Full text of "The epistle of Othea to Hector; or, The boke of knyghthode"

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THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR

(Lxt commence Gt

OTHf:A DELIVERS HER EPISTLE TO HECTOR.

Harley MS. 4431, FOL. 97b.

The Epistle of Othea to Hector

THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE

Translated from the French of Christine de Pisan

With a Dedication to Sir John Fastolf^ K.G.

STEPHEN SCROPE, ESQUIRE

EDITED
FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE LIBRARY OF

THE MARQUIS OF BATH

GEORGE F. WARNER

M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of MSS. British Museum

LONDON

J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS
VICTORIA STREET, S.W

1904.

LONDON

J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS
VICTORIA STREET, S.W.

THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS

Cf>e &ojrfwre* Club

THIS VOLUME

Orttratrt anb UrrsnitrtJ

BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT

BATH

LONGLEAT, MARCH, 1904

Cfje

Clufc.

MCMIV.

LORD ALDENHAM.

PRESIDENT.

DUKE OP DEVONSHIRE, K.G.

DUKE OP BUCCLEUCH, K.T.

DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, K.G.

DUKE OP SUTHERLAND, K.G.

MARQUESS OF BATH.

EARL OF PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMERY.

EARL OF CRAWFORD, K.T.

EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G.

EARL COWPER, K.G.

EARL OF CARYSFORT, K.P.

EARL OF POWIS.

EARL BEAUCHAMP.

EARL BROWNLOW.

EARL OF CAWDOR.

EARL OF ELLESMERE.

EARL OF CREWE.

THE LORD BISHOP OF SALISBURY.

LORD ZOUCHE.

LORD WINDSOR.

LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY.

HON. ALBAN GEORGE HENRY GIBBS.

RIGHT HON. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR.

RIGHT HON. MOUNTSTUART GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I.

SIR WILLIAM REYNELL ANSON, BART.

SIR THOMAS BROOKE, BART.

SIR JOHN EVANS, K.C.B.

SIR EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B.

CHARLES BUTLER, ESQ.

INGRAM BY WATER, ESQ.

GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ.

ALFRED HENRY HUTH, ESQ., Treasurer.

ANDREW LANG, ESQ.

CHARLES BRINSLEY MARLAY, ESQ.

JOHN MURRAY, ESQ.

EDWARD JAMES STANLEY, ESQ.

HENRY YATES THOMPSON, ESQ.

REV. EDWARD TINDAL TURNER.

VICTOR WILLIAM BATES VAN DE WEYER, ESQ.

W. ALDIS WRIGHT, ESQ.

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THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA, TEXT XX.

Longieat MS. 253, FOL. 22b.

INTRODUCTION.

r I ^HE English version here printed for the first time of Christine
-* de Pisan's " Epitre d'Othea la deesse a Hector " is taken from
a MS. which is believed to be unique, and which, if not actually the
original, can be very little removed from it. The volume of which
it forms a part is numbered MS. 253 in the valuable library of the
Marquis of Bath at Longleat, but how or when it found its way
thither it is impossible to say. There is little doubt, however, that
it was acquired at least as early as the time of Thomas Thynne,
first Viscount Weymouth, who died in 1714, and it is not unlikely
that it has been at Longleat ever since the house was built by
Sir John Thynne in the latter part of the i6th century. It is a small
vellum folio, 9! inches by 7, in modern binding, and in its present
state it consists of ninety-five leaves, the first seventy-five of which
are occupied by the work in question and the remainder by an
English poem or series of poems, probably also translated from the
French, in which love is compared with the growth of a tree. The
hand appears to be the same throughout and of a date about the
middle of the I5th century. As may be seen from the page here
reproduced (cf. p. 33), it is fairly neat and regular, but it is hardly
the hand of a professional book-scribe, the type being that more
commonly found in correspondence and business documents of the
period. As to ornament, there is none whatever ; for, although
blank spaces were left for rubrics and initials, and in a few instances
apparently for miniatures as well, for some reason they were never
filled in. But the deficiencies of the MS. in this respect are of
less practical importance than the mutilation inflicted later upon,
the text. In the main article, and consequently in this edition of

x The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

it, there are two lacunas, one of a single leaf (p. 13) and the other
of a whole quire of eight (p. 53), while the supplementary matter
has been shorn both of its first leaf and of an unknown number at
the end. Nor is the mischief confined to the loss of these portions
of the text. Probably, as in the case of another work by the same
translator, 1 there was a colophon which would have given interesting
particulars of the origin of the whole MS., and unfortunately this
also has perished. As the translator has been identified and as
specimens of his handwriting are available for comparison, 2 the
question whether the copy is in his autograph is easily decided in the
negative, but beyond this little can be ascertained of its history.
For reasons which will appear further on it is a tempting supposi-
tion that it is the " Boke de Othea, text and glose .... in quavers "
(sc. quires), which is included in an "Inventory offEnglysshe boks"
belonging to John Paston the younger (?) in the time of Edward IV.
(after I474). 3 If, however, the latter MS. in its turn was identical
with the "Othea pistill " which one William Ebesham wrote for
Sir John Paston at a cost of 7sh. 2d. about 1469,* it contained no
more than forty-three leaves. In the margin of f. 75b is an entry,
made about 1500, of a certificate of the banns of marriage, real or
imaginary, of William Stretford and Joyce Helle, the certifying
minister being William Houson, curate ; and from scribblings on
f. 50 and elsewhere it may be inferred that at a later date in the i6th
century the MS. was in the hands of a certain William Porter, who,
to judge from the nature of his entries, was perhaps a scrivener's
clerk. There is more decisive evidence of ownership in the
signature " Jo. Malbee " on the first page, written towards the end
of the 1 6th century under the moral distich :

" Viue diu, sed viue Deo ; nam viuere mundo
Mors est. Haec vera est viuere vita Deo."

1 See below, p. xxiv.

2 Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 28,212, ff. 220, 26.

3 J. Gairdner, The Paston Letters, ed. 1896, iii. p. 301.

4 Ibid., ii. p. 335 (cf. p. xxx. below, note 2). This copy was included in a
"grete booke," other articles of which now form Lansdowne MS. 285. Ebesham's
hand as they show it is not identical with that of the Longleat MS., though it bears
a certain resemblance to it.

Introduction. xi

The same page also contains the initials J. M., probably meaning
John Malbee, together with the old library mark, ix D. 72.

Before commenting upon the English translation something
must be said of the original "Epitre d'Othea" and the remarkable
woman who was its author. 1 In no sense was Christine de Pisan
French by birth. Her father Thomas de Pisan, or de Boulogne,
was, as she tells us, 2 a native of Bologna, and he may reasonably
be identified with Tommaso di Benvenuto di Pizzano, who was
Professor of Astrology there between 1345 and I356. 3 Later he
obtained the salaried office of State Councillor at Venice, where
also he married, and where Christine, probably the eldest of his
three children and the only girl, was born in I364- 4 It was shortly
after her birth that he was prevailed upon by the French king
Charles V. to remove to Paris, and the fact that Louis the Great of
Hungary was equally anxious to attract him to Buda shows how
widely the fame of his learning and science had spread. 5 For
fifteen years he had no cause to regret his change of country, for
Charles not only made him his physician and astrologer with
handsome emoluments, but treated him altogether with marked
distinction. Christine, who with her mother joined him at the end
of 1368, was thus brought up at the most brilliant and intellectual

1 Of the authorities used the best and most recent are E. Robineau, Christine de
Pisan, sa vie et ses ceuvres, St. Omer, 1882 ; F. Koch, Leben und Werke der Christine
de Pizan, Goslar, 1885; M. Roy, CEuvres poetiques de Christine de Pisan, Soc. des
Anciens Textes Francois, i.-iii. 1886-1896. The most interesting details are derived
from her own writings, many of which are still unprinted.

2 See below, p. xxxvi.

3 Koch, p. 14.

4 This date may be inferred from two statements by herself, one in " Le Chemin
de long estude," written in 1402, that she had then been widowed thirteen years (ed.
R. Piischel, Berlin, 1887, p. 6), and the other in " La Vision" (Koch, p. 12) that she
was twenty-five when her husband died, sc. in 1389.

6 " Car comme renommee lors tesmoignast par toute crestiente la souffisance de
mon pere naturel ds sciences speculatives comme supellatif astrologien, jusques en
Ytalie en la cite de Boulongne la grace par ses messages 1'envoya querir " ("Livre des
fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V.," in Petitot's Collection des M'emoires, v.
P- 275)-

xii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

court of the time, and when, at the early age of fifteen, she was
married to Etienne du Castel in 1379, her ties with it were further
strengthened by her husband's appointment as secretary to the
king. This prosperity was rudely interrupted by the premature
death of Charles V. on i6th September, 1380. In her own words,
" Or fu la porte ouverte de noz infortunes, adonc faillirent a mon
dit pere ses grans pensions." * Thomas de Pisan in fact was
growing old and out of fashion ; with the loss of his place at court
and its prestige he soon fell into neglect, and when in a few years
he died, his wife and two sons were left dependent upon his
daughter and son-in-law. Happily the latter still retained his post
under the new king, and if he had lived all might have gone well,
though possibly in that case Christine's latent powers would never
have been called into activity. As a climax, however, to her
misfortunes Etienne du Castel was carried off by an epidemic at
Beauvais in 1389, and she thus found herself a widow at twenty-
five with three children besides others 2 to support out of what
little she could rescue from the claimants to her husband's estate.
Curious details of the protracted lawsuits and other troubles
by which she was harassed during the next few years are given in
several of her works ; but it is enough to say that her tenacity and
force of character carried her safely through until she made for
herself a literary position which for one of her sex was probably
without precedent. Excepting a few short pieces anterior perhaps
to her husband's death, she appears to have begun writing poetry
as a solace in her widowhood. Such pathetic effusions as " Seulete
suy et seulete vueil estre " and " Je suis vesve, seulete et noir
vestue," 3 with others in a similar strain, could hardly fail to excite
sympathy, and she was thus encouraged to utilize her pen for
procuring more material support. At the end of the I4th century

1 Robineau, p. 10.

2 Thus in " La Vision " she writes " le me tolli en fleur de ieunece, comme en
1'aage de xxxiiij. ans, et moy de xxv. demouray chargee de iii. enfans petiz et de grant
maisnage " (cf. p. xi. note 4).

3 CEuvres poetique^ ed. Roy, i. p. 12, "Cent Balades," No. xi., and p. 148,
"Rondeaux," No. iii.

Introduction. xiii

all that an author struggling with poverty had to depend upon was
the patronage and munificence of the great, and it may therefore
have been mainly to suit the taste of those to whom she looked
for favour and assistance that she composed the lighter and more
amatory of the "Ballades," "Lais" and "Virelais," "Rondeaux "
and "Jeux a vendre," which were the earliest, and not the least
charming, of her poems. Besides Charles VI. and his queen, the
Dukes of Berry, Burgundy, and Orleans, and other princes, nobles,
and great ladies of the French court, it is interesting to find among
her warmest patrons the English Earl of Salisbury, 1 who came on
an embassy to Paris in December, 1398. The theory that it was
for him that she made the collection of her " Cent Ballades" rests
on little, if any, foundation, but his friendly regard for her is shown
by his having taken her elder son Jean du Castel, then thirteen, to
England, in order to educate him with a boy of his own of similar
age. By her own account, as it appears, 2 this was at the time of
the marriage of Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., to Richard II.,
which took place at Calais on 4th November, 1396, so that she
may have become acquainted with the earl during a previous visit
to Paris, or while he was in France with Richard, who crossed
over for the marriage as early as 2/th September. If he had not
met a tragic fate on yth January, 1400, in an abortive attempt in
favour of his deposed sovereign, Christine herself might have fol-
lowed her son. At the same time Salisbury was not the only nor most
influential admirer of her talent on this side of the Channel. After
his death the usurper Henry IV. himself took charge of the boy
and tried to induce her to settle in England, and it is to her credit
that loyalty to the earl's memory among other reasons made her

1 John de Montacute or Montagu, who succeeded his father as second Baron
Montacute in 1390, his mother as Baron Monthermer in 1395 (?), and his uncle as
third Earl of Salisbury in 1397. One of the objects of his embassy in 1398 was to
hinder the marriage of Henry of Lancaster with a daughter of the Duke of Berry.
Christine speaks of him as " gracieux chevalier, aimant dictiez et luy mesme gracieux
dicteur " (Boivin, " Vie de Chr. de Pisan," in K^ralio's Collection des meilleurs outrages
jFranfois, 1787, ii. p. 118).

2 Koch, p. 36.

xiv The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

obdurate. In order, however, to get back her son she feigned
compliance until he was sent to fetch her, when she kept him with
her and remained in France. 1

Before this she had entered on the second stage of her literary
career, to which the "Epitre d'Othe'a" most probably belongs.
In 1399 she resolved to attempt longer and more serious poems,
animated by a more or less definite moral purpose, and she began
by preparing herself for this task by a strenuous course of study,
as nearly encyclopaedic in character as was then possible, though
there is no reason to suppose that she was acquainted with Greek
authors except through Latin translations. But her earliest poems
of any length, issued between 1399 and 1402, were still of the
nature of u Dits d'Amour." Such, for example, were the "Epitre
au dieu d'amour" and the " Dit de la Rose," the "De"bat de
deux amants," the " Dit de Poissy," with its lively account of her
visit in 1400 to Poissy Abbey, where her daughter was a nun, and
the idyllic " Dit de la pastoure." 2 The first two of these poems
were written in defence of women against the aspersions of Jean
de Meun in the "Roman de la Rose" and his school, and they
involved her in a protracted controversy, in which with the valuable
support of Jean Gerson she fully held her own. The moralizing
element is much more strongly developed in the " Chemin de long
estude," 3 and the " Mutation de Fortune," 4 which were composed in

1 In a ballad praying the Duke of Orleans to take him into his service (Roy, i.
p. 232) she speaks of his having been three years in England :

Ja trois ans a que pour sa grant prouesse

L'en amena le conte tres louable

De Salsbery, qui moru a destrece

Ou mal pais d'Angleterre, ou muable

Y sont la gent.

Elsewhere she says that Henry IV. " tres joyeusement prist mon enfant vers luy et
tint chierement et en tres bon estat " ('Boivin, p. 119).
3 All printed by Roy, vol. ii. 1891.

3 An edition, "traduit de langue romanne en prose franchise par Jan Chaperon,"
appeared a Paris in 1549. See also above, p. xi., note 4, Koch, p. 76, and Keralio,
ii. p. 297.

4 For an analysis see Koch, p. 63.

Introduction, xv

1402 and 1403. In the earlier of these somewhat prolix, but withal
extremely interesting, works Christine is conducted by the Sibyl
Amalthea through the known world, 1 and then ascends with her
as far as the fifth heaven. After recounting these experiences she
proceeds to inculcate doctrines of right and justice by means of an
elaborate allegory, in which Raison, Sagesse, Noblesse, Chevalerie,
and Richesse play the leading parts, room being also found for a
glowing eulogy of Charles V. In the u Mutation de Fortune " she
again indulges her taste for allegory, but in place of geography and
astronomy other sciences have their turn. The introduction, which
is rich in personal interest, deals with her father's life and her own
and then leads up to her dream or vision of the great " Chastel de
Fortune." This castle is in fact the world, and those who lodge
in it are the various classes of mankind, who from pope and king
downwards are vividly characterized ; while the subjects painted
on the walls of the hall give occasion for summaries of philosophy
and of universal history to the birth of Christ, followed by allu-
sions to more recent events and by another tribute to the virtues
of Thomas de Pisan's royal patron. On 1st January, 1403-4,
Christine presented this poem as a new-year's gift to Philip, Duke
of Burgundy, brother of Charles V. The immediate result was a
commission to write the late king's life, and although the duke
himself died on 2/th April following, she completed this task
within the year, sending a copy to his elder brother John, Duke of
Berry, on ist January, 1404-5.

The " Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V."
is the best known and in many respects the most valuable of all
her writings, 2 and it also marks the beginning of the period when
she practically abandoned verse in favour of prose. Though full
of interesting details, the work is not so much a regular biography
as an appreciation of the king's character from the point of view
of an enthusiastic partisan. To some extent Charles V. realized

1 In this part of the work she plagiarizes largely from the so-called Travels of Sir
John Mandeville (see article by P. Toynbee in Romania^ xxi. 1892, p. 228).

2 Printed in Petitot's Collection des Memoires, 1824, vols. v. vi. and elsewhere.

xvi The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

Christine's ideal of chivalry, and in her discursive way she seized
her chance to enforce by his example the paramount necessity to
a ruler of a sound education and virtuous principles, with covert
reflections no doubt upon the political rivalries and dissolute morals
which under the unhappy circumstances of his successor's mental
disease were bringing ruin upon France. Of her remaining works
" La Vision," 1 which appeared later in 1405, is of peculiar interest
for its self-revelation. It was apparently meant as a reply to those
who, on the ground of her sex and foreign origin, questioned her
right to pose as an authority on French history and morals ; but
with a frank recital of her chequered fortunes and a defence of her
position she mixes up a curious allegory on the mighty power of
" Dame Opinion " and a discussion on the comfort to be derived
from philosophy. To quote a simile which she more than once
applies to herself, 2 "petite clochete grant voix sonne " ; and this
may certainly be said of two ambitious treatises written seemingly
about 1407. One of them is the well-known " Livre des faits
d'armes et de chevalerie," 3 which is nothing less than an attempt
to teach the whole art of war, grounded largely upon Vegetius and
other authorities, but not without shrewd and pertinent observations
of her own ; while in the other, entitled " Le Corps de Policie,"
she takes up the subject of civil government, more particularly
with regard to the education of princes and the duties and mutual
relations of the several orders in the state. The " Cite des
Dames" 4 and its complement the "Livre des Trois Vertus " 5 deal

1 Analysed by Koch, p. 73.

2 As in the dedication of the " Epitre d'Othea " partly printed below, p. xxxvi.

3 The original of The book of fay ties of armes and of Chyualrye, printed by
Caxton in 1489. He tells us in a note that it was given to him by Henry VII. on
23rd January, 1489, to translate and print, " to thende that euery gentylman born to
armes and all manere men of werre captayns souldiours vytayllers and all other shold
haue knowlege how they ought to behaue theym in the fayttes of warre and of
bataylles." He adds that the translation was finished on the 8th July and printed on
the i4th. A French edition appeared at Paris in 1488, and others in 1497, etc.

4 An English translation by Bryan Anslay, entitled The boke of the cyte of Ladyes,
was printed at London, 1521.

5 For the dedication to the Dauphiness and the table of chapters see Thomassy,
Essai sur les ecrits politiques de Christine de Pisan, 1838, p. 185.

Introduction. xvii

on the contrary with subjects which fell less disputably within her
natural sphere. As we have seen, she had already championed her
sex in verse. In coming forward again in its defence, but this time
in prose, she went further, taking upon herself to lay down rules of
guidance for women of all ranks, which she effectively did by
allegory as well as by precepts and by historical examples.

In all these works her aims were moral rather than political.
But although, considering her relations with the leaders of the con-
tending factions, it is not surprising that she abstained from decisively
taking a side, there is no doubt that she was profoundly moved by
the growing miseries of her adopted country. As early as 1405
she addressed to the queen, Isabella of Bavaria, a letter 1 strongly
advocating peace, and five years later she returned to the subject
in a passionate appeal 2 to the princes generally and the Duke of
Berry in particular. The " Livre de la Paix," the different parts of
which were composed respectively in 1412 and 1413 in connexion
with the transient pacifications of Auxerre and of Pontoise, is of less
restricted scope. 3 It was dedicated by Christine to the youthful
Dauphin, Louis, Duke of Guienne, and after an earnest exhortation
to harmony it is expanded into a formal treatise on the virtues that
go to form the perfect prince, Charles V. providing her as usual
with an ever ready example. This appears to have been the latest,
as it is one of the most important, of her prose works ; for although
possibly some of her religious verses were composed in the interval,
so far as is known she maintained an unbroken silence until 1429,
when the triumphs of the Maid of Orleans drew from her a poem
ringing with patriotic fervour, 4 her joy at the approaching deliver-
ance of France being no doubt all the greater because its promised
saviour was a woman. What her feelings were when these hopes
were again deferred can only be imagined, for nothing more is

1 Printed by Thomassy, p. 133.

2 Ibid.) p. 141.

8 For an analysis of its contents, with extracts, see ibid., p. 150. The Dauphin
Louis was born in 1396 and died in 1415.

4 See Thomassy, p. xlii. ; Martin, Histoire de France, 4th ed. 1878, vi. p. 192.
It is dated 3ist July, 1429, a fortnight after the coronation of Charles VII. at Reims.

xviii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

heard of her. In the opening lines of her poem she states that she
had then been eleven years in a convent, 1 but she omits to give its
name, and the date and the place of her death thus alike remain
unidentified.

Of all her works the one with which we are here specially
concerned presents perhaps most difficulty with regard to date. In
the best copies, as in Harley MS. 4,43 I, 2 it is headed " Ci com-
mence lepistre Othea la deesse, que elle envoya a Hector de Troie
quant il estoit en laage de quinze ans," for which reason, coupled
with its dedication to Louis, Duke of Orleans, it has been too
hastily assigned to I386, 3 when Louis himself was of that age.
Against this date it is almost enough to urge that Christine was
then only twenty-two years old, and from all that we know of her
she was not in the least likely to have begun authorship so early
with a long didactic treatise mostly in prose ; but, apart from this,
Louis was not made Duke of Orleans until 4th June, 1391, so that
the work could not have been addressed to him, as it is, under that
title five years before. Another theory, that, although dedicated
to Louis, it was designed for the edification of his son and heir
Charles 4 is not open to the same objections ; for, as the future poet-
duke was born in 1391, the date would then be 1406, at which
time Christine was in full career as a moralist and prose-writer,
with strong views, as may be seen in her "Fais et bonnes meurs
du sage roy Charles V.", on the subject of chivalrous qualities. On
the other hand, if the facts were as supposed, in addressing the
work to the father she would hardly have failed to make some
explanatory reference to the son. Her omission to do so there-
fore makes this theory hardly less untenable than the other. It is

1 "Je Christine, qui ay plour xi. ans en 1'abbaye close." It was perhaps the
abbey of Poissy, of which her daughter was already an inmate in 1400 (above, p. xiv.),
and which may possibly be meant by " Passy " in the passage from the Boke of Noblesse
quoted in a note on p. xxxiii.

2 See below, p. xxxv.

3 Koch, p. 81. Louis was born I3th March, 1372.

4 Robineau, p. 89, speaks as if it was addressed to Charles himself, but the words
are " Dorliens due Loys " (see below, p. xxxvi.).

Introduction. xix

more likely that the date lies between these two extremes. The
significance of the dedication may easily be overrated. It was
Christine's habit to send her works with a separate dedicatory
preface to her several patrons as new-year's gifts for no other
reason probably than the hope of a tangible acknowledgment, and
w r e know in fact that other copies of the " Epitre d'Othea" were
sent both to Charles VI. and the Duke of Berry. 1 If it is necessary
to look for some particular youth of fifteen to whom she wished
to play the part of a moral instructress, he may perhaps be found
in her own son, for whom on another occasion she wrote the
" Enseignemens Moraux." 2 Jean du Castel was probably of the
required age about 1400, so that in this case the work represents,
as it well may, the first-fruits of the studies in which she immersed
herself shortly before, and its date moreover exactly accords with
its position in her own collections of her works, where it comes
after the " Dit de Poissy" (1400) and before the "Chemin de long
estude" (i4O2). 3

Although without any claim to be reckoned among the best
of her works, it is at least admirable in motive. Ostensibly it is
addressed by the Goddess of Prudence or Wisdom to her protege
Hector with the object of inciting him to the attainment of true
knighthood by the practice of virtue, the name of the goddess
being clearly no more than the Greek vocative & Bed, commonly
used in Homer in speeches addressed to Athena. 4 The plan of
the work is somewhat peculiar. The epistle proper, which pur-
ports to be Othea's own, is in verse, and is divided into a hundred
" textes," each of which after the first five consists of a single
quatrain. These hundred "textes" serve as a medium for instilling
into the mind of the pupil as many moral precepts or rules of
behaviour, wrapped up in an allusion to some story from mythology,

1 See pp. xxxiv., xxxvii.

3 " Les enseignemens que je Cristine donne a Jehan de Castel mon filz " (CEuvres
poetiques, ed. Roy, iii. p. 27).

8 See the comparative table in Roy, i. p. xxii.

4 This was first pointed out by the Abbe Sallier, Memoires de F Academic Royale
des Inscriptions, xvii. 1751, p. 518.

xx The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

from the history of Troy or, very rarely, from other sources, with-
out the least regard for chronological propriety. Othea indeed
anticipates the charge of anachronism by claiming at the outset (p. 6)
the divine prerogative of prophecy, by which means she obviates
the incongruity of drawing lessons for Hector from the circum-
stances of his own death (p. 105), from the story of Cyrus and
Queen Tomyris (p. 63), and even from the vision of Christ shown
by the Sibyl to the Roman emperor Augustus (p. 113). Perhaps the
most glaring anachronism is the reference to the fate of "Thune"
(p. no). It has been suggested in a note on the passage that this
is a corruption in the MSS. for " Thyre " or Tyre ; but the rhyme
both in the French and English versions requires " Thune," and
possibly the allusion is to the much vaunted expedition of Louis,
Duke of Bourbon, against Tunis in 1391. If so, this is a single
instance of a reference to an event in more recent times. The
" textes," however, are not left to stand alone, being invariably
followed by a "glose" and an " allegoric, " both of which are in
prose and often of some length. The bulk of the work therefore
is really a commentary by Christine herself upon Othea's supposed
teaching. Thus, in the " glose " she amplifies and explains the
allusion in the " texte," and as a rule points its application by a
maxim from an ancient philosopher ; and, having done this to her
own satisfaction, she next dilates in the " allegoric " on its more
spiritual meaning, which she illustrates by a passage from one of the
Fathers or some later theologian, and finally by a more or less appro-
priate verse from Scripture. These last citations are from the Latin
Vulgate, and from the fact that the translator omits them it may be
inferred that he was either ignorant of Latin or intended to supply
them from the Wycliffite English version. In this way Christine
works through the Virtues and Vices, the Articles of the Creed, the
Ten Commandments, the properties and influences of the seven
planets, and so forth ; and the whole forms a curious and ill-assorted
medley, which is not without interest as a reflection of the taste
of the time, but which contains, it must be confessed, little either to
attract or to edify the modern reader.

No critical edition of the original work has yet appeared,

Introduction. xxi

and the preface to a translation is hardly the place in which
to enter minutely into its composition* Apart, however, from
the Latin Vulgate and the theological writers whose names
mav be found in the index, there are three sources from

j f

which the matter appears to be mainly derived. Christine's
classical mythology, it is clear, comes almost entirely from the
Metamorphoses of Ovid, but whether she had recourse to the
original or to a moralized mediaeval adaptation is a question not so
easily determined. There is a work of the latter kind in French
verse and of prodigious length, fourteen MSS. of which are known,
including one in the British Museum (Add. MS. 10,324). By some
misunderstanding it was formerly attributed to Philippe de Vitryj
Bishop of Meaux (1351-1362). Modern criticism, however, has
proved that it was really written by Chretien Legouais, a Friar
Minor, for the queen of Philip IV., Jeanne de Champagne, who
died in I3O5. 1 There was a copy in the library of Christine's
patron, the Duke of Berry, 2 but it was apparently acquired in 1403,
after the "Epitre d'Othea" was written. Although it is quite
possible that she had a direct knowledge of this poem, she is more
likely to have used a moralized prose paraphrase of the Metamor-
phoses by the Benedictine Pierre Bersuire, who in his second
edition, written at Paris in 1342, laid Legouais under contribution.
Bersuire wrote in Latin, which language Christine certainly under-
stood, and how soon his work appeared in French it is difficult to
say. In the Berry Library there were three MSS. of the Meta-
morphoses apparently in vernacular prose, 3 any one, if not all, of
which may have been Bersuire in a French version. There is also
a French prose version in Brit. Mus. Royal MS. 17 E. iv. in com-
pany with the " Epitre d'Othea " itself, but the MS. is not earlier
than the latter part of the I5th century. This version is closely

1 See articles by B. Haureau in Memoires de F Academic des Inscriptions, xxx.
1883, p. 45, and by G[aston] P[aris] in the Histoire Litteraire de la France, xxix.
1885, p. 502.

2 Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean, Due de Berry, 1894, i. p. 237, "escript en
franois rime"; Delisle, Le Cabinet des MSS., iii. p. 192.

3 Guiffrey, i. pp. 226, 229, ii. p. 127.

xxii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

connected with that printed at Bruges in 1484 by Colard Mansion,
who supposed the original author to have been, not Bersuire, but
Thomas Waleys or de Galles. The two are, however, not quite
identical, and the former possibly represents an older version,
which Mansion revised for printing. But whatever the particular
form of Ovid's Metamorphoses which Christine utilized, her naive
interpretations of his mythological tales are no doubt largely her
own. In this respect she was certainly not in advance of her age.
In the usual euhemeristic fashion she regarded the classical deities
and demigods as men and women who by the a prerogative of some
grace " had raised themselves above their fellows and were for this
reason accorded divine honours ; or, on the other hand, they were
mere inventions of the poets, who, for instance, by inverting the
process by which the planets were named from the gods, made gods
of the planets. A fair sample of her method may be seen in the
story of Perseus (p. 15). This hero, whose name, by the way, our
English translator changed into that of the better known Arthurian
Sir Perceval, was a " moult vaillant chevalier," his steed Pegasus
was " bonne renommee " or fame, which carried his name into all
lands, and his deliverance of Andromeda teaches the aspirant to
knighthood the duty of relieving all women in distress. So much
may be learnt from the " glose " ; but in the "allegoric" Pegasus
becomes the spiritual knight's good angel, " qui fera bon rapport
de lui au jour de jugement," while Andromeda is his soul, which
he frees from the power of the fiend.

With regard to the many personages and incidents from
Trojan history introduced into the work, Christine's authority was
evidently a French prose romance which in a I5th century copy
in the British Museum (Add. MS. 9,785) is entitled " La vraye
ystoire de Troye." Its origin has been traced in an instructive
article by M. Paul Meyer entitled " Les premieres compilations
franchises d'histoire ancienne." x It appears to be founded upon
the well-known romance of Troy in French verse by Benoit de
Ste. More and to have been composed before 1287, and it was

1 Romania^ xiv. 1885, p. i.

Introduction. xxiii

employed, instead of Dares Phrygius as was previously the case,
in the second edition of the compilation known as the " Histoire
ancienne jusqu' a Ce"sar." There is, however, no reason to doubt
that what Christine worked from was the " Vraye histoire " itself.

The third authority of which she habitually made use was
of a different character, supplying her, not with mythological or
legendary tales, but with moral maxims, one of which, as we have
already remarked, she generally quoted at the end of each " glose."
These maxims are derived from a singular work known as " Dicta
Philosophorum," and consisting of long strings of apophthegms
attached to the names of various ancient sages. They begin with
Sedechias, of whom it is said " primus fuit per quern nutu Dei lex
precepta fuit," and besides Homer, Solon, Hippocrates, Pythagoras,
Diogenes, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Alexander of Macedon, and
Ptolemy, they include Hermes Trismegistus and such strange and
evidently corrupted names as Tac, Salquinus (or, as it is written in
some MSS., Zaqualquin), Rabion (or Sabion), Assaron, Longinon,
Magdarges, Texillus (or Thesillus) and others, some of which have
a distinctly oriental appearance. The Arabic original in fact exists
in a work written by Abu-'l-Wafa Mobasschir ibn-Fdtik al Kaid,
an emir of Egypt, in 1053.* Sedechias appears there as Adam's
son Seth, and some other of the above names may be dimly
recognized in Sab, ancestor of the Sabasans, Lokman, Mahada Gis,
and Basilius. From the heading of the Latin version in the MS.
from which it has been published, 2 it seems that the work was first
translated from Arabic into Greek, and then again from Greek into
Latin, the last version being by John de Procida, famous for the
prominent part he took in the revolution which freed Sicily from
Charles of Anjou and the French in 1282. Christine de Pisan,
however, apparently employed a popular French version made

1 De Jong and De Goeje, Catalogus codicum orientalium Bill. Acad. Lugd. Bat.,
iii. p. 342 ; Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Literatur^ i. p. 459.

2 Salv. de Rcnzi, CoUectio Sakrnitana, iii. 1854, p. 69, " Incipit liber philoso-
phorum moralium .... quern transtulit de Greco in Latinum Mag. Johannes
de Procida." The Latin text is quoted in the notes here from Brit. Mus. Add. MS.
16,906, the French text from Royal MS. 19 B iv., both of the isth century.

xxiv The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

from the Latin for Charles VI. by one of his chamberlains, Guillaume
de Tignonville, who was afterwards Provost of Paris (1401-1408)
and died in 1414. As a copy of it at Paris was written in I4O2, 1 it
was certainly completed before then, and the probability is that it
preceded the " Epitre d'Othea" by several years. It possesses
a special interest from the fact that an English version of it had
the honour of being the first book actually printed in this country.
This was the famous Dictes and Sayengis of the Philosophres,
which Anthony Wydeville, second Earl Rivers, translated from a
copy of De Tignonville's work lent to him when he was going on
a pilgrimage to Compostella in 1473, and which Caxton issued
from his newly established press at Westminster in I477. 2 Neither
of them seems to have been aware that another English version was
in existence, which dated from I45O. 3 This is still preserved in two
MSS. in the British Museum, but has never been printed. The
late i5th century copy in Add. MS. 34,193 (ff. 137-201) has the
advantage of being complete, but it bears no evidence of origin,
having neither title nor preface and ending merely with the words
" Hie est finis libri moralium philosophorum." Harley MS. 2,266,
on the contrary, though it is mutilated at the beginning and else-
where, fortunately has the following colophon :

" This boke byfore wretyn is callid in Frensh lettris Ditz de Philisophius
and in Englysh for to sey the doctryne and ]>e wysedom of the wyse auncyent
philysophers, as Arystotle, Plato, Socrates, Tholome and suche oj?er, trans-
latid out of laten in to frensh to (sc. for) kyng Charles the vi te of Fraunse by
Wyllyam Tyngnovyle, knyght, late provest of the cyte of Parys, and syth
now late translatyd out of frensh tung in to englysh the yere of oure Lord
m l ccccl. to (sc. for) John Fostalf, knyght, for his contemplacion and solas by
Stevyn Scrope, squyer, sonne in law to the seide Fostalle. Deo gracias."

1 P. Paris, Les MSS.franfois de la Bibl. du Roi, v. p. i.

3 " Enprynted by me William Caxton at Westmestre the yere of our lord
m.cccc.lxxvii." A second edition appeared in 1480 (?), and a third, by W. de Worde,
in 1528.

3 Thus, the translator says in his preface, " And at the last [I] concluded in my
self to translate it in to thenglyssh tong, wiche in my jugement was not before," and
Caxton adds in the colophon, " Certaynly I had seen none in englissh til that tyme."

Introduction. xxv

The truth of the statement here made may be accepted without
hesitation, nor is its interest confined to the translation of the
" Dis des Philosophes " to which it is attached, for, as will be seen
below, it also materially helps to determine the similar origin of the
English version of Christine de Pisan's " Epitre d'Othea," which
we now have to consider.

If the rubricator had done his work, no doubt the " Epistle of
Othea to Hector " would have had this title prefixed in conformity
with the MSS. of the French original. As it is, the text begins
abruptly without a word of heading three lines from the bottom of
the first page, and the only preliminary indication of its nature is
furnished by the inscription " The Booke of Knyghthode," written,
apparently by a somewhat later hand, on the old vellum cover,
which now serves for a fly-leaf. This alternative title is peculiar
to the English version, and is extracted from the translator's
dedicatory preface, to which source we are also indebted for a clue
to his identity and the knowledge of the circumstances under which
the translation was made. The anonymous patron, " noble and
worshipfull among the ordre of cheualrie," to whom the preface
is addressed was obviously a person of some consequence. He
was of knightly rank and had won great renown in France and
elsewhere 1 abroad, having spent most part of his life in " dedys of
cheualrie and actis of armis." He was now, however, sixty years
of age, and was compelled by failing strength to seek retirement,
and he is thereupon somewhat pointedly reminded that it behoved
him to devote the remainder of his days to conflict with those
spiritual enemies that war against the soul. If this were all, it
might have applied to more than one veteran of the protracted
French war which began in 1415 ; but, when the writer goes on to
speak of himself (p. 2) as " I, yowre most humble son Stevyn,"
there can hardly be a doubt that, as in the case of the above-
mentioned translation of the " Dis des Philosophes," we have to do

1 No doubt there is some rhetorical exaggeration in the expression " othir straunge
regions, londes and contrees " (p. 2, cf. p. xxx below) ; at any rate, there is no evidence
that Fastolf served anywhere but in France, both north and south, and in Ireland.

xxvi The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

with that famous old warrior Sir John Fastolf, K.G., and his stepson 1
Stephen Scrope, esquire.

The briefest summary of Fastolf's military career 2 will suffice
to show how closely it accords with the writer's description. Son
of a Norfolk squire and born in or about 1378, he appears to have
begun active service early in the reign of Henry IV. with that
king's second son, Thomas, afterwards Duke of Clarence. In
1401, though a mere lad of fourteen, Thomas of Lancaster, as he
was then called, was appointed his father's Lieutenant in Ireland.
Fastolf was in his train there in 1402, if not before, and on
I4th April, I4o6, 3 he had from him a grant of the office of joint
Chief Butler of Ireland during the minority of the Earl of
Ormonde. He was still in Ireland when he married Millicent,
daughter of Robert, Lord Tiptoft, and widow of the Deputy
Lieutenant, Sir Stephen Scrope. The marriage took place on I3th
January, 1409, only four months after the death (4th September,
1408) of the lady's first husband, 4 whose son and heir Stephen
was a minor ten or twelve years old at the time. 5 Besides other
advantages, it gave Fastolf the control over lands of his wife and
stepson in Yorkshire, at Castle Combe in Wiltshire, and elsewhere,
and he seems to have exercised it with little regard to any one's
interest except his own. His earliest service in France probably
dated from 1412. He figures in the long muster-roll of esquires
who joined the expedition under Clarence in August of that year, 6
and before its close he had become Lieutenant of the castle of

1 In the colophon to the other work he is styled son in-law, but the meaning is
the same.

2 There is a good account of him in the Did. of National Biography, vol. xviii.
See also G. Poulett Scrope, Hist, of Castle Combe, 1852, ch. vii. p. 169. Besides other
authorities given in the first-named work, some further particulars and corrections are
supplied in Wylie's Hist, of England under Henry IV., 1884-1898, and in Sir J. H.
Ramsay's Lancaster and York, 1892.

3 Wylie, iii. p. 168.

4 Ibid.

6 Hist, of Castle Combe, p. 282.
6 Wylie, iv. p. 74.

Introduction. xxvii

Bordeaux. 1 With the accession of Henry V. his energy and
undoubted talent for war found ample scope. His contract in June,
I4I5, 2 to serve the king with ten men-at-arms and thirty archers
was speedily followed by Henry's invasion of France and the siege
of Harfleur. Evidently it was not long before he attracted notice,
for when the town surrendered on 22nd September he was at once
put in command of it under the king's uncle, Thomas Beaufort,
Earl of Dorset. 3 This did not prevent him from displaying his
prowess a month later at Agincourt ; and he was again active in the
sieges of Caen and Rouen and in other operations during Henry's
second invasion of Normandy in 1417-1419. Hardly any name in
fact of secondary rank more frequently recurs in the chronicles
and documents of the war for a quarter of a century. Already
knighted before 29th January, 1415-6,* he was made a knight ban-
neret in 1423 and a Knight of the Garter in 1426 ; and, only to
mention a few of the posts conferred upon him, 5 in 1420 he was
made Governor of the Bastille of St. Antoine at Paris, in 1422
Master of the Household to John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of
France, and in 1423 Lieutenant of Normandy and Governor of
Anjou and Maine. In the minor battles and sieges which made
up so much of the desultory warfare of the time he was everywhere
conspicuous. On 2nd March, 1423, with the Earl of Salisbury,
he recovered Meulan ; on lyth August, 1424, he shared in the
victory at Verneuil and took the Duke of Alenon prisoner ; on

1 Wylie, iv~p. 86.

2 The warrant for his pay, i8th June, is in Rymer's fcedera, ed. 1740, iv. pt. ii.
p. 130.

3 According to the Boke of Noblesse (see below, p. xliii.), p. 1 5, " the seyd erle
made Ser John Fastolfe, chevaler, his lieutenaunt with mV soudeours."

* Rymer, iv. pt. ii. p. 153. Diet. Nat. Biogr. has 1417-18.

5 The Boke of Noblesse, after praising him for his care in provisioning his
garrisons, goes on to say (p. 68), " and that policie was one of the grete causes that
the regent of Fraunce and the lordes of the kyngys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe
so many castells to kepe that he ledd yerly iii c sperys and the bowes." The value of
his foresight in this respect is then illustrated by an anecdote of what happened when
the Bastille was threatened with a siege in 1420.

xxviii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

nth October in the same year he captured Sille le Guillaume,
from which he acquired the title of baron ; on 2nd August, 1425,
again with Salisbury, he received the surrender of Le Mans * ; and
on 1 2th February, 1429, when in command of a convoy of much
needed supplies for the English camp before Orleans, he signally
defeated a far stronger force of French and Scots at Rouvray
St. Denis in the famous " Battle of the Herrings." Up to this point,
so far as is known, he had met with almost uninterrupted success ;
but after the advent of Jeanne Dare had caused the raising of the
siege of Orleans, when the English were routed and Lord Talbot
was taken prisoner at Pataye on i8th June following, he barely
succeeded in escaping from the field. Unfortunately for his fame
with posterity, the charge of cowardice on this occasion made
against him in Monstrelet's Chronicle was repeated by Hall and
Holinshed and has been perpetuated in the " First Part of
Henry VI." 2 The effect of the charge at the time was, however,
transient at most, and there is no need to dwell upon it here, either
on its own account or in its bearing upon the question whether he
was the original of Shakespeare's Sir John Falstaff. It is contra-
dicted by the chronicler Wavrin, who fought in the battle under
him, and it is out of keeping with his whole career ; moreover,
Talbot, who was his bitterest accuser, was already on ill terms
with him and, having flouted his advice just before the battle, in
his chagrin at defeat was perhaps only too ready to make him a
scapegoat. The Regent Bedford's action in the matter is signifi-
cant ; for, although Fastolf was at first badly received by him, after
a formal inquiry be was again taken into favour and the Garter, of
which he is said to have been deprived, was restored to him in
spite of Talbot's protests. Nor was less use made of his services
afterwards. Thus, between 1430 and 1434 we find him Lieutenant
of Caen and of Alengon and Captain of Fresnay, and in 1431 he
relieved Vaudemont and captured the Duke of Ban As late as

1 The Diet. Nat, Biogr. oddly calls the place Mons !
3 Act iii. sc. 2, 11. 104-109 ; Act iv. sc. i, 11. 9-47.

Introduction. xxix

1435 he is spoken of as Governor of Anjou and Maine, 1 and until
the Duke of Bedford's death on I4th September of that year he
continued at the head of his household, being so described both in
a list of the Regent's retinue in 1435 and in a highly interesting
report on the conduct of the war which he himself drew up about
the same time. 2 Bedford's confidence in him to the last is also
clear from the fact that he named him one of the executors of his
will. Notwithstanding the loss of so powerful a patron and his
own advancing years, Fastolf was plainly in no hurry to put off his
armour ; for, with the exception of occasional visits to England
as before, he remained abroad for at least five years longer. His
retirement is generally fixed in 1440, but there is evidence of his
being in Maine in the following year. 3 On I2th May, 1441, the
Duke of York, Bedford's successor as Regent, granted him a
yearly pension of 20 for his services, 4 and probably therefore it
was not very long before or after that date that he finally turned
his back upon the country from whose unhappy distractions he had
won fame and fortune.

It is at this stage of his life that we get a glimpse of him in
the dedication of the " Epistle of Othea." From its language this
was written soon after he finally returned home ; in fact it gives
his age, no doubt somewhat loosely, as sixty, whereas even in 1440
he was probably sixty-two. During the greater part of the period
which elapsed before his death on 5th November, 1459, he seems
to have resided chiefly in Southwark, where he was within easy
reach of a summons to the King's Council, of which he was a
member ; and there is something attractive in the picture which

1 Paston Letters, i. p. 37; Stevenson, Wars of the English in France, Rolls Series,
ii. pt. ii. p. [549]-

2 Stevenson, pp. [433], [575].

8 Ramsay, Lancaster and York, ii. p. 41.

4 Brit. Mus. Add. ch. 14,598, "pro notabili et laudabili seruicio ac bono consilio
que predilectus consiliarius noster loh. Fastolff miles nobis impendit et impendet in
futurum," 12 May, 19 Hen. VI. The future service was no doubt to be rendered in
the council-chamber rather than the field.

xxx The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

Stephen Scrope's words suggest of the war-worn old soldier
beguiling his leisure with literary studies. Nor are the " Epistle
of Othea " and the " Sayings of the Philosophers " the only two
translations made at his " commaundeinent " and for his " contem-
placion and solas." In 1481 Caxton printed an English version,
rendered from the French of Laurence de Premierfait, of Cicero's
" De Senectute." * On the question of its authorship I shall have
some remarks to make further on but meanwhile it deserves
notice that its preface states that it "was translated and thystoryes
openly declared by the ordenaunce and desyre of the noble
auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf of the countee of Norfolk
banerette, lyuyng the age of four score yere, excercisyng the warrys
in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees, ffor the diffence
and vnyuersal welfare of bothe royames of englond and ifraunce
by fourty yeres enduryng, the fayte of armes hauntyng, and in
admynystryng justice and polytique gouernaunce vnder thre kynges,
that is to wete Henry the fourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the
syxthe, and was gouernour of the duchye of Angeou and the
countee of Mayne, Capytayn of many townys, Castellys and fortressys
in the said Royame of ffraunce, hauyng the charge and saufgarde
of them dyuerse yeres, ocupyeng and rewlynge thre honderd speres
and the bowes acustomed thenne, and yeldyng good acompt of the
forsaid townes castellys and fortresses to the seyd kynges and of
theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan
regent of flfraunce Due of Bedforde, Thomas due of excestre,
Thomas due of clarence & other lyeutenauntes," etc.

At the same time, there was another side to Fastolf 's character,
which is revealed in that mine of curious information on the social
life and manners of the time, the well-known Paston Letters.
Through his intimacy with John Paston, 2 who was ultimately his

1 "Thus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated ont of latyn in to
frenshe by laurence de primo facto .... and enprynted by me symple persone
William Caxton in to Englysshe .... the xii day of August the yere of our lord
m.cccc.lxxxi."

2 He was father of Sir John Paston, for whom a copy of " Othea " was written
in 1469, as well as of John Paston the younger, who owned a copy somewhat later
(see above, p. x).

Introduction. xxxi

executor and principal heir, many of his private letters and papers are
there preserved, and they certainly do not exhibit him in a favour-
able light. 1 Hot-tempered, arbitrary and rapacious, harsh and mean
to his dependents, an exacting creditor and a rancorous litigant, he
was the reverse of Chaucer's type of the " verray perfight, gentil
knight." Wealthy as he was and childless, he was still bent on
making gain, partly no doubt to pay for the building of his great
castle at Caister in Norfolk, the ruins of which may still be seen.
No one perhaps knew him better or had suffered more from his
hard dealing than his stepson. Some years later than the present
work Stephen Scrope drew up a formal statement of his wrongs, 2
in which he not only complained that in the disposal of his wardship
Fastolf had bought and sold him "as a beast," but even charged
him with being the cause of illnesses which had marked him for
life 3 and with having at a later period used him so scurvily that he
was compelled to sell his manor of Hever in Kent and take service
with the Duke of Gloucester. Apparently this sign of independence
did not meet Fastolf s views, for he soon managed to get him into his
own retinue, and, as the other admits, at this time he showed him
u good fatherhood," employing him at Honfleur and elsewhere,
probably in a civil capacity, 4 until he returned home in pique at some
slight. Fastolf's dealings with regard to Scrope's inheritance are
somewhat obscure, but by some arrangement he contrived to secure
Castle Combe for life. 5 As Lady Fastolf died in 1446, her son by
her first marriage, to whom it should have then come by right, was
thus kept out of it for thirteen years longer, only enjoying it from

his stepfather's death in 1459 until his own in 1472. But in spite of

. \ . ' \- i ) ' / 1 o *. -, \ i . j

1 See Gairdner's introduction, ed. 1896, i. p Ixxxvii. Fastolfs relations with his
stepson are also illustrated by numerous documents in G. Poulett Scrope's History of
Castle Combe, where there are memoirs of both, as lords of that manor.

2 Hist, of Castle Combe, p. 279.

3 " Thorugh the wiche sale I tooke sekenesses that kept me a xiii. or xiiii. yere
swyng, whereby I am disfigured in my persone and shall be whilest I lyve " (ibid.).

* From some curious accounts dealing with meat and fish in 1427-8 (ibid. p. 266)
he was perhaps in the commissariat service.
5 Hist, of Castle Combe, p 169.

xxxii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

differences the two were apparently not altogether on bad terms ;
otherwise neither this translation nor that of the " Dis des
Philosophes " would have been made, and still less would Scrope
have spoken of Fastolf as he here does. His language indeed is
something more than respectful and laudatory. While he fully
endorses Wavrin's description of Sir John as " moult sage et
vaillant chevallier," 1 there is a tone of humility which makes it
difficult to realize that the writer was upwards of forty years of age
and at least Fastolf s equal by birth. The nature of their relations
may be gathered from a singular letter to the latter about 1455
from Sir Richard Bingham, Justice of the King's Bench, whose
daughter Stephen Scrope had recently married. 2 In imploring help
for him the writer says 3 :

" . . . . My saide son is and hath be, and will be to hys lifes ende, your
true lad and servaunt, and glad and well willed to do that myght be to your
pleaser, wirschip and profit, and als loth to offend yow as any person in
erth, gentill and well disposid to every person. Wherfore I besech your
gode grace that ye will vouchesafe remember the premissez, my saide sons
age, his wirschipfull birth, and grete misere for verrey povert, for he hath had
no liflode to life opon sithen my lady his moder deed, safe x. marc of liflode
that ye vouched safe to gife hym this last yer, and therffore to be his good
maister and fader. And thof he be not worthy to be your son, make hym
your almesman, that he may now in his age life of your almesse, and be your
bedeman, and pray for the prosperite of your noble person "

The result of this appeal, and of more to the same effect, is not
recorded, but that Fastolf could be gracious enough in words is
evident from the only letter from him to Scrope which is included
in the Paston Letters? written on 3Oth October, 1457. It is
addressed, " Worschepeful and my right wel beloved sone," and,

1 Chroniques, ed. W. Hardy, Rolls Series, vol. for 1422-31, p. 289. Elsewhere
(p. 254) he describes him as " moult sage et prudent aux armes lu quel se fyoit
grandement le due de Bethfort, regent."

2 She was a second wife, but the name of the first, who bore him a daughter, is
not known {Hist, of Castle Combe, p. 271).

8 Ibid., p. 276 ; Paston Letters, i. p. 356.
4 Ibid., p. 419.

Introduction. xxxiii

after thanking him for his " good avertismentys and right well
avysed lettres," begs him to recommend to his father-in-law,
Justice Bingham, a suit in which the writer was interested, and
the tone throughout is unexceptionable. There is, however,
another letter in the History of Castle Combe (p. 270), written
from Calais, and, according to the editor, about 1420, which is not
so amiable. After Scrope's second marriage he and his stepfather
no doubt lived apart, but at the time when the " Epistle of Othea "
was translated they were probably under the same roof, and as late
as 1454, when Caister Castle was completed and Fastolf was about
to take up his residence there, it is expressly stated that Scrope
would live with him. 1

While there is little doubt that he was incapacitated by weak
health from military service and that he was deficient also in force
of character, it cannot be said that, so far as we can judge from
his two translations from the French, he possessed much literary
ability. There is nothing original in either of them except the
short preface to the "Epistle of Othea" here printed, and, inter-
esting as this is in other respects, its style is so involved that in
places it is hardly intelligible. Nor is the writer more fortunate
in his account of the French work which he translated : for bv

some strange misunderstanding he deprives its authoress of the
credit of it and makes out (p. 3) that it was compiled by doctors of
the University of Paris merely at the instance and prayer of the
" fulle wyse gentyl woman of Frawnce called Dame Cristine." It
is curious that a very similar statement is made as to her works
generally in a marginal note in the " Boke of Noblesse," 2 with

1 William Paston to John Paston : "He wyll dwelle at Caster, and Skrop wyth
hym" (Paston Letters^ i. p. 296). "The chaumboure sumtyme for Stephen Scrope"
is mentioned in the inventory of Fastolf s effects at Caister made after his death (ibid.^
i. p. 482).

3 See below, p. xliii. The note (Roxburghe Club ed. p. 54) runs, " Notandum
est quod Cristina [fuit] domina praeclara natu et moribus et manebat in domo
religiosarum dominarum apud Passye prope Parys; et ita virtuosa fuit quod ipsa

xxxiv The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

reference to a passage taken from her " Livre des faits d'armes,'
which, however, is wrongly spoken of as the " Arbre des batailles."
It is there said that Christine was a lady of high birth and character,
who dwelt in a house of religious ladies at Passy (Poissy ?) near
Paris, that she maintained with exhibitions several clerks studying
in the University of Paris and caused them to compile divers
virtuous books, such as the " Arbre des batailles," and that the
doctors in consequence attributed the books to Christine herself.
As this note is in the hand of the well-known William Worcester
or Botoner, who was servant and secretary to Fastolf, the two
statements no doubt had a common origin, coming perhaps from
Sir John himself.

From the prominent way in which Scrope mentions the Duke
of Berry it is reasonable to conclude that the French MS. which
supplied him with the original text contained a dedicatory address
by the authoress to that famous royal bibliophil, who, as we know,
was one of her special patrons. In the inventory of his library,
among the MSS. acquired soon after 1401, there is in fact the
entry, 1 " Item le livre de 1'espitre que Othea la deesse envoia a
Ethor (sc. Hector), compile par damoiselle Christine de Pizan,
escript en frangois de lettre de court, tres bien historie" . . . . le
quel livre la dicte Cristine a donne a mon dit seigneur " ; and the
probability is that on Fastolf s return to England he brought with
him either this identical MS. or a transcript of it, together with a
copy of De Tignonville's " Dis des philosophies." Existing copies
of the " Epitre d'Othea " are not uncommon. In the Bibliotheque

exhibuit plures clericos studentes in vniuersitate Parisiensi, et compilare fecit plures
libros virtuosos, utpote librum arborum bellorum, et doctores racione eorum exhibicionis
attribuerunt nomen autoris Cristine, sed aliquando nomen autoris clerici studentis
imponitur in diuersis libris; et vixit circa annum Christi 1430, sed floruit ab anno
Christi 1400."

1 Guiffrey, Inventaires, i. p. 249; cf. Delisle, Le Cabinet des MSS.) iii. p. 193,
no. 290.

Introduction, xxxv

Nationale at Paris there are twelve, 1 and Koch (p. 59) mentions
six others at Brussels, while the British Museum possesses four.
One of these is included in the fine collection of Christine's poems
and other works in Harley MS. 4,431. It is the MS. " H," readings
from which are given here in the notes, and the collotype frontis-
piece, which depicts the goddess Othea personally handing her
letter to Hector, is reproduced from the second of its numerous
miniatures, one of which precedes each of the hundred "textes."
The collection, which is of the highest importance, including pieces
found nowhere else, 3 was made by Christine herself, apparently
about 1410-1415, for the French queen, Isabella of Bavaria, the
MS. beginning with an introductory poem of ninety-six lines
addressed to her. 3 Probably it came into the possession of John,
Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, in 1425* among other MSS.
from the royal library of the Louvre ; for the signature " Jaquete "
of his second wife, Jacquetta of Luxemburg, is written on the fly-
leaf, together with that of Anthony Wydeville, Earl Rivers, her
son by her second marriage, in 1437, with Sir Richard Wydeville,
who was created Earl Rivers in 1466. As we have already seen,

1 In answer to an inquiry M. Omont, keeper of MSS., kindly states that only
one of them, franc.. 12,438, a poor copy on paper, contains a dedication to the Duke
of Berry. It begins " Le Prologue. Louenge a Dieu soit . . . . et apres ensuivant
a tres noble fleur . . . . et puis a vous excellant prince, saige, bon et vertueux,
Jehan excellant, redouble filz au roy de France .... due de Berry," etc.

2 The "Cent Balades d'Amant et de Dame" (CEuvres Poetiques, ed. Roy, Hi.
p. 209), besides ten others.

3 Printed by Roy, i. p. xiv. The MS. is there described and compared with
another rather earlier collection (now Bibl. Nat. franc,. 835, 606, 836, 605), which the
Duke of Berry bought from Christine for 200 crowns. A reduced facsimile of the first
page of the Harley MS., with a large miniature of Christine presenting the volume to
the queen in her bedchamber, is prefixed to Roy's vol. iii. (cf. a note by P. Meyer,
p. xxii.). A coloured plate of the same miniature is given by Shaw, Dresses and
Decorations of the Middle Ages, 1843.

4 Delisle, Le Cabinet des MSS., i. p. 52.

xxxvi The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

Anthony, Earl Rivers, translated the " Dis des philosophes," and
he also made an English version, printed by Caxton in 1478, of
Christine's " Proverbes moraux," the text of which he no doubt
obtained from this MS. After he perished on the scaffold in 1488,
the volume passed by some means to Louis de Bruges, Sieur de
Gruythuyse, created Earl of Winchester in 1472, whose motto and
name, " Plus est en vous. Gruthuse," appear on the same page. In
1676 it belonged to Henry Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle, and no
doubt it found its way into the Harley collection by the marriage
of his grand-daughter Lady Henrietta Cavendish-Holies in 1713
to Edward Harley, Lord Harley, second Earl of Oxford in 1724.
That it was known to Fastolf, when Master of the Household to
the Regent Bedford, is likely enough ; but the copy of the " Epitre
d'Othea " included in it can hardly have been the one used by
Scrope, as it is dedicated, not to the Duke of Berry, but to his
nephew Louis, Duke of Orleans. After some lines of apostrophe
to the " Fleur de lis " and to " Seigneurie," which begin,

" Tres haulte flour, par le monde louee,
A tous plaisant et de dieu auouee,"

it proceeds,

" Et a vous tres noble prince excellant,
Dorliens due loys, de grant renom,
Filz de Charles Roy quint de cellui nom,
Qui fors le roy ne congnoiscez greigneur,
Mon tres loue et redoubte seigneur,
Bumble vouloir moy, poure creature,
Femme ignorant, de petite estature,
Fille iadis philosophe et docteur,
Qui conseiller et humble seruiteur
Vostre pere fu, que dieu face grace,
Et iadis vint de Boulongne la grace,
Dont il fu ne, par le sien mandement,
Maistre Thomas de pizan, autrement
De Boulonge, fu dit et surnomme,
Qui sollempnel clerc estoit renomme."

Introduction. xxxvii

This is the dedication which appears, not only in some other MSS.
but in the edition printed by Philippe Pigouchet at Paris, probably
in 1490, under the title Les cent histoires de troye? Of the other
three manuscript copies in the British Museum, Royal MS. 14 E. ii.
(f. 294) and 17 E. iv. (f. 272) have no dedication at all, while that
in Harley MS. 219 (f. 106) appeals to a third patron :

" Prince excellent de haute renommee,
De qui grand vois par le mond est semee,
Tres noble en fais, sage, duit et apris
De touz les biens qui en bon sont compris,
Roy noble et haut chiualer conquerour,
Digne destre par vaillaunce Emperour,
A vous puissant, tres redoute seignour,
Qui dessur vous ne cognoise greignour,
Soit tres humble recommendacioun
Deuant mise de vray entencioun
De par moy que en sagesse non digne
Femme ignorant suy nominee Cristine,
Fille iadis philosophe et docteur,
Qui conseiller fu, humble seruiteur
Au Roy Charles quint, qui dieu face grace."

The king who is thus addressed can be no other than the unfor-
tunate Charles VI., although any hopes that he once excited had
by this time been dispelled by his strange intermittent fits of
insanity, which dated from 1392. Very similar terms were
employed in the dedication to him by name of the "Chemin de
long estude " in 1402 :

1 This is the only edition in the British Museum. Its second title runs : Lepistre
de Othea deesse de prudence enuoyee a lesperit cheualereux Hector de troye auec cent
hystoires. Nouuellement imprimee a Paris. Other editions are said to have been
issued at Lyons in 1497 and 1519, and at Paris in 1522.

xxxviii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

" A vous, bon roy de France redoubtable,
Le VI e Charles du nom notable,
Que Dieux maintienge en joie et en sante,
Mon petit dit soit premier presente,
Tout ne soit il digne qu'en telz mains aille,
Mais bon vouloir comme bon fait me vaille."

In this instance, however, Christine associated with him his uncles
Berry and Burgundy and his brother Orleans, who during his
incapacity divided the real power between them :

" Et puis a vous, haulz dues magnifiez,
Dicelle fleur fais et ediffiez,
Dont Pesplendeur s'espant par toute terre,
Par quel honneur fait los a France a querre."

In her presentation copies she was not wont to measure her
language, and probably Scrope's extravagant eulogy of the Duke
of Berry was based upon what he found in his MS., although,
instead of translating the dedication as it stood, he chose to
embody it in his preface. On the other hand, Christine of course
was in no way responsible for the statement that the duke lived for
a hundred years (p. 3). How it originated is. a mystery, for there
is no doubt whatever that he died on I5th June, 1416, at the age
of seventy-six. 1 Jean Bouchet indeed in his Annales cT Aquitaine?
although he records the date of his death correctly, states that he
was ninety or thereabouts, but he gives no authority, and it is enough
to say that Berry's father King John II. was born in 1319, and his
eldest brother Charles V. in 1337. It will be seen that Scrope
represents him as a perfect paragon of chivalrous qualities, unrivalled
in his time both in war and in council, as well as for deeds of piety.
In more sober history, however, he by no means appears to such

1 Both date and age were given on his tomb at Bourges erected by Charles VII.
in 1457 (Raynal, Histoire du Berry, 1844, ii. pp. 504, 513 ; Champeaux and Gauchery,
Les Travaux cf art executes pour Jean de France, Due de Berry, 1894, p. 43).

8 Ed. 1644, p. 238. Bouchet was born in 1476, and his work first appeared in
1524. I owe the reference to it to Mr. Wylie.

Introduction. xxxix

advantage. His cultured and sumptuous tastes, his splendid build-
ings and his library and other rich collections, have shed a certain
lustre on his name ; but, as he showed especially in his government
of Languedoc, he was cruel, rapacious, and unprincipled, and in
critical times his life was that of a selfish and prodigal voluptuary.
For war he had neither talent nor zest ; his real element appears to
have been diplomacy, and, apart from his patronage of art and
letters and his benefactions to the church, his chief claim to credit
rests on his repeated attempts to mediate between the Burgundian
and Orleanist factions. Scrope's estimate of him is in striking
contrast with that of modern historians, such as Raynal 1 and Martin,
the latter of whom in recording his death writes, " Ce prince laissa
une memoire souillee entre toutes dans cette dpoque de souillures.
II joignait & bien d'autres vices le vice que la France pardonne le
moins a ses chefs, le peche irremissible, la lachete." 2

To pass from the preface to the " Epistle of Othea" itself, there
is no reason to suppose that the translator had received the training
of a scholar ; on the contrary, the probability is that, owing to a
sickly youth and other drawbacks, his education had been more or
less neglected. It is not even certain that he had been regularly
taught French. From a curious passage interpolated by Trevisa in
his translation of Higden's " Polychronicori," which was finished in
1387, it seems that the fashion was then already dying out among
the class to which by birth he belonged, 3 and possibly therefore he
learnt all he knew of the language while he was with his stepfather
in France. Be that as it may, his rendering of Christine de Pisan's
French may claim on the whole to be fairly well done. The verse
of his " textes " is too much of the doggrel type and his meaning is

1 Histoire du Berry, ii. p. 375.

3 Histoire de France, 4th edition, 1878, vi. p. 25. The most favourable view of his
character is given by Guiffrey, Inventaires, p. cxci.

8 " Now children of gramere scole conne'p no more Frensch )>an can here lift
heele .... also gentil men habbej? now moche yleft for to teche here childern
Freynsch " (R. Morris, Specimens of Early English, 1867, p. 339). See also the Rolls
Series edition of Higden, ii. p. 161, where Trevisa's text is taken from another MS.

xl The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

sometimes obscure, but as a rule he follows the original closely,
while the orthography of the MS., though atrociously bad, is no
worse than what we are accustomed to in the Paston Letters and
elsewhere at the same period. Occasionally, as is only natural,
he goes astray, though it is of course possible that the fault lay
with the MS. from which he translated. In most cases the source
of his errors is obvious. Thus he translates "ton bon cuer" (p. 5)
by " all good hertys," having evidently mistaken " ton " for
" tou[t] " ; and again " en quant fraisle vaissel est sa vie contenue "
(p. 28) by "in how frele (sc. frail) a vessel his lyff is all naked"
(toute nue) ! Similarly "conscience pour soy" (p. 16) appears as
"conscience for feyth " (foy) ; " ala querre les autres dieux "
(p. 62) as "thanne went he forth [to seek] the tothir ii" (deux) ;
"maisa nostre propos [la fable] veult dire" (ibid.) as "Mars to
owre purpose seith " ; and " gard toy de lagait (1'agait) de tes
ennemis " (p. 73) as " kepe the (sc. thee) from the peple (la gent)
of thyn ennemyes." It is not so easy to understand the process
by which the simple sentence " Vanite fist lange devenir deable "
(p. 15) was transformed into " Vanite made avoyde degre to becum
a fende," whatever that may mean ; or why in the story of Acis
and Galatea (p. 65) " un iouuencel qui Acis estoit nommez"
became " and he was dede " (sc. dead), though possibly in this case
there was some confusion between " acis " and " occis." But the
strangest mistranslation is in the words " Averyse and covetise be
ii sausmakers the which sesseth neuer to seye, ' Bryng, Bryng '
(p. 105), where the French text has "sont ii. sancsues," sanguisugae,
or leeches. The reference of course is to Proverbs xxx. 15, "The
horseleach hath two daughters, crying, 'Give, give' " ; and, as stated
in the note, "horseleeches" is in fact the rendering given in
another translation of Christine's work. Scrope's "sausmakers"
can hardly be anything but "sauce-makers," 1 but it is not impossible
that he coined the mongrel word u sane-suckers," which the scribe
miscopied.

1 See Chaucer's Nonne Prestes tale, 1. 14, "Of poynant saws hir needide never
a deel."

Introduction. xli

The second English translation of the "Epttre d'Othea" referred
to above can be so little known that a brief account of it will not
be superfluous. It exists only in the form of a small printed
octavo in black-letter with the title Here foloweth the C. Hy story es
of Troye, and there is no doubt that it was taken from Pigouchet's
French edition of I49O, 1 or one of the reprints ; in fact it copies
the second title in French, merely omitting the imprint " a Paris."
Many of its rough woodcuts, one of which accompanies each
"texte," also come from the same source, being generally reversed,
but others are independent and their subjects often have no con-
nexion whatever with the text. In place of the dedication to the
Duke of Orleans the translator gives a prologue of his own in ten
seven-line stanzas, the first two of which are as follows :

" Boke, of thy rudenesse by consyderacion
Plunged in the walowes of abasshement,
For thy translatoure make excusacion
To all to whom thou shalt thy selfe present,
Besechynge them vpon the sentement
In the composed to set theyr regarde
And not on the speche cancred and frowarde.

" Shewe them that thy translatour hath the wryten,
Not to obtain thankes or remuneracions,
But to the entent to do the to be wryten
As well in Englande as in other nacyons.
And where mysordre in thy translation is,
Vnto the perceyuer with humble obeysaunce
Excuse thy reducer, blamyng his ygnoraunce."

All the information which he gives about himself in this prologue
is that, when he made his translation, he was " flo wring in youth,"
but after the " Finis " he has added, "Thus endeth the .C. Hysterics
of Troye, translated out of Frenche in to Englysshe by me.

1 See above, p. xxxvi. There is an imperfect copy of the English text in the
British Museum (C. 21. a. 34).

xlii The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

R.W." This again is followed by the colophon, " Imprynted by
me Robert Wyer, dwellyng in S. Martyns parysshe at Charyng
Crosse at the sygne of S. John Euangelist besyde the Duke of
Suffolkes place " ; and it is therefore highly probable that R. W.
and Robert Wyer were identical, though the latter is not otherwise
known except as a printer. A list of nearly a hundred books issued
by him has been made up, 1 ranging in date from 1530 to 1556, and
all those which, as in this instance, have the Duke of Suffolk's
name in the imprint must have been published after 1536, when
the property referred to, which previously belonged to the Bishop
of Norwich, passed into his possession. The date of the book
therefore is about 1540-1550, though the translation may have
been made some years before. For the sake of comparison with
the earlier version of Stephen Scrope, one of the texts with its
commentary is here given :

THE .xxvin. TEXTE.

Loue and prayse Cadmus so excellente,
And his dyscyples holde thou in chyerte.
He gaygned the fountayne of the Serpente
With ryght great payne afore that it wolde be.

THE .xxvin. GLOSE.

Cadmus was a moche noble man and founded Thebes, whiche cytie was
greatly renomed. He set there a study & he hym selfe was moche pro-
foundly lettered and of great science. And therfore sayth the fable that he
daunted the serpent at the fountayne, that is to vnderstande the science and
sages that alwayes springeth; the Serpent is noted for the payne and trauayle
which it behoueth the student to daunte afore that he maye purchase scyence.
And the fable sayth that he hym self became a serpent, which is to vnder-
stande he was a corrector and mayster of other. So wol Othea say that
the good knight ought to loue and honour the clerkes lettered, which ben

1 H. R. Plomer, Robert Wyer, printer end bookseller^ 1897. For an account of
the woodcuts, see p. 9.

Introduction. xliii

grounded in science. To this purpose sayeth Arystotle to Alexandre,
" Honour thou scyence and fortyfie it by good maysters."

THE .xxviii. ALLEGORIE.

Cadmus whiche daunted the Serpent at the fountayne, whiche the good
knyght ought to loue, we may vnderstande the blyssed humanite of Jesu
christ, which dompted the serpent and gaigned the fountayne, that is to say
the lyfe of this world, from the which he passed afore with great payne and
with great trauayle. Wherof he had perfyte victory whan he rose agayne the
thyrd day, as sayth S. Thomas, " Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis."

In conclusion it only remains to say a few words on the pos-
sible connexion of Stephen Scrope with two other works already
mentioned, which, like his " Epistle of Othea " or " Boke of
Knyghthode " and his " Sayings of the Philosophers," were written
for Sir John Fastolf or under his influence. One of them, the
" Boke of Noblesse," is preserved in a unique copy in the British
Museum, Royal MS. 18 B. xxii., and was edited for the Roxburghe
Club in 1860 by Mr. J. Gough Nichols. In the form in which it
has come down to us, it was addressed to Edward IV. at the time
of his invasion of France in 1475, professing to be " write and
entitled to courage and comfort noble men in armes to be in
perpetuite of remembraunce for here noble dedis, as right con-
uenient is soo to bee," or, more precisely, for the purpose of
inciting the English to recover by force of arms their lost foreign
conquests. The contents were admirably summarized in the
editor's introduction, and all that need be said of them here is that,
in addition to a highly interesting retrospect of English relations
with France, they include a large amount of matter derived from
a French treatise on the art of war, which is spoken of as the "Arbre
de Batailles" and attributed to "Dame Cristyn." Although the
editor failed to identify the author, he pointed out that he must have
been intimately associated with Fastolf and had access to his papers.
Strictly speaking, Fastolf s name is not specially prominent except
in the marginal insertions and notes, where the writer refers to him

xliv The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

as " myne autor " and gives several curious anecdotes as heard from
his lips. The body of the MS. is clearly not autograph ; but these
additions, together with the title and colophon, 1 are in a different
handwriting, and, although the editor seems to have been unaware
of the fact, it is beyond question that of William Worcester, or
Botoner, who was not only Fastolf s servant and secretary, but is
also known as an annalist and a diligent collector of matter on
historical, topographical and other subjects. 2 The editor therefore
dismissed his claims to the authorship of the work rather too
hastily, for, as the final touches were certainly his, the only ques-
tion is whether he was also responsible for the whole of it from
its inception. From the limit of date of the events mentioned there
is some reason to believe that it was originally composed within
Fastolf s lifetime and was only revised and enlarged in 1475 for a
special occasion ; and its date may perhaps be fixed still more
exactly, since there is an allusion (p. 42) to " another gret armee
and voiage fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this ycre
of Crist M^cccli." Apart from the final additions there is evidence
to connect Worcester with it in a passage of the prologue to a series
of documents relating to the wars in France which were collected
by him, 3 mainly no doubt from materials that belonged to Fastolf,
and which may be regarded as pieces justificatives to the " Boke
of Noblesse." This collection also appears to have been designed
for Edward IV., but the original prologue was awkwardly recast, as
we now have it, after Worcester's death by his son for dedication

1 " Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the xv. day of June, the yeere of
Crist M c iiii c lxxv.," etc. (p. 85).

2 Examples of his writing are fairly abundant, e.g. in the Brit. Mus. MSS. Cotton
Julius F. vii., Royal 13 C. i., Sloane 4 and Add. 27,443-4,28,208, 34,888. In Sloane
MS. 4, f-38b, he gives a curious account of Fastolf 's last illness.

3 Stevenson, Wars of the English in France, vol. ii. pt ii. pp. [5I9H742], from
Lambeth MS. 506, which is partly in Worcester's own hand. His Annals, extending
from 1324 to 1468, are printed in the same volume, p. [743], from the autograph MS.
in the College of Arms.

Introduction. xlv

to Richard III. The passage in it referred to, for which he is
responsible, is as follows :

" And I, as moost symple of reasone, youre righte humble legemane,
cannot atteyne to understand the reasons and bokes that many wise philo-
sophurs of gret auctorite have writtene upone this vertue of Force, but that
my pore fadyr, William Worcestre .... toke upone hym to write in this
mater and compiled this boke to the most highe and gretly redoubted kyng,
your most nobille brodyr and predecessoure, shewyng after his symple
connyng, after the seyng of the masters of philosophic, as Renatus Vegesius
in his Boke of Batayles, also Julius Frontinus in his Boke of Knyghtly
Laboures, callid in Greke Stratagematon, a new auctoure callid The Tree of
Batayles."

Obviously this cannot apply to the purely historical documents
of which the collection itself consists. It is, however, strongly
suggestive of the " Boke of Noblesse," to which they are, as it
were, an appendix, and coupled with the evidence of the hand-
writing of the additions, it leaves little room for doubt that William
Worcester was its author. At the same time, it is by no means
unlikely that Stephen Scrope also had a hand in it. If indeed it
was wholly compiled in 1475, this is impossible, since he died in
I472. 1 Assuming, however, for the reason given above, that it
dates from 1451, or thereabouts, he was residing at the time with
Fastolf and was no doubt on familiar terms with Worcester. As
already remarked, a prominent feature of the work is the number
of extracts translated from the so-called "Arbre de Batailles " of
" Dame Cristyn." This, however, was not, as the editor supposed,
Honore Bonet's treatise of that name 2 assigned to a wrong author,
but Christine de Pisan's " Faits d'armes et de chevalerie " under a
wrong title. 3 Whether Worcester was capable of making transla-

1 Hist, of Castle Combe, p. 288.

3 Written about 1385 and dedicated to Charles VI. It was first printed at Lyons
about 1480. See the modern edition by E. Nys, L Arbre de Batailles^ Brussels, 1883

3 The colophon of Caxton's English version (above, p. xvi.) points to the source of
the misnomer : " Thus endeth this boke whiche Xpyne of Pyse made and drewe out of
the boke named Vegecius de re militari and out of tharbre of bataylles." Christine in
fact made use of Bonet's work.

xlvi The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

tions from it as early as 1451 is somewhat doubtful ; for he seems
to have only begun to learn French about August, I458, 1 little
more than a year before Fastolf s death. Scrope on the contrary
had before this translated two French works for the latter, one of
them being by the same Christine, and it is therefore in this part
of the " Boke of Noblesse," if at all, that he may possibly have
collaborated.

Unlike the last-named work, the anonymous English version
of Cicero's " De Senectute " which Caxton printed in 1481 has
already been attributed to William Worcester, 2 the ground of this
assumption being an entry made in his "Itinerarium," 3 that on loth
August, 1473, he presented to Bishop Waynflete at Esher a transla-
tion which he had made of this treatise, but got nothing in
return. Apart from this statement there is no more reason for
attributing Caxton's text to Worcester than to Scrope. The
language is better than might have been expected from either of
them, but as no MS. copy exists, we cannot tell to what extent it
was edited by Caxton. In the preface, as may be seen above
(p. xxx.), it is said that the translation was made from the French
of Laurence de Premierfait by Sir John Fastolf s " ordenaunce
and desyre." As there is no reason to doubt this, its date cannot
be later than 1459, so that, if Worcester was the translator, he kept
it at least thirteen years before he offered it to Waynflete. This
does not seem very likely, and his translation was therefore possibly
a different one altogether, completed shortly before the occasion
when the bishop so disappointed him by his cold acceptance of it.

1 " I may sey to you that William hath goon to scole to a Lumbard called Karoll
Giles, to lern and to be red in poetre or els in Frensh ; for he hath byn with the same
Caroll every dey ii. tymes or iii. and hath bought divers boks of hym," H. Wyndesore
to J. Paston, 27th Aug. 1458 (Paston Letters, i. p. 431).

2 Paston Letters, i. p. cxiv. ; Hist of Castle Combe, p. 194.

3 Ed. J. Nasmith, 1778, p. 368, " 1473, die 10 Aug. presentavi W. episcopo
Wyntoniensi apud Asher librum Tullii de Senectute per me translatum in anglicis,
sed nullum regardum recepi de episcopo."

Introduction. xlvii

The earlier version in that case was almost certainly by Scrope ;
but, where so much is left to conjecture, the most that can be said
is that the evidence upon which it has hitherto been assigned to
Worcester is not wholly conclusive.

G. F. W.

ERRATA.

P. 2, 1. 6, for yowr emost read yowre most.

P. n, 1. i, for streygth read strey[n]gth.

P. 19, 1. ili for yif is read yif it.

P. 56, Text Hi., 1. 3, transfer semicolon to end of line,

P. 72, note Z,for metu Dei read nutu Dei.

P. 104, Text xci., 1. 3, for thyre read thyne.

THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR;

THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE.

"XT OBLE 1 and worshipfull among the ordre of cheualrie,
renommeed ffor in as much as ye and suche othir noble
knyghtes and men of worchip haue exerciced and occupied by
long continuaunce of tyme the grete part of yowre dayes in dedys
of cheualrie and actis of armis, to the whic[h]e entent ye
resseyved the ordre of cheualrie, that is to sey, principaly to be
occupied in kepyng and defendyng the cristyn feythe, j?e rigth
of the chirch, the lond, the centre and the comin welefare of it
And now, seth it is soo that the naturel course off kynde, by revo-
lution and succefsyon of .lx. yeeres growyn vpon yowe at this tyme
of age and feblenesse, ys comen, abatyng youre bodly laboures,
takyng away yowre naturall streyngtht and power from all such
labouris as concernyth the exercysing off dedis of cheuallrie, be it
yowre noble courage and affeccion of such noble and worchipfull
actis and desirys departyth not from yow, yet rygth necefsarie
[it] now were to occupie the tyme of yowre agys and feblenes

1 For this dedication, addressed by the translator, Stephen Scrope, to his step-
father, Sir John Fastolf, see the Introduction.

2 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

of bodie in gostly cheuallrie off dedes of armes spiritual!, as in
contemplacion of morall wysdome and exercisyng gostly werkys
which that may enforce and cavse yow to be callid to the ordire
of knyghthode that schal perpetuelly endure and encrese in ioye
and worship endelese.

And therefor I, yowr emost humble sone Stevyn, whiche that
haue wele poundered and consideryd the many and grete entre-
prises of labouris and aventuris that ye haue embaundoned and
yovyn youre selph to by many yeeris contynued, as wele in Fraunce
[and] Normandie as in othir straunge regions, londes and con-
trees and God, which is souuerayne cheueten and knyght off all
cheualrie, hath euer preseruyd and defendid yow in all yowre seyde
laboures off cheualrye into this day, ffor the which ye be most
specyaly obliged and bownden to becom hys knyght in yovre
auncient age, namely for to make ffyghtyng ayen youre goostly
ennemyes, that allwey be redy to werre wyth youre sovle, the
which, and ye ouerecom hym, shall cawse yow to be in renomme
and worchyp in Paradis euerlastyng I, consideryng thees premisses
wyth othir, have (be the suffraunce off yowre noble and good
ffadyrhode and by yowre commaundement) take vpon me at this
tyme to translate ovte off Frenche tong, ffor more encrese of
vertu, and to reduce into owre modyr tong a Book off Knyghthode,
as wele off gostly and spirituell actis off armys for the sowle hele
as of wordly 1 dedys and policie gouernaunce, and which is auctorised
and grounded fryst vpon the .iiii. Cardinal Vertous, as Justice,
Prudence, Fors and Temperaunce, also exempled vpon the grete
conceytys and doctrine off fulle wyse pooetys and philosophurs, the
whiche teche and covnesell how a man schuld be a knyght for the
world prynspally, as in yeftis off grace vsyng, as the Cardinalle
Vertuus make mencion, ffryst in iustice kepyng, prvdently hym
self gouuernyng, hys streynght bodely and gostly vsyng, and
magnanimite conseruyng, and allso gouuernyng hymself as a knyght
in the seyde Cardinall Vertuouse kepyng. Which materis, con-
seytys and resons be auctorised and approued vpon the textys and

1 Sc. worldly.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 3

dictes off the holde 1 poetys and wyse men called Philosophurs.
And allso ye schal fynde here in this seyde Boke off Cheuallry
how and in whatte maner ye, and all othir off whatte astate,
condicion or degre he be off, may welle be called a knyght that
ouercomyth and conqveryth hys gostly ennemyes by the safegard
repuignand defence off hys sovle, wich among all othir victories
[and] dedys off worchip is most expedient and necefsarie, where as
dayly in grettest aventures a man puttyth hym inne and most wery
he is to be renommed in worchip and callid a knyght that dothe
exercise hys armes and dedys off knyghthode in gostly dedys, in
conqveryng his gostly ennemees and ouyrcomyng J?e peple and
aventure off the world.

And this seyde boke, at the instavnce and praer off a fulle
wyse gentylwoman of Frawnce called Dame Cristine, was compiled
and grounded by the famous doctours of the most excellent
in clerge the nobyl Vniuersyte off Paris, made to the ful noble
famous prynce and knyght off renovnne in his dayes, beyng called
Jon, Duke of Barry, thryd son to Kyng Jon of Frawnce, that he
throwe hys knyghtly labourys, as welle in dedys of armes temporell
as spirituell exercisyngby the space and tyme of .c. yeerys 2 lyvyng,
flowrid and rengnyd in grete worchip and renownne of cheualry.
And in thre thyngges generaly he exercisyd his knyghtly labowris.
Thereof oon was in victories, dedis of cheualrie and of armys,
in defendyng the seyde royalme of Frawnce from his ennemyes.
[The second was] in grete police vsyng, as of grete cowneseylles
and wysdomys, yevyng and executing the same for the conseruacyon
of iustice and transquillite and alsoo pease kepyng for all the
comon welleffare of that noble royaulme. The thredde was in
spirytuell and gostly dedys yovyn ontoo for the helthe and wellfare
of hys sovle. And in euery of these thre thynggys the seyde
prynce was holden ful cheualrouse and suremounted in his dayes
above all othir. Wych schewyth welle opynly to euery vnder- f 4.

1 Sc. old.

2 So the MS., but John, Duke of Berry, was born 3oth November, 1340, and died
1 5th June, 1416.

4 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

stander in the seyde booke redyng that it was made acordyng to
hys seyde victorious dedis and actis of worchip exercysyng.

And the seyde booke ys diuidyd in thre partys gederid in a
summe of an .c. textys, drawen vpon the dictis and conceytys of the
seyd most famous poetys off olde tyme beyng, as Vyrgyl, Ouyde,
Omer and othir ; and also with an .c. commentys therevpon, callid
exposicyons or glosis vpon the seyde textys, of exemplys temporell
of policie gouernaunce and worldlye wysdoms and dedys, grovndyed
and also exempled by experiens and by auctorite of the auncient
philosophurs and clerkes, as Hermes, 1 Plato, Salomon, Aristotiles,
Socrates, Ptholome and suche othir. And vpon thies exemplis
and glosis is made and wretyn also an othyr .c. allegories and
moralizacions, applied and moralized to actis and dedys of werkyng
spirituell, for to doctrine enforme and to lerne euery man nov
lyvyng in this world how he schuld be a knyht exercisyng and
doyng the dedys of armys gostly, for euerlastyng victorie and
helthe of the sovle. Which allegories and moralizacions ben
grovnded and auctorised vpon the .iiii. holy doctoris of the chirche,
as Austyn, Jerom, Gregorie, Ambrose, alsoo vpon the Bible, the
Holy Ewaungelistes and Epistollys and othyr holy doctorus, as here
textis more opynly schalle appere hereafftyr. Fiat. Fiat. Amen.

1 The mythical Hermes Trismegistus. The citations from these and other less
well known philosophers were taken by Christine de Pisan from Guillaume de
Tignonville's " Les dis moraulx des Philosophies," which Scrope himself translated
into English (see Introduction). "Salomon" here represents the "Salon" or "Zalon,"
sc. Solon, of the original.

or The Boke of Knyghthode.

, of prudence named godesse,
That setteth goode in worthy ness e,
To the, 1 Hector, noble prince myghty,
That in armes is evere worthye,
The sone of Mars, 2 the god of bateyle,
Tn dedys of armes which wyll not fayle,
And of myghty Minerve, the godes,
The whiche in armes is hy maystres,
Sucefsoure of the noble Troyens,
Heyre 3 of Troye and of the ceteseyns,
Salutacion afore sette plenere
I sende, wyth love feyned in no manere.

good lorde, how am I desyryng
Thi grete avayle, which I goo sekeyng,
And that aumented and preseruyd

It may be, and euer obseruede
Thy worchipe and worthines in old age,
That thow hast gretly hadde in thi fryst age.
Now for to schewe the my pistile playnely,

1 wyll the enorte and telle verily
Off thyngges that be ful necefsarie
To hye worthynesse and the contrarie,
To the opposite off worthinesse,

So that all goode hertys may theym dres*
For to gete be goode besy lernynge
The hors that in the eyre is flyynge
(It is named the Pegasus truly),

1 Sc, thee, which is spelt " the " throughout.

2 This parentage is explained further on, pp. 22, 24.
Sf. Heir; Feyre MS.; Hoir, H.

4 Affin que ton bon cuer sadrece, H. The translator no doubt read " tout bon
coeur."

6 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

That all louers loueth hyly. 1

And because of thi condvcion

I knowe be rygth inclynacion

Able to take knythly dedys on hand

More than is in othir .v. score thowsand

(For as a godes I haue knovynge,

Not by the assay but by kunnyng,

Of thynges the which be on to kome),

I owthe to thynkke on the, hole and some 2 ;

For I knowe thowe shake be euer duryng,

Worthiest of all the worthy lyvyng,

And schall afore all othir namyd be,

So that I may be belouyd of the.

Belovyd, why schuld not I be soo ?

I am that the which araveth all thoo

That loueth me and holdyth me dere ;

I rede theym lessons in chaiere,

Which maketh theym clyme heuen onto.

I pray the that thow be oon off tho

That will here inne beleve me wele. 3

Now sete it well thane in thy mynd and fele

The wordes that I wyll to the endyte,

And yf thowe here me owght telle, sey or wryte

Any thyng that for to come may be

As that I seye, vmbethynke the

As that they were past, so do thow oughte

Knowe ryght wele that they be in my thought

In the spyrite off profecie.

Vndirstonde wele nowe and greve not the,

For I shall no thyng sey but that schalle falle.

Thynke wele the comyng is not yet at all.

1 Qui de tous vaillans est ame, H. Pegasus is explained below (p. 15) as meaning
" a goode name, the which flyeth through the eyre."

2 Sc. thee, whole and sum ; me doit il de toy souuenir, H.

3 Et que tu me vueilles bien croire, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 7

Othea opon the Greke may be takyn for the wysedome off
man and woman 1 , and as ancient pepyll of hold tyme, not havynge
yit at that tyme lyght of fey the, wirchippyd many goddys, vndyr
the which lawe be passed the hyest lordes that hathe ben in the
world, as the reaume off Assire, of Perse, the Grekys, the Troyens,
Alexandre, the Romaynes and many other, anamly the grettest
philosophurs that 2 euer was so as yet at that tyme God hade not
oppenyd the 3ate off mercy, but we Crysten men and women now
at this tyme by the grace of God enlumynid wyth very feyth may
bryng ayene to morall mynde the oppinyons of ancient pepyll and
thereopon many feyre allegories may be made and as they hade f. 6.
a costom to worchipe all thynge the which above the comon cours
of thynges hade prerogatyue of some grace, many wyse ladyes in
there tyme were called godefses. And trwe it ys, aftyr the storie,
that in the tyme that grete 3 Troye fflorishede in his grete name
a ful wyse ladie callede Othea, consyderyng the ffre thought 4 of
Hector of Troye, the which that tyme ffloryshed in vertues, and that
it be a shewynge of fortunes to be in hym in tyme commynge,
sche sent hyrne many grete and notabil yiftys, and namly the fayre
stede that men callyd Galathee, the which had no felawe in all the
worlde. And becavse that all wordly grace[s] that a good man
oughte for to have were in Hector, morally we may sey that he
toke theyme by the cownsel of Othea, the which sent hyme this
pystylle.

By Othea we schall vndirstond by the vertu of prudence and of
wysedome, wherewyth he was arayed ; and because the Cardinal
Vertues ben necefsarie to good pollicie, we schall speke of them,
sewynge ich after othyr. And to J?e fryst we have youen a name
and takyn a maner of speche in some wyse poetykly, the bettyr to
folewe owre matere acordyng to the very storie, and to owre
purpoyse we schall take some auctoritees of ancient philosophres.
Thus we schall sey that by the seyde lady this present was yovyn

1 Sagesse de femme, H.

2 Thas, MS.

3 Greke, MS. ; Troye la grant, H.

4 La belle ieunece, H.

8 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

or sente to goode Hector, the which in lech wyse may be to all
other desirynge bounte and wysedome. And as the vertue of
prudence ought gretely to be recomendede, Aristotle, the prynce
off philosophurs, seyth, " Becavse that wysedome is fe most noble
off all othir thynges, it schulde be shevyd by the best resone and
the most behouely maner that myghte be."

Fore to bryng ayen to allegoric the purpos of owre matyr to
owre wordes, we schall applique Holy Scrypture to edificacion of
the soule, beyng in wrecheed worlde. As by the grete wysedome
and hye my3te of God all thynges that be resonabily made all
scholde streche to the ende of hyme, and becawse that owre
speryt, mad off God to hys lekenes, is made of thynges moste
noble aftyr the aungelles, it is behouely and necefsarie that it be
arayed wyth vertues, whereby it may be conveyed to the ende for
the which it was made. And becavse it was lettyd by the assautes
of the wacches 1 of the enemy of helle, the which is his dedely
enemye and aduersarie and oftyn distourbeth it to come to hys
beaute, 2 we may calle mankyndely lyfe very cheualrie, as the
Scripture seyth in many partes, and standyng 3 all erthyly thynges *
be desceyvable, 5 we schulde haue in contynuell mynde the tyme
for to come, which is wythowte ende. And because this is the
grete wysedome of perfite knygthhode and that all othir be of
no comparison to regarde of the victorius peple the which be
corounede in blys, we schal take a maner of speche of gostly
knyhthode, that [is] to be done princypally to the preysynge of
God and to the profyth of thoo [>at wylle delyte theyme to here
this present dittee.

Howe prudence and wysedome is modyr and conditoures of
all vertues, wythowte the which the tothire may not be well
gouernede, it is necessarie to gostly knyghthode to be arayed wyth
prudence, as Seynte Austyn seyth in the book of Singularite off

1 Par les agais et assaulx, H.

2 Beatitude, H.

3 Sc. considering that.

4 Kynges, MS. ; toutes choses terrestres, H.

5 Thesceyvable, MS., with " de " interlined.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 9

Clerkes, 1 that in what maner of place prudence be men may lyghtly
cesse and amende 2 all contrarius thynges, but there w[h]ere prudence
is despisyd all cont[r]arius thynges hath domynacyon. And to this
purpoose Salamon seyth in his Proverbis, " Si [intraverit sapientia
cor tuum et scientia animse tuse placuerit, consilium custodiet te et
prudentia servabit te."] 3

II.

A ND to the entent that know may be
^~ What thou schuldeste do, drawe vnto )?e
The vertues that may the most restore,
The bettir to come to that seyde afore
Of the worshipful chevalroures. 4
Allthoughe that it be aventerous,
Yet schall I sey whi that I sey thus.
A cosyn germayne 5 I haue, I wys.
Fullefyllyd sche is beaute wyth all ;
But of all thynges in specyall
Sche ys ful softe and temperede full wele ;

Of stroke of ire felyth sche no dele ; f. 8.

Sche thynkkyth no thynge but of rygth balance.
It is the godesse of Temperance.
I may not all only but by hyre face
Haue the name of that by myghty grace ;
For yef the weghte ne were sche to the made,

1 De Singularitate Clericorum, attributed to Cyprian and Origen as well as to
St. Augustine (Migne, Patrologia Latina, iv. col. 835). The passage runs (col. 866) :
" Ubicumque fuerit providentia, frustrantur universa contraria ; ubi autem providentia
negligitur, omnia contraria dominantur."

- Cesser et anientir, H.

3 Prov. ii. 10, ii. This and other quotations from the Vulgate are supplied
from the French text, being omitted by the translator, possibly with the intention of
filling them in from the Wycliffite English version.

4 De vaillance cheualereuse, H.

5 Seur germaine, H.

io The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

The all were not worthe a leke blade. 1
Therefor I wyll that with me sche love the.
Yf she wyll, lete hire note forgetyn be ;
For she is ryght a wele lerned godesse,
Hyr witte I love and prays myche in distrese.

Othea seyth that Temperance is here cosyn germayne, 2 the
which he schuld loue ; for the vertu of temperance may veryly be
seyde cosyn germayne and lykennd [to] prudence, for temperans
is schewer of prudence and of prudence folwyth temperance.
Therefor it is seide that he shulde hold hyr for his love ; and euery
good knygth shulde do the same, that desiryth due prayse of goode
peple. As the philosophre Demetricus 3 seyth, " Temperance
moderath vices and perfyteth vertues."

The good spiryte shuld haue the vertue of temperance, the
whiche [hath] the propirte to lemyte and to sede on syde super-
fluytes. 4 For Seynt Austyn seyth in the book of the condycions 5
. ... of concupyscence, the whiche be contrary to vs and
lettyth vs from Godes lawe, and more also to dispite fleschely
delytys and worldly praysynge. Seynt Petir spekyth to that
purpose in hys fyrst Pystyl, [" Obsecro vos tanquam advenas et
peregrinos abstinere vos a carnalibus desideriis, quae militant
adversus animam "]. 6

1 Sf. the leaf of a leek ; Car selle nen faisoit le pois, Tout ne te vauldroit pas vn
pois, H.

2 Serour, H.

3 Democritus, H.

4 De limiter les choses, H.

6 Ou liure des meurs de leglise, que loffice dattrempance est reffraindre et ap-
paisier les meurs de concupiscence, H. The repetition of " meurs " caused the
translator to omit some words. The reference is to the treatise " De moribus ecclesiae
catholicae," i. 19 (Migne, xxxii. 1326).

6 i Pet. ii. ii.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 1 1

III.

A ND wyth vs streygth be honesty ]?e yete.
^^ If that be gretter vertues thou sete,
Thou moste the turne toward Hercules
And behold wele his grete worthines,
In whome there was full myche bounte.
And to thi lenage all thoughe that he
Was contrarie and a grete name hym gate,
For all that haue thou neuer the more hate
To his vertue, streyngth and nobylnese,
Which opynned the }ates of worthinese.
Yet, though that thowe wylt folwe hys weye
And also hys worthines, I sey
It nedyth no thyng to the to make
Were ! with theyme of hell ne no stryfe take,
Ne for to were wyth the god Pluto
For ony fauour Proserpyng onto,
The godes dowter called Ceres,
Whome he rauysched on the se of Gres. 2
Ne onto the it is no mystyr 3
That thow be Serebrus,* the portar
Of helle, besye the hys cheynes to breke,
Ne of theyme of helle to take any wreke,
The which to vntrewe wynnors be ; 5
Nor for his felaws as dede he,
Pirotheus and Theseus, 6 in fere,
The which that nere hand desceyuyd were

1 Sc. war, cf. next line ; where, MS.

2 Sur la mer de Grece, H.

3 Maystyr, MS. ; mestier, H.

4 Sc. by Cerberus.

5 Qui trop sont desloyaulx gaignons, H.

6 See below, p. 41.

12 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

[To] auenture theyme in that valy soo,

W[h]ere many a sowle hath ful mych woo ;

For werre inougth in herthe ! J?ou schalt fynd felle,

Thougth thow goo not to sek yt in helle.

It is no thinge necefsarie to the

So to purchase or do armes, parde,

To go and fyghte with serpentes stynggyng,

With boores wylde or beerys rampyng. 3 ,

Wheythir thou ymagen this I wote noghte,

Or ell of wyldenes it commyth in thy thougth

Of worthines for to have a name.

In dystres, yf it be not for the same,

As ffor thy body the ffor to defende,

Yf that sych bestis wylde the offende,

Than diffence, if asailled thou be,

Withowte dowte it is worchip to the ;

Yf thow ouercome theym and the saue,

Bothe grete lavde and worchip thou shalt haue.

The vertu of strength is not only to vndyrstonde bodely
strength, but the stabilnes and stedefastenes that a goode knygth
schulde haue in all hys dedis by deliberaciou of good wytte and
strength to resyst ayens contrariousnes that may come onto hym,
weythir it be infortunes or tribulacions, where strengh and myghti
corage may be vaylable to the exaussyng of worthines. And alyche 3
Hercules for to gif exampel of strengh, to the entent that it may
be doble availe, that is to seye, in as myche as tocheth to his vertue
and anamly in dedes of knygthhode, wherin he was ryghte
excellent. And for the hynes of Hector, it is a behouely thynge
to gyfe hyme hy 4 example. Hercules was a knyghte of Grece of
meruelyous strengh and broute to ende many knyghtly worthines.

1 Sc. on earth.

3 Aux lyons ne aux ours rampans, H.

3 Sc. allege, take example from ; Et pour donner materiel exemple de force,
allegue Hercules, H.

* Sc. high ; by, MS ; hault exemple, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 13

A grete iorneyer he was in the worlde, and, for the grete and
meruelyous viagis and thinges of grete strenghe that he made and
dede, the poietes, the wyche spak couertly and in maner of fable,
seyde that he wente into helle to fygth wyth the prynces off helle
and that [he] favth l wyth serpentes and fiers bestis, by the wyche
is to vndirstonden the grete and stronge entreprises 2 * *

IV.

*******

Elles arte thou note worthy an helme to were,
Ne for to gouerne a reaume nowhere. 3

Prudence seith to the good knyghte that, yf he will be on of
the goode mennes rowe, he most haue the vertue of iustice, that is
to seye, ryghtwyse iustice. And Aristotle seith he that is a
rytewyse iusticer fryst shulde iustifie hym selph, ffor he that Justifies
not hym self is not worth! to iustifye anothir. This is to vndir-
stond that a man shulde correcte his owne defavtes, so fat thei be
holy fordone, and than a man so correctid may wele, and schulde,
be a corrector of othir men. And to speke morally, ve shall tell
a fable to this purpoise vndir the couertvre of poyetis. Minos, as
poyetis sey, is a iusticer off helle or a prouoste or a cheife
bayle, and afore hym is broughte alle the sowles descendyng into

1 Sc. fought.

2 A leaf is here missing from the MS.

8 The complete " texte " in H. runs :

Encor se veulx estre des noz,
Ressembler te couuient Minos,
Tout soit il iusticier et maistres
Denfer et de tous li estres.
Car se tu te veulx auancier,
Estre te couuient iusticier,
Autrement de porter heaume
Nes digne ne tenir royaume.

14 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

that vaylie ; and afftir that they haue disseruede of penance as
many degrees as he wille that thei be sette deipe, as ofte he
turnyth his tayle abwte hym. And becawse that he is thee iustice
ande the punyschment of God, lete vs take owre maner to speke
oure speche veryly to that purpose. O trouth there was a kyng in
Grece 1 called Mynos of mervelious fairnes, 2 and in hym was grete
rigoure of iustice ; and therefor the poietis seyde that aftir his deth
he was commytted to be iusticer of helle. And Aristotile seyth,
"Justice is a mesure that God hath sette in erthe for to limitte
thereby thynges ryghtwysly."

And even as God is hede of iustice and of all orderes, it is
necefsarye to the cheualerous sperit that wille come to the victorius
blysse for to have this vertue. And Seynt Bernard seith in a
sermone 3 that iustice is not ellis but to gifife euery man that his
is. " Yife than," seith he, " to .iii. maner of peple that the whiche
is theires, that is to say, to thi souereyne, to thi felawe and to thi
soget : to thi souereyne reuerence and obeissance of body ; to
thi falawe thou schulde gyffe counsel and helpe, counsel in
teschyng hym where he is ignorant and helpe hym in com-
fortynge his owyn power 4 ; to thi soget, thow schuldest gyf hym
chastissyng and kepyng hym frome euyl dedes, in chastisyng 5
hym forgiffeyng hym that he hath doo amysse." And thus
hereto seyth Salomon in his Proverbis, " Ex[cogitat iustus de
domo impii ut detrahat impios a malo . . . Gaudium est iusto
facere iusticiam "]. 6

1 En Crete, H.

2 Fierte, H.

3 De adventu Domini Sermo iii. (Migne, clxxxiii. 45), but the passage is not
literally translated.

4 Sa non puissance, H.

6 Chastisyng in chastisyng, MS. ; garde et discipline, garde en le gardant de mal
faire et discipline en le chastiant se il a mal fait, H.
6 Prov. xxi. 12, 15.

or The Boke of Knyghthode, 15

A LSO remenbre the of Percyvale, 1
Whos name is knowen ouer alle
Throwghowte the worlde, both soft and hard,
The swyffte hors Pegasus afterward.
He roode hyme through the eyre flyyng,
And Andromeda in hys goyng
Fro the bellue 2 he hyr delyueryd
And wyth his streynght hir from hym revede,
As a ryght good errant myghtty knyghte
Brought hyr ageyne to hir kyne ful ryght.
Thys dede in yowre mynde loke that it holde,
For a good knyght shuld kepe that is bolde
Thys wey, if that he will haue exprese
Wyrchip, which is mych better than ryches.
Hys shynnynge shelde than loke thou opon,
The which haue euer ouercome many one.
Wythe his fauchon loke that thou arme the,
Both strong and stedefast than shalt thou be.

And because that it is acordyng thyng 3 for a good knyght to
haue wirchip and reuerence, we shalle make a fygure aftyr the
maner of poietis. Percevale was a ful worthi knyght and whan *
many reaumes, and the name off the grete lande of Perce come of
hyme. And poyetis seide that he roode the hors that flawe in the
eyre, the which was called Pegasus and that is to vnderstonde a
goode name, the which flyeth through the eyre. He bare in his
honde a fauchon or a glayve ; the whiche is seide for the grete
multytude of peple that were discomfyte by hym in maney batayles.
He delyueryd Andromeda from the bellue ; this was a kynggys

1 Apres te mire en Perseus, H., and so below; cj. Ovid, Met. iv., 610 sq.

2 Belue, H. ; monstre, Wyer.

3 Chose couuenable, H.

4 Sc. won ; il acquist, H.

1 6 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

doghter, the which he delyuered from a monstre of the see, the
which by the sentence of the godes shulde a 1 deuoured hire.
This is to vndirstonde that alle knyghtes shulde socovre women
that hade nede of there socoure. This Percivale and the hors
the which fleeth 2 may 3 be notede for the good name that a goode
knyghte shulde haue and gete by hys good desertes ; and there
shuld he ryde, that is to seye, that hys goode name shulde be borne
in all contrees. And Aristotile seyth that a good name of a man
maketh a name shynnyng to the worlde and agreable in presence of
princes.

The cheualerours sperit shulde desyre a goode name among
the felachipe of the seyntis of heuen gotten by his goode desertes.
The good hors Pegasus that [beareth] * hyme shall be his good
angel, the which shall make good reporte off hyme at the day of
dome. Andromeda that shal be delyuered, it is his sowle, the
which he delyueres fro the feend of hell by the ouercomyng off
synne. And that a man on the same maner wyse shuld wylne to
haue a good name in this worlde to the plesaunce of God and not
for vayne glorie, Seynt Austin seyth in the Booke of Correccion 5
that " ii. thyngges be necefsarie to beleve wele, 6 that is to sey, good
conscience and good name, conscience for feyth, 7 good name for
his neyburwe ; and [w]ho so trostyth in conscience and dyspiteth
a good name, he is cruel " ; for it is a synge of a nobyll corage to
loue the wele of a good name. And to this purpoise seyth the
wyse man, " Curam habe [de bono nomine, magis enim perma-
nebit tibi quam mille thesauri preciosi " ]. 8

1 Sc, should have ; deuourer la deuoit, H.

2 Sc. flyeth ; qui vole, H.

3 Many,MS.

4 Omitted in MS. ; le porte, H.

5 Sermo ccclv., de vita et moribus clericorum (Migne, xxxix. 1569).

6 A bien viure, H.

7 Pour soy, H. ; conscientia tibi, fama proximo tuo, S. Aug. The translator
evidently read " foy."

8 Eccl. xli. 15.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 17

VI.

A ND wyth thyne inclynacions

Off Jouis ' softe condiccions
Loke thou haue ; the better thou shalt be,
Whene that thow kepes theme ryghtfulle.

As it is seyde, poyetis, the vvhiche worchipped many godes,
they helde the planetis of heuen ffor speciall godes, and of the .vii.
planetes they made the .vii. dayes of the weke. They worchypped
and helde Jouis or Jubiter for there grettest god, because that he is
sette in the hyest spere of the planetis vndyr Saturne. The day off
Thurseday is named of Jouis. And anamely the philosophres yaf
and compared the vertues of the .vii. metallis to the .vii. planetis
and named the teremys of there sciences by the same planetis, as a
man may se in Geber 2 and Nicholas 3 and in othir auctoris of that
science. To Jouys is youyne copyr or bras. Jouis or Jubiter is a
planete of softe condicion, amiable and ful gladde and fygure * to
sanguyne comp[l]eccion. Therefor Othea seyth, that is to sey,
Prudence, that a good knyght shuld haue the condicion of Jubiter,
and the same shulde euery nobyll man haue, purse wyng knyghtt- f. 13.
hode. To this purpose seythe Pictogoras 5 that a kyng shuld be
gracyously conuersaunt wyth his peple and shew to them a glade
visage ; and on the same wyse it is to vnderstond off all wordly
peple tendyng to wirchippe.

1 Sc. the planet Jupiter ; Joyus, MS. ; de iouis les condicions, H.

2 Jabir ibn Aflah, an Arab astronomer of uncertain date, whose work on
Astronomy was published in Latin, in nine books, at Nuremberg in 1534. A isth
century MS. of it is in the British Museum, Harley MS. 625.

3 Perhaps Nicholas of Lynne, a Carmelite who lived in the latter part of the
1 4th century, and whose astronomical tables were used by Chaucer in his "Astrolabe."
Among other works he wrote tracts " de natura Zodiaci " and " de Planetarum domi-
bus " (Tanner, Bibliotheca, p. 346).

4 Et est figuree a la compleccion sanguine, H.
6 Sc. Pythagoras.

1 8 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Now lete vs brynge to owre purpoyse in allegoric the
properteis of the .vii. planetis. Jouis, the which is a softe and a
mankyndly ' planete, of the whyche the good knyght schulde haue
condicions, may sygnifie to vs mercy and compassyon that the
good knyght hade, Jhesu Cryste that is, the which the sperit
schulde haue in hym selfe. For Seynte Gregorie seyth in the
pistylle of Pontian, 2 "I remembre not," seith he, "that euer I
herde or redde that he dyed of heuy dethe that hathe wylle to
fulfylle the dedes of mercy, ffor mercy hathe many prayeres and
it is inpossyble but that many prayeres most nedes be exauced."
To this purpose oure Lord seythe in the Gospell, " Beati [miseri-
cordes, quoniam ipsi misericordiam consequentur "]. 3

VII.

Venus in no wyse make thi godesse,
And for no thynge sette store by here promyfse.
To folowe here it is rauenous, 4
Both vnworchippefull and peryllous.

Venus is a planete of heuen, aftyr whome the Fryday is
named ; and the metall that we call tynne or pewter is yovyn
to the same. Venus yiffeth influence of loue and of ydylnes, and
she was a lady called soo, the which was qwene of Cippre. And
because that [she] excedyd all women in excellent beaute and
jolynesse, and was ryght amerous and not stedefast in o loue, and
becawse that she yevyth influence of lecheri, Othea seyth to the
good knyght that he make here not his godes. This is to vndir-
stond, that in sech lyfe he shuld not abaundon his body ne his

1 Doulce et humaine, H.

2 A Nepocian, H. The passage does not appear to be among the works of
St. Gregory, nor in St. Jerome's epistle to Nepotianus.

8 Matt. v. 7.

4 Traueilleux, H.

or The Bake of Knyghthode. 19

entent. Armes ' seyth that the vice of lecherye steynyth all
vertues.

Venus, of whom the good knyght shuld not make hys godes, it
is fat the good speryth in hym selphe shuld haue no vanyte. And
Cassidore seyth vpon the Sawtyr, "Vanite made avoyde degre 2 to
becum a fende and yafe dethe 3 to the fryste man and voyeddid
hyme frome the blyssidnefse that was grawntyd on to hyme."
Vanite is modyr off all evelles, welle off all vices, and the weyne * of
wykydnesse, the which puttyth a man oute of the grace of God and
setti[t]h hym in his hate. To this purpose Dauid seyth in his
Sauter, spekyng to God, " Odisti [observantes vanitates super-
vacue " ]. 5

VIII.

'Y/'F thou asemble the in jugement, f. 14.

Be leke to Saturne in avisement ;
Or that thou gyf thy sentence, veryly
Be ware that thou yif is not doutously.

Satyrday is named after Saturne, ande the metall lede is youen
therto, and it is a planete of slow condicion, hevy and wyse. And
there was a kyng in Grece hadde the same name, the [which] was
full wyse, off whom poyetis spake vnder conuerteure of fable, and
they seyde that his sone Jubiter kutte from hym his preuy men-
bres. The which is to vnderstond that he toke ffrom hym his myghte

1 Sc. Hermes Trismegistus.

2 An unintelligible corruption; fist lange deuenir deable, H. and other Fr. MSS.;
doth [make] the aungell to become a devyll, Wyer ; superbia est per quam angelus
cecidit, per quam Adam de naturae suae dignitate dejectus est, Cass. Exp. in Psalterium
(Migne, Ixx. 843).

Tethe, MS. ; la mort, H.

4 Sc. vein ; la veine, H.

5 Ps. xxx. 7.

2O The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

and dysheryted him and drwe l hym avay. And becawse that
Saturne is hevy and wyse, Othea seyth that a good knyght shuld
peyse a thynge grettely or 2 that he 3 shulde yefe his sentence,
weythir that it be in pris of armes or of ony othir dede. And euery
iuge may not 4 the same that hathe offices longgynge to iugement.
And to thys purpoise Hermes seith, " Thynkke wele on all thinges
that thou hast for to do and in especyall of iugement of othyr."

As the good knyghte scholde be slowe in the iugement of
othir, that is to sey, to peise wele the sentence or f>at he gyf it, on
the same wyse the goode spiryte shulde doo in that the which
longyth to hyme ; for to Gode longeth the iugement, the which
can discerne cawses ryghtwysly. And Seynt Grigorye seyth in
hys Moralles 5 that, whan owre frelnes cannot comprehende the
iugementes of God, we oughte not to discute them in bolde wordes,
but we ought to worchippe thyme wyth ferefull scilens and, how
mervelyous that euer we thowght theyme, we shulde holde them
iuste. And to this purpoose spekyth Dauid in the Sawter-booke,
" Timor [Domini sanctus, permanet in seculum seculi. Judicia
Domini vera iustificata in semet ipsa"]. 6

IX.

T ETE thi worde be clere and trwe in kynde.
^-^ Appollo shall gif it the in mynde,
For he by no mene may non ordure
Suffir no wyse vndere couerture.

Appollo or Phebus, that is the sone, to whom the Sonday is
yoven and allsoo the metall that is callyd golde. The sonne by

1 St. drove ; le desherita et chaca, H.

2 St. ere ; peser la chose ains quil donne, H.
8 Ye, MS.

4 St. note ; peuent notter tous sages, H.

3 Moralia, xxvii. 3 (Migne, Ixxvi. 401).
6 Ps. xviii. 10.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 21

hys clerenes shewyth thynges that be hidde ; and therefore trewth,
the whiche is clere and shewith secrete thynges, may be yofe to
hyme. The which vertue shulde be in the herte and in the mowthe
of euery good knyghte. And to this purpose seyth Hermes,
" Love Godde, trowthe euer, and gyffe good counsell."

Apollo, the whiche is to sey the sonne, by whom we notyfye
trowthe, we may take that man shulde haue in hys mouth the
trwthe of the very knyght Jhesu Cryst and flee all falsenes. As
Cafsiodyr seyth in the booke of Praysyng of Seynt Powle, 1 "The
condicion of falsenes ys swche that, where as it hath no
geyneseyyng, yit it falleth in hym selphe ; butte the condycion of
trowth is to the contrary, ffor it is so sete that the more
geyneseynges of aduersytes that it hath, the more it encresyth and
reysyth hym selphe. To this purpose seith Holy Scripture, " Super
[omnia vincit veritas"]. 2

~\ 7"NTO Phebe resemble not. For why ?

He 8 is to chaungable and enemye
To stedefastnes and to courage strong,
Malencolius is and full of wronge.

Phebe is called the mone, off whom the Moneday hath his
name ; and to hyme is yoven the metall that we calle syluyr. The
mone resteth non oure in a ryghte poynte and yiffeth influens of
vnstefastenes and foly, and therefore it is seyde fat a goode knyght
shulde kepe hym from which vicys. And to this purpose Hermes
seith, " Vse wisedome and be stedefast."

Phebe the moone, that we not for vnstedefastnes, the whiche a

1 No such work appears under the name of Cassiodorus.
3 Esdras iii. 12.

3 The translator, not Christine de Pisan, is responsible for making Phcebe
masculine.

22 77/6 Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

goode knyght shulde not haue ; on the same wyse the good sperit.
As Seynt Ambrose seith in the pistil of Simpliciain, 1 that a foole is
schawnegeable as the moone, but a wyse man is euer stedefast in o
state, where he neythir brekyth for fere ner schawngyth for no
myght ; he reyseth hym notte in prosperite ner plangeth not in
heuynes. 2 There where wysedome is, there is vertue, strengh and
stedefastnes. The wise man is euer of oon corage ; it lessyth it notte,
ne encressyth not, for [he] schawngyth notte in no maner wyse for no
thyng ; he flotereth not in dyuers opynions, but abydyth perfythe in
Jhesu Cryst, gon growndid in charite and roted in feyth." And
to this purpose scythe Holy Scripture, " Homo sanctus [in
sapientia manet sicut sol, nam stultus sicut luna mutatur"]. 3

T DOWTE notte in no wyse Mars thi fadyr.

Thow shalt folowe hyme in heuery matyr ;
For thy hy and nobil condycion
Draweth therto thyne inclynacion.

The Twysday is named after Mars ; and that metalle that we
callen iren is youen to hym. Mars is a planete that yifeth influence
of werris and batayles ; therefore euery knyght that loveth and
schewyth armes and dedes of knyghthodand hathe a grete name off
worthines may be callyd the sone of Mars. And therfor Othea
named Hector so, notwythstondyng he was sone to Knyng Pryant,
and seyde he wolde well folowe hys fadir in as moche as a goode
knyght ought to doo. And a wyse man seith that by the dedes of
a man men may knowe his inclynacions.

Mars the god of bateyle may wele be called the Sone of God, the
whiche bateilled victoriously in this worlde, by example ; [and the

1 Ep. ad Simplicianum (Migne, xvi. 1085).

2 Ne se plunge point, H. ; non tristibus mergitur, St. Ambr.

3 Eccl. xxvii. 12.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 23

good sperit shulde] folow ' his Fadere Jhesu Cryst and fyght
ayens vicis. Seynte Ambrose seyth in the fryst booke off Offices
that how so will be Godes frend, he must be the fendes enemy, whoo
so will haue pees wyth Jhesu Cryst, he most haue werre withe vices.
And even as in veyne men maketh werre in the felde wyth foreyne
enemys there where the cete is full of homely spyes, on the same
wyse non may ouercome the eveles outewarde that wyll not were
strongly wyth the synnes of there sowlys ; ffor it is the most
gloryous victorie that may be, for a man to ouercome hyme selphe.
And tho this purpose seyth Seynt Poule the postyle, [" Non est
vobis colluctatio adversus carnem et sanguinem sed adversus
principes et potestates," etc.]. 2

XII.

/"AF thi faucon 3 be thou bolde and pleyne,

And of thi worde bothe clene and certeyne.
Mercurye schall teche the that, holde * and sounde,
The which of good spech knowyth wele the grounde.

The Wednysday is named after Mercurye, [the which] ys a
planete that yevyth influence off pontificall behavynge and of fayre
langage arayed wyth retorique. Therefor it is seide to the good
knyte that he shulde be arayed therewyth, for wirchipfull
behavynge and faire langage ys full behovely to all nobill pepyll
desyryng the hy pris of worchipe, so that they kepe them fro to
myche langage ; ffor Dyogeneys seyth that off all vertues the
more the bettir, saue of speche.

1 Folowynge, MS. There is some confusion here in the translation, cf. en ce
monde et que le bon esperit par son exemple [pot bien] ensuiuir son bon pere Ihesu
Crist et batailler centre les vices, H.

8 Ephes. vi. 12.

3 Soyes aourne de faconde, H. The translator seems to have misinterpreted
" faconde," eloquence, speech, as " falchion."

* Sf. old ; ce tapprendra Mercurius, H.

24 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Be Mercuric, the whiche is called god of langage, we may
vndirstonde that the knyghte of Jhesu Cryste shulde be armed
wyth good prechynges and wordes of techynges, and all so thei
shulde loue and worchyppe the schewers thereof. And Seynte
Gregory seithe in his Omelyis J?at men shulde haue the prechores
of Holy Scripture in grete reuerence, for they be the mafseyngeres
that gone to [fore] l owre Lord God and owre Lorde folio wyth
them. Holy prechyng maketh the way, and than owre Lord
commeth into the dwellyng place of owre hert ; the wordes of
exortacion maketh the coorse, and so trwthe is reseyuyd intoo
owre vndirstondyng. And to this purpose owre Lorde seyth to
his aposteles, [" Qui vos audit me audit, et qui vos spernit me
spernit "]. a

XIII.

all maner sortes of armure

For to arme the wyth, bothe wele and sure,
Be thi moder inough sygned shall be, 3
Mynerve, the which is not bitter to the.

Mynerve was a lady of grete connyng and fonde the craft
to make armure ; for afore the pe[p]yl armed theyme but wyth
cuirboyle.* Arid for the grete wysdom that was in this lady thei
called hyr a godes ; and because that Hector cowde sette armure
welle on werke and that it was hys ryght craft, Othea called hym
the sone of Mynerve, notwythstondyng that he was sone to qwen
Ecuba of Troye. And in the same wyse all that loueth armes
may be named. And to this purpose an auctoure seith that
knyghtes youen to armes be soggettes to the same.

1 Qui vont deuant H.

2 Lukex. 1 6.

3 Sc. By thy mother enough shall be assigned to thee; te liurera afsez tamere, H.
The MS. reads " modus," and in the next line " bater " (amere, H.).

4 Cuir-bouilli, leather boiled and moulded, while soft, into the required shape.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 25

Where it is seide that good armurs and strong inewgh shall be
delyuered to the good knygh by his modir, wee may vndirstond
the vertu of feyth, the whiche is a devyne vertue and is modir
to the good spyrite. And that she delyuerith armoures inow,
Cassiodir scythe in the Exposicion of the Crede ' that feyth is the
lyth 2 of the sowle, the yate off paradyse, the wynddowe of lyve,
and the gronde of the euerlastyng helthe, for wythowte feythe non
may plese God. And to this purpose seyth Seynt Poule in the
pystyll, [" Sine fide impossibile est placere Deo "J. 3

XIV.

JOYNE thou to the Pallas the godefse,
And sette hir ryght wyth thi vvorthinefse.
Yf thow haue hir, good fortune thou shalt fele ;
Pallas wyth Mynerve is fittyng 4 full wele.

All so where it is seyde that Pallas sholde be ioyned wyth
Mynerve, the which is wele fyttyng, men shall vndirstonde that
Pallas and Mynerve ys all o thyng, but the names be diueres and
be takyn to .ii. vndirstondynges. For the lady that is callyd f- 18.
Mynerve was so surnamed Pallas of an yle that is called Pallance 5
of the whiche she was borne ; and because that she generally in
all thynges was wyse and foonde many nwe craftes, fayre and sotle,
thei called hyr goodes of kunnyng. Mynerve is called thus in
that which longeth too knyghthode, and Pallas in all thynges that
longeth to wysdom ; and therefore it is seyde that he sholde yeuen 6
wysdom and knythhode, the which is ful wele acordyng therto,

1 No exposition of the Creed appears among the works of Cassiodorus.

2 Sc. light ; lumiere, H.

3 Hebr. xi. 6.

4 Sittyng, MS., and so also below.

5 There seems to be some confusion here between Pallas the goddess and Pallas
son of Lycaon and reputed founder of Pallantium, in Arcadia.

6 ? join ; il doit aiouster sagece a cheualerie, H.

26 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

and that armes shulde be keptte may be vndirstonde be feyth. To
this purpose seythe Hermes, " Joyne the loue of feithe wyth
wisedom."

And as that Pallas, the whiche is notyd for wysedom, shulde be
ioyned with knyghthode, the vertue * of hope shuld be ioyned with
good vertues of the knyghtly speryte, wyhtowte the which he may
not avayle. For Orygene seyth in the Omelies opon Exode that
the hoope of the goodes that be for to come is the solase of theyme
that trauellyth in this bodely lyffe, leche as to laboreres the hoope
of there payment softeth there laboures off there besynes, and as [to]
champyons that be in bateyle the hoope of the corowne of victorie
esyth the woo of there wondes. And to this purpose seyth Seynt
Poule the apostyll, [" Fortissimum solatium habemus, qui confugimus
ad tenendam propositam spem," etc.]. 3

XV.

pANTASSELE 3 haue thou fauour vnto,

That ffor thi deth shall haue moch woo ;
Syth a woman shuld be loued and knowe,
Off whom so noble a voys is sowe. 4

Pantafselle was a ful fayre may den and qwen of Damazonie 5
and off mervelyous worthines in armes and in hardines ; and for
the grete goodnes that the hy name witnessed through the worlde
of Hector the worthy she loved hyme ryght hertyly, and fro the
parties of the est she come to Troye in the tyme of the grete segge
for to se Hector. But qwen she fond hym dede, she was owte off
mesure hevy and wyth a grete oste [of] ful cheualrous gentilwomen

1 The whiche vertue, MS.

2 Hebrews vi. 18.

3 Sc, Penthesileia, queen of the Amazons.

4 Dont si noble voix est semee, H.

6 Sic, the first letter being of course the Fr. " d'."

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 27

vigerously she vengyd his dethe, where she dide mervelyous
worthynefses. And many grete greuaunces she dide to the Grekes.
And because she was vertuouse, it is seide to the good knyght that
he shuld love hyr, and that is to vndirstonde that euery good
knyght shulde loue and prayse euer[y] vertuous persone, anamely
a woman in strong vertue of wytte and off concyens. And this
woman that is woofull for the dethe of Hector is vndirstonde by
worthines and valure, when it is dull and deded in knyghthode.
And a wyse man seyth, " Bounte shulde be alowyd where that it is
perceyued."

Be Pantasselle, that was socourable, we may vndirstonde the f 19.
vertue off cherite, the whiche is the .iii e . devyne vertue that the
good speryte shuld perfytely haue in hym self. Cassyodir l seith
that charyte is as the reyne, the which fallyth in the prime temps,
for it distillyth the dropes of vertues, vndir the whiche greine [of]
good wille groweth 2 and good hoope fructifyeth, that is to be
pacient in aduersite, tempered in prosperyte, pacient in mekenesse,
ioyeus in afflicciones, wellwyllyng to his enemyes and frendes,
anamely to his enemyes to be comuniall of his goodis. 3 To this
purpose seyth Poule the postel, [" Caritas patiens est, benigna est,
caritas non emulatur, non agit perperam," etc.].*

XVI.

"l^ARCISUS 5 looke ye resemble not,

Nor into mych pride knyt your knot ;
For to ouerwenyng hawteyn knyght
Off many a grace is voide full ryght.

1 Expos, in Ps. xii. (Migne, Ixx. 100).

3 Soubz la quelle [pluye] germe la bonne voulente, H.

3 Inimicis benevola, bonis suis superans malos, Cass.

4 i Corinth, xiii. 4.

5 Narcissus, whose story is in Ovid, Met. iii. 341 sq.

28 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Narcisus [was] a yonge bachelere that ffor his grete beaute
seysyd hym in so grete pride J that he hadde all other in disprayes.
And because that he praysed noon but hym selphe, it is seyde that
he was so amerous and afsottede of hym selfe that he dyede after
that he hade beholden hym selfe in the welle. This is to vndir-
stonde by the ouerwenyng or ouctrecuidez man of hym selfe,
wherein he beholdyth hym. 2 Therefor it is diffendyth the good
knyght to beholde hym selfe in hys good dedes, where throwe he
myght be ouerwenyng. And to this purpose seith Socrates, u Sone,
be ware thou be not difseyvyd in thi beaute of thi youthe, ffor that
is no durable thyng."

Now lete vs sette an allegoric applyyng to owre purpose to
the .vii. dedely synnys. Be Narcisus we shall vndirstond the synne
of pride, fro the wyche the goode speryte shulde kepe hym. And
Orygene seyth in the Omelees, " Whereof it is that erth and
asshes prydeth hyme, or how derre a man rayse hym in arogance,
when he thynketh whereof he is comyn and what he shall become,
and in how frele a vefsel his 3 lyff is all naked and in what harlot-
rees he is plongeden and what onclene maters he sefseth neuer
to cast from hys flesch be all the condittes off hys body?" And
to this purpose seith Holy Scripture, [" Si ascenderit ad ccelum
superbia ejus et caput ejus nubes tetigerit, quasi sterquilinium
in fine perdetur"].*

1 Se esleua en si grant orgueil, H.

2 Cest a entendre loultrecuidance de lui meisme ou il se mira, H.

3 Thi, MS. ; est sa vie contenue, H. The translator seems to have read " toute
nue."

4 Job xx. 6, 7.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 29

XVII.

A THAMAS full of ryght grete madnes,

The goodes verily of woodnes,
She feirsly strangled hir childern tweyne. 1
Therefor ire I thefende the pleyne.

Athamas was a kyng maried to qwene Yno, the which made
sothyn 2 corne to be sowne for to disheryte hyr 3 stepe childire, for
she * with mony coromped the prestes of the lawe, the which
reported the answeres of the godes, thus seyyng to the kyng or to
theyme of the cuntre that the corne that the men hadden sowene
profyted not, where it plesyd the godes that .ii. fayre and ientyl
childir the which e the kyng hade were dreven away and exiled.
And becawse that the kyng consentyd [to] the exillyng of the .ii.
childyrne, all though that he dyde [it] ayens hys wylle and wyth
grete sorowe, the fabyl seyth that the godes luno 5 wolde take
vengance therefor and went into helle to compleyne to the godefse

1 Wrongly translated. H. reads :

Athamas plain de grant rage

La deesse de forcennage

Fist estrangler ces (sc. ses) .ii. enfans.

Pour ce grant yre te deffens.

The story (Ovid, Met. iv. 420 sq.), which is introduced again further on (p. 112), is
much confused here. It is briefly as follows. Athamas by command of Hera married
the divine Nephele, and had by her Phrixus and Helle. He was, however, more
enamoured of Ino, who bore to him Learchus and Melicertes. Nephele in her anger
having returned to heaven, Ino tried to get rid of her rival's children. For this pur-
pose she caused a famine by roasting the seed-corn before it was sown, and then
bribed the messengers whom Athamas sent to Delphi for an oracle to bring back word
that Phrixus must be sacrificed. Nephele, however, carried off Phrixus and his sister
on the ram with the golden fleece, while Athamas, driven mad by Hera, killed his son
Learchus, and Ino threw herself into the sea with Melicertes.

3 Sf. sodden ; semer le ble cuit, H.
Hys, MS.

4 He, MS.

6 Yno, MS. ; la deefse iuno, H.

5C The EpistU of Othea to Hector ;

of woodnes that sche myght come to the kyng Athamas. Than
the orrible and the ferefal goodes come with all hir serpently
herres and sette hyr on the famerelle ' of the palais and streged
hir armes to bothe sydys of the yate, and than there began sych
stryfe betwene the kyng and the qwene that werrant 2 yche of
them hade slayne othir. And whan they wend a hade rune
oute of the palais, than j?e woode goodes drwe out of hyr ryght
foule herres .ii*. horrible serpentis and kest in there lappes ;
and qwen that the goodes saw theyme so ferefall, 5 than they
wexe both madde. Athamas slewe the qwene for woodnes and
than his aL* childerne, and hym selfe leep into the see of frome
a hjTjght roche. The exposycion of this fable may wele be
that a qwen myght be so dyuers to stepe chyldirne that for
some malice she myght disheryte hem, for the which after pes
mvght notte be hadde betwene the fadir and the steppe modir.
And it myght be soo that at the last he slewe theyme. And
because that ire is a dedly vice and soo evyle that he that is sore
teynt therewyth hath no knowyng of reson, it is seide to the goode
knyght that he shuld kepe hym from ire, for it is too grete defaute
in a goode knyght to be angry. And there [fore] Arystotile seithe
"Kepe the from ire, for it trobelyth the vndyrstondyng and
destroubeth reson."

Be Athamas, the which was soo fall of ire, we shall propirly
vnderstond the synne of ire, the whiche the goode spyryte shuld
woyde from hyme. And Seynte Austyn seith in a pistyll, " Lech
as venegre, where it is poote, corrompeth the vefeell that it is in,
yf it abyde longe therinne, so ire corrumpyth the hert wherein it is
sette, yf that it abyde long thereinne, that is to seye fro day to day. 4

1 A hole in the roof for the escape of smoke, here perhaps used for the hearth ;

1 Sic, meaning appauaitry "warring"; but from the reading in H., "a pou ne se
entretuoyent," it is perhaps a mistake for " near-hand," s. nearly, almost.

Quant la deefse virent tant espouentable, H.

* Sic ira fonMijn'1: cor, si in alium dot duraverit, S. Aug. Epist. ccx. (Migne,
xniii. 958).

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 31

Therfor seyth Seynt Poule the postell, [ " Sol non occidat super
iracundiam vestram "J. 1

XVIII.

/^\FF all thyng that thou may se with ey

Fie euer the fals godes envie,
That made Aglaros 2 grennere than ivie,
The which to a ston chaunged was ferby.

A fFable seyth that Aglaros was systyr to Herce, the which was
soo feire that for hir beaute Mercurius the god of langage wedded hyr,
and thei weyre Cycropos doghters, kyng off Athenes. But Aglaros
hade so mych envie to hir syster Herce, the which for beaute was
so avaunced as to be maried to a god, that sche become throw here
ensorgyng in envye dry 3 and discolourd and grene as ivy leffe for
the envie that she hade to hyr systyr. On a day Aglaros was sette
on the thresshefolde of the dore and lettvd Mercurius the entre into

the hous, ne for no prayowr that he prayed hyre she woolde not
suffre hym to hentre. Then the gode wexe wroothe and seide
that euer myght she abide there stylle, as harde as hyr corage was ;
and than Aglaros becomme as hard as a stone. Thys fable may be
lekend in leche case to fall to some personys. Mercurius may be
a myghty man, weele spekynge, the which made his sistir to be
presound or to dye for some displesure that she hade doon to hyme,
and therefor it is seide that she was chaunged to a stone. And
becawse it is to folow a aspotte 4 ayens ientylnes to be envyous, it is
seide to the goode knyght that of all thynges he kepte hym therfro.

1 Ephes. iv. 26.

2 Aglauros or Agraulos, daughter of Cecrops. Hermes changed her into a stone
for barring his access to her sister Herse (Ovid, Met. ii. 737 sq.).

3 Dey, MS. ; seche, H.

4 Sic, probably for " too feloun a spotte " ; trop est villeine tache et contre
gentillece, H.

32 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

And Socrates seyth, " He that beryth the fardell of envie hathe
perpetuell peyne."

Lyche as this auctorite dyffendyth the good knyghte envie
the vice, Holy Scripture defendyth the good spyryte. And
Seynt Austyn seyth * that envie ys hate of othir felycite, for
the dedes of the envyos man strecheth ayens tho that be gretter
than he by cawse that he is not so grete as they, ayens tho that be
evenly to hyme because that he is notte gretter than they, and
ayens tho that be lesse than he for fere that they shold wexe as
grete as he. To this purpose Holy Scripture seyth, [" Nequam
est oculus invidi et avertens faciem suam "]. 2

XIX.

ne 3 slowe be ware that thou not be ;
Fro 4 the malyce loke that thou kepe the
Off Vlyxes, that the geauntes ye 5
Stale, though he looke neuer so clerely.

A ffable seyth that, when Vlixes retorned into Grece aftir the
destruccion off Troye, grete rages of tempestes brought hys chip
into an ile where a geaunt was that hade but on eye in the myddes
of his forred, the whiche was of an hooges gretnes. Vlixes by hy
sutylte stale it and toke it fro hym, that ys to saye he putte it owte.
This is to vndyrstond that the good knyght shulde be ware that
slowthe ouercome hym not with difseytes and willes of malycyous
peple, so that his eye be not takyn away, that is to seye, the eye of
his vndirstondynge in his worchip, in his gettyng or in that the
which is derrer to hym, as many inconu[en]iencies falleth ofte
throwe slowthe and lachefse. And to this purpose Hermes scythe,
" Blyssyd is he that vsyth hys dayes in dwe occupacions."

1 De Genesi ad litteram, xi. 13 (Migne, xxxiv. 436).

2 Eccl. xiv. 8, but the Vulg. has "lividi."

3 No, MS. ; ne soyes pas lone ne prolice, H.

4 For, MS.

Sc. the eye of Polyphemus.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 33

Where it is seide that the good knygh shulde not be ferre ne
slowe, we may vndyrstond the synne of slewthe, the which the
good spiryte shuld not haue. For, as Bede ' seith in Salomones
Prouerbes, the slowe man is not worthi to rengne with God, the
which wil not laboure for the lowe of God, and he is not worthi to
receyve the coronne promysyd to knyghtes that is a coward to
vndyrtake feldes of baytaile. Therefor the Scripture seyth,
[" Cogitationes robusti semper in abundantia, omnis autem piger
semper in egestate est "]. 2

XX.

T N no wyse stryve wyth no frosses, 3

Ne defoule the not in there brothes.
Ayens Lathonna thei afsembled sore,
And trobled the clere water hir afore.

The fable seith that the godefse Lathonna was modyr to Phebus
and to Phebe, the which is the sone and the moone, and she bare
theyme both in her wombe. Juno chased hir in euery centre
becawse she was conseyvyd wyth Jubiter hir housbond. On a day
the godefse Lathonna was trauelled gretly, and she arivede on a
wafsh and than she aboode opon the watter for to sta\vnsh hyr
grete thyrste there where a grete feleshyp of carles were ifor to
bathe them in the watyr ffor the hete of the sone. And [they]
began to chide Lathonna and trobylyd hyr watyr that she [thought] 4
to haue dronkyn of, and for no prayer that she made they wolde
not sufFyr hir drynke ne had no pete of hyre myschefe. Than she
coursyd theyme and seyde that euer aftyr mote they abyde stylle

1 Bedeisus, MS. ; no doubt a corruption of " Bede snr les Prouerbes," H. The
reference is apparently to Bede's Expositio super Parabolas, ii. 20 (Migne, xci. 995).

2 Prov. xxi. 5.

3 Sc. frogs. This story of Latona is from Ovid, Met. vi. 313 sq.

4 Cuidoit, H.

34 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

in the broththe 1 ; than were they fowle and abominable and cesyd
neuer of brayeng ne chydyng. So the carles become frosshes, the
which neuer sythyn cefsed of brayng, as it shewyth in somer tyme
by reuerys sydys. This may be takyn be communes that dedde
some dysplesur to summe grete maystres, the which made them
to be cast in a reuer and to be drounede, and thus become they
frosshes. And it is to vndyrstond that a knyght goodly shuld not
fyll hyme in the brothe of veleny, ffor leche as veleny may not
suffre ientylnesse, on the same wyse ientylnes in hym self may not
suffre velany, anamely not to stryve ne make debate wyth a persone
vilens of condicions, ne to speke outrageously. Platon seith he
that ioyneth to his ientylnes nobilnesse of goode condicions is to
prayse and he that holdyth hym content with the ientylnes that
comyth of his kyne withowtyn addyng thereto some goode con-
dicions shulde not be holdyn nobyll.

Be the carles that become frosshes we may vndyrstonde the
synne of covetyse, the which is contrary to the good sperit. For
Seynt Austyn 2 seith that a couetous man is leche to hell, for hell
cannot swolve so many sowlis to seye that he hathe inowe. Euen
so, thow all tresowre of the worlde were heppid togedir to the
pofsefsion of the couetous man, he shuld not yette [be] satisffiede.
To this purpose the Scripture seith, ["Insatiabilis oculus cupidi
in partes iniquitatis non satiabitur "]. 3

XXI.

A CORDE for no thyng with the god Bachus,

For his tachys 4 be bothe fowle and vicyous.
His disportis be neyther goode ne fyne,
For he maketh the pepyll turne to swyne.

1 Palu, H ; maresse, Wyer.

2 Perhaps in error for St. Bernard, Liber de modo bene vivendi, xliv. (Migne,
clxxxiv. 1266).

3 Eccl. xiv. 9.

4 Sc. manners ; car ses condicions sont ordes, H.

or The Poke of Knyghthode. 35

Bachus was the man that fryst plantyde vines in Grece, and
qwan thei of the cuntre felthe the streyngth of the wyne, )?e which
made thyme drownkyn, thei seide that Bachus was a god, the which
hadde yovyn syche streynghte to his plante. By Bachus is vndir-
stond drwnkkynnes, as that the whiche is a full vnbehouely thyng
to all noble men and to a man that wolde vse reson. And to this
purpose Ypocras ' seyth that superfluites of vynes and metes
distroyith body, sowle and vertues.

Be the god Bachus we may vndirstond the synne off glotenye,
ffor the which the good spyryt shuld kepe hym. Seynt Grigory
seyth in his Morralles 2 that, qwan the vice of glotenye hathe the
maystry of a person, he lefseth all the good that he hath doone ;
for, qwenne the bely is not restreynyd by abstynence, all vertues
ben drouned togedir. And therefor Seynt Poule seith, [" Quorum
finis interitus, quorum deus venter est," etc.] 3

XXII.

pIMALIONES ymage for to fele,

Iff that thou be wyse, sette (^erby no deele,
For of siche an ymage so wele wroght
The beaute thereof is to dere bought.

Pymalion was a ful sotyl workeman in makyng of ymages, and
a ffable seith fat, for ]?e grete lewdenes that he sawe in the women
of Cidonie, 4 he dispreisyd them and seyde he shuld make an ymage
wherein ther shulde be no thyng for to blame. He mad an ymage
after a woman, of souereyne beaute. When he had full made it,

1 Sc. Hippocrates, whose " dictum " was that " sanitas consistit .... non in
replendo corpus cibis et potibus " (Add. MS. 16,906, f. u).

2 Moralia, xxx. 18 (Migne, Ixxvi. 556).

3 Philipp. iii. 19.

4 The scene of the story was in Cyprus. Cidonie (Cydonie, H.) apparently
comes from a misunderstanding of Ovid, who says of Pygmalion, " Collocat hanc
stratis concha Sidonide tinctis " (Met. x. 267).

36 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

loue, the which sotely can ravysshe herds, made hym to be amorous
opon the ymage, so that for hire he was vexed with wooes of love,
full of clamorous and full of petyous syghynges that he made to hit.
Butte the ymage, which was of ston, vndirstode hym notte.
Pymalion wente to the temple of Venus and he made there so
denote prayores to hyre that the godefse [was full] of pete, 1 and in
shewyng therof the brond that she helde be hire selfe began to
take fire and shew flame, and than the louer was mery for J?at
tokyn and wente toward his ymage and toke it in his armes and
warmed it so sore wyth hys nakyd flesch that the ymage hadde lyfF
and began to speke, and so Pymalyon recouuered ioye.

To this fable may be set [many] 2 exposicions, and in leche
wise to othir sich fables ; and the poietes made them becawse that
mennes vndirstondyng shuld be the more scharppe and subtyle to
fynde dyueres exposicions. It may be vnderstond also by the
dyspreysyng that Pymalion dispreysed the lewdenes of lewde
wemen and enamoured hym on a mayden of ryght grete beaute,
the which wolde not, or myght not, vnderstond hys petous pleyntes,
no more than the ymage of a ston had done ; that is to sey, that by
thynkkyng on the fayre beautes he was enamoured, but at the last
he prayed hir so myche and kepte hym so nere hir that the
maydyn louyd hym and at his wille [he] had hir to mariage. And
thus the ymage that was hard as stone recouuered lyfF by the
godesse Venus. So it wolde be seyde that the good knygh shuld
not be afsottede of sych a made ymage in sych wise that he lyst to
folowe 3 the crafte of armes, to the which he is bownde by f>e
ordere of knyghthode. And to this purpose seyth Abtalin, 4 " It
longghit nothyng ffor a prynce to afsote hym on nothyng that is to
be reproued."

Pymaliones ymage on qwome J?e good knygh shuld not be
afsotted we shall take for the synne of lechery, from pe which )?e

1 En ot pitie. H.

2 Omitted in MS. ; plusieurs, H.

3 Que il en lait a suiure, H. ; leue to ensue, Wyer.

4 Apthalin, H. ; but it is doubtful who is meant. The name occurs in the " Dicta
Philosophorum," but not with this " dictum."

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 37

knyghtly gostly sperit shuld kepe his body. Wherefor Seynt f- 25.
Jerom saith in a pistill, " O fire of hell," seith he, " of whom the
woode is glotenye, the flambe is pride, the sparkes is foule wordes,
the smoke is evil name, the asches is pouerte, and the ende is the
turnementes of hell." To this purpose seyth Seynt Petir the
apostel, ["Voluptatem existimantes diei delicias, coinquinationes et
maculae deliciis affluentes, in conviviis suis luxuriantes"]. 1

XXIII.

Dyane remenbre besely
For the honeste of thi body ;
For hir plesyth no vileyns lyffe,
Ne non dyshoneste ne stryffe.

Dyane, that is the mone, and as }>er is no thyng so evile but
]?at it hath some goode propirte, the mone gyffeth chast condicion ;
and thei named it after a lady that so was called, the which was full
chaste and was euer a vergyn. So it wolde be seyde that honeste
of the body is full wele longgyng to a good knygh. And to this
purpose Hermes seith, " He may not be off perfyte wite that hathe
in hym no chastite."

And for to bryng to mynde the Articles of the Feyth to owre
purpose, wythowte the which a good sperit may lytell avayle, ftbr
Dyane we shall take God of Heuen, the which is withowte onv
spotte off onclen love, to whome a thyng foulede with synne may
not be agreable. To the knyghly spirite J?an it is necessari to
beleve opon the Maker of heuen and of erthe, as ]?e fyrst Article of
the Feyth seith, the which Seynte Petir the apostel sete, [" Credo
in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, creatorem coeli et terrae"]. 3

1 2 Pet. ii. 13.

2 The assignment of a particular clause in the Creed to each of the Apostles
appears in a sermon printed among the spurious works of St. Augustine (Migne,
xxxix. 2190).

38 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

XXIV.

T)E thou leke to the godesse Ceres,

That tooke fro noon but yafe to corne encres ;
In syche wyse abaundonede shulde be
The ' good knygh, well sette in his degre.

Ceres was a lady that fond the craft to erye 2 the londe, for
aforne gaineyers swe withowte laboure 3 ; and because J?at \>e londe
bare the more plenteously after j?at it was erryed, thei seide that
she was godefse of cornes, and thei called the londe after hyr name.
Wherefor it wold be seide fat, as ]?e lande 4 is habaundone[d] and a
large yefer of all goodes, on the same wyse shuld a good knygh be
habaundonede to all personys and [ought] to gyffe his helpe and
comfort aftyr hys power. And Arystotyl seyth, " Be a lyberall
gyfer and thou shalt hau frendys."

Here [for] Ceres, to whom )?e good knygh shuld resemble, we
shall take the Sone of God, whom the good spirit sholde folowe,
\ e which hath yoven so largely to vs of hy goodnes, 5 and in hym
shuld be belewede stedeffastly, as the ,ii. Article seith, the which
Seynt Jon sette, ["Et in Ihesum Christum, filium eius unicum,
Dominum nostrum "].

1 To, MS.

2 Sc. to plough.

3 Car deuant semoient les gainages sans labourer, H. "Gaineyer" is for
" gaigneur," a husbandman.

4 Lawde, MS. ; ainsi que la terre est abandonnee et large donnarresse, H.

5 Qui tant nous a largement donne de ses haulx biens, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 39

XXV.

A LL hye vertues as that he wyll sette,
** In the, as in Ysis, 1 late theyine b[e] schette
And all maner graynes fructifie ;
In sych wyse sholdest f ou edyfye. 2

Ysys, poetes seyth, is a goodefse of plantes and gryffes, and
she yevyth theyme streynght and growyng to multiply. Therefor
it is seide to fe good knyght J?at so shulde he fructifie in all vertues
and eschew all euyl vicis. And Harmes 3 to this purpose seyth,
" O man, yf j?ou knew f>e inconuenyency of vice, that }>ou woldest
be ware }?eroff and yf J?ou knew the rewarde for worthinesse, that 4
)?ou woldest loue it gretly."

There qwere it is seide fat }e good knygh shulde be leche to
Ysys, the whiche is a planter, may we vnderstond the blissyd Con-
cepcion off Jhesu Cryst by j?e Holy Gost in the Blyssyd Virgyne
Marie, modyr off all grace, of whom the grete bountes may not be
ymagenede ne holy seide, j?e which worthi Concepcion the good
sperit shuld haue holy in hym and kepe this holy Artecle stede-
fastly, as Seynt James the gretter seith, [" Qui conceptus est de
Spiritu Sancto, natus ex Maria virgine "].

1 Isis, in her original character as wife of Osiris and inventor of the cultivation of
corn.

2 Toutes vertus antes et plantes
En toy, comme Ysis fait les plantes
Et tous les grains fructifier ;
Ainsi dois tu ediffier.

So H., where " antes," sc. antez, entez, is from " enter, placer, faire entrer " (Godefroy,
s.v.*).

3 Sc. Hermes.

4 What, MS.

4O The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

XXVI.

nPO the iugement in no wyse holde the

Of Mygdas, the which no thyng wysely
Juged ; by his counsell sette thou no store,
For erys of an afse he hadde thereffore.

Mydas was a knyght ' that hadde lytell vnderstondyng ; and
a fable seyth j?at Phebus and Pan, 2 the god of pastures, 3 strove
togedir and Phebus seide that the sownde of the harpe is more to
prayse than the sownde of the pype or off the fiowte. Pan heelde
the contrarye and seide )?e sownde of the flowte was more to prayse.
Thei made Mygdas iuge off that discorde, and affter that thei were
both ioyned afore Mygdas, at long leyser he iuged that the sownde
f. 27. of J?e flowte was bettyr and more plesaunte than f>e sownde of the
harpe. So the fable seith J?at Phebus, the which was g[r]evyd [and]
hadde dyspyte off his iugement, made hym rude erys leche an afse,
in schewyng that he hadde vnderstondyng of an afse, the which
hade iuged so folyly. It may be allso that some iuged lewdely
ayens a prince or a myghty man, the whiche punychyd hym, makyng
hym to bere on hym some syngne off a ffoole, the which is to
vnderstond the eres of the afse. Also it is to vnderstond by this
fable that a good knyght shuld not hold hym content with a lewde
iugement, not grownded on reson, ne hym selfe shuld be no iuge of
so fawty a sentence. A philosopher seyth to this purpose that a
foole is leche a molle, 4 the which heryth and vnderstondyth not.
And Dyogenes lykenyth the foole to a ston.

The iugement of Mygdas, the which a good knight shulde not
kepe, we may vnderstond Pylate, the which iuged the blyssyd Sone
of God to be taken and streyned as a harpe and to be hangged

1 Vn roy, H.

2 Oan, MS., and so below.

3 Pastours, H.

4 Sc. mole ; comme la tauppe, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 41

opon the gebet of f e Crosse as a bryboure, 1 he the which was pure
wyth[out] ony spotte. Also it is to vnderstond fat fe goode
speryt shulde be ware how he shulde iuge an innocent, and he
shulde beleve the Artycle that Seynt Andrewe seith, [" Passus sub
Poncio Pylato, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus "].

XXVII.

A S trewe felawes of armes doth,

Vnto hell, whedir that sowles gothe,
Thou schuldest go, theyme to socoure serteyne
In nede, 3 lich Hercules dyde, as men seyne.

The fable seith that Thesus and Protheus s went into hell for
to rescue Proserpyne fat Pluto rauysshed, and thei hade ben evyle
begone hade not Hercules a ben for there felawes ; [for thei] 4
hade not bene socoured hade he ne be, the which dyde so notable
dedes of armes that he afFrayed all the peple off hell, and he smote
in soundir Cereberus the porteris chynnes. 5 So it is seyde fat a
good knygh shulde not faile his felawe for no maner of perell that
myght be ; for trewe felaws shuld be evyn as on thyng and all on.
And Pitagoras seyth, " Thou shuld kepe the loue of thi freende
dylygently."

By the auctorite that seith he shulde socoure his trwe freendis
in armes vnto hell we may vnderstonde the blyssyd sow e of Jhesu
Cryste, the which drewe owte the good sowles of holy patriarkes and
profhetes fat were in lymbo ; and be this example the goode sperite f. 28.
scholde draw to hym all vertues and beleve the Article that Seynt
Phelip seith, [" Descendit ad inferna "].

1 Lierres, sc. larron, H.

2 And nede, MS.. ; au besoing, H.

3 Sc. Theseus and Peirithous, who invaded the lower world in order to carry off
Persephone.

4 There is some confusion in this passage ; se Hercules, qui leur compaignon
yere, ne les eust secourus, qui tant y fist, eft., H.

6 Sc. chains ; chayennes, H.

42 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

XXVIII.

1 love and yife to hym preisyng,
And that auctorised may his techyng
Be in the ; for the welle in serteyne
He whan 2 fro the serpent with grete peyne.

Cadimus was a full noble man and ffounded Thebes, the which
was a cite of grete name. He sette f>erin a vniuersyte 3 and
hym selph was gretly lettyrd and of grete kunnyng and wysdom.
The whiche man, after that the fabyl seith, he dowted j?e serpent at
the welle. This is to vnderstond konnyng and wisdom, the which
rysyth all weye, that is for the welle ; the serpent is notyd for the
peyne and the trauell that a stodier most doute or that he gete
kunnyng. And the fable seithe that he become a serpent hym selfe,
the which is to vndirstond that he become mayster and correctore
of othir. So Othea seith that a good knygh shulde love and
worchip clerkes that be letteryd, J?e which be growndyd in konnyng.
To this purpose Aristotle seide to Alysawndre, " Worchip wisdom
and fortyfie it wyth good maystres."

Be Cadimus that douted the serpent at ]?e well, J?e whiche fe
good knygh shuld love, we may vnderstond the blyssed manhode
of Jhesu Cryste, the which douted the serpent and wanne the welle,
)?at is to sey, the lyfe of this worlde, ]?e which he pafsed with grete
peyne and with grete trauelle, off whom he hade victorie be strengh,
when he rose the thredde day, as Seynt Thomas seith, ["Tertia die
resurrexit a mortuis " ].

"?. ; '.^jito .' ' She-- isyol ^n; jobivr.i o;'iv' A >< "r''-/i bru; ,?tw3riT .V. *>

1 Sc. Cadmus, who founded Thebes and slew the dragon which guarded the

neighbouring well of Ares, and who also invented letters.

2 Sc. won ; gaigna, H.

3 Lestude y mist, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 43

XXIX.

"P^ELYTE gretly in the kunnyng
^~*^ Of Yo more than good or othir thyng ' ;
For by that thou mayst lerne full gretly
And of good theryng take largely. 2

Yo was a yong ientilwoman and -doughter to knyng Ynacus ; 3
pe which was rygh konnyng and fond many maners of letteris pat
hade not be se afore. Though that some fables sey pat Yo was
Jupiteris love and pat sche becam a kowe and after a woman as
she was, [this was not so], but, as the poietis hathe hyde trowth
vnder couerture of fable, it may be j?at Jubiter lovid hire, pat is
to vndirstond by the vertues pe which was in here 4 she become
a kowe, for, as a kowe yevith mylke, the which is swete and
norisshyng, she be the letteris that she fonde gaffe norysshyng to f. 29.
vnderstondyng. And in that she was a comon woman may be
vndirstond that here wytte was comon to all, as lettris be comon to
all peple. perfore it is seide pat pe good knygh shuld full mych
love Yo, 5 pe which may be vnderstondyn pe letteris and scriptures
and stones of good peple, pe which pe good knygh shold hire
telle gladely and reede be example of, pe which may be vailable to
hym. To this purpos Hermes seith, "Who so enforceth hyme to
gete konyng and goode condicions, he fyndith pat pe which shall
plese hym in this worlde and in the tothir."

1 Plus quen nulle autre auoir, H.

2 Et du bien largement y prendre, H. The strange word " theryng " is probably
nothing more than " therein."

3 See Ovid, Met. i. 583 sq. The source of the statement that lo invented letters
is doubtful. Possibly it rests only on the two lines (ib. 649) :

Littera pro verbis quam pes in pulvere duxit
Corporis indicium mutati triste peregit.

4 Les vertus de iupiter, H.
> Tho, MS.

44 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Yo, the which is noted for letteris and scriptures, may be
vnderstondyn fat fe good sperit shuld delyte hym to reede or to
here Holy Writte and not ' fe Scriptures in his mynde, and thereby
may he lerne to clyme to hevyn with Jhesu Cryst by good werkys
and holy contemplacion and shuld beleve the worethi Article that
Seynt Bertylmw seith, ["Ascendit ad coelos, sedet ad dexteram
Dei Patris Omnipotentis "].

XXX.

"DEWARE in whatte place so that it be
In the noyse of flowtes slepe not ye ;
For Mercurius that softe syngeth
With his flowte f e peple enchaunteth.

A fFabill seyth fat, when Jubiter louede fayre Yo, Juno had
hym gretly in suspeccion and discendid from heven in a skye 2 for to
take hire husbonde whit 3 the dede. But qwhan Jubiter sawe hir
come, he chawnged his love to a cowe ; yit for all that Juno was
[not] owt of suspeccion, but askyd hym fe cowe of yifte, and
Jubiter ayens his lyst grauntyd [it] to hyr, as he fat dryst not
ayens say hire for doute of suspeccion. pan Juno gaffe Argus,
fe which hade .c. yen, this cow to kepe, and euer he wchid 4 it.
But the god Mercurius by f e commaundement of Jubiter toke his
flowte, fe which song softly, and blew so longe in Argus eyre fat
all his .c. eyne were aslepe. Than he smote of hys hede and toke
the cowe.

The exposicion of this fable may be as fat some myghthi man
loved a gentilwoman ; than his wyf tooke to hire for to make
wache on hir husbonde fat he difseyvyd hire not, and feropon
sette grete weches and clere seers, fe which may be noted for

1 St. note.

2 St. cloud ; en vne nue, H.

3 Sf. with ; surprendre ou fait, H.
' 4 Sc. watched; la gaitoit, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 45

Argus eyne. But f>e louer by a person malicius and well spekyng
dide so miche }?at ]?e kepers concentyd to gyf hym hys love, and
thus were thei browght aslepe by Mercurius flowte and hade there
hedes smyttyn off. Therefore] it is seyde to ]?e good knyght J?at
he shulde not suffre [himself] to be brought on slepe with non
swiche flovte as to be robbed of that ]>e which he shuld kepe.
And to this purpos Hermes seith, " Kepe thou fro j?o that is
gouuernede be malice."

Be Mercurius flovte we may vnderstond fat f>e goode sperit be f.
not disseyvid by ]?e hold enemy trowe l ony mysbeleve of j?e feyth
or othir wyse than he shuld beleue stedefastly )?e Article J?at Seynt
Matheu \>t Euangelist seith, j?at God shall come and iuge j?e qweke
and the dede, where he seith, [" Inde venturus iudicare vivos et
mortuos "].

XXXI.

n^HINKETH that Pirus 2 shalle resemble

His fadire and that he shal trobyle
His enemyis and put theyme to distres ;
The deth he shall venge for Achilles.

Pyrus was Achilles sone and resembled full wele his ffadir
in streyngh and hardines, and after the deth of his fadyr he come
to Trove and full charply venged his fadir and hurte grettly the
Troyens. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght )>at, yf he have
myssedone to the ffadir, lete hym be ware of the sone, when he
comyth to age, and, yf the fadir be worthi or manly, J?e sone shulde
be )>e same. The wise 3 man seith to this purpose that the fadris
dethe asketh the sone )?e vengaunce ]?erfore.

1 Sc. through.

2 Sf. Pyrrhus.

3 Which, MS. ; vn sage, H.

46 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

There where he seith ]?at Pirus shulde be lech his fader, by
]?at we may vnderstond the Holy Gost, the which procedyth of
the Fadir, in whome the good sperit shulde beleve, as Seynt James
J?e lefse seith, [" Credo in Spiritum Sanctum "].

XXXIL

T T AUNT thow the temple and worchip in tyme

The godefse ' of heven, and at all tyme
Aftir Cafsaundra kepe thow the gyse,
Yif )?at f?ou wilt be holdyn for wyse.

Cafsandra was Kyng Priantes doghtere, and she was a full
good lady and a devoute in there lawe. She seruyd the godefse and
haunted pe temple and she spak but lytell withowtyn cawse, and
when she most speke she spake nothyng but that was trewe, ne she
was neuer founde with no lesyng ; she was full konyng. Therefor
it is seide to ]?e good knygh fat he shulde be leke hir, for lewde
costomes and lesynges ys gretly to blame in a knyte ; for he shulde
serue God and worchip the temple, ]?at is to sey, the chirche and
the ministres thereof. And Pictagoras seith, " It is a ryght love-
able thyng to serue God and to halowe hys seyntes." 2

The a[u]ctorite seyth ]?at J?e good knygh shulde haunte the
temple. In leche wyse the goode sperit shuld do, and he shulde
haue synguler deuocion in the feythefull holy chirche and in the
communion of seyntes, as the Article seyth that Seynt Symond
made, the which seyth, [" Sanctam ecclesiam catholicam, sanctorum
communionem"].

1 St. gods ; les dieux, H.

2 A wrong translation tres louable chose est seruir dieu et sainctifier ses sains,
H. ; tous ses sens humains, G. de Tign.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 47

XXXIII.

"V/T }7ou vvylt often haunt the se,

Of Neptunus thou shuld ofte remenbre the,
And thou shuldest halow gretly his feste,
That he may kepe the euer fro tempest.

Neptunus opon the paynemes lawe was called ]?e god of f>e see,
and therefor it is seyde to the good knygh J?at he shuld serue hym,
)>at is to vndirstond J?at knyghttes, the which gosh often in many
viages on the se or in other diueres perelles, haue more nede to be
devoute and to serue God and his seyntens than othir peplyl, to
the entente [)>at] at here nede he may be socourable and helpy to
theyme. And thei shulde take a synguler deuocion to some seynte
be deuowte prayers, by the which thei may calle to hym or hire in
there besynes. And that prayer wyth hert is not all only sufficiaunt,
the wise man seith that God all only ys not well serued be wordes
but by goode dedes.

Be Neptunus to whom the good knygh shulde calle yf he go
ofte by the se we shall vndirstond that the goode sperite, the
[which] is continually in the se of the worlde, he shulde calle
deuoutely opon his Maker and pray that he wylle gyffe hym grace
so to life that he may haue remissyon of his synnes, and he shulde
beleve the Article j?at Seynt Jude seyth [" Remifsionem pecca-
torum "].

XXXIV.

T OOKE at all tymes thou take goode hedde
\y* Bothe to Acropose 1 craft and his spede, 3
Which smyteth and sparyth non in no kynde ;
That shal make the to haue ]?i soule in mynde.

1 Atropos, one of the Fates, here represented as masculine ; a Atropos et a son
dart, H.

48 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Poyetis calle deth Accropos ; wherefor it is seide to the good
knyght that he shulde thyngke j?at he shal not euer lyffe in this
worlde, but sone depart derefro. Therfor he shulde sette more
store by the vertues of the soule than to delytte hym in bodely
delytes; and all Christen pepill 1 shulde thynkke J?eropon to the
entent that [t]he[i] myght remembre to 2 provide for the soule, }?e
which shall endure withowtyn ende. And to this purpose Pytagoras
seith that, lech as owre begynnyng comyht of God, owre ende most
nedes be there.

There where it is seyde to the good knygh that he shulde take
hede to Acropos, the which is notyd for deth, the same shuld the
goode sperite haue, the which by J?e merites of the Pafsyon of
owre Lord Jhesu Cryste shulde haue stedefaste hoope with the
payne and delygence that he shuld put therto to haue heuen at the
last ende ; and he shuld beleue stedefastly to ryse ayene at )?e day
of dome to haue euerlestyng lyfe yf he deserue it, as Seynt Mathi
seith in the last Article, where he seith, ["Carnis resurrectionem,
vitam aeternam " ].

XXXV.

T3ELOROPHON 3 lete hym example be
*-^ In all maner of dedes that doo will he,
The which hade mech leuer to dye
Than to supporte vntrouth be any weye.

Belorophon was a knyght of ryght grete beaute and full of
trowthe. His stepmodir louyd hym so hoote j?at sche required it
of hym and, because that he wold not concent to hir will, sche
dyde so myche that he was condempned to be deuoured with feers

1 Tout crestien, H.

2 The, MS. ; la prouision, H.

s Bellerophon, whose story is here confused with that of Hippolytus by making
Anteia his stepmother.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 49

bestis, and he had mo lyste to chese the deth l than to do vntrwthe.
To this purpose Hermes seyth, " Be glader to dye withowte cawse
than to do a inconuenyence."

We schall come now to declare the Commawndementis off
the Feyth, and there too we shall take an allegoric to oure
purpose.

Berolophon, the which was so full of trowthe, may be noted
for God of Heuen and, as his hy mercy hath ben to vs, and is, full
of all trouth, we may take the Fryst Commawndement, the which
seith, " Thou shalt worchip no strawnge goddes." To this seith
Seynt Austyn that the worchippe the which is called latre 2 thou
shulde not do it, neythir to ydoile ne to ymage ne to no lekenes
of no maner of creature, for that is a dew worchyppe all only to
God, and in this Commawndement is defendede all ydolatrie. To
that owre Lord seyth in the Gospell, [ " Dominum Deum tuum
adorabis et illi soli seruies " ]. 8

XXXVI.

TV /T AYMON,* thyn owyn trewe cosyn indede,
The which is thy neyghburgh at )?i nede,
He louyd the so meche thou ought hym loue,
And for his nede arme thy body aboue.

Kyng Maymon was cosyn to Hector and of the Troyens lyne,
and when Hector [was] in fers bayteyles, where he was oftyn
grettely oppressed with his enemyes, Maymon, the which was a full

1 II mieulx ama eslire la mort, H.

3 Deere, MS.; latrie, H.; latria, Wyer; eo ritu ac servitute quse grsece Xar/oem
dicitur et uni vero Deo debetur, Aug. de Civitate Dei, vi. praef. (Migne, xli. 173).

3 Matt. iv. 10.

4 Memnon, the Ethiopian, whose father Tithonus was half-brother to Priam,
being son of Laomedon by a different mother.

5O The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

worchipfull knyght, folowed hym euer nere and socoured Hector
and brake the grete presses of pepyll. And that shewed wele ;
ffor when Achilles hade sleyn hym by treson, Maymons wonded
Achilles sore and [wolde haue] sleyne ' hym, hade not socoure
acome to hym in hast. Therefor it is seide to the goode knygh f>at
he shulde loue hym and socoure hym at his nede ; and this is to
vnderstonde that euery prince and goode knygh which hath kyne,
be thei neuer so lytell or poore, so he be goode and trwe, 2 he
shulde loue hym and support hym in his dedes and en specyall
whene he felyth hym trewe to hym. And it happenyth some tyme
that a grete prince is better louede and more trwly of his poore
kyne than off a full myghtye man. And to this purpose seith
Rabyon 3 the phelesophre, " Encres ffrendes, for they shall be
socourable to the."

Be Maymon, ]?e trwe cosyn, we may vnderstonde God of
Heven, J?e which hath bene a full trwe cosyn for to take owre
manhode, fe which benefette we may not guerdon. Thus here
may we take the Secunde Commawndement, that seith, " Thow
shake not take the name of God in veyne," that is to sey, as Seynt
Austyn seith, 4 " Thou shalt not swere dyshonestly, ne withowte a
cawse, ne for colour of falsenes, for there may no gretter abusyon
ben than to brynge to a flasse 5 wittenes the chefe and the ryghte
stefast trowthe." And in this Commawndement all lesynges be
defendede, all periure and all blaspheme. The lawe seith to this
purpose, [" Non habebit Dominus insontem eum qui afsumpserit
nomen Domini Dei sui frustra "]. 6

1 Leust occis, H.

2 Trvvee, MS.

3 "Rabion" in the " Dicta Philosophorum " (Add. MS. 16,906, f. gb), where the
sentence is "Multiplica amicos qui sunt medicamina animarum." The Museum MSS.
of G. de Tignonville's French version and of the English versions of Earl Rivers and
Scrope read " Sabion " or " Zabion."

4 Cf. Sermo clxxx. (Migne, xxxviii. 972).
6 Sf. false.

6 Exod. xx. 7,

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 51

XXXVII.

A VYSE the, or ony worde be shewede,
"^^ Off grete manisynges, 1 nyse or lewde,
Comyng forthe of thi mowth be to grete ire,
And looke well in Leomedom the fire. 2

Leomedon was kyng of Troye and fader to Priant and, when
Jason, Hercules and theire felawes went to Colcos for to gete the
flese of gold and were arived and discendid at the porte of Troye
ffor to refreysche theyme withowte ony hurte of the cuntre,
Leomedon, not wele avised, sent bostus mesangers 3 to voyde
theyme of the lond and to manyce theym gretly, if thei voyded not
in hast. Than the barons of Grece were so wrooth for that
wrongfull conveyng J?at after that folowede the destruccion of the
fryst Troye. perfor it is seide to ]>e good knyght that, stondyng
the worde of manace is foule and velyens, it shulde be sadely
pafsede 4 or that it were spokyne, for many grete hurtes oftyn f - 34-
tymes folowyth theroff. To this purpose the poyete Omer seith,
" He is wyse that can refreyne his mowth."

How the worde of grete manase cometh of arrogaunce, and
fat to breke J>e Commawndment it is also an ouerhoope, 5 we may
vndyrstonde by this that noon shulde breke the halyday, for f>at is
ayenst the Commawndment J>at is seide, " Vmbethynke the to
halowe the Sabat." By the which Seynt Austyn seith it is com-
mawndede vs to halowe the Sunday in the stede of the Jues Sabat,
for than we shuld solemply allso take reste bodyly, cesyng solemply
of all werkes of thralledom, and to be in rest of sowle in cesyng

1 Sc. menacings ; de grant menace, nyce et fole, H.

2 Et en Leomedon te mire, H.

8 Enuoya messages laidement congeer, H. The word "bostus" is apparently
connected with " bost, boast," meaning " boastful " or " threatening."

4 Sc. well weighed ; moult pesee, H.

5 Et brisier commandement soit autressi oultrecuidance, H.

52 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

off all synne. And to this purpose Ysaye seyth, the profyte,
["Quiescite agere perverse, discite bene facere"].'

XXXVIII.

no thyng to be in certeynete
Vnto that J?e trowth wele knowyn be ;
For a lytell of presumcion
Piramus maketh the mencion.

Pyramus was a yong ientylman of the cyte of Babylonie, and
ffro that he was but vii. yere olde loue woundede hym with his
darte, and [he] was sore takyne with the loue of Tysbe the feyre
yong ientylwoman, j?e which was leke to hym in kyn and of age ;
and by J?e grete hauntyng of J?e twoo louers togedir J?e grete loue
was perseyuid and by a seruaunte accused to J?e modir of J?e yong
gentylvoman, J?e which tooke hir dougter and schette hir in hir
chambre and she shulde kepe hir wele inowgh from the hauntyng
of Piramus. And ferfor j?er was grete woo betwyne f>e two
childyrne in full pitous complayntes and wepyng. That prison
dured longe, but as they wexe in age ]?e sparke of loue encrefsed ;
for all ther longe absence it qwenchid neuer the more. Bytweyne
f e places of ther kyne 2 was but a thynne wall. Thesbe perceyved
the wall crafsed, 3 where throw she saw brygnes 4 on the tofer side ;
than she toke the pendavnde of hir gyrdill 5 and put it throw the
crevefse to ]?e entent f>at hir loue myht perseyue it, as that he dede
in schorte tyme. And there thei ii louers made ofte there
afsembles wiht full petous compleyntes. At the laste, as two sore
constreynyd be loue, there acorde was sich that [that] nyte in the
fryst qwarter of the nyght they shulde parte fro there kynne and

1 Isai. i. 1 6, 17.

2 Les palais des parens, H.

3 Sc. cracked ; creuee, H.

4 Sc. brightness ; la leur, H.

6 Le mordant de sa ceinture ficha par la creueure, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 53

mete vvithowte the cyte at a well vndir a qwythe thorne, 1 w[h]ere in
there childehode they were wonte to pleye. When Thesbe was
come to the welle all alone and ferefull, she harde a lyon come full
rudly, ffor the which she, full of fere, fledde and layde hyr in a
bosche fast by ; but in the waye felle from hir a white wymple.
Piramus come, the which by the moneshyne perseyuyd the
wymple, but the lyon hade fylyd it and made it all blody, the 2

In s as mych as the nutte is better than the shelle, 4 it is seyde f. 35-
to the good knyght fat he shulde not sette his thowght in felicite,
fat fe parseyvyng of worthines be leste therefor. To this purpose
Hermes seith that it is better to haue pouerte in doyng goode
dedys than riches lewdly or evyl getyn, standing worthines is
euerlestyng and riches voide and dissauable.

Juno, whom he shulde not sette myche by, J?e which is takyn
for ryches, we may vnderstond ferby fat fe good spyrit shulde

1 Vn morier blanc, H , sc. a white mulberry, cf. Arbor ibi, niveis uberrima pomis,
Ardua morus, erat, Ovid, Met. iv. 89.

2 These words are at the bottom of f. 34b, after which there is a lacuna of a
whole quire. The story in H. goes on " le lyon qui sus ot vomy lentraille dune beste
quil ot deuouree. Oultre mesure fu grande la douleur de Piramus, qui cuida samie
deuouree des fieres bestes ; done apres moult piteux reclaims soccist de son espee.
Tisbee sailli du buisson, mais quant elle entent les sanglos de son ami qui mouroit et
elle voit lespee et le sane, adonc par grant douleur sus son ami chay, qui a elle parler
ne pot, et apres plusieurs grans plains, regrais et pasmoisons soccist de la mesmes
espee." The mythological personages dealt with in the missing pages are ^Esculapius,
Achilles, Busiris, Leander, Helen, Aurora, Pasiphae, Adrastus, Cupid, Corinis, and Juno.

3 The preceding "texte" and "glose" in H. are as follows :

De luno ia trop ne te chaille,
Se le noyel mieulx que leschaille
Donneur desires a auoir,
Car mieulx vault proece quauoir.

luno est la deesse dauoir selon les fables des poetes, et pour ce que auoir et richece
couuient auoir et acquerir a grant soing et traueil et que tel soing peut destourner a
honneur acquerre et comme honneur et vaillance soit plus louable que richeces de tant
comme la noyel vault mieulx que leschaille, etc.

4 Slelle, MS.

54 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

disprayse ryches. And Seynt Bernard seith, " O son off Adam,
leue couetyse. Wherefor louest thou so mych this worldly ryches,
the which be neythir trwe ne thei be not yowres, and, whej?J?er
ye will or non, at yowre dethe ye most nedis leue theyme ?" And
the Gospell seyth fat a chamelle shuld sotmer pafse throwe an
nedelles ye than a riche man shuld entre into the kynddom of
heuen ; for a chamel hath but oo boche on the bake ' and the evyl
ryche man hath .ii., on of evill pofsefsions and }?e tothir of synnes.
He most nedis leue the fryst boche at the dethe, but fe tothir,
wheythir he will or non, he shall bere with hym, if he leue it not
afore or that he dye. To this purpose oure Lord seith in fe
Gospell, [" Facilius est camelum per foramen acus transire quam
divitem intrare in regnum ccelorum"]. 2

A YENS Amphoras 3 sad counsell, I )?e sey,

Go not to distrye, for than thou shalt dye,
To Thebes, ne in the cete of Arges
Afsemble not host with chelde ne targes.

Amphoras was a full wyse clerk of the cete of Arges and
hade myche connyng, and, when kyng Adrastus wolde go oppon
Thebes for to distrye the cyte, Amphoras, fe which by kunnyng
knewe what harme myth fall ferof, counseld the kyng not to goo ?
for, yf he wente, thei all shulde be dede a[n]d dystroyed ; but he
was not beleuyd. Yit it felle as he seyde. Wherefor it is seide
to the good knyght )?at ayens the counsell of wyse men he shulde
take no grete enterpryse. But as Soleyne 4 seith, "The wyse
manes counsell vayleth lytell to hym j?at wyl not do therafter."

1 St. one hump on the back.

2 Matt. xix. 24.

3 Amphiaraus, hero and seer, joint king of Argos with Adrastus, whose sister
Eriphyle he married. Against his own opinion he was induced by his wife to join the
expedition of the Seven against Thebes.

4 St. Solon, but the sentence is not under his name in the " Dicta Philosophorum."

-, or The Boke of Knyghthode. 55

Be Amphoras counsel, ayens the which non shulde goo to bateyle,
we may take that the goode sperit shuld folowe holy prechyngges.
And Seynte Gregorie seyth in his Omelies }?at, lech as the lyffe of
the body may notte be susteyned withowte that he take his refec-
cion bodyly, on the same wyse fe lyfe of the soule may not be f. 36-
susteined withowte ofte heryng the good worde of God. 1 Than
Godes wordes the which ye here 2 with youre bodely heris reseyue
them in yowre hertis ; for, whan the word is hed and kepte in yowre
wombe of mynde, than it may profyte, but, as a seke stomak
castyth owt his mete, and as men be in dispayre of hym that
brokyth notte but casti[t]h all owte, euen so his he in perell of
euerlastyng dethe ]?at heryth prechyng and doth not ferafter.
perfor the Scriptur seith, [ u Non in omni solo pane vivit homo, sed
in omni verbo quod procedit de ore Dei."] 3

LI.

OUERNE thou thi tong aftir Saturne ;

Late not evill theryn long soiorne.
To speke to mech it is a fowle custome,
And grete foly j?erin is to presume.

Saturne, as I haue seide before, 4 * is a planeth hevy and sclowe.
Therfor it is seide to j>e good knyght that his tong shulde be leke
to hym ; for the tong shulde not be to hasty in spekyng to mych,
but wysyly, so that it speke non harme of noon, ne no thyng J?at
a mane myth there impresun folye, 5 for a poyete seyth, " By the
worde men knowyth a wyse man, and by the looke a foole."

1 What St. Gregory really says is, " Sicut carni vestrae, ne deficiat, cibos quotidie
praebetis, sic mentis vestrse quotidiana alimenta bona sunt opera. Cibo corpus pascitur,
pio opere spiritus nutriatur," Horn. v. in Evang. (Migne, Ixxvi. 1092).

2 Worde ye here the which, MS.

3 Matt. iv. 4.

4 See p. 19.

5 Ne chose dont vn puist presumer folie, H.

56 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Be the tong, the which shulde be lech Saturne, is vndirstonden
the sadenes 1 of speche. Hue of Seynt Victore seith to this purpose
that \>Q mouth }?e which hathe not the kepyng of discrecion farith
as a cete that is withoute a walle, as a vefsell that hathe no bothom, 2
as an horse that hath no brydel, and as a chippe f>at hath no rothir.
An evil kepte tong glydith as an ele, it perchith as an arwe ;
frendes [are] sone turned therby and ennemyes multiplied. It is
sclaunderus and soweth discordes ; at a strok it smyttyth and
kyllyth many persones. Whoso kepyth his tong kepith his soule ;
for 3 deth and lyffe is in the poure off j?e soule. And to this purpose
Dauid seith in the Sawter booke, [" Prohibe linguam tuam a malo,
et labia tua ne loquantur dolum"]. 4

LIL

"DELEUE the Crow and his true counsell,

And be neuer besy ne trauele
In evil thyngges ; to be J?e berer
Off thi deme thou mayst be J?e suerer. 5

The fable seith that the crowe mette \>Q ravyn when he browte
the tidynges to Phebus of his loue Corinis, fe which hade done
amysse, and she 6 requiryd of hym sc ferre fat he tolde hyr 7 the
cawse of this iurneye. But 8 she dissalowed hyme because he

1 Sc. discretion ; lente de parler, H.

2 Couuercle, H.

3 Fro, MS. ; qui garde sa lengue il garde son ame, car la mort et la vie sont en
la puissance de la lengue, H.

4 Ps. xxxiii. 14.

5 The " texte " in H. is :

Croy la corneille et son conseil. De male nouuelle apporter ;

Jamais ne soyes en esueil Le plus seur est sen depporter.

6 He, MS.

7 Hym, MS.

8 Literally translated, this sentence should read : " But she (the crow) dissuaded
him from going by giving him an example of herself, who for a like case had been
driven from the house of Pallas," etc. See Ovid, Met. ii. 542.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 57

went not for to gyffe hym example of the same, the which for a
lych cas hade ben chassede owte of the pallas howse, where some
[time] [s]he was wonte to be gretly avanced. But he wolde not
beleue hyr, for J?e which harme folowed to hym. Where it is seyde
to j?e good knyght fat he shulde trost f e crowe ; and Platon seith,
" Be no iangeler ne to the knyng grete reportur of tydynges."

How the crowe shulde be beleued, it is seide that the goode
speryte shulde vse sych counsell. As Seynt Grigorie seith in his
Omelies, fat strenght vailet not when counsel is not, ffor streynght
is sone ouerthrowyn, iffe it be not rested opon the gyfte of counsell,
and the soule fe whych hath lost in hym the seege of counsell
outewarde he is dysparbuled l in diuerse desires. Therefor the
wyse man seyth, [" Si intraverit sapientia cor tuum, consilium
eustodiet te et prudentia servabit te"]. a

LIII.

IFF thou enforce the with 3 any wyght
Strenger than thou to make playes of myghte,
Withdrawe the fayre fat hurte thou ne be ;
Off Ganymedes vmbethynk the.

Ganymedes* was a yong ientilman of the Troyens ligne ; and
a fable seith fat Phebus ,and he strof togedir in castyng of a barre
of yron, and, as Ganymedes myth not withstond the strenght of
Phebus, he was slayne wyth f e reboundyng of f e barre Phebus
hade lawnchyd so hye that he had lost f e syght f erof. And f erfor
it is seyde that fe stryffe is not goode with a strenger and a

1 Se espart, H.

2 Prov. ii. 10, ii.

3 Which, MS.

4 Ganymedes was son of Tros and brother of Ilus and Assaracus. His well-
known story is here confused with that of Hyacinthus, who was accidentally killed in a
game of discus with Apollo (Ovid, Met. x. 184).

58 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

myghtier than a man is hym selfe, flfor ther may not cumme thereof
but grete inconuenyencie. Where a wyse man seith, " To be besy
with men )?at vse vngracious games, it is a syngne of pride, and
communly the ende is angry."

Fore to sey that a man shuld not enforce hym ayens a streynger
J?an he is hym selfe, it is to vndirstond that the goode sperite shulde
not take on hym to stronge pennawnce withowte counsell. Seynt
Grigori in his Moralles spekyth hereof and seyth )?at penawnce
profytteth not, yf it be not discrete, ne the vertue of abstynens is
not worthe, yf it be sette in sych wyse that it be scharper than the
body may suffre. And J?erfor it is to conclude ]?at no poore person
shulde take it on hym withowte counsel off more discrete than
hym selfe. Where the wyse man seyth in his Prouerbes, [ " Ubi
multa consilia, ibi est salus "].'

LIV.

ESEMBLE not to Tasone, that man

The which throu} Medee f e fleze wan

Off golde, for ]?e which soon afterwarde
He yafe hire right evill guerdon and harde.

Jason was a knyght of Grece, J?e which went into strawnge
cuntreis, that is to sey, into the lie of Colcos, by the enortyng off
his vncle Pelleus, the which of envy desired his deth. There was
a chepe 2 fat hadde a flees of golde and it was kepte by enchaunt-
ment ; but the conquest was so strong that non comme thedir but
that lost there lyfe. Medee, the whiche was the kynges doughter
of that cuntre, toke so grete loue to Jason j?at by the enchaunt-
mentes that sche cowde, off the which sche was a soueren maysteres,
she made charmes and lerned Jason enchauntementis by the whiche

1 Prov. xxiv. 6.

2 Sc. sheep.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 59

he whanne the fleese of golde, wereby he hade worchip aboue all
knyttes lyvynge, and by Medee was reserued fro deth, to whom he
hade promysyd euer to be trwe freende. But efftyr he fayled of hys
feyth and loued anothir and left hyr holy 1 and forsoke hir, not-
withstondyng she was off soueren beaute. Therfor it is seyde to
the good knyght that he shulde not be leke to Jason, the which
was vnknowyn and to ontrwe to f>at the which hade schewed hym
mych goodenes. 2 Wherefor it is to veleyns a thyng for a knyght
or any nobill person to be rekeles or evyll knowyng of goodenesse,
iff any he hath reseyuyd, be it of lady or off gentylwoman or off
ony othir persone ; ffor he shulde euere thynke thereon and
guerdon it vnto his powere. To this purpose Hermes seith, " Be
not slowe ne delayyng to remembre of hym }?at hath doone the
goode, for thou shuldest euer thynkke thereopon."

The good sperite shulde not be leke to Jason, the which was
rekeles, ne vncunnyng of the benefices reseyvid of his Maker. And
Seynt Barnarde seith opon the Cantecles that vnkunnyng is
ennemye to the soule, a lesser of vertues and dispraysyng of meritis
and a lessyng of beneficis, and allso ingratitude fareth as nowght, 3
the which dryeth the well of pete, the dewe of grace and the reuer
of mercye. And to this purpose the wyse man seith, [" Ingrati
enim spes tanquam hibernalis glacies tabescet et disperiet tanquam
aqua supervacua."]*

LV.

I/ 7 " EPE the wele fro the serpent Gorgon ;

Be ware that thou looke not hyr 5 opon ;
Haue good sadde mynde opon Percyualle, 6
And he shall the tell the story all.

1 Sc. wholly ; du tout, H.

3 Descongnoissant et desloyaulx a celle qui trop de bien lui ot fait. H.

3 Comme vn vent sec, H.

4 Sap. xvi. 29.

5 Hym, MS. ; ne la regardes, H.
' Perseus, H.

6o The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Gorgon, as the fable seith, was a gentylvoman of souereyne
beaute ; but because that Phebus ' lay by hyr in the temple of
Diane, the godes was so sore meved and grevyd that she schawnged
hir into a serpent of ryght orribil figure. And fat serpent hade
sich a propirte fat euery man that [be]helde hir was changed
sodeynely into a ston ; and for the harme that folwed of hire
Percyvale, the worthi knyght, went for to fyght with that fers beste.
And he behelde hym selfe in the bryghtnes of his shelde, the whiche
was all golde, because he shulde not beholde the evill serpent, and
he dide so mych fat he smote of hir 2 hede. Many exposicions may
be made of this fable, and Gorgon may be vndirstonden for a cete
or a towne fat was wonte to be of grete bounte, but throw the vicis
of the duellers f erin it become a serpent and venemus ; that is
to vnderstonde, fat it dede mych harme in the marches to there
neygburs, as to robbe and to pyll holy chirche, 3 all tho fat thei
myghte gete, and merchawndys and othir pafseris forby were takyn
and holden and putinstreyte presonys and thus were thei chawnged
into stones. Percivale, that behelde hym selfe in his chelde, fat is
to sey, in his strynght and knyghode, and went to fyght ayens the
cite, he tooke it and tooke the power fro it, fat it dede no more
harme. 4 ' It myght be that some man myght take a full feyre lady
of evyll dedys, fe which bi hire couetise put many from there
goodes, but he put hir from fat wyll ; and many othir vndir-
stondynges may be sette herein. Therefor it is seide to fe good
knyght that he kepe hym fro behaldyng evill thyngges, fe which
myght drawe hym to evyll. And Aristotil seith, " Fie peple full of
wikydnes and befolowe wyse men and stody in there bookes and
beholde thy selfe in theire dedes."

How that Gorgon shulde notte be beholden, fat is to sey fat

1 Elsewhere it is Poseidon who was Medusa's lover Hanc pelagi rector templo
vitiasse Minervae Dicitur (Ovid, Met. iv. 797). Her hair alone was changed into
serpents.

2 His his, MS.

3 " Holy chirche " is the translator's addition, not being in H.

4 Le pouoir de plus mal faire, H.

or The Boke o/ Knyghthode. 61

f>e good sperite shuld not behold no thyng in no maner delyte, but
beholde ! hym in fe childe 2 of \> e state of perfeccion, and fat is
for to fle delites. Aristotyl 3 seithe fat, as it is impossibyl fat [fire
shuld burn in water, so it is impossibyl fat] compunccion * of herte is
among wor[l]dly delites, for thei be .ii. contrary thynges fat
distroyith iche of them othir, for compunccion is modir of terres
and delites engenderyth laughynges, compunccion restreynyth the f - 4-
hert and delites enlargeth it. To thys purpose seyth Holy
Scripture, " They fat sowyn in wepyng shal repyn in lawyng." 5

LVI.

that loue make shorte to f e fe nyght,

Be ware Phebus noye the not with his myght,

Wherby thou mayst be take and tied

In Vlnecans lyeines and ouerleyede. 6

A flfable seith that Mars and Venus loued togedir par amovres.
It flfelle on a nyght that f e 7 loueres were aslepe, arme in arme.
Phebus, the which sawe clerly, come opon theyme and for the
which he accused theyme to Vulcans, Venus husbond. Than he,
fat sawe theyme in that plyte, forged a lyeine and a cheyne of bras
and bond them togedir so that thei myght not meve, as he fat is
smyth of heuen and can worke sotely, and thus he come opon

He holde, MS.

2 &. shield.

3 Crisostome, H. and other Fr. MSS.

4 Comme cest impossible que le feu arde en leaue, aussi est ce impossible que
compunccion, etc., H. The translator's omission of the words in brackets was no doubt
due to the repetition of " impossible que."

5 Ps. cxxv. (cxxvi.) 5. This is the only instance in which the quotation at the end
of an allegory is filled in.

6 Es liens Vulcanus et surpris, H.

7 That )>at, MS.

62 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

theyme and thanne went he forth [to] the tothir godes ' and sheued
theyme his shame. And the fable seith that sich rotters there be
J?at wolde full fayne falle in )?e same mysdede. 2 To this fabill may
be sette diuers exposicions, and it may full souereynly towche some
poyntes of astronomye 3 to tho J?at sotely can vndirstond it. Mars *
to owre purpose seith J?at J?e good knyght shulde kepe hym fat in
syche [cas] he be not ouerlede before yetilnes of tyme. 5 And a
wyse man seith, " Vnnethes is ony thynge of secrete but that of
some it is perceyuyd."

There where f e auctorite seith bat, if lowe 6 schorte the nyghte to
the, we shall sey J>at )>e gode sperit shulde kepe hym from j?e
wacches of the fende. Seynt Leo the pope seith to this, (?at fe
holde ennemy, the which transfygured hym into an angell of lyght,
sesseth not to strech his snaris of temptacions ouer all and to aspie
how he may corumpe )?e feithe of good beleuers ; he beholdyth
whome he shall embrace with J?e fyer of couetyse, whom he shall
enflame with the brennyng desyre of lechery, to whom he shall
purpose the lekerousnes of glotenye ; he examynyth of all customes,
discutyth of hertes, commyteth 8 affeccions and there seketh he
cause of iniure where he fyndeth hyme. Therefor seyth Seynt
Petyr the apostle, ["Sobrii estote et vigilate quia adversarius
vester diabolus tanquam leo rugiens circuit quaerens quern
devoret "].

1 ii (sf. two, deux), MS. ; ala querre les autres dieux, H.

8 Que tel sen rioit, qui bien voulsist en semblable meffait estre encheut, H.

3 Darguemie, sc. alchemy, H.

4 Read " But to our purpose it seith." The translator has misread " Mais " in
the original as " Mars " ; mais a nostre propos veult dire, H.

5 Que en tel cas ne soil surpris par oubli, H.
8 Sf. love.

7 Myght, MS.

8 Coniecture, H

9 i Pet. v. 8.

or The JBoke of Knyghthode. 63

LVII.

HPHAMARIS l dispraysed may not well be,
Though a voman she were of Femene.
Umbethynk the where takyn was Cyrus,
For ryght herde and dere he brought J?at distrus. 2

Thamaris [was] qwen of Amazonie, a full worthy lady and full
off grete worthynefse, of grete hardynes and wyse in armes and
gouernauns. Cirus, the grete kyng of Perse, the which hadde
conqwered many a region, with a grete host he meved ffor to goo
ayens a grete reaume of Femene, of the which he sette but lytell by
the streynghte. But she, the which was experte and sotyll in
crafte of armes, suffyrd hym to entre into hyr reaume wythowte
ony mevyng of hyr into the tyme that he was comyn into strate
pafsage among hylles and grete mownteynes, where a full strong
cuntre was. Than be Thamaris busshmentes * he was afsaylled on
euer[y] parte with the wymmens hoste and browght so ferre forthe
]?at he was takyn. The qwhen made hym to be browght before
hir and made his hede be smetyn off and to be cast in a tobbe full
off his barons blode, the which she had made to be sheded in his
presens, and Thamaris spak in this wyse, "Cirus, the which had
neuer inowgh of mannys blode, now mayst thow drynke inowthe."
And thus endyd Cirus, the grete kyng of Perse, the which was
neuer ouercome in no batayle aflfore. Therefor Othea seith to the
good knyght that he shulde neuer be ouertrostyng in hyme selphe,
but ]?at he shulde doute that he mytht happe amyfse by some
infortune and yit by symplere than he ys. To this purpose Platon
seith, " Disprayse noon, ffor hys wertues may be grete."

1 Tomyris, queen, not of the Amazons or " Femeny," but of the Scythian
Massagetae (Herod, i. 205).

2 Despris, sc. mepris, H.
8 Sc. ambushments.

64 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Thamaris, the which shulde not be dispraysed, thowe fat she
be a voman, is to sey fat a good speryte shulde not disprayse in
hate ! the state of mekenes, be it in relygion or ell where ; and that
mekenes is to prayse. Jon Cassian 2 seith that in no wyse the edifice
of vertues in cure sowle may not reyse ne dresse hym self if the
fundement of very mekenes be not tastyd fryst in oure hertes, the
which, and it be ryghte stedefastly sette, may susteyne f e lynes of
perfeccion and of charite. Therefor the wyse man seyth, [" Quanto
maior es humilia te ipsum in omnibus et coram Deo invenies
gratiam "]. 8

LVIII.

witte to be ennorted 4 suflfre nought
To foly delitys, ne herto brought
Thy wyrchip ; if it be asked of the,
Anon beholde the wele in Medee.
M.r. ,': 3ft - 3Ja/.v >m ilvti gf>mu ',;;;,i!'

Medee was on of the konnyngest women of sorserye that euer
was and hade most kunnyng ; and fat stories seith. Notwyth-
stondyng she suflfred hire witte to be enorted at the owne will for
to fullfylle hire delyte, as in lewde love she suffyrd hyre to be
maystyrde, so fat she sette hire herte opon Jason and yaffe hym
worchip, body and goodes ; ffor the which after that he yaffe hire
a full evyll rewarde. Wherefor Othea seith that the good knyght
shulde not suflfre reson to be ouercome wyth lewde delyte in no
maner cas, iff" he will vse of the vertue of streynght. And Platon
seyth that a man of lyghte corage is sone meved 5 wyth that the
which he louede.

That a man shulde not suflfre his wytte to be ennorted to lewde

1 Ne hayr, H.

9 De coenobiorum institutis, xii. 31 (Migne. xlix. 472).

3 Eccl. iii. 20.

* Ne laisses ton sens aworter, H.

5 Sanuie (se. s'ennuie) tost, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 65

delyte may be vnderstondyn that the goode sperit shulde not suffre
his propir will to haue dominacion ; for, yf propir will of domina-
tion cesyd not, there shulde be noon hell ne the fyer off hell shuld
haue no dominacion but opon the person that sufferyth his propir
will to be lorde of hym, ffor propir will feythyt ayens God and
enprideth the selfe. That is the which dispoilleth Paradyse and
clothit hell and voydeth the valu of the blode of Cryst Jhesu and
submyttyth the worlde to the tharledom of the feende. To this
purpose the wyse man seyth, [" Virga atque correptio tribuit
sapientiam ; puer autem qui dimittitur voluntati suae confundit
matrem suam."] '

LIX.

T FF thou be soget to god Cupido,
-* The wood 2 giant looke thou kepe the fro,
That the harde roche in no wyse may put be
Opon Acis and opon Galatee. 3

Galatee was a fayre godefse, the which had a yong ientilman
that she loued and he was dede.* There was a gyant of a fowle
stature that loued hir, but she lyste not to loue hym ; but he aspied
hir so besily that he perceyued theyme bothe in the creues of a
roche. Thanne were they ouerleyde 5 with a sodeyne rage, and
the roche trembled in syche wyse that it holy brak and raffe

1 Prov. xxix. 15, somewhat corrupted in H.

8 Se. mad, furious ; du geant enragez, H.

3 The story was that Acis, son of Faunus, was beloved by the nymph Galatea,
and that the Cyclop Polyphemus, furious with jealousy, crushed him beneath a huge
rock (Ovid, Met. xiii. 750).

* Qui Acis estoit nommez, H. The mistranslation in the text is inexplicable.

6 Adonc fu [le geant] surpris de soubdaine rage et tellement escroula la roche
que tout en fu Axis acrauentez (sc. ecrase, brise), H.

66 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

asownedyr. But Galatee, the which was a fayrye, 1 dressyd hir into
the see 3 and askapid therby. This is to vndirstond that the good
knyght shulde be ware in sich case to be ouerleyde with sich as
hath myght and wyll to greve hym.

How he shuld be ware of the gyant, the which is yoven to
Cupido, itt is to vnderstond that the good speryte [shuld] be wele
ware that he hath non ymagenacion to the worlde ne to no thynge
j>erof, but euer thynke that all woordly thynges may litell while
endure. For Seynt Jerom seyth opon Jeremye that there is
no thyng may be noysed long emong those thynges which shalle
haue ende ; so all owre tyme is as of litell regarde to the euer-
lastyng terme. To this purpose the wyse man seyth, [" Transie-
runt omnia ilia tanquam umbra et tanquam nuntius percurrens "]. s

LX.

T7LEETH euer the godefse of Dyscorde ;

Euyl be hire lyenis and hire corde.
Pellus * manage full sore she trobled,
For the which after mych foolke assembled.

Dyscorde is a godefse of evil dedys, and a fabyll seyth that
whan Pellus weddyd the godefse Thetis, off whome Achilles was
after that borne, Jubiter and all the tothir godes and godefses were
at the mariage, but the godes of Discorde was not prayed therto
and therefor for invie she com onsent for. But she come not all
for noghte, for she dide verily hir office. When they were sette at
dynne at a borde, the .iii. myghty godefses Pallas, Juno and
Venus, there come Discorde and cast an appell of golde opon the

1 Nymphe, H.

2 Se ficha en la mer, H.

3 Sap. v. 9.

* Peleus, to whose marriage with Thetis all the gods were invited except Eris or
Discord.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 67

horde, whereon was wretyn u Lete this be gouen to the ffayrest" ;
and than the fest was trobeld, for yche off theyme sey thei ought to
haue it. They went afore Jubiter for to be iuged of that discorde,
but he wolde not plese on to displese anothir. Wherefore thei
putte the debate opon Paaris of Troye, 1 the [which] was an herde
man than, 2 as his modir drempt, when sche was grete with hyme,
that he schulde be cawse off distruccion of Troye ; he was sent
therfor to the forest to the herdeman, venyng 3 to hym that he hadde
bene his sone. And there Mercurius, the wiche [conducted] the
ladies, 4 tolde hym whos sone that he was ; than he lefte kepyng of
shepe and went to Troye to his grete kynne. The fabill witneschit
thus, where the weri stori is hidde vndir poyetikly couertoure, and
because that often tymes many grete mischevis hath fallen and
fallyth throwe discorde and debate, Othea seith to the goode knyth
that he shulde be ware of discorde ; so that, as it is a fowle thyng to
be a debatoure and to move riottes, Pitagoras seith " Go not," seith
he, " in that weye where that hattes 5 growes."

Where it is seyde that discorde shuld be fleed, on the same
wyse the good spent shulde flee all lettynges of consience and f. 44.
eschewe stryvis and riottes. [Cassiodorus] 6 souuerainly seith, " He
fleeth stryves and riottes ; for to stryve ayens pes it is woodnes, to
stryue ayens his souereyne it is maddenes, to stryve ayens his
soogette it is grete velany." Therefor Seynte Powle seith, ["Non
in contentione et aeinulatione " ]. 7

1 For his judgment see below, p. 83.
3 Sc. then ; adonc, H.

3 Sc. weaning ; a qui il cuidoit estre filz, H.

4 Qui conduisoit les dames, H.

5 Sc. hates ; ou croiscent les haynes, H.

6 Cassiodore sus le Psaultier, H.

7 Rom. xiii. 13.

68 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

LXI.

*T~^HYNE evyll misdede forgete thou noght,

Iff" thou to any ! haue so myche wroughte,
For the reward he will wele kepe fro the.
Distroyed was Leomedon, parde.

Leomedon, as I haue seide, was kyng off Trove, and he hadde
done grete velany to the barons of Grece 2 to voyde them fro his
lande 3 ; the wiche they foryate noght, but Leomedon hathe for-
yeten it whan the Grekes ron on hym, the wiche ouercome hym,
he oncouered and disporveide, so they distroyyd hym. Therefor
it is seide to the good knyght that, yf he hathe mysdone to any,
that he kepe hym wele, ffor he may be sekyr it shal notte be
foryeten, but rather wenged, 4 whanne he may haue tyme and place.
And to this purpose Hermes seyth, "Be ware that thynne ennemyes
com not vpon the, and thou disporveyde."

That he shuld not forgete the myssedede that he hathe done to
anothir may be vndirstondyn f>at, when the good sperite felyth hym
in synne for fawte of resistence, he shulde thynke that he shuld be
ponnyfshede, as thei be that be dampnyd, yf he amende hym notte.
And therof seith Seynt Gregorie that the dome of God goth nowe
fair and softely and a sclowe pas, but in tyme comyng it shall
recompence the more greuously the mercy shall tarry of his acte.
To this purpose the prophete Joel seith, [" Convertimini ad Domi-
num Deum vestrum, quia benignus et misericors est," etc.]. 5

1 Iff thou aniy, MS. ; Sc. tu las a qui que soit fait, H.

2 See above, p. 51.

3 Lawde, MS.

4 Sf. avenged.
6 Joel ii. 13.

or The Bake of Knyghthode. 69

LXII.

TFF it happe thou be of loue doited, 1

* Be ware at the leste to whom thou tell it :

7 *

That thi dedes discouered not be,
Vmbethynke the welle of Semelle. 2

The fable seith that Semelle was a gentylwoman that Jubiter
loved paramours. Juno, the wiche was in ialoucie, tooke the lekenes
of an auncient woman and cam to Semelle and with fayre wordys
began to reson hyre in so moche that Semelle knowliged to hyre all
the love off hyre and of hyr loue, and to [be] well beloued and
knowenof hyme she vaunted hire. Thegodefse fanne seyde to hir,the f. 45-
wiche tooke no hede of the difsayte, [that] she perceyued 3 nothyng
yit of the love of hire love, [but] when she shulde be nexte with hym,
that she shulde aske hym a yifte and, when she hadde well requyred
hym and that he hadde grawnted, that she shulde desyre of hym
that he wolde vouchesafe to halse * hir in syche wyse as [he] halsed
Juno his wyflfe, when that he wolde solace hym with here, and in
syche wyse myght she perceyue the loue of hyre love. Semelle
fforyate it not, and when she hade made the requeste to Jubiter, the
wiche hade promysyd it hyre and as a god that myght not calle it
agayne, he was full sori and wyst wele that sche hadde bene
difseyved. Than Jubiter tooke lekenes of fire 5 and halsed his loue,
the wiche in a litell while was all bruled and brent, for the wiche
Jubiter was full hevy of ]?at aventure. Opon this fabill may be

1 Damours affoles, H.

2 Semele, whom Hera deceived in the form of her old nurse Beroe (Ovid,
Met. iii. 260).

8 Ne perceyued, MS. The translator misunderstood the original, cf. dist a celle,
qui garde ne sen prenoit de la deceuance, que de rien ne sestoit ancore apperceue
de lamour, mais quant elle seroit auecques lui, etc., H.

4 La voulsist accoller, H.

* Of hir, MS. ; de feu, H.

7o The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

takyn many vnderstondynges, anamly opon the science off astro-
nomic, as maystris seyne. But it may be allso that be some weye
a gentilwoman may be difseyved by the wyffe of hyr loue, where-
throwgh hym selfe made hir to die be inaduertance. And therfor
it is seyde to the good knyght that he shuld be ware, whanne he
spekyth of a thyng that he wolde that it were secrete, afore or he
speke hys worde, to whome he seyth it and whatte he seyth, for
by the circumstances thyngges ma ben vndirstondyn. Therefor
Hermes seith, " Shewe not the secretes of thi thoughtes but to
thoo that thou hast well preued."

How he shulde take hede to whome he spekyth we may
vndirstond that the good sperite, what so euer hys thowtys be, he
shulde be ware in euery cas where evil suspeccion myght falle to
ony othir. As Seynt Austyn seith in the booke of Job, 1 that we
shuld not all only sete store to haue good conscience, but in as
myche as owre infirmyte may, and as myche [as] the diligence of
mankyndly frelnes may, wee shuld take good hede that we dede no
thyng that myght come to evil suspeccion to owre stedefast brothir. 2
To this purpose seith Seynt Poule the apostle, [" In omnibus
praebe te ipsum exemplum bonorum operum "]. s

LXIII.

' I A HE disporte trust not to mychyll opon

Of Dyane, for J?er is disporte right none
For them fat ben in knyghthode pursewyng
That shuld cause them to haunt to mych huntyng.

Dyane is called godefs off the wode and of huntyng ; so it is
seide to the good knyght pursewyng the hight name of armes fat he

1 Ou liure des brebis, H., Sc. Sermo xlvii. de ovibus, in Ezech. xxxiv. 17-31
(Migne, xxxviii. 303).

2 A noz freres enfermes, H. ; infirmo fratri, St. Aug.

3 Tit. ii. 7.

or The Roke of Knyghthode. 7 1

shulde not mvse to myche in the disportes of huntyng, for it is a f. 46.
thyng that longeth to ydylnes. And Arystotle seith that ydilnes
ledyth a man to all inconveniences.

That a man shuld not folwe to myche Dyanes disporte, the
wiche is take for ydilnes, the goode speryte may noote the same, and
that is to eschew. Seynt Grygori seyth, " Do euer some goode
thynge, that the fende may allwayfynde the occupied in some goode
occupacion." To this purpose the wyse man seith, [ " Consider-
avit semitas domus suae et panem otiosa non comedit " ]. 1

LXIV.

A VAUNTE the not, for grete harme fell therefore 2
'^^ To Yragnes, 3 the wich myfsetook hir sore,
That ayens Pallas hire so avaunted,
For the wyche the goodefse hire enchaunted.

The fable seyth that Yragnes was a gentylwoman full sotyll
and kunnyng in schapyng, wevyng and sewyng, but she was too
presumtuos of hir connyng and indede she vaunted hire ayens
Pallas. For the wyche the godes was greued wyth here that fore
that foly vauntyng sche schawneged hyr into an yraigne and than
seyde, " Thou vaunted the so myche in wevyng and sewyng that
thou shalt euer aftir this weve and spynne werke of no value," and
fro thiens come the yraignes that be yite, the wiche sefsyth not of
spynnyng and wevyng. It may be so vndirstonden that some
persone wanted ayens hir maystres, ffor the wiche in some wyse
thei tooke harme. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght that he
shuld not vaunt hyme, standyng it is a foule thyng for a knyght to
be a vauntoure, for it may abuse to myche the prayse of his bownte.

1 Prov. xxxi. 27.

2 Thereoff, MS.

8 Arachne, who challenged Athena to compete with her in weaving and was
changed by the goddess into a spider (Ovid, Met. vi. 1-145).

72 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

And in the same wyse Platon seyth, " When thou dost a t[h]yng,"
seith he, 1 " better than anothir, be ware thou avaunte not therof,
for yf thou doo thyne avayle is myche the lesse."

For that a man shuld not vaunte hym, we may sey that the
goode sperite shulde be ware of wauntyng, for Seynt Austyn
spekith ayens vauntyng in the .xii. boke of the Cete of God, )?at
vauntyng is not mankyndly praysyng, but is aturnyd to vyse of
the sovle, the wich louyth mankyndly praysynges and dispithet
the wery wytnes of his propyr consyence. To this purpose the
wyse man scythe, [" Quid nobis profuit superbia, aut diuitiarum
jactantia ? "]. s

LXV.

TFF to grete desyre will them brynge
* To loue mechell disporte of huntynge,
Dadonius 3 than remenbre may the,
For with a woode wilde bore dede was he.

Dadanius was a ioly gentylman 4 and of grete beaute. Venus
loued hym paramoures, but because he delytyd hym to myche in
huntyng, Venus, the wich douted that some hurt myth com to hym
by some aventure, she prayed hym ofte to be ware how he huntyd
to grete bestes. But Dadonius wolde not be ware, and therfor he
was slayne wyth a wilde bore. Therfor it is seyde to the good
knyght that, yf he wille all gates hunte, late [hym] kepe hym from
sych huntyng that may doo hym harme. To this purpose the
profete Sedechias 5 seith that a knyght shulde not suffre his sone
hunte to myche ne be ydyll, but he shulde make hym to be
enformed to goode condicions and to fle vanyte.

1 The, MS.

2 Sap. v. 8.

3 Sc. Adonis.

4 Vn damoisel moult cointe, H.

6 According to the "Dicta Philosophorum " Sedechias "primus fuit per quern
metu Dei lex precepta fuit et sapientia intellects" (Add. MS. 16,906, f. i).

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 73

How he shulde thynke on Dadonius may be vnderstondyn
that, yif the goode sperite be in any wyse out off the weye, that at
the leste he shulde thynke on the grete perell of perseuerance ;
for, as the fende hath grete myght opon synners, Seynt Petir
seythe in the secund Pystyll ! that synners ben bownde to corupcion
and the fende hath power ouer theyme, for he that in batayle is
ouercome of an othir is becomyn bonde to hym. And in tokyn
therof it is seyde in the Pocalipse, [" Data est bestiae potestas in
omnem tribum et populum."] 2

LXVI.

T F so be thette there afsaile the any,

Be ware thou ne thi men ryse not lyghtly
Ayens theyme, that thi town of strenght not slake ;
Off the fryst Troye example thou mayst take.

Whenne Hercules wyth mych pepyll com opon the fryst Troye
and that kyng Leomedon herd seye of there comyng, than he with
all the peple that he myght gete in the cete yode owte and went
ayens theyme to the water syde, and there theye assembled wyth
full ferse bataile and pe cete was left voyde of peple. Than
Thelamen Ayaux, the wich was enbushed wyth a grete oste nere
the walles of the cete, enteryd into it, and thus the fryst Troye was
takyn. Therefor it is seyde to the goode knyght that he shulde
kepe hym, that in siche wyse he be not difseyuyd wyth his f. 48.
ennemyes. And Hermes seyth, " Kepe the from the peple 3 of
thyn ennemyes."

Where it is seyde that a man shuld kepe hym, yf he be
afsayled, that his cete be not voide, it is to sey that the good

1 2 Pet. ii. 19.

2 Apoc. xiii. 7.

8 De lagait (1'agait, sc. ruse, artifice), H. The translator seems to have read
" la gent."

74 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

spyryte shulde euer kepe hym sesid and filled with vertues. And
hereto seyth Seynt Austyn that, lyche as in tyme of werre men
of armes shuld not be onsesyde of theyre armes ne owt of theyme
nyght ner day, on the same wyse duryng the tyme of this present
lyfe he shulde not be dyspoyled of vertues, for he thate the fende
fyndeth withowte vertues faryth as he that the aduersari fyndyth
vvithoute armes. Therfor the Gospel seyth, ["Fortis armatus
custodit atrium suum"]. 1

LXVII.

the harpe afsot the not to sore
Off Orpheus. Yf thou sete any store
Be armes, thou wylte J?erin wele spede.
To fre 2 instrementis thou hast non nede.

Orpheus was a poyete, and the fabill seyth that he cowde
welle pleye on the harrpe, so that the ryngyng 3 wateres all only
tournyd theyre coruse, and the birdes of the eyre, the wylde bestes
and the fres 4 serpentis foryate there cruelnes and restyd to here
the songge and the swete sounde of his harpe. This is to
vnderstond he pleyith so wele that all maner of pepill of whate
condicions that they were delytede theyme to here the poietis pley.
And becawse that syche instrumentis sotted often the hertis of
men, it is seyde to the goode knyght that he shuld not delyte hym
to meche therein, for it longeth not to the sones of knyghthode
to mvse to mych in instrumentis ne in othir ydylnes. To this
purpose an auctorite seyth, " The soule of the instrument is the
snare of the serpent " ; and Platon seyth, " He fat settyth holy

1 Luke xi. 21.

2 To follow? Dinstrumens suture nas mestier, H.

3 Sc. running ; courans, H.
* Sc. fierce ; fiers, H.

his plesauns of fleysly delythes is more bond fan a sclawe," that is
to seye, than a man that is bought and solde.

Orpheus harpe, vpon the wich a man shulde not be afsotted, we
may vndirstonde that the knyghtly sperite shulde not be afsotted
ne mvsyd in no maner of wordly felacheppe, be it kynne or othir.
Seynt Austyn seyth in the booke of the Syngularyte off Clerkis
that the solytary man felyth lefse prekynges of his fleych that
havntyth not voluptuousenes than he that hawntyth it, and lefse it f. 49.
sterith to couetyse the which seeth not wordly riches 1 than he
that seeth it. Therefor Dauyd seith, ["Vigilavi et factus sum
sicut pafoer solitarius in tecto"]. 3

LXVIII.

ROWNDE yo\v not opon noone avysyons,

Ne opon no lewde illusyons
Off grete emprise, thought it be ryght or wrong,
And of Paaris remenbre yow among.

Because that Paryis hadde dremed that he shulde ravysch
Helayne in Grece, a grete army was made and sent ffro Troye
into Grece, where that Paryis ravysshede Heleyne. Than for that
wrongfull dede they com after that opon Troye with all the power
off Grece. There was soo grete a covnetre at that tyme that it
lastyd to the contre that we calle now Puille 3 and Calebre in
Ytaly, and that tyme it was called Lytyl Grece. 4 And of that
contre was Achilles and ]?e Mirmedewes, the which were so worthi
fyters. That grete quantite of pepill confoundid Troye and all

1 Et moins sent les molestes dauarice qui ne voit point les riches du monde, H.

2 Ps. ci. 8.

3 Apulia and Calabria.

4 This is an assumption from the fact that the Greek colonies of South Italy had
the name of Magna Graecia. Hellas originally was the district of Phthiotis in Thessaly,
where the Myrmidones dwelt.

76 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

the centre. Therefor it is seyde to the good knyght that he
shulde not ondirtake to doo no grete thynge opon avysiones, for
grete harme and grete besynes may come thereoff. And that a
grete emprise shuld not be done wythowte good deliberacion
of counsell, Platon seyth, " Do nothyng," seith he, "but that thy
wytte hath ouerseen afore."

That a grete empryse shuld not be takyn for avisyon, that is to
sey that the good sperite shulde in no vyse presume ne reyse hym
selphe in arrogance for no maner of grace that God hath yoven
hym. And Seynt Gregorie seyth in his Morales that there be .iiii.
spices ! in the whiche all bolnynges of arrogances be shewed. The
fryst is when they noyse they haue of them selfe the goodnes that
they haue ; the .ii. is when they wene welle that they haue deseruyd
and reseyuyd it for ther meritis the goodnes J>at they haue ; the .in.
is when they avant to haue the goodnes that they haue not ; and the
.iiii. is when that they dysprese othir and desire that men shuld
know the goo[d]nes that is in theyme. Ayens this vyse the wyse
man spekyth in his Prouerbes, [" Arrogantiam et superbiam et os
bilingue detestor "]. 3

LXIX.

T FF thou loue well houndes an birdes, than

On Anteon, 3 the fayre yong gentilman,
The which becomme an herte, vmbethynk well j?e,
And loke that siche fortune com not to the.

Antheon was a full corteis ientylman and of gentyl condicions
and loued houndes and birdes to myche ; fore the fabill seith that
on a day as he huntyd all alone in a thykke forest, wheryn his men
hadde lost hym, thane as Dyane the godefse of the woode hadde

1 Especes, H.; quatuor sunt species quibus omnis tumor arrogantium demonstratur,
S. Greg. Moralia, xxiii. 6 (Migne, Ixxvi. 258).

2 Prov. viii. 13.

3 Actaeon, changed into a stag by Artemis (Ovid, Met. iii. 155).

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 77

huntyd in the forest to it was the oure ot noone, she was sore
chaffede and hoote for the grete hete of the sunne, for J?e which
she had a lyste to bathe hir in a f[a]yre welle and a clere, the
whiche was ther fast by, and as she was in the welle all nakyde
envyrouned wyth fayreis l and godes the whiche seruyd hyre,
Antheon, the which tooke non heede, com sodeynly opon hire
and sawe all the godes, of whome for hire grete castite the vesage
wexe reede for shame and was full sory. And than she seide,
" Becawse that I know wele that thysse yong gentilman wyll vaunt
hym of ladies and gentilwomen to the entent that thou schalte
not mowe vante the that hathe see me naked, I shall take the myght
of thy speche from the." Than she cursyd hym, and anon Antheon
becomme a wilde herte and no thyng was lefte hym of mankyndly
shape but all only vndirstondyng. Than he, full of grete sorowe
and off sodeyne feere, wente fleyng throwe the busches, and anon
he was reseyuyd with his owen houndes and halewed wyth hys
owen men that serched the forest for hym, but nowe they haue
founde hyme and knowe hym not. There Antheon was drawe
doune, the whych wepte grete teres afore his owne men and
fayne woolde haue cryed theyme mercy yif he myght haue spokyn.
And sene that tyme hethir to hertes euer at there dethe wepyn.
Antheon was slayne and martired with grete woo with his owen
menye, the which in a litell while had all devowred hym. Many
exposicions may be made vpon this fable ; but to oure purpose
it may be seide of a yong man that habaundoneth hym holy in
ydylnes and dispendith his goodes and his gettynges in delyte off
his body and in disportes of huntyng and to kepe ydel menye.
Hereby may it be seide that he was hated of Dyane, the which is
noted for chastite, and deuowred of his owen menye. Therefor it
is seide to the good knyght that he shuld be ware he were not
deuowred in leche wyse. And a wyse man seith, " Idilnes en-
gendyrth idylnes 2 and errour."

Be Antheon, the which become an herte, we may vnderstond

1 Nymphes, H.

3 Ignorance, H., and so the " Dis des Philosophes."

78 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

the veray repentaunt man that was wonnte to be a synner and now
hath ouercome his fleyssch and made it bonde to the good sperite
[and] takyn the state of pennaunce. Seynt Austyn seith in the
Sawtyr that pennance is an esy thyng or dede and a lyght charge ;
it owght not to be called a grete charge for a man but wenges off a
byrde fleyng, for, as a birde in herth here bereth the charge of
there wenges and there wenges berith theyme to heven, on the
same wyse, yff we bere on erthe here the charge off pennawnce, it
shal bere vs to heven. To this purpose fe Gospell seith, [" Pceni-
tentiam agite, appropinquavit enim regnum ccelorum "]. !

LXX.

T SEYE go notte to the yates of helle

For to seke Euridice be my counselle.
Litell he wanne there with his harpe and play,
Orpheus, as that I haue ofte herd seye.

.'-'. i, .,

.' 3.', i . .' . ;f,: : ' * <-,i * . . . \.

Orpheus the poyete, the which harpede so well, 2 a fabil seith
that he maried hym to Euridice, but on the day of mariage thei
wente to disporte theyme in a medwe barefoote ffor the grete hete
of the sonne, and an herde coveytyd that fayyr woman and ranne
ffor to a rauyfshed hyr, and as she flede afore hym for fere of hym
she was betyn with a serpent that was hyd wnder the grefse of
the medwe, and within a litell while after the mayden dyed.
Orpheus was ryght heuy of that myfse aventure ; yit he tooke his
harpe and wentte to j?e yattes of helle in the dyrke waly afore the
helle paleys, and thanne he begane to harppe pytously and
he pleyyd so swetely that all the tormentes off helle cesyd
and all the helly offices lefte there besynes for to here the
sownde of the harppe, and anamly Proserpyne, the godes off

1 Matt. iii. 2.

3 See above, p. 74.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 79

helle, was meuyd with grete pete. Than Pluto, Lucifere,
Cerebrus and Acaron, 1 the which for the harpor sawe that the
offices off hell peynnes lefte and cesed, toke hym hys wyff vpon a
condicion that he shulde goo afore and sche after, and that he shulde
notte loke behynde hym to he come owt of the valy of helle, and
yff he looked behynde hym he shuld lefe hire. Opon this con-
dicion she was delyuered to hym ayen. So Orpheus wente afore
and his loue after, but he that was to hoote in loue, the which
desired to beholde hire, myght not kepe hym from lokyng ayen
after his loue, and anoon as [he] loked byhynd hym Euredice
partyd from hyme and was ayen in helle, so that he myght no more
haue hire. This fable may be vndyrstondyn in many maneres. It
myght be so that some man had his wyff takyn fro hyme and he
had getten hire ayen ; on the same wyse it may be of a castell or of
anothir thyng. But to owre purpose it may be seide that he
seketh veryly Euredice in hell, the which sekyth an inpofsibyl
thyng and, thowgh a man may notte recouer that, he owghte not to
be wrothe. Salamon seyth the same, " It is a foly thyng," he seith,
"to seke that the which is impofsybylle to be hadde." , f. 5*.

Be that a man shulde not goo to seke Euredice in hell, we
may vndirstond that the goode speryte shulde aske ne requyre of
God no thyng that is meruellious, 2 ne that mervell to be thyng oon,
that is to sey, to tempte God. And Seynt Austyn seith opon
Seynt John Gospell that Godes creature is not exavced when he
requiryth a thyng the which may not be doone or shuld not be
doone, or a thyng the which he wolde vse amyfse yf that it were
grawntyd hyme, or ell a thyng that shuld hurte the sowle yf it were
exauuced. And therfor it comyth of the mercy off God, if he gyff
not to a creature a thyng the which he knowyth he wolde vse
amyfse. To this purpose Seynt James the apostell seyth in his
Pistell, [" Petitis et non accipitis eo quod male petatis "]. 3

H . .!> ..-*'; .;

1 Either Charon is meant, or Acheron, as the eponym of the river of Hades
so named.

2 Miraculeuse ne merueillable qui est appelle tempter Dieu, H.

3 Jas. iv. 3.

8o The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

LXXI.

T FF thou will veraly knowe a knyght

In cloystir or clos where he be dyght,
The say ! that was made to Achilles
Sail lerne the to proue theym doutles.

The fable seith that Achilles was sone to the godes Thetis,
and becawse that, as a godes, she knew if hir sone haunted armes
that he shu[l]d dye, she, the which louyd hym with to grete love,
hide hym in maydinis clothyng and made hyme were a vaile leche
a nonne. In the godesse abbay 2 he lyffed so, and Achilles was
long hydde vnto that some persones perseyuyd hym, and the fabill
seith that there he begate Pirus 3 opon the kynges dougther, the
which was after that full cheualerous. Than began the Troyens
grete werres, and the Grekes knew wele that thei hadde nede of
Achilles for to streynght theyme. He was sowte ouer all, but thei
myght not here of hym. Vlixes, the which was full of grete malice,
sowgth hym ouer all [and] come to the temple, but yit he myght
not perseyue the trowght. He avysyd hym of grete malice and
sotilte, and than Vlixes toke keuercheffes, girdill and all maner of
iowell 4 longyng to ladies and therwith feyre armure and bryghte
and cast all doune in the myddes of the place in presens of the
ladyes and praide iche of theyme to take 5 that the which plefsede
theyme best ; and than, as euery thyng drawith to his nature, the
ladies ronne to the jowell and Achilles sefsede the armure. And
thanne Vlixes ranne and tooke hyme in his armys and seyde,
" This is he that I seke." And becawse that knyghtes shulde be

1 Sc. assay, test ; Lessay con fist a Achilles, H.

2 En labbaye la deesse Vesta, H.

Pyrrhus, his son by Deidameia, daughter of Lycomedes of Scyros.
4 Ancles, guimphes, conroyes et de tous ioyaulx, H. ; quayntyses, prety japes and
jewelles, Wyer.
6 Make, MS.

or The Boke of Knyghihode. 81

more inclyned to armes than to plesawnce, 1 which longgeth to
ladies, the auctorite seith that therby a man may knowe the veray
knyght. And to this purpose Legaron 2 seith that a knyghte is not f. 53.
knowen but be his dedes of armes. 3 And Hermes seith that thou
shuldest preue a man afore or that thou trost hym to gretely.

Where it is seyde, " Yf thou wylte knowe a goode knyght,"
we may vnderstondyn that the good knyght [of] Cryst Jhesu shuld
be know by the dede of armes in goode workyng, and that siche
a knyght shulde haue the dwe prayse that longgeth to goode men.
Seynt Jerom seith in a pistil that, as the ryghtvisnes of God levyth
non evil thyng vnponyfshede, on the same wyse it levith no goode
thyng vnrewarded. So than to good pepill noo labour shulde be
thought to harde, ne no tyme to longe, standyng that thei [are]
abydyng * the euerlastyng hire and blys. Therfor Holy Scripture
seith, ["Confortamini et non difsolvantur manus vestrse, erit
enim merces operi vestro"]. 5

LXXII.

Athalenta stryue thou not nowe,
For she hath gretter talent fan thou.
It was hir crafte for to renne fast.
To siche a rennyng haue thou non hast.

Athalenta was on of the fayre 6 and lyche to a gentilvoman of
grete beaute, but hire destonye was diuerse ; ffor because of hire
mony lost ther lyves. This gentilvoman for hire grete beaute was

1 Cointeries mignotes, H.

2 Leginon, H. ; Longinon, Add. MS. 16,906, f. 510; Loginon, Roy. MS. 19 B.
iv. f. 60.

3 Le vaillant nest conqneu que en guerre, G. deTign. (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 64).

4 Attendent la gloire pardurable en loyer, H.

5 2 Paralip. xv. 7.

6 Sc. fairies; vne nymphe, H.

82 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

covetyde of mony oon to be hadde to maryage, but ther was made
sich a conuenawnt that non shulde haue hire but he ouerranne fair,
and yf she ouerranne hym, he shuld dye. Athalenta was mervelious
swyft, so that non myght streche to hir in rennyng and that cawsed
many on for to die. This rennyng may be vnderstondyn in many
maneres. It may be as some thyng that is gretly covetyid of many
persones, but yit it may notte be hadde withowte grete traueyle ;
the rennyng that she made is the defence or the resistence of the
same thynges. And allso the fabill may be noted anamly for tho
that makyth grete stryve and nedith not. Also the auctorite seyth
that a hard man and a coragius ought not to myche to stryve for
onprofytabyll thynges, the whiche he shulde not set by, stondyng
that thei [t]owche ! not to his worchyppe for many grete [h]urtes
folwyth off sich stryues. And Thessille 2 [sejith, " Thou shuldest
doo that the which is moste [projfetable to the body and most
behouely to the soule and fie the contrarye."

That we shulde notte stryve wyth Athalenta may be vnder-
stondyn that the goode speryte shulde not be letted with non thyng
that the worlde dothe, of what gouernans it be. And to the same
Seynt Austyn seyth in a pistil that the worlde is more perlious to
creaturis when it is eesy than whan it is sharpe, for the softer he
seeth it the les it shulde lete hym and lees he shulde drawe it to his
love then whenne it yeffyth hym cause to dispite it. To this
purpose Seynt John the Euaungelist seyth in his fryst Pistill,
[ " Si quis diligit mundum, non est charitas Patris in eo " ]. 3

LXXIII.

A S that Paris iugede iuge thou noght,

For many men hau ben full hard brought
Be grauntyng of evil sentence
And had J?erfor ryght greuous recompence.

1 The letters in brackets have been torn away with the edge of the leaf.

2 Texillus, Dicta Phil. (Add. MS. 16,906, f. 56).

3 i Joh. ii. 15.

or The Poke of Knyghthode. 83

The fable seith that .iii. godefses of grete myght, that is to sey,
Pallas godes of kunnyng, 1 Juno godes of goode, 2 and Venus godes
off love, com before Paris holdyng an apple of golde, 3 the which
seide, "Lete this be youen to the fayrest and the myghttyest of vs."
There was grete discord ffor this appyll, for iche of theyme seyde
they ought to haue it, and at the last thei tooke Paris for to iuge
the cavse. Paris sought delegently the strenghte and the myghte
of ich of theyme by the selfe. Than seide Pallas, " I am godes of
cheualry and of wysdom, for by me armes is departed to knyghtes
and konyng to clerkes, and yf thou wilt yiff me the appyll, tryst
veryli that I shall make the to paase 4 all othir in koonyng and in
knytehode." After that Juno, godes of goode, seide, "And by me
is departyd the grete lordshippes and also tresowrys off the worlde.
If thou wyl gyff me the appyll, I shall make the recher and
mygh[t]ier than ony othir." And than spake Venus wyth full
louyng wordes and seide, " I am she that kepyth scoles of loue and
off iolines 5 and maketh fooles to be wyse men and wyse men to do
foly, and I make ryche men poore and tho }>at be exiled riche.
There is no myght that may compare wyth my myght. Iff thou
wylt yeffve me the appyll, by me thou shalt haue J>e love of fayre
Helaine of Grece, the which may avayle the more than any maner
of ryches." And thanne Paris gaff his sentence and forsoke bothe
knyghthode, wisdom and riches for Venus, to whome he gaff the
appyll ; for the which after that Troye was dystryd. This is to
vnderstonde, because that Paris was not cheuallrous ne reche, he
sette be noo thyng, but all his thought was on loue, and therefor
yaffe he the appill to Venus. Werefor it is seide to the goode
knyght that he shuld not demene hym so. And Pictagoras seith, f - 55-
" The iuge that iugede not iustyly, diserveth myche evyll."

Be Parys that iuged folely is vnderstonden that the goode

1 Sc. knowledge ; de sauoir, H.

2 Sc. riches ; dauoir, H.

3 See above, p. 66.

4 Sc. pass, surpass.
6 loliuete, H.

84 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

sperite shulde be ware how he iuged of>er. Seynt Austyn spekyth
thereofFayens the [Manichees] 1 that there be .ii. thynges the whych
in especiall we shulde eschewe, fryst to iuge othir persones, for we
know not of what corage thynges be done, the which to contempne
it is J?erfor 3 grete presumcion, for we shuld take theyme to the
better partye ; secundly for because we be not incerteyne what
the[i] shall be that now be goode or now evill. Owre Lord to this
purpose seith in fe Gospell, [" Nolite judicare et non judicabimini,
in quo enim judicio judicaveritis judicabimini."] 3

LXXIV.

T N Fortvne, that grete myghty godefse,

Trist not to mych, ne in hyre promyse ;
For in a lytell space she chaungeth,
And the hyest ofte ouerthroweth.

Fortune aftyr the spekyng off poyetis may be wele called the
grete godes, for by hire we see that wordly thynges be gouernde.
And becauce she promysyth to many prosperite inowght and indede
to some she yeffeth it and in litell space takyth it awaye when it
plesyth hire, it is seide to the goode knyght that he shuld not trost
in hire promysses ne discomfort hym not in his aduersites. And
Socrates seith the cours of fortvne farith as engins. 4

Becavse whi that he seith that he shulde not trost in fortvne,
we may vnderstond that the good spirite shuld fle and disprayse
wordly delittes. Therefor Boys 5 seith in the .iii. booke of Conso-
lacion that the felicite off the Epicuriens shulde be called vnfelicite,
for the full and the perfy3th felicite it is that the which [can] make
man sufficiently myghty, reuerende, solempne and ioyeux, the

1 Omitted in MS. ; les Manichees, H.

2 It is ]>erfor it is, MS.

3 Matt. vii. i, 2 ; ut non judicemini, Vulg.

4 Sf. snares ; les tours de fortune sont comme engins, H.

5 Sf. Boethius ; Boece, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 85

which condicions resiste not to thynges whereopon wordly peple
settyth there felycite. 1 TherefFor God seyth by the profyte Ysaie,
[" Popule meus, qui te beatum dicunt, ipsi te decipiunt"]. 3

LXXV.

r I ^O vndirtake to avance werre, f. 56.

Make thou not Paris the begynner ;
Better he cowde (take vittenes aboue)
Disporte in the feyre armes of his loue.

Paris was nothyng condicionned to armes, but all to loue.
Therefor it is seide to the goode knyght that he shuld not make a
cheuetayne of his host ne of his bateilles a knyght the whiche is
not apte to armes. And therefor Aristotyl seith to Alizaunder,
" Thou shuldest make hym connestabil of thyne oste that thou
knowes is wyse and experte in armes.

That ye shulde not make Paaris to begynne yowre werres, it is
to vnderstonde that the good knyght gostly, tendyng only to the
knyghthode of heuen, shuld be holly drawen fro the worlde and
ches contemplatyue lyffe. And Seynt Grigore seith vpon Ezeciell
that the lyffe contemplatyue is of ryght preferred afore the actiue
Hue as for the worthier and the gretter, for the actiue life travellith
hymselfe in the laboure of this present lyfe, but the contemplatyve
lyfe farith as he that tristith 3 the sauour of the reste that is for to
come. Wherefor the Gospell seith off Mary Magdalene, be whom
contemplacion is figured, ["Optimam partem elegit sibi Maria, quae
non auferetur ab ea "].*

1 Les quieulx addicions ne prestent point les choses ou les mondains mettent leur
felicite, H.

3 Isai. iii. 12.

3 Stt, ? tasteth ; gouster, H.

4 Luke x. 42.

86 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

LXXVI.

OETTE the not to be a spy, I the seye,

But loke thou kepe euer the hey weye.
Sephalus ' wyth his [sjharpe iaueloth 2
Lereth it the, and the wyff of Lothe.

The fabill seith that Sephalus was an ancient knyght the
which delyted hym grettely all his lyue in the disporte of huntyng,
and he coude cast a darte hade sich a propirte that it was neuer
cast in veyne, but it kyllyd all )?at it tovched. And because that
he hade a costome to ryse in the mornyng and to goo to the forest
to aspye the wylde bestis, his wyff was ielous ouer hyme and
supposed that he loued othir than hire, and for to know the
trowthe she went after to aspy hym. Sephalus, the which was in
the woode, when he herde the leues make noyse where that his
wyff went, supposed that it hadde ben some wylde best, kest his
iauelot and kyllyd his wyff. He was hevy of that mysse aventure,
but there myght no remedy be hadde. The woman Lothes wyffe,
as that Holy Scripture wytnefsyth, turnyd ayen ayens the com-
mawndment off the aungell, when she herde that the .v. cetees
sanke behynde hyr, and therfor anon she was chawnged into a
sake ston. And be all sich figures may be sette many vndir-
stondynges. For the trwthe and for to take it in example for the
trowthe, no good man shulde delyte hym to spye anothir in thynges
that longeth not to hym ; and to the entend that no man wolde
be aspyed, Hermes seith, " Do not to thi felawe that the which thou
woldyst not were done to the, and strech no snaris for to take men
wythall, ne purches noon harme to theyme be aspyeng ne be wyles,
for at the last it will turne opon f>iselfe."

That a man shulde not sette hym for to spye may be vndir-

1 Cephalus, who killed his wife Procris in the way described (Ovid, Met. vii.
836).

a Glauellot, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 87

stondyn that the good sperite shuld not peyne hym to knowe othir
mennis dedes, ne to enqwere tydyngges of othir. For Seynt John
Crisostome seith opon the Gospell of Seynt Mathieu, " Howe takys
thow so grete hede," seith he, " of so many litell defawtes of othir
men and latyst pase so many grete defawtes in thyn owyn dedes ?
Yf thou loued thi selfe better than thi neyghburght, whi empechest
thou his dedes and leuys thyne owyn ? Be diligent to considir
thin owyn dedes fryst, and than consider the dedes off othir." To
this purpose owre Lorde seith in the Gospelle, [" Quid autem vides
festucam in oculo fratris tui, trabem autem in oculo tuo non
vides?"]. 1

LXXVII.

"P\ISPRAYSE not of Helene the councell ;
"^ > ^ I counsel the so wythowte fayle,
For ofte many hurtes falleth then,
Because that we beleue not wyse men.

Helene was brothir to Hector and Kyng Priantes sone of
Troye. He was a full wyse clerke and full off konyng. As mych
as he myght, he counseyled that Paarys shulde not goo into Grece
to rauyssh Helayne ; but thei wolde not do aftyr hym, for the which
the Troyens were hurte. Therefor it is seide to the good knyght
that he shuld beleue wyse men and there councell, and Hermes
seith, "Who so worchyppyth wyse men and vsyth there councell,
thei be euerlestyng pepyll."

Helene, the which counselled ayens the werre, that is to sey
that the goode sperite shulde eschwe temptacions. And Seynt
Jerom seith that a synner hath noon excusacion whereby he howght
to suffyr temptacions to ouercome hym, for the temptyng feend is
so febill that he may ouercome noon but thoo that wyll be yolden
to hyme. And thereopon Seynt Povle the apostyl seyth, [" Fidelis f. 5 s.
Deus qui non patietur vos temptari supra id quod potestis," etc.]. 2

1 Matt. vii. 3.

2 i Cor. x. 13.

88 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

LXXVIII.

T) E not to mery ne to sori

-*-^ For thi dremes, though thei be hevy.

Morpheus byddyth, the mefsanger

Off the god of slepe and dremes seere. 1

A ffabill seyth that Morpheus is sone to the god of slepe, and
he is his mafsenger and he is god of dremes and cawsyth men to
dreme. And because that dremes be trobolous thynges and a derke
and some tyme it may syngnifie contrarie to the dreme, f er is noon
so wyse that may propirly speke 2 liche as the expositours seith of
theyme 3 . Therfor it ys seide to the goodknyght that he shulde not
be to heuy ne to mery ffor sich avysyons, be the which a man may
not shewe no certeyne knowlych ne to what thyng thei sal turne,
and anamely f>at a man shulde not be to mery ne to hevy ffor
thynges off fortune, the which be transsitorie. Socrates seith,
" Thou that arte a man, thou shuld not be to hevy ne to mery ffor

no maner cawse."

Where it is seide that a man shuld not be to mery ne to hevy
for non avysyons, we shall seye that the good speryte shuld not be
to heuy ne to rneri for no maner cause that cometh to hym and
that he shuld suffre tribulacions paciently. Seynt Austyn seith
vpon the Savter, *' Fayre son," seith he, " yf thou wilte wepe for
thi sorres that thou felest, veepe vnder the correccion off thi Fadir ;
yf thou wepe ffor tribulacions that comyth to the, be ware that it be
not for indignacion ne for pride, for the aduersyte that God sendyth
to the it is a medycyne and no payne, it is a chastisment and no
dampnacion. Put not fro the thi Fadris rodde but yf that J>ou wylt
that [hej put the from his heritage ; and thynk not on the payne

1 Au dieu qui dort et fait songer, H.

2 That may propirly that may speke, MS. ; qui proprement en puisse parler quoy-
que les expositeurs en dient, H.

3 Tyme, MS.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 89

that thow owghtes to suflfre of his scorge, but considir what place
thow haste in his testament. To this purpose the wyse [man]
seythe, [" Omne quod tibi applicitum fuerit accipe et in dolore
sustine, et in humilitate tua patientiam habe."] '

LXXIX.

T)E the see yf thou wylt vndertake

Perlyous viages for to make,
Off Alchion 2 beleue the counsell.
Ceys therof the soth may the tell.

Ceys was a kyng, a full good man, and loued wele Alchyon f. 59.
his wyflf. The kyng tooke a deuocion ffor to go a perlyows
pafsage on the see in a tempest, but Alchyon his wyffe, the whiche
loued hyin ryght hertily, dyde gretyly hir besynes to meve hym fro 3
that vyage and with grete teris of wepyng prayde hyme full besyly ;
but it myght not be remedied by here ne he woold not suffir hir to
goo with hym, stondyng that she wolde all gates haue gone with
hymme and at the departyng she styrte on to the shepe.* But
Ceys the kyng comfortyd hir and with force made hyre to abyde,
for the which she was full anggwyssous and hevy and in ryght grete
woo. Neuer the lesse Eolus, 5 the god of wyndes, meved theyme
soo gretely opon the see that the kyng Ceys within fewe dayes
perysshed on the see ; ffor the which, whenne Alchyon knew that
aventure, she kest hire selfe into the see. The ffabill seith that
the godes had pyte J?eroflF and chawnged the bodyes of the .ii. louers
into .ii. birdes, to the intent that there grete loue myght be had in
perpetuell mynde. And yette (>e same birdes flee opon the see
syde, the which be called Alchions and there fedres be whyte ;
and whan the maryneris see theyme come, J?an be they sekyr of a

1 Eccl. ii. 4.

2 Alcyone, or Halcyone, wife of Ceyx, whose story is in Ovid, Met. xi. 410.

3 For, MS.

* Dedens la nef se gita, H.
5 Colus, MS.

go The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

tempest. 1 The ryght exposicion hereof may be that in manage .ii.
loueres loued togedir in lich wyse, the which poyetes lykeneth to
the .ii. byrdes that hade sich a case and aventure. Therefor it is
seide to the goode knyght that he shulde not put hym in no
perlyous pafsage ayens the counsell off his good ffrendis. And
Assaron 2 seyth that the wyse man enforseth hym to draw hym fro
hurtes, and the foole doth his diligence to fynde hurtes.

For to beleue Alchion, it is to vnderstond that the goode speryte
by some evil temptacion is empeched with some errowe or dowte
in his thowght, in the which he shuld reporte hym to the openyon
off the cherche. For Seynt Ambrose seyth in the .ii. booke off
Offices that he is fro hym selfe that dispyseth the counsell of the
cherche, for Joseph helped kyng Pharaon more profitably with
the cownsell off his prudence than though he had yoven hyme
eythir gold or syluer ; for syluer my3gh not a purueyde for the
famyn of Egypte the space of vii. yere. Therefor it is concluded,
"trust counsell and thou shalt not repent the." To this purpose
the wyse man seith in his Proverbes to the persone of holy chirch,
["Custodi legem atque consilium et erit vita animse tuae"]. 8

LXXX.

/^\FF a chylde beleue notte the counsell,

For off Troylus remenbre the wele.
Trest 4 ye may men aged and prouede,
That in armes hath sore bene charged.

When Kyng Priant had repared Troye ayen, the which was
dystroyede because of the greuyng of theym that went into Colcos,
than Priant thought to take vengance for that distruccion and
asemblyd his counsell, where that were many hy barons and wyse

1 The fable was that for seven days before and after the winter solstice, when the
Halcyon was breeding, the sea remained calm.

2 See the " Dis des Philosophes " (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 60).

3 Prov. iii. 21, 22.

4 Sc. Trust.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 91

men, for to wete wheythir it were good that Paaris his sone shulde
goo into Grece to ravyssh Elen or noon in achaunge for Esyona l his
sistir, the which was taken be the Thelomonailles and ledde into
thraldom. But all the wyse men seyde nay, becavse of proficies
and of scriptores, the whiche seide through that rauysshyng Troye
shuld be dystroyed. Than Troylus, the whiche was a child and the
yongest of Priantes sones, seyde that men shulde not in counsell
of werre beleue olde men ne there prouerbes, the which threwe 3
there cowardyse counselleth euer to rest ; so he counselled that
they shulde goo togedir. Troylus consell was holdyn, of the which
felle myche harme. Therefor it is seyde to the good knyght that
he shuld not holde ne beleve the counsell of a childe, the which of
nature is full lyght and lityll to consydir. An auctorite seith to
this purpose that where a childe is kyng }>e londe ys onappy. 4

That a good speryte shulde not agre hym to the counsell of a
childe, it is to vndirstond that he shulde [not] be ignorant, but
knowyng and full lerned in that the which may be prophyte to his
helth ; ffor ayens ignorant pepyll Seynt Austyn seith, " Ignorance is
a full evyl modir, the which hath full evill doughteris, that is to
sey, falssenes and doute ; the fyrst is myschawnce, the secund is
wreechednes, the fyrst is vicyous, but the secund is softer, 6 and
these .ii. is drawen away by wysdome." Therefor the wyse man
seyth, [" Sapientiam praetereuntes non tantum in hoc lapsi sunt
ut ignorarent bona, sed insipientiae suae reliquerunt hominibus
memoriam "]. 6

1 Hesione, whom Hercules rescued when she was exposed by command of an
oracle to be devoured by a sea monster, and whom he gave to Telamon Ajax on being
defrauded of his promised reward by her father Laomedon (Ovid, Met. xi. 211).

2 Thelamon Ayaulx, H.

3 Sc. through.

4 Vae tibi, terra, cujus rex puer est, Vulg. (Eccles x. 16).

5 Plus moleste, H.

6 Sap. x. 5.

92 77/g Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

LXXXI.

T T ATE Calcas and his false disseytes,

OS whome the infynyte malicis
Betrayeth many reaumes expres ' ;
Oflf wordly pepyll J?er is no wers.

Calcas was a sootyl clerke of the cete of Troye, 2 and, whan
Kyng Priante knew that the Grekes come opon hym with a grete
oste, he sent Calcas into Delphos to wete of the god Appolonie 3
how the werre shulde fortvne. But after that the god hade
aunsweryd, the which seide [that] after .x. yere the Grekes
shulde haue the victorie, Calcas turned towarde the Grekes
and aqwaynttyd hym with Achilles, the which was comme into
Delphos for the same cause, and with hym he went to the
Grekes, whome he helpid for to cownsel ayens his owen cete and
ofte tymes disturbed the pes betwyne the Grekys and the Troyens.
-And becawse he was a traytore, it is seide to the goode knyghte
that he shulde hate sich evill sotell pepyll, ffor theyre traysones so
done be willes may hurte gretly reaumes and empires and all
maner of pepyll. Therefor Platon seith, "A soothel 4 enemy,
though he be poore and not myghty, may greue more than a
ennemy myghty and ryche vnknowyn."

Calcas, the which shuld be hatyd, may be vnderstonden
that the good speryte shulde hate all fraudelous malice ayens his
neyghburgh, for he shulde in no wyse consent thertoo. For Seynt
Jerom seith that a traytoure will not be sowpled, neythir for
familiarite off felachep ne for homlynes of mete and drynke ne for
grace of seruyce ne for plente off benefices. Off this vice seith

1 Et empires, H.

2 Calchas was not a Trojan, but a son of Thestor of Mycenae or Megara and the
foremost soothsayer on the Greek side. Christine de Pisan or her authority seems to
have misunderstood Dares Phrygius, ch. 15.

3 Sf. Apollo ; Apollin, H.

4 Sc. subtle.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 93

Seynt Poule the apofstell, [ " Erunt homines cupidi, elati, superbi,
proditores, tumidi"]. 1

LXXXII.

T) E thou notte harde for to graunt, I say,

Sich a thyng as welle enploy thou may ;
To Hermofrodicus 2 haue tendyyng, 8
The whiche tooke harme for his denying.

Hermofrodicus was a beauteous yong thyng, and on of the
fayree * was sore enamourede of hymme, but he in no wyse had
leste to love hire and she purswed hym ouer all. Yt felle on a
tyme that the yong thyng was full wery of the purswte wherein he
hadd trauelled all the day. Than he come to a well-spryng sette
abovte with salwes, 5 by the whiche was a fayre stanke, styll and
clere, flfor the which a lest he hade to bathe hym. 6 He dyde of his
clothes and went into the water. Whan she off the fayree sawe
hym onclothyd and all naked, she went in to hym and for grete
loue tooke that yong thyng in hir armes ; but he, the which was
full froward, put hire fro hym ryght rudely, so she myght not wynne
his hert for no prayour. Than she of the fayree, full of woo, prayde
to the godes that she myght neuer parte from hire loue, the whiche
put hire so fro hym. The godes of pete harde hire deuoute
prayere ; than sodanly they chaunged the .ii. bodies into oone, the
which were of .ii. seytis. 7 This fabill may be vnderstondyn in many
maneres, lich as sothell clerkes and philosopheris hath hide there
grete secretes vndir couertoure of fable. Thereto it may be f- 62.

1 2 Tim. iii. 2, 4, with omissions.

2 Sc. Hermaphroditus (Ovid, Met. iv. 285 sq).

3 A Hermofrodicus te mire, H.

4 The nymph of the well Salmacis ; vne nimphe, H.

5 A la fontaine de Salmacis, H.

6 Lui prist talent de soy baigner, H.

7 Sc. sexes ; qui ii. sexes auoit, H.

94 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

vnderstondyn sentence longyng to the science of astronomy, and as
wele of nygromancye, 1 as that maystrys seyth. And because that
the matyr of loue is more delictable to here than othir, gladely 2
they made there distinccions 3 opon loue for to be the more
delectable to here, anamly to rude pepill, the whiche take but the
barke, and the more agreable to subtile, the which sowketh the
lyquor. But to owre purpose we may vndirstond that it is velany
and a fowle thyng to refuse or to grawnte wyth grete daunger that
the which may not turne to vyce ne to preiudice, thowgh it be
grawnttyd. For Hermes seyth, " Make no long delay to put it in
execucion that the which pou shuld doo."

The goode speryte shulde notte be harde to graunt there
where he seyth necefsite, but reconforte the nedy to his power.
As Seynt Gregore seith in his Moralles that, whan we wyll
reconforte any that is afrayed in heuynes, we shulde fryst make
heuynes with theyme, for he may not veryly reconforte the hevy
person which cordeth hyme not with his heuines. For leche a man 4
may not ioyne oon yren to anothir yf thei be note hote bothe ,ii.
and softyd with the fire, on the same wyse we may not redrefse
anothir yif oure hertes be not softted be compafsyon. To this
purpose Holy Scripture seith, [" Confortate manus dissolutas et
genua debilia roborate "]. 5

LXXXIII.

' I ^HOU mayst wyth the pleys the solace

Off Vlixes, when thou hast tyme and space
In the tyme of trwes and of fest,
For they be both sotel and honest.

1 Darquemie, sc. alchemy, H.

2 Ghadely, MS.

3 Leurs ficcions, H.

4 Men, MS.

c Isai. xxxv. 3

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 95

Vlyxes was a baron of Grece and off grete sotylte and duryng
the long seege afore Troye, the whiche lestyd .x. yere, [when] that
trwes were, he fond pleys full sotyll and feyre for to disporte
knyttes therewyth in the tyme of soioure and rest. And some seyne
that he fonde the game of the chesse and sich othir lich. There-
for it is seide to the good knyght that in dwe tyme men may wele
play at sich games ; forSolyn seith, "All thynggesthat is sottyl and
honest is lefull to be doone."

The pleyes of Vlixes may be vnderstondyn that, when the
knyghtly speryte shall be wery off prayer and of beyng in contem-
placion, he may wele disporte in redyng of Holy Scriptures ; ffor,
as Seynt Jerom seith, Holy Scripture is sete in the yen of owre ' f. 63.
hertis as a merowre, to the entent that we shuld se the herdly face 2
of owre sowle, and therefor may we see the lewdenes, there may
we see who myche 3 that we profyte and how fayre we ben [fro]
profyte. 4 To this purpose owre Lord seith in the Gospell,
[" Scrutamini scripturas, quia vos putatis in ipsis vitam aeternam
habere "]. 5

LXXXIV.

A7IF thou wilt yeff the to Cupido,

Thy hert and all abaundon hire to,
Thynkke on Cresseides nwefanggyllnesse, 6
For hire hert hade to meche dobylnesse.

Cresseide [was] a gentilwoman of grete beaute, an[d] she was
yit more qwaynte and sotell to drawe pepill to hir. 7 Troylus, the
yongest of Priahtes sones, [the which] was full of grete gentilnesse,

1 Yen (sc, eyes) of yowre, MS.

2 Lenterine face, H. (enterin, sc, entier, complet, Godefroy, s.v.).

3 Sc. how much.

4 La pouons nous veoir nostre bel, la pouons nous veoir nostre lait, la pouons
nous veoir combien nous prouffitons et combien nous sommes loings de prouffiter, H.

5 Joh. v. 39.

6 Card toy Briseyda nacointier, H. The change is probably due to Chaucer's
" Troylus and Cryseyde."

7 Cointe et vague et attrayant, H.

96 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

of beaute and of worthines, loued hire ryght hertily and she hade
youen hym hir loue and promysyd to hym that it shuld neuyr
fayle. Calcas, fadir to the gentilwoman, the which knew by
science that Troye shuld be distroyid, dide so myche that his
doughter was delyuered to hym and browght owte of the cete and
ledde to the seege among the Grekes, where hir fadir was. Grete
was the sorowe and full petous the ! complayntis of the .ii. louers
at the departyng. Neuerthelesse within a while aftir Dyomed, the
which was a hye baron and a full worthi knyght, aqweynttyd hym
with Crefseide and labowrd so score to hir that she loued hym and
only 9 foryate hir trwe loue Troylus. Because that Cresseide was
so lyght of corage, it is seide to the gode knyght that, yf he will
sette his herte in ony plase, late hym be ware that he be not
aqwauyntyd with sich a lady as Crefseide was. And Hermes
seith, "Kepe the from evill felachepe, that thou be not on of
theyme."

Crefseide, of whom a man shulde be ware to aqweynt hym, is
veyne glori, with the which the good sperite shuld not aqwaynte
hym, but fle it onto his power, for it is to lyghte and commyth to
sodenly. And Seynt Austyn opon the Sauter seith that he the
which hath wele lerned and asayed by experiens to ouergoo degrees
of vices, he is coume to the knowlyge that the synne of veyne
glory is holy or most specyaly to eschwe of perfy3te men, ffor
emong all othir synnes it is hardest to ouercom. Therefor the
apostil Seynt Poule seith, [" Qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur "].*

LXXXV.

\17HEN thou hast kylled Patroclus,

* ' Ware of Achilles, I counsell )?e thus,
6 4 . Yf thou loue me, for thei be all on,

There goods betweyne theym be comon.

1 Of the, MS.

8 Sc. wholly ? ; du tout, H.

3 i Cor. i. 31.

or The Bake of Knyghthode. 97

Patroclus and Achilles were felawes togedir and ryght dere
freendis. so that there were neuer to l brethere loued better
togedir, and thei and here goodes were comon as all o thyng. And
because that Hector slew Patroclus in batayle Achilles had grete
hate to Hector, and fro theyns forthe swore his dethe. But
because he doutyd meche his grete streynght, he lefte neuer to
wayte how he myght fynde hym discouered to betray hym. Ther-
for Othea seide to Hector, as by profecye of that which was for to
come, that, when he hadde sleyne Patroclus, it were nede for hym
to be ware of Achilles. That is to vnderstond ]?at euery man the
which hath slayne or mysdoon to anothir mannys trwe freen , his 2
felawe will take vengance if he may. Therefor Magdare 3 seith,
" In what [place] that euer thou be wyth thy ennemye, holde hym
euer in suspecte, thow 4 that thow be myghtyer than he."

Where it is seide that, when thow hast sleyne Patroclus thou
shulde be ware of Achilles, we may vnderstond that, yf the goode
speryte suffir hym by the feend to bowe to synne, he howte 5 to
dowte euerlastyng dethe. And Solyn seith, 6 " This present lyue is
but a knyghthode an[d] in tokyn theroff this present lyf is called
werre in deference of that aboue, the which is called victorius, for
it hath euer of enemyes." To this purpose the apostil Seynt
Poule seith, ["Induite vos armaturam Dei, ut possitis stare adversus
insidias diaboli."] 7

1 Sf. two.

3 Or, MS. The passage is confused, cf. que tout homme qui a occis ou meflait
au loyal compaignon dun autre que le compaignon en fera la vengence, H.

3 Madarge, H. ; Magdargis, Add. MS. 16,906, f. 550 ; Macdarge, Roy. MS. 19 B.
iv. f. 65. The " dit " as given by G. de Tignonville in the last-named MS. is " En
quelque lieu que tu soyes auecques ton enmemi .... fay touz iours bon guet ; ia
soit ce que tu soyes le plus fort et plus puissant, si doys tu trauaillier a faire la paix."

4 Sc. though.

5 Sf. ought.

6 This is not among Solon's sayings in the " Dis des Philosophies."

7 Ephes. vi. n.

98 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

LXXXVI.

~DE ware thou voide note fro the Echo,

Ne hir ' petous complayntes also ;
Susteyne all hir wille, yif it may be,
For thou wote not what may com to the.

The fabill seith that Echo was a fayre woman, and because
she was wont to be to grete a iangelere and by hir iangyllyng on a
day accused Juno, the which for ialousie on day lay in awayte on
hir husbond, the godefse was wroothe and seide, " For hens forth
thou shalt no more speke fryst, but after anothir." Echo was
anamored on faire Arcisus, 2 but neyther for prayer ne for sygne of
love that she made to hym he lyst not to haue pete off hire, in so
mych that the faire creature diede for his love. But dyeng she
prayed to the godefse that she myght be vengyd of hyme in whome
she hade fownde so mych cruellnes that ons yit thei myghte make
hym to fele the charpenefse of loue, whereby he may preue the
grete woo }?at veray louers haue the which in loue be refufsede ;
J?an she died. So Eccho made an ende, but hire voyse remaneth,
which lestyth yitte. And there the godes made it perpetuall for
memorie of that aventure, and yit it answheris to pepill in valeyys
and on reueres aftyr the woyse of othir, but it may not speke fryst.
Eccho may syngnyfie a persone the which off grete necefsite
requyryth the voyse that is youen to anothir ; that is to sey, of
nedy pepyll there is abydyng enowe, for they may not helpe
themselffe withowte helpe of othir. 3 Therefor it is seyde to the
good knyght that he shuld haue pete of nedy pepill that reqwyrith
it. And Zaqualquin 4 seith, " Who so will kepe wele the lawe,
shulde helpe hys frend with his goode and leue to nedi pepill and

1 His, MS., both here and in the next line.

2 St. Narcissus ; Narcisus, H. See the story in Ovid, Met. iii. 356 sq.

3 Cf. qui par grant necessite requiert autrui ; la voix qui est demouree, cest que
de gens souffraiteux est il assez demoure ne ilz ne peuent parler fors apres autrui, H.

4 The fourth philosopher in the "Dicta"; Salquin, Add. MS. 16,906, f. 70 ;
Zaqualkin, Roy. MS. 196. iv. f. job.

or The JBoke of Knyghthode. 99

be gracious, not denying Justice to his enemy, and kepe hym fro
vice and dishonour."

Be Echo, the which shuld not be refusyd, may be notyd the
mercy fat the good sperite shulde haue in hym selfe. And Seynt
Austyn seith in the book of owre Lo[r]dis Sermon that he made
on the Hille that blyssyd be thoo that willyngly socourith poore
pepill, the which be in penowrye, for thei discerue mercy of God
opon them that is in penuery. And it is a iust thyng that who so
will be holpyn of a souereyne more myghtye than he shuld helpe l
a sympler than he is, in as myche that he is mythyer than he.
Therefor the wyse man seith in his Prouerbis, [" Qui pronus est ad
misericordiam benedicetur."] 2

LXXXVII.

T FF thou wilte haue a croune of victorie,

Which is better than ony good wordly,
Damee 3 thou most folue and purswe
And shalt haue hir, if thou will wele swe.

The fabil seith Damee was a gentylwoman that Phebus loued
hertily, and he purswede hire sore, but she wolde not agre to hym.
It felle on a day that he sawe the fayre creature go in a way and
he folowed and, whanne she sawe hym come, she fledde and the
god aftir. And when he was so nere that she sawe well she myght
not scape hym, she made hir prayers to the godes Diane that she
shulde save hire virginite, and the body of the maydyn chaunged
into a grene lorier ; and when Phebus was come nere therto, he
tooke of the brawnches of the tre and made hym a chaplete in
syngne of victorie. And anamly in the tyme 4 of the Romayns
greetc felicite the victorius pepill of tbeyme were crowned with f. 61
lorier. This fabill may haue many vndirstondynges. It myght
happe that some myty man with long traveyle swed a lady in so

1 To helpe, MS.

2 Prov. xxii. 9.

8 Sc, Daphne (Ovid, Met. i. 452 sq.); Damne, H.
4 To theyme, MS. ; ou temps, H.

loo The Epistie of Othea to Hector ;

mych that with his grete pursvte he com to his will vndir a lorier,
and for that cavse fro theyns forth he loued the lorier and bare it
in his devyse in signe of the victorie that he hade of his love vndir
the lorier. And allso the lorier may be take for golde, the which
betokynyth worchippe. It is seide to the good knyght that he
most pursue Damee, if that he will haue a croune of lorier, that is
to seyne, payne and traveyle, yf he will com to worchippe. To
this purpose Omer seyth, "Be grete diligence a man comyth to
grete perfeccion."

That Damee wolde be purswede for to have a croune of lorier,
we may vndirstonde that, yf the goode speryth will haue a glorius
victorie, he must haue perseuerance, the which sail lede hym to
the victorie of paradyse, of the which the ioies be infynite. As
Seynt Grygory seith, " Who hath }?at tong that may suffice to tell
it, and where is the vndirstondyng that may or canne comprehend
it, who 1 many ioyes be there in that souereyne cete off paradyse,
euer to be present 2 . . . . visage of God, to se the vnscribable
lyght, to be in suite neuer to haue fere off deth, to be mery with
the gyfte of euerlastyng clennes ? " To this purpose Dauid seith in
\>Q Savter, ["Gloriosa dicta sunt de te, civitas Dei "]. 3

LXXXVIII.

nnO the also I make mencion

Off Andromathais 3 vision ;
Dispite not thi wyfe, I counsell the,
Ne othir wemen that wise be.

Avdromatha was Hectoures wyffe, and the nyght afore that
he was sleyne there com to his wyfe in a vision that the next daye

1 Sc. how.

2 An omission by homceoteleuton ; cf. estre tous iours present aux ordres des anges
auec les benois esperis assister a la gloire du conditeur, regarder le present visage,
etc. H. The quotation is from Horn, xxxvii.in Evang. (Migne, Ixxvi. 1275).

3 Psal. Ixxxvi. 3.

4 Sc. Andromache's.

or The Boke of Knyghthotfe. 101

that Hector went to the batayle withowten dowte there he shuld
be sleyne. For the which Andromatha with grete seghens and
vepynges dide hire power that he shuld no goo into the batayle ;
but Hector wold not beleue hir and there he was slayne. Where-
for it is seide that a goode knyght shuld not holy disprayse visions
of his wife, that is to sey, in avice and the counsell of his wyfe, if
he be wyse and well condiciond, and anamly of othir wise women.
For Platon seith, " Thou shuld not disprayse the counsell of a
lytill wise person, for, jx>ugh thou be neuer so olde, be not ashamed
to lerne, though a childe wolde teche the, for some tyme the
ingnorant may avise the wise man.

The avision of Andromatha, the whiche shulde not be dis- f. 67.
preysed, is that a good purpose sent by the Holy Gost Jhesu
Cristis knyght shuld not sette it at nought, but anoon sette it in
effecte vnto his power. Thereoff spekyth Seynt Gregory in his
Moralles that the good Sperite for to draw vs to goodnes and-
monychit vs, meveth vs and techitht vs. He admonychyt owre
mynde, he meuith oure will and techyt owre vnderstondynges.
The Sperite, softe and swete, suffirth no maner of litell spote of
chaffe ' abydyng in the habitacion of the herte where he in-
spiryth, but broyleth it anoon with his subtile circumspeccion. 2
Therefore the postile Seynt Powle seith, ["Spiritum nolite ex-
tinguere " ]. 3

LXXXIX.

I" F that thoue haue grete werre and besy,

In Babilonies streynght verely
Troste not, for be Minos 4 and that soone
It was take ; trosteth not than thereone.

1 Petite paille, H.

8 La brusle du feu de sa soubtille circonspeccion, H.

3 i Thess. v. 19

4 Ninus, H.

IO2 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

Grete Babilony was founded bi the grete gyaunt Nambroth, 1
and it was the streyngest cete that euer was ; but notwithstondyng
it was take by knynght Minos. 2 Therefore it is seide to the good
knyght that he shuld not so myche truste in the streynght of his
cete or off his castell in tyme off werre, but that it be full purveide
off pepyll and of all thyng that behoueth for dwe defence. For
Platon seith, "Who so trostith all only in his streyngth is often

ouercomen."

Be the streynth of Babilonie, wherein men shuld not trost, it
is to vndirstonde that the good sperite shulde not trust ne attende
to thynges that the worlde promysith ; and Seynt Austyn spekith
therof in the booke of Syngularite of Clerkes, 3 that it is to lewde a
trust 4 to name his lyffe to be swre ayens the perell of this worlde.
And it is a folych hope to wene to be saue among the byttynges 5 of
synnys ; yit the victorie incerteyne is as long as men be among the
dartes of there enmyes and kepith theyme vnhurte, 6 but who so is
envirouned with flawmes is not lyghtly delyuered withowtyn
brennyng. Trost to hym that hath the experience ; though the
world lawith 7 on the, tryst it not, lete thi hoope be sette in God.
Therefor seith the prophete Dauid, " Spera in Domino," etc. 8

1 Sc. Nimrod.

2 Le roy Ninus, H.

3 De Singularitate Clericorum (Migne, iv. 837). The Latin text is somewhat
loosely rendered.

4 Cest vne sotte fiance, H. ; adversaria est confidentia, St. Aug.
6 Estre sauf entre les morsures, H.

6 And vnhurte, not in H. or Lat.

7 Sc. laugheth ; rit, H.

8 Psal. xxxvi. 3 ; Bonum est confidere in Domino, etc. (Psal. cxvii. 8), H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 103

XC.

T T ECTOR me must pronunce thi deth smerte.

Wherefor grete sorwe bitteth my herte.
That shall [be] whene that Priant the kyng
[Thou] woldest not trost, which come the praying. 1

The day that Hector was sleyne in bataile Andromatha his f. 68.
wiffe come to pray Kyng Priant with full grete compleyntes and
wepynges that he wolde not that day suffre Hector to goo to
bataile, for withowte dowte he shulde be sleyne yf he went thedir. 2
Mars, the god of bataile, and Minerve, the godefse of armes, hade
veraly shewed it there in hir slepe, 3 where thei apperid to hir.
Priant dide all that he myghte for he shulde not fyght that day, but
Hector stale fro his fadir and stirte owte of the cete by a waye
vndir the erthe and went to the bataile, where he was sleyne.
And for because he neuer dishobehed his fadir but that day, [it]
may be seide the day that he shulde dishabey his ffadir than shulde
he die. And it may be vnderstond that noon shulde dishobey his
souereyne ne his good ffrendes, when they awyse hym as in reson.
And therfor Aristotil seide to Alexandir, " As long as thou trustist
the cownsell of theyme that vsith wisdom and that loued the truly,
thou salt reigne glorously."

Where she * seide to Hector that she most pronounce his
name, 5 [it] is that the good sperite shulde haue contynell mynde on
the owre of deth. Thereof seith Seynt Bernard 6 that in man-
kyndely thynges men fynde no thyng more certeyne fan deth, ne
lefse iricerteyne than is the owre of deth ; for deth hath no mercy
of pouerte and dothe no worshippe to reches ; it sparith neythir

1 Ce sera quant le roy Priant Ne croiras, qui tira priant, H.

2 See above, p. 100.
8 Shepe, MS.

4 Sc. Othea ; he, MS., both here and a few words later on.

6 Sa mort, H.

6 Sermo de conversione ad clericos, ch. viii. (Migne, clxxxii. 843).

IO4 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

wisedom, condicions ne age ; men hath non othir certeyne of deth
but that it is at the doores of aged men and it is in the mydwes 1
of yong men. To this purpose the wise man seith, [" Memor
esto, quoniam mors non tardat "]. 2

XCI.

T PURPOSE yet to make the sadde and wyse, 3

That thou vse in batailes ffor no gise
Off thyre harneis discouered for to be,
For thi deth than it will opyn to the.

In the bataile Hector was founde discouerede of his harneis,
and thanne he was sleyne. And therefor it is seide to the goode
knyght that he shuld not in bataile be discouered of his harneis.
For Hermes seyth that deth farith as the stokke 4 of an arrowe
and lyff farith as an arrowe that is sette to shoote. 5

There where it is seide that he shuld kepe hym couered with
his harneis it is vndirstond that the good sperite shulde kepe his
wittis cloose and not voide. Seynt Grigori seith hereoff that a
person the which departhit hys vittis fareth as a iowgolowre the
which fyndeth no wers hous than his owyn ; therefor he is euer
owte of his hows, euen as a man that kepith not his wittes clos is
euer vagaunt and owte of the hous of his conscience and farith
as an opyn hall where men may entre on euery syde. Therefor
[our] Lorde seith in the Gospell, [" Clause ostio, ora Patrem
tuum in abscondito." ] 6

1 En espies, H. ; auxpiez, Roy. MSS. 14 E. ii. f, 327, 17 E. iv. f. 313 ; adolescent-
ibus in insidiis est, St. Bern.

3 Eccl. xiv. 1 2 ; tardabit, H.

3 Encor te vueil ie faire sage, H.

4 ? Stroke ; le coup de vne sayette, H. and G. de Tign.

5 Qui met auenir, H. ; qui meut a venir, G. de Tign (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 70).

6 Matt. vi. 6.

or The JBoke of Knyghthode. 105

XCII.

Pollibetes 1 coveite not hastly
His harmes, for thei be vnhappy ;
Of his dispoylyng folowed, parde,
Thi wofull deth be theyme fat sewed \>e.

Polibetes was a full myghty kyng, the which Hector slewe in
the bataile after many othir grete dedes that he hadde done that
day. And becawse that he was harmede with fFayre harmes and
reche, Hector coveite theyme and stowpyd doung of his hors nekke
for to dispoyle the body, and than Achilles, the which swede after
hym with hole will to take hym disco uerte, smote hym beneth for
fawte off his harmure and at oo stroke kylled hym, of whom it was
grete harme, ffor a worthier knyght was neuer gyrte whyth swerde
of the which stories maken mencion. And that sich couetyses may
be no noyens 2 in sich places it shewith bi the seide cas. There-
for the philosophir seith, " Disoordnet couetise 3 ledith a man to
deth."

That we shulde not couete Polibetis armis, we may vndirstond
that the goode speryte shuld haue no couetise to no maner of
wordly thynges. For Innocent seith * that it ledith a man to deth,
for covetise it is a fyre that may not be stawnched. The couetous
person is neuer content to haue that the which he desyrith, for,
whan he hath that he desiryd, he desyrith euer more, euer he setteth
his ende in as mych as that he tenteth to have more and not to that
the which he hath. Averyse and covetise be .ii. saus makers, 5 the
which sefseth neuer to seye, " Bryng, bryng"; and to the value that

1 The Politenes of Benoit de Ste. Maure (1. 16105) and Guido delle Colonne.
8 Puit estre nuisible, H.

3 Couuoitise desordenee, H.

4 Dit Ygnocence ou liure de la vilte d econdicion humaine, H. The quotation is
from Pope Innocent III., "De contemptu mundi," ii. 6 (Migne, ccxvii. 719).

5 Sont ii. sancsues, H. ; sanguisugae, Innoc., quoting Prov. xxx. 15. Wyer's
version rightly has "horse-leeches"; and the reading "sauce-makers" is inexplicable.

io6 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

the money waxeth the loue of the mony waxeth. Couetise is the
way to the gostly deth and oftetymes to bodily deth. Therefor the
postyll Seynt Povvle seith, [" Radix omnium malorum cupiditas
est"]. 1

XCIII.

A SSOTE the not in love of strawnge kynde ;
^^ The deede of Achilles haue in mynde,
Which wende to make of hys enmye
His veri lyfFe and that interely.

Achilles was asotyd in lowe of Polexene the faire mayden, the
which was sister to Hector, as he sawe hir in the begynnyng of the
yere at the servise off Ectoris yeris meynde 2 in the trwes tyme,
where many Grekis went to Troye to see the nobilnes of the cete
and of the reche terrement, that was the most solemny made that
euer was made for the body of a knyght. There Achilles sawe
Polixenne, where he was sore takyn with hir loue that he myght no
wyse endure, and therefor he sent to Hecuba the qwene that he
wolde treite of mariage and he wolde make the werre to sesse and
the sege to departe and he shuld euer be there frend. It was long
after or Achilles armed ayens the Troyens becawse of that lowe
and [he] dede grete peyne to make the ost to departe, but he myght
not doo it and therfor the mariage was notte made. After that
Achilles slew Troylus, the which was so full of worthines that he
was ryght leke to Hector his brothir, standyng the yong age that
he hadde. But the qwene Ecuba was so full of woo for hym that
she sent for Achilles to come to hir to Troye ffor to treite of the
mariage. He went thedir, and there he was slayne. And j?erfor it
is seide to the good knyghte that he shuld not assote hym vpon
strawnge loues, ffor by ferre loues comyth harme. And therfor the

1 Tim. vi. 10.

2 A luniversaire (sc. 1'anniversaire) du chief de Ian des obseques de Hector, H. ;
vnyuersarie, Wyer.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 107

wyse [man] seith, " When thyn enemys may not venge theyme,
than hast thou nede to be ware."

That a goode spyryte shulde not afsote hym vpon strawnge
loues, that is to vndirstond that he shulde chawnge ' no thynge but
yf it comme holy of God and [be] determined in hym. " All strange
loues " is the worlde, the which he shuld flee. That he shulde flee
the worlde Seynt Austyn seith in expownyng of Seynt Jonis
Pistil, 2 " The world pafsith [and its] concupiscens. 3 O resonable
man/' than seith he, "whethir had thou leuer loue the temperell
worlde and pafse with the tyme, or be with 4 Cryst Jhesu and lyfe
perpetualy with hyme ? " To this purpose Seynt Jon seith in his
fryst Pistill, [" Nolite diligere mundum neque ea quae in mundo
sunt "].*

XCIV.

WNDIRTAKE non harmes folely ;
It is perell for sowle and body
A naked harme and no shelde to take ;
Off Ayaux may thou example make

Ayaux was a full prowd knyght of J?e Grekis and trostid to
mych on hymselfe, but yet he was a goode knyght of his hand. f. 71 .
And for pride and soleynnes he vndyrtooke to doo armes with his
arme naked discouered withowte a chelde, and so he was boron
through 6 and ouerthrowen dede. Therefore it is seide to the goode
knyght that to doo siche armes, thei be neythir profitabill ne
worchipfull, but rather thei be named lewde and prowde, and thei
be to perlyous. Aristotil seith that many erreth be ignorance and
fawte of knowyng and woote not whate it is to do ne to leue, and
some fayle be arrogance and pride.

1 Amer, H.

2 In ep. Joannis ad Parthos tract, ii. (Migne, xxxv. 1994).

3 Et sa concupiscence, H.

4 Amer, H.

6 i Ep. Job. ii. 15.

6 Perciez doultre en oultre, H.

io8 The Epistle of Othea to Hector;

How armes shulde not be vndertake follely is fat f e good
sperite shulde not tryst in his owyn fragilite. As Seynt Tawstyn '
seyth in a sermon, fat non shulde presume in his owyn herte when
he pronownceth a worde ne non sulde 2 [trust] in his streynghte
when he sufferith tentacion, for, when we speke wysely goode
wordes, thei coume of God and not of owre wytte, and when we
endure aduersitees stedefastly, it cometh of God and not of oure
pacience. To this purpose the apostyl Seynt Powle seith,
[" Fiduciam talem habemus per Christum ad Deum, non quod simus
sufficientes aliquid cogitare ex nobis quasi ex nobis "]. 8

xcv.

A NTENOR exile and chase away,
!** Which purchafsed ayens his contrey
Bothe treson, falsenes and grete vntrouth ;
But yif he were yolden it were routh.

Anthenor was a baron of Troie, and when it com at the last to
grete Troyenne bateylles, the Grekys that hadde long kepte sege
afore the cete they wost not how they myght haue a conclusyon to
take the cete, ffor it was of ryght grete streynghte, than by the
tysyng * of Anthenor. For angre that he hadde to kyng Priaunt,
he comforted theyme and seide that thei shulde make a pes with the
kyng, and by that mene thei may putte theyme selue into the cete
and they shall be youen a wey. Thus thei dede, by the which Troye
was betrayed. And because that the treson hereoff was to grete
and to evill, it is seide to the good knyght that all sich semblable,
where he knoweth theyme, he shulde exile and chafse theyme
awey, for sich pepill be gretili to hate. Platon seyth that difseyte
is capteyne and gouernowre off shrewes. 5

1 Sc. Augustine.

8 Susde, MS. ; ne nul en sa force ne se doit fyer, H.

3 2 Cor. iii. 4, 5 ; tanquam ex nobis, H.

4 Lenditement, H. ; exhortacion, Wyer.

6 Des mauuais, H. ; Barat est le cappitaine des mauuoys et ire est son gouuer-
neur, G. de Tign. (Roy. MS. 19 B. iv. f. 39).

or The Boke of Knyghthode* 109

Be Anthenor, the which shulde be chafsed awey, we may f. 72.
vnderstonde that the goode sperite shulde dryve away all thynges
whereby ony inconuenyence myght come to hyme. To this Seynt
Austyn seith that he that is not besy to eschewe inconueniencees ' is
leche a b[u]tyrflye that turnyth so ofte abowte the fyre of the
lampe that he birneth his wenges and thanne is drowned in the
oyle, and to the birde that flieth so ofte abowte the glewe that he
lesyth his feddris. Example of Seynte Petir, the which aboode so
long in the princes courte of the lawe that he fell into sich an
inconuenience to renye 2 his Maystir. And the wyse man seith,
[" Ftige a via malorum, ne transeas per earn "]. 3

XCVI.

T N Mynervez tempell to offir

Thou shulde not thi ennemye sujQfre.
Take thou goode hede to the hors of tre ;
Troye hadde yet bene, had that not be-

The Grekes hade made a feynte pes* with the Troyens by
Anthemores trayson. Thei seyde thei hadde avowed a gifte to
Mynerve the godes, the which thei wolde offyr, and the[i] hadde
made a horse of tre of an huge grettenes, the which was full of men
of armes, and it was so grete that the yate of the cete most be
brokyn for to late it cum in. And the hors was sette opon whelis,
that rolled it forth to the temple ; and when nyght come and when
the tovne was most in rest, than the knyghtes lepid owt of the hors
and vent abowte in the cete, the which brente and kyllid and
distroiid the towne. The[re]for it is seide to the good knyght that
he shulde not trost in no sich fantasies ne offerynges. To this

J iii. (les, H.) inconueniencees, MS.

2 Sc. deny ; reyne, MS. ; renyer, H.

3 Prov. iv. 15.

* Paix par faintise, H.

no The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

purpose a wyse man seith, " A man shulde dowte the sotiltees and
the spies of his enemie, yif he be wise, and his shrewdenes, 1 yf he
be a foole."

By Minerve temple we may vnderstond holy chirch, where
shulde not a been offird but prayer. And Seynt Awstyn seith in
the booke of Feyth, that withowte the ifelechippe of holy chirch
and baptym no thyng may availe, ne the dedes of mercye may not
vaile to euerlastyng liffe, for withowte the lappe of the chirch
non helthe may be. There[for] Dauid seith in the Sauter booke,
[" Apud te laus mea in ecclesia magna"]. 2

XCVII.

nPROST not to haue a sure castell ;

For Ylyones towre, sette full well,
Was take and brent, and so was Thune. 3
All is in the handes of fortune.

Ylyon was the mayster doongon of Troye and the faryst and
the strengest castell that euer was made of the which stories
makyth mencion ; but notwithstondyng it was take and brent and
broute to nowte, and so was the cete of Thune, the which was
some tyme a grete thyng. And becavse that sich causes falleth
bi the chaungabilnes of fortvne, it is desirid that the good knyght
shulde not be prowde in hyme selfe ne thynke hym selfe sure for
no streyngh. Therefor Tholome 4 seith, u The hyer that a lorde be
raysed the perlyouser is the ouyrthrowe."

That man shuld not wene to have a svre castell, we may
vndirstond that the good sperite shulde take non hede to no maner
delite ; for as delitees be pafsyng and not svre and ledith a person
to dampnacion, Seynt Jerom seith that it is inpofsibile for a person

1 Sa mauuaistie, H.

2 Psal. xxi. 26.

3 So H. and other MSS. ; perhaps a corruption for Thyre or Tyre.

4 Sc. Ptolemy ; Ptholomee, H.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. in

to pafse fro delittes to delyttes, that is to sey, for to pase and
lepe fro delites of this worlde to the delyttes of paradyse, the
which fillyth the wombe here and the sowle there. For the diuine
condicion is vnbounde, for it is not yoven to thoo that weneth to
haue the worlde euerlastyng in delittes. And to this purpose is
wreetyn in the Pocalipce, [" Quantum glorificavit se et in deliciis
fuit, tantum date ei tormentum et luctum"]. 1

XCVIII.

SCHWE thou shulde }>e swyn of Circes,

Where that the knyttes 3 off Vlixes
Were turnyd to swyne as to the ye.
Vmbethynke the wele of this partie.

Cyrces was a qwene, whos reaume was opon the see of Ytaile,
and she was a grete enchaunterefse and knew meche of sorcery and
wichcraft. And whan Vlixes, the which wente to the se after the
destruccion off Troye, as he went to a returnyd * into his cuntre,
throwe many grete and perlyous tormentes that he hadde he aryved
at a hauen of the same lande. He sent to the qwene by his
knyghtes to wete wheythir he myght swrely taken hauen in her lond
or noon. Circes reseyuyd his knyghtes full gentely and of curtesei
made ordeyne for theyme a potage full delicious to drynke, but the
potage hade sich a strengh that sodenly the knyghttes were chaunged
into swyne. Circes may be vnderstond in many maners. It ma[y]
be vndirstonde be a lande or a cuntre where that knyghtes were
putte in fowle and veleyns preson ; and allso she may be lekened
to a lady full of wantonnefse and ydilnes, that by hire many errant
knyghtes, that is to sey, sewyng armes, ]?e which anamly were of
Vlixes pepill, that is to vndirstonde, malicious and noyens, were

1 Apoc. xviii. "j.

3 Sc. knights.

3 Sc. as he weaned to have returned ; si comme il cuidoit retourner, H.

112 The Epistle of Othea to Hector ;

kepte to soiorne as swyne. And therefor it is seide to J?e good
knyght that he shulde not reste in sich a soioryng. For Arystotill
seith, " He that is holy 1 in fornicacion may not be aloved 2 in the
ende."

Cyrceses swyne may we take for ypocrysy, the which the
goode sperite shulde eschewe off all thynges. Ayens ypocrytes
Seynt Gregory seith in his Moralles, 3 that the lyfe of ypocrytes is
but a frawdelous vysyon and as a fantasye ymagenid, the which
shewith owtewarde lykenes of an ymage, the which is not in very
dede inwarde. To this purpose owre Lorde seith in the Gospell,
["Vse vobis, hypocrite, quia similes estis sepulchris dealbatis,"
etc.]. 4

XCIX.

r I "HOU shulde no grete reson shewe to }?e man
The which as that tyme vndirstond ne can.
Yno, the which the soddyn corne dide sowe,
Noteth it to the well inowgh, I trowe.

Yno was a qwene, the which made sothyn 5 corne to be sowen,
the which comme not vppe. And therfor it is seide to the goode
knyght ]?at gode resons and weele sette and wyse autorites shulde
not be tolde to the pepill of rude vndirstondyng and that cannot
vndirstond them, ffor they be lost. And therfor Aristotile seith,
" As reyne avaylith notte to corne that is sowen on a stone, no
more availleth argumentes to an onwyse man."

That faire and wise wordis shuld not be tolde to rude and
ignorant pepill, the which cannot vnderstond theyme, it is to sey
that it is as a thyng loste, and than ignorance is to blame. Seynt
Bernard seith in a book of xv. Degrees of Mekenes that fore noght

1 Sc. wholly.

2 Louez, H. ; loe, G. de Tign. (Roy. MS. 196. iv. f. 440) ; lawded ne alowed,
Wyer.

3 Moralia, xv. 6 (Migne, Ixxv. 1084).

4 Matt, xxiii. 27.

5 St. sodden ; le ble cuit, H. For the same story of Ino see above, p. 29.

or The Boke of Knyghthode. 1 1 3

tho ascuse theyme of fragilite or off ignorance, 1 standyng that siche
as syne most frely be gladly fxreel and ignorant, and many thynges
the which shuld be knowen be some tyme vnknowen, outhir be
necligence to kune it ... , 2 All sich ignorances hath non
excusacion. Therefore the postil Seynt Povle seyth, ["Si quis
ignorat, ignorabitur"]. 3

A UCTORITES I haue written to the
** An .c. ; late theyme be take agre, 4
For a woman lerned Augustus
To be worchipped and taught hym thus.

* f vf '\ ? :'>' 'ty j ;.; ! ."!..'} ?.' {' .

Cesar Augustus was Emperoure off the Romayns and off all f. 75.
the worlde, and because thet in th[e] tyme of his reygne pes was in
all \>Q world and that he reyngned pesibily, lewed pepill and misse-
beleueres thought that the pes was becawse of his goodnes ; but
it was notte, for it was Crist Jhesu, the which was borne off the
Virgine Mary and was that tyme on j?e erth, and as long as he was
on erth, it was pes ouer all the worlde. So they wold haue
worchippede Cesar as God ; but thanne Sebille bad hym to be well
ware that he made hyme note to be worchipped, and that ther was
no God but on alone, J?e which had made all thynges. And thanne
she lede hyme to an hy mounteyn withowte the cete and in the
sone by the will of owre Lord aperyd a Vergine holdyng a Childe. 5
Sibille shewed it to hym and seyd to hyme that ther was very God,

1 Frustra sibi de infirmitate vel ignorantia blandiuntur, qui ut liberius peccent
libenter ignorant vel infirmantur, Bern, de Gradibus Humilitatis, cap. vi. (Migne,
clxxxii. 951).

3 There is an omission here, cf. ou par negligence de les sauoir ou par parece de
les demander ou par honte de les enquerir, H.

3 i Cor. xiv. 38.

4 Si ne soient de toy despites, H.

6 This story is from the " Aurea Legenda " of Jacobus de Voragine with slight
variations (ed. Graesse, 1846, p. 44).

ii4 The Epistle of Qthea to Hector.

the which shuld be worchipped, and than Cesar worchippede hym.
And becaus that Ceesar Augustus, the [which] was prince off all the
wor[l]de, lerned to knowe God and the Beleve off a woman, to the
purpose may be seide the auctorite that Hermes seith, " Be not
ashamed to here trowth and good techyngges of whom that euer
seith it, for trouth nobly th hym J?at pronounceth it."

There where Othea seith that she hath wreten to hym an .c.
auctorites and that Augustus lerned of a woman, it is to vndirstond
that good wordes and good techynges is to prayse of what persone
J>at seith it. 1 Howe 2 de Seint Victor spekyth hereof in a boke
called Didascalicon, that a wyse man gladdely herith all maner of
techynges ; he dispisyth not the Scriptur, he dispyseth not the
person, he dispiseth not the doctrine ; he sekyth indifferently ouer
all, and all that euer he seth the which he hath defaute ; he con-
siderith notte what he is that spekyth, but [what] that is the which
he seith 3 ; he taketh no hede how myche he can hymme selfe, but
how mech he cannot. To this purpose \ e wyse man seith, ["Auris
bona audiet cum omni concupiscentia sapientiam "].*

1 De quelconques personne que ilz soient dis, H.

2 Hugh de St. Victor, Bruditionis didascalicae libri vii. (Migne, clxxvi. 739).

3 Mais que cest que il dit, H.

4 Eccl. iii. 31. H. has the colophon, " Explicit lepistre Othea."

GLOSSARY.

a, have, 16, 78, in

abaundonede, devoted ', 38

a ben, been, 41

abusyon (abusion, H.), abuse, 50

accused (accusee, H.), told, reported,
52

achaunge, exchange, 91

acome, come, 50

acorde, agree, 34

acorde, agreement, 52

acordyng (couuenable, H.), fitting, pro-
per, 15, 25

afore or, before that, 70

affrayed, terrified, 41

agre, favourably, in good part, 113

all gates, anyhow, by any means, 72, 89

all only but, except, 9

aloved (louez, H.), praised, 112

alyche (allegue, H.), allege, 12

anamely, anamly, namely, 7, 12, 17, 27,
70, 78, etc.

anggwyssous (angoisseuse, H.), full of
anguish, 89

applique, apply, 8

arayed (aournez, H.), equipped, adorned,
7, 8, 23

arayeth (arroie, H.), equippeth, 6

armure, armour, 24

arwe, arrow, 56

assay (essay, H.), /r/a/, //, 6

assot, assote, besot, make foolish, 36, 74,
1 06

assotted, besotted, 75

assottede of, besotted with, doting on, 28,

aturnyd, turned, 72

auctorised, authenticated, vouched for, 2, 4
availe, avayle, advantage, profit, 5, 12,

26, 37

aventerous, adventurous, 9
aventure, adventure, 12
avisement, reflection, counsel, 19
avowed, vowed, 109
avysyons, visions, dreams, 75, 76, 88
ayen, against, 2
ayen, ayene, #/, 7, 48, 79
ayens, against, 12, 29, 32, etc.
ay ens say, gainsay, 47

bachelere, bachelor, 28

bateilled, battled, fought, 22

bayle (baillif, H.), Ao/A/, 13

be, &*, 41

beerys (ours, H.), bears, 12

befolowe, follow, 60

begone (w. evylle b.), affected, beset, 41

behouely (couuenable, H.), proper, befit-
ting, 8, 12, 23, 82

bellue (belue, H.), monster, 15

ben, be, 70

besy, *jry, 5

boche (boce, H.), hump (of a camel), 54

bolnynges (lenfleure, H.), swellings,
pride, 76

borde, table, 67

P 2

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

bosche (buisson, H.), bush, 53
bostus, boastful, threatening, 51
boores, boars, 12
bounte (bonte, bernage, sc. barnage, H.),

goodness, nobility, 8, n, 27, 60
brayeng, braying (de brayre, H.), croak-

in S (f fogs), 34
brennyng, burning, 62
brent, burnt, 69, no
brokyth (retient, H.), digests, retains (on

the stomach}, 55

brond (brandon, H.), brand, torch, 36
brothe, broth the (palu, H.), muddy

water, 33, 34

broute, browte, brought, 12, 56, no
bruled, broiled, burnt, 69
bryboure (lierres, sc. larron, H.), thief,

robber, 41
busshmentes (embusches, H.), ambushes,

63
b[u]tyrflye (papillon, H.), butterfly, 109

carles (villains, H.), churls, rustics, 33,

cesse (cesser, H.), make to cease, 9
chaiere (chayere, H.), chair (of a pro-
fessor), 6

chamel, chamelle, camel, 54
chelde, shield, 54, 60
chepe, sheep, 58
ches, choose, 85

chesse, the (esches, H.), game of 'chess, 95
chevalroures (vaillance cheualereuse, H.),

chivalry, 9
cheualerous, cheualerours, chivalrous, 14,

16
cheuetayne, cheueten (cheuetaine, H.),

chieftain, leader, 2, 85
chippe, ship, 56
chynnes, chains, 41
clyme (monter, H.), climb, 6, 44
communes (paysans, H.), common people,

communiall (communicaire, H.), sharing
with others, 2 7

condicionned (condicionne, H.), accus-
tomed, 85

conditoures (conduissaresse, H.), con-
ductress, guide, 8

condittes (conduis, H.), conduits, 28

connestabil, constable, 85

connyng (sauoir, H.), knowledge, 24

contrarie, contrary, adverse, n

contrariousnes (les contrarietez, H.),
adversity, 12

contrarius, contrary, adverse, 9

conveyed (conuoye, H.), conducted, guided
(of the spirit), &

conveyng (congeement, H.), removal,
expulsion, 5

copyr, copper, 17

corage, spirit, mind, 31, 84, 96

coromped, corrupted, 29

corrompeth, corrumpyth, corrupteth, 30

corumpe, to corrupt, 62

cosyn germayne, cousin german, 9, 10

coude, cowde, could, 85, 86

couertly, secretly, disguisedly, 13

couerture, disguise, concealment, 13, 19,

43, 93
couetise, covetyse, covetousness, 34, 54,

cowde, knew, 58
crafsed (creuee, H.), cracked, 52
creues, crevefse (creueure, H.), crevice,

52, 65
cuirboyle, cuir-bouilli, boiled leather, 24

debatoure (discordant, H.), debater,
quarreller, 67

deded (amortie, H.), deadened, 27

deele, dele, part, whit, 9, 35

defavtes, faults, defects, 13

defendyth, forbiddeth, 32

deme, judgment, 56

departed (departis, H.), allotted, 83

desceyvable (faillible, H.), deceitful, un-
trustworthy, 8

dictis, diets, sayings, 4

Glossary.

117

diffendyth, forbidden, 28

discomfyte, discomfited, 15

discouered, uncovered, unprotected, 97,
104

discouerte, uncovered, 105

discute, discuss, 20, 62

disheryte, disinherit, 29, 30

dispite, despise, 10, 100

disportis, amusements, 34

disporveide (despourveu, H.), unpro-
vided, 68

disprayes (despris, H.), contempt, 28

disprayse (desprisier, H.), contemn,
despise, 54, 84, 87

dispraysyng (despercion, H.), contemn-
ing, despising, 59

dispreisyd, dispreysed, contemned, despised,

35, 36

dispreysyng, contemning, despising, 36

dissalowed (desloua, H.), disapproved,
dissuaded, 56

dissauable, deceitful (of riches}, 53

disseruede (desserui, H.), served, per-
formed (sc. of penance}, 14

dittee (dictie, H.), treatise, 8

do armes (armes . . . faire, H.), perform
exploits, 12

dobylnesse, doubleness, duplicity, 95

doghter, daughter, 16, 31

doited (affoles, H.), doting, 69

dome, judgment, 16, 48, 68

doo, done, 14

doongon (dongion, H.), keep, castle, no

doute (dompter, H.), conquer, 42

doutyd (doubtoit, H.), doubted, feared,

97
douted, dowted (dompta, H.), conquered,

doutously, doubtfully, 19
dowter, daughter, 1 1
dres (adrece, H.), dress, direct, apply, 5
dressyd hyr (se ficha, H.), betook horse If,

drwe, drew, 30

drwe avay (chaca, II.), drove away, 20
dryst, durst, 44

dured, endured, lasted, 52

duryng (sc. euer d.), lasting, 6

dyffendyth, forbiddeth, 32

dyght, disposed, placed, 80

dynne, dinner, 66

dysheryted (desherita, H.), disinherited,

20
dysparbuled (se espart, H.), disparpled,

divided, 57

dyspiteth (despite, H.), despiseth, 16
dyspyte (despit, H.), contempt, scorn, 40
dystres (destrece, H.), distress, 12

ell, elles, ellis, else, 12, 13, 14

embaundoned, devoted, 2

empeched (empesche, H.), hindered,

injured, 90
empechest (empesches, H.), impeach,

find fault with, 87
emprise, undertaking, 75, 76
enbushed, ambushed, 73
encres, increase, 38
endyte (escripre, H.), zew/fc, 6
engins (engins, H.), snares, 84
ennorted, exhorted, 64
enorte (ennorter, H.), exhort, 5
enortyng (enditement, H.), exhortation,

ensorgyng, grieving, 31
entent, //#*/, understanding, 19
eres, erys, eary, 40
errant (sc, e. knyghte), wandering, 15,

erryed (aree, IS..}, ploughed, 38
erye (arer, H.), to plough, 38
exaifced, heard, granted, 18, 79
exavced (of a person praying), /foarv/,

gratified, 79
exaussyng (exaufsement, H.), exalting,

excusacion, excuse, 87, 113
exempled, exemplified, justified, 2, 4
eyne, <?>w, 44, 45
eyre, <?or, 44

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

fardell (faissel, H.), burden, 32

fauchon (fauchon, H.), falchion, sword, 15

favth, fought, 13

fawty, faulty, 40

fayre, fayree, fayreis (nymphes, H.),

fairies, 77, 8 1, 93

felachep, felachipe, fellowship, 16, 92
felawe, fellow, 14
feleshyp, fellowship, company, 33
felle, savage, cruel, 12
feythyt, fighteth, 65
flawe,^?zv, 15
fleeth (vole, tt.},flyeth, 16
flotereth (flote, H.), flutters, hesitates, 22
flowrid, flourished, 3
flowte, flute, 40, 44
folely, follely, foolishly, 83, 107, 108
folwe (ensuiuir, ti.}, follow, n
folwyth (sensuit, H.), followeth, 10
foly, foolish, 64, 79
fond, foonde, found, invented, 24, 25, 38,

fordone (amortis, H.), destroyed, done
away with, 13

foryate, forgot, 68, 69, 74, 96

foryeten, forgotten, 68

froward, perverse, 93

fraudelous, deceitful, 92, 112

frele, _/J-fl//, 28

frelnes, frailty, 20, 70

frosses (renoulles, H.), frogs, 33, 34

ful, fulle, very, 2, 3, 7, 12, 15

fullefyllyd (remplie, H.), filled, 9

fumerelle (sueil, H., sc. threshold), smoke-
hole (in the roof}, hearth, 30

fundement, foundation, 64

gaineyers, husbandmen, 38
gate, got, 1 1

gebet (gibet, H.), gibbet, 41
geyneseyyng (contredisans, H.), gain-
saying, 21

glayve (faulx, H.), sword, 15
glewe (gluyon, H.), glue, 109
gosh, go, 47

gostly, ghostly, spiritual, 2, 3, 8, 85

grenner, greener, 31

greuaunces, evils, harm, 27

gryffes (cultiuemens, H.), grafts, shoots,

guerdon (subst.), reward, 58
guerdon (v.), reward, estimate properly,

5, 59
gyf,give, 19
gyrte, /&/, 105
gyse, guise, 46

habaundonede, devoted, 38
halse (accoller, H.), embrace, 69
haunt, follow, devote oneself to, 70,75, 80
hauntyng (frequentise, H.), intercourse,

hawteyn, haughty, proud, 27

helly (infernaulx, H.), hellish, of hell,
78

heppid (amassez, H.), heaped, 34

herdly (enterine, H.), earthly (?), 95.
For " enterin," or, as sometimes spelt,
" enterrin," see p. 95, note 2. Scrope
seems to have mistaken its meaning,
connecting it with " terre."

heris, ears, 55

herres, hairs, 30

hire (loyer, H.), reward, 81

holde (sc. h. counsell), take, follow, 91

holden, held, considered, 3

holdyn, taken, followed, 91

hole and some, whole and sum, entirely,
6

holpyn, helped, 99

homely (sc. h. spyes, priuees, H.), domes-
tic, 23

homlynes, (priuete, H.), intimacy, 92

hooges, huge, 32

hy, hye, high, 5, 7, 8, 23

hyly, highly, 6

hynes, highness, greatness, 12

iangeler (iengleur, gengleresse, H.),
chatterer, prater, 57, 98

Glossary.

H.), chattering,

119

iangyllyng (gengle,

prating, 98
iauelot, iaueloth (glavellot, H.), dart,

javelin, 86

ich, iche, each, 7, 80, 83
inewgh, enough, 25
inougth, enough, 12
inowe, enough, 34
inowgh, enough, 52, 63
inowght, enough, 84
inowthe, enough, 63
iolines, iolynesse (ioliuete, H.), gaiety,

mirth, 18, 83

ioly (cointe, H.), gay, sprightly, 72
iorneyer (voyager, H.), traveller, 13
iowgolowre (iugleur, H.), buffoon, 104
ioyeux, joyous, 84
iren, iron, 22
iusticer, judge, 13, 14
iustifie (iusticier, H.), to judge, 13
I wys, sc. iwis, assuredly, 9

kest, cast, threw, 30, 89
keuercheffes, kerchiefs, 80
konyng, koonyng, knowledge, 83, 87
kunnyng, knowledge, 6, 25, 83
kynde, nature, i

lachesse, negligence, remissness, 32

lavde (subst.), praise, 12

lawyng, laughing, 61

lech, leche, like, 8, 26, 31, 34, 36, etc.

lede, lead (the metal), 19

lefull, lawful, 95

leke, leek, 10

lekend, likened, 31

lekerousnes (alechemens, H.), appetite,

greediness, 62
lemyte, limit, 10
lenage, lineage, n
lerned, taught, 113
lessyng, lessening, 59
lest, leste (talent, H.), desire, 93
lesyng (menconge, H.), ^/flg", 46
lete (empescher, H.), hinder , 82

letted, lettyd, hindered, 8, 31, 82
letteryd, lettyrd (letrez, H.), lettered, 42
lettynges (empeschemens, H.), hindrances^

lettyth, hinder, 10
leuer, rather, 48, 107
lewde (fol, sotte, H.), foolish, 40, 46, 51,

102

leyser, leisure, 40
lich, //&, 41

longeth, longyth, belongeth, 20, 25, 71
longgyng, belonging, 20, 37
lorier (laurier, H.), laurel, 99, 100
lyeines, lyenis (liens, H.), bonds, 61, 66
lymbo (limbe, H.), limbo, the outskirts of

hell, 41

lyst, desired, 98
lyst, lyste (courage, talent, H.), will,

desire, 44, 49, 77

ma, may, 70

malencolius, melancholy, 21

malice, artfulness, 80

malicius, artful, 45, in

manace, menace, 51

manisynges, menacings, 51

mankyndely, mankyndly (humaine, H.),

human, 8, 18, 70, 72, 103
manyce, menace, 51
marches (marches, H.), borders, 60
masseyngeres, messengers, 23
maystry, mastery, 35
maystyr (mestier, H.), 0$?#, business, u
meche, #**$, 49
mechell, much, 72
mene, means, 20
menye (mesgnee, maignee, H.), company

pack (of hounds), 77
merowre, mirror, 95
mervelious, meruelyous, marvellous, 12,

13, 14, 20
miche, #*zrtr/4, 45
molle (tauppe, H.), mole, 40
mote, must, 33
mowe, more, 77

I2O

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

muse, take amusement, 71, 74

mych, myche, much, n, 12

mychyll, much, 70

mydwes, meadows, 104 (Scrope's Fr.

MS. probably read "aux piez" (cf.

104, note i), and he confused it with

" aux prez "
mysbeleve, misbelief, 45
myschefe (meschief, H.), misfortune, 33
myssedone (meffait, H.), misdone, done

amiss, 45

ne, not, 41

nedelle (aguille, H.), needle, 54

nedis, needs, 54

neyburwe, neighbour, 16

nerehand (a pou, H.), nearly, n

noblyth, ennobleth, 114

noye (nuit, H.), annoy, harm, 61

noyens (nuisible, H.), harm, nuisance,

noyens, harmful, in

nwefanggyllnesse, neivfangledness, incon-
stancy, 95

nygromancye (arquemie, sc.alchemy, H.),
necromancy, 94

nyse (nyce, H.), stupid, foolish, 5 1

o, one, 18, 22, 25, 97

obeissance (obeyssance, H.), deference,

respect, 14

onsesyde of, unseised of, without, 74
oo, one, 105

or that, before that, 19, 20, 51
ordure, filth, vileness, 20
oste (ost, H.), host, 26
ouctrecuidez, proud, overweening, 28
ouer all (par tout, H.), everywhere, 80,

93. "4

ouergoo (surmonter, H.), master, con-
quer, 96

ouerhoope (oultrecuidance, H.), pre.
sumption, 51

ouerlede, ouerleyde (surpris, H.), sur-
prised, 6 1, 65

ouerwenyng (oultrecuidez, H.), inordi-
nately proud, 2*1, 28
owthe (doit, H.), ought, 6

paase (passer, H.), surpass, 83
paramours (adv.), passionately, 69, 72
parde, par dieu, 12, 68, 105
passede (pesee, H.), weighed, considered,

5*
paynemes (payens, H.), pagans, heathen,

47
peise, peyse (peser, H.), weigh, consider,

pendavnde, pendant, 52
penowrye, penuery (misere, H.), penury,

perchith (perce, H.), pierceth, 56
perfite, perfect, 8

perlious, perlyous, perilous, 82, 89
perlyouser, more perilous, no
pes, peace, 30

pewter (peaultre, H.), pewter, 18
peyne hym, trouble himself, 87
pistil, pistile, pistylle, epistle, 5, 18, 22
plangeth (plunge, H.), plunges, 22
plenere, full, 5

plesauns, plesawnce, pleasure, 75, 8 1
plongeden, plunged, 28
plyte, plight, 61
Pocalipse, Apocalypse, 73
pontificall (pontifical, H.) dignified, 23
prayed, invited, 66
prerogatyue (prerogatiue, H.), privilege,

exclusive possession, 7
presound, imprisoned, 31
prime temps, spring, 27
pris (pris, H.), prize, 20, 23
prouoste (preuost, H.), provost, 13
purchase (sc. p. armes, pourchacier, H.),

pursue, follow, 12
purchassed (sc. p. trayson, pourchace, H.),

contrived, 108
purches (sc. p. harme, pourchacier, H.),

contrive, 86

Glossary.

121

purveide off (pourueu, H.), provided

with, 1 02
pyll, pillage, 60
pystyl, pystylle, epistle, 7, 10

qwan, when, 35

qwaynte (cointe, H.), clever, ingenious,

qweke (vifs, H.), quick, living, 45
qwen, qwenne, when, 26, 30, 35
qwere, where, 39
qwhan, when, 44
qwhen, queen, 63
qwome, whom, 36
qwythe thorne (morier blank, H.), white

thorn, 35

raffe, split, was riven, 65

rampyng (rampans, H.), rampant,

raging (of bears), 12
rauenous (traueilleux, H.), vexatious,

painful, 1 8

reaume, realm, 7, 13, 15, in
reconforte, comfort, 94
refeccion (reflection, H.),/o0d, 55
renomme, renown, 2
renommeed, renowned, i
repuignand, resisting, repelling, 3
revede (tolue, H.), tore away, rescued,

reyne, rain, 27
rothir, rudder, 56
rotters, gallants, 62
rowe (renc, H.), ra, ^/aw, 13
royalme, royaulme, realm, kingdom, 3
ryght, Ztfry, 12, 15, 18, 29, 106
ryghtwyse, righteous, 13
ryghtwysly, righteously, 14, 20
rytewyse (droictur;ere, H.), righteous, 13

sadde, discreet, careful, 59
sadely, carefully, 51

sadenes (w. s. of speche, lente de parler,
H.), discretion, 56

salwes, sallows, willows, 93

saue, except, 23

say, assay, test, 80

schawnegeable, changeable, 22

schawneged, schawnged, changed, 60, 71

schawngyth, changeth, 22

schette, shut, included, 39, 52

schewyth (suiue, H.), sueth, followeth,

schorte, shorten, 62
sclaunderus, slanderous, 56
se, wa, 11, 47
sede on syde, set aside, 10
seege, siege (sc. the camp}, 96
sege, siege (sc, the besieging force), 106
seege (sc. of counsell, siege de conseil

H.), seat, 57
segge, siege, 26
seghens, sighings, 101
sekyr, sure, 89
semblable, similar, 108
serpently (serpentins, H.), serpent-like,

30
sesid with (saisi de, H.), seised, possessed

of, 74

sewyng, sewyngz, following, 7, in

seyntens, saints, 47

seysyd hym in (,w. esleua en, H.), arro-
gated to himself, 28

seytis, sexes, 93

sheded, shed, 63

shrewdenes (mauuaistie, H.)i wickedness,
no

shrewes (des mauuais, KL), the wicked,
vicious, 1 08

skye (nue, H.), cloud, 44

slake, fail, grow slack, 73

slewthe, slowthe, sloth, 32, 33

smerte, painful, 103

socourable, helpful, 27, 50

socovre, succour, 16

soffted (amoli, H.), softened, 94

softeth (adoulcist, H.), softeneth, easeth,
26

soget (subget, H.), subject, 14, 65

soggettes (subges, H.), subjects, 24

122

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

soioryng (seiour, H.), resting place,

abode, 112
soioure, sojourn, 95
sonne, sun, 20
soothel, sootyl, sotell, sothell, subtle, 92,

93. 94

sorwe, sorrow, 103

solely, subtly, 36, 6 1

soth, truth, sooth, 89

sothyn (cuit, H.), sodden, 29, 112

sotle, subtle, 25

sotted (assottent, H.), besotted, made
foolish, 74

sottyl, subtle, 95

sotyl, subtle, 35

sotylte, subtlety, 95

soundir, sunder, 41

sowlehele, salvation, z

sowpled (se adoulcist, H.), softened,
mollified, 92

sowte, sought, 80

spotte (tache, H.), blemish, taint, 37, 41

stabilnes (constance, H.), stability, con-
stancy, 12

stale, stole, 32

standing, standyng, stondyng, considering
that, 8, 51, 53, 81, 82, 89, 106

stanke (estanc, H.), a pool, 93

stawnched, quenched (of fire}, 105

stawnsh, staunch, quench, 33

stepechildire (fillastres, HI.), step-children,

29. 30
stepmodir, steppemodir (marrastre, H.),

stepmother, 30, 48
stirte, styrte (sailli, se gita, H.), hurried,

89, 103
stodier (lestudiant, H.), study er, student,

strate, strait, narrow, 63
streche (tendre, H.), stretch, tend, 8
streche to, reach to, rival, 82
strecheth, stretch, are directed, 32
streged, stretched, 30
streyned, strained, stretched, 40
streyte, strait (of a prison), 60
strof, strove, 57

strong (fort, H.), difficult, 58
suremounted, raised, 3
suspeccion, suspicion, 70
swe, sowed, 38
swiche, such, 45
swolve, swallow, 34
synguler, special, 46, 47
sythyn, si then, since, 34

tachys (condicions, H.), manners, 34
targes (targes, H.), target, shield, 54
tendyng (tendans, H.), having regard,

tendyyng, regard, attention, 93

teremys, terms, 17

terrement (obseques, H.), interment,
burial, 106

teschyng, teaching, 14

teynt (attaint, H.), tainted, affected, 30

tharledom, thraldom, thralledom (serui-
tude, H), servitude, 51, 65, 91

thefende, defend, forbid, 29

thredde, third, 3

thresshefolde (sueil, H.), threshold, 31

tobbe (tine, H.), tub, 63

tocheth to (touche, H.^, regards, con-
cerns, 12

to regard of, in regard to, 8

trauell, labour, travail, 42

trauellyth, labour, travail, 26

trowght, truth, 80

trwes (treues, H.), truce, 106

turnementes (tourment, H.), torments, 37

tweyne, twain, 29

tynne, tin, 18

tysyng (enditement, H.), enticing, 108

vagaunt (vague, H.), vagrant, 104
vailable, vaylable (valable, H.), useful,

12, 43
vailet, vayleth (est proufitable, vault, H.),

availeth, 54, 57
valure (valeur, H.), valour, 27
vauntoure (vanteur, H.), boaster, 71

Glossary.

123

vaylie, valley, 14

veleyns, velyens, vile, abject, 51, 59, in

venegre, vinegar, 30

veray, very (vraye, Fr.), true, 7, 81, 98

viagis, voyages, 13

vilens, vileyns, vile, abject, 34, 37

vmbethynke the, consider, 6, 57, 63, 69,

76, in
vnbehouely (inpartinent, H.), unbecoming,

vncunnyng (ingrat, H.), unmindful, 59

vndirstondynges (entendemens, H.),
meanings, 25

vngracious (sc. v. games, mal gracieux,
H.), discourteous, 58

vniuersyte, university, 3, 42

vnknowyn (descongnoifsant, H.), un-
mindful, ungrateful, 59

vnkunnyng (ingratitude, H.), unmind-
fulness, ingratitude, 59

vnnethes (a peine, H.), scarcely, hardly,
62

voide, voyde, woyde, remove, expel, 30,
51, 68, 98

voyded (vuidoient, H.), removed, de-
parted, 51

voyeddid (vuida, H.), removed, expelled,
19

wacches (agais, H.), watches, plots, 8
wassh (gue, H.), lake, pool, 33
wchid (gaitoit, H.), watched, 44
wellwyllyng (bien vueillant, ft.), benevol-
ent, 27
wend, wende (cuiderent, cuida, H.),

weaned, thought, 30, 106
weneth (cuident, H.), wean, think, in
were (guerre faire, H.), make war, n,

weri, very, real, true, 67
werre, war, 2, 12, 23
wery, truly, 3

wete (sauoir, H.), wit, know, learn, 91,
in

wexe (deuiengnent, H.), wax, become,

wexe, waxed, grew, 30, 31, 52

weyne, vein, 19

whan, whanne, won, 15, 42, 59

whedir, whither, 41

whit (sc. with) the dede (ou fait, H.),
in the act, 44

wombe (ventre, H.), belly, in

wombe of mynde (ventre de la memoire,
H.), inmost mind, 55

wood, woode (forsennee, enragez, H.),
mad, furious, 30, 65, 72

woodnes (forcennage, enragerie, H.),
madness, fury, 29, 30, 67

worthynefses (proueces, H.), worthy
deeds, 27

wote (scay, scez, H.), know, 12, 98

wreke (ateines, H.), vengeance, n

wylne (v.), will, 16

wymple (guimple, H.), wimple, 53

wynnors (gaignons, H.), 11. According
to Godefroy, Diet, de fancienne langue
franfaise, s.v., " gaignon " means a
" matin, chien de basse-cour," and
then a " homme vil et mechant," or,
as we say, a " cur." Scrope seems to
have confounded it with " gaigneur,"
from " gagner," to win.

wyse, manner, 16, 20, 40

wytte (sens, H.), wit, sense, 12

yaf, yafe, gave, 17, 19, 38
yate, gate, 30
yche, each, 67
ye, eye, 32

yefi ft 9
yefe,give, 20
yefer, giver, 38
yeflfeth, yeffyth, giveth, 82, 84
yeffve, give, 83
yeftis, gifts, 2
yen, eyes, 44

yeris rneynde (luniversaire, H.), anni
versary, 106

124

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

yete, get (imper.), n. The line should
probably be read, " And wyth vs
strey[n]gth be (sc. by) honesty )>e
yete," cf. " Et auec nous te couuient
force," H.

yeveth, yevyth, giveth, 18, 23, 39

yevyng, giving, 3

yif, y\te,give (imper.), 14? 19

yiff, give, 83

yififeth, giveth, 18, 21

/, 71
yode, z0<?/, 73
yofe, given, 21
yolden, yielded, given up, 87
youen, youyn, yoven, yovyn, given,

19, 20, 21, 22, etc.
yraigne (yraigne, H.), spider, 71

3ate, gate, ^
3ates, /, ii

2,7,

INDEX.

Abtalin, the philosopher, maxim of, 36
Achilles, 45, 50, 66, 75, 80, 92, 96, 105,

106

Acis, son of Faunus, 65
Actseon (Anteon, Antheon), 76
Adonis (Dadonius), 72
Adrastus, King of Argos, 54
>olus (Eolus), god of winds, 89
Aglauros (Aglaros), daughter of Cecrops,

3i
Ajax (Thelamen Ayaux, Thelomonailles,

Ayaux), 73, 91, 107
Alcyone (Alchion), wife of Ceyx, 89
Alexander, King of Macedon, 85, 103
Ambrose, St., 4; quoted, 22, 23, 90
Amphiaraus (Amphoras), 54
Andrew, St., article of, in the Creed, 41
Andromache (Andromatha), wife of

Hector, 100, 103
Andromeda, 15, 1 6
Antenor (Anthenor), 108, 109
Apocalypse (Pocalipse, Pocalipce), the,

quoted, 73, in

Apollo (Appollo), 20. See also Phoebus
Apulia (Puille), 75
Arachne (Yragnes), 71
Argus, the hundred-eyed, 44
Aristotle (Aristotiles, Aristotile, Aristo-

till), 4 ; maxims of, 8, 13, 14, 16, 30,

38, 42, 60, 71, 85, 103, 107, 112
Assaron, the philosopher, maxim of, 90
Atalanta (Athalenta), 81
Athamas, King, 29

Atropos (Acropose, Accropos), 47, 48
Augustine (Austyn, Tawstyn), St., 4;
quoted, 8, 10, 16, 30, 32, 34, 49, 50,
51, 70, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 82, 84, 88,
91, 96, 99, 103, 107, 108, 109, no
Augustus Caesar, 113

Babylon (Babylonie, Babilonie), 52, 101

Bacchus (Bachus), 34

Bartholomew (Bartylmew), St,, article of,

in the Creed, 44
Bede, quoted, 33
Bellerophon (Belorophon, Berolophon),

48
Bernard, St., quoted, 14, 54, 59, 103,

112

Berry, John, Duke of (Jon, Duke of

Barry), 3
Boethius (Boys), quoted, 84

Cadmus (Cadimus), 42

Calabria (Calebre), 75

Calchas (Calcas), 92, 96

Cardinal Virtues, 2, 7

Cassandra, daughter of Priam, 46

Cassian, John, quoted, 64

Cassiodorus, quoted, 19, 21, 25, 27,

67
Cecrops (Cycropos), King of Athens,

Cephalus (Sephalus), 86

126

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

Cerberus (Serebrus, Cereberus, Cere-

brus), 11,41, 79
Ceres, n, 38
Ceyx (Ceys), 89
Charon (Acaron), 79
Cidonie (Sidon ?), 35
Circe (Circes, Cyrces), in
Colchos (Colcos), 51, 58, 90
Commandments, the Ten, 49
Corinis, the nymph, 56
Corinthians, St. Paul's Epistles to the,

quoted, 27, 87, 96, 108, 113
Correction, Book of, by St. Augustine,

Creed, Articles of the, 37
Cressida (Cresseide), 95
Crow, 56
Cupid,65, 95
Cyrus (Cirus), King of Persia, 63

Dadonius. See Adonis

Daphne (Damee), 99

Democritus (Demecritus), maxim of, 10

Diana (Dyana), 37, 60, 70, 76, 77, 99

Diogenes (Dyogeneys), maxims of, 23,

Diomed (Dyomed), 96
Discord, goddess of, 66

Ecclesiasticus, book of, quoted, 16, 22,

3 2 , 34, 64, 89, 104, 114
Echo (Eccho, Echo), 98
Ephesians, St. Paul's Epistle to the,

quoted, 23, 31, 97
Esdras, book of, quoted, 2 1
Eurydice (Euredice, Euredice), 78

Fastolf, Sir John, i, note

Femene (sc. Amazonia), kingdom of, 63

Fortune, the goddess, 84

Galatea (Galatee), the nymph, 65
Galatea (Galathee), Hector's horse, 7,
Ganymedes, 57

Geber, astronomer, 17

Gorgon, 59, 60

Gregory (Gregorie, Grigori, Grigory), St.,
4; quoted, 18, 20, 24, 35, 55, 57, 58,
68, 71, 76, 85, 94, 100, TOI, 104,

112

Hebrews, Epistle to the, quoted, 25, 26
Hector, 5, 7, 22, 24, 26, 49, 97, 100,

103, 104, 105, 106
Hecuba (Ecuba, Hecuba), 24, 106
Helen (Helaine, Elen, etc.), 75, 83, 87,

Helenus (Helene), son of Priam, 87
Hercules, n, 12, 41, 51, 73
Hermaphroditus (Hermofrodicus), 93
Hermes (Armes, Harmes, Hermes), the
philosopher, 4; maxims of, 19, 20,
2i (2), 26, 32, 37, 39, 43, 45, 49, 53,
59, 68, 70, 73, 81, 86, 87, 94, 96, 104,
114

Herse (Herce), daughter of Cecrops, 31
Hesione, daughter of Laomedon, 9 1
Hippocrates (Ypocras), maxim of, 35
Homer (Omer), 4 ; maxims of, 51, 100

Ilium (Ylyon), no

Innocent III., Pope, quoted, 105

Ino (Yno), wife of Athamas, 29, 112

lo (Yo), daughter of Inacus, 43

Isaiah (Ysaie, Ysaye), quoted, 52, 85,

94
Isis (Ysis), 39

James, St., the Greater, article of, in the

Creed, 39; epistle of, 79
James, St., the Less, article of, in the

Creed, 46
Jason, 58, 64
Jerome (Jerom), St., 4; quoted, 37, 66,

81, 87, 93, 95, no
Jesus Christ, shown by the Sibyl to

Augustus, 113

Index.

127

Job, book of, quoted, 28
Joel, book of, quoted, 68
John (Jon), St, article of, in the Creed,

38 ; Epistles of, quoted, 82, 107 ;

Gospel of, quoted, 95
John Cassian (Jon Cassian), quoted, 64
John Chrysostom, St., quoted, 87
John II., King of France, 3
John, Duke of Berry, 3
Jude, St., article of, in the Creed, 47
Juno, 33, 44, 53, 66, 69, 83
Jupiter (Jouis, Jubiter), 17, 18, 19, 33,

43, 44, 66, 69

Laomedon (Leomedon, Leomodon),

King of Troy, 51, 68, 73
Latona (Lathonna), 33
Legaron (Leginon, H), the philosopher,

maxim of, 81

Leo, St., pope, quoted, 62
Lot (Lothe), wife of, 86
Lucifer, 79
Luke, St., Gospel of, quoted, 24, 85

Magdare, the philosopher, maxim of, 97

Mars, 5, 22, 61, 103

Mary, St., the Virgin, shown by the Sibyl

to Augustus, 113
Matthew (Matheu), St., article of, in the

Creed, 45 ; Gospel of, quoted, 18, 54,

78, 84, 87, 104
Matthias (Mathi), St, article of, in the

Creed, 48

Medea (Medee), 58, 64
Memnon (Maymon), King, 49
Mercury, 23, 31, 44, 67
Midas (Mydas, Mygdas), 40
Minerva (Mynerve, Minerve), 5, 24, 25,

103, IOQ

Minos (Mynos), 13, 14
Morpheus, 88
Myrmidones (Mirmedewes), 75

Narcissus (Nartisus, Arcisus), 27, 98
Neptunus, 47
Nicholas, astronomer, 17
Nimrod (Nambroth), 102
Ninus (Minos), 101

Origen (Orygenes, Orygene), quoted,

26, 28

Orpheus, 74, 78
Othea, goddess of prudence, 5, 7, 10,

13, 17, etc.
Ovid (Ouyde), 4

Pallas, 25, 66, 71, 83

Pan, 40

Paris (Paaris, Paarys, etc.), 75, 85, 87 ;

judgment of, 67, 82
Patroclus, 96
Pegasus, 5, 15, 16
Peirithous (Pirotheus, Protheus), u,

Peleus (Pellus), 66
Pelleus, 58
Pentheseleia (Pantasselle), Queen of

the Amazons, 26
Perceval. See Perseus
Perseus (Percyvale, Percyualle), 15, 59,

60
Peter (Petir), St, article of, in the

Creed, 37; Epistles of, quoted, 10,

37. 62, 73

Philip, St, article of, in the Creed, 41
Philippians, St. Paul's Epistle to the,

quoted, 35

Phoebe (Phebe), 21, 33
Phcebus (Phebus), 20, 33, 40, 56, 57,

60, 61, 99

Pisan, Christine de (Dame Cristine), 3
Plato, 4; maxims of, 34, 57, 63, 64, 72,

74, 76, 92, xoi, 102, 108
Pluto, 11,41, 79
Pollibetes, 105
Polyphemus, 32, 65

128

The Epistle of Othea to Hector.

Polyxena (Polexena, Polixenne), daughter
of Priam, 106

Priam (Priant, Priaunt, etc.), King of
Troy, 22, 51, 90, 92, 103, 108

Proserpine (Proserpyng), n, 41

Prudence, goddess of. See Othea

Psalter, quoted, 19, 20, 56, 61, 75, 100,
no

Ptolemy (Ptholome, Tholome), the philo-
sopher, 4; maxim of, no

Pygmalion (Pimalion, Pymalion), 35

Pyramus, 52

Pyrrhus (Pirus, Pyrus), son of Achilles,

45. 8o

Pythagoras (Pictagoras, Pitagoras, etc.),
maxims of, 17, 41, 46, 48, 67, 83

Rabyon, the philosopher, maxim of, 50
Raven, 56

Romans, St. Paul's Epistle to the,
quoted, 67

St. Victor, Hugh de, quoted, 56, 114

Saturn, 19, 55

Scrope, Stephen, 2, note

Sedechias, the philosopher, maxim of,

Semele (Semelle), 69
Sibyl (Sebille), the, 113
Simon, St., article of, in the Creed, 46
Singularity of Clerks, book of, 8, 75,

102

Socrates, 4 ; maxims of, 28, 32, 84, 88
Solomon, Proverbs of, quoted, 9, 14, 33,

57. 5 8 6 5. 7i. 7 6 . 90.99. !9
Solon (Salamon, Soleyne, Solyn), 4;

maxims of, 54, 79. 95. 97

Tawstyn, St. See Augustine, St.
Temperance, goddess of, 9, 10
Theseus, u, 41
Thessalonians, St. Paul's Epistle to the,

quoted, 101

Thessille, the philosopher, maxim of, 82
Thetis, 66, 80

Thisbe (Tysbe, Thesbe), 52, 53
Thomas, St., article of, in the Creed, 42
Thune (Tyre ?), no
Timothy, St. Paul's Epistle to, quoted,

93, 1 06

Titus, St. Paul's Epistle to, quoted, 70
Tomyris (Thamaris), Queen of the

Amazons, 63
Trojan horse, 109
Troylus, son of Priam, 90, 95, 106
Tyre ? (Thune), no

Ulysses (Vlixes, Vlyxes), 32, 80, 94,
in

Venus, 18, 36, 61, 66, 72, 83
Virgil (Vyrgyl), 4
Vulcan (Vlnecan), 61

Wisdom, book of, quoted, 59, 66, 72,

Ypocras. See Hippocrates

Zaqualquin, the philosopher, maxim of r
98

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