 
Townspeople  were  now  fiiller  than  ever  of  hope,  by 
fear  or  force  to  strip  the  Universities  of  all  privi- 
leges which  touched  the  pride  or  mterests  of  the 
citizens.  But  besides,  more  and  more  was  yearly 
to  be  dreaded  from  the  invading  reformationary, 
or  at  least,  anti-catholic  feelings,  which  naturally 
looked  upon  the  Universities  as  nurseries  to  the 
ruling  Church.  Indeed  it  appeared,  as  though  only 
decisive  aid  from  the  Royal  right  and  might,  could 
rescue  them.  But  at  that  time,  as  so  often,  a  just 
cause  meant  —  Court  favor.  The  Royal  rft^-favor 
had  but  to  neglect  them ;  and  the  greatest  injury, 
if  not  total  ruin,  appeared  unavoidable.  Indeed 
the  King  himself  would  doubtless  have  used  the 
most  violent  remedies,  if  the  Universities  had  not 
yielded  to  his  will:  nor  can  we  imagine  there 
was  any  lack  of  ready  go-betweens,  of  kind  ftiends 
to  plead  with  those,  whose  opinions  were  of  im- 
portance; friends,  who  would  point  out  the  dan- 
gers of  resistance,  hint  or  invent  loopholes  and 
backdoors  for  tender  consciences,  with  other 
more  or  less  plausible  excuses  for  compliance,  as, 
"  the  opinions  of  other  Universities,"   &c.      Such 


THB  BN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES.  247 

itrigues  had  already  woe  their  end  at  Cambridge, 
hen  a  solemn  convocation  was  called  at  Oxford 
)  deliberate  on  their  sentence:  but  still  no  ma- 
irity  could  be  found  to  act  the  pander  by  Law 
ad  Theology.  The  most  determined  opposition 
as  shewn  more  especially  by  the  graduates  in 
rtSy  and  the  younger  members  of  the  University y — 
a  opposition  which  sprang  from  the  sound  fresh- 
ess  of  their  feelings.  The  elder  members,  on  the 
>ntrary,  were  carried  away  in  general  by  that 
eakness  or  self-interest,  which  assumes  the  form 
F  maturer  wisdom :  although  men  of  this  age,  (it 
light  have  been  supposed,)  would  be  forced  by 
mscious  worth,  worthily  to  close  a  long  and  hon- 
rable  career.*  Hereupon  followed  a  letter  in  the 
king's  own  hand  to  the  Vice-Chancellor,  full  of 
iolent  reproaches  and  threats,  commanding  him 
istantly  to  propose  the  question  anew.  The  for- 
ler  manoeuvres  were  immediately  renewed,  and  the 
ishop  of  Lincoln  among  others,  was  employed  in 
lis  work.  Nevertheless,  several  attempts  indi- 
jctly  to  obtain  a  majority,  utterly  failed,  and  the 
icitement  only  increased :  until  at  last  there  was 
0  resource  remaining  but,  in  violation  of  the  sta- 
ttes  and  rights  of  the  University ,  to  exclude  the 
raduates  in   Arts  from   the    Convocation.     They 

*  Our  honorable  Wood  ex-  punishment,  were  for  yielding 

"esses  himself  in  the  following  assent  in  favor  of  the  King :  but 

y  manner :  **  The  Doctors  for  the  younger  members  could  by  no 

e  most  part,  induced  either  by  method  be  induced  to  agree  with 

e  hope  of  reward  or  by  fear  of  them,'* 


M- 


248  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

thus  ensured  a  majority  of  the  other  faculties,  for 
an  opinion  favorable  to  the  King.* 


$  132.  I%e  King  long  keeps  the  Universities  in 
suspense  concerning  their  Privileges. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  impossible  to 
expect  lively  gratitude  from  the  King;  and,  in  fact, 
the  position  of  the  Universities  was  for  many  years 
very  uncertain.  Henry,  it  is  true,  soon  after  the 
events  above  detailed,  came  to  a  detennination 
respecting  Wolsey*s  establishments,  which  secured 
to  the  University  their  preservation  for  a  time  at 
least,  without  great  diminution  of  the  original 
scheme.  But  the  fame  and  name  of  the  Collie, 
the  sole  possession  left  to  the  fallen  favorite, —  was 
too  much  for  the  King  to  grant  him :  for  Henry 
called  it  after  himself  and  treated  it  as  a  new 
foundation.  Yet  we  may  conclude,  that  he  in  part 
felt  sympathy  with  the  intellectual  movement:  for  he 
appointed  to  the  College  oflSces  several  of  the  more 
distinguished  Classical  Scholars  of  the  day,  such  as 
Roper,  Croke,  Cheke,  Leland,  Corin,  Robins,  and 

*  The  judgment  delivered  is  lasted  until  July.    There  also 

of  the  date  of  the   8th  April,  every  possible  intrigue  was  re- 

1530.      Wood  says,   that  the  sorted  to,  and  yet  the  favorable 

decision   of   the   University  of  opinion,  which  the  King  at  last 

Paris  was  given  to  the  Oxford  obtained,  was  subscribed  by  no 

Convocation  as  precedent:  but  regular  authenticated  majority, 

this  could  only  have  been  the  and  was  also  got   by  surprise 

decision  of  one  of  the  Faculties ;  and  cunning, 
for  the  negociations  with  Paris 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  249 

Wakefield,  the  restorer  of  Hebrew  studies.  A  visit 
also  with  which  the  King  honored  Oxford  in  the 
same  year,  may  be  regarded  as  a  proof,  that  his 
anger  was  somewhat  appeased ;  although  in  spite 
of  the  efforts  of  the  University  to  celebrate  his 
presence  with  due  honor,  he  did  not  seem  very 
gracious.  The  public  measures  taken  by  him 
about  the  same  time,  were  not  of  a  nature  to 
soothe  the  troubled  state  of  feeling.  However, 
after  repeated  complaints  concerning  the  quarrels 
between  the  Town  and  the  University,  the  King 
commanded  both  C!orporations  to  give  back  their 
charters  into  his  hands,  reserving  for  himself  to 
decide  concerning  the  future.  The  same  took  place 
shortly  after  with  respect  to  Cambridge.  He  at 
last  determined  in  favor  of  the  University  and  of 
its  existing,  well-earned  rights:  but  the  charters  re- 
mained until  1 553  in  the  King's  hands,  so  that  the 
future  existence  of  both  Corporations,  especially  of 
the  University,  was  held  in  the  balance  for  ten 
years.  But  long  before  this,  it  appeared,  with 
what  intention  the  King  had  so  long  kept  the 
University  in  suspense;  and  on  what  conditions 
alone  it  could  hope  to  obtain  a  favorable  decision 
from  him. 


250  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  133.    The  Universities^  at  the  Kind's  command, 
declare /or  the  Separation  from  Rome;  in  1534. 

The  long- threatened  rupture  with  Rome  took 
place  in  May,  1 534  :  the  schism  was  declared^  and 
the  Universities  were  called  upon  to  give  their  con- 
currence. Since  the  transactions  of  1532  the  re- 
formationary  opinions  had  made  progress,  and  many 
of  the  most  respectable  members  doubtless  enter- 
tained a  sincere  conviction  of  the  futility  of  the 
Papal  Power:  there  could  be  therefore  no  doubt 
whatever  how  the  Heads  of  the  University  would 
now  act.  Yet  unquestionably  the  majority  of  the 
academicians,  especially  in  Oxford,  acted  against 
their  own  convictions.  The  general  dread  of  the 
King's  anger  induced  them  to  give  the  subscriptioD, 
required  from  each  separate  member  as  from  each 
College,  to  the  opinion,  which  was  drawn  up  by 
thirty  Theologians  and  Canonists. 

The  King,  at  all  events,  had  better  reason  this 
time  to  be  satisfied  with  the  Universities ;  and  the 
effect  proves  that  he  was  by  no  means  deficient  in 
intelligence  and  judgment,  as  long  as  his  coarse 
and  violent  passions  were  not  called  up.  To  ascribe 
all  the  merit  to  any  one  person  at  the  King's  side, 
appears  unjust;  but  CromwelVs  influence  was  un- 
doubtedly not  without  its  effect.  A  part  of  the 
merit  must  fall  back  upon  Wolsey ;  for  Cromwell, 
although  more  ready  to  adopt  violent  measures  with 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  251 

:ard  to  the  Church,  entered  in  all  other  respects 
0  the  views  of  his  former  patron  and  master.* 


34.   Visitation  of  the  Universities  in  the  King*s 

name,  in  1535. 

3ne  of  th^  first  acts  of  the  Crown,  as  inheritor 
the  Mitre,  was  to  make  a  thorough  Visitation 
both  the  Universities,  which  the  Archbishop 
Canterbury  undertook  in  the  name  and  as  re- 
»entative  of  the  King,  in  the  summer  of  1535. 
e  principles  upon  which  this  was  done,  were 
ofold.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  considered  ne-« 
»ary  to  ensure  an  ecclesiastical  conformity,  so 
nrable  in  that  stage  of  national  culture.  Arbi- 
ry  indeed  enough  was  the  state  of  things,  when 
i  Papal  authority  was  annulled,  and  Church 
igma  was  yet  to  be  maintained  with  the  greatest 
ictness  :  and  the  consequences  of  so  false  a 
sition  were  unavoidably  felt  in  the  regulation 
the  Academic  affairs.  The  second  cause  which 
d  acted  as  a  stimulus  to  this  Visitation,  was  the 
ong  sense  entertained  of  the  superiority  of  classic 
Iture  to  the  intellectual  stagnation  that  had  pre- 
led  it.     That,  by  the  reaction,  some  unfairness 

*  With  respect  to  this  point  60).     This  letter  shows  plainly 

ifer  my  readers  to  the  letter  what  Cromwell's  views  on  the 

me  of  the  Visitors  of  the  Col-  subject  were,  and  that  he  took 

es  to  Cromwell,  contained  in  an  extremely  active  part  in  what 

llis's  Letters   illustrative   of  was  done, 
^lish  History"  (2nd  series,  ii. 


252  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

should  be  shown  toward  the  older  branches  of 
study,  was  but  natural :  nor  can  it  essentially  lessen 
the  merit  of  the  reformers  of  learning.  This  Visit- 
ation then  directed  its  attack  at  the  same  time 
against  Barbarism,  (ignorance  of  the  Classics,) 
Superstition^  and  Heresy.*  The  true  doctrines  of 
the  Catholic  Church  were  as  urgently  recommended 
as  the  study  of  the  classic  languages  and  authors : 
the  warnings  against  the  recognition  of  the  Papal 
Supremacy  were  not  less  strong  than  those  against 
the  scholastic  barbarism  of  the  previous  age.  It 
deserves  especial  notice,  that  whereas  Duns  Scotos 
and  his  followers  could  find  no  favor,  Aristotle  was 
recommended  and  enjoined  to  be  read  along  with 
the  other  classic  authors,  in  the  original  language. 
In  a  reli^ous  point  of  view  also,  a  certain  freedom 
prevailed :  for  Melancthon*s  (philosophical)  writings 
were  recommended  ;t  and  such  religious  duties  as 
took  too  much  time  from  study  or  injured  the 
health  of  the  scholars,  were  in  part  done  away, 
in  the  Colleges  and  elsewhere.  At  the  same  time, 
the  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  was  strongly  en- 
joined, more  especially  on  Theologians.  That  the 
Canon  Law,  on  the  contrary,  was  altogether  ban- 
ished, was  a  natural  consequence  of  the  rupture  with 

'*'  I  avail  myself  here,  princi-  all  essential  points,   the   same 

pally,  of  Fuller's  account  of  the  principles  were  acted  upon  at 

Visitation  to  Cambridge,  which  both  Universities, 
is  in  part  supported  by  docu-         f  Rodolph,Agricola,and'IVa- 

ments.   Wood  is  not  very  satis-  pezuntius  were  recommended  at 

factory  upon  the  subject :    but  the  same  time  with  him. 
still  there  is  no  doubt  that,  upon 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVBRSITIE8.  253 

Rome.  At  all  events  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  seeing 
that  the  Reformation  progressively  established  itself 
on  every  side^  and^  even  against  the  will  and  in- 
tentions of  the  King,  was  promoted  by  his  very 
efforts  to  prop  np  this  monstrous  Royal  Papacy. 


$  135.  University  Professorships. 

In  carrying  out  these  principles,  especially  as  far 
as  regarded  the  course  of  study,  it  was  requisite  for 
the  Visitors  to  consider  both  the  University  as  a 
whole  and  the  separate  Colleges  as  its  parts, —  or 
rather,  the  strictly  academic,  and  the  collegiate 
studies. 

In  the  case  of  the  Colleges  fewer  difficulties  were 
met.  Sanction  only  was  needed  for  that  which  had 
already  developed  itself,  in  some  Colleges  by  volun- 
tary agency,  in  others  in  obedience  to  statutes  of 
modem  date.  All  the  Colleges  were  now  enjoined, 
as  &r  as  their  revenues  allowed,  to  establish  Lec- 
tureships for  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.  Theo- 
logy, and  Civil  Law :  and  the  pupils  of  poorer 
institutions,  were  not  only  permitted,  but  required 
to  attend  these  lectures.  The  latter  arrangement, 
as  may  be  well  supposed,  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  entail  a  variety  of  evils ;  and,  in  fact,  we  meet 
vnth  no  mention  of  it  afterwards. 

This  may  have  given  occasion  for  doing  some- 
thing in  favor  of  lectures  open  to  all:  other  motives 


254  THR  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

however,  concurred.  The  voluntary  agency  of  the 
Masters  in  College  lecturing,  always  very  confined, 
had  of  late  almost  entirely  ceased.  None,  not 
even  the  most  distinguished  Teacher,  could  exist 
upon  the  fees  paid  by  his  pupils.*  The  intellectual 
excitement  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  much  more 
limited  in  extent  than  that  of  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth.  To  reanimate  the  old  system  at  will, 
was  indeed  impossible,  since  it  depended  upon  the 
number  of  students, —  but,  beside  this,  in  times  so 
critical,  all  voluntary  agency  may  have  seemed 
dangerous.  Yet  no  one  could  wish  for  an  entire 
abandonment  of  University  teaching,  in  contradis- 
tinction to  that  of  the  Colleges.  The  importance 
which  the  academic  Degree  possessed  in  the  opinion 
of  the  times,  (and  by  reason  of  many  arrangements 
connected  with  it,)  must  itself  have  been  decisive 
upon  this  point.  In  fact,  the  path  to  be  pursued 
was  already  pointed  out  and  opened  by  the  Pro- 
fessorships which  the  C!ountess  Margaret  of  Rich- 
mond had  founded.  We  may  see  clearly,  however, 
that  there  was  no  great  zeal  to  follow  her  steps,  at 
least  in  those  who  had  the  means  in  their  hands : 
for  the  King  made  many  vain  attempts  to  put,  first 
upon  the  Universities,!  (which  really  were  unable,) 
next  upon  the  Chapter  of  Westminster,  the  burthen 

*  They  were  to   have  been  attempt  to  persuade  the  Cc^eges 

allowed   the   tithes    and    first-  to  tax  themselves  for  the  purpose, 

fruits  ;  and  in  return,  to  endow  f  We   have   sufficient  proof 

a     Theological     Professorship,  of  this   in    the    complaints  of 

The  affair,  however,  fell  to  the  Erasmus  when  at  Cambridge, 
ground  again:  as  did   also  an 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  255 

f  endowing  certain  Professorships ;  and  only  at 
^t  decided  to  apply  to  this  purpose  the  smallest 
[lite  of  his  rich  booty  from  the  Church.  And  thus 
11  Oxford,  in  the  year  1 535,  and  in  Cambridge,  in 
he  year  1540,  five  Professorships  —  of  Theology, 
Jreek,  Hebrew,  Civil  Law  and  Medicine  —  were 
stablished  and  endowed  with  a  yearly  emolument 
f  forty  pounds.  For  Canon  Law  there  v^as  no 
»lace  after  the  rupture  with  Rome.  As  far  as 
egards  Philosophy,  it  would  seem  that  in  Oxford 
he  whole  subject  was  to  be  included  in  the  sen- 
ence  passed  upon  the  Scholastics :  —  a  matter  in 
vhich  Reformers  and  Classicists  were  agreed.  At 
east  no  mention  is  made  of  anything  being  done 
or  the  furtherance  of  any  other  branch.* 

The  contrast  in  this  respect  which  even  then  arose 
n  Cambridge,  and  afterwards  unfolded  itself  in  a 
nuch  more  important  manner,  is  very  remarkable, 
n  Cambridge,  as  early  as  1524,  four  Professorships 
lad  been  founded  by  Lord  Chief  Justice  Reade, — 
or  Mathematics,  Philosophy,  Rhetoric,  and  Logic; 
Ithough  the  endowment  of  them  was  scanty, —  so 
canty,  that  the  duty  of  lecturing  became  in  later 
imes  quite  null.    Yet  it  is  hardly  possible  to  doubt 

*    In  some  of  the   Colleges  the  scholars  of  the  College  in 

Magdalen,   for    instance)    the  their    scholastic    exercises    for 

/'isitors  found  Chairs  of  Philo-  their  degree, —  in  the  same  way 

ophy :  and  it  is  not  said  whe-  as  we  have  found  was  the  case 

her  they  were  done  away  with,  in  Balliol  College ;  we  may  very 

Jut  as  they  probahly  were  de-  well   conclude   that   under   the 

oted  to  Philosophy  only  in  the  circumstances    of    those   times 

Qore   limited   sense   of    Logic,  they  had  come  to  be  not  much 

nd  served  perhaps  to  prepare  more  than  mere  sinecures. 


258  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  136.  Catises  of  the  failure  of  the  Visitation  to 

do  good. 

Why  the  exertions  of  the  Visitation  in  1 535^  and 
the  consequent  increase  of  the  material  means  of 
instruction  at  the  Universities,  bore  no  very  profita- 
ble or  gratifying  fruit  either  within  or  without  the 
Colleges ;  may  be  easily  explained  by  many  reasons. 
As  the  Schism  worked  on  and  on,  it  of  necessity 
exercised  great  influence  upon  the  resources  and 
position  of  the  Universities.  Not  only  were  their 
revenues  plundered  or  clipped,  but  the  caprice  of 
the  supreme  power  left  it  for  a  time  in  doubt, 
whether  they  should  exist  at  all,  as  far  as  their 
estates  and  property  were  concerned.  The  aboli- 
tion of  the  Monasteries  and  the  transfer  of  an 
immense  mass  of  ecclesiastical  property  to  the 
Crown,  to  private  persons  or  secular  Corporations, 
must  have  acted  directly  upon  the  Universities, 
first,  to  diminish  their  numbers  to  a  minimum; 
next,  to  give  over  to  the  greatest  misery  many  of 
those  who  remained.  The  numerous  Academic 
schools  of  monks,  naturally  shared  the  fate  of  the 
Monasteries,  to  which  they  had  belonged.  Scholars 
and  teachers  were  alike  driven  out  and  left  to  their 
fate.  Those  who  had  been  supported  at  the  Uni- 
versities^  entirely  or  in  greater  part,  by  benefieictions 
from  Ecclesiastical  Corporations  or  individuals, 
were  deprived  of  them.     The  greater  part  of  these 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  259 

poor  creatures  left  the  Universities  and  sought  in 
other  ways  either  by  labor,  or  as  vagabonds,  to  win 
a  livelihood.  Others  wandered  about  the  Univer- 
sities in  extreme  distress,  living  on  casual  alms, 
and  lodging  in  the  half  ruined  chambers  of  the 
Monastic  buildings  or  in  the  long-deserted  Aca- 
demic Halls.*  Large  claims  must  of  course  at 
this  time  have  been  made  on  the  benevolence  of 
the  Colleges.  Their  means,  however,  were  already 
much  lessened  by  the  lessening  numbers  of  the 
boarders  who  contributed  to  their  revenues.  They 
very  soon,  too,  saw  themselves  threatened  with 
the  same  misery  as  they  were  called  upon  to 
alleviate.  Their  existence,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Universities  themselves,  was  threatened  on 
many  sides,  and  constantly  placed  in  doubt.  It 
was,  in  fact,  long  undecided  whether  these  semi- 
monastic  institutions  were  to  have  the  fate  of  the 
Monasteries  or  not.  Great  terror  was  occasioned 
especially  by  a  measure,  perhaps  laudable  in  itself, 
which  took  place  in  1 537  ;  when  a  Royal  Commis- 
sion drew  up  an  inventory  of  the  possessions  of  the 
Universities  and  their  Colleges.  The  hands  of  the 
Courtiers  had  long  ached  for  this  booty:  and  no 

*  Evidence   of  this  may  be  connected   with    the    Monastic 

found  in  Wood  in  plenty.  Whe-  institutions   with  one  uncondi- 

ther  Learning  (in  a  more  elevated  tional    condemnation.      People 

sense)  really  lost  much  by  being  forget,  however,  that  at  all  events 

deprived  of  these  her  servants,  (as  we  have  seen)  in  England 

is  another  question  —  one,  cer-  many  of  the  Monasteries  took  a 

tainly,   which  is  generally  an-  very  lively    part    in   the    new 

swered  feur  too  lighUy  by  visiting  Classics, 
every   thing  ever   so   remotely 


260  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

means  were  left  untried  to  drown  the  voices  of 
those  who  appealed  to  the  magnanimity  of  the 
King  (as  there  was  no  longer  any  thought  of  right) 
entreating  that  in  favor  of  nobler  interests  he 
would  preserve  these  organs  of  science. 


4  137.  Thecrisisof  danger  passes^  and  Henry  founds 
Christ-Church  fCollegeJ  with  Wolsej/'s  endowments. 

The  danger  appeared  at  its  acme  in  the  month 
of  May  1545,  when  the  College  founded  by  Wolsey, 
adopted  afterwards  by  the  King,  and  named  after 
himself,  was  all  on  a  sudden  suspended,  its  mem- 
bers dismissed  with  a  very  moderate  stipend,  and 
some  of  its  possessions  immediately  applied  to 
reward  the  services  which  under  such  a  Prince  and 
in  such  times,  were  likely  to  be  considered  the 
most  meritorious.*  The  hungry  pack  of  courtiers 
and  flatterers,  of  high  or  low  degree,  seemed  to 
have  heard  the  signal,  to  fall  upon  and  devour  the 
tempting  and  bleeding  quarry.  But  unexpectedly, 
the  nobler,  not  completely  corrupted,  nature  of  the 
Huntsman   prevailed  over  his   baser  part.      The 

*  I  refer  any  of  my  readers.  He  says,  "  We  answered,  &c. . . 

who  may  consider  the  expres-  whereupon  the  King  sayd  to  the 

sion    "  pack    of    hounds"    too  Lordes,  that  *  pety  it  wer  these 

•  strong  for  these  courtiers,  to  the  londes  schuld  be  altered  to  make 

account  given  by  the  excellent  them  worse,'  at  which  wordes 

Bishop  Parker  of  his  audience  some  wer  grieved,  for  that  they 

with  the  King  for  the  purpose  disapo3nited  certain  open  mouth- 

of  soHciting  the  confirmation  of  ed  wolves,  lupos  quasdam  hian- 

the  Privileges  of  the  University,  tes,'*  &c.     (Lamb.  p.  60.) 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  261 

greedy  hounds  were  flogged  off  with  due  contempt : 
and  the  corporeal  preservation,  at  least,  of  the  Uni- 
versities and  their  Colleges  was  promised  by  Royal 
word,  and  guaranteed  by  Royal  deed.  The  expres- 
sions of  the  King,  upon  this  occasion,*  are  too 
characteristic  to  be  omitted  here :  the  more  so,  as 
History  has  so  few  noble  words  or  deeds  of  this 
King  to  inscribe  upon  her  pages.  "  Ah !  surahs," 
said  he,  addressing  himself  to  those  who  had  always 
urged  him  to  do  away  with  the  Colleges,  ^^  I  per- 
ceive the  Abbey  lands  have  fleshed  you  and  set 
your  teeth  on  an  edge  to  ask  also  for  those  of  the 
Colleges.  While  I  was  only  of  a  mind  to  do  away 
with  a  sinful  state  of  being  in  the  Abbeys,  you 
would  put  an  end  in  the  Colleges  to  what  is  good 
and  right.  But  I  say  unto  you,  sirrahs,  that  no 
land  in  England  appears  to  me  so  well  bestowed  as 
that  which  is  given  to  the  Universities.  For  by 
their  maintainance  the  best  care  is  taken  for  the 
regimen  of  our  kingdom,  when  you  are  gone  and 
rotten.  I  therefore  counsel  you,  however  dear 
your  own  profit  may  be  to  you,  not  to  follow  up 
this  track  any  further,  but  to  content  yourselves 
with  what  you  have ;  or  seek  hereafter  your  profit 
upon  honorable  ways:  for  I  am  no  such  enemy 
of  learning,  that  I  should  diminish  the  revenues  of 
one  of  these  houses  even  a  penny,  of  which  they 
might  stand  in  need."  The  partial  restoration  of 
Wolsey's  foundation  upon  a  new  form  and  with  a 

*  Holinshed. 


262  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

new  name,  was,  as  it  were^  the  sign  and  memoiU 
which  was  for  ever  to  commemorate  the  huppf 
escape  from  this  terrible  crisis.  Three  yean  befen^ 
the  new  Bishopric  of  Oxford  had  been  ingtitated, 
and  the  rich  Abbey  of  Osney  near  Oxford  given  to 
it  for  Cathedral  and  Chapter.  But  this  arrange- 
ment was  now  again  done  away  with;  and  de 
Chapter  and  Episcopal  See  of  the  new  Bishopric 
established  in  Oxford  itself^  out  of  the  remains  of 
Wolsey's  foundation  and  buildings,  and  some  other 
ecclesiastical  lands,  together  with  St.  Frideswide*s 
Church  as  Cathedral,  under  the  name  of  "The 
Cathedral- CAwrcA  of  Christ  in  Oxford,  by  the  foun- 
dation of  King  Henry  VIIL"  This  Chapter,  con- 
sisting of  Bishop,  Archdeacon  and  eight  CananSf 
was  however,  immediately  incorporated  with  the 
University  as  one  of  its  Colleges,  and  the  duty 
imposed  upon  it  to  endow,  out  of  the  means  placed 
within  its  pow^er,  three  Lectureships  —  of  Theology, 
Greek  and  Hebrew  —  and  a  hundred*  Studentships 
to  be  filled  at  the  choice  of  the  College  ;  beside  Chap- 
lains, Chorister  boys,  &c.  This  is  the  establishment 
now  known  under  the  name  of  "  Christ-Church," 
which  glories  in  Wolsey's  memory  in  spite  of  his 
Royal  enemy,  and  partly  by  means  of  later  benefac- 
tions, (which  were  always  applied  in  a  manner  worthy 
of  the  whole  establishment,)  partly  by  means  of  its 
peculiar  double  nature,  as  a  Cathedral-Chapter  and 
a  College,  has  attained  an  uncontested  supremacy 

*  [Qu.  101  ?] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  263 

>ver  all  institutions  of  the  kind.  This  position  is 
nlly  maintained  by  its  whole  exterior  adornment ; 
thereby  it  has  earned  a  sort  of  right  to  lodge  the 
JCings  of  England  within  its  walls^  whenever  they 
isit  Oxford.  Cambridge  also  received  at  the  same 
)eriod  similar  proo6  of  Royal  favor  by  the  founda- 
lon,  or  rather  the  plan  for  the  foundation,  of 
rrinity  CSoUege,  the  completion  of  which,  however, 
vas  delayed  by  the  King's  death,  and  reserved  for 
lis  daughter  Mary.* 


»  138.  The  tyranny  of  Henry  blights  all  intellectual 

fruit. 

The  outer  framework  of  the  Universities,  there  is 
lo  doubt,  was  thus  secured,  as  far  as  regarded  the 
torms  occasioned  by  the  Schism.  But  still  we 
leed  scarcely  call  to  mind  that  much  was  still 
.anting  to  arrive  at  a  gratifying  state  of  prosperity. 
Ve  have  already  alluded  to  the  transfer  of  Church 
evenues  to  secular  hands,  and  the  general  insecu- 
ity  of  many  of  the  possessions  and  sources  of 
ncome  connected  with  the  Universities;  a  pro- 
leeding  by  which  the  CSoUeges  too  could  not  but  lose 

*  The  foundation  document  possessions  already  intended  for 

f  the  date   of   1546  is  to  be  it,  and  others,  besides,  of  very 

3und  in  Rymer.     Nothing  ap-  considerable  importance;  so  that 

ears  to  have  been  done  in  the  she  may  be  very  well  looked 

latter  under  Edward  VI.     It  upon  as  Joint-Founder.     The 

ras  brought   into   action    first  foundation  is  for  a  Master,  sixty 

»y  Mary,   who  ensured  it  the  Fellow8,and  sixty-nine  Scholars. 


r 


264  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

greatly  in  a  pectmiary  sense,  and  be  happy  that  they 
did  not  lose  all.  But  there  was  also  an  intellectual 
languor,  caused  by  the  suppression  of  the  monaste- 
ries; moreover,  in  other  quarters  the  most  distracting 
influences  were  at  work,  to  blight  the  plants  which 
in  the  first  half  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  pro- 
mised so  fine  a  harvest.  Without  meaning  to 
explain  every  thing  by  one  single  event,  we  yet 
cannot  but  recognize  that  Wolsey's  fall  marks  the 
era  of  decline. 

How  was  it  possible,  in  the  midst  of  universal 
and  increasing  insecurity ;  when  the  \  iolence  and 
evil  passions  of  the  King  broke  out  more  and  more 
immoderately;  when  all  free  religious  movement, 
all  free  inquiry  into  the  basis  of  religious  belief, 
dwindled  more  and  more  away ; —  when  the  burn- 
ing pile  was  lit  for  Papist,  Protestant,  and  Enthu- 
siast ;♦  when  the  University  of  Cambridge  saw  two 
of  its  Chancellors,  Fisher  and  Cromwell,  perish  on 
the  scaffold;  when,  with  the  noble  head  of  Thomas 
More,  Virtue,t  Religion,  Wisdom  and  Learning  ap- 
peared all  together  to  perish  ;  while  the  most  con- 
temptible and  hateful  passions  not  only  bad  free 
play,  but,  by  help  of  most  impudent  hypocrisy, 
obtained   legal   validity   and   form ; —  how  was  it 

*  Luther's  Theses  and  other  writers   to  More;    and,   at  all 

writings   were  condemned   and  events,  I  commit  no  conscious 

burnt  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge  plagiarism.     The  application  i« 

in  the  year  1520.  so   evident,    that  it  would   be 

t  I  do  not  know  whether  the  surprising  if  it  has  never  been 

virtutem  ipsam  exscindere  of  Ta-  made  before, 
citus  has  been  applied  by  other 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  265 

possible,  we  ask,  for  any  freedom,  peace,  and 
liberty  of  the  spirit  to  prevail,  without  which  there 
can  be  no  successful  intellectual  activity  at  the 
Universities  ?*  How  could  the  cheerful  Muses  of 
Athens  and  Rome  find  room  in  the  midst  of  such 
disorders,  especially  when  the  Universities  them- 
selves were  directly  involved  in  all  these  doings  of 
the  times  ?  Within  their  precincts,  less  than  any 
where  else  was  any  voice  left  for  free  scientific 
inquiry,  upon  points  bearing  the  least  reference 
to  the  contested  questions  of  the  Church :  nay,  the 
pedantry  of  fanaticism,  or  of  that  still  more  disgust- 
ing fawning  servility,  which  so  often  assumed  its 
mask,  contrived  to  force  the  most  unessential  or 
most  extraneous  matters  into  that  same  path.  The 
Six  Articles  which  the  King  (of  bis  own  full  autho- 
rity) put  forth  as  the  only  scale  of  faith,  were 
hardly  in  a  greater  degree  the  objects  of  the  acade- 
mic police  and  jurisdiction,  than  was  the  Reuch- 
linianf  pronunciation  of  the  Greek.  The  curse  with 
which  narrow  spirits,  when  they  attain  power,  de- 
stroy all  life, —  hating  life,  because  it  bears  in  itself 

*  Violent  pestilences  also  at  correct  way.    But  as  the  modem 

different   times   fell    upon    the  Greeks  have  naturally  lost  the 

University  students,  and  inter-  nice    appreciation   of  quantity, 

rupted  all  scientific  progress  for  which  their  forefathers  had,  (who 

weeks  and  months ;  thus  contri-  were  used  to  sing  poetry,  not  to 

buting  to  fix  on  that  time  a  most  read  it,)  Erasmus  fiemcied  that 

unsatisfactory  character.  they  were  abo  wrong  in  their 

+  [Reuchlin    advocated    the  accentuation:  and  he  has  per- 

method  of  sounding  Greek  ac-  suaded    Northern    Europe    to 

cording  to  the  written  accents,  pronounce   Greek  according  to 

as    the    modem     Greeks     do.  La/tn  rules  of  accent.  ] 
This  beyond  a  doubt  is  the  only 


/ 


266  THB  ENGLISH  UNIYBRSITIBS. 

the  necessity  of  opposition  and  of  contest; — the 
curse,  (that  is,)  of  anexterior  and  compulsory  con- 
formity, with  which  such  spirits  vainly  think  they 
have  done  and  won  every  thing,  whilst  the  smooth 
rind  conceals  only  rottenness  or  paralysis  beneath ; 
— this  curse,  we  say,  began  at  that  time  to  weigh 
heavily  upon  the  English  Universities. 

A  remarkable  proof  of  the  above  was  given  m 
the  conduct  pursued  by  Bishop  Gardiner^  when 
Chancellor  of  Cambridge,  in  the  dispute  respect- 
ing the  Greek  and  Latin  languages. — Gardiner  was 
in  fact,  one  of  those  characters,  which  in  such 
times  prevail  the  surest,  by  their  strange  mixture 
of  the  apparently  irreconcileable  qualities  of  the 
remorseless  party-leader,  and  the  strict  anxious 
rigorist ;  the  tender  man  of  feeling,  and  the  dry 
calculator ;  the  religious  enthusiast,  and  the  pliant 
courtier.  This  last  quality  indeed,  upon  occasions, 
amalgamates  all  the  others  into  one  unbounded  de- 
votion to  the  service  and  pay  of  the  Sovereign,  and 
even  of  all  the  mighty  in  the  land.  Similar  in- 
stances are  to  be  found,  here  and  there,  in  our  times : 
and  it  is  most  especially  through  the  flattery  of 
such  servants,  that  the  master  finds  it  impossible  to 
recognise  what  is  truth  and  life,  what  mere  dead 
form  and  word. —  Soon  after  the  publication  of  the 
Six  Articles,  Gardiner  wrote  to  the  Vice-Chancellor 
—  after  a  serious  admonition  respecting  the  neglect 
of  fasts  —  the  following ; — ^'  Last  year  by  consens 
of  the  whole  University  I  made  an  ordre  concerning 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  267 

the  pronounciation  of  the  Greeke  tongue,  appoint- 
ing paynes  to  the  transgressors,  and  finally  to  the 
Vice-Chancellor,  if  he  saw  them  not  executed: 
wherein  I  praye  you  be  persuaded  that  I  wyll  not 
be  deluded  nor  contempned,  I  did  it  seriously  and 
will  maintaine  it,  &c.  The  King's  gracious  Majesty 
hath  hf  inspyracyon  of  the  Holy  Ghost  composed  all 
maters  of  Religion :  whiche  uniformitie  I  pray  God, 
it  may  in  that  and  all  other  meters  and  things  exe- 
cute unto  us  and  forgettinge  all  that  is  past  goo 
forthe  in  agreement  as  thowghe  there  hadde  been 
no  suche  matter.  But  I  will  withstande  fansyes 
even  in  pronounciation  and  fight  wythe  the  enemie 
of  quiet  at  the  firste  entree."*  In  an  earlier  letter 
he  says  [in  Latin]  among  other  things:  ^^ In 
short:  spend  not  your  philosophy  about  sounds ; 
but  take  what  is  set  forth  to  you.'' 

We  shall  see  that  the  Reformation  afterwards 
found  neither  the  will  nor  the  means  of  getting  rid 
of  these  evils,  which  the  Schism  had  bequeathed  to 
it,  and,  on  the  contrary,  that  all  parties  sought,  by 
hateful  means,  which  the  basest  personal  interests 
made  more  hateful,  to  enforce  their  own  views  in 
the  sphere  of  Thought,  especially  at  the  Universi- 
ties. Finally,  it  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the 
worst  aspects  and  results  of  the  Schism  belong  also 
to  the  Reformation,  in  the  form  which  it  assumed 
in  England. 

*  Ellis's  Letters  illustrative  of  English  History,  2nd  Series,  ii.  20. 


f 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THE    ENGLISH    UNIVERSITIES    DURING    THE 

REFORMATION  TO   THE  END  OF 

ELIZABETH'S   REIGN. 


§  139.  Comparison  of  the  religious  innovations  of 
Henry  VIII.  with  those  of  the  reign  af  Edward  VL 

The  schismatic  measures  of  Henry  VIII.  could 
not  so  easily  have  been  carried,  had  not  anti- 
Romish  feelings  already  made  much  progress  in 
the  national  mind.  But  there  was  another  circum- 
stance which  precluded  all  serious  and  general  op- 
position, viz.,  that  the  Catholic  dogmas  were  to  so 
great  an  extent  retained  in  the  new  system.  Yet 
quite  as  much  as  either  of  these  causes,  the  thorough 
selfishness  of  the  Lords,  spiritual  and  temporal, 
favored  the  change :  for  as  long  as  the  King  had 
earthly  goods  to  bestow,  noble  hands  and  eminent 
talents  would  never  have  been  wanting  to  him, 
even  for  the  foulest  work.  The  blood  of  Evangeli- 
cal Martyrs  shed  by  him,  witnesses  that  this  earlier 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  269 

schism  from  Rome  had  no  aflEmity  with  the  Reform- 
ition.  It  was  an  instrument  in  the  Lord^s  hand ; 
but  a  coarse  and  foul  one  in  very  truth :  nor  can 
Ne  be  surprised,  that  the  emancipation  of  the 
^glican  Church  was  not  eflfected  without  injury 
uid  defilement. 

Under  Edward  VI.,  with  less  rude  violence,  yet 
i^ith  no  less  of  low  self-interest,  was  the  Church 
dragged  along  to  the  level  of  the  Reformation. 
Whether  the  Omnipotence  of  the  State  be  or  be  not 
a  Christian  or  a  Protestant  principle,  this  is  at  any 
rate  the  form  which  Protestantism  then  assumed 
most  distinctly  in  England.  PoUtical  and  worldly 
interests  soon  gained  an  entire  preponderance  over 
3JI  questions  of  religion  and  of  truth ;  with  what- 
ever sincerity  the  latter  may  have  been  pleaded  at 
the  beginning  of  the  movement.  In  the  last  great 
political  crisis  of  England,  —  the  Revolution  of 
1688, — the  chief  watchword  of  the  day*  was  drawn 
from  the  religious  controversy;  being  a  claim  on 
the  part  of  the  Protestant  Church  to  exclusive  pa- 
tronage by  the  State :  and  in  the  whole  of  the 
intervening  time  Protestantism  was  the  centre  on 
9vhich  all  political  movements  turned.  At  the  Re- 
solution it  gained  its  decisive  victory :  and  at  the 
same  era  terminates  the  external  history  of  the 
Universities. 

*  ["  No  Popery."] 


270  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 


^  1 40.  Disposition  of  the  Regency  toward  the  Vm- 
versities^  contrasted  with  Henty^s. 

Henry  VIII.  had  encouraged  learnings  both  be- 
cause he  had  some  taste  for  it,  at  least  in  his  better 
hours,  and  because  of  some  presentiment,  that  his 
successors  might  need  its  defence  against  barbarism. 
But  that  he  should  personally  need  the  alliance  of 
the  Universities,  was  a  thought  which  could  find  no 
place  in  his  proud  mind.  In  a  fit  of  ill  humor, 
he  might  even  have  smashed  their  material  frame- 
work to  pieces,  as  he  had  smitten  the  Papal  power, 
the  Monasteries,  and  the  noblest  heads  of  his  sub- 
jects. His  cruel  despotism  was  made  irresistible, 
by  the  shameless  servility  of  men,  who  sacrificed 
for  their  own  aims  all  honor  and  all  conviction. 

Far  diflferent  was  the  state  of  things  under  his 
successor.  The  statesmen  of  Edward  VI.  were 
guided  by  policy  or  self-interest,  not  by  caprice  or 
taste.  They  gave  less  assistance  to  learning ;  yet 
neither  were  they  dangerous  to  the  outward  exist- 
ence of  the  Universities.  Hungry  mouths  enough 
there  were,  gaping  after  ecclesiastical  property: 
but  unshared  booty  of  that  kind  was  still  to  be  had ; 
and  it  was  now  recognized  that  the  Universities  were 
not  ecclesiastical  corporations.  Besides,  the  King 
was  but  a  minor  ;  and  some  other  support  than  his 
was  needed  by  those  who  ruled  in  his  name.  Never 
indeed  were  the  pretensions  of  mere  self-interest 


THR  RN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES.  271 

more  barefaced  than  at  this  crisis;  yet  the  co- 
operation of  one  of  the  great  religious  parties  was 
practically  indispensable.  In  a  word,  Somerset, 
Cranmer,  and  Warwick  were  forced  to  seek  for 
adherents  in  the  nation ;  nor  could  they  fail  to  see 
the  value  of  the  Universities  as  their  tools,  after  the 
lesson  given  them  by  Henry  upon  this  double 
divorce,  with  his  wife  and  with  the  Romish  Church. 
Of  the  men  in  power,  those  who,  like  Cranmer, 
could  appreciate  intellectual  agencies,  looked  to 
render  the  Universities  mere  organs  of  their  own 
views.  They  did  not  desire  to  plunder  the  academic 
funds,  (though  it  may  have  been  hard  to  keep 
back  a  few  craving  claws) :  they  strove  only  to 
expel  all  opinions,  studies,  practices,  and  even 
individuals,  obnoxious  to  the  prevailing  party,  and 
to  leave  all  the  rest  to  take  its  own  course. 


$  141.  Employment  of  the  National  Ecclesiastical 

Funds. 

As  to  the  lower  grades  of  popular  instruction, 
there  were  many  good  intentions  and  decisions  on 
the  subject.  In  1549,  certain  scanty  remains  of 
Church  property  which  had  escaped  individual 
rapacity,  were  given  by  Parliament  to  found  Free 
Schools  and  increase  the  incomes  of  the  poorer 
Clergy.  It  is  remarkable  that  Von  Raumer,  a 
Protestant,  declares  that  even  this  was  ultimately 


272  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIRS. 

snapped  up  by  the  Courtiers;  while  Lingard,  a 
Catholic,  believes  that  the  intentions  of  Parliament 
were  carried  into  effect,  as  far  as  regards  Grammar 
Schools.  Certainly  the  great  Free  School  of  Christ's 
Hospital  sprang  up  at  that  time.  Such  institutions 
undoubtedly  did  much  good,  in  a  humble  quiet 
way.  As  to  profane  learning, —  want  of  capacity, 
in  teacher  and  in  scholar,  there  set  the  limits  of 
attainment.  The  imposition  of  the  new  and  purer 
doctrine  was  oppressive  to  individuals,  but  must 
have  been  beneficial  to  the  mass ;  since  it  was  in 
the  latter  case  a  question,  not  of  intellectual  belief, 
but  of  morally  religious  instruction :  nor  could  the 
craving  after  freedom  of  investigation  intervene 
among  the  .vulgar,  to  turn  the  boon  into  a  bane. 
But  the  case  was  widely  diflferent  with  the  higher 
intellectual  culture,  to  which  freedom  is  an  essen- 
tial requisite :  and  even  in  that  early  period  we 
already  recognize  the  germs  of  a  feud  between  the 
popular  and  the  scientific  elements  of  the  new 
teaching :  a  feud  which  becomes  fiercer  in  propor- 
tion as  social  or  state  policy  fosters  a  popular,  and 
neglects  a  scientific  creed. 


§  142.   University  Reform  of  1549. 

A  Royal  Commission  was  issued  in  1549,  with 
full  powers  for  a  thorough  reform  of  the  Univer- 
sities :    but   the  result   was   unsatisfactory   to  all 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  2^3 

parties.  It  would  seem  that  there  was  no  ill 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  Visitors  themselves, 
but  a  want  of  energy  and  intelligence :  probably 
also  they  were  engrossed  with  other  busmess  from 
party  intrigues;  while  their  under-agents  were 
often  arbitrary  and  coarse,  and  unauthorized  per-* 
sons  interfered  violently.  At  all  events,  a  great 
portion  of  the  blame  must  attach  to  the  academic 
authorities  and  their  adherents.  It  deserves  how- 
ever to  be  remarked,  that  much  more  was  now 
destroyed  than  built  up.  The  Reformation  had 
indeed  a  positive  and  exceUent  element;  but  on 
this  occasion  it  manifested  itself  chiefly  in  a  nega- 
tive form;  intemperate,  greedy,  destroying,  over- 
turning. Who  indeed  can  at  such  a  time  expect 
moderation  from  the  mass  of  men ;  or  from  their 
leaders,  a  tender  regard  for  remote  interests  ? 
Documents  of  the  vanquished  Church,  Missals, 
Legends,  Writings  strictly  Theological,  Relics, 
Pictures  or  Images  of  Saints,  Monuments, — were 
burnt,  broken  or  degraded  to  the  vilest  uses.  In 
the  common  ruin  was  inevitably  involved  all  the 
literature  of  the  Middle  Ages,  including  both  the 
PoetBy  and  the  Scholastic  Philosophy ;  for  the 
limits  between  the  latter  and  Theology  could  not 
be  defined,  and  the  poetry  was  so  impregnated 
with  Popery,  as  to  seem  to  carry  "the  mark  of 
the  beast**  on  its  face.  The  destruction  however 
must  have  been  really  less  than  we  might  infer 
from  the  loud   complaints  of  those  who  suffered 


274  -    THE  ENGLISH  UNIYBRSITIBS. 

from  it ;  for  it  is  remarkable  how  much  the 
tanical  image  breakers  of  the  seventeenth  century 
found  remaining.  But  the  loss  of  these  outward 
monuments  is  to  us  small,  compared  to  that 
which  history  and  literature  have  to  deplore. 
Not  only  the  scholastic  writers,  poets,  and  theolo- 
gians of  the  middle  ages,  but  very  many  valuable 
manuscripts  of  the  ancient  Classics,  and  numerous 
other  treasures  which  can  never  be  replaced,  were 
ruthlessly  destroyed  at  this  period,  both  in  the 
Universities  and  elsewhere  throughout  England. 
Nay,  from  a  petition  of  John  Dee,  the  mathema- 
tician, to  Queen  Mary,  we  find  the  spirit  of  indis- 
criminate devastation  to  have  gone  so  far,  that  the 
mob  did  not  spare  his  collections  in  Mathematics, 
Chemistry,  Physics  and  Natural  History :  perhaps 
indeed  because  he  was  a  Catholic. 

In  the  Netherlands  and  elsewhere  similar  out- 
rages occurred :  but  in  England  they  were  perpe- 
trated at  the  very  Universities,  and  under  the  eyes 
of  a  Royal  Commission  vested  with  full  powers. 
Yet  it  would  be  a  great  error  to  impute  this  to 
individual  savageness  and  Vandalism.  A  deeper 
feeling  was  at  the  bottom  : — the  reaction  of  a  whole 
people  against  its  corrupt  and  self-satisfied  guides ; 
the  boiling  up  of  discontent  long  smothered,  of 
barbarism  in  massive  force,  embittered  by  injustice 
and  neglect,  and  now  the  more  brutal  and  the 
more  dangerous  on  that  account.  Thus  it  is,  that 
from  time  to  time,  under  different  watch-words  of 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  275 

Freedom,  the  national  spite  seeks  to  wreak  its  ven- 
geance on  the  instructors  whose  vanity,  temerity, 
self-interest  and  self-deception  have  made  them 
blind  to  the  faults  of  their  system. 

Yet  the  Royal  Visitation  acted  with  formal  legal- 
ity, and  in  agreement  with  its  proper  duties.  It 
declared  every  thing  null  and  void  in  the  Statutes, 
which  had  any  essential  connection  with  Popery, 
viewed  as  it  viewed  Popery.  Most  of  the  scholastic 
exercises  were  abolished ;  the  academic  honors  and 
the  symbols  of  the  corporate  rights  of  the  Univer- 
sities were  brought  into  doubt;  nor  were  voices 
wanting  to  cry  out  for  their  positive  rejection  as 
Popish  abominations.  The  study  of  Scholastic 
Theology  and  of  the  Canon  Law  had  been  already 
laid  under  restrictions  by  Henry  VIII.  The  new 
prohibitions  may  have  been  intended  to  uphold  and 
strengthen  his  enactments;  but  the  practical  effect, 
at  any  rate,  was  to  abolish  the  old  studies  altoge- 
ther. There  was  the  less  diflSculty  on  this  head, 
since  it  had  been  already  decided  what  was  to 
come  in  their  place :  of  course  the  Classic  studies 
of  the  Colleges  were  now  expressly  adopted  into 
the  University  System.  This  was  in  fact  to  take 
up  and  work  out,  in  the  best  spirit  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, what  had  been  begun  by  the  schismatical 
visitation  of  1539.  Into  the  Faculty  of  Arts,  were 
now  introduced  Grammar,  Mathematics,  Logic  and 
Rhetoric,  to  fill  the  gap  occasioned  by  the  loss  of 
the  Scholastic  Philosophy.    No  endowed  Professors 


276  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

of  these  branches^  however,  existed ;  nor  could  the 
Voluntary  system  be  trusted  for  a  supply  of  m- 
struetors,  from  among  the  Masters  of  Arts.  It  was 
therefore  arranged,  (or  perhaps  only  confirmed,) 
that  Professors  should  be  elected  yearly  out  of  the 
Masters ;  and  that  m  future,  in  place  of  the  scho- 
lastic exercises,  rhetorical  declamations  should  be 
made.  The  following  is  the  substance  of  the  ordi- 
nance of  1549,  concerning  the  studies : 

"  Let  the  Professor*  of  Law  lecture  on  the  Pan- 
dects, the  Code,  or  the  Ecclesiastical  Laws  of  our 
kingdom,  which  w^e  mean  to  set  forth  ( ! )  and  on 
nothing  else.  Let  the  Professor  of  Philosophy 
lecture  on  Aristotle's  Problems,  Morals  or  Politics ; 
on  Pliny,  or  on  Plato :  the  Professor  of  Medicine, 
on  Hippocrates  or  Galen :  the  Professor  of  Mathe- 
matics, on  the  Universal  Geography  of  Mela^  on 
Pliny,  Strabo  and  Ptolemy :  the  Professor  of  Logic 
and  Rhetoric,  on  the  Elenchi  of  Aristotle  or  the 
Topica  of  Cicero ;  on  Quintilian,  or  Hermogenes : 
the  Professor  of  Greek,  on  Homer,  Isocrates,  Euri- 
pides, or  any  of  the  ancients:  the  Professor  of 
Hebrew,  only  from  the  springs  of  Holy  Writ,  as 
also  on  Hebrew  Grammar." 

Theological  studies  of  course  were  of  most  ur- 
gent importance.     In  consequence  of  the  dearth  of 

*  [The  word  Professor  is  not  man,  the  author  adds  the  fol- 
used  in  the  original  Latin ;  but  lowing  words  as  omitted  here 
the  teachers  are  named  simply  by  accident :  "Let  the  Professor 
Jurisconsultus,  Phiiosophus,Me»  of  Theology  teach  and  profess 
dicus,  Mathematicus,  &c.  nothing  but  holy  writ"  (or  "  sa- 
in p.  12,  vol.  ii.  of  the  Ger-  cred  literature/' ^acraf/irerof).] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES.  277 

scientific  knowledge  among  English  Protestants, 
eminent  theologians  were  invited  from  the  Conti- 
nent^ snch  as  Peter  Martyr,  Bucer,  Fagius,  Tra- 
melius,  Chevalier;  attendance  on  whose  catechetical 
and  doctrinal  lectures  was  enforced.  In  the  exer- 
cises of  divine  service  snch  changes  were  made  as 
were  absolutely  demanded  by  the  principles  of  the 
Reformation :  but  nothing  wantonly  or  blameably. 
Substantially  the  same  measures  were  taken  with 
respect  to  Cambridge. 


$  143.  Unsatisfactory  results  of  the  Reform. 

On  the  whole,  as  regards  the  changes  in  studies 
and  in  discipline,  the  Universities  had  no  reason  to 
complain  of  the  Edwardian  Statutes,  as  they  are 
called.  Yet  the  results  did  not  correspond  to  ex- 
pectation. The  strong  passions  which  prompted 
the  destruction  of  all  Popish  memorials,  worked  too 
powerfully  in  the  execution  of  every  measure.  The- 
ological studies  alone  appeared  to  prosper :  at  least, 
the  lectures  of  the  new  teachers  were  attended  with 
zeal,  and  the  number  of  adherents  to  the  Reform- 
ation continued  to  increase.  The  interest  inspired 
by  Peter  Martyr's  lectures,  is  indicated  by  Wood's 
statement  that  the  habit  of  taking  notes  became 
almost  universal  among  the  hearers. 

But  this  was  a  mere  party  affair.  A  decided 
majority  of  the  academicians  was  in  favor  of  the 


278  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVER8ITIR8. 

old  religion,  and  this  majority  included  the  most 
learned  men  and  the  best  classic  scholars.  At  the 
same  time,  the  all-absorbing  interest  of  the  Theolo- 
gical question  made  both  parties  undervalue  all 
other  studies  in  comparison ;  so  that  at  the  moment 
nothing  was  energetically  followed  but  Theology, 
and  this  was  one-sided  and  unjust  in  its  enforce- 
ment by  authority.  That  deep  discontent  should 
exist,  was  unavoidable.  The  rude  violence  offered 
by  the  the  mob  to  sacred  memorials,  must  have 
been  keenly  resented  by  delicate  sensitiveness  and 
by  classical  taste.  Worse  still  was  the  desecration 
of  the  host,  and  the  vile  blasphemies  with  which  the 
Catholic  Sacraments  were  assailed,  in  songs  and 
pamphlets.  The  gross  use  which  the  hand  of  power 
had  made  of  the  Universities  in  the  last  reign,  might 
weU  disgust  noble  and  upright  mmds  with  the  very 
name  of  the  Reformation ;  and  the  natural  genero- 
sity of  youth,  rushing  to  help  die  oppressed  party, 
ranged  the  more  passionate  minds  imder  the  banner 
of  CathoUcism .  Moreover,  the  learned  English  could 
not  but  be  oflFended  to  see  all  their  own  men  of  merit 
passed  by,  and  foreigners  thrust  in  upon  them  as 
religious  teachers,  by  an  act  of  power  from  without. 
Others  continued  to  support  the  older  Church  from 
scientific  convictions  or  from  more  vulgar  motive%c 
and  thus,  collectively,  they  formed  a  mass,  by  no 
means  contemptible  either  in  a  material,  or  in  a 
moral  and  spiritual  point  of  view.  Only  deep 
prejudice  can  cause  any  to  deny,  that  each  party 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  2/9 

contained  men  of  excellent  mind  by  the  side  of  the 
most  equivocally  disposed.  Catholicism  however 
had  without  doubt  the  most  celebrated  literary  ta- 
lents in  its  ranks.  Even  in  Theology,  the  Protestant 
party  might  have  been  the  weaker^  had  it  not 
received  foreign  support ;  while  certainly  in  the 
Classics  they  had  none  who  could  compete  with  the 
school  of  Erasmus  and  of  Wolsey.  This  school, 
for  the  most  part  looked  upon  the  Reformation,  at 
least  as  conducted  in  England,  as  a  misfortune  to 
the  Universities :  and  contended  against  it  to  the 
extent  of  their  opportunities.  Yet  neither  had  the 
CathoUcs  any  internal  unanimity.  The  controversy 
indeed  between  the  old  Scholastics  and  the  new 
Classics  was  but  recently  hushed  ;  and  might  have 
broken  out  afresh,  had  not  the  Vandalism  of  the 
Reformation  united  them  in  a  common  resistance. 


$  144.  Indigence  of  the  Scholars. 

To  these  elements  of  intellectual  hostility,  was 
superadded  another  impediment  to  a  prosperous 
state  of  study ;  namely,  physical  want.  The  dis- 
tress among  the  scholars,  consequent  on  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  Monasteries,  was  now  at  its  highest 
pitch.  Indigent  academicians  were  still  wandering 
about  the  Universities  as  beggars;  and  with  the 
influx  of  the  precious  metals  from  America,  the 
money -value  of  all  necessaries    kept  increasing. 


280  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Moreover,  the  Visitors  (in  1549)  had  done  away 
with  numerous  stipends,  previously  paid  for  Church 
ceremonies,  especially  for  Masses  to  the  dead ;  and 
although  the  money  was  nominally  applied  to  aca- 
demic purposes,  much  of  it  practically  went  in 
other  ways.  Nor  were  even  the  greater  institu- 
tions free  from  alarm.  In  those  days  none  could 
guess  what  might  be  the  next  acts  of  Power ;  and 
the  Visitors  had  received  unlimited  authority  to 
fuse  several  Colleges  into  one, — a  measure  which 
assuredly  would  have  been  attended  with  no  little 
spoliation.  That  no  use  was  made  of  this  authority, 
speaks  favorably  for  the  Visitors ;  yet  the  Collies 
might  well  be  in  suspense  and  fear.  Added  to  this, 
the  Town  Authorities  were  more  and  more  elated 
with  the  hope  of  setting  aside  the  privil^es  of  the 
Universities,  and  gaining  the  management  of  its 
property  for  other  uses.  Lecture-rooms,  in  par- 
ticular, had  been  built  by  various  Monasteries,  as 
by  that  of  Osney ;  and  after  the  dissolution  of  these 
bodies,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  laymen.  They 
were  in  part  pulled  down  without  farther  scruple, 
in  part  used  by  tradespeople  for  common  purposes. 


^145.  The  Reformers  begin  a  direct  persecution. 

We  need  not  speculate  what  consequences  would 
have  followed  from  free  enquiry  and  discussion,  for 
the  reforming  authority  soon  took  to  other  weapons. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  281 

Originally  indeed  the  controversy  had  been  allowed 
to  take  its  own  course.  Each  party  had  exulted  in 
the  prowess  of  its  champions^  and  the  Protestants 
anticipated  a  speedy  extinction  of  Romanism  by 
self- decay.  But  when  time  began  to  show  that 
this  was  too  sanguine  a  hope^  shorter  methods 
were  sought  for,  and  this  Visitation  (of  1549)  was 
agreed  upon.  The  Catholic  Theologians  knew  be- 
fore long,  that  they  fought  as  it  were  with  the  rope 
round  their  necks:  for  the  Royal  Commissioners, 
who  honored  the  solemn  discussions  with  their 
presence,  had  full  powers  to  expel,  or  to  punish 
academically,  all  offensive  members  of  the  Univer- 
sity and  Colleges.  Moreover,  the  old  armories  of 
criminal  legislature  were  stored  with  deadly  wea- 
pons. Scarcely  thoughts,  much  less  words  or 
deeds,  which  seemed  dangerous  or  hurtful  to  the 
holders  of  power,  could  be  considered  safe.  It  is 
not  therefore  wonderful  that  the  most  prominent 
of  the  Papal  advocates,  with  many  of  their  friends, 
held  their  peace  or  left  the  University,  and  saved 
the  need  of  expelling  them:  while  disgust,  alarm 
or  extreme  want  drove  others  away.  The  places 
hereby  vacated  in  the  Colleges  or  Universities  were 
filled  by  the  Visitors  with  their  own  adherents,  in 
entire  neglect  of  the  Statutes,  and  without  any 
pretence  of  justice.  But  when  the  field  of  contest 
was  thus  abandoned  to  one  party,  it  will  hardly 
be  supposed  that  any  satisfactory  scientific  results 
were  likely  to  be  produced. 


i 


282  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  146.  Honorable  exception  of  Peter  Martyr. 

Yet  justice  must  be  done  to  the  memory  of  the 
eminent  Peter  Martyr.  Our  accounts  of  his  be- 
haviour are  drawn  especially  from  Wood,  who  with 
evident  impartiality,  details  the  solemn  disputa- 
tions upon  the  Last  Supper,  held  in  1549  by 
Peter  Martyr,  against  Smith,  Tresham,  Cheadsey 
and  Morgan.  The  Protestant  Theologian  appears 
throughout  alike  able  and  honorable ;  nor  is  there 
room  for  a  suspicion  that  in  this  contest  of  mind, 
he  sought,  wished  or  wanted  the  aid  of  physical 
force.  But  we  must  add,  that  (setting  aside  the 
merits  of  their  cause)  he  met  with  opponents  of 
equal  worth. 


$  147.  The  Protestants  become  alienated  from  the 

Universities. 

However,  this  refractory  opposition  of  so  strong 
a  party  in  the  Universities,  greatly  alienated  the 
Protestant  rulers,  who  began  to  look  on  them  as 
noxious  institutions.  According  to  Wood,  the 
delegates  named  them  Asses'  stalls  —  Brothels  of 
the  whore  of  Babylon ;  and  the  schools,  Idol  shrines 
of  demons.  Classical  studies,  on  account  of  their 
Heathenism^  now  came-in  for  the  same  condemna- 
tion from  the  ultra-Protestant  w  hich  they  had  not 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  283 

long  back  encountered  from  the  ultra-Catholic.  In 
fact,  the  rising  Puritan  zeal  against  these  lusts  of 
the  world  and  the  flesh,  outdid  in  virulence  the 
old  Catholic  hostility.  It  is  not  wonderful^  that  a 
rapid  decline  in  the  studies  of  the  University  en- 
sued. Wood  is  especially  distressed  at  the  fact, 
that  the  laundresses  of  the  town  hung  up  their 
linen  to  dry  in  the  ancient  Lecture-rooms.  The 
Royal  visitors  found  one  thousand  and  fifteen  mem- 
bers of  the  University,  when  they  came  to  Oxford ; 
but  most  of  them  appear  soon  to  have  left.  In 
1550,  the  number  who  passed  to  their  degree  was 
but  fifteen,  with  three  Bachelors  of  Divinity,  and 
one  Doctor  of  Civil  Law.  At  Cambridge,  (accord- 
ing to  Fuller,)  there  were  seventeen  Masters  of 
Arts,  twenty-six  Bachelors  of  Arts,  and  nine  Bache- 
lors of  Divinity.  This  gives  us  to  suppose  that 
Cambridge  was  not  so  badly  oflF  as  Oxford;  pro- 
bably because  the  Protestant  majority  formed  itself 
more  quickly  there. 


$  148.  The  benefits  of  the  Reformation  are  not  to  be 
looked  for  in  its  influence  on  the  Universities. 

Whether  the  victorious  party  would  after  a  time 
earn  for  the  Universities  a  more  tranquil  and  pros- 
perous state,  the  course  of  events  did  not  allow 
to  be  tried.  The  Catholic  reaction  under  Mary 
crushed  this  possibility  in  the  bud.     One  fact  only 


284 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 


is  undeniable,  that  up  to  that  time,  the  Refonna- 
tion  had  brought  on  the  Universities  only  injury, 
outward  and  inward.  There  are  a  thousand  re- 
sults of  this  great  revolution,  which  we  must  needs 
deplore  and  disown.  Its  benefits  are  not  to  be 
looked-for  from  the  side  of  the  Universities  at  all, 
but  in  quite  another  quarter; — in  the  deepening 
of  spiritual  religion.  In  contrast  to  the  oldor 
Church,  which  was  troubled  with  Pelagian*  ele- 
ments ;  it  established  a  purer  evangelical  doctrine : 
and  this  is  its  true  glory.  But  in  r^ard  to  the 
Constitution  and  Discipline  of  the  Church,  and  the 
moral  and  scientific  cultivation  of  the  community, 
if  it  had  any  advantages  over  the  old  system,  they 
are  balanced  by  concomitant  evils.  The  higher 
we  estimate  the  spirituality  of  the  reformed  doc- 
trine, the  more  are  we  authorized,  and  in  duty 
bound,  not  to  conceal  the  price  at  which  this  jewel 
was  bought ;  the  more  also  should  we  cling  to  the 
hope,  that  the  spirit  of  the  truth  so  dearly  pur- 
chased may  at  length  penetrate  and  fashion  the 
material  frame  which  has  received  it. 


*  [The  Author  means  to  say, 
that  ttie  current  doctrine  of  the 
Romish  Church  represented  man 
as  the  active  originator  of  spirit- 
ual good  in  his  own  soul,  and 
God  as  rather  passive  than  ac- 
tive in  spiritual  intercourse  with 
man:    whereas  the  Reformers 


always  saw  God  as  the  first 
to  make  advances  toward  man, 
stirring  up  individual  hearts  and 
drawing  them  to  himself,  and 
verifying  the  prophet's  words, 
"  I  am  found  of  them  that 
sought  me  not,  &c."] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 


285 


$  149.  The  Reformers  did  not  mean  to  unshackle 

the  mind. 


In  modem  days  it  is  pretended,  that  the  merit'"' 
of  the  Reformation  is,  that  it  unshackled  the  mind, 
and  promoted  the  developement  of  the  human  race. 
Such  certainly  was  not  the  view  of  the  Reformers 
themselves.  They  did  not  overlook  the  hazard, 
that  developement  might  be  carried  too  far;  nay, 
on  all  principal  questions  they  refused  an  inde- 
pendent voice  even  to  their  own  allies.  On  minor 
points,  unhappily,  they  had  to  yield  to  many  influ- 
ences, pecimiary  and  political.  Learning,  they 
looked  upon  as  a  slave  or  tool  of  doctrinal  theo- 
logy ;  and  could  hardly  conceive  of  it  as  exercising 
a  master's  rights.  It  is  but  a  confusion  of  words 
and  ideas,  when  those  who  thoroughly  abandon 
the  dogmatic  system  of  the  Reformers,  and  place 
theology  under  the  feet  of  learning,  claim  to  be 
true  children  of  the  Reformation.  In  fact,  this  is 
already  becoming  the  echo  of  a  bye-gone  period : 


*  [There  seems  to  be  no  Aw- 
torical  controversy  here  between 
the  author  and  those  whom  he 
opposes.  Both  parties  take  the 
same  view  of  what  the  Refor- 
mers did,  and  of  what  they  in- 
tended; but  Professor  Huber 
values  chiefly  the  doctrinb 
which  they  intentionally  estab- 
lished, while  others  of  lus  coun- 
trymen (and  of  ours)  value  the 


PRBCBDBNT  which  they  tfiiiii/eji- 
tionally  set;  the  freedom  of 
thought  and  demolition  of  au- 
thority which  they,  blindly, 
brought  about.  Their  refusing 
liberty  to  their  own  allies,  can- 
not surely  be  put  forward  by 
our  author  as  a  merit.  It  is 
generally  viewed  as  a  striking 
inconsistency.] 


286  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRfilTlM. 

for  younger  spirits  are  seeking  for  other  genealo- 
gies, or  despise  all  such  extraneous  honor. 

^  150.   Reflections  on  the  Catholic  reaction  under 

Mary. 

But  we  now  proceed  to  consider  the  effects  (rf 
the  CathoUc  reaction  consequent  on  the  premature 
death  of  Edward  VI.  The  rapid  revolution  whidi 
ensued,  appears  to  prove,  that,  a*  yet,  the  new 
doctrines  were  in  a  minority  in  the  nation  as 
well  as  in  the  Universities.  Mere  deference  to 
the  Catholic  heiress  of  the  throne  will  not  aecomit 
for  the  facts  of  the  history.  Some  persons  might 
hence  be  led  to  speculate  whether  milder  mea- 
sures in  favor  of  the  old  Church, —  a  Catholic 
juste  milieuy  such  as  Elizabeth  used  for  Protestant- 
ism,—  might  have  proved  successful ;  though,  con- 
sidering how  deeply  the  Protestant  aristocracy  were 
gorged  with  Church  plunder,  it  was  perhaps  in- 
evitable for  a  revolution  sooner  or  later  to  eject 
Catholic  monarchs.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  now 
victorious  party  so  mistook  their  true  poUcy,  as 
rapidly  to  decide  the  triumph  of  the  opposite 
system. 

§  151.  New  Colleges  founded,  8fc. 

The  importance  of  the  Universities  to  each  of 
the  combatants  had  been  recognized  once  for  all : 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  287 

and  the  acceptance  of  the  Chancellorship  in  both, 
by  the  Legate,  Cardinal  Pole,  was  in  itself  a  gua- 
rantee that  Learning,  so  far  as  it  refrained  from 
opposing  Rome,  had  nothing  to  fear  and  much  to 
hope.  As  memorials  of  the  praiseworthy  inten- 
tions of  his  party,  we  can  appeal  to  the  enlarge- 
ment of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  to  Cains 
College,  which  was  in  1558  united  with  the  earlier- 
founded  Gonville  Institution.  In  Oxford  were 
founded,  in  1554  Trinity  College,  and  in  1555 
St.  John's  College.  The  spirit  of  Wolsey  pre- 
dominated in  the  new  arrangements.  Indeed  the 
founder  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  (Sir  Thomas 
Pope,)  placed  his  establishment  on  so  grand  and 
liberal  a  scale,  that  nothing  perhaps  in  all  Europe 
upon  the  Protestant  side,  could  at  that  day  com- 
pete with  it.*  Pope  was  a  friend  and  scholar  of 
Thomas  More ;  and  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 
had  been  ejected  from  various  public  posts,  be- 
cause  he  would  not  conform  himself  to  the  times. 
In  Mary's  reign  he  was  advanced  to  high  offices  in 
the  State ;  and  in  establishing  his  College,  he  did 
not  disdain  to  consult  the  Princess  Elizabeth, 
(afterwards  Queen),  as  well  as  Cardinal  Pole.  To 
the  latter  the  College  was  more  especially  indebted 
for  the  stress  laid  on  the  study  of  Greek,  which 
was  at  the  lowest  ebb  in  all  the  others.      Pope 

*  This  statement  may  be  lege.  Unfortunately  I  cannot 
justified  from  Wood's  and  Chal-  obtain  Warton's  Lafe  of  Sir 
mers's  accounts  of  Trinity  Col-     Thomas  Pope. 


/ 


288  THR  ENGLISH  UNIVSRSITIBS. 

himself  says:  "This  purpose  I  well  lyke;  but  I 
fear  the  tymes  will  not  bear  it  now.  I  remembre, 
when  I  was  a  young  schoUer  at  Eton^  the  Greek 
tongue  was  growing  apace,  the  studie  of  which  is 
now  alate  muche  decayd/'  Thus  learning  had 
begun  to  decay  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Reformationary  movements.  Beside  Classics  and 
Theology,  the  College  was  destined  to  the  study  of 
"  every  sort  of  philosophy  ;'*  and  was  originally 
planned  for  a  President,  twelve  Fellows  and  twelve 
Scholars. 

St.  John's  College,  the  foundation  of  Sir  Thomas 
White,  was  to  contain  fifty  Fellows  and  Scholars. 
Recollecting,  too,  that  Caius  College  was  in  truth  a 
new  establishment,  we  thus  find  in  the  short  period 
of  Catholic  reaction  three  new  Colleges.  Besides, 
the  Government  of  that  time  not  only  bestowed  on 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  all  the  lands  intended 
for  it  by  Henry  VIII.,  but  added  others;  and 
established  likewise  several  new  Lectureships. 


^  152.  Fresh  University  Visitation. 

Yet  it  is  improbable  that  such  a  spirit  could 
ultimately  have  obtained  toleration  from  the  pas- 
sionate extremes  of  either  party.  In  fact  the  old 
contrast  soon  reappeared,  of  Classics  in  the  Col- 
leges ;  and  in  the  University,  Scholastic  Philosophy, 
Theology  and  Canon  Law.     A  Visitation,  endowed 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  289 

with  fiill  powers,  re-established  this  latter  side  of 
the  academic  existence,  as  well  as  all  points  of  the 
old  Statutes  which  regarded  the  Catholic  Church 
Service;  and  in  many  respects  honorably  distin- 
guished itself  from  the  preceding  Visitation  of  the 
Reformers.     The  personal  merits  of  Pole  might 
have  put  honor  on  a  good  cause,  or  a  fair  face  on 
a  bad  one ;  and  the  form  selected  for  carrying  out 
their  projects  was  certainly  judicious.*     The  main 
principles  were  laid  down  by  the  national  Church, 
from  without;  (chiefly  by  a  decision  of  the  Con- 
vocation;)  while  the  arrangement  of  detail  was 
committed  to  Academic  commissioners.     We  may 
be  allowed  to  quote  the  ^^  Articles  concerning  the 
Universities,*'!  from  the  proceedings  of  Convoca- 
tion in  the  year  1557 :  (Wilkins  iv.  158.) 
^*I.  That  in  each  University  one  and  the  same 
Introduction  to  Sophistry  and  Logic  be  read — 
then  the  Predicables  and  Predicaments  of  Por- 
phyry ;  next,  the  Logic  of  Aristotle,  and  also, 
Rudolph  Agricola  on  the  Discovery  of  Argu- 
ments.    Let  all  other  Logic  be  rejected. 
"  IL  In  Moral  Philosophy  let  none  but  Aristotle 

be  read. 
^^  III.  In  Theology ;  some  parts  of  the  Bible :  the 
Magister  sententiarum,  or  another  author  of 
the  Scholastic  Theology;   to  the  intent  that 
the  scholastic  doctrine  may  be  cultivated  anew. 

*  As  to  Cardinal  Pole's  Visitation,  I  refer  to  Wood  and  Fuller. 

t  [^Academiis  is  the  Latin  word.] 

u 


i 


290  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

"  IV.  Since  the  study  of  Arts  is  entirely  deserted, 
and  from  some  fastidiousness  of  criticism  very 
few  attend  the  lectures  of  the  public  professors, 
let  it  be  provided  that  a  certain  number,  &c. . . 
be  compelled, . .  &c. 

"V.  Let  no  one  be  made  Fellow  of  a  CloUege, 
except  one  who  is  poor  and  destined  by  his 
parents  to  the  clerical  order.*'  (Ordinances 
respecting  the  dress  of  the  Scholars  then  follow: 
it  is  ordered  to  be  exclusively  ecclesiasticaL 
Nor  is  any  one  to  receive  any  ecclesiastical 
emolument  exceeding  £20,  before  completing 
his  third  year  of  study.) 


^  153.  The  Universities  continue  to  droop,  in  spite  of 
Royal  Patronage :  the  cause.  Want  of  Freedom. 

That  poverty  might  not  thwart  these  measures, 
and  especially,  might  not  hinder  the  regaining  of 
the  public  Lecture  Rooms;  the  Queen  bestowed 
on  the  Universities  many  estates  which  had  been 
ecclesiastical,  and  many  Church  benefices.  Of 
good  teachers  there  could  have  been  no  lack  among 
the  Catholics  of  England ;  and  besides,  foreigners 
were  invited  over,  such  as  the  Spanish  Dominicans, 
Soto  and  Villagarcia.  The  Star  Chamber  estab- 
lished with  a  high  hand  the  privileges  of  the 
University  against  the  Town.  But  with  all  these 
advantages,   the   state  of  things  continued  to  be 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  291 

upon  the  whole  as  lamentable*  as  in  the  previous 
period.  The  number  of  Doctor's  Degrees  in  the 
six  years  of  this  reign  were,  in  Divinity  three,  in 
Laws  eleven,  in  Medicine  six  ;  while  the  Masters  of 
Arts  in  each  year  varied  from  fifteen  to  twenty-seven. 
The  cause  of  the  failure  is  easy  to  discover. 
The  Universities  had  ever3rthing  except  the  most 
necessary  element  of  all.  Freedom  :  which,  by  the 
immutable  kws  of  nature,  is  always  an  indispen- 
sable  condition  of  real  and  permanent  prosperity  in 
the  higher  intellectual  cultivation  and  its  organs. 
In  vain  has  brute  force  at  every  time  sought,  for 
the  sake  of  some  political  aim,  to  thwart  this  law 
of  nature:  those  shadowy  beings,  scientific  officers 
and  corporations,  can  never  become  a  substitute 
for  the  genuine  and  wholesome  energy  of  life.  If 
we  can  do  without  this  energy,  it  were  better  not 
to  lose  time  and  trouble  in  expensive  experiments 
for  infusing  a  galvanic  existence.  But  if  the  true 
and  natural  life  be  needed,  then  let  its  prerequisite 
be  granted, — Mental  Freedom. 


$   154.   Ejection^  and  then  fierce  persecution j  of 

Protestants. 

The  supreme  powers  paused  a  little  while,  before 
announcing    their    determination    to    restore    the 

*•  V^ood's  testimony  is  quite  sufficient  upon  this  point.    It  appears 

to  me  superfluous  to  enter  into  details. 


292  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

ancient  Church  and  repress  the  heresies  of  the 
Reformation.  The  interval  was  one  of  painfiil 
suspense  and  of  numerous  party -manceuvres,  in 
which  both  sides  took  very  violent  steps ;  the  Pro- 
testants seeking  to  stir  up  the  town-population^ 
and  the  Catholics  the  academic  masses.*  After 
the  well-known  Acts  of  Parliament  and  the  goyem- 
ment- measures  connected  with  them,  the  Protes- 
tants had  nothing  to  do,  but  leave  the  field  clear 
for  their  opponents.  Jeter  Martyr,  who  was  most 
threatened,  set  the  example  by  returning  to  Ger- 
many ;  in  which  he  was  aided  by  Gardiner,  one  of 
the  Visitors,  and  among  the  oldest  enemies  of  the 
Reformation.  Many  of  his  friends  and  scholars 
followed  him.  If  any  were  more  dilatory,  the  re- 
enacted  Catholic  statutes  soon  compelled  them 
either  to  renounce  their  Church,  at  least  outwardly, 
or  to  give  up  their  places  in  the  Colleges  and  their 
stipends.  According  to  Fuller,  as  many  as  eleven 
Heads  of  Colleges  were  expelled  from  Cambridge. 
The  reaction  however  soon  assumed  a  more 
threatening  form  throughout  the  whole  country. 
Spanish  Dominicans  appearing  in  Oxford  were  a 
presage  that  the  noblest  sacrifices  were  soon  to  be 
offered  up  to  the  conquering  Church:  and  the 
martyr-death  of  three  Protestant  Bishops, — Ridley, 

*  Details  of  these  facts  may  the  Protestant  side,  being  hard 

be  found  in  Wood.    Fuller,  who  beset    and   threatened    by  the 

speaks  as  contemporary  witness.  Catholic    majority,     drew    his 

relates  a  violent  scene  in   the  sword ;  and  bloodshed  was  with 

Cambridge  Senate-house.     The  difficulty  prevented. 
Chancellor,  who  was  inclined  to 


THE  BNOLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  293 

• 

ler  and  the  head-Reformer  Cranmer, — pro- 
ed  the  course  which  the  party  had  determined 
It  was  certainly  not  without  design,  that 
d  was  selected  as  the  place  of  fiery  execution, 
nplicate  the  Universities  corporately  in  these 
hed  deeds,  the  revolting  farce  of  a  solemn 
mic  disputation  was  held,  that  these  devoted 
might  be  convicted  of  heresy  by  the  Catholic 
tants  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
us  participating  in  guilt,  the  Universities  of 
e  could  have  no  thriving  intellectual  life,  nor 
any  scientific  Catholic  Theology.  With  what 
gs  would  able  and  excellent  men  return  to 

solitary  study  or  mount  the  academic  chair, 
quitting  the  reeking  spots  where  their  intel- 
d  opponents  lay  martyred?*  It  can  hardly 
ought,  that  even  in  the  long  run  any  gratify- 
3sults  could  have  been  wrought  out :  nothing 

be  expected  to  follow  but  a  yet  deeper  bitter- 
Df  enmity  and  fear.  At  all  events,  the  death 
ueen   Mary,   after   a    reign    of   scarcely   six 

mong  the  many  remark-  ing  the  proceedings  against  the 

^ents  of  these  sad  times  Protestant  Bishops,  as  this  mat- 

le  violation  of  the  tomb  ter  does  not,  properly  speaking, 

wife  of  Peter  Martyr  and  belong   to   the  history  of  the 

gging  up   of  her  body.  Universities.     I  trust  the  rea- 

remains  had  afterwards  sonable    reader    will    give    me 

niliar  fate  of  being  mixed  credit  for  my  self-denial  in  giv- 

;hose  of  St.  Frideswide,  ing  up  such  an  opportunity  of 

party    thinking    by   this  imparting  a  flavor  to  my  dry 

to  save  their  relics  from  materials.     I  shoidd  think  that 

•  desecration.     I  have  not  the  correctest  account  of  these 

3red  it  necessary  to  enter  events  might  be  found  in  Lin- 

ly  further  details  respect-  gard. 


294  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

years,  brought  about  a  counter-reTolution :  and 
main  force,  at  the  Universities  also,  fell  once 
more  to  the  late -oppressed  party. 


^  155.  General  review  of  the  morale  of  EUzabetKs 
reign :  her  persecution  of  Dissenters :  effects 

of  the  war  with  Spain. 

During  the  reign  of  the  Virgin  Queen,  the  prin- 
cipal energies  of  the  government  were  exerted  in 
clearing,  between  the  extremes  of  each  party,  a 
large  neutral  space  in  which  the  majority  could  con- 
veniently move  about.  But  in  effecting  this  object, 
every  moral  principle  was  set  at  nought,  and  every 
crooked  path  of  State-expediency  was  trodden. 
Indeed  I  cannot  flatter  m3rself  that  my  own  view 
of  this  period  will  meet  with  any  general  approba- 
tion. As  long  as  the  latvyer  is  allowed  to  dictate 
to  the  historian ;  as  long  as  people  feel  themselves 
at  liberty  to  change  their  weights  and  measures  at 
will;  there  can  be  no  agreement  on  matters  of 
history.  To  me  it  appears  more  respectable  to  go 
to  work  straightforward,  by  the  avowal ;  "  The  life 
of  Conrad  is  the  death  of  Charles ;  the  death  of 
Conrad  is  the  life  of  Charles ;"  than  to  deck  out 
with  specious  legal  phraseology  the  palpable  mur- 
der of  a  Queen  and  cousin.  It  might  indeed  seem 
wonderful  that  any  can  set  up  Elizabeth,  against 
her  unhappy   rival,   as  a  pattern   of   moral   and 


THB  BNOLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  295 

minine  purity  and  honor ;  or  that  they  can  talk 
'  the  Machiavellian  policy  of  the  Roman  Catholics, 

though  it  formed  a  dark  contrast  to  that  of 
[iglish  Protestants ! 

One  result  of  the  establishment  of  this  middle 
*ound,  was,  to  allow  the  rapid  developement  in  it 
'  numerous  other  impulses,  unconnected  with  re- 
^ous  interests.  Those  for  whose  minds  theolo- 
cal  controversy  had  no  zest ;  who  were  on  flame 
ith  projects  for  exploring  the  new  world,  or  for 
>ening  new  paths  to  ambition,  wealth,  literature, 
'  science ;  found  here  an  open  field.  A  peculiar, 
Tious,  richly-colored  vegetation  sprang  up ;  the 
ore  vigorous,  because  it  grew  out  of  rottenness 
id  under  a  thunder  teeming  sky.     If  we  wished 

produce  the  bright  side  of  this  picture,  it  might 
ffice  to  mention  the  name  of  Shakspere :  and  it 
is  been  painted  by  many  glowing  pencils.  But 
e  dark  side  of  the  same  has  been  but  little  ex- 
bited,  and  it  is  necessary  for  us,  with  especial 
ference  to  our  own  subject,  to  give  it  serious 
^nsideration. 
At  that  time,  as  always,  it  was  assuredly  possible 

be  moderate,  wise  and  prudent,  to  shun  extra- 
gance  in  religion,  without  becoming  indifferent, 
lere  may  also  have  been  delicate  natures,  who 
caped  all  polemics,  by  keeping  in  a  separate 
gion, —  the  contemplation  of  the  Beautiful.  But 
cts  convince  us,  however  much  against  our  will, 
at  then,   as  now,  self-interest  alone  kept  the 


296  THR  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

majority  of  men  in  the  middle  course^  dictating 
to  them  a  hollow  and  outward  conformity  to  all 
religious  observances  imposed  by  the  civil  power; 
while  it  indulged  its  own  propensities  vnth  un- 
shackled licence.  Its  satisfaction  with  existing 
arrangements,  implied  neither  insight  into  their 
wisdom,  nor  sympathy  with  their  moderation ;  but 
gladness  to  get  rid  of  all  earnest  religious  feelmgs 
soever. 

In  the  mass  of  the  common  people  a  certain 
sterling  worth,  healthiness,  innocence,  or  at  least 
naturalness,  was  compatible  with  this  state  of 
things.  Some  were  satisfied  with  the  spiritual 
food  provided  by  the  ruling  Church;  others,  in 
more  remote  spheres,  were  dependent  on  the  volun- 
tary ministry  of  the  oppressed  Churches :  and  in 
this  way  a  rough  foundation  of  evangelical  feeling 
was  kept  up. —  Even  in  higher  circles,  where  self- 
interest  (the  evil  genius  of  the  times)  obtained 
more  room,  there  was  without  doubt  a  very  sincere 
attachment  to  Church  and  State,  and  enthusiasm 
for  the  Queen,  the  Palladium  through  whom  they 
enjoyed  every  thing.  With  thorough-going  sim- 
plicity they  gave  unqualified  approbation  to  all 
government  measures,  (however  violent,  cruel,  or 
perfidious,)  which  were  designed  to  uphold  things  as 
they  were,  nor  ever  thought  of  bringing  them  to  the 
bar  of  equity,  justice,  or  intrinsic  reasonableness. 
In  fact,  against  the  enemies  of  the  broad  and  com- 
fortable jnMe  milieu  which  had  been  established ; 


THB  BNOLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  297 

ublic  voice  even  called  for  the  worst  deeds : 
;oald  these  at  all  impair  the  love  and  res- 
entertained  toward  the  Queen. — But  in  the 
St  ranks  of  society,  in  all  who  were  more  or 
rawn  into  the  region  of  political  manoeuvres, 
•ould  not  be  ignorant  of  court-intrigues,  the 
ralizing  effect  of  these  influences  was  great, 
wilful  hypocrisy  could  affect  not  to  know  the 
»  of  the  men  in  power ;  and  the  enthusiastic 
:y  which  the  times  demanded,  went  nigh  to 
all  who  in  any  way  came  in  contact  with  the 
t,  accomplices  in  public  guilt, 
•r  indeed  can  Elizabeth's  treatment  of  Dissent- 
specially  Catholics,  boast  itself  over  the  coarse 
ty  to  which  it  succeeded.  Instead  of  revolt- 
he  nation  with  fire  and  faggot,  she  worried 
conformists  by  every  species  of  annoyance  in 
3  or  in  legal  proceedings,  in  hope  either  to  crush 
or  to  drive  them  to  despair.  In  the  latter  case 
outbreaks  naturally  soon  enabled  the  magis- 
to  hand  them  over  to  the  dungeon,  or  to  the 
man,  as  ^^  political'*  offenders ;  and  thus  all  idea 
nartyrdom  was  evaded.  Such  were  her  tender 
ies ;  and  such,  in  fact,  was  the  system  which 
uiy  in  this  day  admire  and  recommend !  But 
ng  can  ever  be  gained  by  these  methods  be- 
an outward  conformity,  which  may  deceive 
m's  own  self  and  the  world,  but  will  never 
ve  Heaven  or  Hell.  Permanent  and  living 
;  of  the  Spirit  can  only  be  expected  from  the 


298  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

still  workings  of  the  Spirit  ;  and  to  cherish  these^ 
should  be  the  aim  of  Rulers.  Outward  systems 
however  are  more  convenient  for  the  mass;  nor 
indeed  from  a  more  spiritual  and  hidden  working, 
would  the  great  ones  of  the  earth  reap,  as  now, 
the  flattery  and  worldly  service  and  voluntary 
dependence,  by  which  the  professed  ministers  of 
the  Church  estrange  themselves  from  the  Spirit. 

The  social  state  of  England  in  this  reign,  pre- 
sented therefore  very  many  sides,  which  prove  the 
very  low  state  of  the  national  morality  and  cul- 
tivation. However  gay  and  fresh  to  the  eye  its 
outward  coating,  there  can  be  no  mistaking  the 
corruption  going  on  beneath:  and  scarcely  a 
generation  after  Elizabeth's  death,  the  treacherous 
surface  on  which  she  had  built  both  Altar  and 
Throne  as  if  for  eternity,  fell  in.  Her  chief  glory 
arose  from  her  contest  with  Catholic  Europe, 
especially  with  Spain;  since,  as  a  struggle  for 
English  nationality,  it  gained  a  certain  stamp  of 
sacredness.  All  inward  discord  for  awhile  dis- 
appeared ;  and  the  extremes  were  forced  to  choose 
between  the  moral  suicide  of  Treason,  or  the  po- 
litical suicide  of  Loyalty.  But  the  danger  went  by 
too  quickly  for  the  interests  of  the  Crown.  The 
contest  broke  up  into  party  adventures,  more  like 
to  privateering  than  to  national  war ;  so  that  its 
elevating  influence  soon  ceased,  and  self-interest 
and  frivolity  regained  the  upper  hand. 

As  regards  the  real  merit  of  the  Queen  and  her 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  299 

Ministers,  there  is  no  denying  that  they  did  their 
duty  at  the  critical  moment :  but  it  is  equally  true 
that  the  crisis  itself  and  their  deeds  have  been 
ridiculously  exaggerated.  They  might  have  been 
contented  with  the  old  phrase,  "God  blew  upon 
them,  and  they  were  scattered."  The  good  for- 
tune however  of  this  juste  milieu^  was,  that  it 
gained  at  so  cheap  a  rate  the  credit  of  saving  the 
national  existence,  and  was  never  put  to  the  test 
in  a  serious  struggle.  The  triumph  of  its  policy 
at  that  day,  lay  in  avoiding  great  risks,  and  deal- 
ing out  the  war  in  the  smallest  possible  doses  ;  by 
which  management,  alone  perhaps,  the  Govern- 
ment could  have  stood  at  all. 

Returning  however  to  the  religious  questions ; 
little  as  we  can  look  on  the  proceedings  of  this 
period  as  a  model  to  be  imitated,  we  may  yet  ex- 
cuse them  by  reason  of  the  pressure  of  circum- 
stances, and  we  may  confess  that  on  the  whole  the 
good  outweighed  the  evil :  least  of  all  should  we 
think  of  extolling  in  preference  the  Puritanical 
rule  which  followed.  Yet  its  blameable  extrava- 
gances are  mainly  to  be  attributed  to  the  faults  of 
Elizabeth's  policy ;  which  by  oppression  drove  the 
Puritans  and  Presbyterians  into  fanatical  extremes, 
and  by  fostering  a  time-serving  spirit  in  Court  and 
Church,  disposed  the  nation  to  venerate  the  per- 
secuted body.  Some  there  are  indeed,  who  plead, 
in  favor  of  the  policy  pursued,  that  no  other 
measures  could  have  kept  aloof  the  threatening 


300  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

Storms.  Forsooth,  nothing  could  be  done,  but  to 
live  from  day  to  day,  earning  and  enjoying ;  cover- 
ing with  garments  as  gaudy  or  as  presentable  as 
might  be,  the  inward  eating  ulcer :  thus,  by  a  fair 
outside,  a  specious  conformity  in  Church  and  State, 
to  flatter  the  present  age  and  cheat  the  future.  But 
if  the  highest  wisdom  of  statesmen  can  really  do 
no  more,  than,  at  the  expence  of  all  posterity,  to 
spare  the  passing  generation  all  violent  convulsions, 
all  great  sufferings,  all  unusual  efforts, —  all,  in 
fact,  which  can  disturb  selfish  enjoyment ;  then,  at 
least  it  were  wiser  to  apologize  for  mortal  weak- 
ness,  than  to  ascribe  positive  excellence.  Such 
false  coinage  of  vanity  and  selfishness  is  at  any  rate 
no.  worthTof  Hb.0^. 


$  156.  Elizabeth,  a  Patroness  of  Learning. 

It  must  be  admitted,  that  the  picture  which  this 
epoch  offers  of  the  state  of  the  Universities  and  of 
Literature  generally,  is,  at  first  sight,  highly  pleas- 
ing. Elizabeth  herself  possessed  learning  so  well 
grounded  and  extensive,  as  is  seldom  found  in  a 
Sovereign  and  a  woman.  We  may  accept  the  testi- 
mony of  those  times  with  as  much  caution  as  we 
will ;  yet  the  fact  is  no  less  true.  Indeed  in  any 
case,  her  boundless  vanity  would  have  induced  her 
to  come  forward  as  the  Patroness  of  Learning ;  and 
she  proved  herself  so  in  fact.     If  she  obtained  this 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  301 

reputation  in  the  cheapest  of  all  possible  ways,  we 
must  reckon  it  among  the  many  lucky  changes  of 
her  reign.  Never  did  a  Sovereign  do  less  for 
Learning  and  the  Arts,  than  did  Elizabeth,  in  res- 
pect to  outward  and  pecuniary  support  of  indivi- 
duals or  institutions.  This  as  well  as  every  other 
kind  of  generosity  or  of  fresh  creative  love  was 
quite  foreign  to  Elizabeth.  But  the  defects  of  the 
Queen  were  supplied  by  her  subjects.  Beside 
other  nobler  independent  motives,  which  belonged 
to  the  spirit  of  the  Age ;  the  hope  of  obtaining  her 
favor  by  such  means  led  many  to  found  new 
Schools  and  C!olleges,  or  to  enrich  those  already 
founded :  and  of  this  we  cannot  refuse  her  a  por- 
tion of  the  fame  and  merit.  If,  with  little  direct 
support  or  favor  she  contrived  to  surround  her- 
self with  the  learned  and  educated,  to  frown  on 
ignorance,  and  to  appear  as  the  sun  of  this  literate 
hemisphere ;  it  undoubtedly  proves  real  intellectual 
power  in  her,  however  turbid  with  coarser  ele- 
ments. Why  should  she  do  herself,  what  others 
did  in  her  name,  in  her  honor,  and  under  her 
auspices?  The  principal  point  was,  and  is,  that 
outward  assistance,  whencesoever  it  come,  be  plen- 
tifully showered  down  upon  learning  in  its  different 
stages.  Indeed  at  this  time  were  founded  several 
of  the  most  considerable  schools,  and  numberless 
smaller  ones  for  preliminary  grammatical  education. 


302  THB  BN6LI8H  UNIVBR8ITIB8< 


^  157.  Miscellaneous  notices  of  Endowments  to 

encourage  Learning. 

Of  Schools  I  may  mention  here  the  following. 
Westminster  School,  the  only  foundation  to  my 
knowledge  really  proceeding  from  Elizabeth ;  and 
Merchant  Tailors*  School,  in  London.  I  may  per- 
haps count  the  Charterhouse  also,  although  it  was 
not  founded  till  161 1.  To  these  may  be  added  the 
well  known  College-Schools  of  Rugby  and  Har- 
row, which  formed  admirable  appendages  to  those 
of  Eton  and  Winchester.  It  is  very  probable^  that 
about  a  third  of  all  the  endowed  Free  Schools  and 
Grammar  Schools  in  England,  originated  at  this 
period. 

I  cannot  here  enter  into  details  concerning  the 
Edinburgh  University,  founded  at  this  time,  as 
there  is  nothing  to  prove  its  influence  upon  those 
of  England :  nor  again  can  I  speak  of  the  earlier 
institutions  of  Glasgow  and  Aberdeen.  The  re- 
semblance of  these  Northern  Universities  to  the 
German  Protestant  academic  type,  has  already 
been  mentioned :  and  we  must  not  overlook  the 
fact,  that  the  University  of  Edinburgh  was  founded 
by  the  Totmi.  The  idea  of  a  London  University 
which  has  been  reproduced  in  our  own  days  was 
also  frequently  brought  forward  at  that  time. 

In  fact,    an  academic   College  in  London  was 


> 


THB  BN6LISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


303 


attempted  by  that  Prince  of  Industrialists*  of 
those  times,  Sir  T.  Gresham ;  which  may  be  re- 
verenced as  a  model  by  more  modem  and  perhaps 
more  successful  projectors.  About  the  same  period, 
Trinity  College  Dublin  was  founded ;  but  neither 
did  it  exercise  any  considerable  influence  upon  the 
scientific  cultivation  of  the  British  Isle.  Not  to 
get  too  far  out  of  the  way  of  the  task  before  me, 
I  simply  acquiesce  in  the  received  opinion,  that  it 
was  founded  in  1691,  without  exploring  its  con- 
nection with  any  earUer  traces. 


$168.  New  Colleges  at  the  English  Universities: — 

Bodleian  Library. 

In  Oxford  however  and  Cambridge  we  find  three 


*  Grresham,  in  1566,  endowed 
seven  Professorships,  united 
under  the  rather  inappropriate 
name  of  a  College  ;  but  this  was 
soon  reduced  to  a  few  lectures, 
read  to  a  very  promiscuous  pub- 
lic in  a  room  attached  to  the  Ex- 
change ;  and  at  last  they  be- 
came mere  sinecures. 

[Of  Gresham's  Professors, 
four  were  to  teach  Divinity,  As- 
tronomy, Music  and  Greometry ; 
the  other  three.  Law,  Physic, 
and  Rhetoric.  They  received 
£50  a  year  each,  beside  apart- 
ments to  live  and  study  in.  For 
some  time,  the  lectures  are  said 
to  have  been  well  attended.  In 
the  seventeenth  century,  we  find 
eminent  names  among  them, 
such  as  Gunter,  Wren,  Briggs, 
Greaves,  Barrow,  Hooke,  Bull 


Mus :  Doc :,  Sir  William  Petty  : 
but  in  the  eighteenth  few  or  no 
distinguished  men  appear.  Ori- 
ginally, Sir  T.  Gresham's  house 
in  Bishopgate  Street  was  devoted 
to  his  College :  but  in  1768,  it 
was  sold  to  government,  and  the 
lectures  have  thenceforward  been 
read  at  the  Royal  Exchange. 
From  the  Penny  Cyclopedia, — 
It  is  not  clear  why  our  author, 
with  whom  the  word  Industrial- 
ist is  a  term  of  disparagement, 
here  applies  it  to  Sir  T.  Grre- 
sham.  Gresham's  professorships 
no  doubt  became  sinecures,  es- 
pecially through  the  whole 
eighteenth  century,  and  almost 
to  this  day :  so  did  those  of 
Oxford  :  but  this  is  a  misfortune, 
for  which  the  founders  deserve 
little  blame.] 


304  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

new  Colleges*  to  have  been  founded  at  this  time, 
and  those  already  existing  to  have  been  enriched 
by  multifarious  benefactions:  but  above  all,  the 
celebrated  Bodleian  Institutions  in  Oxford  must  be 
here  noticed. 

The  treasures  of  Literature,  which  Bodley,  with 
boundless  liberality  and  indefatigable  care,t  bought 
up ;  (especially  on  the  Continent,  where  he  profited 
by  the  stormy  times  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War ;) 
compensated  tenfold  for  all  the  losses,  which  the 
University  Library  may  have  suffered  from  the 
Schism  and  the  Reformation.  At  the  same  time 
with  princely  liberality,  he  provided  suitable  rooms 
for  their  reception.  This  example  found  numerous 
imitators,  by  whose  aid  the  University  was  enabled 
to  connect  with  her  new  library  a  suite  of  Aca- 
demic buildings  worthy  of  her  name.  The  very 
first  present  in  Books  with  which  Bodley  com- 
menced his  benefaction  to  the  University  in  1597, 
was  reckoned  at  the  value  of  £10,000.  Numerous 
additions  from  other  quarters  afterwards  followed. 
The  old  Humphreian  Library  over  the  Divinity 
School  was  at  first  repaired  for  the  accommodation 
of  these  treasures :  but  more  room  was  soon  wanted. 

*  In  Oxford,  Jesus  College,  in  1612;  but  the  Thirty  Years* 

1571:    in   Cambridge,  Emma-  War  cannot  be  reckoned  to  be- 

nuel  College,  1584 ;  and  Sidney  gin  earlier  than  the  accession 

Sussex  College,  1598.  All  these  of  Ferdinand  II.,  which  was  in 

maybe  classed  among  the  smaller  1619.      In  fEict  the  first  stone 

Colleges.  of  the  new  Library  was  not  laid 

t    [Gterm.  anfaufcn  licfi: —  till  1610;  that  is,  seven  years 

"  occasioned  the  University  to  after  the  death  of  Elizabeth.] 
buy  up".>     Sir  T.  Bodley  died 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES. 


306 


It  was  therefore  enlarged,  and  afterwards,  in  con- 
nection with  it,  other  academical  buildings  were 
erected.*  The  increase  of  College  buildings  and 
estates  was  also  very  considerable;  but  cannot  be 
mentioned  here  more  in  detail. 

* 

$  1 59.  Cambridge  Libraries. 


Cambridge  had  also  here  more  or  less  active 
benefactors,  but  every  thing  there  was  upon  the 
whole  within  more  modest  bounds.  Her  demands 
and  wants  too  were  not  in  fact  precisely  the  same, 
as  more  had  already  been  done  for  her  at  an 
earlier  period.  As  early  as  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century,t  for  instance.  Lecture  rooms  had  been 
built  for  all  the  Faculties:  and  perhaps  for  that 
very  reason  they  were  of  a  less  splendid  character 
than  the  Oxford  Divinity  School,  which  alone  de- 
voured all  the  University  resources.  The  Cambridge 

till  near  the  end  of  the  reign  of 
James  I. 

t  It  would  appear  at  least  ac- 
cording to  the  expressions  used 
in  Dyer  (i.  250)  that  all  the 
Cambridge  Schools  were  estab- 
lished as  •early  as  the  fifteenth 
Century :  if  so,  I  must  correct 
what  was  before  said,  if  indeed 
(considering  Dyer's  insufferable 
confusion)  any  confidence  at  all 
is  to  be  placed  in  his  assertions. 
In  that  case,  we  must  recognise, 
in  this  feet  also,  the  stirring  spirit 
in  Cambridge ;  which  afterwards 
became  more  and  more  apparent 
in  her. 


*  I  may  here  name  the  New 
Lecture  Rooms  for  all  the  Fa- 
culties, (the  first  really  belonging 
to  the  Universities,)  and  an  Ar- 
chive Chamber.  Thus  arose  the 
(so  called)  Schools.  Their  foun- 
dation, it  is  true,  was  not  laid 
till  1611 ;  but  as  the  means  and 
the  impulse  date  chiefly  from 
the  Elizabethan  period,  it  is  but 
just  to  mention  them  here.  The 
new  Congregation  House  and 
Court  of  Justice,  likewise  at- 
tached to  the  Divinity  Schools, 
may  also  find  mention  here,  al- 
though it  was  not  established 


306  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

University  Library  also  received  at  that  time  many 
contributions:*  but  the  chief  stream  was  poured 
out  upon  one  College.  The  Pious  and  Learned 
Bishop  Parker  bequeathed  his  Library, —  without 
comparison  at  that  time  the  most  considerable  in 
England, —  to  Bennet  College  {Corpus  Christi);  of 
which  he  had  been  Master. 


^  1 60.  Revenues  of  the  Universities  and  Colleges. 

Yet  more  important  to  the  outer  frame  of  the 
Universities,  than  were  private  benefactions;  was 
a  legislative  measure  passed  in  1576:  by  which 
they  gained  the  same  security  as  all  other  landed 
proprietors,  against  depreciation  of  their  estates  by 
the  influx  of  the  precious  metals  from  the  New 
World.  It  was  enacted,  that  in  future  at  least  a 
third  part  of  their  rents  should  be  valued  in  com 
at  the  market  price,  and  not,  as  before,  according 
to  an  old  and  very  low  money  estimate.f  To  this 
was  added  the  immunity  from  public  burthens  and 
taxes  of  every  kind,  which  had  been  before  granted 
in  detail,  but  was  now  for  the  first  time  bestowed 
once  for  all  upon  the  Universities.  { 

It  is  hence  clear  that  all  alarm  as  to  spoliation 

*  Full  accounts  of  the  Cam-  found   nothing    which    merited 
hridge  Library  may  be  found  in  especial  mention. 
Hartshome:  "  The  Book-rarities         f  See  Note  (38)  at  the  end. 
in  the  University  of  Cambridge:"         J  I  intend  afterwards  to  re- 
London,  1829.  In  a  rapid  survey  turn  to  the  subject  of  the  freedom 
which  I  made  of  the  work,  I  of  the  Universities  firom  taxes. 


TtiE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  307 

of  the  Universities  on  the  part  of  the  State,  was 
past;  and  that  the  Protestant  rulers  now  recog- 
nized the  Universities  to  bear  the  same  relation 
to  the  Reformed,  as  formerly  to  the  Catholic 
Church.  Every  doubt  upon  the  point  could  not 
but  disappear,  at  the  Visitation  held  in  the  very 
beginning  of  the  new  reign.  The  instructions 
issued  to  the  Royal  Commissioners,  and  still  more 
their  personal  merits  and  conduct,  (so  very  dif- 
ferent from  those  under  Edward  VI.,)  did  not 
give  the  least  cause  for  apprehending  attack  on 
the  rights  or  possessions  of  the  Universities. 


$  161.  The  Universities  are  made  essentially 

Protestant. 

They  proceeded  however  with  the  greatest 
decision  to  claim  them  for  Protestant  England 
exclusively ;  and  to  purify  them  from  every  thing 
incompatible  vrith  the  new  creed.  The  Edwardian 
Statutes  were  temporarily  restored;  and  every 
Academician  whose  conscience  forbad  him  to  take 
the  oath  of  Supremacy,  and  (in  form  at  least,)  to 
renounce  Catholicism,  was  ejected.  Great  as  was, 
to  the  honor  of  the  Universities,  the  number  of 
those  who  now  sacrificed  worldly  advantage  to  con- 
viction ;*  it  was  easy  to  fill  up  the  gap :  and  quantity 

*  In  Oxford  (according  to  ninety  Fellows,  were  expelled  : 
Wood)  no  less  tiian  fourteen  and  among  them  were  some 
Heads  of  Colleges,  and  nearly     of  the  most  learned  men.     In 


.308  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

being  thus  substituted  for  quality,  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  now  Protestant  Universities  as  quickly  as 
possible  to  initiate  their  new  members  into  the 
mysteries  of  knowledge.  After  this  Protestant 
purification^  the  Universities  were  confirmed  and 
recognized  in  all  their  possessions,  rights  and  privi- 
leges by  a  solemn  and  particularly  decisive  Act  of 
the  united  powers  of  the  State :  although,  after  what 
has  been  said  above,  it  will  be  understood  that  the 
incorporation  of  1671,  bestowed  nothing  of  im- 
portance, which  the  Universities  had  not  long 
possessed.*  If  this  Act  was  really  any  better 
guarantee  to  them  than  the  earlier  Royal  privi- 
leges, this  was  due  not  to  its  form,  but  to  the 
circumstances  and  conditions  in  which  it  was 
framed.  Among  these  we  may  reckon  the  higher 
degree  of  developement  and  firmness  in  the  general 
political  organization ;  but  above  all,  the  feelings 
and  opinions  of  the  individuals,  whose  influence 
induced  the  State  to  adopt  these  measures. 

$  162.  CaurUfavour  showered  on  the  Universities. 

Royal  Visits. 

These  feelings  and  opinions  had  already  declared 

Cambridge,  beside  several  Fel-  Douay,  and  elsewhere,  as  the 

lows,  the  eleven  Heads  of  Col-  Teachers  and  Spokesmen  of  Ca- 

leges  appointed  under  Mary  were  tholic  England;   partly   as    its 

also  driven  out.    Many  of  these  martyrs  on  the  scaffold, 

academic    refugees    afterwards  *  How  far  the  freedom  from 

distinguished  themselves,  partly  all  taxes  was  really  a  new  mea- 

in    the    English    Seminary    at  sure  we  shall  see  hereafter. 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  309< 

themselves  clearly  enough.  The  visits  with  which 
Elizabeth  honored  Cambridge  in  1 564^  and  Oxford 
in  1567,  gave  a  sufficient  pledge  of  the  special 
favor,  which  the  Universities  thenceforward  were 
to  expect  at  her  hands.  Their  position  was  still 
more  firmly  estabUshed,  when  according  to  long 
established  custom,  they  chose  their  Chancellor 
from  among  the  most  influential  men  of  the 
country.  All  these  elections  however  depended  in 
fact  on  the  Queen.  Accordingly,  the  favorite  of  so 
many  years,  Leicester,  was  chosen  at  Oxford,  and 
Cecil  (Lord  Burleigh)  at  Cambridge,  as  Chancellor. 

Elizabeth  seized  many  opportunities  in  her  visits 
to  the  Universities  to  show  her  dislike  to  the 
Puritans.  In  1 567,  at  Oxford,  she  thus  addressed 
their  champion  Dr.  Humphrey : —  "  Learned  Doc- 
tor, your  loose  garment  becomes  you  well :  but  I 
the  more  marvel  why  you  choose  to  be  so  cramped 
in  your  doctrine  :  but  I  am  unwilling  just  now  to 
find  fault !''  In  1 592,  it  deserves  remark,  that  an 
academic  disputation  was  held  before  her,  on  the 
question  : —  "  Whether  it  was  lawful  to  dissemble 
in  religious  matters  ?"  The  conclusion  was : —  "  It 
is  lawful  for  a  Christian,  sometimes  to  suppress,  but 
never  to  abandon,  evangelical  truth."  One  may 
conceive,  how  the  Puritans  received  such  frank  and 
solemn  avowals  of  Arminian,  Socinian,  and  Lati- 
tudinarian  worldly  worship. 

More    detailed  accounts   of   the    Royal    visits 


310 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES, 


cannot  find  room  here.*  The  character  of  fes- 
tivities lasting  several  days,  the  Greek  and  Latin 
speeches,  the  public  Disputations  and  Acts,  the 
Latin  and  English  Comedies,  which  were  per- 
formed in  the  Colleges  for  the  amusement  of  the 
Court;  can  easily  be  imagined,  from  the  well 
known  customs  on  such  occasions :  nor  must  any 
genuine  expression  of  feeling  (except  that  common 
loyalty  which  happily  is  seldom  totally  false  at 
bottom)  be  sought  for  at  such  times  in  official 
academic  addresses  and  compositions.  These  have, 
alas !  every  where  and  always,  drowned  in  stereo- 
type verbiage  and  Classic  allusions,  all  truth  and 
living  reality  of  either  time  or  placet 


^  163.  Elevation  of  the  Universities  both  in  rank 

and  in  wealth. 


By  these  Royal  visits,  the  Universities  were  as 
it  were   ennobled,    and  authorized  to  appear  at 


*  These  may  be  found  partly 
in  Wood,  partly  in  Nichol's 
Progresses  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 
Sec  also  Note  (39)  at  the  end. 

t  Should  these  expressions 
appear  too  harsh,  they  may  in 
part  be  explained  by  the  search 
which  I  have  so  often  made 
through  documents  of  this  kind 
belonging  to  every  age  ;  such  as 
might  have  given  the  most  in- 
teresting illustrations  of  the 
times,  but  are  reaUy  made  up 
of  the  unmeaning  phraseology. 


which  as  a  thing  of  course  flows 
from  the  classic  pens  of  aca- 
demic orators.  That  it  is  possi- 
ble however,  even  upon  such  oc- 
casions, to  retain  all  desirable 
circumspection  and  dignity, 
without  sacrificing  color  and 
life ;  may  be  seen  (to  say  no- 
thing of  other  examples,  the 
existence  of  which  1  will  not 
deny)  in  the  speech  made  by 
K.  O.  Muller  at  the  Jubilee  of 
the  Georgia  Augusta. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS. 


311 


Court.  A  University-education  or  residence,  be- 
came thenceforward  a  mark  of  a  gentleman.  The 
Academic  Degree  was  upon  this  occasion  given  to  a 
great  nuinber  of  distinguished  men ;  and  its  attain- 
ment was  shortly,  by  special  statutes,  rendered  as 
easy  as  possible  to  the  Nobility.  Ever  since,  it 
has  remained  an  ornament  and  a  recommendation 
in  the  best  society.  The  Universities  soon  became 
once  more  points  of  union  between  the  youths  of 
the  aristocracy  and  their  dependents:  and  the 
external  welfare  and  lustre  of  the  academic  life 
must  have  been  much  heightened  by  such  an 
accession.*  The  pecuniary  advantages  which  at  the 
same  time  accrued  to  the  University  and  CJoUege 
Corporations,  as  well  as  to  their  individual  mem- 
bers, and  to  a  great  part  of  the  Town  population, 
were  certainly  not  to  be  despised.  The  deeper 
importance  of  the  change  however  lay  herem; 
that  the   Universities   were   drawn   out  of   their 


*  According  to  the  calcula- 
tions made  in  the  Oxoniana, 
Wood's  Fasti,  and  in  Fuller,  I 
should  reckon  the  numhers  at 
Oxford  toward  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  at  2,500,  and 
those  at  Camhridge  at  1800: 
which  is  more  than  douhle  of 
what  they  were  in  the  middle  of 
the  century,  and  towards  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth.  The  Oxo- 
niana  gives  a  catalogue  of  the 
year  1612,  which  enters  com- 
pletely into  details  and  gives 
2920  for  the  nimihers  at  Oxford, 
including  Fellows,  Scholars  and 
students.      But  judging  hy  the 


degrees  taken,  the  numbers  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century 
must  have  been  somewhat  less. 
Fuller  assigns  1783  to  Cam- 
bridge in  the  year  1575.  This 
increase  was  of  course  very  ad- 
vantageous to  the  finances  of  the 
University,  the  Colleges,  the 
Lecturers  and  also  to  the 
Townspeople.  I  may  here  add, 
that  the  Quarter's  bill  of  the 
Earl  of  Essex  at  Trinity  Col- 
lege, Cambridge,  (independent 
of  rent)  amounted  to  £45  10s. 
according  to  Ellis's  Letters,  2nd 
Series,  Vol.  3  :  where  the  items 
may  be  seen. 


312  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

semi-ecclesiastical  position,  and  became  again  more 
nearly  connected  with  the  general  life  of  the 
nation.  It  is  true  that  the  individuals  who  were 
as  it  were  the  fixed  kernel  of  these  Corporations, 
were  ecclesiastics ;  and  in  this  sense  the  corpora- 
tions themselves  were  looked  on  as  at  bottom 
spiritual:  but  this  was  interpreted  according  to 
the  ideas  of  the  times,  and  consequently  was 
without  a  trace  of  ascetic  renunciation  of  the 
world.  About  this  kernel  once  more  formed  itself 
a  fluctuating  mass,  in  which  the  national  blood 
began  to  circulate.  Yet  in  comparison  with  that 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  this  had  a  very  aristo- 
cratic  character. 


$  164.  Efforts  to  assimilate  the  academic  population 

to  the  morale  of  the  Court. 

Many  eflForts  were  made  to  bring  this  more 
abundant  stuff  into  a  state  of  religious,  moral  and 
scientific  cultivation,  corresponding  to  the  pre- 
vailing  views.  The  Vandalism  of  the  first  period 
of  the  Reformation  had  vanished.  Every  thing 
which  could  adorn  life  went  on  prosperously. 
Academic  festivities  of  every  kind,  except  those 
which  might  seem  tainted  with  Popery,  had  been 
already  restored  in  deference  to  the  taste  of  the 
Queen  :  and  all  enactments  of  the  Edwardian 
visitation,  not  in  harmony  with  these  merrier 
feelings,  were  set  aside.     But  as  a  whole,  and  as  a 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  313 

basis  for  the  studies,  degrees,  lectures,  &c.,  the  Ed- 
wardian Statutes  were  confirmed ;  nor  must  they 
on  any  account  be  wholly  confounded  with  the 
opinions  and  doings  of  those  who  had  the  exe- 
cution of  them.  To  confirm  them  was  the  easier, 
as  no  new  Professorships  or  Lectureships  were 
erected  at  the  time ;  and,  generally  speaking,  the 
intellectual  culture  of  the  Universities  was  but  little 
enriched.* 

^   165.  Cambridge  takes  the  lead  of  Oxford  in 

all  improvement. 

Although  it  is  not  our  present  purpose  to 
consider  these  regulations  in  detail ;  we  must  here 
remark  on  an  essential  difference  in  the  tendencyof 
the  two  Universities.  Similar  indications  may  be 
found,  it  is  true,  at  earlier  periods:  but  at  this 
epoch  in  particular,  Cambridge  gained  a  very 
perceptible  start  of  her  elder  sister ;  partly  by  her 
freer  movements,  partly  by  her  stricter  demands 
both  in  and  out  of  the  Colleges.  The  intel- 
lectual distance  between  the  two  became  still 
more  remarkable  after  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century :  and  up  to  the  most  modem  times 
it  has  never  been  completely  adjusted.  The  cause 
of  this,  of  course  is  not  to  be  looked  for  in  her 
organization,  but  in  her.  spirit  and  feeling ;  out  of 
which  indeed  any  differences  in  her  organization 

*  See  Note  (40)  at  the  end. 


314 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIYERSITIBS. 


must  have  sprung.  Not  only  in  the  books  and 
departments  of  instruction  prescribed  by  her 
Statutes  was  there  far  greater  variety  than  at 
Oxford;  but  candidates  for  her  Degrees  had  to 
pass  a  real  examination.  Until  then,  disputations 
had  served  the  purpose :  but  they  had  long  sunk 
down  into  empty  and  even  indecorous  form. 
Oxford  on  the  contrary  kept  up  its  old  manage- 
ment for  near  a  century  afterwards.*  The  im- 
provement however  of  which  I  speak,  was  found 
only  in  the  studies  in  Arts,  or,  in  a  smaller 
measure,  in  Theology.  Moreover  as  Cambridge 
at  that  time  received  a  far  more  decided  impulse 
from  the  spirit  of  the  age,  regulations  which  had 
no  afiinity  with  it  were  there  formally  abolished 
much  sooner  and  more  decidedly  than  in  Oxford. 
Thus  in  Cambridge  at  that  time  every  trace  dis- 
appeared of  the  higher  Faculties,  as  corporations. 
Indeed  they  had  always  been  in  a  very  tottering 
state ;  although  they  certainly  still  live  on  as  scho- 
lastic studies,  at  least  in  name. 


*  Whether  originally  real 
examinations  were  held,  and 
whether  or  when  they  were 
changed  into  these  disputations, 
I  shall  discuss  heresJter.  So 
much  is  certain :  that  in  the  four- 
teenth and  fifteenth  centuries 
and  down  to  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth,  there  were  no  such 
examinations  either  at  Oxford 
or  Cambridge ;  and  that  they 
were  introduced  into  Cambridge 
between  the  periods  of  the  Ed- 
wardian  and    the    Elizabethan 


Statutes.  This  may  be  inferred, 
since  in  the  former  they  are  nut 
named  at  all,  and  in  the  latter 
are  alluded  to  as  customary 
(consueta).  This  system  was 
afterwards  complicated  to  a 
much  greater  degree  by  resolu- 
tions of  the  Senate.  In  1637, 
it  was  brought  forward  at  Ox- 
ford as  something  quite  new; 
and  consequently,  if  it  existed 
there  before,  it  must  at  all  events 
have  fallen  into  disuse  for  cen- 
turies past. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


315 


$  166.  Moral  and  religious  agencies. 


Let  us  now  give  a  glance  at  the  moral  and 
religious  life  of  the  Universities.  Nothing  essen- 
tially new  in  the  laws  and  regulations  was  intended 
upon  this  point.  What  was  actually  done,  bore 
entirely  upon  the  Public  Divine  Service  and  on  the 
eflfbrts  at  proselytism  on  the  part  of  the  Catholics. 
The  old  weapons  of  Police  and  Law  were  strength- 
ened and  sharpened ;  new  ones  also  were  invented : 
but,  in  form  at  least,  the  higher  and  nobler  way  was 
by  no  means  neglected, —  the  constant  preaching 
of  the  purer  doctrine.  The  old  institution  of  [Latin] 
University-sermons,  {condones  ad  cleruniy)  which 
had  long  fallen  into  disuse,  was  revived  and  recog- 
nized; and  was  now  connected  with  Catechising 
and  Sermons  in  the  mother  tongue.  There  was 
no  want  of  special  endowments  for  this  purpose ; 
and  all  the  spare  capabilities  of  the  University 
were  besides  called  into  use.*  In  the  same  spirit 
was  founded  at  both  Universities,  in  1586,  by 
Walsingham,  Secretary  of  State,  a  Professorship 
for  Theological  Polemics;  that  is  to  say,  to  expound 


*  Oxford  ordinances  to  this 
effect  may  be  found  in  Wood ; 
of  the  year  1564,  for  instance : 
and  Cambridge  ordinances  of 
the  date  of  1578,  in  Dyer  (Dy- 
er's Privil:  i.  223).  In  what 
follows,  I  shall  not  always  think 
it   needful  to   note   down   any 


authorities.  The  University- 
sermons  were  ori^nally  a  pre- 
requisite for  academic  honors, 
especially  in  the  Theological 
Faculty.  Much  also  was  done 
towards  this  object  by  the  Town- 
Corporations  ,  in  the  way  of  en- 
dowments, &c.,  &c. 


J 


316  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

sectarian  differences.  At  the  same  time,  in  order 
to  protect  the  ruling  Church  from  any  dangerous 
arguments  on  the  part  of  her  opponents,  every 
public  demonstration  which  was  in  any  way 
opposed  to  her  doctrines,  was  forbidden  under  the 
severest  penalties. 

$  167.  The  general  Discipline :  College-regulations. 

In  providing  for  the  Discipline  of  the  Univer- 
sities, some  organic  changes  were  unavoidable. 
Yet  to  innovate  deeply  was  far  less  needed,  than 
to  sift,  arrange,  and  enforce  what  was  acknow- 
ledged ;  or  to  carry  out  and  establish  what  had 
grown  up.  Of  course  any  plants  of  Popish  growth, 
not  already  extirpated,  were  unceremoniously 
destroyed. 

With  regard  to  the  Colleges,  chiefly,  fixed 
regulations  were  needed.  In  them,  or  in  the 
Halls,  which  were  dependent  upon  them  and 
subject  to  a  like  discipline,  the  entire  University- 
population  was  now  completely  congregated.* 
After  the  favorable  change  in  the  value  of  their 
landed  possessions,  and  by  benefactions  from  in- 
dividuals, these  institutions  were  provided,  if  not 
with  luxuries,  yet  ynth  the  means  of  satisfying  the 
religious,    moral,    scientific  and   bodily   wants   of 

*  There  existed  in  Oxford  in  appear,  even  at  the  end  of  the 

1612,  besides  the  fifteen  Col-  sixteenth  century  there  were  no 

leges,   eight   HaHs.      In  Cam-  longer  any  Halls  in  the  ancient 

bridge    however,    as   it   would  sense  of  the  word. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  317 

their  youth,  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  times 
and  of  the  ruling  party.  Guarantees  were  now 
taken  from  the  Heads  and  Fellows  of  the  Colleges, 
for  their  attachment  to  the  Reformation  and  to 
the  political  interests  connected  with  it.  Except 
in  this  one  point,  the  chief  eflFort  of  the  ruling 
powers  was,  to  maintain  existing  things,  as  a  be- 
quest from  Catholic  to  Protestant  England.  This 
system  was  so  generally  recognized,  that  even 
a  very  essential  principle  of  the  Reformation  was 
sacrificed  to  local  exigencies,  in  upholding  the 
compulsory  celibacy  of  College  Fellows.*  Heads 
of  Houses  alone  were  allowed  to  marry. 

We  need  not  remark  how  essential  this  principle 
was  to  the  whole  arrangement  of  the  Colleges. 
Elizabeth  declared  herself  so  strenuously  against 
the  marriage  of  the  Fellows  and  even  of  the  Heads, 
that  a  satirical  interpretation  might  be  easily  put 
upon  her  declarations. 

$  168.  All  power  lodged  with  the  Colleges. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  responsibility  for 
the  well  or  ill-doing  of  the  Academicians  infallibly 
fell  upon  the  Colleges  and  their  Principals;  and 
upon  them  consequently  the  decisive  power  was 

*  See  for  instance  an  Ordi-  Fellows ;  and  immediately  after 

nance  of  the  year  1561  (Dyer's  any  one  shall  have  taken  a  wife, 

Privil :  i.  189).    The  Cambridge  he  shall  cease  to  be  a  Fellow  of 

Statutes  expressly  state,  "  We  the  CJollege." 
do  not  permit  the  marriage  of 


318  THB  BN6LI8H  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

concentrated.  We  do  not  mean  that  this  was 
a  perfectly  new  arrangement :  of  course  it  was  the 
culminating  point  of  the  system  which  we  have 
seen  rising  from  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  Anomalies  however  had  occurred  amid 
the  storms  of  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth 
century;  and  it  was  necessary  to  do  these  away. 
Certain  ancient  forms  also  were  now  felt  as  mere 
vexatious  abuses,  incompatible  with  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  Colleges.  Moreover  the  Court  saw 
the  need  of  a  strong  check  upon  all  democratic 
movement  within  the  Universities,  such  as  had  re- 
appeared during  the  excitement  of  the  Reformat 
tion:  and  there  was  no  method  by  which  they 
could  so  securely  attain  their  end,  as  by  upholding 
the  stable  oligarchy  of  the  Colleges.  Thus  every 
thing  combined  towards  sanctioning  in  form,  what 
had  long  been  growing  up  in  fact ;  namely,  the 
change  of  the  old  democratic  constitution  into 
oligarchy. 

Of  course  this  would  be  resisted  by  old  interests ; 
particularly  as  the  Opposition-Party  of  the  day 
selected  this  for  their  battle-field.  An  echo  of  this 
opposition  may  still  be  heard  in  our  time ;  although 
without  the  justification,  which  the  position  of 
parties  then  gave ;  and  at  all  events  without  any 
correct  knowledge  or  impartial  investigation. 
Voices  are  now  lifted  up,  to  declaim  against  the 
changes  then  introduced,  as  though  they  were  the 
mere  work   of  arbitrary  violence,    from   without 


THB  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


319 


and  from  above.*  This  view  of  things  is  most 
nnhistorical,  and  substantially  untrue,  although 
perfectly  adapted  to  the  times. 


^  169.  Peculiarities  of  the  Cambridge  Reform. 


But  in  speaking  of  Academic  Reforms,  we  must 
draw  a  diflference  between  Cambridge  and  Oxford. 
In  Cambridge  the  book  of  Statutes  called  Eliza- 
bethan was  set  forth  in  the  year  1571.  It  does 
not  contain  a  complete  Academic  Code  ;  but  forms 
rather  a  selection  from  the  older  statutes,  and  from 
the  practices  already  customary.  Two  of  these 
need  to  be  made  peculiarly  prominent.  The  ad- 
ministrative powers  of  the  University  were  lodged 
with  the  Heads  of  Houses ;  and  the  Colleges  got 
into  their  hands  the  last  fortress  of  democracy, 
the  choice  of  the  two  Proctors.f 


*  As  I  intend  to  return  to 
this  subject  in  my  account  of 
the  Academic  Constitution,  I 
shall  here  do  no  more  than  refer 
to  a  pamphlet  lately  published, 
entitled :  *'  Historical  Account 
of  the  University  of  Cambridge" 
by  St.  Dann  Walsh,  &c. :  Lon- 
don, 1837  :  in  which  this  repre- 
sentation is  made  with  the  ut- 
most confidence. 

fThe  Statuta  Elizahethana 


are  to  be  found  in  Dyer's  Privi- 
leges (i.  157,  et  199).  I  can 
find  no  more  precise  notices  on 
the  course  of  the  afiair  of  the 
Proctors  at  Cambridge.  Yet,  as 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  mat- 
ters upon  the  whole  went  on 
there,  just  as  afterwards  at  Ox- 
ford (1628  and  36;)  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  apply  here  what 
Wood  tells  about  Oxford. 


320  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  170.  Importance  of  the  change  in  the  mode  of 

Electing  the  Proctors. 

The  Cycle  for  the  nomination  of  Proctors  was 
introduced  as  early  as  1557.*  There  is  no  ques- 
tion that  this  was  the  most  important  of  all  the 
new  measures.  To  maintain  beyond  the  College 
walls  any  academic  discipline^  there  was  little  avail 
in  the  best  institutions; — even  the  highest  Uni- 
versity-Authorities, the  Vice-C!hancellor  and  the 
Board  of  Heads,  could  eflPect  but  little ; —  without 
the  vigorous  and  sincere  co-operation  of  the  two 
Proctors,  on  whom  exclusively  fell  the  direct  exer- 
cise of  the  PoUce.  The  origmal  meanmg  of  the 
Proctors,  as  Representatives  and  Heads  of  the 
Academic  ^^  Nations,*'  had  disappeared  with  the 
Nations  themselves ;  and  the  whole  office  had  be- 
come an  uncertain  and  arbitrary  one.  The  annual 
election  of  the  Proctors,  by  and  out  of  the  mass 
of  the  Masters,  led  to  violent  disorders,  by  bringing 
into  play  so  many  individual  interests,  and  youthful 
tumultuous  dispositions:  to  say  nothing  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  political  parties.  How  was  it 
possible  to  expect  any  satisfactory  co-operation 
from  officers  connected  with  these  parties,  against 
the  instigators  of  tumult  ?  By  vesting  the  election 
of  the  Proctors  in  the  Colleges,  according  to  a  cer- 
tain cycle,  not  only  were  these  disorders  done  away 

*  Dyer's  Privileges,  &c.,  i.  184. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIYBRSITIB8.  321 

with,  but  the  choice  was  lodged  in  great  measure 
with  the  Heads  of  Houses :  who  consequently  were 
able  thenceforward  to  count  upon  the  concurrence 
of  the  Proctors  in  promoting  the  common  interests. 
To  complete  the  new  system,  the  choice  of  several 
other  academic  authorities  also  was  given  over  to 
the  Colleges  according  to  the  same  Cycle.  Such  a 
concentration  of  power  might  certainly  lead  to 
very  many  abuses;  nevertheless  it  was  most  de- 
cidedly beneficial,  not  only  at  the  moment  to  the 
dominant  party,  but  permanently  to  the  academic 
discipline.  Nor  did  these  regulations  (which  remain 
valid  in  all  essential  points  down  to  the  present 
moment)  involve  any  technical  infringement  of  the 
rights  of  individuals.  And  if  the  superiority  in 
science  and  in  discipline,*  which  Cambridge  has 
ever  since  maintained  over  Oxford,  cannot  be  ex- 
plained as  resulting  from  these  ordinances ;  it  is  at 
least  a  consequence  of  the  spirit  which  established 
them.  Without  this  spirit  to  carry  them  into  exe- 
cution^ they  would  have  been  of  little  or  no  impor- 
tance. But  as  yet  we  have  to  deal,  not  with  the 
results,  but  with  the  plans  and  measures. 

^  171.  Evil  spirit,  or  incapacity^  retarding  all  im- 
provement at  Oxford. 

We  now  turn  to  Oxford ;  where  also  we  discover 

*  [Germ,  ©owol^l  in  wifienfc^aftlic^et,  ate  in  bifciplinarifc^^er 

^infic^^t.] 


/ 


322  THR  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS. 

various  marks  of  activity  in  the  Academic  Cor- 
poration. They  seem  indeed  to  have  had  more 
independence  there,  as  the  Queen  was  personally 
drawn  off  by  the  affairs  of  Cambridge.  When, 
nevertheless,  we  can  scarcely  find  a  trace  of  any 
broad  intelligible  improvement  in  Oxford;  when, 
on  the  contrary,  we  see  that  the  confusion  in  the 
statutes  and  the  contradiction  between  fact  and 
form  were  only  increased ;  this  is  hardly  explicable 
without  supposing  evil  disposition  or  incapacity  on 
the  part  of  the  Academic  Authorities. 

We  shall  see,  further,  how  heavy  a  suspicion 
falls  on  them  of  having  intentionally,  and  for 
the  furtherance  of  selfish  ends,  labored  against  any 
permanent  improvement,  such  as  was  produced  by 
the  Cambridge  Statutes.  In  Oxford,  equally  as  at 
Cambridge,  the  oligarchal  system  was  established. 
But  when  we  discover,  partly  in  the  composition, 
partly  in  the  attributes,  of  the  Board  in  which  the 
power  was  vested,  more  that  was  arbitrary  and 
undetermined;  when,  in  the  use  made  of  this 
power  during  a  long  series  of  years,  no  honorable 
efforts  or  generally  useful  results  are  found  in  this 
one  University ;  we  must  attribute  it  principally  to 
the  prevailing  state  of  feeling,  from  which  arose 
both  the  organization  of  the  oligarchal  body  and 
the  actual  use  of  its  power.  The  difference  be- 
tween Oxford  and  Cambridge  was  originally  much 
more  internal  than  external.  With  a  better  state 
of  feeling,  it  is  probable   that  a  reform   of  the 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  323 

Oxford  Statutes  would  have  been  brought  about, 
similar  to  and  simultaneous  with  that  in  Cam- 
bridge ;  instead  of  its  being  delayed  another  half- 
century.  At  any  rate  in  the  discipline  and  studies 
a  similar  improvement  might  have  been  eflFected. 

I  shall  mention,  further  on,  the  part  which  Leices- 
ter now  played  in  Oxford.  The  history  of  the  aca- 
demic constitution  at  this  period,  is  in  the  highest 
degree  dark;  a  fact  which  is  not  very  astonish- 
ing, when  it  was  the  interest  and  intention  of  the 
ruling  powers  to  make  every  thing  as  dark  as  pos- 
sible. We  have  however  express  testimony,*  that 
at  Oxford  also  the  Heads  of  Houses  were  confirmed 
in  their  authority,  as  Supreme  Executive  of  the 
University;  although  without  any  established  sta- 
tutory regulations.! 

§  172.  In  neither  of  the  Universities  were  the  fruits 

proportionate  to  ea^ectation. 

If  we  search  no  deeper  than  the  outward  ap- 
pearance and  resources  of  the  Universities,  and  the 
laws  and  regulations  which  bore  upon  their  intel- 
lectual, moral  and  religious  state ;  there  appears 
nothing  left  to  wish  for.  If  the  results,  the  fruits, 
had  in  any  way  answered  to  their  means;  the 
period  would  have  formed  a  brilliant  point  in  their 
history.     But  this  is  no  way  the  case.     The  most 

*  See  Wood, 
t  We  shall  treat  this  subject  in  greater  detail  further  on. 


324  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

trustworthy  evidence  sets  it  beyond  all  doubt, 
that  intellectual  quite  as  much  as  moral  and  reli- 
gious interests  at  the  Universities  v^rere  then  at  so 
low  an  ebb,  as  not  to  compare  even  with  far  less 
favored  periods ;  much  less  with  the  tranquil  pro- 
gress at  the  beginning  of  the  century.  This 
however  is  much  more  true  of  Oxford,  than  of 
Cambridge :  at  least,  we  have  less  decided  evi- 
dence in  this  respect  about  the  latter.  Under  the 
circumstances  it  is  credible,  that  corruption  had 
not  reached  to  such  a  pitch  at  Cambridge ;  although 
things  cannot  have  been,  even  there,  in  any  high 
state  of  excellence. 

As  to  Oxford,  it  is  certain,  that  of  the  academic 
studies  some  were  in  complete  decay,  others  were 
pursued  in  a  shallow,  spiritless  manner,  as  a  mere  * 
form ;  or  at  best  in  a  popular  way,  such  as  might 
suit  dilettanti.  The  morals  and  sentiments  of  the 
academic  youth  are  described  at  the  same  time 
as  having  been  in  the  highest  degree  wild,  selfish, 
loose,  devoid  of  all  earnestness,  honor  or  piety. 
More  serious  still  however  are  the  notices  before 
us  concerning  the  older  and  more  influential  aca- 
demicians: in  whom  every  hateful  passion  took 
the  deeper  root,  and  pervaded  their  whole  life  the 
more  thoroughly,  the  less  it  was  able  to  find  vent 
in  open,  violent  expression.  Compelled  to  preserve 
a  certain  outward  dignity,  in  seeking  either  per- 
sonal ends,  or  party  objects  in  Church  or  State; 
they  had  to  maintain  a  close  secrecy,  or  at  least  to 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  325 

adhere  to  measures  which  were  ostensibly  legal. 
Very  often  (as  will  happen  under  such  circum- 
stances) it  was  no  easy  matter  to  determine  be- 
tween private  and  public  interest ;  which  of  the 
two  was  pretext,  and  which  real  end  and  aim. 

$   173.  Testimony  of  Anthony  Wood  against  the 

state  of  Oxford. 

Among  the  many  passages  of  Wood,  which  bear 
reference  to  this  subject ;  the  following  may  deserve 
to  be  quoted.*  "  Of  the  University  itself  I  must 
report,  that  although  it  had  lately  made  laws  most 
salutary  alike  to  religion  and  to  learning,  yet  all 
its  hopes  were  disappointed;  as  all  these  laws 
were  almost  by  all  parties  violated  and  neglected. 
There  were  few  indeed  to  preach  the  word  of  God 
or  attend  on  preaching,  although  in  these  times  a 
great  multitude  of  clergy  left  the  Parishes  of  which 
they  were  Pastors,  and  came  to  Oxford,  with  more 
appetite  for  indolence  and  sloth,  than  for  propa- 
gating the  Faith.     To  this  was  added  the  inactivity 

*  The  date  is  1582. — Evi-  teemed  than  Lucian,  Plutarch, 
dence  to  the  same  point  is  to  be  Herodian,  Seneca,  Crellius,  and 
found  in  Warton  (iii.  p.  274,  Apuleius.  What  were  the  mo- 
Ac),  derived  chiefly  from  Asch-  ral  opinions  and  feelings,  of  the 
am's  letters,  which  I  have  not  Academic  Heads  especially,  we 
before  me.  At  first  certainly  he  have  proof  enough  in  what 
praises  Cambridge,  in  opposition  Wood  relates  about  the  intrigues 
to  Oxford :  but  afterwards  at  of  parties  and  persons,  and  about 
Cambridge  too  every  thing  went  Leicester's  influence.  The  state 
back.  He  complains,  that  in  of  Cambridge  is  painted  by  Ful- 
Oxford,  the  earlier  and  better  ler  in  similar,  though  in  much 
Classic  authors  were   less  es-  fainter,  colors. 


326  THB    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

of  the  Academic  Tutors  &c. ...  To  return  to  the 
Gownsmen:  they  were  so  given  to  luxury,  as  to 
outdo  in  dress  the  London  Inns  of  Court  and  even 
the  Queen's  levee ;  and  were  so  swollen  in  mind, 
that  scarcely  the  lowest  of  the  low  would  yield 
precedence  to  Graduates,  or  to  persons  on  any 
ground  superior  to  him.  Shall  I  add  that  the  pub- 
lic lectures  in  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages,  as 
well  as  in  Medicine,  Law  and  Theology,  were  very 
rarely  held ;  (not  to  say  worse  of  the  ordinary  lec- 
tures :)  that  very  few  auditors  ever  appeared  at 
them,  sometimes  even  none ;  moreover,  *  that  the 
Moniti  whose  duty  it  was  to  read  papers  on  Theo- 
logy, seldom  fulfilled  their  office.  In  fine,  if  you 
look  at  the  state  of  Logic  and  Philosophy,  you  will 
confess  that  the  men  of  our  time  have  degenerated 
from  the  teaching  of  their  forefathers.  All  these 
things  being  duly  weighed,  it  may  be  said,  that  in 
Oxford  itself  you  have  to  search  after  the  Oxford 
University :  so  greatly  has  every  thing  changed  for 
the  worse." 

Of  Church-service  in  the  University,  and  of  the 
preaching  there  at  that  time,  a  very  characteristic 
trait  is  narrated  by  Wood.  When,  on  one  occa- 
sion, no  one  could  be  found  able  or  willing  to 
deliver  the  Latin  sermon  to  the  clergy,  a  country 
gentleman  of  the  neighborhood  mounted  the  pulpit 
of  St.  Mary's,  with  sword,  cloak  and  ruflF;  and  held 
forth  in  English  after  a  most  extraordinary  fashion 
to  the  great  amusement  of  the  assembled  crowd. 

[*  "  Utque  monitos"  :  Qu.  a  misprint  for  atque  ?] 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


327 


Wood  expresses  the  difference  between  this  and 
the  previous  period  in  the  following  manner: — 
"  That  Chancellor,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  found  the 
University  pinched  by  want  of  learned  men,  but 
abounding  in  worthy  and  well  behaved  men :  he 
left  it  dissolved  in  luxury  and  wantonness."  That 
he  did  not  mean  to  imply  that  there  was  previously 
an  abundance  of  learned  men,  may  be  inferred 
from  the  remarks  which  preceded. 


$   174.  Moral  and  intellectual  influence  of  the 
Court  on  the  Universities. 

Upon  the  causes  of  a  phenomenon  at  first  sight 
so  strange,  we  have  now  the  following  remarks  to 
offer.  In  the  first  place ;  to  a  well-grounded,  free, 
and  wholesome  intellectual  activity,  the  times  were 
not  on  the  whole  so  favorable,  as  might  appear 
from  partial  and  prejudiced  representations,  or 
from  hasty  inductions.  The  Classics  made  the 
greatest  claims  upon  the  sympathies  of  the  well 
educated :  and  apart  from  all  the  contemporaneous 
expressions  of  flattery,*  there  is  no  doubtf  that  in 


*  Without  doubt  one  of  the 
most  honorable  and  innocent  of 
flatterers  is  Harrison,  in  a  work 
in  many  respects  so  valuable, 
his  Introduction  to  Holinshed's 
Chronicles.  His  loyalty  towards 
the  Queen  and  her  Court,  dis- 
arms the  criticism  which  might 
else  seem  well  bestowed,  con- 
sidering his  solid  good  sense  and 
knowledge  of  the  world.  In 
truth,  until  quite  a  modem  era. 


English  loyalty  has  been  quite 
lackey 'like :  that  is  to  say,  after 
the  model  of  that  of  the  old  ser- 
vants in  an  ancient  family.  It 
has  sometiiing  honorable^  and 
even  affecting  in  it,  when  simple 
and  sincere ;  but  as  historical 
evidence  is  of  no  worth  at  all. 

t  I  have  no  room  for  separate 
citations,  and  I  refer  my  readers 
more  particularly  to  Holinshed. 
(Ed.  1807,  i.  330.) 


328  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS. 

the  highest  circles  of  society,  and  especially,  in 
imitation  of  the  Queen,  among  the  female  sex, 
there  was  an  extraordinary  familiarity  with  the 
ancient  authors,  even  in  their  original  tongues: 
to  say  nothing  of  the  numerous  translations.  There 
was  moreover  a  general  predilection  for  the  Ro- 
manic languages  and  poets.  The  Queen  herself 
however,  in  spite  of  all  her  learning,  was  wholly 
wanting  in  those  nobler  sentiments,  without  which 
classic  literature  always  remains  a  closed  book. 
She  was  naturally  pedantic  and  without  taste. 
Her  virgin  state,  (of  which  she  made  a  sort  of 
trade,)  did  not  keep  her  from  coarse  unmannerli- 
ness  of  every  kind :  yet  it  did  force  her  to  affect  a 
prudery,  which  agreed  but  ill  with  the  frankness 
of  the  classic  authors.  Religious  decorum,  even 
in  its  more  Puritanical*  demands,  worked  in  the 
same  direction. 

*  Ocland  published  in  1582  be  supposed  that  Elizabeth  did 
two  long  Latin  Poems,  in  which  not  know  of,  and  did  not  author- 
both  IjEitin  and  Poetry  are  ize,  this  order ;  and  her  vanity, 
equally  wanting  in  taste.  Their  which  found  the  strongest  food 
study  however  was  enforced  at  in  the  "  Elisabetha,"  sufficiently 
all  schools,  by  order  of  the  Privy  explains  the  fact.  Moreover, 
Council,  "  that  the  said  booke  she  herself  possessed  a  vein, 
de  Anglorum  pnetiis  [?]  and  very  nearly  allied  to  the  worst 
peaceable  government  of  her  side  of  Puritanism;  severe  as 
Majestic  (Ehsabetha)  may  be  in  she  was  against  Puritanical  free- 
place  of  some  heathen  poets;  dom  in  ecclesiastical  matters, 
from  which  the  youth  of  the  How  far  a  sincere  Puritanical 
realme  doth  rather  receive  in-  reaction  against  the  frivolities  of 
fection  in  manners  than  advance-  the  time  may  have  been  justified 
ment  in  vertue." — (Warton,  iv.  or  desirable,  it  is  not  our  task  to 
140.)  In  this  may  be  seen  the  investigate  here.  Thus  much  is 
effect  of  the  Puritanical  influence,  clear,  that  classical  studies  were 
which  was  very  strong  in  the  not  benefited  by  such  inter- 
Council  of  State.     It  can  scarce  ference. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  329 

Taking  every  thing  into  consideration ;  in  this 
much  be-praised  learning  of  the  Queen  and  of  those 
around  her,  we  can  find  little  more  than  a  pedantic 
display  of  mechanical  acquaintance  with  the 
classic  languages.  In  some  certainly  the  fruits  of 
Court  patronage  may  have  ripened  for  nobler 
purposes.  But  these  were  only  exceptions:  nor 
can  it  be  supposed  that  from  this  narrow  circle 
much  benefit  could  accrue  to  University-study. 
Only  the  more  eminent  personages  there  could 
seek  a  path  to  Court  favor :  and  for  this  purpose  a 
step  backwards  had  to  be  made,  from  sound  learn- 
ing to  fashionable  affectation.  The  preponderance 
of  external  considerations  with  the  academicians 
of  that  day,  may  be  seen  in  the  favor  shown  to 
men  of  rank  in  taking  Degrees:  a  favor  which 
had  long  been  occasionally  bestowed,  but  was 
looked  on  as  a  great  abuse.  It  was  now  estab- 
lished by  Statute. 

§175.  Influence  of  the  Nation  at  large ,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  Metropolis^  on  the  Universities. 

But  the  atmosphere  of  the  times  was  still  less 
favorable  than  that  of  the  Court.  It  was  the 
reign  of  all  that  was  national,  popular,  vulgar ;  an 
epoch  of  vigorous  stir  in  the  spirit  of  the  mass : 
and  although  it  had  agreeable  characteristics, 
which  it  would  be  foolish  to  deny,  we  must 
neither  demand  of  it,  nor  ascribe  to  it,  that  which 


330  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

was  foreign  to  its  genius,  its  taste,  and  its  sympa- 
thies. The  peculiarity  of  England  at  that  period, 
was  an  extraordinary  multifariousness  in  its  intel- 
lectual eflfbrts.  Side  by  side  with  the  modem 
Romanic  Literature,  the  memorials  of  Greek  and 
Roman  Antiquity  gained  no*  insignificant  place. 
But  this  remark  must  be  understood  almost  solely 
of  the  better  educated  circle  of  the  capital :  which 
comprised  the  higher,  and  a  portion  of  the  middle 
classes.  It  was  animated  by  various  Poets  and 
Authors, — then  for  the  first  time  appearing  as  a 
peculiar  body  of  men, — who  possessed  collectively 
an  intellectual  influence,  although  individually  sel- 
dom either  respected  or  respectable.  Their  power 
afterwards  vanished,  in  the  religious  and  political 
contests  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  in  conse- 
quence of  the  stamp  so  long  left  on  the  national 
character  by  the  stiffness  of  Puritanism.  Before 
the  chilling  breath  of  the  Roundheads,  the  gay 
crowd  of  poets  was  scattered  like  chaffs ;  and  un- 
der Charles  II.  nothing  remained  of  this  cup  of 
genius,  but  the  dirty  dregs.*  But  even  under 
Elizabeth,  the  influence  of  contemporaneous  men 
of  letters  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  walls  of  the 
capital,  and  could  not  very  essentially  pervade  the 
Universities,  whose  members  were  gathered  from 

*  We  have  no  description  of  side  of  the  picture :  for  this  as 
the  state  of  London  society  in  for  every  thing  ebe,  the  new 
this  respect  under  Elizabeth  and  generation  has  too  little  serious- 
James,  in  spite  of  or  perhaps  on  ness.  Hard  study  and  love  of 
account  of  the  richness  of  the  the  subject  are  needed  for  the 
material.     Tick  has  given  one  production  of  such  a  work. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


331 


all  parts  of  the  country.  Yet  it  did  aflFect  them  in 
part ;  and  this  forms,  in  fact,  a  phenomenon  not  to 
be  overlooked  in  the  history  of  the  Universities  at 
that  time.  The  more  intelligent  Gownsmen  were 
in  constant  intercourse  with  the  literary  doings  of 
the  Capital,  to  which  they  found  a  link,  particularly 
in  the  Inns  of  Court. 


$  176.  Reciprocal  influence  between  the  Inns  of 
Court  and  the  Univerdties. 

The  institutions  last  named  were  originally  meant 
to  promote  the  study  of  Common  Law,  and  to  rear 
Judges  and  Lawyers;  partly  by  practice  in  the 
Courts,  partly  also  by  scientific  teaching.  We  must 
be  very  careful  how  we  place  reliance  on  the  pom- 
pous praises  lavished  on  them  by  such  men  as 
Fortescue;  which  have  found  their  way  into  all 
Law  Dictionaries  and  such-like  works.  Equally 
groundless  is  the  idea,  that  these  Inns  were  real 
Universities ;  or  High  Schools  of  the  free  Arts  and 
Sciences.*  At  that  time,  though  they  may  have 
been  less  estranged  than  afterwards  from  their  true 


*  Material  for  a  history  of 
these  societies  may  be  found 
more  especially  in  Dugdale's 
"  Origines  Juridicales."  I  am 
not  aware  whether  further  en- 
quiries have  been  based  upon 
his  work :  nor  whether  any  one 
has  investigated  in  detail  the 
analogy  between  these  Law 
Schools  and  the  embryo  of  the 


old  Italian  Law  Universities, 
and  why  it  is  that  the  former 
never  rose  to  the  same  impor- 
tance as  the  latter.  The  London 
Templars  of  Elizabeth's  reign, 
are  vividly  described  in  many 
sketches  of  the  manners  of  the 
day,  but  only  so  as  to  touch 
their  moral  and  social  condition. 


333  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

• 

ends^  yet  they  were  already  connected  with  a  mass 
of  foreign  elements  and  tendencies.  However  the 
nncleus  of  these  bodies  may  have  been  composed 
or  employed,  it  was  surrounded  by  a  wider  halo  or 
rather  followed  by  a  long  train, — a  nebula  of  un- 
practising  Lawyers, —  whose  spirit  and  doings  gave 
to  life  in  the  Capital  some  of  its  boldest  features, 
its  gayest  colors,  its  most  vigorous  intellectual 
movements ;  and  also  without  doubt,  many  of  its 
most  serious  moral  misdemeanors. 

Between  the  Universities,  and  this  unbridled, 
though  in  a  certain  sense  highly  educated,  jyouth ; 
there  was  a  constant  commerce,  an  in-and-out-flux, 
generating  an  intimate  reciprocal  influence.  The 
result  however  was  the  more  likely  to  be  unfavor- 
able to  earnest  studies,  as  the  preponderating  in- 
fluence certainly  lay  with  the  circles  of  the  Capital ; 
and  their  spirit  naturally  took  the  lead  in  Univer- 
sity-society, and  produced  models  for  it.*  The 
scientific  and  classical  knowledge,  which  thus  ac- 
crued to  the  Capital,  was  small  in  comparison  to 
the  stream  of  popular  literature  which  flowed  in 
upon  the  Universities.  And  whatever  may  be  the 
opinion  otherwise  entertained  of  this  literature; 
however  severe  or  mild  a  judgment  may  be  be- 
stowed upon  its  indisputable  immorality ;  it  will  be 

*  This  lay  in  the  very  nature  "  Athense  Oxon  :"  and  also  in 

of  things.     Further   proofs   or  the  dramatic  and  satirical  writ- 

rather  characteristic  traits  and  ings  of  the  time.     The  passage 

material  for  a  more  detailed  ac-  in   Wood    here   alluded    to    is 

count  may  be  found  in  Wood's  really  of  importance. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES.  333 

admitted  that  it  could  be  no  means  of  promoting 
profound  study. 

With  regard  to  the  Classics,  much  was  done  to 
popularize  the  knowledge  long  since  acquired; 
little  or  nothing  to  extend  or  enrich  it :  which 
would  have  been  the  truer  calling  of  the  Univer- 
sities. The  numerous  translations,  very  different 
in  worth,  by  which,  down  to  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  so  many  of  the  Classic  Au- 
thors became  the  common  property  of  the  people ; 
are  the  best  fruits  of  this  intercourse  between  the 
World  and  the  Universities.  This  is  certainly  to 
testify  an  important  and  gratifying  influence  of  the 
latter  upon  the  former.* 

§  177.  Evil  infltience  of  the  Gentry  upon  the 

Universities. 

It  has  been  seen  how  little  good  was  to  be  de- 
rived to  the  Universities  from  the  literature  of  the 
Metropolis :  connexion  with  other  circles  of  society 
was  not  at  all  more  improving.  We  speak  here  more 
especially  of  the  very  important  class  of  Gentry ; 
whose  sons  at  that  period,  and  ever  since,  com- 
posed the  greater  part  of  the  academic  population. 

*  To  describe  the  influence  at  the   Universities;   and  vice 

of  the  Universities  on  the  gene-  versa ;   would   be   one   of  the 

ral  cultivation,  the  poetry  and  numberless  and  yet  unperformed 

especially    the    drama    of    the  tasks  of  a  History  of  Literature, 

times;   or  again,  the  influence  Hints  and  materials  are  given 

produced  on  the  London  Thea-  by  Wood,  Collier,  &c. 
tres  by  the  plays  most  admired 


334  THB  BNOLI8H  UNIVBRSITIB8. 

Few  of  them  visited  the  University  for  intellectoal 
improvement,  taking  even  the  lowest  standard. 
With  all  the  praiseworthy  qualities  of  this  class,  it 
was  nevertheless  upon  the  whole  without  taste 
either  for  science  or  for  general  literature.  Its 
thorough  country-life  formed  a  direct  contrast  with 
that  of  towns:  and  when  custom  or  hopes  of 
emolument  drew  its  youth  to  the  Universities,  the 
more  lively  or  clever  were  for  the  most  part  swept 
into  the  vortex  of  metropolitan  life.  A  majority 
returned  to  the  paternal  hearth,  not  always  with 
the  same  rough  innocence  which  they  brought 
away,  and  at  all  events  with  no  particular  intellec- 
tual benefit.  After  this,  they  had  but  to  add  new 
branches  to  their  respectable  family-tree;  or,  if 
younger  sons,  receive  a  Church-living  in  the  gift  of 
their  own  or  of  some  friendly  family. 

The  intellectual  demands  of  these  circles  had 
however  in  another  respect  an  important  influence 
upon  the  academic  studies.  The  wealthier  and 
most  respectable  country -families  were  already 
used  to  place  their  sons  under  private  Tutors; 
whose  duty  it  was  either  to  prepare  them  for  the 
Universities,  or  to  give  them  (what  was  considered) 
a  finished  education.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
poorer  academicians  has  at  all  times  followed  this 
thorny  path  :  which,  at  the  very  best,  after  many 
years  may  lead  to  some  paltry  place  of  rest  in  the 
Church.  If  the  heads  of  such  families  had  de- 
manded in  the  tutors  really  high  qualifications,  it 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS.  335 

might  certainly  have  given  an  impulse  to  learning 
at  the  Universities :  but  their  demands  were  in 
fact  so  low,  the  prevalent  standard  of  accomplish- 
ments so  miserable,  that  the  influence  was  rather 
of  a  contrary  tendency.  It  brought  to  the  Uni- 
versities a  very  numerous  class,  whose  poverty  and 
roughness  of  manners  were  perhaps  their  best 
qualities  ;  and  in  whom  the  vulgarest  tone  of  mind 
prevailed,  through  their  dependence  upon  their 
former  scholars  and  future  bread-givers:  {Brod- 
herrn).  With  this  spirit*  prevailing,  it  cannot  be 
supposed  that  the  University  Tutors  and  other 
Authorities  were  free  from  simUar  sentiments,  and 
we  may  weU  imagme  what  influence  all  this  must 
have  exercised  upon  the  discipline  and  studies. 

§  178.  Evidence  concerning  the  Domestic  Education 

of  the  Gentry. 

The  state  of  domestic  education  among  the 
landed  gentry  of  that  day,  appears  to  me  to  have 
been  the  principal  source  of  the  evils  alluded  to. 
We  learn  from  an  unexceptionable  contemporaneous 
witness,!  what  the  spirit  of  that  education  was. 
*^  Such  is  the  most  base  and  ridiculous  parsimony 
of  many  of  our  gentlemen,"  says  he,  "  that  if  they 

*  Upon  this  point  I  must  be  tirical  literature  of  the  sixteenth 

satisfied  to  refer  in  general  to  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
the  multifarious  sources,   from         f  Peacham's  "  Complete  Gen- 

which    alone    a   knowledge    of  tleman."     I  quote  from  Drake's 

such  matters  is  to  be  derived ;  "  Shakespere   and  his  Times ;" 

especially  the  dramatic  and  sa-  i.  90. 


336  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

can  procure  some  poure  Batchelor  of  Arts  from 
the  Universities  to  teach  their  childem  to  say  grace, 
and  serve  the  cure  of  an  impropriation;  who, 
wanting  meanes  and  friends,  will  be  content  upon 
the  promise  of  £10  a  yeere ;  at  his  first  coming  to 
be  pleased  with  £5  ;  the  rest  to  be  set  off  in  hope 
of  the  next  advowson,  which  perhaps  was  already 

sold  before  the  young  man  was  bom,  &c Is 

it  not  commonly  scene  that  most  Gentlemen  will 
give  better  wages  and  deale  more  bountiftilly  with 
a  fellow  who  can  but  a  dogg  or  reclaime  a  hawke, 
than  upon  an  honest,  learned  and  well  qualified 
man  to  bring  up  their  childem.  It  may  be  hence 
it  is,  that  their  dogges  are  able  to  make  syllo^mes 
in  the  fielde,  when  their  young  masters  can  con- 
clude nothing  at  home,  if  occasion  of  argument  or 
discourse  be  offered  at  the  table." 

The  expressions  of  Ascham  in  his  "School-master** 
are  more  pointed  still.  Equally  characteristic  is 
the  description  given  of  such  a  relationship,  by  that 
excellent  Satirist,  Bishop  Hall;  a  poet  too  little 
known  and  appreciated,  not  only  among  us  in 
Germany,  but  also  among  his  own  countrymen : 
(Satires  ii.  6). 

"  A  gentle  squier  would  gladly  entertaine. 
Into  his  house  some  trencher  chapelaine : 
Some  willing  man  that  may  instruct  his  sons. 
And  that  would  stand  to  good  conditions. 
First,  that  he  lie  upon  the  truckle  bed, 
While  his  young  maister  lieth  o'er  his  head  : 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIES.  337 

Second,  that  he  doe,  upon  no  default. 

Never  presume  to  sit  above  the  salt : 

Third,  that  he  never  change  his  trencher  twise ; 

Fourth,  that  he  use  all  common  courtesies : 

Sit  bare  at  meals,  and  one  half  raise  and  waite ; 

Last,  that  he  never  his  young  master  beate  : 

But  he  must  aske  his  mother  to  define. 

How  many  jerks  she  would  his  breech  should  line. 

All  these  observed,  he  would  contented  be 

To  give  five  markes  and  winter  liverie." 

We  often  find  in  the  same  writer  testimony  to  the 
same  effect :  for  instance  in  Satires  2  and  5  of  the 
same  work.  To  say  that  these  are  mere  satirical 
ill-tempered  distortions,  is  to  forget  that  this  is 
bnt  an  illustration  of  a  proved  fact,  namely  the 
miserable  state  of  the  academic  studies.  And  this 
fact  in  turn  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the 
descriptions  formed,  not  exceptions,  but  the  rule.* 

$  179.  Mutual  action  between  the  Universities  on  one 
side,  and  the  Schools  and  the  Church  on  the  other. 

We  are  naturally  led-on  to  consider  the  connexion 
of  the  Universities  with  the  Schools  and  with  the 
Church. 

*  How  hr  similar  traits  may  time  of  which  we  speak :  the 

be  discovered  at  other  times,  is  more  so,  as  at  that  very  time 

no  afiair  of  oiurs  here.     Should  there  were  so  many  appearances, 

it  he  proved,  (what  would  he  which  might  have  induced  us 

difficult,)  that  tiie  same  was  the  to  believe  in  other  and  better 

case  at  all  times   and    in    all  things ;  appearances,  which  in- 

places,   still  it  is  our  duty  to  deed  have  misled  many. 
shew  what  was  the  case  at  that 


338  THE  BNOLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

The  influence  of  these  upon  the  Universities, 
even  then,  could  not  but  be  considerable ;  although 
the  ecclesiastical  character  of  the  Universities  was 
certainly  lessened,  by  the  influx  of  lay  students 
with  the  new  fashion.  It  was  not  possible  however 
that  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Universities  should 
receive  any  considerable  stimulus  from  the  Church 
or  from  the  Schools  without ;  the  fact  being,  that 
the  feebleness  of  such  life  in  the  Universities  en- 
tailed an  equal  langour  in  the  connected  and 
kindred  institutions ;  and  thus,  when  the  circle 
was  completed,  generated  its  own  causes.  In  the 
highest  circles  of  the  Church  there  was  doubtless  a 
certain  degree  of  cultivation ;  which  was  promoted 
partly  by  public  opinion,  partly  by  the  Royal  dis- 
penser of  all  preferment  in  this  sphere.  Elizabeth's 
learned  vanity  was  in  itself  a  sufficient  guarantee 
that  no  ecclesiastics  notoriously  ignorant  would  be 
raised  to  high  places  in  the  Church,  especially  to 
such  as  were  likely  to  bring  them  into  personal 
contact  with  herself.*  This  fact  in  itself,  no  doubt, 
proved  an  inducement  to  many  to  apply  vigorously 
to  learning;  indeed  upon  some  occasions  it  was 
expressly  held  forth  as  an  inducement  to  the  Uni- 
versities.!    By  the  hope  of  prizes  so  lofty,  but  few 

*  On  the  other  hand  they  all  the  Church  is  expressly  held 
prohahly  took  care  not  to  show  out  as  an  inducement  to  the 
off  their  learning  in  comparison  industrious  pursuit  of  learning, 
with  hers,  more  than  might  Learning  was  of  course  to  be 
serve  to  set  it  forth  to  advants^.  interpreted,    as    in   accordance 

*  I  refer  my  readers  to  a  let-  with  the  prevailing  system,  and 
ter  in  "  Ellis*  Letters  ;**  in  which  unconditionally  dependent  on  it. 
the  promotion  to  high  posts  in 


THE  BNOLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  339 

individuals  could  be  stimulated :  and  besides^  al- 
though intellectual  accomplishments  were  more  or 
less  considered  in  those  selected,  yet,  as  a  general 
rule,  of  course  other  influences  decided. 

Far  more  important  than  any  thing  done  in  the 
highest  sphere  of  the  Church  was  the  demand  for  a 
competent  knowledge  in  Divinity  and  in  Arts,  made 
upon  the  middling  and  lower  orders  of  the  Clergy. 
Important  influences  certainly  may  proceed  and 
have  proceeded  downwards  from  above,  but  no 
trace  exists  that  at  that  time  any  thing  of  the  sort 
took  place,  to  the  intellectual  benefit  of  the  lower 
ecclesiastics.  Political,  worldly  and  personal  in- 
terests  and  intrigues  decided  every  thing.  The 
dominant  Church  was  as  much  pervaded  and  ruled 
by  these  elements,  as  ever  the  Catholic  Church 
had  been.  In  the  appointment  to  Church-benefices 
more  especially,  the  pecuniary  interests  of  the 
secular  patrons  and  their  families  prevailed  to  such 
a  degree,  that  this  alone  might  have  sufficed  to 
bring  about  that  lamentable  condition  (moral,  reli- 
gious and  intellectual)  of  the  mass  of  the  ministers 
of  the  State-Church,  of  which  we  have  only  too 
credible  testimony.  In  fact,  precisely  the  best  and 
worthiest  members  of  the  Catholic  Church  had 
been  compelled  to  quit  the  ministry  and  sacrifice 
their  worldly  interests  to  their  convictions ;  while, 
among  the  Protestant  ministers,  those  whose  in- 
ward calling  was  the  strongest,  were  forced  by  the 
secularization  of  the  ruling  Church  into  a  sectarian 


340  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVBRSITIBS. 

position^  which  excluded  them  from  her  service, 
and  sometimes  altogether  from  academic  life. 

This  being  the  condition  of  the  Church,  it  is  not 
wonderfril  that  we  find  the  great  mass  of  those 
connected  with  School  instruction  in  the  highest 
degree  neglected  and  corrupted,  morally  and 
intellectually.  The  increasing  wealth  of  existing 
schools,  and  the  foundation  of  new  ones,  enlai*ged 
the  numbers,  without  improving  the  quality  of  the 
academic  population;  indeed,  were  rather  ad- 
vantageous only  to  the  academic  rabble.* 

The  miserable  condition  of  the  ruling  Church, 
so  unworthy  of  her  general  duty  and  her  special 
position,  was  the  principal  cause  of  the  extension 
and  temporary  victory  of  sectarian  and  other  ten- 
dencies ;  which  held  out,  or  at  least  promised,  to 
Christian  desire,  that  which  was  in  vain  sought 
among  these  hirelings.  Whether  the  desire  was 
really  satisfied  in  this  quarter,  or  whether  it  was 
not  in  many  respects  corrupted  and  led  astray,  is 
another  question;  yet,  however  this  may  be  de- 
cided, it  can  never  relieve  the  culpability  of  the 
ruling  Church. 

Beside  this  testimony  of  history  itself,  we  have 
trustworthy  evidence  to  the  same  effect  from  those 
unconnected  with  the  party  struggle,  and  from 

*  Were  I  to  try  to  please  the  is  to  be  done,  where  the  most 

majority,  I  ought  not  to  say  much  credible  witnesses  speak  out  so 

respecting  these  unpleasant  to-  loudly  and  so  clearly  ?     Above 

pics ; — t^is  dark  side  of  that  all,  it  is  the  after-course  of  these 

glittering   medal,    called   "  the  matters  which  leaves  no  room  for 

Elizabethan  Age"      But  what  palliating. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS.  341 

adherents  of  the  prevailing  system.  Even  the  de- 
cidedly apologetic  account  in  Harrison's  "Des- 
cription of  England/'*  admits  enough  and  proves 
enough  to  justify  the  representations  just  made. 
What  this  partial  and  timid^  although  well  mean- 
ing and  honorable  witness^  gives  as  the  constant 
exception ;  we  are  forced,  under  the  circumstances, 
to  regard  as  the  general  rule.f  Harrison  admits, 
with  a  sigh,  that  the  lower  ecclesiastics  were  gene- 
rally despised;  but  he  seeks  to  explain  the  fact, 
less  by  their  ignorance,  and  immorality,  than  by 
their  poverty;  the  fault  of  which  he  Lribes  to 
their  Patrons,  who  looked  upon  the  benefices  sim- 
ply as  means  of  emolument  for  themselves  or  their 
families.  We  need  not  say  any  thing  of  the  many 
methods  made  use  of  to  turn  property  of  this  kind 
to  profit.  The  very  worst  abuses,  which  now-a- 
days  very  seldom  or  never  occur,  were  then  matters 
of  common  practice.  The  more  valuable  benefices, 
for  instance,  were  bestowed  upon  younger  sons  or 
relations ;  who  either  took  the  duty  on  themselves 
without  any  inward  call  soever,  or  kept  a  curate 
upon  as  small  a  salary  as  possible.  The  smaller, 
were  employed  in  rewarding  or  providing  for  old 
servants,  who  did  the  same  as  their  masters. 

That  poverty  in  itself  is  not  at  all  incompatible 
with  many  of  the  attributes  of  the  Pastor  of  a  flock 
needs  no  proof:   but  it  is  just  as  certain  that  it 

♦  See  Holinshed.         f  We  do  not  pretend  however  to  deny  many 

very  honorable  exceptions. 


342  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

generally  throws  difl&culties  in  the  way  of  intellec- 
tual cultivation.  Under  the  circumstances  here 
described,  it  certainly  went  far  to  exclude  a  moral 
and  religious  calling  also ;  nor  in  fact  could  it  do 
otherwise. 

The  testimony  which  1  am  about  to  quote,  may 
be  looked  upon  as  a  rare  extreme :  but  at  all  events 
it  gives  a  sort  of  standard.  Lodge  (in  his  Illustra- 
tions, &c.,  iii.  391)  gives  a  letter  from  the  Talbot 
papers,  in  which  mention  is  made  of  an  ecclesiastic 
in  the  following  terms:  — "The  mmister  afore 
named  differ  eth  little  from  those  of  the  worste  sorte : 
he  hath  dipt  his  finger  both  in  manslaughter  and 
peijury,  &c."  :  and  yet  evidently*  he  did  not  quite 
belong  to  the  "  worste  sorte" !  In  the  same  letter 
we  read  of  "  a  bad  Vicar  of  Hope,  who  is  not  to 
be  punished  for  the  multitudes  of  his  women, 
untill  the  bastards  whereof  he  is  the  reputed  father 
be  brought  in."  This  same  Vicar  was  openly  and 
zealously  supported  by  a  very  respectable  man  and 
Justice  of  the  Peace,  Sir  N.  Bentley,  in  order  that 
he  might  be  allowed  to  open  a  beer  house.  Indeed, 
the  other  magistrates  decided  against  him ;  and,  as 
we  before  said,  this  case  must  be  looked  on,  not  as 
a  common,  but  only  as  a  very  bad  one :  still,  we 
cannot  avoid  forming  from  such  accounts  some 
opinion  as  to  the  whole  state  of  things  at  the  time. 
The    worldly  -  mindedness   of    the   higher   Clergy 

*  [The  Autlior  seems  to  interpret  the  words  to  mean ;  "  the  worst 
sort  of  clergy  :"  which  is  probably  a  mistake.] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


343 


naturally  did  not  show  itself  under  such  coarse 
forms:  but  even  there  also  this  much-praised  era 
of  the  Anglican  Church  has  bequeathed  a  heritage 
of  most  questionable  traits. 


^   180.  Cultivation  of  Law  at  the  Universities. 

We  cannot  expect  that  other  branches  of  the 
Academic  studies  should  flourish  more  than 
Theology  and  Arts,  especially  in  such  an  age. 
Ecclesiastical  Law,  properly  speaking,  existed  no 
longer:  for  the  Papal  Law  was  most  severely 
forbidden ;  and  the  Protestant  Church-Law,  pro- 
mised by  Edward  and  Elizabeth,  was,  for  very 
intelligible  grounds,  never  brought  forward.  Civil 
or  Roman  Law,  which  had  been  much  neglected 
before  the  Reformation,  now  pined,  just  in  pro- 
portion as  Common  and  Statute  Law  throve.  The 
spirit  which  had  prevailed  in  the  recent  revolution, 
being  Northern  and  Germanic ;  cast  down  all  the 
more  Romanic  tendencies,  and  with  them  the  Civil 
Law.*  Common  Law  however  (as  we  once  before 
stated)  was  not  scientifically  cultivated  at  Cam- 
bridge or  Oxford ;  and  indeed  had  its  head  quarters 


*  I  may  be  allowed  perhaps, 
without  entering  into  further 
investigations  which  would  lead 
me  too  far,  to  remark,  that  I  am 
not  ignorant  how  constantly  the 
despotic  characteristic  of  the  Tu- 
dor reigns  have  been  ascribed  to 
the  Roman  Law.     But,  setting 


aside  the  fact  that  much  confu- 
sion and  error  took  place,  (for 
instance,  in  the  original  practice, 
and  in  the  theory  perhaps  after- 
wards attempted,)  these  Civilian 
points  at  all  events  were  not  of 
the  kind  to  have  influenced  the 
academic  studies. 


344  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

at  the  supreme  Courts  of  Justice  in  London.  The 
Inns  of  Court  were  looked  upon  by  contemporaries 
as  a  third  University :  and  a  Law  University  they 
were,  thus  far ;  that  whatever  Law  was  studied  in 
England,  was  studied  there.  They  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  two  Universities  the  power  of  conferring 
degrees  in  the  Civilian  Faculty  only,  for  which  a 
mechanical  sort  of  exercise  sufficed. 


^181.  Medical  Study  at  the  Universities. 

Medical  studies  also,  such  as  they  were,  had  (as 
we  have  seen)  estranged  themselves  from  the  Uni- 
versities much  earlier.  The  few  eflForts  made  for 
a  revival  of  them,  only  prove  by  their  slight  dura- 
tion, how  unfavorable  was  the  academic  soil  and 
atmosphere.  Wood  mentions  in  1508  a  certain 
Antonius  Alazardus  from  Montpellier,  who  gave 
lectures  in  medicine  with  much  success.  The  fact 
is  not  wonderful,  remembering  the  great  energy 
with  which  science  was  just  then  cultivated :  yet  no 
permanent  effects  can  be  traced :  and  the  fate  of  the 
Lynacre  foundation  is  sufficient  proof  how  little 
interest  was  taken  in  these  studies.  This  may  be 
seen  also,  by  the  very  small  number  of  medical 
degrees  taken.  In  the  year  1575,  Wood  again 
mentions  a  foreign  physician,  whose  lectures  were 
much  sought  after;  but  this  was  only  temporary, 
and  proves  at  the  utmost,  that  a  part  of  the  fault 
rested  with  the  Regius  Professor.. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  .345 

It  is  true  that  medical  Professorships  had  been 
founded  by  Henry  VIIL,  but  medical  studies  natu- 
rally took  up  their  central  position  in  the  practice 
and  hospitals  of  the  Capital.  They  had  moreover 
already  obtained  there  a  central  organ,  in  the  Cor- 
poration of  London  Physicians. 

$  182.  Effect  on  the  Universities  of  the  London 

College  of  Physicians. 

This  institution  had  been  established  and  endowed 
with  very  extensive  privileges  under  Henry  VIII.* 
but  its  influence  upon  the  academic  studies  did  not 
take  place  all  at  once.  The  schismatic  and  refor- 
mationary  movements  which  broke  out  shortly 
after  its  establishment,  drove  all  such  matters  out 
of  their  common  and  standard  course.  The  new 
corporation  had  indeed  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
hostility  of  the  Universities,  which  were  fully 
occupied  with  very  diflFerent  cares;  but  it  had  to 

♦Thefoiindation-deed,  by  which  English  Medicine  (St.  Thomas's, 

the  Physicians  of  the  Capital  and  St.  Bartholemew's  and  Bethle- 

seven  miles  round,  were  incor-  hem)  were  incorporated  under 

porated  into  a  "  College  of  Phy-  Henry  VIII :  but  their  existence 

sicians/'  is  of  the  date  of  1 5 1 8 ;  cannot  be  looked  upon  as  secured, 

(v.  Rjrmer.)  Lynacre,  and  at  his  or  their  influence  as  firmly  estab- 

instigation,  Wolsey,  took  a  con-  lished,  before  Elizabeth's  reign, 

siderable  interest  in  the  matter.  I  trust  I  need  not  assure   my 

As  to  the  Surgeons,  they  too,  readers  that  I  do  not  confuse  the 

under  Henry  VIII.,  were  incor-  state  of  things  at  that  time  with 

porated  with  the  Barbers ;  from  what  was  the  case  afterwards ; 

whom  they  were  not  separated  and  that  I  am  not  ignorant  that 

until  1800.      Most  also  of  the  no  clinical  course  of  lectures,  &c. 

great  hospitals  which  to  this  day  then  existed, 
form  the  native  high  schools  of 


346  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

defend  itself  from  an  inundation  of  quacks,  which 
burst  forth,  for  the  greater  part  from  the  abolished 
Monasteries  and  their  Schools.  We  reach  Eliza- 
beth's reign,  before  we  find  the  course  of  things 
tranquil  and  steady  enough  to  warrant  us  in  a 
decided  judgment  as  to  their  permanent  importance. 
It  was  not,  it  is  true,  the  intention  of  the  found- 
ers of  this  medical  corporation  to  place  them  in 
opposition  to  the  Universities :  on  the  contrary,  the 
proposed  severity  of  this  medical  police  promised 
rather  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  academic  de- 
gree, as  a  qualification  for  higher  practice.  The 
result  however  no  way  justified  the  expectation. 
The  new  medical  corporation  had  not  self-denial 
enough  to  reject  the  independence  and  dignity 
forced  upon  it.  It  saw  that  the  Universities  ex- 
ceedingly undervalued  medical  studies  and  inter- 
ests, in  comparison  with  theological  disputations; 
while  with  the  latter.  Physicians  have  at  no  time 
sympathised.  Medical  men  have  never  been  in  the 
very  best  odor  with  Theologians ;  nor  were  they  at 
all  comfortable  at  the  English  Universities,  where 
every  one  was  every  moment  liable  to  be  made 
a  theological  partizan.  Distrust  was  the  more 
increased  against  the  Physicians,  since  the  more 
distinguished  of  them  completed  their  education  in 
France  and  Italy :  and  were  thereby  exposed  to  the 
charge  of  Indiflferentism  or  Catholicism.  Moreover 
Catholic  agents,  particularly  Jesuits,  not  unfre- 
quently  appeared  under  a  medical  mask. 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  34T 

Had  the  power  lodged  with  the  College  of 
Physicians  been  as  energetic  as  it  was  feeble,  it 
could  not  be  imagined  that  they  would  use  it 
chiefly  to  punish  invasion  of  the  University  degree. 
Of  course  they  thought  far  more  highly  of  their 
own,  than  of  the  academic  diplomas;*  yet  they 
could  but  partially  and  locally  protect  even  their 
own  privileges  against  encroachment  on  the  part 
of  the  Apothecaries  and  Surgeons.f  In  fact  it  is 
notorious,  that  to  this  day,  it  is  impossible  in  any 
town  of  England  to  maintain  in  vigor  the  laws 
respecting  medical  practice. 

$  183.  State  of  Mental  Philosophy  at  the  Universities. 

Of  all  the  branches  of  learning.  Mental  Philosophy 
was  perhaps  the  least  favored  by  the  opinions  of 
the  times,  in  or  out  of  the  Universities.  The  reac- 
tion against  the  Scholastic  Philosophy  still  prevailed 
in  full  vigor ;  and,  in  giving  up  to  oblivion  as  utterly 
worthless  all  the  exertions  and  acquisitions  of  half 
a  millennium,  could  not  but  be  disadvantageous  to 
philosophic  culture.}  Yet  it  was  an  advantage,  (see- 
ing how  dead  a  skeleton  the  system  had  become,) 
to  go  back  to  the    original  sources  of  its  life, 

*  Wood  mentions  as  early  as         f    The    Apothecaries    were 

1612  the  complaints  made  by  at  first  incorporated   with   the 

both   the  Universities    (and    it  Grocers,    and    did    not    form 

should  seem  in  vain)  against  the  a    separate    Corporation    until 

College   of  Physicians  for  not  1617. 

paying  proper  attention  to  the         X  See  Note  (41)  at  the  end. 
academic  diploma. 


348  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

Aristotle  and  Plato :  and  this  really  took  place,  at 
least  as  to  Aristotle.  The  exclusion  of  Plato 
however  from  the  statutory  studies,  cut  off  one  of 
the  principal  roots,  out  of  which  the  Philosophy  of 
the  middle  ages  (directly  or  indirectly)  had  grown. 
Had  the  materials  to  be  found  in  Aristotle  been 
worked  up  with  life  and  spirit,  a  new  germination 
of  intellectual  philosophy  would  have  resulted. 
But  the  age  had  no  inward  calling  to  such  a  task; 
no  desire  of  progress  m  it.  The  more  earnest 
spirits  cast  themselves  into  controversial  theology, 
and  found  no  room  for  any  thing  else.  A  place 
had  been  left  to  Aristotle,  chiefly  because  the 
Faculty  needed  a  formal  Patron :  but  his  disciples 
had  no  idea  of  exerting  themselves  to  understand 
him.  When  he  was  defended  against  innovators, 
it  was  only  from  dislike  of  the  exertion  needed  to 
master  a  new  system :  nor  did  there  exist  even  that 
blind  belief  in  his  authority,  which  would  have  at 
least  left  room  for  the  vital  principle  of  Love. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  Bacon  at  that  time,  at  least 
in  Oxford,  would  have  met  just  as  poor  a  welcome, 
as  a  certain  Barebones,  who  sought  to  promulgate 
the  doctrines  of  Petrus  Ramus  and  in  consequence 
had  to  choose  between  recantation  or  expulsion.* 


*  Wood  mentions  this  occur-  in  print  for  his  violent  opposi- 

rence  asinl574.     As  a  condi-  tion  to  certain  Doctors  who  are 

tion  for   his   admission   to  his  named.     It  is  not  clear  whether 

Master's  degree,  he  was  to  en-  this  took  place,  or  whether  he 

gage  to  defend  Aristotle  against  left  the  University, 
all  comers ;    and  to  beg  pardon 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  349 

But  we  find  not  a  single  indication  that  any  sucK 
attempt  in  favor  of  the  philosophy  of  Bacon  was 
made  at  either  of  the  Universities. 


f  184.  Evil  influences  acting  within  the  Universities  : 

especially  at  Oxford. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  accounting  for  the  unsat- 
isfactory state  of  the  University  studies  by  extra- 
academical  causes;  we  now  proceed  to  consider 
the  operation  of  causes  properly  internal. 

Fear  of  innovation  from  free  enquiry,  appears  to 
have  been  by  no  means  the  worst  side  of  this 
matter.  In  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies, we  must  of  course  expect  to  find  an  undue 
timidity,  and  a  cramping  of  scientific  energies  by 
the  religious  and  ecclesiastical  demands  of  the 
time.  Accordingly,  they  excluded  not  only  what- 
ever (in  their  view)  opposed  the  essential  truths  of 
Christianity,  but  whatever  seemed  to  have  a  Catho- 
lic tendency.  Even  so,  there  was  an  ample  field 
for  a  single  generation  to  cultivate,  had  there  been 
ever  so  great  intellectual  activity.  They  did  not 
however  fill  out  the  space  thus  accorded  to  them. 
It  was  only  a  small  minority  that  had  taken  oflFence 
at  the  study  of  Pagan  Classics ;  yet  those  studies 
went  into  decay.  Still  fewer  despised  all  know- 
ledge; for  at  the  Universities  it  was  a  cherished 
belief  that  learning  (in  languages  especially)  was  ^^a 
handmaid  to  Theology  i""  yet  this  avowal  remained 


350  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

a  barren  and  dead  creed.  Theological  disputes 
were  indeed  the  great  business  of  the  day ;  never- 
theless, in  the  education  of  youth  no  prominence 
was  given  to  their  living  fruits, —  the  moral  and 
spiritual  elements  of  religion. 

We  have  already  seen  that  in  this  respect,  the 
Universities  were  very  far  from  satisfying  even  the 
most  moderate  claims.  Cramped  and  torpid  as  was 
the  intellectual  working, —  in  no  small  measure  as 
a  result  of  the  rigorism  of  the  times, —  there  was 
energy  enough  and  to  spare  in  licentiousness  and 
immorality  ;  so  far  as  these  can  manifest  themselves 
in  worldly  enjoyments  of  every  kind.  To  under- 
stand these  phenomena  the  better,  we  must  consider 
a  peculiarity  in  the  position  of  the  Universities  at 
that  time. 

The  importance  which  they  had  attained  in  all 
eyes,  was  in  many  respects  a  gratifying,  and  at 
least  it  was  an  inevitable,  result  of  the  crisis :  but 
in  consequence,  the  Universities  became  a  field  of 
battle  for  the  intrigues  of  self-interest  in  the  diflFer- 
ent  parties  of  the  State.  The  struggle  between  the 
stricter  and  laxer  Calvinists,  the  Puritans  and  Ar- 
minians,  as  they  were  afterwards  called,  who  strove 
each  to  eject  the  other ;  might  have  had  a  compen- 
sation in  the  religious  and  moral  developement  of 
character :  for  neither  party  was  without  a  higher 
inspiration,  however  little  able  to  keep  clear  of 
more  impure  and  more  dangerous  negative  ele- 
ments.    But  self-interest  not  only  imparted  to  the 


THE  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  351 

contest  the  most  immoral  and  hateful  character ; 
but  placed  every  thing  on  so  false  a  footing,  that 
the  worst  side  and  tendency  of  each  party  was  sure 
to  predominate.  The  rigorism  of  the  one  fettered 
intellectual  activity ;  the  laxity  of  the  other  broke 
down  indispensable  moral  barriers. 

The  last  words  bear  more  particularly  on  Oxford : 
and  precisely  there  it  is,  that  the  evil  may  be  traced 
to  the  iniquity  of  influential  individuals.  All  this 
will  be  perfectly  clear  to  those  who  have  acquaint- 
ance with  the  history  of  that  time,  when  we  state 
that  it  was  Leicester,  so  many  years  the  favorite 
of  the  Virgin-Queen,  who  tiuring  three  and  twenty 
years  (from  1565  to  1588)  exercised,  as  Chancellor, 
an  influence  shackled  by  no  law,  no  right,  no  moral 
consideration ;  but  determined  simply  by  his  own 
personal  interests.  The  corruptness  of  this  man  is 
as  generally  known,  as  his  total  deficiency  (so  often 
proved)  in  all  practical  ability.  His  personal  inti- 
macy with  his  Sovereign  Mistress  is  of  course  an 
enigma  to  those,  who  gratuitously  embellish  the 
latter  with  false  lustre.  Be  that  as  it  may;  the 
character  of  this  Chancellor  and  his  coterie,  is 
enough  to  explain  even  the  worst  phenomena  of 
Oxford :  nor  can  we  be  surprised,  that  as  soon  as  he 
recognized  in  the  University  a  useful  tool,  he  used 
it  unscrupulously.  He  bestowed  upon  his  servants 
and  creatures  all  academic  influence  and  emolu- 
ments, without  care  for  the  rights  and  claims 
of  men   or  things.     What   qualities  and  services 


i 


353  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

recommended  these  personages  to  him,  we  con- 
jecture from  the  character  of  the  Patron ;  and  our 
auguries  are  confirmed  by  all  the  known  facts  of 
the  case.  From  many  passages  in  Wood  to  this 
eflFect,  I  may  be  allowed  here  to  adduce  the  most 
characteristic. 


$  185.  WoocTs  testimony  concerning  Leicester  as 

Chancellor  of  Oxford. 

^^  Being  despotic  in  the  administration  of  his 
kingdom"  [the  University]  "he  did  what  he  pleased 
among  the  delegates,  (legates,)  whose  proceedings 
and  plans  he  ascertained  secretly  and  instantly  by 
help  of  some  of  his  creatures  (clientum)  especially 
Dr.  G.  Baylie  &c.  .  .  .  This  individual  obtained  great 
and  rich  possessions  under  the  auspices  of  the  Earl. 
It  is  related  of  Culpepper  also,  that  relying  upon 
the  Earl's  favor  and  power,  he  employed  to  evil 
purposes  the  authority,  which,  as  Head,  he  pos- 
sessed over  the  Fellows  of  his  College  &c.  M. 
Atye,  who  was  the  Earl's  secretary,  making  use  of 
his  letters,  induced  certain  Colleges  to  grant  him 
at  a  low  rate^  the  occupation,  long  leases^  and 
reversions,  of  their  landed  estates  &c.  .  .  .  Need 
I  add  that  he  inflicted  immense  loss  on  Merton 
College,  in  extorting  from  the  Fellows  the  manor 
of  Maiden  for  five  hundred  years,  that  is,  for  ever  ?" 

[*  Possessionem,  et  latifundiomm  demissiones  diutinas,  et 

reversiones.] 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  353 

It  is  very  characteristic^  that  Baylie,  his  favorite, 
fell  into  disgrace,  because  he  would  not  go  so  far, 
as  to  share  in  the  misdeeds  to  which  Leicester's 
wife,  —  the  unfortunate  Amy,  immortalised  by 
Scott,  —  fell  a  victim.  Allen,  another  of  his  crea- 
tures, came  under  the  Earl's  displeasure  for  the 
sympathy,  which  in  a  funeral  sermon  he  had  shown 
for  the  unhappy  woman.  "  Under  the  EarFs  reign," 
says  Wood  farther  on,  "  the  University  suflFered 
considerable  injury;  since  he  conferred  places  of 
authority,  and  other  academic  posts  generally,  at 
will ;  the  Gownsmen  yielding  to  him  either  through 
hope  or  fear." 

He  proceeds  to  complain  of  the  licentiousnesss 
coarseness,  arrogance  and  vanity  in  dress,  of  the 
scholars  of  the  time;  and  finally,  he  contrasts 
these  abominable  practices  with  the  Scriptural 
phrases,  which  filled  the  letters  and  discourses  of 
the  Chancellor. 

^186.  Intrigue  is  complicated  by  the  anti-Puritani- 
cal tendencies  of  the  Queen. 

The  Queen  herself,  as  is  well  known,  constantly 
evinced  the  most  decided  antipathy  to  the  Puritan 
party.  To  say  nothing  of  individual  and  transi- 
tory influences,  she  was  deeply  convinced  of  the 
maxim,  which  has  been  concisely  expressed  by : 
"  No  Bishop,  no  King."  Monarchal  and  High 
Church  principles  have  a  most  intimate  mutual 

A  A 


354  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

sympathy^  alike  in  their  most  essential  and  wor- 
thy, and  in  their  most  unessential  and  unworthy 
points;  and  a  corresponding  repugnance  may  be 
expected  between  Monarchy  and  Low  Church  doc- 
trines. The  School  of  Prelates  which  had  passed 
through  these  stormy  times,  had  contrived  to  retain 
Court-favor  not  under  Edward  VI.  only,  but  even 
in  part  under  Mary.  Their  higher  worldly  cultiva- 
tion; their  pliability;  their  forms,  in  part  more 
dignified,  in  part  more  frivolous ;  and  their  whole 
disposition,  so  ready  for  the  most  refined  or  for 
the  most  abject  flattery ;  were  highly  agreeable  to 
the  Queen's  female  vanity:  while  her  monarchal 
instincts  and  interests  were,  as  naturally,  attracted 
by  the  unlimited  power,  which  the  same  School 
conceded  to  the  Crown  in  Church,  and  shortly 
afterwards  in  State.  On  the  other  hand  the  de- 
mocratic tendency  of  the  Puritans,  (although  it 
may  at  first  have  kept  upon  ecclesiastical  ground,) 
was  as  oflfensive  to  her  loyalty,  as  their  rough, 
severe,  and  dark  manners  to  her  womanhood. 
Upon  every  visit  to  Oxford  or  Woodstock  she  gave 
sharp  hits  at  the  Puritans,  sometimes  hard  blows. 
Opportunities  for  a  display  of  her  vanity  occurred 
more  fi-equently  perhaps  at  the  Universities  than 
elsewhere;  on  account  of  the  confidential  con- 
nexion, so  to  say,  which  she  had  from  the  very 
first  established  with  those  bodies.  Even  at  the 
later  period  she  was  very  far  fi-om  entirely  yield- 
ing up  this  whole  sphere  to  her  favorite :    on  the 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  355 

contrary  she  delighted  to  interfere  now  and  then  with 
academic  afiairs^  even  in  the  pettiest  details.  We  do 
not  question  whether  real  attachment  to  learning  and 
the  learned^  and  also  more  serious  political  consi- 
derations co-operated :  but  it  is  just  as  certain  that 
the  interests  and  rights  of  the  Universities  and  (Col- 
leges were  often  sacrificed  to  paltry  self-interest. 

The  nature  of  the  Queen's  interference  may  be 
seen  in  an  instance  communicated  by  Ellis.*  In  this 
case  Elizabeth  endeavored  to  compel  All  Souls'  Col- 
lege^ contrary  to  its  established  custom^  to  let  out 
certain  woods  to  her  favorite  Lady  Stafford,  upon 
conditions  evidently  disadvantageous  to  the  College. 
The  result  in  that  case,  is  not  very  clear :  but  there 
is  something  characteristic  in  the  humble  and  la- 
mentable remonstrances  made  by  the  distressed  Fel- 
lows. A  deputation  sent  by  them  to  Court  was  not 
received ;  but  was  ordered  only  to  give  in  the  names 
of  all  who  composed  it.  The  fear  however,  of  per- 
sonal grievous  consequences  was  so  great,  that  with- 
out further  eflfbrt  they  forthwith  slunk  away.  Not 
that  this  comes  in  the  shape  of  direct  usurpation : 
it  was  only  a  misuse  of  the  patriarchal  influence, 
which  the  Queen  arrogated  to  herself,  and  which 
none  could  or  durst  resist,  when  she  chose  to  exert 
it.  This  influence  lay,  partly  in  the  peculiar  posi- 
tion of  the  Universities  with  regard  to  the  Crown, 
especially  since  the  Reformation;  and  partly  in 
the  more  simple  patriarchal  habits  and  feelings  of 
the  times  in  general. 

I*  See  "Letters  Illustrative/'  &c.  2nd  Series,  iii.  128.] 


356  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


$  187.  Leicester y  as  Patron  of  the  Puritans. 

We  are  now  to  see,  how  hypocrisy  was  aggra- 
vated by  this  position  of  things.  The  Queen 
herself  naturally  exercised  her  patronage  without 
disguise  and  openly ;  but  those  of  her  counsellors 
who  inclined  towards  the  Puritans,  could  not  do 
the  same:  and  among  these  was  Leicester.  He 
courted  the  Puritans,  (as  an  aspiring  usurper  makes 
friends  of  a  democracy  against  the  Nobles,)  seeking 
for  another  prop  to  his  power  in  them,  beside  the 
favor  of  the  Queen:  and  in  fact,  the  elevation 
which  that  favor  conferred,  made  him  appear,  in 
spite  of  his  nothingness,  a  head  of  that  rising  party. 
Not  that  there  could  be  any  spiritual  afl&nity  be- 
tween him  and  their  better  elements.  The  bottom 
of  the  connexion  probably  lay  in  their  relations 
with  the  Protestants  of  the  Netherlands ;  upon 
which  country  Leicester  had  fixed  an  eye  of  ambi- 
tion :  but  the  unnatural  alliance  had  a  mischievous 
moral  effect  on  the  party,  both  within  and  without 
the  University.  Such  a  connexion  could  only  be  a 
source  of  continual  hypocrisy  of  the  deepest  dye. 
What  in  fact  could  do  greater  damage  to  moral 
and  religious  conscientiousness,  than  the  puritanical 
phrases  uttered  and  the  corresponding  part  played 
by  men  such  as  Leicester  and  his  mates?  There 
is  no  doubt  however,  that  this  poison  sunk  only 
too  deep  into  the  very  life  of  the  University,  and 


^•."'^  .//'. 


'• 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  357 

seized  more  or  less  upon  all  who  had  not  rid  them- 
selves of  more  serious  thoughts  in  the  intoxication 
of  worldly  pleasure.  Meanwhile,  as  the  favorite 
was  obliged  to  exercise  his  patronage  with  the 
greatest  management  and  secrecy,  whenever  it 
could  at  all  clash  with  that  of  his  Royal  Mistress, 
here  was  a  new  call  for  hypocrisy.  Publicly  and 
before  the  Queen,  Arminian  tendencies  were 
favored :  but  secretly  and  in  real  fact,  every  influ- 
ence and  advantage  was  bestowed  upon  the  other 
side.  Here  again  lay  an  occasion  of  falsity  to  both 
of  the  parties.  For  Arminismism  was,  more  or 
less,  in  contradiction  v^th  the  official  dogma  of 
the  ruling  Church;  (a  fact  which  could  only  be 
got  over  by  numerous  evasions:)  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Puritans,  who  agreed  with  the  official 
dogma,  had  not  only  to  use  some  evasion  in 
dealing  with  the  principles  openly  favored  by  the 
Court,  but,  in  their  relations  with  the  Chancellor, 
to  renounce  all  the  principles  of  religion  and 
morality.  Remembering  also  the  violence  of  the 
passions,  and  energy  of  the  characters,  of  that 
time ;  the  half  Republican  constitution  of  the  Uni- 
versities, and  their  highly  intricate  position;  we 
shall  be  at  no  loss  to  imagine  what  tangled  and 
unscrupulous  measures  were  employed  for  per- 
sonal or  party  ends.  We  cannot  doubt  what  must 
have  been  the  moral  condition  of  the  higher  acade- 
micians, or  how  this  poison  worked  among  the 
lower  members.    Indeed,  through  the  whole  nation 


358  THE  BNGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

the  most  injurious  consequences  were  unavoidable ; 
and  the  high  ialling  and  nature  of  the  Universities, 
from  its  very  contrast,  must  have  deepened  the 
evil.  It  is  clear  that  such  moral  corruption  would 
cripple  and  smother  all  healthy  expansion  of 
intellect.  Even  in  our  days  and  in  the  walks  of 
learning,  jnay  be  found  like  complications,  like 
inconsistencies,  a  like  deep  and  tangled  lie.  At  the 
same  time,  I  will  not  undertake  to  decide,  whether 
it  is  an  advantage  or  not,  that  the  caldron  of 
iniquity  now  boils  less  noisily  than  then,  and  less 
throws  up  to  the  surface  its  base  and  odious  ingre^ 
dients ;  that  the  screen  which  our  politeness  spreads 
over  these  foul  matters  is  thicker  a^d  more  decent ; 
and  that  characters  and  passions  are  less  energetic 
or  less  concentrated.  Certainly  the  fermenting 
elements  will  not  for  ever  be  repressed ;  and  the 
texture  of  our  decent  screen  will  at  length  rot  and 
rend. 


$  188.  Lcist  contest  of  Northern  and  Southemmen, 
in  electing  Leicester's  Successor. 

Disadvantageous  effects  to  the  progress  of  intel- 
lect must  also  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  the 
Puritan  Patron  was  upon  the  whole  and  in  the 
long  run  more  powerful  in  the  University  than 
the  Queen.  Beside  his  great  influence  with  her, 
she  was  so  drawn  off  by  more  important  avoca- 
tions that  she  could  only  work  by  impulse  and 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


359 


occasionally :  she  mighty  then^  be  deceived  as  to  the 
characters  of  men,  and  have  her  intentions  frus- 
trated in  the  execution.  Although  we  have  no 
detailed  ioformation,  it  is  certain  that  during  the 
greater  part  of  Leicester's  Chancellorship  the 
Puritans  decidedly  swayed  the  University.  Con- 
sciousness of  their  superiority,  not  seldom  led  to 
violent  demonstrations  in  the  younger  masses  of 
the  party,  which  (even  when  provoked  by  oppo- 
nents) cannot  have  been  approved  of  by  the  politic 
leaders.  We  have  already  remarked  that  the  chief 
strength  of  the  University  Puritans  lay  among 
North  Englishmen  and  Scotchmen.  That  this  was 
the  case,  especially  with  the  Teachers^  may  be 
deduced  partly  from  general  well  known  facts,  and 
partly  from  a  remarkable  phrase  used  by  Wood,* 
who  calls  the  whole  Puritan  system  "a  Northern 
tempest.'*  About  this  period  the  Northern  and 
Southemmen  are  mentioned  for  the  last  time. 
This  happened  in  1687,  just  after  the  death  of  Lei- 
cester ;  in  consequence  of  which  a  new  Chancellor 
was  to  be  elected,  and  Puritans  and  Episcopalians 
fought  against  each  other  for  their  candidate. 


*  Wood  i.  301 .  See  also  un- 
der the  year  1587.  —  It  is  not 
altogether  an  unimportant  fact, 
that  the  Dudleys  (Leicester's  fa- 
mily) were  from  the  North  of 
England.  Wood  it  is  true,  does 
not  connect  the  fresh  conflicts 
which  took  place  between  the 
Northemmen  and  the  Southem- 
men with   the  religious  party - 


differences,  but  confesses  he  is 
ignorant  of  the  motive.  He  as- 
cribes also  a  considerable  share 
of  these  disorders  to  the  Welsh, 
without  explaining  exactly  how. 
In  general  however  we  must  not 
look  to  Wood  for  any  thing  be- 
yond isolated  fact;  least  of  all 
for  any  kind  of  combination, 
however  evident  it  may  be. 


360  THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES, 

We  need  not  wonder,  if  whatever  had  seemed 
to  have  been  done  by  formal  Statute  or  official  rule 
for  the  promotion  of  profane  Literature,  was  prac- 
tically counteracted  by  a  party  which  had  evinced 
distrust  and  antipatiiy  toward  these  studies  more 
decidedly,  in  proportion  as  the  opposing  princi- 
ples assumed  a  more  definite  shape.*  Much  less 
need  we  be  surprised,  that  in  England  as  well  as 
elsewhere,  theological  learning  turned  into  theolo- 
gical controversy.  Indeed  the  latter  is  ordinarily  a 
productive  field,  in  which  at  all  events  men's  minds 
are  excited,  and  (whatever  may  be  advanced  to 
the  contrary)  intellectual  powers  do  find  room  to 
act.  But  under  the  curse  of  falsehood,  which  then 
weighed  upon  the  whole  academic  life,  it  lost  the 
only  value  which  it  could  have.  The  enmity  of 
men's  feelings  was  not  softened,  though  the  ut- 
terance of  it  was  restricted.  Whoever  publicly 
defended  strong  Calvinistic  views  had  to  fear  the 
anger  of  the  Queen  and  of  the  Court :  while  he 
who  openly  defended  laxer  principles  had  to  count 
upon  the  secret  vengeance  of  the  Puritans  and 
their  patron.  Under  such  circumstances,  learned 
or  eminent  men  on  neither  side  were  likely  to  use 
the  Chair  or  the  Pulpit  for  serious  and  profound 

*    Wood  expressly  mentions  always  does  fidl  justice  to  all 

this  repeatedly,  and  it  would  be  the   better   men   of  the  party, 

of  no  use  to  suspect  his  testi-  such  as  Humphreys.     We  are 

mony  on  account  of  his  antipa-  speaking  here  moreover  of  the 

thy  to  the  Puritans,  as  so  many  profane,  not  of  the  theological 

characteristic  traits  agree   with  studies, 
him  in  this  point.      Besides,  he 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  361 

discussion.  Only  to  put  down  uncalculating  fanatics 
was  for  the  interest  of  all  parties^  and  thus  the 
equivocal  honor  of  acting  as  champion  at  this  post 
was  left  to  perfectly  unimportant  personages.  Of 
these  there  is  seldom  any  want:  though  we  have 
already  seen  (in  the  case  of  the  Latin  sermons*  to 
the  clergy)  that  it  was  not  always  possible  to  supply 
them  even  of  the  most  pitiful  quality. 

$  189.  State  of  Oxford  after  Leicester's  death. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  University  of  Oxford 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  much  bepraised 
Elizabethan  age^  that  is  to  say,  up  to  the  death  of 
her  first  favorite.  This  event  could  not  be  without 
its  eflFect  on  the  University.  The  greatest  exertions 
were  made  by  both  parties  to  carry  the  election  of 
their  own  candidates.  The  Episcopalians  declared 
for  the  Lord  Chancellor  Hatton :  the  Puritans  for 
the  Earl  of  Essex ;  who  was  not  behind  hand  in 
suing  for  a  post,  the  political  importance  of  which 
had  been  made  evident  by  Leicester.  Hatton  hav- 
ing obtained  a  majority  in  the  Convocation,  was  con- 
firmed by  the  Queen ;  who,  it  would  appear,  had  at 
last  opened  her  eyes  to  Leicester's  proceedings  at 
Oxford.  About  this  time  also  there  appears  in  all 
the  government-measures  a  much  greater  severity 

*  Elizabeth  also  granted,  ei-  every  where  m  England.     This 

ther  to  the  Universities  or  to  the  remained,  as  did  so  much  else. 

Church,  the  privilege  to  send  out  mere    empty    form ;     material 

yearly    twelve    men  to  preach  means  without  spirit. 


362  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

against  Nonconformists,  from  which  the  Puritans 
did  not  altogether  escape;  although  it  naturally 
feU  for  the  most  part  upon  the  Catholics.  In  1591 
also,  after  Hatton's  death,  when  the  Puritans  again 
tried  to  bring- in  Essex,  and  the  opposite  party 
voted  for  the  Lord  Treasurer  Buckhurst;  the 
Queen  declared  herself  so  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
latter,  that  his  election  was  secured ;  although  with 
no  very  decisive  majority.*  Thus  after  Leicester's 
death  began  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Uni- 
versities, which  was  consecrated  as  it  were  by 
another  solemn  visit  on  the  part  of  the  Queen. 
The  new  regime  at  first  showed  itself  as  a  sort  of 
re-action  against  the  Puritans,  who  nevertheless 
could  not  complain  of  extraordinary  or  violent 
measures.  They  had  learnt  also  doubtless  in  their 
poUtical  schooling  up  to  that  period,  to  avoid  occa- 
sions of  o£fence.  An  additional  trait  in  the  new 
administration,  was,  the  eflFort  to  control  the  abuses 
and  disorders  which  had  broken  out ;  to  appeal  to 
and  enforce  existing  but  neglected  laws.  Neither 
the  studies  nor  the  discipline  were  neglected: 
though  we  find  no  traces  of  any  thing  essentially 
new.  Yet  the  results  appear  not  to  have  been 
altogether  unfavorable,  and  imply  a  state  more 
tolerable  at  least  than  what  preceded-t 

*  Particulars  may  be  found  verbally ;  and  besides,  the  com- 

in   Wood's  Fasti   Oxon:    Ed.  plaints  whichwere  often  repeated 

Bliss.  even  later,  as  to  the  coarse  ex- 

t  Wood's  favorable  testimony  cesses,  drunkenness,  ^nd  licen- 

is  too  vague  in  itself  to  be  taken  tiousness  of  the  students,  prove 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  363 

The  formal  measures  and  the  words  of  the  new 
governing  powers  would  not  have  sufficed  to  gua- 
rantee these  improvements,  slight  as  they  were. 
But  both  Hatton  and  Buekhurst  were,  in  compari- 
son with  Leicester,  honorable  men :  and  this 
permits  a  favorable  conclusion  as  to  the  persons 
upon  whom  they  bestowed  their  confidence.  At 
least  it  was  easy  for  these  to  appear  respectable 
after  any  one  of  *  Leicester's  creatures.  Moreover 
one  source  of  detestable  intrigues  was  now  done 
away,  —  the  secret  patrona^^e  of  the  Chancellor 
undermining  the  oiTn  paS>nage  of  the  Court. 
The  opposing  parties  might  now  take  up  a  purer 
and  more  open  position.  One  stood  forward  as 
favored  and  dominant,  the  other  as  oppressed. 
Such  a  position,  it  is  true,  was  not  without  its  draw- 
backs, and  was  distressing  to  the  weaker  party: 
yet  it  was  infinitely  preferable  to  the  previous  com- 
plication of  intrigues.  Finally,  it  was  a  great 
advantage  of  this  new  period,  that  the  University 
was  left  more  to  itself.  However  it  be  accounted 
for,  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  the  continual  inter- 
ference even  in  minute  details,  in  which  Leicester 
indulged  for  the  most  despicable  ends,  was  not 
continued  by  his  successors  even  in  behalf  of  the 
proposed  reforms.  These  measures,  on  the  con- 
trary, were  left  much  more  in  the  hands  of  the 

that  Leicester's  leaven  had  not  versityin  1596.   They  contained 

so  easily  been  purged  out.   The  nothing  but  what  is  understpod 

principles  of   the    new    Chan-  as  matter  of  course, 
cellor  were  laid  before  the  Uni- 


364  THE    ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

academic  authorities  themselves.  Elizabeth  also, 
probably  on  account  of  her  increased  age  and  wea- 
riness of  spirit,  let  the  Universities  go  more  out  of 
her  sight.  Nearly  the  same  remarks  will  apply 
also  to  the  prevailing  character  of  the  Universities 
under  the  two  following  reigns.  But  before  going 
on  so  far,  we  must  bestow  a  glance  at  Cambridge, 
as  it  was  under  Elizabeth. 

$  190.  General  remarks  on  Cambridge  during  the 

reign  of  Elizabeth. 

All  that  we  can  collect  from  the  accounts  before 
us,  (which  at  this,  as  at  all  other  earlier  periods, 
are  much  more  unsatisfactory  and  scanty  with 
respect  to  Cambridge  than  Oxford,)*  may  be  com- 
prised in  the  following.  Cambridge  suffered  in 
common  with  Oxford,  from  the  national  causes 
which  were  injurious  to  intellectual  life,  and  from 
the  intercourse  with  the  Capital,  which  was  dis- 
advantageous to  the  academic  discipline.  In  each 
University  the  academic  population  was  broken  up 
into  parties,  whose  eflForts  had  quite  enough  that 
was  both  bad  and  mischievous,  in  aim  as  well  as 
means.  During  many  years  a  double  patronage 
was  established  at  Cambridge  also ; —  the  open  one 
of  the  Court  in  favor  of  Episcopalians,  and  the 

*  The   tasteless   and  scanty  only   source  of  knowledge  on 

manner  in  which  Dyer  treats  of  this  subject ;  and  it  is  one  too 

this  whole  period,  is  incredible  which  flows  sparingly  and  mud- 

and  insufferable.     Fuller  is  our  dily  enough. 


THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES.  365 

secret  one  of  the  two  consecutive  Chancellors*  in 
favor  of  the  Puritans.  The  same  eflFects  as  at  Ox- 
ford resulted^  more  or  less :  nevertheless  the  state 
of  things  at  Cambridge^  as  to  discipline  and  moral 
cultivation,  appears  to  have  been  more  gratify- 
ing than  at  the  sister  University.  We  cannot 
question  that  the  fact  veas  connected  v^th  the  dif- 
ference of  spirit  between  them  already  observed; 
which  also  gave  rise  to  the  new  Cambridge  sta- 
tutes. If  we  seek  to  trace  the  source  of  this  spirit, 
we  are  led  back  (as  we  were  in  Oxford  in  a  con- 
trary way)  to  personal  influences.  They  are  cer- 
tainly in  this  case  more  fortuitous  and  temporary : 
but  they  had  a  permanent  eflFect  by  means  of  the 
impulse  given  and  the  enactments  made.  Both 
Cecil  and  Essex  were  in  every  respect  infinitely 
superior  to  Leicester :  their  position  quite  different 
and  more  honorable.  Cecil's  influence  reposed  on 
his  high  services  to  the  state,  and  were  proportion- 
ally independent  of  the  caprices  of  the  Queen  and 
even  of  party  interests.  In  the  heart  of  such  a 
man  as  Essex  also,  academic  intrigue  could  at 
most  have  only  a  very  subordinate  place.  To  en- 
joy academic  patronage,  could  never  have  been  an 
object  of  the  same  interest  to  these  men  as  to  Lei- 
cester; and  they  would  have  despised  the  means 
which  he  employed.  Nor  could  their  patronage, 
even  as  far  as  it  went,  have  the  same  hateful  and 
deeply  immoral  character :  since  their  means  and 

*.  Cecil  from  1559  to  1594 ;  and  Essex  to  1600. 


366  THB  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIBS. 

agents  could  never  be  quite  unworthy  of  them. 
In  result,  the  Cambridge  system  grew  up  in  a  much 
more  independent  manner.  I  must  not  be  under- 
stood to  mean  (what  was  then  no  where  possible) 
that  such  toleration  and  freedom  was  granted,  as 
the  present  age  boasts.  I  mean  merely,  that  the 
influences  which  decided  victory  to  one  party,  were 
less  obviously  extra*academical  than  at  Oxford. 

That  which  in  Oxford  became  possible  only  after 
Leicester's  death,  occurred  much  earlier  in  Cam- 
bridge :  namely,  an  avowed  preponderance  of  the 
Episcopalians,  as  the  result  of  their  real  superiority 
in  the  University  itself,  through  their  power  among 
the  Heads  of  Houses.  It  was  but  natural  that 
such  men  as  Parker  and  afterwards  Whitgift,  as 
leaders  of  the  Episcopalians,  should  persist  in  car- 
rying their  measures  in  the  senate,  even  without  a 
very  great  majority,  in  spite  of  any  discontent  which 
their  proceedings  excited  in  the  Chancellors.  The 
Queen's  confidence  and  consideration  toward  them, 
strengthened  their  hands :  and  both  of  them,  espe- 
cially Whitgift,  after  their  elevation  to  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  honors,  continued  to  protect  their 
party  at  the  Universities,  and  retained  their  influ- 
ence in  academic  afiairs.  This  influence  however 
did  not  destroy  all  independence  at  Cambridge,  in 
the  same  degree  as  had  been  done  at  Oxford  under 
Leicester's  profligate  reign.  Whitgift,  besides,  still 
retained  his  former  position  at  the  University,  to 
which  indeed  he  altogether  belonged;  so  that  his 


'AK'Z'A'ST  iiA.Pl:;i 


ft 


I 


THE  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 


367 


exertions  of  power  were  quite  diflFerent  in  kind 
from  Leicester's  encroachments;  which  were  as 
immoderate,  as  uncalled  for.* 

These  party  collisions  in  Cambridge  however, 
and  the  putting  down  of  so  numerous  a  body  as  the 
Puritans,  could  not  take  place  altogether  without 
severities,  and  without  many  more  or  less  hateful 
measures.  Whitgift's  contentions  with  Cartwright, 
which  ended  in  the  removal  of  the  latter  from  his 
post ;  the  proceedings  against  Baron  and  Chatterton 
and  similar  facts,  offer  only  too  many  instances  of 
the  kind.  At  the  same  time  there  is  no  denjdng  a 
very  considerable  difference  between  these  occur- 
rences and  the  manoeuvres  which  were  the  order  of 
the  day  at  Oxford.  The  individuals  concerned  are 
in  every  way  more  respectable :  in  the  party-aims 
(which  are  not  altogether  without  a  higher  purpose) 
much  less  of  mere  personality  appears.  The  means 
employed  were  much  more  open,  much  less  spiteful; 
and  by  no  means  go  beyond  the  average  proportion 
of  what,  at  all  times,  in  all  complicated  positions. 


*  It  may  be  asked  how  it 
came  to  pass  that  first  Cecil, 
and  then  Essex,  were  chosen  as 
Chancellors,  when  the  Puritans 
had  not  the  majority.  Neither 
of  the  two  however  was  very 
decidedly  Puritanical,  and  both 
must  in  many  other  respects 
have  been  decidedly  agreeable 
to  all ;  so  that'  they  naturally 
gained  a  majority,  where  the 
parties  were  about  equally  nu- 
merous.     Besides,  when  Cecil 


was  elected,  the  opposing  prin- 
ciples had  not  been  so  decidedly 
formed,  and  Essex,  at  his  elec- 
tion stood  upon  the  highest 
pinnacle  of  Royal  favor.  It  is 
remarkable  by  the  way,  that 
Cambridge,  during  the  sixteenth 
century,  lost  no  fewer  than  five 
Chancellors  by  the  axe  of  the 
executioner  :  —  Fisher,  Crom- 
well, Somerset,  Northumber- 
land and  Essex. 


368  THR  ENGLISH  UNIVERSITIES. 

has  been  done  or  suflFered  by  the  most  honorably 
intentioned  parties.  The  preponderance  of  the 
Episcopalians  was  in  itself  a  guarantee^  that  intel- 
lectual culture  should  not  sink  to  so  low  an  ebb  as 
at  Oxford.  Classical  and  probably  also  mathema- 
tical studies,  if  not  very  zealously  promoted,  met 
at  least  with  sufferance  from  this  party ;  and  were 
not  thwarted,  purposely  and  on  principle,  as  by 
the  Puritans  at  Oxford. 


NOTES. 


Note  (1)  referred  to  in  Page  33. 
Separation  of  Theology  from  other  Branches  of  Study, 

Plenty  of  documentary  evidence  in  support  of  what  I  have  said 
concerning  the  forming  of  Theology  into  a  Faculty  by  itself,  may 
be  found  in  Bulaeus  (ii.  556  —  599  and  iii.  passim).  I  will  only 
notice  a  single  passage  which  bears  especially  on  the  subject,  llie 
extreme  difficulty  that  was  found  even  in  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  to  draw  the  line  between  Theology  and  Arts, 
appears  by  the  repeated  attempts  of  the  Popes,  to  keep  separate 
those  two  streams,  which  with  all  their  pains  to  hinder  it,  per- 
petually reunited.  The  Church-dogmas  were  incessantly  attacked 
and  disturbed  by  speculative  philosophy.  The  Papal  BuU  of  1207, 
(Bulaeus  iii.  36.)  is  very  characteristic  on  this  head.  In  it  the 
Bishop  of  Paris  is  ordered  to  take  especial  care  that  no  more  than 
eight  Masters  should  give  llieological  lectures.  So  arbitrary  a 
Hmit  would  not  have  been  fixed  on,  could  any  natural  limit  have 
been  found.  In  a  bull  of  the  year  1210  (1.  c.  60)  the  Teachers  of 
Holy  Writ,  of  the  Decretals,  and  of  the  Liberal  Arts,  are  distin- 
guished by  name  only ;  and  in  an  affair  concerning  a  Master  of 
Arts,  tlie  title  is  used  in  a  general  sense.  On  the  contrary,  in  the 
Constitution  of  Gregory  IX.  of  the  year  1231,  (Bui.  iii.  140)  the 
Teachers  of  the  Holy  Writ  and  of  the  Decretals  are  decidedly  se- 
parated from  those  of  Physics,  Arts,  and  others.  (The  arbitrary 
limit  as  to  number  of  course  fell  to  the  ground,  now  that  a  natural 
one  had  gradually  formed.)  The  Chancellor  is  recommended  there- 
in to  grant  his  license  to  teach  this,  as  well  as  the  other  branches 

BB 


370  NOTES. 

of  learning,  to  persons,  who  have  satisfied  him  and  the  Teachers, 
of  their  capability.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  in- 
deed, we  find  that  another  and  wider  division  took  place,  by  the  for- 
mation of  separate  Faculties  for  the  Theologians  and  the  Decretbts. 
But  the  Faculy  of  Theology,  which  is  known  to  have  been  estab- 
lished, as  such,  in  1260,  did  not  rise  out  of  any  extension  of  Sci- 
ence at  that  period,  but  was  a  mere  division  of  labor  between  the 
clergy,  secular  and  monastic,  on  the  one  hand,  and  laymen,  on  the 
other ;  who  had  hitherto,  all  in  common,  taught  Theological  Philo- 
sophy, (or  Philosophical  Theology,)  and  the  Canonical  Law.  By 
this  means,  a  still  further  separation  of  the  Canonical  Law  was 
brought  about,  from  which  branch  however,  laymen  would  not 
allow  themselves  to  be  entirely  driven ;  though  this  must  have 
taken  place,  if  it  had  become  a  monopoly  for  the  clerical  Faculty. 
At  the  same  period  (about  the  year  1270)  the  Faculty  of  Medicine 
arose  of  its  own  accord.  It  is  indeed  true,  that  the  expression 
"physici"  occurs  in  the  Bull  of  Pope  Gregory  (1231)  and  even 
earlier ;  but  we  must  not  suppose  the  terms  to  be  applied  solely 
to  the  study  of  medicine,  but  (especially  in  the  Bulls  which  forbid 
the  study  to  ecclesiastics)  the  term  signifies  the  new  ArabL;e</ 
Natural  Philosophy  or  Physics  of  Aristotle,  which  originally  be- 
longed to  Arts,  and  only  much  later  was  incorporated  with  Medi- 
cine. 

Note  (2)  referred  to  in  Page  39. 

Connexion  of  the  Universities  with  the  Church. 

Few  words  will  sufiice  to  prove  that  Meiners,  who  on  this  point, 
is  imdoubtedly  the  source  of  all  later  representations,  has  quite 
misunderstood  the  evidence  before  him.  The  Chronicles  and 
other  documents  of  Paris  give  account  of  a  riot  in  the  year 
1200,  in  which  many  of  the  students  were  not  only  roughly 
treated  by  the  citizens,  but  arrested  and  punished  by  the  Royal 
Provost.  Hereupon  an  ordinance  was  issued  by  the  King,  ex- 
pressly and  solely  to  forbid  all  future  encroachments  of  this  kind 
on  the  Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  but  not  at  all  implying  that  now 


NOTES.  371 

for  the  first  time  Academicians  were  to  be  subjected  to  this  juris- 
diction.  Neither  this  document,  nor  any  other  chronicle  of  the 
period,  contains  a  word  to  justify  any  such  conclusion :  in  fact  it 
includes  the  Canonists  of  Paris  by  name,  in  the  same  right  as  the 
Academicians :  "  also  the  Canonists  of  the  University  of  Paris  and 
their  servants  are  comprehended  in  this  privilege,**  Bui.  iii.  3. 
Now  no  one  will  say  that  the  Canonists  were  now  for  the  first 
time  subjected  to  the  Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction !  Besides,  if  the 
case  were  otherwise,  the  Provost  would  have  been  free  from  blame, 
since  his  conduct  would  have  been  no  encroachment  upon  the 
Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  It  was  quite  a  parallel  case,  which 
happened  in  the  year  1209,  when  several  students  of  the  Univer^ 
sity  of  Oxford  were  imprisoned  by  the  civil  authorities  and  after- 
wards executed  by  order  of  the  King :  an  affair  which,  like  the 
other,  has  been  misunderstood.  Here  too  was  a  direct  attack  on 
existing  rights  and  privileges ;  as  is  proved  by  the  whole  course 
of  the  nffsar,  and  by  the  clear  testimony  of  extant  documents. 
Matthew  of  Paris  says  distinctly,  that  the  transaction  took  place 
in  contempt  of  Ecclesiastical  exemptions  —  and  in  the  document 
which  contains  the  decision  given  by  the  Pope's  Legate,  we  find 
among  other  things :  "  nor  by  any  means  shall  ye  devise  in  these 
or  in  other  matters,  amy  thing  whereby  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
aforesaid  Bishop  of  Lincoln  may  be  injured,  or  his  right  or  that  of 
his  church  be  diminished."  (Wood  ad  1214.)  After  this,  we  re- 
quire no  further  proofs.  It  is  only  wonderful  how  so  palpable  a 
mistake  has  occurred. 

Postscript. 
The  History  of  the  Calamities  of  Abelard,  which  I  have  since 
seen,  contains  the  most  decided  refutation  of  Meiners's  opinion, 
and  the  very  best  confirmation  of  my  own,  relative  to  the  con- 
nexion of  the  Universities  with  the  Church ;  which  I  could  have 
desired. 


372  NOTES. 

NOTB  (3)  REFBRRBD  TO  IN  PAOE  40. 

Corporate  Privileges  of  the  University  of  Paris. 

Even  the  privilege  granted  by  Innocent  IV.  *'  de  non  trahi 
extra/*  on  which  Meiners  lays  so  great  stress,  is  merely  intended, 
negatively,  to  protect  them  against  very  gross  vexations  on  the 
part  of  exterior  tribunals.  Indeed  it  was  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Bishops  far  more  than  of  the  University,  which  the  Bull  went  to 
support ;  and  the  privileges  of  the  University  Rector  came  in  only 
secondarily.  (I  cannot  here  mark  out  the  line  between  the  two.) 
The  more  important  points  relating  to  the  corporate  privileges  of 
the  University  of  Paris  in  their  widest  extent  will  be  founds  clearly 
expressed,  in  the  "  Constitution"  of  Grregory  IX.,  of  the  year  1231. 
(Bulaeus  iii.  141.)  "Moreover,  forasmuch  as*  shagginess  soon 
overgrows  us,  if  order  secure  not  neatness,  we  [hereby]  grant  the 
right  TO  MAKE  thoughtful  rules  and  regulations,  concerning  the 
manner  and  time  of  lecturing  and  discussing,  concerning  costume 
and  funeral  ceremonies ;  also  concerning  Bachelors,  who  of  them 
should  deUver  lectures,  and  at  what  hour  and  on  what  subject,  as 
also  concerning  the  rating  of  lodgings,  or  when  necessary,  the  put- 
ting a  ban  upon  them :  likewise,  in  case  of  disobedience  to  these 
same  rules,  to  punish  the  offenders  suitably  by  excluding  them  from 
intercourse.  And  in  case  you  should  be  ejected  from  the  tenancy 
of  the  lodging  houses,  or,  (what  God  forbid!)  some  enormous 
injury  or  outbreak  take  place  against  any  of  you,  such  as  death  or 
the  mutilation  of  Hmbs;  unless  suitable  redress  be  made  within 
fifteen  days,  take  my  permission  to  suspend  the  lectures  until  the 
proper  satisfaction  be  given.  And  if  it  shall  happen  to  any  of  you 
to  be  unjustly  imprisoned,  be  it  lawful  for  you  to  stop  lectures, 
unless  upon  previous  admonition  the  injury  is  discontinued ;  pro* 
vided  however  that  you  yourselves  shall  judge  this  expedient. 
We  further  enjoin,  that  the  Bishop  of  Paris  so  punish  excesses, 
that  the  propriety  of  the  scholars  be  preserved  and  crime  pass  not 
impunished,  and  that  the  innocent  on  no  accoimt  suflRer  for  the 
offences  of  others.      Farther,  if  reasonable  suspicion  has  arisen 

♦  [The  Latin  i«, —  Ubi  non  est  ordo,  facile  repit  horror.'\ 


NOTES.  373 

against  any  one  and  he  has  been  rightly  arrested ;  yet  after  giving 
adequate  bail  and  paying  the  gaolers'  fees,  let  him  be  dismissed. 
But,  if  he  has  committed  a  crime  deserving  imprisonment,  the 
Bishop  shall  keep  the  culprit  in  ward,  as  the  Chancellor  is  abso- 
lutely forbidden  to  have  a  prison  of  his  own." 


*    NOTB  (4)  RBFBRRED  TO  IN  PaGK  47. 

Oil  the  Antiquity  of  the  Oxford  Schools. 

I  have  already  shown  in  the  proper  place,  that  the  question, 
whether  Alfred  founded  or  at  least  restored  schools  at  Oxford,  by 
no  means  depends  for  its  reply  upon  the  authenticity  of  the  dis- 
puted passage  in  Asser  "  on  the  Deeds  of  Alfred."  In  fact  after 
all,  if  the  passage  be  wholly  spurious,  that  proves  nothing,  but 
that  this  short  biography  has  failed  to  notice  several  more  or  less 
important  details ;  that  it  narrates  Alfred's  merits  only  in  general 
terms,  his  acquirements  and  knowledge  —  the  patronage  he  ex- 
tended to  learned  men,  and  his  efforts  in  their  favor,  by  the 
foundation  of  scientific  institutions  —  without  specifying  any  pre- 
cise spot.  He  mentions,  however,  a  peculiar  kind  of  schools, 
evidently  corresponding  to  those,  which  Charlemagne  connected 
with  his  own  court  and  household :  "  Moreover,  as  to  the  sons  of 
those  who  lived  in  the  Royal  Household ;  loving  them  as  dearly 
as  his  own,  he  ceased  not  to  instruct  them  in  good  morals  and 
to  imbue  them  with  good  literature,"  (v.  Asser,  ed.  Wise,  p.  44:) 
and  further  on  he  says,  "  and  he  distributed  the  third  part  of  his 
wealth  to  the  school  which  he  had  got  together  with  great  care,  out  of 
many  nobles  of  his  own  nation."  (v.  id :  p.  67.)  When  now  we  find 
(as  already  mentioned)  the  most  undoubted  proofs,  that  a  school 
existed  at  Oxford  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  (v.  Ingulf) 
and  since  then,  without  interruption  ; —  when  we  cannot  find  any 
epoch  to  which  we  could  reasonably  ascribe  the  foundation  of  these 
institutions,  except  that  at  which  Alfred  lived ; —  all  sound  histo- 
rical judgment  would  lead  us  to  ascribe  the  foundation  to  Alfred. 

•  fThis  Nolo  appears  in  the  German  under  the  title  o(  Appendix  ix.] 


374  NOTES. 

Now  in  fact,  ever  since  the  commencement  of  the  twelfth  century, 
these  schools  have  been  ascribed  to  him,  partly,  by  some  of  the 
most  credible  chroniclers  of  the  day,  and  partly,  by  general  report. 
To  him  also  does  tradition  assign  a  monument   (the  Cryptvm 

m 

Grimhaldi)  which  at  all  events,  belongs  to  that  period;  and  to  the 
date  of  his  reign  is  the  building  of  St.  Mary's  Church  referred ; 
a  church,  which  from  the  very  earliest  times  accredited  by  docu- 
ments, the  University  has  used,  as  well  for  academic  purposes, 
as  for  divine  service. 

The  most  ancient  known  testimony  to  Alfred's  patronage  of  Ox- 
ford, is  in  the  annals  of  the  pseudo-Asser  (Grale  i.)  of  the  eleventh 
century.  The  next  extant  is,  the  passage  already  quoted  (vol.  i,  p. 
QQ)*  from  William  of  Malmesbury ;  afterwards  that  of  Sprott,  in 
the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century.  As  this  last  passage  is 
important  in  other  respects,  and  is  less  known,  I  will  cite  it  here 
(v.  Sprottii  Cliron.  ed.  Heame,  p.  105).  "  Alfred"  it  says,  "  was 
first  to  set  up  the  public  schools  at  Oxford,  and  provided  them 
with  many  privileges.  This  great  bestower  of  alms,  hearer  of 
Masses,  and  deviser  of  unknown  things,  divided  his  revenue  into 
two  parts,  forming  of  the  fiirst,  three  subdivisions,  viz:  for  the 
royal  ministers  of  his  household,  the  different  workmen  employed, 
and  the  foreigners  who  visited  his  court,  (advents  confiuentibus,) 
and,  of  the  second,  four  subdivisions,  viz :  for  the  poor,  for  the 
reparation  of  the  Monasteries,  for  the  scholars  lately  congregated 
together  at  Oxford,  and  for  the  restoration  of  the  Churches." 
This  passage  is  the  more  important,  as  it  shows  the  Oxford  schools 
to  have  been  originally  the  Royal  or  Court  schools  ;  thus  conspiring 
with  those  traits  in  the  later  academic  constitution,  which  prove 
that  the  University  of  Oxford  did  not  develope  itself  like  others, 
out  of  a  monastic  or  chapitral  school :  nor  indeed  is  there  any 
evidence  whatever  that  it  did.  I  shall  afterwards  exhibit  testi- 
monies, which  place  the  existence  of  a  Royal  residence  at  Oxford 
in  Alfred's  time  beyond  a  doubt. 

•  [Vol.  I,  p.  66  of  the  German,  in  often  visited  Neoth, .  .  .  and  by  his 

a  Note,  the  Author  quotes  the  words  advice  originated  the  public  Schools 

of  William  of  Malmesbury,  who  lived  of  various  arts  at  Oxford." — Extracted 

AD.    1095  — 1 143:    "King    Alfred  from  Bulwas  i.  223.] 


NOTES.  375 

It  does  not  affect  the  main  point,  to  know  that  certain  Chroni- 
clers attribute  to  Alfred's  brother  Neoth  the  first  impulse  given  to 
the  foundation ;  and  that  a  like  confusion  prevails  concerning  the 
Sason  School  in  Rome;  which,  (Asser  says,)  was  patronized  by 
Alfred.  For  us,  it  is  enough,  that,  up  to  the  beginning  of  the 
ei^teenth  century,  no  one  doubted  that  Alfred  had  at  least 
restored,  if  not  founded,  the  University.  The  first  doubt  (v.  Wise, 
p.  162)  was  expressed  by  Smith,  in  his  edition  of  Bede :  for  the 
dispute  which  dates  from  the  fifteenth  century,  was  solely,  "  Whe- 
ther  schools  did  or  did  not  exist  at  Oxford  be/ore  Alfred,  and  at 
the  time  of  the  ancient  Britons  "  a  question  which  does  not  con- 
cern us ;  since  at  any  rate,  after  the  devastations  that  had  taken 
place,  Alfired  might  be  considered,  both  by  contemporaries  and  by 
posterity,  as  bond  fide  their  Founder.  Herein  the  disputed  passage 
in  Asser,  if  genuine,  would  certainly  be  important,  as  establishing 
that  the  Oxford  schools  had  a  British  origin. 

Let  us,  however,  examine  the  disputed  passage  itself,  which  is 
wanting  in  Parker's  edition  of  Asser  (1574)  and  appears  first  in 
that  published  by  Camden  (1603).  "  In  the  same  year  (886),"  it 
runs,  "  a  most  dreadful  and  violent  discord  arose  at  Oxford,  be- 
tween Grrimbold  and  those  learned  men  whom  he  had  brought 
thither  with  him,  [and  the  more  ancient  scholastics  whom  he  found 
there,  and  who  refused  to  embrace  those  laws,  fashions  and  forms 
of  study,  which  the  said  Grimbold  had  instituted  there  upon  his 
arrival.  During  three  years  the  dissension  was  not  very  great 
among  them:  but  the  hatred  was  concealed,  which  afterwards 
broke  out  with  the  greatest  atrocity.  At  last,  it  was  clearer 
than  daylight ;  so  the  most  invincible  King  Alfred,  having  been 
better  informed  of  this  discord  by  messages  and  complaints  from 
Grimbold,  betook  himself  to  Oxford,  in  order  to  place  some 
bounds  and  put  an  end  to  this  controversy :  indeed  he  underwent 
great  labor  himself,  in  hearing  the  statements  and  complaints 
brought  forward  on  both  sides.  The  chief  dispute  timaed  on  the 
following  point : — the  old  scholastics  contended,  that  before  Ghim- 
bold  came  to  Oxford,  letters  had  flourished  there  in  every  branch, 
although  the  scholars  might  have  been  fewer  in  number,  in  times 


376  NOTES. 

80  sad,*  many  having  been  expelled  by  the  cruelty  and  tyranny 
of  the  pagans.  They  also  proved,  and  showed  by  the  undoubted 
testimony  of  their  old  annals,  that  their  ordinances  and  institu- 
tions had  been  established  and  ratified  by  several  pious  and  learned 
men,  as  for  instance,  the  blessed  Gtilda,  Melchinus,  Nennius, 
Kentigemus,  and  others,  who  had  grown  old  there  in  letters,  and 
had  administered  affairs  there  in  peace  and  concord  —  that  a 
blessed  German  also  had  come  to  Oxford,  and  had  resided  there 
half  a  year,  while  travelling  about  Britain,  to  preach  against  the 
Pelagian  heresies,  and  that  he  had  admired  their  ordinances  and 
institutions  beyond  all  measure.]  The  King,  with  imheard-of  con- 
descension, listened  with  accurate  attention  to  both  sides,  and 
having  advised  them  again  and  again,  with  pious  and  salutary  ex- 
hortations, to  preserve  mutual  peace  and  concord  among  them- 
selves, left  the  place,  with  the  expectation,  that  on  both  sides  they 
would  embrace  his  coimsel,  and  submit  to  his  commands.  But 
Grimbold  being  angry  at  this,  immediately  went  over  to  the 
monastery  of  Winchester,  recently  founded  by  Alfred,  and  had 
the  tomb,  in  which  he  had  intended  to  have  his  bones  placed  after 
ending  this  life,  transferred  to  Winchester,  from  the  vault  where 
it  was  under  the  chancel  of  St.  Peter  at  Oxford,  which  Church 
the  said  Grimbold  had  caused  to  be  built  from  its  very  foundation, 
of  highly  poHshed  stone."  (v.  Asser,  ed.  Wise,  pp.  52,  53.)  It  is 
well  known,  that,  in  the  dispute,  which  was  carried  on  with 
great  acrimony  between  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  antiquaries 
(Caius,  Th.  Caius,  and  Bryan  IVyn)  respecting  the  greater  anti- 
quity of  the  one  or  other  University,  the  Oxford  men  stated  that 
in  the  Cotton  manuscript  which  Barker  had  used,  a  passage  had 
been  lost,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Cambridge  men  insisted 
that  the  Saville  manuscript  which  Camden  had  edited,  contained 
an  interpolation.  We  shall  confine  ourselves  here,  to  the  more 
reasonable  statements  connected  with  this  matter,  and  shall  not 
attempt  to  disprove  the  intentional  falsification,  so  boldly  imputed 
to  highly  respectable  and  (for  their  time)  very  learned  men :  in 
fact,  there  is  no  foundation  whatever  for  such  assertions. 

*  [The  Latin  is  corrupt :  quatn  tristis  temporibus,  should  perhaps  be :  tarn 

tristibxu  temporibus.} 


NOTES.  377 

That  Camden  did  not  show  his  manuscript  to  anybody,  as  it 
appears,  proves  only  that  then,  even  more  than  now,  there  existed 
a  coarse,  distrustful  pedantry,  irritated  and  increased  by  bitter 
attacks.  A  comparison  of  the  two  manuscripts  would  certainly 
be  desirable ;  but  neither  of  them  any  longer  exists ; —  the  Cot- 
tonian  having  been  destroyed,  when  the  Cotton  Library  was  burned 
down,  and  the  Camden  manuscript  having  been  lost,  I  know 
not  how.  According  to  the  accoimts  which  have  reached  us  (v. 
more  particularly  Wise)  the  Cotton  manuscript  was  the  more 
ancient,  and  went  back,  partly  as  feur  as  the  year  1000:  other 
portions,  however,  were  of  later  date.  The  impugners  of  the 
Camden  passage  (and  principally  Usher)  assert,  that  the  pages,  in 
which  the  passage,  if  genuine,  would  have  appeared,  belonged  to 
the  oldest  part :  but  these  very  witnesses  were  so  devoid  of  all 
competence  to  judge  in  such  matters,  as  to  take  the  common 
Latin  writing  used  in  the  manuscript,  (the  fiacsimile  is  in  Wise,) 
for  Saxon.  After  such  a  mistake,  but  little  importance  can  be 
attached  to  their  evidence.  We  may  be  sure  however  that  there 
was  no  visible  gap  in  that  manuscript :  and  consequently  the  sup- 
position, that  the  passage  was  expunged  in  some  manner  or  by 
some  one  or  other,  cannot  be  entertained. 

The  Saville  Codex  is,  according  to  Camden's  own  testimony,  not 
older  than  the  time  of  Richard  II.  Upon  this  point  we  may  quote 
the  result  of  a  conversation  which  Bryan  Twyn  had  with  Camden 
upon  this  subject,  in  February  1622,  which  Wood  has  given  us 
imder  a  Notary's  sign  and  seal  (v.  Wood  i.  16).  Camden  had 
declared  in  a  somewhat  evasive  manner,  that  this  passage  was  not 
even  required  to  prove  the  existence  of  the  University  before  Al- 
fred's time.  "  Upon  Twyn's  urging  him,  to  say  precisely,  whether 
he  had  received  this  passage  from  some  one  else,  on  whose 
authority  he  ascribed  it  to  Asser,  or  had  himself  taken  it 
from  any  approved  copy  of  Asser's  work,  Camden  replied,  that 
his  history  of  Asser  had  been  edited  entire,  upon  the  ^th  of  a 
manuscript  then  in  his  possession,  in  which  were  foimd  the  very 
words  about  which  these  doubts  are  now  raised,  and  which  do 
not   appear    in   other    copies.       He  added   also,   upon  Twyn's 


378  NOTES. 

demanding  the  age  of  his  manuscript,  that  he  himself  judged 
it  to  have  heen  written  in  the  time  of  Richard  II.  All  these  things, 
Biyan  Twyn,  a  most  diligent  enquirer  into  antiquity,  trans- 
mitted to  posterity,  subscribed  by  his  own  hand,  and  confirmed 
by  solemn  oath,"  &c.  Having  established  these  hct&,  the 
question  next  arises,  whether  the  non-existence  of  the  passages 
in  the  one  manuscript,  authorises  us  to  conclude  that  it  is  in- 
terpolated in  the  other?  Certainly  no  one  would  directly  and 
unconditionally  answer  in  the  affirmative.  The  greater  antiquity 
of  the  Cotton  Manuscript  is  by  no  means  a  sufficient  reason  for 
coming  to  such  a  decision,  for,  it  is  neither  written  by  one  hand, 
nor  at  one  period  of  time,  and  (as  is  well  known  and  acknowledged 
by  Parker)  it  contains  other,  although  perhaps  inconsiderable  gaps, 
as  is  very  clear  from  the  comparison  of  it,  with  the  extracts  given 
by  Florence  of  Worcester  (f  1118).  No  other  manuscripts,  that  I 
know,  exist,  except  the  "  Lumley  Manuscript,"  which,  however, 
IB  very  defective,  and  consequently  cannot  be  taken  as  proof,  against 
either  the  Camden  or  Parker  MSS.  Indeed,  although  the  contested 
passage  is  not  given  by  Florence  of  Worcester,  neither  does  this 
afford  any  testimony  against  the  contents  of  the  passage.  It  only 
proves,  that  the  copy  which  he  used  was  defective,  although  more 
complete  than  the  Parker  MS.  So  too,  that  none  of  the  other 
Chroniclers  have  the  whole  passage,  is  natural :  since  we  find  that 
in  other  respects,  they  have  merely  copied  or  made  extracts  fix)in 
their  predecessors. 

It  would  not,  however,  be  rational  to  let  the  matter  rest  solely 
upon  the  whole  passage.  We  ought  rather  to  enquire;  whether 
some  passage  borrowed  from  it,  or  some  account  based  upon  it,  is 
not  to  be  found  ?  It  is  of  course  possible,  that  the  accounts, 
which  connect  the  foundation  of  the  Oxford  schools  with  Alfred's 
brother  Neoth,  may  be  traced  at  least,  in  part  and  indirectly,  to 
some  manuscript  of  Asser.  But  if  not,  there  must  have  existed  an 
account  independent  of  that  of  Asser,  and,  according  to  aU  appear- 
ances, a  contemporaneous  one,  agreeing  with  that  of  Asser  as  far 
as  regards  the  foundation  of  the  schools  by  Alfred,  but  differing 
herein,  that  Neoth  was  included  in  it.     The  foundation  of  this 


NOTES.  379 

story  would  probably  be  a  "  Life  of  St.  Neoth,"  of  which  however 
I  can  find  no  mention.  On  the  other  hand,  the  words  above  cited 
from  Sprott,  do  appear  important  in  their  bearing  on  the  disputed 
passage.  It  is  evidently  (excepting  the  mention  of  Oxford) 
an  extract  from  Asser,  as  is  sufficiently  clear  by  a  comparison 
of  the  passages  (v.  ed.  Wise,  pp.  56,  65,  67).  If  Sprott  did  not 
write  from  Florence  of  Worcester  (or  ftx)m  his  manuscript  of  Asser) 
we  must  suppose  there  was  a  third  still  older  account  respecting 
Oxford:  for,  if  Sprott's  authority  had  given  Neoth  as  the  real 
originator  of  the  schools,  Neoth  would  of  course  have  been  men- 
tioned in  Sprott's  own  statement.  But  what  right,  we  ask,  have 
we  to  separate  as  heterogenous,  the  account  which  refers  to  Oxford 
frt>m  the  whole  of  the  rest  of  the  passage,  which  is  evidently  bor- 
rowed from  Asser  ?  Certainly  the  silence  of  the  Cotton  Manu- 
script, and  that  made  use  of  by  Florence  of  Worcester,  gives  us  no 
such  right,  as  they  have  no  pretensions  to  be  the  only  perfect  and 
correct  ones.  In  hct  there  is  nothing  that  can  be  reasonably  ob- 
jected against  the  conclusion,  that  Sprott  made  use,  directly  or 
indirectly,  of  an  Asser  Manuscript,  in  which  he  foimd  mention 
made  of  Oxford.  If  any  one  suggest,  that  the  passage  may  have 
been  interpolated  either  by  Sprott  or  by  Heame ;  in  this  way,  there 
is  an  end  of  all  criticism.  Such  an  interpolation  could  have  no 
conceivable  motive ;  as  in  Sprott's  time  no  one  whatever,  and  even 
in  Heame's  time,  scarcely  any  of  the  very  bitterest  Cantabrigians, 
— nor  even  they  seriously, —  ever  thought  of  contesting  the  origin 
of  the  University  fit>m  Alfred's  time.  The  dispute  was  only  (as 
we  have  already  said)  about  the  British  origin  of  the  schools.  Had 
people  been  inclined  to  interpolate  they  would  not  have  interpo- 
lated the  words  "  Alfred  was  first  to  set  up  the  schools  of  Oxford." 
From  this  passage  it  appears  moreover,  that  at  all  events,  Sprott's 
extracts  are  borrowed  (directly  or  indirectly)  from  an  Asser  Manu- 
script, which  in  this  account  also  does  not  agree  with  the  Saville 
Manuscript.  And  this  again  leads  us  to  another  suggestion, — 
What  if  the  passage  in  the  Saville  Manuscript  were  not  entirely  an 
interpolation,  but  only  in  part  ?  —  If  only  that  part  of  the  passage 
were  interpolated,  for   the   interpolation  of  .which   the    dispute 


380  NOTES. 

respecting  the  existence  of  the  schools  before  the  time  of  Alfred 
might  have  given  some  closely  connected  motive  —  that  part,  in 
fact,  which  if  acknowledged  to  be  genuine,  would  afford  the  most 
decisive  testimony  —  indeed  the  only  one  that  could  be  at  all 
considered  to  afford  such,  in  favor  of  that  idea.  Upon  tiiis  suppo- 
sition the  following  (interpolated  words)  might  be  left  out,  "  and 
the  more  ancient  scholastics,  whom  he  found  there,"  &c.  as  fEur  as 
the  passage, —  "  he  had  admired  their  ordinances  and  institutions 
beyond  all  measure," —  and  the  following  woidd  still  remain  as 
evidence, — "  In  the  same  year  a  most  and  dreadful  violent  discord 
arose  in  Oxford  between  Grimbold  and  those  learned  men  whom  he 
had  carried  thither  with  him:  and  the  King,  with  unheard  of 
condescension,  having  listened  with  accurate  attention  to  Both  sides," 
&c.  &c.,  and  in  conclusion,  the  account  about  Grrimbold's  going  to 
Winchester,  about  his  grave,  the  building  of  St.  Peter's  Church  in 
Oxford,  and  the  subterraneous  chapel.  Whether  this  latter  notice 
about  Grrimbold  be  interpolated  or  not,  does  not  matter  much,  as 
it  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  chief  point  in  discussion.  But  it 
might  rather  pass  for  an  interpolation,  on  account  of  its  length ; 
while  the  very  shortness  of  the  genuine  passage,  that  would  remain 
on  the  above  supposition,  makes  its  being  left  out  in  some  manu- 
scripts intelligible.  Besides,  were  the  notice  interpolated,  it  by 
no  means  follows,  that  it  should  be  untrue.  Judging  by  its 
internal  truth  and  straightforwardness,  it  might  very  well  have 
been  taken  from  a  genuine  "  Life  of  Grimbold."  It  woidd  merely 
be  the  building  of  the  Church,  at  most,  that  would  form  any  oppo- 
sition to  this  Chronology ;  if  w^e  were  obliged  to  assume,  that 
Grimbold  wels  first  appointed  in  883,  because  the  account  of  his 
appointment  is  mentioned  between  the  events  of  the  years  883 
and  884.  But  this  by  no  means  follows  from  the  connection  of 
the  whole ;  since  several  matters  of  a  very  different  kind  are 
related  in  the  same  passage,  which  took  place  at  very  different 
times,  such,  for  instance,  as  Alfred's  marriage,  and  the  birth  of  his 
five  children. 

The  manner  in  which  I  have  attempted  to  explain  and  expound 
this  contested  passage,  is  certainly  only  conjectural ;  but,  at  the 


NOTES.  381 

same  time,  after  all  that  has  gone  hefore,  it  is,  assuredly,  not  a  far- 
fetched  conjecture.  If  we  go  further,  moreover,  we  immediately 
meet  the  weightiest  internal  reasons  confirming  it.  In  the  first 
place,  the  passage  thus  expimged,  when  compared  in  language,  in 
grammar,  &c^  with  the  context,  is  essentially  different,  and  of  a 
coarser  style.  Besides,  the  reasons  given  for  the  dispute  ("  Ca- 
put autem  hujus  contentionis"  —  "The  chief  dispute  turned  on 
the  following  point,"  &c.)  are  no  reasons  at  all  :  mention 
is  only  made,  in  a  very  confused  and  anachronictic  manner, 
of  certain  Oxford  scholastics  supposed  to  have  been  settled  there 
before  Alfred's  time,  who  are  dragged  forth,  without  their  pre- 
senting the  least  conclusion,  or  the  least  point  bearing  upon  the 
quarrel  itself.  In  fact,  the  whole  passage  would  be  intelligible 
only  by  supposing  it  to  have  been  written  for  the  purpose  of 
making  mention  of  these  scholastics,  and  consequently  of  the 
British  origin  of  the  schools  —  i.e.  for  the  piu^ose  of  casting  a 
preponderating  baknce  in  favor  of  this  opinion,  into  the  scale  of 
the  quarrel.  To  be  convinced  of  this,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
observe  the  words  with  a  moderate  degree  of  attention. 

We  may  also  remark,  that  the  expressions  used  by  Camden 
towards  Twyn  **  that  he  stood  in  no  need  of  this  evidence  to  prove 
the  antiquity  of  the  University"  i.e.  that  it  was  earlier  than  Alfred, 
give  rise  to  the  conjecture,  that  Camden  himself  did  not  consider 
thiU  part  of  the  passage  genuine,  although  he  did  not  think  it 
necessary  to  admit  the  fact.  As  regards  those  sentences,  on  the 
contrary,  which  we  accept  as  genuine,  they  do  not  contain  even  a 
single  suspicious  symptom.  That  Asser  did  not  in  the  course  of 
his  narrative  mention  the  foimdation  of  the  Oxford  schools  in  their 
right  place,  matters  not,  considering  how  the  whole  biography  is 
put  together,  since  he  often  refers  to  things  as  existing,  the 
origin  of  which  he  has  not  narrated.  That  Grimbold  and  certain 
other  scholastics  took  up  their  residence  at  Oxford,  is  evident 
from  this  passage.  Who  these  companions  of  Grrimbold  were,  and 
whether  (as  might  appear  from  the  account  p.  46)  he  brought 
them  over  with  him  from  Graul,  is  not  very  clear :  nor  is  this  to 
our  purpose.     That  a  quarrel  should  break  out  among  them,  is  by 


382  NOTES. 

no  means  surprising  —  that  the  King,  with  his  usual  wisdom  and 
kindly  feeling,  should  seek  to  re-establish  peace  among  them  is  still 
less  so  —  and  it  was  natural  for  Asser,  (who  was  just  appointed  to 
a  post  about  the  King,  and  was  probably  even  present,)  to  men- 
tion these  afikirs,  though  he  omits  many  others  of  perhaps  greater 
importance,  which  did  not  come  so  immediately  under  his  notice. 
If,  now,  we  admit  this  passage  to  be  authentic  and  to  have  existed 
also  in  the  copy  used  by  Sprott,  his  mode  of  alluding  to  it,  (i.  e. 
by  barely  stating  the  result, —  that  there  was  a  school  at  Oxford,) 
is  such  as  one  might  expect  from  the  passage  itself  in  Asser. 
Vice  versa,  the  expression  "  was  first  to  set  up"  evidently  proves 
(as  before  remarked)  that  the  part  which  we  reject  was  not  known 
to  him.  We  are  therefore  justified  in  rejecting  that  part,  without 
resting  on  the  fact  that  it  is  omitted  in  the  Cotton  manuscript ; 
an  argument  which  proves  too  much.  Nor  is  the  greater  antiquity 
of  the  Saville  manuscript  of  any  real  weight  against  us,  as,  in  fact, 
a  manuscript  of  later  date  might  have  been  copied  from  a  more 
ancient  and  better  one. 

The  date  of  the  interpolation,  which  we  surmise  to  have  been 
made,  is  to  us  unimportant.  As  however  it  was  in  the  reign  of 
Richard  II.  that  the  disputes  arose  about  the  British  origin  of  the 
Oxford  schools,  and  the  relative  antiquity  of  the  two  scholastic 
bodies,  (after  which  dispute  soon  followed  the  barbarous  *'  histO' 
riolte**  of  both  the  Universities,)  we  may  conjecture  that  some 
copyist  of  the  time,  perhaps  even  the  author  of  the  Oxford  "  histth 
riola"  himself,  or  some  one  of  the  same  stamp,  perpetrated  this 
fraud,  *'/or  greater  glory  to  our  Foster  Mother  of  Oxford." 

We  before  observed  that  Asser's  testimony  is  not  essential  to 
prove  that  the  Oxford  schools  were  founded  by  Alfred.  If  how- 
ever it  has  now  been  shown  that  his  witness  to  the  fact  agrees 
with  every  proof  existing ;  it  remains  to  ask  only,  what  was  the 
nature  of  the  schools.  As  to  this  point,  we  are  irresistibly  led  to 
believe,  that  it  was  no  other  than  the  school,  "  which  he  h§d 
got  together  with  great  care  out  of  many  nobles  of  his  own 
nation"  and  in  which  " he  had  the  sons  of  those  who  were  con- 
nected  with  the  Royal  household  instructed  in  good  morals  and 


NOTES.  383 

imhued  unth  good  literature.*'  In  other  words,  the  school,  (like  that 
of  Charlemagne)  connected  with  his  own  Court  and  Household. 
In  £act,  it  would  be  difficult  (see  §  22  and  Note  (6)  )  to  point  out 
any  spot,  where  such  a  school,  or  where  the  Royal  Court  if  settled 
at  all,  could  have  been  better  situated,  than  at  Oxford.  That 
Alfred  fr^uently  abode  at  Oxford,  is  as  certain,  as  that  he  had 
not  his  residence  (or  his  Capital  in  a  modem  sense)  there  : — 
for  in  fact,  he  had  no  such  fixed  centre  anywhere.  It  is  then  the 
more  probable,  that  for  the  aboye-mentioned  school  he  selected  a 
spot  in  which  he  so  frequently  resided  and  which  was  so  suitable 
in  itself.  This  is  still  more  confirmed,  by  recognizing  the  identity 
of  the  "  Oxford  SchooV*  mentioned  by  Asser  (or  at  all  events  by 
Sprott  after  Asser)  with  the  "Court  School"  (Schola  Palatii) 
above  alluded  to.  Indeed  no  author,  ancient  or  modem,  doubts 
that  Oxford  was  a  royal  residence  from  the  earliest  time;  and 
according  to  Ingram,  the  remains  of  such  a  palace  were  still  to  be 
found  in  1800,  upon  the  Beaumonts.  I  cannot  however  find  ex- 
press evidence  that  Alfred  had  a  palace  there,  for  I  have  not  been 
able  to  discover  the  passage  in  the  Domesday  book,  or  in  the 
"  Laws  of  the  Saxons,**  to  which  Ingram  refers  upon  this  point : 
yet  proof  can  scarcely  be  necessary,  since  his  frequent  stay  there 
speaks  for  itself.  From  the  time  of  Henry  Beauclerk,  no  doubt 
whatever  can  be  entertained  of  the  existence  of  such  a  palace.  It 
is  expressly  mentioned,  for  instance,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  dis- 
turbances under  Henry  III.  in  1265.  Documentary  notice  is 
again  made  of  it  in  1318  (Malmesbury,  Vita  Edward  II.  ed : 
Heame,  1729). 

Assuming  then  the  truth  of  the  very  probable  conjecture,  that 
the  school  at  Oxford  was  no  other  than  the  Royal  Court  School, 
its  history,  in  contrast  with  that  of  the  Paris  schoob,  will  be  very 
dear.  The  devastations  and  convulsions  of  the  latter  years  of  the 
Saxon  period  put  an  end  at  Oxford  to  the  School  of  the  Court  (as 
such),  as  did  the  convulsions  in  Paris  under  the  last  successors  of 
Charlemagne.  In  Paris,  however,  it  ceased  altogether,  or  rather  was 
replaced  by  the  Cathedral  School  and  by  that  of  St.  Genevi^e ; 
but  in  Oxford,  where  there  existed  no  ecclesiastical  establishment. 


384  NOTES. 

none  at  lea^t  of  much  consequence,  the  schoob  remained  at  it 
were  without  any  foundation.  Hence  arose,  on  the  one  hand 
their  pitiful  condition,  the  frequent  interruption  in  their  existence, 
and  their  almost  entire  destruction  at  the  time  of  the  conquest ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand  also,  their  greater  independence  of  the 
Church ;  traces  of  which  may  be  found,  even  when  the  Ordinary, 
through  his  Chancellor,  enforced  rights  belonging  to  him  by  the 
whole  constitution  of  the  Church.  The  former  tie,  connecting  the 
schoob  with  the  Royal  Court  and  Chancellor,  had  been  broken 
asunder,  and  was  not  taken  up  again  by  the  two  first  Norman 
Princes,  illiterate  and  warlike  men :  and  hence  it  was  that  the 
Ordinary  succeeded  in  establishing  his  claims. 

Whether*  after  all  this,  doubts  of  any  consequence  can  still  be 
entertained,  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Oxford  schools  in  Alfred's  time, 
I  leave  for  competent  judges  to  decide.  But  I  hold  those  only  to 
be  competent  judges,  who  are  wholly  free  from  that  hyperscepti- 
cal  pseudo-criticism,  which  in  modem  times  makes  so  much  noise ; 
accounting  historical  facts,  (seemingly,)  as  a  sort  of  game  to  be 
himted  down,  or  even  as  wild  beasts,  which  it  is  called  to  root 
out  and  exterminate  by  fair  means  or  foul. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  regards  those  accounts  of  the  existence 
of  schools  in  Oxford  be/ore  Alfred's  time,  along  with  the  fully- 
narrated  stories  connected  therewith  of  Greekelade,  Latinlade, 
Leechelade,  Brutus,  Bellositum,  Memprich,  &c.,  and  the  detafls 
relative  to  the  schools  in  Alfred's  time,  which  are  solely  based 
upon  the  wretched  "  Historiola  Oxon ."  (in  Leland's  Itinerary  ix. 
p.  17,  and  also  in  "  Th.  Caii  Vindicia.'*  ed.  Heame,  1730,)  and 
upon  the  equally  absurd  and  useless,  although  by  many  mudi 
overvalued  Antiq  :  Warewicensis  (Rous,  Rossus  hist,  i^gum, 
&c.,  ed.  Heame,  1719,)  I  trust  that  no  one  will  suppose,  that! 
could  seriously  occupy  myself  about  them,  or  seek  to  investigate 
the  fabulous  sources  of  these  different  stories.     And  although,  in 

*  It  may  be  requisite  to  forewarn  in  it  himself:  viz.  that  the   pseudo- 

the  reader  against  an  error,  to  which  Asser    annals  contain  nothing  what- 

Lappenberg  might  perhaps  give  rise  ever  of  the  passage  in  question  tal 

in  his  literary  introduction  (p.  Ix.)  al-  this  naturally  proves  nothing, 
though  he  certainly  docs  not  partake 


NOTES.  385 

modem  times,  a  well  known  Oxford  Antiquary  ("  Memorials  of 
Oxford")  has  again  half  and  half  revived  these  absurd  tales,  I  can 
only  perceive  in  this  an  immoderate  attachment  to  prejudices, 
which  are  no  longer  even  popular.  The  supposition  also  which  is 
connected  with  these  accounts,  that  these  schools  were  formed  out 
of  one  attached  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Frideswide,  is  void  of  all 
foundation,  as  this  institution  was  a  convent  of  Nuns  and  not  of 
Monks.  As  a  specimen  of  Ingram's  critical  abilities,  I  will  only 
mention  that  a  passage  from  an  entirely  unauthenticated  fragment 
(in  Leland's  Collect:  i.  342,)  in  which  we  are  told  that  King 
Didamus  "  out  of  his  royal  munificence  erected  different  buildings 
for  the  purposes  of  religion  near  the  Church  of  St,  Frideswide,"  is 
referred  by  him,  without  more  ado,  to  Academic  Colleges  and 
Halls !  But  enough  of  this.  Respecting  the  Cambridge  stories 
also  about  Cantaber,  derived  from  the  Historiola  Cantabrigiensis, 
(printed  by  Parker,)  and  the  supposed  foundation  of  the  schools 
by  Beda,  under  the  East-Anglian  King  Siegebert,  I  must  be 
allowed  to  preserve  profound  silence. 


Note  (5)  rbfbrrbd  to  in  Paob  47. 
Testimony  of  Ingulf  (in  1050)  relating  to  Oxford. 

Ingulf,  who  already  in  1056  was  invested  with  office  and  digni- 
ties, and  died  in  1109  as  Abbot  of  Croyland  (Savile,  713,  6,)  thus 
speaks  of  himself.  "For  I,  Ingulf,  the  humble  servant  of  St. 
Guthlac,  &c.  bom  in  England  and  of  English  parents,  being  of  the 
beautiful  city  of  London,  was  set  to  book-learning  in  tender  years ; 
and  first  at  Westminster,  soon  after  at  Oxford,  was  introduced  to 
study.  And  when  I  had  made  advances  beyond  many  of  my  own 
age  in  snatching  up  Aristotle,  I  clad  myself  down  to  the  ankle'" 
with  Tully's  first  and  second  Rhetoric."  Certainly  the  chronicle 
of  Ingulf,  as  Lappenberg  was  first  to  remark,  is  not  unsuspected : 
t.  e,  it  is  possibly  a  later  compilation  of  multifarious  materials. — 

[  Lat  Talo  tenus  induebam  —  i.  e.  "  I  put  on,  as  a  garment,  the  entire  of  the  two 
treatiaes ;"  —  an  affected  metaphor,  for,  **  I  read  them  to  the  rery  end."] 

cc 


386  NOTES. 

Yet  there  is  no  question,  that  authentic  passages  from  Ingulf  him- 
self are  mixed  up  with  them ;  at  least  Lappenberg  does  not  seem 
to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  the  passage  here  cited,  since  he  accepts 
the  autobiographic  notice  contained  in  it.  The  date  given  in  Lap- 
penberg as  the  year  of  Ingulfs  death  (1130)  must  assuredly  be  a 
misprint.  The  Cambridge  critics  have  altogether  rejected  the 
passage,  as  an  interpolation,  but  without  proof  or  reason. 


NOTB  (6)  RXFBBRBD  TO  IN  PaOB  48. 

Physical  Position  and  Strength  of  Oxford, 

This  question  is  not  one  of  general  possibilities,  but  of  actual  fact. 
The  strength  of  Oxford,  both  naturally  and  artificially,  is  mentioned 
in  the  Acts  of  King  Stephen  (Duchesne,  p.  958).  "  Oxford  is  a  city 
most  strongly  fortified,  and  unapproachable,  by  reason  of  the  veiy 
deep  waters  which  wash  it  all  round,  being  on  one  side  most  care- 
fully girt  by  solid  outworks,  on  the  other,  beautifully  and  very 
powerfully  strengthened  by  an  impregnable  castle  and  a  tower  of 
vast  height."  This  castle  was  built  after  the  Conquest,  to  over- 
awe the  city ;  but  the  fortifications  of  the  town  are  mentioned  in 
Domesday  book,  and  therefore  existed  before  the  Conqueror,  who 
probably  met  as  little  resistance  there  as  elsewhere.*  Next,  as  to 
its  water-communication,  the  following  testimony  will  show  that 
it  existed  in  very  early  times.  A  Royal  patent  of  the  year  1203 
(Rolls  of  Letters  Patent,  p.  52)  secures  to  a  certain  Wilhelm,  son 
of  Andrew,  free  right  of  passage  "  for  .one  vessel  going  and  return- 
ing by  the  Thames  between  Oxford  and  London.*'  It  might  be 
objected,  that  this  communication  by  water,  must  likewise  have 
been  of  service  to  the  Danish  pirates  :  but  this  is  to  forget  that  the 
Thames  was  blocked  up  by  London  and  its  bridge  (Lundenbjrrieg.) 
That  part  of  the  city  [London]  —  beyond  a  doubt  peculiarly  for- 
tified,  —  was  never  taken,  although  the  Danes  firom  time  to  time 
plundered  the  suburbs  or  other  parts  of  the  city,  and  made  it  re- 
quisite to  rebuild  them  in  the  reign  of  Alfred. 

*  [Sir  James  Maclcintosh  represents  theConqaestas  a  very  long  and  hard-fought 
war.     So  the  author  of  the  article  Borough,  in  the  Penny  CjclopaBdia.] 


NOTES,  387 

Note  (7)  rbfb&rbd  to  in  Paob  49. 

Number  of  houses  at  Oxford,  after  the  Conquest. 

According  to  Domesday-book,  Oxford,  in  reference  to  the  num- 
ber of  houses,  (which  here  concerns  us  especially,  since  houses  are 
more  permanent  than  population,)  belonged  to  the  towns  of  the 
second  rank,  or  at  least  to  the  first  of  the  third  rank.  It  had 
(according  to  Ellis's  general  introduction  to  Domesday  ii.)  721 
houses.  Towns  of  the  first  rank  were  few;  such  as  York  and 
Lincoln,  which  had  1036  and  1150  houses.  It  is  again  remark- 
able, that  in  Oxford  there  was  a  striking  disproportion  between 
the  inhabited  and  the  uninhabited  houses — viz.,  243  of  the  former 
to  478  of  the  latter.  Ellis  explains  this,  as  a  result  of  the  Con- 
quest, but  nowhere  is  it  mentioned,  that  Oxford  was  more  hardly 
dealt  with,  than  many  other  cities,  as  York  for  instance,  where  no 
such  disproportion  is  to  be  found.  (The  reading  of  Oxonia  for 
JExonia,  has  never  been  made  good  ;  and  both  Ellis  and  Lappen- 
berg  doubt  the  propriety  of  it.)  May  not  the  disproportion  be 
accounted  for,  by  a  temporary  dispersion  and  emigration  of  the 
scholastic  population  ?  That  the  "  domos  hospit.*'  which  the  ex- 
cellent Wood  would  interpret  as  Academic  Halls,  means  here,  as 
elsewhere  in  the  Domesday,  nothing  but  "domos  hospitatas,  lodging 
houses,"  needs  no  proof. 

NOTB  (8)  REFBRRED  TO  IK  PaGB  50. 

Favor  of  Henry  I.  towards  Oxford, 

I  alluded  (in  §  21)  to  a  passage,  wherein  Wood  speaks,  on  the 
authority  of  original  records,  concerning  Scholastic  Streets  in  Ox- 
ford at  an  early  date, —  towards  1109.  His  words  are  these :  "I 
may  be  allowed  to  remark  that  various  deeds  [syngrafa'] ,  made  at 
this  date,  often  mention  School  Street  and  Shydiard  Street  [Vicus 
Schediasticorum,  the  Street  of  Shorthand  Writers].  And  —  to 
c^rviate  the  suspicion  that  such  names  had  reference  only  to  pre- 
ceding times, —  one  may  see  in  th^  very  same  deeds,  the  titles  of 


388  NOTES. 

Masters  and  Clerical  titles  annexed  in  various  passages,  in  designa- 
ting the  owners  [of  this  and  that  property]."  What  gives  us 
confidence  in  the  fact  which  Wood  here  testifies,  is,  that  he  him- 
self does  not  seem  to  have  noticed,  what  inferences  could  be  drawn 
from  it  in  favor  of  tlie  antiquity  of  Oxford  University.  The  same 
writer  states,  upon  the  authority  of  Ross  (the  Warwick  antiqua- 
rian of  the  fifteenth  century)  that  Henry  I.  bmlt  a  palace  in  Ox- 
ford in  hello  monte  (the  Beaumont)  and  often  resided  there,  from  his 
love  of  the  society  of  learned  men,  and  that  he  likewise  bestowed 
on  the  University  all  sorts  of  favors  and  privileges.  This  account, 
which  is  no  way  confirmed  by  contemporaneous  testimony,  appears 
rather  doubtful,  when  we  consider  the  pedantic  flights  of  fiancy  to 
which  these  two  writers  are  addicted. — Yet  there  is  no  doubt  of 
Henry's  fondness  for  Woodstock,  and  his  residing  so  near  to  Ox- 
ford may  have  acted  very  favorably  upon  the  schoob  there.  Wood 
seems  to  have  had  some  documentary  or  otherwise  valid  evidence 
for  his  assertion  (p.  46),  that  Henry  I.  was  educated  at  Abingdon 
and  instructed  by  an  Oxford  Physicus  named  Faricius.  This  ac- 
count has  been  adopted  by  Ward  without  hesitation,  and  I  know 
no  reason  for  attacking  it.  There  is  likewise  a  passage  in  "  Or- 
dericus  Viialis,'*  which  seems  to  refer  to  Henry's  connexion  with 
Oxford. — He  is  represented,  before  the  battle  of  Tinchebray,  as 
holding  an  earnest  conference  with  Sophists,  to  whom  he  tries  to 
set  forth  the  justice  of  his  claims  against  those  of  his  brother 
Robert.  The  expression  "  Sophists"  would  appear  strange,  as 
applied  to  ecclesiastical  personages  in  general,  while  scholastics 
on  the  other  hand  were  frequently  termed  Sophistae.  May  the 
King  possibly  have  been  aiming  to  obtain  a  sort  of  sanction  from 
them,  such  as  in  later  times  was,  not  seldom,  desired  of  the  Uni- 
versities } 

Note  (9)  referred  to  in  Paoe  50. 

State  of  Learning  in  the  Twelfth  Century. 

We  cannot  here  enter  into  details.     An  excellent  account  may 
be  found  in  the  "Dissertation  by  Warton,"  to  which  we  have 


NOTES.  389 

already  alluded.  Among  the  best  known  Chroniclers  of  the  period 
are,  William  of  Malmesbury,  Florentius  of  Worcester,  Simeon  of 
Durham,  &c.  Honorable  mention  should  be  made  especially  of 
William*  of  Malmesbury,  for  his  great  learning.  His  Chronicles 
and  particularly  his  '•  History  of  the  English  Prelates,"  contain  a 
rich  store  of  materials,  giving  us  a  lively  and  not  unpleasing  pic- 
ture of  his  times.  Hitherto  they  have  not  been  turned  to  as  good 
use  as  they  might.  In  speaking  of  the  progress  of  learning  in 
those  days,  (Saville,  97,  6,)  after  honorable  mention  of  several 
persons  by  name,  he  adds : — "  But  in  short,  there  were  at  this 
time  in  England  many  illustrious  for  science,  renowned  for  religion ; 
whose  virtue  was  the  more  creditable,  because  in  an  age  of  decay 
it  waxed  firmer  and  fresher."  The  letters  also  of  Anselm  and 
Peter  of  Blois,  and  the  "  Nvga  Curialium"  of  John  of  Salisbury^ 
are  worthy  of  note,  and  have  never  been  profitably  or  sufficiently 
used. 

NOTB  (10)  REFERRED  TO  IN  PaOE  52. 

Parisian  Immigration  to  Oxford. 

Once  more  I  am  brought  back  to  Meiners  as  the  original  cause 
of  the  misunderstanding  which  prevails.  Indeed  what  he  says  upon 
the  English  Universities  is  perhaps  the  weakest  part  of  his  work  ; 
the  merits  of  which  in  many  respects,  especially  as  being  the  first 
attempt  in  this  field,  I  would  on  no  account  deny.  I  cannot  here 
refute  him  in  detail,  but  must  take  my  own  course.  The  critical 
reader  can  compare  our  difiPerent  processes  and  their  different  results. 
A  few  points  will  here  sufice  to  show,  upon  what  weak  foundations 
his  opinion  rests. 

It  is  pretended  that  in  1214  the  University  became  exempt  from 
the  ordinary  tribunals,  and  was  passed  over  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction.      This  event,  Meiners  (ii.  89)  looks  upon  as  a  crisis, 

*  [William  of  IMalinesbury  is  said  Bishops  and  of  the  principal  Mouas. 

to  have  been  born  a.  d.  1095  and  died  teries,    from   the  conversion    of  the 

in  1 1 43  or  somewhat  later.     His  His-  English  by  St  Austin   to   the  year 

tory  of  the  English  Prelates  contained,  1 1 23.] — Penny  Cyclopedia. 
in    foar  books,    an   account   of   the 


390  NOTES. 

fdniiahhig  the  exact  date  when  the  Univerrity  gained  a  oofporate 
eiiatenoe.  To  the  same  effect  he  interprets  ^be  Royal  Privily 
of  the  year  1200,  in  reference  to  the  Pftria  Univen&ty :  yet  in  spite 
of  this,  he  regards  Paris  asanactoal  University,  throogh  the  whole 
of  the  previous  century.  I  have  above  shown,  that  in  neither 
case  was  there  any  exemption  nor  jet  any  innovation.  Meiners 
himself  immediately  afterwards  mentions  the  imnugiatkm  of  Pa- 
risians in  1229,  as  that  which  raised  the  Oxford  Schools  into  an 
actual  Univerrity  worthy  of  the  name.  Shortly  after  that  again 
(p.  97)  he  cannot  persuade  himself,  that  Oxford,  even  in  tiie  middle 
of  the  century,  was  any  thing  more  dian  a  very  young  and  pooriy 
cultivated  University.  And  why  ?  Because  in  a  Bull  of  Innocent 
IV.  (Wood,  A.  D.  1250)  in  one  part  the  superintendence  of  the 
Schools  is  lodged  chiefly  with  the  Ordinary,  (the  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln,) while  in  another  part,  it  is  recommended  to  IbUow  the 
Parisian  usages  as  to  the  granting  of  the  licence.  We  have  seen 
however — and  the  same  thing  comes  out,  apropos,  from  Meiners's 
own  account,  although  he  puts  a  fidse  interpretation  upon  that 
also, — that  a  perfectly  analogous  position  of  the  Ordinary  or  his 
deputy  in  Paris  also,  can  be  traced  back  far  beyond  the  middle  of 
that  century.  The  recommendation  to  adopt  "  the  usage  of  Paris/' 
at  a  time  when  abuses  needed  to  be  removed,  is  not  strange,  consi- 
dering the  recognized*  precedency  of  the  Paris  University :  nor  can 
prove  that  these  relations  had  not  long  existed,  nor  the  rule  been 
long  recognized.  In  this,  as  in  other  cases,  whenever  there  is 
fluctuation  in  the  relations  of  one  body  to  another,  Meiners  thinks 
he  is  bound  to  imagine  such  relations  entirely  new,  the  first  time 
he  finds  them  stated.  Yet,  alike  in  Paris  and  in  Oxford,  to  say 
nothing  of  other  places,  we  find  contests  about  such  points  go  on 
for  centuries. 

NOTB  (11)  REFERRBD  TO  IN  PaGB  53. 

On  the  terms  "  Rector —  Chancellor,"  ike. 

Meiners  is  quite  decided  in  the  belief  that  the  Oxford  Chancellor 
and  the  Paris  Rector  differed  only  in  name :  nor  yet  does  Buheus 

•  [Germ.  Primat.] 


NOTES.  391 

avoid  a  like  confusion ;  either  as  regards  Oxford  (i.  224,  25)  or 
with  respect  to  the  origin  and  antiquity  of  the  Parisian  Rector 
(i.  261.  ii.  666  et  sqq.)  In  the  case  of  Paris,  however,  he  himself 
feels  almost  instinctively,  that  he  has  to  deal  with  two,  or  in  reality 
three  totally  diflferent  things; — first  with  the  general  use  of  the 
term  "Rector,  Regens  Schola,"  where  it  means  no  more  than 
Magister  and  signifies  any  teacher  soever  : —  secondly,  with  the 
Cancellarius,  in  his  original  character  of  Rector  Schola;  and 
thirdly,  with  the  Rector  Universitatis.  These  distinctions  clearly 
result  from  vain  attempts  at  amalgamation, —  and  particularly 
from  imagining  it  to  be  self-evident,  that  the  Chancellor  stood 
outside  of  the  corporation  of  the  Teachers  [or.  Masters'] .  What 
Bulseus  has  said  of  Oxford,  and  of  Grrimbold  being  made  the  first 
Chancellor  by  Alfred,  is  merely  copied  from  Rbss,  Bryan  Twyn, 
and  such  like  authorities. 

[Continued  from  a  Note  in  Vol.  ii.  p.  240,  of  the  German.] 

By  way  of  superfluous  confirmation,  I  here  cite  one  example,  to 
show  that  where  a  School  did  not  grow  into  a  University,  the 
oflice  of  Master  of  the  School  long  remained  attached  to  that  of 
Chancellor.  So  late  as  the  London  Convocation  of  1334,  the  fol- 
lowing was  decreed.  "  The  Chancellor  shall  hold  lectures,  either 
himself  or  through  some  other  person  at  his  charges,  in  Theology 
or  the  Decretals,  within  the  enclosure  of  the  Church  (tit  claustro), 
(Wilkins  ii.  578.)  The  same  is  said  by  Wood,  more  especially  of 
the  Cancellarius  Sarisberensis.  (i.  91.) 

We  need  no  proof  that  where  the  school  grew  into  a  Univer- 
sity, the  Chancellor  estranged  'himself  from  it,  and  became  an 
Episcopal  Ofiicer  "extra  corpus  Magistrorum ;**  and  that  the 
Masters  on  that  account  elected  a  Rector.  It  is  in  fact  self-evi- 
dent to  one  who  understands  those  times,  and  considers  the  course 
pursued  in  Paris,  as  early  as  the  twelfth  century.  No  one  can 
reasonably  expect  direct  and  documentary  explanations  of  all  these 
matters.  The  grievous  mistakes  prevailing,  even  in  authors  so 
careful  as  Bulaeus ;  the  constant  confusing  of  the  Chancellor  with 
the  Rector ;  may  be  traced  principally  to  the  endeavor  to  fix  the 


392  NOTES. 

age  of  the  University  at  as  distant  a  date  as  possible.  Now,  as 
to  constitute  a  University,  in  the  later  sense,  a  freely  elected 
Rector  was  needed ;  authors  tried  to  make  out  that  a  Rector  ex- 
isted along  with  a  Chancellor  in  the  very  earliest  times,  although 
nothing  but  a  Chancellor  is  then  spoken  of :  or  else  they  assumed, 
that  the  office  of  Chancellor  and  Rector  was  one  and  the  same ; 
or  that  the  two  officers  were  combined  in  one  person.  It  is 
astonishing,  how  the  simple  truth  breaks  through,  in  spite  of  such 
artificial  confusion  of  facts.  For  instance,  Bulsus  expressly  says 
(i.  259),  "  The  Chancellor  was  earlier  than  the  Rector ;  but  when 
the  number  of  Professors  and  Masters  was  so  immensely  increased, 
they  set  a  Rector  over  themselves."  It  is  thus  dear  even  to  him, 
that  the  Rector  chosen  by  the  Masters  required  no  higher  con- 
firmation ;  while  of  course,  the  University  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  nomination  of  the  Chancellor.  The  following  passage  shows 
in  Bulseus  strong  prejudice  and  error  of  theory,  joined  with  un- 
conscious accuracy.  "  Beside  the  Rector  and  Proctors  it  appears 
that  a  sort  of  judge  was  constituted  by  Charlemagne  not  included 
within  the  scholastic  body,  to  take  cognizance  of  litigations  and 
preserve  the  privileges.  Such  a  Surrogate  of  the  Palace,  &c.  .  . 
with  whom  was  joined  the  chief  Chancellor,  who  was  formerly 
named  '(Chancellor)  a  secrAtis*  .  .  But  he,  as  long  as  the  Muses 
were  in  the  Palace,  granted  licence  to  teach  there,  &c. :  but  the 
Bishop  of  Paris,  and  the  Abbot  of  St.  Grenevieve,  and  the  Chan- 
cellors,  succeeded  the  Surrogate  in  the  performance  of  these 
functons."  If  now  we  remove  from  all  this,  the  absurdity  of  sup- 
posing the  Palace- School  of  Charlemagne,  a  formal  University, 
provided  with  Rectors,  Nations,  Proctors  and  Guardians;  if  we 
consider  that  the  Imperial  Chancellor  may  even  then  have  been  too 
busy  to  act  the  schoolmaster  himself,  and,  in  so  far,  was  already 
beyond  the  scholastic  body ;  and  if  then  with  Bulaeus,  we  apply 
this  state  of  things  to  illustrate  the  Episcopal  Chancellor,  or  the 
Chancellor  of  St.  Grenevieve,  and  the  scholars  and  Masters  of  the 
later  real  University  ;  all  is  clear.  The  best  proof,  however,  that 
the  Chancellor  stood  beyond  the  scholastic  body,  is  this.  When- 
tver  the  University  came  on  to  a  new  ecclesiastical  territory,  (as. 


NOTES.  393 

on  to  that  of  St.  Genevieve)  it  always  received  a  new  Chancellor : 
while  on  the  contrary,  its  own  Rector  invariably  accompanied  it. 


NOTB  (12)  RBFBRRBD  TO  IN  PaGE  55. 

Respecting  the  *'  Aula  andHospitia"  (Halls  and  Lodgings.) 

The  following  remarks  respecting  the  Halls  and  Lodgings,  and 
the  non-existence  of  the  former  in  Paris,  may  suffice.  Lodgings* 
(hospitium)  is  a  geneiic  expression,  comprehending  equally  a  room 
or  set  of  rooms  let  to  a  single  scholar,  and  also  whole  houses, 
given  up  to  a  company  of  scholars,  for  their  sole  occupation,  and 
often  built  and  fitted  up  expressly  for  this  purpose.  The  term 
Hall  (Aula)  on  the  contrary,  always  implies  a  building  entirely 
scholastic.  Under  the  name  of  Lodgings,  the  Halls  mat  be  in- 
cluded, if  the  context  admit  the  sense.  Now  in  Oxford,  as  well 
as  in  Paris,  we  find  talk  of  "  Lodgings"  in  records  and  elsewhere  : 
indeed  this  expression  appears  in  records  to  my  knowledge,  as  far 
back  as  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century :  for  instance,  in  the 
affiEur  with  the  citizens  in  1214.  The  word  Hall,  it  is  true, 
appears  still  earlier  in  notices  of  another  kind,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  its  bearing  the  sense  already  given.  In  fact,  it  needs  no 
further  explanation,  and  I  shall  merely  refer  my  readers  to  Wood, 
(p.  338,  De  Aulis.)  But,  that  in  Oxford  the  generic  term  "  Lodg- 
ing" usually  denotes  a  Hall,  may  be  known  from  the  fact,  that 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  number  of  the 
"  HaUs"  (Attl€B)  amounted  to  nearly  300,  some  of  which  had  above 
100  boarders  (Wood).  If  then, f  we  are  to  suppose  any  conside- 
rable number  of  Lodgings  of  another  kind  besides,  the  congregation 
of  30,000  Scholars,  although  generally  reckoned  to  be  exaggerated, 
would  scarcely  suffice  to  fill  up  the  whole  space.  In  Paris,  men- 
tion is  made  only  of  hospitia,  and  never  of  aul€S,  yet  in  other 

*  [At  some  Colleges  in  Oxford,  (for  prove  thnt  the  word  Hall  might  in- 

instance,  Trinity,)   the  house  of  the  elude  Lodging  houses;  and  not  the 

Head  of  the  College  is  still  called  his  converse :  or  perhaps, — that  very  few 

Lodgings.^  students  at  all  were  allowed  to  live  in 

f  [The  reasoning,  if  valid,  seems  to  separate  Lodgings.] 


394  NOTES. 

matters  the  French  used  the  word  "  Halle,**  as  much  as  the  Eng- 
lish, "  HalV*  Moreover,  there  is  no  definite  proof,  that  the  system 
of  hoarding  together  as  in  the  Oxford  Halls,  ever  predominated  or 
was  common.  All  documents,  which  are  to  the  point,  either  speak 
quite  in  general  terms  of  Lodgings  [at  Parisl ;  (as  the  Constita- 
tion  of  Ghregory  IX.  of  the  year  1231,  and  a  Bull  of  a.  d.  1237 
(Bulaus  iii,  141,  160):  orexpressly  mention  the  renting  of  Lodg- 
tngs  hy  single  scholars ;  as  in  the  statute  of  1244  {ibid,  p.  195) 
where  we  find  the  following  expressions  [in  Latin]  : — "  Also,  if  the 
proprietor  refuse  to  let  his  Lodgings  at  the  settled  price,  &c.  .  .  . 
let  that  house  he  put  under  han,  for  five  years ;  and  he,  or  such 
scholars  as  shall  occupy  a  house  under  han  or  have  lodged  therein," 

&c This  passage  is  sufficient  to  prove,  that  in  Paris  the 

word  Lodging  (hospitium)  was  usually  understood  in  a  different 
sense  from  what  it  was  in  Oxford,  where  it  is  substantially  equiva- 
lent with  Hall  (aula,)  Consequently,  however  similar,  at  Oxford 
and  at  Paris,  may  be  the  privileges,  statutes  and  arrangements  in 
force,  about  fixing  the  rent  of  Lodgings  and  engaging  them ;  the 
object  spoken  of  under  the  name  Lod^gs,  was  essentially  differ* 
ent.  As  for  the  first  Scholastic  Colleges  in  Paris,  Meiners  is  per- 
fectly correct  in  considering  the  Sorbonne  (1250)  as  the  oldest 
establishment  which  really  corresponds  to  the  idea  of  a  College. 
To  confoimd  such  institutions  with  the  Hospitals,  in  part  esta- 
blished by  the  Nations,  for  sick  or  poor  scholars,  ought  to  be 
particularly  avoided.  The  contrast  of  the  English  Colleges  to 
the  old  Halls, — if  understood  to  consist  in  this,  that  the  former 
are  founded  and  incorporated  Boarding  houses ;  —  even  in  Oxford 
is  of  a  later  date,  and  in  Cambridge  is  unknown  to  this  day. 
A  few  remarks  therefore,  respecting  the  first  traces  of  such  founded 
Societies,  and  another  point  connected  with  the  subject,  may  not 
be  out  of  place  here. 

I  have  already  named  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
as  the  date  of  the  rise  of  "the  Colleges"  or  founded  halls;  and 
this  is  not  only  the  view  taken  by  all  such  authors,  as  have  not 
altogether  lost  themselves  in  antiquarian  fancies,  but  is  the  only 
possible  view,  if  we  are  talking  of  Colleges  in  their  peculiar  and 


NOTES.  395 

later  sense.  If,  however,  we  understand  by  the  term,  "  founded 
Boarding-houses  for  Scholars/*  there  are  early  traces  of  these  not 
to  be  overlooked ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  Scholastic  Institutions  of 
the  Franciscans,  Dominicans  and  other  orders  of  Monks,  before 
the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

Among  these  we  may  reckon,  in  the  first  place,  the  Abbey  of  St. 
Frideswitha,  an  establishment  which  to  me,  still  appears  to  be  very 
enigmatical.  At  the  end  of  the  eighth  century,  a  convent  of  nuns 
was  established  here.  But  these  were  afterwards,  according  to 
the  received  opinion,  replaced  by  Augustinian  secular-priests ;  and 
these  again  in  the  year  1111,  by  regular  Augustinian  mcmks. 
The  main  source  of  information  on  this  topic,  is,  William  of 
Malmesbury,  on  the  English  Prelates,  book  iv.  But  he  there 
speaks  only  of  the  convent  of  nuns ;  and  its  transformation  into 
secular  Augustinians  must  be  understood  in  a  sense  much  the 
same,  as  its  second  transformation  into  Augustinian  monks.  "  In 
our  days,  a  very  small  number  of  Clerks,  surviving  there  [or,  the 
last  remaining  there]  received  from  Roger,  Bishop  of  Sarum,  that 
piace,  to  Uye  in  without  restraint;  [pro  libitu],  .  .  This  Bishop  sup- 
ported many  Canonists,  to  live  to  God  by  rule  [or,  as  Regulars.]" 
If  we  refer  the  word  thbbb  to  the  Monastery  of  St.  Frideswitha, 
which  stands  in  closest  connection  with  it,  it  must  appear  very 
strange,  that  there  is  no  account  given  of  the  removal  of  the  nuns, 
and  of  the  introduction  of  the  clerks  to  live  without  restraint.  On  the 
contrary,  it  expressly  states,  after  the  destruction  in  1002,  "  The 
Monastery  was  restored/'  as  if  these  clerical  personages  had  kept 
house  with  the  nuns !  He  could  not  mean  that ;  and  both  Wood 
and  the  Monasticon  Anglicum  adopt  the  idea,  that  the  Convent  of 
nuns  was  transformed  at  some  epoch  before  the  year  1111,  into  an 
establishment  for  secular  priests.  Wood  founds  his  authority 
upon  William  of  Malmesbury,  Leiand  and  the  "Liber  Magnus 
Sanctse  Frideswithae  ;'*  the  Monasticon  appeals  to  an  "  Osneyan 
Register"  in  the  "  Bibliotheca  Cottoniana."  I  cannot  pretend  to 
judge  what  weight  is  due  to  the  two  last  sources,  and  how  much 
they  go  to  prove ;  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  estab- 
lishment of  Osney  is  not  older  than  1129.     Leiand  is  in  himself 


396  NOTES. 

but  a  poor  guarantee,  and  we  have  seen  what  William  of  Malmes- 
bury  says.  Perhaps  after  all,  the  whole  thing  can  be  traced  to 
the  above-mentioned  passage  in  William  of  Malmesbury.  It  is 
suspicious,  that  the  Monasticon,  upon  the  subject  of  St.  Frides- 
witha,  makes  use  of  the  same  expressions  as  that  passage.  Were 
this  the  case,  it  becomes  a  mere  petitio  principii :  for  it  is  a  ques- 
tion, whether  William  of  Malmesbury  means  to  say  what  Wood 
imagines.  If  the  word  there  refers  only  to  what  immediately 
precedes  it,  t.  e,  the  Monastery  of  St.  Frideswitha,  nothing  is 
left  us  but  this  conclusion ;  although  a  notice  so  deficient,  must 
Bppear  very  strange  in  such  an  author,  upon  such  a  subject.  It 
is  a  question  however  whether  there  cannot  be  taken  in  a  more 
general  sense,  and  referred  to  Oxford,  which  is  named  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  paragraph.  Let  this  be  assumed.  It  then  be- 
comes again  a  question,  what  we  are  to  understand  by  Oxford 
Clerks  living  without  restraint.  It  must  follow,  I  think,  that  they 
were  Scholastics,  during  the  storms  of  the  Conquest  deprived  of 
their  livelihood  and  driven  out  of  their  own  establishment,  but  now 
again  united  as  regular  Augustinians  for  fresh  scholastic  activity. 
I  am  still  however  very  far  from  considering  the  assumption  well 
groimded,  and  refrain  to  draw  further  conclusions  from  it.  The 
whole  matter  indeed  appears  by  no  means  clear  to  me ;  for  setting 
aside  the  other  point  —  what  has  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  to  do 
with  it?  If  however  we  keep  to  the  received  opinion,  we  must 
even  then  suppose  with  Wood,  that  the  regular  Augustinian  Can- 
onists brought  in  by  Gifimund,  were  taken  from  among  the  Scho- 
lastics. Guim^ond's  personal  interference  in  the  scholastic  studies, 
appears  from  his  own  writings.  But  if  the  Regulars  were  school- 
men, it  can  scarcely  be  supposed,  that  the  Seculars,  whom  they 
displaced,  could  be  quite  strangers  to  scholastic  studies.  But  in 
that  case,  we  have  here  found  a  regular  College,  even  before  the 
year  1111. 

The  other  case  which  belongs  to  this  head,  is,  the  settling  of  the 
poor  Scholars  in  the  establishment  of  St.  George  upon  the  Castle, 
founded  by  Robert  D'Oilly,  one  of  the  companions  of  the  Con- 
queror; after  the  secular  priests  there  also  had  been  (in  1129) 


NOTES.  397 

transformed  into  regular  Augustinian  Canonists,  and  removed  to 
Osney,  Wood  mentions  this  bringing  in  of  the  "  Scholars  o/slendet 
means"  and  it  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  they  remained  in  pos- 
session up  to  the  Reformation.  I  cannot  see  however  why  this 
establishment  should  not  just  as  much  deserve  the  name  of  College 
as  any  of  the  establishments  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

P.  S. — I  have  since  been  able  to  convince  myself  by  looking  into 
the  Domesday -book,  that  mention  is  made  there  of  "  Canonists  of 
Saint  Frideswitha  in  Oxford/'  so  that  the  assumption  made  in 
my  previous  note  falls  to  the  ground. 


Note  (13)  rbperrbo  to  in  Paoe  62. 

Early  Growth  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  Stc. 

The  following  are  the  dates  of  the  different  accounts. —  In  1209, 
the  immigration  already  stated.  In  1229,  mention  is  made  of  a 
CAanre//or  in  Cambridge,  which  presupposes  Schools.  In  1231, 
there  is  a  privilege  of  Henry  III.  So  many  documentary  and 
other  accounts  follow,  that  no  further  doubt  can  exist.  As  to  the 
authority  for  the  three  notices  of  1202,  1229,  1231,  the  first  (ac- 
cording to  Math,  of  Paris)  is  not  doubted  by  any  one  and  agrees 
with  the  Oxford  accounts.  The  Chancellor  of  1229,  under  his 
official  title  only,  appears  in  a  catalogue  which  reaches  to  1567, 
originally  communicated  by  Heame,  and  accompanied  by  some 
historical  notices :  (Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  the  Univ.  of  Cambridge, 
Lond.  8. —  a  collection  of  treatises,  documents  and  notices,  com- 
menced after  the  year  1612.)  The  notice  appears  the  more  trust- 
worthy, as  this  Chancellor  is  the  first  mentioned  after  the  entirely 
fabulous  ones,  who  go  as  far  back  as  the  year  903.  Joh.  Pack- 
enham  (in  1297)  is  the  first  who  is  brought  forward  by  name. 
Besides,  this  testimony  is  scarcely  necessary  to  prove  the  existence 
of  a  Chancellor.  We  cannot  but  imagine,  that  there  was  one, 
from  the  moment  that  schoob  of  any  importance  existed ;  conse- 
quently, at  the  very  latest,  from  1209.  The  document  of  Henry 
III.  is  beyond  suspicion,  and  is  the  oldest  extant-^ for  as  to  the 


398  NOTES. 

CabnlooB  ones  of  the  time  of  King  Arthur,  Siegfried,  or  of  Pope 
Sylvester,  &c.,  &c.,  they  are  unworthy  of  notice.  The  contents 
of  this  document  (to  be  found  in  the  above-mentioned  collection) 
are  stated  as  follows,  [the  original  is  in  Latin.]  "  Our  Lord,  King 
Henry  lU.'*'  laying  injunction  on  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  requests  that 
as  £Eur  as  is  notified  to  him  by  the  Chancellor  and  Masters  respect- 
ing rebellious  clerks,  the  same  be  signified  without  delay  to  the 
Sheriff.f  From  a  brief  of  our  Lord  the  King,  dated,  Oxford,  Srd 
May,  in  the  I5th  year  of  his  reign.  Fol.  21."  Upon  this  follows 
as  supplement  or  continuation :  "  The  same  King  has  commanded 
the  Sheriff  of  Cambridge  to  lay  hands  on  clerks  who  are  rebeUious 
and  evil-doers,  at  the  order  of  the  Bishop  of  Ely ;  and  either  to 
keep  them  in  prison  or  have  them  expelled,  as  the  Chancellor  and 
Masters  may  advise. — From  the  same  record  as  above,  (fol.  21.)" 
There  exist  some  documents  of  the  same  year,  which  bear  reference 
to  the  street-and-market  police,  and  are  to  the  same  intent,  as 
similar  ones  of  the  same  date  for  Oxford.  Then  follow  the  Privi- 
leges of  1242,  1255,  &c.  Any  other  signification  which  may  be 
attached  to  these  matters,  does  not  enter  into  our  subject  here. 
All  that  is  intended  now,  is  to  mark  the  limit,  where  the  docu- 
mentary history  of  Cambridge  begins.  It  is  apparent  from  the 
above,  that  the  account  given  by  Math,  of  Paris,  of  the  date  of 
1240,  respecting  a  migration  of  Oxford  scholars ;  "  who  had  got 
from  the  King  certain  privileges  against  the  townspeople  [6trr- 
gensesY'  is  very  unimportant,  inasmuch  as  it  only  confirms  what 
is  already  evident  from  documents.  To  say  nothing  of  earlier 
documents  with  which  Meiners  was  not  acquainted,  it  is  wonder- 
ful how  he  concluded  from  this  account,  that  the  Cambridge 
schools  had  no  privileges  earlier ;  because,  says  he,  "  had  it  been 
otherwise,  nothing  of  the  kind  would  have  been  mentioned  as 
granted  at  that  time !"  He  doubts  at  the  same  time,  of  the  dura- 
tion of  this  colony,  because  the  scholars,  driven  out  of  Oxford  by 
the  political  disturbances  of  1262,  did  not  go  over  to  Cambridge, 
but  (in  part)  to  Nottingham  !     This,  he  asserts,  proves  (in  spite 

*  [Lat  injungendo  Eliensi  Episcopo.1 
[f  Lat  Vicecomes,  deputy  of  the  Earl,  i.e.  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant.] 


NOTES.  399 

of  all  documents  and  other  accounts)  that  there  existed  at  that 
time  no  schools  at  Cambridge,  or  at  all  events  no  University. 
Besides,  Math,  of  Paris  speaks  with  superfluous  expressness,  of 
the  riots  which  took  place  in  the  three  Universities,  Oxford,  Cam- 
bridge and  Paris. Since  writing  the  above,  Dyer's  Privileges  of 

the  University  of  Cambridge,  has  fsdlen  into  my  hands,  in  which 
all  the  above-mentioned  documents  are  printed. — 

[What  follows,  is  consolidated  from  a  note  in  Vol.  i.  p.  388 
of  the  Grerman,  and  from  the  Author's  Appendices.] 

A  subject  in  itself  obscure  enough,  may  perhaps  throw  some 
light  on  the  original  state  of  the  University  of  Cambridge.  In 
very  early  times  an  institution  called  a  Glomeria  existed  in  the 
town  of  Cambridge,  in  favor  of  which  (we  are  told)  in  the  year 
1276,  Hugh  de  Balsham,  founder  of  Peter-House,  mediated  a 
Treaty  concerning  various  contested  points  of  the  University 
Jurisdiction.  We  hear  of  the  "Master  of  the  Glomeria,***  and 
of  his  "  Glomerelli,**  over  whom  he  had  a  jurisdiction  which  re- 
markably restricted  that  of  the  Chancellor.  The  Glomeria  also 
had  Beadles,  whose  duty  it  was  to  carry  a  staff  before  the  Master, 
everywhere  except  at  the  Convocations  of  the  University. — ^Now 
what  can  this  Glomeria  have  been  ?  According  to  Ducange,  glo- 
merum  means  a  sort  of  priest's  robe,  so  that  the  Glomerelli  may 
have  been  ecclesiastics.  Or,  if  Glomerare,  to  assemble,  was  used 
for  Colligere,  possibly  Glomeria  was  equivalent  to  Collegium,  At 
all  events,  it  was  certainly  an  academical  and  convictorial  society ; 
and,  observing  the  interest  taken  in  it  by  Bp.  Balsham,  it  becomes 
credible  that  the  College  which  he  founded  with  the  name  of  Peter- 
House  was  not  wholly  a  new  society,  but  that  in  the  Glomeria  we 
see  its  earlier  and  rudimental  state :  unless  indeed  the  Glomeria 
was  the  original  Croyland  Monastery  School,  which  formed  the 
germ  of  the  University,  nearly  as  the  Cloiire  Notre  Dame  of  Paris. 

Thus  £Eur  had  I  written  in  my  first  volume.     I  now  find  that  a 

•  Wharton  (iii.  345)  mentions  the  ''  office  of  Master  of  the  Glomeria,"  from 
a  Cambridge  Manuscript  The  notice  refers  to  the  Salary  of  the  Public 
Orator. 


400  NOTES. 

note  in  a  new  edition  of  Fuller's  History  of  Cambridge  (ed» 
Thomas  Wright,  p.  53)  fully  confirms  my  conjecture  there  thrown 
out.  The  "  Glomeria"  namely,  was  the  mope  ancient  and  limited 
foundation  of  the  University,  in  which  the  older  grammatical  studies 
were  pursued,  in  contradistinction  to  the  more  liberal  philosophy 
which  grew  out  of  them.  Its  name  indicates  a  predominating 
ecclesiastical  character  —  a  monastic  school,  in  fact,  whether  it  was 
the  colony  from  Croyland  or  was  still  older — and  it  is  characteristic, 
that  in  Cambridge  the  "  Glomeria"  afterwards  snnk  down  to  a 
mere  granmiar  school.  The  "Master  of  the  Glomeria"  was  at 
that  time  employed  on  such  business  chiefly,  as  afterwards  fell  to 
the  "  Orator  "  in  whom  the  whole  affair  finally  merged.  The 
proofs  of  this,  ^ven  by  Wright  from  authentic  documents,  are 
fiilly  satisfiEu;tory.  The  difference  between  the  more  restricted 
studies  of  the  "  Glomeria"  and  the  fr-eer  devdopement  of  the  (so- 
called)  scholastic  Philosophy,  particularly  in  Paris,  is  remarked 
upon  in  a  passage  quoted  by  Wright  frx)m  the  poems  of  Trouv^re 
Rutebceuf,  (in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century)  the  subject  of 
which  is  the  quarrel  between  the  Clerks  of  the  Universities  of  Or* 
leans  and  Paris. 

**  Paris  e  Orleans  ca  sont  deux, 
C'est  granz  domages  ei  granz  deult 
Que  li  uns  a  I'autre  n'acorde. 
Savez  por  quil  est  la  discorde  ? 
Qu'  il  ne  sont  pas  d'une  science ; 
Car  LooiQUE,  qui  toz  jors  tenze  {dispute*)^ 
Clnime  les  auctors  autoriaux, 
Kt  les  clers  d'Orliens  glomeriaus^  &c. 

This  passage  greatly  confirms  the  account  of  Peter  of  Blois, 
(though  Wright  appears  to  overlook  this  bearing  of  it,)  that 
Cambridge  University  was  founded  by  scholastics  from  Orleans ; 
especially  since  no  trace  is  to  be  found  of  the  word  Glomeria, 
elsewhere  than  in  Orleans  and  in  Cambridge. 


NOTES.  401 

Note  (14)  referred  to  in  Page  65. 

Learned  Authors  in  the  fourteenth  century^  connected  with  the  two 

Universities, 

A  detailed  account  of  the  literature  and  learning  of  that  epoch, 
does  not  lie  within  our  scope,  and  after  all,  would  hut  gua- 
rantee to  us,  as  regards  the  state  of  science  in  the  Universities, 
general  conclusions,  which  already  have  as  much  guarantee 
as  any  one  can  reasonahly  desire  or  demand.  By  way  of  appen- 
dix to  the  literary  statistics  of  those  times,  the  remark  is  here 
admissible,  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  to  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century  Pitseus  reckons  in  England,  no  less  than 
two  himdred  authors,  one  hundred  and  forty  of  whom  belonged  to 
Oxford  and  thirty  to  Cambridge,  either  as  teachers  or  scholars, 
for  a  shorter  or  longer  period.  Our  judgement  of  their  intellectual 
merit  must  depend  on  our  judgement  of  the  general  cultivation  of 
the  time :  and  it  is  not  my  office  here,  either  to  praise  or  to  blame. 
When,  however,  I  hear  the  accusation  so  often  repeated  in  certain 
quarters,  without  distinction  of  time  or  place,  that  the  monas- 
tic establishments  were  but "  hotbeds  of  stupidity,"  I  cannot  repress 
the  remark  that  the  greater  part  of  these  men,  and  at  any  rate  the 
greater  part  of  the  more  distinguished, —  who  represented  the 
learning  of  their  time  as  fieu:  as  it  went, —  were  monks  of  all  the 
Orders*  enumerated  above.  Since  people  will  be  so  free  with  the 
use  of  their  harsh  word  "  stupidity,"  with  respect  to  this  and  other 
points  in  the  cultivation  of  the  middle  ages,  one  feels  strongly 
tempted  to  turn  the  tables  on  them. 


Note  (15)  referred  to  in  Page  67. 

Greatest  Number  of  Academicians  at  Oxford,  S(C, 

Concerning  the  numbers  of  the  academic  population  (in  its 
most  extended  sense)  we  have  various  notices.     At  the  beginning 

*  [Benedictine,  Frandflcany  Dominican,  Carmelite,  and  reformed  Aagnatinian.] 

DD 


402  NOTES. 

of  the  thirteenth  century,  it  is  said  to  have  exceeded  three  thou- 
sand: (as  many  as  this  emigrated  in  1209:)  then  about  the  middle 
of  the  century  —  possibly  for  a  very  short  time,  —  it  is  alledged  to 
have  reached  thirty  thousand ;  during  the  latter  half  of  the  century 
to  have  fsdlen  to  fifteen  thousand ;  again,  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, to  have  sunk  down  to  between  four  and  five  thousand,  and 
afterwards  lower  still.     Now  all  these  estimates  except  the  highest, 
rest  upon  many  testimonies,  in  part  contemporary,  in  part  other- 
wise well  accredited.     Wood,  for  instance,  refers  to  Riahanger,  a 
contemporary,  as  evidence,  that  at  the  migration  to  Northampton, 
the  scholars  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand.      I  do  not  fijid  this 
calculation  in  the  continuation  of  Matthew  of  Paris :  so  that  it 
doubtless  stands  in  Rishanger*s  Chronicle,  or  in  the  Book  of  the 
War  of  Evesham  (Pitsseus,   403)  to  which   I   have  no   access. 
Wood,  however,  may  be  thoroughly  trusted  in  such  quotations. 
When  we  have  once  established  this  point,  it  is  needless  to  enter 
into  proof  of  the  lower  calculations.     The  diminution  perfectly 
corresponds  to  the  agencies,  general  and  local,  notoriously  at  work. 
The  only  difficulty  which  remains  is  the  calculation  of  thirty  thou- 
sand ;  although  it  no  longer  astounds  one  so  much  as  the  highest 
point  attained,  when  we  have  got  fifteen  thousand  as  a  lower  step  to- 
wards it.    The  source  from  which  Wood  took  his  statement,  is  not 
definitely  given,  it  is  true ;  but  it  may  be  probably  guessed  at  by 
what  follows.     There  is,  in  the  Miscellanies  of  Th.  Grascon  (who 
died  in  1457)  the  following  passage  [in  Latin] :  "  Thirty  thousand 
scholars  existed  in  Oxford  before  the  great  plague,  as  I  saw  in  the 
rolls  of  the  old  Chancellors,  when  I  myself  was  Chancellor  there." 
(Ed.  by  Heame.)     Of  course  this  must  not  be  confined  to  the  pe- 
riod immediately  before  the  great  plague,  but  should  be  interpreted 
as  the  maximum  of  the  earlier  numbers.     Now,  whether  Wood 
derived  his  information  directly  from  the  "  rolls  of  the  old  Chan- 
cellors" or  from  these  "  Miscellanies,"  at  all  events  his  assertion 
is  supported  by  testimony  of  importance.     Of  course  in  this  com- 
putation must  be  included,  not  only  the  scholars  and  masters,  but 
all  matriculated  persons.     Thus,  we  may  reckon,  not  only  the  mo- 
nastic scholars,  the  messengers,  the  minor  ofi&cers  of  the  University 


NOTES. 


403 


and  of  the  Nations,  and  personal  servants,  trades-people,  artizans, 
more  intimately  connected  with  the  University  or  its  studies  — 
such  as.  Copiers,  Parchment-makers,  Illuminators,  Book-hinders 
and  Booksellers  (Stationers),  Apothecaries,  Surgeons,  Barhers, 
Washerwomen,  and  all  their  imderstrappers ;  hut  we  may  also 
add  that  great  mass  of  "  nondescripts"  of  rahhle  of  hoth  sexes, 
even*  to  the  Muliercula  of  many  kinds,  who  at  all  Universities 
form  a  moh,  striving  to  cling  to  the  Alma  Mater,  were  it  only  to 
the  outermost  hem  of  her  garment,  in  order  thus  to  he  enabled  to 
squeeze  through  with  impunity.  We  cannot  utterly  extirpate  such 
vermin,  even  from  our  own  [German]  more  regular,  tame,  cramped, 
police-governed,  well  lighted-and-trinmied  condition.  We  have 
however  still  more  positive  proofs.  Upon  the  occasion  of  the  riot 
in  1297,  the  official  account  of  the  towns-people  states,  that  "  three 
thousand  scholars  took  part  in  it,  together  with  theirf  trades-people . 
and  attendants,  and  a  vast  number  of  persons  of  yet  lower  rank." 
Three  thousand  scholars,  consequently,  formed  the  noble  head  to 
which  this  tail  attached  itself.  If  we  reckon  the  rabble,  as  is  rea- 
sonable, to  have  exceeded  their  masters  in  number,  say  at  five 
thousand,  these  academic  rioters  would  amount  to  eight  thousand. 
Since  however,  as  appears  from  the  result  —  the  whole  University 
was  not  engaged  in  the  riot,  we  may  be  allowed,  perhaps,  to  reckon 
those  who  remained  quietly  at  home  at  three  or  four  thousand. 
We  should,  consequently,  have  at  that  time  an  academic  popula- 
tion of  twelve  thousand  souls,  which  fully  coincides  with  the  num- 
ber of  fifteen  thousand  stated  by  Rishanger,  to  have  existed,  prior 
to  the  breaking  out  of  the  great  civil  disturbances  and  the  expulsion 
of  the  foreigners.  At  a  later  period  also,  upon  the  emigration  to 
Stamford,  documents  state  [in  Latin]  that  "forty  scholars  and 


*  [The  old  women  who  then,  as 
now,  were  admitted  to  look  after  the 
linen,  &c.,  of  the  Scholars  and  Masters, 
may  have  been  matriculated,  and  in- 
cluded among  the  thirty  thousand  in 
the  Chancellor's  books.  But  our  au- 
thor cannot  seriously  mean  that  the 
Chancellor  had  registered  as  a  part  of 
the  University  the  muliercuke  whom 
he  designates  Vermin !] 


f  [Mancipibvi,  The  word  Manceja 
seems  to  have  meant  a  head-trades, 
man  of  any  kind,  who  set  inferior 
hands  to  work,  as:  a  head- cook,  a 
head-upholsterer,  a  brewer,  a  tailor, 
&C.  &c.  The  head  servant,  who 
superintends  the  dinner,  is  still 
called  Tke  MancipU  at  Trinity  Col. 
lege,  Oxford.] 


404  NOTES. 

their  attendants  and  many  others  of  the  scholastic  populace/'  were 
punished.  Scholars  in  good  circumstances,  especially  of  high 
family,'*'  would  always  have  a  swarm  of  servants  by  way  of  retinue : 
as  a  proof  of  this,  were  it  wanted,  we  might  refer  to  the  letter  of 
"free  conduct"  granted  by  fkiward  III.  to  the  Scotch  scholars, 
and  their  household. 


NOTB  (16)  RBFERBED  TO  IN  PaOB  70. 

Position  of  Students  towards  Teachers  in  the  Twelfth  and 

Thirteenth  Century, 

Boethius  in  his  book  "  On  the  Tuition  of  Scholars,"  gives  some 
account  in  his  absurd  fashion,  respecting  the  relative  position  of 
the  teachers  towards  their  scholars,  which  in  connexion  with  other 
notices  already  mentioned,  shows  how  essentially  the  system  of 
boarding  together  socially,  and  of  personal  intercourse  in  and  out 
of  the  house,  in  and  out  of  school,  belonged  to  the  academic  life 
of  the  time.  This  spurious  Boethius  may,  it  is  true,  belong  to  a 
somewhat  earlier  epoch,  but  the  manner  in  which  he  is  treated  by 
Commentators,  who  actually  belong  to  the  thirteenth  century, 
proves  that  no  essential  change  had  then  taken  place :  and  our 
application  of  this  work  to  the  English  Universities,  is  so  much 
the  safer,  since  one  of  those  writers,  (see  Wood,  p.  22,)  was 
an  Englishman  and  probably  lived  in  Oxford.  For  instance  in 
book  ii.  we  find  the  following  passage  :  [the  original  is  in  Latin]  : 
"  Upon  the  coming  of  the  master  let  him  (the  scholar)  get  up ;  if 
time  and  place  suit,  let  him  bow  to  him  by  way  of  salutation,  and 
follow  him  if  ordered.  Let  him,  if  possible,  get  admitted  into 
his  house,  to  dwell  with  him,  that  so  he  may  not  only,  when 
chastised,  cherish  remorse,  but  also,  if  place  shall  favor,  mayt 
rush  into  his  presence,  in  order  to  inquire  diligently,"  &c.  &c. 

♦  [Eorumqut  familia.'l  f  [Lat.  ad  cum  conft»at.'\ 


NOTES.  405 

NOTB  (17)  RSFERRED  TO  IN  PaOB  71. 

Present  State  of  the  German  Universities, 

I  am  well  aware,  that  on  one  point  I  am  liable  to  reproach  ^m 
various  quarters,  with  more  or  less  sincerity ;  and  I  would  rather 
anticipate  it  at  once.  I  may  be  looked  upon  as  desirous  of  recom- 
mending in  the  High  Schools  of  Germany,  the  revival  of  the  old 
"  academic  nations,"  or  of  the  clanships  (Landsmannschaften)  of 
later  date,  or  of  still  more  modem  and  still  more  suspicious  socie- 
ties. Some  may  tell  me  so  with  zeal,  others  with  affected  horror. 
I  am  not  quite  so  bad  as  that ;  I  confess  however,  that  in  spite  of 
the  completely  heterogeneous  manners  of  that  time,  I  did  not  bring 
the  matter  forward,  without  a  side-look  at  things  in  Grermany.  I 
have  no  reason  for  giving  up  the  conviction  which  I  have  already 
expressed  in  another  place  (Remarks,  &c.  respecting  the  Univer- 
sities, 1834)  —  the  conviction  that  it  would  do  the  Universities  of 
Germany  more  good  to  have  their  corporate  forms  strengthened 
and  defined,  than  to  break  up  or  weaken  their  peculiar  elements, 
so  as  to  destroy  all  that  properly  characterizes  them.  We 
ought  by  this  time  to  be  convinced,  that  to  imdo  all  intimate 
and  free  association  of  youths,  to  isolate  men  atomically,  (even 
upon  the  pretence  of  elevating  them  to  the  highest  pitch  of 
general  cultivation,)  offers  no  guarantee  for  moral,  for  intellectual, 
or  even  for  political  progress.  Were  we  even  to  yield  uncondi- 
tionally to  all  that  has  been  said,  or  may  yet  be  said,  respecting 
these  obnoxious  excrescences  in  our  University  manners,  we  must 
yet  needs  ask,  whether  there  be  no  remedy  but  absolute  prohibi- 
tion; which  generates  (or  at  least  permits)  evils  far  greater  — 
because  they  are  less  conspicuous  and  lie  deeper  —  than  those 
which  are  supposed  to  have  been  done  away  with.  Nay,  if  no 
other  remedy  is  to  be  found,  so  much  the  more  necessary  it  is,  not 
to  deceive  ourselves  as  to  the  dangers  of  this  one,  —  as  to  the 
unavoidable  consequences  of  such  a  system.  Upon  this  point 
however  even  more  than  upon  others,  the  time  when  we  must  be 
undeceived  is  still  far  off :  the  flood  of  self-deception  still  rises 
higher  and  higher.    Nothing  but  false  shame,  a  vicious  bashfulness 


406  NOTES. 

which  dreads  to  offend  the  vague  and  trivial  rule  of  (what  is 
called)  "  conforming  to  our  age/'  renders  people  deaf  and  blind  to 
warnings  of  every  kind. 


NOTB  (18)  RBFBRRKn  TO  IN  PaOB  77« 

Dates  respecting  the  Rise  of  "  the  Nations"  at  Oxford, 

The  following  remarks  wOl  be  sufficient  to  show  how  erroneous 
is  Meiners's  opinion,  respecting  the  date  of  the  rise  of  the  "  Na- 
tions" at  Oxford.  The  Nations  are  expressly  mentioned  only  after 
the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century :  in  Cambridge  only  once  at 
all.  I  will  not  dwell  on  general  reasons,  which  lie  in  the  very 
nature  of  the  subject,  for  believing  that  (in  Oxford)  the  Nations 
existed  long  before  the  time  when  they  are  first  mentioned ;  that 
(in  short)  they  are  coeval  with  the  gathering  of  scholars  of  diffe- 
rent nations ;  —  let  us  turn  to  the  "  Proctors."  Although  we  do 
not  find  express  mention  made  of  these,  prior  to  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury (in  1247,  1252,  1281,  &c.)  yet  the  office  has  always  been  con- 
sidered as  old  as  the  University,  or  at  least  as  the  post  of  Chancel- 
lor, over  against  whom  they  stood  up  like  the  two  tribunes  of  Rome 
(as  Wood  has  somewhere  expressed  it)  to  represent  and  uphold  the 
rights  of  the  University.  This  must  certainly  refer  to  the  time 
when  the  Chancellor  himself  stood  "outside  of  the  Academic 
body."  We  need  no  proof  that  the  Proctors  represented  the 
Nations.  They  were  named  even  up  to  the  sixteenth  century, 
after  their  respective  Nations,  and  were  chosen,  nominally  at  least, 
by  them  and  out  of  them.  We  have  already  remarked,  that  the 
Nations  in  Oxford  were  at  least  much  earlier  than  the  Parisian 
emigration  of  1229  :  especially,  since,  had  this  event  given  rise  to 
the  National  distinctions  at  Oxford,  the  Oxford  Nations  would  not 
have  been  (what  they  were)  exclusively  English.  Moreover,  they 
are  mentioned  for  the  first  time  (Wood,  a.  d.  1252)  in  expressions 
which  refer  to  them  as  to  an  old  and  familiar  institution :  such, 
for  instance,  as  "  the  contentions  which  had  so  frequently  arisen 
.  . .  were  at  length  restored  to  peace  and  quiet."   As  far  as  regards 


NOTES.  407 

Cambridge  we  are  justified  in  deducing  the  same  conclusion,  from 
the  general  analogy  which  it  bore  to  Oxford,  particularly  as  scholars 
migrated  from  Oxford  to  settle  there,  and  as  they  also  had  two 
Proctors,  although  the  Cambridge  Nations  are  not  expressly  dis- 
tinguished as  "  Southemmen"  and  "  Northemmen." 

Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  been  able  to  examine  "  Fuller's 
History  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,"  where  I  find  docimientary 
notes  respecting  the  existence  of  the  two  Nations  and  of  the  pro- 
vinces, "  Welsh,  Scotch,  and  Irish"  (p.  23.) 


NOTB  (19)  RBFBRRBD  TO  IK  PaOB  78. 

Oxford  Decree  of  1252,  forbidding  the  Nations  to  celebrate 

certain  Saints^-days, 

The  Decree  of  the  Chancellor  and  of  the  Ruling  Masters  given 
by  Wood  (a.  d.  1252)  is  not  without  interest :  —  "  It  is  decreed" 
[says  this  Latin  document]  "  that  no  festival  of  any  Nation*  shall 
henceforth  be  celebrated  in  any  Church  with  the  accustomed  solem- 
nity and  assembling  of  Masters  and  Scholars,  or  other  [Lat.  aliorum 
notorum]  notables,  save  so  fieu:  as  individuals  are  desirous  of  cele- 
brating with  devotion  the  festival  of  some  particular  saint  of  their 
own  proper  diocese,  in  their  own  parish  where  they  dwell,  without 
however  calling  upon  the  Masterjs,  Scholars  or  other  notables  of 
another  parish,  or  of  their  own,  as  is  done  upon  the  feast  of  St. 
Nicholas,  St.  Catherine,  &c.  It  is  likewise  decreed  by  the  authority 
of  the  said  Chancellor,  under  pain  of  the  greater  excommunication, 
that  no  one  shall  head  any  band  of  dancers  with  masks  and  cla- 
mour, in  the  Churches  or  streets,  or  go  in  procession  any  where» 
with  a  wreath  or  garland  on  his  head,  made  of  leaves  of  trees  or 
flowers,  or  of  any  thing  else,  under  pain  of  excommunication  and 
a  lengthened  imprisonment."  —  In  the  first  place,  we  find  here  a 
recognition  of  the  "  Nations"  on  the  *part  of  the  University,  and 

*     [In     the     Latin,    cujuscttnque  its  technical  sense.  If  the  last  opinion 

Nationis:    but  probably  they  meant  is  adopted,    onr  Author's    argument 

utriusvis,  of  "either**  Nation ;  unless  seems  to  fall  to  the  ground.] 
Natio  is  used  for  Provincia,  or  loses 


408  NOTBS. 

at  the  same  time  the  subjection  of  them  to  academic  laws  and 
police.  Further,  we  may  remark,  that  the  word  "accustomed" 
(consuetaj  evidently  refers  to  matters  of  long  standing.  The  saints 
whose  festivals  were  not  to  be  celebrated,  or  at  least  not  by  the 
"  Nations"  as  such,  were  probably  those  well-known  patron  saints, 
as  St.  G^rge,  for  the  English ;  St.  Andrew,  for  the  Scotch ;  St. 
Patrick,  for  the  Irish ;  and  St.  David,  for  the  Welsh,  &c.  The 
wreaths  of  leaves  and  flowers,  we  may  likewise  suppose  to  bear 
reference  to  similar  old  national  customs,  according  to  which,  the 
rose  was  considered  as  the  English  symbol;  the  thistle  as  the 
Scotch ;  the  shamrock  as  the  Irish ;  and  the  leek  as  the  Welsh. 
How,  or  in  what  manner  the  North  and  :  outh  English  agreed  about 
St.  George  and  the  rose  I  do  not  know.  Perhaps  they  did  not 
agree  at  all,  but  fought  about  that  too. 


NOTB  (20)  REFBBBBD  TO  IK  PaOB  80. 

Respecting  "  the  Nations''  and  their  Subdivisions. 

Meiners,  who  at  least  has  the  merit  (which  English  writers  upon 
the  Universities  have  not  had)  of  not  entirely  overlooking  these 
associations,  assumes  the  Irish  and  North  English  to  have  been  the 
two  principal  nations ;  and  he  places  their  origin  in  the  second  half 
of  the  [thirteenth]  century.  This  is  thoroughly  untenable.  We 
find  such  very  decided  mention,  in  so  many  places  (v.  Wood)  of 
two  Nations  ;  the  Anglo -austr ales  and  the  Aquilonares,  (or  AnglO' 
horeales,)  "the  Southemmen  and  the  Northemmen,"  of  two 
corresponding  Procuratores  or  "  Proctors"  and  never  more,  — 
never  under  any  other  national  denominations,  —  that  there  really 
is  no  need  of  further  proof  upon  this  point.  We  think  also  we 
have  proved  the  Nations  to  be  of  higher  antiquity.  The  various 
accounts  which  we  have  of  the  disturbances  in  1252,  1258,  1267, 
1274,  &c.  (v.  Wood)  show  us,  that  the  Scotch  joined  the  Northern- 
men,  and  that  the  Irish  {Hiberni)  and  Welsh  (Wallones,  Cam- 
brenses,  Cambrobritanni)  took  the  side  of  the  Southemmen ;  and 


NOTES.  409 

that,  moreover,  the  Borderers,'*'  or  inhabitants  of  the  Welsh  bor- 
ders, upon  some  occasions  at  least,  added  their  weight  to  one  party 
or  the  other.  Yet  the  number  and  names  of  these  subdivisions,  (or 
Provinces,  if  one  will,)  as  well  as  their  position  toward  the  "  Na- 
tions,'* are  very  obscure  and  changing.  For  instance,  in  1258,  we 
find  that  the  Scotch,  Welsh,  and  Northemmen  (Anglo-boreales) 
fought  against  the  Southemmen;  on  the  contrary,  in  1274,  we 
have  the  Southemmen  (Anglo-australes)  Borderers,  Irish  and  Welsh, 
fighting  against  the  Scotch  and  Northemmen  (Anglo- boreales.) 
However,  the  latter  case  appears  to  have  been  the  rule,  the  former 
the  exception;  for,  in  later  accounts  and  documents,  the  lat- 
ter distribution  is  always  presumed.  A  single  Province  might 
sometimes  fall  out  with  the  opposite  "  Nation,"  or  with  one  Pro- 
vince of  it,  and  yet  the  whole  "  Nation'*  as  such,  may  have 
declined  the  quarrel.  No  one  can  wonder,  if  the  Southemmen 
remained  passive  in  many  a  conflict,  in  which  Irish  and  Welsh 
engaged;  the  alliance  being  heterogeneous  enough.  Naturally 
indeed,  in  all  the  skirmishings  with  the  North  English  and  the 
Scotch,  the  Irish  are  the  most  h^quently  named,  and  in  many 
instances  they  figure  quite  alone.  To  them,  wherever  and  how- 
ever they  meet,  "  rows"  constitute  an  essential  pleasure  of  life ;  so 
that  we  need  not  ask  the  origin  or  aim  of  such  tumults.  The 
North  English  and  Scotch  character  stands  in  the  very  opposite 
extreme  to  the  Irish ;  and  the  battles  between  the  two  parties, 
must  have  been  the  most  frequent  and  most  violent.  It  is  there- 
fore far  too  hasty  a  conclusion,  that  these  bodies  constituted  a 
principal  stem  or  Nation,  merely  because  the  first  account  which 
expressly  mentions  these  conflicts  (in  1252)  takes  especial  notice 
(as  likewise  do  many  of  a  later  period)  of  the  Irish  and  Welsh, 
and  names  them  dbtinctly.  But  to  consider  the  properly  so-called 
South  English  as  subordinate  hangers-on  to  the  Irish,  is  quite 
contrary  to  all  probability,  even  without  such  decisive  testimony 
such  as  we  find,  for  instance,  in  the  nomination  of  the  Proctors. 
On  the  contrary,  it  quite  agrees  with  the  politics  of  that  day,  to 

*  [The  liatin  is  Marchionesy  which  is  ordinarily  used  for  Marquesses,  t.  e. 
the  Prafecti  limitum.     It  is  from  the  Teutonic  word,  Marky  a  boundary.] 


410  NOTES. 

suppose,  that  the  Irish  and  Welsh  (when  at  all  admitted)  came 
under  the  protection  of  the  South  English.  It  is  certainly  very 
singular,  that  no  mention  is  ever  made  of  die  French,  or  other 
foreigners  from  the  Continent.  We  shall  however  soon  see  the 
fact  and  the  reason  of  their  being  incorporated  with  the  Southern- 
men.  Indeed  for  a  time  they  even  composed  the  greater  number 
of  that  "  Nation." 

Postscript. 

The  following  passage  out  of  Matthew  of  Paris  (of  the  date 
1237)  respecting  the  national  opposition  of  the  Northemmen  and 
Southemmen  is  worthy  of  remark.  "  For  at  first  he  (the  Legate 
Otho)  pacified  certain  grandees  who  were  at  variance  among 
themselves  from  some  secret  cause  of  hatred,  &c.  which  hatred 
broke  out  the  same  year  at  a  tournament,  where  the  Southemmen 
opposed  the  Norenaes,  but  the  Southemmen  at  last  obtaining  a 
victory,  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  others  were  taken ;  and  the 
battle  of  the  tournament  was  changed  into  a  hostile  combat."  It 
is  dear  that  the  Norensea  here  signifies  the  same  as  the  Aquilo- 
nares  or  Northemmen,  as  may  be  seen  moreover  in  the  document 
(n.  8)  in  the  expression  Clercs  Sourrois  e  Norrois ;  and  the 
whole  passage  shows  that  not  only  the  elements  but  also  the  de- 
nominations of  these  academic  opposing  parties  were  found  reflected 
in  the  common  national  existence.  I  am  not  aware,  indeed,  of 
the  existence  of  any  other  passage  of  the  kind,  but  I  consider 
this  the  more  convincing,  the  more  incidental  and  imdesigned 
these  familiar  appellations.  That  the  two  names  were  used  on  the 
one  hand,  for  the  national  party,  (afterwards  that  of  the  Barons,) 
and  on  the  other,  for  the  Royalists,  and  that  among  the  latter 
were  comprised  very  many  French,  is  sufliciently  apparent  from 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 

The  proverb  ab  aquilone  malum  is  without  a  doubt  originally 
derived  from  Jerem.  i.  14,  but  its  appHcation  to  the  English 
Northemmen  may  yet  be  an  academic  pleasantry.  A  passage  in 
Trjmyllyan's  "  Laudes  Oxonia"  bears  upon  the  same  subject, 
(Vita  Ricardi  ii.  ed.  Heame.  Append,  p.  57.)     The  following  is 


NOTES.  411 

there  applied  to  a  detested  Abbot  of  the  Dominican  Order  in 
Oxford : — 

**  Hie  Scolus  genere  perturbat  Anglos,  Sjfc, 
Propheta  loquitur  vero  prcesagio 
Quod  malum  maximum  propandit  Aquilo, 
Quod  super  Israel  ascendit  populo,** 

If  it  were  necessary,  in  opposition  to  the  accounts  of  Meiners  and 
the  English  authors,  to  prove  more  fully  that  the  University,  upon 
the  occasion  of  the  afiair  of  1209,  was  divided  into  parties,  and  that 
the  execution  of  the  Scholars  took  place  at  the  order  of  the  King ; 
it  would  be  necessary  only  to  quote  the  following  from  the  contem- 
poraneous annals  of  Dunstable  (ed.  Heame,  p.  54.)  "  In  the 
month  of  January,  the  King  commanded,  that  two  Clerks  be 
hanged  at  Oxford,  on  which  account  the  Schools  are  divided." 


Note  (21)  RBFBBBsn  to  in  Paob  94. 
Testimony  home  by  Edward  I.  in  favor  of  Robert  Grosseteste. 

Whatever  be  the  worth  which  is  generally  allowed  to  such  me- 
morials, scarcely  any  one  would  consider  the  expressions  used  by* 
such  a  prince  as  Edward  I.  in  his  document  sent  to  Rome,  as 
mere  rhetorical  tinsel.  "Robert  of  happy  memory,"  says  the 
King,  speaking  of  the  deceased  bishop  (v.  Wood,  p.  103)  "a 
servant  of  Gbn  lodged  in  a  prison  of  flesh,  excellent  in  merit,  pre- 
eminent for  holiness  of  life — like  the  morning  star  in  the  midst  of 
the  clouds,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.  Such  things  does  the  Anglican  Church 
remember  of  her  noble  champion ;  such  things  does  the  authority 
of  Prelates  testify,  —  the  memory  of  our  elder  men  retain,  such  do 
the  clergy  declare,  —  the  soldiers  remember,  —  the  people  bear 
witness,  —  and  allf  of  every  age  and  of  both  sexes  lay  up  in  store 

*  [Are  we  to  look  on  it  as  certain,  Pope  in  faTor  of  holy  Robert's  ca- 

that  Edward  1.  dictated  or  heard  one  nonization!] 

word  of  this  flowery  document  f     May  f  [The  Latin  is : ''  omnia  utriusque 

be  not  simply  have  ordered  his  (eccle-  etas."    The  word  utriusque  can  hardly 

riaatical)    tecretaiy    to  write  to  the  be  right,  unless  sezfis  be  supplied.] 


412  NOTES. 

for  their  sons,  like  a  patriarchal  tradition."  In  the  document 
sent  by  the  University,  we  have  the  following :  "  The  University 
certifieth,  that  no  man  has  ever  known  him  (Robert)  to  leave  un- 
done any  good  action  appertaining  to  his  care  and  office,  for  fear 
of  any  man;  but  rather,  that  he  was  prepared  for  martyrdom, 
should  the  sword  of  the  assassin  have  fallen  upon  him.  It  certi- 
fieth  also  of  his  splendid  learning,  and  that  he  governed  Oxford 
admirably,  in  his  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Holy  Theology,  and  was 
illustrious  for  many  miracles  after  his  death,  wherefore  he  was 
named  by  the  mouth  of  all  men.  Holy  Robert." 


NOTB  (22)  REFERRED  TO  IN  PaOE  96. 

Tumult  in  1263,  occasioned  hy  the  approach  of  Prince  Edward 

to  Oxford. 

As  fEur  as  I  am  aware,  this  occurrence  is  related  only  in  the  Rhy- 
med Chronicle  of  Robert  of  Gloucester.  But  as  he  is  a  contem- 
porary and  his  poem  is  written  quite  in  the  style  of  a  chronicle, 
his  testimony  is  as  valid  as  that  of  any  chronicle  of  the  time.  The 
verses  quoted  by  Wood,  are  in  part,  unintelligible  :  the  poet's 
meaning  appears  only  in  Heame's  edition  of  his  poem  (Oxford, 
1724,  p.  540.  sqq.)  According  to  that,  the  riot  was  occasioned 
chiefly  by  the  townspeople  refusing  to  open  the  smithy -gate,  which 
led  to  the  "  Beaumonts,"  where  the  scholars  were  accustomed  to 
pursue  their  sports  outside  of  the  town.  Wood  appears  however 
to  have  had  more  decided  testimony,  as  to  the  part  taken  by  the 
scholars  in  favor  of  the  prince.  He  says  :  "  This  inquiry  revealed 
to  me  compendiously  certain  things  done  in  that  affair ;  nor  are 
they  contradicted  by  the  verses  of  a  certain  Oxford  poet,  who  was 
present  there  at  the  time."  That  Robert  was  in  Oxford  at  the 
time,  is  a  mere  supposition ;  and  at  any  rate  his  silence  (when  we 
look  at  the  whole  character  of  the  Chronicle)  by  no  means  ex- 
cludes motives  of  a  diflferent  and  deeper  nature.  These  would 
quite  agree  with  the  account  given  by  him ;  since  the  King's  hall 
where  the  prince  held  his  quarters,  was  at  the  Beaumonts  in  the 


NOTES.  413 

parish  of  St.  Magdalen,  as  Wood  expressly  says,  and  without  the 
gates,  as  appears  by  the  whole  story.  Whether  the  royal  palace, 
said  to  have  been  built  by  Henry  I.,  is  meant,  I  leave  undecided. 


NOTB  (23)  RBFBRBBD  TO  IN  PaOB  96. 

Migration  of  Students  to  Northampton,  8(C.  .  ,  .  in  1264. 

The  students  who,  as  it  is  stated  in  the  text,  emigrated  to 
Northampton,  are  ssdd  by  Wood  to  have  been  provided  with 
pressing  recommendations  from  the  King  to  the  Mayor  of  that 
place.  But  this  is  surprising ;  for  they  were  staunch  adherents  of 
the  Baronial  party.  Are  we  to  imagine  that  the  King  was  forced 
to  sign  papers  against  his  will,  as  afterwards  ?  or  was  it  a  measure 
of  policy,  to  remove  his  adversaries  from  Oxford,  and  to  keep  the 
peace  there  ?  The  letter  might  indeed  be  suspected  as  spurious, 
only  that  Wood  imhesitatingly  accredits  it,  as  known  by  him  to 
be  genuine.  Neither  in  Rymer,  nor  elsewhere,  is  it  found ;  yet  it 
is  hard  to  conceive  motives  for  fabricating  it.  It  was  thus : 
"Whereas  certain  Masters  and  other  Scholars  mean  to  tarry  in 
your  town,  and  there  to  give  themselves  to  their  studies,  as  we 
are  told :  we,  expecting  thereby  the  service  of  God  and  the 
interests  of  our  kingdom  to  be  advanced,  approve  of  the  arrival  of 
the  aforessdd  scholars  and  their  sojourning  with  you,  wishing  and 
granting  that  they  tarry  in  the  aforesaid  town  safe  and  secure  be- 
neath our  protection  and  defence,  and  therein  exercise  and  perform 
all  that  belongs  to  such  scholars.  And  therefore  we  give  you 
charge,  that  when  these  scholars  come  to  you  to  sojourn  in  the 
aforesaid  town,  ye,  having  this  recommendation  of  them,  receive 
them  in  your  wards,'*'  and  treat  them  as  becomes  the  jBcholastic 
rank,  not  inflicting  on  them,  nor  allowing  others  to  inflict,  hin- 
drance, annoyance  or  harm/'  The  date  is,  Feb.  1st,  of  the  45th 
of  Henry  III.  [a.  d.  1264.] 

In  the  following  month  (March)  the  Barons  were  intending  to 

*  [Lat  cvrialiter ;  with  the  pomp  of  aldermen?  in  yoar  town-hall  ?] 


414  NOTES. 

meet  in  Oxford ;  whereupon  the  King  gave  order  to  all  the  scho- 
lars who  still  remained,  to  absent  themselves  from  the  city,  as 
long  as  the  Parliament  should  be  sitting.  Full  proof  that  this 
was  not  done  from  any  hostile  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  King, 
but  from  prudence  and  foresight  for  his  own  partizans,  may  be 
found  in  the  expressions  of  the  Royal  Ordinance  of  the  12th 
March.  "  The  King  to  the  Chancellor  and  University  of  Oxford. 
Since  on  account  of  the  sudden  disorders,  &c.  .  .  .we  are  about 
to  take  up  our  residence  for  a  time  in  the  said  city  of  Oxford, 
where  the  Lords  of  our  kingdom  will  meet  at  our  command,  &c.  — 
we,  seeing  that  you  cannot  remain  there  without  the  greatest  peril, 
especially  as  in  such  an  assemblage  many  untamed  spirits  will  come 
together,  whose  fierce  tempers  we  may  be  unable  easily  to  repress ; 
—  order  you  to  return  without  delay  to  your  own  homes,  with 
leave  to  come  back  freely  and  without  hindrance  after  the  aforesaid 
troubles  are  appeased."  (Heame,  Liber  Scaccarii,  Append,  p. 
465.)  The  students  thus  sent  out,  betook  themselves  in  part  to 
Salisbury,  in  part  (like  the  former  party)  to  Northampton. 

On  the  30th  May  followed  an  order  of  the  same  friendly  nature 
for  their  return :  stating :  "  The  said  troubles  being  appeased  by 
the  grace  of  God,'*  &c.  &c. 


Note  (24)  referred  to  in  Page  96. 
Warlike  Part  taken  against  the  King  by  the  Scholars  at  Northampton. 

The  taking  of  Northampton  is  mentioned  by  aD  the  Chroniclers. 
As  to  the  part  taken  by  the  Scholars,  Wood  refers  to  the  **  Con- 
tinuator  of  Beda  and  Knighton."  The  testimony  of  Walter 
Hemmingford  (Hist.  Edward  I.  ed.  Heame)  is  still  more  authen- 
tic, as  he  was  almost  a  contemporary  (died  1347)  and  moreover 
agrees  with  an  earlier  chronicle  of  Abingdon  (Job.  Ross,  Hist. 
Reg.  ed.  Heame,  1745.)  The  previous  part  of  this  story  is  related 
in  a  somewhat  confused  manner:  but  it  expressly  states,  that 
"  Many  Scholars  of  the  party  of  the  Barons,  coming  to  Northamp- 
ton, read  there,"  &c.  and  afterwards,  that  "the  Clerks  of  the 


NOTES.  415 

University  of  Oxford  (at  Northampton)  insulted  the  soldiers  of  the 
King,  as  they  approached,  and  dealt  them  more  harm,  than  did 
all  the  Barons,  with  slings  and  hows  and  missiles  of  every  kind. 
For  they  had  a  standard  of  their  own,  which  was  placed  on  high 
against  the  King.  Upon  which  the  King  was  so  enraged,  that 
while  entering  the  town  he  swore  he  would  hang  them  all.  Upon 
hearing  which,  they  shaved  their  heads :  and  ;nany  of  them  who 
were  able  took  to  rapid  flight.  Upon  the  entrance  of  the  King,  he 
gave  orders,  &c.  .  .  .  but  they  said  to  him,  &c.  .  .  .  and  his  anger 
was  appeased  against  the  Clerks."  In  Leland  (i.  305,  from  the 
Book  of  the  Origin  of  the  Monastery  of  Malmesbury,)  this  migratory 
party  and  the  hXe  which  it  met,  is  brought  into  connexion  with  the 
emigration  of  1238,  and  the  following  mention  is  made  of  the 
party  which  migrated  to  Northampton  in  1 238 :  **  These  fell  in  the 
battle  of  Evesham."  Perhaps  we  ought  not  to  take  this  literally, 
but  if  we  were  to  suppose,  that  some  of  the  party  remained 
behind,  when  the  others  returned  to  Oxford,  a  nucleus  of  the  kind 
might  help  to  explain  the  arrival  afterwards  of  new  immigrators 
among  the  "  Northemmen." 


NOTB  (25)  RBFBRRBD  TO  IN  PAOB  97. 

"  The  Nations"  at  Ckxmhridge — Documents  forbidding  the  establish' 

ment  of  a  University  at  Northampton, 

Upon  mentioning  Cambridge  here  with  Oxford,  I  at  first  ex- 
pected to  have  to  rest  merely  on  the  general  analogy  observable 
between  the  two  Universities,  and  on  the  short  and  general  notice, 
given  by  Math,  of  Paris,  of  the  disturbances  in  Cambridge  in  1249 
and  1262.  I  have  since,  however,  had  an  opportunity  of  referring 
to  the  "  History  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  by  Fuller,  (Lon- 
don, 1775"),  and  find  therein,, the  very  best,  and  in  a  certain  sense 
documentary,  evidence,  not  only  of  the  share  taken  by  Cambridge 
in  these  frays,  but  likewise  of  all  the  opinions  expressed  above, 
respecting  the  proceedings  of  the  "  Nations"  at  both  Universities 
upon  these  occasions.     Fuller  informs  us,  from  documents  before 


416  NOTES. 

him,  (p.  12,)  that  in  the  year  1662,  in  consequence  of  violent  con- 
flicts between  the  Northemmen  and  Southernmen,  in  which  the 
former  were  beaten,  a  commission  of  Oifer  and  Terminer  was  sent 
to  Oxford.  As  this  commission,  however,  showed  considerable 
partiality,  according  to  the  King's  ideas,  it  was  replaced  by  an- 
other, to  whom  the  King  recommended  clemency  towards  the 
guilty.  But  here  again  the  affeur  met  with  numerous  difficulties, 
"  so  many  persons  of  quality  being  concerned  therein,"  that  the 
Chief  Justice  of  England,  Henry  Le  Despencer,  (at  the  conmiand 
of  the  King,)  nominated  three  other  Commissioners.  They  con- 
demned about  twenty  of  the  Southernmen,  (the  punishment  is  not 
mentioned,)  but  the  King  granted  a  pardon  to  them  all,  by  an  Or- 
dinance of  the  18th  March,  1262,  which  runs  as  follows, — [the 
original  is  in  Latin.]  "  The  King,  &c.  &c.  Know  all  men,  &c. 
that  we  have  of  our  especial  favor,  pardoned  Master  Johannes  de 
Depedale,  &c.  &c.,  of  the  counties  of  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  and 
Roger  Parlebone,  &c.,  of  the  coimty  of  Cambridge,  for  the*  breach 
of  our  peace,  in  the  insult  lately  done  upon  certain  Northern- 
scholars,  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  and  we  grant  them  free 
peace,"  &c.  &c.  We  cannot  overlook  the  partiality  of  the  King 
for  the  Southernmen,  nor  of  that  of  the  Justice  and  his  Commis- 
sioners for  the  Northemmen ;  and  when  we  call  to  mind  that  Le 
Despencer  exercised  this  power  merely  in  virtue  of  the  Oxford  pro- 
visions, which  had  left  the  King  scarcely  any  thing  more  than  his 
right  of  granting  free  pardon,  the  matter  will  appear  clear  enough. 
That  peace  was  not,  however,  re-established  at  Cambridge  by  this 
means,  we  learn  from  the  fact,  that  a  great  number  of  Scholars  and 
Masters  shortly  afterwards  migrated  to  Northampton,  as  appears 
from  a  document  of  the  1st  of  February,  1265,  which  runs  as  fol- 
lows (in  Latin).  "  The  King  to  the  Mayor  and  Citizens  of  North- 
ampton, greeting :  Whereas,  upon  the  occasion  of  a  great  con- 
tention which  arose  in  the  town  of  Cambridge,  about  three  years 
ago,  certain  clerks  then  studying  there,  with  one  accord,  seceded 
from  that  town,  and  transferred  themselves  to  our  aforesaid  town, 
desirous  there  to  establish  a  new  University: — we,  then  thinking 

*  [Lat.  sectam  pacis  nostra).] 


NOTES.  417 

that  the  town  might  be  bettered  by  it,  and  that  much  advantage 
might  arise  to  us  from  it,  assented  to  the  wishes  of  the  said  clerks, 
and  their  request  upon  this  matter.  But  since  now  we  have  heard 
with  truth,  from  the  account  of  many  creditable  personages,  that 
our  town  of  Oxford,  &c.  &c.,  might  be  injured  in  no  slight  degree, 
&c.  ...  by  a  University  of  that  kind,  if  it  were  to  become  per- 
manent ;  by  the  counsel  of  our  grandees,  &c.  &c.  .  .  .  we  strictly 
prohibit  your  permitting  any  University,  &c.  &c.,  from  being  here- 
after in  your  town." 

In  this  there  are  certainly  two  very  suspicious  points :  first,  that 
no  mention  whatever  is  made  of  Oxford  Emigrations,  although 
they  are  proved  by  other  documents  to  have  taken  place, — 
secondly,  that  it  is  the  disadvantage  to  Oxford  only  which  is 
spoken  of,  although  Cambridge  equaUy  was  deprived  of  its  emi- 
grants. The  latter  point,  indeed,  may  be  explained  by  imagining 
that  the  King  and  others  felt  greater  interest  for  Oxford  than 
for  Cambridge ;  nevertheless,  the  former  point  remains  perfectly 
incomprehensible.  As  Fuller  however  gives  us  an  authenticated 
copy  of  the  original  in  the  Tower,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
its  genuineness,  and  Bryan  Twyn's  opinion,  that  in  the  Hare 
copy  (at  Cambridge)  the  word  Cambridge  has  been  interpolated 
in  the  place  of  Oxford,  fedls  of  itself.  However  this  may  be, 
it  would  be  difficult,  after  all  that  has  been  shown,  to  deny 
that  (under  similar  circumstances)  migrations  took  place  from 
Cambridge  to  Northampton.  In  that  case,  we  arrive  so  much 
nearer  to  the  supposition,  that  jhey  were  the  vanquished  Northern- 
men,  and  as  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  took  part  with  the 
Barons  in  the  defence  of  the  town,  the  position  of  the  Northern- 
men  at  both  Universities,  and  consequently  that  of  the  Southern- 
men  also,  is  placed  beyond  doubt.  From  the  commencement  of  the 
document,  it  appears  also  incidentally,  that  only  afterwards  was 
the  emigration  sanctioned  by  the  King,  that  is  to  say,  with  his 
name. 


K  B 


\ 


418  NOTES. 

Note  (26)  rsferbbd  to  in  paob  99. 
Disturbances  at  Cambridge  in  the  Thirteenth  Century. 

The  documents  above  referred  to,  expressly  mention  the  dis- 
turbances in  Cambridge  in  1262,  between  the  Southemmen  and 
Northemmen,  and  state  that  the  latter  migrated  to  Northampton. 
As  far  as  regards  Oxford,  the  Nations  are  never  named  as  such 
during  the  decisive  crisis,  although  they  are  so  indirectly  both  be- 
fore and  afterwards.  According  to  Wood,  the  Welsh  in  1258 
fought  on  the  side  of  the  Northemmen  against  the  Southemmen ; 
yet  on  all  other  occasions,  they  appear  to  have  been  the  allies  of 
the  Southemmen  against  the  Northemmen ;  and  especially  against 
the  Scotch.  It  is  possible  that  a  temporary  change  of  this  kind 
might  have  been  occasioned  by  the  well-known  alliance  formed  by 
the  Barons  with  the  Welsh  Princes  —  a  circumstance  which  would 
evince  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner,  the  analogy  existing  be- 
tween the  National  Macrocosm  and  the  Academic  Microcosm. 
On  this  point  Wood  refers  to  Math.  Paris;  who  however  does  not 
give  a  very  clear  account  of  the  position  of  the  respective  nations. 
He  merely  says,  "  that  the  most  grievous  disturbances  arose  among 
the  Oxford  Scholars  of  different  nations,  to  wit,  the  Scotch,  Welsh, 
Northemmen  and  Southemmen,  to  such  a  degree  that  they  un- 
furled their  war-standards  and  fought."  Even  if  we  imagine 
Wood  to  have  had  some  other  source  for  his  more  detailed  account; 
there  is  still  however  no  necessity  for  supposing  any  contradic- 
tion to  exist.  Still  less  could  any  objection  be  made,  if  in 
the  standard  under  which  the  Scholars  fought  upon  the  walls  of 
Northampton,  we  might  recognize  the  standard  of  the  Northem- 
men here  mentioned.  Inmiediately  after  the  restoration  of  peace 
in  1267,  Wood  speaks  of  the  "Contests  of  the  North-English- 
men with  the  Irish,  and  the  South- Welshmen  [  Walli  Australis] 
with  the  Northemmen,  to  whom  were  attached  the  Scotch," 
and  he  says,  that  "  among  the  first  mentioned,  (viz.  the 
Northemmen  and  Irish,)  the  conflicts  were  of  so  grievous  a 
nature,  that  pitched  battles  were  frequently  fought  in  the  middle 
of  the  town  or  in  the  adjacent   plains.''      The  whole  account 


NOTES.  419 

is  however  so  confused  that  I  do  not  attach  much  value  to 
the  details,  especially  as  no  source  of  knowledge  is  quoted.  The 
document  which  he  incidentally  communicates,  speaks  only  of 
the  Irish  and  Scotch.  No  mention  is  made  elsewhere  of  the 
South- Welshmen  as  a  separate  party  or  province :  and  after  all, 
perhaps  the  confusion  arises  only  horn  a  mistake  in  the  print,  and 
it  may  signify  Southemmen  and  Welshmen  with  the  Northern- 
men,  &c.  In  that  case  it  would  perfectly  coincide  with  the 
document  of  1274,  (excepting  with  regard  to  the  Borderers,) 
which  places  the  Southemmen,  Borderers,  Irish  and  Welsh,  on 
the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  the  Northemmen  and  Scotch ;  — 
but  then  it  would  appear,  that  the  Welsh  had  already  in  1267 
returned  to  their  usual  position,  on  the  side  of  the  Southemmen. 


NOTB  (27)  BBFERRBO  TO  IN  PaGE  106. 

Rent  paid  by  Oxford  Scholars  for  Houses  and  Lodgings  —  who 
fixed :  —  the  Oath  taken  by  the  Citizens,  8sc, 

Meiners,  beside  his  mistake  respecting  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  Scholars,  has  also  misunderstood  the  treaty  between 
the  University  and  the  Town,  of  which  I  have  spoken  in  the  text. 
I  may  be  allowed  to  quote,  in  the  words  of  the  original  document, 
some  of  the  main  points.  [From  Latin.]  "  Nicolaus,  &c.  to 
his  beloved  sons  in  Christ,  the  citizens  of  Oxford,  greeting  in 
the  Lord.  Seeing  that  on  account  of  the  hanging  of  the 
clerks  committed  by  you,  you  have  sworn  to  stand  by  the  man- 
dates of  the  Church  in  all  things ;  we,  being  desirous  of  treating 

.3 
you  mercifully,  order  that,  &c.  &c.  ...  a  proportion  (medietas) 

of  the  rents  of  lodgings  should  be  remitted  to  the  Scholars  .  .  . 

of  the  rents  which  by  common  agreement  of  the  clerks*  taxors 

and  your  own,  used  to  be  paid,  before  the  Scholars  seceded  on 

account  of  the  said  hanging."  —  It  appears  clearly  enough  from 

this  passage,  that  even  before  the  year  1209,  it  was  the  custom 

to  fix  the  rents,  by  help  of  the  Masters  and  respectable  citizens. 

Wood   indeed  has   not  "  vestri  *'  but   "  nostri ; "   however  this 


420  NOTES. 

has  no  sense  whatever,  and  must  arise  from  a  mistake  either 
in  the  writing  or  in  the  print.  What  could  the  Legate,  who  had 
arrived  in  England  only  a  few  weeks  before  this  occurrence,  and 
the  emigration  of  the  Scholars,  and  who  was  besides  fully  occupied 
with  very  different  matters,  have  to  do  with  the  assessment  of 
houses,  till  an  occurrence  of  the  kind  had  given  to  the  whole  aSedr, 
under  the  circumstances  existing  between  the  King  and  the  Church, 
an  aspect  of  much  deeper  and  general  importance  ?  —  "At  the  con- 
clusion of  the  aforesaid  ten  years"  (it  farther  says)  "  and  another 
subsequent  ten  years,  the  lodgings  shall  be  let'*'  at  the  clergy- 
rate,  &c that  is  to  say,  those  built  before  the  secession. — 

Those  built  afterwards,  or  which  may  yet  be  built,  and  others  pre- 
viously built,  but  not  assessed,  shall  be  assessed,  according  to  the 
decision  of  four  Masters  and  four  citizens,  and  be  then  let  for  the 
two  periods  of  ten  years.  The  communityt  also  shall  give  for  the 
use  of  poor  scholars,  fifty-two  shillings  yearly,  &c.  and  moreover 
shall  feed  a  hundred  Scholars  with  bread,  beer,  pottage  and  one 
dish  of  meat  or  fish,  every  year,  &c.  You  shaU  likewise  swear  to 
sell  victuals  and  other  necessaries  at  a  just  and  reasonable  price  to 
Scholars,  and  cause  others  so  to  sell  them,  &c."  This  is  evidentiy 
a  mere  admonition  and  by  no  means  an  aggression  upon  the  au- 
thority of  the  town  police.  "If  it  should  come  to  pass"  (it  con- 
tinued) "  that  any  of  the  clerks  should  be  taken  by  you,  you  shall, 
as  you  have  been  required  by  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  deHver  over 
the  prisoner  to  him,  &c.  &c.*'  —  We  cannot  possibly  suppose  that 
the  Legate  should  have  meant,  and  still  less  under  existing  circum- 
stances, had  the  intention  to  sacrifice  any  of  the  rights  of  the 
Church,  and  to  grant  permission  to  the  citizens,  as  a  new  privilege, 
the  right  to  arrest  the  clerici  upon  certain  occasions.  It  was 
evidently  an  old  right  restored,  or  rather  an  unavoidable  duty, 
without  the  exercise  of  which  there  could  be  no  police  and  no  or- 
der; a  right  which  in  no  way  infringed  upon  the  ecclesiastical 
immunities.     "  Fifty  of  your  aldermen  J  (or  elder  men)  "  it  goes  on 

•  [F.at.  **  locabuntur  mercede  cleri"    Is  not  this  corrupt!  or  a  misprint!] 

t  ["  Communia." — As  the  French  Commune  !] 

\  [Migoribus.j 


NOTES.  421 

to  say,  "  shall  swear  in  their  own  name,  and  in  that  of  the  commu- 
nity, as  well  as  in  that  of  their  heirs,  that  all  the  ahove-mentioned 
things  shall  he  fedthfiilly  observed ;  and  this  oath  you  shall  renew 
every  year,  at  the  demand  of  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  &c."  —  We 
will  pass  over  the  remainder ;  but  it  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  (as 
stated  above)  in  the  instrument,  in  which  the  citizens  attest  the 
fulfilment  of  these  articles,  they  further  promise  that  he  who 
shall  be  mayor  of  Oxford  for  the  time,  shall  swear  in  his  own  name, 
and  that  of  the  community,  each  year,  &c.  &c.  that  which  is  or- 
dained shall  be  fEuthfully  observed  by  the  community,  &c.  and  also 
shall  the  Provosts  do  the  same,  &c.  those  also  who  are  Bailiffs  for 
the  time  being,  appointed  every  fifteenth  day,  under  the  Provosts, 
&c.  &c.  shall  swear  fEuthfully  to  observe  the  prices  fixed  for 
victuals,  &c."  It  IS  not  quite  dear  what  we  are  to  understand  by 
the  Provosts.  This  expression  is  used  afterwards  but  seldom,  and 
then  only  in  reference  to  the  Mayor,'*'  who  in  many  towns  is  stiQ 
called  Provost.  That  however  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  present 
subject. 

Note  (28)  befbrrbd  to  in  Page  107. 

Document  relating  to  the  Treaty  between  the  University  and  the 

Town  of  Cambridge. 

In  the  remarkable  Treaty  which  was  made  between  the  Univer- 
sity and  the  town  of  Cambridge,  in  1270,  by  the  intervention  of 
the  Prince  of  Wales  (Dyer,  Privileges,  &c.  i.  p.  66)  it  is  ssdd  that 
"  every  year  there  should  be  elected  from  any  county  of  England, 
five  steady  Scholars  residing  at  the  University,  and  three  from 
Scotland,  two  from  Wales,  and  three  from  Ireland,  and  ten  of  the 
citizens,  who  shall  give  corporal  oath  on  both  sides,  clerks  as  well 
as  laymen,  in  the  stead  of  all,  that  they  will  maintain  peace  and 
the  tranquillity  of  study,  and  will  take  care,  according  to  their 
ability,  that  it  be  observed  by  others ;  and  if  rebellious  or  evil-dis- 
posed Scholars  or  laymen  be  found,  &c.  &c.  they  will  assist  the 
citizens  in  arresting  them,  observing  what  is  due  to  their  rank  and 


422  NOTES. 

to  the  clerical  order.  That  there  should  be  elected  also,  in  the 
aforesaid  form,  certain  Masters,  who  shall  write  down  the  names 
of  all  the  principal  and  several  houses,  and  of  all  dwellers  therein ; 
who  shall  likewise  cause  the  chief  personages  to  make  special 
oath,  that  they  will  not  knowingly  receive  any  disturber  of  the 
public  peace  into  their  houses,  and  that  if  such  should  be 
found,  they  will  instantly  denounce  them  to  the  persons  who 
have  been  elected  and  sworn  in.  Laymen  also  who  may  have  a 
household,  shall  make  similar  oath,  and  take  the  same  from  every 
inmate.  But  if  any  rebellious  persons  be  found,  let  them  be 
banished  from  the  University  or  community'*',  in  the  aforesaid 
manner,  by  help  of  clerks  as  well  as  laymen.  But  if  the  number 
of  the  rebellious  persons  be  so  great,  that  they  cannot  be  expelled 
by  the  citizens  with  the  aid  of  the  clerks,  let  them  be  denounced 
to  our  Lord  the  King  and  his  council,  &c.  &c.  And  all  parties 
shall  reciprocally  bind  themselves  by  corporal  oath  to  observe  the 
above,  the  clerks  swearing  unto  the  laity,  and  the  laity  unto  the 
clerks,  &c.  &c."  —  We  have  no  detailed  or  decided  accounts  of 
any  such  attempts  being  made  at  Oxford,  but  at  the  same  time 
there  are  indications  which  certainly  appear  to  point  out  something 
of  the  kind.  In  speaking  of  the  year  1228,  Wood  states  (he 
quotes  from  the  Dunstable  Annals,  which  I  have  not  been  able  to 
conquer,)  that  violent  disturbances  broke  out  between  the  Scholars 
and  the  townspeople,  which  rendered  the  intervention  of  the  King 
and  Bishop  necessary,  and  were  at  last  settled,  by  the  culpable 
persons  among  the  townspeople  being  delivered  over  to  Rome,t  (?) 
and  the  town  paying  compensation-money  to  the  amount  of  fifty 
marks  to  poor  Scholars.  Then  he  continues  —  "  It  was  further 
enacted,  that  if  any  thing  of  the  kind  should  break  out  at  a  future 
period,  the  Laymen  should  give  over  the  whole  affeur  to  be  decided 
by  the  four  supreme  Masters,  and  without  further  appeal,  should 
willingly  submit  to  the  punishments  canonically  imposed.'*  —  All 
this  is  very  obscure :  and  I  do  but  hint  at  the  possibility  of  their 

♦  ["  Communifatem.'] 
f  [The  note  of  interrogation  after  the  word   Rome   is  added  by   Professor 

Hubcr  himself.     But  see  his  Postscript  ] 


NOTES.  423 

• 

being  some  analogy  between  these  four  Masters  and  those  men- 
tioned in  the  Cambridge  Treaty.  The  whole  afiiedr  however  gives 
me  the  impression  that  a  similar  Treaty  had  been  already  entered 
into,  and  this  almost  appears  to  be  the  case,  since  upon  the  great 
riot  against  the  Legate  in  1239,  the  town-magistrate  established 
his  inquisitionary  board,  [who]  "  with  the  aid  of  the  twenty-four 
specially  swom-in  to  serve  them  by  the  King's  order,  and  to  guard 
the  peace,  together  with  the  magistracy  of  the  town,  enter  on 
legal  proceedings,  &c."  To  me  it  is  quite  dark,  what  to  make  of 
these  twenty-four  men,  if  they  do  not  correspond  to  those  men- 
tioned in  the  Cambridge  Treaty.  The  number  certainly  is  di£Perent : 
but  that  would  be  no  important  difficulty. 

Postscript. 
The  passage  in  the  "  Annates  de  Dunstable  "  (ed.  Heame)  gives 
no  further  explanation  respecting  the  position  and  nature  of  the 
four  Judges.  It  mentions  in  general  terms  a  riot  which  occurred 
between  the  Scholars  and  townspeople  in  1228,  and  then  says, — 
"  Four  Masters,  who  shall  take  the  chief  direction  of  affidrs,  shaU 
be  made  Judges,  if  any  similar  case  should  occur  hereafter,  under 
whose  judgment  the  crime  shall  be  punished  canonically  and  with- 
out appeal.  Those  who  strike  down  the  clerks  shall  be  sent  to 
Rome,  &c."  I  can  only  look  upon  these  four  Judges  as  arbitra- 
tors. The  sending  of  the  culpable  persons  to  Rome,  may  have 
been  imposed  as  a  sort  of  penitentiary  pilgrimage,  and  as  a  con- 
dition of  absolution. 


Note  (29)  refbrrbd  to  in  Page  131. 

On  the  Right  of  the  University  {Oxford)  to  Test  the  Quality  and 
Quantity  of  Victuals,  and  other  Matters  of  Street  Police, 

I  must  confine  myself  to  citing  only  a  few  among  the  many  do- 
cumentary proofs,  which  exist  in  support  of  my  views  upon  this 
subject.  It  is  by  no  means  necessary  to  enter  into  a  polemic, 
which  would  be  both  prolix  and  useless,  respecting  the  opinions  of 


424  NOTES. 

other  persons,  —  still  less,  as  these  opinions  are  generally  untena- 
ble, on  account  of  their  utter  inconsistency  and  confusion. 

Let  u«  commence  by  the  superintendence  of  the  quantity*  and 
quality  of  bread  and  beer  as  the  most  important  point  which  be- 
yond doubt  sooner  or  later  became  a  precedent  for  other  rights. 
That  the  Chancellor  had  a  joint  control  in  this  branch  of  the  town- 
police,  is  expressly  recognized  first  in  the  privilege  of  1248»  which 
declares  as  follows  [in  Latin]  :  "  And  as  often  as  an  assaying  of 
the  bread  and  beer  is  to  be  made  by  the  said  citizens,  it  shall  be 
announced  to  the  Chancdlor  and  Proctors  of  the  University,  on 
the  preceding  day,  in  order  that  they  may  be  present  at  the  assay- 
ing, either  in  person,  or  if  they  choose,  by  deputy  ;  otherwise  let 
it  be  null  and  void/'  The  right  of  course  was  still  often  contested 
by  the  town,  or  the  exercise  of  it  impeded  or  eluded.  As  early  a£ 
1 304,  we  hear  of  complaints  from  the  University,  that  the  assaying 
was  carried  on  in  the  absence  of  their  officers,  although  this  right 
had  been  confirmed  in  1290.  It  naturally  followed,  for  the  Uni- 
versity to  maintain  that  neither  could  the  rents  of  Lodgings  be 
lawfully  fixed,  without  her  approval,  although  this  was  not  the 
literal  sense  of  the  privilege.  In  1339,  however,  on  (what  used  to 
be  called)  a  love-day  [dies  amoris']  they  agreed  that  in  the  absence 
of  the  Mayor,  the  Chancellor  should  undertake  the  assaying  alone, 
and  vice  versd.  Royal  mandates  of  as  early  a  date  as  1319,  have 
the  same  object  in  view.  But  I  am  by  no  means  fully  convinced 
on  that  account,  that  these  measures  necessarily  involved  a  recog- 
nition of  the  joint  possession  of  the  right,  and  a  participation  in 
the  executive  jurisdiction,  and  of  the  joint  right  to  impose  fines 
on  offenders,!  &c.  I  will  not  however  entirely  deny  it,  especially 
as  the  privilege  of  1356,  in  reference  to  the  previous  "  Status  quo  " 
says,  **  tliat  the  Chancellor  and  the  Mayor  should  watch  in  com- 
mon over  the  testing  [fl^swcr]  of  the  bread  and  beer."  —  As  to  the 
weights  and  measures,  the  joint-jurisdiction  of  the  University  was 
recognized  by  a  "  compositio**  in  1348,  (which  has  already  been 

♦    l^AssisOf   tlie   testing   of  weights  at  the  mercy  of  the  Court  j"  Ui&tiii- 

and  measures  :  TcntaliOf  the  assaying  guislie^  from  fines  fixed  by  the  Law, 

of  the  quality  of  an  article.]         '  —Bailey's  Engl.  Diet.] 
f  [Amerciamenla  :  properly,  "  Fines 


NOTES.  425 

referred  to,)  twenty  years  after  the  King  had  granted  to  the  Chan- 
cellor the  right  to  act  alone,  "  in  case  of  the  Mayor's  ahsence.'* 
We  have  positive  evidence  that  the  "  Officers  of  the  University  " 
were  empowered  to  seize  all  victuals  that  were  spoiled  or  had  been 
bought  by  the  "  forestallers* "  from  strange  dealers  outside  the 
town-gates,  and  that  the  Chancellor  took  cognizance  of  these  mat- 
ters in  common  with  the  Mayor.  For  the  townspeople  (for  in- 
stance in  1290)  complain  only  that  confiscated  things  were  applied 
to  the  benefit  of  the  University,  and  not  given  up  to  the  town,  with 
the  other  fines  and  forfeits  ;t  in  which  case  the  University  would 
probably  have  been  less  zealously  served.  In  order  to  give  satis- 
faction to  both  parties,  repeated  directions  were  given  by  the  King, 
that  all  confiscations  of  the  kind,  should  fall  to  the  hospital  of  St. 
John.  As  to  the  rules  of  the  market,  the  stsends  of  sellers  of  all 
sorts,  the  admission  of  strange  dealers,  &c.  there  exists  an  express 
Treaty  of  the  year  1319.  There  is  also  a  Royal  Ordinance  of  the 
same  year,  in  which  the  charge  of  these  matters  is  entrusted  in  the 
first  instance  to  the  Mayor  and  Bailiffs,  but,  (it  immediately  adds,) 
"  if  not  done  by  them  in  good  time,  a  proclamation  shall  be  made 
by  the  University,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  authority  of  the  citizens." 
The  chief  difficulty,  as  appears,  was  encountered,  respecting  the 
police,  properly  so  called.  The  paving  of  the  streets  before  each 
house,  was  the  affidr  of  the  proprietor  of  the  house ;  and  a  heavy  ^ 
burden  it  was.  The  removal  of  all  defilement  was  equally  so,  es- 
pecially for  certain  trades,  as  for  instance,  the  butchers,  &c.  In 
house-building,  some  obstruction  of  the  way  could  scarcely  be 
avoided;  but  to  confiscate  the  offensive t  materials,  (stones  for 
building  and  beams,)  was  no  smaU  injury ;  though  the  University 
was  ready  enough  at  such  work,  while  she  neither  had  nor  built 
many  houses  herself.  In  all  these  matters,  we  find  the  joint-rights 
of  the  University  recognized  from  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
the  partial  exceptions  being  such  as  to  prove  the  general  rule. 
These  exceptions  refer  particularly  to  the  confiscations  which  were 
never  afterwards  conceded  to  the  University,  to  the  same  extent 

*  [A  forestalloribus.]         f  [Amerciamenta  et  /oris/aciunt.] 

J  Corpora  delicti. 


426  NOTES. 

as  it  had  sought  to  cany  them  out  off-hand  Ibrevi  mamu], — 
Proofs  of  this  may  be  seen,  especially  in  the  contests  with  Robert 
de  Wells  (1280-96)  and  in  the  privilege  of  1356.  Another  dis- 
pute  arose  about  keeping  the  town  clean,  in  its  broadest  meaning ; 
viz.  with  the  butchers ;  who  positively  refused  to  confine  their 
filthy  work  to  a  remote  part  of  the  town.  This  caused  the 
King  to  issue  (in  1338)  orders  and  full  powers,  addressed  at  one 
time  to  the  Sheriff — at  another  to  the  Chancellor  —  and  then 
again  to  the  Mayor.  As  to  the  delicate  subject  of  the  "  mulier- 
cula"  and  "  meretrices,^'  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Chancellor 
had  the  right,  as  early  as  1290,  to  remove  them,  as  well  as  other 
useless  and  dangerous  rabble,  out  of  the  town :  —  yet  he  must 
have  met  with  great  difficulty  in  enforcing  this  right,  without  the 
co-operation  of  the  town-police,  when  the  keepers  of  the  brothels 
were  themselves  townspeople.  Thus  we  find,  (in  1317  and  fre- 
quently at  other  times,)  that  they  should  be  expelled  "  after 
being  denounced  by  the  Chancellor  to  the  Mayor  and  Bailiffis."  — 
Naturally  enough,  in  all  these  matters,  the  Chancellor  would  ap- 
pear more  and  more  as  principal,  since  he  was  the  most  active, 
being  of  course  the  most  interested,  and  free  from  so  many  and 
local  influences  which  would  control  the  Mayor  and  his  Bailiffs. 
We  learn  from  numerous  documents,  (v.  Dyer,  &c.)  that  the  same 
things  occurred  exactly  in  the  same  manner  at  Cambridge. 


NOTB    (30)  REFERRED  TO  IN  PaOB   136. 

Powers  of  the  Mayor  curtailed  by  the  Authority  of  the  Chancellor. 

The  statement  of  their  grievances,  presented  by  the  citizens  of 
Oxford,  against  the  University,  to  Parliament,  in  1290,  afford  the 
best  picture  of  the  state  of  things  at  the  time,  and  has  been  fre- 
quently referred  to  in  the  foregoing  sketch.  Ayliffe  (Appen.  p. 
149)  contains  the  whole  in  detail,  together  with  the  answer. 
Wood  gives  only  the  superscriptions  of  the  separate  clauses,  some 
of  which  we  subjoin.  The  first  complaint  is.  *'  That  the  Mayor 
may  not  arrest  and  imprison  Scholars  who  are  e\iX  doers'* — of 


NOTES.  427 

course,  this  means,  that  such  a  step  could  not  be  taken  without 
the  previous  knowledge  or  command  of  the  Chancellor.     It  is 
probable,   that   the  abuse  of  this  authority  by  the  Town,  had 
led  the  University  to  object  to  it  altogether,  even  upon  the  plea  of 
urgent  necessity,  or  upon  taking  the  Scholar  in  the  act.     The  se- 
cond clause  treats  of  the  retailers  and  forestallers ;  and  to  it  might 
be  subjoined  the  fifth,  which  regards  *'  fines,  amercements,  seizure 
and  forfeiting  of  flesh  and  fish."     Both  these  clauses  refer,  partly 
to  the  sale,  partly  to  the  quality  of  victuals,  and  to  the  confisca- 
tion, by  the  academic  ofiicers,  of  bought-up,  damaged,  or  fidsely 
weighed  wares.     To  the  fifth  article  respecting  "  the  bail  to  be 
taken  from  such  laymen  as  may  be  guilty  of  any  misdemeanour 
towards  scholars,"  we  may  add  the  eighth,  "  on  the  summoning  of 
citizens,"  the  ninth,  "  on  the  convening  of  extraneous  persons  in 
causes  which  concern  clerks,"  and  the  eleventh,  "  on  the  Chan- 
cellor's right  to  claim  clerks  [for  trial  in  his  own  court] ."     They 
comprehend  the  whole  department  of  the  Chancellor's  jurisdiction 
in  mixed  cases.  —  The  fourth  clause  "  respecting  the  oaths  of  the 
the  Mayor  and  Burgesses"  shows  how  oppressive  they  considered 
the  oath  imposed  upon  the  town-magistrate  and  a  certain  number 
of  respectable  citizens,  in  favour  of  the  University,  by  the  Treaty 
of  1214,  and  the  Royal  Ordinance  of  1248  —  especially,  in  the 
extent  and  meaning  put  on  it  by  the  University.  —  The  6th  article 
treats  of  tradesmen,  "  who  take  advantage  of  the  privilege  of  the 
University,"  by  connecting  themselves  with  it ;  as  Barbers,  Copy- 
ists, &c. :  whose  position  we  have  already  described,  with  reference 
to  this  very  passage.  —  The  7th  article,  "  on  letting  the  tenements 
of  citizens,*  for  shorter  or  longer  periods ;"  and  the  eleventh, 
which  refers  to  the  "  Rent-fixers,t"  proves  how  hard  it  perpetually 
was,  to  agree  about  rent  and  repairs  of  the  HaUs,  &c.  and  how  op- 
pressive herein  also  the  rights  or  claims  of  the  University  often 
were  to  the  citizens. 

•  [Lat  Dc  leneraenlis  locandiSy  sive  ad  firm  am  dimiHendis.l 

f  [Taxatores  domornm.] 


428  NOTES. 

Note  (31)  refbbrbd  to  in  Page  145. 

Decisive  Crisis  which  established  the  ascendancy  of  the  University 

over  the  Town. 

The  establishment  of  the  ascendancy  of  the  University  over  the 
Town,  after  the  tumult  which  we  may  name  Bereford*s,  bears  the 
date  of  27th  June,  1356.  It  is  related  by  Wood,  and  yet  more 
minutely  by  Ayli£fe,  in  his  Appendix.  The  Royal  Privilege  as 
given  by  him,  contains  little  that  is  positively  new,  being  rather  a 
confirmation  of  old  compacts  or  old  practices.  Unfortunately, 
it  is  too  plain,  why  this  document  too  has  been  misunderstood  in 
so  many  instances,  and  considered  inconsistent  with  the  previous 
developement  of  things :  nor  need  I  enter  into  a  diffuse  argument 
as  a  corrective.  The  clauses  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the 
document,  are  the  following :  —  The  three  first  clauses  direct  that 
the  Chancellor  thenceforth  should  [in  Latin]  "  be  guardian  over 
the  assaying  of  bread,  wine  and  beer,  the  superintendence  of 
weights  and  measures,  with  the  right  to  call  forestallers  and 
retailers  to  account,  together  with  aU  matters  appertaining  to  the 
fines,  &c.  arising  out  of  these  affairs."  The  expressions,  "  as  has 
obtained  up  to  this  time "  —  "as  has  been  the  custom  hitherto  to 
do,"  refer  merely  to  minor  details,  such  as,  collecting  the  fines, 
the  right  over  confiscated  goods,  &c.  which  were  to  remain  imal- 
tered.  This  is  a  point  deserving  attention,  since  Oxford  authors 
have  always  endeavored  to  represent  even  that  which  was  really 
new  in  this  decree,  as  of  ancient  usage  (consuetum).  The  only  in- 
novation was  the  transfer  of  those  branches  of  the  police-adminis- 
tration, to  the  Chancellor,  exclusively ;  ( •*  let  him  have  it  by 
himself,  and  the  whole  of  it.")  In  the  points  hitherto  enumerated, 
were  included  essentially ;  in  the  first  place,  jurisdiction  over  the 
marked;  in  the  second  place,  all  that  police-jurisdiction  which 
was  afterwards  included  imder  the  names  of  "  Court-leet,**  and 
view  of  frankpledge,**  (whatever  may  have  been  the  interpretation 
given  to  these  institutions  previously.)  On  this  subject,  I  refer 
to  Blackstone,  b.  iii.,  c.  19.  The  right  of  granting  or  refusing 
licenses,   to  bakers,  brewers,   vintners,    victuallers,    &c.,   became 


^ 


NOTES.  429 

naturally  afterwards  connected  with  this:  and  subsequent  privileges 
(for  instance,  the  great  privilege  of  Henry  VIII.)  were  in  this 
respect  only  confirmations  of  that,  which  had  already  been  con- 
ceded to  the  University;  although,  perhaps,  without  express 
mention  —  certainly,  upon  the  pre-supposition,  that  it  was  prac- 
ticably able  to  exercise  it.  The  University  certainly  did  not 
possess  this  right  before :  for  in  1304,  when  the  Chancellor,  com- 
plained that  the  scholars  remained  to  so  late  an  hour  in  wine- 
houses,  the  King  decreed  only,  "that  the  Chancellor  should 
punish  his  clerks,  as  he  might  think  expedient."  (Rot.  Pari, 
i.  163.)  The  Chancellor,  however,  was  desirous  of  making  the 
tavern-keepers  responsible.  At  a  later  period,  however,  afiairs 
had  taken  such  a  turn,  that  these  Courts  of  Justice  lost  all 
their  practical  importance  in  Oxford,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  being 
only  held  twice  a  year  (as  it  were,  by  way  of  emblem)  by  the 
University  in  the  GruildhaU.  The  lower  Court  of  the  Markets, 
called,  "  the  Piepoudre  Court"  which  was  really  of  greater  propor- 
tionate importance,  naturally  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Town, 
as  no  person  attached  to  the  University  was  concerned  in  it. 
(Blackstone  iii.  4.)  The  fourth  clause  transferred  to  the  Univer- 
sity another  considerable  power,  hitherto  under  the  control  of  the 
Town.  This  included,  under  the  names  of  "  watch  and  ward,** 
*'  hue  and  cry,"  not  only  the  actual  armed-police,  but  likewise  the 
means  of  defence,  possessed  by  the  Town.  This  change  certainly, 
is  not  distinctly  defined :  but  the  fact  is  clear  enough  from  the 
circumstances,  the  expressions,  and  the  results ;  if  an  after-regu- 
lation, mentioned  by  Wood,  be  taken  into  consideration,  which 
indeed  appears  to  have  been  intended  only  as  an  interpretation  of 
the  existing  law.  In  the  above-mentioned  clause  itself,  it  is 
ordered,  "  That  the  Chancellor  be  authorized  to  punish  by  impri- 
sonment and  otherwise,  scholars  or  laymen  in  the  same  place,  who 
shall  bear  arms  '*  contrary  to  the  Statutes  of  the  University,"  and 
to  take  and  keep  in  the  usual  way  arms  so  borne,  as  given  over  to 
his  charge  and  forfeited :  and  to  banish  from  the  University  and 
Town  obstinate  and  rebellious  offenders  of  this  kind,  and  to  pro- 
ceed against  them  in  other  ways  by  ecclesiastical  censure,  as  is  the 


430  NOTES. 

custom  in  such  cases."  Here  too,  the  expression,  "  usual  way/' 
means  no  more  than,  that  the  citizens  thenceforward  should  he 
treated  as  the  scholars  had  heen  hitherto.  Certainly  the  towns- 
people had  not  previously  stood  upon  that  footing. 

In  1320,  followed  another  Royal  Decree,  "  that  at  the  request  of 
the  Chancellor,  the  Mayor  do  hinder  any  layman,  except  the 
officers  of  the  Town,  firom  hearing  arms  within  the  city  of  Oxford" 
(Rolls  of  Pari.  i.  373).  The  fifth  clause,  ascribes  to  the  Chancel- 
lor, the  right  of  compelling  the  townspeople,  by  ecclesiastical 
censures,  to  keep  clean  and  to  pave  the  streets,  but  does  not 
permit  him  to  apply  as  he  chose  (as  he  had  formerly  done)  the 
confiscated  articles,  timber,  stone,  &c.  Such  at  least  is  the 
explanation  I  give  of  the  Latin  words,  "  Absque  proficuo  sms 
usibus  applicando."  The  sixth  clause  treats  of  the  duty  of  the 
academic  dependents  to  pay  taxes ;  and  this  it  appears,  they  were 
compelled  to  do,  although  they  were  not  to  be  taxed  by  the  Mayor, 
but  by  the  Chancellor.  There  is  nothing  to  explain  to  us,  whether 
this  clause  refers  to  the  King's  taxes,  or  to  the  town-rates,  or  to 
both :  the  latter  case  is  the  most  probable.  The  seventh  clause 
secures  to  persons  connected  with  the  University,  the  Rojral 
protection  while  making  search  after  property  stolen  from  them. 
They  were  to  take  their  own  property,  wherever  they  might  find  it. 
llie  eighth  clause  prescribes  that,  henceforth,  the  Sheriflf  of  Oxford 
and  his  subordinates,  should  upon  entering  into  office,  make  oath 
to  the  Chancellor,  that  they  would  preserve  and  defend  the  privi- 
leges, &c.  of  the  University.  Finally,  the  King  reserves  to  himself 
further  regulations,  to  be  made  according  to  circumstances.  Many 
points  were  thus  more  clearly  defined,  and  probably  also  the  office 
of  [University]  Steward  introduced. 


Note  (32)  referred  to  in  Page  158. 

Panegyric  on  the  University  (Oxford.) 

The  quotation  in  Wood  alluded  to,  is  so  curious,  that  I  may  be 
allowed  to  produce  it  here.     *'  And  thus,''  (runs  the  paneg3Tic,) 


NOTES.  431 

"  the  wisdom  and  learning  of  this  University,  ahove  that  of  all 
others,  may  be  compared  to  the  sun :  because  however  the  other 
Universities  may  shine  in  the  firmament  of  the  Church,  yet  they 
lack  a  part  of  the  light,  and  are  but  Uttle  stars  in  respect  to  our 
sun.  Other  Schools  may  excel  in  some  particular  branch  of  learn- 
ing ;  as  Paris,  for  instance,  in  Theology,  Bologna  in  Law,  Saler- 
num  in  Medicine,  Toulouse  in  Mathematics  :  but  this  true  foilntain 
of  knowledge  excels  in  all.  This  bright  sun  gave  light  to  the 
whole  kingdom:  *  the  bright  heames*  of  our  wisdom  *  spred* 
(over)  the  whole  world.  All  other  schools  took  counsel  and 
example  from  this  :  all  kingdoms  honored  it,  '  as  fer  as  God  heth 
iond,*  Oxford  had  a  name,  &c.  &c."  An  address  of  the  University 
to  the  Duke  of  Glocester,  of  about  the  same  time,  lays  claim,  in  a 
more  modest  style,  to  the  greatest  renown  "  in  Arts  and  Philo- 
sophy." No  better  proof  does  it  afford  of  the  real  fruitfulness  of 
the  University  studies,  that  Pitsseus  contrives  to  name,  during  the 
two  centuries  of  this  period,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  authors, 
more  or  less  connected  with  Oxford,  and  about  fifty  more  as  much 
connected  with  Cambridge.  My  readers  will  permit  me  perhaps 
to  bring  forward  the  testimony  of  an  Oxford  poet  of  the  time  of 
Henry  III.  as  characterising  the  epoch  in  question.  (Vita  Ricardi 
II.  ed.  Heame.  Append,  p.  348.)  After  extolling  the  former 
splendor  of  the  University,  he  proceeds  to  say : 


(( 


Laudarem  siquidem  te  matrem  filius 
Si  scirem  dire  quicquam  commodius 
Sod  lingua  labitur,  suspirat  animus, 
Oum  te  prospiciant  indignam  laudibus. 
Licet  laudaverim,  mater,  quie  gesseris, 
Contristor  etenim  quod  jam  desipis, 
Yergeus  in  senium  errore  fallens, 
Heu !  quiB  vix  hactenus  errasse  diceris. 
Dum  eras  junior,  acris  ingenii 
Yigebas  lumine  magni  scruUnii,  etc. 

♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  4c  ♦ 

Heu  1  dum  sic  desipis,  nee  prolem  corripis  [concipist] 
Veri  fons  aruit,  sol  fit  eclipticus 
Viz  uUa  remanet  spes  Teri  luminis 
Cum  tu  sdenUsB  sol  sic  pallueris." 


432  NOTES. 

This  poem*  refers  more  especiaUy  to  the  controversies  between  the 
Minorites  and  the  Dominicans,  and  contains,  properly  speaking, 
rather  a  satire  upon  the  latter,  than  the  "  Praises  of  Oxford  :*' 
as  it  is  entitled.  Least  of  all  does  it  give  a  general  description 
of  the  University,  as  has  been  asserted  by  some,  who  have  evidently 
never  looked  into  it. 

NOTB  (33)  RBFERRBD  TO  IN  PaGB    164. 

Revenues  of  the  University  of  Oxford, 

The  following  remarks  will  be  sufficient  to  establish  what  has 
been  advanced  above.  The  first  acquisition,  of  which  any  distinct 
and  certain  mention  is  made,  was  the  fine  paid  by  the  town  iq 
the  year  1214.  (v.  Wood,  an.  1308.)  We  have  proof  also,  that 
the  same  kind  of  pajrments  were  occasionally  obtained  afterwards, 
upon  similar  distressing  and  extraordinary  occurrences;  as,  the  riot 
of  the  Jews  in  1283,  and  the  great  tumults  in  1355.  To  this 
may  be  added,  the  profits  of  the  properly  academic  jurisdiction 
and  poHce,  in  fines,  confiscations  and  fees,  though  of  the  details 
we  have  no  account.  The  University  was  certainly  often  arbitrary 
enough  in  these  matters,  and  seized  on  opportunities  for  extorting 
from  the  citizens  or  strangers  ;  a  fact  which  is  proved  by  the  com- 
plaint to  ParUament  of  one  W.  de  Hartewell,  who  was  imprisoned 
by  the  Chancellor  in  1328,  and  not  Uberated,  imtil  he  had  not  only 
satisfied  the  person  who  complained  against  him,  but  had  also 
entered  into  a  bond  to  pay  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds  to  the 

•  [We  may  attempt  a  translation,  thus  :  — 

Perhapsj  (1)  O  my  mother,  thy  son  would  praise  thee. 

If  I  could  say  any  thing  at  all  suitable  ; 

But  my  tongue  stammers,  my  soul  sighs, 

While  men  see  thee  to  be  undeserving  of  praise. 

Though  I  might  praise,  O  mother,  thy  former  deeds : 

For  I  am  saddened  that  thou  art  now  in  dotage. 

Waning  into  old  ago  thou  becomest  silly, 

Thou,  alas !  which  scarcely  till  now  art  said  to  have  erred ! 

While  younger  thou  wast,  thy  keen  genius 

Was  vigorous  and  bright,  mighty  in  penetration,  &c.  .  .  . 

Ah  !  while  thus  thou  doatest,  and  conceivest  no  progeny. 

The  fount  of  truth  is  dried,  the  sun  is  in  eclipse, 

Scarcely  any  hope  is  left  of  a  true  luminary, 

When  thou,  the  sun  of  science,  art  thus  pale. 


NOTES.  433 

University.  (HoUs  of  Pari.  ii.  16.) — We  have  besides,  the  pre- 
viously mentioned  appeals  of  the  town  in  1296.  It  is  impossible  to 
learn  wh&t  profit  accrued  to  the  University,  from  the  fees  paid  for 
Degrees,  &c.  There  can  be  no  doubt  however  that  such  fees  were 
paid ;  indeed  express  mention  is  made  of  them.  In  a  Book  of  the 
Beadles,  of  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  (Heame's  Robert  de 
Avesbury,  Oxford,  1720,  Appendix,  p.  308,)  there  is  a  rate  set  for 
the  fees  of  Students  in  Law,  which  probably  had  been  already  of 
very  long  standing.  A  distinction  also  is  drawn  between  the  fees 
to  be  paid  to  the  Chancellor,  to  the  Proctors,  to  the  Notary,  the 
Beadles,  &c.,  and  those  due  to  the  University.  To  these  re- 
sources, must  be  added,  the  presents  made,  at  a  very  early  period, 
in  money  and  articles  of  value,  among  which  may  be  reckoned 
books.  Mention  is  made  of  such  donations  in  the  years  1249, 
1274,  1293, 1306,  1317,  1336,  &c.  With  these  presents  or  lega- 
cies, was  generally  connected  the  obligation  of  repeating  masses 
for  the  soul  of  the  benefactor,  &c. :  and  an  especial  chaplaincy  was 
founded  for  this  purpose,  attached  to  the  University  Church  of  St. 
Mary,  and  urgently  recommended  by  the  King  to  the  Prelates,  in 
order  that  they  might  support  it  by  indulgences,  &c.  (v.  Rymer,  i. 
144) :  "  Since  our  fiEuthfiil  Chancellor  and  University  of  Oxford, 
&c."  runs  the  King's  letter,  "  have  thought  fit  to  establish  a  Chap- 
laincy, thereby  to  offer  sacrifices  for  the  good  of  our  soul,  and  of 
the  souls  of  all  benefactors  of  the  said  University,"  &c.  We  find 
moreover  that  as  early  as  1293,  it  was  an  old  custom  to  read  over 
the  names  of  the  benefiebctors  in  the  Schools.  The  above-mentioned 
Book  of  the  Beadles,  contains  a  long  list  of  such  benefactions. 
The  Jewels  of  the  University  were  robbed  in  part,  during  the  aca- 
demic riots  of  1348,  and  were  completely  lost,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Reformation  (1546.)  —  In  Cambridge,  the  case  was  perfectly 
similar,  as  may  be  seen,  for  instance  in  Fuller,  in  the  account  of 
1401. 

Yet  the  University  had  already  in  the  thirteenth  century  ob- 
tained also  fixed  and  landed  property,  with  revenues  arising 
therefrom,  and  what  Jurists  call,  if  I  do  not  mistake,  **  Real 
property*'     A  Royal  writ  of  the  year  1263,  expressly  promised 

FF 


434  NOTES. 

security  for  all  tenements,  possessions  and  rents  belonging  to  the 
University  (Liber  Scaccarii;  ed.  Heame — appendix).  According 
to  Fuller,  thirty  acres  of  ground  were  in  1293  left  to  the  University 
of  Cambridge  by  will,  for  the  express  purpose  of  defending  its 
rights.  Wood  produces  a  document  of  the  year  1294,  which 
refers  to  the  donation  of  a  "  Messuage  "  to  the  University,  for  tiie 
use  of  poor  scholars ;  and  shortly  after,  we  find,  that  the  Foun- 
dress of  Baliiol  College  bought  some  houses  of  the  University. 
As  to  later  times,  it  is  unnecessary  to  offer 'further  testimony 
respecting  this  subject. 

At  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  it  was  asserted  in  P^lia- 
ment,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  of  town  of  Oxford  belonged  to 
the  Clerks,  and  was  inhabited  by  scholars  (Rot.  Pari.  i.  s.  45). 
This  expression,  however,  refers  of  course  in  a  great  measure  to 
the  monastic  orders.  Real  property  was  obtained  by  the  Univer- 
sities, at  the  very  latest,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
as  is  proved  by  a  Royal  Privilege  of  the  year  1321  (v.  Rymer), 
which  grants  them  the  right  of  acquiring  Church  Patronage 
(advowsons,  advocationes)  to  the  value  of  twenty  pounds,  "to 
support  scholars  in  theology  and  dialectics,  notwithstanding  the 
Statute  of  mortmain."  This,  however,  by  no  means  goes  to 
prove,  that  they  did  not  possess  similar  rights  at  an  earlier  period, 
as  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  University  had  already  obtained  the 
advowson  of  the  Chaplaincy  founded  in  1274.  We  know  that  she 
acquired  afterwards  considerable  property  of  the  kind. 

On  the  revenues  derived  firom  matriculations,  degrees,  &c.,  or 
from  the  academic  courts  of  jurisdiction,  no  details  are  known : 
but  a  sort  of  general  survey  of  the  more  important  sources  of  the 
finances  and  revenues  of  the  Universities,  may  be  gathered  firom  a 
decision  of  an  Oxford  congregation  held  in  the  year  1426. 

It  enjoins,  that  '*  all  gold  and  silver*  plate,  and  all  sums  of 
money,  which  may  anyhow  accrue  to  the  University,  be  deposited 
in  the  same  chest,  except  such  as,  by  the  will  of  any  testators  or 
benefactors,  are  to  be  kept  elsewhere;  but  that  henceforth  the 

[♦  The  Latin  word  is  Jocalia  — jewels,  t.  e.  in  a  larger  sense,  articles  of 

elegance  and  yalue.] 


NOTES.  435 

following  be  placed  under  the  custody  of  the  Proctors,  viz.  a  hun- 
dred shillings,  and*  no  more,  of  the  University  income  every  year ; 
also  the  settling  of  weights  and  measures  for  bread  and  beer ;  also 
the  casual  proceeds  payed  under  the  head  of  Proponor[  [  "  I  pro- 
pose"]: also  the  sums  received  to  help  in  planting  teachers  in 
various  parts ;  [  in  the  Latin,  pro  distributione  regentium  :  ]  and 
for  feeding  poor  scholars  on  St.  Nicholas  day,  and  the  monies 
accustomed  to  be  received  from  the  grammar  schools  (?)  [a  gram' 
maticis] ;  also  the  usual  fees  [communiae']  for  University  licences 
and  degrees:  also  two  nobles  of  the  University  income  to  be 
payed  to  the  collectors  of  the  said  income :  also  the  price  of  for- 
feited weapons,  and  the  monies  raised  or  to  be  raised  by  appeals 
Iper  appeliationes].  The  actual  meaning  of  some  of  these  items 
is  not  clear  to  me,  and  to  explain  others  would  lead  me  too  far 
from  my  purpose.  The  greater  number,  however,  ofier  no  diffi- 
culty. It  may  easily  be  perceived,  that  not  all  the  revenues  of  the 
University  are  enumerated  here ;  and  it  is  very  possible  they  may 
be  included  in  the  general  expression  of  "  University  income." 


Note  (34)  refbrrbd  to  in  Page  165. 

Poverty  of  the  University  in  1336. 

As  a  specimen  (out  of  many)  of  the  style  of  these  academic 
"  laments,'*  I  will  quote  the  petition  presented  in  1439,  at  the 
"  Convocation  of  the  Clergy."  Among  other  expressions  therein, 
we  find  the  following :  "  The  mother  University  cries  to  the  ears 
of  your  pity  and  compassion,  like  Rachael  weeping  for  her  chil- 
dren, because  they  are  not For  as  much  as  formerly  the 

Alma  Universitas  was  of  exceeding  beauty  and  comeliness  of 
aspect,  like  unto  a  fruitful  vine  ....  But  now.  In  our  days,  as 
we  report  with  the  greatest  grief,  her  beauty  and  comeliness  have 
faded  away  —  her  countenance  has  now  become  ill-favored  and 

*  \_And  no  more  —  In  the  Latin,  slty  by  townsmen  who  apply  for  a 

"  Without  the  receipt  of  more :"  a6«^Mtf  licence    to    sell    certain    articles    in 

pluris  perceptwne,'\  certain  places  !  ] 

f  [Qu.  Money  paid  to  the  Univor- 


436  NOTES. 

exceeding  sad  .  .  .  ."  Far  more  convincing  is  the  simpler  repre- 
sentation, in  which  the  University,  in  the  year  1430,  asks  aid  of 
the  Convocation  for  the  expenses  of  the  journey  of  its  Orators  to 
the  council  of  Basel,  "...  ever  so  little  towards  the  circumstances 
of  our  society : "  (Wood.)  To  the  same  effect  are  several  Ro3ral 
recommendations  of  the  University,  partly  at  Rome,  partly  to  the 
Ck>nvocation.  One  from  a  writ  of  the  year  1336,  (v.  Rymer,) 
will  serve  instead  of  many;  which  refers  to  the  disputes  with 
the  Cardinal-Archdeacon,  and  expressly  states  that  "  the  Univer* 
sity  had  no  common  money,  with  which  it  was  able  to  defend 
itself  against  so  powerful  a  Lord,  and  in  so  distant  a  Court." 
The  same  occurs  in  a  circular  of  the  Bishop  of  Bath,  (of  the  year 
1328,)  in  which  he  (in  consequence  of  a  decision  of  the  Convoca- 
tion) invites  his  clergy  to  contribute  something  to  the  University, 
"  Which  (univers  \)  rests  on  no  fixed  endowment : "  (v.  Wilkins 
concil.  ii.  551.)  These  fieusts  by  no  means  exclude  the  possession 
of  a  few  pieces  of  land  and  houses  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  they 
indicate  the  real  condition  of  the  Universities  in  this  respect,  in 
opposition  to  the  endowed  monasteries  and  colleges,  &c.  &c. 


Note  (35)  refbriled  to  in  Paoe  169. 

Expenses  incurred  by  the  University  (Oxford)  in  Lawsuits  at 

Rotne, 

The  Bishop  of  Bath  thus  expresses  himself,  (in  1328,)  '*  The 
University  of  Oxford  is  at  present  distressed  beyond  wont,  by  its 
unwearied  labours  and  expenses  in  defence  of  its  rights  and  privi- 
leges, amid  the  machinations  of  laymen  and  the  windings  of 
lawsuits.  But,  since  it  rests  on  no  fixed  endowment,  unless  it  be 
quickly  succored,  we  fear  total  paralysis  of  itself  and  its  privileges," 
iic,  &c.  (Wilkins,  concil.  ii.  551.)  We  have  already  noted  the 
testimony  of  Edward  111.  upon  the  occasion  of  its  affairs  with  the 
Archdeacon,  llie  same  facts  are  testified,  though  in  a  hostile 
spirit,  also  in  1411,  by  the  Proctors  of  the  Clergy,  in  their 
"  Grievances "   laid  before  the  Convocation  of  Prelates.      They 


NOTES.  437 

state  (v.  Wilkins,  iii.  337)  especially  in  reference  to  the  negocia- 
tions  with  Rome,  "  that  the  University  of  Oxford  impaired  and 
wasted  its  revenues  uselessly,  in  debates  and  quarrellings."  The 
fact  established  by  these  proofs,  is  merely  what  from  the  nature  of 
things  could  not  be  otherwise;  and  the  same  course  of  events 
occurs  also  in  other  individuals  or  corporations  similarly  circum- 
stanced. 


Note  (36)  rbfbrrbo  to  in  Page  187. 
Mode  in  which  the  Halls  (as  contrasted  to  the  Colleges)  originated. 

That  the  accoimt  given  in  the  text  concerning  the  rise  of  Halls 
rightly  describes  the  general  course  of  things  in  early  times, 
appears  not  only  frx>m  the  testimony  of  the  Pseudo-Boethius  which 
we  have  already  quoted,  but  yet  more  decidedly  from  the  origin  of 
Edmund  Hall  in  Oxford,  as  related  by  Wood  and  by  Ingram. 
Magister  Edmund  le  Riche,  we  are  told,  opened  a  Hall  and  School 
in  his  own  house,  and  soon  attracted  great  numbers,  partly  by 
his  distinguished  talents  in  teaching,  and  partly  by  his  kind- 
ness, in  not  only  making  no  charge  to  his  pupils  for  instruc- 
tion, but  even  helping  them  out  of  his  own  means.  In  cases 
where  no  such  attractions  existed,  either  boarders  or  pupils  or  both 
would  be  wanting.  At  the  same  time  every  celebrated  teacher 
would  naturally  extend  his  sphere  of  action  beyond  the  numbers 
whom  his  own  house  could  possibly  accommodate;  and  there 
must  often  have  been  reasons  for  declining  to  accept  boarders ;  if 
this  be  not  too  obvious  to  mention.  Abelard's  Historia  Cahmi- 
tatum  also  affords  many  characteristic  traits  of  the  same  nature, 
relative  to  the  earliest  period  of  the  University  of  Paris. 

That  the  Halls  were  frequently  established,  by  students  volun- 
tarily coalescing  and  choosing  their  manager,  (or  Principal  of  the 
HaU,)  admits  of  no  doubt ;  since,  in  spite  of  our  want  of  details 
concerning  the  mode  of  proceeding,  we  find  express  mention  made 
of  the  choice  of  such  managers :  and  where  this  took  place,  the 
rest  may  be  inferred  as  matter  of  course.     It  would  however  be  of 


438  NOTES. 

interest  to  learn  what  conditions  and  qualifications  made  a  person 
eligible  as  a  manager,  and  in  what  manner  the  University 
interfered. 


NOTB  (37)  RBFBRRBD  TO  IN  PaGB  189. 

Document  whereby  the  College,  called  University  Collbge,  was 
founded  by  the  University  (of  Oxford)  itself,  in  the  year  1280. 

1  may  be  allowed  to  lay  before  my  readers,  the  decision  of  the 
Congregation  in  1280,  as  best  affording  a  glance  into  the  state  of 
things.  **  The  Chancellor,  after  assembling  the  masters  in  Theo- 
logy, shall  summon  by  their  advice  certain  Masters  from  other 
Faculties,  whom  he  may  think  fit.  These  Masters,  together  with 
the  Chancellor,  imder  the  solemn  sanction  of  their  allegiance  to 
the  University,  shall  elect  from  all  those,  who  may  be  candidates 
for  living  upon  the  said  revenues,  four  Masters,  whomever  they 
consider  fittest  for  promotion  in  the  Holy  Church,  and  who  have 
no  other  means  of  living  honorably  in  their  condition  as  Masters. 
And  thenceforward  the  same  shall  be  the  form  of  election,  except 
that  those  four  Masters  shall  take  part  in  the  election  together 
with  the  aforesaid,  and  that  one  at  least  of  the  four  be  in  Priest's 
Orders.  Each  of  these  four  Masters  shall  receive  for  his  main- 
tenance fifty  shillings  sterling  yearly,  out  of  the  fiinds  already 
purchased.  One  of  them,  however,  with  a  Regent-Master  to 
assist  him,  shall  take  care  of  the  incomings  and  outgoings,  and 
settle  the  purchases  of  other  funds,  and  manage  the  business,  &c.; 
and  this  Manager  shall  receive  fifty- five  shillings  yearly.  The 
above-mentioned  Masters,  Hving  together,  shall  attend  lectures  on 
Theology,  and  shall  be  able  at  the  same  time  to  hear  lectures  on 
the  Decrees  and  Decretals  [t.  e.  Canon  Law] .  As  to  their  way  of 
living  and  learning,  they  shall  behave  as  they  are  directed  by  some 
fit  and  experienced  men  appointed  by  the  Chancellor.  If,  however, 
it  become  proper  to  remove  any  one  from  the  aforesaid  receipts, 
let  the  Chancellor,  with  the  Masters  in  Theology,  have  authority 
for  it.     The  aforesaid  Manager  of  the  income  shall,  moreover,  be 


NOTBS.  439 

diligent  and  careful  that  the  monies  dispersed  be  collected  and 
placed  in  one  chest,  one  key  of  which  the  Chancellor  shall  have, 
another  the  said  Manager,  and  a  third  shall  be  lodged  with  another 
Master,  appointed  by  the  University  Proctors.  As  soon,  however, 
as  larger  funds  have  been  purchased,  let  the  number  of  Masters  to 
be  supported,  be  increased.  The  said  Masters*  have  moreover 
ordained,  that  out  of  the  houses  of  the  said  Masters,  schools  shall 
not  be  made,  without  their  own  consent." 

There  is  certainly  still  no  mention  made  of  any  actual  incorpo- 
ration, or  of  the  surrender  of  any  real  or  personal  property  to  a 
corporation  —  and  yet  we  cannot  for  a  moment  doubt  that  a 
College,  in  the  fiill  sense  of  the  term,  was  to  be  founded  in  this 
manner,  by  the  University,  and  actually  was  founded.  The  legal 
formalities,  which  according  to  general  opinion  are  wanting,  either 
were  not  considered  so  necessary  at  that  period,  or  were  probably 
really  executed,  though  the  documents  have  not  been  preserved. 
At  all  events.  University  College  has  no  other  document  of  its 
foundation  to  show,  than  the  above  mentioned.  And  if  that  be 
not  sufficient,  it  is  even  to  this  moment  no  College. 

As  to  the  foundation  of  this  College  by  Alfred,  we  need  lose  no 
words  upon  the  subject;  although  by  a  decision  of  the  King's 
Bench  in  1723,  the  College  was  permitted  the  rights  of  a  Royal 
foimdation,  and  the  University  was  deprived  of  the  right  of  visita- 
tion, to  which  it  had  laid  claim,  as  Founder  of  the  College 
(Skelton  Pietas  Oxon).  That  this  judgment  cannot  be  supported 
by  any  historical  fieusts,  appears  clearly  enough  from  the  above  cited 
document,  tn  which  the  University  reserves  to  itself  so  extended  a 
right  of  visitation,  I  cannot  tell  upon  what  other  foundation 
this  decision  may  rest ;  indeed,  it  is  a  matter  of  mere  indifference. 
Probably  it  rests  upon  tradition  alone,  which  had  long  since 
found  its  way  into  official  documents.  But  this  tradition  itself 
reposes  upon  the  fact,  that  the  College  purchased  in  1332,  a  piece 
of  groimd  and  a  house,  which  was  again  connected,  by  tradition, 
with  institutions  founded  by  Alfred.     According  to  Wood,  the 

•   [ "  The  said  MaslerSy*  must  here  mean  the  Univcrsitif  Congregation^  on 

whose  authority  this  whole  Act  rests.] 


440  NOTES. 

name  of  "  University  Great  Hall"  ^Magna  Aula  UniversUatis]  then 
first  arose  It  is  not  clear  under  what  name  the  society  existed 
previously.  In  later  times,  the  name  University  Ck>llege  [Colh- 
gium  Universitatis]  became  generally  and  exclusively  used. 

NOTB  (38)  REFERRED  TO  IN  PaOB  306. 

So  at  least  I  understand  what  Wood  (i.  293)  says  of  this  Act 
of  Parliament :  "  Just  then  the  Parliament,  giving  its  attention  to 
the  welfare  of  literature,  and  thinking  it  right  to  promote  the 
pecuniary  interests  of  the  gownsmen,  passed  a  law,  that  no  tene- 
ments, tithes,  nor  any  landed  property  soever,  belonging  to  any 
College  of  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  should  be  set  free  on  any  other 
condition,  than  that  at  least  the  third  part  of  the  ancient  produce 
(reditHs)  should  remain  over  to  be  paid  yearly :  under  which  head 
the  societies  were  to  make  agreement  to  receive  from  their  frumers 
(empheututU)  on  fixed  days  a  certain  measure  of  com  (trUici 
hrasiiquej :  and  unless  this  were  done  punctually,  it  was  enacted 
that  each  of  them  should  have  to  pay  in  money  instead  of  provi- 
sions ;  and  that  the  estimate  should  be  fixed  by  each  party  at  the 

market  preceding  the  day  when  it  fell  due :    &c It  b 

reported  that  at  the  suggestion  of  H.  Robinson,  the  Royal  Provost, 
(prceposito  regensij  D.  Th.  Smyth  managed  to  get  the  law  passed 
on  a  sudden ;  while  as  yet  very  few  members  of  the  Parliament 
imderstood  whether  it  was  more  for  the  interests  of  the  Univeraty 
to  get  money  or  com.  However  that  may  be,  it  is  certain  that 
in  £eu;t  the  measure  was  highly  advantageous  to  the  Scholars,  since 
the  Colleges,  having  been  rated  at  a  very  early  period,  were  hereby 
enriched,  or  rather,  so  to  say,  endowed  anew.  Fuller  quotes  this 
in  the  same  sense :  I  have  not  been  able  to  examine  other  sources, 
such  as  the  Statutes  at  large.  Although  in  this  passage  the 
Universities  are  not  expressly  mentioned,  they  are  certainly  under- 
stood; especially  as  in  1567  they  were  first  permitted  to  acquire 
landed  property  to  the  amount  of  £70,  (clear  income),  notwUh- 
standing  the  statute  of  mortmain,  (See  Dyer's  Privil.  i.  49.) 


NOTES.  441 


Note  (39)  rkferrbd  to  in  Page  310. 

Specimen  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Oratory  at  the  University. 

In  spite  of  the  satisfaction  with  which  our  excellent  Wood 
enumerates  the  delightfulness  and  pleasures  of  these  festivities,  I 
should  think  that  the  great  personages,  especially  the  Courtiers, 
must  often  have  experienced  considerable  ennuis  But  Elizabeth's 
vanity  found  in  them  the  most  desirable  opportunities  of  exhibiting 
her  Ghreek  and  Latin  brilliancies.  Wood  even  insinuates,  that 
upon  one  occasion,  (in  1592,)  when  she  broke  off  in  the  middle  of 
a  Latin  speech,  to  ask  for  a  chair  for  the  aged  Lord  Burleigh,  it 
was  not  solely  from  good  feeling  toward  her  old  servant,  but  quite 
as  much  from  vanity :  as  she  wished  to  show  that  such  an  inter- 
ruption could  not  confuse  her,  though  a  short  time  before,  one  of 
the  academic  orators  had  entirely  lost  the  thread  of  his  discourse, 
from  the  Queen's  requesting  him  to  express  himself  more  briefly. 
1  may  here  cite  a  specimen  of  the  Queen's  eloquence  upon  such 
occasions.  (1567.)  "  He  who  does  evil,"  said  Elizabeth  [in  L^tin] 
tp  the  academic  assembly,  "  hates  the  light :  and  I,  indeed,  inas- 
much as  I  can  do  nothing  else  but  evil,  1  therefore  hate  the  light, 
that  is,  the  sight  of  you.  And  assuredly  1  feel  great  hesitation, 
when  I  consider  all  that  goes  on  here,  whether  1  should  praise  or 
blame ;  speak  or  be  silent.  If  I  speak,  I  shall  show  you  how  rude 
I  am  of  letters :  yet  to  remain  silent  I  am  unwilling,  lest  it  seem 
to  be  deficiency.  And  since  the  time  is  short  for  speaking,  I  will 
therefore  comprise  every  thing  in  few  words,  and  divide  my  speech 
into  two  parts,  praise  and  blame.  The  Praise  belongs  to  you. 
For  ever  since  I  have  come  to  Oxford,  I  have  seen  much,  and  I 
hove  heard  much,  and  I  have  approved  of  all.  For  every  thing 
was  discreetly  done  and  elegantly  said.  But  those  things  with 
which  you  excuse  yourselves  in  your  prologues,  neither  as  a  Queen 
can  I  approve,  nor  as  a  Christian  ought  I  ?  But  inasmuch  as 
as,  in  the  preliminary  speech,  thou  didst  use  caution,  that  discus- 
sion is  not  unpleasing  to  me.  I  now  come  to  the  other  part,  the 
Blame ;  and  this  part  is  my  own.     I  confess  that  my  parents  took 


442  NOTES. 

the  greatest  care  to  have  me  well  educated  in  the  best  literature ; 
and  indeed,  I  have  long  been  conversant  with  numerous  languages, 
of  which  I  claim  some  knowledge.  This  I  say  truly,  but  modestly. 
I  had  indeed  many  learned  masters,  who  labored  hard  to  make  me 
learned.  They  sowed  their  seed,  however,  upon  barren  and 
fruitless  ground ;  and  have  scarcely  been  able  to  raise  any  fruits 
worthy  of  my  own  dignity,  or  their  labors,  or  your  expectations. 
Therefore,  though  you  have  bestowed  upon  me  abundant  praise ; 
yet  I,  who  am  conscious  of  myself,  acknowledge  easily,  how  little 
I  am  worthy  of  any  praise.  But  I  will  end  my  speech,  so  fiill  of 
barbarisms,  by  adding  one  wish  and  aspiration.  It  is,  that  you 
may  be  most  flourishing  dining  my  life,  and  most  hi^py  after  my 
death.*'  The  expressions  of  blame  made  use  of,  referred  to  certain 
theological  arguments  of  the  preceding  discussion,  which  doubtless 
appeared  to  her  as  too  puritanical. 


Note  (40)  rbfbrrbd  to  in  Paox  313. 

On  the  Academic  Studies  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 

Wood  mentions  several  Statute-Ck)mmittees  for  the  restoration 
and  regulation  of  the  Studies  at  Oxford;  but  I  do  not  consider 
further  details  necessary :  moreover,  much  confusion  in  this  respect 
prevailed  at  Oxford,  from  circumstances  which  will  presently  be 
commented  on.  The  spirit  and  the  result  of  these  efforts,  have 
been  noticed  above.  The  good  done  by  a  Teacher  of  the  Syriac 
languages,  for  whom  a  salary  was  collected  among  the  Colleges  in 
1514,  can  only  have  been  temporary;  and  the  fr'eedom  of  action 
previously  enjoyed  by  the  Theological  Lecturer  was  limited  in 
1579,  by  enforcing  the  use  of  certain  Catechisms,  such  as  the 
Heidelberg,  that  of  BuUinger,  and  that  of  Calvin,  all  on  the  side 
of  the  party.  As  far  as  Cambridge  is  concerned,  the  lectures  pre- 
scribed in  the  Elizabethan  Statutes  (c.  iv.),  especially  for  the 
higher  Faculties,  are  founded  word  for  word  upon  those  of  Edward 
VI.:  yet  they  are  enlarged  in  many  points,  and  (characteristically 
enough)  particularly  in  the  Mathematical  studies.     "  A  Professor 


NOTES.  443 

of  Mathematics,  if  he  is  teaching  Cosmography,  shall  expound 
Mela,  Pliny,  Strabo  or  Plato ;  if  Arithmetic,  Tonstall  or  Cardan, 
&c.;  if  Geometry,  Euclid;  if  Astronomy,  Ptolemy.  A  Profes- 
sor of  Dialectics  shall  teach  the  Elenchi  of  Aristotle,  and  the 
Topics  of  Cicero.  A  Lecturer  in  Rhetoric  shall  lecture  upon 
Quintilian,  Hermogenes,  or  some  oratorical  work  of  Cicero.  Also, 
instead  of  two,  four  hours  a  week  are  prescribed."  It  is  worthy 
of  remark  likewise,  that  in  these  Statutes,  the  rudiments  of 
Ghrammar  are  especially  forbidden  to  be  taught  in  the  Colleges 
(zii.  15) ;  but  the  candidates  for  admission  were  to  pass  a  pre- 
liminary examination  in  that  branch.  Thus  the  School  was 
distinctly  severed  from  the  College,  and  made  merely  preparatory. 
By  Plato,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  Statute,  is  unquestionably 
meant  (as  is  proved  by  Dyer)  his  Timoms,  which  was  held  in  great 
estimation  by  the  Queen.  At  all  events,  the  introduction  of  the 
Philosophy  of  Plato,  along  with  that  of  Aristotle,  into  Cambridge, 
is  a  fact  of  some  importance,  and  might  serve  to  explain  the  esti- 
mation in  which  Descartes  was  afterwards  held  there.  The  pro- 
hibition of  giving  (the  first  rudiments  of)  Ghrammatical  instruction 
in  the  Colleges,  occurs  even  in  the  Statutes  of  1549.  The  same 
is  the  case  with  regard  to  the  inability  of  the  Fellows  to  marry. 


NOTB  (41)  RBFBRRBU  TO  IN  PAGE  347. 

On  the  cultivation  of  Mental  Philosophy  at  the  Universities. 

(The  different  notices  of  the  Scholastic  Philosophy  by  our  Au- 
thor, seem  rather  unintelligible  and  perhaps  inconsistent.  This  may 
possibly  arise  from  my  own  misconception  of  him ;  yet  it  may  be 
allowable  here  to  state  my  difficulties.  He  describes  the  Philoso- 
phy of  the  twelfth  century  as  consuming,  not  digesting,  know- 
ledge ;  as  converting  its  most  solid  materials  into  magical  webs ; 
in  short,  as  the  product  of  a  diseased  Imagination.  However  this 
may  be  set  off  with  fine  words,  it  is  hard  to  admire  an  activity  of 
intellect,  in  which  one  faculty  of  the  mind  so  unduly  predominates, 
that  the  result  is  destructive  of  common  sense,  and  semi-maniacal. 


444  NOTES. 

—  He  then  highly  extols  the  more  eminent  Schoolmen,  stating  it 
as  an  axiom,  that  they  belong  to  the  Nobility  of  Intellect.  All 
that  is  in  evidence,  however,  is,  that  these  great  names  were  won- 
derfully acute  in  persuading  themselves  and  others,  that  they  had 
solved  riddles  often  contemptible,  or  problems  still  unapproachable 
to  human  curiosity.  When  whole  nations  apply  themselves  to 
such  feats  of  intellect,  men  of  genius  may  invest  the  subject  with  a 
charm  and  an  interest  which  other  generations  cannot  conceive, 
and  may  attain  a  skill  in  untying  enigmas,  which  others  do  not 
desire.  The  result  however  was,  that  no  positive  truth  at  all  was 
ascertained,  no  controversy  (not  even  that  of  Realism)  was  settled, 
by  two  or  three  centuries  of  surprising  mental  activity ;  and  in  die 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  Professor  Huber  laments  that 
Scholasticism  was  become  dead  lumber.  His  own  history  furnishes 
us  with  the  explanation.  The  ablest  minds  had  become  convinced 
that  no  good  would  come  of  such  processes ;  and  had  turned  to  a 
more  objective  Philosophy,  first  in  the  Wycklifiite,  afterwards  in 
the  Classical  Schools,  and  lastly,  in  that  of  Bacon.  The  progress 
of  the  new  science  is  hailed  with  delight  by  our  Professor ;  and 
yet,  as  soon  as  Scholasticism  is  bond  fide  discarded  by  the  Univer- 
sities, he  complains.  Yet  surely  it  argues  folly,  or  hard  pressure 
of  need,  when  men  seek  to  cultivate  soils  proved  barren.  More 
fertile  fields  being  opened,  all  the  talent  that  could  be  spared  from 
active  life  would  first  employ  itself  on  these.  Instinct  told  the 
men  of  that  day,  that  the  old  fields  must  lie  fellow  awhile.  ITieir 
predecessors  had  made  the  mistake  of  beginning  with  the  most 
arduous  part  of  all  philosophy ;  it  was-  needful  to  commence  afresh, 
and,  for  a  long  time,  to  work  out  every  thing  that  was  positive  and 
objective.  Even  rubbish  may  be  transmuted  by  a  higher  chemis- 
try into  what  is  precious  as  gold ;  but  this  higher  chemistry  must 
be  itself  first  attained.  In  England  we  have  not  yet  learned  to 
make  even  Political  Philosophy  a  University  Study;  and  we  are 
far  off  the  time  when  Scholasticism  may  itself  fiimish  the  materials 
for  a  new  positive  science.] 


APPENDIX  TO  VOL.  I. 


[Thb  MawiDg  Tables  hare  beta  collectad  by  Mr.  James  Heyttood,  and 
to  thoM  nbo  ara  curious  in  AatiquBrian  Ststiatics,  nay  saem  a  niitable 
addition  to  tbiB  Volame.] 


TABLE  OP  THE  NUMBER  OF  THE  DEGREES  OF  BACHELOR 
OF  ARTS,  AT  OXFORD.  FROM  1518  TO  1680. 


fFram  Wttd't  KSS.  ir 


Ifutnin,  ai;fbri./ 


v.„ 

B.A. 

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B.A. 

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1013.4 

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m 

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446 


TABLE  OF  THE  NUUBER  OF  THE  DEGREES  OF  BACHELOR 

OF  ARTS,  TAKEN  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  FROM  1600  TO  1658. 

trr^m  at  SXoaiM  M83.  fa  On  BrIUih  irwrnnj 


APPENDIX. 


;  OF  THE    NUMBER   OF   DEGREES    TAKEN    AT 
CAMBRIDGE,    FROM    1500    TO    16G8. 
i-Pnmi  at  Sioaiu  MSS.  tn  Uu  SHIM  MuHum-t 


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APPENDIX. 


TABLE  OF  DEGREES  TAKEN  AT  CAMBRIDGE, 
1500  TO  leas (CO 


I.»trn..,. 

w«^l 

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APPENDIX. 


TABLE  OP  DEGBBB3 
1500  TO 


TAKEN   AT  CAHBBtDGE,   FROM 

1 658.— (COHTIN  trSD. ) 


TABLE  OF  DEGREES  TAKEN  AT  CAMBRIDGE,    FROM 
1500  TO  1668 (CO 


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