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EPHESUS,

AND

THE TEMPLE OF DIANA.

• NA
285

EPHESTJS,

THE TEMPLE OF DIANA.

EDWARD FALKENER.

; The Empress of Ionia, renowned Ephesus, famous for war and learning."

Anthol. Graea, iv. 20, § 4.

LONDON:

DAY & SON, GATE STEEET, LINCOLN'S-INN FIELDS,

LITHOGRAPHERS TO THE QUEEN.

1862.

PREFACE.

fYN looking over my portfolios of drawings taken
in Asia Minor seventeen years ago, it occurred
to me that those treating on so noble a city as
Ephesus might not be unacceptable to the public.
The plans and drawings here exhibited will show
that the limited period of one fortnight, a long
period to stop in so unhealthy a spot, must have
been greatly occupied in measuring and drawing,
without giving much time for more general re-
searches. Even had I stayed longer, I should not
have been in a position to direct my investigations
to many points which I should have felt imperative
after writing my monograph. Many things, of course,
can be described only after seeing the remains ; but
very many, and generally points of greatest interest,

VI PKEFACE.

require to be known previously, so as to direct
the explorer to seek for them. In the present
instance, the position of the Temple, the Magnesian
gate, the portico of Damianus, the monuments of
Androclus, of Heropythus, and of Dionysius, the
relative position of the ports and rivers, of the
lakes and marshes, the extent to which the sea
has receded — all these and many others, should
have been known to the investigator previously
to entering on the field of his labours. But
having visited these remains without any idea at
the time of publishing a description of them, the
reader's indulgence is requested if on some points
I have not presented him with such fixed and
certain results as a more lengthened stay would
have enabled me to offer.

It has been asserted that explorations con-
ducted by private individuals are preferable to
expeditions sent out by direction of the State ;
that the voluntary practice which has generally
been followed in England is better than the
system of State support adopted in continental
countries. Being one of the corps of travellers

PREFACE. Vll

on the voluntary system, I may be permitted to
state my convictions of the superior advantages
derivable from an organized and well-appointed
expedition. It is true that this country has
sent out expeditions in furtherance of the Fine
Arts ; but these expeditions have been generally
dispatched after researches and discoveries have
been made by private individuals. We have sent
out expeditions to secure marbles — as at Nineveh,
after the discoveries of Mr. Layard; at Xanthus,
after the discoveries of Sir Charles Fellows ; at
Halicarnassus, after the assurance by Mr. Newton of
the existence of sculptured marbles ; and lately at
Cyrene, after the discoveries of Lieutenants Smith
and Porcher. The results of some of these expe-
ditions have been published in a magnificent form
by private enterprise, and with most satisfactory
results. Still, it must strike many persons, that
if well-appointed expeditions to some of these
places had been sent out in the first instance,
expeditions consisting of an archaeologist, an
architect, and a draughtsman, more important
or more complete results might have been

Vlll PREFACE.

obtained; and certainly with regard to Govern-
ment, it would look more generous and more
just, were it to have lent its aid before the
discovery of marbles, rather than content itself
with sending out vessels to secure them ; were it
to assist in investigating questions of topography
and science, of art and antiquity ; in measuring
the architectural and other remains, in repre-
senting and publishing the works of sculpture,
rather than in prizing only the marbles, and
leaving the rest to the chance of individual enter-
prise. The Elgin marbles were purchased by our
Government at a considerable loss to the noble
earl who brought them to this country ; the
Phigalian marbles were obtained, after their dis-
covery by Mr. Cockerell and his fellow-travellers,
but the iEginetan lost, in consequence of our
Government not having been sufficiently early in
proffering its assistance.

It is true that what the State has not afforded,
our Dilettanti Society has on several occasions sup-
plied; and its " Ionian Antiquities," its " Inedited
Antiquities of. Attica," in earlier days ; and in our

PBEFACE. IX

own its publication of the "Principles of Athenian
Architecture," by Mr. Penrose ; these and other
works are valuable monuments of its labours, —
labours conducted with the sole object of benefiting
art.

In contrast with our own Government, attention
may be directed to the French Grovernment, which
has, for two centuries, sent out expeditions to
every ancient country with which it has been con-
nected ; expeditions equipped, not with the mere
object of collecting marbles for its Museum, but of
investigating the antiquities, the arts, the monu-
ments, the riches, and products of the country. It
has seut out archaeologists, philologists, numisma-
tists, architects, painters, botanists, geologists, and
scientific men in all departments ; and it has pub-
lished numerous and most valuable works on Egypt,
Greece, Asia Minor, Persia, Mesopotamia, Armenia,
Algeria, Morocco, and other countries. The French
Government has in this respect done for the Fine
Arts, what our Government has done for com-
merce ; and therefore, in treating on a subject of
ancient art, the author is bound, as an artist, and

X PREFACE.

a lover of art, to express his appreciation of the
services thus rendered by the French Government
to the study of art and antiquity. Nor let it be
supposed that Government assistance precludes the
development of private enterprise. The names of
the Due de Luynes, les Comtes de Labor de, (pere
et fils,) MM. Lenormant, Beule, and other distin-
guished travellers, are a sufficient proof that in
France, no less than with us, private individuals
can be found willing to devote their fortunes to the
service of art.

London : May 1, 1862.

PART I.
THE CITY OF EPHESUS,

PAGE

Preface v

Introduction 1

I. — Inaccuracy of our present Information ... 17

II. — Origin of Ephesus 20

Ancient Names of Ephesus 22

Parts of the City 25

Suburbs and Dependencies of the City .... 33

III. — Foundation of Ephesus, and Early History . 40

IV. — Different Buildings of the City 48

The two Ports 50

The Agora Civilis Gl

The Hippodrome G9

The Agorae Venales G9

The Gymnasia 71

The Opistholeprian Gymnasium 85

The Great Gymnasium, or Gymnasium of the Port 94

The Gymnasium of the Stadium 99

The Gymnasium of the Theatre 100

Other Gymnasia 101

The Theatre 102

The Stadium 104

The Odeon 106

The Serapion 106

Fountains 107

Xll CONTENTS.

PAGE

Temples 109

Smyrna Tracheia 112

Private Buildings 113

City Walls 114

Aqueducts 116

Tombs 118

Castle at Aiaslik 119

V. — Prosperity and Affluence of the City . . . 122

Natural Advantages 123

Natives of Ephesus 127

Schools of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture . 130

VI. — Character of the Ephesians 135

Practice of Magic 139

VII. — Christian Traditions and Modern History . . 148

Churches 150

Mosque of Sultan Selim 153

Grotto of the Seven Sleepers 157

Concluding Notices 160

Fruits of excavating 161

APPENDIX No. I.

Historical Events connected with the City of

Ephesus . 165

APPENDIX No. II.

Chronological Table 183

PART II.
THE TEMPLE OF DIANA.

PAGE

I. — Notice of the Works of Ancient "Writers : Pre-
posterous Accounts of Modern Travellers :
Magnificence and Celebrity of the Temple 189

II. — Situation of the Temple 196

III. — The Seven earlier Temples, and their Confla-
gration 210

IV. — The celebrated Temple 220

1. Difficulties of the Subject 220

2. The Temple of Diana was always in the same

locality, but did not always occupy the same

site 223

3. The Quarries 225

4. The Temple occupied two hundred and twenty

years in building 228

5. The rebuilding of the eighth or celebrated

Temple 232

6. The Dimensions of the Temple 237

7. The columns of the eighth Temple were not

monolithal 239

8. The peristyle consisted of one hundred and

twenty columns . 241

9. The Temple was of the Iouic order : it was

decastyle and eustyle : it had nineteen
columns at the sides : the intercolumnia-
tion was eustyle, aud the columns were
eight and a quarter diameters in height . 244

XIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

10. Thirty-six of the columns were ornamented

with colour, gilding, and metal ; one of.

which was by the celebrated Scopas . . 250

11. The Hypsethron 268

12. The Temple was surrounded on the outside

by statues 277

13. The Door, Roof, and Stairs of the Temple . 280

V. — The Contents of the Temple 286

1. The Statue of Diana 286

2. The Veil of the Temple 297

3. The Carpentum of the Deity 302

4. The Fountain Hypelseus within the Temple 305
* 5. Works of Art within the Temple .... 305

6. The Treasury of the Temple 312

VI. — The Accessories and Appendages of the Temple 316

1. The Portico of Damianus 316

2. The Banqueting-Hall 316

3. The Sacred Grove 317

4. The Cave of the Syrinx 320

5. The Hecatesium 321

VII. — The Asylum of the Temple : Priests and Cere-
monies 327

VIII. — Final Destruction, and Conclusion . . . . 341

LIST OF PLATES.

Plan of the principal part remaining of the City of Ephesus

(folding plate) in pocket.
The Plain of Ephesus ; showing the position of the Temple of Diana

and the Port Panormus ....... Page 1

Sketch Plan of Ephesus ; corrected by diagonal bearings, and measured

Plan of central portion ........ 1

Panoramic View of Mount Pion and the City of Ephesus ; taken

from Mount Coressus 1

Panoramic View of Mount Pion and Mount Coressus ; taken from

Aiaslik 1

Restoration of the City of Ephesus, as seen from the Theatre . . 1

Restoration of the City of Ephesus, as seen from Mount Coressus . 1

Plan of the Agora 68-69

Plan of the smaller Agora 70

Plan of the Opistholeprian Gymnasium ...... 88

Plan of the Great Gymnasium, or Gymnasium of the Port . . 94-95

Plan of Subterranean Chambers of the Great Gymnasium ... 96

Plan of the Gymnasium of the Stadium 98

Plan of the Gymnasium of the Theatre . . . . . .100

Plan of the Serapion .......... 106

Mosque of Sultan Selim, at Aiaslik. — Plan ..... 152

Western Front 152

North Doorway . . . . .154

East Doorway . . . . . .154

Inscription over East Doorway . .154

Interior ...... . 156

Specimens of Ornamental Writing . . 156

Turkish Tombs at Aiaslik 160

Plan of the Temple of Diana 220

The Statue of Diana Ephesia 286

"Woodcuts.

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INTRODUCTION.

"TT is wonderful to consider, as we walk through
this vast metropolis of the present day, that
cities of antiquity as large as London have once
existed and disappeared, leaving not a trace
behind ; it is wonderful to reflect that as many
multitudes of persons as we now see moving
constantly about, each occupied in the busy affairs
of life, once existed there, and have passed away,
without children or successors to record their
history. It is peculiarly solemn and striking, in
travelling in these regions, to journey sometimes
for days together without meeting with a modern
town, and this in plains and valleys which we
know to have been once densely populated; to
wander over the remains of cities, sometimes so
perfect that their inhabitants seem only to have
left them yesterday; to find these cities often so

2 INTRODUCTION.

close together as to excite marvel how their
inhabitants could have subsisted, — and now, instead
of the pleasant faces of mankind, to see a howling
wilderness ; to behold splendid public buildings
in some ancient city, — so splendid as to denote
considerable importance and prosperity, — and to
search history in vain for the name inscribed
upon its walls : and, on the other hand, to search
for the remains of some well-known city of
antiquity, and not to be able to fix even upon
its very site. Great must be the joy of the
traveller who discovers gold ; encouraging, his feel-
ings who brings to light new paths of commerce ;
enthusiastic, his who is the first to set his foot
on, and give his name to, unknown lands ; but
even these feelings can scarcely equal his who
walks amidst the almost perfect monuments of
some ancient city, reflecting that he is the first
and only European being who has seen them since
the city was deserted. But when the traveller
is an antiquary, not only are these emotions
heightened in his bosom, but other pleasures
crowd upon his mind. Each stone becomes of
interest to him ; he examines each building with
attention, to' see what peculiarities it may exhibit,

INTRODUCTION. 6

what analogies it lias with other structures, how
it may explain some obscure text ; he studies the
arrangement of these several buildings as a whole
and with each other; he considers how this
arrangement has been made to suit the peculiar
position of the cit}^ how the natural advantages
have been improved, and natural defects remedied ;
he attempts to ascertain the general type of
each structure, making allowance for the casual
modifications of particular instances ; he endea-
vours to distinguish the epochs of the different
buildings, and to picture in his mind's eye what
must have been the appearance of the city at
some earlier epoch, — how, in some instances, the
original regularity of arrangement has been marred
by the addition of later buildings ; how, in others,
the original simplicity has gradually given place
to prodigal magnificence ; he observes the peculiar
habits and customs of different provinces, how one
form prevailed in some, and another in others.
But one of his highest sources of delight is to
walk over the prostrate ruins of some great city,
where all appears confusion and decay, where to
the eye of the ordinary observer all is a field or
mass of undistinguishable ruin ; and such, indeed,

4 INTRODUCTION.

it appears at first even to his own eye ; but as
lie stoops down and examines, he perceives some
corner-stone, some foundation-wall, some apex of
the pediment, some acroterial ornament, while all
about are broken shafts and capitals. Having
made out a temple, he looks about and considers
where should run the lines of the surrounding
temenos, and assisted thus by his previous judg-
ment and experience, to his great joy, he discovers
traces of that which he was in quest of, and of
which no signs at first appeared. He considers,
then, where was likely to be the forum of the
city, and seeing bases of columns existing in
different parts, and at great distances from each
other, he searches for and discovers evidences of
connecting porticos, and thus makes out the
entire quadrangle. Connected with these build-
ings, he expects to find traces of gymnasia or
other buildings, and these he endeavours to identify
and restore. He now searches among the moun-
tain-slopes, and selects the spot which he thinks
would be most eligible for the theatre or the
stadium, — sites which afford a fine expanse of
scenery, and the natural form of which would
facilitate the . labours of the architect, and effect

INTRODUCTION. 5

economy. Here, perhaps, lie finds no superstruc-
ture remaining, but on climbing its slope, lie
perceives, what can be no other than the cavea
and the orchestra. At length he realises his con-
jectures by discovering some solitary block repre-
senting the peculiar moulding of the marble seats.
Thus it is that, by degrees, that which appeared
nothing but confusion, arranges itself, like Ezekiel's
bones, into shape and form. Here is the whole
city lying out before him in a manner which ap-
pears half imagination, half reality. And now,
having realised it in his own mind, he points it
out to the astonished eyes of his companions, who
can no longer resist the evidence of their senses.

This is, more or less, the nature of the researches
in every ancient site ; for however perfect may be
some of the monuments, other portions of the
city have been swept away, and require to be
restored in order to connect the whole.

The city of Ephesus is now, in fulfilment of
sacred prophecy, a desert place : " the candlestick
has been removed out of his place," — the flame,
the sword, and the pestilence have done their
part ; and the land is guarded by Divine vengeance
from the intrusion of thoughtless man, by the

O INTRODUCTION.

scorpion1 and centipede, by marshes infested with
myriads of serpents, and by attendant fever,
dysentery, and agne. It may be objected that
this scene of desolation may not be an evidence
of the accomplishment of prophecy, but that it is
caused by similar changes and vicissitudes of empire
that have overthrown and laid waste so many other
cities. It is true that many of what were once
the finest and most opulent cities of Asia Minor
are now desolate, that the healthful and smiling
plain is now covered with the pestilential marsh,
and sad and lamentable is the list of travellers
who have lost their lives in exploring these regions;3
but a reflection on the justice and benevolence of
God will show that, though these cities were not
threatened in particular with a denunciation from
God, their licentiousness and wickedness procured
their downfall ; and it is extremely remarkable,
that out of seven prophecies addressed to different

1 I fortunately escaped without being bitten by these reptiles,
so I cannot say whether the scorpions of Ephesus are as hospitable
to strangers as those of Latmus, a neighbouring city of Caria, which
are reported to have been so kindly inclined toward strangers, that
if they bit them they did them no harm, whereas when they bit
natives, they died immediately. — Apollonius, (Dyscolus,) Hist. Mir.
cap. xi.

2 Texier. LAde Mineure, Preface.

INTKODFCTIOX. /

Churches, not one has failed. If all the Churches
had been denounced, and all seven were now in
ruins, we might say that they, in common with
many other cities, were ruined by the revolution
of ages ; but instead of this, we find that three
only were denounced, and four commended, and
these four are precisely those which are now re-
maining. If the sacred prophecies had been written,
like the heathen ones, from a wise and cunning
foresight of future probabilities,1 Ephesus, "that
derives its origin from the purest Attic source,
that has grown in rank above all the cities of
Ionia and Lydia,"3 "the magnificent and spacious
city,"3 the "metropolis of all Asia,"4 the "chief
city of Asia,"5 "one of the eyes of Asia,"6 "the
Empress of Ionia, renowned Ephesus, famous for
war and learning,"7 the seat of the Panionium,8
or sacred confederation of the Ionians, the " mart

1 The Sibylline oracles denounce most of the cities of Asia
Minor, many of which are still in a flourishing condition, as Tralles,
Philadelphia, Smyrna, &c. This last city the Sibyl describes as
ruined more hopelessly thau Ephesus.

2 Philost. Vita Apol. viii. 7, § 8. 3 Vitr. x. Prsei.

4 Mionnet, Medailles, (Mqrpo7ro\«c).

5 Id. {wpwr^v Aaiag) ; Guhl, Uphesiaca, p. 117.

6 Plin. v. 31 ; Strabo, p. 557. 7 Anthol. Grcec. iv. 20, § 4.
8 Diod. Sic. xv. 5 ; Pompon. Mela, i. 17.

O INTRODUCTION.

of commerce,"1 abounding in natural productions,2
strengthened by the greatness and extended cele-
brity of its idol, and which called itself, as we do
London, the good old city, " the good city of
Ephesus,"3 — blessed with these natural advantages,
whatever vicissitudes might have fallen upon the
rest of Asiatic Greece, Ephesus, we might feel
sure, would have remained ; and if war had dis-.
mantled any of her towers, the conquerors them-
selves would have been glad to build them up
again for their own advantage. Sardis, too, seated
on the fertile banks of the Hermus,4 boasting in
its impregnable acropolis,5 and its countless riches,6
" the most illustrious city of Lower Asia, which

1 Strabo, p. 642. 2 See cb. v.

3 TO AFA90N E$E2ION, Mionnet, iii. 465, 8.

4 At a sbort distance from Sardis Xerxes found a most beautiful
plane-tree, so very beautiful, that, although surrounded by the
ensigns of his power, although conducting the greatest armament
ever heard of, he could not refrain from expressing his admiration
of it by adorning it with chains of gold, and assigning the guard
of it to one of the Immortal Band. — (Herod, vii. 31.)

5 See Herod, i. 84; Annan, i. 18 ; Lucian. Be Mercede cond.
pot. famil.

6 The country of Gyges and Croesus. See also Arrian, Exp.
Alex. vii. 9. Gold was produced both from its Mount Tmolus,
and its river Pactolus. — Herod, i. 93 ; v. 101 ; and Philost. Vita
Apol. vi. 37 ; Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 21 j Justinus, xxxvi. 4 ; Virg.
jEn. x. 142 ; Lycbphron, 272, 1352.

INTRODUCTION. 9

not only excelled the other cities in wealth and
power, but was the capital of ancient Lydia, and
the second residence of the Persian monarchs,"1 —
Sardis, at least, might have fancied itself secure.
Laodicea also, "the beautiful city,"2 watered by
the celebrated Mseander, noted for the excellence
of its territory,3 for its opulence and splendour,
the seat of the Eoman proconsulate, and of such
importance and magnificence as to have had three
large theatres, (one more than is now to be seen
among the ruins of any other city of Asia Minor,) —
Laodicea might have been esteemed in too flourish-
ing condition to render abandonment and desola-
tion possible. But these are those which were
threatened, and these are they which are destroyed.
Pergamus and Thyatira, both which cities were
commended, although to each of them admonitions
were addressed to certain portions of their in-
habitants, yet remain respectable towns ; while
Smyrna and Philadelphia, which were the only

1 Paus. iii. 9. 2 Sibyl. Orac. lib. v.

3 Strabo, p. 578. The luxuriousness of this district is such that
an adjoining city, " Eucarpia, was so called from the fertility of its
soil. Metrophanes reports that a single bunch of grapes grown in
this district was sufficient to break down a waggon, (!) and the
barbarians (natives) relate that Jupiter granted this district to Ceres
and Bacchus." — (Steph. Byz. sub voce.)

C *

10 INTRODUCTION.

two that were found perfect, (though, alas ! not
now so,) are still existing as flourishing and great
cities.

But our remarks, at present, are not with these
cities, — they are confined to the subject of illustra-
tion, the city of Ephesus. This city, the port of
Ionia, situated on the river Cayster, was, during
the whole period of classical antiquity, a place of
the highest importance. Owing to its favoured
situation, it became the mart of commerce of Asia
Minor, and here was exchanged the produce of
Greece and Egypt with that of the Persian empire
and inner Asia. The wealth of the town, arising
from such intercourse, exposed it to the covetous-
ness of the Persian monarch s ; but after a long-
period of three hundred years, during which it
struggled, in common with the other cities of
Asia, to maintain its independence, it was obliged
to call to its assistance the Greeks of Europe,
who, from protectors, became its most cruel op-
pressors. For upwards of a century it was held
by the successors of Alexander, and after the
defeat of Antiochus the Great, it fell into the
hands of the Romans. The city suffered by an
earthquake in the reign of the Emperor Tiberius,

INTRODUCTION. 1 1

and though, frequently wasted and destroyed, it
ever rose to greater magnificence after each cata-
strophe. Its final destruction, which happened
A.D. 253 — 262, cannot fail to impress the mind
of the philosopher and the Christian, who think
of its former glory, its Christian celebrity, and
its final desolation.

The early colonists introduced with them the
worship of the goddess Diana ; but owing to the
connection of Ephesus with Central Asia, an
Oriental character was gradually given to her
rites. It was not the nimble goddess of the
woods, but an uncouth, mammiform divinity which
was exposed to view, and which represented the
great mother or nature, and Source of all things.
Her temple, built at the joint expense of all Asia,
was esteemed one of the seven wonders of the
world ; not merely from the engineering difficulties
which its builders had to overcome, but on account
of its magnificence and grandeur, the purity of
its architecture, the beauty of its sculptural adorn-
ments, and the extraordinary collection of works
of art, in painting and sculpture, which it con-
tained. Seven times destroyed, it was seven times
rebuilt, each time with greater magnificence; one

1 2 INTRODUCTION.

of its conflagrations being noted in history as the
work of an execrable fanatic. This sacred shrine
was reverenced in Greece and Asia. When Darius
destroyed all the other temples of Asia, this alone
was spared. Here met for worship the Greeks of
Europe and of Asia. " Here, in honour of Diana,
sacrificed the great Macedonian Conqueror, the
proud Persian Satrap, and the Roman General :
Alexander, Tissaph ernes, and Antony did honour
to her fame.

This celebrated city, the chief seat of Asiatic
grandeur, opulence, and civilization : this city,
which witnessed the labours of apostles ; this city,
which became a monument of the fulfilment of
divine prophecy: this city, so famous both in
pagan and in Christian times, it is our present
object to describe.

I visited the country in the years 1844 and
1845, when I travelled through all the most
interesting portions of Asia Minor, visiting every
ancient site, and exploring the ruins where these
remains were considerable. Being alone, I had
no opportunity of excavating at any place, and
contented myself with taking such hasty notes
and sketches as time would permit. Here I

INTRODUCTION. 13

remained one fortnight, notwithstanding that the
ruins are situate on the borders of a pestilential
marsh; and during this time succeeded in taking
a general plan of the whole city, with detailed
measurements of its buildings. The temple has
been swept away, and its very site is undis-
tinguishable : and it was not till my return to
England, and sitting down to search into the
accounts of ancient writers, with a view to pre-
pare a descriptive accompaniment to the drawings,
that I became convinced of the true site which
the temple had occupied, and longed to return
to those classic regions, that I might reduce my
conjectures into certainty: this, although fourteen
years have elapsed since I wrote this monograph,
I have not been permitted to accomplish, and the
task must be left to some future explorer to see
whether these conjectures are realized, and to
raise for himself a reputation by discovering that
temple, which was of such celebrity, that one in
olden time thought to acquire reputation by
destroying it.

In treating on an ancient subject, we have
always to lament the loss of those works of the
ancients which had reference to it. Among those

14 INTRODUCTION.

who wrote on the city of Ephesus, besides the
writers on the Temple of Diana,1 are the follow-
ing : —

Xenophon, the Ephesian, — On the Public Affairs

of the Ephesians.2
Greophiliis, — On the Annals of the Ephesians.3
Evalcas, — On Ephesian Affairs.4
Baton, of Sinope, — On the Tyrants of Ephesus.5
Mutianus, the Roman Consul, — Itinerary.6
JEselirion, of Sardis, — On Ephesus.7

Besides these, it is probable that there were other ancient
authors who wrote on the city of Ephesus. Horace, in the Intro-
duction to his Odes, says, — Some have expatiated on the splendour
of Thebes, of Ephesus, &c, but he would choose a different sub-
ject 8

1 See part ii. ch. 1. 2 Suidas.

3 Athenseus, viii. p. 361. 4 Id. xiii. p. 573. 5 Id. vii. p. 289.
fi Plin. //. N. xvi. 40. 7 See Lobeck, De Cercojnbus, p. 7.

8 Hor. Od. i. § 72.

PART I.

THE CITY OF BPHESUS.

The Empress of Ionia, renowned Ephesus, famous for war and learning."

.1 nthol. Grceca, iv. 20, s -I.

INACCURACY OF OUR PRESENT INFORMATION.

A DISTINGUISHED French traveller in the
latter part of the 17th century, speaking of
the ruins of Ephesus, thus observes : — " The greater
part of these ruins we cannot make out, whatever
application and diligence we may employ "; l and
the result has been that the most confused and con-
tradictory opinions are held by those who have
treated on the subject; and that travellers often
know less about the edifices of this famous city
after they have visited its ruins, than they did
before.

Thus no fewer than seventeen2 travellers have
mistaken the ruin at the head of the marsh, (the
Great Gymnasium,) for the vestiges of the Temple
of Diana ; two3 regard it as a church, and one4 as a

1 Comeille le Brun, Voyage au Levant, p. 29.

2 Tavernier, i. 81 ; Spon and Wheler, i. 334 ; Tournefort, ii.
515 j Poleni ; Dr. Pococke, p. 51 ; Chishull, p. 26 j Yan Egraont
and Heynian, i. 106 j Cte. Caylus, p. 433 ; Revett the architect, in
Chandler, p. 160 ; Cte. de Forbin, p. 21 ; W. J. Hamilton, ii.
24, 82 ; Choiseul Gouffier, i. 311 ; Prokesch, ii. 109; Usborne,
p. 309 ; and M. de Monconys.

3 Dallaway and Arundell. 4 Guhl.

18 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Temple of Neptune. One of these writers indeed,
Count Caylus, looked upon the ruins scattered about
the whole plain as the dependencies of- the temple,
and supposed that the city itself was stationed at
Aiaslik.1 Tavernier and Le Brun consider the arch
of the stadium to be the door of the temple ; and
Chishull imagined it formed part of the edifice
erected for the third General Council ; while Usborne
takes the Roman temple by the Agora 2 to be the
remains of the first temple burnt by Herostratus.

Nor are travellers zealous only for the glory of
Diana, they are equally so for the glory of the
Church. Believing the Catholic Church to be a
visible church, they suppose that the Churches of
the Apocalypse were churches of brick and stone ;
and accordingly they use their utmost endeavour to
discover if it were but the dust of these once sacred
edifices. Two writers, as we have seen, regard the
ruin at the head of the marsh as the remains of a
Christian cathedral ; another3 conceived that the
ruin at the back of the city4 must formerly have
been a church, and with the zeal of an antiquary
endeavoured to transform the paintings of pagan
mythology into the emblems of Christian sym-
bolism. But the great majority of travellers
strive to appropriate to themselves the mosque of
Sultan Selim ; they endeavour to persuade them-

1 The Cte. de Forbin, p. 22, and Tournefort, p. 513, also took
Aiaslik to be Mount Pion. 2 The Temple of Augustus.

3 Rev. Mr. Arundell. 4 The Opistholeprian Gymnasium.

1NACCUEACY OF OUR PRESENT INFORMATION. 19

selves that a building erected about twelve hundred
years after Christ existed in the time of St. John,
and pleasantly fancy they can discern in the figure
of a Turkish lantern the representation of the host
and chalice.1 Again, a tazza forming part of one of
the fountains of ancient Ephesus, has been christened
by these zealous antiquaries2 as the font used by
St. John for baptizing the heathen, and each considers
it right to break off a small piece, in order to fulfil
"les petits devoirs d'un voyageur." Nor do they
respect St. John only; St. Paul comes in for an
equal share of their attention. They select one of
the best preserved towers of the city wall for his
prison,3 and one of them in the fervour of his zeal
slept in it a whole night. And as in Jerusalem
they point out the house of the rich man, the house
of the poor man, and the window out of which
Pontius Pilate looked ; so here they show you the
tomb of the Virgin Mary,4 the tomb of Mary Mag-
dalene, the tomb of St. John, and the tomb of
Timothy ; not to mention the tombs of the seven
sleepers.5

1 Van Egmont and Heyman, p. 112.

2 Van Egmont and Heyman, M. de Monconys, Le Bran.

3 "Van Egmont and Heyman, Prokesch.

4 When Ephesns decreased in splendour she was obliged to give
up this source of profit to the more fortunate Jerusalem.

5 Arundel], Asia M. p. 253 ; Seven Churches, p. 26.

II.*

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS — ANCIENT NAMES, PARTS, SUBURBS, AND
DEPENDENCIES OF THE CITY.

THE foundation of Ephesus dates back to the
birth of Diana. At Ortygia, near Ephesus, we
are informed by Strabo,1 " there is a magnificent
wood planted with all kinds of trees, but principally
the cypress. It is traversed by the Cenchrius, in
which it is said Latona washed after her accouche-
ment. For here it is that she is reported to have
lain in : it is here that she met with Ortygia,2 who
nursed her children, and here is the olive-tree under
which she reposed after being delivered. Above
this wood is Mount Solmissus, where they say the
Curetes, by the noise of their arms, deafened the
jealous Juno, who was anxious to discover the ac-
couchement of Latona, and by this means succeeded
in concealing it from her."

In treating of Ephesus, it is our duty to turn a

1 Strabo, pp. 639, 640.

2 Some derive the name of Ortygia from Latona, who flew to
this spot when changed into a quail (oprvE.) by Jupiter, to avoid
the pursuit of Juno.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 21

partial ear to the story told us by the Ephesians,,
and to believe with them, that " Diana and Apollo
were not, as the vulgar believe, born in the isle of
Delos, but in the Ortygian grove in the territory of
Ephesus." l " The olive-tree under the shade of
which Latona was delivered, was still to be seen2 in a
flourishing condition, and the grove had become
a consecrated spot. It was there that Apollo,
having slain the Cyclops, found a retreat from the
vengeance of Jupiter. It was there that Bacchus,
after his victory over the Amazons, pardoned such
of them as fled for protection to the altar of
Diana : and it was there that Hercules,3 after his
conquest of Lydia, established the temple with its
rites and ceremonies." 4 The city would appear
to have been dedicated to Diana in the most
remote antiquity, in consequence of the fertility of
the soil; the ancients believing that for such
blessing they were indebted to the mother of
nature. Pausanias ascribes the origin of the city
to Cresus,5 a native of the place, and to Ephesus,
who is thought to have been a son of the river
Caystrus, and from whom the city took its name.6

1 Tacitus, An. iii. 61. This myth we of course find referred to
in the medals of the Ephesians. See Mionnet, Suppl. torn. vi.
Ionie, Nos. 714, 775, and 818.

2 In the reign of Tiberius, A.D. 22.

3 Diod. Sic. iv. 16. 4 Tacitus, iii. 61.
5 This would seem to indicate a Cretan origin.

fi Pans. vii. 2. Gyraldus reports other derivations, but without
crediting them. — (Hist. Dew. Syntag. xii. 368 je.J Eustathius

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

ANCIENT
NAMES OP
EPHESUS.

Ephesus, (says Pliny,1) lias had many names. In
the time of the Trojan war it was called Alopes:2
soon after, (continues Pliny,) it was called Ortygia,
and Morges ; Smyrna trachaea, Samornium,3 and

derives the name of Ephesus in a different manner : — " They relate
(says he) that the Amazons being attacked by Hercules, when he
was commanded by Eurystheus to obtain for him the belt of
Antiope, took refuge at the altar of Diana, where they found
pardon or safety ; and that from this the place was called, by
paragrammion, or changing of letters, Ephesos instead of a^eo-u-."
— (Com. Dionys. Geog. p. 147 )

1 Hist. Nat. v. 31.

2 Hyginus, Fabl. xiv. Strabo has a long disquisition on this
name. The word appears first in Homer, (Iliad, ii. 856-7,) but
what authority Pliny and Hyginus have in giving this name to
Ephesus does not appear : possibly from the works of some his-
torian now lost to us. Strabo, however, is much more diffi-
dent in the application of this word. He says (p. 550) " Some
place the Amazons between Mysia, Caria, and Lydia, near Cyme,
as Ephorus is of opinion, who says that part of the country inha-
bited by the Tonians and ^Eolians was formerly occupied by the
Amazons." He then proposes to read the passage in Homer thus :
" Odius and Epistrophus conducted the Amazons : they came from
Alope, where the Amazons resided : that distant country whei*e
silver is produced." After summing up the opinions of various
commentators on the position of Alope, Sti'abo continues : " These
places are much nearer the Troad than the territory of Ephesus ;
and yet Demetrius ridicules those who place the Amazons in the
environs of Pygela, between Ephesus, Magnesia, and Priene, because
the expression of Homer, distant, cannot apply to these places ;
and yet it is less applicable to those of Mysia and Teuthrania,
which they advocate." He then goes on to show that Homer
frequently uses such equivocal expressions, and therefore, on the
whole, he seems inclined to believe that Homer referred to Ephesus
under this name.

3 Steph. Byz. voce "Efeaoc and Safuopva.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 23

Ptelea.1 Of its name Ortygia we shall have to
speak in describing the parts of the city; suffice
it to say that Stephanus Byzantinus assigns
it as an ancient designation of the whole city.3
Smyrna signifies myrrh, and the city probably
took this designation from the luxuriousness of
its soil, and indeed we know that it was celebrated
for the excellence of its perfumes.3 The distinctive
epithet of trachcea was applied to it from the
rugged character of Mount Coressus. Strabo,4
however, and Stephanus Byzantinus5 both derive
the word Smyrna from an Amazon, who, the
former relates, conquered Ephesus, and gave her
name to the city and its inhabitants ; and he
quotes Callinus,6 who in his hymn to Jupiter
calls the Ephesians by the appellation of Smyrnians,
— ■" 0 Jupiter ! have pity on the Smyrnians, and

1 Id. See also UrtXta. From the first of these names, Alope,
Guhl imagines ( Upliesiaca, p. 25, ) the city had a Pelasgic
origin, especially as he finds it called Hemonia after a city of
Thessalia, the original country of the Pelasgians ; and he refers in
proof of his opinion to an Ephesian inscription, (Boeckh, C. I. G.
2956 a) where the city calls itself Pelasgic. "Menecrates of Elaea,
in his Treatise on the Origin of Cities, says the present coast of
Ionia commencing with Mycale and all the adjacent isles were

anciently inhabited by the Pelasgi The Pelasgi rose

rapidly, and disappeared as suddenly ; pai'ticularly at the period
of the ^Eolian and Ionian colonization." — (Strabo, p. 621.) Hero-
dotus says the origin of the Ionians was Pelasgic, but he derives
it from Achaia instead of Asia. — (Herod, i. 146 ; vii. 94-5.)

2 V0Ce"E(p£(T0Q.

3 Athen. xv. p. 689. 4 Strabo, p. 633.

5 Voce "E</>£<roc. 6 A poet of Ephesus.— (Guhl, Eph. 142.)

24 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

remember the fat bullocks they used to offer
thee." l The laying claim to derivation from
Amazons, river-gods, and demi-gods, or heroes,
can only prove the great antiquity of the place,
and therefore it is most probable that the appel-
lation of Smyrna was derived as above suggested,
especially as this is countenanced by another
name of Ephesus given us by Pliny, — Morges,
which is probably a corruption of 'AfAopyy, a
purple flower used in dyeing ; and it is remark-
able that purple is especially mentioned by an
ancient but anonymous geographer as one of the
particular products of Asia.2 Another corrobora-
tion of the city having taken its name from a
herb or flower, occurs in the two streamlets
of Ephesus, called Selinus, signifying parsley.
Samorna appears from Salmasius to have been
the same as Panormus, but Gruhl3 takes it for a
corruption of Smyrna. Lastly, Ptelea is evidently
derived from the trunk of an elm-tree, on which,
out of which, or under which, the Amazons placed
or formed the statue of Diana.4 The only other
name by which the city was called was that of
Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, but the name
appears to have lasted only during his lifetime.5

1 Stephanus uses Tracheia as a general term for the whole city.

2 Geog. Vet. Scrijjt. Grcec. Mm. Oxon, 1712, vol. iii. p. 11. The
Biblical student will not fail to remember Lydia of Thyatira.

3 Ephesiaca, p. 31 ; Choiseul Gouflier, i. 323.

4 Calliraachus, Hymn V. ; Dionysius Periegetes, v. 825 ;
Scaliger. 5 Steph. Byz. voce" Efiaog ; Strabo, p. 640.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC.

Ephesus was originally situated at a distance of
seven stadia, (or between six and seven furlongs,)
from the sea. It occupied Mount Pion, a circular
hill, and the slopes of Mount Coressus, a long
range of lofty craggy mountains, separated from
the former by a narrow valley. This valley and
part of the plain in front of Pion were included
in the line of the city wall.

The parts of the city the names of which have
come down to us are, Tracheia, Mount Pion or
Prion, Opistholepre, or the part behind Lepre, or
Lepre-acte, as it is indifferently called, Smyrna
or Smyrna-Tracheia, Benna or Bennamia, Elsea,
Sisyrba, Daitis, and Evonymia. Besides these
there were the quarters of the inhabitants of
Teos and Carina, of Lebedos and Colophon,
and lastly, that of the Selinuntians of Sicily.
There was also a hill called Ceryceum, part of
which appears to have been included in the city
wall.1

The steep flanks of the mountain were called
Tracheia, from their rugged character, which
description answers to the eastern extremity of
Coressus towards Mount Pion.3

PARTS OF
THE CITY.

TRACHEIA.

1 See Guhl, Epheg. pp. 5, 129. Ephorus the historian, who lived
about 350 B.C., says Ephesus was divided into five quarters —
Benna, Evonymia, Ephesiis, Teos, and Carina. — (Steph. Byz.
De Urbibu*, voce Bennamia.)

2 Tracheia is incorrectly shown on Mount Pion in Choiseul
Gouftiei's plan.

26 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

noN, prion, Strabo1 describes Mount Pion, in his time, as

lepreacte. being above the city, and as being crowned by part of
the wall. Pliny,2 on the other hand, who died only
fifty-seven years after Strabo, speaks of Ephesus as
standing upon the hill Pion, under which is the river
Caystrus. An examination of the ruins, and an
inspection of the restored plan of the city, will
reconcile these different statements. It will be
there seen that all the public buildings are in the
plain at the foot of the mountain, and that these
lay so close together, as to render it probable that
this part of the city was reserved exclusively for
public buildings, thereby giving it the highest
degree of grandeur and beauty. This principle of
grouping the public edifices together should always
be observed in laying out the buildings of a great
metropolis. The private buildings, as we shall
presently see, were, on the other hand, placed,
alike for health, beauty of prospect, and defence,
on the elevated parts of Pion and Coressus. Thus
Strabo refers in the above passage to the public
buildings of the city, and Pliny to the private
ones.

This hill was extremely fertile, so much so as to
be classed by Pausanias3 among the curiosities of
Ionia worthy of description. It is from this cir-
cumstance that it derived its name of Pion, which
signifies fat, rich ; and it is probable, from the

1 Strabo, p. 633. 2 Plin. Hut. Nat. v. 29.

3 Pans. vii. 5.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 27

connexion this mountain had with Hercules, that
it gave its name to Pion, one of his descendants.1
Strabo, however, in the above passage calls it Prion,
and it is remarkable that this name also agrees
perfectly with the character of the mountain, it
being craggy and strongly indented like a saw,
which is expressed moreover in another name of
the mountain, Lepre-acte,2 or the rough coast, which
particular designation applies to the eastern part of
the hill.3

In some MSS. it appears to be written Preon,4
which signifies the projecting part of a mountain ;
but though Mount Pion does not project from the
general line of Coressus, it is separated from it only
by the narrow valley at Tracheia. Notwithstanding
the authority of Strabo, it would appear that the
•first reading (Uuov) is the right one, especially as
Pausanias so writes it, coupling the term, moreover,
with the expression of fertility, — " the fertile Mount
Pion." On medals it is always written flEION,
not fl P I O N.5 The form of this mountain con-

1 Paus. ix. 18.

2 Strabo, p. 633. Choiseul Gouffier observes (i. 323) that the
same term was applied for similar reasons to mountains in Sardinia
and Carthage ; and the Spaniards also have the same term in Sierra.

3 Though this name is in perfect accordance with the character
of the mountain, it is possible that it originated from some tender
recollections of their mother country, 'Akttj being one of the pri-
mitive names of Attica. 4 Antonius Liberalis, Metam. 11.

8 Mionnet, Med. torn. iii. Ionie, No. 282 ; Supplt. torn. vi.
Ionie, 413-15.

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

sists in two rounded summits, which are very
faithfully represented in Laborde's panoramic view
of the city,1 and this form must be borne in mind

■■'■',' Ofc-

\J^r>U

with reference to the myth of Hercules and the
Cercopes.2 The demi-god, who was called Melam-

1 Voyage en Orient, fol. 1838. A reduced outline of this view
appears in accompanying plate.

2 Zenobius, Adagia, v. 10.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 29

pygus, was sent by Omphale against the Cercopes
who lived near Ephesus.1 After being annoyed
some time by the tricks they played him, he caught
two of them, Passalus and Achemon, and fastening
their legs together, swung them over his shoulder,
suspending them at the end of his stick or club.
The miserable wights, while hanging in this situa-
tion with their heads downwards, suddenly perceived
Hercules to be that very Melampygus whom their
mother had cautioned them to avoid ; but notwith-
standing their critical position, they were unable to
restrain their risible nerves, and burst out into an
immoderate fit of laughter, which communicating
to Hercules, in a fit of generosity he gave them
their liberty.2 This subject is represented in one of
the metopes discovered by Mr. Angell at Selinus ;3
from whose careful drawing we have taken the
accompanying cut. Now the learned are all agreed
that this fable has reference to the character of the
country. Gerhard4 understands by this Melampygus,
this podex niger, a black and fertile soil. But it
may also denote a rough and rugged spot, the
deep ruts and chasms of which would always be in
shadow : and thus it is expressed in Suidas, who
calls Hercules dasyproctum, or hirsutus podex.5

1 Apollod. Ath. Bibl. lib. ii. cap. vi. 3.

2 See Adagia, Zenob. i. 5, v. 10 ; Diog. i. 3, vi. 38 ; Suidas,
i. 13, ix. 79 ; and Ed. Gerhard, Auserl. Ch'iech. Vasenb. theil ii.
p. 86, tafel ex. ; Diod. Sic. iv. 31 ; Lucian, in Alex.

3 Harris and Angell, Sculpt, met. of Set. pi. viii.

4 Auserl. Vasen. ii. p. 92. 5 Suidas, Adaqia, ix. 79.

30 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

But whether we take one or other of these
meanings, we find it expressed in one or other of
the names of the mountain ; from which circum-
stance, coupled with its form, which is very re-
markable, and the fact of one of Hercules' sons
being named after Mount Pion, we may fairly
assume that this is the mountain referred to in
the legend.1 On this mountain the Cercopes had
established themselves, and the fable is consequently
of importance, showing that this was the earliest
part inhabited. And in reply to the objection that
absurd stories like this, and that of the fish and
hog, which we shall come to presently, prove nothing,
it should be considered that the ancients were in
the habit of impressing their history upon posterity,
and of confirming it where necessary, as a religious
and political expedient, by means of fables and
oracles, each of which, though written long after
the time they were supposed to refer to, though
disguised by art to render them more spirituel and
paradoxical, were founded on history, in order to
make them forcible and impressive, and to cause
them to be the more readily believed.2

The southernmost summit of Mount Pion seems

1 This is confirmed by a rock near Thermopyle being also
called by the word Melampygus, and reported to be inhabited by
Cercopes. — (Herod, vii. 21G.)

2 Thus Pausanias observes, " These Grecian fables are appa-
rently full of folly, but they originated from the ancient practice
of the Greek sages concealing their wisdom In enigmas." — (Pans,
viii. 8.)

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 31

to have been the Acropolis.1 The region called
Opistholepre was, as its name imports, the part opistholepre.
situated behind Lepre-acte, or Pion.2 The parts
called Tracheia and Lepre-acte being thus esta-
blished by the actual character of the respective
mountains, it becomes easy to fix with equal cer-
tainty on the situation of that part of the city
called Smyrna.

This name, as we have seen, was at one time smyrna.
applied to the whole city ; but after the emigration
of a great number of the inhabitants to build the
city which they called Smyrna3 in honour of the
mother country, at a spot celebrated at that time
as possessing a fine harbour, and thence called
Naulochus,4 which was twenty stadia distant from
the present city of Smyrna, and which was pro-
bably limited to a small fishing town belonging
to the Leleges, whom they drove out.5 the
remainder of the inhabitants would appear to
have established themselves in the part between
Tracheia and Lepre-acte, which Strabo, who as
we have seen confines the city to the public
edifices, places behind the city. The inhabitants
of this quarter regarded themselves as the
indigenous possessors of the soil, and through
their influence the new Smyrna, which was
originally in ^Eolia, was admitted into the Ionic

1 Polysenus, v. 19. 2 Strabo, p. G33. 3 Id. p. 633.
4 Steph. Byz. ft Strabo, pp. 632, 940.

QUARTERS
OF THE CITY.

32 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

confederation.1 Choiseul Gouffier erroneously sup-
poses Smyrna to have been at Aiaslik.3 Arundell
also adopted the same opinion,3 and this merely
from the supposed line of direction of an aqueduct.
other The quarter called Bennamia4 seems to have

been inhabited by the Bennii, who took their name
from Benna, a town of the Thracian Chersonese.
Elaea seems to have formed part of the Teian
quarter.5 Sisyrba was an ancient part of the town,
as we may infer from both Strabo6 and Stephanus 7
stating that it was founded by an Amazon of that
name. It is also probable that the portion of the
city called Daitis received its name as early as the
Ionic settlement, Daitis being the name of Andro-
clus' daughter.8 Evonymia likewise must have
been of some antiquity, as Stephanus Byzantinus9
informs us it was peopled by Athenians. The
Teian and Carinean colonies were admitted on
occasion of the insurrection against the sons of
Androclus ; 10 and those of Lebedus and Colophon
were compelled to enter by Lysimachus, he having
destroyed their cities for that purpose.11 The
Selinuntians were admitted in gratitude for their

1 Strabo, p. 633. 2 Voy. Pit. Plan. 3 Discov. ii. 243.

4 Steph. Byz. 5 See Guhl, Ephesiaca, p. 33.

6 Strabo, p. 633. 7 Be Urbibm, voce 2I2YBPA.

8 Suidas, voce Aainc, Elyniol Magn. Guhl imagines that both
Sisyrba and Daitis became subsequently merged into Pteleia. —
(Ephesiaca, p. 8.) ° Steph. Byz. De Urbibus.

10 Suidas, voce fitvvafiia. ll Paus. vii. 3.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 33

important services in defeat of the Roman and
Rhodian fleet, under Thrassyllus, in the 93rd
olympiad, 404 to 408 years B.C.1

Among the dependencies of the city, Ortygia suburbs.
must be considered as holding the most prominent ortygia.
place. It was from the circumstance of Diana
herself receiving birth in this sacred territory,
that Ephesus obtained its origin, and subsequently
acquired such great celebrity. From Strabo2 we
learn that it was near the coast. " It consisted of
a magnificent wood, planted with all kinds of
trees, but especially the cypress, and was traversed
by the Cenchrius There are many tem-
ples in this place, some ancient, some modern.
In the former, the statues are also ancient. In
the modern ones, one sees, among other works
of Scopas, Latona with a sceptre, and Ortygia
near her, bearing the two children in her arms.
They celebrate a feast every year at Ortygia,
and the youth of the city, agreeably to ancient
custom, pride themselves especially in providing
magnificent repasts. The college of Curietes also
gives repasts, and celebrates certain secret sacri-
fices." It was here that Orion was supposed to be
slain by the chaste Diana.3 Guhl4 places Ortygia
with great probability in a nook of the mountains
behind Coressus, though I do not sufficiently

1 Xenoph. Hell. i. 2. 3 Horn. Odyss. v. 1 23.

2 Strabo, p. G39. 4 Ephes. Plan. ii.

HE J. PAUL GETTY MUSfiUM

LIBRARY

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

lATONA

OK
LATOREA

recollect the appearance of the spot to say whether
it confirms this location ; but the position is,
however, corroborated by the vicinity of Mount
Coressus, as explained in the etymology of that
word.1 Strabo says it was overhung by Mount
Solmissus.2 Connected with Ortygia is " the village
of Latona (AH TI2,) as it was formerly called, but
now Latorea, from Latorea, an Amazon. It is
situated in the mountains in the boundary of the
Ephesian territory, and produces the Pramnian
cenciikius. wine." 3 Of the existence of Cenchrius we have
no further authority than a coin, but we may
suppose it to have been situated on the river of the
same name, which Pausanias 4 reckoned among the
natural blessings of the Ephesian territory. It is
possible the name has reference to Cenchreas, the
son of Pirene, who was slain by Diana in conse-
quence of his imprudence ; 5 as at Corinth there
was a Temple to Diana, in the way which led from
the isthmus to Cenchrise.6 Coressus must have

coressus.

1 For this reason Arundell's position of it at the head of the
Magnesian valley is shown to be incorrect, as the mountains here
are merged into those of Solmissus and Pactyas. Indeed his only
reason for placing it there, was from the abundance of myrtle
shrubs in that locality. — (Dicov. ii. 244.) Guhl, p. 8, supposes the
name to have been afterwards changed to Cenchrius from finding
that name as a city on the Ephesus coins, (Mionnet, Supp. vi.
Ionie, 416,) but it is not likely the Ephesians would relinquish a
name that had become so celebrated, and which it was their
interest to cherish. 2 Strabo, p. 640.

3 Alciphron of Mseandria, apud Athen. i. p. 31.

4 Paus. vii, 5. 5 Id. ii. 3. 6 Id. ii. 2.

ORIGIN OP EPHESUS, ETC. 35

stood upon, or at the foot of the mountain of the
same name ; it also adjoined the port,1 and it
occupied the spot where Diana was born ; and her
altar was remaining there in the time of Stephanus.2
The inhabitants dedicated a statue in the Temple
of Jupiter at Olympia, in the common name of the
Ephesians.3 Stephanus Byzantinus 4 reports that
Coressus was the scene of Latona's accouchement,
and that on Diana's asking, — " Whose is this
place?" they answered, " Thine, 0 Virgin," (xogij
<rog,) and that from this circumstance the mountain
took the name of Coressos. There was another
mountain of the same name, about forty stadia
from Ephesus.5 The Ephesian Coressus appears
on one of the coins of the city.6 There was a
quarter of the town of this name, and situated
near the harbour. Gallesium, a city of Ephesus,
on or at the foot of Mount G-allessus, is men-
tioned by Parthenius.7

Of the mountains, Gallessus8 bounds the north mountains.
side of the Ephesian plain, stretching back towards
Colophon, and bounded by the river Caystrus,
which is crossed by a bridge close by the moun-
tain. In the valley leading to Smyrna, through
which runs the river Phyrrites, is a fort on the

1 Herod, v. 100 ; Xen. Hell. i. 2. 2 De Urbibus, K0PI2202.

3 Paus. v. 24. 4 De Urbibus.

■'• Diod. Sic. xiv. 99. fi Mionnet, iii. 370.

7 In epicedio in Auzithemin, apud Steph. Byz voce FA AAHSION.

8 Strabo, p. 639.

36 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

western chain of hills and on the highest part,
called Ketsi-Kalasi, or the Goats' Castle, in allusion
to its inaccessible position. It served to protect
the pass, which here divides into two valleys, one
northward leading to Smyrna, the other eastward
to Thera, and the remains are clearly visible from
the valley below. An ancient viaduct has been
cut out of the mountain, in the part adjoining the
plain of Ephesus, which Mr. W. J. Hamilton1
supposes to have been formed in order to avoid
the inundations to which the valley might be sub-
jected. The Armenian guides who accompanied
Dr. Chandler, told him the work was done by
St. Paul, with a single stroke of his scymitar. Some
travellers speak of a road being hollowed out arti-
ficially through the mountains ; I did not see it,
and I suspect, from the ambiguity concerning it,2
that it does not exist.

Pactyas is the range of mountains between
Gallessus and the Magnesian defile. Lyssus is
another mountain, the site of which, however, is
unknown.3 Solmissus has been already referred to.
rivers. Propertius,4 speaking of the splendour and charms

of Rome, compares them with the wonderful sights
in foreign lands, among which he classes the river
Caystrus ; and Homer,5 Virgil,6 and Ovid,7 sing of

1 Researches, i. 541.

2 Chandler, i. 154, 175 ; Pococke, vol. ii. pt. ii. bk. ii. p. 46.

3 Guhl, p. 5. 4 Fvop.Meff. iii. 22. 5 II. ii. 464.
6 Georg. i. 383 ; yEneid. vii. 699. 7 Met. v. 386.

ORIGIN OF EPHESUS, ETC. 37

its beauty and its lordly swans. Of the river
Selinus we shall have to speak presently, when
treating of the temple. Besides these the river
Styx appears in an ancient novelist,1 and the river
Marnas on coins.2

" Beyond the mouth of the Caystrus is a lake selinusian
formed by the sea, called Selinusia, and then
another lake communicating with the former. The
temple of the goddess derives considerable reve-
nues from these lakes. The kings despoiled her
of them, and the Romans restored them; but the
agents employed to farm them out subsequently
obtained possession of them by force. Artemidorus
was in consequence deputed to Borne, and as he
himself tells us, pleaded so effectually, that he not
only succeeded in getting the lakes returned to
the temple, but procured also, (for the Ephesians,)
the possession of the city of Heracleia, with its
territory. The city recompensed Artemidorus, by
erecting a golden statue to his honour in the
temple itself. In the more distant part of this
lake is a royal palace, built by Agamemnon."3
Pococke4 "observed a high ground to the north
of the river, towards the lakes, which seemed to
have had some building upon it that might have
been this temple " (palace.) Archestratus, in his

1 Achilles Tatius.

2 Mionnet, Med. iii. Ionie, 262, 288.

3 Strabo, p. 642.

4 Descript. of Ike East, Asia M. ch. iii. p. 46.

38 . ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Gastronomia, thus recommends an epicure : — " Do
not forget a good chrysophrus, (a fish, for the same
reason, called by us a gold-head,) of Ephesus, a fish
which they call Ionian. Procure that which is
fattened in the esteemed Selinuntian (lakes). "Wash
it well, then roast it entire, if it be ten cubits long."1
And in another place he recommends, " Get your
char from Ephesus;"3 and Menander, in his Ephe-
sians, makes one say : "A fishmonger asked me
four drachme for a gudgeon."3 They were probably
supplied from the same lake. The neighbouring
" Pygela is a small town, with a temple of Diana
Munychia, founded by Agamemnon. The city is
inhabited by the descendants of a part of the army
which that prince commanded ; for they pretend
that some of the soldiers of Agamemnon, being
disabled from rowing by a sore breech, were called
Pygalians, and the city Pygela."4 The memory of
Agamemnon was also reverenced at ClazomensB.5
panionium. The sacred Panionium was originally at a dis-

tance of three stadia from Mycale,6 in the territory

i Athen. p. 328. 2 Id. 320.

3 Athen. 309 and 385. Another delicacy of the table was the
Ionian Attagen (believed to be a woodcock, snipe, or quail.) It
was esteemed better than those of other countries. — (Mart. Up.
Hor. v. Od. ii. 54.)

4 Pomponius Mela, i. 17, and Pliny, v. 31, call it Phygela, and
say it received that appellation from being built by fugitives ; but
Xenophon, Hell. i. 2, 2, Polysenus, Slratag. vii. 23, and Steph. Byz.
all spell it irvyeXa.

5 Paus. vii. 5. 6 Strabo, p. G37.

OEIGIN OP EPHESUS, ETC. 39

of Priene, and erected to the honour of Heliconian
Neptune,1 but on account of the frequent wars and
disturbances at that place it was removed to a more
convenient spot near Ephesus.2

1 On the origin of the Temple of Heliconian Neptune, so called
from Helice in the Peloponnesus, see Strabo, pp. 384-5, and Pans,
vii. 24-5, and Herod, i. 142-148.

2 Diod. Sic. xv. 5.

III.

FOUNDATION OF EPHESUS AND EAKLY HISTORY.

" The Ionians have erected their towns under the finest sky and
sweetest climate in the earth that we know of : for no country
approaches to Ionia in these blessings, neither North nor South,
nor East nor West : some of which are oppressed by wet and
cold, others by heat and drought." — (Herod, i. 142.)

AN early geographer bestows almost equally-
lavish praises upon the whole province of Asia.
He says: "Such is great Asia, which excels all other
provinces, and has innumerable cities, great ones
indeed, and many also on the coast ; of which it is
requisite that I mention two :— Ephesus, which is
said to have an excellent port, and Smyrna. . .
The region of Asia is abundant and fruitful in all
good things ; it has various wines, oil, barley, purple,
and good wheat. It is indeed most admirable, and
it is difficult to praise it sufficiently."1 Mithridates,
in his speech to his soldiers, told them, " No climate
in the world is more temperate than that of Asia ;
no country more fertile, or better stored with
wealthy and pleasant cities ; and the time of its

1 Geog. vM. Script. Grcec. Min. Oxon, 1712, vol. iii. 11.

FOUNDATION OF EPHESUS AND EARLY HISTORY. 41

inhabitants is chiefly occupied in festivals and
sports."1 And lastly Pausanias celebrates it for its
temples, and the salubrious temperature of its air.2
It is curious that Homer does not once mention
Ephesus,3 though he probably lived more than one
hundred years after the Ionian colonization. The
first report we have of the city is from Creophylus,
in his Annals of the Ephesians, cited by Athenaeus.4
He states as follows : " The original founders,
finding difficulty in the selection of a place where
to found their city, and fearing to commit an error,
went to consult the oracle, which declared that a fish
should show them, and a wild boar conduct them.5
The common belief therefore is, that where is now
the fountain Hypelaeus,6 and the sacred port, some
fishermen were preparing their dinner of fish, when
one of them leaped from the fire with a hot coal in
his mouth, and fell upon some dry stubble, which,
igniting, communicated the fire to a thicket in which
by chance a wild boar was concealed, which, fright-
ened by the heat, ran along the mountain which is
called Tracheia, and fell at length transfixed by a

1 Justinus, xxxvii. 4. 2 Pans. vii. 5.

3 Unless under the name of Alope. See page 22. " But this
(says Strabo, p. 554) is not extraordinary : for he does not name
many other cities with which he was well acquainted, but which
he had no occasion to introduce."

4 Athen. p. 361.

5 A similar story to this is told of the foundei's of the city of
Bcese in Laconia. — (Paus. iii. 22.)

6 So called from being sheltered by olive-trees.

42 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

javelin, in the place where the Temple of Minerva
now stands. The Ephesians then left the island,
where they had remained twenty-one years, and in
the twenty-second built about Tracheia and Cores-
sus, and erected a temple to Diana in the Agora,
and one to the Pythian Apollo, at the port."1 Now
this story, as Creophylus himself states, is but a
legend of the country, and entitled to but little
belief; and it unfortunately does not state who these
"original founders" were, or we should be able to
confront the passage with other authors ; and the
only part which it states clearly is, that Tracheia
and Coressus were the places of their first settle-
ment, thereby unhappily conflicting with the story
of Hercules Melampygus, which led us to believe
that Pion was the first built upon.

The only way in which to reconcile these
statements, is to suppose that the former story

1 Strabo, p. 634, confuses this story when he says, " The an-
cient city was near the Athenaeum, (Temple of Minerva,) in the
environs of the fountain Hypelseus," for this would suppose the
boar to come back to the place from whence it started. But in
page 640 of Strabo we find an important difference. He there
says that the city was built near the Athenseum, and in the
environs of the fountain Hypelaaus. It is evident, therefore, that
the conjunction "and" should be supplied at the first passage,
page 634. Pococke following the former passage, instead of the
latter, and instead of Creophilus, who confines the city to Tracheia
and Coressus, places Hypelseus at Opistholepre. — (Vol. ii. part ii.
bk. ii. p. 47.) And Guhl, also, led aside by the same authority,
places the city of Androclus at Hypelseus, instead of there and
beyond Tracheia.

FOUNDATION OF BPHESUS AND EAELY HISTORY. 43

refers to the indigenous inhabitants, and the latter
to the first colonists. The connection of the first
with Hercules and the heroic times, will exclude
the other from a competition as regards priority.
The Cercopes then, or Leleges,1 whether of Lydian 3
or Carian 3 origin, were the indigenous possessors of
the soil. They inhabited Mount Pion, but, being a
wandering people, and celebrated for their deceitful
and predatory habits,4 they did not build any regular
city. On the arrival of the Ionian colonists, who
were sufficiently numerous and powerful to drive out
the then inhabitants, they immediately took posses-
sion of and fortified Mount Coressus, carrying the
walls across the plain so as to include Mount Pion
at one extremity, and the city port at the other.
Under this view of the case, I should take it for
granted that Creophylus referred to the Ionian colo-
nists when he speaks of the " original founders ; " 5
and the story about the fishermen is not at all
repugnant to this idea.6 This story is frequently

1 Pans. vii. 2 ; Strabo, pp. 632, 640. 2 Paus. vii. 2.

3 Strabo, pp. 632 and 640, quoting Pherecydes in the former
passage.

4 Adagia, see 'Ayopa KepKwirwv in Zenob. i. 5 ; Diog. i. 5 j and
Suidas, i. 13.

5 Strabo, p. 640, though he does not expressly refer to the
myth of the fish and the boar, speaks of settling at the Athenaeum
and Hypelseus, thereby plainly alluding to it, and he names
Androclus as the leader of the colony.

6 Fish wei-e considered sacred to Diana, and from this circum-
stance, coupled with the myth just related, we may conceive them
to be especially so in the city of the Ephesiaus ; but that which

4 A ANCIENT EPHESUS.

represented by the Epliesians on their coins.1
" Androclus, the son of Codrus, who was king of the
Ionians when they sailed to Ephesus,3 drove out of
the country the Leleges and Lydians who dwelt in
the upper city ; 3 but he suffered certain women of
the Amazonian tribe, who had fixed their habitations
about the Temple of Diana, for the sake of suppli-
cating and deprecating the wrath of the goddess, to
remain undisturbed. These, by swearing to the
Ionians, and entering into a league with them, were
unmolested by war." 4 On the death of Androclus
the Ephesians rose against his sons, and proclaimed
a republic, which continued till the time of Pindarus.
It was on the occasion of this insurrection that the
inhabitants of Teos and Carina were incorporated
with the Ephesians, and it was probably about the
same time that the population of the city was in-
creased by some insurgents from Samos, as recorded
by Malacus, in the annals of Siphnos.5 He says,

was esteemed most sacred, and which was customary to be offered
iu the feasts of Diana, was the mullet, because that fish hunts and
destroys the poisonous sea-hare. It was also dedicated to Hecate,
on account of the triple quality of its name (rpiyXr).) — (Athen.
p. 325.)

1 Mionnet, Med. iii. ; Iouie, Nos. 266, 369, 375, 31*7, 412,
457-8 ; Mionnet, Med. Suppl. vi. Nos. 405, 449, 478, 504-5, 536,
557, 571-8-9, 586, 623, 652-3, 668, 686, 879, and particularly in
588, where the Fountain, the wild boar, Coressus and the Temple
are all indicated.

2 This was in the year 1044 B.C.

3 Mount Pion as distinguished from the plain below.

4 Paus. vii'. 2, and Strabo, p. 633. \ Athen. vi. p. 267.

FOUNDATION OF EPHESUS AND EARLY HISTORY. 45

indeed, that they lived at Ephesus, and that from
them the Ephesians date their origin ; but the Ionian
foundation under Androclus is too well established to
allow this. Neither is it possible that this supposed
Samian foundation of Ephesus took place before
that conducted by the Athenian Prince ; for Samos
itself was not founded till fifty-eight years after that
event. The rest of the passage is to this effect : —
" Some runaway slaves of Samos, one thousand in
number, went to Ephesus, but afterwards retiring
to a mountainous island, they harassed the Samians
on several occasions, till at length, six years after,
the Samians, having consulted an oracle, concluded
a treaty of peace with them, and gave them vessels,
in which they embarked for Ephesus."

Now in this legend, and in that of the fish and
wild boar, we find reference to an island, which we
may infer was the same one, and that the Ionians
remained in it twenty years, and the Samian slaves
six. It is possible that this may have been the
island of Syria, spoken of by Pliny,1 who says that
in his time it had become part of the firm land, and
stood a good way within the shore. Chandler2
takes the island spoken of by Pliny to mean Aiaslik.
Choiseul Gouffier 3 supposes it to be Pion. But the
former traveller* describes another spot, which evi-
dently must at one time have been inhabited. He

1 Plin. Nat. Hist. ii. 91, and v. 31. 8 Chandler, Travels, i. 1G4.
3 Voy. Fit. i. 310. 4 Chandler, Travels, i. 126.

46 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

says, " We came to the sea, and to a little penin-
sula sown with wheat. It has a fair beach. By the
rocky edge are traces of an ancient wall, and within
it are fragments of Doric columns." Laborde also1
shows a rocky hill jutting out into the sea, and
crowned by a tower, which doubtless must at a
former period have been an island.3 This hill then,
may have been the island to which the Ionians and
Samians resorted previous to their settling at
Ephesus.

The city remained in this state till the time of
Croesus, when the inhabitants, quitting Coressus,
went to live near the Temple of Diana, where
they remained till the time of Alexander.3 The
city was then built on low ground, and an inunda-
tion occurring in winter, many of the inhabitants
were swept away; whereupon Lysimachus removed
the city to the place which it afterwards occupied,
and called it Arsinoe, from the name of his

1 Voyage en Orient, livraison xiii.

2 Revett supposes this to be the island of Syria. He describes
its position as " the mount near the banks of the Caystrus, between
the ferry and the mouth of that river." — (Chandler, i. 164.)

3 The remainder of Strabo's narration (p. 640) does not agree
with the account given us by Stephanus the geogi'apher, which I
have preferred to follow, especially as Duris of Elsea makes no
mention of the circumstance told us by Strabo, which is to this
effect : — " Lysimachus having constructed the walls of the actual
city, and seeing that the Ephesians were unwilling to change their
place of residence, availed himself of a heavy flood to stop the
sewers, and thus inundated the old city, which forced the Ephesians
to abandon it."

FOUNDATION OF EPHESUS AND EARLY HISTORY. 47

wife : l but at his death the city took back its old
name. The following lines were written on the
occasion of this deluge, by Duris of Elgea : —

Aerial clouds, of bitter streams the fount,
Have ye then all engulphed ! Not the vile sheds
Of wretched Libya, but rich Ephesu3 !
Happy possessions of long prosperous years.
Whither averted then thy guardian gods
Their eyes ? Alas ! alas ! Ionia's pride
And long celebrity ! The swelling streams
In ocean's billowy depths have buried thee.2

1 Strabo also, p. 340.

2 Steph. Byz. De Urbibus, voce TtLfetrog.

IV.

OP THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY.

" The magnificent and spacious city."

Vitr. x. Prsef.

WE are not to expect that the ruins of Ephesus
should partake of a Grecian character. The
city continued to too late a period to preserve any
portions of its pristine architecture. When we
reflect on the rapid changes which take place in
our own city in a single lifetime, we shall feel no
surprise that all traces of earlier buildings have
disappeared under the never satisfied love of
novelty. The ruins of Ephesus all bespeak a late
period of Roman art, and many of them exhibit
the style of the Byzantine empire. If Ephesus,
like Smyrna, had continued to be inhabited to the
present time, these in their turn would have given
way to the Turkish dome and minaret. But though
the architectural details are thus debased, we may
yet discover traces of its early character. The
plan of the city we may conceive to be pretty
similar to what it was in ancient times ; the area
of the forum was probably the same, as are also
the sites • of the several gymnasia : the theatres

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 49

and stadium are all of ancient formation, and, in
fact, we may regard the arrangement and feeling
of the different buildings as Greek, though the
architecture is Roman.

Before describing the individual buildings of the
city, I would refer to the geometric arrangement
of the whole plan, to the parallel position of the
buildings, and the beauty with which they are
connected together. This is interesting, as show-
ing that the Ionians laid out their streets in
straight lines, a custom which Hippodamus of
Miletus succeeded in spreading over the rest of
Greece; superseding the old style of building,
which, from its irregularity and unarchitectural
character, resembled that still used in Eastern
climates. It was probably this architect who laid
out the plan of Thurii,1 in exact squares, .with
streets at right angles, four in a longitudinal, and
three in a lateral direction ; and the same who in
his old age built the city of Rhodes, 407 B.C.,
the plan of which was designed with such perfect
symmetry, that, according to the expression of the
astonished ancients, it seemed like one house.2
The streets of Smyrna were also, as far as prac-
ticable, built at right angles.3 In cities built
according to the ancient custom, it was quite a
peculiarity to find any of the streets straight : and

1 Diod. xii. 10.

2 Meursius, Rhod. i. 10 ; Mueller, Dorians, ii. 272-3.
a Strabo, p. 6 £6.

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

PANORMUS

AND THE

CITY PORT.

hence we find in Megara,1 and in Damascus,2 there
was a street in either city which, happening to be
straight, was expressly called " the straight street."
The parts of the city which require to be first
treated of, and which demand the greatest atten-
tion, are the ancient ports. Although the ancient
historians are quite clear with regard to a double
port,3 the sacred and the civic, no modern traveller
has attempted to discriminate between the two.
The present marsh is acknowledged by every one
as occupying the site of the (City) Port. M.
Laborde4 shows in -both his views of Ephesus,
(that taken from the Theatre and the panoramic
one from the summit of Coressus,) rows of columns
along the north side of the marsh, and a jetty
running out from it, also lined with columns.
M. le Brum 5 also notices these columns. He says,
" Opposite is a kind of marsh full of little brooks.
It is thought to have been formerly a lake. One
sees also in this place a number of fragments and
remains of columns, but much smaller and more
simple than the others." These circumstances, thus
established, are sufficient to show that this marsh
was formerly the city port, and that it was laid
out in a regular plan, and embellished with porticos

1 Paus. i. 44. 2 Acts, ix. 11.

3 See Plut. in Lysand. 3, quoted in page 52 ; Diod. Sic. xiii.
71, quoted in Appendix No. I. 406 B.C. ; and Philost. Vit. So])h.
ii. 23.

4 Voyage en Orient.-. 5 Voyage au Levant, pp. 32-3.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 51

and public buildings. Subsequently to writing the
above, I have been informed by Professor Donald-
son,1 that he distinctly traced the form of the port ;
that it was " an oblong with the corners cut off."

This is confirmed by the present line of marsh,
which, close to the Great Gymnasium, takes a
diagonal line ; which accounts moreover for the
unequal lengths of the wings of that building. On
this authority I have ventured to restore the city
port ir# my plan. The hexagonal or octagonal form
was adopted in most ports,2 in order that they
might scour themselves out with greater facility,
avoiding those deposits which are so likely to be
made in a rectangular basin. The hexastyle court
at Baalbec affords another precedent for the poly-
gonal form of portico. The jetty shown in M.
Labor de's view has been my authority for the
quays, which I have indicated in my plan as pro-
jecting from the north and south sides of the port.

The first account given us of the port is by
Xenophon : 3 " On the city being threatened by
Thrasyllus, the Athenian general under Alcibiades,
in the 93rd olympiad, (408 B.C.,) Tissaphernes
collected together a numerous army, and sent his

1 Mr. Donaldson visited Ephesus in the year 1820, in company
with a French architect. They remained there a fortnight, and
measured the various buildings of the city. They also took a
general plan, which unhappily has been lost.

2 As in the two harbours at Ostia, and that of the Claudian
emissary. 3 Xen. Hell. i. 2.'

52 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

horsemen round the country to summon every one

to Ephesus in aid of Diana Thrasyllus

arriving before Ephesus, disembarked his heavy-
armed troops at Coressus, . . . and sent the rest
of his force to the marsh on the other side of the
city, and thus he approached with two different
bodies. The whole force of Ephesus marched out
in its defence, assisted by the confederates, the
Syracusan fleet, and two ships from Selinus. All
these advanced first against the heavy-armed»troops
from Coressus, and after defeating them, pursued
them down to the sea, and then turned to meet the
body from the marsh, whom they also conquered.
The Ephesians erected a trophy, (of brass, Plutarch.
in Ale. 29,) on the marsh, and another at Coressus,
and on many of the Syracusans and Selinuntians
they conferred the highest marks of gratitude,
with the liberty of residing among them, and of
exemption from taxes ; and to the Selinuntians in
particular, their own city being destroyed, a com-
plete naturalization." Immediately after this,
namely, in the last year of the same olympiad,
(404 B.C.,) we find another narrative relative to
the port, which is of especial consequence, as it
treats of both the ports. It is from the life of
Lysander, by Plutarch.1 After the recall of
Alcibiades, the Athenians began to reacquire
power, which made the Lacedaemonians apprehen-

>* Plut. Lys. 3, 4, 5.

OP THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 53

sive and eager to prepare for war, and, considering
it requisite to have a bold leader, and strong
military arrangements, they chose Lysander to the
command of the fleet. On his arrival at Ephesus,
he found the city favourably disposed to him,
and to the Lacedaemonian cause, but afflicted with
the times, and in danger of being enervated by
Persian manners, derived from the free intercourse
with that people, and from their vicinity to
Lydia, and the royal satraps settled there. He,
therefore, fortified the place, directed all merchant
vessels to resort thither, and constructed docks and
an arsenal for building triremes. Thus he caused
their 'ports, (robs Xifxivag,) to be frequented by
merchants, their agoras by factors, and filled their
shops and houses with trade and riches. So that
from that time, the city, by the beneficial ordinances
of Lysander, gradually arrived at that state of
dignity and magnificence in which we now see it.1

The docks are referred to on occasion of the
attempted surprise of the Rhodian fleet by Poly-
xenidas, the commander of Antiochus' fleet, 190
B.C.2

The city now being in its decline, it would
appear that from this period it gradually lost
that energy and activity produced by independ-

1 For the particulars of the victory gained by Lysander over
the Athenian fleet, off the harbour of Ephesus, see also Pans. ix.
32 ; Diod, Sic. xiii. 71 ; Xen. Hell. i. 5.

2 Liv. Hist. Rom. xxxvii. 10.

54 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

ence, and that, the proper dredging being
neglected, the mud and slime rapidly accumu-
lated, so that in the short space of thirty to fifty
years it was difficult for large vessels to enter.
" The city of Ephesus," (says Strabo,1) "possesses
also an arsenal, (vscopla,) and a port, but the
entrance to the port is too narrow, from the fault
of the engineers, who were led into error by
the King himself, who charged them with the
construction. This prince was Attalus, (Attalus II.
Philadelphus, 159 to 139, B.C.,) who, seeing
that the harbour was filled with banks, caused
by the slime brought down by the Caystrus, and
thinking it might be rendered sufficiently deep to
receive large vessels if a mole were constructed
across the entrance, which, (he considered,) was
too large, ordered the same to be constructed ;
but the contrary effect was produced, for the
slime, being detained by the mole, filled with bars
the whole port, whereas before this the slime
was carried away by the force of the current and
the action of the sea outside. Such are the
present defects of the port of Ephesus." It is
curious that this very expedient had formerly
been proposed by an enemy, with the view of
destroying the port. C. Livius, the Roman admiral,
advised that " ships of burden should be sunk at
the entrance of the harbour, and that the passage

1 Strabo, p. 641.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 55

would thus be shut up with little difficulty, because
the mouth of the harbour ivas like a river, long and
narrow ', and full of shoals." l

From this time, therefore, a century and a half
before the Christian era, the port would appear to
have become gradually impaired, but, notwith-
standing the defects produced by this unhappy
mistake, the city, profiting from other advantages
which its situation afforded it, continued to increase
daily, so that (in the time of Strabo,2 who died
A.D. 25,) it had become the most considerable
place of commerce in Asia on this side the Taurus.

As late as the time of Septimius Severus, (A.D.
194 — 211,) Damianus, a sophist of Ephesus, and
a great benefactor to the city, (see ch. V.) formed
a pier at the entrance to the harbours (Xipevcov
7rf>o%(o<reis) for the protection of ships of merchan-
dise drifting from their anchors, or otherwise in
distress.3

From these narratives, therefore, and other in-
formation, we may collect as follows, — that there
were two ports, the sacred and the civic. The civic
port is now occupied by the marsh at the west end
of the city. It was of a regular plan, and embel-
lished with porticos and public buildings. It is fed
merely by small springs, and has no river running
into it, which will account for its not being filled up.

1 Liv. xxxvii. 14, 15. 2 Strabo, p. 641.

3 Pkilost. Vit. Sophist, ii. 23.

56 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

From this port a canal communicated with the river
Caystrus, on which spot, as I shall hereafter mention,
I conceive the Temple of Diana to have been situated.
From this point of confluence I suppose the port
Panormus to have commenced. This will agree
with the distance of the temple from the city, as far
as we can reconcile the different accounts respecting
that distance ; and it will agree with the situation of
the temple on the port Panormus, as described by
Strabo.1 " Next comes Panormus, with the temple
of the Ephesian Diana, and then the city." It is
true Guhl 3 supposes the temple here spoken of to
refer to a temple of Diana Ephesia at Ortygia, and
he places the great Temple of Diana on the " marsh
on the other side of the city; " but the passage of
Strabo just quoted shows plainly that he is speaking
of the' great temple ; for it is to be particularly
remarked, that he does not mention the word
Ephesus a second time, i^Xa)V 'iS%0V T% 'E$s<r/a£
'ApTs^Sos' sffi 7j 7roXis,) thereby intimating that the
temple was that of Ephesus. That is to say, it
signifies, although such is not the literal trans-
lation,—" Next comes Panormus, with the Temple
of Diana of Ephesus, and then the city." Chandler 3
quotes some ancient author, but without giving the
reference, who " describes the temple as standing
at the head of the port, and shining like a meteor."
The port Panormus I hold to be identical with

1 Geog. p. 639. 2 Ephesiaca, p. 9. 3 Chandler, i. 173.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 57

the sacred port described by Creophylus, in Athe-
nseus,1 and the circumstance of its being so named,
proves the temple to have been there situated.
This port, then, was the principal one, much larger
than the city port, and being protected from the
sea by a narrow canal, was rendered worthy of its
name, Uavopixog, (affording safe moorage in all parts.)
On this port I should imagine the arsenal and docks
to have been placed, which are mentioned in three
of these narratives, for it is not certain that vessels
of large burden would have entered the canal com-
municating with the city port ; on the contrary, we
see from the account of the constructions ordered
by Attalus Philadelphus, that in his time even the
main port Panormus had become so encumbered
with the mud brought down by the Caystrus, as to
be insufficiently deep to receive large vessels, and
after the contraction of the entrance it was less
able to do so ; consequently the smaller or city port
must have been still more shallow, and confined to
the rich and splendid galleys which served for the
enjoyment and recreation of the inhabitants, and
to the reception of barges and small craft, bringing
up merchandise from the main port to the ware-
houses of the city ; and thus, with its porticos and

1 See page 40. Dr. Chandler (i. 164) supposes the word
Panormus to comprise both the ports, which would be quite pos-
sible, considering its name ; but as Strabo describes it as being
distinct from the city, it is evident he applied the term merely to
the principal port.

58 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

surrounding buildings, must have always presented
a gay and animated appearance, and greatly con-
tributed to the splendour and ornament of the city.
The main port therefore, being the only one capable
of receiving war-galleys and vessels of burden, is
that which is always alluded to in the description
of military operations, as in the narratives of
Xenophon, Plutarch, and Livy, already quoted ;
but where the word port is used in a general sense,
it is put to signify both the sacred and the city
port; it not being considered requisite to mention
particularly a double port, except as in the in-
stance of Xenophon, where a minute description is
especially entered into of the trade and commerce
of the city.

The port was at some distance from the sea, as
we learn from the circumstance of the Ephes„ians
pursuing the Athenians from the suburb Coressus,
(which was situated on the side of this port,1) down
to the sea, and it communicated with it by a wide
and commodious canal. A portion of the embank-
ments still remains, but it was mistaken by Chandler2
for the embankment of Attalus, although that
prince did not construct the canal, but merely a
mole across its entrance.

It was also at some distance from the town, as
we may learn from the following stratagem : —
" Antiochus warring against the Ephesians, ordered

1 Sec page 35. 2 Chandler, i. 159.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 59

the Rhodians, who formed part of his army, to
attack the harbour at night-time, with great noise ;
and when all the people were hastening thither in
disorder, leaving the other points of defence un-
guarded, Antiochus attacked the city in the rear,
and took it." l

We must not be surprised that the great port is
now rilled up, for we have seen how rapidly it
became encumbered in the time of Attalus, by the
slimy deposits made by the Caystrus, which, in
the words of Pliny,2 " brings down with it a great
quantity of mud, whereby the land is continually
increasing, so that what was formerly the island
Syria, stands now a good way within the land."
And Herodotus 3 tells us that the whole plain of
Ephesus was at one time a gulf of the sea, which is
confirmed also by Nearchus,4 who says that it was
formed by the fine silt brought down by the river ;
while, with regard to the port itself, Pliny expressly
states that the site of this port was once occupied
by the open sea.5

Thus we have seen that the port was in its most
flourishing condition four hundred years before the
Christian era, and that its docks and arsenal were
then constructed ; that two hundred years after the
docks were put in perfect repair, and in full opera-
tion ; that about fifty years later the port was

1 Frontinus, Strat. iii. 9, § 10. 2 Hist. Nat. ii. 91, and v. 31.
3 Herod, ii. 10. 4 Strabo, p. 091.

» Plin. //. AT. ii. 91.

60 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

becoming encumbered with the silt brought down
by the Caystrus; but that even in the time of
Strabo, who died A.D. 25, Ephesus was the seat of
commerce for Asia Proper. Indeed, the excellence
of this port may be inferred, independently of the
signification of its name, from the circumstance that
some geographers mention the port as the principal
peculiarity of Ephesus, without noticing even the
temple. Thus Stephanus, * — " Ephesus, a most
illustrious city of Ionia, with a port ; " and an
anonymous geographer,2 — " Ephesus, which is said
to have an excellent port." Eumenes described
Ephesus as " an opulent city, with a safe haven," 3
and we may also judge of its excellence by its coins.
Montfaucon indeed asserts,4 that some medals of
Ephesus prove that it boasted of its great port, but
he does not describe them. "War-galleys frequently
appear on them,5 and merchant-vessels,6 most of
which were those of Egypt 7 — a river god,8 two
river gods,9 the river KAYCTPOC,10 the river

1 Steph. Byz. voce "Ef eaog,

2 See page 40. 3 Li v. xxxvii. 15.

4 L'Antiq. Exp. Suppl. ii. pp. 35-6.

5 Mionnet, Med. iii. Ionie, 360, 378, 408, 429, 447 ; Suppl. vi.
554, 610 8-9, 688, 695, 709, 710-3-9, 774.

6 Id. Suppl. vi. Ionie, 488, 533.

7 Id. Med. iii. Ionie, 417 ; Suppl. vi. 691-2, 704-8, 837.

8 Id. iii. 262, 282, 321, 392; Suppl. vi. 413, 558, 586,
684, 857.

9 Id. ii. 288, 335, 428 ; Suppl. vi. 643, 730.

10 Id. iii. 238, 277, 329, 464, 470 j Suppl. vi. 758, 893-4.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 61

K E N K P I O C,1 these two combined,2 the ocean,3
not to mention cornucopias and figures of Fortune,
all denoting its extended commerce.

This port is connected with the insult offered
to Stratonice, who not giving to Ctesicles the
honorable reception to which he considered himself
entitled, was painted by him romping with a fisher-
man, for whom, according to common report, she
had conceived an ardent affection. After exhibiting
this picture in the harbour at Ephesus, he at once
set sail and escaped ; the queen, however, would
not allow of its removal, the likeness of the two
figures being so admirably expressed.4

The ancients distinguished between the public agora
square occupied by the houses of the magistrates,
and appropriated for the education of youth, and
those places in which provisions and merchan-
dise were sold. The former were called civilia,
the latter venalia. The setting apart large open
spaces for the sale of merchandise, and the
transaction of public business, originated with the
Greeks, and there is an anecdote told us by
Herodotus,5 which shows how opposed this custom
was to the ideas of the Persians.6 The Lacedsemo-

1 Mionnet, Suppl. vi. 396, 416.

2 Id. Suppl. vi. 497 ; Morel, Spec. Univ. Jiei Num. Ant. x. 4.

3 Id. Suppl. vi. 477.

4 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 40. « Herod, i. 152-3.

6 The Egyptians, however, possessed this feature of an ancient
city.— (Herod, iii. 139.)

CtVILIS.

62 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

nians sending an ambassador to Cyrus, to tell him
that the Lacedaemonians would resent any injury
done to any of the Greek cities in Asia Minor,
Cyrus asked the Greeks around him who these
Lacedaemonians were, and of what force they were
possessed, to justify* such lofty language. On being
informed, among other particulars, that the Greeks
have large open squares set apart for the conve-
nience of trade, he told the Spartan ambassador,
that men who had a large void space in their city,
where they assembled for the purpose of defrauding
one another, could never be objects of terror to him.
The Great Agora or Agora Civilis, as we will call
it, in order to distinguish it from the Agora Venalis,
or larger market-place, (Forum Opsoniorum,) like
the great forums of Rome and Pompeii, is sur-
rounded by the various public buildings of the city.
What I have called the Great Gymnasium is on its
west, the theatre and its gymnasium and some other
building on the east, the two agorae on its south,
while the buildings on the north have entirely dis-
appeared, and left a Christian double church in their
place. But the most remarkable feature of this
agora, and one in which it differs from and excels
every other, is an expansive lake1 in its centre, and
which we may reasonably conceive was once adorned
with colonnades, though no evidences of them

1 It is shown in Laborde's Panoramic Yiew, and is referred to
by Pococke, pp. 50-2, and Eginont and Hayman's Travels, i.
106-7.

OF THE DIFFEEENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 63

remain above the ground ; for the whole lake is
now overspread with reeds and thickets, which
render it difficult even to approach its margin.

Although the lake in the centre is a unique and
beautiful appendage, there are examples which show
that the Greeks, in these hot climates, loved to have
water in some form in the centre of their agoras.
Thus in the centre of the great Agora Venalis,
or market-place, there are vestiges of a circular
building, the small size of which renders it pro-
bable that it formed a puteal; and in the smaller
agora there are remains of a square building,
which might have served for a similar purpose.
In the portico of the theatres at Pompeii, there
are evidences of a well, or fountain ; and in the
triangular forum a circular or monopteral puteal
may still be observed. A similar well, surrounded
by columns, existed at Elis : " Above the agora
there is a spring of water, in a well ; and a roof
supported by columns screens it from the sun." 1
A well existed in the agora of Pellene, fed by secret
passages ; 2 and indeed we may conceive that a
supply of water would be very desirable, if not
requisite, in the market-place of a hot climate. So
fond do the Greeks appear of this arrangement,
that in several cities a stream ran through the
centre of the agora. This, we are informed by

1 Pans. x. 36. A similar one was also discovered near Athens.
— (Inwood, Erecth. \\ 19.)

2 Faus. vii. 27.

64 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Herodotus,1 was the case at Celaenas, above Apameia,
where the river Catarractes ran through the centre
of the agora; and at Sardis, the agora of which
was traversed by the Pactolus.3 At Tarsus the
river Cydnus flowed through the centre of the
palace. Another instance, which I recollect to have
noticed, is that of Teos, where the agora is crossed
by a small stream. The ruins of Prseneste may
also be adduced as an example, two large piscinas
remaining in the part which is supposed to have
been the forum. In the present instance, as the city
of Ephesus was dedicated to Diana,3 and lakes were
especially held sacred to her, this lake may have
been formed partly from motives of splendour,
convenience, and comfort, and partly in ' allusion
and reverence to Diana.

The principal forum or agora was more particu-
larly used for general assemblies and the transaction
of public business ; round it were placed the curiae,
the comitium, and the basilica ; and thus the word
ayopcuog, or forensis, came to signify judicial, a sig-
nification which has come down to us in the word
forensic. Thus, in the agora of Megalopolis, Pausanias
first describes the portico called the Phillipeon, then
a temple of Mercury, after which another portico ;
he then describes the myropolis, or portico of

1 Herod, vii. 26. 2 Id. v. 101.

3 It was at the Limnce that the Lacedaemonian women were
outraged who had gone there to sacri6ce to Diana, according to
ancient custom. — (Strabo, p. 257.)

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 65

perfumes, then an enclosure sacred to the Lycian
Jupiter, then the Bouleuterion, or council-house,
then another portico, called the Aristandrea, from
its founder, then a temple to Jupiter Soter, then
an enclosure sacred to Ceres and Proserpine, who
are called the great goddesses, then the Gymna-
sium, which, like that of Ephesus, is on the west
side, after which is the portico of Philip, already
described.1 In a similar manner was the agora of
Elis surrounded by public buildings and porticos,
though Pausanias states it was of ancient founda-
tion, and unlike those of the Ionian s. He describes
porticos, separated from each other, but having
passages through them. That towards the south
was triple, and built after the Doric manner.
Adjoining this portico was the portico called Cor-
cyraica, built with spoils from Corcyra. It was
also after the Doric fashion, and consisted of a
double portico, with a wall along the middle, on
each side of which were statues.2 By the side of
this portico, but separated from it by a road, was
the Hellanodicon. Other buildings, which he de-
scribes either about the agora, or within its circuit,
were the tomb of Achilles, a splendid temple of
Apollo Acesius, a temple of the Graces, a temple of
Silenus, the sepulchre of Oxylus, and the Mansion
of the Sixteen Women ; and in addition to these he
enumerates a great number of altars and statues.3

1 Paus. viii. 31. 2 A Lesche. See the Author's article on
the Lesche at Delphi, in the Mus. Class. Antiq. 3 Paus. vi. 24.

66 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Even among the Romans we find the forum not
dissimilarly arranged. The forum at Pompeii has
the basilica, the curiae, the chalcidicum, and other
public buildings round it, with a temple at one end.
It is probable that a statue of Mercury was placed
in the agora, as the protector and god of commerce.
Pausanias, speaking of the agora of Pharae, in
Achaia, says the enclosure of the agora is very-
large, after the ancient manner of the agorae in
Pharae. In the middle of this agora there is a
stone statue of Mercury with a beard : it stands
on the earth without any base ; it is of a square
figure, and of no great magnitude.1

A temple to Diana was erected in the great
forum or agora of Ephesus by the first Ionian
colonists, and it is probable that it also contained
other temples. In this forum, or agora, also was
the tomb of Heropythus, the restorer of liberty to
Ephesus, which had been dismantled by Memnon,
the general of Darius.2 Dionysius the rhetorician,
of Miletus, was also buried here, at the public
expense of the Ephesians. s We have another
instance of this practice of the ancients in honour-
ing their benefactors, not merely by statues, but by
public burial in their forums, in the case of Themis-
tocles, who was buried at the public expense in the
agora of Magnesia : 4 Diodorus says they erected
over him a magnificent monument : 5 and we have

1 Paus. vii. 22. 2 Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 18.

3 Philost. Til. Soph. i. 22. * Thucyd. i. 138. 5 Bib. Hist.

OF THE DIFFEEENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 67

just referred to another instance in the agora at
Elis, in which was the tomb of Achilles, and that
of Oxylus. It was probably in the agora that the
statues of Lysander, Eteonicus, Pharax, and other
Lacedaemonian commanders, were erected ; and on
the privileges of the city being usurped by Agesilaus,
and the Ephesians leaguing themselves with the
Athenians, that they erected statues to Conon and
Timotheus.1

The laws of the Ionians appear to have been
exposed publicly in the Agora, in order that
every one might see them : an excavation may
possibly one day bring these to light. The Agora
appears also from a passage in Xenophon,3 (" our
peaceable walks in the Agora,") to have served
as a place of public promenade, like the Piazza
Ducale at Yenice; and it is recorded that
Cleopatra being one day carried about the Agora
of Ephesus in a litter, Antony, who was pre-
siding in one of the courts, (the curias,) listening
to the pleading of a celebrated orator, no sooner
saw her, than, leaping from his throne, he ran
to attend her : so forgetful was he of duty when
enticed by pleasure. This curia3 may possibly
have occupied the vacant piece of ground con-
tiguous to the gymnasium of the theatre, a situa-

1 Paus. vi. 3. 2 Xen. Hell. ii. 4.

3 Ephesus had a senate composed of conscript fathers, with
whom the Epicletes assembled, and administered all the affairs. —
(Strabo, p. 640.)

68 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

tion which will accord with the above story, and
also with Vitruvius' direction,1 that the basilica
should overlook the forum. The bouleuterion of
Elis was attached to the gymnasium,2 and that
of Megalopolis to the forum.3 Of the colonnades
of the agora there are but few remains ; the
only part where I could trace evidences of a
double portico, was on the east side. On the
west side, besides several fallen or displaced
columns, there remain the 5th, 12th, 15th, 16th,
18th, 19th, 20th, and 22nd columns, commencing
from the centre of the portico of the Great Gym-
nasium towards the north ; on the north side,
commencing from the west end, there are the
13th, 18th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, and the last two
columns, which correspond with two others on
the east side, and which four columns are the
only remains of the portico on the east side ;
whilst on the south side there are only two
columns remaining. As I did not observe any
evidences, either of a wall outside the colonnades*
or of a portico or double colonnade, except on
the east side ; and considering that such vast
extent of colonnades must have looked weak and
unmeaning, unless supported by other columns or
a wall at the back, I have taken advantage of
the remains of the circular walls occupying the
position of the northern exedrse of the east side

1 Vitr. v. 1. 2 Paus. vi. 23. See page

3 Id. viii. 31, and page 64.

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OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 69

of the agora, to suppose that similar exedrse
were disposed round the other sides, at once to
strengthen and give variety to the single colon-"
nades. It was probably along the magnificent
porticos of this agora that Justin Martyr's
colloquy with Tryphon the Jew was represented
to have taken place. All that we are told is
that it took place in the walks of the Xystus.1

The Hippodrome of Ephesus, referred to in the hippodrome.
account of the preparations of Agesilaus against
the Athenians,2 was, probably, like the hippo-
drome of Elis, in the centre of the forum.

It is not requisite to describe in detail the agorae
two agorae, or, indeed, any of the other buildings VENALES-
of the city, as in the enlarged plans of each of
them the difference of tint clearly shows what
parts are now remaining, what are certain to
have existed, and what is purely conjecturaL
Pococke3 describes several rough pedestals and
pillars of grey granite lying about the great
agora, and a broken capital of either Corinthian
or Composite architecture. He, however, mistakes
the place for a naumachia* Dallaway4 says the
pillars were of black granite. The details of the
central building, (puteal ?) and the columns of
the upper portico, mark a debased period of con-
struction. The arrangement, however, of each

1 Eusebius, Hist. Ecchs. iv. 17, ^vcttov Trepirdroic ; Justin. Mart.
Dial, cum Tryphone, Init. 2 See page 80.

3 Z>escri2)t. of the E. p. 51. 4 Const, p. 220.

70 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

agora is very peculiar, and admirably adapted for
a market-place. A portico or double colonnade
runs all round each, for the convenience of pur-
chasers ; next to which is a line of stalls for the
display of comestibles and merchandise ; and in
the larger agora, outside this, are rows of
different sized shops and magazines. An interest-
ing feature of this agora is its square form, which
is in exact accordance with the precepts of
Vitruvius.1 " The Greeks, (says he,) make their
forum square, with a spacious and double portico,
ornamenting it with columns placed at narrow
intervals, and with stone or marble epistylia, and
forming walks above on the timber framed work.
In the cities of Italy, however, this practice is
not followed, because the ancient custom prevails
of exhibiting the shows of gladiators in the
forum." The upper colonnade on the east side
of the agora corresponds with the walks above the
porticos, here alluded to.

In the smaller agora, there were but two or
three columns visible, and I had passed over the
area several times before I imagined there had
been a portico ; when getting a shepherd to assist
me, I measured off certain distances where I
hoped to meet with columns, and directed him
to dig. On going down to the depth of six or
eight inches, he came to a column, and the same

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OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 71

in nearly every place pointed out, till at length
I established the position of fourteen columns ;
enough to satisfy me of the nature of the building.

Our notions of the Greek gymnasium have gymnasia.
hitherto been exclusively confined to one at Ephe-
sus, one at Alexandria Troas, and another at
Hierapolis, as compared with the description given
of these buildings by Vitruvius. That of Ephesus
is the only building of the city of Ephesus, with
the exception of some details of the temple by the
agora, which has hitherto been published. Besides
having examined other gymnasia in various parts
of Asia Minor, I have succeeded in taking plans
of three of those in this city. I will premise
my observations upon them by extracts from the
descriptions by Vitruvius and Pausanias of the
palaestra and gymnasium, which, though rather
long, will be found to throw light on the build-
ings before us.

To commence with Vitruvius. The following is
his description of the palaestra : — " Though not
used by the people of Italy, it seems proper that
I should explain the form of the palaestra, and
describe the mode in which it was constructed by
the Greeks. The peristylia of palaestrae are of a
square or oblong form, the circuit of which is two
stadia in length, and is called by the Greeks
Diaulos. On three sides are single porticos ; the
fourth, which is that on the south side, is to be
double, so that when showers fall in windy weather,

72 ANCIENT EPHESUS,

the drops may not drive into the inner part of it.
In the three porticos are large exedrse,1 with seats
therein, whereon the philosophers, rhetoricians, and
others who delight in study, may sit and dispute.
In the double portico the following provision is to
be made ; the ephebium is to be in the middle,
which is in truth nothing more than a large exedra
with seats, and longer by one third than its width ;
on the right is the conisterium, immediately adjoin^
ing which is the coryceum, from which you enter
the cold bath, which the Greeks call Loutron* and

1 Lucian also, de Gymn. 16-18.

2 Although Vitruvius writes only this and three other words in
the Greek character, it should be observed that many of the other
words are also Gi'eek, though adopted afterwards by the Romang.
Thus, — not to mention peristylia and exedrse, which are architec-
tui'al terms of daily use,—

The Ephebion, derived from youthful, was devoted to the exercise
of youth.

The Conisterion, from sand, it being the place in which the bodies
of the wrestlers were sanded. The sand used for this purpose came
from Egypt. — (Suet, in Nero, 45 ; Plin. xxxv. 17.)

The Coryceon (in Mercurialis de Arte Gymn.) is supposed to be
the Apodyterium.

The Elseothesion, from oil, it being the place in which the
unctores, or aliptae, anointed the wrestlers, and had to examine
whether they were sound and in good condition. Alipterion
occurs in Pollux, Onomast. vii. 166.

The Propnigeon seems to be derived from furnace, and would
therefore be equivalent to the Hypocaust.

The Hypocauston, or furnace-room, from burning.

The Laconicum is generally supposed to be the vapour, or
hot bath. In the bath of Hippias, however, the Frigidarium is
described as having three baths of cold water, of Lacedaemonian
stone, (Lucian, Hippias, sive Balneum,) or stone of Laconia : and

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS' OF THE CITY. 73

which is in the angle of the portico. On the left of
the ephebium is the elseothesium ; adjoining that is
the tepidarium, whence a way leads to the pro-
pnigeum in the angle of the portico. Near, but
more inward, on the side of the frigidarium, is
placed the vaulted sudatio, whose length is double
its width. On one side of this is the laconicum,
constructed in the same manner ; on the other side
is the caldarium. The peristylia of palaestrae are
to be carefully set out as above mentioned. On
the outside three porticos are constructed, one
through which those who come out of the peristyles
pass ; and stadial ones on the right and left, of
which that towards the north is double, and of
considerable width. The other is single, and so
formed, that as well on the side next the wall as
on that where the columns stand, there are margins
for paths of not less than ten feet, the centre part
being sunk a foot and a half below the paths, to
which there is an ascent of two steps ; the sunken
part is not to be less than twelve feet in width.
Thus those who in their clothing walk round the
paths, will not be incommoded by the anointed
wrestlers who are practising. This species of
portico is called Xystos by the Greeks ; but the

from the similarity of name, it is probable that, whether a hot or
cold bath, it was derived from Lacedtemon ; and that it was either
a particular kind of bath used in that country, or, like the bath of
Hippias, it was formed of a particular kind of stone.
The Apodyterion signifies the undressing-room.

74 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

wrestlers exercise in covered stadia in winter time.
The xysti ought to have groves or plantations
between the porticos, with walks between the
trees, and seats of cemented work. On the sides
of the xysti and the double portico are open walks,
which the Greeks call Trapal potties,1 but with us
they are called xysti, on which the athletse, leaving
the adjacent xystus, exercise themselves when the
weather is fine during the winter. Behind the
xystus is set out the stadium, of such dimension
that a great number of people may commodiously
behold the contending wrestlers. " 2

As a sequel to this account of the arrangement
of the palsestra by Yitruvius, let us now examine
the description by Pausanias3 of the gymnasium
at Elis, in Olympia, it being the most detailed
description of such a building that has come down
to us ; merely premising that the words gymnasium
and palaestra are synonymous : —

" In Elis there is an ancient gymnasium which
deserves to be mentioned, in which the athletes,
before they engage in the Olympic games, are
accustomed to exercise themselves in every par-
ticular which the traditional rules of their ancestors
require. Within the walls, and in the circuit of
the race-course, plane-trees4 are planted, and the
whole of this enclosure is called xystus, because when

1 Some MSS. read Jlsp^poiiihg.

2 Vitr. Arch. v. 11. 3 Paus. vi. 23.
4 See the foregoing description by Vitruvius.

OP THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 75

Hercules the son of Amphitryon used to strengthen
himself by daily exercise to the endurance of labour,
he cleared this place of all the thorns that grew in
it. Separated from this enclosure is another, which
the natives call sacred, and another in which the
racers and pentathloi ' run that design to engage in
the games. In the gymnasium there is also a place
which they call plethrion, (a space of 100 feet.)
Here the judges of the games compare and match
together those wrestlers who are of equal age or
science. In the gymnasium there are altars of the
gods, viz., of the Idsean Hercules,3 who is called
Parastates, of Eros or Cupid, and of that divinity
whom the Eleans and the Athenians call Anteros.

There is likewise another lesser enclosure

of the gymnasium, contiguous to the greater, and
called the quadrangle, from its figure. Here the
athlete? exercise themselves as in a palsestra. Here
also those who are free from more serious struggles
contend with those usiug a light form of cestus.
There is also a third enclosure of the gymnasium,
which is called maltho. on account of the softness of

1 Or Quinquestiones, those who engaged in all the five exercises
(Paus. vi. 24.) These five exercises were leaping, running, hurling
the quoit, throwing the dart, and wrestling. — (Anthol. i. ; 1 Eph. 8.)
The Romans added to these swimming and riding. If they were
not victorious in each of these, they were considered vanquished.
— (Pau3. iii. 11; Herod, ix. 33.) Pausanias mentions a man who
once leapt fifty-two feet.

2 See page 88.

76 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

the ground,1 and which is open to the youth during
the whole time of the games. In one corner of
it there is a hermal statue of Hercules, and in
one palaestra there is a bas-relief of Eros and
Anteros. Eros holds the branch of a palm-tree,
which Anteros strives to take from him.2 On each
side of the entrance to the maltho there is a statue
of a boy pugilist. In this gymnasium, moreover,
the Eleans have a curia, (BouAei/r^pjov,) and decla-
mations are here made both of extemporary orations
and compositions of every kind. This place is called
Lalichmion, from the name of its founder. Shields
are suspended all round it, merely for ornament,
and not for the purposes of war. As you proceed
from the gymnasium to the baths (Aourpa,) there
is a road, which is called Xkottt} (that of silence,)
and a temple of Diana <I>iXojW.e/pa^, or the friend
of youth, a name given her from the vicinity

of her temple to the gymnasium

Another passage from the gymnasium leads to the
agora."

Now although the palaestra and gymnasium were
buildings of a similar destination, the two preceding

1 The wrestlers exercised either in a clayey muddy soil, or in a
loose sandy one.

2 Eros and Anteros are often represented in this action, to
teach us that the most powerful way of overcoming is by love.
They were always painted in the Greek academies, to inform the
scholars that it is their immediate duty to be grateful to their
teachers, and to reward their trouble with love and reverence.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 77

quotations are 01 a very different character. Pau-
sanias describes an existing gymnasium, Vitruvius
an ideal one. Pausanias talks only of wrestling
and schools, Vitruvius devotes a great portion of
his account to the baths. The ancient gymnasium
was a place set apart for the training of youth to
the nature and practice of war, for exercising and
strengthening the muscles of the body, and for
rendering it supple and graceful. These exercises
were relieved at certain intervals by the office of
the pedagogue, and thus the body and mind were
improved conjointly.

From the great importance of such institutions
in preparing youth to take an active and honour-
able part in their future history, they would
naturally engage the attention of learned men,
who would assist in these objects, or look on with
admiration. The school of Athens was established
in one of the gymnasia of that city,1 which had
acquired the appellation of Academia from the
name of its original proprietor,2 a name which has
been adopted by all subsequent schools ; and from
the celebrity of this particular gymnasium the word
gymnasium itself is not unfrequently applied to
such institutions even in the present day. Besides

1 " Ciraon was the first who adorned Athens with those elegant
and noble places of exercise and disputation which a little after
came to be so much admired." — (Pint, in Cim. 13.) This was after
the battle of Eurymedon, 470 B.C.

2 See also Xen. Hell. ii. 2 j iElian. iii. 35.

78 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

the purposes of study, the gymnasia were resorted
to for various public occasions, to attend the recital
of new poems, to hear orations, to discuss political
events, to meet acquaintance, and learn the news
of the day, and by many were used merely as places
" to spend their time in nothing else, than either
to tell or to hear some new thing." l

Considering the gymnasium in this view, the
satire of Licinius the Trallian on the Alabandines
was inappropriate, at least as regards the gym-
nasium : he observed that the statues in the
gymnasium of that city were all in the attitude of
pleading causes, whilst those in the forum were
holding the discus, or in the attitude of running or
playing with balls.2 So necessary was the gymnasium
considered, merely with regard to bodily exercise,
in these early times, that no one was considered of
polite bearing who had not gone through a proper
training in it, and thereby acquired not only an
elasticity and strength of frame, 3 but grace in
repose, and elegance in action.4 With this idea it
was that in one of the states of Greece the women
as well as the men exercised naked in the arena.5

1 Acts, xvii. 21. 2 Vitr. vii. 5.

3 Lucian. de Gymn. 20, 24.

4 Plut. de Liberis Uduc. ; Hor. i. Od. 10 ; Lucian. de Gymn.
12, 25 ; de Saltatione. In Pausanias (vi. 3) we read of an instance
in which the five exercises of the gymnasium were resorted to
in order to cure a weakness of the nerves.

5 Xen. De Repub. Lacced. i. ; and Plutarch. Apoth. Lacon. in

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 79

In these primitive times the bath was probably a
small tank of water,1 to wash off the humours of
the body and the ointments used in wrestling, or
perhaps a large piscina to exercise themselves in
swimming ; and sometimes, as in the case of the
gymnasium at Elis, the baths were wholly detached.
In later times, however, when luxury and enerva-
tion had crept in, the tepid, vapour, and hot baths
were indulged in, and soon became the principal
feature of the building ; and instead of the manly
exercise, and cold and vigorous plunging or douche-
bath of primitive simplicity, the warrior and philo-
sopher, the senator and plebeian, thronged alike
to the thermge, weakening and enervating their
frame by daily indulgence in these innovations of
eastern luxury. Thus it will be seen that the
gymnasium did not necessarily imply a bath, for
at Elis the bath was quite distinct. At Cyparissus
or Anticyra, there were two gymnasia, but only one
was provided with baths ; 2 and at Athens, as we
have seen, one of the gymnasia was used as a public
school. This fact, therefore, I would particularly
draw attention to, in order to explain a passage
in Strabo,3 where he speaks of the present gymna-

Lycurgo. At Cyzicus they were instructed in the manege. —
(Caylus, ii. 210.)

1 Thus in the preceding account of the ancient gymnasium at
Elis, the baths are merely cold ones, (Loutra.) In the primitive
ages of Rome, it was customary, after the exercises of the Campus
Martins, to plunge into the Tiber. — (Hor. i. Od. 8, v. 11.)

' Pans. x. 36. 3 Strabo, p. 633.

SO ANCIENT EPHESUS.

sium being the site of one of the ancient quarters
of the town ; a circumstance which has caused all
modern writers to suppose that there was only one
gymnasium in Ephesus, and they have accordingly
endeavoured to assign other names to the various
ruins scattered about the site of the ancient city.
From the following passage in Xenophon,1 however,
we shall see that there were several gymnasia in
the city. Previous to the battle with the Persians
at Sardis, "Agesilaus assembled all his forces
at Ephesus, and as he wished to exercise them,
he proposed prizes to the several departments ; as
well to the heavy-armed cohorts, who appeared
best accoutred, as to the cavalry who were most
expert in their evolutions ; to the shield-bearers
and archers also, as many as showed themselves
most proficient in the duties of their respective
offices. In consequence of this, all the gymnasia
(yoy.va<na ttuvtcl) appeared full of troops exer-
cising, the hippodrome became occupied with the
manoeuvres of the cavalry, and with the exercises
of the javelin-bearers and archers. Thus the
whole city presented the most animated appear-
ance. The agora was filled with all kinds of
arms, and with horses for sale ; smiths, carpenters,
braziers, curriers, and painters were manufacturing
implements of war ; and in short you would have
taken the whole city to have been the very worlcsliop

1 Hell. ili. 4. See also Coin. Nepos, xvii. 3.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 81

of war} But what principally tended to inspire
new ardour, was to see Agesilaus, followed by his
soldiers, issuing from the gymnasia (axo twv yvfAvao-icov)
crowned with garlands, proceeding to the temple of
Diana, to offer them to the goddess."

I should therefore suppose, although there were
several gymnasia in Ephesus, that their uses might
have been different, that they were not all provided
with baths and places of exercise, or that some
possibly had fallen into desuetude, so that in
Strabo's time the only one which combined all the
requisites of a gymnasium, or the only one which
then continued in perfect operation, was the one
which he describes ; or else, as Dr. Pococke sup-
poses, that the gymnasium which he refers to was
a recent building, and occupied the site of some
earlier building, devoted to a different purpose.

Finding gymnasia near each of the principal
public buildings, I have considered that such a
position could not have been one of chance, and
therefore have called them by such localities ; as
the Gymnasium of the Theatre, the Gymnasium of
the Stadium, and the Gymnasium of the Agora :

1 Plutarch (in Marcel. 21) remarks that previous to the removal
by Marcellus of the statues and paintings of Syracuse to Rome, that
city was destitute of all works of the fine arts, and might have been
called the Temple of frowning Mars. It is in the same manner that
Xenophon describes Ephesus as the Workshop of War, (no\ifjov
ll>ya(TTl]piov,) and that Epaminondas called Bceotia the Orchestra of
Mars.

82 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

another gymnasium I distinguish by its size, as the
Great Gymnasium, or the Gymnasium of the Forum,
or harbour; and the fifth, from its locality, the
Opistholeprian Gymnasium : and this arrangement
will be in perfect accordance with what we know
of the customs of the Greeks and Romans during
the later Empire, when licentiousness, luxury, and
effeminacy had entirely supplanted the more pristine
virtues, — when the theatre, the bath, and the ban-
quet occupied their entire time, — and when many
were said to pass their life in the baths,1 exposing
themselves to the enervating influence of a hot
or vapour bath several times a day, as often as
they could recover from the effects of a pre-
ceding bath. The vicinity of the gymnasia to the
public buildings seems therefore to have been so
arranged, that immediately the public business had
ceased, whether it were in the forum, the market-
place, or the curia, or whether merely in the
theatre or stadium, they could rush forthwith into
the nearest gymnasium to relax themselves after
their fatigue.

Apollonius of Tyana censured the indulgence in
the hot bath. His biographer relates that the
Ephesians were once going to stone the master of
the baths because he had not made them hot
enough ; on which he observed, " You blame him

1 Augustus is said to have composed two books in the bath :
one a poem on Sicily, the other a collection of epigrams. — (Suet.
in Vita.)

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 83

because he does not make the bath warm enough ;
I blame you because you have it warm at all."
And on another occasion immediately before cited,
he told the inhabitants of Antioch, who com-
plained of being forbidden the use of the hot bath
by reason of some crime they had committed, " that
instead of complaining of the bath being taken
away, they ought to thank the emperor for giving
them long life."

Let us now see how far these gymnasia are in
accordance with the description given us by
Vitruvius.

The gymnastic exercises of the ancient Greeks
we may reasonably conclude were originally in the
open air, outside their cities,1 and as they acquired
greater consequence, buildings were erected for
them; but they were still confined to the outside
of the city. Here, where the ground was of no con-
sequence, the gymnasium would be provided with
all the accessories due to it, — with spacious courts
and lengthened porticos, with stadia and xysti ;
and to such a building as this, to a perfect gymna-
sium, it is probable that the description of Vitruvius
would alone be strictly applicable. On their being
introduced within the town, however, we might
expect that several of these appendages would be
curtailed ; and we must accordingly make due

1 Thus in Sparta the Ephebium was outside the city. —
(Paus. i. 21.)

84 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

allowance for these circumstances in considering
the gymnasia of Ephesus, some of which may-
appear well provided in some respects, and others
in a different particular, — some well adapted for
baths, and others for places of exercise. In Rome,
on the other hand, where these buildings did not
grow out of the customs of the people, but were
introduced as a foreign luxury, the thermse were
copied, not from the restricted gymnasia of the
city, but from the more perfect and complete
gymnasium of the suburbs ; and in accordance
with the luxurious profligacy of the times, whole
quarters of the town were destroyed to make
room for them. In these, therefore, more than
in the ruined gymnasia of Greek cities, we may
expect to find the accessorial arrangements, given
us by Vitruvius, of exterior porticos, xysti, and
stadia.1

1 Among the games of the Ephesians, those called —

The Panionia were originally celebrated at Mycale, but were
afterwards removed to Ephesus. — (See page 39.) They may pos-
sibly have been the same as the CEcumenica, the name of which so
frequently appears on the Ephesian coins.

The Artemisia were, as their name imports, sacred to Diana. —
(Corpus Inscr. 2954, v. 20, 21.)

The Ephesia were attended by all the Ionians with their wives
and children, and were celebrated with gymnastic exercises, music,
and dancing. — (Thucyd. iii. 104.)

The feasts of the Bacchanalia were derived from the Temple of
Bacchus in Limnse at Athens, and were celebrated in all the Ionian
cities of Attic descent. They took place on the twelfth day of the
month Anthisterion. — (Thucyd. ii. 15.)

The Balbillia were probably attached to the gymnasia. — (See

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 85

As the Opistlioleprian Gymnasium is the only opistho-

example of these buildings which has hitherto
been published, I will refer to it before describ-
ing the other buildings of the same destination.
Dr. Pococke,1 merely from consideration of its
locality, supposes that this building was pro-
bably of the same nature as the Athenaeum, or
Temple of Minerva, whose site he presumes it
occupied. The construction of all these gym-
nasia is of a late period, the piers and smaller
parts being generally of stone, but all the rest
of the building of brickwork. The walls are
for the most part disfigured by small square
holes, ( like those left by putlogs, ) which are
supposed to have served as keys to attach the
marble ashlaring or bronze lining with which
these buildings were frequently covered. And in
connection with this late period of construction,
it is singular to observe the words of Vitruvius,
when referring to the Greek palaestrae. He says,

Ignara, de Palcest. Neap. p. 9 ; and 76 in Athlet. Inscript. iv. § 5;
Gruter, cccxiv. 1 ; and Arundelian Marbles, v. 20.) They were
instituted by Vespasian, at the entreaties of Barbillus, an astrologer,
and were the only games so instituted by Vespasian. — (Dion
Cassius, Ixvi. 9.) Suetonius refers to the same person under the
name of Babilus. — (Suet, in Nero, 36.) The real name was probably
Balbillus.

The Lucullia were instituted to the honour of Lucullus by the
gratitude of the Ephesians.

1 Descript. of East, vol. ii. part ii. ; Arundell also, Discov.
ii. 256.

LEPBIAN
GYMNASIUM.

86 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

he thinks it " proper to explain them, although
not used by the people of Italy." Now, as Agrippa,
the founder of the earliest baths in Rome, died
12 B.C., it is probable that though thermae were
unknown in Rome at the period of Yitruvius
writing, yet that they must have been introduced
before his death, even if the Father of Archi-
tecture were not himself employed in them.
Little, therefore, did he believe, when he wrote
these words, that, perhaps, in his own lifetime,
buildings of this description would be reared in
Rome that should outvie even the most noted
ones of Greece, and that in the time of the later
Emperors, Rome would be full of them, and that
many would be so large as to resemble an entire
city. Yet, notwithstanding the thermae were larger
than the palaestrae, the Greeks always excelled
the Romans in gymnastic exercises.1 Both these
nations established gymnasia in all the cities that
they conquered ; thus in the reign of Antiochus
Epiphanes they established one at Jerusalem, to the
great scandal of the Jews ; and they were esteemed
such articles of luxury, that large sums were paid
for the privilege of erecting them. The Greeks in
Jerusalem had to pay 150 talents (£34,500) for this
permission, notwithstanding they paid Antiochus
the compliment of calling the city after his name.2

1 Hor.ii. Ep. i. v. 33.

2 1 Maccab. i. 14 ; 2 Maccab. i v. 9, 12, 14.

OF THE DIFFEKENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 87

In one of the hemicycles of this gymnasium there
are, or were in Arundell's time, some few vestiges
of the fresco decorations so common in these build-
ings, but which that antiquary1 fancied lie could
elucidate as having reference to a Christian building.
It is true he afterwards suggests that the painting
might represent the myth of the origin of the
city, but he evidently inclines towards the former
opinion. He says he thought he could discover a
man on horseback ; and a javelin and a spear were
very visible, as well as some fish. " There was a
church of St. Luke at Ephesus ; (he continues :)
may this have any reference to the legend of the
fishes ? Or if it be of earlier date, may it not com-
memorate the fishes leaping from the coals, (like
the fish of St. Neot from the frying-pan,) and the
javelin with which the wild hog was killed ? "
Fellows,2 describing the ruins of Ephesus, speaks
of this as " one of those gigantic and nameless
piles of building by some called gymnasia, by others
temples, and again, with (he thinks) more reason,
palaces." Chandler 3 mentions two trunks of sta-
tues of great size, without heads, and almost buried,
but with remarkable drapery, lying among the
fragments in front of this gymnasium. In another
work * he speaks only of one, which he says was
of marble, and vested in the Eastern or Parthian

1 Discov. ii. 255-6. 2 Journal, i. 275.

3 Travels, i. 150. A Ionian Antiq ii. 30.

OO ANCIENT EPHESUS.

habit.1 From Pausanias3 we learn, it was cus-
tomary among the Greeks to have statues 3 of
Mercury, Hercules,4 and Theseus in their palasstrse,
where they were held in particular reverence ; 5
while Lucian places his gymnasium under the pro-
tection of the Lycian Apollo.6 In the plan of this
building by Revett, published by the Dilettanti
Society, that architect has supposed that the
crypto-porticus ran along the front as well as the
sides and back, and he has accordingly dotted it
to show its general form. There are, however,
abundant evidences on the spot to show that a
noble portico of columns on pedestals stood in
this position, connecting the two extremities of
the wings together. There are so many of these
pedestals remaining, with the base mouldings of
the columns attached, one of which is given by
him in vol. ii. pi. 43, that it seems extraordinary a
portico did not occur to him. Another portico also
existed on the eastern side, of which I discovered
the lower part of a column in situ in the middle of

1 There is a drawing of this statue in the collection of the
Dilettanti Society, now in the British Museum.

2 Paus. iv. 32. 3 Lucian. De Gymn. 33. 4 See page 75.
5 Hermce, or statues of Mercury, were placed in the palaestrae,

according to Proclus, {Comment, in Alcib.), because he is the
iuspective guardian of gymnastic exercises. — (See also Iloi'ace,
i. Ode 10, and Cic. in C. Verrem, De Suppliciis, and Virgil and
Servius, who describe Mercury as having graceful limbs, because
he is the " god of the palaestra." See also Paus. iii. 24, and Lucian.
scepe. 6 Lucian. De Gymn. 7.

A T

REFERENCES
The black Inns shave what ie stUlrenuajvmg
ded ,/u,i, certain

'"■ tliaded preii (>', ,ui,l i,; nrly,rrt,ttri

A !',':■!,,.■ ,t ,,-ltu,ins I'll i<,J,-slit(.s '.' ''■',' i .s-nuare

B Oiu colarrtn r, inaunu,) ,</' Si,/, fbrizcc

C C C Smoke or hoi air funnels

0 Pedestal <■/ 'Altar or Colossal Statu,

E Perhaps another TepidarUum era SpTueristeruan

Scale cil' Feet

Scale of 100 Greek Feet.
One Sixth (•]' ,-i Stadium

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 89

some thick brushwood.1 From the nature of the
ground and the lines of terraces, I conclude it
possible that this side portico might have continued
round the area in front; an arrangement which is
rendered probable by a comparison with the other
gymnasia of this city, especially that near the
theatre.

The Opistholeprian Gymnasium of Ephesus we
may take to be a type of the usual distribution of
the Greek urbanal gymnasium, since we find the
main feature of it, the crypto-porticus, repeated in
two other gymnasia, viz., that of Alexandria Troas,
and the gymnasium of the theatre in Ephesus.
It is, moreover, more perfect than other gymnasia
as regards the baths, which there can be no
doubt occupied the central portion of this gymna-
sium. The crypto-portici of these two gymnasia of
Ephesus, including the open connecting portico on
the south side, measure on the outer Avail about
1,180 feet each in circuit, wanting only 20 feet,
or -6^th part, to be equal to the diaulos, or peri-

1 A clump of thicket is frequently a sign of a column inside ;
the ground all about having been ploughed up at different
epochs, and a small space left round the stone on account of its
hindrance to ploughing. In the course of years the weeds which
first gathered about the obstacle become increased, and a dense
clump of brushwood is ultimately formed. They frequently become
nestling places for serpents, and more than once, on endeavouring
to divide the brushwood, and discover, if possible, a column in the
centre, I have darted back at the sight of a large black snake,
winding away equally frightened of me.

90 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

stylium of two stadia, of Vitruvius ; which identity
of measurement is quite sufficient to fully establish
the name and position of this portion of Vitruvius'
description.1 But this difference is to be observed :
that Vitruvius says that the diaulus is open, on
which account the portico on the south side is to
be double, in order to protect it from the weather ;
whereas in the example before us the diaulus is
closed in on three sides, and open in front. This
arises, however, from the circumstance of these
gymnasia being urban ones, and, from want of
space, deprived of the advantage of a surrounding
area, on which account it became necessary to pro-
tect the diaulus from the inconvenience derived from
juxtaposition to the adjacent buildings. It is satis-
factory also to find that in each of these examples
the front of the crypto-porticus, or diaulus, is placed
next the south, agreeably to the description of
Vitruvius ; and that exedras are contrived in the thick-
ness of the wall, throughout their whole length, for
the philosophers and others to resort to. Vitruvius
next describes the front of the building, which
consists of seven rooms, the ephebium being in the
centre, the conisterium, coryceum, and loutron on
the right, and the elaaothesium, tepidarium, and pro-
pnigeum or praefurnium on the left. This disposition

1 The gymnasium at Alexandria Troas is too ruined to measure
with certainty the circuit of the crypto-porticus ; but if the sides
bore a similar, proportion to the end, as in those of Ephesus, the
circuit would rather exceed the measure of two stadia.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 91

of Vitruvius does not appear to be a judicious one,
inasmuch as the furnace is placed in the angle of
the building, and therefore in the very worst part
to distribute heat to the other portions of the
edifice. We cannot, therefore, suppose that this
rule was generally followed ; and, consequently,
the circumstance of the examples before us having
each five rooms in front instead of seven, does not
militate against the idea of these buildings being-
gymnasia. These rooms I should suppose to be
the conisterium and coryceum on the right, and
the elseothesium and tepidarium on the left. The
loutron, or frigidarium, would be behind these on
the right, and the propnigeum, or prasfurnium, on
the left. It will be objected that the construction
of the gymnasia, not only of Ephesus but other
places, is too open to render these chambers appli-
cable to the purposes described by Vitruvius, the
superincumbent walls and vaulting being carried on
arches instead of on a continuous wall. But, from a
careful examination of these piers, I am of opinion
that they have once been filled in with walls ; and I
suppose the reason of this construction to be the
desire of insuring greater stability to the building ;
for which purpose, the ground being marshy, the
foundations of the piers were secured, and then
arches were thrown over the intervals to carry the
superincumbent walling.1 Vitruvius then describes

1 This mode of construction, it will be recollected, was adopted
by Sir Christopher Wren to secure the foundations of the north-

92 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

three chambers at the back of the right portion, — the
sudatio, the laconicum, and the caldarium ; but he
does not mention the destination of the correspond-
ing rooms on the left-hand side. We may not,
therefore, expect to find any great similarity be-
tween this portion of the building and the arrange-
ment given us by Vitruvius. The sudatio he places
in the middle of the mass, and on the right hand
side of the centre, a situation which accords very
well with the room so marked in the plan. Adjoin-
ing this were the laconicum and the caldarium,
and these we may very well place in the room
corresponding to the sudatio, and in one of the
contiguous chambers. This appropriation of the
rooms is not only in accordance with the descrip-
tion of Vitruvius, but also with the character of
construction shown in this building. The ephebium
is, as Vitruvius says, a large hall, and furnished
with exedrse all round, and in that side of the
room which is. best preserved there are evidences
of five funnels constructed in the thickness of the
wall, which appear to have had some connection
with the warming of the apartment. Such tubes
were also used for the supply of water, and I
extracted one1 from an ancient bath at Miletus,
which measures nearly four inches in diameter,

east angle of St. Paul's Cathedral, where the soil happened to be
defective. — (Wren, Parentalia, p. 286.)

1 Now in the Museum of the Royal Institute of British
Architects.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 93

and which shows a sediment deposited by the flow
of water. The two small rooms in the centre of
the building seem so admirably adapted for the
sudatio and laconicum, that nothing is wanting in
this respect. The angular rooms at the back are
also well protected from cold, and would therefore
answer to the caldarium, or a second tepidarium,
or one of those rooms devoted to exercise, which
were so commonly appended to the Roman thermae.
Two funnel-pipes may be traced in one of these
rooms ; others may exist, but as they are worked
in the thickness of the wall, which is finished flush
over them, it is impossible to discover them, except
where the face of the wall is ruined. The large
room at the back might be the apodyterium, or
undressing-room. Vitruvius then readverts to the
diaulus, after which he describes the exterior
porticos, which he says are the Greek xysti, in
contradistinction to the Roman xysti, which are
open walks skirting the Greek xystus, and called
by the Greeks paradromides, and between these
there ought to be groves, or plantations, with
walks and seats between the trees ; and behind
the xystus is to be the stadium. Now in all the
gymnasia of Ephesus we find large areas placed in
front of the building, as a substitute for the open
grounds and porticos of the suburban gymnasia,
and these areas it is probable were ornamented
with porticos as I have represented ; for in all we
find the ground marked out by raised terraces,

94 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

and in one instance, the gymnasium of the theatre,
several of the columns of the side porticos are still
remaining. These, therefore, would form the Greek
xysti of Vitruvius, or peristylia, inside of which
would run the paradromos, or Roman xystus, of
Vitruvius. Pausanias, however, tells us that the
whole enclosure was called xystus, and from the
derivation he gives of it, it would evidently apply
more appropriately to an open space than to a
covered one, though it subsequently became applied
to all places of exercise. Philostratus says it might
be planted with trees.1 Vitruvius lastly notices
the stadium, evidently meaning a long area in the
form of a stadium, not an actual stadium. This
feature we see satisfactorily shown at the back of
the Great Gymnasium, which from one portico
to the other measures only one-seventh part less
than a stadium. The two porticos of this gym-
nasium might very appropriately be called xysti
in the sense of Vitruvius.
great We will now proceed to the consideration of this

gymnasium, which, opening on to the forum and
city port, would appear to have been regarded as
the principal building of the kind ; and which it
evidently is, considering its magnitude, it being
about twice the size of the enclosure of the
British Museum, and measuring 925 by 685
feet, or fifteen acres. The piers of the central

1 Vita Apol. Tyan. viii. 26.

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OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 95

hall are 28 feet 3 inches deep, and the central gallery
510 feet long.

This building has been taken by the great mass
of travellers and writers as the celebrated Temple
of Diana, some of the preposterous notions respecting
which temple I shall have occasion to allude to when
treating on that edifice. Guhl takes it for a temple
of Neptune ; l Dallaway 2 for the church dedicated
by Justinian to St. John ; Laborde for a hall in
which to receive strangers ; and Arundell 3 for
what he calls the metropolitan church, founding
his opinion upon the "resemblance of construction
between it and the primitive churches at Sardis,
Philadelphia, and Pergamus." It so happens,
however, that the ruins referred to at Sardis and
Philadelphia are not churches ; and the construction
is similar to that of the Opistholeprian Gymnasium,
consisting of wrought masonry for the piers, and
brick arches over, the whole covered with small
holes, as if for fixing marble lining. In the centre
are prostrate fragments of four large granite
columns, nearly four feet in diameter : four more
exist in the mosque at Aiaslik, and Mr. "W. J.
Hamilton and many other travellers have noticed
four others in the side aisles of St. Sophia at
Constantinople, and which were said to have been
taken from Ephesus. This makes half the number
I have shown in my plan ; but we may suppose that

1 Ephes. p. 178. 2 Const, p. 220. 8 Researches, ii. 82.

96 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

other columns have been taken elsewhere,1 and
that the four which still remain would have been
removed long ago had they not been broken.
M. le Brun observed capitals which measured ten
feet in height, and more than eight in width, besides
many other capitals, friezes, and pedestals. The
two wings at the back of the building are of unequal
length ; and as the ground is of about its original
level, it will show that the form of the city port in
this quarter is precisely the same that it was when
this gymnasium was built. The existence of two
columns on the south side of the gymnasium has
been the authority for this feature of the plan.
But what creates most surprise in these ruins to
the generality of travellers are the subterranean
constructions. As I had left my servant at
Aiaslik, I did not think it prudent to expose myself
alone to the doubtful integrity of the wandering
Yerooks, and did not go down into them : I
must therefore content myself with giving the
accounts of one or two of these travellers. The
most complete is from M. le Brun : 3 — " In the
thickness of one of the piers there is a staircase
descending a great depth below ground. When
anyone is hardy enough to enter, he must take a
flambeau and a line, one end of which he must
attach to the entrance, and let it run out as he

1 There are two columns in Pisa Cathedral which came from
Ephesus.

2 Voy. av, Lev. p. 29.

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OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 97

advances ; otherwise lie must throw out something
continually on the ground which may be easily
recognized, not to run a risk of being lost in this
labyrinth, and to enable him to find his way out
again, which would be impossible without this pre-
caution. The subterranean corridors which support

the building above seem to be of tufa

Moreover, in traversing in this obscure grotto, or
rather in these caves, one meets with several apart-
ments ; but most of them are filled up with earth
and ruins, so that it is probable that many of them
are not seen ; for the grotto is so large that no one
knows its extent ; and as it always happens in places
of which one cannot see the whole extent, one forms
ideas greatly surpassing reality ; so there are some
who pretend that these subterranean galleries ex-
tend as far as Smyrna ! " (a distance of two days'
journey.) Smith,1 as Spon andWheler2 also, states
that these vaults are called " the labyrinth," and that
they are so low as to oblige one to crawl on the
knees, and sometimes quite flat. But Tavernier says
that they afterwards become lofty and fine, and are
in perfect preservation.3 Pococke 4 gives a plan of
" what he saw of them ;" but it is probable he did
not penetrate farther than Spon and Wheler, for
he says he was stopped by the fallen earth and by
water. He says they consist of narrow arches one

1 Thos. Smith, Sept. Asice Eccl. Not. p. 31.

2 Voy. oVItalie, p. 333. 3 Six Voy. i. 81.
4 Descr. of the E. p. 51.

98 * ANCIENT EPHESUS.

within another. They are constructed of large
stone.1 The following particulars are important, as
they serve to confirm the idea that the superincum-
bent building was a gymnasium. The vaults, as we
are informed by two travellers,2 are intersected by
a canal communicating on the one side with the city
port ; and if so, it is probable that the other extremity
communicates with the lake in the centre of the
forum. The water is knee-deep at the entrance,
but pure and limpid, and rather tepid. Spon and
Wheler assert that two of the vaults were narrower
than the rest, and appeared like aqueducts, and that
water was still running in them ; while Pococke 3
notices a great number of earthen pipes in these
passages, which he suggests may have served as
water-conduits. Thus, independent of the cha-
racter of the superincumbent building, these sub-
terranean galleries and reservoirs of water would
lead us to determine the building to have been a
gymnasium ; especially if we may rely upon the
authority of Chishull, who states that he observed
similar substructions under several large buildings,
— some at Sardis, and others at this very place. So
that we may safely conjecture these subterranean
vaults to have answered a similar purpose to the
Piscina Mirabile at Cape Misenum, and that of
Sorrento. Although this building does not adhere
to the usual type of gymnasia, it having no diaulus,

1 Van Egmont and Heyman, Travels, i. 107.

3 Id. Travels, pp. 106-7. 8 Descr. of Hie E. p. 52.

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Or THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 99

there is one circumstance in which it appears to
have a still closer correspondence with the palaestra
of Vitruvius than the other gymnasia of the city,
it having seven chambers in the front instead of
five. We are justified, therefore, in regarding this
building as the gymnasium of the port, the front of
the building being next to the harbour. According
to the distribution of Vitruvius, the ephebium would
be in the middle, the conisterium, coryceum, and
frigidarium on the right hand, the ela3othesium,
tepidarium, and some other chamber on the left :
the sudatio and laconicum would occupy the rooms
behind the ephebium, which would, of course, re-
quire to be enclosed by thin walls between the
piers. In the Life of Apollonius of Tyana,1 we
read of xysti planted with trees near the town,
which we must either suppose were places of exer-
cise formed outside the city, in accordance with
ancient custom before alluded to ; or they were
attached to one of the gymnasia. In this latter
case, no building is so likely to have been the one
referred to as the Great Gymnasium.

The Gymnasium of the Stadium is placed upon gymnasium
the city wall, and great part of the foundations are STADIUM
artificial, in order to raise it to the level of the
other parts of the city above the plain below.
Prokesch 2 took it for a palace, and Pococke 3 for a
forum, and supposed a canal to have been brought

1 By Philostratus. 2 Denkvoiirdigh. ii. 104-7.

3 Descrip. p. 49.

100 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

up to it from the north side. He gives a plan of
it, which is, however, so extremely rude, that no
one portion can be even recognized. He says a
statue may have stood in the open space in the
centre ; but, unfortunately, no such open space
occurs. It must be acknowledged that the plan
of this building does not at all correspond with that
of the other gymnasia of the city ; but still, from
its position, its terraces, and its porticos, it probably
served for such purpose. The aqueduct across the
plain seems to have supplied it with water.1
gymnasium The Gymnasium of the Theatre is much ruined

OP T'f-TTT'

theatre. m the central portion, and in the back part of the
crypto-porticus ; but the circumstance of several of
the columns of the xystus in front of the Gymna-
sium standing in their original position is extremely
interesting, as it confirms the idea that all the
gymnasia of Ephesus were so embellished. It will
be observed in the plan of this building that all
the back part is merely conjectural ; but though I
cannot be positive that the manner in which I have
restored it is correct in all its parts, I feel confident
that it is founded on probability. The pier tinted
dark in the centre of the building is fortunately
very perfect. It is so high as to form a prominent
object among the ruins, and I therefore selected
it as a point from whence to take my angles. Not
only is the whole pier standing, but a considerable

1 See also Choiseul Gouffier, i. 311.

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REFERENCES
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OF THE DIFFEEENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 101

portion of the vaults which spring from it ; and
from this circumstance I perceived that a large
vaulted hall must have stood behind it. Though
no ruins of this portion were remaining, I could yet
trace the total extent of the building, and thereby
found that there was space enough remaining for a
crypto-porticus at the back ; this idea was after-
wards confirmed by finding that in Pococke's1 time
a considerable portion of it was then remaining.
The last pier of the east side of the crypto-porticus
being larger than the rest, seemed to terminate it
at that point ; but knowing that it must have con-
tinued round, I placed another pier similar to this,
and thereby formed a lobby opening into either
crypto-porticus, and presenting an agreeable feature
in the plan, and one in accordance with the gymna-
sium at Alexandria Troas. Pococke's representation
of this building is not more preposterous than his
idea of it, which is that of the " forum of the people
of the asylum." For further particulars of this
gymnasium, see the description of the Opistholeprian
Gymnasium.

Other gymnasia appear to have stood near the other
Agora and the Odeon, but there is so little remaining GYMNASIA-
of these buildings, as to render it impossible to
restore them. Remains may also be traced of a
similar building on Mount Pion, but it appears to
have been merely a bath without the adjunct of a

1 Descr. p. 50.

THEATRE.

102 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

palaestra. It is most probable that one of tliese
gymnasia formed the school of Tyrannus, in which
St. Paul preached daily for the space of two years.1

The Theatre must have been the largest one
ever executed. Its diameter, as ascertained by
Mr. Cockerell,3 was 660 feet, which is forty feet
more than the major axis, or the longitudinal dia-
meter, of the Colosseum. According to this, and
allowing fifteen inches to each person, it would
accommodate 56,700 spectators,3 a number which

1 Acts, xix. 9, 10. 2 Leake, Journal, p. 328.

3 The accounts given us by ancient authors of the accommoda-
tion of vai'ious theatres are always conflicting, and always exag-
gerated. They appear to have given us the number capable of
being crammed into them on particular occasions, rather than the
number capable of being freely accommodated. Sometimes one
measure is used for calculating the seats, sometimes another ; and
as the basis of such calculation is not mentioned, we can arrive at
no determined point. It fortunately happens, however, that in
the theatre and amphitheatre at Pompeii many of the seats are
divided off for each person. In the amphitheatre, the third, fourth,
fifth, and sixth seats west of the south end, and most of those on
the west side, up to the first pisecinction, are so marked, and give
a measure of 14§ inches to each person: and in the theatre several
divisions are marked off on the eleventh seat from the bottom
praecinction, and distinguished by capital letters : Nos. I, II, III,
and XI to XV, are still l'emaining. These give a measure of
1' 3\" each. Now if we take 1' 3" as a mean between these, we
shall find that the Colosseum, which had 82,750 feet run of seating,
and which was reported to hold 87,000 spectators, might, according
to this measure, have accommodated 70,200 ; and if we add one-
twentieth part for standing-room, we shall have a total of 73,700.
In the same manner the theatre of Pompey, presuming its measure
of 450 feet in diameter is correct, and which was reported to have
held 40,000, would accommodate 20,800. The theatre of Marcellus,

OF THE DIFFEEENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 103

will give us some idea of the size of the theatre, when
we recollect that Drury Lane theatre holds only
3,200 seats, and old Covent Garden held 2,800.1

The proscenium of the Theatre, with its ac-
companying parts, is entirely gone : not a seat is
remaining ; and as it is therefore impossible to
restore the building, I have represented an ideal
representation of a Greek theatre. In Pococke's
time2 several seats must have been remaining, as
he was able to trace four vomitoria. Chandler 3
notices the portico leading from the Theatre to the
Forum, and a surrounding colonnade at the top of
the Theatre.4 Several of the seats are walled up
in the castle of Aiaslik,5 and on them may be seen
various letters, as A, B, n, X, % and abbreviations,
as AN, E P 12, &c, which served to denote the
different cunei. This Theatre is the scene of one
of Apollonius's miracles. The mention of the
Theatre of Ephesus will call to the mind of every
one the incident which happened in it to St. Paul,6
an incident which, together with the touching
account of the Apostle's taking leave of the elders
of the city, the epistle written to its Church, and

which was 387 feet in diameter, and reported to have held 20,000,
would accommodate 17,085 ; while the theatre at Ephesus would
hold 56,700, and the Stadium 76,000.

1 Brit, and Bray, London. The utmost number which new
Covent Garden Theatre is said to accommodate is only 2.767
persons. — {Builder, May 22, 1858.)

2 Descr. of the E. p. 51. 3 Travels, i. 149.
4 Id. p. 171. 5 Prokesch, p. 94. 6 Acts, xix.

104 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

the warning lesson it affords in the Book of Reve-
lation, attaches a peculiar and thrilling interest
to the name of Ephesus. But St. Paul's solemn
account of his trials at Ephesus was too good a
story for the Christians of the Middle Ages not to
make the most of. They very naturally considered
that St. Paul, previous to this event, must have
been confined in prison, and therefore looked about
to find some place, if possible, suitable for such a
purpose. This they discovered in one of the
towers of the city walls, which is constructed of
solid masonry, and has pointed arches. They
thought, if it were not St. Paul's prison, it might
have been ; and therefore christened it so : and
one traveller was so fully impressed with the truth
of this tradition, as to pass a night in it, which
was near leading to an unpleasant incident.1 Smith
fancied this tower might have served as a beacon
to vessels.3
stadium. The Stadium is now in an equal state of ruin

with the Theatre, — not a seat remains. Like the
Theatre, the greater part of it is formed out of the
slope of the hill, but the doors and corridors of
the artificial part at the west end are sufficiently
perfect to enable us to determine the distance apart
of the various vomitoria, as shown in the restored
plan. A remarkable feature of this Stadium is,

1 Prokesch, Denkwiirdigk. ii. 116-121.

2 Smith, (Tbos.) Septem Asice JSccl. Not. p 31.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 105

that there were many more seats on the ODe side
than the other, and when the reason is considered,
so far from its appearing* a deformity, it will be
found to be productive of considerable beauty and
grandeur. The object then of making this in-
equality was to expose the portico or arcade with
which the higher side was finished, to the plain
below, and thus present a feature of great mag-
nificence to the stranger, on entering the city.
This disposition of the Stadium is frequently met
with in the cities of Asia Minor. The stadia of
Cibyra and Priene have each an unequal number
of seats, and an arcade on one side only : that of
Laodicsea has an equal number of seats, but
the arcade is only on one side. Those, how-
ever, which stood in the plain, and are entirely
artificial, have both sides equal, as at Perga,
Magnesia, and iEzani; because in these instances
there was no inducement to construct them other-
wise. Of the foregoing examples the Stadium
of Cibyra, from its perfect preservation, is the
best adapted to give an idea of the great beauty
of this arrangement, as it forms a prominent object
from all parts of the valley. Above these extra
seats of the Stadium at Ephesus are others still
higher, rudely cut in the rock ; but as they are
six feet above the level of the colonnade, it is
evident they must have been used before that
ornamental feature of the stadium was executed.
Of the upper portico or arcade, there are now no

106

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

columns remaining. Great as the accommodation
of the Theatre was, that of the Stadium far exceeds
it, this building being capable of receiving seventy-
six thousand spectators. The heat or race was
sometimes six, and sometimes even twelve times
round the area, or a length of one and a half,
or three miles, as we learn from a passage in Pau-
sanias : — At Elis,1 " there is likewise a statue of the
Ephesian Pyrilampes, who was victor in the dolichus,
or chariot- race of twelve or twenty-four stadia."

odeon. The Odeon is quite destroyed. Agreeably to the

precept of Vitruvius, it was situated on the left
hand of the theatre. Opposite to it is a large
area, formerly surrounded by porticos.

serapion. In front of the Stadium is a building, which, from
its resemblance to that of Puteoli, I have called the
Serapion. Like it, it has a monopteral building in
the centre, but consisting of twenty columns instead
of sixteen ; it was also approached by four flights of
steps. It was surrounded by a portico, which was
of the Ionic order,2 and of rather larger dimensions
than that of Puteoli, and appears, like it, to have
had a series of small cells round the portico. It
must have been in very tolerable preservation in
Choiseul G-ouffier's time, for his plan shows the
building very distinctly. Although only one column
is remaining above ground, the sites of many may
be perceived by the absence of grass over them.3

1 Pans. vi. 3. 2 Pococke, Bescript. p. 47.

3 In Dallaway's time (1797) many of them were remaining.

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REFERENCES.

The. black shews what is Mill remaining

.. grey .. •- certain

A A Saitx on slope of hill tor accmiwiodatiow
of Spectators to view the games of the Stadium

Tin columns both of l&e central building and
porticoi-. a i cru fart, though only oiu of the
Iccttir'at B) is remaining Several //on: i,
may be traced bv me discoloration of the grass.

The basement of 'circular building iscutin rode
and is 6h\et high.

Scale of Feet.

[miuml nz

K K March W45.

Day &. Son. Lith^to the Queen

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 107

Pococke says that the side of the hill next the
Stadium appears to have been furnished with
seats for additional spectators to view the games
of the circus. Between these two buildings is
a road paved with large stones measuring four
feet by eight.1 The southernmost tazza of the
fountains is the only one now existing ; it is 12' 8"
in diameter, and is still protected by a portion of
the circular building round it. The arrangement
of the portico on the north side clearly shows
there must have been a second tazza, but it was
probably moved while it was yet entire. I have
already referred to the absurd belief that the
remaining tazza was once used by St. John for
baptizing his converts. It is possible that these
ornamental fountains might have been built over
a spring of water, which has since disappeared ;
but this is merely conjectural. The names of the
fountains given us by ancient authors, are, —
Hypelseus, Halitsea, and Calipia. With Hypelasus

1 The colonnades of the Forum, those of the road from the Forum
to the Stadium, and between the Stadium and the Gymnasium of
the Stadium, (Chandler also, i. 151) are all mentioned by Pococke,
(p. 51.) As the general plan is too small to show what columns
are standing, and what are not, I must observe that of the portico
connecting the Forum and the two fountains, there are standing,
on the north side, the 14th, 15th, 16th and last two columns
immediately before the fountain ; and on the south side the only
column remaining is that immediately before that fountain ; and
of the diagonal colonnade towards the Serapion, the 11th, 13th,
14th, 24th, 25th, and 27th columns ai-e still remaining.

108 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

we are already acquainted, as being that connected
with the foundation of the city, and mentioned
by Athenasus and Strabo. Halitaea is reckoned
by Pausanias1 among the natural advantages of
Ephesus ; and Calipia, we are told by Pliny,2 was
within the city ; but from the vague manner in
which he expresses himself, it is doubtful whether
he does not mean belonging to the city. Hamilton3
holds all these fountains to be identical, which is
extremely probable ; for, with the exception of
Pliny's expression, " Fons in urbe Calipia," there
is nothing in the accounts to contradict such an
opinion; and as for the different names, Ephesus
itself and Mount Pion had a greater variety.
Besides, all these authors speak merely of one
fountain, which fountain each describes as being
worthy of notice. Now, if all these were separate
fountains, is it likely that Pliny, in describing
Calipia, would neglect to notice Halitaea, which
Pausanias classed among the remarkable objects of
Ionia ? or that both these writers would abstain
from mentioning Hypelaeus, connected as it is with
the sacred origin of the city ? Choiseul G-ouffier,4
however, attempts to fix situations for two of these
springs. He places one (Calipia) on the summit of
Mount Pion; and if such a spring exists, it has
been unnoticed by all other travellers ; and the

1 Descript. Grcec. vii. 5. 2 Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 31.

3 W. J. Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii. 25.

4 Chandler also, Travels, i. 143.

OF THE DIFFEKENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 109

other (Halitsea) he places at the source of the
aqueduct beyond Aiaslik. Hamilton found a beau-
tiful spring on the low dry ground to the north
of the marsh or harbour, and which was covered
with broken tiles and pottery, and had been much
built over. It lay at the distance of about two
hundred yards from what he calls the " Temple "
(the Great Gymnasium). This situation would
appear to identify it with the fountain Hypelseus,
but unfortunately it is too near the city, and too
far from what is likely to have been the sacred
port. The only way in which we can reconcile
this, is to suppose the spring may have changed
its course.

In addition to the Temple of Diana, and the temples.
Temple of Hecate which was attached to it, we
find temples to the following deities once existed,
for most of the notices of which we are indebted
to coins : — Jupiter Olympius,1 Jupiter Pluvius 2 on
Mount Pion, Minerva,3 Apollo,4 Venus,5 Bacchus,6
Neptune,7 Ceres,8 Serapis and Isis,9 Mercury,10
Hercules,11 Fortune,13 Harpocrates,13 Romulus and
Remus,14 Julius Caesar and the city of Rome,

1 Mionnefc, Med. iii. 448 ; Suppl. vi. 549, 635, 761.

2 Id. iii. 282 ; Suppl. vi. 413-4. 3 Id. Suppl. vi. 603-4.

4 Id. iii. 205 ; Suppl. vi. 273, 415. 6 See Guhl, Ephes. p. 178.

6 Guhl, Ephes. pp. 127-8. ? Mionnet, Suppl. vi. 416.

8 Mionnet, Suppl. vi. 762. 9 Id. 417, 689. 10 Id. 492, 568.

11 Id. iii. 294-411 ; Suppl. vi. 258, 475-6, 535-6, 879.

12 Id. passim. 13 Id. iii. 423 ; Suppl. vi. 693. 14 Id. 432, 537.

110

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

TEMPLE OF
JUPITER.

TEMPLE OF
MINERVA.

TEMPLE OF
APOLLO.

Claudius, and possibly other temples of Diana, as
Diana Lucifera, Diana Venatrix,1 &c.

Besides the references just given, we find the
following particulars of some of these temples : —

The Temple of Jupiter Olympius stood between
the Temple of Diana and the Magnesian Grate. We
may, therefore, suppose it to have been nearly west
of the city port.

The Temple of Minerva was beyond Smyrna-
Tracheia from the sacred port : 2 it must, therefore,
have been at Opistho-lepre, as rightly imagined by
Dr. Pococke.3

The Temple of Apollo is placed by Athengeus at
the Sacred Port ; it contained a colossal statue of
the god, the base of which was twelve feet long by
eight wide, and six feet high : the statue must,
therefore, have been of great size. The temple
was of greater antiquity than the last Temple of
Diana; as Peonius, who finished that temple, was
employed to lay another base to the statue of
Apollo, the former one being decayed through
age.4 This was probably the statue of Apollo
by Myron, which was taken away by Antony, and
restored by Augustus, who was warned to do so
in a dream.5

1 These distinctive characters of Diana are very common on
medals. See part ii. ch v. and § 1.

2 Athen. p. 361 ; Strabo, p. 633.

3 See page 85. Pococke, Descript. p. 108.

4 Vitr. x. 6. • 5 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 19.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. Ill

The Temple of Venus Hetaera is mentioned by
Evalcas in Athenaaus.1 It appears to have stood
near the shore, from an incident narrated in
Poly 93 mis.3

A Temple of Diana, in the Agora, was erected
by the first colonists.3

The Temple of Ceres appears to have been
situated on the opposite side of the city, towards
Magnesia, for the Chian allies marching overland
from Mycale, and approaching the city, found the
women celebrating the mysteries of Ceres.

The Temple of Julius Caesar and the city of
Rome was erected by the special permission of
Augustus ;4 and that of Claudius after his apothe-
osis. The ruin which, from its late Corinthian
architecture, is thought to be this latter building,
fronts 22' east of north. Its length is 130 feet
by 80 in width. The cella is built of large rough
stones, the portico of marble, and consists of four
columns 4' 6" diameter, in antis. The shafts are
monolithal, and 39' 2" in height : the total height
of the columns is 46' 7"5 The peribolus was
ornamented with a colonnade.

Amerias, as quoted by Athenaaus,6 refers to the
Temple of Neptune; and Strabo7 refers to a great
many other buildings erected after the completion
of the Temple of Diana. On Coressus, near the

1 Athen. p. 573. 2 Stratag. v. 18. 3 See page 66.

4 Dion Cassius, li. 20. 5 Chandler, Travels, i. 152.

6 Athen. p. 425. 7 Page 640.

TEMPLE OP
VENUS.

TEMPLE OF
DIANA.

TEMPLE OF
CERES.

TEMPLE OF

CjESAR
AND ROME.

TEMPLE OF
CLAUDIUS.

TEMPLE OF
NEPTUNE.

OTHER
TEMPLES.

112

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

SMYRNA-
TRACIIEIA.

square tower, Chandler1 discovered the remains of
some edifice, and among the bushes beneath he
found a square altar of white marble beautifully
preserved. Stephanus Byzantinus2 notices an altar
of Diana on Coressus, which possibly was the same.
The buildings in the valley between Pion and
Coressus, and occupying the site of Smyrna-
Tracheia, are in too ruined a state either to plan
or describe minutely. On leaving the Agora, the
first building that presents itself appears to be the
Gymnasium of the Agora. This is succeeded by
another vaulted building, connected with which is
a peristyled area ; and then the Odeon, with a large
area and portico in front ; and adjoining this appears
to be a Gymnasium of the Odeon, in front of which
is a handsome colonnade, which divides it from a
small temple and a circular building, on which is
the following inscription : —

TONE niTE TPAMMENiV
K AT AOYAE M IAN $APE I E E M
I Af*IOTE^EIT.n.<f>l*i<o|
^A NTI X4> EK E Al K E IT^IA":

kfr h t^eskE PAtgwii

A n mri

Adjoining this is a small monopteral building
enclosed in a square peribolus, and on the opposite

1 Travels, i. 153.

2 Voce K0PI2202.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 113

side of the colonnade is another small temple ;
next to it is the Opistholeprian Gymnasium
already described ; near which are the following
fragments : —

ETA nOl£ BOYAE
^AlANOMHEn I
YA N APIAN TO* AY
POY*

On leaving the Opistholeprian Gymnasium, one sees
a line . of deep substructures running in a north-
easterly direction towards Aiaslik, but which it is
difficult to understand. I have represented them
in the plan by a colonnade.

I have already noticed the architectural character
of the plan of Ephesus, by reason of which it
appeared like a city of public squares and public
buildings, the grandeur of which was unimpaired by
any meaner edifice.

The private buildings, on the other hand, were
placed, alike for health, beauty of prospect, and
defence, on the elevated parts of Pion and Coressus.
As no remains of these exist in a sufficiently perfect
state to form a restoration of them, it may be
interesting to refer to the account of the villas
erected by Damianus, a sophist of Ephesus, who
lived between 194 and 211 A.D. Philostratus
informs us, " The opulence of this man is shown,

PRIVATE
BUILDINGS.

114 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

by his planting all lands which he possessed, with
fruit-trees and shady groves ; he cansed artificial
islands to be made in the sea; he had his
suburban villas and civic mansions, furnished with
every elegance and convenience, while others were
formed to imitate caves."1
city walls. "We have two periods for the building of the
city walls : the first period is in the age of Cyrus,
the latter in that of Lysimachus. In the former
instance, the Ionians having refused Cyrus' offer
of alliance against Croesus, Cyrus, on his defeat
of the latter, refused them alliance ; and they
fortified themselves immediately by building walls
round their several cities.3 Now we have seen,
in treating of the foundation of Ephesus, that
Mount Pion was probably the first part inhabited ;
that on the arrival of the Ionian colonists,
1044 B.C., they settled on Mount Coressus, and
probably also on Mount Pion ; in the time of Croesus,
five centuries and a half before the Christian era,
they removed to the plain about the Temple of
Diana ; and about 300 B.C. they were again
removed by Lysimachus to the hills. The walls
built by the Ephesians, therefore, on occasion of
the defeat of Croesus by Cyrus, must have been
in the plain, and those of Lysimachus either
on Mount Pion or Coressus. These walls were
destroyed by the Ephesians on the death of

1 Phil. Fit. Soph. ii. 23. 2 Herod, i. 141.

OP THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 115

Lysimaclms, and the gateways opened ; and,
indeed, so incensed were the people against him,
that his wife Arsinoe had difficulty in making her
escape.1 But the Ionians had probably fortified
both these hills previously. The former walls have
entirely disappeared, though they must have been
perfect in the time of Lysimaclms, for Demetrius
took the city by erecting wooden turrets against

From. W. J. Hamilton's "Asia Minor."

the walls;3 but those on Pion and Coressus,
whether built by the Ionian colonists or by
Lysimaclms, may still be seen throughout nearly
their whole length. They are partly of what may

1 Polysenus, Stratag. viii. 57.

2 Diod. xx. 106, 107 ; Polyasn. iv. 7, § 4.

116 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

be termed the last stage of Cyclopian masonry,
viz., with the horizontal joints true and continuous,
but the upright ones deviating from the per-
pendicular; and they are partly pseudisodomous,
or of unequal courses. They are strengthened at
short intervals with square towers, and in some
parts are nearly twenty feet high. Their length
in a straight line is a mile and three-quarters.
The walls which are at present seen in the plain
are of brick, and more modern. A curious feature
will be observed in that portion of these walls
which lies beyond the Agora, where, in order to
give strength, the architect has built the walls in
a zigzag plan, with the military object of defend-
ing the walls more easily against the battering-
rams, and for the purposes of flank defence.
aqueducts. At the distance of six miles from Ephesus, in the

defile leading to Magnesia, is a beautiful aqueduct

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 117

of white marble,1 formed of three arches below,
through one of which the road passes, and six
smaller ones above. Between the two arcades is
a Latin and Greek inscription : —

" To the Ephesian Diana, to the Emperor
Augustus, to Tiberius Caesar the son of Augustus,
aud to the city of the Ephesians, Caius Sixtilius,

the son of Publius with Ophelia Bassa,

the daughter of Aulus, his wife, and Caius Ophelius
Proculus his son, and with his other children,
erected this bridge at his expense."

On the inner faces of the two central piers are
the following monumental inscriptions : —

* * Al ANON

KAIRE ARTEMI and CUAIANWN

KAI RE KOMOAENEI

Arundell2 was of opinion that this aqueduct was
in connection with that of Aiaslik ; but it is probable
that if it were traced it would be found to lead to
the tunnelled aqueduct still visible along the slopes
of Coressus, and which is represented on the Plan
by a dotted line.

1 The author has mislaid a lai'ge drawing of this aqueduct,
taken on the spot, and is obliged to give a representation of
the aqueduct published in the picturesque work of Choiseul
Gouffier.

2 Discov. ii. 243.

118

ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Near this aqueduct are the ruins of a circular,
sepulchre with these fragments of inscription : —

a M<j>nrE

and

EPI
TYM BOZ

Between this and Ephesus, at the distance of
about a mile from the city, is a circular pedestal
with this inscription : —

TOY TOY TOY HP-fLOYKHAETAI
AIAIOf^£KRO£T-A-N K y £J -^ N

A ft Z> .'V ,: R OUYN Kv,AC^

^a.- , UiaoYWE

.rf^|KATEi#A^A
* N £Y N%f^iP Y N A I 2. I N ifAll
0|£ ♦ z fl$ | N 'TOY

MO A NT#PACt)0 N Avf ;
PHKTOKO# Hp^l

TOMBS.

The tombs of the Ephesians are situated on the
slopes of Coressus, under each extremity of the
wall, and on the northern and eastern sides of
Mount Pion and the contiguous plain. The only
one which is described to us, besides that of
Heropythus in the Agora, is that of Androclus,
the leader of the Ionian colony and first king of
Ephesus. He had gone to assist the inhabitants
of Priene against the Carians ; he succeeded in
getting the victory, but fell in the engagement.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 119

The Ephesians removed his body to their own
country, and buried it in the road which led from
the Temple of Diana to the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius and the Magnesian Gate. An armed
man stood on the sepulchre, and it was still perfect
so late as the time of Pausanias,1 (A.D. 174,) and
it must therefore have been of solid construction to
have lasted for a period of eleven hundred years.

Two other monuments are recorded to us, viz.,
the trophy executed by Thrasyllus, (400 B.C.) at
the marsh between Ephesus and Aiaslik, and that
at Coressus on the Port Panormus. There was
also another trophy erected by Lysander ; but this,
though in the Ephesian territory, was at some
distance from the city.

It is doubtful whether the hill of Aiaslik was modern
ever occupied prior to the Christian era. Choiseul
Gouffier,2 indeed, under his distorted view of the
whole plain, calls it Mount Pion, but most writers
consider its origin to be of the Byzantine period. Its
vicinity to Ephesus, its commanding situation above
the plain, and its capability of defence, render it
probable that the Ephesians would not leave so
advantageous a spot exposed to the incursions of an
enemy ; we may, therefore, concur with Pococke3
in thinking that it formed a suburb of the city. Its
early walls, if ever they existed, have disappeared ;
but the construction of the gateway and lower Avails

1 Paus. vii. 2. 2 Voy. Pit. Plan. 3 Descript. p. 47.

AIASLIK.

120

ANCIENT EFHESFS.

is so similar to that of the arch of the Stadium, as
to render it probable that, like it, thev are the work
of a late Koinan period. A beautiful view of the
gateway is represented in Choisenl Gouffier.1

It was adorned with two columns and three
bas-reliefs, perhaps the spoils of some sarco-

phagus, the principal one of which seems to repre-

1 Toy. Pit. pi. 121.

OF THE DIFFERENT BUILDINGS OF THE CITY. 121

sent Achilles dragging the dead body of Hector
round the walls of Troy.

The Greeks and Romanists, who appear to be
not at all particular in appropriating to themselves
whatever they think will answer their purpose, have
considered this sculpture to have reference to the
persecutions of the Christians, and have thence
called the gate, the Gate of Persecution. The two
principal bas-reliefs are said to be removed to
Russia,1 though it is stated that one of them is in
the possession of the Duke of Bedford : the third
represented a head of Hecate, with a serpent on
one side and a bow on the other.2

The following story is told of these bas-reliefs,
which is a very good companion to the well-known
story of the Sculptures of Boodroom.

" These bas-reliefs (of Ephesus) Avere taken down
by the Rev. Mr. Arundell, agreeably with the
Sultan's permission ; but when he had completed
this part of his undertaking, the aga stepped in,
and informed him that the firman, indeed, gave
him liberty to take them down, but said nothing
about removing them. I suppose the aga thought
the stones would be useful to himself, and was
nothing loth to have them detached from the wall,
but immediately that was effected, coolly dismissed
the indefatigable antiquary, and laughing in his sleeve,
ordered his people to remove them to the Iconac."

1 Arundell, Discov. ii. 256. 2 Spon and Wheler, i. 326.

PROSPERITY AND AFFLUENCE OF THE CITY —
ILLUSTRIOUS NATIVES.

AS we have already seen, this good old city of
Ephesus was regarded as the metropolis of
all Asia, the chief city of Asia, as a stronghold by
which to govern the rest of Ionia, and a bulwark
for the defence of Asia against Europe.1 It was
the residence of the Ionian princes,2 and later of
the prefects of Ionia, and the Roman proconsuls.
It derived its importance among the other states
of Ionia, from being the seat of the Panionium,
and obtained celebrity among all nations for its
wonderful Temple of Diana. It formed the imme-
diate " metropolis of the Cesarians, the Metro-
polites, the Cylbians, the Mysomacedonians, the
Mastaurans, the Briullites, the Hypsepenians, and
the Dioshieritise." 3 Pliny gives a list of the
adjacent islands, without saying which belonged to
Ephesus.4

It once had possession of Magnesia,5 and of

1 Polyb. xviii. 32 ; Appian. 64. 2 Strabo, 633.

3 Plin. v. 31. 4 Id. v. 38. 8 A then, xii. p. 525.

PROSPERITY AND AFFLUENCE OF THE CITY. 123

Samos, with the adjacent islands, and it acquired
a considerable territory in Maeonia or Lydia.1 Its
victories are frequently designated by a palm-
tree,2 whilst its naval power is also shown by
many of its coins. In a military point of view,
it was particularly favoured. It enjoyed a safe and
spacious haven, inaccessible to any enemy, in con-
sequence of the long and narrow mouth which
divided it from the sea : and thus being " an
opulent city, furnished with everything it required
from the interior of Asia, (which sent its mer-
chandize to it as to a market,) its citizens were
enabled to remain at their ease, whilst an enemy
would be exposed to the storms and tempests of
the open sea, and without any accommodation."3

Its natural advantages were such as to entitle it
to the appellation of the finest region under heaven,
to become celebrated for the fertility and luxurious-
ness of its soil, for its river Caystrus, and its
fountain Halitsea.4 Among the products of the
soil were, — the beautiful marble of Mount Pion ;
ointments of all kinds, but especially megalium,5
and saffron, from Mount Tmolus ; 6 excellent wines,7

1 Strabo, p. 620.

2 Mionnet, iii. Nos. 160-192 ; Suppl. vi. Nos. 184 ; 191, 8 ;
231, 3, 4, 7, 9 ; 250 ; 267 ; 292, 7 ; 302 ; 398.

3 Liv. Hist, xxxvii. 14. 4 Paus. vii. 5.

5 Athen. xv. p. 689. 6 Virg. Georg. 1, i. v. 56.

7 Strabo, p. 637 ; Vibius Sequester, De Montibus, voce Tmolus.
According to Apollonius of Tyana, Domitian passed a decree
prohibiting the culture of the vine in Ionia ; but the inhabitants

12-t ANCIENT EPHESUS.

among which Athenaeus notices the Pramnian,1 and
to which modern travellers also bear testimony;2
valuable fisheries, both in the Selinusian lakes,
and the river Selinus ;3 red lead, which was found
between Ephesus and Magnesia in such purity,
as to want neither grinding nor sifting;4 and ver-
milion, which, we are informed by Vitruvius, "is
said to have been first found in the Cilbian fields
of the Ephesians : the laboratories for its prepa-
ration were formerly in the mines at Ephesus,
but are now transferred to Rome, on account
of mines of the same sort having; been discovered
in some parts of Spain." 5 It is possible that
these mines were worked as early as the time
of Homer, for he describes the inhabitants of
this country, (the Lydians and Carians,) as being
even then famous for the art of dyeing.6 Lastly, as
the bee appears on coins to be the emblem of the
city, it is possible that Ephesus was noted also for
its honey. The city was also celebrated for its
tents, made in the Persian manner.7 In Acts xx. 34,
we are told that St. Paul supported himself at
Ephesus by his own labour ; and as his trade was

presented a memorial praying him to rescind it.— (Philost. vi. 42.)
Pliny, however, says the Ephesian wine was not wholesome, being
made of brackish water, and diminished too much by the boiling
away of the defrutum. (xiv. 9.)

1 A then. xv. p. 689.

2 Chandler, Cboiseul Gouffier, and Poujulat.

3 Xen. Anab. v. 4 Yitr. vii. 7. 5 Id. cap. viii.

6 Iliad, iv. 141. " Plut. in Ale. 11 ; Athen. p. 5o4.

PROSPERITY AND AFFLUENCE OF THE CITY. 125

that of a tent-maker, it is probable he worked at
these tents, for which Ephesus was so celebrated, in
the same manner that he did at Corinth.1

Besides these scattered notices of the particular
products of Ephesus, we may suppose that it was
equally celebrated, with the other cities of Ionia, for
its " purple, oil, barley, and good wheat, for its
abundance and fruitfulness in all good things, the
praise of which it is impossible to sing too highly ;"
that it had " an abundance of gold, of silver, and
of brass;" that it "enjoyed a profusion of every
article of dress ;" that it had " plenty of cattle, and
a prodigious number of slaves ;"2 and "was affluent
above all other people."3 If we are right in sup-
posing that Homer referred to Ephesus under the
name of Alope, there must have been silver-mines
in the Ephesian territory. The neighbouring
Tmolus produced gold-dust ; and the Lydians are
reported to be the first people who coined money.4
The Ephesians were also noted for their skill in
jewellery.5

Its commercial prosperity, which was such as to

1 Acts, xviii. 3.

2 In Herodotus (viii. 105) we read of a pirate who was in the
' habit of supplying Sardis and Ephesus with eunuchs. For this

purpose he castrated those of his prisoners whose persons were
most handsome, and sold them at a pi-odigious price. Herodotus
remarks that among the barbarians eunuchs were esteemed of
greater value than other slaves, from the presumption of their
superior fidelity.

3 Herod, v. 49. 4 Id. i. 94. 5 Lucian. Dial. Meret. vi.

126 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

entitle it to the appellation of the mart of commerce,
and of one of the eyes of Asia, was owing to the
excellence of its port.

From the time of Lysander to that of Plutarch,
(404 B.C. — 140 A.D.) the city, by its commerce,
" continued to increase to that state of dignity
and magnificence " in which it was at the latter
period; which is confirmed by Strabo, who says,
that from the reign of Attalus II. to his time,
(about 150 B.C.— 25 A.D.) " the city had con-
tinued to increase daily, so that it had become one
of the most considerable places of commerce on
this side the Taurus." The extent of its trade and
commerce, "especially with Egypt, has been already
proved by reference to its coins ; and its connection
with the latter country is still further shown by
Holsten in his Commentaries on Stephanus,1 and
also by the circumstance of its having an island of
the same name in the river Nile.3 But the extent

1 Holsten. Not. and Castig. posth. in Steph. Byz. p. 123 b.

2 Steph. Byz. sub voce. This island appears to be connected
with the establishment of an Ionian and Carian colony in Egypt,
660 B.C. By their aid Psammiticus vanquished the eleven kings,
and became sole monarch of Egypt, and in acknowledgment of
their services he gave the Ionians and Carians, in addition to his
promises, certain lands which were termed the camp, immediately*
opposite to each other, and separated by the Nile. This district,
which was near the sea, somewhat below Bubastis, (the city of
Diana,) at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, was inhabited by the
Ionians and Carians for a considerable time. — (Herod, ii.
152, 3, 4.) Ninety years after this event, (570 B.C.) they formed
a corps of 30,000 men in defence of their king Apries. — (Herod.

PROSPERITY AND AFFLUENCE OF THE CITY. 127

of its general commerce is best shown by the coast
of Pontus being called the Port of Ephesus, on
account of the number of vessels always moored
there, belonging to this city.1 Ephesus was con-
sidered a common depot for the merchandize of
Italy and Greece;2 and from it ran the great road
of communication with the East.3 The roads were
good and secure. The distance from Ephesus to
Susa was four hundred and sixty-eight parasangs, or
fourteen thousand and forty stadia : in this distance
were one hundred and fourteen stathmi, or mansions
with excellent inns : these were all splendid and
beautiful.4

But whatever might have been the natural advan- natives of
tages of Ephesus, whatever might have been its
wealth or power, its fertility and beauty, we have
the authority of an ancient writer to show that it
possessed far higher claims to distinction. Apol-
lonius of Tyana describes it as " a city rich in
the labours of its philosophers and rhetoricians,

ii. 163.) In the succeeding reign, Amasis, to avail himself of their
assistance against the Egyptians, removed them to Memphis ; and
since the time of their first settlement in Egypt, they preserved a
constant communication with Greece. From the mention of docks
it is probable they continued to trade with their mother country.
— (Herod, ii. 154.) In a subsequent period, Alexander transported
a colony of Ionians to the island of Socatara, in Egypt, to cultivate
the aloe, (D'Herbelot Diet. Orient. 311,) since so much used by
the Orientals as a perfume in smoking.

1 Dionys. apud Geog. Vet. Script. Grace. Minor es, iii. 17.

2 Strabo, p. 632. 8 Id. p. 663. 4 Herod, v. 52 to 54.

EPHESUS.

128 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

insomuch that it flourished, not so much by the
strength of its cavalry, as by the number of its
citizens devoted to science." l In the "Anthologia,"3
it is described as "famous for war and learning."

Of the natives of Ephesus, Strabo writes :
"Amongst the most celebrated of the ancients
born at Ephesus, are Heraclitus the obscure* and
Hermodorus, who appears to have been the author
of part of the Roman laws.4 The poet Hipponax
was also of Ephesus, as also the two painters
Parrhasius and Apelles. Among the illustrious
moderns of this city, is reckoned the orator
Alexander, called Lychnus.^ 5 The first of these,
Heraclitus, lived about 500 B.C. ; he was of such
a misanthropic disposition, that he retired to the
mountains, where he subsisted only on grass, till
being attacked with dropsy he was compelled to
return to Ephesus ; but his obscurity of language
was such as to be unintelligible to the physicians,
whereupon he attempted to cure his disease by the
warmth of a dunghill.6 Heraclitus indulged in
antitheses. His sayings, many of which are extant,
though seeming contradictions, often display a deep
and recondite meaning. Hipponax was a distin-

1 Philost. Vita Apol. viii. 7, § 8. 2 Ant. Grce. iv. 20, § 4.

3 See also Vitr. ii. 2.

4 For which they honoured him by erecting his statue in the
Comitium. — (Plin. xxxiv. 11 ; Cic. Tusc. Qucest. v. 36.)

5 Strabo, p. 642. He was an historian, poet, and politician.

6 Diog. Laert. in Vita.

ILLUSTEIOUS NATIVES. 129

guished poet of such strong satire, that he was
obliged to flee from his native town ; whereupon
two sculptors erected an image of hiin, in which
they exaggerated his naturally deformed appearance ;
but they were so severely satirized by the poet, that
they hung themselves in despair.1

The birthplace of Homer was contended for by
seven cities, but it is generally believed to have
been at Smyrna ; it is questionable, however, whether
he were not born at Ephesus : but if Smyrna is
accepted as his birthplace, we may justly lay claim
to him as being an Ephesian by descent. According
to the Alexandrian chronologists, he flourished one
hundred years after the foundation of Ephesus. Now,
we do not precisely know at what time a portion
of the citizens proceeded to Smyrna to build a city
there, in honour of their mother country ; but we
can scarcely give less than that period of one hun-
dred years, for Ephesus to have become so well
established, and increased in population, as to be
able to send out a numerous colony to build another
city. It has been already remarked as singular,
that Homer does not allude to Ephesus, unless
under the name of Alope ; but when we consider
that Ephesus not only had a quarter of the town
called Smyrna, but that the whole city was
originally so called, is it not at least possible that
Homer might have been born there ?

1 Cic. ad Fain. vii. 24 ; Hor. v. Od. G, v. 14.

130 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Epliesus was especially celebrated for its school
of painting. The arts in Ephesus, as in other parts
of Greece, took their rise from the defeat of Xerxes.1
" Fifty years after that event, the Greek cities
attained their highest degree of prosperity ; the
arts, protected by riches, flourished; and the age
produced the most celebrated artists, philosophers,
rhetoricians, and commanders ever known." Evenor,
a native of Ephesus, flourished about the 90th
Olympiad (420 B.C.) He was called the chief of
painters : he was succeeded by his son and pupil
Parrhasius, who was so proud of his art that
he clothed himself in purple, and wore a crown of
gold, calling himself the king of painters. The
city at this time became full of artists. Zeuxis
practised here, and the celebrated contest between
him and Parrhasius is well known, in which Zeuxis
said : " Zeuxis has deceived birds ; but Parrhasius,
Zeuxis." Zeuxis is said to have died from having
painted the portrait of a comical old woman, the
expression of which was so ridiculous, that he
laughed himself to death. Apelles flourished in
the next generation. He was distinguished by as
much modesty, as Parrhasius was noted for osten-
tation; for notwithstanding his unrivalled excel-
lence, he would only put his name to three of his
paintings. Other Ephesian artists, whose names
have come down to us, are Idaaus,3 Ephorus3 the

1 Diod. Sic. xii. 1. 2 Xen. Hell iii. 4.

3 Suidas, sub voce Apelles.

ILLUSTRIOUS NATIVES. 131

preceptor of Apelles, Theodorus, and Clesides.1
Parrhasius and Apelles both wrote on painting.2

The school of Sculpture was not inferior to that
of Painting. The only sculptors whom we know
to have been born at Ephesus are Rhcecus,
and two or three of the name of Hegesias, or
Agasias. Rhoecus, who was also an architect, was
the father of Theodorus the architect. The statue
of the " gladiator " (hero) in the Borghese collec-
tion, by Hegesias, is the most ancient work of
art that bears the artist's name engraved upon it.3
Yet, though these are the only names of native
sculptors we are acquainted with, we may feel
assured that Ephesus gave birth to many more,
from the number of works of statuary contained
in the city, by the most esteemed sculptors, many
of whom we know to have practised there ; as : —
Phidias, Praxiteles, Polyclitus, and Scopas ; all excel-
lent in their art ; Thrason, Myron, Ctesilaus, Cydon,
Heraclides, Pharax, and Phradmon ; besides others
of whom we know less, as Menestratus, Euphranor,
Clesis, Posidonius, and Messalinus. It is probable
that Mentor was a native of Ephesus, having executed
so many works in that city. Pharax was one of a
class common in every age, and every country, who
" fail to attain distinction, not through a want of
industry or talent, but through the unpropitious
influence of circumstances."1

1 Tzetzes, Chiliad, viii. 196. 2 Plin. //. Nat. xxxv. 36.

3 Qnatremere de Quincey. 4 Vitr. iii. Proem.

132 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Of the architects we know of none but those
who were connected with, the Temple of Diana ;
Democritus, Ctesiphon, Metagenes, all wrote on the
subject of building. Connected with the architects,
was the following curious law established in this
city : "In the noble and spacious city of the
Greeks, Ephesus, an ancient law is said to have
been made, which although severe, was not of an
unjust nature. When an architect received the
care of a public work, he assured what would be
the future cost, and was obliged to deliver up his
property to a magistrate, as a security, till the
work should be completed. If the expense then
corresponded to the estimate, he was rewarded with
decrees and honours ; and if it did not exceed one-
fourth part in addition, it was defrayed by the
public, and no punishment inflicted : but if it ex-
ceeded that sum, his property was made use of to
complete the works."

Besides the above-mentioned, are the following
natives of Ephesus, the names of most of whom
have been collected by Guhl : — l

Callinus, (700 B.C.) the inventor of elegiac poetry.
Musseus, the poet, (about 189 A.D.) wrote in

honour of the kings of Pergamus.
Alexander, the poet, wrote on astronomy,

geography, and the Marsian war.
Batalus, the musician, (about 380 B.C.)

1 Ephesiaca, cap. v. pars 1.

ILLUSTRIOUS NATIVES. 133

Dion, the philosopher, (about 350 B.C.)

Andron, the philosopher, who wrote on the
Tripod, and the Seven Wise Men of Greece.1

Pisistratus, Alexander, Dias, and Delias, phi-
losophers.

Echechles, the Cynic philosopher.

Daphnus, a Platonic philosopher and physician.2

Menander, the historian.

Zenodotus, the grammarian, (died 245 B.C.)
entrusted with the care of the Alexandrian
library.

Heracleon, the grammarian ; Artemidorus, the
rhetorician, who obtained the restoration of
the Selinusian lakes. (159—138 B.C.)3

Phavorinus, the rhetorician-.

Menecrates, a writer on agriculture.

Soramus, Heraclides, Asclepiades, and Magnus,
physicians.

Xenocrates, a physician in the age of Nero,
who wrote on the Aliment derived from
Water.4

Rufus, a physician in the age of Trajan, who
wrote on the Use of Herbs, and six books on
Simples.

Artemidorus, the geographer, (104 B.C.) wrote
a Description of the Earth, in eleven books.

Another Artemidorus, wrote the " Interpre-
tation of Dreams," still extant.

1 Diog. Laert. 2 Athen. p. 1.

3 See page 37. 4 Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 9.

134 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Among the Sophists were Dainianus and Adrianus.
The name of Damianus deserves especially to be
recorded, from his benefactions to the city of
Ephesus. He restored many public buildings, he
built the portico connecting the city with the
Temple of Diana, and he erected the magnificent
coenaculum of the temple ; but besides these
acts of public liberality, he showed himself to be
endued with real greatness of mind, by lending
money to his friends without interest, giving to the
poor without return, and lending a ready ear to
everyone. This most excellent man, after filling
the highest offices in the state, revered by the
elders, and loved by the poorer citizens, died at the
age of seventy, and was buried in his suburban villa
at Ephesus.1 He lived in the age of the Emperor
Septimius Severus,2 (A.D. 194—211).

I will close this list with the name of Phormio,3 a
Peripatetic philosopher of Ephesus, who once gave
a lecture on the duties of an officer and the military
profession, without knowing anything of the subject
which he was treating ; whereupon the celebrated
Hannibal, who happened to be present, said, " I
have seen many doting old men, but never one
worse than Phormio." Phormio is not the only
lecturer of his class.

1 Philost. Yit. Soph. ii. 23. 2 Suidas, sub voce.

3 Cic. de Nat. Deo. 2.

VI.

CHARACTER OF THE EPHESIANS — PRACTICE OF MAGIC.

THOUGH, as we have seen, Ephesus, and indeed
the whole of Ionia, was blest with the most
delightful climate, with the most advantageous
position, and the most extraordinary fertility of
soil ; though, as we have seen, its inhabitants were
endued with taste and genius ; though poetry,
literature,1 philosophy, and the arts flourished in
Asia earlier and in higher perfection than in
Greece; we are grieved to find that the moral
character of the Ephesians did not answer to their
intellectual qualities. Heraclitus the Ephesian
accused them of being " full of bad customs." It
must be remembered; however, that this philoso-
pher was a satirist, and may be supposed to give
an exaggerated opinion respecting them : he con-
tinues,— " The Ephesians all deserve to be hanged,
for having driven from their city Hermodorus,2 the
most honest man among them, saying, — f We will

1 Herodotus believed the Ionians to be the first Greeks who
used letters, and that they received them from the Phoenicians. —
(Herod, v. 58.) 2 gee page 128.

136 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

not have among us a good man : if any such there
be, let him go and live elsewhere.' " * Parrhasius
the painter exclaimed of his fellow citizens, —
" The Ephesians admire virtue, but practise licen-
tiousness."

This licentiousness of character appears to have
been derived from their intercourse with the
Persians. Thus Lysander, on landing at Ephesus,
(404 B.C.) " found the city in danger of being
enervated by Persian manners derived from the
free intercourse with that people, resulting from
their vicinity to Lydia,2 and the royal satraps
settled there." Democritus of Ephesus, in his
first book on the Temple of Diana, speaks of the
effeminacy and luxury of the Ephesians, and their
ambition of being arrayed in vests of varied stuffs,
of different colours, and of the most costly material,
several kinds of which he describes at length.3

*&'

1 Strabo, page 642.

2 Persian luxury was derived from Lydia. — (Herod, i. 71.)

3 " The garments of the Ionians are of violet, purple, or scarlet
colour, interwoven with diamond-shaped figures ; those which are
placed over them are equally ornamented with various forms and
figures (of men and animals). Their robes, called the serapian,
are light yellow, purple, or white. Of the calasires, (a linen robe
descending to the ankles,) they have two kinds : the Corinthian are
purple, violet, or hyacinth, and occasionally of flame-colour, or sea-
blue ; but the Persian are of all others the most beautiful. They
have also what is called the actcean, which of all Persian garments
is the most precious. It is closely woven, that it may be strong
as well as light, and is bordered with grains of gold like millet,
which are threaded with a purple ribbon, and woven in the thick-

CHARACTER OF THE EPHESJANS. 137

Alcibiades, who died 404 B.C., is said to have
had the wonderful talent of ingratiating himself by
accommodating to the manners and customs of the
different countries which he travelled in. Thus at
Athens he was more attentive than any of the
scholars of Socrates ; at Thebes, more addicted to
gymnastic exercises than the Thebans themselves ;
in Thessaly, more proficient than the Aleuadae in the
management of the horse and chariot ; at Sparta,
excelling even the Lacedemonians in the exercise
of patience ; in Thrace, drinking more than the
Thracians ; and when in Ionia, exceeding even the
Ionians in luxury.1 " When Antony entered Asia,
(41 B.C.) and had tasted the riches and delights of
the country, he gave himself np to idleness, and
relapsed into all his former luxury. The Anax-
enores,2 or harpers ; the Xuthi, or flute-players ;
Metrodorus, a dancer ; and a whole corps of Asiatic
musicians, far surpassing those of Italy in impudence,
ingratiated themselves in his favour, and succeeded
in governing everything, so that nothing went right.

ness of the stuff. The Ephesians make use of all these, being given
up to luxury." — (Athen. p. 525.) Antiphanes, (in Dodona,) speaks
of the Ionians generally as effeminate and voluptuous, and clothed
very delicately. Theophrastes, (in libro de Voluptate,) says the
inordinate luxury of the Ionians gave rise to the proverb of
" Ionian effeminacy." — (Id. 526.)

1 Athen. p. 534.

2 Antony presented one of these with the tributes of four cities.
— (Strabo, xiv.)

138 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Thus all Asia became, what Sophocles said in his
CEdvpus,1 —

1 Full of charms, perfumes, and incense,
But of groans also ! and lamentations also ! '

The women danced before him as Bacchantes, the
men and children as fanns and satyrs, and nothing
was seen throughout all the city, but ivy, thyrsi,
psalteries, and flutes;" while Antony personified
and called himself Bacchus.2 On the arrival of
Apollonius, (ante A.D. 37,) " he found the people
immersed in dissipation and cruel sports, in shows
and pantomimes, and Pyrrhic dances ; and all places
resounded with song, and were filled with noise and
debauchery."

" They say this town is full of cozenage ;
As, nimble jugglers that deceive the eye,
t Disguised cheaters, prating mountebanks,

And many such-like liberties of sin."

Comedy of Errors.

Apollonius' first discourse was in the portico of
the Temple of Diana ; not in the Socratic manner
of argument, but in that of authority : of turning
them at once from their present pursuits, and per-
suading them to spend their time in study and
philosophy.3

1 Verse 4. 2 Plut. Ant. 27.

8 Philost. Vita Apol. iv. 2.

PRACTICE OF MAGIC. 139

Epliesus was, above all other places in the world,
noted of old for the study of magic, and all secret
and hidden arts.1 Being on the confines of Greece
and Asia, it engrafted the philosophy and mythology
of the one country on the mystical ceremonies and
belief in magic of the other. On the burning of
the Temple of Diana by Herostratus, we read of the
Magi, who were then at Ephesus, prophesying that
" that day had brought forth the great scourge and
destroyer of Asia," referring to Alexander, who was
born on the very same day.2 Diana, indeed, was the
Goddess of Magic, and thence called Magos*

There was a considerable Jewish population at
Ephesus. Shortly after the death of Julius Caesar,
Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, sent an
embassy to Dolabella, who was then prefect of Asia,
praying him to free the Jews from military service,
and suffer them to live according to the customs of
their forefathers ; on the receipt of which letter,
Dolabella sent an epistle " to all the Asiatics, and
particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the
metropolis of all Asia," about the Jews ; desiring
them to write to the several cities under their
jurisdiction. Whereupon the Ephesians decreed
as follows : — " When Menophilus was Prytanis, on
the first day of the month Artemision, this decree

1 Cnperus, Apoth. ffomeri, p. 270 ; Cave, Antiq. Eccles.

2 Pint, in Alex.

3 Tatianus, Oratio ad Ghrecos, xxxi. 20 ; Cuperus, ut supra.

140 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

was made by the people : — Nicanor, the son of
Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation
of the Pretors. Since the Jews that dwell in this
city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the
son of Brutus the Proconsul, that they might be
allowed to observe their sabbath, and to act in all
things according to the customs of their forefathers,
without impediment from anybody, the Pretor hath
granted their petition. Accordingly it was decreed
by the senate and people, that in this affair which
concerned the Eomans, no one should be hindered
from keeping the sabbath- day, nor be fined for so
doing ; but that they might be allowed to do all
things according to their own laws."1 The Jews
we know in this time to have been sunk in great
superstition, having confused and nullified the com-
mandments of God by a host of human traditions
and superstitious observances. Among these was
a very general belief that Solomon had discovered
the power of exorcising evil spirits, by the aid of
some wonderful herb he was acquainted with.
Josephus thus narrates it:3 — "Now, the sagacity
and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon
was so great, that he exceeded the ancients,
insomuch that he was no way inferior even to the

Egyptians God also enabled him to learn

that skill which expels demons, which is a science
useful and sanative to man. He composed incan-

1 Josephus, Ant. xiv. 10. 2 Id. viii. 2.

PRACTICE OP MAGIC. 141

tations, by which distempers are alleviated, and he
left behind him the manner of using exorcisms, by
which they drive out demons, so that they never
return : and this method of cure is of great force
unto this day, for I have seen a certain man of my
own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing
people that were demoniacal in the presence of
Yespasian, his sons and captains, and the whole
multitude of his soldiers. The manner of cure was
this : — He put a ring, that had a root of one of
those sorts mentioned by Solomon, to the nostrils
of the demoniac ; after which he drew out the
demon through his nostrils, and when the man fell
down immediately, he adjured the demon to return
into him no more, making still mention of Solomon,
and reciting the incantations which he composed.
And when Eleazar would persuade, and demon-
strate to the spectators that he had such a power,
he set a little way off a cup or basin full of water,
and commanded the demon as he went out of the
man to overturn it, and thereby let the spectators
know that he had left the man ; and when this
was done, the skill and wisdom of Solomon was
manifestly shown." From this anecdote we may
easily conceive how it happened, that when Paul
wrought special miracles at Ephesus, whereby the
sick were cured of their diseases, and the evil
spirits were driven out of those that were possessed,1

1 Acts, xix.

142 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

the Jews believed that he effected this through
the power of incantation. It was for the same
reason that Simon the sorcerer caused himself
to be baptized in Samaria, and offered money,
expecting to be taught the art by which Peter and
John performed the wonderful miracles which he
beheld.1 Believing, therefore, that Paul accom-
plished these miracles by the mere mention of the
name of Jesus, as others had formerly done by
repeating that of Solomon, they thought they might
succeed in like manner; whereupon, " Certain of the
vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call
over them that had evil spirits the name of the Lord
Jesus, saying, We abjure you by Jesus, whom Paul
preacheth. And there were seven sons of one
Sceva, a Jew, and chief of the priests which did
so. And the evil spirit answered and said, Jesus
I know, and Paul I know ; but who are ye ? And
the man in whom the evil spirit was, leaped on
them, and overcame them, and prevailed against
them, so that they fled out of that house naked and
wounded. And this was known to all the Jews and
Greeks also, dwelling at Ephesus; and fear fell on
them all, and the name of the Lord Jesus was
magnified. And many that believed, came and
confessed, and showed their deeds ; many of them
also, which used curious arts, brought their books
together, and burned them before all men; and

1 Acts, viii. 9-19.

PEACTICE OF MAGIC. 143

they counted the price of them aud found it fifty-
pieces of silver,"1 a sum amounting to about
£1,500. It must be borne in mind that in the
above narrative, they which used curious arts were
both Jews and Greeks.

Balbillus, a celebrated astrologer of Ephesus, was
kept by Yespasian about his person, although he
banished all other magicians and astrologers from
Rome.2 He had been previously employed by
Nero,3 and procured the institution of certain games
at Ephesus.4 He flourished contemporaneously with
Apollonius of Tyana.

But we mast not forget the name of Maximus
as connected with the practice of magic at Ephesus.
This celebrated philosopher and magician carried on
his incantations in the Temple of Hecate in that
city, and initiated the Emperor Julian into the
Eleusinian mysteries, and the celebration of mid-
night orgies;5 making him believe, in accordance
with the doctrine of metempsychosis, that he was
animated by the soul of Alexander, which would
lead him to eclipse the deeds which Alexander had
achieved in his former body. On the death of
Julian, Maximus was accused of determining, by
means of magic, who was to be the successor of

1 Acts, xix. 13-19. 2 Dion Cassius.

3 Suet, in Hero, 36. 4 See page 85.

5 Dallaway, Const, pp. 221-2 ; Gibbon, cb. xxiii. The former,
however, asserts that the event was believed to have taken place
in one of the caves of Mount Pion. See part ii. chap. vi. § 5.

144 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

Valens. Many books were burnt on this occasion,
which were thought to have reference to unlawful
arts, but which were afterwards believed to relate
to the subject of philosophy. Maxirnus was sent
from Constantinople, where he was then staying,
to Ephesus, his native city, and there beheaded,1
A.D. 376.

Among the superstitions most connected with
Ephesus, are what were called the " Ephesian
Letters," which were these: — dVx/ov, xarao-xiov,
?u£, Terras, t)a[Ava.[xsveus, and aWia. " The Ephesian
Letters were (said to be) charms, with which, if any
one were furnished, he became invincible. Thus
a wrestler wearing them, (or according to the Adag.
Diog. iv. 78, uttering them) became a victor thirty
times. But if they were discovered, or taken away
by his adversary, he was immediately conquered." 2
Croesus is said to have escaped being burned alive,
by having pronounced them on the pyre ; 3 and
magicians were believed to exorcise demoniacs and
those possessed of evil spirits, by causing them to
recite to themselves these famous letters.4 Andro-
cydes, the Pythagorean philosopher, tells us they
were held in much estimation by the vulgar : and
in the Metrical Proverbs, (No. 50,) we learn that
they were carried in sewn leather bags ; both which

1 Arnniianus Marcel, xxix. 1.

2 Prov. Ch'cec. e Vatic. Bill. Appendix i. 95; Suidas, Adagia,
vii. 29.

3 Suidas, Adagia, vii. 29. 4 Plut. Sympos. vii. Prob. v.

PRACTICE OF MAGIC. 145

testimonies are confirmed by a passage in Athenaeus,
containing a fragment of Anaxilas : l —

" The skin anointed with golden ointment ;
Effeminately dressed in soft robes
And delicate slippers —
Chewing onions ; munching cheese ;
Eating raw eggs ; sucking shell-fish ;
Quaffing goblets of rich Chian ; 2
And carrying in sewn leather bags
The Ephesian letters of good omen."

Bnt to investigate these letters more closely.
Clemens of Alexandria 3 thus interprets them :—

avKiov, darkness.

KaraoKiov, light, (as producing darkness.)

\c£, earth, (according to its original signification.)

rerpas, tlie year, (as being formed of the four seasons.)

^ajxvctfxtvivQ, the sun, (because it governs.)

iiicria, truth.

1 Athen. p. 548. " The very athletae and other candidates at
the Olympic games fly to the magic art from a desire of victory." —
(Philost. Vita Apol. vii. 39.) Hillarius, a horse-racer of Rome,
was put to death by Appronianus for being convicted of having
sent his son to a magician to be taught by him secret spells and
charms, by which, without any man's knowledge, he might be
enabled to effect all he desired in the way of his profession. —
(Ammiauus Marcellinus.) This was probably the origin of the
asseveration required to be made by combatants in the Middle
Ages, previous to the trial by battle. Pliny begins his 30th book
with the subject of magic, and gives a list of necromancers, among
whom he classes Moses.

2 This must have formed a compound not veiy different from
the muttoton, which, as explained by the scholiast of Lucian, (in
Timone,) was made of garlic, leeks, cheese, oil, and vinegar.

3 Stromat. v. p. 568 A.

146 ANCIENT EPHESUS.

In place of AJ£, Hesychius writes Ai'£, and from
the resemblance of the words it is possible that
one may have been written for the other ; bnt con-
sidering their sense, (Ai'£ being put for water) it
is probable that both these words were included in
the number. Thus we shall have light and dark-
ness ; earth and water ; the sun and the year ; and
the whole governed by truth. If we consider Diana
as the personification of nature, we cannot fail to
perceive that these words may have a mystical re-
ference to the character of the goddess. Androcydes
tells us, they were the symbols of divine things.
Creuzer1 is of opinion that the sun, mentioned
above, is an evidence of derivation from the fire-
worship of Persia ; but this does not appear borne
out, neither indeed is it plausible.2 According to
Eustathius, spells were engraved on the feet, girdle,
and crown, of the statue of Diana : these might
possibly have been the Ephesian Letters, or some
such charm, or they might have been similar to the
inscription on the foot of the statue of Neith or
Minerva at Sais : "I am everything that has been,
that is, and that shall be ; and no mortal has ever
yet been able to withdraw my veil. The fruit which
I have brought forth is the sun." 3

Connected with the subject of magic are the

1 Creuzer, Symbolik und Mythologie der alien Volker, ii. 195, &c.

2 For further information on this subject see Lobeck, Aglaoplia-
mus, pp. 1163 and 1330.

8 Proclus, Tim. p. 30 ; Pint, de Tsid. et Osir. p. 368.

PKACTICE OF MAGIC. 147

miracles of Apollonius, and the miraculous appear-
ance of Diana in her temple.

We might expect the same results to follow the
introduction of Christianity at Ephesus, as in other
places. St. Paul preached the gospel there in 53
and the two following years,1 " and the word of God
grew mightily and prevailed." After a six years'
absence, St. Paul still speaks of their " faith in
the Lord Jesus, and love unto all the saints."
During this time they were characterized by their
good works, their labour of love, their patience,
their separating themselves from evil men, their
examining and proving what was the right way,
their endurance of evil, and their constancy and
steadfastness.3 Their affection and gratitude to
St. Paul is beautifully shown in the conclusion of
the 20th chapter of the Acts. But in the year 96,
they had begun to leave their first love,3 and were
accordingly threatened with the judgment of God ;
and that they did leave it, we are too sure, by the
accomplishment of those threatenings.

1 Acts, xx. 31. 2 Rev. ii. 2, 3. 3 Id. ii. 4.

VII.

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY.

THE building most connected with the Christian
history of Ephesus, is the Church of St. John.
Many people are apt to suppose that "the Seven
Churches of Asia" were actual buildings of stone
and marble, or brick and mortar ; and many times
have I been asked since my return, even by in-
telligent persons, whether I had seen the SeVen
Churches. Nor is this to be wondered at, when
a distinguished and learned author of the present
day, speaking of Sardis, says : — " Here are also
the ruins of a large church, perhaps the only one
of the Seven Churches of Asia, of which there are
any distinguishable remains."

The churches of Asia Minor, the ruins of which
we now see, were erected long after the introduction
of Christianity, and it is probable that in the
primitive and simple ages of the Church, they were
not, as subsequently, called after the names of
saints, real or imaginary. The instance before us
would show the impropriety of considering the
Seven Churches to be actual buildings. The
Church of St. John, which was always the prin-

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 149

cipal one — the Cathedral of Epliesus — bears no
relation to the Founder of Christianity at Ephesus,
St. Paul, or to its first bishop, Timothy, who is
considered to have been referred to under the title of
the " Angel of the Church" in the Apocalypse ; and,
therefore, there is no reason for considering that its
foundation was of so early a period. This church
has now entirely disappeared, so as to render even
its very site uncertain. The majority of travellers
suppose it to have stood on the hill of the present
village Aiaslik.

This village, or Aiasalook, as it is now pro-
nounced, is supposed to derive its name from the
worship of Diana ; Ai in Turkish signifying the
moon. Some, however, derive it from Ai-aslik, a
little crescent;1 and others from ayiog @eoAoyo£,3 or,
as pronounced by modern Greeks, Aios Scolocjos.
The particle MJc, being, however, a mere substantive
termination, as besh-lilc, a five -'piastre-piece, it may
signify, simply, the Holy (place or city,) Aias-lilc ;
and, indeed, we find the name thus pronounced,
(Ayazlic,) in the time of Tamerlane. From the
nature and position of the hill, it has been already
considered probable that it was held and fortified
by the Ephesians ; but of this we have no certain
information. The last account we have of the
ancient city is in the reign of Caracalla, (who

1 Arundell, Discov. ii. 252.

2 Dallaway, Const. 221 ; Herbelot, Bibl. Orient.

150 MODERN EPHESUS.

died A. D. 217,) at which time the Ephesian
games were still celebrated.1 That the people, on
embracing Christianity, continned for some time
to inhabit the ancient city, is evident from the
existence of two churches in the centre of Ephesus ;
and from the existence of these churches it is
probable that St. John's Church stood also at
Ephesus, on Mount Pion, and not at Aiaslik.
church of The accounts of the situation of the Church of
st. john. gk John are exceedingly contradictory. " In the
Greek Synaxaria, p. 21, the church of St. John is
said to have been built on a hill in old Ephesus,
which was called Hx/^aroj/, (a name which would
denote its being higher than the adjoining hill or
hills). To the west of this hill was the tomb of
Timothy. The tomb of Mary Magdalene, and that
of the Seven Sleepers, or boys, as the original
calls them, are to be found on an adjoining hill,
which is called Xs/^srcov or Xs/Xecov, a name clearly
designating the clefts or quarries of Mount Pion."2
Now this would lead us to conjecture that the church
stood on the southern or higher eminence of Mount
Pion, the tomb of Timothy3 near the theatre, and
those of Mary Magdalene and the Seven Sleepers
on the adjoining eminence of Mount Pion : for no
one would imagine Aiaslik to be the site of ancient
Ephesus.

1 Dallaway, Const, p. 216. 2 Ai-undell, Discov. ii. 253.

3 Chandler also supposes Pion to be here signified. — (Travels,
i. 155.)

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 151

Procopius, however, states that it " was on an
elevated hill, unproductive, and incapable of fer-
tilization, and that it was built by the emperor
Justinian, when an exile in his old age ; that he
pulled down the first church to the ground, and
rebuilt it in such splendour and magnitude as to
equal the church which he had dedicated in Con-
stantinople to the Holy Apostles."1 Now this
statement is in utter contradiction to the " fertile
Mount Pion;" and thus the situation of the church
is so far uncertain, and the only way in which we
may suppose the church to have stood on Mount
Pion, is by supposing that Mount Pion, although
fertile, was unproductive, by reason of its sharp
indented ridges and rocky character. Arundell
states that he found the foundations of a church on
the hill behind the mosque at Aiaslik, the circular
abse of which was still venerated by the Greeks.2

The tomb of St. John was in or under his church,
and the Greeks have a tradition that a sacred dust
arises from his tomb, on the anniversary of his
festival, possessed of miraculous virtues, and which
they call manna.3 In this church was held the
famous council of Ephesus which condemned what
was called the Nestorian heresy, of refusing to
address the Blessed Virgin as the Mother of God,
and simply calling her the Mother of Our Lord.

1 Procop. de uEdif. v. 2 Discov. pp. 252-5.

3 Id. p. 254.

152 MODERN EPHESUS.

other Besides the Church, of St. John, there were three

churches. Qtliers at Ephesus,— those of St. Luke, St. Paul, and
St. Mark. " The Church of St. Paul," says Smith,
"has entirely perished, while what remains of
St. Mark menaces ruin."1 This latter church must,
therefore, be that which still exists in a state of
ruin on the north side of the Forum. It is a very
curious and unique example of a double church.
The groined vault in the centre of the nave, the
side arches of which were probably decorated with
columns, denotes an early period of construction.
The axis of the church is directed to sixteen degrees
south of west ; but this is probably accidental, the
church being placed parallel with all the other
buildings of the city. Some idea may be formed
of the immense size of the buildings of Ephesus, by
looking at the general plan, and considering that
the nave of this church, which there forms so unim-
portant an object, is equal in width to the nave
of St. Paul's. It is constructed of brickwork. In
Pococke's time there were remains of a stone
church between this church and the double foun-
datain.2 In the Oriens Christianus is a list of the
bishops of Ephesus, seventy in number, doAvn to
the year 1721, when it was compiled ; the names
of which are given in Arundell's " Discoveries in
Asia Minor," p. 273.

1 Thos. Smith, Septem Ashe Eccl. Not.
- Pococke, Desc. p. 50.

® § @

k .0 h 1 L

K .

NORTH DOORWAY

Scale of Feet.

Ili'llll.l _l_^ u

S.F.March 184,5.

Day* San. LiriSto the Queen

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 153

On the conquest of the country by the Turks, mosque of

they settled at the hill of Aiaslik, and Dr. Chandler1
considers it probable that it was first inhabited by
them in the thirteenth century. The city of Aiaslik,
for so it then was, possessed a great number of
mosques ; 2 remains of five or six of which may still
be traced, together with several baths, which were
once so numerous, as to have been said to be equal
in number to the days of the year.3 The principal
mosque was that dedicated by Sultan Selim,4 and
it is 'still in tolerable preservation. It had two
minarets, the shafts of which were covered with a
beautiful diaperwork of white and red tiles. The
pulpit, a restored sketch of which is shown in the
view of the interior, has been exceedingly beautiful.
It is covered with the richest geometric arabesques,
the sinkings being probably filled in with mosaic.
The whole is now lying in ruins on the pavement.
The spandrels over the Mble are filled in with
an intersecting fretwork, but the whole has been
plastered over in the style of the eighteenth century.
In Chishull's time (1747) these arabesques were filled
in with painting and gilding.5 The columns of the
interior were procured from the Great Gymnasium.
The ornaments of this mosque are of the most ex-
quisite character and delicate workmanship. The
writing over the east door is exceedingly beautiful,

1 Travels, p. 140. 2 Pococke, p. 52.

3 Chishull, p. 23. 4 Hamilton, ii. 23.

5 Chandler also, i. 143.

PULTAN
SELTM.

154 MODERN EPHESUS.

and may be taken as a fair specimen of the skill
with which those sects of Mahommedans who were
forbidden to represent the forms of animal life, suc-
ceeded in making their alphabet the vehicle of orna-
ment. In this example the arrowheads are placed at
the top, the horizontal lines in the middle, and the
curved ones at the bottom, like the waves of the
sea, the whole being intersected by an elaborate
triple scroll. The translation of the incription is, —
" The Saints are in Paradise, and the Servants of
God shall enter therein."

The spandrel and inscription over the principal
entrance are destroyed, but they are restored in the
sketch, in order to give a better idea of the original
appearance of the building. The mosque is built
on the slope of a hill, by reason of which some steps
lead up to, and some down to, the level of the
pavement. The outside of the mosque is furnished
with a series of lavatories, which, like the fountain
in the centre of the cortile, served for the ablutions
of the faithful before their prayers. The mosque is
indeed a very elegant and chaste building ; though
we cannot concur in eulogizing it to the extent of
the Comte de Forbin, who prefers it even to the
Alhambra.1

Such is the building which by the great majority of
travellers has been taken for the Church of St. John! 2

1 Voyage dans le Levant, p. 22.

2 Choiseul Gonffier, Spoil and Wheler, Tavernier, Le Brun,
Tournefort, Chishull, Van Egmont and Heymau, and Smith.

•v"^:

E.F. Marri.1845

1 .17 8 Son,, Litlf5tr> -the Queen. .

NORTH DOORWAY.

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• ■

E.F. March 134

■

east d < :

' cisla P lower 1 ■• i

we/ bee* ->,■.■■■.-■■. , ■.,..•,,,

.■;''■ tr, . ■ -

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CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 155

It remains to see the reasons which have led to
this opinion. Some allege as a pretext that there
is a representation of the host above the hible;
and others affirm, which indeed is the general
supposition, that the hible itself, (or niche towards
Mecca), has been originally a door, and that there-
fore at that period the building could not have
been a mosque, and must consequently have been
a church.

The first of these suppositions is probably derived
from what appears to be a Turkish lamp, but I did
not notice it ; and whoever has been at an Eastern
city during the feast of the Beiram, cannot fail to
recognize the appropriateness of this object as
a symbol of rejoicing in the contemplation of
heavenly happiness : or it might have been selected
as an ornament in imitation of the lamps with which
mosques are lighted in the East. The same object
appears also over the hible of the mosque of Ballat,
(the ancient Miletus,) which by the same reasoning
should also be a church. As to the second reason,
so far am I from considering it as a proof of the
building not having been originally Mahommedan,
that I regard it as a proof of the consummate science
of the Mahommedan architect. The hible, in this
instance, is a large niche, hollowed out of the wall,

The latter writer observes, " But how splendid and magnificent
the other churches of Ephesus must have been is shown by that
consecrated to St. John, which still remains, converted by the
Turks into a mosque." — (Septem Asia; Eccles. Not.)

156 MODERN EPHESUS.

and therefore, unlike the absides of our churches,
is unmarked on the outside. Being enriched with
a profusion of the most elaborate ornament, the
architect naturally considered that it would be
endangered by the weight of the superincumbent
wall, and therefore wisely remedied the chance of
injury by forming a relieving arch above. This
arch being necessarily worked in the whole thick-
ness of the wall, and so appearing on the outside,
has led persons into the error of believing this to
be a proof of its having been originally a doorway.
Another reason for considering it to be a church
is brought forward by Mr. Arundell,1 who states that
several Corinthian capitals are within and near the
mosque, having upon them a cross in high relief.
But no one can deny that the building has at one
time been a mosque, and therefore if the Turks
during this period were liberal or indifferent enough
to allow such emblems to remain without defaciug
them, we may reasonably conclude that at the time of
the mosque being built, they were equally regardless
of what these emblems might once have been ; or if
they thought of them, they looked upon them as
trophies and evidences of the superiority of their
own religion, in having conquered and debased the
other. Instances of this practice are by no means
unfrequent. The tomb of Sultan Allatyn, at
Koniah, exhibits a triforium of three different

1 Discov. ii. 254.

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 157

altitudes, caused by the adaptation of different sized
Byzantine columns ; and the walls of Koniah are
full of Byzantine emblems, not even rejecting the
lion, two-headed eagle, angel, or other representa-
tions of animal life.

On the east of Mount Pion is the " Grotto of the
Seven Sleepers." Tradition reports that during
the persecution of the Christians in the reign of
Diocletian, (A.D. 283 — 304) seven young men with
a dog fled to the cave for refuge, and falling asleep,
did not wake till two hundred years after ; though
they were not conscious of having slept more than
one night. Their surprise may be imagined, when,
on entering the city, they recognized neither people,
money, nor the language ; everything was changed,
and all the city become Christian. Some say that
this happened in the reign of the emperor Decius,
and that their names were Malchus, Maximilianus,
Martinianus, Iohannes, Dionysius, Serapion, and
Constantinus. This tradition was received by
Mahomet, and embodied in his Koran, where
he devotes one chapter to the subject ; entitled
"The Chapter of the Cave."1 The story appears
to be copied from heathen times. In Diogenes
Laertius is a similar tale of Epimenides of Crete,
who, when a young man, being sent in charge of
some cattle, wandered into a cavern, and there fell
asleep. On awaking, at the end of forty years,

GROTTO
OF THE

SEVEN
SLEEPERS.

1 Koran, surat xviii.

158 MODERN EPHESUS.

he returned home and found his younger brother
grown into an old man. The end of the story is,
however, rather different. Finding himself looked
up to with respect and wonder, he set himself up
for a prophet, and lived to the age of one hundred
and eighty-nine : whereas in the former tradition,
the Seven Sleepers were said to have died a natural
death on the day of their awaking.

Upon a gold coin of the Turks, called Armoodi,
the names stand thus : — Jemlika, Meshilina, Mislina,
Mernoos, Debbernoos, Shazzernoos, and Kephes-
tatjoos.1 To these may be added the name of the
dog, Ketmehr. These names are considered by the
Turks as particularly fortunate ; they are placed
on buildings to prevent their being burnt, and on
swords to prevent their breaking. The Mahom-
medans have a great veneration for the dog
Ketmehr, and allow him a place in paradise, with
some other favourite brutes : and they have a
sort of proverb which they use in speaking of a
covetous person, that " he would not throw a bone
to the dog of the Seven Sleepers:" nay, it is said
that they have the superstition to write his name,
which they suppose to be Ketmehr, on their letters
which go far, or which pass the sea, as a pro-
tection or kind of talisman to preserve them from
miscarriage.2

The Seven Sleepers are held in great repute of

1 Dallaway, Const, p. 222.

2 La Roque, Voy. de VArab. Heur. p. 74.

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 159

sanctity throughout the East, and their names,
engraved on gold or precious stones, are supposed
to act as a powerful charm to avert evil.

Turkish Bracelet, with the Names of the Seven Sleepers.

It is related that the Khalif Moawiysh, in an
expedition he made against Natolia, passed by the
cave of the Seven Sleepers, and would needs send
somebody into it, notwithstanding Ebn Abbas
remonstrated with him on the danger of so doing,
saying, that a better man than he (Mahomet) had
been forbidden to enter it ; and repeated this verse :
— But the men the khalif sent in, had no sooner
entered the cave, than they were struck dead by a
burning wind.1

Spon and Wheler,3 who visited the cave in
1675-6, got out again as quickly as they could,
fearing that a similar sleep might seize on them.

1 Al Beidawi, quoted by Sale, Koran.
Voyage, p. 328.

160 MODERN EPHESUS.

M. Ampere1 describes it as so rugged, gloomy, and
mysterious, that lie fancied St. John must have
inhabited it previous to writing his terrible reve-
lations from the isle of Patmos. It is also reported
to have been the cave of the magician Maximus.
The early Christians made a church of it;2 and
Chandler3 supposed it to be the Church of St. John,
erected by Justinian.

The interior of the cave is excavated in the form
of tombs or sarcophagi ; and according to the story
narrated to me on the spot, the Sleepers and their
dog were afterwards buried here ; but unfortunately
for the validity of the story, there are more than
eight such tombs, which is the utmost number
we can allow, even supposing that the dog was
honoured with a human burial.

The concluding notices of Ephesus are collected
by Chandler.4 Towards the end of the eleventh
century, Tangripermes, a Turkish pirate, captured
the city, but was driven out again by John Ducas,
the Greek admiral.

The Mahommedans took possession of it in the
reign of the emperor Alexius ; they lost it in 1206,
but regained it in 1283.5

In 1306, it suffered from the exactions of the
grand- duke Roger.

1 J. J. Ampere, Une Course dans VAsie Mineure.

2 Spon and Wheler, pp. 327, 8. 3 Travels, i. 156.
4 Chandler, Travels, i. p. 145 to 1G0.

6 T. H. TJsborne, p. 309.

# •

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 161

In 1308, it surrendered to Sultan Saysan, who,
to prevent further insurrections, removed most
of the inhabitants to Tyriseum, where they
were massacred. It was probably on this occa-
sion that ancient Ephesus became desolated and
abandoned, and Aiaslik founded by the Turkish
conquerors.

In 1313, it was subdued by Mantakhia.

In 1402, Tamerlane took possession of the
city.

In 1403, Cineis seized it ; but Amir, the sultan
of Smyrna, besieged him, and set fire to the town ;
the father of Cineis holding out the citadel, which,
however, he was ultimately obliged to surrender.
After this, Cineis again attacked the city, and
drove Amir in his turn into the castle, and at
his death became sultan. He was afterwards
attacked by Sultan Solyman with a large army from
Brusa, who defeated him and took the city.

One of the most glorious fruits of excavating at
Ephesus would be the discovery of the Temple of
Diana, or at least the determining of its site, even
if no vestiges of its architecture are still extant.
" It would be noble, (says a French traveller,) for
those possessed of great fortunes to conduct exca-

162 MODERN EPHESUS.

vations at Ephesus. It is an entirely unexplored
mine of antiquity, and I think it would even prove
a lucrative undertaking, by the immense number of
statues and medals which one would be sure to
find."1 What gems, what statues, what bas-reliefs
might be discovered in a city where a Parrhasius, an
Apelles, and a Zeuxis, where a Praxiteles, and a
Scopas, besides a host of other artists, once flou-
rished ; and to the adornment of which we know
that even a Phidias contributed.

The following notice of a superb cameo found at
Ephesus in 1790, formerly in the possession of the
Cav. K. Zulian, but now in St. Mark's Library at
Venice, will best exemplify the truth of this
observation. It is formed of an Arabian sardonyx
2-f inches diameter, and has been illustrated by
Visconti.3 It represents Jupiter ^giochus, and is
remarkable in the highest degree for majesty and
sublimity of effect, though bearing no resemblance
to the Jupiters of Phidias or Euphranor. Its ex-
ecution exhibits a wonderful relief, and striking
contrast of plain and enriched masses.

The title of iEgiochus, says Visconti, is derived
from the Aiy/da, or mantle, so called from resem-

1 Comte Jaubert, Lettres <T Orient, in vol. xxix. of series iv. of
the Revue des Deux Mondes.

2 E. Q. Visconti, Osservazioni sopra un Ant. Cammeo rappres.
Glove Egioco.

CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS AND MODERN HISTORY. 163

bling an Alyig, or goafs-shin. Jupiter is said to
have been counselled by Themis to take the skin
of the goat1 Amalthea, by which he had been
suckled, in his defence against the Titans ; and it
had such effect that they were terrified and over-
come at the mere display and shaking of the skin.
This action is expressed by the same word ; Al'|
signifying a goat, and vAi'£ a violent motion, or
tempestuous wind (Hesychius). The iEgida is
therefore a fit emblem of the terror caused in man
by the mere approach of storms and tempests. That
worn by Jupiter, as well as that which he gave
to Apollo, and that made for Minerva by the
Cyclops, were all elaborately formed of a network
of scales of gold woven together with a border
of serpents.2 As the ^Egida is a symbol of the
storms and tempests and lightnings of the god, so
the crown of oak denotes his power of resisting
them. Yisconti is further of opinion that this
cameo has been copied from some celebrated statue
of antiquity, and that it may have been preserved
in one of the Dactyliothecae of the Temple of Diana,
or formed one of the precious jewels with which the
crowns of the priests were wont to be ornamented.
It is difficult to say whether the vacancies at the
side were originally so formed from a caprice of the
artist, whether they were made regular in order to

1 Herod, ii. 42. * Id. iv. 189.

164 MODERN EPHESUS.

hide accidental fractures, or whether they have been
cut in more modern times.

This cameo is of suqh magnificence, that it is
said to bear the same proportion to other cameos,
that the chryselephantine sculpture of the ancients
did to their other works.

APPENDIX

TO PART I.

No. I.

HISTORICAL EVENTS CONNECTED WITH THE CITY OF EPHESUS.

THE first historical circumstance connected with the Ephesian 1490 B.C.
territory, is an event recorded three centuries before the Trojan
war. Sesostris, who was contemporary with Moses, set up pillars
in the places which he conquered. " In Ionia (says Herodotus, ii.
106) there are two figures of this king formed out of a rock : one
is in the way from Ephesus to Phocrea, the other betwixt Sardis
and Smyi-na." This latter one has been discovered. A view and
notice of it appears in Texier's Asie Mineure, p. 132 ; Gherard's
Archaologische Zeitung, No. 3, p. 34, pi. 2 ; and in the Classical
Museum, vol. i. § xviii. Whether it represents Sesostris, has been
disputed, but all are agreed that it is the monument described by
Herodotus. Both these bas-reliefs represented "a man five palms
in height : the right hand holds a javelin, the left a bow ; the rest
of his armour is partly Egyptian, partly Ethiopian. Across his
breast there is this inscription in the sacred characters of Egypt : —
' I conquered this country by the force of my arms.' This inscrip-
tion he caused to be engraved only in those countries where he had
met with a brave resistance : where otherwise, he added symbols
denoting the pusillanimity of the people." — (Herod, ii. 102.)

On the arrival of the Ionian colonists at Ephesus, Androclus, 1044.

one of the younger sons of Codrus the last king of Athens, was
made king : "And thence, says Pherecydes, this city became the
residence of the Ionian princes : and even now their descendants
arc called kings, and enjoy particular honours ; such as occupying

166 APPENDIX I.

the principal place in the public games ; to be clothed in purple,
(an especial prerogative of the royal family j) to carry a sceptre ;
and to preside at the sacrifices of Ceres and Eleusis." — (Strabo,
p. 633.)

The Ionians came from Peloponnesus, where they had been
divided into twelve states or cities ; but from these, with the
exception of Helice, being driven by the Achseans, they passed
over into Asia, carrying with them the worship of the Heliconian
Neptune, and the sacred statues of the temple : and founding
twelve cities in imitation of those they had formerly inhabited in
Achaia, established their Panionion, or place of general assembly of
the Ionians, at Mycale, similar to the institution of the same kind
they had previously held at Helice. These were joined by some
members of the Prytaneum at Athens, who esteemed themselves
the most noble of all the Ionians. Some of these, headed by
Androclus, founded Ephesus ; and thus " this city derived its oi'igin
from the purest Attic source." On arriving, they brought with
them no wives, but taking the women of the country, they put to
death all the males ; in consequence of which the women of
Miletus, one of the twelve cities, bound themselves and their
daughters never to sit at meals with their husbands. — (Herod, i.
142-148 ; Philost. Vita Apoll. viii. 7, § 8.)

On the death of Androclus, the Ephesians revolted against his
sons and proclaimed a republic, which appeal's to have lasted till
the time of Alyattes, a period of four centuries and a half. On
619 B.C. the death of Alyattes, the Ephesians drove out his sons ; but
Pindarus, his grandson, regained possession of the city, and became
quietly seated as Tyrant of Ephesus. The story is thus told by
iElian : — "Pindarus, the son of Melanus, and grandson by the
mother's side of Alyattes the Lydian, became Tyrant of Ephesus.
He was harsh and inflexible in justice, though mild and beneficent
in other respects ; but he was particularly desirous of preserving
the liberty of his country, which is shown by the following
narrative : —
562. " When Croesus, his maternal uncle, invaded Ionia, he sent an

ambassador to Pindarus, requiring the Ephesians to submit to
him, and on their refusal besieged the city. One of the towers
falling, which was thence called the traitress, and seeing capture

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. 167

inevitable, Pindarus suggested that they should unite with cords
the walls and towers of their city to the Temple of Diana, (seven
stadia distant from the old town,) hoping by so doing to procure
succour and safety to the city ; advising them, moreover, to implore
the clemency of Croesus, and sue for peace. Croesus smiled at
their artifice, and being pleased with their ingenuity, granted
them safety and liberty, but exiled Pindarus." Polyaenus says he
spared the city out of reverence to Diana. Pindarus renounced
the throne, and leaving his son and riches under the guardianship
of the Ephesians and his father Pasicles, retired to Creece. This
event happened on the accession of Croesus to the throne, and when
he was in his thirty-fifth year. — (iElian. iii. 26 ; Polyaan. IStratag.
vi. 50; Herod, i. 16-22, 26.)

Shortly after this event, the Ephesians revolted against Croesus, Cir. 559 B.C.
and requiring assistance, invited over Aristarchus, an Athenian,
who reigned for five years with great care and prudence, and won
the affections of the people ; but was recalled to Athens about the Cir. 554.
time that Harpagus excited Cyrus to rebel against Astyages.1

The Iouians refuse an alliance with Cyrus against Croesus, but 548.

are compelled to submit to Harpagus, the Persian general. —
(Herod, i. 141, 152-171 ; vi. 86 ; Thucyd. i. 13.)

The Ionians are compelled by Cambyses to assist him against 529.

the Egyptians. — (Herod, ii. 1; iii. 1; Mionnet, Medailles, Suppl.
v. 1, Nos. 195, 232.)

Great immunities granted by Smerdis the Magus. — (Herod. 522.

iii. 67.)

A fixed tribute levied by Darius. Orcetis, the governor of 521.

Ionia, put to death. — (Herod, iii. 89, 90, 127 ; Polysenus, Stmt.
vii. 11, § 3.)

The tyrants of the Ionian cities, in order to retain their own 514.

power, neglect the opportunity of freeing their country from
Persian subjection. — (Herod, iv. and vii. 10 )

1 (Suidas, voce A(>i<7Ta^xoQ-) As this happened in 559, dating back five years
would bring it to 564, during which time Pindarus was Tyrant. As this,
therefore, must be a mistake, it seems more probable to imagine that Aristar-
chus was sent for (instead of sent away) at the time of Cyrus's revolt, (B.C. 559,)
and that on the growing power of the latter it was considered advisable to
recall him.

168 APPENDIX I.

510—493 B.C. The Ionians revolt against the Persians, and obtain the help of
the Athenians ; but, after some successes, they are utterly defeated,
and reduced to slavery. The land was " netted " by the Persians,
the cities and temples burnt, (the Temple of Diana alone being
spared,) the loveliest women were cai-ried to Susa, and many of
the male inhabitants sold as slaves. The tyrants of the several
Ionic cities are deposed by Darius, and democratic governments
substituted in their place. — (Herod, v. and vi.)

490. The Ionians are compelled by Darius to join his expedition to

Marathon. — (Herod, vi. 95, 8 ; vii. 1, 4.)

481. The Ionians take part with Xerxes at the battle of Salamis. —

(Herod, vi. and viii.)

480. After Xerxes' defeat at Salamis, he proceeded to the Hellespont,

sending his children to Ephesus, under the care of Artemisia,
queen of Caria. — (Herod, viii. 103.)

479. His general Mardonius being defeated and slain at the

memorable battle of Platsea, Dionysiophanes, an Ephesian, buried
him. — (Herod, ix. 84.)

The defeat of Xerxes was of incalculable benefit to civilization.
Within fifty years after that event, the Greeks attained their
highest degree of prosperity ; the arts, protected by riches,
flourished ; and the age produced the most celebrated artists,
philosophers, rhetoricians, and commandt-rs ever known. — (Diod.
Sic. xii. 1.)

The Ionians defeat the Persians at Mycale, and regain their
liberty. The Athenians distress the country by the imposition of
taxes, levied on the pretence of carrying on the war. — (Herod,
viii. and ix. ; Thucyd. i. 94-9G, 138 ; Diod. Bibl. Hist. xi. 34, 7.)

470. The maritime cities set free by Cimon the Athenian. — (Diod.

Sic. xi. 60, 1 ; Polyseo. Strut, i. 34 ; Frontinus, Strat. iv. 7, § 45 ;
Plut. in Cim. 12.)

450. Treaty entered into between Cimon and the Persians, whereby

the freedom of the Asiatic Greek cities within three days' journey

of the coast is guaranteed. — (Diod. Sic. xii. 3, 4 ; Plut. Vita

Cim. 12.)

445 — 415. A thirty years' peace. — (Diod. Sic. xii. 26; Thucyd. i. 115;

iii. 33.)
413—411. War between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians for the pro-

HISTOEICAL EVENTS, ETC. 169

tection of the Ionian cities. During the long Peloponnesian war,
the Athenians and Lacedaemonians vied with each other in endea-
vouring to procure possession of the Greek cities in Asia, while
each pretended to be desirous of achieving their independence.
Thus, while the Lacedaemonians entered into an alliance with
Tissaphernes on the part of the king, whereby, " whatever terri-
tories or cities the king or his ancestors possessed should remain
his," Alcibiades persuaded the Persians that it would be difficult
afterwards for the Persians to get rid of the Lacedaemonians ; that
" the Athenians only wanted to have possession of the sea to
themselves, and would give up the land to the king ; whereas
the Lacedaemonians came to liberate the Greek cities, and render
them independent not merely of the Athenians, but of the king
also." He therefore counselled him to pit one against the
other, and when both were worn out, and the Athenians suffi-
ciently reduced, to get rid of the Peloponnesians altogether. —
(Thucyd. viii.)

Tissaphernes, the Persian satrap,1 sacrifices to Diana of Ephesus.
—(Thucyd. viii. 109.)

Thrasyllus attacks Ephesus with a large force, but the Ephesians 408 B.C.
sallying forth, put the Athenians to flight. — (Diod. xiii. 64. See
page 52.)

Lysander having gained the favour of the Ephesians, and formed 407-406.
a fleet, Alcibiades prepares to attack him ; but, owing to the
disobedience of his pilot Antiochus, the fleets engage during his
absence, and the Athenians are defeated. — (Diod. xiii: 70, 71;
Xen. Hell, i. 5 ; Plut. in Alcib. 35 ; Paus. ix. 32.)

On the arrival of Lysander at Ephesus,8 he found the citizens 406.

1 The Persian satraps were possessed of the power aud authority of kings.
Provided that they sent to the Persian monarch the tribute of their provinces
with regularity, they were allowed to act with absolute authority. Thus we
find Orcetes sitting in state, attended with a guard of a thousand men ; and
Cyrus, when satrap of Lydia and Ionia, sitting on a throne of solid gold and
silver. So formidable was their power, that the king was often obliged to
wink at their acts of insubordination, and to employ cunning and artifice to
deprive them of their satrapies.

2 When Lysander arrived at Ephesus, his hosts brought him, among other
presents, an ox and a cheesecake. Lysander asked what the latter was ? and
being told it was composed of honey, cheese, and other delicacies: — "Take

170 APPENDIX I.

enervated by Persian customs, and heedless of tlieir former glory ;
but by wise and salutary enactments, he succeeded in restoring
them to affluence and power. He repaired the triremes, and soon
found himself in command of a small fleet.
405 — 404 B.C. The Lacedaemonians defeat the Athenians in several engage-
ments ; and at length Lysander enters Athens, and destroys the
long walls.

401. Tissaphernes preparing to attack the cities of Ionia, the Lace-

daemonians are entreated to come to their assistance, who entering
Ionia, drive back the Persians. — (Xen. Hell. iii. 1, 2.)

397. Treaty between Tissaphernes and the Lacedaemonians, by which

the Persians engaged to give liberty to all the Greek cities, if the
Lacedaemonians would evacuate Asia. — (Xen. Hell. iii. 2.)

396. Agesilaus endeavours, but in vain, to free the Greek cities of

Asia from the Persian tribute ; but jealousy being excited in
Greece agaiust the Lacedaemonians, he is forced to retire. — (Plut.
in Ages. ; Justinus, vi. 2 ; Frontinus, Stratag. i. 4, § 2 ; 11, § 16 ;
Polyaen. Strut, ii. 1, § 30 ; Xen. Hell. iii. 4, 5.)

Agesilaus succeeds in inducing the whole province of Asia to
revolt. He had brought their cities into obedience, and composed
public affairs, without ordering the death of a single person. On
his being obliged to leave Asia, on account of the troubles in
Greece, "the Persian tax-gatherers reappeared in all the cities
connected with, or in alliance with, the Greeks ; whereas, while
Cimon (or Agesilaus) had the command, not a single collector was
seen, nor even a horseman, within fifty miles of the coast." — (Plut.
in Ages. \5 ; in Cim. 19.)

394. The Athenians regain their power, driving out the Lacedaemo-

nian garrisons, but without appointing Athenian garrisons in their
place ; in consequence of which, most of the cities of Asia proclaim
their freedom. Owing to this change of fortune, the Ephesians,
although the allies of the Lacedaemonians, erected statues to Conon
and Timotheus, the Athenian commanders. For this they were
satirized by Pausauias, who accused them, in the words of their

it," said he to helots, (slaves,) " it is not food for a free man ; " and then
ordered the ox to be roasted in the manner of his country. — (^Elian. Var.
Hist. iii. 20.) .

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. 171

own proverb, " of whitening two walls from the same earthen
pot;" they having previously erected statues to Lysander, Eteo-
nicus, Pharax, and other Lacedaemonians. But this accusation was
unjust ; the Ephesians having remained firm to the Lacedaemonians,
till Agesilaus had assumed the absolute power, and their civil insti-
tutions were destroyed : but on these being restored to them by
the Athenians, they embraced their cause.

The Lacedasinonians re-obtain possession of Ephesus and several
other cities of Asia. — (Diod. xiii. 84 ; Justinus, vi. 1-3 ; Paus.
vi. 3 ; Xen. Hell. iv. 8.)

All parties being now tired of war, a peace is proclaimed, by 387 B.C.
which it was resolved that the cities of the province of Asia should
become subject to the Persians, but that the other Greek cities
should be free. — (Xen. Hell. v. 1 ; Plut. in Ages. 23 ; in
Artax. 21.)

From this time, Ephesus and the other Ionian cities were
subject and tributary to the Persian kings, who, satisfied with this
submission, allowed them to frame their own laws, and even to
elect to themselves Tyrants. In the reign of Mausolus, king of
Caria, who died 353 B.C., Phytus was tyrant of Ephesus : but Ante 353 B.C.
whether this was before or after the time of Heropythus, we
cannot tell. From the exactions of these latter, the Ephesians
were for a time relieved by Heropythus, in gratitude to whom
they afterwards decreed a public burial in the Agora. Whether
the city again became subject to tyrants, or whether it was
oppressed by the Persian power, we are not informed ; but Philip
of Macedon sent an expedition to restore liberty to the G reek
cities of Asia, on which occasion the Ephesians erected a statue to
his honour.

Philip endeavours to procure freedom for the cities of Asia. — 336.

(Diod. Sic. xvi. 91.)

Alexander frees the Greek cities from all tribute, giving them 334.

permission to govern themselves by their own laws, proclaiming
everywhere that he had only come to make war with Persia, in
order to give liberty to the Greeks of Asia. — (Diod. xvii. 24.)
" Alexander arrived at Ephesus on the fourth day after taking
Sardis, bringing with him his partisans who had been banished
from the city, and, abolishing the oligarchy, re-established the

172 APPENDIX I.

popular government. He assigned to Diana the tribute paid to
the Barbarians. Freed from the fear of the late oligarchy, the
people sought to slay those who had given entry to Memnon, (the
general of Darius, who had been sent to reinforce Ephesus against
Alexander,) pillaged the Temple of Diana, broke the statue of
Philip within the sacred building, and pulled down the tomb of
Heropythus in the Agora, the restorer of liberty to the Ephesians.
They dragged from the temple Syrphax, with his son Pelagon, and
his nephews, (the members of the late oligarchy,) and stoned them.
Alexander prevented the further extension of these punishments ;
he foresaw that the people would soon abuse his power, and rise
against the innocent as well as the guilty, in order to satisfy their
private vengeance or cupidity ; and certainly, among Alexander's
titles to glory, his conduct at Ephesus was not the least worthy."
— (Arrian. i. 18.)

On the departure of Alexander, Autophradates, the Persian
general, regained possession of Halicarnassus, together with Lesbos
333 B.C. and several other islands, and shortly after Alexander's victory
at Issus, came to besiege Ephesus. Part of the Ephesian forces
encamped outside the city, but being dispersed about and amusing
themselves, Autophradates requested a conference with the Ephe-
sian chiefs, and whilst the latter were thus called away from their
troops, his officers, acting on his previous instructions, attacked
the Ephesians siiddenly, cutting some to pieces, and taking the
rest prisoners. But the city defended itself so valorously, that
he was obliged to raise the siege, and retire to Halicarnassus. —
(Polyaen. Strat. vii. 27 ; Arrian. ii. 13.)
323. Hegesias, the tyrant of Ephesus, had been assassinated by

Anaxagoras, Codrus, and Diodorus, ' sons of Echeonax, shortly
before the death of Alexander. Philoxenus, the prefect of Ionia,
required them to be given up to him. This the Ephesians refused ;
on which he entered the city with a body of troops, apprehended
the thi'ee brothers, and putting them in chains, carried them away
to Sardis. After a long and severe imprisonment, they procured
a file from a friend, and liberating themselves from their chains,
cut their clothes in shreds, and let themselves down from the
walls. Diodorus fell and lamed himself, and being taken by the
Lydians, was sent to Alexander to be punished ; but he being

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. 173

dead, Perdiccas ordered them to take back Diodorus to Ephesus,
and try him according to the laws of the country. On arriving
there, he was liberated through the instrumentality of his bi'others.
— (Polysen. vi. 49 ; Arrian. vii. 23, 24.)

On the death of Alexander, the East became a field of conten- 322 B.C.
tion for his successors. The Greek cities of Asia were nominally
free, but Antigonus had put garrisons in many of them. — (Diod.
Sic. xviii.)

Antigonus had obtained possession of Ephesus by means of 202.

factions within the city ; but no sooner did Lysimachus commence
the siege, than the inhabitants, seized with terror, opened their
gates. On entei'ing the city, he gave the Ephesians their liberty,
but demolished the democracy, and instituted an oligarchy. He
then burnt all the vessels in their harbour, to prevent their being
used on any future occasion by the enemy, who were masters of
the sea. Demetrius ai*rived shortly after, and encamped under the
walls, and the inhabitants were thus compelled to submit themselves
anew to Antigonus, the garrison being granted a capitulation, and
the original government re-established. It was probably on this
occasion that Lysimachus attempted to regain possession of the
city through treachery, in the following manner : —

Demetrius having sailed on an expedition to Caria, left Dio-
dorus, the captain of his guards, in charge of Ephesus, which he
engaged to betray to Lysimachus for fifty talents. Demetrius
hearing of the treachery contemplated, and fearing to attack the
city openly, steered directly to Ephesus with a few small vessels.
On entering the port, he instructed Nicanor, his captain, to give
out that he had received orders from Demetrius to disembark and
disband his forces, and send for Diodorus respecting his so doing.
Diodorus approached in a small boat, having no idea of the presence
of Demetrius, when, having approached sufficiently near, the latter
sprung up from his place of concealment, and jumping into the
boat upset it. The rowers were picked up, but Diodorus was left
to perish, and thus Demetrius re-obtained possession of the city. —
(Polysen. Strut, iv. 7, § 4.)

Ephesus remained faithful to the cause of Antigonus and Deme- 301.

trius ; and even after the defeat and death of Antigonus at Issus,
the city not only opened its gates to the flying Demetrius, but

174 AITENDIX I.

received him with every demonstration of good-will. " Demetrius
fled to Ephesus with 5,000 foot and 4,000 horse ; and as he reached
Ephesus in a short time, and was in want of money, it was expected
he would not spare the Temple ; but he not only did so, but fearing
his soldiers might be tempted to violate it, he immediately left the
city, and embarked for Greece." — (Plut. in Dem. 30.)

After this battle, Lysimachus obtained possession of Ephesus, in
common with other cities of Asia, and it was on this occasion that
Lysimachus built some of the walls of the city, and endeavoured
to make the Ephesians change the place of their residence, (see
page 46.) But in consequence of his abolishing the democracy
and instituting a senate, the Ephesians held him in such detesta-
tion, that on the return of Demetrius from Macedon, they imme-
diately flocked to him, doing so with the greater readiness, because
Lysimachus was then absent in Europe. — (Id. 4G.)
287 B.C. Demetrius re-acquired possession of Ephesus, but lost it by the

following stratagem : —

Demetrius had left Ansetus, his general, in charge of Ephesus,
who harboured there a number of pirates. Lysimachus' general,
Lycus, found means to bribe the chief pirate Andron, (or Mandron,)
who was frequently in the habit of entering Ephesus with his
vessels laden with spoils. Having engaged to betray Ephesus to
him, he pretended to make a little excursion, and returned to the
city with his vessels filled with powerful Macedonians, whose hands
appeared tied as if captives. Conducting them to the Acropolis,
as if to put them in prison, at a given signal they shook off their
ropes, and snatching their swords, which they had concealed under
their cloaks, slew the sentinels, and made themselves masters of
the city. After paying the pirates according to his agreement,
Lycus expelled them from the city, justly considering that he
could not depend on the fidelity of those who had been perfidious
to their former friends. — (Polysen. v. 19 ; Frontinus, iii. 3, § 7.)
Lysimachus thus re-obtaining possession of Ionia, bequeathed it to
his son Agathocles, whom he afterwards murdered, which so
increased the hatred the Ephesians had always borne him, that
they readily espoused the cause of Seleucus, who had kindly
received the widow and children of Agathocles.
284. On the death of Lysimachus, while the city of Ephesus was dis-

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. 175

tracted with seditions, and while the factions in favour of Seleucus
threw those in favour of Lyshnachus from the walls, and opened
the gates, Arsinoe his wife placed a slave in the royal bedchamber,
whom she dressed in her own robes, and posted a strong guard at
the door. Then dressing herself in ragged clothes, and disfiguring
her face, she passed through a private door, and ran to the harbour,
and getting on board one of the vessels, weighed anchor imme-
diately, and made her escape. Menecrates, in the meanwhile, one
of the adverse generals, forced his way into the bedchamber, and
slew the servant she had left there, mistaking her for Arsinoe'. —
(Polysen. viii. 57.)

On the death of Seleucus, Ptolemy Philadelphus, who had mar- 280 B.C.
ried Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, obtained possession of
Ionia for his son Ptolemy Euergetes, whom he made prefect ; but
an incursion of Thracians happening in his time, and Ephesus
being attacked, he fled to the Temple of Diana, his wife Irene, a
courtesan, following him. After her husband was slain, she also
was slaughtered, holding firmly the knockers of the doors, and her
blood sprinkling the altar. — (Athen. p. 593.)

On the death of Antiochus Soter, his son Antiochus Theos 261.

ascended the throne of Syria, and made peace with Ptolemy by
marrying his daughter Berenice, which so offended his former wife
Laodice, that she poisoned him at Ephesus ; and in order to secure 246.

the succession to her son Seleucus Callinicus, made a creatui^e of
hers called Artemon, who happened to resemble the late king in
person, enter the king's bed, pretend to be dangerously indisposed,
and then calling the princes before him, solemnly recommend them
to elect his son Seleucus as his successor. The stratagem succeeded ;
and no sooner was Seleucus on the throne, than Laodice accom-
plished the death of Berenice and her son. She also endeavoured
to assassinate Sophron, prefect of Ephesus ; but her intrigues were
disclosed to Sophron by his wife Danae, a courtesan, daughter of
Leontius the Epicurean. In consequence of this information, he
pretended to object to what was asked of him, demanding two
days to consider the matter, but fled from Ephesus the same
night. Laodice discovering the disclosure, ordered Danae to be
thrown from a precipitous rock. As she was being led away, she
complained of the gods allowing her to be slain for preserving the

176 APPENDIX I.

life of her husband, while Laodice, who had killed hers, was raised
to honour and dignity. — (Athen. p. 593.)
246—223 B.C. During the reign of Seleucus Callinicus, and that of his son
Seleucus Ceraunus, the Ionian provinces being left to themselves,
recovered so much of their ancient liberty and independence, that
Autiocbus the Great, who succeeded his brother Seleucus Ceraunus,
had to exact tribute by force of arms. The other cities yielded
through fear ; but Ephesus, which was ever considered a strong-
hold from whence to attack the rest of Ionia, and a bulwark for
the defence of Asia against Europe, resisted. He obtained posses-
sion of it by the following stratagem : — " Antiochus warring against
the Ephesians, ordered the Rhodians, who formed part of his army,
to attack the harbour at night-time with great noise ; and when
all the people were hasting thither in disorder, leaving the other
parts of defence unguarded, Antiochus attacked the city in the
rear, and took it." — (Polyb. xviii. 32 ; Appian. 64 ; Front. Strut.
iii. 9, § 10.)

Antiochus thus having obtained possession of Ephesus, it became
the principal seat of the war that he carried on against the Romans.
Asia seemed now to be without a master. All the wars in which
she engaged tended to the destruction of the unhappy land.
According as one prince was stronger than others, he endeavoured
to seize their dominions as a prey. Antiochus and Seleucus,
Eumenes and Ptolemy, ravaged the land in their turn, the Gauls
being kept as mercenaries by the weakest party. — (Justinus,
xxvii. 3.)
195. Antiochus sending an embassage of peace to Rome, the Romans

replied that if Antiochus desired peace with the Romans, he must
give freedom to the Asiatic Greeks, and abstain from Europe.
Three years afterwards the Romans sent ambassadors to him, when
Antiochus told them that they had no more right to inquire what
he did in Asia, than he had to inquire what they did in Europe,
and asked them why they interested themselves more for the
Greeks in Asia thau they did for the Greeks in Italy and Sicily,
whom they kept in subjection 1 Antiochus thereupon declared
war ; but instead of adopting Annibal's suggestion of landing in
Italy, he led his army into Greece, where being defeated, he fled
back to Ephesus. Fearing now that the Romans would invade

HISTOEICAL EVENTS, ETC. 177

Asia, he proceeded to the Chersonesus, to place garrisons in the
several towns, leaving Polyxenidas to fit out the rest of the fleet
and put to sea, and to prepare both land and sea forces. — (Appian.
edit. Steph. 65-67 ; de rebus Syr. 9 ; Front. Strat. i. 8, § 7 ; Liv.
xxxiii. xxxv. xxxvi.)

Polyxenidas, being defeated at Corycus, retires to Ephesus with 191 B-c-
the remainder of his fleet, for the purpose of repairs, while Annibal
is sent to Syria to bring up the Phoenician navy. — (Liv. xxxvi.
44, 45 ; xxxvii. 8 ; Appian. 72 ; de rebus Syr. 22.)

Polyxenidas subsequently repaired this misfortune to some 19°-

extent, by destroying tlie whole of the Rhodian fleet through a
stratagem. — (Appian. 73 ; de rebus Syr. 24.)

Regillus being now sent out to take charge of the fleet, after
the usual sacrifices, called a council. "Hei'e Caius Livius, whose
opinion was first asked, said that no one could give advice with
greater sincerity than he who recommended to another what he
himself would do in the same case : that his intention had been to
sail with the whole fleet to Ephesus ; to have taken with him ships
of burthen heavily laden with ballast, and to have sunk them at
the entrance to the harbour ;' that the passage might be shut up
in this manner with little difficulty, because the mouth of it was like
a river, long and narrow, and full of shoals. By this expedient he
would have cut off the enemy's communication with the sea, and
have rendered their fleet useless.

" This plan was not approved of by any of the council. King
Eumenes asked whether, after sinking the ships, and after barring
the pass to the sea, their own fleet would be at liberty to go away
and succour their allies, and infuse terror into their adversaries 1
or whether they would not be obliged to block up the port with
their whole force 1 for if they should withdraw, who could doubt
that the enemy would weigh up the hulks that were sunk, and
open the port with less labour than it had cost to shut it 1 But
if, after all, they were to remain there, what advantage could accrue
from the harbour being closed ? Nay, on the contrary, the enemy
enjoying a safe haven and an opulent city, furnished at the same

1 The reader will naturally associate with this event the destruction of
Charleston harbour in the present American war.

2 A

178 APPENDJX I.

time with everything from Asia, would pass the summer at their
ease ; while the Romans, exposed in the open sea to winds and
waves, and in want of every accommodation, must continue on
guard without intermission, and might more properly be said to
be themselves blockaded than the enemy.

" Eudamus, the commander of the Rhodian fleet, rather showed
his disapprobation of the plan proposed, than recommended any
himself.

" Epicrates, the Rhodian, advised them not to think of Ephesus
for the present, but to send a part of the fleet to Lycia, and bring
Patara, the metropolis of that nation, into a treaty of alliance.
This would conduce to two important results : first, the Rhodians
being at peace with the countries opposite to their island, would
be at liberty to employ the whole of their strength in the war
against Antiochus : and the fleet which the enemy were fitting
out in Lycia would be blocked up, and prevented from joining
Polyxenidas. This plan was the most approved of ; nevertheless,
it was determined that Regillus should sail with the entire fleet
to the harbour of Ephesus to strike terror to the enemy." — (Liv.
xxxvii. 14, 15.)

Antiochus, at length putting out to sea, was defeated at
Myonessus, while his Phoenician fleet, which was coming to his
assistance under the command of Annibal, was taken or destroyed
by the Romans. Antiochus was obliged to retire to Syria, leaving
all the cities of Asia north of the Taurus open tov the Roman
power. On the division of the country between the Romans and
their allies, Ephesus, with the greater portion of Asia Minor, fell
to the share of Eumenes, king of Pergamus.

Thus the Romans neglected their constant promise of giving
liberty to the Greek cities of Asia. — (Liv. xxxvii.; Appian. 75, 81 ;
Polyb. xxi. 27.)

From the time of the subjection of Ephesus to the kings of
Persamus, we have few notices of Eohesian affairs : but these few
serve to show that the city still continued to be the head of
Ionia.
159 B.C. Eumenes was succeeded by his son Attalus II. (Philadelphus.)

In his reign Artemidorus was sent to Rome about the Selinusian
lakes, (see page 37,) and the same prince ordered the construction

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. ] 79

of the mole across the harbour, (see page 54.) He was poisoned 138 B.C.
by his nephew Attalus III. (Philometer,) who dying without issue,
left the memorable will,—" P. R. MEORUM • H^RES • ES TO,"
the first two letters of which the Romans interpreted POPULUS
ROMANUS, and accordingly seized the kingdom. 133.

But the Ephesians, prompted by their usual love of freedom,
rebelled against their invaders, and in spite of the will, took the
part of Aristonicus, the son of Eumenes by a courtesan of Ephesus,
who claimed the inheritance of his brother. He was ultimately
conquered by the consul Perpenna. 126.

They next took the part of Mithridates. The speech of Mithri-
dates exciting his troops to war against the Romans is preserved
to us in Justinus, in which, after eulogizing the bravery of his
Gaulic and Scythian mercenaries, he says : — " No climate in the 89.

world is more temperate than that of Asia, no country more
fertile, or better stored with wealthy and pleasant cities ; the best
part of their time would be spent, not in the fatigues of war,
but in festivals and sports, so that it was hard to say whether
the service would prove more easy or advantageous ; they should
specially reflect on the enormous wealth of Attalus' kingdom, on
the ancient riches of Lydia and Ionia, which they did not go to
fight for, but to possess ; that Asia was so desirous of his coming,
that she seemed to invite him by unanimous consent ; so universal
a hatred had the Romans drawn upon themselves by the i-apacious
avarice of their proconsuls, the exactions of their publicans, and
the iniquity of their judges." — (Justinus, xxxvii. 4.) This prince
having subdued Phrygia, Mysia, and Asia, and appointed governors
in the several cities and provinces, came at length to Ionia, where
the Ephesians received him with the gi'eatest joy, not from fear of 88.

his power, but from consummate hatred of the Romans, all the
images of whom in their city they likewise pulled down. — (Appian.
121, edit. Steph. de Bel. Mith. 21.) In the general massacre,
ordered by Mithridates, of all the Romans in Asia, wherein 80,000,
according to Appian, (or 150,000, as declared by Plutarch,) were
destroyed in one night, the Ephesians were not unwilling to per-
form their part, not even sparing those who fled to the temples.
But impatient of control, and offended at Mithridates having left
a garrison in the town, they threw his general Zenobius into

180 APPENDIX I.

prison, and beheaded him. Having thus declared their inde-
pendence, Tralles, Hypsepa, Smyrna, Sardis, and Colophon followed
their example. Some of these were retaken, and severely
punished by Mithridates ; but afterwards, thinking they might
84 B.C. take part with the Romans, he loaded them with benefits. —
(Appian. 122, 131, de Bello Mith. 23, 48 ; Orosius, vi. 2.) On the
temporary peace between Mithridates and the Romans, Sylla came
to Ephesus, and though he refrained from punishing any of the
inhabitants with death, he fined heavily all those who had taken
part with Mithridates. — (Appian. 137, de Bello Mith. 61.)

The lamentable state of Asia at this period is but too faithfully
pictured to us by Plutarch, in his lives of Sylla and Lucullus.

78. Lucullus was appointed quaestor in 78 B.C., and he probably on

that occasion relieved the cities of Asia of many of these burdens ;

73. for afterwards, on his being elected consul, governor of Cilicia, and

general of the Mithridatic war, " all Asia received him again with
the greatest joy, having (since his departure) fallen again into their
former misery, by reasou of the intolerable evils with which they
were oppressed through the Roman tax-farmers and usurers.
Lucullus having established peace by many wise and good laws,
did not refrain from festivities or pleasures, but during his stay in
Ephesus he amused the Grecian cities with feasts and triumphal
shows, and instituted prizes for gymnastic exercises and gladiatorial
games. They, in return, instituted others in his honour, which
they called Lucullia ; but the heartfelt love with which they
regarded him was more agreeable to him than the honour itself." —
(Pint, in Lucul. 23.)

44. Thirty years afterwards the Ephesians embraced the cause of

Brutus and Cassius, whom they considered liberators, and raised
subsidies in their behalf.

41. On their defeat, Antony arrived at Ephesus, and fined the

inhabitants, as well strangers as natives, a great sum of money,
sacrificing, however, to Diana with great pomp. — (Appian. Bell.
Civ. iii. 26 ; v. 4, 5, 6.) Ephesus suffered nearly as much from the
voluptuous Antony as from the savage Sylla. Sylla boasted that
" he had repaid with usury the kindness of his friends and the
injuries of his enemies : " but Antony favoured only the debauched,
and was reckless of the misery of all beside. After giving the

HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC. 181

most extravagant largesses to his soldiers, he gave up his soul to
luxury, and fell into all the dissipation of his former life. Antony
personified and called himself Bacchus, the women danced before
him as Bacchantes, and the men and children as Fauns and Satyrs.
He caused himself to be saluted as the " kind and benignant
Bacchus : " and such, indeed, he was to some, but to others savage
and severe ; for he deprived many noble persons of their wealth,
which he squandered away on sycophants and scoundrels ; who
frequently asked for the inheritance of persons yet alive, and seized
possession of them before they were dead.

On the arrival of Cleopatra in Cilicia, it was said that " Venus
had come to feast with Bacchus for the benefit of Asia : " and on
her arrival at Ephesus, Antony allowed the citizens to call her
queen.

Antony having thus given himself up to luxury and debauch,
Labienus with an army of Parthians seized possession of Asia,
from Syria and the Euphrates to Lydia and Ionia ; but he was
afterwards defeated by Ventidius, to whom Antony had committed
the command of his troops. — (Plut. in Ant.) 39 B.C.

On the declaration of war between Octavius and Antony, the
latter " went to Ephesus, attended by Cleopatra. There he
assembled his fleet, which consisted of eight hundred ships,
whereof Cleopatra furnished two hundred, besides 20,000 talents,
(.£4,600,000,) and provisions for the whole army." From Ephesus
they sailed to Saruos, accompanied by the whole tribe of players
and musicians, so that it was observed, " How will their triumph
be celebrated, when their preparations for war are thus splendid."

On the death of Antony, Asia and Africa were united to the
Roman empire, which began to date from that event. 30

From this time the cities of Asia became a quiet dependence of
the Romau empire. Though they had lost their liberty, and had
to contribute heavily towards the coffers of the state, they enjoyed
an uninterrupted peace, which enabled them to increase in
splendour and opulence. Each succeeding emperor either visited
the provinces, or contributed to their public buildings. The names
of Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, Trajan, Adrian,
Antoninus, and Septimius Severus, frequently appear in inscriptions
as benefactors to the various cities. Of these Tiberius, in the early

182 APPENDIX I.

part of his reign, showed himself to be one of the most liberal,
rebuilding or restoring no fewer than fourteen cities of Asia Minor,
(among which was Ephesus,) that were destroyed by an earthquake
which happened in his reign ; and replying to one who wished him
to increase the taxes of the provinces, by saying, " It is the duty
of a good shepherd to shear not Jlay his sheep." The emperor
Adrian not only visited the principal cities, but on his return to
Rome built at Tivoli imitations of the most remarkable buildings
he had seen in the course of his travels.

We now come down to the Christian time, with the events of
which doubtless every reader of the Bible is in great part
acquainted. Those who desire more detailed information respect-
ing this period are referred to Conybeare and Howson's " Life and
Travels of St. Paul," and to the article " Ephesus " in Smith's
" Biblical Dictionary," by one of these writers.

B.C.

cir. 1480.

cir. 1250.

1044.

660.

APPENDIX No. II.

CHEOITOLOGICAL TABLE.

PERIOD THE FIRST.

EARLY HISTORY.
The aborigines of Ephesus conquered by Sesoslns.

Ephesus founded by Hercules.

His descendants, under the title of Heraclidm, established themselves in Lydia,

where they reigned till Candaules, the last of the Heraclidae, was assassinated

by Gyges, the founder of the Mermnadoz, anno 718.
Planting of the Ionian colony under A ndroclus, Tyrant.
Sons of A ndroclus, Tyrants.
Republic.
Sends out a colony to Egypt.

PERIOD THE SECOND.

TRIBUTARY TO THE KINGS OF LYDIA AND PERSIA.

548.
529.

522.

521.

514.

Ephesus governed by —

Satraps of Lydia
and Ionia.

Tributary to—

Afterwards conquered by
A lyatles.

Pindarus Tyrant.

,, banished . .

Croesus enforces tribute.

Aristarchus Tyrant.

„ abdicates.

Cyrus.

Thelonians masters of the sea

Orcetes.

Cambyses.

Comas Tyrant ....

Athenagoras Tyrant . .

,, „ probably

Smerdis, the Magus, exempts

•

from tribute.

>> j' j>

Darius exacts tribute, and
divides his kingdom into
satrapies.

Tyrant

Artaphernes.

Otanes, governor

of sea- coast.

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HISTORICAL EVENTS, ETC

185

B.C.

319.
302.

301.

287.

284.

280.

201.
246.

226.

223.
197.
195.
1 !)•_'.
190.

PERIOD THE FOURTH.

IN POSSESSION OF THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER.

Kphesus governed by —

Oligarchy

Republic
Oligarchy . .
Ancetus, governor of
Lycus, ,,

Ptolemy (Euergetes), governor of Pto-
leiny (Philadelphia) ; an incursion of
the Thracians.

Sophron, governor

Independent

Subject to . .

Independent

Subject to . .

Polyxenidas, naval commander

Andronicus, military ,,

Tributary to-

.1 ntigoiius.

Lysimachus.

Antigonus, and Ins son Demttrius.

Lysimachus.

Demeti ins.

Lysimachus.

Selettcas (Nicator) =

.1 ntiochus (Soter)

A ntiochus (Theos) =

Sehucus (Callinicus) =

I
Seleucus (Ceraunus).

.1 ntiochus (the Great).

190.

159.

138.
133.

126.

88.

81.
44.
41.

PERIOD THE FIFTH.

SUBJECT TO THE KINGS OF PERGAMUS AND THE ROMANS.
Eumenes, kins? of Pergamus =

Attains II.

(Eumenes) =
I

Attains III.

bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people.

Revolt in favour of AriMonicus.

Conquered by the Romans under Perpenna.
Revolt in favour of Mithridales.
Independt nt.

Conquered by the Romans under Sylla.
Revolt in favour of Brutus and Cassius.
Finally subdued by Romans under Anton it,

2 B

186 APPENDIX II.

Thus for six hundred years Ephesus was governed by a republic ;
one hundred years by kings ; twenty by an oligarchy ; one hun-
dred and thirty it was controlled by a foreign garrison, and from
190 B.C. it was subject to the kings of Pergatnus and the
Romans.

PART II.

THE TEMPLE OF DIANA.

"The Temple of Diana at Ephesus is the only house of the gods."

"Whoever examines it would believe that the gods had left their immortal
regions to come down and live on ea«th."

I'nn.M. de Si fit, in Orbi's Spectaculis.

NOTICE OF THE WORKS OF ANCIENT WRITERS. PREPOSTEROUS

ACCOUNTS OF MODERN TRAVELLERS. • — MAGNIFICENCE AND CELE-
BRITY OF THE TEMPLE.

THE ancient writers on the Temple of Diana,
whose names are come down to us, are
Ctesiphon, Metagenes, Democritns, and Philo.
Others wrote on the City of the Ephesians,1 bnt

1 See page 14.

190 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

these only, whose names are mentioned, confined
their attention to the Temple.

Ctesiphon and Metagenes, we are informed by
Vitruvius, wrote a treatise on the symmetry of the
Tonic order of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus.1

Democritus is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius,2
and by Athenams ;3 and from the latter it would
appear that his work was divided into several
books, and that it entered into a variety of subjects
connected with the Ephesians.

Of the works of Philo, a fragment has come down
to us.+ It begins properly enough in describing
the foundations of the Temple ; but the style is so
fanciful and extravagant, that we may less regret
the loss of the remaining portion of his treatise.

From the loss of these works of ancient writers,
and the absence of any remains of the structure
itself, modern travellers have imagined to themselves
the most ridiculous conceits respecting this far-famed
edifice. One regards the rude figure of a temple on
the head of a small symbolical representation of the
attributes of Diana, (see next page,) as a, facsimile
of this celebrated temple.5 Another considers the
Roman temple, supposed to be the Temple of
Claudius,6 as the seventh temple, or that burnt by

1 Vitr. vii. Praef. Pliny calls him Chersiphrou.

2 Diog. Laert ix. 7. 3 Athen. p. 525. 4 See page 223.

•' Cte. Caylus, in Mem, sur la I). <VE. et sin- son 2\, insei'ted in
vol. xxx. p. 439, of Mem. de Litl. He assumes as certain that it
represents the Temple of Ephesus, hut is only doubtful which of
the eight, it having been burnt seven times. (; See p;ige 111.

WORKS OF ANCIENT WRITERS, ETC.

191

Herostratus.1 Two 2 imagine that the thirty- six
columns ccelatm were similar to the Hadrian, Trajan,
and Antonine columns in Rome. Two other tra-
vellers3 look upon the arch of the Stadium as the
door of the Temple : another4 supposes that the
fountain (called after St. John) served for the

ablutions of those who entered the Temple, or as a
vessel wherein to place offerings : another5 that the
Stadium, the Theatre, and all the other buildings of
the city, were so many dependencies of the Temple ;
but the great majority of travellers unite in con-
sidering the building which I have called the Great

1 Usborne, p. 310.

2 Cesarianus, Vitr. iv. nota; M. de la Chause, in the Bom. Mus.
Mich. Ang. Caussei, Roma, 1716.

3 Ta vernier, i. 81 ; Le Bran, p. 31. 4 Tavernier, p. 81.
| Cte. Caylus, ut supra, p. 435.

192 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

Gymnasium, as the remains of the eighth or last
Temple of Diana.

Thus Byron writes of these ruins : —

" I have beheld the Ephesian miracle ;
Its columns strew the wilderness, and dwell
The hyaena and the jackall in their shade."

Comte Caylus endeavours to reconcile the dissi-
milarity of this building, to the descriptions given
us in Pliny, by supposing that the eighth temple,
or that described by Pliny, was not the last one,
but that the eighth temple was burnt, and another
in a ruder style built on its site, which in its turn
was ruined by the Goths ; and that it is this last
building which we now see, the irregularity of
which would be thus accounted for.1 Another
traveller2 considers that the two wings may have
served as habitations for the priests, or may have
been in other ways connected with the worship of
Diana. Even the careful Revett,3 the co-author of
the "Antiquities of Athens," regarded these build-
ings as identical, and says that the peribolus or en-
closure still remains. The subterranean chambers,4
instead of being considered an objection, are looked
upon as further evidences of this building being the
remains of the Temple. Poleni5 thought they were

1 Cte. Caylus, ut supra, p. 433.

2 Prokesch, Denkioiirdigkeilen, ii. 116.

3 MS. notes to Chandler, i. 169. 4 See page 96.

5 Dissert, del Marchese Gio. Poleni sopra il T. di D. E , inserted
in the Saggi di Dissert. Acad. deW Acad. Elrus. di Cortona, vol. i.

WORKS OF ANCIENT WRITERS, ETC. 193

constructed to keep the Temple dry. The Comte
de Forbin1 and M. le Brun,2 suggest that a careful
examination of these vaults might give the exact
dimensions of the Temple, the place of the columns,
and the walls of the cella ; while some appear to
consider that they were used for the mysteries of
the heathen mythology, and were called " The
Labyrinth of Diana's Temple." 3 Dallaway* ob-
serves,— " Every circumstance of description (of
the Temple of Diana) which we know, accords with
this spot, excepting the distance from the city
walls ; " and from this objection he concludes it to
be the church of St. John : and afterwards speaking
of the Opistholeprian Gymnasium, says, — " It may
be doubted whether this be not the Temple of
Diana. The grandeur of its plan, and its dimensions,
which are still marked by a long nave finished by
an arch of great expanse at either termination, seem
to favour the pretensions of this edifice above that
of the other (Great Gymnasium). In various parts
of description they correspond, excepting that this
was beyond the limits of the city walls, and it is
probable that at one time it has been washed by the
sea. Moreover the Turks, from whose barbarous
corruption s, or analogous terms, the real and more
ancient name is in some instances to be collected,
call this particular ruin Kislar Serai, ' Palace of
the Virgins.' "

1 Forbin, p. 22. 2 Le Brun, p. 29.

3 See page 97 ; Chishull, p. 26. 4 Const, p. 220.

2 c

194 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Prokesch,1 however, insists upon the Great Gym-
nasium being the Temple of Diana ; he says, — " He
knows not why Chandler and others2 refuse to
recognize (the Great_ Gymnasium) as the remains
of the Temple, and that from the accounts handed
down to us by the ancients, we should be forced to
acknowledge this to be the site, even if there were
no ruins extant."

The Temple of Diana, raised by the arts of
Greece and wealth of Asia, was ever regarded as
the most extraordinary work of Grecian art. PkhV
places it as the sixth among the seven wonders of
the world : Hyginus4 and Vibius Sequester5 as the
first, and others as the second.6 Callimachus7 and
Dionysius8 call it an immense miracle. Its distant
effect is described by an ancient author as shining
like a meteor.9 Solinus characterizes it as the
glory of the most noble city of Ephesus;10 Mela as
the most famous temple j11 Livy as being universally

1 Denkwurdigkeiten, p. 109. 2 Col. Leake, with his usual

discernment, perceived that the spot usually selected for the
position of the Temple was not the true one ; and prudently
abstaining from hazarding a hasty conjecture, contented himself
with observing, that " very little doubt remains as to its exact
situation." — (Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 258.)

3 Philo Byz. de Septem Orbis Mir. 4 Hyginus, Fab. ccxxiiL

5 Vib. Seq. Append. Incip. VII. Mira.

6 Menestrier, Symb. Dianas Eph. p. 46.

7 Callimachus, Hymn. v. 8 Dion. Perieg. v. 829.
9 Chandler, i. 173. He gives no reference.

10 Solinus, edit, of 1498, caput li. ; edit, of 1646, caput xliii.

11 Mela, i. 17. •

WORKS OF ANCIENT WRITERS, ETC. 195

celebrated.1 Pliny, after descanting on the praises
of the tomb of Porsenna, and the hanging gardens
of Thebes, continues : — " But though these are
wonderful, the Temple of the Ephesian Diana is a
work of truly admirable magnificence." 3 Herodotus,
compares it with the Pyramids and Labyrinth of
Egypt:3 Martial also, in speaking of it, refers to
the Pyramids, to the wonders of Babylon, to the
pensile Mausoleum of Halicarnassus, and to the
Colosseum at Rome.4 Pausanias, after observing
that the ancients privately honoured the Ephesian
Diana above all other deities, observes, that this
might have arisen from " the splendour of the
goddess, the flourishing state of the city of the
Ephesians, and the magnitude of the Temple, which
surpasses every other structure raised by human
hands."5 Callimachus informs us that it was
superior to the celebrated temple of the Pythian
Apollo at Delphi, and that " the Sun never saw a
larger or richer : " 6 Philo says of it, that " it is the
only house of the gods ; and that whoever examines
it, would believe that the gods had left their im-
mortal regions to come down to live on earth."7
Antipater thus describes it : — " I have seen the wall
of the ancient Babylon, upon which chariots ran,
and (the statue of) Jupiter (Olympius, in the cele-

1 Liv. i. 45. 2 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 21.

8 Herod, ii. 148. 4 Mart, de Spectac. i.

5 Paus. iv. 31 \ vii. 5. 6 Callimachus, Hymn. v.

7 Philo Byz. de Septem Orbis Mir.

196 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

brated temple) by the Alpheus, and the Hanging
Gardens (of Babylon) and the Colossus of the Sun,
and the great labours of the lofty Pyramids, and
the ancient monument of Mausolus. But when I
beheld the Temple of Diana running up to the
clouds, all these were obscured ; and if the sun has
seen, it has never beheld anything of such a kind,
except Olympus." 1 Solinus says it was spared by
Xerxes, only on account of its magnificence.2 It
appears from an ancient epigram that it was called
the Parthenon, for the same reason as the Temple
of Minerva at Athens.3 Though- Ephesus never
ranked as one of the principal oracles, there are
circumstances which might induce us to suppose it
was sometimes esteemed as such, viz., the presents
which Croesus sent to the Temple of Diana, in
common with the principal oracles then in ex-
istence ;4 the fact that it is expressly called an
oracle in the story of the original foundation of
the city, and the order given by the oracle on the
occasion of the intended foundation of Massilia by
the Phocians, to consult Diana of Ephesus.5

1 Greek Anthology, Eton Collect, lvi. ; Burges, p. 107.

2 Solinus, ut suprct. 3 Petr. Fa.br. Liber Sernest. Tert. p. 54.
4 Herod, i. 92. 5 See Part II. Ch. V.

II.

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE.

IT is wonderful that buildings, which from their
magnitude and grandeur were once considered
as miracles, should not only have passed away, but
have left even their very site unknown. Although
we are in possession of a number of particulars
respecting the position of this temple, no one has
been able, to the present hour, to fix upon its site
with certainty, or even with probability. At the
same time it must be allowed, that although some
of these particulars are contradictory, travellers
have not taken sufficient pains, either to collect
these particulars, or to endeavour to reconcile
them.

1. In the first place, we know it was outside
the city.

This appears from the story of Pindarus, given
us by Herodotus;1 from Strabo;2 and from the life
of Heraclitus the Ephesian,3 in which he is one day
represented as playing with some children in the
road leading to the Temple of Diana.

1 Herod, i. 26. See Appendix, Hist. Events, 562 B.C.

2 Strabo, p. 641. 3 Diog. Laert. ix. 1.

198 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

2. It was originally on the sea shore.
Herodotus1 and Strabo2 both affirm that the

plain of Ephesus was once a gulf of the sea. Pliny
still more directly tells us3 that " Fine land is
sometimes caused by the retiring of the sea, as at

Ephesus, where sometime the sea beat

upon the Temple of Diana:"4 and Callimachus, in
his Hymn to Diana, says, — " To thee also, the
Amazons, of warlike propensity, erected on the

shore of Ephesus, a statue and afterwards

a temple."5

3. It was on a marsh,6

This every one will recollect, who has ever heard
of the Temple of Diana. Pliny, who gives us this
particular, says it was so placed to insure it from
earthquakes. It is probable that by Pliny's ex-
pression, " in solo id palustri fecere,"we are to under-
stand not the centre of an actual marsh, or stagnant
pool, but simply damp and fenny ground, subject to
inundations, and covered with reeds and rushes.
Such is likely to have been the case with a spot of
ground standing at the head of a lake, and skirted
by two rivers. And thus it is not requisite to
search for the site of the temple in an actual marsh,

1 Herod, ii. 10. 2 Strabo, p. 691. 3 Pliri. H. N. ii. 91.

4 This statement of Pliny, Larcher imagines to be a misunder-
standing of the passage of Herodotus. — (Larcher, Herod, torn. vii.
Table Geog. voce Ephesus.) But I see no reason for supposing so.

5 Callimachus, Hymn. v. v. 237.

6 Plin. xxx^i. 21. See page 221.

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 199

but merely in ground subject at one time to inun-
dations. Diana was not only the goddess of woods
and forests, but also of lakes, rivers, fountains, and
even marshes. Thus, at Alorium, near Helos, there
was a temple dedicated to Diana UJleia, or Diana
in the marshes,1 and another at Messeni.2 At Trcezen
was the Temple of Diana Soronis, built in a marsh.3
Near the mouth of the Alpheus, and eighty stadia
from Olympus, was a wood consecrated to Diana
of Alpheus, the whole locality of which was full of
temples of Diana, Yenus, and the Nymphs, situated
for the most part in the groves, which were always
green by reason of the abundance of water.4

4. It was at the head of the Sacred Port.

This is evident from the circumstance of the
port being called " Sacred " in Creophylus' account
of the first colonization of the city.5 Strabo also
says : — " Next comes Panormus, with the Temple
of Diana Ephesia, and then the city of Ephesus :"6
and lastly, Chandler refers to an ancient author,
who described it as " standing at the head of the
port, and shining like a meteor."7

The port Panormus, being separated from the sea
by a long canal, would be regarded as a lake, which,
next to a wood, was of all other objects held most
sacred to Diana. Numerous are the instances in
proof of this. In the city of Sicyon,8 and in the

1 Strabo, p. 3-50. 2 Hesycliius, in iXtia. 3 Pans. ii. 30.

4 Strabo, p. 343 ; Pans. vi. 22. ■' Athen. p. 3G1.

6 Strabo,. p. 639. 7 Chandler, i. 173. 8 Pans. ii. 7.

200 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

city of Lesche, at Laconia,1 there were temples of
Diana Aifxvoua. At Sparta there was a temple of
Diana in the place which was called AifxvaTai,2 and
there were temples of Diana Ai[xvdrioos in the
borders of Base and Epidanrus,3 in the region of
Messenia adjoining Laconia,4 and at Calamse,5 at a
place seven stadia from Tegea,6 and at Patrse in
Achaia.7 There was also a temple of Diana Ai/u/ij
in Corsica.8 It was at the Limnce that the Lacedae-
monian women were outraged, who had gone there
to sacrifice to Diana according to ancient custom.9
And at Leucophrys there was a temple of Diana,
which was held in high veneration, and which had
" a lake more than one stadium in length, of a
sandy bottom, kept full by perpetual springs, its
waters fine for drinking, and warm.'*'10 The Temple
of Diana at Aricia " had in front of it a lalce
like a sea, surrounded by mountains."11 And from
juxtaposition to harbours, Diana was called Phi-
lormistira, Munychia, Limenescopiis, and Limenessin
Ejnscopus.12

5. It was situated between two rivers.

" The Temple of Diana is environed by two rivers,
called Selinus, coming from different parts."13 This

1 Strabo, page 361, says the Temple was thence called Limnaion.

2 Paus. iii. 16. 3 Id. iii. 23. 4 Id. iv. 4.

5 Id. iv. 31. 6 Id. viii. 53. 7 Id. vii. 20.

8 Guhl, Epli. 85, quoting Cluver, Corsic. Ant. pp. 505 and 508.

9 Strabo, pp. 257 and 361. l0 Xen. Hell. iii. 2.

11 Strabo, p. 239. *2 Guhl, Ephesiaea, p. 85.

13 Plin. H. W. v. 31.

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 201

is also referred to by Xenophon, in his description of
the Temple of the Ephesian Diana, which he built at
Scillus, " in the place directed by an oracle, through
which the river Selinus happens to run, a river of
the same name running hard by the Temple of the
Ephesian Diana, and in both these are shell-fish
as well as other fish."1 Diogenes Laertius to the
same effect (ii. 52). Strabo also notices this river :
" The city of ^Egeum is traversed by the river
Selinus, the same name as that which flows near the
Temple of Diana at Ephesus, and that of Elis, which
traverses the place bought by Xenophon for the
Temple of Diana, in obedience to an oracle." Ephe-
sus we know to have had two rivers, the Caystrus
and the Cenchrius, which it was justly proud of re-
presenting on its coins, sometimes by their names,
sometimes merely by two jars ; in which latter case,
indeed, they may have referred to those rivers which
environed the temple. The Cenchrius has been
supposed to have been in a different part of the
valley,3 but by Timotheus's hymn we learn that one
of the rivers which flowed near the Temple was
called by this name ; and as we know that both
these rivers were called Selinus, it is evident that
one of them must have borne two names. Some
may regard the Selinus rivers as water-brooks, in
winter time charged with the waters of the adjacent

1 Xen. Anab. v. 2 Strabo, p. 387

3 Guhl, Ephesiacd, p. 14.

2 n

202 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

hills, and in summer as dry channels, unfed by any
spring. Such inconstant streams could never have
been supplied with fish, as we are told the Selinus
was, and therefore we must look to the actual
streams for these noted rivers. Now we find that
the Caystrus is stocked with an abundance of fish,1
and possibly the two canals referred to. Nothing
was more common with the ancients than to give a
variety of names to the same object, and thus it is
possible that the Cenchrius might have been called
Selinus by poets, from its banks being covered with
parsley," and thus that the two streamlets running
into the Caystrus, one from the City Port, the
other from the " Marsh on the other side of the
city," are the rivers Selinus here alluded to.

From the instances already quoted, we have seen
the appropriateness of regarding rivers as sacred
to Diana. This fact is further shown by Horace,
(Ode I. 25, v. 5,) and Catullus (xxxiv. v. 12). At
the Cladeus and Alpheus also, and at Ortygia in
Syracuse, we are informed, Diana was called Pota-
mia, or the River Goddess.3 Diogenes, in Athenaaus,
makes the Lydian and Bactrian virgins celebrate
her feasts at the river-side under Mount Tmolus.4

1 W. J. Hamilton, Researches, i. 540.

2 From the similarity of the word, one might also derive it from
Selene, the Moon ; but as all the authoi'ities spell it Selinus, we
must take the other signification of it to be the coiTect one.

3 And so called by Pindar, Pyth. Od.

4 Athen. p. 636.

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 203

G. Distance of the Temple.

Another means of determining the situation of
the Temple is by distance. Vitruvins informs ns
that it was 8,000 feet (a mile and a half) from the
quarries.1 Xenophon the Ephesian, that it was
seven stadia (4,200 Greek feet) from the city :2
Herodotus gives the same distance from the " old
town:"3 and Strabo says that it was between the
distance of one and two javelin-throws from the
city;4 which, as he says a javelin-throw exceeded
one stadium, would give a distance of about one
and a half to three stadia, or from 900 to 1,800
Greek feet.

There appears at first some difficulty in recon-
ciling these statements. Herodotus hereby makes
the Temple 4,200 feet distant from the old town
(in the year 562 B.C.). Xenophon the Ephesian
gives it the same distance from the city in his
time, the beginning of the fourth century after the
Christian era: while Strabo sets it down at only
900 to 1,800 feet, and Vitruvius augments it to
8,000 feet from Mount Pion, where we know the
city to have once stood.

Let us now endeavour to find out whether any
position will accord with all these particulars.

In the first place it may be observed that the ac-
companying map of the plain of Ephesus is reduced

1 Vitr. x. 6, quoted in page 22G.

2 Xen. Eph. tie Amor. Anth. et Abroc. i. 2.

3 Herod, i, 2G. 4 Strabo, p. 641.

204 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

from tlie chart of the Grulf of Scala Nuova and
Ephesus, published by the Hydrographic Office,
which I should presume to be correct, uot only as
concerns the coast, but also as regards the river
Caystrus : and, secondly, I would suppose that the
ancient course of the river was not very far different
from the present one.

Looking, then, at this map, I would place the
Temple at the confluence of the Caystrus with the
stream flowing from the City Port, and should
suppose that the Sacred Port, or Panormus, occu-
pied the space within the bend of the river in this
locality.

This situation will accord with what we know of
Port Panormus, which was at some distance from
the sea, and at some distance from the city, (see
page 58,) and it accords with the position of the
Temple at the head of the port. It agrees with
the situation between two rivers coming from
different parts : and if we regard the two streamlets
from the City Port and the " Marsh on the other
side of the city," as the rivers Selinus, the position
of the Temple nearer one stream than the other,
will clear up that which otherwise would appear a
difficulty, viz., that though Pliny in the preceding
quotations speaks of two rivers Selinus, Xenophon
and Strabo only mention one, and say that that one
was well stocked with fish. Thus the expression

of Strabo, — " the river Selinus which

flows near the Temple of Diana at Ephesus;" and

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 205

that of Xenophon, — " a river of the same name
running also hard by the Temple of the Ephesian
Diana," so far from being in conflict with the
account of Pliny, would be in perfect accordance
with it, from the circumstance of the Temple being
so much nearer one river Selinus than the other.

This situation, moreover, will be found to cor-
respond precisely with Vitruvius' distance of 8,000
feet from the quarries, which are on the north side
of Mount Pion;1 and if we suppose the City Port
to have been included within the walls of the city
of Androclus, as already surmised,3 we shall find
that there is just seven stadia distance, or 4,200
Greek feet, between this part of the city wall and
the Temple ;3 thus agreeing with the account of
Herodotus ; and as the present ruins of the city
occupy the space between Mount Pion and the City
Port, we may fairly suppose that the further ex-
tremity of the City Port formed the boundary of

1 Prokesch, DenhwiirdigJceiten, ii. 103.

2 See page 43. Even were we to suppose that the more ancient
city occupied no portion of the plain, this position of the Temple
would still be conformable to the strict reading of Creophilus, it
being also seven stadia distant from the western extremity of
Mount Coressus.

3 When Croesus besieged the city, his nephew Pindarus, who
was Tyrant of Ephesus, seeing capture inevitable, united the city
with cords to the Temple of Diana, a distance of seven stadia, so
as to place the city under the protection of the goddess. — (Herod.
i. 26 j ^lian. iii. 26.) It is to be observed that this distance refers
to the Temple itself; but the distances given ua by other authors
refer to the peribolus.

206 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

the city also in the time of Xenophon the Ephesian ;
and consequently that the seven stadia mentioned
by that author would be equally correct. The part
of the town just described, containing the public
buildings, we may regard as the nucleus of the
town, or what we in modern parlance call the
city, or the old town; and it is perfectly reason-
able to suppose that suburbs extended round the
city on all sides, and that some of these, or per-
haps merely some scattered houses, or villas, were
included in the distance of one and a half to
three stadia from the Temple, mentioned by Strabo.
Or it might have been reckoned from the walls of
the city proper to the wall of the outer temenos of
the Temple. Thus, so far, everything seems in
favour, nay, in confirmation of this locality : there
is one particular, however, which, -as generally
understood, would seem at utter variance with it,
and indeed, in any way that we regard it, we must
acknowledge that the passage is one of difficulty.
Pausanias tells us that "the sepulchre of Androclus
was to be seen in the street or road which led from
the Temple of Diana to the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius, and the gates called Magnesian :'n and
some authors have accordingly supposed that the
Temple of Diana was outside the Magnesian gate
to the south or east of the city. A reference to
the plan of the city will show, that the Magnesian

1 Paus. vii. 2.

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 207

gate would naturally be at Opistholepre, but no
circumstance with which we are acquainted would
warrant our placing the Temple in this direction.
Recent writers have endeavoured to accommodate
this, by supposing the Magnesian gate to be near
the Stadium ; but though it is possible that such
of the inhabitants living at this part of the town
might prefer leaving the city by the gate near, the
Stadium, and skirting round the outside of Pion
till they got into the Magnesian road, rather than
traverse the whole length of the city, in front of
the Theatre, and through the valley of Smyrna-
Tracheia, out by Opistholepre ; yet we cannot
suppose that this could ever have been called the
Magnesian gate ; and, indeed, if it were, it would be
just as difficult, or rather as impossible, to find a
situation for the Temple in this locality, answering
the various particulars wre are possessed of.

But placing the Magnesian gate in its natural
position, as already indicated, at Opistholepre, we
shall find that Smyrna-Tracheia, or the valley
between Pion and Coressus, presents a straight line
between it and the Temple of Diana. The difficulty
then becomes : — As there was another gate between
the Temple and the Magnesian gate, why did not
the historian refer to the nearer, rather than to the
more distant one ? But the gate in question might
not have borne any particular name, or it might not
have been so celebrated as the Magnesian gate at
the other extremity of the city ; and as that hap-

208 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

pened to be in a line, and led to so famous a city
as Magnesia, the historian might refer to it, rather
than to the former : or, it might have taken its
name from the city of Magnesia ad Sipylum. But
on examining the passage in Philostratus, where
he describes the stoa built by Damianus, (see
Part II. ch. VI.) we find he makes use of the
following remarkable words : — " It commenced from
that way which led down to the Magnesian (gates)
{xarareivag eg oluto ryu 8<a rtbv M.ayv?Tix(ov xaSo&ov).
This passage, while it confirms the one already
quoted from Pausanias, renders the connection
between the Temple of Diana and the Magnesian
gate still more evident. But whereas the former
passage made it doubtful whether the Temple of
Diana should not be placed to the south-east of the
city, so as to be near the Magnesian gate ; this,
on the contrary, does not affect the situation of the
Temple, but merely the position of the gate : for
the expression of leading down to the Magnesian
gates, would show either that the common road to
Magnesia was not the direct one, which is that
which lies up what I have called the Magnesian
defile, but that it lay down to the sea-side, and
then ran along the coast towards Pygela and
Marathesium : or, that the Magnesian gates were
so called from leading to the city of Magnesia ad
Sipylum. If this can be proved, we have no further
difficulty respecting the situation of the Temple, as
the Magnesian gate would be on the west side of

SITUATION OF THE TEMPLE. 209

the city, opposite the Temple ; and then every
circumstance would confirm the position I have
assigned to it.1

1 It is due to the critical research and discernment of Dr. Guhl
to state the objections which are to be made to the position which
he has assigned to the Temple of Diana. The situation he has
selected is immediately north of the city, and contiguous to the
stream running from the marsh on the other side of the city.
This stream he also calls the Selinus, but he does not show the
other river Selinus. But granting to him the other river Selinus, and
thereby rendering his position of the Temple, equally with my own,
between the two rivers Selinus, and nearer to one stream than the
other, and allowing that his position of the Temple is still more
reconcilable than mine to the situation of the supposed Magnesian
gate, in every other particular it will, I think, be found to tally
less with the particulars given to us. It measures only 2,800 feet
distant from Mount Pion, instead of 8,000, as told us by Vitru-
vius ; he makes no distinction between the City Port and the
Sacred Port ; he brings Port Panormus, or what he calls the
Ephesian Port, up to the city walls, when we know that it was
at some distance from the city ; he brings the port up to the
Temple, instead of taking the Temple down to the port ; and his
position of the Temple at an equal distance from the sea as Ephesus
itself, and on the north side of the city, and consequently at greater
distance from any one coming from Marathesium and Pygela, is
apparently at variance with Strabo's expression, " Next comes
Panormus, with the Temple of Diana Ephesia, and then the city
of Ephesus." But though the plan seems thus inexact, in his text
he acknowledges two rivers Selinus, (Ephesiaca, p. 12,) and two
ports, the Sacred and the Civic. — (Id. p. 9.)

2 E

III.

THE EARLIER TEMPLES OP DIANA, AND THEIR CONFLAGRATIONS.

THE Temple of the Epliesian Diana is of equal
antiquity with the city : the origin of each is
veiled in the midst of ages. Thus Pausanias
informs us : — " The Temple of Diana is much more
ancient than the colonization of the Ionian s ; and it
appears to me that Pindar was not acquainted with
all the particulars respecting this temple ; for he
says that this temple was built by the Amazons,
when they warred on the Athenians and Theseus.
It is true that these women from the river
Thermodon, sacrificed even then to the Ephesian
goddess, being well acquainted with the Temple
from ancient times ; and when they fled from
Hercules, and still prior to him from Bacchus,
they came hither as suppliants. But the Temple
was by no means built by the Amazons, for Cresus,
a native of the place, and Ephesus, who is thought
to have been the son of the river Cayster, raised
this temple, and the city received its name from
Ephesus."1

1 Pans. vii. 2.

THE EARLIER TEMrLES OF DIANA, ETC. 211

The latter sentence is merely to be regarded as
a customary mode of expression among the ancients
to denote great antiquity. Its great age is further
shown by the circumstance of the Temple being
formerly washed by the sea,1 and from its statue
having been a cliopetes, or one of those which were
supposed to have fallen from Jupiter, or heaven.
Some even pretended that the Temple, like the
statue,2 fell down from heaven.3 But great as was
the antiquity of the Temple, the worship of the
goddess was even more remote : sacrifices having
been paid to her, long before the erection of a
temple, under the figure of the trunk of an elm-
tree;4 over5 which the Amazons subsequently built a
temple;6 and Hyginus tells us that Otrita, the wife
of Mars, was queen of the Amazons at that time.7

1 See page 198. 2 And the church of Sa. Ma. di Loretto.

3 Scaliger, quoting an ancient Greek epigram, lib. ii. para ii.
p. 55, No. DCCCLXX.

4 Dion. Perieg. v. 829.

5 Such I conceive to be the meaning of Dionysius' expression, —
Tzp{f.iro) 'in TTTiXir},:; for, according to the usual reading, the Amazons
built a temple, an immense miracle to man, on the trunk of an
elm-tree, which is evidently absurd. Some have endeavoui'ed to
explain this by substituting altar for temple, and others by sup-
posing that Tr-eXtrjQ refers to Ptelea, one of the quarters of the city ;
(see page 24) but then there would have been no occasion for the
word irpifivy. But reading, — over the trunk of an elm-tree, the
meaning is quite clear, and corresponds with the expression used
by Callimachus : — " They afterwards constructed around this
statue a vast .temple." (v. 248, 9.)

6 Dion. Perieg. v. 829; Mela, tie Situ Orbis, i. 16; Solinus,
Poli/ldst. xliii. ; Pans. iv. 31. 7 Hyginus, Fab. ccxxiii. ccxxv.

212 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

If we regard this Otrita to be identical, as has been
supposed, with the Orithya mentioned by Justinus,
one of her sisters, Menalippe, married Hercules ;
and another, Hippolyte, married Theseus ;x conse-
quently the date of the first temple would be earlier
than 1235 B.C. And this would be confirmed bj
Pindar, as quoted by Pausanias, who says : — " This
temple was built by the Amazons, when they
warred on the Athenians and Theseus."2 But as
Marpesia, the mother of Orithya, gave out that
she and her sister Lampeto were the daughters of
Mars, it is not probable that her daughter Orithya
would declare herself to be the wife of Mars ; but
rather, that the mother of Marpesia and Lampeto
was the Otrita, spoken of by Hyginus as the wife of
Mars and Queen of the Amazons. This supposition
would date the building of the first Temple of
Diana two generations earlier, or about the year
1300 B.C.

On the Amazons being attacked by Hercules,
who was sent by Eurystheus to obtain the belt of
Antiope,3 they fled for refuge to this temple ;4
and Hercules not only respected the asylum, but

1 Justinus, ii. 4. 2 Paus. vii. 2.

3 Hercules is generally said to have been sent to take the belt
of Hippolyte ; Justinus, (ii. 4,) states the tradition differently : he
says, Hercules was commanded to take the belt of the queen of the
Amazons ; and the queen at this period was Antiope. The account
in Pausanias, however, (i. 41) differs from this historian.

4 Eustathius, Com. Dion. Geog. p. 147. (Oxon, 1710.)

THE EARLIER TEMPLES OF DIANA, ETC. . 213

established the Temple with rites and ceremonies.1
According to Eusebius, the Amazons2 subsequently
burnt the Temple, and immediately afterwards
Silvius Posthumus was the third king of the
Latins.3 This must, therefore, have happened
about 1150 B.C.

On the arrival of the Ionian colony, we find
that the Temple had been rebuilt, and that the
Amazonian women had fixed their habitations round
about it ; but the Leleges and Lydians dwelt in the
hills. We also find that the Ionian colonists con-
sulted the oracle of this temple, in obedience to
which they selected the site of their city, and built
in gratitude another temple to the honour of Diana,
in the Agora, within their city.4 The reason of.
building this second temple, might have been either
from wishing to have a temple within the city ; or
from desiring to celebrate her rites in the Greek
manner ; or else in order to worship her under
another form, as Diana Voi'tlri.r, or Diana Luc if era.
As we have no further particulars respecting this
temple in the Agora, we cannot suppose it was of
any consequence, or that it at all interfered with the
original temple at the port.

The Temple of Diana, according to Pliny, had

1 See page 21.

2 This was another tribe of Amazons, and came from Cimmeiia.
— (Syncellns, Chron. Gr. et Lat. 1 G-52.)

3 Ens Pamph. Chronic. Canorum, ii. 95.

4 See page 42.

214 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

been burnt seven times : l the temple which he
described being the eighth. The first temple, as
just stated, was built about 1300 B.C., or at latest
1235, and was burnt about 1150 B.C. The burning
of the second temple is only mentioned incidentally
in that of the third. Clemens Protrepticus says : —
" This fire burnt the temple at Argos, with Chrysis
the priest; and at the same time was burnt the
Temple of Diana, which is in Ephesus, the second
time after that of the Amazons" The fourth temple
was burnt2 by Lygdamis in the reign of Ardys II.,
king of Lydia, (680 — 631 B.C.). Callimachus,
however, in his Hymn to Diana, proudly asserts
that he was repulsed by the power of the goddess.3

" The insane Lygdamis devised to spoil thee,
Invading with a wild Cimmerian horde,
The Hipioomolgi, countless as the sands,
Who near the straits of heifer Io dwell.
Unhappy monarch ! how wert thou deceived !
Nor thou, nor any of thy followers,
Whose chariots once the Caystrian valley thronged,
Shall e'er return. With piercing glittering darts
Diana ever guards her Ephesus."

The fifth temple was standing in the reign of
Servius' Tullius, A.U.C. 197 (B.C. 557). "The
Temple of Diana at Ephesus was then universally
celebrated, and it was commonly believed that it

1 Plin. H. N. xvi. 79. 2 Hesych. voce Lygdamis.

3 Callim. v. 251 to 258. The Cimmerian Scythians made three
incursions into Asia. — (Justinus, ii. 3, 5.)

THE EARLIER TEMPLES OF DIANA, ETC. 215

had been built by a general contribution from the
several states of Asia:"1 and it was this circum-
stance which induced Servius to persuade the
Latins to join with him in building a Temple of
Diana in Rome, in imitation of that of Ephesus, in
order to establish unity and concord between Rome
and the neighbouring provinces. This fifth temple
was probable destroyed shortly after this event, as
the foundations of the sixth temple were laid about
500 B.C.

The sixth temple was built on a different site to
the former temples. Its foundation was laid by Theo-
doras about 500 B.C., and the erection commenced
about 460 B. C. by Ctesiphon and Metagenes.
As these foundations were the same as those of the
last or celebrated temple, they will be described
when treating of that temple ; as also the me-
chanical contrivance resorted to by Ctesiphon and
Metagenes for removing the enormous blocks of
marble from the quarries. The first-named archi-
tect is praised by Pliny for the admirable construc-
tion evinced in this work;3 and he also describes
to us the expedient by which he raised the vast
architraves, and he further states to us that the
great lintel was of such extraordinary dimensions,
that it required the express intervention of the
goddess to assist in placing it. " The greatest

1 Liv. i. 45 ; Aui\ Vict, de Viris Illust. vii. 9.

2 Plin. vii. 38.

216 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

difficulty was, now to raise the architraves of such
a mass. This he effected by forming an inclined
plane of baskets of sand reaching to the capitals
of the columns : then emptying gradually the lower
ones, the work settled by degrees on its bed. But
the most difficult work of all was the placing the
lintel of the great doorway. For this was the
largest mass, and could not be adjusted, notwith-
standing the anxiety of the architect, who at length
is said to have contemplated self-destruction ; when,
wearied by his perplexity, he beheld the goddess, to
whom the temple was constructed, who appeared
to him in his sleep in the middle of the night,
encouraging him to live, and assuring him that the
stone had settled ; and so it appeared the next day,
when it was discovered that the stone had adjusted
itself by its own weight."1

As these same architects, Ctesiphon and Meta-
genes, set up the columns and laid the entablatures
over them, we may fairly assume that it was
finished shortly afterwards by Pasonius : at all
events, that it was quite completed at the time of
its destruction, which happened immediately after
the death of Socrates, in the year 400 B.C.
" Socrates (says Eusebius) drank poison, and im-
mediately after the Temple of Diana at Ephesus
was again burnt."3

It was on the dedication probably of this temple,

1 Plin. xxxvi. 21.

2 Euseb. Pamph. Chron. Can. i. 134.

THE EARLIER TEMPLES OF DIANA, ETC 217

that Timotheus the musician composed his hymn
in honour of Diana. He was born at Miletus in
446, and died in 349 B.C.1 Macrobius quotes a
fragment of his hymn, which appears to be the
exordium : 2 —

But they hearing that the famous son of Thersander,
Timotheus, skilled in the harp and in song,
Was greatly esteemed by the Greeks, promised him
One thousand 3 golden sigla,A to celebrate with a hymn
On that solemn occasion, Opis, the shooter of swift arrows :
But she has a celebrated temple on the Cenchrius.

From an anecdote told us by Plutarch, we learn
that the style was rather extravagant. Timotheus
was reciting his poem in the theatre, and among
other epithets he addressed Diana as " Insane,
furious, frantic ; " on which one Cynesias sung out,
" May your daughter be such ! " 5

On the destruction of the sixth temple, the *</v/////
was rebuilt with such magnificence, as to inspire
Herostratus with the idea of perpetuating his name
by burning it ; which celebrated conflagration hap-
pened in 356 B.C.

1 Suidas, in voce; Lucian. Harmonides ; Chronicle of Paros, 182 ;
Plut. an seni sit gerenda Respub. ; Steph. Byz.

2 Macrob. Sat. v. 22.

3 Meineke translates this — golden sigla to celebrate the thou-
sandth anniversary of the building of the Temple, and Opis, &c,
believing that yjikuiQ stands for ■^iXurrjpig. — (Analecta Alexandrina,
p. 228.)

4 The sighs, according to Hesy chins, was a Persian coin worth
two Attic drachma?.

6 Plut. De and. Poet. p. 22, a.

218 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

From the renown in which the Temple of Diana
was ever held, we must consider that each of these
buildings was remarkable for magnificence and
splendour, corresponding with the different ages
in which they were constructed. Thus even the
first temple, we are told, was regarded as "an
immense miracle to man."1 So celebrated had the
temples of Diana become, that Servius Tullius
resolved to build one at Rome, in imitation of that
of Ephesus.2 This was in 557 B.C., when the
fifth temple was standing. And such, as we have
just seen, was the splendour of the seventh temple,
that Herostratus set fire to it, merely to immor-
talize his name.3 As this happened in 356 B.C.,
and the sixth temple was burnt only forty- four
years previously, it is probable that the restoration
of the Temple was only just completed when Hero-
stratus set fire to it : and indeed this would be the
most likely time for such an idea to enter into the
head of any one ; when all the world was speaking
of its glory, of the immense cost of the building,
and of its superiority over that which had preceded
it. This event happened the very same day that
Alexander the Great was born in Pelle :4 referring to
which circumstance Hegesias of Magnesia observed,
" No wonder that the Temple was burnt, since Diana
was absent, being engaged in acting midwife at the

1 Dion. Perieg. Orb. Desc. v. 829. 2 Liv. i. 45.

3 Strabo, p. 640 ; Solinus, li. ; Lucian. de Morte Pereg. 22.

4 Solinus, lii

THE EARLIER TEMPLES OF DIANA, ETC. 219

birth of Alexander."1 The burning of the Temple
naturally excited great dismay in the minds of the
Ephesians ; and the magi living at Ephesus regarded
the fire as the forerunner of a much greater misfor-
tune ; they ran about the city, beating their faces,
and crying out, — "This day has brought forth a great
calamity for Asia : " an observation which they subse-
quently turned to account by pretending that it refer-
red to Alexander. In consequence of this sacrilege,
" it was decreed by the public council of Asia, that the
name of him who had burnt the Temple of Diana at
Ephesus should be illaudatus, the worst and basest
of men, the perfection of all wickedness ; one who
is neither worthy of mention nor remembrance, nor
indeed even to be named."2 The temple was pillaged
by Memnon, the general of Darius, shortly after its
reconstruction was commenced, about 334 B.C.3

It will naturally strike every one as being very
remarkable, that buildings constructed of stone and
marble, should have been so frequently destroyed by
fire ; but we must remember, that the rafters and
internal ceilings were always of wood, and that from
the high conducting power of the bronze tiling with
which they were frequently covered, they must have
been very liable to become ignited by lightning.

1 Plat, in Alex. ; Cicero, {Nat. Ueor. ii. 27,) attributes this
saying to Timseus.

2 Aul. Gel. ii. 6, voce Illaudatus. Laudatus signified, in old lan-
guage, to mention, or call by name. See also Val. Max. viii. 1 5.

3 Arrian. i. 18.

IV.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE.

1. Difficulties of the subject.

If we have met with difficulties respecting the
other buildings of the city, we now approach others
of equal or greater magnitude. Choiseul Gouffier
thus ingenuously expresses himself with regard to
the Temple of Diana : —

" Many authors have spoken of this monument,
and have only served to add to its reputation,
without making us better acquainted with it. A
single description, if it were in accordance with
probability, although not perfectly true in all par-
ticulars, would have left us in a satisfied, though
erroneous belief, and we should have adopted with
security an opinion which nothing would have
contradicted : but what cau we conclude from
quotations scattered in different works, the most
authentic of which are precisely those which con-
tradict themselves the most openly, and which by the
aid of commentaries, rendered more unintelligible
to the commentators themselves, have served only
to make them imagine plans almost always opposed
to the constant usages of the ancients ? If I have

TEMPLE ©^ PQ AM &

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THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 221

not the happiness to resolve these difficulties, at
least I will take care not to wander in gratuitous
suppositions. Notwithstanding the many examples
which might encourage me to do so, I will refrain
from explaining that which I do not understand."1

It will be best to refer at once to Pliny's account
of the Temple, as it contains nearly all we know
of the subject. After speaking of the tomb of
Porsenna, the hanging gardens of Thebes, &c, he
continues : — " But the Temple of the Ephesian
Diana is a work of truly admirable magnificence,
which was raised at the joint expense of all Asia,
and occupied two hundred and twenty years in
building. It was placed on a marsh, that it should
not be endangered by earthquakes, or cleavings of
the ground. Again, that the foundations of such
a pile might not be laid on a sliding and unstable
foundation, they laid a bed of charcoal, over which
they placed fleeces of wool. The total length of
the Temple is 425 feet, the width 220. (It has) one
hundred and twenty-seven columns, each the gift of
a king, and 60 feet in height ; of these thirty-six
are ornamented, one by Scopas. Chersiphron the
architect (Ctesiphon) directed the works." -

1 Choiseul Gouffier, Voy. Pit. i. 311.

2 Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 21. From the importance of this passage,
it is requisite to give the text in the original : —

" Magniticentiae vera admiratio exstat templum Ephesioe Dianae,
ducentis viginti annis factum a tota Asia. In solo id palustii
fecerc, ne terra: motus scutiret, aut hiatus timeret. Rursus, ne in

222 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Now, from the above account, we do not know
whether Pliny is describing the seventh, or the
eighth temple : the two hundred and twenty years
appear in some MSS. as one hundred and twenty;
the foundations would seem to refer to the first
temple : an odd number of columns appears unin-
telligible, and some have accordingly supposed that
cxxvii is an error of the copyist for cxxviii : others
object to the possibility of finding so many kings :
while others place a comma after the centum viginti,
thus making one hundred and twenty columns,
seven of which were the gift of kings ; and others
place the comma after ccntmn, making one hundred
columns, twenty-seven of which were the gift of
kings : the xxxvi columns ccelatce, no one can
explain : while the words una a Scopa have been
supposed to be uno a Scopa, or uno e scajpo, thus
rendering it doubtful whether Scopas executed one
column, the whole of the thirty- six, or none at
all : it has also been objected that he could not
have been born at this period ; neither are we more
certain as regards the name of the architect, it being
very differently spelt in other passages.

Thus, as Salmasius observes, " we are not certain

lubrico atque instabili fundamenta tantse raolis locarentur, calcatis
ea substravere carbonibus, dein velleribus lanse. Universe* templo
longitude- est ccccxxv pedum, latitudo ducentorum viginti,
columnar centum viginti septem a singulis regibus facta?, lx pedum
altitudine : ex iis xxxvi ceelatse, una a Scopa. Operi prsefuit
Cbersiphron Architectus."

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 223

of any one thing, notwithstanding all that Pliny
and Vitruvius have written on the subject : we
know neither the nature of the building, nor when
it was erected, nor by whom." In. the face of
such difficulties, and where, as Choiseul Gouffier
observes, so many able men have failed, I will
not pretend to clear up all doubts respecting the
building, but I will endeavour to set forth the
various opinions upon the subject, and show what
I conceive to be the most probable nature of the
edifice. As some of the particulars evidently refer
to the sixth temple, and others to the eighth or last
one, we cannot assume that Pliny is speaking of
any one temple, but must analyze each particular
separately.

2. The Temple of Diana always occupied the same
locality, though not always the same site.

It stood on the marshy ground at the head of
the Sacred Port ;l a situation which was selected
for it " that it might not be endangered by earth-
quakes, or cleavings of the ground."2

The following description of the foundations, by
Philo, is unfortunately the only part remaining to
us of his notice of the Temple : — " The Giants, or
Aloides, attempting to scale heaven, formed as it
were a mountain, and erected not a temple, but an
Olympus : so that as the boldness of the undertaking
exceeded the labour, so art excelled even the bold-

1 See page 199. 2 Plin. ut su]>rd,.

224 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

ness. For the soil being dug up to a great depth,
and an immense excavation effected, the architect
laid the foundations with stone from the quarries
above ; (on Mount Pion :) so that in these subter-
ranean works he exhausted the quarries of entire
mountains. The ground being thus rendered firm by
a solid foundation, and strengthened like an Atlas to
support the weight of the superincumbent building,
he commenced the work by forming a basement of
ten steps."1

To the above information respecting the founda-
tions, Pliny adds : — " To the intent that the
foundations of such a pile might not be laid on a
sliding and unstable foundation, they laid a bed
of charcoal, over which they placed fleeces of
wool." Diogenes Laertius continues : — " Theodorus
of Samos, the son of Rhoecus, was he who advised
the foundations of the Temple of Ephesus to be
laid in charcoal : for, said he, since the place is wet,
charcoal2 will, contrary to the nature of wood, derive

1 Philo, de Septem Orbis Miraculis, Mir. vi. He lived about
three centuries before the Christian era, and probably wrote his
description immediately after the repairs of the eighth temple
were completed, or perhaps while it was in progress, as an induce-
ment to the work ; the fragment above quoted referring, however,
to the sixth temple.

2 Augustine {de Civitate Dei, xxi. 4) here remarks : — " Is it not
wonderful that charcoal, which has such little strength as to be
broken by the slightest blow, to be crushed by the gentlest
pressure, should have force sufficient to resist the effects of damp,
and even to be Unaffected by age 1 "

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 225

an indestructible solidity."1 The employment of
wool has been objected to by some, from its impro-
bability ; and the circumstance of Old London
Bridge having been said to be built on wool-sacks,
affords an analogous case : for it was not till after
the bridge was removed, and no wool- sacks dis-
covered, that the belief was verified that it referred
to a tax on wool, and not to actual wool-sacks.
But when we consider the minute description Pliny
has given of other particulars, we must acquit him
of speaking figuratively in the present instance.
As the temple was situated in a marshy district, the
fleeces might be supposed to perform a service that
the Greeks at this early period were probably unable
to effect by other means, viz., to prevent the damp
from rising ; for Avhile the Romans possessed nmch.
more efficacious means in the excellency of their
cements, the Greeks constructed their buildings
without either cement or mortar.2

3. T[ie Quarries.

The quarries from whence the marble for building
the temple was derived, are on the north side of
Mount Pion, and a column of granite is still lying at
their entrance.3

Vitruvius thus describes the occasion of finding
them : — " A shepherd of the name of Pixodorus

1 Diog. Laevt. ii. 8.

2 The consideration of this subject will naturally call to mind
the story of Gideon and the fleece of wool. — {Judges, vi. 37 — 40.)

3 Prokesch, Denkwtirdiglceiten, ii. 103.

2 G

226 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

dwelt in these parts at the time the Ephesians had
decreed a temple to Diana, to be built of marble
from Paros, Proconessus, or Thasos. Pixodorus,
on a certain occasion tending his flocks at this
place, saw two rams fighting. In one of their
attacks ■ they happened to miss each other, and
one of them falling, glanced with his horn against
the rock and broke off a splinter, which appeared
to Pixodorus so delicately white, that he left his
flock, and instantly ran with it into Ephesus,
where marble was then in much demand. The
Ephesians forthwith decreed him honours, and
changed his name to Evangelus, ' the good mes-
senger.' Even to this day, the chief magistrate
of the city proceeds every month to the spot, and
sacrifices to him ; the omission of which ceremony
would, on the magistrate's part, be attended with
penal consequences. ' ' 1

In the preceding chapter, Vitruvius records the
mechanical contrivance for removing the enormous
blocks of marble : — " It will be useful to explain
the ingenious contrivance of Ctesiphon. When he
removed from the quarry the shafts of the columns,
which he had prepared for the Temple of Diana at
Ephesus, not thinking it prudent to trust them on
carriages, lest their weight should sink the wheels
in the soft roads over which they would have to
pass, he devised the following scheme. He made

1 Vitr. x. 7.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 227

a frame of four pieces of timber, two of which were
equal in length to the shafts of the columns, and
were held together by two transverse pieces. In
each end of the shaft he inserted iron pivots, whose
ends were dovetailed therein, and run with lead.
The pivots worked in gudgeons fastened to the
timber-frame, whereto were attached oaken shafts.
The pivots having a full revolution in the gudgeons,
when the oxen were attached and drew the frame,
the shafts rolled round, and might have been con-
veyed to any distance. The shafts having been thus
transported, the entablatures were to be removed ;
when Metagenes, the son of Ctesiphon, applied the
principle upon which the shafts had been conveyed
to the removal of these also. He constructed
wheels about twelve feet in diameter, and fixed
the ends of the blocks of stone whereof the
entablature was composed, into them : pivots and
gudgeons were then prepared to receive them in
the manner just described, so that when the oxen
drew the machine, the pivots turning in the
gudgeons caused the wheels to revolve, and thus
the blocks, being enclosed like axles in the wheels,
were brought to the work without delay, like the
shafts of the columns. An example of this species
of machine may be seen in the rolling stone
used for smoothing the walks in the Pakestrae.
But the method would not have been practicable
for any considerable distance. From the quarries
to the Temple is a length of not more than

228 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

8,000 feet, and the interval is a plain without any
difficulty."1

4. The Temple occupied two hundred and twenty
years in buildmg?

Salmasius thinks that " This period should
read one hundred and twenty : for thus it stands
in an ancient copy : and in a Codex MS. of the
Public Library of St. Mark at Venice, it is also
cxx, but the great majority of copies have ccxx."3
Vitruvius tells us, " The Temple was built by
Ctesiphon of Gnossus, and his son Metagenes, and
afterwards completed by Demetrius, a priest of
Diana, and Paeonius, an Ephesian .... the Temple
of Apollo at Miletus, also of the Ionic order, was
built by the above-named Pseonius, and Daphnis the
Milesian."4 Tf, as at first sight appears most
natural, we deduct the two hundred and twenty
years from the date of the destruction of the Temple
at Alexander's birth, we shall arrive at a year
(136 B.C.) far too late to be in character with the
remains of the Temple at Miletus, or with the
descriptions, either of it, or of the Temple of
Diana.

We are, therefore, obliged to suppose, that as
the seventh temple, as we shall presently see, was
only ruined, not demolished, Pliny regarded it as

1 Vitr. x. 6. 2 See page 221. 3 Salmasius, Plin. Exercit. i. 572.

4 Vitr. vii. Prref. Ctesiphon tlie sculptor was contemporary
with Phidias. —(See Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 19, -1.) He was possibly
a brother of Metagenes.

THE CELEBEATED TEMPLE. 229

the same building as the eighth, and so dates bach
the two hundred and twenty years to the time of
Ctesiphon and Metagenes designing the proportions
of the sixth temple, and of Theodoras of Samos
laying its foundations.

Theodoras of Samos, as we have seen,1 was
the son of Rhoecus : and Rhoecus, we learn from
Herodotus,2 was the architect who commenced the
Temple at Samos. He also enumerates in the
same passage other monuments of art produced by
the Samians, as a tunnel and an aqueduct cut
through the mountain, seven stadia in length ; and
a mole projecting into the sea, two stadia or more
in length, and about one hundred and twenty feet
high. By Aristotle we are told, that " Poly crates
caused the great works in Samos to be executed,"
(xa) tvov 7rsp) Sa/xoi/ epya UoT^vxparsia ;)3 and it has
therefore been supposed that these great works
are the great works spoken of by Herodotus, and
consequently that Rhoecus, the father of Theodoras,
was contemporary with Poly crates. Poly crates died
522 B.C., after a reign of eight years.4 Now, if
we suppose he began these works in the beginning
of his reign, which is probable, and allow thirty
years for a generation, we shall find that Theodoras
flourished about 500 B.C., at which period we may
suppose the foundations of the Temple of Diana

1 See page 2:?4. 2 Herod, iii. 60.

3 Ariyt. 1'olit. v. 11. or viii. 9. 4 Barth. Anach. lxxiv.

230 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

to have been laid.1 The Temple itself was designed
by Ctesiphon and his son Metagenes : the latter
of whom we find employed by Pericles in the
Temple of Ceres at Eleusis.2 As Pericles died in
429 B.C., we may suppose the Temple of Ceres to
have been built about 440 B.C., and that twenty
years before he had assisted his father Ctesiphon
in the Temple of Diana, which will bring the date
of the building to about 460 B.C. ; a date which
accords very well with the time in which we have
conceived Theodoras to have laid the foundations,
500 B.C.

It was, as we have already seen, the sixth temple
which was completed by Pseonius, the architect
to the Temple of Apollo at Miletus, which was
probably completed about the same time in which
the statue was executed, which was in the
95th Olympiad, (400— 39G B.C.,) by Canachus of
S icy on.3 The sixth temple was burnt in 400 B.C.

Supposing then the sixth temple to have been
commenced about the year 500 B.C., the comple-
tion of the eighth would have taken place about
280 B.C., or seventy-six years after the conflagration
of the seventh by Herostratus.

1 Herodotus, however, in speaking of Polycrates, merely tells us
that he compelled his prisoners to excavate the fosse round the city
walls ; and Millon accordingly understands the above passage of
Aristotle to refer to fortifications. — (Herod, iii. 39; Millon,
Politique d'Arist. ii. 221.)

2 Pint, in Pent. 13. 3 Plin. H.N. xxxv. 19.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 231

According to this view, which seems the most
probable, we are able to determine the following
particulars : —

First, that though the Temple was burnt seven
times, it had not been entirely rebuilt so many
times, but merely repaired ; for in this period of
two hundred and twenty years, we find the Temple
underwent two conflagrations, one in the year 400,
the other in the year 356 B.C.

Secondly, that the expression of the Temple being
two hundred and twenty years in building, is not to
be interpreted too literally ; that is to say, we are
not to suppose that the works were constantly
progressing, and never brought to a conclusion ;
for, from the circumstance of Timotheus com-
posing a hymn on occasion of the dedication of
the sixth temple,1 we have a proof that the
Temple was then completed, although the two
hundred and twenty years did not elapse till long
after that period. The expression, therefore, of
two hundred and twenty years in building, is to be
understood as implying that the eighth temple, or
that described by Pliny, was not completed till two
hundred and twenty years after the laying of its
foundations, which foundations formed part of both
the seventh and the sixth temples.

Thirdly, by fixing the date of the laying of the
foundations about 500 B.C., we perceive that the

1 See page L'17.

232 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Temple did not always occupy the same locality;
that though it had always been on the Sacred Port,
and probably at the head of the Port, the earlier
temples did not occupy precisely the same spot as
the last temple.

And lastly, by this period of two hundred and
twenty years embracing the sixth, seventh, and
eighth temples, we find that the descriptions of the
Temple of Diana given us by Pliny and Vitruvius,
refer sometimes to one, sometimes to another of
these edifices ; they all being considered as the same
building.

The architect who completed the eighth temple
was Dinocrates,1 the architect so frequently em-
ployed by Alexander. It was he who laid out the
city of Alexandria,2 who offered to convert Mount
Athos into a statue of Alexander,3 and who intended
to suspend the statue of Arsinoe in a temple of
loadstone.4

5. The Rebuilding of the Eighth or Celebrated
Temple.

Having thus pointed out what appears to be the
period of its erection, we pass on to the subject

1 So spelt by Vitruvius, ii. Prsef. ; Valer. Max. ; Plin. H. N.
vii. 38 ; xxxiv. 42 ; and Solinus, Hi. In another passage in Pliny,
(v. 11, 3,) the name is written Dinochares. Plutarch calls him
Stasicrates, [Alex. 72 ; de Virt. vel Fort. Alex. 2); and in different
MSS. of Strabo (p. G41) it appears Chirocrates, Chiromocrates, and
Dinocrates.

2 Solinus, li. ; Strabo, p. 641. 3 Strabo, p. G41.
4 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 42.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 233

of its rebuilding. After the conflagration by He-
rostratus, it was determined to restore it in a
more magnificent style than before : but whether
from the difficulty of raising contributions, from
the troubles of the times, or from the studying of
the design, the works appear to have advanced but
slowly ; for though the Temple was burnt the day
Alexander was born, it was still in progress on his
arrival in Asia.

The following is the account given us by
Strabo : — l

"But after it had been burnt by a certain
Herostratus, the Ephesians erected another temple
more magnificent ; to construct which, the women
consecrated their ornaments, and the men their
own goods, besides what was obtained from the sale
of the columns of the old temple. The proof of
this may be seen in the decrees of the city on

the occasion Artemidorus tells us that

Alexander offered to defray both their past and
present expenses, on condition of their allowing
him to be declared founder of the Temple ; and that
they did not accede to his offer .... On this
occasion Artemidorus praises the answer made to
Alexander by a citizen of Ephesus, on his asking
to be the restorer of the Temple, — 'It is not
right,' said he, ' that a god should build temples
to the gods.' "

1 Stmbo, in 040.

2 u

234 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

We are tolcl that the Temple of Diana was built
at the common expense of all Asia,1 but it is not
at all clear which temple is here referred to.
The fifth temple, which was standing in the year
557 B.C., we know to have been so built;2 and
it is probable that all the succeeding temples were
so likewise : for Ephesus had then become the chief
city of Asia, and obtained the title of Ncolvros,
together with the honour of having the Panionium
established in its territory ; and would therefore
naturally expect, if it had not the power of de-
manding, assistance from all those cities of which
it was the head : and the pretext upon which the
Ephesians refused Alexander's offer, would confirm
this supposition. For as they were then receiving
contributions from cities and individuals, from
strangers and natives, and preferred having the
Temple built by these means, from the greater
reverence that would be paid to the shrine, and
the greater hold it would have upon the minds of
the people, than were the expense defrayed by a
single individual, they could not tell him, that hold-
ing the sacred and honourable title of Neolwros, they
were bound to defray the expense among them-
selves ; or that having determined to do so, they
had refused all other offers of assistance ; each of

1 Plin. H. N, xxxvi. 21. " Asia is bounded on the east by Lycia
and Phrygia, on the west by the ^Egean sea, on the south by the
Egyptian sea, and on the north by Paphlagonia." — (Solinus, lii.)

2 Liv. i. 45. .See page 215.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 235

which would have been a sufficient motive of refusal;
but they were obliged to have recourse to the wily
pretext, — " That it did not become a god to build
temples to the gods." I conceive it probable,
therefore, that the above expression relates to the
eighth, equally with the preceding temples. But
though they accepted the general contributions of
all Asia, we must suppose that the Ephesians them-
selves would be the most zealous for the glory of
the building. Besides the offerings of the men and
women, and the money derived from the sale of the
columns, a great portion of the expense would be
defrayed from the treasures of the Temple ; and
Timaeus accordingly accused the Ephesians of
appropriating to this purpose the sums deposited
in the Temple by the Persians, as in a place of
safety ; which accusation Strabo denied, and pro-
bably very truly, since Artemidorus also denies
the fact ; though Strabo's manner evinces rather a
desire to deny the fact, than the means of doing
so with justice ; instead of proof, he has recourse
to argument : — " It is from ignorance of the decrees
(of the city before adverted to,) says Artemidorus,
that Tima3us of Tauromenium, a man much given
to calumny, from whence he was called Epitimeus,
asserted, ' that the Ephesians rebuilt their temple
with the treasures that the Persians bad deposited
there ; ' but at this period there were no such
deposits, and if there had been, they would have
been consumed in the fire. After this accident, the

236 TEMrLE OF DIANA.

Temple remaining without a roof, who would have
ventured to place deposits in an exposed place ?
.... And after the refusal of Alexander's offer,
it is not to be supposed that they would have con-
sented to build the Temple with the sacrilegious
pillage of deposits."1 But we have no proof, and
indeed no reason to suppose that there were no
deposits in the Temple at this period, for the Temple
had hitherto been universally respected; Croesus
had contributed to its treasures, and Xerxes spared
it alone,3 with the temple at Delos, out of all the
temples of Greece ; and the next sentence evidently
shows that Strabo is speaking without a knowledge
of the facts, when he says : — " That if there had
been (deposits) they would have been consumed in
the fire;" for it is evident, that as the deposits
would all be in the precious metals, they would be
merely melted, and not destroyed : besides, as there
were always priests living within the peribolus, if
not within the naos of the Temple,3 they must have
been able to rescue some of the objects deposited
in the Temple ; and we know that they so rescued
the statue of Diana, for we are told by St. Luke

1 Strabo, p. 640.

2 Id. p. 634. Perhaps because the Sun and Moon were
Persian divinities. " The Persian Diana was much worshipped by
those beyond the Euphrates." — (Plut. Lucul. 24.) Solinus says he
spared it only on account of its magnificence. — (Edit, of 1498,
caput li. ; edit, of 1646, caput xliii.)

3 See Paus. ii. 17, where is is stated that the Temple of Juno at
Eubcea was burnt, through the priest falling asleep.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 237

that the statue in St. Paul's time was the original
statue which was said to have fallen down from
heaven. But though the treasures deposited in
the Temple for security were of great value, the
most considerable were those offered to the deity
by the piety or superstition of the donors, and the
free-will or votive offerings of the people, amassed
in the course of centuries ; and these the Ephesians
would naturally take in defraying the expenses of
the building : and how indeed could they better
employ the gifts offered to the goddess than in
building a magnificent temple in her honour ?

6. The dimensions of the Temple.

The dimensions of the Temple were, as recorded
by Pliny,1 425 feet by 220 ; and according to Philo
it had ten steps.3 Professor Wilkins observes, that
the ten steps are not included in Pliny's measure-
ments. He supposes seven of these steps to be of
the peribolus,3 and three of the Temple, for the
Greeks rarely exceeded three steps, and almost
invariably adopted an odd number.

It was customary with ancient writers to measure
their temples on the upper step; and it will be
sufficient to refer to one instance in proof of this :
the Hecatompedon at Athens, to which title the
temple was indebted for the extent of its upper

1 See page 222. 2 See page 224.

3 It is possible, however, that there might have been seven
sets-off in the substructure or foundations of the Temple.

238 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

step.1 " It seems probable that seven of the steps
formed the ascent to the peribolus with which the
Temple was surrounded : this, like those of the
Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, and
Minerva Polias at Priene, was without doubt con-
siderably raised above the level of the natural
soil : Chandler (Ion. Antiq. i.) informs us that the
peribolus of the latter temple was raised above
twenty feet."2 Revett, the architect, was of the
same opinion as regards the steps of the peribolus.3
Fischer affirms that some medals show the ten
steps.4

Chandler's description here is ambiguous and
inaccurate. The peribolus of the Temple of
Minerva at Priene is not raised on all sides, but
only on one side, for the city being built on the
slope of a hill, the temple stands on an artificial
terrace. The peribolus of the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius in like manner is of irregular height
by reason of the inequality of the ground. It is

1 Stuart, Athens, iii. 15. Mr. Penrose has determined the
measure of the Parthenon, and finds the breadth to be 101 "330 feet
English. Consequently the

Greek foot = 1-0133 feet Eng.

Roman „ = -972768 „

GOO Creek feet ) , ,. „A„ fto

> = 1 stadium = 007-98 „

625 Roman „ J

8 stadia = 1 Ptoman mile = 485584 „

2 Wilkins, Mag. Grcec. p. xxi.

3 MS. note to Chandler, i. 169.

4 J. B. Fischer, Eidvmrf drier Hist. Arch. tab. vii.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 239

uncertain, therefore, whether the seven steps formed
" footings " to the foundation of the Temple below
ground, or whether on account of the marshy
situation the peribolus was raised by seven steps.

7. The Columns of the eighth Temple were not
monolithal.

On the conflagration of the Temple by Hero-
stratus, the roof and other timber was destroyed,
and the sculpture and ornamental parts damaged,
but the walls were uninjured ; and from Strabo's
expression : — " The temple remaining without a
roof, who would have ventured to place deposits
in an exposed place?" it is evident that these
walls were again made use of in the eighth temple.
From the burning of the roof, and the falling of
the masses, the columns were so damaged by the
pitching of the rafters, and the action of the fire,
as to be no longer serviceable, and they were
therefore sold to assist in defraying the expense of
rebuilding. From this circumstance we are able
to affirm that the columns of the seventh temple
were monolithal ; for if they had been built in
frusta, it would not have been requisite to sell
them more than the other portions of the Temple ;
but repairing those parts only which were damaged,
the rest might have been suffered to remain. But
being monolithal blocks, where chipped or broken
their beauty would be destroyed, and therefore
the only expedient that remained would be to sell
them. The columns of the sixth temple, which

240 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

were provided by Ctesiphon, were monolithal, and
we have seen the description given us by Vitru-
vius1 of the machinery employed by Ctesiphon in
moving these immense blocks of stone from the
quarries. It is probable that these same columns,
or some of them, existed in the seventh temple, and
were the same that were sold after the conflagration
of that building. As Ctesiphon' s temple Avas the
first example of the Ionic order, we may assume
that the proportions and details of the columns
were somewhat rude ; and that on the second con-
flagration of the building, which happened one
hundred years after, the arts had progressed to
that extent, that the Ephesians would gladly seize
the opportunity of altering the antiquated style of
the former building to one more in accordance with
the Ionic style as subsequently developed and per-
fected : and thus we may suppose that the Temple
might not have been so damaged that it was in-
capable of being repaired, but that it was damaged
to that extent, as to afford a sufficient pretext for
improving its architectual appearance. And thus,
from the architectural character of the building
being changed, we see the propriety of Strabo's
using the word rebuilding instead of repairing ', not-
withstanding that the foundations, and the walls of
the cella, were portions of the old temple. This
consideration of the columns of the more ancient

1 See page 226.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 241

temples being monolithal, is confirmed by the cir-
cumstance of the most ancient Doric temples, as
those of Corinth and vEgina.1

8. The peristyle consisted of one hundred and
twenty columns.

One of the greatest difficulties connected with
the restoration of the Temple is in the number of

1 " The Temple of Jupiter Panhellenius at iEgina is said by
Pausanias to have been built considerably before the Trojan war, a
story which, although wholly incredible, serves to prove that
it had outlived all tradition of its real origin."— (Wilkins, Civ.
Arch, of Vit. p. xlviii.) Another proof of its antiquity is afforded
by the fact that there are no curved lines in this temple. The
Temple of ^Egina is remarkable for having all its columns
bored into at equal heights, with the hope of extracting the metal
cramps which were supposed to exist in them. It would appear
that the Turks, having witnessed the wonderful accuracy of
Grecian masonry at Athens, supposed that the columns of this
temple were formed of separate blocks, but that the joints were
invisible, and therefore persevered in boring every column, notwith-
standing their want of success; a striking proof of the wonderful
accuracy of Grecian workmanship. As the arts progressed, mono-
lithal shafts were discontinued, and they eventually prided
themselves in showing that the extraordinary precision of their
construction was superior both in solidity and beauty to the
advantages derived from nature : in beauty, — because the veins
of the marble in a monolithal block become confused with the
flutings, unless, as rarely happens, the columns are quarried ver-
tically, and because the divisions of the several frusta assist the
eye in determining the flutings, and enable it to measure the
height of the columns by the number and perspective diminution
of its frusta : and in construction, — because the frusta are laid
according to their natural bed, and are not liable to vertical fissure
as monolithal shafts are. In later times, monolithal columns were
again introduced among the corruptions of Roman taste.

2 i

242 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

columns, and their distribution. We have already-
seen the vagueness of Pliny's description,1 and the
various manners in which the words " centum
viginti septem " may be interpreted.

It has been endeavoured to explain the odd
number of columns given us by Pliny, by supposing
that those of the hypaethron are included in the
number. The numerous instances in which we meet
with an uneven number of columns in the interior
of temples, would seem to denote something more
than mere chance. The Parthenon, (as established
by Mr. Knowles,) the temples of Apollo at Bassas,
of Apollo at Miletus, of Ceres at Eleusis, and
of Jupiter Olympius at Agrigentum, all have an
uneven number of columns at the extremity of the
hypaethron. As in all these instances there is no
central door of communication with the opistho-
domus, it is possible that the Greeks placed an
odd number of columns at the end, in order to
give greater importance to the naos or hyprethral
part of the temple, by giving the impression that
that was the chief, the only part of the temple.
Another reason may have been, that the statue
being placed in front of a column, and being of about
the same height, would render that column invisible,
and thus appear to be placed opposite a space of
more than twice the width of any of the others :
whereas, if placed opposite an intercolumniation,

1 See page 222.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 243

the two adjacent columns would appear to cut the
statue and interfere with its lines.1 This arrange-
ment of an odd number of columns, has been taken
advantage of by Canina to explain the difficulty
of one hundred and twenty-seven columns as
described by Pliny : but when we recollect that
the columns of the hypaethron were in two orders,
we again get rid of the odd number, and are
thereby left in the same difficulty, unless we
suppose that the columns of the hypsethron were
only single, as in the solitary instance of the
temple at Bassse. Considering, therefore, the im-
probability of having an odd number of columns,
I am inclined to adopt the idea of placing a comma
after the word viginti, thus making one hundred
and twenty columns, seven of which were the gift
of kings. Thus at the same time we get rid
of the odd column, and we reduce the number of
kings to seven, instead of one hundred and twenty-
seven, as the passage now stands : and there is
no difficulty in supposing that seven of the neigh-
bouring kings or tyrants contributed each a column
towards the edifice. This appears to have been a
common custom in Asia Minor ; for we find several
of the later temples, as those of Mylassa, Euromus,
and Aphrodisias, having tablets blocked out on the

1 For other instances of the application of an uneven number
of columns, see \\\y Essay on the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, in
the Mas. of Class. Antiq.

244 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

shafts, for the insertion of an inscription stating by
whom the column was presented.1 An illustration
of this occurs in Rev. iii. 12, where the Spirit says,
" Him that overcometh will I make a pillar in the

temple of my God and I will write upon

him the name of my God, and the name of the

city of my God, which is New Jerusalem

and I will write upon him my new name." The
same illustration is found elsewhere in holy writ.2
By accepting the reading of one hundred and
twenty columns, we obtain, as Professor Wilkins
remarks, the same number of columns as in the
Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, which was
commenced in 540 B.C., about forty years pre-
viously to laying the foundations of the Temple of
Diana.3

9. The Temple was of the Ionic order; it was
decastyle and eustyle; it had nineteen, columns at
the sides, and the columns were eight and a quarter
diameters in height.

Vitruvius informs us that the Ionic order was
invented for the Temple of Diana at Ephesus,

1 It is possible that several of the columns of the Temple of
Jupiter Olympius were contributed by the different cities of
Athenian colonies. — (See Paus. i. IS, and page 277.)

2 Gal. ii. 9 ; 1 Tim. iii. 15. See Howson and Conybeare, Life
and Epistles of St. Paul, i. 235.

3 This reading of " columnce centum viyinti, septem a singulis
regibus factse," is further corroborated, if indeed it is not proved,
by the circumstance of the calculations which follow agreeing with
this number, and not agreeing with any other.

THE CELEBRATED TEMTLE. 245

without specifying which one : — " With a similar
feeling they afterwards built the Temple of Diana ;
but in that, seeking a new proportion, they used
the female figure as the standard," &C.1 And in
another place he recommends the Ionic style as being
most appropriate for the temples of this goddess.2
Whether this story of Vitruvius's is entitled to any
belief it is difficult to determine, and even were it so,
it is impossible to fix with any certainty to which
temple the Ionic order was first applied. Certain
it is that the sixth, seventh, and eighth, were built
in this style ; for Ctesiphon and Metagenes, the
architects of the sixth temple, wrote a treatise on
the Ionic order of that structure.3

1 Vitr. iv. 1. 2 Id. i. 2.

3 See page 190. Prof. Wilkins, in the preface tohis"Vitruvius,"
has collected together the various particulars relative to the earliest
examples of the Ionic order. " The first description of it is to be
found in the account which Pausanias gives of the Sicyonian Trea-
sury at Olympia, which was built by Myron, the Tyrant of Sicyon,
in the 33rd Olympiad, or about 650 B.C. He made it in two
chambers, one Doric and the other Ionic. — (Paus. vi. 19.) The
earliest specimen of which any remains are found is the celebrated
Temple of Juno at Samos," (which, as we have seen, was probably
built about 530 B.C. See page 229.) This is prior to the sixth
temple, and we may therefore suppose that the fifth temple was
also Ionic. The monument at Agrigentum, called the Tomb of
Theron, is also distinguished by a double order : but the details
of the architecture will not permit us to ascribe it to so early a
period as the 77th Olympiad. The Louie order of the Temple of
Diana, especially the thirty -six columns caslatas, were probably the
most beautiful ever executed : and something of this would seem
inferred by the statue of Diana published in the Mem. Enciclop,

246 TEMPLE 0E DIANA.

The Temple has been thought by some, from a
passage in Vitruvius, to have been octastyle ; but
I understand the true meaning of Vitruvius to have
been very different from that implied. I apprehend
that when he says " dipteral temples are to be
octastyle," he means not less than octastyle.
" Dipteral temples are octastyle, (at least,) both
in the pronaos and posticum, with a double row of
columns round the cella, as in the Doric Temple
of Quirinus, and the Ionic temple built by Ctesiphon
to Diana Ephesia."1

Vitruvius does not here state that the Temple
of Diana was octastyle, but that it was dipteral,
and that it was at least octastyle. We cannot
expect coins to throw any light upon this subject.
The object of the artist appears to have been to
represent a temple, without being particular as to
the proportions of the temple, or even as to the
number of columns. Thus we find this temple
represented on different coins as distyle,2 tetrastyle,3

Horn, vol. v. p. 1, which shows au Ionic column on the breast ; and
by an Etruscan patera, (Visconti, Mus. Pio Clem. i. 206,) which has
an Ionic column between two Amazons. The earliest coins with
an Ionic capital are those of Olympia and Catania : they are of
about the age of Pericles ; consequently, very much later than its
known existence in monuments.

1 Vitr. iii. 1.

2 Mionnet, Med. iii. Ionie, No. 299. Id. Suppl. torn. vi. Ionie,
Nos. 414, 430, 533, 787.

3 Id. Med. Nos. 257, 276 ; 354, 368, 380, 383. Id. Suppl. 274 •
325, 361, 383, 4 ; 407, 427, 8, 459 ; 537, 599 ; 602, 667, 675 ; 723,
733.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 247

hexastyle,1 and octastyle,2 although, as we shall
presently see, it must have been decastyle.3

1 Mionnefc, Med. 310. Id. Suppl. 495.

a Id. Med. 269, 270, 1, 2, 281, 5, 6, 7 ; 311, 322, 3, 348 ; 413,
445. Id. Suppl. 387, 8, 9, 393 ; 401, 429 ; 643.

3 It is due to the numerous wi'iters who have imagined the
Temple to be octastyle, (Perrault, Poleni, Windham, Falconer, Hirt,
Quatremere, and Guhl,) to show the reason why it could not be so.
In the following calculation we have supposed the columns to have
been 8^ diameters in height, and the intercolumniation to have
been eustylos, or 21 diameters, and this supposition we have
found confirmed by the width of the Temple agreeing precisely
with this calculation ; by the total number of 120 columns work-
ing in completely ; and by the thirty-six columns cselatae occupy-
ing an important and probable position. But had it not been
for these latter particulars, the probability would have been that
the Temple was neither octastyle nor decastyle, but dodecastyle.
After describing the origin and proportions of the Doric order,
Vitruvius continues (iv. 1) : — " But afterwards seeking to build
a temple of a new proportion to Diana, they modelled its form by
resemblance to female gracefulness, and made at first the diameter
equal to one-eighth part of the height, in order that it should have a
more excellent form .... But afterwards improving in elegance
and delicacy, and preferring a more graceful proportion .... they
assigned one-ninth part:" (Jocundus substituted octo semis for
novem, and has been followed by subsequent editors, including
Gwilt. Schneider, Poleni, and Marini have restored the text.)
Pliny also to the same effect : (xxxvi. 56) " Columns which are nine
diameters in height are called Ionic .... In the Temple of the
Ephesian Diana, the columns were at first, including the base and
capital, eight diameters in height." Thus from both these authors
it is evident, that on the invention of the Ionic order for the Temple
of Diana, the columns were only eight diameters in height ; but
at a subsequent period the proportions of the Ionic column were
increased to nine diameters ; and it is doubtful whether Vitruvius
does not intend us to imagine that the last Temple of Diana was

248 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

The height of the columns being 60 feet, we shall
find, if we allow it 8*250 diameters, that the dia-
meter of the column will be 7*27 feet, or 7'3"'27, and
if we take the intercolumniation to be eustylos, as in

in this proportion. Certain it is that the majority of Ionic exam-
ples exceed this quantity. If, therefore, we take the ninth part
of the height of sixty feet given us by Pliny, the diameter of the
columns will be six feet eight inches, and the iutercolumniation
1901 diameter, which will still be rather more than the mean of
existing examples.

Height of Col. Intercolumniation.

Athens, Temple on the Ilyssus . 8-238 2120

„ Erectheum, eastern front . 9-334 1-994

„ western front . 9 004 2-162

„ „ northern front 9 000 3-679*

„ Temple of Victory Apteros 7 684 1 992

Priene, Temple of Minerva Polias . 1-739

„ Propylfea 9-282

Branchidse, Temple of Apollo (Texier) 9416 1 -360

Samos, „ Juno . . . 1-623

Mean 8-851 Mean 1856

By a comparison with other temples, therefore, we should be led
to infer that the Temple of Diana was dodecastyle ; but on this
supposition, the sides requiring twenty-two columns, the total
number of 126 columns, supposing cxxvii to be an error of the
copyist for cxxvi, would only allow us six columns in the pronaos,
and none in the posticum, which would be quite inconsistent with
the character of so magnificent a temple ; neither should we be
able to work in the thirty-six columns cselatse, except in the
interior.

This is not included in the mean.

THE CELEBRATED TEMrLE. 249

the Temple of Teos, as described by Vitruvius, we
shall find this intercolumniation to be 16*363575 feet,
which, multiplied by 9, the number of intercolumns,
gives 147-2721 ; to which, if we add 72*727 for
the ten columns of the decastyle front, we obtain
219*999 ; the dimension of the front given by Pliny
being 220 feet. These dimensions correspond with
such extraordinary precision, that we must consider
these two points as fixed, viz., that the height of
the columns was 8^- diameters, and the inter-
columniation eustylos. The length of the Temple
being less than the double of its breadth, we may
expect to find the side intercolumniations reduced,
in order to get in a sufficient number of columns,
in the same manner that in the temples of Selinus,
which have an unusual number of columns in the
flanks, the intercolumniations are reduced, to pre-
vent the temples being too long.

Supposing, then, the Temple to have had nine-
teen columns at the sides, which would be equal to
138 "182 feet ; this number, deducted from 425 feet,
will give 286*818 feet remainder, which, divided into
eighteen parts, will give for each side intercolumnia-
tion 15*934 feet, which will be in a very good propor-
tion with the front intercolumniation of 16*3 C3. If
we suppose twenty columns at the sides, the inter-
columniation would be 14*713, which is too small ;l

1 Col. Leake gives twenty-one columns to the sides, which would
create a manifest disproportion.

250 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

and if we suppose eighteen, it would be 17*299,
which is too great : so that we may consider it
also as determined, that the Temple had nineteen
columns at the sides. Giving a quadruple row of
columns to the pronaos and posticum, as in the
Temple of Jupiter Olympius, we shall just make
up the number of one hundred and twenty columns.

10. Tlivrty-six of the columns were ornamented
with colour, gilding, and metal; one of which was
by the eel eh rated Scojpas.

In addition to the uncertainty which exists as to
the number of columns, still more difficulty has
been attached to the words which follow ; the most
literal, as well as the most probable signification of
which is, that thirty-six of the columns were
ornamented with metal colour and gilding, one of
which was by the hand of Scopas. Pliny's words
are " ex iis xxxvi. ca3lata3, una a Scopa," or as
some editions read, "xxxvi. caslatse, quarum una
a Scopa." Now, unless the signification of this
be obscure, I conceive we are bound to accept the
original as it stands, without endeavouring to twist
the words into a different meaning. The proposed
alteration of una a Scopa, into uno e scapo, is
extremely improbable ; it having been already
shown1 that this manner of construction was no
longer followed at the period of rebuilding the eighth
temple, after the conflagration of Herostratus : and

1 See ]>nge 241.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 251

Carlo Fea shows that the expression columnce uno e
scapo, could never have been used by any Latin
writer.1 The expression uno a Scopa, although less
repugnant to the original, is still improbable. The
design and execution of one column ornamented

differently to the rest, would naturally require the
skill and taste of a great sculptor ; but the design
and model having been once given, the execution
of the thirty-five other columns might be entrusted
to any experienced workman. Canina adduces an
important fact in favour of the probability of Scopas
being employed, although, instead of making use of
it, he unites with Winkelmann in reading uno e
scapo. It is this: — "The Romans, in the latter
period of their history, were in the habit of
employing famous sculptors for the capitals of
their honorary columns."3 He does not give any
examples.3 Another reading, however, has been
suggested, which, while it takes away from Scopas
the credit of having designed one of these columns
or capitals, gives to that artist the designing of
the sculpture of the temple in general : — " ex hs
(columnis) xxxvi. ca3lata3. Una Scopa operi praefuit
Chersiphro," &c. Pliny informs us that there were
two sculptors of this name ;4 one who flourished in

1 Winkelmann, Hist, de VArt, ii. 234, note.

2 Canina, Arch. Gr. par. i. cap. iv. p. 176, note.

3 The value of the works of this otherwise diligent writer is
greatly lessened by a too frequent omission of the authors' names
from whose works his own have been compiled.

4 riin. II. N. xxxiv. 19.

252 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

the 87th Olympiad; the other, who is the celebrated
one, flourished after Praxiteles, who lived in the
104th Olympiad. He not only ornamented the
Temple of Ephesus, but he executed the sculptures
on the east or principal face of the mausoleum or
sepulchre of Mausolus, who died in the 102nd
Olympiad,1 and he rebuilt the Temple of Minerva
at Tegea, which was burnt in the first year of the
97th Olympiad.3 He also executed a great number
of statues and groups, one of which was so extra-
ordinary, that it was said he would have acquired
everlasting fame if that had been his only work.3
These dates are abundantly evident to show, that
the columns ornamented by Scopas were those of
the eighth or last temple.

The ccelatura here spoken of is defined by Quin-
tilian, as " work executed in gold, silver, brass, or
iron."4 M. Quatremere de Quincy, in his splendid
and elaborate work on "Le Jupiter Olympien,"
has devoted several chapters to the consideration
of this subject. After a careful investigation of the
various passages in which the Latin word ccelatura,
and its synonymous5 Greek expression tormtica,
are used by the ancients, he tells us that toreutica

1 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4.

2 Paus. viii. 45. See page 275.

3 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4. It was a group of Neptune, Thetis,
Achilles, and the Nereids.

4 Quint. Inst. Oral. ii. 21.

5 Q. de Q. Le Jup. Olymp. pp. 76-78, 94, 118.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 253

is derived from to fog, an instrument for perforating,1
and ccelatura from xoiTCog, Latin cesium, a sinking.3
This art lie defines to be "the making statues (or
ornaments) of any kind of metal, of gold, silver, or
bronze, or any other mixture of substances, by
pieces let in compartments, whether melted sepa-
rately, whether beaten, or worked by the chisel,
soldered, joined together, and forming one solid
body.3 It embraced the art of working metal with
the hammer, of inlaying, of working in detached
pieces, of varying and colouring metals, whether by
preparations, by tools, or the secret of composition
of metals ; of applying enamels, and setting gems
and precious stones. Bas-reliefs, ornaments, statues,
and colossi, all entered into its art.4 It was most
extensively employed in the best ages of Grecian
art ; it was applicable to the highest works of art,
as well as to the most ordinary : it is more ancient
than sculpture, or statuary in metal, and it con-
tinued to the latest times."5 To this definition of
it may be added, that it was more especially con-
nected with the inlaying metals on metal of a
different quality, or on any other material, as
wood, or ivory, and that it might be either in
relief or flat. The words toreuti'ea and ccelatura,,
he continues, were often misapplied, even by the

1 Q. de Q. Le Jup. Olymp. p. 75.

2 Id. p. 7G. 3 Id. p. 93.
4 Id. p. 109. 5 Id. p. 94.

254 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

ancients,1 the latter word being sometimes given to
the chasing of cups, and sometimes to bas-reliefs
in stone, as in the Mausoleum, part of the sculptures
of which were by the very same Scopas.

Metal appears to have been extensively used in
the most ancient periods of architecture. Workers
in brass were included in Numa's college, (Col-
legium Fabrorum.)3 In the palaces of Homer,
says Pliny, (xxxvi. 6,) there is no other material
mentioned but brass, gold, electrum, silver, and
ivory; as in the palace of Menelaus,3 and the
palace of Alcinous :4 and in the same manner we
find Virgil referring to an inlaid work, or what we
call intarsiatura, of ivory and ebony,5 in the Temple
of Juno, supposed to be built by iEneas : —

" A temple here, Sidonian Dido raised
To heaven's dread Empress, that with riches blaz'd ;
Unnumbered gifts adorned the costly shrine,
By her own presence hallow'd and divine.
The steps were brass ; the beams with brass were bound ;
The lofty doors with brazen hinge resound? 6

Pausanias says, " the third temple at Delphi was
reported to be made of brass, which is not sur-
prising, since we know Acrisius to have constructed
a chamber of brass7 (at Argos) for his daughter ;

1 Q. de Q. Le Jup. Olymp. pp. 77, 8 ; 93.

2 Plut. Numa; Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 1.

3 Homer. Odyss. iv. 73. 4 Id. vii. 88.

5 Virg. JEn. x. 135. 6 Id. i. 450-3.

7 See -also Pans. ii. 23.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 255

and among the Lacedaemonians there is still re-
maining a Temple of Minerva, which, from its
being built of (or lined with) brass, is called
Chalcicecus. Among the Romans, too, there is a
forum, (that of Trajan,) which is admirable for its
magnitude and ornaments, and which has a brazen
roof."1 In this Temple of Minerva Chalciascus
were " many of the labours of Hercules repre-
sented in brass."3 The subterranean chamber at
Mycasnse is stated by Mr. Donaldson to have been
lined with plates of metal, and the learned pro-
fessor refers to a passage in Diodorus, where
Eurystheus is said to have secretly constructed a
brazen vessel under ground to secure a safe re-
treat, when terrified by the return of Hercules.3
Another instance of a brazen sepulchre is given us by
Pausanias.4 The Temple of Cyzicus had the joints
of its masonry ornamented with gold fillets ; the
effect of which, says Pliny, was to create harmony
between the architecture of the temple and the
sculpture which decorated it.5 Of the Temple of
Solomon, we read that "he garnished the house with
precious stones for beauty; and the gold was gold
of Parvaim. He overlaid also the house, the beams,
the pillars, and the walls thereof, with gold ; and

graved cherubims on the walls and he

overlaid the work with fine gold, amounting to

1 Pans. x. 5. 3 Id. iii. 17.

3 Ant. o/Ath. vol. iv. bk. iii. 27. 4 Pans. ix. 2.
5 Plin. //. X. xxxvi. 15.

256 TEMI>LE OF DIANA.

600 talents. And the weight of the nails was
50 shekels of gold. And he overlaid the npper
chambers with gold." x The account in the Book
of Kings is similar, but it gives us the additional
information, that the gold was "fitted upon2 the
carved work."3 So, in like manner, Josephus
informs us that the palace of Solomon had its
ceilings and walls enriched with precious stones set
in gold, as in the Temple.4 In the tabernacle built
five hundred years before this, we find the art
of working in metal then practised in the same
manner.5 The ceiling or roof of the Temple of
Apollo at Cotho, the port of the Carthaginians,
was also of gold.6

The preceding notices, with the exception of the
Forum of Trajan, all denote extreme antiquity ; and
the lavish and indiscriminate application of gold
shows but little connection with taste : the facts,
however, are valuable, as proving the state of the
arts in these times. As architecture improved, the
previous art of working metal would be made
serviceable to it ; and instead of covering every-
thing with barbarous profusion, it would be applied
only to those parts which required greater orna-

1 2 Chron. iii. 4 to 9.

2 These words materially assist M. Quatremere's opinion on the
toreutic art of working metal with detached pieces.

3 2 Kings, v. 15 to 35, especially verses 19, 29, and 35.

4 Joseph. Antiq. viii. 5, 2. 5 Exod. xxxvi. and xxxvii.
6 Appiau. d'e Bellis Punicis.

THE CELEBKATED TEMPLE. 257

merit or decoration. Thus we find the capitals
and bases of columns were often of bronze, while
the shaft was of stone or marble : the sculptures
in pediments, the ornaments of the Acroteriaa, and
the images below, were frequently of metal, for
beauty, durability, and sometimes facility of exe-
cution. Thus the doors of the Temple of Juno at
Hierapolis in Syria, were of gold ; the inside was
of great richness, and the ceiling was also of gold.1
In the Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Antioch,
built by Antiochus Epiphanes, not only was the
ceiling of gold, but its walls also were covered
with plates of the same metal.3 The Pantheon at
Rome was decorated by Agrippa with ornaments of
gold and silver ; the central vault of its portico,
the two flat ceilings of its sides, and the sculptures
of the pediment were of bronze ; the interior was
lined with plates of silver, and the capitals were of
Corinthian brass.3 And the . portico of Octavius,
near the Circus Maximus, we are told by Pliny,
was called Gorinthian3 because of the brass capitals
of its columns.4

This last application of metal for the purposes of
architecture would no doubt be highly conducive
to grandeur and magnificence of design ; but there
is yet another application of it, more intimately
acquainted with refined taste, not dictated by a vain

1 Lucian. de Ded Syria. 2 Liv. xli. 20.

3 Tiiylor and Cresy, Rome, i. 41, 2, 3 j PI in. xxxiv. 7.

4 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 7.

2 L

258 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

prodigality, but springing from the nice perceptions
of a cultivated mind, and the practised eye of a
skilful artist ; — the employment of metal in those
instances, Avhere its effect was wanted, and could not
be procured by any other means. Of instances of
this mode of decoration, we have unfortunately but
few specimens, but the feeling with which it is con-
nected may be evidenced both in existing remains
and the descriptions of ancient authors. I refer
to the application of colour to architecture, which
was sometimes employed to supersede metal, and
which sometimes it was the object of metal to imitate.
One of the first instances of the application of this
feeling is in the description given us by Herodotus
of the walls of Ecbatana : — " They were built in
circles, one within another, rising each above each,
by the height of their respective battlements.
This mode of building was favoured by the situation
of the place, which was of a gently rising ground.
The outer wall is white, the next to it is black, the
next purple, the fourth blue, the fifth orange, the
sixth is plated with silver, the seventh with gold.
Thus the battlements of each were distinguished
by a different colour. Within the last stood the
king's palace, and the royal treasury."1 The
object of this, though fanciful, had this important
effect, — it enabled the eye, at a glance, to make out
and comprehend the otherwise intricate arrange-

1 Herod, i. 98.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 259

ment. I do not venture to recommend the patch-
work of so glaring a decoration, but I admire the
principle, the feeling, with which it was actuated.
This may perhaps be rendered more apparent, by
a reference to the buildings of Pompeii ; to the
scattered evidences of taste in its domestic archi-
tecture, exhibited in the ruins of a small Roman
Greek town. Every one will be aware that a
Roman house, in addition to the chambers at the
sides, consisted of an atrium, which, when occa-
sionally adorned with columns, was tetrastyle ; a
tablinum, sometimes, but rarely ornamented with
two columns ; a peristyle, which, as its name
denotes, was surrounded by columns ; an cecus
succeeded this in the more regularly formed
houses, and, like the Tablinum, was sometimes
ornamented with two columns ; and behind this was
the hortus, also decorated with the colonnade. All
these were arranged on a line of axis running1 all
through the house, as in the Gasa delli Gapitelle
Golorati. Now, in consequence of this arrange-
ment, any one looking through the prothyrum would
be dazzled and confused by the indiscriminate
grouping of columns behind columns, the sun
shining equally on all, while the nearer colonnades
prevented his making out the more distant ones ;
and thus each would have the effect of confusing
the other, and he would have no idea either of the
regularity, beauty, or extent of the house. To
obviate this defect, the Greek artists, for Greek

260 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

they were and must have been, conceived the idea,
in more than one instance, of painting the columns
of the distant cecus of a red colour, the effect of
which immediately cleared out not only that portion
of the house, but relieved it from the peristyle in
front, and the hortus behind ; and thus rendered
the whole arrangement of the house visible. In
these instances the colour is used sparingly and
with discretion, and being confined to two columns,
renders the white marble stucco of the others more
brilliant and engaging. In other instances the
capitals of the peristyle are decorated with colour,
in order to relieve them from the other colonnades :
a striking example of which occurs in the house
of the Gapitelli Goloriti. But if we picture to
ourselves the house completed as it was originally ;
and, standing in the shade of the prothyrum, we
look across the light and cheerful atrium, the eye
passing then through the grateful shade of the
tablinum, and emerging again into the spacious
peristyle, the deep shade of the cecus separating
this from the mellowed light of the distant hortus,
we shall find the most graceful combinations of form
and outline produced by the natural effect of light
and shadow, and a confused and graceless scene
converted into a combined feeling of splendour and
simplicity.

In the same manner we may regard the poly-
chromic architecture of the Parthenon and other
Greek temples. It was not so much to ornament

THE CELEBEATED TEMPLE. 261

the surface, as to give clearness and character to
the design ; to help by colour those parts which
would not be sufficiently seen; to explain the
contours of mouldings, which would otherwise be
unintelligible when seen from below ; to give pro-
minence to the leading lines ; to create harmony
(as Pliny narrates of the Temple at Cyzicus)
between the building and its contents, and to
correct, when judiciously applied, those effects of
optical perspective which would otherwise be con-
sidered prejudicial. Thus we find the frieze that
ran round the walls of the cella relieved by
colour,1 in order that its height above the eye,
the confined situation from which it was viewed,
and the shade, produced by the columns of the
peristyle, should not render imperceptible the more
delicate forms of the bas-relief.2 Of architectural
polychromic decoration, the particulars are too well
known to require enumerating : the painted lacu-
naria, however, both of the Parthenon and the
Temple of Theseus, deserve notice. The terra-
cotta fragments of cornices, &c, supposed to have
formed part of the ancient Hecatompedon, prove

1 Q. de Quincy, Le Jup. Olymp. p. 32. He, however, draws a
different inference from the fact, and considers that they would
have been equally coloured if placed on a level with the eye.

2 In vol. i. part ii. of the Trans, of the R. Inst, of Brit. Arch, is
a report of the committee appointed to examine the traces of colour
on the Elgin marbles, accompanied with a plate.

The frieze of the Temple of Theseus was also coloured. —
(Akerblad, Diss, sopra due Lamminetti di Rronzo.)

262 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

that colour was used in architecture at a very early-
epoch ; while the terra-cotta cornices of the houses
at Pompeii show that its use was continued to a
late period.

The capitals of the Parthenon are said by one
writer to have been ornamented with a small pal-
mette ; and possibly the inner and outer rows of the
pronaos and posticum varied from each other. The
coloured capitals from which one of the houses at
Pompeii takes its name, I regard as extremely in-
teresting, it being one of the last examples in which
this ancient principle was carried out, and to the
existence of which it in a manner testifies.

On a similar principle, and producing a similar
effect, the capitals of the double temple called the
Basilica, at Psestum, are distinguished from each
other, and diversified, by delicate ornaments carved
in the hypotrachelion, or neck of the capital, and
which are shown in Wilkins's " Magna Grsecia,"
(vi. plate 15.) But the most interesting example
connected with this subject is the northern portico
of the Temple of Minerva Polias at Athens. The
group of buildings, of which this forms a part,
is divided into three parts. Of the Temple of
Pandrosus, being in a different style of archi-
tecture, it is not requisite to speak. The eastern
front of the Temple of Minerva Polias is a
hexastyle monopteral portico, or having a pro-
jection of only one intercolumniation ; while the
northern portico is tetrastyle pseudo-dipteral, or

THE CELEBKATED TEMPLE. 263

having two intercolumniations' projection, but no
inner columns. The former facing the east, and
having so slight projection, would necessarily be
well lit, and require no adventitious effect to render
its detail or its ornaments more intelligible. The
tetrastyle portico, on the contrary, facing the
north, and having a portico of nearly three times
its projection, would be in comparative shade, and
much of its beautiful work would be invisible. To
counteract this effect, Philocles the architect had
recourse to colour and gilding in the lacunaria of
the ceiling ; and from a hole in the centre of
each, it is further considered that some metallic
ornament was fixed in them.1 But the most
interesting particular connected with this temple
remains to be cited : for here we have a perfect,
although a unique vestige of the toreutic art, or
ccelatura, as applied to architecture : interesting,
not merely from its being a specimen of this mode
of decoration, but also as showing the reason and
motive for its application. " On the deep grooves
dividing the spirals that front within the portico,
there remain bronze nails, inserted with lead,
forking out as shown, and others on the flat orna-
ment, by which some additional decoration of metal
was fixed; and the small circles in the plat orna-
mented (plaited torus) are cut very deep, and filled
with different colowed stones or glass;" the first

1 Kinnard, Stuart's Athens, ii. 73.

264 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

row consists of circles filled in with black and light
blue alternately ; the second yellow and dark blue
alternately; and the third black and light blue as
the first. And in the sides of the capitals "the
bronze nails are also introduced in the centre flutes,
and each alternate one ; by which some metal
ornament was suspended, corresponding to those
of the front." l

The Temple of Minerva Polias at Priene affords
another instance of toreutic ornament, though more
simple than the foregoing example ; it having the
eyes of the volutes perforated for the reception of
some coloured material, whether metal or a gem.
It would be extremely interesting to discover
whether only the inner columns of the pronaos
and posticum were so ornamented, or the outer ones
also. If in the former case, this would afford
another instance of the design and motive for such
decoration ; although it is quite possible that all
the columns might be equally decorated. Another
precisely similar example occurs in an Ionic cap
now in our museum, but found near Athens, and
published by Inwood.2

Having thus pointed out the origin of this mode
of decoration, its object and intention, the evidence
of its practice, and lastly, directed attention to some

1 Iuwood, Erechtheium, p. 5, pi. iv. and v. In the plate accom-
panying the report published in the Trans, of the R. Inst, of Brit.
Arch, these colours are given differently.

2 Id. p. 19, pK xxiii.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 265

existing specimens of it ; it remains to see what
application it has with the Temple of Diana.

In the Temple of Diana there were " thirty-six
columns ornamented with ccdatura, one of which
was by Scopas." According to the instances above
referred to, these columns would belong to the
peristyle of the temple, not to the hypsetliron. In
supposing the peristyle to consist of one hundred
and twenty columns, and to have a decastyle front,
with nineteen columns at the sides, we obtain a
quadrangular row of columns for the pronaos and
posticum, and if we reckon the inner columns of
these two parts of the temple, we shall find there
are just thirty-six. These thirty-six col inn us I
suppose to be those which were ccelatm after the
modqj given by Scopas.

It might have been considered more satisfactory
if these columns ccelatm had occupied the entire
inner row, all round the temple, as indeed they
would do if the temple were octastyle : but there
are some reasons to show that the former dispo-
sition of them is preferable. To any one walking
along the side porticos, the effect of one line of
columns being plain, and the other enriched, would
tend to detract from the harmony and grandeur of
the building; the eye would immediately become
sensible of two distinct lines of columns, instead
of being enraptured with the apparent maze. On
the outside, it is true the temple would appear to
greater advantage by having the inner row enriched,

2 M

266 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

but then temples were seldom approached in the
direction of their sides, but of their ends. The
following remark is made on this subject by the
editor of the new edition of Stuart's "Athens i"1 —
" At the Temple at Phigalia, and at the ruins of a
temple recently explored at Selinus, the metopa? of
the pronaos and posticum were discovered to have
been decorated with sculpture, when the exterior
metopa3 were left plain ; and at the Theseum the
frieze of the posticum is adorned with reliefs, while
the metopas of the same front are unsculptured, a
proof of the importance attached to those inner
parts of the temples." There is a sculptured
frieze at east and western ends only of the temples
at Sunium. Although Mr. Kinnard only cites
one temple at Selinus, several may be adduoed in
support of this principle. The Temple of Minerva
has sculptured metopa? only at the east ; the large
temple, south of ditto, at east and west ; and the
oldest temple on the west hill, at eastern end only.2
The same may also be concluded from the descrip-
tion of the Temple of Jupiter at Olympia, given us
by Pausanias.3 Another confirmation of this occurs
in the suspended ornaments so frequently found
at Pompeii. These circular discs were suspended
between the columns, where one side being com-
paratively in the shade, while the other was exposed

1 Kinnard, Stuart's Athens, iii. 78.

2 See Bronsted, ii. 147-153.

3 Paus. v. 10.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 267

to light and sunshine, the artists invariably sculp-
tured the two sides in different degrees of relief, so
that what one wanted in light it might make up for
by boldness of relief. Another corroboration of this
principle, if more is required, is afforded by Herr
Kugler, who makes the following remark, which is
of the more value, as he had no particular theory to
support with respect to it : — " But it is still a ques-
tion whether this effect was produced on the sides
of the peripteral temples. It seems, on the con-
trary, rather more probable that it was confined to
the narrower and principal extremities, in order to
make these the most conspicuous ; where, too, the
depth of the pronaos and posticum would of itself
give to the background a more important feature." l
I feel great satisfaction, therefore, in finding my
position of the thirty-six columns ccelatce thus cor-
roborated by these unprejudiced authorities : and
grand must have been the effect in seeing such
groves of columns lit up and beautified by colour,2
gilding, and metal.
• Of this description, therefore, were the columns

1 Trans. R. I. B. A. vol. i. part i. p. 97.

2 It has been objected, (Kugler, Poli/ch., in the Trans. R. I. B. A.
vol. i. 79 to 82,) that the expression, white stone, used by Strabo
and Pausanias, would tend to show that architecture was not
coloured in the purest ages of Greek art ; but, independent of
experience proving the contrary, the earlier buildings being more
coloured than later ones, reason would show the necessity of pro-
viding white stone for buildings so decorated ; in order that the
colour should contrast sharply with the unpaiuted surfaces.

268 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

ccelatce of the Temple of Diana : columns enriched
with metal and coloured stones, and probably also
with painting : and that they were much more
enriched than those of the Erechtheum, is evident
by Pliny's thinking it right to mention this decora-
tion expressly, which would have been unnecessary,
where so many other particulars are omitted, as
the sculptures of the temple, the arrangement and
distribution of its hyprethron, the extent of the
peribolus, and the situation of its propylsea. (See
page 245, note 3.)

11. The hypcethrou.

That the Temple was hypasthral there can be no
doubt. Vitruvius's definition ofhypcethros is said to be
un characterized by his usual precision. He says, —
" The hypsethros has (generally) ten columns in the
pronaos and posticum : in all other respects it is
like the dipteros. Within, it has two rows of
columns, one above the other, at some distance
from the wall, as the portico of a peristyle ; but in
the middle it is open to the sky, without a roof.
The entrance is at each end, by doors in the pronaos
and in the posticum. There is no example of this
class of temple at Rome, but at Athens there is
an octastyle example, and the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius."1 These last words have constituted a
great difficulty to investigators of this subject : it

1 Hypsethros vero decastylos est in pronao, et postico : reliqua
omnia eadein habet qua? dipteros, sed interiore parte columnas in
altitudine duplices remotas a paiietibus ad circuitionein, ut porticus

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 269

seems strange that, after defining the hypsethral
temple to be decastyle, he should refer his readers
to an octastyle example. But, however vague the
description may be, it is the only detailed description
of such temples, and we must therefore endeavour
to discover Vitruvius' meaning. He begins by de-
scribing the most simple form of temples, and he
ends with temples of the most complex character.
He begins with temples in a litis, then he describes
the prostyle, the amphiprostyle, the peripteral, the
pseudo-dipteral, the dipteral, gradually increasing in
magnificence, till he comes to the grandest of all,
the hypgethral temple. We must bear in mind that
Vitruvius' work, " De Architectural' was illustrated
originally with diagrams. These diagrams he would
naturally refer to in the text ; and thus having
drawn out his ideal representations of the several
classes of temples, his descriptions having reference
to these diagrams, would appear more arbitrary
than we think consistent. No doubt his diagram of
the peripteral temple had six columns in front, and
eleven at the sides ; and so, therefore, he described
it, although temples with a greater number of
columns, but with this arrangement, would still be
peripteral : his diagram of the pseudo-dipteral had
eight columns in front, and fifteen at the sides,

pei'istyliorum : medium autem sub divo est sine tecto, aditusque
val varum ex utraque parte in pronao, et postico. Hujus autem
exemplar Remise non est, sed Atheuia octastylos, et in Templo Jovis
Olympii. — (Vitr. iii. 1.)

270 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

although pseudo-dipteral temples might exist with a
different number of columns : his dipteral had also
eight columns in front, and this instance is the
more remarkable, as he refers to the Temple of
Diana as an example, which we have already seen
must have been decastyle ; and, indeed, it would
be absurd to suppose that if octastyle temples could
be dipteral, decastyle temples were not : and in the
next paragraph Vitruvius admits this; for, after
describing the hypasthral temple as decastyle, he
says it was also dipteral. Thus with the hypaethral,
his diagram had ten columns in front ; but finding
no example at Rome, he refers his readers to ex-
amples with which he thinks they would be most
familiar, two celebrated buildings at Athens, the
Temple of Jupiter Olympius and the Parthenon ;
which latter temple, however, although hypsethral,
and provided with its double order of columns in
the interior, was, he confesses, only octastyle. I
think this simple view of the subject will rid the
question of much difficulty.

In an essay on the hypsethron lately published,1
I observed that the temples of the inferior deities
were covered, but those of the superior gods were

1 " On the Hypsethron of Greek Temples, together with some
observations in reply to the Reviewers of ' Daedalus/ " 8vo. Long-
mans, 1861.

It is proper to state that though in that essay I contended, from
the necessities of the case, that the Parthenon had a semicircular
ceiling, I do not pretend that all Greek temple3 had curved ceilings.

THE CELEBEATED TEMPLE. 271

generally kypsetkral, to denote that though the
statue was placed within the temple, the deity could
not be contained within walls, but had its habitation
in the heavens. I then showed the existence of
the hypsethron by extracts from a number of an-
cient writers, and argued from the matter-of-fact
descriptions by Vitruvius, and by quotations and
anecdotes from other authors, and from actual
examples in the temples of Bassse and JEgina,
fragments of which were discovered by Professor
Coekerell, that this opening must have been a
central and horizontal opening in the ridge of the
roof. This opening being in the centre of the roof,
would constitute the cella of temples having this
arrangement kypsetkral, under heaven ; the cella
itself being called the hypsethron, while the hole in
the roof, from &nr^, an opening, being, as we find
in the case of the temple at Eleusis, called opaion.
This word omaTov has two significations given to it
by Stephanus and other lexicographers, — " Foramen
per quod fumus ex furno aut camino exit," and
some temples, we know, had altars inside for burn-
ing victims, and therefore would require such an
opening for the emission of the smoke, — and " fora-
men ollse." Tkis latter signification i» peculiarly
appropriate to tke kypsetkral opening of temples,
wkick being in the centre of the roof, would resem-
ble the position of the mouth of a vase, which is
evidently at its summit. But, independently of
these descriptions and of actual remains, I endea-

272 TEMPLE OE DIANA.

voured to show, from the nature of the thing, that
the hypaethral opening had a sacred signification;
denoting that the deity, though present to the wor-
shippers at the time of sacrifice, was an inhabitant
of the heavens, and was able to communicate with
its temple through this opening, and that for this
purpose the opening must necessarily have been in
the centre of the roof. It was through this opening
that Apollo was said to leap down into his temple
at Delos ; through this opening that a female, per-
sonating the moon, descended to the sleeping Endy-
mion, as described by Lucian in his life of the false
prophet Alexander ; and through this opening that
they threw down stones upon Antiochus Epiphanes
and his soldiers in the temple of Manea in Syria.
The hypsethron of the Greek temple, and the atrium,
(aiQpiou,) of the Roman house, being each provided
with an o_paton in the centre of the roof, took their
names respectively from this same fact. Finally, in
answer to the objections brought forward against
such an opening by reason of the admission of rain,
&c, I adduced passages discovered by Professor
Boetticher, by which that learned writer on architec-
ture proves that the opening was occasionally closed
with doors* and that even in fine weather it was pro-
tected by awnings.1

In reference to the awning of this particular temple,

1 An answer to this essay has been since put forward by
Mr. Fergusson in a lecture before the Royal Institute of British
Architects, on the 18th of November, 18G1, and published by them

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 273

it so happens that we have a most minute descrip-
tion of one which, if myths were true, we might sup-
pose once be]onged to this temple. It is, in fact, the
peplos procured from Ephesus by Hercules, whose
connection with which city we have already seen,1
after his victory over the Amazons. Xuthus being
about to depart from Parnassus, to offer a sacrifice
to Bacchus, enjoined his son Ion 3 to entertain what
friends remained behind at Delphi with a feast.

" Instant at his behest, the pious youth
Uprears the enclosure of the ample tent,
Framed to exclude the sun's meridian blaze,
Or the mild splendour of his parting ray.
No wall he raised : the neighb'rins: woods afford
Supporters apt, without the mason's aid.
Ranged in right lines, the numerous stakes extend

in their " Transactions ; " and reported in the Builder, and Building
News. To this the reader is referred. It is due to that distin-
guished writer to admit that the angle tiles of the opaion dis-
covered by Professor Cockerell at Bassae and Phigalia, contain in
themselves no proof that the opening in the roof was in the centre,
and not in the slopes of the roof : although at the time of writing
my essay I thought so.

1 See pp. 21, 28, and 210.

2 "When the Athenians, by the advice of the Delphic oracle,
in a general assembly of the different states of Greece, sent out
thirteen colonies, and appointed a leader to each, reserving the
chief command for Ion, the son of Xuthus and Creusa : . . . . that
leader conducted them over into Asia, and occupied the borders of

Caria, and then built the great cities of Ephesus, <fcc. &c

The Ionian states received the appellation of Ionic from Ion their
leader, after the Carians and Leleges had been driven out." —
(Vitr. iv. 1.)

2 N

274 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

In length a hundred feet, in breadth a hundred ;

Enclosing, as the skilful say, a square

Of full ten thousand feet ; in which to feast

All Delphi, he prepares the genial board.

Then from the treasury of the god he takes

The consecrated tapestry, splendid woof !

To clothe with grateful shade the wondrous scene.

First o'er the roof he spreads the skirted peplus,

(The skirts on every side hang waving down,)

Spoil of the Amazons, the votive gift

That Hercules, heroic son of Jove,

Returned from conquest, offer d to Apollo.

On this rich produce of the loom are wrought

The Heavens, within whose spacious azure round

The num'rous hosts of stars collective shine ;

His coursers there, down to his western goal

The Sun has driven ; his last expiring beams

Draw forth the radiant light of Hesperus ;

In sable stole Night urges on amain,

With slackeu'd reins, her steeds and dusky car :

The constellations on their swarthy queen

Attend : there, through the mid-heavens, win their way

The Pleiades : his sword Orion grasps :

Above them shines the Bear, circling around

Heaven's golden axis ; while the full-orb' d Moon

That halves the varying months, darts from on high

Her grateful splendour : there the Hyades,

To mariners unerring well-known sign,

Appear ; and glowing in the east Aurora,

The harbinger of day, that from the sky

Chases Night's glittering train." l

Here, independently of Hercules and the Amazons,
the subject of the decoration refers to Diana, if we
may suppose that Artemis and Selene were identical,3

1 Euripides, Ion, act iv. sc. 1, v. 1143.

2 See on this subject, Gerhard, Griechische Mythologie, p. 349.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 275

as the Moon, the Queen of Heaven. That luminary
is represented in the full, on high, in her meridian
splendour : the last expiring beams of the sun are
seen faintly in the west, while Aurora appears at
the opposite extremity of the heavens, thus denoting
the extended reign of the deity of the Ephesians.
The subject of the decoration is also of importance,
as showing that this peplus1 was an aiming, and
not a curtain : and another particular in connection
with this that requires to be noticed are the skirts
which on every side hung waving down.

The general characteristic of the hypaethral ar-
rangement was a double order of columns, as described
by Vitruvius.2 Such we still find in the Temple of
Ceres at Psestum ; and such would appear, from
Wheler's description, to have existed in the Par-
thenon.3 Pausanias, describing the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius at Elis,4 says : — " Within the cella there
are columns supporting lofty porticos ; " i. e. there
are columns or porticos supporting other porticos.
The Temple of Minerva at Tegea, built by the same
Scopas that designed the thirty-six columns ccelatce
of the Temple of Diana, had a double order of

1 The word ireirXoc signifies indifferently an awning, a garment,
and a wrapper or covering. In the above passage from Euripides,
we find it used for an awning ; in Pollux, vii. 13, " its use is
described as twofold, — to wear as a garment, and to cover some-
thing. That it signified a garment, we may conclude from the
pepli of Minerva." And lastly Homer, (II. E. 194,) tells us that
Pandarus left his chariots at home covered up with pepli.

2 See page 268. 3 Spon and Wheler, p. 364. 4 Paus. v. 10.

276 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

columns in the hyprethral part : the lower were
Doric, the upper Corinthian, and the outer columns
Ionic.1 Of the Temple of Ceres at Eleusis, it is
recorded that " Metas;enes added the diazoma and
the upper columns ; " 3 thereby showing that it was
of two orders. We may likewise class the Temple
of Apollo at Miletus in the number of temples which
are known to have had a double colonnade within,
Choiseul Gouffier informing us that he had dis-
covered in the centre of the ruins a Corinthian
column of much smaller diameter than the outer
Ionic.3 And such we know was the Temple of
Jupiter at iEgina. The only exception to this rule
is the Temple of Apollo Epicureus at Bassse, the
cella of which was ornamented with a single row of
columns. That a gallery generally existed on a
level with the upper colonnade is very probable ;
an arrangement highly valuable for the display of
the numerous works of art with which we know the
temples to have been decorated. Such a gallery
we know to have existed in the temple of Jupiter
Olympius at Elis, Pausanias telling us that " those
who desired to see the statue of Jupiter, could do so
by ascending to the upper colonnade."4 For other
instances of galleries, see page 307. Such a gallery
we also know to have existed at ^Egina : though in
the Temple of Neptune at Psestum, and some temples

1 Pans. viii. 45. 2 Pint, in Peric.

3 Oh. Gouf. Voy. Pit. i. 292, pi. 114.

4 Paus. v. 10.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 277

at Selinus, the upper colonnade does not appear to
have been made use of for this purpose. Vitruvius
describes these double colonnades as a distinguishing
mark of the hypsethral temple ; and we may there-
fore infer that all temples having this double colon-
nade in the interior were hypasthral. The remains
of double staircases at the entrance to most of the
great temples, afford another proof of the existence
of such galleries.

12. The Temple was surrounded on the outside hij
statues.

These statues were pjaced in front of the different
columns ; for thus we see the Temple represented
on a coin of Ephesus published by Venuti.1
The figures appear to be canephorae. Another
instance of this mode of decoration occurs in an
ancient illumination representing the interview be-
tween the Trojan ambassadors and King Latinus.2
In the background is an octastyle temple with
bronze statues in front of the columns ; and we
find them similarly described in the Temple of
Jupiter Olympius at Athens : they were of brass,
and represented cities of Athenian colonies.3 In

1 Mus. Alb. 1, xiii. 3.

2 Bai'toli, Virg. God. Bib!. Vat. Pictures; Agiucoiut, Hist, of Art,
Painting, pi. 25.

3 Paus. i. 18. It is possible that in some of the foregoing
instances the statues were confined to the front of the temple :
this is unimportant : we may reasonably suppose that they would
begin by placing them in the principal front only, and as means
increased, they would place them eventually at the back front,

278

TEMPLE OF DIANA.

the Parthenon also it has recently been discovered
that statues stood in front of each column, as
evidenced by the traces on the marble steps.1 It
appears also from Pausanias, (ii. 17,) that the
Temple of Juno in Eubcea had statues in front of
the columns of the principal entrance ; for, after
telling us that statues stood " before the entrance,"
(7rpo rr\g leroSou,) he says, — " But in the pronaos,
('Ev %l rep sj-goj/cao,) there were other statues; " thus
rendering it clear that those he first spoke of were
before the pronaos, and consequently before the
front columns. On a coin of Hadrian a decastyle
temple is represented, supposed to be the Temple
of Venus and Eome, with four statues in front of
the columns, (the two outside columns and two of
the intermediate.) There is also a monumental
column on each side, surmounted by a statue.2 On
a coin of Vespasian's, a hexastyle temple is repre-
sented with a statue on each return front,3 and the
same is shown on one of Domitian's ; 4 a similar
arrangement of a tetrastyle temple appears on a
coin of the same emperor ; 5 and on a coin of Greta's

and sides. And, lest it should be objected that the number of
statues I have shown in nay plan is improbable, it should be remem-
bered that no fewer than five hundred brazen statues were taken
from the temple at Delphi on one occasion.— (See page 30G.)

1 Penrose, Principles of Athenian Architecture, chap. ii. sect. i.
page 5.

2 Buonarotti, Osserv. 1st. sopra Ale. Medag. Ant. pi. 1, No. 5.

3 Thes. Morel, torn. ii. pi. 56, No. 23.

4 Id. pi. 89, No. 14. 5 Id. pi. 89, No. 13.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 279

the Temple of Jupiter Tonans is represented as
hexastyle, with a statue in front of each column.1
Another example of this practice is shown in the
coins of Antoninus Pius, several of which represent
an octastyle temple with a standing figure in front
of the end columns, and sitting ones in front of the
two intermediate columns. Two deities are repre-
sented as sitting on one pedestal in the interior, and
the coins have the following legend, — templum • div •

AUG -REST* COS • I III.

This custom I should imagine to be derived from
the avenues of sphinxes with which the Egyptians
were wont to give majesty and solemnity to their
sacred edifices. To what extent this feature was
used in European edifices we are unaware ; but
remains existed of a similar avenue which gave
approach to the Temple of Apollo at Miletus, till the
statues were removed to this country. Like the
sphinxes of the Egyptian avenues, the statues of
these temples were intended to impress reverence
on the minds of the spectators, and to give honour
to the deity, by making it appear that the Temple
was never deserted, but constantly surrounded by
other deities, and the statues of the best and
greatest of departed mortals. Thus the beholder
would either be impressed with reverence to a deity,
or if the statue were of a mortal, he would consider
how inferior he was to the virtues of the deceased,

1 Vaillant, Num. Imp. Rom. ii. 257.

280 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

and be excited to emulate them. To the placing of
statues in front of columns succeeded attaching
them to the columns on little brackets jutting out
from the shaft, as in the triumphal entrance to the
city of Pompeiopolis in Cilicia, in the Stadium at
Cibyra, and in various buildings at Baalbec, Pal-
myra, and Spalatro.

13. The door, roof, and stairs of the Temple.

Before closing the remarks on the plan and
arrangement of the Temple, it is necessary to refer
to three particulars given us by Pliny : — its door,
its roof, and its stairs. Theophrastus tells us that
the doors were made of cypress wood, the planks
for which had been treasured up for four generations.1
Pliny also, on the authority of Mucianus the Consul,
who visited Ephesus, says : — " The doors (are said)
to be of cypress, and notwithstanding the lapse of
near four hundred years, they continue as good as
new ; but it is to be remembered that they were
kept four years in glue. Cypress was chosen in
preference to other woods, because, in addition to
other advantages, it alone has the property of
constantly preserving its beauty and polish."2 In
proof of this he refers to the statue of Vejovis in
the Capitol, which was of this wood, and executed
in the year of Rome G61,3 or 93 B.C. ; also to the
juniper roof of the Temple of Diana at Saguntum

1 Theophr. de Historia Plantarum, v. 5.

2 Plin. H.N. xvi. 79. 3 Theophrastus has 551.

THE CELEBKATED TEMPLE. 281

in Spain, said to have been founded two hundred
years before the destruction of Troy, and which
still continued sound and good in Pliny's time ;
and to the roof of the Temple of Diana in Aulis,
which was of the same antiquity, and still perfect :
and then observes, the more odoriferous a wood is,
the more durable it is likely to be.

It does not appear whether these cypress doors
were lined with bronze ornamented in bas-relief,
or whether they were inlaid with other woods, or
decorated with metal caelatura. Pliny says the
doors of the earliest temples were of brass.1 This
is probable, for we have already had occasion to
notice the extensive use of metal in the early ages
of the world. As the arts progressed, a more
elegant style of enrichment was made use of: and
thus the doors were frequently executed in the most
delicate inlaid work, or were beautifully painted.
The doors of the Temple of Minerva at Syracuse,
were ornamented with ivory panels of rich sculp-
ture set in gold. " It is incredible, (says Cicero,)
how many Greek authors have described these
doors : no temple ever had any more magnificent
in gold and ivory."2 Virgil's temple to Augustus
on the river Mincius, Avas to have relievi of ivory
and gold in the panels of the doors. Shortly after
Pliny's description of the doors of the Temple of
Diana was written, it would appear that they were

1 Plin. //. N. xxxiv. 7.

2 Cic. in Verrem, <le Siynis, § 5G.

2 o

282 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

destroyed ; for Petrus Gryllius, speaking of the loss
sustained by a fire at Constantinople, mentions, as
being also destroyed, " the doors of the Temple
of Diana at Ephesus, the gift of Trajan, executed
from the spoils of Scythians, and exhibiting the
battles of the giants, Jupiter with his thunderbolts,
Neptune with his trident, Apollo with his arrows ;
and in the lower part the giants fighting with
dragons, throwing rocks with their hands, and
looking up with maddened eyes."1 As Minerva
and Mercury were the protecting deities of doors,
and therefore called Pronaoi* it is probable that
either the door itself would be ornamented with
their representations, or that their statues would be
placed in the pronaos of the temple, and protected
from public intrusion by the transennee3 or plutea,

1 Petr. Gyll. iii. 4. Simonides, in one of his epigrams, speaks
of a temple the door of which had the outside panel of right
valve painted by Simon of Cleouse, and the inside panel of left
valve by Dionysius of Colophon. — (Analect. i. 142; Simonid.
Carm. lxxxiv.) The door of the Temple of Apollo at Cyzicus was
painted on the outside with the subject of Mollis and Boetus, the
two sons of Neptune, delivering their mother Melanippe. —
(Anthol. Pal. Paralipom. ex Cod. Vat. No. 23, xiii. 636 ; Cic. in Verr.
iv. 56.)

2 Paus. ix. 10.

3 Transennse were employed in all Byzantine churches to divide
the choir or presbytery from the nave ; and they are also seen in
the Saracenic buildings of Asia Minor, used in the same manner as
here indicated ; namely, as low perforated screens, placed between
the columns, -so as to enclose the porticos in front of mosques.
Very magnificent examples may be seen at Ballat, (Miletus.)
Mellass, (Mylassa,) Boorsa, (Brusa,) and Iznic, (Nicsea.)

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 283

with which it was customary to enclose these
parts of temples. " The three inter colunmiations
between the anta3 and the columns are to be
enclosed by marble plutea, (or divisions of open
work ?) so constructed as to have doors for access
to the pronaos."1 It is to be remarked here that
Vitruvius is describing a peripteral temple, not a
dipteral; and which, therefore, would require the
enclosure to be more restricted ; but the Temple of
Diana being dipteral, I have extended the enclosure
of the pronaos and posticum, so as to take in the
space of one intercolumniation in front of the antse.
Evidences of these plutea are to be seen in the
Temples of Theseus and Rhamnus, and in the
Parthenon at Athens.

The roof was entirely of cedar, the rafters which
supported the tiling, as also the horizontal beams
which formed the ceiling. Pliny speaks of both,
Vitruvius of the latter only. " Of all woods, ebony,
cypress, and cedar, are thought to be the most
durable ; a good proof of which is to be seen in the
timber of which the Temple of Diana at Ephesus is
built : it being now four hundred years since it was
erected, at the joint expense of all Asia ; and what
is a well-known fact, the roof is wholly composed of
planks of cedar." 2 Vitruvius merely says the coffered
ceiling, (lacunaria,) was of cedar.3 The ceiling of the
interior of temples we may suppose was generally of

1 Vitr. iv. 4. 2 piin. h. N. xvi. 79. 3 Vitr. ii. 9.

284 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

wood, and decorated with painting. The shrines
ronnd about the Pantheon of Adrian at Athens, had
gilt soffits (opo'cJ>a>T£ S7ri^f>u(rcp).1 " The ceiling (opo<po£)
of the temple at Stymphalia is ornamented with
birds, but whether of wood or plaster it is difficult
to conceive."3 And in speaking of the roof of the
Temple of Juno at Elis, and distinguishing between
that part which supported the tiling, and the
horizontal part, Pausanias says the latter was
decorated?

The ceiling of the Temple of Juno at Samos, was
painted with the intrigues of Jupiter and Juno.4
One of the most remarkable ceilings of wood was
that of the Bouleuterion of Cyzicus, which was so
contrived that it was put together without metal,
and might be taken to pieces at pleasure.5 Metal
ceilings, however, were not uncommon ; the Cella
Solearis of the baths of Caracalla had a dome,
the ribs of which were of bronze.6 The Pantheon
at Pome had its dome lined with gilt bronze, which
was stolen by Constance II., while the massive
bronze lining of the front portico was stripped off
by Urban VIII. , who placed his name on the
portico as the " Restorer of the Pantheon !" The
Forum of Trajan had a bronze ceiling.7 Appian

1 Paus. i. 18. 2 Id. viii. 22.

3 Paus. v. 20. Tertullian speaks of the decorated ceilings of
temples. — (Apolog. xxiv.)

4 Origines contra Celsum, iv. 196. fi Plin. xxxvi. 15.
6 ^Elius Spartianus, in vitd. 7 Pans. v. 12.

THE CELEBRATED TEMPLE. 285

tells us that the Temple of Apollo at Cotho, the
port of the Carthaginians, had a ceiling of gold.1
So also, a Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Antioch,
the walls and ceiling of which were lined with plates
of gold.2 Beams of gold were taken away from the
Temple of Jerusalem by Crassus.3

The staircase was of the wood of the vine.
" Vines were reckoned among the ancients in the
class of trees4 .... and even now the stairs
leading to the roof of the Temple of the Ephesian
Diana are formed of the vine-tree, said to be from
Cyprus ; because there principally vines grow to
a great size. Nor is any wood more durable by
nature."5

1 Be Bellis Punicis, parag. 79, Anstel.

2 Liv. xli. 20. 3 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 7.

4 Plin. H. N. xiv. 1. At Mysa, in Turkey in Europe, I saw a
vine of an immense size, which I took a drawing of, and lent to a
friend, who has since lost it : I should say, from recollection, that the
trunk was twenty-four inches in diameter. The doors of Ravenna
Cathedral are of vine planks, the largest of which measure one foot
nine inches in width, and four inches in thickness.

5 Plin. H. N. xiv. 2.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE.

The Statue of Diana — The Veil of the Temple — The Carpentum
of the Deity — The Fountain Hypelseus, within the Temple —
Works of Art, within the Temple — The Treasury of the
Temple.

1. The Statue of Diana.

In the primitive ages the gods were worshipped
without images ; l and when corporeal representa-
tions were first given them, they were of shapeless
forms, without any resemblance to the human figure.2
Thus in coins of Cyprus, Yenus is represented in the
form of a parabolic cone,3 and this rude image was
preserved even to the time of the emperors "Vespa-
sian and Domitian.4 The Dorian Apollo and the Juno
of Argos were in the form of a column ; and the
Samian Juno,5 and the Minerva of Lindus were

1 Herodotus ; Lucian. de Dea Syria.

2 Paus. vii. 22 ; Clemens. Alexr. Protrept. p. 30 A ; Themistin.
Orat. xv. Such were the statues of the Attic Minerva and the
Farian Ceres. — (Tertul. cont. Nation, i. 12.)

3 Tacitus, Hist. ii. 2, 3.

4 Thes. Morel, torn. i. pi. 55, Nos. 5; 56, 9 ; 76 ; 29 ; 31 ;
torn. ii. 50, 8 ; 67, 3 ; 83, 8.

5 Barth. Anarch: lxxiv.

D I A IT A E P H E S I A.

THE MUSEUM AT NAPLES.

DavSL.ScaIitH!iotbB Qikct-

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 287

mere planks.1 Tbe Cadmean Bacchus was a rough
piece of wood, supposed to have fallen from heaven,
and which was afterwards covered with brass : 3
the Jupiter Casius of Pieria3 and the Hercules of
Hyettus in Bceotia4 were unhewn shapeless stones :
the Jupiter of Chasronea was in the form of a
sceptre ; 5 and the Cimmerian Mars in that of a
cimeter.G

Many of these were supposed to have fallen from
heaven, and therefore worthy of particular reverence;
and such was the original statue of Diana.7 Suidas
says the priests killed the sculptors of the statue
of- Diana, in order that they should not own having
made it.8 Respecting this statue we have a tradi-
tion recorded by Dionysius and Callimachus,9 but
commentators are far from being agreed as to its
meaning : some understanding that the statue
was placed under a tree, others on the stump of a
tree, and others in the hollow of a tree : Callimachus
says it was a beech-tree, and Dionysius an elm.
At Mantinea there was a statue of Diana enclosed

i Gulil, p. 185. 2 Paus. ix. 12.

3 Vaillant, Num. Grcec. p. 30. 4 Paus. ix. 24.

5 Id. ix. 40. 6 Herod, iv. G2.

7 Acts, xix. 35 ; Bodeus, p. 526 ; Scaliger, lib. ii. par. ii. p. 55,

No. DCCCLXX.

8 Suidas in AunrtTtc. The statue of Diana in the Tauric Cher-
sonese was also believed to have fallen from heaven. — (Eurip. Tphig.
in Tauris, v. 100.)

9 Dion. Perieg. v. 828, 9 ; Call. Hym. Diem. 239. See
page 211.

288 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

in the hollow of a large cedar-tree, and the goddess
was thence called Cedreatis j1 and in the Bible we
learn that it was very common to set up images
under trees.2

We are equally uncertain of what wood the statue
was formed. In general that wood was selected for
the statues of the gods, to which each respective
deity was supposed to be attached ; and when we
consider the age of the statue, and reflect that it
was probably covered with gold, at least in parts,3
and with painting, it is not at all extraordinary
that even eye-witnesses should differ in their reports
respecting it.

In addition to the opinions of some, who sup-
posed it to be formed of beech or elm, Vitruvius
considered it was of cedar ;4 Xenophon says it was
of gold ;5 while Pliny observes : — " As to the statue
of the goddess, there is some doubt as to the
wood; all writers say that it is of ebony, with the
exception of Mucianus, who was thrice consul, and
one of the last who saw it. He says that it is
made of the wood of the vine, and that it has never
been changed all the seven times that the Temple
has been rebuilt. He says too that it was Endeeus
who made choice of this wood."6 Athenagoras

1 Paus. viii. 13.

2 Herod, ii. 55, 6 ; Deut. xii. 2 ; Josh. xxiv. 26.

3 The statue of the Temple of Diana at Stymphalus was of wood,
and for the most part gilt. — (Paus. viii. 22.)

4 Vitr. ii. 9. 5 Xen. Anab. v. 6 Plin. II. JY. xvi. 79.

THE CONTEXTS OP THE TEMPLE. 289

also asserts that it was made by Endasus, the
pupil of Daedalus.1 Pliny goes on to say that " by
means of numerous holes it was kept moistened by
spikenard, in order that the moist nature of that
drug might preserve the wood, and keep the
seams close together, a precaution which would
seem unnecessary, considering its very moderate
size."2

That there were more statues than one is very
evident. That which was supposed to have fallen
down from Jupiter dated from the establishment
of the Amazons, and was an inform block of beech
or elm. This was ever esteemed as the most
sacred, but did not necessarily occupy the principal
place of the temple ; on the contrary, it was small,
and was probably kept with great care in the
opisthodomus, or in some well-defended shrine in
the naos, like the sacred relics in Roman Catholic
churches.

The form of the statue with which we are best
acquainted, denotes great antiquity, from its closed
feet, its hands supported by fulcra, (verua,) its
swaddled body, and the symbolic sculpture with
which it is charged. Whether that executed by
Mentor was of this character is uncertain ; but
■whether it were copied from this ancient type, or

1 Athenag. pro Christ. 14.

2 From this passage Quatremere de Quincy supposes that the
statue was chryselephantine.

2 p

290 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

not, its execution was considered as a master-
piece.1

The great number of breasts of animals with
which the statue of Diana was covered, and from
which she was called multimammia, (7roXu/x.ao-TO£,)
confirms the opinion of some learned men, that
the Egyptian Isis and the Greek Diana were the
same divinity with Rhoea, whose name they suppose
to be derived from the Hebrew word nm , Behah, to
feed; and like Rhoea she was crowned with turrets,
to denote her dominion over terrestrial objects. It
is supposed that the crab, which is so frequently
seen on the figures of this goddess, refers to that
sign of the zodiac in which the "Nile overflows its
banks.2 According to Herodotus, it appears that
she was the same as Bubastis.3

The circle round her head denotes the nimbus
of her glory ; the griffins inside of which express
its brilliancy. In her breast are the twelve signs
of the zodiac ; of which those seen in front are the
Ram, Bull, Twins, Crab, and Lion : they are divided
by the hours. Her necklace is composed of acorns,4
the primeval food of man. (See page 293.) Lions
are on her arms, to denote her power, and her
hands are stretched out to show that she is ready
to receive all who come to her. Her body is
covered with various beasts and monsters, as

1 Plin. H. N. vii. 39. 2 Spelman, note to Xen. Anab. v.

3 Hero.d. ii. 41, 59, 137. 4 Or faXXoi.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 291

sirens, sphinxes, and griffins, to show that she is
the source of nature, the mother of all things.
(See page 294.) Her head, hands, and feet, are
of bronze, while the rest of the statue is of
alabaster, to express the ever-varying light and
shade of the moon's figure. The figure of Ephesus
on the pedestal (of the statue of Tiberius) found at
Puteoh, and now in the museum at Naples, has
three ears of corn, a pomegranate, and a poppy in
her hand, as symbols of fertility ; thus we see three
ears of corn shown on an Ephesian coin,1 and another
coin represents a figure (Ephesus ?) holding ears
of corn and poppies.2 The flame on her head may
be an indication of divine favour ; 3 or the origin of
the city by the accidental fire of the fishermen.4
The veil of the statue indicates night.

The statue in the Forum of Elis had horns
on its head : 5 in the Orphic Hymn, Diana is
called bull-horned ; and Plutarch remarks that the
Temple of Diana on Mount Aventine had ox-horns
attached,6 but that all other temples of Diana had
stag-horns. The Egyptian Isis, who corresponded
to Diana, was " represented under the form of a
woman, and, as the Greeks paint Io, with horns
on her head."7 The moon was represented as

1 Mionnet, Med, Suppl. vi. Ionie, No. 880. 2 Id. Med. iii. 208.

3 For a similar instance, see Virg. jEn. ii. 682.

4 Gronov. Mar. Bas. Col. Tib. xxiii. 5 Paus. vi. 24.

6 Livy also, i. 45. 7 Herod, ii. 41.

292 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

drawn by bulls, because as these till the ground, so
the moon governs all those parts which surround
the earth.1 Hence Diana was called Tauropolis,
and hence those of the Phocasans, who founded
the city Tauroeis or Tauroentium in Gaul, and
established the worship of Diana Ephesia, called
the city by this name from the sacred sign of
their vessel.3

Diana was believed to assist at generation, from
the circumstance of the time of bearing being
regulated by the lunar month : 3 and Proclus says
of her, or the moon, — she " is the cause of nature
to mortals, as she is the self-conspicuous image
of fontal nature.' '4 The following address to this
divinity, in Apuleius, will show us in what respect
the moon was held by heathen nations.

" Lucius awaking from his sleep, and seeing
the moon shining in full splendour, recollected that
the power of Diana was most extensive, that all
earthly things were directed by her governance ;
that not only animals, but even inanimate beings,
feel the effects of her light and divinity ; and that
all things, whether in heaven, or earth, or the
waters, augment and diminish as the moon in-
creases or diminishes, and he therefore prayed to
her to change his metamorphosis back again to

1 Taylor's Paus. vol. iii. p. 196. 2 Ptolemy, citing Apollodorus.
3 Cic. Nat. Dear. ii. 27. 4 Proc. in Tim. p. 260.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 293

the human form. He then rose suddenly, and
went to purify himself by washing in the sea,
plunging his head seven times in the water, in
accordance with the doctrine of Pythagoras, who
teaches that number to be the most suitable for
religious actions : then full of joy and hope, he
made the following prayer to the goddess, his
eyes suffused with tears: — 'Queen of heaven!
whosoever thou art ! whether thou be the beneficent
Ceres, mother of corn, who, in the effects of joy
which thou feltest for the recovery of thy daughter,
relieved men from the ancient diet of acorns, which
they had in common with wild beasts, giving them
a more gentle nourishment : thou who hast chosen
thine abode in the fields of Eleusis ; whether thou
be the heavenly Venus, who in the beginning of
the world having created love, united the two
sexes, and perpetuated the human species ; and
who art adored in the sea-girt Temple of Paphos !
whether thou art the sister of Apollo, who by the
assistance which thou givest to pregnant women,
hast caused so many people to enter the world;
and who art adored in the magnificent Temple of
Ephesus ! . . . . Thou ! whosoever thou art ! who
art the second light in the universe, and by thy
moist rays nourishest plants, and diffusest thy
light sufficiently, according as thou approachest
or recedest from the sun. Great goddess ! under
whatever name, under whatever form, and by

294 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

whatever ceremonies thou art reverenced, succour
me in my extreme distress.' "

To this the goddess answered : —

" Lucius, thy prayers have reached me; moved
by thy supplications, I come to thee, I am Nature,
the mother of all things."1

We are not to suppose that this was the only
statue of the divinity within the Temple : that it
was customary to have more than one statue of the
divinity in a temple, is evidenced by the Temple
of Diana at; Aulis, " which contains two stone
statues ; one of these holds a torch, and the other
is in the attitude of one shooting an arrow : "2
but this is particularly shown in the account we
have of the Temple of Diana at Massilia, (Mar-
seilles). " This city was founded by the Phocseans,
and had in its citadel the temple called the Ephe-
sium ... .so named because it was conse-
crated to Diana of Ephesus. They narrate that
when the Phocseans were about to quit their

1 Apuleius, Met. xi. This is the very same title by which we
find Diana Ephesia distinguished on several ancient statues. In
Montfaucon are two engravings of statues, bearing the following
inscription : — " Nature, full of variety, the mother of all things."
— (Mont. Ant. Exp. i. p. 158.) " The name of Diana is supposed to
come from DIVIANA., the feminine according to the old Etrus-
can idiom of DIVUS, and therefore signifying the goddess, or
general female personification of the divine nature, which the moon
was considered to be in the ancient planetary worship, which pre-
ceded the symbolic." — (Knight, Enquiry Symb. § \i'2.)

2 Paus. ix. 19;

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 295

country, they were enjoined by an oracle to take
from Diana of Ephesus, a guide for the voyage they
were about to undertake. Repairing, therefore,
to Ephesus, to inquire of the goddess how they
could conform to the dictates of the oracle, Diana
they say appeared in a dream to Aristarche, one of
the principal women of Ephesus, and ordered her
to depart with the Phocseans, taking with her one
of the consecrated statues in her temple."1 In
Apuleius, we read of the small silver statues of the
goddess being brought out and placed on the steps
of the temple, for the people to kiss at the conclu-
sion of the festival.

The fact of there being several statues of Diana
in her temple, is also expressly stated by Caesar in
his Commentaries.2 The statue taken to Massilia
was probably one of the usual form ; but that the
temple also contained statues of Diana in many
other characters, would appear from the coins of
the city, which represent Diana Venatrix,3 or Diana
Lucifera, quite as frequently as Diana Ephesia.
Of the former description, she is sometimes repre-
sented as taking a dart from her quiver ; as
drawing a bow ; with a javelin ; with a patera and
spear ; running, and darting a javelin ; with a
javelin on her shoulder, and carrying the skin

1 Strabo, p. 179. 2 See page 342.

3 " Venatvix Ephesium virgo." — (Prudeutius, Orat. cont. Symac.
i. 361.)

296 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

of a wild boar ; with a shield ; kneeling on, and
killing a stag, sometimes with her hands only,
at other times with a dart, or a sword ; killing
a wild boar with a spear, and armed with a
shield ; riding on a stag ; in a chariot ; and
lastly, in repose. The Diana Ephesia has been
supposed by some to have no affinity with the
daughter of Latona ; but the numerous coins of
Diana Yenatrix just referred to, and the story of
the original foundation of Ephesus, when a temple
to Apolio was built conjointly with that of Diana,1
and Lucius' address to Diana in Apuleius, prove
her to be identical.

The principal deity, however, of the Temple, was
the Diana properly called Ephesia, and the form of
her image was never changed, athough the temple
had been rebuilt several times.2 Diana was called
Artemis from her power of curing diseases;3 and
Ojris from the beauty of her countenance. By the
latter title she is addressed in the hymn to her
honour, composed by Timotheus on the conse-
cration of her temple, as especially remarked by
Macrobius.4

1 See page 42.

2 Pliny, as quoted in page 288. 3 Strabo, p. 635.

4 Macrob. Sat. v. 22, quoted in page 217. See also Herod, iv. 35.
Among other epithets, she had those of Amarusia, resplendent ;
Amphipyros, girt with fire ; Aphcea, deliverer ; Ariste, the best ;
Aristobula, of excellent counsel ; Gallista, the most beautiful ;
Ethiope, of burning eyes ; Euclea, the famous ; Ilecaerga and
Hecatabole, far-darting ; ffemeresia, the propitious ; Leucophrya,

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 297

2. The Veil of the Temple.

The statue was concealed from the multitude by
a veil, (parapetasma,)1 which Pausanias informs us
was "raised towards the ceiling; unlike that of
Jupiter Olympius, which was let down by ropes
on the pavement," 3 or that of the Temple of Isis
described by Apuleius, where, at the break of day,
when worshippers began to appear, the priests
" drew aside the gorgeous veils which covered the
adorable image of the goddess:"3 and certainly
either of these latter modes seems preferable to
an upward motion ; for it would be much more
dignified and natural that the head should first be
visible, and so the figure gradually increase, or
that the whole statue should suddenly, and at once
appear, than that the lower portion of the figure
should be first seen. The mention of a veil will
naturally direct our attention to the veil of the
Jewish temple, the mention of which will show
the high antiquity of this usage. The veil of the
Tabernacle was of fine twined linen, of blue, and
purple, and scarlet, adorned with cherubim, and

white-bixwed ; Orthia, the just ; Orthobule, the prudent ; Philo-
mirax, pleased with youth ; Phoebe, brightness ; Phosjihore, splen-
dour-bearing; Protothronia, highest-throned ; Selaspliore, producing
light ; Soter, the protectress. — (Valpy, Class. Man. p. 159.)

1 This veil is supposed to be repi-esented on a coin of Ephesus,
the subject of which is a tetrastyle temple, and a slight indication
of a curtain on one side. — (Buonarotti, Med. Ant. pi. 1, No. 6.)

2 Paus. v. 12.

3 "Ac velis candentibus reductis in divei'sum." — (Apul. Met. xi.)

2(i

298 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

hung upon four wooden pillars overlaid with gold.1
This was in 1491 B.C. The description of the
veil of the Temple of Solomon, executed in 1015
B.C., is precisely similar,2 and as we are informed
by Josephus, was of Babylonian manufacture.3 This
feature of the Jewish temple is constantly referred
to by the word parapetasma : and its use and
purport is still kept up, though modified, in the
iconastasis of the Greek Church.* " The veil of
the Temple of Jupiter Olympius was of wool,
adorned with Assyrian weaving and the purple of
the Phoenicians ; it was dedicated by King Anti-
ochus ;"5 and we may suppose that the parapetasma
of the Temple of Diana, like its peplos, (see page
273,) was ornamented with figures and arabesques
woven into it, and thus was rendered a beautiful
accessory of the temple : and certainly nothing could
so much contribute to the imposing nature of the
scene, as the concealing the image from the eyes
of the worshippers, till they had all taken their
places, and observed a solemn silence ; and then,
at a given signal, at the blast of trumpets,6 for the

1 Exod. xxvi. 31, 2 ; xxxvi. 35, G.

2 2 Chron. iii. 14. 3 Jos. Bell. v. 5, 4.

4 Some of these are particularly gorgeous, especially in the rich
Russian churches, as at Moscow, and Kief, and Novogorod, where
they glitter with gold, silver, and precious stones.

5 Pans. v. 12.

6 The sacred trumpeters are particularly mentioned among the
officers of the temple, in an ancient inscription published by
Chandler. See page 332.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 299

curtain to be removed amidst the shouts of an
adoring multitude.

Whether we believe the heathen oracles to
have originated from imposture, and to have been
confirmed by the credulence and superstition of
subsequent ages ; or whether with some we suppose
them to have been occasionally influenced by the
spirit of God, for the fulfilment of his wise purposes
in the government of the world : or with others,
that they were caused by supernatural magic and
sorcery ; certain it is that they were upheld by
deceit and chicanery, and the employment of what
is called natural magic. Thus, in the supernatural
appearance of the gods1 in the Temple of Hercules
at Tyre, of Esculapius at Tarsus,3 of the Syrian
goddess at Hierapolis,3 of the " Mothers " at
Euguium, or Eugyum, in Sicily,4 of Diana of
Letrini, near Elis,5 like that of Apollo as described
by Callimachus in the following manner, the effect
must have been produced by the aid of natural
magic. .

" See how the laurel's hallowed branches wave !
Hark ! sounds tumultuous shake the trembling cave !
Far ye profane ! far off! with beauteous feet
Bright Phoebus comes, and thunders at the gate :

1 Apollo, Diana, and Minerva were believed to have appeared
bodily in the defence of Delos, and the supernatural discomfiture
of the Gauls. — (Justinus, xxiv. 0.)

2 Philost. Apol. Tyari. i. 7. 3 Lucian. de Dea Syria.

4 Plut. in Marcel. 20. The mothers are supposed to be Cybele,
Juno, and Ceres. 5 Paus. vi. 22.

300 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

See ! The glad sign the Deli an palm Lath given !

Sudden it bends ! and hovering in the heaven,

Soft sings the swan with melody divine.

Burst ope, ye bars ! ye gates, your heads decline !

Decline your heads ! Ye sacred doors, expand !

He comes ! The god of light ! The god 's at hand ! 1

Begin the song, and tread the sacred ground

In mystic dance, symphonious to the sound.

Begin, young men ! Apollo's eyes endure

None but the good, the perfect, and the pure.

Who view the god are great : but abject they

From whom he turns his favouring eyes away.

All-piercing God! in every place confessed,

We will prepare, behold thee, and be blessed.

He comes, young men ! nor silent should ye stand

With harp or feet, when Phoebus is at hand."

That these appearances were not the mere dis-
playing of the image on raising or lowering the
rich embroidered para/petasma, an action no doubt
attended with considerable solemnity, but visible
moving representations of the deity, is clearly shown
from Proclus, in Plato's Republic, (p. 380) : — " In
all mystic sacrifices and mysteries, the gods exhibit
many forms of themselves, and appear in a variety
of shapes. Sometimes, indeed, an unfigured light
of themselves is held forth to the view : sometimes
this light is figured according to a human form, and
sometimes it changes into a different shape." This
was possibly effected by means of concave mirrors 2

1 See Psalm xxiv. 7-10.

2 Pausanias (viii. 37) describes a mirror in a temple at Acace-
sium of so remarkable a nature, that though it reflected all other
objects, the figure- of the spectator was invisible.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 301

reflecting the image or statue of the temple, or any
other they wished to represent, on the fumes and
vapours of the incense burnt on such occasions ;
and by approaching the mirror nearer and nearer to
the statue, the larger, and therefore nearer, would
the representation appear to come to them. This
illusion on the optic faculties might be increased by
the alternate glare and gloom of light and obscurity,
by affecting the nerves with narcotic drugs, and
indeed by every means which their knowledge of the
phenomena of nature would enable them to practise.
We might almost believe that the ancients were
acquainted with many properties of science which
are now lost to us. That they excelled in mechanism
appears from their contrivances for the theatre, from
their moving automata and weeping statues, and
many other particulars which have come down to us.
Daedalus, indeed, was fabulously believed to have
formed images of men with such internal mechanism,
that it was requisite to tie their legs together to
prevent their running away ! The perpetual lamps
of the ancients l appear so well authenticated,
that did we not know that many false miracles are
equally well attested, we might suppose that they
were constructed through some laws of chemistry
no longer known to us. The lamp of the Temple
of Minerva Polias, constructed by Callimachus, had

1 See an interesting account of them in vol. iii. p. 215, of Taylor's
Notes to Pausanius.

302 TEMrLE OF DIANA.

marvellous virtues attributed to it. That Diana of
Ephesus was supposed to appear miraculously in her
temple, as in the instances already quoted, is evident
from the story of Diana appearing to Metagenes the
architect in his sleep, (see page 216 ;) and from an
ancient inscription published by Chandler, where
this fact is particularly mentioned. Speaking of the
temples and altars dedicated to her, it says they
were so, " on account of her plain manifestations of
herself." 1 The Eleusiuian mysteries afford another
evidence of the employment of natural magic in the
ancient temples.2

3. The Carpentum of the Deity.

On certain high festivals, the statue of Diana was
gorgeously apparelled,3 the vest embroidered with
emblems and smybolical devices ; and to prevent its
tottering, a bar of metal, (veru,) it is likely of gold,
was placed under each hand : 4 in this state it was
paraded through the city in a sacred car, ('A^v^
Upd, or carpentum.) This was drawn most commonly

1 See page 333. 2 See pages 322-324.

3 In Baruch, vi. 11, 12, 58, 72 ; and Herod, ii. 132, the idols
of the gods are described as covered with purple raiment. The
statue of Jupiter Olympius at Syracuse was covered with a gold-
embroidered vest. Cicero, (de Nat. Deor, iii.,) and Valer. Max.
(de Negl. Iielig. Ext. Exenvpl. i,), say that Dionysius the tyrant took
it, pi-etending that it was " too heavy for summer, and too cold for
winter." A statne of Minerva at Dresden, in the ^Eginetan style,
has its mantle divided into eleven compartments, representing the
battle of the gods and giants. — (Augusteum Dresd.)

4 Chandler, Travels, I 165.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 303

by mules,1 frequently by stags or fawns,3 and occa-
sionally by bulls3 and by dogs.4 In the Orphic hymn,
preserved by Macrobius,5 a spotted mule's skin is
represented as appropriate to Apollo. This, Taylor
on the Bacchic mysteries, interprets as represent-
ing the starry heavens, and the image of the moon,
which luminary, according to Proclus,6 resembled the
mixed nature of a mule, " becoming dark through
her participation of the earth, and deriving her
proper light from the sun." So that the spotted
hide of the mule signified the moon attended by a
multitude of stars ; and hence, in the Orphic hymn
to the moon, that deity is celebrated as " shining,
surrounded by beautiful stars," and called A strarche,
or Queen of the Stars. And in Apuleius, Diana is
thus represented : — " Thou rollest the heavens round
the steady poles, thou illuminest the sun,7 thou
governest the world, thou treadest on the dark
realms of Tartarus. The stars move responsive to
thy command, the gods rejoice in thy divinity, the

1 Mionnet, Med. iii. 328, 382, 390 ; 400, 2, 4 ; 422, 433, 440,
450 ; Suppl. vi. Nos. 525, 7 ; 547, 566, 648 ; 655, 7 \ 633, 6 ; 682 ;
726, 7 ; 733 ; 745, 6 ; 759, 776-781 ; 808, 9 ; 816, 839, 840.

a Id. Med, iii. 275, 304, 327, 330, 343, 362 ; 366, 7 ; 390, 424 ;
Suppl. vi. 442 ; 523, 6 ; 555, 574, 721 ; 817, 9.

3 See page 291. Prudent. Orat. cont Symac. i. 361 ; Buonarotti,
Osserv. sopra Med. Ant. xii. 2.

4 Buonarotti, Med. Ant. xii. 2. 5 Macrob. Sat. xviii.

6 Procl. Heslod. p. 174.

7 (As goddess of nature.) Some of the ancients supposed that
the sun was derived from the moon. — (Lucret. v. 055 ; Diod. xvii.)

304 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

hours and seasons return by thy appointment, and
the elements reverence thy decree." l

There were similar ceremonies in honour of
Diana, at Patrse in Achaia : the goddess was mag-
nificently clothed, and the procession was closed
by a virgin borne in a chariot by two stags.2 It
was on account of the celebrity of these proces-
sions, that among other vagaries of Alexander at
Ecbatana, he used to dress himself as Diana, and
ride in his chariot in imitation of that goddess.3

The celebrity of the statue was such, and its
worship so extended, that Pausanias informs us, —
" All cities call Diana, Ephesia ; and men privately
honour this goddess beyond all other divinities."4
And thus we are told in the Acts of the Apostles : —
" The great goddess Diana — whom all Asia and the
world wor shippeth . " b

Among the various temples erected in her honour
were, — that on Mount Aventine in Rome, erected
by Servius Tullius,0 that by Xenophon at Scillus,
which has been more than once referred to, and
several on the coast of France, in the cities founded
by the Phocasans.7

1 Apul. Met. xi. 2 Pans. vii. 18.

3 Atli. p. 537 e., quoting Ephippus, OTi/nthius, in libro de
Hephsestionis et Alexandri obitn.

4 See page 195. 5 Acts, xix. 27. 6 See page 215.

7 Strabo, pp. 159, 160, 179. 180. Connected with one of these
temples in Gallia tbere is a tragical story given us by Polysenns,
(viii. 39.) The worship of the Ephesian Diana was also celebrated

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 305

4. The Fountain Hypelgeus.

We learn from Achilles Tatius, that there was a
fountain in the Temple ; l probably the same which
was ornamented by Thrason,2 and the same which
was called Hypelseus,3 for this latter stood at the
Sacred Port. ' It would be too hazardous to found
an assumption on ^i solitary instance, and to
suppose that fountains were general in Temples
of Diana ; but we find that there were fountains
also in the Temple of Diana at Marios,4 in the
Temple of Esculapius and in the Erechtheum at
Athens,5 and in the Temple of Isis described by
Apuleius, where the priest is represented as filling
a vase with holy water, from a fountain which was
in the most secret part of the temple.6

5. Works of Art within the Temple:

After speaking of the grandeur and form of the
Temple of Diana, Pliny observes : — " To speak of
the other ornaments of this Temple, would require
many volumes."7 And Vitruvius says: — "In four

in the following cities, for the knowledge of which we are chiefly
indebted to coins : — Acrasus in Lydia, Alea in Arcadia, Apameia,
Amphipolis, Ancyra, Camenos,Claros, Clazomeuse, Corinth, Cyzicus,
Emporium, Gortyna in Crete, Hierapolis, Hypsepa, Massyla in
Mauritania, Mitylene, Neapolis in Palestine, Perga, Phanes in
Syria, Philadelphia in Lydia, Prusa, Raphanese, Sanios, and Thy-
atira. Those of Alea and Corinth are referred to by Pausanias,
(viii. 23, and ii. 2.)

1 Ach. Tat. viii. 2 Strabo, p. 641.

3 See page 41. 4 Paus. iii. 22.

5 Paus. i. 21. 6 Apul. Met. xi. 7 Pliu. H.N. xxxvi. 21.

2 R

306 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

places only, are there sacred buildings enriched
with sculpture and ornament of such a description
as to entitle them to be called most famous : and
these from their excellence, and admirable orna-
ments, make them appear as if they were resided
in by the gods themselves. The first is the Temple
of Diana at Ephesus . . . .' The second is the
Temple of Apollo at Miletus .... The third is
the Temple of Ceres and Proserpine at Eleusis, by
Ictinus ; and the fourth is the Temple of Jupiter
Olympius at Athens, by Cossutius."1

These four it is probable were the most sumptuous
in their ornaments of painting and sculpture, but
every ancient temple was more or less adorned in
like manner. It is extraordinary, however, that
Vitruvius does not include in this list the temples
of Apollo at Delphi3 and at Delos, of Juno at
Saruos, and of Jupiter at Olympia, all of which
were greatly celebrated for the works of art which
they contained. Though the first of these temples
had been often plundered — by Crius, by Pyrrhus the
son of Achilles, by the Phlegyans, by the Phoceuses,
and by the Gauls ; yet on its being sacked by Nero,
he took from it no fewer than five hundred brazen
images.3 Of the Temple of Juno, Strabo informs
us, that " the Hergeum, or Temple of H§a, contains
a great nave, which serves now as a gallery of

1 Vitr. vii. Prsef.

2 Herod, i. 25. Describing gifts by Alyattes.

3 Paus. x. 7.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 307

paintings. Besides the great number which it
contains, there are many others in separate re-
positories. There are also cedicula (ytxia-xoi), which
are full of such works of ancient art : and the whole
enclosure of the temple is equally full of statues of
the best workmanship."1 The same geographer
describes the Temple of Jupiter at Olympia, as
decorated with the gifts and offerings from all parts
of Greece;2 and the Temple of Jupiter Soter at
Athens, as having in the galleries, or small porticos
{a-rolhcc) of the temple, wonderful paintings by illus-
trious artists, and statues in the hypsethral part.3
The Herjseum at Olympia was also a museum of
art and antiquity, and the Temple of Minerva at
Syracuse, was a complete gallery of paintings, before
it was robbed by Verres.4 Pausanias mentions
several temples so enriched ; among which are
the temples of Esculapius at Athens,5 of Minerva
at Plata3a, 6 of Minerva and of Esculapius at
Messene;7 the Hierothysion of the same city,8 the
temple of Juno at Eubcea,9 and the Metroon at
Elis.10

The following are the scattered notices that have
come down to us of the contents of the Temple at
Ephesus. These notices are but few in number,
but so numerous were the works of art, that Pliny

1 Strabo, p. 637. 2 Id. p. 353. a Id. p. 396.

4 Cic. de Signis. 5 Paus. i. 21. fi Id. ix. 4.

7 Id. iv. 31. 8 Id. iv. 32. 9 Id. li. 17.

10 Id. v. 20.

308 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

tells us that the statues aloue of the Temple would
afford materials for many volumes.1

" The Temple is full of sculpture, almost all by
Praxiteles. I have beeu showu some works also
by Thrason, the same who executed the Hecatesium,
the fouutaiu Penelope, and the old Euryclea.,;~
Croesus gave to the Temple at Ephesus some goldeu
heifers and a number of columns.3

The principal statues in temples were enclosed
by plutea to prevent the too near access of the
worshippers. The enclosure (e^u/xara) of the
statue of Jupiter Olympius was decorated with
paintings.4 We have no account of the enclosure
to the statue of Diana ; but that it was richly orna-
mented appears from the description of another
enclosure in this temple : — " In the Temple of the
Ephesian Diana, as you approach to that cell
(olxTjjU-a) which contains certain pictures, you will
perceive above the altar of Diana, who is called
Protothronia, (high- throned,) a stone enclosure
(S-giyyog). Upon this enclosure there are other
statues, and an imagfe of a female near its ex-
tremity. This statue was made by Rhoecus, and
the Ephesians call it Night."5

Statues of the Amazons would naturally engage
the attention of the Ephesians. They appear by
the following passage from Pliny, a passage which

1 Plin. Hist. Nab. vii. 38. 2 Strabo, p. 641.

3 Herod, i. 92.' 4 Paus. v. 11. 5 Paus. x. 38.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 309

is looked upon with some suspicion, to have been
given as subjects to sculptors iu different ages ;
and on one occasion five artists competed together.
" Those artists which were esteemed most excellent,
were engaged in different ages, to execute statues
of the Amazons. On one occasion, when some
of these had to be dedicated in the Temple of
the Ephesian Diana, it was desired to find out
which was the most approved ; and with this intent
the artists themselves were made judges, when it
appeared that he was the best whom every one
esteemed next to himself. This was Pofycletus,1
the next to him was Phidias,2 the third Ctesiphon,
the fourth Cydon, and the fifth Phradmon."3
"Parrhasius," says Pliny, "was bora atEphesus, and
contributed much" (to the Temple).4 " Timarete,
the daughter of Nicon, painted a Diana (in the
Temple) at Ephesus, one of the very oldest panel
paintings known."5 " Calliphon of Samos, (who
flourished in the reign of Philip,) placed two fine
pictures in the Temple of Diana."6 One of these
is described by Pausanias, as Discord raising the
battle at the ships of the Greeks,7 and it is probable

1 The Amazon by Polycletus is supposed to have been holding
a bow, from the many copies of it which are now found.

2 This statue stood leaning on a lance. — (Lucian. Imay.
xi. 4.)

3 Plin. II. X. xxxiv. 19, 4. A sixth, by Strongylion, was cele-
brated for the beauty of the legs. — (Id. xxxiv. 19, § 21.)

4 Plin. xxxv. 36, 7. 5 Id. xxxv. 40, 22.
K Arrian. de Alex. Exped. 7 Paus. v. 19.

310 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

that the other is referred to by the same writer,
where he describes a painting in which are repre-
sented " certain women binding on the armour of
Patroclus."1 Euphranor painted some famous pic-
tures, among which were Ulysses in his feigned
madness, yoking together an ox and a horse ; men
in an attitude of meditation, wearing the pallium ;
and a warrior sheathing his sword.2 Timanthes
painted at Ephesus a picture of Palamedes betrayed
by Ulysses, of such power that Alexander was seen
to shudder on beholding it.3 " Apelles painted the
portrait of Alexander the Great holding a thunder-
bolt, (which was placed) in the temple of the Ephesian
Diana, (and for which he received twenty talents,
£3,875). The fingers seemed to stand out, and the
thunderbolt to be outside the painting. It is to be
remembered that all these works were executed in
four colours (only). He received in payment for the
picture, gold by weight, not by number."4 It was
said of this picture of Alexander, that " there were
two Alexanders : the one begotten of Philip, and
he was invincible ; the other painted by Apelles,
and he was inimitable."* Of this portrait of Alex-
ander ^Elian tells the following story : — " Alexander
being at Ephesus, had his portrait taken by Apelles,
and coming to look at it did not praise it as much

1 Paus. x. 26. 2 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 40.

3 Arrian. de Alex. Exped. 4 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 36, 29.

. 5 Plut. Or. ii. de Fort. Alex.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 311

as the picture deserved. But on his horse being
brought in, it began to neigh at the horse repre-
sented in the painting, as if it also was a real one.
It is clear, 0 king, said Apelles, that your horse is
a better judge of painting than you are."1 Cicero
speaks of this painting being the most valuable
object in the Temple of Diana. It was stolen by
the infamous Verres.3 Apelles painted several por-
traits both of Alexander and of Philip. He also
painted " Diana in the midst of a choir of virgins
sacrificing (to her.) He also painted Megabyzus,
the priest of Diana Ephesia, in his robes of cere-
mony. Also Clitus on horseback, equipped for war,
and asking for his helmet, which an attendant is
presenting him."3

Nicias, the pupil of Antidotus, executed the
painting of the sepulchre of Megabyzus, the priest
of Diana Ephesia.4 " Mentor is celebrated as the
best worker in silver. He executed four pair of
vases made entirely by himself; but it is said they
do not now exist, being destroyed in the confla-
grations of the Temples of Diana Ephesia, and of
Jupiter (Capitolinus)."5 This artist executed the
statues of Jupiter " Capitolinus, and of Diana
Ephesia, the instruments for working which were
consecrated" in their temples.6 A statue of Philip

1 iElian, Hist. Var. ii. 3. 2 Cic. Orat. in C. Verrem, tie Signis.
3 Plin. H. N. xxxv. 36, 30, 33. 4 Id. H. N. xxxv. 40, 7.

5 Id. xxxiii. 55, 1. 6 Id. H. N. vii. 39.

312 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

stood in the Temple, but was destroyed by the
populace in the time of Alexander. Theodoras,
the son of Rhoecus, is said to have carved half a
statue of Apollo at Ephesus, the other half of which
was executed at Samos by his brother.1 A gold
statue of Artemidorus stood in the Temple, placed
there for the services he had performed.2 Hera-
clitus the Ephesian wrote a book divided in three
parts, wherein he treated of the universe, the re-
public, and theology. It was placed in the Temple
of Diana, as some believe, being written purposely
in so obscure a manner, that only the learned could
interpret it.3

Alexander the Cytharian, grown old at Ephesus,
dedicated his psaltery (a species of lyre) in the
Temple, as narrated by Juba.4 An iron Cupid was
dedicated in this temple, and appeared suspended,
without any other support than magnetism.5 Stag
horns are already described as becoming ornaments
to a Temple of Diana.6

6. The Treasury of the Temple.

The treasuries of temples were sometimes in the
Opisthodomus, as in the Parthenon, and sometimes
in detached buildings standing within or about the
peribolus, as at Olympia. Most temples had trea-
suries attached, to receive the numerous offering's

t>i

1 Diog. Laert. 2 See page 37.

3 Diog. Laert. ix. 1. 4 Atlien. p. 183 c.

5 Cassiod.- Var. i. 45. f> See page 291.

THE CONTENTS OF THE TEMPLE. 313

made by the piety or superstition of the wor-
shippers. Thus the Temple at Jerusalem was
" honoured and magnified by kings with their best
gifts:"1 and when Nebuchadnezzar captured Jeru-
salem, he took the vessels of the temple " into the
treasure house of his god."2

Pausanias gives a long description of the trea-
suries of Olympia, which were kept in several
distinct buildings about the temple : each building
being set apart for the donations from particular
tribes or cities, viz. : — the Sicyonians, Cartha-
ginians, the Sybarites, Libyans, Selinuntians, Meta-
pontines, Megarenses, Gelones, and two for the
Epidamnians.3

But how rich soever some of these were, the
Temple of Diana excelled them all, since Vitruvius
classes it as the most eminent in this respect, and
Callimachus expressly says it surpassed even the
Temple at Delphi.4 The Temple of Diana, says
Aristides, is "a common treasury for all Asia:"5
and St. Chrysostom relates that all nations deposited
their riches in the Temple as in a place of safety.6
Thus we find Xenophon, after the successful retreat
of the "ten thousand," depositing his money in this
temple : — " As to that part of the money which was
appropriated to Diana of Ephesus, he (Xenophon)

1 2 Mace. iii. 2. 2 Dan. i. 3. 3 Pans. vi. 19.

4 Call. Diana, v. 248. 5 Arist. Orat. de Concord, ii. 307.

6 Orat. Rhodiuca.

2 s

314 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

left it with Megabyzus, the priest of that goddess,
when, in company with Agesilaus, he departed out
of Asia with the intention of going to Boeotia, con-
ceiving it might be exposed to some danger if
remaining with him at Chasronea ; enjoining Mega-
byzus that if he (Xenophon) escaped, he was to
restore the money to him."1 Not only the Greeks,
but even the Persians, deposited their money in this
temple as in a place of security, the knowledge of
which caused Timasus to charge the Ephesians
maliciously of appropriating them to their own use.2
The treasures of the Temple, as we have already
seen, consisted of various kinds ; as offerings,
deposits, honorary statues, votive offerings, spoils,
and actual treasure. Another means of increasing
the riches of the Temple was by legacies, which this
temple was one of the few that enjoyed the privilege
of receiving. In Ulpian (Tit. 23) we read : — " We
cannot institute the gods our heirs, except those to
whom it is allowed by a senatus consultus, and the
decrees of the princes, as Jupiter Tarpeius, Apollo
Didymasus, Mars of Gallia, Minerva Iliensis, Her-
cules of Gadita, Diana Ephesia, the mother of the
gods called Sipylensis who is worshipped at Smyrna,
and the heavenly Salinensis of Carthage."3 Either
from the richness of these treasures, or from the

1 Xeu. Aiiah. v. Diog. Laert. ii. 51, 2.

2 See page 235.

3 Ulpian. Tit. xxii. 6.

THE CONTENTS OP THE TEMPLE. 315

beauty and decoration of the Temple, we find in
Aristophanes, the semichorus invoking the " blessed
goddess whose presence fills the golden shrines of
Ephesus."1

1 Aristoph. Nitbes, v. 598.

VI.

THE ACCESSORIES AND APPENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE.

The Portico of Damianus — The Banqueting- Hall — The Sacred
Grove — The Cave of the Syrinx, and the Temple of Hecate.

1. The Portico of Damianus.

Part of the road which connected the Temple
with the city was ornamented with a stone portico.
It was erected by Damianus, about 200 A.D.
Philostratus thus speaks of it : — " (Damianus)
also joined the Temple of Diana to the city, com-
mencing from that way which leads down to Mag-
nesia: the portico, which is about one stadium in
length, is built of stone : (so-rij 8s auTTj <ttooc. S7r)
crrahov, x/0ov 7rd<ra). This structure was intended
that worshippers might not be prevented going to
the Temple, even when it rained. On the com-
pletion of the sumptuous work, he called it after
the name of his wife."1

2. The Banqueting-Hall.

Another appendage to the Temple was a Ccena-
culum, or banqueting - hall, built by the same
Damianus, and which Philostratus goes on to

1 Philost. de Vitis Soph. ii. 23.

ACCESSOEIES AND APPENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE. 317

describe : — " He also dedicated the banqueting-hall,1
( 'Ea-Tiarrjptov ) belonging to the Temple, making
it both in magnitude and in every other respect,

superior by far to those of other temples

he decorated it with beautiful Phrygian stone,
which before this event had not been quarried." 2
There was a similar building at Elis within the
Prytaneum.3 Attached to this Hestiaterioii were
the Hestiatores, or directors of the banquet (see
page 332) ; and from their being called 'Etro-rjv for
one year only, it is probable that the title of " king
of the banquet" has reference to this custom.

3. The Sacred Grove.

From Achilles Tatius, we learn that there was a
sacred grove connected with the Temple and at
some distance from it. " Do you see that wood
which is beyond the Temple ?"4

Notwithstanding this is the description of a
novelist, it is probable that the circumstance is
strictly true. Trees and groves were common to
many of the heathen temples, but more particularly
so to those of Diana, who, as the goddess of
hunting, was supposed to require a wood well
stocked with game contiguous to her temples.5

1 See 1 Cor. viii. 10. 2 Phil, de Vitis Soph. ii. 23.

3 Paus. v. 15. 4 Achill. Tat. viii.

5 Hor. Od. i. 21, 5 j iii. 22, 1 ; Catull. xxxiv. 9 ; Virg. jEn.
xi. 557, and in iii. 680, 1, where he especially distinguishes between
the woods of oak sacred to Jupiter, and the groves of cypress sacred
to Diana.

318 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Thus, of the Temple of Diana Ephesia built by
Xenophon at Scillus, and which was a resemblance
in miniature to that of Ephesus, we read : — "We
have now finished the Temple of Diana, a magnifi-
cent structure, the place set with trees."1 "The
plantation I have made with mine own hands ; the
place is stocked with beasts convenient for hunting,
which the goddess delights in."2 It had "wild
beasts of all kinds proper for the chase : . . . . for the
sons of Xenophon and of the rest of the inhabitants
always make a general hunting against the feast,
when all who desired it hunted along with them ;
and wild boars, with roe and red deer, were taken
both upon the consecrated lands, and upon the
mountain called Pholoe. There are groves belong-
ing to the temple, and hills covered with trees very
proper to feed swine, goats, sheep, and horses ; so
that those belonging to the persons who come to
the feast find plenty of pasture." 3 " In Lacedsemon
there is a temple of Diana with a statue of great
antiquity. It is supplied with wild boars, and bears,
and other animals dedicated to her. The fawns,
wolves, and hares are all tame, and do not fly from
man." 4 At Pellene, in Achaia, "is a grove sur-
rounded with a wall, and which is called the grove
of Diana the Saviour ; but no person except the
priest is permitted to enter it." 5 At Oranthea " there

1 Xen. Epls. vii. 2 Id. Epis. vi. 3 Id. Anab. v.

4 Phil, Imag/ x^v'm. 5 Paus. vii. 27.

ACCESSORIES AND A1TENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE. 319

is a grove of cypress and pine-trees ; in this grove
there is a temple and statue of Diana." l " Mount
Lycone, near Argos, mostly abounds with cypress-
trees ; and on the summit of the mountain is the
Temple of Orthosian Diana, and some way down is
another temple of Diana." 2 The Temple of Diana
at Epidaurus was situated in a grove.3 That at
Megalopolis had a grove near it.4 There was a grove
of Diana and a temple at Troezene in Argolis,5 and
at Patrse.6 At the mouth of the Alpheus was a
grove consecrated to Diana of Alpheus.7 The Temple
of Diana at Aricia, in Italy, had a grove attached.
" At Daphne, near Antioch, on the Orontes, is a
thick and extensive wood, eighty stadia in circum-
ference, traversed by two streams .... and in
the middle is a sacred enclosure, which serves as
an asylum, and contains temples of Apollo and
Diana." 8

At Oranthea, just alluded to, the grove consisted
of pines and cypress. A cypress is shown on one
of the coins of Ephesus,9 and a pine is mentioned
by Horace as sacred to Diana.10

This grove seems alluded to on several of the
coins of Ephesus, which show a tree on one side.11

1 Paus. x. 38. 2 Id. ii. 24. 3 Id. ii. 27.

4 Id. viii. 32. fl Id. ii. 30. 6 Id. vii. 20.

7 Strabo, p. 343. « Id. p. 750.

9 Mionuet, Med. Suppl. No. 413. 10 Hor. Od. iii. 22, 5.

11 Mionnet, Med. iii. Nos. 406; 410,8; 430. Id. Suppl. vi.
530, 6 ; 540, 620, 658, 677, 717, 749 j 765, 6 ; 814, 5 ; 822, 843,
879. None of these are palm-trees.

320 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

4. In this grove was a cave, respecting which we
find the following fable in Achilles Tatius : —

" Do you see that wood which is beyond the
Temple ? In it is a cave, in which it is not lawful
for any but virgins to enter. A little within the
entrance of the cave is a pipe, (syrinx) .... The
syrinx differs from the tibia of Minerva, in that the
fluctuations of sound are produced only by the
mouth, not by the fingers.1 Syrinx was a nymph
of extraordinary beauty, who, followed by Pan, fled
to this spot ; and on Pan's overtaking her, and
seizing her by the hair, he found her suddenly
changed to reeds, which took root in the earth. Pan
thinking her concealed beneath the reeds, cut them
away, but not finding her, perceived she had been
metamorphosed, and imagining he had killed her,
he took the reeds and applied them to his lips to
kiss them ; but the breath causing sounds, Pan hung
one up in the cave and closed it, and it was believed
that Pan resorted to the cave, and sounded the
syrinx2 .... In after - times the inhabitants,
believing to do honour to Diana, consecrated this
instrument to her, instituting that no woman who

1 The syrinx, or fistula, is well described by Tibullus : —

Fistula cui semper decrescit arundinis ordo,
Nam calamus cera jungitur usque minor.

(Lib. ii. 5, 31.)

2 This fable is similar to that of Pan and the nymph Syrinx in
Ai'cadia.

ACCESSOEIES AND APPENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE. 321

was not a virgin should enter into the cave. Where-
upon it happened that when any woman was accused
of incontinence, the people led her to the cave clothed
in a certain vest. Immediately she entered, the
doors closed by invisible hands, and if the maid were
pure, a soft and divine strain was heard from the
syrinx, and the doors opening again of themselves,
the virgin appeared crowned with garlands of pine-
leaves ; but if she were guilty, a sound of weeping
was audible, and the people immediately left
her to her fate, and three days after a priestess
entered, and found the cave empty, and the syrinx
fallen."1

5. The Hecatesium.

Probably connected with this cave behind the
Temple was the Temple of Hecate, the statue of
which, we are told by Pliny, stood behind the
Temple, (et Hecate Ephesi in templo Dianse, post
cedem?) and contained a statue of Hecate, which was
of such splendour, that the priests had to warn those
who entered to shield their eyes from being injured
by it.3 It was by Menestratus.

The Abbe de la Bleterie has collected the following
particulars of the initiation of the Emperor Julian
into the mysteries of theurgy, which may be interest-

1 Achil. Tat. Clit. et Leuc. viii. It is much to be feared that
the more beautiful women were never allowed to leave.

2 It is possible that the words post cedent relate to the opistho-
donuis of the Temple of Diana.

3 Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 4, 20.

2 T

322 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

ing to the reader, as the event took place in this
temple :l —

Julian remained a Christian till his arrival in Asia,
when, having consulted a soothsayer of Nicodemia,
his predictions shook his belief: but he was not
finally seduced till after his conference with the
Platonic philosophers. This sect united to ordinary
philosophy the cabala of the Orientals, which they
never revealed, except to those whose fidelity they
could rely upon. They pretended, through the sub-
ordination of intermediate beings, to bring man to
the presence and power of the Supreme Deity. This
science they called Theurgy. Edesius of Pergamus
was then the head of this sect. Julian went in
search of him, and found him to be an old man bor-
dering on the grave, but still of a vigorous under-
standing. Edesius counselled him, if he wished to
throw off the appellation of man, to listen to the
teaching of his disciples, and become initiated in the
mysteries. " Unhappily," said he, " Maximus is now
at Ephesus, and Priscus is in Greece, but Eusebius
and Chrysanthus are here : apply to them." Euse-
bius told him that Maximus was one of the earliest
and most proficient disciples of Edesius, but was
occasionally carried away by vain conceits. " Not
long since, he conducted us to the Temple of Hecate:

1 Abbe de la Bleterie, Vie de V Empereur Julien. Among the

references which he quotes are, — Eunap. v. Iambi, p. 32, Max.

11, Chrysanth. 247 ; Tlieodor. iii. 3 ; Val. Max. 69-74, 76 ;
Li ban. Paneg. 175; .Gregor. N. Or. iii. 71.

ACCESSORIES AND APPENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE. 323

when we had entered, and saluted the goddess, ' Be
seated, my dear friends,' said he, ' you will see
whether I am like other men.' He then purified
a grain of incense, and muttered to himself some
hymn. The statue of the goddess immediately began
to smile. We were frightened ; but he said, ' This
is nothing, the torches which she holds will presently
light ; ' and before he had finished speaking they
did so. We were astonished for a moment at these
wonders : but there was nothing in reality to cause
wonder, nor to astonish you. It is only requisite to
purify the reason."

" I leave you with your reasonings," replied Julian
quickly. "Adieu! you have shown me the man I
want." Then tenderly embracing Chrysanthus, he
took the route for Ephesus.

This was a plot previously concerted between
these two philosophers to excite curiosity in Julian,
and make him fall into their hands more easily.

Maximus of Ephesus was a man already aged, and
wore a long beard. He was of good parentage, and
in affluent circumstances ; he had a ready wit, pierc-
ing eyes, a strong and insinuating voice, and a rapid
eloquence. The tone of his voice and the motion of
his eyes was so exquisite, that he fascinated all who
approached him, and made them listen to him as to
an oracle. Julian immediately gave himself up to
his precepts, and like a lion broke the chain which
bound him to Christianity.

Maximus, who was in want of a second to assist

324 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

him in his enchantments, sent for Chrysanthus, and
then the two philosophers initiated the emperor in
their secret mysteries. Maximus, who was the
initiator, led him to a temple, and caused him to
descend into a subterranean grotto. When the evo-
cations were finished, they heard suddenly a most
fearful noise : they saw spectres of fire. Julian being
yet a novice, was seized with fear, and mechanically
made the sign of the cross. Everything disappeared:
and the same thing taking place a second time,
Julian said to Maximus, " There is some efficacy in
that sign of the Christians." Maximus fearing that
his pupil might vacillate, replied, " What ! do you
think you have frightened the gods ? No, prince !
but the gods will not hold converse with a profane
person such as you appear." This reasoning satisfied
Julian. Maximus then predicted to him the empire,
and that he should be the means of destroying the
Christian religion, and of re-establishing paganism.

On Julian's succeeding to the empire, he wrote to
Maximus and Chrysanthus to come to him. They
were then at Sardis ; and on receipt of the letter,
they consulted their secret arts to know whether it
would be auspicious for them to do so. The appear-
ances, however, were so threatening, that Chrysan-
thus said it were better not only to remain where
they were, but to bury themselves in the bowels of
the earth. "What!" said Maximus, "have you
so soon forgotten my precepts ? I discard you.
.... True philosophy should not stop at the first

ACCESSORIES AND APPENDAGES TO THE TEMPLE. 325

symptoms, but should provoke the gods if they
refuse, till at length they give what is wanted."
Maximus having, at length, obtained what he con-
sidered an auspicious omen, went to Constantinople,
his route thither being a continual triumph. Julian
received him with the highest honours, and allowed
him to govern both himself and his empire. On the
death of Julian, Maximus was thrown into prison,
being incapable of paying sums which he was said
to have robbed. On his liberation, he was afterwards
accused of predicting who was to be the successor
to the empire, and beheaded.

Now we are expressly told that the first of these
transactions took place in the Temple of Hecate,
and there is very little doubt that the other did so
likewise ; and this supposition is confirmed by the
connection which was supposed to exist between
Diana, or the goddess of nature, and Hecate,1 Ceres,
and Proserpine; and therefore the appropriateness
of celebrating Eleusinian mysteries in the Temple of
Hecate, standing as it did within the precincts of the
Temple of Diana, appears evident.

The subterranean grotto here mentioned corre-
sponds with the cave of the Syrinx ; and this and
the Temple of Hecate are both described as being
behind the Temple, so that there is little doubt but
that they are all connected with the same locality.3

1 Cuperus, Mon. Ant. p. 197.

2 Though we cannot suppose that the grotto of Pan, or the
Syrinx, and that of Hecate, were identical, yet it is extremely

326 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

It is possible that this Temple of Hecate may be
represented on some of the coins of Ephesus, where
we find two other temples placed by the side of the
Temple of Diana ; 1 one of these being the Temple
of Hecate, the other the Temple of Apollo, which
stood on the Sacred Port, and therefore in the same
vicinity.

probable tbat they were both in the same vicinity ; the ground
which would afford one cave would be most likely to supply
another.

1 Mionnet, Med. hi. 273, 291, 337, 347, 379. Id. Suppl. vi.
599 ; Suppl. ii. pi. iv. No. 7 ; Montfaucon, VAnt. Ex. In some
instances, (Mionnet, vi. 563, 622,) we find four temples repre-
sented, but none of these appear to be the Temple of Diana.

VII.

THE ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE. PRIESTS, AND CEREMONIES

OF THE TEMPLE.

THE history of the Asylum of the Temple is thus
stated by the Ephesians in the reign of
Tiberius : —

" This sacred recess first gave shelter to Latona,
who was delivered under an olive-tree of Apollo and
Diana .... It was there that Apollo, after having
slain the Cyclops, found a retreat from the vengeance
of Jupiter. It was there that Bacchus, after his
victories, gave a free pardon to such of the Amazons
as fled to the altar for protection ; and it was there
that Hercules, having conquered Lydia, established
the Temple with its rites and ceremonies, which
neither the Persian kings nor the Macedonian con-
queror had presumed to violate. The Romans at all
times have had the strictest regard to the sanctity
of the place." 1 "The limits of the asylum," says
Strabo, " have been frequently changed. Alexander
established it at a distance of one stadium : Mithri-
dates fixed it at a bow- shot from the angle of the

1 Tacit. An. iii. 61.

328 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

roof, (of the peribolus ?) which was rather more than
a stadium length. Antony doubled this distance,
which extension took in part of the city. But this
being found to be dangerous, as it placed the city
in the power of malefactors, it was abolished by
Augustus." l Strabo adds : — " The Temple enjoys
the right of asylum now as formerly." In the reign
of Tiberius the asylum was confirmed, and inscrip-
tions on tablets of brass fixed in the Temple, as a
lasting monument of this decree.2 " About this time,
(A.D. 22,) the right of having sanctuaries, and of
multiplying the number indefinitely, was assumed
by all the cities of Greece. The temples in that
country were crowded with the most abandoned
slaves, debtors were screened from their creditors,
and criminals fled from justice. The magistrates
were no longer able to control a seditious populace,
who carried their crimes, under a mask of piety, to
the altars of the gods. An order was therefore made
that the several cities should send their deputies to
Rome with a state of their respective claims."3
Ephesus, and those other cities that could prove
their ancient right to this privilege, were allowed to
retain it. It is probably to this edict that Suetonius

1 Strabo, p. 641. It was the extension which was thus abro-
gated ; the right of asylums was not generally abolished till the
reign of Tiberius ; and even then this temple, as we shall see, was
exempted. An instance of obtaining asylum in the reign of
Augustus is given in Cicero. — (Verres, ii. ; Or. vi. 33.)

2 Tacit. An. hi.' 63. 3 Id. An. iii. 60.

ASYLUM OF THE TEMrLE, ETC. 329

refers, when lie says that Tiberius " abolished the
right of asylum in every place ; " 1 and if so, the
Temple of Diana still retained its privilege. Plutarch,
who lived about the latter half of the first century,
says : — " Diana, who is worshipped at Ephesus,
gives freedom and safety to all debtors who fly to
her temple."2 In the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the
Temple of Diana is stated by the orator Aristides to
be "a refuge of necessity." 3 And we find that the
right of asylum continued so late as the reigns of
Decius4 and Philip the younger,5 in the middle of
the third century.

All strangers were received here kindly ;6 but free
women were not allowed to enter the Temple. " By
ancient law it was forbidden to free women to enter
the Temple, although it was permitted to men and
virgins ; and if any married woman entered, she was
visited with capital punishment, unless she happened
to be a slave who was prosecuted by her master,
from whom it was lawful to fly for refuge to the
goddess. The prefect then judged between her and
her master ; and if the master had done her no
injury, he was permitted to take her again, swear-
ing, however, to forgive her running away ; but if
the slave had a just complaint, she remained in the
Temple for the service of the goddess."7

1 Suet, in Tib. 37. 2 Plut. de Vitando Are.

3 Arist. Oral, de Concord, ii. 307. 4 Mionnet, Med. iii. 442.
5 Id. iii. 482 ; Suppl. vi. 728, 9. 6 Etym. Mgn. v. Ephesos.
7 Acini. Tat. de Amor. Clit. et Leuc. vii.

2 u

330 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Of the priests, we learn from Strabo that they
were eunuchs, and called Megalobyzi. They were
selected from different countries, choosing always
those that appeared most proper for such functions.
They were treated with great honour, and had virgins
given them to assist as priestesses.1

From S. Isidore, we may suppose that they were
selected for their great beauty.2 As Diana was re-
presented as polymastos, having many breasts, it was
considered strange by some that her priests should
be eunuchs : and Heraclitus inveighs bitterly against
the practice.3 Quintillian alludes to this custom
when he says : — " Painters or sculptors would not
take a Megabyzus for a model, but some young
warrior or gymnast." 4

The title of Megabyzus, as it is generally written,
appears to have been originally a proper name, and
to have become a title of honour in consequence of
Darius observing of one of his generals who was so
called : — " I would rather have as many Megabyzi
as there are seeds in a pomegranate, than see Greece
under my power." 5 The name might also derive
importance from its first particle. Herodotus makes
mention of two, if not three, of this name. A Mega-
byzus was one of the confederates against Smerdis
Magus.6 His son Zopyrus7 had a son of the same

1 Strabo, p. 041. 2 Isodorus Pelusiota, Ejrist. ii. 62.

3 Aug. Polit. Opera Miscel. cap. 51, p. 266. 4 Quint, v. 12.
5 Herod, iv. 143. 6 Id. iii. 70, 81. 7 Id. iii. 153.

ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE, ETC. 331

name, Megabyzus, who was employed as a general
in the time of Xerxes.1 But the general of this name
who is best known was contemporary, if not identi-
cal, with Megabyzus the confederate against Smerdis
Magus.2 Again, it is possible that a priest of this
name happened once to be appointed, and the Ephe-
sians, in order to please the Persian monarchs, caused
the name to be hereditary, in the same manner that
titles of kings were often so. Xenophon,3 and Pliny,4
and Diogenes Laertius, refer to the priests under this
name.

The common priesthood was divided into three
classes. " As in Rome with the vestal virgins, their
periods of service were distinguished ; so that the
first were engaged in learning the duties of their
sacred office, the second in performing them, and the
third in teaching those that were to succeed them ;
so that the priestesses in the Temple of Diana at
Ephesus were at first future priestesses, then priest-
esses, and lastly past priestesses." 5 In Rome each
of these periods embraced ten years.6 It seems pro-
bable that there was a high priestess as there was a
high priest, and that the priestesses were generally
selected from the most beautiful virgins. It is

1 Herod, iii. 160; vii. 82 ; Thucyd. i. 109.

2 Herod, iv. 143, 4 ; v. 1, 2, 12, 14-17. The manner in which
his name is introduced in iv. 143, would lead us to suppose he was
not identical.

3 See page 314. 4 See page 311.

6 Pint, an Seni sit ger. Respub. 6 Id. Numa, 10.

332 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

recorded of Antiochus tbe Great tbat, perceiving tbe
priestess of Diana to be exceedingly beautiful, be left
tbe city, tbat be migbt not be tempted to commit a
sin.1

Tbe priests were not only greatly esteemed, but
bad tbe title of lings, (Essenes,) wbicb title tbey bore
for one year : other Greeks called them Hestiatores,
(directors of tbe banquet.)3 Tbe importance in wbicb
they were held is shown by their names and those
of tbe scribe frequently appearing on coins of the
city.3

In an inscription published by Chandler, we read
of the sacred herald, the incense-burner, the flute-
player, and the sacred trumpeter.4

Among the games noticed as connected with
Ephesus,5 two of them appear to be more espe-
cially sacred, — tbe Panionin, originally celebrated at
Mycale, but afterwards removed to Ephesus, and
which were possibly tbe same as the Q^cumenica, the
name of which so frequently appears on the Ephesian
coins ; and the Artemisia, celebrated in tbe month
Artemision.

The sixteenth day of the month Boedromion, (sixth
day of March,) was dedicated by the Athenians in
honour of Diana, on account of the moon appearing
in full orb to the Greeks at the battle of Salamis ; 6

1 Pint. Apoplilheg. 2 Pans. viii. 13.

3 Sevei-al examples may be seen in Vaillant, Nwmis. Imperai.
Avgvst. pp. 310, 313. 4 Chandler, Ins. Ant. p. 11.

0 See page 84, note. 6 Plat, de Gloria Allien.

ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE, ETC. 333

and we find Lycurgus particularly enjoining his coun-
trymen not to hazard an engagement till the full of
the moon, " knowing that everything was governed
by her, but that her power was not so great at her
wane or waxing." l

Chandler has published an inscription,2 by which
it appears that one entire month was set apart to her
service, and celebrated with peculiar rites : — " To
the Ephesian Diana : — Inasmuch as it is notorious
that not only among the Ephesians, but also
everywhere among the Greek nations, temples are
dedicated to her, on account of her plain mani-
festations of herself; and that moreover in token
of the great veneration paid her, a month is called
after her name, by us ' Apr spur Uovcc, by the Mace-
donians and other Greek nations, 'Aprsy-lariov, in
which, general assemblies and hieromenia are cele-
brated : now, inasmuch as these sacred honours
are not observed in the holy city, the nurse of its
own, the Ephesian goddess ; the people of Ephesus
deem it proper that the whole month called by her
name, be sacred, and set apart for the goddess ;
and have determined by this decree that the
observation of it by them be improved. Therefore,
it is enacted, that in the whole month Artemision
the days be holy, and nothing be attended to in
them but the yearly feastings, the Artemisial
panegyrics, and the hieromenia; the entire month

1 Lucian. da Aslrol.

2 Chandler, Insc. Ant. p. 13, No. xxxvi. ; Travels, i. 167.

334 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

being sacred to the goddess : for, from this im-
provement in her worship, our city shall receive
additional lustre, and be permanent in her pros-
perity for ever." The person who obtained this
decree appointed games for the month, augmented
the prizes of the contenders, and erected statues of
those who conquered. The hymns to Diana were
called JJpingi.1 From the prizes mentioned in the
preceding inscription, it is probable that these
hymns were always composed for the occasion.
They were celebrated every year,3 and, like the
Secular Hymn at Rome, they were sung by choirs
of youths3 and virgins. We can scarcely imagine
a scene of greater interest than was presented on
these occasions. The finest, largest, and richest
temple ever reared; the multitude of persons, the
noble songs, the magnificence of the ceremonies ;
but above all the choirs of the most beautiful
youths, and the most lovely maidens, clothed in
white, singing responsively the praises of their pro-
tecting deity. This antiphonal, or alternate form
of song, is so captivating, and Horace's Secular Ode
so beautiful, that I should be tempted to insert it,
were it in any less known author, especially as the

1 Athen. p. 619 b.

2 Xen. Eph. de Amor. Anth. et Abroc. i. 2.

3 In the secular hymn to Diana, by Catullus, the choir was
composed of youths as well as virgins ; and it was a choir of
youths who sung the praises of Isis. — (Xen. Eph. de Amor. Anth.
et Abroc. i. 2.)

ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE, ETC. 335

Diana of Rome, to whom this hymn was sung con-
jointly with Apollo, was the same as Diana Ephesia.
On these annual occasions of the feasts, youths in the
flower of their age, and virgins of noble bearing,
were wont to proceed to the Temple of Diana
Ephesia, and severally espouse each other. Xeno-
phon the Ephesian gives us the following account
of one of these annual ceremonies : —

" The yearly festival in honour of Diana was held
at Ephesus ; her temple being scarce seven furlongs
distant from the city. The virgins of that place, in
their richest attire, assisted at the celebration, as
also the young men of the age of Abrocamas, who
was in his sixteenth year .... A mighty con-
course of people, as well strangers as citizens, were
present ; and then the virgins were wont to look
out for spouses, and the young men for wives.
The procession moved regularly along : the holy
utensils, torches, baskets, and perfumes, led the
van ; and were followed by the horses, hounds, and
hunting accoutrements, as well for attack as for
defence. Each of the virgin train behaved as in the
presence of her lover. They were led by Anthia
(the bride and heroine) . . . Her attire was a
purple dress hanging down from her waist to her
knees, the skin of a fawn girded it round, on which
hung her quiver and arrows. She bore her hunting
arrows and javelins, and her hounds followed her.
The Ephesians beholding her in the grove, have
often adored her as their goddess, .... affirming

336 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

her to be Diana herself .... When the procession
was over, all the multitude entered the temple to
offer sacrifice."1

Music and dances in honour of Diana appear to
have been coeval with the first establishment of her
rites. Athenaeus has transmitted to us a fragment
from Diogenes Tragicus in Semele,2 in which he
says : — " We are told that the daughters of the
rich Phrygians, ornamented with the fillets of the
Asiatic Cybele, sing hymns to the honour of the
goddess skilled in healing, accompanying them to
the sound of timbrels, and the reverberations of
brazen cymbals. We are told also that the virgins
of Lydia and Bactria dwelling on the banks of the
Halys, reverence Diana the goddess of Tmolus
under the thick shade of laurel shrubs, resounding
the pectida and triangles set in harmony with the
notes of the magadis, (a species of cithara,) while
the tibia plays in concert with the choir of dancers,
according to the custom of the Persians." Calli-
machus also, in like manner. After describing the
simplicity of her first worship, the image of the
goddess being the stock of a tree, he proceeds : — ■
" Then, while Hippo (lyte) offered thee sacrifice, her
Amazons danced around thee, with their bucklers
and their arms, and then formed a chorus assisting
at thine altar. Their feet trod the ground lightly

1 Xen. Eph. cle Amor. Anlh. el Abroc. i. 2.

2 Atlien.. j>. G36 a.

ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE, ETC. 337

in their dance. The bone flute, so fatal to fawns,
had not yet been invented by Minerva, but the
music of reed pipes marked the cadence, and echo
wafted the sound to Sardis and Berecynthus." *
It was this scene that gave the idea for those
beautiful passages in Homer and Virgil, where
they describe Diana leading the dance surrounded
by her maidens.

" Thus seems the Palm, with stately honours crown'd,
By Phcebus' altars ; thus o'erlooks the ground,
The pride of Delos." 2

Which passage of Homer, Virgil is supposed to
have imitated : —

"As on Eurota's banks, or Cynthus' heads,
A thousand beauteous nymphs Diana leads,
While round their quivered queen the quires advance,
She tow'rs majestic as she leads the dance ;
She moves in pomp superior to the rest,
And secret transports touch Latona's breast." a

Horace also, in one of his odes, expresses the undu-
lating motions of the dance in the feasts of Diana ;4
and in another he inveighs against the lascivious
character of the Ionic dance in general.5

The Ionian music partook of the same character.

1 Callim. Hymn. Dian.

2 Horn. Odyss. vi. 151-163 (Pope.)

3 Virg. jEn. i. 502-506 (Pitt.)

4 Hor. ii. Od. 12-18. 5 Id. iii. 6-21.

2 X

338 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

Lucian represents Harmcmides praising the softness
and beauty of the Ionic music, as compared with
the solemn gravity of the Doric.1 Timotheus the
Musician, who composed the hymn of consecration
for the sixth temple,3 and who was born at Miletus,
and whose music was therefore of the Ionic mode,
excelled in lyric and dithyrambic poetry, and no
less in his performance on the cithara. Happening
to go to Sparta on one occasion, he performed
publicly on the cithara ; but the Spartans, unused
to such music, condemned him by the following-
edict : — " Whereas Timotheus the Milesian, coming
to our city has dishonoured our ancient music, and
despising the lyre of seven strings, has, by the
introduction of a greater variety of notes, (four
additional ones — Paus. hi. 12,) corrupted the ears
of our youth, and by the number of his strings,
given to our music an effeminate dress ; the kings
and the ephori have resolved to pass censure on
him, and to oblige him to cut off his superfluous
strings, and to banish him from our city, that
men may be warned :" &c. ;3 and as a monument
of this decree they suspended his lyre in one of the
buildings of the city.4

1 Lucian. Harm. 2 See page 217.

3 Casaubon, A nimad. in A then. p. 386, quoting Boethius; Burney
on Music, i. 407.

4 Paus. iii. 12. According to Artemon, de Dionysiaco Systemate,
lib. i., quoted by Athenaeus, (p. 636 c.) when the public officer was
going to cut off the obnoxious strings, Timotheus pointed out

ASYLUM OF THE TEMPLE, ETC. 339

We have the following records of sacrifices offered
to Diana on memorable occasions.

Tissaphernes, the Persian general, to ingratiate
himself with the Ephesians, instituted a sacrifice to
Diana with great pomp.1 Agesilaus, in order to
inspire ardour among his troops, repaired to the
Temple of Diana, followed by his whole army,
offering garlands to the goddess.2 Alexander the
Great " stopped' at Ephesus, sacrificed to Diana,
and accompanied the pomp with all his troops,
under arms, in order of battle."3 And lastly, when
Antony arrived in Ephesus, he instituted a great
sacrifice to the goddess, but mulcted the inhabitants
of a large sum of money.4

The service of the Temple was maintained with
large grants, and extensive lands. The Selinusian
fisheries, as we have seen, brought in a considerable
revenue, and as Xenophon established his temple at
Scillus, in imitation of that of Ephesus, it is pro-
bable that the Ephesian Temple had a revenue of a
tythe of the produce.5

among them a small statue of Apollo which held a lyre of the
same number of chords ; and the accusation was accordingly with-
drawn. This, however, is not credible, and is opposed by the two
preceding passages. He inscribed on his monument : — " How
happy wert thou, Timotheus ! when the herald proclaimed with
a loud voice, — ' Timotheus the Milesian has conquered the son of
Carbon the IwvoKajnrTav"'' (he who charms the spirit of the lonians.)
— (Plut. de Sui Laude.)

1 Thucyd. viii. 109. 2 See page 81.

3 Arrian. i. 18. 4 Appian. Bell. Civ. v. 4.

5 " On the division of the money arising from the sale of the

340 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

captives, one-tanth part was consecrated to Apollo and the Ephe-
sian Diana. With the money appropriated to the lattei*, Xenophon
purchased some lands in honour of the goddess, in the place directed
by the oracle. (See page 201.) Xenophon also built a temple and
an altar with this consecrated money, and from that time offered
to the goddess an annual sacrifice of one-tenth of the product of
every season. All the inhabitants, both men and women, partook
of the feast; and all who are present at it have barley-meal, bread,
wine, and sweetmeats in honour of the goddess, and also their
share of the victims that are killed from the consecrated lands, and
of the game that is taken ; for the sons of Xenophon, and those of
the rest of the inhabitants, always make a general hunting against
the feast, when all who desired it hunted along with them ....
Near to the temple stands a pillar with this inscription : — ' These
lands are consecrated to Diana. Let the possessor offer up one-
tenth part of the annual produce in sacrifice, and out of the surplus
keep the temple in repair. If he fail, the goddess will punish his
neglect.'" — (Xen. Anab. v.) In the feasts of Diana at Syracuse
the people drank freely, and gave loose to mirth. — (Plutarch,
Marcel. 18.)

VIII.

FINAL DESTRUCTION, AND CONCLUSION.

" TITHAT is become of the Temple of Diana?
* t Can a wonder of the earth be vanished
like a phantom, without leaving a trace behind!"
Such was the question Dr. Chandler asked on
viewing the site of Ephesus. And, indeed, it is
extraordinary, not only that there are no remains
left us to point out the site where the Temple once
stood; but that we should have such few and
uncertain records of its destruction, and not a
single account from any historian, geographer, or
traveller, of its lying in a state of ruin. That the
Temple itself should have disappeared is not extra-
ordinary, when we consider how other monuments
of antiquity have vanished from the earth. Whoever
has had the opportunity of seeing ancient remains,
cannot but have remarked how some portions of a
wall are as perfect as if just constructed, while other
portions of the same wall have disappeared, and the
grass grown over the site as fresh and beautiful as
if the ground had never been used for other pur-
poses than for sheep to pasture on. Whenever this

342 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

is the case,* whenever the monument, in falling,
leaves no mound, we may be sure that the destruc-
tion is the work of man. Few monuments near the
coast, in accessible places, or near great towns, are
to be found in a state of tolerable preservation :
whereas those in more retired spots are compara-
tively perfect. No wonder, then, that all the super-
structure of the Temple of Diana has disappeared :
still it is extraordinary that the foundations, which
doubtless still exist, have not been discovered.

The first danger the Temple was in after its
rebuilding in the time of Alexander, was on the
occasion of the defeat of Antigonus and Demetrius ;
(301 B.C. ;) but the latter, instead of plundering it,
prevented his soldiers from so doing.1 Cassar twice
preserved the Temple from being plundered : the
first time by Scipio, and afterwards by Ampius.

" Besides other exactions, Scipio gave orders to
remove the money long treasured up in the Temple
of Diana at Ephesus, together with the images of
the goddess (ceterasque ejus Dese statuas). But
when he had entered the Temple, together with
many of the senatorial order, whom he had sum-
moned to attend him, a despatch was delivered to
him from Pompey, stating that Caasar had crossed
the sea with his legions, and directing him to join
him with his army, and to disregard everything
else. On receiving this message he dismissed those

'.Plat, in Demet. 30.

FINAL DESTRUCTION, AND CONCLUSION. 343

whom he had summoned, set out for Macedonia,
and arrived there within a few days : and thus the
Ephesian treasury was saved."1

On the latter occasion, "when Caesar had arrived
in Asia, T. Ampius was endeavouring to extract the
money from the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, and
with this object had summoned all the senators
from the provinces, to be witnesses of the act;
but being interrupted by the approach of Csesar, he
took to flight. Thus the Ephesian treasury was
saved a second time by Cassar." 2

In the reign of Tiberius, Ephesus suffered greatly,
along with several other cities,3 but it does not
appear that the Temple was injured ; but whatever
damages were done, they were repaired by the
munificence of that emperor.4 The city suffered
again from the same disaster in the reigns of
M. Aurelius Antoninus, and of Lucius Verus, and
was again restored.0

In the pillage of temples by order of Nero, those
of Greece and Asia suffered most severely; "the
rapacity of the emperor not being content with
seizing the votive offerings which adorned the
temples, but even the very statues of the gods were
deemed lawful prey."6 This was in A.D. 64.

1 C?es. tie Bell. Civ. iii. 33.

2 Id. de Bell. Civ. iii. 105. 3 See pages 181, 2.

4 Solinus, edit, of 1498, li. ; Tacit, ii. 47 ; Strabo and Pliny.

5 Aur. Vict. Hist. Ixom. de Ca'saribus, xvi. 11.

6 Tacit. An. xv. 45.

344 TEMPLE OF DIANA.

From this year to the third century, we have no
notices of the Temple, excepting an incidental one
mentioned by Petrus Gyllius, who reports that
Trajan sent the gates of the Temple to Con-
stantinople. (See page 282.) But in the reign of
the two Gallieni, (A.D. 253— r260,) it was sacked1
and burnt by the Scythians. Trebellius Pollio
writes : — " But the Scythians, who are a tribe of
the Goths, devastated Asia, and after sacking the
Temple of Diana, set fire to it, the fame of whose
riches is sufficiently known." 2 And Jornandes
says : — " This emperor (Gallienus) giving himself
up to every indulgence, the leaders of the Goths,
Respa, Veduco, Thuro, and Varo, took advantage
of it and crossed over into Asia with a fleet ; and
among, other cities which they laid waste was
Ephesus, the most celebrated of them all, the
Temple of Diana of which city, built by the Ama-
zons, they set fire to."3 Gallienus reigned as sole
emperor from 260 to 268 A.D. It is probable that
both these narratives refer to the same event ; and
from the latter being more minute, giving the
names of the Gothic leaders, and the reason of
the incursion, we may suppose that the event took

1 Zosiruus also mentions the same circumstance, but places it in
the last year of the emperor Gallus, 253 A.D. The Scythians
passed over into Asia, laying waste the whole country as far as
Cappadocia, Pessinunte, and Ephesus, (i. 28.)

2 Treb. Poll. Hist. Aug. Script, p. 719, Gallieni duo ; Eutrop.
ix. 8. A Jornandes, Chron. de rebus Got/ticls, xx.

FINAL DESTRUCTION, AND CONCLUSION. 345

place when Gallienus was sole emperor ; Tournefort
says in the third year of his reign, or A.D. 263.
The following edict, supposed to have been framed
by Constantine, and published in 3.42, 346, or 352,
completed the subversion of the heathen temples : —

" It has pleased us that in all places and cities
whatsoever, the temples shall be henceforth shut,
and access forbidden them ; and that the power of
remitting debts to debtors shall be denied them. We
will likewise that all sacrifices be discontinued. And
if any one is bold enough to transgress in these par-
ticulars, he shall be given up to the avenging sword.
Moreover the governors of the provinces shall issue
decrees, claiming the treasuries of the temples for
the imperial exchequer, and if they neglect to do so
they shall be punished in like manner."1

We will conclude with the denunciation from the
Sibylline Oracles,2 which was written after the time
of Hadrian, and before that of Clemens Alexandrinus,
and therefore between 138 and 206 A.D.

" Where is thy sacred fane, proud Ephesus !
Raised to the honour of Latona's child ?
Like as the ship by stormy billows riv'n,
Sinks in the vortex of the whirling wave ;
So the bright emblem of Ionia's state,
Shall sink, confounded, in the mighty deep !

1 Foleui, Temple of D. in the Saggi Acad, di Cortona, torn. i.
referring to Just. Instit. i. 11, and Theod. Cod. xvi. 10.

2 Sibyl. Orac. lib. v. v. 293-305.

2 Y

346 TEMPLE OP DIANA.

Then shall thy citizens, unhappy men,

Perish while still Diana's help they claim.

With piteous cry their eyes to heaven they raise ;

That heaven, whose thunders pour upon their heads !

For winter's coal, a scorching blast reserved ;

For peace and quietness, perpetual strife.

By judgments stricken, their guilty corpses lie

Exposed and bleaching on the burning sand."

Whether this prophecy was ever accomplished, or
whether it was written by some Christian, after the
accomplishment of the fact, the Temple cannot have
existed after the year 399, when the emperors
Arcadius and Honorius issued a decree for the
destruction of all temples, excepting such as could
be used as churches ; for we do not read of this
Temple having been so converted : but whenever
destroyed, we may exclaim with Chandler : —

" "We now seek the Temple in vain : the city is
prostrate, and the goddess gone."

LONDON :
COX AND WTMAN, PKINTEBS, GBEAT QUBBN STBEET,

lincoln's-inn FIELDS.

Price Two Guineas.

DAEDALUS;

OR,

THE CAUSES AND PRINCIPLES OF THE EXCELLElNCE

GREEK SCULPTURE.

EDWARD FALKENER,

MEMBER OP THE ACADEMY OF BOLOGNA, AND OF THE AHCHiBOLOOlCA I.
INSTITUTES OF ROME AND BERLIN.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, & ROBERTS.

I860.

By the same Author, price 3s. 6d.
ON THE

HTPJ1THEON

GREEK TEMPLES;

A PAPER READ BEFORE THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF BERLIN.

TOGETHER WITH

SOME OBSERVATIONS IN REPLY TO THE REVIEWERS

"D JE D ALUS."

LONDON:
LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, & ROBERTS.

1861.

'***SS^»Kh.\».

FALKENEE'S

MUSEUM OP CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES,

BEING A SERIES OF

ESSAYS ON ANCIENT ART.

L4 new edition, price Tivo Guineas, bound in cloth.~\

ii.
in.

IV.

v.-

VI.-

VII.-

VIII.-

IX.-

X.-

XI.-

XII.-

XIII.

XIV.-

XV.

XVI.-
XVII.-
XVIII.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.-
XXIII.

XXIV.—

XXV.-

XXVI-

XXVII.-

XXVIII.-

XXIX.-
XXX.-
XXXI.-
XXXII.-
XXXIII.-
XXXIV.-
XXXV.-

CONTENTS.

On the Advantage of the Study of Antiquity, and on Excellence

in Art Edward Falkener.

On the Rapid Destruction of Ancient Monuments . . . Fra Giovanni Giocondo.

On the Polychroray of Greek Architecture J. J. Hittorp.

Description of one of the City Gates at Paestum . . . Prof. T. L. Donaldson.

On an Important Monument recently discovered in Lycia . Prof. Schonborn.

On the Paintings by Polygnotus in the Lesche at Delphi . . W. Watkiss Lloyd.

On the Plan and Disposition of the Greek Lesche . . . Edward Falkener.

On a proto-Doric Egyptian Column at Thebes .... Edward Falkener.

Discoveries at Nimrood Thomas N. Lynch.

On the Paintings by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi . . W. Watkiss Lloyd

On the Sculptures of the Ionic Monument at Xanthus . . Benjamin Gibson.

On the Mausoleum, or Sepulchre of Mausolus at Halicarnassus Edward Falkener.

Description of an Ancient Statue of Minerva at Athens . . George Scharf, Jun.

Remarks on the Collections of Ancient Art in the Museums of

Italy, the Glyptothek at Munich, and the British Museum . Charles Newton.

•On the Study of Polychromy, and its Revival .... Gottfried Semper.

On the Polychromy of Sculpture, with Remarks by Prof. MtiUer George Scharf.

On the Ionic Ileroum at Xanthus, now in the British Museum . Edward Falkener.

•A General Statement of the Excavations of Ancient Monuments
in the Kingdom of Naples, from 1830 to 1849. By the Director-
General Carlo Boni/cci.

On the Building Act of the Emperor Zeno, and the other Building

Laws of the Roman Empire W.R.Hamilton.

On the Lost Group of the Eastern Pediment of the Parthenon . Edward Falkener.

On the Progress and Decay of Art ; and on the Arrangement .

of the National Museum Francis Pulszky.

On Recent Discoveries at Rome Benjamin Gibsox.

-On Excavations by Captain Caviglia, behind and in the neigh-
bourhood of the Great Sphinx Samuel Birch.

Report on a House at Pompeii, excavated under personal super-
intendence Edward Falkener.

On the Lydian Double Pipe (Tibia? Pares) at Pompeii . . . James A. Davies.

On the Ancient City and Port of Seleucia Pieria . . . W. Holt Yates, M.D.

On the Throne of Anvyclsean Apollo W. Watkiss Lloyd.

•On the Cragus, Anticragus, and Massicytus Mountains of Asia

Minor Prof. SchOnborn.

On the Theatres of Vicenza and Verona Edward Falkener.

Observations on the Theatre of Verona Conte Orti Manara.

Notes upon Obelisks Samuel Birch.

On the Theatre, Odeum, and other Monuments of Acrsein Sicily John Hogg.

On the Antiquities of Candia Edward Falkener.

On the alleged Site of the Holy Sepulchre Edward Falkener.

On the True Site of Calvary Edward Falkener.

London :
LONGMAN, GEEEN, LONGMAN, & EOBEETS, Paternoster Kow.

1861.

Price 5 s.,

A DESCRIPTION

OP SOME IMPORTANT

THEATRES AND OTHER REMAINS

CRETE,

FROM A MS. HISTORY OP CANDIA, BY ONORIO BELLI, IN 1586,

BEING

A SUPPLEMENT

TO THE

MUSEUM OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES,

EDWARD FALKENER.

LONDON:

TEUBNEE & CO., 12, PATEENOSTEE EOW.

1854.

$1 3 9 61

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