fflfflmwm
■III
m
Hi
■H
IhHHH!
™§ilfil83P
mfflBSsm
TaRT
HI
ill
■■■■.••■ i ■ ••
iSiiiil
IIS II
[■nil
HANDBOUND
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF
TORONTO FRESS
s
1/>3i.
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES:
THE UNDERFLOW OF CHRISTIANITY.
BY HOWARD CANDLER, M.A., F.R.S.L.
[Read January 24th, 1912.]
The Temple of Janus was closed. The whole
civilised world was wrapped in profound peace.
" No war, or battle sound
Was heard the world around."
In an obscure town of Palestine a babe was
born who, thirty-three years afterwards, was
crucified under the government of the procurator
of Judaea as a common malefactor, partly on the
ground of the accusation that he claimed regal
authority, and partly because he was obnoxious to
the Court of Herod and to the ecclesiastical domina-
tion of the Jewish priesthood. At his death the
number of his adherents was about 120, but they
rapidly increased and spread beyond the confines of
Palestine. At Antioch the " New Way " attained
the dignity of a distinctive name ; the disciples
were called Christians first at Antioch. Henceforth
Christianity was one more among the multitude of
superstitions with which the Roman world was rife
— magic from Thessaly, the worship of Isis from
Egypt, of obscure gods and goddesses from Syria,
vol. xxxi. 1
1 LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
Judaism, curious Chaldaean rites, in addition to the
ordinary civic religion of Rome and the crowd of
jostling philosophical schools. The tolerant govern-
ment admitted one more Deity, Christ, to the
honours of the Pantheon.
At first the new religion was largely * a religion
of slaves and peasants, and created no ripple in the
social and political world. Josephus (38-100 a.j>.)
makes no mention of Jesus ; for the brief passage
in which his name occurs is recognised as an inter-
polation. But when the religion had spread from
Syria through Asia Minor to Greece and Italy, and
thence from Spain in the west to Africa in the south,
and the men who had turned the world upside down
and were everywhere spoken against became a close
knit ubiquitous brotherhood with secret signs and
symbols, the authorities became alarmed, and from
time to time persecutions, more or less violent, took
place. Pliny, as pro-consul of Bithynia, asks advice
of Trajan what he is to do with this peacefully
lawless sect; Celsus argues; Juvenal scoffs; the
educated and polite classes indolently wonder. The
underground stream everywhere forces its way to
the surface in increasing volume and strength. And
in less than 300 years after the death of the founder
a wonderful thing happens. Constantine the Great,
the undisputed monarch of an undivided world, makes
* Largely, but by no means universally. The New Testament
contains the names of men and women of rank and reputation, and
the late Epistle of James clearly indicates that the presence of
wealthy men in the Christian synagogues was an ordinary
occurrence. Sufficiently long lists have been drawn up of men of
light and leading in the Roman world who were open adherents of
the Christian faith.
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. 3
profession of Christianity and takes the cross of a
malefactor as his standard. The faith of the poor
and despised multitude, heralded by no force of
sword or ecclesiastical intolerance or philosophic
wisdom, became and has remained (with one brief
interval of three years) the professed faith of
Europe ; and the whole system of paganism as an
organic entity toppled down like a house of cards.
What was the strong solvent ? What was the
cause of this overwhelming change ? How was it
that all that was embraced in the proud boast
Romanus sum gave way before the humble confes-
sion Ghristianus sum? What could induce the
conquerors of the world to plead — a Roman if
yon please ; but, in any case, a Christian ? *
Greece and Rome were the two centres of civilisa-
tion in that part of the world with which we are
concerned. From about 150 B.C. to 120 a.d., or
later, Greece had largely ceased to be a civilising
factor. No name in art, science, poetry, drama, or
philosophy, except the great name of Plutarch (6(3-
* Bound up with the works of Lucian is a very important dialogue,
entitled " Philopatris." It is written in a strain of Lucianic satire,
and spares neither pagan nor Christian beliefs, but it must be
relegated to a period some century and a half after Lucian's death.
It represents the Christians, who are assembled in an " upper
chamber," as a set of morose fanatics filled with apocalyptic visions
of death and destruction to their city and country, and lost to all
sense of patriotism. The writer regards them with much the same
antipathy, contempt, and suspicion as the ordinary Englishman of the
Seventeenth Century or the Calvinistic Puritan of New England
regarded the Quakers. "With this difference— the Englishman and the
Puritan of the New World had not forgotten how to fight, whereas in
Rome it had become increasingly difficult to get a Roman citizen to
enter the ranks and defend his country— as with our own Labour party
— and the military forces were almost wholly barbarian mercenaries.
4 LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
120 ? a.d.), presents itself. The Graecuhis Esuriens
of Juvenal, like the German clerk or waiter now in
England, or the Jew of the middle ages, was every-
where in evidence, and everywhere an object of
suspicion and dislike.
In Rome, the Augustan age was over. In the
time of Lucian (120-200 a.d.), only seven names in
literature rise to prominence, and of these Ptolemy
was born at Alexandria, Galen at Pergamum in Asia
Minor, and Apuleius at Madaura in Africa, Lucian
himself being a Syrian. Of earlier famous men,
Terence was born at Carthage, Seneca, Martial, and
Quintilian in Spain, Petronius at Marseilles, and
Epictetus was a Phrygian slave. In any case, the
golden age had passed and the silver age was
passing.
But religion can flourish in a silver age as well as
in a golden age, or even a copper age. But in Rome
the ancient, virile, national religion was dying or
dead. Lucretius had long ago lamented that the
outcome of religion was shameful and disloyal deeds.
Juvenal says that no boy who had attained the
privileges of manhood (at fourteen years of age) any
longer believed the fables of his early years. He
bitterly complains that the Roman had cast away
all that he had been used to honour as a Roman
citizen; all the noble arts of war and peace — we
have already dealt with the difficulty in filling up
the legions with Roman citizens — and only clamoured
for food and games. The Haruspex, whose duty it
was to inspect the entrails and proclaim the omens
(like priests at Naples of the present day presiding
over the liquefaction of the blood of St. Januarius),
LUCIAX AND HIS TIMES. 0
could not pass another diviner without winking at
the folly of their official acts. This religion, which
had at no time been a religion for slaves or for the
wounded in life's strife, was no longer a religion for
free men, and could not be accepted by the wrangling
philosophers. The gods of Olympus had departed.
The women flocked to the temples of Isis, or of the
Syrian deities, or of Cybele, or followed the supersti-
tion of the Jews, or of the cruel and obscene deities
of Carthaginian worship. A cry was heard over the
ocean that even Great Pan was dead. Here and
there the worship of some minor god remained : of
Hercules, the friend of man, or of Aesculapius, the
healer, in ineffective contrast to the Saviour of man-
kind ; yet, generally, with legends which now seemed
incredible and which had lost any moral or spiritual
significance they once held, men felt themselves in an
eddying ocean tossed to and fro without rudder and
without compass.
Let us consider for a moment the work of some
of the prominent thinkers who attempted to guide
the better instincts of thoughtful and earnest men.
Seneca (died 65 A.D.). Many of his moral treatises
and ten of his tragedies have come down to us. His
influence was strongly felt in the middle ages, and
can be traced in such different characters as Chaucer,
Roger Bacon, Columbus, and, directly or indirectly,
Shakespeare. It was long believed, and is not
beyond the possibilities, that he was personally
acquainted with St. Paul.
Plutarch (66-120 a.d.). Modern Europe still
reads his ' Lives,' which have an immortal fame.
Though he, born at Chaeronea in Boeotia, lectured
6 LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
on philosophy in Rome in the reign of Domitian, it
is strange that his name is not mentioned by any
contemporaneous Roman writer. Besides his
' Lives,' much of which we know, apart from
personal acquaintance, through Shakespeare, his
' Moralia ' contained his lessons for his generation
and for the middle ages.
Philo the Jew (died 80 a.d.). His works, written
with profound belief in the Divine authorship of the
Bible, were an attempt to allegorise and harmonise
scripture with the teachings of Plato. It is probable
that his influence over the Roman world was slight,
though he was selected to oppose Apion in a matter
concerning the privileges of the Greeks in Alexandria,
but it was by no means slight with the writer of the
fourth Grospel, who refined and sublimated the
thoughts and the very words of Philo.
Epictetus (died before 120 a.d.). This great and
noble stoic is known to us by his ' Enchiridion,' put
together by Arrian from the notes he took of his
master's lectures. Epictetus was no Christian, but
it is almost impossible to believe that he was not
acquainted with the Epistles of St. Paul, for he fre-
quently employs unusual words, phrases, and idioms
of the Apostle, and sometimes the framework of his
argument.* Epictetus had the strongest possible
belief in the filial relationship of man to Grod — that
Grod was the captain of his salvation, that he had
been placed in the world to take his part in the
battle of life, and that he could not surrender his
post or escape his duties — that he would not desire
* It is possible that here and there St. Paul is using stoic terms,
and that the parallelism is the other way about.
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. /
to do so. His religion was the masculine religion of
a noble, generous-hearted man, and, if men were not
so often the creatures of their emotions, and bowed
down by sorrow, deep passion, or anguish, or by
intolerable and imperative impulses, the religion of
Epictetus would bear a man bravely and honourably
through life. But we are not all stoics. Some of
us are slaves ; some of us are women ; some of us
are miserably bound by unhappy circumstance, or
by fatal weakness. Epictetus was the last great
stoic. He stemmed the torrent in vain, because he
appealed only to half human nature. But if the
strong man desires to be stronger, to be braced to
highest efforts, he should read and apply the
* Enchiridion ' to his daily life. It is very curious
that Lucian, who mentions him four times, and
once in terms of genuine admiration, seems to have
acquired no share in his spiritual nature. The two
natures seem antagonistic.
Marcus Aurelius (died 180 a.d.). The ' Medita-
tions ' of Marcus Aurelius, or ' The Golden Book,'
as the men of the middle ages delighted to call their
beloved treasure, is conceived in a gentler and more
Christian spirit. It is not virile like the work of
Epictetus. It does not startle one with vehement
phrases which grapple the soul in bands of steel.
But it is too near to Christianity for us not to feel
that the high and noble sentiments of the writer
have been better expressed by Christian apologists
who had a surer foundation. Our wonder rather is
that a pagan thinker could have been so Christian
and so modern.
Lucian. This is a long: introduction to Lucian
8 LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
himself. We might preface our remarks with a few
words on his life.
Little is certainly known of the life of Lucian,
and of that little, most of our information is derived
from autobiographical hints in his writings. Nor
is it necessary to dwell much on the scattered facts
of his life as we know them, except so far as they
denote character, and connection with the life of his
time, and are an explanation of his writings. For us,
Lucian is not an actor in the business of the world,
but a thinker and a writer.
Circumstantial evidence enables us to place his
birth not later than 120 a.d., at the end of the
reign of Trajan, or at the beginning of the reign of
Adrian (117-138). He was a Syrian, bora at
Samosata. His parents were poor, and at the age
of fourteen he was apprenticed to a maternal uncle,
who was a statuary. His apprenticeship lasted one
day, for, being set to polish a marble tablet, he broke
it, was soundly beaten, and ran home refusing to
return. He tells us the real reason of his parting
with his uncle was that the old statuary was afraid
he would be excelled in his art by the young-
aspirant. In his " Dream," he was visited by
'Ep^o-yAu^i/o/ (Sculpture), and notSa'a (Liberal Edu-
cation). Sculpture was in the eyes of the Greeks
a mere mechanical art and education the birth-
right of a free man, and he then and there made the
selection of his life-time. Later on he was a more
or less successful advocate, and studied rhetoric,
travelling through Greece, Italy, and Gaul. At
Athens he learnt, or, in any case, perfected himself
in the Greek language, becoming the master of a
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. 9
most graceful form of Attic speech. Greek scholars
are agreed in extolling the charm and purity of his
style. For myself, with little more than a school-
boy acquaintance with Greek, I can only venture to
express my admiration at the lucidity and limpid
simplicity of the writer, his selection of the exact
word to suit his meaning, his playful irony, and
that lambent malice which makes the reader laugh
with, rather than laugh at, the object of ridicule pre-
sented to him. Lucian's knowledge of Latin seems to
have been imperfect, but he displays an intimate
acquaintance with Roman manners.
Later in life (say when he was forty years old),
Lucian had become a person of considerable import-
ance, and had probably accumulated a sufficient
fortune. He abandoned rhetoric and giving lectures,
and wrote the works which have made him his
lasting fame. He was not a philosopher, he tells us
(ou ao(j>uo), but a layman, one of the multitude
(iotwrrjc, ek rov ttoXXov oij'uou).* When he was old, it
appears that the Emperor Commodus made him
procurator of a part of Egypt. The date of his
death would seem to be in or about 200 a.d.
Such are the external facts known about Lucian.
As for the man himself he was the most modern of
all men of the old world. He was, as Ben Jonson
says of Shakespeare, a man of any time ; of any
nation. He was & flaneur des boulevards. It would
not have seemed out of place to have seen him sipping
his absinthe and hob-nobbing with Voltaire at some
Parisian cafe, tempering the keen and cruel rapier
thrusts of Voltaire with his own more gentle satire,
* In Cambridge dialect : " A Poll Man, not a Dopli."
10 LTJCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
Or, on the other hand, lie might well have gone
bras dessus dessous down the Via Sacra with Mon-
taigne, cheapening at some librarius a codex or
charta of the now almost unknown Lucius, from
whom he and Apuleius were equally to " convey "
(as Shakespeare says) the story we now call ' The
Golden Ass.' Their scepticism would mutually
please. Montaigne would say " Que sais-je?" and
Lucian would adduce the doubtful attitude of Pyrrho,
who, after he had been sold and handed over to the
merchant at the auction, was not satisfied that any
negotiation had taken place. He might be com-
pared with our Thackeray ; for neither of them
suffered their eyes to be blinded with delusions, and.
both equally detested hypocrisy; but,while Thackeray
had a magnanimous compassion for the creatures
whose follies and wickednesses he ruthlessly exposed,
Lucian had for them a supreme contempt.
What do we mean by cynicism ? The root of
cynicism is to be found in Danton's bitter exclama-
tion, Qui hait les rice*, hait les homines, though
Thackeray himself was too warm-blooded and too
clear-sighted to be a cynic. He would rather have
held to the motto: Tout conn aitre, c'est tout par dormer.
But to pardon truly one must know truly. Lucian
knew, but he did not pardon, and he did not hate.
He was like Dante and Dante's Virgil in the Third
Canto of the Inferno. They saw from the height
above the struggling masses of impotent souls en-
tangled in the web of their ignorances, and they
passed on.*
* When the learned man drives away vanity by earnestness, he,
the wise, climbing the terraced heights of wisdom, looks down upon
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. 11
To Lucian the Syrian the mythologies of Greece
and Rome seemed not only incredible hut ridiculous.
He looked upon them with alien and averted eyes.
Nor did the philosophies greatly attract him. He
saw something to admire, but much more to attack.
But what revolted him was the want of harmony
between the professions and teachings of the lecturers
and their lives. He found them greedy of notoriety
and gain, and drowned in luxury and debauchery.
It might have been supposed that the noble lives
and examples of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius and
their noble, strenuous teachings would have appealed
to his better nature. One died about the time of his
birth and the other was his contemporary. But
he only mentions Marcus Aurelius twice, in one case
extolling his gentle and kindly nature. And as for
Epictetus, we have seen that he only mentions him
four times, once with general marks of esteem. As
for the other founders of philosophical systems, in
the ' Auction of the Sectaries,' one after another —
Pythagoras, Diogenes, Aristippus, Democritus,
Heraclitus, Socrates, Chrisippus, Aristotle, Pyrrho,
and elsewhere, Euripides, are the victims of his
lash. In the ' Fisherman,' philosophy in person,
with Virtue, Temperance, Justice, Science, and
Truth (who can only with difficulty be found) as
the fools — serene lie looks upon the toiling crowd, as one that stands
upon the mountain looks down upon those that stand upon the
plain.
Dhammapada.
Cf. Lucretius : —
Sapientum tenipla serena,
Despicere unde queas alios, et cernere possis
Errantes.
1 2 LUC1AN AND HIS TIMES.
assessors weigh the philosophers and find them
wanting.
What was the influence of Lucian on his genera-
tion ? It must have been very considerable, and
it must have acted as a universal solvent. At his
touch, religion and philosophy, gods and philosophers,
were found worse than immoral or incredible ; they
were contemptible and ridiculous ; and ridicule
kills all noble sentiment. If Lucian did not build
up anything, at least he rent all ineptitudes and
pretentious shows of wisdom asunder, and, in the
void, Christianity had room to grow strong and
interpenetrating. Men cannot live without religion,
and if there was no God it would be necessary, as
Robespierre said, to create one. And Christianity said
in effect to hungry mortals : " All your known gods
are Q^cme. You have an altar to the Unknown God.
This God has always been with you. And now we
make Him known to you. Ye are all His children.
He has never been far from you." This, and the
assurance of immortality, were what the multitude
could understand — something which inspired hope
and trust.
If Lucian reverenced all great and simple truths
but felt they could not be brought to any system,
would not he, a Semite, be attracted by Christianity ?
I think he was, and in his youth had been almost
persuaded to be a Christian. Listen to him in
' Hermotimus.'
Lycinus(i.e , Aiijai'oe=Aotnciaw»c)meets Hermotimus,
hurrying to his master's lecture, full of care and
anxious thought. In a delightful Socratic dialogue
he persuades him : (1) That if in twenty years he
LUCIAN AND HIS TEMES. 13
lias only got to the foot of the ascent, his chances
of reaching the top of the mountain where Virtue
dwells are small ; (2) that as each of the diverse
teachers insists that only his is a route that leads
right, and that all the other routes of the other
teachers are wrong, there is nothing to certify him
that he is after all on the right route ; (3) that his
teacher who dwells in the very temple of virtue is
guilty of theft, drunkenness, gluttony, cruelty, love
of gain, violent passion ; and (4) that a course which
is so painful, so precarious, and which demands so
much expenditure of time and money, can be of no
great value to humanity. Hermotimus is in despair.
Then Lychnis says that he has heard of a way to the
City of God, which is not for the educated and noble
and rich only, but for all; that the way there is
absolutely free and not to be bought for money;
that the possession of that city is the possession of
an equal brotherhood. Lycinus is speaking.
Lycinus : I compare virtue to a city whose inhabitants
enjoy perfect happiness; wise, courageous, just, temperate
— almost gods. All which is to be found among us — theft,
violence, covetousness — are banished from this fortunate
city ; all the citizens live at peace. And this is just as it
ought to be, for that which causes excitements in other
cities — seditions, rivalry, quarrels which cause men to trip
up the heels each of other — they have all gone. Gold,
pleasures, vain-glory — all which can raise dissension— none
of these are found there. Long since they have driven
such useless things out of the city, which they do not con-
sider are necessary to the excellent understanding of the
people. Life there is calm, perfectly happy, under equit-
able laws, under the aegis of liberty.
Hermotimus : What then, Lycinus ! Is it not well that
14 LTJCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
everybody should wish to become a citizen of such a city,
without counting the fatigue of the journey, not discouraged
by the length of time in getting there, so long as one can
be inscribed among the number of the inhabitants and
possess the rights of citizenship ?
Ly. : By Zeus, Hermotimus, nothing can be more urgent.
We must neglect everything else, set at nought the father-
land which would hold us back, remain insensible to and
not delay for the lamentations and tears of our children
and relations, but rather engage them to march along the
same route with us. If they would not or could not come,
we must repel them and advance straight towards the happy
city ; if they seize our cloak to prevent our passage, we
must throw it on one side and continue the journey. We
need not fear, indeed, that entry will be shut against us on
the plea that we come naked.
Some years ago I heard an old man tell how things were
going; he even urged me to follow him there; he would show
me the way, get me enrolled on my arrival as a citizen, give
me a place in his ward and fellowship that I might have
my share in the common weal :
"Too mad, or young, the offer I refused" (Iliad).
I was at that time only fifteen years old, but, for all that,
I was then perhaps in the suburbs, even at the very gates
of the city. This old man told me, among other things
with regard to the city, so far as I can remember, that all
the inhabitants are strangers come from other countries ;
no one was born there ; they are principally barbarians,
slaves, cripples, dwarfs, poor ; in a word, no one is refused ;
it is their custom to inscribe all who will, without regard to
fortune, dress, appearance, birth, ancestral rank. None of
those things are valued. All that is necessary for a man,
whoever he be, to become a citizen is to have intelligence,
a love of good, to scorn delights and live laborious days, to
possess a soul which neither yields nor faints in front of the
numberless difficulties met with in the way. If one proves
that he has such powers ; if one has sucessfully pursued the
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. 15
route which leads to the city, one is a citizen by right, and
is placed in the same rank as the others. Thus the words
higher, lower, noble, plebeian, bond, free, are reckoned in
that city as names and conditions of no value.
Does not this fine passage seem built on Christian
sentiment? Does not this vision of noble truth
remind us of Bunyan, these phrases, of Milton, the
words and ideas, of the Gospels and St. Paul ?
Had Lucian indeed become a Christian we might
have gained a second Augustine, but we should
never have known the author of ' The Dialogues of
the Gods,' ' The Auction of the Philosophers,' or
1 The False Prophet,'
Unhappily the conclusion of the controversy
between the two friends is lamentable. Hermotimus
is persuaded to forego his ineffectual task by the
arguments, half sophistical, half admirable, of
Lycinus. But the final result is purely negative —
truth is undiscoverable. Que savons nous? One
excellent piece of advice Lycinus advances to his
despairing friend — the same as St. Ambrose incul-
cated on his disciples. " Don't lament the past,"
says he. " It is gone, never to be recovered. But
on the stepping-stones of the dead past rise to
higher things in the future." Good ! But Hermo-
timus might well have cried out — " What hig-her
things ? "
Though the irony of this dialogue is playful, the
note struck is entirely serious. Lycinus, that is,
Lucian, would persuade himself, if he could, that
truth and virtue, as they exist, so also can be found.
But his scepticism is too strong for him. Video
1C> LT7CIAN AND HIS TIMES.
meliora, proboque. Deteriora sdquor. He is another
Ecclesiastes.
In ' Hermotinras ' we see Lncian at his best,
striving1 against the futilities of negation and
catching a glimpse of hope and trust in the higher
aspirations of humanity. In ' Peregrinus ' and
'The False Prophet' we see him struggling with
honest indignation and naked sincerity against
debased superstition and unblushing hypocrisy,
though he naively expresses a doubt whether it is
not below the dignity of a philosopher to interest
himself in such matters. In the charming ' Dia-
logues of the Gods and of the Dead ' he lets himself
go with a most delightful abandon, and proves at
the same time by his unrestrained freedom of
speech that the multitude and the philosophers
alike had lost all sense of reverence for the gods.
I will conclude with an extract from a somewhat
less known dialogue — 'The Crossing of the Styx,'
or ' The Tyrant ' — in which Lucian's serious view
of the underlying facts of sanity and truth contend
with an inimitable and most amusing presenta-
tion of the follies of the religion he is attacking.
Mercury is conducting the souls of the dead to
Charon's boat to bring them across the Styx.
Clotho, the Fate, who, with her sisters, spins,
presides over, and cuts the thread of life, and who
keeps the register of those who die, attends to see
that all is in order and that the register is correct.
Charon gets impatient and cries out:
Charon : Why are we still delaying-? Have we not lost
enough time ?
LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES. 17
Clotho: Quite true. Forward! onboard! I will take
my register in Land, and seated at the foot of the ladder,
will ticket off each of the passengers, and make out who
he is, whence he conies, how he died. Yon, Mercury, take
them in order and place them here. But, first put on
board the new-born children. What answer can they
make to my enquiries ?
Mercury : Here, boatman, are three hundred of them,
including all those exposed at birth.
Ch. : Ah ! the good haul ! It is unripe grapes you are
bringing me.
M. : Shall we, Clotho, throw in with these the dead over
Avhom no one has wept ?
CI. : You mean the old men. Yes. Come near all you
who are more than sixty years old. How ? They cannot
hear me. Age has made them as deaf as a post. They
will have to be picked up and put in the boat.
M. : There they are, 398— all dry and ripe and cut down
in full harvest.
CI. : True enough. They are raisins, not grapes. Now
Mercury, bring forward those who have been wounded to
death. First of all, 804 soldiers ought to have died
yesterday fighting in Media..
M. : There they are.
CI. : Seven men have committed suicide for love, as well
as the philosopher Theagenes, who died of grief for a girl
of Megara.
M. : They are close to you.
CI. : Where are the gentry who slew one another in
emulation for a kingdom ?
M. : Here.
CI. : And the man who died at the hands of his wife
and her lover ?
M. : At your right hand.
CI. : Bring those condemned to death, crucified or
empaled, and those slain by robbers. I have on my tables
sixteen. Where are they, Mercury?
VOL. XXXI. 2
18 LUOIAN A.ND ITIS TtMES.
M. : There they are, wounds and all. Now shall I bring
in the women.
67. : Yes, and the shipwrecked, and all those carried off
by fever and Agathocles, the doctor who was called in to
heal the in.
Ch. : By Jupiter, get that man on board who is bound
hand and foot. I hope his prayers Avon't seduce you.
CI. : Stop a bit. Let us see who he is.
M. : It is Megapenthes, son of Lacydes, the tyrant.
CI. : Up with you ! Get on board !
Meg. : Oh no, mighty Clotho ! Let me go back a
moment to earth. I will return of my own accord and
without being sent for.
CI. : And why do you want to go back to earth ?
Meg. : Let me finish my palace. It is only half built.
CI. : You are fooling me. Come ! on board !
Meg. : Oh, Fate ! 1 only ask a little moment. Give me
a day to let my wife know of the goods I am leaving her,
and the place where I have buried an immense treasure.
CI. : The matter is closed. You can get nothing from
me.
Meg. : Must all that beautiful treasure be lost then ?
CI. : (sarcastically). It won't be lost. Make yourself
happy. Megacles, your cousin, will find it and use it.
Meg. : What an outrage! An enemy, whom, fool that I
was, I did not put to death.
CI. : Well, it is he, anyhow. He will survive you forty
years and more, and, what's more, he will enjoy all your
goods and gold.
Meg. : How unjust you are, Clotho, to distribute my
possessions amongst my most cruel enemies!
CI. : And you, my fine fellow, have you not taken all
that belonged to Cydimasus, whom you killed, after cutting
his children's throats before his eyes.
Meg.: (mysteriously). Listen, Clotho, I have something
to say to you alone, apart from this crowd.
CI. : Stand a little aside, you others.
LU01AN AND HIS TIMES. 19
Meg. : If you will sot me free, I promise you a thousand
talents of gold in current money. You shall have them
to-day.
CI. : So you arc still thinking-, poor fool, of gold.
Meg. : I will add,, if you like, two goblets I took from
Cleocritus when I killed him. They weigh one hundred
talents of fine gold each.
CI. : Weigh ? Shew him his way* onboard, for he won't
go of his own accord.
Meg. : I intreat you . The town wall is not finished.
The arsenal is incomplete. I can get it all done in five
days.
CI. : Don't trouble yourself. Another will finish the
wall.
Meg. : Clotho ! I have a request to make which is quite
reasonable.
CI. : What is it then ?
Meg. : Let me live till I have subdued the Pisidians,
imposed a tribute on the Lydians, and raised a magnificent
monument to my glory, where I will have all the splendid
actions and exploits of my reign inscribed.
CI. : What a man it is ! You ask for a day and would
require twenty years.
Meg. : 1 will give you surety of my quick return. If
you like, I will hand over to you as hostage my only son
and heir.
CI. : What, you wretch ! Him whom you have so often
wished to reign in your stead on earth ?
Meg. : Yes, I did wish that once. But now I wish to
save my skin.
CI. ; Your son will soon follow you, assassinated by the
new king.
Meg : At least, oh Fate, do not deny me one thing.
CI. : What is it ?
Meg. : I want to know what will happen after my death.
* 1MKT. : . . . '{Xkovtoq iKuripov xpvaov unityOovraXavTa tKaTov.
KA. : "EXjctrt amov' lotKi yap ovk iiripPiiouv kw.
20 LUOIAN AND HIS TIMES.
Gl : Listen, and let the revelation increase your grief.
Your slave Midas will marry your wife. He has long been
in love with her.
Meg. : Infamous man! I who made him a freedman at
the prayers of my wife.
CI. : Your daughter will soon find her place in the house
of the new tyrant. The images and statues which the
state has raised to you will be thrown down and become
the laughing stock of the mob.
Meg. : Tell me, will none of my friends be enraged at
these outrages ?
CI. : Have you then any friend ? What right have you
to a friend ? You don't perceive then that all those whom
you saw every day grovelling at your feet, your people who
applauded to the echo each of your words and actions,
only did so from fear or from expectation of profit. It
was only your power they sought, and they seized the
opportune moment.
Meg. : For all that, at our feasts their libations were
accompanied with loud proclamations and good wishes for
my happiness. All were ready at need to die for me.
Gl. : And yet it was after having supped with one of
them yesterday that death seized you. It was the last cup
of wine which proved fatal.
Meg. : Ah ! that explains the bitter taste. But why did
they poison me ?
CI. : Don't ask too many questions. It is time to
embark.
Meg. : One thing wrings my heart, Clotho, for which,
were it only for a moment, I would once more see the light
of day.
CI. : What is it, then ? It must be a matter of great
importance.
Meg. : My slave, Carion, after my death came into my
chamber the evening I was laid out and, finding the occa-
sion good, seeing that no one was in charge, he shuts the
door, seizes my mistress, Glycerium, with whom I expect
LUOiAN AND HIS TIMES.
21
the rascal had long- had a secret understanding, and, just
as if no one was there, he hugs her in his arms. Then he
casts his eyes on me and cries out, " Ah, brigand ! you
have often beaten me unjustly. Wait a bit." At these
words he plucks me by the beard, bangs me with his fist,
and then spits in my face, exclaming, " Go where all
wicked men go." I was burning with anger, but could not
avenge myself, cold corpse that I was. Then the perfidious
girl, when she heard the noise of those who were coming,
moistens her eyes with her pocket-handkerchief to make
believe she was weeping for my loss, sobs like anything,
and goes away crying "Oh Megapenthes, Megapenthes,
oh." Oh, if I could only get hold of them !
CI. : Stop your idle threats and get on board. It is time
to appear before the tribunal of the judge.
Meg. : Who will dare to condemn a king ?
CI. : A king? No one! But a dead man, Rhadamanthus.
You will see him and hear him pronounce just judgments
soon enough. On, on, no more delay.
Meg. : Oh fate ! let me be one of the common people;
poor, or even a slave, instead of a king. Only let me live
again.
CI. ; Where is Charon and his stick ? And you, Mercury,
both of you drag him by the feet to the ladder ; for he will
never get in by himself.
M. : Follow us, you slippery fellow. Hold him tight,
Charon, and, my word, for greater security. . . .
Ch. : Quite so. Fasten him to the mast.
Meg. : Well, anyhow I must take my seat in the place of
honour.
CI. : Why ?
Meg. : By Jupiter, because I was a king, escorted by ten
thousand men at arms.
Ch. : My faith ! Carion was not in the wrong to pluck
you by the beard. I will make t ho memory of your
tyranny bitter to you with a taste of the stick.
CI. : There, there ! Away with him !
22 LUCIAN AND HIS TIMES.
And now listen to the splendid ending. The
tyrant has been tried :
Rhadamanthus : No need of further witness. Put off
your purple garments that we may count the stains on your
soul. Great God ! he is marked from head to foot a livid
blue with the multitude of spots. What sort of punish-
ment must we inflict on him? Cast him into Phlegython
or deliver him to Cerberus ?
Cyniscus (the cynic) : No. But, if you permit, I will
suggest a new sort of punishment applicable to his crimes.
Rhad. : Say on. I shall be much obliged to you.
Cyn. : It is the custom, I believe, for the dead to drink
the water of Lethe.
Rhad. ; It is.
Cyn. : Let him only not be permitted to drink of it.
Rhad. : Why?
Cyn. : He will be cruelly punished by the memory of his
earthly power and by the thought of his old pleasures.
Rhad. : Right ! Let him suffer this chastisement.
Chain him near Tantalus and let him remember all he has
done during his life.
Brutal and ineffective for the poor ignorant fool.
But is not this a more excellent way than the
mediaeval hell ?
The Chairman (W. J. Courthope, Esq., C.B.,
D.Litt., V.P.) : I am sure that I am only expressing
the feelings of all those who are present in saying-
how much obliged we are to Mr. Candler for his
extremely able and interesting paper. He will
perhaps allow me personally to express my admira-
tion for the skilf ul manner in which he has condensed
into a brief and effective form the very pregnant
subject which is indicated by the title of his paper.
He has dwelt justly on the completely negative
LUCIAN AND niS TIMES. 23
character of Lucian's genius. Undoubtedly the
negation of all positive religious belief in Lucian's
time was at once one of the most important factors
in the eventual establishment of Christianity as
the religion of the Roman Empire, and also the
explanation (though, as Mr. Candler justly said, only
partially the excuse) of Lucian's sceptical attitude
towards the new Faith. It is evident that Lucian's
judgment on all matters about which he speaks in
his dialogues was exclusively intellectual, and what
his age needed was moral Faith. He used the
dialogue, as Plato had used it centuries before, mainly
for the purpose of testing the truth of current
opinions ; and perhaps we ought not to be too hard
on him for not attempting a constructive solution
of the moral problems of his time, seeing how little
success Plato himself had achieved in his efforts to
constitute by means of philosophy alone a positive
mode of belief which would satisfy the needs of
human nature. On the other hand, the artistic use
which Lucian made of the dialogue as the instru-
ment of his thought is deserving of our very high
admiration. Mr. Candler has spoken of the charm-
ing purity and limpidity and the absence of all
affectation from his style, and I may incidentally
commend this to the advocates of classical education
— with whom I enthusiastically range my self — as an
illustration of the expediency, in teaching the classics,
of drawing attention historically to the character
of the thought in the great authors of Greece and
Rome, instead of confining the attention, as has
hitherto been too much the practice, to mere accuracy
of philological detail. Lucian's use of the dialogue
24 LUOIAN AND HIS TIMES.
which lie applied to the circumstances of his own
age was, intellectually speaking, exactly what his
age needed, and when we consider the relation in
which he stands to Christianity we ought to observe
how great was his intellectual influence on such a
writer as Erasmus, whose ' Colloquies,' evidently
modelled on those of Lucian, did so much to advance
the cause of the Renaissance and the Reformation
in the sixteenth century. As to the matter of such
a dialogue as " Hermotimus " and its connection with
Christianity, Mr. Candler has well shown us, look-
ing at it from the merely philosophical side, in how
many respects it anticipates the spirit of Bunyan's
1 Pilgrim's Progress ' ; and to this I would add that
the extract he has so appropriately given us from
the dialogue of the ' Crossing of the Styx ' may be
suggestively compared with the style of some of the
early English Moralities. If anyone will refer to the
admirable Morality called ' Everyman,' he will at
once see what a close parallel exists between the
satirical replies of Clotho to Megapenthes the Tyrant
and those of Goods to Everyman when the latter
attempts to rely on his riches at the moment of
death.
THE BEST POETRY.
BY THOMAS STURGE MOORE, F.R.S.L.
[Read March 27th, 1912.]
I shall attempt to show you why the best poetry
usually passes unobserved, and how you may train
yourselves to recognise it.
Matthew Arnold, our greatest literary critic in the
last century, thought that if we were to draw full
benefit from poetry, " we must accustom ourselves
to a high standard and to a strict judgment," and
thus learn to recognise " the best in poetry."
No easy task, you think.
Yet the means whereby it may be accomplished
are simple.
First : A habit of making the mind up as to which
poem among those we read satisfies us best ; not to
rest there, nor until we know whether the whole
poem causes our admiration or whether parts of it
are only accepted as introduction or sequel to this
or that passage ; till, if possible, we discriminate the
most perfect line, phrase or rhythm.
Secondly : A determination to become intimate
only with verse that stands the test of our most
active moods, instead of letting the luckless day,
with its relaxed temper, console itself with some-
thing that we have perceived to be second-rate. For
in proportion as we are loyal to our taste, it will
vol. xxxi. 3
26 THE BEST POETRY.
become more difficult to please until at last a really
sound judgment is acquired.
Perhaps you will think I speak too confidently,
and that good taste in poetry is not within the reach
of every honest endeavour.
For a while please imagine that you may be mis-
taken, and admit that the method of developing
taste is possibly both simple and native to mankind.
Difficulty really arises through the mind's pre-
occupations, which prevent a sufficiency of con-
sideration being applied to aesthetic experience. So
manifold and strong are these distractions that
perhaps not more than half a dozen men in a genera-
tion continue to form their taste through many years
together.
The probability of this will appear if we roughly
sketch the accidents which deter us from persever-
ing, even though we leave out of sight all those
which deprive taste of opportunity, and indicate
merely such as induce bad habits of mind.
Many readers, supposing them to have set out
unprejudiced, may soon be committed to praise or
blame, and then prove reluctant to revise and reject
those so confident judgments. This unwillingness
to renounce infallibility already seduces their minds
to continue a higher strain of praise or a more
rigorous blame than now appears due ; and such
disloyalty spreading will even blight the roots of
admiration.
More modest souls are, on the contrary, all ears
for others' opinions; yet the veiy openness of their
minds may let in such a crowd of contradictory
voices that in the din and confusion their own poor
THE BEST POETRY. 27
reason, unable to hold its own, by degrees acquiesces
in silence.
Some, again, read verse so quickly or in such
quantities that energy fails them for searching,
sifting and listening to their genuine impressions
with ardour and thoroughness: while others will
desist from effort through mere indolence, and so
making fewer and fewer discoveries of excellence,
will gradually take less interest in poetry till they
no longer find it worth while to read any.
Then there are those who conclude that great
poets produce nothing but great poetry, and drown
their taste in forced admiration for a sea of failure,
since success crowns the efforts of poetical geniuses
far less frequently than those of skilled artisans.
Taste, in minds more orderly than appreciative,
is often suffocated by scholarship. Knowledge
concerning man, period or text absorbs them, till
beauty, whose supposed presence was their pretext
for study, is habitually overlooked by their
familiarity.
Again, ardent partisans will find the poetry whose
beauty most delights them tainted with convictions
to which they are opposed, — heterodox religious
dogmas, or ultra Tory or ultra Radical theories with
which they have no patience : or it may even happen
that some true poet shocks their respectability with
what they can honestly call gross immorality.
In all these ways, and many more, men habitually
stunt and adulterate their taste instead of allowing
it to refresh, refine and reform their minds, even
when they have started unprejudiced, and alert for
discovery.
28 THE BEST POETRY.
Now a still greater mass of individuals are biassed
against poetry from the start. Its mere unfamiliarity
appals them. Like old-fashioned servants, they
keep their lives consistently downstairs in regard to
it. Whether vice or virtue, it is not for the likes
of them.
Their bolder brothers are ashamed to associate so
fantastic a mode of speech with business-like
cogitations. Rhyme is all very well in a music-hall
song ; but what an inconceivable nuisance to a man
who wishes to be undistracted ! And even when not
so alienated by ignorance, or the inhuman circum-
stancesof their lives, they may alone be impressionable
through some enthusiasm, and thus become exclusive
readers of imperialistic or socialistic verse because
they are aglow with sympathy for the poet's ideas,
and remain immovable by similar or superior
beauties not so associated.
In this way many folk enjoy hymns to whom all
other poetry is distasteful, or are ravished by
limericks who could not be tempted to open a
Golden Treasury.
Again the kindling eloquence of some critic, the
voice and manner of some reader, cause their taste
to be passionately espoused : when the same ardent
hero-worship Avhich transplants it may prove the
enemy of its further growth. For discipleship will
often take a perverse pride in refusing to admire
and love, except where it has the warrant of its
master's actual example.
All these are kinds of initial bigotries which may
easily be so ingrained in a person of fourteen that
hardly any upheaval can be conceived which should
THE BEST POETRY.
29
lay bare the foundations of their humanity to this
most congenial of influences, the power of the best
poetry.
A third class are those who are meanly corrupt ;
endowed with a little taste, they have employed it
on personal or social ends, instead of desiring to be
employed by it in the discovery of excellence. They
have sought sentimental consolations or a pick-me-
up for enthusiasm, and used and abused this nectar
as others use and abuse alcohol.
Or by its means they have tried to shine in
society, to pass for cultured people cheaply. Or
they have learned to understand and theorise about
it in order to teach in a school or give an extension
lecture ; or, through the weakness of all their other
tastes, have drifted into literary criticism or a pro-
fessorship at an university by way of excusing their
existence.
In all these ways taste may be harnessed to a
market cart, and trot backwards and forwards on
the highway, respected among other respectable
trades, but stunted, cowed and gelded.
Now, suppose that all these dangers have been
avoided, — and there are few walks of life not notably
infested by one or another of them,- — right across the
road of progress in good taste there then lies waiting
a more terrible ogre, who enslaves great geniuses and
starves minds potentially as rich as the Indies. He is
that species of vanity which admires what is imperti-
nent or accidental because it is* a man's own. All satis-
faction with mere cleverness, mere daintiness, mere
subtlety, oddity, bravado, blnffness, etc., witli which
fine designs have been teased or disfigured is wound
30 THE BEST POETRY.
of his dealing. No literature has he scarred more
deeply than our English. Shakespeare himself
could not defend the grandest poems ever conceived
against his barbarity.
" 'Be true to your taste/ this mocking giant cries, 'your
own taste, not any one else's. Be not overborne by tradi-
tion or corrupted by fashion. Dare on your own account
and let the ideal take care of itself. What ! Correct
nature, correct yourself ! Amazing nonsense ! You are what
you are; Nature is what it is. That is all we want to
know ; all we can admire.'
> })
Deluded by this advocate of a specious loyalty to
taste, men tie themselves to first thoughts and raw
emotions as though these were more essentially their
own than thoughts cleared and polished by reflection,
or emotion chastened by considerate expression.
They will relinquish study in dread of tainting
their originality, checking their verve, or confusing
their impressions. " I want to put down just what
I think, what I feel, nothing more, nothing less,"
they plead. Alas ! had you taken up with that
theory in infancy you would be a baby still.
A thriving taste is like a seedling, intensely itself,
but determined to be a tree. Its possessor must be
loyal to the laws of its growth and provide it with
food, light, air. It does not desire instant petrifac-
tion to preserve it from change and inconsistency,
but is eager to embrace and attack the unknown in
order to obtain new impressions, to arrange and
recompose with its own. And as a creator who
owns such a taste is constantly recasting, reconsider-
ing and correcting his work, and eschews both haste
THE BEST POETRY. 31
and lethargy, so an appreciator, whose taste lives,
strives after larger comprehension by watching
those whom he surmises may possibly possess such ;
and by sifting and searching his present judgments
he will be constantly reconstructing hierarchies of
merit, giving marks, 100 for Shakespeare's best
sonnet, a duck's egg for his worst.
Mr. Lascelles Abercrombie lately published " The
Sale of St. Thomas," a fine poem. He must take up
at least half a dozen poets and come very near the
top of the class. Yet, if in " The Emblems of Love,"
which has appeared since, he seems to us to have
done but little to secure that pre-eminence, this also
should be promptly admitted.
In a definite number of stanzas, Mr. Herbert
Trench's fine gift of a musical style becomes one
with felicity of conception. It is worth while to
know it, and to be jealous over a single unit more
or less. This ceaseless movement and reorganisa-
tion of a man's judgment is a condition of the
growth of taste, and enables him to look back on
bygone admirations with the conviction that those
of to-day are stronger, more definite, and yield
him purer delight.
But improviser and impressionist accept just
what happens to be there, and, while they try to
record it unaltered by reason or tendency, it dwin-
dles for lack of the nourishment that a purpose and
reconsideration would have given it. Impressionism
should not be regarded as the practice of a school
of painters ; this bad habit is as old as Jubal, the
father of all such as handle the harp and organ.
Even the modern avowed and vain-glorious im-
32 THE BEST POETRY.
pressionism impoverished the art not only of
Whistler, but that of Meredith ; nay, it had infected
even such a genius as Browning, and all but
justifies what Mr. Hantayana, perhaps the finest
literary critic alive, says of him :
" Now it is in the conception of tilings fundamental and
ultimate that Browning is weak, he is strong in the concep-
tion of things immediate. The pulse of emotion, the
bobbing up of thought, the streaming of reverie — these he
can note down with picturesque force or imagine with
admirable fecundity. Yet the limits of such excellence
are narrow. For no man can safely go far without the
guidance of reason. His long poems have no structure.
. . . Even his short poems have no completeness, no lim-
pidity. . . . What is admirable in them is the pregnancy
of phrase, vividness of passion and sentiment, heaped-up
scraps of observation, occasional flashes of light, occasional
beauties of versification, all like —
' The quick sharp scratch
And blue spurt of a lighted match.'
There is never anything largely composed in the spirit of
pure beauty, nothing devotedly finished, nothing simple
and truly just."*
Rossetti called a sonnet " a moment's monument."
Fortunately he did not mean all he might have
meant by it, and his own sonnets were the result of
long hours of meditation, and recast again and
again. His phrase, however, epitomises this theory;
a moment, not a choice moment, but any single
moment, is considered as worthy of an eternal
monument. With this end in view the writer is
more fortunate than the artist. He may record
* ' Poetry and Religion ' : " The Poetry of Barbarism," p. 208.
THE BEST POETRY. 33
minute after minute just what words come into
his head, till at last none come and his work is
finished. And appreciation for such work is
acquired in the same manner, by stupefying reason
and yielding oneself, like the smoker of opium, to a
stream of suggestions.
The out and out impressionist would be like a
man who should strip his clothes off in order to
prove that his honesty needed no disguise, and,
when he was naked, must be clapped into an asylum
because he had lost his wits. Instead of accumu-
lating resources, the improviser or impressionist
whittles them away ; though he be rich at the out-
start, he will always be poorer in the end. This
process has a wide-spread fascination even in prac-
tical life, as the bankruptcy courts attest. Running
downhill begets its proper exhilaration, one moves
faster and faster ; the invigoration derived from
ascending must maintain itself in spite of decreasing
speed.
Now not only do the victims of these many
maladies of taste which I have enumerated miss
sound health, but, by implacable necessity, they
become passively or actively, here or there, enemies
and maltreaters of poetry, who resist and persecute
her best.
Why should we then wonder at the ups and
downs of literary history, the blindness of con-
temporaries, the long-continued bigotry of worthless
fashions, or at the lives and misfortunes of poets ?
Poetry, as distinguished from prose, is for-
mally rhythmic ; and the reason why it is so, is that
:54 THE BEST POETRY.
a majority of the finest mentalities have considered
formal rhythms capable of greater beauty. Apart
from their beauty they are simply inconvenient.
Browning compares the ravishing depth and
warmth of colour, which Keats discovered the secret
of, to Tyrian purple, and says that he flooded the
literary market with —
" Enough to furnish Solomon
Such hangings for his cedar-house,
That, when gold-robed he took the throne
In that abyss of blue, the Spouse
Might swear his presence shone.
"Most like the centre-spike of gold
Which burns deep in the blue-bell's womb,
What time, with ardours manifold
The bee goes singing to her groom,
Drunken and over-bold.''
■ — stanzas whose beauty is worthy to rank with
Keats' s own work, and which add to his luxurious
richness of diction a directness and energy of move-
ment such as he has left no example of.
But Browning continues :
"And there's the extract, flashed and fine
And priced and saleable at last !
And Hobbs, Nobbs, Stokes and Nokes combine
To paint the future from the past,
Put blue into their Hue.
" Hobbs hints blue, — straight he turtle eats :
Nobbs prints blue, — claret crowns his cup :
Nokes outdares Stokes in azure feats, —
Both gorge. Who fished the murex up ?
What porridge had John Keats ? "*"
* " Popularity " : ' Browning's Works,' vol. vi, p. 192.
THE BEST POETRY. 35
— stanzas in which the artificial form of verse seems
merely to incommode that vigour and directness, so
eminently characteristic of Browning, both when he
writes poetry and when he distorts prose into its
semblance and caricature.
Take another instance of this abuse, from Words-
worth :
"Yes, it was the mountain echo,
Solitary, clear, profound,
Answering to the shouting cuckoo
Giving to her sound for sound.
" Unsolicited reply
To a babbling wanderer sent ;
Like her ordinary cry
Like — but oh, how different ! "
These two stanzas enchant the ear, and kindle the
mind to joyous receptiveness. But, alas ! the poet
continues much as the genius of the Salvation
Army adapts the tune of a successful music-hall
song to other words.
" Hears nob also mortal life ?
Hear not we unthinking- creatures
Slaves of folly, love, and strife —
Voices of two different natures ?
" Have not we too ? — yes, we have
Answers, and we know not whence ;
Echoes from beyond the grave
Kecognised intelligence !
" Often as thy inward ear
Catches such rebounds, beware ! —
Listen, ponder, hold them dear ;
For of God, — of God they are."*
* ' Poems of the Imagination,' xxix.
36 THE BEST POETRY.
And one lias almost forgotten that he was
inspired when he set out. The Muse was re-
sponsible for those first delightful stanzas; Mr.
Wordsworth, philosophical member of the Church
of England, for the three last, commendable in many
ways but not as poetry, since all they say might
have been expressed as well or even better in
prose.
Emerson says :
" The thought, the happy image, which expressed it, and
which was a true experience to the poet, recurs to the mind,
and sends me hack in search of the hook. And I wish
that the poet should foresee this habit of readers, and omit
all but important passages. Shakespeare is made up of
important passages, like Damascus steel made up of old
nails/'*
It would have been much better if Wordsworth
had published his two stanzas and Browning his
two, and omitted the rest of their poems. Why
did they not ?
Emerson shall tell us :
" Great design belongs to a poem and is better than any
skill of execution,— but how rare ! I find it in the poems
of Wordsworth, ' Laodamia ' and the ' Ode to Dion,'
and the plan of ' The Recluse.' We want design, and do
not forgive the bards if they have only the art of enamelling.
We want an architect and they bring us an upholsterer."t
It is this demand that makes the poet shy of
proffering his fragment of pure gold, and eggs him
* ' Letters and Social Aims ' : " Poetry and Imagination,"' p. 152.
f Idem., p. 153.
TEE BEST POETRY. 37
on to work it into a statue by adding clay, iron, or
anything else which he has handy.
That ode on Dion, which Emerson mentions, set
out to be the finest ode in our language, and though
less complete, less successful than several of Keats's,
it still retains some superiority over them. As a
magical treatment of the tragedy of heroism, it
stands beside Milton's " Samson Agonistes," and the
scene of the quarrel between Brutus and Cassius in
" Julius Caesar." That scene Nietzsche considered
the grandest in all Shakespeare, on account of the
importance and dignity of its theme ; and the ode
on Dion may claim a similar advantage among
other odes.
Wordsworth's subject was not Dion's tragedy, as
told by Plutarch, but his own sense of its import :
yet he seems to have felt uneasy at not telling the
story, and breaks off to paint a preliminary scene ;
then the might of his true subject seizes him again,
and without ever completing the story he rushes
on to his goal, the moral that cried out of it to him.
Now this moral is the most important inference to
be drawn from experience, and raises the question
about which men will contend longest.
The facts necessary for the comprehension of the
poem, but not easily to be deduced from reading it,
are that Dion Avas a finely gifted man and Plato's
disciple; had been unjustly exiled, and on his return,
coming to the head of affairs, intended to use power
ideally, yet permitted the opponent of his govern-
ment to be illegally put to death ; was reproached
for this in a vision, and soon after fell a victim to
an assassin's knife.
o8 THE BEST POBTEY.
In reading, I will omit the division of clay ; yon
can all decide whether I am justified in so doing
when you read the poem for yourselves at your
leisure.
The beauty of Dion's character and its relation
to that of Plato are first compared to a white swan
sailing in the lio-ht of the moon.
"Fair is the swan, whose majesty, prevailing
O'er breezeless water, on Locarno's lake,
Bears him on while proudly sailing
He leaves behind a moon-illumined wake :
Behold ! the mantling spirit of reserve
Fashions his neck into a goodly curve ;
An arch thrown back between luxuriant wings
Of whitest garniture, like fir-tree boughs
To which, on some unruffled morning, clings
A flaky weight of Avinter's purest snows!
— Behold! — as with a gushing impulse heaves
That downy prow, and softly cleaves
The mirror of the crystal flood
Vanish inverted hill, and shadowy wood
And pendent rocks, where'er, in gliding state
Winds the mute Creature without visible mate
Or rival, save the Queen of night
Showering down a silver light,
From heaven, upon her chosen favourite !
" So pure, so bright, so fitted to embrace,
Where e'er he turned, a natural grace
Of haughtiness without pretence,
And to unfold a still magnificence,
Was princely Dion, in the power
And beauty of his happier hour.
Nor less the homage that was seen to wait
On Dion's virtues, when the lunar beam
THE BEST POETRY. 39
Of Plato's genius, from its lofty sphere
Fell round him in the grove of Academe,
Softening their inbred dignity austere;
That he, not too elate
With self-sufficing solitude,
But with majestic lowliness endued,
Might in the universal bosom reign,
And from affectionate observance gain
Help, under every change of adverse fate.
Mourn, hills and gi-oves of Attica! and mourn
Illisus, bending o'er thy classic urn!
Mourn, and lament for him whose spirit dreads
Your once sweet memory, studious walks and shades!
For him who to divinity aspired,
Not on the breath of popular apphiuse,
But through dependence on the sacred laws
Framed in the schools where Wisdom dwelt retired,
Intent to trace the ideal path of right
(More fair than heaven's broad causeway paved with
stars)
Which Dion learned to measure with delight ;
But he hath overleaped the eternal bars
And, following guides whose craft holds no consent;
With aught that breathes the ethereal element,
Hath stained the robes of civil power with blood,
Unjustly shed, though for the public good.
Whence doubts that came too late, and wishes vain,
Hollow excuses, and triumphant pain ;
And oft his cogitations sink as low
As, through the abysses of a joyless heart,
The heaviest plummet of despair can go.
But whence that sudden check ? that fearful start !
He hears an uncouth sound.
Anon his lifted eyes
Saw at a long-drawn gallery's dusky bound,
40 THE BEST POETRY.
A shape of more than mortal size
And hideous aspect, stalking round and round.
A woman's garb the Phantom wore,
And fiercely swept the marble floor, —
Like Auster whirling to and fro
His force on Caspian foam to try ;
Or Boreas when he scours the snow
That skins the plains of Thessaly,
Or when aloft on Maenalus he stops
His flight, 'mid eddying pine-tree tops !
" So, but from toil less sign of profit reaping,
The sullen Spectre to her purpose bowed,
Sweeping — vehemently sweeping —
No pause admitted, no design avowed !
' Avaunt, inexplicable Guest ! avaunt,'
Exclaimed the Chieftain — ' Let me rather see
The coronal that coiling vipers make ;
The torch that flames with many a lurid flake,
And the long train of doleful pageantry
Which they behold, whom vengeful Furies haunt ;
Who, while they struggle from the scourge to flee,
Move where the blasted soil is not unworn,
And, in their anguish, bear what other minds have
born ! '
" But Shapes that come not at an earthly call,
Will not depart when mortal voices bid ;
Lords of the visionary' eye whose lid,
Once raised, remains aghast, and will not fall !
Ye Gods, thought He, that servile implement
Obeys a mystical intent !
Your minister would brush away
The spots that to my sonl adhere ;
But should she labour night and day,
They will not, cannot disappear ;
Whence angry perturbations, — and that look
Which no philosophy can brook !
THE BEST POETRY. 41
" Ill-fated chief ! there are whose hopes are built
Upon the ruins of thy glorious name ;
Who, through the portal of one moment's guilt,
Pursue thee with their deadly aim !
0 matchless perfidy ! portentous lust
Of monstrous crime ! — that horror-striking blade,
Drawn in defiance of the Gods, hath laid
The noble Syracusan low in dust !
Shudder' d the walls — the marble city wept —
And sylvan places heaved a pensive sigh ;
But in the calm peace the appointed Victim slept,
As he had fallen in magnanimity ;
Of spirit too capacious to require
That Destiny her course should change ; too just
To his own native greatness to desire
That wretched boon, days lengthened by mistrust.
So were the hopeless troubles, that involved
The soul of Dion, instantly dissolved.
Released from life and cares of princely state,
He left this moral grafted on his Fate :
'Him only pleasure leads, and peace attends,
Him, only him, the shield of Jove defends
Whose means are fair and spotless as his ends.' "*
What magnificent language and rhythm ! Never-
theless, this poem, compared with the Ode on the
Intimations of Immortality, may be classed as
unknown ; yet it contains more and better poetry.
Unfortunately the last three lines, if not clay, are
not pure gold ; for it is not true that pleasure leads
and peace attends, or that the shield of Jove defends
the clean-handed hero, and we notice something trite
in the enunciation of the thought. Wordsworth
should have found it obviously false, since he
* ' Poems of the Imagination,' xxxii.
VOL. xxxr. 4
42 THE BEST POETRY.
accepted Jesus of Nazareth as the perfect type.
Yet, means fair and spotless as the end proposed
are ideal requirements both in art and heroism.
The contention that this scrupulousness, the ideal
beauty of which is freely recognised, should control
business, is probably the hardest bone of contention
with which humanity is provided — the one about
which every compromise of necessity begs the
question.
Brutus, Dion and Samson (who for Milton
represented Cromwell) are such tragic figures
because the beauty of their heroism became tar-
nished and ended in failure.
For my fault-finding with Wordsworth I hope
you will think I have made amends ; I would fain do
as much for Browning, but time and capacity fail
me for reading his magnificent " Artemis Prolo-
guises," perhaps the most splendid 120 lines of blank
verse in English. I will read one of his successful
lyrics instead.
Browning imagines a page-boy in love with a
queen, and, while tending her hounds and hawks,
complaining of this hopeless passion and overheard
by her.
" Give her but a least excuse to love me !
When — where —
How — can this arm establish her above me,
If fortune fixed her as my lady there,
There already, to eternally reprove me ?
{' Hist ! ' — said Kate the Queen ;
But ' oh ! ' — cried the maiden, binding her tresses,
' 'Tis only a page that carols unseen,
Crumbling your hounds their messes !')
THE BEST POETRY. 43
" Is she wronged ? — To the rescue of her honour,
My heart !
Is she poor ? — What costs it to be styled a donor ?
Merely an earth to cleave, a sea to part ?
But that fortune should have thrust all this upon her !
(' Nay, list ! ' — bade Kate the Queen ;
And still cried the maiden binding her tresses,
"Tis only a page that carols unseen,
Fitting your hawks their jesses ! ') "*
The turn of rhythm on " when — where — how " is
so felicitous that it seems madness for a poet to
dream of adding another stanza which, as coining
second, should be more perfect.
Yet when we read —
" Is she wronged ? — To the rescue of her honour,
My heart !
Is she poor ? — What costs it to be styled a donor ? " —
Ave breathe free, and glory in his triumph.
Yet this song is not in the ' Oxford Book of English
Verse,' where under Browning's name several ob-
viously inferior things appear.
Ben Jonson, like Browning, produced a mass of
work pregnant with intelligence, but which rarely
became pure poetry. However, he, like Browning,
yields a handful of perfect things. I will read one :
" See the chariot at hand here of Love,
Wherein my lady rideth !
Each that draws is a swan or a dove,
And well the car Love guideth.
As she goes, all hearts do duty
Unto her beauty
* " Pippa Passes." Part II.
44 THE BEST POETRY.
And, enamoured, do wish, so they might
But enjoy such a sight,
Thar they still were to run by her side
Through swords, through seas, whither she would ride.
" Do but look on her eyes, they do light
All that Love's world compriseth !
Do but look on her hair, it is bright
As Love's star when it riseth !
Do but mark, her forehead's smoother
Than words that soothe her !
And fro til her arched brows, such a grace
Sheds itself through the face,
As alone there triumphs to the life
All the gain, all the good, of the elements' strife.
"Have you seen but a bright lily grow,
Before rude hands have touched it ?
Have you marked but the fall o' the snow
Before the soil hath smutched it ?
Have you felt the wool of beaver ?
Or swan's down ever ?
Or have smelt o' the bud o' the brier ?
Or the nard in the fire ?
Or have tasted the bag of the bee ?
0 so white ! 0 so soft ! 0 so sweet is she ! "*
Palgrave failed to observe the marvellous perfec-
tion of this song. It is not in his ' Golden Treasury,*
which yet contains so much poor stuff. It is by such
felicities as the climax —
0 so white ! 0 so soft ! 0 so sweet is she ! —
that the form of every lyric should be a discovery.
* " Underwoods," iv.
THE BEST POETRY. 45
The surprise of this kind that seems to have
fallen most directly out of heaven is the line —
" Sad true lover never find my grave " —
from the dirge in " Twelfth Night."
" Come away, come away, death,
And in sad cypress let me be laid.
Fly away, fly away, breath ;
I am slain by a fair cruel maid.
My shroud of white, stuck all with yew,
Oh, prepare it !
My part of death, no one so true
Did share it.
Not a flower, not a flower sweet,
On my black coffin let there be strown ;
Not a friend, not a friend greet
My poor corpse, where my bones shall be thrown :
A thousand thousand sighs to save
Lay me, Oh, where
Sad true lover never find my grave
To weep there!"
The difficulty of accounting for the scansion of
that disquieted Shakesperean editors for upwards of
two hundred years, till at last it was observed that
the irregularity was exceedingly beautiful. So
easily is the goal of aesthetic research obscured even
for men as intelligent as Pope or Capel.
Now, for fear of enervating our taste by an over-
constant effort to appreciate what is perfect, let us
compare a stanza from the great lyric in Matthew
Arnold's " Empedocles," and one from Browning's
much-vaunted " Rabbi Ben Ezra," with one from
Shelley's " To a Skylark."
46 THE BEST POETRY.
"In vain our pent wills fret,
And would the world subdue;
Limits we did not set
Condition all we do;
Born into life we are, and life must be our mould."
Undoubtedly that is a true thought, and expressed
with more cogency and clearness than —
"Grow old along with me!
The best is yet to be
The last of life for which the first was made:
Our times are in His hand
Who saith, 'A whole I planned/
Youth shows but half; trust God; see all nor be afraid."
It is obviously more often than not impossible to
obey the command to grow old along with any genial
old gentleman ; it is often, also, untrue that the best
is yet to be. No doubt, it would be very consoling
if experience bore out the old Rabbi : but it does
not.
Now listen to Shelley, for the desired, the en-
chanting, the ever-acceptable accent which creates
beauty and joy even out of depression :
" We look before and after
And pine for what is not :
Our sincerest laughter
With some pain is fraught ;
Our sweetest songs ai-e those that tell of saddest
thought."
True. " To a Skylark " treats continually of
lovely and agreeable things, but so does Rabbi Ben
Ezra ; he compares passionate youth with serene
THE BEST rOETEY. 47
old age, and, refurbishing the hackneyed image of
the potter and the clay, substitutes for the non-
descript " vessel," a Grecian urn. Yet with all these
opportunities he never turns a single stanza so
beautiful as the most abstract of Shelley's.
The fact is, Browning represents Rabbi Ben
Ezra as a prosperous old man enjoying a stately
decline, who allows his after-dinner optimism to
get the better of his observation and experience.
He is moved by thought, but less conscious of
its truth or beauty than of its supposed efficacy
for cheering, that is bamboozling : and this pur-
pose of his cannot beget afflatus sufficient to
rise to a fine form and movement, so his utterance is
outclassed not only by Shelley's, which is beautiful,
but by Arnold's, which, though plain, is sincere.
I mentioned that some of the best poetry has been
honestly charged with immorality. Such accusa-
tions are usually made by people who regard the
fact that poets can and often do preach excellent
sermons as the only excuse for verse. Now to
elucidate this difficulty we must conceive of English
morality as something dependent on the customs
and habits of the English, not as an absolute
criterion of worth. In practical life it is a mistake
to run counter to one's neighbours without a weighty
reason without being prepared to suffer as a
consequence.
But in the realm of contemplation, whither
poetry should lift us, morality, instead of being
established, is a project.
There, if it is not to prove futile, neither deed nor
doer must be left unconsidered, but the whole
48 THE BEST POETRY.
reality must be harmoniously reviewed. For this
reason we should welcome all who can give fine
literary form to auy accident, however inconvenient
that accident may be in a mundane sphere. An
unpalatable truth thus becomes associated with
beauty — an object for contemplation, yielding
refreshment and recreation.
" It is all very well in a book," as people say of
extravagant behaviour, implying that in practice it
is less pardonable ; and what they say is quite true.
Only their tone of voice may be disparaging to
literature and betray the penury of their taste.
A consequence of this more comprehensive horizon
which poetry demands is that a poem must not only
be enthralling by beauty and intensity, but, if it be
of any length, by its interest.
Rossetti rightly queried whether a long poem ought
not to be as absorbing as a novel. It ought. A
novel need only fail of being a poem by that degree
of beauty which formal rhythms have over informal.
Most novels do fail in many other ways, but many
long poems fail just where good novels succeed. It
is in vital interest that Shakespeare's " Macbeth,"
"Lear," "Hamlet" and "Othello" are so superior
to " Paradise Lost," though that poem perhaps
maintains a higher level of beauty than they do.
The " Ancient Mariner " is for the same reason a
finer poem than any of equal length since written.
For though " Enoch Arden " and " The Ring and
the Book " are as interesting as novels, they fail
like novels also, the one by lack of the distinction
that utter sincerity srives, the other by lack of the
restraint that the love of beauty dictates. Keats's
THE BEST POETEY. 49
" Lamia," Arnold's " Empedocles," though less ab-
sorbing, more nearly marry a considerable interest to
a proportionate beauty. And for the same reason
Mr. Yeats' s verse dramas succeed better than any of
those by the Victorian poets ; though several, like
Browning's " Strafford," are more powerful, or like
Swinburne's " Atalanta," more original, or like
Tennyson's " The Cup," more theatrical.
We, like the folk of many previous ages, have it
dinned into our ears that poetry, to be great, must
treat of actual pre-occupations, and not harp on any
which are as notably neglected as was the ideal of
justice in Dante's day. Well, well, let us allow
that the best kind of people at present discuss plans
for mitigating the evils of social inequality. How
does the best poetry treat this problem ?
Not in Lloyd George's way, nor yet like Mr. and
Mrs. Webb, nor even like Bernard Shaw. Their
ways are, of course, aimed at and achieve a different
kind of success. But do they as grandly allay our
passions and restore us to as propitious a frame of
mind ?
The opinions of Byron and Shelley took their cue
from the advanced political thinkers of that day,
but failed to inspire their loftiest verse. Such
themes as personal guilt, and loneliness or some
woman, some cloud, a skylark or the healing power
of night inspired their happiest flights. They
chanted freedom, indeed, but are outclassed by
reactionary Wordsworth on this theme : while a
poet, never praised for thought, conceived this
problem in very lovely verse, almost as we realise
it to-day.
50 THE BEST POETRY.
" With her two brothers this fair lady dwelt
Knriched from ancestral merchandize,
And for them many a weary hand did swelt
In torched mines and noisy factories,
And many once proud-quivered loins did melt
In blood from stinging- whips; — with hollow eyes
Many all day in dazzling- river stood,
To take the rich-or'd driftings of the flood.
"For them the Ceylon diver held his breath,
And went all naked to the hungry shark;
For them his ears gashed blood; for them in death
The seal on the cold ice with piteous bark
Lay fall of darts; for them alone did seethe
A thousand men in troubles wide and dark:
Half-ignorant, they turned an easy wheel,
That set sharp racks at work, to pinch and peel.
'•Why were they proud? Because their marble founts
Gushed with more pride than do a wretch's tears ? —
Why were they proud? Because fair orange-mounts
Were of more soft ascent than lazar stairs? —
Why were they proud? Because red-lined accounts
Were richer than the songs of Grecian years? —
Why were they proud? again we ask aloud,
Why in the name of Glory were they proud ?"
That question is so much more winsome than an
accusation. What have we, any of us, added to
favouring circumstance to warrant pride ? Asked
not in the name of justice, but of Glory. How
universal the difficulty of a reply appears ! To rail
at tyrants is by comparison as though, when a little
girl was naughty, we should scold her dolls; for
kings and governors are only the "to}Ts of that lust
for possessing which makes us all, rich and poor
alike, so negligent of nobler things.
THE BEST POETRY. 51
Though the first line of " Endymion " has become
a proverb and already smells musty, serious people
have not acquired the habit of looking for truth in
beauty, where the nearest approach to it can be
made. They expect and recommend precisely the
opposite course, and approved Lord Tennyson,
when in "Locksley Hall Sixty Years After," he
set the turbid accusations of Carlyle and Ruskin to
tuneful numbers, although he failed of Keats's
success. Whereas a living poet, never mentioned
by those who plume themselves on pre-occupation
with these problems has, I think, surpassed those
slightly rhetorical stanzas in Keats's " Pot of Basil,"
which had remained the high-water mark of expres-
sion on this theme.
THE STATUES.
" Tarry a moment, happy feet
That to the sound of laughter glide !
0 glad ones of the evening street,
Behold what forms are at your side !
" You conquerors of the toilsome day
Pass by with laughter, labour done;
But these within their dui-ance stay ;
Their travail sleeps not with the sun.
" They like dim statues without end,
Their patient attitudes maintain ;
Your triumphing bright course attend,
But from your eager ways abstain.
" Now, if you chafe in secret thought,
A moment turn from light distress,
And see how Fate on these have wrought,
Who yet so deeply acquiesce.
52 THE BEST POETRY.
" Behold fchem, stricken, silent, weak,
The maimed, the mute, the halt, the blind,
Condemned in hopeless hope to seek
The thing which they shall never find.
" They haunt the shadows of your ways
In masks of perishable mould :
Their souls a changing flesh arrays,
But they are changeless from of old.
" Their lips repeat an empty call,
But silence wraps their thoughts around.
On them, like snow, the ages fall ;
Time muffles all this transient sound.
" When Shalmaneser pitched his tent
By Tigris, and his flag unfurled,
And forth his summons proudly sent
Into the new unconquered world ;
" Or when with spears Cambyses rode
Through Memphis and her bending slaves,
Or first the Tyrian gazed abroad
Upon the bright vast outer waves ;
" When sages, star-instructed men,
To the young glory of Babylon
Foreknew no ending ; even then
Innumerable years had flown,
" Since first the chisel in her hand
Necessity, the sculptor, took,
And in her spacious meaning planned
These forms, and that eternal look ;
" These foreheads, moulded from afar,
These soft, unfathomable eyes, "
Gazing from darkness, like a star ;
These lips, whose grief is to be wise.
THE BEST POETRY. 53
"As from the mountain marble rude
The growing- statue rises fair,
She from immortal patience hewed
The limbs of ever-young despair.
" There is no bliss so new and dear,
It hath not them far-off allured.
All things that we have yet to fear
They have already long endured.
" Nor is there any sorrow more
Than hath ere now befallen these,
Whose gaze is as an opening door
On wild interminable seas.
" 0 Youth, run fast upon thy feet,
With full joy haste thee to be filled,
And out of moments brief and sweet
Thou shalt a power for ages build.
"Does thy heart falter ? Here, then, seek
What strength is in thy kind ! With pain
Immortal bowed, these mortals weak
Gentle and unsubdued remain."
That I think is first-rate poetry. It does not
attribute to human agency what possibly lies beyond
its scope, in order either to praise or blame. It
recognises that some virtues are almost always the
work of adversity, others of prosperity; some
proper to youth and health, others to age and
suffering ; and it is thus considerate while rapt in an
ecstasy of contemplation such as can but clothe
itself in delightful phrases and felicitous images.
To my mind the stanza about aged stricken folk
is the finest :
0-4 THE BEST POETRY.
" There is no bliss so new and dear.
It liath not them tar-off allured.
All things that we have yet to fear,
They have already long endured" —
while above all the others I prize the two lines —
" She from immortal patience hewed
The limbs of ever-young despair."
Yet while I thus distinguish, I reprove myself for
separating them from the wave of five stanzas, of
which they form the crest :
" Since first the chisel in her hand
Necessity, the sculptor, took,
And in her spacious meaning planned
These forms, and that eternal look;
" These foreheads, moulded from afar,
These soft, unfathomable eyes,
Gazing from darkness, like a star ;
These lips, whose grief is to be wise.
" As from the mountain marble rude
The growing statue rises fair,
She from immortal patience hewed
The limbs of ever-young despair.
"There is no bliss so new and dear,
It hath not them far-off allured.
All things that we have yet to fear
They have already long endured.
" Nor is there any sorrow more
Than hath ere now befallen these,
Whose gaze is as an opening door
On wild interminable seas."
That I think is more successful poetry than any
THE BEST POETRY. OD
in Browning's " Rabbi Ben Ezra " or in Tennyson's
" Locksley Hall " ; nay, more successful than any
produced by those great poets after the first glorious
flush had paled on the forehead of their youthful
genius. Is it not well described b}^ Shelley's line —
" Our sweetest songs are those which tell of saddest
thought " ?
It is the work of Laurence Binyon, and published
in his 'London Visions.'
Now these are merely my opinions, and should
not be adopted by you : nor need they ever become
yours, unless your progress towards the distant goal
of a perfect appreciation of excellence should happen
to lead you over the very same spot where I now
stand.
Each one of you is a traveller over these delectable
mountains, and not what has delighted me or any
other pilgrim brings you on your way and holds off
fatigue and depression, but what delights you.
Only be occupied and ever anew eager in arranging
what you admire by order of merit. Examine your
preferences, do not rest content with enjoying them,
and you will grow aware of niceties and differences
in what is admirable that otherwise would have
escaped your notice. You will invigorate and render
rational what may have seemed the truly mystical
fascination which verse exerted over you.
Let me warn you against negative standards.
Never record your impressions by enumerating
faults, as the newspaper critic so often does. Never
accept the absence of apparent flaws as proof of the
presence of excellence. Keep to the positive merits
56 THE BEST POETRY.
mikI try to define tlieni; merely turn away from what
calls for blame. Disparaging warps the mind far
worse than over-lauding. Above all, institute com-
parisons whenever you find two poets, treating the
same theme or using the same form with felicity to
diverse effect, or in any way rivalling one another.
Animals see, breathe and feel, man alone discovers,
appreciates and admires; it is not enough to passively
enjoy ; we must create order in our experiences.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL
LITERATURE.
BY JOSEPH OFFORD,
Menibre de l'Association pour l'Encouragement des Etudes
Grecques and of the Associazione Avcheologica Romana.
[ Read April 24th, 1912.]
In the year 1892 I had the honour of bringing
before the Royal Society of Literature the sub-
ject of the discoveries of remains of ancient classical
literature, summarising very inadequately, it is to be
feared, those recovered works which I deemed the
most important since the completion of the achieve-
ments of Cardinal Mai and his successors in decipher-
ing the palimpsest manuscripts in European libraries.
The portions of lost books I was able to enumerate
at that time were very considerable both in number
and contents, especially those found upon papyri
preserved in almost rainless Egypt, and it was not
then thought probable that in future the harvest
would annually be equally prolific. But the yearly
average of newly published texts, most of them, it
must be admitted, mere fragments, has not dimi-
nished, nor does it appear to be likely to do so for
some time to come. Moreover, although many
of the pieces edited are so short, they often pos-
sess an importance quite disproportionate to their
length.
vol. xxxr. 5
53 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
It should be mentioned that the continuance for
a time of further new publications now, arises more
from the immense quantity of papyri already in
Europe that are not yet sufficiently examined by
specialists rather than from new finds occurring as
frequently as formerly was the case. In fact the
discovery of papyri in Egypt has seriously dimi-
nished in volume. The extension of artificial
irrigation and of the area of cultivated land, and
the flooding of large tracts by the further raising
of the Assouan Barrage, will tend still further to
reduce the possibility of rescuing many more precious
literary relics from oblivion. This short paper
may therefore prove to be a sort of summing up on
behalf of the Royal Society of Literature of the
most remarkable epoch in the story of classical
literature, since, at the Renaissance, the Humanist
search for, and editing of, many Greek and Latin
manuscripts some three centuries ago.
As this hurried review of the matter, for reasons
of time and space, must necessarily be confined to
the consideration of texts of the classics hitherto
unknown, it cannot include a survey of the many
new manuscripts of portions of authors previously
extant. It is well, however, to allude here to their
value because of the information they afford as to
the purity of the text of the versions we possessed
previous to the recent discoveries.
This is very great, because it almost universally
tends to confirm the comparative accuracy of the
texts as preserved in the codices that fortunately
escaped destruction in the " dark ages." Now, we
can at least say that in the case of all those pre-
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 59
viousry extant authors of which it is possible to com-
pare with duplicate newly found editions which we
know for certain date either early before, or shortly
subsequent to our era, that the versions we have
had in use since the revival of learning differ, though
later in date, but slightly from those held to be
correct 2000 years ago.
Any vague dread among certain scholars that the
well-known classics may, in some cases, have been
forgeries of lost books written to satisfy Roman
book collectors cannot now oppress even the most
sceptical mind.
The works considered as authoritative specimens
of their alleged authors in Alexandria, the greatest
seat of literary activity of antiquity, are, for all
intents and purposes, identical with those — few
of them, alas! — we have been perusing and en-
joying.
Turning now to our subject proper, it will be
convenient to divide it into two portions, those of
Greek and of Latin authors, instead of treating of
the new manuscripts upon any system derived from
the date of their discovery.
As the Patristic, or early Christian literature,
cannot be discussed on this occasion, but few
references to Syriac, Coptic or Arab texts need be
made.
Finally, in composing the paper I decided to
dwell somewhat fully upon the more important
and interesting pieces of ancient literature whose
restoration to science I have to mention, devoting
only a short time and space to many of the minor
pieces, whose value in themselves separately is small,
60 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
though cumulatively as a subject of literary history
very considerable.
A very valuable relic of the classics worthy to rank
with most of the other recoveries is that of the lost
* Apology ' of Antiphon, the Attic orator, who
formed one anions; the famous four hundred
Oligarchs who, in B.C. 411, overthrew, temporarily,
the democratic Athenian Constitution.
Antiphon was charged with treason because he
happened to be one of twelve delegates dispatched
by the Oligarchs to endeavour to treat with the
Lacedemonians. An additional count in the indict-
ment against him was that of having helped to
destroy the constitution. Thucydides tells us that
the speech he delivered in his own defence was the
finest of its type ever pronounced, and this admira-
tion is confirmed by the statement of other classics.
It did not, however, prevent Antiphon's condemna-
tion and execution.
Being held in such esteem it was doubtless pla-
giarised and imitated by subsequent orators when
arraigned for political misdemeanours, and so, un-
known to us, much of its phraseology and arguments
may be imbedded in later speeches ; but practically
it has hitherto been completely lost, excepting for
excerpts and sentences used for illustration by
grammarians and lexicographers.
Among some papyri obtained by M. Nicolle, of
Geneva, about 1906, for the museum of that city,
were fragments of a manuscript which contained four
portions of the ' Apology ' of * Antiphon, most
elegantly written, evidently being an example of a
" texte cle luxe"
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 61
The four preserved pieces are of unequal length,
and apparently separated a good deal from each
other in the speech.*
Thus several columns of writing are evidently
from the argument, whilst others appertain to the
exposition of facts, and some columns to the per-
oration. This accidental arrangement of the
newly found portion of the text is, supposing that
this is all of the ' Apology ' ever to come to light,
rather advantageous, for the fourfold extracts afford
a better view of the general plan of the discourse
than a continuous piece of equal length would have
done.
We can now follow not only the plan upon which
Antiphon founded his defence, but also the role which
he explains he fulfilled as chief of his party, and
also how he conducted himself as an improvised
administrator in the great crisis in which he became
involved. In the speech we see him suddenly taking
the offensive against his accusers, and when, accor-
ding to custom, the moment had arrived for appealing
to the compassion of his judges, he alludes to his
family, his children and grandchildren as interceding
for him.
The most lengthy fragment fortunately discloses
to us the position thought best for taking up by an
Athenian orator — and perhaps an immature states-
man— in face of a terrible accusation levelled
against himself. He not merely denies participating
in the overthrow of the democracy, but says he
never dreamt of, or desired, it. He alleges that he
* " L'Apologie d'Antiphon," ' d'Apres des fragments inedits sur
papyrus d'Egypte,' par Jules Nicole, Geneve, 1907.
62 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
joined the Oligarchy by force of circumstances, and
that these only in the matter had determined his
conduct. His endeavour was to prove that his sole
guide was patriotism, never ambition, and still less
private interest, and that had he consulted himself
no one would have more ardently maintained the
democratic constitution.
It is evident that it was the weight and eloquence
with which he develops this portion of his ' Apology '
that caused later speakers under similar critical
circumstances to envy his great forensic effort and
to repeat his theme and words. It is possible that
Antiphon had but the morrow of his indictment in
which to prepare his defence. Moreover, the
accusation, as stated, was amended by the addition
of the crime of treason, and he had, on the spur of
the moment, to repel the attack of his foes, of whose
line of assault he had had no previous warning.
Also he had to suit his audience, and conse-
quently may have changed in his speech the verbal
form he had selected for many parts of it.
The literary perfection of his ' Apology ' appears
to show that between the actual deliverance of it
and the condemnation and execution of the sentence
Antiphon was able to edit the matter so as to prepare
it for publication. Before he drank the deadly
draught his last hours may have been occupied in
revising the lines, which now, after the lapse of
many centuries, can be perused once more. The
very thought of such a possibility makes the reading
of these sentences, composed so long ago, a matter
of emotion. They have now been returned to man-
kind never to be lost again. In addition to the
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 63
importance of the ' Apology ' as the work of this
statesman and orator the historical allusions con-
tained in the arguments are very interesting.* The
illustrious names of parties principal to the revolu-
tion appear, such as Pisander, Phrynichus, and
Theramenes, and light is thrown upon affairs at the
crisis.
Almost all the records of newly-found classic
literature are results of the recovery of texts upon
Egyptian papyri. One remarkable manuscript,
however, quite equal in value to most of those from
Egypt, is that of a collection of several of the works
of Archimedes ; for in addition to giving us new
texts of several of his already extant works, it not
only presents the Greek of the Uspldyovfiti'div, hitherto
only known from a Latin version, but gives us a
work of this great mathematician that is entirely
new, the 'Eqo&kuv.
The title of this treatise is ' Geometrical Solu-
tions derived from Mechanics,' and its importance
is augmented by an introductory letter to the work
addressed to Eratosthenes. The manuscript is a
palimpsest of some 118 pages, and was first noticed
by M. Papadopoulos Kerameus, and has been
edited by Dr. L. J. Heiberg, and translated into
English by Miss Lydia G. Robinson from Heiberg's
German version. f Although it was previously known
* M. T. Reinacb points out a curious sentence in the speech ; the
following reproach to which the orator alludes indicating that some
advocates paid a percentage ; in this case one-fifth of the cost of the
litigation. 'a\\a fiiv St) Xiyovaiv o» Karrjyopoi d>s rrvviypaQuv n SiicaQ
aXXoig Kal [r]d I LicepSaivov 'anb tovtov. ' Rev. des Etudes Grecqiies,'
22-55.
t M. Theodore Reinach also published a translation of the work
in ' Revue Generale des Sciences,' of November 30th, 1907.
64 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
that Archimedes studied at Alexandria, and that
Eratosthenes was a contemporary in date, though
Tzetzes says twelve years the junior of the Sicilian,
yet we were unaware that the two great scientists
were actually acquainted.
They were, it woidd appear, long friends, or
correspondents, for in the newly found treatise
Archimedes speaks of having forwarded some pre-
liminary propositions on the same subject some time
ago. He also alludes to one of his earlier works,
1 De lineis spiralibus,' which Archimedes dedicated
to Dositheos of Kolonos. In this tract he had
mentioned a still earlier composed treatise he had
sent to Konon, and so the work specially composed
for Eratosthenes was the product of the later years
of Archimedes.
The older scholar held the chief librarian of
Alexandria evidently in high esteem, for he writes of
him as a " capable scholar and prominent teacher of
philosophy," and says that " he knows how to value
a mathematical method of investigation when oppor-
tunity offers."
The really extraordinary fact revealed by the
new manuscript is the absolute modernity of the
sentiment of Archimedes, the introduction being
phrased in just the kind of way in which we
could imagine a mathematician of to-day such as
the late Lord Kelvin writing to a brother scien-
tist.
So striking is this similarity of expression that
we cannot do better than quote the paragraph con-
taining the appeal to Eratosthenes.
After the sentence giving his appreciation of his
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 65
erudition and acumen, already quoted, Archimedes
writes :
" I have thought it well to analyze and lay down for you
in this same book a peculiar method by means of which it
will be possible for you to derive instruction as to how
certain mathematical questions may be investigated by
means of mechanics; and I am convinced that this is
equally profitable in demonstrating a proposition itself, for
much that was made evident to me through the medium
of mechanics was later proved by means of geometry,
because the treatment by the former method had not yet
been established by way of a demonstration.
" For, of course, it is easier to establish a proof if one has
in this way previously obtained a conception of the ques-
tions, than for him to seek it without such a preliminary
notion.
" Thus in the familiar propositions the demonstrations
of which Eudoxus was the first to describe, namely, that a
cone and a pyramid are one third the size of that cylinder
and prism respectively that have the same base and alti-
tude, no little credit is due to Democritus, who was the
first to make that statement about these bodies without any
demonstration.
" But we are in a position to have found the present
proposition in the same way as the earlier one, and 1 have
decided to write down and make known the method, partly
because we have already talked about it heretofore, and so
no one would think that we were spreading abroad idle
talk, and partly in the conviction that by this means I
assume that someone among the investigators of to-day, or
in the future, will discover by the method here set forth
still other propositions which have not yet occurred
to us."
The mathematical matter and import of it cannot
be treated of here, except to mention that Archi-
medes' method is analogous to that of the modern
66 RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
calculus, ami confirm Zeutlien's statements of Archi-
medes' relation to the integral calculus. The
propositions and demonstrations deal with the
quadrature of the parabola. These concern the
volumes and centres of gravity of spheres, ellipsoids,
paraboloids and hyperboloids of revolution. The
method of exhaustion employed distinctly antici-
pates its modern equivalent of integration.
Another interesting peculiarity of the problem is
the use by Archimedes of the principle of the lever
in comparing different solids of revolution by a kind
of method of balancing the elements of one against
the corresponding elements of the other.
It is by a skilful balancing of sections that Archi-
medes in the eleventh proposition of this work
proves the volume of a segment of a right cylinder
cut off by a plane through the centre of the lower
base and tangent to the upper one. He shows that
this equals one sixth of the square prism that cir-
cumscribes the cylinder.
As far as we now are aware Archimedes, was the
first to enunciate this result.*
Professor David Eugene Smith, President of
Teachers' College, Columbia University, to Avhose
introduction to the English version of the treatise I
am indebted, mentions here that the work "shows
the working of the mind of Archimedes in the dis-
covery of mathematical truths, indicating that he
often obtained his results by intuition, or even by
measurement, rather than by an analytic form of
* In two of the propositions, those of the quadrature of the
parabola and the volume of a spheroid, Archimedes gives merely a
summary of the way in which he had worked the problem out in his
' Letters to Dositheos.'
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 67
reasoning, verifying these results later by strict
analysis.
" It also expresses definitely the fact that he was
the discoverer of those properties relating to the
sphere and cylinder that have been attributed to
him ; and that are given in his other works without
a definite statement of their authorship."*
In 1897 Signor G. Vailati had by means of the
newly discovered 'Barulcusof Hero of Alexandria' +
and the works of Pappus very cleverly reconstituted
the series of propositions by which Archimedes in a
lost work of his, probably the Uepllvyuiv, had estab-
lished his famous theory of the centre of gravity
upon which was founded his theorem of the lever .J
In 190(5 Hermann Schone§ found in the Seraglio
Library at Constantinople a work, lost hitherto, of
Hero of Alexandria in three books, the Merpi/ea ;
together with it was also his ' Dioptra,' Monsieur
Tannery considers it to be the most important work
upon Greek mathematics recovered for two centu-
ries.
In recent years some light had been thrown upon
the contents of this book and other works of Hero
* Editio Princeps. ' Eine neue Schriftdes Archimedes.' von J.L.
Heiberg und H. G. Zeuthen. Am- Bibliotheca Mathematical.
Leipsic : Teubner, 1907.
f The 'Barulcus' was published from the Arabic of a Ley den
manuscript, by M. Carra de Vaux. Hero in it, according to de
Vaux, accorded to Praxidames the authorship of the definition of
the centre of gravity, but de Clermont G-anneau reads the Arabic as
having meant Posidonius.
X Giovanni Vailati. ' Del Concetto di centro di Gravita nella
Statico d'Archimedo.' Academy of Sciences, Turin, Clausen
1897.
§ ' Heronis Alexandria Opera quae Supersunt III. Heronis von
Alexandria Vermessungslehre und Dioptra kt\.' Leipzig: H. Teubner.
68 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
by Arabic manuscripts at Leiden.* The book itself
enables us to rate Hero's treatise much higher than
the careless quotations from it in the Arabic had
indicated. It is true that a perusal of it shows that
he copied the works of his predecessors, but he gives
proof of original research and thought, and ranks
quite beside the mathematicians of Alexandria of the
second period such as Ptolemy, Diophantus, and
Pappus.
The work is arranged on a well-conceived and
executed plan. The first book relates to the
measurement of surfaces ; the second to that of
volumes ; and the third to the problems of divisions
of ratios and proportions, and of various other
matters respecting areas and volumes. To enable
students to understand clearly the intention of the
chapters, a preface enumerates the problems to be
surmounted, and explains that they are arranged in
a rational and progressive order, t
Until we possessed this work of Hero's complete,
we had no specimen explaining really what the
method of classical analysis and synthesis was like. J
* For Hero's fiapovXxos, newly found in the Arabic, see note to
Archimedes.
f For our knowledge of Hero of Alexandria and Archimedes see
G. Vailati, ' Sulla Storia della Meccanica presso i Greci Del Con-
cetto di Centro di Gravita nella Statica d'Archimede principio dei
lavori virtuali de Aristotile a Erone d'Allesandria.' Atti dr. Accad.
d. Sc. de Torino, 32, 1897.
J The eminent historian of mathematics, M. Tannery, says of
Hero's 'Metrica' and its composition: " Chaque probleme est
enonce avec de3 donnees numeriques ; puis servi d'une demonstra-
tion aboutit a ramener le probleme a une question dejn resolue. On
en d'autres termes a montrer que l'aire, ou le volume cherche est
donne.
" C'est l'analyse-suit le synthase par les nombres, qui procede le
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 69
Thus we could not tell if, and how, it differed from
what we mean by the terms now. The ' Metrika '
in the formulae of demonstrations belongs to a type
unique among the ancients, as far as we know at
present, and so has historical and literary import-
ance.
Hero in the work is quite a contrast to the dif-
fusive style of classic scientists. He comes to the
point immediately, and says only what is necessary
to substantiate the data desired. The book is
probably intended for tutors more than students, as
he does not carry his calculations and proofs right
on, but provides a basis for so doing if his readers
desire. He is far superior to the earlier Alex-
andrian mathematicians, and ahead of the concepts
of the Eleatics and Euclid. He quotes, strange to
say, the newly found t'^oot^ov of Archimedes des-
cribed elsewhere in this paper, telling us that the
propositions concerning the quadrature of the para-
bola were therein. See also Carra de Vaux in
'Revue Asiatique,' 1894, " Les Mecamques on
l'Elevateur de Heron d'Alexandrie publie pour le
premier sur le texte Arabe et traduit en Francais."
The Academie des Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres published, in 1903, a work of which
hitherto we possessed only part of the commence-
ment in a Latin version by Philo of Byzantium,
entitled by its editor, Baron Carra de Vaux, ' Le
Livre des Appareils Pneumatiques et des Machines
Hydrauliques par Philo de Byzance.'
sens inverse, mais sans demonstration. Heron y part simplement des
donnees numeriqnes et donne la suite des calculs a faire pour abouter
au resultat cbercbe."
70 RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
The treatise is completed by means of Arabic
versions, the manuscripts of which are at Constanti-
nople and Oxford. The contents are similar to the
' Pneumatica ' of Hero of Alexandria, and the two,
being now complete, afford ample information on
the subject as known to the ancients.
The Arabic text fairly accurately represents the
portion of the Greek it is possible to compare it
with ; but Baron Carra de Vaux thinks that it is
really founded upon a Persian Sassanian rendering
from the Greek.
A second work, produced by the French Academic,
is ' Un nouveau Texte des Traites d'Arpentage et de
Geometric d'Epaphroditus et de Vitruvius Rufus,'
edited by MM. Victor Mortet and Paul Tannery,
1906; also "Vitruvius Rufus-Mesure des Hauteurs
et for mule de Tare sur hausse," fragment des MSS.
de Valenciennes, 'Revue de Philologie,' 1896.
Perhaps the most valuable of all the lost works
of classical authors recovered, during the harvests
of a score of years' search we are summarising, is
Bacchylides, whose poems were found quite early in
this period and published in 1897. Strange to say,
in point of date of restoration to literature he may
also be placed in the end of the series, for only last
year another papyrus, containing the seventeenth
poem represented in the previously found manu-
script, has been published by Dr. Arthur S. Hunt
in the eighth part of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri.'
This is a hymn, or ode, one of the finest and most
lengthy of the poems and known as " The Story of
Theseus and the Youths."
As with the ' Politeia ' of Aristotle, and the
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 71
' Mimes of Herodas,' the British Museum fortunately
secured the equally famous papyrus of Bacchylides,
and will doubtless soon possess the duplicate of the
seventeenth poem. The larger manuscript is of
unique importance because of its early date, which
from paleographical reasons is considered to be of
the first century B.C., whilst the ' Oxyrhynchus '
manuscript is probably of the second century of
our era.
The British Museum papyrus is, unfortunately,
broken off into three pieces, and the gaps between
these are represented by some forty fragments.
The first piece is some nine feet long, containing
twenty-two columns of writing ; the second twenty-
seven inches, and the third forty-two inches,
making nearly fifteen feet in all. This indicates
that originally the approximate length of the roll
was some seventeen feet. The legible part restored
to us now gives about 1100 legible lines.
These present twenty poems, of which six are
practically complete, and three of these are the
longest in the collection.
The " editio princess " is that of Dr. Frederic G.
Kenyon. Later on, what for some time to come is
likely to be the standard edition is that of Sir Richard
C. Jebb, published in 1906, giving a prose version
of the poems. In this work, however, he was
unable to utilise the second copy of the one poem
edited, as mentioned, only last year by Dr. Hunt.
Of the twenty poems in this collection fourteen
are of a type already well known to Hellenists,
chiefly from the ' Odes of Pindar,' as " Epinikian."
But the remaining six, and these fortunately some
7- RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
of those most perfectly preserved, are examples of
another description of lyrical poem which may best
be described as Dithyrambic, or paeans, or hymns,
Their name depending upon the deities to whom
they are addressed. The six final poems of this text
of Bacchylides belong to various of these categories.
The papyrus probably was intended to contain a
selection of what were considered to be the best
compositions of the poet, because it never included
all his works. For although all its contents with
few exceptions are more or less legible, yet of the
107 poems of Bacchylides previously enumerated
only some two dozen can lie identified in this text.*
This is not the proper place in which to review
the poems as a question of comparative literature,
or to describe the series of victories which the
Epinikian odes celebrate. A short list of the sub-
jects or poems acclaimed may be welcome.
The first and second were composed in honour of
]\Ielas of Ceos, a countryman of the poet.
The three following are for successes of Hieron,
of Sicily, the royal patron of Bacchylides.
The sixth and seventh odes extol the prowess of
Lachon, another Cean who won a victory in the
Olympian Stadium. These two are, however, very
short, and the text of the seventh is much destroyed.
Ode nine contains nearly one hundred lines ad-
dressed to Automedes of Phlius for his victory in
the Nemean Pentathlum.
The tenth commemorates the triumph of Alexa-
* Dr. Kenyon points out that the sjiecimens of Bacchylides'
composition of " Upoaifdiai,'' " 'Yiropx^fiaTd," " 'EpwrtKa'," " Uanotvta,"
and " 'ETrtyp<!fipaTa,'' cannot have been included in this papyrus.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 73
damns of Metapontum, a youth, in the wrestling
match at Pytho, and describes the healing from
madness of the daughters of Proteus by Artemis.
Of the next ode, that to Tisias of Argos, we have,
as yet, but eight lines, and of ode 13, addressed to
Pytheas of Aegina, only mutilated fragments, which,
however, give us a fairly intelligible specimen of
the greater portion of it. This ode was a competitor
with the fifth Nemean of Pindar, who in verse famed
the success of the same competitor. Bacchylides
worked into his poem the story of Ajax, citizen of
Aegina, like Pytheas ; whilst Pindar chose the myth
of Peleus as chief subject. Of the fourteenth ode
we possess but twenty- three lines of the exordium.
It was composed in honour of, not a Greek, but of
Cleoptolemus, a Thessalian, and for a triumph at
some insignificant contest at Petraea.
The third portion of the papyrus gives ten columns
of the different type of poems. Quite half of the
first of these is regrettably mostly missing. The
title of it was " The Sons of Antenor," or " The
Demand for Helen's Surrender," the latter name
being similar to that of Sophocles' play, the "'EXwrig
aira it TjaiQ.
The title of the second piece is lost and most of
the text also. It concerns Heracles and Deianira.
This is followed by a lengthy poem, the most brilliant
production we yet possess of the poet and the best
of those preserved in this papyrus. It is also the
one represented in the new Oxyrhynchus manu-
script published in 1911.
The story describes the voyage of the galley with
the annual tribute of Athenian youths, and maidens,
vol. xxxi. G
71 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
to the Cretan Minotaur ; the dispute between Minos
and Theseus and the latter' s descent beneath the
waves to Poseidon.
Theseus is also hero of the next ode, though only
indirectly so. The workmanship of this poem is of
much interest because it consists of a dialogue
between the King and Queen of Athens, Aegeus
and Medea. Their speeches to each other were
sung by parts of the chorus, and it is a specimen of
an interesting type of Greek lyrical composition.
The final odes of the series are only represented
bj a moiet}^ of the first which was named " Io " ; and a
few short legible lines of the last, which was entitled
" Idas."
An interesting detail connected with the finding
of Bacchylides' poems is that it gives us the meaning
for a number of vase paintings of contemporary and
later Greek art. This subject Las been treated in
an illustrated edition of the poems by MM.
d'Eichthall and Theodore Reinach.*
Now that we can adequately appreciate the
literary qualities of Bacchylides, great classical
scholars appear to have decided to place his posi-
tion below that of his rival Pindar, and also of
Aeschylus and Sophocles, but it seems scarcely just
to compare his much smaller productions with the
longer work of the two last. Bacchylides is certainly
a true poet; his use of imagery, always apposite,
is brilliant. His love of the beauties of nature and
literary capability of impressing his appreciation
* ' Poemes Choisis de Bacchylides, traduit en Yers par Eug.
d'Eichthall et Th. Reinach, Illustrations et heliogravures; d'apres
des oeuvres d'art contemporaines du poete.' Paris : E. Leroux.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 75
upon his readers by picturesque comparison with
similar types of splendour in short sentences, remain-
ing indelible in the memory because they are simple
and not far-fetched, is most apparent. This is so much
the case as to render even translations of the odes into
prose, such as those of Mr. E. Poste, M.A., and Sir
Richard Jebb, a delight to peruse by any lover of
poetry.
Many a simile used again and again by later
followers of the Muse appear in his works, and some
coincidences with his metaphors and also with the
expressions of other authors are most interesting.*
MM. E. d'Eichthal and Theodore Reinach have
rendered in verse as follows the last part of Ode 17,
describing part of Theseus' investment by Amphitrite
and his return to the ship.
" Puis sur les lourds cheveux du heros elle pose
Un cercle, ou l'or sertit la rose,
Dont son front nuptial par Cypris fut orne.
Quand les dieux ont voulu, rien ne leur fait obstacle.
Pres de la nef rapide il emerge ... 0 miracle !
Doux retour qui ravit leur regard etonne !
Quelle honte mordit au coeur le chef de Crete
Quand, vetu des presents qu'il a recus des dieux,
Les membres sees. Thesee apparut radieux
Sur la vague a la blanche crete !
Alors les vierges d'Oceau
Font vibrer longuement des clameurs d'esperance ;
La mer sonne, et des flancs de la nef, vers Pean,
Monte l'hymne de delivrance
* Some valuable commentaries upon Bacchylides may be found in
an article by S. Wide, " Theseus und der Meersprung bei Bacchy-
lides " in the Festschrift volume in honour of Professor Benndorf,
and in A. Olivieri, ' Aproposito de Teseo e Meleagro in Bacchylide.'
Bologna. 1899.
76 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Tels les fils de Ceos, dansant aupres des flots,
Invoquent dans leur chant un favorable auspice
Entends leur voeux, le coeur propice,
Exauce nous, dieu de Delos."
The fifth heft of the great Prussian publication
of new classical manuscripts., the 'Berliner Klas-
sikertexte,' is entirely devoted to portions preserved
in the Berlin Museum of text from Greek poets.*
One of its chief contents is a prose paraphrase of
an Orphic poem, edited by the somewhat mythical
Musaeus,upon the " Rape of Persephone." Numerous
extracts of sentences from the verse are given in the
paraphrase. From the text there can be no doubt
but that this is the work under the name of
" Orpheus," referred to in the ' Parian Chronicle.'
Unfortunately a great portion of this text is not
new to scholars, because a considerable part is copied
from the well-known Homeric " Hymn to Demeter."
The Orphic author of the basic text of this manu-
script simply plagiarised his predecessor's work.
He, however, adds some episodes not contained
in our previous recension of the hymn. For instance,
at the moment of the abduction, Zeus not only inter-
posed with lightning and tlninder,'M^l5RHiglnlupon^
the scene-some-black sows, who attracted the darts
of Artemis and Athena to themselves.
Two strange poems in this collection are part of
some fourth century memorial enconiums of two
deceased professors of Berytus. The composition
is peculiar, the preambles being in iambics ; then
* ' Berliner Klassikertexte ' Heft 5, 4i Grieschische Dichter frag-
mente. Epische, Elegische, Lyrische, und Dramatische fragmente
bearbeitet," von W. Schubart und U. von Wilamowitz Moellendorff.
Berlin, 1907.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 77
in one case the verses change to hexameters, and in
the other to elegiacs. The defunct teachers had been
lecturers upon rhetoric, and the author of these fune-
rary effusions quotes Demosthenes and Thucydides,
the latter in such a manner as if he ascribed the
speeches to the historian himself. Another fragment
of a manuscript gives a list of Helen's suitors, and
another concerns Meleager.
The most important new literature are two pieces,
of fifteen lines each, from Euphorion. They are
definitively identified by means of a quotation from
them in a scholion of Nicander. The first fifteen
lines describe Hercules' last labour. Cerberus is
brought to Tiryns to the terror of the onlookers,
Euphorion interrupting the narrative to compare
the monster's flashing eyes with the Cyclopean fires
at Stromboli and Etna. The second piece concerns
some awful curse, in which the pronouncer, in his
anxiety to make the punishment adequate to his
greed of vengeance, refers to instances of chastise-
ments recorded in mythology.
Another manuscript has what is apparently part
of an epic poem concerning Diomedes. It is curious
for containing a description of varieties of watch
dogs. The editors then print some portions of
Alcaeus ; ten additional lines of this text are in a
papyrus at Aberdeen.
Two pieces of Sappho, previously known, but now
more perfectly edited, are properly included in this
memorable volume.
The next papyrus, one coming from Hermopolis>
is still more interesting, for it preserves part of two
poems by Corinna. The first describes a singing
78 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
contest between the mythical heroes Helicon and
Cithaeron before a jury of the gods, appropriately
presided over by the Muses. Cithaeron chanted so
eloquently of the infancy of Zeus that Helicon,
seizing an enormous rock, hurled it downward,
crushing innumerable people — perhaps a remem-
brance of some half remembered Boeotian earthquake.
The second recounts, in a ballad, a conversation
between the daughters of Asopus, Tanagra's river
god, the home of the poetess, and the god -like
Acraephen, prophet of the oracle at Apollo's shrine
at Ptoion, and son of Orion. The latter, in some
pretty lines, is described as elevated to heaven
because of his goodness.*
The rest of the piece concerns the nine daughters
of Asopus, who were, on being united to various
deities, carried off to their abodes.
Some scholia upon two lyrics, restoring to us the
two songs, and a little Bacchic elegy, are interesting.
Fragments of lost tragedies and comedies com-
plete the volume, and give us a nice piece of
Sophocles' " 'A)(a<an' Eu'AAo-yoc," and as many as fifty-
two verses from Euripides " Cretans." These
contain Pasiphae's appeal against her condemnation
to death, by Poseidon, for having given birth to the
Minotaur. So eloquent was she that the chorus
was moved to express their pity, but the irate royal
husband ordered her to be sealed up in an absolutely
dark dungeon.
* See ' The New Fragments of Alcaeus, Sappho, and Corinna,'
edited by J. M. Edmonds, Cambridge. Manilius not only calls
Augustus a star, but says when he goes among the stars his power
will be greater. " Uno vincunter in astro Augusto, sidus nostro quod
contigit orbi: Csesar nunc terris, post coelo, maximus auctor."
RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 79
These lines from the " Cretans " are found upon
a, vellum leaf in writing of about the second century.
Another thirty-two lines from the " Melanippe
Desmotis " are new, and to these are added others
appertaining to it previously published.
Of comedy there is an extract that may be from
Menander. The plot concerns two young men, one
of whom has married abroad a rich heiress, and
returned home to Athens without her. The second
has been to Ephesus, and there espoused a daughter
of Phaneas, the Citharist, who fled from Athens to
avoid his creditors.
Finallv, the editors ffive a Ions: extract from some
poem, in anapaests, in which Cassandra recounts
the misfortunes of Hecuba, in a style much akin to
Lycophron's, and a Hymn to Tyche closes the
.series.*
In 1902 Dr. W. Schubart edited from a vellum
page three columns of Greek odes, which, by means
of the previously known citations from them, he
proved to be poems of Sappho. The writing is
uncial, and paleographically assignable to the
seventh century.
The metres differ from those employed by Sappho
in other extant portions of her work, but the poetry
is of high rank, and a decided acquisition.
Mention should be made here of a fragment of
the same poetess in an Oxyrhynchus papyrus, which
gives a few lines apparently addressed to her brother
Charaxus.
In the second volume of the Amherst Papyri
* Reference to the panegyrical Coptic-Byzanto poems is omitted
here, because given in the account of Dioscuros of Aphrodito.
80 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE;
there are fifteen legible lines of a tragedy concerning
the siege of Troy, and Hector and Polydamas appear
as characters. There is little doubt but that this is
from the "Hector" of Astydamas, who Plutarch
tells us by this play, gained a victory famous in
Athenian dramatic annals.
In addition to these poetic pieces from papyri,
quite a harvest of inedited verses from more than a
score of Greek poets has been gathered from a
manuscript in Berlin, which, unnoticed until a
few years ago, was then found to contain, at the
end of some theological texts, the missing commence-
ment of Photius' ' Lexicon.' This has been edited
by Peitzenstein, but the special importance of the
poetical citations Photius supplied has been treated
of by Willamowitz Moellendorff. Of Aeschylus
there are three new verses from the Hoplon
Krisis, Neaniskoi, and Mysians.
From Euripides, fifteen from the Stheneboia,
Aegea, Alkmeon, Andromeda, Autolykos, Thyestes,
Theseus, and Polydus, Thrattai and Panoptai.
From Cratinus, ten verses of the Archilochus and
the Dionysalexandros. Also a fragment of the
AiA<£wi' of Apollonius' ' Dolichos,' which title A. J.
Reinach suggests means a victor at the Pythian
race of the Amphidromos.
There is also a quotation from the lost " Atthis " of
Cleidemos, in which he calls the Eumenides 'avSpuroi
Otai. Besides these there are four new verses of
Eupolis, six of Aristophanes, and quotations from
Phrynichos, Ion, Nikomachos, Agathon, Demonax,
and Thespis.*
* A number of Reitzenstein's researches upon this subject are in
RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 81
An inscription discovered at Delphi, and de-
scribed by M. Bourguet in the volume ' Epigraphie '
in the " Fouilles de Delphes," adds to fame the
name of a poet evidently of some merit, and of
whose works we may hope a papyrus will give a
specimen.
He was an Argive and Athenian named M.
Aurelius Ptolemaios, and nourished under Corn-
modus. He gained prizes three times at the Great
Games, and also at the Capitolia, Eusebeia of
Pozzuoli, the Sebasta at Naples, Aktia; at the Aspis
of Hera ; the Hadriana ; and the Olympeia-Asklepia-
Commodeia at Pergamos, besides at Sparta and
elsewhere.
' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus' 1087 is made up of
Scholia upon the seventh book of the 'Iliad,' and in
its two complete columns mentions readings advo-
cated by Aristophanes and Zenodotus, but does not
incorporate Aristarchian versions.
It is mainly a grammatical commentary, and
fortunately by a learned literary scholar, who
supports his views by quotations, new to us, from
Pindar and several poets, carefully mentioning the
works the citations are taken from.
He quotes Euripides' ' Temenus ' and ' Aegeus ' ;
Aeschylus' ' Phineus ' ; Sophocles' ' Phineus I ' ;
Cratinus' ' Malthace.'
Also Archilochus, Antimachus' ' Thebais ; ' and
Eupolis ; the ' Oresteia ' of Stesichorus, Leucon's
' Phrateres,' and the ' Silli ' of Xenophanes, con-
firming the statement of Strabo concerning this
a little work of his published by the Academy of Rostock, 'Inedita
Poetarum Graecorum Fra gmenta.'
82 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
work, the title of which was copied from the ' Silli '
of Timon. These poems of Xenophanes appear
to have attacked various poets and philosophers
according to Wachsmuth as quoted by Dr. Hunt.
The 221 st papyrus from ' Oxyrhynchus ' preserves
what reaches to some seventeen large printed pages
of scholia upon the twenty-first book of the ' Iliad,'
and bears a signature of " Ammonius, son of
Ammonius, a grammarian," who may be the author.
The connection between these scholia and those
of three of the series we have, especially the Geneva
ones, is very close, indeed they appear to have
relied mainly upon this work.
For this reason we already possess many valuable
quotations from the classics given by Ammonius
herein, though, his work being the original one, he
often cites the names of authors for excerpts that the
previously known scholia had not assigned, although
quoting them.
He, however, gives us new illustrations selected
from Hesiod, Pindar, Alcaeus, Sophocles, and
Aristotle, Aristophanes of Byzantium, Stesichorus,
Dionysius of Sidon, Protagoras, Ptolemy of Ascalon,
and some unknown authors.
Among the numerous specimens of scholia upon
Homer that have come to light in the papyri one of
the best is that in ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus ' No.
1086, vol. viii, and it is of respectable antiquity, being
a first century text. It is intimately connected
with the Aristarchian commentaries, that writer's
critical signs being utilised. Previously most of our
information of Aristarchus' work was derived from
the Venice codex of the ' Iliad.'
EECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 83
This anonymous writer's remarks upon its second
book are evidently founded on Aristarclius' labours.
It is also very closely allied with Aristoxenus. The
writer of these scholia quotes two new verses of
Alcaeus and mentions a philosopher Praxiphanes.
An inscription at Delos recently found refers pro-
bably to this peripatetic, who was pupil of Theo-
phrastus and wrote a dialogue, -mpl 7roi7?n.ji'. A writer
of the same name is quoted in a scholion on Oedipus,
col. 900.
It was naturally anticipated that as Callimachus
had resided in Egypt portions of his poems would
probably be found among the thousands of manu-
scripts buried in that country. Small pieces of the
" Hecale " and hymns have come to light, and in
1904 Professor Nicolle, of Geneva, edited in the
* Revue des Etudes Grecques ' a vellum page giving
part of sixteen lines of verses with marginal scholia
which he identified with the Aetia.*
The portion restored by him, as far as possible,
concerns the account of the Argonauts visiting
Phaeacia, but in 1910 the "Egypt Exploration
Fund," in their ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' Part 7,
published seven pages of a papyrus book giving
nearly 500 lines from two of his works.
These are the 'Aetia' and the 'Iambi,' and we
have 90 almost perfect lines of the first and 400
much less so of the second. The portion of the
' Aetia ' is on folios 1 and 2 of the manuscript, and
gives us the second part of the epilogue to the fourth
* In Hermes, vol. xlvi, p 471, Willainowitz Moellendorff identifies
the lines in Ryland's papyrus No. 13 as being from Callimachus'
' Aetia.'
84 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
book in which Callimachus enters a sort of farewell
to poesy, saying he will henceforth work in prose.
This probably refers to the commencement of his
long work, the irivaKiq, a kind of encyclopaedia of
literature. At the end of the versified epilogue a
note adds, "The fourth book of the 'Aetia':' of
Callimachus, thus finally deciding the number of
books it contained.
Returning to the first page found, this gives a
good deal of the poet's rendering of the story of
Acontius and Cydippe of Ceos, which we know from
a fragment previously extant was in the third book
of the "Aetia." The new text supplies the story
starting from about half-way when Cydippe was
first seized with illness. The pretty tale on which
the poem is founded is known completely from the
so-called " Love Letters of Aristaenetus," and we
now see that he in his prose version was copying
closely the metrical one of Callimachus, adding
some items of his own. There was, therefore,
another form of the story, and the new papyrus
discloses that, and reveals the source of Calli-
machus' plot, for he tells us he utilised the story
as told by Xenomedes, the early historian of Ceos.
Callimachus in the part of the poem preserved even
provides a summary of some of the mythical history
of Ceos as related by Xenomedes.
The ' Aetia,' Ave know, had for the subject of
Book III the invention of certain arts, including
that of writing, and probably the Cydippe story was
woven into it, as a poetic device, as an instance of
the difficulties into which the art might sometimes
lead.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 85
For all the trouble at the commencement of the
story arose from a handsome youth, Acontius, in
love with Cydippe, and seeing her one day in the
sacred precincts of Artemis's temple, writing, as a
sort of charm to hind her to himself, upon a fine
apple the words —
" By Artemis, I will marry Acontius."
This he, unnoticed, rolled before Cydippe, who
picked it up and read the inscription, and then
threw the fruit away as not concerning her, and
proceeded with the arrangements for marrying
another suitor.
However — and here the recovered part of Calli-
machus' poem commences — before the nuptial date
she fell ill, and three times the same sad fortune
intervened. The father asked Apollo's advice, and
was told of the broken oath, for so it appears
Artemis had considered it, and advised him to
induce Cydippe to carry out her undesigned vow to
Acontius. This the beautiful girl did, and all ended
well. The other folios of the book, containing part
of the Iambi, give, firstly, much destroyed, the
story of " Bathycles' Cup," which was to be pre-
sented to the wisest man, and went the round of
the sages, finally being awarded to Thales.
Part of this poem we knew from Diogenes Laer-
tius, and Diodorus, and attempts had been made to
reconstruct it. The new papyrus, though not very
legible, enables this to be further carried out ; and
enough can now be made of it to achieve a fair
judgment of the work.
A better preserved portion of the Iambi is that
following, which describes the dispute between an
86 REGENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
olive tree and a laurel.* They dilate upon their
respective merits, the laurel especially vaunting its
use for ceremonials and taunting the olive with its
connection with the dead. The olive answers that
it is an honour to be associated with the dead, and
recites that it was always one of its branches that
formed a prize at the Olympic games, and so forth.
The work seems not one likely to add to the fame
of Callimachus.
The remains of another Iambus are curious, but
scarcely comprehensible, they refer to matters of
literary composition, pentameters, and poetry,
tragedians, and choliambics. For composing the
latter students are advised to follow the style of
Hipponax of Ephesus.f
What may be termed the classic "clou" to the
eighth part of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' issued
last year, is the rather long text from the
"Mel iambi" of Cercidas, a cynic philosopher,
politician, and poet of Megalopolis, friend of Aratus,
not the Cercidas denounced in the " De Corona."
By " Meliambi " are meant satirical verses in
lyric metre. The metre exemplified in these remains
is the dactylo-epitritic, alternating occasionally, to
avoid monotony, with trochaic rhythms, thus
resembling the system adopted by both Bacchylides
and Pindar, but more closely allied to the structure
of the poem of Philoxenus, the kinrvov.
* For early fable concerning an olive, see Judges, ix, 8, etc.
t A most interesting item in the ' Aetia ' is the reference to the
sending out of sickness into a goat, closely resembling the concepts
set forth regarding the " scape goat " in Leviticus, xvi, 21. The
exorcism of disease by transferring it to a wild goat is men-
tioned by Hesychius and Philistratus, and occurs in cuneiform
necromantic tablets.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 87
One result of the acquisition of this papyrus is
that it fixes upon the second of the Cercidases, who
were citizens of Megalopolis, as the author of the
" Meliambi," and so brings their date of composition
down to the latter half of the third century. A
peculiarity of the work lies in the profusion of
novel compound words he employs, many of what
may be termed a comical character. They are,,
indeed, outlandish verbal combinations produced
because he endeavoured to imitate the facility of his
abler predecessors to coin pregnant epithets. The
first part of the new-found work treats of Divine
providence and the gods. He, like the cynic philo-
sophers, is antipolytheistic, and shows the difficulty
of reconciling the facts of life with the idea that
the deities are either just or omnipotent ; even Zeus
himself is really unable to help the just. The diffi-
culty must be left to astrologers, and Paean, god of
healing, and Giving and Eetribution had better be
worshipped.*
Another consecutive series of lines referring- to
the winds of Aphrodite's son (Cupid) blowing two
kinds of breath, quotes at length a passage already
suggested to be from Euripides : " Well," said
Euripides, " Is it not better to choose, of the two,
the favouring breeze, and wisely using the rudder of
persuasion to sail straight while our course lies in
Aphrodite's waters ? " The passage is quoted in a
poem concerning love. The mutilated text indicates
* The deification of "Mere Chance" in a recently found Greek
inscription from Pergamos is analogous to this. 'ApjrjJ icai "2w<ppoavvi),
Uiarii nai 'O/xovoiq., NuKri icai Tt\tT?j <cii rtji Avtoixc'it^. Also from
Pergamos, Hepding has published an inscription referring to the
Orphic deifications of "Finality" and "Fatality," compare
Ecclesiastes, ix. 11.
88 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
that Cercidas did not recommend marriage and
gave somewhat immoral advice.
The chief interest of this papyrus lies in the fact
that it presents a fairly sufficient specimen of Meli-
ambi, a thing we did not hitherto possess. The verses
themselves are neither very original, nor worthy of
preservation even for their literary composition.
They probably were the leisure occupation of a
cultivated man of the world, and the extracts we
now have, as they certainly do not bear out the
reputation his work had among the ancients, it may
be considered are not from the best part of the
poems.
A very weighty specimen of the value of quite
apparently useless fragments of ancient papyrus
manuscripts is afforded by ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus '
603,* containing from forty-five to fifty, some of
them partly illegible, lines of the argument, with a
scholion thereon, of the famous lost play of Cratinus,
the " Dionysalexandros." Previously only nine short
sentences of this work were known, and displayed so
little of the true character of the play that some
scholars considered it concerned Alexander the
Great, and assigned its authorship to Cratinus the
younger. The play now proves to be an amusing
skit upon the Trojan War. The papyrus summary
of the action sets forth that the chorus, composed
of satyrs, are around Dionysius upon Mount Ida
when Hera, Athena and Aphrodite endeavour by
rival promises to obtain his heart.
* The writing is small uncial of late second, or commencement
of the first century. The scholion at the end says that the play was
intended to satirise Pericles.
.EECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 80
The first promises invincibility, the second
victory in warfare, the third such an access of per-
sonal beauty as shall render him the beloved of all the
fair sex. Needless to say he accepted the last offer.
In proof of its potency he sets off out of Lace-
daemon and carries off Helen, taking her back to
Mount Ida. Menelaus, robbed of his spouse, arms
all Greece to regain her, and having disembarked
near Troy, commenced ravaging the country. Dio-
nysius hides Helen in a basket, and to secure his
own safety transforms himself into a ram and takes
refuge with Paris-Alexander. The latter, however,
detects the deity and finds Helen, and to save his
country from devastation declares that he will
deliver them up to the Greeks.
The lady displays such distress at her impend-
ing fate, and looks so lovely in her grief, that
Alexander decides to take her for wife and
surrender Dionysius only, who departs for the
Achaen fleet accompanied by the satyr chorus as
scenic mourners.
Short as the text is it suffices to show us that the
pretty fooling of the comedy all had a political
motive, perfectly apparent to the Athenian audiences
who crowded to view its representation.
Dionysius, who loosed the terrors of war upon
Asia, is representative of Pericles,* Helen, the lady
causing the animosity that produced the hostilities,
stands for Aspasia. Paris-Alexander at the Achean
demand deciding to deliver Dionysius to the Greeks
refers to the Spartans, and the Lacedemonian claim
* See G. Thieme. ' Quaestioiium comicornm ad Periclem pertinen-
tium capita tria.' Leipzig : Marquart, 1908.
VOL. XXXI. 7
•Ml RECENT DISCOVERIES OE classical LITERATURE.
for Pericles, and the allusion must have been easily
detected and appreciated because Helen lived at
Sparta with Menelaus.* This piece of under fifty
lines of matter gives still more knowledge upon
questions of Hellenic literature, and that also of the
highest antiquity, because it is the oldest comedy of
which we may be said to have detailed information.
It shows that the mythological comedy at Athens in
the fifth century B.C. had a satirical tendency, also
that it founded its fantasy upon observations of
humanity as we find in Aristophanes.
Parabasis and personalities of political ephemeral
satire were mingled, but the mythological travesty,
probably originating with Epicharmus, was chiefly
relied upon for amusing tlie audience expecting a
treat like the Doric farce.
Herr Korte t thinks that this piece and the
"Frogs" of Aristophanes and Eupolis' "Taxiarcho "
show Dionysius to have been a stock-ludicrous
character created by Epicharmus. J Again the two
scenes show the use of four actors, proving that the
primitive comedy made small call upon the ability
* If a mutilated phrase concerning the Parabasis is correctly
emendated by Rutherford and Thieme into irtpl inuv irou)oe us, the work
was composed at the time when, Pericles' own children having died,
he desired to legitimise his son by Aspasia. This date would take
the play to the Lenaea of B.C. 429. M. Croiset, in a memoir at
the French Academy, July, 1904, endeavoured to show a connection
between the comedy of Cratinos and a fragment of the ' Moirai of
Hermippos ' that would prove it was produced at the Lenaea of
B.C. 438.
f See Korte, " Die Hypotheses zu Kratenos' Dionysalexandros " in
' Hermes,' vol. xxxix.
X A new fragment of Epicharmus is among the Vienna paypri. It
is from the 'Ocwotvs dvrojioXos. See F. Blass in ' Jahrbucher fur
Philologie und Pedagogik,' 1889.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 91
of the actors, and so did not restrict their number
to three. We see also from these lines that pieces
founded upon mythology were constructed in the
same way as others. M. Croiset has proved this by
reconstituting the division of the scenes, and making
it clear that their arrangement corresponds to the
ordinary Aristophanic type.
In 1908, in Part V of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,'
" Theopompus or Cratippus," Doctors Grenfell and
Hunt published the most important historical
papyrus discovered since that of the "Politeia" of
Aristotle. In this new manuscript there are twenty-
one broad columns of writing describing, with great
fulness, Greek history in the years following the
Peloponnesian war. The chapters the columns
represent concern chiefly the short period of 396
and part of 395 B.C.
The work has been called the " Hellenika," *
because that was the title of the anciently famous
history by Theopompus, relating the events of the
same period as this work, if complete, must have
done. It was also the title of Xenophon's history
of this era. Several scholars, especially those of
Germany, have attributed this text to Theopompus,
and others to Ephorus, and even to Androtion.
But the probabilities are all in favour of Cratippus,
to wmom Professor Blass at first assigned it.t
The book must have been written soon subsequent
to the events it describes, and probably before
* ' Hellenika Oxyrhynchus cum Theopompi et Cratippi Frag-
ment is,' edited LyB. P. Grenfell and H. S. Hunt. Oxford: Clarendon
Press. 1909.
t See C. Lecrivain, " Les Nouveaux fragments del'Historien Theo-
pompe," ' Memoires de PAcademie de Toulouse,' 19U9, pp. 195-217.
92 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITER ATTIRE.
Xenophon wrote his version of them, because it is
quite independent of, and frequently contradictory,
to him. The author of the new-found work is also
evidently the source either directly, or through
1 uning been largely quoted by some subsequent
historian, for the narrative in Diodorus.*
The events described in the papyrus commence
with the expedition of Demaenetus, include the
general jealousy of Sparta in Greece, and then
the details of the naval war. Chapters VI and VII
concern Agesilaus in Asia, and are of great interest
as showing in quite a new view the actions of that
great leader, and favouring Conon. The death of
Tissaphernes is described, the revolution at Rhodes,
and then is interposed a valuable dissertation upon
the Boeotian Constitution, introduced in connection
with the war between Boeotia and Phocis.f
* Busolt, in "Hermes." 53. argues that the papyrus is a work
of Theopompus, and one that was much used by Ephorus, from whom
Diodorus copied. His essay is of importance, because he shows
great animus against the new-found history for contradicting
Xenophon. saying much of it is pure invention for the purpose of
discrediting him. Certainly the two writers are sometimes very
contradictory. Cratippus (?) says, as to the Phocian-Locrian War,
that Pharnabazus supplied the funds to stir it up. That the
Athenians took the money, and that the Phoceans commenced
the campaign by invading Locrian territory. Xenophon tells us
that Tithraustes sent the fifty talents, and that the Athenians
declined the sum tended, and the Opuntian Locrians began the
hostilities by invading Phocis. There is a fragment of an epitome
of the •' Philippica " of Theopompus, printed in vol. i of ' Greek
Papyri in the Ryland's Library,' Manchester.
f The difficulties concerning the arrangement of the Boeotian
Constitution, as described by Thucydides, and in this new
"Hellenika" are much cleared up by M. Gustave Glotz in the
' Bulletin Correspondance Hellenique,' 1908. He shows the numerical
basis for their having 11 x 60 = 660 members for the great Boule
which met in the Cadmea. It was because each Boetarch had for his
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 93
Pausing to explain the state of parties at Thebes,
the writer then returns to the naval war and the
mutiny of Conon's troops, and again to the fortunes,
in Asia, of Agesilaus.*
The great gain to history from this manuscript
can be appreciated even from this short summary.
Its chief import, however, is in the new light it
throws upon Agesilaus, because of the minute
account it gives of his Lydian and Phrygian
campaigns, correcting as it proceeds what was,
apparently, the excessive admiration in which he
was held by Xenophon.f
The author's accurate knowledge of the events of
the Asiatic war is such that he may have been
personally present ; at any rate the account is
obviously written immediately subsequent to it. $
His position was probably that of an officer of
distinction, perhaps upon the staff. But he is not
so acquainted with the tenor of political negotia-
tions as with military matters, and so was not a
confidant of Agesilaus. Possibly the historian has
federal district sixty councillors. These were again subdivided into
four Boulae of fifteen members each. The four Boulae Cratippus
(?) assigns to each city, are the four councils of fifteen members each ;
660 is also a multiple of 4 x 3 x 5 x 11, for which see M. Glotz.
* In the ' Journal des Savants,' 1910, p. 370, etc., M. Foucart gives
a more correct reading of a passage of Philochorus relating to Conon's
share in the naval campaign, terminating with the victory of Cnidus.
The new extract from Philochorus is in the Didymus papyrus.
f See C. Dugas, " La Campaign d'Agesilaus en Asie Mineur
Xenophon et rAnnonyme d'Oxyrhynchus," ' Bulletin Corr. Hellen-
ique,' 1910, pp. 38-95.
+ Dionysius of Halicarnassus says of Cratippus, " Kparnnrog 6 rd
napaXiKpGivTa im-' avrou ovvayaywv," the final word intimating that part
of his work was a compilation. An important study of this papyrus
in relation to Diodorus and Xenophon's history of Agesilaus is
in an article by A. von Mess, Rheinisches Museum, 1909, 234-245.
94 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
utilised the officer's diary or journal, and so these
chapters of the papyrus arc not directly by the
person who took part in the campaigns.
Thus the history may still be from the hand of
Cratippus (or perhaps Androtion).
But the open manner in which he points out the
failures as well as the successes of the Lacedemonian
King strongly tend, for what we know of the
work of Theopompus, to prevent the attribution
of the new-gained book to him.*
Upon the verso of the manuscript of Didymus
upon Demosthenes is a fairly considerable amount
of a treatise upon " Ethical Principles," 'ROiKtr)
2toix,«'«<"c It claims to be written by Hierocles.
Fortunately we have in Stobaeus long extracts
from a work of a Stoic named Hierocles, a con-
temporary of Epictetus. The style is so similar
that the writer is evidently the same person. The
new manuscript contains part of the first book of
the work, and no sentence from it appears in
Stobaeus, so he may be quoting from another book
by Hierocles. f
The writing, a semi-uncial with many abbrevia-
tions, is of the second century, and so almost of its
author's date. Probably it is a sort of philosophical
compendium for professional students; a kind of
summary of Stoic sentiments. The part found
* It is curious that in my essay, " Recent Discoveries in Classical
Literature," in 1892, so much new light had been thrown upon the
period between the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars by the new
found "Poliorkitika," edited by Wescher, as by this new papyrus has
been done for the subsequent years. See R. S. Lit,, 1892.
f ' Berliner Klassikertexte,' iv, 1906, <; Hierocles Ethisehe
Elementarlehre," papyrus 9780, nebst den bei Stobaeus erhaltenen
Ethischen excerpten aus Hierocles. H. von Arnim and W. Schubart.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 95
treats of the preliminary principles to be considered
before enlarging upon ethical actions, sensation,
perception, and consciousness.
The editors add the piece Stobaeus gives from
Hierocles to their edition of the papyrus.*
The latest in date of the company of authors in
the Greek language whose productions have in recent
years been brought to light is an Egyptian poet
named Dioscurus, son of Apollos. He nourished at
Aphrodito, in the Fayoum, in the sixth century in the
era of Justinian and Justin II.
He is not the only tardy Graeco-Coptic poet whose
effusions have been found upon papyri, because
a manuscript of another writer in the Berlin Museum
bears a panegyrical poem upon a duke of the
Thebaid who had distinguished himself in a war
against the Persians.
A second similar effusion is in the Berlin collec-
tion, and eulogises " John, son of Sarapammon,"
whom Herr Wiamowitz Moellendorff identifies with
the Prasfectus Prastorio Orientis to whom Justinian
addressed his twelth edict. A third piece of this
kind is described here as the " Blemyomachia."
Again, also, there are fragments of a similar sort of
production at Florence.
But of the efforts of Dioscuros considerably more
specimens have survived, indeed, sufficient to enable
us to acquire a fair idea of his style and merit.
Unfortunately a close acquaintance with his verse
does not enhance his literary reputation, and this
* See Festa, "Un filosofo Redivivi Jerocle" in ' Atene e Roimi,'
No. 96. Also J. Nicolle, " Un Traite de Morale Paienne Chretienne.
Etude sur un Abrege de Commentaire de Hierocles MSS.," ' Grecque
de la Bibliotheque de Geneve.'
96 REGENT DISCOVEBIES OF CLASSICAL LITEEATURE.
result is scarcely surprising when it is explained that
he, having been educated for a barrister, appears to
have practised very unsuccessfully, and finally en-
deavoured to eke out a bare subsistance by composing
adulatory poems in honour of the Dukes of the
Thebaid.*
In fact he was a sort of paid laureate to those
officials, whose exactions from the Egyptian people
for the benefit of their Byzantine employers were the
curse of the country. This statement as to his
metrical encomiums being composed for the sake of
the emolument for their production is not derived
from any assertion of an enemy, but from words in
the poems themselves, for some panegyrics are com-
pleted by demands for payment for them, and the
mendicant appeal excused by the necessity of feeding
a starving family.
Verses produced for such venal reasons were not
likely to be specimens of poetic genius. The ideas
are of the poorest, and probably not original ; the
concepts are worthless, and the composition most
mediocre.
The only personal phrases that stamp the com-
positions as those of their author are the begging
demands for remuneration appended to almost each
production. The poems are addressed to function-
* Dioscuros was the poorest producer of imitative verses founded
upon the poems of Nonnus of Panopolis, lie having had a number of
Egypto-Greek predecessors, such as Olympiodorus of Thebes,
Claudian of Alexandria, Paniprepios of Thebes, Kolluthos of
Lykopolis, Christodorus of Coptos, and others slightly superior to
himself. Compare also the Ethiopian poem in honour of the Deity
Mandoulis published by Sayce and Weil in ' Revue des Etudes
Grecques,' 1884; and Gauthier "Annales" of the Egyptian depart-
ment of Antiquities, 1909.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITEKATURE. \> <
aries sucli as Count Callimaclms, the pagarch
Ivolloutlios, and certain Dukes of the Thebaic!.
The role of a eulogistic poetaster was not inaugu-
rated in Egypt by Dioscuros. He had at least one pre-
decessor, Kolluthos of Lykopolis, and the fragments
of similar verses in papyri indicate that there were
other poet competitors in the same line of literature.
His style is founded upon the Homeric, as was,
at his era, that of other decadent authors, such as
Nonnus, the earliest and best of them. Then, too,
the allusions, however strained the parallelism, are
to Homeric heroes.
Though Callimachus was a Christian, yet, as a
bridegroom, he is compared to Dionysos, and his
bride to blonde Demeter. Dioscuros' home bore the
name of Aphrodito, so the various titles of the
goddess of love are constantly employed.
The Thebaid becomes " the domain of the
Paphian Goddess," and even was 'appoyevaV
The verses are so puerile we do not care eveu to
hope that they are plagiarised, but M. Jean Maspero
has clearly proved a theft from the " Anacreontea,"
and copying of Nonnus' " Dionysiaca."
Another reason for the inferiority of his work is
that in these poems he uses the same similes and
comparisons of his contemporary heroes, if they
may so be called, with certain denizens of Olympos,
over and over again. Even the same phrases are
re-employed, one being, in the remains we already
possess, repeated six times.
M. Maspero points out that, poor as are the
productions of the successors of Nonnus, in Dios-
curos' day the style had sunk still lower. Invention
98 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
was lost either in subject or in form. The vogue
persisted for a century and a half after his date —
the style is thai of Nonnus, his favourite mythology,
his technique, but not his genius.
The appended short specimen will give an idea of
Dioscuros and his work.
" Etc Kiovoravrlvov.
" Eh] rv\i] ttoWi) KixapiTio/azvi}
Ty try ytvtOX'tri, fiaaiXiicwvvpz.
ilpcu TTVK.aZ,ovmv iravaypov xtii avQiu
Iv a'/c tTtX®ri£> (*>\ovii<TTa.Tt ttcivv.
Ouk upaXvvu acrrpov to gov ttot tic Qeov
piirsi yap tig xPylaTaXovC apyvp!\p.zpzq.
QaXXuc zopTtug EiXarrivatc tvirptTrzc;
£v$aip.ovwv, ati (ptXairaTog -navi.
" Thou who bearest a royal name, may thy birthday be
favoured with great rejoicing.
"The season in which thou wast born multiplies the
flowers in the fields. Oh ! most gracious of mankind.
" God does not desire that thy star should ever fall. On
the contrary, it shines, giving prosperity, bringing days of
wealth.
" Thou shineth forth gloriously amid feasts and banquets,
laden with happiness, and everlasting dear to us."
A Greek poem among the manuscripts at Berlin,
written at the end of the fourth century by an
unknown author, was edited about 1882 by Prof.
Stern, and later by Weidemann. Herr Ludwich in
1897 considerably improved their rendering by re-
arranging the papyrus fragments.
It is a sort of epic, almost entirely an imitation of
previous epics and a very poor performance, allied
to the other late Egypto-Greek panegyrical poems,
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 99
relating to the war with the Ethiopian Blemyes.*
The names for the warriors are copied from those
of ancient heroes with the exception of the Byzan-
tine-Romano one of Germanos.
' Papyrus Oxyrhynchus ' 1085 contains a second
century text of part of Pancrates' poem upon
Hadrian and Antinons, four lines of which were
already known because quoted by Athenaens. The
hexameters give an exaggerated account of a lion
hunt in a florid style, and do not add to the rather
dubious praise awarded the author by Athenaens.
The poem was not apparently highly valued by
the owner of the manuscript, for this piece of it had
been rolled up wrapped around the month of a glass
bottle.
' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus ' No. 1015 gives twenty-
two practically perfect lines of a poem in hexa-
meters, and appears to be the actual draft, with im-
provements and corrections to it added by the author.
Twice on the papyrus a title " Encomium on
Hermes" has been inserted, but this has been
almost erased, and for adequate reason, because
really the poet's praise is not for the deity, but for
a young man named Theon, whose wealth and
generous use thereof had led to his being, at quite
an early age, elected to the office of Gymnasiarch.
The first nine lines are, however, devoted to
Hermes alone, and he also is referred to later, as
Theon had specially honoured the god by erecting
a fountain of oil for use of athletes in the gymnasium.
(He had also presented gifts of corn to the citizens.)
* Edociae Augustae, Procli Lycii, Claudiani, Carminum Grae-
eovum, Blemyomachiae fragmenta, rec. Arth. Ludwich : Teubner,
1897.
100 RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Previously the oil used by the gymnasts, the poet
tells us. had to be brought by them in flasks. The
lines concerning Hermes especially allude to him
as deity of sports. Theon is hailed as " Interpreter
of Hermes," but whether as umpire at the games
by virtue of his position as Grymnasiarch, or because
he was a musician, or author, the loss of the residue
of the poems prevents our knowing.
The verses do not contain any recognised imita-
tion of earlier and better work,
DlDYMUS.
Among all the precious portions of classic prose
authors restored to literature by preservation upon
papyri in the dry Egyptian soil recently recovered,
the most important is a volume of Didymus' ' Com-
mentary upon the Philippics of Demosthenes.' *
It restores to us part of a work by one of the
most prolific of Greek writers and exhibits to us
clearly the style and manner of those numerous books
emanating from the literati of Alexandria, men who
easily and assiduously utilised the vast stores of
material available in that city's immense library for
the composition of lengthy treatises upon the more
famous Greek authors of pre-Roman times.
It also, as shall be duly mentioned, gives back to
us many fragments of some most celebrated
Hellenic writers. The ' Commentary ' itself, too,
as will be seen, will always be valued for the opinions
Didymus expresses concerning Demosthenes and
some of his biographers.
* H. Diets and W. Schubart, ' Didymus' Commentar zu Demos-
thenes,' 1904. Some eight pages of Didymus were published in
M. Miller's ' Melanges de Litterature Greeque,' 1868.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 101
This remarkable manuscript came from Esli-
muneim, and a note upon it informs us that the
text is part of a work in twenty-eight volumes
devoted by Didymus to his commentary upon the
political pleadings of Demosthenes. We can further
o'ather from the text that the final three volumes were
o
assigned to the " Philippics " and that the papyrus
gives the last of the series.
Also that this, the twenty-eighth book, treated
of the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth of the
Philippics.*
A very interesting opinion of Did^ymus arises with
regard to these four speeches, for although he gave
a study upon each of them, he refused to recognise
the eleventh as a genuine Demosthenic work, and
he also proves that the twelth did not originally form
part of the Philippics at all, but he accepts it as
Demosthenic. It is curious that when condemning
the Demosthenic origin of the eleventh Philippic,
Didymus confirms his view by quoting other critics
who agreed with him, and who assigned it to
Anaximenes, but does not add, as he might have
done, that it appears almost word for word in that
writer's ' History of Philip. 'f
M. Foucart considers that Didymus adhered to
the round dozen for the Philippics in order to
remain in ao-reement with Callimachus' catalogue of
the Alexandrian Library. Dionysius of Halicar-
* These four last of the dozen Philippics of Didymus' categoiy
correspond to the third and fourth Philipjnes of our modern editions,
and the answer to the Epistle of Philip and the ttiqi "ZwTaZtwQ.
f As to Didymus' ideas concerning Philip's letter and the reply
and its possible attribution to Anaximenes, see Paid Wendland's
' Anaximenes von Lampsakos.' Berlin, li'i 35.
102 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
aassus excluded the rap* tswTaizwQ from the series,
but he also retained the number at twelve by dupli-
cating the first.
The reference in the new manuscript to the
previous part of the 'Commentary' shows that the
first twenty-five volumes were taken up with the
political speeches, and so, as we know from various
sources that Didymus also treated of the civil ones,
and that in a most voluminous manner, these must
have formed the basis of another long series, com-
mencingjfor the Demosthenic Corpus, at a volume 29.
The literary composition of Didymus' writings is
a most interesting feature of the new manuscript,
because, as is well known, he is stated to have pro-
duced no less than 3500 volumes. Calculating upon
the length of his life, and the possible limits during
that period to his literary activity, he must have
completed about two volumes weekly.
The newly found volume had originally a text
amounting to some 2000 lines, which, taking a
general average of his rate of composition, should
not have occupied more than four days. This
rapidity of production should provide signs of haste
in the literary qualities of the Avork, and they
certainly are apparent.
We must, however, suppose, for the style of the
composition seems to disclose it, that Didymus was
assisted by compilers and amanuenses, who pre-
pared, for reference, passages he had previously
annotated, and which were to be utilised for the
treatise he was inditing.
Probably he dictated the daily portion of his task,
continuing right along with his comments and
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 103
opinions, without, in most cases, pausing to verify
quotations from other writers illustrating the author
he was discussing, and substantiating from them the
views he advocated concerning him.
Apparently these passages were marked for
insertion into blank spaces left in the manuscript
his scribe was hurriedly writing, and then copied
into it after the master had completed his daily task.
The reasons for thinking that this must have
been much the method adopted are patent on
perusing his work.
For instance, he makes an assertion concerning
the Athenian revenues, remarking that it can
4i easily be proven." But, instead of the evidence,
an unwritten space, sufficient to contain some ten
lines of text, has been left in the papyrus.
Probably the necessary citations were never filled
in by Didymus' scribe, either from neglect or
because he failed to find the passage intended
for insertion, and the next day found Didymus
too much occupied composing new matter to venture
to distract him by asking for the missing extracts.
The omission to mention the fact of Anaximenes
having inserted all the last Philippic in his ' History '
is another case in point.
This systematic high-speed process of composi-
tion produced some piquant errors, which remain
in the text owing to the subordinates' neglect to
carefully revise what they had inserted as illustra-
tive and corroborative of the main argument.
Thus, a series of extracts concerning an Athenian,
named Aristomenes, was by mistake augmented by
a further condensed patchwork biography of a
104 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Thessaliaii Aristomenes — the first person a mauvais
sujet, the second evidently a warrior worthy of
Alexander's army, in the ranks of which he fought
with distinction.
The fact appears to be that, literary prodigy as
Didymus undoubtedly was, he was also the product
of his time and surroundings. The predominating
cause of much of the mediocrity of Alexandrian
literature was supererudition, or the pretence of it.
The favourite aim appears to have been to enun-
ciate an opinion upon the veracity of some former
author's statements and then to substantiate your
view by accumulating numerous similar views of
other commentators, or writers; or to amplify
the text of the writer under discussion by additional
information concerning his work gathered from all
available quarters.
Scientific sifting of evidence by means of in-
scriptions, coins, old archives and contemporary
records, if such were available, in fact the writing of
history upon modern lines, or as perhaps Varro
would have done, was foreign to the fashion of
most of the Alexandrian school, though the
attempt of Aristarchus to delete superfluous lines
from Homer is an exception.
However, Didymus evidently made the best use
he could of the vast supply of material in Alex-
andria's libraries, and his habit of meandering into
paths of Greek history, to amplify the story of events
merely alluded to by the author he is enlarging upon,
gives us information, as perhaps jwas his intention,
that otherwise would have been entirely lost.
For example, of the commentary upon the ninth
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 105
Philippic, though the papyrus preserves only some
twenty-five lines, these record facts but little con-
cerned with the speech.
In the ' De Corona ' allusion is made to two
expeditions which Demosthenes had induced his
hearers to direct against tyrants who were oppres-
sing Oreos and Eretria, These events, however,,
took place subsequently to the oration, but their
results had been most beneficial to the people
of the cities, and so were proofs of the advantage
to be derived from following Demosthenes' advice.
Thus, as it was good matter to utilise for en-
larging upon, the final paragraph of the ninth
Philippic, Didymus thought suitable for his com-
mentary, and therefore describes the episodes of the
expeditions themselves and their consequences.
It is impossible here to give even a resume of all
new information derivable from this mutilated
volume. Some of the most important matters are,
however, Didymus' assumption that the tenth and
twelfth Philippics, after ample sifting of the evi-
dence, are by Demosthenes, his discussion of the
true date for the tenth Philippic and his carrying
back of the date for the Uepl 2in-rd£;scuc to the archon-
ship of Callimachus ; also stories as to Aristomenes
of Athens. Then there is the value of his numerous
citations from Demosthenes for restoring that
orator's text.
The quantity of Demosthenic passages quoted is
smaller than would have been anticipated judging*
by what we previously possessed as specimens of
Didymus' works. For this one differs remarkably
from them, especially from the portions surviving
vol. xxxi. 8
106 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
of his commentary upon the ' Contra Aristocratem.'
For the new treatise is not a running review of
almost the whole text, including grammatical and
philological questions, but rather a selection of
certain matter in the speeches upon which Didymus
thought he could throw new light, and which he
considered had been erroneously treated of by
previous specialists.
These few passages he enlarged upon at con-
siderable length, giving all the new evidence
concerning them he deemed illustrative. This
commentary was not intended for students, or
pedagogues, but for the ordinary citizen, who in
his short leisure desired to properly appreciate the
great orator's pleadings. Didymus had probably
dealt with many of the subjects incidental to these
three last Philippics* in other volumes of his work,
or in other books, or he may have known that they
had been adequately discussed by other and easily
accessible writers. With regard to the twelfth
Philippic, the new manuscript distinctly explains
that Didymus had treated of many items of it in the
preceding volumes of this very work.
In another way, however, the style selected by
Didymus for his composition was an ideal one for
us, because it preserves for posterity extracts from
many of the classic annalists and historians, enabling
us to form an opinion of their works ; as they are
* At the Berlin Academy Seance on Jnne 17th, 1909, Ed. Meyer
explained much more fully the second Philippic and the letter of
Isocrates to Philip, clearing up Diodorus' account of the King's
wound in the Illyrian War, and accurately fixing the dates. See
also F. Staehlin, -Die Griechischen Historiker Fragmente hei
Didymus," in ' Beitrage zum Alten Geschichte,' vol. v.
■RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 107
always named, and also when cited their work
specified, the attributions are positive.
The new papyrus excels the ' Politeia ' of Aristotle
in the number and value of these excerpts from lost
authors of the first class. There are, among others,
seven passages from the i//(Xt7T7r(«:a of Theopompus of
considerable length. Four from Anaximenes. One
of no less than twenty lines from an unknown work
of Callisthenes upon Hermias. Several from Douris,
whom Didynras valued highly, also from Bryon,
Hermippos, and Marsyas, A very large piece is
given out of Demon's book upon the mythical and
historical origin of proverbs.
Of much interest is the part of the oldest of the
Amphictionic Decrees hitherto extant, and long
extracts from Philochorus and Androtion, connected
with a discussion upon the date of certain archon-
ships. Those from Philochorus are sufficient to
afford a fair sample of his work, and show it to have
been a sort of chronicle.
Poets and dramatists are occasionally quoted,
especially Philemon and Timocles. The reference
to the first gives as a title of an hitherto unknown
play of his, " The Stone Carvers," for sculptors. He
also preserves for us lines from the " Eleusinians " of
Aeschylus, and " Shepherds " of Sophocles.*
Although the number of papyri containing remains
* In an article on Didyinus' new text in ' Revue de Philologie '
for 1907, it is suggested that the work is a sort of " Thesaurus
Deniosthenicus," and really almost all quotations from authors, and
not original work by Didymus. Herren Diels and Schubart in their
editio princeps also give a fragment of another papyrus, No. 5008 of
Berlin, which preserves part of a Lexicon by Didymus, founded upon
the speech against Aristocrates. It was first edited by Blass in
" Hermes/'
108 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
of classical literature found during the last half
century lias been so great, it was not until 1905 that
a manuscript embellished by illustrations was repro-
duced in facsimile.
This was the now celebrated ' World Chronicle,'
edited by Bauer and Strzygowski.* This manuscript
presents a work of such curious character, and also
one intimately connected with several other codices
previously extant, that to appreciate properly its
character a summary of its contents is necessary.
AYhen found, it was torn into between seventy and
eighty pieces, which have been carefully readjusted
and reduced to about thirty fragments. The re-
constitution was effected by the indefatigable
industry of Herr Bauer, who was aided sometimes
in the task by the miniatures indicating the correct
positions for many of the pieces of the papyrus,
The first column presents the names of the seasons
apportioned to the twelve Roman months. These
are pictorially personified by women bearing in
their hands specimens in baskets of the fruits of the
earth.
Upon the verso of this part of the papyrus are
lists of the months according to the Egyptian,
Hebrew and Attic calendars. The second column
M. Seymour de Ricci entitles a Ata^tEpj^ot,- It first
gives a list of the islands forming Ham's portion at
the division of the world among Noah's sons. Then
come the provinces of Ham, each represented by a
miniature building with the province name inscribed
* ' Eine Alexandrinische Weltchronik.' - Text und Miniaturen
ernes Griechischen Papyrus des Sauimlung W. Golenischef Adolf
Bauer uud Josef Strzygowski, 8 Doppeltafeln mid 36 Abbilduugeu.
Wien : Gerold, 1905.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 109
beneath, somewhat similar to the plan carried out
in the celebrated Madaba mosaic map, and the
Peutinger Roman map.
Then follow the names of the Messianic prophets,
of which but three of the figures remain — those for
Obadiah, Joel and Nahum. Now similar enumera-
tions of these prophets are contained in the ' Paschal
Chronicle ' and the Alexandrian author Cosmos
Indicopleustes.*
This series of Messianic seers coming to light again
o o o
in this very early papyrus is another confirmation of
the view of Professor Rendel Harris and others, that
the very earliest Christian apologists and writers,
even perhaps St. Matthew, had such a corpus of
the Hebrew prophets, citing their statements con-
cerning the Messiah alone, selected from amongst
their more complete writings.
The Golenischef manuscript then gives a list of
the Roman Kings, and those of Macedonia and
Lydia. Finally, the part still undestroyed presents
a chronicle, or annals, for the years 383 to 392 a.d.
Fortunately this page of the papyrus is the best in
condition. Of this historical matter there are fifty-
five lines. These designate each year, first by that
of the ' Era of the Martyrs,' then enumerate the
consuls, and lastly the Egyptian Prefect, and that of
Alexandria.
These are amplified by memorable events of each
month, and often of days according to the Roman
calendar. The nature of the list of notabilities
* Professor Winstedt lias recently shown that the writer who
assumed this title is the first to mention a myth indicating the pre-
sence of petroleum on an island in the Red Sea.
110 RECENT DISCOVERIES <>F CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
inserted and the general contents of the fifty lines
remaining of this annalistic or chronicle part of the
papyrus show beyond doubt that it is an Alex-
andrine composition.
But more than that, they connect the work
with other literature the ancients have bequeathed
to us. For M. de Ricci and Herr Bauer have
been able to show a great similarity between this
chronicle and a document known since Scaliger's
time, called now the " Excerpta Barbari," and also
with a more recently found work, the " Festal
Epistles of Athanasius," published in 1848 by Dr.
Cureton. For the only real divergence between
the new work and the " Excerpta " is that the latter
does not use the " Era of the Martyrs."
The Golenischef papyrus is identical with what
the original Greek of the ' Excerpta ' must have
been. Of this work the best codex has been the
Latin " Pnteanus," now in Paris; but considerable
portions of a Greek version have been found at
Madrid and Vienna. With the aid of these texts
Herr Frick had even re-translated the Latin back
into what he detected was the parent Greek. The
new illustrated papyrus now restores some of the
original Greek.
The Epistles, or letters, of Athanasius, which are
evidently derived from the same sources as the
papyrus matter, if not perhaps the same author, are
only known in a Syriac version.* It gives for each
* E. Schwartz thought Athanasius' scribe utilised the " Ephe-
merides " of the Alexandrian Patriarchate ; but the new discovery-
decides that it was some more lay chronology that provided his infor-
mation.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. Ill
letter's date the names of the Consul and the
Egyptian Angustal, and the Alexandrian prefect.
In the kind of annalistic introduction to Athanasius*
work is an Alexandrian chronicle for the years 328
to 373, taken from some chronographer of Egypt
using Alexandrian data, and also copying a treatise
clearly similar to the " Excerpta Barbari," and this
G-olenischef text. Now the triplet of works complete
each other, for the ' Festal Epistles ' cover the period
a.d. 328 to 373 ; then the " Excerpta Barbari" does
so for 367 to 384, whilst the G-olenischef papyrus
embraces the period 383 to 392. For the years
when the two last documents are in duplicate their
wording is almost identical.
The whole of these works can be further illus-
trated by comparing part of their information with
the constitution of Theodosius' Code and other
sources.
The chief interest and value of the Golenischef
papyrus lies in its illustrations, because it is the
first manuscript upon this material bearing such a
series of Christian vignettes, although a few frag-
ments of papyri, both Greek and Coptic, with one
or more pictures are known, and of course, the old
Egyptian religious books bore hundreds of vignettes
and even tableaux.*
Although it is not actually an instance of the
recovery of lost classic literature, there is one
manuscript which has restored the hitherto missing
version of a work in the language in which that work
was originally composed, and so deserves record.
* For M. Seymour de Ricce's views see " Un Chronique Alexan-
drine sur Papyrus," ' Revue Archeologique,' 1908, 108-116.
112 KECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
'Plus is a piece of papyrus giving two long
columns of the Greek text of the " Trojan War,"
by Dictys Cretensis, which is numbered as 268 of
the 'Tebtunis Papyri,' and is dated by specialists
;is having been written very early in the third
century.
As is well known, the Latin version which we
have of this book, by a certain Septimius, states in
its preface that the original writer, Dictys, wrote it
in the Phoenician language upon strips of lime-
wood, or lime-tree bark. It was then deposited in
his tomb (or in that of his friend Idomeneus) at
Cnossos, and found therein in the time of Nero, and
then translated into Greek.*
This was rendered into Latin by Prasis, and
again by Septimius. Although numerous and
lengthy quotations from this work, in Greek, are to
be found in Malalas, Cedrenus, and an unknown
author of the 'E/cAoyr/ 'ioTopuLv. Meister, who re-
edited the ' Bellum Troianum ' in 1872, refused
belief in a Greek precursor of the Latin ' Dictys,'
whilst twenty years later Noack took the opposite
view.
This papyrus shows that Noack was correct, and,
moreover, proves that Malalas and the Byzantine
compilers quoted direct from the Greek version.
Finally, it carries back the date of the Greek to
about the first century.
Perhaps the most desired to be redeemed from
its hiding-place of the Euripiclean dramas has been
the " Hypsipyle," some account of which has been
* See also Ihm, "Die Gviechische imd Lateinische Dictys,"
4 Hermes,' 1909, pp. 1-23.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 113
given in a scholion to Clement of Alexandria. In
Part 6 of the ' Oxyrhynclras Papyri ' of Grenfell
and Hunt, the volume issued in 1908, they were
able to publish a papyrus containing a considerable
portion of this play.*
Most of the text is in an extremely bad condition,
but there is a goodly number of passages fairly
comprehensible, and the acquisition to our store of
classical literature is a notable one. Paleographers
assign the date of the manuscript to the end of the
second century a.d.
We knew from part of the prologue for this play,
preserved in Aristophanes' " Frogs," that it was
spoken by the heroine, who in it recounted part of
her career previous to the drama's action. How
when in danger of death at Lemnos she escaped to
a ship, the captain of which sold her as a slave at
Nauplia, and she became nurse to the child of
Lycurgus and Eurydice at Nemea.
The papyrus gives us the following among the
characters in the play, viz. Hypsipyle, her two sons,
Euneos and Thoas, Amphiaraos, Eurydice, Lycurgus,
and Dionysos.
The first column now found, probably originally
the third in the manuscript,! introduces us to
Hypsipyle singing to her little charge at a moment
when two young men appear, these evidently her
sons, though unrecognised. The heroine's song is
continued in the next fragment, and in it, and, indeed,
* Five lines from a papyrus published in the second volume of
the Amherst Collection are from the " Skiron " of Euripides ; one
was already known from Stobaeus.
t The editors have so placed this column ; but some scholars think
it should come much later in the play.
114 LiECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
in all her subsequent speeches almost, she refers to
the beautiful vessel on which sailed the Argonauts.
So also does a shadow seem to rest upon the speakers
of the impending- doom of the Seven who attacked
Thebes.
After another chant by Hypsipyle the chorus
recite the adventures of Europa and of To, and
console Hypsipyle with the promise of an equally
fortunate career.
The next piece contains her sorrowful recital of
her present misfortunes as a slave, while still sing-ino-
to sooth the child.
The Dorian chief, Amphiaraos, now arrives upon
the scene, and the lady inquires of him as to affairs
in his country and the cause of his joining the
Theban expedition. He asked Hypsipyle to show
him a running spring at which to sacrifice ; she,
either to draw water for him, or perhaps to indicate
the spot, laid down Eurydice's child, which was
killed by a serpent. Much of this text is lost,
but Hypsipyle's agonised appeal for mercy to the
bereaved mother, undoubtedly the acme of the
tragedy, is in almost perfect state.
So also is her call upon Amphiaraos to prove it
was an accident, and not a plot of hers to deprive
Lvcurgus of an heir.
Much of the explanation of the occurrence given
by Amphiaraos to Eurydice is legible, but Eury-
dice's reply is almost all lost.
Finally, some fragments apparently refer to the
sons of Hypsipyle, and also clearly disclose the
arrival of Dionysos upon the scene. Many matters
concerning the contents of this play and Euripides'
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 115
treatment of Hypsipyle's story, of which later at
Athens there appear to have existed two variant
versions, cannot even be alluded to here. The
wonderful restoration to us of so much of it will
provide material for scholars for many years to
come.*
A vase, published some eighty years ago by
Gerhard, shows Hypsipyle, Lurydice, Amphiaraos,
and Euneos and Thoas all together, which does not
agree, as far as we can detect, with any contem-
porary position occupied by these characters in the
scenes fairly appreciable in the papyrus, because
Amphiaraos apparently departed before the sons
came on the stage. But vase painters frequently to
" fill up " a picture introduced members of a drama
as together at an incident therein who in reality
were not set forth by the author as all taking part
on the occasion.
Latin literary papyri have been found much less
frequently than Greek, and so, when in 1904 Part 4
of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri ' contained a long
Latin epitome of some of the books of Livy it was a
welcome novelty in the annual harvest.
The text gives us part of eight columns of writing,
and the summary strictly follows the chronological
order. For reasons given by Drs. Grenfell and
Hunt the manuscript is certainly a third century
one and so it has considerable paleographical value.
Its chief importance is, that whilst giving a
resume of Livy, books 37 to 40, which are extant, it
also epitomises the lost books 48 to 55, of which pre-
* See Wessely, "Hypsipyle ein Dramer von Euripides," Wiener
' Urania,' 1908.
11(5 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
viously we possessed another epitome differing
almost /'// toto in plan from the papyrus one. The
period covered also is one for which no other good
historian has yet been available, only some frag-
ments of Polybius and the poor productions of
Appian and Valerius Maximus, Florus and Orosius
and Eutropius being of use.
The period included is from B.C. 150-137, embrac-
ing the third Punic, fourth Macedonian, Achean,
and Spanish wars ; and the information given is a
great deal more ample than in the former known
epitome. The most valuable of the new matter
concerns the Spanish campaigns against Viriathus,
new battles and events being mentioned, and the
succession of the Roman Governors in Southern
Spain for these years is now quite clear.
Many dates for interesting events at Rome also
occur, such as that for the accusation against L. Aure-
lius Cotta made by Scipio Africanus. M. Salomon
Reinach noticed a curious statement concerning
Mummius, who sacked Corinth.
" Signa statuas tabulas Corinthias L. Mummius
distribuit circa oppida, et Romam (orna) vit " (lines
08 and 69).
Reading " L. Mummius distributed among" certain
Italian cities some of the statues and paintings taken
from Corinth and embellished Rome witli the re-
mainder." Thus Mummius was not the barbaric
destroyer careless of the value of the works of
Greek masters that he has been depicted. Pliny
wrote " Mummius Achaia devicta replevit urbem."
Another result of the finding; of this text is that
it reveals to us quotations from these books of Livy
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 117
by Dion Oassius, Valerius Maximus, Frontinus and
Obsequens.
Probably because of the unusual length of the
text and its excellent condition and interest of the
subject the editors of the ' Berlin Corpus ' of new
classical works selected for their second volume the
commentary upon the " Theaetetus " of Plato found
at Hermopolis.*
The writing is particularly good, and there are
seventy complete narrow columns of it referring to
pp. 142-153 of the " Theaetetus," and also some
broken fragments relating to pp. 157-158. As
usual with a rolled-up papyrus, the commencement
and end are destroyed and so the author's name has
perished. But it is a costly manuscript, and so may
have been by a well-known writer.
The commentary itself, it must with regret be
acknowledged, is of but little value. The new evidence
it affords as to Plato's text is meagre, but it tends to
substantiate the readings of the Vindobonensis.
In the library of the Egyptian University at
Cairo there is a piece of a papyrus roll presented
about 1909 by M. Adolph Cattaui, bearing uncial
writing which, though faded, is fairly legible.
The text has been proved to be a portion of -a
treatise upon various forms of pa^a, that is to
say the humorous discharges contemporary to, or
following, ophthalmia, and their treatment by
means of incisions into the skin of the frontal
cranium.
* Berliner Klassikertexte II,' " Anonymer Kommentar zu Platon's
Theaetet," Berlin, 1905 ; also the facsimile, " Plato Theatets Papy-
rus," 19, Lichdruck Tafel.
US RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
The sentences preserved in this papyrus have
been traced to the second book of the XtipovpyoufAtva
of Heliodorus, who practised at Alexandria in the
reign of Trajan.
The process advised by Heliodorus, in the text,
is to make incisions into the cuticle of the skull — a
practice still followed in Egypt.
The operation was performed in two ways — with
the aid of sutures, kutu Sitov, or by merely leaving the
wound to close of itself, Kara awaucKwaiv. Helio-
dorus advocates this method as not liable to pro-
duce a permanent scar, quoting an opinion in its
favour of Heracleides. This process was called
" Periscythismus." It is followed by another,
" Hypospathismns," but the commencement of its
instruction is destroyed. The loss is not serious
because we have a record of the method in Philo-
xenus.
The ' Corpus of Greek Medical Writers,' now
being published in Germany, commenced, for its
first volume, with a new-found book that had been
hidden in the Vatican library by a writer somewhat
later than Galen, named ' Philoumenos.'*
His work is entitled ' De venenatis animalibus.'
It is chiefly a compilation, the quotations being
largely from Oribasius, Aelius-Promotus, some of
these from works of his yet inedited, Paulus Aeo-ineta,
and ' Aetius of Amida,' including extracts from the
hitter's thirteenth book, which is new to scholars.
Among the papyri already published which are
in the Rylands collection at Manchester is a codex
* * Philunieni de venenatis animalibus eorunique remediis.' Ex
codice Vaticano, prinnm edidit Maximilianus Wellmann.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 119
of eight leaves bearing a treatise entitled HEPI
F1AAMQN MANTIKH, indicating, as is the case, that
it concerns prognostications, derivable from move-
ments, such as twitchings and throbbings of the body.
Part of a similar work on papyrus has previously
been edited by Signor Vitelli in the Italian journal
' Atene and Roma,' and subsequently by Diels,*
though their title seems to have been merely ' tt.o'i
TraA^or.' This book apparently was known to
Artemidorus from what he writes in his ' Oneiro-
critica,' but it is much more closely connected
Avith the ' vaXfXbiv fiavriKti ' of Melampus, who gives
many omens from observations of the same
movements.
Part of his treatise may be found in the ' Scrip-
tures Physiognomic Veteres.' Melampus alleges
that much of his knowledge was derived from
Egyptian sources, and these papyri may represent
some of these.
But the similar matter in the ' Oneirocritica ' of
Artemidorus has been definitely traced by M. Alfred
Boissier to the augural omens and divinatory
cuneiform tablets of Babylonia, whose magic and
medicine were more closely interwoven than those
in any other old-world culture.
The summary will not be complete unless some
record is given of the smaller papyri containing
medical works. Individually they are slight pieces,
* In the Abtheilungen of the Royal Prussian Academy, 1907-8. The
subject of ancient treatises upon this class of omens is also studied
in an essay by Mr. S. Grant Oliphant in the ' American Journal of
Philology,' 1910, pp. 206, etc. He states that Melampus' work was
supposed to have been dedicated to Ptolemy Philadelphia, and that
the author was an Egypto-Greek.
L20 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
but collectively deserve consideration for the light
they afford upon ancient medical lore.
An active worker in this classic field has been
Herr Kalbfleisch, who some few years ago summoned
up the contents of the medical papyri at Berlin and
London in a treatise entitled ' Papyri Graecae Musei
Britannici et Berolinensis.'
In this the famous London papyrus of Menon's
"Iatrica" * is partly completed by the addition of a
number of fragments acquired subsequent to the
first edition's issue. In the second yearly volume
of the 'Archiv fur Papyrus forschung ' a, papyrus
at Geneva treating upon surgery is described. It is
a kind of catechism for medical students, containing
questions and answers concerning surgical opera-
tions. There are only some twenty defective lines,
but several new medical terms are used.
In editing a papyrus Rescript of Marcus Aurelius
Dr. F. G. Kenyon referred to a medical text upon
its recto. This is fragmentary and little legible.
It commences with a description of the human
body, and proceeds to discuss wav/aa, rootfn,', and
airofpood. The latest author quoted is Alexander
Philalethes of the first century, and Galen is not
mentioned, therefore Dr. Kenyon assigns the work
itself to the first century.
Herr Wellmann has published in his ' Die Frag-
mente sammlung der Griechischen Aertze ' a number
of extracts from Sicilian medical writers culled from
odd manuscripts of later authors. The chief writers
cited are Akron, Diodes of Karystos, and Philistion.
* Herr Crouert ascribes the British Museum manuscript to-
Heliodorus.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 121
Herr Kalbfleisch has also edited the medical papyri
at Strassbourg, ' Papyri Argentoratenses Graecae.'
One of these treats of remedies for eye diseases, and
should be compared with the long list of collyria
derivable from the two hundred or more known
oculist seals.
Another manuscript gives five columns of a treatise
upon fevers. The author seems to be subsequent to
Celsus, and may be Agathimes of Lacedemon.
The subject of these medical texts has been reviewed
from time to time by Herr Backstrom in the
'Archiv fi'ir Papyrusforschung'; his papers are called
" Fragment einer Medizinischer Schrift." Also by
Herr libera in the German ' Year-Book for Classical
Studies for 1904,' and in a work by Herr G.
Schmidt, ' De Anonymi Laurembergiani Introduc-
tions Anatomica.' *
The classic of whose works by far the greatest
quantity of remains have been recovered daring the
last fifteen years is the play- writer Menander, and
such was his popularity among all classes of readers
that there is reasonable hope that still more texts of
his comedies will be found. In 1897 M. Nicole
published some ninety lines from his " Georgos "
(Husbandman).
The Geneva piece of the ' Georgos ' has been
made the most of by Henri Weil, utilising the
Oxford edition of Grenfell and Hunt. In notes upon
the twenty lines of the monologue he shows that it
is the youth, Gorgias, who recites this exposition of
* See also " Griechsche Papyri Medizinischen mid Naturwissen-
scb.aftlicb.en Inhalts bearbeitet," von K. Kalbfleisch und H. Schone,
' Berliner Klassikertexte,' 3 Heft. Also Sudhoff, K., " Aerzliches
aus Griechischen Papyruskunden," Leipsig, Bartl, 1909.
VOL. XXXI. 9
122 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
the state of affairs at the opening of the play, and
not a woman, as readers of Quintilian misconceived
him to say, for it is now evident his following passage
implied it was spoken by a young man.
He, rebuking barristers for being mimics, wrote :
••('urn mihi comoedi quoque pessime facere vide-
antur quod etiamsi juvenem agant, cum tamen in
expositione aut senis sermo, ut in Hydriae prologo,
aut mulieris ; ut in Georgo, incidit, tremula vel
fffeminata voce pronunciant."
Weil gives two scenes complete, and a few lines
of a third. In 1910 Dr. A. S. Hunt, in the seventh
part of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' published about
fifty lines from the " MiaoiVui'og." The attribution is
proved by the character in this comedy. Other
names in the fragment are Getas, a slave, Crateia,
Demeas, and Kleimas. Shortly after this the
editors of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri ' printed frag-
ments of the " Perikeiromene " (Shorn Lady) and
a short piece of the " Kolax " (Parasite).*
These were all included in an edition of the
then known fragments of Menander by Herr
Kretschmer in 1906. There was also extant at
this time a piece of a play at St. Petersburg,
thought to be from the " Arbitration," Epitrepontes.
Also among some mummy case fragments pub-
lished by M. Jouguet, from Ghoran, in the * Bulletin
Correspondance Hellenique,' vol. xxx, are about
* Wilamowitz Moellendorff thought ' Oxyrhynchus Pap.' 855 could
not be by Menander, because the article occurs with last foot of the
verse ; but in ' Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie,' 1910, 308, Herr
Kretschmer gives play and verse citing five cases of this particular
usage in Menander's works.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 123
ninety lines of a comedy, thought by Dr. Blass to be
from the " Apistus."
Upon the reverse of this Grhoran papyrus are two
iambic prologues, perhaps one at least referring
to the comedy. It is almost complete, and is a
clever piece of versification, every second line
repeating the words of the previous one in reversed
order.*
The whole previously collected copies of Men-
ander's plays were, however, surpassed by the
discovery at Kom Ishgaou in the Fayoum of con-
siderable parts of four comedies, which are now in
the Cairo Museum, and have twice been edited by
M. Lefebvre.
These restore some 340 lines of the "riE|Oi/c£ijOo,u£iV
or Perikerisome, 350 of the " Samian Woman," 500
" Epitrepontes " (Arbitration), f and the prologue,
and also about fifty lines of the " Heros " (Demi-
God). Of the " UepiKiipo/iiiv^ " a piece of another
manuscript containing some 140 lines was subse-
quently obtained in Egypt by Dr. Zucker. Of these
nearly half were already found in the Kom Ishgaou
text.!
* A. Korte in 'Hermes,' 43, re-publishes 125 lines of this papyrus.
"Die Komodienpapyri von Ghoran," and succeeds in recomposing
one good scene between the characters Phaidimus and Niceratus, a
misjudged friend. Korte does not accept it as Menander's work, but
a later and inferior writer. If Korte is correct in thinking the comedy
is as late as the third century B.C., as it mentions the chorus, it would
prove this adjunct to the stage was used as late as that period. He
endeavours to prove this by inscriptions and other classic references.
t H. Eischl in ' Hermes,' 43, shows that the source of the
plot after which the "Epitrepontes" was named was the "Alope"
of Euripides.
X In the new-found commencement of Photius' ' Lexicon,' giving
A to "Airapvos (R. Reitzenstein " Der Anfang des Lexicons des
124 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
The remains of four of the plays, " The Demi-
God," "Arbitrators," " Samian Woman," and
" UtpiKiipoiuivri," have been published by Mr. E. Capps,
but this was before M. Lefebvre had produced his
second edition in the Cairo catalogue of Greek papyri,
which gave several additional pieces of text and
assigned a number of the previously printed frag-
ments to their proper places in the text.
The celebrated historian of Greek literature,
M. Maurice Croiset, has also made a most successful
essay at rendering intelligible the best preserved of
the four plays, the " Epitrepontes," and endeavours,
as far as possible, to reproduce the plot and as
much of the dialogue as can be comprehended.
The long gaps in the text, obscuring even the
first scenes, and including the loss of all the third
act and part of the fourth and fifth, are much to be
deplored, because these portions of the play con-
tained the dramatic crisis of the plot.
Had they been before us they would have per-
mitted a better comprehension of the true characters
of the husband and wife, hero and heroine, Charisios
and Pamphile.
This play, the " Arbitration," Sidonius Apolliu-
arius, in the fifth century, asserted was the founda-
tion for the "Hecyra" of Terence. The portions of
it that we now possess are sufficient to refute this.
Terence took for model the " Hecyra " of Apol-
lodorus of Carystos, who certainly plagiarised from
Photios " Leipzig, Teubner, 1907) are two better readings of fragments
of the "Messenians" and of the " Hypobolimaios," three verses from
a work of his called the " Thyroros," to which it would now appear
that six verses quoted by Athenaeus belong, also three verses of
another lost play.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 125
the " Epitrepontes," so that Terence imitated it, if at
all, at second hand. A close examination of what
we have of the play with Terence will show whether
he apparently had the " Arbitration" in his mind at
all when composing the " Hecyra."
A curious coincidence is the similarity between part
of the "Epitrepontes" and " Alope " of Euripides.
The perusal of this play in particular, and also o+*
the other remains of Menander, explains to us what
Aristophanes meant when exclaiming " 0 Menander !
0 Life ! which of you copied the other?" For the
peculiarity of Menander's dialogue, as now dis-
closed, is that throughout it all it is, as far as we
are able to judge, absolutely true to life. The
realism is perfect.*
In almost all plays, for the purpose of the plot,
or to accentuate some situation on the stage, to
thrill the audience, or secure a suitable moment for
uttering some epigram, things are said or done
which an onlooker, or reader, feels immediately
would not have transpired precisely thus in real life.
A character, for farcical purposes, is over-exagge-
rated in speech and action. The misfortunes accu-
mulating upon one personage are more nearly the
average which fate in actual life apportions to two.
Or a misunderstanding is founded upon so trivial
a cause, one appreciates that it would either not
have produced such profound consequences, or have
been prematurely detected.
But Menander, as an author, makes no false
step of this kind ; the circumstances and the con-
* See Ed. Capps, " Four Plays of Menander, with Introduction,
Notes, etc.," Boston, Ginn, 1910.
126 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
versation he sets forth are what may be termed
literary photogravure. The gratification of his
audiences that maintained his popularity must have
consisted in their seeing the very motives and
actions, and hearing the actual words and phrases
of their every-day life reproduced before them.
To every auditor there appeared an accurate
reproduction of some character he could count, if
not among his acquaintances, at any rate among
people of whom he had knowledge.
They acted and conversed as his contemporaries
did, or would have done, under similar circum-
stances.
In fact, a Menander play was a mirror of
emotions and manners — a literary and dramatic
presentment of what was stored up in the life
memory of "the man in the street" or upon the
farm, or the galley in ancient Greece.
In Menander's plays, partly now restored to
us, he proves to be a delineator of average daily
life, excluding the fiercer passions and tragic
catastrophes. Some common, and to the Greeks,
venial vices are frankly admitted. Some minor
virtues are equally apparent.
The characters analysed for us by their actions
and words under the circumstances in which they
are depicted are those which we instinctively recog-
nise would have been familiar even among the
limited circle of acquaintances of each one of the
persons who crowded to the theatre to see the
P^y.
Menander's genius, then, notwithstanding his
limiting himself to merely reproducing what would
o-
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 12
really occur in actual life, apparently consisted in
his so selecting his characters as to make their
motives and actions under ordinary circumstances
to be such as to prove a subject of intense interest,
amusement, and perhaps instruction to his audience.
As to how he utilised the psychological contrasts of
his characters, how he may have pointed the moral to
adorn the tale, his dramatic resource, and the sim-
plicity of the intrigue composing the plots, and
many other matters, they can be better discussed
when every fragment found of his work is carefully
edited.* What is even already apparent and,
therefore, evidently the secret of his success is that,
apart from artifice in the selection of his characters,
Menander simply reproduced in their words and
deeds the very counterpart of those of the men and
women of his age and country. f
In Part I of the ' Hibeh Papyri,' Pap. No. 6, there
is a piece giving four mutilated columns of a Greek
comedy very suggestive of Menander's style, and
the name of one of the three characters which
* In 'Hermes,' 43, F. Leo endeavours to reconstruct the four Kom
Ishgaou papyrus plays in an essay of forty-eiglit pages. In
' Philologus' 69 (1910), pp. 10-34, G. A. Gerhard describes in detail
the form and action of the " Perikeiromene."
f The popularity of Menander's plays may he indicated by the
fact that we already have fragments on papyri of three exemplars of
the TlipiKiipoiisvn. The last found is now at Heidelberg, and is a text
of probably the second century : see " Ein Heidelberger Fragment
aus Menander's Perikeiromene," Sitzungsberichte der Heidel-
berger Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1911, by Gerhard. Dr.
Warren Wright, of Bryn Mawr University, in his " Studies in
Menander," gives a chapter upon " Oaths in Menander." A singular
oath form is mentioned in a fragment of Menander— that by the doors
of the house — a spot which spirits were supposed to haunt. The
poet writes : " paprvpopai vai \ia tqv ' AttoXKw tovtovl nal rag 9vpog.
L28 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
occur in it, Demeas, was one of those in Menander's
(C A ' 'Z " "
&IQ itflTClTlOV.
The first editors point out, however, that Plautus'
"Bacchides" was supposed to be founded on that
play of Menander's, and the passages, as far as
comprehensible in this short piece, do not suggest
any situation similar to one in the "Bacchides."
However, the number of connected lines is so few
that this is not surprising.
Two columns of an Attic comedy to be found
upon ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus ' 855 were thought to
be by Menander and to be from his " Perinthia."
Korte considers this attribution as certain.
As so frequently written of in connection with
Menander, a papyrus bearing what is believed to be
part of a play by Philemon should be mentioned
here. It is the fifth document printed in the ' Hibeh
Papyri,' and decides a literary question long debated.
For whatever the name and whoever the author of
this comedy may be, it is undoubtedly the parent of
Plautus' " Aulularia." It is part of the same
papyrus as two fragments in ' Papyrus Grenfell '
No. 8.*
Leo, Theo Reinach and Weil do not agree with
the attribution to Philemon, or to its being the basis
for the " Aulularia." Some verses, Reinach con-
siders, apply to Egypt and praise that country.
11 vvv oic aKpt<ru>g dtoTt Ttjg oiKOu/ifvrjc
lepa aa(j>hjg avri] 'gtiv f/ XVJPa fxovll
Kcivuact KaToiKi]aaai iravTtg 01 9toi,
kuI vvv tr' tiai kol ytyovcKTiv tvuact.
* Another fragment of this papyrus is known as ' Papyrus
Grenfell II.'
KECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 129
The British explorers at Palaikastro, in Crete,
found a long metrical inscription in the temple of
Z eus Diktaios, which has been published by Prof. R. C .
Bosanquet and Prof. Gilbert Murray, who restored
the text. It is believed to have been engraved in
the second century a.d., but the composition resem-
bles that of the hymns of Isyllos of Epidauros in
the third century B.C.*
M. A. J. Reinach has reproduced Prof. Murray's
rendering with a French version. I have the
pleasure of submitting an English one by Mr. H.
Clifford Gibbons, a young scholar, which will present
a clear idea of the poem.
" (1) 16
Most mighty Kouros (2) hail, all hail !
Of waters master most omnipotent ;
Thou who didst rise to mastery of the gods,
On Dikte (3) homage for the year accept.
Rejoice with dancing girls and the music that
We play thee on the harp, and by the flute,
accompanied ; and likewise when we sing
the goodly fashioned altar round about.
" 16, etc.
For it is there oh ! thou immortal child
That foster-fathers laden with great shields
Snatch thee away from Rhea thy mother's arms (4)
And by the cadence of their beating feet.
(Drown thy remonstrance). (5)
" 16, etc.
The Seasons every year yield up their fruits
And over mortal man doth justice reign,
And e'en the beasts untamed do themselves
Know Peace beneficent.
* ' Annual British School at Athens,' xiv, 338-356.
130 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
u 16, etc.
And likewise for ourselves, come let us leap !
Leap that our nuptial couch may fruitful be,
Our herds give increase, and our seeds yield fruit,
And for the winds, balm laden, let us leap !
" 16, etc.
Leap, leap again for welfare of our towns
And for our ships that brave the trackless deep.
Leap for our youth, the scions of our race (7)
For wise and glorious Themis (8) let us leap."
Note by H. Clifford Gibbons.— (1) I6=iw. An invocation oft thrice
repeated when addressing deities. Not to be confounded with 'l«i,
mistress of Zeus, who, to save her from Hera's jealousy, changed her
into a heifer. — (2) Kouros (icovpos), a rare form of (copoc= boy, which
I have only met with in Homer. Obviously it refers to the infancy
of Zeus at the time which the festival celebrates.— (3) Dikte, the
mountain on the Eastern side of Crete, a branch of Mount Ida,
where Zeus is said to have been concealed when a child and
nourished by bees. He is sometimes entitled Dictaeus.— (4) Rhea,
wife of Kronos, being about to be delivered of Zeus, concealed
the birth, her husband having swallowed his five children, and
placed the child in a cave on Mont Ida, or maybe its spur, Dikte.
Thus secured, Zeus grew up and overthrew Kronos.— (5) A strophe
is missing here. " Drown thy remonsteince " does not occur in the
text, but is poetic license since the beating feet of the dancers is
obviously intended to conceal the cries of the infant when parted
from its mother. The phrases underlined in the verse are either
very free translations or else additions made for technical reasons.
The Greek for the last two lines is : " 7rap''P«as Xaaovng iroda " and
(" poiiovrec airexpvtyav "). (6) Literally "begin to yield ixp."—
(7) An addition of my own for reasons given above. — (8) Themis,
daughter of Coelus and Gaea, was generally attended by the
" Seasons"; thus she was naturally saluted in this chantfor obtaining
prolific growth.
A portion of a work interestingly illustrating the
history of early Greek music is upon one of the
' Hibeh Papyri ' No. 13. It is supposed to be part
of an oration by Hippias of Elis, contemporary of
Socrates, and to have been delivered by him at the
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 131
Olympian games at which his being present is
attested by Hippias minor.
The speech appears to have been directed to con-
troverting some views of Damon, the instructor in
mnsic of Plato. The new text shows Hippias, like
his brother sophists, denying any moral influence
to music, a question taken up later by Philodemus, as
shown in the great papyrus of his ' De Musica '
found at Herculaneum, and also by SextusEmpiricus.
The scribe seems to have made an error in one
sentence by substituting the word " diatonic " for
" chromatic."
The piece is particularly valuable, however, because
of its antiquity, for it certainly was composed when
the enharmonic system was still largely used, and so
is before the period of Aristoxenus. The statement
that in tragedy, at the writer's era, the enharmonic
scale was employed is of moment, because it pro-
bably decides the question as to the true notation of
the papyrus at Vienna giving a piece of Euripides
with the musical notes. The sign used therein is
one which means both enharmonic and chromatic,
and though musicians and scholars considered it was
in enharmonic, the matter was not certain. Sup-
posing that the word "diatonic" is correctly used by
the scribe of the 'Hibeh Papyrus,' we get the further
information that many Hellenic peoples used this
system, which is almost identical with the scale of
modern musicians. The suggestion that the different
systems produced either brave or cowardly warriors
is interesting in connection with the views of some
medical men to-day as to the curative effects, in
some maladies, of music.
L32 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
In the ' Revue des Etudes Grecques ' for 1897 M.
Theodore Reinach edited some new fragments of a
work by an unknown author upon the theory of
music from the manuscript No. 102 of the Greek
codices in the Vatican.
The text is illustrated by a few diagrams which
appear to be taken from the " Harmonics " of
Ptolemy (Theodore Reinach, ' Fragments Musico-
logiques Inedits.')
The papyrus from ' Oxyrhynchus' numbered 067
gives thirty complete lines of a work evidently by
an able musician upon music; perhaps it is by
Aristoxenus.
The short piece is in two columns, and contains
an analysis of certain musical scales. The editors,
Drs. Grenfell and Hunt, submitted the text to Mr.
H. S. Macran, editor of Aristoxenus' " Harmonics,"
and his view's upon it are embodied in their
remarks.
A previously printed ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus,' No.
7, containing part of a treatise upon metre,
which critics almost unanimously agree is from the
"pvBiiUKa <jToiy/ia" of Aristoxenus, is an addition to his
remains; it is of nearly one hundred short lines,
probably written in the third century.
The whole of this papyrus is most ably edited
and reviewed by Theodore Reinach, " Les Nouveaux
Fragments Rhythmiques d'Aristoxene," in ' Revue
des Etudes Grecques," xi, 389, 412.
Pindar.
In 190-4 Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt published, as
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 133
No. 659 of* the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' portions of
five columns of Greek lyric poetry, giving parts of
two odes. The second ode is the only one whose
text is long enough to have any literary value, but
this is considerable, because it is the only specimen
of the " Parthenia " of Pindar we possess,* that is
to say, of those choruses composed for maidens to
chant at great festivals. In this case the poem is
in honour of Aeoladas, father of the Pagondas who
commanded the Thebans at the battle of Delium.
The construction of the piece is simple, and no
phrases are really remarkable and the sentiments
are not striking.
The best passages probably are those in which
the editors have rendered into prose part of the
maidens' song.
"I will celebrate the all-glorious dwelling of
Aeoladas and his son Pagondas, my maidenly head
brio-ht with o-arlands, and to the time of lotus pipe
will imitate in song a siren sound of praise, such as
hushes the sudden blasts of Zephyrus, and when
chilling Boreas speeds on a stormy night calms
ocean's swift rush."
In 1908 this short series of some eighty lines was
practically eclipsed by the same scholars edit in
princeps of another papyrus, giving quite 270
almost complete verses, containing several con-
secutive passages of some length of the lost "Paeans
of Pindar." ft is probably a second century manu-
script, and although in a deplorable state when first
* In ' Papyrus Oxyrhynchus ' 408 there are four fragments of a
lyric work in Pindaric dialect, which Blass proved by quotations
from Pindar in Plutarch and others, to be by that poet.
L34 RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
discovered, has been so cleverly reunited that nine
different poems can be distinguished.*
Tin' most legible of these poems are those written
for the Abderites, the Ceans, and the Delphians.
Whilst the editors are naturally enthusiastic over
the new-found work, there does not appear to be
much matter in the poems to augment Pindar's
reputation. The concepts are commonplace, though
elevated into dignity by the felicitous language in
which they are embodied and the grace of the metre.
The prettiest lines, perhaps, are those in the
" Paean of Aegina," in which the island is called a
" deep-breasted maiden of whom the golden tresses
of the mists hide the shaded ridges of the land."f
The greatest disappointment among the new-found
classical literature has been that of the, now famous,
papyrus at Berlin, bearing a considerable remnant
of the " Persae " of Timotheus of Miletus. $
The manuscript is certainly the oldest Greek
literary one yet known. The roll was discovered in
the grave of some Greek colonist in Egypt, together
with pottery of a type not later than B.C. 350, and
the paleography of the palm all points to the fourth
century B.C.
The poem is of a species known as the " Nomos "
or libretto, to be sung to lyric music. The piece was
composed about 396 B.C., at the time of Agesilaus'
Asiatic expedition, upon which so much new light
* The second and third are alluded to by Pindar in his first
Isthmian and seventh Nemean.
f The concept of the contour of an island appearing as " Mame-
lons " re-appears in Scotland in the Hebridean " Paps of Jura."
J Timotheus ' Die Perser, aus einem Papyrus von Abusir,' U. von
Wilamowitz Moellendorff, Leipzig, 1903.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 135
has been thrown by the papyrus of the historian
Cratippus.
The subject of the ode was " The Battle of
Salamis," and we have 214 lines from the middle
part or " oVt^aAo'c," which should supply the zenith of
Timotheus' achievement. Also fragments of the
end of the piece or " a^oa-ytg."
The historical information it affords is almost nil,
and the whole style and phraseology are so forced
and peculiar to the author, that Germany's greatest
classic scholar, Wiamowitz Moellendorff, declined
to translate it.
The text, being so ancient,* is written without
any separation of the verses, and is somewhat
broken up and faint. Monsieur Paul Mazon has
essayed a French rendering of the portion of
the poem that is most comprehensible, and I
venture to append his lines to this resume of the
papyrus :
" Et de nouveau le flotte des Perses se ruait dans une
fuite native.
aLes files se heurtaient et les pieds montagnards des
vaisseux aux longs cous plongeant ; Eehappaient aux
rameurs, de levres des navires, les dents blanches sautaient
en se heurtent, et la mer s'etoilait de cadavres grouil-
lants qu'avait, dans un soupir, abandonnes la vie.
"Les reves etaient chargees; tandis que assis au bords
les flots, dans leur nudite raidie, avec des cris, des plaintes
larmoyantes, se frappaient le sein en gemissant les vivants
s'abandonnaient a un lamentation de deuil et envoquaient
le sol de la patrie."
* Prof. Jebb assigned the manuscript to 3*20-290 B.C. Probably
the earliest dated Greek papyrus is of 310 B.C. It is published in
Dr. Milligan's 'Selections from Greek Papyri.'
]:]{') UECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Two fragments of a papyrus from Hawara, in
the Fayoum, first edited by Professor Sayce, he
concluded were part of a geography of Sicily, but
Wilcken, in the volume of essays dedicated to
Carl Robert, shows they are from a topographical
description of Attica, and by an author living in the
third century B.C., perhaps Diodorus Periegetes.
The text is a guide to the neighbourhood of Athens
and the Piraeus, giving an account of the long
walls and the Phaleric wall.
It also states the length of the Piraeus wall as
ninety stades, which must therefore be the rampart
of Conon, as that built by Themistocles was sixty
stades.
Dr. F. G. Kenyon has published a piece of an
hexameter poem of late date, referring to Dionysius'
expedition to India and his war with Deriades. He
suggested it may be from the " Bassarica " of
Dionysius.
It is a curious story, relating the rending to
pieces of some miserable captive concealed in the
skin of a stag.*
In the third volume of the ' Archiv f. Papyrus-
forschung,' M. Festi edited from a papyrus the
remains of two columns of a philosophical treatise
upon the goddess Athena. He thinks it is the
commencement of the work by Diogenes of Babylon,
" n«pi 'Aflrjrac." The manuscript is in the Egyptian
collection at the Vatican.
In ' Hermathena,' for 1901, Professor Smyly
re-published an extract from a Greek romance
* F. G-. Kenyon, " Fragments of an Epic Poem," ' Album
Gratulatorium,' in honom* of Herwerden. Leyden, 1902.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 137
relating to a storm at sea, first edited bj Dr.
Mahaffy.
Search in various great libraries, especially the
Vatican, has more than twice over augmented the
remains previously known of works of Caecilius
Calactinus ; chiefly by means of a manuscript at
Rome, the " Apophthegmata Romaica," which was
published in 1902. This contained a large amount
of the " Chreiai " of Calactinus, who is stated to
have written, in all, twelve or thirteen works.
In 1907 Herr Ofenloch united all the fragments
in his ' Caecilii Calactini Fragmenta.' They are
chiefly collections of anecdotes of famous person-
ages, accumulated from all quarters. M. Adolphe
Reinach has traced one extract to Fabius Pictor.
The Vatican also has a manuscript, " Etymologi-
cum," showing that anterior to the well-known
" Etymologicum Magnum " there was a larger work,
as M, Miller indicated when publishing part of a
similar treatise in his 'Melanges de Litterature
Grecque.' Reitzenstein has perused the Vatican
codex and terms it the " Etymologicum Grenuinum."
It adds much more frequently the author's name from
which a citation is made than did the older known one.
In the ' Rheinisches Museum' for 1908, in two
articles, Hugo Rafe edited some of a new com-
mentary by " John the Deacon " upon the " Yleo\
fiiOi'^ov SavoVfjroc " of Henuogenes. It is in a four-
teenth century Vatican manuscript. These works, if
not very erudite, often contain unexpected treasures.
This supplies fifteen new verses from Euripides'
" Perithoos." See " Des Diakonen und Logotheten
Johannes Kommentar zu Hermogenes," kt\.
vol. xxxi. 10
L38 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
In L905 the Bodleian Library acquired a papyrus
with forty-seven lines of the Lexicon of Apollonius of
Alexandria. It is mentioned here because it proves
that our manuscripts have been much condensed,
for compared with the same part in the hitherto
extant copies the papyrus has nine illustrative
quotations instead of two.
The Strasburg papyrus of which Herr Bruno
Keil made so much and which Wilcken and de Bicci
considered instead of being a fragment of a lost
annalist, to be merely part of a well-known speech
of Demosthenes, is completely reinvestigated by R.
Laquer in ' Hermes,' 53.
He concludes that the lines are a piece of some
elaborate commentary on Demosthenes like the
Didymus papyrus, and perhaps formed a work also
by him. The " Anonymus of Strassburg " is
therefore worthy of much of the attention Keil
bestowed upon him.
A new fragment of Philochorus has proved very
useful in the hands of M. G. Glotz for illuminating
the story of the campaign of Cheronea, especially
showing the important strategy of Philip as evinced
by his capture of Elatea (see ' Bulletin Correspon-
dance Hellenique,' 1909, 526-546).*
Among the Hibeh papyri, that numbered 14
is a terribly torn and destroyed papyrus rescued
from a mummy cartonnage, which once contained
the " Speech of Lysias against Theozotides " ; of
the twenty fragments only sufficient can be pieced
accurately enough together to give us two portions
* For all remains of Philochorus see Cesare Tropea ' Filocoro :
Frammenti della sua Storia dell' Attica,' 1909.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 139
of the speech. One of these controverts the pro-
posal of Theozotides to deprive adopted and illegiti-
mate children of the benefits the state conferred
upon orphans of those killed in war.
The second, the shorter of the two legible pieces,
refers to the idea of reducing the pay of the cavalry.
The first acts as a sort of literary Nemesis
regarding Aeschines, for it proves he plagiarised
this argument of Lysias in his speech " Contra
Ctesiphontem."
Other short pieces of merely a few lines among
the Hibeh manuscript are remains from a rhe-
torical exercise, a criticism of Democritus' atomic
theory, very probably by Theophrastus, and also
some sayings of Simonides.
A papyrus manuscript considered by Dr. Hunt to
be of the second century gives some thirty lines and
as many small pieces of a few broken words each
from a Satyric drama. The characters this short
morsel refer to are Oeneus and Phoenix. Because
of the last named personage, Wilamowitz Moellen-
dorff suggests that the author is Ion of Chios, for he
wrote two plays concerning Phoenix.
The part preserved gives a chorus of Satyrs
describing their arts and performances and know-
ledge of astronomy, medicine and magic ('Oxyrhyn-
chus Papyrus ' 1083).
The next numbered papyrus, 1084, gives some
lines from the " Atlantis " of Hellanicus relating to
the marriage of the Hyades.
' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus' No. 1012 contains some
two hundred mutilated lines and numerous fragments
of what appears to be a commentary upon the
1 |0 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
works of historians and orators, but it is possible it
may merely be some professor's notes upon such
i natters for a course of lectures.
The writer, whoever he may be, quotes Didymus
of Alexandria, and also, apparently, Caecilius Calac-
tinus ; so he must have lived after the commence-
ment of our era. On the recto of the manuscript is
an official account of the period of Septimus Severus;
thus the text upon literature was written about the
time of his successor, because the account is the
matter first inscribed upon the roll. This fact tends
to show that the criticism was more of the nature
of memoranda than a valued work. The few
paragraphs making continuous sense concern such
matters as the characteristics of Lysias, the sup-
pressions of facts by Thucydides, and of names as
well as facts by various prose authors, the diction
of Xenophon, and philological notes upon Attic words
having double meanings distinguished by writers in
that dialect only by accents, and some discussion
upon the character of Philip.
Many quotations, unfortunately mostly from
already extant writers, occur, and some from lost
works of Theopompus, Theophrastus and others.
One of the longest recovered poems, by an un-
known author, is the " Fragment of Ninos," pub-
lished by Herr Wilcken and Monsieur Weil. It
relates to the famous builder of Nineveh, his mother,
whose name is given as Thambe, his aunt Derkeia,
and her daughter, whose name does not transpire in
the fragment, but who undoubtedly was Semiramis,
because classic writers have previously told us her
mother's name was Derke, or Derkeia.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 1-11
The lines found commence with a conversation
between Ninos and Derkeia, in which he craves per-
mission to expouse her daughter, claiming that his
age of seventeen and her own were just suitable.
Derkeia desires postponement of the nuptials for
two years, but Ninos suggests he might be slain in
warfare and must secure an heir.
A second part of the poem preserved sets forth the
damsel's arguments to her aunt, Thambe, and a
conversation between the two aunts as to obtaining
the King's permission. A gap in the text then
breaks off the narrative, and when it recommences the
young people are married and Ninos proceeding to
some war, and an account of a campaign in a moun-
tain region of Armenia follows.
Ninos has Greek and Carian mercenaries and
hundreds of elephants. The piece ends abruptly
at the beginning of a battle.
Among papyri at Strasburg is part of a prologue
to a Greek comedy that has been edited by Kaibel
and Reitzenstein, but no scholar can decide the
author's name. The prologue states that once two
twin brothers, Sosthenes and Demea, married two
twin sisters. The wife of Sosthenes bore a son, the
wife of Demea a daughter.
The brothers went to Asia and encountered great
dangers ; one was imprisoned and assisted to escape
by the other, who was incarcerated in turn for
aiding the first. They remained absent sixteen years,
doubtless the one who was free declining to leave
his brother.
During this time the boy and girl had grown up
and become enamoured of each other, and were in
142 RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
some difficulty which only the parents' return could
remove.
A few mutilated columns of a treatise upon
metres in ' Oxyrliynchus Papyrus ' 220 gives a
number of poetical quotations, mostly from unknown
lyric poems, but some have been traced to Sappho,
Anacreon, Sotades, Callimachus, Pindar, Simonides
and Aeschylus.
In the ' Journal du Ministere de l'lnstruction
Publique' of St. Petersburg for 1901, Professor
Jernstedt edited a rather long text of part of an
ancient library catalogue. The works enumerated
are chiefly philosophical, including the " ABwauov "
and the " NeoiroXirwy " of Aristotle.
' Oxyrliynchus Papyrus ' No. 664 presents four
columns of a philosophical dialogue which possibly .
is by Aristotle.
The first part concerns political movements of
the author, who at the period of the usurpation of
Pisistratus, having departed from Athens, proceeded
to Solon in Ionia. This is interesting, because it
shows the writer believed Solon visited Asia when
Pisistratus became tyrant, and so the meeting
between Solon and Croesus may be authentic. The
author then returned to Athens and lived with a
certain Hagnotheus, a relative.
The second column is a narrative in dialogue
form connected with the career of Periander, tyrant
of Corinth. The personages are the narrator,
Ariphon, Pisistratus and Adimantus.
Ariphon and Adimantus say they have been with
Periander. The first of these may be the grandfather
of Pericles. Another personage, Thrasybulus, is
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 14o
mentioned as closely connected with an unknown
writer. This is undoubtedly the man who, as
Plutarch tells us, married the daughter of Pisistratus.
because the papyrus gives for his father a Philo-
melus whom Polyaenus names as parent of Thrasy-
bulus whom the manuscript misnames Thrasymedes.
The historical evidence of this piece is of value,
because although it is only an imaginary dialogic ,
the author doubtless made the speakers correctly
contemporary, and so it illustrates Herodotus and
other historians.
In the ' Festschrift volume,' p. 67, presented to
the Austrian Hellenist, Gomperz, Wesseley edited
what he terms a philosophical work giving a collec-
tion of anecdotes concerning Diogenes the Cynic
(" Neues iiber Diogenes den Kyniker ") . The papyrus
is in the Rainer collection ; about four columns are
publishable. All the stories are new except one
which Diogenes Laertius had reported.
A vellum leaf, numbered 411, among the texts
from * Oxyrhynchus,' and written in a script much
resembling that of the " Codex Alexandrinus," and
so probably of the fifth century, is from a life of
Alcibiades.
The author quotes Thucydides, but utilises other
authorities, and may have preceded Plutarch. His
attitude is decidedly favourable towards Alcibiades.
The next edited manuscript from the same site
clears up a question in classical literature by proving
that Julius Africanus, the friend of Origin, was the
writer of the curious compilation entitled " The
Kestoi." The manuscript, too, is interesting, because
it is dated but shortly after the author's decease, and
144 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
as it is stated to be the eighteenth book, it supports
the assertion of Suidas that the work was in twenty-
four books.*
The text, too, concerns literature, for Africanus
in it advocates the insertion of twenty-seven more
lines in the eleventh book of the ' Odyssey ' in the
shape of a magical incantation at the moment when
Odysseus called up the ghosts. The additional
lines are not calculated to augment Homer's reputa-
tion, but Africanus gives proofs of their being
contained in manuscripts well known to be in
libraries in Rome, Caria, and Palestine.
Incidentally he mentions that he had himself
arranged a library in the Pantheon for the Emperor,
certainly Alexander Severus, for the ' Kestoi ' was
dedicated to him.
A very useful literary papyrus is ' Oxyrhynchus '
12, which contains six columns of a historical
chronology of Greek and Roman history, with some
notes upon Asiatic affairs running over forty years,
from 355 to 315 e.g. It is probably a second
century manuscript, but may have been copied
from an original quite a century earlier.
Its interest arises, not from the historical informa-
tion, but from the records of the publication of plays
and comedies and the list of victors at the games.f
After B.C. 323 the writer's chronology differs
considerably and, we can show erroneously, from that
usually received.
* The 'Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' Part iii , plate v, "Julius Africanus
KtGTOl.
f See Edward Capps, " The Catalogues of Victors at Dionysia and
Lenaea," Cor. Inscr. Attic. II, 971. 7. Amer. Journ. of Philology,'
1899.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 145
Fortunately a newly found piece of the ' Parian
Chronicle,' embracing the years 336 to 298, is a
useful corrective.
Perhaps no manuscript has given rise to more
literary comment than the " List of Olympian Vic-
tors," No. 222 of the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri,' which
gives the records for years 480 to 468 and 456 to 448
B.C. The writer gives the names for thirteen events
for each year, almost in the same order as the date
for their foundation as stated by Pausanias and
Eusebius, and precisely the same as that of Phlegon
of Tralles. Possibly the epitome is derived from
Phlegon, but it may be copied from Hippias of
Elis, or from Philochorus.
The "List" most appropriately relates to the
important years when the Odes of Pindar and
Bacchylides were produced, both of them poets,
much of wdiose lost work has just been found in
Egypt. The list of sculptors is most valuable, and
indeed all Hellenic history for the period embraced
is illuminated by this new-found work. It also
shows that down to the third century, for that is the
approximate date of this writing, accurate chrono-
logies of the Olympiads were not only in existence,
but so much esteemed, that a resident in an
Egyptian village possessed one, and hence we can
well rely upon the statements of classic authors
concerning the victors, for we can see that they had
chapter and verse for what they wrote.*
The information given in the work is admirably
* See Th. Reinach, " Un Nouveau Document snr le Chronologie
Artistique et Litemive due Ve. siecle avant I.C," ' Revue Arcbeo-
Logique,' 1899, 399-442.
1 !•»') RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
amplified by the inscriptions found at Athens record-
inn- the victories at the poetical contests of the
Lenean and Dionysia. In ' Philologus,' 60, 1901,
pp. 161-179, F. Mie lias reconstructed the arrange-
ment of the programme of the Olympian games by
aid of this list.
He considers that, subsequent to the seventy-
eighth Olympiad, the festival lasted five days.
Upon the first was the preliminary celebration, the
oath of the Heilanodikoi and contestants, the trial
of horses and athletes, and competitions of trum-
peters and heralds.
The boys' contests came on the second day.
Upon the third those for men, excepting the
Pentathlon, which, with the horse races, occurred
on the fourth day.
Upon the final day took place the great pro-
cession, the official offering at the Zeus altar, and
the banquet in the Prytaneion.
One Greek author, Archilochus,* has had the
good fortune to have had pieces of two poems
reproduced, not only from papyri, but one of them
from a Parian inscription. In 1899 and 1900
Herren Reitzenstein and Hillar von Gartringen
published the first, two papyrus pages, at Stras-
burg, and the second, a lapidary text from Paros,
both embodying verses of this early poet. The
manuscript gives some twenty-three new verses ;
fourteen of these are apparently from a different
poem to the others. The first piece, in impassioned
verse, describes a traveller, or mariner, ship-
wrecked on the Thracian coast, and becoming
* " Sitzungsberk-lite Preussen Akademie," 1899. 857. *.r\.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 147
enslaved. These miseries seem to be recounted as
a sort of curse that Archilochus desires an old
friend, who had deceived him, should endure.
Strange to say, short as the piece is, it is sufficient
to indicate that it is the basis for Horace's tenth
Epode.* M. Hauvette also shows good reason
for thinking that sentences in these verses inspired
Aeschylus in passages in his ' Eumenides ' and
' Agamemnon. 'f
The verses upon the second page, though broken
and so difficult to render in an interesting manner,
have given rise to some discussion because the name
of Hipponax occurs in them, and Reitzenstein and
Blass| considered they were his composition, a
view which M. Hauvette strongly opposes. §
The lines of Archilochus upon the Parian Stele
are only seven, of which three are perfect, concern-
ing a war between the Parians and Thasos.
Papyrus No. 2G in the first volume of the
catalogue of Greek papyri in the John Rylands'
Library gives a readable fragment of eighteen lines
from Apion's " Homeric Glossary."
Short as this piece of writing is it clears up
several interesting literary questions by proving, as
Herr Kopp had thought, that a small text from an
alphabetical " vocabulary " at Darmstadt, printed by
* " Mittheilungen Arch. Institut in Athen," 1900, p. 1; see Horace
Epistles : " Parios ego primus iambos ostendi Latio, numeros
animosque secutus Archilochi," and Sat. II, " Eupoliu Archilochuni,
comites educere tantos."
f A. Hauvette, ' Archiloque,' Paris, 1905.
X ' Rheiniscb.es Museum,' 54, 1900, p. 34d.
§ ' Revue des Etudes Grecques.' 1901, 70. " Les Nouveaux Frag-
ments dArcbiloque."
148 RECENT D1SC0VEKIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Still-/ in his edition of the " Etymologicum Gudi-
anum," is really copied from Apion.
Also that the " Mediaeval Glossary," as it asserts,
is practically Apion's work, though considerably
epitomised.
The same volume of the Rylands papyri also gives
a small historical piece concerning ' Anaxandrides
and Chilon of Sparta,' and the part taken by them
in overthrowing the Greek tyrants.
The sixth part of ' Oxyrhynchus Papyri' included,
among its new classical texts, a long piece of a com-
mentary in Greek upon the second book of
Thucydides. The author enlarges, not only upon
the historian's work itself, but also much upon the
treatise of Dionysius of Halicarnassus upon Thucy-
dides, so that the commentary was almost certainly
not composed before 10 B.C. On the other hand,
data upon the papyrus prove that if the writing
upon it cannot be later than the time of Hadrian, so
probably its contents are a copy of some commentary
composed soon after the commencement of our era.
The writer of this text is chiefly interested in
grammatical matters, though sometimes he launches
out into a discussion of Thucydides' historical views
and methods, and of Dionysius' criticism of these.
A curious incidental fact about the writer is that
he was unacquainted with, or ignores, all other
Greek historians : in fact, Homer and Callimachus,
are the only writers he quotes beyond, as mentioned,
Dionysius, and an allusion to Euripides, in this
respect differing completely from Didymus and
the Alexandrian school of commentators.
The editors cannot decide upon the identity of the
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 149
author, and suggest lie was some obscure gram-
marian of Alexandria ; but if he resided there he
would almost certainly have worked in the great
library, and quoted many more of his predecessors'
remarks about his subject. He clearly was an
admirer of Thucydides, and deals Dionysius some
deft blows, contradicting the latter's condemnation
of the historian.
The collection of papyri at Giessen contains pieces
of what was once a large manuscript of Roman
imperial edicts. Of these parts of three are pre-
served, all of them dating from Caracalla. The
first is the celebrated " Constitutia Antoniniaria "
awarding the right of Roman citizenship to all
inhabitants of the Empire. Unfortunately but little
of it is legible. An important sentence, however,
concerning its non-applicability to the nomadic
wanderers from one city and province to another is
anion q; those clearlv legible.
The second constitution is one promulgated at
Rome in 212 and Alexandria 213. It is an edict of
amnesty issued after Geta's murder.
The third edict was promulgated at Alexandria
after 215, and concerns matters there.
A novella of Justinian ascribes the edict granting
free citizenship to Antoninus Pius, but the papyrus
shows it was one of Caracalla's. The error doubtless
arose from both Emperors being " Pius " and " Pius
Felix," and both in shortened titles also were T.A.,
but it stood for T. Aelius in one case and T. Aurelius
in the other.
In 1901 Professor Reitzenstein published two
pages giving portions of a pair of Greek poems in
150 RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
hexameters found upon two papyrus pages purchased
For the Strasburg Museum, and numbered in that
collection as 480 and 481.
Both recto and verso of 480 give a poem relative
to Diocletian's campaigns, and the literary matter
is of considerable interest. The other page bears a
text concerning the creation of the world and is
apparently by the same author.
Reitzenstein could not suggest who this was, but
M. J. Bidez traces the works to Soterichos, from
statements concerning his productions made by
Suidas and Tzetzes, and also Stephen, of Byzantium.
Suidas tells us that Soterichos wrote an 'EyKiifuov
eig Aio/cArjnai'ov. He also in the list of his other
works mentions a " Dionysiana " and a Bassarika,
and the lines mentioned about the creation may well
have formed part of the commencement of one of
these.
The few lines preserved of the second manuscript
are insufficient for any sound conclusion as to its
subject, but M. Bidez thinks he can detect a mention
of Apion, who came from the great Egyptian Oasis,
as did Soterichos, and the lines appear to allude to
Hermes creating a city there.
Some interesting observations concerning the
philosophical papyri found a century ago at Hercu-
laneum have been made by Herr Cronert and Pro-
fessor Comparetti, suggested by the manuscripts
being much more closely scrutinised and studied
than formerly.
Cronert thinks that some additional notes to a
few of the Epicurean texts are actually by that
philosopher himself, especially those in the treatise
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 151
Su'i/To&e T<i>u (pi\oo6(pwi>, a book concerning the Acade-
micians. Whilst not accepting this as proven,
Comparetti considers that scribal statements in the
papyri truthfully attest that they are in some cases
copies of the original edition issued during Epicurus'
lifetime.
One note in the book 18 of the Urpvaew^ (old
collection, vi, p. 37) is remarkable. It reads, rwr
apyaiaw tyoa(pi] t 7ri Niyiov tov jjl (s.tci Aiti) <ptnriv.
This gives the date for the publication of the work,
and was a memorandum intended to certify that
this manuscript is a copy of one so dated. As the
first exemplar was written in the eponymy of
Nikias, who succeeded Antiphates, it takes us to
Olympiad 121, i.e. 296-5 B.C. The actual
papyrus found at Herculaneum was, however,
written under the eponymy of a second, later,
Nikias, than the one who held office when its parent
manuscript was engrossed. There were two later
eponyms named Nikias, one in office in 282-1 B.C.,
and another in 133-2 B.C. jointly with Isigenes.
The script of the papyrus is paleographically so
similar to Professor Petrie's papyrus of Plato's
" Phaedo," which is of the third century B.C., that
Comparetti assigns the Herculaneum papyrus to the
period of the earliest of these two later Nikias'
eponyms.
Necessarily these views indicate that manuscripts
in Piso's Villa library at Herculaneum were ancient
ones, brought into Italy from Greece, where they
had been written many years before.*
* See S. Sudhaus, " Die Schrift des Metrodorus ntpi ttXovtov in
Papyrus 1424 der Herculanischen Bibliothek," Hermes, 1907, p. 645.
152 RECENT DISCOVERIES OE CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Another dissertation of Herr Cronert's may be
mentioned here, concerning the British Museum
Greek papyrus No. 186, founded upon Dr. F. G.
Keuvon's edition of the text. It gives four columns
of uncial writing with some forty legible lines of a
drama concerning Jason and Medea. This frag-
ment Cronert assigns to the " Medea " of Neophron,
probably with justice. The text preserves part of
the prologue, and of the commencement of the
work.*
Herr G. A. Gerhardt in 11)09 produced his final
edition of the Heidelberg papyrus, No. 310, of
Ptolemaic date, containing pieces of " Choliambic "
poems by the Cynic, Phoenix of Colophon. f
There are nearly one hundred partly legible
lines, of which some twenty-three restore an almost
complete poem.
The words ''IawCoc $o'ivikoq occur in the text, of
which there are four columns, but the last of these
only preserves the commencement of the lines. The
author's name is in line 74.
The learned editor makes the manuscript the
foundation for a lengthy commentary. The best in
condition of the poems is addressed to a certain
Parnos, and is a discourse against vice and cupidity
(aia-vpoKepBsia).
Another is written to a friend of Phoenix's
* For Herr Cronert's dissertations see " Die Ueberlief erring der Index
Academicorum " in ' Hermes.' vol. xxxviii. His book. ' Kolotes and
Menedemos.' p. 84 ; also his " Fragments of the History of Socrates "
in Rheinisches Museum, 1902. Professor Comparetti's views are
embedded in the ' Melanges Chatelain under the title of " La
Bibliotheqne de Philodeme."
f Phoenix von Kolophon, Gustave Adolph Gerhard. Leipsig :
Tenbner, 1909.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 153
named Posidippus. This person may be quite un-
known, and so neither the comic poet of Cassandria
or the Alexandrian epigrammatist, a disciple of
Cleanthes. This poem is condemnatory of the
useless rich, enlarges on the bad use they make of
their fortunes, which they should devote to their
poorer fellow citizens.
In the fragmentary fourth column are anonymous
verses of rather vulvar character mentioning' the
name of Philoxenus, who was famous for his
gluttony and debauchery, and who seems to have
figured in ancient literature as a type of these
vices.
Gerhardt also prints two small papyrus pieces,
one in the British Museum, No. 155, and one in the
Bodleian, which contains compositions in just the
same style and, as far as comprehensible, enunciating
similar ideas. In his commentaiy Gerhardt then
treats of the Choliambic poets in general and their
Cynic morals, chiefly of Cercidas of Megalopolis,
of whose writings Herr Cronert has published
seventy lines from a British Museum papyrus, No.
155.
In 1906 Herr Wilcken in ' Hermes ' published
portions of four columns of writing, two of which
were almost complete in a papyrus at Wurzburg
which paleographically appertains to the second
century. There is no difficulty as to its attribution,
because it is a well-written roll and bears clearly on
the back the title " 'Awifiov n%oa&ue."
It is therefore a piece of the fourth book of the
lost history of the deeds of Hannibal by Sosyhis.
The portion legible refers to a naval action, and
vol,, xxxi. 1 L
L 54 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
sets forth the successful tactics of the Massaliots
against the Carthaginians. Sosylus states that
these tactics were imitated from those of Hera-
cleides at the battle of Artemisium. Wilcken docs
not think this can be the place of that name in
('aria, The pieces of the papyrus have been better
arranged than when Wilcken first edited it, and
deserve republication.
The discovery of one manuscript of a classical
work already known should find recognition here
because, although the text has long been familiar,
the illustrations are new. This is the Vatican codex
No. 1201 of the Tallies of Ptolemy, once in the
library of Fulvio Orsini. The miniatures in this beau-
tiful manuscript have been described by Dr. Franz
Boll at the Bavarian Academy, and are most remark-
able from an astronomical point of view, besides
being somehow closely connected with the figures
upon the Farnese Globe, and are of great antiquity
originally. For although the date of this manu-
script is between a.d. 810 or 820 a.d., one of the
most exquisite pictures concerning the precise dates
in months, days and hours of the sun's entry into
the zodiacal signs carries the composition of this
diagram back to 250 a.d.
The text itself is important for certifying the
correct readings of Ptolemy's " Koyal Canon " and
" Hemerology," but the preservation of what are
evidently illustrations designed for the epoch of the
middle of the third century is worthy of record.*
* Boll, Franz, ' Beitrage zur Ueberliefernngs gescliiehte cler
Griechischen Astrologie and Astronomie,' Sitsimgberichte Acad, of
Bavaria, 1899.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 155
A small treatise of Pliilodemus anions: the " Her-
Clllaneum Papyri," Yleolmv KaQ'''0/uiipov ayaOov /3acrtAcwc,
has been re-edited by Signor Alex. Olivieri.* It
was transcribed by Corazza and since much damaged.
The progress of our knowledge of papyrus paleo-
graphy has enabled Olivieri to restore a good deal
of the text. One emendation shows it was dedicated
to L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus.f
In 1906, M. J. Nicole, of Geneva, published part,
as far as possible, of the Latin text of a papyrus
giving a catalogue of works of art preserved in
some place, or places, in Rome under the Empire. J
The writing agrees with second century script,
and though much of it is undecipherable, some
interesting parts of the list survive. For instance,
a Hercules Gr(lyconi)s appears, and if the reading is
correct shows that the Farnese Hercules found in the
sixteenth century was in Rome in the second.
Many figures of Egyptian deities are enumerated.
The provenance of some of the pieces is given. Thus
one is said to have been brought from Bithynia
and another from Grordium.
M. Nicole detected references to Apelles and
Protogenes, and so the catalogue must have included
paintings. As the Glycon Hercules is recorded
it is quite possible the papyrus was an inventory
of the artistic contents of Caracalla's Baths.
Several papyri have been found at various times
detailing disputes between the Roman officials at
* Leipzig : Teubner, 1909.
f For additions to the author's "Rbetorica" see Ed. S. Sudhaus'
" Pliilodemus Yolumina Rhetorica Supplemental'
+ ' Un Catalogue d'Oeuvres d'Art Conservees a Rome a l'hpoque
Imperiale.' Geneva : Georg, 1906.
VOL. XXXI. 11§
156 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Alexandria and Jewish citizens there. The docu-
ments at Berlin and Cairo have been published by
Reinach in the ' Revue des Etudes Juives,' vol. xxxvii,
and by Wilcken in the ' Proceedings of the Saxon
Academy,' vol. xxvii, No. 23. They chiefly refer to
Isidorus, Avillius, Flaccus, and a Dionysius.
All these names occur in Philo's work " Adversus
Flaccum." The papyri chiefly relate to the trial of
Isidorus. A third manuscript concerning these
Anti-Semite disturbances at Alexandria is in ' Oxy-
rhynchus Papyrus,' 1089, and Flaccus and Isidorus
are alluded to in it. Also a certain ytoaidg, whom
Dr. Hunt suggests was a Jewish Elder, a member
of the Hebrew citizens' council at this period, of
which Philo writes.
In < Philologus,' 1910, pp. 321-6, C. F. H.
Brachmann, by the help of scholia upon Aristo-
phanes' "Clouds," 967, where the poet mentions an
ancient hymn to Athena, and also by comparison
with a hymn of Callimachus, restores the probable
words of the opening of the old hymn.
Classic commentators had assigned it to Lam-
procles and Phrynichus.
His reconstruction is as follows :
EviniXriKa 7tot<(cXj/sw, 7roAejuaSoKOv a-yvav,
rrcuSa Aioc /uityaXov Sa/ndanrirov, irapuevov alei."
Additional fragments from philosophical works
to those given in Muller's " Fragmenta Philoso-
phorum Graecorum " are given for the earliest of
such authors by H. Diels in his ' Fragmente der
Vorsokratiker,' 1903, Berlin. Among others of
minor importance he adds five extracts from
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 157
Anaxagoras, one from Diogenes of Apollonia, three
from Hecatens of Abdera, and one from Pherecydes.
In the interesting work npon classical astronomy
and astrology, ' Sphaera; Texte und Untersuchungen
zu Geschichte der Sternbilder,' by Herr Franz Boll,
he prints several inedited works or portion of snch.
These chiefly concern Asclepiades of Mylea, Nigidius
Figulus, and a so-called Babylonian astronomer
Tencer or Tencros, an extract from whose work is
preserved relating to the thirty-six Decans.*
These astrological treatises on the Decans e'ene-
rally furnish the special title of each, and often a
description of his pictorial representation. Then
follow lists of the several parts of the body they
preside over, and the amulet to be provided to protect
each part from disease, and other magic injunctions.
' Tebtunis Papyrus,' No. 274 bears four frag-
ments of an astronomical calendar recording move-
ments of the planets with reference to the zodiacal
signs in a series of years partly in the reigns of
Trajan and Hadrian.
The remains are much mutilated, but can fortu-
nately be completed by means of some demotic
tablets published by Brugsch half a century ago.
The date of the Greek document is about 115 a.d.,
and it is an interesting relic for the history of
astronomy.
*For ancient treatises npon the Decans see C.E. Ruelle in 'Revue
de Philologie,' 1908, " Hermes a Asclepios le Livre Sacree sur les
Decans." He uses the Bibliotheque Nationale superior MSS.
'Parisinus' 2256 and 2502. The statements of Strabo and Pliny
that the Greeks obtained much astronomy from Kidenas, a Baby-
lonian, has recently been confirmed by a cuneiform tablet of eighteen
columns of writing giving lunar calculations, bearing his name
Kidinnu.
158 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Herr C. Wesseley, in the 'Sitzungberichte' of the
Vienna Academy, vol. clxii, published the literary
contents of a papyrus roll found alongside a
mummy. The style of script is early, about the
second century B.C. The writing gives three little
treatises of a kind doubtless very common at that
era. The first is an " Astrologia," describing the
stars, but this work is incomplete, only the part
o-ivina- the name, the size, and the colour, with the
duration of their revolution for the five planets
remaining.
The second is a list of " Semeia," or signs appor-
tioning time, such as the moon, falling stars, the
sun, etc. The third piece is a " Parapegma," or
astronomical calendar, commencing at the date of
the Egyptian month Thoth.
Herr Wesseley* shows it is a Greek work adapted
to suit Egyptian readers, and is subsequent to
Aratus.
In vol. i of the " Catalogue of Greek Papyri in
the John Rylands Library," manuscript 27 pre-
serves three columns of an astronomical treatise.
The first two are an abstruse mathematical calcula-
tion of how, after a given number of days have
elapsed, the day can be reckoned, according to the
Egyptian calendar, on which a lunar erroyri't occurs, and
secondly, the corresponding longitude and latitude
when it will take place. t
* C. "Wesseley, ' Bruclistiicke einer antiken Schrift iiber "Wetter-
zeeihen.'
f In the ' Revue Archeologique,' 1910, p. 140, M. Gabriel Ancey
proves by means of an epigram of Crinagbras in the ' Anthologia
Palatina,' vi, 244, which mentions an eclipse of the moon, that
Selene, wife of Juba, died on March 22nd, B.C. 2.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 159
The iiroyrrj was a term for the position occupied
by a heavenly body, and in this case they are for
those of the moon in apparently its annalistic revolu-
tion from perigee to perigee.
Two methods for solution are formulated, a long
and a shorter one, but they remain somewhat obscure.
Duplicate chronological periods are also given,
which Prof. Smyly thinks are from the eras of
Philip and Commodus.
The third column furnishes formulae for finding-
the dates for solstices and equinoxes upon the
Egyptian calendar. These are based upon
Ptolemy's observations, and much resemble the
' Syntaxis Mathematical
In the ' Revue de Philologie,' vol. xx, M. A.
Martin printed a posthumous article by C. Graux
upon some unpublished fragments of Lydus, " Ueol
<W»jju6iwi>," which are in the King of Spain's library.
These were reviewed by Wachsmuth in the Rhei-
nisches Museum, vol. lii, " Ein neues Fragment aus
Lydus' Schrift," ' De Ostensis.'
It is not intended to summarise here many in-
teresting notes upon remains of later authors, or of
magical and astrological writers whose productions
are in most respects worthless ; but mention should
be made of an article published some years ago by
Brinkmann in the Rheinisches Museum, in which
he studies the question of who Avas a certain
Aristokratos, who wrote a " Theosophy." *
He is particularly mentioned at the end of the
renunciatory formulae which converted Manicheans
* See F. Boll, " Spliaera, Neue Griechische Texte zur Geschichte
der Sternbilder."
160 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
were forced to repeat ; as one of the authors whose
book was recited in an " Index Librorum Prohibi-
tornm " as forbidden. Brinkmann believes the
work is identical with one with the same title from
which pieces are reproduced in the " ycrja/nm twv
'EWnviKwv " published by Buresch in ' Klaros,' 1889,
under the title " Untersuchungen zum Orakelwesen."
Seven columns of a papyrus, containing a kind
of a geographical and biographical encyclopaedia,
were in 1904 edited by Professor Diels. Islands
and rivers, mountains and natural objects are
enumerated, as well as sculptors, artists, painters,
architects, law-givers, and engineers. Several nota-
bilities are new to us, and others, though known,
yet apparently of slight talent, appear here as
deserving a better reputation. The onomasticon
of sculptors and architects, however, has been
infinitely more augmented by the new names of
such workers derivable from the immense mass of
inscriptions from Delos, Delphi, Pergamos, and
elsewhere.
Papyrus, British Museum, 256, contains Greek
verses upon the battle of Actium and Octavian's
entrance of Egypt, in addition to Mr. F. G. Kenyon's
edition of it in the Catalogue ; he also published it
in ' Revue de Philologie,' 1895, with notes by M.
Henri Weil. Biicheler thinks it is by Crinagoras.
Dr. Krebs, in 'Hermes,' 1895, pp. 141-150, pub-
lished a fragment of a novel concerning Metiochus
and Parthenope.
A fragment among the ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus,'
written in a good uncial character of about the
second century, has been most cleverly restored by
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 161
the late Henri Weil, who thinks it the effort of
some Cynic Alexandrian poet repeating the doctrines
of Antisthenes, or Diogenes.
A free translation of the piece is as follows :
" When mortals exchanged an easy life for one of labor's
durance, they were about as sensible as was Glaucos, the
Lycian, when he eagerly, that thoughtless one, accepted a
suit of armour worth nine oxen in exchange for one valued
at 100.
" Beforetime they forged not a pick, or massive hatchet,
nor hoe with two sharp teeth in order to work like a
quarryman who pierces the mountain, to turn over the
flinty earth. They cast not the grain into the furrow.
They laboured not, with oxen, the fallow land, gift of the
Nile, stream of mysterious sources. Without work they
possessed the oaks produced by the soil and the acorns,
man's most primitive food."
These sentiments are similar to some ideas
expressed by Hesiod when relating the gradual
progress of the human race. To him the " golden
age " was that of the highest antiquity, and he con-
sidered things had changed for the worse.
Speaking of man cultivating the soil and goading
oxen at the plough as " sweating under the labour
imposed by the gods upon mankind," some lines
of his almost recall the Pelasgians, on entering
Greece, changing from a hunting, or pastoral, into
an agricultural people :
" Who settled near by the sea
Or in the vale far from its foaming waves :
And at the foot of the gloomy ravine
Turned up the fruitful soil."
But the following extract from a poem of
Euphorion, to be found in the Diclot series of
L62 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
fragments of the classics, is a much more literary
achievement, and expresses distinctly opposite
ideas :
" There was a time when mortals lived like brutes
In caves and unsecured hollows of the earth,
For neither house, nor city, flanked with towers,
Had then been reared. No ploughshare cut the clod
To make it yield abundant harvest ; nor
Were vines ranked, and trimmed with pruning knives,
But fruitless births the sterile earth did bear.
Men on each other fed, with mutual slaughter,
For law was feeble, violence enthroned,
And to the strong the weaker fell a prey."
In 1897 Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt published
twenty-five lines from a work by Pherecydes of
Syros, who has been termed the oldest Greek prose
author. It is identified as being by him because
some of the lines are quoted as from Pherecydes
by Clement of Alexandria.* These first-known
lines concerned the making, by Zeus, of an em-
broidered veil, upon which was depicted earth and
ocean, and they had been considered to represent
part of the philosopher's conception of the creation
of the earth, and so to be an extract from his
Cosmogany.
Some sixteen lines of the new-found text show
this view to be erroneous. The veil described Avas
a veritable one presented by Zeus to Hera a few
days after their nuptials, and the work in which
the extract of Clement occurred was Pherecydes'
account of the marriage of Zeus and Hera.
The other lines now to hand are also from the
same book. These fragments are sufficient to
* ' Stromateis,' vi, p. 621.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 163
present an appreciation of the nature of this primitive
Hellenic prose.*
The ' Hibeh Papyri,' of which Part I appeared
in 1906, gives about twenty-five lines of sentences
excerpted from Epicharmus, probably, as the classics
said, selected by Axiopistus. If this is so the latter
writer was very early, because the papyrus itself is
certainly as old as B.C. 250.
The last legible sentence reads : " I composed this
work of art in order that men may say ' Epichar-
mus was a wise man who put many witty sayings of
every kind into single verses, giving proof of his
talent.' ' The selection is from a gnomic poem in
trochaic tetrameters similar to citations of Epichar-
mus in Xenophon and Aristotle, and seems to con-
firm the statement of Philochorus that, although the
bulk of Epicharmus' works had perished, a collection
of extracts from them was well known.
A rather late work, the treatise upon tactics
by Nicephorus Phocas, which explains all that was
thought useful for a commander of an army to know
in Byzantine times, both as regards the organisation
of his forces and the rules for conducting a cam-
paign, has been edited from the papers of Charles
Grraux by M. Albert Martin. The text of this
treatise, which was discovered in the Escurial
Library hj Grraux, was highly valued by him, but he
only lived to publish three chapters and partly edit
the remainder. The editors were assisted in their
work somewhat by other manuscripts at Belle and
* ' New Classical Fragments and other Greek and Latin Papyri,'
Oxford, 1897, ' Un Nonveau fragment de Pherecydes de Syros,'
Henri Weil.
164 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITE H ATURE.
Madrid. The merit of the book from the classical
side lies in its containing many extracts from
ancient writers on military subjects, and historians.*
A fragment of papyrus puplished by Mr. Kenyon
in the ' Revue de Philologie,' 1897, p. 1, and by M.
Paul Girard in 'Revue des Etudes Grecques,' xi,
31, gives some interesting notes on the education
of Spartan youths, f and apparently throws new
light upon some passages in Book VI of Plato's
' Laws.'
In the ' Archiv firr Papyrusforshung,' iii, Dr.
Cronert published some almost unreadable morsels
of a text of a drama referring to Jason and Medea.
He suggests it is from the " Medea " of Neophron,
but this is merely a surmise.
At a seance of the French Academy in 1894
Monsieur de Mely showed that behind several manu-
scripts of alchemist writings, upon the formation of
minerals, which mediaeval writers ascribed to Aris-
totle, there really is an Aristotelian basis. He
mentions more particularly a manuscript at Liege,
edited by Rose, which is a translation of an Arabic
work in the ' Bibliotheque Rationale.'
Another version is a Latin text, No. 16142 in the
same collection.
The residuum beneath the alchemistic vagaries
refers to the formation of minerals and of fossils,
especially animal bones of marine type being found
* Graux, Ch., " Traite de Tactique connu sous le titre. Tlipl
Karaa-rcKJiwQ awXij^Tov. Traite de castrementation redige par ordre de
Nicepkore Phocas-Texte grec medit annote," par C. Graux et
augniente d'une preface par Albert Martin 'Notices et Extraits des
manuscripts,' torn, xxxv, 1898.
f ' Un Texte Inedit sur la Cryptie des Lacedemoniens.'
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 165
upon mountains, as being proof of the perpetual
movement of land. Also of volcanic and diluvial
effects upon mountains.
In 1892 M. P. Kerameus published fragments of
a lost historian discovered by him in a manuscript at
Jerusalem. This is thought to be part of a work
by Amyntianus, a second century historian mentioned
by Photius.
The Eoman imperial edicts already mentioned
are richly completed by one entitled by M. Nicolle,
who first edited it, ' Le Livre du Prefet, on l'Edit
de 1'Empereur Leon le Sage.'
It concerns the corporations at Constantinople and
is a most important document for Roman Law, dis-
closing the transformation of the old Roman muni-
cipal law into the later Byzantine. It is a thirteenth
century copy of a tenth century text.
Lest it should be thought that an author has been
slighted, the publication by G. Kroll in 1908 of the
' Anthologiarum ' of Vettius Valens, a worthless
astrological book, is duly chronicled. Who he was and
when he wrote we do not know, nor whether many
writers he professes to quote ever existed. The
aphorisms and portents he enumerates and certifies
as veracious because copied from Orpheus, Moses,
Hipparchus or strange-named Egyptian seers and
scientists may, in fit company of those of other
charlatans, be found in the excellent ' L'Astrologie
Grecque ' of M. Bouche-Leclercq.
The following notes upon small pieces of works
edited in various philological journals are of the
nature of a bibliography of minor memoranda upon
the subject. In these cases the shortness of the
166 RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
extracts available in each case renders the supposed
attributions very hazardous.
Among the Florentine papyri given by D. Com-
pared i in the first volume of ' Papiri Fiorentini,
publicata della R. Academia dei Lincei,' 1908, is
some portion of a commentary upon a lost play of
Aristophanes, perhaps the "Triphales," or the Typaz.
In ' Hermes,' 30 (1895), Dr. Krebs and G. Kaibel
and C. Robert printed a fragment from a romantic
story of Metiochns and Parthenope, giving part of a
dialogue between them and some other person.
A piece of a dramatic mime, or poetic prose, of
interest is to be found in Dr. B. P. Grenf ell's ' An
Alexandrian Poetic Fragment and Other Greek
Papyri,' Oxford, 1S96.
In ' Hermes,' 41, p. 103, etc., is a papyrus frag-
ment almost certainly by Scylax of Caryanda (see
J. B.Bnry, 'The Ancient Greek Historians,' p. 25).
Little attention has been given here to lapidary
inscriptions, the writings contained in which are but
seldom of the nature of literature, excepting perhaps
the hundreds of epitaphs of a poetical nature,
many of which it would seem are scarcely original,
but based upon some anthology provided for the
purpose of selection for sepulchral use.
There are, however, many long inscriptions of an
historical nature, containing Roman Imperial edicts
and letters to cities and provinces, which would
form several volumes of carefully composed official
phraseology.
Of the Hellenistic era there is a text from Scepsis *
of some 115 lines giving a letter from Antigonus,
* J. A. R. Munro, ' Journal of Hellenic Studies,' 1899, pp. 330-340.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 167
" Monophtholinus," to the citizens, and their decree
of honour to the monarch in reply, which is
certainly historical literature, being a welcome
addition to what is known of this period from
Diodorus. In it the king explains, from his point
of view, the cause and the course of the negotia-
tions between himself, Casander, Lysimachus, and
Ptolemy, leading up to the treaty of 311 B.C. He
amply dwells upon the benefits he had secured
for the Greeks, especially at the Hellespont con-
ference of 313-12 e.g., describes all the peace
overtures, and enumerates the plenipotentiaries and
their proposals and arguments.
He asserts that he first made a preliminary
arrangement with Lysimachus and then one with
Casander and Ptolemy, and claims to have secured
the successful result. The honorary decree con-
ferred upon Antigonus, which is preserved, is not
of much importance.
The ' Corpus of Greek Inscriptions,' vol. xix,
1097-1098 and 1098«, has apparently a list of
writers of Attic comedies, probably inscribed in
some public library. It may be a copy of Calli-
macllUS ir'iva Kara ypovovq rcou air aoytiq ytvofikvov
SicaaKaXojv (see ' Rheinisches Museum,' lx, p. 425).
Another inscription found at Tegea and printed in
the ' Bulletin Correspondance Hellenique ' for 1900
gives a list of Euripidean dramas ; two of these, the
" Achelous " and " Achilles," are lost.
A paean to Dionysius found in an inscription at
Delphi and edited by M. Weil, ' Etudes de Litera-
ture Grecque,' is said in the text to be by a poet
Philodamos of Scarphia.
168 KKCKNT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
In the ' Journal of Hellenic Studies,' 1907, F. W.
Hasluck edits an inscription found near Cyzicus.
It is in two columns, amounting to thirty lines. Each
of the lines contains an aphorism. The text is of the
late epoch, but some of the aphorisms may be older.
In treating of the papyrus catalogue of Olympian
victors allusion was made to the recovery of a
further instalment of the inscription known as the
' Parian Chronicle.' This addition affords much
historical information, and the chief new items should
be given.
They are facts as to Ptolemy, of Nicoaeon, of
Cyprus ; and Agathocles of Syracuse. Also literary
events, such as the triumphs of the comic poets,
Menander and Philemon, and the date of the death of
an unknown poet, Sosiphanes (not the Alexandrian
of that name), as 306 B.C. Some physical pheno-
mena are recorded, such as the eclipse of 310 B.C.,
au earthquake in Ionia in 304, and the comet of
303 B.C.
The correct synchronism of these astronomical
phenomena with concurrent historical events in this
eventful period is of great importance. Thus
this very portion of the ' Parian Chronicle ' is
astronomically ascertained to be a year in error as
to the date it assigns to the battle of Arbela, because
that is definitively decided by the lunar eclipse,
which took place upon September 20th, b.c 331,
eleven days before the battle, while the inscription
dates the Greek victory a year sooner.*
* For many of the most historically memorable inscriptions see
C. Michel, ' Recueil descriptions Grecques pour servir a l'Etude de
THistoire et des Institutions de la Grece Ancienne.' Bruxelles:
Lamertin, 1898.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 169
Strange to say, the ' Oxyrhynchus Chronicle '
puts Arbela a year too late. Arrian, however, gives
the correct year by telling us it was the year of the
Athens archonship of an Aristophanes, and we know
from other sources that he was in office in B.C. 331.
Thus were it necessary Arrian may be said to con-
firm the eclipse.
The newly suggested illustrations of classic litera-
ture by vase paintings and sculpture in some cases
deserve notice.*
Thus Herr Winter lias shown that the fourth
" Pythian " of Pindar was probably influenced by the
sculptures at Olympia. What the poet writes of
Kyrene is connected with the female fronton figures,
and the account of Jason with the labours of
Hercules depicted in the Metopes.
In the ' Weiner Jahreschrift ' for 1909, Hauser, in
an article upon " Aristophanes and Ancient Vases,"
shows how they mutually illustrate each other.
Herr Sitte has written upon the newly found
statue of a wounded Niobid and a verse of
Euripides' " Hecuba," and also upon a vase in the
British Museum, which depicts the " Hari Kari "
of Polyxena, as described in the " Hecuba " ; the
twenty rather broken lines of a Greek tragedy,
which are almost certainly from the " Niobe " of
Sophocles.
The 213th ' Oxyrhynchus Papyrus ' shows that the
well-known Pompei fresco is a scene from this play.
Many incidents in works still lost can be recon-
structed from vase paintings, such as the murder
* See " Lessons from Greek Pottery," by John Homer Huddilston,
for previously noted instances.
170 RECENT DISCOVERIES OP CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
of Troilus by Achilles, told in the " Cypria," which
is frequently depicted upon vases, notably upon one
at Philadelphia and another at Vienna.
Sophocles wrote a tragedy, " Triolus," and some
of the vase pictures are probably from its scenes,
and not illustrating the " Cypria."
INDEX OF AUTHORS.
Aelius Promotus, 62
Aeschines, 83
Aeschylus, 24, 18, 25, 51, 86, 91
Aetius of Ameida, 62
Afrieanus Julius, 87
Agathemes of Lacedemon, 65
Agathon, 24
Akron, 64
Alcaeus, 21, 26, 27
Alexander PhUalethes, 64
Ammonius, 26
Amyntianus, 109
Anacreon, 86
Anaxagoras, 101
Anaximenes, 45, 51
Androtion, 35, 51
Antimachus, 25
Antiphon, 4, 5-6
Antisthenes, 105
Apion, 91, 92, 94
Apollonius, 24
Apollonius of Alexandria, 82
Apollodorus of Carystus, 68
Appian, 60
Archilochus, 25, 90, 91
Aratus, 30
Archimedes, 7, 8, 9
Aristanaetus, 28
Aristarchus, 26, 48
Aristocrates, 103
Aristophanes, 24, 25, 26, 34, 57, 69
100, 110
Aristotle, 14, 26, 35, 51, 86, 107
Aristoxenus, 27, 65, 76
Arrian, 113
Artemidorus, 63
Asclepiades of Mylea, 101
Astydamus, 24
Athanasius, 54
Athenaeus, 43, 68
Aurelius Ptolemaios, 25
Axiopistus, 107
Bacchylides, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 30, 89
Blemyomachia, 39, 42
Bryon, 51
Caecilius Calactinus, 81, 84
Callimachus, 27, 28, 29, 41, 45, 49, 86,
92, 100, 111
Callisthenes, 51
Cedrenus, 56
Celsus, 65
Cercidas, 30, 97
Christodorus, 40
Claudian, 40
Cleidemos, 24
Clement of Alexandria, 57
Constitutia Antoniniania, 93
Cosmos Indicopleustes, 53
Corrinna, 21
Cratinus, 24, 25, 32
Cratippus, 35, 36, 79
Crinagoras, 102, 104
Democritus, 83
Demon, 51
Demonax, 24
Demosthenes, 21, 39, 44, 49, 82
Dictys Cretensis, 56
Didymus, 37, 38, 44, 84-92
Diocles of Carystus, 64
Diodorus, 36, 37
Diodorus Periegetes, 80
Diogenes, 87, 105
Diogenes of Apollonia, 101
Diogenes of Babylon, 80
Diogenes Laertius, 87
Dion Cassius, 61
-■>
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE
Dionysius. 80, 92
Dionysius of Halicaraassus, 37, 45
Dionysius of Sidon, 26
Diophantus, 12
Dioscuros, 23, 39, 40
Dositheus. s. 10
Douris, 51
Epapkroditus, 14
Ephorus, 35, 3(5
Epicliarmus, 34, 107
Epictetus, 38
Epicurus, 94
Eratosthenes, 7, 8
Etymologicum Magnum, 81
Euclid, 13
Euphorion, 105, 21
Eupolis, 24, 25, 34
Euripides, 22, 24, 31, 57, 58, 69, 75,
81, 92
Eusebius, 89
Eutropius, 60
Excerpta Barbari, 54, 55
Fabius Pictor, 81
Florus, 60
Frontinus, 61
Galen, 62, 64
Hecateus, 101
Heliodorus, 62
Hellanicus, 83
Heracleides,
Herinippus, 34, 51
Hermogenes, 81
Hero, 11, 14
Herodotus, 87
Herondas, 14
Hesiod, 26, 105
Hesychias, 30
Hierocles, 38
Hippias of Elis, 74, 89
Hipponax, 30, 91
Homer, 41, 48, 88, 92
Hipparchus, 109
Horace, 91
Ion of Chios, 24, 83
Isyllos, 73
John the Deacon, Si
Julius Afrieanus, 87, 88
Justinian, 93
Kolotes, 96
Kolluthos, 40
Konon, 8
Lamprocles, 100
Lexicon, 25
Livy, 59, 60
Lycophron, 23
Lydus, 103
Lysias, 82, 83
Malalas, 56
Manilius, 22
Marsyas, 51
Melampus, 63
Menander, 23, 65, 66
Menedemos, 96
Menon, 64
Metrodorus, 95
Museaus, 20
Neophron, 96, 108
Nieander, 21
Nicephoras Phocas. 107
Niconxachus, 24
Niconiedes,
Nigidius Figulus, 101
Nonnus, 40, 41
Obsequens, 61
Olympiodorus, 40
Orosius, 60
Obriasius, 62
Origen, 27
Pancrates, 43
Paneprios, 40
Pappixs, 11, 12
Parian Chronicle, 20, S9
Paulus Agineta, 62
Pausanias, 89
Pherecydes, 101
Philemon, 50, 72, 112
Philistionr64
Philo, 100
Philo of Byzantium, 13
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE. 173
Philochorus, 37, 51, 82, 89
Philodamus of Scarphia, 112
Philodemus, 75, 99
Philoumenus, 62
Philoxenus, 30
Plilegon of Tralles, 89
Phoenix of Colophon, 96
Photius, 17, 24
Phrynichus, 24
Pindar, 14, 17, 26, 30, 77, 78, 86, 89
Plato, 61, 95, 108
Plantus, 72
Plutarch, 24, 77, 87
Poliorkitika, 38
Polyaenus, 87
Poly bius, 60
Posidippus, 97
Posidonius, 11
Prasis, 56
Praxidamus, 11
Praxiphanes, 27
Protagoras, 26
Ptolemy, 12, 76, 98, 103
Ptolemy of Ascalon, 26
Sappho, 21, 23
Scylax of Caryanda, 110
Septimius, 56
Sextus Empiricus, 75
Sidonius Apollinarius, 68
Simonides, 83, 86
Sophocles, 18, 22, 25, 51
Sosiphanes, 112
Sosylus, 97, 98
Sotades, 86
Soterichos, 94
Stesichorus, 25, 26
Stobaeus, 38, 57
Strabo, 25
Suidas, 88
Terence, 68
Teucer, 101
Theodosian Code, 55
Theophrastus, 83, 84
Theopompus, 35, 36, 38, 84
Thespis, 24
Thucidydes, 4, 21, 36, 84, 87
Timocles, 51
Timon, 25
Timotheus, 78
Tzetzes, 8
Valerius Maximus, 60
Vettius Valens, 109
Vitruvius Kufus, 14
Xenomenes, 28
Xenophanes, 25, 107
Xenophon, 35-37, 84
Zenodotus, 25
To be affixed to page 173 in Trans. R.8.L., Vol. XXXI,
Part ii.
This Index was made for the Author's Keprints and has
been included without correction of the page references. It is
necessary to add 56 to the numbers given.
172 LtECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
Dionysius, 80, 92
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 37, 45
Dionysius of Sidon, 26
Diophantus, 12
Dioscuros, 23, 39, 40
Dositheus, 8, 10
Douris, 51
Epaphroditus, 14
Ephorus, 35, 36
Epicharmus, 34, 107
Epictetus, 38
Epicurus, 94
Eratosthenes, 7, 8
Etymologicum Magnum, 81
Euclid, 13
Euphorion, 105, 21
Eupolis, 24, 25, 34
Euripides, 22, 24, 31, 57, 58, 69, 75,
81, 92
Eusebius, 89
Eutropius, 60
Excerpta Barbari, 54, 55
Fabius Pictor, 81
Florus, 60
Frontinus, 61
Galen, 62, 64
Hecateus, 101
Heliodorus, 62
John the Deacon, 81
Julius Africanus, 87, 88
Justinian, 93
Kolotes, 96
Kolluthos, 40
Konon, 8
Lamprocles, 100
Lexicon, 25
Livy, 59, 60
Lycophron, 23
Lydus, 103
Lysias, 82, 83
Malalas, 56
Manilms, 22
Marsyas, 51
Melampus, 63
Menander, 23, 65, 66
Menedemos, 96
Menon, 64
Metrodorus, 95
Museaus, 20
Neophron, 96, 108
Nicander, 21
Nicephoras Phocas. 107
Nicornachus, 24
Niconiedes,
Xigidius Figulus, 101
Nonnus, 40, 41
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF CLASSICAL LITERATURE.
1 *7'">
1 /O
Philochorus, 37, 51, 82, 89
Philodamua of Scarphia, 112
Philodemus, 75, 99
Philoumemis, G2
Philoxenus, 30
Phlegon of Tralles, 89
Phoenix of Colophon, 96
Photius, 17, 24
Phryniehus, 24
Pindar, 14, 17, 26, 30, 77, 78, 86, 89
Plato, 61, 95, 108
Plautus, 72
Plutarch, 24, 77, 87
Poliorkitika, 38
Polyaenus, 87
Polybius, 60
Posidippus, 97
Posidonius, 11
Prasis, 56
Praxidamus, 11
Praxiphanes, 27
Protagoras, 26
Ptolemy, 12, 76, 98, 103
Ptolemy of Ascalon, 26
Sappho, 21,23
8cylax of Caryanda, 110
Septimius, 56
Sextus Empiricus, 75
Sidonius Apollinarius, 68
Simonides, 83, 86
Sophocles, 18, 22, 25, 51
Sosiphanes, 112
Sosylus, 97, 98
Sotades, 86
Soterichos, 94
Stesichorus, 25, 26
Stobaeus, 38, 57
Strabo, 25
Suidas, 88
Terence, 68
Teucer, 101
Theodosian Code, 55
Theophrastus, 83, 84
Theopompus, 35, 36, 38, 84
Thespis, 24
Thucidydes, 4, 21, 36, 84, 87, 92
Timocles, 51
Timon, 25
Timotheus, 78
Tzetzes, 8
Valerius Maximus, 60
Vettius Valens, 109
Vitruvius Rufus, 14
Xenomenes, 28
Xenophanes, 25, 107
Xenophon, 35-37, 84
Zenodotus, 25
12
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
BY ARTHUK EUSTACE MORGAN, B.A.,
Head of English Department, University College, Exeter.
[Read May 22nd, 1912.]
So large is my subject that it would be quite
impossible to give even a summary account of
domestic tragedy in a short paper. My references
to some of the plays may be more or less detailed,
but in the main I want to consider the essential
characteristics of this type of drama and perhaps try
to raise a few questions on the nature of tragedy at
large, so that it may be the easier to assign this
species to its true position in the genus.
If there is a difficulty in drawing up a concise
definition which will express accurately the charac-
teristics of domestic tragedy, it is no less difficult in
many instances to decide whether or not a play
should be included in the category. There are two
distinct types of tragedy, of which domestic tragedy
is one. The other and more usual kind is concerned
with the lives of great persons — the ideal drama, let
us call it, that deals only with the aspirations and
sorrows of the eminent, often, if not usually, the
historically eminent. Whether good or evil the
characters are on a lofty scale — a scale loftier than
is found in actual life. The object of tragedy,
says the heroic dramatist, is to move with pity and
vol. xxxi. 13
176 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
terror. Purge your characters of all human little-
ness, make them grandly virtuous or grandly wicked,
and the catastrophe will thereby be the greater.
Because a tragedy is thus invested with a cloak of
idealism it does not follow that the human element
is the less true in essence. Iago is an ideal villain
and Othello sublimely jealous, but Shakspere has
none the less laid bare in them the heart of humanity
and shown us the elemental constitution of the soul
of man. To say that a drama is idealistic means,
not that the dramatist has failed to show us the
internal truth of things, but that he has neglected
to cloak this truth in the matter-of-fact vesture that
it wears in daily life. It is similar to the method of
the artist in marble or in pigments who prefers to
clothe truth of human form and physical beauty in
some ideal drapery that pertains to no time or
fashion, rather than in the actual clothing of man
or woman. He may be accused of untruth in
detail — he is not realistic ; but is he therefore less
true to the essentials of his art ? Yes, says the
realist, and proceeds to carve or paint his figure in
tweed suit or coat and skirt. Who can tell which
is right? Surely both are. Though for one age
the idealist will be righter and for another age the
realist.
The ostensible subject of this paper is domestic
drama, but in fact it is domestic tragedy. The
nature of comedy is such that the dramatist wants
ordinary men and women as material for his art.
As George Meredith would have put it, comedy
consists of a chase in which folly is the hare and
ridicule the hound. For great virtue and even for
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 177
great vice it is necessary to look beyond the circle
of common life, but folly is even at the door. The
comic analogue of heroic tragedy is farce, in which
is depicted, not the foolishness of human weakness
as it really exists in life, but the pure folly of
sublime fools, who are the heroic figures of ideal
comedy.
Now just as there are few, if any, comedies that
are altogether free of the idealistic tendency of
farce, so there are comparatively few tragedies
which are completely, or even to a large extent,
realistic. If a tragedy is to appeal to an audience
as really like life, the characters must be of the
class that embraces ordinary men and women ; the
events, too, must be familiar events that do or might
befall ordinary people. It is this kind of play that
has been called domestic tragedy. The difficulty of
deciding whether a play is domestic or not arises
from the fact that the difference is one of degree as
well as of kind. Dr. Johnson applied the term to
the plays of Otway and RowTe ; John Payne Collier
applied it to still more realistic tragedies in the
Shaksperean age, such as "Arden of Feversham"
and "A Warning for Fair Women " ; but a modern
critic might reserve it for the more truly realistic
tragedies of Sir Arthur Pinero and Mr. Masefield.
For want of a more accurate term I shall use it to
cover all these types.
From the nature, then, of domestic tragedy one
would expect to find it realistic, though the realism
may be of various degrees. A common means of
obtaining recognition of the realism was to choose
some subject that was true because it had actually
178 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
happened. This truth was often emphasised for
the purpose of strengthening the imagination of
even an Elizabethan audience by an appeal to the
habitual human reliance upon historical fact. The
very first extant domestic tragedy, "Arden of
Feversham," a play of unknown authorship pub-
lished in 1592, is definitely called "The true and
lamentable tragedy of Mr. Arden of Feversham in
Kent." In " A Warning for Fair Women," a play
based on a well-known murder committed in 1573,
Tragedy, in her concluding speech, says expressly,
"that now of truth I sing." Ford, Dekker and
Rowley called their "Witch of Edmonton" "a
known true story."
In the eighteenth century R. Philips in his " Fatal
Inconstancy," a domestic tragedy of little merit,
says : " I confined myself to the truth . . . every-
thing is represented according to the original, and
reality of the story, which is not in the least
fictitious, except in some part of the fifth act."
G-eorge Lillo's " Fatal Curiosity," one of the best of
the eighteenth century contributions to this type of
drama, is expressly called "a true tragedy." And to
mention one more, the anonymous " Fair Parricide "
(1752) is called " a tragedy of three acts founded
on a late melancholy event."
The true event usually chosen was some crime
that had lately been before the public. These
tragedies, like the broadsides and ballads of the
day, served the purpose of giving the people what
it always loves — a sensational story. Consequently,
sufficiently lurid details of the original crime were
introduced into the play to give the necessary
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 179
flavour demanded by the public; and these details
made the piece appear the more realistic.
In tragedy the plot depends as a rule on the
collision of human passions either with other human
passions or with the conventions and laws of society.
The dramatist who desires an awe-inspiring*, terror-
striking catastrophe will produce a situation that
only death can resolve. The basis of the tragedy
may rest on crime, as in " Hamlet," where the
passion of revenge collides with the passion of
ambition, and only the death of Hamlet and
Claudius, with the death of Gertrude to satisfy
morality, loosens the complication. It is, we are led
by Shakspere to believe, the filial duty of Hamlet to
take life from the taker of life. Now in the real
world such is not the convention, nor as a rule the
actual practice. The convention is to delegate to
the officers of the law the duty of punishing the
murderer. In domestic tragedy, therefore, it is
extremely common to find that the finale of a play
is the dock, the gaol, or even the scaffold. What a
realistic effect a modern manager might produce if
he cared to pander to a sordid taste and let the
curtain fall on a court scene — a scene familiar to
frequenters of the Old Bailey — the judge still wear-
ing the black cap, and the condemned man
disappearing down to the cells. " The final act in
the great drama " the halfpenny papers used to call
it before criminal appeal was invented. But in
former times the final act was carried to a more
gruesome finish, and it was not the dock but the
scaffold that was the scene on which the curtain
fell.
180 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
Iii " Arden of Feversham " all the conspirators
who have contributed to the murder of Arden are
detected in their crime and hurried off at the Mayor's
command to speedy execution. So also in " A
Yorkshire Tragedy " and in " The Witch of Ed-
monton " the murderers are led away to death.
Yarington's " Two Tragedies in One"— an interesting
but somewhat confused mosaic formed by alternate
scenes from two distinct plots, with Homicide,
Avarice and Truth as chorus — furnishes an example
of a plot ending with a court scene, in which the
guilty father and the son who sheltered him are
condemned to death. Such is the end of the
Italian story; but the English tragedy which is
interwoven with it, has a still more sensational
finish, for the actual execution of Merry, the mur-
derer, seems to have been represented. In "A
Warning for Fair Women " Captain Browne is the
gay young Irish officer who falls in love with the
beautiful wife of Mr. George Sanders. Mrs. Sanders
reciprocates this love and Sanders is murdered.
Browne's guilt is discovered, he is condemned and
brought to execution. The scaffold was apparently
on the stage, the noose was around his neck, and,
according to a gruesome stage-direction, He leapes
off. Even as late as the eighteenth century one
finds Lillo's "The London Merchant " closing with a
gallows scene, though there was no attempt to
represent the actual execution. It must have
ended with a wonderful scaffold tableau such as
even nowadays is far, far the best way, if not the
only way, to impress a certain type" of audience.
Now what was it that made people turn from the
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 181
conventional ideal tragic method to write these
realistic1, domestic dramas? The answer is easily
found and obvious. There were, I believe, two
reasons, and cogent reasons they would be. The
first and ostensible reason was to warn people from
evil by showing them dramatically the terrible con-
sequences of sin. The second reason, never put
forward but perhaps none the less a reason for all
that was, as has already been said, to provide the
public with what it likes best — a thoroughly sensa-
tional plot. Make the punishment evident enough,
satisfy the demands of dramatic morality by rewarding
distressed innocence and discomfiting the villain,
and an English middle-class audience will accept
with relish the most sordid story. One would be
inclined to think this for no other reason than that
in the large majority of cases the author of a
domestic tragedy, particularly if it be somewhat
appalling in its catastrophe, is at pains to urge the
didactic purpose of the play. But perhaps such a
judgment is unfair, for one knows well that nothing
really is dearer to the heart of an English writer than
to be able to enforce a moral. What is even the
most modern fiction or drama but didactic ? In
England we know no art that exists only for its own
sake. Even such an artist's artist as Shelley was
struggling' to hasten the advent of millennium; and
with all his humour Mr. Shaw is a born preacher.
It is said that the eighteenth was the century of
didacticism, but it seems as if it would be outdone
by the twentieth. Even the earliest writers of
domestic tragedy are careful to insist on the moral
value of their work, and to point out clearly the
182 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DKAMA.
ethical purpose. The very title of " A Warning
for Fair Women " expresses a didactic aim, but the
author does not consider that enough. The fatal
certainty of punishment is one of the definite
purposes of the play.
Then see I well, that be it near or further
That heaven will still take due revenge on murther.
And with his last words Browne, the murderer,
repentant like all the villains, bids —
All careless men be warned by my end :
And, by my fall, your wicked lives amend.
It is curious that, although these dramatists are
in many ways so boldly realistic, they should in
many respects be so conventional. Evidently the
audience would not have tolerated an unrepentant
criminal, a Don Juan swallowed up sins and all ;
for it is the common practice to reconcile the victim
with his fate, even to make him confess his guilt in
cases where it would be awkward to have to prove
it, and in quite a number of instances he departs
with the sure hope of everlasting joys. In this very
play, " A Warning for Fair Women," Mrs. Sanders,
who is executed for complicity in the murder,
addresses a long religious speech of repentance to
the chaplain. Her last moments are spent in
administering a moral disquisition to her children :
Oh, children, learn ; learn by your mother's fall,
To follow virtue, and beware of sin
Behold, my children, I will not bequeath
Or gold or silver to you, you are left
Sufficiently provided in that point ;
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 183
But here I give to each of you a book
Of holy meditations, Bradford's works,
That virtuous chosen servant of the Lord.
Therein you shall be richer than with gold ;
Safer than in fair buildings ; happier
Than all the pleasures of the world can make you.
Sleep not without them, when you go to bed,
And rise a mornings with them in your hands.
So God send down his blessing on you all.
Farewell, farewell, farewell, farewell, farewell !
" The Miseries of Enforced Marriage" likewise shows
its purpose in its title. This purpose is further
expressed by one of the characters :
Yet when thy tale has killed me,
0 give my passage comfort from this stage,
Say all was done by enforced marriage :
My grave will then be welcome.
The same point was emphasised in the eighteenth
century by J. Armstrong's " Forced Marriage," a
play " which was written," he says, " chiefly with
a view to expose a most cruel and absurd piece of
tyranny too common in life." In " Two Tragedies
in One " Merry's sister, Rachel, who was guilty of
concealing her brother's crime, is about to be exe-
cuted. The author makes her utter a useful moral :
Let me be mirror to ensuing times,
And teach all sisters how they do conceal,
The wicked deeds of brethren, or of friends.
" A Woman Killed with Kindness " and " The Witch
of Edmonton " would also provide instances were it
worth while multiplying examples. If the early
dramatists were didactic, the eighteenth century
writers were doubly so. There is at least this to
184 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
be said for modern didacticism, that the writer will
credit his audience with some powers of inference,
whereas in the eighteenth century the moral was
rammed home with dreadful care and conscientious-
ness. Lewis Theobald, the writer of one domestic
tragedy, " The Perfidious Brother," would frankly
have the stage converted into a pulpit. In the pro-
logue it is said that the author —
Wishes lie might once behold
The tragic scene be what it was of old.
When plays were wrote guilt's triumphs to control ;
And poets laboured to improve the soul.
If then instruction was the stage's aim,
That lesson must be best, which most could claim :
In this, if aught, our author hopes he may
Assume some little merit from his play.
It would be too long a business to quote from the
many eighteenth century domestic tragedies that
are expressly didactic. But Lillo's plea on behalf
of domestic tragedy on grounds chiefly didactic is
too important to be omitted. Lillo is certainly the
most considerable writer of domestic tragedy in the
eighteenth century, if for no other reason than that
he wrote three, whereas no one else, with the possible
exceptions of Aaron Hill and an obscure poet called
John Hewitt, wrote more than one. His word,
therefore, demands attention. If Lillo's first and
long-admired play, " The London Merchant," is
still admired, it is despite its being a painfully
moral drama. It is a warning to young men to
beware of the temptations of the strange woman.
George Barnwell, the honest and trusted apprentice
of Thorowgood, falls into the hands of Millwood, a
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DItAMA. 185
woman who works on his sense of chivalry and
tempts him to steal his master's money to save
her from fictitious creditors. With seductive wiles
she leads him on till he at length adds murder
to theft, by killing his uncle whom he hopes to
rob. He is arrested, and after heart-rending
scenes of repentance and parting, he suffers the
utmost penalty on the same scaffold as the impeni-
tent Millwood. In his Dedication to Sir John
Eyles, Lillo makes a strong appeal for didacticism in
tragedy. To begin with, he affirms that the end of
tragedy is " the exciting of the passions, in order to
the correcting such of them as are criminal, either
in their nature, or through their excess." This
argument is then used in support of domestic
tragedy. " What I would infer is this, I think,
evident truth ; that tragedy is so far from losing
its dignity by being accommodated to the circum-
stances of the generality of mankind, that it is more
truly august, in proportion to the extent of its
influence, and the numbers that are properly affected
by it . . . If princes, etc., were alone liable to
misfortunes arising from vice or weakness in them-
selves or others, there would be good reason for
confining the characters in tragedy to those of
superior rank ; but since the contrary is evident,
nothing can be more reasonable than to proportion
the remedy to the disease." He appeals to Shak-
spere for support of his theory, and cites the instance
of the play by means of which Hamlet catches the
conscience of the king. He quotes Hamlet's words :
I've heard that guilty creatures at a play
Have, by the very cunning of the scene,
186 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
Been so struck to the soul, that presently
They have proclaim'd their malefactions.
Shakspere, he says, " seems so firmly persuaded
of the power of a well-written piece to produce the
effect here ascribed to it, as to make Hamlet
venture his soul on the event, and rather trust that,
than a messenger from the other world, though it
assumed, as he expresses it, his noble Father s form,
and assured him that it was his spirit. 1*11 have,
says Hamlet, grounds more relative ;
the plays the thing,
Wherein I'll catch the conscience of the king."
Lillo is here voicing, after the lapse of more than
a century, an idea quite common in Elizabethan and
Jacobean times. In his Apology for Actors, (1612)
Heywood pleaded on behalf of play-acting on
precisely similar grounds, and cited two cases where
guilty persons had betrayed their guilt on seeing
the performance of a crime similar to theirs. In
one case, at Lynn in Norfolk, a woman who had
murdered her husband wTas condemned in her
conscience by seeing " The History of Friar Francis "
and confessed her crime. In a second instance, a
woman at Amsterdam betrayed her guilt on seeing
the representation of the last part of " The Four
Sons of Aymon." The case of the woman of Lynn
is also referred to in " A Warning for Fair Women,"
which has already been noted as one of the most
strenuously didactic domestic dramas of the first
period.
Be the reason what it may, the fact remains that
realism is the salient feature of domestic tragedy.
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 187
I have already suggested that the writer of ideal
tragedy usually chose characters greater than those
of ordinary life in order to heighten the effect of the
catastrophe. But mere convention was largely
responsible. Tragedy was considered a very great
form of art and its dignity had at all costs to be main-
tained. The dramatist could take no risks of con-
tempt which might arise from a familiar subject, so
he carefully chose scenes and subjects unreal
enough to keep the critical at bay. We have seen
how this was effected as regards the characters who
were chosen from ranks sufficiently far removed
from the class to which the audience belonged. But
there were other methods which the tragic writer
would employ to produce this glamour of idealism.
Not even nobles or kings would have felt that they
were familiar with the characters of the tragedy.
These characters were great in more than rank ;
they were great in so far as they were purified of
the dross of daily life — for even sovereigns and
heroes have daily lives. A common method for
heightening" the idealism was to remove the scene of
the action to distant times or places, though this
difference must appeal more strongly to us nowadays
than to spectators in days when stagecraft aimed
but little at exactness of local colour. Nevertheless,
it must detract from the realism of a play if the story
is about people whom we know to have lived centuries
ago and leagues away, especially if their names are
foreign and unfamiliar. Even in pla}^s that for no
historic reason need thus have been removed in
time and space, it was a common practice to situate
a tragedy in Italy, and in many cases to give fan-
188 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
tastic, foreignish names to characters otherwise
supposed to be English.
In the early domestic tragedies, however, this
convention was usually ignored. Indeed we might
well refuse to call a tragedy domestic in the strict
sense, unless the story and characters were English.
" The Changeling " of Middleton and Rowley is one
of these borderland plays : it is really domestic in
plot, but as in " Othello," the characters are to some
extent heroic or at least ideal, and the scene and
persons are Spanish. Apart from " The Changeling "
there are seven plays in the early period of domestic
tragedy. But for " The Witch of Edmonton," which
was probably written in the third decade of the
seventeenth century, these tragedies belong1 to the
twenty years between 1590 and 1610. All these
seven plays are concerned with English stories —
crime stories as we have seen — with the exception
of the Italian half of Yarington's " Two Tragedies
in One."
In the second period, which comprises about a
century from, say, 1680, it was the exception to
deal with English subjects. The fact is that the
majority of plays that might be called domestic are
really not domestic tragedies in the strict sense.
They are domestic in theme, but the manner is so
little realistic and the setting often so unfamiliar,
that they can really only be included in the half-way
group of semi-domestic tragedies. Such tragedies
as Otway's " The Orphan," Rowe's " Fair Penitent,"
Southern's " Fatal Marriage," oi\ Centlivre's " The
Perjured Husband " — the four late seventeenth
century domestic dramas — all belong to this type.
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 189
Such a play as " The Orphan " shows very clearly
the difference between the two manners of treat-
ment. Nothing could be more truly domestic than
the subject, but the language is high-flown and
bombastic, the story is conducted in the manner of
the conventional drama, with action that is denuded
of any circumstances or events that would tend to
particularise the characters. The place is not
specified, but the names of the persons are Italian.
In both Rowe's "Fair Penitent" and Centlivre's
" The Perjured Husband " there are a few references
that show that Italy is the scene of the stories,
whilst " The Fatal Marriage " takes place at Brussels.
But this realty means nothing. The truth is that
the dramatist wishes to draw characters on universal
lines, if one may so say ; he wants to strip them
of any national, local or even personal idiosyncrasies.
Consequently he chooses foreign scenes and foreign
names that he may do this the more easily. If a
play is ostensibly English there is more necessity
for making the characters recognisable in detail as
well as in essence ; but if this obligation is removed
he will be free to treat his play in as idealistic a
manner as he pleases. Therefore one must not
expect to find Italian local colour in a play in
which the scene and names are nominally Italian :
to treat his work realistically would defeat the whole
object.
There are, however, examples even in the con-
ventional eighteenth century of realism triumphing
so far as to produce a play in which the action is
purely and truly English. Lillo's three plays and
Moore's " The Gamester " are the most important
190 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
realistic English tragedies ; but "Fatal Inconstancy"
(1701) by R. Philips, Mitchell's " Fatal Extrava-
gance" (1720), Thomas Cooke's "Mournful Nup-
tials" (1739), "The Fair Parricide" (1752), an
anonymous play, G. E. Howard's "The Female
Gamester" (1778), and Cumberland's "Mysterious
Husband" (1783) are all in greater or less degree
supposed to be English in scene and, in some cases, in
characterisation. "The London Merchant" which,
as we saw, deals with true facts, was based on the
ballad of " George Barnwell " ; and there is express
reference made in the play to Elizabethan affairs, so
that one is able to realise the period of the story.
In Lillo's " Fatal Curiosity," which was written on
the facts of a Jacobean story, the plot is drawn from
Falkland's 'Annals,' a late seventeenth century folio
in which the story, as published in 1612 in a pam-
phlet, was preserved. There is quite as much local
colour introduced into this tragedy as into " The
London Merchant," and there is little difficulty, even
from reading the play, in feeling something of the
atmosphere of the Cornish fishing-village where the
actual events took place. His third play, " Arden of
Feversham," was borrowed frankly from the older
play of the same name.
It is the older plays that are particularly rich in
local colour. In several there is a very marked
country atmosphere enveloping the whole play.
They have the free expansiveness of English rural
life. In " The Witch of Edmonton " the country-
folk bring with them the breath of the meadows and
the music of the streams; in UA Woman Killed
with Kindness" there is a picture of English country
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 191
sports in the hawking match, and a feeling of the
open air invests the whole play. So, too, in " Arclen
of Feversham" and " A Yorkshire Tragedy " one is
carried unmistakably into the circumstances of
English rural life. It is not always the life of the
country, however, that is the subject of realistic
treatment. In " Two Tragedies in One," in " A
Warning for Fair Women," and in Lillo's " The
London Merchant " the life of the city is depicted
with vividness and accuracy of detail. But in the bulk
of the eighteenth century domestic dramas, although
sometimes the scene is specified, there is none of that
feeling of illusion. One knows in abstract, because
one has been told, that the action is going on in this
or in that place, but our senses receive no impres-
sion and we believe only by a mental effort.
Realism was not confined to description of place
Often, alas, the telling details in the early plays
were more or less sordid. In the English part of
" Two Tragedies in One " there is a revolting descrip-
tion of the dismembering of his victim by Merry, the
murderer. The gaming scene in " Arden," in which
Mr. Arden is trapped by the conspirators and
presently attacked and murdered, is somewhat less
gruesome, though sufficiently terrible. Another
gaming scene in " A Woman Killed with Kindness "
is an example of careful realism ; "A Warning for
Fair Women " shows similar tendencies ; but of all
scenes I know none more striking in its attention
to detail than the wonderfully realistic bedroom
scene in " The Witch of Edmonton." Frank Thorney
has murdered Susan, to whom he had unwillingly
bound himself. Having wounded himself slightly
VOL. XXXI. 14
L92 ENGLISB DOMESTJC DRAMA.
for appearances, in the manner of Falstaff and his
paladins, he is in bed, and Kathleen, the sister of
Susan, nurses him. The whole scene is worked up,
not elaborately, but with telling touches of realism.
Finally, she brings him some chicken to eat and
he produces his knife to carve. Instantly her quick
eye notices the blood-stains on it; she guesses the
truth and thus all is brought to light.
A frequent mode of increasing the realism was to
introduce children into the tragedy, or to point out
through the speakers how the children of the guilty
parent would be involved in the catastrophe. This
device served another purpose at the same time, for
it helped also to heighten the intensity of the remorse
and consequently the punishment of the guilty. It
is a striking enough lesson to see George Barnwell
on the scaffold crushed with remorse and shame, but
how much more terrible is it to see Beverley, in
Moore's " The Gamester," in the agonies of remorse
that are made doubly poignant by the knowledge
that in his ruin are engulfed his innocent wife and
children. I have already referred to the parting
between Mrs. Sanders and her children in " A Warn-
in g for Fair Women." Innocent children likewise
share the sorrow of their ill-used mother in " The
Miseries of Enforced Marriage." In " A Woman
Killed with Kindness " children are actually intro-
duced on to the stage and the wronged but un-
revengeful Frankford shows them to his wife :
. these infants, these young, harmless souls,
On whose white brows thy shame is_ character' d
And grows in greatness as they wax in years . . .
Look hut on them, and melt away in tears !
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 193
But the most ghastly introduction of children is in
" A Yorkshire Tragedy," with which may be com-
pared " Fatal Extravagance," an eighteenth century
play by Joseph Mitchell and Aaron Hill, which in
plot is based on the same theme. The husband in
" A Yorkshire Tragedy " is an inveterate gambler.
Apparently not a bad man, except for this one
terrible weakness, he is transformed by his ruin
into an unrestrained monster. With the fury of a
brute he decides to extirpate the shame he has
incurred, by murdering his whole family. He almost
kills his wife, actually butchers his eldest child,
tears the second from its nurse and kills it, and is
setting out to find the youngest to tear it from the
breast and murder it too, when his horse breaks
down and he is overtaken and apprehended.
Browning employed the same device when he intro-
duced Strafford's children with great dramatic
effect into the scene of parting before the execution.
But perhaps no one has made such skilful use of
children on the stage as M. Maeterlinck in his beauti-
ful little play, " L'Interieur."
On the whole it may be safely affirmed that the
domestic dramas of the first period are more
realistic than the bulk of those of the eighteenth
century. And Lillo is realistic because he follows
the manner of the older writers. But there is one
feature in which the eighteenth century showed
stricter realism than the earlier period — that some
of the plays were written in prose. Even in the
earliest dramas there was often an admixture of
prose to the blank verse, especially in the parts that
were comic. In Southern's " Fatal Marriage,"
L9 I- ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
Philips's " Fatal Inconstancy " (1701), an anonymous
play called "The Rival Brothers" (1704), there is a
similar use of both prose and verse, but Lillo in
" The London Merchant " confined himself to what
was ostensibly prose. 1 say ostensibly, because, as
a matter of fact, his prose is so impassioned and
lofty in diction that it frequently breaks into blank
verse. In the preface to " The Mournful Nuptials "
(1739) Thomas Cooke defends this use of prose
rising at times into verse. " I resolved," he says.
" not to confine myself to either verse or prose ; nor
is there a verse in it that did not come with the
same ease with any of the prose ; and I am con-
vinced that whoever writes in English on a subject
where there is a necessity of passion and images of
fancy he will involuntarily write a great part of his
work in verse." Moore, in " The Gamester," avoided
blank verse with even greater success than Lillo.
His style is distinctly good, and except for some
rare passages of misplaced loftiness, he has suc-
ceeded, as no other eighteenth century writer of
this type of drama has succeeded, in producing a
thoroughly good play in dignified but not too
elevated prose. Cumberland in his "Mysterious
Husband" (1783) employed prose with success,
despite a tendency similar to Lillo's of slipping
from pompous diction into verse. Robert Porrett's
"Clarissa" (1788), a worthless play based on
the novel of Richardson, is likewise written in
prose.
Now that the matter is practically settled and,
for this age at least, prose has been adopted as the
common medium of domestic tragedy, it is interesting
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 195
to note that such a lover of realistic language as
Wordsworth should have hesitated on this point.
It is not surprising, perhaps, that when consulted
by an author who was contemplating a prose
tragedy, Dr. Johnson declared that he scarcely
thought a tragedy in prose dramatic; that it is
difficult for performers to speak it ; that the lowest
when impassioned raise their language. " I think,"
says Dibdin, who quotes the passage, " he had
better have said their voices, for as to the language
I believe upon such occasions it is lowered even to
blackguardism." Furthermore, Johnson believed
that the writing of prose is generally the plea or
excuse of poverty of genius. But it is surprising to
find AVordsworth, although for another reason,
expressing a similar view. He thought that verse
was necessary to render supportable the otherwise
too great pathos of a realistic tragedy, and appeals
to "the Reader's own experience of the reluctance
with which he comes to the reperusal of the distress-
ful parts of ' Clarissa Harlowe ' or ' The Gamester,'
while Shakspere's writings, in the most pathetic
scenes, never act upon us, as pathetic, beyond the
bounds of pleasure." Without denying the truth
that verse does reduce the poignancy of very pathetic
parts, one would feel that this objection is to be
regarded in the light of Wordsworth's own excessive
sensibility.
From all that I have cited from the various plays,
it should be clear that if any single feature is
eminently characteristic of domestic tragedy it is
realism. There were two periods of domestic
tragedy— what may be called the first and second
196 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
periods; but there is the third and perhaps greatest,
of which we now arc witnessing the growth. If
the first two periods displayed a tendency towards
realism, the third or modern period has made this
feature an essential. Yet after all, it is but a
question of degree. The drama, or indeed art of
any sort, ma}r become more and more realistic ; it
may become more and more illusive as an exact copy
of life ; but art it will always remain, and a copy is
but a copy. Many have asserted, but none have
proved, that realistic art is best ; and still more act as
if it were their opinion.
The modern writer of tragedy is like the writers
of tragedy in general in the main structure of his
play. He admits that the tragedy shall consist of
certain events all tending and tending only towards
the catastrophe. Such a conception to begin with is
grossly unreal. In actual life catastrophes are rare
events ; but grant that they do occasionally happen.
One cannot grant, however, that the preceding-
events ; in the lives of the participators tend only in
the direction of the climax. People who in life
play the parts of actors in an actual tragedy, must
necessarily do and say much that is irrelevant to
the catastrophe. The Russian dramatist, Anton
Tchekhof, has tried to rectify this common breach
of realism by introducing talk and even persons that
are almost irrelevant, and he has consequently suc-
ceeded in producing a wonderfully convincing
realism, though to an English audience the Russian
setting and characters would naturally give an air
of strangeness. The risk that a writer runs by
employing such a device is that, unless he is
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 197
extremely sensitive, he may commit the one un-
pardonable offence in any art — the sin of being dull.
Tchekhof seems to have known by intuition or
practice the exact limit of irrelevancy that he might
touch without thus sinning.
I do not presume to say that this rigid adherence
to relevancy is necessary or unnecessary. But the
fact remains that scarcely any convention of the art
has contributed more to dramatic unrealism. Yet
it is but one of a host of difficulties, many of them
unavoidable and insuperable, arising from the essence
of stage-playing. One difficulty, quite as common
as that of the necessity of unified action and avoid-
ance of irrelevancy, is the obligation felt by most
dramatists to explain to the audience the situation
of affairs at the point where the drama begins.
The unskilful artist will make one person of the
play tell another (for the benefit of us who are
looking on) a long story that is neither interesting
nor perhaps new to his hearer. The cunninger
workman will introduce the convenient messenger
who can relate events that even the persons of the
play will be glad to learn. The still more accom-
plished playwright works out a scene where the
situation is self-explained by the play of character
on character. Thus in " Much Ado " Shakspere
with consummate skill shows in a short conversation
the exact relations between Beatrice and Benedick.
But on the whole this method of self-revelation of
the situation is not the usual method with dramatists.
If one were suddenly to be introduced invisible into
a drawing-room full of people who were participa-
ting, perhaps unconsciously, in some drama of life,
198 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DHAMA.
and were to hear the conversation that went forward,
would we, as a matter of fact, understand the situa-
t ion, or even comprehend the drift of the talk ? We
certainly should not expect anyone to turn withoul
any reason and make an elucidating speech to his
neighbour, so that the unheeded and unsuspected
spectator might be enlightened. Tchekhof is not
altogether unmindful of this danger, and in some of
his scenes he introduced somewhat baffling dialogues;
but for extraordinary realism in this respect I know
nothing more weirdly true than the bewildering
iguorance in which Mr. Granville Barker leaves the
spectator during the earlier scenes of " Waste."
Such refinements of realism were quite unknown
to writers of realistic tragedy in former days, but
there is still one important and perhaps essential
point which shows clearly the change in ideas as to
the principles of tragedy. The principle of the
common type of tragedy was, as we noted, the pre-
sentment of some great event or events in a great
life, of such a kind that the spectator would be
filled with awe if not terror. It seems difficult to
get away from the necessity for the inspiration at
least of awe in the onlooker, but there may be other
ways of producing this than by introducing great
events into o'reat lives. Domestic tragedy in the
first and second periods differs from this type of
drama in that it represents, not great, but ordinary
characters ; but it still retains the great events which
were considered necessary for producing the terror.
But in the newest type of domestic tragedy not
even the great events are necessary : a catastrophe
results from the conflux of circumstances that in them-
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 199
selves are nothing more nor less than the ordinary
circumstances of life. A poor orphan stigmatised
by the fact that her father was hansfecl is unfortn-
nate enough to have an ill-tempered, jealous aunt.
Petty animosity develops into persecution ; a trifling
circumstance alienates her only friend, her uncle.
Life becomes a hell for the wretched girl ; passions
are aroused in her and her persecutors ; driven to
desperation by a brutal lack of sympathy she drowns
herself ; and one has Mr. Masefield's " Tragedy of
Nan." To a less extent one sees the same thino- in
his " Campden Wonder," or again in Mr. Galsworthy's
" Strife." Except for an adroit employment of
coincidence there is a similar sequence of ordinary
events in " The Second Mrs. Tanqueray," and in
another of Sir Arthur Pinero's plays, " Mid-
Channel."
I should do wrong, however, in passing over one
eighteenth century play, to which I have made
passing reference, " The Mysterious Husband " of
Richard Cumberland. This domestic tragedy is
really of the same kind as the modern plays that are
dependent on the ordinary events of everyday life
for the elements of tragedy. It is not possible to
give any detailed account of this play, interesting as
it is from an historical point of view. As a play it
is by no means devoid of merit, and the interest is
increased by its strange resemblance to " The Second
Airs. Tanqueray." Perhaps resemblance is too
strong a term, but certainly there is a distinct
analogy between the plots. Suffice it to notice that
even as early as 178o one finds this tendency to make
tragedy out of the stuff of common life, and not, as
200 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DEAMA.
did the bulk of the earlier writers of domestic
traffedv, find some striking incident, such as a crime,
on which to build a plot.
Wluit was largely responsible for this habit of
treating only of great events, such as crimes, was a
misconception of life. Many dramatists painted one
section of the characters as paragons and were con-
sequently obliged to introduce some agent of the
wicked one to plunge the whole company in ruin.
Thus grew up the dramatic villain, who has now
brought himself to a ludicrous end through hyper-
trophy in nineteenth century melodrama. The
object of exhibiting a terribly striking picture of
punished guilt was defeated by the obvious idealisa-
tion of villainy. Men and women are rarely paragons
or villains ; the generality are creatures partly good,
but very weak and failing. The tragedies of life
result far less from the machinations of professional
villains than from the weaknesses of men and women
such as we know them, feeble creatures with whom evil
is ever present even when they most would do good.
Writers of great tragedy know this. " Hamlet " is
not tragic because Claudius was a murderer, but
because the prince was weak. The failure to under-
stand this elementary truth of human nature is one
of the commonest and worst faults amongst the
early writers of domestic drama, though the greatest
were sufficiently perspicuous to avoid such an error.
Now it is the result of this reducing of the events
of the play to the same level as the ordinary char-
acters that makes modern tragedj so much more
realistic than early domestic tragedy. Certainly
there are other causes. There is the mere fact that
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 2(>1
the dialogue is modern and consequently more like
what we hear in our own lives ; and every modern
domestic tragedy, moreover, is in prose.
All these are causes which play an important
part in producing a realistic effect, but there is still
one more that is of prime importance. In life the
persons who act a part in a real tragedy are not as
a rule conscious of the catastrophe that approaches.
They laugh and live a life of nonchalance maybe,
whilst fate is weaving the web. In other words,
life is not in fact consistently sad any more than it
is consistently gay. Many of the older writers of
domestic dramas, who were not bound by any strict
notions of the dignity of tragedy, employed the
common means of expressing this idea by a
mixture of tragic and comic scenes. This method
has been discussed with keenness for several hun-
dred years without agreement amongst the critics.
Shakspere and his contemporaries may have
admitted lighter scenes into the tragedies merely
because they were constrained by the public desire
for a little laughter ; or they may have thought that
unalleviated tragedy would produce too keen a
pathos ; or still again they may have been trying to
represent the undoubted fact of life that tragedy in
reality is never unalloyed. In no early domestic
drama is there a truer blending of tragedy with the
joy of life and living than in " The Witch of Edmon-
ton " and " A Woman Killed with Kindness." The
terrible stress of tragic events goes forward un-
heeded by and not affecting the lives of the country-
folk and neighbours. The world goes on as usual,
and with its ironical cheerfulness heightens the
202 ENGLISH DOMESTIC DEAMA.
terrible plot that is enimeshing the main figures. At
the end of the seventeenth century when such
writers as Otway and Rowe were definitely setting
themselves to copy the Shaksperean manner, drama-
tists deserted the more classic models of Dryden
and began to reintroduce comic relief into tragedy.
In "The Orphan," in "The Fatal Marriage," in
Centlivre's " The Perjured Husband," the tragic
scenes are interspersed with the grossest farce, or
as Dr. Johnson called them, ': despicable scenes of
vile comedy."
In the eighteenth century the idea of the dignity
of tragedy was at its highest, and though the
domestic dramatists were heretical enough to treat
of familiar themes, they did not as a rule sin to
the extent of introducing a comic element. In
R. Philips's " Fatal Inconstancy," of which mention
has already been made — a worthless play published in
1701 — there is a fantastical coxcomb called Styium,
who amuses by his self-satisfied malapropisms ; and
in Cumberland's " Mysterious Husband " the garru-
lous old Sir Edmund Travers supplies a fund of
humour which is quite modern both in treatment
and effect. But I know of no other instance in the
domestic tragedy of the eighteenth century.
Coming to the modern domestic drama one sees
careful management of a comic element. The
method of the older dramatists was, almost always,
to confine the humorous element to separate scenes
and usually to a special set of characters. The
innovation of modern writers is to blend the
humorous and the tragic in the way that they are
really blended in life. It is unusual to set apart scenes
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 20o
for the comic element, but the old plan of having
certain humorous characters is frequent. After all,
is not that true in point of fact ? Humour at the best
of times is not the happy gift of many, and to main-
tain during times of stress and anguish that kindly
cheerfulness on which humour depends, is still rarer.
In Sir Arthur Pinero's " Mid-Channel " it is Peter
Mottram, the sympathetic but ex parte humorist,
who is chiefly responsible for the grim gaiety of the
play. Often the cleverness of dialogue, witty and
even humorous, can raise a refined laugh. At other
times that humour which lies as near to tragedy as
laughter does to tears, forces its way through and
makes us see the ridiculous in what is really
pathetic. Few plays show this tragic humour as
markedly as Mr. Galsworthy's " Strife." How
absolutely laughable is the selfishness of the director,
Wilder, who positively will not be able to get off to
Spain next day with his wife unless the strike is
quickly settled — grimly ludicrous in the face of the
tragic obstinacy of Roberts, the men's leader, whom
not even starvation and a dying wife can move.
Wilder: It's a deadlock then. [Letting his hands drop with
a sort of despair :] Now I shall never get off to Spain !
Wanklin [Retaining o trace of irony~\: Yon hear the con-
sequences of your victory, Chairman ?
Wilder [With a hard of feeling]: My wife's ill !
Scantlebury : Dear, dear! You don't say so!
Wilder : If I don't get her out of this cold, I won't answei
for the consequences.
[Through double-doors Edgar comes in looking very grave.]
Edgar [To his father"]: Have you heard (his, sir? Mrs.
Roberts is dead !
204 i:\glish DOMESTIC DRAMA.
Evi vyonestares at him as if trying to gauge the
importance of this news.-]
Enid saw her fchis afternoon, she had no coals, or food,
or anything. It's enough.
And then after the terrible battle of obstinacy
between Anthony and Roberts, after the fighters have
plunged others and have been plunged themselves
into bitter sorrow, they are thrown over by their
supporters who make their own terms. What has
this loss of life and money availed ? Harness, the
impassive and cynical trades-union official, and
Tench, the Secretary, tell us :
Harness : A woman dead ; and the two best men both
broken !
Tench [Staring at Harness — suddenly excited'] : D'you know,
Sir — these terms, they're the very same we drew up to-
gether, you and I, and put to both sides before the tight
began ? All this — all this — and — and what for ?
Harness [In a slow grim voice]: That's where the fun comes
in!
One is reminded of the half-gruesome but more
ludicrous finish of " Don Juan," in which Moliere
makes the earth open, belch forth flame and engulf
Don Juan in the bottomless pit; and then, with
startling humour, he sends Sganarelle rushing fran-
tically across the stage shrieking " Mes gages, mes
gages, mes gages ! "
Such realism is a new element in drama ; the
older tragedies show no such horrible truth. Yet
the bulk of modern dramatists, as we have already
seen, still cling to the general framework of the
older plays, and retain the convention of relevant
movement towards a climax. In this play of Mr.
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 205
Galsworthy's there is a tendency towards a newer
idea — the idea that it is not necessarily the obvious
crises of life that are most essentially tragic. As
M. Maeterlinck says : " There is a tragic element in
the life of every day that is far more real, far more
penetrating, far more akin to the true self that is in
us than the tragedy that lies in great adventure."
" Is it," he proceeds to ask, " beyond the mark to say
that the true tragic element, normal, deep-rooted and
universal, that the true tragic element of life only
begins at the moment when so-called adventures,
sorrows, and dangers have disappeared ? " It may be
terrible to see a blindly jealous Othello massacre his
innocent wife ; but is not his suicide a relief ? A far
more tragic ending would be for him to survive long
enough to feel the continual bitterness of a quiet
remorseful life. In everyday life is it the death-bed
that presents the tragic spectacle, or the long days
of anguish which succeed for the widow left behind ?
This tragedy of silence — the soul-stirring silence of
M. Maeterlinck — is certainly truer to life, and is per-
haps more deeply pathetic. The very fierceness of
passion or emotion is often an anodyne to grief ; but
this tragedy of silence knows no such relief. In the
climax of a great tragedy where does the pathos
really lie ? Surely not in the catastrophe itself, which ,
so to speak, has purged itself, but in the thoughts
of us who must bear the sorrow as our own soul-
burden. It is this soul-burden that some modern
dramatists attempt to put into the play itself — this
tragedy of silence. If I were to give one example
of what I mean by this I should go to Mr. Synge's
" Deirdre of the Sorrows." The play has a climax,
•20(> ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA.
but no climax is so stirringly tragic as the scene
where Naisi, the husband of Deirdre, is talking with
Fero-us who has come to visit them in their exile in
Scotland. Deirdre, unseen, overhears the con-
versation :
Naisi [very thoughtfully] : I'll not tell you a lie. There
have been days a while past when I've been throwing a line
for salmon or watching- for the ran of hares, that I've a
dread upon me a day'd come I'd weary of her voice {very
slowly) and Deirdre' d see I'd wearied.
There are dramatists who are beginning to wonder
as to the possibility of dispensing with even a
climax ; they write instead tragic episodes from life,
if it is allowable to use the word tragic when the
climax is gone. In " Strife " there is really no
climax, and in Tchekhof's " The Cherry Orchard,"
although there may be a great underlying signifi-
cance, the finale is ostensibly nothing more than
the closing scene of one episode in a family's
history. The crucial question is whether a tragedy
can interest unless it has the unifying influence
of a climax which is, so to speak, the focus
of all the events and actions of the play. Will
people be interested in irrelevant realism ? It would
seem that to a certain extent they will ; but the
dramatist who employs such a method is on thin
ice. It is one of those points of speculation that
must be put to the test to be proved.
I have wandered somewhat far afield from the
question of domestic tragedy, but it has been to see
if possible in what relation domestic tragedy stands
to tragedy as a whole. And as a result of this
ENGLISH DOMESTIC DRAMA. 207
digression it may be said that although tragedy is
still written with the design of affecting the emotions
and inspiring awe by means of a crisis, this crisis is
perhaps not essential ; and certainly it is not essen-
tial to frame a play on the great events of great
lives. Such is the doctrine proved, at least for this
age, by the success of modern tragedy. Modern
things are often wrongly looked on as new things,
and it would be particularly unjust in this case to
ignore the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth
century domestic tragedies which differ more in
degree than in kind from the most successful
tragedies of to-day.
vol. xxxi. 15
NICHOLAS AMHURST, 1697-174:].
BY 0. E. WADE, M.A., P.R.S.L.
[Kead February 28th, 1912.1
The writer of whom I am about to speak was a
journalist of the first half of the eighteenth century.
The lapse of time has submerged him and his
political work so thoroughly that only to few is he
even a name, and he is remembered by them less for
his skilful editorship of the most powerful political
journal of his day than for the bitter onslaught he
made, when a mere lad, upon the University of
Oxford.
" A Scholar in Grub Street " he called himself,
and the description is not inapt, for though he rose
to no height in scholarship nor fell to the lowest
depths of Grub Street, he had affinities for both
which might in other circumstances have made him
greater or left him less.
Nicholas Amhurst was born in 1697 at Marden in
Kent. His father was a grazier of Maidstone, and
it was through the influence of his grandfather, a
clergyman,* that he was admitted in 1707, on
February 23rd, to the Petty Form in Merchant
Taylors' School at the age of nine years.
The School was then in Suffolk Lane, in the
Parish of St. Lawrence Poultney, by the Manor of
* George Amhurst was vicar of Marden lt>(>2-1707.
VOL. XXXI. 16
210 NICHOLAS AMlll'KST.
i he Rose, and it contained 326 boys in the year of
Ainhurst's admission. He passed through every
form with consistent regularity, and reached the
Sixth in March, 1712, at the age of fourteen years
and four months. Here he remained four years,
and was then elected, on June 11th, 1716, to a
Founder's Scholarship at St. John's College, Oxford.
If he were of good conduct and remained unmarried
the Scholarship would in due course lead him to a
Fellowship for life. Latin and English compositions
written by Amhurst wdien at school are still extant
in the manuscript collection contained there, amongst
them an ode of congratulation to King George I on
his accession.
What was the atmosphere, and what the traditions
which in this school surrounded Amhurst for nine
impressionable years ?
The traditions of Merchant Taylors' had, except
for the brief period of the Puritan domination of
England, always been those of Church and King.
Its co-founder, Sir Thomas White, was Lord Mayor
of London in the year of Queen Mary's accession,
and to him fell the task of committing to the Tower
Northumberland the arch villain, his poor victim
and dupe Lady Jane Gray, and many another. In
the days of the Civil War its Head-master, William
Dugard, had issued Royalist tracts from his private
printing press, and this practice led him into a
quarrel with his friend Milton, which forms one of
the least creditable episodes in the life of the great
Puritan poet. The politics of Parsell, who was
Amhurst' s Head-master, are not known, but the
Under-master, Criche, who taught Amhurst, and
NICHOLAS AMHUliST. 211
himself succeeded Parsell in the Head-mastership,
was a Non- Juror.*
More notable than the masters was a boy who was
a member of the Sixth Form when Amhurst entered
the school. The example of this boy's short life
cannot fail to have exercised a profound influence
on every member of the school, and a short account
of him is needful here. His name was Ambrose
Bonwicke, and he had entered the school five years
before Amhurst. He was the son of a former Head-
master who had been removed because he refused
to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary.
The younger Bonwicke shared to the full the
scruples which had cost his father so dear. The
words that follow are from the pen of the elder
Bonwicke, and were written after the death of his son.
" 'Tis the custom of that school for the head
scholars in their turns to read the prayers there ;
and among other prayers for the morning the first
collect for the King at the Communion service of our
Liturgy is appointed to be read. This our con-
scientious lad stuck at, it being indeed one of the most
improper prayers in the whole Liturgy to be used
for a Governor whom he thought was not so de in re
as well as de facto. On this account he was fre-
quently attacked by most of his friends in London,
who endeavoured not only to convince him with
arguments, but to affright him with the conse-
quences of his not complying." These consequences
did in effect befall young Bonwicke. When the
day of election arrived the Master of the Merchant
Taylors' Company addressed him thus: "Mr.
* H. B. Wilson, 'History of Merchant Taylors' School,' 18U.
212 NICHOLAS AMHITKST.
Bonwicke, the President and gentlemen who have
examined yon as a candidate for this election
declare that yon have performed your duty very
well, and are in everyway capable of being elected.
But the Company, who are electors, have received
information that you have not read the prayers of
the school, whether enjoined by the Statutes or your
Master I can't tell. The Company therefore desire
to know of you the reason why you did not read
them. You may make what excuse }^ou please; I
do not put anything to you to say, but only the
reason why you did not read them." The young
Non-Juror was firm, " Sir, I could not do it," he
replied, upon which the Master and several other
persons there present said it was very honestly said,
a very honest answer, the best answer he could give,
and one that he was sorry for him. He was passed
over and another boy elected. Nicholas Amhurst
was in the Fourth Form when his schoolfellow made
this g"ood confession of faith which cost him a
Scholarship at once and a Fellowship for life.
Bonwicke proceeded to St. John's College, Cam-
bridge, where he died in May, 1714, in the 23rd
year of his age, apparently of that consumption
which so frequently accompanies early religious
exaltation. The life of this boy, entitled ' A Pattern
for Young Students in the University,' appeared in
1729. It was anonymous, but it is known to have
been the work of his father. It was edited by Dr.
J. E. B. Mayor, and published in 1870. He dedi-
cated it to his colleagues ' This -view of the Non-
Juror's home as it appeared on the Eve of the last
Cambridge Persecution.'
NICHOLAS AMHUUST. 213
The account which it gives of young Bonwicke's
religious exercises, of his reading, and of his life at
Cambridge, make it a valuable historical document,
and suggests that this youthful Non-Juror of St.
John's College, Cambridge, anticipated in many
ways the " method " which John Wesley practised
at Lincoln College, Oxford, only seven years after
Bonwicke's death.
It is also not a little singular that it should fall to
the lot of these two school-fellows to illustrate for
posterity the life of the two Universities in the
early part of the eighteenth century, and to show that
the teaching of the Anglican Church was a vivifying
and elevating influence in a great public school even
at the time when the Deism of Toland and of
Hoadley was undermining the very foundations of
the Christian faith.
But we must return from the young Confessor
Bonwicke and from Cambridge to accompany to
Oxford Amhurst, a boy of far different character.
He thus describes himself at this period : " I came
to your College a raw, ignorant schoolboy and
foolishly thought mankind in earnest in what they
professed. ... I often remember how scrupu-
lous I was in the most common concerns of life,
with what awful dread I took an oath and with
what tremendous veneration I received the Sacra-
ment." Amhurst is a witness who needs corrobora-
tion, especially when he is speaking of himself, but
it is a noteworthy fact that in all his frenzies of
hatred against Tory, Jacobite, Non- Juror and
Oxford he never has an ill word for his old School ;
Jacobitical and Ecclesiastical as its traditions were,
214 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
the influences which had moulded the short life of
the saintly Bonwicke had touched even the hard,
vulgar temperament of Nicholas Amhurst.
What was the Oxford of 1716 to which Amhurst
now proceeded ?
It was the Jacobite capital of England.
Such is the description given to it by a brilliant
Whig historian, who detested it and all its works,
and who derived much of his material from Am-
hurst's writings.
Oxford had indeed proved herself the home of
impossible loyalties. She had forgotten James II
and the exiled fellows of Magdalen, she had for-
gotten the days when " old Obadiah " sang ' Ave
Maria ' in the chapel of University College. She
forgot the son and remembered only the father, the
forlorn King who left his stubborn capital to seek
another within her ancient walls, upon whom she
had lavished her treasure and her blood, that
" White King," who in Bodley's Library had tried
the Virgilian oracle and had lighted on the fatal
lines that told his fate.
Whigs were few and far between in Oxford at
the beginning of the eighteenth century. Addison,
it is true, was a Fellow of Magdalen, but Providence,
which plants in the same ditch the nettle and the
dock, had bestowed a like distinction on Dr. Sache-
verell. There was, Amhurst tells us, a little nest
of them in Merton and Oriel ; New College and
Christ Church were not free from suspicion. For
the rest they were sparse and weak, and in general,
well in hand. The accession of their German King-
in 1714 brought encouragement even to Oxford
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 215
Whigs, and seeking the strength which comes from
union they founded an association which they called
the Constitutional Club. They were not unaware
of the danger likely to arise from the undisciplined
ardour of undergraduates, so they made a rule that
their members should be " not below the Bachelor's
degree."
This club was the beginning of woe to Oxford.
On May 28th, 1715, occurred the first birthday
of George I since he had accepted his humble regal
position, and the Constitutional Club held a meeting
to celebrate it in the King's Head tavern. There
is no suo*o«estion that on this occasion either calf's
head or decapitated lark was to form part of the
banquet — a delicate symbolism which the Whigs did
not think it necessary to confine to January 30th
alone. None the less the Tories were enraged, they
rose in all their might of numbers, raided the
meeting and drove forth the Constitutionalists.
Next day was the anniversary of Royal Oak ; the
Tories accepted the omen and attacked Oriel College.
The breach of the peace was serious, and notice of it
was taken not only by the Heads of Houses, but also
by the Grand Jury of the County. From neither
authority had the rioters anything to fear. The
Grand Jury arrived at the conclusion that the Con-
stitutional Club was entirely responsible. It con-
sisted, they declared, of " a set of factious men,
who, shrouding themselves under the specious name
of the Constitutional Club, were enemies to monarchy
and to all good government, and had been the
authors of all tumults and disorders that had hap-
pened in the City or County of Oxford."
216 NICHOLAS AM HURST.
The displeasure of the Government at this remark-
able finding was duly conveyed to Oxford, and the
authorities were so much impressed that they put
down with a firm hand all attempts at rejoicing on
June 10th, which was the birthday of the Pretender.
All might now have been well had not another of
these troublesome anniversaries occurred. This was
the birthday of the Prince of Wales, afterwards
George II. He was now thirty-four years old and
on the worst possible terms with his father, whom
he had accompanied to England on his accession.
Not a mouse stirred to commemorate the birthday
of this uninteresting German Prince.
It so fell out that there was then a regiment in
Oxford, ostensibly for recruiting, more probably as
a measure of precaution. In a rare fume the Major
of this regiment sought the Mayor of Oxford.
"Why," he demanded, indignantly, "has nothing
been arranged ? ' ' The Mayor pleaded ignorance ; no
one knew it was the Prince's birthday. Indeed, a
loyalty that could wind itself round George Augustus
in little more than a year must have had the vitality
of Jonah's gourd.
The reason given did not satisfy the Major. He
ordered out his regiment and organised an immediate
celebration of the auspicious day with military
honours. The news spread, a crowd gathered, jeers
were flung at the soldiers, then mud, then stones.
At this the soldiers fired. This time Oxford had
gone too far. Town had done it, it is true, and not
Gown, but it was good enough for the Government.
Indeed, they could scarcely afford to be lenient.
They knew that Mars' rising in Scotland was now
NICHOLAS AMHUKST. 217
certain, but they did not know what were its
ramifications in England. But they did know well
enough that if they struck Oxford they would strike
in the right place. Accordingly another Major
entered the city ; he was appropriately named
Pepper and he brought with him a regiment of
business-like dragoons. Pepper proclaimed martial
law, and bluntly told the University that if any
undergraduate were found outside the bounds of his
College he would be straightway shot. But those
of the junior members of the University who had
felt yearnings for a soldier's grave had already made
their way to the Jacobite leader in Scotland, so
Pepper's invitation was not accepted and presently
he withdrew his dragoons to Abingdon, leaving:
Handyside with a regiment of foot quartered in the
city.
What meantime of Cambridge ? That ancient
University also contained Jacobites as young and as
ardent as their friends at Oxford. But they
succumbed to the genius of the place. The
memories of her distinguished son the Protector
Oliver and of his Army of the Eastern Associa-
tion still brooded over the Cam. No room there
for talk of martyred Kings and falling Faiths.
Truth to say the gentlemen who then guided the
destinies of Cambridge trimmed their sails to the
rising winds with admirable skill ; and they had
their reward. At this time Townshend persuaded
George I to buy the magnificent library of oO,000
books collected by Bishop Moore. But what was a
Hanoverian king to do with books? For Greorge II,
as least, we have good authority. The sight of
218 NICHOLAS AMHUBST.
books enraged him. Queen Caroline, who loved to
read, had to read unknown to him. Vattel* he
did read in his later days, and Vattel only, and
when he had finished Vattel he read him again,
in fact he never read anything else ; he asked
everyone he met if he had read Vattel, and if he
had not he held him for an ignoramus and an ass,
and told him so. What should such a king do with
30,000 volumes P His great grandson, George IV,
got out of a similar difficulty by presenting his
father's great library to the British Museum. It
was now suggested that Bishop's Moore's books
should be given to Cambridge. Such a gift would
at once honour the loyal, flout the disloyal Univer-
sity. It was accordingly done. This little piece of
by-play produced two epigrams, which, though well-
known, will bear quotation again. Some unknown
wit at Oxford wrote :
"King George, observing with judicious eyes
The state of both his Universities,
To Oxford sent a troop of horse — and why ?
That learned body wanted loyalty;
To Cambridge books he sent as well discerning-
How much that loyal body wanted learning."
Scarcely had the ill-used Tories at Oxford
digested this soothing morsel when the following
lines arrived from Cambridge. They were written
by Sir William Browne, the founder of the Univer-
sity Prize for Odes and Epigrams :
* ' Droit des "•ens.'
NICHOLAS AMHUEST. -1(.»
"The King to Oxford sent a troop of horse,
For Tories own no argument but force,
With equal skill to Cambridge books he sent,
For Whio-g admit no force but argument."
Strange indeed was the freak of fate which had
sent the Non-Juror Bonwicke to Cambridge, and
Amlmrst, the keen young Whig, to Oxford.
He came from London, where the Tories were
now a silent sullen faction; he had but to walk a
short way from his School to see impaled the heads
of four of the hapless victims of the rising of 1715.
The judicious juggling of the Septennial Act had
left the electorate of England, such as it was, as
dumb as those ghastly heads.
That was a rare time, and London was a rare
place for a good Whig, and Amlmrst was a very
good Whig indeed, for he tells us — " Whilst I con-
tinued at school, instead of getting my lesson I used
to hold frequent disputes with several of my
disaffected schoolfellows upon Liberty and Property
and the Protestant Succession, all of which 1
thought glorious topics in those days. I was also a
great admirer of the ' Flying Post,' and read multi-
tudes of pamphlets which were published on the
Whiggish side, by which means I became so con-
siderable a disputant that I thought myself a match
for any Jacobite in the kingdom." So he journeyed
up to Oxford in the stage coach that jolted along
the miserable tracks that then did duty for roads,
and found himself in a world new to him because so
very old, and member of a college that of all others
was the stronghold of all that he detested, where
220 NICHOLAS AMHUKST.
every stone and every chime testified to that
Loyalty and Faith which he despised. So, wrapped
in the cloak of his brand new Whiggism, clever,
coarse-grained and self-sufficient, " Childe Roland
to the Dark Tower came."
Through his clear unsympathetic eyes we see alive
before us a caricature of the Oxford of two hundred
years ago. For that alone the existence of Amhurst
is justified. The multitude of writers who have
since felt themselves called upon to write books
about Oxford have pillaged hi in and thanked him
with a civil sneer or thanked him not at all.
What did he see while he made his brief sojourn
in the fairest of English cities ? Thus some years
later he addresses " all gentlemen-schoolboys in his
Majesty's dominions who are designed for the
University of Oxford."
" For method's sake I shall address myself herein to
such of you as belong to the public schools of Loudon
and Westminster, but my admonitions will be equally
useful to all of you in general. ... I am so well
acquainted with the vanity and malapertness of you
sparks, as soon as you get out of your schoolmaster's
hands, that 1 know I shall be called a fusty old fellow and
a thousand ridiculous names besides, for presuming to give
you advice, which I would not, say you, take, if I was a
young fellow myself. . . . But I am sure that you
will thank me six or seven years hence for this piece of
service, however troublesome and impertinent you may
think it now.
" I observe in the first place, that you no sooner shake
off the authority of the birch, but you affect to distinguish
yourselves from your dirty schoofellows by a new suit of
drugget, a pair of prim ruffles, a new bob wig, and a
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 221
brazen-hilted sword; in which tawdry manner you strut
about town for a week or two before you go to College,
giving* yourselves airs at Coffee Houses and booksellers'
shops, and intruding yourselves into the company of us
men, from all which I suppose you think yourselves your
own masters, no more subject to control or confinement ;
alas, fatal mistake ! soon will yon confess that the tyranny
of a school is nothing to the tyranny of a College ; nor the
grammar pedant to the academical one : for what signifies
the smarting a schoolboy has to feel to a bullied conscience.
What was Busby in comparison to Delaune ?
"But let us now suppose you are admitted into the
College and matriculated into the University. You have
taken the oaths to observe the statutes of both, you have
subscribed Thirty-nine Articles of Religion and paid your
fees. ... I will only advise you to suppress as much
as possible that busy spirit of curiosity which too often
fatally exerts itself in human breasts, but if . the
strong beams of truth will break in upon your minds let
them shine inwardly ... if you have any concern for
your welfare and prosperity, let Aristotle be your guide
absolutely in philosophy and Athanasius in your religion
follow your leaders ; observe the cue which
they give you ; speak as they speak ; act as they act :
drink as they drink : and swear as they swear. . . .
" ' But (says one of you smartly) I am a Tory, and all my
family have been Tories : my grandfather lost his estate
against Oliver Cromwell, my father was a great sufferer
for King James II, and I myself had my head broke in
defence of Dr. Sacheverell before I was eight years old ;
what, therefore, have I to fear from Oxford V . . . not
so fast (I beg of you) my dear little Spit-fire, you have too
much of that mettle in you, which is natural to your party.
I grant you, that at present your principles will not incom-
mode you there ; but who knows how soon some exigency
or other may oblige them to dispense with their oaths and
their decrees ? Is it not therefore better to reserve your-
•22'2 .NICHOLAS AM 11 IKS T.
sell so as to l)f able with a good grace to go into any
interest that shall happen to be uppermost ?
"Says another of you, 'I am a Whig and have the
Government on my side ; King George and his Ministry
will never see their best friends persecuted and torn to
pieces for professing and adhering to those principles
which fixed the Crown upon his head and them in his
favour.'
" My good lad, this is a very natural and a very reason-
able supposition, but ... I would not have you too
far rely upon it [f°r] there is one thing left
undone, I mean the Visitation of the Universities.
"For till this is done to call yourself a Whig at Oxford,
or to act like one, or to lie under the suspicion of being one
is the same as to be attainted and outlawed; you will be
discouraged and browbeaten in your own College, and dis-
qualified for preferment in any other ; your company will
be avoided and your character abused ; you will certainly
lose your degree, and at last, perhaps, upon some pretence
or other, be expelled."
This, it need not be said, was written after Am-
hurst bad, perforce, severed bis connection with
Oxford for ever. On the manners of Oxford he is
equally severe, although there is no evidence in his
writings that he was entitled to be a judge in this
respect.
" Pride, petulancy and ill-breeding are the first and last
lessons which they learn at the Universities. To what
else can it be imputed that our country curates and vicars
are just such ill-mannered clowns ;is those they preach to,
unfit for the conversation of the town, the court, or any
civilised assembly ? They know nothing of the woi-ld, and
it would be very well if the world knew nothing of them/'
Amburst's animadversions upon the manners of
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 228
Oxford brought him, so he pretends, a severe letter
from Mr. Valentine Frippery, of Christ Church.
Mr. Frippery began with vigour thus :
•' Mr. Prate-apace, amongst all the vile trash and
ribaldry with which you have lately poisoned the public,
nothing is more scandalous and saucy than your charging
the University with want of civility and good manners.
Let me tell you, Sir, for all your haste, we have as well
bred accomplished gentlemen in Oxford as anywhere in
Christendom ; men that dress as well, sing as well, dance
as well, and behave in every respect as well, though I say
it, as any men under the sun. . . . Who wears finer
lace or better linen than Jack Flutter ? Who has hand-
somer tie wigs, or more fashionable clothes or cuts a
bolder dash than Tom Paroquet ? Where can you find a
more handy man at a Tea Table than Robin Tattle, or with-
out vanity I may say it, one that plays better at ombre
than him, who subscribes himself an enemy to all such as
thou art. — Valentine Frippery."
Amhurst hereupon gives a description of Mr.
Valentine Frippery of Christ Church :
" He is a Smart of the first rank, and is one of those
who come in their academical undress, every morning
between ten and eleven to Lyne's coffee house ; after which
he takes a turn or two upon the Park, or under Merton
Wall, whilst the dull regulars are at dinner in their hall,
according to statute : about one he dines alone in his
chamber upon a boiled chicken or some pettitoes : after
which he allows himself an hour at least to dress in, to
make his afternoon appearance at Lyne's, from whence he
adjourns to Hamilton's about five: from whence (after
strutting about the room for a while, and drinking a dram
of citron) he goes to chapel, to show how genteely he
dresses and how well he can chant. After prayers he
drinks Tea with some celebrated Toast, and then waits
224 NICHOLAS AM HURST.
upon her to Maudlin Grove or Pai"adise Garden and back
again. He seldom eats any supper, and never reads
anything but novels and romances. When he walks the
street, he is easily distinguished by a stiff silk gown, which
rustles in the wind as he struts along, a flaxen Tie-wig or
sometimes a long natural one which reaches down below
his waist, a broad bull-cocked hat or a square cap of above
twice the usual size, white stockings, thin Spanish leather
shoes, his clothes lined with tawdry silk, and his shirt
ruffled down the bosom as well as at the wrists. Besides
all which marks, he has a delicate jaunt in his gait, and
smells very philosophically of essence."
Amliurst goes on to describe in a passage equally
famous the transition from bumpkin to fop :
" All the Smarts in Oxford are not Noblemen and
Gentlemen Commoners, but chiefly of a meaner rank, who
cannot afford to be thus fine any longer than their Mercers,
Taylors, Shoemakers, and Perriwig makers will tick with
them, which now and then lasts three or four years, after
which they brush off and return, like meteors, into the
same obscurity from whence they arose.
"I have observed a great many of these transitory
foplings, who come to the University with their fathers
(rusty old country farmers) in linsey wolsey coats, greasy
sunburnt heads of hair, clouted shoes, yarn stockings,
flappiug hats with silver hat bands, and long muslin neck-
cloths run with red at the bottom. A month or two after-
wards I have met them with bob wigs and new shoes
Oxford cut : a month or two after this they appeared in
drugget cloaths and worsted stockings : then in tye wigs
and ruffles : and then in silk gowns : till by degrees they
were metamorphosed into compleat Smarts, and damned
the old country putts, their fathers, with twenty foppish
airs and gesticulations. Two or three years afterwards I
have met the same persons in gowns and cassocks, walking
with demure looks and an holy leer.
NICHOLAS AMHUEST. 225
There is no time to quote Amhurst's description
of the teaching and examination system of Oxford,
more especially of the famous Logic disputations in
the Schools. His whole attitude is that of Gibbon
when he wrote of the Oxford of his own day more
than thirty years later : " To the University of
Oxford I acknowledge no obligation, and she will as
cheerfully renounce me for a son, as I am willing to
disclaim her for a mother. I spent fourteen months
at Magdalen College; they proved the fourteen
months the most idle and unprofitable of my whole
life " ; or of Chesterfield, who wrote : " Cambridge
is shrunk into the lowest obscurity, and the exist-
ence of Oxford would not be known if it were not
for the treasonable spirit publicly avowed and often
exerted there."
Gibbon may have been idle at Oxford, but
Amhurst certainly was not; bat unfortunately for
him his energy took such forms that it led only to
his immediate undoing. To begin with, he must
needs join the Constitutional Club. This made him
at once a marked man.
"It happened unluckily/' lie says, " that I was elected
at a time when the northern rebellion was not quite extin-
guished, and when the passions of all people were influenced
on one side or the other. I was one of those unfledged
politicians who thought myself obliged in this turbulent
conjecture to make an open confession of my political
faith. ... I went to Oxford and to a College the
most remarkable in Oxford for as violent a zeal on the
contrary side. ... I had not been there an hour
before King James the Third, the Duke of Ormond, my
Lord JJolingbroke, Mar, and several such-like healths,
together with confusion to the usurper (mentioning his
VOL. XXXI. 1 7
226 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
name) and a speedy restoration to the rightful heir, was
proposed in a large company and passed currently round
the table. When they came to my turn I declined them,
and . . . begged leave to drink King George, but I
was told roundly that it was an affront to the company.
This you may be snre occasioned a dispute upon
politics, in which I got vastly the worst of it in numbers,
whatever I might in argument. . . . These disputes
were renewed almost every night with more heat and
violence on both sides, and extorted from me . . .
several warm expressions which rendered me obnoxious to
the greater part of the College, and particularly to the
President and Senior Fellows. I was, in their language, a
turbulent, contumacious, ungovernable wretch, an undutiful
son of the University."
As if his membership of the Constitutional Club
were not enough Amhurst must needs support
Bishop Hoadley in the famous Bangorian con-
troversy.
It does not fall within the scope of this paper to
touch on the points at issue in this controversy, but
a few words are needed about Benjamin Hoadley.
He was a peculiarly unpleasant specimen of a
peculiarly unpleasant type. The AVhigs of the
Revolutionary Settlement had entirely abandoned
the traditional hostility of their party to the Epi-
scopal Bench ; they had in fact annexed the Stuart
maxim, " No Bishop, no King," which suited their
purpose admirably now that the King of England
was merely a mechanical toy made in Germany of
which they pulled the strings. Their policy now
was to appoint as soon as possible in every Diocese
Bishops dependent on themselves who should dragoon
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 22/
the clergy, still mainly Tory and Jacobite, into
obedience, or at any rate into silence.
Hoadley was successively Bishop of Bangor, of
Salisbury and of Winchester. He held the see of
Bangor for six years and during the whole period
did not visit his diocese once ; at the same time he
was allowed to hold in com moid am two London
livings, St. Peter le Poer and Streatham. He spent
his time congenially in servile adulation of the
Government and in attacking those who still believed
that the Christian religion was more than the
fashionable Deism which he professed. More
perhaps than any other he had contributed to the
attainder of Bishop Atterbury, beloved of Christ
Church. How the Oxford that has been described
would regard such a man need not be said. Amhurst
had, in his support of Hoadley, filled his cup to the
brim. If the intractable undergraduate had con-
tented himself with words only he might have been
overlooked, though this is unlikely, for he was known
to be the author of many of the most pungent jests
which were current amongst the Oxford Whisfs. He
was not so content, but rushed into print, and his
President and tutors had the pleasure of reading,
from the press of the notorious Curl of Fleet Street,
familiar to every reader of Pope, three pamphlets,
one attacking their King de hire, the other two up-
holding Hoadley. All were anonymous, but the
authorship of none could be concealed for a day,
even if Amhurst desired to conceal it, which is in
the last degree unlikely. The first pamphlet was
entitled " An Epistle from a Student at Oxford to
the Chevalier, occasioned by his Removal over the
228 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
Alps and the Discovery of the Swedish Conspiracy,"
and was published in 1717, price sixpence. It runs
smoothly but has little in it, and is chiefly concerned
to twit the Oxford Jacobites with the vanity of
their efforts.
" Though few our Monarch with a Musquet own
(111 suits the Musquet with a length of gown),
In midnight revels we assert your Right
And share the laurels of a bloodless fight ;
Ours be the Province to inflame Men's Ears
With bugbear legends and delusive fears,
Suspicious Doubts to raise and Feuds foment
And sap the credit of the Government."
The second pamphlet was " Protestant Popery, or
the Convocation," a poem in five cantos addressed to
the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Bangor, and con-
tains as frontispiece a portrait of Hoadley. The
verse is dull stuff, but the preface contains a study
defiance from the Oxford undergraduate :
" For as to the furious arbitrary fallible-infallible Church-
man, the passive non-resisting Rebellious Jacobite and the
insolent Non-Juror,I shall most joyfully and with all resigna-
tion abandon myself to their hatred and despise all their
insults as I would the impotent fury of madmen in fetters.
They may burst with envy if they please, without giving
me any uneasiness."
The third pamphlet was " The Protestant Session :
A Poem addressed to the Right Honourable Earl
Stanhope, by a member of the Oxford Constitutional
Club." In schoolboy verse it tells how—
NICHOLAS AMIH'KST. 229
" Pensive and pale desponding Albion sate
And hourly waited her impending- fate,
Till George arose in every grace designed
To stop tbe ruin and defend mankind.
In this great generous work with glaring ligln
The learned Hoadle}* strikes my ravished sight ;
In the dear Cause the spotless chief combines,
Shines in the pulpit, in the Senate shines."
The time was now come for Amhurst to make
good his spirited defiance. He sa}'s :
"I was besides a member of the Constitutional Club ami
suspected to be the author of several poems and pamphlets
containing bitter reflections upon the Clergy, the Uni-
versities, and the Pretender, which still aggravated the
malignity of my character and procured to me the fatal
resentments of my superiors."
He admits, of course, ironically, that — -
" The Head of my College was so kind as frequently to
admonish me of the danger of my ways and conjure me
with a fatherly affection to turn from them, yet I was so
much blinded with oaths, conscience and what not that I
still continued in open rebellion against the University and
the Church."
The three years of probation were now over and
the blow fell. By ten votes to four Amhurst was
refused his Fellowship and sent about his business.
He left Oxford in bitter resentment, which he
nourished into a hatred of St. John's and of its
President, Dr. Delaune, which became almost gro-
tesque. Apart from politics he had never cared for
Oxford or its society, as he showed in some rhyming
230 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
letters which he wrote to a friend in London, and
afterwards published :
•• Well dost thou ask me in thy friendly lays
How in this factious place I spend my days?
Why briefly thus : as is the modish way
Seldom I read and much more seldom pray,
Logick I like not, that mechanic art;
To prove the whole is greater than a part ;
Divinity and Law alike displease,
In short I love my bottle and my ease ;
The tenor of a College life I keep,
Eat thrice a day, pun, smoke, get drunk and sleep/'
Again, after returning from London to Oxford,
he wrote :
" To College wretched I return
And day and night with Spleen I burn ;
From jovial friends, from pipe and bottle,
To prayers and must}7 Aristotle ;
From decent meals and wholesome wines
To foggy ale and mutton loins,
From well-bred mirth to stupid puns
Of Pedants and of College Dons ;
My happy course of life I change,
No more I dress, no more 1 range,
But pensive mope within all day,
And sleep and rhyme the hours away."
The President of St. John's College at this time
was Dr. Wrilliam Delaune, who is described by the
Oxford antiquary, Hearne, as " a very well bred
man, as, indeed, he is." In his youth he had been
attached to the Court for many years, but left it to
take Holy Orders, whereupon King Charles II
remarked : '; We have lost one of the finest gentle-
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 2ol
men in England." He was born one year before
the Restoration, and to the end of his life, in 1728,
remained "an old honest Cavalier" as a contem-
porary described him. That he was no Jacobite
bigot is shown by the fact that he was appointed
by William III to a canonry of Westminster in 1711,
and from 1715 to his death he was Lady Margaret
Professor of Divinity. Such a man was not likely
to look leniently on Amhnrst's politics, still less,
perhaps, on that lack of manners which was always
his main blemish. Addressing Delaune in a little
volume of ' Poems on Several Occasions,' of which
a second edition was published in 1723, and which
was dedicated to the President, he says, in a bitter
preface :
Ci To you. Sir, and the learned old woman, my Mother
[he refers of course to Alma Mater], I am also indebted
for the title and privileges of a Gentleman : when I came
to the University I thought myself a vile Plebeian ; but I
am told that a liberal education intitles me to a liberal
character, and accordingly I have now clapt on a sword
and a tye twig and a laced hat, and keep company now
with the best Gentleman in the County. Indeed I am
myself by Birth a sort of Gentleman, for my Father was a
country grazier and my Grandfather a country parson,
which is, you will say, no mean extraction."
He had now felt the full force of the authority
which he had flouted. He tells his own story, still
addressing Dr. Delaune.
" Nor ought I to forget the good advice and many kind
warnings you were pleased to give me. You fairly told me
bet' ( irehand that I did not take the right way to a Fellowship
in your College, that I must not follow my own wild
232 NICHOLAS AMin i;sr.
opinions nor my own hare-brained judgmeul : you told me
thai ! had. the character of a turbulent, obstinate, malicious,
ill-natured fellow, and (what is still worse than all, said
you) that I was inclined to infidelity. . . . Happy had
it been For me it' I had. followed your advice ! But instead
of that, like a fool, 1 got a cock horse upon reason and
gallop'd away in romantick search of a fair Lady called
Truth."
He goes on to assert that " there is such a thing
in the world as hanging a man first and trying
him afterwards : so it fared with me," and sums up
with what he calls his indictment of which this is a
sample :
" Advices from Oxford say that on the 29th of June,
1719, one Nicholas Amhurst of St. John's College was
expelled for the following reasons : Imprimis : For loving-
foreign Turnips and Presbyterian bishops. Item, For
believing that Steeples and Organs are not absolutely
necessary to salvation.
"Item, For ingratitude to his benefactor, that spotless
martyr St. William Laud."
That Amlmrst's expulsion cost him the help of
his relations he shows in the same preface :
" I am informed, and pretty credibly too, that when com-
plaints began to multiply and grow loud against me, you
did, in your great goodness, condescend to write a letter
to a certain reverend relation of mine, to acquaint him with
my behaviour, and the character I laboured under, desiring
at the same time his advice what to do with me, and that
you put it in his power to keep me in my Fellowship, or to
turn me out of it ... I am further informed that you
have since waited upon this reverend gentlemen to notify
unto him what was done against me and how loth you were to
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 233
comply with it upon his account; and that you found him
so perfectly satisfied with year conduct and so inveterately
enraged against me, that he declared in the most ungentle
manner, ' He .cared not what became of me.' ''
Again, lie says humorously —
"I was particularly unfortunate in the Displeasure of a
pretty female relation, who (upon hearing that I was
expelled from the University : for that is our country
phrase) exclaimed with some vehemence, that she was sorry
I should bring such a disgrace upon the family ! Now as I
ought to be as much concerned for the Honour of the
Amhurstian Family as this fair Lady I have seriously taken
it into my consideration how my exclusion could possibly
bring disgrace upon it. ... I would ask any reason-
able Christian, whether the Fall of the Apostate angels
brought any disgrace upon the Angelic family, or whether
it would not have rather seemed a disgrace to it if they
had not fell. Thus had I continued in the high and
eminent station of a Fellow of St. John's College in Oxford
I might indeed have brought disgrace upon my Family,
but being cast down from thence, into the low and
o-rovellino- condition, in which I now am, it is impossible for
me to do it."
In his "low and grovelling condition" lie shook
the dust of Oxford off his feet, and turned his steps,
as many a better and many a worse than he had done
before, to London and to Grub Street.
He had already contemplated this alternative in
some verses, which he afterwards published, entitled,
" Advice to myself on being threatened to be ex-
pelled."
" Whither, expelled, for succour wilt thou run,
Thy Fortune squandered and thy Fame undone'"
A dark blind room in Grub Street wilt thou take
234 NICHOLAS AMHUEST.
And venial ditties for thy living make?
Wilt thou in love odes or in satire deal ?
Translate old authors or from modern steal ?
In mournful Elegiac Rhimes complain,
Or try thy fate in the dramatic strain ?
These are the arts in which but few prevail,
For one that gets a dinner twenty fail.
Or wilt thou rather studious of Success
Lay schemes with Curll and ply the spurious Press
By fraud and artifice obtain Kenown
And with decoying titles cheat the Town ? "
Dr. Delaune and a large majority of his colleagues
may be pardoned for deciding that if they were to
retain Nicholas Amlmrst within their society he
would bring them neither in morals nor in politics
a sufficient return for the loss to Grub Street of so
apt a recruit.
The air of Grub Street was always murky, but
never, perhaps, so murky/ as in the quarter of a
century from the accession of George I to the end
of Walpole's long administration in 1742. In
epochs, as in individuals, we note the lassitude and
the reaction which follow a spell of exceptional
activity or of vivid emotion. Such a period now
confronted England. The Peace of Utrecht had, in
1713, put an end to an international rivalry between
England and France, which had lasted with but
slight intervals for more than thirty years, and
which was not to be resumed until the close of the
period considered in this paper. Thus war, the
greatest stimulant to the human faculties, was with-
drawn from the forces then impelling English
opinion. Similarly with Religion. The Toleration
Act of 1689, by including within its scope all
NICHOLAS AMHUKST.
235
denominations except Jews, Romanists, and Uni-
tarians, had diminished that acute theological
controversy which had been as the breath of life
to the Arminian and the Calvinist of the previous
century, and had left the new generation only the
contemptible squabbles of such disputants as
Hoadley and Snape.
In domestic politics the Revolution Settlement of
1 088, and more particularly the Act of Settlement of
1 701, had definitely concluded the period of personal
government in favour of a sovereign, probably
without the inclination, certainly without the ability,
to alter the terms of the contract under which he
has agreed to accept his squalid regal position.
" In England," exclaimed George II, in a moment
of unusual illumination, " Ministers are King/' It
is, then, in the struggle of ministers that we look
for the main interest of the next thirty years. But
here again there was no clear and invigorating line
of division. Toryism now meant Jacobitism ; from
being a living power in the State it had become, by
its sympthy with the exiled Royal family, suspect,
by its adherence to the rising of 1715 treasonable,
and discredited in the eyes of the de facto govern-
ment. • To assail the Tories was now as little useful
as flogging a dead horse.
What of Literature ? The great masters of
Anne's reign were almost all gone. The ' Spectator'
published his first number on Thursday, March 1st,
1711; his last on Monday, December 20th, 1714.
The year before he ceased Addison had produced
' Cato,' and in the live years left to him he Avrote
nothing upon which his place in literature rests.
236 NICHOLAS AMIIIKST.
Steele's 'Tatler' ended a short Life of two years
in 1711; the 'Guardian' barely survived fche
'Spectator,' and by that time Steele was a spent
force in literature. Jonathan Swift, the greatest of
them all, for ten years blazed even more fiercely till
his light flickered out in madness. Arbuthnot,
alone entitled to stand near him as a satirist, had
done all his best work before the death of Anne.
Pope, and perhaps Pope alone remained with Swift
in the third decade of the century to uphold the full
glory of that brilliant group. The giants of the
forest were no more; there was room for new growth,
but for the saplings the old inspiring forces were no
lono-er to be found. In Grub Street, Amhurst would
meet plenty of university men with characters no
better and Avits not half so good as his own. They
formed the upper crust of the circle of literary
banditti who resided there, and who provided libels,
witticism, or forgeries at very cheap rates.
There were great prizes to be had too. " By his
pen Addison had risen to one of the highest offices
of the State. A few graceful poems had made the
fortunes of Stepney, Prior, Gay, Parnell, Tickell,
and Ambrose Phillips. By his Essays Steele had
won a Commissionship of Stamps." *
It was now that Amhurst conceived the brilliant
idea of turning his ill-fortunes at Oxford into
guineas. Such was the origin of ' Terra? Filius,'
" the two bitter little octavos that made him famous."
The name was that born by a licensed jester at the
Encaenia in Oxford, too long tolerated, but suppressed
before Amhurst's day. The first number of ' Terra?
* J. Clmrton Collins ' Voltaire in England.'
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 237
Filius ' appeared on Wednesday, January 11th,
1721, the fiftieth and last on Saturday, July Gth.
They were afterwards re-published in book form.
In these papers Amhurst sets up in trade as pn>
fessional satirist, and devotes himself entirely to the
university which had ejected him — its methods of
education and of granting degrees and its disloyalty
to the new dynasty. He depicts its heads of
Houses, dons and undergraduates, their dress and
their humours, as he had observed them in college,
in coffee houses, and in taverns. It is spoilt for the
general reader by the coarseness which disfigures it *
as it disfigures so much of the literature of the
time, but if this be allowed for, it is, in the words of
the latest historian of the college chiefly attacked,
" not ill-fooling some of it : but it is no honest record
of St. John's in the days of Dr. Delaune." He also
published in 1720 'Poems on Several Occasions,'
which he dedicated to the President with a bitter
preface, from which I have already quoted. He
formed during this period a friendship with R.
Francklin, who had a printing-house, first (1 720 and
1723) at the Sun in Fleet Street, later (1726) under
Tom's Coffee House in Russell Street, Covent Garden.
This man now published all Amhurst's works and
befriended him to the day of his death. One of
the best of Amhurst's excursions in lighter verse at
this time was dated by him " From my Lodgings up
three pairs of stairs at Mr. Francklin's in Fleet
Street, July 15, 1720." It is "An Epistle (with
a Petition in it) to Sir John Blount, Bart., one of the
* In my quotations I have altered a word here ;u:d there on this
account.
238 NICHOLAS A.MHUHST.
Directors of fche South Sea Company," and satirises
the methods of the poor Grub Street scribbler, whose
ranks he lias joined. Needless to say the company
is that known to later ages as the famous South
Sea Bubble.
He addresses Sir John Blount in order that the
waters of charity may flow freely.
" So Moses smote the barren Rock,
An Emblem of the South Sea Stock.
For 'tis a common practice grown
Among us scribblers of the Town,
When fortune says, 'Poor Rogues, go whistle '
To some great man to send Epistle,
One that has Will as well as Power
To raise us in a lucky hour.
Thus Prior, sorrowful and lean,
A Statesman grew and Swift a Dean.
Whenever, therefore, Madam Fame
Is pleased to raise some mighty name,
For service to his Country paid
In Battle, Counsel, Law or Trade,
One of our meagre order spies him,
And for his patron closely plies him.
Thus like a leech he keeps his hold
Till loosened with a little gold
Or silenced with a little place,
The only cures in such a case."
He recounts the disadvantages of possessing no
South Sea Stock :
"Oft am I asked 'Nick, prithee now
In South Sea Stock how much hast thou ? '
To which I shake my ears and cry,
'Hang it, I've none, the more fool I.'"
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 239
His former servant has invested, with what
results ! He sees in his carriage —
" A coxcomb loll who but last year
A livery was content to wear,
Now sumptuously at Caviac's dine
And drink the very best of wine-
Burgundy, Hermitage, Champagne,
Liquors that fire the dullest brain;
While I, perhaps, ill-fated sinner,
Want half a crown to buy a dinner,
Or at a cheap cook's shop regale
On a sheep's heart and Pot of ale."
As to his friends who have invested in South Sea
Stock :
" When at the Coffee House we meet
Or in the Alley or the Street,
On me they never cast an eye
But take their snuff and shoulder by."
He desires Sir John to insert the name of Nicholas
Amhurst among the shareholders in the next list,
and bids him mark his unusual candour in saying
outright what he wants :
" But how much better would it be
For every Poet just like me
To tell his meaning at a word ;
I want just fifty pounds my lord,
Which sum if you refuse to give
I shall eternally believe
For all that I have said before
That you're a sneak and nothing more;
This would be downright honest dealing
And might deserve a fellow feeling,
But when a Blockhead of a Bard
2 !■<> NICHOLAS A.MHURST.
Declares he looks for no reward,
And that his Lordship's shining worth
\Y;is the solo motive on Grod's earth
Thar made him say what he had said,
When all this while it was for bread,
Were I his Lordship for the jest, Sir,
1 would not give the dog a Tester."
He remains cheerfully in his garret —
" Secure that e'er a few months end
Relying on so good a friend,
We both shall leave this servile garret,
Good wild fowl eat and drink good claret ;
And since to him we owe our wealth
Never forget Sir John's good health."
And sure enough in a few months Amhurst was
out of his garret, out of Grub Street, away from his
sheep's hearts and pots of ale, able to drink Burgundy
and Hermitage and Champagne to his full content,
and this new turn of fortune's wheel came, not from
Sir John Blount or a lucky gamble in South Sea
Stock, but from the highest circle of politicians.
From the crash of credit and of fortune which
followed the bursting of the South Sea Bubble one
Whig politician emerged with fairly clean hands,
and was enabled by his rare financial skill to save
some fragments from the wreck. This was a plain,
a very plain, Norfolk squire, who from this beginning
raised himself to an autocracy unparalleled in any
subject of the English Crown before or since. The
politics of England were to be dominated for twenty-
one years by Robert Walpole, a man without learning,
without ideals, and without morals, but possessed of
NICHOLAS AMHUEST. 241
a personality before which learning, ideals and
morals retired abashed. He was the first " to
organise corruption as a system and to make it
the normal process of parliamentary government."
For those who invoked morality, honesty, or national
feeling he had but bantering names — "Saint,"
"Patriot," "Spartan"; "You will know better
when you are older " he would say.
It was one thing for a plain Norfolk squire to
come to the help of an embarrassed government
with a financial skill unusual, indeed, not only in
squires but in every circle of society outside the
City. It was quite another when he began to
absorb places, honours and everything that was
good and to dole out his favours only to those who
were pledged iurare in verba magistri. Carteret,
Townshend, Pulteney, Chesterfield, all men of
ability and independence were in turn thrown out
of the well-feathered Whig nest by this cuckoo
Minister. His unpopularity grew apace, and even
the downtrodden Tory dared to raise his feeble
voice again in the general chorus — " Walpole must
go-
In 1723 the circle of his enemies was strengthened
by the accession of the most remarkable English-
man then living. Henry St. John, Viscount Boling-
broke, had, when he began his political career, set
Alcibiades before him for his model, and he had,
indeed, emulated that brilliant and worthless Greek
in profligacy, unscrupulousness and achievement.
Whether he did or did not, as some have claimed
for him, teach atheism to Voltaire, kingcraft to
George III and politics to Benjamin Disraeli, it is
vol. xxxi. 18
2 12 NICHOLAS AMHUEST.
certain that his superb English and flamboyant
philosophy attracted to him and placed at his
disposal all that was most eminent in English
literary society. Attainted for his adherence to the
Pretender he had now induced the Government to
permit his return and to restore his estates, but he
was not allowed to take his seat in the House of
Lords, the arena where he was most effective and
most dangerous. He therefore threw himself the
more eagerly into a scheme, probably originated by
the disaffected Whig, William Pulteney, of producing
a journal which should be devoted to the single
purpose of harrying Walpole. Pulteney was a man of
influential family, of very great wealth and of unusual
learning. As a wit he was held to be scarcely
inferior to Chesterfield, and Walpole himself said of
his oratory that he feared Pulteney 's tongue more
than another man's sword. He was, too, what few
of his contemporaries were, a man of high moral
character. Such were the originators of the famous
' Craftsman,' which achieved an instant success on
a scale hitherto unheard of. It was not possible, of
course, for men of the rank of Bolingbroke and of
Pulteney to edit such a journal themselves. For this
duty they needed a deputy sufficiently subordinate
to shoot their bolts when and as they were sent to
him, and yet at the same time sufficiently able to
carry on the warfare on his own account when his
illustrious chiefs were unable or indisposed to do
the work themselves. With rare discrimination
Pulteney selected Amhurst for the post. He had
himself been educated at Westminster and Christ
Church, and must have read with interest, and as a
NICHOLAS AMIII'KST. 243
Whig with modified approval, Amhurst's violent
diatribes against his University.
Easily enough, to be sure, Amhnrst would carry
off the prize by which at one bound lie sprang from
his drudgery in Grab Street to the most brilliant
and most dangerous position that then could be held
by a man of letters. It may be that they bought
the clever unprincipled fellow at Battersea under
the roof tree of that very Bolingbroke whose health
he had, as a freshman, refused to drink at Oxford.
Undismayed by the rank and the achievements of
his employers he would, to be sure, swagger out of
St. John's House as he had swaggered out of St.
John's College, Oxford, only a little harder, and, if
possible, a little coarser, for his short residence
in Grub Street. So he would swagger out, the
sorry turncoat, confessed for all his Protestant fire,
for all his education, for all his supercilious satire on
better men, no Christian, nor scholar, nor gentleman,
but cheerfully undertaking to support all those or
any other parts for good consideration duly received.
Bolingbroke and Pulteney, too, .must have been
well content. ' Terrse Filius ' was their's. The pen
that had libelled a great University in the Whig
interest was bought over to attack the arch Whig
himself. He was pledged to publish innuendoes,
concealed libels, direct frontal attacks, able and
eager to write them himself and ready t<> lace the
horse-whip, the pillory, and, maybe, the Attorney-
General. It was one of the best appointments ever
made. Strongly entrenched as Walpole might be,
with his paid henchmen and his reptile press, he
mierht well beware of such a triumvirate.
vol. xxxi. L8§
244 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
From this time Amhnrst disappears as an indivi-
dual save on one or two brief occasions. Hence-
forward lie is Caleb Dan vers, a Bencher of Gray's
Inn, who has retired from the active practice of the
law, and proposes to spend the rest of his days in
the capacity of critic of the administration of public
affairs. Caleb Danvers is the nom de guerre of
Amhnrst, Bolingbroke, and Pulteney, and the
historians of the period have only been able to
assign incompletely the authorship of the articles to
each .
From its first issne on December 5th, 1726, the
' Craftsman ' was a triumphant success ; at one time
its circulation exceeded 10,000 copies a week, which
for those days was enormous. Whether it were
Bolingbroke or Pulteney or Amhnrst who struck,
the blow seldom missed the mark. They had, too,
powerful auxiliary forces, for among their contribu-
tors are said to have been Swift, Arbuthnot, and
Chesterfield, to say nothing of Addison's egregious
cousin, the notorious Eustace Budgell. All their
efforts were directed to the destruction of what they
called the " Robinocracy " of Walpole. He figures
in every conceivable disguise: he is Sejanus, Empson,
Dudley, Strafford, or Danvers' clumsy servant,
Robin, who spills the family coach. He is now
a large macaw, parti-coloured with red and blue, at
another time, in allusion to the Garter which had
been given to him, though he was only a commoner,
he is Sir Bluestring, or again, Sir Robert Brass.
As may be supposed, Walpole was not without his
partisans against the ' Craftsman.' On one occasion
he took up the cudgels himself in a direct encounter
NICHOLAS AMHUKST. 245
with Bolingbroke, but usually his defence and
counter-attacks were undertaken by his brother, Sir
Horatio Walpole, by Bishop Hoadley and by Lord
Hervey. An embittered controversy between the
last named and Pulteney led to a duel on January
25th, 1731, which took place in Upper St. James's
Park behind Arlington Street, now the Green Park.
The seconds were Mr. Fox and Mr. Rushout. Both
principals were slightly wTounded, and at one
moment Pulteney could have run Hervey through
had not his foot slipped. The seconds then separated
them, "upon which Mr. Pulteney embraced Lord
Hervey and expressed a great deal of concern at
the accident of the quarrel, promising at the same
time that he would never personally attack him
again, either with his mouth or with his pen. Lord
Hervey made him a low bow without giving him
any sort of answer, and (to use the common expres-
sion) they parted."
In the spring of the same year seven volumes of
political essay collected from the ' Craftsman ' since
the beginning were published, each volume adorned
with an engraved frontispiece which represented in
what the ' Craftsman s was pleased to call " hiero-
glyphics " the misdoings of the great Minister.
These seven plates were reproduced as a broadside
with verses beneath. The title, " Robin's Reign, or
Seven's the Main," is plainly from the pen of*
Amhurst, for " seven's the main " is a phrase he flung
at Dr. Delaune on more than one occasion in allusion
to his alleged propensity for the gaming table. For
this jeu d'esprit George II, much incensed, struck
the name of Pulteney from the list of Privy Conn-
2 !<) NICHOLAS AMIIUKST.
oillors, and Richard Francklin the printer was
arrested. He suffered fche same fate six years later
for a " suspected libel " in the ' Craftsman ' of July
2nd, 17;>>7. A Letter purporting to come from Colley
Cibber, the Poet Laureate, suggested that the new act
for licensing plays should extend to old as well as
new works, and gave instances from Shakespeare and
other writers which might well be interpreted as
innuendoes on Walpole's government. It urged that
the pretended writer Cibber should himself be made
licenser and corrector of old plays. Amhurst sur-
rendered himself in place of his friend, and remained
in prison for some days. No trial being begun, he
sued out his writ of habeas corpus, and as the
government still held its hands, he was released.
A question here presents itself which must occur
to every reader of the political controversialists of
the eighteenth century. Why was such license per-
mitted ? Were there no resources open to the
Government to suppress it, or at least to keep it
in moderate bounds. The answer is that the constant
tendency since the Long Parliament first sat in
1640 was to whittle away any such power.
The Licensing Act did not disappear till 1693,
and even after its disappearance the law remained
as before, and in a leading case (Tutchins) it was laid
down that to possess the people with an ill opinion of
the government, which meant of course the ministry,
was a libel, and the Attorney-General urged that there
could be no reflection on the ministers of the Crown
without a reflection being cast also upon the Monarch
himself. Here, undoubtedly, was a dangerous
weapon in the hands of an administration. For-
NICHOLAS AM HURST. *--!•/
tunately ministers were mindful of the mutability of
human affairs, and remembered that the prosecuted
of to-day may be the prosecutor of to-morrow. They
preferred to have recourse to the same weapons as
their assailants. Moreover, one or two convictions
would merely have put an edge upon the temper of
their opponents, and a wholesale proscription of
political antagonists has been repugnant to all
English parties except during the brief period of
the Puritan Tyranny in the seventeenth century.
These considerations may serve to explain the
disgraceful licence of the first half of the eighteenth
century. In the later half, when the Tories had
come to their own again, Government feeling-
hardened, for whereas the Whigs were the pro-
fessional champions of licence of speech, the Tory
party had never fettered itself with any such
absurdity. A further difficulty remains which was
raised acutety in the case before us. As soon as
Amhurst was released Pulteney produced a song
entitled " The Honest Jury, or Caleb Triumphant,"
which has been described as " once among the most
popular in our language."
Two verses will show its quality.
"Rejoice ye good writers, your pens are set free,
Your thoughts and the press are at full liberty,
For your King and your country you safely may write,
You may say Black is Black and prove White is White.
Let no pamphleteers,
Be concerned for their Ears,
For every man now shall be tried by his Peers.
This Jury so trusty and proof against Rhino,
I am apt to believe to be iure divino ;
a rp
248 NICHOLAS AM HURST.
I!nt 'lis true in this Nation (oh! why is it so?),
Men the honester are the lower you go ;
So a fish when it's dead,
I have often heard said,
May be sweet at the tail though it stinks at the head.
( )h may honesty rise and confound the base tribe,
Who will be corrupted by pension or bribe ;
Then sure 'tis the interest of Country and King,
That Juries should never be led in a string."
These lines introduce a burning question which
remained unanswered in England until 1 792, What
was the legal function of the jury in cases of
criminal libel ? This, in the particular case, means
of course seditious libel. The judges and nearly
all lawyers maintained that the jury might only
determine the fact of publication and decide whether
the libel did mean that which the indictment said
it meant. They were not to say whether it were
criminal or not ; that was for the court only.
On the other hand, the public and a few lawyers
held that this function also belonged to the jury.
The Act of 32 George III, commonly known as
Fox's Libel Act of 1792, decided the long contention
in favour of the jury. From that day to this — to
ignore certain subtle modifications — twelve plain
men selected haphazard have remained arbiters of
what contributes public decency.
The whole difficulty has never been put better,
probably never will, than as it was stated by Dr.
Samuel Johnson in his life of Milton :
"The danger of such unbounded liberty of unlicensed
printing, and the danger of bounding it, have produced a
problem in the science of government which the human
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 249
understanding seems hitherto unable to solve. If nothing
may be published but what civil authority shall have pre-
viously approved, Power must always be the standard of
Truth, if every dreamer of innovations may propagate his
pi-ojecis there can be no settlement, if eveiy murmurer at
government may diffuse discontent there can be no peace,
and if every sceptic in theology may teach his follies there
can be no religion. The remedy against these evils is to
punish the authors, for it is yet allowed that every society
may punish though not prevent the publication of opinions
which that society shall think pernicious. But this punish-
ment, though it may crush the author, pi*omotes the book,
and it seems not more reasonable to leave the right of
printing unrestrained because writers may afterwards be
censured, than it would be to sleep with doors uubolted
because by our laws we can hang a thief."
Once more and for the last time, for it brings his
life to an end, I must nse Nicholas Amhurst to illus-
trate a cardinal episode of the eighteenth century.
I wish it were a pleasanter episode with which to
bid farewell to one who set out so early in life to
lash the vices of the age.
William Hogarth, whose pictures, disgusting and
fascinating, at once mark a new epoch in art and
present a view of contemporary life which, it may
be hoped, is as highly coloured as Amhurst's descrip-
tion of Jacobite Oxford, was born in the same year
as Nicholas. He was a Londoner, and was almost
certainly an acquaintance if not a friend of Amhurst,
for the curious frontispiece prefixed to " Terrae
Filius " is signed by him. Amongst Hogarth's
greatest pictures are those depicting the hideous
ravages made in the lower circles of English society
by the epidemic of gin drinking which broke forth
250 NICHOLAS A.MHURST.
about 1724. Just as the Mciliucu Treaty made with
Portugal in 1703 had resulted in the gradual sub-
stitution of Oporto for Bordeaux wine on the tables
of English gentlemen, so the pernicious brew of gin
ousted that good brown ale unmixed with malt with
which generations of Englishmen had regaled them-
selves in comparative sobriety. The influence of
gout on the statesmanship of England in the eigh-
teenth century is a chapter of history yet to be
written. The influence of gin is to be seen but too
plainly in Hogarth's pictures. Its ravages were
frightful. Lecky writes of it : " The passion for gin
drinking appears to have infected the masses of the
population, and it spread with the rapidity and
violence of an epidemic. Small as is the place
which this fact occupies in English history, it was
probably, if we consider all the consequences that
have flowed from it, the most momentous in that of
the eighteenth century — incomparably more so than
any event in the purely political or military annals
of the country. The fatal passion for drink was at
once irrevocably planted in the nation." In 16S4
five hundred thousand gallons of British spirits
were distilled, in 1735 five million gallons. In 1751,
Henry Fielding, novelist and Justice of the Peace,
wrote that gin was " the principal sustenance (if so
it may be called) of more than 100,000 people in the
metropolis, and he predicted that should the drinking
of this poison be continued at its present height
during the next twenty years, there will by that
time be very few of the common people left to
drink it."*
* W. E. H. Lecky, ' England in the Eighteenth Century,' Ch. 4.
NICHOLAS AMHURST. 251
When Fielding wrote this gin had already claimed
for her appropriate victim Nicholas Amhurst.
There are two accounts of his end ; that given by
Mr. Low in the ' Dictionary of National Biography '
is the kinder. He says :
" The last years of Amhurst' s life were unfortunate.
When Pulteney and his friends made their peace with
the Government they did nothing for their useful associate,
and the closing portion of his life appears to have been
spent in much poverty and distress. He died at Twicken-
ham, 12 April, 1742, of a broken heart it is said, and
according to the account was indebted to the charity of his
printer, Richard Franklin, for a tomb."
A contemporary account was written by Dr.
Rawlinson, one of the chief benefactors of the
College from which Amhurst had been expelled.
It is only fair to say that he was a Non-Juror in
Episcopal orders and a staunch Jacobite to the day
of his death. He wrote as follows :
" Nicholas Amhurst died at his bookseller's, Mr. Franck-
lyn's, country house at Twickenham in Middlesex on
April 27 and was in the most private manner buried
there 1 May, 1742. The cause of his death was his im-
moderate drinking of Geneva [gin], which he took to on the
death of a mistress, with whom he lived alone twenty
years, and who died the Christinas before him, and since
which time he never was concerned in the ' Craftsman/
His friends as much as possible encouraged him, to whom
he owed large sums, which they never did or thought of
troubling him for ; Mr. Pulteney promised to forgive his
own, pay others5 debts, and make him easy, but all per-
suasions were to a deaf ear. One of his friends in Bucks,
one Mr. Basil, passed a severe sarcasm on him for his
drinking, which was, that he was lyable to be taken up by
252 NICHOLAS AMHURST.
the Custom or Excise Officers, not having a permit for
carrying with him a vessel of spirituous liquors."
So Oxford laughed last.
The chief gift of Nicholas Amhurst was a hard,
coarse cleverness ; laughter is there, but it is either
a guffaw or a snarl. There is no real mirth in it
from end to end. Though he had cleverness and to
spare, he had, like the good Whig he was, no
imagination whatever. To him " impossible loyalties "
and " ages of faith " were merely silly. He had
found out the world too soon. Disillusionment
comes gratefully to middle age because it makes the
imminent grave more welcome, but it is not good for
boys to anticipate the disillusionment of middle age.
It was not good for Pope, it was not good for
Amhurst, The kindly veil of illusion he tore aside
and fixed his childish gaze upon the bare, horrid face
of the early Eighteenth Century.
But he got something out of his life, perhaps
more than he would have done if he had fulfilled
the destiny laid down for him by his grandfather,
for it took certain gifts and a certain temperament,
I have no doubt, to make a good Tory Don at Oxford
in 1 719. As a lad Amhurst had bearded Dr. Delaune
and thrown down the gauntlet to the great Tory
University ; as a man he had bearded Walpole, the
real King of England, and had insulted that all-
powerful Whig party to which he had sworn his
boyish allegiance.
He had been made free of a galaxy of brilliance
in literature and in politics — and beyond thai r
nothing but unpaid bills and a drunkard's grave.
Not much of a life to live, perhaps, but he lived
it with a zest.
TRANSACTIONS
&ogal J^orirtg of &ttrraturr
THE UNITED KINGDOM.
SECOND SERIES.
VOL. XXXI.
LONDON :
ASHER AND CO.,
13, BEDFORD STREET, W.C.
MDCCCCXI1.
PKINTED BY ADLARD AND SON.
LONDON AND DORKING.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
I . Lucian and His Times : the Underflow of Christianity.
By Howard Candler, M.A., F.E.S.L. ... 1
II. The Best Poetry. By Thomas Sturge Moore,
F.E.S.L 25
III. Eecent Discoveries of Classical Literature. By
Joseph Offord 57
IV. English Domestic Drama. By Arthur Eustace
Morgan, B. A 175
V. Nicholas Amhurst, 1697-1743. By Charles
Edward Wade, M.A., F.E.S.L 209
Addresses at Broivning's Centenary, May 7th, 1912 :
I. The Chairman's Speech. By Edmund Gosse,
C.B., LL.D 253
II. Browning as a Dramatist. By Sir Arthur Pinbro. 255
[II. The Novel in ' The Eing and the Book.' By Henry
James, D.Litt "-<>!»
ADDRESSES AT BROWNING'S CENTENARY,
MAY 7th, 1912.
Me. Edmund G-osse (in the Chair) said : It was not
to be expected that the Academic Committee would
refrain from expressing, in common with the rest of
the English-speaking world, its emotion at the dis-
covery that a hundred years have passed since the
birth of Robert Bkowning. I say — " the discovery,"
because to one who had the happiness, as I had, of
knowing him well in years when he seemed the
type of alertness and energy, the very notion of the
centenary is startling. Can it be that, since that
bright eye, that vigorous frame, that eager and
buoyant spirit, came into the world, a century has
passed by ? But, in spite of our legitimate emotion,
we do not propose to approach the name and work
of Browning this afternoon in that style of mere
grateful adulation which may well be in keeping
with the sentiment of others, and elsewhere. Wo
desire rather to express our respect for the memory
of Browning and our still more potent and para-
mount respect for literature, by examining one or
two aspects of his work as they begin to appear
through the moulding mist of the years. For my
own part, I welcome all examination of Browning's
poetry with complacency. His was not one of
those hot-house temperaments which must bo
VOL. XXXT. 19
254 BROWNINGS CENTENARY.
approached with diffidence and expostulation. -His
nature was simple, candid, perhaps a little rough
and ready in its methods. He loved praise — all
artists do; but lie had been accustomed to live
without it. He liked to form his own opinions and
carve out his own road ; but he was a man of the
world, and a very robust, honourable, sensible
human being; and he knew that the most wilful of
us, if he wishes to be happy, must sometimes take
the road of others. I feel no anxiety, therefore, as
to what may be said this afternoon. But I am sure
of this, that nothing would have interested Brown-
ing more keenly than to listen this afternoon to his
dramatic efforts being analysed by our greatest-
living expert in stage-craft, and the novel in ' The
Ring' and the Book ' extracted by the most ingenious
of living novelists.
BROWNIXG AS A DRAMATIST.
BY SIB AIM'HUK PINERO.
In every study of Robert Browning's career there
is one inevitable chaper that must be extremely
difficult to write. It is the chapter headed " Brown-
ing" and the Drama." Bv the malice of fate, em-
bodied for the present occasion in the persons of our
General Purposes Committee, this chapter has been
assigned to me. The reason, I suppose, is that I am
myself a writer for the stage ; but that very qualifi-
cation, if it be a qualification, enhances tenfold the
diffidence with which I approach the subject. For,
unfortunately, the one fact conspicuous beyond a
shadow of doubt is that, in spite of all his dramatic
ambition and endeavour, Browning has not suc-
ceeded in taking a prominent or permanent position
upon the stage. That fact has to be explained, and
any explanation offered by a practising playwright
is manifestly open to suspicion. "All that you can
tell us," it may be said, " is that Browning despised
and ignored the petty tricks of your trade, whereby
von sometimes — not always — contrive to gain the
favour of the vulgar herd of playgoers ; beyond that
your explanation will scarcely go." Possibly not;
but it is possible, too, that even a practitioner of
modern prose drama may have given some thought
to the fundamental principles of his craft, and may
256 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
be able to put aside the bias of temporary fashion
and personal habit in studying such an unquestion-
ably interesting phenomenon as Browning- the
Dramatist. It is in that hope that I address myself
to the problem.
Including " Pippa Passes" and "In a Balcony,"
Browning wrote nine plays. Seven of the nine took
the orthodox dramatic form of acts and scenes, and
were obviously intended for the theatre. We have
ample evidence that he considered himself, by tem-
perament and vocation, specifically a dramatist.
He alludes to himself in a well known poem as a
" writer of plays " —
" Well, any how, here the story stays,
So far at least as I understand ;
And, Robert Browning, you writer of plays,
Here's a subject made to your hand \"
So he says in "A Light Woman." Undoubtedly
the idea of drama was constantly in his mind. Two
of Iris noblest collections of poetry are called, re-
spectively, " Dramatic Lyrics " and " Dramatic
Romances," while a third has for title "Dramatis
Persona? " and a fourth " Dramatic Idylls." One
may safely assert, I think, that nine tenths of his
verse is dramatic in the sense that he delivers it
through the mouth — or through the mask — of an
imaginary character. In this sense even " The Ring
and the Book " is dramatic — a gigantic drama in
monologues. Nor can it be doubted that he desired
success on the stage. He made at least three bids
for it in early life ; and in later life he was far from
discountenancing the efforts of loyal enthusiasts to
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. -O <
remove from his dramas the reproach of being
unactable.
But never was an ambition, in so great a man,
more hopelessly baffled. The history of his relations
with the stage is one series of those ingenious
explanations of failure which are never lacking to
the unsuccessful dramatist. I myself may at least
claim to resemble Browning in this respect that,
when a play of mine comes to grief, I can always
find twenty good reasons for the disaster outside the
work itself. It is only after years have brought
philosophy to the mind that I begin to wonder
whether some defect — or some quality — in my play
may not have had a great deal to do with its
rejection at the hands of the public. Now, Brown-
ing's first essays in drama were made under the
most favourable auspices. It is true that the stage
at that time was in a state of deep decline ; but all
the best forces of the moment were in league with
him. Macready, the leading actor of the clay, was
eager to distinguish himself in new work of intel-
lectual quality, and accepted " Strafford " with a
keenness which we see, in his diary, gradually oozed
away as the play passed through rehearsal. Forster,
editor of the ' Examiner ' and the chief of the
Macreadyite press, was the poet's indefatigable and
enthusiastic friend ; and other critics, if they showed
little comprehension, at any rate showed no very
active hostility. "A Blot in the 'Scutcheon," again,
was produced under Macready's management at
Drury Lane theatre, with Phelps, a sound if unin-
spired actor, in the part of Treshani. Certainly
this play was given under depressing circumstances,
258 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
;it the end of an unsuccessful season, and Browning
accused Macready of a lack of frankness in not
telling him that the time was unpropitious and
asking him to withdraw the piece. It would have
been better, no doubt, had Macready done so; but
we can see pretty plainly that, had the actor-
manager been really candid, he would not have told
the poet that the time wras unpropitious, but that the
play was impossible. If he had entertained any
hopes of it, Macready would assuredly not have had
it read to the company by a " ludicrously incapable
person " who made it absurd — the " red-nosed, one-
Legged, elderly prompter" of whom Browning com-
plained— nor would he have suffered anyone but
himself to appear in the leading character.
" Colombe's Birthday " was produced at the Hay-
market with Helen Faucit as the heroine ; and
though we hear nothing: of a wooden-legged
prompter in this instance, we do not find that the
result was much more satisfactory. " The Blot in
the 'Scutcheon " was afterwards revived by Phelps
at Sadlers Wells Theatre, and by Laurence Barrett,
a popular actor, in America, in neither case with
any considerable acceptance; and here end, up to
the present, Browning's relations with the regular
stage. Other performances of his plays have been
given — perhaps are still occasionally given — by
societies on both sides of the Atlantic, but such
performances are designed to appeal merely to
chosen audiences.
What is the reason, then, why this great poet, this
student and analyst of human nature, this man who
thought himself specially endowed with dramatic
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. 259
faculty, was constantly repulsed in his efforts to
conquer the actual stage? It is easy to say the
stage was not worthy of him, but that can scarcely
he held a sufficient account of the matter. His
plays have been in existence now from sixty to
seventy years ; can we suppose that at no time
during that period has there been in England or
America any actor or company of actors capable
of doing justice to his conceptions? And even if
we admit this sweeping assumption, there is the
rest of the world to be accounted for. There have
been great actors in France, Germany, and Italy ;
and in the two former countries, at any rate, there
have been, and are, splendid theatrical organizations.
How comes it that no play of Browning's has made,
so far as I am aware, one single appearance on the
continent of Europe ? The French, you may say,
are always slow to recognize merit outside their own
country, but not so the Germans. They have made
Shakespeare the third person, with Goethe and
Schiller, in their dramatic trinity. How comes it
^ that they have utterly ignored the dramatist who,
according to some critics, stands second only to
Shakespeare in English literature ? We must con-
clude, I think, that if the theatre is unworthy of
Browning, it is not the English theatre alone, but
the theatre as a whole, the theatre as an institution,
the very nature and essence of the theatre.
And that, 1 suggest, is substantially the fact :
Browning's plays are foreign to the very nature
and essence of theatrical art. And why ? The
reasons are manifold, but they fall under two lieu Is
— technical and psychological. Browning never
-<)<> BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
realized the conditions of the medium in which he
worked ; and bis method of analysis, of unpacking
the human heart with words, was wholly unadapted
to the apprehension of a theatrical audience.
He would be a rash dogmatist who should, in
these days, assert that the playwright must always
tell a story, though I am old-fashioned enough to
think that a drama is none the worse for containing
one. We have seen plays, and occasionally sucess-
ful plays, that are as storyless as Canning's knife-
grinder. But Browning did not anticipate this
latter-day development. His plays have stories,
only he omitted to set them forth in a form and in
terms that made them clear, effective, comprehen-
sible. It seems a canon of mere common-sense
that, if you are going to tell a story, you ought to
make it intelligible and not leave your -audience
groping around for it. Of the art of exposition,
of letting the audience clearly understand the con-
dition of affairs from which the drama takes its
rise, Browning did not dream. His method is to
show us a number of characters elaborately exca-
vating the situation, so to speak — digging into it,
and probing its intricacies in copious orations —
before we have any idea what that situation is.
He disdains to put himself for a single moment at
the spectator's point of view and to consider what
that hapless person must know and understand if
he is to follow the mental processes of the characters.
It may be said that he does tell a story in the only
truly artistic way — not by formal exposition, but by
hints and allusions occurring naturally in the dialogue.
Be it so ; but, as a matter of plain experience, these
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. 261
hints and allusions are not sufficiently explicit fco
convev the necessary information to a theatrical
audience. This any reader can test for himself,
even if he has never happened to witness a Browning
production. Let him take any play he pleases and
begin to read it. For a few lines, perhaps for a page
or so, all may go swimmingly ; but presently he will
find himself reading a speech without full compre-
hension, and will have to start upon it afresh. On a
second reading he may, with good luck, grasp its
meaning and application ; but a little further on he
will come to another speech which it will take three
careful readings to master, and which, even when its
immediate sense is plain to him, he has great diffi-
culty in fitting into its place in any dramatic develop-
ment. Now, re-reading and leisurely cogitation are
impossible in the theatre. The spectators cannot
request the actor to speak such and such a speech
again and give them time to think it over. A passage
not taken in at once is never taken in, and a
sequence of such passages very quickly bewilders
and bores an audience. I think even those who
are most convinced of Browning's dramatic genius
must admit, if they be candid, that their compre-
hension and appreciation of his plays have resulted
from far closer and more intense study than is
possible to any audience in any theatre. There is
a limit to the nimbleness of wit that can be demanded
even of the ideal spectator ; and a man who counts
on a theatreful of ideal spectators thereby proclaims
himself no dramatist.
At the risk of appearing to dwell on mechanical
trifles, I must add thai Browning seems never to
262 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
have visualized the material stage or considered
the limitations of flesh -and-blood actors in com-
porting themselves upon it. His characters might
be disembodied intelligences for all the heed they
pay to physical and visual plausibility. I will take
a small instance from what is doubtless Browninar's
nearest approach to an actable drama, " The Blot
in the 'Scutcheon." In the second act, after
Mildred's avowal to Tresham and his denunciation
of her, she falls down fainting as he rushes from the
stage. Her other brother, Austin, is about to leave
her in this condition when his betrothed, Gruendolen,
interposes with a speech of remonstrance thirty-
eight lines long and all of it, grammatically, a single
sentence. Let me try to read the passage :
Austin : Stay, Tresham, we'll accompany you !
Guendolen : We ?
What, and leave Mildred? We ? Why, where's my place
But by her side, and where yours but by mine ?
Mildred — one word ! Only look at me, then !
A nsf in : No, Gruendolen ! I echo Thorold's voice.
She is unworthy to behold
Gwendolen : • Us two '.'
If you spoke on reflection, and if I
Approved your speech — if you (to put the thing
At lowest) you the soldier, bound to make
The king's cause yours and tight for it, and throw
Regard to others of its right or wrong,
— If with a death-white woman you can help,
Let alone sister, let alone a Mildred,
Vnu left her — or if I, her cousin, friend
This morning, playfellow but yesterday,
Who said, or thought at least a thousand times,
" I'd seiwe you if 1 could," should no.w face round
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. 263
And say, " Ah, that's to only signify
" I'd serve you while you're tit to serve yourself :
" So long as fifty eyes await the turn
" Of yours to forestall its yet half-formed wish,
"I'd proffer my assistance you'll not need —
" When every tongue is praising you, I'll join
" The praisers' chorus — when you're hemmed about
"With lives between you and detraction — lives
"To be laid down if a rude voice, rash eye,
"Rough hand should violate the sacred ring
" Their worship throws about you, — then indeed,
" Who'll stand up for you stout as I ? " If so
We said, and so we did, — not Mildred there
Would be unworthy to behold us both,
But we should be unworthy, both of us,
To be beheld by — by — your meanest dog,
Which, if that sword were broken in your face
Before a crowd, that badge torn off your breast,
And you cast out with hooting and contempt,
— Would push his way thro' all the hooters, gain
Your side, go off with you and all your shame
To the next ditch you choose to die in ! Austin,
Do you love me ? Here's Austin, Mildred, — here's
Your brother says he does not believe half —
No, nor half that — of all he heard ! He says,
Look up and take his hand !
Austin : Look up and take
My hand, dear Mildred !
Mildred : I— I was so young !
Beside, 1 loved him, Thorold — and I had
No mother; God forgot me: so, I fell.
Now, just conceive the situation. Poor Mildred is
stretched senseless upon the tioor, and Gwendolen, who
is supposed to be full of sympathy for the unhappy
girl, shows that feeling, not by instantly tending
her and seeking to restore her, but by pouring forth
264 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
thirty-eight lines of ornate eloquence conveying the
simple idea, " If you desert her, may your meanest
dog Likewise desert you at your sorest need." That
is the whole substance of the tirade. It does not
gain, but loses, in psychological truth by being
monstrously inflated ; and as for dramatic effect, it
keeps the audience wondering all the time, " When
is the woman going to attend to her unfortunate
cousin ? Surely a glass of water would be more to
the purpose than a cataract of words."
Drama was, in Browning's eyes, essentially a
matter of words; and words to him meant, not con-
versations, but orations. Take the fourth act of
" Luria." It opens, indeed, with what may, at a
pinch, be called a conversation between Puccio and
Jacopo, though the average length of the speeches
is more than ten lines. But of what does the rest
of the act consist ? Practically of three speeches.
First, Husain addresses Luria in an allocution of
about eighty-five lines, Luria only interjecting two
or three phrases (twenty-three words in all) ; then
Domizia comes forward and delivers a harangue of
sixty lines, Luria remaining as mute as a mackerel ;
and finally Luria lets himself go in a soliloquy of
eighty lines, which are not, however, sufficient to
explain to us why he takes poison at the end of
them. That you may judge what these figures
mean — these speeches of sixty, eighty, and eighty-
five lines — I may remind you that Hamlet's " To be
or not to be " soliloquy contains only thirty-three
lines, while the soliloquy beginning, " 0, what a
rogue and peasant slave am 1 ! " — an exceptionally
loner one — runs to about fiftv-five lines.
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. 265
One last example of Browning's contempt for the
physical conditions of the actual stage. In the
second act of " The Return of the Druses," from the
point where Djabal enters and finds Anael and
Maani on the stage up to the end of the act, there
are in all about a liundred-and-thirty lines, and of
these, eighty-eight lines — two thirds — are spoken
" aside " ! The drama, even in poetic form, ought
to give us some sort of credible presentment of
human intercourse, and how can we picture a con-
versation in which each of the interlocutors in turn
stands and does nothing while the other is address-
ing himself in copious analytic periods ! One of
Anael's asides runs to seventeen lines; and Djabel,
not to be outdone, instantly caps it with thirty -
seven lines of introspection. What author who had
any mental vision of actors on a stage could possibly
write such a scene? And yet it was this very play
that Browning offered to Henry Irving for produc-
tion in the brilliant days of Irving' s management of
the Lyceum Theatre. My friend Mr. Edmund Gosse
tells me that, calling upon Browning one morning
in the spring of 1881, Browning said to him, " What
do you think ? I had a letter from Irving yesterday
asking me to write him a play in verse, like Tenny-
son's." A play of Tennyson's was then running at
the Lyceum. Mr. Gosse replied, " Well, and I hope
yon will agree to do it. What have yon said to
him?" "I have just answered his letter." said
Browning," and I have told him that it is \vv\ kind
of him, very civil and all that, but that if he wants to
acta play of mine there is ' The Return of t he Druses'
ready waiting Tor him." One may marvel at the
266 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
blindness of Browning in making the suggestion;
t hat Irving failed to respond to it causes less surprise.
1 pass, in conclusion, to the second, the psycho-
logical, reason for the failure of Browning's
theatrical ambitions. It is, I suggest, that Iris whole
method of analysis is discursive and not really
dramatic. He had a genius for conjectural digging
into people's souls, but no talent, or next to none,
for making his people express themselves charac-
teristically. It is never the imaginary personage
that speaks, but always Robert Browning imagining
himself into the imaginary personage's skin, and
endowing him with his — Robert Browning's—
subtlety and celerity of thought, his fertile casuistry,
his intricate volubility. It may be said that every
dramatic poet has a manner, and transfers it, in
some degree, to his characters. It is true that
Shakespeare always writes like Shakespeare ; but it
is not true that Hamlet speaks like Othello, or Shylock
like Richard II, or Lady Macbeth like Cleopatra. To
say that all Browning's characters talk alike would of
course be an exaggeration ; but it is no exaggeration
to say that they constantly tend to fall into that
method of serpentine discursiveness which we know
so well from " The Ring and the Book," and from
such masterly monologues as " Fra Lippo Lippi,"
" Andrea del Sarto," "Bishop Blougram's Apology,"
and "Mr. Sludge, 'The Medium.'" The last-
named wonderful piece of work affords a good
example of what I mean when I speak of Brown-
ing's lack of true impersonative power. There is.
indeed, a constant effort to keep within the Medium's
vocabulary and mental range ; but the effort con-
BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST. 26<
stantly and conspicuously fails. The poet, in spite
of himself, give Sludge his own learning, his own
fertility of illustration, his own suppleness of mind.
his own ironic insight into human nature, his own — I
say it with all reverence — his own verbosity. The
mind portrayed in the fifteenor sixteen hundred close-
packed lines is a rich, powerful, wonderful mind-
not for a moment conceivable as belonging to Sludge
the Medium. We see Robert Browning thinking of
Sludge and patiently trying to worm himself into
the heart of his mystery ; and this description,
I suggest, applies more or less to all Browning's
dramatic work. His characters do not speak and
act from their own inward spontaneous impulse.
They are mere mouthpieces for the poet who is
labouring, reflectively rather than dramatically, to
expound their emotions or to wring the last drop of
casuistic implication from the situations in which he
has placed them. His favourite expression " Put
case " is very significant. His characters are always
putting cases and arguing things out from half-a-
dozen hypothetic points of view.
And if the considerations already advanced were
not sufficient to account for Browning's failure to
take, or hold, a place among acted dramatists, it
would be easy, I fancy, to show that his plots, apart
from the manner of their narration, were apt to be
conducted without any reasonable care for proba-
bility. For instance, the tragic end of " The Blot
in the 'Scutcheon" is due to two wholly incredible
circumstances. It is sheer madness on Mildred's
part to tell her brother that she is willing to marry
Mertoun without at the same time telling him that
268 BROWNING AS A DRAMATIST.
Mertoun is her paramour. It is this apparent depth
of baseness on her part that exasperates Treshamto
a state of frenzy, and there is no sense in her leaving
him under the intolerable illusion. Again, it is
madness of Mildred, knowing that the intrigue is
discovered, to give the signal which summons
Mertoun to her chamber. Had she desired to pre-
cipitate the tragedy, this was the surest way to accom-
plishment. Such flaws in the conduct of the fable,
if they were plainly perceived, would alienate the
least critical audience. But I do not think it
necessary to look into the texture of Browning's
stories, for I believe his style of telling them to be
so unsuited to theatrical conditions that their matter
never comes home to an audience at all — at any
rate, not with sufficient clearness to arouse positive
assent or dissent. This great poet, in short, speaks
a language foreign to the theatre ; and people are
not disposed to be critical of a story which is told
them in an unknown tongue.
To sum up, there is a delusion common among
poets that because they are poets— because they
possess the poetic gift — it follows that they are
capable of writing poetic drama. No greater
delusion exists; and it was from this delusion that
Browning suffered.
THE NOVEL IX 'THE RING AND THE
BOOK.'
BY HENRI JAMES, D.LITT.
If on such an occasion as this — even with our
natural impulse to shake ourselves free of reserves
— some sharp choice between the dozen different
aspects of one of the most copious of our poets
becomes a prime necessity, though remaining at the
same time a great difficulty, so in respect to the
most voluminous of his works the admirer is
promptly held up, as Ave have come to call it ; finds
himself almost baffled by alternatives. ' The Ring
and the Book ' is so vast and so essentially Grothic a
structure, spreading and soaring and branching at
such a rate, covering such ground, putting forth
such pinnacles and towers and brave excrescences,
planting its transepts and chapels and porticos, its
clustered hugeness or inordinate muchness (to put t lie
effect at once most plainly and most expressively),
that with any first approach we but walk vaguely
and slowly, rather bewilderedly, round and round it,
wondering at what point we had best attempt such
entrance as will save our steps and light our
uncertainty — most enable us, in a word, to reach our
personal chair, our indicated chapel or shrine, when
once within. For it is to be "'ranted that to this
inner view the likeness of the literary monument to
vui,. xxxi. 20
27<> THE NOVEL IX c THE RING AND THE BOOK.'
one of the great religious gives way a little, sustains
itself less than in the first, the affronting mass;
unless we simply figure ourselves, under the great
roof, looking about us through a splendid thickness
and dimness of air, an accumulation of spiritual
presences or unprofaned mysteries, that makes
our impression heavily general — general only — and
leaves us helpless for reporting on particulars.
The particulars for our purpose have thus their
identity much rather in certain features of the
twenty faces — either of one or of another of these
— that the structure turns to the outer day, and that
we can, as it were, sit down before and consider at
our comparative ease. I say "comparative" ad-
visedly, for I cling to the dear old tradition that
Browning is " difficult" — which we were all brought
up on, and which I think we should, especially on a
rich retrospective day like this, with the atmo-
sphere of his great career settling upon us as much
as possible, feel it a shock to see break down in too
many places at once. Selecting my ground, by
your kind invitation, for sticking in and planting
before you, to flourish so far as it shall, my little
sprig of bay, I have of course tried to measure the
quantity of ease with which our material may on
that noted spot allow itself to be treated. There
are innumerable things in ' The Ring and the Book '
— as the comprehensive image I began with makes it
needless I should say ; and I have been above all
appealed to by the possibility that one of these,
pursued for a while through the labyrinth, but at
last overtaken and then more or less confessing its
identity, might have yielded up its best essence (as
THE NOVEL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 271
a grateful theme, of course I mean) under sonic
fine strong economy of prose treatment. So here
you have me talking at once of prose and seeking
that connection to help out my case.
From far back, from my first reading of these
volumes, which took place at the time of their dis-
closure to the world, when I was a fairly young
person, the sense, almost the pang, of the novel the\
might have constituted, sprang sharply from them ;
so that I was to go on through the years almost
irreverent!)', all but quite profanely, if you will,
thinking of the great loose and uncontrolled composi-
tion, the great heavy-hanging cluster of related bu1
unreconciled parts, as a fiction of the so-called his-
toric type, that is as a suggested study of the
manners and conditions from which our own hav<
more or less traceably issued, just tragically spoiled
— or as a work of art, in other words, smothered in
the producing. To which I hasten to add my con-
sciousness of the scant degree in which such a fresh
start from our author's documents, such a re-projec-
tion of them, wonderful documents as they can only
have been, may claim a critical basis. Conceive me
as simply astride of my different fancy, my other
dream, of the matte]' — which bolted with me, as 1
have said, at the first alarm. Browning worked, in
this connection, literally upon documents; no page
of his long story is more vivid and splendid than that
of his find of the Book in the litter of a market-stall
in Florence, and the swoop of practised perception
with which he caught up in it a treasure. Here was
a subject stated to the last ounce of its weight, a
living and breathing record of facts pitiful and
272 THE NOVEL IX 'THE RING AJND THE BOOK.
terrible, a mass of matter bristling with revelations,
and yet at the same time wrapped over with layer
upon layer of contemporary appreciation; which
appreciation, in its turn, was a part of the wealth to
be appreciated. What our great master saw was his
situation founded, seated there in positively packed
and congested significance, though by jnst so mnch
as it was charged wTith meanings and values were
those things undeveloped and unexpressed. They
looked up at him, even at that first flush and from
their market-stall, and said to him, in their com-
pressed compass, as with the muffled rumble of a
slow-coming earthquake, " Express us, express us,
immortalise us as we'll immortalise you ! "■ — so that
the terms of the understanding were so far cogent
and clear. It was an understanding, on their side,
with the Poet; and, since that Poet had produced
" Men and Women," " Dramatic Lyrics," " Dramatis
Personae " and sundry plays — we needn't even foist
on him " Sordello " — he could but understand in his
own way. That way would have had to be quite some
other, we fully see, had he been by habit and profes-
sion not just the lyric, epic, dramatic commentator,
the extractor, to whatever essential potency and
redundancy, of the moral of the fable, but the very
fabulist himself, the inventor and projector, layer
down of the postulate and digger of the foundation.
I doubt if we have a precedent for this energy of
appropriation of a deposit of stated matter, a block
of sense already in position and requiring not to be
shaped and squared and caused any further to
solidify, but rather to suffer disintegration, be pulled
apart, melted down, hammered, by the most charac-
THE NOVEL IX 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 27o
teristic of the poet's processes, to powder — dust of
gold and silver let us say. He was to apply to it
his favourite system — that of looking at his subject
from the point of view of a sort of sublime curiosity,
and of smuggling as many more points of view
together into that one as the fancy might take him
to smuggle — on a scale on which even he had never
before applied it ; this with a courage and confide ic<
that, in presence of all the conditions, conditions
many of them arduous and arid and thankless even
to defiance, we can only pronounce splendid, and of
which the issue was to be of a proportioned monstrous
magnificence.
The one definite forecast for this product would
have been that it should figure for its producer as a
poem — as if he had simply said, " I embark at any
rate for the Golden Isles " ; everything else was of
the pure incalculable, the frank voyage of adventure.
To what extent the Golden Isles were in fact to be
reached is a matter we needn't pretend, I think,
absolutely to determine; let us feel for ourselves
and as we will about it — either see our adventurer,
disembarked bag and baggage and in possession,
plant his flag on the highest eminence within his
ring of sea, or, on the other hand, but watch him
approach and beat back a little, tack and circle and
stand off, always fairly in sight of land, catching
rare glimpses and meeting strange airs, but not
quite achieving the final coup that annexes the
group. He returns to us under either view all
scented and salted with his measure of contact, and
that for the moment is enough for us ; more than
enough for me, at any rate, engaged, for your
274- THE NOVEL IN ' THE RING AND THE BOOK.'
beguilement, in this practical relation of snuffing up
what lie brings. He brings, anyhow one puts it, a
detailed report, which is but another word for a
story; and it is with his story, his offered, not his
borrowed one — a very different matter — that T am
concerned. We are probably most of us so aware
of its general content that if I sum this up I may
do so briefly. The book of the Florentine rubbish-
heap is the full account (as full accounts were
conceived in those days) of the trial before the
Roman courts, with inquiries and judgments by the
Tuscan authorities intermixed, of a certain Count
G-uido Franceschini of Arezzo — decapitated, in com-
pany with four confederates, these latter hanged, on
the "22nd of February, 1698, for the murder of his
young wife, Pompilia Comparing and her adopted
parents, Pietro and Violante of that ilk. The cir-
cumstances leading to this climax had been primarily
his marriage to Pompilia, some years before, in
Rome, she being then but in her thirteenth year,
under the impression, fostered in him by the elder
pair, that she was their own child and on this head
heiress to moneys settled on them from of old in the
event of their having a child. They had in fact had
none, and had, in substitution, invented, so to speak,
Pompilia, the luckless base-born baby of a woman
of lamentable character easily induced to part with
her for cash. The}T bring up the hapless creature
as their daughter, and as their daughter they marry
her, in Rome, to the middle-aged and impecunious
Count G-uido, a rapacious and unscrupulous fortune-
seeker, by whose superior social position, as we say,
dreadfully decaduto thong-h he be, they are dazzled
THE NOVEL IN ' THE RING AND THE BOOK.' l!75
out of all circumspection. The girl, innocent, igno-
rant, bewildered and scared, is purely passive, is
taken home by her husband to Arezzo, where she is
at first attended by Pietro and Violante, and where
the direst disappointments await the three. Count
Gruido proves the basest of men and his home a
place of terror and of torture, from which, at the
acre of seventeen, and shortly prior to her giving
birth to an heir to the house, such as it is, she is
rescued by a pitying witness of her misery, Canon
Caponsacchi, a man of the world and adorning it,
yet in holy orders, as men of the world in Italy
might then be, who clandestinely helps her, at peril
of both their lives, back to Rome, and of whom it is
attested that he has had no other relation with her
but this of distinguished and all-disinterested friend
in need. The pretended parents have at an early
stage thrown up their benighted game, fleeing from
the rigour of their dupe's domestic ride, disclosing
to him vindictively the part they have played and
the consequent failure of any profit to him through
his wife, and leaving him in turn to wreak his spite,
which has become infernal, on the wretched Pompilia.
He pursues her to Rome on her eventual flight, and
overtakes her, with her companion, just outside the
gates ; but having, by the aid of the authorities,
re-achieved possession of her, he contents himself
for the time witli procuring her sequestration in a
convent, from which, however, she is presently
allowed to emerge in view of the near birth of her
child. She rejoins Pietro and Violante, devoted to
her, oddly enough, through all their folly and fatuity,
and under their roof, in a lonely Roman suburb, her
i2,<> Till'. NOVEL IN 'the ring and the book.
child comes into the world. Her husband mean-
while, hearing of her release, gives way afresh to
the fury that had not at the climax of his former
pursuit taken full effect ; he recruits a band of four
of his vouno' tenants or farm-labourers, and makes
his way. armed, like his companions, with knives, to
the door behind which three of the parties to all the
wrong done him, as he holds, then lurk. He pro-
nounces, after knocking and waiting, the name of
Caponsacchi, upon which, as the door opens, Violante
presents herself. He stabs her to death, on the
spot, with repeated blows ; like her companions she
is off her guard, and he throws himself on each of
these with equally murderous effect. Pietro, crying
for mercy, falls second beneath him; after which he
attacks his wife, whom he literally hacks to death.
She survives, by a miracle, long enough, in spite of
all her wounds, to testify; which testimony, as may
be imagined, is not the least precious part of the
case. Justice is on the whole, though deprecated
and delayed, what we call satisfactory : the last
word is for the Pope in person, Innocent XII,
Pignatelli, at whose deliberation, lone and supreme,
on Browning's page, we splendidly assist, and Count
G-uido and his accomplices, bloodless as to the act
though these appear to have been, meet their
discriminated doom.
That is the bundle of facts, accompanied with the
bundle of proceedings, legal, ecclesiastical, diplo-
matic and other, on the facts, that our author, of a
summer's day, made prize of ; but our general
temptation, as I say — out of which springs this
question of the other values of character and effect,
THE NOVEL IN ' THE KING AND THE BOOK.' 277
the other completeness of picture and drama, that
the confused whole might have had for us — is a dis-
tinctly different thing. The difference consists, you
see, to begin with, in the very breath of our Poet's
genius, already, and so inordinately, at play on them
from the first of our knowing them. And it con-
sists in the second place of such an extracted sense
of the whole, which becomes, after the mos^
extraordinary fashion, bigger by the extraction,
immeasurably bigger than even the most cumula-
tive weight of the mere crude evidence, that
our choice of how to take it all is in a manner
determined for us. We can only take it as tre-
mendously interesting, interesting not only in itself
but with the great added interest, the dignity and
authority and beauty, of Browning's general percep-
tion of it. We cannot accept this — and little enough,
on the whole, do we want to : it sees us, with its
prodigious push, that of its poetic, aesthetic, historic,
psychologic (one scarce knows what to call it)
shoulder, so far on our way. Yet all the while we
arc in presence not at all of an achieved form, but
of a mere preparation for one, though on the hugest
scale ; so that you see, we are no more than decently
attentive with our question : " Which of them all, of
the various methods of casting the wondrously
mixed metal, is he, as he goes, preparing?" Well,
as he keeps giving and giving, in immeasurable
plenty, it is in our selection from it all and our
picking it over that we seek and to whatever various
and unequal effect we find our account. He works
over his vast material and we then work him over
— though not availing ourselves, to this end, of a
-<<s THE N'OVEL IN ' THE RINU AND THE HOOK.'
grain lie himself doesn't somehow give us — and
there we arc
The Hrsr thing we do then is to east about for
sonic centre in our Held; seeing that, for such a
purpose as ours, the subject might very nearly
go a-begging with none more definite than the author
has provided for it. I find that centre in the
embracing consciousness of Caponsacchi, which,
coming to the rescue of our question of treatment,
of our search for a point of control, practically saves
everything, and shows, itself, moreover, the only thing
that can save. The more we ask of any other part of
our picture that it shall exercise a comprehensive
function, the more we see that particular part inade-
quate ; as inadequate even in the extraordinarily
magnified range of spirit and reach of intelligence of
the infernal Franceschini as in the sublime passivity
and plasticity of the childish Pompilia, educated to
the last point though she be indeed by suffering, but
otherwise so untaught that she can neither read nor
write. The magnified state is in this work still more
than elsewhere the note of the intelligence, of any and
every faculty of thought, imputed by our poet to
his creatures — and it takes a great mind, one of the
greatest, we may at once say, to make these persons
express and confess themselves to such an effect of
intellectual splendour. He resorts primarily to their
sense, their sense of themselves and of evervthino-
else they know, to exhibit them, and has for this
purpose to keep them, and to keep them persistently
and inexhaustibly, under the huge lens of his own
prodigious vision. He thus makes out in them
boundless treasures of truth — truth even when it
THE NOVEL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 279
happens to be, as in the case of Count Guido, but
the shining wealth of constitutional falsity. Of the
extent to which lm may after this fashion unlimitedly
draw upon them his exposure of Count Guido,
which goes on and on, though partly, I admit, by
repeating itself, is a wondrous example. It is not
too much to say of Pompilia, Pompilia pierced with
twenty wounds, Pompilia on her death-bed, Pompilia
but seventeen years old and but a fortnight a
mother, that she acquires an intellectual splendour
just by the fact of the vast covering charity of
imao-ination with which her recording1, our com-
memorated, avenger, never so as in this case an
avenger of the wronged beautiful things of life,
or? o
hangs over and breathes upon her. We see her
come out to him — and the extremely remarkable
thing is that we see it, on the whole, without doubting
that it might have been so. Nothing could thus
be more interesting, however it may at moments
and in places puzzle us, than the impunity, on our
poet's part, of most of these over-stretchings of pro-
portion, these violations of the immediate appear-
ance. Browning is deep down below the immediate
with the first step of his approach ; he has vaulted
over the gate, is already far afield, and never, so
long as we watch him, has occasion to fall back.
We wonder, for after all the real is his quest, the
very ideal of the real, the real most finely mixed
with life, which is, in the last analysis, the ideal ;
and we know, with our dimmer vision, no such
reality as a Franceschini fighting for his life, fighting
tor the vindication of his baseness, embodving his
squalor, with an audacity of wit, an intensity of
k.2S(> THE NOVEL IX £ THE RING AND THE BOOK.'
colour, a variety of speculation and illustration,
that represent well-nigh the maximum play of the
human mind. It is in like sort scarce too much to
say of the exquisite Pompilia that on her part intelli-
gence and expression are disengaged to a point at
which the angels may well begin to envy her; and
all again without our once wincing so far as our
consistently liking to see and hear and believe is
concerned. Caponsacchi regales us, of course, with
the rarest fruit of a great character, a great culture
and a great case ; but Caponsacchi is acceptedly and
naturally, needfully and illustratively, splendid. He
is the soul of man at its finest — having passed through
the smoky tires of life and emerging clear and high.
Greatest of all the spirits exhibited, however, is that
of the more than octogenarian Pope, at whose
brooding, pondering, solitary vigil, by the end of a
hard grey winter day in the great, bleak, waiting
Vatican — " in the plain closet where he does such
work " — we assist as intimately as at every other
step of the case, and on whose grand meditation we
heavily hang. But the Pope is too high above the
whole connection, functionally and historically, for
us to place him within it dramatically. Our Novel
— which please believe I still keep before me !—
dispenses with him, as it dispenses with the amazing,
bristling, all too indulgently presented Roman advo-
cates, on either side of the case, who combine to
put together the most formidable monument we
possess to Browing' s active curiosity, and the liveliest
proof of his almost unlimited power to give on his
readers' nerves without giving on his own.
What remains with us all this time, none the less,
THE NOVEL IN 'THE KING AND THE BOOK.' -81
is the effect of magnification, the exposure of each of
these figures, in its degree, to that iridescent wash
of personality, of temper and faculty, that our author
ladles out to them, as the copious share of each, from
his own great reservoir of spiritual health, and
which makes us, as I have noted, seek the reason of
a perpetual anomaly. Why, bristling so with
references to him rather than with references to
each other or to any accompanying set of circum-
stances, do they still establish more truth and beauty
than they sacrifice, do they still, according to their
chance, help to make ' The Ring and the Book ' a
great living thing, a great objective mass ? I brushed
by the answer a moment ago, I think, in speaking of
the development in Pompilia of the resource of
expression; which brings us round, it seems to me,
to the justification of Browning's method. To
express his inner self — his outward was a different
affair ! — and to express it utterly, even if no matter
how, was clearly, for his own measure and conscious-
ness of that inner self, to be poetic ; and the
solution of all the deviations and disparities, or,
speaking critically, monstrosities, in the mingled
tissue of this work, is the fact that, whether or no
by such convulsions of soul and sense life got
delivered for him, the garment of life — which for
him was poetry and poetry alone — got disposed in
its due and adequate multitudinous folds. We move
with him but in images and references and vast and
far correspondences, we eat but of strange com-
pounds and drink but of rare distillations ; and very
soon, after a course of this, we feel ourselves, how-
ever much or however little to our advantage we
282 tin: novel in 'the king \ni> the hook.'
may on occasion pronounce it, in the world of
expression at any cost. That, essentially, is the
world of poetry — winch, in the cases known to our
experience where it seems to us to differ from
Browning's world, does so but through the latter's
having been, by the vigour and violence, the bold
familiarity, of his grasp and pull at it, moved several
degrees nearer us, so to speak, than any other of the
same general sort with which we are acquainted ;
so that, intellectually, we back away from it a little,
back down before it, again and again, as ^we try to
get off from a picture or a group or a view which is
too much upon us and thereby out of focus. Brown-
ing is " upon " us, straighter upon us always, some-
how, than anyone else of his race — and we thus
recoil, we push our chair back from the table he so
tremendously spreads, just to see a little better what
is on it. That makes a relation with him that it is
difficult to express ; as if he came up against us
each time, on the same side of the street and not on
the other side, across the way, where we mostly see
the poets elegantly walk and where we greet them
without danger of concussion. It is on this same
side, as I call it, on our side, on the other hand, that
I rather see our encounter with the novelists takin La-
place— we being, as it were, more mixed with them,
or they at least, by their desire and necessity, more
mixed with us, and our brush of them, in their minor
frenzy, a comparatively muffled matter.
We have in the whole thing, at any rate, the
element of action which is at the same time constant
picture, and the element of picture which is at the
same time constant action — and with a fusion, as
THE NOVEL IN ' THE RINO AND THE BOOK.' 283
the mass moves, that is none the less effective, none
the less thick and complete, from our not owing it
in the least to an artful economy. Another force
pushes its way through the waste and rules the
scene, making wrong things right and right things
a hundred times more so : that breath of Browning's
own particular matchless Italy which takes us full"
in the face and remains from the first the felt, rich,
coloured air in which we live. The quantity of that
atmosphere that he had to give out is like nothing-
else in English poetry, any more than in English
prose, that I recall; and since I am taking these
liberties with him let me take one too, a little, with
the fruit of another genius shining at us here in
association — with that great placed and timed prose
fiction which we owe to George Eliot, and in which her
projection of the stage and scenery is so different ;i
matter. Curious enough this difference where so
many things make for identity : the quantity of
talent, the quantity of knowledge, the high equality
(or almost) of culture and curiosity, not to say of
" spiritual life." Each writer drags along a far-
sweeping train, though indeed Browning's spreads
so considerably furthest ; but his stirs up, to my
vision, a perfect cloud of gold-dust, while hers, in
Romola, by contrast, leaves the air about as clear,
about as white, and withal about as cold, as before
she had benevolently entered it. This straight
saturation of our author's, this prime assimilation
of the elements for which the name of Italy stands,
is a single splendid case, however; I can think of
no second one that is not below it — if we take it as
supremely expressed in those of his lyrics and
284 THE NOVEL IX * THE RING AND THE BOOK.'
shorter dramatic monologues that it has most lie! pod
to inspire. The Rome and Tuscany of the early
'fifties had become for him so at once a medium, a
bath of the senses and perceptions, into which he
could sink, in which he could uulimitedly soak,
! hat wherever he might be touched afterwards lie
gave out some effect of that immersion. This places
him to my mind quite apart, makes the rest of our
poetic record of a similar experience comparatively
pale and abstract. Shelley and Swinburne — to
name only his compeers, are, I know, a part of the
record ; but the author of " Men and Women," of
" Pippa Passes," of certain of the " Dramatic Lyrics "
and other scattered felicities, not only expresses and
reflects the matter, he fairly, he heatedly (if I may
use such a term) exudes and perspires it. Shelley,
let us say in the connection, is alight, and Swinburne
is a sound— Browning alone is a temperature. We
feel it, we are in it at a plunge, with the very first
pages of the thing before us — to which, I confess,
we surrender with a momentum drawn from fifty
of their predecessors, pages not less sovereign,
elsewhere.
The old Florence of the late spring closes round
us ; the hand of Italy is at once, with the recital of
the old-world litter of Piazza San Lorenzo, with
that of the great glare and the great shadow-
masses heavy upon us, heavy with that strange
weight, that mixed pressure which is somehow to
the imagination at once a caress and a menace.
Our poet kicks up on the spot and at short notice
what I have called his cloud of gold-dust ; I can but
speak for myself at least — something that I want to
THE NOVEL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 285
feel both as historic and aesthetic truth, both as
pictorial and moral interest, something that will
repay my fancy tenfold if I can but feel it, hovers
before me, and I say to myself that whether or no a
great poem is going to " come off," I'll be hanged if
one of the vividest of all stories and one of the
sharpest of all impressions doesn't. I beckon these
things on, I follow them up, I so desire and need
them that I, of course, by my imaginative collabora-
tion, contribute to them — from the moment, that
is, of my finding myself really in relation to the
great points. On the other hand, as certainly, it
has taken the author of the first volume and of the
two admirable chapters of the same — since I can't
call them cantos ! — entitled respectively " Half-
Rome " and " The Other Half-Rome," to put me in
relation ; where it is that he keeps me more and
more, letting the closeness of my state, it must be
owned, occasionally drop, letting the finer call on
me, even for bad quarters of an hour, considerably
languish, but starting up before me again in vivid
authority if I really presume to droop or stray. He
takes his wilful way with me, but I make it my own,
picking over and over, as I have said, like some
lingering, talking pedlar's client, his great un-
loosed pack ; and thus it is that by the time I am
settled with Pompilia at Arezzo I have lived into all
the conditions. They press upon me close, those
wonderful, dreadful, beautiful particulars of the
Italy of the eve of the eighteenth century — Browning
himself moving about, darting hither and thither in
them, at his mighty ease. Beautiful, I say, because
of the quantity of romantic and aesthetic tradition,
vol,, xxxi. 21
2S() THE NOVEL IN ' THE RING AXI> THE BOOK.
from a more romantic and aesthetic age, still visibly,
palpably in solution there; and wonderful and
dreadful through something of a similar tissue of
matchless and ruthless consistencies and im-
moralities. I make to my hand, as this infatuated
reader, my Italy of the eve of the eighteenth century
— a vast painted and gilded rococo shell roofing over
a scenic, an amazingly figured and furnished earth,
but shutting out almost the whole of our own dearly
bought, rudely recovered spiritual sky. You see I
have this right, all the while, if I recognise my
suggested material, which keeps coming and coming
in the measure of my need, and my duty to which is
to recognise it, and as handsomely and actively as
possible. The great thing is that I have such a
group of figures moving across a so constituted
scene— figures so typical, so salient, so reeking with
the old-world character, so impressed all over with
its manners and its morals, and so predestined, we
see, to this particular horrid little drama. And let
me not be charged with giving it away, the idea of
the latent prose fiction, by calling it little and
horrid ; let me not — for with my contention I can't
possibly afford to— appear to agree with those who
speak of the Franceschini-Comparini case as a mere
vulgar criminal anecdote.
It might have been such but for two reasons —
counting only the principal ones ; one of these our
fact that we see it so, I repeat in Browning's
inordinately coloured light, and the other — which is
indeed, perhaps, but another face of the same — that,
with whatever limitations, it gives us in the rarest
manner three characters of the first importance. I
THE NOVEL IN ' THE RING AND THE BOOK. 2o/
hold three a great many — 1 could have done with it
almost, I think, if there had been but one or two ;
our rich provision shows you at any rate what I
mean by speaking of our author's performance as
above all a preparation for something. Deeply he
felt that with the three — the three built up at us
each with an equal genial rage of reiterative touches
— there couldn't eventually not be something done
(artistically clone, I mean) if someone would only do
it ! There they are in their old yellow Arezzo, that
miniature milder Florence, as sleepy to my recollec-
tion as a little English cathedral city clustered about
a close, but dreaming not so peacefully nor so
innocently ; there is the great fretted fabric of the
church on which they are all swarming and grovel-
ling, yet after their fashion interesting parasites,
from the high and dry old Archbishop, meanly wise
or ignobly edifying, to whom Pompilia resorts in
her woe, and who practically pushes her away with
a shuffling velvet foot ; clown through the couple of
Franceschini cadets, Canon Girolamo and Abate
Paul, mere minions, fairly in the verminous degree,
of the overgrown order or too-rank organism ; down
to Count Gruido himself and to Count Caponsacchi,
who have taken the tonsure at the outset of their
careers, but not the vows, and who lead their lives
under some strangest, profanest, perverteclest
clerical category. There have been before this the
Roman preliminaries, the career of the queer
Comparini, the adoption, the assumption of the
parentship of the ill-starred little girl, with the
sordid cynicism of her marriage out of hand, con-
veying her presumptive little fortune, her poor
vol.. xxxi. 21 §
288 THE NOVKL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.
handful of even less than contingent cash, to hungry
middle-aged Count Guide's stale "rank"; the
many-toned note or turbid harmony of all of which
recurs to us in the vivid image of the pieties and
paganisms of San Lorenzo in Lucina, that banal
little church in the old upper Corso— banal, that is,
at the worst, with the rare Roman banalite ; bravely
banal or banal with style— that we have passed, but
with a sense of its reprieve to our sight-seeing, and
where the bleeding bodies of the still-breathing
Pompilia and her extinct companions are laid out on
the greasy marble of the altar steps. To glance at
these things, however, is fairly to be tangled, and at
once, in the author's complexity of suggestion — to
which our own thick-coming fancies respond in no
less a measure ; so that I have already missed my
time to so much even as name properly the tremen-
dous little chapter we should have devoted to the
Franceschini interior as revealed at last to Comparini
eyes ; the sinister scene or ragged ruin of the
Aretine " palace," where pride and penury, and, at
once, rabid resentment, show their teeth in the dark
and the void, and where Pompilia's inspired little
character, clear silver hardened, effectually beaten
and battered to steel, begins to shine at the blackness
with a light that fairly out-faces at last the gleam of
wolfish fangs ; the character that draws from Guido,
in his, alas, too boundless harangue of the fourth
volume, some of the sharpest characterisations into
which that extraordinary desert, that indescribable
waste of intellectual life, as I have called it. from
time to time flowers.
THE NOVEL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 289
" None of your abnegation of revenge !
Fly at me frank, tug where I tear again ! "
" Away with the empty stare ! Be holy still,
And stupid ever ! Occupy your patch
Of private snow that's somewhere in what world
May now be growing icy round your head
And aguish at your foot-print — freeze not me ! "
Or elsewhere :
" She could play off her sex's armoury,
Entreat, reproach, be female to my male,
Try all the shrieking doubles of the hare,
And yield fair sport so : but the tactics change,'
The hare stands stock-still to enrage the hound !
This self-possession to the uttermost,
How does it differ in aught save degree
From the tei^rible patience of God ? "
But I find myself, too unresistingly, quoting, and
so, frankly, as I cannot justify some of my positions
here by another example or two, I must cut short as
to what I should have liked to add for that shaft
further to be sunk into the dense deposit of social
decay forming Count Guido's domestic life ; the
shaft so soon widening out to his awful mother,
evoked for us in our author's single sufficinor line :
" The gaunt grey nightmare in the furthest smoke."
The mere use of "furthest" there somehow
makes the image ! But other single lines glance at
us, more flower-like, all along, out of the rank
vegetation ; such as :
" Fragment of record verv strong1 and old."
290 Till' NOVEL IN c THE RING AND THE BOOK.'
Or such as :
" Those old odd corners of an empty heart."
Or such as :
" Leave that live passion, come be dead with me."
And even these already take me too far, or would
if I didn't feel it really important just to put in, for
your brief attention, the page or two representing
to my sense the highest watermark of our author's
imagination here ; representing not, like too many
others, mere imaginative motion, but real imagina-
tive life. Taken from Caponsacchi's address in the
second volume it consists of his superb visionary
dismissal and disposal of Guido ; which let me just
preface, however, by the latter' s own splendid howl,
when at the end of his prodigious final interview
with justice, an interview, as given us, all on his
own side and involving, well-nigh, a complete con-
spectus of human history, the man, with the officers
of the law at the door and the red scaffold in view,
breaks out in the concrete truth of his weakness
and terror and his cry, first, to his judges, " Hold
me from them ! I am yours." And then, frantically,
wonderfully :
" I am the Grand-duke's — No, 1 am the Pope's !
Abate — Cardinal — Christ — Maria — God
Pompilia, will you let them murder me ? "
I have pronounced them all splendid contentious
minds ; so that the return there, at a jump, to
alarmed nature, to passion and pain as we more
easily, that is less loquaciously, "know them, has
again no less a value at Caponsacchi's broken
THE NOVEL IN ' THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 291
climax of his magnificent plea — " I do but play
with an imagined life"— when he drops suddenly
straight down from magnanimous speculative heights
to his personal sense of the reality :
" 0 great, just, good God ! Miserable me ! "
However, the great passage I allude to has
everything.
" Let us go away — leave Guido all alone
Back on the world again that knows him now !
I think he will be found (indulged so far !)
Not to die so much as slide out of life,
Pushed by the general horror and common hate
Low, lower — left o' the very ledge of things,
I seem to see him catch convulsively
One by one at all honest forms of life,
At reason, order, decency and use —
To cramp him and get foothold by at least ;
And still they disengage them from his clutch.
' What, you are he then had Pompilia once
And so forewent her ? Take not up with us ! '
And thus I see him slowly and surely edged
Of all the table-land whence life upsprings
Aspiring to be immortality,
As the snake, hatched on hill-top by mischance,
Despite his wriggling, slips, slides, slidders down
Hillside, lies low and prostrate on the smooth
Level of the outer place, lapsed in the vale :
So I lose Guido in the loneliness,
Silence and dusk, till at the doleful end,
At the horizontal line, creation's verge,
From what just is to absolute nothingness —
Lo, what is this he meets, strains onward still ?
What other man deep further in the fate,
Who, turning at the prize of a footfall
To flatter him and promise fellowship,
292 THE NOVEL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.
Discovers in the act a frightful face —
Judas, made monstrous by much solitude !
The two are at one new ! Let them love their love
That bites and claws like bate, or hate their hate
That mops and mows and makes as it were love !
There, let them each tear each in devil's-fnn,
Or fondle this the other while malice aches —
Both teach, both learn detestability !
Kiss him the kiss, Iscariot ! Pay that back,
That smatch o' the slaver blistering- on your lip-
By the better trick, the insult he spared Christ —
Lure him the lure o' the letters, Aretine !
Lick him o'er slimy-smooth with jelly-filth
0' the verse-and-prose pollution in love's guise !
The cockatrice is with the basilisk !
There let them grapple, denizen's o' the dark,
Foes or friends, but indissolubly bound,
In their one spot out of the ken of God
Or care of man, for ever and ever more ! "
I have spoken of the enveloping consciousness —
or call it just the struggling, emerging, comparing,
at last intensely living conscience — of Caponsacchi
as the indicated centre of our situation or deter-
minant of our form, in the matter of the excellent
novel; and know, of course, what such an indica-
tion lets me in for, responsibly speaking, in the
way of a rearrangement of relations, in the way
of liberties taken. To lift our subject out of the
sphere of anecdote and place it in the sphere of
drama, liberally considered, to give it dignity by
extracting its finest importance, causing its parts
to flower together into some splendid special
sense, we supply it with a large lucid reflector,
which we find only, as I have already noted, in
THE NOVEL IN ' THE KINO AND THE BOOK.' 293
that mind and sonl concerned in the business that
have at once the highest sensibility and the highest
capacity, or that are, as we may call it, most
admirably agitated. There is the awkward fact,
the objector may say, that by our record the mind
and soul in question are not concerned till a
given hour, when many things have already hap-
pened and the climax is almost in sight; to which
we reply, at our ease, that we simply don't suffer
that fact to be awkward. From the moment I am
taking liberties I suffer no awkwardness ; 1 should
be very helpless, quite without resource and with-
out vision, if I did. I said it to begin with :
Browning works the whole thing over— the whole
thing as originally given him — and we work him ;
helpfully, artfully, boldly, which is our whole blest
basis. We therefore turn Caponsacchi on earlier,
ever so much earlier ; turn him on, with a brave
ingenuity, from the very first — that is in Rome,
if need be ; place him there in the field, at once
recipient and agent, vaguely conscious and with
splendid brooding apprehension, awaiting the adven-
ture of his life, awaiting his call, his real call (the
others have been such vain shows and hollow stop-
gaps), awaiting, in fine, his terrible great fortune.
His direct connection withPompilia begins, certainly,
at Arezzo, only after she had been some time
hideously mis mated and has suffered all but her
direst extremity — that is of the essence : we take
it; it's all right. But his indirect participation is
another affair, and we get it — at a magnificent
stroke — by the fact that his view of Franceschini,
his fellow-Aretine sordidly "on the make," his
294 Tlll'l NOVEL IX "TIIK RING AND THE BOOK.'
measure of undesired, of, indeed, quite execrated,
contact with him, brushed against in the motley,
hungry Roman traffic, where and while that sinister
soul snuffs about on the very vague, or the very
foul, scent of his fortune, may begin whenever we
like. We have only to have it begin right, only
to make it, on the part of two men, a relation of
strong, irritated perception and restless, righteous,
convinced instinct in the one nature, and of equally
instinctive hate and envy, jealousy and latent fear, on
the other, to see the indirect connection, the one with
Pompilia, as I say, throw across our page as por-
tentous a shadow as we need. Then we get Capon-
sacchi as a recipient up to the brim — as an agent, a
predestined one, up to the hilt. I can scarce begin
to tell you what I see him give, as we say, or how
his sentient and observational life, his fine reactions
in presence of such a creature as Guido, such a
social type and image and lurid light, as it were,
make him comparatively a modern man, breathed
upon, to that deep and interesting agitation I have
mentioned, by more forces than he yet reckons or
knows tlie names of.
The direct relation — always to Pompilia— is made,
at Arezzo, as we know, by Franceschini himself;
preparing his own doom, in the false light of his
debased wit, by creating an appearance of hidden
dealing between his wife and the priest which shall,
as promptly as he likes — if he but work it right- —
compromise and overwhelm them. The particular
deepest damnation he conceives for his weaker, his
weakest victim is that she shall take the cleric
Caponsacchi for her lover, he indubitably willing —
THE NOVKL IN 'THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 295
to G-uido's apprehension ; and that her castigation
at his hands for this, sufficiently proved upon her,
shall be the last luxury of his own baseness. He
forges infernally, though grossly enough, an imputed
correspondence between them, a series of love
letters, scandalous scrawls, of the last erotic inten-
sity ; which we in the event see solemnly weighed
by his fatuous judges, all fatuous save the grave old
Pope, in the scale of Pompilia's guilt and responsi-
bility. It is this atrocity that at the denoument
damns Gruido himself most, or well-nigh; but if it
fails and recoils, as all his calculations do — it is only
his rush of passion that doesn't miss — this is by the
fact exactly that, as we have seen, his wife and her
friend are, for our perfect persuasion, characters of
the deepest dye. There, if you please, is the finest
side of our subject ; such sides comes up, such sides
flare out upon us, when we get such characters in
such embroilments. Admire with me therefore our
felicity in this first-class value of Browning's beau-
tiful, critical, genial vision of his Caponsacchi — vision
of him as the tried and tempered and illuminated
man, a great round smooth, though as yet but little
worn gold-piece, an embossed and figured ducat or
sequin of the period, placed by the poet in my hand.
He gives me that value to spend for him, spend on
all the strange old experience, old sights and sounds
and stuffs, of the old stored Italy — so we have at
least the wit to spend it to high advantage ; which
is just what I mean by our taking the liberties we
spoke of. I see such bits we can get with it ; but
the difficulty is that I see so many more things than
I can have eveu dreamed of giving you a hint of. I
296 Till: NOVEL IN "Till: RING AX1> THE Hook.'
see the Arezzo life and the Arezzo crisis with every
"i" dotted and every circumstance presented; and
when Guido takes his wife, as a possible trap for
her, to the theatre — the theatre of old Arezzo :
share with me the tattered vision and inhale the
musty air ! — I am well in range of Pompilia, the
tragically exquisite, in her box, with her husband
not there for the hour but posted elsewhere; I look at
her in fact over Caponsacchi's shoulder and that of
his brother-canon Conti, while this light character,
a vivid recruit to our company, manages to toss
into her lap, and as coming in guise of overture
from his smitten friend, " a paper-twist of comfits."
There is a particular famous occasion at the theatre
in a work of more or less contemporary fiction — at
a petty provincial theatre which isn't even, as you
might think, the place where Pendennis had his first
glimpse of Miss Fotheringay. The evening at
the Rouen playhouse of Flaubert's "Madame
Bovary " has a relief not elsewhere equalled — it is
the most done visit to the play in all literature — but,
though " doing " is now so woefully out of favour,
my idea would be to give it here a precious pendant ;
which connection, silly Canon Conti, the old frip-
peries and levities, the whole queer picture and show
of manners, is handed over to us, expressly, as
inapt for poetic illustration.
What is equally apt for poetic or for the other,
indeed, is the thing for which we feel ' The Ring
and the Book ' preponderantly done — it is at least
what comes out clearest, comes out as straightest and
strongest and finest, from Browning's genius — the
exhibition of the great constringent relation between
THE NOVEL IX ' THE RING AND THE BOOK.' 297
man and woman at once at its maximum and as the
relation most worth while in life for either party ; an
exhibition forming* quite the main substance of our
author's message. He has dealt, in his immense
variety and vivacity, Avith other relations, but on
this he has thrown his most living weight ; it
remains the thing of which his own rich experience
most convincingly spoke to him. He has testified
to it as charged to the brim with the burden of the
senses, and has testified to it as almost too clarified,
too liberated and sublimated, for traceable applica-
tion or fair record ; he has figured it as never too
much either of the flesh or of the spirit for him, so
long as the possibility of both of these is in each,
but always and ever as the thing absolutely most
worth while. It is in the highest and rarest degree
clarified and disengaged for Caponsacchi and
Pompilia; but what their history most concludes to
is how ineffably it was, whatever happened, worth
while. Worth while most then for them or for us
is the question ? Well, let us say worth while
assuredly for us, in this noble exercise of our
imagination. Which accordingly shows us what we,
for all our prose basis, would have found, to repeat
my term once more, prepared for us. There isn't a
detail of their panting flight to Rome over the
autumn Appennines — the long hours when they melt
together only not to meet — that doesn't positively
plead for our perfect prose transcript. And if it be
said that the mere massacre at the final end is
a lapse to a passivity from the high plane, for
our pair of protagonists, of constructive, of heroic
vision, this is not a blur from the time every -
vol. xxxi. 22
- 5
298 THE NOVEL IN ' THE KING AND THE BOOK
tiling- that happens happens most effectively to
Caponsacchi's life. Pompilia's is taken, but she is
none the less given ; and it is in his consciousness
and experience that she most intensely flowers —
with all her jubilation for doing so. So that he
contains the whole — unless indeed, after all, the
Pope does, the Pope whom I was leaving out as too
transcendent for our version. Unless, unless, further
and further, I see what I have at this late moment
no right to ; see, as the very end and splendid
climax of all, Caponsacchi sent for to the Vatican
and admitted alone to the Papal presence. There is
a scene if we will; and in the mere mutual con-
frontation, brief, silent, searching, recognising,
consecrating, almost as august on the one part as
on the other.
It has been easy in many another case to run to
earth the stray prime fancy, the original anecdote
or artless tale from which a great imaginative work,
starting off after meeting it, has sprung and re-
bounded again and soared ; and perhaps it is right
and happy and final that one should have faltered
in attempting by a converse curiosity to clip off or
tie back the wings that once have spread. You
will agree with me none the less, I feel, that
Browning's great generous wings are over us still
and even now, more than ever now — as also that
they shake down on us his blessing.
REPORT
OF THE
flopl Sffrietii of Jiteratan,
20, HANOVER SQUARE, W.
AND
LIST OF FELLOWS.
1912.
iumal ^ociftn of Citcraturr of tljc ftlnitcb Ihmkmu
Founded in 1825 by H.M. King George the Fourth.
Ration.
HIS MAJESTY THE KING.
COUNCIL AND OFFICERS FOR 1912-13.
prcsiomt.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsburt, F.R.S.
"Fice^Urrsitirnts.
Sir Edward Brabrook, C.B., Diu.S.A.
W. J. Courthope, Esq., C.B., D.Litt.
G. W. Froth ero, Esq., Litt.D., LL.D.
Professor J. W. Mackail, M.A., LL.D.
Professor W. L. Codrtney, M.A., LL.D.
Professor A. C. Benson, C.V.O., ALA.
Austin Dobson, Esq., LL.D.
Rev. J. Arbuthnot Nairn, Litt.D., B.D.
J. M. Barrie, Esq., ALA., LL.D.
Henry James, Esq., D.Litt.
Council.
Percy W. Ames, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A.
James Curtis, Esq., F.S.A.
Kev. P. H. Ditchfield, ALA., F.S.A.
Professor AI. A. Gerotiiwohl, Litt.D.
Edmund Gosse, Esq., C.B., LL.D.
Emanuel Green, Esq., F.S.A.
AIaurice Hewlett, Esq.
H. AT. Imbert-Terry, Esq.
Professor Henry Newbolt, ALA.
Philip H. Newman, Esq., R.B.A., F.S.A.
Rev. H. G. Rosedale, ALA., D.I)., F.S.A.
The Right Rev. Bishop Ryle, D.D., C.V.O., Dean of Westminster.
G. Bernard Shaw, Esq.
M. H. Spielmann, Esq., F.S.A.
R. Inigo Tasker. Esq.
The Baron de Worms, F.S.A.
(9flUfl9.
iTreasum'. — Sir Edward Brabrook, C.B.
ty)on. Jfcvrtgn Sr Cretan?.— Rev. H. G. Rosedale, M.A., D.D., F.S.A.
if tiftari? ano librarian. — Percy VV. Ames, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A.
~ „.. r David Tollemache, Esq.
auDitors.— (CHAg a Bradf0RDj esq., f.S.A.
i>onorar$? Solicitor.— T. Cato Worsfold. Esq., M.A., LL.D., 9, Staple Inn,
Holborn, W.C.
^onorarii professorships.
English Fiction.— Prof. A. C. Benson, C.V.O., ALA., Fellow of
Magdalene College, Cambridge.
Dramatic Literature.— Prof. \V. L. Courtney, ALA., LL.D., Fellow of
New College, Oxford.
Comparative Literature.— Prof. Gekothwohl, Litt.D., Trinity College,
Dublin.
Foetrg. — Prof. Henry Newbolt, ALA., Oxou.
CONTENTS.
Officers and Council
Report of the Council .
Cash Account and Balance Sheet
Anniversary Address
Librarian's Report
The Academic Committee
Edmond de Polignac Prize
Browning- Centenary
Hon. Foreign Secretary's Report
List of Fellows .
Foreign Honorary Fellows
PAGE
2
5
7-8
11
25
31
32
34
35
48
67
iUintl Sotictn nl literature.
ANNIVERSARY MEETING.
May 22nd, 1912.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.
The Council have the honour to report that
since the last Anniversary Meeting, held on
May 24th, 1911, there have been the following
changes in the number of Fellows of the
Society.
They have to announce the loss by death of —
Rev. A. M. Faiebairn, D.D., LL.D., D.Litt.
(f. J. Johnson, J. P.
Rev. J. E. Perkins, M.A.
J. S. Phene, LL.D., F.S.A.
And by resignation of —
Sir A. Geikie, F.R.S.
Prof. G. E. B. Saintsbury, D.Litt.
Col. T. D. Sewell.
(')
On the other hand, they have to announce
the election of the following :
Arthur William Beckett, Esq.
James Matthew Barrie, Esq., M.A., LL.D.
John Arthur Brooke, Esq.
Rev. Edgar Daplyn.
John Galsworthy, Esq.
Charles Garvice, Esq.
Rev. John Hudson, M.A.
Arthur Maquarie, Esq.
The Princess Edmond de Polignac.
Anne, Lady Richmond Ritchie.
George Bernard Shaw, Esq.
Henry Simpson, Esq.
Since the last Anniversary Meeting the follow-
ing- "Transactions" have been issued to the
Fellows: Vol. xxx, part iv; Vol. xxxi, part i.
The Balance-sheet for 1911, showing the
financial state of the Society, after being
laid on the table for the information of the
Fellows, is printed with this Report as follows :
o
P
O
o
o
m>
j^» CO
Pt>
CO O r-i 1.-5 L-- O <M
00 O l> CM O Q 30
O t^ rH lO O
CM 'N
CO CO
OSS
S3 o
<" z: ~ >-. ^
r— rt '~ ."2 "^ ^s
K ffi £ 3 S H
^ co -* o t- cm
. oo ^ tt o o
05 i—( i— I H
Ci CM CO (N CO
«fj <M O ri © >-i
CM CM CO
2 5
Wh3
-a .K
3 G O
rf
ai ;" —
^
Q.
s a a m w
«w
«
<-> 1= ©
n to O
lO o o
1^ i~ >o
lO i — 7)
!-* «D W
o
u
5 *
to
CO
rH ~ _ S S ^ _~
SO §
a o g ><o a os _,„ to 3
> ^ «rt «rt
^
/.
^ CO
CO O
r-l ©
O CO
CO i-H
ooo
O O CO
i-H Is- lO
CI X o
I- i-i CO
5 : £ : M
-
S3
■- .
-a
a
CO
3
"on
:
-E
-
5
&H
5
O
-
■z
<s
■2
-
-
o
_
1
o
*i
»
Q
=+J 4)
M^ O
■^ a?
SO
~a
So
B3 . <^
3 u
_ >
.- — a :
CC i-H
O N
i-i Ci
o
°
o
o
o
o
■
o
°
o
fh
—
o m
o
cc
^H
^
=w
&H
s
srt
t.
:
0>
-r
o
S3
a
u
s
>
-
~
X
a
&
a
>-
g.^
S3
Ph W
9
The following Papers have been read before
the Society since the last Anniversary Meeting :
I. May 24th, 1911. Sir Edward Brabrook,
C.B., Vice-President, in the chair. A Paper
was read on The Apostles of Moravia and
Bohemia, by the Count Li'itzow, D.Litt., Hon.
F.R.S.L.
II. October 25th, 1911. Sir Edward
Brabrook, C.B., Vice-President, in the chair.
A Paper was read on Eighteenth Century Poetry
inthelight of Nineteenth Century Critical Theory,
by Professor R. P. Cowl, M.A., F.R.S.L.
III. November 22nd, 1911. The Rev. J.
Arbuthnot Nairn, Litt.D., Vice-President, in
the chair. A Lecture with Lantern Illustra-
tions on The Manor Houses and Village Life of
the time of Shakespeare was given by the Rev.
P. H. Ditchfield, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.S.L.
IV. January 24th, 1912. W. J. Courthope,
Esq., C.B., D.Litt., Vice-President, in the chair.
A Paper was read on Lucian and his Times, by
Howard Candler, Esq., M.A., F.R.S.L.
V. February 28th, 1912. Professor W. L.
Courtney, M.A., LL.D., Vice-President, in the
10
chair. A Paper was read on Nicholas Amhurst,
by Charles E. Wade, Esq., M.A., F.R.S.L.
VI. March 27th, 1912. Sir Edward
Brabrook, C.B., Vice-President, in the chair.
A Paper was read on The Best Poetry, by T.
Sturge Moore, Esq., Member of the Academic
Committee.
VII. April 24th, 1912. Professor A. C.
Benson, C.V.O., Vice-President, in the chair.
A Paper was read on Recent Discoveries in
Classical Literature, by Joseph Offord, Esq.
Lectures.
The following lectures have been given —
Professor A. C. Benson, C.V.O., M.A., on
English Fiction, November 8th and March 13th.
Professor Henry Newbolt, M.A., on Poetry
December 13th, February 21st and May 8th.
Professor W. L. Courtney, M.A., LL.D., on
Dramatic Literature, on January 17th and
April 17th.
Professor M. A. Gerothwohl, Litt.D., on
Comparative Literature, on February 14th.
These have all been attended by large
audiences.
]]
ANNIVERSARY ADDRESS, 1912.
By Sib Edwaed Brabrook, C.B.,
Vice-President and Treasurer.
In the absence of our venerated President,
Lord Halsbury, on the Continent, it has again
become my duty, in obedience to the wish of
my colleagues on the Council, to do all the
little that lies in my power to supply his place.
Though the delivery of an anniversary address
has occasionally been omitted, it is a time-
hononred custom with us, as with other
societies, and I should be sorry if, on account
of my own inability to do justice to my theme,
it were omitted on the present occasion. I
therefore rise — I think for the twelfth time —
to offer a few observations on the work of the
Society, which has now completed the eighty-
ninth year of its existence. In words which
were a common form during the illustrious
presidency of Bishop Connop Thirlwall, " 1
12
''-' <mMh pleasure in doing so, because I am
able still to speak to you, as 1 have done on so
many previous years, of the continued welfare
and prosperity of this Society."
The same compliance with long-established
custom compels me nevertheless to begin on a
low note, by recalling to your memory the toll
that death has exacted from us during the
year. I must first mention my dear old friend
Dr. John Samuel Phene, who had reached his
eighty-ninth year. He had been a member of
the British Association since the year 1863
was elected a Fellow of the Society of Anti-
quaries in 1872, and Joined our Society in
187S. In the year 1892, when Lord Halsbury
became President, Dr. Phene and I were
added to the list of Vice-Presidents, of which
hst, as it then stood, I am now the last sur-
vivor. His deep interest in the Society was
manifested by his contributing not fewer than
eight papers to our < Transactions,* in which he
brought great erudition and shrewd observa-
tion to bear upon a variety of subjects, viz. :
13
" Linguistic Synonyms in the Pre-Roman
Languages of Britain and of Italy " (vol. xv),
"King Arthur and St. George" (vol. xvii),
" Ethical and Symbolical Literature in Art "
(vol. xviii), "AevSpo^opm, or Tree Transporting "
(vol. xix), " Place Names in and around Rome,
Latium, Etruria, Britain, etc., with Earthworks
and Other Works of Art illustrating: such
Names " (vol. xx), " The Rise, Progress, and
Decay of the Art of Painting in Greece " (vol.
xxi), and " The Influence of Chaucer on the
Language and Literature of England " (vol.
xxii). There was thus, in recent times, hardly
a year in which he did not make some com-
munication to our Society : he was regular in
attendance at our Councils up to the last year
of his life.
Dr. Andrew Martin Fairbairn was elected a
Fellow of our Society in 1907, and died on
February 9th, 1912, in his seventy-fourth year.
Though present at one of our meetings, he
took no active part in our work. He was the
first Principal of Mansfield College, Oxford,
and author of numerous philosophical and
14
religious works. He had received honorary
degrees from seven universities.
Mr. George J. Johnson, of Birmingham, J. P.,
was one of our oldest Fellows, having been
elected in 1865. He occasionally served on
the Council. He died on January 16th.
We have lost another of our older Fellows
in the Rev. James Edward Perkins, vicar of
St. Michael and All Angels, Bradford. He was
elected in 1876, and died July 21st, 1911, in
his eighty-first year.
Our losses by death, and by the withdrawal
of three of our Fellows, have been more than
supplied by the addition of twelve new Fellows
to our list, of whom four are members of our
Academic Committee. We are gratified thus
to enrol among our number Lady Ritchie,
Mr. J. M. Barrie, Mr. John Galsworthy and
Mr. George Bernard Shaw. We also welcome
as Fellows the Princess Edmond de Polignac,
Mr. A. W. Beckett, Mr. J. A. Brooke, the
Rev. E. Daplyn, Mr. Charles Garvice, the
Rev. John Hudson, Mr. Arthur Maquarie and
Mr. Henry Simpson.
L5
Still following our old precedents, I have now
to speak of the papers read before us. Three
of these have already been printed and issued
to the Fellows, by Count Lutzow on " The
Apostles of Moravia and Bohemia," by Mr. H.
Candler on " Lucian and His Times," and by
Mr. T. Sturge Moore on " The Best Poetry"—
why it usually passes unobserved, and how we
may train ourselves to recognise it. Three other
papers will appear in the forthcoming issues of
our transactions, viz. Prof. Cowl on " Eighteenth
Century Poetry in the Light of Twentieth Cen-
tury Criticism," Mr. C. E. Wade on "Nicholas
Amhurst," and Mr. J. Offord on " Recent Dis-
coveries of Classical Literature," supplementing
and bringing up to the present time previous
communications by the same author.
But this in no way exhausts the record of
our activities. At public meetings convened
by our Academic Committee the services to
literature of Sir Alfred Lyall and Mr. E. H.
Pember have been commemorated by Mr.
Prothero and Mr. Courthope ; the centenary of
the birth of Robert Browning has been cele-
16
brated by addresses from Sir A. W. Pinero and
Mr. Henry James ; and the de Polignac prize
for good literary work of the previous year has
been awarded for the first time, being given to
Mr. Walter de la Mare.
Our newly elected staff of professors have
entered upon their duties and have delivered
their first lectures : Mr. A. C. Benson on
" English Fiction," Mr. W. L. Courtney on
" Dramatic Literature," Mr. M. A. Gerothwohl
on " Comparative Literature," and Mr. Henry
Newbolt on " Poetry."
Ten days hence we shall present to Mr.
Thomas Hardy, on the occasion of his birthday,
the Society's gold medal, which has been
awarded to him by the Council on the unanimous
recommendation of our Academic Committee.
In the years 1823 to 1830 two gold medals
were annually awarded by the Society and the
practice was recently renewed, when we awarded
one to G-eorge Meredith. There can be no
doubt that we do well in offering this honour
to the present President of the Society of
Authors, whose pre-eminence among the imagi-
17
native writers of the day is unchallenged. It
may be interesting if I repeat the list of those
who were thus honoured in the Society's earlier
days :
WlLLTAM MlTFORD.
Angelo Mai.
James Rennell.
Charles Wilkins.
John Schweighat'skk.
Dugald Stuart.
Walter Scott.
Robert Southev.
George Crabbe.
William Coxe.
Antoine Isaac Stlvestre de Sacy.
William Rosooe.
Washington Irving.
Henry Hallam.
It is, indeed, a goodly company, to which we
have now added the names of George Meredith
and Thomas Hardy.
Having thus commented briefly upon the work
of the past year, which I am sure all the Fellows
must consider to be satisfactory, I propose to
o
18
offer a few observations on the present position
and the settled policy of our Society. Having
regard to the well-established fact that George
the Fourth (whom I think I may describe as
our Royal founder) had clearly in his intention
the creation of something that should exercise
similar functions to those of the French
Academy, I have sometimes wondered why it
was that he created a Society and not an
Academy. To this question I think two
answers may be given. The first is that he
was well aware of the success which had
attended the two great voluntary societies in
England — the Royal Society of London and
the Society of Antiquaries of London — and of
the valuable public services those societies had
rendered, and that he wished his new Society
to emulate these in the domain of literature,
and to be a sister society to them. He may
have thought, and would assuredly have
thought rightly, that the freedom of a volun-
tary society was more in harmony with the
English character and with English habits
than the more formal constitution appropriate
19
to the creation of an Academy would be. The
second answer I would suggest is that by the
constitution which he gave to his proposed
society, or which he at least approved when it
was submitted to him, but in the framing of
which it is my belief that he took a consider-
able personal share, he contemplated obtaining
many of the advantages of an academic founda-
tion. Let me remind you that he provided for
the election by the Society of ten persons, each
of them distinguished in some department of
literature, who should be styled the Society's
Royal Associates, and should each receive an
allowance of £100 a year from the King's privy
purse. In addition to these he provided for the
election by the Society of ten persons, each of
them distinguished in some department of litera-
t are, who should be styled the Society's Honorary
Associates, and should each receive an allow-
ance of £100 a year from the funds of the
Society. Every Royal and Honorary Associate
was to be required each year to deliver a lecture
on the branch of literature which he professed.
The Society was to endeavour to raise, by the
20
subscriptions of wealthy supporters, sufficient
funds to pay the allowances of its Honorary
Associates, and thus to meet the munificent
endowment provided by the King for his Royal
Associates. What was the meaning and inten-
tion of this elaborate organisation ? Surely this :
that the Society, by selecting this body of
twenty men, the most eminent in various
branches of literature that they could find,
should act the part of an honorific academy ;
while the twenty men themselves should con-
stitute an academy of honour and of teaching.
While, therefore, I give some weight to the first
answer which I suggested to the problem before
us, I am inclined to think that the second
answer which I now suggest is the real one,
and that King George thought that he had by
this original and ingenious scheme combined
the advantages of a voluntary society with
those of a teaching academy.
What really happened was this : The Society
duly appointed its ten Royal Associates, but
never raised sufficient funds of its own to pay the
ten Honorary Associates, who therefore never
21
came into being. The ten Royal Associates
never fulfilled their obligation of delivering an
annual lecture, though a few of them read
occasional papers. Their functions as a teach-
ing academy, therefore, never came into effectual
existence. When King G-eorge died a few
years later the allowances to the Royal Asso-
ciates, which had been charged on his privy
purse, were not continued by his successor, and
thus the whole scheme designed to promote
academic work fell through. It is idle to
contend that this was not a grave misfortune
for the Society, and I have more than once
so characterised it. It hampered the Society's
operations, and to some extent altered its
character. I offer no disparagement to the
work of the distinguished men who have
adorned our ranks from that time to the
present when I say that, great as their services
have been, they have not had the means or the
opportunity of fully carrying out our founders'
intention.
Now, however, thanks in a great measure to
the persuasive and organising genius of our
22
lamented friend, Mr. Pember, those means and
that opportunity have been restored to us in a
form which I believe to be even better than
that devised by our founders. Our Academic
Committee enables us to fulfil many of the
functions conferred upon us by our Charter m
a more satisfactory manner than ever before.
In nominating the persons eminent in the
various branches of literature of whom it should
be constituted, we adopted the wise course of
inviting the assistance of that numerous and
important body, the Society of Authors, and
arranged that the nominations should be made
in equal proportions by both societies. These
nominations were carefully considered and
fully discussed by a joint committee of the two
societies, and in the end a unanimous agree-
ment was arrived at as to the names of the
thirty persons that should be invited to form
the first Academic Committee. The proposed
constitution of the Committee was then laid
before you for final approval, and you adopted
the amendment in our bye-laws necessary to
give effect to it. That constitution presents to
•2:)
my mind an admirable example of a combina-
tion of independence in initiative with harmony
and co-operation in action. The method by
which the original members were selected, and
the provision made for filling vacancies in their
number, secure the permanence of an organisa-
tion which will give the public a high degree
of confidence in our decisions, while the
necessity that each member of the Academic
Committee shall be a Fellow of the Society
secures a community of interest between that
Committee and our Council. I look forward
to the time when the two bodies will be
practically identical — an end to which you
have largely contributed by electing to-day Mr.
J. M. Barrie, Mr. Henry James (both Vice-
Presidents), Mr. Edmund Gosse, Mr. Maurice
Hewlett and Mr. Bernard Shaw as members of
the Council. There are now eleven members
of the Academic Committee on the Council.
Absolute identity may, perhaps, not be attained,
for several members of the Academic Committee
are Honorary Fellows of the Society, and are
thus not eligible for election on the Council ;
24
indeed, there are some persons eminent in
literature who do not care to trouble them-
selves with the details of Council management ;
I nit a sufficient approach to identity has been
made to show that it is the settled policy
of the Society and of the Council to maintain
the fullest and frankest co-operation with the
Academic Committee. We have thus had
restored to us our Academy of Honour. The
admirable suggestion of Dr. Gerothwohl that we
should renew our appointment of Professors
restores to us our Academy of Teaching. We
are now better equipped for the fulfilment of
our functions than we have ever before been.
I look with new hope and new courage to the
future of our beloved Society, which, I trust, may
continue its good work for many generations to
come. In the words of our Fellow, Professor
Mackail : " The exponents of letters pass away :
the Republic of Letters is immortal."
20
The Secretary, acting also as Librarian
H.S.L., has drawn up the following report
of donations to the Library of the Society since
the last Anniversary. These are classified
under the several headings of Governments or
Societies, Home, Colonial, and Foreign ; Public
Institutions, and Individual Donors.
Societies and Public Institutions.
Home.
Royal Anthropological Institute. — Journal to date.
East India Association. — Journal to date.
Manchester Geographical Society. — Journal to date.
Royal Colonial Institute. — 'Journal of United
Empire'' Year Book, 1912.
Royal Dublin Society. — Proceedings and Trans-
actions.
Royal Geographical Society. — Geographical Journal
to date.
Royal Institution of Great Britain. — Proceedings.
Royal Irish Academy. — Transactions and Proceedings
to date.
Royal Society of Edinburgh. — Transactions and Pro-
ceedings to date.
Society of Antiquaries of London. — Proceedings to
date. Archxologia, Vol. LXII, Part II.
2(3
Swedenborg Society.— Transactions of the Inter-
national Swedenborg Congress, London, 1010.
University College, London. — Calendar.
Royal Society oe Arts. — Journal.
The Guildhall, City of London. — Calendar of Letter
Books. Letter Book K. Temp. H. VI. Edited
by Reginald K. Sharpe, D.C.L.
Governments.
Colonial.
New Zealand. — From the Registrar-General. Statis-
tics of the Dominion of New Zealand, 1000.
Official Year Books, 1010 and 1011.
Societies and Public Institutions.
Colonial.
Canada, Dominion of. — Royal Society of Canada. —
Proceedings and Transactions.
G-eological Survey, Annual and Summary
Reports, N.S., with Maps.
Department of Mines. Reports and Memoirs,
Australia. — Royal Society of New South Wales. —
Journal and Proceedings.
New Zealand. — New Zealand Institute. — Transac-
tions and Proceedings.
■27
Foreign.
Belgium. — Societe des Bollandistes. — Analecta Bol-
landiana.
Denmark. — Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries,
Copenhag i n . — Me 'moires, N. S .
France. — La Bibliotheque de l'Universite d'Aix. —
Annates de la Faculte des Lettres.
La Bibliotheque Univeesitaire de Lille. —
Revue Germanique.
Italy. — Boyal Academy op Sciences, Turin. — Atti
and Memorie, continued to date.
Royal Lombard Institute, Milan. — Rendi-
conti, 8°. Ser. ii continued to date.
Mathematical Society of Palermo. — Rendi-
eonti.
Russia. — Imperial Academy op Sciences, St. Peters-
burg.— Bulletins.
Sweden. — Royal University of Upsala. — Lexicon.
By Leonard Bygdon; and other publications.
United States of America. — The Pennsylvania
Society. — The William Penn Memorial, 1911.
The Society has received the following from
individual donors :
Beckett, Arthur, Author. — The Spirit of the Downs.
Betts, C. H., Author. — The Education of a Soul.
The Universal Over-Presence.
28
Hi:. 1\. P., Author. — Bengali, Literary and Colloquial.
Hindustani at a Glance.
- The Open Sesame of English Synonyms.
Ditchfield, Key. P. H., M.A., F.S.A., F.B.S.L., Author.
— Ode on the Coronation of King George V.
Dorning-Lawrence, Sik Edwin, Bt., Author. — The
Shakespeare Myth.
Geddes, Patrick, Author. — The Masque of Learning
and its many Meanings : A Pageant of Educa-
tion through the Ages.
Gordon, Ella Mary, Author. — Songs ; and White
Heather.
Flashes and Reveries.
Firelight Fancies.
Hudson, Rev. John, M.A., Author. — Saint Augustine,
Bishop of Hippo. The Seatonian Prize Poem
for 1899.
Cyrus and the Restoration of the Jews. The
Seatonian Prize Poem for 1902.
The Dream of Pilate's Wife.
Lindsay, James, D.D., Author. — Studies in European
Philosophy.
Literary Essays.
New Essays, Literary and Philosophical.
Mackenzie, A. S., Author. — The Evolution of Litera-
ture.
Mitchell, S. Weir, Editor. — Some Recently Dis-
covered Letters of William Harvey, with other
Miscellania.
29
Proctor, Henry, Author. — Evolution and Regenera-
tion.
Reid, The Rt. Hon. Sir George, Author. — The
World of Matter and the World of Mind.
Soyez-Le-Roy, Madame (Tib), Author. — Amour et
Vaillance.
Sparke, Archibald, Transcriber and Editor. — The
Township Booke of Halliwell.
Stokes, Margaret. — Early Christian Art in Ireland.
Revised by Editor — G. N. Count Plunkett,
F.S.A.
Terry, Rev. G. F., Author. — Memorials of the Church
of St. John the Evangelist, Edinburgh.
Wille, Jakob, Author. — Humanismus und Renaissance
in Dentschland.
The thanks of the Society are due to the
respective Editors and Proprietors of the
following Journals for presentation copies :
The Athenaeum and the Edinburgh Review to
date.
The subscription has been continued to the
New English Dictionary.
The list of names recommended by the out-
going Council as the Officers and Council for
&
30
L912— 13 having been submitted to ballot, the
scrutineers, Dr. J. W. Knipe and Mr. Arthur
Macquarie reported that the House List was
adopted by the meeting. The list will be found
ante, on the leaf facing the commencement of
the Report.
On the motion of Professor Newbolt,
seconded by Mr. D. Tollemache, a vote of
thanks was cordially passed to Sir Edward
Brabrook for his conduct in the chair.
THE ACADEMIC COMMITTEE.
Alfred Austin.
James Matthew Bareie.
Arthur Christopher Benson.
Laurence Binyon.
Andrew Cecil Bradley.
Robert Bridges.
Joseph Conrad.
William John Courthope.
Austin Dobson.
Edward Dowden.
James George Frazer.
John Galsworthy.
Edmund Gosse.
Viscount Haldane op Cloan.
Thomas Hardy.
Maurice Hewlett.
Henry James.
William Paton Ker.
Andrew Lang.
John William Mackail.
Thomas Sturge Moore.
Viscount Morley.
George Gilbert Murray.
Henry Newbolt.
Sir Arthur Wing Pineko.
George W^altek Froth ero.
Walter Raleigh.
Anne Isabella, Lady Ritchie.
George Bernard Shaw.
Arthur Woollgar Verrall.
George Wyndham.
William Butler Yeats.
Samuel Henry Butcher died Dec. 29th, 1910.
Alfred Comyn Lyall died April 10th, 1911.
Edward Henry Pember died April 5th, 1911.
Percy W. Ames,
Secretary.
32
EDMOND DE POLIGNAC PRIZE.
The Princess Edmond cle Polignac lias
founded a Prize for the encouragement of litera-
ture, to be called the " Edmond de Polignac
Prize," in memory of her late husband. She
has made arrangements for its continuance for
five years tentatively, and has chosen the
Academic Committee as the instrument through
which her object may be accomplished. In
addition to £100 to be devoted annually to the
Prize, the Princess has generously founded an
endowment of £50 a year for the same period
for other purposes of the Committee.
The following Rules of Procedure have been
drawn up by the Academic Committee and
approved by the Princess :
(1) The amount (£100) shall be given as a
single prize and not divided.
(2) The prize shall be given to an author in
respect of a particular book.
33
(3) The book selected must have been pub-
lished in the calendar year ending on the 31st
of December preceding the award, which shall
be made in November of each year.
(4) The award shall have special regard to
literary promise.
(5) No author shall receive the Prize twice.
(6) Books by Members of the Academic
Committee are excluded from consideration.
(7) Applications or recommendations are not
invited and will not be received.
(8) For the year 1912 and thereafter a
Reading Committee consisting of six members
shall be appointed to make suggestions to the
Academic Committee ; at meetings three shall
constitute a quorum ; two members shall retire
each year.
The first award was made at a meeting
held on Thursday, November 23rd, 1911, Vis-
count Haldane of Cloan in the chair, to Mr.
Walter de la Mare, for his book, 'The Return.'
At the same meeting Commemorative Ad-
dresses were delivered on " Sir Alfred Comyn
Lyall," by Mr. G. W. Prothero, Litt.D., LL.D.,
34
and on " Edward Henry Pember," by Mr. W. J.
Courthope, C.B., D.Litt.
BROWNING CENTENARY, May 7th, 1912.
A meeting was held at Caxton Hall, West-
minster, Mr. Edmund Grosse in the chair,
when the following addresses were delivered:
"Browning as a Dramatist," by Sir Arthur
Pinero, and " The Novel in ' The Ring and the
Book,' " by Mr. Henry James.
35
FOREIGN SECRETARY'S REPORT.
It is gratifying not to have to record the
loss by death of any of the members of that
illustrious body of Foreign Fellows who grace
the lists of our Society. Last year I alluded
to the death of Signior Antonio Fogazzaro, an
event which took place just before the 1911
General Meeting of the Royal Society of
Literature. Though not desirous of further
emphasising the loss we have sustained, it may
be of some interest to the Fellows if I quote a
few words used by a well-known Vicentine
writer in alluding to the late Antonio Fogazzaro :
" II Tuo aspetto maestoso, il sorriso gentile,
l'affabilita e bonta senza limiti, Ti rendevano
caro e simpatico a tutti. Tu alieno dai fasti
del mondo, amante clella solitudine, nobile di
pensiero, sublime nell' arte, santamente chiudevi
il corso duna vita operosa."
The sentiment is not too strong, and no one
who has had the privilege of knowing that
80
remarkable writer will ever forget the great-
ness of his personality.
The world of letters, however, has lost
several literary lights who could ill be spared.
In Germany Heinrich Kampchen, whose poems
appealed to all his readers in consequence of
the noble spirit and the greatness of the
purpose which permeated them, and the well-
known biographical writer Dr. Etlinger, as well
as the dramatist Professor Felix Dahn, who
had just completed his historical romance
' Konig Roderick,' have passed away. Nor
must we omit the name of August Strindberg,
the great Swedish author, who leaves behind
him an immense amount of dramatic and other
literature.
In Russia the idealist Zlatovratski, a writer
of peasant life stories, and a man deeply versed
in folk-lore, has quite recently gone to his rest.
Italy, too, mourns another of her most pro-
mising sons, Mario Rapisardi, the Sicilian poet,
who died at the end of last year. He wras
brought to the notice of the reading world by
his attack on Carducci, and much was pro-
37
phesiecl about him. France has lost by the
death of Mademoiselle Colette Yver a charming
writer of fiction.
We turn from the contemplation of the
literary heroes who have passed away to the
living whom we may still prize and honour.
During the past year there has been no lack of
notable books produced on the Continent.
With regard to France, we are bound to
place in the forefront the erudite production of
Henri Vignaud, which has just been "crowned"
by the " Institute." His would seem to be almost
the last word on the hitherto somewhat obscure
subject of the life and works of Christopher
Col ambus. On the same level I would place
* Trois Drames de l'histoire de Russie ' and
' Histoire Orientales,' just published, the latest
works of the Vicomte E. M. de Vogue, one of
the greatest of living French historians. It
may also be worth while to draw attention to a
book published this year by Arthur Chuquet
entitled 'La Campagne de 1812.' M. Chuquet
is one of the younger generation of writers who
bids fair to rise to distinction, and since the
38
primary object of the founder of the Royal
Society of Literature was to seek out and assist
such men, I feel hound to note their names.
A book that has caused a good deal of comment
in France is Emile Olivier's' L'Empire Liberal —
Etions nous prets?' It is a critical study of the
Franco-German War of 1870, and has caused
no small stir in military circles.
Foris Delatre, in his erudite biography of
Robert Herrick, shows considerable charm of
style. M. Lafenestre, an enthusiastic writer,
has published a most interesting work entitled,
' St. Francois d' Assise et Savonarola.' He
endeavours to prove that these two men were
the real inspirers of Italian art. All Europe
congratulates M. Gabriel Hanotaux on his
popular work ' Jeanne D'Arc,' as well as on his
equally important historical production, ' La
Fleur des Histoires Francaises.'
Our Foreign Fellow, Dr. Paul Sabatier, has
during the year contributed a monograph to
which he gives the explanatory title, 'L'Orien-
tation Religieuse,' in addition to ' Franciscan
Essays,' and 'Apropos de la separation des
39
Eg-lises et de l'etat,' The latter has a
distinct interest to English readers at the
moment. The world of fiction is well repre-
sented by 'Pelerin d' Angkor,' from the facile
pen of Pierre Loti, and by 'La Serre de
l'Aigle' and ' Ponr tuer Buonaparte,' whose
author, George Ohnet, is at present in the
forefront of the French literary world. The
two novels which have been produced by
Victor Marguerite, a new writer, iudicate no
small promise for the future.
In Germany much has been done. I have
already alluded to the poetry of the late
Heinrich Kampchen. As might be expected of
such a writer, Sudermann's ' Bettler von
Syrakus ' has found a considerable amount of
appreciation in Berlin. Professor W. J . Jaeger
has given to the student world a most learned
work called ' Studien von Enstehungsgeschichte
der Metaphysik des Aristotles,' in which he
endeavours to show that, far from our having
all the writings of Aristotle, only a mere
fragment of his work is extant. Dr. Eduard
Meyer, who is always thoughtful, in his instruc-
40
tive book, ' Der Papyrus Fund von Elephan-
tine,' has elaborately worked out the theory
that Persia played no inconsiderable part in the
external development of the Jewish religion.
This book is extremely interesting, and deserves
all the appreciation it has already obtained.
Joseph Hansen, a writer known for his careful
research, has published a really exhaustive
work on the subject of the treatment of
witches during the middle ages. Arnold
Meyer has produced a no less able work
under the descriptive title of ' Studien zur
Vorgeschichte der Reformation.'
To an English society, especially in such
days as these, it would be unfair not to
allude to the work of Eduard Bernstein. In
' Sozialismus und Demokratie in der eroszen
Englischen Revolution ' he deals in a forceful
manner with many modern-day problems, and
the character sketches which he presents of
Cromwell, Milton, and others of that period,
are, if not quite accurate, at least most interest-
ing.
Dr. Brandl, whose pen is never idle, has not
41
only delivered lectures in Oxford, but has con-
tributed no little to a good understanding
between German Governmental authorities and
our own by his much-read article on Lord
Haldane, entitled ' Der Englische Kriegs-
minister und die Deutschen Universitaten.'
The work is one which shows the writer to be
at least an admirer of our ancient University
of Oxford. The same writer has published a
brochure called ' Chartisten, Socialisten und
Carlyle,' in which he shows the attitude of
the ' Seer of Chelsea' to the movements which
i
are stirring us to-day.
Amongst the more important works of fiction
I draw attention to Friedrich JacobsonV Kantor
Liebe,' full of deep emotion.
In Italy, D'Annuncio has received a degree
of appreciation rarely accorded to modern-day
writers. He has quite recently published
' Canzioni della Gesta Oltramare.' Beautiful
indeed they are as regards form, but to many
lacking in healthy ideals. His latest novel,
' Forse Che se Forse Che no,' shows how
versatile is his genius. Giacoma, probably the
42
favourite dramatic writer of Italy, has not only
written, but lias successfully staged no fewer
than four plays—" San Francisco," " 0 Voto,"
"Asunta Spina," "0 Mese Mariano."
Two Italian authors have recently written
on subjects of no small interest to the thought-
ful English reader. " Uno Stuart a Milano nel
Settecento," by Giulini, in the 'Archivo Storico
Lombardo,' has unveiled the history of another
member of the Stuart family. Carlo Sagre,
in addition to his studies of Petrarch, has written
two valuable works summing up what has been
discovered up to the present on the subject of
early English and Italian influences, and
showing the close relations between the litera-
ture of this country and Italian writers.
These works are respectively ' Italia e Inghil-
terra' and ' Relazione Litterarie fra Italia e
Inghilterra.'
As regards Spain, a new movement seems to
have set in, and a considerable number of
aspirants for literary fame have appeared, many
of whom seem destined to "put into the shade "
the older writers. As an illustration of this,
43
whilst Carlos Villaneuva, one of the best
accounted of Spain's historians, has brought
out ' Fernando VII ' and ' Bolivar y el
General,' a young writer, Fernando Ortiz,
vies with him for popular honours in the
latter's first great work, ' La Reconquista de
Amerika.'
In the same way the novel writer, Blasco
Ibanez, who has hitherto held his own, finds a
rival to his own books, ' Aroz y Tartana ' and
'Horda,' in 'Las Inquietudas di Shanti Andia'
and 'Cesar O'Nada,' by the hitherto almost
unknown writer, Pio Barojo.
In Portugal a somewhat similar state of
affairs would seem to have been brought about,
though the elder writers are holding their
vantage ground more successfully. Our own
honoured Fellow, Senor Theophilo Braga,
ex-President of the Portuguese Republic, has
given us a work both of weight and true merit.
The release of such a thinker from the cares
of statecraft to the calm of literary production
has resulted in ' Parnass Portuguez Moderno.'
Another writer of the same stamp, Enrico de
u
Sabra, has published ' Oiro do Brazil ' and
' Mulheres de Portugal.' The splendid style
of this writer and his fine patriotic spirit are
self-evident. Amongst writers of fiction Louis
de Camoes still stands out prominently with his
' Os Lusiadas,' but of Portuguese authors the
one who appeals most strongly to the English
man of letters is Julio Diniz. Passing over his
poems we come to the four most recent tales,
the last of which has peculiar interest for us,
' Una Familia Ingleza,' a book which has been
largely read and commented on.
Amongst Russian literary productions two at
least are of considerable value. Under the
title of ' Sashka Tigulev' Leonid Andreiev tells
the story of a sensitive boy under the influence
of the Russian military system of Government.
In this powerful psychological study he traces
the various phases through which the boy's
character passes, until at last the tender, sensi-
tive youth emerges a fanatical terrorist. This
writer, who for a time had abandoned realism
for mysticism, has evidently returned to his
"first love." A work of equal importance as
45
indicating the tendency of Russian thought
was recently published by N. KapterifF, entitled
'The Patiarch Nikon and the Tzar Alexis
Michaelovitch.' The writer of this book has
ventured to express broad views and to
advocate liberal religious opinions. Whilst
he has had a large share of secret appreciation
and sympathy his courage has cost him public
honours.
In Denmark our Foreign Fellow, Georg
Brandes, of world-wide reputation, has brought
out a new edition of his translation of Shake-
speare, together with copious notes. This edition
has met with universal approval. Sophus
Michaelis has written several plays, which
have been translated into English, and
which have been staged in America, whilst
Karin Michaelis, his wife, has had the satis-
faction of knowing that her novel, ' The
Dangerous Age,' possibly somewhat too morbid
and introspective, has been the most widely
read and discussed book in Denmark, if
not in neighbouring countries. Of the pro-
ductivity in literary matters of Selma Lager-
46
loff much might be said, but during the last
year alone, she, the most eminent of modern
Swedish writers, has published no fewer than
five separate works of fiction.
Count Lutzow, whose patriotic aspirations
are so well known in this country, has added
yet another to the numerous works with which
he has endowed the Bohemian peoples, by
publishing his lectures delivered in America,
' The Czechs in Bohemia.' Before closing- this
retrospect, though it may seem a far-off cry, I
cannot omit a work which conies to us from
Corsica, 'La Chanson Populaire de l'lle de
Corse.' The book points to a renewal of Corsican
literature. The poems are either ' Voceri' (fierce
expressions of poignant grief which knows no
resignation), or 'Vendetta' (outbursts of re-
vengeful song, fierce and primitive).
During the year no new Foreign Fellows
have been added to the list, but it is probable
that ere long some new names will be submitted
to the Council.
I have made at least two visits during the
year to the Continent in order to meet and
47
discuss matters with our Foreign Fellows. I
had the pleasure, amongst others, of spending
a short time with Count Lutzow, whose
acquaintance is one which I deeply value. I
have also recently visited that eminent worker
in the common cause, Professor Dr. Brandl,
and had the pleasure of staying with him in his
Tyrolese country home.
In conclusion, I cannot refrain from express-
ing the hope that the Council will do something
more than has yet been done to attract those
whom we delight to honour as Foreign Fellows
to visit us in London.
English literature may possibly need just
that contact with the personal life of the
Continent — so much fresher and brighter than
our own — to give it the uplifting quality which
a great politician has just demanded of it
as an essential part of its equipment.
H. G. Rosbdalk, D.D.
48
FELLOWS OF THE SOCIETY.
The sigu + indicates an Honorary Fellow, c = a Compounder.
Year of
election.
1894. -j-Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Albany.
1910. A. F. M. Abdul Ali, Esq., M.A., M.R.A.S.,
F.R.Hist.S., Editor of 'Journal of the Moslem
Institute ' (Calcutta) , Deputy Magistrate and
Collector, Eastern Bengal and Assam, Rangpur,
East Bengal, India.
1899. Robert Vickery Allen, Esq., A.C.P., F.E.I.S.,
Gi-uilden Morden, Royston, Hertfordshire.
1878. cPercy Willoughby Ames, Esq., L.L.D., F.S.A.,
Secretary aud Librarian, 71, Lewisham Park,
S.E. ; and Authors' Club.
1907. The Right Hon. Sir William Reynell Anson,
Bt„ D.C.L., M.P., Warden of All Souls College,
Oxford ; and Athenaeum Club.
1910. fALFRED Austin, Esq., Poet Laureate, Member of
Academic Committee, Swinford Old Manor, Ash-
ford, Kent.
1903. 1-The Right Hon. Lord Avebury, D.C.L., LL.D.,
F.R.S., 48, G-rosvenor Street, W. ; High Elms,
Down, Kent ; aud Athenaeum Club.
49
Year of
election.
1868. William E. A. Axon. Esq., LL.D., 42, Richmond
Grove, Manchester.
1901. Rev. Albert Bage, Ph.B., The Manse, Romsey,
Hants.
1904. Frederic William Banks, Esq., 83, Eccleston
Square, S.W. ; Junior Constitutional Club.
1903. fREV. S. Baring-Gould, M.A., J P., Rector of Lew-
Trenchardj Lew-Trenchard House, N. Devon.
1912. James Matthew Barrie, Esq., M.A., LL.D ,
Vice-President ; Member of Academic Committei .
3, Adelphi Terrace House, Strand, W.C.
1912. Arthur William Beckett, Esq., Anderida,
Hartfield Road, Eastbourne; and Authors' Club.
1907. Professor Arthur Christopher Benson, C.V.O..
M.A., E.R.Hist.S., Fellow of Magdalene College.
Vice-President ,■ Member of Academic Committee ;
B.S.L. Professor of English Fiction ; Magdalene
College, Cambridge; Hinton Hall, Haddenbam.
Isle of Ely ; Tremans, Horsted Keynes, Sussex ;
and Athenaeum Club.
1905. The Ven. Henry E. J. Bevan, MA, Archdeacon
of Middlesex, The Rectory, Chelsea, S.W.:
Quatford Castle, Bridgenorth, Shropshire.
1910. fEAURENCE Binyon, Esq., Member of Academic
Committee, 118, Belgrave Road, S.W. ; and
British Museum.
1907. William Blackwood, Esq., Editor of 'Black-
wood's Magazine,' 45, Geoi-ge Street, Edinburgh.
4
50
Year of .
("lection.
1907. Reginald Blomfield, Esq., A.R.A., M.A., F.S.A.,
51. Frognal, Hampstead, N.W. ; Point Hill,
Playden, Sussex; and Athenaeum Club.
1902. Dr. William A. Bowen, LL.B., M.B., Mombasa,
East Africa.
1865. cSir Edward Brabrook, C.B., Dir.S.A., past
President of the Anthropological Institute.
Vice-President and Treasurer, Athenaeum Club,
Pall Mall, S.W.
1898. Charles Angell Bradford, Esq., F.S.A.,
Auditor, 4, Park Place, St. James's Street,
S.W.
1910. tANDREw Cecil Bradley, Esq., LL.D., Litt.D.,
Professor of Poetry, Oxford, 1901-1906, Member
of Academic Committee, 9, Edwardes Squai'e,
Kensington, W.
1910. fEoBERT Bridges, Esq., M.A.. M.B., F.R.C.P..
Member of Academic Committee, Chilswell,
Oxford.
1902. cJohn Potter Briscoe, Esq., F.R.Hist.S.,
F.L.A., City Librarian of Nottingham, Central
Free Public Library, Nottingham ; Elm Villa.
38, Addison Street, Nottingham.
1911. John Arthur Brooke, Esq., The Lea, Grasmere.
1894. fE,EV. Stopford Augustus Brooke, M.A., LL.D.,
1, Manchester Square; and Athenaeum Club.
1907. P. Hume Brown, Esq., M.A., LL.D., Professor
of Ancient (Scottish) History and Palaeography
in the University of Edinburgh, 20, Corrennie
Gardens, Edinburgh.
51
Year of
election.
1907. The Right Hon. Lord Burghclere, P.O., D.L.,
M.A., 48, Charles Street, W. ; Fitzroy Place,
Surrey ; and Brooks's Club.
1904. Thomas Burns, Esq., 25, Diana Street, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne.
1911. Howard Candler, Esq., M.A., 7, Briardale
Gardens, Hampstead, N.W.
1907. The Right Rev. Bishop Carpenter, D.C.L.,
D.D., 2, Morpeth Mansions, S.W. ; and
Athenaeum Club.
1900. Major W. Boughton Chambers, Inspector of
Factories, Custom House, Bombay.
1899. fERNEST Hartley Coleridge, Esq., M.A., 12,
Rickford's Hill, Aylesbury, Bucks.
1910. f Joseph Conrad, Esq., Member of Academic Com-
mittee, Oapel House, Orlestone, near Ashford.
1906. Richard Cooke, Esq., A. and M.C.P., F.R.G.S.,
Archbishop Abbot's School, Guildford.
1892. Stanley Cooper, Esq., 27, Banbury Road, Oxford.
1900. cRev. W. Hargreaves Cooper, F.R.G.S., Sid-
lands, Camborne.
1901. cRev. Frederick StJohn Corbett, M.A.,
F.R.Hist.S., The Rectory, St, Georo-e-m-the-
East, London.
1907. William John Courthope, Esq., C.B., M.A.,
D.Litt., LL.D., late Professor of Poetry in the
University of Oxford, Civil Service Commis-
sioner (retired), Vice-President; Member of
Academic Committee, The Lodge, Wadhurst,
Sussex ; and Athenteum Club.
52
Year of
election.
1907. Professor William Leonard Courtney, M.A.,
LL.D., Fellow of New College, Oxford. Editor
of the 'Fortnightly Eeview,' Vice-President;
B.S.L. Professor of Dramatic Literature, 53,
Gordon Square. W.C. ; and Authors' Club.
1911. Professor Eichard Pape Cowl, M.A., Research
Professor of English Literature, University oi
Bristol, 15, Bedford Place, W.C. ; and Authors"
Club.
1903. fS. R. Crockett, Esq., M.A., c/o A. P. Watt and
Son, Hastings House, Norfolk Street. W.C. :
and Authors' Club.
1890. cJames Curtis, Esq., E.S.A.. Council (Vice-Presi-
dent, 1898-1909), 179, Marylebone Road,N.W.;
Redcourt, Christchurch Park, Sutton. Surrey ;
and Athenaeum Club.
1912. Rev. Edgar Daplyn, 30, Pattison Road, N.W.
1904. John Herbert Dawson, Esq., Ill, Lower Seedley
Road, Seedley, Manchester.
1903. Miss Violet Defries, 71, Leith Mansions, Elgin
Avenue, Maid a Vale, W.
1908. Rev. Peter Hampson Ditchfield, M.A., F.S.A..
Council, Bark ham Rectory, Wokingham, Berks;
and Authors' Club.
1907. Austin Dobson, Esq., LL.D., Vice-President;
Member of Academic Committee, 75, Eaton Rise,
Ealing, W. ; and Atheineum Club.
53
Year of
election.
1903. Professor Edward Dowden,M.A.,LL.D.,D.C.L..
Litt.D., Member of Academic Committee, Pro-
lessor of English Literature in the University of
Dublin, Rockdale, Orwell Road, Eathgar, Dublin.
1907. Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe Eliot, C.B.,
K.C.M.G., Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford.
Principal, Hong Kong University.
1900. Lady C. Ella Eve, 61, Harley Street, Cavendish
Square, W.
1900. oCharles Frederick Forshaw, Esq., LL.D.,
D.C.L , F.R.M.S., 29, Hanover Square, Brad-
ford.
1905. A. E. Manning Foster, Esq., 2, Collinghani
Gardens, S.W.
1907. William Warde Fowler, Esq., M.A., D.Litt.,
Fellow and Tutor of Lincoln College, Oxford.
Kingham, Chipping Norton ; and Oxford and
Cambridge Club.
1897. Arnold Francke, Esq., 28, Mark Lane, E.C.
1898. fPROFEssoR J. G. Frazer, M.A., LL.D., D.Litt.
D.C.L., Member of Academic Committee, St.
Keynes, Cambridge.
1906. cHis Highness Maharaja Sayajiras Gaekwar,
Ruling Prince of Baroda, Baroda, India.
1892. cShrimant Sampatrao K. Gaikwad, M.R.I. ,
M.R.A S., F.R.C.I., Baroda, India.
1912. fJoHN Galsworthy, Esq., Member of Academic
Committee, 14, Addison Road, W.
54
Year of
election.
1912. Charles Garvice, Esq., Chairman of Authors'
Club, 4, Maids of Honour Row, Richmond,
Surrey ; and Royal Societies' Club.
1902. Arthur Harold Garstang, Esq., 82. Forest
Road, Southport.
1883. William Blacheord Gedge, Esq., c/o Messrs.
Pope & Plante, 14, Piccadilly Arcade, W.
1902. Professor Maurice A. Gerothwohl, Litt.D.,
University of Bristol, Council; B. 8. L. Professor
of Comparative Literature, 8, Alma Terrace.
Kensington, W.
1901. Mrs. Ella Mary Gordon, LL.D., D.Litt, M.S.A.,
Arnlee, Pitfodels, Aberdeenshire; and Aucbin-
toul, Aboyne.
1907. Edmund Gosse, Esq., C.B., M.A., LL.D., Librarian
to the House of Lords, Council; Member of
Academic Committee, 17, Hanover Terrace.
Regent's Park, IST.W. ; and Savile Club.
1911. Rev. A. W. Gough, M.A., The Vicarage,
Brornpton, S.W.
1892. The Hon. James Maclaren Stuart Gray,
Master of Gray, c/o Robert Todd, Esq., The
Limes, Tradley Green, High Barnet, N. ;
Cwmeron, Llanwrtyd Wells, R.S.O., S. Wales.
1898. Emanuel Green, Esq., F.S.A., Council, 4, Albe-
marle Street, W. ; and Reform Club.
55
Year of
election.
1907. William Henry Hadow, Esq., M.A., D.Mus.,
Principal, Armstrong College, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne; South Cerney, Cirencester ; and Oxford
and Cambridge Club.
1897 Heinrich Maria Hain, Esq., Ph.D., M.C.P.,
Wilhelmj House, 2, Clarence Terrace, Leaming-
ton Spa.
1910. fPuT. Hon. Viscount Haldane of Cloan. F.R.S..
LL.D., Lord High Chancellor, Rector of Edin-
burgh University, Member of Academic Com-
mittee, Cloanden, Auchterarder, Perthshire; 28,
Queen Anne's Gate, S.W. ; and Athenaeum Club.
1880. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Halsbury, F.R.S.,
D.C.L., High Steward of the University of
Oxford, President, 4, Enmsniore Gardens.
Princes Gate, S.W. ; and Athenaeum Club.
1906. Rev. William Parker Hanks, M. A., 13,Ladbroke
Gardens, W.
1907. Thomas Hardy, Esq., O.M., LL.D., J.P., Member
of Academic Committee, Max Gate, Dorchester:
and Athenaeum Club.
1865. cRev. Albert Augustus Harland, M.A., P.S.A.,
HareHeld Vicarage, Uxbridge.
1909. John Martin Harvey, Esq., 30, Avenue Road,
Regent's Park, N.W.
1904. William Hatfield, Esq., A.C.P., 2, Crosby
Street, Stockport.
1907. Rev. William Augustus Heard, M.A., LL.D.,
Headmaster of Fettes College. The Lodge,
Fettes College. Edinburgh.
56
Year of
election.
L883. Sir John Hennikek Heaton, Bt. (Vice-President
1899-1908), The Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
L885. J. Stewart Henderson, Esq., F. E.G. S., 1, Pond
Street, Hampstead, N.W.
1907. Rev. Herbert Hensley Henson, B.D., Rector
of St. Margaret's and Canon of Westminster
Abbev, 17, Dean's Yard, Westminster.
1868. cRev. C. A. Heurtley, M.A., 193, Woodstock
Road, Oxford.
1907. Maurice Hewlett, Esq., Council; Member of
Academic Committee, 7, Northwick Terrace,
N.W. ; Old Rectory, Broad Chalk, Salisbury.
1889. Mrs. Napier Higgins, 24, The Boltons, S.W.
1904. J. A. Howard-Watson, Esq., F.R.G.S.,F.R.Hist.S.,
12, Waterloo Road, Waterloo, Liverpool.
1911. Rev. John Hudson, M.A., 325, Southampton
Street, Camberwell, S.E.
1906. George Humphreys - Davies, Esq., M.R.I. ,
M.R.S.A., 5, Laurence Pountney Lane, Cannon
Street, E.C.
1906. Charles Hyatt- Woolf, Esq., F.R.P.S., 169,
Queen's Gate, S.W.
1880. H. M. Imbert-Terry, Esq., Council, Strete Ralegh,
Exeter ; and Carlton Club.
1907. Henry James, Esq., D.Litt., Vice-President;
Member of Academic Committee, Lamb House.
Rye, Sussex ; and Athenseum Club.
1901. Joseph James, Esq., D.Sc., Ph.D., 18, Witton
Road, Victoria, S.W.
• )/
Year of
election.
1910. f William Paton Kek. Esq.. M.A., Professor of
English Literature, University College, London,
Member of Academic Committee, 95, Gower
Street, W.C. ; and Athenaeum Club.
1901. cEev. Philip Henry Kirkh.oi, M.A., M.S.A.,
S. Luke's S.P.G., Toungoo, Burma.
1899. cErnest Kiver, Esq.. F.R.C.O., A.R.A M., A.Ph.S.,
Professor at the Royal Academy of Music
"Bayfield," Upper Warlingham, Surrey.
1897. Joseph William Knipe, Esq., Pli.D., L.C.P.,
Wolsey Hall, Oxford ; and Authors' Club.
1902. J. J. Lane, Esq., Municipal Offices, Bvighouse.
1910. f Andrew Lang, Esq., D.Litt., Member of Academic
Committee, 1, Marloes Road, W.; and Athenaeum
Club.
1892. James Lauder, Esq., F.E.I.S., The Glasgow
Athenaeum, Glasgow.
181*8. John Letts, Esq., 8, Bartlett's Buildings, Holborn
Circus, E.C.
1889. Major J. A. Liebmann, F.R.G.S., P.O. Box 1113,
Cape Town, S. Africa.
1895. William Douw Lighthall, Esq., K.C., M.A.,
Chateauelair, Westmount, Montreal, Canada.
1 910. Rev. James Lindsay, D.D., M.A., B.Sc, F.R.S.E.,
Annick Lodge, Irvine, Ayrshire ; and Broad-
stone, Stranraer, Wigtownshire.
1900. Percy George Lodge, Esq., M.D., F R.C.S, Lee
House, Listerhills, Bradford.
Year of
elect inn.
1907. Rev. the Hon. Edward Lyttelton, M.A., Head-
master of Eton, Hon. Canon of St. Albans,
The Cloisters, Eton College, Windsor.
1907. John William Mackail, Esq., M.A., LL.D., late
Professor of Poetry in the University of Oxford.
Vice-President ; Member of Academic Committee,
6, Pembroke Gardens, Kensington, W. ; and
Athenaeum Club.
1906. Alexander StClair Mackenzie, Esq., M.A.,
LL.D., Professor of English and Comparative
Literature in the University of Kentucky,
Lexington, Ky., U.S.A.
1907. George A. Macmillan, Esq., J. P., Hon. D.Litt.
Oxon., 27, Queen's Gate Gardens, S.W. ; Botton
Hall, Danby, Grosmont, York ; and Atheneeum
Club.
1907. The Kioht Hon. Dodgson Hamilton Madden.
P.C.(Ir.), M.A., LL.D., Judge of High Court of
Justice, Ireland ; Vice- Chancellor of Dublin
University; Nutley, Booterstown, Co. Dublin;
and Athenaeum Club.
1907. Laurie Magnus, Esq., M.A., 12, Westbourne
Terrace, W.
1912. Arthur Maquarie, Esq., Broadfield, East
Molesey, Surrey ; and Authors' Club.
1906. E. R. Norris Mathews, Esq., F.R.Hist.S., Central
Public Library, Bristol.
59
Year of
election.
1907. Rev. Joskph B. Mayor, Litt.D., Dublin ; Emeritus
Professor of Kiug's College, London; Hon.
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge; Queens-
gate House, Kingston Hill.
1899. Rev. H. Anderson Meaden, M.R.A.S , The
Parsonage, Stornoway, Isle of Lewis.
1900. William Miles, Esq., 26, Anerley Road, West-
cliff -on -Sea, Essex.
1904. Walter J. Miller, Esq., Gierko, College Road,
Exeter.
1900. Rev. William C. Minifie, D.D., M.A., Ph.D..
" Brentwood," East End Road, East Finchley, N.
1911. fTHOMAs Sturge Moore, Esq., Member of Academic
Committee, 20, St. James's Square, Holla ml
Park, W.
1910. fRT. Hon. Viscount Morley, O.M., F.R.S.,
D.C.L., LL.D., Member of Academic Committee,
Flowermead, Wimbledon Park, S.W.
1901. James Muirhead Potter Muirhead, Esq., J. P.,
F.S.S., F.R.C.I., Civil Service Club, Cape Town;
and 57, St. Georges Street, Cape Town, S. Africa.
1910. fPROPEssoR George Gilbert Murray, M.A.,
LL.D., Member of Academic Committee, New
College, Oxford.
1907. John Murray, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., J.P., D.L.,
50, Albemarle Street, London, W. ; and Athen-
aeum Club.
1901. Albert Myers, Esq., " Rosemary," Teignmouth
Road, Cricklewood, N.W.
60
Year of
election.
1908. Rev. John Akbuthnot Nairn, Litt.D., B.D.,
/ '/,;■- 1 Resident, Headmaster of Merchant Taylors'
School, Charterhouse Square, E.C. ; and Bath
Club.
1907. Professor Henry John Newbolt, M.A., Bar-
rister-at-law, Council; Member of Academic
Committee, R.S.L. Professor of Poetry, 26, Ken-
sington Park Gardens, W. ; Netherhampton
Honse, Salisbury.
1894. Philip H. Newman, Esq., F.S.A., R.B.A., Council,
39, Brunswick Square, W.C. ; Bengal Manor,
Greens Norton, Towcester ; and Primrose Club.
1899. His Grace the Duke op Northumberland,
K.G., 2, Grosvenor Place, S.W. ; and Alnwick
Castle, Northumberland.
1909. cAlfred William Oke, Esq., B.A., LL.M., F.S.A.,
F.GS.,F.R.Hist.S., 32, Denmark Villas, Hove;
and "Oriellou," Highfield Lane, Southampton.
1907. Francis William Pember, Esq., M.A., late
Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford, Barrister-
at-Law, 60, Queen's Gardens, W. ; and
Athenaeum Club.
1910. Sir Arthur Wing Pinero, Member of Academic
Committee, 115a, Harley Street, W. ; Stillands,
North Chapel, Sussex.
1910. G. N. Count Plunkett, V.P.R.I.A., F.S.A., Bar-
rister-at-Law, Director of National Museum of
Science and Art, 26, Upper Fitzwilliam Street,
Dublin ; Kilternan Abbey ; and Eoyal Societies
Club.
61
l'ear of
election.
1911. tTHE Princess Edmond de Polignac, 43, Avenue
Henri Martin, Paris.
1907. The Eight Hon. Sir Frederick Pollock, Bt.,
LL.D., D.C.L., 21, Hyde Park Place, W. :
and Athenaeum Club.
1902. Henry Chapman Poulter, Esq., 3, College
Green, Dublin: and Eedan Lodge, Rathgar
Road, Bathgar, Co. Dublin.
1906. Henry Proctor, Esq., M.E.A.S., 146, Mallirison
Road, Clapham Common, S.W.
1907. George Walter Prothero, Esq.. Litt.D., LL.D..
Editor of 'Quarterly Review,' Vice-President;
Member of Academic Committee, 24, Bedford
Square, W.C. ; and Athenaeum Club.
1910. tSiR Walter Raleigh, M.A., Professor of
English Literature, Oxford, Member of Academ ic
Committee, Oxford; and Athenaeum Club.
1907. Professor George Gilbert Ramsay, LL.D.,
Litt.D., late Professor of Humanity in the Uni-
versity of Glasgow, Drumore, Blairgowrie, KB.
1903. Robt. W. Ramsey, Esq., F.S.A., 43, Ladbroke
Square, W.
1906. Professor Nava Krishna Ray, B.A., Maharaja's
College, Jaipur, Rajputana, India.
1895. John Reade, Esq., 340, Laval Avenue. Montreal.
Canada.
1907. Rev. Gerald Henry Rendall, M.A., Litt.D.,
Dedham House, Dedham, Essex.
62
Year of
election.
L907. Sir William Blake Richmond, R.A., K.C.B.,
M.A., Beavor Lodge, Hammersmith, W. ; and
Athenaeum Club.
1911. Lady Richmond Ritchie, Member of Academic
Committee, 109, St. George's Square, S.W.
1888. cWalter T. Rogers, Esq., 59, Rutland Park
Mansions, Willesden Green, N.W.
1896. cThe Rev. Honyel Gough Rosedale, M.A., D.D.,
F.S.A., Honorary Foreign Secretary, Council
(Vice-President, 1905 to 1910), 7, Gloucester
Street, Victoria, S.W. ; and 22, Grafton Road,
Worthing.
1899. Rev. W. E. Rosedale, M.A., D.D., 18, Gilston
Road, The Boltons, S.W.
1905. Rev. Robt. Ross, A.K.C., The Vicarage, Kidsgrove,
Stoke-on-Trent.
1905. John Rowlands, Esq., Picton House, Wauuar-
lwydd, Gowerton, near Swansea.
1893. fCHARLES Russell, Esq., LL.D., 11, Buckingham
Terrace, Glasgow, W.
1903. Lady Russell-Cotes, East Cliff Hall, Bourne-
mouth.
1907. The Right Rev. Bishop Ryle, D.D., C.V.O.,
Dean of Westminster, Council, The Deanery,
Westminster; and Athenaeum Club.
1911. cGeorge Bernard Shaw, Esq., Cotmcil, Member
of Academic Committee, 10, Adelphi Terrace,
W.C.
63
Year of
election.
1911. Henry Simpson, Esq., President of the Poet's
Club, 19, Thornton Hill, Wimbledon; and
Authors' Club.
1910. The Ven. William Macdonald Sinclair, D.D.,
formerly Archdeacon of London, and Canon of
St. Paul's, Shermaubury Rectory, Henfield,
Sussex ; and Athenaeum Club.
1897. Kunwar Ivlshal Pal Sinh, Esq., M.A., M.R.A.S.,
RaTs Kotla P.O., Kotla, Dt. Agra (East), India.
1906. Walter Scott Sisterson, Esq., 1, Chichester
Villas, Arundel Road, Cliftonville, Margate.
1886. George E. Skerry, Esq., F.R.G.S., 119, High
Holborn, W.C.
L904. Archibald Sparke, Esq., Chesham House,
Bolton-le-Moors.
1896. Marion H. Spielmann, Esq., E.S.A., Council
(Vice-President, 1906 to 1910), 21, Cadogau
Gardens, Belgravia, S.W.
1H07. Rev. William Archibald Spooner, D.D.,
Warden of New College, Oxford. Warden's
Lodgings, New College, Oxford; aud Athenaeum
Club.
1906. Rev. James Sprunt, Westwood, Orchard Road,
Belvedere, Kent.
1886. Corelli J. Stevens, Esq., Beverley House, Barnes,
S.W.
1904. Rev. William Thomas Stonestreet, D.D.,
LL.D., 18, Corporation Street, Manchester.
1907. J. L. Strachan-Davidson, Esq., M.A., Master of
Balliol, Balliol College, Oxford.
64
Year of
election.
1902. cMrs. Mabel Frances Strafford, Summerleigh,
Merstham, Surrey ; 46, Baron's Court Eoad.
West Kensington.
1907. The Very Rev. Thomas Banks StronCx. D.D.,
Dean of Christ Church, Oxford. Christ Church,
Oxford.
1875. cRaja Sir S. M. Tagore, Master of Music The
Rajbali, Pathuriaghata, Calcutta.
1897. cR. Inigo Tasker, Esq.. J. P., Council, Nether Park,
Nether Street, Church End, Einchley.
1896. Rev. Charles John Terry, M.A., Rector of
Hastings, All Saints' Rectory, Hastings.
1891. Rev. George E. Terry, L.Th., F.SA.,F.R.Hist.S..
St. John's Rectory, 10, Learmonth Terrace,
Edinburgh.
1905. Jesse Lambly Thomas, Esq., 12, North Park,
Eltham, Kent.
1909. Edward William Thomson, Esq., 86l», Bronson
Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.
1904. John T. Thorp, Esq., M.S.A., F.RHist.S.. 57.
Regent Road, Leicester.
1900. David Tollemache, Esq., Auditor, 7, Grand
Parade Mansions, Muswell Hill, N. ; and Con-
stitutional Club.
1907. Professor Arthur Woollgar Verrall, Litt.D..
Professor of English Literature, University of
Cambridge, Fellow of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, Barrister-at-Law, Member of Academic
Committee, 6, Selwyn Gardens, Cambridge ; and
Athenseum Club
65
Year of
election.
1907. The Very Rev. Dean Wace, D.D., The Deanery,
Canterbury; and Athenaeum Club.
1910. Charles Edward Wade, Esq., M.A., F.R.Hist.S.,
Barrister-at-Law, 3, Lampard House, Maida
Hill West, W.
1898. John Hartley Wadsworth, Esq., MA., North
Bailey, Durham.
1911. W. H. Wagstaff, Esq., M.A., Gresham Professor
of Greometry, Mavridge, 371, London Road,
Thornton Heath, Surrey.
1907. Professor Thomas Herbert Warren, D.C.L.,
President of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford,
Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford.
The Lodgings, Magdalen College, Oxford; and
Savile Club.
1902. Edward James Watson, Esq., F.R.Hist.S., St.
John's Arch, Bristol.
1907. Theodore Watts-Dunton, Esq., The Pines,
11, Putney Hill.
1901. Alex. D. O. Wedderburn, Esq., K.C., 47,
Cadogan Place, S.W.
1895. cA. Goodinch Williams, Esq., 2, Anna Cottages,
Union Place, Stonehouse, Plymouth.
1909. George Charles Williamson, Esq., D.Litt.,
Burgh House, Well Walk, Hampstead, N.W.
1901. George Henry Wilson, Esq., J.P., Heath House,
Ossett, Yorks.
1901. Butler Wood, Esq., Central Free Library,
Bradford.
5
06
Year of
election.
1887. cT. C. Woodman, Esq., LL.D., F.E.I.S., The Old
House, Pulborough.
1898. cBaron Anthony or Worms, Milton Parle,
Egham, Survey.
1862. George, Baron de Worms, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.,
G.C.F.J., Council (Vice-President 1896 to 1909),
17, Park Crescent, Portland Place, W.; and -27,
Adelaide Crescent, Hove, Sussex.
1898. cBaron Percy de Worms, 21, Lowndes Street ,
S.W.
1897. cT. CAToWoRSFOED,Esq.,M.A.,LL.D.,F.R.Hist,S.,
Hon. Solicitor R.S.L., Hall Place, Mitchani,
Surrey; 9, Staple Inn, W.C. ; and Authors'
Club.
1907. J. C. Wright, Esq., Holmedene, Arundel Road,
Eastbourne; and Authors' Club.
1899. Rev. J. J. Wright, " Woodleigh," Leigh,
Lancashire.
1907. The Right Hon. George Wyndham, D.C.L.,
M.P., Member of Academic Committee, 35, Park
Lane, W. ; Saighton Grange, Chester ; and
Carlton Club.
1910. fWiLLiAM Butler Yeats, Esq., Member of
Academic Committee, 18, Woburn Buildings,
Euston Road, KW.
1911. Rev. William Edward Young, F.R.C.I.,
M.R.S.A., Nenagh, Teddington.
67
FOREIGN HONORARY FELLOWS.
Eafael de Altamira, Inspector-General of Education
in Spain, Professor at Oviedo University, C de la Eeal
Academia de la Historia, etc., Madrid.
Prince Vladimir Bariatinsky, 95, Bedford Court
Mansions, W.C.
Joaquim Theophilo Braga, President of Portugal, Doctor
of Lisbon University, Government Professor of the
Highest School of Literature, Member of Portuguese
Academy, President of Literature Section of Academy.
Lisbon.
George Brandes, Doctor of Aesthetics, Officer of the
Legion of Honour. 55, Havnegade 1 Sal, Copenhagen.
Alois Brandl, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the German
Shakespeare Society, Professor of English Philology,
Berlin University. Kaiserin-Augustastrasse, 73, Berlin,
W10.
Joseph Hodges Choate, LL.D. of eight Universities,
D.C.L. of Oxford, etc., late American Ambassador to
Great Britain. 60, Wall Street, New York, and Stock-
bridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Charles Simon Clekmont-Ganneau, LL.D., Member of
the Institute of France, Membre-Correspondant de
l'Academie des Sciences de St. Petersbourg, etc. Avenue
de l'Alma 1, Paris, 8e.
68
Henri Cordier, D.Litt., Professor at L'Ecole Speeiale des
Langues Orientales Vivantes, Member of the [nstitute
of Prance. 8, rue de Siam, Paris, XVI1'.
Hermann Diels, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Classical
Philology, Berlin University, Secretary of the Berlin
Akademie d. Wissenschaften, Nvirnbergerstrasse 6511,
Berlin, W. 50.
Henry Van Dyke, Iiev., D.D., Princeton, Harvard, Yale,
Union, Washington, etc., Professor of English Litera-
ture, Princeton, President of Holland Society. Avalon,
Princeton, New Jersey, U.S.A.
Charles William Eliot, Late President of Harvard
University, LL.D. of Princeton, Yale, and John
Hopkins, Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and
Sciences, American Philosophical Society, etc., Officer
of the Legion d'Honneur, France, etc. 17, Quincy
Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Emile Auguste Faguet, Member of French Academy,
Officier de l'lnstruction Publique, Chevalier de la Legion
d'Honneur. Rue Monge 59, Paris Ve.
Jacques Anatole France, Member of French Academy,
Legion of Honour. Villa Said, Paris XVIe.
Theodore Gomperz, Emeritus Professor of Classical
Philology, Member of the Academies of Vienna, Berlin,
France, etc., D.Litt. Cambridge and Dublin, Member of
the Upper House of Parliament, Knight of the Order
" Ehrenzeichen fur Kunst unci Wissenschaft." Plossl-
gasse 4, Vienna IV.
Adolf Harnack, Professor of Church History, Berlin
University, General Director of Royal Library, Fellow
69
of the Akademie der Wisseuschaften, Berlin, Naples,
and Rome, Hon. Fellow of American Society of Arts
and Sciences, of the Society of Historical Theology,
Oxford, of the American Society of Church History,
etc. Berlin, W. 10.
Paul Heyse, Dr.Phil. Munich.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Colonel U.S. Army,
M.A., LL.D. Harvard, Member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, of the Royal Society of Canada,
etc. 29, Buckingham Street, Cambridge, Mass. U.S.A.
William Dean Howells, Litt.D., Yale, Oxon, Columbia,
M.A , LL.D., Kittery Point, Maine, and 130, West
Fifty- Seventh Street, New York.
Jean Adrien Antoine Jules Jusserand, Vice-President
of the Socictc d'Histoire Litteraire de la France,
Member of the American Philosophical Society, etc.
Washington, U.S A.
George Lyman Kittredge, LL.D., Litt.D., Professor of
English, Harvard University. 8, Hilliard Street, Cam-
bridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Gtodefroid Kurth, Directeur de l'lnstitut Historique
Beige a Rome, Professeur eme'rite de l'Universite de
Liege. 18, Piazza Rusticucci, Rome.
Abel Lefranc, Professeur de Langue et Litterature
Francaise Moderne au College de France, Directeur-
ad joint a l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes-Etudes pour
l'Histoire Litteraire de la Renaissance, President de la
Societe des Etudes Rabelaisiennes. Rue Monsieur-le-
Prince 2G, Paris.
70
I'ii.ix Liebermann, Hon. D. C.L. Oxford . LL.D.Cam-
bridge ; Hon. Member of the G-esellschaft der Wissen-
schaften, G-ottingen, etc. Bendlerstrasse 10, Berlin,
W. 10.
Lutzow (Count), Hon. Ph.D. Prague, Hon. D.Litt.Oxon.,
F.R.G.S., Chamberlain of the Emperor of Austria,
Member of the Royal Society of Sciences, and of the
Francis Joseph Academy, Bohemia. Chateau de Zani-
pach, Hnatnice, Bohemia.
Maurice Maeterlinck, Chevalier de la Legion d'Honneur,
and of l'Ordre de Leopold. Abbaye de St. Wandrille,
Seine inf., Prance.
Paul Meyer, Member of Institute of France, Correspond-
ing Fellow of British Academy, Director of Ecole des
Chartes, Hon. Professor in the College de France,
lion. D.C.L.Oxon. Avenue de la Bourdonnais 16,
Paris 7e.
Silas Weir Mitchell, M.D., LL.D., Harvard, Edin-
burgh, and Princetown, M.D.Bologna. 1524, Walnut
Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Germain Morin, D.Litt. honoris causa, Oxon, Correspond-
ing Member of the Society of Antiquaries, France,
Bluthenstrasse 14, Munich.
Fimdtjof Nansen, Dr.PhiL, D.Sc, D.C.L., F.R.G.S.,
Member of the Royal Norwegian Society of Sciences,
etc. Lysaker, nr. Christiania, Norway.
Josu Duarte Ramalho Ortigao, Librarian of Royal
Library of the Ajuda, Member of Portuguese Academy
Honorary Member of the Institute of Coimbra, Corres-
ponding Member of Royal Academy of Spain, of Royal
71
Academy of History, of Royal Academy of San Fernando.
Calcada dos Caetanos 30, Lisbon.
J. M. W. Van per Poorten-Schwartz (Maarten
Maarfcens), LL. D.Utrecht, Hon. LL.D. Aberdeen, Hon
Litt.D. Pennsylvania, Hon. Member Authors' Club,
London and New York. Zonlieuvel Castle, nr. Doom,
Holland.
Menendez y Pelayo (Excmo- Senor Don Marcelino), Doctor
of Philosophy and Letters, Professor of Literature,
Madrid University, Chief of the Biblioteca National,
Madrid, Life Librarian of the Royal Academy of History,
Member of Royal Spanish Academy, etc. The Uni-
versity, Madrid.
Peter Rosegger, Hon. Doctor, Heidelberg University,
Knight of the Order Eisemen Krone, and of the Preussis-
chen Kronenordens, II Class, etc. Graz, Austria.
Paul Sabatier, D.Litt.Oxon., Member of Royal Academy
of Rome. " La Maisonette," par St. Sauveur de
Montagut, Ardeche, France.
Johan Ernst Welhaven Sars, Member of Royal Society
of Science, Christiania, Professor of History, Christiania,
etc. Lysalcer, nr. Christiania, Norway.
ArmInius Vambkry, C.V.O., M.L.L., Professor of Oriental
Languages, etc. Budapesth University.
Valdemar Vedel, Ph.D., Professor of Comparative
Literature, Copenhagen University. Nejsomhedsvey 17,
Copenhagen.
Emile Verhaeren, Chevalier de la Legion d'Honneur
and de l'Ordre de Leopold. Rue Montretout, St. Cloud
(S. and O.), France.
72
Louis Marie Julien Viatjd (Pierre Loti), Captain
French Navy, Member of French Academy. Rue St.
Pierre, Rochefort, France.
Pasqtjale Villari, Senator of Italy, Professor at Regio
Istituto di Studi Superiori, Florence, Member of Insti-
tute of France, Grand Officer of the Order of the Crown
of Italy, Knight of 1st Order Pour le Merite, Prussia.
Florence, Italy.
Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Member of
Academies of Berlin and Paris, of British Academy, of
Academies of Rome, Amsterdam, Budapest, Copenhagen,
etc. Eichenalh'e 12, Westend, Berlin.
Jacob Wille, Ph.D., Oberbibliothekar der Universitat,
Heidelberg. Bunsenstrasse 9, Heidelberg.
Gteorge Edwaed Woodberry, LL.B., Litt.D., Professor
of Comparative Literature, Columbia University,
Beverley, Mass., U.S A.
W. Wundt, Doctor of Medicine, Philosophy, and Law,
Groethestrasse 6, Leipzig.
ADLARD AND SON, IMPK., 23, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE, B.C.
ROYAL SOCIETY OF LITERATURE
rHE ACADEMIC COMMITTEE
COMMEMORATIVE ADDRESSES
ON
Sir ALFRED COMYN LYALL
BY
Q. W. PROTHERO
AND ON
EDWARD HENRY PEMBER
BY
W. J. COURTHOPE
Award of the EDMOND DE POLIGNAC PRIZE.
Thursday, November 23rd, 19"
LONDON
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, E.C.
1912
THE ACADEMIC COMMITTEE.
Alfred Austin.
James Matthew Baerie.
Arthur Christopher Benson.
Laurence Binyon.
Andrew Cecil Bradley.
Robert Bridges.
Joseph Conrad.
William John Courthore.
Austin Dobson.
Edward Dowden.
James George Frazer.
Edmund Gosse.
Viscount Haldane of Cloan.
Thomas Hardy.
Maurice Hewlett.
Henry James.
William Paton Ker.
Andrew Lang.
John William Mackail.
Thomas Sturge Moore.
Viscount Morley.
George Gilbert Murray.
Henry Newbolt.
Sib Arthur Wing Pinero.
George Walter Prothero.
Walter Raleigh.
Anne Isabella, Lady Ritchie.
George Bernard Shaw.
Arthur Woollgar Verrall.
George Wyndham.
William Butler Yeats.
Samuel Henry Butcher died Dec. 29th, 1910.
Alfred Comyn Lyall died April 10th, 1911.
Edward Henry Pember died April 5th, 1911.
Percy W. Ames,
Secretary.
ACADEMIC COMMITTEE.
Meeting at 20, Hanover Square, London, AV.
Thursday, Not-ember 23rd, 1911.
Chairman : Viscount Haldane of Cloan.
The Chairman: It will be for the convenience
of those who are present that I should briefly
indicate the order of our business. The first
part of that business is a sad one. There have
been removed from us two whom most of us
knew well — Mr. Pember and Sir Alfred Lyall.
Mr. Pember had thrown himself with all his
energy, and with his passion for literature, into
the work of the Academic Committee.
He was a man of rare energy, energy which
G
is not often bestowed on literary subjects with
the intensity which lie showed, and we miss
him. Sir Alfred Lyall was one of these very
unusual men who have certain gifts in a very
hierh decree. There was a fineness about him
(Hear, hear), an exquisite sense, which is not
often met with in these islands, and when it is
met with is of a quality which is as precious as
it is rare.
" He was a man, take him foi* all in all,
We shall not look upon his like again."
We shall not readily see anyone with that
combination of qualities which was his. Trained
in affairs, combining with practical knowledge
of life and the insight which the training of
those engaged in statecraft brings, a high
literary sense, and a considerable literary
gift, he was a distinguished member of the
Academic Committee, and him also we shall
miss. Of Mr. Pember, Mr. Conrthope will
speak, Mr. Prothero on Sir Alfred Lyall.
When that is done, I shall come to what I
will not for the moment touch on, and that
is the new position in which the Academic
Committee lias been placed by the generosity
of the Princess de Polignac, and the first
fruits which her gift has brought. For the
moment I abstain from saying any more
about that, and I will ask Mr. Courthope and
Mr. Prothero to speak to us.
IN MEMOBIAM:
EDWARD HENRY PEMBER, M.A., K.C.
By W. J. Courthope, C.B., D.Litt.
All history, I think, shows us that a free
and ancient society, so long as it is in a
thoroughly healthy state, will know how to
harmonise the elements in its life which tend
to action with those which mainly help to
encourage contemplation. The representative
men among its statesmen, its soldiers and
sailors, its lawyers, its merchants — all those, in
short, who carry on the business of the Empire
from day to day — will be active patrons of its
art and literature : its men of imagination, far
from retiring into a monastic pleasure-house of
their own devising, will seek inspiration from
the living interests of their country. We may
fairly make it our boast that this desirable
state of things has prevailed in England from
the time when she became a protagonist in
the cause of European liberty. What may be
called the patriotism of culture perhaps cul-
minated in the epoch succeeding the Revolution
of 1688. Then was the age when the men
of policy deliberately called to their assistance
the men of letters ; the century of Oxford and
Halifax, of Swift and Addison ; the era when
a great soldier like Wolfe declared that his
ambition would have been more than satisfied
had he been the author of Gray's ' Elegy ' ;
the times in which the political philosophy
of Burke shone with a brilliant reflection
in the poetry of Goldsmith and in the
criticism of Johnson. The tradition, initiated
in that period, has been maintained into our
own day, and perhaps, among all active pro-
9
fessions, it lias been most brightly illustrated
in the history and character of the English Bar.
I have but to remind you that at this moment
the illustrious President of the Royal Society
of Literature is the late Lord Chancellor of
England, and that our noble Chairman to-day,
the present Secretary for War, is one of the
chief ornaments of the Society of Lincoln's Inn.
By no man was that great tradition more valued,
by none was it more worthily upheld, than by
him whom the Royal Society of Literature and
the Bar of England have lately lost, and the
commemoration of whose virtues and accom-
plishments has been entrusted to my unworthy
hands — Edward Henry Pember.
It is always desirable, where possible, to
trace the consistency of a character from its
early beginnings. I am unable to do so from
personal recollection in Pember's case, as in
age he belonged to a generation somewhat
earlier than my own, while in active life our
paths were distinct. But I am fortunately
able to supplement my own memories of him
Avith those of eminent contemporaries, who
10
were his associates at school, at the University,
and at the Parliamentary Bar; and from the
testimony of these it will be seen how steady
and equable was the development in him of
those qualities which all who knew him admired
and loved. He entered Harrow in 1 846, when
the school was under the head-mastership of
Charles John Vaughan, one of the finest classical
scholars that the University of Cambridge ever
produced ; and I imagine that the choice sim-
plicity of language, and the refinement of expres-
sion which I remember in my own time to have
been the leading1 characteristics of Vauffhan's
teaching, had already become a tradition of
intellectual discipline in all the forms of the
school ; so that, though Pember left Harrow
before he reached its upper regions, his mind
would have received there that bent towards
exact scholarship on which he afterwards set
so high a value. Among his contemporaries
were two at least in whom the union of scholar-
ship and athletics shone with particular lustre.
Of one of these, Charles Stuart Calverley — then
known by the name of Blayds — Pember was the
11
house-mate, and, I believe, the friend ; and, as
he was always somewhat of a hero-worshipper,
I do not doubt that he enthusiastically
admired alike the wit and genius which after-
wards embodied itself in that exquisite model
of pure and graceful versification, 'Fly-Leaves,'
and the physical prowess of one whose reck-
lessly prodigious feats of leaping Avere tradi-
tional in the memory even of my own times.
The other school-fellow I speak of, the present
Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, known
to all scholars as a composer of Latin verse
that ranks with that of Vida and Addison and
the Marquis of Wellesley, enjoyed as a boy
another kind of glory in the cricket field.
There he shared the amusements of Pember,
and he has kindly furnished me with the
following characteristic recollection of him :
" Pember was a remarkably handsome boy, full
of vivacity, eagerness, fun, self-confidence.
Had he gone into the army he would have
made a brilliant officer, always at the front,
and sure to inspire others." During Dr. Butler's
Head-mastership of Harrow, the old school-
12
fellows renewed their friendship, and Pember
showed his appreciation of the teaching he had
received there by founding " valuable prizes for
Greek and Latin grammar," which the Master
of Trinity tells me have " for the last thirty
years been won by some of the best classical
scholars in the country."
A later stage brought Pember to Oxford,
and here a vivid sketch of the impression he
made on his contemporaries has been given
me by Sir Edward Chandos Leigh, his friend
and colleague at the Parliamentary Bar, who
says, " He won an open studentship at Christ
Church ; he obtained a first class in Modera-
tions and a first class in the Final Classical
Schools ; at the same time, though obliged to
read hard, he was popular and mixed a oreat
deal in general society. Associating, as he did,
with men like Lord Groschen, Sir Robert
Herbert, C. S. Calverley, and Frederic Harri-
son, he also mixed with the best type of
sporting characters, such as Henry Blundell,
Gentleman Commoner of Christ Church, a real
English gentleman and sportsman, and F. D.
Longe, famous both at Harrow and Oxford as
a brilliant cricketer. He possessed a fine voice,
and well do I remember how we enjoyed his
singing at supper-parties, and on one occasion,
at our private theatricals at Stonleigh Abbey,
how he entranced the audience by his rendering
of one of Tom Moore's Irish Melodies."
The artistic side of Pember's nature, of which
we have here an early glimpse, was systemati-
cally cultivated by him. One who was more
intimately associated with all his tastes than
anybody else writes to me about his training in
music : " He studied singing under Peruginifor
several years, in the straitest school of the old
Italian methods. He sang a good deal at one
time in private, but gave it up owing to stress
of work.
" At one period of his life he studied harmony
somewhat thoroughly, so that he may be said
to have had some considerable technical
theoretic knowledge of music. His preference
certainly lay with the earlier forms of music,
the old Italians, Bach, Mozart, Beethoven, etc.
down to Schuman, Schubert, and Chopin. He
14
did not much appreciate the later develop-
ments.
" His work on Sir George Grove's Dictionary
was mainly confined to " Lives of the Early
Italian Musicians." Owing to his great friend-
ship with Sir George, he moved for a consider-
able period of his life a good deal in a society
that was keenly interested in music, and he
had a wide general knowledge of the historical
development of the art."
But while he thus solaced his leisure with
aesthetic enjoyments, which in many cases tend
to absorb all the faculties of a man's nature,
Pember in no way relaxed his energy in the
pursuit of his profession. Sir Edward Chandos
Leigh says of him in his capacity of advocate :
" For ten years before I became Speaker's
Counsel in 1884 I was closely associated with
him at the Parliamentary Bar. At that time
the most eminent leaders were Lord Grim-
thorpe (then Sir Edward Beckett-Denison),
George Venables, and Samuel Pope, and I
may safely say that Pember held his own
with these three great lawyers. Perhaps he
15
had the greatest sympathy with Venables,
who combined forensic ability with a high
appreciation and intimate knowledge of the
classics, and in this respect Pember himself,
a brilliant classic, found a strong bond of
union with him. Pember's unflagging energy,
his great powers of speaking and cross-exa-
mination, and his devotion to their interests,
endeared him to his clients : while his un-
swerving honesty always secured the attention
of the Committee, because of the implicit con-
fidence which they reposed in him."
As I read these characteristic recollections
of Pember, by those who knew him in his early
days and in his professional life, I perceive
how strong1 a light tliev throw on those admir-
able qualities in him which struck me when I
first made his acquaintance some twenty years
aofo. He had then, not long before, been the
sufferer from a crushing family bereavement,
the permanent traces of which must be visible
to those of his friends who have had the oppor-
tunity of reading the poems which he from
time to time printed for private ^circulation.
16
These friends, I think, will have noted that the
issue of his compositions begins only after the
great personal loss to which I have alluded ;
nor will they doubt that, the explanation of this
lies in the soothing and consolatory influences
exerted on his mind by his enthusiastic love of
letters. I met him in those dining clubs and
societies of ancient standing — legacies of the
great eighteenth-century tradition — founded to
promote intercourse between men of general,
and particularly of literary sympathies, which
form continuous links of union between the
altering tastes of successive generations. At
these meetings Pember was always the life and
soul of conversation. He retained to the end
of his life the characteristics of his boyhood, so
appropriately summarised by his school-fellow
the Master of Trinity — "vivacity, eagerness,
fun, self-confidence." These qualities made
him the best of company. Wide reading, and
an equally wide knowledge of the active world,
entitled him to speak with authority on a great
variety of subjects ; and he was never restrained
from the frank expression of opinion by the
17
false feeling of diffidence which hinders many
from the social interchange of thought, through
a sense of the imperfection of their own know-
ledge. But this self-confidence was never
marred by anything like dictatorial dogmatism,
and no one was more ready than he to sur-
render an opinion which could, be positively
shown to rest upon a false foundation.
His personal qualities are vividly reflected in
his poems. What particularly strikes me about
their character is their manliness. They are
utterly devoid of all affectation, of anything
like shop-front advertisement, of attempts
to attract spurious attention to the thing
said by an eccentric manner of saying it.
They illustrate the advice of Sir Joshua Rey-
nolds to the painter — to choose subjects acces-
sible to the general educated imagination.
Those who have read them must have observed
that the themes of his original compositions are
invariably taken either from the great classical
authors or from the Scriptures. In one of them
called " The Finding of Pheidippides " Pember's
treatment of the subject is so characteristic
2
18
that I should like to dwell on it for a moment.
He supposes that Pheidippides — the great
Athenian runner, mentioned by Herodotus
as having run from Athens to Sparta, a
distance of 150 miles, in two days, to ask
help from the Lacedaemonians against the
Persians — after fighting bravely in the battles
of Marathon, Salamis, Artemisium and Plataea,
retired finally from public life under the stress
of an overwhelming personal sorrow. Two
generations later Pheidippides is visited in his
retirement by the young Alcibiades, and the
poet with great skill draws a contrast between
the differing ideals of the two ages — the simple
and unswerving adherence to public duty, in
the representative of the Marathon epoch, and
the brilliant, restless, sophistical aims that came
into fashion during the Peloponnesian War.
Nothing can be more admirable than the way
in which the writer, without doing any violence
to historical facts, contrives to give life and
reality to his seemingly remote theme by
imparting to it the colour of modern times and
of his own personal sympathies.
19
The same features are manifest in his
" Voyage of the Phocaeans " — the first of his
compositions to be printed for the enjoyment of
a circle of private friends — and in " Jepthah's
Daughter," which, I think, was his latest work.
Indeed, in all his original poems the reader will
find the quality which I have described by the
word "manliness"; that love of pure, simple,
and direct diction, which was probably im-
planted, or at least encouraged, in Pember by
his early school education, and was doubtless
confirmed by the conditions which he had every
day to satisfy as one of the prominent orators
at the Parliamentary Bar. How closely his
musical instincts coincided with his literary
taste may be seen from his choice, for the
purposes of translation, of severe, even austere,
authors like Aeschylus and Dante, when com-
pared with his preference for the early Italian
and German composers in the sphere of music.
On the whole his epic and dramatic style seems
to me superior to his lyrical composition ; but
in this department, too, his love of Nature and
his power of simple and direct expression often
20
inspired liim very happily, as in stanzas like
these, which I cite from a poem called
"Winter":
" The winter day is dying* like the year,
With warmth enough to call the bats around,
Behind our hill the young moon rises clear,
And the swift night sweeps up without a sound.
" With evening's parting crimson on her breast,
The full-lipped river glimmers in the meads ;
The hungry snipe runs bleating on her quest,
And cautious wild-fowl call among the reeds.
" I stand alone amid the gathering gloom,
While all the changes of the earth and sky
Pass over me, as over one with whom
Proud Nature cares not to keep company."
It was Pember's genuine and prevailing love
for healthy and masculine art which led to his
association in the latter days of his life with the
Royal Society of Literature. He and I found
from our conversation that a common course of
education had possessed us of many sympathies
of taste, derived mainly from the study of the
classical writers, not only of Greece and Rome,
21
but also of England ; tastes which we knew to
be shared by scholars of great distinction, such
as Richard Claverhouse Jebb, Samuel Henry-
Butcher, the late Lord Collins, and many others.
At the same time we saw that the principles on
which these tastes were founded were in danger
of being impaired, and even overAvhelmed, by
the rush and pressure of modern life, and that,
if they were to be preserved, a stricter union
among those who valued them was recpiired
than was at present organised on their behalf.
Finding1 that similar considerations had also
been in the minds of those who, in the early
part of the last century, founded the Royal
Society of Literature, we succeeded, after
neo-otiations with the President of the Society,
Lord Halsbury, and others of its chief officers,
in settina" on foot a movement which has
effected a revision of its rules, and has given it
the constitution necessary for our strictly con-
servative purposes. In this movement Pember
was the protagonist. His wide acquaintance
with men of action and culture enabled him to
obtain the co-operation of many valuable allies ;
22
and he was, further, the chief instrument in
forming within the Society the Academical
Committee, the first fruits of whose labours we
to-day welcome, through the generosity of an
enlightened founder, in the institution of the
Polignac Prize. Pember, as the prime mover
in the formation of this body, became its first
secretary ; he devoted unremitting attention to
giving it life and character • and I am confident
that I speak the feelings of all its members
when I say that no greater loss could have
befallen it than the removal, while his energies
were still vigorous, of one Avho, in his creative
faculty as well as in his critical taste, embodied
so much of what is best in the history and
traditions of English literature.
I feel that I cannot do better than conclude
my very inadequate testimony, with the tribute
paid by the greatest of Roman orators to the
genius of the poet Archias, which I give you
in the admirable rendering of my friend, the
Master of Balliol College, Oxford :
" You ask me why I take such an extra-
ordinary delight in this man ? It is because lie
23
supplies me with a refuge where my mind can
recruit its powers after the din of the Forum,
and where my ears, tired out with controversy,
may take some repose. Do you think that a
man could find the thoughts to express, day
after day, on such a variety of topics, unless he
cultivated his mind by study ? or that the mind
could bear the strain, unless these same studies
supplied him with relaxation ? "
If Cicero could be with us in our England
of to-day he would acknowledge that it would
be impossible for his words to be more fitly
applied than to the memory of Edward Henry
Pember.
THE RIGHT HON. SIR ALFRED
COMYN LYALL, G.C.I.E., K.C.B,
D.C.L.
BY G. W. L'ROTHERO, LITT.I)., LL.D.
On the first occasion when we met here to
do honour to the memory of a departed
24
colleague, Prof. Gilbert Murray defined so
clearly and so convincingly the principles which
should regulate an address of this nature that
his successors can but follow in his steps. We
are not met to utter or to hear a panegyric on
the dead, but rather to attempt a just estimate
of what he was and what he did, and not so
much to praise as to try, at least, to compre-
hend. That this is a difficult task in the
present case I think my hearers will allow.
So delicate were the shades of character that
went to make up a rare and charming per-
sonality, so varied and in many respects so
admirable were the achievements of Sir Alfred
Lyall, that I cannot but feel how inadequately
I am equipped to play the part of judge.
There is one member of our body whose
supreme fitness for the task no one will deny ;
and we shall all regret, no one more acutely
than myself, that the cares of State and other
reasons have prevented Lord Morley from
undertaking a task which Lyall himself, we
may be sure, would gladly have placed in his
hands.
25
It is given to comparatively few to be both
men of action and men of letters, to spend the
greater part of an energetic life in the service
of the State, and to attain high eminence in
the world of philosophy and literature. In the
annals of our own country such names occur
perhaps more frequently than elsewhere — the
names of statesmen or administrators who
have beguiled their leisure and widened the
circle of their fame by literary efforts of a high,
even of a splendid order. It is a long and
illustrious line that extends from More and
Raleigh and Sidney and Bacon, through
Clarendon and Bolingbroke, Burke and
Macaulay, to Disraeli and Gladstone. And
it is a line unbroken still, for we need not go
beyond this room to find living examples of
men who have attained to eminence both in
letters and in politics. But such men, in com-
parison with those whose activities are limited
to one or the other sphere, are and must be
rare. I would not indeed be understood as
wishing to place Lyall on a level, in regard to
either his political or his literary work, with
26
the great men whom I have mentioned, but
he is of their kind; and it is his first and
most obvious distinction that lie is to be
placed, if only as a minor star, in that brilliant
constellation.
Of his public work, even were I in a position
to estimate it except at second hand, this is
not the place to treat at length. The Society
on whose behalf I have been chosen to speak
is concerned with literature, not with politics
and administration. But in any judgment of
Lyall as a man of letters, it is a fact to be
remembered that nearly fifty years — two-thirds
of his life — were spent in the service of the
State, either at home or abroad. It is a fact
to be borne in mind, because in the first place
such public activity leaves, as a rule, but little
leisure or mental energy for other tasks, and
because, in the second place, it was his almost
life-long connection with one great department
of government that determined the bent of his
studies, and supplied, in one way 01* another,
the subject-matter of almost all his literary
Avork.
27
Going out to India in 1856 as a Civil
Servant, with the prospect of peaceful duties
before him, he was almost immediately plunged
into the fierce tumult of a soldier's life. On
the outbreak of the Mutiny, he, like others in
his position, exchanged the pen for the sword,
and won special mention in despatches for Ins
" excellent services " in the field. The Mutiny
suppressed, Lyall returned to his civilian duties
and to the task of rendering the foreign
blessings of peace and order as little unpalatable
as they might be to the reluctant populations
committed to his charge. His abilities were
recognised, and he rose rapidly to positions of
great and greater responsibility. As Com-
missioner of Berar, as Agent in Rajputana, as
Home Secretary and subsequently Foreign
Secretary to the Indian Government, finally as
Lieutenant-Governor of the North- West Pro-
vinces, he had ample opportunities of studying
from many sides the working of the vast and
intricate machine of State, of forming con-
clusions on the largest questions of policy and
o-overnment, and of collecting those stores of
28
knowledge concerning native religion, law and
thought which in his 'Asiatic Studies ' be turned
to such admirable account. We are justified,
indeed, in supposing that the observation of
facts and the formation of ideas respecting the
peoples of India were to him the chief allevia-
tion of laborious years, the reward for constant
immersion in administrative details for which
he had little taste. It ma}T be gathered that,
though he rilled high and important posts,
and filled them with success and honour, his
administrative career did not confer on him
any special title to fame. It was as a coun-
sellor that he specially excelled. His services
to India were by no means ended when he
finally left that country in 1888, for, as a
member of the India Council, he brought
thenceforward, for the space of fifteen years,
his wisdom and ripe experience to the aid of
successive Secretaries of State. It stands on
good authoritv that among the advisers of the
Indian Government no voice more influential
than his was heard. He saw both sides of
every question that came before him; and a
29
high officer of State once remarked that, when-
ever an important step was to be taken, he
never failed to consult Lyall with particular
care, for from him he was certain to gather all
that could reasonably be urged against the
course proposed.
The discharge of grave and onerous duties
in the continuous employment of the State
from early youth to age leaves but little time
for the pursuit of literature. But Lyall made
the best use of such leisure as he enjoyed ; and,
long before he left India for good, his name
was known as that of an original thinker on
difficult and abstruse topics, a diligent and pro-
ductive student, and a writer gifted with real
distinction of style. His literary output is indeed
not large in bulk; quantity was, in the circum-
stances, not to be expected ; but its quality is,
without exception, admirable, and it exhibits
unusual variety. As historian and biographer,
as essayist and poet, in narrative and in
argument, in research and in exposition, in the
lighter as well as in the graver veins of
literature, he alike excelled; and, on whatever
30
subject he may be engaged, his writing illu-
minates, charms, persuades. Whether, with
Jowett, we hold that style is connection, or
describe it, with Aristotle, as the art of
saying things plainly without meanness, in-
deed whatever definition of style we adopt,
Lyall possessed, in no small degree, that
supreme gift of authorship ; and, in his case, the
style undoubtedly was the man. His writings
exhibit an abundance of both thought and
knowledge ; but it is thought which has run
clear, and knowledge which does not encumber
but supports. It is a style free from eccentri-
cities, devoid of rhetoric, superfluous ornament,
or forced antithesis. It is restrained, tranquil
and unaffected, elevated without pomposity,
simple without commonness, charming without
familiarity, polished but not precious, attractive
without any apparent effort to attract ; in short,
the style of a man who has things to say that
are worth hearing, and says them as they
should be said, with due consideration for the
subject, his hearers and himself.
Lyall's personality shows itself in all his
31
work, most of all, perhaps, in those Asiatic
Studies which are his chief title to fame. And
it was a rich and complex personality, shot
with strange hues and somewhat bewildering
contrasts, with its underlying strain of melan-
choly and its delicate sensibility, its veiled
humour and gentle irony; too sceptical for
enthusiasm, too critical for worship ; tempera-
mentally indolent but intellectually alert ;
humble but independent; emotional but in-
tensely sane ; bold in speculation, in action
cautious, even hesitating ; reserved and a little
chilling to the newcomer, but capable of un-
bosoming itself with warm affection to intimate
friends ; easy and fascinating in conversation,
but preserving always a certain aloofness from
the outer world. These essays of his betray
rather than enforce his subtle appreciation of
motives and points of view alien to the western
mind, and his deep sympathy with the passive
and unchanging East, strangely combined with
the consciousness that he himself is the official
representative of the bustling, the revolutionary
West. He cannot dismiss his doubts as to the
32
efficacy of human efforts after progress, and is
yet convinced that for the sake of society such
efforts must be made. He perceives the irony
of fate ; and a tinge of fatalism habitually
colours his estimate of all endeavour. He
regrets the old order that changeth, giving
place to new ; he casts back a wistful glance at
the primitive, the uncivilised, the free. He
hopes that the inevitable change may be, he
enjoys no certainty that it will be, an advance
towards the greater happiness of mankind.
It is the clash of East and West, the contrast
between European and Asiatic ideals, the
differences in the social order, in methods of
government, above all, in religion, between our-
selves and our fellow-citizens in that vast
and varied continent which we call India, that
form the main subject of these brilliant volumes.
Above all, I may repeat, it was religion that
attracted Lyall's attention ; and for the student
of comparative religion, for all who desire to
know, in particular, the religious mind of the
Hindu, his work has rightly become a classic.
Whether he would ever have had the industry
33
and perseverance to amplify and combine these
essays into a great work on Indian or on
comparative religion may perhaps be doubted.
Even in other circumstances a work de longue
haleine might have been beyond his powers or
his inclination. Nevertheless it is evident
throughout that he draws from a wide reservoir
of knowledge, by no means confined to India.
He brings Grote and Mill and Buckle to the
bar of accurate scientific observation. He
forms his own conclusions as to the source of
religious myths, and upholds the notion of their
historical origin against that of a personification
of natural forces. "Within the domain of re-
ligion," he remarks, "as sometimes within that
of history, it is worth while to point out the
danger of carrying too far the method which
obliterates the influence of persons, and ascribes
all movement to general causes, physical or
metaphysical."
In one of the most instructive of his essays
he sets forth the contrast between East and
West in their views on the connection between
religion and morality. In India, he remarks,
34
a theological sanction is necessary to every
social advance, to every change of custom.
Vaccination without the aid of theology is
doomed to fail. But the Hindu, like the Greek,
is apt to separate religion and morality. The
Jews founded religion on righteousness, and,
at least in the later days of Hebraism, attri-
buted, according to their lights, the highest
virtues to Jehovah. Christianity confirmed,
this connection, giving it a still more spiritual
content. But in the East morality demands no
explanation, no leading, from theology. The
Hindu can see no benevolent God in nature ;
he predicates no virtue in the Almighty powers ;
he worships, but from fear, not love. And
these views Lyall, in his practical way, is in-
clined to connect with social and material
conditions. Mill asserts that the lot of man can-
not be improved without a fundamental change
in modes of thought. Lyall maintains that the
converse is rather true. Change the conditions,
and religion and morality will follow. I imagine
that Lecky — so at least we may infer from his
treatises on the growth of rationalism and of
35
morals — would have been inclined to agree
with Lyall.
I have referred to Lyall's practical side ; and
it is remarkable that in these discussions
of ideas, of customs, of social and religious
views he does not lose sight of their applica-
bility to the problems of government. These
volumes are not mere contributions to science
and philosophy; they abound in practical reflec-
tions on the nature and results of the British
dominion in India, and on the line of conduct
which it should pursue in view of existing social
and religious conditions.
How far the views which Lyall puts into
the mouth of Vamadeo Shastri, the Brahmin
educated in the learning of the East and of the
West, represent his own sentiment, it would be
difficult to say. They are, at all events, so
representative of the Hindu mind that a learned
Babu is . said, on good authority, to have
taken them for the genuine utterances of a
compatriot. Nevertheless Lyall is assuredly
thinking of himself when he makes Vamadeo
say, " The truth is, I am rather of a melan-
36
choly and vaguely speculative temperament " ;
and again, " I am plagued by the inveterate
habit of regarding all sublunary matters from
the religious point of view." We might even
go so far as to suppose that, in one of his
sceptical moods, he would have applauded the
remark, " Politics I cannot help regarding as
the superficial aspect of deeper problems;
and for progress, the latest incarnation of
European materialism, I have an incurable
distrust."
With the grave but gentle irony that becomes
an Eastern sage, Vamadeo hints that the
benefits which the Hindu derives from an
English education are balanced by some serious
defects ; that popular religion is being under-
mined and nothing put in its place; that
materialism is making rapid progress, while
the government opposes to it no higher aims.
He is apprehensive of what may come of the
impending religious anarchy ; as one who has
studied the habitual practice of eastern
potentates, recognised by their subjects as
essential to order and control, he cannot under-
stand the attitude of neutrality — that is, as they
regard it, of negation — adopted by the British
Raj ; why, he asks, should religion actuate
individuals but not governments ? And it
would be a dangerous mistake to regard
Brahminism, with Max Midler, as a moribund
religion. On the contrary, it propagates itself
perpetually by a natural process of absorption
— natural because of its very vagueness and
undogmatic elasticity. In one of those
luminous generalisations which Vamadeo must
surely have borrowed from Lyall, he points
out that, while religious ideas have arisen in the
East, the systematic organisation — the crystal-
lising, one may say — of religion comes from the
West. The Hindu cannot regard dogma as
final ; he is speculating still upon those ques-
tions which occupied the attention of the Early
Church. And, we are left to infer, he will
continue, whatever we do, to speculate.
To this practical problem of the attitude of
the State towards religion Lyall more than
once returns. In one essay he illustrates it by
the practice of China, where three great
38
religions receive State recognition, and willingly
submit to a certain amount of State control;
where, through the practice of deifying benefi-
cent men, Hades itself becomes, as he puts it,
an outlying province of the empire; and where,
by the combination of spiritual and temporal
powers, the Emperor is the veritable keystone
of the arch of State. In another essay, through
which runs a delicate vein of humour, never
obtruded, but rather resembling the aroma of
those onion atoms which, in Sydney Smith's
famous recipe, "permeate the bowl," he
sketches the vacillations of British policy
in regard to the Hindu religions, and implies
rather than asserts that we have committed
a grave error in surrendering all religious
control. In the chaos which now exists, vast
changes, he thinks, may rapidly occur ; there is
danger of a great religious explosion. Some
aspects of the recent troubles in India add
special force to this warning ; but Lyall's con-
clusion is clear. It is our duty to hold the
balance level and to keep control. " If ever,"
he asserts, " the imperial system was necessary
BO
and fitted to a time and country, it is to India
as we see it now."
It may well be surmised that this conviction
owed no little of its cogency to the careful
study which Lyall devoted to the history of our
Indian Empire. His admirable qualities as
an historian are displayed in his well-known
work on ' The Rise and Expansion of the
British Dominion in India.' The story of that
wonderful and romantic achievement has not
always been told with the detachment and
impartiality which the subject demands. It is
easy to condemn the actions of great men
entrusted with the care of vast interests in
remote countries, amid barbaric or semi-
civilised peoples, under all the temptations
which absolute power in such circumstances
presents; and, no doubt, in the establishment
of British Dominion, especially in its earlier
days, deeds were done which are incapable of
justification. But in their dealing with such
matters great writers — notably James Mill and
Macaulay — have imported prejudices detri-
mental to historic truth ; and through their
40
influence public opinion lias for generations
suffered serious distortion.
No better corrective of such errors can be
found than that which is supplied by Lyall's
historical works. His training eminently fitted
him for the formation of those large and sane
views in which he excels. A remark which he
makes in his 'Life of Lord Dufferin' might well
have been applied to himself. " Practical
politics," he says, " personal intercourse with
statesmen, travel, and experience of government
in different stages of civilisation are better
than erudition for a real understanding1 of
Greek and Roman (and he might have added
of Indian) civilisation." His History of British
India is indeed unique among treatises on this
subject in its impartiality, its sane and con-
vincing judgments, its comprehensive grasp,
its sense of proportion, its perception of what
matters and what does not, the clearness and
connection of its narrative, the philosophical
exposition of causes and results. It does not,
indeed, pretend to be based on original re-
search, nor does it add largely to our know-
41
ledge of events; but it teaches us how to
connect facts, and how to draw the right con-
clusions. The writing may not possess the
sparkle which we have come to regard as bril-
liancy— a quality which may easily be rated
too high ; but, what is far better, it shines
throughout with clarity of phrase and the dry
light of historic truth.
Nor does the author confine himself solely
to the past. In the final chapter of the most
recent edition — almost the last thing that he
wrote — he discusses the nature and weighs the
results of the latest phases of British policy
in India. He would steadily uphold the rights
of the native states, and recognise their
limited but real autonomy. He approves the
policy of the " buffer-state," and insists on the
necessity of a protectorate or quasi-protectorate
over the wild peoples who fringe our frontier
from the Shan States to Beluchistan. The
cautious wisdom of the Liberal-Conservative
statesman appears in his recognition at once of
the necessity and of the risks of constitutional
reform ; the outcome of his whole survey is
42
seen in the confident affirmation that the
alliance between England and India " cannot
now be interrupted or impaired without irre-
parable injury to both nations."
His short ' Life of Warren Hastings ' presents
the same qualities as his history, concentrated
on a narrower field. The story derives an
enhanced vividness from the grouping of facts
round a single heroic figure, and from the
romantic nature of one of the most stirring'
episodes in the annals of Hindustan. The
contentious character of the subject, so long
the battle-field of party-strife, of ignorance and
political prejudice, affords peculiar scope to
Lyall's serene judgment and scrupulous im-
partiality. "Men," he justly reminds us,
" appointed to govern distant and unsettled
provinces . . . are more like naval com-
manders on the high seas than constitutional
governors " ; and judgment must be dealt
accordingly. Tf of any biography it may
truly be asserted that it "nothing extenuates,
nor aught sets down in malice," it may be
asserted of this. It is no panegyric of Hastings ;
43
it does him full justice, and no more. Since
the book was written, the publication of certain-
important documents has necessarily modified
some few of Lyall's statements ; while the
subsequent publication of Admiral Mahan's
great work enabled him to fill up, in the
' History,' a serious gap left by the smaller book
in the narrative of the war with France. But
such details do not appreciably impair the
merits of this illuminating little book — a book
which admirably corrects the perversions or
mistakes of Burke and Sheridan, of Macaulay
and Mill, and incidentally disposes of the gibe
once uttered, I think, by Seeley— that India
was conquered in a fit of absence of mind.
Two other essays in biography Lyall made
— a sketch of Tennyson and his works in a
well-known series, and a full-length life of
Lord Dufferin, some time Governor of India.
In both these tasks he enjoyed the advantage
of personal intimacy with his subjects. He
had served in responsible positions under Lord
Dufferin in India ; he had long been a friend
of Tennyson, and it was in his son's house that
44
he died. Lord Dufferin's public career was
one that could well bear the full light of day,
and might be narrated without those silences
which are not infrequent in official biographies.
It is a fascinating life-story, attractive not
only from the personal charm and the brilliant
if somewhat superficial accomplishments of its
hero, but still more from the extraordinary
variety of Lord Dufferin's employments and
the complexity of the interests which in Syria
and Egypt, in Canada and India, at Constanti-
nople, at Paris, and at Rome were committed
to his charge. With full mastery of the facts,
with his customary lucidity and sense of pro-
portion, with equal facility and felicity of
expression, Lyall follows his subject through
these varied scenes. On the episode of the
Viceroyalty he speaks with first-hand know-
ledge ; and this is the most valuable portion of
a work which has hardly enjoyed, in popular
estimation, the success that, in my opinion, it
deserves. Nevertheless, when all is said, it
can hardly be asserted that the ' Life of Lord
Dufferin ' enjoys any superlative distinction
45
among works of a similar nature. It is good ;
if another had written it, one might say it is
very good ; but it does not display the author
at his very best.
In the short life of Tennyson, Lyall under-
took a difficult task — to sketch the life and to
estimate the work of the greatest poet of our
generation. With all its merits — and it has
great merits — it is perhaps the least successful
of his books. On the poet's life he adds, and
could be expected to add, nothing of impor-
tance to the full biography which had preceded.
In discussing the poetry of Tennyson there
was more room for originality ; but the criticism
cannot be said to be original. The book labours
under a disadvantage almost inseparable from
the dual task to which I have referred, in that
the criticisms are broken up and interspersed
among the successive chapters of the life, so
that we nowhere obtain a summary estimate or
presentation of the poetry as a whole ; while,
in regard to some, at least, of the later poems,
one cannot suppress, when reading between the
lines, the suspicion that, had the critic felt per-
46
fectly free to say what was in bis mind,, he
would have spoken in a somewhat different
tone. It was Lyall's only essay in the difficult
art of criticism ; and, though his remarks show
wide reading in poetical literature, and, espe-
cially in regard to the philosophical poems, a
keen and appreciative judgment, we miss that
penetrative flash of insight, those profound
generalisations, that vivid perception of con-
cealed affinities, by which a great critic would
have enabled us not only to comprehend the
writer, but to place him in the long line
of those who have developed and ennobled
English song.
Lyall himself deserves a place, if but a
subordinate place, in this noble line. His one
slender volume of verse contains true poetry,
the musical expression of genuine poetic amo-
tion called forth, for the most part, by incidents
of his career in India. Some of the most
striking pieces enshrine the memories of the
Mutiny, in the suppression of which he took
part. But it is not the fierce, joy of Qombat or
the elation of victory that inspires his Muse; it
47
is rather the tender melancholy engendered by
some pathetic episode, the recollection of some
vain and forgotten deed of heroism, and a
generous sympathy with the defeated cause.
And, what is of special interest to ns on this
occasion, the poems show the inner heart of the
man — that heart which Lyall certainly did not
wear upon his sleeve. It is true that we must
not expect to find either the grace and finish
of Tennyson or the hammer-stroke and preg-
nant force of Browning, the voluptuous melodies
of Swinburne, or the clear-cut imagery of
Rossetti. Lyall is not to be ranked with these
great contemporaries ; his poetry is on a lower
plane. Poetry, we must remember, was not
his profession, but the distraction of his lighter
hours, and that only while ho was still young.
Nevertheless the true lyric emotion is there —
in the visions of Indian scenes whose haunting
sadness will not die, in the feeling for the
ancient races and the vanished or vanishing
traditions of a romantic past, in the suppressed
longing of the exile for home. Many, and
perhaps the best,.of these little poems are semi-
48
dramatic ; that is, they represent thoughts and
feelings which are not Lyall's own, but into
which he entered with an extraordinary power
of assimilation. In one, it is the Hindu prince
who meditates upon by-gone splendours and
the riddle of what is to come.
" Here are the tombs of my kinsfolk, the fruit of an
ancient name,
Chiefs who were slain on the war-field, and women
who died in flame ;
They are gods, these kings of the foretime ; they
are spirits who guard our race ;
Ever I watch and worship ; they sit with a marble
face.
"Is life, then, a dream and delusion, and where shall
the dreamer awake ?
Is the world seen like shadows on water ? and what
if the mirror break ?
Shall it pass as a camp that is struck, as a tent that
is gathered and gone
From the sands that were lamp-lit at eve, and at
morning are level and lone ? "
In another it is the aged Rajput chief who,
clinging to the ancient ways, submits with
oriental fatalism to the new —
49
" I can but follow my fathers' rule ;
I cannot learn in an English school.
Yet the hard world softens, and change is best ;
My sons must leave the ancient ways ;
The folk are weary, the land shall rest,
And the gods are kind, for I end my days."
Or, again, it is Siva —
" the God of the sensuous fire,
That moulds all nature in forms divine — "
Siva, who knows that, whatever happens,
his worship will remain, for it enshrines under
barbaric forms a philosophy of eternal things —
" Let my temples fall — they are dark with age ;
Let my idols break — they have had their day;
On their deep-hewn stones the primeval sage
Has figured the spells that endure alwa}r.
My presence shall vanish from river and grove,
But I rule for ever in Death and Love."
Finally, it is the West that says to the
East—
"The lightning that shivers, the storms that sweep,
The wide full flood and the drowning- waves —
50
Still do ye fear them, and worship and weep ?
They are still your gods ? They shall be your
slaves.
:c Ye have courted them vainly with passion and
prayer •
Their gifts are but silence and infinite rest ;
If the heavens are empty the earth may be fair ;
There is one life only, so labour is best."
And the East replies —
" If the lords of our life be pleasure and pain,
And the earth is their kingdom, and none may
flee,
Ye may take their wages who wear their chain ;
I may serve them never, and sleep is free.
" Ye shall float and fade in the world of sense,
As the clouds that hover, the rays that gleam ;
No hand shows whither, no tongue says whence —
Let me rest nor be troubled, if all is dream."
That strange and undying contrast none has
felt, in our time at least, more keenly than
Lyall; none has expressed it with greater charm
and power. Had he died among the primitive
peoples whom he ruled and loved, his own
theory of myth and religion might have been
realised in his person. He might — may we not
51
imagine? — have become a deified spirit and
been raised to the dim and populous Pantheon
of the Hindu gods, as one who fused in himself,
to an unparalleled degree, the thought, the
ideals, the longings of the eastern and the
western worlds.
The Chaikman : We are grateful to Mr.
Courthope and Mr. Prothero for having spoken
as they have spoken, and as we should have
wished. It is not for us to say anything in
words, but to think. 1 will now pass to the
next part of the business, and that is, the
announcement of the nature of the prize which
the Princess de Polignac has founded for the
advancement of the objects of the Academic
Committee. The Princess desires that this
endowment should be a memorial to the
name of her husband, the late Prince de
Polignac, himself one whose interest in, and
52
sympathy with, literature and art were of
the keenest. And she has taken the oppor-
tunity of doing something else. Her own
feeling was for forming literature and for
style, and she has wished to help this Committee
in its object of bringing to the front the forma-
tion of literature and style. She has chosen
the Committee as the instrument through
which her object may be accomplished, and
she has founded this prize and also an en-
dowment for the Committee. She has given
us for five years the annual sum of £150 for
the purpose of the Committee, and of that
£100 is to be devoted annually to a prize, the
object of which I will presently explain.
It is a generous gift this, a generous endow-
ment. (Applause.) I am expressing, I
believe, the sense of all of you when I convey
your thanks to the Princess, who is present, not
only for the gift, but for the spirit and ideas
with which it has been accompanied. (Ap-
plause.) Now, here are the conditions which
attach to the prize. I need not tell you that
its one purpose is the encouragement of style,
53
and it is to be a single prize of £100, given
in each year, and not to be divided. It is to
be given to an author in respect of a particular
piece of work, a particular book. The book
selected must belong to the current year, must
have been published in the calendar year ended
December 31st preceding the award, which is
to be made in November each year. What we
hope to do is to crown a piece of work for each
literary year. The award is to have special
regard, not to the past of the author, nor even
necessarily to his present, but to his future, and
what the judges are to look for is literary
promise. What we wish is to distinguish those
to whom we shall look in the future for
sustained credit for British literature. No
author will receive the prize twice; that almost
follows from what I have said. And I need not
say that we do not confer the prize on ourselves.
(Laughter.) The Academic Committee are
excluded. Nor do we desire any applications or
recommendations. They will be counted for un-
righteousness on the part of those who send them
in. (Laughter.) There is a Heading Committee
54
which is appointed, which makes suggestions to
the Academic Committee, and guides it in the
bestoAval of the prize. Those are the conditions
which have been approved by the Princess for
the regulation of this prize, the Edmond de
Polignac prize for the advancement of form in
literature. And I say again that it is an endow-
ment as valuable as it is generous, and I hope
much good will come from it. (Applause.)
And now I come to mention the first fruits of
this. The Committee have selected, after
much consideration, Mr. Walter de la Mare as
the one on whom their choice has fallen for
this year, and that in respect of a particular
work within the rule, the book known as ' The
Return,' which he has recently published. I
have the pleasure of congratulating Mr. de la
Mare on the fact that he has the distinction
of being the first recipient of the Edmond de
Polignac prize. (Applause.) Ladies and
o-entlemen, that closes the business.
ADLARD AND SON, IMl'K., LONDON AND DORKING.
£
BINDING SEC ». JUL 4 1*0
PN Royal Society of Literature
22 of the United Kingdom, London
R6 Essays ^r divers hands
Ser.2
v.31
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY