502
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"The Epistles of Erasmus: From his Earliest Letters to
Ms Fifty -third Year." Englisli Translation. Three
vols. : 1901, 1W4, 1917. By Francis Morgan Nicholls.
(Longmans. 18s. per vclvime.)
The third volume of this translation of the letters of
Erasmus down to 1518 has been seen through the press by
the translator's friend, Mr. P. S. Allen, who has himself
been engaged for several years on a complete edition of all
the letters in their original Latin.
Mr. Nicholls, himself, who did not begin his task of
collection and translation until approaching seventy, has not
lived to see its complete publication, death having overtaken
him in his eighty-eighth year, working almost to the last.
Mr. Allen's short introduction to the third volume contains
a simple, and therefore affecting, sketch of this departed
scholar, an old Fellow of Wadham, of whom Oxford will do
well to treasure a memory.
It is sometimes said with a tone of complaint that the
lives of scholars are disregarded, but if you are lucky
enough to be able to devote the last eighteen years of a long,
healthy, and happy life, to the preparation of such a book
as Mr. Nicholls's "Erasmus," the fact that you never had
a telephone in your house may also be disregarded ; whilst,
if it is any happiness to bo remembered after death, most
readers of memoirs, long or short, will I think agree in the
opinion that no memoirs have succeeded better in trans-
mitting from one century to another the personality of the
dead, than those short records of the lives, habits, and
conversation of Scholars which are often found collected
under the generic title of ^Arja," Scaligerana, Thuana,
Menagiana, and so on. These small podgy volumes are still
r VI „r ii — i. j^^^i^^^i^, which a poet once rashly declared to
belong exclusively to the "actions of the just," and are to
be found to-day, blossoming in the black earth which has
gathered so plentifully over the "Remains" and wire-
spun biographies of perhaps greater men. Mr >>ri^v,^ii^'e
memory deserve.^ i^ '-"
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What good is done by telling foolish lads that Pope is Anti-
Christ, that Confession carries tho plague, that they cannot
do right if they try, that good works and merits are a vain
imagination, that free will is an illusion, and that all
things hold together by necessity, and that man can do
nothing of himself '' What good, indeed ! Luther held his
own for a short while with his " Moderate " Sacramen-
tarianism, and his doctrine of Justification by Faith, but
immediately behind him we discern Zwinglius and Calvin
and at no great distance St. Ignatius Loyola and the
^lafli0!I^Reformation.
Yet it would be a misjudgment of Erasmus to dub him
Anti-Lutheran. There was that about Luther that could
not wholly be gainsaid. He had a case, and Erasmus
knew it. Erasmus, by the order of his mind and the course
of his studies, hated Heresiarchs, Sectaries, and Noncon-
formists. "Nothing shall tempt me," he cries out, "to lay
hands on the mother who washed me at the font, fed me
vdth the Word of God, and quickened me with the
Sacraments." And again he writes: "Many gi-eat persons
have entreated me to support Luther. I kave answered
always that I will support him when he is on the Catholic
side. They have asked me to draw up a formula of faith,
I reply that I know none save the creed of the Catholic
Church, and I advise everyone who consults me to submit
to the Pope." This may seem Anti-Lutheran, and so it is,
but read on a line or two. " I was the first to oppose the
publication oi Luther's books. I recommended Luther him-
self to publish nothing revolutionary. I feared always that
Eevokition would be the end, and I would have done more,
(i.e., against Luther) had I nut been afraid that I might he-
found fighting against the Spirit of God."
Luther had no such fears. Schism had no horrors for
him. Early in the contest he flung away his scabbard, and
let his " Ego " have full swing.
To see all round a question is often a great misfortune.
It is one easily avoided.
Erasmus not being a German took so naturally to
England and Englishmen that it is sometimes hard to
remember that the bosom-fri'^nd of Sir Thomas More was a
foreigner. Latin was in those days a common language
among the learned, and a passion for Greek a bond of
union closer than the ties of country. Erasmus visited us
at least three times and was indeed for a short while a
Kentish rector — his patron being the Archbishop of Can-
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http://www.archive.org/details/epistlesoferasmu03eras
THE
EPISTLES OF ERASMUS
THE
EPISTLES OF ERASMUS
FROM HIS EARLIEST LETTERS
TO HIS FIFTY-THIRD YEAR
ARRANGED IN ORDER OF TIME
ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS
FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE, WITH
A COMMENTARY CONFIRMING THE CHRONOIOGICAI
ARRANGEMENT AND SUPPLYING FURTHER
BIOGRAPHICAL MATTER
BY FRANCIS MORGAN NICHOLS
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOLUME THE THIRD
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
FOURTH AVENUE AND 30TH STREET, NEW YORK
BOMBAY, CALCUTTA, AND MADRAS
I917
PRINTED BY J. E. NICHOLS AND SONS,
PARLIAMENT MANSIONS,
VICTORIA STREET, WESTMINSTER.
£5
\°\o\
V.3
INTRODUCTION
HE word "amateur" has fallen on evil days. Like its
predecessor in an earlier generation, "dilettante," it
no longer means to us one who loves his work and
delights to make it as full and perfect as he can ; but we
contrast such an one with the professional who has been
elaborately trained to his task, who organises it with careful
foresight, and completes it precisely upon the lines ordained.
Such trained work has all the merits of accuracy. There
are no lapses, no omissions, no anomalies, such as the amateur
easily perpetrates. But it has its dangers too. A rigorous
system is apt to enslave the spirit under a burden of detail,
to rivet the eyes upon the ground near at hand, and prevent
them from being lifted up unto the hills. And here the
advantage rests with the man who, loving his work, takes
freedom to enrich it all he can ; not fearing to enlarge or
prune it as it advances, merely because this would vary his
first plan. No reader desires to find an absence of method :
the blind accumulation of detail quickly produces a trackless
confusion. But, on the other hand, a book may contain just
what it should, may have all its capital letters in the right
places, every italic and inverted comma and reference correct,
and yet lack valuable material because its editor has been
too careful in little things, and has feared — or not read widely
enough — to expatiate. It may be questioned which of the
two defects is nearer to the mean.
The translator of these letters was an amateur in the best
sense of the word. He found his work irresistibly attractive,
IC 333.16
vi Introduction
and he gave himself to it without reserve. His apprentice-
ship to severe scholarship had been served long ago, when
he produced, in 1865, what is likely to remain the classic
edition of Britton, for which he had examined twenty-six
manuscripts and collated several of them. He had interested
himself in the Roman Forum, in the days before excavation
had solved many of the problems raised by the buildings
still remaining on that fascinating site ; and a translation,
with notes, of the quaint medieval guide-book, Mirahilia
vrbis Romae, showed him to be not onlv a scholar him-
self, but the friend of distinguished scholars abroad. Then
the hall of his Essex home, Lawfo/d Hall, drew him on to
write of its many illustrious owners, one of whom had been
William Blount, Lord Mountjoy, Erasmus' pupil and his
" vetustissimus Moecenas " in this country; and this aroused
his interest in Erasmus.
Thus, when nearing seventy, at an age when most men
are retiring from arduous work, he set himself to a task
which one of Erasmus' biographers had pronounced to be
well-nigh impossible — the arrangement of his early letters,
with a translation to make them accessible to English
readers. With this was to be combined a commentary, to
illustrate the correspondence and fill in the gaps with what
was known of Erasmus' life from other sources.
It so happened that my own work of editing Erasmus'
letters in the original, which had been approved by Froude
during his brief tenure of the Oxford chair of Modern
History, began about the same time. A publication in the
Academy^ Oct. 1895, brought me into communication with
one who I feared at first might be a rival in my chosen
project. But correspondence soon dispelled such appre-
hensions ; and after we had exchanged many letters, I
received an invitation to visit him at the villa in Ryde,
Wellington Lodge, which he and his wife were then (Nov.
1896) occupying for the winter. After a long train journey
Introduction vii
in pouring rain and a late arrival, I awoke next day to one
of those delightful surprises that our climate sometimes
offers — a mild, soft morning of brilliant sunshine and un-
clouded sky. The forenoon was spent in discussing many
points, and comparing notes to see what each could con-
tribute to the other's list of Erasmus' letters. But what
dwells most in my memory is the lesson that my host gave
me as to the importance of examining with care such
biographical material as was available. In particular he
directed my attention to that valuable document, the Com-
pendium vitae Erasmi^ the authenticity of which had been
long debated. My own work, begun three years before, had
been in the main accumulation and arrangement. I had had
help in Oxford, but, of necessity, little guidance in detail.
A long walk past Quarr in the afternoon carried on our
conversation ; and I left next morning with a clear sense
of method gained and lines laid down which I have since
followed with profit. I was glad that opportunities of re-
search at Basle and Schlettstadt, and prolonged labours in
Oxford libraries, enabled me to oflfer brass in return for his
gold.
Though he was usually at a distance from libraries, his
work proceeded rapidly. The first volume was necessarily
the most difficult ; since it had to contain not only the pre-
liminary biographical material, but also the letters — rather
more than two hundred — of Erasmus' earlier years, many of
which had survived without date, and had only been printed
without their author's sanction and long after his death, while
the year-dates even of those which Erasmus had published
himself were often hopelessly inaccurate and misleading. It
embraced Erasmus' durance in the monastery of Steyn, his
student-years at Paris and Louvain, his first two visits to
England, and the three years of his visit to Italy. The
chronology for this whole period, Erasmus' life till the age
of forty-three, presented numerous difficulties. There were
viii Introduction
few points that had as yet been definitely fixed ; and much
minute work was necessary before a framework for the
correspondence could be constructed.
The translation, too, involved much thought. Erasmus
was a master of Latin, and could write in any style that
he fancied ; according to the mood of the moment or the
character of the person addressed. It was not strictly the
Latin of the Romans. In the thousand years that had passed
since their empire fell, the world had seen and learnt much
which the Romans never knew. To express the new words
and ideas in rigidly classical language was a formaHsm of
which Erasmus was incapable. Others might pride them-
selves on using no term which was not Ciceronian. Erasmus'
free spirit required a living language which could adapt itself
to the ever-changing conditions of human life : not indeed
discarding grace — for the use of words was to him an art in
which he had trained himself with the utmost care — but
dreading that solemn elegance in w^hich many of his con-
temporaries were content to enfold and conceal their
meaning. Such freedom makes for clearness ; but at times
a translator is confronted with riddles of words, which can
be read only by careful collation of other instances to give
a clue ; and the very rapidity and ease with which a living
language is written may raise problems which need close
consideration. Nor was there only Erasmus. Many of the
letters are written to him by his friends, in very different
styles which needed distinction ; all of them less flowing
and lucid than Erasmus', some so crabbed and involved as
to be scarcely intelligible. The adaptation of a translation
to such various originals was a task requiring great taste and
delicacy.
However, all these obstacles were steadily surmounted ;
and by the end of 1901 the first volume appeared. Three
years later came the second, carrying forward the years
from L509 to 15 1 7, and raising the number of letters trans-
Introduction ix
lated, some wholly, others only in part, to nearly six hundred.
I This had been at first the limit of the translator's design, but
\ his work was to him an endless delight ; and though now
mearing eighty, he could not lay it down. A third volume
^was arranged, carrying forward the correspondence for a
year and a half, and the letters to more than eight hundred ;
an exceptionally large number having chanced to survive
for the years 15 17-18. Unhappily by this time his memory
had begun to fail. The work proceeded, but less rapidly
than before ; and he was sometimes harassed by the discovery
of repetitions and even contradictions in what he had set up
in type for the new volume. Nevertheless, with indomitable
patience and unruffled sweetness of temper, in a situation
which to most men would have brought profound and dis-
heartening vexation, he went steadily on ; and after some
years had his third and last volume practically ready for the
press. But, conscious of imperfections in it, he never could
make up his mind to take the final step of issuing it. It is
here presented to the world almost as he left it, as a coping-
stone to an achievement of which English scholarship may
justly be proud.
The life of Erasmus is portrayed with fullness and charm
during the years in which its interest is perhaps at its
greatest. The young canon, burning with love of knowledge
and desiring to give his life to the advancement of it, is
shown as a busy student, reading voraciously, and, while
steadily pursuing his aim, building up for himself a reputa-
tion which none could gainsay ; courted by kings and
bishops, but holding them, though with all politeness, at
arm's length, lest court-service should damp his fiery ardour
and hinder the progress of his never-ending work. And
there these three volumes leave him ; beloved, indeed
almost worshipped, by his friends, with one of the great
tasks of his life, the edition of the Nev/ Testament, just
happily completed for the second time ; and of the bitter
X Introduction
controversies and disappointments that were to sadden his
later years, as yet scarcely a trace.
It is surely a fitting coincidence that the translator and
interpreter of Erasmus to the English-speaking races should
have been a worker as untiring as himself. Fifty years after
the publication, when he was in middle life, of his first
considerable book, the Britton, which appeared in 1865, he
still had a book upon his hands — a record which not even
Erasmus equalled ; and it was on his hands when he died.
Until almost the end he was accustomed to take his morning
walk in Hyde Park or its neighbourhood, independently
alone. His tall, spare figure, alert and erect, might be seen
making its way with grave courtesy through the passing
crowds ; his face ready to lighten with a smile for his
friends, thouo;h recosfnition was not alwavs easv. Some ten
years before his death his old college, Wadham, of which
he had once been Fellow, elected him to an honorary
fellowship. It gave him great pleasure to attend a Gaudy
and stay once more in college rooms ; and a walk round
Magdalen meadow, golden with autumn leaves in the after-
noon sun, roused memories of the past. The visit also
showed one of the sources of his strength, his power of
quiet concentration upon his work. Calling upon a friend
to look at a book not otherwise accessible to him, he found
a christening-party in progress. With the book in his hand
he sat himself down out of the way to read. But the house
was small, and there was much coming and going, the
waves of which repeatedly overflowed the corner where he
was seeking quiet. Yet he worked on steadily, quite undis-
turbed by interruptions which most students would have
found distracting ; only apologising at intervals for his
presence — where he was indeed most welcome. And so he
completed his task as serenely as if he had been at peace in
the retirement of his own study.
" Optimam Erasmi partem in libris videre licet" wrote
Introduction xi
Erasmus once to an admirer who had travelled from Erfurt
to Louvain to pay him homage, and who wished to carry
back with him a letter as a visible token that he had been
admitted to the presence of the great master. Anyone who
turns over the pages of these translations with attention, will
learn something of the spirit in which the work was done —
the thoughtful examination of each problem that arose, the
lucid exposition of the conclusions reached, the courtesy
in differing from others without acrimony and of refuting
without triumph, the sane and steady outlook upon life,
the large-hearted judgments, the scholarly care for accuracy,
the urbanity of the style, and above all the overmastering
desire to find and see the truth. My own obligations to him
I have already stated elsewhere. I am glad to have this
further opportunity of recording that some of our work was
done together.
P. S. ALLEN.
23 Merton Street, Oxford,
14 Jan. 1917.
PREFACE
[The greater part of this book had been prepared by my father for
publication in 1908. A few pages which he subsequently added are printed
without the advantage of final revision from his own hand. The Preface of
1908 is here printed as it stood. To the reference made in it to Mr. P. S.
Allen, Fellow of Merton College, I wish to add an acknowledgment of my
great obligation to him not only for his Introduction to this volume, but for
other generous help. — B. N.]
N offering to the English reader a third volume of
Translations from the correspondence of Erasmus,
the translator has little to add to what has been
already said, by way of Preface to his former volumes.
Begun at a late period of his own life, his work is necessarily
an imperfect one, having regard to the small space of time
which it covers as compared with that occupied by the
whole series of the extant correspondence of his author.
And even for the limited period with which it deals, it has
been thought better, in this as in the translator's former
volumes, to be content in many cases with a partial
translation or a mere description of an Epistle, in order
to make it possible to include a fuller version of other
Letters of undeniable interest and importance. In this,
as in other respects, he cannot assume with any confidence,
that his treatment of the subject has been free from errors
or omissions. He trusts nevertheless, that it may serve to
induce some English readers to follow, from year to year
and from month to month, the correspondence of a circle
of scholars and leaders of thought, among whom Erasmus
xiv Preface
was the central figure, at a supremely important epoch in
the history of European progress.
In this Preface to a fresh volume of Translations, the
compiler cannot refrain from offering to every student
already interested in the Correspondence of Erasmus, and
to the larger class, which may in future be included in that
description, his congratulation upon the issue, already begun
under the auspices of the University of Oxford, of a new
edition of these Epistles in their original language. This
edition will be the first in which any serious attempt has
been made to put before the reader this collection of letters
as originally written, arranged in detail according to their
proper chronological order. The task of editing this work,
of which the first volume was issued some two years since,
has been undertaken by Mr. Percy Stafford Allen, to whom
the compiler of these pages has been indebted for occasional
advice and assistance during a great part of the time in which
he has been occupied with his work. The present writer
has reached an age which forbids him to look forward with
any confidence to a further addition to his own limited
work.* He has no less reaso. for expressing his hearty
wish that his friend's more important task may be con-
tinued to a successful termination.
The Chronological Register of Epistles, which follows
our Table of Contents, is in its earlier part repeated, with
some corrections, from the last four pages of the Register
printed in our first volume, which beginning with the earliest
extant letters of Erasmus, ended at the close of the year
15 17. The later part is added to supply a list of the letters,
— dated for the most part in the early months of the follow-
ing year, — which complete the series of Translations ^ere
offered to the reader.
* [He was born 29 April, 1826; died 9 December, 1915.]
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction ...... v
Preface ...... xiii
Table of Contents . . . . . xv
Chronological Register of Epistles from 19 August,
iSij, to 10 Septetnber, i$id> . . (i)-(io)
CHAPTERS CONTINUED FP ' M THE END OF VOLUME H.
Chapter XXXIX.
Residence of Erasmus at Louvain ; Sweating
Sickness in England ; Death of Ammonius.
August, 1517. Epistles s^jj -61% . . i
Chapter XL.
Com lued Residence at Louvain ; Epistles of
Erasmus to Henry VIII., Cardinal Wolsey
and others. First Half of September, 15 17.
Epistles 619-635 . . . -33
xvi Contents
Chapter XLI.
Continued Residence at Louvain ; Death of Jerome
Busleiden; Proposed Trilingual College at
Louvain. Latter LLalf of September^ I5i7-
Epistles 636-65 1 .... 66
Chapter XLII.
Continued Residence at I^ouvain ; Portrait by
Quentin Matsys^ and Verses by More.
October^ 1517- Epistles 652-665
Chapter XLIII.
Continued Residence at Louvain ; Offer of Prefer-
ment in England ; First ten days of Novem-
ber ^ 15 1 7' Epistles 666-6S0 . . .Ill
Chapter XLIV.
Continued Residence at Louvain ; Publication of
the Complaint of Peace ^ and of the Para-
phrase of St. PanVs Epistle to the Romans.
November^ 151 7* Epistles 681-702 . .139
Chapter XLV.
Continued Residence at Louvain ; LLebrew Pro-
fessorship founded at Louvain University.
December^ 1517- Epistles 703-719 . .172
Contents xvii
Chapter XLVI.
Continued Residence at Louvain ; Epistles to the
Abbot of St. Bertin and others ; Letters of
William Latimer and others to Erasmus.
January ^ 1518. Epistles 720-734 . . 208
Chapter XLVIL*
Continued Residence at Louvain ; Letter of J-ohn
Eck to Erasmus; Letters to More, Latimer,
Bude, and others, fatiuary and February ^
1518. Epistles 7 2)S-7 ^3 • . -243
Chapter XLVIII.
Continued Residence at Louvain; Epistle of Richard
Sampson to Erasmus; Epistles of Erasmus to
Archbishop War ham. Bishop Fisher, More,
and others. First week of March, 15 18.
Epistles 744-759 .... 274
Chapter XLIX.
Continued Residence at Louvain; Epistles to Basel
Correspondents ; Epistles of Bude and others
to Erasmus. March and April, 1^1%. Epistles
760-770 .... 307
* By ail error, not observed until too late for correction, the Chapter
which should have been numbered, as it is here, Chapter XLVIL, is in the
text headed, Chapter XLVIIL
xviii Contents
Chapter L.
Continued Resideyice at Louvain ; Epistles to Gerard
of Nimeguen^ Pace, Bidell, Colet and others.
April, 15 18. Epistles J J I -%oo . . 337
Chapter LI.
Eive Epistles of Erasmus during the year 15 17.
Epistle to Cardinal Wolsey, 18 May; to
Ulrich von Hutteji, 23 July ; to Nicolas
Beraiid, 9 August; to William Hue of
the same date ; to Peter Gillis, December.
Epistles 563B, 587B, 593B, 593c, 690 . . 377
Chapter LII.
Epistles of Erasmus to Bar bier and More^ to Pirck-
heimer, Bombasius, and others^ during the
summer and early autumn of 15 18. Epistles
801-811. ..... 412
Chapter LIII.
Residence of Erasmus at Louvain, October to
December, 15 18; Epistles to Bude, Mutianus
Ruf us, and others. Epistles '6\2-'^2i. . 438
CHRONOLOGICAL REGISTER
OF THE EPISTLES OF ERASMUS
FROM THE NINETEENTH DAY OF AUGUST, 1517, TO THE TENTH
OF SEPTEMBER, 1518.
HE following Chronological Register may serve as a second and
more minute Table of Contents to the present volume, which
contains translations of Epistles bearing date from the nineteenth
day of August, 1517, to the thirteenth of December, 1518. The
earlier numbers (597 to 719) are repeated (with corrections) from the Register
of Epistles printed at the beginning of the first volume of these Translations ;
and the later numbers (720 to 823) are added in order to carry on the series
to the date at which our Translations end. The numbers of the Sections in
the Register correspond with the numbers of the Chapters in the volume ; the
first Section being Section XXXIX. and the first Chapter, Chapter XXXIX.
In this list, the Epistles of which the writer is not named are by Erasmus
himself. Those of others are registered in Italics. Dedications and Prefatory
Epistles, prefixed to books are included, some of them having already taken
their place among the Epistles. The dates are, as to most of the letters,
added,— wholly or in part, — by the writers themselves ; those supplied or
corrected by inference or conjecture being placed within brackets. Upon
the variance of year-date before Easter some remarks will be found in the
Introduction to the first volume of this work. See pp. Ixviii., Ixix.
After the date in the same line follow references to the printed copies of
the Epistle. The usual references are, first, to the book in which the Epistle
was first published ; but in the case of Epistles derived from the Deventer
Manuscript (see Introduction to vol. I. p. xxvi.), the sign D precedes ; then
follow references to other printed books in which the Epistle may be
found. In these references to books, the following abbreviations are used.
E. a. = EpistoliR aliquot etc. (see Introduction, p. xxviii.); E. s. q. e. = Ej>istqliR
sane quafu elega/ites (p. xxix.); Auct. = Auctarium Epistolarum (p. xxx.) ;
F. = Farrago Epistolarum (p. xxxi.) ; E. a. d. = Epistolx ad diversos
(p. xxxii.) ; O. E. = Opus EpistolaruJit, 1529 (p. xxxiv.); M. = the volume
published by Merula (p. xlv.); S. = Vita etc. Scriverii auspiciis, 1615, (p. li.).
c
(2) Clironu logical Register
The other usual references are to the London edition of the Epistles of
Erasmus (see p. Hi. of the same Introduction), the two numbers given (as in
the first Epistle of the following list, vii. 4) being those of the Book and
Epistle in that collection; and to the third volume of Le Clerc's edition
of the Works of Erasmus, cited as C, the number which follows C referring
to the page, — and the number added in parenthesis being the number, —
of the Epistle in that edition. Where reference is made to any other volume
of Le Clerc's book, the number of the volume is mentioned before that of
the page, as C. i. 559.
For a general history of the publication of the Epistles of Erasmus, the
reader is referred to the Introduction to our first volume. The evidence
determining the dates of the letters and the order here adopted appears
in the latter or main part of this work, which contains a translation or
some shorter notice of each Epistle, arranged in Chapters, to which the
numbered sections of this Register correspond.
VOL. III.
XXXIX. Louvain. August, 15 17.
597 More to E. London, 19 Aug. [1517] F. 177 ; vii. 4; C. 570
598 Sixtinus to E. London, 19 Aug. 1517 I); C. 1623
599 To Beatus Rhenanus Louvain, 23 Aug. 1517 D; C 1624
600 To Nesen Louvain, 23 Aug. 1517 D; C. 1623
601 To Baer Louvain, 23 Aug. 1517 I); C 1623
602 To the Bp. of Basel Louvain [23 Aug.] 15 17 Auci.;\\\.2^; C.285
603 To Lucas Paliurus Louvain, 23 Aug. 15 17 ^«(:/.; iii. 24; C.260
604 To Henry Stromer Louvain, 24 Aug. 1517 Auct.; iii. 30; C.260
605 To John Ruser Louvain, 24 Aug. 1517 D; C. 1625
606 To Bruno Amerbach Louvain, 24 Aug. 15 17 D ; C. 1625
607 To Lachner Louvain, 24 Aug. 15 17 D; C. 1655
608 To Wolfgang of Louvain, 24 Aug. 15 17 D ; C. 1625
Augsburg
609 To Count Nuenar Louvain, 25 Aug. 1517 D; C 1626
610 To John Froben Louvain, 25 Aug. 1517 Utopia, Basil.
Praef. ; C. 1626
611 To Peter Gillis Louvain, 28 Aug. 15 17 D;C. i6ro
612 C/uregattus to E. Antwerp, 28 Aug. 15 17 D; C. 1627
613 To George Haloin Louvain, 29 Aug. 1517 Auct.; iii. 27; C 261
522)
161)
164)
163)
162)
286)
262)
263)
167)
165)
236)
166)
168)
151S
169)
144)
170)
264)
of the Epistles of Era sin us
(3)
614 [To a Prelate] Louvain, 29 Aug. 1517 D ; C. 1627 (171)
615 ToTunstall Louvain, 30 Aug. 1517 D; C. 1627 (172)
616 ToTunstall Louvain, 31 Aug. 1517 D; C. 1628 (173)
617 To Richard, Chap- Louvain, 31 Aug. 1517 Aucf.; n\.26;C 261(265)
lain of Tunstall
618 To Gerardus Louvain, 31 Aug. 15 17 E.a.d.; xii.9; C.261 (266)
Noviomagus
XL.
619 To Clava
620 To Marcus Laurinus
621 [To the Bishop of
Worcester]
622 To Peter Barbier
623 To Peter Vannes
624 To More
625 To Bishop Fisher
626 To Sixtinus
627 To Henry VIIL
628 To Cardinal Wolsey
629 To loannes Fevinus
630 To James Lefevre
631 To Gerard Listrius
632 Archbp. of May e nee
to E.
633 Stromer to E.
634 Tunstall to E. .
635 Lupset to E.
Louvain. Septem/)er, 151 7.
Louvain, 7 Sept. 1517
Louvain, 7 Sept. 15 17
Louvain, 7 Sept. 15 17
D; C. 1629(175)
D ; C. 1629 (176)
D; C. 1630(177)
Louvain [Sept.] 151 7
Louvain [Sept.] 15 17
Antwerp, 8 Sept. 15 17
Antwerp, 8 Sept. 15 17
Antwerp, 8 Sept. 151 7
Antwerp, 9 Sept. 15 17
Antwerp, 9 Sept. 15 17
Louvain, 9 Sept. 15 17
Louvain, 11 Sept. 1517
Louvain, 11 Sept. 15 17
Steinheim, 13 Sept. [15
D; C. 1652 (230)
C. 1652 (228)
D; C. 1630 (179)
D; C. 1630(178)
D; C. 1631 (180)
And.; iii.32; C. 263 (268)
Auct.; iii.31; C.262(267)
E.a.d.; xiii.8; C.264(269)
Auct.;'m. 33; C. 265(271)
E. a. d. ; Ep. xiii. 9 ;
C. 265 (270)
17] D; C. 350 (334)
Steinheim, 13 Sept. 15 17
Bruges, 14 Sept. 15 17
Paris, 15 Sept. [15 17]
D; C. 1605 (236)
D ; Auct. 125 ; iii. 2 ;
C. 266 (272)
D; C. 1570 (79)
XLL Louvain. Latter half of September., 1517.
636 [To an old friend] Louvain [Sept.] 151 7 D ; C. 1659 (243)
637 To Clava Louvain, 16 Sept. 1517 D; C. 1631 (182)
63S To Marc. Laurinus Louvain, 16 Sept. 1517 D; C. 1632 (185)
639 To More Louvain, 16 Sept. 1517 D; C. 1631 (182)
(4) Chro7iological Register
640 To [Bishop Fisher] Louvain, 16 Sept. 1517 D ; C. 1632 (186)
641 To Sixtinus Louvain, 16 Sept. 15 17 D ; C. 1632 (184)
642 ToAnt. of Lutzenburg Louvain, 17 Sept. 1517 D; C. 1632 (187)
643 PaschasiusBerseliustoE. Liege, 17 Sept. 1517 D; C. 1633 (188)
644 Barland to E. [Louvain, Sept. 1517] D; 0.1584(99)
645 To loannes Atensis Louvain [Sept.] 15 17 D;C. 1652 (229)
646 [To an old friend] Louvain [Sept.] 15 17 D ; C 1660 (244)
647 To Tunstall Louvain[Sept.]i5i7 ^e/cA 130; iii. 3; €.288(293)
648 Cmarius to E. Cologne, 22 Sept. 1517 D; C 1633 (189)
649 To Giles Busleiden Louvain [Sept. 15 17] ^?/'<;/'.; iii.67; C. 377 (362)
650 Pet. Gillis to E. Antwerp, 27 Sept. 1517 C. 1634 (190)
651 Pircheimer to E. Nuremberg [30 Sept. 15 17] F. 65, iii. 12 ; C. 218(226)
XLIL Louvain. October^ 15 1 7-
652 To Philip, Bp. of [Louvain, 3 Oct. 1517 Querela Pads, '&d&\\.Y)^c.
Utrecht (Dedication) 1517 ; C. iv. 626
653 To Gerardus Novio- Louvain, 3 Oct. 15 17 D ; C. 1634 (191)
magus
654 More to Gillis Calais, 6 Oct. 1517 Auct. ; iii. 7 ; C. 1635 (192)
655 More to E. Calais, 7 Oct. 1517 D; C. 1635 (193)
656 To Gillis Louvain [Oct. 15 17] F. 192; vii. 29; C.382 (368)
657 To Lachner Louvain [October] 1517 D; C. 1655 (237)
658 To Giles Busleiden Louvain, 19 Oct. 15 17 And.; iii. 40; C. 353 (338)
659 More to E. Calais, 25 Oct. [15 17]
660 To Budd Louvain, 26 Oct. 15 17
661 To Glarean Louvain [26 Oct.] 15 17
662 E. to Lupset Louvain, 26 Oct. 15 17
663 To Giles Busleiden Louvain [Oct.] 15 17
664 Charles Oflinys io E. Paris, 30 Oct. 15 17
665 To Schiirer Louvain, 31 Oct. 151 7
XLIIL Louvain. November^ 15 1?-
666 To Glarean Louvain [Nov.] 1517 D; C. 1655 (235)
667 To Pirckheimer Louvain, 2 Nov. 15 17 Scriverius; C. 268 (274)
D
; c
• 587 (540)
D;
c.
^637 (195)
D;
c.
1654 (234)
D;
c.
1638 (196)
D;
c.
1653 (232)
D;
c.
1638(197)
i^;
c.
1638(198)
of the Epistles of Erasmus
(5)
668 To John [German]
669 To Peter Barbier
670 To Listrius
671 To Jac. Banisius
672 To Gillis
673 To Caesarius
674 To [Count Nuenar]
67s
676
677
67S
679
680
Louvain 2 Nov. 15 17 D ; C. 1639 (199)
Louvain, 2 Nov. 1517 And.; iii. 36; 0.^70(275)
Louvain, 2 Nov. 15 17 D ; C. 1639 (200)
Louvain, 3 Nov. 1517 D; C. 1639 (201)
Louvain, 3 Nov. 15 17 F. 196; vii. 38; 0.216(222)
Louvain, 3 Nov. 15 17 D ; C. 1639 (202)
Louvain, 3 Nov. 1517 D; C. 1641 (203)
To Ernest, Duke of Louvain, 4 Nov. 151 7 Auct.; iii. 34; C. 271 (276)
Bavaria
More to E. Calais, 5 Nov. 1517 Auct.; iii. 8; C. 1641 (204)
Bp. of UtrecJit to E. Vellenhoe[6Nov.] 1517 ^/<'^/./ iii. 47; 0.273(282)
To Afinius Louvain [Nov.] 15 17 D ; C. 1652 (227)
To Gillis Louvain [Nov.] 15 17 D ; C 1651 (226)
To Gillis Louvain, 10 Nov.[i5i7] F. 195; vii.35;C. 1775(386)
XLIV. Louvain. November^ 15 ^ 7-
681 Jac. Banisius to E. Antwerp, 12 Nov. 151 7 F. 167; vi.34; C. 271 (277)
682 Geo. SpalatinustoE. Aldenburg, 13N0V. 1517 F. 374; xi. 23; C. 272(278)
683 To Cardinal Grimani Louvain, 13 Nov. 15 17 Paraphrasis in Ep. ad
Romanos., Prasf. ; C. vii. 771
Louvain [Nov.] 1517 D; C. 1653 (231)
Louvain, 1 5 Nov. [15 1 7] F. 185; vii. 18; 0.357(344)
Louvain, 15 Nov. [15 17] ///. vir. Ep.; Geiger,
Retichlin, 266
Louvain [Nov.] 15 17 F. 193; vii. 30; 0.286(288)
Louvain, 16 Nov. 1517 ^//c/./iii. 35; 0.272(279)
Zwolle [Nov. 1517] D; 0. 1587 (104)
Louvain [1517] E. a. d. 654 ; 0. 541 (495)
Louvain, 19 Nov. 1517 D; 0. 1643 (208)
Louvain [Nov. 1517] F. 167; vi.35; 0.368(355)
Louvain, 21 Nov. 1517 D; 0. 1643 (209)
Louvain [25 Nov.] 1517 D; 0. 1643 (206)
(Dedication)
684
To Berselius
685
To Gillis
686
To Reuchlin
687
To Gillis
688
To Noviomagus
689
Listrius to E.
690
To Gillis*
691
To Laurinus
692
To Banisius
693
To Olava
694
To Laurinus
* This Epistle, which properly belongs to a date a few weeks later, and consequently
appears again in our Catalogue as Epistle 713B, is translated in Chapter LI. of this
volume, p. 409.
698
To More
690
To Bude
yoo
To Lefevre
701
To Pyrrhus
702
To Petrus Viterius
(6) Chronological Register
695 To Pace Louvain [25 Nov.] 1517 D ; C. 1643 (207)
696 [Ta a young Prelate] Louvain [Nov.] 1517 D; C. 1660(245)
697 To Count Nuenar Louvain, 30 Nov. 15 17 D ; C. 1664 (210)
Louvain, 30 Nov. 1517 D; C. 1664 (212)
Louvain, 30 Nov. 1517 F.49;iii. 56; €.273(280)
Louvain, 30 Nov. 15 17 D ; C. 1644 (211)
Louvain, 30 Nov. 1517 D ; C 1645 (213)
[Louvain] 151 7 F. 151; vi. 17; €.289(294)
XLV. Louvaifi. DecefJiber, 1517.
703 Noviomagns to E. 5060.1517 ^;/r/. 208 ; iii. 41 ; C. 273 (281)
704 Bombasiusto E. Zurich, 6 Dec. 15 17 ^?/^/. 33 ; ii. 23; C. 274(283)
705 To Baer Louvain, 6 Dec. 1517 D; C 1645 (214)
706 To Capito Louvain, 6 Dec. 15 17 D ; C. 1646 (215)
707 To Beatus Rhenanus Louvain, 6 Dec. 1517 D; C. 1646 (216)
708 To Berselius Louvain, 9 Dec. 1517 D; C. 1647 (217)
709 To Capito Louvain, 9 Dec. 1517 D; C. 1648 (218)
710 Bude to E. Paris [12 Dec. 1517] Auct.y, ii.20; C. 298(304)
711 To the Bp. of Utrecht Louvain, 13 Dec. 151 7 D ; C. 1649 (219)
712 [To the Bp. of Liege] Louvain, 13 Dec. 1517 D; C 1649 (220)
713 To the Abbot of St. Bertin Louvain, 13 Dec. 151 7 C. 275 (284)
7 1 3?. To Gillis * Louvain [Dec. 1 5 1 7] E. a. d. 654 ; xvii. 17; C. 541 (495)
714 To Pace Louvain, 21 Dec. 1517 D; C. 1650 (222)
715 To Clava Louvain, 21 Dec. 1517 D; C. 1650 (223)
716 Listrius to E. Zwolle, 28 Dec. 1517 D; C 1651 (225)
717 To Dorpius Louvain, 1517 D; C. 1654(233)
718 Bp. of Liege to E. Liege, 30 Dec. 151 7 ^//^A 216; iii.45; €.359(348)
719 Berselius to E. Liege [Dec. 15 17] /^^/^A 21 1 ; iii. 43; C. 229(232)
XLVL Louvain. January, 15 18.
720 To John of Louvain Louvain, 2 Jan. 1518 D; C. 1667 (254)
721 To John van Hondt Louvain, 2 Jan. 1518 D; C. 1667 (255)
* Epistle 7131?, which contains an eulogy' of Peter Gillis's father, is omitted in Chapter XLV.
of our principal work ; but is translated in Chapter LI. of this Third Volume, p. 409.
of the Epistles of Erasmus (7)
722 To Afinius Louvain, 6 Jan. 1518 D ; C. 1668 (256)
723 To Barbier Louvain, 7 Jan. 1518 D; C. 1666 (257)
724 To Berselius Louvain, 7 Jan. 1518 And. 213; iii. 44 ; C. 230(233)
725 To Bp. of Liege Louvain, 7 Jan. 1518 Auct. 217 ; iii. 45 ; C. 290(297)
726 To Bp. of Utrecht Louvain, 10 Jan. 15 18 ^«(f/. 220 ; ii. 48; C. 290(298)
727 To Gerard of Louvain, 10 Jan. 1518 Auct. 210 ; iii. 42 ; C. 288 (292)
Nimeguen
728 To the Abbot of Louvain, 14 Jan. 1518 Auct. 162; iii. 18; €.366(353)
St. Bertin
729 To Anthony of Louvain, 14 Jan. 1518 D; C. 1692(309)
Lutzenburg
730 To Marcus Laurinus Louvain, 14 Jan. 1518 U; C. 1669 (258)
731 To Bade Louvain, 16 Jan. 1518 D; C. 1669 (259)
732 To Glarean Louvain, 18 Jan. 15 18 F. 316; iii. 19; C. 295 (202)
733 To William Nesen Louvain, 18 Jan. 1518 F. 336; x. 31; C. 291 (299)
734 Latimer to E. Oxford, 30 Jan. 1518 F. 318; x. 22; C. 292 (301)
XLVIL* Antwerp and Louvain. February, 15 18.
735 John Eck to E. Ingoldstadt, 2 Feb. 1518 ii. 25 ; C. 296 (303)
736 To John Desmoulins Louvain, February, 15 18 I); C. 1657 (240)
737 To Thomas Prout Antwerp, 21 Feb. 15 18 F. 197 ; Ep. vii. 41;
c. 330(321)
738 To Roger Wentford x\ntwerp, 21 Feb. 1518 1); C. 16S1 (286)
739 To More Antwerp, 22 Feb. 1518 D; C. 1681 (287)
740 To Sixtinus Antwerp, 32 Feb. 1518 1); C. 1669 (261)
741 To Peter Vannes Antwerp, 22 Feb. 15 18 D ; C. 1669 (260)
742 To William Latimer Antwerp, 27 Feb. 15 iS Ep. ad. div. 426; x. 23 ;
c. 378 (363)
743 To Bude Antwerp, 22 Feb. 1518 F. 3; iii. 51 ; C. 299
(305)
* The title at the head of the forty-seventh chapter of our IranslaUons, corresponding
with this section, p. 243, which ouyhi to be Chapter XLVIL, is by mistake printed
Chapter XLVIII. The same number is in its proper place, p. 274.
(8)
Chronological Register
XLVIII. Louvain. March, 1518.
744 Richard Sampson Tournay, 2 March, 15 18
to E.
745 To Peter Gillis Louvain, 5 March [1518]
Louvain, 5 March [15 18]
Louvain, 5 March [15 18]
[Louvain, 5 March, 15 18]
[Louvain, 5 March, 15 18]
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18
Louvain [5 March] 15 18
Louvain [5 March] 15 18
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18
Louvain [March] 15 18
Louvain, 6 March, 15 18
Louvain, 6 March, 15 18
746 To Laurinus
747 To Lewis
748 To Sir Richard Wing-
field
749 To Sir John Wiltshire
750 To Archbp. Warham
751 [To Thos. Biddcll]
752 To Bp. Fisher
753 To More
754 To Pace
755 To [Mountjoy]
756 To Bullock
757 To Colet
758 To Le Sauvage
759 To Peter Barbier
iii. 4;C. 305 (306)
F. 187 ; vii. 21 ;
C. 190 (209).
D; C. 1671 (264)
D ; C. 1692 (308)
D; C. 1695 (313)
D; C. 1673(268)
D; C. 1673 (269)
D; C. 1695(313)
D; C. 1691 (306)
D; C. 1671 (265)
D; C. 1672 (266)
D; C. 1694 (312)
D; C. 1670 (263)
D; C. 1690 (305)
D; C. 1673(270)
Auct.; iii. 20; C.
306 (307)
XLIX. Louvain. March, April, 15 18.
760
761
762
763
766
767
768
769
770
To Froben
To Capito
To CEcolampadius
To Beatus
D,
C. 1674 (271)
D.
C. 1675 (272)
D;
C. 1675 (273)
D;
C. 1675 (274)
Louvain, 12 March, 15 18
Louvain, 13 March, 15 18
Louvain, 13 March, 15 18
Louvain, 13 March, 15 18
764 To Afmius Louvain, 13 March, 15 18 In laudem Medicinee, C. i. (535)
765 To Bombasius Louvain, 14 March, 1518 D; C. 1676 (275)
Paris, 16 March, 1518 Auct.;i\\. 5 ; C. 307 (309)
Nuremberg, 20 March, 1518 D ; C. 1594 (118)
Louvain, 26 March, 1518 D; C. 1677 (276)
Berauld to E.
Pirckheimer to E.
To the Dean of
Mechlin
To Laurinus
Bude to E.
Louvain, Easter Monday, 5 April, 15 18 C. 368 (356
Paris, 12 x\pril, 1518 F. 10 ; iii. 52 ; 0.309(310)
of the Epistles of Erasmus
(9)
771 To
772 To
773 To
774 To
775 To
776 To
777 To
778 To
779 To
780 To
781 To
782 To
783 To
784 To
785 To
786 To
787 To
788 To
789 To
790 To
791 To
792 To
793 To
794 To
795 To
796 To
797 To
798 To
799 To
800 To
Gerard of
Nimeguen
Peter Gillis
Lefevre
Nesen
Viterius
Bude
Bade
Pace
Gunnell
Sampson
Bullock
L. LoHvain. April, 15 18.
Louvain, 17 April [1518] F.; x. 25; C. 134 (i53)
Louvain, 17 April [15 18] Auct.; iii. 10; C. 236
Louvain, 17 April [15 18] Auct.; iii. 9 ; C. 236
Louvain, 17 April [15 18] C. 1600
Louvain, 17 April [15 18] C. 1600
Louvain, 15 April, 1518 D; C. 1678
Louvain, [18 April, 15 18] D; C. 1600
Louvain, 22 April, 1518 Auct.; iii. 14; C.237
Louvain, 22 April [1518] Auct.;\\\. 13 ; C. 237
Louvain [April] 1518 Auct.;\\\. 5 ; C. 366
Louvain, 23 April [15 18] Auct. 154 ; Ep. iii
C. 237
Louvain, 23 April [1518] D; C. 1604
Louvain, 23 April [15 18] D ; C. 1604
Louvain, 23 April [151 8] D;C. 1679
Louvain, 23 April, 1518 D; C. 1678
Louvain, 23 April [15 18] D; C. 1678
Louvain, 23 April ( 1518] F. 46 ; iv. i ; C. 238
Louvain, 23 April, 15 18 F. 47 ; iv. 2 ; C. 316
Louvain [April] 15 18 D ; C. 1693
Louvain, 24 April, 1518 D; C. 1679
Louvain, 24 April, \^\% Auct.;\\\. 17; C. 316
Roger Wentford Louvain, 24 April [1518] D ; C. 1605
Henry VII L Louvain, 25 April, 15 18 Auct.; iii. 16; C. 319
Louvain [April] 15 18 D ; C. 1693
Louvain, 26 April, 15 18 Auct.; iii. 11 ;C. 320
Louvain, 26 April, 1518 Auct.; iii. i2;C. 319
Louvain [26 April, 1518] D; C. 1680
Bishop Fisher
Peter Vannes
Sixtinus
Bedill
Croke
Colet
Busch
Listrius
Tunstall
Grolier
More
Card. Grimani
John Lascaris
Gerard of
Nimeguen
Cornelius Batt Louvain, 29 April [1518] F. 190; vii. 25; C. 238
Laurinus Louvain, 29 April [15 18] F. 191 ; vii. 27 ; C. 238
Clava Louvain, 29 April [15 18] F. 191 ; vii. 26 ; C. 238
d
240
249
127
128
278
226
241
242
352
•15
243
133
132
281
279
280
247
311
310
282
312
135
313
311
315
314
283
244
245
246
(lo) Chronological Register of the Epistles of Erasmus
LI. Antzverp, Lotwain. May to December, 1517.
563B To Cardinal Wolsey Antwerp, 18 May [15 17] E, a. d. 438; xi. 1 ;
c. 321 (317)
585B To Hutten Antwerp, 23 July [15 17] F. 329; x. 30; C. 472 (447)
5g3B To Berauld Antwerp, 9 Aug. [1517] F. ; xi. 15 ; C. 335 (327)
593c To Hue Antwerp, 9 Aug. [1517] F. ; xi. 22 ; C. 335 (326)
690 To Peter Gillis Louvain [Dec. 15 17] E. a. d. 654 ; xvii. 17 \
C. 541 (495)
LI I. Basel. May io August, 15 18.
801 To Barbier Basel, 31 May, 1518 D ; C. 1680 (284)
802 To More Basel, 31 May, 1518 D; C. 1680 (285)
803 To Pirckheimer Basel [August] 15 18 F. 68 ; iv. 13; 0.384(374)
804 Giliis to E. Antwerp, 19 June [1518] F. 191 ; vii. 28; C. 462 (436)
805 To Bombasius Basel, 26 July, 1518 Auct. 36; ii. 24; C. 401 (377)
806 Zasius to E. Freiburg, 13 Aug. 15 18 Auct. 203; iii. 38; C. 336 (328)
807 To Zasius Basel, 23 Aug. 1518 Auct. 205; iii. 39; C. 347 (330)
S08 To Pucci Basel, 26 Aug. 1518 F. ; v. 26 ; C. 348 (331)
809 To Oswald Basel, 26 Aug. 1518 Auct. 202 ; iii. 37 ; C. 349 (332)
810 To Amerbach Basel, 31 Aug. 15 18 xv. 17 ; C. 349 (333)
811 Pope Leo to E. Rome, 10 Sept. 1518 xxix. 80 ; Opera Erasmi
vi. in Prsef.
■ r ■ '
LIII. Louvain, Antiverp. October, Decemoct , i^io.
812 Bombasius to E. Rome, 1 Oct. 15 18 F ; xi. 4 ; C 351 (335)
813 To Bude' Louvain, 15 Oct. 1518 F. : iii. 53 ; C. 352 (336)
814 To Mutianus Rufus Louvain, 17 Oct. 1518 M. 83; xxx. 4; C. 352(337)
815 To Eschenveld Louvain, 19 Oct. 1518 F. ; iv. 5 ; C. 353 (339)
816 To Werter Louvain, 19 Oct. 15 18 F. ; iv. 3 ; C. 353 (340)
817 To Gexbcl Louvain, 20 Oct. 15 18 F. ; iv. 4 ; C. 354 (341)
818 To Pace Louvain, 22 Oct. 1518 F. ; x. 26 ; C. 354 (342)
819 To AthyroglollUb Antwerp, 7 Dec. 1518 E. a. d. 513 ; xiii. 26 ;
€.358(346)
820 To Bombasius Louvain, 13 Dec. 1518 F. ; xi. 5 ; C. 358 (347)
821 To CEcolampadius Louvain [Dec] 15 18 F. ; vii. 43 ; C. 367 (354)
822 To Cardinal de Croy Louvain, 15 18 F. ; xi, 6 ; C. 359 (349)
823 To Glarean Louvain, 1518 E. a. d. ; xv. 8 ; C. 377 (361)
EPISTLES OF ERASMUS.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Residence at Loiivain^ August^ 151 7- Death of Ammoiiius.
Letters to Beatiis Rhenanus, the Bishop of Basely
Count Niienar^ Tiinstall and others. Letters of More^
Sixtmiis and Chiregattus. Epistles 597 to 618.
UR second volume included in its last chapter an account of
the removal of the residence of Erasmus from Antwerp to
Louvain, which was begun in July, and completed about
the middle of August, 1517. The two following letters,
which were carried from England by John Palgrave on his return to
the Continent,"^ brought to Erasmus the sad news of the death of
Ammonius, who only four months before had done him so signal a
service, and contain an account of the disease which had carried his
friend off. roli..-^' 1-,^ Sweat or Sweating Sickness, then prevailing in
..I both the English University towns. It appears
from the opening words of Epistle 597, that this letter with Epistle
598, and also More's previous letter, Epistle 579, and those of other
English correspondents, which had been entrusted to More for trans-
mission, some of them written several weeks before, — Epistles 568,
569, 570, and 586^ — were all sent by More to Erasmus together, by
the hands of Palgrave, on or about the 19th of August.
Epistle 597. Farrago, p. 177 ; Ep. vii. 4 ; C. 570 (522).
More to Erasmus.
The departure of our friend Palgrave having been put off
from day to day has led to your receiving both my letter
* See vol. ii. p. 587, and note there.
VOL. III. B
2 Plague in England
and those of others much later than I intended and than
you ought to have received them. It seemed suitable, that
the same bearer that brought me your letter should carry
back my answer. It has therefore become necessary to add
this to my former communication, so that you may know the
cause of the delay, and at the same time be informed what
is taking place among us. We are in greater distress and
danger than ever ; deaths are frequent all around us, almost
everybody at Oxford, at Cambridge, and here in London,
having been laid up within the last few days, and very many
of our best and most honoured friends being lost. Among
these, — I am distressed to think how it will distress you, —
has been our friend Andrew Ammonius, in whom both good
letters and all good men have suffered a grievous loss. He
thought himself protected against contagion by his temperate
habit of life, and attributed it to this, that, whereas he
scarcely met with any person, whose whole family had not
been sick, the malady had not attacked any one of his. This
boast he made to me and others not many hours before his
I death. For in this Sweating Sickness, as they call it, no one
dies but on the first day. I, with my wife and children, am as
yet untouched ; the rest of my family have recovered. I can
assure you, that there is less danger upon a field of battle,
than in this town. It is now, I hear, beginning to rage at
Calais, when we are being forced thither ourselves, to
undertake a diplomatic mission, — as if it were not enough
to have been living in contagion here without following it
elsewhere. But what is one to do ? What our lot brings
us must be borne ; and I have composed my mind for
every event. Farewell.
London, in haste, the 19th day of August [15 17].*
* Raptim Londino XIX. die Augusti. Farrago.
Death of Ammonius 3
The same sad intelligence was conveyed by the letter of another
correspondent, which we may assume to have been entrusted to the
same messengrer as the last.
Epistle 598. Deventer MS. ; C. 1623 (161).
Sixtinus to Erasmus.
Although I know how grievous a message I am sending
you, still I think that I ought to write what you will be so
much concerned to hear. Our friend Andrew Ammonius
has been buried to-day, having been carried off by this
Sweating Sickness, in which so many persons of note have
perished. May God be gracious to his soul ! On the day
he died, we were to have gone into the country together,
the horses, which were to have carried us, having been
already sent by the Prior of Merton.t But he, as I hope,
has been borne on high, and has left me to follow when it
shall please God. * * *
As to your business, I have no definite message to send ;
he has been snatched from us, before he received any
certain intelligence. Two days before his death, I had a
most agreeable and cheerful dinner at his house ; as on that
very day he employed my assistance in some business of
his own, and invited me also for the next day ; but the
news of his death, — arriving before any intelligence of his
illness, — was brought me, just as I was rising, and before I
was dressed. So fragile, tottering and uncertain are human
affairs ! Farewell.
London, 19 August, 1517.$
t a Priore Martono. C. Probably we should read, a Priore Martonensi,
the Prior of the monastery of Merton in Surrey. Merton is, or lately was,
in its own neighbourhood pronounced Marton.
X Londino 19. Augusti, An. 15 17. C.
B 2
4 Epistolary facility of Erasmus
It may be observed, that from this date in the Register of the
extant correspondence of Erasmus, his own letters once more form
the principal part of the collection. For a period of nearly three
years, — from the beginning of September^ i5I4j to the third week of
August, 15 1 7, — the letters of his correspondents, mainly derived from
the Deventer Manuscript, are much more numerous than his own.
But from the latter date, while the letters that we possess are for
some time principally due to the same source, the epistles are mainly
those of Erasmus himself. This observation will be made more
definite by a glance at our Chronological Register of Epistles ; where
the reader may admire the multitude of letters, which in the midst of
his literary work Erasmus found time to dictate within a period of
little more than four months."^
The following Epistle is of some interest as illustrating the relations
of Erasmus with his printers and publishers. It also includes, among
other matter, a sad account of the government of the Netherlands
under the Flemish or Burgundian Court.
Epistle 599. Deventer MS. ; C. 1624 (164).
Erasmus to Beatiis Rhenaniis.
I am not surprised about Froben, as I know the man's
character ; but I do wonder at Lachner not attending to
your advice, especially as I earnestly sent word to him to do
so. But the person by whom they answer, writes, that you
are to be consulted, when they bring out the publication.
I am not much concerned what authors they print, provided
they meet my requirements. And if they do not care about
our business, Asolano, iVldus's father-in-law, has written to
me to say, that whatever his office can do, is quite at my
service.
* Of 300 letters in our Register, Epistle 301 to Epistle 600 (11 Oct. 1514
to 23 Aug. 15 1 7), I count 99 of Erasmus and 201 of his correspondents.
Of the 120 letters that follow in the Register, — Epistle 601 to Epistle 720
(23 Aug. to 30 Dec. 15 1 7), — 97 are of Erasmus, and 23 of his correspondents.
The Court at Brussels 5
I wonder how it came into James Lefevre's head, to write
such nonsense against me, in his examination of the second
chapter of the Epistle to the Hebrews. I have made an
abundant reply ; the little book shall be sent you,* if it is
finished in time, as it is now nearing the goal, being in the
hands of the Louvain printers.
Dorpius, with whom I was nearly having a tragic quarrel, t
is now a very close, and as I think, a very sincere friend ;
and I am on the best of terms with the Theologians.
Nevertheless the Carmelites have still some scheme or other
in hand ; I think they are jealous of the Preachers, who
have gained distinction by means of Reuchlin.|
The condition of things at Court is such, that the good
prefer to stay away, — not to say anything of another class,
about whom it is irreverent, or rather, unsafe, to speak.
The King's Confessor is one named Briselot, who was
formerly a Carmelite monk, and became a Benedictine for
the sake of some wretched little abbacy, and was afterwards
Suffragan of Cambrai. He is a Master § of Paris ; of a most
arrogant and virulent character, and utterly hostile to me ;
there is no convivial meeting at which he does not declaim
* libellus ad te mittetur. The Apologia ad lacobum Fabrum Stapuknsem,
in the form of a letter bearing date 5 August, 15 17 (Epistle 591), may
be found in Erasmi Opera, torn. ix. pp. 18-66. The original edition was
printed by Thierry Martens of Louvain, 15 17. It appears to have been
ready for publication before the end of August. See Epistle 611, p. 23.
t See vol. ii. 405, 411, 458.
:J: invident Praedicatoribus per Reuchlinum nobilitatis. The Dominicans
or Friars Preachers had had a controversy with Reuchlin about their proposed
destruction of Hebrew books. See vol. ii. p. 130.
§ Magister noster Parisiensis. It should be understood, that in speaking
of University degrees the word Magister is equivalent to Doctor. In our
English Universities the qualified teacher of the learning generally taught in
schools is called Master of Arts, and the Master of Theology is called Doctor
of Divinity. See vol. ii. p. 574, where Briselot is similarly described in a letter
to More ; and see Tunstall's letter, Epistle 634, p. 62 of this volume.
6 Condition of Holland
against Erasmus. Even the winds are against us, or they
would carry this monster out of our reach ; for the Prince
still sticks to land, and I see no sign that he is ever going.
This new Confessor was taken in preference to Josse
Clithof, who had been sent for with a view to that office,
though he did not know, himself, why he was summoned ;
but the courtiers did not like him, because he had very few
hairs on his head and was so extremely lean ! He had a
hundred Philips given him, to go back to Paris.
There is a rabble in this country which is called the
Black Band ; thev have taken and sacked Alkmaar, a town of
Holland, once prosperous enough ; the greatest cruelty was
practised upon women and boys on account of the stout
defence which the town had made, and if they had had only
six hundred soldiers in garrison, they would have been safe ;
and these very townsmen had only lately fought for us
against the Frieslanders ! While these occurrences were
feared, and agents were sent to ask for assistance from the
Prince, these were not admitted ; neither could they obtain
permission to defend themselves with their own arms and
at their own cost; indeed they were forbidden under a
capital penalty to invade Guelderland, though they had been
despoiled by the Guelderlanders. After this dreadful mas-
sacre, the chief cities, fearing a similar misfortune for them-
selves, have petitioned the King, and with difficulty obtained
leave to defend themselves at their own cost, but with this
condition, that they should provide the King with a fresh
J sum for his journey, the sum already paid, which was three
1 years' payment in advance, having been exhausted. And
because the Hollanders were unwilling to consent to this,
the storm was purposely brought upon them. The trick is
understood by every one, but it is not easy to remedy, nor
safe to speak of it ! * * *
We have received three hundred florins, — not from the
Prince's exchequer, w^hence no present is ever forthcoming.
Caraffa^ Bishop of Chieti 7
but out of the booty.* Nevertheless the Chancellor makes
splendid promises ; he has already gone to Spain ; and there
is some hope for me, since Barbier his chaplain, who is
much attached to us, is with him, and Busleiden too. The
Cardinal of Toledo invites me, but I have no fancy to turn
Spaniard. The bishop of Chieti, f in expectation of fortune,
has exhausted his own resources and those of all his
friends. He has been denounced by notes written in
cipher to the King; this he does not yet know himself,
and it would not be safe for me to tell him, for fear of risk
to my informants.
I do beg you to get those people to make haste with the
printing of what I have sent, and especially to take pains
with More's matters. J
Chievres, by whose bidding everything is now done here,
has made his nephew an Abbot, Bishop of Cambrai,
Cardinal, and, as I hear, coadjutor to the Archbishop of
Toledo ; he is living at Louvain, a youth of about twenty
years, of a lively character. §
That Black Band is besieged, they say, in some morass,
and will be kept besieged, I suppose, until the sum required
by the Prince is paid.
Farewell, dearest Beatus. If you please, you can com-
municate our news to other friends, as it is difficult to write
a separate letter to every one.
I have heard nothing yet from Glarean ; but I understand
by a letter from Bude, that he is in Paris.
Louvain, 23 August, 1517.II
* ex preeda.
t John Peter Caraffa, afterwards Pope Paul IV. See vol ii. p. 116.
\ See vol. ii. p. 559; and see further, pp. 16, 18, 21.
§ The young Cardinal de Croy died in 152 1, in his twenty-third year.
Erasmus, in sending news of his death to Bude, says of him, that his
character was wonderfully friendly and sincere, — he had a genuine love of
learning, and did not dislike Erasmus. C. 634 c.
II Lovanio 23. Augusti, Anno 15 17. C.
8 William Nesen of Basel
It appears from the last lines above, that Glarean's letter, Epistle 592,
dated eighteen days earlier (see vol. ii. p. 602), had not yet reached
Erasmus, having probably waited some days in the writer's hands
before a convenient messenger was found.
A short letter of Erasmus addressed to William Nesen, who had
been acting for some time as corrector of Froben's press (see vol. ii.
pp. 197, 371), accompanied the last Epistle to Basel. Erasmus had
dedicated an edition of the Copia to Nesen, the printing of which
he specially commended to his care. Epistle 451, vol. ii. pp. 372,
383. It is characteristic of Erasmus, that, in this letter, the minor
agents of Froben's press are not forgotten, and that, in the midst of
all his literary labours and learned correspondence, he was pleased
to receive letters from them. Conrad or Chunrad, an assistant in that
press, is mentioned in a letter of Bruno Amerbach, vol. ii. p. 384, as
being disappointed, upon his not receiving a message from Erasmus.
Epistle 600. Deventer MS. ; C. 1623 (163).
Erasmus to William Nesen.
You have made a pretty book of your Copia.
You have no reason to be angry with Bude ; he has
chosen to jest with a friend, — that is all.* He is a learned
man, he belongs to our side, and the answer we have given
is sufficient.
Stir up Froben to grace our other works in the same way,
and to lose no time about it. You will learn the rest of our
news from Beatus, or indeed from our letter to him. Fare-
well, and love us.
Greet our Lewis, whom I congratulate on his advance-
ment. I suppose Master Conrad is still angry with me, as
he does not write. Greet him in my name.
Louvain, 23 August, I5i7.t
* Bude had classed the Copia among the XeTTToXoyv^ara of Erasmus,
vol. ii. pp. 301, 416. ^Ui'^'tl^Y
t Lovanio 23. Augusti, Anno 1517. C- / /
Lewis Baer of Basel 9
By the same messenger, Erasmus sent a short epistle to Lewis Baer,
the Dean of the University of Basel, in answer, apparently, to a com-
munication received from him, in which he had expressed his regret
that his correspondent was not disposed to return to that place. This
epistle of Erasmus has the following address, apparently dictated by
the writer : Erasmus Theologo summo Ludovico Bero patrono suo.
Epistle 6oi. Deventer MS. ; C. 1623 (162)0
Erasimis to Lewis Baer.
I am heartily glad to hear that my especial patron, Baer,
is in good health. I had no disinclination for Basel, which
is commended to me by its agreeable climate, as well as by
your kindness. But Prince Charles has been lingering for
nearly two months on the shore, the winds being adverse,
not so much to him as to us all ; while Le Sauvage, the
Chancellor of Burgundy, who is himself going off to Spain,
has out of his own funds paid the pension due to me from
the Prince's empty Treasury, and has at the same time
loaded me with promises. I wanted to try, for a short
season, what turn the matter would take, though the times
are such, that, however much I might have wished it, it has
not been safe to undertake a journey to your parts. Mean-
while we are staying at Louvain, being received with the
utmost kindness by all the theologians. I am the more
disposed to do this, as I hear that some Carmelites are still
busy with sojjie scheme, but only a few of them.
I am sorry about Lefevre, who by an odious disputation
has driven me to reply to him. You will see what the
matter is by my tract.* May I die, if I should not have
* Rem ex libello cognosces. The Apologia ad Fabrum has the dimensions
of a book, occupying fifty columns in the folio edition of the Opera Erasmi.
See p. 5.
lo The Bishop of Basel
preferred to fill a huge volume in praising rather than in
refuting him !
Dorpius is sincerely my friend. Farewell, best of
teachers.
Louvain, 23 August, 15 17.*
By the messenger that carried his literary wares to Froben in the
previous June, Erasmus had taken the opportunity of presenting his
respects to the Bishop of Basel, who had sent him in return an
affectionate letter dated the 13th of July, 15 17, which was accom-
panied by a friendly note from the bishop's secretary, Lucas Paliurus,
— Epistles 574, 575. See vol. ii. pp. 580, 581. To both of these
communications Erasmus replied on ' the eve of St. Bartholomew," —
the 23rd of August, — the same day on which the three preceding letters
are dated.
Epistle 602. Auctarium, p. 187 ; Epist.iii. 29 ; C. 285 (286).
Erasmus to Christopher^ Bishop of Basel.
Reverend Prelate, it is beyond my power adequately to
express the veneration and affection, wherewith I welcome
that old partiality on your part, which I experienced
abundantly at Basel, and now recognize once more in your
letter. I have for some time been looking round to see,
whether I could find any subject, upon which, if my literary
powers are of any avail, I may testify, even to posterity, your
beneficence to me and my gratitude to you ; or rather, to
express my meaning better, that posterity may be enabled
to see in you the likeness of an excellent prelate, and the
pattern of a respectful client in me. But hitherto I have
been dragged in different directions by so many causes of
anxiety, in one by my own studies, in another by the business
or rather the trifles of a Court, in a third by the hostility
* Lovanio, 23 Augusti, Anno 151 7. C.
The Bishop* s Secretary li
of certain theologians, that I have been more capable of
remembering my duty than of fulfilling it. I am now quite
at peace with the theologians, save for the protests of a very
few masqueraders, who bay at a distance, and only in my
absence, especially when they grow fluent over their cups.
I have quite withdrawn from Court, and am settled at
Louvain, where the climate agrees with me, and I hope to
be furnished with convenient means of carrying out my
intentions.* I have not however dismissed Basel from my
thoughts, but there are reasons, that make it expedient for
me to remain here for some months. What they are, I
have partly indicated to Lewis Baer. And indeed it is
not so much the attractions of your climate which will
have tempted us to Basel, as the marked favour that your
Lordship has shown us.
For the kindness and courtesy with which you are treating
Beatus Rhenanus, who is an uncommonly honest man, I
am no less grateful than if the favour were conferred on
myself. As to news, you will learn them from the letters of
others. Farewell, most reverend Father.
Louvain [23 Aug.] iSiy.f
The above epistle to the Bishop, in which the day-date is wanting,
— the date of place and year having been probably added in the
printed copy, — was accompanied by a few friendly lines to the
Bishop's Secretary, Lucas Paliurus, dated on the eve of St. Bartho-
lomew (23 August), I5i7,t Epistle 603. Auctarium, p. 183; Ep. iii.
24. C. 260 (262).
On the following days, the 24th and 25th of August, Erasmus
dictated some letters for Mayence, Strasburg, Augsburg and Basel,
which were no doubt intended to be despatched with the Basel letters
dated on the preceding day.
* spero dabitur commoditas animo meo satisfaciendi. This may be under-
stood to apply to his intended literary work.
t Lovanio, An. 1517. + Lovanii, pridie Bartholomsei. m.d.xvii.
12 The Archbishop of Mayence
Epistle 604, dated on St. Bartholomew's day (24 August), 1517,
refers to the relations of Erasmus with another distinguished admirer,
the Archbishop of Mayence ; who, by a message sent through his
physician, Henry Stromer, had suggested that Erasmus should devote
his scholarship to illustrating the lives of the Saints. See vol. ii.
p. 598. This young prelate was a son of the Margrave of Branden-
burg, and in the course of this year was created a Cardinal. Erasmus
some months later, 22 Dec. 15 18, dedicated to him his treatise de
Ratione verse Theologids.'^
Epistle 604. Auctarium, p. 188; Ep. iii. 30; C. 260 (263).
Erasmus to Henry Stromer.
Most learned doctor, I have received your letter by my
servant, James. It is very welcome on many accounts, but
chiefly because it bears witness to the favorable opinion
with which I am honoured by the Reverend Prelate, and at
the same time, to the singular interest which you have
taken on my behalf. I had thought of inscribing to the
Archbishop my Suetonius with other authors of Lives of the
Caesars, of which I have revised the latest edition with no
little care ; but there was a reason that made me shrink
from doing so. I have not yet myself received any attention
from him. But when I hear that his Highness is so favorably
disposed to men of promising talent, I think it is the part
of all the learned to sound the praises of such a personage;
and that I should be all the more ready to undertake this
duty, inasmuch as so great a Prince bestows his favour upon
pious and religious objects. If all were animated with the
same spirit, there would surely be a great improvement in
the world.
As to his encouraging me to write the Lives of the Saints,
I only wish, that, as he promises a reward, he could also
* Lovanii, xi. Calend. lanuarii, Anno m.d.xvui. Epist. xxix. 29 ; C. v. 74-
Schiirer the printer of Strasburg 1 3
supply this puny body of mine with the strength required
for such a task. I have already passed my fiftieth year; my
health is feeble ; and I am distracted with the labours
attendant on various studies.
If I should chance to travel your way, I shall be eager to
enjoy your society, and the sight of your excellent Prince.
Farewell, most learned Stromer.
Louvain, St. Bartholomew's day (Aug. 24) 15 17.*
Epistle 605, addressed to John Ruser, the corrector of Schiirer's
Press at Strasburg, may be regarded as a postscript to Epistle 595,
written to the same person twelve days before ; see volume ii. p. 608.
The new epistle was probably added in answer to a fresh note or
message received in the meantime from Strasburg ; to which place
it was, no doubt, sent by the same messenger, that was carrying
Erasmus's letters to Basel.
Epistle 605. Deventer MS.; C. 1625 (167).
Erasmus to John Ruser.
I did write, that if there was anything by which I could
gratify Schiirer, I would do it with the greatest avidity ; so
far am I from having blotted him out of the list of my
friends; I know too well the man's honest character. I
have by me a copy of Quintus Curtius, which I have lately
read through in order to get rid of the rust that has
gathered on my pen ; some short notes have been supplied,
a few passages have been corrected, and a Preface is to be
added ; this I would let him have, if I knew that he would
like it.t
* Louanii, Natali Bartholomsei, Anno 15 17.
t This material was afterwards sent by Erasmus to Schiirer, with a letter
dated 31 October, 1517 ; see Epistle 665. And an edition of Quintus Curtius
was issued by this printer in June, 15 18.
14 Bruno Amerbach
If he will send me Rodolf s Works, * I will do him a
friendly turn, though otherwise so much occupied ; or, if
anything else occurs to me, I will let him know. Please
tell him so in my name, and bid him consider this letter as
written to him as well as you.
You will give my greeting to the whole company, — to
Sturm, Wimpfling, and the most distinguished Rodulfang,
to Rebeler, and especially to Doctor Gerbel, to whom
please make my excuses for not answering his letter just
now, distracted as I am with the writing of hundreds of
letters, beside all the task of my studies. Farewell, most
learned Ruser.
Louvain, 24 August, 1517.!
With his other letters for Basel, Erasmus sends a short note to
Bruno Amerbach, who appears to have been just starting for a visit
to Italy. His brothers, Basil and Boniface, are still at Basel. The
Commentary of Zasius upon Lex II, De origine Juris, is mentioned
in a letter to Erasmus from the author, dated 30 Oct. 15 15, at which
time he was busy upon it. See vol. ii. p. 226.
Epistle 606. Deventer MS.; C. 1625 (165).
Erasmus to Bruno Amerbach.
You are indeed fortunate in visiting Italy in this most
fortunate age. If you have any fear of the climate, Padua is
the most healthy locality, Bologna not so much so, nor
Florence, nor Rome.
Do advise Froben to print Zasius's book, De origine Juris ;
he is worthy of that honour. Be sure and give my saluta-
tion to Basil and Boniface. I congratulate Fontanus on
* Si mittet opera Rodolphi. C. It appears to have been proposed to
publish a collection of the works of Rodolphus Agricola, to which Erasmus
might contribute a preface or short commentary. See vol. ii. p. 609.
t Lovanio, 24 Augusti, Anno 151 7. C.
Epistle to Lachner 15
succeeding to power;* he must exert himself not to fall
short of his predecessor. The Jerome is unanimously
welcomed ; that is your luck out there, for my Genius
has no holiday anywhere. f
Farewell, dearest Bruno. In whatever part of the world
you may be, let me know where you are.
Louvain, 24 August, 1517.+
The following letter, which is without date of day or month, was
no doubt sent to Basel with the parcel of Epistles we are now
describing. The first part of Theodore Gaza's Greek Grammar had
been already translated by Erasmus and published ; § the second part,
which was now sent to press, was first published in March, 1518.
The letter is addressed in the printed copy, Erasmus Lachnero et
Frobenio, but the address to Lachner only has been left, as Froben
is mentioned in it in the third person, and the correspondent is
addressed in the second person singular, while in Epistle 608,
probably sent by the same messenger, Erasmus sends a greeting to
Froben with the message, that he has written to Lachner. The
second address was probably added, in order that the letter might
be opened and read by Froben in case of the absence of his father-
in-law ; see the words at the end of Epistle 608. The book-fair in
prospect, at which Erasmus wished some books to be bought for him,
was probably the September Fair at Frankfurt, where Lachner's
agent would naturally be present. See vol. ii. pp. 389, 390.
* Fontano gratulor, tyrannidem, ut audio, nacto. It may be conjectured
that Fontanus had a position of authority in Froben's printing-office. I do not
know that he is mentioned elsewhere, unless he may be Christopher Fontanus
a theologian, who was a correspondent of Erasmus in 1533. C 1488B.
t Tuum istuc fatum est, nam meus genius nusquam cessat.
\ Lovanio, 24 Augusti, Anno 1517. C.
§ See vol. ii. pp. 291, 547. In a later letter addressed to Froben,
12 March, 1518, C. 1674,5 (271), Erasmus tells him that the second book of
Theodore Gaza's Grammar had then been printed by Thierry Martens, he
(Erasmus) having thought that it had not been sent to Froben, as it was not
mentioned in any of his letters. It appears to have been printed by Froben
at a later time in the same year.
1 6 Purchase of books
Epistle 607. Deventer MS. ; C. 1655 (236).
Erasmus to Wolfgang Lachner.
I send the first book of Theodore corrected, and the second
translated. If you have many copies left of the first edition,
insert a page in which you may note the errata ; and then add
the second book. I also send whatever additional Proverbs
have come in by this time. I have not yet had any talk with
Francis, since I have received your letter ; and in your letter
you give no estimate of the copies.
At this place there is nothing coming in, and the expenses
are very heavy. I do not wish to be burdensome ; but, as
they say, one hand must rub the other.* Froben, when he
sees a work in manuscript, does not take count enough of
the labour it implies, as one who only reckons how many
pages there are of copy. I trust throughout to your con-
sideration, which I have experienced before. I have already
written word, that the Rhetoric of Hermogenes, which you
sent me from Frankfurt, has been delivered to me.f
I have seen the works of Gregory Nazianzen in Greek,
printed I think by Aldus, — not those poems, but prose com-
positions,— in the form of a handy book. J Please get me a
copy at this Fair ; also Strabo in Greek ; § also Aristides in
Greek; also Plutarch's Lives in Greek; also the whole of
* manus manum fricet oportet. Erasnii Adagia, chil. i. cent. i. Prov. 33.
t The Texrr] ^Pr]TopiK)) of Hermogenes, a Rhetorician who flourished under
the emperor Marcus AureHus, appears to have been printed by Aldus in the
first volume of a collection of Rhetores, in folio, 1509. The separate copy
sent to Erasmus from Frankfurt was probably a manuscript \ the last book-
fair there had been in April.
} in forma Enchiridii. Some orations of Gregory Nazianzen, edited by
Marcus Musurus, were printed by Aldus in 15 16, in a small 8vo volume.
§ The editio princeps of Strabo, printed by Aldus in 15 16, appears accord-
ing to Gustaf Kramer (his editor in 1844) to have been very faulty.
Publica iio ?i of Ep is ties 1 7
the Bible in Greek, as it has been printed by Aldus, or
his father in law, Asolano ; * also the little book of Wolf-
gang Faber on the Annotations of the Hebrews. t Take
an account of the price of the books bought, and of the
value of the copy sent by us ; and what is to be repaid
to you, if you want anything repaid, shall be given to
Francis. For, according to the old maxim, good people
ought to deal well with each other.J Farewell.
Louvain, [24 August] I5i7.§
Another short letter of Erasmus, entrusted no doubt to the same
courier, is addressed to Guolfangus Augustanus (Wolfgang of Augs-
burg), who appears to have been employed by Froben in the manage-
ment of the Basel printing-office. With regard to the work to which
Erasmus here gives the name Conimentarii, it may be observed that
the full title of the Copia, of which a fresh edition was appearing from
time to time, was De duplici Copia verborum ac rerum Commentarii.
It will be seen, that in the midst of his other labours he proposes to
find time to edit an enlarged volume of Epistles. The Epistola^ sane
quam elegantes had been published at Louvain in the preceding
April ; and the Aiictariiini selectarum aliquot Epistolarum was
published by Froben in August, 1518.
Epistle 608. Deventer MS.; C. 1625 (166).
Erasmus to Wolfgang of Augsburg.
Do take pains, most excellent Wolfgang, that the Com-
metitaries which I have sent, be carefully printed. I have
* The 'Upoi \6yoL of Aelius Aristides, a sophist of the second century after
Christ, were printed at Florence, 151 7. Plutarch's Lives in Greek were
published in folio at Florence in 15 17. The Bible in Greek, printed in folio
by Aldus and ' Andrew his father in law ' at Venice, has the year-date 1 5 1 8.
f de annotationibus Hebr^eorum.
X Nam iuxta priscam formulam. Inter bonos bene agier oportet. Agier
was a.prisca locutio for agi. I do not find this saying in the Adages.
§ Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
VOL. in. C
1 8 Publication of Mores works
not sent the Epistles for the Press. There is another book
of Epistles already printed ; we will correct both books, add
other letters, and then send them.
I want the Utopia and More's Epigrams to be com-
mended by a Preface of Beatus Rhenanus. If it seems
good, they may be united in the same volume ; * and if
you think it suitable, add our own short preface, f which we
inclose in this letter.
Thank my kind Mistress Gossip J for the linen she has
sent me, and give my kindest salutation to my dearest
Gossip § Froben ; I have written what else I had to say, to
Wolfgang Lachner, his father-in-law.
Louvain, 24 August, 15 17. II
The ten preceding letters appear to have been dictated by Erasmus
on the 23rd and 24th of August, 151 7 ; and the two which follow are
dated on the next day. Of these twelve letters ten are addressed
to Basel, one (Epistle 609) to Cologne, and another (Epistle 605) to
Strasburg, both cities on the route to Basel, and we may presume
that they were all despatched by the same messenger.
The person addressed in the following letter (see vol. ii. p. 591),
Count Hermann of Neuenaar, appears to have been in orders, and to
have generally resided at Cologne. It may be conjectured that he
was a cadet of the knightly family, whose original seat was at
Neuenaar (or Nuenar, as the name was written), situate a little higher
up the Rhine valley, near the confluence of that river with the Aar.
We have seen, vol. ii. pp. 447, 448, that it was no secret between
Erasmus and More, that Erasmus was the author of the bitter satire
upon the deceased Pope, which was entitled Julius coslis exclusus.
* See vol. ii. p. 559. Beatus Rhenanus, who probably superintended the
printing of the Basel edition of the Utopia, does not appear to have thought
that any preface of his own was required. See p. 19.
t Epistle 610. This has been placed later, because it is dated a day later.
\ Optimoe commatri. We may presume, John Froben's wife.
§ Compatrem carissimum. See Epistle 610, and the comment preceding it.
II Lovanio 24 Augusti, Anno 15 17. C.
Count Hermann of Nuenar 19
He did not however think it safe, that his connection with this work
should be generally known, and in the following letter the authorship
is disclaimed in a somewhat indirect fashion. In a letter already
translated (Epistle 596, vol. ii. p. 610), the same subject is treated
in a like way. The Epistolx Obsciirorum Viro)'7im, apparently the
work of Ulrich von Hutten, has been already mentioned. See vol. ii.
pp. 154, 426, 595, 610.
Epistle 609. Deventer MS. ; C. 1626 (168).
Erasmus to Count Hermann of Nuenar.^
, It is well known to all the Basel society, that I always
I disapproved of the book, which has for title, The Epistles of
I Obscure Men. It is not that I have any aversion to a lively
', jest, but that I dislike the precedent of injury to the good
name of another, — a wrong which any one may so easily com-
mit. We did ourselves, long ago, make sport in the Moria^
but no one was attacked by name. These writers, who-
ever they may be, not contented with the trifles already
produced, have added a similar sheet, in which, — for some
reason which I cannot guess, — they have thought fit to bring
in my name over and over again. If they wish me well, why
expose me to so much prejudice ? If ill, why put me in a
diflferent class from that against which their publication is
aimed ? If they proceed with this sort of nonsense, the
result will be, that even good writers will have to be silent.
My James, on his late return from Cologne, has brought me
back a sort of pamphlet, which he found in circulation in
your neighbourhood, in which the late Pope Julius is intro-
duced in a ludicrous fashion. I am not sure, whether it is
the same work, of which I heard tell some time ago, as
having been composed at Paris by some Spanish writer, and
afterwards translated into French, and acted at one of those
* Erasmus Clarissimo Comiti D. Hermanno Neaetio suo. C.
C 2
20 Authorship of J-iilius Exchistis
Palace festivals, at which it is customary for the students to
make sport with farces of this kind. James added however,
— though I can scarcely suppose it to be the fact, — that
there were some people who suspected, that the thing was
an invention of mine, because, — so he said, — the Latinity
was fairly good.
Now I really have not leisure enough, to spend an hour
upon any such nonsense ; neither is my mind so irreverent
as to wish to throw ridicule upon a Pope, or so silly as to
write against persons, who have it in their power to proscribe
the writer. For these reasons I entreat of you, my dearest
Count, (although the matter does not properly concern me
at all) that, having regard to the prejudice incurred by all
learned men, if what I hear of this publication is true, you
will endeavour to get it suppressed, or rather to do away
altogether with it or any thing else like it. I took some
pains, myself, two years ago, to suppress in Germany a
writing called Reiichlin s Triumph^ which was then ready
for publication, and another entitled Monachus^ having a
friendly regard for Reuchlin on account of his erudition,
w^hile I was not at war with Hochstraten or others of his
faction, their quarrel being no business of mine ; and though
I do not approve, — as no truly pious person can, — that
virulent invective, which proceeds from the spirit of this
world, and not of Christ, it is certain that wherever I have
been, I have found the best men in favour of Reuchlin.
Farewell, Maecenas of all good studies, and love me, as
you are wont to do. Give my best greeting to Vinantius,
if he is with you.
Louvain, 25 August, 15 17.*
The above epistle, printed by Le Clerc from the Deventer Manu-
script, was not, as far as I know, published by the Press in the
* Lovanio 25. Augusti, Anno 151 7. C.
Mores Utopia and Epigrams 21
lifetime of Erasmus : but it may not improbably have been circulated
in manuscript, where the writer thought it worth while to disclaim
the authorship of the Julius Excliisus.
The following letter to Froben, which was sent to Basel with
Epistle 608 to be printed as a Preface to the edition of the Utopia
then in the press (see p. 18), is addressed by Erasmus, compatri
suo carissimo, ' to his dearest gossip/ Erasmus being godfather to
Froben's son, who had received from him the name of Erasmius, a
name which he thought preferable to his own.* See vol. i. pp. 38,
39 ; ii. p. 504. This letter was accompanied by corrected copies
of More's Utopia and Epigrammata. The former work had been
first printed by Thierry Martens at Louvain in November, 15 16, and
appears to have been already reprinted by Gil Gourmont at Paris
before the appearance in March, 15 18 (see vol. ii. pp. 432, 513), of
the Basel edition, which included the Epigrammata, and was pre-
faced by the following letter of Erasmus to Froben, and a longer letter
from Bude to Lupset, dated the 31st of July, 1517. This edition, when
printed, bore date, Basiled, mense Martio, 15 18, and the work was
reprinted at the same press with the date, mense Decembri, 15 18.
Epistle 610. Utopia, Basileas, 1518, Prsef. ; C. 1626(169).
Erasrjtiis to y^ohn Froben.-\
Whatever my More has hitherto written has always been
supremely delightful to me ; though I have somewhat dis-
trusted my own judgment on account of the close friendship
between us. But now that I find all the learned subscribing
to my opinion, and even surpassing me in their respect for
his divine genius, — not certainly because of a greater affec-
tion on their part, but of a clearer discernment, — I applaud
at this late hour mv own sentence, and shall not henceforth
be afraid to proclaim what I think. .What indeed might
* By Erasmus's will two rings are bequeathed loanni Erasmio Frobenio.
Jortin, Erasmus^ ii. 486.
\ Erasmus Roterodamus loanni Frobenio, compatri suo carissimo.
22 Literary genius of More
not have been expected from that admirable felicity of
nature, if this genius had had Italian instruction, if it had been
entirely consecrated to the Muses, and had been allowed
to ripen at its proper season ? When he was very young,
he amused himself with Epigrams, most of them being
written when he was still a boy. He has never left England
except once or twice, when he has had a mission for his
Prince in Flanders. Beside his wife and family, beside the
duties of an office that he holds, and a flood of legal busi-
ness, he is distracted by such a quantity of important public
affairs, that you may well wonder, that he finds time even to
think of books.
Hence it comes, that we have sent you his early exercises,
as well as his Utopia, that, if you think fit, they may, —
printed with your types, — be commended to the world and
to posterity ; since such is the authority of your Press, that
the learned are ready to accept any book with pleasure, if it
be known to have come from the house of Froben.
Farewell, with your excellent father in law, your charm-
mg wife, and children sweet as honey. Erasmius,* the
little son that belongs to both of us, born in the midst of
letters, must by your care be instructed in the soundest
learning.
Louvain, 25 August, 1517.!
Master Nicolas, J mentioned twice in the following epistle, was pro-
bably Dr. Nicolas Barbier, brother to Peter Barbier, the secretary of
King Charles's minister, Le Sauvage. See vol. ii. p. 597.
* Erasmum filiolum mihi tecum communem. We should probably read,
Erasmium ; see the observation in the last page. In a letter, written four
years later, we find: Saluta Erasmiolum, puerum, ut audio, spei optimse.
C. 660A. So C. 733E.
t Lovanii, viii. Cal. Septemb. An. m.d.xvii.
X Upon the title of Master, — applied in the following letter both to Nicolas
Barbier and to Afinius,~see a note in p. 5.
The Trigla and Hecate 23
Epistle 611. Deventer MS. ; C. 1610 (144).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
I am grieved indeed at the death of Ammonius. But how
I wish More were here safe !
I am sending the things that I want carried to Basel ; you
will take pains to commend them to the charge of Francis
bookseller, or through him to some other safe person.
You will let Master Nicolas know, that I do not iind
fault with what he says about the Pomegranate, supposing
Proserpine and Hecate to be the same ; and Athenasus
testifies, in his seventh book, that certain fishes were sacred
to her, — for by some chance 1 found the passage, — that these
little fishes are of least price ; and Trigla is so called from
Ternio (a triplet), which number is sacred to Hecate.*
I am still staying with Paludanus, and the theologians
have some design of co-opting me into their order. Atensis
is quite devoted to me ; and Dorpius too, but he is more
unstable than any woman.
I shall be very glad to see the saddles. I send two copies
of the Apologia,^ please give one to Master Nicolas.
Send me, by the Frieslander, the latter volume of the
Epistles of Obscure Men,, but tied up in a parcel, so that he
may not know what he is bringing.
Pray give my compliments to the most erudite and
courteous physician. Master Henry of Liere ; % he informs
* I have found and read the passage in Athen^us, to which reference is
made above, in a fine Aldine volume in the British Museum, which might
have been in the hands of Erasmus himself; but I think the reader may well
be spared any further dissertation about the TplyXr].
t The Apologia ad Iacobu7n Fabrum Stapulensem had now been printed by
Thierry Martens at Louvain. Epistle 591, vol. ii. p. 601.
I M. Henrico Lyrensi. The proposed present from Doctor Henry Afinius
of Liere became, some weeks later, the subject of further correspondence.
See Epistles 678, 679, 723.
24 The Plague in London
me by his most courteous letter, that the cups are now
ready, and I have no doubt they are. I cannot refuse a
gift spontaneously offered by a friend, and shall have to
consider what return ought to be made. Accordingly you
can send them hither by Thierry Martens.
Farewell again.
Louvain, the eve of St. John (28 August), 1517.*
The above date, — Pridie loannis, — is attributed in Le Clerc's edition
to the Midsummer Feast, and translated, 23 Junii. But the letter
with its reference to the recent death of Ammonius, evidently belongs
to the latter part of August, and I have assumed that the commemora-
tion intended was the Decollation of St. John Baptist, 29 August. The
publication, in two parts, of the Epistolx Obscurorum Virorum
(ascribed wholly or in part to Ulrich von Hutten,) has been mentioned
in vol. ii. pp. 555, 610.
Epistle 612, — Deventer MS., C. 1627 (170), — was addressed on
the 28th of August, 151 7, by Francesco Chiregatto to Erasmus. The
writer was an Italian, who having been making some stay in England,
had been driven from that country by the plague which carried off
Ammonius. Being on his way to Rome, he had lately visited Antwerp,
where he had enquired for news of Erasmus, but had been
disappointed to hear, that he had left that city the day before, to
return to Louvain. He conveyed from England to his correspondent
the salutations of the Venetian Ambassador, and of Sagundino, who
had both gone through the same disease, which carried off Ammonius
after eight hours of sickness. The letter of Chiregatto is dated in the
printed volume. Ex Antuerpia 28 Augusti, Anno 151 7; but the lan-
guage used in the letter rather indicates, that it was written after the
writer had left that city, — possibly from Brussels or some other halting-
place, from which a letter might easily be sent to Louvain. It appears
from this epistle, that Erasmus had returned in the middle of August
for a few days to Antwerp, to make arrangements for the conveyance
of his books and other effects to Louvain, having now resolved to
* Lovan. I'ndie loannis. Deventer MS. Lovanio 23. Junii, Anno 1517. C.
French Version of the Moria 25
make a further sojourn of some duration in the latter place, where
he had already been staying for more than a month. See vol. ii.
pp. 572, 586, 612.
The following letter is addressed to George Haloin, by whom a
French translation of the Moria had been lately published. In a
later letter, Epistle 631, Erasmus finds fault with this translation.
Epistle 613. Auctarium, p. 185; Epist. iii. 27; C. 261 (264).
Erasmus to George Haloin.
Illustrious George, I have smelt out at last, if I am not
mistaken, who that person is at Ghent, that took offence at
our Moria. It is a monk, a black monk, all belly !
Moria was at first understood by few ; until Listrius
added some notes. But now that by your means she has
begun to talk French, she is understood even by those who
do not understand their own Psalter. I should hke, myself,
to hear my Moria chattering in that language ; if you have
not a copy by you, let me know at any rate where I can
send for one.
I have removed to Louvain altogether ; that is, library
and all. You must know, that my relations with the theo-
logians are most peaceful and even intimate ; for some .^^
scandal-mongers had spread it about, that I was at war with
them. They are resolved to receive me into their Order,
and who would not prefer this to being admitted to the
fellowship of the gods ? Atensis is singularly favourable ;
Dorpius seems heartily friendly. One or two of the Poor*
bark at me, but only when I am away.
I am told that Briselot has been shouting against me at *
Antwerp at every wine-party, with all his might and with
* Tw)' -KThyyuiv. I presume he means Franciscans, the Greek word being ^
used to bafifle a prying reader.
26 An unnamed Correspondent
very vigorous lungs.* But I cannot be induced to believe
this to be true of a man so learned and so respectable !
Farewell and very well. Keep yourself safe and sound
for our sake, and for literature.
The bearer is a monk, who seems honest and uncommonly
clever ; your own kindness as well as regard for me will
lead you to give him any assistance he may require.
Louvain, 29 August, 1517.J
Epistle 614, upon which the name of the correspondent is miss-
ing, is apparently addressed to a prelate of princely rank from the
south of Europe, — probably an Italian, — residing for the time in some
northern country.
Epistle 614. Deventer MS. ; C. 1627 (171).
Erasmus to * * *
Most Reverend Father, I wrote some time ago to your
Highness. If I do not deserve it, still let me be informed,
how you are in health, as to which I am not without anxiety
on account of that trying climate, not ill-matched with the
character of the people that live in it. We are now at
Louvain, with Theologians all about us, and on good terms
with the foremost of them, indeed as it seems with all. I
only wish some kind god may some day bring us together
in the libraries of Naples ! §
Farewell, great ornament of Literature and of Religion.
Louvain, 29 August, 15 17. II
* See before, pp. 5, 6, and vol. ii. p. 574, note.
I Lovanii quarto Calend. Septembris Anno m.d.xvii.
§ Nos aliquando jungat in Museis Neapolitanis. It seems doubtful, whether
Erasmus was ever at Naples. ' See vol i. 455.
II Lovanio 29. August!, Anno 15 17. C
Two Epistles to Tuns tall 27
The two following letters, dated the 30th and 31st of August, 15 17,
are both addressed to Tunstall, who was at this time at Middelburg in
Zealand.
Epistle 615. Deventer MS. ; C. 1627 (172).
Erasmus to Tunstall.
Most learned Tunstall, I send you in this letter a whole
heap of agreeable news, which that excellent fellow,
Fro wick,* poured out before us after his return from
Rome. Asolano has printed both the Old and the New
Testament in Greek. He has put before us the works of
Nazianzen. A Greek Strabo has been printed, Plutarch's
Lives, Pindar with a commentary, and many other books,
which do not occur to me at present. Oh, if one could
but be young again !
Andrew Ammonius is dead, struck down by that pesti-
lential Sweat ; and More is flying over here.f
I am on such good terms with the Theologians, that they
want to admit me into their Order, an honour which they
scarcely ever confer on an}^ one who has not taken his
degree here.
I have answered Lefevre. I call Heaven to witness, that
I never did anything in my life less willingly, but it had to
be done; I cannot think what had come into the man's head.
Take care of your health, sincerest of friends.
Louvain, 30 August, 151 7.J
The above Epistle is evidently a hasty and informal note, written
to an intimate friend. The following letter, addressed on the next
day to the same correspondent, may have been intended for a wider
* Optimns ilk Frowictis, called in the next epistle Frater Frowicus^ was
apparently an English Friar, who had spent some time at Rome, and had
returned apparently by Venice as far as Louvain. See further, p. 29.
t Morus hue advolat.
\ Lovanio 30. Augusti, Anno 1517. C.
28 Erasmus and the Louvain Doctors
circulation. It does not however appear to have been printed in the
lifetime of either correspondent. Both Epistles are derived from the
Deventer Manuscript.
Epistle 6i6. Deventer MS.; C. 1628 (173).
Erasmus to Tiinstall.
The news I hear is indeed sad, — that Andrew Ammonius
has met his end. No Italian has ever lived in your England,
either more accomplished in learning, or more faultless in
character. But I am cheered by the news I hear, that More
will soon be with us, and if that is the case, I shall think
myself recalled to life. May the Saviour Jesus preserve our
patron of Canterbury ! As long as he is unharmed, I feel
myself safe.
I have removed entirely to Louvain. With the Theolo-
gians I am on terms, not only of profound peace, but of the
strictest friendship ; especially with Atensis, the Head and
Chancellor of the University, and with Dorpius, who appears
to be heartily my friend. They have some scheme among
them for electing me into their number, — that is, into the
number of the gods, — and are very busy about it. I am
staying for the present with Paludanus, my old host, but
intend to move into some apartment, where there may be
more space for unpacking my books. This I have not hither-
to been allowed to do on account of some little difference
among my friends, being loth to offend either party, while
both are inviting me in their own direction.
I send you the Apologia^ in which I answer Lefevre. You
will, I know, regret it on account of both of us, but not so
much as I do myself. I cannot cease to wonder, what has
entered into the man's mind, and I detest the fatality which
has driven me to this task. You will run it through, and
need not read it. It is a hastv production.
Activity of the Italian Press 29
Bud^'s last letter to me implies that he was not yet sure,
whether you had received that prolix epistle.* And as to
my business, which he had so expressly undertaken, about
the terms offered by the king, his letters are remarkably
silent. t
Brother Frowick after his return from Rome, has shown
me some Works of Gregory Nazianzen lately printed. He
added, that both Testaments are to be produced by the \\
Aldine press; that Strabo had been published in Greek ;r
also Plutarch's Lives, Pindar with Commentaries, and several
other works. What a fund of riches, if one could only be
young again ; but if I cannot enjoy it myself, I still congra-
tulate the age in which I live.
Three soldiers, who were among those that practised
such more than Turkish atrocities in the sacking of Aspre,|
have met their punishment, having been all hanged on one
tree. A wretched man, who shook hands with them when
on their way to execution, and so showed that he was in
league with them, was taken into custody. It would be ^/i
well, if all that Black Band were burnt to ashes, and so
made to answer to their name.
Farewell and keep your health. We ourselves, amid
these frequent wine-parties, § which are no little burden to
me, still remain fairly well.
Louvain, 31 August, I5i7.|i
The following short note appears from its contents to be addressed
to a young secretary or attendant of Tunstall, and was probably sent,
with the last epistle, to Middelburg in Zealand, where Tunstall then
* Bude's long letter to Tunstall, Epistle 561, was printed with the corres-
pondence of Erasmus in the Auctarium Epistolaruiii, and fills nearly eight
columns in C. See vol. ii. p 557. The last Epistle of Bude to Erasmus
here mentioned is Epistle 581. See vol. ii. p. 587.
t See vol. ii. pp. 540, 588. + in excidio Asprensi.
§ inter assiduas compotationes. || I.ovanio 31. Augusti, Anno 1517. C.
30 Gerard of Nimeguen
was. In the London volume of Epistles, — and I presume in the
Auctarimn, which was published in August, 1518, — the address
above the letter is E. Roterod. Ricardo suo S. D. but in the Index
of the London volume the address is entered, Richardo Cutherti
Episcopi London^ a sacris. This description was apparently added
in the Index by the editor of the London volume, without regard to
the fact that at the date of the letter Cuthbert Tunstall was not yet
a bishop. I do not know anything further of Richard, or of the John
mentioned in the letter.
Epistle 617. Auctarium, p. 184; Ep.iii. 26; C. 261 (265).
Erasmus to his friend Richard.
I did not write about my John in order to force him upon
Tunstall, but to gratify Tunstall, if he really desired it. I
heartily welcome your own favorable and loving disposition
towards me. Continue, my dearest Richard, to unite pure
literature with purity of conduct ; for I see this is the course
you have chosen. Farewell.
Louvain, 31 Aug. 15 17.*
The following epistle of Erasmus was written in reply to one
received from Gerard of Nimeguen, a chaplain of the new Bishop of
Utrecht, containing a description of the ceremony of his patron's
consecration, or of his enthronement, which had lately taken place, —
it may be presumed in the Cathedral of Utrecht. Erasmus in his
answer recalls his own reminiscences of the Bishop's father, Philip
duke of Burgundy, and of his elder brother, David, Bishop of Utrecht,
by whom the writer had been himself ordained priest on St. Mark's
day, 25 April, 1492. See before, vol. i. p. 85. He also refers to his
own book or pamphlet, entitled Querela Pads undique gentium ejectae
profligatdsqiie, of which he was now preparing a new edition, to
be printed by Froben, with a dedication to the Bishop. This edition
appears to have been issued mense decembri, i^ij-
* Lovanij, pridie Calend. Septemb. Anno m.d.xvii.
Philip, Bishop of Utrecht 31
Epistle 618. Epistolae ad diversos, p. 473 ; Epist. xii. 9 ;
C. 261 (266).
Erasmus to Gerard of Nimeguen.-\
You have so picturesquely and clearly described the
inauguration of the illustrious prince Philip of Burgundy,
Bishop of Utrecht, your Maecenas and mine too, — unless
you are jealous of sharing him with me, — that I should not
have seen the ceremony so well, if I had taken part in it
myself from first to last. * * *
I have not yet made up my mind, whether I ought to
congratulate the new bishop, who, before he accepted
this honour, was in the highest rank by his own endow-
ments,! and was so far from soliciting it, that he would have
refused the appointment, if he had not made this concession
to the interests of his country and the wishes of Prince
Charles. I certainly congratulate the diocese, to which I
myself belong, upon the acquisition of such a Prince and
such a Bishop, whose singular wisdom and supreme integrity
of character secure the combined fulfilment of both duties.
This confidence of mine is founded not only on his own
character, which promises everything that is excellent, but
also on my recollection of his father, Philip, duke of
Burgundy, than whom this country has not had for many
centuries a more praiseworthy sovereign, whether you regard
his truly royal greatness of soul, an unusual tenderness which
he showed for his subjects, his zeal in promoting peace, or
the affability of his manners, and, to express his character
shortly, his utter aversion from all tyranny. My expectation
is confirmed, when I think of that great man, David, the
t Gerardo Noviomago.
X Suis ipsius dotibus.
32 The Complaint of Peace
bishop's brother, a person in all respects like his father, but
especially deserving of honour, because, being himself most
learned, he earnestly endeavoured to prevent rude and un-
learned men from pushing themselves into the ranks of the
clergy, as we have hitherto seen to be the case. I trust
therefore, that this prince will not only emulate but even
surpass his excellent parent and the brother whose successor
he is, and supply you with abundant matter for encomium.
That you may understand, how I am your rival in this
work, I have already dedicated my Complaint of Peace^ —
as the firstfruit of my devotion, — to him. The book is being
printed at Basel, and will soon reach you. If I find it is
not disliked, perhaps something more important will be
attempted.
Farewell, most excellent Gerard ; take pains to commend
us with due respect to the most illustrious Prelate.
Lou vain, Aug. 31, 1517.*
With this epistle, which completes the count of the letters of the
month, we may well close our chapter.
* Lovanij, Anno m.d.xvii, pridie Calendas Septembris.
CHAPTER XL.
Continued resideitce at Louvatn, in the first half of
September^ 15 17. Letters to the Bishop of Worcester,
Henry VIII., Cardinal Wolsey, fames Lefevre,
Tunstall and others ; Letters from the Archbishop
of Mayence and others. Epistles 6ig to 635.
In the following chapter it is proposed to give an account of the
extant correspondence of Erasmus, dated in the earlier part of
September, 15 17, of which month the letters that we possess are
more numerous than those of any month that has at yet passed under
our view. During this time, and for some months after, Erasmus
continued his residence at Louvain, not leaving that city for any con-
siderable interval until the summer of 15 18, when he transferred his
quarters to Basel, in order to superintend the printing of the important
works, upon which he had been engaged at the former place.
In Epistle 6ig Erasmus acknowledges a letter received from his
correspondent, Antonius Clava of Antwerp, which does not appear
itself to have survived, but which contained, as an inclosure, an epistle
of Bude forwarded from Antwerp. This was probably Epistle 581,
dated from Paris, 17 July, 15 17, — a letter which is preserved in the
Deventer manuscript, and has been translated in our last volume :
vol. ii. p. 587. The death of Jerome Busleiden, which is mentioned in
the following letter to Clava, appears to have taken place at Bordeaux
on the 27th of August, 1517,'^ while he was on his way to Spain, —
in anticipation of the movements of King Charles, who did not start
on his journey from Flushing until the 8th of September.f It will be
seen that a copy of the Apologia ad Fabriim was sent to Clava with the
following letter. The occasion of the writing of this work has been
frequently mentioned in our previous pages. See vol. ii. pp. 586, 601 ;
* I take this date from the A/gemeine Deutsche Biographic.
t Brewer, Abstracts, vol. ii. No. 3672.
VOL. III. D
34 Treatment of Erasmus at Louvain
vol. iii. pp. 5, 9. It appears to have been published in the last week of
August, 151 7. See Epistles 615, 616.
Epistle 619. Deventer MS. ; C. 1629 (175).
Erasmus to Antoniiis Clava.
I have received Bude's letter inclosed in yours, — both
very welcome ; but I feel ashamed of thanking you for this
one favour, when I am indebted to you on so many accounts.
The civility with which I am treated here by the Theo-
logians,— especially by the Chancellor, Magister Noster
Atensis, and by Dorpius and Vianensis,* can scarcely be
described.
Busleiden has died in an attack of pleurisy. It is a sad
blow to me ; and yet he almost deserved his fate, not being
content to enjoy the good things he had, nor deterred by
his brother's example f from going to Spain.
The Hollander,! who is the bearer of this, has such an
opinion of you, and so depends on your support, that, if
there be no other reason for it, you must give him a lift,
when the occasion arises ; you know what his business is.
Please convey my salutation to Robert Caesar ; and to the
doctor, — Clava to Clavus.§ I pray that everything may go
happily with your son-in-law and most amiable daughter,
especially with the lady,
* Vianensis is mentioned again in Epistle 642, as a leading theologian of
Louvain.
t Francis Busleiden, Archbishop of Besancon (brother of the lately deceased
Jerome, and of Giles, who still survived), had died at Toledo, 13 August,
1502. See vol. i. p. 352.
\ Batavus.
§ The physician Clavus of Ghent (medicus maledicus . . . . ut te vel
conviciis adigat ad curandam salutem) is mentioned in later letters. See
Epistles 650, 747.
Marcus Lauriniis of Bruges 35
I send the Apologia^ in which I answer Lefevre, but have
only done so by the strictest compulsion. Pray give my
salutation to your wife.
Louvain, 7 September, 15 17.*
The correspondent addressed in the following epistle is described
in a letter of Erasmus to Cornelius Batt, dated 29 April [1518], as
Coadjutor of the Dean of St. Donatian at Bruges, C. 238 (244) ; and
by Epistle 638, addressed to Marcus Laurinus himself, Erasmus for-
wards his salutation to ' Master Dean ' ; but in Epistle 639, addressed
on the same day to More, he gives to Marcus himself the title of Dean.
Epistle 620. Deventer MS. ; C. 1629 (176).
Erasmus to Ala reus Laurinus.
I should be thanking you, most obliging Mark, for the
special hospitality you have shown me, if it were not an
experience so far from new. You will convey my con-
gratulations to your excellent brother, Matthias, lord of
Watervlieten, on his happy return from Spain, which has
come to pass so soon, that we have him restored to our
society before he has gone to that country !
The paternal purse has some special luck of its own ; f
for beside the fifty crowns which fell from Heaven at
Bruges, a hundred florins were presently sent to Louvain
from the Court, and then again thirty-six Philips from
England ; but there is this amiss about it, that the money
flows out just as freely as it flows in !
I am not quite settled here yet, but shall be, I think,
within four days, comfortably enough, — and that at the
* Lovanio 7. Septembris, Anno 15 17. C.
t Crumena paterna plane fatalis est. The allusion is not explained.
Laurinus may possibly have presented Erasmus with a purse or money-box,
which had belonged to the father of the donor.
D 2
36 The Loiivain Theologians
Lilian College, in the chambers of a most learned and
polite person, Master John Naef of Hontiscote.*
It is admitted by the general vote, that I have had the
advantage over Lefevre ; but I protest that I hate my
victory, and wish that anything else had come into his
head, rather than that he should have challenged me to
this contest. I have a sincere love for the man ; but in
this special matter he has been unlike himself, and that
in deahng with an opponent who least deserved it. I send
you my Apologia as a present. If it should suit you to
remove hither, you will find a sincere friend in Erasmus.
Do not forget to convey my salutation to the most worthy
Dean ; also to Friar Peter, and to the cheerful gentlemen
of the Choir, as well as my Lewis.t I find the Theologians
quite disposed to be my friends, — especially the Chancellor
of the University, Magister Noster Atensis, Dorpius, and
Vianensis ; they have already nearly co-opted me into their
College.
Farewell, dear Mark, sincerest of friends, and kindest of
patrons.
Louvain, 7 September, 1517.J
The address of the following epistle is missing in the Deventer
volume ; but it appears most probable, that it was written to the
Bishop of Worcester, the agent of the English Court resident at
Rome. See vol. ii. p. 464. To this bishop Erasmus, — having been
especially indebted to him for assistance in the matter of his Dispen-
sation,— had already addressed a grateful letter, Epistle 531 (vol. ii.
p. 522) ; but as that was written while the business was still in hand,
* apud .... M. loannem Ncevium Hontiscotanum. The locality called
Hontiscote, Hondescot, Honscote, or Honschote is described in Zeller's
Universal Lexicon, 1735, vol. xiii., as a pretty town in French Flanders,
two miles from Winerbergen, belonging to the Prince of Homes.
t et festivissimos Musicos, necnon Ludovicum meum.
X Lovanio 7. Septembris, Anno 151 7. C.
The Bishop of Worcester 37
he may well have thought, that a further expression of thanks was
due to the same benefactor after its successful conclusion. We may
also infer from the following letter, that during Erasmus's last visit to
England it had been proposed in his discussions with Ammonius, that
some further application should be made on his behalf to the Papal
Court, upon which the same Bishop had been consulted, and had sent
his advice by letter to Ammonius. In looking forward (as we see
in his letter) to some future opportunity of showing his gratitude to
his correspondent, Erasmus had probably in view the dedication to
him of some theological work ; but no such dedication appears to
have taken place. The bishop is said to have died on the i6th of
April, 1 52 1. Nicolas, Synopsis of Peerage, ii. 891.
Epistle 621. Deventer MS. ; C. 1630 (177)-
Erasmus to t/ie Bishop [_of Worcester'].
Most Reverend Father, I remember and shall always
remember your singular goodness to me, although I have not
yet returned my thanks for it. We have been so distracted,
— partly by frequent change of residence, partly by the
Chancellor's departure, partly by our Prince's movements,
partly by ill health, and lastly by the uncertainty of every
thing about us, — that I have scarcely had time to collect my
thoughts ; but ere long you shall be made av^are of the
attachment of a spirit not wanting in gratitude. I do not
know what further step was taken by Andrew in my busi-
ness since my departure from England. If anything fresh
was begun by him, I beg you to complete it.
My New Testament is again in hand. Some persons had
been offended at first by the novelty of it, though it has
been everywhere approved by those most approved ; but
next summer it will come out, so treated by me as to satisfy
all ; and, if I may use an arrogant phrase, to consecrate the
glory of Pope Leo and the name of Medici to eternal fame,
— provided only that one more year of life is given me !
38 Peter Bar bier in Spain
When I was last in England, I was greeted by the King
with singular favour, and so, after him, by the Cardinal of
York. Both invited me upon terms not to be despised.
Farewell, most honorable Prelate, and continue your
favour to the humblest of your clients.
Louvain, 7 September, 15 17.*
The letter acknowledged in the opening words of Epistle 622
may be assumed to be Epistle 594, in which Barbier had urged
Erasmus not to write anything too bitter against Lefevre. The
Maecenas of the same clause Is John Le Sauvage, the Chancellor of
Burgundy, with whom Barbier had been travelling to Spain, when
he wrote to Erasmus, See vol. ii. p. 607. The following letter was
probably sent, with Epistle 621, to some official at Brussels to be
forwarded from thence to its further destination
Epistle 622. Deventer MS. ; C. 1652 (230).
Erasmus to Peter Barbier.
It has given me the greatest pleasure to learn from your
letter, that my Maecenas and you are safe and well. The
lord De la Marce f has faithfully transmitted my money to
Louvain by the hands of the Collector Adrian ; % and in this
transaction your brother Nicolas has played the part of a
true Barbier, and been your second self.
The Theologians have some scheme in hand for co-opting
me into their flock, while for my own part I have no such
ambition.
* Lovanio 7. Septembris, Anno 15 17. C.
f Dominus de la Marce. This gentleman, through whom Erasmus
received his pension, is called Marcius in Epistle 669 ; and possibly the domi-
nus de Marques of Epistles 587 and 594 (written by the two Barbiers) who
performed the same office, may be the same person. See vol. ii. pp. 597, 607.
\ per Adrianum Qucestorem.
Erasmus and Lefevre 39
As to Lefevre, it is impossible for me to express, how
grieved I am, and how much I hate the necessity which has
driven me to answer him, I would rather have written a
huge volume in his praise, than this brief Apology in my own
defence. You know that there was nothing I did not both
do and suffer in order to avoid a conflict with Dorpius,* and
I should have wished it still less with Lefevre. But when
you have read all, you will come to the conclusion, that the
matter was treated by him in too odious a fashion to leave it
open for me to keep silence. I saw, that in this way an
occasion was being given to ill-disposed persons, for speaking
evil of us both ; I saw that the fruit of our study, on which
so many wakeful nights had been expended, was being lost.
And yet I have as sincere a regard for Lefevre as for any
person in the world. Oh genius mine, unlucky everywhere !
What god put this thought into his head ?
Nevertheless I defend myself in such a way as to abstain
from contumely ; for I reckon it no contumely, if I refute
his opinion in plain terms while I cast no reflection on his
life. The booklet shall accompany this letter, if any
messenger is forthcoming to whom it can be trusted ; and
when you have read it, I am sure you will be sorry for us
both. The work was already finished before your letter was
delivered to me ; but had it been delivered in time, I could
not be silent under such imputations, even if urged by the
Pope himself. Farewell.
Louvain [September] 1517.1
The following short letter, addressed Petro Ainmonio, is printed with-
out any date of day or month in Le Clerc's edition of Erasmus's epistles.
But I have not found it in Mr. Kan's list of the contents of the Deventer
Manuscript, and do not know from what source it was derived. In
the will of Andrew Ammonius, the kinsman named as his executor
* See vol. ii. 407, 411. t Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
40 Peter Ammonius or Vaitnes
is called Peter Vannes ; and we may conclude that the surname here
attributed to him by Erasmus, to whom he was not yet known either
personally or by correspondence, was not that by which he was usually
called. This letter has in Leclerc's edition the date, Lovanio, Anno
15 1 7. It was no doubt written in that year, and may have been sent
from Antwerp to England with the other letters intended for that
country which follow it in our list, the date Lovanio being given to
show the writer's usual address, to which reference is made in the
letter. It is interesting to observe the confidence of Erasmus, that
his writings would preserve from oblivion the memory of his friend.
Epistle 623. C. 1652 (228).
Erasmus to Peter Ammonius,
Our Ammonius' s death is as bitterly felt by me as it can
possibly be. What is there worth anything, that has not
been lost in him ? I cannot recall him to life ; but I
certainly shall not let his memory perish, if my writings
have any power to prevent it.
I beseech you to tie up in one parcel all his letters to me
and mine to him, and get them sent hither by some safe
person ; and also, if there are any writings about our affair,
in which he communicated on my behalf with the Pope,
that they may be either destroyed, or sent hither.
Farewell, dearest Peter, and regard Erasmus as entirely
your own.
Louvain, [September], 15 17.*
On the 8th of September Erasmus appears to have gone to Antwerp
for the day, for the purpose, among other things, of paying the painter,
Quentin Matsys, for the portraits of himself and Peter Gillis, and of
despatching the picture to More. See vol. ii. pp. 558, 559, 584.
* Lovanio, Anno 151 7. C.
Portraits sent to Calais 4 1
Epistle 624. Deventer MS. ; C. 1630 (179).
Erasmus to More.
I send the portraits, so that we may in some way still be
with you, if any chance should take us off. Peter pays half,
and I half, — not that we should, either of us, have been un-
willing to pay the whole, but that the present may be common
to us both.
Peter Gillis is still suffering with his old complaint. For
ourselves, we are living at Louvain among the Doctors, and
are about as well in health as usual. I am sorry you are tied
to Calais. If nothing else is given us, do write frequently, —
even a few words.
Farewell, my More, of all mortals dearest to me. Do for
our sake take the best care you can of yourself.
Antwerp, 8 September, 1517.
By the same conveyance Erasmus took the opportunity of sending
a letter to Bishop Fisher. It appears by Epistles 568 and 625, that
Reuchlin had in the preceding June sent one of his works to England
as a present for that bishop ; but both More and Colet had detained
the book in transitu to satisfy their curiosity, before sending it on
to its proper destination ; a noteworthy circumstance, as evidence of
their confidence in the Bishop's good nature.
Epistle 625. Deventer MS. ; C. 1630 (17S).
Erasmus to Bishop Fisher.
Most reverend Father, Colet has been grievously com-
plaining of my having sent a book of Reuchlin's to you, and
none to him ; he added nevertheless, that he had read the
book through, before sending it on to you ! I am sorry it
should have been so long delayed ; but with your usual good
42 Bishop Fisher s Greek studies
nature you will pardon Colet's avidity ; I had given More
leave to show it to him, but not to leave it with him.
I am very glad to hear, that you do not regret the trouble
you have taken in the study of Greek. I have written more
than once to Latimer ; and he has sent me an answer at
last, but such an answer as shows, that the man will not go
beyond his former letter. Nevertheless I send Theodore's
second Book,* lately translated by me, with some correc-
tions from a Greek manuscript. The version is sufficiently
explicit, and you must not be put out by some mistakes
made by the boy who has copied it.
I also send you the Apologia^ in which I have answered
James Lefevre. All the theologians, even those that are
his partisans, w4th one voice award the palm to me ; but for
myself I hate the necessity which has forced me into this
controversy, and the victory I have gained over one for
w^hom I have so much regard. Your wisdom will under-
stand both sentiments, as soon as you read my pamphlet,
and you will, I am sure, be sorry for us both ; although, for
that matter, I am less to be pitied, as the fault is not mine.
When any safe messenger is at hand to bring them, send
us back the pamphlets which relate to Reuchlin's affair, —
that is, if you have done with them. I have heard from
Cologne, that his cause is going on as well as possible ; f but
I opine that that suit is never likely to be concluded.
I hope that you may sometime have a happy occasion for
visiting this country. Farewell, and deign at any rate occa-
sionally to greet us with a letter.
Antwerp, 8 September, 1517.I
* A copy of Erasmus's version of the second book of Gaza's Greek Grammar
appears to have been sent in manuscript with this letter. The first book,
translated by Erasmus, had been published by Froben in October, 15 16, and
the two books were printed together in 15 18. See vol. ii. p. 291.
f See the letter of C^esarius, vol. ii. p. 599.
% Antuerpia 8. Septembris, Anno 15 17. C.
Papers in charge of Ammonius 43
The following letter, which bears the same date as the last, was
written in answer to Epistle 598, in which Sixtinus, writing on the
same day as More, had sent news to Erasmus of the death of Andrew
Ammonius. See pp. 2, 3.
Epistle 626. Deventer MS. ; C. 1631 (180).
Erasmus to Sixtinus.
Grievous news indeed ! But what boots it to complain ?
I beg you by our friendship, to get Peter Ammonius to
collect all Andrew's letters to me and mine to him, and
either send them here, or hand them to you to be sent ;
and in the next place that the letters and draft-letters
relating to the Dispensation may be destroyed, so that they
may not go astray into the hands of those whom I should
not like to have them.
I did not see your brother, as I was away at Louvain.
Peter Gillis is suffering from a sad and slow disease.
The climate here suits me well enough ; and there would
be no lack of fortune, if I were willing to take part in the
Prince's business ; but I see such factions, that it is not safe
for me to support either one or the other. I pursue my
studies.
Farewell, dearest Sixtinus, and keep yourself safe and
sound for our sake.
Antwerp, 8 September, 15 17.*
When Erasmus returned from his short visit to England in the
spring of 1517 (see vol. ii. p. 551), he had been able to report to
his friends, that he had been courteously received by both the King
and Cardinal, and that the former especially had promised him a
handsome provision, if he elected to settle in this country. But his
* Antuerpia 8. Septembris, Anno 1517. C.
44 Prospects of Preferment in England
former experience would have been thrown away, had he decided to
return upon the strength of promises alone. If he had been actually
appointed to some rich and important preferment, and summoned
to take possession of his post, he might have been content to fix his
fortunes here. But though he had some claim upon Wolsey per-
sonally on account of his interference in the matter of the Tournay
canonry (see vol. ii. p. 202), the Cardinal appears to have had no
inclination to place him in a prominent position in England. The
two men were not in sympathy. And King Henry, — in spite of his
gracious smiles and friendly expressions, — ' the testimony of his
voice,' by which, as Erasmus pointedly says, he had been often
distinguished, — was not so much interested in his favour as to insist
on his advancement. Nevertheless, in order not to throw away his
chances, Erasmus was resolved to keep himself in view ; and accord-
ingly, with his other despatches for England, he sent letters both to
King Henry and to the Cardinal, with a book as an offering to each
of them. The book sent to the King was a handsomely bound "'^
volume containing, first, a copy of the third printed edition of the
Latin translation of Plutarch's Treatise on the Distinction between
a Flatterer and a Friend, which he had presented to Henry in manu-
script in 1513,1 secondly his Panegyric addressed to Philip, King of
Castile,! and thirdly, his Institution of a Christian Prince. §
Epistle 627, addressed by Erasmus to King Henry VIII., is not
without interest, as bearing upon the King's character and habits at
this period of his life, when Thomas More was a favourite companion.
It appears from this letter, that Erasmus, during his visit to England,
had been invited to accept some office or preferment in this country.
We are not informed what post was offered to him, but in a letter
written to Pirckheimer in the following November he speaks of the
kind welcome given him on this occasion by the King and by Wolsey,
and of a proposal made to him, which would have provided him with
* In the letter to Wolsey the Cardinal's attention is called to the binding,
see p. 49. And in a letter of More to Erasmus written some six or seven
weeks later, Epistle 659, the writer alludes to it as a present truly worthy of a
king. I am afraid this fine specimen of binding has not been preserved.
t See vol. ii. 77, 80.
\ See vol. i. p. 361.
§ See vol. ii. p. 249.
Habits of King Henry 45
a handsome house and a yearly income of six hundred florins, no
further information being given, what the proposed appointment was.
Epistle 627. Aiictarium, p. 191 ; Ep. iii. 32; C. 263 (268).
Erasmus to Henry VIH.
Illustrious King, among your numberless truly royal
and heroic endowments, — by which you not only recall the
merits of your admirable parent, Henry, the Seventh of that
name, but even surpass them, — various admirers may choose
different subjects for praise. For myself, I regard them all
with respect ; but what chiefly commands my approbation is
this, that whereas, being gifted with an extraordinary clear-
ness of mind, you have no lack of wisdom yourself, you still
delight in familiar converse with men of prudence and
learning, and most of all with those who do not know how
to flatter. It is as though ycu had somewhere read that
verse of Sophocles, — and indeed I do not doubt you have
read it,
^o(f)ol T'upavvoi Twv cro<^wv crvvovcria,
Kings become wise by wise companionship.
Another chief merit is this, that among so many affairs in
which your kingdom, and indeed the whole world, is con-
cerned, you scarcely let a day pass but you bestow some
time upon reading, and delight in converse with those
ancient sages, who are anything but flatterers ; while you
choose especially those books, from which you may rise a
better and a wiser man, and more useful to your country.
Thus you are far from agreeing with persons who think that
princes of the highest rank ought, of all things, to keep
clear of serious or philosophic study, and that, if books are
taken in hand at all, nothing should be read but amusing
46 Conceptions of Sovereignty
stories, scarcely good enough for women, or mere incite-
ments to folly and vice. The two conceptions of wisdom
and of sovereignty are thus assumed to be diametrically
opposed to each other ; whereas they are so closely con-
nected, that, if you take away one from the other, you leave
nothing but the mere title of Sovereign, like the cenotaphs,
which display on the outside the names and pedigrees of the
dead, the inside being empty.
Moreover, as an intelligent and pious prince is wise, vigi-
lant, and provident for the whole community, being one
that is transacting, not his own business, but that of the
public, so is it right, that every man should endeavour to
the utmost of his power to help him in his cares and anxie-
ties ; and the wider his empire, the more need has he of this
kind of service. A sovereign is an exceptional being among
mortals, an image of the Deity ; and yet he is a man.
For my own part, since it is only out of my small stock of
literature that I can make any payment of this duty to
kings, — I did some time ago turn from Greek into Latin
Plutarch's little work upon the means of distinguishing a
flatterer from a Friend, and dedicated it to your Majesty
by the mediation of the Cardinal, who in the government of
your realm fills the same part to you as Theseus did to
Hercules, or Achates to vEneas. But being suddenly drawn
at that time into the hurricane of war by a sort of fatal
storm, which then fell upon all Christendom, you had no
leisure, — I may well suppose, — to give any attention to
literature, when the business in hand could only be con-
ducted with the sword. I now therefore send again to your
Highness the same book, though it has been since com-
municated to the world and is now printed for the third
time ; and I send it with interest, having attached to it the
Panegyrical Eulogy of Philip, king of Castile,* whose
'* See vol. i. pp. 361, 362.
Books presented to King Henry 47
memory I know you keep sacred, as one whom, when you
were yourself a boy, you loved as an elder brother, and
whom your excellent father had adopted as a son.
To these I have added the Institution of a Prince, an
offering which I made not long since to Charles the King
Catholic, when he was newly initiated into sovereignty. Not
that he stood in need of our admonitions ; but, as in a great
storm, the steersman, however skilful he may be, is con-
tented to receive a warning from any quarter, so a Sovereign,
destined to rule so many kingdoms, ought not to spurn
any advice that is proffered in a serious spirit, while he is
resolved to follow that, which of all the plans proposed he
may judge to be best. But what estuary will you anywhere
find, that has such disturbing currents as the tumults that
arise in extensive empires ? Or who ever saw at sea such
fearful tempests, as those hurricanes of human affairs, which
we have witnessed in these last few years ? And still more
dangerous storms appear to be impending, if things are not
set in order by the wisdom and piety of Princes. As a last
consideration, having been raised to the rank of Councillor,
I thought it right to respond at once to my appointment
by this act of duty, and not merely to give my opinion in
particular cases, but to show to a Prince of no ordinary
character, but still a boy, some of the sources, as it were,
from which all counsels flow.
That your Majesty stands in need of any such admonitions,
is so far from being the case, that one who studies your like-
ness with due attention might well compose after the model
before him the portrait of a perfect sovereign. I have sent
the book nevertheless, because I knew that in any case it
would not be disagreeable to you to be reminded of two
kings, who have been most dear to you. Moreover, these
precepts, provided they are sound, will come with an added
recommendation to all kings or kings' sons, if they are aware
that they have not been disapproved by the most intelligent,
48 Henry a perfect Sovereign
the most unspoiled, and the most successful of all living
monarchs. As a last consideration, I shall at any rate escape
the blame of ingratitude, if I do not cease to bear witness
with all the pains I can to the interest which your Majesty
has been pleased to take in me. What indeed do I not owe
you, having been so often distinguished by the testimony of
your voice, and having been invited,* I may add, when lately
with you, to enter your service upon such generous terms, —
and that without solicitation, and with a condescension truly
royal, — when I think it in itself no small distinction that
so insignificant a person is approved, recognized and loved
by so great a Sovereign ?
May Jesus Christ, Best and Greatest, Prince of Princes,
long keep your Majesty in safety and happiness.
Antwerp, the morrow of the Nativity of the Blessed
Virgin (9 September), 151 7. t
The letter to Wolsey is also of some interest. If the busy states-
man found time to glance at this epistle of the author of the Moi'ia, it
is difficult to believe, that what appears to the reader as the scarcely
veiled satire of the opening sentences can have passed without
suspicion. It is conceivable, that this letter, which was probably
handed about in manuscript at the time, and was printed by Erasmus
in the following year, may have rather served to arouse, or to
strengthen, the Cardinal's antipathy to its writer.
Epistle 628. Auctarium, p. 189 ; Ep. iii. 31 ; C. 262 (267).
Erasmus to Thomas, Cardinal of York.
Most reverend Father, I am not unaware how religiously
your Eminence should be approached even by the greatest
persons, nor how many have failed by paying their devotions
* This offer is mentioned in Epistle 667, but the office or preferment
proposed is not known.
t Antwerpiae, An. m.d.xvii. postridie natalis diuae Virginis.
Character of Wolsey 49
without due ceremony.* But my present confidence is
the result of the rare condescension, which I have myself
experienced at your hands on other occasions, and especially
when I was lately in England. Extraordinary success is
generally accompanied by envy ; but the striking facility of
your manners, patent and obvious as it is to all, so thoroughly
excludes envy, that men are as much in love with the good-
ness of your nature as they are impressed by the greatness of
your fortune.
But not to occupy too long with my trifling remarks the
attention of one who is so much engaged with serious
business, — I send herewith, for the King's Majesty, a small
volume in some sort of binding,! embracing most of those
subjects which relate to the right administration of
sovereignty. Philip, king of Castile, under whose name
I represented the ideal of a good sovereign, was loved as a
brother by the most serene king, Henry the Eighth, the
latter being a boy while the former was not much older ;
and I had myself a letter from the younger prince, contain-
ing a no less loving than elegant lamentation over the death
of the elder. I With our Charles, beside the tie of affinity, §
your Henry is so united by treaties, by friendship and by
brotherly attachment, that no union can be more close.
His Majesty, in administering with unparalleled success a
supremely prosperous kingdom, has your Eminence at his
side in the same relation as Theseus is said to have stood
to Hercules, or as Achates to ^neas, so that three names
* quamque multis male cesserit numina parum rite compellasse.
t libellum utcunque adornatum. See p. 44.
X See the letter of Prince Henry, Epistle 203, vol. i. p. 425.
§ Charles V. as son of Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, King
and Queen of Spain, and sister of Henry's queen, Katherine of Arragon, stood
in the relation of nephew to King Henry and his queen. Their daughter
Mary, afterwards Queen of England, first cousin to Charles, had been born in
February, in the preceding year.
E
50 Book presented to Wolsey
of the greatest importance and dearest to each other seem to
be not inappropriately embraced in the same book.*
The volumCj which I dedicated to the King some time
ago, and presented by your hands, I may well suppose that
in the turmoil of war he has not found time to peruse. But
now that tranquillity has been long established, I understand
that he has come back to Literature, which as a boy he
tasted with some success, and that he converses from time
to time with books, — not indiscriminately, but chiefly with
such as convey lessons of piety and royal wisdom. For the
more virtue a person possesses, the greater is his thirst for
it. I have therefore determined to renew my old present,
considering the offering not to be complete, so long as the
person intended to be honoured is not conscious of it.
Your own little book is here too,t as tiny as you are
great ! I am quite aware how insignificant both ray presents
are, and indeed to such personages what object would not
be insignificant ? But I have put on a bold face, and more
mindful of your goodness than of your grandeur, have deter-
mined to use what means I had to recall myself to your
remembrance, and also to signify an intention of attempting
something more important at a future time, inasmuch as for
the present the New Testament has so entire a possession of
me, that I can do nothing else. Upon that work T am resolved
to sacrifice my life, or so to treat it, that it may beget both
for me and for Pope Leo an immortality of fame. I do not
deny that this may seem arrogantly said, — unless I indeed
perform what I promise. The coming winter, which I
propose to pass at Louvain, will be entirely devoted to
* There seems to be a perhaps not altogether unintentional ambiguity in
this sentence as to the inclusion of Wolsey in the trio, which might be taken
as including either the deceased King or the living Cardinal.
t Probably a bound copy of the Latin translation of Plutarch's essay,
I?e Utilitaie capienda ab inimicis, which had been dedicated to Wolsey in
January, 15 14. See vol. ii. pp. no, 113.
Impending Revolution in Europe 51
this labour, now that neither the Prince is here, nor the
Chancellor of Burgundy.* Meantime I earnestly request,
that your Eminence will continue your favour towards me,
and will deign to commend my present, such as it is, to your
most Serene King, or if the present does not deserve such
an honour, will at any rate apprise him of my intention.
The King Catholic has set sail most prosperously from
this country ; I hope he will meet with continued success
in Spain.
In this part of the world I am afraid a great revolution is
impending, unless the favour of Heaven and the piety and
wisdom of our rulers provide for the interests of humanity.
Ammonius's death is a bitter blow to me. How many
accomplishments have been lost in one man ! Jerome
Busleiden is gone too, the same person who was once
ambassador in England ; and this is among the first-fruits
that we have presented to the gloomy deity of Spain, f to
whom we make too frequent sacrifices.
I take my leave of your Eminence, earnestly commending
myself to you as your humblest client.
Antwerp, 9 Sept. 15 17. J
It is of interest to observe, that in his expectation of a great revolu-
tion (magna rerum novitas) which was impending over Western
Europe, Erasmus certainly cannot be said to have been mistaken ;
but it is not easy to say how far the revolution in affairs of state and
of religion, which actually took place, was in accordance with his
gloomy forebodings. With respect to the transactions which were
occurring under his eyes, we may note, that King Charles appears
to have commenced his journey from Flushing on the day before the
* In these words I understand the writer to allude to his own political
duties as a Councillor of Prince Charles, which in the absence of the Court
would no longer interfere with his theological labours.
t Oreo Hispanico dedimus.
X Antuerpise V. Idus Septemb. Anno m.d.xvii.
E 2
52 Proposed residence at Bruges
date of this letter. Brewer, Abstracts, 3666, 3667, 3672. It is pro-
bable that this important and long-expected event had been in some
way telegraphed by signal to Antwerp. Tunstall reports in a despatch
to Wolsey, dated on the 8th of September from Middelburg, which
is within an easy walk from Flushing, that the King of Castile had
embarked that day. Brewer, ii. 3672.
The correspondent to whom the following letter is addressed, being
a Canon of the Collegiate Church of St. Donatian at Bruges, and
nephew of one of the magnates of that city, appears to have sug-
gested an arrangement by which Erasmus might be handsomely
lodged and boarded in the palace of the writer's uncle. Erasmus had
made a short visit to that city^ but had now returned to his quarters
at Louvain. This familiar letter was chosen by Erasmus or his editor
for publication in the collection of Epistles, published by Froben in
1521, and entitled Epistolx ad diversos.
Epistle 629. Epist. ad diversos, p. 505 ; Epist. xiii. 8 ;
C. 264 (269).
Erasmus to jpohn Fevin.
The extraordinary kindness of many friends, — and espe-
cially of your uncle Charles and yourself, of which I have
had a taste during the last few days, — has made me less fond
of Louvain, and more disposed to make my residence at
Bruges, provided only a convenient nest be found for me
there, and a table worthy of the palate of a philosopher ! I
hear that Charles's taste in the matter of food is much the
same as that of Erasmus ; he likes his meals not so numerous
as elegant, and feasts that are dainty rather than long. There
can be no want of room in the Prince's empty palace ; and I
have not failed to see, how kindly your uncle is disposed
towards me, not to say anything of yourself. There will,
moreover, be no lack of company, our friend Mark,* — not to
* Marcus Laurinus, Dean or Coadjutor-Dean of the Church of St. Donatian
at Bruges. See Epistle 620.
Erasmus settled at Lonvain 53
mention others, — being at hand. You may therefore, if you
please, talk the matter over with your uncle, since this can
be done without committing any one ; and if no obstacle
occurs, the sum to be paid may be easily settled between us.
If there should be anything to make it inconvenient, inform
me by letter : meantime farewell.
You will give my salutation to the most courteous Charles,
and to Robert Afinius with his wife.* Salute also all your
colleagues, especially the Chanter and Nicolas Fistula.
Louvain, 9 Sept. rsiy.f
The following letter appears to have been sent to James Lefevre, —
I presume, at Paris, — with a copy of Erasmus's Apologia ad lacobum
Fahrum, which had been lately printed at Louvain. In order to
account for the controversial character of his own work, Erasmus
reminds his correspondent of some of the phrases used by Lefevre in
criticizing the writer's commentaries on St. Paul. See the letter to
Tunstall, Epistle 580, vol. ii. p. 586.
Erasmus had, as we have seen already, returned to Louvain, where his
headquarters were now definitely established, nothing further being
heard of the projected removal to Bruges, of which we have some in-
dication in the last letter.
Epistle 630. Auctarium, p. 195 ; Ep. iii, 33 ; C. 265 (271).
Erasmus to James Lefevre.
Our common well-wishers, my dear Lefevre, are sorry for
us both. They are sorry for you, who have been so un-
luckily induced by some Power, — Heaven knows what, — to
attack me without any reason in an offensive criticism, and
* Ac Roberto Afifini cum sua conjuge. Perhaps we may read Afinio ; we
see in Epistles 536, 677, that Erasmus was on intimate terms with another
person of the surname of Afinius, Henry Afinius of Antwerp.
t Lovanij, Quinto Idus Septemb. Anno M. D. xvii.
54 Apology for the Apologia
to attack me in such a way, that it was not open for me to
hold my tongue, without admitting all those accusations to
be true : ' language ' (for example) ' unworthy of Christ and
of God,' a passage ' contradicting itself and declaring its
own falsehood,' a passage 'opposed to the Prophetic in-
telligence,' a passage ' favourable to the pestilent Jews and
with them insulting to Christ,' a passage 'worthy of the
Anticyras,' a sentence ' to which if I adhered, I should be a
heretic,' and a great many other accusations of the same
kind. For if there were only one or two such missiles, I
might perhaps have taken no notice of it.
Our friends, as I have said, are also sorry for me, who
busy as I am, and having the greatest distaste for that kind
of writing, have been compelled to enter the lists against a
person, for whom of all others I have the greatest regard.
Those people on the other hand, who are ill-disposed to
both of us and to all sounder studies, are rejoicing. They
are provided with an objection they may use against either,
and with the means of impairing the credit of both, and of
consoling their own ignorance. May I lose the favour of
Christ, if I do not hate, not only this necessity, but also the
victory which every one attributes to me. Therefore, my
dear Lefevre, I beseech you by all that is sacred, to let there
be an end to this impious contest. It is better (according
to the Greek proverb) to run back than to run amiss.* But
if you are determined to fall foul of Erasmus, do abstain
from expressions which cannot be passed without notice.
We have given too much pleasure to those votaries of
ancient ignorance. I send you my pamphlet, in case you
have not yet seen it. Read it carefully through ; and then
call yourself into counsel, and do not let the instigation of
others drive you to a position, which you will afterwards be
sorry to have reached. Curb the pen of your friends. I have
* TraXii' bpajdelv a/uetvov ?/ kukws bpaftelr. Adagia, cap. Sera pdenitcntia.
French Translation of the Moria 55
hitherto kept my friends in check. Let us both act in pure
and truly Christian sincerity. You shall find no want of
candour in me. Farewell.
Louvain, 11 Sept. 15 17.*
We have learned from Epistle 613, that Gerard Listrius, who was a
married layman and schoolmaster living at Zwolle in North Holland
(see Epistle 407, vol. ii. p. 279), had published an edition of the Moria
with notes. He appears to have lately ventured to supply a learned
friar, who was travellingr from his neiofhbourhood to Louvain, with an
introduction to Erasmus, apologizing in his letter for the trouble he
was giving. To this communication Erasmus returns a friendly reply.
The French translation of the Praise of Folly by George Haloin,
of which Erasmus gives his opinion in the following letter, appears to
have been published in August, 15 17. See Epistle 613.
Epistle 631. Epist. ad diversos, p. 506; Ep. xiii. 9 ;
C. 265 (270).
Erasimts to Gerard Listrius.
I am rather obliged to you than otherwise for giving me
this afternoon an opportunity of having a talk with your
Friar, so far is it from having been a trouble to me ; for
indeed I have been greatly pleased with the man's character.
I heartily congratulate you on your marriage, and pray
that your happiness may be lasting. If your wife thinks
kindly of us, I owe it entirely to you ; if she loves us, it is
with your heart, not with her own.
The Moria has been so turned into French, that the
translator has told quite a different tale, — not the same story
in another way, — leaving out a number of passages, which
he did not understand !
At this next Fair t a new volume of Epistles is to come
* Lovainij, tertio Idus Septemb. m.d. xvii.
t His nundinis proximis. The Auctarium Epistolarum, the next collection
published, was not issued until x^ugust, 1518. See Introduction, p. xxx.
56 Letter to Gerard Listrhis
out, of considerable size ; we are going to revise those
already printed, and with some additional letters make up a
fair volume.
I will write to Tilmann as you desire, when an opportunity
occurs for sending a letter to him ; and that will be soon.
As to the Enchiridion^ I do not quite understand what
you wish, and shall be much obliged if you will explain ; and
in case you want any explanations from me, you must point
out the passages that appear obscure.
Whatever credit Erasmus may enjoy in your parts is
chiefly due to your fair judgment. Here they are seriously
engaged in patching up an agreement, after pouring out all
their venom ; but I am resolved nevertheless to shew a
Christian spirit throughout. I am surprised at those pro-
fessors of Evangelical purity making such an unevangelical
onslaught upon a man's good name ; while they chatter,
about things they do not understand, to persons who under-
stand them no better. They deserve not merely to be a
laughing stock to children, but to be publicly stoned. Never-
theless Truth will conquer, — make no doubt of that.
Give my salutation once more to Simon, and to the Prior
of Berg, but especially to your sweet little Justina,* to whom
I wish all possible good luck and happiness.
I have not seen the Prior of St. Agnes yet, having had no
opportunity of doing so in the midst of so many obstructions.
Farewell, most learned Listrius.
Louvain, 11 September, 1517.!
Epistles 632 and 633 are addressed to Erasmus by the young prince
Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg and Archbishop of Mayence, and
by his Secretary, Henry Stromer. See vol. ii. p. 597. It has been
* See the second paragraph of this letter.
t Lovanii, tertio Id. Septemb. Anno millesimo quingentesimo decimo-
septimo.
The Archbishop of Mayence 57
thought worth while to translate the epistle of the young Archbishop,
which appears all the more likely to have been in its origin of his own
composition, as its involved clauses differ from the easier style of his
Secretary. This epistle has the following formal address : Albert,
Archbishop of Mayence and Magdeburg, Primate of Germany, Prince
Elector and Margrave of Brandenburg, etc. to our beloved Desiderius
Erasmus Roterodamus, Greeting in Christ.
Epistle 632. Deventer MS.; C. 350 (334).
Albert^ Archbishop of Mayence to Erasmus.
Having lately been reading the volumes which you have
published, most learned Erasmus, and having admired their
genius, erudition and eloquence, I have been seized with a
great desire to see you, being convinced that nothing is more
becoming to our dignity (inasmuch as by Divine goodness
we have been raised to the highest rank among bishops)
than to embrace and assist that person, who, not only in
Germany but generally throughout Europe, holds the prin-
cipal place in Literature ; and further considering, that if it
were our fortune to depart this life without having seen you,
I we should judge that we had lost whatever happiness we
might claim, as having been born at a time when so great a
man is by his learning and diligence vindicating our common
fatherland from the imputation of barbarism, and is indeed
restoring to its proper splendour and original beauty that
divine science of Theology, which has been disfigured for
so many centuries.
What indeed could be more desired at this time, than
that our copies of the New Testament should be more free
from error ? But under your interpretation every spot is
wiped away, and brightness is everywhere restored. What
again was more to be regretted, than that Jerome should in
our hands be so mutilated and altered from his proper self?
And it is by your care that he has been brought back into
58 Letter of Henry Stromer
the light, and as it were recalled from death to life. All
honour to you, Erasmus ; sic itiir ad astra.
In case at any time you should travel this way, pray do
not grudge to visit one, whose feelings and opinions about
you are such as I have indicated. It will indeed be a happy
day, — if such a day should dawn upon us, — in which we
shall fix our eyes upon your face, and our ears shall listen
to your sweet discourse. We shall judge ourselves to be
like those old admirers of Livy ! * It is our prayer to Christ,
that we may enjoy the presence and conversation of one,
whom absent we admire in his books ; and we hope it may
come to pass, as we have begged already, t that the Lives of
some of the Saints may be made illustrious by your pen.
Farewell, most learned Erasmus. Take care of yourself
for our sake, and let us see you. Again farewell.
Written on the thirteenth day of September at our town
of Steinheim with our own hand.
Steinheim, 13 September, [1517].+
The above epistle of the Archbishop was accompanied by the
following communication from his secretary, Henry Stromer.
Epistle 633. DeventerMS.; C. 1631 (181).
Henry Stromer to Erasmus.
The letter I have received from you, most wise and elo-
quent Sir, was more welcome to me than gold or the most
\ * The Archbishop recalls the story of the Spaniard, who travelled from
' Cadiz to Rome to see Livy, and having seen him, returned to Cadiz,
t quod iam quserimus : qu. qusesimus. See vol. ii. p. 598.
X Ex oppido nostro Steynheym 13. Septemb. manu nostra propria, An. post
nat. Christum 15 18. C. The accompanying letter of Stromer (Epistle 633)
appears to be dated correctly with the year 151 7. The Archbishop's letter is
mentioned in the letter of Gerardus Noviomagus, Epistle 728, dated 10 Jan,
[1518], as having been written "some months before."
Letter of Tiinstall 59
precious gems ; and, as I read it over and over again, the
immense kindness, which is united with vour consummate
erudition, stood revealed before me. Indeed the greater
your learning and eloquence, so much the more modestly do
you deal with a barbarian like me.
In order that you may recognize my respect for you, I
have induced the Archbishop, my illustrious Prince, who is
most truly yours, to write to you with his own hand. Com-
pelled as I am myself, being overwhelmed with business, to
write brieflv, there has been all the more occasion for him
to write at length. I would have you believe what he writes :
His Highness admits no discord between mind and voice ;
his lips and his heart agree.
Farewell, pride and glory of all the Learned, and accept
the duty of your most outspoken admirer.
Written in haste at Steinheim, 13 September, 15 17.*
Tunstall appears to have spent some weeks at Middelburg in
Zealand in attendance upon King Charles, before the latter embarked
for Spain. The following epistle, written from Bruges a few days
after the king's departure, includes an account of the country^ in which
the writer had been staying, and with which he had become better
acquainted than he desired.
Epistle 634. Auctarium, p. 129 ; Ep. iii. 2, C. 266 (272).
Cuthbert Tunstall to Erasmus.
At last the King of Spain has set sail for his kingdom,
and I have returned, only just alive, with my party from
Zealand. I was so affected by the foul and evidently
pestilential air of that region, that after a fast of several
days I have not yet quite driven off the fever, which was
* Datum celerrune Steynheim 13. Septembris, Anno post natalem Christ.
1517. C.
6o Climate of Zealand
beginning to attack me. Three of the most useful of my
servants were already laid up with the disease, before I left
the place ; and if I had not by the doctor's advice sent them
away at once for a change of air I should by this time have
buried them all ; and I would give a good sum to be able to
say, that they will even now be saved.* This was not my lot
only. Most of the Court were ill, and v/e may thank God,
that the King escaped. Of the Prelates a good number were
ailing, as that island did not let any one go without some
suffering. I think the river Styx is not far off ; the waters
are so black and bitter.
If you remain at home in the town,t your nostrils are
choked with the smoke of the peat, which they use instead
of wood. This, being dug out of a salt and muddy soil,
however much it is dried in the sun, gives out, when burned,
a smoke which penetrates to the very entrails, affecting the
chest, the nostrils, the head and every part of the body. I
heard from the natives, that your peat in Holland being dug
out of a milder soil, is sweet-scented compared with this.
If you want to relieve the dulness of the town by taking a
walk, as I was wont to do from time to time, the very road
after the smallest shower sticks to the foot with more
tenacity than glue, while the height of the dikes forbids
your turning aside into a field or meadow ; and in order
to reach the sea-walls, which provide the only agreeable
walk, you have to pass over a multitude of dikes, upon
which they steep flax, and which stink worse than any
cesspit. If the walk has refreshed you, your return to the
town across such dikes quite spoils the effect, and sends you
home melancholy. The whole country is two paces lower
than the sea at high water, and if it were not for the walls,
the sea monsters would break in upon the inhabitants, where
they sit carousing and drinking each other's health. To
* See the last sentence of this letter. f I presume Middelburg.
Theological Tolerance 6i
avoid the mischievous effects of the climate, they say the
only safeguard is to drain whole gallons of drink, — a remedy,
to my apprehension, worse than anv disease ; for you know
how readily I throw up the sponge in that sort of encounter ! *
But what am I about, falling foul of an island so pro-
ductive, and so well-harboured, without mentioning any-
thing that might be said in favour of it ? The fact is, it does
one good to revenge myself upon it in some sort of way,
and to pour out against the place itself the bile which its
annoyances have engendered. And in this vindictive spirit, I
will keep to myself anything that might be said in its praise.
But to deal seriously with you, I am glad to be restored at
length to the mainland, where the climate is more whole-
some ; and as my shattered health will permit, I shall creep
back by degrees to my own country, leaving here those of
my servants that are too sick to accompany me. I pray
God, they may in time recover.
I have received from you the Apologia in which you reply
to Lefevre, together with your letter ; and I had received
some days before another letter, in which you said you were
going to answer him, but without loss of temper. I am glad
at any rate that you made that resolve, as I had intended to
exhort you to reply as becomes a theologian, that is, in a
tolerant spirit. This is the point in which he has failed,
pronouncing sentence in his own cause and arrogantly
insisting on his own opinion, as if it was not rather for
others, or for posterity, to judge ; although I have never
thought, that upon a question in which the Truth was con-
cerned, you ought ever to surrender to him or to any mortal.
But you are right in asking so modestly at the beginning of
your Apologia^ to have your own feathers restored to you
by the raven. I wait to see what excuse he will make, but
I suppose he will meet it without a blush.
* quam facile in eo genere certaminis herbam porrigo.
62 Controversy with Lefevre
I happened once to see him in Italy ; he then appeared a
modest person, and was said to be thoroughly accomplished
in that circle of knowledge, the possessors of which are
honoured at Paris with the name of Master.f That he had
given any attention to Greek, I gathered first from his pub-
lished commentaries upon the Pauline Epistles. It may be,
that it was after he had detected by reference to Greek
sources several errors made by neoteric theologians, that he
thought it worth while, — as a blinkard is a rather keen-
sighted person among the blind, — to publish his own com-
mentaries for the instruction of posterity. And herein I
approve the man's intention — if he saw his way to carry it
out ; for in this pursuit, as in the sacred games, the prize is
open to any person that can win it.
*****
There is one thing I regret, — that, while composing an
Apology against this writer, you have lost the time in which
you might have written what w^ould have been more useful
to posterity. Do therefore bestow your first attention upon
the revision of your Notes on the New Testament, which,
in consequence of your promise, is greedily expected by
everybody. Having deserved well of profane literature and
won immortal fame in its service, you will do well, if you
spend the remainder of your life in the illustration of Sacred
Letters. Posterity will infer, that the studies which concern
the salvation of the soul have been dearer to you than those
which afford mere amusement, when the latter have most
attracted you in youth, but the former, embraced in mature
years, have been deemed a worthy occupation for your age.
I am very glad, that you are so much in favour with the
Theologians of Louvain. If they propose to admit you into
their order, as you say they w^ould do, I advise you not to
t Cyclopsediam illam, quam adeptos magisterii nomine Parisii honorant,
penitus callere dicebatur. As to this title, see an observation in p. 5, note.
Activity of the Press 63
refuse. This honour, offered to you by them and accepted
by you, will be a perpetual pledge of friendship.
When you tell me, that Strabo, Pindar, Pausanias and
both Testaments are to be issued in Greek type from the
A Mine press, I am incredibly delighted. I foresee the
time when our descendants will vie with antiquity in every
kind of study. And if they are not ungrateful, they will
own their obligation to the men, by whose industry such
studies are now being revived. Of these you are one ; and
you will, I trust, continue to deserve well of Posterity,
which will never let the name of Erasmus perish. Farewell.
Before sending off this letter, I have lost one of my
people, for whose recovery I would have given all my
fortune. May God have mercy on his soul ! As to the
others, the prospect is still doubtful.
Bruges, 14 September, [15 17].
Thomas Lupset was at this time at Paris, where he was passing
Linacre's translation of Galen through the press. See vol. ii. pp. 447,
448. And it appears by the following letter, which is preserved in the
Deventer volume, that he thought he had in some way incurred the
displeasure of Erasmus ; but it will be seen that the latter, in his
answer (Epistle 662), does not admit this.
Epistle 635. D; C. 1570(79).
Thomas Lap set to Erasmus.
I will write a few lines, my most honoured preceptor,
being hampered with a variety of business, and indeed, to
speak more plainly, being doubtful of your feeling towards
me. If it could be obtained by praying, I would pray, and
indeed in any case I do most ardently beseech you to throw
up all your anger against me, and whatever fault I have
committed, to attribute it to my youth, and forgive it. Be
64 Appeal of Liipset to Erasmus
assured, — as most true it is, — that I ought to be freed from
any blame in the betrayal of that booklet,* and that there is
no one now alive, more ready than I am to carry out your
wishes ; and do finally banish from your mind, as utterly
false, that suspicion you spoke of, that many persons had by
my means been alienated from you. In this behalf I call
all the Saints to witness, and may they destroy me on the
spot, if in any company, even when unjustly provoked, I
have ever spoken anything of you, but what a grateful pupil
might becomingly say of a preceptor to w^hom he was deeply
obliged. I applied some time ago to Master More to make
my peace with you by a letter in my favour, being, — to say
the truth, — afraid of writing myself ; but as I hear nothing
from you, I am inclined to think that he has either not
attended to my cause, or that you are still angry.
Farewell, kind Master. Believe that if you love me, you
will not love, as you say, a reluctant youth, but one that is
most desirous of your favour, and will heartily return your
love. That you may more readily forget my follies, you
must understand that nothing gives me more sorrow than
the recollection of my former behaviour. Again farewell.
Written in haste at Paris, on the morrow of the Exaltation
of the Holy Cross, f from the Lombards' College ; where I
* In illius libelli proditione. Lupset had had for some time in his charge
some papers of Erasmus, probably entrusted to him for transcription, among
which was the manuscript of ih.G. Julius Exclusus ; and it may be conjectured
that Erasmus suspected him of having shown this manuscript without permis-
sion, or spoken indiscreetly about it. See vol. ii. pp. 299, 447.
t Raptim Parisiis postridie exaltationis S. Crucis, sive 15 Sept. Anno
1516. C. The latter words of this date (after Crucis) are probably an insertion
in the Deventer copy, from which this Epistle is taken, the festival date being
rightly explained, and the year-date added, like many other year-dates in
that Manuscript, by conjecture. Two editions of the Utopia appear to have
been published at Paris by Gilles Gourmont, one being the original edition of
15 16, and the other an edition without date, which is probably that on which
Lupset was at this time engaged. See vol. ii. p. 15.
Literary Publications 65
shall stay for this month and some days following, and shall
then fly back to England.
We have finished, within these few days, Linacre's work
De Sanitate ticenda. I am now attending to the republi-
cation of More's Utopia^ which I hope to complete at the
end of this month. Please deign to let me know by a short
letter, whether those papers, w^hich by your direction I left
with More, have been delivered to you.
Paris, 15 September [1517]-
CHAPTER XLI.
Continued residence at Loiivain, September^ I5I7- Letters
of Erasmus to Clava, Afore, Bishop Fisher, Tunstall,
Giles Busleiden and others ; Letters of Peter Gillis,
Pirckheimer and others to Erasmus. Epistles 636 to
651.
It appears by the following letter, which has been preserved in the
Deventer volume, that Erasmus had met at Louvain an old acquaint-
ance, who had become a person of some importance, but is not easily
identified, the address, in all the letters to this correspondent, having
been, for some reason of which we have no explanation, omitted or
erased. See Epistles 645, 696. It may be probably conjectured, that
the common patron of Erasmus and his correspondent, in whose
house they had in old days been residing together, was the Bishop of
Cambrai, with whom Erasmus was living some five and twenty years
before. See vol. i. pp. 92 to 94. His old companion had himself now
become a dignitary of the Church.
Epistle 636. Deventer MS. ; C. 1659 (243).
Erasmus to * * *.
Most Reverend Father, as I was returning home by the
Market-place after breakfast to-day, — Paludanus pointed you
out to me, and I recognised your Fatherhood, but not until
you had already gone by. I was sorry and glad at the same
time, — sorry that I did not see you in time to show you the
An old Friend 67
respect I owe you, — glad to learn that you were here in the
character of so great a prelate, being one with whom in old
days I had had both a home and a Maecenas in common,
and for whom I had had a special regard on account of
our attachment to like studies. I congratulate you upon
your success, while I do not regret my own fortune, which
might have been greater, if I had desired it ; but this
humble condition was more attractive to my mind. I should
have flown to see you, if I were not tied at home by catarrh,
the common complaint of students.*
Send your commands to your Erasmus ; you will find in
him a client prepared to shew you every respect.
Farewell to your Reverend Fatherhood, whose devoted
servant I am.
Louvain [September] 1517.!
We have in the Deventer volume five letters of Erasmus dated at
Louvain on the i6th of September, 151 7, all of which appear to have
been despatched by the hands of John Frieslander (Joannes Phrysius);
whom Erasmus was sending to Ghent, Bruges and Calais^ and thence
(if expedient) to England, with recommendations to Clava, Laurinus,
More, Bishop Fisher, and Sixtinus (Epistles 637, 638, 639, 640, 641,
643), in the hope that he might find some employment, for which a
person of education was required. Of these letters, all dated on the
1 6th of September, the first to be delivered would be that addressed
to Ghent, where Erasmus, beside his friend Antonius Clava, had a
younger correspondent in Robertus Caesar, a student of Law, and pro-
prietor of one of the great mansions in that city. See Epistle 508,
vol. ii. p. 475.
* This attack of cold (pituita) is mentioned in several letters (Epistles
636 to 650), to some of which it assists in assigning an approximate date. It
appears that we are now at the beginning of the complaint, as the patient has
not been prevented from going out for his morning meal (prandium). Com-
pare Epistles 645, 646, written a few days later.
t Lovanio, Anno 1517. C
F 2
68 Epistle to Clava at Ghent
Epistle 637. Deventer MS. ; C. 1631 (182).
Erasmus to Antonius Clava,
We have left no stone unturned, to keep the Frieslander *
here, but the Fates are against it. He is off to the shades
below ; f and I have myself more than once been sorry to
have come to Louvain, but am ashamed of changing my
mind. I sent my Apologia by the HoUander.J Do see if
you can force my present messenger upon those Brothers of
Jerome, most unlike him as they are!§
Farewell, best of patrons, with all your family, and be so
good as to convey my salutation to Cassar. I have been
writing this, almost killed with catarrh.
Louvain, 16 September, 1517.II
The following Epistle, bearing the same date and entrusted to the
same messenger as the last, was addressed to the Coadjutor Dean of
the Church of St. Donatian at Bruges. See p. 35. The letter men-
tioned in the first sentence is Epistle 620, written nine days before,
and sent with Epistle 6ig. See pp. 34, 35.
Epistle 638. Deventer MS. ; C. 1632 (185).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
Sincerest of friends, I have lately written by the Hollander.
I do not want to put you to inconvenience for my gratification,
* Phrysium.
t petit inferos. Erasmus was sending the Frieslander across the sea to
England. See Epistles 638, 639, 640, 641.
\ per Batavum. See pp. 34, 35.
§ Vide an hunc possis obtrudere Fratribus istis Hieronymi dissimillimis.
II Lovanio 16. Septembris, Anno 151 7. C.
Laurinus at Bruges 69
but should be very glad to have your company. I sent the
Apologia ad Fabriim by the same messenger. If you do
not come, at any rate pay us a visit by letter,
I write this, almost killed with catarrh. Take care of your
own health ; and salute Master Dean, Master Lewis my host,*
and the rest of the party heartily for me.
Oh, the barrenness of this country ! This Frieslander,
with as many accomplishments as Mercury himself, has
found no opening here. His last anchorage must be sought
in Britain ; if I had not myself found some help there,
Erasmus would still be a beggar.
Louvain, from the Lilian College, 16 September, 1517.!
Peter, nicknamed by Erasmus, Codes or Monoculus, — was a courier
who had long been employed on occasions by him. See vol. ii. Index,
s. V. Peter, He was now under orders to go as far as Calais, and to
carry thither from Antwerp and deliver to More the picture containing
the likenesses of Erasmus and Peter Gillis, which had been painted by
Quentin Matsys. See vol. ii. pp. 558, 559, 585.
Epistle 639. Deventer MS. ; C. 1631 (183).
Erasmus to Thomas More.
I am sending me % to you by One-eyed Peter, who for this
purpose is going out of his way to Calais. There is no
occasion for you to pay him anything, unless it be ten or a
dozen groats § for the cost of his journey ; all the rest has
been settled by me.
I hope you may be able without inconvenience to fly
* magistro Ludovico hospiti meo. Erasmus had made a stay of some
days, at the end of June last past, at Bruges, where Master (or Doctor) Lewis
may have been his host. See vol. ii. p. 571-
I Lovanio ex Liliano Gymnasio 16. Septembris, An. 151 7. C.
X Misi me, — me, as represented in Matsys' picture,
§ decern aut duodecim grosses.
JO Epistle to More at Calais
over hither. We should then both begin to recover a little ;
for while I have been trying to put Peter Gillis on his legs
again, I have caught a most horrible catarrh, which worries
me so much that I am almost dead with it.
Atensis approves mv works without exception. Dorpius
is sincerely friendly, but is so stingy, — not to say hungry, —
about his own credit, that he has very little praise to spare
for a friend.
Do, my More, take care to keep your health, and then we
shall be well too. If you come to Bruges, send for Master
Marcus,* the Dean of St. Donatian, who is a very loving
friend of mine.
I have received a commission on the part of the Emperor
about some matters of importance, but shall do anything
rather than become entangled in that kind of business ; and
how glad I should be, if you were clear ! Farewell.
I do not wish to obtrude the bearer upon you ; but if you
want a clerk, he writes correctly and legibly in Greek as
well as Latin. Farewell again.
Louvain, J 6 September, 15 17.
In the above letter there seems something of presentiment in the
anxious wish expressed by the writer, that More might not become
involved in political employment. The postscript relates to the
Frieslander, mentioned in Epistles 637, 638, 640 and 641, who appears
to have taken charge of the letter, and accompanied Peter to Calais.
A short letter of Erasmus, bearing the same date as the last, — the
address of which is wanting in Le Clerc's edition (and presumably
also in the Deventer MS.), — we may safely conjecture to have been
written to Bishop Fisher. The letter therein referred to, as lately
sent by Erasmus to his correspondent, was, no doubt, Epistle 625,
dated eight days before, which was accompanied by a copy of the
second Book of the Greek Grammar of Theodore Gaza. See pp. 41, 42.
* accerse D. Marcum : let Marcus Laurinus know of your arrival, in order
that he may pay you a visit.
Bishop Fisher ji
Epistle 640. Deventer MS.; C. 1632 (186).
Rrasmns \to Bishop Fisher.^
Reverend Father, I sent by One-eyed Peter the second
Book of Theodore, and also a short letter. The bearer of
this, John Frieslander, writes Greek and Latin legibly, and
with fair correctness. You were speaking some time ago of
having some book printed ; if he makes a copy and collates
it, your manuscript may remain safe in your hands. He is
leaving this barren region in search of richer pastures.
As I write this, I am suffering from a severe cold, not
without fever. Do take care of your own health, my best
of Patrons.
Louvain, 16 September, 15 17.
Another letter of Erasmus, Epistle 641, — of the same date as the
last, and sent, no doubt, by the same messenger, — was likewise
intended for England, being addressed to Dr. John Sixtinus, to whom
the bearer, John Frieslander {Joannes Phrysius), is also recom-
mended. Peter Gillis is seriously ill, and the writer himself is almost
dead with catarrh.
Epistle 642, dated the day after the last, recalls Erasmus' old rela-
tions with the Abbey of St. Bertin and the town of St. Omer, where
Antony of Lutzenburg was a Canon ; see vol. i. p. 347, ii. p. 87.
Erasmus has heard, that some ill-natured friend has at this late hour
called the attention of his old patron, the Abbot, to passages in the
Moria, — now translated into French, see Epistles 613, 631, — in which
the author had been wanting in reverence for the institution of which
the Abbot was an important dignitary.
72 Antony of Lutzenbtirg
Epistle 642. Deventer MS. ; C. 1632 (187).
Erasmus to A?ttony of Lutzenburg.
I hear that the Abbot is a little out of humour with us ;
and I think it is because he has been told that the Moria
contains some satire ajjainst the Monks ; and vet I cannot
well believe what I hear ; I know the man's good sense.
The object of that book was to make fun, and nothing
serious w^as to be looked for in it ; and yet there was
nothing said maliciously against Monks. The work gave no
offence to the Pope, w^io read it from beginning to end, and
agreed in approval of the author's spirit.
The Prior of the Carthusians has not sent back Reuchlin's
letter. If you fall in with him, please remind him of it ; and
salute the man in my name.
I am now acting a part in a Theological comedy ; and
whatever turn the thing may take, at any rate the leading
men, — Atensis, Vianensis* and Dorpius, — are favourable ; but
I have no mind to go on at this rate for any length of time,
acting plavs at my own cost, for fear of being hurt by the
Theologians. To James Lefevre, after being challenged in
such a hateful way, I have made answer freely, but without
any contumely ; I dare say the little book has already reached
you.
If I am not mistaken, More is now at Calais, having a
commission there on behalf of his king.
Thierry, a Bachelor of Theology, who is the bearer of
this, has some business or other with the Abbot ; he is
learned, amusing and honest, and should you have any
opportunity of forwarding his afifair, pray be like yourself.
* Vianensis has been already mentioned as a leading theologian at
Louvain ; see p. 34.
Paschasiiis Berseliiis 73
You will give my best wishes to Ghisbert the physician,
who is always my friend, and to his wife, — though she is my
foe, but only when I am there ! — also to Gerard, the kindest
of gentlemen ; and to Charles the economic ; * and pray,
my dearest Antony, take the very best care of your own
health.
Louvain, St. Lambert's day (17 September) 1517.!
Erasmus' Apologia ad Jacobuni Fahrum Stapulensem has at the
conclusion the date, Louanio 5. Augusti Anno 1517. See vol. ii. p. 601.
It had apparently been printed and published before the date of the
above letter, and on the 22nd of September it had been already read
by Caesarius at Cologne. See Epistles 647, 648.
Paschasius Berselius, the writer of the following epistle, was appa-
rently an inmate of a small religious establishment at Li^ge, who
was ambitious of being a correspondent of Erasmus, with whom he
appears to have already exchanged letters, which have not been pre-
served. From one of the clauses of this epistle, it would seem that
the writer was in some way attached to the Bishop of Liege, possibly
as one of his chaplains. The young Hebrew teacher, whom he recom-
mends to Erasmus, found, as we have seen, the ground he may have
had in view, already occupied by an older and more experienced
teacher.
Epistle 643. Deventer MS. ; C. 1633 (188),
Paschasius Berselius to Erasmus.
I know, Erasmus, how shameless and presumptuous I was,
when some days ago, I ventured, — a poor fly, — to write to
such a hero of Letters as yourself. It certainly was not for
so insignificant a creature as I am, to intrude himself upon
one whose whole time was employed in the restoration of
* Salutabis .... Carolum oeconomicum. C.
t Lev. Nat. Lamb. Deventer MS. Lovanio 17 .Septembris Anno 1517. C.
74 ^ grateful correspondent
sacred Literature, or to seek his acquaintance, whom so many
of the best of Bishops, so many Kings, so many of the most
illustrious professors of Literature not only approve, but
venerate and worship. I admit the crime I have committed,
which I trust you will impute to Love, who being blind him-
self, had deprived me of sight. I thought that you would
be indulgent to a fault committed under such an influence ;
and in this hope I have not been disappointed. Instead
of that silence, which was the penalty I feared, you have
returned me, — such is your kindness,— an abundant reward ;
I have received what I had never thought to have, — that
letter of yours, full of affection, and of thanks ! That was
on the 14th of September ; and no day in my whole life has
ever brought me more pleasure. I could not bear myself,
so long as I was carrying that fetter, which you depicted
with so learned a hand at the top of your page ; it touched
my affections, it wounded my heart. Never have I felt
such sweet allurements of love ; may God grant that I may
often enjoy a like pleasure ! I carefully preserve your letter,
and regard it as a lasting pledge of your affection.*
Our prelate t has gone a few days ago to France, and the
time of his return is uncertain. As soon as he has come
back to this city or to his own country, we shall be ready,
and will endeavour, to carry out, — and that not coldly or
indifferently, — what you have bid us do.
The young man who brings you this letter is a very
agreeable person of a most kindly character ; he has been
staying with us almost a whole month, and during that time
has taught me the rudiments of Hebrew. I had learned
those of Greek from Aleander, not long before he set out
for Italy. You may see, my preceptor, what efforts I am
* The epistle of Erasmus, which Berselius took such pains to preserve,
was not copied in the Deventer volume, and has consequently been lost,
t The Bishop of Liege, Erard de la Marck.
Adrian Baarland 75
making, and I am only afraid that while I try to sit upon
two stools at once, I shall keep my place on neither.
Nevertheless I shall not cease to exert every effort to carry
out my object, and unsparing labour may perhaps overcome
every obstacle.
I commend to vou my Hebrew teacher, who is going to
Louvain for the purpose of seeing you, and will in good
time return to us, I trust not without a letter from you ;
for we still want what we were craving in our former letter,
and you have so kindly promised in yours, — I mean, the
titles of all the books which you have published or have
now on the anvil. If you will let me have them, vou cannot
do me a kinder service.
Please give my salutation to your friends, Dorpius and
Paludanus, for I love them both dearly, although neither is
known to me as yet even by sight. Louvain has nothing
more perfect than those Heroes of Letters.
Farewell, and be pleased to return the love of your son,
Berselius, who yields to no one in affection for you.
From our cell at Li^ge,* the 17th of September, 15 17.
Adrian Baarland, the writer of the following letter, was a Professor
or Teacher in the University of Louvain, and appears also to have
been specially engaged as preceptor to the young Cardinal de Croy,
the nephew of the minister, Chifevres, see vol. ii. p. 590.
Epistle 644. Deventer MS. ; C. 1584 (99).
Adrian Baarland to Erasmus.
I give you hearty thanks, most learned teacher, for your
love of one so utterly unlearned as myself, and should be
* E cellula nostra apud Leodios 17. Septembris, Anno 1517. C.
76 The young Cardinal de Croy
glad of any occasion to show how fully I return your love.
Such an opportunity will be given, if, as you well may, you
issue your command to Baarland, who will never be loth to
undertake any task for the sake of Erasmus. But without
more preface, I will come to what I wanted to ask you.
At the most reverend Cardinal's lodging our discussion
about old age did not stop short of extreme vituperation of
that condition of life ! With respect to the passage, in
which Cato discourses about the Immortalitv of the Soul,
you will help forward the studies of our most noble and
hopeful youth, and will also greatly oblige me, if in this
little note-book, brought you with this letter by one of our
pupils, you will insert a few notes in explanation of that
passage in Cicero about the Immortality of the Soul ; for
what is supplied by the commentators appears to me to be
mere nonsense. I know that Lactantius in his Institutiones
has written many eloquent observations, which might be
useful to me in this matter ; but I had rather obtain from
Erasmus, that is from a storehouse of eloquence and wisdom,
what I require for my most Reverend pupil, who does not
dislike me, while he has the kindest possible feeling for
you.
I am hindered from more often visiting you by various
worries connected with my lectures, by which I am dis-
tracted. If I am ever permitted to get rid of these trifles, I
shall not, in my attentions, fall short of any of those who
are dearest to you.
Farewell, most learned preceptor.
From our house [Louvain, September, 15 17].*
The following short epistle is without date of day, but appears to
have been written by Erasmus at Louvain and addressed to loannes
* Domi nostrae, Anno 15 16. C.
Doctor Atensis jj
Atensis, the Vice-chancellor of the University, while the writer was
still confined to his room by catarrh. See Epistles 637, 640, 646. This
letter is mainly of interest as showing that Erasmus was invited to
take part in some plan, — perhaps for modifying the regulations of the
University, — of the nature of which we have no information, but which
seems to have been considered of sufficient importance to engage the
attention of the Imperial Government.
Epistle 645. Deventer MS. ; C. 1652 (229).
Erasmus to Master Atensis*
With respectful greeting. A commission has been en-
trusted to me, as on the part of the Emperor, which the
person by whom the message came thought to be of great
importance to the well-being and safety of the Common-
wealth. I have only accepted it for consideration, reserving
still the liberty to give no answer. If you ever have a short
hour to spare, I should like to talk the matter over with
you ; for this is included in my instructions. Please name
some time when you will be at leisure, either to-day or
to-morrow, and I will call ; for just now I am not going out
without occasion, being kept at home by catarrh. Farewell,
most learned Preceptor.
Lou vain, [September] 1517.!
The following note (without date of day) appears to have been
written to the same nameless Prelate addressed in Epistle 636. In
the meantime we may assume that Erasmus had received a message
from his correspondent, proposing an interview.
* M. N. Atensi Erasmus Rot. S. P. D. C. I presume M. N. means Magistro
nostro. The title of Master was equivalent to Doctor. See before pp. 5, 62,
and vol. ii. pp. 574, 579.
I Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
78 Letter to Tuns tali
Epistle 646. Deventer MSS. ; C. 1660 (244).
Erasmus to * * *
My cold, which is getting worse, has quite carried away
my voice, and has brought with it a slight attack of fever. I
shall therefore look forward to enjoy the company of your
Fatherhood later, but more agreeablv. L must now be a
slave to my complaint. Your kindness will agree to a post-
ponement, which is in any case extorted bv necessity.
Louvain, [September] 1517.*
The following epistle, addressed to Tunstall, is also without date of
day, but may be assumed to have been written soon after the receipt
of Tunstall's letter of the 14th of September, 151 7, to which it is an
answer. See Epistle 634.
Epistle 647. Auctarium, p. 134 ; Ep. iii. 3 ; C. 288 (293).
Erasmus to Ciithhert Tunstall.
Our Zealand is much indebted to you for honouring her
with that graphic sketch of yours, f but you are still under
some obligation to her for letting you go even half-alive ! I
am sorry your household has suffered. But do pray take
every care that you may yourself be restored safe to your
England ; it would be sad indeed, if, after arranging every-
thing else to your satisfaction, that which concerned you
most of all was not concluded as we should wish.
* Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
t quam tua ilia tarn graphica virorvrwaei nobilitasti.
Apology for the Apologia 79
What you say about our Apologia ad Fabrum, although
I know it is written in a most friendly spirit, has been doubly
painful to me, both because it revives an old annoyance, and
because I think you have been induced to form a lower opinion
than I should wish of Lefevre, who is as honest and courteous
a man as you would find in many thousands. He has only
been unlike himself in attacking a friend so bitterly and
without cause. But who in the world has never made a
mistake ? Wouldj^that I had been permitted to spare my
adversary ! As it is, I am distressed on two accounts, both
because I have been forced to come to blows with such a
friend, and because I find that some people think less fairly
of Lefevre, of whom I should wish every one to have the
best possible opinion. I must add, that in attributing to me
a capacity for which I look in vain at home, you show your
own loving character ; it is not the only instance of your
generosity.
I find the divines of Louvain candid and courteous,
especially Atensis, the Chancellor of the University, a man
of incomparable learning and singular kindness. There is no
less theological erudition here than at Paris, but there is less
sophistry and less conceit. Farewell.
Louvain, [September] 15 17.*
The Apologia ad Jacohum Fabrum, which is included in the ninth
volume of the works of Erasmus {Erasmi Opera vol. ix. pp. 18-66) is
a pamphlet in the form of a letter, written for publication and having
the dimensions of a book. It bears date at its conclusion, Louanio,
5 Augusti, Anno 15 17 (see our second volume, p. 601), and we have
seen (Epistles 637, 638), that copies were sent to Clava and Laurinus
before the middle of September. It appears by the following letter,
that at the end of the third week of that month it had been already
received and read at Cologne.
• Lovanio, Anno 151 7. C.
8o Dispute witJi Lefevre
Epistle 648. Deventer MS. ; C. 1633 (189).
/oannes Cdesarius to Erasmus.
I have seen during the last few days the Apologeticon
addressed to Lefevre of Etaples, which has come out in
your name, and have read it. It is beyond belief, how
sorry I am for you both, — not that I am ignorant that there
has always been this kind of conflict between the most
learned men, and that the very holiest have failed to keep
clear of it ; but in the present condition of things such a
controversy appears to be very inexpedient. As soon as
the barbarians, who are the mortal enemies of you both,
have become aware, that two learned men of such import-
ance, have drawn their swords against each other, — they
will doubtless entertain the highest hopes of their own
victory. But their vain thought will^ I do not doubt, be
disappointed. I cannot find fault with your proceeding in
this matter ; but as I read on, admiring, as I read, the
acuteness of your genius, I could not wonder enough,
what could have induced so good, — so excellent a person,
if he went to war at all, to enter into his first conflict with
you. I know his modesty and candid feeling for all wise
and good men, having been myself for some years his
pupil. * * *
Our Nuenar has lately had a pamphlet, which has been
brought from the City,t — entitled Reuchlin s Defence^ —
printed in more than a thousand copies, two of which are
being sent to you. I have myself also in hand a book called
Dialectica, which I compiled last summer out of the best
authors ; I wish it could receive some polish by your
revision.
t ex Urbe allatum, brought from Rome. See more about this book and
Count Hermann Nuenar, pp. 126, 127.
Trilingual College at Loiivain 8 1
For the rest, if you are well, I beg you to write me back
word by the first courier. Farewell and very well.
Cologne, 22 September, 15 17.*
Jerome Busleiden, a former correspondent of Erasmus (see vol. i.
PP- 358, 420, ii. 277, 430), was brother of Francis Busleiden, Arch-
bishop of Besanfon, who had died in 1502 (vol. i. pp. 352, 358), and
of Giles Busleiden, a more recent correspondent (Epistles 649,
658, 663), who survived his two brothers. Jerome appears to have
designed in his life the foundation, in the University of Louvain, of a
'Trilingual College' for the study of Latin, Greek and Hebrew. He ^
was an admirer and friend of More, who in his embassy to the Low
Countries in May, 15 16, visited him in his noble mansion at Mechlin
(vol. ii. pp. 260, 261) ; and his only known composition that was
printed in his lifetime appears to have been a letter of commendation,
addressed to More upon the request of Erasmus, which was pre-
fixed to the Utopia on its first publication. See vol. ii. pp. 422, 430.
Having been sent by the Court of Brabant on a diplomatic mission to
Spain in the early autumn of 15 17, he died, — on his way to that
country, — at Besangon on the 27th of August. Among the letters
of Erasmus of this period we have three addressed to Giles Busleiden,
the survivor of the brothers, Epistles 649, 658, 663. The first of
these, written apparently for publication, is without express date of
day or month, but judged by its contents, may be probably ascribed
to some late day in September, 1 5 1 7. The writer had been requested, —
it would seem by some message from his correspondent, — to compose
an epitaph in verse in honour of the deceased.
It seems however a probable conjecture, that this Epistle, designed
for publication, — though attributed by its opening words to the earlier
date, at which it is here placed, — was really the last written, of the
three letters above mentioned, addressed by Erasmus to Giles Busleiden.
The two others appear to be genuine letters written for the occasion, in
which the writer, first, introduces the Jewish Professor, and then thanks
Giles Busleiden for receiving him, promising his own support to the
proposed Trilingual College, and contributing the sketch of a Latin
epitaph in honour of Jerome Busleiden. See Epistles 658 and 663.
* Colonia 22. Septembris, Anno 1517. C
G
82 Epitaphs upon Jerome Biisleiden
Epistle 649. Auctarium, p. 140; Epist. iii. 6; C. 377 (362).
Erasmus to Giles Biisleiden*
How many accomplishments have we lost in one man !
I can easily imagine what are your feelings on the death of
a brother, when the whole quire of good and learned men is
in unprecedented grief. But of what use are vain regrets
or fruitless tears ? It is for this that we are all born !
In the Epitaphs, which I have written, I have neither done
enough for his merits, nor satisfied my own wishes. I have im-
portuned the Muses, but have besought them in vain. Having
been so many years employed in a kind of study, quite
remote from those elegances of literature, I write in fear of
your surpassingly sensitive ears. I have nevertheless obeyed
your wish, that I might not at any point appear to fail in
duty to the name of Busleiden. If you do not like my lines,
I will try once more, whether any one of the Muses will
deign to give her presence. But I do not doubt, that all to
whom good letters are dear, will do their part to commend
to immortality this unique patron of study.
As to the foundation of the College, pray do not allow
yourself to be diverted from your purpose. Believe me, it
will conduce, more than can be said, to the encouragement
of study, and will attach to the name of Busleiden, already
in so many ways distinguished, no small accession of lustre
and of honour. Farewell.
Louvain, [September I5i7].t
The above letter, in the Auctarium Epistolarum, in which it is
printed, is followed by two ' Epitaphs,' one in Greek Iambic verse,
* Erasmus Rot. clarissimo Aegidio Catholici Regis a rationibus, S. D.
Auctarium.
'\ Louanij, Anno 15 18. Auctarium.
I
GilHs physician^ Claviis of Ghent 83
the other in Latin Trochaics, which appear to have been intended to
be inscribed upon a portrait of Jerome Busleiden, who is described in
the title as ' Provost of Aire (praepositus Ariensis), Councillor of the
Catholic King, brother of Francis formerly Archbishop of Besanyon,
and founder of a College at Louvain for the public teaching of the
three tongues, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.' The interest taken by-
Erasmus in the proposed College is shown by several subsequent
letters.
It appears from the first words of Epistle 650, that Erasmus had
lately written a letter to Gillis, which has not been preserved. In the
present epistle, two physicians are mentioned. The one whose name
is not given was probably Afinius, with whom Gillis was inclined to
quarrel on account of his relations with Erasmus. See Epistles 678,
679. The other was Clavus, a physician residing at Ghent (see p. 34),
of whom Erasmus appears to have written an unfavourable opinion,
but under whose treatment Gillis was nevertheless feeling better.
Epistle 650. Deventer MS. ; C. 1634 (190).
Peter Gillis to Erasmus.
Cordatus has delivered to me your sweet letter, which
has been a great comfort to me. The want of a safe mes-
senger has prevented your receiving the blanket and sheet
earlier. Your reminder about the children of the sainted
parents has come to one who had not forgotten them. As
to the physician, I will do as you bid me, but shall not be
quite contented without pulling his ears.
I am very sorry, that Tunstall has been ill. When I feel
I have a little strength, I shall fly to you. I am inclined to
agree with what you write about Clavus, nevertheless I am
now beginning somehow or other to get better. Thank
you, my Erasmus, for promising to do so much for me ; I
wish I could return your kindness.
G 2
84 The Oiientin Matsys Portraits
That one-eyed fellow has gone oif under favorable
auspices * for England, taking the pictures with him ; and if
More is at Calais, he is already in possession of our like-
nesses. Do take care of your own health, my Erasmus.
Antwerp, 27 September, 1517.!
The following letter from Pirckheimer to Erasmus may be safely-
attributed to the period we have now reached. Some remarks upon
its date will be found at the end of the Epistle.
Epistle 651. Farrago, p. 65 ; Epist. iv. 12; C. 218 (226).
Wilibald Pirckheimer to Erasmus.
Most distinguished Sir, you have gratified, not me only,
but many other of your friends by letting me know, how
you are in health, — what doing, and in what locality. We
are pleased, in the first place, to hear, that you stand high in
the estimation of such great kings, while we are grieved to
see that their affection remains so long without any practical
result ; since the finest phrases make no one richer, and the
whole merit of virtue consists in action ! I am well
acquainted myself with the service of Princes, having lived
long at Court, and been very rich in promises ; yet if I
depended upon them for my subsistence, I should be often
forced to employ a good set of teeth, as they say, upon a
poor meal. It generally happens however, that the persons
who most deserve success fail to obtain it. But why should
* faustis avibus. The two portraits, in one picture, of Erasmus and Gillis
painted by Quentin Matsys, and intended for a present to More, had been
sent to Calais, on their way to England, by the one-eyed courier. See p. 41,
and vol. ii. pp. 558, 559.
t Antuerpia 27. Septembris, Anno 151 7. C.
\
Epistle of Pirckheimer 85
I say ' fail,' when more often those, who are classed as
unlucky, are the most fortunate of all, though they may be
the least rich ? Is there anyone, for example, more fortunate
than you, who have not gained praise for yourself bv anv
external advantages, but so excel in merit and learning, that
you are not only most illustrious in life, but seem, even
while living, to have put on immortality ? But enough of
this, as I have no wish to appear a flatterer !
I was gratified to find, that you have not been altogether
displeased with my trifling compositions ; but am much more
gratified, when you so sincerely and candidly point out what
you disapprove ; as I am sure, you would not do that, unless
you had a liking, — and a strong liking, — for me, and wished
my productions to be absolutely faultless. But vou are
aware, that no one was ever without an excuse, and how
ingenious everybody is in his own defence. Therefore, not
to appear to be the only person unconcerned in such circum-
stances, I will ask you to give a kind hearing to my apologv.
I do not mean to put forward the old song, — that I am a
person involved in a variety of business, both public and
private, and having been induced to write rather by a sort
of eagerness than by any rational consideration, have pub-
lished in haste what I had so written. This might have been
promptly met by Cato's answer : you might very well, if
you chose, have held your tongue ! * * * It was my
intention to demonstrate, that the Reiichlino-mastiges f were
not only dishonest, but quite ignorant and barbarous, and
after the fashion of Lucian to show, as if through a veil, how
deficient they were in learning. I afterwards made up my
mind to strike out that digression ; which nevertheless, upon
the reclamation of my friends, and against my own wish, has
been left intact, although I predicted, myself, that it would
f I presume that the title Reuchlino?fiasiix (Scourge of Reuchlin) had been
given to one of the pamphlets directed against him.
86 Ecclesiastical Opponents of Reuchlin
appear to be rather introduced for ostentation of cleverness
or learning, than to belong to the subject in hand.
What is done cannot be undone ; but it has brought this
satisfaction with it, that it has given rise to your most friendly
admonition, which was far more agreeable to me than if you
had sent me word, that you approved of the whole work.
For it is quite evident that you have paid some attention to
what I have written, and take no little interest in my credit ;
by which proceeding you show yourself a true friend and
well-wisher ; and if I were able at any time to do you a
like turn, I would do it, not as an act of kindness, but to
please myself by a service offered to a person of all living
men most obliging and worthv of regard.
As to the Reuchlino-Zoili I write nothing, as nothing
could be added to what you have so eloquently and truly
written. We may therefore bid good-bye to them ! I hear
that they are setting some scheme in motion against me by
means of their idol, but whatever it may be, it will not
affect me much ; I have been so long before the public, that
I have learned not only to bear insults and calumnies
patiently, but to laugh at them. But listen, I beseech you, to
what these villains have been doing. When they had attacked
Reuchlin from everv side, thev did at last what I alwavs feared
they might do ; by some underhand proceedings they excited
his Sovereign's displeasure against him. This I fear may
entirely ruin him, and that God only can save him from the
Tyrant's jaws. See, my Erasmus, what Iniquity will venture
to do, especially in the case of those men, who swallow
down the people's sins,* and reckon that they have them-
selves the right of closing and opening Heaven !
Your New Testament is greedily looked for; and not less
your Paraphrase of the great Paul. But we are too exact-
ing,— when you put so much before us, and we are daily
* populi devorant peccata.
Livitation to visit N^tr ember g 87
asking for more. It is yourself, that are to blame, always
tempting us on, and never exhausting our appetite ; or rather,
to tell the truth, it is our greed that makes us insatiable.
I have read your Apologia with some sorrow, not because
you reply to a feigned friend with feigned words,* but
because I am afraid of more serious troubles arising out of
it ; although I consider that you were compelled for many
reasons to meet your adversary with some spirit. It is allow-
able upon occasion, or even necessary, to speak with warmth,
if we would have a peace, which we cannot obtain without war.
Farewell, most erudite Erasmus, and very well ! Love
me, as you do ; there is nothing that can give me more
pleasure. I hope I mav some time or other see you in
person, and that it may come into your head to pay me a
visit. You shall not have cause to repent it ; and it will be
done without difficultv, if you have occasion at any time to
go to Basel. You will then be assured of my kindness, not
by words but by the thing itself; and if your reception falls
short of your deserts, we shall at any rate do our best.
Nuremberg, [30 September] 15 17.
In the Farrago Epistolarum, in which the above letter was first
printed, and in later republications of it, the date assigned to it is
pridie Cat. Jan. Anno M.D. xvii. (31 Dec. 1517)- But this month-
date is not confirmed by the contents of the letter, from which it
appears that, while the Apologia ad Fabrum (published in August,
15 17) had been already read by Pirckheimer, the Paraphrase of St.
Paul's Epistles (published in November of the same year) was shortly
expected. With these indications to guide us^ the letter may be
safely assigned to the month of September or October, 15 17. Probably
in correction of the above date we may read, pridie Cal. Oct. Anno
M.D. xvii. With this date (the last day of the month) we close a
chapter in which it has been proposed to give an account of the
Epistles of the latter half of September, 15 17.
* amico ficto fictis respondes verbis. I have some doubt about the word
fidis, whether we have the right reading.
CHAPTER XLII.
Continued Resideiice at Louvain, October^ 15 17- Letters
of Erasmus to the Bishop of Utrecht^ Busleide7i,
Lachner, Peter Gillis, Bude and others ; Letters of
More to Gillis and Erasmus. Epistles 652 to 665.
In the Treatise or so-called ' Declamation/ entitled the Complaint
of Peace* which was addressed by Erasmus to Philip of Burgundy,
lately appointed Bishop of Utrecht, the author, speaking in the name
of Peace herself, urges those considerations, which in his days were
of so little avail to curb the warlike tendencies of princes and nobles,
brought up to make the arts of war their main concern. Erasmus
appears to have witnessed with regret the disinclination shown
by the nobility of the Court of Brabant to welcome a peace with
France. We have no evidence of the date of day when the dedica-
tory address, here introduced as Epistle 652, was written, but a copy
on vellum of the Treatise or Declamation, w4th this introductory letter
prefixed, appears to have been forwarded to the Bishop through his
Secretary, Gerard of Nimeguen, on the 3rd of October, 1517; see
Epistle 653. It will be remembered, that Erasmus had been himself
ordained, 25 April, 1494 (see vol. i. p. 85), by David, Bishop of
Utrecht, the brother and distant predecessor of the personage to
whom this Epistle is addressed, both bishops being bastard sons of
Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy.
Epistle 652. Querela Pacis^ Prsef. Basileae, 1517 ;
C. iv. 626.
Erasmus to Philip, Bishop of Utrecht.
In addressing a Prelate not less distinguished by personal
accomplishments than by a ducal ancestry, I might venture
* Querela Pads undique gentium ejectse. projiigatsegue, printed at Basel with
the date, Basilesp. niense Decembri, 1517.
Subject of the Complaint of Peace 89
to congratulate you on your preferment to so high an office,
if I were not aware, how unwillingly you have undertaken
it, and with what reluctance you have made this concession
to the authority of Prince Charles, — ready as you are on any
other occasion to yield everything to your affection for him.
The circumstances of your appointment inspire us with the
utmost confidence, that you will laudably fulfil the duties
you have undertaken, when we remember that Plato, a
person of the most refined and almost superhuman judg-
ment, esteems no others to be fit for governing a State, but
those who, against their own wish, are induced to undertake
the duty.
Our confidence in your success is increased, when we call
to mind the brother whose successor you are, and the father
from whom you are both derived. Your brother, David, a
man at once prudent and learned, did for many years so
hold that position as to add no little splendour and dignity
to an office in itself most illustrious. He was indeed a
personage for many reasons worthy of reverence, but above
all a most salutary public councillor, in that he thought no
object more important than the maintenance of Peace. In
this respect, as well as others, he recalled to memory his
father, Philip, Duke of Burgundy, a man of the highest dis-
tinction in every way, but especially eminent in the arts of
Peace, and so commended to the memory of mankind. The
same model may be all the more closely followed by you,
as the correspondence will not only be that of son to father,
but of Philip to Philip. Your prudence is already well
aware, what the whole nation expects of you. A triple
burden is thrown upon your shoulders by your father's
example, and by your brother's, and also by the fatality of
these times (for how else shall we call it ?), which, I know
not how, draws towards war. We have ourselves lately
seen, how some people, more mischievous to friends than to
foes, have left no stone unturned, that the fighting might
90 Presentation copy on Vellum
not come to an end, and how others, who have a sincere
regard for the public and for the Prince, have with great
difficulty brought it about, that we should welcome a peace
with France, an object at all times desirable and in these
days even necessary. It is the indignation which I have felt
on this occasion, that has moved me to put in writing the
Complaint of Peace everywhere discomfited, hoping in this
way either to appease or to avenge my own most righteous
sorrow. I am sending the little book to you, as an offering
of first-fruits due to a new Bishop, in the hope that your
Highness will do your best to guard the Peace, however it
may have come into being, when I do not allow you to
forget what pains it has cost us to obtain it. Farewell.
[Louvain, 3 October, 15 17].*
The following letter to Gerard of Nimeguen (Gerardus Noviomagus),
the Secretary of the Bishop of Utrecht, appears to have been sent to
Gerard with a special copy of Erasmus's Cotnplaint of Peace, and of
the preceding letter (Epistle 652), addressed to the Prelate himself.
It is interesting to observe, that the presentation copy of this work,
which, printed as a small quarto pamphet, fills some fifty pages, was
a manuscript on vellum. The author may have thought with some
reason, that his patron was more likely to appreciate the beauty of a
fairly written and handsomely bound volume than to read through the
eloquent and somewhat lengthy arguments in a learned language,
which it contained. It is also worth while to observe, that in these
early years of printed books a handsome manuscript copy was still
more highly prized.
Epistle 653. Deventer MS. ; C. 1634 (191).
Erasiniis to Gerardus Noviomagus,
I am delighted to hear that your illustrious Prince is so
kindly disposed towards us, for the simple reason, that it is
* See, as to this date, the following Epistle.
Epistle of More to Gillis 91
a pleasure to have our love returned by a person, whom we
regard with the utmost affection and respect.
I am now entirely occupied with the New Testament,
which has very nearly deprived me, not only of eye-sight,
but of life itself. I consequently do not want our most
Reverend Lord to summon me come to him for some months,
— until I have finished the task on which I am engaged.
I send the Complaint of Peace, written out on parchment, —
a poor present if regard is had to the dignity of him to whom
it is sent ; but I well know what his kindness is, and your
commendation, — 1 am sure, — will not be wanting.
Farewell, most learned and no less kind friend.
From Louvain in haste, 3 October, 1517.
The picture in which Quentin Matsys had painted the portraits of
Erasmus and Peter Gillis together (see vol ii. p. 585), appears to have
been sent to More at Calais ; from which place the following letter, —
accompanied by two short Latin poems, — was addressed to Antwerp.
Epistle 654. Auctarium, p. 142; Ep. iii. 7 ; C. 1635 (192).
Thomas More to Peter Gillis.
My dearest Peter, T do sadly long to know whether you
are better in health, a question which interests me quite as
much as anything that concerns myself. I therefore make
careful enquiries, and listen anxiously to whatever anyone
has to tell. Several people have brought more hopeful
intelligence, which I trust is well-founded, and not merely
invented to meet my wishes.
I have written a letter addressed to our friend Erasmus,
which I send you open. You will seal it for me yourself ;
what is wTitten to him need not be closed to vou. I send
92 Morels Verses iipo7i the Matsys Picture
you also a copy of some verses I have written on the picture,
which are as unskilfully composed as that is skilfully painted.
If you think them worth it, show them to Erasmus ; if not,
make them an offering to Vulcan.
Verses upon a double portrait, in which Erasmus and Peter
Gillis are painted together by that famous artist, Quentin,
Erasmus being represented as beginning his Paraphrase
on the Epistle to the Romans, with books at his side bear-
ing their proper titles, and Peter holding a letter addressed
to him in More's handwriting, which is imitated by the
painter.
Two copies of verses follow, as below. In one of these Tahella
loquitur, — the Picture speaks three elegiac couplets ; and in the other
More speaks in his own person twxnty-six hendecasyllabos. Then
follows a postscript, p. 93.
The Picture speaks.
As Castor was to Pollux, so are here
Gilles and Erasmus, — each to other dear.
More, joined to both in love, regrets that he
Is severed from them in locality.
To soothe his longing heart, their mental graces
A loving scroll recalls, and I their faces.
More speaks in person.
Thou that regard'st this picture, and but once
Hast seen the men portrayed, wilt recognize
Their features at a glance. If thou hast not.
The name of one is taught thee by the letter
To him addressed ; the other for thine ease
Writes his own name, though if he wrote it not.
Thou well may'st guess it from the books that stand
More s Handwriting copied 93
Beside him, — with its title each inscribed, —
Books that are read by all the studious world.
Quentin, restorer of an ancient art,
Rival of great Apelles, nor less skilled
To impart with wondrous colours a feigned life
To forms inanimate, when thou portrayest
So perfectly, with so great pains, such men
As ancient Times could rarely show, our Times
More rarely, and a future Day perchance
Shall seek in vain, — ah ! wherefore hast thou chosen
To trace their images on fragile wood,
That should be fixed on substance durable
To guard them from the ravages of Time ?
Thus might'st thou have both made thy fame more sure,
And gratified the eyes of future men.
For, if a distant age have any care
For Art or Letters, nor Minerva's light
Be quenched by hateful Mars, at what a cost
Posterity this panel may redeem !
My dear Peter, our Quentin has not only marvellously
imitated all the objects he has depicted, but has also shown
his ability to be, if he pleased, a most skilful forger, having
copied the address of my letter to you in such a way that I
could not write it myself so like again. Therefore, unless
he wants to keep the letter for any purpose of his own, or
you for any purpose of yours, please send it back to me ;
it will double the marvel, if it is put by the side of the
picture. If it has been destroyed, or if you have any use
for it, I will try to copy again the imitator of my own hand.
Farewell with your charming wife.
[Calais], 6 October, [15 17].
The above letter of More to Gillis, acknowledging the receipt at
Calais of the united portraits of his correspondent and of Erasmus,
94 More s Thanks for the Portraits
was published in the Aiictariiim Epistolarum in 1518, and there
dated sexto Octobris, without year. When written and despatched from
Calais, it was accompanied by the following letter, addressed by the
writer to Erasmus himself, which treats of the same subject and was
intended to be read by Gillis and forwarded by him to Louvain.
See p. 91. The latter epistle was not published in the lifetime of
Erasmus, but is preserved in the Deventer Manuscript, and printed
in Le Clerc's Edition of these Epistles, where it bears date the 7th of
October, the day after that of the letter addressed to Gillis.
Epistle 655. Deventer MS. ; C. 1635 (193).
More to Erasmus.
Peter Codes* has at last, my dearest Erasmus, brought
me your and Gillis's long solicited portraits. How delighted
I am with them, it is more easy for any one to imagine from
what his own feeling in such a case would be, than for me
to say. For who could either explain in words, or fail to
conceive in thought, how I am ravished, when the features
of friends, — whose likeness sketched in chalk or charcoal
might delight any one not dead to all sense of learning or
of virtue, — are brought before me delineated and expressed
with such skill as to challenge all the painters of antiquity,
and appear to the spectator more like sculpture than painting,
so distinctly do they stand out in relief in the true propor-
tions of the human form.
You cannot believe, most amiable Erasmus, f how much
my love for you, to which I was quite sure no addition could
possibly be made, has been increased by the pains you have
taken to bind us still closer together, or how triumphant I
feel in being so high in your esteem, that you should show
* Peter the one-eyed courier, called Cocks by Erasmus (see vol. ii. p. 298),
was employed to carry to Calais the portraits painted by Quentin Matsys.
t Erasme mi e/>a(r/itorarc. See vol. i. pp. 37, 38.
Appreciation of Erasmus's Friendship 95
by such an unwonted keepsake, that there is no one else,
whose love you prefer to mine ; for that is the clear inter-
pretation,— presumptuous as it may seem, — which I put upon
the fact, that an object has been sent from you to me, by
which your memory may be renewed in my mind not only
from dav to day but from hour to hour.
I have been so much under your observation, that no
great pains are needed to satisfy you, that though I am not
clear of other follies, I am at any rate free from the weak-
nesses of a Thraso. And yet, to confess the truth, I cannot
get rid of a prurient feeling of vanity, which gives me a
subtle pleasure, when it occurs to my mind, that I shall
be commended to a distant posterity by the friendship of
Erasmus, demonstrated as that will be by letters, by books,
by pictures, and indeed in every possible way !
Would that it were in my power to show by some signal
proof, that I have been not unworthy of the love of such a
man ; but as it is far above my mediocrity by any act of
mine to make the world understand that, I shall at any rate
endeavour by your testimony alone to be acquitted of
ingratitude.
I have read your Apology with much interest from
beginning to end. It has made this impression upon me,
that while in no other work I have been more aware of your
eloquence, in none have I less admired it, my admiration
being checked by observing, that in so easy a cause any one
might be fluent, while you can obtain an easy success in the
hardest controversy. * * *
I have sent off your clerk to England, and supplied him
with ten groats for journey money. f I have also given
Peter a noble, which for bringing that picture was a very
poor payment ; but he appeared satisfied !
\ Scriptorem tuum dimisi in Angliam datis grossis decern in viaticum.
This may be taken as referring to John Frieslander. See pp. 70, 71.
96 Mores Visit to the Abbot of St. Bertin
I do hope, that the present you have sent the Prince,
' On the education of a Prince,' * will turn out happily and
advantageously for you.
I was much affected by Busleiden's death, — a person of
no ordinary learning, kindly disposed to every one, and
especially loving to me.
I am under such strict orders to abide here till the
beginning of November,t that I had some difficulty in
getting leave of absence for two days to run over to the
town of St. Omer ; my chief object being to see the Abbot
of St. Bertin, whom you had so long ago described to me.
I found him quite answering your description, and was
hospitably invited and entertained by him, — a very kindly
old man, who seemed to grow young again, as he called you
to mind. I Farewell, dearest Erasmus.
/ Tunstall has gone back to England. Farewell again.
Calais, 7 October, I5i7.§
The first clause in the following letter, Epistle 656, — which was
published by Erasmus or his editor two years later in the Farrago
Epistolarum, — refers to the somewhat singular relations existing
between Erasmus and Henricus Afinius, a w-ealthy physician of Ant-
werp, who some months before had for a special purpose of his own
obtained an introduction to him through Gillis (see Epistle 504, vol. ii.
p. 467), and who appears at this time to have been ambitious of being
publicly recognized as one of his friends and patrons. He probably
hoped that Erasmus would make his name favourably known to the
world by dedicating to him one of the works which he was preparing
* Erasmus's Treatise, entitled Institutio Principis Christiani, dedicated to
Prince Charles, grandson of the Emperor Maximilian, was printed by Froben
at Basel, and by Theodore Marten at Louvain, several times in 15 16.
t Mihi adeo hie desidendum est in principium Septembris. C. I have
ventured to read Novembris. More writes in October and does not appear
in fact to have returned to England until November,
\ See vol. i. pp, 27, 92, 291.
§ Iterum Vale. Caleto 7. Octobris, Anno 15 17. C.
Peter Gillis and Afinius 97
for publication ; and with this object in view the doctor had made a
purchase of some silver cups, which he appears to have intended to
present to the author in return for such a public manifestation of
respect. Peter Gillis, who was watching without any sympathy the
tactics of his neighbour, for whose pretension to an acquaintance with
Erasmus he was himself responsible, appears to have suggested to
him, that, if he honestly wished to make such a present, he should at
once send his cups to Louvain, without waiting for any further atten-
tion from Erasmus, and to have been unreasonably angry when he
found Afinius not disposed to part with the cups upon such terms.
The following letter of Erasmus was evidently written in answer to
some communication of Gillis, in which he had expressed without
reserve his irritation at the conduct of his neighbour.
Epistle 656. Farrago, p. 192-; Ep. vii. 29 ; C. 382 (368).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
How I wish you could overcome that irritability of
temper, which is both injurious to your health, and is so
far from being of any service in the despatch of business
that it is a serious impediment to it. What was the use of
being so angry with the doctor ? I knew he would give
nothing ; only it was amusing to play out the play. Now,
if he throws off all reserve, there will not be a particle of
hope, and he will begin to be an open enemy. Whereas, if
there had ever been any hope, I would rather be deprived
of a hundred cups than that you should for a moment give
way to passion. Take my word for it, unless you keep
clear of those two things, loss of temper and the temptation
arising from your recent marriage, I do not like to say what
I fear for you ! Therefore I beseech you most earnestly,
let every consideration give way to that of your health.
What I wrote about my coming at Christmas was for the
sake of the doctor, and not meant in earnest ; so that you
H
98 Matthew Adrian a Hebrew Professor
have no occasion to hope, — and your wife has no need to
fear ! For I am quite determined not to leave this place
until I have completed what I have in hand. The Para-
phrase which I was beginning in the picture * is already
finished, and is being printed.
John Borssele is here, a member of this college, f and a
most pleasant companion. I wish you w^ere free to spend
the whole winter with us, and to bid those affairs, which are
a useless torment to you, go to the devil.
I am pleased with More's verses. |
There is a certain Matthew, a Hebrew, that has put in here,
with an extraordinary knowledge of his proper language. I
am in hopes that he may have a salary decreed him out of
Busleiden's legacy. §
If you love me, let nothing interfere with the recovery
of your health. Your sickness is in a very great measure
dependent on your mental condition.
If you conveniently can, send for Francis, and see whether
he is willing, — or not, — to do what Lachner writes. But
speak to him gently, — so that, if he is not willing, I may
pursue my object in some other way, as I do not intend
to let them impose upon me with impunity.
* In the portrait of Erasmus by Matsys he was represented as occupied
with his Paraphrase on St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans. See p. 92. This
work appears to have been first printed by Thierry Martens at Louvain, and
to have been ready for publication in November, 151 7.
t It appears from a former letter (Epistle 638) that Erasmus's residence at
Louvain was at the institution called Collegium Lilie?ise.
% See Epistle 654, pp. 92, 93.
§ This candidate for the Hebrew professorship is called in other letters
Adrian and Matthew Adrian, and is described as a Jewish physician, who
had become a Christian convert. See Epistles 658, 660, 661, 662, 663.
There seems to be nothing to identify him with the young Hebrew teacher
sent from Liege by Berselius on the 17th of September. See p. 75.
Relations of Erasmus with his Printer 99
If Linacre's Galen has been imported from Paris, pray
buy it. Farewell, with all your family, sweetest of friends.
[Louvain, October, 15 17.]*
The following letter from Erasmus to Wolfgang Lachner, the father-
in-law and partner of Froben, may serve in some slight degree to
throw light on the relations of Erasmus with his booksellers. It is
dated in Le Clerc's edition, — and I presume in the Deventer Manu-
script, from which it is taken, — Lovanio, Anno 15 17 ; and it appears
from its contents to belong to the latter part of that year, probably to
the month of October. Erasmus had sent his Apologia and the second
part of Gaza's Greek Grammar to Basel from 'the last Fair,' we may
presume, the Frankfort fair of September, 151 7.
Epistle 657. Deventer MS. ; C. 1655 (237).
Erasmus to Wolfgang Lachner.
There is no occasion for you to remind me of our friend-
ship. It is not my practice to withdraw readily from that
relation, neither is there any occasion in your case for me to
wish to do so. I only wanted you to employ some one that
knows something about the business, to make an estimate of
the copies. Not that I wish to extort any great sum from
you, but that, having once got some distinct account in
writing, we may be both of us free ; and whatever con-
clusion you had come to would have been welcome. In the
Adages there has been no great addition of written matter ;
* We may infer from the last words, that this letter, which has no date of
day or month in Farrago, was written before Erasmus had heard that Gillis's
father, who died in the second week of November, 15 17 (see Epistle 685),
was seriously ill ; see Epistle 672, dated 3 November, 1517. And we may
infer on the other hand from an earlier paragraph, that it was written, when
the Paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans was already in the Press.
H 2
lOO Works in the Basel Press
but there has been nevertheless no little labour ; and this is
a thing, of which Froben, — excellent person as he is, and
much as I like him, — is quite incapable of taking account.
I have not yet received anything from Francis, I had
written to say, that Froben was not to take from my servant
James any more copy than he could conveniently print, and
he took everything. Beside this, he has not given me any
answer that was to the purpose, nor you either. Whatever
I have put into your hands up to this time, I have not
allowed to be printed by anybody else, so far as I could help
it, and shall not do so.
At the last Fair I sent you my version of Theodore Gaza's
Second Book, and also my Apologia ; * I suppose they have
been delivered to you. You will advise your corrector to
learn a little more Greek, and to be ready to listen to those
who are more learned than himself.f It is incredible what
a nuisance a too self-satisfied corrector is ; your press is now
in general esteem, and its reputation ought to be maintained.
I do not want More's writings to be separated from my
Colloquies, but to remain united + as they have hitherto been.
Farewell.
Lou vain, i 5 1 7. §
In the following letter Erasmus reports to Giles Busleiden, the
arrival at Louvain of Matthew Adrian, who appears to the writer to be
an extremely suitable candidate for the office of Hebrew professor at
the University, under the foundation of his correspondent's late brother,
Jerome. The same subject has been already mentioned by Erasmus
in Epistle 656, addressed to Peter Gillis. See p. 98.
* See Epistles 607, 611, pp. 16, 23.
•j- Erasmus had probably in view the assistance of Beatus Rhenanus. See
vol. ii. p. 548.
\ Opuscula Mori nolim a meis dialogis separari sed manere conjuncta.
§ Lovanio, Anno 151 7. C.
A Hebrew Professor recommended loi
Epistle 658. Auctarium, p. 207 ; Ep. iii. 40 ;
C. 353 (338).
Erasmus to Giles Busleiden.
No complaints or tears can alter destiny. But we may
hope, that what is due to posterity and to the memory and
glory of your honoured brother, Jerome Busleiden, may be
as successful to the end as in one respect it has certainly
been lucky at the beginning. Just at the right moment a
physician named Adrian has arrived here, a Hebrew by race,
but lor some time a Christian by religion, and so proficient in
the entire Hebrew literature, that I think our age scarcely
possesses any other that can be compared with him. And if
my judgment upon this subject has not weight enough with
you, the same testimony is borne by all the persons I know
in Germany or Italy who are conversant with this tongue.
He had not only a complete familiarity with the language,
but is most accurately versed in the obscurest passages of the
Hebrew authors, and has all their books at his fingers' ends.
It is the same person, that was mentioned to you at Brussels
by Ludovicus Vacus. I have explained his merits to the
theologians, and should not hesitate to undertake at my own
risk, that he is the one person of this age, upon whom all our
wishes may rest ; and now that some propitious deity has put
him in our way without our seeking, it seems to be our
business by all means to retain him. It is no special concern
of mine ; but I have an unbounded regard for the memory
of a most generous patron and incomparable friend ; I have
also a regard for the general advancement of our age, for
which with all the strength that has been given me, I have
myself expended and still expend so many hours of nightly
labour. The man is already here by the advice of the above-
I02 Roger Wentford an old Correspondent
named Ludovicus. Give your commands to Erasmus, if you
think I can be of any use. Farewell.
Louvain. the morrow of St. Luke, 19 Oct. [1517].*
With Epistle 659 More appears to have forwarded to Erasmus a
letter addressed by Wentford to More, which the latter had opened
and found to be intended for Erasmus. This letter does not seem
to have been preserved. Roger Wentford was an old friend of
Erasmus, Master in 1506 of St. Antony's School in London. See
vol. i. p. 415.
Epistle 659. Deventer MS. ; C. 589 (540).
Thomas More to Erasmus.
I have received, my Erasmus, a letter from Wentford,
which I am sending on to you at once by the messenger
who had brought it ; you will easily gather from it, that our
correspondent still retains his old character. I will not beg
your pardon for opening a letter of yours, as you see that
the letter written to you is addressed to me, and I do not
doubt that by the same blunder the one addressed to you is
written to me ; and so eager am I to read it, that I do not
care to break the seal ! If you see anything in it that you
think I should wish to know, — which I do not at all suppose
to be the case, — send me word.
I presume my letter has reached you,t wherein I informed
you of the picture having been received, for which again,
and a thousand times again, I return you thanks.
I have not heard anything more of your Peter, since he
went to England. I do hope that your present, truly worthy
of a king,! will win for you something good in return. May
* Louanio Postridie Lucae. Auctariian. 18 Octobris, Anno 15x8. C.
t Epistle 655.
J See about Erasmus's present to Henry VIII. Epistle 627, pp. 45-48.
More detained at Calais 103
the autocrat's injunction * turn out to your advantage. He
himself succeeds in nothing, or rather, by Heavens, in every
thing !
I approve of your plan in not wishing to be involved in
the busy trifles of Princes ; and you show your love for me
by desiring that I may be disentangled from such matters, in
which you can scarcely believe how unwillingly I am en-
gaged. Nothing indeed can be more hateful to me than my
present mission. I am sent to stay at a little seaport, with a
disagreeable soil and climate ; and whereas at home I have
naturally the greatest abhorrence of litigation, even when it
brings me profit, you may imagine what annoyance it must
cause one here, when it comes accompanied with loss. But
my lord f kindly promises that the King shall reimburse the
whole ; when I receive it, I will let you know ! Keep your
health meantime ; that is perhaps all you wish4 Give my
greeting to Edward Lee, and to our friend Palgrave, if he is
returned. Farewell.
Calais, 25 Oct. [i5i7].§
In Epistle 660 Erasmus writes a few lines to Bude, dated
26 October, 15 17, in order to challenge a letter from him, and to
send him the last news from Louvain.
* Quod injunxit avroKparwp. I presume the Emperor Maxmilian is
meant. The observation on his success may refer to his crooked diplomacy,
by which he had succeeded in obtaining funds from the Enghsh Court in order
to come to Flanders for the purpose of opposing the friendly treaty between
his grandson and the French King, to which he himself became a party.
t Dominus, my lord Cardinal, we may presume.
X Interim vale, tu fortassis ultro non optas. C I do not follow the
meaning of this. Reading, as I have done, uUra for u/^ro, we still leave the
sense somewhat obscure. But More may mean, — in his jesting way, — that if
Erasmus retains his health until he, More, is repaid his expenses, there need
be no fear on the former account.
§ Caleto, 25 Octobris, Anno 1520. C. The true year-date is shown by
the date of place.
I04 English and Flemish News for Bude
Epistle 660. Deventer MS. ; C. 1637 (195).
Erasmus io Biide.
What is the meaning, my Bude, of so sudden a silence,
when a short time ago you were pelting me, not with letters,
but with volumes ? What a fuss there was then about the
King and about the Bishop ; and now, not a whisper ! * I
am longing to hear what strange thing is breeding. t
Then again, you had sent me such a challenge, that I
ventured to write to Master Deloin.J If he has taken
offence at our letter, the fault is in a great measure yours ;
but he neither sends any answer himself, nor do you in his
name.
Tunstall, after suffering so long and so severely from the
climate of Zealand, — having caught a fever, lost his chief
servant at Bruges, and left two others behind him seriously
ill, — has now gone back to England. Do write now and
then to him ; believe me, he is the sincerest of men, and no
one has a higher regard for you. More has some commis-
sion to execute for his king, at Calais.
Jerome Busleiden, who was on his way to Spain in com-
pany with our Chancellor, has died in Gascony, having by
his will founded a College at Louvain for instruction in the
three languages, Greek, Latin and Hebrew ; and a Hebrew
is now here, who is generally esteemed to be the most
learned of this age ; his name is Matthew Adrian. § A Greek
* HejDi Tov jSoaiXeuis, Trepl tov 'EyriaKowov quanti pridem tumultus, nunc
oiibe ypv-
t quid monstri alatur.
X domino Deloino. The title dom'mus may be taken here as equivalent to
doctor or fnagister. See note, p. 5.
§ See Epistle 656, p. 98, note.
Glarean at Parts 105
must be fetched from elsewhere. Farewell, and relieve your
conscience.*
Louvain, 26 October, 15 17.
Epistle 661, addressed to Glarean without date of day, was expressly
written in answer to Epistle 592, dated 5 August, 15 17. See vol. ii.
p. 602. It appears from allusions in it, that Glarean had at Paris a
class of pupils, — his grex as Erasmus calls them, — and also that he had
some allowance from the French King. This letter may well have
been written in the latter part of October, and sent to Paris with the
letter to Bude, — perhaps by a Government courier, when an oppor-
tunity occurred^ — Erasmus being himself a Councillor in the Court of
Brabant.
Epistle 661. Deventer MS. ; C. 1654 (234).
Erasmus to Glarean.
To answer in a few lines the one letter which I have
received from you, written at Paris on the 5th of August, I
am glad you have moved your quarters to France, and pray
that it may turn out well. You will like Paris all the
better, when you are more used to it. As for this place,
it is charming, though the profit is meagre indeed ; but if
your salary from the King, could travel with you, I should
very much like you to come here yourself.
Jerome Busleiden, whose name you may read among
my translations of Lucian's Dialogues,! has founded by his
will, — for he died in his journey to Spain, — a College here
at Louvain, in which the three tongues, Greek, Latin and
* Animum scrupulo libera. The writer, 1 presume, means to say : do not
forget to send the letter you owe me.
t See Erasmi Opera, vol. i. p. 311.
io6 Summary of Literary work
Hebrew, are to be taught ; a respectable stipend being
provided, which is to go on for ever. Matthew, a person
most learned in Hebrew Literature, who taught our
Wolfgang, is now already here ; and some Grceculus will
be sent for. If you were here, you might be amused to
find Erasmus, sitting day after day sublime among our
Doctors ! Do at any rate, most learned Glarean, pay us
frequent visits by letter.
We have been sending a number of things to Basel to be
printed ; * and my Paraphrase of the Epistle to the Romans
is in the press here, — a work of more labour than is seen on
the face of it. We have revised a good deal of our New
Testament, and have so revised it, that it will be a different
work. Do let me know in return, what your Muses are
about. Bude, as I understand by his letter, did not discover
who you were. The sheet of paper in which you commented
upon some passages in the New Testament, has been lost ;
if the memoranda are still extant in your own copy, do let
me have your notes again.
Farewell, most honeyed friend, with all your flock.f As
to Faber, what is the use of my grumbling ? You have
doubtless by this time seen my Apologia. May I die if
I ever did anything so reluctantly, — as I really love the
man ! What evil genius put such a thing into his head !
Farewell again.
Louvain, October, 15 17.
It appears by the last clause of the following letter, that Lupset had
returned to England before Erasmus answered his letter of the 15th
of September, Epistle 636.
* It will be remembered that Erasmus had made the acquaintance of
Glarean at Basel. See vol. ii. p. 246.
t cum grege tuo. Glarean had some pupils,— his grex,—yi\iO had made
bold to send their greeting to Erasmus. See vol. ii. p, 603.
Lupset returned to England 107
Epistle 662. Deventer MS. ; C. 1638(196).
Erasmus to Lupset,
How, I beseech you, did you come to think that I was
angry with you ? Was it because I wrote you such a loving
admonition? For as to my not having written, it was rather
you who were out of humour, as you sent no answer to the
last letter I wrote. I have received from More the short
Declamation, and something else besides.* He pleaded
your cause most lovingly, though there was no occasion to
do so, as of my own accord I am quite disposed to love
you, and will not allow myself to be surpassed in that. I
have not yet received from More the Appendix of the
Copia ; please get it returned to me, if you can only do so.
I wrote to Bade to let you know, that I want you to get
Linacre's version of Galen sent to me,- — I do not mean as a
present, but to be bought at my expense.
I wish you would make your way to us here.t Busleiden
has founded a College, in which there are to be three
excellent Professors of the Three Tongues ; and a choicely
learned Hebrew, named Matthew, is already here. Farewell
and present my salutation to your parents.
Louvain, 26 October, 1517.$
The above year-date, which is not part of the original letter, but is
added in Le Clerc's edition, is confirmed by the mention of Jerome
Busleiden's foundation. His will is said to be dated, 22 June, I5i7.§
* et prseterea nescio quid. The draft of the Julius Exclusus, which the
writer does not care to name. See More's letter of 15 December, 15 16,
Epistle 489, vol. ii. p. 447-
I Utinam hue ad te conferas. Apparently either ad should be omitted, or
nos added after it.
X Lov. 7 Cal. Novemb. Deventer MS. Lovanio 26 Octobris, Anno 15 17. C.
§ I take this date from Drummond, Erasmus, i. 380.
io8 Busleidens exemplary Foundation
Erasmus appears to have sent Matthew Adrian, his candidate for
the Hebrew professorship at Louvain (see before, pp. 98, 10 1, 106),
—with an introduction from himself,— to Giles Busleiden, who was
taking the principal part in carrying out the arrangements for the
Trilingual College, to be founded at Louvain under his late brother's
will, and by whom Erasmus's choice of a Professor appears to have
been approved.
Epistle 663. Deventer MS.; C. 1653 (232).
Erasmus to Giles Busleiden,
I should be thanking you, most distinguished Sir, for your
kind reception of my Hebrew, if I were not more disposed
to congratulate you, upon so desirable a person having, —
without any seeking of ours, — offered himself for this busi-
ness, which will, beyond all doubt, be productive of undying
glory to the whole race of Busleiden, and will give a fresh life
to all our studies, which in one way or other have been falling
into decay. And there will be no lack of persons in other
Universities, who will emulate this glorious institution. t I
do beseech you therefore, — by the memory of the best of
brothers, for the credit of the name of Busleiden, which
belongs to you both, and for the common interest of all
students, — not to allow yourself to be led away from what
has been begun ; for there are perhaps some persons, who
may regard with grudging an institution which is for their
own advantage, and be more disposed to turn others away
from better studies, than to learn anything better them-
selves. In this field I have no interest of my own, either in
the sowing or the harvest, and am only moved by the
t We may observe that this anticipation of Erasmus, expressed in a letter,
which was not printed till a much later date, had meantime been realized in
a remarkable way in England, where during the following century so many
well-endowed Colleges were founded at Oxford and at Cambridge for the study
of the learned tongues.
Erasmus inclined to make Loiivain his Home 109
consideration of public advantage. No new scheme was ever
introduced in so plausible a way, but some one has been
found to cry out against it. The best men are, however,
all at present in favour of this proposal, and before long
every one will approve. If the plan goes on, as I hope it
will, Louvain will be more and more to my taste. There is
no society in which I should prefer to be a guest, and a guest
at my own expense ; and I venture to think, that my being
here will not be without advantage to such a College ; and
finally, there would be none, whom I should prefer to make
the heir of my library.* Matthew f has not removed his
residence hither yet.
I send an Epitaph, but only to learn by an experiment,
what your ideas are. Others shall be composed, as soon as
I know that. Farewell.
Louvain, 15 17.
This letter is followed in the Deventer Manuscript, and in the
printed edition of Le Clerc, by seven lines in Trochaic metre, entitled
Carmen Trochaicuni in ohitum Hieronymi Buslidii.
Epistle 664, dated 31 October, 15 17, C. 1638 (197), was addressed
to Erasmus from Paris, by Charles Ofhuys, priest, a person not other-
wise known to us, whose name appears to point to a Dutch nationality.
The writer had, a few days before, been taking his breakfast (jenta-
culum fecerat) in the company of Bade, with whom he had discussed
the controversy between Erasmus and Lefevre. He begs his corres-
pondent to publish his commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul,
which he understands to have been in hand for some time.
* Erasmus was at this time so far settled at Louvain, that he proposed to
himself to bequeath his library to the University there. Before his death at
Basel about nineteen years later he appears to have sold the reversion of his
library to a Polish gentleman, named John a Lasco. See his Will, Jortin,
Erasmus, ii. 248.
t Matthew Adrian, the proposed Hebrew Professor. See p. 98.
no Matter for Schiirer s Press
With Epistle 665 Erasmus sent to Schiirer, the printer of Strasburg,
a revised and corrected copy of the work of Quintus Curtius upon the
history of Alexander the Great. See Epistle 605, p. 13. This book,
with some notes by Erasmus, was sent by his correspondent to press,
and was ready for publication in the following June. With the same
letter of Erasmus the printer also received a copy of the Apologia ad
Fahrum, printed by Theodore Martens in the preceding August (see
p. 23) ; and this work appears to have been not long after reprinted
by Schiirer, but without date of publication. In writing to Strasburg
Erasmus does not forget the Literary Society. See vol. ii. pp. 159,
I60.
Epistle 665. Deventer MS. ; C. 1638 (198).
Erasmus to Schiirer.
I send you Quintus, revised by me, with Index and
Preface. If you like the work, do what your honour and
mine require in such a case ; if not, return the book to the
bearer.
Farewell, and give my greeting to our friends, that is, to
the whole Literary Society.*
I am sending you the Apology, by which I reply to
Faber Stapulensis. I have no wish myself to have it widely
circulated, unless it be to prevent anybody from supposing
that there is any unfriendly contention between us, — although
his attack on me was rather less than friendly. Accept it, if
you please, and be like yourself.
Louvain, 31 October, 15 17.
I presume, that the last three words mean, that, if Schiirer thought
it worth while to reprint the Apologia, the author expected to be
treated by the bookseller with his accustomed liberality.
* See vol. ii. 159, 160.
CHAPTER XLIIL
Continued residence at Louvain in November , I5i7-
Letters of Erasmus to Glarean, Pirckheiraer^ Barbier,
the Bishop of Utrecht^ Budf, Peter Gillis^ Csesariiis^
Count Nuenar^ the Duke of Bavaria^ and others;
Letters of More and Banisius to Erasmus. Epistles
666 /o 68i.
In the following letter, addressed, without date of day, to Henry
Glarean, Erasmus refers (by the opening words) to Epistle 66i, sent
to the same correspondent at Paris apparently a very few days
before, — probably on the 26th of October together with the writer's
last letter to Bude. See p. 105. The arrival of the Hebrew pro-
fessor, mentioned in both of the epistles addressed to Glarean, as
having lately occurred, shows that there was not much interval
between the date of the two letters, the first of which appears to
have been written on or about the 26th of October, 15 17. The
uncertainty of communications occasionally led to a fresh letter
being written for a correspondent, to whom a similar missive had
been addressed shortly before.
Epistle 666. Deventer MS. ; C. 1655 (235).
Erasmus to Henry Glarean.
I have answered your letter a few days ago, though I am
even more busy here than I used to be at Basel.
112 Epistle to Glarean
If your circumstances are such as you really like, I am
heartily dad of it, and only wish it had been the will of
fortune, that the salary which you have there, were here.
This University is very flourishing, and Theological questions
are not treated now in so thorny a fashion. By a legacy of
Jerome Busleiden a College is being founded, in which a
certain number of young students of languages are to be
maintained, and with them three Professors, who are to teach
publicly and gratuitously the three tongues, Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin ; and Matthew Adrian, a most learned Hebrew
scholar, is already here. Farewell, and write frequently
to us.
If you have not made the acquaintance of Paulus -^milius,
take pains to do so. Believe me, there is nobody more
learned, or better, or more friendly to worthy persons, than
that man is ! Farewell again.
Louvain, November, 15 17.
Paulus yEmilius of Verona, the author of a History of France, is
mentioned with respect by Erasmus in one of his letters to Bude
translated in our second volume. See vol. ii. pp. 498, 499.
On the 2nd of November, 151 7, Erasmus wrote, — in answer
apparently to Epistle 651,— a letter to Pirckheimer, a great part of
which is filled with a violent denunciation of one of the assailants
of Reuchlin, in whose defence Pirckheimer was interested, and had
himself published a pamphlet. It will be seen, that this letter
contains a reference to Erasmus's visit to England in the precedino-
spring (see vol. ii. p. 551), and to an offer of preferment received by
him in this country, to which allusion is also made in Epistle 627,
addressed to King Henry VIII. See before, p. 48. We are still
without information about the particulars of that transaction. The
letter to Pirckheimer appears to have been first printed in the
Collection of Epistles, published by Petrus Scriverius in 16 15 under
the title, Magni Des. Erasmi Vita etc. See our Introduction, vol. i.
pp. Ii, Hi.
Preferment offered to Erasmus in England 1 13
Epistle 667. Scriverius, p. 154; Ep. xxx. 23; C. 268 (274).
Erasmus to Wilibald Pirckheimer.
I have received the pamphlet, Illustrious Sir, together
with your letter ; to which I propose to reply in few words.
Torn to pieces with hard work, I just remain alive ; and am
staying at Louvain, having been admitted into the society of
the divines here, although I have not the title of Doctor in
their University. This I have preferred to do, rather than
accompany Prince Charles to Spain, especially when I saw
the Court split up into so many factions,* as Spaniards,
Maranians, Chievres' party, French, Imperialists, Neapoli-
tans, Sicilians, — and what not ?
Last spring, when I went to England for some private
business, the King, of his own accord, gave me the kindest
welcome ; and so did the Cardinal, who is, so to speak, a
second king. Beside a handsome house, they offered me
six hundred florins a year ; and I thanked them in such a
way as neither to accept nor refuse the terms proposed.!
I am living here at a considerable cost to myself; never-
theless I am determined to stay for some months, partly to
finish the work I have in hand, and partly to see what is to
be the outcome of the brilliant hopes held out to me in the
Prince's name at the moment of his departure by John Le
Sauvage, Chancellor of Burgundy, who, as he is most learned
himself, is also a patron of all men of letters.
My New Testament, which was hurried through the press
rather than edited, at Basel, I am now remodelling in such a
way that it will be a different work, and I hope to finish it
* aulam in tot sectarum \read sectam] factiones.
t See, as to the offer here mentioned, the letter of Erasmus to King
Henry VIII. (Epistle 627, p. 48.) What the office or preferment proposed
for Erasmus was, does not appear.
VOL. III. I
1 14 Reuchlin and Pfefferkorn
within four months. I was much pleased with your pamphlet,
and \dth your friendly defence of Reuchlin, in which you
seem to me more fluent than usual, — I think, because, as
Fabius says, your heart has made you eloquent, and not
only your intellect and erudition. But I reckon, myself,
that it is calamitous to carry on warfare in any way ; and
further that nothing is more calamitous than to have to do
with a sordid and disreputable foe. For with whom after
all has Reuchlin to fight ? f It is a nest of hornets, which
even the Roman Pontiff is afraid to provoke, so that Pope
Alexander used to say, he thought it safer to offend the
mightiest of kings, than any individual of those herds of
Mendicants, who under pretext of this abject name exert a
veritable tyranny over the Christian world ; though I do
not think it fair to attribute to the entire Order what is
committed by the fault of a few. Then again, look at the
instrument employed by these false professors of true
religion ; a brazen-faced creature, as to whose character
there can be no mistake, and who would not be pelted
with the name of Half-Jew, if he had not by his acts shown
himself to be a Jew and a half. | * * *
Therefore it is not only a disreputable but an empty
conflict, in which learned men are engaged against such an
adversary, as it is one from which, whether they conquer or
are defeated, they can gain nothing but discredit. A hang-
man is a more suitable person to suppress such madness.
It should be the care of the Bishops, of the most righteous
Emperor Maximilian, of the magistrates of the famous city
of Cologne, not to foster so poisonous a viper, to the certain
destruction of the Christian religion unless the antidote be
provided that such a mischief requires. This I say from no
t cum quibus tandem est conflictandum Reuchline. Read Reuchlino.
+ The person here described was Johann Pfefferkorn, author of a book
printed at Cologne in 1517, of which we may read in Epistles 670 and 671.
Pirckheimer s advocacy of Reiichlin 1 1 5
private grudge ; he has never hurt me, or, if he has libelled
me at all, I am not affected by it ; and the matter in question
does not concern me in the least. Still I am sorry, that the
concord of the Christian world should be so unworthily
broken up by the impostures of one profane and unlearned
Jew, and that with the aid of persons who profess to be
supporters of the Christian religion.
But enough of these matters ! Not to leave your very
learned pamphlet altogether without criticism, I do not
quite approve of that list of Reuchlin's supporters. For
where will you find a man, religious and learned, that is
not on his side ? Who does not execrate that brute, unless
it be one who either does not understand the matter, or
seeks his personal advantage to the injury of the public ?
Again, while you are scouring the field against Dialecticians
and Philosophers, I should have preferred to see you give
your whole attention to the matter in hand, and leave other
persons and other things to take care of themselves.
Farewell, most illustrious of the learned and most learned
of the illustrious !
Louvain, the morrow of All Saints (2 November), 15 17.*
The following short letter is addressed in the printed copy, and, we
may presume, in the Deventer manuscript, from which it appears to
be derived, to Master John, no surname being given ; but we may
gather from its contents, that it was written to the soldier friend for
whom t\\& Enchiridion Militis Christiani \^^s composed (see vol. i.
PP- 337) 339)) and to whose surname (here latinized Gervianus, which
we may presume to have been Deutsch in the vernacular), there is
an allusion towards the end of the letter. We may conjecture from
its contents, that Master John was now with the Court at Brussels ;
and it appears from the first line, that Erasmus depended upon his cor-
respondent to forward his letter, Epistle 667, to Pirckheimer. The
* Lovanio, Postridie omnium Divorum, Anno m.d. xvii.
I 2
1 1 6 Letter to Master John
compliments of the second paragraph have rather the air of banter,
than of well-founded congratulation.
Epistle 668. Deventer MS. ; C. 1639 (199).
Erasmus to Master John*
I beg you to have the enclosed letter forwarded to Nurem-
berg, as soon as you meet with anybody to whom you can
entrust it. And pray do not let our friendship fade away.
I hear that you have been quite covered with gold by
the Prince, and heartily congratulate you on it ; but I am
afraid you will catch the rheumatism in counting so many
thousands !
The Enchiridion is read everywhere ; and it is making
many people either good, or at any rate, — we may hope, —
better than they were. We ought not, my dear John, to be
the only persons to allow a book, written by one of us for
the sake of the other, to do iis no good at all.
Mind you treat in German fashion this German servant of
mine, who brings you my letter. Farewell, best of friends.
When you come to Louvain, you shall be treated at school
in schoolmaster fashion. f
Louvain, 2 November, 1517.$
The following letter is addressed to Peter Barbier, the Secretary
of the Chancellor of Burgundy, who had accompanied his chief in
his journey through France to Spain, and had written a letter to one
of his friends at Ghent, in which Erasmus was mentioned. See vol. ii.
p. 563, In the following translation some short sentences, which were
part of the original letter and omitted upon its publication, are in-
* Erasmus M. Joanni suo. C. M. stands for Magistro. As to this title,
see p 5.
t tractaberis in paedagogio more psedagogiali. If you come to our Univer-
sity, you shall be received in University fashion, as if you were a Pedagogue
yourself !
% Lovanio 2. Novembris, Anno 151 7. C.
Letter to Barhier i j 7
serted between daggers (t . . • t). These passages are supplied in
Leclerc's edition, at the end of the volume of Epistles. C. 1933,
Errata to p. 270. It will be observed that the whole letter is in a
familiar and affectionate strain.
Epistle 669. Auctarium, p. 200 ; Ep. iii. 36 ; C. 270 (275).
Erasmus to Peter Barhier *
I fear, my dear Peter, that your successes in Spain may
make you forget your old friends ; although I had rather
the event should happen so, than that it should be occasioned
by any reverse. I am heartily sorry for Busleiden's death,
and all the more, because I treated him so coldly before his
departure. But I cannot tell you how pleased I am about
his trilingual legacy ; and by good luck there is just now a
Hebrew here, who appears to me, — and to others also, —
to have an unparallelled knowledge of Hebrew literature.
fSome of the Theologians are secretly opposing the scheme,
though they promise the reverse, t But if the business is set
on foot from the first on a grand scale, and with the aid of
men of high reputation, it will bring a marvellous amount of
credit to our country.
MarciusI had already sent me some money from Zealand,
when your letter was delivered ; but beyond that I have
received neither letters nor money. If no more is sent, I
shall support the disappointment as I may, provided you are
safe ; but if any accident, — which may the powers above
tt The clauses between these signs throughout this letter are in the Deventer
MS. but are omitted in the printed copies. (See the observation preceding
the Epistle.) We may observe that Erasmus was acting, in the practice
described in the second suppressed clause (first in p. 118), in accordance
with the advice given him by Tunstall in Epistle 634, pp. 62, 63.
* This Epistle ought, by its date, to have been placed at the end of the
preceding chapter, but as its exact position is not of importance, it has not
been thought worth while to disturb the pages already in type.
X See note, p. 38.
ii8 Erasmus and the Louv am University
forfend,— should deprive us of Barbier, I shall be unable to
bear such a multiplicity of losses. Therefore I do beseech
you over and over again to take good care of your health.
We are now living at the Lilian College with the kindest
of all hosts, Naef of Hontescote ; fand I have now become
quite Magister noster, taking a frequent part in all the
University Acts.i The New Testament has been going on
well, and is to be finished, with God's aid, in three months.
We have replied to Lefevre, — without anger, as far as the
case admitted ; I cannot cease to wonder what has come
into the man's head. I sent him the pamphlet, but have not
yet received any answer. His simpHcity was imposed upon
by the instigation of some other person ; and I only wish
that circumstances had admitted of my taking no notice of
it. + My cause is approved by all the learned, especially by
Atensis, and even by Dorpius.f
The Bishop of Utrecht has written to me to say that he
will send for me as soon as he has returned from his Trans-
insular flock, and will show how he values me ; but I shall
not dance* to his music. fThe Archbishop of Mayence
has also written to me most courteously in his own hand.f
The Paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans is being
elegantly printed. It is only right that Paul should speak to
the Romans in tolerable Latin. This work is wonderfully
approved by the learned.
I beseech you in the name of Sacred Theology, let me
know how fares my most excellent Maecenas, | in whom
alone all my hopes are set. If he continues to be like
himself, I shall continue to refuse all offers made from other
quarters. I am still living on my own means, except the
It See the note at the foot of the previous page.
* The clause which follows nine lines below, supplies the reason for Erasmus
not wishing to appear to be a protege of the Bishop of Utrecht.
\ Peter Barbier's patron, the Chancellor of Burgundy.
Greetings to Patrons in Spain 1 19
three hundred florins, or little more, which I have received
from his kindness, or that of the Prince. I do not doubt his
good will, provided you refresh his memory. Do at any
rate let us participate by letter in the Spanish successes,
unless you grudge us even that share.
I was almost killed by a melancholy rumour, which was
brought hither, that Briselot was no longer among the
living ; but as it is not confirmed, I think there is nothing
in it. There was a similar report about the most learned
Doctor Josse,* I think occasioned by Busleiden's death.
If you have not suffered in Spain some such fate as is said
to have befallen Ulysses' companions, when they visited
Circe,t please commend me dutifully to my one and only
patron, the Chancellor, to whom I was about to write, but
that stuttering boy, (I think a cousin of his wife) has let us
know about the despatch of the courier scarcely half an hour
before the messenger is going away.
Farewell, dearest of mortals, the better half of my soul.
Salute the Prelate of Chieti in my name, J and also the
bishop of Marli. I do not know where Guy Morillon is, but
would gladly learn what he is about.
Louvain, the eve of All Saints (31 October), I5i7.§
On the 2nd of November, 1517, Erasmus writes a kind and friendly
letter of advice to Gerard Listrius, who appears to be still at Zwolle,
where he had been living as a schoolmaster in the previous year.||
He seems at this time to have been under a false suspicion of
• Briselot and doctissimus Doctor Jodocus, — I presume Josse Clichtove, —
were known to Erasmus, when he was with the Court at Ghent or Bruges
before King Charles' departure in June, 151 7. See vol. ii. pp. 574, 607.
t The companions of Ulysses were turned into swine. Odyssey, x. 283.
% John Peter Caraffa, Bishop of Chieti, afterwards Pope Paul IV. See
vol. ii. pp. 115, 116, 570.
§ Lovanii, pridie Omnium Sanctorum, Anno M. D. xvii.
II See before, p. 55, and vol. ii. p. 279.
1 20 Listriiis under suspicion
having invented, or spread, some malicious tale, — it does not appear
against whom. Erasmus writes him a few lines of friendly encourage-
ment. Of the book here mentioned, as published by Pfefferkorn, we
shall read more in the following Epistles.
Epistle 670. Deventer MS. ; C. 1639 (200).
Eras7nus to Listriiis.
I have read with grief your sad story. But you must
imitate St. Paul, who through good and ill report was still
Hke himself. These are the changes and chances of human
life, and in these scenes of tragi-comedy we pass our days !
If you listen to me, you will not stir a foot just now. Divert
your mind with study ; and that rumour, which has arisen out
of mischief, will soon die away of its own accord ; for who
does not know, that your character is utterly averse from
any malice of that sort ? Take my word for it, — Fortune
will make up for this disaster by some compensating advan-
tage. When the rumour has become still, then, if you like,
you can change your locality ; and if you are inclined to go
to England, I will recommend you to the great people there ;
or if you want to live here, I will not fail in the duty of a
friend.
I hear from learned correspondents, that Pfefferkorn from
a wicked Jew has become a most wicked Christian, and has
published a book in German, in which all the learned, and I
among the rest, are torn to pieces with extraordinary ferocity.
He is a rogue unworthy of such adversaries, and worthy only
of the hangman ! The outcome of his christening has been
this, — that Christian concord is disturbed by a Jew behind a
mask !
Farewell, my Listrius, and give my greeting to the worthy
Prior of St. Agnes.
Louvain, 2 November, 15 17.*
* Lovanio 2. Novembris, Anno 15 17. C.
Banisiiis a patron of Erasmus 121
Jacobus Banisius, to whom Epistle 671 is addressed, and from
whom we have a letter in answer dated nine days later, appears to
have been a person of rank, residing in one of the Adriatic provinces
of Austria, and a Councillor of the Austrian Government. He had
conceived a great admiration for the writings of Erasmus, and had
travelled from his remote home to the Court in Flanders mainly for
the purpose of becoming personally known to him. See Epistle 681.
Having arrived at Antwerp when Erasmus was in that city, he appears
to have called at once upon him without introduction, and conse-
quently to have been coldly received. In the following letter Erasmus
apologizes to this distinguished admirer for the poor welcome which
had been given him. The latter part of the Epistle is occupied with
a harsh invective against Pfefferkorn, of which a few clauses only, —
and those not the most violent, — are translated.
Epistle 671. DeventerMS. ; C. 1639(201).
Erasmus to Jacohus Banisius.
Most distinguished Sir, I have been repeatedly on ill
terms with myself for not having been more eager, when at
Antwerp, to embrace the kindness which you put so plainly
in my way; but I had then just escaped from the Court of
Brussels, nearly killed by the tiresome interchange of visits
with the Spaniards there ; and so it came to pass that I
shrank from meeting almost any one, whereas Banisius, with
that learning of his, that ready speech, that kindness of
character, might well have been courted even from a dis-
tance, not by me only, but by all the best of men. If you
are now going to stay several days at Antwerp, I shall fly
thither to enjoy your conversation and the very sight of you,
even for a few hours, — unless indeed you are so estranged
by our want of courtesy,* that you will now refuse to our
request what you were the first to offer before.
* nostra humanitate ; read inhumanitate.
122 Pfefferkorn a Converted Jew
I have read the little book published by Nuenar at Cologne ;
and Wilibald has also sent his own pamphlet. I see a recru-
descence of that war, which I had thought was extinct, or at
any rate sleeping.
I hear, that that pestilent Corw,— sown by some clever
Satan,* has published a book, in which he rages without any
check against all the learned. He is misused, as an instru-
ment, by those illustrious professors of religion, to upset the
tranquillity of Christian concord. I wish he were a Jew all
over, and that his circumcision extended to his tongue and
both his hands! As things are now, — an Angel of Satan,
taking the form of an Angel of Light, — he fights against us
under our own banner, and renders the same service to his
circumcised friends, as Zopyrus did to Darius, the father of
Xerxes.f What else could be devised by the most wicked
of the Circumcised, or by their chieftain Satan, than that
Christian concord should be so torn to pieces? * *
Take my word for it, if Caesar destroyed this portent, he
would do a finer thing than if he routed an army of Saracens.
This enemy is raging in the inmost recesses of Christendom,
and is all the more mischievous, as he is fighting against us
with our own arms and within our own entrenchments.
« « « « »
Farewell, most learned Banisius.
Louvain, 3 November, 15 174
* pestilentissimum illud granum, quod Satanas aliquis ingeniosus serit.
The person so described is Pfefferkorn, to whom there is some allusion in the
letter to Pirckheimer, Epistle 667, and who is mentioned by name in the last
Epistle.
t As the story is told by Herodotus, Darius had besieged Babylon for
nineteen months, when Zopyrus, after mutilating himself, obtained access into
the city, under pretence of taking refuge from the cruelty of Darius ; and
having won the confidence of the citizens, contrived to admit his countrymen
into the place. Herodotus, iii. 154-158.
X Lovanio, 3. Novembris, Anno 15x7. C.
Epistle to Peter Gil lis 123
The above letter was despatched to Antwerp, where Banisius was
then staying, accompanied by the following note to Peter Gillis, who
was at this time watching at the death-bed of his father. A special
messenger, Nicolas, was being sent by Erasmus to England. I do not
think that we have any information as to his business there, which at
the time was purposely kept secret.
Epistle 672. Farrago, p. 196 ; Ep. vii. 38 ; C. 216 (222).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
Dearest Peter, I beseech you by all that is sacred to bear
with fortitude the common lot of humanity. I hope your
father may recover, but if anything should happen, do not
let me lose two friends at once. What is the use of vain, I
should rather say, pernicious sorrow ?
Warn Nicolas, in the first place to keep his errand secret,
and not to give any one a hint, to whom he is going in
England, or in whose name he has been sent for. And if he
does not go, let him still hold his tongue, or feign any
reason as far removed as possible from the true one. You
will learn yourself about the matter from the Secretary's
letter, and by speech of my James.
Farewell, best of friends, and show yourself a man ; or
rather remember that you are human, and play out this life's
play. I beg a blessing on you all, and especially on your
excellent father. I have written to Banisius.
After these storms you may look for a great calm.
Reserve yourself for that ! If I am wanted, either on your
account or for Nicolas's business, I will fly over.
Louvain, 3 Nov. [1517].*
On the same day Erasmus wrote to John Caesarius of Julich, — who
was still at Cologne (see vol. ii. p. 590), — a letter, which is partly
devoted to the denunciation of Pfefferkorn. See Epistles 670, 671.
* Louanij . iii . nonas Nouemb. Farrago.
124 Epistle to Cxsartus
Epistle 673. Deventer MS. ; C. 1640 (202).
Erasmus to Cxsarius.
I suspect your man was that blear-eyed fellow, who
boasted he had been sent by us with a commission to Rome.
Hearing a year ago by some chance, that he was bound for
that city, we did charge him with a New Testament, and
wrote letters to two Cardinals, by whom I wanted the book
to be shown to the Pope ; and we also gave him some
money for his journey. But what this excellent person did,
was to wander about for two months in Switzerland, begging
everywhere in my name, and carrying my book about with
him, until he came to the Emperor, * by whom he was
presented with seven gold pieces ! It was not he, that
delivered your letter to me ; but before I had received your
last, he came to me at Louvain, saying that he was then
going to Rome, if I had any commands for him. Therefore
for the future, drive such vagabonds away, — with a stick if
necessary, — and give nothing to anybody but such as I
recommend by letter.
I hear that you are in hopes of a benefice at Li^ge, and I
wish, my Caesarius, it may turn out right.
That the learned take the part of Reuchlin, is only natural
kindness; but that they are entering into written controversy
with that pestilent Corw,f — that trumpeter of the Furies, —
that mouthpiece of certain masked theologians, and veritable
vicar of Satan, — of this I by no means approve. Made up,
as he is, of evil-speaking, he cannot be overcome by censure,
and does not know what it is to blush. A brazen-faced
* codicem ubique circumferens usque ad Cassarem.
t cum isto pestilentissimo grano. The person meant is Pfefferkorn. See
Epistles 670, 671, pp. 120, 122.
Denunciation of Pfefferkorn 125
buffoon, he glories in being introduced in any way into the
books of the learned, being more ambitious of approval by
the most numerous than by the best. But what, if the world
understood his treachery, and perceived that the man under
the pretext of defending the Christian faith, is in fact pro-
ceeding to its subversion ? He will then have earned the
gratitude of his circumcised friends, to whom he will have
done the same service as Zopyrus did to Darius.* I would
stake my life, that if an anatomy could be made of him, you
would find not one Jew but six hundred Jews in his breast.
We must beware of an Angel of Satan transfigured into an
Angel of Light. I wish the proverb were not so true as it
is, — ' A bad Jew always makes a worse Christian.' And I
trust that learned men will think too highly of themselves
to enter into a contest with this foulest of monsters, — a
contest from which, whether they conquer or are defeated,
they can carry off" nothing but mud and poison. I wonder
that our Magistrates, our Bishops, and our Emperor do not
put a stop to a plague of this sort. It is easy indeed to do
mischief; while the people are wanting in judgment, and the
least spark may give rise to a wide-spread fire. And what
would be more desired by the Jews, — whose cause this
fellow is forwarding, while he pretends to oppose it, — than
such a severance of Christian concord ? For my own part,
provided the New Testament remain intact, I had rather
that the Old should be altogether abolished, than that the
peace of Christendom should be broken for the sake of the
books of the Jews. I wish this fellow were still entirely
a Jew ; and we might then use more circumspection in
admitting the rest !
* The story of Zopyrus the Persian, gaining the confidence of the
Babylonians by pretending to take refuge with them from the cruelty of
Darius, and thus finding means to betray the city to his countrymen, has
been recalled by Erasmus in a previous letter. See p. 122.
126 Gaza's Greek Grammar
I have been translating Theodore's second book, after
correcting the first, and have sent them both to Basel.
Give my salutation to our friends, and farewell.
Louvain, 3 November, 15 17.*
Erasmus, — we may observe, — is so far a man of his time, that he
has no objection to appeal to the secular arm to interfere in a religious
controversy fsee Ep. 670, 671, 674, pp. 120, 122, 128) provided, that
the interference is on the right side, that is, upon the side approved
by himself. With respect to the book mentioned in the last clause of
the above letter, it may be noted, that the first part of Theodore
Gaza's Greek Grammar had been already translated by Erasmus, and
published with a Preface, addressed to Caesarius himself, dated 23
June, 1516 (Epistle 413); and a translation of the second book, upon
which Erasmus had been lately at work (see p. 100), was also, upon
its publication, dedicated to the same scholar. See vol. ii. p. 291.
With the same date as the last epistle, Erasmus wrote another
letter, which in Leclerc's edition of these Epistles, — following, I
presume, some mistaken indication in the Deventer manuscript, — is
addressed to Pirckheimer, but has been by Dr. Reich conjectured
with more probability to have been written to Count Hermann
Neuenaar, or Nuenar, who appears to have been in Orders and a
Canon of Cologne Cathedral ; and of whom we have a letter to Eras-
mus of the preceding year, congratulating him upon the publication
of the New Testament. See vol. ii. pp. 308, 309. This correspondent
had lately taken part in the controversy arising out of the writings of
Reuchlin by the publication in Germany of a Defence of that author,
written at Rome by Archbishop Georgius Benignus, accompanied by
a letter, in which the editor enumerated the Roman adherents of
Reuchlin. In the following Epistle Erasmus, while he expresses his
agreement with the view taken by his correspondent of the merits of
Reuchlin, deprecates any further controversy with his present oppo-
nents. Compare pp. 120, 124.
* Louanio, 3 nonas Nov. Deventer MS. Lovanio 3. Novembris, Anno
1517. C.
Epistle to Nuenar 127
Epistle 674. Deventer MS. ; C. 1641 (203).
Erasmus [to Count Hermann Nuenar\
Illustrious Sir, the zeal and ability shown in the booklet,
which has been published, — highly as I appreciate those
qualities, — have caused no surprise to me, and I am obliged
to you for your mention of us, not as our due, but as a proof
of your affection. No one has a greater horror of such
contests, than I have ; and indeed I still hate my own Apo-
logia^ which I have been compelled to write in answer to
Lefevre.
I am truly ashamed t to think of erudite men, whose
memory may well be honoured by posterity, being engaged
in sword-play with that monster of yours, whose mere name
defiles their paper, while it is his highest ambition, to have
that name in some way or other handed down to posterity by
the writings of the learned. It were much rather to be wished,
that this Jewish sore should not be touched by Christian
fingers. I No learned and honest man can be found to deny,
that Reuchlin has been unfairly treated. But my opinion
has always been, that it was better to say nothing about it,
than to face such swarms of hornets, armed, not with stings
only, but with poison, or to enter into controversy with a
low ruffian, or rather a hateful portent. This would have
been the feeling of a truly great mind, and the cause of
Innocence would not have been without allies ; while for
Reuchlin it ought to have been enough to be approved by
every person of worth.
I wonder that our Magistrates and Bishops are so little
awake in this matter, as to allow that pestilent fellow to
t The writer here turns to the controversy of Nuenar with Pfefferkorn.
X Quin potius ab ista ludaica scabie ungues abstinent {read abstineant)
homines germane Christiani.
128 Appeal to the Secular Arm
rage with impunity against learned and illustrious men, and
that some Hercules does not stand forth to hurl Cacus into
the pit ; for that is the way in which such monsters are to be
vanquished, — not by books ! Our authorities fail to see,
that from this hellish coryi, which Satan (in friendship for
the Jews) is beginning to sow, the most noxious harvest will
arise, unless timely provision be made against it.
Therefore, if you will permit me to give you advice, I
would urge you to devote that happy talent of yours, which
is worthy of your noble station, to the study of those subjects,
which will be universally acceptable. As to the suppression
of that book, my opinion is as I have written. It is not
ri^ht to give a handle to those who are too ready to seize
any handle they can find ; and in the next place, no offence
should be given to him, under whose protection Good
Letters are making their way ; nor should the risk be run of
an anonymous book dragging all the learned into suspicion.
Those persons are better let alone, who grow greater by
public mischief. The eagle does not catch flies ; much
more does he restrain his noble talons from scorpions and
hornets. But I feel that I am strangely presuming : Non
siis Minervam. Farewell, illustrious Sir, illustrious not by
pedigree alone.
Louvain, 3 November, 15 17.*
The following letter, by which Erasmus inscribed to the Duke
of Bavaria a revised edition of the History of Quintus Curtius,
has more of interest than an ordinary dedication, as the writer takes
the opportunity of protesting against the ideal of a Sovereign, which
the author of the book had set before his readers in the person of
Alexander the Great, and expresses the hope, that modern rulers may
rather follow the example of the Prince whom he is addressing, in
cultivating the arts of Peace.
* Lovanio 3, Novembris, anno 15 17. C.
Dedication of Qtiintus Cur tins 129
Epistle 675. Auctarium, p. 196 ; Ep. iii. 34 ; C. 271 (276)
Erasmus to Ernest^ duke of Bavaria.
Marcus Tullius is pronounced by general consent to be an
ample and abundant wellspring of oratory. If therefore even
he admits, that the vein of eloquence is easilv exhausted, if
it be not supplied by daily practice of reading and speaking,
what does your Highness think must be the case with me,
who being scarcely endowed with the slenderest current of
speech, have spent a number of years in that kind of study,
which is so far from adding grace to our language, that it is
capable of extinguishing any copiousness, however largely it
may flow, and covering the most brilliant diction with rust
and dirt ? For what can be less conducive to maintaining
the polish of rhetoric, than to be dragged, in a hurried
reading, up and down through all kinds of authors, and these
too in a faulty state ? This is what we had all along to do
in editing the New Testament, in compiling and recom-
piling our Adages, and in arranging the works of Jerome.
With a view therefore in some measure to correct the
roughness and poverty of style contracted by those studies,
I took with me Quintus Curtius as a travelling companion
on my journey last spring to Britain. When I read him as
a boy, I had thought his style remarkably brilliant and pure ; /
and he gave me quite the same impression, when tasted
afresh after so long an interval. It is a pity that an author
very well worth reading has come down to us as a torso,*
his two first books having been lost, and the last being
imperfect and mutilated in several places. We were amused
at the vain-gloriousness of the narrative, — which is charac-
* oLKecpakov nobis superesse.
VOL. III. K
1 3© Alexander the Great
teristically Greek,— though Curtius seems now and then to
have kept it in check. And yet, after straining every nerve
to portray a sort of exceptional and inimitable sovereign,
what else have they described but a world-robber, occasion-
ally mad, but everywhere successful ? For indeed he w^as
not more dangerous, when overcome with wine, than drunk
with anger or ambition ; and in proportion as the rashness
of his unruly temper was followed by success, the more mis-
chievous was he to humanity. For my own part, I have no
more liking for the Alexander of the Greek historians, than
I have for Homer's Achilles. Both the one and the other
present the worst example of what a sovereign should be,
even if some good qualities may seem to be mingled with so
many faults. It was forsooth well worth while, that Africa,
Europe and Asia should be thrown into confusion, and so
many thousands of human beings slaughtered, to please one
young madman, whose ambition this solid globe would have
failed to satisfy ! It is well, that this living Plague, too much
indulged by Fortune in everything else, was denied the gift
of longevity.
We have corrected some passages, which we noted in
reading, and added an index of words, — principally to show
what new expressions are found in this writer, so that nothing
may be omitted that is required to appease a set of word-
whipsters,* who grumble at almost every expression one
uses, and cry out that it is not found in any good author !
Whatever profit and whatever pains are involved in this
work, I have resolved to dedicate to your Highness, to show
that we do at any rate retain in our mind the memory of a
Prince, to whom both privately I am myself deeply obliged,
— having received from him long ago a most generous
challenge, — and publicly very much is due from all the
votaries of Good Letters. These your Highness so graces
* quo placemus \oyop.u(TTiyas quosdam. C.
Letter of More 131
by your illustrious ancestry,* so recommends by the integrity
of your character, so fosters by your liberality, so protects
by your authority, that before long their supreme success
will be assured, — if other princes will but throw aside their
martial infatuation, and emulate your example. Farewell.
Louvain, 4 November, 151 7-1'
The following epistle appears to have been written by More, who
was still at Calais (see pp. 91, 103), immediately after receipt of a
letter addressed to him by Erasmus, which was accompanied by others
sent him for transmission to Bishop Fisher and to Colet. None of
these letters of Erasmus have been preserved. The answ^er of More
was inserted in the Anctariiim Epistolarum, edited at Basel by
Beatus Rhenanus in August, 15 18.
Epistle 676. Auctarium, p. 145 ; Ep. iii. 8 ; C. 1641 (204).
Thomas More to Erasmus.
I have received your letter to-day ; and others at the
same time for Colet, and the Bishop of Rochester, with a
little book. I will take care they are forwarded as soon as
possible, so that the book may not lose the grace of novelty.
Upon reading your letter I wonder why you have not written
to the Archbishop of Canterbury as well, so as to transact
your own business with him, as indeed, if I am not mistaken,
no one has more influence with him than you ; although, if
you prefer to act through me, and think it can be better
managed viva voce than by letter, I shall be quite pleased
to do what you have desired. But there will be no oppor-
tunity of carrying it out as quickly as I should wish your
* sic ornas clarissimis majorum tuorum stemmatis, C. Stemmatis is a
form of the ablative plural adopted by Cicero,
t Anno M. D. XVII. pridie Nonas Novembris.
K 2
132 Erasmus' English Pension
business to be done ; it being a rule with us for an envoy
returning from his mission to go straight to the King without
turning aside to call on anyone else.* Moreover our busi-
ness here is going on so slowly, that I am afraid I shall have
to stay longer than I expected, or than will be convenient
for myself, — unless perhaps there shall appear to be no hope
of anything to wait for. Meantime if you like, the thing can
be done by letter ; and as I have no doubt you will so wish
it, I will arrange that this year's pension shall be consigned
to Maruffo, and a bill sent you for it.
As to the redemption of the pension, I certainly do not
think it is to be done ; both because there is nobody in a
position to redeem it, except one, who, as I hear, has not
the means of doing so,t and also because I am afraid that
the Archbishop would construe it as though you had quite
turned your thoughts away from us. For these reasons pray
think the matter over again. If you decide to pursue it, I
will not fail you ; and meantime I will myself treat about
the payment ; and I think you will not do ill, if you add a
letter from yourself, which he perhaps expects.
I am glad the Paraphrase is in the press ; and indeed I
am jealous of Louvain, which has obtained a favour, of
which, as far as I see, it scarcely recognizes the value.
As to the person of whom you write, I am either much
mistaken, or he will never change. Tunstall evidently
thinks, that you are too good-natured, believing him still
after having been so often deceived.
Pace has not yet come back, and I do not know when he
* More consequently could not go to Otwell or stay at Canterbury, on his
way from Calais to London.
I It may be supposed that Erasmus had consulted More about the possi-
bility of obtaining a capital sum in exchange for his pension upon the living
of Aldington. The only person in a position to redeem the pension would
have been Richard Master, the actual Rector, who in all probability had no
funds to apply to that purpose. See vol. i. p. 33, ii. p. 65
Brotherly love of Friars 133
will. Neither can I imagine what he has to do; at any rate,
as far as I can make out, there has been no negociation for a
long time either with the Emperor or with the Swiss. And
yet he is not allowed to return home, after residing, — I think
for more than a year, — at Constance. I wonder he has not
sent you back the book ; I will write to him most distinctly
about it ; for there is nothing I am more anxious to get done,
whether for my own sake or for the sake of literature.*
Farew^ell, my dearest Erasmus. I am glad you liked my
verses upon the picture. f Tunstall praised the eleven-syllable
lines more than enough ; the piece in six lines moderately.
A Friar has ventured to find fault with the latter, because I
compared you to Castor and Pollux, whereas I ought to
have likened you to Theseus and Pirithous, or Pylades and
Orestes, who, like you, were friends, not brothers. I could
not tolerate this Friar, though there is some truth in what
he says ; so I followed up his good suggestion with a bad
epigram.
The warmest friendship to express.
Castor, I said, loved Pollux less.
On this a Friar disputed, whether
Friendship and Brothers matched together.
Why not? said I, can any other
Love a man better than a brother?
The Friar laughed to hear a saying
Such childish ignorance betraying.
Our house is large and full, said he.
More than two hundred Brothers we ;
But hang me, if in all you find
A pair of Brothers of one mind.
* Pace appears to have had in his custody the manuscript of Erasmus's
treatise entitled Antibarbari ; which More wished to be pubHshed. See
vol. i. p. 452.
t See Epistle 654, p. 92.
134 Letter of the Bishop of Utrecht
Now farewell again, in haste, the messenger being very
impatient, and himself hurried, I think, by the coachman.*
Calais, 5 November, [1517.]
Epistle 677, addressed by the Bishop of Utrecht to Erasmus, was
first printed in the Auctarium Epistolaruni, where it bears date,
sexto Decembris Anno M. D. XVII. But as the letter is clearly anterior
to Epistles 688 and 689, the former being written in answer to it and
dated 16 Cal. Dec. (16 November), as well as to Epistle 703, dated
prsefesto die diui Nicolai (5 December) in the same year, I have ven-
tured to read in the first date Sexto Novemhris for Sexto Decembris.
Epistle 677 was written upon the order of the Bishop, by his Secre-
tary, Gerard of Nimeguen. See Epistle 703, which was afterwards
addressed to Erasmus by the Secretary in his own name. In reading
the words in the Bishop's letter, referring to the obligation of Erasmus
to the Bishop's brother and predecessor, we may remember, that it
was by his engagement in the household of Bishop David, that Eras-
mus, at a momentous period of his life, found means of disentangling
himself from his monastic restrictions. See vol. i. p. 85.
Epistle 677. Auctarium^ p. 219 ; Ep. iii. 47; C. 273 (282).
Philip of Burgundy^ Bishop of Utrecht., to Erasmus.
Most learned and beloved Erasmus, we have received your
letter, which in the midst of the many cares, with which we
are burdened, has given us much pleasure. The Complaint
of Peace has been in the highest degree agreeable, not only
to us, but to all true Christians. We would not have your
erudition hid away, — as dormice and cuckoos keep them-
selves out of sight, — but would rather exhort you to com-
plete the noble works, which you have in hand, for the use
and honour of our own age and the admiration of Posterity.
* Jam iterum vale. Caleti v. Novembris raptim, valde festinante tabellario,
urgente, opinor, ilium auriga. The messenger taking charge of the letter for
Louvain was probably beginning his journey with the carrier to some neigh-
bouring town.
Proposed p7'esent of Afiniiis 135
For ourselves, we will endeavour, with God's help, to be
no less useful to you than was our brother David of pious
memory. We write to you in few words, but with a great
regard for you and for your erudition.
Farewell, most excellent Erasmus, and continue to love
us, as you do.
From our Castle of Vellenhoe, [6 November] 15 17.*
We have seen something before (vol. ii. 526) of Henricus Afinius,
a physician, residing at Antwerp, and ambitious of being reckoned
among the friends of Erasmus, to whom he was proposing to make a
present of plate. This gift had been so long delayed, that Peter
Gillis had lost all patience with the doctor, and had been rebuked by
Erasmus for his irritation. See Epistle 656. In writing the following
letter Erasmus, w^ho had evidently no love or respect for his corre-
spondent, appears to have thought it worth while to remain upon civil,
— and even on affectionate, — terms with him, if only for the sake of
the " costly cups," which had not yet arrived.
Epistle 678. Deventer MS. ; C. 1652 (227).
Erasmus to Henricus Afinius.
I am much delighted, most erudite Henry, with your
letter, — plainly yours, as it is most kind. It enables me
truly to enjoy my Henry.
As you have been buying such costly silver cups, I
cannot but lovingly accept so kind an intention. But I am
conscious of a variety of emotions. At one moment I am
ashamed to receive so great a present from a person whom I
have rather wished to oblige, than have actually done so.
At another moment I am ashamed to refuse a gift spontane-
* Ex area nostra Vellenhoe, sexto Decembris, Anno 1517. Audarium.
See, as to this date, the remarks which precede the letter. See also p. 152.
136 Present sent for by Erasmus
ously offered, lest I should appear either to fail in appreciating
your kind intention, or to be unwilling to rest under so great
an obligation to you ; seeing that one characteristic of a
loving heart is to be indebted without grudging.
Therefore, since you are so resolved to challenge Erasmus
in good offices, I shall not forget my part of the bargain.
The Frieslander, whom I shall perhaps send, or, if he does
not come, Thierry printer* will bring the cups to me.
I was going to send the second book of Theodore,! but it
is not yet fully corrected ; and I should be glad to know,
whether you would hke to have this volume inscribed to
you, — or another on some philosophical or medical subject.
The latter would perhaps be more appropriate, but whatever
I understand to be your wish, I shall take pains to carry it
out.
Farewell, sincerest of friends.
Louvain, [November] 151 7.+
The Francis, about whom Erasmus enquires in the first sentence of
the following Epistle, is, no doubt, Francis Berckman, bookseller of
Antwerp, of whom we have read before. See vol. i. 13, ii. 135. The
comedy of Excusibilia is that which was being played between Eras-
mus and Afinius, in which the writer seems to be quite indifferent
about the undignified character in which he himself appears. The
letter addressed to Afinius, which accompanied that to Gillis, and which
Gillis was to look at if he liked, may be assumed to be Epistle 678.
Epistle 679. Deventer MS. ; C. 1651 (226).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
I wanted to know, what arrangement you had made with
* Theodoricus typographus, Thierry Martens.
t Erasmus was preparing to send to the press at Louvain the second book
of Theodore Gaza's Greek Grammar. See p. 126.
\ Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
Gillis father dying 137
Francis, and you give me no answer. I shall accept gladly
any excuse, provided it is not that of illness ; I hope, my
Peter, you have not any excuse so good !
The last Act of ' Things Excusable ' is still to be per-
formed ; but if he has lost all power of blushing, I shall treat
the rogue as he deserves. Farewell and write.
P.S. — If you like, you can open the letter which I have
written to Afinius and seal it again, so that you may know
what I have written. But, if he continues to play the fool,
you will soon see a change of scene !
Farewell again, part of my soul. I am hearing nothing
from More for a long time. Send the seal, if it is ready.*
Louvain, [November] 1517.!
We may infer from the following letter, that Gillis had written to
Erasmus in great distress, informing him that the writer's father, of
whose sickness we have read, appeared to be approaching his end.
The bearer of the following reply of Erasmus was a servant of his
own, who had orders to bring back with him to Louvain, whatever
articles (books, papers or clothes) Erasmus had left at Antwerp, in the
house where Gillis had been living with his father.
Epistle 680. Farrago, p. 195 ; Ep. vii. 35 ; C. 1775 (386).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
For your excellent father I wish what is best ; and again
and again I beseech you, dearest Peter, to bear at any rate
with self-control what cannot be altered. Do not spoil your
existence by a sorrow destructive to yourself, bitter to those
that belong to you, and most bitter to More and me. Retain
your life for yourself, — for your family, — and for happier
times.
* The seal is mentioned again in Epistle 685. See pp. 147, 148.
\ Louanio, 151 7. C.
138 Letter to Gillis
Whether your father be still living or not, I know you
are fully occupied, not only with grief, but with business
too. Therefore, for fear of your being further troubled w4th
any of my affairs, I have sent my James to bring hither
whatever you have of mine. If there is anything that can
be of use to you, take it out ; and write to tell me what you
have taken. I only wish that with the sum of all I have I
could buy back your father's health and yours. I should
have come, but am afraid of catarrh ; and wholly engaged
in the restoration of the New Testament.
T have received two letters from More. Take care of
your health, and show yourself a brave man. If there is
anything I may be able to do to please you, make the
experiment whether I love you with all my heart.
Louvain, St. Martin's eve, 10 November [15 17].*
* Louanii, pridie Martini. Farrago. Lovanio 12. Novembris. C.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Continued residence at Louvain in November, 15 17.
Publication of the Complaint of Peace, and of the
Paraphrase of Pants Epistle to the Romans ; Epistles
of Erasmus to the Cardinal Grimani, Peter Gil lis,
Reuchlin, the Bishop of Utrecht, Gerard of Nime-
guen, Marcus Laurinus, Banisius, Clava, Pace,
Nuenar, More, Bude, Lefevre and others ; Letters
of Banisius, Spalatinus and Listrius to Erasmus.
Epistles 681 to 702.
Epistle 681, dated at Antwerp the 12th of November, 15 17, is the
answer of Banisius to the short note of Erasmus, Epistle 671, dated at
Louvain nine days before. This letter of Banisius, which is printed
in the Farrago Epistolarum, is of interest as showing the position
attributed to Erasmus in the Commonwealth of Letters,
Epistle 681. Farrago, p. 167; Ep. vi. 34; C. 271 (277).
Jacobus Banisius to Erasmus.
Reverend and honorable Sir, Your very kind letter found
me seriously out of health, and not even master of my
faculties.* Consequently my answer to it comes rather late,
and not written with my own hand.
There is no reason why your Excellence should be angry
with yourself for not welcoming me with more eagerness,
* nee mei ipsius compotem.
140 Letter of Ban is ins
when I called on you without invitation here at Antwerp.
You showed yourself only too indulgent to me ; while I had
my wish gratified as soon as 1 had seen the person I desired.
Indeed I felt at the time, that I had acted with no little
presumption in venturing to intrude upon a man of so much
learning, and engaged in studies so important, with a sort of
courtly assurance without first taking soundings, and using
greater ceremonv ; but that I trust he will attribute rather to
the same eagerness, which had attracted me from my remote
Illyrian bay, than to any intended rudeness. I was longing
to behold in person a man, whom in his absence I had been
used to worship for his learning as a sort of god ; and every
delay seemed hazardous. When therefore I understood that
you were here, I thought that the only way of compassing
my object was to fly to you at once. As soon as I am well
in health, if business will allow, I shall before leaving this
country visit you again at Louvain, since you are pleased to
ask me ; for you ought not at this time to lose such valuable
hours in coming to me here.
As for the Jew,* or for those who venture, under a
name so infamous and wretched, to contend with the good
and learned, — only trying to catch some fame for themselves
out of infamy, — I reckon there is no better course, than to
leave them alone, with their minds uncircumcised from
every good work, to hide themselves in their own darkness.
Nothing sound can arise from moving or touching an un-
sound thing.
I will forward your letters to Mayence, and to Pirck-
heimer. May your reverend Lordship live long in health
and happiness for the advantage and increase of all studies.
Antwerp, 12 November, 1517.!
* This clause relates to PfefFerkorn, who is mentioned in the letter of
Erasmus, to which this Epistle is an answer. See p. 122.
t Antuuerpise, die duodecima nouembris. An. m. d. xvii. Farrago.
Epistle to the Cardinal Grimani 141
Georgius Spalatinus, — Georg Burckhardt of Spalt in the episcopal
principality of Eichstadt, now included in the kingdom of Bavaria, —
appears to have been one of the household of Frederic, duke of
Saxony. This gentleman had written to Erasmus, eleven months
before. Epistle 488, which is described in vol. ii. p. 446. He now
addresses to him a short letter, dated on the 13th of November, 151 7,
from the Castle of Aldenburg,t — EPiSTLE 682, Farrago, p. 374, Ep. xi.
23, C. 272 (278), — asking in the name of his lord, the duke of Saxony,
who had all Erasmus's books in his library, for an answer to his
former epistle. We have no evidence what answer was returned by
Erasmus to this second letter, which he thought it worth while to
print in the Farrago Epistolarum, published in October, 1518.^
Erasmus's Paraphrase upon St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, — the
first published of his series of Paraphrases, — appears to have been
completed late in the autumn of 15 17, being inscribed to the Cardinal
Domenico Grimani by a dedicatory Epistle dated at Louvain on the
13th day of November in that year. It should be remembered, that
when Erasmus was at Rome in the summer of 1509, he had paid a
visit to this Cardinal at his palace in that City. See vol. i. p. 461.
The writings of Erasmus contain so few allusions to the remains of
ancient Rome, that it is worth while to extract from this Epistle a
passage, in which a somewhat perplexing reference is made to this
subject. In the following lines, forming the second half of the
Dedication, the author turns from his Roman patron to address Rome
herself. The Paraphrase, with its accompanying Dedication, is
printed in the seventh volume of Le Clerc's edition of the works of
Erasmus.
Epistle 683. C. vii. 771.
Erasmus to Cardinal Grimani.
If thy admiration is stirred by the Arches or Pyramids,
which are the vestiges of ancient superstition, wilt thou not
t Ex arce Aldenburgia. Idibus Nouem. An. m. d. xvii. Farrago.
% Some letters which passed between Reuchlin and Spalatinus are included
or described in Geiger's collection of Reuchlin's correspondence. Reiichlins
Bri^wechsel, pp. 196, 210, 338;
142 Rome cofmneiided by Saint Paul
be more delighted with the monuments of religion, which
are handed down in the books of the Apostles. f Thou
admirest Hadrian's Statue, and the Baths of Domitian ; wilt
thou not welcome more readily the sacred Epistles of Peter
and of Paul ? If in the books of Sallust or of Livy thou art
pleased with the ancient story, which tells thee from what
an origin thou wast lifted under thine Eagle's auspices to a
world-wide supremacy, destined soon to fail, shall it not be
still more delightful to learn in the books of Apostles and
Evangelists, from what beginnings under Christian auspices
thou has attained an ecclesiastical sovereignty, which is
never to cease. As with the Jews no trace remains of their
holy Temple, so thy Capitol, to which the ancient Poets
vainly promised eternity, has so completely disappeared,
that its very locality cannot now be pointed out.t If thou
admirest the tongue of Cicero, of which thou canst scarcely
tell whether it did more good or harm to the Common-
wealth, art thou not still more delighted with the eloquence
of Paul, to whom thou owest thy religion and salvation ?
Thou wert always greedy of praise, and thou hast indeed
in him a trumpeter of thy glory as authoritative as he is
renowned. What greater triumph than to be praised by
the mouth of an Apostle ? * * * *
It is thy part to see that thou degenerate not from Rome
t in horum libris receptse {gu. recepta) religionis monumenta.
X It can scarcely pass without observation, that to the most learned visitor from
the North of Europe to the Holy City in the beginning of the sixteenth century,
the very locality of the Capitol was unknown. The church which stands
upon its highest summit, anciently called Sancta Maria in Capitolio, had
already assumed the name of Sta Maria in Ara Coeli. But it may be observed,
that in the Mirabilia liomse, the popular guide-book in the hands of the
ordinary medieval traveller from the twelfth to the sixteenth century, the story
is told of a vision seen by the Emperor Augustus, in his chamber where now is
the Church of St. Mary in the Capitol, which is called Sancta Maria in Ara
Coeli. Mirabilia Urbis Romse. English version, p. 38.
Prosperity of Rome under Pope Leo 143
to Babylon ! Jerome admits, that in his time the evidences
still remained in Rome of the religion praised by Paul.
' Where else,' says he, ' do men repair in such numbers and
with so much zeal to the Churches, and to the tombs of
Martyrs ? Where does the Amen resound so like the
thunder of Heaven, and shake the temples from which their
Idols have been ejected ? Not that the Christians of Rome
have a different faith from that of all the Churches of Christ,
but that their devotion and simple readiness to believe are
greater.' Magnificent indeed is this testimony of Jerome,
but what would he now say, if he could see in the same city
so many Churches, so many Cardinals, so many Bishops, —
if he saw how all the Princes of the World are seeking
responses from this one surest oracle of Christ ; and what
crowds are meeting here for Religion's sake from the
furthest corners of the world ! A Christian scarcely feels
himself to be such, unless he has seen Rome, and saluted
the Roman Pontiff, as a sort of earthly deity,* upon whose
nod all the welfare of mortals depends ! We should add,
that under the Tenth Leo, he would see the Roman city,
free from the tempest of war, flourishing no less in learning
than in religion. The place, which alone possesses so many
persons pre-eminent in Ecclesiastical dignity, so many men
distinguished in every branch of learning, so many lights and
ornaments of mankind, you might well term a world rather
than a city. Nothing remains to be asked of Heaven, but
that our Pontiff should continue to respond to the praises he
receives, that his piety should be no less than his felicity, his
goodness exceed his majesty. This will come to pass, if he
endeavours to reproduce the character and lives of Peter
and of Paul, under whose auspices he rules ; and their like-
ness cannot anywhere be found more vividly expressed than
in their own Epistles.
* quasi numen quoddam terrestre.
144 Erasmus on Roman Topography
Meantime, most holy Father, a fragment of the writings of
Pail] will be more readily welcomed by others, if it shall
come to them from your hands ; that is, from the hands of
one who is an admirable patron of every study, — especially
of those in which a knowledge of languages is required ; and
who is at the same time so conspicuous for moral integrity,
that brilliant as are the lights that surround him, his person-
ality is still eminently bright,— not in such a fashion as to
throw others into the shade, but on the contrary to add an
excess of light and distinction to characters in themselves
illustrious.
Louvain, 13 November, 1517.*
In these days, when the topography of ancient Rome has been so
long the subject of continued and careful investigation, any person
who may be at all familiar with this branch of antiquities, will be
interested to observe in the above letter, how little was known or
suspected upon this subject by the greatest scholar from the North of
Europe who visited Rome in the early years of the sixteenth century.
Erasmus had been there for several months in the early part of the
year 1509; see our first volume, pp. 453, 464. At that period the
most important of the ancient localities, which are so familiar to
modern visitors with their guide-books in their hands, were unknown
even to the most learned scholars, while the attention of the ordinary
pilgrim was directed to the Tombs of the Christian Martyrs, and to
the marvellous Relics displayed on Feast-days in the Churches.
The person addressed in the following letter appears to have been
resident at Liege, and in intimate relation with the Bishop of that place.
We may conclude from this short note, that he had already written
to Erasmus. A later letter from the same correspondent, Epistle 719,
shows that he was then instructed by Erasmus to convey to his patron,
the Bishop, a copy of the Paraphrase of the Epistle of St. Paul to the
Romans, which at the date of the present letter was still in the press.
* Lovanio, 13 Novembris, Anno 1517. C.
Death of Peter Gillis s father 145
Epistle 684. Deventer MS. ; C. 1653 (231).
Erasmus to Paschasius Berseliiis.
If I am somewhat stingy in writing, my excellent
Paschasius, it is not that I love you less dearly, or do not
think of you so often. If you could see with what labours I
am distracted, you would count this little note to be a long
letter. The Paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans is
being printed.
If he is known to you, please greet for me that Canon at
St. Leonards, who understands Greek, — I think his place of
origin is Hasselta, — and greet also that amusing divine of the
Preachers' Order, who forced me at Antwerp to write him
a letter.
Farewell, and write.
Louvain, 15 17.
Peter Gillis's father appears to have been indeed on his deathbed
at the time of Erasmus's last letter to Peter. See Epistle 680. Before
the 15th of November (three days later) the news of his death had
reached Louvain, with a not altogether unfavourable report of the
condition of Peter himself. The reference to the mission of James
connects the following letter with Epistle 680 on the one hand, and
with Epistle 687 on the other.
Epistle 685. Farrago, p. 185 ; Epist. vii. 18 ; C. 357 (344)
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
I grieve for the death of your excellent father ; but at the
same time I think him happy to have departed as he has.
To this lot we are all born, and in human affairs there is
nothing that lasts long, — still less endures for ever. I am
glad to hear that you are better, and hope you may con-
tinue so.
VOL. III. L
146 Favours of Kings and Cardinals
Although I had burdened James with a number of com-
missions,* there was one thing I forgot, which especially
requires attention. The Archbishop of Canterbury writes
to me to take up twenty pounds sterling from some friend
here, and to send a bill for the amount, which he will repay
at sight. Therefore, as I hear you are not allowed to go
out, send for John Crull, or any other person more suitable,
and get him to pay you the money and take my bill in return ;
or he may trust the business to me, and I will take care, that
the money be paid in England to any person he may name ;
and if the Archbishop does not make the payment, — though
I am quite sure he will do so, — I will repay the money my-
self. In case the man requires it, you might give your own
security, which will be all right for you,t as the money will
remain in your hands. I am interested in getting this done
without delay ; do you know why ? In order that, when
Easter comes round, I may be in a position to beg again with
more decency ! I want you therefore to do it ; it will benefit
me, and do no harm to anybody.
More is still at Calais, where his stay appears to be most
disagreeable as well as expensive, and his business as hateful
as can be. This is the blessing that Kings confer on their
friends ; this is what it is to be in favour with Cardinals !
Just in the same way Pace was sent to Switzerland, and kept
there two years. Please let us have his letter. %
I hope it may suit your convenience to winter with me
here. We shall have plenty of gossip together. My Para-
phrase is just running round to the end of its course.
* See Epistles 680, 687; pp. 138, 150.
•j" Quod erit tibi bonum atque commodum. I understand Erasmus to mean,
that he has no immediate want of the money, and intends Gillis to keep it for
the present. In the next sentence he frankly explains the reason of his wishing
not to delay his application to the Archbishop.
X We may probably infer from this, that Pace had been at Antwerp, and
that Erasmus had heard that he had left a letter for him there with Gillis.
Seals used by Erasmus T47
I left thirty-six Philips* with Nicolas, — and I think some-
thing more, — to pay for the blankets, on the understanding
that after this payment he should hand over the remainder to
you ; and I remember having written about it ; but you say
nothing in reply ; please let me know. Do not send his
books back to N. until we see;t he is now at Cambridge,
where he is going to be Professor of Greek. Say nothing
about his letter having been delivered to you.
The doctor has asked for a fortnight's truce ! J If by any
chance you see the man, do pretend you are ashamed to meet
me, unless he fulfils what he promised; and let Nicolas, who
heard him swear he would do it, say the same.
I should have liked the seal to have been sent sooner;
but I do not find fault with you, knowing how you are
dealing with your own concerns. I inclose in your letter
my bills of exchange, and the Archbishop's letter. If CruU
is away or unwilling, I trust Francis will not refuse. § Fare-
well, sincerest of friends.
Louvain, 15 November, [1517J.II
It appears from the last paragraph of the above Epistle, that
Erasmus was expecting a seal, which was in the hands, possibly for
resetting, of a tradesman at Antwerp ; and in Epistle 687, written
a few days later, the same matter is again mentioned. It is of interest
to observe, as a personal matter, that at the time of his death Erasmus
seems to have had two seals in his possession, both of which had the
bust of Terminus engraved upon them, and one, — possibly the seal
which he was now expecting from Antwerp, — had inscribed upon it,
* Philippeos. f We may presume that N. is Lupset.
X Medicus petiit inducias quatuordecim dierum. The medicus is, no doubt,
Afinius.
§ We read of John Crull, a wealthy citizen of Antwerp, in vol. ii, pp. 515,
516. Francis is probably Francis Perckman or Berckman, a bookseller of the
same city; see vol. ii. pp. 109, 135. Erasmus was confident, that one or
other of these would give him money for his English bills.
I) Louanij, Decimo septimo Calendas Decembr. Farrago.
L 2
148 Epistle to Reuchlin
the words TERMINVS and CONCEDO NVLLI. It may also be observed
that in a letter to Alfonsus Valdesius, Secretary to the Emperor, dated
I August, 1528, Erasmus takes some pains to explain the meaning of
the words concedo nulli, as proper to the deity Terminus, the Pro-
tector of Landmarks, in consequence apparently of a suggestion,
that this unconciliatory motto had been appropriated to himself by
the owner of the seal. C. x. 1757 ; Jortin, Erasmus, vol. ii. pp. 485,
752. An engraving of this seal, which appears to have been originally
a present from Erasmus's old pupil, the Archbishop of St. Andrew's
(see vol. i. p. 455), may be found in the last page of Jortin's book.
The latest Epistle, which has been included in our text as passing
between Erasmus and Reuchlin, is Epistle 541, written by ReuchHn
and dated 27 March, 15 17,— which has been shortly described in our
vol. ii. p. 534; but it is not improbable that other letters had passed
between them since that date, which have not been preserved. The
following Epistle is not found in any of the published collections of
Erasmus's Epistles, nor in the Deventer Manuscript, but is included in
a collection of the correspondence of Reuchlin published in the life-
time of both. It is apparently a hastily written letter, printed without
the sanction of the writer, who may well have disapproved of its
publication. The Jewish convert, whose work, written in German, is
mentioned in the second clause, we may presume to be Pfefferkorn.
See our vol. ii. p. 130. The commencement of the letter is of
interest, as showing the estimation in which publications in the vulgar
tongue were regarded by the writer.
Epistle 686. Illiistrium viroriun Epistolas ad Reuchlin,
(1519) ; Geiger, Reuchlins Brief wechsel^ p. 266; Reich,
Erasmus von Rotterdam^ p. 254.
Erasmus to Reuchlin.
If you, our Germany's glory, are in good health, I have
every reason to rejoice.
That circumcised creature, who from a wicked Jew has
become a still more reprobate — I will not say Christian, but
professor of Christianity, — has published a book, and that in
English partisans of Renchlin 149
the vulgar tongue, so as to be intelligible to his own class of
people, — in which, as I am told, he tears to pieces all the
learned, naming them by name. But in my judgment it is a
monster, that does not at all deserve to be mentioned in the
letters of accomplished persons. Good heavens, what a tool
it is in the hands of those masked enemies of Religion !
That one man, half-Jew, half-Christian, has done more
mischief to Christianity than a whole sink of Jews. He is
simply doing, if I am not mistaken, the same service to his
tribe as Zopyrus did to Darius,* but is much more wicked
than he. It is for us, my Reuchlin, to turn our backs upon
such portents, and to find our pleasure in Christ, and in the
enjoyment of honourable studies.
Master Colet and your admirer at Rochester are well ;
and all the learned and honest men are your friends. I
called on Dorpius to explain, why this University had
meddled with your aflfair, as they have put his pen to a bad
use in the matter. His answer was, that it was done entirely
by the authority of Adrian, who has now become Cardinal ;t
and that there was never any mention of ' heresy,' but only
of ' errors.' But what writing is free from error ? Not that
I see myself any error there. I have had the book trans-
lated into Latin, and sent it to the bishop of Rochester.
Farewell.
I would have written more at length, but there was no
certainty here about a letter-carrier. J
Louvain, 15 November, [i5i7].§
* The story of Zopyrus, the Persian, who took refuge in Babylon from the
pretended tyranny of his master Darius, and contrived to betray the city to
that king after a siege of nineteen months, is told in Herodotus, iii. 153-160,
and has been more than once recalled by Erasmus. See before, pp. 122, 125.
f Adrian of Utrecht, Cardinal, i July, 1517, elected Pope (Hadrian VH.),
9 Jan. 1522. See vol. ii. p. 590.
I Sed hie incertus erat ypayn/iaro^dpos.
§ Lovanii xvii. Kal. Decembres.
150 G lilts and Afin ius
The following letter, printed in Farrago without date of day, and
placed in that collection before Epistle 680, which is dated St.
Martin's Eve (10 November), was probably written by Erasmus some
few days after that date. There is no express mention in it of his
correspondent's father, to whose recent death the sad affliction men-
tioned in the second paragraph may safely be referred. James, who
had been sent by Erasmus to Antwerp with a number of commissions
(see pp. 138, 145) had now returned to Louvain.
Epistle 687. Farrago, p. 193 ; Epist. vii. 80 ; C. 286 (288).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
It is all right about the things that James has brought us ;
and I have no distrust at all of Master Nicolas,* though I
was surprised that the money had not been paid to you.
I am grieved at your sad affliction, and had no other
reason for asking to have my things back, except to relieve
you of trouble. I find no fault about the seal ; only let your
servant spur the man on.f
I wish I had known that Pace was in your parts, as by his
letter I now understand him to be ; I should have flown
over at once. I was not much taken by the Epistle to
Dorpius ; but I have not yet read it through.
I should like to know, what service Francis and Crull are
ofi'ering to me in proposing to write for me to the Arch-
bishop, or what it is they distrust, when the money is to
remain in your hands, and you are to be answerable for it !
Neither do you incur any risk, except that of having, upon a
certain event, to pay back the same money. Pretty triflers
they are, and fine friends they would be, if any real difficulty
* de M. Nicolao. Farrago. The person intended was probably Nicolas
Barbier. M. stands for Magistro. See note, p. 5.
t See Epistle 685, pp. 146, 147. Peter being kept to the house by his father's
death, could only convey Erasmus's message to the engraver by a servant.
History of the Complaint of Peace 1 5 1
arose ! Crull is quite aware that Canterbury is not Chancellor
now, or he would, — I think, — have paid it out of his own
pocket ! If they make any difficulty about it, let it be ; if
they do it, they will gratify me without any risk to them-
selves ; but it must be done without loss of time.
Do, my dear Peter, let the doctor alone, and play out the
play with us ! His last letter has a still more scurrilous
scent about it ; but it will all come right. The only thing
you have to do is to take care and live in peace and quiet,
and reserve yourself for better times ! We are, ourselves,
fairly well.
I send one of my Paraphrases with corrections. My best
wishes for your little wife, and the rest of your household.
Louvain, [November] 15 17.*
The first Paraphrase of Erasmus, — In Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad
Romanes Paraphrasis, — published by Thierry Martens, bears date
Lovanii, 1317, mense Novembri. The printer was an old ally,
devotedly attached to Erasmus; see vol. i. p. 361, ii. pp. 65, 169.
We have seen (p. 88) that in the autumn of the year 15 17, Erasmus
had already composed the so-called Declamation, entitled Querela
Pads undique gentium ejectse profigatseque, which is said to have /
been written at the time when those efforts were being made in the -^
interest of Peace, which led to the Congress of Cambrai.t Of this
work Erasmus gives the following account in his Epistle to Botzhem
or Catalogue of Lucubrations, dated in 1524. Jortin, Erasmus,
vol. ii. p. 428.
We wrote the Complaint of Peace about seven years ago,
having been lately admitted to the Prince's Court. Great
efforts were being made to gather a Congress at Cambrai of
* Louanij. Anno m.d.xvii. Farrago.
t The Treaty of Cambrai appears to have been dated, 11 March, 151 7.
State Papers, ii. 3008.
152 The Congress of Cambrai
the greatest sovereigns of the world, — the Emperor, the
king of France, the king of England and our king Charles, —
in order that a Peace might be concluded between them
with bonds of adamant, as the saying is. This matter was
principally managed by William de Chievres, and John le
Sauvage the Chancellor. * * * Accordingly it was by the
command of John le Sauvage that I composed the Complaint
of Peace. f
The above statement of Erasmus appears to be so far historically
inaccurate, as there was no proposal to include the King of England
in these negotiations. The Congress lasted from February 19 to March
I II, and was not attended by the Sovereigns in person, and the Treaty,
made at Cambrai, 11 March, 15 17, was not even communicated to the
^ 1 English Government. And it was not likely to lead to a general peace,
/ as it in (solved a scheme for the partition of Northern Italy, — including
the provinces then subject to Venice, — between the three Sovereigns.
See Brewer, Abstracts, iii. pp. 948, 1019.
Erasmus's Declamation on behalf of Peace had been printed in the
autumn of 151 7, with a dedication to Philip, the new Bishop of
Utrecht, Epistle 652 ; and this dedication having been acknowledged
by a letter of the Bishop, dated from the castle of Vellenhoe, probably
early in November of the same year (Epistle 67 7), J the following
epistle of Erasmus was written to the Secretary of the Bishop in con-
sequence of the receipt of the Bishop's letter. See before, pp. 88, 134.
t The Querela Pads is included in the fifth volume of Le Clerc's edition
of Erasmus's Works, pp. 625-642, The Epistle to Botzhem or Catalogue of
Lucubrations, from which the above statement respecting the origin of the
Querela Pads is derived, bears date at Basel, 30 January, 1524. This Epistle
or Catalogue is printed in the Preface to Le Clerc's first volume of Erasmus's
Works, but is more conveniently read in Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. ii.
pp. 415-447-
X The printed date is sexto Decembris, Anno M. D. xvii. But as the follow-
ing epistle, (Epistle 689) in the first clause of which the Bishop's letter is
mentioned, is dated xvi. Calend. Decembris, i.e. the i6th of November, there
is evidently a mistake. I have ventured to meet this difficulty by reading
Novenibris for Decembris in the date of the Bishop's epistle. See pp. 134, 135,
Epistle to Gerard of Nimeg^i en 153
Epistle 688. Auctarium, p, 199 ; Epist, iii. 35 ; C. 272 (279).
Erasmus to Gerardus Noviomagus.
I wonder at your having written nothing, when your
Prelate has written himself. For I do not suppose that you
are so busy as not to have time to do so, or so exalted by
success as to disdain your old gossips, — I only wish there
were any such reason as the last.
I am extremely glad that the gracious Prelate does not
dislike our book of the Complaint of Peace ; and I reckon
that I have reaped an abundant harvest in return for my
labour, when it is welcomed by the one person of all others
whose approbation 1 desired. The Paraphrase is rapidly
approaching the goal. It is a small book, but no one would
believe without making the experiment, what toil it has cost
me. It shall be sent as soon as it is finished in Thierry's
type.f
I have a laughable story to tell you. A man came to me
lately in a great hurry, to announce that my benefice, which
I had at Utrecht, valued at | * * four Philips,
if I was disposed to pay that amount. I was delighted at
first, dreaming that some new preferment had been given
me ; then I wondered what it could be. At last I became
aware, that a mistake had arisen from a community of name ;
f The book was in the press of Thierry Martens, the printer of Louvain.
\ annuncians sacerdotium meum sestimatum quatuor Philippeis, si vellem
numerare. It seems most probable that a line has slipped out here in
copying, owing perhaps to the recurrence of the word Philippeis. The clause
may have stood somewhat as follows, the words between the brackets being
conjectural : annuncians sacerdotium meum aestimatum [esse quotannis quad-
ringentis Philippeis apparitorem vero donandum esse viginti] quatuor
Philippeis si vellem numerare : informing me, that my living at Utrecht had
been valued at four hundred Philips per annum, and that the usher expected
a fee of twenty-four Philips, if I was disposed to pay it.
154 ^ second Erasmus by name
for there is another Erasmus here, a doctor of laws, one of
whose letters I unintentionally read not long ago, supposing
it to be written to myself ; but finding there was nothing in
it that concerned me, I suspected that some one was making
game of me, until Barbier relieved me of that suspicion.
Do not let my lord send for me during these winter
months. I am so occupied with the New Testament, that I
cannot move a finger's breadth ; and I am determined to get
it done in these months.
As to Philip, I can do no more than advise him to attend
to his studies ; as we have ceased to live in the same house.
There is no one in this University either more learned, or
better, or pleasanter, or finally a sincerer man than my
Nasvius. I have never lived more completely to my mind.
Farewell.
Louvain, i6 November [1517.*]
John Naef (Nevius or Naevius) was the Principal of the Lilian
College at Louvain, where Erasmus appears to be still residing. See
vol. ii. pp. 153, 170.
Gerardus Listrius, who in the autumn of 15 14 had been among the
scholars busy with Erasmus at Basel, and was then described by him
as master of the Latin, Greek and Hebrew tongues, and also skilled in
Medicine, medicse rei non vulgariter peritus,\ had since that time
become a schoolmaster at ZwoUe, the capital town of the province of
Oberyssel in North Holland, from which place he had written to Erasmus
in or about June, 1516. See vol. ii. pp. 160, 279. He was probably him-
self a Hollander, — a countryman of Erasmus, to whom he addresses
the following letter, Epistle 689. This letter, as printed by Le Clerc,
is without date of day or month, and has at the bottom the year-date,
1 51 6. But regard being had to its relation to other letters written by
or to the same correspondent (Epistles 670, 775), it may probably be
ascribed to the late autumn of 151 7; and it is one of the letters of this
* Louanii xvi calend. Decembris.
t Vol. ii. p. 1 60.
Epistle of Listrius 155
period, which have a significance of which the writers were little
aware, — as illustrating the history of the revolution of religious opinion
and practice, which was then impending over a great part of Western
Christendom. It also gives a description of the change, which had
come over school-boy studies with the revival of an interest in Greek
literature. It may be observed with reference to its date that Longi-
campianus or Langenfeld, a Bavarian scholar, who is mentioned in the
first clause, as having been introduced by Erasmus to the writer, had
been himself recommended to Erasmus by Dorpius in a letter, which
is dated in the printed copy 151 7, but may be more probably ascribed
to the preceding summer. See vol. ii. p. 306. It may also be noted, that
Erasmus's Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles were expected but
not yet published, and that Reuchlin's Ars Cabalistica and Philoso-
phia Pythagorica were believed to be in the Press. The first of
Erasmus's Paraphrases of the Pauline Epistles was published near the
end of November, 15 17; and Reuchlin's Ars Cabbalistica appears to
have been printed by Anselm about the same date.'^ The Epistle may
therefore not improbably be ascribed to the month of October, 151 7.
The name of Listrius attributed to this correspondent, and apparently
derived from the Greek Xiarpov (a shovel), probably conceals some
Flemish or German surname, which I have not ascertained. It may
be suspected that the Latin name had been given to the writer by
Erasmus himself in the days of their former intimacy at Basel.
Epistle 689. Deventer MS.; C. 1587 (104).
Gerardus Listrius to Erasmus.
Langenfeld,t having been introduced to me by you, I did
w^hat I could to teach him Greek ; but, inasmuch as this
learning did not seem Hkely to be profitable, or because
it would take a long time to master, — he has turned his
attention to Mathematics, which he hopes will be more
useful to him ; and in this study he certainly seems to me
to have made fair progress.
* Vol. ii. p. 596. t Longicampianum, C.
156 Attachment of Listriiis to Erasmus
Our Fathers here,* and indeed all our learned people, —
who are most devoted to your name, — do most earnestly
appeal to you, to write those Commentaries on St. Paul's
Epistles which you have often promised, and to publish
them as soon as they are written. Master Erasmus, — I
speak from my heart, — you can scarcely realize yourself,
what a service you would be doing to the Church, that is
to say, to all pious minds, by publishing those works of yours
without delay. I feel sure that very many persons are led
by your writings to sacred literature and to Christian piety,
having given up the swines' husks, that is, the books of the
Heathen. And among these persons I certainly count
myself as won to Christ, if by His grace I do not stray
from the path of life which is set before me. Absorbed
as I am in various scholastic duties, I have scarcelv leisure
now and then to open a book ; but if I can steal any time
from those occupations, it is all taken up in reading the
Gospels and the Epistles of Paul.
Caesarius has written to me, that Capnio f is having the
Ars Cabalistica^ and Philosophia Pythagorica printed by
Thomas Anselm.
I have so far been sowing the seeds of Greek learning,
that even my younger boys write their little essays in Greek.
One thing distresses me, that I am not able as yet to thrust
out that barbarous Logic ; for of the barbarous Grammar I
am already rid.
If your Listriolus can in any way be of service, pray use
him as one most devoted to you ; you know what my mind
is. Farewell.
It is strange. Master Erasmus, and yet most true, — that no
night passes in which I do not seem to be with you. All
last night, — to let you know something of my dreams, — we
* The Fathers of the Convent of St. Agnes. See p. 120.
t Reuchlin. See the last page.
A Present from Laurmus 157
were together at Basel ; so fixed is Erasmus in the heart of
Listrius.
ZwoUe [November, 15 17].*
In Epistle 638, addressed to Marcus Laurinus in the middle of
September, 15 17 (p. 68), Erasmus had spoken of his own illness, and
had also lamented the barrenness of the country. Laurinus had
apparently thought that his correspondent might be in immediate
need of ready money, and had sent him a few coins of some value,
which he had by him, and which we may imagine to have been all
within his reach that he had to spare. The letter of Laurinus has
not been preserved.
Epistle 691. Deventer MS. ; C. 1643 (208).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
Most accomplished Mark, I have received your letter,
sweet as honey, — in other words, quite your own ; and if
this messenger had been going to you only a little later,
he might have taken back to you my Paraphrase on the
Epistle to the Romans, a work of immense labour, though
of no great length. It is now being printed, and is almost
finished.
I received with your letter a Flemish noble, a double
Spanish ducat, and an English Michael, f a handsome
present, and all the more welcome on account of its giver ;
though I suspect that you mistook some words in my letter.
I was thinking of my Frieslander, to whom I had given a
letter for you, though he did not find you at home ; and
I was wondering at the barrenness of this country, | which
could not find a living for a person with such a variety of
* ExZwol, Anno 15 16. C.
t An Angel, so called from the figure upon it.
ij: sterilitatem hujus regionis. Ep. 638, p. 69.
15S Erasmus contented with Louvain
accomplishments, — musician, pugilist, Latin scholar, Greek
scholar, dancer, scribe, and what not ? As to our own
fortune, poor as it is, T do not so much mourn over that.
Long have I learned my fortune to deplore ; *
or rather to make the best of whatever comes in my way !
I want very much to know what has become of your
brother Matthias. Has he gone off to Spain, and if so, how
does he like it ? I wish it could be arranged, — if it would
suit your convenience, — that you should pass these winter
months with us ; but I think you are too much engaged
elsewhere. My host is the kindest of men, and as learned
as he is kind.t John Borssele is here, and Gaverius.J The
son of the Prince of Bergen is also living here, a young man
of the sweetest character, and with much more interest in
literature than is usual with noblemen.
You will give my greeting to the venerable Dean. Naevius
heartily returns your salutation. Farewell.
Louvain, 19 November, I5i7.§
It may be observed, that Erasmus's old patron, the Bishop of Cam-
brai, the head of the princely family of Bergen, having died on the
7th of October, 1502, had been succeeded by his nephew, in whose
soHj then studying at Louvain, — the great-nephew of his old patron, —
Erasmus was pleased to find a young nobleman taking some interest
in books.
Epistle 692, which is the answer of Erasmus to Epistle 681, is with-
out written date, and it may well be conjectured that it was sent, upon
the receipt of that epistle, by the messenger who had brought it.
Banisius had begun his letter with a poor account of his own health.
See p. 139.
* Jam mea me victum docuit fortuna dolere.
t Erasmus's host was N^evius. See p. 154.
\ John Borssele was, in April, 15 14, a Prebendary of Middelburg, and in
1 519 Dean of Veer. See vol. ii. p. 129. I do not think that Gaverius
is mentioned elsewhere.
§ Lovanio 19 Novembris, Anno 15 17. C.
Letter to Banisius t5^
Epistle 692. Farrago, p. 167 ; Epist. vi. 35 ; C. 368 (355).
Erasmus to Banisius.
Honourable Sir, we have good reason to find fault with
Zealand for sending you back to us suffering ; and yet we
thank her too for returning you alive, when she has swallowed
up not a few. When you place yourself at the disposition
of princes, please do it in such a way as to have some regard
to your health ; the more your counsel is needed by the
public, so much the more care should be taken, that you may
long be useful to it. I look forward with much pleasure to
a visit from you.
As to our disregarding those chatterers, and leaving them
to their own plague, your advice is both wise and friendly.
For what else do they do, but betray their own folly and
ignorance ? Good heavens, how meaningless, how unlearned,
and yet how virulent their pamphlets are ! There is no risk
at any rate that such foolish nonsense will be read by
posterity, and that is, after all, the tribunal to which the
erudite must have regard ; although even now no honest or
learned man approves their noisy fury. But we can talk of
everything when we meet. Farewell, most honourable Sir.
Louvain, [November, 1517].*
On the 2ist of November Erasmus addresses a short letter to
Antonius Clava at Ghent. The weather had now become cold, and
the writer had ceased to stir from the house. Paulus y^milius, an
Italian scholar settled in France, and author of a work on French
History, has been mentioned in a letter of Erasmus, written some
fifteen years before. Vol. i. p. 278.
* Lovanii, Anno m. d. xviii. Farrago.
l6o Answer expected from Le/evre
Epistle 693. Deventer MS. ; C. 1643 (209).
Erasmus to Clava.
I am wondering, my Clava, how you encounter this cold
weather, compelled as you are to take your part in public
business. For ourselves, we hide in the house, and live a
snail's life, leaving the theologians to transact their business
without us. If this messenger had been going back to you
a little later, I might have charged him with a copy of my
Paraphrase, which is now almost printed.*
I hear that Paulus u^miliiis Veronensts de Rebus Gallicis
is to be bought. I know of nothing more learned or more
holy than the author ; he is still living and at Paris.
I wonder at Lefevre not replying, even by a note. There
was a rumour spread here, that he had already sent an
answer, but that I was keeping it to myself! This story
arose, as I afterwards discovered, out of an Epistle written
to me by a certain Jacobus Faber of Deventer, which, after
it had long gone astray through the hands of all the
Brothers,t was brought to me at last.
Farewell, and convey my salutations to my friends,
especially to Caesar and the physician. J
Louvain, 21 November, I5i7.§
* The Paraphrase of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans appears to have
issued from the press of Thierry Martens before the end of November, 15 17,
as it bears date in that month. See the next Epistle, which was accompanied
by a copy of it.
t per omnium Fratrum manus diu pervagata. The Begging Friars appear
to have acted as a sort of post-office, passing the letters entrusted to them
from one to the other.
X imprimis Caesarem ac medicum. Robertus Caesar, schoolmaster, was
resident at Ghent. See vol. ii. 475. The Ghent physician here saluted was
probably Clavus.
§ Lovanio 21. Novembris, Anno 151 7. C.
Epistle to Laurinus i6i
The following epistle, which appears to have accompanied a pre-
sentation copy of Erasmus's first Paraphrase, is addressed to Marcus
Laurinus, the Dean, or Coadjutor Dean, of St. Donatian at Bruges,
from whom Erasmus had, a few days before, received a present of
money, acknowledged in Epistle 691. The actual publication of the
Paraphrase was still to come. See Epistle 695.
Epistle 694. Deventer MS. C. 1642 (206).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
Your last letter, sprinkled as it is with so much pleasantry,
is no less agreeable to me, than the present to which it
relates. I embrace with affection your interest in literature ;
but we must fain be time-servers, and have even Paul's
authority for it ! *
I am glad your brother is well ; but what is this news I
hear ? Is he dwelling among Egyptian crows ? and how
astonished they must be at this new swan ! f
I am glad you like More and Pace ; such persons as they
are would find favour with me, even if they were Scythians !
As to the Frieslander, you need not be at all anxious about
him ; he has taken himself off somewhere.
I send you Paul, speaking in a new tongue.
Farewell, sweetest of friends.
Louvain [25 November], 15 17. J
* Sed tempore \read tempori] serviendum etiam Paulo auctore. The
reference is apparently to the Epistle to the Colossians, cap. iv. v. 5 ; where
we read in the Vulgate : In sapientia ambulate ad cos qui foris sunt, tempus
redimentes (in the original tqv Kaipov e^ayofjoi^d^ej'oi).
t In a later letter to the same person, (dated 5 March, 15 18) Erasmus
sends a message of salutation to his correspondent's brother Peter, who seems
to have been then with him at Bruges. C. 1671 b. It does not appear
where he now was, — among the crows.
^ Lovanio 15. Novembris, Anno 1517. C. The 25th day is more likely, as
the Paraphrase, 'almost printed' on the 21st (see Epistle 693) was now ready
for presentation. The next letter, addressed to the same place, has a like date.
VOL. III. M
1 62 Epistle to Pace
The above short note was accompanied by another, addressed to
Richard Pace, who was at this time at Bruges, where he had been
staying for the last two or three weeks (Brewer, Abstracts, ii. 3798,
3799) ; ^^^ 'v^'ith whom Erasmus appears to have been already in cor-
respondence since his return from Switzerland; but the earlier letters
have not been preserved. Erasmus appears to have had a personal
liking for Pace, though it was not sufficient to induce him to regard
his literary pretensions with much indulgence. See Epistle 741,
addressed to More some three months later.
Epistle 695. Deventer MS. ; C. 1643 (207).
Erasmus to Pace.
I answered separately your two former letters ; and to the
third I now send a third in reply, but in few words, being
more busy with my literary work than I have ever been
before. I congratulate you all the more on the delightful
leisure you are enjoying, and almost envy my best of friends !
I regard you as more than a Hercules, having disposed of
such a monster, especially, if it is to be believed, without
a Theseus ! I do hear of him too, as taking part in the
game, and to confess the truth, I am jealous of him, — -unless
you would have me make him Hercules and you Theseus !
My Paraphrasis^ or, if you like it, Paraphronesis* you
will see at Marcus's house, the Dean of St. Donatian that is
to be, — but I think by this time the book must be published.
If the Mwpos is with you, give him a hearty salutation from
me, in some proportion to the love I bear him.
Louvain [25 November], 1517.!
Epistle 696, in the title of which the correspondent's name is want-
ing, was apparently written by Erasmus to the same friend of his
* Paraphrasin, sive mavis Paraphronesin. My Version, or if you like it
better, my Perversion.
t The same correction of date has been made here as in the last Epistle.
A nameless Correspondent 163
boyhood to whom Epistles 637 and 647 were addressed; in which
letters, the name of the correspondent is in like manner omitted.
There is no date of day ; but having been written after the recovery
of Erasmus from his attack of catarrh, mentioned in Epistles 638 and
647, and very soon after the publication of the Paraphrase on the
Epistle to the Romans, which appears from the date in the book itself,
to have taken place in November, 151 7, we may probably attribute
this letter to the last week of the same month. We have no clue to
the identity of this correspondent, who appears to have risen to a
position of some eminence, or to the reason for his name being erased
from the address.
Epistle 696. Deventer MS.; C. 1660 (245).
Erasmus to % * ^ %
Reverend Father, a short time ago a bad attack of catarrh
begrudged me the sight of your Lordship f ; and indeed the
same attack has stolen me from myself for nearly a month ;
for I seem deprived of myself, when I am shut out from
my usual habits of study. Being now by God's goodness
restored to myself, I am glad to have you also restored to
me, so that the same person, whom as a boy I loved, — being
not much older myself, when he was the partner of my
studies and enlisted under the same captain, — I may now be
permitted to respect and venerate as a patron and chieftain
both in learning and in virtue.
I send, meantime, our Paraphrase upon the Epistle of
Paul to the Romans, which is our latest offspring; for, being
now employed in the most troublesome of all literary
labours, I mean, in the revision of the text of the New
Testament, I am wont to refresh my mind with such re-
laxations, when tempted by satiety to steal away from work.
They thus serve as my ball or my die, sending me back with
fresh vigour to my task.
t tuam mihi invidit Amplitudinem.
M 2
v/
164 Letter to Count Nuenar
Perhaps I may deal with the other Epistles in the same
way, if I find this first taste is not displeasing to the palates
of my readers. For it is wonderful, how much hazard there
is, even in these matters ; so that it often happens that where
you expect the most approbation, you carry away a poor
return ; and on the other hand, where you expect no favour
at all, you come in for a great amount of praise.
Farewell, most distinguished Father, and write the name
of Erasmus among the number of your clients.
Louvain, [November] 15 17.*
The following epistle of Erasmus, addressed to Count Hermann of
Neuenaar, or Nuenar, Avas written in answer to a letter received the
day before, some six weeks after its date. This letter of the Count
does not appear to have been preserved.
Epistle 697. Deventer MS. ; C. 1644 (210).
Erasmus to Count Nuenar. \
Most distinguished Count, your letter, written on St.
Luke's day, has been received by me on the eve of St.
Andrew, — % such was the speedy flight of that choice mes-
senger of ours ! To reply in few words, — I applaud the
purpose of the friend about whom you write, but do not
see how I can myself be of use to him, knowing as I do my
own inexperience ; but there will be no lack of zeal and
good intention on my part, especially in the service of such
a friend. I am living at the Lilian School, the Head of
* Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
t Comiti a Nova Aquila Erasmus Rot. S. P.
X St. Luke's day, 18 October; St. Andrew's, 30 November.
Literary work at Loiivain 165
which is a person with a natural aptitude for the best
learning and accomplishments. There will be no difficulty
in finding a place for your friend here as a guest, if only
what room there is be good enough for him.
Under the will of Busleiden, lately deceased, professor-
ships are to be instituted here for the gratuitous teaching of
the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew tongues. And Reuchlin's
friend, Matthew,* whom you know, is already here, to
undertake the Hebrew lecture for a fixed salary, — a man
who seems to me to be extremely learned in his own subject.
There will meantime be no lack of instructors in Greek.
We are fully occupied with study, especially in the re-
vision of the New Testament ; but I wish I had never put
my hand to it. If studies are to be upon the present footing,
sleep is preferable ; nevertheless we must play out the play.
I hear that you have yourself become a Professor, both of
Greek and Hebrew, and congratulate Letters, if they have
begun to be handled by such men,f having been shamelessly
contaminated by certain teachers you wot of, — apes in the
lion's skin. J
The Bishop of Utrecht has written to me, that he intends
to send for me, I do not know with what intention ; but I
have quite made up my mind not to change my nest this
winter.
I wrote to you lately by Banisius, but do not know
whether you have had my letter. Farewell; most accom-
plished Count. Every good wish to Venantius, and also to
Caesarius. You love the latter, and I should like you to love
him still more.
Louvain, St. Andrew's day (30 November), § 15 17.
* Matthew Adrian. See Epistle, 656, p. 98.
t Si a talis \read talibus] viris tractari cceperint.
\ per istOS quosdam rovs kv t^ Xeoyrrj TTiBijKovs.
§ Natali S. Andrew, Deventer MS. 30 Novembris, Anno 1517. C.
1 66 First Paraphrase of Erasmus
Venantius appears to have been a friend residing at this time in
Cologne, of Avhom we otherwise know nothing. Caesarius had written
to Erasmus from that city two months before, — Epistle 648, — to which
Erasmus had answered by Epistle 673.
On the same St. Andrew's day Erasmus writes a few lines to More.
We may infer from the opening words of congratulation, which I
understand in an ironical sense, that More was still detained at Calais
by some business of the English Government. The second clause
appears also to call for some comment. Perhaps Erasmus only meant
to claim for his Uapdcfypaac;, that, — as the preposition Trapa was
intended to indicate, — it proceeded fairly alongside of the original,
although in another sense the same preposition might imply that it
went beyond it. The book appears to have been issued from Thierry
Martens' press in the last week of November. See Epistles 695, 696.
More's Utopia, to which there is an allusion in the last line of the
following letter, was now in the Basel press ; and the edition produced
by Froben in 15 18 is a charming book. See a note in our second
volume, p. 432.
Epistle 698. Deventer MS. ; C. 1644 (212).
Erasmus to Thomas More.
I congratulate you on residing at the sea-side, as you seem
to me to be now doing !
I send you the book of Paraphrase, rightly so entitled.*
I have not had the opportunity of seeing Thomas Lin-
acre's Lucubrations, though I have asked Lupset for them
more than once.
Peter Gillis's father is now dead. Peter is fairly well.
We are hard at work upon books and writing. If we can
once get clear of this troublesome kind of studies, we shall
hope to pass some time in more agreeable fields.
* libellum Paraphraseos, kq\ aXrjdws UafjiKppatrecjs. Tlapd. Beside, beyond.
Greek Lexicon. See the introductory comment above.
Epistles to More and Bude 167
Nothing is now brought from Lef^vre, but I hear that he
is teeming with something. I am not afraid of anything from
him, and only fear, that some disciple may be put forward in
his place, with whom I should not care to cross swords.
I have written already to ask you not to do anything with
the Archbishop of Canterbury about the redemption of the
pension.
We have sent a messenger from this place to Basel ; and
from him we shall learn for certain about your book and
mine. Farewell, dearest More.
Louvain, St. Andrew's day (30 November), 15 17.*
After the frequent interchange of letters in the preceding year, the
correspondence of Erasmus with Bude appears to have been reduced
to small proportions ; and Erasmus, in a short note (Epistle 660)
despatched about a month before the time we have now reached, had
begged his correspondent to relieve his conscience by writing. No
letter having arrived in answer to this appeal, Erasmus sends another
short note.
Epistle 699. Farrago, p. 49 ; Ep. iii. 56 ; C. 273 (280).
Erasmus to Bude.
After the showers of letters with which I used to be over-
whelmed, whence, I pray, this silence, so sudden and so
prolonged ? I am glad, if you are devoting yourself to the
explanation of the Pandects ; but still I do not suppose you
are so busy, as not to have time to let me know in a few
words what I ask. If you fail to do this, I shall infer, that
either you have taken offence, or that former spirt was a
* Natali Andreas, Louanii. Deventer MS. Lovanio 30. Decembris, Anno
1517. C.
1 68 Erasmus and Lefevre
jest. If you are offended, pray explain what the grievance
is, so that I may either set it right, or at any rate be cautious
in future. If that drama of letters was a farce, I should like
to recognize its nature. Farewell, most learned Bude.
Louvain, St. Andrew's day (30 November), 15 17.*
On the same day Erasmus approaches, with a similar object, another
of his distinguished correspondents. Not having heard from Leffevre
in acknowledgment of the copy of the Apologia which had been sent
to him (see p. 53), Erasmus adds a short note with a view of inviting
a not too hostile reply. It must be said in Erasmus's favour, that,
\/ though he could not leave the controversy as it was, he appears to
have been sincerely anxious, that it should not lead to a personal
quarrel.
Epistle 700. Deventer MS. ; C. 1644 (211).
Erasmus to fames Lefevre.
I have already sent you (by some Divine) the Apology in
which I answer your disputation, or rather your indictment.
If you find any fault with my reply, you must impute it to
yourself. There were so many things, in what you wrote,
and so grievous, that I neither could nor ought to pass them
without notice ; and that is what is thought and said by all
who have read them. If you reply, I beg you not to forget,
what is becoming to Lefevre, however little consideration
you may think due to our friendship, which I for my part
certainly regard as of some importance. You see the
majority of people afflicted with the mania of evil-speaking •
but do not let us give any handle to men of that character.
I can allow myself to be taught, — I can submit to be cen-
* Louanij, natali diui Andreae, anno m. d. xvii. Farrago.
Pyrrhus an old friend 169
sured ; but to be charged with impiety against Christ, — that
I will not bear, as I do not deserve it.
Farewell, best of men, and, as we heartily love you, love
us still as you are wont to do.
Louvain, 30 November, 15 17.*
The correspondent addressed in the following epistle was a friend
of Erasmus's boyhood, possibly an old school-fellow at Deventer. We
may conclude from this letter, that Pyrrhus, as he is named, was at
this time still in Holland, within reach of his father ; but it appears
from a letter of Erasmus to Andrea Alciati, dated at Basel, 14
December, 1521, C. 670, that Pyrrhus had then lately died at Milan,
whither, if the war had not made travelling unsafe, Erasmus would
gladly have gone to see him, both on account of an old attachment,
and because he had heard that some of his own early writings, which
he wished to recover and destroy, were or had lately been in the pos-
session of this old friend. The following short note acknowledges a
letter received from him, which has not been preserved.
Epistle 701. Deventer MS. ; C. 1645 (213).
Erasmus to Pyrrhus.
Your letter was charming. I am right glad to hear that
you are flourishing, and that your father is still vigorous.
I had no repugnance for France ; but it was not yet safe
for me at that time to talk of going away from here, while
the conditions offered me there were not sufficiently definite.
And somehow or other that wonderful stir that there was at
first about inviting me thither, has suddenly calmed down.
Only Bude had added in his letter, that there was a sore
place of some kind below, in which that William, by sur-
* Lovanio 30. Novembris, Anno 151 7. C.
1 70 William Le Petit the Kings Confessor
name Little, the King's Confessor, was concerned.* What
this may have been, I do not yet know.
Farewell, with your excellent parent, your charming wife
and sweet children. Give our greetings to those who
love us.
Louvain, St. Andrew's day (30 November), 1517.!
William le Petit, who is named above with some appearance of
suspicion, is mentioned in epistles of Bude and of Cop some ten
months earlier, as having recommended Erasmus to the favour of the
French King. See vol. ii. pp. 469, 473.
The following letter, which has no date in Farrago, and only a date
of year in later collections, and which would perhaps have been better
assigned to an earlier place in the year, may in its terms be regarded
as an answer to Epistle 490, dated in the December of the previous
year. See vol. ii. p. 449. But it appears that Vitre had written to
Erasmus a later letter, which had never reached Erasmus's hands, in
which, as he had been informed, — apparently by some message through
a friend, — Vitre had begged for an introduction to the Bishop of
Paris.
Epistle 702. Farrago, p. 151 ; Epist. vi. 17; C. 289 (294).
Erasmus to Peter Vitre.
It has turned out well, my excellent Vitre, that our expos-
tulation, such as it was, has wrung so friendly and so copious
a letter from you. I recognise, not without pleasure, your
old affection for us, and am glad you are safe and well. I
might be sorry that you are torn asunder with so many
troublesome affairs, if they were not of a kind, to which
any true Christian might well be ready to sacrifice his life.
* adjecerat, quod attineret ad Guilielmum ilium -k^v eTrUXtjaiv MiKpov, tvv
UTTO rwv b^io\oytiaeo)v Bn<TiXi/cwj', subesse vttovKov ti.
t Lovanii Natali diui Andreae. Deventer MS. Lovanio 30 Novembris,
1517- c.
Epistle to Vitre 171
But I congratulate you on your courage, sufficient as it is
for so many labours, — what is lacking in bodily strength
being supplied by mental ardour.
I must tell you that your last letter never reached me.
If you will let me know what the business is, for which you
want a recommendation to the Bishop of Paris, I will most
readily do what you w^ish. Please return for me the greeting
of Balneus, the Dean of Tours ; I must be a worthless man
indeed, if I fail to love a person who is among the chief
patrons of learning and merit, and an ungrateful one, too, if
I do not return his regard, when he is the first to challenge
my friendship.
Farewell, sweetest Vitre.
[Lou vain, 15 17.]
The correspondent, Petrus Viterius, who is here addressed in terms
not only friendly but affectionate, may probably be assumed to be the
same person, who some eighteen years later, 12 Feb. 1536, was a
legatee in Erasmus's will, where the surname has been read as
Veterius.
CHAPTER XLV.
Continued residence of Erasmus at Louvain^ December,
1 5 17. Correspondence with Gerard of Nimeguen,
Paulus Bomhasius, Baer, Capito, Beatus Rhenanus^
Bude atid others. Epistles 703 to 719.
Our first epistle dated in the month of December, 15 17, is addressed
to Erasmus by Gerard of Nimeguen, the Bishop of Utrecht's chaplain,
who had lately written to the same address a short letter in the name
of his patron. See Epistle 677. The letter of Erasmus, here men-
tioned in the first sentence, which had been sent with a book, was no
doubt Epistle 653, which accompanied a copy of the Querela Pacts,
with its Dedication to the Bishop. The promise of serviceable friend-
ship on the part of the Bishop and the approval of his Council do
not appear to have led to any practical result.
Epistle 703. Auctarium, p. 208 ; Ep. iii. 41 ; C. 273 (281).
Gerardus Noviomagus to Erasmus.
Your former letter reached me about an hour or two
before we started from the town of Kempen on our way to
Deventer. I was then busy packing the luggage ; never-
theless I showed our Prelate both your letter and the book,
and he ordered me to write to you in his name, which I
accordingly did. I was too shy to venture to write to you
on my own account, thinking myself unworthy to write to so
great a person. I know your good nature and accessibility,
Friendship of the Bishop of Utrecht 173
but you do not know my bashfulness and timidity in writing
letters. I have a most veracious witness of this in our candid
friend, John Borssele.*
The book of the Complaint of Peace has been fully
approved not only by the Bishop, but also by the learned
men who are of his Council, and by Philip du Mont, Proctor
of his Court, who are all heartily your friends. I assisted the
Bishop in reading f the letter you wrote him. He thanked
you, and laughed at what you added about dormice and
cuckoos. I have also read to him the letter you sent to me,
and he was struck with what you say about the benefice of
Erasmus the lawyer, whom he believes to be in Spain.
You may promise yourself, most learned Erasmus, in your
relations with Philip, — our Prelate and your friend, — every-
thing you can expect, from a most friendly prince. Scarcely
a day passes without mention of you ; and he intends to send
for you next Lent when the swallows have come back, and to
show by his acts, how much he esteems you and appreciates
your erudition. Meantime you will sometimes write to him ;
and I shall not allow your claims upon him to be lost or
forgotten.
I have often and often had experience of Naef's friendly
character, and I congratulate you on having such a host,!
with such companions. Farewell.
The feast of St. Nicolas § (6 Dec.) 1517.
Paulus Bombasius, whose acquaintance Erasmus had made in the
winter of 1506 at Bologna (where Bombasius was then a Professor),
* For John Borssele, see vol. ii. 129, 227, and in this volume Epistle 713.
t Praelegi episcopo.
\ We may infer that Erasmus was still living in the Lilian College as the
guest of John Naef (Joannes Naevius). See pp. 36, 116.
§ ProfestodiediviNicolai. DeventerMS. 6 Decembris, Anno 1517. C. The
ordinary sense of ProfesUis dies would seem to be working day.
174 Letter of Bombasms
had afterwards resided for a time at Rome, but was now at Zurich in
Switzerland, in attendance upon the Roman Nuncio there (see vol. i.
pp. 427, 428, ii. 20). From this town he writes to Erasmus a letter
dated on the 6th of December, 15 17. In his postscript he mentions
the recent revolutions in the East, where the Turkish Sultan Selim I.
had conquered the Mameluke rulers of Syria and Egypt, and
annexed those countries to his empire.
Epistle 704. Auctarium, p. 33 ; Epist. ii. 23 ; C. 274 (283).
Pauliis Bombasms to Erasmus.
There are many reasons which deter me from writing to
you at any length, and this reason above all, that I am afraid
of spoiling, by an ill-advised garrulity, the favour which I
have earned by holding my tongue so long, and abstaining
entirely from any interruption of your more important
occupations. But I have no doubt, when you hear that
I am actually in Switzerland, — "Jupiter of Portents," you
will say, " what on earth has Bombasius to do with
Switzerland? What chance has transported him thither ? "
I cannot, my dear Erasmus, make any other answer than
this, that a stroke of fortune, quite Herculean, except that
it has no touch of glory in it, has torn me away against my
will from that agreeable Roman residence, which I preferred
even to my native land. The Cardinal Sanctorum Ouatiior^
in whose service I was there, ordered me to accompany his
nephew (on his brother's side) in his journey to Switzerland
as Nuncio Apostolic, and I, in my shyness and timidity, did
not dare to decline, however often I might repeat to myself
that verse of Homer,
Wherefore, unhappy man, the sunlight leave ?*
But if it was any sin of mine, I have been paying the
* TtTrr' o-vT d) bvarrjve, XtTrwr <f)aos fieXioio.
The writer'' s opinion of Faber 175
penalty for full four months, and, unless some Deity shall
intervene, must continue to pay it for many months more,
and that too, deprived of my great comfort, — I mean of our
Pace, who, while he was for a long time at Constance, so
consoled me with his frequent and most loving letters, that
I seemed to myself to be at Athens ! But why trouble you
with this, as if you had abundance of leisure to be listening
to my woes ? One source of refreshment I still find, and that
is in your vigils and labours, the constant study of which
beguiles to some extent the tediousness of this locality.
Among other things I have lately read your Apologia in
Fab rum ^ of which Beatus Rhenanus has sent on for my reading
the copy you sent to him ; and nothing, — I have thought, —
could be more learned. But Lefevre, w^hom, on the faith of
his general reputation and especially of your own praise of
him, I have always believed to be a no less sensible than
learned person, has surprised me greatly by attacking you
with an amount of ill humour, which seems to show a
forgetfulness, not only of good letters but of common sense.
As to the higher learning, I do not venture myself to pro-
nounce any opinion, — the cobbler must stick to his last, * —
but as to Greek and Latin composition, not having any
acquaintance with his wTitings, I was much amused at what
the man says about yours ; and indeed, I thought him in
some respects not much unlike that scholar of ours, who
interpreted irayoa ry]v ela-o^ov by the words apud Hesiodum.
But you have cleverly taken off his mask, and vindicated
yourself most charmingly. I hear he is now meditating
some rejoinder; but I do not at all believe he will carry it
out, as I know that the defeated cock is not wont to crow.
At any rate, whatever he chooses to do, he has encountered
a Hercules.
* ne quid supra calceum sutor. See Erasmi Adagia, Chil. I, Cent. vi.
Proverb 16. Ne sutor ultra crepidam.
176 Last News of Turkish Successes
1 congratulate you upon all your writings having so high a
reputation everywhere, and especially at Rome, where every-
thing is subject to censure ; and there they are so sought
after by all the learned, as not to yield even to the ancient
authors, — while there is nothing in the writer's life to impede
their authority.
But I must now say farewell, my Erasmus. Be happy and
do not forget your Bombasius.
P.S.* The king of the Turks, having obtained possession
of the whole of Syria and of Egypt, has returned to Con-
stantinople, and is now threatening Christendom. The
Pope is asking assistance from the Swiss, and summons all
Christian princes to aid. Marcus Musurus, lately made
Bishop of Monovasia, who passed the last autumn at Rome,
has now gone the way of all flesh, as our Palaeotus had
done eight months before. Farewell again.
From Zurich, a district of Switzerland, 6 December,
I5i7.t
The following epistle of Erasmus, which was no doubt despatched
to Basel with the letters which follow, appears to be an answer to
a communication of Baer, who had already sent to Erasmus some
critical observations upon the Apologia ad Fab rum. The manuscript
of that work had probably been submitted to him by Froben, who
was himself rather disposed to side with Lefevre in this dispute.
* We may infer that the writer, having before the despatch of the above
letter, received the last startling news from the East, and also a report of the
death of Musurus, added a postscript, to forward the intelligence to Erasmus.
Marcus Musurus, a Cretan by origin, with whom Erasmus was intimate at
Padua in 1508, had been appointed by Pope Leo to be Archbishop of
Monovasia in the Morea, part of which was still subject to Venice. See
vol. i. pp. 31, 449, ii. p. 545. There is no sign of Musurus having resided
upon his Greek see. I conclude from the above letter, that he died at Rome
early in the winter of 151 7.
t Ex Turrego, Helvetiorum pago, 6 Decembris, Anno 151 7. C. The word
pagus seems to be more properly used for a district ; here perhaps for a town.
Letter to Lewis Baer 177
It should be remembered that Lewis Baer was one of Erasmus's chief
friends at Basel, and Dean of the University there.
Epistle 705. DeventerMS.; C. 1645 (214).
Erasmus to Lewis Baer,
The bearer, who is leaving this place at daybreak
to-morrow, has come to me late this evening. I have
therefore had no time to read over the Apologia^ which
I submit to your judgment. But unless I guess wrong,
you have either not read it all, or if you have, you must
have been attending to something else. I learned thirty
years ago that Christ was not made up of two natures. It
would be strange therefore, if I ever spoke of him as
"composed" ; indeed throughout the disputation I always
maintain the singleness of the Hypostasis.*
I want you therefore to read the little book again, when
you have time to do so, and then take counsel with Wolf-
gang, and alter what, — having regard to my interest, — you
think proper. I am not anxious about the prodigious language
of the Parisian divines. That nonsense, you will see, is for
the most part out of date. Cambridge is a changed place,
and this School detests those chill subtleties, which make
more for disputation than for piety. Nevertheless I do
what lies in my power, and shall be glad to help every one
forward, if allowed to do so.
I welcome that kind feeling for me on your part, of which
I have long been aware ; while I see how little theological
knowledge you attribute to me by your letter, when you
discuss in it at such length the very matters which are
explained in my book ! I had sent the corrected copy of
* Hypostasis is the Greek word used in the Athanasian Creed, where the
Latin and English versions, — perhaps not very happily, — read Persona and
Person.
VOL. III. N
178 Relations of Erasmus with Lefevre
the Apologia to Schiirer, before your letter was delivered
to me.
In the Epistles which have been published, there is
nothing, I think, which will prejudice your reputation ;
but that publication was done by Peter Gillis, while I was
paying my respects to my patrons in England. For my own
part I had rather it had not taken place ; but what cannot be
altered must be endured.*
I see that you are very kindly disposed to Lefevre, when
you say that I have been showing my ill humour ; but you
must admit first of all, that he had no ground for his attack.
And yet see, I entreat you, w^hat odious suggestions he often
makes against me ; and compare the moderation, shown in
my reply, with the spirit of his unprovoked assault, — unless
you think it an ill-tempered thing to reply at all ! I love
Lefevre, while I hate my own Apology, and the necessity
which has compelled me to write it ; but he certainly had
little regard to the character of candour, for which he has
hitherto been chiefly commended ! Under these circum-
stances I did not think it necessary to devote much pains to
the matter in question ; and without undertaking to discuss
the problem, which may be the better reading, or any other
question relating to Christ's Hypostasis, I merely repel the
accusation of impiety, madness and folly, which he brings
against me throughout his whole disputation in such an
odious way, as to surprise even those persons who are most
in his favour.
Farewell, most learned Baer, and continue to treat us
with your accustomed kindness.
Louvain, St. Nicolas' day, (6 December), 1517.!
* See vol. ii. pp. 406, 408 ; where it will be seen that the publication by
Gillis was not so unauthorized as Erasmus would have his correspondent
siTppose.
t Lovan. Nat. Nicolai. Deventer MS. 6 Decerabris, Anno 15 17. C.
Epistle to Fahritius Capita 179
In a letter addressed to Guolfangus Faber Capito (Wolfgang
Schmidt, or Guolfangus Fabritius Capito, as by Erasmus's suggestion
he was called in his later correspondence; see vol. ii. pp. 379, 505),
our author again discusses the object of his Apologia ad Fabrum, of
which a copy had been sent to Froben, and another copy, apparently
at the same time, to Schiirer, the printer of Strasburg. The copy
sent to Basel had, — probably upon Erasmus's request, — been read
by Baer, who had already addressed to the author some critical obser-
vations upon it. See the last Epistle.
Epistle 706. Deventer MS.; C. 1646 (215).
Erasmus to Guolfangus Faber Capito.
I have scarcely time to write these lines, — and still less
leisure to read the Apologia over again, as the departure of
the messenger is taking place so soon after the delivery of
your letter.*
Within fourteen days after reading Lefevre's criticism I
had finished my Apology ; the sole object of which is to
repel the charge of impiety and blasphemy, which I know
not by whose instigation, he had brought against me.
*****
As to what you write, that Christ is said by me to be
' composed ', — although
A man I am,
And nothing human can disclaim as mine,
still I should be much surprised if there were really anything
of that kind in my writings, as I certainly knew five and
twenty years ago, that in that Hypostasis the human nature
was so united to the Divine, that there was no putting of
* adeo subitus est abitus ypafifiarofupov a redditis litteris.
N 2
i8o Hypostasis in the Creed
two together ; and throughout the whole dispute I maintain
the single nature of the Hypostasis.*
Either I am quite mistaken, or Baer has not read my
Apologia ; or if he has, he has read it gaping, or while busy
with something else. He says, that, according to what I
have written, the word Christ may be taken for the other
nature, that is the human ; whereas, in opposition to Lef evre,
who wants this name to be taken for both, I say it is better
taken for the first, namely the divine, to which however the
human is united. And I proceed (without necessity) to
show that the old authors misused the words of Hypostasis
for words expressing natures, t while I deny that this is
done by me.
I am now sending the book % as before revised, in the
same condition in which I have sent it to Schiirer, since
Baer writes me word that the beginning is missing.
As to the Parisian subtleties, § — I am not disposed to
trouble myself much about them ; you will soon see a great
part of them exploded. They are already condemned here,
and at Cambridge they are banished. [|
Matthew, your teacher, has been received here as Pro-
fessor of Hebrew ; I wish your Lexicon was published.
About the Apologia^ please act the part of a friend, as
you are wont to do ; ^ and you may expect me to be
serviceable in return. I have sent Schiirer a copy like that
* See Epistle 705, and note, p. 177.
t pro naturarum vocabulis.
X Sending his Apologia to Basel.
§ De argutiis Parisiensibus.
U Cantabrigife exsulant. I have thought it better to read Cantabrigia
exsulant. We have, fortunately for the reputation of this University, a
parallel passage in Epistle 705, where the language is a little varied. See
p. 177.
If Erasmus means, as I take it, to ask his correspondent to overlook the
Press, and correct or supply any obvious error or omission. See pp. 183, 184.
Controversy with Lefevre i8i
I have sent you ; and you will be able to send him your
notes, to be added to that impression, if Froben does not
print them. I suspect the latter rather sides with Lefevre, as
he makes the observation, that I have lost my temper with
him, whereas, after such an odious and causeless provocation,
I still refrain from any harsh language. You write truly,
that it will be a charming spectacle for some persons to see
Erasmus at war with Lefevre. But what was I to do ?
Should I go on without any redress, with such a stigma upon
me ? For the other chatterers I do not much care ; but in
what you urge you are acting a friendly part ; it is indeed
easy to do mischief.
I have almost finished the New Testament. When that
is published, I shall go to sleep, or sing a song to myself
and the Muses, — ^if this is the return of gratitude allotted to
those who bestow so much pains upon the advancement of
learning.
I have lately written by another messenger, and do not
doubt you have received my letter. Take care of your
health, most learned Capito.
Louvain, St. Nicolas' day (6 December), 15 17.*
Wolfgang Lachner was, — it will be remembered, — the father-in-law
of Froben, and the chief manager of the Basel Press.
The Francis of the following letter, despatched from Louvain to
Basel, was, we may suppose, the same travelling bookseller, with
whom Erasmus had had dealings before. Vol. ii. pp. 135, 214.
Epistle 707. Deventer MS. ; C. 1646 (216).
Erasmus to Beatiis Rhenaniis.
You answer in Lachner's name in such a way, as to give
no answer at all to the question I most wanted him to
* Lov. Nat. Nicolai. Deventer MS. Louanio, 6 Decembris, Anno
1517- c.
1 82 Erasmus and his piiblishers
answer, — I mean about the value to be put on the copies, so
that I may not have so much to do with Francis, who, as far
as his tongue is concerned, has a quantity of money ready
for me ; that is to say by always bringing me the best books,
— to save me the trouble of ordering them for myself ! If
Lachner had valued the copies at not more than twenty
florins, I should have been satisfied ; only I did want some
valuation to be made, so that I might be quite independent
of Francis.
Another trouble was, that at the last Fair they did not
send any of my Lucubrations at all, though we were panting
for them here. I fear the corrector is not fortunate, or else
not industrious ; and that is especially a matter for Froben
to see to. I cannot make out by anybody's letter, whether
Froben has received my translation of the second book of
Theodore with the first corrected.* I was more interested
in the publication of More's Utopia and Epigrams than in
my own affairs ; but, although I have taken so much pains
to get them to do this, the matter seems some how or other
to have come to a standstill. f
I was going to send my Paraphrase to Basel, a book
which I guessed would be a saleable one. But when 1 saw,
that nothing at all was being brought, I suspected that they
were too much burdened already, and so I entrusted it to
the press here. I send even now a copy which has been
in some measure revised by me ; but it will not be fair to
reprint immediately what this poor fellow has in his press,
who has never printed anything already printed by them, —
except the little book De Principe^ which he did print by
stealth, when I was away in England, and on that occasion
* The Greek Grammar of Theodore Gaza. Erasmus's corrected transla-
tion of the first book, with a new translation of the second, had been sent to
Basel early in November. See pp. 126, 136.
t Erasmus was expecting a new edition of the Utopia from the Basel press.
This does not appear to have been issued till the next March.
The Apologia in the Press 183
I scolded the man ; and I take great pains, that he should
not interfere with the Basel Press, which he certainly will
not do by any authority of mine.
Pace writes from Marseilles, that the Antibarbari has
been taken to Rome. I have some inkling of a change in
Pace's disposition, although he keeps up a semblance of his
old friendship.
The question about the Utopia I submit to your own
judgment. The Paludmiica may be omitted.* About the
mention of the letters in Peter Gillis's preface, there is no
reason for you to be uneasy. Owing to your occupations
you have so little to say about the Epigrams, that you hold
your tongue altogether !
I had sent the Apologia^ revised by me, to Schiirer at
Strasburg, but with this proviso, that if he did not like it, he
should send it on to Basel. I have also sent him Quintus
Curtius^ not expecting that at Basel there was any room for
more, when nothing at all was coming out.
As for correcting the Epistles, there is no time to do it
now, as the courier has this evening warned me, that he is
going off to-morrow morning. If they defer the publication,
I will send a copy with some additional letters ; if not, they
may do as they please.
I have lately sent several letters by a safe messenger,
and do not doubt he has delivered them to Wolfgang Faber.
I received your last letter on St. Nicholas' eve.f There
has therefore been no time for reading over the Apologia.
And yet I do wonder, where they found, that I have spoken
* The first edition of the Utopia printed by Thierry Martens of Louvain
included a commendatory letter and a copy of verses by Joannes Paludanus
(Van der Broeck). It was also preceded by an Epistle of Peter Gillis to
Jerome Busleiden, here called Peter Gillis's Preface, as well as a dedication
of the work by More to Gillis. See our second volume, p. 455, and Utopia,
edited by Lupton, Introduction, pp. ix. Ixvi. note.
\ Yesterday. See the date of this letter.
184 Theological Subtleties
of Christ as " composed," when that is what I have taken
the greatest pains to avoid in the whole controversy, and
in so many places I have said things which plainly negative
that opinion.
I quite conclude from Baer's letter, that he had not read
the whole Apologia^ and is rather inclined in favour of
Lefevre. This Theologian, if I am to call him so, suffers
somewhat from want of leisure,* for he writes, that I have
said that the word Christ is to be taken for the human
nature, whereas I have most clearly explained that it is
to be taken for the other rather than for both, that is for
the Divine, which had however assumed the Human. But
if there is really anything of that kind, — which I do not
believe, — let it be altered at his discretion ; there are
Theologians here, who would have little consideration for
the author, if they noticed any such passage. When I have
read it over again, I will write with more certainty.
Bombasius was always more friendly than polite ; but I
am surprised if he has now learned to be haughty at Rome.
Pace, in his letter to me, makes much of his book, entitled
De Friictii Studiorum, cited by you. He has sent an Epistle,
in which he defends me against Dorpius, but in such a style,
that one might be ashamed to produce it in his name.
Please commend me to Master Lachner and to Froben;
and that will do as well as a letter. It may be that next
spring I shall visit you again. The Archbishop of Mayence
has written me a letter with his own hand, full of kindness.
But as my going there is uncertain, I had rather not have
it generally talked about.
Do, my Beatus, take the best care of your own health.
Louvain, St. Nicolas' day, [6 December, 1517].!
* neque prorsus vacat illo [read illi] . . . theologico.
t Lou. Nat. Divi Nicolai. Deventer MS- Lovanio 6. Decembris, Anno
1517. C
Erasmus and the Bishop of Liege 185
The following letter is addressed to Paschasius Berselius, who
appears to have been a Secretary, or Chaplain, of the Prince Bishop
of Liege, Erard de la Marck, See Epistle 719.
Epistle 708. Deventer MS. ; C. 1647 (217).
Erasmus to Paschasius Berselius.
In return, excellent Sir, for so many triple sheets so often
repeated,* I utter a prayer, that every thing may turn out,
once for all, as you desire. From your most gracious Prince
I have nothing at all to solicit, — except that I should wish,
first, to be made known, and then, to be commended to a
Hero unanimously praised, especially since by the pro-
motion of Aleander, we may be said to have raised his
standard as a votary of Literature. If Baptista is friendly
to uSj he maintains the character of his brother,t and I beg
you again and again to take every pains to present my
greeting to him. Pray commend me also in no ordinary
terms to Master Leo,J an old and singularly respected
patron of mine. I think myself lucky in being quartered
in his chamber ; and somehow or other every thing seems
to assume a more smiling aspect, when it occurs to me that
I am here by his invitation and as his guest. You will also
give my salutation to Gaspard, who appeared to me to be
not only an erudite man, — no new quality in a Divine, —
but also what is not so common, an agreeable and witty
* Pro tot toties repetitis ternionibus.
t Erasmus was at this time on friendly terms with Jerome Aleander, who
had a brother named Baptista. They are mentioned together in a letter
addressed by Erasmus to Joannes Vlattenus some years later (11 Feb. 1525)
when the relations of the parties were not so friendly. C. 1 705 (300).
X Domino Leoni. Master or Doctor Leo appears to have been a dignitary
of Louvain, not at this time in residence there, but probably at the Court of
Brussels with the Bishop and Berselius.
1 86 Epistle to Berselius
person. I wonder at my hearing nothing from Andrew
Hochstraten.*
When you challenge me with presents from the Court,
I shall not in my present circumstances attempt to rival
you ; I only send my Paraphrase by way of instalment, to
bind me closer to you. You will pardon my writing so
negligently to a friend whom 1 have no business to neglect;
but, beside the studious efforts by which I am just now
distracted, I am overwhelmed with so many packets of
letters from every quarter, that with all my pains and all
my time, I cannot satisfy this one demand. Nevertheless
I trust that I shall make you understand that the name of
Paschasius is inscribed among my friends of no ordinary
estimation. Farew^ell.
Louvain, the morrow of the Conception (9 December),
I5i7-t
A few days after the Basel Courier had left Louvain, Erasmus,
finding another messenger bound for the same places, added a second
letter to Wolfgang Capito (dated three days after the last), in which
the * composite ' nature, attributed to Christ (see pp. 179, 184), is again
discussed with special reference to the writer's controversy with
Lefevre. The following passage, with which the Epistle concludes,
has a personal interest.
Epistle 709. Deventer MS. ; C. 1648 (218).
Erasmus to Wolfgang Capito.
I have written twice to Lefevre, and he has not returned
any answer ; I suppose he has something in hand. I have
* See vol. ii. pp. 154, 237.
t Lov. Postrid. concept. Deiparae. Deventer MS.
Th e Ju dgm ent of th e Ch u rch 187
warned him, if he replies, to remember what is becoming to
Lefevre. If he treats me with as little civility as he has
done before, he will find me not quite so polite ; perhaps, —
to use the phrase of Horace, —
Thinking to close his teeth on something soft.
Will find it hard ! *
I am obliged by Baer's hint, that I should keep on pro-
testing, that I submit what I may say to the judgment of the
Church. That indeed I do ; though it is rather a sign of
bad faith, to use a multitude of cautions. I suppose no
good man writes with any other intention ; but it is some-
times not quite clear, where the Church is ! I shall en-
deavour, not knowingly to write anything unworthy of
Christ, and I do not think that the Christian faith depends
upon those thorny subtleties. Neither do I undertake,
that there shall be nothing, against which any cavil may
be raised ; as that is what has never yet happened to any
writer either ancient or modern. I have wished you t to
know my mind ; and what remains I now submit to your
judgment. Farewell, most learned Wolfgang.
I wrote a few days ago by the Basel courier. Show this
letter, if you please, to Master Baer, to whom I wish to be
commended.
Louvain, 9 December, 15 1/4
The following epistle of Bude, dated at Paris, appears to have been
sent for some reason to Mayence, from which place it was forwarded
to Erasmus at Louvain by the care of Hutten. See Epistle 743,
* Fragili quaerens illidere dentem, offendet solido. Herat. Sat. II, i. 77,
t Vos. This latter part, at least, of the letter appears to be addressed with
plural pronouns to Baer and the writer's other Basel friends, as well as to
Capito. See the last sentence of the letter.
I Lovanio 9. Decenibris, Anno 1517. C.
1 88 Epistle of Bude,
addressed by Erasmus to Bude from Louvain on the 22nd of February,
1 5 18, which was written in answer to the letter before us. Several
sentences in this Epistle are written in Greek. These passages are
indicated in our Translation by italics, and a short specimen of the
original language is given in a note below.
Epistle 710. Auctarium, p. 3 ; Ep. ii. 20; C. 298 (304).
William Bude to Erasmus.
You have written me two notes, in which you wonder at
my sudden silence, after all the trouble that had been taken
in constantly sending letters to and fro, — as if there could
not possibly be any default in this matter when it was your
turn ! I have neither inclination nor time, to wrangle ; or
else I want the courage to challenge you afresh. But this I
say, that after that longest letter of yours, I think I have
had one from you, I mean the one you wrote to me when
you were writing to the King, — and scarcely anything else
that can fairly be called a letter. Since that time I have
written you two letters (one of them for the most part in
Greek) and have received in return two, or at most three, —
not letters, but sheets of papers ingeniously folded and
sealed so- as to look like letters, with scarcely anything in
them ! If you did receive mine, you cannot be acquitted of
Lethean forgetfulness, when you ask me now, what has been
done about the King, and about the Bishop.^ Of the
* The words in italics here and below are Greek in the original. And it
may be of interest to some readers to transcribe a line or two of Bude's Greek,
as a specimen of the language acquired by a scholar of the Renaissance, not
for the study of books only, but for his own use. Seep. 189. Owros yap
ceXeiiTas yue ypacpeiv irpos (re, ws -irpofrraiai'TOS hi) ttov tov fiatriXeios, ews fikv to.
T^s airoKpitTeti)s Tijs aov kv TrpoaboKia ■ffv, iroXvs kireKeiro jnoi, ^tjtwt, ri Trepl tov
'Epdcfiov. It should be added that these lines are taken from the London
edition of Epistles, and have not been compared with the original text of the
Auctarium. It may be suspected in any case, that the accents are due to the
editor.
Bude at Court 189
letters I have mentioned, I entrusted one to Bade,* and the
other to some young men who had brought a letter or note
from you, and who waited by my request at my house until
I had written an answer, which they engaged to take care it
should reach you. In that letter I said, that I had been
deserted by those who seemed to idolise your name, on
which account I almost declared war against them. The
chief of these was one William, t so that you must not sup-
pose that all of that name are of a friendly mind; though I
suspect him of no deeper crime than that of not persisting in
his own purpose. For he, having bidden me write to you,
as having a sort of commission from the King to do so,
frequently applied to me, while your answer was expected,
asking what news there was about Erasmus. " What hopes
do you give us f " he would say. " For the King does some-
times of his own accord retnember Erasmus.'' When I had
heard this, in order to stimulate his fancy I gave a suitable
answer, having indeed some hope that, if your business was
advanced, I should also get my own affairs in a better con-
dition. On this account I have lost favour with several
persons, and some have blamed me to my face, saying that I
did not perceive, that if your affair caine off, both I and
others there would be disregarded as you alone would be
able to dictate upon matters of literature ; while I meantime
cheerfully and without any anxiety protested, that I was
acting under the Kings command, having full confidence in
your good feeling. Your letter to the King I handed to him
by his own order, translated into French ; and when he had
read it, he said it was not clear to him from that letter, what
your intention was.
* Josse Bade, the printer.
t Unus N. C It appears from what follows, that the person alluded to
was William Petit, the King's Confessor. I have therefore, as the name is
especially referred to, ventured to read Guilielmus for N. and translate it by
William. See vol. ii. pp. 468, 473.
190 Frieiids of Erasmus at Court
While this was going on, the Bishops who is really^ I
think^ well disposed to you, was never present ; for it took
place in the country, whither I had gone on purpose. On
later occasions, he was always in the company ; and after-
wards he went to Calais, and so to England, as ambassador.
When he returned thence a few days ago, and passed by
this city, I went to dine with him. The tables were laid for
a great party. I talked of you, and had your letter in my
pocket, though I did not show it him. After dinner, when
I was coming away, and the Bishop had retired to his inner
chamber, Glarean came to pay his respects, and I went back
to introduce him, — complying with his request for your sake,
— as you had bidden me do so. The man does not give me
much trouble, and I see him but rarely.
Hutten has passed this way, a thoroughly good-humoured
and courteous man, with an air of nobility and distinction.
I should have made up a party to entertain him, if he would
have promised to come ; but I first saw him at Ruze's,
where I was invited to dinner without knowing Hutten
was there, and next day he went away, promising to return.
Deloin has had a letter written for some time, but has
been waiting for mine, that we might send our letters
together. Meanwhile I have been staying a long time in
the country, and being engaged in business have hitherto
put off writing to you. Now I am writing hastily in the
morning, being about to leave home, and having received
your letter in the country. For immediately after dming
with the Bishop I left tow^n ; and the next day the Bishop
went to the King.
You bid me write to Tunstall ; but I have nothing to say
now, unless he sends me an answer to my long letter ; I
should be sorry and indeed deeply grieved, if anything
should happen to him. I also wrote to Linacre, but have
not had an answer yet, — if indeed he is going to answer,
for he had written to me before, and I think the plague has
Controversy with Lefev re 191
prevented his writing to me now. What you tell me about
Busleiden's bequest or trust, is something new and unusual
but quite admirable.
I have lost a brother a few weeks ago ; he was fond of
your writings, also learned in Greek, a clergyman and arch-
deacon of Troyes. It is on this account that I have to leave
home and go there.
With regard to our letters and discussions haste has been
mischievous, — I had almost said, disastrous * I have read
the passage of Lefevre's Commentaries on St. Paul's Epistles,
as you wished me to do, but have not yet read your Apology,
except by snatches. I know what people's judgment of you
both is, but have no need to interpose my own. I have not
spoken to Lefevre since I wrote to you about him last year,
pleading his health as an excuse for his not writing to you, /
for that was what he had told me ; and I scarcely see him
once a year. I wish this controversy had not arisen between
you ; our Bishop told me, he had first heard of it in England.
I trust however that, as you have hitherto fought for truth,
so for the future the matter will be wrapt in silence. I^or
this concerns the credit which you have acquired by your
many eloquent dissertations. It is marvellous how much
those who are interested in you regret, that this handle, —
for bringing a charge against you both, — has been given to
those persons, who think the work you are both doing in-
convenient to themselves ; Ruze among others is extremelv
sorry. I know how difficult it is to control an impatient
pen, etcetera. But when you aim at suppressing a fair
* I hope I have caught the meaning of Bude's Greek : Ta t^v ypafifiaruyv
i]fj,a)v Kal Twv \6yu)v ii aitovhi] (pavXo)s vvv KadearrjKer et prope dixerim 'C,r\jii.u)hbis.
I understand Bude to intimate somewhat obscurely his opinion, that Erasmus
had been hasty in finding fault about the cessation of their correspondence,
and also in the tone of his pamphlet in answer to Lefevre, which Bude
appears to have thought harsh and even unfair. The later passages in this
page and the next, printed in italic type, are also Greek in the original.
192 Authority of Cicero upon Friendship
argument by any means that come to hand^ you seem to be
heedless of your reputation. I would not have you much
disturbed at what I have said, as if your character had
suffered, but it is right that you should be warned by a
friend, and I must not appear to hold back when I see a
friend in danger.
About your adversary, you do not ask me to say what I
think ; and I have not that intimacy with him, which would
oblige him to submit the matter to my judgment. I there-
fore gladly abstain from any opinion. As for yourself, you
are bound whether you will or not, to abide by my decision,
if I choose to insist upon my strict right, in pursuance of the
Law of Friendship.* It is therefore only fair, that you
should receive candidly this suggestion of mine. Farewell.
I think this batch of letters should be suppressed when
read, or thrown into the fire. If you want me again to
write epistles worthy of publication, challenge me afresh,
if vou can give yourself a holiday for such trifles. Farewell
again.
Paris, the shortest day (12 Dec. I5i7-)t
The two following EpisUes, dated on the same day, are consecutive
in the Deventer Manuscript, and both addressed to the Bishop of
Utrecht. In both cases the address seems to be a later and con-
jectural addition ; but for Epistle 711 it is probably right. It appears
* The writer had no doubt in his mind the following precept of Cicero :
Haec igitur prima lex amicitiae sanciatur .... plurimum in amicitia
amicorum bene suadentium valeat auctoritas; eaque et adhibeatur ad
monendum non modo aperte sed etiam acriter, si res postulabit, et adhibitae
pareatur. Cicero de Amicitia, cap. 44.
t Parisiis die brumae. Auctarium. In the date given above I have allowed
nine days for the difference between the old Calendar and the new. In
Le Clerc's edition an altogether different date is given to this letter, which
appears to be borrowed by mistake from the letter of Erasmus written in
answer to it, — Parisiis 22. Februarii, Anno 15 18.
Letter to the Bishop of Utrecht 193
from this letter that Erasmus had been asked, — by or on behalf of his
correspondent, — to take part in the education of a youth, in whom the
Princely Prelate to whom the letter is addressed was nearly interested.
This proposal could not possibly be entertained by Erasmus, whose
refusal is couched in the most accommodating and courteous terms.
Epistle 711. Deventer MS.; C. 1649 (219).
Erasmus to the Bishop of Utrecht.
Most distinguished Prince, although I am at present more
distracted than ever by the work of my studies, and although
I have not been wont at any time to find leisure for the
education of boys, — so far am I from having any call to
undertake such duties now, when 1 am engaged in the last
act of my play, — nevertheless I would not have your High-
ness suppose, that there is on my part any want of will to
gratify my friends. Whatever it is in my power to offer, I
will most willingly place at your service. Among those
whom I meet at table here, is Master John Borssele,* a
Canon of St. Peter's at Middleburg, and a man of well-
known integrity as well as erudition, who has had several
years' practice in this kind of work, having been instructor
to the nephews of the most Reverend Francis Busleiden,
Bishop of Besangon, of pious memory ; on whose behalf
I would venture to offer myself as a surety in every respect,
both his age and his character being suitable for an engage-
ment of this sort.
I will myself willingly help, and show the way, — advising,
exhorting, and sometimes taking part in the work, so long
as I remain at Louvain. For at Easter I shall have to go
again to Basel, for the publication of my books. Having
* A letter of Borssele to Erasmus, dated 20 April, 15 14 (Epistle 284), is
described in vol. ii. p. 129, and others in the same volume, pp. 173, 227.
VOL III. O
194 Plans of Erasmus
soaked this mortarful I must eat it all up.* And I shall
not be able to come back to this country for the next six
months. You see now what both my intentions and my
condition of life are ; whatever I can do is at your High-
ness's service, and I shall not look for any payment, the
little provision that I have being to my mind enough ; while
I am still resolved to devote what remains of my life to the
general advantage.
Farewell, most illustrious Prince, and that not by pedigree
alone.
Louvain, St. Lucy's day (13 December), 1517.!
The following Epistle, which is of the same date as the last, and in
Le Clerc's edition is, like that, addressed to the Bishop of Utrecht,
appears to have been in fact written to the Bishop of Liege. This is
shown by the reference to the promotion of Aleander. Compare
Epistle 708 addressed to Berselius, who appears to have been in the
household of the latter prelate, and Epistle 720, in which Berselius
tells Erasmus that he had delivered his letter, with a copy of his
Paraphrase, to the Bishop of Liege.
Epistle 712. Deventer MS. ; C. 1649(220).
Erasmus to the Bishop of Liege.
Most Reverend Prelate, that I have ventured to address
a letter to your Highness, you may well pardon in con-
* Mortarium hoc intrivi, omne mihi exedendum est. The expression is
borrowed from Terence {Fhorfuio, Act III, sc. i.), where Phormio addressing,
his observation to himself, says :
Ad te summa solum, Phormio, rerum redit :
Tute hoc intristi : tibi omne est exedendum : accingere.
The mortarium belongs to Erasmus, not to Terence. And the phrase with
out the mortarium finds a place in the Adages. Chil. I., Cent, i., Proverb 85.
t Lov. Nat. Luciae. Deventer MS. Lovanio 12. Decemb. An. 1517 C.
Epistle to the Bishop of Liege 195
sideration of my attachment to you. That I have done so
with little formality, you will impute to your own good
nature, of which I have heard from many other persons, and
especially from that high priest of all the virtues, Stephen
Poncher.* That my letter is short, you will readily excuse
in consideration of the labour of my studies, with which at
present I am more than ever distracted. To atone for its
brevity, I send with it Paul, talking Latin, and that at
greater length than he usually speaks. It is with such
small recreations, that I refresh myself as I might with a
stroll, whenever I am tempted to feel, that I have had
enough of the studies in which I am engaged.
For the promotion of Aleander, the devotees of Literature
in every country are debtors to your Highness.
Farewell, and write the name of Erasmus among the
humblest of your clients.
Louvain, St. Lucy's day (13 December), 1517.!
Jerome Aleander, with whom Erasmus had been intimate at the
house of Aldus in Venice as eady as 1507 or 1508 (see vol. i. p. 441),
appears to have owed his first important preferments to the Bishop of
Liege. In January, 15 16, he was living at Liege as Canon of the
Cathedral and Chancellor of the Bishop. Vol. ii. p. 237. At a later
time he rose to a high position in the Church, as Archbishop of
Brindisi and Cardinal. The above observation of Erasmus implies,
that he had himself a high opinion of his literary abilities.
In Epistle 713 Erasmus takes an opportunity, arising from his
having narrowly missed an interview with Antony of Bergen, Abbot
of St. Bertin, to recall himself to the recollection of his old Chief.
See vol. i, pp. 92, 291. Having apparently heard, that the Abbot had
been somewhat scandalized by the freedom of the Moria, which he
* See vol. ii. 471, 478.
t Louanio Nat. Luciae. Deventer MS. Lovanio 13. Decembris, Anno
1517. C.
O 2
196 Epistle to the Abbot of St. Bertin
had been able to read more readily in the French translation than in
the original, the author writes a few lines in its defence, in which he
pleads, that he is not answerable for what may be found in the French
version.
Epistle 713. Deventer MS. ; C. 275 (284).
Erasmus to Antony of Bergen, Abbot of St. Bertin.
Reverend Father, when I was at Ghent the other day,
I learned rather late, that your lordship was there, and
when I did try to pay my duty to you, I was told that you
were gone. I afterwards heard to my very great regret,
that you were somewhat out of humour with me, — I think
on account of the Moria, which, in spite of all I could say
or do, George Haloin, a gentleman of distinction, has turned
into French, that is, made it his instead of mine, adding,
suppressing and altering whatever he chose.
You must remember, that the subject is essentially a
humorous one, and that I do not fall foul of any class of
men in a malicious spirit, or asperse anybody by name
except myself. And finally the work, such as it is, has
been approved by all the learned persons in the world, —
by Bishops, Archbishops, Kings, and Cardinals, and finally
by Pope Leo himself, who read it all through from beginning
to end. And, if I had been a little foolish in this book, and
if others were offended, I had hoped that your lordship
would have stood up alone in my defence, — that is to say,
would have retained the character of my old patron, and
one by whom I have always been so kindly treated that
kindness itself could not be kinder. I cannot therefore yet
believe what I have been told about this. I know that a great
many groundless stories are bruited about ; and I have had
many years' experience of your friendly character, in which
I have more confidence than in what I hear from others.
Apology for the Moria 197
I know the difference between St, Bertin and Briselot,*
although their names begin with the same letter ! In any
case I beseech you to continue to love your Erasmus, if
only for the reason that you have so long done so. But
if I have ever deserved the favour of men like you, I will
venture to say, — in self-confidence rather than arrogance, —
that I deserve it more than ever now. As to this, perhaps
when I am dead, posterity will judge more rightly, although
even in this age there are not wanting some persons who
see it.
I am living at the Lilian College, to which the bearer of
this letter belongs. He is called Thierry, and is a cheerful,
clever, and promising young man. Therefore if there is
anything in which he may seek your lordship's favour, I
beg that he may obtain it. Farewell, my most excellent
Maecenas.
Louvain, 13 December, 1517.!
By Epistle 714, addressed to Richard Pace, now apparently at
Bruges, — where upon his return from Constance he had been met by
More, — Erasmus answers two letters received from his correspondent
on the day upon which he writes, these two letters having been pre-
ceded by three others, to which Erasmus had already replied. None
of these five letters of Pace, nor either of the two preceding letters of
Erasmus to him, appear to have been preserved. In the earlier part
of the following epistle, Erasmus defends his Apologia ad Fabrurn, —
upon which his correspondent had made some observations in one of
his lost letters, — and in the latter part he complains of the silence of
More, who appears to have spent the greater part of the month of
November in the service of his Government in Flanders, or at Calais,
where Pace would naturally pause on his return to England. We
have gathered from a letter of Erasmus to Peter Gillis, dated
* Briselot is mentioned in Erasmus's letter to Haloin, as having denounced
him at Antwerp. See before, Epistle 599, p. 5.
■f Lovanio 13. Decembris, Anno 1517. C.
198 Correspondence with Pace
15 November (Epistle 685), that Pace had lately been at Antwerp,—
and that he had left there with Gillis a letter for Erasmus. See
p. 146, note.
Epistle 714. Deventer MS.; C. 1650 (222).
Erasmus to Richard Pace,
I have received to day, — St. Thomas's day, — two letters
from you ; and I had already answered three others. They
are all most welcome to me for two reasons, — as bearing
witness to the activity of your own mind, and as being them-
selves evidence of your regard for me ; though of that I
have long been aware.
I will now proceed to answer briefly a multitude of
questions, after marvelling at the miracle, if it really took
place* for in that fashion some problems are solved by
Aristotle !
I am sorry about Lefevre ; and am still at a loss to guess,
what has come into the man's head ! You would not call
my modest Apology bitter, if you knew what I could, with
the approbation of Theologians, lay to his charge, and
you see what he has laid to mine ! As for my passing
nothing by without discussion, that is vigilance and not
mordacity. But in fact I have advisedly passed over a great
deal. There is no need of your bidding me to keep your
opinion to myself. I only wish it were as well settled
between you,t as it is between Lefevre and me. As to the
Brothers^X I have long had scent of their having some
* miraculum admiratus, si modo accidit. This sentence, in the absence
o[ Pace's letter, to which this is an answer, remains obscure.
•f" tam inter vos {qu. nos) conveniret. In any case the meaning is obscure.
i Tcepi Twv abeXf^y. I presume the Friars are meant. These Greek words
are prmted in the text of Le Clerc, as if they belonged to the preceding
clause.
Epistle expected from More 199
scheme on hand. But there are things, which have that
sort of plague about them, that you cannot overcome them
by any course better than by leaving them alone ; however
successful you may be, you cannot touch a sore like that
without infection. Therefore to invite such antagonists to
a public discussion is much the same thing as challenging
the mounted soldier to meet you on level ground ! * I
have some hope, that this Theology, which consists in
hating your brother, and all this Pseudo-Christian class of
people may in time be much less dominant than they now
are. For my own part I am now performing in the last Act
of my Play ; how far I have been successful in the earlier
scenes, it is for others to judge. But I am not going to
desert the drama.
If More is with you, I am surprised at his being, to such
an extent, a disciple of Pythagoras ! f I should have liked
to fly to where you are, instead of writing, if the work of
my studies would allow me a holiday, and if I knew for
certain that you are where I suppose.
You will give my greeting to Doctor Mark. J I send no
greeting to More, because in your letters, repeated as they
have been, he has sent none to me ! Farewell, most accom-
plished Pace.
Louvain, St. Thomas's day (21 December), I5i7.§
On the same day and no doubt by the same messenger Erasmus
sent to his friend Antony Clava, a Councillor of the City of Ghent
* Tov tTTTrea e<s irebiov TpoKaXeladui, that is, to give every advantage to
your antagonist.
t Tantopere irvQayopi^eir, being content with silent contemplation.
X D. [Domino] Marco. See note p. 5. Marcus Laurinus was Dean of the
Church of St. Donatian at Bruges. We may perhaps infer from this sentence
that Erasmus supposed both his correspondent and More to be at Bruges.
§ Lou. Natali Thomi^ Apost. Dcventer MS.; Lovanio 21. Decembris,
Anno 1517. C.
200 Epistle to Clava at Ghefit
(see vol. ii, pp. 311, 492), a short note, with a copy of the Apologia
ad Fahrum.
Epistle 715. Deventer MS. ; C. 1650 (223).
Erasmus to Antonius Clava.
I should have let you have my little volume before, but
no messenger, to whom I might have entrusted it, was at
hand. I am afraid now, that I am late in sending it ; but I
send it nevertheless.
Do take care of your health, my dear Clava, and keep up
a bright fire, especially if you sit in that ground-floor room,
where you usually are.
1 congratulate Caesar upon his acquisition of so much
Greek ! I see what he is about ; he is a candidate for the
Greek chair in this new College at Louvain, which is going
to be founded under Busleiden's bequest, unless it is ob-
structed by some evil genius of the Theologians.
But what do I hear of our doctor ? Has he set his heart
on a gold jug ? * What if he bestows his embrace on one
of silver, if a gold one is not to be had ? Do take pains
in every way you can, to show him the middle finger.f
Farewell.
Louvain, 21 December, 1517.+
We have seen by Epistles 678, 679^ written probably in the pre-
ceding month, that Erasmus was then expecting a present of silver
* Sed quid audio de Medico ? Itane deamat ille chrysidem ? The doctor
is, no doubt, Afinius.
t Tu cura modis omnibus ut Medico medium unguem possis ostendere :
Show the doctor, that you are ashamed of him. To point the middle finger
at a person, was, with the ancients, a sign of contempt. Erasmus, Adagia,
Ixvii, Ixviii.
X Lovanio 21. Decemb. An. 151 7. C.
The Physician^ s expected present 201
plate from Afinius ; and we may infer from the last clause of Epistle
715, that the present had not yet arrived, and that Erasmus was
beginning to despair of receiving any material advantage from an
acquaintance, which had otherwise no attraction for him. As, in the
first book of the Iliad, Chryseis, daughter of Xpvar}^;, was an object of
desire and contention to the Homeric chiefs, so a Chrysis, or indeed
an argyris, a gold vessel, — or one of silver, if of sufficient size and
beauty, — might be regarded as a suitable present from a wealthy
physician to an author, who was proposing to dedicate to him (upon
his own request) one of his literary productions. See before, pp. 135,
137 ; and vol. ii. p. 526.*
Gerardus Listrius, who in the autumn of 15 14 had been among the
scholars busy with Erasmus at Basel, and was then described by him
as having some skill in medicine, had since that time become a
schoolmaster at Zwolle, the capital town of Oberysscl in the north-
eastern part of Holland. See vol. ii. pp. 160, 279. He now sends to
Erasmus from the latter place a letter dated the 28th of December,
15 17. The Prior of the Monastery of St. Agnes (situate, I presume, in
the same city), with which Listrius was in some way, perhaps as
Chaplain, connected, had been in possession of a copy of the Gospels
in Greek, of the existence of which Erasmus was already aware, having
apparently made some inquiry about it in a letter to Listrius.
Epistle 716. Deventer MS. ; C. 1651 (225).
Listrius to Erasmus.
As I read your letter,! Master Erasmus, it flew at once
into my mind, that I should as soon as possible send the
Greek Gospels to you. But by some chance the Prior had
allowed the use of them to a Father in the country of
Cleves. I accordingly got a letter from the Prior, and
* A Declamation in Praise of Medicine was dedicated by Erasmus to Afinius
nearly three months later, 13 March, 15 18. Erasmi Opera, vol. i. p. 538. It
may be presumed that the expected present had then arrived.
t This letter to Listrius does not appear to have been preserved.
202 Listriiis and the Greek Gospels
sent off my boy to the furthest recesses of that country.
Meantime a bookseller came hither from your parts, who
said that there was a persistent report, that you had gone
over to England. Consequently I doubted whether I
should send the book or not ; but I have made up my mind
to send it, as such rumours are not generally to be trusted ;
though I am afraid it will not be of much use to you.
John Langenfeld f is working hard both at Mathematics
and at Greek ; while I am so overwhelmed with my own
business and the school work, that I have scarcely time to
look into a book, and it will not be believed, how much
I am losing in respect of learning. The profit little cor-
responds with the labour ; nevertheless I intend to per-
severe, in obedience both to your advice, and to that of
the excellent Fathers. J
* * * » »
Some days ago a canonry at Utrecht was offered me by
some friends ; but, as the offer was not clear of Simony, I
declined it, though there was no lack of friends who were
ready of their own accord to lend me the money required.
But I prefer to live to Christ in my poverty, rather than in
wealth to the Devil.
The lord Prior of St. Agnes, a most ardent lover of
yours, is well ; and both he and Father Cocmann, — a
general herald of your praises, — with whom I am living,
send their greetings. Continue to despise, as you do,
those who bark against you, and thank God, that you
have this in common with Him, that you are treated
ungratefully by those, who are under the deepest obli-
gations to you. Farewell.
Zwolle, 28 December, I5i7.§
t Longicampianus. See Epistle 427, vol. ii. p. 326.
\ I presume the Prior and Fathers of the Monastery of St. Agnes, See a
few lines below.
§ Ex Zwolle, 28. Decembris, Anno 15 17. C
Difference betweeti two friends 203
In Epistle 717, addressed by Erasmus to Dorpius, the writer does
his best to make peace between two of his friends, Dorpius and
Naevius. It appears that the latter, — Joannes Naevius Hontiscotanus,
master of the High School (paedagogium Liliense) at Louvain, — was
at this time living with Erasmus at the Collegium Liliense. See
Epistles 620, 689. In an eulogy of Naevius, written after his death
some seven years later, Erasmus says that it was his one fault, — that
though not easily irritated, he was difficult to appease. See C. 784 F.
The writer probably had the circumstances of this time in his mind.
Epistle 717. Deventer MS.; C. 1654 (233),
Erasmus to Dorpius,
Although it is my never-ceasing business to exhort our
friend Naevius to peace and concord, I did nevertheless,
on the very day upon which gave me the commission,
proceed to action in the matter, and that so energetically,
that I almost carried the man along with me. There is no
mortal living, who by his character shrinks more from a
quarrel than he ; neither is there anyone that more gladly
abstains from meddling with other people's affairs. Nothing
can be kinder, — nothing more friendly than Naevius is ; I
only wish that his genius had also had the good luck, which
it well deserved, of being free from wrangles of this sort,
and at leisure to devote itself entirely to study. It was on
this account that I withdrew for a time from his society, and
I should meet him with more pleasure now, if he were clear
of these questions of yours ; not that he throws the burden
of them upon me, but that we should then be more at liberty
to devote our thoughts in common to philosophic study.
I shall not cease to advise him to take the same course as
I do. And to you, my Dorpius, I make this one request,
that you will remember, how unbecoming it is to quarrel
with a man, with whom you have been so intimate, —
204 Letter of the Bishop of Liege
especially upon an occasion that does not at all concern
yourself; while it is Naevius's character to be most constant
in his attachment to those whom he has once accepted as
friends. Farewell.
Louvain, 15 17.
The following letter is the answer of the Bishop of Liege to Epistle
712, which had been delivered to him by Paschasius Berselius,
together with a copy of Erasmus's Paraphrase of the Epistle to the
Romans. See p. 195.
Epistle 718. Auctarium, p. 216 ; Ep. iii. 45; C. 359 (348).
Erard^ Bishop of Liege to Erasmus.
I received with much pleasure the letter which you sent
me by Paschasius, a person who is devoted to you, and
for whom I have a great regard. I was also much pleased
with your Paraphrase of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans.
I give you infinite thanks for writing to me, and for the good
opinion of me, which you express in your letter, being glad
to be praised by one who is the subject of so much praise.
You have been hitherto unknown to me personally, but very
well known for the last ten years by name and reputation,
both for your distinguished erudition and for the amiable
character which I hear you possess. If you will be pleased
to do us the honour of coming here, we shall reckon, that a
favour has been conferred upon us. If you will not come
to us, we shall seek an opportunity of going to you, so that
we may be able to enjoy your society and conversation.
Farewell.
30 December, [1517]-*
* Tertio Kal. Ian. An. m.d.viii. This letter is mentioned in the letter of
Erasmus to Gerard of Nimeguen, dated 10 January, 1518. Epistle 728.
Berselius at the Bishop's Castle 205
Paschasius Berselius, the person who is mentioned in the first
sentence of the Bishop's letter (Epistle 718), and to whom Erasmus
had twice written before (Epistles 684, 708), was an ecclesiastic of
Liege, in intimate relation with the Bishop, and in sufficiently good
circumstances to have made a present to Erasmus, to which allusion
is made in the opening sentence of the following letter. The
Castle of Huy, which was one of the residences of the Bishop, was
situated on the Meuse, a few leagues to the west of the city of Liege ;
and the following letter describes a scene characteristic of the Court
of a Prelate who was more prince than bishop.
Epistle 719. Aiictarium, p. 211 ; Epist. iii. 43; C. 229 (232).
Paschasius Berselius to Erasmus.
I may confidently say that I have never liked the
assiduity, — or rather covetousness, — of those people, who
send keepsakes in all directions to their acquaintance in
expectation of receiving presents in return. It is true
that I had sent to you, — and that only once, — some sort
of pledge of my affection ; but you in loving craft have
feigned a war between us, in which you intend to be the
conqueror. For you say in your letter, that you have been
challenged by me with gifts, but do not mean to compete
just now, — not declining battle altogether, but putting it oflF
to a more convenient season. * * Enough has
been done, and I surrender at discretion. Your Paraphrase
has shown you to be too much for me ; I am my own no
longer, but yours with all my heart by right of conquest.
On the 28th of December I called at the castle of Huy
upon the most gracious Prince ; who received me, as he
always does, with the greatest kindness and courtesy. I
delivered your letter to him, and also the Paraphrase,
because the person to whom you gave that commission
had more than once tried to perform it in vain. The
2o6 The Bishop's brother and his family
Prince read the letter aloud, and then pressed the present
to his lips, expressing his pleasure by uttering repeatedly
the name of Erasmus ; and I was bid to remain that day at
the Castle. After service came dinner-time. We entered
the principal hall, which is decorated with tapestries of
great size and height. The water for our hands was soon
brought round, and the Prince took his seat, having next
him his brother Robert, an accomplished soldier, who may
be regarded as the Achilles of our age. The third seat was
occupied by the wife of this personage, a, Penelope in her
life, and a Lucretia in her character ; the fourth by his
daughter, a young lady of marriageable age, whose face
made one think of Diana. The fifth and sixth places were
filled by this young heroine's two brothers, whom you might
well have taken for the twin sons of Leda. Among these
gods and goddesses I, poor beetle,* took my seat on the
invitation of Jupiter, feeding my eyes with gold, jewels and
purple, my ears with sweet music, and my palate with
nectar and ambrosia ! When our appetites were satisfied,
the dinner was removed, and grace was sung. We then
rose, and the company began to play, some with dice, and
some at draughts.f Meantime I was called to the Prince,
and we had a long and complimentary talk about you.
There is no one for whom he has a higher regard ; he
longs to see you and fold you in his arms, — but as he would
a parent, or rather as a supernatural visitor from Heaven !
He is inviting you by letter, pray do not linger ; you will
gratify him extremely, if you cast aside all delays. Do not,
for Heaven's sake, let so great a personage be tormented
by a continued longing for your society. He is unlike any
prelate you have seen in Italy, France, England, Scotland
or Germany. Whether you look at the resources of the
* Ego scarabeus. See Adagia ; scarabeus aquilam qujerit.
t Alii fritillo, alii latrunculis.
Interest of the Bishop in Erasmus 207
mind, the endowments of the body, or the gifts of fortune,
he leaves them all far behind.
The persons you lately bid me salute in your name, send
their greetings in return, especially Baptist, who loves you
as he might love a father.* Please salute your son and my
brother, Rutgerus Rescius. I will write to him when I have
time to do so.f
Farewell, glory of literature ! If you have anything to
send to the Prince, you may safely entrust it to me, his
humble chaplain. Farewell again.
From our cell at Liege [30 Dec. 15 17]. J
• This clause of greeting answers a similar message in the letter of Erasmus
to Berselius, Epistle 708. The Baptist here mentioned appears to have been
a brother of Jerome Aleander. See p. 115.
f Rutgerus Rescius was a scholar, who appears at this time to have been
employed at Louvain in the printing ofifice of Thierry Martens. See vol. ii.
p. 517-
X Septimo Idus Januarias. Auciarium. The answer to this letter, Epistle
725, is dated postridie Epiphanise,, i.e. the 7th of January, which is the same
date as Septimo Idus Januarias. I have therefore corrected the date of the
former letter on the assumption that it accompanied that of the Bishop,
Epistle 718.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Continued residence at Louvain^ January^ 1518. Corres-
pondence with Berselius^ the Bishops of Liege and
Utrecht^ the Abbot of St. Bertin^ Bade, Glarean,
Latimer and others. Epistles 720 to 735.
The first Epistle of Erasmus translated in the present chapter con-
tains an Apology for the Moria, an old story, as the writer himself
tells us, after the book had gone through more than a dozen editions.
The person to whom the letter was written, is described in the Latin
address, as Warden of the Minorites (Guardiano Minoritarum), — that
is, I presume, the chief of an establishment of Friars Minor or Fran-
ciscans,— in Amsterdam.* He had apparently written to Erasmus,
advising him to be cautious in what he published, and recalling the
offence which had been given by the Moria.
Epistle 720. Deventer MS.; C. 1667 (254).
Erasmus to John of Louvain.
I could not but heartily welcome your so friendly, so
prudent, — or to describe it shortly, — your so Christian
counsel. As regards the Moria I have undertaken to
satisfy the reader, partly in the Preface of the work itself,
and partly in the Epistle to Dorpius, which is now added
* Integerrimo Patri, Domino Joanni a Lovanio, Guardiano Minoritarum in
Amsterledam. C.
Review of the Moria 209
to the book. But what are you to do with those,
whom no reasons can appease, and who indeed loudly
condemn what they have never read ? If I had foreseen
that those friends of yours would be so deeply offended, I
might perhaps have suppressed the work, being of that
mind, that if it is in my power to satisfy everybody, I would
gladly do so, as far as it can be done without adulation.
But it is of no use to regret the publication now, after the
book has gone through more than twelve editions.
I should very much like to know, why of all mankind,
the only persons that have taken offence are Monks and
Theologians. Can it be that they all recognize their own
likeness in my descriptions ? The Pope read the Moria
through, and laughed over it ; he only added, " I am glad
to find our Erasmus has his own place there too !" And
yet there is no set of men whom I treat with more bitter-
ness than Popes ! I have no taste for evil-speaking ; but if
I chose to describe Theologians and Monks as most of them
really are, it would then be apparent with what civility they
are spoken of by Folly.
That the book is read in Schools, I had never heard
before ; though indeed I did take pains to admit nothing
in it, that would be corrupting to that age ; for as to your
fear, that the reading of it might alienate them from all
religion, I do not understand what that means. Is there
any danger of all religion being disliked, because something
is said against those who are superstitiously religious ? I
only wish, that all who are now called " Religious " * were
worthy of that name. Indeed I will say more freely still,
I would that priests and people were such true followers
of the religion of Christ, that those who are now the only
persons called Religious would not appear religious at all !
The world is everywhere full of monasteries ; I do not
* Members of Religious Orders, Monks and Friars.
VOL. III. P
2IO Transfer of Church Preferments
myself condemn any method of life ; but make the estimate
for yourself, — how few there are in them, who, beyond
church services and ceremonies, have any religion at all !
I have never blackened any man's character, while I have
tilted in a playful way at the common and most notorious
vices of mankind. And yet for the future I intend to act
with still greater moderation ; and if there are some persons
whom I cannot possibly satisfy, I shall console myself with
the example of St. Paul, who through evil report and
good report, followed that which was right. At any rate I
go so far as this, that if I have not the approbation of all, I
have at any rate that of the greatest and the best. And
perhaps the others at last will praise the same person when
dead, whom they censure while he is living.
Farewell, good Father, and commend me in your prayers
to Christ.
Louvain, 2 January, 15 18.*
The following letter is addressed, loanni de Hondt Canonico
Curtracensi, — to Jan van Hondt, Canon of Courtrai. It should be
remembered, that in July, 151 6, by the influence of the Chancellor Le
Sauvage, a canonry in the Cathedral of Courtrai had been given to
Erasmus, which he had found it convenient to transfer to Jan van
Hondt in exchange for a pension. See vol. ii. p. 309. By the present
letter it appears, that Erasmus had employed the service of his corre-
spondent in a similar way with respect to other church preferments,
including a benefice in the diocese of Utrecht^ which had been con-
ferred upon him by way of part-payment of a pension granted to him
by the Burgundian Court.
Epistle 721. DeventerMS. ; C. 1667 (255).
Erasmus to fan van Hondt.
t do not doubt, excellent Sir, that your character is such as
* Lovanio 2. Januarii, Anno 1518. C.
Pension paid by Benefices 2 1 1
it was long ago depicted to me by Master Lewin Potelberg,
formerly Treasurer of Flanders,* — a man in my opinion no
less trustworthy than courteous, — by whose recommendation
the Courtrai prebend was transferred to you. And this
opinion of mine is confirmed by the judgment of Peter
Barbier, — no foolish or careless person, — who has entrusted
to you the management of his own affairs. But there is no
need of a multitude of precautions in the intercourse of
those to whom the old saying applies, "Good men must
deal well with each other." f As regards that benefice in
the diocese of Utrecht, you shall not find me in any respect
difficult to deal with ; but while I know what dealings I
have myself had with Barbier, I do not know what has
passed between yon and him. Consequently I have no
certain answer to give except this, that, when the amount of
the pension has been calculated, and a portion only of this
consists of benefices, it does not seem fair, when these are
subject to any abatement, to make the deduction apply to
the whole amount of the pension as originally estimated.
The most Reverend Prelate of Utrecht seems to be un-
commonly well disposed towards us, as he has shown by
one or two letters to me. But that is a window, which
those friends of yours do not readily open to other persons,
who are inclined to seek for equal favour ; and I do not
myself think it expedient to waste the goodwill of so great
a Prince upon any trifling object. I want you accordingly
to act as a faithful friend ; whatever Barbier approves shall
have my assent ; and I am looking for a letter from him
upon this subject as well as others. He sent me, while
still on his journey, the money received out of the pension, J
and in that matter I lovingly acknowledge both his attention
* D. Livinus Potelbergius quondam Flandriae Qusestor serarius. C.
t Inter bonos bene agier oportet. C.
\ pecuniam ex pensione receptam. C.
P 2
2 1 2 Erasmus and Ajinius
and your fidelity. If anything should arise in which I can
be of use to you, you shall find no lack, on my part, either
of good will or of zeal. Farewell.
Louvain, 5 January, 15 18.*
In Epistle 722 Erasmus shows no excess of deHcacy in writing to
Afinius about the present of plate, which he was expecting from
him. See Epistle 678. It must be admitted, that to the admirers of
their author, these letters to Afinius present anything but agreeable
reading.
Epistle 722. Deventer MS. ; C. 1668 (256).
Erasmus to Afinius.
Most learned of physicians, and best of friends, the day
named has gone by over and over again, and every time
without result. It may be that the stars of last year were
not favourable to our intercourse. Do now, at any rate,
under the better auspices of a new year, send those often
promised cups, so that our friends, who suspect I have
been over trustful, may not appear to be right.
Can I possibly suspect a person like you to be guilty of
such conduct ? You are too serious to make game of any
one, and I do not think that you can regard me as a suitable
object for such treatment. I have accordingly sent Thierry
Martens to bring them to me. He is quite a safe messenger;
and you will find that I shall not be backward in my attention
to you, however little I have hitherto done.
Farewell, and if you sincerely respond to the regard I
have for you, take care that Thierry does not return with
empty hands. Do not put the day off any longer, bearing
* Lovanio 5. Januarii, Anno 15 18. C.
Letter to Barhier in Spain 213
in mind that a great part of the value of a favour is lost by
delay. Farewell again.
Louvain, 6 January, 15 18.*
On the same day Erasmus dictated a letter to Peter Barbier, who
was now apparently in Spain with his patron, John Le Sauvage, the
minister of King Charles. See vol. ii. p. 606.
Epistle 723. Deventer MS. ; C. 1668 (257).
Erasmus to Peter Barhier.
If you did not stand in the place of my Maecenas, f I
should tear you to pieces with reproaches for not having
returned me a word of answer to the many letters by
which you have been challenged ; especially when you do
write to others. The whole business of the pension I have
entrusted to your fidelity ; do, pray, continue to be like
yourself.
Perhaps after Easter I shall have to go either to Basel
or to Italy, in order to conclude the last act of this Theo-
logical Comedy. For in revising the Greek Testament I
have already advanced so far, that the port is now in sight,
though at some distance. I hate this work of mine, when I
think of the ingratitude of some ; but on the other hand I
am comforted by the progress made by the good.
I have sent you the Apologia^ in which I answer Lefevre ;
I have also sent my Paraphrase ; % and I hear that these
works have been delivered to you. I am surprised that
* Lovanio 6. Januarii, Anno 1518. C.
t Ni mi hi Maecenatis esses vice. The Chancellor Le Sauvage being Eras-
mus's Maecenas, his secretary might be regarded as a vice-patron.
\ The Apologia appears to have been published in August, and the Para-
phrase on St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans in November, 15 17.
214 Epistle to Berselius
Leftvre does not, by even a short note, either defend his
position, or acknowledge his defeat.
I have been long expecting some happy oracle from your
quarter. I want very much to know what the Bishop of
Chieti is about, and also what our pleasant friend Guy* is
doing. But above all, do contrive that my pension be paid
as soon as possible, so that I may not want money for my
journey, for everything is expensive here, and I am not
making the smallest profit. Commend me again and again
to my excellent Maecenas ; and write me word, whether
there is any hope of seeing you back again. Farewell,
Barbier, dearest of all mortals !
Louvain, 6 January, I5i8.f
To the letter of Berselius, Epistle 719, of which some account has
been given in the preceding chapter, Erasmus sent a speedy reply.
Epistle 724. Auctarium, p. 213 ; Epist. iii. 44 ;
C. 230 (233).
Erasmus to Paschasius Berselius,
You must indeed be a warlike person, when one hears no
sound from you but of battle and of engines of attack and
defence. But guard yourself as you please, we shall reach
you still, though we have to tunnel for it ! At present we
have this stone to roll, or rather this mill to grind in.
But 1 do congratulate you on being admitted to the feasts
* Lepidissimus Guide noster. In a letter written some weeks later to
Barbier, Erasmus calls Guy Morillon co7igerronem tuum, your playfellow. See
about Morillon, vol. ii. p. 494.
t In die .... MD 18. Deventer MS. 6. Januarii, Anno 1518. C. The
word, apparendy illegible in the manuscript, may be presumed to have been
Epiphaniai.
Literary task-work 215
of gods,* and suppose vou are by this time become a demi-
god yourself. You have been pleased to make me also a
partaker in that blissful banquet, having so grapnically
described it, that I seem even now to be sitting with you
among gods and goddesses. Without jesting, I have been
passing all last night in conversation with the Bishop ; and I
am by no means inclined to torment him by long deprivation
of my society. But in the first place, look at the time of
year, when, — to deal with you in poetical phrase, — the sea
is not fit to sail, nor the land to roam. And in the next
place, my health is such, that I can scarcely keep it, while
I hide myself at home, either walking backwards and for-
wards before a blazing fire, or sunk like a cuckoo in his
nest. But this nest, as I call it, is worse than a treadmill ;
for I am engaged in a work that is troublesome beyond
measure ; in which however I am so far advanced, that I
feel like the traveller on his w^ay from Naples to Cumae,
who sees afar through the dense darkness of the tunnelled
mountain a speck of light, like a star, which promises an
exit, — or like the wave-tossed voyager, when he catches a
distant sight of port. Within a month with Christ's aid I
shall get clear of this labyrinth ; whereas, if the labour were
now interrupted, I could not induce my mind to place itself
in such a treadmill again. Now that Proteus is caught, his
bonds must be kept tight, until he resumes his own shape
and solves the oracle. The winter's cold will soon relax,
so that we may take to our wings with the storks and
swallows.
When you rank your Prince above all prelates, and that
in every kind of merit and distinction, I shall not dispute
this estimate with you, especially as you are not the only
person who maintains it, and your opinion is confirmed by
the promotion of Aleander, and finally by his own letter,t
• See Epistle 719. t Epistle 677.
2i6 Patrons of Erasmus
which exhibits the courtesy of a truly noble spirit. And
yet the Archbishop of Canterbury is so good to me, that
I could not wish him more accommodating ; and I should
be happy enough with him alone, if either he were in this
country, or England were joined to us by a bridge ; so
much do I detest that frightful Channel, and the seamen
more frightful still. But as in ancient Scythia polyphily,
or the entertainment of many friends, was in ill repute, —
and I see that Hesiod too thought it equally mean for a man
to have many allies as to have none, — so perhaps among the
poetical tribe, it may not be held respectable for the same
author to have many Maecenates ; though for my part I pray
for nothing more than to have the approbation of the best
persons, since we cannot have that of everybody.
In this respect I certainly have not so much to complain
of want of patronage, as of its having come late, t Almost
all England is friendly to me. When I was lately there,
the King himself soon sent for me, and made me an offer
not to be despised ; and the Cardinal of York did the same.
The Archbishop of Mayence has sent me a most loving
invitation by a letter written with his own hand. In another
letter Philip, bishop of Utrecht, has just now done the same ;
while he of Basel has proposed to share his kingdom with
me. But, as I have said, all this comes rather late.f The
Maecenas I need now is not one that will advance me on the
stage of the world, or load me with the gifts of fortune, but
one that will mend my bodily strength, and restore the
vigour of my mind. Both of these, originally weak, have
been exhausted, partly by age, and partly by the perpetual
labour of study. At present both my mind craves some
honourable repose, and my health demands it. For the last
f — t The above passage, which has a personal interest, from the words
Almost all England to the word late, — not being included in the letter as
printed, — is supplied ''ex MS.' in the Errata of Le Clerc's edition, p. 1933.
Plans for the coming Spring 217
catastrophe of this play is still to come, in which I hope to
be permitted so to discharge my part as to be approved by
Christ, the great director of the scene. I have not hitherto
sought a dignified position, as being out of proportion to my
mental and bodily powers ; and if I seek it now, I shall be
unequal to sustain it. T therefore stand resolved tenaciously
to guard my leisure, in which however I shall so live as to
be of service to the public so far as my strength will allow,
even if I abstain in future from such more than youthful
labours as are now pulling me down.
In the early days of Lent I shall begin to fly out of the
nest. If it stand with the pleasure of my lord Bishop, our
affair shall be put off till then. If not, we will endeavour to
gratify so great a prince even at the risk of our health. You
see, my Paschasius, how I have poured my whole self into
your bosom. Farewell.
The Paraphrase which frightens you, — for so you write, —
will please you better, if you compare it closely with the
text.
Louvain, the morrow of the Epiphany (7 Jan.), 15 18.*
The above letter was accompanied by another of the same date
addressed to the Bishop and Prince of Liege, in which a part of the
same matter was repeated in more studied phrase.
Epistle 725. Auctarium, p. 217 ; Epist. iii. 45 ; C. 290 (297).
Erasmus to the Bishop of Liege. ^
Most Reverend Prelate and illustrious Prince, to answer
in few words and without preface your Highness's most
* Lovanii, postridie Epiphanise, Anno m. d. xvii.
t Erardo Episcopo ac Principi Leodiensi Erasmus Roterodamus S.D.
2i8 Invitation of the Bishop of Liege
gracious letter, — in which you tell me, that having long known
me by reputation, you desire also to see me face to face, —
I can only say that the goddess, called Ossa * by Homer
and Fama by Maro, with her usual vanity and exaggeration,
burdens Erasmus with such praises, that he is not at liberty
either to decline what she attributes to him in so many
tongues, or to retain as his own what she puts upon him.
I am aware that there is no fairer object of pursuit than to
be approved by the chief of men. But meantime, as I take
my own measure at home, however agreeable it is to be
esteemed by those whose approbation is as honourable as
their disapproval is the reverse, it is no less painful to feel,
that there is nothing in ourselves which answers to the
friendly opinion or lofty expectation, which they entertain
concerning us. I may thus owe to the trumpet of Fame
much the same debt of gratitude, as that unskilful harper
did to the person who brought him into a crowded theatre
dressed in a golden pall with a golden harp in his hand,
when he was sure to be hissed off the stage as soon as he
began to play. In me there is nothing to be seen ; or if
there is, it is represented by my books. The best part of
us is there, and the rest would not sell for a farthing ! And
yet, being so lovingly invited, I would most eagerly have
flown to your Highness ; but I am deterred, first, by this
more than wintry weather, and in the next place by my
health, which, in itself delicate, is now so broken down by
the constant labours in which I am engaged, that I can
scarcely secure it while I keep to the house. I am toiling
so earnestly in the renewal of the New Testament, that I
have grown old myself in the task, and while I am freeing
* The word"Off(Ta appears more than once in Homer in the sense of Fama,
or Rumour personified; as in the last book of the Odyssey, line 422,
"0<TO-a S' ajo' ayyeXos wKa koto. tttoXiv w'^ero iravT-q '
and in the second book of the Iliad, line 94, she is called Atos ayyeXot.
Milder weather to be awaited 219
this book from the rust of age, I have become doubly aged
and rusty myself, — resolved as I am, either to die in en-
deavouring to complete the work that is begun, or to make it
such as to appear worthy of the tenth Leo, and of posterity.
We have now advanced so far, that though we are still
struggling in the midst of waves, the distant harbour is
gradually coming into sight ; in which, with the breath of
Christ upon the gale, we shall come to anchor before Lent.
At that time, in milder weather, and with a mind more
at leisure, I shall hasten to your Reverence, and hope even
to anticipate the swallows and the storks ! But if your
Highness will not allow even this delay, we shall cast
everything else aside as of less importance, and fly to you.
But I have already written more fully about these matters
to our excellent Paschasius, a person in many respects most
fortunate, but especially to be congratulated on being in
favour with a Prince no less gracious than powerful, whom
I pray the Almighty long to preserve to us, in the enjoy-
ment of health and of every other blessing.
Louvain, the morrow of Epiphany (7 January), 15 18.*
Three days later Erasmus addresses to another of his exalted corre-
spondents,— his own diocesan, the Bishop of Utrecht, — a letter, at the
end of which he again speaks of the kind of patronage that he now
desired.
Epistle 726. Epist. ad diversos, p. 172 ; Epist. ii. 48 ; C. 270
(298).
Erasmus to Philip of Burgundy^ Bishop of Utrecht.
Most reverend Prelate and illustrious Prince, I have
kissed over and over again your Highness's letter, which,
* Lovanii, postridie Epiphanise Anno m. d. xviii. Auctarium,
220 Importance of Erasmus' s Work
short as it is, — counted by lines, — is nobly prolix, if measured
by its kindness. But, — to make a communication between
two persons of very little leisure as short as possible, — I am
delighted to find that the Complaint of Peace has been
approved, first, by the verdict of so great a Prince, and then
by the suffrage of the most learned scholars.
We are living a cuckoo's life, but, our study is more like
a grinding-mill than a nest. In my repeated endeavours to
give a fresh novelty to the New Testament, I have grown old
myself ; and w^hile thus engaged in retirement, am taking no
mean part in the Theatre of the World. But the perverse
malice of some of the spectators makes me weary now and
then of so immense a task ; while on the other hand I am
consoled by the consciousness of the important service, which,
if I am not mistaken, my work will render to good men. If I
was born for this object, it does not become me to fight, like
the Giants, against God, and if I have ground this mortar-ful
for myself, it is only right I should eat it up. Having made
my entry upon the stage, the play must be played out, and
we have by this time almost reached the Catastrophe. But
I shall continue to act my part both more willingly and
more carefully, with your encouragement and applause, but
above all with the approval, as I hope, of Christ, whose
sanction alone is abundantly enough. I foresee a wonderful
advance of learning and piety in these regions, if there be
found a few Maecenates like you, who, as if with standard
raised on high, may summon good intellects to work, may
stimulate by rewards, and honour by authority. And if it is
too much to hope for many patrons like you, it is indeed to
be wished, that the Powers above may preserve you to us
in safety, may encourage that mind in you, and grant to that
mind as many years as may be.
I am aware how much I owe you for the paternal interest
which you take in me ; but it is almost too late for me now
to measure swords with dame Fortune, or to descend into
The Bishop of Utrecht's Secretary 221
those lists, from which I shrunk, even when young. An
eminent position, which it is no less trouble to sustain than
to procure, is a great burden ; my age, my health, and my
disposition demand some ready and easy place of security,
which will not deprive me of literary leisure. But I am
allowing myself to be carried on further in writing to you
than I ought. I bid your reverend Highness farewell, dedi-
cating myself and all my studies to your service.
Louvain, 10 January, 15 18.*
The following letter, addressed to Gerardus Noviomagus (Gerard
Geldenhauer of Nimeguen), the Secretary of the Bishop of Utrecht,
belongs to the same time as Epistle 726, and may be assumed to have
been sent with it. It was printed as a separate publication by Thierry
Martens, with the year-date 151 7. This date, so far as it goes, may
be accepted as right according to the usage of Brabant, where the
annus doniini commenced on Good Friday. See Introduction, vol. i.
p. Ixix.
Epistle 727. Epist. iii. 42 ; C. 288 (292).
Erasmus to Gerard of Nimeguen.
Most learned Gerard, while I have always counted it a
most desirable distinction to win the approbation of men of
high position, there is no one whom I have a greater wish
to please than Philip, a prelate to whose diocese I belong,
and who stands also in every way in the foremost rank.
The Archbishop of Mayence wrote me several months ago
a letter of the greatest kindness, and that with his own
fingers. The Bishop of Liege has also lately written,
threatening to fly hither himself if I found any difficulty in
* Lovanij, quart. Idus Ian. 1518. Deventer MS. Sim. Ep. ad div. 172.
2^2 Men of letters at the Bishop's Court
coming to him. But as these attentions are gratifying to
me, so on the other hand I am dissatisfied with mvself and
let my feathers droop, when it comes to my mind, that
there is nothing in me to answer the expectations of such
important persons.
But how now ! I find something in your letter that is
quite new to me. I had no idea, that you were endowed
with such virgin modesty, as not to venture to write to me!
I have often seen you blush, but could not guess the cause.
Supposing what you say to be true, I deem you not fit either
for Court or Cowl. If therefore you think of doing anything
at all, you must lose no time in hardening your forehead, and
wiping away those useless blushes.
In my New Testament work I have made such way, that,
although I am still at sea, the distant harbour is in sight and
as it were inviting me to rest. I send the little Book of
Paraphrase, in case you have not yet got it. You will give
a share of it to your learned friends, and if you find it con-
venient, to the Prince also, but especially to Philip du Mont,
the Proctor, as you write, of the Court,* to whom I cannot
but return a warm regard, when he himself challenges me
so kindly. Nsevius and Borssele return your salutation.
Farewell, most loyal Noviomagus.
Louvain [lo January, I5i8].f
The following letter was addressed by Erasmus to his old friend,
Antony of Bergen, Abbot of St. Bertin (see vol. i. 92, 348, ii. 58, 120),
of whom he had lately heard from More, — the latter, probably by
Erasmus's suggestion, having paid a visit to the Monastery, which
appears to have been situated within the town of St. Omer.
* Philippo Montio, aulse, ut scribis, procurator!.
t Lovanii m. d. xvii. Ed Lond. The date is here assumed to be the same
as that of the letter to the Bishop, Epistle 726. See p. 221.
The Abbot of St. Bertin 223
Epistle 728. Auctarium, p. 162 ; Epist. iii. 18 ;
C. 366 (353)-
Erasmus to the Abbot of St. Bertin.
Incomparable patron, I have been long on many accounts
indebted to your kindness, and am now still more obliged
to you for having received More, a part of my soul, — I had
almost said the dearer part, — in such a loving way. So
heartily in his letter to me does he congratulate himself
on having seen your lordship. Your courtesy is not less
welcome to me, because it is nothing new ; and yet, dear
friend as More is, I was a little jealous of him, because I
have not lately enjoyed the same privilege myself.
May I die if this winter has not seemed to me to have
lasted more than a century, so long have I had to live a
cuckoo's life ; though it is not so much a nest in which we
pass our time as a most hateful treadmill. We are renewing
the New Testament once more ; and trust with the blessing
of Christ to make it such as may seem not unworthy both
of the Tenth Leo and of posterity.
Though I have no opportunity of seeing you, you are not
without some sort of representative with me. For Antony,
your brother's son, is here ; and by the sweetness of his
nature no less than by his name he recalls and represents
his uncle. May I incur the wrath of all the Muses, if I
either lie or flatter, — he is a youth of marvellous character,
of whom the highest hopes may be entertained. And, what
is rare among the favourites of fortune, he is also fond of
Good Letters and for the sake of Letters has some regard
for us. He comes to see us now and then, and looks with
reverence at our library. Yesterday he sent me some
venison with a note so elegant and expressive of so much
kind feeling, that it was far more welcome to me than the
224 Episcopal Patrons
game. It will be well for Literature, if such personages
begin to take pleasure in it ; still more will it be well for
noble families, if to the splendour of their race they add
the glory of literature. This is the hinge, upon which the
happiness of the w^orld mainly turns, — are our Governments
heartily concerned for the highest objects? The Pope
attracts to his service and bestows distinction and prefer-
ment upon eminent talent, wherever it is found. I know
and confess, that I am nothing in comparison with men of
learning, and yet, — on account of some belief in my erudition,
which my lucubrations have begotten, — when I was lately in
England, the King em.braced me with the utmost kindness,
and offered me a fortune which was not to be despised. I
was received in like manner by the Cardinal of York, a
person not universally good-natured or complaisant.* The
Bishop of Utrecht has twice written to me lately ; and last
of all the Bishop of Liege, threatening to come here, if I
would not pay him a visit. The Archbishop of Mayence
has traced a whole letter with his own fingers, to show
more surely the earnestness of his regard for me. The
Bishop of Basel invites me to share his kingdom, as he
says ; and I have a horrible dread, that the King Catholic
will make me bishop of India ! But jesting apart, I am
heartily glad to find that this disposition prevails among the
Great, not on my own account, but for the sake of all. If
they go on in this w^ay, there will be a great improvement in
human affairs.
The bearer of this letter is a theologian, not less learned
than the rest of them, but less supercilious ; an honest,
good-natured, cheerful person. He has been appointed to
the living of Ensleden by way of nomination, as they now
call it, and has been in possession several months. He has
* non passim comis aut facilis. This opinion of Wolsey was not struck out
before the publication of the letter in the Auctarium in August, 1518.
The Abbofs Church Patronage 225
come to an agreement with the clerk whom your lordship
had presented to the same benefice, subject to your approval,
preferring to spend on better objects the time and trouble
which would otherwise be consumed in litigation. It is
only fair, that you should show some special favour to this
University, — whether because she is our own, or because
she has certainly in these times been of all others the most
flourishing, or because you were yourself once fostered and
nursed by her, as two of your nephews are now. Your lord-
ship will be very little troubled with nominations ; one or
two will close the account,* so that you may less grudgingly
accord this boon, as the best of her foster children to the
best of nurses. Besides, such is Thierry's character, that if
you knew the man well, there is no one to whom you would
better like the preferment to be given, whatever it is. You
will have a debtor who will not be faithless or ungrateful ;
I would offer to stand surety for him myself, if I were not
already so completely yours, that I cannot be more bound
to you than I am. His main hope is founded upon your
kindness, of which no one has not heard, and which so many
have experienced ; I beseech you earnestly that he may be
of the number.
I send you the Apostle Paul, speaking in Latin, and much
more plainly than he is wont to speak.
A Trilingual College is being founded here by Busleiden's
bequest. But some persons grumble, preferring to be, as
they are, bilingual ; superannuated parrots, whose stock of
words there is no hope of changing !
Farewell, best of patrons.
The Lily, Louvain, 14 January, 1518.!
* Una aut altera defungetur. It appears that the University of Louvain
claimed the right of nofuinating to some benefices under the lordship of the
Abbot, and so interfering with the patronage which would otherwise have
been his. The matter is further discussed in the next Epistle.
I Postridie Id. Ian. Anno m. d. i 8, ex Lilio. Deventer MS. Lovanio Anno
1518. C.
VOL. III. Q
226 Letter to Antony of Lutzenburg
Thierry, the bearer of the last letter, was also provided by his fluent
and zealous friend with a letter of recommendation to Antony of
Lutzenburg, a Canon of the Church of St. Omer, and Steward of the
Abbot of St. Bertin. See vol. ii. pp. 87, 120. The younger Antony
of Bergen, mentioned in the following letter as a namesake of the
Abbot, appears to be his great-nephew,— son and heir apparent of the
then lord of Bergen, who was himself the son of John, lord of Bergen,
nephew of Henry, lord of Bergen and Bishop of Cambrai, the patron
of Erasmus some five and twenty years before. See vol. i. pp. 92,
324-
Epistle 729. Deventer MS. ; C. 1692 (309).
Erasmus to Antony of Lutzenburg.
Thierry the bearer of this letter, who is a theologian
without theological arrogance, has given me no ordinary
pleasure, by bringing me news that you and Ghisbert the
the doctor,* my oldest and most trusty friends, are enjoying
prosperous health, and that my old patron, our common
Maecenas, the Reverend lord Abbot, is also well. Antony
of Bergen is now here, a stripling of the happiest disposition,
who recalls the Abbot not only by his name, but by the kind-
ness of his character. He is devoted to Letters, — differing
in this from the common fashion of his rank, — and for the
sake of Letters he is fond of us. Trust me, he will some
day by the lustre of his learning confer a fresh distinction on
his pedigree, while Learning itself will borrow from him in
return a fresh splendour and dignity.
But not to detain you longer than is right, I will explain
in few words, what my main object at present is. The
bearer of this letter is at war with some other priest about
the little preferment of Ensleden ; this is the Helen in
dispute between them. For Homer's Helen there was a
* See vol. i. p. 338, ii. 87.
Church patronage of Louvain University 227
ten years' war before Troy ; but for Helens of this kind
there is never any end to the fight ; and this takes place to
the great prejudice of the flock, and to the no little profit
of the vultures who live by the damage of others.* My
friend's opponent is not disinclined to give up his claim, pro-
vided he can do so with the approval of his patron, with
whom you are able to exert a legitimate influence which is
known to every body. At the same time you will be per-
forming the part of a good and faithful friend, since in
desiring collation to prevail over nomination you have
regard to the honour of the Abbot. But I think myself,
that some favour is due to this University, which has not
been surpassed in the highest learning by any other during
this century ; especially when we remember that my Lord
was himself a student here. He will not be much burdened
with these nominations ; but will be quit with one or two.
And lastly, Thierry is himself a person unusually fitted for
the office in question, being so learned in Theology, as to
be a match for many of our Masters, t and being besides,
a person of honest and sound character, and lastly a good-
natured, cheerful man, of a character most suitable for
College life. J He has been inducted for some months,
but meantime the income of the living is intercepted by
the Bishop of Utrecht. He has a great horror of litigation;
his adversary is ready to yield ; and the only thing remaining
is, for my Lord to give his approval to an arrangement,
which is quite fair in itself. Thierry Welshes to owe this
benefit entirely to the Abbot, and will be, — you may trust
me, — an honest debtor. I do therefore earnestly beg you,
since a word from you will be enough, — to get his petition
* vulturum alienis damnis viventium. I am afraid Erasmus means the
lawyers.
t The word Magister in speaking of degrees in various studies is equivalent
to Doctor. See p. 5, note.
X ad vitam communem accommodatissimus.
Q 2
228 The Paraphrase welcomed by Theologians
granted. If that cannot be done, he would like the matter, —
without the trouble of a lengthy lawsuit, — to be settled by
the arbitration of some lawyer, including the question what
compensation might fairly be given to his adversary. Never-
theless it would be a generous act, if my Lord would con-
cede this benefit outright, either to the University, or to the
merits of this claimant ; for I will say nothing of myself ;
although, if my wish has any influence with you, I would not
refuse to accept the obligation myself for the benefit con-
ferred upon him. But why talk of fresh liabihties, when I
am already and have long been your bounden debtor and
servant ?
I send you Paul speaking the Roman tongue. I have
not ventured to load the bearer with many books, and I
know that you share everything with the doctor.* Our
Moria did give offence to some divines, but this work pleases
everv one.
Pray give my greeting to Ghisbert, and to his wife, who,
I think, is propitious, now that I am so far away ; also to
steward Charles, with his nymph ! And if you meet with
the Prior of the Carthusians, be so good as to remind him,
with my salutation, that he has not yet returned me the copy
of Reuchlin's Letter. Farewell, Antony, best of friends.
Louvain [14 January] 1518.!
In Epistle 694, written apparently on the 25th of November, 151 7
(see p. 161), Erasmus had thanked Marcus Laurinus for a letter
accompanied by a present of money, and had sent him a copy of the
Paraphrase of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, which was then fresh
from the press.
* tibi omnia cum Medico esse communia. The Medicus of St. Omer
is Ghisbert, named in the next clause. See vol. i. p. 338, ii. p. 125.
f Lovanio, Anno 15 18. C. The date of day is borrowed from the Epistle
to the Abbot of St. Berlin, Epistle 728, which was sent by the same messenger,
Thierry, to St. Omer. See pp. 224, 225, 226.
Letter to Laurinus at Bruges 229
Epistle 730. Deventer MS. ; C. 1669 (258).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
I lately wrote, if I am not mistaken, by the same mes-
senger by whom you sent hither the three gold pieces, and I
also handed to him my Paraphrase^ to be taken to you. I
want to know, whether Pace is staying with you ; having by
the same messenger written to him for the third time.*
More, in a letter to me from England, congratulates himself
on having made your acquaintance, so taken was he with
the charm of your mind and character.
In our work upon the New Testament, we are panting
towards the goal. When we have reached it, it will be a
pleasure to get rid, in your sweet company, of the fatigue
of this long-continued labour. I am invited with the kindest
letters, on one side by the Bishop of Mayence, on another
by him of Utrecht, and on another by him of Liege. They
are very affectionate ; that is all ! But meantime the Graces
of Simonides are mourning at the bottom of an empty
coffer.f Farew^ell and love us, as you are wont to do !
Louvain, 14 January, 15 18. J
It appears from the following Epistle addressed by Erasmus to the
French printer, Josse Bade, ' best Professor of the best Literature,
that the writer had received a note from his correspondent, giving him
information about some books published by the Press at Paris. The
edition of the work of Erasmus, entitled Parabolas sive Stmilia, printed
by Bade, is said to bear date, tertio cal. Dec. (29 November), 15 16.
The first edition of the History of iEmilius, also published by Bade,
* See Epistle 695.
t In inani scrinii fundo Simonidis moerent Gratire.
\ Lovan. postrid. id. lanu. An. md 18. Deventer MS. Lovanio 14.
Januarii, Anno 15 13. C.
230 Fresh publications of the Press
has no date, but this work was probably first printed in 15 17. It was
reprinted in 15 19.
Epistle 731. Deventer MS, ; C. 1669 (259).
Erasmus to Bade.
I had not understood before about the Similia^ but am
glad nevertheless ; and there is no need for you to send any-
thing here ; if Peter Gillis has it, it is enough. And yet, if
he has received it, I am surprised ; as I think he was going
to send it on to me on account of what you say in it about
me, — unless perhaps he is keeping it back for Thierry's
sake.*
I have not received any letter from Deloin, except that
single one, in which he challenges me to write. f
Thank you for gracing me with your good word,| as I am
pleased to receive praise from a man highly praised ; I shall
take pains to return the attention.
I am glad to see that ^milius's Historv has been brought
hither at last. But I wonder at Linacre's writings not being
published ; I had asked Lupset to send me the one volume ;
but he, as it appears, has acted with British fidelity.§
* in gratiam Theodorici, — perhaps, in order to show it to Thierry Martens,
who had himself published an edition in 15 15, and again in 1516.
t See Epistle 424, vol. ii. p. 441.
\ I presume Erasmus alludes to some prefatory matter inserted by Bade
in his edition of the FaraholsR.
§ He has failed to perform his promise. The phrase, Britannica fides,
used as a term of reproach and in contrast with Germanorum fides, — seems
to have had some currency. But Erasmus observes in a letter written to
Melancthon in 1524, that his own experience would rather lead him to reverse
this judgment. C. 838 c. It is needless to say, he might more safely have
rejected both as founded on national prejudice.
Henry Glarean at Paris 231
I do beg you to send someone again to ask for letters
from Bude and Deloin.
Farewell, most accomplished Bade, with all yours.
Louvain, 16 January, 15 18.*
Two days after the date of the last Epistle, Erasmus wrote another
letter for Paris. This was addressed to Henry Glarean, who had
written to Erasmus from that city in the preceding August (Epistle
592), and had apparently written more lately announcing his father's
death ; and to whom Erasmus had already written two letters
addressed to Paris, Epistles 661 and 666.
Epistle 732. Auctarium; Epist. iii. 19; C. 295 (302).
Erasmus to Glarean.
Your twin letters, my very dear Glarean, have given me
a double pleasure. Your father's death ought to be patiently
borne, especially when his age is considered.
While I congratulate you on your good fortune in France,
I pray it may last ; seeing that these favours of Princes are
especially apt to be transitory. I am sorry you are pre-
paring to run away, as I am afraid that, while you are
following those ofher objects, what you have in hand may
slip away. It would perhaps have been better to leave the
testamentary business in your brother's hands. At any rate,
let me know when you propose to start on your journey ;
perhaps we may be fellow travellers.!
I am glad that you are in favour with Lef^vre, who is in
my opinion a learned, honest and kindly man, and has only
* Anno MD18, 17 Cal. Feb. Deventer MS. Lovanio 16. Januarii, Anno
1518. C.
t It is not explained, what journey Erasmus had in view in which he might
travel with Glarean. But as he might have occasion to go himself to Switzer-
land, they might perhaps travel up the Rhine valley together.
232 Lefevre' s expected Apologia
been unlike himself in dealing with me. That I am aware
has been instigated by others ; but it was not worthy of a
man of his character to be induced by any influence to make
such a wild attack on the credit of one who had a sincere
love for him, as you have yourself been able to gather from
my conversation about him. My reputation was not much
damaged, while he has compromised his own, a thing which
I regret more than you will believe. He is at work, I hear,
upon an Apologia. This I neither recommend, — as I should
be sorry that any handle should be given to those who,
while for want of fluency they dare not come down them-
selves into the arena, are striving with a sort of tyrannical
cunning, to pit us two against each other, — nor on the other
hand do I dissuade. One piece of advice you may give
him, if your intimacy will admit it, — to refrain from such
facetiousness as I hear of ; he may otherwise find, that I
am not toothless, and will perhaps be sorry, when it is too
late.
I liked the little book on The Three Magdalens ;* but I
would not have the matter in question reduced to such
narrow limits, that whoever said, that Christ rose after three
days, spoke against the Church, against the Articles of the
Faith and against all Truth ; for upon these Symplegades t
he drives the argument. In the first place the proof by
which he shows that ixera has the sense of inter, is not
conclusive. Mera ^etpa?, that is, in hand, where /u-era is put
for /cara, and /ae^' rjfjLepav, for Ka9' rjixepav, are not to be
classed with /u,era rpet? rjjxepa^. especially as that form of
expression /xe^' r}ixepa<; e^, /xe^' rjixepj.'; oktoj and the like, are
frequent in the New Testament. And lastly Synecdoche,t
* This appears to be another work of Lefevre.
t The Symplegades were some shifting rocks, whch are mentioned in the
story of the Argonauts.
X Synecdoche is defined as a figure, by which part is taken for the whole, or
the whole for part.
Synecdoche and Catachresis 233
which in this case cannot be excluded, serves also to solve
the difficulty. " He arose after three days," that is, after the
beginning of the third day. If he who makes this state-
ment contradicts the Articles of the Faith, — and the Church
so reads without contradiction for so many years, — I should
think it wiser to deal with the matter in a less tragic fashion,
especially as we have Synecdoche at hand to help us ! And
if he explains the first night by allegory or by Catachresis*
why is he afraid in this passage to admit the universally
accepted Synecdoche f
This, my Glarean, I write in a spirit of friendship for him,
whatever feeling he has for me. If you can conveniently do
so, you will gently call his attention to these points ; and
ask him at the same time, — if he is preparing an answer to
me, — that he will send me, as soon as he can, a written
copy, for which I would pay the cost, in order that I may
either admit my fault, or defend myself. For having once
received such a blow from him, I am not bound to have
any great confidence as to the future. And if he is capable
of yielding to the instigation of mischievous people, there
are plenty of such about. In any case I should be sorry,
if on my account he became in the slightest degree less
friendly to you.
I wonder that Bude has not written for so long. Fare-
well, half of my soul.
The Lily, Louvain, 18 January, I5i8.t
The following letter is addressed to William Nesen, a young
scholar, whom we have formerly seen at Basel, acting as corrector of
* Catachresis, misuse of words, where they are not employed in their
proper meaning.
t Lovananio (sic) An. m. d. 18. 15 cal. Feb. Ex lilio. Deventer MS.
Lovanij anno M. D. xviii. Calend. Febr. Auctarium. Lovanio i. Februarii,
Anno 1 5 18. C, The Lily appears to be the name of the Hall or College, at
which Erasmus was staying.
234 William Nesen at Paris
Froben's press. Epistles 321, 445, vol. ii. pp. 196, 371, 383. He has
now gone to Paris, where he has become an assistant or secretary of
Cyprianus Taleus.
Epistle 733. Farrago, p. 336 ; Epist. x. 31. C. 291 (299).
Erasmus to William Nesen.
You are fortunate indeed, — enlisted as you are in the
Muses' service under Cyprian Taleus, a person distinguished
not only for his learning and integrity, but also for his rare
prudence and marvellous experience of life. When he has
acquired a knowledge of Greek, I do not see what can be
added to the man's accomplishments. In all other branches
of learning he has long been so perfect, without any pro-
fessional conceit, that I know not whom I can compare
with him. See therefore again and again that you do not
throw away your advantages ; be a true German, and despoil
Gaul of her learning ; in so doing you will not leave her
the poorer, w^hile you will return to your own country
enriched with the noblest of wares. In this field we should
show ourselves strong and invincible, and not let it appear
that we Germans have surrendered to Gauls !
I especially beg you to call in my name upon Peter
Vitre,* who is living at the College of Navarre, and let
me know how he is, and what he is doing ; for it is a long
time since he has written anything at all. And then you
must let me know what Thomas Grey t is about, as he also
is mute.
As to the Apologia^ which some people say that Lefevre
■*" Petrus Viterius, an old friend, and a later legatee under Erasmus's will.
See vol. ii. pp. 311, 449» 476-
t Thomas Grey, an old pupil, associated with Vitre in Epistle 509. See
vol. ii. pp. 312, 476.
Controversy with Lefevre 235
is preparing, I have no fear at all ; only it is vexatious to be
spending valuable hours upon such trifles, when I have
scarcely time enough for more important matters. At the
same time I see, that the enemies of Letters are purposely
endeavouring to pit us against each other, with a cunning
worthy of tyrants ; for there is nothing so formidable to
tyranny as the concord of honest citizens. What his object
is, he must consider for himself. I regret the loss of our
old friendship, seeing that in challenging me he has not done
the best for his own good name ; and if he should be insti-
gated by anyone to make a new and more spiteful challenge,
it may be that I shall not be able to control my temper as I
have hitherto done. What have they to do with quarrels
of this kind, who worship at the shrine of the Muses and
Graces, — or, I should rather say, who profess themselves
votaries of Christ ? How much better, to vie with each other
in mutual services ! But no one fights more keenly, than he
who is dragged against his will into battle. Would that my
own steel were rusting in its sheath, or, if it must be drawn,
that I were not forced to draw it against a friend !
I have almost finished the New Testament over again,
and how many times have I made honourable mention of
Lefevre in it, — unless it is in itself an insult to differ in
opinion from him, when he differs, himself, from everybody !
I still wish you to love and respect the man ; and would
not have him lose a hair in your regard on account of this
little conflict between us.
Farewell, my special friend. My boy, John Smith, sends
his greeting to you, and would have written, but was pre-
vented, not by business, for he has none to trouble him, nor
by leisure, of which has more than enough !
From the Lily, Louvain, January 18, 15 18.*
* Louanio, 15 Cal. Feb. Deventer MS. Louanij. M. D. xviii. xv. Calendas
Februrarias, Ex Lilio. Farrago.
236 Epistle of Latimer
Erasmus appears to have addressed more than one letter to William
Latimer, an English scholar who was resident at Oxford, with a view
to induce him to take part in the correction of the text of the Greek
Testament, and also to give up some of his time to assist the Bishop
of Rochester in his Greek studies. The following epistle, which con-
tains Latimer's reply to these applications, was published by Erasmus
in the collection entitled Farrago Epistolarum. Though somewhat
lengthy, it is not altogether without interest, as illustrating the con-
dition of these studies in England at the time.
Epistle 734. Farrago, p. 318 ; Epist. x. 22 ; C. 292 (301).
William Latimer to Erasmus.
I have received, most learned Erasmus, your letter, ad-
dressed to me on the 21st of November, in which you thank
me for having promised my help, — as you write, — in the
correction of the New Testament, although I have not any-
where, as far as I know, made any such promise. Not that
I should have been unwilling to do so, if I had thought it
would be of any use to you ; but with all your learning, and
after all the care, which I understand from your Preface you
have spent upon the work, I saw that no change could pos-
sibly be made by me unless for the worse, nor any addition
which would not be superfluous. But I think it is our More,
who has imposed upon you this fictitious obligation to me,
as he did take some pains to treat with me about this very
matter, w^hen I was last at his house in London. On the
same occasion he also spoke of the Bishop of Rochester,
about whom you had written to me some months before;
but it so happened that I first read your letter on the very
day 1 fell in with More ; and he took that opportunity of
discussing both matters carefully with me. But when I had
decidedly refused both his requests, — because, as to the
Bishop, I knew that in so short a time (he asked for a month)
Conversation with More 237
I could not be of any use to him, and in the other matter,
because it was quite clear to me, that I should be throwing
my labour away, — he left the Bishop's affair entirely to me ;
but as to your work he began to insist more and more, that
I should help you in any way I could, and offer you my
co-operation in rehandling the New Testament.* That
tribute, he affirmed, was due both to your singular kindness,
and to our intimacy and affection ; and it was also due to the
interest of the Public ; on whose behalf he maintained that
you were engaged ; and he alleged several other arguments
which, as I admit them to be important, so I plead, that in
my case, if I were able to do anything, they would surely
not be needed. For indeed, Erasmus, there is not, nor will
there ever be, any want of will on my part, either to do you
honour, if the occasion should arise, or to assist in any matter
in which I can be of use to you. But having been for eight
or nine years so engaged in other studies, that I have scarcely
touched a page of Greek or Latin, what should I, or indeed
what could I, promise in answer either to More's proposal,
or to your request, when I am heartily ashamed — to say the
truth — of even writing a letter to one, who is such a master
of language as you are ? And had I not gathered from what
you have written to me, that you are expecting more from
me than I either ought to promise or could perform, I should
not have written you this very letter. And for the same
reason I have hitherto omitted to answer your other letter,
because I felt myself so completely a stranger to this kind of
work; and I trust that this conduct, though it has hitherto
appeared to savour of negligence or ingratitude, will now at
any rate be pardoned upon my confession of the truth.
But beside this long intermission of study, there is another
consideration, which is perhaps still less favourable to your
* in retractando hoc Novo Testamento. The matter in hand was the
editing of a new edition.
238 Greek of the New Testament
request. The writers who have left anything in Sacred
Literature, employed, as a general rule, far different words
and different figures of speech from those used by the old
Greek authors, and stand so far apart from that ancient
language, which 1 formerly studied, that there is not much
in them that I understand, — nothing in fact about which I
could venture to make any promise, considering that both
the figures of speech,* on which the whole meaning some-
times depends, and the proper sense of the words used are
not sufficiently known to me. But suppose that I knew
them all perfectly well, and that I had lost nothing by that
intermission in my studies, what now have you left for me,
or for any man to do, when to that supreme learning and
eloquence, in which by general admission and judgment you
excel, you have added such care and industry, as abundantly
to satisfy not only the studious and diligent, but even the
scrupulous and curious reader ? For, not to speak of the
different editions of this New Testament in ancient hands,
some traces of which are still to be found in old writers, or
of the various and in some cases contrary readings, about
which it is difficult to judge, having regard to the authority
and learning of those who have left them to us, — and
passing without notice the annotations of several more
recent authors, all of which I do not doubt you have
looked into and examined, — who, I ask, could wish for
greater diligence than you show yourself to have used in
this revision of the New Testament, above all, in the
citation, emendation and exposition of the most approved
authorities ? What labour, what care, what anxiety is im-
plied in these few words ! I observe in passing so many
illustrious names, — Origen, Chrysostome, Cyril, Jerome,
Ambrose, Hilary, authors whom few divines of our age
read, and none understand ; and then I take note of your
* locutionis figurse. I presume that the construction of sentences is meant.
Erasmus's work to be carefully read 239
return to the Greek truth, that is, to the fountain itself, and,
in the passages where it is required, to the Hebrew, —
whether you have done this by yourself or, as you say,
with the aid of your Theseus. And not content with this,
you add the pure and uncorrupted fidelity of the most
ancient manuscripts, without which perchance your labour
would have been vain. But in this matter, I know not
which most to admire, — your eagerness in seeking, or your
good fortune in finding what you sought; such is the paucity
of those books, especially of the Greek.
Therefore after that rare diligence of yours, such as no
one else, I think, had ever employed upon such a work, there
is no reason for your expecting anything from me ; especially
when you consider my ignorance of the language used by
your authors, and my almost complete forgetfulness of
scholarship altogether. Nevertheless I will read your work
through with care and attention ; and this I shall do, not on
your account, but on my own, that I may learn something
from it ; though on your account too, Erasmus, I shall gladly
read it; and if anything occurs that I do not approve (of
which I guess there will be little or nothing), I will not fail
to inform you by letter. This is what, if I am not mistaken,
I promised our friend More to do ; so that you must not
think that he deserves a scolding for neglecting your
commission.
As to what you are so often writing to me about the
Bishop of Rochester, — you certainly show a singular love
for that excellent Prelate, and at the same time an admirable
desire to promote the study of Greek, which you are en-
deavouring to make familiar to a person so distinguished and
learned; under whose patronage it will not only be safe
from censure and detraction, but will be pleasing and accept-
able to almost the whole of Britain. For who will venture
to attack it, when it is defended by a Bishop, or who will
hesitate to embrace it, if he knows it to be approved by so
240 Bishop Fisher s Greek Studies
great a dignitary? And at this juncture I understand that
my intervention is desired by you and our friend More,
thinking, as you do, that it may perhaps be in my power,
and even be my duty as a patriot, to lend some help.
For this matter, I do beg of you, Erasmus, that, in the
first place, you will not think me so ill-natured, or so rude,
as to grudge the construing of one book, or the labour of a
single month, when my help is requested by my dearest
friend, to whom I am aware that I owe much more than I
can repay in many months ; or in the next place think me
so unwise as to be unwilling to oblige a person of such
importance, and to earn by a slight exertion the favour of a
bishop, not only distinguished for his learning and sanctity
of life, but also in possession of great influence and authority ;
or lastly think me so heedless as to let slip so good an
opportunity of promoting, in this single individual, the
cause of Good Letters, and of conferring with little labour
a great distinction on my country.
But there is another consideration, which dissuades me
from your very complimentary proposal. I know that in so
few days I could not satisfy either your expectation or that
of the Bishop. For it is, as you are aware, a complicated
task, and, though more laborious than difficult, it is one that
requires time, — at any rate sufficient to commit the language
to memory. You must not suppose that I am measuring
other people's faculties by my own slowness. For I believe,
as I have heard from many persons, that the Bishop's capa-
city is of no common kind, and equal to far greater matters
than are now in question ; and you tell me in your letter
of the ardent desire he has for this learning. From these
circumstances I might well hope for rapid and favourable
progress ; * but after all, in so short a time, the result would
be but small. For I remember that Grocin, a person, as you
* sperare prospectum. ^^a^/provectum.
English Students of Greek 241
know, of multifarious learning and of powerful and practised
intellect, devoted his entire attention to this study for two
years continuously, even after he had learned the first rudi-
ments, and that under the best preceptors, Demetrius Chal-
condyles* and Angelo Poliziano ; and that Linacre, also a
man of quick intellect, spent as many years or more under
the same teachers. I do not speak of myself, who after six
or seven years am not ashamed to confess my imperfect
knowledge ; and I also pass by the cases of Tunstall and
Pace, who, by the ignorance or carelessness of their teacher,
were perhaps detained longer than their abilities required.
You know, yourself, how quick More is, how eager his
intellect, and with what energy he pursues any work that he
has begun, in brief, how like he is to yourself. I am not
inclined to go nearer, — for to remind you of your own
capacity would be unnecessary, and perhaps very like flattery.
Nevertheless I think that neither of you will say that he has
travelled over this difficult ground at such a pace, that he
could proceed at his pleasure, after a month or two, without
a guide. If therefore you want the Bishop to go forward
and reap some harvest in this field of learning, do get him
to send to Italy for an experienced teacher, who may stay
with him some time, until he feels himself able not only to
creep along, but to stand up and walk. In this way you
will, I feel sure, better provide for his future eloquence,
than if you leave him still stammering, and almost puling
like an infant in the cradle. Farewell.
I am sending you, my Erasmus, a letter of some length, to
compensate by an excess of loquacity for my former silence ;
but you will take the blame on yourself, as you have written
* Demetrius Laonicus Chalcondyles, a Greek scholar of the fifteenth century,
occupies, with his account of English manners, half a page of our first volume
Vol. i. p. 204.
VOL. III. R
242 Bishop Fisher's studies
to me so often about these matters, that I felt bound not to
spare words in my reply. Farewell again.
Oxford, 30 January, 15 18.*
After this discouraging letter, I do not think that we are able to
pursue any further the history of Bishop Fisher's intended Greek
studies.
* Oxonij. iii. Calend. Feb. Farrago.
CHAPTER XLVII
Correspondence of the month of February, 15 18. Letter
of John Eck to Erasmus ; letters of Erasmus to Des-
moulins, Prout. Wentford, More, Sixtinus, Va?ines,
Latimer and Btide. Residence at Louvain and Ant-
werp. Epistles 735 to 744.
Ln the early days of February, 15 18, Erasmus appears to have been
still at Louvain, which had now been his usual place of residence
since the first week of July in the previous year (see vol. ii. p. 575) ;
and his earliest letter which we may ascribe to this month of
February, — Epistle 736, addressed to John Desmoulins, — is still dated
from that city. All the later letters of the same month are dated on
the 2ist and 22nd days from the city of Antwerp, whither Erasmus
may be conjectured to have gone for a short visit upon some matter
of business, and to have availed himself of the spare time thus thrown
on his hands out of reach of his books, for attending to his corre-
spondence.
In a long letter addressed to Erasmus by John Eck, and dated at
Ingolstadt in Bavaria, 2 February, 15 18, — Epistle 735, C. 296 (303) —
the writer finds fault with some passages in Erasmus's New Testa-
ment, in one of which he had ventured to suggest, that the author of
St. Matthew's Gospel, trusting to his memory for the materials of his
narrative, had made a mistake in his facts ; and in another place had
remarked upon the language of the New Testament, that the Greek
found in it was not that of Demosthenes, but a vulgar dialect. His
correspondent thinks it his duty to give a sincere opinion upon this
mode of treating the Sacred Writings ; every Christian must know,
that the Apostles, on the day of Pentecost, were divinely instructed in
the Greek as well as other languages ; Erasmus therefore by his
R 2
244 Epistle of John Eck to Erasmus
criticism was presuming, after so many centuries, to supply the
deficiencies of a Divine Teacher.
The writer also finds fault with a judgment expressed by his corre-
spondent upon the respective authority of Augustine and Jerome, in
which, referring to the former's commentary upon St. John, Erasmus
had said, that he could not properly be compared with the latter ;
whereas the writer rather approved the opinion of Franciscus Philel-
pius, who in one of his epistles had said, that Augustine was more
acute and skilful in Philosophical subtleties than Jerome, and that the
latter excelled more in eloquence than in learning ; and in the conclu-
sion of the same letter had added, that if the two could be made one,
nothing in nature would be more perfect. The writer further observes
that all Erasmus's admirers regretted that he had not read Augustine,
and ventured to advise him to fill up this deficiency in his studies.
He concludes with an apology for the boldness of an old reader and
admirer, and begs for a letter in return. The answer of Erasmus was
dated on the i8th of the following May.
Epistle 736 was written by Erasmus to a correspondent whose name
is wanting at the head of the letter, as it is printed in the Leyden
edition of Epistles, C. 1657 (240) ; and we may presume is also want-
ing in the Deventer manuscript, from which it appears to be taken ;
but it is pointed out by the editor that there is sufficient reason for
inserting in this place the name of Joannes Molendinus or John
Desmoulins, who appears to be somewhat obliquely referred to in the
letter itself, as the person to whom it is addressed. And it may also
be observed, that Richard Sampson, writing to Erasmus from Tournay
not many days later (Epistle 745), refers to an epistle of his corre-
spondent to John Desmoulins, in which the writer had called Sampson
his unicus pair onus, an expression which is in fact so applied in the
last sentence of the Epistle before us. In the printed copy, — C. 1657,
— the date of this epistle is Lovanio, Anno 1517, and in accordance
with this indication it may probably be attributed to the month of
February, 1517-18. It appears to have been, about the end of that
month, shown by Desmoulins to Dr. Sampson, then himself at Tournay,
as the last communication received from Erasmus. C. 305 D. See
further, p. 275. It will be remembered that we have met with John
Desmoulins before, — in the summer of 15 15, — in the character of
a Canon of Tournay who would gladly have welcomed Erasmus as
a member of the same Chapter, when that preferment appeared
Epistle to John Desmoiilins 245
probable. Vol. ii. pp. 211, 228. This epistle appears to be an answer
to a letter of Desmoulins, which has not been preserved.
Epistle 736. Deventer MS. ; C. 1657 (240).
Erasmus to 'Johyi Desmoulins.
I am delighted to hear that you like Pace, and that Pace
likes you. It is quite right, — as all that belongs to friends
is their common property,* — then we should also treat our
friends themselves as common friends. As for the Epistle
which he wrote to Dorpius on my behalf, I was so pleased
with it, that I thought it better suppressed !
I am extremely glad that our Paraphrase is approved by
persons so approved, and I wish that I had been always
employed in such fields ; I had rather write six hundred
Paraphrases, than one Review.f But a word with you ! It
is very charming of you, to give your applause to our efforts
such as they are, but you will do better still, if you come
down yourself into the field. That last epistle of yours
shows what eminence you might attain, if the better part of
you were not claimed by affairs, not indeed of a sordid kind,
but not worthy of a genius born for heavenly studies !
As to Lefevre's Apologia^ your opinion of which you say
you have given at greater length in a former letter, I must
tell you, — that letter has not been delivered to me. You
write that our Apologia^ has been worked out with much
skill; but you would form a diflferent judgment, if you knew
that it was conceived, begun and finished within twelve days;
and as for your allusion to its sting, how glad should I have
been to be allowed to abstain from all stings, especially
* Amicorum communia omnia. Erasmi Adagia, Chil. I. Cent i. Proverb, i.
t quam unicam recognitionem. I presume that by the word Recognitio the
writer points to his Apologia ad Fabru?/i Stapulensem.
246 Defence of the Apologia
against Lefevre, for whom I have a sincere regard. But if
a work appears to have a sting, which is forced from me
in self-defence, and which without contumely, repels the
contumelious charge of impiety, what term will you apply to
his Apologia^ which without any reason imputes the crime
of blasphemy against Christ? It is difficult to prescribe a
limit to the grievance of another; if Desmoulins had been
attacked with such weapons, his feelings would perhaps be
different ! But I am surprised at the man, not at any rate
writing to me either to excuse or to defend himself, espe-
cially after having been challenged more than once to do so
by letters from me.
I congratulate Master Adrian the physician, and indeed
almost envy him, not only for his ample converse with the
stars, and for his happy progress in Greek, but also because,
— thanks to Lin acre, — he has the Therap entice^ for that is
the direction in which my scent is led by his prognostics.*
Pray take the trouble to convey my salutation to the man ;
and also to my especial patron, Doctor Sampson, and to
Eleutherius Audax with his colleague, whose name has
escaped my memory, and, as I write, I have not your letter
at hand. Farewell.
Louvain, [February, I5i8].f
The following short letter of Erasmus is in the Farrago Episto-
larum addressed 'Thomae Parcio Secretario Urbis Calesiensis.' It
may be conjectured, that the person so described as Secretary of the
town of Calais was Thomas Prout, or Prowde, who appears by the
Calendar of State Papers to have held in the year 15 15, and, for some
* quod Therapeuticen habet opera Linacri : id enim ex illius prognosticis
sum odoratus. The sentence appears obscure, and perhaps requires correc-
tion. Can it be, that Doctor Adrian had by favour of the author obtained a
copy of a dissertation of Linacre, which existed only in manuscript ?
t Lovanio, Anno 15 17. C.
Thomas Proiit Secretary of Calais 247
following years, the office of ' Bailiff of the Lordship of Mark and
Oye' (part of the territory of Calais in the English occupation),"^ and
who was not improbably, at the date we have now reached, the chief
official resident in that town. It may be conjectured, that the address
written upon the original letter of Erasmus was Thomae Protio^ and
that this surname being unknown to the copyer or printer was misread
Parcio. The description which follows the name, — Sccretario Urbis
Calesiensis, — is not found in the draft or copy of this letter in the
Deventer Manuscript, but, as it is printed in Farrago, was not
improbably added by Erasmus himself, as a loose description of the
office filled by his friend. The letter is dated in Farrago, Pridie
Cathedra Petri, that is, as it may be best understood, on the Eve of
the festival, called Cathedra Petri in Ant lochia, which was celebrated
on the 22nd of February.f This epistle must accordingly be ascribed
to the 2ist of that month. The year date is not in the Deventer
Manuscript, but being so printed in Farrago under the authority of
Erasmus or his editor (see vol. i. Introduction, p. xxxi.), it may be
accepted as right. The ' Deputy ' or Governor of Calais at this time
(15 1 7-8) was Sir Richard Wingfield, who had held the office for some
years, but was not always resident there. Calender of State Papers,
vol. ii. pt. 2, No. 2820, 4496, &c.
Epistle 737. Farrago, p. 197 ; Epist. vii. 41 ; C. 330 (321).
Erasmus to Thomas Proiit.
I am sending the bearer, my servant John Smith, to
England upon business, and expect him shortly to return.
I beg you to help him to make the passage as soon as he
conveniently can, and also upon his return to send me by him
a letter, to tell me how you are, and how the matter goes
* Brewer, ii. 242, 1725, 3872.
t Another festival, called Cathedra Petri in Roma was celebrated on the
1 8th of January, but I ascribe this epistle to the later feast named after
Antioch, because it was written at Antwerp, where Erasmus was at that date,
but not, as far as we know, in the preceding month.
248 Epistle to Wentford
on with those Mercuries of yours, — and what your Nymph is
about.* Please commend me heartily to the Captain of the
town, whom they choose to call Deputy, a most obliging
person, to whom I am myself much indebted. Farewell,
dearest Prout.
Antwerp, the Eve of Peter's Chair f (21 Feb.), [1518].
The following short letter, addressed to Roger Wentford, bears the
same date as the last epistle, — Pridie Cathedra Petri. It appears
from this letter, that Wentford had in his hands the manuscript of
some of Erasmus's Colloquies, which the author was proposing to
publish. We shall have to return to this subject in a later page. See
Epistle 794.
Epistle 738. Deventer MS. ; C. 1681 (286).
Erasmus to Wentford.
Your having addressed More's letter to me, and mine to
him is not wrong at all, as whatever belongs to either of us,
belongs more to the other than to him. You will gratify
me very much, if you will deliver the notes, which you say
you have stolen from Grocyn, to my John, the bearer of this
letter, who will either bring them himself, or take care they
are otherwise conveyed to us. Also, if you will send us
those playful and convivial Dialogues, which you have by
you ; I shall so revise and enrich them, that I reckon they
will be no contemptible memorial of our friendship, as I
intend to have them published with a dedication to you.
Antwerp, the Eve of Peter's Chair, | (21 Feb.) 15 18.
* Of Prout's Mercuries we know no more than of his Nymph.
t Antuuerpiae pridie cathedrae Petri. Farrago.
X Pridie Cathedrae Petri. Deventer MS. In Le Clare's edition this letter
is, — apparently by some mistake, — printed with the date, Antuerpia 2S Junii^
Anno 1 5 18. It appears by the date of place to have been written during
Erasmus's short visit to Antwerp, Feb. 20-22, 15 18. Compare the date of
the last epistle.
Paces Book on the Fruit of Learning 249
Epistle 739, addressed to More is dated on the Feast of Peter's
Chair, the day following the date of the last two letters, which were
no doubt sent with it to More. The book lately published by Pace,
which here falls under the strictures of Erasmus, was entitled, Rlcardi
Pacei, invictissimi Regis Anglise primarii Secretarii, eiusque apiid
Elvetios Oratoris, De fructu qui ex doctrina percipitur liber. A
Treatise on the fruit, or advantages, of Learning, it bears date at the
end: Basileae apud lo. Frobenium, Mense vii Ibri \Octobri'\ An.
M. D. XVII. A copy of this book in the British Museum is bound
up with another little volume, published by Froben in March, 15 17, on
a kindred subject, entitled Scipionis Carteromachi Pistoriensis Oratio
de laudibus literarum Grxcarum, which has at the top of the title-
page an autograph of Archbishop Cranmer (Thomas Cantuarien),
and at the bottom of the same page the signature of Lord Lumley.
It should be observed that Erasmus's criticism of Pace's book, con-
tained in the following letter, was not intended for publication, and
was not in fact published until long after the death of all the persons
interested.
Epistle 739. Deventer MS. ; C. 1681 (287).
Erasmus to More.
It is hard to say, whether I am more sorry or more sur-
prised at what has happened to our Pace, — that he should
take it into his head to pubhsh that booklet of his. It shows
an utter lack of that judgment in which I did not suppose
him to be so wanting; and I am sorry, not only on his
account, — being as much concerned for his credit as for my
own, — but also on account of your Britain, which has, I am
sure, expected a very different sample of genius from her
scholar ; and finally I am sorry on my own account, being
so often mentioned by him, — I do not doubt with a friendly
intention, but in such a way, that, if he were an enemy, he
could not do me more mischief. For what any reader is
likely to demand of me as his surety, — what I have ever
250 Pace s hook judged by Erasmus
guaranteed on his behalf, I do not reckon to be of much
weight. Has he never considered, that he is meddhng with
something sacred, when he hands down a friend's name to
the world and to posterity, and has no regard to anything
but the consumption of ink and paper ? What purpose could
it answer to recall those trifles about the roll, about heresies,
about poverty?* Does he think that whatever chatter is
uttered by brawlers over their cups is worth publishing for
the reading of the world? But it is late to bewail this now.
I only hope that, knowing the man so well, you will give
him a hint, not to make such an abuse of Literature again ;
and that, if he translates from the Greek, he had better lean
on somebody else's judgment, and undertake no other part
but the correction of the style. I did suppress, for the sake
of his own credit, the Epistle which he wrote in my defence
to Dorpius ; and I only wish I could suppress this booklet
too.
I have written this plainly to you, my More, because I
was sure, that the messenger was to be trusted ; and I would
write the same to the man himself, if I had not so often
found, what a high opinion every one has of his own genius;
and in cases of this kind people are more ready to listen to
spoken advice. Farewell.
Antwerp, the Feast of Peter's Chair (22 February), 1518.!
It may be observed, that in spite of Erasmus's adverse judgment,
Pace's little book, handsomely printed in Froben's press, appears to
have found readers, and was reprinted in a second edition.
In the following letter, written, no doubt, to accompany the last to
England, Erasmus informs Sixtinus of the journey to Basel, which
* nugas illas de rotulo, de hseresibus, de paupertate.
t Antuerpiae, festo Cathedrae Petri An. m.d. 18. Deventer MS. Antuerpige.
29. Junii, Anno 1518. C.
Epistle to Sixtinus 2c;i
he now foresaw would be necessary to enable him to complete and
print, to his own satisfaction, the proposed second edition of the New
Testament.
Epistle 740. Deventer MS. ; C. 1669 (261).
Erasmus to Sixtinus.
I earnestly beg you to see that my John may get the
things I want from Peter Ammonius, and that without
delay ; as the publication of the New Testament compels
me to go to Basel again, if not to Venice. This trouble
I have fetched for myself in my own coach, as they say ;
but the bread we have soaked we must eat.*
The Pope and Prince are acting a new farce, with their
make-believe war against the Turks, when what is really
in hand is something quite different. We have reached the
highest level, both of tyranny and of shamelessness. In this
country the robbers had begun to stalk about in the middle
of the cities ; but the Magistrates have woke up at last.
Farewell, most trusty of friends, and most beneficent of
patrons !
I had already written the above, when your letter was
delivered by Francis. I have received the money from
Maruffo's people. Francis says that the money has not
been paid him over there, because there was something
wrong in the bill. I now send one that is all right.
I have written more distinctly to Peter Ammonius, and
I trust he will now act. How persistently the Italian
character is everywhere alike !
About Lefevre there are different reports. Some say, he
* sed quod intrivimus exedendum est. This proverbial saying is borrowed
from Terence. Tute hoc intristi ; tibi omne est exedendum. Phormio,
Act. III. sc. i. See before, p. 194.
252 Proposals from England
is preparing an Apologia; others, that he agrees with me.
He must see for himself ; if he seeks it again, he shall be
received as he deserves.*
Mountjoy is like himself, either promising or complaining.
The Reverend gentleman was not ashamed to offer twenty
poundSjf and he would have had me expect a hundred ;
when I have so often found that not promises only, but
oaths were forgotten. |
About Peter Gillis's health I have not been spreading
any rumour, though I did express my regret in writing to
More ; and I only wish that rumour were without founda-
tion. It is indeed, my Sixtinus, only too true ; so that in
his peril I am sadly afraid for myself.
Antwerp, 22 February, [i5i8]'§
The following short note, dated the same day as the last, was no
doubt despatched with it to England, being addressed, Erasmus Petro
Ammonio suo Lucensi, to Peter Vannes of Lucca (the kinsman and
executor of Ammonius), who appears to have been still in London.
See pp. 39, 40.
* Ipse viderit : si repetit, accipietur ut dignus est. I confess I do not
follow with any confdence the meaning of this. To put the kindest construc-
tion upon it, we may interpret it : If he seeks to be on our old terms of
friendship, I shall be glad to meet him halfway. But it appears to be open
to a different construction.
t Non pudebat Reverendum offerre viginti libras. The personage indicated
by the word Reverendus was probably Wolsey, the ilk in the following clause
being Mountjoy. This letter, evidently written in confidence, was not pub-
lished during the author's life.
J Expertus sum non promissa solum, verum etiam dejerata. One or two
words appear to be omitted.
§ Antuerpise, 8 Cal. Martias. C.
Erasmus and Peter Vannes 253
Epistle 741. Deventer MS. ; C. 1669 (260).
Erasmus to Peter Vannes.
I beg and entreat you to deliver to my servant, the bearer,
whatever letters you have of Ammonius to me or of mine to
him, relating to my business. I do not doubt, that you are
interested in your cousin's glory ; and I intend to take
means to provide for his immortality ! Therefore do not,
I beg, let my servant be at all delayed about this matter.
If anything should arise, in which I can gratify you, you
shall find me heartily your well-wisher. Farewell.
Antwerp, 22 February, 15 18.*
When I had written the above, your tv/o letters have
both come to hand at the same time. They are inex-
pressibly welcome to me, being such as to give me the
utmost hope f * * *
The postscript, as printed in C. is incomplete, some words or lines
having been apparently torn off from the original before the copy was
made, — either by accident, or more probably on purpose, to conceal a
private matter from curious eyes.
Replying in a bantering vein to the letter of Latimer (Epistle 734),
Erasmus accepts his correspondent's promise to read his Greek Testa-
ment, but expresses some fear, that his suggestions would now come
too late, as Froben's press was already calling for copy.
Epistle 742. Epistolae ad Diversos, p. 426 ; C. 378 (363).
Erasmus to William, Latimer.
What a pleasure it has been, most learned Latimer, to
recognize in your letter to me, the sweet candour, and more
* Antuerpije, 8 Kal. Mart. D. Antuerpiae 22 Februrarii, Anno 1518. C.
t ut ex his summa mihi spes sit * + C. The rest of the sentence
is lost.
254 Answer of Erasmus to Latimer
than virgin modesty of your character, united as these
qualities are with Christian prudence ! You mention no
name without praise : but what caution in your praise !
And again, while you are so liberal and kind in calling
attention to the accomplishments of others, how unwilling
you are to assume any merit yourself ! I did wish neverthe-
less, that you had not been so eloquent in your excuses.
For when I thought I had collected a multitude of weighty
reasons, to induce you, first, to consent to come to our aid
in revising the New Testament, and in the next place, to
bestow a month's work upon an incomparable Prelate, who
wishes to add the Greek language, as a sort of colophon, to
his profound learning, in both which employments you
would be furthering the general utility of studies, — you
meet me with such troops of arguments, as make me quite
aware, how speechless and feeble I am in comparison with
you. Nevertheless, my dear Latimer, I shall patiently allow
you to carry off the palm of eloquence, provided you let us
have in our turn the service we ask, which will be all the
more welcome, if it shall appear to have been not extorted
by arguments, but freely and voluntarily given.
As to your assistance in my work, you do at last all but
promise, and I welcome the promise, even though I fear
that your auxiliary forces will bring us no more effectual
aid, than those of Rhesus to the Trojans.* For Froben's
office has long been demanding copy.
As regards the Bishop of Rochester, I am still less in
agreement with you. You think it better not to attempt
to do anything at all, unless you complete what you begin ;
and you advise that somiC expert in Greek learning should
be fetched from Italy, who may remain with the Bishop
* The allusion is to Homer, II. x. 435, and Virgil, /Eneid. i. 469. Rhesus
of Thrace was one of the latest arrived auxiliaries of the Trojans, and was
killed by Diomed.
Bishop Fisher s Greek studies 255
until he is grown to maturity in this branch of study. But
as this is more easily desired than done, our conclusion has
been that of the Play, we must do what we can.* Italy is a
long way off, and has not now so many persons distinguished
for learning, as she had when you were there. There was
the risk too, — that instead of the distinguished scholar we
send for, some bungler may arrive. And you are not
unaware of the character of the Italians, nor at what rate,
even those of small account expect to be paid for emigrating
to barbarous countries ; not to speak of persons who may
come with a store of good letters, not always having morals
of equal quality ; and in this respect you know how nice the
Bishop is. The result will be, that, while one looks about
to see whom it is best to send for, — while one takes advice
about the salary to be offered, — while the travelling arrange-
ments are being made, a great deal of time is lost. I know
it has been wisely and rightly said, " Deliberate before you
begin, and after you have done that, do promptly what you
have resolved ; " but I observe that many people do nothing
but deliberate, until it is too late to carry out their resolution.
We all know the case of men who deliberate whether to
marry or not, and then deliberate what lady they shall
choose ; meanwhile time is on the wing, and before they
have made up their minds, they become confirmed old
bachelors.
I am unwilling to suspect you of the common weakness
of admiring nothing but what is brought from afar. To me
any learned man is an Italian, even if he were born in
Ireland ; any man is a Greek, who has an accurate and
happy knowledge of Greek authors, though he does not
wear a beard ! For my own part I stand up for the glory of
Italy, if only because I find that country more favourable to
me than my own fatherland ; but to speak candidly what I
* Placuit illud Comoedise, ws bvpa^eda.
256 Latimer's aid still asked
think, — if I could get Linacre or Tunstall for a teacher, not
to speak of yourself, I should not want an Italian. I would
therefore entreat you to consider, whether it is not unwise
in the first place, to look abroad for what is to be found at
home ; and in the next place, to despise a fairly good in-
strument of which we have need, because we cannot get a
superfine one ; or to refuse any investment unless the very
highest rate of interest is secured. Did not Grocyn himself,
whose example you cite, first learn the rudiments of Greek
in England ? He afterwards travelled in Italy, and attended
the lectures of the most distinguished professors ; but mean-
time it was an advantage to him to have learned those
rudiments, whoever may have taught them. When the
pupil is intelligent, it is an important step merely to point
out the way. I agree with you, that it is desirable, that
even the first elements should be taught by a supreme
artist,* if it can be done. But if it cannot, it is better
to make a beginning somehow or other, than to remain
altogether uninstructed, especially in this kind of study.
It is something to be familiar with the letters, to read the
Greek words with facility, to decline and conjugate. Do
you think he has done nothing who has got through this
amount of trouble ? Therefore we do beg a month's
assistance from you, tacitly hoping you will give us three,
though ashamed to ask it ; and if that cannot be, we have a
good hope that some one else will meantime be found, who
may build on your foundations. If that hope should fail
us, still such is our student's force of intellect, and such his
wish to learn, that we are confident he will by his own
efforts struggle on at least to mediocrity ; and with that
perhaps he will be content, as he is not ambitious of being
a Greek scholar, except for the purpose of studying his
Bible with greater profit and securer judgment. And after
* ab artifice summo.
Duty of Scholars to the Public 257
all, if no result is obtained, what harm is done ? Suppose
the Bishop's own studies are not much advanced, it will
still be of no little use in encouraging the minds of the
young, that so distinguished a person should be enlisted
among the Grecians, And as in every kind of study an
early initiation is important, so in the present case the
Bishop's age makes me especially desirous, that the business
should not be put off another day.
I will conclude with this one piece of advice, not to
let your excessive bashfulness, — I had almost said your im-
modest modesty, — restrain you from giving your assistance
to public studies. Some men of my stamp are over venture-
some, but I am not sure, which are most wrong, — those who
attempt nothing for fear of making mistakes, or those who
occasionally blunder in their hasty anxiety to be useful.
The latter teach many a noble lesson, though they may
not be uniformly successful ; and by their own study they
stimulate the studies of others. The former keep what they
have to themselves, and are, I think, even more to be blamed,
than those discredited misers, who are rather custodians
than owners of their money. In their case what they have
amassed, is at any rate transferred on their death to the use
of others, while after the funeral of the scholar, nothing
comes to his heir, unless he has committed his thoughts to
Letters. I am afraid, my William, that this is what will
happen to our friend Grocyn. But I should be sorry, if it
be your case too.
Farewell, my very good as well as learned friend, and
make haste to fulfil your promise.
Antwerp, [February] 15 18.*
We learn from the first sentence of the above letter, that Erasmus
had obtained from Latimer a promise to assist him in the revision of
his Greek Testament, the first edition of which had been published by
* Antuuerpiae Anno m. d. xviii. Epist. ad Divetsos.
VOL. III. S
258 Answer to a lost Letter of Biide
Froben in February, 15 16. The second edition of Froben bears date,
151 8; and in the same year the work was reprinted by Aldus at
Venice, and by Knobloch at Strasburg.
The letter of Bude to which the following letter of Erasmus,
Epistle 743, is a reply, does not appear to have been preserved. It
is described at the beginning of Bude's later epistle, dated the 12th of
April, 15 1 8 (Epistle 770), as a hasty letter, which Hutten, who had
apparently paid a visit to the French Court, had insisted on his
writing, and of which the author had not himself kept a copy.
Erasmus's letter in reply is printed as the first epistle in the important
collection entitled Farrago nova Epistolarian, published in 15 19.
As an example of one of Erasmus's lengthy compositions in the
epistolary form, it is here given in full. In the early part of his letter
the writer uses some Greek words as a defence against a prying
reader. These words are in our Translation printed in italic letters.
Epistle 743. Farrago, p. 3 ; Epist. iii. 51 ; C. 299 (305).
Erasmus to Biide.^
About our affair at King Francis's Court, most excellent
Bude, I knew what was being done, and I also remember
what you have written ; so you need not suppose me to
have drunk of the Lethean stream, as you write If It is
true that I was so far from being anxious about the matter,
that, when I observed that your kindness led you to act
with too much vehemence and zeal, I wrote to warn you
not to let this business be any trouble to you. If Fortune
had hitherto attached me to the service of kings, — if my
own temper, which always shrunk from such scenes, had
not kept me free, — at any rate the age I have reached and
my condition of health would now demand my retirement.
And if I had thought fit to attach myself to any Prince
at all, whom could I more properly serve than Charles,
* Erasmus Roterodamus Clarissimo viro Guilielmo Budiso, Christianiss.
Galliarum Regis a Secretis s.d.
t See Epistle 710, p. 188.
Overtures from the French Court 259
the Catholic King, — whether because he is the greatest
Sovereign of the age, — or because, whether I Hke it or not,
he is mine, — or because he has been the first to invite me
to his Court, — and that of his own accord, — upon terms
sufficiently ample, and has also attached me to himself by
more than ordinary kindness ? Nevertheless I thought it
ungrateful as well as uncivil to reject with haughtiness the
favour of such a sovereign as King Francis, especially when
I was in a position to enjoy the credit of such a distinction
without risking my present position : and you had already
written word, that vou had ceased to press the matter. I
was only curious to know what was * the weak pointy which
you said had been found in him that bears the name of
Little * .- Indeed, from the very first I had a touch of
suspicion in my mind, that the proposal was not sincere on
his part. For I am not so much attracted by the name of
William, t as suspicious of the face of one, who in the first
place is a theologian, and then a preacher,'^, and who, I
fancy, is only doing what he does to make game of me,
when he has caught me in the net !
As to Bishop Poncher, I was very curious to know what
he was doing, and whether he was constant in that affection
for us, which he professed when he was here, — and what he
did profess was something uncommon and marvellous. Not
that I wanted to obtain anything from him, — upon this point
he might be called as a witness himself, knowing, as he
does, what he offered and what my answer was,§ — but that I
thought it an honour, which might well be sought, to please
* ... * TO vTTovXou, quod tibi ev tm t)}v €TriKKr}(nv fxiicp<f deprehensum
significabas. The person meant was William Petit, King Francis's Confessor.
See p. 189, and vol. ii. pp. 468, 469.
t A name borne by several friends, including the correspondent addressed
in this letter.
J primum deoXoyov deinde ki^^vktov irpotTUJTroy. The second Greek word
is strange, and the meaning of the whole sentence obscure.
§ See Epistle 510, Erasmus to Poncher, 14 Feb., 1517, vol. ii. p. 478.
S 2
26o Bishop Poncher s Embassy to England
that person, who is himself most in favour with all the best
of men.
As to the illustrious Senator Deloin, to whom I had
written by your suggestion,* I had a slight fear, that my
letter might in some way have given offence, as he sent me
no answer at all. For, I know, that for the last four months
no letter has been brought hither from France, except this
last one, which is dated at Paris on the shortest day,t but
was sent hither from Mavence bv our friend Hutten on the
20th of February. And as for what you write, that some
persons had frightened you with this assumption, — that if
the proposal had come off, there was a danger that you
would all be in poor estimation, — I confess I could not read
it without laughing. And there is no need, I think, of my
begging a person so sensible and so kind as you, that I may
not suffer for the manner in which other persons, either by
mistake, or in jest, — or it may be on purpose, — may speak
too magnificently about me. You would scarcely believe,
how I am annoyed by the zeal of men of that kind, which
often loads me with no slight prejudice.
I have not yet made up my mind, whether to deplore the
lot of the Bishop, or to admire his patriotism, in undertaking
an embassy fraught with so many difficulties, the negotiation
being in the first place a troublesome one, — and that with
the English, and in the winter season, — and lastly when
every thing is on fire there with a new kind of plague. %
I am truly glad that you Hke Hutten, as I was myself
singularly delighted w4th the man's character.
I wish all things may be well with Tunstall. He has gone
away in bad health, leaving one of his servants behind ; and
* See vol. ii. pp. 456, 489.
t datas die bruniK. See Epistle 712.
X As to Bishop Poncher's embassy to England, see p. 283, and see Brewer's
Abstracts. The words, 'a new kind of plague,' are to be understood literally
of an epidemic differing in some respects from any before known.
Controversy with Lefevre 261
in Britain itself there is no place free from plague. He did
certainly read your letter most greedily, and had already
almost seen his way to a discussion worthy of you both.
About Lefevre I do not quite understand what your
meaning is, for as to what you say, — that "persons who are
interested in my name greatly regret, that a handle has been
given to those, who think this plan of ours * little suited
to themselves," — this sentiment is shared by myself. Indeed
I do not think, that there is any one who likes it less than
I, a fact which in my Apologia I did not conceal. And I
do not believe there are many persons who have a more
sincere regard for Lefevre than myself Neither shall I
ever be able to induce my mind to do anything but hate my
Apologia, and with it my victory, if I have gained one, —
a necessary victory, but not glorious for me, however good
the cause, and even an invidious success, being gained
over an old and excellent friend ; and, finally, one that is
adverse to the studies of both, as I cannot hide from myself,
that the Slanderers, who according to the Proverb need
only an excuse, will be glad to seize the occasion. f It is
indeed an unprecedented kind of warfare, in which the
victor deplores his own lot, and pities the enemy who is
fighting against him. Lefevre is, I hear, preparing to renew
the war, as if it was not enough to have played the fool
once after that fashion. But I have reason to think it
more probable, that there are persons who are spurring
him on to take this course, than that he has himself made
up his mind to do so. I was aware of the cruel issue of
this contest ; in which, if defeated, I should be forced to
acknowledge a charge of impiety, and if victorious, must
incur the accusation of unkindness, when I appeared to
be engaged against a friend whose scheme of study was so
* hoc nostrum institutum sibi parum esse commodum.
■j" OCCaSlOnem hanc arrepturos tovs KaraXaXovs, ^r^hevos el fii) Trpo^aaews
heoueyovs, Karit Tt)y Trapoi^iav.
262 Difficult position of Erasmus
nearly allied to mine, that I could not lower his estimation
without detracting almost as much from my own ; and yet
I had to refute him, unless I preferred to see the very
stronghold of my own position endangered or abandoned.
I saw too, how this conflict of ours would be misrepresented
by the generality of people, who had never read either his
invective or my defence, and would only find fault with
what they might have heard somewhere over a bottle, that
Erasmus was measuring swords with Lefevre. But what,
I beseech you in your fair judgment, would you have had me
do, after he had assailed me so cruelly in books that were
circulated through the whole world, and had openly accused
of blasphemy and impiety one who, in the first place, was
by his own admission a friend, and who had never provoked
him by any injury ; and finally in a matter in which I am so
far from being opposed to him, that I might rather appear
to be on his own side, being blamed by some erudites for
not having openly rejected his opinion, although it was a
question that did not properly belong to the object I had
then in view.
I should have been glad indeed, if the injurious attacks,
made upon me by Lefevre, had been of a kind that could
be either disregarded, or to which one might submit with
sopie acknowledgment of their moderation. Such a con-
cession I would fain have made, — either to our friendship, or
to Christian modesty, or to the general interest of learning.
But to acknowledge a false imputation of impiety, is for-
bidden by piety itself. I therefore thought it better to be
in some respects regardless of the Graces, than to appear as
a detractor or an enemy to the dignity of Christ ; for it is in
that character that he was putting me upon the stage.
Meantime this concession has been made to the Graces,
that I abstain from retaliation, when I might readily have
used it ; that, content to ward off the calumny aimed at
myself, I bring no charge in return, and against a plaintiff
The Apologia censured by Biide 263
accusing me of a crime, I defend myself by a civil pro-
ceeding. And yet there are some persons, by whom my
Apologia is censured as having a sting ; as if, when attacked
with deadly weapons, I was bound to propitiate my assailant
with supplicatory blandishments, for fear of the continuance
of his wrath ! I do not in my notes or in the Apologia refute
either of his own propositions : when what he represents to
be the only pious opinion I could easily have rejected as
impious and false, — and that I think with the general applause
of Theologians. This has been another concession made to
civility.
What then is the admonition you give us, most excellent
Bude ? Do you assume the character of Epimetheus, and
now that the affair is done, advise that it should not be begun?
After the overthrow of Troy do you propose to show, that
Helen had better have been let alone ? What you agree
with me in wishing, I see, but what you advise I do not
understand ; unless you call your fault-finding by the name
of advice. But if you find fault, you do so without cause ;
and if you advise, your counsel is too late. I acknowledge
my misfortune in having been forced to engage in this
dispute, from which I always shrank, and into which I
could not have been drawn by any weapon but this. The
fault I do not admit ; on the contrary I should have plainly
deserved blame, if I had held my tongue upon a charge of
impiety, an accusation which not one of even the most saintly
Fathers failed to repel with all his might. Glad indeed
should I have been, my Bude, if you had been present at
the right time as an adviser, and had restrained our friend
Lefevre from that unfriendly challenge ! But after, — not to
speak of other hard words, — he had made me 'contumelious
against Christ,' ' a subverter of the Prophetic intelligence,'
' a partisan of Judaism,' ' unworthily debasing the dignity of
Christ,' ' opposing the spirit, and adhering to the flesh and
to the letter,' saying 'things inconsistent and subversive of
264 Necessity of answering Lefevre
one another, and that against the glory of Christ,' — after he
had thus represented himself as the champion of His glory
and me as its adversary, even proclaiming the peril in w^hich
I stood, if I obstinately adhered to what I had said, that is,
unless I was ready to recant,* (for it is in these and in such
like pleasantries that our mild and gentle Lefevre, this
friend of Erasmus, indulges, while he attacks the friend he
loves so much) — after, I say, he had written and stuffed into
his commentaries so many things of this kind against me,
and had spread them through the world, so that 1 was for a
while the only person that knew nothing of them, — after all
this, — I submit the matter to your judgment, I acknowledge
the law of friendship, and am ready without any exception
to follow your counsel, — what do you judge ought to be
done ? Will vou advise vour friend, that I should thank
Lefevre for the honour he has done me, or that I should
pretend not to know what he has written ? But when his
books are being published everywhere, who will believe,
that the one person interested is the one person that does
not know ? Or do you say, that I should pass the matter
over in silence, — that, when I am assailed w^ith a serious
accusation, not before one judge, but before the whole
world, I should return no answer to my adversary, and so
admit the whole charge ?
But you tell me, it is unkind to quarrel w4th a friend.
But is it kind, I beg you to say, to attack a friend in such
a way without any provocation ? Lefevre, you say, is a
friend ; but one who has made such an assault has ceased to
be a friend. If I had really been in error, it would have
been for true friendship to conceal a friend's fault, and call
his attention to it by a private letter. I should not myself
have ever differed from him in my New Testament, if I had
thought that his credit w^ould suffer any stain ; indeed, with
* hoc est, ni vellem iraXirwbely.
Present position of the Controversy 265
all the provocation I have received, I have not done violence
to our friendship, nor, as far as in me lies, shall I ever do so.
To spend your life in the cause of friendship is considered
laudable ; but for the sake of a friend to admit yourself to
be a blasphemer against Christ is not only madness, but
impiety. Suppose Lefevre to have been not merely a
friend, but my brother or my father ; you will, I think, be
of opinion that such a sacrifice would not have been due to
him, that for his sake I should admit myself an adversary of
Christ. If he had been a Cardinal, and my brother too, it
would, as I judge, have been my duty, to repel an intolerable
calumny in every possible way not injurious to any person.
And indeed I do so repel it, that though my vanquished
adversary may appear to have been unkind, I do not charge
him with impiety, but do what I can to prevent any one from
forming a worse opinion of him.
And now as to what you write, that up to this point we
have been fighting for the truth, and that the matter may
easily be set right for the future. Neither of us, my Bude,
has been fighting for the truth, while he has been making
me an adversary, when I was on his side. And indeed in
my Apologia I do not propose to explain what my opinion
is, — as there was no occasion for that, — but only repel the
shafts which he has directed against me. Neither is there
any hope, that the affair can be hushed up, as his volumes
are now travelling everywhere through Spain, France, Italy,
Germany and Britain, so that he is not in a position to
suppress what he has written, nor I to hide my defence.
Let him change, if he can, the passage in which he lacerates
me, and I will do my best to suppress the Apologia in which
I defend myself. Would you have me throw down my
shield, while he still holds in his hand the weapons which
are being launched at my head ? It is easy to prescribe
a limit to the grief of your neighbour, and to preserve your
equanimity while another person is suffering. If you were
266 Serious Charges to be met
by any chance in my position, your feelings would be
different. Indeed, if I know aught of Bude, he would
wield his buckler, his sword and his arrows with quite
another arm.
Pray consider, my Bude, in the first place, how disgraceful
the imputation of heresy and impiety is ; and observe how
he inveighs against me, and that in very odious terms, after
he has been so often most honourably commended by me ;
and then, if you please, give sentence between us, which of
us would be in fault, even if I had repaid him in his own
coin, — if I had claimed the right of retaliation, and had
answered invective with invective. It was only fair, that
the whole blame should rest on the person who had given
the first challenge, and had done it in such a way, that,
unless I defended myself, I should have been deserting
Augustine, Ambrose, Athanasius, Chrysostom, and in short
all the other orthodox Fathers, and even Jerome himself, —
as involved in a common accusation. For the last-named
writer, though in two words of a suspected work he does in
some sort lend his aid to Lefevre, — is in other places, and
especiallv in his commentary on the Epistle to the Gala-
tians, clearly with us.
In an unimportant discussion, every one may have his
own opinion ; concessions may be allowed to friendship, to
courtesy ; mistakes mav be made and corrected ; even a
perverse disagreement may be excused. In a debate of that
kind no one shall ever complain of want of indulgence on
my part. You know, my Bude, how at one time you skir-
mished with me, how in vour own fashion you made game of
my XeTTToXoyijixaTa, how you cast our books to the ground.*
By these criticisms I was so little offended (although in jest
you accused me of being so), that you were not a whit less
dear to me than before. And yet it is true, as people say,
* See Epistles 422, 469, vol. ii. pp. 302, 416.
* After Three Days' how interpreted 267
that authors do look with the same indulgence on their own
books as parents on their children ; and there were some
people who wrote to urge me to the defence of my Copia.
I was amused at the interest they took in the matter, and
bade them make themselves easy, assuring them that there
was a perfect understanding between us. But this persistent
attack of Lefevre is really too serious a matter, and I am
surprised at the delight he appears to take in tragedies of
this kind ; as, for instance, where in the little book he lately
compiled on The Three Magdalens and the Three Days
of Christy — for that is the title he gives it, — he reduces the
terms of discussion to this narrow limit, that whosoever
may assert, that Christ rose from the dead after three days
must be held to contradict the Christian Faith and the
Gospels. And yet that -is the very statement, which is every-
where read (out of St. Mark) by the Latin Church,* and by
the Greek Church too. Neither has the passage been ever
read or written otherwise, until Lefevre discovered this
mystery, and asserted on the authority of Apollonius the
Grammarian, that jLtera r/aet? r]ixepa<5 meant ' within three
days ', as if this phrase were analogous to jxeTa xetpa?. But
if he had really been the first to discover a point, which is
beyond dispute, it would have been more agreeable to
Christian modesty and to his own character, that he should
call attention to it more civilly. But we might well be sur-
prised to find a person who has no liking for Grammarians,
and who not long before found fault with Beda for trying to
* Atqui ita sane ex Marco . . Latina legit Ecclesia. C. The expression
does not occur in the story of the event, but in a passage of the Gospel of
St. Mark, x. 34 ; where Jesus is described as telling his disciples on his way to
Jerusalem, that the Son of Man would suffer death at that place, and after
three days rise again — kyu' juera rpels ///xtjaas dvaorZ/o-e-at. The Vulgate and
the English Translation escape the difficulty by substituting, in this passage,
the expressions, £i tertia die, And the third day, for the words which create
the question.
268 Explanation by Synecdoche
solve a knotty question by Grammar, — because he brought
in a Synecdoche *,— endeavouring himself to explain so great
a difficulty by the authority of one Grammarian, without
whose help the whole Christian world might be singing and
reading statements contrary to all Truth ! And yet what
need was there of this tragic mood, when by a single Synec-
doche the whole matter might be cleared up, if we only
understand that the resurrection was 'after three days,'
when it took place after the beginning of the third day.
For Lefevre imagines that it is quite inconsistent to say, that
a person arose after the third day, who in fact arose during
the third day ; although this difficulty might have been
cleared up by other arguments, which there is no occasion
to repeat here.
But as to these questions, they do not much affect me,
and 1 am more concerned at his risk than at my own.
When, however, I am attacked by name, and am described
as an adversary of the glory of Christ, for whose glory,
sinful man as I am, I would face the utmost danger and
would not refuse to die, will you still bid me to be silent ?
But tell me, if it please you, which do you think deserves
blame, — is it the mere fact, that I defend myself, or is it
the manner of my defence ? If you are too equitable to
blame me for defending myself, you cannot complain of
the manner of my doing it, when it is done in such a
way, as to be as favourable as possible to my opponent.
For what therefore do you think fit to find fault with
me ? t Do you judge, that it is my lot to be the one person
* Bishop Pearson (on the Creed, Art. I.) in a passage for which I am
indebted to Johnson's Dictionary, says that ' our Saviour rose from the dead
on the third day properly, and was three days and three nights in the earth
synecdochically ' ; and synecdoche is defined by Johnson as ' a figure of
speech by which part is taken for the whole, or the whole for part.'
t quid est igitur quod me putet {read putes) objurgandum.
Precedents of Theological Controversy 269
in the world attacked with impunity and trodden under foot
by all, so that henceforth there shall be no dog so cowardly
as not to venture to bark at Erasmus, no ass so stupid that
he fears to bray, no pig that dares not grunt ? The mice
defend themselves with their little teeth ; the bees are
ready with their stings ; I alone am not to be allowed to
raise a shield in my own defence, and that in a question
of faith ! Believe me, Bude, the man who can lightly bear
the imputation of impiety, has not much piety to defend.
You see with what thunder, with what lightning St. Jerome
assailed Ruffinus, who had before been his dearest friend,
only because, in a verse of figurative eulogy, he had been
brought by him into some invidious associations ; and with
what wrath he answers and threatens Augustine, because
he had ventured to find fault with the quotation of one
passage. What would have been his course, if he had been
sprinkled with such vinegar as Lefevre has poured over me ?
For be he friend or foe, — whether he has intended it or
not, whether instigated by others or of his own accord, in
jest or in earnest, sober or the reverse, — this he has certainly,
done. The thing itself is too plain ; I wish indeed we could
both deny it. I am not to be compared with Jerome either
in sanctity or in erudition, in prudence or in moderation of
mind, and yet how much more cruelly assailed than he,
with how much more moderation do I defend myself !
'It is a hard matter,' you say, ' to control an impatient
pen.' Yes indeed, — and if I said all that I had a right to
say, you might then comprehend, how much I have refused
to my own resentment, how much has been conceded to
moderation and courtesy.
You say, — " I felt bound to admonish you, that I might
not appear to have failed when a friend was in danger."
But what danger is there, I should like to know, in my
repelling a manifest calumny ? Should I be safe, for the
future, if I had admitted such comphments ? Would you
^7<^ Motives of Lefevre
have so much regard paid to James Lefevre, that I should
for his sake submit to be regarded as a blasphemer of
Christ ? Certainly as far as that question is concerned, I
am safe in harbour, in the opinion even of unfavourable
judges. And I shall be glad, if Lefevre may be able in this
respect to maintain his character for honesty and candour.
His most friendly advocates allege in his defence, that he
has been instigated by some persons, who are no friends
either to him or to me, — as if such a plea could have any
weight in excuse of a man so learned, so philosophic, or of
such an advanced age, and moreover in the case of so
serious an indictment. But the majority will, — I am afraid, —
subscribe to the opinion of those, who repeatedly say, that
this conceited extravagance * has had its origin partly in a
notable contempt of me, and partly in self-admiration. He
had persuaded himself, — so they say, — that I was nothing
but a mere talker, and he a Philosopher, a Theologian,
whose every sentence was an oracle, and that nothing could
be so carelessly written by such a man, but I must be
at once overwhelmed in Cimmerian darkness. But he
ought to have remembered, that there is nothing more mis-
chievous in war than to despise your enemy, however weak
he may be.
Others again conclude, that, having taken offence at my
venturing to differ from him in several passages in my Anno-
tions, he has in return poured out this cuttlefish juice
against me, and has thus requited with supreme contumely
the attention, for which he might fairly have been grateful.
But if he is himself permitted to differ from Augustine,
Ambrose, and Jerome, and indeed in one instance from all
the ancient and approved authorities, may I not be allowed
in the most respectful way to differ from Lefevre ? Or is
this to be the condition of authors, that whoever disagrees
* istam tarn supinam debacchationem.
Consistent Conduct of Erasmus 271
with Lefevre, is at variance with the Gospels and sacred
utterances ? A noble-minded man would, in the case of
manifest errors, have thanked the adviser, who had pointed
them out, and had done so not only with moderation, but
even with deference. And yet Lefevre has sent me no excuse
or defence even by private letter, though more than once
challenged by me to do so ; indeed he is said to breathe
some threats, as though he were himself the injured party.
How much more straightforward was my conduct, when I
wrote at once to tell him of the Apologia, before I began to
write it, and as soon as it was finished, sent it to him by a
scholar from the Sorbonne, with a letter to say what the
occasion appeared to require.
I trust there is no risk of its being attributed to incon-
sistency on my part, that after having so often spoken highly
of Lefevre I have now to refute him. For any such difference
in my opinion of him must be imputed to him, and not to
me, seeing that he was the first to be so unlike his former
self. The person who delivered to him my Apologia wrote
me word, that he had on receiving it accused me of 'levity.'
If it be levity to repel in a courteous way a false accusation,
what name shall be given to so insidious an attack upon a
friend ? And indeed I should have been glad, if he had
allowed me to be like myself, and to add something more to
my eulogy of him. I have no wish even now to withdraw
what I have said in his honour; indeed I am not yet able
to reverse my opinion of him, and only wonder what has
happened to the man. And after all, defence of self need
not imply vituperation of another. It is a right we all have
to repel force with force ; and where the Christian faith is
in question, it is an act of impiety to betray one's cause to
an adversary.
I have not insisted upon having your judgment in this
matter, — whether it has been that I saw it did not lie in your
jurisdiction, or that I had no wish to burden one who is
2/2 Appeal to Bude! s judgment
fully occupied with other matters, or to put you into that
most disagreeable position, in which, as arbiter between two
friends, you might be forced to give offence to one or the
other. And indeed I should have been glad, if I could
have brought it about, that no mortal being should on my
account be less friendly to Lefevre, or he less kind to any
one. But if you, my Bude, are not indisposed to take cog-
nizance of this dispute, although, as I have already said,
the matter does not quite belong to your tribunal, I do not
decline your judgment, provided that you acquaint yourself
with the whole state of the matter, that is, that you read
our Apologia^ not cursorily or gaping, as you say you have
done, but attentively from beginning to end ; if not, I shall
not hesitate to appeal. From whom and to whom, — you will
say, since you have yourself chosen me judge ? From Bude
asleep, I answer, to the same person, awake and attentive.
I am told, that many others are complaining of my having
written against Lefevre, but that they are generally persons,
who have never looked either into his attack or my reply.
If they disapprove of my enforced defence, why do they not
rather direct their indignation against him for assailing me
without any cause ? It is forsooth an unfriendly act, to raise
a shield to protect one's heart, while it is a friendly act, to
assail an ally with poisoned shafts !
But if your object is to reconcile your friends, there will
not be much to do, as far as I am concerned. It is easy to
make friends with a man who is angry in spite of himself, or
indeed is only angry at his own ill-luck. How gladly would
I have maintained our friendship unbroken ! And the
next thing, which I now for many reasons desire, is to have
it restored, both because it is unbecoming to be severed
from one, with whom you have been united by the dearest
tie, and because I should be sorry that this matter should
lead to discord between any other persons, whose prefer-
ences might naturally draw them to one side or the other.
University Benefactions 273
I have rather been in the habit of wishing, that by the
recognition of the right of friends to share each other's
friendships, each may find his own best possession doubled.
There are scarcely any terms which I shall refuse. Either
let him suppress his Reprehension^ and let me in return
allow my Apologia to be blotted out. Or, if that wish can-
not be carried out, let him change his curses into blesssings,
or at any rate excuse himself by a letter to me. Or, if even
that is asking too much, let him put it in evidence, that, by
whatever influence that former storm came over us, we
are now on good terms ; he shall not find me difficult to
appease. There is only one condition which I will not
accept, I mean, if he wants me to suppress the Apologia^
while his crimination remains in the field.
I heard, by a letter from Bade, of your brother's death,
which I mourn for two reasons ; because he was of kin to
you and therefore related to me through the bond of friend-
ship, and because, as you write, he was one of my students.
Busleiden's legacy and the Trilingual College are going
on finely. It is a more magnificent aff'air than I thought, as
twenty thousand francs more are destined for the work. I
hope this precedent will meet with many rivals.
I am sending you a letter as troublesome as it is prolix,
that you may not be always finding fault with epistles
' scarcely so long as postcripts.'
Farewell, most learned Bude.
Louvain, 22 February, [15 18.]*
Recurring to the wish, expressed by Erasmus at the end of this
Epistle, that Busleiden's liberality in the foundation of a new College
at Louvain for the study of the learned languages might have many
rivals, it is of interest to recall the number of Colleges founded in the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge during the generation which
followed. In this movement the example of Busleiden, and the
applause of Erasmus may well have had some influence.
* l.ouanij viii. Calendas Martias. Farrago,
VOL. III. T
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Correspondence of the first week of March ^ 15 18. Erasmus
at Loiivain. Epistle addressed to Erasmus by Richard
Sampson ; Epistles of Erasmus to numerous corre-
spondents^ including Archbishop War ham, Bishop
Fisher, the Chancellor of Burgundy^ More, Colet,
Pace, and Peter Barbier. Epistles 744 to 759.
In this Chapter it is proposed to include the extant correspondence
of Erasmus bearing date in the first week of March, 1518. The
earliest letter is one addressed to Erasmus on the second day of the
month by Richard Sampson. This is followed by letters of Erasmus
to various correspondents, dated on the 5th, and 6th days of the same
month.
Epistle 744 is a modest letter addressed to Erasmus by Richard
Sampson, who was still resident at Tournay, and is described in the
title of the letter as Agent of the Cardinal of York in that district."^
It will be remembered that Wolsey had been nominated by Henry
VIII. to be Bishop of Tournay, the English being still in possession
of that city and cathedral, though not, it may be presumed, of the
entire diocese. See vol. ii. p. 209.
Epistle 744. Epist. ad diversos, p. 141 ; Epist. iii. 4 ;
C. 305 (306).
Richard Sampson to Erasmus.
If you were familiar with English, or if I were master
of any other language in which I could converse with you
* Cardinalis Eboracensis apud Nervios Commissarius.
Epistle of Sampson to Erasmus 275
by letter, I should not write to you in Latin, aware as I
am, that he must be either altogether heedless, or else
perfectly accomplished in eloquence, who does not fear
to write in that tongue to one that may be matched with
the most eloquent authors of antiquity. # * *
Neither should I now have written, unless I had received
an impulse from yourself. For by your late letter to our
friend John DesmouHns, which he handed to me for my
perusal two days ago, in sending me a message of salutation,
you thought fit to call me, not only patron, but your special
patron. t This phrase has put me to no slight shame, much
as I was delighted with the rest of the letter. For who
does not know, how high you stand, on account of your
supreme learning, in the estimation of Kings and Princes ?
And of these the best and greatest are those who are warmest
in favour of Erasmus. Do not therefore, I beseech you,
burden me, beyond other humble individuals, with so proud
a title. * * *
Nevertheless, if my small aid can be of use to you, I
would have you persuaded, that you will find no one more
ready in your service. Indeed I cannot fail to be most
friendly to you, when I am not unaware, that those who are
most favourably disposed towards me, are also most attached
to you. The illustrious Baron, lord Mountjoy, is to me a kind
friend, and to you, as you know, he is devoted w^ith all his
heart. I say nothing of Tunstall, a man of courteous gravity
and rare learning. Neither need I speak of Pace, who being
in high favour both with the King's Majesty and with the
most Reverend Cardinal, is above all other persons a friend
and patron to me. Neither would it be right to pass over
f non modo patronum sed unicum quoque tuum patronum me appellate
voluisti. This expression occurs near the conclusion of Epistles 736. See
p. 246.
T 2
276 Peter Gillis s Health failing
More, whose wit and learning are so universally known.
* * * Such are the friends we have in
common ; although, if you stood alone, you are yourself
sufficient to deserve our utmost love. Farewell.
Tournay, 2 March, I5i8.f
Epistle 745 is a short letter of advice addressed by Erasmus to
Peter Gillis, for whom the writer had a genuine paternal sympathy,
and whose feeble condition of health appears to have been accom-
panied with an irritability, which was not amenable to any remedies
that the Pharmacopoeia could supply.
Epistle 745. Farrago, p. 187 ; Epist. vii. 21, C. 190 (209),
1670 (262).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
I wish I were indeed the healthier part of your soul, as
you call me ; but as it is, being far from well myself, I am
also out of health in sympathy with you ; and yet, busy
with the New Testament, I have no leisure for sickness.
I see no hope for you, unless you, first, obtain control
over yourself ; and next, make a little journey either hither
or to Ghent. You would find there Clavus, the scolding
physician, to whom I will introduce you, if you like ; so that
he may, by reproaches if by nothing else, drive you to a
cure.
Have nothing to do with any depressing drugs. Take
your walk with Nicolas, or with some other faithful and
pleasant friend for a companion. Shun anything like a
quarrel. The care of his own life is the first business of a
f Toinaci, vi. nonas Martias. Epist. ad diversos.
Office of Laurinus at Bruges 277
wise man. Farewell, and right well ; I shall then fare
less uncomfortably myself.
Louvain, 4 March, [15 18].*
We have seen, pp. 35, 69, that Marcus Laurinus was Coadjutor of
the Dean of the College of St. Donatian at Bruges. In another
Epistle he is styled Dean (see p. 70), but this must be regarded
as inaccurate ; and in the following letter, as in Epistle 638, he is
requested to convey to the Dean the salutation of the writer.
Epistle 746. Deventer MS. ; C. 1671 (264).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
I had made up my mind to come and see you before
Lent, but was by some entanglements detained at Antwerp.
Then the unfavourable weather has interfered with my plan ;
but I shall still, I hope, be with you in a few days.
I am sending my servant to England ; from whence, after
getting some business done there, he is presently to return. I
beseech you to advise him, how he may conveniently proceed
to Calais or Dunkirk with the goods in his charge ; and, — in
order to save him from going to suspicious inns, — do either
take him in yourself or commend him to my Lewis. f In
short, treat the boy as a valued servant of Erasmus ; and
when he is on his way back, write me a letter by him, —
though I think that I may myself be with you before then.
Farewell, and give my salutations to Master Dean, brother
Peter and my other friends.
Louvain, 5 March, 1518.I
* Lov. 3 Non. Mart. Deve?tter MS. Lovanij. Tertio nonas Mar. Farrago.
t Ludovico meo commenda. See the following Epistle.
I Lov. Tertio Non. Mart. Deventer MS. Lovanio 5. Martii, Anno 1518. C.
278 Lewis a Resident at Bruges
The Lewis, mentioned in the preceding letter and addressed in
the following short note, was a layman of some importance resident at
Bruges, — the Magistor Ludovicus of Epistle 638, — in whose house
Erasmus had himself made some stay in the autumn of the preceding
year. See p. 69.
Epistle 747. Deventer MS. ; C. 1692 (308).
Erasmus to Lewis.
If you and your good wife are well, I shall be right glad
to hear it. I am sending my servant, the bearer, to England.
Please help him to find a carriage and respectable company,
and also in any other matter for which he may require your
aid, as I am much interested in his safe and speedy return.
If there is no room elsewhere, take him into your own house,
that he may not be forced to go to an inn, as those places
are everywhere under suspicion just now ; what you spend
upon him, will be spent on me. I shall perhaps soon visit
you again myself; meantime farewell, dearest Lewis, with
your sweet wife and dear children.
Louvain [5 March], 15 18.*
The following letter, the address of which is missing in the printed
copy, appears from its contents to have been intended for the hands
of Sir Richard Wingfield, ' Deputy (Deputy Controller) of Calais/ who
had sent a letter or message to Erasmus, to inquire whether he
could recommend him a physician. Sir Richard's wife, Avho was
apparently at Calais with her husband, was the daughter of Sir John
Wiltshire, who held the office of ' Controller ' t of the same port, and
was apparently also there at this time. We learn from the Calendar of
Letters and Papers (vol. ii. num. 3906), that he had written at the end
of January to King Henry VIIL to tell him of the arrival there, in
* Lovanio Anno 1518. C f See note, p. 279.
Wingfie Id Dep u ty of Ca la is 279
charge of Sir Richard Donne, of the ' goodliest sort of mares from
Naples and Italy, which would put the king out of danger of any
prince for coursers of Naples,' these animals having been already
shipped for England."^ We may perhaps infer, that at this time English
sportsmen were indebted to Italy for their fleetest race-horses.
Epistle 748. Deventer MS. ; C. 1672 (267).
Erasmus \_to Sir Richard Wingjield.'\
Illustrious Sir, though almost overwhelmed with literary
work, I have not forgotten your message about the physician.
For I did not venture to recommend any person that occurred
to me ; but one that would have suited our requirements, had
been almost pitched upon, when the friend, to whom I had
entrusted this business, is snatched away with the Prince,
or rather, before the Prince's departure to accompany the
Chancellor of Burgundy.
I am sending my servant the bearer, upon some special
matters of business, to England. I may trust your generosity
to help him, — if any help is necessary, — to obtain a safe and
convenient passage. You will not grudge to add this favour
to the many good turns you have done me.
Farewell, with your sweetest wife, and most charming
children. I trust that your father-in-law, the lord Con-
troller,f is in perfect health.
Louvain, 5 March, 1518.I
The name of the person to whom the following letter was written
* Brewer, State Papers, vol. ii. num. 3906.
t D. controlerarum. C. The Controller was apparently so called from his
duty of checking the rolls or accounts of the Port. The more correct Latin
word is Contrarotulator. See Ducange, Glossary.
\ 3 Nonas Martias. Deventer MS. Lovanio 5 Martii, x\nno 15 18. C.
28o Wiltshire Controller of Calais
is, as in the case of the last epistle, wanting in the manuscript. It
may not improbably have been addressed to Sir John Wiltshire, the
Controller of the Port of Calais, and given to the bearer, for greater
security in case of the absence of Sir Richard Wingfield. Naef, our
Commander {^Naevius Imperator noster), who appears to have been
at some time on friendly terms with Erasmus's correspondent, was, we
may assume, the same person as Joannes Nevius or Naevius, whom
we have already known as Principal of the Lilian College at Louvain^
and to whom Dorpius had by Erasmus's direction in September, 15 14,
dedicated the little work work called Disticha Moralia Catonis,
then printed from a copy corrected by Erasmus. Epistle 292, vol. ii.
PP- 153. 170-
Epistle 749. Deventer MS. ; C. 1673 (268).
Erasmus [to Sir John Wiltshire 7\
Honoured Sir, if you are well in health, I have every
reason to rejoice. I am sending the bearer, a dear servant
of mine, for certain necessary occasions, to England, from
whence he is soon to return. I do not suppose there will
be any need of your assistance ; but if there should be, I
beg you to lend it in every way, so that he may make a safe
and rapid passage ; and whatever service you render to him,
I shall consider to be rendered to myself.
My salutation to the most courteous Gerard,* my old and
special friend. Naef, our Emperor,t salutes vou in most
friendlv fashion. Farewell.
Louvain, 5 March, 1518.I
* Saluta humanissimum Gerardum. We are reminded of Garrett, the
Cambridge bookseller, also called Gerardus (vol. ii. pp. 26, 332), but to him
Erasmus sends a salutation in a letter of the same date addressed to Cam-
bridge. See p. 296. This Gerard may be assumed to be at Calais.
t Naevius Imperator noster.
\ Lovanio 5. Martis, Anno 15 18. (7,
Epistle to War ham 281
In the following Epistle Erasmus frankly submits his plans and his
needs to Archbishop Warham, in recognition of the position still held
by his correspondent, as his principal and most liberal patron.
Epistle 750. Deventer MS. ; C. 1673 (269).
Erasmus to Archbishop Warham.
Most reverend Prelate, sole grace and bulwark of my
studies, it is the custom with Poets to divide their plays
into five acts, and for me there now remains the fifth act
of my drama, which I pray that I may so perform as to
merit the applause of good men^ but above all the approval
of Christ, the one director of our stage. I am proposing to
go either to Venice or to Basel, — both long and dangerous
journeys, especially in passing through Germany, which,
beside the old mischief of robbers, is now subject to a
pestilence, which has carried off Lachner, the chief
manager of Froben's press,* as well as a multitude of
others ; whereas, if I go on to Italy, a larger sum of
money will be required for the journey on account of
the many accidents, which are always unexpectedly arising.
I propose to extend my library by the addition of the best
books, some fresh ones being printed every day in Italy.
I have also to be present at the reprinting of the New
Testament ; it is a complicated work, and if I am not
there myself, nothing will be done as I should wish.
Wherever in the world I may be, I shall be your humble
client. And if I return, I propose to remove to England, as
a sheltered and distant retreat, where I trust that your good-
ness will increase our small means, seeing that old age is
* Wolfgang Lachner, at whose house Erasmus had lodged on his first visit
to Basel in 15 14, was father-in-law of Froben, and had been the chief manager
of the Basel Press. See vol. ii. pp. 160, 161,
282 Grocyn in failing Health
always coming nearer, and I understand better every day
that last Chapter of the book of Ecclesiastes.* If I do not
return, it will not be amiss to sacrifice one's life for what,
if I am not mistaken, is a pious work.
Grocyn's calamity f is indeed bitter to me. I should wish
such intellects as his to have the fortune they deserve, and
not to be affected by disease or death ; but a Heavenly
Power has determined otherwise. We carry this sacred
fire, — like the Vestals of old, — in earthen vessels, and some-
how or other, those are most subject to the infirmities of
mortality, who are most worthy of being immortal.
About this preparation for war against the Turks, I do
not care to write. If I am not mistaken, the action is one
thing, and the pretext another. I hear from Switzerland,
that what is in view is the expulsion of the Spaniards from
Naples ; for Lorenzo, the Pope's nephew, is endeavouring
to occupy Campania, having married the King of Navarre's
daughter. The Swiss, dull as they may be, are not
without some idea of this ; but everywhere money has
the greatest influence. Good heavens ! when, among
Christian nations, will these unchristian disturbances come
to an end ?
I wish I had myself just now such a horse as you once
sent by me to the Abbot of St. Bertin. Some people
wonder at my undertaking at my age a journey of this sort ;
* Erasmus may especially have had in mind, as applicable to himself, the
passage near the conclusion of the last chapter of this book, which in the
Vulgate stands as follows: His amphus, fili mi, ne requiras. Faciendi plures
libros nullus est finis, frequensque meditatio carnis afflictio est ; and in our
English version : " And further by these, my son, be admonished ; of
making many books there is no end ; and much study is a weariness of the
flesh." Erasmus, born, as is supposed, 27 October, 1466 (see vol. i. pp. 13,
14), appears at this time to have been in his fifty-second year.
t Grocini calamitas. William Grocyn, the most distinguished English
scholar of his day, was Master of Allhallows College near Maidstone, where
he died in 15 19. He appears to have been at this date already paralysed.
Preparations for Journey to Basel 283
while for my part I am more surprised at the Bishop of
Paris, a man of ahnost seventy years, undertaking still more
arduous journeys upon business, which I deem less im-
portant ! *
I beg you to give my servant a kind welcome, and send
him back soon, — so that my proceedings may not be
delayed, — and to be kind as you have always been to
your Erasmus. I shall never deem myself unhappy so
long as you are safe.
Farewell to your Reverend Lordship, to whom I yield
and consecrate my whole self.
Louvain, 5 March, I5i8.f
The following epistle is without address in the Deventer Manu-
script, and the conjectural address (to Thomas More) found in Le
Clare's edition is not a probable one, especially as we have another
letter addressed to him of the date to which this letter may most
probably be assigned. Dr. Reich has conjectured that it was addressed
to Thomas Biddell or Bedill,^ Archbishop Warham's Secretary (see
vol. ii. p. 290) ; and this attribution seems likely enough, the Maecenas
of the last sentence being probably the Archbishop ; who, if Erasmus
v^as seriously proposing to settle in England, might well, by some
ecclesiastical preferment, make a substantial addition to his income.
Epistle 751. Deventer MS. ; C. 1695 (313).
Erasmus \to Thomas BedilL] |
A plague on that fever of yours, which has upset all my
* Stephen Poncher, Bishop of Paris, like some other contemporary bishops,
was much employed in diplomatic business. In 15 16 we have seen him as
ambassador of Francis I. at the Court of Brussels (see vol. ii. 471, 476, 478),
and about this time he appears to have been in England for the purpose of
treating for the surrender of Tournay, which, as we have seen, was still in
English hands. See Epistle 744, pp. 274, 275 ; Brewer, vol. ii. num. 4135.
t Lovanio 5. Martii, Anno 15 18. C
X As to the name of Bedill see a note in p. 353 of this volume.
284 A Horse still wanted
arrangements. Francis has come back, bringing neither
money nor letter. Sixtinus wrote, that the money had
been paid upon his (Sixtinus's) warranty ; but Francis says
that was not done, — Potkin's excuse being, that the bill
was not in due form. In future I shall not transact my
business by Guelderlanders, nor by one-eyed drunkards, —
although it is not I, that have ever put anything into their
hands. That was done, against my order, by Peter Gillis,
with whom nevertheless I cannot be angry, whether for
friendship's sake, or because he is so ill. But once begun,
the business must be concluded.
I opine that your smalacha has long relieved you of fever.
We are undertaking a long and dangerous journey ; but
if I judge right, it has a pious object, for which one might
be content to die, should the occasion require it. I beg
you to be hke yourself ; write about every matter carefully
by this servant of mine ; and lend him anything he may
require. Farewell.
I w^ant, and must have for my own riding, one easy-going
horse not readily tired ; in this matter also please give me
vour counsel.
It is my intention, at the close of this comedy, to retire
to England, which I shall do all the more readily, if my
Maecenas will make some addition to my small fortune.
Do endeavour to get that done. Farewell again.
Louvain, [March] 15 18.*
The following letter to Bishop Fisher, which has no date of day,
may be attributed to the same period as Epistle 750, addressed to the
Archbishop.
* Louanio. Deventer MS. Lovanio Anno 1518. C
Plans for the Present and Future 285
Epistle 752. Deventer MS. ; C. 1691 (306).
Erasmus to Bishop Fisher.
Reverend Father, I am reluctantly preparing for a fresh
journey, for the purpose of issuing an emended and more
complete edition of the New Testament, being apprehensive
that this business will be badly managed, unless J am on the
spot myself. I beg your Piety, if there is anything to which
you think my attention should be directed, to let me know
by letter through the bearer, who is sent partly for this
purpose, and is to return to me without delay. As far as
we could do so, we have made the emendations, which
appeared to be required ; although we shall never, I suppose,
succeed in obtaining the approval of all the Preachers ! *
If you have done with what we sent by one-eyed Peter,
send it back by my servant the bearer ; and if you are
inclined to write anything to Reuchlin, I will take care that
it be delivered to him.
As the journey we are now undertaking is a very long
one, — having to go to Venice, or at the least as far as
Basel, — we shall want an easy-going horse, that will be
capable of hard work ; should you have any such to spare,
it will be a very great favour if you will send him by the
bearer.
This winter has seemed very long to me ; so that partly
from distaste, t partly by continued study, I have almost
knocked myself up. What remains is the last act of our
play, and if I am not mistaken, of our life. Henceforth
it is my intention to remain in seclusion, and to sing a song
* ut Prgedicatoribus omnibus probemur, — all preachers, especially the
Friars Preachers,
t partim tsedio.
286 Lefevres opinion of the Apologia
to myself and the Muses ; there is no pleasure in this con-
stant swordplay with such a number of wranglers. I did
wish to do my part, such as it might be, in the advancement
of studies, and should not grudge the labour, if my wish
could be accomplished.
Lefevre gives no answer at all, not even by a private
letter to me ; but I hear that he has taken offence at my
Apologia^ as if forsooth it were due to his authority, that
after such an attack I should hold my tongue. And yet
I have put a curb upon my righteous grief, and made a large
concession to our old friendship, or to Christian modesty.
You see how Jerome thunders against Ruffinus, only because
he had been cited by him in a figured way * ; and am I not
to answer Lefevre, who has made me ' a subverter of the
prophetic intelligence,' ' contumeliously abusing the glory
of Christ,' ' a partisan of the blasphemous Jews,' saying
' things most unworthy of Christ and of God,' ' adhering to
the Flesh and opposing the Spirit,' writing ' things which
are constantly at variance with each other,' ' things that
needed more than one Anticyra,' and, while he is defending
Christ's dignity, represents me as its adversary, — shall I,
let me ask, not answer him at all ? However pious, how-
ever gentle, however friendly Lefevre is, these expressions
are found in his books, and are acknowledged by him as
his own. If they are not found there, I may be accused
of infatuation ; if these and more than these are there, it
was worth while to weigh, whether I had deserved any of
them ; if I had, let them refute what I have advanced ; if
not, why should they not rather be angry with Lefevre
for insidiously making so harsh an attack upon a friend,
than with me, who am defending myself with a shield only ;
not, I repeat, with weapons of offence, as by common right
I might surely have done.
* tantum quia figurate fuerat ab illo laudatus.
Recent Literary Work 287
I have already sent you Theodore's second Book, and I
now send the same in print,* so that you may read it more
conveniently ; for I know that my Paraphrase has already
been published in your country. I wonder that the one-eyed
fellow, by whom I sent the book, has not brought a letter
from you in return.
Grocyn's affliction does indeed grieve me to the heart,
whatever has been his conduct to me.f We might well
wish, that faculties like his should not be subject to death or
to old age ; but the Powers above have so decreed. We
carry this treasure in vessels of clay, or indeed of glass.
About the genealogy of Christ there is, I know, an
inextricable question, the solution of which is no part of
my plan. Neither am I altogether satisfied with the notes
put together by Annius, who strikes me in the first place as
a hasty and in the second as a self-satisfied VvTiter, and who
in the last place is a Preacher. | Therefore if you have hit
upon any explanation yourself, you must take the trouble to
have a note of it made, so that my servant, who will pay his
respects to you if possible, may bring it to me on his return.
I have given him as much money for his journey as I thought
would be enough ; but if by chance there should be any
deficiency, your kindness will not hesitate to supply it.
I have been trying a multitude of baits to catch the King
and his reverend Achates, but nothing is attracted to the
end of my line ; and if this cast does not succeed, I shall
not for the future risk either hook or bait. The game, as I
have said before, must be played out ; and when that is
done, I have made up my mind to retire from this wicked
world. Princes have grown cunning, and the shamelessness
* The Greek Grammar of Theodore Gaza. See vol. ii. pp. 291, 546.
t Grocyn had had an attack of paralysis. See p. 282. He appears to have
died in the following year. His relations with Erasmus do not appear to
have been uniformly cordial. See vol. ii. p. 274.
\ I presume, a Dominican friar.
288 Pu b lica tio n of th e An eta rin m
of the Roman Curia has reached its cHmax ; while the
condition of the People seems likely before long to be such,
that the tyranny of the Turks could be more easily borne.
I shall therefore seek refuge entirely with you, as in a
locality out of the world, and perhaps the least tainted part
of Christendom. And if this does not come to pass, I shall
at any rate be content to have spent my life upon what, if I
am not mistaken altogether, may claim to be a pious work.
Louvain [5 March] 15 18.*
In the first paragraph of Epistle 753 we find Erasmus preparing
for the publication of a new collection of his own correspondence.
The Auctarium Selectarujn Epistolariim Erasmi ad eruditos et
horum ad ilium was published by Froben in August, 15 18. The
first sentence of the following letter may serve to show, that Erasmus
recognized in such publications the expediency of an occasional
deviation from the original text.
Epistle 753. Deventer MS. ; C, 1671 (265).
Erasjuus to More.
First, I beg you to put in charge of the bearer, my John,
whatever letters, either of mine, or of yours, you may judge
suitable, — after the alteration of some passages, — for publi-
cation ; for this is what I am driven to do, whether I like it
or not. I have sent this young man in some haste, in order
that he may come back as soon as possible.
If you think Ursewick is estranged from us, perhaps it
will be better not to trouble him ; but if not, give some
help about a horse, which will be now very much required,!
* Lovanio, Anno 15 18. C.
t Erasmus was looking to Ursewick for a horse, when he was in England
eighteen months before. Vol. ii. 393, 424.
Self-denials during War against Turks 289
as I am off either to Basel or to Venice, principally for the
publication of the New Testament. This, my More, belongs
to my destiny ; I shall play out this Act of my play, and
after that, I have nearly made up my mind to sing a song
for myself and the Muses, — a resolution almost demanded
by my age and health, which is every day advancing to the
condition of Mandrabulus.* Such is here the ascendancy
of masked scoundrels, while no one makes any profit, but
tavern-keepers, advocates, and tax-brokers ! Who could
tolerate a place where there are so many to speak ill of you,
and none to do you any service ?
The people at Basel excuse themselves for the delay of
your Utopia, by reason of the elegant Preface which Bude
has been contributing ; they have now received it, and have
set to work. Lachner, Froben's father-in-law, is dead. But
the Froben press will be as busy as ever with our works. 1
have not yet seen Linacre's Therapeutice^ owing to some
conspiracy against us at Paris. Please make a friendly
arrangement with Lupset about the appendix to my Copia^
and send it.
The Pope and a few Princes, are playing a fresh comedy,
under pretext of a tremendous war against the Turks. Poor
Turks, — we Christians must not be too hard upon them !
This is a matter, too, in which wives are concerned. All
husbands under the age of fifty, and over twenty- six are to
take arms, but meantime the Pope forbids the wives of the
absent warriors to indulge in luxury at home. They are to
abstain from elegance of attire, not to wear silk or gold, nor
any jewels, to make no display, not to drink wine, and to
fast every alternate day, that God may speed their husbands
while they take part in so sanguinary a war. And if there
"^ valetudo, in dies kirX rh MarbpaftuvXov Trpox^tvpovtra. C. I can throw no
light upon Mandrabulus, who appears to be a type of the last infirmities of
age.
VOL. III. U
290 The Julius Exclusus printed
are any husbands, who are detained at home by necessary
business, their wives are nevertheless to follow the same
practices they would have had to observe if their husbands
were gone to the war. They may sleep in the same room,
but in different beds, and not a kiss is to be exchanged, until
this terrible war has been successfully conclnded. I know
that this will be annoying to many wives, not sufficiently
weighing the importance of the matter in question ; though
I am sure your wife, with the wisdom and piety that she
possesses, will readily obey.
I send Pace's little book, which is entitled, ** Conclusions
upon the Papal pardons, and upon the Counsel concerning
the war to be waged against the Turks," because I suspect
it has not yet been carried over there.
They write to me from Cologne, that some sort of
pamphlet has been printed there, about Julius disputing
with St. Peter at the gate of Paradise, the name of the
author not being given. These German printing offices will
never cease their mad course, until some law is passed to
curb their licence, which will be a bad stroke for us, who
are doing what we can to benefit the world ! *
I cannot express my wonder, that neither Francis nor
one-eyed Peter has brought any letter hither. I beg you
will allow my boy to sleep for a night or two with yours,
so that he may not run the risk of an infected lodging ; and
that you will lend him anything he may need, — though I
have myself furnished him with journey-money. Please
obtain permission to export three horses, though perhaps
there will not be one to bring !
* See about Erasmus's satire on the deceased Pope, entitled Julius Ccelis
Exclusus, vol. ii. pp. 448, 610. More was in the secret, but Erasmus here
affects, either as a jest, or for the sake of those to whom the letter might
be shown, that neither he nor his correspondent knew anything about the
authorship. Erasmus had probably himself contrived that a copy should be
placed in the hands of the Cologne printers, without any further information.
Pace's Book on the Fruit of Study 291
Read Bude's letter, and my letter to him.*
I have seen at last the Utopia^ as it has been printed at
Paris, but printed incorrectly. It is already in the press at
Basel ; for I had declared a cessation of friendship, if they
were not more expeditious in that business than they are
in mine. Farewell, sincerest of friends.
Louvain, 5 March, 1518.!
We have seen the opinion formed by Erasmus of the volume lately
published by Pace, candidly expressed in a letter to More, Epistle 739.
The following letter addresssed to the author, — whose assistance he
desired to obtain in an application he was making at the EngHsh
Court, — contains some jesting allusion to the book, but gives no
further opinion of it. He refers to the loss of the manuscript of one
of his own early works, which had been left in Pace's care, — a loss
which might seem to give him some special claim on the services of
his correspondent.
Epistle 754. Deventer MS. ; C. 1672 (266).
Erasmus to Pace.
You have indeed made fine play in your little book, most
learned Pace, and have not earned much more favour from
the Theologians than I did myself by my Maria. But you
have distinguished me very thoroughly by the imputation of
poverty, — at a time when to myself I seemed almost a
Midas, — though it is rather my Patrons, that are affected
by the discredit you suggest, — unless you think I have been
an altogether negligent and sorry client. But after tra-
ducing me in your book, you must give me your help to
redeem my character, by spurring up my Maecenates, among
all of whom you have deservedly no little influence. And
just now, as I have to make a long and troublesome journey,
I do beg you to exert yourself to secure the success of an
* Epistles 710, 743. t Lovanio 5. Martii, Anno 1518. C.
U 2
292 Epistle to Pace
application which is being made to the King, whom I have
so often already endeavoured in vain to capture. Enlist, if
necessary, Mountjoy and Tunstall ; Colet is already engaged
in the business. What is wanted is ready money.
Your letter to Dorpius I thought it better, for certain
reasons, not to deliver ; I am now on good terms enough
with him, and my circumstances require that I should have
several friends in the University. That one-eyed fellow
told me, you had some letter ready ; whatever it is,
deliver it to this messenger.
I want a horse, — easy to ride, a good goer and of sufficient
height, and have sent my servant in chace of one ; * pray
give some help in this matter too.
I wonder what the real fact is about my Commentaries.
Your books have been brought over now nearly five years.
What are those winds you talk of? If you know that there
is no hope, please do not keep me in suspense. t
If I am not mistaken, I sent you the Paraphrase with the
Apologia. The former is approved by the votes of all the
Theologians ; the latter off"ends some admirers of Lefevre,|
not because they disagree with my case, but because I have
dared to reply to so great a person ! If he assails me again
in such a style, he shall find what I can do with another
weapon ; as yet I have only used a shield.
Bombasius, — so he writes, — feels as if he was living in a
barbarous country, now that you have left Constance.
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18. J
* See Epistle 753 to More, pp. 288, 290.
t This whole passage appears to be a reply to some observation of Pace,
probably made in answer to a previous inquiry of Erasmus concerning the loss
of the two first parts of his early work entitled Antibarbari, which were left in
the possession of Pace at Ferrara in December, 1508, and not restored to
their author. See vol. i. pp. 100, 452.
X male habet Fabristas quosdam.
§ 3 Non. Mart. 15 18. Deventer MS. Lovanio 5. Martii, 1518. C.
Epistle to Moiintjoy 293
The following letter is printed by Le Clerc with an address to
Warham, which is manifestly erroneous. Dr. Reich in his table of
Epistles has with great probability conjectured this correspondent,
who it will be seen was a husband and a father, to be Mountjoy. Both
these patrons appear to have contributed, as the correspondent
addressed in this letter evidently did, to the writer's ordinary yearly
income (see vol. ii. pp. 145, 146); and the title, 'earliest Maecenas,'
found in the concluding words of the letter, is, of all his English
patrons, most strictly applicable to Mountjoy. Erasmus may perhaps
have thought, that the most delicate way of soliciting an additional
present from this nobleman would be to suggest, that he should apply
to the King on his behalf.
Epistle 755. Deventer MS. ; C. 1694 (312).
Erasmus \to Lord Mountjoy'].
Most excellent Maecenas, I am preparing for an expedi-
tion either to Basel or to Venice, which will be the last Act
of this Play of mine. You know, it is a very long journey ;*
but in a still greater degree it is a dangerous journey, and
that not in one respect only. Germany, beside its usual
robberies, is now formidable on account of plague.
I beseech you, my Maecenas, to endeavour to obtain for
me from the King's generosity a present of more than
ordinary amount ; he shall find, that it is not conferred
upon an ungrateful client. But I want this quickly done, so
that, when I am ready to start, I may not have to wait for
the messenger. I should not venture to trouble you, and
should gladly be satisfied with your kindness, if it were not
that everything here is transacted with ready money. You
will say, why do you not then take flight hither ? Well, in
the first place I must be present at the printing of this book ;
and then, I have been compelled by circumstances to pro-
long my stay at Louvain on account of the Theologians,
* Scio {read Scis) iter esse perlongum.
294 Immeaiate Needs of Erasmus
who would have raised a fine tragedy, if I had not been on
the spot myself.
When this play is done, it is my intention to remove to
England, as the loftiest * retreat in the world, and to indulge
my old age in studies of a lighter and more agreeable sort.
If you regard me as not altogether a sorry client, I beg you,
my Maecenas, to continue like yourself. Richard Pace in
his pamphlet has cast a slur upon me, as a poor and unim-
portant person, when in my own eyes I seemed almost a
Midas ! In this poor estimate of me, you are yourself also
somewhat concerned. But you may regard this as said
in jest, if I am only allowed to escape the risk of its being
said in earnest. In this country I am invited on all sides by
persons of the greatest importance, — by the Bishops of
Utrecht, of Liege, of Mayence, — but I pay no regard to any
distant hopes. From Spain, I am told to anticipate some-
thing more certain.
You need not have any fear of entrusting the bearer with
money. He will under the advice of Sextinus deposit it
with the bankers. I am also in want of a useful horse. I
know that you are apt to be unlucky in matters of horse-
flesh ; t still I will ask you to help me, if you can.
The Chiliads have been completed afresh, and will come
out at the next Fair. J
Farewell, with your sweet wife and dear children.
Whether I will or not, one or two books are to be
published of my Epistles. If therefore you have any to
* Velut in altissimum niundi secessum. We can hardly translate it,
* deepest.'
t I do not think that we know anything of the circumstances here alluded to.
\ The edition of the Adages here promised may be identified with that
printed by Froben in indyta Germanise, Basilea, An. M.D. xviii., of which
there are copies in the British Museum and in the Bodleian Library. It
should be remembered, that the first edition of this important work had been
dedicated to Lord Mountjoy. See our vol. i. p. 243.
The first Greek Professor at Cambridge 295
send, entrust them to the bearer. I shall not publish them
without altering such passages as may need to be altered.
Farewell again, my earliest Maecenas.
Louvain, 15 18.*
The student of the Epistles of Erasmus should take note of the
practice admitted in the last sentence.
The following letter is addressed to Henry Bullock (Bovillus), a
Fellow of Queen's College, Cambridge, and one of Erasmus's oldest
friends in England. See vol ii. p. 317. Kichard Croke, who had
learned Greek from Grocyn, and been Professor of that language at
Leipzig (vol, ii. pp. 22, 274), had returned to England in April or
^^7' 15 1 7 (vol. ii. p. 551), and was now at Cambridge, — the first Pro-
fessor of Greek in that University. Bullock appears to have informed
Erasmus, that in the controversy with Lefevre, the latter was not
without his partisans at Cambridge.
Epistle 756. Deventer MS. ; C. 1670 (263).
Erasmus to Henry Bullock.
I must first say, how delighted I have been to hear, that
you have not been attacked by that wicked plague.
I congratulate Croke, and indeed your University too,
which, beside the other honourable studies in which it has
long excelled, has now obtained this further distinction.
But what do I hear ? Are some persons found, even at
Cambridge, to wield the sword on Lefevre's side ? And
what reason have they for being angry with me ? Is it
because I repel with the clearest arguments a charge of
blasphemy, which I might share in common with all
orthodox writers, but which Lefevre brings forward as
especially appropriate to me ? Why are they not rather
angry with him, who has struck me first, and struck me in
such a way as to leave no room for silence ? We may well
disregard those ranters, who by mere impulse of mind con-
* Lovanio, Anno 15 18. C.
296 Old Cambridge Friends
demn or approve opinions, the nature of which they have
yet to learn ; but in Lefevre's case I am astonished, first, at
his having chosen to write with so much fury against me,
and then, at his not sending at least a private letter, to
explain or defend his conduct. If Standish had provoked
me in this manner, I should have met the animal in a very
different fashion. To Lefevre I have very unwillingly
replied, and have conceded much to our old intimacy ; but
he is not so far my friend, that for his sake I was bound to
become an ' enemy to the dignity of Christ,' a ' subverter
of the prophetic intelligence,' and an 'ally of the Jews' ;
especially when he had been the first to violate the rights of
friendship.
I have been taking the utmost pains with a fresh revision
of the New Testament ; and am preparing for a journey
either to Basel or to Venice, for its publication. To this
destiny I w^as born, and it is not for me to fight against
Providence.
A letter has reached me from Grev, but written, as it
seems, at Paris.* Peter Gillis put Croke's letter to me
into somebody's hands, but whoever it was, he has not
delivered it. Pray salute Croke for me, and also my good
friend Grey ; you must tell him of my proposed journey ;
it is not certain yet, to w^hich place I shall go. You wall
remember me to all friends, — Vaughan, Humphrey, Brian,
Watson, and my host Garrett,f whose praise is in the
Apologia, though without a name.
A professor of Hebrew, the most learned of the age, is
now at Louvain ; and we have also a man to take the Greek
* Thomas Grey was an old pupil of Erasmus, — an Englishman resident for
the most part abroad. See vol. i. p. 115, ii. 312, 556.
f The same old Cambridge friends are mentioned at the end of a letter
to Bullock, sent from Rochester in August, 15 16, vol. ii. p. 332. Garrett
(Gerardus) was the Cambridge bookseller, at whose house Erasmus had
lodged in 151 1. See before, p. 280, and vol. ii. pp. 26, 332.
Epistle to Co let 297
professorship. This is the place therefore for those to fly
to. who desire to master the three tongues !
Farewell, my matchless friend, patron, and champion.
Louvain, 5 March, 15 18.*
The following letter to Colet has no date of day, but appears to
have been written about the same time as Epistle 756, and we may
assume, that it was sent to England by the same messenger. Neither
of these Epistles was published in the writer's lifetime. Codes was, —
it will be remembered, — the nickname given by Erasmus to the one-
eyed courier, Peter. See vol. ii. 268, 298, 407, 435.
Epistle 757. Deventer MS, ; C. 1690 (305).
Erasmus to Colet.
Best of teachers, I am both surprised and sorry that
Codes has come hither without a letter from you.f He
complains to me in yotir name of my not writing ; but I
think I have already sent you my excuse for the scarceness
and brevity of my letters, while I have congratulated you
upon the leisure which prompts you to demand long and
frequent epistles. Believe me, Colet, I am distracted here
by so many epistles of bishops, of magnates, of erudites, of
friends, — from Italy, Spain, Germany, and France, — that, if
I had nothing else to do, I should still be unequal to this
one task. I am able to return the kind feeling of all my
correspondents, but cannot answer each single one.
About Grocyn's illness I am sincerely sorry, whatever may
* Lovanio 5. Martii, Anno 15 18. C.
t Coclitem hue sine tuis venisse littcris. Cocks, as used by Erasmus,
appears to be another word for Cyclops, applied by him, as a nickname, to a
man who had lost an eye.
298 Plans for the Future
have been his conduct to me. One might well desire, that
such intellects should not be subject to old age or death* ;
but these fatalities do not spare even those that are most
vi^orthy of immortality.
I am forced, on account of the printing of the New-
Testament, and for some other matters, to go either to
Basel, or, as I think will be more likely, to Venice, being
deterred from Basel, partly by plague, and partly by the
death of Lachner, at whose cost the business there was
principally conducted. Do you indeed propose, you will
say, to undertake such a journey, old as you are, and an
invalid, and moreover in this age of ours, than which none
for these six hundred years, has been more wicked, or has
afforded such a free licence everywhere for plunderers ?
But what is one to do ? To this fatality I was born ; and
if I die, I shall have spent my life upon a work not, I
venture to think, altogether bad. And if, after this last
act of the play has been concluded as I desire, I shall
chance to return, I am resolved to spend what may remain
of life with you. That will be my mode of retiring from
a world which is nowhere without stain ! At every Prince's
Court masked Theologians are dominant. The Roman
Curia is incapable of a blush, for what can be more shame-
less, than this constant supply of Pardons ? The pre-
text is now put forward of a war against the Turks, when
the real object is the expulsion of the Spaniards out of
Naples, since the Pope's nephew Lorenzo f lays claim to
Campania on account of his marriage with the daughter of
the King of Navarre. If such disturbances are to con-
* O rem indignam ! eiusmodi ingenia neque senium neque mortem
sentire. C. Some word or words appear to be lost. The same sentiment is
expressed in almost the same words in the contemporary letter to Bishop
Fisher. See p. 287.
f Lorenzo de' Medici, grandson of Lorenzo, son of Pietro, and nephew of
Giovanni, who became in 15 13 Pope Leo X.
Pecuniary Help needed 299
tinue, it would have been better to submit to the dominion
of the Turks, than of these Christians ! But away with
useless complaints !
I have to thank you for kindly beginning to transact my
business with the King, and beg you will carry it through ;
for an ample provision is now required to meet any of those
accidents which commonly befal humanity ; and we are
proposing to make some additions to our library.
Where do we stand now ? The King and Cardinal have
been often captured, and just as often the net breaks !
Mountjoy is merely kind ; that is something in itself, but
nothing to the journey we have in view. He grumbles, I
understand, at my not having accepted the terms lately
offered by the King. Forty pounds were offered, when he
would have had me hope for a hundred. And by way of
a novelty, he wanted me to expect what they did not
venture to promise, after I had so often found, that even
what was, — I will not say, promised, but sworn, — was not
forthcoming.
I wonder that neither Francis nor that one-eyed fellow
has brought me back hither any letter from you ! But the
former is generally occupied with his own business, and as
for Peter, he has no time for anything but drinking ; so
that, when he had come ashore at Antwerp, there was no
meeting him the first day, so fuddled he was with wine. I
have now sent my own servant to England, to bring me
more certain intelligence about everything. I beg that he
may not return to us empty, and that he may return as
quickly as possible, as this is the one thing which delays
my own journey. Do get Tunstall's help in the matter, — a
man who is a true friend to a friend.
Please give directions, after consulting with Sixtinus, that
my money may be placed with Maruflfo, who must give the
agent a bill, by which it may be received somewhere with
the least possible loss.
3oo Horse expected from Ursewick
Master Ursewick * a year ago promised me a horse, and
with this in prospect, I have presented him with a New
Testament. If I knew that the man takes no interest in the
matter, I would not trouble him ; but if you think fit, write
him a word or two by my servant.
I congratulate you on having Maire at your house,
boisterous person as he is.t Pray, take the trouble to
convey my good wishes to him ; I love him with all my
heart, and am much indebted to him ; he supports me with
his prayers, and with his letters both counsels and consoles.
If my servant should be in want of any help, I beg that
your kindness may not fail him. Farewell.
Louvain [March], 151 8. J
In the last clause but one, where the printed Latin text reads
Mariam, I have substituted Murium, but with no confidence as to the
precise word to be supplied. The whole passage requires an explana-
tion, which does not appear to be now fully at hand. Some English
surname, perhaps Mayer or Maire, is probably intended ; and the
person so called, having become known to Erasmus as a friend of
Colet, may have followed up his acquaintance with a letter of plain-
spoken admonition, with which Erasmus Avas amused.
Epistle 758 is a letter addressed to the Chancellor of Burgundy, who
had gone to Spain, taking Paris on his way, — accompanied by Peter
Barbier, his Secretary, — a devoted friend of Erasmus. See vol. ii.
563, 589. In the earlier part of this epistle, which is of considerable
length, Erasmus refers in an obsequious and complimentary strain to
the political labours of the Chancellor Le Sauvage, who appears to
have been already an elderly man ; and towards the middle of the
letter, expresses his pleasure at hearing from Barbier, that his corre-
spondent in his advancing years had retained his old health and
* D. Urswicus. Dominus is a title due to a Doctor.
t Gratulor tibi qui Mariam {qu. Marium) habeas domi, turbulentum inquam
ilium hominem. C.
X Lovanio, Anno 15 18. C.
Letter to the Chancellor of Burgundy 301
vigour. If many such statesmen were in power throughout Europe,
the Christian world might hope to enjoy the fruits of Peace, Morality,
and Learning. Turning at last to his own labours and prospects, the
writer towards the end of the letter, continues as follows.
Epistle 758. Deventer MS. ; C. 1673 (270).
Erasmus to J-ohn Le Sauvage, Chancellor of Bur gundy. ^
Upon the New Testament again renewed, my toil is now
finished. It remains that it be printed with no less care ;
and this work, complicated as it is, cannot be satisfactorily
done, unless I am there to look after it. If I go to Basel,
I shall hope to come back hither by next autumn ; if to
Venice, my return will have to be put off till the follow-
ing spring ; but to whichever place I go, I will soon let
you know where I am. Age, daily weighing upon us, has
somewhat abated our strength, while we hasten on to the
catastrophe of our play ; but I trust we may so say our Valete
et plaudite, as to gain the approval of Christ, the Director
of our stage. We shall certainly endeavour to surpass our-
selves in the last Act. I do not beg for your liberality, nor
even remind you of my need of it, being sure that your
goodness will contrive without my asking, that the structure,
which is giving way to age, may be propped up by some
accession of fortune. But if there be nothing further added,
I confess, that I already owe everything to you. Farewell,
Illustrious Sir.
Louvain, 6 March, 1518.$
t Erasmus Rot. Cancellario Burgundise S. P.
\ Lov. prid. non. Mart. Deventer MS. Lovanio 6. Martii, Anno 15 18. C.
302 Letter to Peter Barhier
With the above Epistle, addressed to his Flemish patron, the
Chancellor of Burgundy, which remained in manuscript till the
eighteenth century, Erasmus despatched another more familiar letter
of the same date, addressed to his friend, the Chancellor's secretary,
which he thought fit to publish in the collection entitled Auctarium
Epistolarum, August, 1518.
Epistle 759. Auctarium, p. 167 ; Ep. iii. 20; C. 306 (307).
Erasmus to Peter Barhier.
I protest, by the Graces, — if the matter is as you wTite, —
the same people who have kept back the books, have also
kept back the letters ; for, first, to the Apologia^ and after
wards to the Paraphrasis^ I had added a letter of mine.
Canon Canius has, without my asking, drawn and sent me
the pension money, — a more trustworthy man than most
people are nowadays ! The like has been done by that good
Archbishop of Canterbury, without my even knowing it.
Would that I had ten such friends ; they would be more
welcome to me, than ten Nestors to Homer's Agamemnon.*
I have sent my English John off to England, that he may
bring me, together with certain other things, a horse that
may suit me. He is to return at Easter, and meantime I
am girding myself for the journey, and am really afraid that
viaticum of yours will not find me here. But, if any such
thing should occur, I leave here some honest friends, with
whom anything that is brought will be safe ; I mean John
Borssele, for whom the Latin professorship is intended, John
Naef of Hontescote, Peter Gillis, — whose excellent father
has lately died, and who is himself suffering from a disease
* At yap, Zew re Trurep »cat Wdrjyair) Kal" AttoXXov,
ToLovTOi heKa jj.ol (Tv/Jtcppabfioyes eiev 'A^aiwr. Iliad \\. 372.
Oh ! would the Gods in love to Greece decree
But ten such Sages as they grant in thee. Pope's Homer, Iliad, ii. 440.
Friendly Conduct of the Theologians 303
from which he can hardly recover, — and Nicholas of Bois-
le-duc, the Antwerp schoolmaster.
Cardinal William of Croy has forwarded two letters of
yours to me, the second of which was written by Guy
Morillon in your name. But what is it you say ? Is Guy
cold out there — young as he is, and in so warm a country ?
At any rate his nymph would be with him to prevent his
quite perishing with cold. However, we were convinced
here, that there were whole regions in that part of the world,
where the very ground you trod on was gold, without any
Indian ants to guard it, but every one might dig just as
much as he liked !
I am glad to hear the Bishop of Chieti * is well, though
I suspect he is no warmer friend than other people. As for
Briselot, I was almost killed by a most wicked rumour, —
that the man had departed to the Elysian Fields, — and I
was actually preparing an Elegy to deplore the world's
loss of such a luminary, when by your last letter you threw
a refreshing shower over us, and brought us to life again !
To speak seriously, it was a real pleasure to me to be
informed, that my excellent Maecenas, John Le Sauvage,
is so thoroughly well, — a person indeed worthy to live for
ever.
With the theologians here, we are having Halcyon
weather, — indeed a wonderful intimacy. For my Jerome
they publicly thank me ; and with the New Testament no
fault is found ; indeed the principal people of that profession
sincerely approve ; and the only barks that we hear come
from some sycophants in the far background. I am told
that many are deterred by the example of the reception
which I have given to Lefevre. But indeed against him
I have not exerted my strength, sparing even an adversary
* John Peter Caraffa, Bishop of Chieti, afterwards Pope Paul IV. See
vol. ii. pp. 116, 570,
304 Success of the Apologia
as far as the case allowed ; I wonder how it is, that he does
not write, — at any rate a private letter, — either to excuse,
or to defend himself. I am congratulated on all sides by
Germans, Italians and English on my triumph over a Gaul !
But this does not prevent my hating my own success, which
is not much to boast of, the victory being so easy, and so
far invidious, as my triumph has been gained over a friend,
whose welfare I have at heart, though not so far as to
consent for his sake to be judged a blasphemer against
Christ. I pray therefore, that God Almighty will grant to
those who wish me well, a happier reason for their con-
gratulations.
The Apologia has been four times printed ; but let
Lefevre withdraw his attack, and I will, as much as I can,
suppress my Defence. Let him lay aside his arrows, and
I will put down my shield. Let him remove the poison,
and I will cease to apply the antidote. If any one else had
attacked me in such terms, his reception would have been
far different. * * » * I desire nothing
but peace, especially with him, not because I am afraid of
him, but because I love him. But if he repeats his attack,
he will have himself to blame, if he is rudely received.
* * * *
I am forced by my work on the New Testament to go
either to Venice or to Basel, — I have not yet determined
which. From Germany I am frightened away by three
annoyances, the stoves, the highwaymen, and the plague, —
the last having among others, carried off Lachner, the chief
manager of Froben's press, — from Italy by the long journey
and the approach of summer. But whichever place I go to,
I will let you know.
I consider myself as writing to the Chancellor,! when I
t John Le Sauvage, Chancellor of Burgundy, to whom Barbier was
Secretary.
Love-letters lately received 305
write to you, being afraid of imposing a letter upon one
who is immersed in such a multitude of affairs. I am myself
quite overwhelmed with love-letters. The Archbishop of
Mayence has written one, the Bishop of Utrecht more than
one, the Bishop of Liege one, and he of Bayeux another ;
and all invite me to their embraces ! The King of England
invites me, and his Achates, the Cardinal of York. The
King of France invites me too. So many are my lovers,
that it is not easy even to answer all their letters ; I have
written nevertheless to the Chancellor Le Sauvage, being
bidden to do so by you, whose command I thought it was
hardly safe to disobey, violent person as you are !
Instead of our old two languages here, we are all being
made trilingual. Matthew, a person eminently skilled in
the tongue to which he was born, is our public professor
of Hebrew, — as if ehriety had not been common enough
already,* — and Dorpius is leader of a Hebrew faction.
You will soon see a New Age arise, in which they will kiss
the relics of that poor Erasmus, whom, not long before, they
stoned ! It must however be admitted, that our Paraphrase
is applauded by the general vote ; and it is some satisfaction
to have produced even a single book which pleases such
surly critics. I only wish I had confined myself to like
fields, in which much more credit was to be had with much
less labour ; but we are driven, my Barbier, by the Fates,
and to the Fates we must yield.
Please take the trouble to commend me to our distin-
guished friend Haloin ; and greet in my name ]\Iarlianus,t
* publice profitetur Hebraice, quasi parum hie fuerit ebriorum. "\^'e
should scarcely have expected to find Erasmus condescending to pun on the
words Ebruis and Hebrseus.
t Aloisius Marlianus, Bishop of Tuy in Galicia, and a Councillor of King
Charles, is mentioned as a correspondent of Erasmus in Epistle 525, vol. ii.
p. 514-
VOL. III. X
3o6 Death of Friends
and Josse most learned in the law,* and also your crony,f
Guy Morillon.
Farewell, my Barbier, and take the utmost care of your
nealth ; as this year has taken from us so many persons dis-
tinguished like you. Among these there has been Marcus
Musurus at Rome, already an Archbishop designate, and
before him Palaeotus Camillus ; at Paris, Faustus, a man
worthy of immortality % ; and in England, Andrew Ammonius
of Lucca, a person upon whom all excellent endowments
were heaped ! Those who consult the stars affirm, that in
the four coming years there will be such a plague, that none
but those who are eminently learned and honest will sur-
vive ! If this be true, I venture to add my own prediction,
that corn will be marvellouslv cheap ; and I advise you to
be very careful, not to be in the number of the common-
place persons.
I rejoice to hear that John Carondelet, Dean of Besangon,
has been advanced to the dignity of Bishop of Palermo, and
I am especially pleased, as he has always given his valuable
support to honourable studies, and on this account has been
to me, among others, a special friend and patron. I do not
doubt, that his own worth will soon raise him to a still
higher position. Pray do your best to bring it to pass, that
like congratulations may be addressed to you.
It is a long business to write to all one's friends ; you
must do for me what it would cost me many letters to do.
Farewell again.
Louvain, 6 March, I5i8.§
■* "The most learned doctor Josse" has been mentioned in another
letter of Erasmus to Barbier, Epistle 669, p. 119. It is probably the same
Jodocus, of whom Erasmus says in a later letter, that he possessed a mass of
law, but common ?>Qx\?,Q,judidum naturale, was missing. C. 1213A.
t Congerronem tuum. See more about Morillon, vol. ii. p. 563.
% Faustus Andrelinus, Poet and Professor of Rhetoric at Paris, was an
intimate friend of Erasmus in 1499. See vol. i. pp. 191, 192, 203.
§ Lovanij, pridie Nonas Martias. m. d. xviii.
CHAPTER XLIX.
Contimied Residence of Erasmus at Lonvatn. Epistles
addressed by Erasmus to several correspondents at
Basel durmg the last three weeks of the month of
March and the first half of April ^ 15^8. Epistles
addressed to Erasmus by Berault^ Pirckheimer and
Bude during the same period. Epistles 760 to 770.
The last chapter being principally made up of Epistles addressed by
Erasmus in the first week of March, 15 18, to correspondents residing
in the Low Countries or in England, the present chapter contains at
its commencement some letters written in the second week of the
same month to his Basel correspondents. The first letter answering
this description is addressed to Froben, whom the writer hails as
his gossip, Froben's son, Erasmius, being the godson of Erasmus.
See vol. i. p. 39 ; ii. 280. This correspondent was still mourning the
loss of his father-in-law, Wolfgang Lachner, who appears to have
died in the month of January, 15 18. The apparent fatalism of the
first sentence may attract notice, but it may be observed that the
words are used, not of a future, but of a past event.
Epistle 760. Deventer MS. ; C. 1674 (271).
Erasmus to his dearest gossip Froben.*
I do beseech you again and again, my Froben, to show
your wisdom in bearing with a firm and unbroken spirit what
is the common lot of all men, remembering especially that
our grief has no power to influence the Fates. For myself,
I do not see how to comfort you ; but I promise that, what-
* Erasmus Frobenio compatri suo charissimo s. d. C.
X 2
3o8 Friendly Letter to Frohen
ever a sincere friend can do for a friend, I will do more
readily for you than I have ever done for anyone before.
I should have been more moderate in the price asked for
the Copy, if I had not supposed that the money was furnished
by Lachner, and did not affect you. I had already received,
some time ago, fourteen gold florins for what I had spent
upon James, and that by Lachner's order. And I have
more lately received by his order thirty gold florins. What-
ever books I have had from him I have paid for out of my
own purse.
I shall make a visit to you this summer, provided that the
robberies do not hinder me. I have sent the Enchiridion ;
if not of use to you, send it to Schiirer who is a good friend ;
but if convenient, use it yourself. Thierry has lately printed
the second book of Theodore ; * I did not think it could
have been given to you, as in so many letters that you have
written to me there was no mention of it.
Farewell, dearest Froben, and be convinced of this, that
Erasmus, as long he lives, will be your true gossip.
Louvain, 12 March, 1518.!
Having written to Froben on the 12th of March, Erasmus prepared
on the following day some other letters to be sent by the same
messenger. The first of these is addressed to Wolfgang Capito, who
was now Rector of the University of Basel. It may be remembered,
that Capito had learned Hebrew from Matthew.
Epistle 761. Deventer MS. ; C. 1675 (272).
Erasimis to Wolfgang Capito.
Your sincere and genuine affection for Erasmus shows
* The Greek Grammar of Theodore Gaza. See vol. ii. p. 291.
t Lovanio 12. Martis, Anno 15 18. C.
Relations of Matthew with Capito 309
itself in more than one direction, whether by your decHning
to communicate to Baer my letter, or by your being so con-
cerned about the Apologia.
I have something to tell you about Matthew, that will
amuse you. He had come to call upon us, and I being
afraid, — busy as I then was, — of being disturbed, sent down
by a servant your letter addressed to him. The servant
returns from the lobby, bringing me word that he wishes to
see me for a few moments ;* I assent ; he comes up and
holds out the letter, begging me to read it to him, as he had
not his spectacles. I read half a sentence, and then turned
to him and observed that the exordium was not very civil,
and that he had better continue the reading by himself.
' No,' said he, ' I want you to know what there is there.' I
go on as he bids me, but when what followed became harder
and harder, I advised him to read it himself, when he was
alone. He begs me to go on, and I read it through,
laughing from time to time. Thereupon he begins a long
defence of himself, exclaiming that it was all utterly false,
and indeed that you were indebted to him. I then, being
very much occupied, entreated him to put off the story to
another time. He says he has answered you, and threatens
that he will find fault with every thing you have taught in
your Grammar ! I think the man will leave this neighbour-
hood in his usual way ; he left Middelburg in a great bustle
on account of his debts. Farewell.
I should wish, that you were more inclined to Greek than
to those Hebrew studies of yours, though I find no fault
with them. But I see that nation filled with the coldest
fables and producing nothing but smoke, Talmud^ Cabala^
Tetragrammaton^ Portse Lkcis, — empty names ! I had
rather see Christ infected by Scotus, than by that rubbish.
* nuntians ilium tribus dumtaxat velle convenire. The Latin clause wants
some word or words.
3IO Authority of the Old Testament
Italy has a multitude of Jews ; * while Spain has scarcely
any Christians ! And I fear, that this may lead to the
revival of that plague which was put down in former days.
It were well, if the Christian Church did not attribute so
much to the Old Testament, which, given as it was for a
time, consists of shadows, and is nevertheless almost pre-
ferred to the Christian writings, while we somehow or other
are turning our steps away from Christ, who was formerly
our one sufficient guide. Farewell.
Louvain, 13 March, I5i8.f
loannes CEcolampadius or Johann Hausshein, a friend of Melanch-
thon, being both a Greek and a Hebrew scholar, had been a valued
assistant of Erasmus in editing the Greek Testament. See vol. ii.
pp. 217, 534. He appears to have recently written to Erasmus from
Frankfurt.
Epistle 762. Deventer MS. ; C. 1675 {^li)-
Erasmus to CEcolampadius.
How could I guess, dearest CEcolampadius, that a man
like you, devoted to things of Heaven, would be found in
that sordid sink of humanity at Frankfurt ? When you
accept the name of Theseus, you must really adopt the
character. The Hebrew passages, which I have cited in
reliance upon you, are assailed by many, and especially the
matter which was collected out of Annius and brought in
by us in Luke. I shall be at Basel, to edit the Greek
Testament again, before May, if I am not prevented by
* By Jews we may perhaps understand, — not Jews by race, but by their
manner of thinking.
f Lovanio 13. Martii, Anno 15 18. C.
Pace s Book on the Fruit of Learning 311
the highway robberies that are so common in Germany. I
only wish you might be there too, assisting with all your
heart in this business; for as to Gerbel,* I cannot help being
out of patience with him, when it comes to my mind how
conceitedly and how contemptuously he has behaved in that
matter.
Matthew, Wolfgang Capito's instructor, is here, engaged,
with a regular public salary, as professor of Hebrew, — so
that matter is going on all right. f
Farewell, my CEcolampadius, and return the affection of
your most loving Erasmus.
Louvain, 13 March, 15 18. %
In October, 15 17, Richard Pace had published his little book,
entitled, De fructu qui ex doctrina percipitiir (see before p. 249), a
volume from the press of Froben, the elegant appearance of which
failed to conciliate Erasmus, who had sent through More, ' in a
friendly way,' an admonitory message to the author (see Epistle 739),
and since that time had written, without any compliments upon his
work, to Pace himself. (Epistle 754.) In the following letter to
Beatus Rhenanus he expresses plainly his opinion of the book, while
he forwards the last news he has received concerning the author.
Epistle 763. Deventer MS. ; C. 1675 (274).
Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus.
As to Pace's very dull little volume, it is not easy, my
Beatus, to say how ashamed and sorry I am about it. It is
altogether an occasion for the proverb, 'the Treasure is
* Dr. Nicolas Gerbel was a scholar, who assisted in the printing office of
Matthias Schiirer of Strasburg. See vol. ii. pp. 211, 216, 238.
t See as to the Hebrew professor at Louvain, pp. 98, 165, 296, 305.
:j: Lovanio 13. Martii, Anno 1518. C.
312 Intended Movements of Erasmus
nothing but coal ' ; * and I am sure all his learned friends
will regret it as sincerely as I do. Meantime, however, he
is himself happy enough, — rich, and in the highest favour
with King and Cardinal. Nevertheless I have written to beg
More to warn him in a friendly way, not to go on making a
fool of himself in that fashion.
I am sorry for Froben, whom I never intend to fail as long
as I live ; and I commend him in turn to you, as our common
father, to whom you especially may be a great protection,
seeing that my own age and health have long demanded
release from this kind of work. To you and your contempo-
raries, a younger and more fortunate generation, I pass on
the lamp.
Tell Bruno to banish from his mind every scruple about
republishing the Jerome ; believe me, what he has feared is
a dream ; but about this I have written to him too.f
I shall be with you this summer, to re-edit the Greek
Testament, if only we are allowed with any safety to travel
into Germany, the condition of which is by those robberies
made worse than Hell itself, neither the entrance nor the
exit being easy. Good Heavens, what dramas are these
which Princes are enacting ! The sense of shame has no
longer any effect on the doings of mankind ; and Tyranny
has reached its climax. Pontiff and Kings treating the people,
not as men, but as cattle to be bought and sold !
Lefevre does not write a line, and I hear various reports of
* Hoc est prorsus to rfjs Trapoifilas, ardpuKes deaavpos [read 6 dtftravpos.^ C.
This saying occurs several times in Lucian, from whom Erasmus in his Adagia,
(under the Proverb, Thesaurus carbones erunt, Adagia Chil. X. Cent. ix.
Prov. 30) quotes four passages, — the last from the Navigium or Vota, koX
nv%pa\zks (TOL o dijauvpos 'iarai, your treasure will be nothing but coals. Neither
the ancients nor the contemporaries of Erasmus valued mineral coal, as we
have learned to do.
t The letter to Bruno Amerbach does not appear to have been preserved ;
and what his fear was, is not apparent. He may merely have doubted,
whetncr it was safe to go to the expense of a new edition of Jerome.
Declamation dedicated to Ajiniiis 313
him. Some say he is planning a Defence, others say no.
The person, by whom I had sent him the Apologia with a
letter of my own, wrote in the following terms to a friend of
his, who handed me the letter to read : " I delivered the
Apologia to Lefevre, with the letter. He in my presence*
denounced plainly enough the levity of Erasmus, but he does
not look forward to any recrimination." I cannot express
my wonder at what has happened to the man, unless under
that appearance of moderation and gentleness some poison
is concealed. Farewell.
Louvain, 13 March, I5i8.f
The relations of Erasmus with Henricus Afinius, a physician
residing at Antwerp, who had been introduced to Erasmus in the
previous year by Peter Gillis, were not those of constant friendship.
See Epistles 635, 678, 679, 722. In the last of these letters Erasmus
had with some lack of delicacy demanded from his correspondent an
expected present of plate. We may perhaps conclude from the
following letter, prefixed to a Declamation in Praise of Medicine,
which, having been written by Erasmus many years before, was
printed by Froben in 1518, that the expected present of plate had
meantime arrived. The Declamation with the Epistle prefixed may
be found by the reader in the first volume of Le Clerc's edition of
Erasmus's works, p. 535.
Epistle 764. In Laudem Medicinm Declamatio ; C. i. 535.
Erasmus to Afinius.
In a recent survey of my library, most learned Afinius,
I found in my hands a Speech in praise of the Art of
Medicine, composed by me some time ago, when there
* aptid meam personam The sentence which I have translated between
inverted commas is printed in italic type by Le Clerc, and appears to be taken,
word for word, from the letter of a less accomplished writer.
t Lovanio 13. Martii, x\nno 1515. C.
314 Bomhasius Papal Legate in Switzerland
was no subject which I did not attempt. It occurred to me
at once, to present an Oration, in itself far from excellent,
to an excellent physician, so that by the mere attraction of
your name it might be commended to a wider circle of
students. Meantime it will stand as some sort of evidence
of my regard for you, until another occasion may arise,
more worthy of our friendship. Farewell.
Louvain, 13 March, 1518.*
The following epistle is addressed to Paulus Bombasius, with whom
Erasmus had formed an intimate acquaintance during his stay at
Bologna in the winter of 1506-7 (vol. i. p. 427). At the present time
Bombasius appears to have been employed by the Papal Court upon
a legation in Switzerland, where he had become acquainted with
Richard Pace, of whom he appears to have made some friendly
mention in a late letter to Erasmus. It appears from the Preface to
Pace's book (see p. 311) that Bombasius had encouraged the author
to publish it.
Epistle 765. Deventer MS. ; C. 1676 (275).
Erasmus to Bomhasius.
On receipt of your letter, most learned Bombasius, I felt
quite revived as soon as I recognised that hand which is so
dear to me. But what is this I read ? Legate as you are,
you think yourself relegated. f But you must act the character
of Ulysses, that man of many resources, who even among
the Phseacians and Cyclopes, attempered his part so fairly ;
only you must not fall in with a Calypso or a Circe, nor have
to do with an Irus in any quarter ! Trebatius J in old days
* Lovanii tertio Idus Mart. Anno mdxviii. C.
t Pro legato videris tibi relegatus. Relegation was a temporary banish-
ment from Rome, a punishment well known to the Roman Law.
\ Erasmus alludes to a letter of Cicero to Trebatius. Quod in Britannia
non nimis (piXoOeiopop te praebuisti, plane non reprehendo. Nunc vero in
hibernis intectus mihi videris. Ciceronis Epist. lib. vii. Epist. 15.
Pace s Book on Study 315
had to pass a chilly time among the Britons ; but you are
much more fortunate, having been allowed to perspire the
whole winter among those Swiss stoves. And lastly I would
have you remember, that legations such as yours, which to
you seem so deplorable, give birth to Bishops and to Cardinals.
Why should I not see in perspective my Bombasius dis-
tinguished by mitre and crozier, or Very Reverend with a
purple hat? I have often deplored, — but to no purpose, —
the way in which I came away myself from Rome ; and my
only consolation is, that we are victims of Fate. If I thought
of re-seeking now what I then left, my baldness would shame
me, as my declining years dissuade.
There is nothing I find more trying than to have to put
up with certain Theological sycophants, who assume the
privilege of condemning what they have never read ; while
these are indeed the very persons for whose benefit my
exertions have been most strained, if they had only chosen
to learn instead of finding fault. It was by them, I think,
that Lef^vre was instigated, — to his own grievous cost, if
his good name is dear to him !
I was aware that Richard Pace was a person of a character
pure as snow, — honest, free, and as attached a friend as you
could anywhere find, a man of many tongues and of much
learning; nevertheless I should have wished for his own
sake that his little book about the Utility of Study had not
been published. I am sure that the learned men, of whom
Britain has not a few, have looked for a far different specimen
of his learning ! If he has been writing in earnest, what is
there earnest in it? if in jest, what is there amusing? There
is nothing in fine, either consistent or coherent, but velut
segri somnia, etc.* And then again what was the use of
dragging in Erasmus in so many places, now as a hungry
author, now as an unpopular Theologian ? As a matter of
* velut »gri somnia vanae Finguntur species. Horace, Epist. ad Pisones^ 8.
3i6 Condemnation of Pace's Book
fact, I am on the best of terms with the principal Divines ;
and this hungry author is the possessor of a yearly income of
more than three hundred ducats, beside what is added by
the liberality of patrons and by his own work ; and may have
more if it pleases him, — indeed might have any amount, if
he chose even in a small degree to dip his hand into the
business of Princes. Does the author reckon, that whatever
idea comes into his head, is straightway to be daubed upon
his paper, without any thought in what fashion a friend's
name may appear in his books ? Certainly, before he had
obtained the rank he now holds, I treated him in my Chiliads f
with considerably more respect !
Perhaps I shall be with you this next Spring, unless you
first make another visit to Rome ; and it is possible that I
may be with you there. Farewell, sincerest of friends.
Louvain, 14 March, 15 18.*
Nicolas Berauld, die writer of the following letter, is already known
to us as a correspondent of Erasmus, having added a few lines, by
way of postscript, to a letter addressed to him by Deloin, and dated
in November, 1516. See vol. ii. pp. 441, 489. It appears, further,
by the opening words of the following epistle, that he had already
written other letters to Erasmus, which have not been preserved.
Epistle 766. Farrago, 365 ; Ep. xi. 13; C. 307 (308).
Nicolas Berauld to Erasmus.
I have grieved much and often, most learned Erasmus,
that two letters of mine, written to you in the last two years,
* Lovanio 14. Martii. C.
f The dedication to Lord Mountjoy, prefixed to the first enlarged edition
of the Chiliads of Adages, contains a complimentary passage relating to the
character and accomplishments of Pace. Erasmi Opera, vol. ii. in Praef.
Epistle of Beraiild 317
have been lost, for lost I count them to be, having received
no answer to them from you. But this I am more disposed
to attribute to the carelessness of Francis the Bald, who
undertook to deliver them to you at Basel, than to any
fraud on his part, having seen enough of the man, even in
the three days he was with me, to be quite satisfied of his
honesty. Meanwhile I thought it improper to trouble you
with another letter, occupied as you were with more im-
portant studies, — having devoted your time for several years
to the restoration of the science of Theology, and being now
engaged, with all your heart, as the saying is, in the illustra-
tion of the Pauline Epistles. For I do not doubt, you have
been preparing a second edition of the New Instrument, as
they call it ; especially as I have it on the authority of our
Nesen, who more than once, when he was with me at Paris,
reported to Lewis Berquin, and also to me, that he had
himself seen your lucid notes upon Paul's Epistles to the
Romans. And I trust that I shall soon see all this work
printed in the fairest type, I mean in that of Froben, than
which I do not think anything can be found more neat or
more elegant. This is so confidently expected by all the
more learned persons who are here, — by Bude, by Ruelle,
by Ruze, by Deloin, and by that Maecenas of our age, the
Bishop of Paris himself, that I suppose no other work of
any author w^as ever so earnestly looked for. I see myself,
that what with earnest prayer I have formerly desired, is
now within view ; I mean that our Theologians, hitherto
overmuch devoted to sophistical trifles and worthless sub-
tleties, will leave the factions of Scotists and Occamists, —
aye and of Thomists too, — and turn their attention to that
ancient and genuine Theology, if you persevere in vindi-
cating for Sacred and Heavenly Letters the dignity which is
their due. This I judge to have been already so success-
fully done by you, that I do not see which of the ancient
Theologians can rightly claim to be placed before you.
3i8 Invitation from Pirckheimcr
whether we choose to regard and weigh the skill in lan-
guages, the various and extensive learning, or lastly the
pains and unwearied dihgence devoted to the subject. A
bold assertion, someone will say ; bold I admit, but nothing,
I venture to think, can be more true.
I am aware that you have some partisans who are con-
stantly singing hymns and songs of victory, and who attribute
such merit to you as, even if you admit, you do not claim.
I certainly, myself, do not write anything to gratify you, but
I write just what I think. I do not know how to flatter
anyone, nor if I did know, would I do it, especially to so
modest a person as Erasmus. How indeed can I think
otherwise of you, when I hear the same sentiment expressed
everywhere by all the most learned persons I meet. Pro-
ceed therefore in the pious pursuit of Christian piety and
Evangelical learning, in which you have hitherto striven with
such success, that nothing now remains for you to do but to
surpass yourself. Farewell.
Paris, 1 6 March, 1518.*
Towards the end of March, 15 18, Pirckheimer addressed a friendly
letter to Erasmus, inviting him, on his next journey to Basel, to visit
Nuremberg on his way. The pride, with which a citizen of Nuremberg
of the time of Pirckheimer and Diirer regarded his native city, will be
intelligible to every one who has visited it, even in the nineteenth or
twentieth century.
Epistle 767. Deventer MS. ; C. 1594 (118).
Wilibald Pircklieimer to Eras^nus.
Although there is no immediate occasion, most learned
Erasmus, for my addressing a letter to you, still, in order
* Lutecise. decimoseptimo Calend. Apriles. Farrago.
The Commonwealth of Nuremberg 319
that the friendship we have begun may not be entirely
dropped, I have made up my mind to write these few lines,
to let you know that the remembrance of you has not in the
slightest degree faded from my mind. I hear, that you have
completed some new work, and will soon be on your way to
Basel to put it in the printer's hands. I have asked you
long ago, if you could conveniently do so, to come also to
us. I now repeat my message, and beg, if you have ever so
little time to spare, that you will be pleased to pay a visit to
your friends in this place, of whom it is well known that the
number is considerable, and to let them see you in person.*
I am quite sure you will not regret doing so ; for beside
giving so much pleasure to your friends, you will see many
things which you will be glad to have seen. In the first
place you will see such a Commonwealth, as I may say
without offence to others, you have not yet beheld in
Germany. Although that country has in past years by reason
of the frequency of wars been infested with robbers, every
thing is now so safe and quiet, that there is no cause for any
alarm about your safety. Do therefore let us have our way
in this matter ; nothing could possibly give us greater
pleasure.
Farewell, most excellent Erasmus ; your prolonged safety
and happiness are not of more importance to yourself than
they are to all the learned. Pray be so good as to write
some time in return, and let us know upon what work you
are engaged. Farewell again.
Nuremberg, 20 March [i5i8].t
* A few words of this sentence are omitted in Le Clerc's volume between
the end of one page and the beginning of the next, and are supplied by con-
jecture in the translation. The passage, when complete, may probably stand
nearly as follows, ut amicos tuos, quorum numerum ingen[tem tibi devotorum
esse nemini non est notum, invisere te] que illis coram spectandum exhibere
velis ; but the words and letters within the brackets are missing.
I Nuremberga, 20 Martis, Anno 1517. C.
2,20 New Professors at Louvam
The following Epistle shows the active interest, which Erasmus was
still taking in the institution of the professorships founded in the
University of Louvain under the will of Jerome Busleiden. Matthew,
the professor, chosen under his advice to fill the Hebrew Chair (see
pp. 296, 305, 306), had already begun his professorial work.
Epistle 768. Deventer MS. ; C. 1677 (276).
Erasmus to the Dean of Mechlin.
Honoured Master Dean, Matthew is both diligent and
successful in playing his part ; and his audience, considering
the novelty of the thing, is numerous enough, and of a high
order, including several of our Masters. I hope we shall
find some one, who may be able to sustain the Greek part
with like success. For as to Borssele, for whom you have
destined the Latin chair, — a better choice could not be
desired ; indeed it would have been difficult, whichever
way one looked, to find a single person endowed with so
many excellent qualities, — a character of such integrity and
purity, erudition which has more in store than it promises
in show, a mind capable of learning whatever may be
required, a marvellously tenacious memory, and withal a
habit of life, that can offend no one. But I might be doing
something better, than giving you a picture of a man who is
more fully known to you than to myself. I only beg, that
it may not prejudice him, that he is, and has long been, a
known and devoted client of the family of Busleiden. You
are aw^are that his slender means are not sufficient to main-
tain him at Louvain, where he has been residing for several
months, not without cost ; so that he is forced to think of
some way of increasing his means. We are all interested in
such a person being retained in this place, so that his Hght
may shine in a wide circle ; and I am myself also privately
concerned, as during my absence, which must last for six or
eight months, I had made up my mind to put him in charge
Hebrew and Greek Teaching 321
of my property, that is, of my books, — not only to keep but
to enjoy, as he is one of those with whom I hold everything
in common.* And retained he will be, if the same thing
be done for him as is done in the case of the Hebrew
Professor, that is, if a salary be assigned him worthy of his
merits. And in your foresight you will, no doubt, bear in mind,
that this professorship will involve much more work than
the Hebrew. The latter teacher is supplying the rudiments
to the rude, while the former has to satisfy as many
erudites. As to a house, what is to be done, will be done
in due time, but I think the professorships should be insti-
tuted at once, for fear of the business being chilled by delay,
or of some evil genius interfering to disturb a project of
general utility. Believe me, there will always be Theo-
logical Colleges enough, and disputants everywhere more
than enough, but if this noble scheme does not take effect
according to Busleiden's intention, I do not see by whom it
can be carried out. It is the one thing, which will recall
our studies from turbid pools to the limpid springs of Holy
Scripture. You will let Borssele know, what you think
about sending for a Greek ; and he will in turn report my
opinion to you.
I am not disposed to meddle in other people's business, —
especially where, as in this case, I have nothing to do either
with the sowing or the harvest. Nevertheless I have some
regard to public utility, and to the memory of that excellent
man, Jerome Busleiden, which I shall not permit to perish,
if anything that I may write can prevent it.f I therefore send
* Amicorum communia omnia. Erasmi Adagia, Chilias I. Centuria i.
Proverbium i.
t The Colloquy of Erasmus, entitled Epithalamium Petri Aegidii, contains
an eulogy of Francis Busleiden, Archbishop of Besangon, and his two brothers,
Giles and Jerome, — and of the College founded by the last at Louvain for in-
struction in the three learned languages. Erasmi Opera, iv. 747. Both brothers
are also honourably mentioned in the Ratio Veree, Theologix. ib. v. 77, 78.
VOL. III. Y
322 Epistle to Laurinus
the Epitaphs ; they are not such as he deserved, but such as
we can supply after having been engaged for so many years
in a kind of study, which is as far removed as can be from
eloquence, and especially from poetry. If you judge that
any alteration should be made, please let Borssele know,
and he will send on your opinion to me.
Farewell, most distinguished Sir, and remain safe in the
keeping of Christ.
Louvain, 26 March, 15 18.*
The following lengthy epistle to Marcus Laurinus, — of whom we
have already seen something in Epistles 692 and 730, pp. 159, 229, —
contains a defence or justification of the position of Erasmus among
the theologians of his time, especially with reference to his labours
upon the New Testament.
Epistle 769. Auctarium, p. 172; Epist. iii. 21 ; C. 368 (356).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.^
I have received your letter, which is love itself ; for what
other sound does it utter, what other breath does it breathe ?
I have been no less longing for your company than you for
mine, and I do hope that we shall now have that indulgence.
As for the faultfinding of those detractors, who after trying
their teeth upon every possible object, are now jeering at
my ' inconstancy,' I did laugh, I confess,— being already
accustomed to that kind of babble, — but my laughter was
partly Sardonic, for while to myself against calumnies of
that sort a good conscience might well suffice, still who
* Lovanio 26. Martii, Anno 15 18. This date is followed in C. by the
words, Erasmus tibi deditissiums, which we may presume represents the signa-
ture of the writer in the draft or copy preserved in the Deventer Manuscript.
f Erasmus Roterod. Marco suo. Deventer MS. Marco Laurino. C,
New Testament edited by Erasmus 323
would not feel some annoyance at the obstinate and per-
verse ingratitude of men ? No persons are more in need of
my labours than those who thus bark against my studies and
their own accommodation ; and none bark more fiercely
or savagely than those who have never seen even the cover
of my book. Do, my dear Mark, make the experiment
yourself, and you will find I speak true ; when you meet
with any person of the kind, let him go on raging against my
New Testament, and when he has talked himself hoarse, ask
him whether he has read the work itself. If with unblushing
forehead he says he has, — then urge him to point out the
passage with which he finds fault ; you will not meet with
one of them that can do it. But look now, how Christian
this proceeding is, how worthy of their profession as Monks,
— to tear in tatters before an unlearned audience the reputa-
tion of another (which they cannot repair if they wished to
do so), when all the while they know nothing at all about
the matter with which they find fault ; not considering the
truth of that saying of St. Paul, Evil-speakers shall not
possess the kingdom of God.*
There is no more infamous charge than that of heresy,
and this is the charge they bring at once against any one
that offends them, even by a nod ! And then, as it is said
that, among the Swiss, if one man out of a crowd points his
finger at a person, all the rest do the same, and run up to
the spoil, — so, as soon as any one of this herd begins to
grunt, they are presently all grunting together, and inciting
the people to throw stones ; as if, forgetting their proper
profession, they had no other business but this, — to cast a
stain, by the virulence of their language, upon the characters
* Non cogitantes vere dixisse Paulum, Maledici regnum Dei non possi-
debunt. Erasmus had apparently in his recollection the words of St. Paul
(l Cor. VI. 9, 10). (^VTe KXenrai . . ov Xoibopoi . . fSaaiXeiav Qeov K\r]po-
vofirjcrovai.
Y 2
324 Hostile Criticisfft
of respectable men. To use the words of the Psalmist^
' they have sharpened their tongues like a serpent, adder's
poison is under their lips.' Thus those, who ought to be
preachers of Christian piety, have chosen to be the detrac-
tors of the piety of others, and those who profess themselves
hierophants show themselves sycophants. * * * *
This class of people well deserves to be so celebrated in
books, that posterity may know something of a singular
perversity of mind and character under the pretext of
Religion. And this description I may perhaps be able to
supply, if I take the trouble to do so ; but I am partly
dissuaded by Christian forbearance ; and moreover I think it
unfair, to excite a prejudice against a whole class on account
of the malice of a few individuals, when I know that there
are many among them, who are as little pleased as myself at
their temerity. It is more satisfactory to take account of
those persons, excelling both in piety, in learning and in
dignity, who thank me for my vigils, such as they are ;
approving, as I conceive, my efforts, even if I have not
accomplished all that I wished. For the rest, if I found
that the majority of people were like those sycophants,
nothing would have been more easy than to go to sleep and
hold my tongue, or sing a song to Christ and myself.
As to their cavil, that I am preparing a new edition because
I am not satisfied with the former one, — suppose that to be
the case, what fault can they find, if I am anxious to be
better than myself, and to do that which was done by
Origen, by Jerome, and by Augustine, — especially when I
had frankly stated in my first edition, that I intended to do
so, if the occasion arose ? That is not what I am doing now,
but I am adopting the same plan that has been followed in
the third edition of the Adages. Beside this, whereas in my
former translation I had made very sparing changes for fear
of giving offence to over sensitive minds, I have now been
encouraged by the advice of learned men to venture a little
Defence of Erasmus' s work 325
further in that direction ; and I proceed to support the
changes made by a fuller citation of authorities, in order that
those who are hard of belief may have no excuse for turning
back. And lastly I add some passages, which were then
hastily passed over. But if meantime any sentence should
occur, which may give offence to learned and pious minds,
I do not hesitate to alter it ; having no intention of claiming
to be more than a man. This first edition may be despised,
if it were not that I have explained in it a number of passages
in which Thomas Aquinas went astray, not to speak of other
writers. Let my critics deny this, or refute it, if they can.
But if it is undeniable, they should acknowledge how much
they may be benefited by our labours, by which Aquinas
himself would have profited, if he were living. This boast
of mine should not be misconstrued as said in his dishonour,
as I do not compare myself with him, even if I have made
some points clear which escaped his notice. And what has
been said of Thomas, they may consider to be said of
Liranus, and indeed of Augustine and Hilary. They may
despise my work, but they mnst confess that countless
passages are now made plain, which were not understood
before, even by persons of more than ordinary learning.
I would ask finally, why do they condemn a book, which is
not condemned by the Pope, to whom it is dedicated ? I
sent it to him ; he has accepted it, he has read it, and has
thanked me for it by letter as well as by his acts.
But these wrangling critics, naturally stupid and rendered
doubly blind by the malady of evil-speaking, believe, I
fancy, that it has been my intention to supersede entirely
the Translation which we have in use, and which in several
places, I myself prefer to the reading of the Greek copies ;
whereas all that I have done is to translate the text which
I found in the Greek manuscripts, pointing out in the notes
which reading I approve or disapprove. Suppose that I
had done nothing but make this translation, so that the
326 Critics of Erasmus' Life
readings of the Greek manuscripts might be compared with
the Vulgate even by persons ignorant of Greek, what fault,
I ask, would they find in this ? As it is, I show by manifest
proofs, that in a multitude of passages our version is depraved,
but not so far as to endanger the Faith ; and I point out how
Cyprian, Jerome and Ambrose agree with the Greek manu-
scripts. And yet those critics of yours cry out, as if some
awful crime had been committed. But what avails it, my
Mark, to use any arguments with those who wilfully shut
their eyes that they may not see, and close their ears that
they may not hear. Enough satisfaction has been given
them in the Apologies, if they are willing to listen ; and,
if they are not, we endeavour in vain to satisfy those who
had rather calumniate than learn.
But these stern critics find a want of steadiness in me,
because they hear that I am preparing to go to Basel. As if
I were going to make this journey, or had made it before,
for my own amusement ! I have edited Jerome, I have
edited the Greek Testament, beside many other works ; and
In order to be of service to the Public, I have taken no
account of a most dangerous journey, or of the expenses
incurred in it ; and I have taken no account of the labours
with which a considerable part of my health and life have
been worn away. What a marvellous instance of incon-
sistency it is, when I have not chosen to drink with them,
rather than go off to Basel ! They run up and down them-
selves, and fly over lands and seas, not at their own cost, —
Mendicitv being their profession, — but with money scraped
together from widows, whose heads they turn with the
burden of sins which they throw upon them ; despoiling
holy Maidens, and beguiling the genius of simple Brethren
for the purpose of mischief, in order to throw discredit upon
men who are deserving well of the Christian Commonwealth.
And these forsooth are accounted steady and grave persons,
while I, because, at my own cost of money and of comfort
Offers of Patronage 327
I am ministering to the public service, am convicted of
inconstancy !
Let him choose, they say, some town for his residence.
Do I seem then to be living here in Scythian solitude ? Do
these people think a man is not in existence, unless they see
him constantly at their drinking parties. I hold that my
home is at that place, where I have my library, and what
little furniture I possess ; and if it is the public service that
demands a change of residence, I surely deserve praise for
my devotion, not blame for my inconstancy ! If the need
of this journey could have been bought off with three
hundred gold pieces, I would readily have paid that sum.
As it was, the journey had to be made.
I have never changed my locality, unless I was either
driven out by plague, or compelled to move by considera-
tions of health or some honourable business. The only
journey I ever voluntarily undertook, was my journey to
Italy, undertaken partly that I might visit for once the
sacred places, and partly that I might enjoy the libraries of
that country, and some intercourse with its learned men.
Of that inconstancy I have not yet repented.
I have been living here,* without moving, for nearly two
years. I might with the amplest expectations have accom-
panied the Catholic king ; I have been invited with the
promise of mountains of gold by the King of the French ;
I have been invited with the greatest kindness by the King
of England and the Cardinal of York ; and by Francis, Arch-
bishop of Toledo, who has lately died. I have been invited
by the Bishop of Paris, by him of Bayeux, by the Arch-
bishop of Mayence, by the Bishops of Liege, of Treves,
of Basel and of Rochester, by the Duke of Bavaria and the
* We should, I think, here understand Erasmus, as speaking of his re-
sidence, not at Louvain, but in the Netherlands. i\fter his last visit to Basel,
he had arrived at Antwerp at the end of May, 1516 (vol. ii. p. 263) ; and the
present letter is dated on Easter Monday (April 5), 15 18.
328 Justification of Travel
Duke of Saxony. I make no false boasts ; what I say is
known to many, and may be proved by their own letters.
Neglecting all these offers, I have persevered in the business
which I had in hand, and am called inconstant, when I am
bent upon completing the work, which I had so laboriously
begun.
If the merit of constancy consists in occupying the same
locality for the longest period, the highest praise is due
to rocks and to the stems of trees, and the next to shells and
sponges ! It is no fault to change one's locality, but to
change it amiss is wrong. It is no merit to have lived long
in the same place ; but it is so, to have lived laudably there.
Socrates is praised for having resided all his life as an honest
citizen in Athens ; on the other hand no fault is found with
Plato for travelling. John the Baptist never travelled out
of Judaea ; Christ only reached the confines. On the other
hand we make no charge of inconstancy against the Apostles,
because their travels extended over the world. No one
condemns the wanderings of Hilario, because the hermit
Paul never left his cavern.* But why should I call these
examples to the mind of those, who are not constant even
in the same city, but shift from time to time their fold and
pasture, and move their lodging whenever they are attracted
by a more luxurious or dainty kitchen. They find a lack of
constancy in me, because I have not been drinking with them
in the same town for five and forty years, — hke sponges
which live only to soak, — have not been following loose
pleasures, nor playing at dice, nor acting the part of syco-
phant ! For my part, I much prefer my own fickleness to
* Hilario was a Saint of the Fourth Century, whose life was written by
St. Jerome ; Paul here alluded to, — one of more than thirty Pauls found in
the Calendar, — was Paul, "the first hermit," who was believed to have lived
a solitary life in the Egyptian Desert from his sixteenth to his hundred and
thirteenth year, when St. Antony saw his soul carried to heaven by angels amid
quires of Apostles and Prophets. Baronius, Martyrologium^ Oct. 21, Jan. 10.
The Writer' s Critics 329
their constancy, and think it a far finer thing, to have so
lived in many places, that the best men, wherever you have
been, long for your return, than to have lived in the same
town, I will not say disgracefully, but in such a way that it
is no matter whether you have lived at all. If a man's health
requires a change of locality, will they refuse permission to
act on this motive ? And they are now finding fault with me,
for setting the public advantage before other considerations.
They reject the help I offer them ; this they may do, if only
it is accepted by the good and learned ; no one is forced by
me to be waser than he chooses.
But to these people, my Mark, let us bid farewell ; and with
pure and Christian hearts, while we love the good, let us
tolerate the bad, if they refuse to be vanquished even by
kindness. The lips will some time or other find a salad
to suit them;* the bad knot will meet with a wedge to
match it ; and seeking to plant their teeth on something
soft, they will find it hard.f For my part I have myself
neither time nor inclination to struggle with this itch !
I do not want you to fly hither, if not convenient for you,
however pleased I should be to see you. I am hoping to
visit you shortly myself, and to enjoy your society for some
days before going away ; though if I do go, it will not be
for long. If I go to Basel, I shall come back next autumn ;
if to Venice, next spring.
I wonder at your not having any recollection of my
servant, John, whom I sent to England a month ago, for I
think he conveyed my salutation to you.
Farewell, most honest of friends.
Louvain, Easter Monday (5 April), 15 18. J
* Reperient aliquando similes labra lactucas.
•f- * * dum fragili quaerunt illidere dentes,
lUident solido.
t Lovanii postridie Paschse, Anno md. xviii.
330 Prolix Epistle of Bude
Epistle 770 is another letter of considerable length, — addressed by
Bude to Erasmus in answer to the lengthy letter of Erasmus, which
we have translated in full, Epistle 743. This letter of Bude, which
was somewhat delayed in transmission, was described by Erasmus in
his short reply as a prolix epistle, prolixa ilia tua epistola. Some
extracts only are here translated.
Epistle 770. Epist. ad Diversos, p. 169; Epist. iii. 52;
c. 309 (310)-
Bude to Eras^mis.
Expostulation is again the order of the day! I was com-
plaining of not having received for many months any com-
munication from you having the character of an epistle,
when you write me a letter not more copious than quarrel-
some,— ^just as if I had woke you somewhat roughly out
of a long sleep, that is to say, a long indifference to our
existence. When Hutten, who is now as fast a friend to me
and ours as he is to you, was passing this way on his return
from the King's company, he exacted from me a hasty letter,
in which, — as I was writing either in Greek or Latin what-
ever came into my head, I did add, I think, a word or two
about that Apologia of yours, from the publication of which,
as well as from what Lefevre had written, I inferred with
regret, that something like a quarrel had arisen between
you. I do not exactly remember what I wrote, the letter
being one of that kind, of which I do not keep copies.
With those few words your bile has been so grievously
stirred, that you have all at once turned your horns against
the peace-maker, — as if I had either thoughtlessly or pur-
posely interfered in your dispute upon Lefevre's part; and
you have now directed your attack mainly against me, when
1 was not even expressing an opinion on the matter, although
in the midst of your expostulation you do appear now and
then to accost me in a friendly way, and offer me a kiss !
Debate between Eras7nus and Lefevre 331
Now I would have you know, in the first place, that I
have not been assuming the part of peace-maker or of
umpire in this dispute, — not that I feared you would not
allow me to do so, if I offered it, or would be angry at my
taking so much upon me, but because I have never had any
talk with Lefevre about the matter, and there was therefore
no reason why I should affect to take cognisance of a case,
which was not left on both sides to my decision, or expressly
submitted to it. It is true that Lewis Ruze, subprefect of
Paris,* — spontaneous friend as he is to all the learned, — did
call on me to interfere, and blamed me in reproachful terms
when I refused. But being sorry for your position as a
very dear friend, I was bound to send you a word of advice,
for this, if for no other, reason, that you might not suppose
me to have been asleep, v/hen the dispute between you and
Lefevre has been so often discussed before a crowded audi-
ence at the bar of public opinion ; and also, — to admit the
truth, — because I count him too among my friends. But I
am that husband of Pandora, f who, according to your cavil,
am proposing a cure for a matter that is past remedy, and
after the ruin of Troy is complete, am insisting that Helen
ought never to have been carried off! But hark, my true
Prometheus ! do you remember writing to me the following
words ? " Lefevre, after having been so often named by me
with some honourable preface, is requiting me in a manner,
which seems to many persons unfair. I think myself too,
that he is treating me more roughly than from his usual
candour one might expect. I am sorry that this handle has
been given," etc.|
* Ludovicus Rusaeus is mentioned in Epistle 483 (Bude to Erasmus),
partly translated vol. ii. p. 436, as an intimate literary ally of the writer, pro-
fessionally occupied with Law, but devoted by his own taste to Literature.
t Epimetheus.
% The letter of Erasmus to Bude, in which this passage occurred, does not
appear to have been preserved.
332 Bude deprecates harsh Discussion
If you had warned me then, that you were thinking of an
Apologia^ I might perhaps have assumed the part of adviser.
But you did in fact make an Epimetheus of me, so that by
your means I could not learn what was to be produced on
the stage, before you sent the prologue on to the boards.
"What is the object," you will say, "of this admonition,
unless you would pass an adverse judgment upon my
Apologia^ as you are wont to treat my works with a sort
of prejudice, which is scarcely justified, as some think, by
the assurance of a firm friendship"? I pray now, Erasmus,
after biting your lip awhile, do lend me a short term of
patience, while T do a little scolding in return. * * *
But "Come," you say, "I submit the matter to your judg-
ment ; I acknowledge the law of Friendship ; what do you
decide that I should do ? Do you advise me, as a friend,
to thank Lefevre for the honour he has done me ? Or
should I rather pretend not to know what he has written ? "
Why, I answer, should I not so advise, if you were free to
do so ? The advice would be given, — in the first place,
to Erasmus, then to a Theologian, and finally to such a
Theologian as may be justly confident, that he has won so
great a position that he needs no longer to depend upon the
eulogy of others. You have no need to fear, — whatever
Lefevre may have written, — that your reputation is in
danger unless you meet his argument with a long and
careful defence.
^ w *9if ^
As an authority for the course you have taken, you will
be quoting your Jerome, who would not tolerate the figures
of Ruffinus, and met Augustine with threats on account of
the misquotation of a single passage. But who can say with
what stripes that great man may have atoned for this offence
at the tribunal of Christ ? I had rather you would put
Jerome before me as a whole for emulation, than show me,
by way of example, a mole that you have found upon him.
Correspondence of Bude and Tunstall 333
It was thus, that in the Minerva of Phidias the sandal did not
escape criticism. Jerome was not infallible ; and Augustine
confessed, that he had himself written many things amiss,
devoting privately some books to this very matter. I can
see you stamping your foot for indignation, but you must push
on to the end, and lend your ears to devour w^hat I am
saying, as you in your long epistle have upset me at your
pleasure, as if in betrayal of our friendship, I had sided with
your adversary.
^ ^ ^ ^
It is strange that Tunstall has not written in answer to
my letter, and I am afraid he has not yet quite recovered
his health. And I have not yet received a copy of my
Epistle to him, as I wrote to you before, — and do not know
whether it has been lost, — but if you are very desirous of
having it, it may be put together again from the rough draft,
when I have time to do so.f
Our Prelate Stephen % has come here for some days from
Court, but has been summoned back again, and is going to
return the day after tomorrow. I have twice had some
speech with him, but not without other persons being
present. He keeps you always in his eye, — a thing which
chafes me extremely,§ with the fact which I heard from him,
that the courtiers and the King himself never cease to make
you a subject of talk.
The King has directed Bishop Justinian of the Society
of St. Dominic to be summoned from Italy, and another
learned Hebrew scholar, named, I think, Ritius ; while
t Erasmus appears to have asked for a copy of Bude's letter to Tunstall,
for his collection of Epistles. This letter, dated at Paris, Ascension day
(19 May), 15 1 7, is printed among the Epistles of Erasmus in the Aiidarium
Epistolaniin, p. 76, and in the London collection, ii. 30. See our vol. ii. p. 557.
i Stephen Poncher, Bishop of Paris.
§ quae res urit me maxime. I understand this ironically, as if he had
written : of course this praise of you makes me very jealous.
334 Invitation to the French Court
he has already here a rival of Mithridates,* who knows
almost all the tongues, as is reported by those who have
seen the man. When the Bishop was himself speaking
of these persons in my presence, and I had made some
ordinary observation, "What do you. Master Bude," said
he, " think about Erasmus ? do you know what his views
are, and whether, by any emolument worthy of him, he
can be attracted to France?" "If," said I, "you think
that the king has really set his heart upon it, I will not
refuse to smell out afresh, whether he could be induced to
remove to Paris, and fix his residence there, inasmuch as,
if I know him aright, he would not accept even a rich
bishopric, to begin a life among courtiers." To cut the
matter short, not having leisure to write to you himself,
the Bishop has commissioned me to sound your wishes, and
to authorise you to write to him what your views are, so
that he may himself take charge of the business at Court.
It is therefore for you, fastidious little person as you are,
to see, take counsel, and determine, whether you will
become ours. Please have done with your airs, to use a
word fit for a Comedy, t and state what you want given you
by way of stipend, to grow old among us ; and then your
income will, he thinks, be soon increased by a benefice. If
you make up your mind to pass over to us, you will be
w^elcomed by many of our countrymen, of whom we have
not a few furnished even with a knowledge of both tongues ;
and you will have Bude to be sometimes your playfellow, in
whose company, when you more nearly and surely know
him, you may glitter even in the dark. You must some
time or other have indeed propitiated the Graces, when
with a few days' intercourse you have made that sensible
person so admire and love you ! For the favour in which
* Mithridates, king of Pontus, was said to have spoken twenty-two
languages.
t Delicias facere tandem desine, ut utar verbo comico.
Glarean a Professor at Paris 335
you stand with so many of our countrymen who have never
seen you, is due to the sweetness of your style, and to a
genius shown in your works, which delights and cheers your
readers, and which is not found by Frenchmen in the
writings of their own countrymen. * *
If I am the first to be called by you into counsel, I shall
have no hesitation in advising, that both your reputation and
your fortune will be best secured, if you betake yourself
hither with the instrument of your studies,t to become the
ornament of the School which, as it is said, our Prince
desires to estabhsh in this city. When you have decided
upon your course, you will write to the Bishop of Paris, and
fix, if you see fit, the amount of your stipend and journey-
money. I think that is a better course, than employing me
as agent in making the bargain, as I understand that he is
the principal architect in the foundation of our School ; and
as he is very much your well-wisher, he will arrange every-
thing for you with the Prince, and take good care of your
interest. * * * *
Your friend Glarean has been appointed successor to
Faustus upon his death, and will have the stipend. J Fortune
is so favourable to you, as to advance the interests even of
your friends ; he is now known to the Bishop of Paris, and
in favour with him. Our friend Deloin has bid me send his
greeting to you ; he had lately returned from the Court,
when I received your letter. Ruze is much attached to
you, and has devoted a shelf in his library to your books,
which he takes up when he wants to put me out of humour, §
as I am a good deal with him ! Jacobus Tusanus, learned
in both tongues, who is also his fellow-lodger, is thinking of
t cum instrumento studiorum tuorum. With your library.
\ Faustus Andrelinus, who appears to have lately died, had been Professor
of Rhetoric in the University of Paris. See our first volume, pp. 28, 191.
§ cum mihi stomachum commovere vult. Of course he knows how jealous
I am of you.
33^ Lost Epistle of Biide to Tiinstall
writing to you, in which I encourage him, and scold him for
his bashfulness, so religiously do they all think you ought to
be approached, — all, that is, except me, who have foresworn
blushes. Farewell, and wipe out all suspicion and con-
tention from your mind.
Paris, 12 April, 1518.*
P.S. After finishing the above letter t I have got back
with no little trouble my epistle to Tunstall ; which how-
ever I cannot conveniently send you, because it has not yet
been copied, and I want to keep a copy myself, lest it
should be lost in the journey. If therefore you would really
like me to send it, I will have it transcribed. You have
above an epistle sufficiently long, and as badly written as
if it had been in my own handwriting ! But you will not
be able to charge me with dyscolographia^ when I employ
on your account the services of an amanuensis ! Fare-
well again.
* Parisiis pridie idus Aprilis. Epist. ad diversos. Anno 15 18. C.
t At the end of a letter dictated to a clerk, the writer adds a few lines,
which, we may suppose, are in his own hand.
CHAPTER L.
Continued Residence of Erasmus at Loiivain in the latter
half of Aprils 15 18. Letters to Gerard of Nirneguen^
Gillis^ Lefevre^ Pace, Bullock, Bedill, Colet, Tunstall,
Grolier, King Henry VIII., More, Cardinal Grimani,
and others. Epistles 771 to 800.
The following epistle, addressed to Gerard of Nimeguen, was first
printed in the Farrago Epistolarum, with the date, Lovanii, decimo
quinto Calendas Maias, Anno M.D.XIV. We may well assume the
date of place and day to be correctly copied from the original epistle,
but it is plain that the year-date, no doubt afterwards added,
is erroneous. On the 17th of April, 15 14, Erasmus was in London
(see vol. ii. pp. 128, 133); and it seems most probable that in this
letter we ought to read the year-date of 15 18. Gerard of Nimeguen,
whom we have seen, some eighteen months before (vol. ii. p. 431),
assisting Erasmus in the publication of More's Utopia, appears to
have been a chaplain in the household of the Bishop of Utrecht,
a see, which, having been formerly filled by David, — a natural son of
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, — by whom Erasmus had been
ordained priest some six and twenty years before,"^ was now occupied
by Philip, another illegitimate son of the same duke. And the
purpose of the following letter was to apologise for the writer not
having made a call upon the Bishop, which appeared to have been due.
Epistle 771. Farrago, p. 322 ; Ep. x. 25 ; C. 134 (153).
Erasmus to Gerard of Nimeguen A
With what imprecation shall I greet you, my Gerard, such
as your acts deserve? I pray that you may soon be enduring
* See before, pp. 30, 31, and vol. i. p. 85. t Gerardo Noviomago
Rcverendiss. D. Traiectensis a sacris Erasmus Roterodamus s. p.
VOL. in. z
338 Allegiance of Erasmus to his Bishop
the burden of some weighty benefice ! You had said, — and
others too, — that our Reverend Prelate was not going away
for four or five days, and according to the usual fashion of
speech I doubled the number, thinking that before a week at
least he would not be shifting his quarters. I saw that the
Prince was much occupied and had no leisure just then ; I
also divined that your dinner hour at the palace would be late,
while my stomach was already clamouring. I accordingly
withdrew, leaving word at your room, that I should wait at
home on that day, if the Bishop had any commands for me.
No message came ; and next morning I came back to Louvain,
thinking it was of no great importance, whether any arrange-
ment, which I might make about an interview with the
Bishop, was made there or here, and leaving a note at the
house to explain that I should be ready to come upon the
first summons. This very day I had almost made up my
mind to run over, when in comes your old messmate,
Paludanus, bringing word that my lord is going away to-day.
If this is really the case, you must play the part of a kind
patron, and prevent him from suspecting anything but what
is the fact, — indeed you will yourself be principally answer-
able, having taken me in by what you told me.
Believe me, there is no Prince in the world whom I more
heartily desire to gratify than Philip, not only because I am
under his allegiance, but also on account of his excellence
in every way, and because he looks with favour upon our
small talent. There seems indeed to be some silent and
secret feeling in my mind, by which I am impelled to
regard him with reverence. For courtly duties I am cer-
tainly not worth much, but where my faculty lies, I intend
to make it clear, how truly his Highness is regarded by me
both with respect and with love.
I have not often ventured to address the Bishop himself
by letter, and beg you to stand in the place of an Epistle to
him. If he calls me, I will fly to him ; if not, I shall take
Peter Gillis in weak health 339
all the more pains to hasten my journey, so that I may
return the sooner. I am thinking of being back before
October, and shall then, I trust, have got clear of the
theological jungle in which I am now moving, and shall
have leisure to devote myself with a tranquil mind to the
Muses and to my friends. Neither should I be undertaking
this most dangerous journey, unless the consideration of my
good name imposed it on me. Wherever in the world
Erasmus may be, his Highness the Bishop will have a client
heartily devoted to him, and your Reverence a sincere friend.
Farewell, best of Patrons.
Louvain, 17 April, [15 18].*
It appears by the following letter, which bears the same date as the
last, that Peter Gillis's health was causing great anxiety to his friends.
Epistle 772. Auctarium, p. 149 ; Ep. iii. 10 ; C. 236 (240).
Erasmus to Peter Gillis.
For our friendship's sake, which cannot be closer than it
is, and for the sake of the recovery of your health, which I
have as much at heart as my own, pray do your best, my
Peter, that when I return I may find you cheerful and in
good spirits. I shall then seem to myself to have indeed
returned safe. Be cautious in your diet, till Adrian comes
back, in whom I really have the greatest confidence ; it is
some comfort to have a doctor one likes. But meantime
beware of exhausting your strength by drugs too frequently
taken. And above all things keep clear from every violent
excitement of mind, from excessive merriment, or intem-
perate laughter, and also from fatiguing walking, or pro-
longed study, and especially from loss of temper. My dear
* Lovanij xv. Calendas Maias. Farrago.
Z 2
340 Apology for the Apologia
Peter, everything must be sacrificed for the preservation of
life. Perhaps my advice may not be welcome, I only wish
it may be as fortunate as it is sincere. Of my own risk I
think nothing, if only you come back to life, that is, if we
can but have you strong and healthy again. Farewell, with
your sweet wife and charming children.
Louvain, 17 April, [15 18].*
Epistle 773, addressed by Erasmus to Lefevre, contains a sort of
personal apology for the Apologia ad Fabrum (which appears to have
been first printed by Thierry Martens at Louvain about the end of
August, 15 1 7, and afterwards by Froben in the following February),
with a plea to be allowed to receive from his correspondent a few
conciliatory lines in return. See before, pp. 5, 52, 261-271.
Epistle 773. Auctarium, p. 148 ; Ep. iii. 9 ; C. 236 (239).
Erasmus to J^ames Lefevre.
Most learned and excellent Lefevre, I have already
testified by more than one letter, how grieved I am, that a
handle should have been put within reach of evil-speakers,
for chattering in their fashion about us. I anticipated that
this bad result would arise ; but as it was not open for me
to leave your attack without an answer, I chose, of two
evils, what seemed the less. The only thing I now see left,
is to beg you, — for the sake of Christian charity and our
common interest in sacred studies, and for the good name of
each of us, which by the law of Friendship is equally dear to
both, — to unite with me in an effort to cure this grievance as
we may, and not to allow the fire to spread further. You
see persons who are inclined to mischief, seizing from all
quarters any occasion for dissention ; and there is hardly a
dinner or supper, at which this dispute between Lefevre and
* Lovanio 17. Aprilis, Anno 151 7. C
Appeal to Lefev re 341
Erasmus is not discussed, the part of one or the other being
taken by the speakers, especially by persons who are quite
ignorant of the matter.
Different reports are spread about you, some persons
asserting that a ' recrimination ' is being prepared on your
part, while others say, that you do not deign to reply to
Erasmus. Some say again, that you do not blame me for
having defended myself, while some on the other hand find
fault with my temerity. For my own part I am not very
anxious whether you answer or not, provided you abstain
from such odious expressions as it does not become you to
cast against a friend, and as I should not be at liberty to
overlook. But it is grievous, that on our account dissentions
should be spread among Christians, and that those persons
should exult over our differences, who are alike hostile to
your studies and to mine. I do not call upon you for a
retractation, although I have been shamefully assailed, but
only to testify by some sort of letter, that while you have
been contending for the purpose of arriving at the truth, our
minds are still in concord. If you do not like to do this, I
would rather have you answer, than irritate your friends by
your silence, provided you observe that moderation, which
becomes your character. No mortal has heard me speak
otherwise than both lovingly and respectfully of Lefevre ;
only I do admit, that I wonder what induced you to write
against me as you have done ; and Christ is my witness, that
what I say is what I feel. Farewell, best of men,
Louvain, 17 April, [1518].*
William Nesen, the correspondent addressed in the following
epistle, had been known to Erasmus at Basel, as corrector of Froben's
press. Vol. ii. pp. 196, 197, 383. It appears from this letter, that he
was still at Basel, but preparing for a journey to Rome.
* Louanio 17. Aprilis, Anno 15 17. C.
342 Invitation from King Henry VIII.
Epistle 774. C. 1600 (127).
Erasmus to William Nesen.
What business have you with Rome, especially when the
summer is so near? I am going myself to stay at Basel
until the winter, if I may only push my way thither.*
John Smith is returning to his England, by his mamma's
wish, as she does not think her son safe unless she sees
him in Britain ; and he is to live in More's household. As
for More himself, he is now quite a Courtier, always attend-
ing on the King, whose Secretary he is ; Pace is simply
triumphant.f The King has sent me a present of sixty
angels, offering a church living of a hundred marks, but
says he will not collate me to it, unless I come in person.
I fancy Glarean has already gone ; but if the man is still
with you, take the trouble to greet him in my name.
Louvain, 17 April [1518].$
Peter Vitre (Petrus Viterius or Veterius) was an old friend, and his
intimacy continued to the end of the life of Erasmus, under whose
Will he was a legatee. § When his name last occurred in our pages,
he was with Thomas Grey, at Paris. Vol. ii. pp. 311, 476, 477.
Grey has now come to Louvain, and is intending shortly to return to
England. Vitre is apparently still at Paris, and Erasmus, in sending a
despatch to that city, takes the opportunity of writing a few lines to him.
* Ego Basilcce sum usque ad hyemem acturus, si modo liceat irrumpere.
The editor in C. has a despairing note on this clause, which he regards as
locus mire depravatus ac mutilus. But it seems free from difficulty, if agere
is understood in a neuter sense as equivalent to vitam agere, a use of the
verb which appears to be not without classical authority. The writer had in
prospect a somewhat dangerous journey to Basel, where he intended to spend
the summer and autumn ; and the proposed plan agrees very nearly with what
actually took place.
t As to Pace's close alliance with More, see our vol. ii. p. 256.
\ Lovanio 17. Aprilis, Anno 151 7. C,
§ For Erasmus's Will, see Jortin, Life of Erasmus, ii. 486.
Threatened French Edition of Jerome 343
Epistle ']']^. C. 1600 (128).
Erasmus to Peter Vitre.*
I am surprised at Thomas Grey having left your parts
without any letter from you to me. He is now wath us at
Louvain, but will soon return to England. We are our-
selves flying off to Basel, where we are going to publish
some things which cannot be printed without us.
Meantime, dearest Peter, take pains to be w^ell. Grey
sends his greeting to you.
Louvain, 17 April [1518].!
It appears from the concluding words of the following letter, that
Erasmus's epistles to his other Parisian correspondents were sent to
them through the printer, Bade. Erasmus had heard with some alarm
from the brothers Amerbach, who appear to be now at Paris, that
John Le Petit, bookseller of that city, whose shop is mentioned in a
letter of Bude as one of his own resorts (Epistle 505, vol. ii. p. 468),
was proposing to print a rival edition of the Works of Jerome.
Epistle 776. C. 1600 (126).
Erasmus to Bade.
I do wish, my Bade, that you had a good supply of Greek
type. I am now compelled to go to Basel at the risk of my
life, as the New Testament cannot pass through the Press
without my being there.
The excellent brothers Amerbach write me word, that
John surnamed Little is making some sort of threat, that he
is going to print Jerome's Works in contempt of the Papal
Interdict, and indeed in disregard of all proper feeling. He
had better look out ; while he is preparing to do mischief to
* Erasmus Petro Viterio suo s.d. C.
t 17 Aprilis, Anno 1517. C.
344 Tunstall at Court
others, he may bring some mischief on himself. I do not
doubt you have some intimacy with the man, and beg you
to restrain him from doing anything so uncivil. Take care
that Budd and Lefevre have their letters. Farewell.
Louvain, 17 April [15 18].*
Epistle 777 is a short and friendly note addressed to Bude, in which
Erasmus mentions the troublesome letter (satis molestam epistolam),
which he had himself written to his correspondent about his controversy
with Lefevre, and to which he had not vet received an answer. The
letter was, no doubt. Epistle 743, written some eight weeks before, and
Bude's answer, Epistle 770, had not yet reached Louvain.
Epistle ']']-]. C. 1678 (278).
E7%ismiis to Bude.
I sent by a letter-carrier a sufficiently troublesome letter,
in which I dilute in some degree the objections, which are
often made by persons who think it a bold proceeding on
my part to have answered Lefevre ; I suppose it has been
delivered to you.
Tunstall in a letter to me excuses himself for not answer-
ing you ; he is so immersed in business, both public and
private, that up to this time he has not been his own master.
I am betaking myself to Basel, to edit the New Testament.
Take care of yourself, and love us as you are wont to do.
Louvain, 18 April, I5i8.f
In prospect of a convenient opportunity of sending a despatch to
England, Erasmus on the 22nd, 23rd, 24th, and 25th of April found
leisure to prepare a parcel of some fourteen letters addressed to
correspondents in this country, beginning with an epistle to Richard
Pace, which we may suspect to have been intended to be read to the
King, and ending with letters to King Henry himself and to More, to
* Lovanio 17. Aprilis, Anno 15 17. C.
t Lovanio 18. Aprilis, Anno 15 18. C.
England under King Henry 345
the latter of whom this parcel, entrusted to Thomas Grey for carriage
to England, appears to have been sent for distribution. See note,
P- 370.
Epistle 778. Auctarium, p. 153 ; Ep. iii. 14 ; C. 237 (241).
Erasmus to Richard Pace.
Your King's Court in Britain is brilliant indeed, the seat
and citadel of the best studies and of the highest characters !
I congratulate you, my Pace, upon having such a Sovereign,
and I congratulate the Prince himself, whose reign is made
illustrious by so many lights of genius ; and on both accounts
I congratulate your England, a fortunate country in many
ways besides, but so excelling in these respects, that no
region in the world can be compared with it. Now at any
rate a whole lifetime may be spent with advantage in a
country, where under princely favour Good Letters are
dominant, the love of Honour is strong, and a sentence of
banishment has been passed against that futile and tasteless
learning with its masked affectation of holiness, which used
to be in fashion with uneducated men of education. I grieve
to hear that Grocyn is failing ; while I see, that in place
of one learned scholar so many will soon grow up. In the
loving care with which you have attended to my business,
I am pleased to recognize your old interest on my behalf.
I wish I were at liberty to commit to some other person
the province of editing the New Testament ; but, as the
saying is, whatever the mortar may contain, having pounded
it myself, I must eat it all up.* And I trust that in this
matter those chatterers may be disappointed.
* Verum hoc quidquid est mortarii, quando intrivi, mihi totum estexedendum.
Erasmus in the Adagia (I. i. 85) cites this phrase from Terence :
Tute hoc intristi, tibi omne est exedendum ; accingere.
These words, which have a proverbial character, occur in Phormio, act. iii. sc. i.
The same quotation is made in a previous letter. See Epistle 711, p. 194.
346 William Gunnell an old Friend
I am on excellent terms with the theologians of Louvain.
The School of Cologne is agitated by sad dissentions ;
the letters that pass between the parties have sharp teeth,
and they are beginning to bring my name into the quarrel !
Dorpius appears to me to have become a sincere friend.
I shall endeavour to be restored to you before the winter, if
the Powers above permit me to return.
The Paraphrase has been printed again at Basel. And
the Apologia^ in which I meet the complaints of Lef^vre,*
has lately come out at Basel with some annotations, having
been originally printed at Strasburg.
I pray God Almighty to keep that mind in you, and to
preserve you for us long in health and safety.
Louvain, 22 April, I5i8.t
William Gunnell, of Landbeach, near Cambridge, will be remem-
bered as a friend of Erasmus in the autumn of 15 13, when the latter
took refuge in his house from the plague then prevailing at Cambridge.
See vol. ii. pp. 85, 614. Of John Clement, a young protege of More,
who had apparently by this time been introduced into the service of
Wolsey, we have also read something in the same volume. He was
then a youth of promise, in whom Erasmus was evidently interested,
and he became afterwards a distinguished physician. See vol. ii.
p. 262.
Epistle 779. Auctarium, p. 152 ; Ep. iii. 13 ; C. 237 (242).
Erasmus to William Gunnell.
Your little present was welcome, your friendly letter more
welcome still, and most welcome of all, that love which
remains unaffected by so long a break in our intercourse.
* Apologia qua Fabrum placo. See pp. 5, 23, 183, 304, 340.
t Lovanio 22. Aprilis, Anno 15 17. C.
Doctor Richard Sampson 2)47
Tell Clement, who seems a most promising youth, by
way of message from me, that he must abstain from study
at unseasonable hours, — I remember how he sticks to his
book, — and especially that he had better, as far as he is
allowed to do so, give up writing at night. If by any
chance he is obliged to write for the Cardinal's business, he
should accustom himself to do so, standing. I should be
sorry that this genius should be lost before its time, and
would rather see it saved for study, than spent upon the
Cardinal's affairs. Farewell.
Louvain, 22 April [15 18].*
We have seen that Doctor Sampson had written to Erasmus a letter
dated the 2nd of March, from Tournay, where he was resident as an
agent of Wolsey. See Epistle 744, p. 274. To that letter Erasmus
wrote the following reply. This epistle has no date of day, but was
probably written not long before Erasmus's departure from Louvain, —
in the latter part of April, 15 18; and it is not improbable that it was
sent to More, to be forwarded by him to Tournay with any other
despatches that Tie might have to send from England to that place.
We are reminded by this letter, that Sampson had been among
Erasmus's acquaintance at some time during the residence of the
latter at Cambridge, 1511-1513. See our vol. ii. p. 209.
Epistle 780. Auctarium, p. 139 ; Ep. iii. 5 ; C. 366 (352).
Erasmus to Richard Sampson.^
It is, as you write, most accomplished Richard, a strong
argument to show the reality of our attachment, that we
have so many distinguished friends in common ; especially
as they have not been introduced by one of us to the other.
* Lovanio 22. Aprilis, Anno 151 7. C.
t Erasmus Rot. eximio Juris utriusque Doctori Richardo bampsoni S. D.
34^ Letter to Doctor Sampson
It seems therefore as if the thing were governed by some
hidden power of destiny ; though in any case I should be
very wanting in kind feeling, if I had not a special regard
for one with whom, formerly at Cambridge and more lately
at Tournay, I have had the pleasantest possible intercourse.
What indeed can be sweeter than your character ? And
you have already so acted, that I should be sadly wanting
not only in courtesy, but in gratitude, if I did not inscribe
among the names of my chief patrons that of Sampson, who,
without claim or request, or expectation of mine, procured
for me a prebend at Tournay ; for my not obtaining the
stall was caused by my own absence ; and I therefore hold
myself to be fully indebted to you for it, as it is by no fault
of yours that I am not in possession of it.*
The Most Reverend Cardinal is very kind in his promises,
but I have reached an age, which does not tarry for lingering
hopes ; though indeed sufficient provision has been already
made for the mind that I have, and the leisure that I enjoy.
I am very glad that my Paraphrase has your approval,
and especially that it has that of John Desmoulins, a person
of refined taste. f He has on a former occasion carried my
salutation to you, and you have now to return the same
courtesy to him ; pray do so without fail.
Louvain, [April], 151 8. J
In the following letter, addressed to an old Cambridge friend,
Erasmus gives an account of his relations with Lefevre, referring
especially to his own letter (Epistle 773), lately addressed to him.
Dr. Henry Bullock (Bovillus) was a resident Fellow of Queen's
College, where Erasmus appears to have himself resided for a time
in the spring of 1506. See vol. i. p. 401.
* See vol. ii. pp. 209-211, 257.
t homini naris emunctas. John Desmoulins, a Canon of Tournay, was a
correspondent of Er.^.smus. See vol. ii. pp. 211, 228, 433.
\ Lovanii, A:i.io m.d.xviii. C.
Sequel of Dispute with Lefevre 349
Epistle 781. Auctarium, p. 154 ; Ep. iii. 15 ; C. 237 (243).
Erasmus to Henry Bullock.
I see, my dear Bullock, such an amount of perversity and
ingratitude among men, that I have almost made up my
mind, — when the New Testament has been edited once
more, — to sing a song for the future to myself and the
Muses. There is a conspiracy of some masked players,
pretending to be Curii,* who bark from a distance, but when
in your presence, — not a word from any one of them ; while
among the vulgar they are spreading false stories worthy of
such buffoons ; just as if it was their very profession to take
away, with their lies, another man's good name.
I am sorry that my diflference with Lefevre has led to any
dispute among our friends. I wrote lately to the man, that
he should either publish a letter to show that we are on
good terms, if he is ashamed to admit he was wrong, — or
that he should answer, if he has any defence to make,
provided onlv he abstain from such extremely friendly
expressions as those in which he before indulged. As it is,
I see that his silence excites more dissension, as every one
has his own suspicion. There is no end to strife ; and if this
mischief attends on studies, it is better to sleep than to write.
Farewell, most learned Bullock. Pray give my salutation
to all friends, and especially to Vaughan and Brian. f
Louvain, 23 April [1518].!
* qui Curios simulant. The allusion is to Marcus Curius Dentatus, con-
queror of Pyrrhus and of the Samnites, regarded as the type of ancient
Roman simplicity, and so characterized by Horace in one of his Odes.
Hunc et incomtis Curium capillis
Utilem hello tulit et Camillum
Sseva paupertas. Horat. Od. I. xii. 41.
•j- The most learned John Brian and the most courteous John Vaughan are
saluted at the end of an earlier letter to Bullock. Epistle 441, vol. ii. p. 332.
\ Lovanii ix. Calend. Maias. Anno mo. xvn. C.
350 Epistle to Bishop Fisher
The following Epistle appears to be an answer to a letter received
from Bishop Fisher, which has not been preserved. The battle or
quarrel, which was taking place in the Theological School of Cologne,
has been mentioned in Epistle 778. See p. 346.
Epistle 782. C. 1604 (133).
Erasmus to the Bishop of Rochester.
Reverend Father, I congratulate you, as well as myself,
on that truly Christian spirit of yours, and pray that we may
long be permitted to enjoy it. I was looking for your judg-
ment about Reuchlin's booklet, but I see that your time is
devoted to more important matters.
At Cologne that diabolical battle is becoming more and
more fierce, being fought on both sides with paper that
bites ; and these disturbances in the Christian world are
promoted by sycophants in cowls, who would have them-
selves thought to be heralds of Gospel teaching !
Louvain, 23 April [15 18].*
The following short scolding note is addressed to Peter Vannes,
otherwise called Peter Ammonius (the cousin and executor of Andrew
Ammonius), who had come to England upon the death of his kinsman,
and to Avhom Erasmus had applied for the return of his own numerous
Epistles addressed to his deceased friend, and of some other papers
left in his hands, including a copy of his own Papal Dispensation.
See our vol ii. pp. 460-464; and in this volume, Epistle 741, pp. 252,
253. The present Epistle answers one which has not survived.
Epistle 783. C. 1604 (132).
Erasmus to Peter Vannes.
You have sent me at last one or two sheets, whereas I
wrote Ammonius such a number of lengthy letters ; and
* Lovanio 23. Aprilis, Aiino 15 17. C
Shortcomings of Peter Vannes 351
you have not delivered to the boy the Cardinal's epistle to
me.* If you have yourself so little regard for the credit of
Ammonius, why do you ask me to take his glory into con-
sideration ? Meantime you cram into your letter I know
not what injurious observations ; and to cut the matter
short, I look quite in vain for the character of Ammonius
in you. To conclude, while you have sealed your own letter,
you delivered to the boy the copy of my Dispensation open,
— a thoughtful act, worthy of an Ammonius ! Farewell.
Louvain, 23 April [15 18].
Epistle 784 is addressed to Doctor John Sixtinus. It will be re-
membered, that this old friend of Erasmus was a Frieslander by birth, —
long settled in England, and practising as a lawyer in the English
ecclesiastical courts, — whose acquaintance Erasmus had made at
Oxford during his residence there in 1499. See vol. i. p. 209. At a
much more recent date, 9 April, 15 17, Sixtinus had acted a con-
fidential part, as witness to the Absolution of Erasmus under the
Dispensation obtained for him through the exertions of Ammonius
from Pope Leo X. See vol. ii. pp. 461, 541. It appears from the
following letter, that Erasmus was in receipt of a yearly pension, of
which the payment for the "seventeenth year" was already owing,
and that for the "eighteenth year" would soon become due. Con-
sidering to whom the letter is addressed, we may conjecture that this
annuity was payable in England, where it will be remembered that
Erasmus was entitled, under an arrangement made on his behalf by
Archbishop Warham in November, 15 14, to a pension of twenty
pounds, which appears to have been due in the November of every
year, from Richard Master, the Rector of Aldington, in whose favour
Erasmus had resigned that living. See vol. ii. pp. 64, 65. The yearly
payments of the pension mentioned in the present letter appear to
have been forwarded to Erasmus through the agency of the money-
broker, Maruffo ; and the last payment received is described as that of
* These words require explanation. It seems that Andrew Ammonius had
had in his possession a letter addressed by some Cardinal to Erasmus, which
Vannes had neglected to forward by his messenger. See pp. 352, 353.
352 Pension received by Erasmus
" the seventeenth year," while Maruffo was prepared to advance
the payment due for "the eighteenth year." The pension having
apparently been in existence only three or four years, it may be
presumed, that in these accounts the seventeenth and eighteenth
years are those of the Century, 1517 and 15 18, the sum due in the
former year having been already paid by the Rector to Maruffo,
and the latter being ready to advance to Erasmus, if he required
it, the payment that would become due in 15 18. In the last clause
Erasmus repeats to Sixtinus his complaint of the conduct of Peter
Ammonius or Vannes. See the last Epistle.
Epistle 784. C. 1679 (281).
Erasmus to /ohn Sixtinus.
Most learned Sixtinus, I have already given Francis a bill,
which relates to the pension of the eighteenth year, as he
was prepared to pay that money to me, if I had not, on
account of the risks of travelling, thought it better to take
his bill. Upon the supposition that the money, which I
received from Maruffo's partners, was paid on account of
the Pension, I am sending a bill for the seventeenth year,
of which you will make use, if it turns out that the payment
was made on this account ; for the Italian man, who brought
it to me, showed neither letter nor bill, nor made it clear
on what account the payment was made, admitting only that
it was sent by Maruffo ; and I did not therefore think it my
business to say anything about the payment of the pension,
when the payment was not made on any special account.
Only I was aware of your mistake in thinking that the bill,
which bore date in the eighteenth year, had been sent for
Maruffo's money, as if I was going to add, for Francis's
money, another bill of the nineteenth year.
What creature on earth can be more wicked than this
Peter Ammonius ? It is a true Italian character ! He
sends me one or two letters out of so many, omitting to
Papers scut to Erasmus by Vaniics 353
send the epistle written by the Cardinal to me ; * and of the
copies of the Dispensation he sends only one, upon which
some notes are written in my hand, and this he delivers
open to the servant, when he had taken pains to seal up
some trash of his own ! I should like to have the oppor-
tunity some time or other of paying out this portent, so
utterly unlike the old Ammonius, if he did not altogether
impose upon us ! Farewell, most learned Sixtinus.
Louvain, 23 April [i5i8].t
The following letter addressed to Thomas Bedill, a secretary of
Archbishop Warham, and dated the day before the four preceding
epistles, appears to relate to the pension which is the principal
subject of the last epistle, and which was paid to Erasnnus through
the agency of Maruffo or his partners.
Epistle 785. C. 1678 (279).
Erasmus to Thomas Bedill. %
It has been inconvenient, that my John has come back
hither without a letter from you.§ In bidding me send a bill
* See p. 351, and note there.
t Lovanio 23. Aprilis, Anno 1518. C.
X Erasmus Rot. Thomte Bidello suo. C. In a letter of More (Epistle 471,
vol. ii. p. 424) I have spelt this name (there printed Bedillus) Bedill, and
have followed the same spelling in the address of Epistle 751. And we may
observe upon this unimportant question, that Epistle 413, vol. ii. p. 290,
appears to have borne in the original (see C. 1609) the signature, Thomas
Bedillus, which would give the writer's own sanction to this spelling. An
EngHsh letter apparently written by the same person, printed in Ellis's
Original Letters, vol. ii. p. 76, is signed, Thomas Bedyll. The Anglo-Saxon
original appears to be written, Bydel ; the modern English is Beadle.
§ Nonnihil molestum fuit, quod meus Joannes hinc [qu. hue] sine tuis
litteris redierit. C. It appears that Erasmus had sent his servant, John Smith,
with letters to England, and that the latter had come back for a few days, before
returning to his friends at Cambridge. See pp. 342, 361, and vol, ii; pp. 92, 93^
VOL, IIL 3 A
354 Epistle to Warham^s Secretary
for the pension of the nineteenth year,* I conclude you have
not gone carefully into the matter, as I had not sent the bill,
which is now in your hands, for money received by me from
Maruffo, but for that which was paid by Francis, certainly
by bill.t I have received money from Benedict de Furnariis
to the amount of one hundred and sixty-six Pounds of
France and eight stivers, but without any particulars,!
except that they said, that a bill was sent by Raphael,
though they showed none to me. If this sum has been paid
on account of the pension, it was paid for the seventeenth
year, being the year last past, for which I have sent a bill to
Sixtinus by the bearer of this, my servant John. I have
sent another bill for the current eighteenth year ; this
relates to money paid in advance, having been paid at the
beginning of the year, when the whole sum was not due till
the next Lady-day. But if I acknowledged satisfaction for
the nineteenth year, I should represent that as done,
which has not been done, and should cheat myself of one
year's pension.
Take care, that I find you well, when I return ; and in
dealing with my Reverend patron, play the part of Bedill
in your usual fashion. §
Louvain, 22 April, 1518.II
Erasmus's old friend and pupil, Richard Croke, who had learned
Greek from Grocyn, and been Professor of that language at Leipzig in
the summer of 15 16, had returned to England in May, 151 7. He
* The nineteenth, eighteenth and seventeenth years in this letter appear
to be those of the Century. See pp. 351, 352.
■j" quam dedit Franciscus certe in syngrapha.
\ et St. 8. sed sine uUo titulo. Dutch stuivers, commonly called stivers,
were formerly well known in England, and were reckoned as about equivalent
to English halfpennies. The word is so explained in Johnson's Dictionary.
§ soUtum age Bidellum. See a note upon this name in the last page.
II Lovanio 23 Aprilis, Anno 15 18. C.
Croke Greek Professor at Cambridge 355
was now Greek professor at Cambridge, and had been able to lend
to Erasmus a manuscript copy of Theocritus, which the latter had
returned by the hands of Thomas Grey, having lately acquired for
himself a copy of the recently issued first printed edition of that
poet. See the letter below, and p. 360, near the foot of the page.
Epistle 786. C. 1678 (280).
Erasmus to Richard Croke.
I congratulate yon, my Croke, on that splendid professor-
ship,— an appointment not less honourable to you than
fruitful for the Academy of Cambridge, in whose welfare
I take an especial interest on account of the hospitality I
have enjoyed there.
You must know, that none of your booklets have been
delivered to me. Only Francis has shown me some epistles
in Greek revised by you, which I approved ; but he said
they were intended for some one else. I have returned
vour Theocritus to Master Thomas Grev.
Farewell, my dearest Croke.
Louvain, 23 April, 15 18.*
In the first sentence of the following Epistle Erasmus refers to a
longer letter to Colet, — Epistle 757, — in which he had returned thanks
for some trouble taken by his correspondent to obtain pecuniary
assistance for him from King Henry. See p. 299. In the second
clause he expresses his disapproval of what he thought was a mistaken
indulgence on the part of some German Princes in the treatment of
robber bands, which appear to have been at their mercy. We have
seen the opinion of Erasmus very strongly expressed in a former
letter, — Epistle 763, p. 312, — that the Princes of Germany were to
blame for the unsafe condition of the roads. The reference in the
third clause to the 'Seventh Chapter' appears to point to that
chapter of the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans.
* Lovanio 23 Aprilis, Anno 15 18. C.
2 A 2
356 Epistle to Co let
Epistle 787. Farrago, p. 46 ; Epist. iv. i ; C. 238 (247).
Erasmus to Colet.
Best of Patrons, I have already sent you by Francis my
thanks for your service to me, and have deHvered to him
the bill, by which I acknowledge my satisfaction about the
King's money.
I am preparing for a journey, which will be a most
dangerous one on account of the late release of those most
villainous robbers, who, collected in some thousands, were
attacking at their own good pleasure any one they chose.
This is the cruel clemency of Princes, sparing impious
murderers and sacrilegious thieves, and not sparing their
honest subjects. The instruments by which they oppress
their people are dearer to them than the people them-
selves !
I wish you had added two words to explain, how it was
I did not satisfy you in the Seventh Chapter.* Perhaps it
was because I referred to the affections, and you preferred
the reference to be made to the Mosaic Law. But in that
passage Paul is so difficult to catch, — looking, as he does,
now this way and now that, — that Origen is very much put
to it in his explanations.! You promise to write on another
occasion, but that other occasion will be late. My work
being now finished, I intend to fly to you for good and all,
especially if some fair fortune shall be prepared for us.
I do beseech you to continue your efforts that this may be
the case. Farewell.
Louvain, 23 April, [i5i8]4
* See the comment in the closing words of the last page,
t ut in his explicandis magnopere sudet Origenes.
I 9 Calenf Maias. LouaniJ. Farrago.
Inexpedient Controversies 357
The two following Epistles do not form part of the parcel of letters
addressed to England (pp. 344 to 356), but their date places them
here. Another letter for England (Epistle 790) follows, which is
dated the next day.
Hermann Busch, the correspondent addressed in Epistle 788, has
been mentioned in a previous volume among the young men of learn-
ing, who rivalled each other in welcoming Erasmus to Germany. See
vol. ii. p. 385, 387. It appears from the following letters, that both
Count Hermann of Nuenar and Gerard Listrius were entering into
controversies, which Erasmus thought inexpedient.
Epistle 788. Farrago, p. 47 ; Ep. iv. 2 ; C. 316 (31 1).
Erasmus to Hermann Busch.
I am more sorry than could be believed, to hear how
dissension is spreading among you every day, while I wonder
at theologians and professors of a most holy religion not
being ashamed to encourage such disturbances, of which it is
impossible to say what may be the issue. Can anything be
more silly, more disagreeable, more unlearned, more virulent,
than those Lamentations.^ For my own part, I should have
wished the most illustrious Count Hermann of Nuenar or
New Eagle, to keep his claws off such portents, out of which
nothing can be got but plague and poison. The man who
does battle against a Dominican has to reckon with whole
populations.
I am vexed, that Listrius should have done so foolish a
thing, if the tale you tell be true ; and I shall write to chide
* The work referred to is probably a book or pamphlet entitled Lamenta-
tiones Petri, which is mentioned in an epistle of Erasmus to Paulus Bombasius,
bearing date 13 September, 1521, as one, of which the authorship had been
attributed to the writer, but of which he had not even heard the title before
its publication. C. 665 F. The words that follow above appear to point to
the Count of Nuenar having written an answer to the Lamentations.
358 Invective against Mornielliiis
the man, although my remonstrance will come late, if
the book is already published.* Farewell.
Louvain 23 April, I5i8.t
The following Epistle, addressed to Gerard Listrius, has no date of
day, but may not improbably have been written on the day after
Epistle 788, in which Erasmus proposes to write without delay to this
correspondent ; another letter, which has not survived, having been
already written to him on the preceding day. See the first w^ords
of this Epistle. On the second of November, 15 17, — the date of
Epistle 670, — Listrius appears to have been at Zwolle, where Erasmus
advised him to remain for the time, and these later letters were
probably addressed to that place.
Epistle 789. C. 1693 (310).
Erasiniis to Listrius.
I wrote yesterday by a Canon, who was doubly a Canon,
but a Black one ; and I now write again by Goswin. If the
Invective against Mormellius \ has not yet been published,
I do advise and entreat you to suppress it, as Busch is
threatening some counter-charge ; and I do not want this
gratification to be offered to those wdcked enemies of good
studies.
It is not yet certain, by which route I am to make my
incursion into Germany ; for I do wish to revisit Basel, if it
can be done.
I have not seen your friend Hermann yet. Naef is in-
dignant at Goswin having put the boy, that was by letter
* The book or pamphlet, which Listrius was to be advised not to publish,
was apparently an " Invective against Mormellius." See the following letter.
f Lovanij. 9 Calen. Maias. Anno domini m. d. xviii. Farrago. Lovanio
23. Aprilis, Anno 15 18. C.
X In Mormellium Invectiva. See the last letter, Epistle 788, and the note
above. I do not find that anything further is known of Mormellius.
Epistle to Tiinstall 359
commended to him, into the charge of Dorpius, their
relations being not very friendly ; and indeed Dorpius's
conduct has been wanting in politeness, if not in fairness.*
Next winter, Christ willing, I shall see you again.
Louvain [24 April], 1518.!
It appears from the following letter, that Tunstall, — we may suppose
by Erasmus's invitation, — had sent him some criticisms upon his
Translation of the New Testament, where the word hyemabo (I shall
winter) is found (i Cor. xvi. 6), and the words, Moses exalt avit
serpentem (Moses lifted up the serpent), in the Gospel of St. John
(iii. 14), both expressions being adopted from the Vulgate.
Epistle 790. C. 1679 (282).
Erasmus to Ciithbert Tunstall.
Everything else disregarded, my mind is now set upon
one object, — that the New Testament may come out, as
soon as possible, such as we wish it, and that approved by
the authority of Leo, rumpantur iit ilia Codris.X
I wonder at your finding fault with hyeuiare, which is
found in Caesar in various passages, among others at
the beginning of the third Book.§ Exaltare we find in
Columella. II
That old friend maintains his old fashion.^ The bill gave
* et profecto parum civiliter factum a Dorpio, nedum dolo.
t Lovanio, Anno 15 18. C.
X It will be remembered that in the Seventh Eclogue of Virgil, in which
two rival shepherds compete in singing, Corydon desires to sing like his
friend Codrus, while Thyrsis hopes by his own performance to make Codrus
himself burst with envy (rumpantur ut ilia Codro).
§ Huic permisit . . . uti in his locis legionem hiemandi causa collocaret.
Caesar, De Bello Gallico, iii. i.
II fodiunt (sulcos) et exaltant in tres pedes (make them three feet deep).
Columella, De Re Riistica.
^ That old friend appears to be the broker, with whom Erasmus exchanges
his bill.
J>
60 Dangers of tlie German Roads
me no information at all, as I did not understand a word of it.
I have taken another bill * in exchange for mine, on account
of the thieves that are everywhere roaming about ; and the
business has been conducted between us in good faith. But
I do not quite understand what they have written, except
that I read : ducati trenta di valore di xxx. grossi.
I am preparing to start at any hour ; but do not quite see
how I am to find my way into Germany. That atrocious
rabble of ' black soldiers ' has been lately released by the
cruel clemency of our Princes. They were held in siege
with no means of escape, and nothing was more ardently
desired by the peasants than their entire destruction, as they
deserved more than one death ! About a thousand of them
were killed, and that upon an uncertain cry raised by some
individual. If it had not been for that, it was the intention
of the Princes to let that wicked and impious band loose at
our heads. And so the slaughter was stopped ; those that
were left being allow^ed to go, after surrendering their arms ;
and the peasants or citizens not being permitted to put them
to death wherever thev might be found. Only look how
ill the public interest has been considered ! The immunity
of those ruffians is ascribed to one or two princes, who are
going in this way to take vengeance on the public for the
defaults of some of their own subjects ; and now we are
hearing everywhere of the murder of travellers. This was
our policy, not to pardon the whole band, but to irritate
against the public a set of thieves ready and willing for
every crime !
Wherever I betake myself, I will let you know the locality.
We have here Julius Calvus, a bookseller from Ticino, an
amusing and learned man. He has brought me Theocritus
with a commentary in a printed book, and Pindar w4th a
commentary by several writers. He has also handed me
* Paper, not coin, on account of the danger of robbers on his journey.
Prospects of More at Court 361
some very ancient fragments of Pronto, Varro, and other
authors, which I will send you by my John, If we are to
be allowed to keep it (for with all my vigilance I have not
heard that for certain), the book is yours.
I should deplore the fortune of More in being enticed into
a Court, if it were not that under such a King,* and with so
many learned men for companions and colleagues, it may
seem not a Court, but a temple of the Muses. But mean-
time there is nothing brought us from Utopia, to amuse us ;
and he, I am quite sure, would rather have his laugh, than
be borne aloft on a curule chair. t
In my last letter to Bude I gave him your excuse for not
writing.
I am sending my John back to England, | because I think
he has not such a natural aptitude for learning as to obtain
promotion by that means ; and his mamma § does not think
her son quite safe unless he is there. As he is to be trans-
ferred to More's household, he does not seem to be altogether
parted from me. His character is as sound as can be, and I
should therefore wish you also to take an interest in him, in
case you see any occasion to save him from the influence of
bad company. Farewell.
Louvain, 24 April, 1518.II
* It is interesting to observe, what character Erasmus, and we may
presume his English friends, were disposed at this time to attribute to
King Henry VIII.
t quam curuli sublimis vehi. To be chaired Hke a Roman Prxtor or
Consul.
X John Smith, Erasmus's pupil servant, appears to have entered his service
at Cambridge in October, 1511, his father, Robert Smith, being a burgess of
that town. Vol. ii. pp. 6, 92. In April, 151 7, Beatus Rhenanus had sent a
greeting to him in a letter to Erasmus. Vol. ii. p. 549. His intended return
to England has been mentioned in Epistle 779, p. 342.
§ matercula.
II Lovanio 24. Aprilis, Anno Domini 15 18. C.
362 Epistle to Grolier
In writing a letter to Jean Grolier, the great French collector of
books, Erasmus appears to take pleasure in constructing the most
elaborate sentences, as suitable to so learned and distinguished a
correspondent. A small part only of this Epistle, by way of specimen,
is translated below. Its date, at a time when the writer was so
much occupied with his own business correspondence, may seem
unlikely ; but the presence at Louvain of Calvus, the Italian book-
seller, by whom a letter to Grolier was suggested (see p. 363), is
confirmed by the Epistle to Tunstall of the same date. See pp. 360, 365.
Part of Lombardy being then in the occupation of the French, Grolier
had been appointed by the victorious authority to be Prefect of Insubria
(now the Milanese), where it appears to have been part of his duty to
act as Quaestor and collect the Government dues. See pp. 363, 389.
Epistle 791. Auctarium, p. 156 ; Ep. iii. 17; C. 316 (312).
Erasmus to John Grolier.
Ready as I always am, most illustrious Grolier, to embrace
with the greatest avidity the friendship of eminent persons
like yourself, whether spontaneously offered or by some
fortunate accident placed within my reach, and delighted as
I am to retain it, when once embraced, with the greatest
pertinacity, it is not at all my habit to thrust myself upon
any one's familiarity, being naturally so averse to every kind
of ambition, that I cannot canvass * even for that which I
think the one thing in human life most worthy of canvass, if
there is anything which can be so described. For indeed
what possession can a man have, more honourable, more
secure, or more delightful, than sincere and genuine friends ?
Other persons may measure their felicity by the produce of
their lands, or by their yearly income, while in my own
opinion I seem more wealthy than Croesus himself, possessed
as I am, in various parts of the world, of so many friends,
respected for their integrity, famous for their learning or
* The word a?nbition is derived from the Latin ambire^ to canvass.
Grolicr s Official Position 363
dignified by their rank. While the Powers above are so
propitious as to keep them mine, I cannot but deem myself
to be rich and fortunate, however much others may scorn
the tenuity of my possessions ; and if a new friend be added
to my list, I regard it as a most profitable transaction, by
which my wealth has been notably increased. With William
Bude, who had been for some time among my acquaintance,
I am now coupled by the closest and holiest bond of friend-
ship ; and he again has brought with him two most dis-
tinguished persons, Deloin and Ruze, into our joint alliance.
May all the Muses be my foes, if I am not more pleased
with this accession of friends, than if the King Catholic had
made me richer by a bishopric !
While my inclination is such as I have described, I still
cannot canvass for the one thing which in my heart I desire.
But even this impregnable shyness of my character has been
overcome by the pertinacity, — or by the eloquence, — of
Julius Calvus, who has indeed so insisted on my challenging
Grolier with a letter, that, whether I would or not, he has
forced me to do his will. Indeed with such rare eloquence
has he proclaimed your surpassing good qualities, that I am
ready not only to follow his lead, but almost to run before him.
*****
I deem it the fairest proof of your merit, that the most
Christian King, being aware of that integrity and wisdom,
which is united in you with no common erudition, chose you
at so young an age for so important a charge. But it is still
more to your credit, that you have made the office of
Collector, f — invidious as it is in itself, — an occasion for
applause and gratitude, by the equity and sweetness of your
character, having been for some time so employed in it, that
your Prince's glory, lately won by arms, is doubled by your
\ Qusestoris munus. See the last observation prefixed to this Epistle.
364 Grolier a Patron of Literature
means ; your administration being so conducted, that an
Italian may comprehend, that there are Frenchmen who can
be obeyed without disgrace, — who may indeed be willingly
obeyed by those who have learned to listen to no other
commands but those of Virtue. * * *
Things of no special worth in themselves may perchance
be recommended by the genius of eloquent men, as the little
light derived from a star may be increased by bringing in a
lantern ; while the sun outshines itself, and throws every
other light that is brought near it, into shade. We authors
do ourselves a good turn, when we commend our lucu-
brations to the attraction of a name like yours. It is not
you that are a debtor to books, but books are indebted to
you, when by your means they will have a lasting com-
mendation to posterity. However much the aid of Letters
may be needed to secure for Merit an immortal name, in
your case there was no need to seek elsewhere what was to
be found at home, in one whose intimate relation with men
of letters is such, that among them he is himself the most
lettered of them all, * * * *
It is not for every man to mould an image of Jupiter.
But as I was beginning almost to despond, Calvus restored
my courage, — magnifying by every rhetorical artifice, in
the first place your incredible kindness for all students, and
then vour special and peculiar regard for my genius and for
my books, such as they may be. And when by a solemn
oath he had made me believe his story, this most im-
petuous man began to urge me, to challenge you by even
a short letter ; while I thought myself, that anything would
be better than that I should run the risk of appearing to
have inaugurated a correspondence w^th so matchless a
friend by a negligent or extemporized epistle. For indeed
what else at that time could I do, tired as I was by my
journey in Flanders, and within the German frontier so busy,
that the preparations for travelling seemed more laborious to
Apology of Erasmus for his Epistle 365
me than the journey itself? Such a proceeding appeared to
involve not only an insult to you, but a risk to my own
credit. Convincing as my arguments w^ere, Calvus did not
cease to insist on his advice, while he offered to take all
the risk of the proceeding upon himself, if anything should
turn out amiss ; though he made sure that there was no
risk at all, trusting as he did to the kindness of Grolier, of
which he had had ample experience. What was the result,
you ask. He pushed the cart in the right direction, as the
old Proverb has it.* I suppressed my blushes, and upon
Calvus' authority have ventured on this bold proceeding.
If my address should be successful, — if you will deign to
number Erasmus among your clients, I shall endeavour to
exert every nerve of my humble genius, and try every vein,
in the hope that some work may be modelled, perhaps on
a larger scale, which may be worthy of the great Grolier.
The study of you will perchance furnish that which Nature
had denied to the author ; what our Genius does not possess,
your accomplishments will supply.
If our boldness gives offence, you must cast all the blame of
our temerity upon Calvus : I am guilty only of having trusted
the statements of a most eloquent person, and yielded to the
pressure of one who does not know what it is to be defeated.
I have onlv to add, that I have no objection to your
finding what fault you please with this epistle, provided you
accept with approval that feeling for you, which is here in
some sort expressed, and which I hope to testify on another
occasion by more abundant evidence.
Farewell, most illustrious and most learned Sir.
Louvain, 24 April, iSiS.f
* Bene plaustrum perculit. He pushed the cart aright. It is, says Erasmus,
a country proverb, spoken of those who influence any person in the direction
to which he is already inclined. Adagia, Chil. I. cent, vi, prov. 13.
t Lovanio, 24. Aprilis, Anno 15 18, C
366 New Edition of the Colloqiiies
The last clause of the above letter was no doubt meant by the
author as a promise, that, if his correspondent, an illustrious and
wealthy patron of literature, was disposed to assist the writer in the
way which would be most useful to him, he would accept such help
as a welcome favour, demanding at his hands the fullest literary
recognition. I do not think that there is any evidence, whether
Erasmus received any answer to this overture. We may suspect that
his correspondent was silent. Grolier, who appears to have been
some twenty years younger than Erasmus, lived to be an old man, and
died at Paris in October, 1565. His library is said to have been sold
and dispersed in 1675.*
We have seen in our former volumes, that Roger Wentford, the
Master of St. Antony's School in London, was among Erasmus's
useful friends in that city. Vol. i. p. 413; vol. ii. pp. 26, 32, 8g. By
the following note it appears, that Wentford was now assisting in
preparing for the Press an edition of the Colloquies. The first edition
of this work published in England, of which I have found mention,
is said to have been printed in London by Wynandus (or Wynkin)
de Worde, with the date, Idibus Augusti, iSiQ.t It appears from
the following letter, that Wentford had been proposing to omit from
the new edition one of the principal dialogues, which the author
specially wished to be retained in it.
Epistle 792. C. 1605 (135).
Erasmus to Roger Wentford. %
I am thankful that you have blotted nothing out of your
sheets. In suppressing the chief dialogue, § you appear
to be jealous of your own glory, as I was preparing to
publish this little book, — such as it is, — with your name
* Chambers's Encyclopaedia^ s.v. Grolier.
t Bibliotheca Erasmiana, Ghent, 1893, p. 35.
X Erasmus Rogerio suo. C.
§ Quod praecipuum dialogum suppresseris. C. See observation above.
Present from King Henry VIII. 367
attached to it.* I was much pleased with your letter, short
as it was. Go on as you have begun ; and farewell.
Louvain, 24 April [iSiSJ.f
We have seen in Epistle 774, that King Henry VIII. had sent,
probably through More and by his suggestion, a present of money
to Erasmus, which was accompanied by an invitation to settle in
England, where he might expect an adequate provision to be made
for him by means of Church preferment. See before, p. 342.
Epistle 793. Auctarium, p. 155 ; Ep. iii. 16; C. 319 (313).
Erasmus to King Henry VIII.
Health and Immortality, most Serene King ! Your High-
ness's present was in many ways most welcome to me. It
was great in itself, and it came from a king ; and what was
more, it came from that King, who is no less distinguished
by his regard for the noblest things than for the wealth of
his realm ; and the approval of whose judgment is a higher
distinction than it is to be gilded by his munificence. And
yet it was on another account, that it gave me most pleasure ;
as it might be regarded as a pledge of the continuance of
that favourable vote, with which your Majesty has often, no
less kindly than honourably, distinguished Erasmus. And as
if this did not satisfy your own feeling in favour of Literature,
you spontaneously ofifer a settled fortune, and that of no
small amount. This I do not for my part decline, as I
might well be glad to take service with no pay at all under
a Sovereign, by whom the greatest favour and the highest
authority are accorded to those who most excel in learning
* nam tuo nomine parabam hoc quidquid est libelli edere. C.
t Lovanio 24 Aprilis, Anno 1517. C
368 Invitation to the English Court
and integrity of life; and whose Court is becoming an
example of Christian discipline, and is so distinguished by
men of learning that it is the envy of every University.
I pray the Almighty, that He may be pleased to make
this resolution of yours perpetual, that He may long pre-
serve you to your subjects in health and safety, and that
your realm may for many a year remain strong and flourish-
ing under the best and most prosperous of Princes.
We are compelled to spend four months at Basel for the
editing of the volumes of the New Testament. When that
work is completed, we shall dedicate ourselves wholly to
your Majesty's service.
Louvain, 25 April, 15 18.*
The following Epistle, which is without date of day in the printed
copy, may probably have been sent to Calais with other letters of the
latter days of April, 15 18, which were intended for England, and pro-
bably forwarded to their destinations by More. Of the first clause the
meaning is not easily caught in the absence of further information.
From the second we may infer, that Erasmus was disappointed, because
among the contributions which he had received from his English
patrons, he had had no present from Mountjoy, or not so liberal
a present as he expected. Compare vol. i. p. 274. In reading the
latter part of this clause, it is impossible not to feel a touch of
sadness, when we look with Erasmus's eyes at More's self-sacrifice
in accepting service at Court, and think of the reward which he
earned from the ' excellent Prince,' to whom the sacrifice was made.
Epistle 794. C. 1693 (311).
Erasmus to Thomas More.
What need was there, my More, that you should despoil
* Lovanio, 25 Aprilis, Anno 15 18. C,
Epistle to More 369
the naked, and load still more one already laden ? * John
did bring a horse, but ruined him on the journey !
I am surprised at the coldness of my oldest Maecenas,
Mountjoy ; but I think that his wife and son add something
to a natural faihng. As to your being attracted to the Court,
there is one thing that consoles me ; you will be taking
service under an excellent Prince. But there is no doubt
that you will be carried away from us and from Literature.
I am undertaking the most dangerous of journeys, cursing,
as I go, the stupidity of the Theologians, who have driven
me to it. It is only natural, that the soldiers, who have
been disbanded by our Captains without any provision,
should be ready to rob all the persons they can.
A new act of clemency ! Those wicked marauders were
so surrounded, that none could escape. But the Duke of
Cleves, the Duke of Jiilich, and the Duke of Nassau were
arranging, that they should be let go unhurt ; and if it had
not been for the accidental sounding of a trumpet, — by
whose order is not known, — not one would have lost his
life. But upon that sound more than a thousand were put
to the sword. Only the Bishop of Cologne, observing first
that he was a priest, has made answer, that if the matter
should depend upon his decision, he will so treat them, that
they shall not be capable of doing anything like it again !
This the people understand, and bear it they must.
My John has been telling me, that you have engaged to
take him into your own household. f If that be true, I am
glad to hear it, as his mamma J does not think her son safe,
unless he is in England. He has made some sort of pro-
gress in learning, though he has no natural talent for it,
but nothing is more straightforward or more friendly than
* Ut nudum spoliares, et onustum magis etiam onerares.
f As to Erasmus's English servant, John Smith, who was to be taken by
More into his own service, see pp. 247, 288, 342, 361,
\ matercula.
VOL. III. 2 B
370 New Edition of the Adages
his character. I know you will keep him as far as you can
out of bad company, and will not object to take upon yourself
some part of my responsibility with regard to him.
Dr. Linacre's lucubrations have not made their appear-
ance in this country, — I know not by what conspiracy of
the French against us !
The bearer of this, Thomas Grey,* who, somewhat to my
inconvenience, is very much attached to me, wants to buy
back from your friend Colet some land which belonged to
his ancestors. If you cannot act for him in this matter, at
any rate advise what you think it best for him to do.
When you receive the new edition of the Adages, read
the Proverb, Cum Bitho Bacchins, and also, Ut fici ocitlis
inhserentes.
Louvain, [25 April], I5i8.t
In the Adages (Chil. II. Cent. v. Proverb 97, Bithus contra
Bacchiuni) Erasmus quotes the expression of Horace (Sat. I. vii. 20),
uti non
Compositus melius cum Bitho Bacchius,
and explains it, as being said of two well-matched gladiators, observing
further, that the name of gladiator conveyed the idea of contention and
obstinacy. It is not easy to see, as the text now stands, what was the
object of Erasmus in directing by the above letter More's attention
to this proverb. The other Adage, Chil. II. Cent. viii. Proverb 65,
reads in the Greek original, "Q^cnrep ra avK eVl rov^ 6(}>6a\.fjbov<i e<f)v,
and is translated at the head of the section in Erasmus's book,
Ut fici oculis incumbunt, or Quemadmodum fici ocutis innatt, " Like
figs that grow in the eyes." This so-called Adage, in the received
edition of Erasmus's book, supplies the text for a long dissertation of
a political character, in which the words relating to a tumour in the
* Hie Thomas Greius. It appears that this parcel of letters (see pp. 344,
345) was taken to England by Thomas Grey, who had been Erasmus's pupil
at Paris more than twenty years before. See our vol. i. p. 115, vol. ii. p. 312.
t Lovanio, Anno 15 18. P^or date of day, see the observation at the foot
of p. 344. C.
Paraphrase dedicated to Grimani 371
eye, which could not be removed without destroying the sight, are
applied, first, to a class of statesmen, who do their best to corrupt a
young prince and so to rule in his name, and then, to a section of
the Mendicant Friars, who, in the opinion of Erasmus, were as mis-
chievous to the Church, in which they had established themselves,
as the so-called ^c?/^ to the human eye.
We have seen in Epistle 683 (p. 141), that Erasmus's lately published
Paraphrase upon St. PauPs Epistle to the Romans was prefaced by
a dedication, dated 13 November, 15 17, to the Cardinal Domenico
Grimani, with whom the author, during his visit to Rome in the
springtime of 1509, had had at the Palazzo di Venezia an interview,
described in a letter from which an extract has been given in a former
volume. See vol. i. p. 461. It appears by the following epistle, that,
although in words dedicated to him in November, the volume itself
had not yet, in the following April, been sent to the Cardinal.
Epistle 795. Auctarium, p. 150 ; Ep. iii. 1 1 ; C. 320 (315).
Erasmus to Cardinal Grimani.
The Paraphrase upon Paul's Epistle to the Romans, dedi-
cated to your name, has been now for some time in the
hands of readers, and has been received favourably enough
by all the companies of the learned ; a success which, if I
am not mistaken, is due rather to your protecting genius
than to the book itself. I have not hitherto sent you the
volume, whether it has been that I was not quite pleased
myself with the first edition, or because I am aware, that a
parcel of any weight is not easily sent on so long a journey.
But I have now determined to risk the despatch of this
book, which has been printed elegantly enough by the Basel
press, in case the little work should not hitherto have
come to your hands. If I find, that it has been welcomed
and even approved by the judgment of so great a person,
we shall presently undertake a similar comment upon the
other Epistles, a work to which I am urged by the demands
of students from every quarter.
2 B 2
372 Prominciation of Greek
I am told, that your Eminence deigned to acknowledge
by letter the volume of the New Testament, which T sent
you, moist from the Press, by some traveller from Basel.
But your letter, despatched nearly two years ago, I have
not yet been privileged to see, — whether owing to some
treachery or to my own ill-luck. There was a letter of the
Cardinal of St. George, which, after being sent by means of
Ammonius to Germany, went so far astray that I have never
been able to trace what became of it ; and yours has been
lost with Ammonius himself.*
I bid your Eminence farewell ; to whom, as my best
patron, I commend myself and my studies. I will write
more fully soon, when I have a more certain messenger.
Louvain, the morrow of St. Mark (26 April), 1518.!
In the following letter Erasmus is still busy with the choice of
professors for Busleiden's college at Louvain. The office of Greek
Professor was still to be filled, — and it is of some interest to observe
that this language was so far treated as a living tongue, that a native
Greek was preferred, in order that he might teach his Flemish or
German pupils the Greek pronunciation. It may be remembered,
that in the autumn of 1508 John, or Janus, Lascaris, a Greek by birth,
and a good Latin scholar, was one of those who assisted Erasmus in
compiling the first edition of the Adages. See our vol. i. pp. 440, 449.
The printed address of this letter is loanni Lascari Constantino-
politano. Lascaris appears to have been at this time at Paris.
Epistle 796. Auctarium, p. 151 ; Ep. iii. 12; C. 319 (314).
Erasmus to John Lascaris.
Most illustrious Sir, Jerome Busleiden, a learned and
influential man, and an incomparable ornament of this
* Both these lost letters appear to have been sent to Ammonius, as an
intimate of Erasmus, in order to procure their delivery to the latter,
t Lovanii, postridie divi Marci, Anno m.d.xviii.
Professors for Biisleiden s College 373
kingdom, having died in his journey to Spain, has bequeathed
several thousand ducats to found at Louvain, — where is now
a most flourishing University, — a new College, in which the
three tongues, Hebrew, Greek and Latin, are to be publicly
and gratuitously taught, with a handsome salary of about
seventy ducats for the Professor, which mav be augmented
having regard to his personality. The Hebrew professor is
already on the spot, and the Latin professor too. For the
Greek chair there are several candidates ; but my advice has
always been, that a Greek by birth should be sent for, so
that the pupils may at once imbibe the genuine pronunciation
of the language. My opinion has been approved by all those
who are taking part in the business, and they have given me
authority to send, — in their names, — for any person whom I
might judge to be fit for the work. I beg you therefore, for
the sake of your usual kindness to me, or of your interest in
Good Letters, if you know any one, who you think would do
credit to your recommendation and mine, to get him to fly
hither as soon as possible. The cost of his journey will be
found for him ; a salary and also a lodging will be provided.
He will have the most honourable and most courteous
persons to deal with, and he may trust this letter of mine as
well as if the matter were transacted by means of a hundred
indentures ; between honest men there is no need of signing
and sealing. Do take care and find me a suitable man, and
I will take care, that he shall not regret his coming hither.
Louvain, the morrow of St. Mark (26 April), 1518.*
We have seen, that in a former letter, dated on the i 7th of April
(Epistle 771), Erasmus had explained to the Bishop of Utrecht's
Chaplain, how it was that he had omitted to call upon the Bishop.
The following note, addressed to the same person and referring to
the same subject, shows the anxiety of the writer to retain the good
will of his native Prelate. See before, pp. 88-90 of this volume.
* Lovanii, postridie divi Marci, Anno m.d.xvhi.
374 Message to the Bishop of Utrecht
Epistle 797. C. 1680 (283).
Erasmus to Gerard of Nimegnen.
I do beg you over and over again to make my lord under-
stand, that it was owing to a mistake, that I did not call upon
him ; so that he may not suspect me of having avoided an
interview with him, of which I was in fact very desirous. It
was for this object, that I had written the letter which was
delivered to you by my servant John, in the hope that you
would report its substance to my lord ; for I thought I had
put it in such a way, as to ward off the blame from myself
without throwing it in a disagreeable way upon you.
We are preparing with no little trouble for our journey, —
I do not yet know whither, but in any case we are preparing.*
And you, my Gerard, pray continue to be like yourself.
Louvain, 26 April, I5i8.t
The following letter of Erasmus, addressed to Cornelius Batt, the
son of Erasmus's old friend, James Batt (see vol. i. p. 176, ii. p. 546),
was published in the Farrago Epistolarum, 15 19, with the date,
Tertio Calend. Maias. To this date the words, Anno MDXVII, are
added in the later Opus Epistolarum, but the journey in immediate
prospect, mentioned in the letter, points to 1518.
Epistle 798. Farrago, p. 190; Ep. vii. 25 ; C. 238 (244).
Erasmus to Cornelius Batt.
Very dear Son, I welcome with pleasure your affection
for me, and will do my best to assure you, that neither the
* adornamus iter, nondum scio quo, sed omnino adornamus. In this, as in
some earlier letters, Erasmus describes his destination as uncertain, but
in the following letter, Epistle 798, he speaks confidently of Basel.
t Lovanio 26. Aprilis, An. 1518. C.
Cornelius Son of James Batt 375
memory nor the love of my lost friend has faded from my
mind ; while you must take pains to respond in accomplish-
ments and in character to an excellent and learned father.
I am going now to Basel, for so the occasion demands. If
you find your circumstances tolerable where you are, stay on
till my return ; for I shall come back, if it please Christ, in
October. If not, obtain an interview at Louvain with John
of Hontescote, the master of the Lilian School, and after
taking his advice go on to Bruges to see Marcus Laurinus,
the Coadjutor, as it is now called, of the Dean of St. Donatian,
to whom I will write about you to-day. Be sure and give
my salutation to the most kind and courteous Father Goswin.
I advise you to give your attention to the study of Greek,
and to the perusal of good authors. You will receive en-
closed in this letter a gold noble of Flanders, as some sort
of pledge, for the moment, of my good will.
Louvain, 29 April, [15 18].*
The letter to Marcus Laurinus of Bruges, promised in the Epistle
translated above, follows in Farrago with the same date.
Epistle 799. Farrago, p. 191 ; Ep. vii. 27 ; C. 238 (245).
Erasmus to Marcus Laurinus.
Cornelius Batt, the son of my old and most attached
friend, has written to me. The young man has a good
tongue, and is learned enough, but has something amiss
with his foot.f He is seized with a longing for this part
of the world, being at present undermaster in a school at
Groningen. If by any chance he comes to you, consider
* Louanij Tertio Calendas Maias. Farrago. For year, see last page.
t sed loripes, literally thong-footed. It does not seem quite clear, what
infirmity is so described.
37^ ^ Greek Herodotus presented to Clava
whether you can be of any service to him, — and if not,
send him back to Louvain ; but do not take any step on
my account, which may be contrary to your own judgment.
Farewell. I will write on another occasion more copiously.
Louvain, 29 April [15 18].*
On the same day Erasmus wrote a short note to Antony Clava of
Ghent, at whose table he appears to have been a recent guest,
Robert Caesar being still, as in the previous year, an intimate at
Clava's house. See vol. ii. p. 492. The copy of Herodotus, which
Erasmus presented to his correspondent, was, no doubt, the first
printed edition of that author, produced by Aldus at Venice in 1502.
Epistle 800. Farrago, p. 191 ; Epist. vii. 26 ; C. 238 (246).
Erasmus to Antony Clava.
I think that not long ago you were wanting Herodotus in
the Greek. I now make you a present of him, as I shall
easily find another copy in the journey that is before me.
Good-bye. I find it hard to send any salutation to Robert
Caesar, who deserted us so haughtily at supper the other
day !
Louvain, 29 April, [i5i8].t
The journey to Basel, which followed the letters last translated,
occupied the next fortnight, and was completed on Ascension-day,
13 May, 1518. See Chapter LII., p. 393, in which the sequence of
Epistles is continued with Epistle 801, addressed by Erasmus to Barbier,
and dated at Basel, 31 May, 15 18.
* Lovanij. Tertio Calen. Maias. Farrago.
t Lovanij. Tertio Calen. Maias. Farrago.
CHAPTER LI.
Four Epistles of Erasmus written at Antwerp in the year
i^i']^ and not included in previous Chapters. Epistle
to Cardinal IVolsey, i8 May ; to Ulrich von Hutten^
with written portrait of More^ 23 July ; to Nicolas
Beraud, 9 August ; to William Hue of the same date.
Epistles 563B, 587B, 593B, 593c.
Before proceeding with the correspondence of Erasmus bearing
date after his journey to Basel, begun on the 2gth or 30th of April,
and ended on Ascension-day, 13 May, 15 18 (see the closing words
of Chapter L.), it is proposed in the present Chapter to call the
attention of the Reader to some Epistles of the previous year, which
have not yet found their place in our pages. The first of these is
a lengthy and oratorical letter, addressed by Erasmus to Cardinal
Wolsey,"^ which was included in the collection entitled Epistolas ad
Diversos, published in August, 1521. As printed in that work, this
Epistle bears date at Antwerp the fifteenth of the Calends of June
(18 May) without year, to which in the London edition, followed by
Le Clerc, we have the added year-date, 15 18. It seems, however, to
be clear, that on the i8th of May, 15 18, Erasmus was at Basel, where
he had arrived on Ascension-day, five days before. See p. 376. But at
the same date in the preceding year, 15 17, he appears to have been
staying for some days at Antwerp, while his portrait was painted with
* Reverendissimo Domino Thomae Cardinali et Episcopo Eboracensi.
Wolsey's translation from Lincoln to York took place, 5 August, 15 14
(Nicolas, Synopsis, 896) ; his Cardinal's Hat, having arrived in England
towards the end of November, 1 5 1 5, was brought in triumph to the Court by
some gentlemen of Kent, and received by him in the Abbey of Westminster
Hall's Chronicle, fol. Wii.d.
378 Epistle to Wolsey
that of Peter Gillis by Quentin Matsys (see our volume ii. pp. 552,
559) ; and to this period of leisure we may well ascribe the long
letter addressed to Wolsey, and dated from that city on the i8th of
May. In this Epistle Erasmus took the opportunity of explaining to
his correspondent, and by its publication, to others, the relation in
which he himself stood to some of the leaders of opinion in Germany,
especially to Hutten, Reuchlin, and Luther. And it is of some interest
to observe, that in writing to Wolsey, who owed his rank as Cardinal
(pp. 384, 385) to Pope Julius II., Erasmus thought it well to disclaim
the authorship of the Julius Exclusus, — an anonymous work, which
nevertheless appears beyond doubt to have been due to his pen.^
Epistle 563B. Epist. ad Diversos, p. 438 ; Epist. xi. i ;
c. 321 (317)-
Erasmus to Cardinal Wolsey.
Most Reverend Lord, not the least illustrious of the august
Order of Cardinals, my not having as yet revisited the
Msecenates that I have in Britain, high in rank and indeed
not few in number, has been occasioned by the burden of
my studies, by which I am almost overwhelmed, — weight
being heaped on weight, as wave climbs over wave, — to use
the phrase of Naso.f And yet meantime it is my health that
has been ijiost in fault, which is still too delicate for me to
venture to trust myself to a sea voyage. I may add, that my
not having even by letter made my bow to your Eminence
has been partly due to my being ashamed of intruding with
my tattle upon one whose attention is occupied with weighty
* Julius ccelis exclusus, Pope Julius shut out of Heaven. See pp. 384, 385.
As to this authorship, which was no secret to More or to Lupset, see our
vol. ii. pp. 446 to 449, and in this volume, Epistle 804.
t velut unda supervenit undam, ut Nasonis utar verbis. The phrase is
borrowed from Horace (Epist. ii. 2, 176); and the reference to Ovid appears
to be due to an oversight of the author, or a misreading of the printer.
Statesman and Patron of Learning 379
concerns both of Church and Kingdom ; and partly to your
own greatness, which is addressed with reverence even by
the greatest men. But while the persons, who pass from that
side of the Channel to this, have reported, with wonderful
unanimity, with what zeal and with what success your
wisdom and patriotism are striving to convert your country's
image from brass into gold, I could not restrain myself from
congratulating you upon the possession of those qualities, and
our Britain upon possessing you. I now hear it further pro-
claimed, that by your means, among so many of the principal
rulers of the world, a long desired Peace has been knit
together with the closest ties, while Pope Leo, most desirous
as he was of peace, was treating only for a five years truce.
By your means all Britain is cleared of robbers and of
vagabonds, so that it is now as free from noxious men, as
it is from poison and wild beasts. By your authority the
perplexities of litigation are no less effectually untied than
was the Gordian knot by the Great Alexander ; the
differences of noblemen are arranged ; the monasteries are
restored to their ancient discipline ; and the clergy recalled
to a more approved manner of life. Polite Letters, which
were struggling against the patrons of ancient ignorance, are
supported by your favour, defended by your authority and
fostered by your liberality, the most learned Professors
being by ample salaries invited to your aid. In the pur-
chase of libraries, rich with every good author, you vie with
Ptolemy Philadelphus himself, more renowned for this
possession than for his kingdom. The Three Tongues,
without which Learning is incomplete, are recalled at your
command ; for by the benefaction, which is now conferred
upon the famous School of Oxford, I judge all Britain to be
obUged ; * and indeed I trust, that this brilliant example w^ill
* Wolsey's earlier benefaction to Oxford is forgotten. The foundation of
Christ Church belongs to a later date, 1525.
J>
80 Estimate by Erasmus of his own Work
before long awaken the minds of our Princes also. I see,
I see a truly golden age arising, if that temper of yours shall
prevail with some proportion of our sovereigns ! These
most holy efforts will receive a due reward from Him,
under whose auspices they are made ; neither will posterity
be ungrateful, when in a distant age that generous heart,
born for the benefit of humanity, will still be celebrated
alike by Latin and Greek eloquence.
For myself, rejoicing, as I do, in the general felicity, I am
not sorry that my own name is cast into the shade by more
recent lights, when I see those around me, compared with
whom I appear no wiser than a child. Enough for me to
claim this praise, if indeed I can fairly do so, — to be
described as one of those, who have done their best to drive
out of this part of the world that barbarous ignorance of
languages, with which Italy was wont to reproach us. How
far I have been successful in this, I know not ; that I have
striven to do so I know, and striven not without some of
that jealousy, which accompanies and pursues exceptional
efforts, as the shadow follows the light. But the majority is
now more kind ; only a few still hold out, too old to hope,
too stupid to learn, or too arrogant to wish to know better !
These people see only too plainly, that their own authority
will fall to the ground, if we have the Sacred Books ac-
cessible in an amended form, and seek their meaning at the
fountain-head. And so high a value do they set upon their
own importance, that they had rather have many things
unknown, many things mis-read and cited amiss from the
Divine Books, than appear to be ignorant themselves of any
point. But inasmuch as they are conscious of their own
inferiority in argument, and aware that, if they deal with
books, they do nothing but betray their own ignorance and
folly, making themselves a laughing-stock to the learned,
they have given up open fighting, and have recourse to
stratagems, loading with their slanders literature and its
Hts Detachment from Renchlin and Luther 381
defenders, and me above all, whom they judge to have had
some influence in the revival of these studies. Whatever
writing of an invidious nature may be published, they
fasten it upon Erasmus ; and here you will detect the very
Genius of Calumny at work, when the cause of Good Letters
is mixed up with the affairs of Reuchlin or of Luther, whereas
they have no proper connection with each other.
For my own part, I never had any fancy for the Cabala
or the Thalmud ; and as for Reuchlin himself, I have only
once met him at Frankfort, when nothing passed between
us, except such friendly civilities as are usual between
scholars. Not that I am ashamed to have joined in friendly
correspondence with him ; he has a letter of mine, in which,
before I knew him by sight, I advised him to abstain from
those plain terms of abuse of his opponents in which after
the German fashion he indulges in his Apology;* so far is it
from the truth, that I have ever encouraged writings affect-
ing any one's good name !
Luther is no more known to me than to any stranger he
might meet ; and as for the man's books, I have not had time
to turn over more than one or two pages. And yet it is
pretended, — so I am told, — that he has had my help in his
work ! If he has written aright, no credit is due to me ;
and if the reverse, I deserve no blame, seeing that in all
his lucubrations not a tittle is mine. Any one who cares to
investigate the matter, will find this to be quite true. The
man's life is by a wide and general consent approved ; and
it is no small presumption in his favour, that his moral
character is such, that even his foes can find no fault with
it. If I had had ample leisure to read his works, I do not
claim so much authority, as to pass judgment upon the
writings of so important a person ; although in these davs
you find boys everywhere pronouncing with the greatest
* See letter of Erasmus to Reuchlin, translated in our vol. ii. p. 157.
382 Revival of Learning in Germany
temerity, that this proposition is erroneous and that heretical.
And indeed we were at one time all the more inclined to
find fault with Luther, for fear of a prejudice that might
arise against Literature, upon which I did not wish a further
burden to be laid. For I saw plainly enough, how invidious
an act it is to disturb the stability of things from which a
rich harvest is reaped by Priests or Monks.
The first of these writings which came out were several
propositions concerning Papal pardons. These were
followed by one or two pamphlets about Confession and
Penance ; and when I became aware that some persons were
intent upon their publication,* I did my best to discourage
it, that they might not strengthen the prejudice against Good
Letters. This circumstance will be shown by the evidence
even of those who are Luther's well-wishers. At last a
whole swarm of pamphlets came out ; no one saw me reading
them ; no one heard me give any opinion either for or
against them. I am not so rash as to approve that which I
have not read, nor such a sycophant as to condemn that
which 1 do not know ; although in these days this is
commonly done by those who have least excuse for
doing so.
Germany has now many young men who afford the greatest
promise both of erudition and of eloquence, and by whose
means she may some time be able to make the same boast
as is now fairly made by Britain. None of them are per-
sonally known to me, — except Eobanus, Hutten, and Beatus ;
these with all the weapons they have at command, are waging
war against the enemies of the Languages and of Good
Letters. The freedom which they claim I might myself
admit to be intolerable, did I not know how atrociously
they are attacked both publicly and privately. Their
* cum sentirem gestire quosdam ad editionem. I presume that a larger
circulation by means of the Press is intended.
Compared with older Italian Revival 383
assailants, in their sermons, in their schools, in their convivial
parties, allow the most odious and indeed seditions appeals
to be made to the ignorant multitude, but they judge it to
be an intolerable offence, if any of their victims venture to
murmur, — when even the little bees have their sting, with
which they may wound an assailant, and the mice have teeth
to use in their own defence. Whence comes this new race
of Gods, fixing the character of heretic on whomsoever they
choose, and mingling Earth and Sky, if any one calls them
sycophants ? And while they do not hesitate to find a name
for what even Orestes is ashamed to mention, they demand
of us not to be named themselves without some honorable
preface, — such confidence have they in the stupidity of the
multitude, not to say of our Princes !
For myself, little as I have been able to do in the pursuit
of Good Letters, I have always loved them ; and I give my
support to their adherents, who are everywhere in favour
with our nobility, if we except a few Midases, — whom some
one will some time take an opportunity of describing ! And
yet my favour only extends so far, that I support that which
is in alliance with Virtue ; and if anyone will consider with
what faults those authors were saturated who mainly assisted
in the old revival of literature in Italy and France, he cannot
fail to give his approval to the writers of our own time,
whose moral character is such, that they should rather be
objects of imitation than of blame to their Theological
censors. And whatever they produce, is suspected to be
mine, even among you in England, if we may believe what
is told us by the merchants who come to this country from
yours ! For my part I will frankly confess, that I cannot
fail to admire literary genius, while I disapprove any licence
of the pen, whoever the author may be.
Some time since, Hutten amused himself with a book,
the title of which was Nemo. Everybody knows that the
subject is a ludicrous one ; and the Theologians of Louvain,
384 The J-ulius Exclusus
who think themselves more sharp-sighted than Lynxes, in-
sisted that it was mine ! Presently there came out another
publication called 'Fever,' and that was mine too, when the
whole character of the book, as well as its whole phraseology,
is quite different from my work ! * * *
I have advised by letter all those young German writers
to control their excessive freedom of language, and certainly
to abstain from any attack upon persons of authority in the
Church, — lest they should prejudice against literature those
by whose patronage they might be able to stand up against
their foes. What more am I to do ? I can advise, but have
no power to compel ; I may temper my own style, but to
control the pen of another is not in my power. The
absurdest thing of all is, that the work which was lately
written by the Bishop of Rochester against Lefevre was
suspected to be mine, when there is so great a difference
of style, — and indeed I have no pretentions to the erudition
of that divine Prelate. There were also persons to be found,
who ascribed More's Utopia to my authorship, every thing
new, whether I like it or not, being attributed to me !
Several months ago an ill-starred and ridiculous booklet
came out, the subject of which sufficiently shows that it was
written upon the last vacancy of the Papal See, but by what
writer is not known, save that its contents show, that, who-
ever it was, his sympathies were with the French.! The
suspicion of its authorship goes the round of many different
persons, especially among the Germans, the work being
current among them under various titles. When I met with
it here myself some years ago circulated in a furtive way,
t The Julius Exclusus, an altercation between the deceased Pope Julius
and St. Peter at the door of Paradise, was undoubtedly the work of Erasmus,
the authorship being no secret to More or to Lupset. See further, p. 400,
and vol. ii. pp. 447, 448, 449, 514, 610, 611. And it is of interest to observe,
that in all his protest relating to several publications which he disclaims,
Erasmus abstains from directly denying the authorship of this.
Disclaimed by Erasmus 3^5
and had some taste of its contents, — for I galloped through
it rather than read it, — many persons can bear witness how
hateful it was to me, and what pains I took, that it should
be hidden in eternal darkness, — a thing that has been done
by me more than once in the case of other publications,
as many persons will admit. The facts are shown in a letter
written by me to John Cassarius, which was published at
Cologne from a copy furtively obtained.* And I am told that
there are some people in your parts, who are trying to fix
upon me the suspicion of being the author of this publi-
cation ; so unwilhng are those persons, who regret the
revival of learning and of better studies, to leave anything
untried that may help to carry out their purpose. The sole
argument they rely upon is that of the style, — which never-
theless is not much like mine, unless that is little known to
myself. And yet what wonder would there be, if some
expressions here and there agreed with my phraseology,
when in these days my lucubrations pass through so many
hands, that even in the books of those who are writing
against me, I often recognise my own style, and have the
sensation of being struck by a shaft winged with my own
feathers. I have not hitherto composed, — and do not intend
to compose, — any work to which I do not prefix my name.
We did some fencing long ago in the 3Ioria, but without
drawing blood, though perhaps with more freedom than
enough. At any rate I have taken every precaution, that
nothing should proceed from me, which would either corrupt
the young by obscenity, or in any way hinder piety, give
rise to sedition, or draw a black line across any one's
character. Whatever exertions I have hitherto made, have
been made for the assistance of honourable studies and the
advancement of the Christian religion ; and all persons on
every side are thankful for what has so been done, except a
* For Epistle to Csesarius, see our vol. ii. p. 6io. The title of the book, in
which that epistle was printed, was Lamentatioties Obscurorum Vimrum.
VOL. III. 2 C
386 Erasmus loyal to the Roman See
iew Theologians and Monks, who have no wish to be wiser
or better than they are. May I lose the favour of Christ,
if I do not desire, that whatever I have of talent or of
eloquence should be wholly dedicated to His glory, to the
Catholic Church, and to sacred studies.
But of this personal matter I have said more than enough,
and was going to write nothing at all, if a British Merchant,
on arriving here from home, had not persistently asserted,
that some persons had endeavoured to impose this utterly
false suspicion upon your Eminence ; whose singular pru-
dence nevertheless makes me quite confident, that you will
not listen or give any attention to such impudent calumnies.
Indeed, if you will deign some time or other to try the
experiment in a personal interview, you will find Erasmus
devoted to the dignity of the Roman See, especially under
the Tenth Leo, — to whose piety he recognizes how much
he owes, — and also heartily attached to those persons who
lend their services to the cause of Letters and of Religion,
among whom your Eminence holds a principal place,
I am sending herewith a copy of my New Testament,
which I shall deem to have received a great distinction, if
vou think it worthy of a place in your Library.
Antwerp, 18 May, [15 17].*
The above lengthy letter, addressed to Cardinal Wolsey from
Antwerp on the i8th of May without date of year, and printed in
1 52 1 in the collection then published, entitled Epistolx ad Diver sos,
is not the only epistle of Erasmus (written apparently in 151 7, when
the author after his visit to England was staying at Antwerp, — see
our vol. ii. pp. 558, 561), which has been omitted in its proper
chronological position towards the close of our Second Volume, and
for which we have here to find a somewhat retarded place in our work.
A like description applies to the following epistle, addressed by
Erasmus about two months later, on the 23rd of July, 15 17, to his
* Antuerpiai xv. Cal. Jun. Ep. ad div. Upon this date see pp. 377, 378.
A written Portrait of More 387
friend, Ulrich von Hutten, which contains, — in some dozen of our
printed pages, — the outcome of a willing effort on the part of the
author to comply with a request of his correspondent for a full-length
written portrait of their common friend, Thomas More.
Epistle 585B. Farrago, p. 329 ; Epist. x. 30 ; C. 472 (447).
Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten.
Most illustrious Hutten, your love, I had almost said your
passion for the genius of Thomas More, — kindled as it is
by his writings, which, as you truly say, are as learned and
witty as anything can possibly be, — is, I assure you, shared
by many others ; and moreover the feeling in this case is
mutual ; since More is so delighted with what you have
written, that I am myself almost jealous of you. It is an
example of what Plato says of that sweetest wisdom, which
excites much more ardent love among men than the most
admirable beauty of form. It is not discerned by the eye of
sense, but the mind has eyes of its own, so that even here
the Greek saying holds true, that out of Looking grows
Liking ; * and so it comes to pass that people are sometimes
united in the warmest affection, who have never seen or
spoken to each other. And, as it is a common experi-
ence, that for some unexplained reason different people are
attracted by different kinds of beauty, so between one mind
and another, there seems to be a sort of latent kindred,
which causes us to be specially delighted with some minds,
and not with others.
As to your asking me to paint you a full-length portrait
of More, I only wish my power of satisfying your request
were equal to your earnestness in pressing it. For to me
too, it will be no unpleasant task to linger awhile in the
contemplation of a friend, who is the most delightful
character in the world. But, in the first place, it is not
* et: Tov bp^v yiverai aydpwTrots ep^v.
2 C 2
388 Mores Stature and Complexion
given to every man to be aware of all More's accomplish-
ments ; and in the next place, I know not whether he will
himself like to have his portrait painted by any artist that
chooses to do so. For indeed I do not think it more easy to
make a likeness of More than of Alexander the Great, or of
Achilles ; neither were those heroes more worthy of immor-
tality. The hand of an Apelles is required for such a
subject, and I am afraid I am more like a Fulvius or a
Rutuba than an Apelles.* Nevertheless I will try to draw
you a sketch, rather than a portrait, of the entire man, so far
as daily and domestic intercourse has enabled me to observe
his likeness and retain it in my memory. But if some diplo-
matic employment should ever bring you together, you will
find out, how poor an artist you have chosen for this com-
mission ; and I am afraid you will think me guilty of envy
or of wilful blindness in taking note of so few out the many
good points of his character.
To begin with that part of him which is least known to
you, — in shape and stature More is not a tall man, but not
remarkably short, all his limbs being so symmetrical, that
no deficiency is observed in this respect. His complexion
is fair, his face being rather blonde than pale, but with no
approach to redness, except a very delicate flush, which lights
up the whole. His hair is auburn inclining to black, or if you
like it better, black inclining to auburn ; his beard thin, his
eyes a bluish grey with some sort of tinting upon them.f
This kind of eye is thought to be a sign of the happiest
character, and is regarded with favour in England, whereas
* Vereor ne ipse Fulvii Rutubaeque similior sim quam Apellis. In the
passage of Horace here alluded to (Sat. 11. vii. 96), Fulvius and Rutuba are
generally understood to be the names of gladiators, depicted in a popular
hand-bill. But Erasmus appears to interpret them as the names of humble
artists dealing with such common-place subjects.
t capilli subnigro fiavore sive mavis sufiflavo nigrore : barba rarior : oculi
subcccsii maculis cjuibusdem interspersi.
English Fashio7i in drinking Wine 3^9
with us black eyes are rather preferred. It is said, that no
kind of eye is so free from defects of sight. His countenance
answers to his character, having an expression of kind and
friendly cheerfulness with a little air of raillery. To speak
candidly, it is a face more expressive of pleasantry than of
gravity or dignity, though very far removed from folly or
buffoonery. His right shoulder seems a little higher than
his left, especially when he is walking, a peculiarity that is
not innate, but the result of habit, Hke many tricks of the
kind. In the rest of his body there is nothing displeasing, —
only his hands are a little coarse, or appear so, as compared
with the rest of his figure. He has always from his boyhood
been very negligent of his toilet, so as not to give much
attention even to the things, which according to Ovid are
all that men need care about.* What a charm there was
in his looks when young, may even now be inferred from
what remains ; although I knew him myself when he was
not more than three and-twenty years old ; for he has not
yet passed much beyond his fortieth year.f His health
is sound rather than robust, but sufficient for any labours
suitable to an honourable citizen ; and we may fairly hope,
^that his life may be long, as he has a father living of a great
age, but an age full of freshness and vigour.
I have never seen any person less fastidious in his choice
of food. As a young man, he was by preference a water-
drinker, a practice he derived from his father. But, not to
give annoyance to others, he used at table to conceal this
habit from his guests by drinking, out of a pewter vessel,
either small beer almost as weak as water, or plain water.
As to wine, it being the custom, where he was, for the com-
pany to invite each other to drink in turn out of the same cup,
he used sometimes to sip a little of it, to avoid appearing to
* Ovid, de Arte Amattdi, lib. i. 514. Sit bene conveniens et sine labe
toga : etc.
t As to the date of More's birth, see note at the end of this epistle, p. 402.
390 Mores Voice and Dress
shrink from it altogether, and to habituate himself to the
common practice. For his eating he has been accustomed to
prefer beef and salt meats, and household bread thoroughly
fermented, to those articles of diet which are commonly
regarded as delicacies. But he does not shrink from things
that impart an innocent pleasure, even of a bodily kind, and
has always a good appetite for milk-puddings and for fruit,
and eats a dish of eggs with the greatest relish.
His voice is neither loud nor excessively low, but of a
penetrating tone. It has nothing in it melodious or soft,
but is simply suitable for speech, as he does not seem to
have any natural talent for singing, though he takes pleasure
in music of every kind. His articulation is wonderfully
distinct, being equally free from hurry and from hesitation.
He likes to be dressed simply, and does not wear silk, or
purple, or gold chains, except when it is not allowable to
dispense with them. He cares marvellously little for those
formalities, which with ordinary people are the test of
politeness ; and as he does not exact these ceremonies from
others, so he is not scrupulous in observing them himself,
either on occasions of meeting or at entertainments, though
he understands how to use them, if he thinks proper to do
so ; but he holds it to be eflfeminate and unworthy of a man
to waste much of his time on such trifles.
He was formerly rather disinclined to a Court life and to
any intimacy with princes, having always a special hatred of
tyranny and a great fancy for equality ; whereas you will
scarcely find any Court so well-ordered, as not to have much
bustle and ambition and pretence and luxury, or to be free
from tyranny in some form or other. He could not even be
tempted to Henry the Eighth's Court without great trouble,
although nothing could be desired more courteous or less
exacting than this Prince.* He is naturally fond of liberty
* cum hoc Principe nee optari quicquam possit civilius ac modestius. It
is of interest to observe this early estimate of King Henry's character.
His Cheerful and Friendly Temper 391
and leisure ; but as he enjoys a holiday when he has it, so
whenever business requires it, no one is more vigilant or
more patient.
He seems to be born and made for friendship, of which
he is the sincerest and most persistent devotee. Neither is
he afraid of that multiplicity of friends, of which Hesiod
disapproves. Accessible to every tender of intimacy, he is
by no means fastidious in choosing his acquaintance, while
he is most accommodating in keeping it on foot, and constant
in retaining it. If he has fallen in with anyone whose faults
he cannot cure, he finds some opportunity of parting with
him, untying the knot of intimacy without tearing it ; but
when he has found any sincere friends, whose characters are
suited to his own, he is so delighted with their society and
conversation, that he seems to find in these the chief pleasure
of life, having an absolute distaste for tennis and dice and
cards, and the other games with which the mass of gentle-
men beguile the tediousness of Time. It should be added
that, while he is somewhat neglectful of his own interest, no
one takes more pains in attending to the concerns of his
friends. What more need I say ? If anyone requires a
perfect example of true friendship, it is in More that he will
best find it.
In company his extraordinary kindness and sweetness of
temper are such as to cheer the dullest spirit, and alleviate
the annoyance of the most trying circumstances. From
boyhood he was always so pleased with a joke, that it might
seem that jesting was the main object of his life ; but with
all that, he did not go so far as buffoonery, nor had ever
any inclination to bitterness. When quite a youth, he wrote
farces and acted them. If a thing was facetiously said, even
though it was aimed at himself, he was charmed with it, so
much did he enjoy any witticism that had a flavour of
subtlety or genius. This led to his amusing himself as a
young man with epigrams, and taking great delight in
392 More s Love of Natural History
Lucian. Indeed, it was he that suggested my writing the
Moria^ or Praise of Folly, which was much the same thing
as setting a camel to dance.
There is nothing that occurs in human life, from which he
does not seek to extract some pleasure, although the matter
may be serious in itself. If he has to do with the learned
and intelligent, he is delighted with their cleverness, if
with unlearned or stupid people, he finds amusement in
their folly. He is not offended even by professed clowns,*
as he adapts himself with marvellous dexterity to the
tastes of all ; while with ladies generally, and even with his
wife, his conversation is made up of humour and playfulness.
You would sav it was a second Democritus, or rather that
Pythagorean philosopher, who strolls in leisurely mood
through the market-place, contemplating the turmoil of
those who buy and sell. There is no one less guided by
the opinion of the multitude, but on the other hand no one
sticks more closely to common sense.
One of his amusements is in observing the forms, characters
and instincts of different animals. Accordingly there is
scarcely any kind of bird, that he does not keep about his
residence, and the same of other animals not quite so
common, as monkeys, foxes, ferrets, weasels and the like.
Beside these, if he meets with any strange object, imported
from abroad or otherwise remarkable, he is most eager to
buy it, and has his house so well supplied with these objects,
that there is something in every room which catches your
eye, as you enter it ; and his own pleasure is renewed every
time that he sees others interested.
When of a sentimental age, he was not a stranger to the
* Nee offenditur morionibus. The picture of More and his family, painted
by Holbein in or about 1527, includes his fool or jester. In the original
sketch for this painting, preserved at Basel, there are inscriptions over each
figure, probably dictated by More. Above the fool is written Henricus
Patersoniis Thoimx Mori Mario Amw 40. Bridgett, Life of More, p. 148.
The Legal Profession in England 393
emotions of love, but without loss of character, having no
inclination to press his advantage, and being more attracted
by a mutual liking than by any licentious object.
He had drunk deep of Good Letters from his earliest
years ; and when a young man, he applied himself to the
study of Greek and of philosophy ; but his father was so far
from encouraging him in this pursuit, that he withdrew his
allowance and almost disowned him, because he thought he
was deserting his hereditary study, being himself an expert
professor of English Law. For remote as that profession is
from true learning, those who become masters of it have the
highest rank and reputation among their countrymen ; and
it is difficult to find any readier way to acquire fortune and
honour. Indeed a considerable part of the nobility of that
island has had its origin in this profession, in which it is said
that no one can be perfect, unless he has toiled at it for
many years. It was natural, that in his younger days our
friend's genius, born for better things, should shrink from
this study ; nevertheless, after he had had a taste of the
learning of the Schools, he became so conversant with it,
that there was no one more eagerly consulted by suitors ;
and the income that he made by it was not surpassed by
any of those who did nothing else ; such was the power and
quickness of his intellect.
He also expended considerable labour in perusing the
volumes of the orthodox Fathers ; and when scarcely more
than a youth, he lectured publicly on the Dc Civitate Dei
of Augustine before a numerous audience, old men and
priests not being ashamed to take a lesson in divinity from
a young layman, and not at all sorry to have done so.
Meantime he applied his w^hole mind to religion, having
some thought of taking orders, for which he prepared him-
self by watchings and fastings and prayers and such like
exercises ; wherein he showed much more wisdom than
the generality of people, who rashly engage in so arduous
394 More' s first and second Marriage
a profession without testing themselves beforehand. And
indeed there was no obstacle to his adopting this kind of
life, except the fact, that he could not shake off his wish to
marry. Accordingly he resolved to be a chaste husband
rather than a licentious priest.
When he married, he chose a very young girl, a lady by
birth, with her character still unformed, having been always
kept in the country with her parents and sisters, — so that he
was all the better able to fashion her according to his own
habits. Under his direction she was instructed in learning
and in every kind of Music, and had almost completely
become just such a person as would have been a delightful
companion for his whole life, if an early death had not
carried her away. She had however borne him several
children, of whom three girls, Margaret, Alice and Cecily,
and one boy, John, are still living.
More did not however long remain single, but contrary to
his friends' advice,* a few months after his wife's death, he
married a widow, more for the sake of the management of
his household, than to please his own fancy, as she is no
great beauty, nor yet young, nee bella admodum nee puella^
as he sometimes laughingly says, but a sharp and watchful
housewife ; with whom nevertheless he lives, on as sweet
and pleasant terms as if she were as young and lovely as
any one could desire ; and scarcely any husband obtains
from his wife bv masterfulness and severitv as much com-
pliance as he does by blandishments and jests. Indeed,
what more compliance could he have, when he h^s induced
a woman who is already elderly, who is not naturally of a
yielding character, and whose mind is occupied with busi-
ness, to learn to play on the harp, the viol, the spinet and
the flute, t and to give up every day a prescribed time to
* licet alio vocantibus amicorum consiliis. We have here in all probability
an allusion to a correspondence between More and the writer, which would
have been of no little interest, if it had been preserved.
t Cilhara, testudi?te, tnonochordo, tibiis canej'C.
An Exemplary Son Brother and Counsellor 395
practice ? With similar kindness he rules his whole house-
hold, in which there are no tragic incidents, and no quarrels.
If anything of the kind should be likely, he either calms it
down, or applies a remedy at once. And in parting with
any member of his household he has never acted in a
hostile spirit, or treated him as an enemy. Indeed his house
seems to have a sort of fatal felicity, no one having lived
in it without being advanced to higher fortune, no inmate
having ever had a stain upon his character.
It would be difficult to find any one living on such terms
with a mother as he does with his step-mother. For his
father had brought in one stepmother after another ; and
he has been as affectionate with each of them as with a
mother. He has lately introduced a third, and More
swears that he never saw anything better. His affection for
his parents, children and sisters * is such, that he neither
wearies them with his love, nor ever fails in any kindly
attention.
His character is entirely free from any touch of avarice.
He has set aside out of his property what he thinks sufficient
for his children, and spends the rest in a liberal fashion.
When he was still dependent on his profession, he gave
every client true and friendly counsel with an eye to their
advantage rather than his own, generally advising them, that
the cheapest thing they could do was to come to terms with
their opponents. If he could not persuade them to do this,
he pointed out how they might go to law at least expense ;
for there are some people whose character leads them to
delight in litigation.
In the City of London, where he was born, he acted for
some years as judge in civil causes. t This office, which
* I am inclined to infer from this passage that Mora's brother, John, of
whom we have found some notice in 151 1 (see vol. ii. pp. 43, 50), was no
longer living.
t The office, held by More, seems to have been that of Under-SherilT of
London.
39^ More as jf-iidge
is by no means burdensome, — inasmuch as the Court sits
only on Thursdays before dinner, — is considered highly
honorable ; and no judge ever disposed of more suits, or
conducted himself with more perfect integrity. In most
cases he remitted the fees which are due from the litigants,
the practice being for the plaintiff to deposit three groats*
before the hearing, and the defendant a like sum, and no
more being allowed to be exacted. By such conduct he
made himself extremely popular in the City.
He had made up his mind to be contented with this posi-
tion, which was suihciently dignified without being exposed
to serious dangers. He has been thrust more than once into an
embassy, t in the conduct of which he has shown great ability ;
and King Henry in consequence would never rest until he
dragged him into his Court. ' Dragged him,' I say, and
with reason ; for no one was ever more ambitious of being
admitted into a Court, than he was anxious to escape it.
But as this excellent monarch was resolved to pack his
* Tres drachmas, translated ' groats ' by Nicholas Harpsfield, who wrote
a life of More in the time of Queen Mary. Bridgett, Life of More, p. 66.
t Semel atque iterum extrusus est in legationem, in qua cum se cordatis-
sime gessisset, etc. We do not distinctly know of More having been employed,
before this date, upon more than one embassy abroad, which occupied him
about six months from May, 1515 ; see p. 419, and vol. ii. p. 269. His next
service of this kind began in August, 151 7, shortly after the date of this
letter. But Sir James Mackintosh states, on the authority of the City
Records, that he had leave from the Common Council of London, 8 May,
1 5 14, to appoint a deputy in his City office during his absence as the King's
Ambassador in Flanders ; so that an earlier embassy appears to have been at
\fasX proposed. (See Bridgett, Life of More, p. 68, Mackintosh's Life, p. 35.)
The date of this letter to Hutten, — if right as here corrected, — shows, that
More was attached to Henry's household somewhat earlier than has been
hitherto supposed. In More's letter of February, 15 16, there is no sign of
his being then at the Court, from which he forwards the news at second hand ;
but the description, given by Erasmus in the above letter (p. 397), of More's
intimacy with the King, appears to be that of an eye-witness. We may there-
fore conjecture, that this intimacy began before the end of Erasmus's last
visit to England in April, 151 7.
Dragged to Court by the King 397
household with learned, serious, intelligent and honest men,
he especially insisted upon having More among them, — with
whom he is on such terms of intimacy that he cannot bear
to let him go. If serious affairs are in hand, no one gives
wiser counsel ; if it pleases the King to relax his mind
with agreeable conversation, no man is better company.
Difficult questions are often arising, which require a grave
and prudent judge ; and these questions are resolved by
More in such a way, that both sides are satisfied. And yet
no one has ever induced him to accept a present. What a
blessing it would be for the world, if magistrates like More
w^ere everywhere put in office by sovereigns !
Meantime there is no assumption of superiority. In the
midst of so great a pressure of business he remembers his
humble friends ; and from time to time he returns to his
beloved studies. Whatever authority he derives from his
rank, and whatever influence he enjoys by the favour
of a powerful sovereign, are employed in the service of
the public, or in that of his friends. It has always been
part of his character to be most obliging to every body, and
marvellously ready with his sympathy ; and this disposition
is more conspicuous than ever, now that his power of doing
good is greater. Some he relieves with money, some he
protects by his authority, some he promotes by his recom-
mendation, while those whom he cannot otherwise assist
are benefited by his advice. No one is sent away in dis-
tress, and you might call him the general patron of all
poor people. He counts it a great gain to himself, if he
has relieved some oppressed person, made the path clear
for one that was in difficulties, or brought back into favour
one that was in disgrace. No man more readily confers a
benefit, no man expects less in return. And successful as
he is in so many ways, — while success is generally accom-
panied by self-conceit, — I have never seen any mortal being
more free from this failing.
39^ More as Author and Orator
I now propose to turn to the subject of those studies
which have been the chief means of bringing More and me
together. In his first youth his principal literary exercises
were in verse. He afterwards wrestled for a long time
to make his prose more smooth ; practising his pen in every
kind of writing in order to form that style,* the character of
which there is no occasion for me to recall, especially to
you, who have his books always in your hands. He took the
greatest pleasure in declamations, choosing some disputable
subject, as involving a keener exercise of mind. Hence,
while still a youth, he attempted a dialogue, in which he
carried the defence of Plato's community even to the matter
of wives ! He wrote an answer to Lucian's Tyrannicide,^ in
which argument it was his wish to have me for a rival, in
order to test his own proficiency in this kind of writing.
He published his Utopia for the purpose of showing,
what are the things that occasion mischief in common-
wealths ; having the English constitution especially in view,
which he so thoroughly knows and understands. He had
written the second book at his leisure, and afterwards, when
he found it was required, added the first off-hand. Hence
there is some inequality in the style.
It would be difficult to find any one more successful in
speaking ex tempore, the happiest thoughts being attended
by the happiest language ; while a mind that catches and
anticipates all that passes, and a ready memory, having
everything as it were in stock, promptly supply whatever
the time, or the occasion, demands. In disputations nothing
can be imagined more acute, so that the most eminent
theologians often find their match, when he meets them on
their own ground. Hence John Colet, a man of keen and
exact judgment, is wont to say in familiar conversation, that
* It may be presumed that the writer is speaking of More's Latin style,
f Declamatio Erasmi quae Luciani Declamationi respondeat. Erasmi
Opera, vol i. p. 271.
Character of the English Court 399
England has only one genius, whereas that island abounds in
distinguished intellects.
However averse he may be from all superstition, he is a
steady adherent of true piety ; having regular hours for his
prayers, which are not uttered by rote, but from the heart.
He talks with his friends about a future life in such a way as
to make you feel that he believes what he says, and does not
speak without the best hope. Such is More, even at Court ;
and there are still people who think that Christians are only
to be found in monasteries ! Such are the persons, whom a
wise King admits into his household, and into his chamber ;
and not only admits, but invites, nay, compels them to come
in. These he has by him as the constant witnesses and judges
of his life, — as his advisers and travelling companions. By
these he rejoices to be accompanied, rather than by dissolute
young men or by fops, or even by decorated grandees, or
by crafty ministers, of whom one would lure him to silly
amusements, another would incite him to tyranny, and a
third would suggest some fresh schemes for plundering his
people. If you had lived at this Court, you would, I am
sure, give a new description of Court life, and cease to be
Misaiilos ; though you too live with such a prince, that you
cannot wish for a better, and have some companions like
Stromer and Copp, whose sympathies are on the right side.
But what is that small number compared with such a swarm
of distinguished men as Mountjoy, Linacre, Pace, Colet,
Stokesley, Latimer, More, Tunstall, Clerk, and others like
them, any one of whose names signifies at once a world of
virtues and accomplishments ? However, I have no mean
hope, that Albert, who is at this time the one ornament of
our Germany, will attach to his household a multitude of
persons like himself, and set a notable example to other
princes ; so that they may exert themselves in their own
circles to do the like.
You have now before you an ill-drawn portrait, by a poor
artist, of an excellent original ! You will be still less pleased
400 Present to Erasmus fr 0771 Archduke Albert
with the portrait, if you come to have a closer acquaintance
with More himself. But meantime I have made sure of this,
that you will not be able to charge me with neglecting your
command, nor continue to find fault w^ith the shortness of
my letters ; though even this one has not seemed too long
to me in writing it, and will not, I am confident, appear
prolix to you, as you read it ; our More's sweetness will
secure that. However, — not to leave unanswered your last
letter, which I read in print before I saw it in writing, —
I have been informed of the kindness of the most illustrious
Prince Albert by his own letter to me. But how, I should
like to know, has it come to pass, that that cup has reached
every one by means of your letter before it has come to me?
You certainly could not have sent it more safely by any one
than by Richard Pace, the ambassador of the English king,
whether I was in Brabant or in England.*
You, I see, are doing vigorous battle both with the pen
and with the sword, — successfully too, as well as bravely !
For I hear you are in great favour with the Cardinal of
Gaeta. I am glad that we have good news of Capnio.\ If
Literature allows the name of Franz von Sickingen to die,
she may fairly be taxed with ingratitude. J;
* It appears that the Archduke Albert had proposed to present to Erasmus
a silver cup, which might have been forwarded to him through the agency
of Richard Pace. Pace, who went abroad in October, 15 15, was at Zurich
in 1516 and at Constance in August, September and October, 1517. Brewer,
Abstracts, vol. ii. p. 382. He appears to have stayed at Bruges on his way
back to England in November, 151 7. See before, p. 162.
t Capnioni bene esse gaudeo. Capnio is Reuchlin, the Greek word
Kaivvos, being equivalent to the German Ranch, English smoke. The last
news about his suit at Rome appears to have been favourable ; but we read
in Hutten's letter of 21 July, 15 17, Epistle 585, which probably crossed this,
that the suit was still before the Court. See vol. ii. pp. 595, 599, 600.
\ Franz von Sickingen (Franciscus Sichnius), a distinguished Free Lance,
was a supporter of the Protestant movement and a friend of Hutten, who was
his guest from 1520 to 1522. The death of Sickingen occurred in May, 1523,
during the siege of his castle of Landstuhl by the Imperial army.
Character of the Flemish Court 401
For our own news, there will be another occasion. Only
this at present; business is conducted at this Court by the
meanest sycophancy, — a trade to which I must confess my-
self unequal. If there is any one of your acquaintance who
wants to learn it, I will point him out a wonderful master of
this accomplishment, — one, of whom you may say that he was
evidently born for it. Cicero was not a more successful
orator than he a sycophant; and he finds many docile pupils
among us ! The right time is not come, but before long I
will introduce the man to you, so that he may obtain the
glory which he well deserves, and of which he is sadly
ambitious. He will then be celebrated in the letters of all
the learned, as a portent rather than a man. Farewell.
Antwerp, 23 July, [1517].*
It will be seen in the note below, that the year-date assigned to this
letter in the Farrago Epistolarurn is 15 19, which is the date of the
publication of the volume of Epistles itself. And this year-date has
been unsuspectingly assumed to be true by the biographers of
Erasmus and of More. I have taken the year-date printed above from
the statement in the letter (p. 389), which shows that little more than
seventeen years had passed since the first acquaintance of Erasmus
with More, which began in the summer of 1499. See vol. i. p. 200.
And this correction is confirmed by the mention (p. 400) of Pace's
foreign residence, which terminated for the time in the autumn of 15 17.
See pp. 146, 162, 418. It may be observed, that in July, 1518, Erasmus
was at Basel; but in July, 1516 and 1517, and also in July, 1519, he
was in the Netherlands.
On the other hand the reference (p. 396) to More's repeated
diplomatic employment might seem to favour the later date ; but a
probable revision of the letter before publication may account for the
expression seniel atque iterum. Owing to the loss of all the records
of the proceedings of the English Privy Council of this period, it is
not known at what date More was sworn on the Council, but his
attraction to the Court took place before his embassy of 15 17, and
soon after his return from his first mission to Flanders. A letter of
* Antuuerpise, Decimo Cal. August!. An. m.d.xix. Farrago.
VOL. III. 2 D
402 Correction in the year of Morels birth
Ammonius, dated 17 Feb. [15 16], (Epistle 377, vol. ii. pp. 242, 243),
and Mora's own letter of about the same date, Epistle 396, show that
the latter was then much with Wolsey ; and Erasmus's letter to
Ammonius, 11 March, [15 17], Epistle 532, tells the same tale.
It may be worth while to observe, that the evidence of Erasmus
about the age of More (p. 389), which places his birth in 1477, suggests
the correction of an assumption which has been made since the
discovery in 1868 of a contemporary memorandum relating to the
family of Sir John More (Notes and Queries, 17 Oct. 1868). In this
document it is stated, that Thomas More was born on Friday the
7th of February in the 17th year of Edward IV. ; and the 7th of Feb-
ruary, 17 Edvv. IV. (1478) having occurred on a Saturday, it has been
assumed that the day of the week was mistaken, and that More was
born on Saturday, 7 Feb. 1478. But it is obvious, that the mistake
may have been, not in the day of the week, but in the year of the
reign, and the birth have taken place on Friday, 7 Feb. 16 Edw. IV.
1477. And this last supposition, which agrees with the statement
of Erasmus as to More's age, is further confirmed by observing the
date of birth of the next-born child of the same mother. John
More and Agnes Graunger W'cre married, 24 Ap. 1474, and their
children were i. Jane, born 11 March, 1475, 2. Thomas, born 7 Feb.
1477 (not, as assumed, 1478, within a year before the accepted date
of birth of the next child), 3. Agatha, born 31 Jan. 1479, 4. John, born
6 June, 1480, 5. Edward, born 3 Sept. 1481, and 6. Elizabeth, born
22 Sept. 1482. (Compare Bridgett's Life of More, p. 144.)
The two following letters of Erasmus, printed in Farrago, and
addressed respectively to Nicolas Berauld and to William Hue, are
both dated at Antwerp on the 9th of August (quinto Idus Augusti),
without date of year ; and to these day-dates in the London edition
is added the year-date, 15 18. This year-date however cannot be
accepted as correct, because it appears to be clear, that at this date of
August in the year 151S Erasmus was at Basel.* But during the
late summer and early autumn of the year 151 7, he was staying for a
time in the Netherlands at Louvain or at Antwerp, from which latter
city he addressed, on the i6th of August, a letter to Csesarius (see our
vol. ii. p. 610) ; and these letters addressed to Berauld and to Hue,
* See Epistles 805, 806,
Answer to three Letters of Bcrauld 403
and dated from Antwerp the 9th of August, may well be ascribed to
the same earlier year. Omitted among the Epistles of that time,
room has been found for them in this Chapter, in accordance with
the date of day assigned to them in Farrago; the year-date 1518,
added apparently by a hasty conjecture in the London edition^ being
replaced by one founded on a closer study of the movements of
Erasmus.
In a letter, written by Berauld to Erasmus from Paris some three
weeks before (see Epistle 766, p. 3i6),'^ the writer had complained,
that he had received no answer to two letters addressed by him to
Erasmus during the two previous years; and accordingly, in the
opening words of the following Epistle, Erasmus proposes to answer,
not one, but three letters of his correspondent.
Epistle 593B. Farrago ; Ep. xi. 15 ; C. 335 (327).
Erasmus to Nicolas Berauld.
I am now proposing to answer by one letter your three
last, that is to say, to daub several walls with one pail of
whitewash. I am aware that, frequently as I have written
to you, it has been in so laconic a fashion, that I may seem
to you not to have written at all ; such, my Berauld, is the
inevitable consequence of the mass of literary work with
which I am overwhelmed. If you take count of the time
that must be devoted to one's religious duties, to one's
nights' rest, (for which I have to allow a wide margin, going
to bed, as I do, when it is nearly dawn), to one's health, and
to the writing and correcting of books, you will easily
reckon how little leisure I have for answering all my corres-
pondents.
* In our translation of this Epistle the added year-date, p. 318, should have
been, not 1518, but 151 7, the following letter being written in answer to it.
2 D 2
404 A more sober Theology required
You must not however suppose, that my studies have as
their object to drive Thomas or Scotus out of the pubhc
schools, of which they have been so long in possession.*
This indeed is not within my power, and were it so, I am
not sure whether it is to be wished, unless we see some
better kind of instruction quite ready to take their place.
What other people may be endeavouring to do, they must
consider for themselves ; I shall never be the author of this
revolution. Sufficient for me, if Theology be more soberly
treated than it has hitherto been, and if that instruction be
sought directly from Gospel sources, which we have hitherto,
— most of us, — derived from cisterns not quite pure. And
in this effort we have not been altogether without success,
some persons having been led, and some even driven, to
take up this study in a more serious way. To the praise
which you so freely bestow upon me, what answer can I
make except this, that you are subject to a loving hallucina-
tion with regard to Erasmus ? So much in reply to your
epistle written at Paris on the i6th of March. f
As to the letter brought back by Nesen, a very trusty and
sincere friend, — what message you may have entrusted to
Calvus, or what he may have conveyed to me, I do not
recollect ; he certainly never met me at Basel, nor was
anything in writing received by me there from him. At
Louvain he had extorted from me a prolix letter to Grolier,
* Thomas Aquinas and Duns Scotus. In a letter to Thomas Grey,
also included in Farrago^ and translated in our first volume, Epistle 59,
^- Erasmus had described the little sympathy which he then had for the Scotistic
theology. See vol. i. pp. 1 41-144. Some such feeling had probably been
expressed in the earlier letter to his present correspondent.
t ad epistolam quam Lutetiae scripseras decimo Calend. April. C. In the
above translation I have ventured to correct this date by the addition of the
word septimOi which is found after decimo in the date of the letter referred
to, but is here, apparently by accident, omitted. See p. 318, where, if my
other dates are right, the year-date supplied should be 1517, not 15 18.
N'o Answer received from Grolier 405
the Prefect of Insiibria,* with a promise of mountains of
gold, as the saying is. You will have seen my letter, which
has been published. He boasts of Grolier having written
an answer, when I have myself no assurance as yet, whether
my letter has been delivered to him.f
You say, that a letter is soon to come to me from Stephen
Poncher, the Archbishop of Paris, about some matters of
importance. To me it will be itself a matter of import-
ance, if so great a person, for w^hom I have the highest
regard, shall have written to me. For the rest, I do not
care about a great fortune to which an equal burden is
attached, my mind having always loved ease and liberty, and
hated the noise and bustle of affairs.
As to what you have written to Dorpius, Nesen has been
so far from telling me about it, that I had not even heard
from him, that you had written. A very few days ago I did
hear, that Hermann Frieslander had delivered to Dorpius
a letter from you, finding fault with him for something.
I should be sorry, my Berauld, if there should be any
bitterness between you ; for if Dorpius is in fault, it is the
effect of his readiness to oblige rather than of any mischievous
intention. That the Theologians are in some measure
becoming more wise, and in some measure more moderate, I
am very glad to hear, — not so much on my account as on
their own !
Now, not to leave the letter, brought me by Hermann
Frieslander, altogether without answer, — I may add that
* The word Insubria appears to be used as the name of the district of
Lombardy now called the Milanese, which was at that time in French occupa-
tion, and in which we have seen that Grolier collected the rents and taxes
belonging to the Government, this being no doubt part of his duty as Prefect.
See before, pp. 362, 363.
I The letter of Erasmus to Grolier is translated as Epistle 791, in this
volume. We have no evidence (except the above hint) of any answer on the
part of the French scholar.
4o6 Intercourse with Hermann Frieslander
this young person was earnestly recommended to me by
many of my correspondents, and I am obliged to them all,
having by their means become acquainted with a character
which is in so many ways worthy of love. The only thing
he wanted was a meeting and a talk, and I have not been
loth to give him my company so far as it did not interfere
with my literary work. In my turn I commend him to you,
that you may like him more than ever for my sake.
Antwerp, 9 August, [15 17].*
The correspondent addressed in the following letter, William Hue,
is entitled in the address, Dean of the Church of Paris.f A later
Epistle of Erasmus to Berauld, dated the i6th of February, 1521, —
C. 634 (566), — contains the following passage, which probably
refers to this letter: " Challenged by your letter, I had written to
Dean Hue, and he is so absolutely silent, that he may seem to have
been offended by the liberty I had taken. If he is, do be so good
as to make my peace with the man, whom you wished to make my
friend." We may conjecture, that Berauld had misunderstood some
observation of Dean Hue, and that the latter, without any hostile
feeling, had no ambition to become himself a correspondent of
Erasmus.
Epistle 593c. Farrago ; Ep. xi. 22 ; C. 335 (326).
Erasmus to William Hue.
Nicolas Berauld, a man born for the Graces, is making
a wonderful effort in his letters to brin": vou and me into
correspondence ; and supposing this were to be a rivalry
of erudition or of eloquence, he could not propose to me
anything more formidable than such a suggestion. In this
* AntuerpijE, v. Idus August. Farrago.
t Guilielmo Hueo, Parisiensis Ecclesije Decano.
William Hue Dean of Paris 407
tourney, he says, he had rather be challenged by you than
be himself the challenger, being withal a person eminently
practised in every kind of literary composition. When,
between two persons fairly matched, the one who strikes
the first blow is always held to be the more audacious,
who would say that there is any lack of assurance or of
courage, if a Thersites like myself ventures to challenge an
Achilles ? * On an occasion when no one is hindered by
his rank or fortune from rivalling the greatest persons t in
love and goodwill, and he is considered the more modest
who strikes the first blow, I have not been afraid of yielding
to your wish and that of Berauld. Accordingly in this letter
a man of the greatest erudition is challenged by one of little
learning, and a person of the highest character by one who
can make no such claim, but who nevertheless will not yield
in the interchange of affection.
I hear with the greatest pleasure, that the Academy of
Paris to her ancient studies, for which she has hitherto had
and still retains the highest reputation, is now eagerly
adding an acquaintance with the three Tongues ; and that
on every occasion of theological discussion she is recurring
to the purest springs of the Sacred Volumes, having no
common feeling with those few scholars, — not her best
friends, — who think that this learning is opposed to true
Theology, when in fact none is more serviceable to honest
studies of every kind. This result I attribute in part to
the candour of the French intellect, and in part to the
wisdom of that excellent Prelate, Stephen Poncher — a
person having a divine commission for the advancement
of learning and piety, — but most of all, to the best of
* quis diceret, quicquam esse mihi vel frontis vel cordis, si Thersites
Achillem ausim lacessere ? So C I have ventured, in my translation, for
esse to read deesse, which the sense appears to require.
t quominus quum {i-ead cum) quamlibet magnis . . . certet. C.
4o8 Good Report of Paris University
Sovereigns, King Francis. We alone cannot yet take the
same congratulation to ourselves ; but our outlook is not
without hope. May Christ, Best and Greatest, bring it to
pass that, as our Princes do everywhere favour and foster
rightly directed studies, so they may embrace a Philosophy
worthy of persons who are His Vice-gerents ; and that
thus, being far removed from barbaric tyranny, they may
not by their ambition destroy the tranquillity, and at the
same time the liberty, of the Christian world. While they
encourage that Literature, whereby the atchievements of
Princes are handed down to the memory of Posterity, may
they endeavour to make their own actions such as may
deserve to be celebrated by the suffrage of all future
ages !
Farewell, best of men, whom I shall henceforth reckon
among those of the name of William, who are my Provi-
dential friends.
Antwerp, 9 August, [15 17].*
In reading the concluding words of this letter to William Hue, it
may be remembered, that Erasmus in an earlier Epistle, addressed to
William Bude, called attention to the prevalence of the name of
William among his patrons and friends, a like observation having
been made in a more general way by his correspondent. See our
vol. ii. pp. 472, 497, 498.
The following Epistle, addressed to Peter Gillis upon the death of
his father, and apparently written not long after the event, t is printed
in the Epistolse ad Diversos with the date, Loiianij, and in the Opus
EpistolaruiJi with the date, LovaniJ, Anno millesimo quingentesimo
decimo riono. Assuming, as we may safely do, the date of place to
* Antuerpise, v. Idus Augusti. See the observations upon the year-date of
this and the preceding Epistles, pp. 377, 387.
t The elder Gillis appears to have died in the second week of November,
1517. See before, pp. 137, 145, 150.
Epistle to Gillis upon his Father s deaUi 409
be trustworthy, the letter may be attributed to the winter of 15 17-8,
and was probably written during the residence of Erasmus, as the
guest of Naevius, at the Lilian College, Louvain, in December, 15 17,
before his journey to Basel. See pp. 145, 154, 158.
Epistle 690. Epistolae ad Diversos, p. 654; Epist.
xvii. 17; C. 541 (495).
Erasi?iiis to Peter Gillis.
Considering that in human affairs there is so complete an
absence of perpetuity, that nothing can be even of long
continuance, you ought not so much to be distressed by the
loss of a father, as to congratulate yourself upon having had
such a parent. I beseech you, turn your glance round upon
all the families of your city, and take counsel with yourself,
whether you would have chosen any other father, if some
god had granted you the power to do so. Either I am much
mistaken, or you would not wish for any other than you have
had. And he too may be reckoned to have been among the
happy men, if there be any happiness at all in this life.
Assume it to be a blessing to live long ; he had reached his
eightieth year, with his limbs so sound, and his eyesight so
good, that he had no need of either walking-stick or spectacles,
while the first touch of grey had scarcely begun to tinge
the blackness of his hair ; and what was happiest of all, as
it is most rare, — his mind was perfect in all its faculties. If
an auspicious marriage be a blessing, that blessing was twice
allotted to him, his second union being in this respect the
happier, that it gave to an excellent husband a number of
excellent children, of whom he saw many not only con-
tinuing alive, but adult and promoted to some honorable
position. And, as his own life was so spent among his
fellow citizens that no foul rumour ever cast any aspersion
4IO Character of the elder Gillis
upon his reputation, so his children were all brought up
in such a fashion, that none of them ever gave him occasion
for regret or shame. What character will you find more
holy than your father's, — what more blameless than your
mother's ? How dearly did he love his wife, and with what
veneration did she regard her husband ! It is not always
the case, that the best parents have the best children ; but
how little distress did Death occasion him, when he saw
that he should survive in children such as his ! When that
elder Nicolas kissed your own sweet child Nicolas, he did
not seem to himself to be dying.
His fortune, without being very large, was adequate ; and
what in these days is rare, it was honestly acquired. He
had chosen a profession, which, without any sharp practice,
brought him in an income sufficient both for maintaining his
family and for relieving his poor neighbours, to whom he
was most liberal ; while to his children he has left what
would be an honest maintenance, even if they had no
accession of income from any other quarter. He filled
several high offices in his city, and might have held others
still more important, if he had been ambitious to do so ; and
of those which he did hold, the duties were so performed as
to give no occasion of complaint to any one.
Domestic discord was as hateful to him as any plague ;
while at the same time his good-nature was such, that he
never had a quarrel with any fellow townsman, being rather
disposed to give up his strict right, if he saw that concord
could not otherwise be maintained. No one ever heard him
utter a word, that was either frivolous, obscene, or calum-
nious. In so populous a city he had not a single enemy ;
and when he died, he was lamented as a father by most of
his neighbours, and especially by the poor.
With what patience did he bear the tortures which he
suffered for several days ! For no death is more painful
than that which is caused by the disorder from which he ^
Hoiv to be fionoiircd by his Son 411
died.* On his death-bed, he had no other charge to give
his children, but the maintenance of concord and piety,
while he left his property so distributed among his heirs,
that it was of no importance which portion was chosen by
any of them ; and no person was to be found who could say,
that there was a farthing owing to him. Does it not seem
an act of ingratitude to mourn for such a parent ? Should
you not rather be thankful for so blessed a memory, and
wish him joy upon being wafted from the billows of this life
into the haven of Immortality ?
Continue therefore to commemorate your father by the
integrity of your own character, as you have hitherto done ;
and so frame your son from his tender years, that he may
recall his grandfather, not only by the name he bears, but
by the holiness of his life, while he may commemorate his
father, and his uncle too, by his erudition. Let him at once
suck in the decrees of Evangelical wisdom, even as the milk
of his soul ; let him imbibe the seeds of both Literatures,
and send kisses to his parent with charming prattle in Greek
and in Latin ; and so, my Peter, may you live on with your
Cornelia to a happy old age, and in the best of children find
that pleasure which brings with it the highest honour.
Farewell, incomparable friend.
Louvain [December 1517].!
* mors quse accidit ex obturatis urinas viis.
t Louanij. Ep. ad div. Louanii Anno millcsimo quingentesimo decimo
nono. Opus Epist. Upon this date see an observation in i)p. 408, 409.
CHAPTER LIT.
Summer and early autumn of 1518. Journey of Erasmus
to Basel; Arrival on Ascension-day^ May 13/
Epistles of Erasmus to Barhier and More in May ;
to Pirckheimer in June; of Gillis to Erasmus in
June ; of Erasmus to Bomhasius in July ; Corres-
pondence with Zasi ; Epistle to Pucci, Papal Legate ;
Dedication of Second Edition of New Testament to
Pope Leo ; Epistles to Oswald^ and to Boniface
Amerhach in August; Brief of Pope Leo approving
Erasmus s work, 10 September. Epistles 801 to 811.
When, after the retrospect contained in our last Chapter (see
pp. 377, 386) we pass on to the summer of 1518^ we may first observe,
that the three Letters, bearing date at Louvain, the 29th of April,
1 51 8, which are translated at the end of our Fiftieth Chapter,
are the last Epistles that we have of Erasmus, which can be attributed
to that year before his journey to Basel. This journey, for which
he had been long preparing, appears to have been begun on the last
day of April, and to have been completed on Ascension-day, May 13.
We have no further particulars of the journey, but we may gather
from the following Epistle, and from later letters, that it was more
than usually fatiguing and laborious, on account of the excessive heat
of an early summer. By the two following Epistles, written some
days after his arrival at Basel, Erasmus sent to Barbier at Brussels,
Secretary of Chancellor Le Sauvage, the ' Maecenas ' of Erasmus at
this time (see Epistle 801), and to More in London the news of his
completed journey and of the sickness which had followed it, and also
some account of the work upon which he was engaged, including a
revised edition of the New Testament in the original tongue, with
his own Latin translation and notes. This edition was published in
the summer or autumn of 1518.
Journey of Erasmus to Basel 413
Epistle 801. C. 1680 (284).
Erasmus to Peter Barbier,
1 just reached Basel on Ascension day after a journey of
some difficulty, especially on account of the heat. The
New Testament is now being printed.
In this place and throughout all Germany a new sort of
epidemic is rampant, which, with cough, head-ache, and <
severe pain in the stomach, is attacking a vast number of
people, — killing many, but leaving the greater proportion
of patients alive. I was myself seized ten days after my
arrival, and have now been suffering severely for some days.
I was so far advanced in mv work, that I should have been
free to leave this place within three months, had my health
been sound ; but we must yield to the Fates. If my
excellent Maecenas is well, and if you are well, I have
reason to bear more calmly my own infelicity. Farewell.
I wrote some time ago both to you and to the Chancellor
from Louvain, as you had so bidden me. I wish every
happiness to Guy.*
Basel, the morrow of Trinity Sunday (31 May), 1518.!
On the same day Erasmus sends a few lines to More, of whom we
have already read as a busy Minister in the Court of King Henry.
See p. 342. Of the three copies of Erasmus's second edition of the
* Guy Morillon is mentioned in a previous letter of Erasmus to Barbier, as
a crony {congerro) of his correspondent, in whose name he had written to
Erasmus. See Epistle 759, pp. 303, 306.
t Basilea postridie Trinitatis, sive i. Junii, Anno 15 18. C. Trinity Sunday
is the first Sunday after Whitsuntide, which in this year, with Easter day on
the 4th of April, appears to have fallen on the 23rd of May. This would put
Trinity Sunday on the 30th of May, and the morrow on the 31st. If this is
right, we must reject the words, sive i. Junii^ as a mistaken explanation,
probably added by the Leyden editor or his assistant.
J
414 New Testament printed on Vellum
New Testament, printed on vellum, which are mentioned in this letter,
and for one of which Tunstall had given an order, I cannot give any
further account. It is probable that the value of their material may
have led to their demolition, while a paper copy was more convenient
for use.
Epistle 802. C. 1680 (285).
Erasmus to More.
We just reached Basel on Ascension day after a journey
of some difficulty on account of the heat, — arriving never-
theless without damage. But there is now raging throughout
all Germany a new sort of epidemic, — in which the patient
suffers from a cough, with such a head-ache at the same time
as in some cases drives him to phrensy, and which is accom-
panied with dysentery. Some friends had written me word,
that the disease was extinct, but I had an attack on the tenth
day after my arrival, and have now been suffering from it
for several days. Many persons have been killed by it, but
more patients recover.
The New Testament work is proceeding. I have had
three copies printed on vellum, for one of which Tunstall
had given an order. If my health had only been good for
two months, I should have brought the work to that point
that it might have been finished in my absence ; but we are
driven by the Fates, and to the Fates we must yield. If the
Powders above permit, we shall return to Brabant next
September. The work nevertheless cannot be completed
before the next Fair. Please let Tunstall know all this.
Basel, the morrow of Trinity (31 May), 1518.*
The Fair, at which Erasmus appears to have hoped that his second
Edition of the New Testament would be ready for publication, was, we
* Basilea postridie Trinitatis, sive i. Junii, Anno 15 18. C. Upon this date
see a note at the foot of the last preceding Epistle.
Numerous Reprints of Testament 415
may presume, the Fair held at Frankfort in the month of September,
of which we find mention, with a similar reference to the sale of
books, in previous letters. See vol. ii. pp. 181, 205, 389. The
second edition of this important work, which included the text in the
original Greek, with a revised Latin translation and a Commentary
by the editor, appears in fact to have been published by Froben
towards the end of the autumn of 15 18. It has, prefixed to it, a letter
addressed by Pope Leo X. to Erasmus, and dated at Rome, 10 Sep-
tember, 15 18, in which the Pontiff bestows his high approval upon the
previous edition, and encourages the editor to extend and republish his?
work. The further history of this important publication is of no slight
interest. Before a year had passed, a third edition was printed at
Basel, and the work was also reprinted in the same year at Strasburg
and at Venice. In March, 15 19, it was again reprinted at Basel and
also at Louvain ; and during the following years was so often re-
printed, that before Erasmus's death in June, 1536, more than seventy
editions appear to have issued from the Press.*
Epistle 803, addressed to Wilibald Pirckheimer, in 151S without
date of month, is the somewhat tardy reply of Erasmus to Epistle 651,
pp. 84-87, ascribed to the autumn of 15 17, which included, p. 87, the
invitation to Nuremberg mentioned at the close of the following letter.
It appears by the opening words, that Pirckheimer's epistle had been
in some way delayed in transmission.
Epistle 803. Farrago, p. 68 ; Ep. iv. 13. C. 384 (374).
Erasmus to Pirckheimer. -^
I cannot tell by whose fault it is, that your more prolix
epistle has come so late to my hands. That letter has made
it clear to me, that Wilibald, of whose kindness, integrity
and erudition I was fully aware before, is also endowed with
singular prudence, and a greatness of mind which well
becomes a man of no ordinary station.
I might easily obtain some fortune from Princes, if I were
* See Bibliotheca Eras7niana, Ghent, 1893.
t Erasmus Roterodamus LJilibaldo suo S. D. Farra<io.
4i6 Epistle to Pirckheimer
not too fond of Liberty ; but everything seems dearly
bought, which is purchased at the expense of that ; and
content with the tiny provision which I have, further events
will not disturb me, whether they bring me any gain or none
at all. Would that I were not still poorer in that true wealth,
with which you describe me to be blessed.
Of what you have been doing, you give such an account
as quite carries me with you ; and it is characteristic of your
politeness, that you even thank me for an admonition, which
was rather bold than timely. Calling to mind, my Wilibald,
the agitations and the plots of these people, while I still
wonder what their meaning is, I am partly indignant and
partly grieved at their blindness and folly. It is the creed
of astrologers, that some plagues, of body as well as mind,
are sent to us from the Stars, while the Poets derive them
from the Regions below ! Homer throws the blame of such
disturbances upon Ate^ and others attribute a like influence
to the god Pan ; but the mischief, from whatever quarter it
comes, is fatal.
Of the Circumcised gentleman I have no call to make
any mention,* and deem it ominous even to name him.
Neither can I sav what has come into the head of Gratius,
that he should think of putting his learning at the service of
the folly, or rather the ambition, of certain persons, when
he seems to be endowed with such a genius as, judiciously
and rightly exerted, might have placed him in the ranks of
learned and eloquent men. As it is, he is known only by
one exploit, that he has fallen foul of Reuchlin and his
friends, and to the voiceless ill-will of others appears to
have contributed a mercenary advocacy.
How often have I wished to advise James Hochstraten
not to risk upon this controversy the fruit of so many years'
* de recutito non libet meminisse. Farrago. The translator cannot give
any further explanation.
Jaines Hochstraten 417
study, or to lower the character which he holds among the
learned by the pamphlets he is issuing. As I read them, the
thought comes constantly into my head, — would you could
see yourself with my eyes ! But I am so far from any
intimacy, that we do not even know each other by sight ;
and I can tell by experience, that even between friends, a
free admonition is not always a success ! I was therefore
afraid, lest in interfering on behalf of his good name, I might
be suspected of forwarding Reuchlin's business, with whom
my personal relations are friendly, while I take no interest
in his quarrel.
Hochstraten's character is proclaimed by some to be not
wanting in civility, while others give a different account of
him. I always prefer, myself, to believe the more favourable
estimate ; but, to confess the truth, when I had a taste of the
man's writings, I was driven to adopt a less favourable
opinion of him. He has several supporters to applaud him,
and cry, ' Hear, Hear ' ; and from the judgment or flattery
of these he estimates the opinion of the whole world !
*****
My New Testament, again renewed, will soon be issued.
Considerable labour has been spent upon it, but rather less
than I intended, on account of my health, by the feeble
condition of which we have to measure the day's work.f
My controversy with Lefevre is as distressing to me as it
is to you ]X and that upon many accounts, especially when I
think what a delightful story it makes for the enemies of
Good Letters. But some pains shall be taken, and I hope
not without success, to find a plaister to heal this wound.
Lefevre is dear to me after all ; and I think he has some
kind feeling left for me.
t ob ualetudinis aduersitatem, ex cujus uiriculis pcnsi modum metiamur
oportet. Farrago.
X See p. 87.
VOL. III. 2 E
41 8 Letter of Peter Gillis
As for paying you a visit, my most honoured Wilibald, I
should be glad if the doing of it were as easy as your kind
wish for it is sincere. Farewell.
Basel, [June] 1518.*
We learn from the opening words of the following Epistle, that
Gillis had written several letters to Erasmus since the latter had
left the Low Countries. These letters do not appear to have been
preserved.
Epistle 804. Farrago, p. 191 ; Ep. vii. 28; C. 462 (436).
Peter Gillis to Eras^nus.
I see you are very busy indeed, as you have sent no
answer to my last four letters. Not long since a courier
arrived here with your letter to John Naef; Francis was
away in England f when the man came ; and the letter was
at last brought to me with one from Froben, which I
received with a very hearty welcome.
Borssele has obtained the Deanery, as they call it ; % and
as he was travelling this way to Zeeland, he paid a visit to
US, and brought me the news of your arrival at Basel. This
I was delighted to hear, and very naturally too, when every
mention of you makes me jump for joy. I do beg, my
Erasmus, that if any opportunity occurs, you will not be
loth to send some sort of letter to your Fylades, as that
is the name by which you fitly, and no less sincerely address
me. I have been wondering not a little at your not having
answered my letter already, especially as you have mean-
* BasilecB. Anno m.d.xviii. Farrago. See, as to date, p. 415.
t Francis, — apparently a courier, — is mentioned again towards the end of
the letter as having returned from England. Erasmus seems to have depended
upon him to deliver in the proper quarter the letter addressed to Naef.
+ Borssele was ' Dean ' of Veer, in Zeeland, where the head of his family
was lord. See vol. i. p 175.
The Julius Exclusus 4^9
time written twice to Naef. Bade has been with us here,
and we had a jovial time together ; Lefevre of Etaples was
mentioned during supper ; he is sorry to have ever pro-
voked Erasmus, and is not going to answer before the Greek
Calends. Paulus ^mihus has delivered the remaining
books of his history to Bade for the press. I understand
that Bude is making a collection of Epistles ; no doubt he
will have them published, for the admiration and improve-
ment of all the learned. * * *
A dialogue, — I do not know by what author, but evidently
a man of learning, — with the title of J-ulius^ is for sale every-
where here.f Every one is buying it, every one is talking
of it, and I shall very much like you to see it ; but I have
no doubt it is also for sale where you are.
The most illustrious Prince Ferdinand has auspiciously
arrived here, accompanied by some of our nobility. I am
told, that he is a person of agreeable and affable manners, of
excellent character, and moreover a fluent Latin scholar.
Marcus Laurinus has passed some days with me. Our
whole talk was of you, and he bade me give his kindest
greeting to you. Sixtinus has sent me a letter. I hear no
news of More. Francis, after coming from England, is
going off to Paris. If Beatus Rhenanus is in the best of
health, I send him my hearty congratulations.
My little wife, who is now near her confinement, sends
you more than a thousand good wishes.
Antwerp, 19 June, [1518].!:
t For the history of the Julius Exclusus, unquestionably a work of
Erasmus, see before p. 384, and in our vol. ii. pp. 446-449, 514, 610. This
dialogue — an altercation between the deceased Pope Julius and St. Peter at
the door of Paradise, — may be read in the Appendix to Jortin's Life of
Erasmus, vol. ii. p. 600. The unsuspecting ignorance of Gillis about its
authorship may perhaps have been assumed, to provide for the case of his
letter falling into some other hand before its delivery to Erasmus.
\ Antuuerpise, xix. Junij. Farrago.
2 E 2
420 Letter to Bombasiiis in Switzerland
The following letter of Erasmus to Paulus Bombasius, dated from
Basel on the 26th of July, 1518, after Erasmus had been more than
two months at that place, appears to have been written in answer to
Epistle 704, addressed by Bombasius to Erasmus from Zurich on the
6th of December, 1517; see before, p. 174. In that letter will be found
a friendly reference to the intercourse of the writer with Richard Pace,
whose return to England and favourable reception by the King are
mentioned in the following Epistle. The description here given of the
English Court, and the estimate formed at that time by Erasmus of
the character of Henry VIII. are of some interest. See pp. 421, 422.
Not less so are his vague anticipations of a great revolution in European
politics.
Epistle 805. Auctarium, p. 36 ; Ep. ii. 24 ; C. 401 (377).
Erasmus to Paulus Bombasius.
Yes indeed. To what place in the world should that
martial, that fearless spirit of Bombasius betake itself more
kindly than to Switzerland ? Neither is there any fear of
your being frozen here, as Trebatius was in Britain, when
you have these stoves everywhere to keep you warm even
in mid-winter. I had put off answering your letters, as I
was quite reckoning upon meeting you in person, either at
Rome or in Switzerland.
I have fallen in here with the Apostolic Legate, Antonio
Pucci. He is a person to be valued for many excellent
accomplishments, but he has no better title to my regard,
than his hearty good-will to Bombasius. When he had
transferred his quarters to Basel, he lost no time in sending
his people to greet me, with an invitation to breakfast and
a talk. To cut the story short, his other guests were my ~
shadows, — I mean they were persons whom, being known
and dear to me, he had invited on my account, — especially
Beatus and the Amerbachs, who are likewise known to you.
He has been himself, great person as he is, obliged to come
Description of the English Court 421
down into this grinding-mill, if he wanted to shake hands
with Erasmus ! But why, you will ask, should Erasmus
give himself such airs ? My answer is, that my apparent
haughtiness and incivility were not intended, but the result
of a grievous sickness, from which I have been suffering for
more than a month, and which, after intervals of relief, has
so repeatedly returned, that I have fetched the doctors in,
which I do not often do, unless I am pretty well tired of
life ; but this illness still holds on, as if it were quite
resolved to capture the fortress.
Pace, after his return to Switzerland, has often greeted
me, — not with letters but with regular volumes. But we
have not had the chance of a talk together, as he was soon
recalled by his King to England. I do not wonder at your
attachment to him, — like to like.* Among his own people,
he is indescribably dear to all, especially to his gracious
King, and to the incomparable Cardinal. You know, most
excellent Bombasius, how I have always shrunk from the
Courts of Princes, judging the life which is led there to be
nothing but splendid misery, with a masquerade of happi-
ness ; but into such a Court as that one might well be
pleased to remove, if youth could be recalled. The King,
the most sensible monarch of our age,t is delighted with
good books, and the Queen is well instructed, — not merely
in comparison with her own sex, — and is no less to be
respected for her piety than her erudition. With such
sovereigns those persons have the greatest influence, who
excel in learning and in prudence. Thomas Linacre is
their physician, a man whom it is needless for me to charac-
terize, when by his published books he has made himself suffi-
ciently known. Cuthbert Tunstall is Master of the Rolls,
* It appears by the introduction to Pace's book, that it was by the approval
of Bombasius that he had been encouraged to publish his little work, with
which Erasmus was not so well pleased. See pp. 249, 250, 315.
t Rex, omnium quos habet haec aetas cordatissimus.
422 Relation of Erasmus and Lefevre
an office which is of the highest dignity in that country,
and when I name him, you cannot believe what a world of
all good qualities is implied. Thomas More is one of the
Council, the supreme delight, not of the Muses only, but of
Pleasantry and of the Graces, of whose genius you have
been able to gain some scent from his books. Pace, with a
character near akin, is the King's Secretary ; William, lord
Mountjoy, is at the head of the Queen's household, and
John Colet is the Preacher. I have only named the chief
people. John Stokesley, who beside that scholastic Theo-
logy, in which he yields place to none, is also well versed
in the Three Tongues, is one of the Chaplains. A palace
filled with such men, may be called a Temple of the Muses
rather than a Court. What Athens, what Porch, what
Lyceum would you prefer to a Court like that ?
Your congratulation about Lefevre is as painful to me
as our conflict was against my wishes. I should have been
glad, indeed, if he had been more moderate in his attack.
But so it is, — no one is always wise ; and what is amiss in the
matter may be imputed to my ill-luck. For what else could
I do? Lefevre is a man of high character, learned, humane,
and moreover a friend of former days, — but of that happiness
some evil Genius appears to have been jealous, — and even
now my feeling for the man is such, that it will be very
painful to me if anyone thinks worse of him on my account.
Some persons, who find a pleasure in these duels, are
spreading a rumour of recrimination ; but between ourselves
we are agreed, and we shall not allow so old and so sincere
a friendship to be effaced by one little cloud of discord. If
there was some bitterness between Barnabas and Paul,*
what wonder if in the relations between ns there is some
human weakness ?
How much credit is attributed to my writings by learned
* See Acts, xv. 39.
News from the East and elsewhere 423
persons where you are, I do not know. Here it is certain
that more is attributed to them than I can acknowledge,
although there are some who bark loudly against them ; but
these are for the most part people, who either do not read
what I have written, or will read it to no purpose, whatever
it may be. Certainly if I were not encouraged by the fair
judgment of so many excellent men, I should long ago have
regretted the sleepless hours which I am employing to the
best of my power in the furtherance of our common studies,
principally of sacred subjects.
The rumours which are current about the Turks, are
subject to general suspicion, because it has been so often
found, that the oarsmen look in one direction while the
boat is propelled in the other. In no case is the saying
more true, tcl ttoWo, ra iroXeixov Kevd.* But whatever is
going on in your parts, I pray that it may turn out for
the benefit of all, seeing that a great revolution in human
affairs is being taken in hand, not without risk.f
You bring bitter news of Marcus Musurus and Palaeotus ;
but these events lie in the lap of the gods. Faustus has died
among the French, and Andrew Ammonius in Britain, of
whom one had a long reign at Paris, and the other would
have risen to the highest rank, if a longer life had been
granted him. Do, I pray, take the best care you can oi your
health.
Basel, 26 July, 15 184
* Most war-budgets are empty, — most war news is unreliable.
f Suscipitur enim ingens rerum humanarum commutatio non sine dis-
crimine.
X Basile?e, septimo Calend. Augusti, Anno m.d.xviii. The date of year
is consistent with the circumstances mentioned in the letter, the death of
Ammonius having taken place in London, early in the autumn of 15 17 (see
p. 2), and that of Musurus later in the same autumn at Rome, (See Epist.
704, p. 176).
424 Epistle of Ulrich Zdsi
With the following interchange of letters dated in August, 15 18,
between Erasmus and Ulrich Zasi (Udalricus Zasius), an elderly
Professor of Law in the University of Freiburg in Breisgau, we return
to a correspondence, begun in our previous volume,* which is not with-
out interest, as bearing upon the character of Erasmus, and the im-
pression made by his manner and conversation upon those who were
so fortunate as to become personally known to him. Zasi appears to
have been, upon Erasmus's request, introduced by Bruno Amerbach to
the printer Froben ; and we gather from the following Epistle of Zasi
to Erasmus, and from that written by Erasmus in reply, that Zasi was
proposing to publish a work, for the printing of which he desired
to employ the Basel press. In an earlier Epistle to Zasi, dated
23 September, 15 14, Erasmus had deprecated the too complimentary
tone of his correspondent's address ; t and the opening clause of the
following Epistle may well have given him the same impression,
while it serves to show to the modern reader the profound respect
with which Erasmus was regarded by an industrious literary con-
temporary.
Epistle 806. Auctarium, p. 203; Ep. iii. 38 ; C. 336 (328).
Zdsi to Erasimis.
Our Julian, great Erasmus, is right in judging those
diplomatic questions to be not only difficult but insoluble,
which will not admit of explanation except with a Sovereign. %
For I often observe a like difficulty in myself, when I give
up attempting to discuss a literary question with you, because
I recognise that I have to do with a Prince of Learning,
whom it is difficult, if not impossible, to meet on equal
* See our vol. ii. pp. 159, 161, 164, 230, 232.
t See vol. ii. p. 163.
I Recte Julianus noster, magne Erasme, impossibilia, non modo difificilia,
judicat, quae non nisi cum Principe explicari poterunt. For the word impossi-
bilia we may perhaps be disposed to read insolubilia. It does not appear,
who was the Julian, whose judgment is approved in the first line.
Devotion of the Writer to Erasmus 425
terms. Accordingly you must not think me guilty of any
want of respect, because I have not hitherto addressed any
letter to you. A prince is not lightly to be approached ;
and although I was aware of many things, when I was in
your company, and have met with many since, which furnished
ample material for writing, still that first glance of your eyes
and a certain dignity of gesture so affected my courage, that,
although I had thought it fairly out beforehand how I should
receive you, still when actually in your presence, I could
scarcely move my lips, and pronounce in stuttering hesitation
a few mutilated phrases. This first introduction having come
off" badly, nothing afterwards occurred to put me before you
as the person you thought me to be. I had had some anti-
cipation that this would be the case, but I wanted at any
rate to see you, even if I marred in so doing a higher im-
pression which you might have had of me. For I set more
value upon a personal acquaintance with you, even with a
depreciation of myself, than upon a higher opinion which
you might falsely form of me in my absence. Your quiet
movements, and eloquent words flowing like a stream from a
living spring, your admirable politeness and gravity, resting
upon a foundation of the most charming courtesy, — who is
there that can fail to observe these qualities ? who indeed
would not desire to admire and enjoy them, even if it were
at no little cost? You may form concerning me what opinion
you please, for I must take my place somewhere ; but the
life that I lead, the breath I breathe, seems for the first time
to have become a profitable possession, since I have seen
Erasmus, — that divine person, — than whom, since the time
of Cicero and the Fabii, no age has possessed a more learned
man, or one that would take precedence of him in divine
and human knowledge and in admirable eloquence. To be
censured by you with human sympathy I like better than to
be praised by others, so long as you do not fail me, — so long
as you let me remain among your clients. Farewell, and do
426 Aitswei' of Erasmus to Zdsi
not withdraw your favour from Boniface,* a truly Erasmic
man. To Beatus Rhenanus, a most accomplished friend,
and to the Amerbachs (good heavens ! what excellent, what
eloquent souls !) I wnsh every blessing.
Excuse my unpolished style. Embarrassed as I am by the
sentences, which I have to forge for feudal uses, it may well
be that for another kind of work I am not my own master.
Freiburg, 13 August, I5i8.f
The following eulogistic Epistle, addressed to Zasi in answer to
the letter last printed, expresses the readiness of Erasmiisto accept
the friendship of his correspondent, — a person apparentl)?^of some
importance in his own country, and not withour"TnHuence at the
Imperial Court, wdio w'as preparing to publish a work upon Feudal
Law^, and with whom Erasmus had lately had a personal interview.
Epistle 807. Auctarium, p. 205 ; Ep. iii. 39 ; C. 347 (330).
Erasmus to Zdsi.
In my correspondence with a person, best among the
good, and most learned among the learned, I can come to
no conclusion but this : that in your letter to me you are
your true self, while you always make me unlike what I am,
— great instead of small, happy instead of most unfortunate,
and a very chieftain of Learning instead of a person having a
trifling touch of literature, — to sum up with a Greek pro-
verbial phrase, an Elephant in place of a Fly. And yet I
am pleased with a likeness, in which I am magnificently
* Boniface must be taken, 1 presume, for Boniface Amerbach, who is also
included with his brothers two lines below. The writer probably refers to
something said about Boniface in a previous letter of Erasmus.
t Ex Friburgo, Idibus Augustiis. Anno m.d.xviii.
Z'cisi encouraged to publish his book 427
rather than aptly represented. It is as if some Apelles
exhibited a fine portrait painted with the utmost skill, but
not answering to the original, — for indeed there is no feature
in it, which I can recognize as mine. But seeing that upon
the character of Ziisi there falls no shadow of insincerity, I
must allow you to indulge your love, — or your ingenuity, —
provided that in your turn you let me observe that modesty,
which habitually leads me in my relations with my friends
to be more effusive of love than of compliments, — or, if the
occasion should arise for praising them, to do so rather in
the hearing of others than of themselves ; or, if after all it is
to be done in their presence, — I prefer to do it in rather
sparing terms.
But I beseech you, what is the loss of which you tell me ?
Although I had formerly thought very highly of Zasi,
my opinion of you has so risen since our interview, that I
seem to myself to have been up to that time quite ignorant
of your greatness. I had expected only a person learned in
the Law, distinguished and admirable as such, and nothing
more. But what is there in the mysteries of Theology or in
the wrestlings of Theologians, which does not appear to
have been thought out and examined by you ? ,, What part
of Philosophy is there, in which you are not so versed that
it might well seem to be the only part which you had
studied ? What book is there of any note, either of the
ancient or of recent authors, which you have not looked
into, — have not imbibed ? And, indeed, I observe that those
secrets which make a man wise and holy, have been the
special objects of your study. Your command of language
was shown by your letters, written as they were in a careless
and more than extemporary way ; but I was not prepared for
that rich and exuberant river of speech, ready to flow in any
direction, whatever occasion might call for it, your language
of conversation being a match for your written style. Who
could fail to admire so vigorous an intellect, so ready and so
428 Revised New Testament completed
copious a memory, associated with a grey head ? I shall
not dwell upon your character, than which nothing can be
more serious, more honest, or more sweet ; so marvellously
has the entire Zasi been tempered by that best of artists,
Philosophy. But I have begun, scarcely knowing where I
was, to enter upon the field of your praises. I now repeat
my prayer, that you will at length allow those finished
lucubrations of yours to see the light. Permit this useful
accession to the credit of Germany, to whom indeed the
name of Zasi is already well known, while it is worthy to
be made known to the whole world, and to become an
object of celebration and applause to Posterity. Whatever
else appertains to this subject you will learn from Boniface
Amerbach. Our own assistance shall be so given, where
required, that you will clearly see that we are sincerely
devoted to you.
Farewell, most learned Doctor and incomparable friend.
Basel, 23 August, 15 18.*
Towards the end of August, 15 18, the revisal of Erasmus's work
on the New Testament, with its renewed dedication to Pope Leo,
appears to have been completed. The following letter was then
addressed to the Pope's representative in the country where the work
was to be published. This Epistle was probably sent from Basel to
Bern, in which city, as a sort of Federal Capital of Switzerland, we
may conjecture that the Papal Legate was residing. The letter, —
which appears, from its concluding words, to have been written,
wholly or in part^ upon the landing-place at Basel, from whence the
writer was preparing to embark on his journey to Louvain, — is of
interest, as containing an apology for this most important work, for
which, with the aid of his correspondent, he desired to obtain a
Commendatory Brief from the Pope.
* Basilese, decimo Cal. Septembres. An. m.d.xviii.
Epistle to the Papal Legate 429
Epistle 808. Farrago; Ep. v. 26; C. 348 (331).
Erasmus to Antonio Piicci^ Legate Apostolic in Switzerland.
Most Reverend Father, I fear your Eminence* has long
since in your own mind regarded Erasmus as guilty, not
only of a want of politeness, but of signal ingratitude, when,
having experienced such ready kindness at your hands, he
fails to acknowledge his obligation even by a letter. But if
you are aware what perils I have meantime been undergoing,
— a cough which lasted more than a month having been
followed by a most cruel diarrhoea, — while at the same time
I was compelled to supply the material for the volume
which I had in hand, — I am quite sure you will be further
sorry, that I have so ample an excuse.
We had reached the period when it was time for me to
think of putting the New Testament in form ; f and now the
Plague, breaking out all around, is driving us away before
the completion of a work, in our zeal for which we have
hitherto disregarded, not money only, but life itself, — so
anxious was I, that the book, which I had once dedicated to
the Tenth Leo, — might be made worthy of him. For the
first edition did not satisfy me in every particular ; although
even that is approved by all the most accomplished and
learned persons, an outcry having been raised against it only
by a few sycophants, who were not men of learning, and
had never read the book, and who, moreover, while they
barked at it in his absence, had not a word to say against it
in the presence of its compiler. It is now to go forth
afresh, and if I am not mistaken, so completed as not to
appear unworthy of Leo or of Posterity. It would be
vain for me to tell, — as none would believe, — what exertions
it has cost me ; I trust it may be proportionately service-
* tua celsitudo. t ^^ condendo Novo Testamento.
430 New Testament in Greek and Latin
able to the Christian Commonwealth, this being the only
object we have had in view; to which end your Sublimity
will be able to contribute no little assistance, if you will
not deem it too much trouble to obtain some sort of Brief
from the Pope, testifying that the work has his approval.
In this way the mouth of those few sycophants will be closed.
The two Cardinals, by whom I presented the former edition
to Pope Leo, had both written answers ; one of which was
addressed by Andrew Ammonius to this place, but was lost
on its way ; while the other, which Andrew kept in his own
hands, has been lost with him. We have written a few days
ago about this matter to Cardinal Grimani and to Paulus
Bombasius.
To prevent any scruple arising in your mind, I will explain
in a few words the plan of my work. Having first collated
several copies made by Greek scribes, we followed that which
appeared to be the most genuine ; and having translated this
into Latin, we placed our translation by the side of the
Greek text, so that the reader might readily compare the two,
the translation being so made, that it was our first study to
preserve, as far as was permissible, the integrity of the Latin
tongue without injury to the simplicity of the Apostolic
language.*
Our next care was to provide, that any sentences, which
had before given trouble to the reader, either by ambiguity
or obscurity of language, or by faulty or unsuitable expres-
sions, should be explained and made clear with as little
deviation as possible from the words of the original, and
none from the sense ; as to which we do not depend upon
any dreams of our own, but seek it out of the writings of
* These lines may be read as a brief apology for a new translation being
offered to the reader, in substitution for the Vulgate in its original or a
corrected form. Erasmus thought, that if the New Testament was to be
translated afresh for the sake of greater accuracy, it might as well be also in
more classical Latin.
Greek Text of Testament 431
Origen, Basil, Chrysostom, Cyril, Jerome, Cyprian, Ambrose,
or Augustine. Some annotations were added (which have
now been extended), wherein we inform the Reader, upon
whose authority this or that matter rests, relying always
upon the judgment of the old authors. We do not tear up
the Vulgate Edition, — which is however of uncertain author-
ship, though it is ascertained not to be the work of either
Cyprian or Ambrose or Hilary or Augustine or Jerome, —
but we point out where it is depraved, giving warning in
any case of flagrant error on the part of the translator, and
explaining it, where the version is involved or obscure. If
it is desirable, that we should have the Divine Books as free
from error in their text as possible, this labour of mine not
only corrects the mistakes which are found in copies of the
Sacred Volumes, but prevents their being depraved in future ;
and if it is wished that they should be rightly understood,
we have laid open more than six hundred passages,* which
up to this time have not been understood even by great
theologians. This they admit themselves, as indeed they
cannot deny it. If to that controvertial Theology, which
is almost too prevalent in the Schools, is to be added a
knowledge of the original sources, it is to this result that
our work especially leads. Therefore no kind of study is
impeded by our labour, but all are aided.
Although we have translated throughout the reading of
the Greek scribes, we still do not so approve it in every case,
as not in some instances to prefer our own text, pointing
out in every case, where the orthodox Latin writers agree
or disagree with the Greek.f It may be added, that the
* Plusquam sexcentos locos aperuimus.
t Where the Latin Vulgate version differed in sense from the Greek text,
which was printed and translated in Erasmus's volume, he appears, if I
understand him right, to have still admitted the possibiUty, that the Vulgate
version might be right, that is, — I presume, — that it might represent a Greek
original of more authority.
432 Papal approval solicited
variety of readings not only does not impede the study of
the Sacred Scriptures, but even assists it according to the
authority of St. Augustine ; neither indeed is this variety
ever so important as to lead to the peril of the Christian
faith.
To sum up the matter, I am either misled by the love of
my work, or it is destined to perform an important service
to sacred studies, and to secure for the Tenth Leo no small
honour in another generation, when Envy shall be still, and
the utility of the result shall be recognized ; which will be
both fuller and more mature, if the approbation of the
Supreme Shepherd is added. This approbation I desire
only to show, that he is pleased with the work on account
of the service it may render to sacred studies ; and for my
dedication of the book to him I ask no further reward. Some
other men might expect a present, or solicit a benefice ; I,
who have taken so much pains to be of service, shall think
that I have received an ample return, if that result shall
come to pass, for the sake of which I have undertaken so
many watches. Your Eminence will secure this object by
two words, and in so doing will do what will be pleasing
to Christ himself, and also to all students, — and especially
agreeable to Froben, who may make this claim, that there
is no printing-press to which Sacred Literature is more
indebted than to his.
The printing will be finished within three months, and if
the Brief be sent hither meantime, it may be prefixed to the
work. I do earnestly beg you to let me enjoy your help
in this matter ; I will promise in return, that all coming
centuries of the learned shall know that they are debtors
to Pucci.
I pray for every blessing on the Cardinal of Sion,* whose
* The Cardinal of Sion was known to Erasmus in October, 1516. See
vol. ii. p. 411.
Short Letter to Oswald 433
dignity and merits will soon, I hope, be regarded by Provi-
dence with a favourable eye.
Farewell, and excuse a hasty letter, which we have been
writing at the last moment, just as w^e are going to embark.*
Basel, 26 August, 1518.!
On the same day Erasmus found time to write a few lines to Oswald,
a young Swiss scholar, who in November, 15 16, had been a pupil of
Glarean at Basel, | and who appears shortly before this time to have
ventured to write a letter to Erasmus.
Epistle 809. Auctarium, p. 202 ; Ep. iii. 37 ;
C. 349 {r:>^)-
Erasmus to Oswald.
Most sincere friend, your letter was indeed most welcome
to me ; and though I send you a contracted reply, I have
still the most ample love for my Oswald, whether because
he has such a regard for me, or because he has been a
Theseus, or something more attached than a Theseus, to my
Glarean.
Continue, my Oswald, to claim for your Switzerland, w^hich
has been so long distinguished in Arms, a like distinction
in Letters. For ourselves, we are being driven away by
Plague. A plague on it, say I most heartily. Farew^ell.
Basel, 26 August, I5i8.§
The following letter, addressed to Boniface Amerbach, and dated
five days later than the two last Epistles, is of interest as containing
* scripsimus in ipso procinctu jam ingressuri navem.
t Basileae vii. Calendas Septembres, Anno m.d.xviii.
% See vol. ii. p. 434.
§ Basilea, 26. Augusti, Anno 1518. C
VOL. IIL 2 F
434 General Revival of Learning
a short resume by Erasmus of the history of the revival of Learning
in his day. This retrospect naturally led to the question, how far the
science of Theology had shared in the general revival.
Epistle 8io. Ep. xv. 17 ; C. 349 (333).
Erasmus to Boniface Amerbach.
It is a great part of happiness, and the greatest part of
gratitude, if a man recognizes the blessings which he enjoys.
We are bound accordingly to congratulate our own age, and
to thank the Powers above, to whose goodness it is due, —
that noble studies, for so many ages almost buried, are again
in blossom over the whole world, and are propagated with
the greatest success. Some eighty years ago not a voice
was heard of the professors of those accomphshments, which
Virgil, — even in his days, when learned eloquence was most
flourishing, — called mute ; and not only so, but Grammar
herself, the Mistress of correct utterance, and Rhetoric, the
guide of copious and splendid diction, were heard only in
mean and wretched stutterings ; and those arts, which had
formerly found expression in so many tongues, spoke only
in Latin, and that of the worst. Afterwards, as by slow
degrees better Letters began to grow, it was Italy alone
that possessed a tongue ; and even there the only teach-
ing was oratorical. Nowadays in all the nations under
Christian sway, provided that the Muses are favorable.
Learning of every kind is uniting the majesty of Eloquence
with the utility of Erudition. Medicine has begun to make
herself heard in Italy by the voice of Nicolas Leonicenus,
an old man worthy of immortality, and among the French
by William Cop of Basel ; while among the Britons, thanks
to the studies of Thomas Linacre, Galen has begun to be so
eloquent and instructive, that even in his own tongue he
may seem to be less so. By the same scholar's aid Aristotle
Theology how far revived 435
so discourses in Latin, that, Athenian as he is, he scarcely
moves so gracefully in his own language ; while, even
before his work, Argyropylus, Trapezuntius, Theodore Gaza,
Marsilius, and Picus amongst the Italians, and Lefevre of
Etaples among the French, had prevented Philosophy from
appearing mute. We may add that the Caesarean Laws have
had their pristine elegance happily restored, in France by
William Bude, and among the Germans by Ulrich Zasi,*
an incomparable man in every way, and abounding with such
a wealth of Roman diction, that you might think you were
listening, — not to a lawyer of our days, but to an Ulpian.
The same success, I know not how, does not attend the
Theologians, though there is no lack of persons who are
delighted to have their say. But I still hope it will soon
come to pass, that this profession, like the rest, will get rid
of its rust, and lay fair claim to the brightness it once
possessed. It has been hitherto the case, that those
scholars whose language was at all polished were excluded
from the ranks of the learned, into which the Professors did
not consider any to be worthy of admission but those, who
spoke in the same base dialect as themselves, and had never
laid their fingers upon any fragment of chaster literature, —
that rebuff being always ready, '' he is a Grammarian, not a
Philosopher," or "a Rhetorician, not a Lawyer," or "an
Orator, not a Theologian." But before long, if I am not
mistaken, things will take another turn, and no one will be
received into the ranks, but he who by the superior elegance
of his writings shall recall those ancient authors of systems
of Learning ; no one will have a right to claim to be a wise
teacher, unless he has a share of that eloquence, which
St. Augustine desires never to be parted from his Mistress.
I
* Ulrich Zasi was a Professor at the University of Freiburg in Breisgau,
and author of a book De Origine Juris. See before in this volume, p. 393,
and Epistles 606 and 807 ; and m vol. ii. pp. 159, 164.
2 F 2
436 Papal approval of Erasmus s work
The Annotations of Zasi I ran through rather than read,
brought to me as they were, when I was already packed up
for my journey. But I was marvellously pleased with the
taste I had, and do not doubt that the whole work will give
me still more pleasure, if I am allowed to have a full meal
of such dainties. You must urge the man, my Boniface, not
to grudge us this privilege any longer, unless the grudging
is on your own part too, as you have the advantage of
enjoying the companionship of Zasi at home.
Basel, 31 August, 15 18.*
The New Testament in Greek and Latin, as finally edited by
Erasmus, is reprinted as the sixth volume of the Leyden edition of
the Opera Erasnii. The following short letter or Brief, addressed
to Erasmus, and dated at St. Peter's in Rome under the Fisher-
man's Ring i^sub anniilo Piscatoris), 10 September, 15 18, expresses
the Papal approval of the work, and is included in the later, editions
as part of its Preface.
Epistle 811. Ep. xxix, 80 ; Opera Erasmi, tom. vi.
in Praefatione.
To our beloved Son, Erasmus of Rotterdam, Professor of
Sacred Theology, Leo X. Pope.
Beloved Son, Health and Apostolic Benediction. We
were greatly pleased by thy Lucubrations upon the New
Testament already published, not so much because they
were dedicated to Our Name, as because they were
distinguished by erudition of no common kind, and most
highly commended by the vote of all the Learned. Having
been now informed, that this work has been lately revised
by thee, and illustrated with many additional annotations,
We have been again no little pleased, making conjecture
* Basileoe, pridie Calend. Septemb. Anno M. d. xviii.
Papal Brief 437
from that first edition, which seemed most perfect, what this
new edition will be, and what a benefit it will confer upon the
students of Sacred Theology, and upon our Orthodox Faith.
Persevere therefore in thy intention, and having the public
good still in view, continue to devote thy care to bring to
completion so holy a work, for which thou mayest receive,
as We trust, from on High a reward worthy of such labours,
from Us deserved commendation, and from all faithful
disciples of Christ perpetual praise.
Given at Rome at St. Peter's, under the Fisherman's
Ring, this tenth day of September, m.d.xviii. in the sixth
year of our Pontificate.
CHAPTER LIII.
Residence of Erasmus at Loiivain^ October to December,
15 1 8; Epistle of Paiilus Bombasiiis to Erasmus, dated
from the Apostolic Palace at Rome, i October; of
Erasmus to Bude^ to Mutianns RufuSj to Eschenveld,
to Werter, and to Gerbel, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20 October ;
to Pace, after his return to England, 22 October; to
one Athyroglottus, 7 December ; to Paulus Bombasius,
13 December ; to (Ecolampadius, the Cardinal de
Croy, Glarean^ Barbier, More and Pirckheimer ;
Epistle of Gillis to Erasmus, i^June; of Erasmus to
Bombasius, 26 July, 1518/ Works of St. Jerome edited
and printed by the brothers Amerbach. Epistles ^12
to 823.
Paulus Bombasius, of whom we have last heard in the preceding
December as being at Zurich in Switzerland, in attendance upon the
Papal Nuncio (see before, pp. 174, 176), had since that time returned
to Rome, where he appears to have been busy in the Libraries, and
also intimate at the Papal Court. The following letter, dated from the
Apostolic Palace, throws some light upon the circumstances in which
Pope Leo was then living. In the first clause the writer acknowledges
the receipt of a letter of Erasmus, which does not appear to have been
preserved.
Epistle 812. Farrago; Ep. xi. 4; C. 351(335).
Paulus Bombasius to Erasmus.
Your letter, dated the i8th of August, but not delivered
before the 12th of September, has given the greatest possible
Epistle of Bombasius 439
pleasure to me, — being by some fatality so attached to you,
that I am delighted if it is only to meet with your name,
and much more to receive any communication from you, —
a privilege for which I have often longed, but have been
ashamed to beg, lest by occupying your time *I may sin,'
as Flaccus says, ' against the public interest,' f to which you
have so strenuously and successfully devoted yourself.
It has been no surprise to me, that you have declined the
invitations of Kings and Princes, and preferred to betake
yourself to Basel for the purpose of remodelling your New
Testament ; knowing, as I do, that Erasmus has never set
much store upon any other object compared with his duty
to Letters. I only wish you had been so engaged, when I
was at Basel myself ; I should have been as happy as mortal
can be, and Rome would not have been able so easily to
recall me.
For obtaining a Papal Brief, which may serve as a favor-
able judgment upon your work, it was not George or Mark %
that should have been asked, — of whom the latter has long
been away from the City, and the former had gone for his
autumn absence a few days before, — when you have at your
service my friend, the Cardinal of Quattro Santi, a generous
patron of all learned persons, and a special master and judge
in matters of this kind. This prelate, having been informed
by me of your wish, gave his approval to the draft brief
which I had prepared, and when it had been transcribed on
parchment, sent it to Pope Leo, — who had left the city two
days before, — for his judgment, and if approved, for his
t In publica commoda peccem,
Si longo sermone morer tua tempora, Cossar.
HoRAT. Epist. II. i. 3.
\ We may presume George Haloin and Marcus Laurinus.
440 Papal Brief for Erasmus s work
signature. But do look, I pray you, and recognize in these
circumstances your own ill luck, unless you had rather it
should be called mine. A young French scholar named
Silvius, who represented himself as devoted to you, was
going to the Pope with a letter of commendation from my
Cardinal, intending, as he said, to return the following day.
I accordingly, not expecting to have at my service any fitter
person to whom such a business might be entrusted, con-
signed the Brief to him, and wrote a letter to the Pope's
Secretary, in which I asked him in the Cardinal's name to
send back without delay, by the same Silvius, the Brief
countersigned. This Silvius, being in a feverish condition,
and hindered, as I suspect, by sickness in his journey,
found some other means of sending on the Brief and Letter
commendatory to the Papal Secretary ; and the latter without
any delay handed them to the Pontiff, who having seen and
signed the Brief, and read the Letter, gave orders that the
person so commended should be called to his presence,
and, when he did not appear, directed that diligent search
should be made for him ; but up to this time he has been
nowhere found !
I myself, having hoped that the business would be very
soon completed, when I saw nothing done, after the lapse
of several days wrote again to the Secretary, charging him
with negligence, and even with unfairness, in sending every
hour innumerable briefs to the City, and keeping that of
Erasmus so long back.
*****
This Brief, after a long search, having been nowhere
found, I have had another copy prepared, which unless some
demon intercepts it, will reach you at last.
*****
I am glad that your letter, in which you answered mine,
has been printed, and my name has thereby acquired some
reputation ; provided that my own letter be not added,
News of Italian Friends 441
which, as far as I can remember, was scarcely worthy of
being read once by a friend, and not fit to be brought into
comparison with any ordinary letter of yours, not to speak
of one of your best.*
Lascaris is now occupied in France, and consequently I
have had no chance of meeting him. If any such opportunity
as you speak of should occur, I will do my best to further
your wish and his convenience. From the literary profession
I have been called away, not so much by my own choice,
nor, as you suspect, by a better fortune, but by that uncertain
course of accidents to which most of the events of one's life,
both bad and good, are due.
The two Boeri are settled at Rome, and return your
greeting;! Bernard has had a mild attack of Quartan Fever,
and was threatening to go off to Genoa. I suppose the
Legate Pucci has already left your parts,:}: and is making his
journey towards Rome, and on that account I do not address
the brief itself to him, but to Protonotary Caracciola, the
Pope's Legate at the Court of the Emperor, trusting that he
will not be wanting in kindness or diligence, in forwarding
it to you.
Farewell, my Erasnms, and salute in my name Beatus and
Amerbach, and our other learned friends who may be within
your reach.
The Apostolic Palace, Rome, i October, i5i8.§
* Both the Epistles here referred to, that of Bombasius to Erasmus, Epistle
704, and that of Erasnius in reply, Epistle 805, were printed in the Atictarium
Epistolarum in August, 15 18. See in this volume, pp. 174, 401.
\ It may be remembered, that John Baptist Boerio was an Italian
physician, residing at the English Court, whose two sons, John and Bernard,
were placed under Erasmus's charge on their journey to Italy in 1506. See
our vol. i. pp. 28, 411, 426 ; vol. ii. p. 76.
:j: Antonio Pucci, the 'Apostolic Legate' in Switzerland, is addressed by
Erasmus in Epistle 808. See before p. 429.
§ Roma ex palatio Apostolico, Cal. Octob. m. d. xviii.
442 Epistle to Biide
The ' prolix epistle ' of Bude, the receipt of which is acknowleged
in the first words of the following short note, was Epistle 770, a
long letter dated at Paris, 12 April, 1518, which has been translated,
with some omissions, at the end of our Chapter XLIX. In the
prefatory words with which Erasmus acknowledges its receipt, we find
him putting at once to himself and his correspondent the question,
whether it should take its place in the next series of published
Epistles. It was not included with the following Epistle in the Farrago
Epistolariim of 15 19, but is found in the later collection entitled
Epistolse ad Diversos, printed by Froben in 1521.
Epistle 813. Farrago; Ep. iii. 53 ; C. 352 (336).
Erasmus to Bude.
I received on the first of September that prolix epistle of
yours, written on the 1 2th of April, and brought back from
Genoa ; but its contents are such, that I know not whether
it would not be better for the credit of both of us, that it
should be suppressed. I seem to myself to have detected
the special disposition of your character,* and do not doubt
but what you there say is sincere ; but I am afraid I could
not persuade others to believe it ; and what will be thought,
if those sentences of yours should reach Posterity ? The
letter was read to me after supper, as my eyesight is beginning
to fail, by Beatus Rhenanus, a learned and wonderfully
clear-headed man, with that healthy good sense, which is so
important in a student. There is no occasion to repeat
what judgment he formed, though he had been forewarned
by me of your disposition to indulge with more than usual
freedom in familiar jests. To vie with any one in abuse is
not worthy of a man ; to contend in scoffing terms is what
one would not willingly do. But in substantial argument I
* Videor mihi peculiarem ingenii tui sensum deprehendisse.
Sickness of Erasmus 443
would gladly be as superior, as you are victorious in the
apparatus of discourse, by the judgment of Deloin and Ruze,
or of any of your greatest partisans. But after all I had
rather have one Bude for a friend, than ten such victories.
One Apologia * is more than enough !
At Basel I was almost always ill, and had got better in
the journey; but after passing Cologne I fell back again to
the lowest level, and up to the present time I keep to the
house. The surgeon, after inspecting three ulcers, has pro-
nounced it plague, but I think he is wrong.
I will write to the Bishop ; and also to you at greater
length. Give my salutation to Glarean, if you happen to
see him. His last letter has also been received. Farewell.
Louvain, 15 October, 1518.!
Erasmus's friend, Glarean, had some months before this time, been
appointed Professor of Rhetoric in the University of Paris, and this
appointment is mentioned in Bude's epistle. See p. 335. The letter
of Glarean, of which we read in the last words of that of Erasmus,
does not appear to have survived.
The following short letter, addressed to Mutianus Rufus, * most
consummate Master in every kind of Learning,' bears date at Louvain
two days after the above note to Bude. A letter, lately received by
Erasmus from Mutianus, had been accompanied by a present, —
apparently of money, which was accepted with some hesitation.
Epistle 814. Merula, p. 83 ; Ep. xxx. 4 ; C. 352 (337).
Erasmus to Mutianus Rufus.%
Our friend Eobanus came to see me at an inconvenient
season, when I was both out of health and very much
* One such work as the Apologia ad Fabrum. See p. 5 of this volume.
\ Lovanii Idus Octobris, An. M.D.xviii.
\ CI. D. Mutiano Rufo, viro omni doctrinse genera consummatissimo.
444 Epistle to Mutianiis Riifiis
occupied. If it had been otherwise, nothing was ever more
welcome to me. *12 cpiXat Movcrat, what an outpouring of
verse, what a vein of poetry, what feHcity of language !
You might well say, a Poet born, not taught. The same
Minerva shows herself in his prose. His manners again are
just those which I like to see in a Divine. Happy is
Germany to possess such a man, and Erfurt happiest of all,
if she knows her own good fortune !
I was delighted too by the brightness of your letter,
reflecting the brightness of your mind. The present I long
refused, until I understood that it came from you. I have
appended a list of my trifles,* though I scarcely recollect,
myself, what follies I have committed. Farewell.
Louvain, 17 October, 1518.!
The following Epistle is addressed to Christopher Eschenveld, whose
surname in the course of the letter is latinized as Cinicampianus,
[Anglice, Ashfield, Field of Ashes or Cinders). This correspondent
appears to have been a Custom-house officer, stationed at the border-
town of Boppard, — on the Eastern bank of the Rhine, some ten miles
south of Coblenz, — who was scholar enough to appreciate the literary
productions of Erasmus.
Epistle 815. Farrago ; Ep. iv. 5 ; C. 353 (339).
Erasmus to Christopher Eschenveld.%
What has ever occurred to me so far beyond all hope, as
to find Eschenveld, with all his zeal for my service, still at
* Nugarum mearum indicem subtexui. This list or ' index ' was printed
by Thierry Martens at Louvain, i Jan. 15 19, with the title of Lucubrationum
Erasmi Roterodami Index.
t Lovanii, 16. Gal. Novembr. M.D.xviii.
\ Christophoro Eschenveldio, telonae Popardiensi.
Epistle to Eschenveld 445
Boppard ? Yes indeed, a custom-house officer, devoted to
the Muses and to honorable studies ! It was said by way of
rebuke to the Pharisees, that the Publicans and the harlots
would go before them into the kingdom of Heaven. Is it
not just as unbecoming now, that Priests and Monks are
living in greedy luxury and idleness, while our Tax-collectors
are embracing sound literature ? They are devoting them-
selves to gluttony, while Eschenveld* divides his attention
between Caesar and study. You made it plain enough,
what opinion you had conceived of us ; and I am nobly
treated, if a nearer view has not in any degree lowered that
opinion.
But only think, how delighted our skipper's wife was with
that reddish wine, so that it took many a call to induce her
to pass on the vessel. She poured down more than enough,
and before long it came to blows, when she nearly killed
the maid with those great shells, the quarrel between them
not being easily composed. She soon after went on deck,
and marched upon her husband ; and there was some risk of
her pushing him headlong into the Rhine. You know now,
what your wine is capable of doing !
You will learn the tragic story of my woes from my letter
to Beatus, if you find time to read it.
Farewell, my very dear friend. Convey my salutation to
Joannes Flaminius, a man of learning, and of true Christian
purity.
Louvain, 19 October, 1518.!
Another short Epistle was addressed on the same day to a corres-
pondent, who is not otherwise known to us. But we may infer from
the terms of Erasmus's letter, that he was a German scholar of good
* Cinicampianus.
f Lovanii, decimo quarto Calend. Novembres. An. M.D.xviii.
446 Epistle to John Werter
position, who, witiiout laying claim to any former acquaintance with
Erasmus, had written a letter to him, which does not appear to have
survived, expressing the hope of becoming personally known to him,
and of receiving meantime a letter from him.
Epistle 816. Farrago ; Ep. iv. 3 ; C. 353 (340).
Erasmus to John Werter.
I have hitherto reckoned the Germans as unconquered,
but only in arms ; I now see, that there is nothing in which
they are not unconquered, when you are able to extort from
Erasmus, — sickly as he is, and almost utterly exhausted by
the labour of writing, — a further not indispensable letter !
I cannot find words to express, how gratified I am by
your kind feeling for me, and I only wish I were at liberty
to meet you in like fashion. But I deem it more philo-
sophical to encounter one's friends with moderated feelings,
and to stand by them in attentions suited to the occasion,
than to load them with unnecessary professions. When a
friend's good name is in danger, when he is suffering from
sickness, when he is in want of money, or otherwise in evil
plight, then is the occasion to show your friendship, to cure
if possible what is amiss, and if not, to soothe the annoyance
by speech or letter. Indeed, what sort of kindness is that,
which gives trouble to the friend who offers it, and does no
good at all to the person to whom it is offered ? In that
way some people claim credit with St. James,* that they
have been to do him honour, much to their own cost; or
claim credit with Christ, that they have at a great risk visited
Jerusalem, when it was open for either of them to earn His
favour by attending to more genuine duties at home. You
* By the popular pilgrimage to Compostella, where the bones of St. James
were believed to lie beneath the floor of the Cathedral.
Epistle to Gerbel 447
had long ago seen a better likeness of Erasmus in his books,
if any such likeness there be ; or rather, to use Plato's figure,
you had there seen the whole of him. What then was left
to be sought by such lengthened journeys ? True love has
its abode in the mind, and is often rather dispelled or
lessened by a bodily meeting. But I should be inhuman, if
I were really displeased with you, who deserve to be loved
for this very reason, that you cannot help loving. Farewell.
Lou vain, 19 October, 1518.*
We have met before with Dr. Nicolas Gerbel, as a scholar who
assisted in the production of the learned works printed at the press of
Schiirer of Strasburg, to which town we may assume the following
Epistle to have been addressed. See our vol. ii. p. 211, and in this
volume, p. 311, and note there. In the address of the following letter
he is styled, ' Doctor of Pontifical Law.'
Epistle 817. Farrago ; Ep. iv. 4 ; C. 354 (341).
Erasmus to Nicolas Gerbel. t
Most learned Gerbel, how signally and how arbitrarily
have I been treated by my Evil Genius this year ! You
will be acquainted with the sad story of my woes by my
letter to Beatus Rhenanus. I am still confined to the house
in the hands of the Surgeons. Better health will be granted
by Christ, when we deserve it, or rather when he deigns to
give it. For ourselves, — in such evil circumstances we have
still retained a mind unbroken. I shall be glad indeed to
hear that my Schiirer has recovered his health.
* Lovanij xiiii. Calendas Novembris, Anno M.D.xviii.
t Erasmus Roterodamus Nicolao Gerbelio, Juris Ponlificii Doctori.
44^ Friends at Strasburg
You will give my greeting to the whole party, but
in the first place to Sturm, and then to Gebwiler and
Rudolfing,* who with their usual kindness would have me
to be their guest at the Inn, as if it were not enough for
them to have given me the honour and pleasure of their
company.
I think you know already, that Bruno Amerbach has
obtained the object which he embraces in his dreams. f And
I pray, that for you too the affair, which has been happily
begun, may be most happily concluded. Take the pains to
salute my new friend, Bathodius. In this respect I grow
richer every day. We have had a visit from Helius Eobanus,
a brilliant man, who in his poems recalls the facility of Ovid,
and in his prose maintains his own character. He had come
from Erfurt for no other purpose but to see Erasmus ; I
approve the kind spirit that this shows, though I do not
approve the act, which imposes a burden upon the doer
without any benefit to the person for whom it is done.
The air here is still healthy ; a few persons have been sick,
but the disease has been brought in from elsewhere.
Farewell, most learned Gerbel, and love your Erasmus;
believe me, the affection will be mutual.
Louvain, 20 October, 1518.J
* Sturm is described in Epistle 584 (vol. ii. p. 591), as one of the house-
hold of Henry Count Palatine ; and Rudolfing is mentioned in Gerbel's
letter to Erasmus, dated at Strasburg, 21 June, 1516, as being then at that
place. See our vol. ii. p. 238.
f We read in Erasmus's Preface to his edition of the works of St. Augustine,
addressed to Alfonso Fonseca, Archbishop of Toledo, and dated at Freiburg
in Breisgau, 1529 (which Preface is reprinted among his Epistles, as Epistle
1084, Opera, vol. ii. p. 1243), that John Amerbach, who had printed the
works of St. Augustine, was preparing, when he died, to bring out an edition
of the entire works of St. Jerome, and that he left this publication as a duty
to be performed by his three sons, Bruno, Basel, and Boniface, by whom it
was faithfully and skilfully completed.
X Lovanij. xiii. Calend. Novembr. Anno md.xviii.
Epistle to Pace 449
It appears from the following letter, that Richard Pace, in whose
charge Erasmus had left some of his papers at Constance in Switzer-
land (see p. 133), had returned to England, where he had now been
residing for several months. This letter of Erasmus has some interest
as indicating, that the writer was at this time disposed to settle in
England, if suitably pressed to do so.
Epistle 818. Farrago ; Ep. x. 26 ; C. 354 (342).
Erasmus to Richard Pace.
All this year has to me been black indeed ; may it please
Christ that brighter years may follow ! The Iliad of my
woes you will know in part from my letter to Beatiis, of
which I sent a copy to Timstall.* I have long been in
gaping expectation for the return of your library, and am
sadly afraid our trifles have been lost.f
Your book is read with avidity by the Germans, while at
the same time it offends some of those of Constance, because
you seem to discredit their learning, while you attribute to
them a love of drink !
I had made up my mind to visit you this autumn with
the intention of embracing what is offered to me, without
any solicitation, by the King's liberality.^ Now that the
Chancellor § is no more, there is no reason for me to hope
for anything from my countrymen; and I have no fancy
to accept any fresh hospitality in France. If I could have
the addition which the King offers, I would ask for nothing
more. II
* See Epistle 707, pp. 181-184.
t misereque metuo ne nostrge nuga; perierint. Erasmus had entrusted
some of the books or papers, which he had with him in Switzerland, to the
care of Pace. See before, p. 292.
\ King Henry VIII. See pp. 342, 367.
§ John le Sauvage, Chancellor of Burgundy. See vol. ii. pp. 304, 404.
II Si accederet quod offert Rex, nihil ambirem prseterea,
VOL. III. 2 G
450 Galen translated by Linacre
Linacre's Translation of Galen is at last on sale here ; and
I am extremely pleased with it. From this time forth even
the Medical profession may be adopted with satisfaction.*
The question of Tithes in Germany is a disagreeable one.
These inventive Midases have a singular talent for extending
the short cable. f
Farewell, most learned Pace. Salute Linacre in my name,
and spur him on to publish the rest of his lucubrations.
Louvain, 22 October, 1518.J
In the address of the following Epistle, — inserted, we may presume,
upon its publication, — Erasmus cuidam advpoyXotirrq), — ' Erasmus to
one whose tongue has no door to shut it,' the writer conceals the
name of his correspondent, while he indicates the character which he
attributes to him. The reference to 'the Abbot' (towards the end of
the letter) may perhaps point to the monastery of St. Bertin, as the
place^ where they had once been known to each other. This old
acquaintance appears to have lately been a disappointed Candidate
for a Professorship, in the disposal of which the advice of Erasmus
had been asked, and to have written an angry letter complaining of
the failure of Erasmus to procure the nomination for him. The date
placed at the end of the reply of Erasmus, as it was printed in 1521
among the Epistolae ad Diversos, is the Eve of the Conception of
the Virgin Mother ; to which in the London edition is added the year-
date, 1518. The festival so named was celebrated at Rome on the
8th of December, The year-date, which is here adopted from the
London edition, is probably conjectural.
* Posthac et Medicum fieri iuvat. Erasmus appears to have thought, that
until the Medical students of his day had learned to make use of the science
which had been left by the Ancients, and which Linacre was making accessible
to them, it was not a profession worth pursuing.
t Egregie -eivovai to KaKiohLov ovtol ira\vfii]\avoi Mibai. Tithes, in the
hands of the Government or of a wealthy layman, might well become a greater
burden to the peasant, than in those of a poor curate.
I Louanii, xi. Calend. Novem. md.xviii.
Letter to one Athyroglottiis 451
Epistle 819. Ep. ad div. 513; Ep. xiii. 26; C. 35<S (346).
Erasmus to one Athyroglottiis*
I should never have formed so ill an opinion of you, if
you had not made such an open display of your own
character. I told you over and over again, — as the fact is,
— that the matter has not been in my hands, and that when
you spoke to me about the Professorship, it was no longer
an open question. But suppose, — as was not the case, —
that the Executors entrusted the whole affair to my discre-
tion, and that I passed you over and preferred Goclen as
more suitable for the place ; what reason is there for your
being so furious against me, as if I had cut the throat of
your most venerated kinsman ? Your conduct does not
greatly concern me, but I am sorry for you. Had there
been any hope, I should not have failed in my part ; but I
knew the executors were not at all in your favour, even if
you had added twelve Pounds to the endowment out of your
own pocket, though I said nothing about that, for what
occasion was there to do so ? Take my word for it, by that
ill temper of yours you turn many friends into foes. Men
are willing to be attracted, but not to be driven. I venture
to say, it is this character which makes the Abbot so little
disposed to have any dealings with you. I have not myself,
I think, hitherto deserved ill of you, if I have not been
a useful friend ; and even now I give you this advice :
Be more wise in future, and wise in your own interest.
There is very little in which you can do me any harm.
Antwerp, the Eve of the Conception of the Virgin Mother
(yDec), I5i8.t
* Erasmus cuidam aiiv^oyXwrr^. To one that has no door to his tongue,
or whose tongue has no door to close it.
t Antuerpiae pridie Conceptce Virginis Matris. Anno md.xvih.
2 G 2
452 Message to Friends in Rome
The following Epistle is addressed to Paulus Bombasius, who at the
beo-inning of the preceding October had written a letter to Erasmus,
dated from the Apostolic Palace at Rome. See Epistle 812.
Epistle 820. Farrago ; Ep. xi. 5 ; C 358 (347).
Erasmus to Paiilus Bombasius.
Oh heart for Muses and Graces born ! You overwhelm
me with so manv acts of kindness, that I am ashamed to be
so often expressing my thanks only by words, when no new
formula occurs in which I can do so !
To the Cardinal of Quattro Santi I am all the more
indebted, the less I have done to deserve any favour from
his Eminence.* Marino Caraciola, Legate Apostolic at
the Emperor's Court, has devoted the greatest care to the
matter, having in addition sent me a most loving letter of
his own. The first copy was intercepted ; I wonder by
whom, for I cannot see to whom a letter of this kind could
be of interest, except the person to whom it is addressed ; it
would be a different thing, if it were some rich bishopric, or
other splendid preferment, that was in question.
I am vexed to think, that, busy as you are, you have had
so much trouble on my account ; and yet I am pleased too,
because by these incidents I am every day more convinced
of the sincerity of your friendship. I wish our neighbour-
hood here had only a few Bombasios. Who ever loved a
friend, however excellent he might be, more sincerely or
with more constancy than you love Erasmus, a humble
individual from whom you can expect no return for your
services, — and this when you are yourself so much more
learned as well as more fortunate than he.
See the letter of Bombasius, Epistle 812.
Visit to Count Niicnar 453
I cannot guess who that Frenchman is, who, you say, has
disappeared ; unless perhaps it is Christopher Longueil,* a
young man, as I judge from his writings, framed for every
accomphshment as well as for eloquence. If T am not mis-
taken, he is one of those who will soon throw the name of
Erasmus into the shade ; but this thought leaves a pleasant
impression on my mind, when what is a loss to my name is
a gain to the Commonwealth of Letters.
I wonder what has been able to tear John Lascaris from
Rome, especially while Leo presides there over business and
study. t Pray greet the brothers Boeri in my name.
Your letter did not find me at Basel ; neither at that time
was Antonio Pucci, the Pope's Legate, there. I had how-
ever written to him about that business, while he was staying
at Zurich ; for as to my getting at him, — although he very
much wished it, and I had almost undertaken to do so, —
neither my state of health, which did not as yet allow me to
mount a horse, nor my literary engagements permitted it.
The journey by water was not without its inconveniences,
but by degrees I grew stronger, and after staying very
pleasantly some five days with the illustrious Hermann,
Count of Nuenar,J I was so satisfied with myself, that I
seemed quite recovered. It was not long however before I
had such a relapse, that I was carried only half alive into
Louvain. This may have been due, either to the pestilential
winds, which were then blowing with the greatest violence.
* Gallus iste quern scribis evanuisse, nisi forte Christophorus est Longolius.
t Of John (or Janus) Lascaris, some account may be found in our first
volume, p. 440. It appears from the letter of Bombasio, Epistle 812, dated
at Rome, i October, 15 18, that Lascaris was then in France. See before, p. 422.
\ The visit paid by Erasmus to Count Hermann of Nuenar may probably
have been at some country residence or parsonage to the South of Cologne, —
where the Count had a Canonry at the Cathedral. Erasmus appears to have
made his journey through that city after his five days visit to the Count. See
our vol. ii. pp. 308, 309.
454 Return to Louvain
or to my own folly in venturing to travel through the middle
of Cologne, which was at that time in a lamentable con-
dition. One surgeon after another insisted that it was the
Plague, and I cannot deny that three carbuncles were dis-
charged. I did not choose to be an invalid, and did not myself
believe it to be the Plague, and it was well I did not. At
any rate I am well now, thanks to the Higher Powers, but
in ill accord with the prayers of those who do not like to see
the general revival of better studies. Farewell.
Louvain, 13 December, 15 18.*
loannes CEcolampadius, or Johann Hausschein, had been introduced
to Erasmus at Basel in September, 1515, by a letter of loannes
Sapidus. Vol. ii. p. 217. Gi^colampadius had been for a time a
preacher in the Church of Basel, and had assisted Erasmus in editing
the New Testament. See before, p. 310, and vol. ii. p. 534. At a
later time his name was known, as that of one of the most liberal
advocates of the Reformation, not following Luther, but contemporary
with him or rather preceding him.
Epistle 821. Farrago ; Ep. vii. 43 ; C. 367 (354).
Erasmus to CEcolampadius.
It is a common experience, that the good things, which
we have neglected when we had them, cause us the greatest
sorrow when they are taken away. But in our case it is a
happy circumstance, if the trouble, which I gave you when
we were living together at Basel, has been driven from your
remembrance by our separation. And such indeed is the
candour of your Christian heart, that you put a favourable
construction upon the faults of a friend, reckoning his small
merits far above their value, while in your own case you are
a more exacting judge.
* Lovanii, Id. Decemb., Anno m.d.xviii,
I
Letter to CEcolampadins 455
Although my course of life calls me hither and thither,
my main residence seems still to be at Louvain, where 1
have my library. But to whatever quarter we are driven,
by land or sea, there is nowhere that we do not carry with
us our specially beloved CEcolampadins.
We are meantime following Christ ; but at a distance, —
even as Peter did, when he was still weak; yet something it
is to follow Him, even at a distance. Peter profited by this,
and I hope we shall profit too, if only Jesus deign to cast
His gracious eyes upon us. Happy you, who pass your
leisure with the Spouse in the inmost recesses of the dwelling,
your mind being occupied only with thoughts of Heaven.
And you call that residence ' a Cave ' ; I judge it rather a
Paradise, especially when you have Brenz * as a companion
in all your studies, who makes your solitude such, that you
do not feel its weariness ! There was once a time, when
pious men, partly offended by the pleasures -and the wicked-
ness, which they saw about them among those who professed
Christ in name, but denied Him in their lives, and partly
afflicted by the incursions of Barbarians, sought the path-
less seclusion of mountains and forests. We may now be
still more pleased to escape from those, who, under pretext
of Christianity, are labouring to extinguish the teaching of
Christ.
But what is that tale you tell, that you were so wanting
in duty as to envy your mother t so small a gift? Surely
you are worthy of the very greatest, when in your gratitude
you set such a value upon what are nothing.
In comparing the Translation of Jerome with the volumes
* Johann Brenz (Brentius), the Reformer, of "Wiirtemberg, born 1499,
author of the Wiirtemberg Confession and the Wiirtemberg Catechism, is
mentioned in an epistle of (Ecolampadius to Erasmus, translated in our
second volume. Vol. ii. p. 535.
I We may conjecture that Erasmus had sent one of his books as a present
to his correspondent's mother.
456 Future of Melancthon
of the Hebrews, I do not doubt your judgment, and I pray
that God may grant success to that work of yours. I should
like the Index to be published as soon as possible, as I shall
be one of those to whom it will be useful. Its completion
will encourage many readers to turn over the pages of
Jerome.
I do not guess clearly enough, what the 'Tragedy' means;
I only advise you not to burden, with too great a variety of
studies, your mental power and physical delicacy.
As to Melanchthon, I have the best opinion of him, and
the highest hope, — if it be only the will of Christ, — that,
young as he is, he may long be spared to us ! He will
throw Erasmus utterly into the shade ! Farewell.
Louvain [December], 1518.
The following Letter, Epistle 822, addressed to the Cardinal de
Croy, has, like the last, no more distinct date than that of City and
year, — Louvain, 15 18, — and perhaps never had any other, the precise
day of its writing being from the nature of its contents, not of
importance. It contains an eloquent exhortation addressed to a
young Church Dignitary, of whose early promotion Ve havC read
something in a previous page.* Nephew of the Ministe,- De Chievres,
he had, at the age of about twenty years, been di ly made Bishop
of Cambrai, Archbishop Coadjutor of Toledo. '^'■' Cardinal. Hf^
appears to have been a pupil of Erasmu' .^jL^nf^PTrc, Adrian
Baarland,t and to have in some way, — probably through his tutor, —
expressed a wish to receive a letter from Erasmus. With this wish
the latter was not unwilling to comply, in the hope that he might help
to impress upon the mind of this juvenile prelate a serious sense of the
responsibilities which were thus imposed upon him. In a letter of
Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, dated 2^}^ August, 15 17, Epistle 599,
the young Cardinal is described as a youth of about twenty years,
and of a lively character. See before, p. 7.
* See before p. 7.
t About Baarland, see vol. ii. p. 600.
Letter to the Cardinal de Croy 457
Epistle 822. Farrago ; Ep. xi. 6 ; C. 359 (349)-
Erasmus to William, Cardinal de Croy.^
Most excellent Prelate, and illustrious Prince, although
we cannot reject, as altogether false, that old maxim of the
disciples of the Porch, f that the sum of Human Happiness
has its seat in the practice of Virtue, nevertheless the
opinion of the Peripatetics seems to me to agree better with
the Common Sense as well as the Common Life of Mankind,
— denying, as they do, that the circle of Blessedness can be
complete, unless three classes of Good Things are in agree-
ment together, and receive from each other mutual pro-
tection and support. Among these Good Things, those
which are attributed to the Mind, — as they most deserve the
mme of Good, and add most weight to the balance of Human
Fr':city, are chiefly provided by our own care and industry,
so that we may owe the principal part of our blessings to
none, after God, more than to ourselves, — if indeed we owe
anything to ourselves.
It may be further observed, that in the endowments of
Nature, seeinjr ",.^t we enjoy them without any exertion
even when as' 'we are not so much blessed as fortunate, J
though these u.^. ^.intained and even increased by our
own care and study. Df 'nosthenes, for example, — having
naturally a feeble voice anc' a shortness of breath, § with some
lingual impediment besides, and, as a young man, a by no
means happy figure, important as this is in an orator, —
still by unsparing care and practice did not fail to overcome
* Guilielmo Croio Cardinal! et Archiepiscopo Toletano Erasmus Rotero-
damus, S. D.
f Quod olim placuit Stoae cultoribus. The Stoic philosophers.
\ Non tam beati sumus quam fortunati.
§ cum et voce erat perquam exili, deinde spiritosus.
45^ ^ young Prince and Cardinal
all these disadvantages. Cicero in like manner, having
naturally delicate health, so strengthened his constitution
by the control of his movements and diet, as to be equal
to the most trying labours even at a late period of life.
A further observation may be made, that those advantages
of Fortune, which serve as instruments either in the growth
or the practice of Virtue, come late in life to most of their
possessors. In the acquisition of honours, or of riches, or
of fame and dignity, a whole lifetime is by many so nearly
expended, that with long continued care they seem to have
gained nothing else but the privilege of dying in the posses-
sion of wealth or rank ; and the result is, that they neither
themselves fully enjoy what they have made their own, nor
can do much for their friends. In this respect your High-
ness * appears to me to have had a success without parallel,
— whatever Nature could supply or Fortune confer, having
come to you spontaneously, sufficiently, and in early life, so
that you may be able to enjoy these advantages for the
longest time, and to be of the utmost service to the gr-^aTcit
number of people. For beside a felicity of character, and a
body perfectly framed for every use and function of virtue,
so much authority, so much dignity, and ?'> ' ich wealth
have been heaped upon you, on the one hn^- ?'r nr
of the Supreme Pontiff, and on the othe^ 'v .e than
paternal affection of your uncle Chie\ .' ircely any-
thing further can be desired, and ViO isr^t.ait of dignity
remains but that which can be desired rijly for one.f
While therefore before others rian> a struggle remains,
if they would rise to the sui ifiit of their felicity, for
you, every thing else being proviat4, there is left only
* tua Sublimitas.
t Nee supersit ullum dignitatis fastigium, nisi q; d uni tantum optari
possit. No higher dignity could be attained bean C'^ siastic than this young
churchman, aheady a Cardinal Archbishop, nad . ady reached, unless he
aspired to be Pope.
Responsibilities of High Position 459
one study and one care, — that you may do that which I
trust you are in fact doing, — that you may strive to attain
such accomphshments of mind as may be worthy of the
fortune you enjoy. These are conditions that are not
lavished either by the favour of Nature or by the indulgence
of Fortune, but must be earned by labour and by study ;
for at no other price have the Powers above permitted
these wares to be purchased by mortals, — not even by
Kings or by Satraps. He that crowns the monarch, who-
ever that official may be, cannot add a character worthy of
a King. An illustrious ancestry or the favour of a nation
may confer empire, but cannot add a mind worthy of
empire ; and yet in the absence of this, the honour so
obtained is a burden and not a dignity, and he alone, after
all, is truly great, who deprived of his diadem, will still
remain so.
Most men are hindered by obscurity of birth, or by
straitened circumstances, from winning their way to the
eminent virtues which are only within the reach of those
who are favourites of Jupiter ; * or, if they do reach them,
they have not a like power by their own merits to elevate
others. Bi '^ if there be a man, on whom alone, as once
upon Pandc 11 the gifts of all the gods have been con-
ferred with the full approval of the entire chorus of Good
men, he does indeed appear to me to have the likeness
of Deity given by Supreme Goodness to the world, to
extend his beneficence as widely as possible among man-
kind. And he will best succeed in fulfilling his duty, if he
remembers, that whatever good things may be there, they
are the property of his Lord, entrusted to him for this
purpose, that by spending them in helping his neighbours,
* In this passage, and ind« ed throughout this letter, Erasmus surpasses
himself in applying the prevailing Pagan phraseology to the qualifications of a
Christian Bishop.
460 Ideal to be arrived at
he may be paying a copious interest to his Master, who sets
a high value upon such gains.
But first of all, let there be present a lofty mind, which
holds in contempt the trifles admired by the sordid vulgar,
and like a wall of brass, cannot be deflected from what is
honest, and having everywhere followed this rule, directs
the whole panoply of its own felicity to the support of the
Common Weal, since this is what Antiquity has declared to
be a special attribute of the Vi^xl-j—jiivare mortalejn, to
aid him that is mortal. f This is the image, which must be
nearest approached by one, whom the Divine favour has
placed in that highest position in which you stand. It may
add a spur to his mind, if he thinks of himself as standing in
the amplest of theatres with the eyes of the whole world
fixed upon him, — that nothing is expected of him which is
commonplace or vulgar, and that whatever he may say or
do will be treated as an example by others. For indeed, if
the players in a theatre are in constant anxiety to know in
what manner they respond to the part they have undertaken,
how much more careful should our Magnates be, that they
answer to their own dignity and to the expectation of the
world. * * * * *
The more numerous are the titles with which Fortune has
decorated you, so much the more earnestly should you
strive to make your services answer to your honours. It is
no great thing to accept the most ample dignity ; to fulfil
its duties is difficult indeed. Rightly has it been said, — It is
sometimes more splendid to have deserved honour than to
have obtained it. But the most splendid thing of all I
judge it to be, to have reached the most ample dignity
without canvassing for it, and so to answer its calls in every
way, that you may not seem so much to be made illustrious
yourself by obtaining it, as to increase its dignity by your
t This passage appears somewhat obscure, but has been closely translated.
Erasmus s Circle of Williams 461
tenure of it ; and it is no small part of the character of an
excellent Prince, that he has made up his mind to be so.
If this was ever to be hoped from any dignitary, of you
certainly we have reason to anticipate it. * *
But whither am I carried away, forgetting that it is a
letter which I am writing, and that to one whose good
sense requires no counsel from me, but whose good fortune
rather calls for congratulation ? The advice which has
been given you, that you should alternately practice your
tongue and pen, has my entire approval, and I have been
all the more ready to comply with your wish, — fully
occupied as I otherwise am, — in order to challenge you
to exercise the latter.
You have here a letter, in two senses badly written, and I
am afraid no less prolix than ill-arranged. But in this respect
you are bound to be indulgent, as you have challenged an
Arab piper.f If you will deign to inscribe the name of
Erasmus among those most nearly attached to you, I will
promise you in return a distinguished place among my
circle of Williams, since I observe that this name stands
by some fatality in a friendly and prosperous relation to
me. It would be a long story to count them all; but you
will not, I think, be ashamed to stand in the same group
with William, Archbishop of Canterbury, William Mountjoy,
and William Bude.
In case the occasion should arise, on which your Highness
may require any little service from me, you will lay your
injunctions upon a person most desirous of gratifying you.
Louvain, 1518.+
t qui tibicinem Arabium in te provocaris, — ' an Arab piper,' — whose
performance, once started, it was difficult to stop. Erasmus, Adagia, Chil. I.
vii. 32.
I Lovanio, Anno 1518. C
462 Glareaii a Professor at Paris
We have read in a letter of Bude (Epistle 770, p. 335), that Henry
Glarean had, on the death of Faustus Andrelinus, been appointed his
successor, as Professor of Rhetoric in the University of Paris. The
death of his own father at Basel (see p. 231), had since that time
given occasion to Glarean to make a journey to the latter city ; from
whence he appears to have written a letter to Erasmus, which was
received by his correspondent at Louvain, but has not been preserved.
The following short Epistle was written by Erasmus in reply, to be
delivered to his correspondent upon his return to Paris.
Epistle 823. Ep. ad Diversos ; Ep. xv. 8 ; C. 377 (361).
Erasmus to Henry Glarean.
Your letter, brought hither from Basel, has been delivered
to me by Jerome Froben. There has been no remission in
my love for you, although of the vigour of this little body
some fraction is daily diminished, either by age or by the
ever increasing labour of my studies ; but much more by the
uneasiness inflicted upon me by those wranglers, who have
entered into a conspiracy against Good Letters, as well as
against sincere piety.
I do indeed congratulate you on having the company of
John Lascaris ; he retains his old character, as he has always
shown the sincerest liking for promising talent. I trust that
it may please God to grant him the longest of hves, to be
spent in assisting the best of studies. And you, my Glarean,
must so in every way prepare yourself, that, when we shall
be ready, as we soon shall be, to pass on the Lamp, you
may so take the place of Erasmus, as to throw his name
entirely into the shade.
Farewell, and convey our greetings to Cyprian Taleus,
Nicolas Beraud, Hermann Frieslander, and the others
where you are, who wish us well.
Louvain, 15 18.
INDEX
E. = Erasmus.
Adages, new edition, April, 1518,370
Adrian, Matthew, Hebrew professor.
See Matthew
Adrian of Utrecht (Pope Hadrian
VII.), 169
Adrian, physician, message to him,
246
^milius, Paulus, author of a French
History, 159, 160
Afinius, Henricus, Physician of
Ghent, present to E. 23, 96,
.97, i35> 147, 212, 313
Gillis out of patience with him,
^2>^ 97> 137
dedication to him, 136, 313
Afinius, Robertus saluted by E. 53
Agnes, St., the Prior of, a friend of
E. 120, 202
Agricola, Rodolphus, proposed
edition of his works, 14
Albert, Archduke, his present to E.
418
Aldine press, activity of, 63
Aldington Rectory, pension for E.
charged upon it, 132
Aleander, Jerome, E.'s opinion of
him, 195
his preferment, 185, 195, 215
Baptist, brother of Jerome, 185
Alexander the Great, E.'s estimate
of him, 130
Amerbach, brothers, Bruno, Basil,
and Boniface, 14
Bruno, visiting Italy, 14
advice of E. to him, 14, 15
letter of the brothers from Paris,
344
letter from E. to Boniface, 434
Ammonius, Andrew, his death, i, 2
3> 43, 397
Ammonius, Peter. See Vanncs
Andrelinus, Faustus, his death, 397
Anonymous prelate, E.'s old fellow-
student, letters to him, 66,
78, 163
Antibarbari, early work of E. in
Pace's hands, 183
Apologia ad Fabrum, dated 5
August, 151 7, 5
composed within fourteen days,
179, 245
printed by MartensatLouvain, 5
copies sent to Froben and
Schiirer, 178, 179
E's. feeling about it, 9, 10, 36,
79
purpose explained to Lefevre,
53, 55,. 340
to Capito, 179
to Bishop Fisher, 236
to Bullock, 295
copies sent to Gillis, Tunstall,
Clava, Laurinus, 23, 28,
35, 36
read with regret at Cologne, 80
criticized by Baer, 184
regretted by Pirckheimer and
Bude, 87, 191
defended in letter to Baer, 177,
178
to Bude, 261-273
answer of Bude, 330
new editions, 183, 304
not answered by Lefevre, 304,
3.13
disappointment of E. 2,^ 3,
341
464
Epistles of Erasmus
Atensis, Joannes, Vice-Chancellor
of Louvain University, 34,
77
letter to him upon message
received from Emperor,
77
his reception of E. at Louvam,
79
Athyroglottus, letter to one, 451
Augsburg, Wolfgang of, in Froben's
employment, 17
letter to, 17, 18
Baarland, Adrian, Professor at
Louvain, letter to E. 75,
76
Bade, Josse, printer of Paris, short
notes from E. 230, 344
Baer, Lewas, of Basel, letter of E.
to him, 9
defence of 4^<?/(9^/a, 177, 178
Banisius, Jacobus, letters of E. to,
121, 159
answer of Banisius, 139
Baptist, brother of Jerome Ale-
ander, 185, 207
Barbier, Nicolas, brother to Peter,
22, 23
Barbier, Peter, Secretary to the
Chancellor of Burgundy,
letters from E. 38, 117,
213. 302, 413
books sent to him, 213
Basel, journey of E. to (1518), 343,
356, 376, 386, 387, 3S8
Basel, Christopher, Bishop of, 10
correspondence of E. with him,
10, II
Batt, Cornelius, son of James,
friendly letter of E. to, 374
recommended to Laurinus, 375
Bavaria, Ernest, duke of, 128, 131
Quintus Curtius' History dedi-
cated to him, 129
Beatus Rhenanus, letter to, about
Basel Press, 181-184
publications in hand, 181-183
Bedill, Thomas, Secretary to War-
ham, letters to, 283, 353
E.'s money supplies miscarried,
284
a horse wanted, 284
Berauld, Nicolas, a correspondent of
E. 316
letter of E. to, 403
Berckmann, Francis, bookseller, of
Antwerp, 147
Bergen, Antony, Abbot of St. Ber-
tin. See St. Bertin.
Bergen, Antony, great nephew of
the Abbot, a student at
Louvain, 158, 226
BerseHus, Paschasius, of Liege,
letters to E. 73, 205
recommends a Hebrew teacher,
75
letters of E. to him, 185, 214
Bertin St. Abbot of, Antony of
Bergen, 71
displeased with Moria, 72
letter to him in its defence,
196, 197
visited by More, 96, 223
Bidell, Thomas. See Bedill.
' Black Band,' military outlaws in
the Netherlands, 6
Bombasius, Paulus, formerly at
Bologna, now Zurich, letter
to E. 174 — 176
his character, 184
friend of Pace, 292
letters of E. to him, 314, 420, 452
Pace's book, 314, 315, 316
letter to E. 438
Book-fair at Frankfurt, 1 5
books to be bought for E. 16
Borssele, John, Latin Professor at
Louvain, 158, 320
Dean of Veer, 418
Briselot, Confessor to Francis I.
hostile to E. 5, 6, 25, 197
Britannica fides, expression of dis-
credit, 230
Bruges, friends of E, there, 35, 36
suggested residence, 52, 53
Index
465
Bude, William, short letters of E. to
him, 104, 167
long letter of E. 258
prolix letter of B. in reply, 330
short note of E. 344
deprecates controversy wirh
Lefevre, 331
forwards invitation to French
Court, 334
letter to Tunstall, lost, 336
letter from E. 442
Bullock, Henry, letter to, 349
Busch, Hermann, letter to, 357
Busleiden, Francis, Jerome, Giles
(three brothers) :
Francis, Archbishop of Be-
san^on, died 1502, 34, 81
Jerome, Provost of Aire,
died August, 15 17, 33
his Trilingual College at
Louvain, 81, 108, 273, 372
' Epitaphs ' of E. in his
honour, 82, 109
Giles, correspondent of E.
82, loi, 108
Caesar, Robert, schoolmaster at
Ghent, 200
messages for him, 34, 376
Caesarius, John, letter to E. 80
letter of E. to him, 385
Calvus, Julius, bookseller of Ticino
360
Cambridge friends of E. 296
theological school, 177, 180
Canius, Canon, sends Flemish pen-
sion to E. 302
Canterbury, Archp. of. See Warham
Capito; Guolfangus Fabritius, name
as altered by E. 179
Rector of Basel University, 308
letters of E. to him, 179, 186,308
Capnio, Reuchlin so called, 156, 418
Caraffa, John Peter, Bishop of
Chieti, afterwards Pope
Paul IV. in pecuniary
difficulties, 7
relations with E. 303
Chievres, William, Chamberlain to
King Charles, 7
all-powerful at Court of Brus-
sels, 7
his young nephew, Cardinal de
Croy, 7
Chiregatto, Francesco, letter to E.
24
' Christ,' how understood by Theo-
logians, 184
Chronological Register of Ei)istles
(i) after Table of Contents.
Clava, Antony, of Ghent, letters to
him, 34, 68, 159, 160, 200,
376
Clavus, physician, of Ghent, salu-
tation to him, 34
E.'s opinion of his skill, 83
Clement, John, protege of INIore, in
Wolsey's service, 346, 347
' Codes,' the one-eyed courier, Peter,
so called by E. 297
Cocmann, Father, an admirer of E.
202
Colet, John, applies to Henry VHI
on behalf of E. 299
some annuity offered, 299
letter to, 356
Colloquies of E. early editions, 366
Cologne, Bishop of, his severity
against robbers, 369
Complaint of Peace. See Querela
Conrad, assistant at Froben's press,
letter expected from him, 8
Copia, Bude's opinion of the book, 8
Copyright, transactions with pub-
lishers, 308
Croke, Richard, first Greek profes-
sor at Cambridge, 298
letter to, 355
Croy, the Cardinal de, at Louvain,
7,76
See Chievres
letter to, 457
CruU, John, merchant of Antwerp,
147
VOL. III.
2 H
466
Epistles of Erasmus
Curtius, Quintus, History edited by
E. 13, 128, 183
dedication of, 129, 130
Deloin, letter of E. to, — not pre-
served, 104
correspondence with, 260
Desmoulins, John, 348
Dominican Friars, — their proposed
destruction of Hebrew
books, 5 note
ReuchUn's opposition, 5
Dorpius, his relations with E. 5, 10
Dorpius and Nsevius disagree, 203
Eck, John, his letter criticising E.'s
New Testament, 243, 244
England, E. disposed to retire to
' the least tainted part of
Christendom,' 281, 284, 288
status of lawyers there, 411
English Court, its character, 395, 417
English preferment, prospect of, for
E. 44, 342
Epistles of E. (15 17-8), Chrono-
logical Register (i)
Epistles of Erasmus {Auciarium)
preparing for publication,
294
revised by the writer, 295
Epistles to Tunstall, formal and
informal, 27, 28
Epistolse, Obscurof^m Virorum, dis-
approved by E. 19
sent for by him, 23
Erasmius, son of Froben, godson of
E. 22
Erasmus of Louvain, Doctor of
Law, namesake of E. 154
Erasmus, settled at Louvain, Sept.
15 1 7, his treatment there,
34, 36, 79
number of his Epistles, August
to December. 15 17, 4
Erasmus — contifitied.
his money supplies, 35
his dealings with booksellers,
4, 16, 182, 378
'loveletters' from Patrons, 305
his travels renewed, 326-329
allegiance to Bp. of Utrecht,
detachment from Luther, 381
arrival at Basel, 13 May, 15 18,
386
Eschenveld, Christopher, letter to,
444
Faber, Jacobus. See Lefevre
Farrago Epistoiarum, published, 258
Faustus Andrelinus, his death, 397
Fe'vin, John, Canon at Bruges, 52
letter to him, 52, 53
visit to Bruges proposed, 52
' Figs on the Eyes,' an Adage, 370
Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester,
letters to him, 41, 71, 350
his Greek studies, 42, 207, 236,
239> 25s
his advice asked as to New
Testament, 285
Fontanus, Christopher, gu. employed
in Froben's press, 15 note
Frankfurt book-fair, 15, 16, 378
books to be bought there for
E. 15, 16
Friars, their fraternal love, epigram
by More, 133
Friars Preachers, controversy with
Reuchlin, 5 note
Fricslander, John, recommended by
E. for employment, 67, 68,
69. 7o> i57> 161
Froben, John, printer :
his son, Erasmius, godson of
E. 21, 22
E.'s obligation to him, 312
Gaverius at Louvain, 15S
Index
467
Gaza, Theodore, his Greek Grammar,
translated by E. 15, 16
second book sent to press, 100,
126, 182
Geldenhauer, Gerard, of Nimeguen.
See Nimeguen
Gerbel, Dr. Nicolas, 311
letter to, 447
German roads, insecure, 312, 356
robber bands, a thousand killed,
360, 369
the rest unwisely spared, 369
Germanus, John, letter to, 116
former association with E. 115
Ghent, E.'s friends there, 67
Gillis, Peter, death of his father,
137, 145. 150. 420
letter to E. 418
letters of advice to him, 276, 339
letter to him, with character of
his father, 409
Glarean, Henry, friendly letters to,
105, III, 231, 462
his success in France, 231
message sent through him to
Lefevre, 232
professor at Paris, 335
Gospels in Greek, MS. sent to E.
201, 202
Gratius, Ortuinus, 390
Greek Professor at Louvain, 372,
373
a Greek preferred on account
oi pronunciation^ 372
Grey, Thomas, an old pupil of E.
234, 370
at Paris, 296
at Louvain, 342, 343, 345
going to England, 343, 355
with letters from E. 345, 370
Grimani, Card. Domenico, known
by E. at Rome, 141, 371
Paraphrase dedicated to him,
i4i> 371
letter to him, 371
Grocyn, William, his sickness and
death, 282, 287
Grolier, John, letter to, 362
his library, 366
Gunnell, William, letter to, 346
Haloin, George, letter to him, 25
Hebrew books, proposed destruc-
tion of, 5 7iote
opposition of Reuchlin, 5
Hebrew studies at Louvain and
Basel, 305, 309, 311
E. not quite favourable to
them, 309
Henry VHL his attitude to E. 44
preferment in England offered
by him, 44, 45, 342
books sent to him by E. 44,
102
letters of E. to him, 45, 367
a ' perfect sovereign,' 47
present of money from him,
342, 367
his Court described, 345, 361,
395> 417
Hermogenes, his book on Rhetoric,
16
Herodotus, printed by Aldus, copy
sent by E. to Clava, 376
Hochstraten, James, 391
Hue, letter of E. to, 406
Hutten, Ulrich, E.'s liking for him,
260
epistle to him, with ' portrait '
of More, 387
Huy, Castle of Bp. of Liege, 205
' Hypostasis ' in Athanasian Creed,
177
Immortality of the Soul, Cicero's
discourse, E. asked to ex-
plain, 76
Jerome, rival edition threatened, 343
468
Epistles of Erasmus
John, English servant of E. See
Smith.
Journey to Venice or Basel in pros-
pect, March, 1518, 281,
285, 289
Julius Exclusus, the work of E. 384
disclaimed by him, 19,20, 21,
290, 384, 393
MS. in Lupset's charge, 64
copy sent from More to E. 107
Lachner, Wolfgang, printer, father-
in-law of Froben, 15
letters to him, 16, 99
his death, 281, 298
La77ientationes Petri, 357
Langenfeld {Longicampianus), John,
a Bavarian student at
Lou vain, 155, 202
Lascaris, John, letter to, Greek
professor required at
Lou vain, 372
Latimer, William, letter to E. 236-
242
observations on E.'s New Testa-
ment, 237-239
declines the task of teaching
Bp. Fisher Greek, 239,
241, 254, 255
bantering answer of E. 253
Laurinus, Marcus, Coadjutor-Dean
of St. Donatian, Bruges,
letters to, 35, 68, 157, 161,
229, 322, 375
sends money to E. 157
More delighted with him, 229
letter about New Testament,
322, 329
his brothers, Matthias and
Peter, 158, 161
Lefevre, James, letters to, justifying
the Apologia, 5 3, 340
a moderate answer invited, 16S,
his language cited to justify
Apologia, 263, 2 86
Lefevre, James — continued.
controversy regretted by Baer
and Bude, 178, 181, 184,
191, 192
by Erasmus himself, 261,
391, 396
book on the Three Magdelens,
232
Leo, 'Master,' of Louvain, 185
Leo X., Pope, epistle to E. upon
publication of the New
Testament, 436
Liege, Bp. of, Erard de la Marck,
letters to his chaplain, 185, 214
letter to the Bishop, with copy
of Paraphrase, 194
letter of Bp. to E. 204
letter of his chaplain, 205
visit put off till the spring, 2 1 7
Linacre's works in the press, 370
Listrius, Gerard, schoolmaster of
ZwoUe, 120, 201
letters to, 55, 120, 201, 358
edited Moria, 25, 55
Literary Society at Strasburg, Oct.
1517, no
Louvain, removal of E. thither,
August, 151 7, I
his reception there, 9, 11, 23,
25> 27, 79
prolonged stay, Aug. 151 7 to
April, 1 5 18, 1-376
Lilian College, 420
Louvain University compared with
Paris, 79
disputed Church patronage,
226, 227, 228
Ludovicus, host of E. at Bruges,
36, 69
Lupset, Thomas, invited by E. to
Louvain, 107
Lutzenburg, Antony, steward of St.
Bertin, letter to, 71-73
Luther, a stranger to E. 381
his first publications, 381, 382
Index
469
Maiie, visitor at Colet's house, 300
Master in University Degrees,
equivalent to Doctor, 5
note, 22, 150, 227
Master, Richard, rector of Alding-
ton, paid a pension to E. 3 5 1
Matsys, Quentin, his portrait of E.
and Gillis together, 41, 69,
_ 84, 91, 92, 93
on its way to England, 84
presented to More, 9:
More's verses upon them, 92,
93. 98
Matthew Adrian, Hebrew Professor
at Louvain, 98, loi, 104,
106, 109, 165, 180, 296,
309, 320, 321
Matthias {qu. Laurinus), lord of
Watervlieten, 35
Mayence, Albert of Brandenburg,
Archbp. of, letter to E. 57
Medicine, Declamation upon, 313
Merton in Surrey, Priory, 3
More, Sir John, his children, dates
of birth, 420
More, Thomas, date of birth, 420
sent to Calais by Henry VHI.
Aug. 1517, 2, 41
his literary work described
by E. 2, 18, 21, 22, 4x6
his Utopia and Epigrammata
printed by Froben, 18, 21
preface of E. addressed to
Froben, 21, 22
letter to GiUis, with verses
on Matsys' portrait, 91-93
letter to E. from Calais, with
thanks for portrait, 94
letter with epigram on
' Brothers,' 131, 133
works in Basel press, 100
detained at Calais, 166
with Pace at Bruges, 199
returned, and become King's
secretary, 342, 361, 369
written ' portrait ' of him in
letter to Hutten, 405-418
his two wives an d children, 413
More, Thomas — cofittnucd.
Under-sheriff of London, 413
date of birth, corrected, 420
letters to E. i, 94, 102, 131
letters of E. to him, 41, 69,
166, 249, 288, 368, 414
Moria, defended by E. 207-209
French translation by Haloin,
25> 55
disapproved by E. 55
Mormellius, Invective against, by
Listrius, 358
Morillon, Guy, 306, 387
Mountjoy, lord, his ' coldness ' com-
plained of, 369
Musurus, Marcus, his death at
Rome, 176, 306, 397
Naef, John, of Hontiscote. See
Najvius
Naevius or Nevius, John, head of
Lilian College, Louvain,
154
host of Erasmus, 158, 165
Nazianzen, Gregory, his works (in
Greek), printed by Aldus,
16 note
Nesen, Will, corrector of Froben's
press, letters to him, 8,
234> 342
at Paris with Taleus, 234
going to Rome, 341, 342
New Testament edited by E. re-
vised i8r, 312, 324, 391
three copies printed on vellum,
one for Tunstall, 388
seventy editions before E.'s
death, 380
epistle of welcome from Pope
Leo X. 381
Nicolas, sent to England on secret
commission, 123
Nimeguen, Gerard Geldenhauer of
(Noviomagus), Secretary
to Bp. of Utrecht, 134, 337
letter to E. 172
470
Epistles of Erasmus
Nimeguen— con finued.
letters of E. to him, 31, 90,
221, 337. 373, 374
Noviomagus. See Nimeguen.
Nuenar, Count Hermann, resident
at Cologne, 18
letters to, 19, 126, 164
his defence of Reuchlin, 80, 127
his inexpedient controversy, 357
Obscure Men, Epistles of, disap-
proved by E. 19, 23, 24
copy ordered by him, 23
CEcolampadius (Hausschein),
Joannes, at Frankfurt, 310
letters to him, 310, 454
Off buys, Charles, letter to, 109
Oswald, epistle to, 433
Pace, Richard, at Constance, 5 Nov.
i5i7> 132, 133
at Bruges, returning to England,
146, 162
epistle to, 162
praised in the Adages, 316
his book de Fructu Studiorum,
184, 249
approved by Bombasius,*
not by E. 249, 291, 311,
3i5> 392
asked to assist E. in obtaining
money from Henry VHI.
and a horse from England,
291, 292
in favour at the English Court,
312, 395
in correspondence with E. 449
Palgrave, John, travelling to the
Continent, i, 2
Palseotus, 397
Paliurus, Lucas, Secretary to the
Bp. of Basel, letter to
him, 1 1
'Paraphrases' of E. his comment
upon this title, 162, 166
Paraphrase of Epistle to Romans,
in the press, 118, 145
presentation copy, 161
generally approved, 228
dedicated to Card. Grimani, 37 1
Pardons, papal, abuse of, 298
Patrons of E. in various countries,
216
Pension 'of 17th and i8th years,'
due to E. {qu. from living
of Aldington), 351, 352,
354
Pensions paid by Church prefer-
ment, 210, 211
Petit, William, Confessor to Francis I.
169, 170, 189
Pfefferkorn, Johann, Jewish convert,
his book denounced, 114,
120, 122, 148, 149
Pirckheimer, Wilibald, letter to E.
84
letters of E. to him, 113, 415
invites E. to Nuremberg, 318
Poncher, Stephen, Bishop of Paris,
French envoy in London,
283
Pope Leo X. See Leo
Portrait of E. and Gillis, 41, 69, 84
sent to Calais, 91, 94
More's verses on it, 92
Printing of important classical
works, 151 7, 29
* Epistle 707, written by E. to Beatus Rhenanus, 6 Dec, 15 17 (see p. 184), contains
near the end, — as printed, — the following words, C. 1647 K. Pacreus suis ad me litteris,
jactat libellum De Fructu Siiidionini abs te laudatum ; and the last three words have been
translated, p. 184, ' cited by you.' We should probably read, ab tft? laudatum, 'praised by
him,' that is, by Bombasius, who is named in the preceding lines. Pace had been encouraged
to publish his book by the approval of Bombasius, who had visited him at Constance.
Erasmus thought the book not worth publishing. See pp. 249, 250.
Index
471
Prout or Prowde, Thomas, an
ofificer at Calais, letter to
him, 247
Pucci, Antonio, Apostolic Legate,
429
Pyrrhus, an early friend of E. letter
to him, 169
Querela Pads, suggested by Le
Sauvage, 152
dedicated to Philip, Bp. of
Utrecht, 30, 32, 88
parchment copy sent him, 91
Quintus Curtius, revised by E. 13
copy sent to Schiirer, 13, no,
183
' Religious ' persons, use of the
word, 209, 210
Resurrection " after three days,"
267, 268
Reuchlin, John, controversy about
him, 20
epistle of E. to, 148
his works in the Press, 155
his suit at Rome, 400
Reuchlino-mastiges and Reuchlino-
Zoili, 85, 86
Revolution impending over Europe,
Sept. 1517, 51
Richard, a young clerk of Tunstall,
letter of E. to him, 30
Robber bands. See German roads
Rochester, bishop of. See Fisher
Romans, St. Paul's Epistle to, para-
phrased by E. 141, 144
Roman Topography of E. 141-143
Rome under Leo X. 143
Rufus, letter to Mutianus, 443
Ruser, John, corrector of Schiirer's
Press, 13
letter of E. to him, 1 3
Sampson, Richard, agent of Wolsey
at Tournay, letter to E.
274-276
answer of E. 347
Sauvage, John, Chancellor of Bur-
gundy, liberal to E. 9
long letter of E. to claim his
protection, 301
Schiirer, Matthias, printer of Stras-
burg, friendship of E. to
him, 13
letter to, enclosing copy of
Quintus Curtitis, no
Seal engraved for E. 147
Seals used by E. 147, 148
Sickingen, Franz, a Free Lance and
friend of Reuchlin, 418
Sixtinus, Dr. John, letter to E. 3
letters of E. to him, 43, 251,
352
Smith, John, servant of Erasmus,
and of More, 247, 288,
342, 353> 361, 369
Spalatinus, correspondence with E.
T41
Stromer, Henry, physician to the
Archbp. of Mayence, letter
of E. to him, 12
of Stromer to E. 58
Synecdoche, a figure of speech, 232,
233. 268
Taleus, Cyprian, a scholar of Paris,
234
Testament, Greek, to be re-edited
by E. 312
criticism of former edition, 323
answer of E. 324-329
Therapeiitice, qu. an unpublished
work of Linacre, 246
Trebatius, a friend of Cicero in
Britain, 314
Trilingual College at Louvain, 108,
109
interest of E. in the proposal,
109, 225
Tunstall, Cuthbert, his embassy to
Zealand, 59
letter to E. 59-63
472
Epistles of Erasmus.
Tunstall, Cuthbert — continued.
opinion on the Lefevre contro-
versy, 6 1
answer of E. 78, 79
return home from Zealand, 104
letter of E. to him, 359
vellum copy of Testament, 388
Turks, their recent conquests, 176,
397
pretended preparations against
them, 282, 289
pamphlet by Pace, 290
Utopia., early editions, 64, 65
first edition, 183
new edition with More's Epi-
grams, March, 1518, 21,
22
with Preface by Peter Gillis,
at Paris, with Preface by Bude,
289
in the Press at Basel, 289, 291
Utrecht, Philip of Burgundy, Bishop
of, his consecration, 31
letter to E. 134, 135
allegiance of E. to him, 338
reminiscence of his brother
David, also Bishop of,
Utrecht, 31, 32, 337
Querela Pads dedicated to him
32
requests E. to be instructor to
a boy, 193
answer of E. 193, 194
Epistle of E. to him, 219
Vannes (or Ammonius), Peter,
cousin of Andrew, 39, 40
letters of E. to, 39, 253, 350
complaint of him, 351, 353
Veer in Zeeland, 392
Vitre, Peter, early friend of E. 169
letters to him, 170, 343
at the College of Navarre, Paris,
234
a legatee, long after, by E.'s
will, 171
\Varham, William, Archbishop, in-
fluence of E. with him,
131
letter to him about E.'s plans
and needs, 281
horse wanted, 282
Wentford, Roger, Master of St.
Antony's School, London,
letter to E. not preserved,
102
letters of E. to him, 248, 366
editing E.'s Colloquies, 248,
366
Werter, John, letter to, 446
Wiltshire, Sir John, Controller of
Calais, letter to him, 280
Wingfield, Sir Richard, Deputy of
Calais, 247, 278, 279
letter to him, 279
Wolfgang of Augsburg, printer as-
sisting Aldus, letter to, 17
Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, letters
to, 48, 378
nominated Bishop of Tournay,
274
his patronage of E. 348
his early benefaction to Oxford,
379
Worcester, Bp. of, Sylvester GigUs,
resident at Rome, 36
letter from E. 37
Year-date, '17th' and 'i8th' years
(of the Century), 354
Zasius, Udalric, his book de Origine
Juris, 14
letter to E. 424
of E, to him, 426
Zopyrus, his story in Herodotus,
122, 125, 149
ZwoUe in Holland, Listrius there,
Printed by J. B. .Nichols <k boss. I'urliamont Mansions, Victoria Street. 5.W.
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