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Westminster Commentaries
Edited by Walter Lock D.D.
IRELAND PROFESSOR OF THE BXJtOESIS
OF HOLY SCRIPTURE
THE EPISTLE
TO
THE PHILIPPIANS
S THE EPISTLE
TO
THE PHILIPPIANS
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY
MAURICE JONES, D.D.
RECTOK OF ROTHERFIELD PEPPARD
METHUEN & CO. LTD.
36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
LONDON
First Published in igiS
PREFATORY NOTE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR
ryiHE primary object of these Commentaries is to be exe-
-*~ getical, to interpret tlie meaning of each book of the
Bible in the light of modern knowledge to English readers.
The Editors will not deal, except subordinately, with questions
of textual criticism or philology ; but taking the English text
in the Revised Version as their basis, they will aim at com-
bining a hearty acceptance of critical principles with loyalty to
the Catholic Faith.
The series will be less elementary than the Cambridge Bible
for Schools, less critical than the International Critical Com-
mentary, less didactic than the Expositor's Bible; and it is
lioped that it may be of use both to theological students and to
the clergy, as well as to the growing number of educated laymen
and laywomen who wish to read the Bible intelligently and
reverently.
Each commentary will therefore have
(i) An Introduction stating the bearing of modern criticism
and research upon the historical character of the book, and
drawing out the contribution which the book, as a whole, makes
to the body of religious truth.
(ii) A careful paraphrase of the text with notes on the
more difficult passages and, if need be, excursuses on any
points of special importance either for doctrine, or ecclesiastical
organization, or spiritual life.
vi PREFATORY NOTE
But the books of the Bible are so varied in character that
considerable latitude is needed, as to the proportion which the
various parts should hold to each other. The General Editor
will therefore only endeavour to secure a general uniformity in
scope and character: but the exact method adopted in each
case and the final responsibility for the statements made will
rest with the individual contributors.
By permission of the Delegates of the Oxford University
Press and of the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press
the Text used in this Series of Commentaries is the Revised
Version of the Holy Scriptures.
WALTER LOCK
PREFACE
r I iHIS Commentary is throughout the product of the War
-*- period and every line of it was written under the
shadow of the deplorable calamity that has overcome this
world of ours. It is possible that some traces of the con-
ditions under which it was written may be discernible in
the book itself, for the author found in the Epistle to the
Philippians a never-failing source of comfort and encour-
agement in many a dark day and a beacon of hope in times
of stress and storm whose light was ever shining. I can
imagine no more effective mental or spiritual tonic and no
more powerful incitement to patience, courage, and joy,
however gloomy and depressing the outlook may be, than
the study of this letter, with its vivid picture of the char-
acteristic cheerfulness and unquenchable joy of the great
Apostle, though a violent death might be looming in the
near future and life, at best, had little to offer him but
labour and sorrow. Its many inspiring, consoling, and up-
lifting passages, as e.g. ii. 17, 18, "Yea, and if I am offered
upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy, and rejoice
with you all: and in the same manner do ye also joy, and
rejoice with me", come ringing across the gulf of the ages
with an appeal and pathos that time has not in the least
impaired.
It is this particular aspect of the Epistle, as revealing
St Paul's consistent patience amid grievous trials, his
J. h
viii PREFACE
amazing buoyancy of spirit in days of darkness and uncer-
tainty, his unfailing trust in the love of God in Christ Jesus,
and the serenity and joy which no present misfortune and
no evil to come can dim, that I have attempted mainly to
bring out in the present volume, and if the study of the
Commentary serves to bring to a few readers the unceasing
comfort which the writing of it brought to me I shall feel
that I have received ample reward for my labour.
The somewhat disproportionate length of the Introduction
may possibly require an explanation. This feature in the
Commentary is largely due to the fact that advanced criti-
cism within recent years has confined its attention mainly to
two points in connection with our Epistle, viz. its integrity,
and its place of origin; and as neither of these subjects had
been adequately discussed in any previous Commentary on
the Epistle it became necessary to deal with both at con-
siderable length in the present work.
I desire to tender my most sincere gratitude to the
General Editor of the series. Dr Lock's wise counsel and
ripe judgment were generously placed at my disposal at
every stage of composition, and whatever merits the Com-
mentary may possess are very substantially due to his
valuable help and co-operation.
M. J.
Holy Gross Day, 1917.
CONTENTS
Introduction :
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
Philippi ... . .
St Paul at Philippi
Where was the Epistle written ? .
Was the Epistle written early or late in the
Roman imprisonment ? . . . .
The authenticity and integrity of the Epistle
The occasion and purpose of the Epistle .
The historical value of the Epistle
1. St Paul at Rome
2. The Church of Philippi .
The characteristics of the Epistle
St Paul in the Epistle .
The doctrine of the Epistle .
1. The Christology .
2. The Eschatology.
3. The doctrine of justification
The Church in the Epistle .
1. The Church as the "New Israel"
2. The Christian Ministry
Analysis of the Epistle .
Bibliography
Text and Commentary
Index ....
XI
XV i
XXV
xxxvi
xxxix
xlviii
liii
liii
lix
Ixiii
Ixvi
Ixxii
Ixxii
Ixxxi
Ixxxiv
Ixxxv
Ixxxv
Ixxxvlii
xcvii
c
1
79
62
I
INTRODUCTION
I. Philippi.
The name of Philippi will always arouse the interest and enlist
the sympathy of every European Christian as being that of the city
in which organised Christianity in the person of its greatest re-
presentative first secured a footing in his own continent. The
pre-Christian history of the city is as important as it is interesting,
seeing that it was closely connected with the birth of two world-wide
Empires. Its name it owed to Philip of Macedon, the father of
Alexander the Great who founded the Greek Empire of the East,
extended the Greek power as far as India, and originated the move-
ment which spread widely through Asia the matchless language and
culture of Greece. Its greatest political privilege, that of being
a Roman colony, it derived from the fact that it by chance became
the scene of the decisive victories of the triumvirate, Octavian,
Antony, and Lepidus, over the murderers of Julius Caesar, an event
which had no small influence upon the subsequent fortunes of
Octavian in that it formed the first step of the ladder which ulti-
mately led to his elevation as the first Emperor of Rome under the
title of Augustus. It was destined, however, to attain to still greater
honour and to become associated with a still greater Name, " the
Name which is above every name ", and to mark an important stage
in the onward march of an Empire of which the Empires of Alexander
and Augustus were but pale shadows, an Empire whose crowning
point was to be attained only when ' ' all the kingdoms of this world
became the kingdoms of the Lord ",
Philippi as a Greek City.
The spot whereon Philippi stood was of importance from very
early days owing to the fertility of its surroundings and the rich
mineral deposits found in its neighbourhood. Its ancient name
xii INTRODUCTION
"Krenides" (from Kpyjyr}, a si)riiig) is reminiscent of the first feature,
and close at hand were the gold mines of Mount Pangaeus, the "Rand"
of the ancient world. Philip of Macedon at the outset of his career
of conquest had noted the value of the site and had lost no time in
making it his own. It was admirably adapted for defensive purposes,
and a fortress was soon built to keep in check the inhabitants of
Thrace which Philip now added to his dominions. Its rich output
of gold, amounting it is said to ten thousand talents yearly, provided
him with a revenue for the equipment of the sea and land forces
which he required for the extension of his dominion. The citadel
built by him stood on the height commanding the main road leading
from West to East, and its ruins are still in evidence. The Empire
founded by the King of Macedon and immeasurably extended by his
more renowned son, Alexander, was comparatively short-lived and
in its entirety did not survive the death of the latter, but it left an
indelible mark upon the character of the Macedonian people which
is still discernible in the Christians of Macedonia as we find them
represented in St Paul's Epistles to the Macedonian Churches. The
subjects of Philip and Alexander were a simple, hardy, and proud
race and of tougher fibre than the more renowned inhabitants of
Southern Greece. It was the Macedonian and not the Athenian who
made Greek civilisation world-wide and it was the Macedonians who
longest withstood the attacks of the rising power of Rome. A state-
ment of Mommsen's is worth quoting in this connection, "In
stedfast resistance to the public enemy under whatever name, in
unshaken fidelity towards their native country and their hereditary
g(jvernment, and in persevering courage amidst the severest trials,
no nation in ancient history bears so close a resemblance to the
Roman people as the Macedonians" (Hist. Bom. ii. p. 201,
Everyman Ed.). That these qualities had not disappeared with the
loss of their independence is seen from the Acts of the Apostles and
St Paul's Epistles. Here again we find a people remarkable for its ad-
herence to the past and its keen jealousy of innovations, and equally
distinguished by its affectionateness and fidelity when once its
confidence has been gained. The Macedonians of the Pauline
Churches are still generous, proud, independent, zealous, and active
and, in consequence, prone to factiousness, while their women preserve
that position of honour and right of initiative which in the days long
gone by had helped to make Macedonia a power in the world. It
took three great wars before the Roman arms finally prevailed over
INTRODUCTION xiii
them and it was not until the year 168 B.C. that Macedonian inde-
pendence and its rule over Greece were destroyed at the decisive
battle of Pydna. The Macedonian monarchy ceased to exist 144
years after the death of Alexander and the territory was divided into
the four districts of Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia,
but this arrangement was modified owing to the outbreak of another
Macedonian war in 149 B.C., when the Roman power finally prevailed
over the whole of Greece. In 146 B.C. Macedonia and Epirus were
formed into the Roman Province of Macedonia with Thessalonica
as its capital, while the remainder of Greece became the Province of
Achaia with Corinth, which had been sacked and burnt a short time
before but now rose anew out of its ashes, as the seat of the Roman
Proconsul.
Philippi under the Romans.
Philippi first came into prominence as a city of the Empire as the
result of the decisive battles which were fought in its vicinity in
42 B.C. To mark the importance of that event it was formed into
a Roman colony in that year with the title of "Colonia Julia Victrix
Philippensis ", and the coinage of the period upon which the phrase
"cohors praet. Phil" is found seems to suggest that its first citizens
consisted of veterans belonging to the body-guard of the victors in
that fight. Eleven years afterwards when Antony had been finally
defeated at Actium there was a second influx of Romans into the
city in the persons of the soldiers of Antony who were banished from
Italy and transplanted into Philippi. To celebrate Octavian's second
victory Philippi now received an additional title " Colonia Augusta
Julia Philippensis" and the privilege of the "jus Italicum" was
conferred upon its Roman citizens. This meant that the colonists
were exempt from the oversight of the provincial Governor, that they
were not subject to poll and property tax, and that their rights to
property in the soil were regulated by Roman law.
Our knowledge of the condition of Philippi as a Roman colony
is derived mainly from inscriptions which have been discovered in
the vicinity, of which about a hundred survive. Their value consists
chiefly in the light which they throw upon the religious life of the
city, and the most interesting of them all is a list of 69 names of the
members of a guild, which was probably a burial club, associated
with the cult of Silvanus, an ancient Italian god, in whose honour
they had built a temple. The last name on the list is Valerius
xiv INTRODUCTION
Clemens, which reminds us that among the Philippian Christians
mentioned by St Paul in our Epistle is "Clement", one of his fellow-
workers, a point of interest as showing that the name was a familiar
one in Phiiippi. In the matter of its religious life, however, Piiilippi,
like most Roman cities of the period, and more especially Rome itself,
was extremely cosmopolitan and provided a home for a wide variety
of religious systems. Deities of such diverse characters as Diana and
Minerva, the Thracian Dionysus, who in the neighbouring Mount
Pangaeus had the most famous of his sanctuaries, the Phrygian god
Men, whose worship had close affinities with the Thracian cult, and
the worship of the Roman Emperor, all had their votaries in the city,
and the inscriptions bear witness to the activity of all these religious
factors.
The ruins still in existence show that the city in Roman days
was divided into two parts, a higher and a lower city, by the great
Imperial road, the Via Egnatia, which passed through it. In the
former were the citadel originally built by Philip of Macedon and the
temple of Silvanus mentioned above, while in the lower city were
situated the Greek theatre, rebuilt by the Romans, which stood at
the right hand of the gate by which the Egnatian road enters from
the East, the market-place, the forum, as well as a small square in
which stood the courts of justice. At the foot of the hill upon
which the citadel was placed there may still be seen the remains of
four massive columns, marking perhaps the site of the forum, or, as
some scholars think, that of great Roman baths. In its political and
social aspects as well as in its religious life Phiiippi was a miniature
Rome, and of all its privileges and possessions it prized most the fact
that it was a Roman city. This point is brought out very clearly
in the narrative of St Paul's first visit to Phiiippi in Acts xvi.
11-40.
It was ruled by duumviri who delighted to ape the dignity of
their Roman prototypes and to call themselves "praetors" and their
attendants "licturs", and the crowning offence of St Paul and his
companions was that "they set forth customs which it is not lawful
for us (Philippians) to observe being Romans". Its strategical im-
portance, which had attracted the attention of Philip centuries before,
was further developed by the Romans. It was situated on the main
artery, the Via Egnatia, which connected Rome with the distant
provinces of the East and stood where the Balkan range descended
into a pass, the only possible outlet for a great highway in the
INTRODUCTION xv
district. At a distance of eight miles only was the harbour of
Neapolis which afforded the only spacious and safe anchorage on
that coast. These two factors offered excellent facilities for the
purposes of trade, and it became consequently the centre of a large
commercial traflfic. A characteristic illustration of this is found in
the narrative in the Acts where the mention of Lydia and her calling
shows that it had considerable interests in the dyeing industry whose
centre was at Thyatira.
The precise political position of Philippi at this time has been
the subject of much discussion. St Luke in Acts xvi. 12 describes
it as "a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony".
The exact meaning of "the first city of the district" is very un-
certain. If the reading is correct, and this is a matter on which
doubt has been thrown (cf. Westcott and Hort, Vol. ii. Note on
Acts xvi. 12), we seem to have to choose between two solutions, one
of which is offered by Ramsay and the other by Marquardt, the
great historian of the Roman constitution.
Sir W. Ramsay (St Paul the Traveller, p. 206) is of opinion that
the description emanates from St Luke's patriotism and pride in
a city in which he evidently took no small interest and of which he
was probably a native. In his love for Philippi he exaggerated to
some extent the position of the city and sought to vindicate its
position as against Amphipolis, its neighbouring rival. The phrase
represents perhaps the position to which Philippi aspired rather than
the one it actually attained, although its aspirations were to be
realised at no very distant date. Marquardt {Rom. Staatsverfassung,
I. 188) regards the expression "first" as referring solely to the
precedence in the festival associated with the national games. For
the purpose of the festival cities were graded as of first, second, third,
or fourth rank, and St Luke is here thinking of the proud position
of Philippi as a city of the "first" grade.
It is simpler perhaps to explain the phrase as being due to St Luke's
not unnatural pride in a city which he regarded as his own, either by
birth or adoption, which led him to claim for it a position which it
demanded for itself but was not accorded to it by general consent.
The description at any rate illustrates his attachment to Philippi and
his anxiety to vindicate its honour. He would tell us that it was
a city of a great land, Macedonia, and above all that it was a Roman
colony. It is significant that, although several cities are mentioned
in the course of his narrative of St Paul's travels which were Roman
xvi INTRODUCTION
colonies, Philippi is the only instance where this privilege is definitely
mentioned.
One more feature remains to be noted before we close our sketch
of Philippi and its life : there were apparently only a few Jews
resident in it. In the narrative in Acts xvi. we are reminded that
the Jews of Philippi were not numerous enough to possess a syna-
gogue of their own and no strictly Jewish converts are mentioned.
This accords with the general tone of our Epistle, which seems to
imply that there was no strong Jewish influence in the Philippian
Church or in Philippian circles outside of it. This peculiarity can
hardly have been due to the fact that Philippi was not large enough
to attract Jews and is probably to be explained by the keen desire
of the Roman colony to imitate the example of Rome in its hostility
towards Jews as in other matters. Rome had recently banislied the
Jews from its borders and the Philippians may have manifested
a similar tendency. A hint of the prevalent state of feeling is
perhaps given in Acts xvi. 21, "These men, being Jews, do exceed-
ingly trouble our city ".
TI. St Paul at Philippi.
There is no stage in the history of the extension of the Church
of Christ in the Empire as related in the Acts which is described
with more solemnity of language and wealth of detail than that which
witnessed the arrival of the Pauline Gospel on European soil. The
entrance of St Paul into Macedonia shares with his arrival in Rome
the privilege of being, in St Luke's mind, the most important step
in the Apostle's missionary life, " the one the opening campaign of
the Gospel in the West, the other its crowning triumph " (Lightfoot,
Biblical Essays, p. 237). It is impossible to read the narrative in
Acts xvi. 6-11 without realising the transcendent meaning of the
movement into Greece for both St Paul and the writer, St Luke.
We are shown how at every crisis the Apostle's steps are guided by
the Spirit of God. It is the "Holy Spirit" that forbids him "to
speak the word in Asia": it is "the Spirit of Jesus" that " suffered
him not to go into Bithynia " : it is a vision from God that invites
him " to come over to Macedonia " : and it is the conviction that
"God had called him to preach the Gospel to the Macedonians"
that finally determined his plans. Various reasons have been sug-
gested to account for the remarkable emphasis placed in the narrative
INTRODUCTION xvii
upon the successive stages which led the Apostle to decide to cross
the Aegean. It has been well pointed out by Ramsay {St Paul the
Traveller, pp. 198-200) that it was not the geographical factor that
was at the root of it ; that historians at that time did not think in
continents as we do to-day, and that there was no real distinction
between the lands on either side of the Aegean. Greece and Asia
Minor were only two divisions of the Roman Empire, closely con-
nected by ties of common language and culture, and the line of
distinction was not between European and Asiatic provinces but be-
tween the Greek provinces of the East and the Latin provinces of the
West. Ramsay attributes St Luke's supreme interest in this action
of St Paul to the fact that he was a resident of Philippi and prob-
ably the Macedonian of the vision at Troas. He also suggests that
St Paul's determination to abandon Asia Minor for the time and
to extend his mission across the Aegean was largely due to the
influence of St Luke. That St Luke was intensely interested in
this particular movement and that he regarded Macedonia and all
that concerned it with special affection, lie on the surface of his
narrative, but I should hesitate to follow Ramsay all the way and
I doubt whether St Luke's connection with Philippi was as close and
as definite as he makes it out to be. Tradition is strongly against his
suggestion and the markedly Greek characteristics of St Luke, which
are specially emphasised by Ramsay himself, would seem to connect
him with another city than Philippi which was Macedonian and
Roman rather than Greek. The narrative in the Acts imphes that
he had at that time no residence in Philippi, seeing that St Paul
and his companions had to take up their abode with Lydia. His
manifest interest in Philippi and his affection for it can be satis-
factorily explained by the consideration that he was closely connected
with the founding of the Church there and that he remained in the
city for some considerable time after the Apostle's departure, taking
perhaps no small part in the subsequent development of the young
Christian community. The affectionate disposition of the Church
towards St Paul would be extended to his companion and physician
and would have precisely the same effect in the two cases : it would
bind them closely to the Philippian converts and would serve to
register in their minds the founding of the Church of Philippi as an
event never to be forgotten.
The appeal of Macedonia to both St Paul and St Luke may also
be partially explained by the close connection between that country
xviii INTRODUCTION
and the Hellenistic cities of Asia Minor to which the Apostle certainly
and the Evangelist probably belonged. It was the conquests of
Alexander of Macedon that had been the main agent of the diffusion
of Greek life, culture, and institutions in the East, and in the mind
of the historian there may have been present the idea that the debt
was now to be repaid and that " the tide which flowed West to
East was now to roll back by the same channel, laden with a nobler
treasure by which Asia more than discharged the obligation of
Europe " (Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, p. 240).
To the present writer, however, the vividness and emphasis of
St Luke's narrative seem to be mainly due to the historian's con-
sciousness that the crossing of the Aegean and the mission to
Macedonia formed the first definite steps on the road to Rome, and
if this be the case the narrative falls into line with what is the
governing motive of the Acts as a whole, viz. to describe the progress
of the Gospel from Jerusalem to the Imperial city. The record of
St Paul's missionary activity in the Acts up to this point seems
to imply that the Apostle had as yet no wider view of his mission
than the evangelising of the great centres of life in Asia Minor and
that Rome as the ultimate aim and climax of his work was still
below the horizon. The whole of the passage, Acts xvi. 6-11, with
its account of the repeated attempts to visit one district after another
in Asia Minor, every one of which was nullified by the intervention
of the Spirit of God, is St Luke's way of showing how the conviction
that Rome was to be the Apostle's true destination arose in his mind
and of enabling us to realise how he himself regarded the mission
to Macedonia as the decisive event in the movement which was
eventually to bring St Paul to the Imperial capital. The historian
is writing years after the event, and he reflects upon it in the light
of later experiences which had taught him the full meaning of the
coming of St Paul to Rome. Something of the vividness and fulness
of the narrative were doubtless due to St Luke's Macedonian and
Philippian sympathies, but of infinitely greater importance was the
fact that Rome and Christianised Rome filled the historian's eye
and that the mission to Macedonia and the founding of the Church
of Pliilippi, itself a Roman colony, were the first conscious turning
of St Paul's steps in the direction of the capital of the Empire.
It was during what is conventionally called the " Second Mis-
sionary Journey" and, according to the system of chronology adopted
in this volume, about the beginning of the summer of 50 a.d. that
INTRODUCTION xix
St Paul and his companions, Silas, Timothy, with the addition of
St Luke, whose presence for the first time in the Apostle's company-
is indicated by the use of " we " in the narrative, set sail from the
harbour of Troas. The voyage across the Aegean, which is described
by St Luke by the single Greek word iv6vSpofj.yjaafji€v (we made a
straight course), was apparently accompanied by unusually favourable
conditions, and a journey which a few years later took five days (Acts
XX. 6) was now accomplished in two, a fact which might well have
filled the heart of the Apostle with the hope that the mission to be
undertaken might be as successful as the initial voyage. No time was
spent at Neapolis, the port of landing, and the Apostolic band wended
its way towards Philippi, travelling along the Imperial highway for
some eight miles or so.
In the record of St Paul's activities given in Acts xvi. 11-40
attention is concentrated upon three main incidents. We shall dwell
on them only as far as they help to illustrate the social and religious
life of Philippi and the effect of the Gospel message upon the first
European community to which it was addressed.
1. The Conversion of Lydia.
(a) The absence of Jews from Philippi.
We have already commented upon the comparative absence of
Jews from Philippi. In this respect it offered a marked contrast to
the cities of Asia Minor which had been the scenes of the Apostle's
activities earlier. At Salamis in Cyprus, Antioch in Pisidia, and at
Iconium he had found a synagogue of the Jews and had utilised it
as a first means of approach to a new community, but at Philippi
the Jews were not sufficiently numerous to establish and maintain a
synagogue and had to be content with a "proseucha", or place of
prayer, which was found in the open air on the banks of the river
Gangites (the modern Angista). It was an old custom of the Jews
to gather for worship by the river side as we learn from Ezra viii. 15,
21, and from Tertullian {Ad Nat. i. 13), who tells us that the prac-
tice of "prayers on the shore " (orationes littorales) was maintained
among the Jews of his days.
(b) The influence oj the '^Godfearing" Gentiles upon the progress
of the Gospel.
There is no mention of Jews proper among those who were con-
verted " at the beginning of the Gospel " at Philippi and the one
XX INTRODUCTION
prominent name in the narrative is that of a woman, Lydia, perhaps
taking her name from her country, " a Lydian lady " (see note on
iv. 2), a purple-seller from Thyatira, who had probably been a devotee
of the Phrygian god, Men. She had, however, been attracted by the
pure monotheism and strict morality of the Jews and had accepted
a modified form of Judaism, complying in some degree with the
practices and customs of Jewish law and ceremonial. It has been
remarked that Christianity in its early days was successful, not
because it converted the convinced members of other cults, but
because it attracted the "honorary members" who were more or
less loosely attached to the different religious systems (Lake, Steward-
ship of Faith, pp. 75, 76). This is unquestionably true of the
Jews as a body, and it was the Gentile " God-fearers ", that class
of " honorary members " that clung to the robes of Judaism, and
not the Jews proper that provided a rich harvest for the labourers
of Christ. No one recognised more clearly the importance of this
religious type than St Paul, and throughout the whole of his
missionary career he utilised the "God-fearer" as the way of
approach to the world of pure paganism. In this respect Lydia
proved worthy of her designation and showed herself as receptive
of the higher message of the Christian Gospel as she had been of
the truths of the Jewish faith, and she was privileged to be not only
the first Christian disciple at Philippi but also the hostess of the
Apostolic company during its stay in that city, while her house
formed the centre of the Christian mission.
(c) The position of ivomen at Philippi.
Not less striking than the fact that the first Philippian to respond
to the appeal of the Gospel was a " God-fearing " Gentile was the
other fact that this first convert was a woman. That the position
of women in Macedonia was on a higher plane than in almost any
country in the ancient world is amply proved by inscriptions dis-
covered in the district, among which there are several connected
with monuments erected in honour of women by public bodies, while
the tone of the inscriptions as a whole gives a prominence to women
which was not usual in that age (see Lightfoot's note, p. 56). The
story of Lydia, who was apparently a widow and in good circum-
stances, is an apt illustration of the freedom and initiative allowed
to women in a Macedonian city. The unusual respect paid to women
had a marked effect upon the future development of the Philippian
INTRODUCTION xxi
Church for both good and evil. The interest and sympathy of the
women were probably not a little concerned in the affectionate care
which that Church bestowed upon the Apostle's welfare in the years
to come, but, on the other hand, some, if not all, of the troubles
which in later years disturbed the peace of that Church were caused
by feminine jealousies.
2. The Ventriloquist.
(a) Christianity in its relation to slavery and to pagan religion.
This incident is interesting as illustrating the first recorded
encounter of St Paul with a slave, a member of that class which
formed at least half the population of the ancient world. Not the
least among the services rendered by Christianity to humanity has
been the liberation of the slave, and we may see in the girl "with
the spirit of divination " the firstfruits of that great movement
which slowly but surely has led to the complete abolition of slavery
wherever the religion of Christ has its full sway. The story also
enables us to realise how in the realm of pure paganism, as well as
in that section of it which had made considerable advances towards
Jewish monotheism, the soil had been prepared for the reception of
the more exalted and permanent conceptions of the Christian faith.
The highly nervous temperament of the " ventriloquist " (this is
probably what is meant by the expression " with a spirit of divina-
tion") which made her more sensitive to a religious appeal than
other people, recognised in the message of the Apostle terms and
expressions with which she was already familiar. He proclaimed
" the most High God " and came offering " salvation ". That " the
God Most High ", with a very different connotation doubtless from
that found in St Paul's preaching, was an object of worship in the
pagan world is clearly proved by inscriptions, and the " Mystery
Eeligions " which were beginning to flood the Graeco-Roman world
from the East spoke of a " salvation " which included the raising
of the soul above the transiency of the perishable world as well as
the gift of immortal life through union with the Divine.
(b) The persecution of Christianity by the State.
Of equal importance is the light which the narrative throws upon
the beginning of the persecution of the Christian Church by the
Roman power. The real motive of the uproar which resulted in the
xxii INTRODUCTION
appearance of Paul and Silas before the duumviri was not connected
with religion in any way, but was based entirely upon financial con-
siderations, as was the case at Ephesus a few years later (Acts xix.
23-41). It was the loss of the profits which accrued to them from
the girl's gift of divination and ventriloquism that raised the ire of
her owners (the plural "masters" probably indicates two brothers,
as the word is often found in that sense in papyri), but they were
ingenious enough to frame a charge which placed the Apostles in
considerable danger. They paraded their loyalty to Rome, utilised
the general prejudice against Jews, and accused Paul and Silas of
introducing a religion which was illegal according to the Imperial
laws and interfered with customs, religious and social, which were
incumbent upon every true Roman. We recognise in the very terms
of the charge the origin of that movement which in days to come was
to assume momentous proportions and to involve the Church and the
Empire in deadly conflict.
3. The conversion of the Jailor.
Roman justice as a whole, with the exception of the conduct
of Pontius Pilate, is pictured in favourable colours in the New
Testament, but in the process at Philippi which involved the flogging
of Paul and Silas and their incarceration in the " inner prison " no
official seems to have risen to the high ideals of Roman judicial
methods save the jailor. There can be nothing but the severest
condemnation for the primary action of the magistrates who allowed
themselves to be overwhelmed by the mob and were in consequence
unable to take a calm and judicial view of the proceedings or to give
the prisoners an opportunity of asserting their rights as Roman
citizens. The Apostle's experiences at Philippi were, however, in
marked contrast to what he had learnt elsewhere to expect from the
Roman provincial authorities, where he had invariably found them
a protection against the implacable hostility of the Jews and a
harbour of safety in many a tumultuous storm.
Glancing over the narrative of the evangelising of Philippi as a
whole we see Christianity at the very outset of its career in contact
with three distinct types of humanity, to each of which it was to
render unique service in the days to come, the woman, the slave,
and the official. Arising out of this contact are two other factors,
both of them important and of considerable influence upon the
INTRODUCTION xxiii
future of Christianity on its social and institutional sides. It is at
Pliilippi that we have the first clear picture of the religion of Christ
as the religion of tlie family. Lydia and her household were baptized
and the jailor again and all his were baptized and rejoiced in the
newly-found salvation, and it is only natural to assume that there
were in both houses children as well as adult believers and that the
blessings of Christ were extended to them also. So, very simply
and very joyfully, there was laid the foundation of the Christian
home and the Christian family, possibly the most powerful influences
in the Christian Church of the future. Closely connected with the
religion of the family was the institution of the " House-Cimrch ",
a striking feature of primitive Christian life and the prototype of
the organised Churches and ecclesiastical assemblies and buildings
of later days. The first corporate gathering of Christians at Philippi
was held in the house of Lydia, and this eventually developed into
the Philippian Church to which our Epistle was addressed. We
read also of the Church in the house of Aquila and Priscilla both at
Ephesus and Rome (1 Cor. xvi. 19, Rom. xvi. 5), and of the Church
in the house of Nymphas at Laodicea (Col. iv. 15), which doubtless
followed the same line of development as that in the house of Lydia.
It is thought by many scholars that the Epistle to the Hebrews was
written to such a " House-Church" in Rome.
Two very clear impressions are gained from the story we have
been considering, first the cosmopolitanism of the religious life at
Philippi, which included the Gentile " God-fearer ", the devotee of
Apollo, and the worshipper of the ancient gods of Rome, who was
also probably a confirmed adherent of the cult of the Emperor, and
secondly the comprehensiveness of the Christian Church in which all
these various types found a home and a realisation of their highest
hopes.
St Paul's later intercourse with Philippi.
The Apostle's first and momentous visit to Philippi, which came
to such an abrupt and violent end, was followed by two if not three
later visits. When his three years' ministry at Ephesus was brought
to a sudden termination by the action of the silversmiths he pro-
ceeded to Macedonia (2 Cor. ii. 12, vii. 5, 6) where he spent a time
of anxious waiting for the arrival of Titus from Corinth. It was
during this period of gloom that the Second Epistle to the Corinthians
was written, and it is well within the bounds of probability that it
xxiv INTRODUCTION
was written at Philippi itself, where he would receive the affectionate
sympathy that he so greatly needed and which, judging from the
tone of the Epistle, proved effective. A few months later on his
way from Corinth to Jerusalem he kept the Paschal Feast with his
beloved Philippians (Acts xx. 5, 6). In our Epistle (ii. 24) he
expresses his intention of paying them a still further visit, and if we
accept 1 Timothy as a genuine Pauline letter a visit to Macedonia
is implied in 1 Tim. i. 3. During the period which intervened
between the Apostle's first visit to Philippi and the writing of this
Epistle he seems to have received several gifts from the Philippians.
He refers in terms of grateful acknowledgment to at least two such
instances of generosity in Phil. iv. 15, 16, and the main practical
purpose of the Epistle is to thank them for still another contribution
towards his necessities.
The later history of the Philippian Church.
The later history of the Church is sad reading. We hear of it in
connection with two of the great Apostolic Fathers and Martyrs,
St Ignatius and St Polycarp, the bishops of Antioch and of Smyrna
respectively. The former when, about the year 117, he was on his
way as a prisoner from Antioch to Rome where he was to die for
the faith, followed in the footsteps of St Paul and passed along the
Via Egnatia through Troas, Neapolis, and Philippi. In the latter
city he was welcomed by the local Church, which evidently preserved
the ideals of affection and sympathy which made it so precious in
St Paul's sight, and was reverently escorted on his departure. Sub-
sequently the Philippian Christians wrote two letters, one to the
bishop's own flock at Antioch to sympathise with it on its irreparable
loss, and one to St Polycarp requesting him to send them copies of
the letters which St Ignatius had written during the earlier part of
his journey to the Churches of Asia Minor. St Polycarp responded
to their appeal and sent them a letter of his own which throws some
light on the internal condition of the Philippian Church at this
period. In some respects it had already fallen from its high estate
and its fair fame was clouded by a somewhat glaring case of dis-
honesty and greed among its ofhcials, a sad declension from the
generosity and disregard of wealth for which it was distinguished in
its earlier days.
The Cimrch is casually mentioned by Tertullian and the names
of some of its bishops are found among the subscribers to the decrees
INTRODUCTION xxv
of Church Councils held in the fourth and fifth centuries. After
that a complete darkness falls upon its history. To quote the words
of Bishop Lightfoot : " Of the Church which stood foremost among
the Apostolic communities in faith and love it may be literally said
that not one stone stands upon another. Born into the world with
the highest promise, the Church of Philippi has lived without a
history and died without a memorial" {Philipjnans, p. 65). The
ruins of the city provide rich material wherewith to illustrate its
pagan life, but have little to tell of its Christian Church. The city
itself has vanished completely out of sight and cattle browse in the
meadows where once it proudly stood. It is some slight consolation
to know that the spot where the Church dearest to St Paul's heart
was once found has within the last few years been recovered after
centuries of Turkish misrule and now forms once again a part of
the Christian world.
III. Where was the Epistle written ?
If the question at the head of this section had been asked ten years
ago we should have replied without hesitation that it was written
either at Rome or Caesarea and that the balance of probability
was decidedly in favour of the former. Recently, however, a new
claimant for the honour of having given birth to the " Epistles
of the Captivity" has arisen, and many first rate authorities are
strongly supporting the claims of Ephesus to have been the city
where some of these Epistles first saw light. To return to the old
controversy between Caesarea and Rome, there does not seem to be
much weight in the arguments adduced in support of Caesarea as the
place where the Epistle was written, and if we have to confine our
choice to one or other of these two localities, the preference must be
given to Rome. It is not impossible to make a case of some kind
on behalf of Caesarea with reference to the Colossian-Ephesiau-
Philemon group S but the contents of our Epistle are decisively
against any connection of the letter with that city. There are two
indications in the Epistle which ought to enable us to identify the
place of writing. In i. 13 St Paul tells us that " his bonds became
manifest in Christ in the whole Praetorium" (margin R.V.), and in
^ See an article by the Bishop of Lincoln (Dr Hicks) in the Interpreter,
April, 1910.
C 2
xxvi INTRODUCTION
iv. 22 salutations are sent to the Philippian Church from "the
saints... especially they that are of Caesar's household ". Now it is
true that " Praetoriuni" is used to designate the residence of a pro-
vincial Governor and is actually applied to the Governor's residence
at Caesarea in Acts xxiii. 35, but the great majority of scholars are
of opinion that the term here is used of persons and not of a place
and that it refers either to the Praetorian Guard or to the Imperial
tribunal presided over by the Praetorian Prefect (see note on i. 13).
The addition of the expression " to all the rest " strongly supports
the personal as against the local meaning of the term. If we accept
this rendering tlie reference is much more natural if connected with
Rome, where the headquarters of the Praetorian Guard and the
Imperial tribunal were situated, than with Caesarea which had
neither the one nor the other. The second passage is still more
decisive, and it is difficult to see how "the household of Caesar"
could mean any institution outside of Rome itself.
Then again the Apostle's situation and surroundings as depicted
in this Epistle tell strongly in favour of Rome. He is manifestly
in touch with a large and active Christian Church, composed of
various sections whose character corresponds with what we know
of the Roman Church and its conditions from the Acts and the
Epistle to the Romans. There is no evidence that Caesarea was
the centre of any such Christian activity as is pictured here, and
the Apostle's own operations, his close interest in the work of the
local Church, the effect of his presence upon it, the free access
to him of a large circle of friends, the sending and receiving of
letters and messengers do not fit in with the comparative unimpor-
tance of Caesarea nor with the character of his imprisonment in that
city, whereas they all point to a large and busy centre like Rome.
Another factor which points in the same direction is that the Apostle
in our Epistle speaks hopefully of the prospect of a speedy release and
termination of his case, to be followed by a visit to Philippi. Now
at Caesarea he must have been well aware that the issue could not be
decided there, and, even if release had come, his thoughts were not
turned towards the Churches of the East but towards Rome, now the
centre of all his hopes. The Epistle also speaks of the dangerous and
critical position of the Apostle at the time of writing, but at Caesarea
he stood in no peril, and real danger only began to threaten him
when his appeal to Caesar was on the point of being lieard. Those
who argue in favour of Caesarea make much of the fact that nothing
INTRODUCTION xxvii
is known of Timotlij^ who was in the Apostle's company when the
letter was being written, having been in Rome, but the same difficulty
may be cited in the case of Caesarea. There is no actual evidence
that Timothy accompanied St Paul to the latter city. He was
certainly among the Apostle's companions during the early stages
of the last journey to Jerusalem, but his name drops out after the
sojourn at Troas. He may have travelled with tliem to Jerusalem
and subsequently joined the Apostle at Caesarea, but it is much
more probable that he was detached and sent on some mission
which kept him fully employed for some years and that he did not
find himself again in the Apostle's neighbourhood until the latter
arrived as a prisoner in Rome. The argument from the style of the
Epistle, which seems to connect it closely with the great central
group of Epistles, will be discussed in another place. To sum up,
if our choice lies between Caesarea and Rome there can be no question
but that the decision is definitely in favour of Rome.
The claims of Ephesus are, however, much stronger than those
of Caesarea, and it is much more difficult to come to an absolute
decision in this case. As the Ephesian theory is comparatively new
and has not been considered in any previous Commentary on the
Epistle, as far as I am aware, it is necessary to discuss it here at
some considerable length.
It might appear that Ephesus is ruled out at the very outset by
the fact that St Paul is not known to have been imprisoned there,
but this is precisely what the advocates of the theory claim to be
able to prove.
The first scholar to suggest the possibility that St Paul was
actually imprisoned at Ephesus and wrote the Epistles of the
Captivity there was H. Lisco of Berlin in 1890. Since that time
the theory has been received with favour by Deissmann {Light from
the Ancient East, pp. 229-231), Albertz (Studien und Kritiken,
1910, pp. 551 ff.), and the American scholar B. W. Robinson (Ameri-
can Journal of Biblical Literature, 1910, ii.), and that it is by no
means as fanciful as may appear at first sight is proved by the fact
that it has enlisted the sympathy of Kirsopp Lake, B. W. Bacon, and
E. W. Winstanley {Expositor, June, 1914, March and June, 1915).
The arguments in favour of an Ephesian imprisonment may be briefly
summed up as follows :
1. It is evident from 2 Cor. xi. 23 where St Paul speaks of
himself as "in prisons more abundantly" as well as from the evidence
xxviii INTRODUCTION
of Clement of Rome, who describes the Apostle as having been "seven
times in bonds ", that the Acts does not give a complete list of the
Apostle's imprisonments. It is possible, therefore, tliat one or more
of those not mentioned in the Acts are to be connected with Ephesus,
where we know St Paul to have been at one period in considerable
danger from the hostility of both the pagan and Jewish elements of
the population.
2. This possibility is considerably strengthened by the language
of the Epistles to the Corinthians. In 1 Cor. xv. 30, 31, 32 we find
the Apostle making use of the following expressions with reference
to his situation at Ephesus at the time of writing. " Why do we
also stand in jeopardy every hour " ? "I die daily ", " I fought with
beasts at Ephesus ", language which is interpreted to mean that he
had actually been imprisoned, tried, and condemned to death but
had, in some way not known to us, escaped the extreme penalty.
The gravity of the Apostle's position at Ephesus is also confirmed
by the tone of 2 Corinthians as e.g. i. 8-9, " We despaired even of
life, yea we ourselves have had the answer (sentence) of death within
ourselves. ..God who delivered us out of so great a death " : iv. 8-10,
"pursued yet not forsaken, smitten down yet not destroyed, always
bearing about in the body the dying of Jesus" : vi. 9, "As dying,
and behold, we live". These passages, we are told, can only mean
that St Paul had been face to face with death and had been saved
by the merciful interposition of providence.
3. Many scholars are of opinion that the last chapter of the
Epistle to the Romans is not an integral part of that Epistle and
that its original destination was Ephesus and not Rome. If this
hypothesis is correct the chapter is said to afford strong confirmation
of the supposed imprisonment of St Paul at Ephesus. In Rom. xvi. 7,
he describes Andronicus and Junias as "my fellow-prisoners" and
where could they have shared his prison except at Ephesus? Again
in xvi. 3 he speaks of Aquila and Priscilla as having " for my life
laid down their necks " and where could they have risked their lives
for the Apostle's sake if not at Ephesus where they were his close
companions and fellow- workers ?
Further, it is contended that the evidence of the language of the
New Testament in this direction is confirmed by tradition of a
threefold character.
(a) There is in existence at Ephesus to-day a tower which is
called "St Paul's Prison".
INTRODUCTION xxix
(6) The tradition is also found in the "Acts of Paul and Thekla",
a document which in the opinion of those who are qualified to judge
goes back to the second century and is generally trustworthy in its
historical details.
(c) The "Monarchian Prologue" to the Epistle to the Colossians
reads "Ergo apostolus jawi ligatiis scribit eis ab Epheso". These
" Prologues " are of the nature of short introductions to the
Pauline Epistles published in some versions of the Vulgate, and,
according to Corssen, they are based on Marcionite tradition and
are, therefore, of considerable value as evidence of second-century
beliefs.
This twofold line of evidence, that of the New Testament as well
as that of an early tradition so well authenticated, is said to establish
beyond a doubt an imprisonment of St Paul at Ephesus.
Now if we acknowledge the possible truth of this theory the
question then arises whether any or all of the Epistles of the Capti-
vity could have been written during such an imprisonment. The
scholars who maintain that this is the case are not agreed among
themselves as to which of the Epistles to assign to this particular
captivity. Deissmann is inclined to place all the Epistles of the
Captivity here, but his language is not so positive in the case of our
Epistle as it is with regard to the other three, while B. W. Robinson
would confine his theory to the Colossian-Ephesian-Philemon group.
Albertz^ who is the strongest advocate of an Ephesiau imprisonment
and has dealt with the theory much more fully than any other writer,
argues in favour of placing the composition of the Epistle to the
Philippians only at Ephesus, a position with which Kirsopp Lake
finds himself in sympathy.
The case for placing the writing of this Epistle at Ephesus as
stated by Albertz is a strong one and his arguments are telling
almost to the point of conviction. They may be summarised as
follows :
1. The style and content of the Epistle to the Philippians bind
it closely with the great central group of letters, those to Corinth,
Rome, and the Churches of Galatia, and if it was written at Ephesus
much about the time that the letters to the Corinthians were written
we are rid of the difficulty which confronts the Roman theory,
viz. the adoption of one style of writing in the Corinthian and Roman
letters, of another style in the Colossian-Ephesian group, and then
a reversion to the original style in our Epistle-
XXX INTRODUCTION
2. The Apostle's own situation and his relationship to the
Philippian Church are more intelli.i^ible if the Epistle was written at
Ephesus and not at Rome. The frequent communications between
St Paul and Philippi and the journeys of Epaphroditus would be
much more practicable if the Apostle was at Ephesus, within com-
paratively easy reach, than if he was in Rome, some hundreds of
miles away. The Epistle also implies that the Philippians were
perfectly acquainted with his circumstances and tliat there was no
need to enter into any detailed description of these. His imprison-
ment is only casually referred to and only then as a fact which was
well known to them. The intimate intercourse which such a close
acquaintance with the Apostle's condition implies was much simpler
between Philippi and Ephesus than between Philippi and Rome.
St Paul's plans for the future also point in the same direction. His
most urgent desire if he is released is to return to Philippi, and that
not because there was any serious trouble in that community which
demanded his presence, but merely because of his earnest longing to
see his beloved Church again. From his Roman prison his eyes
were turned towards the farther West and not backwards to the
Churches of the East, whereas from Ephesus Philippi w^ould be the
most natural place to visit once he had regained his freedom. As
a matter of fact we know that he did actually proceed from Ephesus
to Macedonia when he was forced to depart hurriedly from that city
(Acts XX. 1 ; 2 Cor. ii. 12). Further, there is no trace in our Epistle
of any preaching activity on the Apostle's part, which is inconsistent
with the situation at Rome as outlined in Acts xxviii. 31. His one
grievance in our letter is that while others are active he is condemned
to silence. He cannot preach, his adversaries can (i. 12-19).
3. The two references to the "Praetorium" and to the "house-
hold of Caesar" which are generally regarded as pointing definitely
to Rome are equally applicable to Ej)hesus.
The Fravtorium. Ephesus satisfies the conditions whether we
regard this term as referring to a building or to a body of men. If
we accept the former meaning the expression would stand for the
residence of the Roman Governor of the province of Asia situated
in that city, and the phrase " throughout the whole Praetorium "
would imply that St Paul had appeared before the proconsular
tribunal and that he and his case were known to all who were con-
cerned in his trial. If we take "Praetorium" as representing the
"Praetorian Guard" it is known that a section of the Imperial
INTRODUCTION xxxi
body-guard was often sent on special duty to the provincial capitals,
(Mommsen, Hist. Rom. iv. p. 323). This is confirmed by epigraphic
evidence, for among the epitaphs discovered at Ephesus are found
the names of "praetorians " (see Wood's Discoveries at Ephesus, 1877).
It would also be much easier for St Paul to make himself known to
a detachment of 200 " praetorians " in Ephesus than to the whole
Praetorian corps in Rome which numbered about 9000 men.
The household of Caesar. This is a term which is used to desig-
nate the freedmen and slaves attached to the Imperial court. Now
the evidence of inscriptions reveals the fact that not only were there
resident in Ephesus individuals answering to this description but
that there were actually "colleges" composed of these two classes
to be found in that city (Newton's Collections of Greek Inscriptions
in the British Museum, edited by Hicks).
4. The description in i. 15-17 of the Christians who "preach
Christ of envy and strife" and "proclaim Christ of faction" har-
monises well with what we know of the situation at Ephesus. In
this city there was probably a section of Christians associated with
the name of Apollos, analogous to the "Apollos party" at Corinth,
which was animated by ignoble motives and took advantage of the
Apostle's bonds to push itself into the foreground. Apollos is known
to have been in residence at Ephesus both before and during St Paul's
ministry there, and his method of teaching would meet with a ready
response in a city where the Greek spirit was strong and where
Alexandrian ideas prevailed. The tone of ii. 20 ff. is that of a man
who bitterly resents the isolation in which he finds himself. Now at
Ephesus he was surrounded by many Christians who were not his
own children in the faith, such as Aquila and Priscilla, Apollos,
Andronicus and Junias : and it may be that some of these promoted
their own teaching while he was precluded by his bonds from all
activity.
5. Finally, the opponents so fiercely denounced in iii. 1 b if .
were Judaisers with whom at the time of writing he was manifestly
in bitter conflict. Now if the Epistle was written at Rome it is
difficult to understand the recrudescence of the Judaistic contro-
versy, seeing that St Paul had apparently many years before gained
a complete victory over these particular opponents. If, on the other
hand, the letter belongs to the period of the Ephesian ministry it
saw light when the controversy was at its height and the presence
of the outbreak against them in it becomes quite intelligible.
xxxii INTRODUCTION
Such then briefly are the arguments by which it is sought to
prove that St Paul underwent an imprisonment at Ephesus of a
serious character and that the Epistle to the Philippians was written
in the course of it. We are now in a position to examine the whole
theory on its merits, and we shall first consider the validity of the
suggestion that St Paul was in prison at Ephesus for some substan-
tial period. There is no difficulty in agreeing that the Apostle must
have had more freipient experiences of a prison than are recorded in
the Acts, and it is quite possible that one or more of these may have
been connected with Ephesus, but whether there was among them a
period of imprisonment of the length implied in the Epistles of the
Captivity is another question. St Luke's silence on the point is
difficult to explain if an imprisonment of the character demanded
by this theory ever took place. It is strange that, in spite of the
gaps in his narrative, an event which exercised such a powerful
influence upon St Paul's life and mind and was so fruitful in literary
output should have so entirely escaped his notice. And further,
the Apostle's address to the elders of the Church of Ephesus at
Miletus (Acts xx. 18-38) is by general consent regarded as the most
authentic of all the Pauline speeches in the Acts and may be
an actual transcript of what the Apostle said on that occasion.
The language of the address certainly implies a period of much
distress and anxiety in Ephesus and the hostility of the Jews is
definitely mentioned, but there is not the slightest allusion to
anything approaching the imprisonment contemplated in this
theory.
The general tone of the Epistles to the Corinthians and the
particular expressions upon which so much stress is laid by the
advocates of this suggestion by no means necessitate the interpre-
tation put upon them. There are considerable difficulties connected
with the literal acceptation of the i)hrase " I fought with beasts at
Ephesus ". If St Paul claimed his rights as a Roman citizen as he
seems to have done, and with success, in other cases, this particular
form of the death penalty was illegal. His language elsewhere, as
e.g. in 2 Tim. iv. 17, where the word "lion" must be used in a
metaphorical sense and the fact that St Ignatius uses precisely the
same terms in referring to the soldiers who guarded him (Ep. to
Romans v.) is strongly in favour of the metaphorical meaning of
this passage. The expression "Why do we also stand in jeopardy
every hour ? " was true of Christians generally at that time.
INTRODUCTION xxxiii
The tone of 2 Corinthians again is adequately explained by what
we actually know of the Apostle's situation at Ephesus and of the
position of affairs at Corinth. He had only just escaped from a
grave peril in the former city and the dissensions and moral con-
dition of the Church of Corinth filled his heart with the direst
forebodings. We need have no recourse to a hypothetical imprison-
ment and trial at Epiiesus at this particular point in his history to
account for the grave and anxious tone of his utterance.
The Ephesian destination of the last chapter of the Epistle to
the Romans is much too problematical to afford firm ground for any
argument for or against the theory.
The external evidence is also not without flaws. St Paul may
have undergone an imprisonment at Ephesus of some kind but it is
quite certain that the ruin which now bears the name of "St Paul's
Prison" could never have been utilised for that purpose. Sir C.
"Wilson in his Handbook to Asia Minor describes it as "a two-
storied fort with eight chambers, the upper story being reached by
an outer staircase ", a building eminently unsuitable for the safe
custody of prisoners. It is of course possible that it might mark
the site and retain the name of an earlier building.
The " Monarchian Prologue" to the Epistle to the Colossians
seems to take it for granted that it was written from an Ephesian
prison, but Corssen {Zeitschrift fur N.T. Wissenschaft,\'dQ>%,Yo\. i.)
points out that the peculiar phrase "jam hgatus" refers to the well-
known imprisonment towards the close of the Apostle's life and that
the writer must have supposed that St Paul passed through Ephesus
on his way from Caesarea to Rome and wrote the Epistle there.
The "Prologue" would still be evidence of an early tradition that
the Epistle was written from Ephesus although it may not be valid
as proof of an imprisonment there. The balance of probabilities is,
therefore, to my mind against an imprisonment at Ephesus of the
length and character demanded by the Epistles of the Captivity,
although it is quite possible that an imprisonment of some kind
may have happened there.
But even if we allow that St Paul may have been in prison at
Ephesus for a considerable period it by no means follows that our
Epistle was written at that particular time. Two decided advan-
tages are claimed for the theory.
1. It brings the Epistle within the period to which the other
Epistles with which it has the greatest resemblances in style and
xxxiv INTRODUCTION
thought belong. There is, however, a growing tendency among
scholars of the present day to discount the argument based upon
similarity of style, and it is being increasingly recognised that the
style and language of any particular Epistle depend mainly upon
the local conditions of the Church addressed. The apparently
successful attempt to make the Epistle to the Galatians the earliest
of the Pauline Epistles and to separate it by a space of some years
from the Epistle to the Romans, with which it has so much in
common, bids us be cautious lest we attach too much weight to
this factor in arriving at a decision concerning the date and origin
of any Epistle.
2. The apparent recrudescence of the Judaistic controversy in
iii. 1 b ff. is a real difficulty and has led many scholars to suspect
the integrity of the Epistle and to suggest that we have a separate
letter interpolated at this point, written many years earlier than the
remainder of the canonical Epistle. Now if St Paul was at Ephesus
when he wrote the Epistle the conflict with the Judaisers was at its
height, and the outburst in iii. 1 ff. is quite natural and intelligible,
and the above mentioned difficulty is disposed of. If, however, the
passage in question has no connection with Judaisers, but was caused
by the hostility of Jews, pure and simple, a perfectly reasonable
hypothesis as we shall show later, there is no difficulty to dispose
of and the advantage claimed by the Ephesiau theory disappears.
There are also some very serious objections to the theory as it
stands.
1. The letter is completely silent as to the "collection for the
saints " which was the one practical matter upon which the whole
mind of St Paul was bent when his Ephesiau ministry was drawing
to a close. It is mentioned in every Epistle known to have been
written at this period, and it is unthinkable that, with his mind
full of this Christian duty, the Apostle should write to the Philip-
pian Church, which as we know from other sources was specially
concerned with this bounty, and ignore that completely while he has
much to say of the generosity of the Church towards himself.
2. The joyous, grateful tone of the Epistle is manifest even to
the most superficial reader. Now if it originated at Ephesus some-
where about the time that the Epistles to tlie Corinthians were written
it belongs to a period wdiich was the most stormy and turbulent in
the whole of St Paul's activity, when the Judaistic controversy was
at its most bitter stage and when his own situation and that of the
INTRODUCTION xxxv
Churches with which he was most closely concerned were of" the
gravest possible character. The Apostle was, as we know, a man
of moods, but it is difficult to imagine even St Paul writing to the
Philippians a letter which is overflowing with joy and gladness in
the very thick of this "storm and stress".
3. The main weakness of the theory, however, consists in the
fact that it is based upon pure conjecture in many particulars with
regard to which, in the case of Rome, we are standing upon perfectly
firm ground. We know that there was a "Praetorium" at Rome,
whether we regard it as a building or a body of men, and we are
equally positive that members of the " household of Caesar " were
to be found in the Imperial palace at all times. It may be true
that " praetorians " were occasionally stationed at Ephesus and that
members of the "household of Caesar" were buried there, but we
have no absolute knowledge that there were " praetorians " or Im-
perial slaves and freedmen in the city while St Paul lived there.
Again there may have been an Apollos party at Ephesus but the
suggestion is a mere conjecture for which there is not a particle of
real evidence, while the situation depicted in the Epistle is in com-
plete accord with what we might expect to find in Rome. There
the Church was already in existence before the Apostle's appearance
upon the scene, and it was proud of its independence and perhaps
resented the intrusion of a stranger. Jewish influences were also
strong in Rome, and these, combined with the anxiety of the Church
to maintain its independence and its jealousy of interference from
outside, would produce the condition of affairs which St Paul
describes with some feeling.
An Ephesiau imprisonment of some kind is quite possible and
there is much that is attractive in dating our Epistle from that
city. It disposes of some difficulties, but it depends upon so many
conjectures and suppositions which in the case of Rome are cer-
tainties that I can see no valid reason for abandoning the position
generally held that the Epistle was written during St Paul's Roman
captivity.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION
IV. Was the Epistle written early or late in the
Imprisonment ?
Assuming that the Epistle was written during the Apostle's
Roman imprisonment we now proceed to enquire at what particular
period in that imprisonment it was written, whether comparatively
early or comparatively late. The question has given rise to a con-
siderable difference of opinion, one school, of which Bishop Lightfoot
was the most important representative, strongly advocating the
earlier date, while more recent opinion as a whole is in favour of
the letter having been written towards the close of the captivity.
Lightfoot's conclusion was based mainly upon the question of the
style and language of the Epistle, which unquestionably closely re-
semble those of the Epistle to the Romans and seem to bring it into
more intimate contact with that Epistle than with the Colossian-
Ephesian group which, according to the rival theory, must have
come between our Epistle and the one other Epistle with which it
is connected by stylistic and linguistic ties. He also attached great
weight to the consideration that the advanced stage in the develop-
ment of the Church exhibited in the Colossian and Ephesian Epistles,
where the teaching concerning the Church reaches its loftiest heights,
as well as the marked growth in the heresies combated in these
Epistles demand that they should be placed as late as possible in
this particular period. It has, however, already been pointed out
that the argument founded upon similarity of style and language
between certain Epistles as evidence of a close connection between
them is now beginning to lose the force it formerly possessed, and
the attempt to form an accurate chronological table of the Pauline
letters on this particular basis is now frankly abandoned by most
scholars. The language, style, and content of each Epistle are
determined partly by the Apostle's peculiar mood at the time and
partly by the conditions governing the life of the Church in question.
Some remarks of Ramsay's in this particular connection are very
apposite. " The tone of Colossians and Ephesians is determined by
the circumstances of the Church addressed. The great Churches
of Asia are on the highway of the world which traversed the Lycos
valley, and in them development took place with great rapidity.
The Macedonians were a simple minded people, living away from
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
the great movements of thought. It was not in St Paul's vray to
send to the Philippians an elaborate treatise against a subtle specu-
lative theory which had never afifected that Church " {St Paul the
Tra/veller, p. 359). The point at issue must, therefore, be decided
on other grounds than those of style, language, and content.
The data whicli help us in arriving at a conclusion are the
following :
(a) Some considerable time must be allowed for the communi-
cations between St Paul and the Philippians. The Epistle seems
to demand at least four separate journeys between Rome and
Philippi.
1. To bring the news of St Paul's arrival at Rome to the
Philippians.
2. To bring Epaphroditus to Rome.
3. To convey an intimation of the illness of Epaphroditus to
the Philippians.
4. To bring back to Rome the expression of the regret of the
Philippians at hearing of this illness.
{b) When the Epistle was written St Paul's companions, Luke
and Aristarchus, who were with him when he arrived in Rome and
were also in his company when the Epistle to the Colossians was
written, were certainly not with him, for the language of ii. 20-21
is inexplicable if Luke was still at hand. We infer, therefore, that
these two remained with the Apostle at Rome for some time, were
still there when he wrote to the Colossians, but that when he came
to write to the Philippians they had been despatched on some parti-
cular mission and that the Apostle was lonely in their absence.
(c) The picture of the Church of Rome given in the Epistle seems
to imply a stage of considerable progress which would be difficult to
achieve in a few months' time. Upon the Church itself the Apostle's
presence has had the effect of a strong stimulant, and the impression
we derive from the letter is that of a process which is not merely
the result of the novelty caused by his arrival in Rome, but rather
of a quickening of life and a renewal of activity which have mani-
fested themselves for a substantial period.
Nor is the Apostle's influence or interest in his case confined to
purely Christian circles. They have extended to the Praetorian
Guard, and the Roman public generally is much exercised thereby.
These are considerations, all of which point to a somewhat late
period in the imprisonment.
xxxviii INTRODUCTION
(d) But the most important reason for placing the letter towards
the very close of the captivity and a decisive one is the fact that it
definitely implies that St Paul's trial was near at hand, if not indeed
that some of the preliminary stages of the process had already taken
place. The Apostle is looking forward to a speedy decision of his
case and making plans for the future, if the decision is favourable.
Now that the trial was postponed until towards the very end of the
two years mentioned in Acts xxviii. 31 is quite clear from St Luke's
language, and it is somewhere at this point that we must place the
writing of our Epistle. But when we have got so far we find our-
selves faced with a remarkable cleavage among those who advocate
a late as against an early part of the imprisonment. Most scholars
maintain that when St Paul wrote to the Philippians he was still
occupying his " hired dwelling" (Acts xxviii. 30) but that the " two
whole years " had all but lapsed. A few authorities, however, and
more especially Zahn, contend that he had been removed from his
own dwelling and that his condition of comparative freedom had
come to an end with the approach of his trial. Tlie references to
the "Praetorium" and the "household of Caesar" show, we are told,
that he was now in the prison which formed part of the Praetorian
barracks and in close connection with the Christians in the palace
of Caesar, which was in the neighbourhood of the prison. It is also
contended that the Epistle gives an impression that the Apostle was
no longer in a pt^sition to preach the Gospel freely as had been the
case during the first two years of his imprisonment and that other
Christian workers in Rome had taken advantage of his enforced
silence to further their own propaganda. It is difficult of course
to dogmatise concerning impressions, but a close study of the Epistle
does not lead me to regard it as the work of a writer whose freedom
was hampered to any substantial extent. It is hard to conceive
how a more rigorous imprisonment, with the consequent isolation
of the Apostle from the Christian brotherhood in Rome, could have
conduced to the greater progress of the Gospel, or how a period of
grave tension such as would be caused by the application of harsh
measures to his own person could have made the Roman Christians
as a whole more eager or more confident in the preaching of Christ.
The Apostle speaks as one who is still in close touch with the Roman
Church and all that concerns it, who is free to send and receive
messengers and letters, and as one whose influence is yet at its
height, although he may have forebodings that a change in that
INTRODUCTION xxxix
respect is not far distant. The fateful decision is close at hand,
it may mean life or it may mean death, but no radical change has
yet taken place, and he is still in his "own hired dwelling receiving
all that went in unto him and preaching the kingdom of God... with
all boldness".
V. The Authenticity and Integrity of the Epistle.
1. The authenticity of the E}nstle.
Rational criticism has very little to urge against the authenticity
of our Epistle, and with the exception of the Dutch school, repre-
sented by Van Man en, there are few scholars in the present day who
are not prepared to accept it as a genuine Pauline product. Various
attempts have been made since the days of Baur to deny its genuine-
ness and to assign its authorship to a later writer. These attempts
are generally based on the alleged differences between our Epistle
and that group of letters which are universally accepted as Pauline.
Its Christology, the doctrine of justification, and the view of the
law found in it are specially singled out as being inconsistent with,
the Apostle's unquestionable teaching on these points. Other fea-
tures which are alleged to be un-Pauline are the mild attitude
towards the Judaisers in i. 14 fiP., the self-glorying and lack of
humility in iii. 6, which are said to be quite unworthy of St Paul,
and the uncertainty concerning the resurrection in iii. 11. It is
also contended that the reference to "bishops and deacons" in i. 1
points to a later stage of development of the Christian ministry
than was possible during the lifetime of St Paul and that the
Epistle, therefore, belongs to post-Apostolic days. Very little
weight is attached to these objections by the best authorities, and a
great German writer like Schiirer speaks of the criticisms of Holsten,
who is the most acute and the most painstaking of those who refuse
to accept the genuineness of the Epistle, as more like " slips of the
pen than real arguments ". The whole of this type of criticism is
in reality based upon a narrow and wrong-headed view of St Paul
and his writings. It is taken for granted that the four letters, viz.
those to the Corinthians, Romans, and Galatians, present us with a
picture of the writer which is complete in every detail, and the Paul
of these letters is standardised and stereotyped so that anything
that deviates in the slightest degree from this artificial standard
J. d
xl INTRODUCTION
is forthwith condemned as im-Pauline. This is to make of St Paul,
who was surely the most versatile and mobile of men, a mere
machine, a creature of habit and routine, who must always speak
with the same voice, act with unfailing regularity, and write in the
same terras. That this is an entirely wrong view to take of the
Apostle's personality and character is amply proved by the very
letters which are set up as a standard of Pauline thought and
action. The presence of the " eulogy of love " in the midst of the
fierce polemics of 1 Corinthians, his love for his own unregenerate
unbelieving nation manifested in Romans, and the remarkable capa-
city he displays for considering a question from manifold points of
view prepare us to receive as Pauline letters which set forth new
thoughts and ideas and testify to many a surprising mood and
change of temperament. Criticism based on the mere differences
from a standard constructed on purely artificial grounds has, there-
fore, no validity. It is also impossible to conceive what motive a
later writer could have in publishing such a letter in St Paul's name,
or what object could be served by such a procedure. The writer
has evidently no axe of his own to grind because there are no ques-
tions of doctrinal or ecclesiastical importance discussed or decided,
and the letter is so completely governed by the personal element
that any explanation of its origin save its true one, that it was
written by the Apostle himself, is hard to find. " The forger who
according to Van Manen lived in Syria or Asia Minor in the second
century and wrote an ' edifying composition ' with a conscious effort
to reproduce the Pauline manner must have been an astonishing
literary artist, with a depth of insight and delicacy of feeling almost
without a parallel ". We may, therefore, decide without hesitation
on internal grounds only that the Epistle is a genuine Pauline
document.
The external evidence is equally conclusive.
Traces of its thought and language are found as early as the
letter of Clement of Rome, who not only reproduces the idea ex-
pressed in ii. 4, but also makes use of the exact phrase " lowliness
of mind ". St Ignatius has several echoes of tiie contents of the
Epistle as such expressions as "poured out as a libation to God"
(cf. Phil. ii. 17), "Do nothing in a spirit of factiousness" "nor
yet for vain glory " (cf. Phil. ii. 3), "I endure all things seeing that
He Himself enableth me" (cf. Phil. iv. 13) show.
St Polycarp's testimony to his acquaintance with the Epistle is
INTRODUCTION xli
still more explicit. He speaks of " enemies of the cross of Christ "
(cf. Phil. iii. ly), and seems to be reproducing the very words of our
letter in such phrases as "I rejoiced greatly in the Lord" and "Unto
whom all things were made subject that are in heaven and in earth"
(cf. Phil. iv. 10; ii. 10). There is also a definite allusion in his
own letter to the Philippians to St Paul's correspondence with that
Church.
The evidence of the " Letters of the Churches of Vienne and
Lyons" written about 177 a.d. is very significant, for in these em-
phasis is laid on the humility of Christ and the very words of Phil,
ii. 6 are quoted as illustrating this virtue.
The testimony of heretical writers is also to the same effect.
It was known to the Sethiani, who quoted Phil. ii. 6-7 in support
of their own doctrines, and was used by the Valentinian, Cassianus.
It was also included in a mutilated form in Marcion's "Aposto-
licon ".
Towards the end of the second century it was in general use
among Catholic writers such as Irenaeus, who explicitly refers to it
as " St Paul's Epistle to the Philippians ", Tertullian, and Clement
of Alexandria, and was included among the letters of St Paul in the
Canon of Muratori.
2. The integrity of the Epistle.
While criticism as a whole is in favour of accepting our Epistle
as Pauline it is by no means so unanimous on the subject of its
integrity. It will, therefore, be necessary to enter upon a somewhat
full discussion of the question whether we have in the Epistle to
the Philippians a simple unit or a compilation of two or more
Pauline fragments. The main reasons for suggesting that the
Epistle is a collection of letters or fragments of letters are the
following :
{a) The real basis of the disjunctive theory is undoubtedly the
unexpected change of tone in iii. 2. The transition is so abrupt
and the subject introduced at this point is so entirely different in
spirit and character from the Epistle as a whole that many scholars
are constrained to explain the change as being due to the interpola-
tion of another letter at this point.
{b) It is also alleged that there is in the Epistle itself evidence
to show that more than one letter had been addressed by St Paul to
d 2
xlii INTRODUCTION
the Philippian Church. The fact that he had been the recipient of
assistance from this Churcli on two previous occasions at least (cf. iv.
16) would necessitate one or two letters of acknowledgment besides
our present Epistle, and the expi'ession " to wTite the same things
to you" (iii. 1) cannot well be explained by the contents of our
letter and must, therefore, refer to previous correspondence between
the Apostle and the Philippians.
(c) There is also a certain amount of external evidence in favour
of the supposition that St Paul wrote more than one letter to the
Philippians. St Polycarp in his own letter to the same community,
written in the second century, makes use of the plural "letters" with
reference to the Apostle's correspondence with them.
(d) The phrase "finally" with which chapter iii. opens indicates
an intention on St Paul's part to close the letter at this point and
is entirely out of place if it was followed by two more chapters,
forming at least half the letter, as is the case in our present
Epistle.
(e) It is argued that in the Epistle as it stands the acknow-
ledgment of the Philippians' bounty is far too casual. It comes
too near the end of the letter and is apparently nothing more than
an afterthought, as the Apostle has been on the point of concluding
the letter with the usual benediction before the acknowledgment is
reached.
The majority of those who allege that the Epistle is a collection
of letters rather than one single letter divide it into two separate
documents. They all agree in placing the beginning of the second
document at iii. 1 b or iii. 2, but there is a striking variety of opinion
as to the precise point where that document ends. Some divide the
Epistle into two straightforward documents (Baur and Hausrath),
each consisting of two chapters, while others interpolate a letter
consisting of chapters iii. and iv. 1-19 in the middle of an original
letter which included chapters i. and ii., and iv. 20-23. Kirsopp
Lake, who also favours the interpolation theory, would close the
second letter at iv. 3 on the plea that the exhortation to "rejoice"
found in iii. 1 is repeated and extended in iv. 4, w-hereby an admir-
able sequence is formed. A more intricate scheme of partition is set
forth by the Rev. J. E. Symes {Interpreter, Jan. 1914) who contends
that St Paul must have written live letters to the Church of Philippi
and that three of them, or fragments of three, are included in our
present Epistle in the following order : (1) Phil. iii. 2-iv. 9 ; (2) Phil.
INTRODUCTION xliii
iv. 10-20; (3) Phil. i. 1-iii. 1, iv. 21-23. According to this theory
the canonical Epistle to the Philippians is the work of a scribe who
combined these three Pauline docnments which had been preserved
by the Philippian Church and formed them into one single letter.
A less drastic view than those mentioned above is that of Ewald
and others who suggest that we have in our Epistle not a collection
of separate letters written and sent by St Paul at various times, but
one document consisting of two sections, one of which was written
considerably later than the other.
Let us now examine these arguments.
1. That St Paul addressed more than one letter to the Philip-
pian Church, which he held in such high esteem and with which he
was associated in the most intimate fellowship, is more than probable.
To mention no other reason, the simple acknowledgment of the
many gifts he had received at the hands of the Philippian Christians
would necessitate a fairly wide correspondence. The Apostle was
essentially a Christian gentleman, and we cannot conceive him re-
ceiving bounty which was not promptly and gratefully acknowledged.
But this does not imply that these letters or fragments of them are
necessarily included in our Epistle. It is very much more reasonable
to assume that these have perished with the great majority of letters
that the Apostle must have written in the course of a long and
active missionary career. There is, therefore, no difficulty in ac-
cepting the suggestion that he wrote more than one letter to the
Philippians, and it is quite possible that the expression "to write
the same things to you " refers to some earlier written communi-
cations. If it could be proved that St Polycarp by his use of the
plural "letters" with reference to St Paul's correspondence with
the Philippians was speaking of what he knew to be in existence
at the time ivhen he tvas ivriting it would considerably strengthen
the hands of those who advocate the "partition" theory. It is
not likely that a letter of the Apostle's which had been preserved
well into the second century would have been allowed to disappear,
and the only alternative would be to assume that our Epistle is
composed of more than one original letter. It is by no means
improbable, however, that St Polycarp is thinking here of the letters
to the neighbouring Church of Thessalonica as well as that to
Philippi. His language in his own letter to the Philippians
suggests that 2 Tliessalonians was closely associated in his mind
with the Epistle to Philippi. We also know that TertuUian
xliv INTRODUCTION
quotes our Epistle as if it had been addressed to the Thessalonian
Church, and it is, therefore, possible that in the second century
St Paul's letters to the Macedonian Churches caiue to be regarded
as a definite group, closely connected with each other. This would
explain St Polycarp's use of the plural as including not only the
one Epistle to the Philippians, but the group as a whole (Moflfatt,
Int. Lit. N.T. p. 174). I would suggest, however, that St Polycarp
is using the term loosely. He knew that more than one letter had
been written to Philippi by St Paul, but we need not assume that
there were any of these in existence when he was writing beyond
the one known to us. Farther, it is difficult to understand how,
if there had been several letters to the Church of Philippi extant
during the later years of St Polycarp, we should find no trace of
them in Marcion, who was practically his contemporary.
2. A study of the Pauline Epistles shows clearly that the Greek
phrase which in our version is translated "finally" does not neces-
sarily point to the imminent closing of the letter. In 1 Tliess. iv. 1
and 2 Thess. iii. 1, e.g. the expression is found at a considerable
distance from the concluding verses of the respective Epistles. In
the " Koine " (the vernacular Greek of the period) the expression
does little more than mark the transition from one subject to another,
and in modern Greek it has become a mere substitute for "therefore".
Its presence, then, in iii. 1 is no evidence that St Paul intended to
conclude his letter at this point.
3. Much stress is laid by some writers, and especially by Mr Symes,
on the fact that the acknowledgment of the gift of the Philippians,
which is clearly the practical motive of the letter, is relegated to its
close and must, therefore, have formed part of another letter.
A very superficial examination of the Apostle's method as illus-
trated by his other Epistles completely disposes of this difficulty.
The main practical purpose of 1 Corinthians was unquestionably the
organisation of the " collection for the saints ", and yet there is not
the slightest allusion to it until the very last chapter is reached.
Again, the practical motive of the Epistle to the Romans is to pre-
pare the Roman Church for a visit from St Paul in the near future.
It is true that much is said in the first chapter concerning his desire
to see Rome, but the actual details of the visit, the how and the
when, are reserved until the 15th chapter and are not mentioned
until the Epistle has apparently closed with the benediction in xv.
13. In this respect our Epistle differs in no wise from what seems
INTRODUCTION xlv
to have been the general practice of the Apostle. There is probably
a reference to the generosity of the Philippians in i. 5 in the phrase
"your fellowship", but the purely personal and practical details are
relegated to the close of the letter after the more definitely hortatory
and doctrinal issues have been adequately dealt with.
4. The real foundation for the supposition that we have more
than one document embodied in our Epistle is, as we have already
mentioned, the transition from the first to the second verse of
chapter iii. The change from "Rejoice in the Lord" of the one
verse to " Beware of the dogs " of the other is undoubtedly very
abrupt and disconcerting, but unless the evidence for the intrusion
of an alien document is overwhelming it is preferable to look for an
explanation of the change in another direction. Some of St Paul's
other letters are not altogether free from similar phenomena. The
presence of the "eulogy of love" (1 Cor. xiii.) in the very midst of
a letter which affords the strongest manifestation of the stern and
disciplinary sides of St Paul's character is a case in point. The
truth is that both 1 Corinthians and this Epistle testify to the
fulness and many-sidedness of the Apostle's personality. In the
case of the Corinthian letter we see the womanly tenderness and
love of the Apostle breaking through his indignation and reproaches
like a gleam of bright sunshine piercing through the gloom of a
stormy sky, while the contrary process is revealed in our Epistle.
There the tenderness and affection with which his heart is over-
flowing are for the moment overborne by his righteous indignation
at some special manifestation of the animosity of his enemies. This
outburst is generally regarded as directed against the Judaiserswho
in the earlier years of his missionary activity had made him the
object of their bitter malevolence. This solution is, however, fraught
with many difficulties, and I am inclined to look in another direction
for the particular enemy attacked here. The view adopted in this
Commentary is that our Epistle was written towards the ver}^ close
of the Roman imprisonment and after some of the preliminary pro-
ceedings of the trial had already taken place. Is it not possible that
while St Paul was actually writing the Epistle there may have arrived
in Rome the deputation of Jewish witnesses from the Council at
Jerusalem who proceeded to hound him to his death with that
relentless hatred which had so nearly proved his doom in Jerusalem
and Caesarea ? So while the Epistle was still in an unfinished state
the Apostle found his hopes of release seriously jeopardised by the
xlvi INTRODUCTION
arrival of these hostile witnesses and gives vent to his indignation
in the words which have caused so much difficulty. The abrupt
change in the tone of the Epistle is all the more natural and in-
telligible if we bear in mind the fact that the letter was dictated
and was, therefore, a speech rather than a letter pure and simple.
We can picture to ourselves the Apostle being interrupted in the
very act of dictating by the news of the arrival of his relentless
enemies, and then breaking out into the fierce invective which was
so faithfully recorded by his amanuensis. The mood lasted but a
short while, and before the end of the chapter is reached he is again
on the serene heights, and in the remainder of the letter the original
spirit is recovered, the joyous and confident tone being maintained
to the very end. One of the strongest arguments against the " in-
terpolation " theory is that while the break at the beginning of the
third chapter is clear enough it is impossible to point out definitely
where the alleged interpolation ends. The blend is so complete and
the sequence so natural as to make the supposition of an interpola-
tion at this point very difficult to accept.
I do not consider, then, that the arguments taken singly or cumu-
latively are of sufficient weight to justify us in destroying the unity
of what is in some respects the most beautiful of all the Pauline Epis-
tles. Further, a close study of the Epistle itself seems to me to prove
incontestably that we have here no mere collection of Pauline frag-
ments but a true Apostolic letter which, in spite of a momentary out-
burst of indignation, breathes throughout the same spirit and is from
beginning to end concerned with the same subject. Its contents
and character may be described in one comprehensive phrase, " the
Epistle of Humility". From first to last it is the thought of humi-
lity, Christian humility which has its issue in Christian unity, that
underlies every utterance in it. There are two expressions which
mark the very spirit of the letter, "lowliness of mind" and "be of
one mind" with its variant " be of the same mind". After the first
chapter, in which the Apostle discourses on his own fortunes and
the progress of Christianity in Rome, he comes to the main subject
in the second chapter where it is emphasised in verse after verse.
The great Christological passage in ii. 5-11 is the very heart of the
Epistle, and there humility is the central thought and the humility
of Christ is set up as the great pattern. How then does the so-called
interpolated section stand with respect to this Christian grace of
humility which is the leading thought of the Epistle as a whole ?
INTRODUCTION xlvii
Nothing further removed from Christian humility could be imagined
than the opening verses of chapter iii. with their fierce attacks upon
the Jews and the Apostle's proud boast of his Hebrew descent and
of his righteousness in the sight of the law. And yet the chapter
as a whole offers a most striking parallel to the second chapter, and
the parallelism is not confined to the general idea but is extended
also to details. In the previous chapter the Apostle has given us
an eloquent and moving statement concerning our Lord's " self-
emptying" and in this chapter he repeats the process, but the
"self-emptying" is now his own and not his Master's. And more,
the stages in his own spiritual character correspond exactly, although
naturally on a different plane, with those he has sketched in his
conception of the Master's course from glory to glory. He too has
had his period of privilege and honour, based it is true on wrong
principles, but real enough at the time when he was proud of his
Hebrew descent and of his Pharisaic righteousness. He too has
passed through a period of "humiliation and self-emptying" when
he willingly abandoned all that formerly seemed to give existence
any value that he might gain the only prize that he knew now to
be worth attaining. For him too, by the grace and the power of
God in Christ Jesus, a period of glory was to dawn, when he attained
"unto the resurrection from the dead". And all through this
touching autobiographical passage there shines the most winning
humility, and the dominating motif of the Epistle comes out clearly
in such passages as "Not that I have already obtained or am already
made perfect", "I count not myself yet to have apprehended".
The whole passage closes with an exhortation to the Philippians to
cherish the same humble but confident disposition (iii. 15), and the
keynote is once again sounded in the phrase " be thus minded " and
is repeated in the following verse "if ye be otherwise minded".
Further in the last verse of the chapter we have an echo of the
same leading thought where St Paul speaks of "the body of our
humiliation ", and it is most significant that when he describes the
progress of the body from its phase of weakness and decay to the
glory which awaits it he should reproduce in the words fxeraaxv/xa-
Tt^w and (rvixixop(f>o<; the fundamental terms that he uses with refer-
ence to our Lord's own progress from humiliation to glory in ii. 5-11,
viz. o-x^iiAtt and fji-opcjiy]. Finally in iv. 2 which still belongs to the
alleged foreign document the phrase "be ye of the same mind"
recurs. The literary evidence is, therefore, overwhelmingly in favour
xlviii INTRODUCTION
of the integrity of our Epistle. Nut only is the spirit of the re-
mainder of the letter (Hscernihle in the .so-called interpolated section
but the very phrases which constitute the keynote of the letter as a
whole occur repeatedly in it, giving to the whole document a unity
and self-consistency which the arguments we have adduced are
powerless to destroy.
VI. The Occasion and Purpose of the Epistle.
One of the most interesting characteristics of primitive Christianity
was the development of the use of letters as a medium of communi-
cation between individuals and Churches. The use of letters for
religious purposes was not altogether a novelty, because we find
instances of a similar usage in earlier times. Jeremiah writes a
letter to the captives who had been carried away to Babylon which
is essentially religious in character (Jer. xxix.). In the Apocrypha
also the Book of Baruch is composed of two books of a hortatory
character in the form of letters, one from Baruch himself written
from Babylon to the remnant of the Jews in Jerusalem (chaps, i.-v.),
and the other from Jeremiah at Jerusalem to the exiles in Babylon.
But what Ramsay says with regard to the Christian use of the letter
is fully justified: "The Christians developed the letter into new
forms, applied it to new uses, and placed it upon a much higlier
plane than it had ever before stood upon. In their hands communi-
cation by letter became one of the most, if not the most, important
agencies for consolidating and maintaining the sense of unity among
the scattered branches of the universal Church... The unity of the
separate and equal congregations was kept alive by travel and corre-
spondence" {H. D. B. Vol. V. "Roads and Travel"). St Paul took
a leading part in this development and he may well be called the
creator of the Christian letter.
The force of circumstances had doubtless something to do with
the important position assumed by the letter in the Pauline world.
The wide extent of his missionary activities would alone neces.sitate
some agent of communication between himself and the many com-
munities he had founded, but he was the first to see that the contents
of a letter need not be confined to the mere discussion of matters of
practical interest and that it can be made the channel of teaching,
reproof, comfort, exhortation, and love in a way which has been
imitated by all great Christian letter-writers in subsequent ages.
INTRODUCTION xlix
The recent discovery oi papyrus documents in Egypt in considerable
numbers enables us to form a very clear idea oi" the exact form and
appearance of the Pauline letters. Taking the ordinary papyrus letter
as a specimen we may infer that the Apostle wrote on a papyrus
sheet 5 to 5^ inches wide by 9 to 11 inches long. One of these
sheets would contain a short note like the Epistle to Philemon, but
when more than one sheet was required they were joined together at
the ends and formed into a long roll. The sheet was covered on
one side only with writing arranged in two parallel columns. We
know from the Apostle's own statement that he generally dictated
his letters and was content himself with inscribing the final saluta-
tion in his own writing. Our Epistle was probably actually written
by Timothy. (See note on i. 1.) The custom of employing an
amanuensis is illustrated by many of the papyrus letters in which
the signature is written in a different hand from that of the main
document. But the parallels between the Pauline letters and the
normal correspondence of the period are not confined to matters of
shape and appearance, for the style, plan, and some of the most
characteristic expressions of St Paul's letters are imitations of those
found in the ordinary Greek letter. A reference to the vix-^Vi^ papyrus
letters printed in Deissmann'si//^^^/rc?/^ the Ancient East or to the
few contained in Milligan's most interesting note on " St Paul as a
letter writer" {Commentary on. 1 and 2 Thess., pp. 121 ff.) shows
how far the structure of a Pauline letter with its address, greeting,
thanksgiving, special contents, personal salutation, and autograph
was based on the plan of the current letter of the period.
The conveyance of letters from one place to another was at this
time a matter of some difficulty. There was certainly an Imperial
postal system, but its use was strictly confined to Imperial and
official correspondence. Travelling, however, both for business and
pleasure was popular, safe, and easy, and Ramsay tells us that at no
period in the history of the world previous to the introduction of
steamers and railways was communication so simple and so certain
as in the days of the Empire. The facilities offered by the journeys
of friends and acquaintances or by those of special messengers were
largely utilised for the conveyance of letters in New Testament times,
and it would seem that most of St Paul's letters were conveyed to
their destinations by some such means as these. It was an oppor-
tunity of this character that explains the sending of our Epistle.
Some months before the Apostle had received from the Philippian
1 INTRODUCTION
Church by the hands of Epaphroditus a gift of money. The latter
was, however, not content with being the mere almoner of the Church
of Philippi, but had on his arrival in Rome devoted himself so com-
pletely to the service of St Paul that he fell victim to a serious
illness which at one time threatened to prove fatal. He, however,
eventually recovered and was now on the point of returning to his
native city. St Paul decided to take advantage of his return to send
a letter to the Church which had so generously ministered to his
needs, primarilj' to thank them for their kindly thought towards
himself, and at the same time to reassure them concerning his own
personal situation, which seems to have caused them some anxiety.
This letter was our Epistle to the Philippians. It is a moot point
whether our Epistle betrays any traces of being a reply to a letter
from the Philippians as well as an acknowledgment of the gift
received from them. It is quite in accordance with the fitness of
things that the monetary contribution should have been accom-
panied by a letter in which the Philippians expressed their un-
swerving affection for St Paul as well as their apprehensions for
his future in view of his coming trial. It is now generally recognised
that some passages in the Pauline Epistles are simpl)^ quotations
from letters received by the Apostle which he has incorporated in his
reply. A well-known instance of this is the passage in 1 Cor. viii. 1-9
where he is dealing with the difficult question of " meat sacrificed to
idols", and where, in verse after verse, he seems to take up the position
assumed by those who wrote to him asking him for guidance on this
particular matter. (See Lock, in Expositor-, Series V, vol. vi, pp. 65 ff.)
Some scholars maintain that this is true to an appreciable extent of
our Epistle and that here and there phrases are found which betray
the very words employed by the Philippians in their letter to the
Apostle. Thus in i. 12 we seem to have a direct reply to an enquiry
as to the condition of his own affairs : in i. 7 the rendering adopted
by some, " because you have me in your hearts " sounds like a direct
quotation of an expression of deep affection on the part of the
Philippians, and again in iv. 10 an apology from the Philippians for
the fact that they had not been able to come to his assistance before
seems to be repeated. (See Rendel Harris, Expositor, Series V, vol. 8,
p. 409.) The situation as described in the Epistle seems also to
demand a further communication from the Philippians, because in
ii. 26 the Apostle refers to the fact that they had received informa-
tion of Epaphroditus' illness and that he himself was aware that this
INTRODUCTION li
had caused them considerable anxiety. The question, therefore,
arises whether the traces of a communication from the PhiUppians
discernible in our Epistle belong to a letter which accompanied
the gift or to a later letter sent when they had heard of the illness
of Epaphroditus and the imminent approach of St Paul's trial.
Zahu {Int. to N. T. Vol. i. pp. 525 ff.) has built up quite an imposing
theory around this point. He maintains that the Apostle must
have sent an acknowledgment of the Philippians' bounty soon after
its receipt, and that in this letter he informed them of the illness
of Epaphroditus and added some warnings like those contained in
the third chapter of our present Epistle, which would explain the
reference in iii. 1, " To write the same things to you ". Our Epistle
would in this case be a reply not to any communication, oral or
written, conveyed by Epaphroditus but to a later letter written to
acknowledge the receipt of St Paul's thanks. Zahn also tells us that
our Epistle enables us to have a tolerably definite idea of what that
letter contained. In i. 3 where, according to the best supported
reading (in Zahn's view), St Paul emphasises the point that he on his
part thanks the Lord Jesus for " their fellowship in furtherance of
the Gospel " he sees a reference to an expression of dissatisfaction
on the part of the Philippians as to the extent of their support of
the Apostle and of his work. The tone of the Apostle's language
in ii. 17, 25, 30, and more especially in iv. 10-20 with reference to
the mission of Epaphroditus and the gift of which he was the bearer
are only intelligible, according to Zahn, on the supposition that the
Church of Philippi had very strongly expressed the feeling that it
had been slow and ungenerous in coming to his assistance. To the
Philippians the Apostle's acknowledgment of their bounty had seemed
cold and lacking in gratitude, and in our Epistle, therefore, he sets
their mind at rest on this particular point. But this was not the
only question concerning which they seemed to have formed a wrong
impression for, according to our critic, they had gone seriously astray
in their view of the Apostle's own situation. They had described
themselves as being in a state of grave anxiety as to the result of
his trial and full of fear that not only the Apostle's own life but the
whole cause of the Gospel was in extreme peril. It is this impres-
sion which the Apostle seeks to remove in i. 12-19 when he tells
them that his trial, far from having the effect they anticipated, had
had the precisely opposite effect, and that both his own situation
and the prospects of the Gospel had been considerably enhanced
lii INTRODUCTION
thereby. The purpose of our Epistle then, according to Zahn, was
to dispel the depression among the Philippian Christians caused by
their anxiety concerning the Apostle's welfare and the future of the
Church in Rome and to disabuse their minds of the idea that their
contribution was deficient either in amount or in real warmth of
spirit and affection. It is this that explains the repeated exhorta-
tion to rejoice and the frequent and cordial recognition of their
generosity, as well as the expression of satisfaction and pride in the
Church, the glowing picture of the progress of the Gospel in Rome,
and the favourable description of his own situation. There is doubt-
less much that is true and suggestive in the situation as delineated
by Zahn, and there is no insuperable difficulty in accepting the
supposition that St Paul received two written communications from
Philippi, one by the hand of Epaphroditus and another later on
telling him of their great anxiety concerning the latter's illness and
expressing their sorrow and affectionate concern because of the
Apostle's coming trial and its possible issue. There is no sound
reason, however, for assuming more than one written communication
from Philippi to the Apostle, which would be the letter accom-
panying the gift. Any later message that reached Rome from
Philippi would probably be a verbal one, or perhaps only a casual
hint by a Christian traveller who had passed through Philippi on his
way westwards to Rome. Our Epistle was probably the first written
acknowledgment of the Philippians' generosity, although it is quite
possible that the same person who enlightened the latter as to the
illness of Epaphroditus may also have conveyed a verbal message of
thanks from the Apostle. There is in the Epistle, however, no trace
of the complex situation or atmosphere of suspicion and misunder-
standing which Zahn describes. Not one single phrase in the Epistle
in this connection requires the interpretation put upon it by him,
and it is only by overpressing certain simple statements and by
twisting others that any such view is made possible. The whole
tone of the letter is in direct opposition to any such situation. It is
permeated through and through by the spirit of absolute trust and
confidence, and there is not a word from beginning to end which
countenances the allegation that the Philippians were grieved at the
Apostle's lack of proper gratitude or that they had gravely mis-
understood his position at Rome and needed reproof and correction
on that point. The real situation is perfectly clear and simple.
The Apostle had received from the Philippian Church, the dearest
INTRODUCTION liii
to his heart of all the Churches that he had founded, a generous
gift, probably accompanied by a letter expressing their warmest
affection for him and their regret that circumstances had prevented
them from ministering earlier to his wants. With this they would
couple an enquiry as to his personal welfare and the progress of the
Church in Rome, more especially in view of his coming trial which
they had heard was to take place shortly and naturally caused
them some anxiety. The Apostle was prevented by some causes un-
known to us from sending an immediate written acknowledgment of
the receipt of their bounty, but takes advantage of the chance journey
of a Christian brother from Rome to Philippi to send a verbal message
intimating that the gift and letter had been gratefully received, but
that Epaphroditus, their messenger and bearer of their bounty, was
seriously ill. When a s\ifficient period had elapsed to allow of the
arrival of a later message from Philippi acquainting the Apostle with
the grief and anxiety occasioned by the news concerning Epaphroditus
he finds himself in a position to be able to write to them, thanking
them for their gift, setting their minds at ease with regard to his
own personal welfare and the progress of the Gospel in Rome, and
comforting them with regard to Epaphroditus who is now well enough
to undertake the journey homewards and to be the bearer of the
letter itself These three points may be said to constitute the
primary purpose of the letter, although other matters are touched
upon concerning which more will be said in the section which treats
of the Philippian Church and its affairs.
VII. The Historical Value of the Epistle.
The Epistle to the Philippians is of unusual value as a contri-
bution to the history of the Apostolic Church, because it not only
throws considerable light upon the condition of the primitive Chris-
tian community at Philippi, but is also our one source of information
concerning a somewhat obscure period in the life of St Paul and in
the histoiy of the great Church of Rome. The latter feature is,
indeed, the more important of the two.
1. St Paul at Rome.
St Luke, in the Acts, traces the course of St Paul's missionary
career up to the point where it reaches its climax in the arrival of
the Apostle in Rome. The details of the arrival itself and the events
liv INTRODUCTION
of the days which immediately followed it are described with much
fulness, but the book comes to an abrupt close with the intimation
that St Paul " abode two whole years in his own hired dwelling, and
received all that went in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God
and teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus with all boldness,
none forbidding him " (Acts xxviii. 30, 31). For anything like a
detailed account of the events of this period of two years and of the
character of the relationships that existed between the Apostle and
the Christian community in Rome on the one hand, and between
him and the Imperial power on the other, we are almost entirely
indebted to our Epistle. It is true that several others of the Pauline
Epistles were written from the Roman prison, but beyond a mere
catalogue of the names of his most intimate companions at the time
in Col. iv. 7-14 and Philemon 23, 24, and a general reference to
his imprisonment in Ephes. iii. 1, iv. 1 and Philemon 9, they have
nothing to tell us of the Apostle's personal condition or of Rome,
whether pagan or Christian.
In our Epistle, however, there are several passages which
enable us to realise to some extent the effect of the presence
of the great Apostle in the Imperial capital and his influence
upon the fortunes of Christianity in that city. The picture that
the Epistle gives us is of St Paul in Rome after nearly two years'
confinement in his own lodgings, where he was still free to receive
all who came to him and to exercise his Apostolic mission under
somewhat restricted conditions. The mere arrival of St Paul, the
foremost representative of Christianity, in Rome as a prisoner who
had appealed to the Imperial tribunal was in itself an event of first
rate importance in the history of the Church. For the first time
organised Christianity and the Empire stood face to face in the capital
itself, and St Paul's appeal was a definite challenge to the Empire to
enter upon that conflict which was to deluge the world with the blood
of the saints and less than three centuries afterwards was to issue
in the complete victory of the Church. There was existing in Rome
before St Paul's arrival a considerable Christian community, con-
cerning whose origin we have no positive evidence, but which in the
opinion of some modern scholars had already enjoyed tlie privilege
of St Peter's presence and leadership, (See especially Edmundson's
Bampton Lectures, 1913.) It had, however, been content to lead
its life quietly and had apparently not attracted the special attention
of pagan or Jewish Rome. With St Paul's arrival upon the scene
INTRODUCTION Iv
all this was changed. He was already a notable personage in the
provinces of the Empire, he had come into close contact with Roman
provincial Governors and high Imperial officials, and had drawn upon
himself the implacable hostility of the Jews throughout the world.
Christianity in the person of St Paul in Rome, therefore, became a
factor to be reckoned with, and the results which followed the change
in the situation are outlined for us with some definiteness in our
Epistle. St Paul had already passed through some of the preliminary
stages of his trial, and it would seem that this had had the effect of
concentrating attention upon him and the cause he represented. In
our letter he points out how his presence as a prisoner in Rome and
the proceedings of his trial had affected his relationships with those
who were without as well as those within the Church. In pagan
Rome he mentions two definite spheres in which his own personal
situation and the Gospel that he preached had become matters of
interest, w'u. the Imperial household and the Praetorian Guard, and
he suggests that this was true to some extent of the city as a whole
(i. 13). His success among the dependants of Caesar's household is
probably to be explained by the fact that his dwelling was in the
near vicinity of the Imperial palace, and when we remember that he
was guarded continuously by a succession of soldiers of the Imperial
Guard we can understand how the story and something of the per-
sonal influence of this prisoner had permeated through the whole of
that body. If we may assume that Romans xvi was written before
his journey to Rome, it would follow that Christianity had found
its way into the Imperial household before the arrival of St Paul
in Rome, for among the Christians to whom he sends greetings in
that chapter are members of the households of Aristobulus, a son
of Herod the Great, and of Narcissus, a freedman and favourite of
Claudius, both of which eventually passed into the possession of
the Emperor. The Apostle was, therefore, building here on foun-
dations laid by others. The tone of his language in reference to
this aspect of his work is one of complete satisfaction and seems
to imply that Christianity had made itself felt in these circles not
merely as an object of curiosity, but that a substantial harvest in
the shape of Christian converts had been gathered in.
When he comes to speak of his relationships with the Christian
community in Rome as a whole and of the effect of his presence and
trial upon it, his satisfaction and joy are not so complete, although
he exhibits here a wonderful capacity for broadmindedness and
Ivi INTRODUCTION
elimination of self (cf. i. 18 : iv. 5 t6 IttulkU). The Roman Church
was evidently not a perfectly united and homogeneous body. In its
early days Christianity in Rome was probably represented by various
separate groups which met in different houses for the purposes of
worship and fellowship, and it was the work of years to amalgamate
these into one organised Christian body, and even as late as the
date of our Epistle the work was not complete and there was still
a considerable cleavage. The Church was now apparently prepon-
deratingly Gentile in character, but with a strong admixture of the
Jewish element which was particularly active and zealous. In tracing
the effect upon Roman Christianity of his imprisonment and the
early stages of his trial, and more especially of his courageous and
free-spoken defence which had evidently produced a strong impres-
sion in the court, the Apostle explains that the Roman Church as a
whole had been stimulated to renewed courage and zeal, but that all
Roman Christians were not animated by the same motives. One
section was devoted to him heart and soul and laboured in behalf of
the Gospel in a manner that filled him with joy and gladness, but
there was another section of the Church, and apparently an influ-
ential one, which displayed considerable activity as propagandists,
but whose efforts did not commend themselves entirely to him.
They preached " Christ of envy and strife" and proclaimed " Christ
of faction, not sincerely, thinking to raise up affliction for me in my
bonds" (i. 15, 17). What this particular section of Roman Chris-
tians was composed of and what was the precise method of its
operations have been subjects of much discussion. That it consisted
mainly, if not entirely, of Jews and that Jewish hostility towards the
Apostle lay at the root of its attitude is, I think, beyond question.
And yet they cannot have been Judaisers of the tj^e that is familiar
to us in the Epistle to the Galatians. It is impossible to imagine
the Apostle employing language of the comparatively mild character
that we find in this Epistle if it had reference to quasi-Christians
who proclaimed a false Gospel. It is important to note that what is
condemned in our Epistle is not the content of the Gospel preached,
but the methods and motives of its preachers. The complaint uttered
by the Apostle is mainly of a personal nature, and it is entirely
opposed to his character to push his own person to the front if
the objective truth of the Gospel of Christ is at stake. The real
basis for the conduct which is made the subject of reproof was
jealousy of the Apostle's presence in Rome and of his influence upon
INTRODUCTION Ivii
the Church of Rome as a whole. That Church had had a fairly
long and independent existence before he appeared on the scene,
and if it had for some years enjoyed the presence of St Peter at its
head it is not difficult to understand how a section might resent the
position claimed by St Paul. The very fact that they were Jews
would at the very outset prevent a too friendly attitude towards
St Paul, and when his energies became absorbed by the events of
his trial and his activities proportionately restricted the opportunity
was too good to lose. They were now comparatively free to follow
their own bent and to assert their independence of the Apostle's
guidance, and, according to his own statement, they were not above
carrying on their propaganda with the deliberate object of causing
him pain and of making his want of freedom still harder to bear.
The words with which this passage in the Epistle closes (i. 18)
are a noble testimony to the Apostle's real breadth of mind and
toleration and a notable instance of his power to forget himself
when the cause of Christ was at stake. His opponents' method of
preaching did not commend itself to him and their attitude towards
himself was mean, ungenerous, and painful, and yet it was Christ
that they preached and proclaimed and he, therefore, rejoiced, aye,
and would rejoice.
The Apostle's language in ii. 20, 21 would seem to imply that
when the Epistle was written he was separated from most of his
intimate friends and companions, and the fact that only two of these
are mentioned, viz. Timothy, who is associated with him in the
address, and Epaphroditus, who was to be the bearer of the letter,
points in the same direction. But we know from other letters
written from Home that there were several other brethren with
him during some portion of his imprisonment. It is almost certain
that Luke and Aristarchus were in his company when he arrived in
Rome, and that they remained with him until after the Epistles
to the Colossians and Philemon had been written, and these same
Epistles show that Mark, Jesus Justus, Epaphras, Demas, and
Tychicus had been added to their number (Col. iv. 10-14 : Philemon
23, 24). It is probable, then, that before our Epistle was written
most, if not all, of these had left Rome on dijBTerent missions assigned
to them by St Paul. Tychicus we know to have been sent to the
Churches of the Lycus valley (Col. iv. 7, 8) and it is more than
likely that he was accompanied by Epaphras, who was closely con-
nected with these Churches, and by Mark, who was at the time
e 2
Iviii INTRODUCTION
contemplating a journey to that district (Col. iv. 10). The meaning
of the reference in ii. 2, " For they all seek their own, not the
things of Jesus Christ " is obscure, but it is difficult to believe
that Luke, the beloved physician and St Paul's loyal companion in
so many perils, could have been at his side when they were written.
The tone of the passage speaks of one who is oppressed by loneliness
and isolation : his best and most faithful friends are no longer by
his side to comfort him, and those who are left, with the exception
of Timothy, are not animated by the same devotion to himself and
his principles ; their motives are not so unselfish and disinterested,
and the Apostle is for the moment saddened and discouraged.
If our interpretation of iii. 2 ff. be correct there would be a further
reason for his temporary depression at the very time when the Epistle
Avas being dictated. The hostility of the Jews in Rome, encouraged
perhaps by the arrival of the Jewish witnesses from Jerusalem, had
become active and intensified, and St Paul's prospects of release and
freedom were receding into the distance in consequence. The separa-
tion from his friends that he loved and his isolation, together with
his darkened prospects, proved a burden which was for the moment
heavier than he could bear, but the courage of the Christian soldier
triumphs and he soon becomes his own buoyant, confident self again.
So the picture given to us in the Epistle of the Apostle's own situa-
tion and of the state of the Roman Church is on the whole painted
in bright colours, but there are shadows on the canvas here and
there. The trial as far as it has progressed has been generally
favourable, but the hostility of the Jews is a grave danger, and the
future is by no means clear. There is much zeal and activity on
behalf of the Gospel in the Roman Church, but there are causes
of disquiet and anxiety. His own influence is on the wane, and
other methods and other principles than his threaten to become
ascendant. He is sometimes lonely and depressed, he is not among
his own children as would be the case at Philippi, and although he
is surrounded by many friends they are not interested in the Church
at large outside of Rome itself and they are absorbed in their own
more immediate concerns. And yet the Apostle's unfailing hope
and courage overcome all difficulties, and the Epistle throughout
breathes the spirit of true Christian joy. Come what may, life or
death, devotion or jealousy, the sweet company of faithful friends
or the loneliness of isolation " I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice "
(i. 18).
INTRODUCTION lix
2. The Church of Pkilippi.
The history of the founding of the Church at Philippi as related
in the Acts will have taught us to some extent what we might expect
to learn of the condition of that Church at the time when our Epistle
was written. Some twelve years had elapsed since the Gospel was
first preached at Philippi, but there does not seem to have been any
notable change in the situation, and the Church had developed along
the lines which were characteristic of its earliest history, of which
three are very marked.
1. The affectionate relationship existing between the Apostle
and his converts. The narrative in the Acts lays emphasis upon
the hospitable reception of the Christian missionaries, the generosity
of Lydia, the widespread success of the Gospel and its effect upon
difi'erent grades of society, and the manifest sympathy of the neo-
phytes with the Apostle in his sufferings. Now all this and more is
reflected in the picture of the Church of Philippi which is drawn in
our Epistle. The letter itself is pre-eminently the most affectionate
and joyous of all the Pauline Epistles. Bengel summarises its con-
tents in the phrase " Gaudeo, gaudete ". It is remarkably free from
complaint and fiiult-finding and points definitely to the absence of
any lack of loyalty to the Apostle himself on the part of the Philip-
pian Church. The sympathy and generosity assume a practical form
in the sending of a substantial gift of money towards the Apostle's
needs in his Roman prison, and his high regard for the Church is
displayed by his readiness to accept the gift, a privilege that he had
denied to other Churches. That it was thoroughly loyal to St Paul
is written large on the very surface of the Epistle ; his authority is
never called in question and there is no reflection cast upon his
position as an Apostle. Reverence and an affectionate regard for
the great Christian missionary who had called them from darkness
into light were the sentiments which governed the Church. The
mutual relations which existed between the Apostle and liis con-
verts were the ideal of what should exist between the shepherd and
his flock. On the one side we find sympathy at a time of afflic-
tion, support in a period of want, loyalty, intense and sincere, towards
the Apostle's person and office, a faithful following of his teaching and
practice, and earnest prayer for his welfare, spiritual and material,
and on the other an affectionate trust, deep gratitude, and a
Ix INTRODUCTION
heart-felt appreciation of all their efforts on his behalf and that
of the Gospel, while these sentiments are cemented and sanctified
by his never ceasing supplication to God through Christ Jesus for
the spiritual progress of his beloved Philippian Church.
2. The position of women in the Church of Philippi. The
"first-fruit" of the Gospel in Philippi was a woman, Lydia, the
purple-seller of Thyatira and a "God-fearer" before her reception
into the Christian Church. We are, therefore, not surprised to
find that women continued to play a prominent part in the further
history of the Philippian Church. It is not fanciful to attribute in
some degree the affectionate relationship between St Paul and that
Church to womanly interest and sympathy, and it is quite in accord-
ance with what we know of woman's nature to see in the frequent
efforts of the Church to minister to the Apostle's wants something
of her influence and activity. At the same time women are prone
to suffer from the defects of their qualities and their zeal and devo-
tion are occasionally apt to lead to mutual jealousies and dissensions.
This would seem to have been the case at Philippi, and one of the
discordant notes in the Epistle is concerned with two women, Euodia
and Syntyche, who had laboured praiseworthily in the building up
of the Church. A report of this somewhat discreditable quarrel
had reached the Apostle, and it called forth from him an earnest
exhortation to these persons to settle their differences and to cease
to trouble the Church. Generally speaking, however, the influence
of the feminine element in Philippi was admirable and had unques-
tionably no little share in developing a faithful, loyal, affectionate,
and Christ-like community in that city.
3. The constituent elements of the Church of Philippi. We
have seen that Jews were comparatively few in Philippi, and
what was true of the city as a whole would also seem to be appli-
cable to the Christian portion of it. The Church of Philippi was
unquestionably mainly Gentile in character, and it is to this that
we must attribute much of what is characteristic of its development
and ultimate history. Its unique relations with St Paul, its marked
affection for him, its undeviating loyalty to his person and doctrine,
and its comparative freedom from divisions and controversies were
due in no slight measure to the absence from its midst of the dis-
turbing Jewish element, which was always hostile to the Apostle.
Another factor that perhaps points to the weakness of the Jewish
section is the acceptance on the part of St Paul of frequent financial
INTRODUCTION Ixi
contributions from this particular Church. It is doubtful whether
any such assistance would ever have been offered had the Jewish
party been strong at Philippi, but it is tolerably certain that St Paul
would never have consented to put himself under an obligation to
the Church under these conditions. Cf 1 Cor. ix. 12; 2 Cor. ix.-
xiii.
We have already suggested (p. xlv) that the passage iii. 2 ff. is
not concerned with Judaising Christians, and it, therefore, cannot
be used as evidence for the existence of a powerful Jewish Christian
community at Philippi. But even if it were satisfactorily established
that the Apostle had in view here his old and bitter opponents it is
most improbable that they were to be found within the Philippian
Church itself The whole tone of the Epistle is against any such
cleavage within the Church as this would imply, and it is much more
probable that the Judaising peril, if it really existed, was approaching
the Philippian Church from outside and that the Apostle thought it
right to put the Church on its guard against it.
Weaknesses in the Philippian Church. Although the condi-
tions at Philippi are on the whole satisfactory there are shadows
in the picture here as well as in that of the Roman Church at the
same period.
(a) The Church was apparently not entirely free from persecu-
tion. At Philippi, as well as in the Christian world as a whole, there
were "adversaries" and it had been granted to the Church of Philippi
to " suffer on behalf of Christ " (i. 28, 29). The Apostle's exhorta-
tion at this point seems to imply that the effect of persecution had
been to strike terror into the hearts of some of the Philippian con-
verts with the result that they were in danger of falling away and
abandoning their newly-won faith. There was needed a firm and
united attitude on the part of the whole Church, the development
of true Christian courage and endurance, and the display of a fear-
less and confident front towards the enemy. The exhortation is
enforced by an appeal to his own firmness and courage when con-
fronted by similar conditions.
(b) The two key-notes of the Epistle are the Christian virtues
of humility and unity, and it is, therefore, probable that in the
Church of Philippi there was some tendency to disregard the prime
necessity of these two ingredients in the perfect growth of the
Christian body. The dispositions that conduced to the dissensions
among the leading women of the Church, self-love, ambition, and
Ixii INTRODUCTION
jealousy, were no doubt to some extent characteristic of other sec-
tions of the Church. The old Macedonian pride and independence
and Roman arrogance, in both races the natural outcome of a long
career of conquest, may have had something to do with this de-
velopment. They produced a spirit of self-satisfaction and a sense
of superiority among some of the members. The striking passage,
iii. 11-16, where St Paul sketches his own personal Christian career
and the classical description of the virtue of humility with Christ
Himself as the great Exemplar in ii. 5-8 point to some such situa-
tion as we have suggested. The danger was one which often threatens
the growth of a young and exceedingly energetic body, and although
it had not yet become a serious menace it threatened the future
welfare of the Church and evoked from the Apostle a grave and
reasoned protest.
The failure of the later Philippian Church to realise the fair
promise of its early life may have been due to its disregard of the
Apostle's warning, and it is quite possible that it perished not so
much from attacks from outside as from weaknesses inherent in itself
which eventually produced disintegration and ruin.
(c) Closely connected with the party of " superiority and self-
satisfaction " and forming indeed another wing of the section which
arrogated to itself the title of "spiritual" was a section of Philip-
pian Christians of whom St Paul speaks in terms of the gravest
reprobation and severity. The Apostle's language in describing
this party reaches the very climax of condemnation. They are the
" enemies of the cross of Christ, whose God is the belly and whose
glory is in their shame" (iii. 18, 19). Many scholars interpret this
passage as having reference to Jewish Christians (see note m loc),
but St Paul's terms here are difficult to understand if he had in
view Jews, who were generally pure and careful in their outward
lives, whereas they are perfectly intelligible if applied to a type of
Gentile Christian with whom we are quite familiar in other Pauline
Epistles. It is more than probable that the assumption of superiority
and the claim to "perfection" (iii. 15) associated with the one vm\g
and the libertinism which the Apostle bewails in the other are both
traceable to the same cause. In both cases we are reminded of the
"spiritual" party in the Church of Corinth (1 Cor. ii. 10-13, 15,
16, iii. 1, and chapters viii., ix., x.) which claimed that, as the Spirit
was received in the Christian Sacraments and gave eternal life to
the recipient, religion was consequently entirely a matter of the
INTRODUCTION Ixiii
spirit. This conception had two practical results. In the one case
it produced the ascetic who prided himself upon his abstinence from
all that is carnal, and in the other it accounted for the immorality
of those who claimed that what was done in and through the body-
could not affect the life of the spirit. Traces of both these tenden-
cies are discernible in our Epistle, but to see them when they have
reached their complete development we have to study the teaching
of the later Gnostic sects.
VIII. The Characteristics of the Epistle.
(a) Its style. The first feature that strikes the reader of the
Epistle is that it is a real letter. There is no trace of the studied
and conventional style of the classical epistle : there is no straining
after effect and nothing to denote a production composed for the
eye of the public. From beginning to end it is personal, intimate,
and informal. Jowett once remarked that St Paul's Epistles "read
like good conversation ", and of no Epistle is this perhaps so true
as of the Epistle to the Philippians. It reminds one rather of a
person speaking to his beloved converts face to face than writing to
them from a distance, and this is perhaps explained by the fact
that the letter was almost certainly dictated to and copied by an
amanuensis. We seek in vain for any sign of careful and reasoned
method in its composition, and it is so free from anything like
logical sequence that it is often a matter of considerable difficulty
to trace the exact sequence between one paragraph and another.
The intimate and familiar style is also heightened by the absence
of the official designation "Apostle" in the address of the letter.
It is not the "Apostle" armed with authority that speaks here, but
the personal friend and the Christian brother writing to those who
were very near his heart. Both he and they are " servants of Jesus
Christ". The strictly doctrinal element is also introduced subordi-
nately. It is the personal relations, both on his side and theirs, that
are allowed to have their full sway. He is much concerned with
their anxiety about himself and with their sympathy for him in his
many afflictions, and he strives tenderly, as a father with his children,
to quiet their minds, to encourage them in the face of trials, and to
correct what faults he finds among them. And even in the matter
of correction, where the claim to Apostolic authority would have
been natural, it is more the father or the brother that is speaking
Ixiv INTRODUCTION
than the official. So again it is to liis own example aud not to his
authority that he appeals when he would drive home the lesson
that is needed. His gratitude for their generous thought for
himself is much in his mind and is in evidence all through the
Epistle.
(6) Its tone. It has well been called the "Epistle of love"
among St Paul's letters, and it is worthy of note that the love
manifested here is not one-sided. The letter helps us to realise
not only the Apostle's fervent love for his children in the faith,
but the earnest and warm requital of that love on the part of the
Philippian Christians. The whole tone of the Epistle is coloured
by the immediate purpose of its writing, viz. to thank them for
their loving thought and generous action towards himself. The
letter is indeed a wonderful and illuminating illustration of the
closeness of the tie which bound the Apostle to his converts, and
the intimacy is not interrupted here, as in so many Churches which
owed their existence to him, by disloyalty and suspicion. The atmo-
sphere surrounding him and the Church is permeated through and
through by love unfeigned, undisturbed, and unwearying, a love that
translates itself into action and expresses itself in warmhearted
sympathy and support on the one side and in the sincerest gratitude
on the other.
A second note of the Epistle, not less conspicuous than the spirit
of love with which it is sutFused is that of "joy". There was much
in the surroundings which tended to gloom and depression ; the
darkness of an uncertain future, the conduct of an active section
of the Roman Church, his comparative loneliness and isolation and
the pressure of advancing years, while even at Philippi matters were
not altogether conducive to satisfaction and peace of mind. And
yet throughout the Epistle the joy of the Christian Apostle in Christ
breaks through the overhanging clouds. Ever and anon amidst a
Babel of confusing sounds there rings the clarion note "Rejoice
in the Lord alway, and again I say, rejoice". But although the
dominant note of the Epistle is one of joy and contentment it
nevertheless reveals a remarkable variety of moods in the Apostle.
As the letter proceeds, passage by passage, the change of mood is
clearly discernible. No one particular feeling lasts long, but is soon
followed by its antithesis, and joy often gives way to sorrow. His
hopeful outlook upon the progress of the Gospel is interrupted by
his fears of what may happen when his own presence and influence
INTRODUCTION Ixv
are withdrawn, and his satisfaction concerning the spiritual condi-
tion of the Church of Philippi as a whole gives way to tears of bitter
sorrow when he thinks of those who are " the enemies of the cross
of Christ ". His confidence in the favourable issue of his trial
changes into a fearful anticipation of possible condemnation and
death, and his calm and peaceful view of death as rest in Christ
is modiiied by a consciousness of unworthiness and lack of perfection
(Drummond, Pkilippians, p. 358). So throughout the Epistle light
and shadow are intermingled, and yet the predominating impression
is that of a soul uplifted, full of joy and confidence in the Lord, re-
joicing in the many proofs of God's goodness both to himself and to
the Church, and looking steadfastly to the end which shall find him
"with Christ".
(c) The Old, Testament in the Epistle, The Old Testament is
never deliberately quoted in the Epistle, and its contents are not
cited by the Apostle for the purpose of pressing home an argument
as in some of his other Epistles. The influence of the LXX is,
however, frequently apparent, and echoes of its language and some-
times its exact words are found in the body of the Epistle. Thus
i. 19 is a verbal reproduction of Job xiii. 16 /cat rovro fxoi dTrojSyjareTai
el<s croiTTjpiav.
The passage wherein St Paul describes the final exaltation of
Christ in ii. 10 f. is an adaptation of Isaiah xlv. 23 on e/xoi Ka/xi/'et
TTtti' yovv Koi ofielraL iraaa yXwcrcra tov O^qv.
The following phrases and expressions are also reminiscent of
the Old Testament :
il. 15 tva yevrjcrde ainefXTTTOi Kai aKcpatoi, reKva Oeov, afx^/xa fxicrov
ycvEas (TKoXtas koI Sieo-T/aa/x/xeVr;?. Cf. Deut. J*Xxii. 5 i^jJidpTocrav, ovk
avTw TiKva, fiwfXTjTO. • ycvco. ctkoXlo. Kal Sie(TTpafifJi€vrj.
ii. 16 OVK ets Kevov cSpajnov, ovSk cis k€v6v eKOTrtaaa. Cf. Isaiall
xlix. 4; Ixv. 23 Kevws e/coTrt'ao-a' ov KOTnd(rov(riv ei? xerov.
iv. 3 ev /3t/3Aa) ^0)17?. Cf. Psalm Ixviii. 28 iK /3t)3Xou ^(ovtwv.
iv. 18 6<Tiiy]v eiiwSia?. Cf. Ezekiel XX. 41 Iv oafxy evwStas.
Ixvi INTRODUCTION
IX. St Paul in the Epistle.
The Epistle is most valuable for the insight it gives us into
special aspects of the Apostle's character, some of which have already
been touched upon in the preceding section. It provides us with a
wholesome corrective of a narrow view of the Apostle's character as
a whole which has been too common among a certain class of writers.
These take for granted that the great dogmatic and controversial
Epistles reveal his personality in all its completeness, with the result
that he has been standardised as a man of uncompromising sternness,
jealous of his own position and authority, rejoicing in disputes and
invective, and practically devoid of those gentler qualities wdiich we
associate with our ideal of a complete man and exemplary Christian.
In our Epistle an entirely different view of his character is revealed to
us, a view which helps us to realise that the Epistles to Galatia
and Corinth have displayed only one side of the man and the Apostle,
and that not the most attractive and lovable side. But even in
these very letters there were elements which threw an occasional
light upon the true character of St Paul. The " Psalm of Love " in
1 Cor. xiii. and certain passages in 2 Corinthians which betray his
intense eagerness to forgive and his longing for reconciliation should
have been sufficient in themselves to show that he was no mere
upholder of Apostolic authority, the uncompromising opponent of
error in life and doctrine, the hard and unsympathetic judge of all
that was not quite in accord with his own ideas, as so many writers
have pictured him. And these fitful gleams of another and gentler
side of his character which we obtain from these Epistles are developed
into the clearest daylight by what we learn of him in our Epistle.
It is the most personal of all his letters and enables us to understand
" Paul, the Man " more fully and more accurately than any other
source. We learn, first of all, that he was not a man of one mood,
which was fixed, determined, and constant at all times, but that he
was particularly sensitive to his environment and generally governed
by the immediate situation and by the special relationship existing
between him and his correspondents. Where sternness, the assertion
of Apostolic authority, and the functions of a judge are demanded
by the internal condition of a particular Church these qualities are
exercised to the full, but where a Church like that of Philippi was
free from serious error, obedient and loyal to Christ and to its
INTRODUCTION Ixvii
fouufler, in full sympathy with his teaching and bound to him by
close ties of affection, the tender and human side of his character
is displayed in all its attractiveness. The strong, stern, and un-
compromising Apostle of the letters to the Churches of Galatia and
Corinth becomes the tender-hearted, appreciative, affectionate, and
broad-minded Christian brother of the Philippiau Epistle. To the
student who is satisfied that the St Paul of the controversial letters
is the true and complete Apostle the character of the writer of our
Epistle is unintelligible, and he is driven to the conclusion that it
was not written by St Paul at all. The authorities who take this
view have not taken into consideration the difference in the con-
ditions governing the different letters. In Galatia and Corinth the
issues were vital and Christianity itself was at stake, and because of
this there was not, and could not be, any question of compromise or
suspension of judgment. In Philippi and Rome, on the other hand,
the matters in dispute were primarily of a personal nature, and the
real essence of the Gospel was not imperilled. The conduct of a
certain section of Christians might engender pain and sorrow to him-
self personally, but the truth in Christ was not seriously endangered.
The kingdom of Christ was being extended, not entirely on lines
which commended themselves to him, yet because it was being ex-
tended he would acquiesce, aye, and rejoice in the fact. Our Epistle,
therefore, illustrates the Apostle's principles admirably. When the
essential content of the Gospel was being undermined he would fight
with all the strength and determination at his command, but when
it was only a question of his own personal views and predilections
he could forgive and forget.
There is another factor to be considered before we have fully
explained the pecuHar atmosphere of joy and serenity which sur-
rounds the Epistle. The mildness of judgment and the breadth of
sympathy manifested in the letter are not due merely to the fact
that the conditions were particularly favourable at Philippi, but
because the whole composition is conceived in the spirit of love.
That St Paul should love every Church which owed its faith to himself
is only natural, and it is no less natural that some Churches should
attract a greater share of his affection than others, and this was
eminently true of the Church of Philippi. From the very day which
witnessed the first preaching of Christ in that city his love for the
Philippians was only equalled by their love towards him. And
further, this love had its source in Christ, manifested itself in
Ixviii INTRODUCTION
activity in Christ, and looked to Christ as its crown and consum-
mation. It is the mutual love with its centre in Christ through
which the Apostle approached this Church, and this softened every
judgment that might otherwise have been harsh, minimised the
defects and weaknesses, and clothed his message with a friendliness
and tenderness that are wonderfully winning and attractive.
Among the other qualities displayed in this Epistle which are
essential elements in St Paul's life and character we may mention
his mysticism, humility, and tactfulness.
The Mysticism of St Paul.
There is no Epistle of St Paul which is more fully charged with
what we may call the " mysticism " of the Apostle than the Epistle
to the Philippians. Every thought, every sentiment, every action
is brought into vital relation with Christ, and the whole life of the
Apostle himself and of the Christian believer is identified with the
life of Christ. The expression "in Christ" or "in Christ Jesus",
which is perhaps the most characteristic of all the Pauline phrases,
recurs over and over again and reveals the fundamental basis of his
thought. The following are some of the most important passages
which manifest this, the mystic side of St Paul's character : " The
saints in Christ Jesus ", i. 1, iv. 21. " How I long after you all in
the tender mercies of Christ Jesus ", i. 8. " To me to live is Christ ",
i. 21. " That your glorying may be in Christ Jesus ", i. 26. " If there
is therefore any comfort in Christ ", ii. 1. " I trust in the Lord that
I shall come shortly ", ii. 24. " Stand fast in the Lord ", iv. 1.
His life, joys, sorrows, hopes, fears, plans and purposes are all
rooted in Christ, and what is true of himself he predicates of all
Christians, whether as individuals or in their corporate capacity.
" The saints " as constituting the Church at Philippi are " in Christ "
and every individual "saint" is possessed of the same privilege.
This mystical union of the Christian with Christ, by means of which
the whole being of the Christian is transformed and identified with
Him, was, in St Paul's mind, the outcome of a spiritual act of faith.
Faith in Christ meant dying with Him to sin and rising again to
newness of life, and so close and essential was the union thus effected
that the Apostle represents his whole being as possessed by Christ
Himself. " It is no longer I that live but Christ liveth in me ". For
him Christ was no longer a mere historical Person but a Spirit within
INTRODUCTION Ixix
his heart and mind. It was not his own voice that spake but the
voice of Christ within him, and the obedience that he gave to the
promptings of his better self became in reality obedience to the Divine
Will which had possessed and appropriated his own. And more, in
virtue of this union, and only in virtue of it, the acts, the powers,
the holiness, and the experiences of the life of Christ avail for
him. " I can do all things in Him that strengtheneth me ", he
declares in our Epistle, iv. 13.
The Humility of St Paul.
Hand in hand with this sublime consciousness of vital union
with Christ and of the identification of his own life with that of the
Saviour there is to be seen the essential humility of the Christian
disciple. The striking parallelism between the two sections, ii. 5-11
and iii. 3-16 has already been commented on (p. xlvii). In St Paul's
life as in that of the Master there had been a " self-emptying", and
the way of exaltation in his own case as in that of Christ was based
on a real surrender. Separated by an immeasurable distance and on
entirely different planes, the course of the Master and of His disciple
followed the same lines. Christ, in order that He might be highly
exalted and be given a Name above every name, had willingly
abandoned His condition of glory which had been His from all
eternity and had taken on the form of a servant and had died on
the Cross. So too the Apostle had surrendered the privileges which
were his as a Pharisaic Jew, and all that he had prized as of the
utmost value he had counted but loss for the excellency of the
knowledge of Jesus Christ, that he might gain Him and be found
in Him. To him, therefore, as to the Lord the way of surrender
had been the road to ultimate triumph and glory. The humility
that with all the force at his command he impresses upon the
Philippians he illustrates by his own example as well as that of
Christ. He may be united to Christ in every fibre of his being,
yet there is none of that false assurance, that presumptuous sense
of absolute security which was the bane of many a Gentile Christian,
who, because he was baptized into Christ and had partaken of the
Christian Mysteries, thought that no further effort was needed and
that Christian morality need not be wedded to Christian profession.
Christian life was to the Apostle ever a life of constant striving and
gradual and difficult progress : the end, the final union with the
Ixx INTRODUCTION
glorified Lord, was not yet in sight. In that very beautiful and
pathetic passage, iii. 11-16 he emphasises the need for continuous
and unceasing effort on the part of the Christian, condemns equally
an undue elation which arises from the successes of the past and
the despondency which follows its failures, but his conception of the
Christian course is, nevertheless, lightened by the resplendent hope
of the reward of final victory.
So in every feature, in its surrender of privilege, in its humiliation
and sutTering, in its effort and struggle, and in its ultimate triumph
and reward the life of the Christian, as illustrated by that of St Paul,
must correspond with the life of Christ " who left us an example that
we should follow His steps " (1 St Peter, ii. 21).
The Tactfulness of St Paul.
Another feature in the Apostle's character which is well illustrated
by our Epistle is his tactfulness. In this respect it shares with the
Epistle to Philemon the privilege of presenting St Paul to the world
as the Christian gentleman. The passage, iv. 10-20, in which he
conveys his gratitude to the Philippians for their generous gifts is a
model of what such an expression of thanks should be. He opens
with a full recognition of their constant thought for him and of the
fact that it was only lack of opportunity that prevented it from taking
practical form earlier. At the same time he is anxious to impress
upon them his independence of material conditions and his suffi-
ciency in Christ, but is nevertheless extremely careful lest there
should be the slightest hint of any want of gratitude on his part.
There is in the passage a beautiful blending of true thankfulness to
the Philippians wdth a sense of his own absolute dependence upon
Christ, and he lifts the whole transaction to a lofty plane whereon
the Philippians' service to himself becomes a " sacrifice, acceptable,
well-pleasing to God", iv. 18.
St Paul at the close of his life.
The Epistle is also interesting as giving us a picture of St Paul
in the last stage of his life. It is essentially a letter of his mature
age when death seemed very near. We witness here the fruit of
St Paul's long years of study in the school of Christ and of experience.
With advancing years there arrives a change in the appreciation of
INTRODUCTION Ixxi
values, followed by a corresponding change in methods. We see in
our Epistle the result perhaps of what corresponded to the vision
vouchsafed to Elijah on Mount Horeb when he learnt that God was
not in the whirlwind, earthquake, or fire, but in the still small voice
of love and gentleness. St Paul too may have realised in the course
of long years of fruitful experience that sternness, violence, and
invective are not the strongest forces in the realm of Christ and that
more ground may be gained and richer results achieved by the
exercise of the more markedly Christian virtues of sympathy, affec-
tion, and tenderness. Some such process as this is perhaps necessary
to explain the marked change between the tone of his later Epistles
and that of his earlier ones.
Further, the possible imminent approach of death must have
coloured his vision and softened his character and judgment. His
own outlook upon death is so beautiful, confident, and peaceful that
it must have had a corresponding effect upon his outlook upon the
Church and the world. Faults and weaknesses receded into the
background, and his mind became concentrated upon what is ad-
mirable, noble, and attractive in the Church and in the world around
it. In this connection his appreciation of what was valuable in pagan
life and philosophy is very striking. In iv. 8 he approaches very
closely to the ideal of the Greek philosopher in his conception of
honour and worth. It is the only place where the Greek term for
"virtue " is used in the New Testament, and here the "beautiful"
also stands side by side with the "good " in close fellowship.
Finally we note how completely the Apostle has been captured
by the love of Christ. It is the dogmatic side of Christianity that
has received most attention at the hands of St Paul, and "faith "
has ever been regarded as the typical Pauline quality, but in our
Epistle we see his whole being transfigured and illuminated by love.
Love has indeed come to its own in St Paul of the Philippian letter,
although it has its honoured place, but more in theory as the root
of Christian conduct, in Romans, 1 Corinthians, and notably in
Ephesians. So the Epistle remains on the whole the truest, most
beautiful, and most complete representation of St Paul the Christian
which has come down to us.
/
Ixxii INTRODUCTION
X. The Doctrine of the Epistle.
The Epistle to the Philippians is the least doctrinal of all St
Paul's Epistles to the Churches, and there is in it no attempt at
any formulated discussion of any point of Christian doctrine. This
is to be attributed to the fact that there were no serious errors
prevalent in the Philippian Church as there were in the Churches
of Galatia for instance, and that no matter of doctrine was being
questioned as was the case in the Church of Corinth. Yet some of
the most important statements of Christian doctrine extant are
found embedded in it. Much, however, of the teaching contained
in it is implicit rather than explicit, and even where a well-defined
doctrinal statement is met with it is generally in the form of a con-
firmation or illustration of a practical lesson and is not a formal
definition of the doctrine itself. The implications of the Epistle are,
however, so weighty and form such an important contribution to the
body of Christian teaching that they demand to be considered at
some length. The doctrinal contents of the Epistle may be con-
sidered from the following aspects.
1. The Christology.
2. The Eschatology.
3. The doctrine of Justification.
1. The Christology of the Epistle.
Phil. ii. 5-11.
By far the most important and pregnant statement of doctrine
in the Epistle is the passage ii. 5-11, and it would be difficult to
find even in the formulated and elaborate discussions on the Being
and Person of Christ in the Epistles to the Colossians and Ephesians
a more definite and more exalted Christological conception. Tlie
statement has become an integral factor in every system of Christo-
logy and must, therefore, be considered from that point of view. It
comes at the end of a particularly impressive exhortation to unity,
to a unity based on lowliness of mind and a complete forgetfulness
of self, and the lesson is driven home by an appeal to the example
of Christ as the great revelation of the lowly and unselfish spirit in
action.
INTRODUCTION Ixxiii
The discussion turns very largely upon the exact meaning in
classical and contemporary Greek of some of the salient terms in
the passage, but it would be out of place in a Commentary of this
character to consider this aspect of the question, and we must be
content here with defining the general lines along which the dis-
cussion proceeds. We are met at the very outset by a fundamental
difference of opinion as to the correct interpretation of the passage
as a whole. The majority of scholars are of opinion that St Paul
is speaking here of Christ in three different spheres of existence,
the pre-Incarnate, Incarnate, and Exalted Christ, but there is a
considerable school of thought which confines the reference to the
historical Christ and refuses to see in the statement any evidence
that the Apostle believed in a pre-existent, pre-Incarnate Christ, or
if he did believe this, that he had His pre-existence in his mind at
that moment.
We will consider first of all the position maintained by the second
school of thought. This interpretation is comparatively modern in
its origin and was practically unknown in the early centuries of the
Church's life, although, in this as in so many other doctrinal matters,
Pelagius followed a line of his own and took this view of the passage.
It owes its present position very largely to the influence of Erasmus
and Luther, and it has been adopted by a large body of Continental
scholars. An admirable statement of the theory is given by Sabatier
(St Paul, pp. 256 ff.) which we shall do well to quote. According
to him St Paul is thinking not of some celestial being, but of the
historical Christ, and it is His earthly life that he so admirably
sums up in the idea of renunciation and obedience. The subject
of the paragraph is Christ coming to glory through renunciation,
and in order to make this possible He must have been already in
Himself and by nature of a higher condition. This is expressed
by the phrase " being in the form of God ", which expresses a sub-
stantial relation to God, but does not mean absolute Divinity. There
is one stage higher, " to be on an equality with God ", a position
which Christ might have thought of seizing, but which He did not
usurp. This higher position is eventually to be His, but only by
the full development of His moral being, and there is betw^een His
original condition of " being in the form of God " and His destined
exaltation to "equality with God" a progress, a real development
of His being.
This progress is accomplished in three stages.
/2
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION
1. He did not through egotism or pride seek to place Himself
on a level with God or prematurely usurp the Divine equality.
2. " He annihilated Himself". Christ, who by the order of His
being was of Divine nature, renounced the Divine form of His
essence and annihilated His personal will in the presence of His
Father's will. He sacrifices Himself and performs a definite moral
act in order that He may become truly Himself and fulfil His
destiny. The sacrifice is defined in the clause, " taking the form
of a servant", which is further explained in the expressions
"being made in the likeness of men", "being found in fashion
as a man ".
3. He rendered obedience, which reached its consummation in
the death of the Cross and so illustrated His own law of the moral
life that "he that humbleth himself shall be exalted". So by
reaching the lowest depth of His humiliation in His death on the
Cross He attained the very height of His glory and fulfilled His
destiny, a condition of complete and actual Divine royalty.
Sabatier has his own views with regard to certain particulars in
St Paul's statement which are not shared by those who maintain
that the Apostle has in mind throughout the historical Christ, but
the above may be taken as representing very fairly the general idea
of those who favour this interpretation. The principal advantage
that is claimed for this view is that it is difficult from the point of
view of a right moral judgment to see how the acts of a Divine
being have any ethical value for us and that St Paul, therefore,
could hardly have set forth for our example the action of a pre-
existent and purely Divine Christ.
The main objection to the theory as a whole is that it does not
accord with the structure of the passage. If the Christ that was
in the thought of St Paul was the Incarnate Christ we have only
two stages in the process described here, viz. the Incarnate and
the Exalted life, whereas the passage seems to imply three definite
1. " Being in the form of God He counted it not a prize to be
on an equality with God ".
2. " But emptied Himself, taking the form of a servant, etc."
3. "Wherefore God also highly exalted Him ".
There is a progress here, with a definite point of departure, a
journey, and a return to still higher glory and honour. The pro-
gress did not begin at the moment of Incarnation, as the theory we
INTRODUCTION Ixxv
are discussing would lead us to understand, but was an act of the
will of the Divine Son while yet in the bosom of His Father.
The rival theory may be said to be that of the Church as a whole,
although here again there are varieties of opinion on matters of
detail. The best exposition of this view is unquestionably that
of Dr Giftord (E. H. Gifford, The Incarnation, London, 1897) and
we shall follow him closely in what follows. It has at any rate the
decided advantage of corresponding to the structure of the Apostolic
statement and of giving an explanation of the three distinct stages
which that statement seems to contemplate.
1. The Christ is the pre-Incarnate Christ, originally God by
nature, "being in the form of God", who did not consider that
"equality with God", i.e. the outward condition of glory which
was the manifestation of His Divine nature, was a treasure to be
held fast.
2. At the Incarnation "He emptied Himself " temporarily of
the outward glory of Deity and "took upon Himself the nature
of a bond-servant", becoming man, yet not mere man but rather
the representative of mankind, " in the likeness of men ". In the
eyes of men He was a man like themselves, " being found in fashion
as a man", i.e. they saw in Him a human form, bearing, action,
mode of life, wants and their satisfaction, which they recognised as
those common to humanity. In this guise He submitted Himself to
further humiliation and partook not only of the nature of a bond-
servant but also of his shameful death by dying on the cross, and
thus proceeded to the extreme and final depth of self-abasement.
3. The Exaltation. As the self-humiliation was complete and
without reserve so the reward was proportionately great. To Him
there was given a Name above every name, and the whole creation,
animate and inanimate, was to join in the homage and praise due to
Him who now, as His rightful reward, enters again upon the glory
which He had with His Father before the world was (St John xvii. 5).
It will be noticed that in this exposition the phrases "being in the
form of God " and " being on an equality with God " are interpreted
as referring to two different qualities of the Godhead, the one to the
essential nature of the Deity, inseparable from it, while the second
is said to imply the circumstances of glory and majesty associated
with the manifestations of the Godhead which could be resigned
temporarily. The "self-emptying" of the pre-Incarnate Christ
consisted, therefore, in the laying aside at the Incarnation of that
Ixxvi INTRODUCTION
equality of glory, majesty, and honour which He possessed in His
pre-existent state, and for the restoration of which He prayed in
St John xvii. 5. There is, however, a considerable school of thought
and a growing one, which, while it accepts the main proposition that
the " self-emptying " is predicated of the pre-Incarnate Christ, does
not agree with the exposition above in some of its more important
details. The most prominent representative of this school is the
Bishop of Oxford, Dr Gore. The difference of opinion is concerned
chiefly with the meaning of "equality with God " and with the pre-
cise definition of that of which Christ emptied Himself. Dr Gore
and those who think with him practically equate the two expressions
"being in the form of God" and "being on an equality with God",
with the result that the " self- emptying " is held to imply an aban-
donment not merely of what was external, the outward glories of
Deity, but of some of the internal, essential attributes of the God-
head. It may be well to quote the Bishop's own words on this point.
" Christ in His pre-existent state was living in the permanent char-
acteristics of the life of God, had a right to remain in it, it belonged
to Him, but He regarded not His prerogatives as a prize to be
clutched at. For love of us He abjured the prerogatives of equality
with God and by an act of deliberate self-abnegation He so emptied
Himself as to assume the permanent characteristics of human or
servile life, 'the form of a servant'. In outward appearance He
was like other men ' and was found in fashion as a man', i.e. in the
transitory quality of our mortality. He took the 'form', 'likeness',
' fashion ' of manhood, all. Thus remaining in unchanged person-
ality He is exhibited as ' laying aside the mode of divine existence
in order to assume the human ' " {Dissertations on the Incarnation,
pp. 88, 89).
Another view, and a very interesting one, which also regards the
passage as contemplating the pre-Incarnate Christ, is that held by
Kennedy {Expositors N.T. Vol. iii. pp. 435 ff.), Garvie {Expositor,
vn. vii. pp. 37-41) and Somerville {St Paul's Conception of Christ,
pp. 190 f.). According to this interpretation "equality with God"
is not what the pre-Incarnate possessed originally, but is something
still future and only became His after He had finished His earthly
course, when " God highly exalted Him ". In Somerville's words
St Paul's thought here is that " the Pre-Incarnate One has presented
to Him a career by which He was able to realise the possibilities
that lay wrapt in His being ' in the form of God '. Christ might
INTRODUCTION Ixxvii
have asserted His right to be worshipped as God, but did not regard
' equality with God ' as a thing to be clutched at, but looked rather
to the good of men and renounced His own things to enter upon a
course of self-denying service to others and of humble obedience
to the will of God. He preferred to receive from His Father the
sovereignty over all as the Divine recognition of His self-effacement
for others rather than by the assertion of His own right". It will
be seen that this view is in agreement with Sabatier's on the point
that there is in the passage a progress from what is a less perfect form
of being to one that is perfect and complete. The exalted state is
not a simple return to the pre-Incarnate stage, but means an acces-
sion of personal greatness for which His earthly career furnished the
needed preparation and discipline. There is much that is attractive
in this interpretation but it is open to the very simple objection
that it is difficult to understand how, if " equality with God " was
still in the future, St Paul could have spoken of Christ as "emptying
Himself" of it. How can one divest oneself of what one does not
possess ?
It is not within the province of this Commentary to enter upon
a lengthy discussion of the respective merits of these different in-
terpretations and I must content myself with placing them before
the reader in the words of their foremost exponents. I must at
the same time express my decided preference for the view which
has been generally prevalent in the Church. This view interprets
St Paul as having in his thought the complete course of Christ,
pre-Incarnate, Incarnate, and Exalted. It also retains for Him in
His Incarnate being all the essential attributes of the Godhead,
while doing full justice to the idea of self-abasement, in that He
emptied Himself of the outward glory and honour of His Divine
manifestation. It preserves the breadth and unity of conception
which are so characteristic of the statement as a whole. It gives
us a Christ in whom perfect Godhead and perfect Manhood are in-
separably united in one Divine Person, and in the fact that Christ
in His Incarnate state still remains "in the form of God " we have
a complete assurance that the moral attributes of His Godhead are
fully and faithfully represented in the Incarnate Word.
The Kenotic theory.
We have not exhausted the importance and interest of this
Christological passage when we have discussed its interpretation
Ixxviii INTRODUCTION
as a wliole, for in recent years it has attracted more attention than
ever because it has been pressed into the service of what is generally
termed "the Kenotic theory". (The "kenosis" of Christ which
underlies the theory is derived from the Greek verb e/ccVwo-e in Phil,
ii. 7, "He emptied Himself".) The theory is specially associated
with the name of Dr Gore, who was principally responsible for intro-
ducing it into public notice in this country. We may, therefore,
state it briefly in his words. " Our Lord refrained from the divine
mode of consciousness within the sphere of His human life that He
might really enter into human experience" {Dissertations on the
Incarnation, p. 97). The Bishop was not the originator of the idea
for it is in some respects a product of the Reformation. It receives
no support from early ecclesiastical writers, and the Church for close
upon 1500 years knew practically nothing of it. Dr Gore attributes
this silence to the fact that theologians during all these centuries
hardly attempted to explain the intellectual phenomena of our Lord
during the period of His humiliation. It was the theologians of the
Reformation, and Luther in particular, who began to lay stress upon
the limitations of our Lord's manhood, and since that time a "kenotic
theory" of some kind has been widely held by representatives of the
Lutheran and reformed Churches on the Continent. Luther, as we
have seen, interpreted the Christological passage we have been dis-
cussing as referring to the Incarnate Christ, and was driven to some
such explanation of the phrase " He emptied Himself" as is implied
in kenoticism. Dr Gore disagrees with Luther on this point and
sees in St Paul's statement a state of being previous to the Incar-
nation and ascribes the first stage of the process described by the
Apostle to the pre-existent Christ, but they are at one in their in-
sistence upon the limitations of Christ's human consciousness implied
in the expression "He emptied Himself". Now if the view taken
of the passage in this Commentary be correct there is no room in
it for a "kenosis " in the Bishop's sense of the term, because what
Christ abandoned at His Incarnation was not anything internal to
His being, the essential attributes of His Godhead, but the external
glory and condition.
It is not implied here that there was no real "kenosis", no real
limitation upon the Divine omniscience and omnipotence within the
sphere of Christ's Incarnate life, but merely that the theory derives
no direct support from this particular passage.
The metaphysical question as to the relation of the human nature
INTRODUCTION Ixxix
in Christ to the essential attributes of the Godhead did not concern
St Paul here and the passage does nothing more than contrast the
two modes of life, life in the pre-Incarnate and life in the Incarnate
state. Throughout the statement the Godhead of Christ in the
Apostle's thought remains exactly on the same level ; the " being
in the form of God " is not abandoned at the Incarnation, it is only
veiled, to be revealed again in all its glory at the Exaltation.
But as there will be doubtless many readers who are not prepared
to accept this view and are interested in the "Kenotic theory" I have
thought it right to give a brief account of it in its various aspects.
It ought to be understood at the outset that the "kenosis" which
is postulated of Christ is not based fundamentally on this passage in
our Epistle and that St Paul's statement is only utilised to buttress
an idea derived from other sources. The theory is, in reality, founded
on the portrait of Christ alleged to be given in the Gospels, which,
we are told, is not intelligible unless we assume some limitations
upon Divine omniscience and omnipotence in His Incarnate life.
It is also claimed that some such limitations are demanded by the
conception of Christ as a true and perfect man, in whom there
was a growth of human will and knowledge. As instances of the
"kenosis" in action there are cited St Mark xv. 34 = St Matth.
xxvii. 46, which imply that the intercourse between Father and
Son was not always perfect : St Mark xiii. 32 and St John xvii. 4, 5
where Christ Himself seems to speak of limitations of His own
knowledge and glory: St Luke ii. 40-52 and Hebrews iv. 15; v. 7, 8,
where the New Testament writers assume on His part a growth in
wisdom and learning and emphasise the reality of the temptation.
Further, He asks questions which seem to imply a natural need of
information, and His constant recourse to prayer is characteristically
human as an expression of faith and trust. He never extends our
stock of knowledge, physical or historical, out of His Divine omni-
science, and in these matters He is perfectly content to accept the
current conceptions of His age. The inference from these facts is
perfectly clear, simple, and wholly justifiable, viz. that our Lord
during His earthly life "lived and taught and thought and was
inspired as a true and proper man, under the limitations of con-
sciousness which alone made possible a really human experience "
(Gore, u. s. p. 87).
There is, however, a considerable difference of opinion as to
the extent of this "kenosis".
Ixxx INTRODUCTION
There is tlie "Absolute Kenotic view" which is associated in
Germany with Gess and in Switzerland with Godet, a scholar well
known in English circles. Godet, starting from St John i. 14, which
he interpreted in a manner all his own, taught that the Son in
becoming Incarnate ceased to live the life of the Godhead and to
exercise His cosmic functions, which means that Christ during His
period of humiliation entirely abandoned His position and functions
in the Blessed Trinity. This assumption is so wholly at variance
with the spirit and content of the New Testament that it need not
detain us further.
There are various gradations between this extreme view and that
for which Dr Gore is responsible and which is now prevalent in this
country. According to this there was a real abandonment of Divine
attributes and prerogatives within a certain sphere, but not an abso-
lute abandonment. Christ still retained His cosmic functions, and
the "kenosis" postulated in this theory only contemplates a state of
limitation within the sphere of humanity, which is compatible with
the exercise in another sphere of the fulness of Divine power by the
same Divine Person.
I am prepared to accept the Bishop's view as a fairly true and
correct explanation of certain features in the Gospel portrait of
Christ, but with certain reservations which can be best expressed
in some very pregnant words of the late Dr W. Bright ( Waymarks
in Church Histm-y, Appendix, pp. 392, 393). " In regard to the
kenosis, if it is once granted that during Christ's ministry among
men, even at the lowest point of self-abasement, He was still as God
' upholding all things by the word of His power', this is enough to
carry the principle of the interpretation of Phil. ii. 6 which confines
the kenosis to the sphere of His humanity. For outside these limits,
if He acted as God at all, He must so act altogether. Within these
limits He dispensed with manifestations of His Divine Majesty,
except on occasions and for special ends. As a rule He held in
reserve, and by a continuous self-restraint, the exercise of divine
powers, and accepted the conditions of human life with all its sinless
infirmities."
The advantages of the theory are that it emphasises the real
human experiences, sufferings, and limitations of Christ during His
earthly course. It has restored the historical humanity of Christ
to its right place in the conception of His Person. The tendency
of Catholic theology in the past has been to allow the human in
INTRODUCTION Ixxxi
Christ to be swallowed up and lost in the Divine and so to remove
Him far from human sympathies. Later teaching has restored the
balance and given us a Christ, perfectly Divine, but also accessible
to man through His perfect humanity. At the same time I do not
consider that this passage in our Epistle can be justifiably cited in
support of the theory. There is no evidence that St Paul ever took
this view of our Lord's Person and consciousness, and I fail to see
here any proof that there was in his mind a " kenosis " of this type.
The "emptying" of which the Apostle speaks was an abandonment
of outward glory only, and the question of the relations of the Divine
and human in Christ does not enter, nor do we find a solution of that
very difficult problem in this passage.
Note. — A full discussion of the Kenotic theories will be found
in Bruce, The Humiliation of Christ (T. and T. Clark, 1889) and in
some excellent chapters in Forsyth, The Person and Place of Jesus
Christ (Hodder and Stoughton, 1910).
2. The Eschatology of the Epistle.
The eschatological teaching of the Epistle is confined to a few
casual expressions, and there is nothing in the shape of a formulated
scheme of eschatology to be found in it.
1. There is considerable stress on the coming of " the day of the
Lord ", " the day of Christ ", or "the day of Jesus Christ ". Cf. i. 6,
10, ii. 16, while the comparative imminence of the coming finds
expression in iv. 5 "The Lord is at hand".
2. Death and its sequel are dwelt upon in a passage of great
pathos in i. 21-26.
3. In ii. 10-11 there is a paragraph which seems to extend the
benefits of Christ's redemption to the world of spiritual things. Cf.
"In the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven
and things on earth and things under the earth ".
4. In iii. 21 the resurrection body is described as " the body of
His glory " as contrasted with " the body of our humiliation ".
Two of these points demand further elucidation.
1. The Parousia and Judgment. In our Epistle the Apostle
has travelled far from the view of his early missionary days when
the Second Advent seemed to him and to the whole Church to be at
the very door and likely to take place during his o^vn lifetime. His
Ixxxii INTRODUCTION
later experiences had, however, widened his vision, and his expecta-
tion of tlie imminent coming of Christ had receded into tlie distance.
His ministry had enlarged his point of view ; the world was to be
gathered for Christ and His kingdom on earth was to include the
whole of humanity. But the change was concerned with the point
of time only. The parousia was just as real to him in the days of
his Roman imprisonment as in those of his freer activity, and the
note rings constantly in our Epistle. Here also, as in the earlier
Epistles, it is to be a coming to judgment, and the " day of Jesus
Christ " is to be a day of testing whether the work of grace has been
perfected (i. 6), and the Christian conscience is " sincere and void of
offence " (i. 10). That day will also test the permanent value of his
own Apostolic labours, " that I may have whereof to glory in the day
of Christ, that I did not run in vain, neither labour in vain " (ii. 16).
The comparative imminence and the certainty of the coming find
a place here also. " The Lord is at hand" (iv. 5), and, therefore,
time is short, and patient forbearance, considerateness, and humility
are virtues which are essential to the true disciple of Christ.
2. St Paul's doctrine of the Intermediate State. Some scholars
of note contend that our Epistle shows that St Paul had advanced
and changed his view concerning the condition of the soul after
death. In his earlier Epistles, and more especially in 1 Corinthians,
his eschatological scheme contemplated a parousia, a resurrection of
the dead, a last judgment, and after that the consummation of the
blessed. But in our Epistle, we are told, the final step in this process
becomes the immediate sequel of death, without any intervention
of the parousia or resurrection, so that his earlier idea of a visible
advent of Christ and a resurrection of the dead has given way to the
more spiritual theory of the soul's entrance through death into its
perfected heavenly state and full communion with Christ. The text
upon which this view is based is i. 23, " having the desire to depart
and be with Christ ; for it is very far better ". Those who support this
interpretation of the Apostle's words also maintain that this modi-
fication of his earlier teaching is foreshadowed in 2 Cor. v. 1-8, and
more especially in the last verse of the passage, where he speaks of
being "willing rather to be absent from the body and to be at
home with the Lord ". The change in his view of death and its
sequel is said to be due to his perilous experiences at Ephesus
and to the influence of Alexandrian Hellenism, and more particu-
larly of the teaching of the Book of Wisdom, upon his mind. This
INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii
book, with which St Paul is supposed to have become familiar
during his ministry at Ephesus which was a great centre of Alex-
andrian propaganda, has no resurrection of the body, and in it the
souls of the righteous are united to God immediately after death.
It is assumed that the effect of this book on the Apostle's mind,
combined with the fact that he was at this period brought face to
face with death, caused the doctrine of the resurrection to fall into
the background and brought about the practical renunciation of the
idea of the intermediate state. He had not entirely parted with
the earlier Judaic conceptions which still have a considerable hold
upon him, but the more spiritual Hellenistic idea, with its hope of
immediate reunion of the righteous with the Lord, is gradually
becoming dominant. Personally I do not consider that St Paul's
words in our Epistle or in 2 Corinthians demand the interpretation
put upon them by these scholars, and this particular view seems to
me to furnish another instance of that mechanical and narrow con-
ception of the Apostle's mind and the expression he gave to it which
has been condemned elsewhere. (See p. Ixvi.) There is not in St
Paul's writings anything approaching a well-defined system of escha-
tology, and the differences between the ideas expressed in one
Epistle and those in another are due not to any radical change of
opinion on his part, but simply to a new point of view or to a new
body of experiences There is no real incompatibility between his
view of death and its sequel as set forth in the Epistles to the
Thessalonians, and that contained in our Epistle, Many other
passages in the Epistle to the Philippians show conclusively that
a parousia, a resurrection, and a judgment are fixed elements in the
Pauline eschatology, but there are times when the Apostle's mind
overleaps spaces and distances and he beholds himself in perfect
fellowship with his Lord. It is some such mood as this in which
we find him when he speaks of " departing and being with Christ",
It is the yearning to die and be with Christ that is the ruling passion
at the time, and the nearer the approach of death the more the wiU
of the Apostle strives to bridge the gulf separating him from com-
plete union with his Master. So the thought here transcends all
experience of an intermediate state and obliterates the interval
between death and the full consummation of blessedness.
Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION
3. I'he Doctrine of Justification in the Epistle.
The one solitary passage which touches upon this subject occurs
in the middle of the autobiographical section in which the Apostle
describes the effect of his conversion to Christianity and his subse-
quent spiritual development. The "righteousness" which he defines
in iii. 9-1 1 is possessed of three qualities.
1. It is not a righteousness of his own, i.e. it is not attained
by his own efforts to obey the law.
2. It is a righteousness through faith in Christ and is the gift
of God by faith.
3. Its effect in action St Paul describes in the following words :
" That I may know Him and the power of His resurrection and the
fellowship of His sufferings, becoming conformed unto His death :
if by any means I may attain unto the resurrection from the dead ".
The conception of righteousness in this passage proceeds on the
whole on familiar lines, and is based essentially on St Paul's ex-
perience of life in Christ. To die with Christ, to rise with Him to
newness of life, to crucify the flesh, and to attain to righteousness
and salvation which come of loyalty to the Divine will as embodied
in Christ, all these he has known in the course of his Christian
progress which he sets forth in this particular chapter for the edifi-
cation of his Philippian converts. The "justification" defined here
is that quality in its complete aspect, including not only the entrance
upon a new way of life but the whole process of sanctification in all
its stages, until the Christian, who has been justified in Christ and
mystically united with His death and resurrection, attains to final
glory. St Paul had been born privileged, he tells us, but at his
conversion he came to regard all that he reckoned as " gain " to be
mere " loss ". No longer would he strive to keep himself " right
with God " (which is the fundamental meaning of " righteousness "
in the Pauline sense) by "doing and doing and doing", he would
not even assume that he had started right with God. The problem
" How to become right with God ? " once for all now faced him, and
he found the answer in Christ. Through Christ a new way was
opened, God's appointed way, and justification was now for him an
accomplished fact (Westcott, *S'^ Paul and JustifiA^ation, pp. 15, 16).
The Apostle then goes on to exhibit this righteousness in action.
It is a righteousness of God, active and energising, which implies on
the part of the believer a close identification with the crucified and
INTRODUCTION Ixxxv
risen Christ and an appropriation of His merits, leading finally to the
" resurrection from the dead " and eternal bliss to follow.
It has been thought that the close association of the conception
of righteousness with that of the resurrection introduces a new
Pauline thought here. Thus M. Mdndgoz {Le Pecke et la Redemp-
tion, p. 270) writing with reference to this passage says : " In Phil,
iii. 10 we find the most precise statement of St Paul's doctrine of
justification. The key to the system is on the one hand the idea
of justification of Christ by death and resurrection, and on the other
the idea of the identification of the individual with the person of
Christ by faith ". According to him, then, Christ Himself needed
to be justified by the resurrection, and the Christian through faith
becomes partaker of that justification of Christ's. What is new
in the idea is the claim that Christ Himself needed to be justified
by the resurrection, and this receives little, if any, support from
St Paul's language here or elsewhere. The theory is discussed at
some length in Bruce's St Paul's Conception of Christianity, pp. 161-
164.
There is a sense in which justification is very closely connected
with the resurrection of Christ, and the connection is very clearly
defined by St Paul in Romans iv. 25, " Jesus our Lord who was...
raised for our justification". It was the resurrection that put the
crown and seal to the Atonement wrought by His death, and at the
same time evoked the faith which makes the Atonement effectual.
The resurrection is the most decisive proof of the atoning value of
His death, for it is the proof that Christ was more than man, and
without the resurrection the Sacrifice of Calvary would have been
incomplete. It placed upon that sacrifice the stamp of God's
approval and proved that it was accepted. (See Sanday and
Headlam, Romans, p. 117).
XI. The Church in the Epistle.
1. The Church as the ^^ New Israel".
The references to the Church in the Epistle are few in number
but are full of significance. The Christian community at Philippi
is definitely named a " Church " in iv. 15. The title generally
associated with the Christians both at Philippi and Rome in our
Epistle is that found in i. 1, iv. 21, 22, where they are called " the
Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION
saints in Christ Jesus ", a term which gives us a very clear idea of
the Apostle's conception of the position and character of tlie Christian
Church. The Greek word which is represented in our Versiou by
" the saints " is the LXX terra for Israel as a people, chosen, holy,
and consecrated to Jehovah, and stands for the idea expressed, e.g.
in Exod. xix. 6, "Ye shall be to me a kingdom of priests and an holy
nation", and in Deut. xiv. 2, "The Lord thy God has chosen thee
to be a peculiar people unto Himself". A phrase exactly corre-
sponding to St Paul's usage in our Epistle is found in 1 Mace. x. 39,
" to the saints at Jerusalem ". The application of the term "saints "
to denote the Christian body as a whole implies, then, that in the
Apostle's mind it had now taken the place of Israel and had inherited
all its titles and privileges and that it conferred all the blessings
which Israel was meant to bestow upon the world. And further,
it is of importance to note that the claim is extended to cover
not only what is implied in the Israel of early days which was
now practically represented by the Palestinian community of Jews,
but includes within its limits that much wider Israel represented
by the Judaism of the Dispersion, with its Greek Bible and its
Greek converts, its broad outlook upon the world, and its great
missionary propaganda. This claim is put forward most expli-
citly in iii. 3, where St Paul declares that Christians are "the
true circumcision", a position that is amplified in 1 St Pet. ii. 9,
" ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a
peculiar people", where every single privilege that is claimed for
Israel in the extracts we have quoted from the Pentateuch are
bodily transferred and applied to the Christian Church. The trans-
ference of all the claims and privileges of the Israel of old to the
Church of Christ and the placing of the latter in the position of the
New Israel are of considerable importance as defining the true
relationship between the Old and New Covenants. Israel of old
had been the recipient of the promises of God, but as it had now, by
its unbelief and its refusal to accept Jesus as the Messiah, cut itself
off from the mercy and favour of God, God's promises, which cannot
be made void by man's unbelief, remain steadfast and sure and
passed over to the small remnant of the nation which was obedient
to the Messiah and thus became the New Israel. All that belonged
to the Israel of old now belonged to the New : and more, because
the coming of the Messiah increased and multiplied the privileges
and blessings of the people of God. The conception of the Christian
INTRODUCTION Ixxxvii
Church as heir to all the claims, privileges and attributes of the
Jewish Church involved two consequences.
1. The New Israel, like God's chosen people of old, must be
a definitely visible society. Under the old dispensation Israel was
plainly distinguished from the world debased in idolatry by its
worship of the One True God who had revealed Himself to His
people, and in the same way, the cleavage between the Christian
Church, the New Israel, and all other religions must be sharply
defined. To the Christian, as to the Israelite, there was vouchsafed
the light of God's revelation and knowledge of His will, as contrasted
with the darkness of the pagan world generally . On one side there
were truth, knowledge, and service of God, and on the other the
worship of the creature rather than the Creator. It was not the
least of the services rendered by St Paul that he was the first to
recognise the true significance of Christianity and to insist that the
New Israel, which was originally confined to the small Jewish
Christian community, should be so widened as to include within
itself every Christian, whether Jew or Gentile. There were still
barriers between God's people and the world around them, but
they were barriers, not of nationality and race, but of ideal and
character.
2. The conception also involved a continuity of life between the
old and the new. Christ, the Messiah, did not establish a new and
independent religious society as a rival to the old Israel, but a society
which inherited and succeeded to all the prerogatives and claims of
the Jewish people which had forfeited these by their unbelief.
A new covenant was established, it is true, and established and
sealed with the blood of the Incarnate and Crucified Saviour. The
old covenant of Moses had done its work and was now obsolete, and
the basis of salvation was no longer the observance of Law but
personal trust in and devotion to Jesus and faith in the saving
power of the Cross. Yet the New Israel is still the repository
of the self-revelation of the One True God, as was the Israel of old,
but its blessings and privileges are richly multiplied. To it there is
given the forgiveness of sins through the sacrifice of the Cross and
assurance of salvation through the consciousness of fellowship with
God in the Holy Spirit, blessings which they of the old Covenant
only saw and greeted from afar.
Note. — A most excellent and lucid discussion of the conception
of the Church of Christ as the "New Israel" will be found in
Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION
Hamilton, The People of God, Vol. ii. pp. 24 ff. to which I am
considerably indebted in this paragraph.
2. The Christian Ministry.
The Epistle to the Philippians is of considerable value in that it
seems to mark a definite stage in the development of the Christian
Ministry. It is addressed to "all the saints in Christ Jesus which
are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons " (i. 1). In view of
the official character of the address and the close connection of these
titles with the Christian community at Philippi and taking into
account the well defined meaning of these terms in the period
immediately following that in which our Epistle was written, it
seems right and natural to translate the Greek words as we have
done and to regard them as referring to officers holding a recognised
position in the Church and not to mere functions performed in that
Church, as would be the case if we rendered the phrase " the
ministers of the Church and their assistants" as is done in some
translations. (Cf The New Testament in Modern Speech.) In the
Pastoral Epistles the terms "bishops" and "deacons" are unquestion-
ably the official titles of Church ministers, and, if we accept these as
authentic Pauline documents, the interval which separates them
from our Epistle is a very short one, at the most two or three years.
It is, therefore, tolerably certain that the terms are used in a similar
sense here, and if that be the case we have in our Epistle the first
instance in the Pauline Epistles in which these words have a definitely
official connotation. It, therefore, marks an important stage in the
history of the Christian Ministry when terms, which had hitherto
only described those who performed certain functions, such as "those
who rule" and "those who serve", now become stereotyped official
titles of these functionaries. A ministry of some kind is essential to
the well-being of any organised society, and in this respect the Church
stood on the same plane as every other community constituted for
the mutual welfare of its members. It is only natural, therefore,
to find in St Paul's Epistles that in the Churches that he founded
there was a "ministry", i.e. a set of officers differentiated from the
members in general, who had charge of certain affairs of the local
Church in his absence, while he kept an important share of the
government in his own hands. But in the earlier stages of his
missionary activity the ministry was as yet in a rudimentary and
INTRODUCTION Ixxxix
fluid state, and it is the character of the services rendered and not
the official designations of the ministers themselves that is emphasised
at this period.
Thus in 1 Thess. v. 12-13, probably the earliest of St Paul's
Epistles, there is a distinct reference to individuals in the Church
who are distinguished from the body of believers as a whole. " To
know them that labour among you and are over you in the Lord and
admonish you ". Again in 1 Cor. xii. 28 and Ephes. iv. 1 1 we have
formulated lists of those who exercise spiritual functions in the
Churches, including Apostles, prophets, teachers, evangelists, pastors,
helps, governments, while in Rom. xii. 8 there is an exhortation to
"him that ruleth", and in the preceding verse the word "ministry"
is used in a general sense. There would seem to have been even
at this early period a certain distinction between a higher grade of
officers, those who rule and exercise government and those of a lower
grade who are designated "helps". The notices in the earlier
Epistles imply that there was as yet no fixed form of ministry in all
the Churches and that the precise character of it varied according
to the local conditions of the different communities. Now it is
beyond question that early in the second century the Christian
ministry consisted of three well-defined grades or orders, bishops,
presbyters or priests, and deacons, and the problem before us here is
to discover what particular stage in the development from the fluid,
varied, and indeterminate ministry implied in the earlier Pauline
Epistles to the fixed and well-defined ministry of the sub- Apostolic
Church is indicated in our Epistle. It will be helpful, however, to
have some knowledge of the history of the terms "bishop" and
" deacon " and of the conditions which necessitated the formation of
a ministry and called for the particular functions which attached to
each of these offices.
{a) Bishop. The term itself is of Greek origin and is an Angli-
cised form of iiTLaKOTTo?, a word meaning "one who has oversight".
In Greek life it represented a wide variety of functions and is applied
to colonial commissioners, inspectors, magistrates, and officers who
superintended the finances of religious clubs and guilds. In the
LXX it is used to denote taskmasters, presidents, and commissioners.
Thus both in sacred and profane literature alike eTrto-KOTros denotes
a position of responsibility and povver, and it is only natural to con-
clude that when the term was taken over by the Christian community
it still retained the significance that attached to it in Greek circles
^2
xc INTRODUCTION
and that it connoted a person who exercised functions of superin-
tendence and leadership.
(b) Deacon. This also like " bishop " is a Greek word and in
its original meaning signifies a servant. It is often used in this
simple sense in the New Testament, as e.g. in St Matth. xxii. 13
and St Luke viii. 3. There is, however, now abundant evidence
that the way had been prepared for the Christian usage of the word
by its application to the holders of various offices, and it is known
that a definitely religious connotation attached to the word in the
first century B.C. (For details see Moulton and Milligan, The Voca-
bulary of the Greek Testament, s.v.) The actual word "deacon"
does not occur in the Acts, but the cognate terms " ministry " and
"to minister" are found frequently in the book and with two shades
of meaning. In Acts vi. 1 " ministration " is used of " care for the
poor ", while in xi. 29 and xii. 25 it refers to services rendered in
connection with the famine in Jerusalem. A more definitely reli-
gious meaning is associated wdth the word in vi. 4 and xx. 24 where,
in the first case, it denotes " the ministry of the word " and in the
second the "ministry" which St Paul "received from the Lord
Jesus ". In the Pauline Epistles the word and its cognates have
much the same significance as in the Acts, i.e. they denote those
who render service in connection with the Church as well as those
who are more particularly associated with the "ministry of the
word ". Thus in 2 Cor. ix. 1 the collection for the Church of Jeru-
salem is a " ministering to the saints ", while in Ephes. iii. 7, Col.
i. 23 St Paul speaks of himself definitely as a " minister of the
Lord" and this sense of the word appears also in Col. iv. 17, Ephes.
iv. 12, but in every case that we have noted the term is used to
denote functions and is not yet the definite title of an ofticial. It
would seem, therefore, that we have in our Epistle the first instance
in which the word is used in this strictly official sense, although
some writers are of opinion that the reference to Phoebe in Eom.
xvi. 1 " Phoebe who is a ' deaconess ' (margin R. V.) of the church
that is at Cenchreae " points to a still earlier example of this usage
and that the term "deaconess" is applied to Phoebe as a member
of the order of "women deaconesses" which we find in existence at
the period of the Pastoral Epistles.
It is doubtful whether we are to trace the origin of the " dia-
conate" as an order to the institution of the "Seven" described in
Acts vi. 3 in spite of the fact that this view was firmly held in the
INTRODUCTION xci
early Christian centuries and that the "deacons" in the great Roman
Church were strictly limited to seven in imitation of the Apostolic
Church of Jerusalem. The " Seven " appear to have been a body
of officials called into being by the peculiar conditions of the pri-
mitive Church of Jerusalem, and when these conditions disappeared
the officials seem to have ceased to exercise their functions. One
of them, St Philip, appears later as an evangelist, and even at the
period immediately following their appointment St Stephen aban-
doned the specific duty of " ministering to tables " and attained to
great reputation as a public teacher "full of grace and power".
The name perhaps survived, although they are not specifically
called " deacons " in the Acts, but there is no evidence to show that
the "deacon" of later days was a direct successor of the "Seven",
although his functions appear to have been much like theirs.
"We shall now proceed to enquire what is the precise significance
of the terms as they are used in our Epistle and what particular
functions were associated with each of the two offices. It is of
special importance to note that of the three grades in the ministry
which became constant and permanent in the following century only
two are mentioned in our context and that the middle order, that
of " presbyters = elders ", is conspicuous by its absence. It is
generally assumed that at this particular period in the history of
the ministry the terms "bishop" and "presbyter" are interchang-
able and stand for the same person and office. In favour of this
view it is pointed out that in Acts xx. 17 and 28 the same persons
are called "elders" and "bishops" and that in 1 Timothy some of
the same qualifications are demanded of a bishop as those laid down
for an elder in the Epistle to Titus.
Further it would appear from Acts xiv. 23 that it was St Paul's
custom to place elders in charge of the Churches that he had estab-
lished, and he would probably have followed this practice at Philippi
so that the "bishops" of our Epistle are presumably identical with
the elders that he originally appointed. There is, however, a strong
body of opinion in favour of the view that the term " presbyter "
in the New Testament does not signify an office but a class of men.
According to this idea, which is that of Weiszacker and Vincent,
the Christian community was divided into two classes, the governing
and the governed, or in other words, the "elder" and the "younger",
and the term "presbyter" or "elder" meant Church members of
repute, influence, and manifest piety who were the leaders of the
xcii INTRODUCTION
community, but did not necessarily hold any distinct office. Out
of this body of "elders" the "bishops" or "overseers" would natu-
rally be selected, and these would often retain the title of "elders"
which they shared with the rest of the presbyterate, so that when
we find the duties of the elder corresponding with those of a bishop
it is the elder who has been selected for the more definite office that
is implied and not the elder in his original capacity. On the other
hand "elders" in Acts xiv. 23 and Titus i. 5 appear to perform
definite official functions and in many other places in the Acts and
Pauline Epistles something more definite seems to be demanded of
them than mere membership of a class. Even those who hold the
view we have mentioned acknowledge that among the elders there
was a special section called "the elders who rule" which would
probably represent the "bishops" met with in other parts of the
New Testament. The balance of evidence is decidedly in favour
of the supposition that in the New Testament at any rate "bishop"
and "presbyter" are interchangable, synonymous terms. It is
possible, however, that while every bishop was a presbyter not all
presbyters were bishops.
The language of the greeting in our Epistle is significant as
showing the position occupied by these officials at this particular
period. That the "bishops and deacons" were, or were rapidly
becoming, regularly constituted officers at this time seems to be
established beyond a doubt, but they were as yet of less import-
ance than the community itself. The salutation is primarily to
"the saints", and to the bishops and deacons only secondarily.
They do not yet stand for the Church as they did a century
later, when a letter was addressed directly to the bishop as the
recognised representative of the Church concerned. Further, the
use of the plural "bishops " indicates that we have not yet arrived
at that stage when a single Church only possessed one bishop. In
Philippi at this time a bishop was only a member of a board of
bishops, but when we come to the period of the Pastoral Epistles
an advance in this respect is perceptible. Here the authority and
position of a bishop would seem to be independent. There is no
question of others sharing his responsibility or power; the quali-
fications required are strictly individual, and we are well on the way
towards the monarchical bishop of the second century.
There has been in recent years a considerable change of opinion
as to what constituted the precise duties and functions of a bishop
INTRODUCTION xciii
and deacon in the early Church and what were the particular causes
which brought about the establishment of these orders. Hatch,
whose views were also adopted by Harnack, maintained that a
Christian bishop was a close imitation of the analogous official in
Greek circles where he was primarily concerned with financial and
social matters, and more especially in connection with clubs and
guilds. On this assumption it was argued that the principal
functions of a bishop in the Christian Church were not strictly
religious and that a bishop was appointed mainly for such duties
as the care of the poor, the exercise of hospitality, and more parti-
cularly the financial oversight of the community. The reference
to " bishops and deacons " in our Epistle was construed as a proof
of this statement, it being taken for granted that they are mentioned
here because they were specially concerned in the financial assistance
that was rendered to St Paul by the Philippian Church. Hatch
based his view chiefly on the evidence of Greek inscriptions which,
according to him, proved clearly that "bishops" were in the main
the finance officers of heathen clubs, but there is considerable hesi-
tation among later scholars in accepting his conclusions on this point,
with the result that the argument based on the supposition that a
heathen bishop was a finance officer and that a Christian bishop
must, therefore, partake of the same character does not now carry
much weight.
A much more attractive theory, and one which seems to meet
the facts of the case much more satisfactorily than that of Hatch,
is the theory which attributes the institution of the Christian
Ministry in all its grades to the duties necessarily associated with
the celebration of the Christian Eucharist. This view is most clearly
and most ably set forth by Hamilton in his recent work on The
People of God and I propose to give a short summary of his argu-
ment. (See Vol. II. chaps. 5 and 6.)
Beginning with the history of the primitive Church of Jerusalem
he argues that the appointment of the "Seven" to meet the peculiar
needs of the moment confirms the supposition that later Christian
officials would be called into being by the special circumstances of
the Christian community. Now the one Christian institution which
then separated Christians from Jews and demanded a specific official
was the Eucharist. Justice was not administered in Christian courts,
preaching and evangelising were the tasks of Christians as such, no
leaders were required in daily worship because, being Jews as well
xciv INTRODUCTION
as Christians, the disciples worshipped in the Temple, but the
Eucharistic Feast was celebrated "at home" in contrast to the
public worship in the Temple and would require a presiding officer.
In this president and those who assisted him we are, according
to Hamilton, to recognise the beginnings of a dehnite Christian
Ministry. In the earliest days the Apostles would preside, as they
alone were present at the institution of the Sacrament and had been
entrusted with it, but in process of time others would share the
privilege with them or act as substitutes for them in their absence.
It is not improbable that the same course was followed in this
matter as in the case of the financial problems of the Church and
that certain specific persons were set aside for the work, men of age,
discretion, and piety, in whom we may recognise the Christian
"elders" or "presbyters", a term, but only the term, borrowed
from the synagogue. Thus the custom of selecting certain indi-
viduals to preside at the Eucharist would gradually lead to the
formation of a definite class to whom the function appertained
and who would, as in the case of the "Seven", receive Apostolic
sanction.
In the Pauline Churches we meet with "bishops", "presbyters",
and "deacons". The first and second terms were no doubt borrowed
from other organisations, but identity of name does not necessarily
involve identity of function, and the duties performed by bishops
and elders in the Christian Church did not of necessity coincide
with those of the same officials in Greek or Jewish circles. The
special functions of a Christian Ministry arose out of the peculiar
needs of the Church at the time, and out of that Church in its
corporate capacity. The possible spheres of corporate activity which
would necessitate the appointment of public officials may be con-
fined to the following.
1. Legislative and executive work.
2. Administration of finance.
3. Administration of justice and discipline.
4. Pastoral oversight.
5. Conduct of meetings for edification and prayer.
6. Conduct of meetings for the celebration of the Eucharist.
Now the Epistles to the Corinthians show that there was no
legislative or executive assembly in that Church and that all matters
of impt)rtance were referred to St Paul himself for decision, and also
that there was no organised financial body to deal with the spending
INTRODUCTION xcv
of public money on such objects as the support of the Apostles, the
relief of the sick and poor, or the expenses in connection with public
meetings, or, in other words, that there was no common Church fund
in the Pauline communities at the period of the Corinthian letters.
Again it is quite clear that the Christians of Corinth had no judicial
system of their own and that in the case of secular disputes among
themselves they had recourse to the heathen courts, while offences
against Christian morality were dealt with by the Church as a whole,
there being no special officers entrusted with judicial and disciplinary
powers. In the case of Pastoral work and meetings of a general
rehgious character the leadership would fall into the hands of those
who possessed the special charismatic gifts, the " teachers " and
" prophets ", and the description of such meetings in 1 Cor. xiv. 26-
33 implies the absence of any presiding officer to check the pro-
ceediugs. The issue is, therefore, narrowed down to the last of the
possible spheres of activity, and we are led to assume that the
official ministry of the Church was primarily concerned with the
celebration of the Eucharist. Now the Eucharist was essentially
a social and corporate institution and was celebrated in the presence
of the whole Church, and yet only one person could break the bread
and bless it, and this alone would create a differentiation of function
— one individual would preside and would by that very act be
distinguished from those who partook. The selection of such an
individual would be governed by the personal character of the local
Christians, and questions of personal influence and piety would enter
largely into it. In some Churches there might be a class of men
from whom the president was invariably chosen, while in others the
choice might always be limited to one and the same person. The
office did not demand any special physical or mental qualifications
or even special spiritual gifts such as those connected with an
Apostle or prophet, but merely that moral fitness which any Chris-
tian might possess. In the Epistle to the Philippians the officials
of that Church are definitely called " bishops and deacons ", and it
is significant that in the Epistle of Clement (chap. 44) the same two
groups of Church officers are closely connected with the Eucharist,
the " bishops " who offered the gifts and who were, therefore, the
presidents of the gathering and the " deacons" who assisted them.
In the " Didachfe " the same functions are also assigned to these two
orders. Assuming that presbyters and bishops were at this period
practically interchangable terms, the one used chiefly on Jewish
xcvi INTRODUCTION
soil and the other in the more definitely Gentile communities, the
functions which in the New Testament are associated with the
former term, such as responsibility, leadership, and representation
would grow naturally out of their position as presidents at the
Eucharist, and out of their personal influence. The business of the
community would also gradually come into their hands, and this
would account for the use of the title " bishop" as the Church came
into closer contact with Greek ideas and phraseology.
The order of " deacons " was necessitated by the growth of the
various Christian communities and by the call for " assistants " to
help in the general discharge of the affairs of the Church as well
as for the distribution of the elements at the Eucharist. The
"bishops" or "elders" still retained the presidency, as no assist-
ance was required in that capacity, and the "breaking of the bread"
still remained their exclusive function.
The theory also explains the universality of this type of ministry
in the ApostoHc Church. The Eucharist, according to New Testa-
ment evidence, was celebrated in every Christian Church and was
the one distinctive Christian service common to the Church as a
whole : presidents and assistants were, therefore, a universal Chris-
tian necessity.
Dr Hamilton claims that this view gives a clear and consistent
explanation both of the development of the organisation of the
Churches and also of the positions which presbyters and bishops
occupied in early Church life. The mention of " bishops and
deacons " in the Church of Philippi somewhere about the year 60
makes it probable that the custom, which we find established towards
the end of the first century, of having these two grades of officials
closely connected with the Eucharist, should be traced to New
Testament times, while the study of the history of the primitive
Church in Jerusalem shows that in the president at the Eucharist
we have the most natural cause which can be assigned for the origin
of the presbyterate.
INTRODUCTION xcvii
XII. Analysis of the Epistle.
I. Introduction, i. 1-11.
(a) The Address. 1-2.
(b) Thanksgiving and prayer for the Philippians. 3-11.
1. Thanksgiving for their co-operation in the work of the
Gospel in the past and in the present and for the Apostle's
confident assurance, based on his personal knowledge and
experience of them, that God will in the future complete
the good work that He has inaugurated in them. 3-7.
2. A prayer that their love may increase and issue in higher
spiritual knowledge and discernment and that they may
be filled with the fruits of righteousness unto the glory
and praise of God. 8-11.
II. An account of his own personal situation in Rome and of the
progress of Christianity in that city. i. 12-26.
(a) The preliminary stages of his trial have exercised a
stimulating influence upon Christian life generally in
Rome and have had the effect of making himself and
the cause he stands for well known in Imperial circles
and more particularly among the Praetorian Guard.
12-13.
(b) The Christians in Rome, who had been inspired through
his trial with fresh zeal and renewed courage, are, how-
ever, not all imbued with the same pure and unselfish
motives. Many of them are loyal to him and to his
Gospel, but there is a section which is actuated by ill-
will towards himself and which preaches " Christ of envy
and strife ". Yet because it is Christ that is preached he
rejoices in that fact. 14-18.
(c) His own hopes and fears. The result of the trial is un-
certain. It may end in freedom or it may end in death,
and it is difficult to decide which is the more desirable.
His own instinctive conviction is that he will be released,
because his presence and guidance are so urgently de-
manded by the needs of the Churches. 19-26.
xcviii INTRODUCTION
III. The main hortatory section of the Epistle, i. 27-ii. 18.
(a) An exhortation to unity and forgetfulness of self. i. 27-
ii. 4.
{b) An appeal to Christ as the crowning example of humility
and self-surrender and as illustrating the principle that
the way of humiliation is the path to glory. 5-11.
(c) A further exhortation, based on the preceding appeal, to
obedience, earnest and anxious spiritual effort, and mutual
peace, so that the Apostle may receive the due reward of
his labour in the day of Christ. 12-16.
{d) St Paul contemplates the possibility that his end may
be near, but come life, come death, he will rejoice and
the Philippians are to rejoice with him. 17-18.
IV. The Apostle's plans for the future, ii. 19-30.
(a) The proposed visit to Philippi of Timothy, who receives
the Apostle's highest commendation in view of his zeal
and perfect loyalty to himself, and a possible visit in the
near future from St Paul himself. 19-24.
{h) The contemplated return of Epaphroditus to his native
city, and an account of his illness and recovery and of the
services rendered by him to the Apostle. 25-30.
V. St Paul is now approaching the closing stages of his letter and
once again sounds the call " to rejoice ". iii. 1 a.
VI. At this point there is a sudden break in the sequence, and the
Apostle's attention is diverted for the moment from the
main purpose of the letter, so that the remainder of the
chapter is devoted to grave and strongly worded warnings
against two sets of opponents, Jews, who were probably
to be found in Rome, and Gentile Christians in Philippi.
iii. 1 b-21.
1. A warning against Jews, lb-11.
{a) A protest against Jewish pride and exclusiveness. 1 b-6,
leading to
{b) A defence of the Christian position as illustrated by his
own experience and more especially by his conversion,
which involved a complete surrender of his privileges
INTRODUCTION xcix
as a son of the covenant and the abandonment of the
" righteousness which is of the law ", 7-9, and made him
the recipient of the "righteousness which is of God by
faith", which issued in the knowledge of Christ and of
the power of His resurrection, conformity with His death,
and the hope of a final triumph in " the resurrection from
the dead". 10-11.
2. A warning against the " spiritual " party in the Philippian
Church, which was divided into two sections. 12-21.
(a) Those who were given to undue spiritual presumption
and a false assurance of perfection. The lesson is pressed
home by an appeal to his own spiritual strivings and
gradual progress in Christ. 12-16.
(b) Those who in virtue of their claims to "spirituality"
affected to despise the body and its passions and in con-
sequence fell into pagan immorality. 17-19.
(c) The incompatibility of this sensual life with the position
of Christians as a colony of heaven, whose Saviour is in
heaven, and with the future glory awaiting the body.
20-21.
VII. 1. At this point the main thread of the letter, interrupted
at iii. 1 b, is again resumed in an impressive exhortation
to steadfastness and unity, which is particularly addressed
to certain women in the Philippian Church, iv. 1-3.
2. A general exhortation to the Church as a whole to display
a spirit of joyfulness, considerateness, and trust in God,
closing with a benediction. 4-7.
3. The exhortation is resumed, but with special reference to
moral excellence and beauty generally and with strong
emphasis upon definite Christian qualities as exhibited
in the Apostle's own person and life. 8-9.
VIII. The Apostle now enters upon what is the chief practical
purpose of the letter, viz. to express his gratitude to the
Philippian Church for its generosity towards himself
iv. 10-20.
(a) A recognition of the unfailing goodwill of the Philip-
pians towards himself and of the fact that this had been
c INTRODUCTION
prevented from taking practical form earlier in his impri-
sonment by the lack of opportunity only. 10.
(b) An assertion of his own independence of material con-
ditions because of his complete dependence upon the
power of Christ within him. 11-13,
which is, nevertheless, coupled with
(c) a grateful acknowledgment of their kind thought for
him on this as well as on previous occasions, and with
the invocation of the rich blessings of God upon them.
14-19.
(d) A doxology. 20.
IX. Final salutations and benediction, iv. 21-23.
XIII. Bibliography.
A Hst of the more important books utilised in this Com-
mentary.
Commentaries.
Bengel. Gnomon of the New Testament.
Agar Beet. 1890.
Lightfoot. 1891.
Rainy {Expositor's Bible). 1892.
Lipsius {Hand-Gommentar zum, N.T.). 1892.
Moule {Cambridge Greek Testament). 1897.
Moule. Philippian Studies. 1897.
Vincent {International Critical Commentary). 1897.
Drummond {International Handbooks to the New Test.). 1899.
Ilaupt {Meyer's Kommentar, 8th Edition). 1902.
Kennedy {Expositor's Greek Testament). 1903.
Clarke {Cambridge Revised Version). 1909.
Strachan ( Westminster Neic Testament). 1910.
Dibelius {Ilandbuch zum NT). 1913.
Articles on " The Epistle to the Philippians " in Hastings' Dictionary
oft/ie Bible by J. Gibb, and in the Encyclopaedia Biblica by Van
Maneu.
INTRODUCTION ci
Books of a General Character.
Conybeare and Howson. Life and Epistles of St Paul. 1877.
Ramaay. The Church in the Roman Empire. 1893.
St Paul the Traveller. 1896.
The Teaching of St Paul in the Terms of the Present Day.
1914.
Lightfoot. Biblical Essays. 189.3.
Introductions to the New Testament.
Jiilicher. E. T. 1906.
Zahn. E. T. 1909.
Peake. 1909.
Allen and Grensted. 1913.
Moffatt. Historical New Testament. 1901.
Introduction to the Literature of the Neio Testament. 1911.
McGiffert. History of the Apostolic Age. 1897.
Weisziicker. „ „ „ E. T. 1902.
Kennedy. St PauVs Conception of the Last Things. 1904.
Clemen. Paulus. 1905.
Weinel. St Paid, the Man and his Work. E. T. 1906.
Rackham. The Acts of the Apostles. 1906.
Deissmann. Light from the Ancient East. E. T. 1910.
St Paul. 1912.
Knowling. The Testimony of St Paul to Christ. 1911.
Gardner. The Religious Experience of St Paul. 1911.
Hamilton. The People of God. 1912.
Headlam. St Paul atid Christianity. 1913.
Glover. The Christian tradition and its verification. 1913.
Books dealing with the Kenotic Theory.
Brnce. The Humiliation of Christ. 1889.
Gore. Bampton Lectures. 1891.
Dissertations on the Incarnation, 1895.
Sabatier. The Apostle Paul. 1891.
Bright. Way marks in Church History. 1894.
Powell. The Principle of the Incarnation. 1896.
Giflford. The Incarnation. 1897.
Somerville. St Paul's conception of Christ. 1897.
Forsyth. The Person and Place of Jesus Christ. 1910.
Articles on " Kenosis " in Hastings' Bible Dictionary by Lock and in
Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics by Loofs.
cii INTRODUCTION
Translations op the New Testament.
The Ticentieth Centwy New Testament. 1901.
The Neio Testament in Modern Speech (Waymouth). 1908.
Moffatt. A new translation qf the New Testament. 1913.
Numerous Articles in the Expositor, Expository Times, and Journal
of Theological Studies.
Dictionaries.
Vocabulary of the Greek Testament. Parts I and II. Moulton and
Milligan. 1914-1915.
A Pocket Lexicon to the Greek New Testament. A. Souter, 1916.
THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS
CHAPTER I
I. Introduction, 1 — 11
{a) The Address, 1 — 2
I. 1 Paul and Timothy, ^servants of Christ Jesus, to all
the saints in Clirist Jesus which are at Philippi, with the
2 ^bishops and deacons : Grace to you and peace from God
our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.
^ Gr. hondaervants, ^ Or, overseers
Paul and Timothy, servants of Christ Jesus, devoted to him soul and
body, to all at Philippi who are consecrated to God by their faith in and
union with the same Christ Jesus, together with the ministers of the Church,
the bish"ps who exercise spiritual oversight over you and the deacons who
assist them in their good icork. May God our Heavenly Father and our
Lord Jesus Christ, His Son, grant unto you that grace which is God^sfree
gift to His oicn and that peace one tcith another and with God, that tran-
quillity of soul ichich is theirs who have approj->riated God^s gracious
gift.
1. Paul and Timothy. Timothy joint authority. Here, however, the
is also associated with Ht Paul in the mention of Timothy's name is only
opening addresses of 1 and 2 Thes- an act of courtesy on St Paul's part
salouians, 2 Corinthians, Colossians, ("humanissime", Bengel) and is in-
and Philemon. In the Epistles to sorted partly because he was well
the Thessalonians the inclusion of known to the Philippians and was
his name and that of Silvanus is associated by them with that momen-
more than a mere formahty, and the tons period when the Gospel was
use of the plural "we" in the body first preached to them by the Apostle,
of these Epistles seems to imply that and partly because he acted on this
these two are regarded as joint occasion as St Paul's amanuensis,
authors with the Apostle and that Butthesingular "1" isused through-
the letters were issued under their out the Epistle and the manner of
J. 1
PHILIPPIANS
[I.
the reference to Timothy in ii. 19-22
shows that he stands outside and
has neither part nor authority in the
contents of the letter itself.
servants of Christ Jesus. Lit.
"bond-servants". A study of the
designations attaclied by St Paul to
himself and his fellow signatories
in the different Epistles is both
instructive and interesting. The
Epistles to the Thessalonians are
devoid of any qualifying designation
in this respect. In 1 and 2 Corin-
thians, Galatians, Colossiaus, and
Bphesiaus he employs the official
title "Apostle". In Philemon he is
"the prisoner of the Lord", while
in Romans he calls himself both
"servant" and "Apostle". Here he
and Timothy are "servants of Christ
Jesus". The principle underlying
the Apostle's usage in this matter
would seem to be that when his
Apostolic status is called in ques-
tion or where false doctrine or other
disturbing elements demand that h"s
Apostolic authority should be em-
phasised the official title "Apostle"
is deliberately employed. The use of
the official title in Romans probably
asserts St Paul's right to address a
Church which was not of his owti
founding and to which he was a com-
parative stranger. In those cases
where the above conditions did not
obtain he is content with a designa-
tion which places him on a level Avith
his readers, such as "the servant
of Christ Jesus" or, as in the case
of the Epistle to Philemon, with
a description which is a delicate
appeal for sympathy, "the prisoner
of the Lord". It is significant that
in all three letters addressed to the
Churches of Macedonia the claim
to authority finds no expression, a
striking tribute to the very cordial
and aflfectionate relations that existed
between St Paul and these Churches
and to the absence of any grave
disorders either in doctrine or prac-
tice. "The servant of the Lord" is
a familiar Old Testament phrase and
is there always associated with the
great men of God and especially
with the prophets. The use of this
particular term might seem to imply
that the Apostle is here claiming
for himself and his companion a
special prerogative and position as
prophets and leaders of God's people,
but the whole tone of the Epistle,
with its repeated emphasis on hu-
mility and its touching proofs of
the tender and affectionate relations
existing between himself and his
readers, rather favours the view that
he demands nothing for himself or
Timothy which he is not prepared to
concede to Christians generally. The
Philippians as well as the Apostle
are "servants of Christ", owned by
Him, dependent upon Him for all
that they are and have, and willingly
pledged to His service. "Bond-
servant" here carries with it no
thought of the forced service of
the slave. The service of Christ is
essentially the offering of a willing
obedience, and the true implication
of St Paul's idea is well expressed
in the "Collect for Peace" in our
"Order of Morning Prayer". "Whose
service is perfect freedom" (cui ser-
vire regnare est).
all. One of the most significant
features in the Epistle is the frequent
use of the word "all" and itscoguates.
It is employed as a corrective of a
tendency to disiuiion and jealousy in
the Pliilippian Church as well as to
mark the Apostle's afi"ection towards
every individual member of that
Church.
saints. See Int. p.lxxxv. It is the
Christian Church as the New Israel
I. 1-2]
PHILIPPIANS
inheriting all the privileges and con-
ferring all the blessings and benefits
associated with membership of the
Chosen Peoj)le that is here implied.
At the same time it denotes that
holiness of life and that consecration
of will and purpose which are ideally
associated with the name and pro-
fession of a Christian.
bishops and deacons. See Int.
pp. Ixxxviii-xcvi. These terms are
used here for the first time in the New
Testament as definite official titles of
two grades of ministers in the Chris-
tian Church. The expression should,
therefore, not be translated as if it
contained only a general reference
to "those that rule and those that
serve" as is done by some authorities.
Neither is it analogous to 1 Thess.
V. 12, where the position of the article
shows that the compound description
"they that labour among you and are
over you in the Lord" refers to one
class of persons. Here it is not a
single group that is in question,
called "overseers" with reference to
the Church and "servers" with refer-
ence to Christ, but two separate sets
of officials, bishops and deacons.
At the same time the place that
these officials occupy in the address,
coming after and not before the
Church as a whole, shows that they
have not yet attained the dominating
position as rulers and representatives
of the Churches which was theirs a
few decades later. It is quite possible
that the reason why they are speci-
fically mentioned here is that they
had the control of the finances of
the Church and that the Apostle is
anxious to recognise their services
in the matter of the organisation of
the gift of money sent to him by the
Philippian Church.
2. The Apostle in all his letters
follows the epistolary custom of the
day in the matter of the address and
greeting. The latter feature, how-
ever, in the ordinary correspondence
of the period was almost universally
confined to the single word "greet-
ing", as we see from letters included
in the New Testament itself (cf Acts
XV. 23 : xxiii. 26) and from countless
papyrus letters. But St Paul trans-
forms the conventional greeting into
an earnest Christian prayer and fills
it with a deep Christian meaning.
With a play upon the word x^^P^'^^^
"greeting", it remains no longer a
mere courteous expression from one
l)erson to another, but becomes ;(rtpty
"the grace of God our Father and
the Lord Jesus Christ", the Divine
favour in all its rich possibilities.
To this he adds the characteristic
Hebrew salutation "Peace be with
yoxi", but this is again immeasurably
enriched and lifted into the sphere
of God and of Christ, so that the
whole greeting becomes an epitome
of all that is central and essential in
the Christian religion. "May God
grant unto you His grace in Christ
Jesus with, all its wealth of riches
and that peace which the grace of
God can alone create, peace with
God, peace in your innermost being,
peace with one another". Cf. iv.
7, 9.
from God our Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ. The co-ordina-
tion of "God our Father" and "the
Lord Jesus Christ" is a convincing
proof of the place the Divinity of om*
Lord held in the mind of St Paul.
It is perhaps doubtful whether he
anywhere specifically calls Christ
God (but see Rom. ix. 5; Tit. ii. 13),
yet the language of this verse and of
countless others in his Epistles shows
that in all the essentials of Deity
Christ stood for the Apostle on the
same plane as the Father. There is
1—2
4 PHILIPPIANS [I. 2-3
perhaps a diflFerence of function im- are mediated through Christ Jesus
plied here. God the Father is the and only in union with Him can they
source of gi*ace and peace, but they be realised.
(b) Thanhsgiving, 3 — 7
3, 4 I thank my God upon all my remembrance of you, always
in every supplication of mine on behalf of you all making
5 my supplication with joy, for your fellowship in further-
6 ance of the gospel fi-om the first day until now ; being
confident of this very thing, that he which began a good
work in you will perfect it until the day of Jesus Christ :
7 even as it is right for me to be thus minded on behalf of
you all, because ^I have you in ray heart, inasmuch as,
both in my bonds and in the defence and confirmation of
the gospel, ye all are partakers with me of grace.
1 Or, ye have me in your heart
In all my thoughts of you I am led to thank my God and in every
prayer of mine I j}ra,y for you all with joy, when I retncmher how from
the very day I first preached Christ among you you have laboured un-
ceasingly on behalf of the Gospel and have co-operated tcith m,e tcith true-
hearted sympathy and loyalty in the service of our common Master. And
m,y thankfulness and joy are concerned not only with your past, but I
have every confidence and assurance that the future has still greater
blessings in store for you and that the work begun in you long ago, a work
not your own but Divine in its origin and inspiration, shall by God be
brought to perfection, and that His perfect work shall be made manifest
in that Day when Jesus Christ, the Judge of all, shall appear to meet and
reward His oirn. And this confidence i^f mine tcith reference to the
blessed future in store for you is based on sound reasons, partly because it
is the result of />rrt//e?yi<^ meditation and earnest refection on my j^art,
and partly because your love and sympathy for me and your u/islinted
efforts on my behalf both as a prisoner and tchen I was oh my trial have
given me ever^ right to think that you also have shared in that grace
which impels me to preach Christ and to suffer for Him and has be-
stowed upon you the privilege of being fellow-workers and felhicsufferers
tcith me.
3. / thank my God ujjon all my be the correct reading it affords no
remembrance of you. There is a ground for Zahn's suggestion that
certain amount of MS. support for the "I indeed" is emphatic and that
another reading here "I indeed St Paul is here removing an im-
thank my God for all your remem- pressiou which prevailed among the
brance of rae" and it is adopted by Philippians that his gratitude to
Zahn and Moffatt. ]5ut even if this them for the interest thevhad mani-
1. 3-5]
PHILIPPIANS
fested in his welfare was lacking in
warmth. The whole tone of the
Epistle with its affectionate tender-
ness is proof positive that no such
doubt or distrust clouded the happy
relations between the Apostle and
his readers. The great majority of
authorities, however, accept the tra-
ditional reading as being more in
accord with parallel passages in
the introductory sections of other
Epistles.
my God. Cf. Acts xxvii. 23, "the
God whose I am, whom also I serve".
St Paul is fond of expressing his own
close personal relation with God
especially in his thanksgivings and
prayers. Cf. Rom. i. 8 : Philemon 4,
and possibly 1 Cor. i. 4.
up<)n all my remembrance of you.
This expres.sion may refer either to
the occasion or to the cause of the
Apostle's thanksgiving. In the one
case we should translate "I thank
my God whenever I think of you"
and in the other "I thank my God
because of my whole remembrance
of you". The sense is much the same
in either case. Every thought and
memory associated with the Philip-
pians called to mind their devoted
service on behalf of the Gospel and
himself, and for this he thanks God.
4. always in every supplicatum
of mine on hehalf of you all m,aking
my supplication with joy. It is
better to take this clause as being
complete in itself and not closely
connected \vith or depending upon
what precedes or what follows. It
will be then a parenthetical insertion
between the thanksgiving in v. 3 and
its object in t. 5 and will be co-
ordinate with the preceding clause,
because although St Paul regarded
thanksgiving as an essential compo-
nent of prayer he generally seems to
keep the two elements apart.
on behalf <f you all. This may
belong either to what precedes or to
what follows. If we accept the ren-
dering in the R.V. "in every suppli-
cation on behalf of you all" it will
mean that whenever St Paul prayed
for the Philippians he did so with
joy. If on the other hand we trans-
late "making my supplication with
joy on behalf of you all" the Apostle
meant to say that whenever he prayed
the Philippians had a specially joyous
place in his prayers.
icith joy. At the very opening
of the Epistle the Apostle strikes one
of its dominant notes. Cf. Bengel,
"Summa epistolae: Gaudeo, gau-
dete".
5. for your felloicship in fur-
therance of the gospel. This is to
be closely connected with v. 3 as ex-
plaining the gi'ound of the Apostle's
gi-atitude to God. At the same time
the note of joy in v. 4 is also carried
forward. His thankfulness and joy
are both based on his remembrance
of how the Philippians had served
and suffered in the cause of Christ.
fell.tiwMp. Their cooperation
with St Paul and with one another
on behalf of the Gospel. There is
perhaps also underlying the word
the thought which is ever present in
the Apostle's mind of their "fellow-
ship" in the Spirit of Jesus Christ
which was the inspiration of their
zeal and the bond of their united
service. The reference should not
be confined to the gift that the
Apostle had received from the
Philippians. It was for the Christian
services of the Philippians in their
manifold forms that St Paul praised
God, and not merely for their bounty
to him personally, although this may
well have been included in the ex-
pression, as he was in the habit of
regarding material contributions of
6
PHILIPPIANS
[l. 5-7
this character as an offering to God
ami a substantial service to the cause
of Christianity. Cf. 2 Cor. ix. 12, 13,
where tiie "collection for the saints''
is described in terms which imply
its deep spiritual significance, and
iv. 18 in this Epistle where the very
gift we have alluded to is spoken of
as "an odour of sweet savour, a sacri-
fice, acceptable, well pleasing to God ".
6. being confident of thin eery
thing, A further reason for his
thanksgiving and joy. It is not only
the thought of the Philippians' sei'-
vices in the past that filled the
Apostle's heart with gratitude ; the
omens for the future are equally
fiivourable. Cf. Bengel, "Initium est
pignus consummationis" ("The be-
ginning is the earnest of the end").
that he irhicli hcgdn a good work
in you will perfect it.
began, perfect. These two words
are found closely connected in pagan
religious language and signify the
beginning and the closing of the
sacrificial rites. They are also used
in the " Mystery Keligions" to denote
the early and final stages of the pro-
cess of the initiation of the mystic.
St Paul may here and in Gal. iii. 3,
where the two words are also found
together, be borrowing language
which was familiar to his readers
who had been formerly associated
with pagan religious cults in order
to express the ideas of the progress,
gi'owth, and final consummation of
God's work in the soul of the Chris-
tian, but the words are also used in
an ai)proximate sense in the LXX
and in the writings of licllenistic
Jews like Philo.
There is a ring of certainty in
St Paul's language here which is
very significant. He is persuaded
that in the Christian life the end is
contemplated in the initial stages.
This confidence of his is based on
three gi-ounds. 1. The unalterable
l^lan and purpose of God and the un-
changing loveof Him who has the end
in view from the beginning. 2. The
principle of life in Christ which
carries with it the idea of growth
and permanence. The entrance of
Christ into the soul was an abiding
presence, an indwelling which no-
thing could vitally disturl), the be-
ginning of a fellowship which was
eternal. 3. A day would dawn when
Christ's work would be exhibited in
all its fulness, and when the spiritual
harvest would be reaped, a day made
blessed and glorious by the perfection
of His work in His redeemed. (See
Ex2msitory Times., xxv. p. 344.)
a good work, "the good work", i.e.
the work of this fellowship, but per-
haps including the thought of the
new creation in Chi-ist Jesus, the
renovation of the whole nature of
man by the indwelling Spirit of
God.
until the day of Jesus Christ, in-
volving the idea of testing and of
glory. "The day of Jesus Christ"
shall test whether the process of
spiritual growth has been consum-
mated and sliall also manifest the
joy and glory of Christ becau.se of
the harvest reaped and the work
completed.
7. eren as it is right for me, "for
me" is emphatic and means "for me
above all else".
as it is right. The meaning of
"right" here is probably the same
as in Col. iv. 1 "Masters render unto
your servants that which is their due
right", a sense of ^Uaioi' which is
very frequent in the papyri and
more especially in the concluding
formulae of petitions. (Moulton and
Milligan, s.v.) St Paul, therefore,
says here, "It is only your due that
1-7]
PHILIPPIANS
I should be persuaded of your
glorious future".
he thus minded. Souter translates
(ppovflv "to have in my mind, to set
my mind upon, suggesting moral in-
terest, thought and study, and not a
mere unreflecting opinion". So the
Apostle implies that he has reached
the confident conclusion formulated
in the previous verse after earnest
and careful considerationof what God
had done for them in the past and
of their splendid response to God's
efforts. "The^poi-eZi/ of the Philip-
pians for him (iv. 10) is answered by
a (Ppovflv of him for them which has
to be of a different kind ; he cannot
and need not send them money in
return, but he can cherish great
and good hopes of their religious
prospects". (Moffatt, Eu-posilor, viii.
xii. p. 340.)
because I hace yon in my heart.
The context seems to demand for
this phrase a connection not so much
with the heart as the seat of affection
but rather as the seat of reflection.
This use of the word may be illus-
trated by St Luke, i. G6, "All that
heard them laid them up in their
heart", and Acts v. 4, "How is it
that thou hast conceived this thing
in thy heart ?" Accepting this mean-
ing the expression then becomes a
stronger affirmation of the preceding
clause "be thus minded". The
Apostle's confidence is the result of
his deepest I'eflectionupon the mean-
ing and outcome of the Christian
life lived by the Phihppians. It is
possible to translate "because ye
have me in your heart" as is done in
the Margin of the R.V.,but as St Paul
is concerned throughout with his own
impressions of the Philippian Church
and its progress in Christ the former
rendering is preferable.
inasmuch aSy both in my bonds
and in the d^ence and co7ifirmation
of the qospel. There is a consider-
able difference of opinion as to
whether St Paul has in mind here
his general vindication of theGosi)el
as its representative in Rome or
whether the reference is definitely
confined to his trial and defence
before the Imperial Court. Those
who with Lightfoot place the Epistle
early in the imprisonment, or with
Ramsay deny that the Apostle was
brought to trial at the end of the
two years' residence in his hired
dwelling, naturally plead for the
former view. The theory adopted
in this Commentary that the Epistle
was written after the preliminary
stages of the trial had taken place
(see Int. p. xxxviii) is based very
largely on the supposition that there
is a definite allusion to the trial in this
passage. This view is confirmed by
the use of the word /3e/3atw(rts (con-
firmation) in the LXX (Lev. xxv. 23),
in the New Testament (Heb. vi. 16,
where it means a "legal guarantee"),
and also in the x>apyri where it
always seems to have the teclinical
forensic sense in mind. (Moulton
and Milligan, s.v. ; Deissmann, Bible
Studies, p. 104.)
ye all are partakers ivifh me of
grace. Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 10, "By the
grace of God I am what I am".
Grace here covers all that St Paul
values in his Christian life, all that
he had become by the grace of God.
The term is not to be confined to
any special type or manifestation
of grace such as the "grace of
apostleship" or even of the privi-
lege of suS'ering on behalf of Christ.
Moffatt's translation brings out its
meaning admirably "how you all
share with me in the grace divine".
8 PHILTPPIANS [1. 8-9
St PauTs Prayer for the Philippian Church, 8 — 11
8 For God is my witness, how I long after you all in the
9 tender mercies of Christ Jesus. And this I pray, that your
love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and all
10 discernment ; so that ye may ^approve the things that are
excellent ; that ye may be sincere and void of offence
1 1 unto the day of Christ ; being filled with the ^ft-uits of
righteousness, which are through Jesus Christ, unto the
glory and praise of God.
1 Or, prove the things that differ ^ Gr. fruit.
And (/' any icitness is needed to the depth of my affection for you God
Himself can testify how I yearn for communion with you, in body and
soul, with a tenderness inspired hy Jesus Christ Himself. I have already
told you how unceasingly I jyray for you {v. 4), and it will comfort you
to know what it is that 1 ask God on your behalf. I pray that your love,
love for Christ, love for the brethren, love for me, may so groic and develop
as to create in you that knowledge which tcill enable you to have a grasp
of Christian principles, teach you how to apply them in your relations
with one another and with the world around you, and give you a sense of
ichat, among confiicting ideals and interests, is vital. I also pray that
in your daily life you may set an example of transparent honesty and
that you hurt or harm nobody, so that all through your Christian course
and at the great Day you may stand the test of Christ. Finally I pi^ay
that your life may be fruitful and become rich iii every Christian grace
and virtue and that all that you do may be fm- the glory and praise of
God the Father.
8. For God is my witness. Cf. Cf. iv. 1, "my brethren, beloved and
Gal. i. 20: 2 Cor. i. 23. Thisexpres- longed for". The Aj^ostle identifies
sion is in St Paul a mark of intense himself so closely with Christ that it
personal emotion, and in the two in- is the Master's own tenderness that is
stances quoted above is employed to manifested in his own intense longing
add force to an indignant denial of an for the presence and fellowship of his
implied charge against him on the beloved i'hilijjpians.
part of his oi>ponents. Hero, how- 9. And this I pray. See special
ever, the spirit of the passage is note on "St Paul's prayers". Here
entirely different, and the calling of he prays that Christian love in all its
God to witness is the Apostle's way breadth and possibilities may grow
of empha.sising his consuming love and put forth its finest bloom, .so that
for his converts. "Only God can tell it may produce knowledge and all
how deep is my affection for you". discernment. The Greek word for
how I long after you all in the knowledge seems to denote know-
tender mercies of Christ Jesus, ledge directed towards a particular
I. 9-ro]
PHILIPPIANS
9
object, and the direction implied is
explained by the following term dis-
cernment^ which is knowledge issuing
in moral tact and the power to choose
aright.
10. approve the things that are
excellent. This is the central aim of
St Paul's prayer for the Philippian
Church. The phrase is ambiguous
but it means at least "to test things
that differ" (see Margin, R.V.), to
draw a line between good and evil,
between truth and falsehood, and
implies the conduct of "full grown
men, those who by reason of use have
their senses exercised to discern good
and evil" (Heb. v. 14). But it has a
still deeper meaning, "to test the
things that surpass, that are ex-
cellent", the power to discern riva
fxev KoAa, riva 8e Kpeirrova- (TheO-
doret), to choose "ex bonis optima"
(Bengel), to have an ear for true
notes, an eye for excellence, a keen
spiritual vision. St Paul may be
giving us an indication of what he
means by "things that are excellent"
in iv. 8, "whatsoever things are
true, ... honourable, ...just, ... pure,
lovely, of good report". The verb
also includes the thought not only
of "testing" but of "approving".
The Philippians were not simply to
examine but to class, to put their
stamp upon, to pass on from judg-
ment into action.
The ^''things that are excellent"
are partly intellectual, such as judg-
ments in theory, the deepest truth,
the view most true to fact, most
founded on reason, most faithful to
the past and the future ; and partly,
practical activities, the best course
to pursue, the most tactful means
of guiding, teaching, building up.
There is evidence that the Greek
expression was used in the sense of
"what is essential", which is the
meaning adopted by MofFatt in his
translation of Rom. ii. 18 and of this
passage, "having a sense of what
is vital in religion" which sums
up admirably all that the phrase
includes.
The phrase gave the keynote to
William Watson's Poem, "The Things
that are more Excellent", of which
one verse may be quoted :
The grace of friendship — mind and
heart
Linked with their fellow heart and
mind;
The gains of science, gifts of art,
The sense of oneness witb our kind;
The thirst to know and understand —
A large and liberal discontent:
These are the goods in life's rich hand,
The things that are more Excellent.
sincere. The Greek is equivalent
to the Latin sincerus. Its meaning
here may be explained possibly by
St James, i. 27, "unspotted from
the world", i.e. uncontaminated by
the pagan atmosphere in which the
Philippians are compelled to live.
Another, and perhaps a better, ren-
dering would be, "perfect honesty
and openness of character in their
relation to God and man ".
void of offence. This may be taken
actively or passively and may mean
either "not stumbling yourselves" or
"not causing others to stumble".
As the passage as a whole seems to
have in view their attitude towards
others the passive "giving no offence
to others" and hence "blameless", a
meaning which the word has fre-
quently in the papyri, gives the better
sense here. This is clearly the mean-
ing of the synonym in Rom. xiv. 13
and of the identical word in 1 Cor.
x. 32. The thought is illustrated by
1 Cor. viii. 13. The word used here
is not a purely Biblical word as was
thought until recently, but is often
10 PHILIPPIANS [I. to-. I
found in contemporary secular liter- Jeaus Christ. Cf. Ainos vi. 12. These
ature :ind inscriptions. may be either ( 1 ) the fruits j)roduced
^mto the day nf Christ. The pre- by the consciousness of the favour of
position "unto" has the sense of "in God justifying the sinner or (2) the
view of", "keeping j'our ej'es in the fruits which consist in righteousness,
direction of ". Hence we may para- i.e. a sanctified Chri.stian life. The
phrase, "Ever remembering the day Greek here and in Gal. v. 22 is sin-
of Christ which will testthe character gular, "fruit", denoting that there is
of your Christian life and reward a unity among all its manifestations,
your perseverance". unto the yJory and praise of God.
11. being filled icith the fruits This is in St Paul the aim and end
qf righteousness, which are through of all Christian grace and effort.
8t Paul's Prayers
There are few things in St Paul's Epistles which repay study better than
the Apostle's prayers which are found in every letter of his, with the single
exceiDtion of that to the Galatians, and even that, with all its storms and
tempests, closes on the note of prayer: "The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
be with your spirit. Amen".
Conventional formulae of thanksgiving and prayer were common enough
in the letters of the period, and occasionally we meet with expressions in
them which betray no small amount of religious feeling. A soldier writes
to his l\ither, "I thank the Lord Serapis that when I was in peril in the sea
he saved me immediately", and a prodigal son writes to his mother, "I make
supi^lications for thee daily before the Lord Serapis " {Papyrus letters found
in the Fayum in Egypt, belonging to the 2nd century a. p.). But it is only the
framework that the Apostle has borrowed from the ordinary letter of his
time. In spirit and content his thanksgiving and prayer belong to a different
world, and all trace of conventionality and mere social courtesy has dis-
appeared. St Paul's epistolary j)i-ayers are prayers in the fidlest sense,
combining the recognition of the presence and goodness of God and of the
unceasing need of His help with the most fervent desire for the spiritual
gi'owth and the eternal salvation of his converts. They are not private
prayers concerned simply with his own personal welfare, but are essentially
"Prayers for the Churches".
Following the model in the conventional letter the Pauline prayer invari-
ably opens with a thanksgiving to Almighty God for all that the Church in
question has achieved in Christ in the past, and this is followed by a prayer
in the more exact sense of the term, that God may complete the good work
and bring it to maturity. In the earlier Epistles the prayers are com-
paratively simple in language and conception, as e.g. 2 Thess. i. 11-12, ''We
pray always for you, that our God may count you worthy of your calling, and
fulfil every desire of goodness and every work of faith, with power ; that the
name of our Lord Jesus may be glorified in you, and ye in Him", but when
we come to the letters of the Captivity we find that the prayers far excel any-
thing that the letters contain in wealth of language, in loftiness of idea, and
in exaltation of spirit. Eplies. i. 3-2:^ and Col. i. 9-23 are striking examples
I. 12] PHILIPPIANS 11
of the spiritual heights to which 8t Paul could attain in prayer. He seems
to lose himself completely in the contemplation of the rich blessings already
bestowed upon the Ephesian Church and of the still higher glories which
are in store for the faithful and redeemed. He is so overpowered by the
vision of glory which unfolds itself before him that he insensibly glides into
an enraptured soliloquy, so that it becomes difficult to determine where the
prayer, i^roperly so called, ends and the passionate and inspii-ed declamation
of doctrine begins. The most characteristic feature of the Apostle's
prayers in every one of the Epistles of the Captivity is the petition that his
readers may be granted knowledge. Cf. Ephes. i. 17, "that the God of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of glory, may give unto you a spirit of wisdom
and revelation in the knou-/edge of Him".
Col. 1. 9, "that ye may be filled with the knowledge of His will in all
spiritual wisdom and imderstanding".
Philemon 6, "that the fellowship of thy faith may become effectual in
the knowledge of every good thing which is in you, unto Christ".
Phil. i. 9, "that your love may abound yet more and more in knowledge
and all discernment".
The possession of spiritual truth is for St Paul the root of all Christian
life and progress, the indispensable condition of all morality and right
thinking. In this matter he is in complete accord with our Lord's teaching
concerning the function of the Holy Spirit as recorded in St John's Gospel,
"The Spirit of truth shall lead you into all truth". In our Epistle, however,
love, love of Christ and love of the brethren, is placed even before knowledge,
and knowledge is declared to be the product of love. Here the Apostle is
following the line of his own expei-ience and indeed that of every sincere
follower of Christ. It is the realisation of the love of Christ that is the
first step in the path which leads to union with Christ and final redemption
in Him. Love begets knowledge of its Divine object and of His will, a
knowledge that grows and expands in exact proportion to the closeness of
the intimacy between the soul and its Beloved. So St Paul prays that the
Phihppians may be filled with a love which is ever on the increase, so that
it may create in them such spiritual knowledge as will give them the sense
to perceive what is supreme and vital in their religion, an absolute trans-
parency of spirit and purpose, a gentleness that will neither hurt nor harm,
and a Christian life rich in a harvest of right living. Thus shall they
accomplish the \vill and purpose of God for them and live only for His glory
and praise.
II. A Narrative of his own Personal Situation at Rome
AND OF THE PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY IN THAT CiTY
(a) The effect of his presence and trial upon the progress
of Christianity in Rome generally, 12 — 13
12 Now I would have you know, brethren, that the things
which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the
12
PHILIPPIANS
[l, 12-13
13 progress of the gospel ; so that my bonds became manifest
in Christ ^throughout the whole pra3torian guard, and to
all the rest
' Gr. in the whole Prcetorlum.
Now with rtiference to my own situation and ajfairs, which have been
apparently the cause of some anxiety to you, let me inform you that your
apprehensions are groundless and that my jyresence in Rome has exercised
a favourable influence upon the 2)rogress of the Oospel in the Imperial
City. My imprisonment, which like all else in my life is endured for
Christ's sake and has its meaning in Christ, has become a familiar topic
throughout the whole Praetorian guard and in other wide and im2)ortant
circles in Rome.
(With the whole paragraph cf. Ephes. chap, iii, especially c. 13, and
Col. i. 24 — 29, which show how anxious and perplexed St Paul's Churches
were on account of his imprisonment.)
1 2. Now I would hare you know'
brethren. A formula which is very
common in the letters of the period.
Cf. "I would have you know that I
did not expect you to go up to the
metropolis", in n papyrus letter from
the Fayum, 2nd centuiy a.d.
rather, in contrast to the fears
entertained by the Philippians.
progress. The Greek word is a
military term denoting the work of
pioneers clearing the country in front
of an army on the march. Hence it
comes to mean the result of such
labours — an advance, progress.
13. so that my bonds became
manifest in Christ. This passage is
generally interpreted as if it read
"so that my bonds became manifest
that they are in Christ", i.e. "it is
now recognised that I am in prison
because of my religion and not be-
cause I am a criminal in the ordinary
sense of the term". There are several
weighty objections to this interpre-
tation. First of all the grammar of
the passage is decidedly opposed to
it, and it is difficult to see how this
particular meaning can be extracted
from the actual words used by
St Paul. Then again it is exceed-
ingly doubtful whether the profession
of Christianity as such was at this
time regarded as an offence against
Roman law. The evidence of the
Acts seems to show that Roman
officials in the provinces refused to
accept the Apostle's religious views
as constituting a serious charge
against him, and the gi-ave offence
of which he was accused was that of
being a disturber of the public peace.
Finally there seems to be no valid
reason why the expression "in
Christ" should have a meaning here
which is different from what it bears
universally in the Pauline EpLstles.
If we connect "in Christ" with the
verb, -vve have a perfectly intelligible
sentence, whose meaning is quite in
accord with the Apostle's use of this
particular expression in all other
contexts. "It is Christ that has
transformed my imprisonment, so
that far from being a hindrance to
me or to the progress of the Gospel
it has become a great and wide-
reaching influence in Rome. Boimd
though I am. His power and grace
have enabled me to bear strong and
1-3]
PHILIPPIANS
13
telling witness for Him, and my very
humiliation has 'in Him' become
a manifestation of His grace and
glory",
throughout the whole Prcetorian
guard. The Latin word "Prae-
torium" has throughout the whole
course of its history been used to
denote both places and persons. It
originally meant the praetor's tent
in camp and then came to be used
for the military council thatassenibled
in that officer's tent. The local sense
was further extended to cover the
official residence of the governor of
a province, and the word eventually
came to mean any kind of princely
or Imperial residence, or even a
large country house. In regard to
persons it was employed to desig-
nate the Imperial Body-guard, or
the supreme Imperial Court which
met under the presidency of the
Prcefecti Prcetorio. In the New
Testament the word is frequently
used in the narrative of our Lord's
trial for the residence of the Roman
Governor in Jerusalem and in Acts
xxiii. 35 of the same official's resi-
dence in Caesarea. There is no
defining clause attached to the term
in our text, and the exact meaning
of the phrase "in the whole Prte-
torium" is much disputed. Many
authorities support a local sense, as
if it referred to the Praetorian Camp
outside the walls of Rome, close to
the Porta Viminalis or to the Prae-
torian Barracks on the Palatine, and
suppose that the Aj)ostle had been
removed from his "hired dwelling"
and was now in close custody in
Camp or Barracks. But there is no
evidence to show that the term was
used to denote either of these local-
ities, or the Imperial Palace in Rome.
A local meaning to the term appears,
therefore, to be inadmissible, and
our choice seems to lie between the
Prsetoriau Guard and the officials of
the Imperial High Court. Mommsen
was a strong advocate of the second
view and was at one time followed
by Ramsay. The latter has, however,
recently abandoned this opinion,
because he has become converted to
the theory that the Apostle was not
brought to trial at this stage but was
released owingtothe non-appearance
of the witnesses from Judaea and
now favours the interpretation in the
R.V. which is also in my opinion
the correct one. (See Ramsay, in
Exjwsitur, VIII. V. p. 267.) The Apos-
tolic prisoner had become a familiar
personage throughout the whole of
the Imperial Guard because he was
in their custody, and the fact that
he was watched by an endless suc-
cession of soldiers for two whole
years would have brought him into
contact with most of the members
of that body. Moule in his Philip-
plan Studies has an instructive note
on the character and conduct of him
who could create such a luiiversally
favourable opinion among the Prse-
torians. " It must have been a course
of unbroken consistency of conduct
as well as of openness of witness.
Had he only sometimes, only rarely,
only once or tmce, failed in patience,
in kindness, in the great dignity of
the Gospel, the whole succession of
his keepers would have felt the effect
as the story passed from one to the
other".
14 PHILIPPIANS [I. .+
(6) The effect of his imprisonmetit upon the Roman Church,
14—17
14 And that most of the brethren in the Lord, 'being con-
fident through my bonds, are more abundantly bold to
15 speak the word of God without fear. Some indeed preach
Christ even of envy and strife ; and some also of good will :
16 the one do it of love, knowing that I am set for the defence
17 of the gospel : but the other proclaim Christ of faction, not
sincerely, thinking to raise up affliction for me in my bonds.
1 Gr. trusting in my bonds.
Within the Roman Church itself my imprisonm,ent and trial have
been the meaiis qf inciting the majority of tlte brethren to greater boldness
and courage in proclaiming fearlessly the icord of God, being assured tliat
the Lord who has protected me will not fail them. But ivhile all these are
inspired by the same confidence and courage they are not all animated by
the same pure motioes. There is a section among them whose purpose in
preaching Christ is to engender faction and strife. Many of them, how-
ever, are in loyal sympathy with me and with my ideas and are filled
with trite affection for me, realising the significance and object of my
mission, that I am appointed by the Great Captain for the defence of the
Gospd. The others that I alluded to proclaims Christ in order to
further their own jiersonal ambitions and those (f the party they lead,
hoping also that by doing this thin/ will make my imprisontnent harder to
bear.
14. most of the brethren in the and the simple phrase "brother in
Lord, being confident through my the Lord" is never found in St Paul.
bonds. In the Lord. It is better The Apostle's imprisonment had been
to connect these words with "con- the means of encouraging the ma-
fident" and not with "brethren" as jority of Roman Christians to greater
in the R.V., because "brethren" activity and boldness on behalf of
already involves being "in the Lord". Christ, so that, strong in the assur-
It is true that there are instances in ance that the Lord who had protected
the Pauline Epistles where the words the Apostle would also protect them,
"brother "and 'brethren "are further they preached Christ without fear,
explained by the addition of this or are more abundantly bold. This
an analogous expression as e.g. Col. implies that the Roman Church as a
i. 2, "the faithful brethren in Christ", whole was already active and zealous
and Col. iv. 7, "beloved brother in before the Apostle's arrival in the
the Lord", but the presence of the city. His presence among them had
defining clause is in both cases due only wakened to a more vigorous life
to the adjective. It is the "brethren a confidence in God's protection and
who are faithful in Christ" and the a boldness of utterance which already
"brother beloved in the Lord" that existed to some degree. On his
are in question in these two instances, coming to Rome St Paul had thanked
I. 14-17]
PHILIPPIANS
16
God and taken courage at the sight
of them (Acts xxviii. 15). Now they
thank God and take courage at the
sight of him and his patient con-
fidence.
1 5. Some . . . some ... It is a moot
question whether the two parties
designated here are the "majority"
and "minority" of the preceding
verse, or whether the Apostle is
entering upon a new classification
by subdividing the active and zealous
majority. It is more natural to sup-
pose that he preserves the subject
of the previous verse and has still in
his mind the energetic section of the
Church and then proceeds to difler-
entiate between its two wings, the
one inspired by goodwill towards
himself and the other by selfishness
and jealousy. There is a slight
difficulty perhaps in understanding
how the Apostle could describe the
second wing as "being confident in
the Lord through my bonds", yet it
is not impossible to realise how the
comparatively favourable progress
of his trial might inspii'c even those
who were not too well disposed to-
wards him with the conviction that
preaching Christ was after all not
such a perilous proceeding as it
appeared to be and so encourage
them "to speak the woi'd of God
without fear".
of envy and strife. For the
identity and motives of the party
implied here see Int. pp. Iv-lvii.
of goodicill. Goodwill towards
the Apostle personally and towards
the progress of the Gospel generally.
16-17. The one do it of love,...
the other proclaim Christ of faction.
Some authorities translate these
expressions "the party of love" and
"the party of faction", but it is
better on the whole to attach "of
love" and "of faction" to the verb
"proclaim Christ", as explaining the
motives which animated the re-
spective parties.
of lorn. Like "goodwill", love of
St Paul and love of the Gospel.
of faction. The subjective noun
corresponding to this word, o epi6os,
is used by Homer of one who hires
out his labour. In Aristotle's Politics
it describes candidates in an election
who by bribery and other devious
means created a following. Hence
it came to be employed not only of
the method of gaining followers but
also of the act, which explains the
meaning the word seems to have in
Rom. ii.8, 2 Cor. xii.20, Viz. ambition.
It is the ambition of rival leaders
who create parties for egotistical
purposes and to serve their own
ends that apjiears to be expressed
by the term, and it is, therefore, the
leaders of the party that was hostile
to himself rather than their followers
who are condemned here by the
Apostle. (See Hort on St James
iii. 14.)
knotcing that I am set for the
defence of the gospel. This explains
the goodwill and love of the party
friendly to himself. They recognised
the true significance of the Apostle's
mission and imprisonment and saw
in them the Lord's purpose and the
Lord's protection.
/ am set, like a soldier posted on
guard by his captain.
not sincerely. With mixed and
impure motives. The opposite per-
haps of what the Apostle j)rays may
be granted to the Philippians in i. 10.
thinking. The word in later Greek
conveys the idea of "thinking with a
purpose", so that we may translate
here, "purposing to raise up afflic-
tion for me in my bonds", to make
my imprisonment burdensome and
harder to bear.
16 PHILIPPIANS [1.18-.9
His own hopes and fears, 18 — 20
18 What then ? only that in every way, whether in pretence
or in truth, Christ is proclaimed ; and therein I rejoice, yea,
19 and will rejoice. For I know that this shall turn to my
salvation, through your 8Ui)plication and the supply of the
20 Spirit of Jesus Christ, according to my earnest expectation
and hope, that in nothing shall I be put to shame, but that
with all boldness, as always, so now also Christ shall be
magnified in my body, whether by life, or by death.
Well, let them work in this spirit and with this tnotive. The one
important matter is that Christ is being preached and not whether the
jjreaching is entirely in accord icith m,y ideas and predilections. There-
fore because Christ is being ptrechched I reprice in the fact, aye, and will go
on rejoicing. And I have reason to rejoice because I knoic that my present
situation will ham its outcome in my highest spiritual welfare and perhaps
in m.y release from bonds. In any case it will form a pathway for me to
the glories of Heaven, aided as I am by your prayers for me and by the
grace of the Holy Spirit so freely bestowed upon me in Christ. I, there-
fore, cherish the passionate hope that in the part I Imkc to play I may
exhibit no shrinking from pain or peril which icill bring shame on myself,
but that on the contrary I may now, as all througli my Christian career,
glorify Christ icith all boldness and freedom of speech in this body which
I have dedicated to His service, whether I lice or whether I die.
18. What then ? "What am I would then read, "and therein I
to say concerning this preaching of rejoice. Yea, and will rejoice be-
theirs, what judgment am I to pass cause I know...". If we accept the
on their motives and conduct?" punctuation in the R.V. the second
only that. "The one thing that clause becomes an echo or affirmation
matters is not my personal feeling or of the first, or it may be a simple
comfort, not whether Christ is being aside in the i^rocess of dictating. For
preached exactly in accordance with St Pauls charity and breadth of mind
my ideas of fitness, but that Christ as illustrated here, see Int. p. Ivii.
is being preached". 19. this. The situation generally
in pretence or in truth. Cf. as described in 12-17. His bonds,
MoflFatt, "for ulterior motives or the actinty of the Roman Church,
honestly". the goodwill and loyalty of his own
and therein Trejoice,yea, and icill friends, the jealousy and selfseeking
rejoice. There is another punctua- of his oj^poncnts are joys and trials
tionof this sentence which is adopted which through the intercession of
by Westcott and Hort, who place a the I'hilippian Churcli and the
full stop after the first "rejoice" and comfort of the Holy Spirit shall be
a comma after the second, thus con- transnmted into graces and blessings
necting the latter half of the sentence which will advance his spiritual life
with what follows. The passage and lead to a final victory in Christ.
I. .9] PHILIPPIANS 17
my salmtion. Not merely a ver- to this noun is used in the 'pajnjri in
diet of acquittal in the Supreme a way which implies the "generous"
Court and a consequent release from connotation underlying the word
prison, although this may well be here. Cf. this extract from a /7rt/ryr«s
included in the thought, but "sal- letter. "I for my part/>ro<-i(/erf for
vation" in its widest sense. The my wife in a measure that exceeded
narrower reference is ruled out by my resources" (Moulton and Milli-
the emphasis upon "the supply of gan, s.v.).
• the Spirit of Jesus Christ" a.s one of the supply of the Spirit. This
the causes contributing to this sal va- expression may denote either "the
tion, which can hardly, therefore, rich endowment which the Spirit
imply that of the body only. It is siqiplies" where "the Spirit" is the
also better to give the term its cus- giver, or "the rich endowment which
tomary sense in the PauUne Epis- consists in the supply of the Spirit",
ties unless there are overwhelming where "the Spirit" is the gift. It is
reasons to the contrary, which is not possible that the Apostle was think-
the case here. ing of "the Spirit of Jesus Christ"
supply. The verb corresponding as both giver and gift.
The Holy Spirit in the Ejnstle
The references to the Divine Spirit in our Epistle are comparatively
rare, and are confined to four verses. Of these, three point unquestionably
to the Holy Spirit, viz. i. 19, "the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ" ;
ii. 1, "the fellowship of the Spirit" ; and iii. 3, "who worship by the Spirit
of God", but the fourth, i. 27, "stand fast in one spii-it", is probably to be
interpreted of the human spirit as it responds to the Divine Spirit, although
it would be too much to say that the Holy Spirit cannot possibly be in view
here. The lack of uniformity in the designations of the Spirit in this Epistle
as e.g. "the Spirit of Jesus Christ", "the Spirit of God" is characteristic of
the Pauline Epistles generally. Thus in one passage, Rom. viii. 9-11, the
Spirit is successively termed "the Spirit of God", "the Spirit of Christ",
"the Spirit of Him that raised up Jesus from the dead", and "the Spirit
that dwelleth in you". The relation between Christ and the Spirit in
St Paul's mind has been the source of considerable discussion. His language
in such passages as 2 Cor. iii. 17, 18, where the following expressions are
found "the Lord is the Spirit", "where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is
liberty", "even as from the Lord the Spirit" seems to amount to an absolute
identification of the two. Further, throughout the Epistles the same
activities are associated vnih the Spirit as are predicated of the indwelling
Christ. The new life is in Christ and in the Spirit (2 Cor. v. 17 : Rom. xiv. 17).
Christ and the Spirit dwell in the Christian (Gal. ii. 20: Rom. viii. 10:
Rom. viii. 9, 11), and in the Church (1 Cor. xii. 27: 1 Cor. iii. 16). Both Son
and Spirit intercede for the believer (Rom. viii. 34: Rom. viii. 26) and are
the agents of his adoption (Ephes. i. 5: Gal. iv. 6). The moral life is
the fruit of the Spirit (Gal. v. 22) and is at the same time the fruit of
righteousness which is through Christ (Phil. i. 11). This list might be
extended almost indefinitely so as to include practically every gift, grace,
J. 2
18 PHILTPPIANS [I. 20
and power of the Christian life, all of which are regarded by St Paul as
being indifferently within the province of Christ or of the Spirit. The
identification has seemed so complete that some authorities strongly urge
that for the Apostle Jesus Christ was the Spirit and that in his concep-
tion of the Godhead there were two and not three Divine Persons. And
yet an equal amount of evidence might be cited to show that while the
connection between Christ and the Spirit was of the most intimate character
possible the distinction between them is clearly and definitely maintained
by St Paul. Thus in Rom. viii. 10, 1 1 while the same functions are attributed
to both they yet stand apart and side by side, and this is also true of passages
like Rom. xv. 16, 30: 1 Cor. vi. 11:2 Cor. i. 21, 22: Ephes. i. 17. God, the
Lord, and the Spirit are definitely separated in Rom. i. 1-14 : 1 Cor. xii.
4-6: 2 Thess. ii. 13, and more particularly in the Apostolic benediction in
2 Cor. xiii. 14. There is one significant feature to be noticed in regard to
the interchange of names and functions between Christ and the Spirit in
St Paul, viz., that it is always the risen and exalted Christ and never the
earthly Jesus that is equated with the Spirit, and this is probably the clue
to his doctrine of the Holy Spirit. It was in some way a blending of the
doctrine of the Spirit which he had iidierited from the Old Testament and
found in the primitive Christian Church and his own spiritual experience
in Christ. The earliest Christians regarded the Holy Spirit bestowed upon
them at Pentecost as the source of their wonder-working gifts and powers,
but to the Apostle, at any rate primarily, the new life was the result of his
personal knowledge and acceptance of the Risen Christ and of His indwelling
in him. Thus the Sjiirit which endowed the Church with the gifts and the
powers of the new life and the Christ who made of him a new ci-eature
became almost merged in one concept. Much also of the Apostle's language
concerning Christ and the Spirit may be explained by the fact that to his
mind the two Persons in their action upon the human soul were inseparable.
The Spirit can only be received by those who are in Christ, union with
Christ being the indispensable condition of the indwelling of the Spirit, and
we can, therefore, imderstand how to St Paul the Spirit frequently becomes
the Spirit of Jesus Christ.
20. earnest expectation. There everlasting God". (Deissmann, Zi</A<
is an interesting quotation from a from the Ajicient East, ]). 377.)
recently discovered petition pre- The actual form used by St Paul
sented by some peasants of the dnoKapn^oKia is not found outside
village of Aphrodite in Egypt in the the New Testament, and in it only
year 537 — 538 a.d. to a high official twice, viz. here and in Rom. viii. If),
which illustrates the use of this word and it is probably a word of the
and its connection with the parousia Apostle's own coining. Etymologi-
of Christ as in this verse. cally considered it suggests two ideas,
"It is a subject of prayer with us 1. with outstretched head, 2. diver-
day and night to be held worthy of sion from other objects. It is here
your welcome i)arousia... We await linked with the familiar Pauline
you as they 2fa^c/iea^<;r//y from Hades "hope" in order to lend intensity
for the future parousia of Christ, the to the Apostle's characterisation of
1. 20]
PHILIPPIANS
19
tho forward-looking element in his
spiritual experience. He has been
speaking of the preaching of Christ
as a source of personal joy and this
immediately suggests the part he
himself can play in the magnifying
of his Master. His whole being
throbs with the glory of the prospect
which like a fair landscape opens
before him, and he exults in the
passionate hope that he will know
no shrinking of shame but break
into a glad abandonment of holy
boldness in the preaching of Christ
"whether by life or death" in that
body which has been absolutely
devoted to this sacred service. (See
"Studies in the Pauline Vocabulary",
R. M. Pope, Expository Times, xxii.
p. 71.)
that in nothing I shall he put to
shame. Cf. Bengel, "St Paul con-
nects shame with himself, glory with
Christ".
hut that with all holdness, as
always, so now also Christ shall he
magnified in my body, whether hy
life, or hy death. The reference is
primarily to his attitude at the trial
and its possible result and to the
hope that no hardship or suffering
may intimidate him or lead him to
manifest the slightest disloyalty to
his Master. But there sweeps across
his mind the vision of another Judg-
ment, and his earnest expectation
is the hope that in that Day he
shall be found never to have proved
unworthy of himself or of his Master,
but that all through life and in
death, \vhenever that may come and
whatever form it may take, he may
haveglorified Chri.st by his consistent
devotion in work and suffering.
With the thought of the passage wo
may compare 1 St John ii. 28, "that,
if He shall be manifested, we may
have boldness, and not be ashamed
before Him at His coming".
boldness. Strictly "boldness of
speech": cf. 2 Cor. iii. 12, where the
old order which kept God at an
awful distance and veiled His glory
is contrasted with the new with its
"liberty" (2 Cor. iii. 17), its freedom
of action and access, thus providing
an atmosphere where "boldness of
speech" can flourish. The word is
found in this sense in Plato {Rep.
557 b), "Does not liberty of act
and speech abound in the city?",
and is borrowed in the New Testa-
ment and invested with a new and
glorious meaning. Cf. Acts iv. 13,
where the fine boldness of the
Apostles' defence, unlearned and
ignorant men though they were,
astonished the Jewish Council, So
in our context it denotes that Chris-
tian boldness which implies candour
and utters truth and the whole truth
and that right of free speech which
is the badge of the privilege of the
servant of Christ. (See " Studies in
the Pauline Vocabulary", R. M.
Pope, Expository Times,xxi. p. 236.)
Life or death? the choice and its consequences, 21 — 26
21, 22 For to me to live is Christ, and to die is gain. ^But
if to live in the flesh, — 2*/ this is the fruit of my work, then
23 -what I shall choose ^I wot not. But I am in a strait
1 Or, But if to live in the flesh be my lot, this is the fruit of my icork : and
what I shall choose I toot not.
2 Or, ivhat shall I choose? ^ Or, I do not make known
2—2
20 PHILIPPIANS [I. ^i
betwixt the two, having the desire to depart and be with
24 Christ; for it is very far better : yet to abide in the flesh
25 is more needful for your sake. And having tliis confidence,
I know that I sliall abide, yea, and abide with you all, for
26 your progress and joy 4n the faith ; that your glorying
may abound in Christ Jesus in me through my presence
with you again.
1 Or, of faith
Now whether this trial of mine issues in life or death matters not, fur
life to nte is not what it means to the world at large, but is summed up iti
the one word " Christ ". Christ is its inspii'ation and Christ is its aim
and end, and, therefore, emn death is a gain. But if it is put to me that
my life in the past has been productive of such a rich harvest of work for
Christ and that it is, therefore, clearly in your interest that I should
continue to live and work then I find it difficult to tell you ichat I would
choose, life or death. I am indeed in a dilemma, for the prospect of death
and of complete union with my Master is inexpressibly sweet to me, and
yet for your sakes it is better that I should lice. I have already expressed
m,y convicti<m that my future is to be one of joy and that whether I live
or die my own salvation and the gh>ry of Christ are assured, and I am
equally convinced that if I remain on the earth I sJiall remain near you
all, in spirit or body, and that my presence with you irill help to develop
your faith and joy in the Gospel. And so you will have a threefold
ground for glorying, in Christ Jesus your Lord, in me His prisoner, and
in my presence amotig you again vouchsafed to you by His favour.
21. For to me to live is Christ, and it leaves us with one member of the
to die is gain. The Apostle is not parallelism " to live is Christ " with-
here weighing "life" and "death" in out any counterpart. It is, therefore,
the balance but is concerned solely the question of death only that is
with what significance "death" has dealt with here,
for him. The question of the mutual Fur. The connection may be
advantages of life and death is not either with v. 18, "I rejoice, yea, and
entered upon until we reach v. 22. will rejoice" because "to me to live
A study of the parallelism which runs is Christ" or, better perhaps, with
througli the whole passage makes the preceding verse, " I am confident
this quite clear. that Christ shall be magnified in my
Thus "to live in the flesh" v. 22 = body whether by life or whether by
"to abide in the flesh" v. 24. death, because to me to live is Christ
"the fruit of my work" v. 22 = and, therefore, to die is gain".
" is more needful for your sake " v. 23. to me to lice is Christ. The em-
"to depart and be with Christ" phatic word in the sentence is "to
V. 23 = "to die is gain" v. 21. me" which implies that St Paul is
If, then, the contrast between hfe here contrasting his ideal of life with
and'death is introduced in this verse that cherished by men generally.
I. 21-23]
PHILIPPIANS
21
" Life for nie means not the interests
that usually appeal to men, wealth,
family, business, pleasure, the pursuit
of which causes death to be regarded
as a dejirivation and a loss, but life
for me is Christ, to serve Christ, to
suffer for Christ, to be so closely
united with Him that it is not I that
live but Christ who liveth in me.
Death, therefore, only means the rest
after service, the reward of suffering,
the blessed union with Him consum-
mated and crowned, and is con-
sequently an unquestionable gain".
Cf. Wisdom iii. 2, 3, "In the eyes
of fools they seemed to die ; and
their departure was counted to be
their hurt, and their going from us
to be their ruin : but they are in
peace ". The verse, therefore, should
be translated, " For to me to live is
Christ, and, therefore, to die is gain ".
22. The variants in the Margin
of the R.V. reveal the difficulty
experienced by the Revisers in
arriving at a satisfactory interjireta-
tion of the Apostle's meaning here.
The general idea contained in the
verse is clear, and it is quite evi-
dent that he is estimating the
advantages of a prolonged life and
comparing these with those to be
gained by death. It is generally
agreed that the Apostle's language
is incomplete as it stands and that
a word or words have to be supplied
somewhere. The renderings in the
R.V. and in the Margin respectively
represent very fairly the attempts
generally made to complete the sense
of the passage, and most authorities
are content to follow the text of the
Revisers and to paraphrase, " If
my continuing in the flesh, if this
means a career still productive for
the Gospel, then I know not what to
choose ".
The objection to the rendering
of the Revisers is that the words
" fruit of work " are given a mean-
ing which they do not seem to
bear on the surface. Accepting
the interpolation of the second
'if" as reasonable we read "If to
live in the flesh, if this is fruit of
work". "To live in the flesh" is
plainly dependent uijon "fruit of
work", whereas in the interpretations
generally accepted the process is the
exact reverse of this and "fruit of
work" is made dependent upon "to
live in the flesh". The question that
St Paul puts to himself is whether
" to live in the flesh " is the " fruit of
work" or, in other words, whether
the character of his work in the past
makes it desirable or necessary that
his life should be jirolonged for the
, sake of the Church. We should
then paraphrase the verse as follows,
" If my work in the past, with all its
rich results in the Mission field and
the plenteous harvest garnered for
Christ, makes it desirable or neces-
sary that I should go on living and
working — then when I measure thif>
against the rest and peace I gain in
death, what to choose I dare not
venture to declare".
to lire in the flesh, as contrasted
with the ideal of life emphasised in
the preceding verse.
/ wot not. A stronger word is
needed here to express the Greek,
which requires "I make known" and
not " I know ". " I cannot tell " (cf
Moulton and Milligan, s.v.). The
Apostle will not venture to decide
between the alternatives, and the
choice must be left in his Master's
hands.
23. / am in a strait hetimxt the
two. " I am constrained by two
conflicting motives ", the word here
being the same as in 2 Cor. v. 14,
" the love of Christ constraineth us".
23
PHILIPPIANS
[i. 23-25
to depart. The Greek word was
used originally of unmooring a vessel
or moving camp. It is frequently
found in Hellenistic inscriptions as
a euphemism for " to die ", which is
obviously the meaning here. Of.
2 Tim, iv. 6, "The time of my depar-
ture is at hand".
and be with Christ. For the es-
chatology of the passage see Int.
p. Ixxxii. The Apostle's mind moves
across the intervening spaces and
dwells on the final scene, the crown-
ing point of Christian redemption,
the perfect and complete union with
Christ in glory.
veryfarbetter. Cf. Bengel, " which
is far, far better ".
24. yet to abide in the flesh is
more needful for your sake. " To
be with Christ" and "for your sake"
are the horns of the dilemma in
which St Paul is placed. The call
of Christ in death has a charm which
is hard to resist, and yet he knows
how they need his presence, his
counsel, and his guidance, and so the
call to life is loud and strong. A
desire to seek rest and peace in
death on the part of her children
became a pressing problem for the
Church in later days when she had
sternly to check the rush for martyr-
dom in times of stress and persecu-
tion.
25. This verse is generally under-
stood as expressing the Apostle's
confident opinion that because his
presence is essential to the future
welfare of the Philiiipian Church
he must, therefore, be released.
Haupt, however, protests enei'geti-
cally against this view and, I believe,
with good reason. He points out
that St Paul was at this stage quite
uncertain in his own mind concern-
ing the issue of the trial and that
the knowledge that he was necessary
to the Church was nothing new to him
and could not, therefore, have created
this definite and confident impression
at that particular moment. If this
was all that was needed to assure
him of his safe acquittal he need
never have hesitated as to his ulti-
mate release, and in that case the
whole discussion is entirely out of
place. Haupt, therefore, suggests
that St Paul is here breaking new
ground and that the alternative of
life or death is no longer in his mind.
The Apostle at this point reverts to
the conviction expres.sed in v. 19
that, whether in life or in death, the
future is to be one of joy and that
his salvation and glory are assured.
What folhjws here, therefore, is con-
ditional upon his release, but he
expresses no definite opinion as to
the future in that direction. If the
issue is favourable, if he does "re-
main" it vdll mean "remaining with
you all", i.e. not merely with the
Philippians but with the Church as
a whole. The " remaining " contem-
plates not his bodily presence only
but the presence and influence of his
spirit in the Church. What he feels
confident of is, therefore, not his
release, but that he will bless the
Church in the future if released.
There is much to be said in favour
of Haupt's suggestion. It gives a
wider vision of the future as it existed
in St Paul's mind than the inter-
pretation generally accepted and
removes the difticulty felt by many
as to the inadequacy of the need of
the Philippians as a firm basis for
the Apostle's conviction that he would
be acquitted. At the same time it
is not easy to agree with his conten-
tion that St Paul is not referring to
his personal presence at Philippi, in
the fece of the latter half of the
following verse where a future visit
I. 25-36] PHILIPPIANS 23
to that Church seems to be definitely 26. that your glorying may
contemplated. abound in Christ Jesus in me
for your progress and joy in through my presence tcith yon
the faith. Progress and joy both again. St Paul frequently declares
helowg to the faith. Progress. The his conviction, more especially in the
Apostle employs the same word here Epistles to the Corinthians, that it
to denote the advance of the Philip- is the Christian's right and privilege
plans in the Christian ftiith as he to boast, provided the "boasting"
used to describe the effect of his im- is based on right principles and
prisonnient and trial upon Roman associated with worthy objects.
Christianity (i. 12). His presence at Here he implies that the Philippians
Philippiistohave an influence similar too have just and adequate grounds
to that it had in Rome and is to be- for "boasting", because of their
come an impulse to greater activity. relation to Jesus Christ, of their con-
This will, in itself, fill their hearts nection with himself, Christ's Apostle
with joy, joy proceeding out of loyal and prisoner, and because of his
and ever increasing dependence coming presence among them, a pri-
upon Christ, which is, according to vilege vouchsafed both to them and
this Epistle, the true prerogative of to him by the favour of Jesus Christ,
the mature Christian.
III. An Exhortation to Unity and Self Surrender,
i. 27— ii. 4
{a) Let their life as a Christian coimnimity he irorthy of
the Gospel of Christ ivhlch demands united action, a
fearless attitude in the face of opponents, and the
capacity to suffer for Christ, i. 27 — 30
27 Only Met your manner of life be worthy of the gospel of
Christ : that, whether I come and see you or be absent, I
may hear of your state, that ye stand fast in one spirit,
28 with one soul striving ^for the faith of the gospel; and in
nothing affrighted by the adversaries : which is for them an
evident token of perdition, but of your salvation, and that
29 from God ; because to you it hath been granted in the behalf
of Christ, not only to believe on him, but also to suffer in
30 his behalf : having the same conflict which ye saw in me,
and now hear to be in me.
1 Gr. behave as citizens worthily. ^ Gr. loith.
For you the one supreme necessity is that your life as a Christian
community should be worthy of the Gospel to which you were called and
of Christ who is your Hend, so that whether I come and see you or be
absent and hear of you I may have the satisfaction of knowing that, in the
24
PHILIPPIANS
[i. 27
conflict which you wage on behalf of the faith contained in the Gospel I
delitered to you, yoii are standing like soldiers, shoidder to shoulder, ani-
mated by that unity of will and purpose which is the xtork <f the Holy
Spirit within you and dominated by that seyitiment of close fellowship
and comradeship which is the fruit of the same Spirit. And further,
tlhot your bearing in the face of opjjonents and persecutors is one of un-
daunted fearlessness and courage, for this very attitude of yours icill be
the strongest proof to them that by their hostility towards you they are only
bringing upon themselves spiritual ruin, while it will assure you of ultimate
victory and eternal salvation, an assurance, let me add, that corner from
God Himself. For it is your j^rivilege in rekition to Christ not only to
believe on Him but to suffer for Him, aye, and to be fellow-soldiers and
fellow-sufferers with me for I have, as you know, both fought and suffered
for Him in the past and still continue to do so.
27. let 7/our manner of life. The
original is a characteristic Greek
word which means "to live a citizen
life" as those who are members of a
corporate body. A Greek inscrip-
tion of the first century illustrates
the Apostle's thought here, "To
those who lead the most pious and
most beautiful lives". At this period,
then, it had come to mean practically
"to conduct yourselves", but in this
Epistle written to a city which was
specially proud of being a Roman
colony the original meaning may
underlie the use of the word both
here and in iii. 20.
be worthy of the gospel of Christ.
"Every connniuiity has its laws
and statutes which the loyal citizen
strives to obey. The community to
which you belong is not, however,
ruled by law but it has its principles
whicli are inherent in the Gospel
of Cin-ist its Head. See that you
honour and respect these principles
in your daily Christian life".
that ye stand fast, like soldiers,
shoulder to shoulder.
in one spirit. The jiarallels in
1 Cor. xii. 13: Ephes. ii. 18, where
"spirit" is not preceded by the
article and where the reference is
definitely to the Holy Spirit, favour
the supposition that the Divine
Spirit is also meant here. It is
the Spirit of God which creates
unity of purpose, firmness and stead-
fastness of character, and produces
the "one soul" which St Paul has
in mind in this exhortation. Most
authorities, however, influenced no
doubt by the follov\ing phrase "with
one soul", equate "spirit" with the
human s])irit. In that case the "one
spirit" will refer to the influence
upon the Philippians of the Divine
Spiritand will indicate their spiritual
life as one rounded whole, with special
emphasis upon unity and firmness.
with one soul. The spirit of
comradeship, that fine trait of the
soldier vvliich has its fruit in per-
fect sympathy, mutual miderstand-
ing, and a matchless forgetfulness
of self.
striving for the faith of the
gospel. Better perhaps, "striving
side by side for the faith of the
gospel" and so emphasising still
further the camaraderie implied
in "with one soul". The Greek is
capable of another rendering, "striv-
ing side by side with the faith of
the gospel", where "faith" would be
regarded as the comrade who stands
shoulder to shoulder with the com-
I. 27-30]
PHILIPPIANS
25
batant, cf. 2 Tim. i. 8. The former
rendering is the more natural of
the two.
the faith of the gospel. An early
illustration of the tendency of the
word "faith" to become a technical
term expressing the content of the
Gospel.
28. affrighted. A word generally
used of startled, frightened horses.
adi-ersaries. Persecutors and op-
ponents of the Christian commvmity
at Philippi. The hostility manifested
towards the Apostle himself and his
companions when they paid their
first visit to that city seems to have
been directed afterwards to the
Church that was founded there.
This opposition must have come prin-
cipally from Gentiles, as the Jews,
who in most of the Pauline centres
of work were active opponents of the
new religion, were not a strong ele-
ment in Philippi.
v:hich = ihe firm attitude of the
Philippians.
an evident token of perdition.
Their fearlessness in the face of
attack wdll be a demonstration to
the persecutors that their attempts
against the Christians are destined
to failure because they are fighting
against God and that they are only
bringing upon themselves that fate
which consists in the loss of eternal
life and permanent exclusion from
the kingdom of God, cf. iii. 19 :
2 Thess. i. 5.
hut of your salmlion. Their own
steadfastness, on the other hand, is
a pledge of their success in the
present conflict, of final victory
against every enemy, and of life
eternal in Christ.
and that from God. Not "salva-
tion" but the whole pi'ocess described
in the verse. The assurance of the
hopeless defeat of the enemy and of
their own ultimate victory and salva-
tion is a direct intimation from God.
29. Faith in Christ implies suS"er-
ing for Christ which is the Christian's
choicest privilege, cf Acts v. 41 :
Rom. V. 3: Col. i. 24, and Bacon,
"Adversity is the blessing of the
New Testament ".
30. conflict. The original de-
notes a contest in the athletic games.
Both the Apostle and his converts
were contending for the crown given
to those who had "fought a good
fight and finished their course".
With the thought in this verse cf
2 Cor. i. 6, "which worketh in the
patient endui-ing of the same suffer-
ings which we also sufi'er", where
the Apostle also speaks of the fellow-
ship in sufi"ering between himself
and his flock. In 1 Thess. ii. 14 he
emphasises the community of suffer-
ing between the Churches of Judaea
and that of Thessalonica.
26 PHILIPPIANS [II.
CHAPTER II
(b) (i ) The appeal is continued with special emphasis upon
humility and abnegation of self as its basis, 1 — 4
II. 1 If there is therefore any comfort in Christ, if any
consolation of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any
2 tender mercies and compassions, fulfil ye my joy, that ye
be of the same mind, having the same love, being of one
3 accord, ^of one mind; doing nothing through faction or
through vainglory, but in lowliness of mind each counting
4 other better than himself ; not looking each of you to his
own things, but each of you also to the things of others.
1 Some ancient authorities read of the same mind.
And note let me appeal to all that is most essential and most valuable
in your Christian experience. If your knowledge and pos.^ession of Christ
have any power to persuade you, if you hace found comfort in Christian
love, if your partaking of the gift of the Holy Spirit luis created among
you a sense of real fellowship, if you believe in tender-heartedness and
compassion, let there be perfect unity among you and so Jill my cup of joy
to the brim. When I speak of unity I mean a unity of Ihomjht, will, and
purpose, and above all a unity ba^ed on that Christian virtue of humility
which knows neither jealousy, ambition, nor pride, and studies the interests
of others and not its own.
1. St Paul opens the most weighty of the community at large ; comfort,
section of the Epistle with an im- fellowship, tenderness, and sympathy,
passioned appeal to the deepest ' therefore. Tliis is generally con-
Christian experiences of his readers. nected with i. 27, "Let ycair manner
The heaping tf>gether of phrase upon of life be worthy of the gospel of
phrase, the repetition of "if" before Chrjst", bo that the notes of stead-
each constituent, and the choice of fastness and unity introduced there
the words themselves all point to the are here expanded and based more
gi'ave importance which the Apostle definitely upon humility and abne-
attached to his exhortation. Further, gationofself The Dean of Lichfield
the experiences appealed to are in (Dr Savage) in a sermon i-eported in
their very nature conducive to hu- the Guardian of Feb. 24, 1910, ha.s,
mility and imity. They are the however, a very suggestive and inter-
virtues and qualities which are esting explanation of the reference
characteristic of a corporate body, in the word " therefore " and of the
in which the interests of the indi- connection of the passage with other
vidual are submerged for the benefit Pauline matter. He contends that
II. 1-3]
PHILIPPIANS
27
"therefore" cannot be satisfactorily
accounted for by reference to any
preceding context in the Epistle and
that it must consequently refer to
some well-known saying which would
be readily recognised by the Philip-
pians. He finds a definite clue to
this saying in the third clause of the
passage, "if any fellowship of the
Spirit", and in the general resem-
blance of the passage as a whole to
the Apostolic benediction in 2 Cor.
xiii. 14. The "comfort in Christ"
corresponds to "the grace of our
Lord Jesus Christ", "the consola-
tion of love" to "the love of God",
and " the fellowship of the Spirit" to
" the fellowship of the Holy Ghost".
comfort in Christ, consolation in
love. The verbs analogous to com-
fort and consolation are found to-
gether in 1 Thess. ii. 11, "how we
dealt with each one of you, as a father
with his own children, exhorting you
and encouraging you". Again the
former of the two verbs is found in
Ephes. iv. 1 and 1 Cor. i. 10, where
it has manifestly the sense of " I
beseech". It is, therefore, better to
attach to the noun here the meaning
associated with it in the New Testa-
ment generally, where it seems to
have the connotation of "appeal" and
to translate "If Christ appeals to
you". " If what you have experienced
in Christ appeals to you, if it has power
to lift you to still higher ideals".
consolation. If we are to make
any marked distinction between this
and the word "comfort" in the pre-
ceding clause we shall do well to
translate it as the Revisers do, "con-
solation", consolation which issues
in encouragement to greater efl'orts.
This is the meaning of the word in
Wisdom iii. 18, "Nor in the day of
decision shall they have consola-
tion ".
if any fellowship of the Spirit.
Cf. Moule, " if there is such a thing
as Spirit-sharing". Paraphrase, "If
God's Holy Spirit is the consecrating,
guiding power of your life, if not only
you have partaken of Him but if He
fully shares your very life". Moff"att's
translation of the whole passage is
most illuminating, "So by all the
stimulus of Christ, by every incentive
of love, by all your participation in
the Spirit, by all your affectionate
tenderness, I pray you to give me
the utter joy ".
2. fulfil ye my joy. The Apostle
here completes the thought in i. 27,
"If I could only see you standing
firm and fearless, fighting a good
fight for the Gospel, and, profiting
by your experiences in Christ, show-
ing perfect unity among yourselves,
my cup of joy would be full to over-
flowing ".
that ye he of the sanne mind,
having the same love, being of one
accord, of one mind. The first clause
" be of the same mind" describes the
unity which the Apostle desires in
general terms, and it is then illus-
trated more in detail in the three
succeeding clauses.
having the same love. It is a unity
resting on the love of Christ which
engenders love of the brethren.
being of one accord. A unity in-
volving a common aim and purpose.
of one mind. With hearts knit
together by Christian sympathy and
like sentiments.
3. faction. See note on i. 17.
The conjunction of the word in this
verse with " vainglory" and "hu-
mility" supports the meaning given
to it there. It is the ambition of
rival leaders that the Apostle has
principally in view, perhaps that of
the women, Euodia and Syntyche,
mentioned in iv. 2.
28
PIIILIPPIANS
[II. 3
vainglory. This is the only in-
stance where the noun occurs in the
New Testament l>ut it is found in
the LXX in 4 Mace. ii. 15, and the
adjective "vainglorious" in Gal. v.
26. The idea conveyed in the
word is that of "glory which has
no reality, pretentious, liollow".
(Souter, s.v.) Cf. St John v. 44.
lowliness of mind. Tanfivo<l>po(Tvvr)
which is here translated "lowliness of
mind" (It is difticult to understand
why the Revisers represent the word
by three different English equiva-
lents, "humility" in Col. iii. 12,
"lowliness" in Ejjhes. iv. 2, and
"lowliness of mind" here, when the
familiar term "hiimility" would have
done excellent and adequate service
in all three cases.) is not found in
the LXX and in tlie few cases where
it occurs in profjine literature as
e.g. in Josephus, B. J. xlix. 2 and
Epictetus, Diss. iii. 24, 25 it is
used in a bad sense, of pusillanimity
or abjectness. The corresponding
word in classical Greek is Tairdvorrjs
but this is always associated with
the idea of baseness. There is an in-
teresting conversation on "humility"
between Gladstone and Morley re-
corded in the latter s Life of Glad-
stone, Vol. III. p. 466, where Gladstone
says, "I admit there is no Greek
word of good credit for the virtue
of hiunility ".
Morley. '■'"raTreiviWr^sl But that
has the association of meanness".
Gladstone. "Yes, a shabby sort
of humility. Humility-as a sovereign
grace is the creation of Christianity".
Some remarks of Lecky's are to
the same effect. Cf. Rationalism
in Europe, Vol. ii. p. 102 (Cheap
Edition), " Pride was deemed the
greatest of virtues and humility the
most contemptible of weaknesses in
Roman civilisation", and History of
European Morals, Vol. ii. p. 186
(Cheap Edition), "The disposition of
humility is pre-eminently and almost
exclusively a Christian virtue".
In the two other New Testa-
ment passages noted above where
tlie word occurs it comes Ijefore
"meekness and long-suffering",
showing that it is only by a wise
and lowly estimate of ourselves
that we come tti know what is due
to others. Humility, then, describes
the sjiirit of one who has come to
the knowledge of himself in relation
to God and it is, therefore, primarily
a religioiis and not a social virtue.
There is no trace in it of the mean-
ness or weakness associated with the
tei-m in pagan literature. On the
contrary it is the badge of the
strong, whatRuskin in his "Frondes
Agrestes" describes as the first test
of a truly great man. St Augustine's
estimate of humility is equally strik-
ing, "The first and second and third
Christian grace is humility". St Paul
carries his admiration of "humility"
to even gi'eater lengths than any of
the great writers we have quoted.
For him it is the one si^ecific virtue
and quality which above all others
exjilains the work and character of
Christ, our Saviour, who "humbled
Himself, becoming obedient even
unto death". It was the special
creation of Christ Himself, it was
He who brought the new spirit into
the world and illustrated it in His
own Person because He was "meek
and lowly of heart".
counting other better than him-
self. An expansion and illustration
of the virtue of humility. It is the
quality based on a right knowledge
of self, of self as seen in perfect
truth, in its relation to God and
to God's holiness, which produces a
lowly depreciation of self and a high
II. 3-4] PHILIPPIANS 29
appreciation of all that is good and ships that is condemned. The verse
estimable in others. may mean either "regarding others'
4. eadi. The Greek word is in qualities as being better than your
the plural, which implies tliat the own", or "consulting the interests
Apostle is thinking here of gi-oups of others as well as and before your
and not of mere individuals. It is own",
the vice of parties and party-leader-
(ii) An appeal to Christ as the crowning example of humil-
ity and self-surrender and as illustrating the principle
that the way of humiliation is the path to glory, 5 — 11
5 Have this mind in you, which was also in Christ Jesus :
6 who, ^ being in the form of God, counted it not a ^ prize to
7 be on an equality with God, but emptied himself, taking
the form of a ^servant, *being made in the likeness of men ;
8 and being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself,
becoming obedient even unto death, yea, the death of the
9 cross. Wherefore also God highly exalted him, and gave
10 unto him the name which is above every name ; that in
the name pf Jesus every knee should bow, of things in
heaven and things on earth and ^things under the earth,
11 and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is
Lord, to the glory of God the Father.
1 Gr. being originally. ^ Gr. a thing to be grasped.
^ Gr. bondservant. * Gr. becoming in.
^ Or, things of the world below
Now let your fellotcship towards one another he of the same character
as that you experience in Christ. For Christ, though He teas subsisting
in the essential nature of God from all eternity, did not regard His being
on an equality of outward glory and majesty with God as a prize aiul
treasure to be tightly held, but of His own will emjitied Himself thereof,
and took the nature of a bond-servant, and was tnade like us men. Yet He
was not mere man but the representatice man, though in outward guise
and manner of life He was man and nothing more. - And this was not tlie,
limit of His humiliation for He stooped even to die, aye, and died like a
slave upion the Cross. But the depth of His humiliation in submitting to
the shameful death upon the Cross had its consequence and its reward in
an exaltation which teas proportionately hfty. For God raised Him up
on high to His own right hand, and gave Him the Name which is above
every name — the name of Jesus Christ, Lord of all— so that, as Isaiah
prophesied of old, all creation, animate and inanimate, in heaven, on earth,
and in the under-world might adore the name of Jesus, Incarnate and
30
PHILIPPIANS
[II.
Exalted, and that the whole universe might bend the knee to Him and lift
its voice in praise of Him, proclaiminr/ that Jesus Christ is Lord. Thus
shall the whole process <if redemption be crowned and the glory of God the
Father be manifested in all its fulness.
5. Have this mind in you, which
was also in Christ Jesus. This
rendering represents the view of the
passage taken by most authorities
but it does not seem to set forth
accurately what the Apostle says
here. He is still thinking of the life
of the Christian comnirniity, and the
motive of the verse seems to be an
appeal to that community to cherish
that spirit of Christian fellowship
among its members which corre-
sponds to the fellowship it enjoys
with Christ. It is not an appeal to
Christ as the outstanding example
of humility that is in question here,
although that is implied all through
the passage that follows The words
of the Greek and the use of the
title, Christ Jesus, arguo against the
view that is prevalent. It is not
the Jesus that walked on earth but
the Christ, Incarnate and Exalted,
that is in St Paul's mind, and the
unity that he presses upon thePhilip-
pian Church is to be achieved by the
growth of that spirit of fellowship
which it has already experienced
in its relation to Christ Himself.
Cf. Moffatt's translation, " Treat one
another with the same spirit as you
experience in Christ".
6-11. For the doctrinal aspects of
this passage see Int. pp. Ixxiii-lxxxi.
being. The Greek has the sense
of "being orighially", as is pointed
out in the Margin of the R.V.,
combined pcrhaj^s with the idea
of "continuing to be", and the com-
plete thought is illustrated by 1 St
John i. 1, "That which was from
the beginning..., the eternal life,
which was with the Father, and
was manifested unto us", where the
eternal Being of the pre-Incamate
Son and His continuance as such
are clearly brought out.
in the form of God. The phrase
declares the essential Divinity of
Christ, that which is inseparable
from the essence and nature of God.
It is not the glory of the Godhead
of which Christ divested Himself at
His Incarnation that is meant here,
but the Divine nature, unchangably
and inseparably subsisting in the
Person of the Son. The same idea
of the completeness and the essential
nature of the Godhead of the Divine
Son is expressed in Col. i. 15, "the
image of the invisible God", where
"image" denotes a complete and
perfect representation of that which
it figures.
a prize. The Avord apTra-y/xds- is
capable of two meanings, an active
and a passive, i.e. it may mean
"snatching", whence we get the
"robbery" of the A. V. or "the thing
snatched" and hence "prize" as in
the K.V. If the word is taken in
the active sense we should translate
"who did not regard it as an act of
rapacity that He was on an equality
with God, but yet emptied Himself
of that equality and took on the
form of a servant". With the pas-
sive sense we get, "who did not
i-egard His being on an equality
\y\\\\ God (1) as a treasure to be
held fast, or (2) as a treiisure to be
clutched at, but emptied Himself
of it". There would seem to be no
reason to hesitate as to our choice
of meaning here, because the active
sense of the word gives us a render-
II. 6-7]
PHILIPPIANS
31
ing which is not in accord with the
trend of the Christological passage
as a whole. The emphasis is not on
the claim to a dignity which was
Christ's by right as is implied in the
translation "robbery", but on the
surrender of that dignity. But when
we have arrived at this point the
further question arises whether the
"equality with God" is something
which Christ possesses already and
surrenders at the Incarnation, or
whether it is something still in the
future, a prerogative that He might
attain to, but for the attainment of
which two courses were open to Him.
He might claim it as His right, but
He preferred to realise it by the free
gift of His Father as the reward of
His humiliation and obedience. In
this case "equality with God" looks
to the exaltation and glory described
in vv. 9, 10, and to the bestowal upon
Him of "the Name which is above
every name". There is much that
is attractive in this suggestion, but
as we have pointed out in the Intro-
duction it is open to the very weighty
objection that it is difficult to con-
ceive how Christ could divest Him-
self of that which was not His. On
the whole the former of the two
translations that we have associated
with the passive meaning d/j7rny/io?,
which is also that of the Revisers, is
to be preferred as being more in
harmony with the general scope of
the passage.
equality with God. This is not
quite the same as "equal ^vith God ",
which calls attention perhaps to the
Personality, rather than to the cha-
racteristics Avhich we should associ-
ate with the expression in the text.
The phrase has been interpreted in
three ways.
(1) As equivalent to "being in
the form of God " and denoting the
very essence of Deity and support-
ing, therefore, the theory of the
"kenosis" which maintains that at
the Incarnation Christ did actually
divest Hiiiiself of some of His Divine
attributes.
(2) It denotes the outward glory
and manifestation of the Godhead,
which the Son surrendered at His
Incarnation, those associations of
His Divinity which are separable
from His essential nature.
(3) A dignity and prerogative
which were to be His in the future
as the reward of His humiliation.
For reasons which are fully stated
in the Int. pp. Ixxiii-lxxvii it is the
second of these three interpretations
that is accepted here.
7. hut emptied himself. A new
meaning for this expression has been
suggested by the Rev. W. Warren in
the Journal of Theological Studies,
Vol. XII. p. 461. Taking apirayixos
in the active sense and regarding the
phrase "He emptied Himself" as
complete in itself and not requiring
a secondary object Mr Warren trans-
lates the passage, "He considered
His equality with God not as an
opportunity for self-aggrandisement,
but eflfaced all thought of self and
poured out His fulness to enrich
others". The passage in question,
he tells us, contains two ideas, (1) the
abnegation of selfish impulses — the
opposite of ambition, and (2) self-
devotion, self-sacrifice for the sake
of others — the opposite of plunder-
ing others or ignoring their interests
in that of one's own ambition, a view
of our Lord's mission often found in
the New Testament as e.g. in Ephes.
i. 23, iv. 10 : 2 Cor. viii. 9 : Heb. ix. 12.
The verb " emptied ", therefore, does
not require a Genitive of the second-
ary object, and Christ did not empty
Himself of anything but poured
32
PHILIPPIANS
[n. 7-c
Himself, emptying Ilis fulness into
us. Of. Tfi v7rnf)xovTa Kfrovr, to spend
all one's pr(»})erty on the poor. St
Clirys. Horn. .ciii. on 1 Tim. p. 617 D.
takiiif/ the form of a servavt, in
contrast to the " form of God " which
was His from all eternity, the term
"form" in both cases expressing the
very essence of the nature implied,
there the very essence and fulness
of Deity, here humanity in all its
reality. In the use of the term
"servant" there may be an allusion
to the "Servant of the Lord" in
deutero-Isaiah, because there and
here it is the depth of the humi-
liation and suffering of Jesus the
Messiah that is emphasised. "He
took the form of a slave".
being made, as to His humanity
in contradistinction to His "being"
from all eternity which is predicated
of His Divine nature.
in the likeness of men. The force
of the plural "men" is to emphasise
the fact that Christ in his humanity
represented mankind in general.
8. fashion, i.e. the outward and
changable guise as contrasted with
"form", the inseparable, unchang-
able essence. Here it represents
the impression Christ made on the
world at large. He was "found ", i.e.
recognised, as a man in all that is
associated with man's outward being,
in shape, language, conduct, activi-
ties, and needs.
There is a striking parallel to
St Paul's language in this and the
preceding verse in the Testaments
of the XII Patriarchs.
Cf. Test. Benjamin x. 7, "The
King of Heaven will appear on
earth in the form of a man ", and
Test. Zebulun ix. 8, "Ye will see God
in the fashion (f a man ", where
the two characteristic words ^opc^i;
and crxw^ ^'"6 used. These verses.
however, do not appear in all the
MSS. of the Testaments and are
regarded by Dr Charles as later
Christian interpolations and as pos-
sibly based on this passage.
he humbled himself. A further
step in that process of self-humi-
liation upon which Christ entered at
the Incarnation. This was like the
taking of human nature the act of
His own free will. "He humbled
himself.
becoming obedient even imto death,
yt'a, the death (f the cross. An ex-
lilanation of the measure of the self-
humiliation of the preceding clause.
He not only assumed the nature of a
slave, but stooped even to die the
death of the slave. There is in the
Apostle's language a reflection of
the horror and degradation associ-
ated with crucifixion in the mind
of every Roman. Cf. Cicero, Pro
Rahirio.^ v. 16, " Far be the very
name of the cross, not only from
the bodies of Roman citizen.s, but
from their imaginations, eyes, and
ears".
9. Wherefore also God highly
exalted him,. This is not so much
the reward as the direct and natural
consequence of the humiliation. It
also illustrates our Lord's own teach-
ing, " He that humbleth himself shall
be exalted". Inasmuch as the hu-
miliation touched the lowest depths
of shame and sufi'ering the exaltation
is proportionately lofty, and He who
willed to die the death of the slave
on the Cross was raised to the highest
pinnacle of glory and was seated at
the right hand of God. As the
Divinity of Christ remains on the
same level throughout the passage
the exaltation must be primarily con-
nected with His humanity, but there
is an advance of His whole being in
function and office. He now be-
11. 9-io]
PHILIPPIANS
33
comes Ruler in Ilis Messianic King-
dom, a position that He has gained
through His life, death, and resm--
rection.
the name. This has been generally
explained either as "Jesus Christ"
or as "Lord". "Jesus Christ" em-
phasises the union of the human and
the Divine in the Person of Him who
was now raised to reign over the new
Kingdom, and associates the Jesus of
the earthly life with its experiences
and sufferings with the Christ, God's
anointed, now supreme in the Mes-
sianic realm. " Lord", on the other
hand, was the Greek equivalent of
the glorious Divine Name of the Old
Testament and in Hellenistic pagan
religious life was the most significant
title attached to the many deities
that were worshij^ped in that poly-
theistic world. Its application to
Christ, therefore, represents the
climax and consummation of New
Testament Christology. To St Paul
and his age, the Christ, Incamiate,
Crucified, and Risen, has become
equated with the Most High God of
the Jew, and for Him is claimed ex-
clusively the honour associated in
paganism ^ith the supreme deity.
The "name" here may also be identi-
fied with the full title "Jesus Christ,
the Lord ", which would meet all that
is claimed on behalf of each separate
constituent and would give a much
fuller scope to the "name" than
either constituent taken by itself.
It connotes the human Jesus, the
Divine Messiah, the Lord and Ruler
of the Messianic Kingdom, and all
combined in the Person of Christ,
Incarnate and Exalted to the right
hand of God.
10. in the name of Jesus. In
primitive times the name and being
tended to be one in essence and the
name was not a mere convention but
the thing itself, so that if any one
knew the name he was master in
some measure of the thing. It was,
however, in relation to the world of
spirits, good and evil, that the name
came to assume momentous import-
ance. A familiar illustration of this
is the story of Jacob wTestling with
the angel at Peniel, "Tell me I
pray thee thy name" (Gen. xxxii. 29).
If a man came to know the name of
the demon powers which were the
bane and terror of primitive life he
was supposed to be able to exercise
influence over the demon and to be
able to use him in his own interest.
There may be a reference to this idea
in this verse. St Paul's imagery
seems to represent a conflict between
the hosts of the spirit world, demons,
evil spirits, powers of darkness,
whose names were known to the
magician, who could, therefore, use
them for his own purposes, and the
Christian, who also knows the Name
which is above every name, and to
whom, therefore, victory is a cer-
tainty. Cf. Just. Mart. Trypho, 30,
" Even the very name of Jesus is
terrible to the demons". (See Glover,
The Christian Tradition and its
Verification, p. 143 flf.)
every knee should how .. .should
coti/ess that Jesus Christ is Lord.
An adaptation of Isaiah xlv. 23,
which is quoted exactly in Rom. xiv.
1 1 and predicated of God. It is here
expanded by the addition of the
clause "of things in heaven... under
the earth" and applied to the exalted
Christ, and is a significant illustration
of the place occupied by Christ in St
Paul's conception of the Godhead.
o/" things in heamn, and things 07i
earth, and things under the^ earth.
It is a moot point whether the adjec-
tives here corresponding to "the
things in heaven etc." should be
34
PHILIPPIANS
[11.
taken as neuter or masculine. If
tliey are masculine the classification
would represent angels, men, and the
souls of the departed. It is better
on the whole perhaps to follow the
R.V. and to regard the passage as
an expression of the homage of all
creation, animate and inanimate, to
Christ as lie enters upon His king-
dom and glory.
There were two different cosmo-
logical conceptions in the ancient
world, the Aryan, which was based
on the numbers 3 and 9, and the
Semitic, based on the numbers 7
and 12. The old Greek, Indian, and
Persian mythologies show a world
built on the 9 basis. Thus there arc
a. Three Heavens = Paradise.
h. Three Earths = Middle Stations.
c. Three Under-worlds = Hades.
In later developments such as Pla-
tonism and Stoicism Heaven, or the
region of Aether, was subdivided
into (1) central fire, (2) the plane of
the fixed stars, (3) the planet sphere,
while Earth, or the Kvc region, con-
sisted of (1) Air, (2) Water, (3) Earth.
The third region, that of the under-
world, was struck out by the Stoics,
but it survived in the popular con-
sciousness. In his cosmological ideas
St Paul was more Greek than Jew
and the number 3 occupies an im-
portant place in his wi'itings. Cf.
1 Cor. i. 23, 26 : vi. 11 : xi. 3; Gal.
V. 22, where we find 9 fruits of the
Spirit divided into 3 classes. A
striking instance of this usage is also
found in this verse where he adopts
the Aryan world-conception with its
three regions, (1) Heaven, which he
also subdivides into 3 Heavens in
2 Cor. xii. 2. (2) Earth, which also
has its middle stations. Cf. Ephes. ii.
2. (3) The under-world. In the
matter of his cosmogony and the sig-
nificance \xQ attached to the nmnber
3 and its multiple 9 we may trace the
influence upon the Apostle of the
Judaism of the Diaspora, which waa
already permeated by BaV)ylonian
and Persian ideas, as well as the in-
fluence of the Hellenism of Tarsus,
where both in the Stoic schot)ls and
in the popular consciousness this
view of the world prevailed.
11. every tongue should confess
that Jesus Christ is Lord. We have
probably here the earliest form of
the Bai^tlsmal Confession and the
original germ of the Christian Creed.
The catechumen before baptism
would be called upon to declare, "I
believe that Jesus Christ is Lord".
This is confirmed by the Western
text of Acts viii. 37, where the
eunuch is represented as saying " I
believe that Jesus Chiist is the Son
of God", and by analogous passages
in St Paul's Epistles as e.g. Rom. x.
9, "If thou shalt confess with thy
mouth Jesus as Lord", and 1 Cor. xii.
3, "No man can say 'Jesus is Lord'
but in the Holy Spirit".
Lord. This title became the cha-
racteristic expression of the Chris-
tian attitude towaixis Christ in the
Apostolic age. It is a fact of the
greatest significance that this term,
so intimately associated with the
Supreme God in the mind of every
Jew, should also be the designation
which adhered to Christ in the early
Church. In the pagan world it is
found as the regular title of heathen
gods in many inscriptions of the
period, but it only emerges into full
daylight in the Emperor-cult among
the Romans. From the time of
Augustus downwards it is the normal
designation of the Emperors in rela-
tion to the cult, and "our Lord" is
by no means infreciuent in this con-
nection. The Hellenistic Christian
was, therefore, perfectly familiar ^nth
II. ii] PHILIPPIANS 35
the very definite connotation of the sion of Jesus Christ as Lord claimed
title which is unhesitatingly applied for Him the homage and adoration
by St Paul to Christ. In 1 Cor.viii.S, of all creation.
6, where he speaks of "lords many" to the glory of God the Father.
and "one Lord Jesus Christ" there The aim and climax of the whole
is probably a tacit protest against process of creation and redemption,
the use of the term in connection Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 28, "that God may be
with the Emperor-cult which was allinall" andStChrysostom, //om<7;y
then beginning to assume a vei-y im- 07i PhUiiipians, Chap, iv, "A mighty
portant place in the religious life of proof it is of the Father's power and
the Empire and was destined for goodness and wisdom that He hath
some considerable period to be the begotten such a Son, a Son nowise
most powerful rival of Christianity. inferior in goodness and wisdom...
The passage here shows clearly that like Him in all things, Fatherhood
the Apostolic Church by its confes- excepted".
Special note on vv. 10, 11
Some scholars have seen in these verses a doctrine of " universalism " on
St Paul's part. Thus Dr Charles in his article on " Eschatology " in the
Encyclopaedia Bihlica, Vol. ii. Col. 1386, writes : "Since all things in heaven
and on earth, visible and invisible (whether thrones or dominions or princi-
palities or powers), were created by Christ (Col. i. 16) and were to find their
consummation in Him, they must come within the sphere of His mediatorial
activity : they must ultimately be summed up in Him as their head (Ephes. i.
10). Hence in the world of spiritual beings since some have sinned or
apostatised, they too must share in the atonement of the cross of Christ
and so obtain reconciliation (Col. i. 20) and join in the universal worship of
the Sou (Phil. ii. 10).... Since all things must be reconciled and summed up
in Christ there can be no room finally in the universe for a wicked being,
whether human or angelic. Thus the Pauline eschatology points obviously
in its ultimate issue either to the final redemption of all created personal
beings or to the destruction of the finally impenitent". Dr James Orr writes
to the same effect in the Expositor, vii. x. p. 406 : " There are hints in the
New Testament of a future unification — a gathering up of all things in Christ
as Head — whence God is once more 'all in all' which would at least seem to
imply a cessation of active opposition to the will of God — an acknowledg-
ment universally of His authority and rule — a reconciliation in some form
on the part of those outside the blessedness of the Kingdom, with the order
of the universe. Cf. Acts iii. 21 : 1 Cor. xv. 24—28 : Ephes. i. 10 : Phil. ii.
10 — 1 1 ". But although the Apostle's language in these verses and elsewhere,
taken by itself, might seem to favour "universalism" and to involve the
recovery of all personal beings, his language in other contexts is quite
unambiguous and leaves us in no possible doubt as to his views on the ulti-
mate fate of the mcked. We need only refer to 2 Cor. iv. 3, and especially
to 2 Thess. i. 9, where he describes their future as " eternal destruction from
the face of the Lord and from the glory of His might ". This might imply
3—2
36 PHILIPPIANS [II. u
"annihilation", but is decisive against " universalisni ". With reference to
vv. 10, 1 1 of this chai)ter Dr Cliarles seems to read into them considerably
more than they convey to the ordinary reader. Here, as elsewhere, St Paul
is painting the ideal and gives a clear assertion of the purpose of God's
redemption in Christ, which is potentially to embrace the whole of creation
without necessarily assuming that the loving jiurpose of God is to be fully
accomplished. lie has a splendid vision of the effect upon the whole uni-
verse of the glorious exaltation of Christ and of His coming to reign, but in
this vision, as in many another, it is only the general idea that is outlined,
and it is unsafe to conclude from an outburst of inspired enthusiasm that
the idea will be fulfilled in all its details.
(iii) A further exhortation, based on the preceding ajjjyeal,
to obedience, earnest and anxious effort, and mutual
peace, 12 — 16
12 So then, my beloved, even as ye have always obeyed,
not ^as in my presence only, but now much more in my
absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trem-
13 bling ; for it is God which worketh in you both to will and
14 to work, for his good pleasure. Do all things without
15 murmurings and disputings ; that ye may be blameless
and harmless, children of God without blemish in the
midst of a crooked and perverse generation, among whom
16 ye are seen as ^lights in the world, holding forth the word
of life ; that I may have whereof to glory in the day of
Christ, that I did not run in vain neither labour in vain.
^ Some ancient authorities omit as. ^ q^_ luminaries.
You have seen how our blessed Master obeyed even unto death and how
glorious was the exaltation tchich foUoiced. So noic, my beloved, do ye
follow in His steps, and let your obedieiwe be as conspicuous now when I am
away from you as it was when T was still among you. Avoid the habit qf
depending too much upon my presence with you, and complete the good work
which was begun in you by God through me, working out your own salva-
tion to its complete fruition, but in due subinission to the trill qf God and
always having in view the testing at the Great Day. Work out your own
salvation did I say ? Yes, but remember that it is God after all who is
your strength and stay and that it is His grace that filU you with power
both to will and to icork, and that your ultimate salvation is the accom-
j)lishment of His love and purpose for you. Aviid also in your Christian
life that spirit of discontent and that habit of questioning the decrees qf
God which we/re the curse qf Israel qfold, so that in the world, around you,
II. 12-13]
PHILIPPIANS
37
among people who have wandered far away from the truth of God and
obstinately refuse to return, you may be marked as those that live without
reproach, transparent in your honesty, and irdthout spot or stain on your
Christian robe, as befits those who are God's own children. You must be
seen as lights shining in a dark -world, illuminating and freely offering to
all that need it the Gospel that alone brings life, so that in the day when
Christ shall hold His great Assize you tnay be my pride and glory and a
living proof that I did not work for nothing.
12. So then. The connection here
is not quite clear. The Apostle may
be looking back to v. 2 "be of the
same mind " which leads us back still
further to i. 27, the exhortation to
present an unbroken front to the
enemy ; or he may have in view the
whole of the preceding passage and
is impressing upon the Philippians
the example of Christ's humility and
exaltation as a guide and encourage-
ment to them. A better connection
than either of these seems to be indi-
cated by the presence of " obey " in
the verse, which immediately sug-
gests the "obedience of Christ" in
V. 18 as the point that is emphasised
here.
not as in my presence only, but
now much more in my absence.
This is to be taken mth what fol-
lows. "Do not place too much de-
pendence upon my presence among
you, but work out your own salva-
tion". The previous sentence is in-
complete as it stands and requires
the addition of " continue to do so "
or some similar phrase, and with the
sentence "not as in my presence
only " a new thought begins.
work out your vica salcation.
There are two emphatic words in
this injunction, '"''out" and ^''oirn".
"Work out". The letter is written
to " saints " who had already made
some considerable progress in the
Christian life, cf. i. 6. The good
work has been begun and they are
to co-operate with God in working it
completely out and in bringing it to
its full accomplishment. The Apostle
himself is no longer among them, the
planting and watering are past, and
it is now for God to give the increase.
Hence "work out your own salva-
tion ", no longer depending upon his
personal presence, but in complete
dependence upon God.
with fear and trembling. This is
a set phrase in the Pauline Epistles,
cf. Bphes. vi. 5, where it is used of
the disposition of slaves towards their
masters, and 2 Cor. vii. 15, where the
reception to be given to Titus by the
Coi-inthian Church is in view. In
both cases the phrase signifies the
attitude of submission. In 1 Cor. ii.
3, 4 the Apostle speaks of himself as
being " in much trembling " and yet
his speech and preaching are "in
demonstration of the Spirit and
power". The expression is, there-
fore, free from any trace of fearful
anxiety or of the terror of the slave.
It is the frame of mind which be-
tokens submission to the will and
purpose of God that is indicated here,
and this leads to the thought con-
tained in the verse that follows.
There is perhaps also included in
the phrase the fear of the judgment
(cf. V. 16) at the day of Christ, the
noble fear of failing to respond to
love which has not yet risen to the
level of 1 St John iv. 18, cf. Heb. xii.
28.
13. for it is God tohich worketh
in you both to will and to work. In
38
FHILIPPIANS
[ii. 13-16
the original tlio stress is laid on
" God " (for God it is that works) in
order to prevent any misunderstand-
ing and discouragement that niiglit
have been caused by tlie emphasis
on "yourselves" implied in "your
own salvation". Their salvation is
ultimately God's work, and it is God
Himself who has created in them the
desire to fulfil His gracious will and
who will provide the power to bring
that desire to its complete fruition.
for his good pleasure. This is to
be connected with " it is God which
worketh". The whole aim of re-
demption, of God's own work in them
and of their co-operation with Him,
is that He may fully accomplish His
plan and purpose for them.
14. Do all tltings without mur-
miirings and disputings.
murnmrings. Souter, s.v., ex-
plains "murmurings" as generally
meaning " smouldering discontent ",
cf. 1 Cor. X. 10.
disputings. The Greek word is
used in the papyri of a judicial in-
quiry, the hearing of a case, and
arguments in court, Avhence we get
the thought of outward disputings
and discussions, and Souter trans-
lates it " deliberation, plotting". The
contemporary usage of both these
words favours the idea that the
Apostle is referring here to social
weaknesses in the life of the Philip-
pian community and that it is the
mutual relations of the brethren to-
wards each other that are in question.
The use of the word " murmurings "
in the LXX, however, and elsewhere
in St Paul as e.g. in 1 Cor. x. 10,
where the reference is clearly to the
conduct of Israel in the wilderness,
and the quotation from Deut. xxxii.
6 which immediately follows would
seem to show decisively that what
the Apostle has in view is the sin to
which the Israelites of old were so
prone, murmuring against God and
dissatisfaction with His decrees.
15. The whole of this verse is
reminiscent of the LXX of Deut.
xxxii. 5, "They have gone astray, they
are not His children, but culpable,
a crooked and perverse genera-
tion".
blameless., as regards the opinion
of the outside world concerning
them.
harmless. The Greek is used of
wine and metals, and signifies purity,
freedom fi'om adulteration and alloy.
Hence, "simplicity of character",
differing only slightly from the " sin-
cere" of i. 10. As contrasted with
"blameless" which refers to the
opinion of others, it seems to denote
the Divine estimate of them.
children of God without blemish
in the midst of a crooked and per-
verse generation. This is, as we have
seen, an adaptation of Deut. xxxii. 5,
which implies that the Apostle meant
to warn the Fhilippians against fol-
loiving the exanqjle of Israel during
its sojourn in the wilderness.
among ichom ye are seen as lights
in the world. Lights. The Greek
word occurs only here and in Rev.
xxi. 11 in the New Testament, and
in the latter context it has apparently
the sense of " sun ". In the LXX it
is used almost exclusively of the
heavenly bodies, and it is, therefore,
better here to translate it more defi-
nitely as " luminaries "'. The Chris-
tian is in his degree to reflect the
character of Him who said of ?Iim-
self " I ain the light of the world".
16. holding forth the word of life.
An equally legitimate translation
would be "holding fast the word of
life ". Our choice of renderings will
depend upon the view we take of tlie
reference here. The former trans-
II. i6]
PHILIPPIANS
39
latioii carries on the thought of the
preceding verse where the influence
of the Christians upon the outside
world is clearly in question. In that
case St Paul is pleading that the Phi-
lippians ought to be absorbed in the
true mission of the Church to those
outside instead of letting themselves
dispute and quarrel with each other.
If we accept the sense of " holding
fast " we get the following sequence
of thought. The world is dark, but
you are points of light ; don't let
yourselves be extinguished as you
will be if you give way to discontent
and disputes. It is the thought of
contrdst with the outside world that
is uppermost in this rendering and
not that of influence. Harmony and
humility are essential not only to the
well-being but to the very being of a
Church : only thus is it marked off
from the rest of the world. (See
Moflfatt, Expositor, viii. xii. pp. 344—
345.)
the word of life. The word that
brings life, the Gospel in all its truth
and in all its quickening power.
life, in the widest sense of the
term, the " eternal life " of St John's
Gospel. This is the gift of God which
is the possession of the Christian from
the moment he turns to Christ and
lays hold of His salvation and is an
undying principle whose essence lies
in partaking of the life of Christ,
being grafted into Him, and being
ruled by His Spirit. It reaches its
complete realisation in the final
union with Christ in His glorious
Kingdom. The conception of Christ
as "light" and "life" is also asso-
ciated with the Johanninc "Word"
in St John i. 4, " and the light was
the life of men ".
that I may have whereof to glory
in the day of Christ. For a similar
thought cf. i. 26 with the note upon
it, and also 2 Cor. i. 4, " ye also are our
glorying in the day of our Lord
Jesus ". The pride which the Apostle
has in mind here is that Christian
pride which is based upon the suc-
cessful working of the grace of God
in Christ upon his converts through
the instrumentality of his missionary
activity. The time will come when
before the judgment seat of God
everyone will be rewarded according
to his deeds. In that day he also
must have a treasure to show before
(jrod, and even now he may begin to
congratulate himself on what he will
eventually produce. Such "boast-
ing" is no "vain-glory" but is the
duty and privilege of the Apostle
and of every Christian as such.
that I did not run in vain neither
labour in vain. The day of Christ is
to prove that " he did not work for
nothing". (Moffatt'stranslation.) The
first half of the sentence is found in
Gal. ii. 2 and the second in Gal. iv. 11.
There may be here an echo of Isaiah
xlix. 4, " I have laboured in vain, I
have spent my strength for nought
and in vain". Deissmann {Light
from the Ancient East, p. 317) sug-
gests that St Paul's frequent use of
the phrase " labour in vain" is a trem-
bling echo of the discouragement
resulting from a width of cloth being
rejected as badly woven and, there-
fore, not paid for.
40
PHILIPPIANS
[II. 17
(iv) St Paul contemjylates the possibility that his labours
may be terminated hy a violent death. Yet, he the issne
what it may, he will rejoice and they must rejoice with
him, 17—18
17 Yea, and if I am ^offered upon the sacrifice and service of
18 your faith, I joy, and rejoice with you all : and in the same
manner do ye also joy, and rejoice with me,
^ Gr. poured out as a drink-offering.
And eren if my trial, as it p'ssibly may, ends in condem,vafion and
death I shall regard my execution as crowning the offering to God of
your faith and as the libation that I shall pour upon the sacrifice of your
devoted service. Let us not sorrow, therefore, even though I have to die,
hut let us all rejoice therein, both you and 1.
17. In the figure employed here
the Apostle has probably in mind
the pagan sacrifices in which the
libation is poured over the victim
and not the Jewish custom of pour-
ing water round the altar. The
general sense of the verse is quite
clear. The faith of the Philippians
is the "sacrifice" ; the actual offering
of the sacrifice before God is the
" service " ; the possible violent death
of the Apostle is the " libation "
which is to be poured over the sacri-
fice of the Philipi>ians' faith and is
to crown and complete it. There is
a considerable difference of opinion
as to the identity of the " priest "
who ofl"ers the sacrifice in the figure.
Most commentators contend that it
is the Philippian Church that oft'ers
up its own faith as a sacrifice to God
and that St Paul's blood is the liba-
tion added to the offering. A better
solution is to regard St Paul as the
priest, the Philipijians' faith as the
sacrifice, and the priest's o\w\ blood
as poured out upon the victim that
he is ofi"ering. The thought of the
Philipi^ian Church as an off"ering
acceptable to God has been already
expressed in the preceding verse,
and it is his own pride and his own
anxiety as the person responsible
for the character of the off"ering that
are uppermost there. In this verse
he changes the metaphor somewhat
and uses the terms of sacrificial
ritual to biing out his meaning, but
his own function remains the same.
It is he who ofi"ers the faith and
devotion of the Philippians as a
sacrifice before God, and it is he who
is prepared, should necessity arise,
to pour upon it the libation of his
o\™ life-blood. In support of this
view it should be noted that Paul in
Rom. XV. 16, 17 explicitly describes
his ministry in terms of priesthood
and sacrifice. He recognises in these
verses that he is possessed of the
priestly character and that in that
character he offers the Gentiles as a
sacrifice to God, sanctified and ren-
dered acceptable by the power of
the Holy Si)irit. There is, therefore,
no reasonable objection to taking
his words in our context in their
natural sense and regarding the
Apostle himself as the priest oflering
the sacrifice.
11. i8] PHILIPPIANS 41
18. I j(yy^ and rejoice with you by the outpouring of his own life
all: and in the same manner do ye upon it. The Philippians are to re-
also joy, and rejoice with me. joice because God's work in them
A possible translation which finds will have been fully accomplished,
favour with some scholars is " I re- the Apostle himself rejoices because
joice and congratulate you all: do ye he has been chosen as the instru-
also rejoice and congratulate me ", ment in God's hands to bring about
but it is better on the whole to take this happy and blessed result. As
the words as an injunction to mutual both he and his converts have been
joy without explicitly introducing so closely associated with this pro-
the element of congratulation. The cess so too must they be joint par-
Apostle has in view the crowning of takers in the joy which the fulfilment
the offering of the Philippians' faith of God's loving purpose demands.
IV. The Apostle's plans for the future, 19 — 30
(i) The proposed visit of Timothy to Philippi, 19 — 24
19 But I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timothy shortly
unto you, that I also may be of good comfort, when I know
20 your state. For I have no man likeminded, who will care
21 Hruly for your state. For they all seek their own, not the
22 things of Jesus Christ. But ye know the proof of him,
that, as a child serveth a father, so he served with me in
23 furtherance of the gospel. Him therefore I hope to send
forthwith, so soon as I shall see how it will go with me :
24 but I trust in the Lord that I myself also shall come
shortly.
^ Gr. genuinely.
But be of good cheer, for I hope that it may be in accordmice with the
will and purpose of God that I should send Timothy to you shortly, so
that you may be well informed in all that concerns me and that I, on my
side, may have the consolation of knowiiig how matters stand with you.
For Timothy is unique among my present companions, and there is by
my side no one who has the same sincere and unselfish care for you and
your spiritual interests. The others are all engrossed in their own plans
and ideas and are not dominated, as he is, by the thought of what is
essential to the welfare of the Church of Christ. You know him of old
and you will remember hoic from those early days when he was my
companion at Philippi he has been like a son to me atid has loyally and
faithfully co-operated icith me in my mission for the Gospel of Jesus
Christ. The issue of my trial will be decided soon, and the tnoment the
43
PHILIPPIANS
[ii. 19-3
verdict has been pronounced Timothy shall come to you. Aye, and further,
I trust that the Lord will be gracious to me also, and that I shall be set free
to follow Timothy and come to you myxelf.
1 9. The proposed visit of Timothy
to Philippi had a double motive.
We note first of all the thought of
the encouragement that the coming
of Timothy would produce among
the Philippians, an encouragement
that was all the more needed perhaps
because he had just touched upon
the possibility of his own death.
But he himself was also to be cheered
and comforted by the news that
Timothy would be able to send him
on his arrival at Philippi. His most
intimate companion and friend was
to be his representative among them
and was to give them that guidance
and help which his own enforced
absence prevented him from giving.
Also if the worst happened and death
came to himself Timothy was to
comfort them in their sorrow con-
cerning his fate. It was not the
first time that he had undertaken on
St Paul's behalf a mission of this
character. He had been sent from
Athens to encourage the Church of
Thessalonica in the face of persecu-
tion, 1 Thess. iii. 2, 6, and later on
from Ephesus to Macedonia and
thence to Corinth when the Apostle
himself was unable to pay these
Churches a promised visit, 1 Cor.
xvi. 10.
20. likeminded, with Timothy
and not with the Apostle, as is shown
by the following verse, where the
contrast is between Timothy and the
other brethren who were in St Paul's
immediate neighbourhood at the
time.
truly. The Greek word meant
originally " born in wedlock ", hence,
" not spurious ", from whence it came
to have the sense of "genuinely,
sincerely". The corresponding ad-
jective denotes in the papyri "a
lawful wedded wife" as well as
"legitimate children" and is used
also of "legal charges", whence we
derive the meaning of " fitting, suit-
able". The word is also connected
with " friend " in the sense of " gen-
uine" and becomes an epithet of
affectionate appreciation (as in Phil,
iv. 3 and in 1 Tim. i. 2 of Timothy
himself), and is frequently found in
inscriptions of honour in that sense.
The adverb, as here, has the
meaning of "honestly, sincerely".
Cf. "will honourably protect the
child ", a cpiotation from a papyrus.
In St Paul's time the word had
practically outgrown its original
meaning and was invariably used in
its more developed sense. (See
Moulton and Milligan, s.v.)
21. The tone of this verse throws
light on the Apostle's comparative
loneliness at the time, for it is
unthinkable that he could have ex-
pressed himself in these terms if
Luke and Aristarchus and other of
his companions who had devoted
themselves so whole-heartedly to his
service had been by his side. Those
who are now in his company are not
in that complete sympathy with him
and his aims which was characteristic
of his old and faithful friends. They
are more concerned with advancing
their own ideas and interests, and
the welfare of the Pauline Churches
is not so dear to them as to the
hearts of those who had been asso-
ciated with him in their founding.
Rome and its affairs were to them
the centre of attraction and not
the Churches of the distant East
II. 21-24]
PHILIPPIANS
43
Hence the Apostle's momentary des-
pondencj' and the loss of his usual
buoyancy of spirit.
22. But ye knoic the proof of hbn.
The Philippians are femiliar with
Timothy's character and conduct.
They know how he was tested at
Philippi and elsewhere and how
successfully he survived the ordeal.
They will remember how devotedly
he served both the Gospel and the
Apostle himself in Macedonia and
othei' regions of the Pauline mis-
sionary field.
as a child serveth a father. Cf.
1 Tim. i. 2, "my true child in the
faith": 2 Tim. i. 2, "my beloved
child ".
so he served with me in further-
ance of the gospel. The Apostle's
humility will not allow him to com-
plete the sentence and to say " so he
served me ". He, therefore, changes
its form and places Timothy on the
same level as himself. They were
brethren, fellow- workers, and fellow-
servants of Christ.
23. Timothy was apparently to
bring to Philippi the news of the
verdict at the trial which St Paul
expected would be pronounced
shortly.
/ sliall see. The Greek word is
the same as that in Heb. xii. 2,
'"'' Looking unto Jesus, the author
and perfecter of our faith", where
it has the sense of looking away
from other things and concentrating
attention uijon one particular object.
Here the Apostle represents himself
as carefully studying the course of
his own affairs in order that he may
gain definite and precise knowledge
of his position.
24. St Paul is still in danger and
the issue of the trial is doubtful, but
he is confident that it will end in
his release. Yet that confidence is
conditional and is centred "in the
Lord " as is all else in his life. It is
the Lord's will and the Lord's pur-
pose that are to be accomplished in
him.
(ii) The return of Epaphroditus, 25 — 30
25 But I counted it necessary to send to you Epaphroditus,
my brother and fellow- worker and fellow-soldier, and your
26 hnessenger and minister to my need; since he longed
^after you all, and Avas sore troubled, because ye had
27 beard that he was sick: for indeed he was sick nigh
unto death : but God had mercy on him ; and not on him
only, but on me also, that I might not have sorrow upon
28 sorrow. I have sent him therefore the more diligently,
that, when ye see him again, ye may rejoice, and that I
29 may be the less sorrowful. Receive him therefore in the
30 Lord with all joy; and hold such in honour: because for
the work of ^Christ he came nigh unto death, hazarding
^ Gr. apostle. ^ Many ancient authorities read to see you all.
2 Manv ancient authorities read the Lord.
44 PHILIPPIANS [II. ^5
his life to supply that which was lacking in your service
toward me.
Meanvrhile as Timothy is not yet in a position to start I am sending
to you without any delay Epaj)hroditus, my brother in the faith, my
faithful helper in my work, and my comrade in the fght, trho is also one
of yourselces, a very apostle of your Church and the hearer of your
gift to me. I consider it all the more necessary to send him became
his h^art icas filled with longing to see you again and to return, so that
by his presence among you he might dispel your anxiety concerning
himself, for he knows that you were aware of his illness. For, in truth,
his illness was so severe that it well nigh proted fatal, bid God spared him
and was also merciful to me, for the death of my loyal comrade would
have been an additional burden that I could hardly have borne. I, therer
fore, hasten to send him on his journey that his prresence among you may
not only be a source of joy to you but that the knowledge that I shall gain
of your satisfaction and jileasure may also hinng cotisolation to me in my
loneliness. Give him the truest of Christian welcomes and recognise at its
full value the work done and the brave spirit show?i by this comrade of mine.
For it was owing to his devotion to Christ and His came that he came so
nearly to die. He risked his life, indeed, in performing on your behalf
what you would ham wished to do yourselves personally, seeing that lie was
tlie bearer of your generous gift to me.
25. Epaphrnditus. The name is that two men of the same or similar
frequently found in papyri. Epa- names might have been found among
phras may be a shortened form of it, St Paul's faithful and much valued
and many authorities identify the companions at this time.
Epaphroditus of our Epistle with my brother and felloic-tcorker
theEpaphrasmentionedinColiv. 12: and felloic -soldier. Cf. Anselm,
Philemon, 23. In favour of this iden- " My brother in the faith, my fellow-
tification it is pointed out that they worker in preaching, my fellow-
were both in St Paul's company soldier in adversity", a description
during his Roman imprisonment and which implies common sympathies,
that they are both referred to by labours undertaken in conmion, and
him in similar terms. Thus Epa- community in struggle and suffering,
phroditus is his " brother and fellow- your messenger. Lit. " your apos-
worker and fellow-soldier " while tie ". The use of this particular term
Epaphras is " one of you, a servant .shows that in St Paul's mind Epa-
of Jesus Christ" (Col. iv. 12) and his phroditus was more than the mere
"fellow prisoner" (Philemon, 23). bearer of the Philippians' gift to him.
The main objection to this identifica- Underlying the word here is the idea
tion is that Epaphroditus is very of " one commissioned " and perhaps
intimately connected with Philippi also the thought of the sacredness
and Epaphras is just as closely con- of the mission. Cf. 2 Cor. viii. 23,
nected with Colossae. As the name where similar ideas are associated
was evidently a fairly common one with the word. "They are the
there is no real difficulty in imagining messengers of the Churches, they
II. 25-30]
PHILIPPIANS
45
are the glory of God" Ou the
strength of the attachment of the
terra "apostle" to Epaphroditus
here the Greek Church placed hira
in the same rank as Barnabas, Silas,
and others who held the rank of
Apostles in the Church, but the con-
text suggests "messenger", perhaps
with a somewhat heightened mean-
ing, to be the better translation.
Theodoret in his Commentary on
this Epistle makes him bishop of
Philippi.
minister. The word signifies a
public official, one who renders ser-
vice to the state. In the LXX
it is the regular term for " priest ",
who was the public and official ser-
vant of God in the ritual system
of the Old Testament. The use of
the word here, therefore, implies the
sacred character of Epaphroditus'
service to the Apostle. The " mes-
senger" is commissioned by the
Philippians, he is their oSicial re-
presentative to St Paul, and his
mission has sacred associations be-
cause it is concerned with the Apostle
of Chi-ist, is on behalf of the Gospel,
and is the outcome of the love that
arises from union with Christ.
27. not on him only., hut on me
also. The Apostle closely identifies
himself with his fellow-workers.
Their sicknesses, their trials are his
own, and the mercy of God shown
to them is vouchsafed also to him.
Cf. 2 Cor. xi. 29.
sorrow upon sorrow. Sorrows
were his daily lot ; the restraint upon
his activity caused by his imprison-
ment, the uncertainty of the prospect
that lay before him, the jealousy
and selfishness of many Roman
Christians were burdens that were
hard to bear. To lose his devoted
friend and companion by death in
addition to all these would have
been almost more than even his
brave heart could have endured.
28. the more diligently., without
studying his own convenience, but
animated solely by the desire to
relieve their anxiety.
that. ..ye may rejoice, and that I
may he the less sorrowful. "You
will rejoice because Epaphroditus
is restored to you again, and my
trials will not be so hard to bear
when I hear of your joy".
29. Receim him therefore in the
Lord tcifh all joy. Cf. Twentieth
Century New Testament, "Give
him the heartiest of Christian wel-
comes ".
hold such in honour. Cf. Moffatt,
" value men like him ".
30. hea.iusefor the work of Christ
he came nigh unto death. This ex-
pression gives no real ground for
assuming, as some scholars do, that
the Apostle had formed the im-
pression that there was an element
of suspicion in the attitude of the
Philipi^ians towards Epaphroditus
and that this very emphatic tribute
to the character of the service ren-
dered by the latter was intended to
remove any such suspicion. The
stress laid on the very real anxiety
caused to the Philippian Church by
the news of Epaphroditus' illness is
suSicient warrant that there was no
lack of sympathy or appreciation on
its side. The character of the ser-
vice rendered is emphasised in order
to show its true significance. It was
not merely undertaken on their be-
half, or on behalf of the Apostle
himself, but was a ministry whose
true meaning and purpose were only
realised in Christ.
hazarding his life. Hapa^oXev-
o/i.it "hazard" is a gambler's word
signifying the throwing of dice, a
form of amusement of which the
46
PHILIPPIANS
[ii. 30-111.
Apostle was perhaps the frequent
spectator sus it was practised by the
Prjetoriaii guards. The word is not
found elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment, or in any other writing of the
period, and it was so rare that some
copyists altered it and substituted
for it the more familiar verb rrapa-
^ovXevoixm which exi)lains the trans-
lation in the A. V., "not regarding his
life". It is probably, however, not a
word coined by St Paul, as it was as-
sumed to be until recently, for in an
inscription discovered atOlbeaonthe
Black Sea, presumably of the second
century, the word occurs in the
identical participial form found here
and with precisely the same meaning.
"It was witnessed of him that in
the interest of friendship) he had
exposed himself to danger as an
advocate in legal strife by taking
his clients' causes even up to
emperors". In a context of this
character there can be no question
of the borrowing of a New Testament
word, and it must, therefore, have
been current in other than Christian
Churches. (Deissmann, Light from
th-e Ancient East, p. 84.) There is
perhaps an interesting survival of
the word in the " Parabolani " men-
tioned in the Cod. Thend., Hb. xvi.
Tit. 33, who were an inferior order
of Church officers fulfilling the duty
of hospital attendants and nurses to
the sick and poor. Vincent suggests
that the name " Parabolani " attached
to the order is explained by the fact
that they " hazarded their lives " by
coming into contact with jjlague and
contagious diseases.
to supply that ichich was lacking
in your service toward me. This
is the Apostle's courteous way of
expressing his gratitude both to
Epaphroditus and to the Philip-
pians ; to Epaphroditus for being
the bearer of the gift, to the Philip-
pians for the gift itself, which only
needed their personal attendance at
the jiresentation to make it quite
complete.
CHAPTER III
V. St Paul sounds the call "to rejoice", la
III. 1 a. Finally, my brethren, h'ejoice in the Lord.
1 Or, farewell
And now, my brethren, let me once again call uponyouto let Christian
joy hare its due place in your lives.
1 a. Finally. This does not ne-
cessarily mean that the Apostle is at
this point approaching the end of
his letter. The Greek phrase occurs
in other Epistles well away from the
close as e.g. in 1 Thess. iv. 1, and in
the language of tiie period it meant
little more than "now" or "there-
fore ".
rejoice in the Lord. St Paul again
strikes one of the dominant notes of
the Epistle, harking back perhaps to
ii. 17, 18, where the thought has
been interrupted for the moment by
the reference to the coming visits of
Timothy and Epaphroditus.
III. i] PHILIPPIANS 47
VI. 16—21
At this point there is an abrupt break, and the Apostle's attention is
diverted from the main purpose of tlie letter. The remainder of the chapter
is devoted to grave and strongly worded warnings against two sets of oppo-
nents, Jews, perhaps in Rome, and a party among the Gentile Christians at
Philippi, which was filled with spiritual pride and was in consequence
divided into tw^o groups, one of which claimed Christian perfection, while
the othei', in its contempt for the body, fell into pagan immorality.
(i) A warning against Jews, lb — 11
(a) A protest against Jewish national pride and
eocclusiveness, 1 b — 6
1 b. To write the same things to you, to me indeed is not irk-
2 some, but for you it is safe. Beware of the dogs, beware of
3 the evil workers, beware of the concision : for we are the
circumcision, who worship by the Spirit of God, and glory in
4 Christ Jesus, and have no confidence in the flesh : though
I myself might have confidence even in the flesh : if any
other man Hhinketh to have confidence in the flesh, I yet
5 more : circumcised the eighth day, of the stock of Israel,
of the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew of Hebrews ; as touching
6 the law, a Pharisee ; as touching zeal, persecuting the
church ; as touching the righteousness which is in the law,
found blameless.
1 Or, seemeth
But you must forgive me if I digress for a moment and repeat some
warnings that I have on former occasions addressed to you. I have no
hesitation in doing this because it is your we/fare and safety that I have in
view. I hid you heware of those who like dogs are shameless, impure, and
insolent, beware, I say, of these workers of wickedness, beware of those
whose vaunted privilege is only a self-mutilation. For we Christians, and
not they, are the true circumcision, we who serve God according to His
will and jnirpose and render to Him true worship becauM we are filled
with His Spirit, we whose one boast is that we are Chrlsfs and not that we
possess any national or material advantages, althozigh I myself have every
right to pride myself on the jjossession of these very privileges. No one,
indeed, has a stronger claim to boast of these Jewish advantages than I
have, because there is no privilege which a Jew values that is not mine. A
true member of the covenant people and no proselyte, I was circumcised on
the eighth day, I come qf good old Israelitish stock, and belong to the tribe
48
PHILIPPIANS
[III.
which furnished the nation with its first King, the tribe which remained
loyal to the house of David and hoji kept its strain pure and undsfiled
throughout the ages. In point of descent I wan horn of Hebrew j)arents
on both sides. To come to acquired prieileges, J am a Pharisee, a member
of the straitest of all Jeicish sects, in point of zeal I persecuted the Church
of Christ, and as touching the righteousness as it is conceived by the law I
was beyond reproach.
1 b. To write the same things.
Many attempts have been made to
explain the expression "the same
things" from the contents of the
Epistle itself, and Moffatt (see Ex-
positor, viir. xii. p. 346) is still of
opinion that a good case can be
made out for this view, but none of
the explanations is very convincing.
It is better, therefore, to seek for
an explanation outside the Epistle,
either in warnings addressed orally
or in some previous letter or letters
to the Philippians, and to confine
the reference to the impassioned
outbreak which follows.
to me indeed is not irksome. An
epistolary formula which Souter
paraphrases, " I do not hesitate ".
but for you it is safe. " I do not
hesitate to revert to an old subject
if by doing that I protect you ".
With the thought of the verse as
a whole cf. Dr Johnson in The
Rambler, " It is not sufficiently con-
sidered that men more frequently
require to be reminded than in-
formed ".
2. Beirare. The threefold repe-
tition of this word marks the urgency
and intensity of the warning.
dogs, evil workers, tlie cmcision.
These are not three separate groups
of opponents. Gentiles, Jewish Chris-
tians, and Jews, but one homogeneous
group composed of Jews, pure and
simple, described under three cate-
gories.
dogs. The pariah was the most
contemptible of all creatures in the
East and the term "dog" as applied
to others was a symbol of what was
ignoble and mean. In this respect
its use was by no means confined to
expressing the attitude of the Jew
towards the Gentile but it was a
general term of opprobrium in the
Eastern world and remains so to
this day. It is possible, however,
that the Apostle may here be con-
sciously api^lying to Jews the par-
ticular term of reproach they ai^plied
to Gentiles. In the New Testament
the "sow" and the "dog" are coupled
together as representing apostates
from the Church. Cf 2 St Peter ii.
22, and Rev. xxii. 15, where "dogs"
are associated with sorcerers, forni-
cators, murderers, and idolaters who
are outside the city, i.e. with those
corrupted by the foulest vices of
the pagan world. Here perhaps the
main thought is that of the shame-
lessness and insolence of his Jewish
enemies.
ecil workers. "They are workers
of wickedness even when they work".
If the identity of the party con-
demned here was what we have
assumed it to be and it was com-
posed of Jews who were harrying
the Apostle to death, the "evil"
they were "working" might have a
specific reference to their relentless
hostility towards himself
the concision. This word is not
found elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment and it is deliberately employed
here as a play upon the Greek for
"circumcision". It is adequately
III. 2-4]
PHILIPPIANS
49
represented by the English word
"mutilation". As the designation of
a party it denotes those whose
boasted privilege is after all a
mere bodily mutilation, without any
moral or spiritual significance or
effect.
3. we are the circurncishm, i.e.
those who have put away all bodily
uncleanness in the power of Jesus
Christ. Cf. Col. ii. 11, "In whom ye
were also circumcised with a circum-
cision not made with hands, in the
putting off of the body of the flesh,
in the circumcision of Christ". The
Christian Church is the true Israel
of God, inheriting all its privileges
and conferring all its blessings. For
St Paul's doctrine of the Church as
the New Israel cf. Int. pp. Ixxxv-
Ixxxviii.
who icorship by the Spirit of God,
and glory in Christ Jesus, and have
no ctinjidence in the flesh. The
Apostle bases this claim on three
grounds.
(1) icho worship by the Spirit
of God. By the use of the term
" worship " the Apostle employs that
which in the LXX denotes the ser-
vice rendered to Jehovah by the
Chosen People and in so doing
transfers to the New Israel the
worship and homage paid to God
which was the proud privilege and
monopoly of Israel of old. It was
the Church's possession of the
Spirit which formed its primary
claim to be able to worship God
according to His will, that Spirit
whose outpouring upon the New
Israel had been promised by the
prophets. The presence of the Holy
Spirit in the Church gave it life and
power and love and so enabled it to
offer to God true and acceptable
worship, cf. St John iv. 23 : Rom.
xii. 1 : 1 Pet. ii. 5. In all these
passages there is the same implied
contrast with Jewish worship as hero.
(2) and glory in Christ Jesus.
For "glory" see notes on i. 26 and
ii. 16. The Christian Church does
not pride itself on any national or
ceremonial privilege. Its province
is as wide as the love and redeeming
grace of Jesus Christ Himself, to
whom adequate worship can only be
rendered by a society as wide as the
world itself.
(3) and have no confidence in
the flesh. "Flesh " is here the an-
tithesis both to " Christ Jesus " and
the "Spirit". What the Apostle
meant by the term is explained
very fully in the two following
verses. It included all that a Jew
valued most, all that was the source
of his vaunted righteousness, all
that led to the familiar Jewish
contempt for those who stood out-
side the covenant, but with special
emphasis on the thought that the
Jew's confidence was primarily based
on the fleshly act of circumcision
which widened out into confidence
in privilege and position. The phrase
also indicates the confidence founded
on one's own effort to attain right-
eousness as contrasted with that
rooted in the consciousness that
righteousness is only attainable in
union with Christ and through the
instrumentality of the Holy Spirit.
4. St Paul enters here upon his
spiritual autobiography. The repe-
tition of the "I" which occurs no
less than fourteen times in the
passage shows the strong personal
element running through it. He
begins by a description of himself
as Saul the Pharisee and gives a
catalogue of the j^rivileges and ad-
vantages which were the pride and
glory of the Pharisaic Jew and so
proves that even from his opponents'
50
PHILIPPIANS
[hi. 4-6
point of view, which he assumes
all through this portion of his de-
fence, he had a better claim to
boast than most of them, were he
so inclined. Cf. 2 Cor. xi. 22 flF.
5. (1) His 2Jrivileges by birth.
circumcised on the eighth day.,
and therefore a pure Jew, a member
of the covenant people by birth, and
not a proselyte.
oj the stock of Israel. Cf. Bengel,
"Born of Rachel, a legitimate wife,
and not of a handmaid" and there-
fore of good Israelitish stock.
of the tribe of Benjamin. Born
of a tribe of gi'eat renown in the
national history, of a tribe which
gave Israel its first King, which
remained loyal to the royal line of
David and preserved its original
strain with remarkable purity.
a Hebrew of Hebrews, i.e. a
Hebrew son of Hebrew parents
and stock. It has been thought
that this expression refers to the
fact that his family was free from
the Hellenistic tendencies which
operated so powerfully upon the
Jews of the Diaspora, but Philo, who
was a Hellenist of the Hellenists,
is described by Josephus as a
"Hebrew", which argues against
this view.
(2) Hi^ privileges by choice and
training.
as touching the law, a Pharisee.
A member of the sect which was
strictest in maintaining the law and
whose very existence was bound up
with the observance of the law in all
its minutiae.
6. as touching zeal, persecuting
the church. In his zeal on behalf of
the national faith of which they con-
sidered themselves the pillars and
guardians he had outdistanced them
all. In his hatred and persecution
of the Christian Church he had
proved himself a very Zealot. Cf.
Acts xxii. 3-5, xxvi. 9-11, and Rom.
X. 2, "For I bear them witness
that they have a zeal for God, but
not according to knowledge".
as touching the righteousness
which is in the law, found blameless.
The claim to "blamelessness" from a
Pharisaic point of view was by no
means uncommon as we learn from
the story of "the rich yoimg man" in
St Luke xviii. 21. There was, there-
fore, nothing unusual or presumptu-
ous in the Apostle's assertion that
in his outward conduct there had
been found neither fault nor failure.
There is no contradiction between
his statement here and the descrip-
tion of his inward struggle in Rom.
vii. 7-23. It was not the infraction
of the outward demands of the
Jewish law in its ethical and cere-
monial aspects that filled his soul
with torment, but the sense of sin
in his innermost being. Neither is
it inconsistent with 1 Tim. i. 13-14,
because there he is regarding his
past in Judaism from the Christian
and not from the Pharisaic stand-
point as he is doing here.
III.] PHILIPPIANS 51
(b) A defence of the Christian position as illustrated by
his own experience, more especially by his conversion,
which involved the surrender of his privileges as a son
of the covenant and the abandonment of the righteous-
ness which is of the law and made him a recipient of
the righteousness which is of God by faith, issuing in
the Itnowledge of Christ and of the power of His resur-
rection and in the hope of final victory, 7 — 1 1
7 Howbeit what things were ^gain to me, these have I
8 counted loss for Christ. Yea verily, and I count all things
to be loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ
Jesus my Lord : for whom I suffered the loss of all things,
9 and do count them but ^dung, that I may gain Christ, and
be found in him, ^ not having a righteousness of mine own,
even that which is of the law, but that which is through
faith in Christ, the righteousness which is of God *by faith :
10 that I may know him, and the power of his resurrection,
and the fellowship of his sufferings, becoming conformed
11 unto his death; if by any means I may attain unto the
resurrection from the dead.
^ Gr. gains. ^ Or, refuse
* Or, not having as my righteousness that which is of the law
■* Gr. upon.
But all that I used to regard as privileges of great value in my old life
I have now learnt to consider as positive disadrantages in view of my
relation to Christ. Aye, and farther, I came to regard not only the
privileges I enjoyed as a Jew hut all I possessed in the world as a dead
weight to be rid of compared with the inestimable blessings I gained when
I came to know Christ ; for I abandoned my all for His sake and learnt to
regard it as mere refuse, if by the transaction I might gain Christ and be
completely identified with Him and be His at the last day, clothed no
longer with a righteousness based upon the performance of duties imposed
upon me by the law but with a, righteousness which is the very gift of God
and the reward of faith, attainable only through faith in Christ. The
righteousness that I speak of consists in knowing Christ through and
through and in experiencing in myself the power of His resurrection, and
in being so closely identified with Him that I share in His sufferings and
death, so that I may perhaps reach the very crown of my hope and desire,
" the resurrection from, the dead ", when I shall have complete and unbroken
fellowship with Him.
4—2
52
PHILIPPIANS
[ill. 7-8
7. what things were gain to me.
All that was held in high esteem
from the Pharisaic standpoint, and,
therefore, the whole series of Jewish
privileges enumerated in the pre-
ceding verses.
have I counted. The Greek tense
here indicates an action performed
at a definite point of time, which
must, therefore, be identified with
the Apostle's conversion, when he
once and for all abandoned the
Pharisaic position.
loss. Tlie word signifies that the
much-vaunted Pharisaic preroga-
tives were not only worthless but
that thej' were positively ruinous,
because they were based upon ut-
terly wrong principles and turned
the eye of the soul in the wrong
direction in its search for righteous-
ness.
for Christ, " in order that I may
gain Christ " or " in comparison with
what I found in Christ when I came
to know Him ".
8. The picture iu the Apostle's
miud is that of a man with a pile of
treasure in front of him — gold, jewels
— who refuses it and will have no-
thing to do with it and actually
spurns it and tran)ples it under foot
as too contemi^tible to be thought
of if he may only gain Christ and be
found in Him (Sanday, E.cpusitoyy
Times, XIV. p. 487).
/ count. The tense here carries
with it the sense of a process not
only begun at a definite moment but
continued all through the Apostle's
Christian life.
all things. The act of surrender
is now extended so as to include not
only the "gains" of the preceding
verso, but every earthly advantage
and privilege ; comfort, friends, family
associations, all that the world held
dear to him before he " took up his
cross" and became a follower of Jesus
Christ.
for the excellency of the knowledge
of Christ Jesus my Lard. The
idea is that of a business trans-
action, exchanging what was worth-
less and ruinous for what wiis a
treasure of surpassing worth ("the
excellency of").
the knowledge of Christ Jesus my
Lord. "To know" signifies for St
Paul the whole of his Christian ex-
perience. It reaches far beyond
mere intellectual knowledge, in-
cludes faith, service, and sacrifice,
and is analogous to the familiar
PauUne phrase "to be in Christ".
It is the mystical knowledge by
means of which he becomes one
with Christ, so that his whole life
is lived in Christ and he has no
consciousness of being, apart from
Christ. It is a knowledge that is
constantly developing as the inti-
macy with the Master becomes
closer luitil it reaches its culmina-
tion when " he shall know even as he
is known ". Such knowledge, there-
fore, constitutes the whole secret of
the Christian life.
Christ Jesus my Lord. The full
title and the use of the personal
pronoun emphasise St Paul's claim
that in his oicn experience he had
learnt to know Christ in the full
significance of His Being. His
knowledge was no longer confined
to the exalted Christ whom he had
seen on the road to Damascus, but
included all that the life, teaching,
and suffei-ings of the Jesus who had
walked on earth meant in the pur-
pose of God for the redemption of
mankind.
for whom I suffered the loss of
all things. The threefold emphasis
upon the Apostle's renunciation,
twice iu this verse and once in the
III. 8-10]
PHILIPPIANS
63
preceding verse, reminds us of ii.
7, 8, where the self-abnegation of
Christ is described stage by stage
as well as in its absolute complete-
ness. Ramsay {St Paul the Traveller,
p. 310) suggests that St Paul had
been disowned by his family on
becoming a Christian and reduced
from a position of Avealth and in-
fluence in his nation to poverty and
contempt. This would give a deeper
force to the words here.
that I may gain Christ. Not
"win" a prize as in the A.V. but
"gain" a profit.
9. andbe found in him. MofTatt
has an interesting note in Exjwsi-
tory Times, xxiv. p. 46 on the ana-
logous use of this phrase and idea in
Epictetus, Diss. 3rd Book, chap. v.
where the great Stoic teacher says,
" What would you like to be doing
when you are ovei'taken (by death) ?
For my part may I be overtaken
when I am attending to nothing else
than to my own will, seeking to
be imperturbable, unhindered, un-
compelled, free. I want to he, found
practising this so that I may be able
to say to God ' I have been ill when
it was Thy will, so have others, but
I was willing it should be so, I
became poor at Thy will but I re-
joiced in it.... Now it is Thy will
that I depart from the assembly of
all men ; I go, giving all thanks to
Thee that Thou hast counted me to
be worthy to join in this assembly
of Thine and to behold Thy works
and to follow Thy governing provi-
dence'. May death overtake me
when I am thinking of this, when
I am writing, reading, about this".
MoiSatt sees a very striking resemb-
lance in this passage to Phil. iv. 10-
18 and suggests that St Paul uses
the phrase "to be found" in the same
sense as Epictetus does, viz. " to be
found when surprised by death".
While we mayagree that this thought
was in the Apostle's mind and that
he regarded "being found in Christ"
as the very crown of his Christian
life it is doubtful whether he confines
his "being found" to the final act
and consummation. The "gaining
Christ" and the "being found in
Christ" are obvious parallels, and
the general trend of the passage is
in favour of the idea that he has in
mind his Christian course as a whole,
from the day when he came " to know
Christ" to that day when Christ's
work in him shall be consummated
in final union with Himself.
righteousness. The Apostle uses
this term here in its widest sense as
including not only the idea of right
relation to God but also that of
" right living", the life lived in Christ
according to the will of God through
the power of the Holy Spirit. He be-
gins by describing the righteousness
which he claims to have iJossessed
from the Pharisaic standpoint. Ac-
cording to the strictest Jewish view
he already stood in the right relation
to God as a member of the covenant
people, and his careful observance
of the law and its demands pro-
claimed him "righteous" in actual
practice.
through faith in Clirist,. . .of God
hy faith. The righteousness of the
Christian is primarily the gift of God
and not the result of any efi"ort of
his own, and is conditioned only by
the exercise of faith, faith in Christ
and in the redeeming power of His
grace and love and not by any
dependence upon law and its obser-
vance.
10. that T m,ay knoic him. This
is the completion of the process, the
first stage of which is marked in v. 8.
His Christian life opened with the
64
PHILIPPIANS
[ill. 10-11
recognition of the crucified and risen
Jesus as his Lord, it will reach its
couii^lete fruition only when that
knowledge is perfected, when he
mil know Christ as fully as God
knows him and when his whole being
becomes Christ's through His power
working within him.
and thepnicer of his resurrection.
The Apostle goes on to explain what
the knowledge of Christ consists in.
It is to know and realise in himself
"the power of His resurrection".
His own deepest spiritual experi-
ences must correspond with the vital
facts in Christ's scheme of redemp-
tion. He must die to sin and be
raised to newness of life, and the
power that raised Jesus from the
dead must be the power to raise him
from spiritual death to a new and
abiding life, in and through the
isen and exalted Christ.
and the fellowship of his suffer-
ings. In the world of fiict the
order found here should be reversed
because Christ suffered and died
before He rose again, but in St
Paul's own experience it was the
resurrection that was the funda-
mental event, the starting point of
his life in Christ. It was the vision
of the risen and living Christ that
cut short his career of persecution,
convinced him that '■ he was kicking
against the pricks", and turned his
face in the right direction. It was
only after much meditation and
reflection that he realised the signifi-
cance of the death of Christ and
learnt that he too had to die like
his Master :ind "to knoAv the fellow-
ship of His suff'erings " if he was to
share in the power of His risen life.
It is important to note that all
through this verse the Apostle is
moving in the plane of the spiritual
and that it is the experience of the
Christian in the light of the Cross
that he has in mind ; the death to
sin and the assurance that, because
he had shared with Christ at this
point, he will share with Him all
through, in the risen life and in the
final exaltation. The passage has
been interpreted otherwise as if it
referred to St Paul's bodily suflfer-
ings on behalf of Christ and the
language has been compared with
Col. i. 24, "filling up on ray part that
which was lacking of the afliiction
of Christ in my flesh". The next
clause "becoming conformed unto
His death" has also been explained
as referring to the climax of the
Apostle's su8"erings, " dying as He
died", literally. There may be in-
volved in the passage the thought
of bodily suffei'ing, but its whole tone
and its language when compared
with that of the Apostle elsewhere
show that primarily the Apostle is
thinking of the spiritual process in
his own heart and in that of every
sincere Christian. The whole process
is conceived as arising from the union
of the Christian mth Christ, which
involved a mystical sharing in all
Christ's experiences.
becoming conformed tinto his
death. Cf. Rom. vi. o. This clause
carries on and defines the reference
in the preceding sentence. The fel-
lowship in Christ's suff'erings means
dying with Christ, and the use of
the present participle implies that
the djing is a continuous process
which only ends when physical death
supervenes and closes the struggle
with sin.
11. In this and the following
verses the Apostle seems to take up
a position which appears to con-
tradict the statement concerning
himself in the passage we have been
considering. In v. 9 he describes
III. ii] PHILIPPIANS 55
himself as having gained the right- of God in Christ Jesus, if the joixmey
eousness of God, whereas here and is to be safely accomplished and the
in the three following verses he final goal reached,
implies that he has not attained the resurrection from the dead.
righteousness and that the crown is This is the consummation of the
still in front. He has yet before whole process of redemption out-
him a hard and difficult journey lined in vv. 9, 10. The apparent
before the prize is finally won. But distrust here is not distrust of the
the two statements are not really power of Christ, but the distrust
contradictory. His first statement inspired by the humility which comes
sets forth God's ideal and loving from the consciousness of his own
purpose and aim for all who are in weakness as he faces the supreme
Christ, the second emphasises the heights to be scaled. This particular
dangers and difficulties of the course, form of the phrase, " the resurrection
the need for constant watching and which is from the dead " shows that
prayer, the jjerils arising from false the Apostle has in view here the
confidence, and the necessity of con- resurrection of the righteous only,
tinual dependence upon the grace
(ii) A protest against the 'spiritual" party iti Philippi,
which was divided into two sections, 12—21
{a) Those who claimed that they tcere pei-fect, 12 — 16.
The lesson is pressed home by an appeal to his oivn
strivings atid gt^adual progress in Christ.
12 Not that I have ah-eady obtained, or am already made
perfect: but 1 press on, if so be that I may ^apprehend
that for which also I was apprehended by Christ Jesus.
13 Brethren, I count not myself -yet to have apprehended:
but one thing / do, forgetting the things which are behind,
and stretching forward to the things which are before,
14 I press on toward the goal unto the prize of the ^high
15 calling of God in Christ Jesus. Let us therefore, as many
as be perfect, be thus minded : and if in anything ye are
otherwise minded, even this shall God reveal unto you:
16 only, whereunto we have already attained, by that same
rule let us walk.
^ Or, apprehend, seeing that also I icas apprehended
^ Many ancient authorities omit yet. ■* Or, upward
And you m,ust not misunderstand me here. I make no claim, as some
among you seem, to do, to have reached tlie goal or to have attained to all
56
PHILIPPTANS
[ill. 12-13
that is incolved in {/aitiing and knowing Christ. I am still only a com-
petitor in the arena, I am uti/l running my race and pressing eagerly
towards the winning post, hoping that one day I may graap tJie victor's
prize which was Christ's very purpose for me when He laid hold of me.
Let me warn those among you who are filled with spiritual pride and
assurance that I do not reckon the prize to he mine yet. My one con-
suming thought is not to be discouraged by my failures in the past or to
be orer-elated by my .niccesses but, like the wise runner, to keep my eyes
fixed on the goal and with every nerm strained to the uttermost to reach
the end and to tcin the prize, which is that calling of God which bids me
njjwardand shall lead me to the heights of blessedness because lam Christ's
and He is mine. And ecen thoivgh there be among us those who deem
themselces to hace gained the prize of perfection in Christ yet eeen for
them it is well to cherish the principle of humility and distrust of self.
And if there is a difference of opinion between us with regard to this
question of perfection God will in His time set you right on the point.
The one tiling essential for all is that we should keep the course that leads
straight to the goal.
12. The Apostle at this point
turns away from the Jews who were
harrying him at Rome and fixes
his attention \\\yo\\ a section of the
Philippian Church which was in its
tendencies identical with the party
in the Church of CorinLh which arro-
gated to itself the title of "spiritual",
was filled with overweening j^iide,
and claimed spiritual perfection.
Cf. 1 Cor. iii., iv. He counters the
views of the "perfectionists" by an
appeal to his own example and to
his experience of the gradual and
difficult progi-ess of the Christian to-
wards the final goal, and so explains
the hesitation expressed with regard
to his own ultimate success in v. 11,
"if by any means I may attain to the
resurrection from the dead".
perfect. See note on i. 6.
I jyress on. Lit. "I pursue". Cf.
an extract from a papyrus, "A
patriarch fleeing into the desert was
pur.'iued by a lion". A Christian
amulet of early date is in.scribed
"Fly hateful .si)int! Christ pursues
thee", and in both cases the Greek
is identical with the word here. St
Paul is pursuing the object which is
not yet within his gi-asp.
/ may apprehend that for which
also 1 was apprehended by Christ
Jesus. An alternative rendering is
given in the Margin of the R. V., "see-
ing that also I was apprehended".
The two renderings respectively may
be paraphra.sed as follows : (1) "That
I may grasp that which was in the
mind of Christ when He grasped
me". (2) "That I may grasp it,
because I have been grasped by
Christ". The general .sense of the
passage is much the same in either
case and both renderings point to
the fact that the security for final
attainment rests with Christ. It is
the purpose of Christ in the Apostle
that will be accomplished and it is
the power of Christ granted to him
at his conversion and continued all
through his Christian course that
will crown tliis with triumph.
13. Brethren. A direct appeal
to the " spiritual " x^arty at Philippi.
/ count. This is a character-
istic Pauline word which is used
no less than twentv-nino times iu
in. 13-14]
PHILIPPIANS
57
the Epistles (without inchiding the
instances where it occurs in quota-
tions from the Old Testament) and
only three times elsewhere in the
New Testament. It is a metaphor
from keeping accounts, imjilying a
setting down on the credit and debit
side. "The arithmetical factors of
St Paul's spiritual life were so sure
that he felt perfectly certain of their
validity and how far they would take
him. Whatever he had accomplished
by means of them thus far he knew
well that there were still greater
victories to be won and heights to be
attained. His sums were not all
done, "I do not reckon that I have
grasped" anything. So he pressed
forward that by the faithful use of
the same spiritual arithmetic would
come the same power and blessing
in the future". (W. H. Griffith
Thomas, Expository Times, xvii.
p. 213.)
but one thing I do. A remarkable
illustration of the concentration of
purpose in St Paul which was yet
compatible with a multitude of other
interests and did not narrow his
sympathies or create a self-centred
spirit.
forgetting. The Greek word is
used in the " Mysteries " to signify
the abandonment of the past on the
part of the mystic with a view to
further advance in knowledge and
consecration, and this would seem
to be the approximate sense in which
St Paul employs the term here.
forgetting the things which are
behind. The past may discourage
by its failures or produce over-con-
fidence by its successes. To dwell
upon it unduly is, therefore, a source
of spiritual weakness. The past
which St Paul is thinking of here
may be either his old life in Judaism
or his experiences as a Christian up
to the present moment. The use of
the phrase "the things which are
behind" elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment as e.g. in St Luke ix. 62, St
John vi. 66, where the contexts point
clearly to a relapse into Jewish life
and practice, favours the former in-
terpretation, but the Apostle at this
point is no longer concerned with the
old Jewish life, which has had no
place in his thought after v. 9, and
his whole mind is now bent upon his
life in Christ. It is the failures and
successes of his Christian course that
are not to hinder or hamper him in
running and completing the race
that is set before him. The meta-
phor is taken from the race, the most
famous of all the competitions in the
Grecian games, where looking back
over the shoulder as the end of the
race drew near was so often fatal to
victory. Cf. the story of Atalanta.
stretching forward to the things
which are before., like the runner in
the race with head thrown forward
and body bent towards the goal.
14. the goal. Originally a mark
aimed at by an archer. Hence " the
end in view".
the prize. The Greek word is
rarely found in literature but is
common enough in the papyri where
it is frequently used to denote the
prize or reward for successful achieve-
ment.
of the high callincj of God' in
Christ Jesus. Lit. "the upwai'd call-
ing of God in Christ Jesus ", explain-
ing what the prize consists of. Cf.
Heb. iii. 1, "partakers of a heavenly
calling". The expression involves
two ideas. The call is from God in
heaven, and its motive is to raise men
up to heaven.
in Christ Jesus. Cf. Heb. xii. 2,
" Jesus the author and perfecter of
our faith ". Col. i. 27, "Christ in you,
58
PHILIPPIANS
[ill. 14-16
the hope of glory". It is through
Christ that the call comes and it is
in perfect union with Christ that the
response to the call is made possible.
15. Let Its ther(^i)7'<', as many as
be perfect^ he thus minded. This and
the following verse constitute one
of the few passages in the Epistle
that are difficult to interpret. The
Apostle's meaning is by no means
easy to determine, and befoi-e we can
arrive at a clear understanding of
what he does say we must first of all
decide upon the sense we attach to
the word "perfect" in the context.
If it means here what it obviously de-
notes in i\ 12, i.e. complete spiritual
maturity, St Paul can only have used
the word ironically, because the
whole point of the discussion in the
preceding verses is to accentuate the
fact that neither he nor any other
Christian has yet arrived at that
stage of perfection. We should then
translate " Let those of us who boast
of our ' perfection ' be thus minded ".
If, on the other hand, the Apostle is
speaking in a serious vein the term
must denote a difi"erent stage of
growth from tliat contemplated in
V. 12 and point to a relative perfec-
tion. In that case the passage would
be rendered, " Let those of us who
have left the stage of childhood and
are full grown men in the faith, but
have not yet arrived at perfect
maturity, be thus minded". I fail,
however, to see any reason for as-
suming that St Paul used the term
in two different senses within the
limits of a passage of this length, and
the expression in question can be
interpreted quite satisfactorily by
giving the word " perfect" its normal
meaning. St Paul is here speaking
in the spirit of irony. " Even sup-
posing some of us are as perfect as
we claim to be it will do us no harm
to exercise humiUty and distrust of
ourselves". His point is not what
these particular Philippian Chris-
tians actually are but what they
claim to be.
be thus minded, i.e. let them pre-
serve the frame of mind that he has
outlined in the preceding passage,
which involves humility and the con-
sciousness of the need of never-
ceasing effort which are the marks of
his own Christian endeavour.
and if in anything ye are otlier-
wise minded: "if we are not in
complete agreement upon this ques-
tion of 'perfection', if we differ as
to the precise stage of spiritual
development we have reached".
ecen this shall God rereal unto
you. " God will in His own good time
set you right in the matter. He will
reveal to you exactly where you
stand". St Paul assumes that they
are wrong in their view of Christian
perfection, but maintains that, in any
case, humility should be the mark of
the most mature Christian as it was
of Christ Himself, and promises that
for the humble-minded God has still
richer treasures of knowledge in
store.
16. only., whereunto we hace al-
ready attained., by that same rule let
us valk. Lit. " whereunto we have
attained let us walk in the same".
The translation in the A.V. "let
us walk by the same rule, let us
mind the same thing " wiis based on
a text which included explanatory
glosses interpolated from Gal. vi. IG,
" as many as shall walk by this rule ",
and Phil. ii. 4, "be of the same
mind ". The suggestion conveyed in
the former of the two glosses was
adopted by the Revisers, but quite
unnecessarily, as the Apostle's mean-
ing is clear and complete without the
intrusion of the extraneous word
III. 1 6- 1 8]
PHILIPPIANS
59
"rule". The Greek a-roixe't" means
" to walk in a straight line '', and in
view of this we should, therefore,
translate, " whatever be the stage of
development we have reached let us
keep to the line". St Paul has still
in mind the runner in the race and
is emphasising the vital necessity of
keeping to the course if the goal is
to be reached and the prize won.
(b) The protest against the " spiritual " parti/ is continued
but is now directed against another section of it, those
ivho affected to despise the body and in consequence fell
into j^agan immorality, 17 — 19
17 Brethren, be ye imitators together of me, and mark them
18 which so walk even as ye have us for an ensample. For
many walk, of whom 1 told you often, and now tell you
even weeping, that they are the enemies of the cross of
19 Christ: whose end is perdition, whose god is the belly,
and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things.
/ have warned you against one dangerous tendency which I hear is
gaining ground among you and I now put you on your guard against a
still more dangero^is peril which threatens you. As a Christian community
take me for your example so far as I folloio Christ and pay special heed
to those who walk in our steps. For there are among you some who hear
the name of Christ, of whom I have warned you before and do so now
with tears in my eyes, whose way of life is hostile to the Cross of Christ,
whose course must end in spiritual ruin. For their only motive is the
satisfaction of their animal nature and they actually pride themselves on
their shameful excesses and, though claiming .spiritual prerogatives, all
that they are really concerned with is of the earth, earthy.
17. Brethren, he ye imitators to-
gether (f me.
together. This may mean either
united action among themselves, i.e.
" be united in your imitation of me ",
or joint action with the Apostle,
" be imitators along with me in imi-
tating Christ" (Bengel), cf. 1 Cor.
xi. 1.
and mark them, which so walk
even as ye have us for an ensample.
The addition of this clause supports
the former of the two interpretations
of the preceding sentence and sug-
gests that the exhortation is to
united action among themselves.
"There are some among you who
already follow my example. Unite
wnih. them in their imitation of
me ".
18. The warning here is couched
in much more explicit terms than
that addressed to the other wing of
the "spiritual" party which was
prone to spiritual pride and false
confidence, but was apparently above
reproach in its moral life. It was
the antinomian tendency that con-
stituted the grave and pressing
danger in the Philippian Church.
60
PHILIPPIANS
[ill. 18-19
The " spiritual " party as a whole was
Gentile in character and this is par-
ticularly true of the group that is
condemned in this and the following
verse, because Jews, with all their
faults, were renowned for the order
and decency of their outward con-
duct. The Gentile Christians, on the
other hand, were in constant danger
because of their surroundings and of
their close contact with heathen im-
moral life. Of. 2 Cor. vi. 14-18.
of whom I told you often. The
eflFort to counteract the tendency of
the convert from paganism to re-
lapse into a heathen course of life
while still professing Christianity was
an unceasing factor in missionary
preaching. The Epistles to the Co-
rinthians witness to the gi'ave diffi-
culties which St Paul had to face
from this quarter.
even tceeping. " The teai's of the
Apostle have explained him to us.
The power of his Apostleship was in
his personal Christianity, and his
personal Christianity was a Chris-
tianity of tears. By tears of grief
he subdued others by gaining their
sympathy ; by tears of love he gained
love, and by tears of tenderness he
persuaded others by the simplicity
of his GosiJel" (Adolphe Monod,
Sermon on " The tears of St Paul "),
cf. Acts XX. 31 : 2 Cor. ii. 4.
enemies of the cross of Christ.
The Cross is, in this Epistle, the
crowning point of our Lord's humilia-
tion and obedience. For a professing
Christian to indulge in sins of the
flesh and to plunge into immorality
was to wage wai- against all that was
signified by the Cross and a direct
denial of our Lord's teaching. "If
any man will come after me, let him
deny himself and take up his cross
and follow me". The fact that the
Ajwstle in 1 Cor. i. 23, speaks of the
Cross as an oflFence to the Jews does
not necessarily imply that it was an
offence to none but Jews and that,
in consequence, the Christians ar-
raigned here must have been Jewish
Christians. St Paul's incture of the
outward life of those condemned in
this passage is a fairly clear indica-
tion that they were Gentile and not
Jewish Christians.
19. end. The word reXo? implies
more than mere cessation and in-
cludes the idea of the attainment of a
goal. Hence we might translate "the
natural result and the end", cf. Rom.
vi. 21, "the end^the full out-working
—of these things is death ".
perdition. The loss of everything
that makes Hfe worth living, exclu-
sion from the Kingdom of God and
the glorious eternal home of the
righteous, cf. Rev. xxii. 15. The close
of an ancient Coptic spell in a magi-
cal papyrus reads, " give you over to
blank chaos in utter destruction ".
whose god i.s the belly. A general
term implying grossness and sen-
suality and involving a view of life
limited by the body and its basest
needs.
whose glory is in their shame,
" who pride themselves on those very
sins of which as Christians they
should be deeply ashamed". For a
similar thought with reference to
pagan life, cf. Rom. i. 32.
irho mind earthly thiugx. An
allusion to the doctrine held by the
so-called "spiritual" as to the in-
difference of the body and its uses.
" Your vaunted spirituality is after
all but a cloke for sin and your phi-
losophy is only an excuse for im-
morality and self-indulgence. With
all your talk of high thinking and
your assumption of superiority your
mind is es.sentially concerned with
things of earth and vour soul seldom
III. .9-20] PHILIPPIANS 61
rises above it ". We have here per- contempt and led to asceticism on
haps early traces of the Gnostic doc- the one hand and tograve libertinism
trine which viewed the body with on the other.
(c) The incompatibility of this sensual life icith the position
of Christians as a colony of heaven, ivhose Saviour is
in heaven, and icith the future glory mvaiting the body,
20—21
20 For our ^citizenship is in heaven; from whence also we
21 wait for a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ: who shall
fashion anew the body of our humiliation, that it may
be conformed to the body of his glory, according to the
working whereby he is able even to subject all things unto
himself.
1 Or, commonwealth
For ice Christians must hear in mind that tee are now only a colony
and that heacen is our mother-State, and that from, this far land of ours
we look to heaven for the coming of a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who
shall change and make aneio this hody of ours that is now subject to weak-
ness, decay, and death and make it like the hody that He wears in glory,
through the working of the Divine power that is His, whereby all things
are made to acknowledge His supremacy.
20. For, either in contrast to ment from a mother city whose
" mind earthly things " or, better, as organisation it copied, and this would
a protest against the whole concep- seem to give the best meaning here
tion of the Christian life delineated (cf Souter, s.v,). See Moffatt's trans-
in the preceding paragraph. lation, " We are a colony of heaven",
is, "is in its essence". The Greek a rendering which suggests the tran-
word is the same as that in ii. 6, sitoriness of our sojourn on earth,
" being in the form of God " and the glory of the State to which we
denotes that the " citizenship " is the belong, and our enjoyment of the
possession of the Christian now and privileges which are inherent in our
not something that is to be his in mother-State, as well as the momen-
the world beyond. tous duties and responsibilities which
citizenship. The original means are incumbent upon those who are
strictly " what one does as a citizen" its citizens. This sense of the term
from which it came to have the would make a special appeal to the
meaning of constitution, citizenship, Philippians whose proudest boast
and franchise and in process of time was that they were Romans and
was used to indicate the state or whose city was in some of its most
commonwealth. It is used occa- notable features a miniature of
sionally to denote a colony or settle- Rome, cf Acts xvi. 21.
6a
PHILIPPIANS
[ill. ao— 21
from whence. The reference is
not to "heaven" as would appear
from the R.V., but to the "colony".
The Saviour is expected to come
from heaven, but the hope and expec-
tation of His coming are cherished
in the colony on earth.
we wait. The original is a rare
Greek word which means " we await
eagerly" and is possibly a word
manufactured by St Paul himself. It
is used in the apocryphal "Acts of
Paul" in the sense of "waiting for"
and is found in the New Testament,
outside the Pauline Epistles, in Heb.
ix. 28, 1 St Peter iii. 20, where in
both instances it has probably been
borrowed from St Paul.
Saviour. This is a word which
constantly occurs in the LXX as the
translation of a term closely asso-
ciated with God, cf Isaiah xlv. 21,
" a just God and a Saviour ". It also
occupied an important place in
Greek religion. Zeus, Apollo, Ascle-
pius, Hermes, were all worshipped
under the title of " Saviour ". It
was afterwards applied to heroic
men and particularly to the suc-
cessors of Alexander, Ptolemies and
Seleucids. Finally it was again and
again ascribed to the Emperor
Augustus, cf an inscription in the
island of Philae, where Augustus
is spoken of as "He who arose a
Saviour, Zeus most mighty". The
designation emphasised the clemency
and grace of the Emperor, qualities
which were peculiarly valued by sub-
jects in the Roman Provinces. The
"Saviour" in this sense was the
helper in time of need, the bringer of
deliverance. Hadrian is also called
in an inscription (Dittenberg, Syll.
383) "the Saviour who rescued and
nurtured his own Hellas". The lan-
guage of the New Testament in such
passages as St John iv. 12, "the
Saviour of the world", and 2 Tim.
i. 10, " the appearing of our Sa\iour
Jesus Christ " suggests a more or less
conscious adoption of language and
ideas from the Imperial cult, on
the part of Christian wTiters. The
combination of "citizenship" and
"Saviour" in this verse also seems
to point to an analogous influence.
The supreme test of loyalty for citi-
zens of the Empire was adherence
to the worship of the Imperial ruler
who was Lord, Saviour, and God.
The Christian commonwealth also
had its Lord and Saviour, but they
both in reality belong to the unseen
world. (See H. A. A. Kennedy in
Expositor., VI. vii. p. 300, to whom
I am indebted for this note.)
The position of " Saviour " in the
sentence is emphatic. "A Saviour
it is that we look for, even our Lord
Jesus Christ".
the Lord Jesus Christ. The full
title signifies the coming of our Lord
in the plenitude of His power and
glory and points, therefore, to His
second coming.
21. who shall fashio?i anew the
body of our humiliation. St Paul
has no sympathy with those who take
the low view of the body and its func-
tions that was characteristic of the
Stoic and other philosophies. It is
always regarded by him with rever-
ence, it is "the temple of the Holy
Ghost " and is to share fully in the
redemption through Christ. It is a
" body of humiliation " because while
on earth it is subject to weakness,
suffering, and death. This mortal
is, however, to put on immortality
and the weakness of the body of
humiliation is to be transformed into
the power and glory of the "spiritual
body' while still retaining its j)er-
sonal identity and sense of individu-
ality, cf 1 Cor. XV.
in. 2i]
PHILIPPIANS
63
fashion anew, coT{formed. It is
significant that in these two com-
pound verbs there should be found
the nouns "fashion" and "form"
which the Apostle had already used
in ii. 6, 7. There he applies them to
Christ Himself, here they are used of
the human body.
humiliation, glory. Equally sig-
nificant is the use here of the very
terms which St Paul employed with
reference to the humiliation and
exaltation of Christ. The human
body which has shared in the humili-
ation of Christ is also to be partaker
of His glory.
the working. The word is used
in the New Testament only of the
superhuman power of God or the
devil. It is used of the power of
God in Ephes. i. 19, iii. 7, iv. 16,
Col. ii. 12, and of the power of Satan
in 2 Thess. ii. 9. It involves the
thought of "efficiency arising from
power ". Cf 1 Cor. xv. 26 f , where
the subjection of the world-power is
to usher in the glory of Christ.
unto himself. The aim and end
of our redemption, body and soul, is
the service and glory of Christ. It
is the outcome of His will and its
final purpose is the full accomplish-
ment of that gracious will.
CHAPTER IV
VII. (a) The Apostle now takes up the main thread of the
letter which had been ahruptly broken off at iii. 1 a and
once again impresses upon the Philijypiatis the need of
steadfastness and unity, mentioning in p>articular tivo
women, Euodia and Syntyche, who were probably the
source of the disunion which troubled the Church, 1 — 3
IV. 1 Wherefore, my brethren beloved and longed for,
my joy and crown, so stand fast in the Lord, my beloved.
2 I exhort Euodia, and I exhort Syntyche, to be of the
3 same mind in the Lord. Yea, I beseech thee also, true
yokefellow, help these women, for they laboured with me
in the gospel, with Clement also, and the rest of my fellow-
workers, whose names are in the book of life.
And now let me once again revert to the subject I was discussing when
I was interrupted and make a final appeal to you to stand firm and
steadfast in the faith with Christ as your strength and stay, for you are
my brethren whom, I love and long to see, my joy and pledge of victory.
I beseech Euodia and I beseech Syntyche to compose their differences in the
spirit of the Lord, and I entreat thee also, my true comrade, to take a hand
in making peace between these women, for they ought to be helped seeing
64
PHILIPPIANS
[IV. 1-3
that they contended at mij side on behalf of the Onspel, as did Clement
and many another helper of mine, whose names are written in the book
of life.
1. Wherefore. The connection
here is not with what immediately
precedes, because at this point the
Apostle seems to lose sight of the
particular section whose tendencies
he has just condemned and is now
concerned with the Church as a
whole. The "wherefore'' then looks
back to the earlier part of the Epistle
where he has been inculcating the
need of steadfastness and unity.
m,y brethren beloved and longed
for. An impressive expression of
the Apostle's sense of loss caused by
his enforced separation from them.
One of his severest trials as a prisoner
was that his bonds prevented his
free movement among the Churches.
Because they were his "beloved"
they were "missed" by him. For
"longed for" cf. i. 8, 26 : Rom. i. 11,
XV. 23.
my joy and crown. A favourite
expression with St Paul. Cf. 1 Thess.
ii. 19, 20, which enables us to realise
the exact thought in the Apostle's
mind here, for the reference in the
verse quoted is definitely to our
Lord's second coming. It, therefore,
completes the idea contained in ii.
16, "that I did not run in vain neither
labour in vain". The Churches that
he founded and built up in Christ are
to be the proof and reward of his
labour in that day when Christ shall
test every man's work.
crown. The wreath worn by the
victor in the games and not the
diadem of the monarch.
so stand fant in the Lord. This
looks back to i. 27. See note on that
verse.
2. / exhort Eiiodia, and I exhort
Si/ntyche. These were two women
who played a prominent part in
Church life in PhiHppi. (See Int.
p. XX for the position of women in
Macedonia.) The presence of "ex-
hort" before each name emphasises
the Apostle's personal appeal to
them. The jealousies and ambitions
of women were one of the main
sources of dissension and weakness
in the Church and to some extent
explain St Paul's repeated exhorta-
tions to unity in the Epistle. Ramsay
{Ex2V>sitor, VI. x, p. 45) is of opinion
that one of the women was identical
with Lydia, this being only her
secondary name pointing to her native
country and being equivalent to
"the Lydian", and that the primary
name was Euodia or Syntyche. The
secondary name was frequently used
in ordinary practice as the more
familiar designation, just as the
shorter name was often used for
the longer as in the case of Silas
for Silvanus, ApoUos for Apollonius,
and Prisca for Priscilla. Whether
Lydia is indicated here or not it is
more than probable that the women
belonged to the original circle of
disciples at Philippi, were closely
connected with Lydia, and had been
important factors in the develop-
ment of the life of the Church since
its foundation.
to be of the same mind in the
Lord. The very atmosphere and
si)irit of Christianity and their own
union with the Lord ought to have
placed them above all jealousy and
ambition in the past, and in the
future these influences ought to pave
the way to mutual peace and unity.
3. true yoke^felluic. The Greek
o-i'^Dyoy might possibly be a proper
IV. 3]
PHILIPPIANS
65
name, Syzyges, but no such name
has as yet been discovered among
the abundant literary remains of
the age. If it is a proper name the
Apostle plays upon its meaning as
he does with that of Onesimus in
Philemon 10, "a true yokefellow,
as your name implies". It is more
probably, however, just an ordinary
noun referring to some well-known
person either at Philippi or among
the Apostle's own companions. Many
suggestions have been offered as to
the identity of this person, some of
them interesting and some of them
grotesque, as e.g. the suggestion that
the reference is to Lydia who was
married to St Paul ! A plausible
solution is that "the true yokefellow"
was either Epaphroditus who was
to be the bearer of the letter, or
Timothy who was actually writing
the letter and was to visit Philippi
shortly. The description of the latter
in ii. 20 as one "who will truly (the
same word as true yokefellow) cai-e
for your state " supports the sugges-
tion that he may be the person in
question here. If so the appeal was
an aside on the part of the Apostle,
"and do you, my good comrade,
when you get to Philippi help to
bring about peace between these
two women", which became incor-
porated in the letter. (Cf. Bd-
mmidson, Bampton Lectures, 1913,
p. 111.)
If not a companion of St Paul
he was probably some prominent
member of the Philippian Church
the reference to whom would be
easily recognised by the readers of
the Epistle but of whom we have no
knowledge. He might have been
one of the "bishops" mentioned in
i. 1.
AeZjt?="Iend a hand" in reconcil-
ing these women, or perhaps "help"
them in the work they are doing for
the Gospel.
for they laboured with me. The
Greek involves the idea of conflict
and struggle and is, therefore, a
fitting description of those who had
been members of the Church from
its foundation and had shared in the
Apostle's work and sufl'erings. Cf.
Moffatt's translation, "they fought
at my side in the active service of
the Gospel ".
with Clement als(\ and the rest of
my fellow-workers. This sentence
is to be connected with "laboured
with me" and not with "help".
Clement is a name found in a Phi-
lippian inscription of the period.
Cf Int. p. xiv.
the hook of life. This is an ex-
pression of long standing and is
found as early as Exodus xxxii. 32.
It is also used frequently in the
Psalms. Cf. especially Psalm Ixix.
28, "Let them be blotted out of
the book of the living ". In Mai. iii.
16 the prophet speaks of a "book
of remembrance" which was "written
before God for them that found the
Lord and that thought upon his
name". In Dan. vii. 10 we read of
the "books" being opened and again
in xii. 1 of " every one that shall be
found written in the book", and a
similar distinction between "the
book" and "the books" is found in
Rev. XX. 12. The "books" were
apparently a record of the deeds
of all who were judged whereas the
"book of life" only included those
who were destined to eternal salva-
tion. Cf Rev. xiii. 8, "every one
whose name hath not been written
in the book of life of the Lamb".
The figure was probably borrowed
originally from civil lists or registei-s
in which the names of the citi-
zens were inscribed. Cf. iii. 20. An
66 PHILIPPIANS [IV. 3-4
interesting survival of the terra is Tribes in his 'Exposition of the
mentioned in i\\e Journal of Theo- Offices of the Church' in the fol-
logical Studies, Vol. xiii. p. 580 f. lowing terms : 'The Book of Life
"The Book of Life was a form of which is laid upon the altar before
diptych in the Syriac liturgy of St the consecration of the mysteries
James which was read in connection shows the commemoration of the
with the kiss of peace. A copy of saints and their fellowship with
this ' Liber Vitae' exists in the Christ and that their names have
Vatican Library. It is described been ^\Titten in the book of life
by George, Bishop of the Arab which is in heaven '".
(b) A general exhortation to a spirit of joyfidness, patience,
considerateness, and trust in God, closing with a bene-
diction, 4 — 7
4 ^Rejoice in the Lord alway : again I will say, ^Rejoice.
5 Let your ^forbearance be known unto all men. The Lord
6 is at hand. In nothing be anxious ; but in everything by
prayer and supplication with thanksgiving let your requests
7 be made known unto God. And the peace of God, which
passcth all understanding, shall guard your hearts and
your thoughts in Christ Jesus.
^ Or, Farewell ^ Or, gentleness
Now the sum and substance of all that I have written to you is included
in one pregnaiit 2^hrase, '"'' Rejoice in the Lord'\ a precept that I can
never too often rejyeat. Let all the world see your considerateness and
realise that you are not unduly insistent upon your just rights, for the
day of the Lord is at hand ichen all injustice and inequality shall he
redressed. Do not let consuming care make your lives a burden to you
but in all your affairs have recourse to prayer. Live your lives as in the
presence of God and both by prayer and thanksgiving make all your needs
known to Him, And the peace of God which can achieve far more than
any thought or device of yours sfuill guard your souls and keep them safe
against all dangers, for in Christ you have an impregnable fortress.
4. R^oice. Souter maintains that difficult to account for. Moreover
the verb xa'P"'' i" the Imperative the coiTesponding noun "joy" is
always denotes a "greeting" and that one of the dominant notes of the
the sense here is, therefore, that of Epistle : it is better, therefore, to
" farewell ". The somewhat peculiar accept the Revisers' translation. The
repetition of the injmiction in this thought would then be illustrated
passage is quite intelligible if we take by Clem. Alex. Paed. i. xx. 3, 4,
the word in the sense of "rejoice", "the 'new people' are always happy,
but if it meant "farewell " it is always in the full bloom of thought.
IV. 4-7]
PHILIPPIANS
67
always at spring-time", and again in
Paed. I. xxii. 1, "the Chui-ch is the
one thing in the world that always
rejoices".
5. your forbearance. Matthew
Arnold described this quality as
the "sweet reasonableness" which
he found to be so marked a feature
in the character of Jesus. It is also
perhaps the most definite character-
istic of the spirit w^hich animates
this Epistle as a whole. In Classical
Greek the word signified equity as
opposed to strict law, gentleness as
opposed to contentiousness, and the
best English equivalent for it is
possibly "considerateness" or "large-
heartedness". The word is employed
by St Paul in 2 Cor. x. 1, where he
speaks of the "meekness and gentle-
ness of Christ ", and there is in the
use of the word in our context an
unspoken appeal to the spirit of
Christ who had not insisted on His
own privileges. Cf ii. 5-8. "Exhibit
in your omi lives that which was
such a beautiful trait in the Master's
character, and do not be too insis-
tent upon what is perhaps your just
due".
The Lord is at hand. Cf. 1 Cor.
xvi. 22, where the original Aramaic
form of the expression, " Maran-atha ",
is preserved. This had probably
come to be a familiar form of
salutation in the primitive Church,
and it is significant that while the
Apostle had to some extent modi-
fied the eschatological views he
entertained in his earlier Epistles
the old phraseology still survives.
The expression is also connected in
thought with what precedes, "the
day of the Lord, the day of rejoicing
is near at hand. He will adjust
all your grievances". A rendering
which gives quite a diff'erent turn
to the expression is favoured by
some scholars who interpret "near"
in a local sense and translate "The
Lord is near to you, by your side".
Cf Psalm cxlv. 18, "The Lord is
nigh unto all that call upon Him".
This rendering suits the context
admirably and were it not for the
fact that the use of the expression
elsewhere in the New Testament
and its peculiar ejaculatory fonn
deinand the eschatological connec-
tion one might say that the second
is the preferable of the two trans-
lations.
6. In nothing he anxious. "Be
care-ful for nothing" in the old
sense of the word "care-ful". Con-
siderateness towards others and a
joyous, confident view of life shoiild
be the normal characteristics of the
Christian. Cf Sermon on the Mount,
to which there may be a conscious
reference.
hut in everijthing = in all the
details and trials of life, great and
small.
prayer and supplication with
thanksgiving. These are three in-
variable components of St Paul's
own prayers as we saw in i. 3-11.
Cf. also 1 Tim. ii. 1.
prayer is the atmosphere and
spirit of prayer, the realising of
God's presence.
supplication is the spirit of prayer
in action.
requests ai'e the actual favours
which are asked of God in prayer.
unto God signifies the direction
of the prayer as well as the need of
the consciousness of God's presence
and of His readiness to hear when
we pray.
7. the peace of God. Cf. i. 2 :
iv. 9. This is the answer to the
prayer, the peace which comes from
God and calms all the inward
tumults of the soul by removing all
5—2
68
PHILIPPIANS
[IV. 7
traces of self-assertion and carking
care.
which passeth all understanding.
This may mean cither (1) "surpass-
ing every thought", i.e. "achieving
infinitely more than any care or
thought of your own can accomp-
lish", or (2) " surpassing your wildest
dreams". The first is better because
it brings into marked contrast what
God's peace and man's thought can
accomplish and, therefore, carries on
the idea contained in the exhorta-
tion "in nothing be anxious". It
also gives a more coiTect rendering
of the Greek which represents the
"faculty of thought" rather than
the action of the faculty. Cf Ephes.
lii. 19.
guard. The original means "to
garrison" and the figure is that of
a garrison in a citadel keeping watch
over a city. In all Hellenistic cities
this body had a twofold duty to per-
form, to keep peace within the city
itself and to protect it against attacks
from outside. So the peace of God
guards the soul against the attacks
of temptation from outside and keeps
order among the discordant elements
within the soul itself There is an
intentional contrast between the two
words — peace and guard. Peace
will be the truest sentry in the
spiritual war.
your hearts and your thoughts.
The whole inner being of the Chris-
tian, his emotions, his affections, his
will, and his thoughts are the objects
of God's constant care and protec-
tion.
in Christ Jesus. " He is the
citadel, a fortress of rest and holi-
ness ; the peace of God is the
sentinel". (Moule.)
(c) An appeal to the Philippians to study and value all
that is beautiful and admirable in pagan morality, and
to practise all that is estijnable in his oum Christian
life, 8—9
8 Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatso-
ever things are honourable, whatsoever things are just,
whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely,
whatsoever things are ^of good report; if there be any
virtue, and if there be any praise, ^think on these things.
9 The things which ye both learned and received and heard
and saw in me, these things do : and the God of peace
shall be with you.
1 Gr. reverend.
2 Or, gracious
3 Gr. take account of.
Finally, brethren, T would have you take into your calculation all that
is best and noblest in the pagan life aro2ivd yoxi. Whaterer is true, ichat-
eeer is admirable, whatever is just, whatever w ;')«<r^, whatever is lovely
and gracious, whatever of value there is in heathen virtue and whatever
is worthy of praise in heathen life, these things you are to reckon icith and
IV. 8]
PHILIPPIANS
69
appraise. Be not content, hotceeer, tcith this pagan ideal hut let the
Christian teaching that I gam you and the Christian example that I set
you he the ruling principles of your daily life and action. Then indeed
shall the God of peace he with you.
8. Ou St Paul's appreciation of
what was beautiful and ethical in
pagan life see Int. p. Ixxi.
St Paul wishes the Philippian
Christians not to imagine that all
goodness lies within their own circle
in such a sense as to lead them to
ignore or despise or fail to admire
the goodness that lies outside them,
tlie heathen world and its civic life.
To the Apostle goodness is good-
ness, truth is truth, and righteousness
is righteousness wherever it is found,
and if they would take account of it
they would find it a further ground
for faith in God and belief that all
things are summed up in Christ.
true. (1) Truthfulness, the great
Persian virtue (Herodot. i. 136),
which will not pretend to what it
does not really feel. Cf Gen. xlii.
11, "We be true men".
(2) Truth of thought, i.e. a recog-
nition of the facts of human life,
not simply as they are but as they
are in the sight of God, in their
ideal : the laying hold of the prin-
ciples that explain and unify them.
This was the great object of Greek
thought, and St Paul was probably
thinking of the truths he had learnt
from Stoicism which had been vital-
ised for him by his conversion.
Jionourahle. In the A.V. "honest".
Margin "venerable". In the R.V.
"honourable". Margin "reverend".
A better rendering than any of
these perhaps would be "august",
"majestic", "dignified". To the
Philippians and to the Apostle
himself the word would be primarily
associated with the Greek gods and
goddesses, especially with the 2f/xi/ai
Qea'i, the witnesses to the reality of
conscience and sin and its penalties.
The word would also remind them
of the temples of the gods, the
heathen mysteries, and indeed of all
heathen religions, which even at
their lowest represent men's awe
before the dreadful gods and at
their best represent the belief that
God is worthy to receive the best,
the richest, the grandest gifts that
we can oft'er Him.
It is also used of human character,
and this is the case always in the
New Testament where it is confined
to the Pastoral Epistles. Cf. Titus
ii. 2, 7 : 1 Tim. iii. 8. Here it would
represent the "gravitas", the noble
seriousness of the best Roman type.
just, i.e. right in the relation of
man to man.
To St Paul and his converts the
term would represent all that they
connected with the Roman govern-
ment, the whole fabric of law and of
the law-courts, the magistrate as the
minister of God to punish and to
reward, as well as the commercial
system of the Empire. The occur-
rence of the word here illustrates the
Apostle's appreciation of what was
the best and noblest characteristic
of the Roman people and of its
most valuable contribution to a later
world, its splendid conception of
law and its strong sense of justice,
the value of which he himself had
experienced more than once in his
stormy career.
pure, in the sense of stainless and
free from defilement. The reference
may be first of all to the cei'emonial
purity among he Jews who met for
70
PHILIPPIANS
[IV. 8
M'orship and prayer by tlie river,
which was a witness to God's holiness.
Then again dyvrj was the special
epithet of Artemis, the Virgin-God-
dess, and was used in this connection
to denote those whose lives were
consecrated to religion. Further
there would be associated with the
word the thought of domestic purity
which in the best Roman life reached
a higli standard, as we find from in-
sci-iptions and from Pliny's letters.
Lastly perhajjs it rcjiresented the
real purity of thought essential in
those approaching a temple. An
inscription over a temple of Aescu-
lajiius reads :
"Pure must they be who pass this
fragrant shrine within,
And pure alone are they whose thoughts
are free from sin".
lovely, of good report. The Greek
words here are both ambiguous, but
both give the tenderer side of life
on its attractive side, in relation
between man and mm rather than
in relation to God.
lovely is so translated in the A.
and R.V.'s but it certainly includes
the idea of "friendly" : all that there
is of friendliness in the world. To
St Paul the word would revive
pleasant memories of the kindness
and friendliness of the gaoler at
Philippi and of the barbarians of
Malta. It is the recognition of
brotherhood and of the call to ser-
vice wliere there is need, and the
instinct of trust which is a child's
attitude to anyone : it is all that we
mean by courtesy, graciousness. If
"lovely" is the right meaning the
word opens out a wealth of imagina-
tion, the beauty of nature calling
upward to the thought of God's
beauty : the beauty of art in its
effort to reproduce and surpass the
beauty of nature : human beauty on
its deepest side, the beauty of a noble
expression.
of good report. So translated in
both the A. and R.V.'s and perhaps
rightly. If so the phrase is akin to
"if there be any praise" later on in
the verse. But the word is more
probably active in sense, i.e. "well
speaking" rather than "well-spoken
of", "gracious" as in the Margin of
the R.V. and, therefore, closely
associated with the previous word
"lovely", although it points rather
to words than to deeds. The word
would recall to St Paul (1) The
language of religious reverence, the
awed silence in the heathen temples,
the tribute of the anima naturaliter
Christiana to the awful dread pre-
sence of God. (2) The language of
" euphemism " ; the kindly desire to
speak gently of the WTong doings
of others, the utterance of the charity
which covers all things. (3) Perhaps
the beauty of poetry and music : the
poet's desire to express things at
their best, \ai\\ its tribute to the
spiritual aspect of things; the mu-
sician's eflFort to express the mani-
fold feelings stirred by the deepest
thoughts.
if there be any virtue, and if
there be any praise. These are
comprehensive phrases but too
general to dwell upon in detail.
if there he any cirtue, "wherever
you see any of the four great cardinal
virtues of Plato or any of the virtues
of Aristotle's Ethics", or more widely,
" whatever excellence there is, there
is a tribute to man's striving after
perfection and to the spirit's control
of the body".
// there be any praise. Whether
it be the magistrates' praise of well
doing or the state's decree in recog-
nition of civic merit or even the
praise awarded to the victor in the
IV. 8-9]
PHILIPPIANS
71
games, there is a tribute to man's
glad recognition of excellence and
to his delight in it, to the value of
human judgment.
think on these things, "think
these thoughts, draw them into your
mind as a preparation for action " or
"think about these things, reckon
^vith them, take account of them
in your doctrine". Either exegesis
implies a filling and a purifying of
the mind. The value of thinking
consists in the fact that it enlarges
the sense of the working of God's
spirit in the world and gives a deeper
sense of the naturalness of religion.
In St Paul's mind this should lead up
to corresponding action, for he passes
at once to a definite command : "the
things which ye both learned and
received and heard and saw in me,
these tuings do".
The whole paragi-aph is a noble
illustration of iSt Paul's sensitiveness
to the higher aspirations of those
whom he strove to win for the faith
which to him represented an im-
measurably higher standard of life.
There is not in the whole literature
of Greece a more sympathetic picture
of pagan ideals than those which
St Paul sets before the Philippian
Christians. It is the Hellenist that
is speaking here, the man who had
learnt amidst the surroundings of
his early life and education to admire
Greek culture and all that was
beautiful in Greek life. And yet all
through we recognise the restraint
which he exercised in view of the
Hebraist and the Christian in him.
He had known too well the dark
side of pagan life to be absolutely
whole-hearted in his admiration of it.
9. It is not easy to decide whether
the Apostle has still in mind the
qualitieslie commends in the previous
verse when he speaks of "the things
which ye both learned and received
and heard and saw in me" or whether
he has now passed on to consider
specific Christian virtues. The con-
trast between "these things do" and
"think on these things" of v. 8 seems
to point to a different category of
virtues here. The pagan qualities
are to be taken into account, weighed
and valued, and then, if proved
worthy, are to become factors in
their daily lives, but the definite
Christian graces, love, joy, peace,
longsuftering, or even these same
pagan qualities passed through the
crucible of Christ as they saw them
exemplified in the Apostle himself,
required no weighing in the balance :
their value was self-evident, and it
only remained to put them into
action.
which ye both learned... and saw
in me. We note here the boldness
of the Apostle's appeal to his own
example^ cf iii. 17, 1 Cor. xi. 1, "Be
ye imitators of me even as I am of
Christ". We might have expected
him to appeal directly to the example
of Christ and yet his appeal is justi-
fied by two thoughts. (1) We have
to be believed in by others (cf 1 Tim.
iv. 12), because those whom we strive
to influence have to begin ^\'ith our-
selves, though we pass them on to
the source of all goodness in us.
(2) We have to be ourselves : to come
to God to find our real self, our best
self. We learn at once our limita-
tions and dependence but we leani
also our strength and our gifts. Cf.
Gal. ii. 20: 1 Cor. xv. 10.
and the God of peace shall be with
you. In V. 7 he had spoken of the
peace of God which was to calm all
their anxieties and accomplish all
that their own thinking and planning
could not do. Here we have the
reverse side of the picture. They
72 PHILIPPIANS [IV. 9-11
had their work to do, their Christian secure for them the presence and
life to develop in every direction, the blessing of the God who brings
but fiiithful effort on their part would peace.
VIII. An expression of the Apostle's gratitude for
THE PhILIPPIANS' GIFT TO HIMSELF, 10 — 20
(«) A recognition of the unfailing goodwill of the Philippian
Church, coupled with an assertion of his own indepen-
dence of material conditions because of his comjjlete
dependence upon the power of Christ within him, 10 — 13
10 But I ^rejoice in the Lord greatly, tliat now at length
36 have revived your thought for me; ^wherein ye did
11 indeed take thought, but ye lacked opportunity. Not
that I speak in respect of want: for I have learned, in
12 whatsoever state I am, therein to be content. I know how
to be abased, and I know also how to abound : in every-
thing and in all things have I learned the secret both to
be filled and to be hungry, both to abound and to be in
13 want. I can do all things in him that strengtheneth me.
1 Gr. rejo'ced. 2 Qr, seeing that
And now before I close my letter I have one pleasing duty to perfm-m.
It filled my heart with joy to find your care for me blossoming into life
again. Not indeed that there ever was a tim,e when you ceased to care for
me. It was not the caring but the opportunity for translating it into
action that was lacking. But it was not my own personal need that made
your gift so precious. For I have now learned the lesson of Christia?i inde-
pendence and contentment. Whether the tide of prosperity is running
low or tchether it is at the fiood is all one to me: among all the changes
and chances of life, whether I am fed or hungry, whether I am rich or
poor, I have penetrated the real secret of living. It consists in the fact that
I have all p>oiC!er through Christ tcho dwells in me and makes me strong.
10. revived. A word used of showing your love for nie in a prac-
flowers blooming again in springtime. tical fashion".
Cf. Ecclus. xi. 22, "and suddenly He 11. Not that I speak in respect
maketh His blessing to flourish". of want. "My gi-atitude is not a
wherein = (1) "with reference to beggar's thanks for charity". (Agar
the matter I have just mentioned", Beet.)
or (2), as in the Margin of the R. V., want. A word only used here and
"seeing that", i.e. "I rejoiced because in St Mark xii. 44, "She of her
you at length had an opportunity of icant did cast in all that she had",
IV. II-I2]
PHILTPPIANS
73
and apparently signifying extreme
poverty.
for I have learned. St Paul's
sense of independence of material
conditions was not a natural endow-
ment but a lesson that he had learnt
with some effort and difficulty.
in whatsoever state I am. Better,
"in my present state whatever that
may entail". The reference is not
a general one, but has in view the
Apostle's position at that particular
time.
to he content. The corresponding
Greek noun avrdpKeia which denotes
the sufficiency of one who is inde-
pendent of external circumstances
was used by the Stoics to describe
the dominant disposition of the
"wise" man. It is used in this sense
by St Paul in 2 Cor. ix. 8, "having
all sufficiency in everything". Cf.
1 Tim. vi. 6. On the difference be-
tween the Christian and Stoic self-
sufficiency, cf. Findlay, Christian
Doctrine and Morals: "The self-
sufficiency of the Christian is rela-
tive : an independence of the world
through dependence upon God. The
Stoic self-sufficiency pretends to be
absolute. One is the contentment
of faith, the other of pride. Cato
and Paul both stand erect and fear-
less before a persecuting world : one
with a look of rigid and defiant scorn,
the other with a face now lighted up
with unutterable joy in God, now
cast down with sorrow and wet with
tears for God's enemies. The Chris-
tian martyr and the Stoic suicide are
the final examples of these two me-
morable and contemporaneous pro-
tests against the evils of the world".
12. / knotc. This is the result
of the lesson he had learnt.
to be abased. The Greek word is
used of the dropping of a river after
a flood or of the levelling of a height.
Cf. St Luke iii. 5, "Every mountain
and hill shall be brought low". The
meaning attached to the word by
St Paul is illustrated by 2 Cor. xi. 7,
" Did I commit a sin in abasing my-
self that ye might be exalted becaiise
I preached to you the Gospel of God
for nought ?" where it has the sense
of "keeping myself low", perhaps
with reference to his working as a
tent-maker but more probably point-
ing to the comparative poverty which
was the result of his self-denying-
action. So it comes to denote any
form of adversity, a going down into
reproach, poverty, or sorrow. There
is in the use of the word here an echo
of the humiliation of the Master
which the Apostle has described so
poignantly in ii. 6.
to abound. Lit. "to overflow";
the very antithesis of the thought
expressed in "to be abased".
i7i everything and in all things.
This phrase involves two ideas, every
individual circumstance of life, and
life as a whole.
have I learned the secret. The
original, from which our English word
"niysterj'" is derived, denotes the
act of initiation into the secrets and
privileges of the "Mystery Religions"
of Greece and the East and furnishes
another instance of the Apostle's
habit of using terms derived from
pagan life and religion which were
familiar to his readers in order to
illustrate his own ideas. From its
use in connection with the "Mys-
teries" the term came to have the
sense of "to become familiar with"
which is the meaning here. "I have
been initiated into, have become
familiar with, the secret". The past
participle came eventually to be used
to denote a baptized Christian, i.e.
one who had been initiated into the
Christian Mysteries.
5—5
74 PHILIPPIANS [IV. i.-i.^
to hr fifhd. This word originally cumstances in the i)ower with which
denoted tlie feeding of animals with Christ has endowed him. To him
grass from which it came to have the there belongs now the fullest and
meaning of "to be filled to reple- completest self-sufficiency which is
tion". Cf. St Matt. v. 6. compatible with hisutterdependence
13. / can do all things. The upon Christ. It is related that when
Greek requires a stronger expression, Cromwell was dying he asked that
"I have all power". The verse as a rr. ll-l:i of this chapter should be
whole is an expansion of the pre- read to him and that after this
ceding and explains the secret into was done he repeated the passage
which he has been initiated. He has to himself so that the last words
learned not only how to be filled and heard from his lips were, "I can
to be hungry, how to overflow and do all things through Christ which
be in want, but he has realised also strengtheneth me",
that he is absolute master of all cir-
{h) The assertion of his own self-sufficiencif in Christ is now
coupled ivith a grateful achwivledgment of the Philip-
pians' kind thought for himself on this as well as on
previous occasions, for ivhich kindness God will i-epay
them, 14—19
14 Howbeit ye did well, that ye had fellowship \dth my
15 affliction. And ye yourselves also know, ye Philippians,
that in the beginning of the gospel, when I departed from
Macedonia, no church had fellowship with me in the matter
16 of giving and receiving, but ye only ; for even in Thessa-
17 lonica ye sent once and again unto my need. Not that I
seek for the gift ; but I seek for the fruit that increaseth
18 to your account. But I have all things, and abound : Jam
filled, having received from Epaphroditus the things that
came from you, an odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice
19 acceptable, well-pleasing to God. And my God shall fulfil
every need of yours according to his riches in glory in
Christ Jesus.
And yet it was a noble deed of yours to sympathise with me in my
affliction and to contribnte towards my needs. And you are well aware,
my dear Philippian friends, that this kitid act of yours iras no new thing
on your part, for you trill remember how in those far off days when
I first preached the Gospel am'mg you that it was you alone that
2}articipafed with me in the matter of giving and taking. And there
were other occasions also when you did this, for in a. city of the rank
IV. H-is]
PHILIPPIANS
75
and riches of Thessalonica you more than once ministered to my
needs. Not, as I have already reminded you, that I am in any pressing
need of your gift, hut I value it because of the interest that will accrue to
you from it. I give you a receipt in full. I am indeed filled to overfl^nwing
by your care for and kindness to me. And your f/ift that come by the
hand of Epaphroditus meant much more than an offering to me. It was
in truth a sacrifice and offering well pleasing and acceptable to God. I
have nothing to give you in return but my thanks, but my God will amply
repay you and supply all your wants out of the treasures of His riches
in the glorious Kingdom of Christ.
14. ye did tcell. Better "ye did
a noble and beautiful thing".
that ye had fellowship with my
affliction. By their practical sym-
pathy with him they had become
sharers in his imprisonment and
sufferings and had taken something
of his burden upon themselves... So
it had been his own aim "to know
the fellowship of Christ's sufferings" :
to be so intimately united with
Christ that His sufferings and death
became his own. The union of the
Christian with Christ produces a
similar fellowship of Christian with
Christian. Cf iii. 10.
15. ye Philippians, the name by
which Roman citizens resident in
the colony described themselves as
compared with the natives of the
city. Here and there the Apostle is
in the habit of addressing his readers
directly by a general term that em-
braces them all and sums them up
in one class. Cf. 2 Cor. vi. 1 1 : Gal.
iii. 1. It is always a mark of deep
emotion when he is impelled to make
this direct appeal so that every
reader may feel that he is personally
addressed. In all three cases where
this direct appeal occurs it follows
an autobiographical passage in which
the Apostle puts prominently for-
ward his own work and the spirit
in which that work is done. (See
Ramsay, Ej-positor, v. viii. p. 121.)
in the beginning of the gos2)el =
" when the Gospel was first preached
to you". This is one of those ex-
pressions which illustrate the very
considerable importance which the
Apostle attached to the Macedonian
mission as the first definite step to-
wards the bringing of the Gospel to
Rome, the centre of the Empire, and,
therefore, towards the evangelising
of the world. In 2 Thess. ii. 13,
according to a reading which is well
supported, he speaks of the Church
of Thessalonica as "the first fruit of
the gospel", and his language here
in describing the mission in that
region emphasises the same view.
tchen I departed from Macedonia.
Combining this statement with that
in the following verse "for even in
Macedonia ye sent once and again
to my need" we gather that the
Philippians had during the early
period of their association with
St Paul contributed at least three
times to his wants, twice in Thessa-
lonica itself and once after he had
left that city. The last occasion is
probably identical with that men-
tioned in 2 Cor. xi. 9, "the brethren
when they came from Macedonia
supplied the measure of my want".
in the matter of giving and re-
ceiving. Lit. "inthematter of debit
and credit". H. A. A. Kennedy in
an interesting note on "TheFhiancial
colouring of Phil. iv. 15 — 18" in the
Expository Times, xii. 43, ^\Tites,
7^
PHILIPPTANS
[IV. r5-r9
"It is possible that the Philippians
may have been couscious of some
slight remissness in their attention
to St Paiil and perhaps the Apostle
sets himself to correct a temporary
misunderstanding on their part as
to his feelings towards them. So
when he comes to thank them he
does so with singular grace and
happiness of touch, and by a skilful
and unstrained use of financial terms
he imparts a half-humorous tone to
this section of the Epistle. Thus in
V. 15 the terms 'debit and credit'
represent thesquarivg of the account
by their gifts to him. The preposi-
tion 'unto' in 'mito my need' in
r. 16 is used in a semi-technical sense
as in the papyri of 'the application
of the several items in an account'.
Here it means 'to account of my
need'. So again 'the fruit that
increases to your account' is trans-
lated by Chrysostom, 'the fruit shall
produce interest for you ', and he
evidently understood St Paul's words
as having a flavour of the exchange".
See also note on v. 18.
17. See Kennedy's note under
V. 15. Cf. also MoflFatt's translation,
"It is not the money that I am
anxious for; what I am anxious for
is the interest that accumiilates in
this way to your divine credit".
18. But I hane all things, airkx'^
which is here translated "I have"
is the invariable term for giving a
receipt in the vernacular of the
period and is generally found in this
sense in papyri and ostraka. We
should, therefore, paraphrase, "I
give you a receipt in full for all you
owe me".
an odour of a tweet smell, a sac-
rifice acceptable, well pleasing to God.
St Paul lifts the contribution of the
Philii)pians from the mere level of
mutual courtesy and sympathy and
looks ui.)on it in its relation to Gk)d.
He imparts to it a sacrificial aspect,
regarding it as a holy and fragrant
ofifering to God Himself. Similar
language is used in the Epistle of
Clement (chap, xliv.) and in the
Didache (chap, xiv.), not only with
respect to the elements in the
Eucharist, but also in regard to the
material offerings of the congregation
at that service.
ati odour of a stteet smell. This
is a reminiscence of Exod. xxix. 18
and Ezek. xx. 41.
19. my Ood. God was his, and,
therefore, all the treasury of God's
love and grace was at his disposal
The consciousness of his possession
by God and of God by him fills him
with such confidence that he makes
the most lavish of promises, for he
regards the very riches of heaven as
his in Christ.
shall fulfil erery need of yoiirs.
"You have ministered to me. "What
can I send you in return? I have
no gift that Epaphroditus can cany,
but my God will cover every need of
jours with the wealth of His riches".
according to his riches. The
measure of God's generosity is in
proportion to His illimitable riches,
which are a treasury as deep as
Divine love itself. Cf. 1 Cor. iii. 22,
"all things are yours", and 1 Tim.
vi. 17.
in gl>rij. This may mean either
(1) the sphere in which the infinite
graciousness of God is manifested.
The reference would then be to the
glory of the Messianic Kingdom.
Cf. Bphes. i. 18, "the riches of the
glory of his inheritance", or (2) the
result of the outpouring of God's
riches would be to manifest His
glory. In view of the frequent
occurrence of the thought of Christ's
Kingdom in glory in the Epistle it
IV. i^^i] PHILIPPIANS 11
\% probable that the Apostle has that Christ Jesus and they will be realised
idea in mind here. in their full content in His Kingdom
in Christ Jesus. The treasures of of glory.
God are revealed and bestowed in
20 Now unto our God and Father he the glory ^for ever
and ever. Amen.
1 Gr. unto the ages of the ages.
20. Doxology. "Now unto our article is important. It is "the glory"
God and Father be t/ie glory for which is God's own attribute and
ever and ever. Amen". The Pauline element.
doxology is found in one form or Amen. This is a transliteration
another in Romans, Galatians, Ephe- of a Hebrew word which is both an
sians, and 1 Timothy. The particular adverb and a noun and means firm(ly),
form it takes here is practically a valid(ly) and is used to express assent
repetition of Gal. i. 5, where the to a preceding statement. In the
doxology is at its simplest. In Rom. post-exilic age it came to be em-
xvi. 27, Ephes. iii. 20, 21, and 1 Tim. ployed as an answer or refrain in
i. 17 it is much elaborated and chorus to the words of a previous
expanded and shows signs of the speaker and is found in this connec-
influence of Jewish doxologies such tion at the close of each division of
as are found in Tobit xiii. 6, 10 and the Psalter. It acquired a fixed
Enoch ix. 4. Here it is an ascrip- place in the services of the synagogue
tion of praise to the Father for where it still forms the common
His infinite grace and love towards response of the congregation. From
mankind manifested by the rich the synagogue it was borrowed by
inheritance which awaits His saints the Christian Church. Cf. 1 Cor.
in the glorious Kingdom of Christ. xiv. 16: Rev. v. 14.
the glory. The presence of the
IX. Final salutations and benediction, 21 — 23
21 Salute every saint in Christ Jesus. The brethren which
22 are with me salute you. All the saints salute you, especially
they that are of Cfesar's household.
23 The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit.
Greet in the name of Christ every Christian among you. My own
personal companions send greetings and so do all the Christians here,
especially those who are attached to the Imperial household.
May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ he with your spirit. Amen.
21. Salute every saint in Christ translation in The New Testament
Jesus. "In Christ Jesus" should be in Modern Speech, "My Christian
taken with "salute" and not with greetings to every one of God's
"saint". See note on i. 14. Cf. the people".
78
PHILIPPIANS
[IV. 21-23
The brethren which are with me
salute you. The salutation liere is
from the Apostle's more immediate
circle.
22. All the saints salute you,
i.e. Roman Christians as a whole.
especially they that areofCacsat^s
household. These are slaves and
freedmen belonging to the Imperial
establishment. Cf. Int. p. Iv.
In Rom. xvi. 10, 11 St Paul
sends greetings to the households of
Aristobuliis and Nai'cissus, both of
which are kno\vn from contemporary
records to have passed into the
possession of the Emperor at their
owners' deaths. "Nero's palace was
a strange place for saints, but light
penetrates into the darkest places.
Some of those who had to wait every
day in the presence of Nero were
all the time beholding the face of
Christ. Paul was not a prisoner in
vain". (Strachan, s.v.)
23. The Apostolic benediction.
The normal method of closing a letter
at this period Avas by the use of the
single word "farewell" as is shown
by countless papyrus lettei's as well
as by letters included in the New
Testament itself Cf Acts xv. 29
and possibly Acts xxiii. 30. St Paul,
however, sets up a closing formula
of his own and as he tells us in
2 Thess. iii. 17, 18 he does so deli-
berately: "The salutation mthmine
own hand, the hand of Paul, which
is the token in every epistle, so I
write. The grace of our Lord Jesus
Christ be with you all". His signa-
ture was also different from that
employed by other Apostolic writers,
for St Peter and St John both invoke
"peace" and not "grace" as their
parting blessing. Cf 1 St Peter
V. 14 : 3 St John 14.
The Apostle's closiiig greeting is
found in its simplest form in Col. iv. 1 8,
"Grace be with you" and reaches its
highest development in the Trinita-
rian formula in 2 Cor. xiii. 14, but
in every form, simple or elaborate,
"grace" is the essential constituent
and in every instance except in Col.
iv. 18 it is "the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ" that is accentuated.
"The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
be with you", is the core of the Apos-
tle's message. It is through the grace
given by Christ and through the right
use of it that man learns something
of the love which God has for man, as
it is through the grace of Christ th.at
the love of God manifests itself and is
reflected in the love which man has
for his fellows. Even in the full
Trinitarian benediction "grace"
comes first, and here St Paul is
following the line of his own experi-
ence. It was the "grace" of our
Lord Jesus Christ that revealed to
him the love of the Father in all its
infinite richness, it is His grace that
made it possible for him to become
partaker of the Holy Spirit, the Spirit
by which he became insepai'ably
united to Christ and to whose Divine
influence he was indebted for all that
was of value in his life.
be with your spirit. This ending
is peculiar to this Epistle and that
to the Galatians. Its occurrence
here is perhaps due to the Apostle's
anxiety to close the letter on the
note that he has sounded .so clearly
and so persistently throughout. He
is possibly looking back to i. 27,
"that ye stand fast in one spirit",
and so his closing prayer and blessing
are an invocation of the grace of our
Lord Jesus Christ upon his beloved
Philij^pians that through it they may
be completely filled with the Holy
Spirit, that Spirit which produces
unity and peace in the Church of
God.
INDEX
Achaia, xiii
Acts of Paul and Thekla, xxix
Aegean, xvii, xviii
Albertz, xxvii, xxix
Alexander the Great, xi, xii, xviii, 62
Analysis of the Epistle, xcvii-c
Andronicus and Junias, xxviii, xxxi
Anselm, 44
Antony, xi, xiii
Antinomiaiiism, 59-61
Aphrodite, 18
Apollo, 62
ApoUos, xxxi, XXXV, 64
Apostle, Ixiii, 2
Aquila and Priscilla, xxiii, xxviii, xxxi
Aristarchus, xxxvii, Ivii, 42
Aristobulus, Iv, 78
Aristotle, 15, 70
Arnold, Matthew, 67
Artemis, 70
Asclepius, 62
Athens, 42
Augustine, St, 28
Augustus, xi, 34, 62
Babylon, xlviii
Bacon, Lord, 25
Bacon, B. W., xxvii
Bampton Lectures, liv, 65
Baptismal Confession, 34
Barnabas, 45
Baruch, xlviii
Baur, xxxix, xiii
Benediction, Apostolic, 18, 27, 78
Bengel, lix, 1, 5, 6, 9, 19, 22, 50, 59
Bibliography, c-cii
Bishops, Ixxxviii-xcvi, 3, 65
Book of Life, 65-66
Bright, W., Ixxx
Bruce, A. B., Isxxi, Ixxxv
Caesar, Household of, xxxi, xxxv,
xxxviii, Iv, 78
Caesarea, xxv-xxvii, xlv
Captivity, Epistles of, xxv-xxvi
Cassianias, xli
Catachumen, 34
Cato, 73
Charles, Dr, 32, 35
Christ, Divinity of, Ixxiii-lxxvii, 3,
30-35; Humiliation and Kenosis of,
Ixxvi-lxxix, 29-32; Exaltation of,
Ixxv-lxxvi, 32-34 ; Servants of, 2 ;
Spirit of, 5, 17, 18 ; Day of, 6, 18,
37, 39, 62, 66 ; Union with, Ixvii, 8,
12, 22, 58 ; Name of, 33 ; As Lord,
34 ; Faith in, 53 ; Knowledge of,
53, 54 ; Sufferings and death of, 32,
54-60 ; Resurrection of, 54
Christology, Ixxii-lxxxi
Chrysostom, 32, 35, 76
Church, Ixxxv-lxxxviii, 2, 3
Cicero, 32
Citizenship of the Christian, 61-62
Claudius, Iv
Clement of Rome, xxviii, xl, 76
Clement of Alexandria, xli, 66, 67
Clement, xiv, 65
Colossae, 44
Corinth, xiii, xxiii, xxiv, 42
Corinth, Church of, Ixii, 37, 56, 60
Corssen, xxix, xxxiii
Cosmology, 34
Cromwell, 74
Deacons, Ixxxviii-xcvi, 3
Deissmann, xxvii, xxix, xlix, 7,18,39,46
Demas, Ivii
Diana, xiv
Diaspora, Ixxxvi, 34, 50
Didach^, xcv, 76
Dionysus, xiv
Doxology, 77
Drummond, Ixv
Duumviri, xiv, xxii
Edmundson, liv, 65
Egypt, xlix
Elijah, Ixxi
Emperor-Cult, xxiii, 34, 35, 62
Encyclopaedia Biblica, 35
Epaphras, Ivii, 44
Epaphroditus, xxxvi, 1, liii, Ivii, 44, 45,
46, 65, 76
80
PHILIPPIANS
Ephesus, xxv-xxxv, 11, 42
Epictetus, 28, 53
Erasmus, Ixxiii
Eschatology, Ixxii, Ixxxi-lxxxiii, 22, 35
Eucharist, xciii-xcvi
Euodia, Ix, 63, 65
Ewald, xliii
Expositor, 1, Ixxvi, 7, 13, 35, 39, 48, 62,
64, 75
Expository Times, 6, 19, 52, 53, 57, 75
Family, Keligion of, xxiii
Fa.yum, 10, 12
Financial Terms, 75-76
Findlay, 73
Forsyth, Ixxxi
Garvie, Ixxvi
Gess, Ixxx
Gifford, E. H., Ixxv
Gladstone, 28
Glover, T. R., 33
Gnosticism, Ixiii, 61
Godet, Ixxx
Gore, Dr, Ixx^a-lxxx
God- Fearers, xix-xx
Greek Church, 45
Greek Games, 57
Griffith Thomas, 57
Hadrian, 62
Hamilton, Dr, Ixxxviii, xciii-xcvi
Harnaek, xciii
Harris, Kendel, 1
Hatch, xciii
Haupt, 25
Hellenism, Ixxxii, 34, 50, 71
Hellenistic Christians, 34
Hellenistic Jews, 6
Hermes, 62
Herodotus, 69
Herod the Great, Iv
Hicks, Dr E. L., xxv
Homer, 15
Hort, 15
House-Church, xxiii
Humility, xlvi-xlviii, 28
Ignatius, xxiv, xxxii, xl
Imperial Court, xxvi, liv, 7, 17
Inscriptions, xiii, 22, 24, 46
Intermediate State, Ixxxii-lxxxiii
Irenaeus, xli
Israel, The New, Ixxxv-lxxxvii 2, 3 49
Jacob, 33
Jailor at Philippi, xxii
Jeremiah, xlviii
Jerusalem, xviii, xxiv, xxvii, xlv
Jewish Christians, 48, 60
Jews, The, xvi, xix, xxxiv, xlv, Iv, Iviii,
Ixxxvi, 25, 47, 48, 60
Johnson, Dr, 48
Josephus, 28
Journal of Theological Studies, 31, 36
Jowett, Ixiii
Judaea, Churches of, 25
Judaisers and Judaistic Controversy,
xxxi, xxxiv, xlv, Ivi, Ixi
Judgment, Day of, Ixxxi-lxxxii. See
also Christ, Day of
Jus Italicum, xiii
Justification, Doctrine of, Ixxii, Ixxiv-
Ixxv, 52-55
Justin Martyr, 33
Kennedy, H. A. A., Ixxvi, 62, 75, 76
Kenosis and Kenotic Theory, Ixxvii-
Ixxxi, 31
Koine, xliv
Lake, K., xx, xxvii, xxix
Lecky, 28
Letters in New Testament Period,
xlviii-1, 3, 10, 12, 78
Lightfoot, xvi, xxi, xxv, xxxvi, 7
Lisco, H., xxvii
Lock, Dr, 1
Luke, St, xv-xviii, xxxii, xxxvii,xxxviii,
Ivii, Iviii, 42
Luther, Ixxiii, Ixxviii
LXX, The, Ixv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxix, 6, 7,
28, 39, 45, 49, 62
Lydia, xv, xx, xxi, xxiii, Ix, 64, 65
Macedonia, xii-xviii, 43, 75
Macedonia, Churches of, xliv, 2, 75
Macedonia, Women in, xii, xx, 64
Eacedonia, Mission to, xvii-xviii
Malta, 70
Manen, Van, xxxix, xl
Marcion, xxix, xli, xliv
Mark, St, Ivii
Marquardt, xv
Men, xiv, xx
M^n^goz, M., Ixxxv
Messiah, The, Ixxxvi-lxxxvii
Miletus, Speech at, xxxii
Milligan, G., xlix
Ministry, The Christian, Ixxxviii-
xcvi, 3
Moffatt, xliv, 4, 7, 9, 16, 27, 30, 39, 45,
48, 53, 61, 65, 76
Mommsen, xii, xxxi, 13
Monarchian Prologues, xxix, xxxiii
Monod, A., 60
Morlcy, J., 28
Morning Prayer, Order of, 2
Moule, Dr, 13, 27, 68
Moulton and Milligan, xc,6, 7,17,21,42
INDEX
81
Muratori, Canon of, xli
Mysteries, Christian, Ixix
Mystery Heligions, xxi, 6, 57, 73
Mysticism of St Paul, Ixviii
Name, Tlie, 33
Narcissus, Iv, 78
Neapolis, xv, xix, xxiv
Nero, 78
Olbea, 46
Old Testament, Ixv, 2, 18. See also
under LXX
Onesimus, 65
Orr, J., 35
Ostraka, 76
Paganism, xxi, 9, 33, 48, 61, 69, 71
Papyri, xxii, xlix, 3, 6, 9, 10, 12, 17,
38, 42, 56, 60, 76, 78
Parousia, Ixxvi-lxxvii, 18, 67. See also
under Christ, Day of
Paul, St, at Philippi, xvi-xxv ; at
Caesarea, xxvi; at Ephesus, xxvii-
XXXV ; at Rome, xxvi-xxvii, xxx-
XXXV, xxxvii-xxxviii, xlv-xlvi, 1-liii,
liv-lviii; His broadmindeduess, Iv,
16 ; Relations with Philippian
Church, Ixiii-lxv, Ixvi-lxviii, 3, 4 ;
In the Epistle, Ixvi-lxxi ; His mysti-
cism, Ixviii ; Humility, xlvi, Ixix, 2,
43 ; Tact, Ixx ; Appreciation of Greek
Culture, Ixxi, 69-72 ; Courtesy, Ixx,
I, 46, 76; Sympathy, Ixiii, 45; Af-
fection, Ixvii-lxix ; Prayers, 3, 8, 10-
II, 67 ; Views of life and death, 20-
22 ; Autobiography, xlvii, Ixix, 49 ;
Privileges as a Jew, 49-50 ; His
Christian Course, 52 ; Doctrine of
Righteousness, Ixxiv, 53-55 ; His
views on "perfection," Ixix, 56-59;
Christian Independence, Ixx, 72-73;
Trial, xxxviii, Iviii, 7, 23 ; Imprison-
ment, xxvi, xxxvi-xxxix, liv
Pelagius, Ixxiii
Persecution, xxi-xxii, 25
Pharisees, Ixix, 49, 50
Philae, 62
Philip, St, xci
Philippi, xi-xvi
Philippi, St Paul at, xvi-xxv
Philippi, Church of. Early History,
xvi-xxiii ; Later History, xxiv-xxv ;
Relationship with St Paul, lix, 24 ;
Disunion and jealousy in, Ixi, 2, 64,
65 ; Weaknesses in, Ixi-lxii ; Its gifts
to St Paul, xxiv, xliv, 1, Ix, 72-77 ;
Anxiety for St Paul, li, 12 ; Perse-
cution of, Ixi, 25; Spiritual Party in,
Ixii, 56-61; Women in, xx, Ix, 64-65
Philo, 6, 50
Phoebe, xc
Plato, 19, 34, 70
Pliny, 70
Polycarp, xxiv, xl, xlii, xliii, xliv
Pope, R. M., 19
Prastorium or Prfetorian Guard, xxv,
xxvi, XXX, xxxi, xxxv, xxxvii, xxxviii,
12, 13, 46
Prayers of St Paul, 3, 8, 9, 10-11,
67
Presbyter, Ixxxix-xcvi
Prisca or Priscilla, 74
Prison, St Paul's, xxviii, xxxiii
Proseucha, xix
Ramsay, xv, xvii, xxxvi, xlviii, 7, 13,
53, 64, 75
Roads and Travel, xlviii-1
Robinson, B. W. , xxvii, xxix
Roman Empire, xxii, liv, 35
Roman Law, xxii, 69
Rome, xvii, xxv-xxxiv, xlv, 1, 13, 23,
61, 75
Rome, Church of, xviii, xxxvii, xliv,
lii, hii, Ivi-lvii, Ixiv, 14, 15, 16, 23,
42, 45
Rome, St Paul in, liii-lviii
Ruskin, 28
Sabatier, A., Ixxiii
Sacraments, Ixii
Saints, Ixxxvi, 2
Sanday, Dr, 52
Sanday and Headlam, Ixxxv
Savage, Dean, 26
Serapis, 10
Servant of the Lord, 2, 32
Sethiani, xli
Silvanus or Silas, xix, xxii, 1, 45, 64
Slavery, xxi
Somerville, Ixxvi
Souter, 7, 28, 38, 48, 61, 66
Spirit, Holy, 17, 18, 24, 27, 49
Spiritual Party in Corinth, Ixii, 56
Spiritual Party in Philippi, Ixii, 55-61
Stephen, St, xci
Stoics, 34, 69, 73
Strachau, 78
Symes, J. E., xlii, xliv
Syntyche, Ix, 63-65
Tarsus, 34
Tertullian, xix, xxiv, xli, xliii
Testaments of the XII Patriarchs,
32
Theodoret, 45
Thessalonica, Church of, xliii, 25,
42, 75
Thyatira, xv, xx, Ix
82 PHILIPPIANS
Timothy, xix, xxvii, xlix, Ivii, 1, 2, 41, Warren, W., 31
42, 43, 46, 65 Watson, William, 9
Titus, xxiii, 37 WeizBacker, xci
Troas, xxiv, xxvii, 17 Westcott and Hort, xv, 16
Tychicus, Ivii Western Text, 34
Winstanley, E. W., xxvii
Universalism, 35 Wisdom, liook of, Ixxxii
Women, Position of, xii, xxix, 64, 65
Ventriloquist, xxi
Via Ignatia, xiv, xxiv Zahn, xxxviii, 4
Vincent, xci, 46 Zeus, li, lii, 62
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
BY J. B. PEACE, M.A.,
AT THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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