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HANDBOUND 
AT  THE 


UNIVERSITY  OF 
TORONTO  PRESS 


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o  7- 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS 


OF      IHJB 


ESSEX   INSTITUTE 


'\7'OXjTT»fXX:      X;. 


salem:: 

Publislied  for   the   Essex   Institute^. 

BY  HENRY  WHIPPLE  &   SON, 

1859. 


F 
It 

v./ 


613107 


%_ 


CONTENTS. 


lotroduction, ' 1 

LesUr-'a   lietreat, 2 

The  Ilathnrn -s, 2 

Abstrauts  iVom  Wills,  Inventories,  &c.,  on  file  in  the  of- 
fice of  the  Clerk  of  the  Courts,  Salem      Copied  by 

Ira  J.  Patch 3 

Materials  f  jr  a  History  of  the  IngersoU  faaiily  in  Salem,  12 

A  Revolutiunary   Letter, 13 

Kelics  of  a  '■  Peculiar  Inatitution  "  in  Salem, 14 


TSTuinbei*   1. 

Ancient  Pulpit  Notices, 14 

Curious  Indenture  between  a  Master  and  Servant  in 

1713, , 14 

KarratiTe  of  the  Piracy  of  the  Ship  friouJship,  of  Sa» 

lera,  by  CM.  Eodicott, 15 

Extracts  from  the  first  book  of  BirtliS,  Marriages  and 
Deaths  of  the  City  of  Salem.     Cupied   by    Ira  J. 

Patch 35 


Nu-inber   2. 


Extracts  from  Records  kept  by  Rev.  John  Fiske,  during 
his  ministry  at  Salem,  4'c 

Odd  Notes,— Normau  Kings,  1066—1151 

Meiliciues  in  "  Old  Times," 

Trees  in  the  streets  of  Salem,  in  May,  1S59 

Abotr«cts  from  Wills, Inventories,  &c., on  .le in  the  of- 
fice of  Uie  Clerk  of  the  Courts  Salem, 

Minutes  fur  a  Genealogy  of  the  Jacobs  familj,  by  C. 
M.  Eiidicott, 

Brick  Buildings  in  Salem,  in  1806, 

Biographical  Sketches  of  Rev.  Joseph  Green,  Rev.  Peter 
Clark,  and  Rev.  B.  Wadsworth,  ministers  in  Salem 
Village,  (now  Danvers,)  by  S.  P.  Fowler 


General  Court  in  Salem,  in  1774 66 

37    Samuel  Browne's  Letter  to  Capt,  John  Tjuzell,  voyage 
44        to  the  West  Indies,  December  19, 17-'7, 66 

46  Notice  to  Proprietors  of  Beverly  Bridge,  iu  1788,. ...     66 

47  Richard  Weight  and  John  Bushueil's  depusitiuna  be- 

fore Gov.  Endicott,  20,  4, 1655.  • 67 

48  Some  Remark^  on  the  Commerce  of  Salem,  from   1620 

to  1740,  with  a  Sketch  of  Philii>  English,  a  mer- 
52  chant  iu  Salem,  from  about  1670  to  abuul  1733-4, 
55  \>j  G.  F.  Chever 67 


66 


Number   3, 


Some  Remarks  upon  the  Commerce  of  Salem,  from  1626 
to  1740,  bv  George  F.  Chever.    Continued., 77 

Abstracts  from  Wills,  Inventories,  &c.,  on  file  in  the  Of- 
fice of  Clerk  of  Courts,  Salem,  Mass 91 

Cnrius  Bill  of  Lading  of  a    'Whightt  llors,"  7 

TLe  Okl  Planters  of  Salem,  who  were  settled  here  before 
the  arrival  of  Governor  Endicott,  in  1628,  by  Geo. 
D.  Phippen 97 


Letter  of  Hon.  B.  Goodhue,  M.  C,  to  Elias  Uaskett 

Derby,  City  of  New  York  in  1787 Ill 

Privateer  Junius  Brutus m 

Expedition  to  Rhode  Island  in  1778 112 

Extracts  from  the  first  book  of  Births,  Marriages  and 

Deaths  of  the  City  of  SUem.    Continued 113 

A  Genealogical   Ramble l]5 

The  Very  Family ne 


ISTiimber    4r. 

86me  remarks  on  the  Crtmmerce  of  Salem,  from  1626  to  John  Lyford 1  48 

1740.  with  a  Sketch  of  Philip  English,  a  Merchant  John  Woodbury J50 

in  S ilem,  from  about  1670  to  about  1733-1,  (contin-  William  Woodbury jSj- 

ued),  by  Genrpe  P.  ('hever, 117  John   Balch 151 

Abstracts  from  WilU,  Inventories,  &c.,  on  file  in  the  Of-  Materials  for  a  Genealogy  of  the  IngersoU   Family,  by 

fice  of  Clerk  of  Courts.  Salem,  (continuerl)  143  B.  F.  B I53 

The  "  Old  Planters"  of  Salem,  who  were  settled  before  Notes  on  Americon  Currency,  No.  1,  by  M.  A.  Stick- 

the  arriv  ,1  of  Gov.  Endicott  in  1623,  '.continued)  by  ney jgj 

Geo.  D.  Phippan 145  The  Endicott  House  in  Salem 158 

Number   5. 


A'  Sketch  of  Philip  English— a  merchant  in  Salem  from 
about  1670  to  about  1733-4— by  Giorge  F.  Chever,.  .157 

Abstracts  from  Wills,  Inventories,  &c.,  on  file  in  the 
O.TiCf  of  Cl>;rk  of  Courts,  Salem,  Mass.  Continued. 
Cojiicd  by  Ira  J.  Patch, 181 


Thomas  Gray 188 

John  Tilley 188 

Thomas  Gardner, 190  • 

Bichard  Norman 191 

John  Norman 191 


Nathan  Keed.  Sketch  of, 184    Richard  Norman,  jr 192- 


The  "Old  Platiters"  of  Salem,  who  were  settled  here  before 
the  arrival  of  Gov.  Endicott,  in  1638 — Concluded — 
by  George  D.Phippen. — viz: 

Peter  Palfray 185 

Walter  Knight 186 

lYiUiam  Alien 187 . 


William  Trask 193 

William  Jefifry 195  . 

John  Lyford 197 

Extracts  from     the  first  book   of  Births,  Marriages 

and  Deaths,  of  the  City  of  Salem.        Continued. 

Copied  by  Ira  J.  Patch. ■ 2a0.> 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 

OF    THE 

ESSEX    INSTITUTE. 


Vol.   I. 


April,    1859. 


No.    1. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  principal  object,  that  the  founders 
of  the  Essex  Historical  Society  had  in 
view,  at  the  organization  of  said  Society, 
(which,  in  1848,  was  incorporated  with 
the  Essex  County  Natural  History  Socie- 
ty, under  the  name  of  the  Essex  Insti- 
tute,) was  the  collection  and  preservation 
of  all  authentic  memorials  relating  to  the 
civil  history  of  the  County  of  Essex,  in 
the  state  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  the 
eminent  men  who  have  resided  within  its 
limits,  from  the  first  settlement ;  and 
thus  to  provide  ample  materials  for  a  cor- 
rect history  of  this  part  of  our  Common- 
wealth. 

In  furtherance  of  the  plans  contemplat- 
ed by  these  early  Pioneers  in  our  local  his- 
tory, it  is  proposed  to  issue,  occasionally, 
as  circumstances  may  permit,  a  serial  pub- 
lication, to  be  called  THE  HISTORICAL 
COLLECTIONS  OF  THE  ESSEX  IN- 
STITUTE. 

This  publication  will  contain  abstracts 
of  Wills,  Deeds,  and  other  documents 
which  are  deposited  in  the  offices  of  the 
County  of  Essex;  Records  of  Bibxhs, 
Mabbiages,  Deaths,    Baftisxs,   &c., 


gleanings  firom  Town  and  Chtteoh  Rec- 
ords, in  said  County ;  Inscriptions  and 
Epitaphs  from  the  old  Burial  Grounds; 
also,  such  other  materials  of  a  kindred 
nature  as  may  be  obtained  from  other 
sources. 

Selections  from  the  reports  and  com- 
munications of  a  historical  character, 
which  have  been  read  at  the  meetings  of 
the  Essex  Institute,  will  appear  in  its 
pages,  or  such  abstracts  of  the  same  as 
may  be  deemed  advisable. 

Genealogical  sketches  of  the  familiSfe 
of  the  early  settlers,  will  occasionally  be 
inserted ;  several  have  already  been  pre- 
pared with  much  care  and  accuracy.  Al- 
so, brief  biographical  notices  of  those  in- 
dividuals who  have  been  identified  with 
the  prominent  interests,  or  have  held  re- 
sponsible positions  in  the  public  afiairs 
of  this  section  of  the  state. 

Finally,  such  facts  and  statements  as 
Avill  tend  in  any  manner  to  elucidate  the 
history  of  this  county,  in  all  the  various 
relations  to  society,  will  be  duly  chroni- 
cled. 

It  will  be  our  earnest  endeavor  to 
make  this  publication  the    medium    of 


communication  with  the  public,  of  all 
materials  of  the  above-named  character, 
which  may  come  into  our  possession,  pro- 
vided that  sufficient  patronage  be  ex- 
'  tended  to  authorize  its  continuance. — 
When  we  consider  that  this  County  is  one 
of  the  earliest,  settled  by  Europeans,  in  New 
England ;  that  the  various  records  extend 
back  nearlv  to  its  first  settlement  ;  and 
that  the  descendants  of  these  Pioneers,  or 
their  immediate  followers,  are  now  scat- 
tered over  every  section  of  this  Union,  it 
is  reasonable  to  infer,  that,  if  our  work  is 
faithfully  executed,  a  liberal  response  will 
be  given.  We  cordially  invite  the  co- 
operation of  all  friends  of  historic  re- 
search, in  this  undertaking. 


LESLIE'S    RETREAT. 


Messrs,  Editors:  I  have  in  my  possession  a  humor- 
ous letter,  written  shortly  after  "Leslie's  Retreat," 
at  the  North  Bridge  in  Salem,  in  1775.  I  send  you 
an  exact  copy  of  this  letter  for  publication,  if  you 
think  it  of  sufficient  importance  to  print.  It  may  be 
of  interest  to  some  persons,  as  showing  that  the  ex- 
citement on  the  occasion  alluded  to,  extended  as  far 
aaithe  towns  on  the  Merrimack  River.  b. 

Amesbury,  March  %,  1775. 

Honr^d  Sir — An  account  of  the  Amesbury 
Expedition  May  not  be  disagreeable  to  you  as 
you  are  a  Son  of  Liberty. 

having  ben  informed  that  a  few  Days  ago  a 
Small  Party  of  Troops  took  a  Sail  &  a  Walk 
for  an  airing  &c.  It  was  suppos'd  their  de- 
Bigns  was  to  seize  some  Military  Stores  at  Sa- 
lem. The  alarm  soon  reach'd  us  &  Set  all  the 
Country  round  us  in  motion.  Happening  at 
that  (time)  to  be  at  dinner  I  saw  upwards  an 
hundred  men  from  Various  Parts  of  Merri- 
mack river,  moving  towards  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion. Cyder  being  exceeding  Scarce  &  the 
Last  Season  but  an  indifferent  one  for  That, 
^ey  Look'd  pale  &  meagre  &  seemed  to  Trem- 
olo under  tho  burden  of  their  guns  &  bread  & 


Cheese,  which  some  ill  Natured  People  attrib- 
fited  to  their  Fear,  but  very  unjustly  :  indeed 
had  they  really  ben  Cowards  they  Would  not 
have  had  much  reason  to  be  afraid,  because 
they  knew  the  Soluiers  must  have  done  their 
BuBsinees  &  returned  to  Boston,  before  they 
could  reach  Salem,  and  this  they  soon  Learnt 
to  be  the  Case  on  their  first  Halt,  which  was 
at  a  Tavern,  when  they  meditated  a  return, 
which  was  Performed  in  martial  order.  But 
bloody  Minded  men  as  they  were,  they  resolved 
not  to  go  home  without  doing  some  execution, 
and  therefore  they  valiantly  attacked  and  de- 
molished several  Barrels,  whose  Precious  blood 
they  drew  and  intirely  exhausted,  flushed 
with  Victory  they  made  a  much  better  appear- 
ance than  when  I  first  saw  Them.  However 
such  another  Victory  would  have  brought 
them  all  to  the  ground,  if  not  have  ruined 
them,  as  it  was  they  were  scarce  able  to  Crawl 
home  ;  and  most  of  them  haveing  disgorged  the 
blood  of  the  slain  which  they  had  so  plenti- 
fully drank,  returned  as  pale  and  feeble  as 
they  set  out,  and  Look'd  as  Lank  as  tho'  they 
had  ben  drawn  thro'  the  river  instead  of  Pass- 
ing over  it.  So  much  for  this  military  Expe- 
dition. Your  Effectionate  Son 

WM.  G ALLISON. 
Addressed — To 

COLL.  JOHN  GALLISON 

Marblehead. 


The  Hathornes.  Messrs.  Editors:  I  was  present 
this  morning  at  the  Auction  Sale  at  "  Hollingworth 
Hill";  and  in  my  rambles  over  the  old  place,  I  found 
in  a  book  printed  in  1610  a  record  of  the  births  of 
William  Hathorne's  children,  written  by  himself,  on 
a  blank  leaf.  I  thought  tho  item  was  wortli  saving, 
and  have  sent  it  to  you  for  publication. 

CHILDREN  OF  WILLIAM  HATHORNE. 

Sarah,        born,  11th    1  mo.  1634—5. 

Eleazer,        "        1st   6  "  1637. 

Nathaniel     «'      11th    6  "  1639. 

John,  "        4th    6  "  1641. 

Anna,  "      12th  10  "  1643. 

William,        "        1st    2  "  1645. 

Elizabeth,     "      22d    5  "  1649. 
Salem,  March  12, 1859.  fl? 


ABSTRACTS  FROM  WILLS,  INVENTORIES,  Ac, 
ON  FILE  IN  THE  OFFICE  OF  CLERK  OF 
.COURTS,  SALEM,  MASS. 


COPIED  BY  lEA  J.   PATCH. 

Bethiah  Cartvoright,  Ath  mo.  1640. 

Will  of  Bethiah  Cartwright  of  Salem,  dated 
^d  May,  1G40,  mentions  her  sister,  Elizabeth 
Capon,  in  Walderswich,  in  Sussex ;  Marj 
Norton,  the  wife  of  George  Norton  in  Salem  ; 
John  Jackson,  son  of  John  Jackson  ;  Marga- 
ret, wife  of  John  Jackson,  of  Salem  ;  Eliza- 
beth Peilen ;  Elizabeth  Wickson. 

Witnesses — Elizabeth  Wickson,  Thomas 
Warren. 

(The  above  will  was  the  first  to  be  brought 
into  Court.) 

Samuel  Smith,  10th  mo.,  1642. 

Will  of  Samuel  Smith,  of  Enon,  dated  5th  Oc- 
tober, 1642,  mentions  wife  Sarah  bequeaths  her 
^'My  farme  in  Enon,  with  all  the  housen  vpon 
it,  as  alesoe  all  the  frutes  vpon  it,  as  come, 
hemp,  and  the  like,  for  bar  owne  proper  vse 
for  the  tearme  of  bar  lif,  vpon  consideration 
that  she  shall  discharg  me  of  that  promise  vp- 
on maridge,  which  is  vnto  my  Sunn,  William 
Browne,  fiftie  pounds  ;  alsoe  that  she  shall 
giue  vnto  his  two  children,  William  and  John 
Browne,  20  lb.  betweene  ym  all,  which  shall 
be  paid  by  my  exequeters  hereafter  named." 
eon  Thomas,  daughter  Mary,  his  wife  Sarah 
and  son  William  Brown,  ex'ors  ;  and  his  son, 
Thomas  Smith,  supervisor  of  his  will,  proved 
27th,  10th  mo,  1642. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  18th,  9 
mo.,  1642,  amounting  to  £395  098  02d  ;  re- 
turned and  sworn  to  28th,  10  mo.,  1642. 

Ann  Scarlet ,  ^th  mo.^  1643. 
Will  of  Ann  Scarlet,  of—  dated  2d  Ist  mo., 
1639,  mentions  brother  Samuel,  in  old  Eng- 
]land,  her  children  Mary,  Margaret  and  Joseph, 
her  sister  Dennis,  her  brother,  James  Lind, 
her  brother  Browning  and  his  wife,  her  broth- 
er Joseph  Grafi|K)Q,  admTf 


John  Sanders,  10th  mo.,  1643. 
Will  of  John  Sanders,  of  Salem,  dated  28 
October,  1642,  mentions  son  John  Sanders,  un- 
der age,  his  father  Joseph  Grafton.  Good- 
man Hardie  and  Joseph  Grafton,  his  adm'rs. 
His  wife  living. 

Abr'm  Belknap,  12  mo.,  1643. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Abraham  Belknap  of 
Lynn,  who  deceased    the  beginning  of  the  7th 
mo.,  1643,  taken  16th,  12  mo  1643  amounting 
to  £53  lOs  3d.    Signed  by  Mary  Belknapp. 

Hugh  Churchman,  5th  mo,,  1644. 

Will  of  Hugh  Churchman  of  Lynn  dated 
4th,  4th  mo.  1640,  mentions  William  Winter 
and  wife,  and  their  son  Josiah  and  daughter 
Hanna,  both  under  age,  widow  Ambrose.  Ed- 
ward Burt,  Mr.  Whiten  and  Mr.  Hobert. 
Wm.  Winter,  sole  ex'or.  Probated  9th  5  mo. 
1644. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to  £24 
9s  lid,  returned  by  Hugh  Burtt,  Eobert  Dri> 
ver. 

John  Mattox,  5th  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Mattox,  who 
deceased  22d  April,   1643,  amounting  to  £14 
03s  09d,  returned   by  Goodm   Edwards  and 
Prince,  6th  day  5th  mo.,  1644. 

Thomas  Payne,  5th  mo.,  1644. 

Will  of  Thomas  Payne,  dated  10th  2d  mo., 
1638,  mentions  his  wife,  son  Thomas,  a  wea- 
ver, dan,  Mary,  two  sons,  is  part  owner  of 
Ship  Mary  Ann,  of  Salem,  his  kinsman,  Hen- 
ry Bloomfield,  son  Thomaa,  Ex"or,  and  Mr. 
John  Fiske,  of  Salem,  Supervisor.  Probated 
10th  5th  mo.,  1644, 

Robert  Lewis  5th  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  Robert  Lewis,  deceased  4th  of 
May,   1643,  amounting  to    £26  128  8d ;    re- 
turned by  Goodm  Edwards  and  Prince,  6(b 
of  5tbmo.,  1644. 


Joan  Cummins,  5th  mo.,  1644. 
Will  of  Joan  Cummins,  of  Salem,  dated 
-,  mentions  son  John,  Goodman  Cornish, 


Mr.  Noris,  grandchildren  Mary  Bourne  and 
Johannah  Borne ;  to  the  Church  twenty  shil- 
lings, Goody  Cotta,  Goody  Wathin,  Goody 
fileld.  Goody  Broagham,  Ann  Shiply,  Good- 
man Boyce,  Goody  Corning,  John  Browne's 
wife,  Deborah  Wathin,  Dec  Gott,  and  Good- 
man Home,  exors.  Probate  10th  6th  mo., 
1644. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£33  Os  Od,  returned  by  Jeffrie  Massey,  Jarvis 
Garford,  George  Eardry,  17th  3d  mo-,  1644. 

Robert  Pease,  Qth  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Kobert  Pease,  of  Sa- 
lem, amounting  to  £39  12s  6d,  returned  by 
Jo  Alderman  Myhill  Shaflinge,  3d  11th  mo., 
1644,  mentions  his  widow,  Maria  Pease,  admx. 
2  sons,  John  and  Kobert. 

John  Talby,  llth  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  the  estate  of  John    Talby,  a- 
mounting  to  £28  18s  5d,  returned  by  Peter 
Palfrey  and  William  Lord,  llth  mo.,  1644! 

Margery  Wathen,  llth  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  the  estate  of  Margery  Wathen, 
widow,  amounting  to  £39  138  5d,  returned  by 
Peter  Palfrey,  Wm.  Alfard  and  Nathaniel 
Porter,  28  6  mo.,  1644.  Deacons  Charles 
Gott  and  John  Home  appt  by  J.  Endicott 
Govt  to  settle  the  estate,  3d  llth  mo.,  1644. 

Isdiel  West,  llth  mo.,  1644. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Isabel  West,  amount- 
ing to  £51 128  Od,  returned  by  Henry  Skerry. 
Robert  Cotta,  and  George  Ropes,  2d  llth  mo., 
1644. 

Jane  Gaines,  5th  mo.,  1645. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Jane  Gaines,  of  Lynn, 
amounting  to  £43  5s  7d,  returned  by  Nicho- 
las Brown  and  Edmund  Needham,  10th  5th 
m9^7 1645. 


Robert  Hawes^  Wife,  7th  mo.,  1645. 
Will  of  Robert  Hawes'  wife,  testified  to  by 
witnesses  William  Googes,  Katherine  Darlin 
Sarah  Bartlett,  who  heard  her  on  her  death 
bed,  on  the  12th  June,  1645,  dictate  her  will/ 
mentions  the  young  child  Thomas  she  had  by 
Robt.  Hawes,  £20,  her  three  sons,  Robert 
Edwards  and  Matthew  EdwardSjRobert  Hawes' 
daughter,  Alise,  his  sons,  Robert  and  Mat- 
thew, her  sister,  Ellen  Hibbert,  in  Old  Eng- 
land, two  maids  who  tended  in  her  sickness, 
viz:  Kathrin  Darlin  aud  Sarah  Bartlett. — 
Probate  10th  7th  mo.,  1645. 

Margaret  Pease,  10th  mo.,  1645. 

Will  of  Margaret  Pease,  widow,  of  Salem, 
dated  1st  7th  mo.,  1644,  mentions  grandchild 
John  Pease,  son  of  Robert  Pease,  Thomas 
Watson  of  Salem,  to  be  foffeye  of  trust.  Ann 
Isball  testifies  to  taking  great  pains  with  her 
when  sick  ;  also  that  said  Pease  made  a  be- 
quest to  Edith  Barber  after  her  will  was  writ- 
ten. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£19  28  8d,  returned  by  John  Alderman  and 
John  Bulfinch,  1,  11  mo.,  1644. 

Wm.  Place,  2d  mo.,  1646. 
Inventory  of  estate  at  Thomas  Weeks's 
house,  of  William  Place,  deceased  14th  2d 
mo.,  1646.  Also  an  inventory  of  tools  in 
hands  of  Richard  Waters,  returned  5th  6th 
mo.,  '46  :  acct  of  charges  of  Thomas  Weeks 
against  estate  of  Wm.  Place,  incurred  during 
his  last  sickness,  amounting  to  £3, 

Wm.  Googs,  4th  mo.,  1646. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  William  Googe,  a- 
mounting  to  £28  lis  6d,  returned  by  Na- 
thaniel Handforth  and  Francis  Lightfoot. 

Ann,  his  widow,  app'd  admx.,  left  3  small 
children.    Probate  30th  4th  mo. ,  1646. 

John  Thome,  6th  mo.,  1646. 
Eliz'h  Harwood,    Margaret  Jackson,  and 


Eliz'h  Esticke,  testify  as  to  the  'vrill  of  John 
Thome,  that  they  heard  him  "say  these 
woards  vinsit  that  hee  did  giue  unto  Ann 
Pallgrave  all  his  estate,  as  money,  goods,  ap- 
arell  &  debts,  out  of  which  sayd  aparell  it 
was  the  will  of  the  sayd  John  that  John  Jack- 
son, Junior,  should  haue  his  best  Hatt,  and 
further  moure  it  was  his  will  that  James  Thom- 
as should  haue  something  out  of  the  estate,  if 
the  sayd  Ann  Paulsgrave  so  pleaseth."  Dat- 
ed 27th  July,  1646.  Probate  4th  6th  mo., 
1646. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£27  16s  2d,  returned  by  Jeffrey  Massey,  Geo. 
Emery  and  John  Herbert,  4th  6th  mo.,  1646. 

R.  Bartholomew,  6th  mo.,  1646. 

"Boston  the  6th,  11th  '45. 
Brother  Henry,  heare  in  clossed  is  a  notte 
of  whatt  estatte  I  have  shippt  with  me,  & 
what  is  here  owinge  to  mee  wth  whatt  I  owe 
in  England,  wch  is  all  I  owe  in  the  world  as 
I  know  off  these  things  only  the  bills  of  Ex., 
I  haue  consigned  to  Mr.  Edward  Shrimpton, 
in  London,  hee  is  ye  brassers  bro  at  Boston, 
to  him  I  have  wrighten  yt  in  case  God  should 
not  bringe  me  to  London,  yt  he  would  these 
goods,  pay  my  debts,  and  returne  ye  remayn- 
der  to  you.  I  should  haue  been  glad  to  haue 
Been  you  before  I  went,  but  if  god  should  not 
returne  mee  againe,  but  take  mee  away  by 
death,  my  desire  is  yt  the  returns  of  these 
goods  come  to  yo'r  hands,  that  they  may  be 
thus  disposed  of,  viz  :  To  your  two  chUdren 
£40  apeace  ;  to  my  bro  William's  3  chil- 
dren, £20  apeace  ;  to  my  mother,  yr  likinge, 
£10;  to  Mr.  Gearringe,  beinge  very  poore, 
£10 ;  and  the  remaynder  of  my  estate,  bee  it 
whatt  it  will,  more  or  less,  all  that  is  mine  I 
dessire  may  be  equally  devided  betweene  our 
bro  Thomas,  Abraham,  and  Sister  Sara,  (only 
what  Jacob  Barney  owes  to  mee  I  give  it  to 
him,)  but  for  my  other  debts,  house,  ground, 
&c.,  devide  as  before.  This  is  my  desire,  and 
that  I  would  haue  done  if-  God  should  please 
to  take  me  away.  I  desire  to  cast  myself  only 
vppon  him,  and  to  reet  myself  only  in  the 
2 


armes  of  his  mercy  in  Christ  Jesus,  intreat- 
inge  of  him  to  stay  my  soule  there  in  the  worst 
bowers,  even  in  death  itself,  vnto  him  I  leave 
you  with  yors  together  with  myself  and  all 
his,  and  rest,  yor  faithful  and  loving  Brother, 
RICHARD  BARTH0L0MEV7." 

SupEKSCErpTioN. — "To  my  Lovinge  Brother, 
Henry  Bartholomew."  Probate  4th  6th  mo., 
1646. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£286  Qs  Id,  returned  by  Wm.  Hathome  and 
Jeffrey  Massey,  4th  6th  mo.,  1646. 

Francis  Lightroot,  lOth  mo.,  1646. 

WiU  of  Francis  Lightfoot,  of  Lynn,  dated 
Dec.  10,  1646,  mentions  brother  John  Light- 
foot,  of  London,  in  case  he  be  living,  or  his 
children.  Sister  IsabeU  Lightfoot,  living  in 
"Linckhoonshire,  in  ffrestone,  near  olde  Bos- 
tone,"  brother  Idell,  Samuel  Cockett,  Hannah 
Idell,  Dorythe  Whiting,  Elizabeth  Whiting, 
Samuel  Cobit ;  his  wife  executrix.  Probate 
29th  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Debts  due. — To  James  Ayer,  for  keeping 
sheep  and  swine ;  to  Mr.  George  BurrUl ; 
to  Goodmn  Mansfield  :  to  Allin  Breed. 

Debts  owning,  by  Samuel  Bennet,  Hugh 
Ally,  Edward  Ireson,  John  Witt. 

Anne  Lightfoot,  widow,  app'd  admx.  by 
the  Court. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£51  Os  2d,  returned  by  Nath.  Ingalls,  WUliam 
Tilton,  and  Edward  Burthum,  29th  lOth  mo., 
1646. 

Emma  Mason,  lOtA  mo.,  1646. 
Inventory  of  the  estate  of  Widow  Emma 
Mason,  deceased  the  26th  3d  mo.,  1646,  a- 
mounting  to  £26  16s  8d,  returned  by  George 
Corwin  and  Walter  Price,  30th  10th  mo., 
1646.  Estate  ordered  to  be  divided,  to  the  el- 
der brother  a  double  portion,  and  the  remain- 
der equally  between  the  rest  of  the  children. 

Michael  Salloios,  10/A  mo.,  1646. 
Will  of  Michael  Sallows,   of  Salem,  dated 
14th  9th  mo, ,  1646,  mentions  Micha  Sallows^ 


6 


hia  youngest  son,  his  daughter  Martha,  son 
Thomas,  Robert,  John  and  Samuel,  and  Ed- 
ward Wilson,  his  son  in  law,  Edward  Wilson, 
and  Robert  Sallows,  ex'rs.  Probate  31st  10th 
mo.,  1646. 

Edward  Wilson  and  Robert  Sallows  having 
declined,  Jeffrey  Massy,  John  Jolhson  and 
George  Emery  are  appointed  ex  'rs  in  their 
stead.    31st  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Mary  Hersoine,  lOfh  mo.,  1646. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Mary  Hersoine,  wid- 
ow, of  Wenham,  deceased  the  2d  7th  mo., 
1646,  amounting  to  £21  17s  Id,  returned  by 
John  Fairfield,  Wm.  Fiske,  and  George  Nor- 
ton, 29th  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Geo.  Pollard,  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Will  of  George  Pollard,  of  Marblehead,  da- 
ted 13th  3d  mo.,  1646,  mentions  Goodman 
Tyler  of  Lynn,  John  Hart,  Jr.,  Christopher 
Nicholson,  son  of  Edmond  Nicholson,  appoints 
Mr.  Walton  of  Marblehead,  ex'or.  Mr.  Mav- 
erick and  Wm .  Charles  to  assist  Mr.  Walton. 
Probate  31st  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to  £66 
4s  3d,  returned  31st  10th  mo. ,  1646. 

Edioard  Candall,  10th  mo.,  1646. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Edward  Candall,  de- 
ceased the  15th  of  November,   1646,  amount- 
ing to  £5  12s,    returned  by  Wm,  Ager  and 
Peter  Palfrey. 

Joane  Cummins,  11th  mo.,  1646. 
Inventory  of  Joane  Cummins,  amounting 
to  £39  3s  4d,  returned  by  Henry    Skerry    and 
George  Emery,   14th  11th  mo.,  1646. 

Mrs.  Goodale  and  John  Lowle,  5th  mo.,  1647. 
Adm'n  granted  on  estate  of  Mrs.  Goodale, 
unto  Mr.  Edward  Rawson,  Richard  Kent  and 
Henry  Choot  of  Newbury,  until  order  of 
Gen'l  Court.  Ad'm  granted  on  estate  of 
John  Lowle,  of  Newbury,  unto  Wm.  Ger- 
rish,  Richard  Lowle,  Richard  Noyes,  John 


Saunders,  and  Richard  Knight,  until    order  of 
Gen'l  Court,  6th  5th  mo.,  1647. 

Wm.  Clarke,  5th  mo.,  1647. 
Inventory  of  estate  ot  Mr.    Wm.  Clarke  o( 
Salem,  amounting  to  £587  38  2d,   returned  by 
Mrs.  Katherine  Clark. 

John  Fairfield.  5th  mo.,  1647. 

Will  of  John  Fairfield,  of  Wenham,  dated 
11th  10th  mo.,  1646,  mentions  wi.fe  Elizabeth, 
Benjamin,  youngest  son,  under  age,  son  Wal- 
ter, his  cousin,  Matthew  Edwards,  wife  Eliza- 
beth, sole  executrix,  and  Mr.  Henry  Bartholo- 
mew and  Robert  Hawes,  both  of  Salem,  to  bo 
supervisors.  Probate  7th  5th  mo.,  1647. — 
John  Fau-field  died  22d  10th  mo.,  1646. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£113  38  7d,  returned  by  Eliz'h  Fairfield,  wid- 
ow, adm'x,  7th  5th  mo.,  '47. 

Charges  against  said  estate— for  the  keeping 
of  two  children,  the  one  2  yr  old,  5  mo.,  and 
the  other  8  yrs  old,  2  mos,,  £10  ;  for  1  child, 
old,  5  mos.,  £1. 

The  estate  being  divided  into  four  parts  ia 
to  each  £9  128  lOd. 

Christopher  Young,  5th  mo.,  1647. 
Will  of  Christopher  Young,  of  Wenham, 
dated  19th  4th  mo.,  1647,  mentions  three 
children,  who  are  to  be  sent  to  Great  Yar- 
mouth, in  Norfolk,  Old  England,  to  his  father 
in  law,  Mr.  Richard  Elvin,  and  his  mother  in 
law,  Mrs.  Elvin  ;  the  said  father  and  mother 
in  law,  with  John  Phillips,  of  Wenham,  to 
be  his  feoffees  of  trust.  Said  Phillips  to  adopt 
bis  son  if  he  be  living ;  mentions  bis  sisters, 
the  wife  of  Joseph  Young,  and  the  wife  of 
Thomas  Moore,  of  Salem  ;  gives  his  great  bible 
to  his  daughter  Sarah,  and  his  otiier  bible  to 
his  daughter  Mary,  and  a  book  entitled  "God's 
all  sufQciency  to  Christians,''  to  his  son  ;  gives 
a  book  entitled  the  "Deceitfulness  of  many 
Hearts"  to  bis  dear  friend,  EzdrasRead,  appts. 
William  Browne,  of  Salem,  Ezdras  Reed  of 
Wenham,  and  the  wife  of  Joseph  Young,  ex'rs 


his  friend  Henry   Bartholomew,   supervisor. — 
Probate  8th  5th  mo.,  1647. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to  £5 
lis,  returned  by  Phineas  Fiake,  William  ITiske, 
and  Edward  tspaulding,  7th  5th  mo.,  1647. 

Luke  Heard,  Jih  mo.,  1647. 
Will  of  Luke  Heard,  ot  Ipswich,  as  testified 
to  by  John  Wyatt  and  Simon  Tompaon,  who 
heard  him  make  his  will,  to  wit :  To  his  eld- 
est son,  Jobn,  £10,  to  be  paid  at  21  years  of 
age  ;  to  his  son  Edmond,  £5,  to  be  paid  at  21 
years  of  age  ;  his  books  to  his  two  sons,  to  be 
equally  parced  between  them;  "alsoe  this  is 
my  will  yt  my  two  sonnes  be  brought  up  to 
writing  and  to  reading,  and  then  when  they 
shal  be  fitt,  to  be  putt  forth  to  such  trades  as 
they  shall  choose,"  his  wife  Sarah,  sole  execu- 
trix.   Probate  28th  7th  mo.,  1647. 

Bond  of  Joseph  Bigsbyand  Sarah  Heard, 
widow,  both  of  Ipswich,  to  the  Court  of  Ips- 
wich, in  the  sum  of  £30,  dated  15th  10  mo., 
1647.  Signed  Joseph  Bigsby,  the  mark  |  of 
Sarah  Heard.  Witness — Margaret  Rogers, 
John   Rogers. 

"The  condition  of  this  obligation  is  such, 
yt  ye  above  bounden  Joseph  Bigsby  and  Sarah 
Hearde,  (in  case  they  proceed  together  in 
marriage  intended,)  if  they  or  either  of  them 
shall  doe  or  cause  to  bee  done  these  things 
following  : 

1.  That  the  two  children  of  the  said  widow, 
wch  were  left  unto  her  by  her  late  husband, 
Luke  Hearde,  of  Ipswich,  Linnen  weaver,  be 
well  brought  up  and  due  meanes  be  used  to 
teach  them  to  read  and  write  well  as  soone  as 
they  are  cappable, 

2.  That  at  the  age  of  thirteen  yeares  at  the 
furthest,  they  be  put  forth  to  be  apprentices  in 
such  trades  as  Mr.  Nathaniel  Rogers,  their 
Grandfather  Wyat,  and  Ensigne  Howlet,  in 
writing  under  their  hand,  or  any  two  of  them 
in  like  manner  shall  advise  unto,  and  the  chil- 
dren like  of. 

3.  That  onto  the  said  children  be  paid,  at 


the  ago  of  one  and  twenty  yeares,  fifteen  pounda 
given  them  by  will  of  their  father,  viz  :  ten 
pound  to  the  elder,  at  his  time  of  one  and 
twenty  yeares,  and  five  pounds  to  the  younger 
when  he  shall  bee  at  the  like  age  ;  also  that 
the  bookes  bequeathed  them  by  their  father 
be  given  them  by  equall  division,  according  to 
his  will. 

4.  That  five  pounds  more  be  paid  to  the 
children  of  the  said  Sarah,  (if  living,)  or  ei- 
ther of  them  at  her  will  and  discretion,  as  shee 
shall  see  cause  to  divide  it  in  even  or  unequall 
portions  to  them,  or  to  give  the  whole  to  the 
younger  in  case  the  elder  be  better  provided 
for. 

5.  That  the  said  Joseph  and  Sarah  shall 
doe,  or  admit  to  bee  done,  any  such  further 
order  as  the  Court  of  Ipswich  shall  see  meet 
to  require  upon  the  motion  of  thej,said  advis- 
ors, for  the  securing  of  the  forementioned  dues 
to  the  children,  as  well  as  for  the  freing  of  the 
said  Joseph  and  Sarah  from  any  entangle- 
ments on  the  children's  part,  by  reason  of  her 
exequetrixship,  or  otherwise  from  hence  arising 
beside  the  direct  and  true  meaning  and  intent 
of  these  conditions. 

6.  That  whereas,  there  is  a  portion  of  land 
in  Asington,  in  Sufiblke,  in  England,  wch 
shall  bee  the  right  of  the  said  Sarah  after  the 
decease  of  her  mother,  (the  tenor  whereof  ia 
not  certainly  known  to  us,)  if  the  said  Iand9 
bee  not  entailed,  then  the  said  Joseph  shall 
not  claim  any  title  hereunto  by  virtue  of  mar- 
riage wth  the  said  Sarah,  but  the  said  Sarah 
shall  have  the  whole  and  sole  power  to  dispose 
of  it,  both  the  use  and  the  gift  of  it,  when  and 
to  whom  she  shall  thinke  meet. 

That  then  this  obligation  shall  bee  void  and 
of  none  effect,  otherwise  to  stand  and  bee  of 
force."  Signed  Joseph  Bixby,  the  mark  |  of 
Sarah  Heard.  Witnesses — Margaret  Rogers, 
Jobn  Rogers. 

Richard  Woodman,  10th  mo.,  1647. 
John  Gillow  and  Henry  Bartholomew  tes- 
tify as  to'will  of  Rich'd  Woodman,  of  Lynn, 
as  follows :   four  pounds  to  the  elders  of  Lynn, 


8 


iortie  fibillings  apieco  ;  all  the  residue  of  his 
goods  he  would  give  to  Joseph  Belknap,  Kich- 
ard  Moore,  and  his  master,  John  Gillow, 
equally  divided.  Appoints  Joseph  Belknap, 
exor.     Probate  Ist  10th  mo.,  1647, 

John  Pride,  Idth  mo.,  1G47. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Pride,  of  Salem, 
amounting  to  £88  16s. 

JRich'd  Bayley,   1st  mo.,  1648. 

Will  of  Rich'd  Bayley,  of  Ro-wley,  dated 
15tli  12th  mo.,  1647,  mentions  son  Joseph 
Bayley,  wife  Edna,  brother  James  Bayley,  and 
Michael  Hopkinson,  his  nephew,  John  Bay- 
ley,  Thomas  Palmer,  his  wife  Edna  ext's. 
Probate  28th  1st  mo.,  1648. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£106  18s  10  d,  returned  by  Joseph  Jewett, 
Maximillian  Jewett  and  Mathew  Boyes,  27th 
7th  mo.,  1648. 

John  Balch,  ^th  mo.,  1648. 

Will  of  John  Balch,  of  Salem,  dated  15th 
May.  1648,  mentions  Annis  his  wife,  eldest 
son  Benjamin,  second  son  John,  youngest 
son  Freeborn,  wife  Annis  and  son  Benjamin 
ex'ors,  and  John  Proctor  and  William  Wood- 
bury, overseers.  Witnesses,  Peter  Palfrey, 
Nicholas  Patch,  Jeffrey  Massey.  Probate 
28th  4th  mo.,  1648. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£220  13s  4d,  returned  by  John  Porter,  Peter 
Palfrey,  Jeffrie  Massy,  and  Nicholas  Patch. 

John  Jarret,  7th  m,o.,  1648. 
Inventory    of  estate  of    John  Jarret,  of 
Rowley,  amounting  to  £69  16s  2d,  returned 
7th  mo ,,1648. 

Edmond  Ingalls,  9M  »io.,  1648. 
Will  of  Edmond  Ingalls,  of  Lynn,  dated 
28th  August,  1648,  mentions  wife  Ann,  and 
appoints  her  ext'x,  leaves  Katherine  Skipper 
with  his  wife.  Son  Robert,  daughters  Eliz- 
abeth, Mary,  dau  Faith  wife  to  Andrew  Al- 


len, sons  John,  Samuel,  dau  Sarah  wife  to 
William  Bitnar,  son  Henry,  brother  Francis 
Ingalls  and  Francis  Dane,  son  in  law,  over- 
seers.    Probate  14th  9th  mo.,  1648. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£135  8s  lOd,  returned  14th  9th  mo.,  1648. 

Allen  Kenision,    10th  mo.,  1648. 

Will  of  Allen  Keniston,  of  Salem,  dated 
10th  9th  mo.,  1648,  mentions  Capt.  Hathorne 
£5,  Capt.  Davenport,  £3,  John  Bayley,  either 
a  heifer  or  a  cow,  Mr.  Curwin  and  Mr.  Price, 
20s  apiece,  his  wife  Dorothy  to  take  the  rest, 
and  appoints  her  ext'x. 

Gives  to  Mr.  Norris  50s,  to  Mr.  Sharpe, 
40s,  and  to  Mr.  Bartholomew,  40s.  Probate 
27th  10th  mo.,  1648. 

Wm.  Sauthmead,  12th  mo.,  1648. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  William  Southmead, 
of  Gloucester,  amounting  to   £43  10s,     Pro- 
bate 20th  12th  mo.,  1648. 

George  Varnum,  1649. 

Will  of  George  Varnum,  of  Ipswich,  dated 
21st  2d  mo.,  1649,  mentions  wife,  son  Samu- 
el, dau  Hannah  (single,)  appoints  Thomas 
Scott  and  son  Samuel,  ex'ors. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£86  17s,  6d,  taken  12th  8th  mo.,  1649. 

Miles  Ward,  1th  mo.,  1650. 

Inventory  of  Istate  of  Miles  Ward,  ofSar 
lem,  what  debts  to  receive,  and  what  debts  to 
pay,  related  by  himself,  in  Virginia,  the  3d 
of  the  1st  mo.,  1650. 

"In  England,  given  by  his  father  as  a  leg- 
gacie,  for  tie  pounde,  to  bee  payd  to  the  sd 
Miles  by  his  brother,  wch  he  both  giueth  and 
bequeath  to  his  foure  children."  His  wife 
living. 

Thomas  Cook,  7th  mo.,  1650. 
Inventory  of    estate  of  Thomas  Cook,  a- 
mounting  to  £40,   returned  by  Wm.  Barthol- 
omew, and  Wm.  Vamey. 


Hugh  Burt,  Idth  mo.,  1650. 

Will  of  Hugh  Burt,  of  Lynn,  dated , 

mentions  his  wife,  and  appoints  her  ext'x,  2 
children,  uncle  and  aunts  in  England.  Pro- 
bate 21st  10th  mo.,  1650. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£65  158  lid,  returned  Slst  10th  mo.,  1650. 

Edmund  Lewis,    12th  mo.,  1650. 

Will  of  Edmund  Lewis,  of  Lynn,  dated  18th 
11th  mo.,  1650,  mentions  eldest  son,  John 
Lewis,  his  wife  to  be  sole  ex'or,  son  Thomas 
Lewis.     Probate  25th  l2th  mo.,  1650. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£122  7s  6d,  returned  25th  12th  mo.,  1650. 

Joseph  How,  Ath  mo.,  1651. 

Will  of  Joseph  How,  of  Lynn,  (Jated  10th 
Feb.,  1650,  mentions  his  wife,  daughter  Eliz- 
abeth, mother  How.  Probate  26th  4th  mo., 
1651. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£107  10s  8d,  returned  26th  4th  mo.,  1651. 

John  Osgood,  9th  mo.,  1651 
Will  of  John  Osgood,  of  Andover,  dated 
Apr.  12th,  1650,  in  his  54th  year,  bom  in 
1595,  July  23,  mentions  son  John,  Stephen, 
daughters  Mary,  Elizabeth,  Johannah,  daugh- 
ter Sarah  Clement,  daughter  Rakah,  son  John 
and  wife,  ex'or.  Probate  25th  9th  mo.,  1651. 
Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£373  7s,  returned  by  Sarah  Osgood,  ext'x, 
25th  9th  mo.,  1651. 

James  Boutell,  9th  mo.,  1651. 

Will  of  James  Boutell,  of  Lynn,  dated  22d 
6th  mo.,  1651,  mentions  son  James,  daughter 
Sarah,  appoints  wife  Alice  ext'x.,  son  John. 
Probate  26th  9th  mo.,  1651. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  returned  •26th  9  th 
mo.,  '51- 

Henry  Birdsalh,  9th  mo.,  1651. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Henry  Birdsalls,  a- 
mounting  to  £47  19s^  returned  9th  mo.,  1651. 
3 


Walter  Tibbetts,  1651. 

Will  of  Walter  Tibbetts,  of ,  dated  5th 

4th  mo.,  1651,  mentions  his  wife,  making  her 
ext'x,  grandchild  Richard  Dicke,  daughter 
Mary  Haskell,  wife  of  Wm.  Haskell,  Joseph, 
son  to  Wm.  Haskell,  William,  another  son  of 
Wm.  Haskell,  son  in  law  Edmund  Clarke, 
John  and  Joseph  Clarke,  Elizabeth  Dicke, 
Elenor  Luscombe,  Salome  Trill. 

John  Hardy,  4ih  mo.,  1652. 

Will  of  John  Hardy,  of  Salem,  dated  30th 
1st  mo.,  1651,  mentions  Roger  Haskell,  his 
son  in  law,  and  his  4  children,  viz:  John, 
William,  Mark  and  Elizabeth,  Elizabeth, 
daughter  of  my  son  Joseph  Hardy,  daughter 
Elizabeth  Haskell,  wife  Eliz'h,  and  appoints 
her  his  ext'x.    Probated  30th  4th  mo.,  1652. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£393  4s  6d,  returned  by  Edmond  Batter  and 
Walter  Price. 

Thomas  Warren,  1th  mo.,  1652. 

Deposition  of  Rebecca,  the  wife  of  Water 
Joy,  aged  about  27  yrs.,  the  17th  7th  mo., 
1652,  says  that  Thomas  Warren,  who  dyed 
with  Prince  Rupert,  was  cousin  German  to 
Wm.  Sergent,  of  Glocester,  and  that  there  is 
none  nearer  of  kin  in  this  country,  and  I,  be- 
ing a  little  related,  do  desire  Wm.  Sergent 
may  adm'r  on  the  estate  and  be  accountable, 
before  me.  Increase  No  well. 

I,  John  Hill,  formerly  living  in  Bristol,  in 
Ould  England,  being  hear,  testifieth.  That 
Thomas  Wathing,  son  to  Edmun  Wathin,  is 
cousin  to  Wm.  Sergent,  the  said  Wm.  being 
his  father's  sister's  son.  This  deponant  further 
saith,  that  this  Thomas  Wathing  went  with 
Rolert  Gray  in  Captain  Wal  serves.  27th 
7th  mo.,  1652,  before  Wm.  Towens,  Robert 
Tucker,  Robert  Elwell. 

John  Cross,  7th  mo.,  1652. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Cross,  Ipswich, 
amounting  to  £382  58  2d,  returned  by  Richard 
Kimball,  Sp.,  and  Robert    Lord,    7th  mo., 
1652, 


16 


Henry  Somerby,  9th  mo.,  1652. 

Petition  of  Judith  Somerby,  widow  of  Hen- 
ry Somerby,  Newbury,  mentions  son  Daniel 
tinder  18  years,  daughters  Sarah  and  Eliz'h 
under  16  years — 18th  9th  mo.,  1652. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£164  4s,  returned  by  Edmund  Greenleaf, 
Richard  Browne,  and  Anthony  Somerby,  30th 
9th  mo.,  1552. 

Wm.  Averill,  March,  1653. 

Will  of  Wm.  Averill  of  Ipswich,  dated  3d 
4th  mo.,  1652,  mentions  7  children,  Abigail 
bia  wife,  appoints  her  ext'x.  Witnessed  by 
Andrew  Hodges  and  Reginald  Foster.  Probate 
29 th  March,  1653. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£50,  returned  by  A.  Hodges  and  R.  Foster, 
29th  March,  1653. 

Thomas  Wathen,  'ith  mo.,  1653. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thomas    Wathen,  a- 
mounting  to  £3  15s,  returned  by  Zebulon  Hill 
and  Stephen  Glover,  both  of  Gloucester. 

Geo.  Cole,   4M  mo.,  1653. 
Inventory  of  es'ate  of  George  Cole,  of  Lynn, 
amounting  to  £32  Os  8d,   returned  by  Edward 
Burthum,  Nathaniel  Handsoth,  28th  4tb  mo., 
1653. 

Wm.  Stevens,  4th  mo.,  1653. 

Will  of  Wm.  Stevens,  of  Newbury,  dated 
May  19,  1653,  mentions  eldest  son  John,  son 
Samuel,  both  under  21  years,  appoints  Eliz'h 
his  wife,  ext'x— 30th  4th  mo.,  1653.  Died 
May  19, 1653. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£166  143  6d,  returned  by  Eliz'h  Stevens,  ext'x. 
Samuel  Bitfield,  George  Little,  Anthony  Som- 
erby, Francis  Plummer,  and  Nicholas  Noyes, 
appraisers.    Taksn  Juno  13,  1653. 

Wm.  Tilion,  5th  mo.,  1653. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Wm.  Tilton,  of  Lynn, 
amounting  to  £128  4s  lOd,  returned  by  Fran- 


cis Ingalls,   Henry  Collins  and  Edward  Bur- 
thum. 

Thomas  Millard,  9th  mo.,  1653. 

Will  of  Mr.  Thomas  Millard,  of  Newbury, 
declared  in  the  presence  of  Wm.  Colton 
and  Ann,  his  wife,  and  John  Butler,  on  the 
30th  day  of  August,  A.  D.,  1653,  mentions 
wife  Anne  and  2  children,  Rebecca  and  Eliz'h, 
the  children  to  have  their  share  when  they  are 
married,  and  his  wife  not  to  hinder  them, 
when  they  are  eighteen  yoars  of  age.  Pro- 
bate 25th  9th  mo.,  1653.     Died  Sept.  2,  1653. 

Inventory  of  above  estate^  amounting  to 
£343  3s  4d,  returned  by  Richard  Towle  and 
Anthony  Somerby,  24th  9th  mo.,  1653. 

John  Robinson,  9th  mo.,  1653. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Robinson,  a- 
mounting  to  £57  8s  6d,  returned  by   Elias 
Stileman  and  Richard  Prince. 

Wm.  Bacon,  9th  mo.,  1653. 

Will  of  Wm.  Bacon,  of  Salem,  as  declared 
in  presence  of  George  Emery  and  Elizabeth 
Boyce,  mentions  son  Isaac,  under  21,  if  he  dye 
before  21,  his  (Wm.  B.)  wife  to  have  his 
share.  Ann  Potter,  wife  Rebecca  Bacon. — 
Overseers,  Joseph  Boyse,  Lawrence  South- 
wick. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£184  16s,  returned  by  Thos.  Gardner,  Sr.,  and 
Joseph  Boyce,  9th  9th  mo.,  1653. 

Abraham  Warre,  1654. 

Will  of  Abraham  War,  of  Ipswich,  married 
man,  dated  22d  day  2d  month,  1654,  mentions 
daughter  Sarah  and  wife,  to  bring  her  up  in 
the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  to  have  a  care  of  her 
as  if  she  were  her  own,  his  wife  ext'x.  Wit- 
nessed by  Roger  Sampson,  Wm.  Simonds, 
John  Warren. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£47  5s  Id. 

Wm.  Varney,  March,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Wm.  Varney,  of  Ips- 


11 


wich,  amounting  to  £57  23  8d,  returned  30th 
Ist  mo.,  1654. 

John  Cooly,  March,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Coolye,  of  Ips- 
wich, amounting  to  £66    Ms  8d,   returned  by 
Edward  Browne  and  Robt  Lord,  28th  let  mo„ 
1654. 

Richard  Hollingworth,  iihmo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  R.    IJollingworth,  of 
Salem,  amounting  to   £365  14s  6d.    returned 
by  Walter  Price  and  Samuel  Archard,  25tb 
4th  mo.,  1654. 

Dan' I  Rolfe,  4tA  mo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  Daniel  Rolfe,  of  Ipswich,  a- 
mounting  to  £73  178  8d,  returned  by  Daniel 
Thurston,  John  Gage,  Robert  Load,  prized 
24  June,  1654,  mentions  father  Humphrey 
Bradstreet,  Goodman  Weeks,  of  Salem. 

Geo.  Burrill,  4/7i  mo.,  1654. 

Will  of  George  Burrill,  Sr.,  of  Lynn,  dated 
18th  October,  1653,  mentions  sons  Francis, 
John,  free,  George,  free,  his  son  Francis'  child. 
Mr.  Whiting,  Mr.  Cobbett,  and  Thos.  Laugh- 
ton,  with  his  son  Francis,  to  see  the  willful- 
filled. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£848  lOs,  returned  by  Edward  Burcbam, 
Francis  Ingalls,  taken  21st  4th  mo.,  1654. 

Wm.  Wake^Ath  mo.,  1654. 

Will  of  Wm  Wake,  dated  17th  2d  mo., 
1654,  mentions  daughter  Kathrin  Wake,  in 
England,  if  she  be  living,  and  brother  John 
Wake,  in  England.  Ililliard  Veren  and  Wal- 
ter Price  to  be  overseers.  Witnesses,  Thomas 
Smith  and  Jonathan  Porter; 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to  £60 
88  6d,  returned  by  Edmond  Batter  and  Elias 
Stileman,  taken  22d  4th  mo.,  '54. 

Thos.  Trusler,  4/A  mo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thos.  Trusler,  (died 
5th  Ist  mo.,  1654,)  amounting  to  £188  12  8d, 


returned  by  Thos.  Browne 
ton,  Sr 


and  Robert  Moul- 


Thomas  Buxton,   Ath  mo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thomas  Buxton,  a^ 
mounting  to  £52  8s,  taken  5th  4th  mo.,  1654, 
returned  by  Thomas    Gardner,  Sr..  and  Mi- 
chael Shaflin. 

Wm.  Ager,  Ath  mo.,  1654. 

Will  ol  Wm.  Ager,  of  Salem,  dated  3d  1st 
mo.,  1654,  mentions  Joseph  Ager,  if  he  be 
living,  if  not,  his  (J.  A.)  son  Benjamin  to 
have  his  father's  share,  mentions  son  Jona- 
than, daughter  Abigail  Kibben,  wife  Alice, 
appoints  his  wife  ext'x.  Witness,  Nathaniel 
Pickman,  Tabitha  Pickman,  Elias  Stileman, 
jr.     Probate  Nov.,  1654. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£43  14s  8d.  taken  by  Em'd  Batter  and  Elias 
Stileman,  20th  4th  mo.,  '54. 

Thos.  Scruggs,  4iA  mo.,  1654. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Thomas  Scrugss,  tak- 
en 24th  June,  1654,  amounting  to  £244  10s 
2d,  returned  by  Roger  Conant,  Nicholas 
Patch,  and  Wm.  Dodge. 

Deed  of  Margery  Scruggs,  widow,  dated 
24th  4th  mo,,  1652,  to  her  son  in  law,  John 
Rayment,  of  all  her  right  of  dower  in  her  hus- 
band Thomas  Scruggs'  estate,  for  certain  val- 
uable considerations,  as  set  forth  in  said  deed 
on  file  4th  mo.^  1654.  Witnessed  by  Roger 
Oonant,  Nicholas  Patch,  William  Dodge. 

Wm.  Fiike,  7th  mo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Wm.   Fiske,  of  Wen- 
ham,  taken  16th  7th   mo.,  '54,  amounting  to 
£141  I2s  6d,  returned  by  Phineas  Fiske,  Aus- 
tin Eillam  and  Edward  Eemp. 

Geo.  Williams,  9th  mo.,  1654:. 
Will  of  Geo.  Williams,  of  Salem,  dated 
23d  7th  mo.,  1654,  mentions  his  wife  Marie, 
John  eldest  son,  his  dau  Marie  Bishop  and 
her  2  children,  sons  Sam'l,  Joseph  and  George,- 
daughters  Sarah  and  Bethia,  bis  daughter  Sa-' 


12 


rah  to  have  a  double  portion,  "in  respect  of 
her  infirmitie."  Ilia  wife  Marie  and  son  John 
joint  ex'ors.  Thomas  Norton,  Henry  Wood- 
berry  and  Jeffrey  Massy,  overseers.  Witness- 
es, John  Home,  Elias  Stileman,  Jr.,  Thos. 
Cromwell. 

Inventory  of  above    estate,    amounting  to 
£326  lis  lid,  taken   18th  8th  mo.,   1654,  by 
Eliaa  Stileman,  Jr.,  Rich'd  Bishop. 
To  be  Continued. 


MATERIALS  FOR  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  INGER- 
SOLL  FAMILY  IN  SALEM. 

In  an  old  Manuscript  book,  running 
from  1685  to  1695,  in  which  the  wri- 
ter, Capt.  Samuel  Ingersoll,  of  Salem,  record- 
ed many  matters  relating  to  the  sale  ot  his 
cargoes,  disbursement  of  his  voyages,  and  his 
own  and  his  wife's  birth,  and  their  marriage, 
and  the  dates  of  births  and  names  of  his  chil- 
dren, and  many  miscellaneous  memoranda,  I 
find  the  following  formula  for  a  Hair  Restor- 
er, which  may  perhaps  be  as  useful  as  many 
of  the  present  day  nostrums.  It  is,  however, 
defective,  in  that  it  does  not  specify  whether 
the  'Metson'  is  for  internal  or  external  use,  nor 
whether  it  is  as  efficacious  for  a  woman  as  for 
a  man. 

"A  Metson  to  make  a  man's  hear  groe 
when  he  is  bald  : 

"Take  sum  fier  flies  and  sum  Redd  wormes, 
and  black  pnayls,  and  sum  hune  bees,  and 
dri  them,  and  then  pound  them  to  powder, 
and  mixt  them  in  milk  or  water." 

On  another  page  is  the  following  record  : 

•'Samuel  Ingersoll  was  born  the  6th  day  of 
October,  1658.  Sarah,  his  wife,  was  born  the 
11th  day  of  December,  1665,  and  we  ware 
marred  ye  28th  April,  1684.  Sarah,  our  Daf- 
ter,  was  born  ye  12th  October,  1686.  Marga- 
ret was  born  ye  8th  ot  April,  1690.  Susana 
was  born  ye  4th  Day  of  December,  1692." 

This  Samuel  Ingersoll  was  the  son  of  John, 
who  was  the  son  of  Richard  Ingersoll,  or  In- 
kersall,  the  first  of  the  name  in  New  England. 
He  emigrated  from  Bedfordshire,   England,  in 


1629,  and  settled  at  Salem.  He  was  recom- 
mended to  Gov.  Endicott  by  Matthew  Cra- 
dock,  the  Governor  of  the  Company  in  Eng- 
land. He  was  granted  a  farm  of  80  acres,  at 
Riall  Side,  which  descended  to  his  sons  John 
and  Nathaniel.  He  was  authorized  in  1637, 
to  establish  a  ferry  over  the  North  river,  in  Sa- 
lem, and  to  charge  one  penny  for  every  passen- 
ger. He  died  about  1644,  Anne,  his  wife, 
was  a  member  of  the  Church  at  Salem,  1634. 
After  Richard's  decease,  she  married  John 
Knight,  of  Newbury,  and  died  1677:  His 
children  were  George,  Nathaniel,  John,  Sarah, 
Joana  or  Jane,  Alice  and  Bathsheba. 

George  Ingersoll,  son  of  Richard,  was  born 
in  England,  1618,  and  came  to  Salem  with 
his  father.  In  1655,  he  lived  at  Falmouth 
(now  Portland,)  where  he  built  one  or  two 
mills,  and  in  1657  he  was  of  Gloucester,  where 
he  had  previously  lived  in  1652,  and  was  a 
Representative  to  the  General  Court  from  that 
town  in  that  year. 

Alice,  daughter  of  Richard  Ingersoll,  was 
married  to  Josiah  Wolcott,  Bathsheba  to  John 
Knight,  Jr.,  of  Newbury,  Sarah  to  William 
Haynes  and  afterwards  to  Joseph  Houlton,  and 
Jane  to  Richard  Pettingall. 

Nathaniel,  son  of  Richard  Ingersoll,  mar- 
ried Hannah  Collins,  and  lived  at  Salem  Vil- 
lage, and  was  Deacon  of  the  church  there. — 
He  had  one  daughter  who  died  before  he  did. 
He  appears  to  have  been  a  very  worthy  man 
and  much  respected  in  the  community.  He 
died  early  in  1718-19,  his  wife  surviving  him. 
By  his  will  he  left  fifty  shillings  to  the  church 
at  the  village  to  purchase  some  Silver  Cupa 
for  the  more  adorning  the  Lord's  table,  and 
he  left  two  acres  of  land  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  village  for  a  training  place  forever.  The 
bulk  of  his  property,  after  his  wife's  decease, 
he  left  to  his  adopted  son,  Benjamin  Hutchin- 
son, subject  to  the  payment  of  some  legacies 
to  several  of  his  relatives. 

John  Ingersoll,  son  of  Richard,  and  father 
of  Samuel,  was  born  in  England,  1625,  and 
married  Judith,  daughter  of  Nathaniel  Felton. 


13 


His  children  were  John,  Niithaniel,  Ruth, 
Richard,  Siirah,  Samuel,  Joseph  and  Hannah. 

Samuel,  the  owner  of  the  Manuscript,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  shipmaster,  and  his  voy- 
ages seem  to  have  been  to  Barbadoes,  New- 
foundland and  Saltatudoa,  and  from  some  en- 
tries ot  ''great  and  little  general ;"  beseems  oc- 
casionally to  have  gone  on  fishing  voyages. — 
Ue  died  about  1C95,  and  his  widow  became 
the  second  wife  of  Philip  English.  Estate 
£538  153. 

As  illustrating  the  relative  value  of  land  and 
stock,  I  give  some  items  of  the  appraisement 
of  the  estate  of  Richard  Ingersoll,  as  made  by 
Townsend  Bishop  and  Jclirey  Massy,  October 
4th,  1C44  : 

7  Cows,  £34  ;  2  Young  Steers,  £4  ;  one 
Ball,  £7  ;  p-'oxen,  £14:  2  horses  and  mare, 
andaYopng  Colt,  £25,  a  Farm  of  80  acres, 
£7  ;  among  other  items  was  a  Moose  Skin 
Suit.  B.  F.  B. 


A  EEVOLUTIOXARY  LETTER. 

The  following  letter,  written  to  Joshua  Ward,  Esq., 
of  Salein,  by  a  gentleman  who  afterwards  held  a 
conspicuous  position  as  one  of  the  most  respected 
members  of  our  community,  exhibits  the  condition 
of  our  troops  during  the  revolutionary  itrnggie,  and 
on  that  account  may  not  be  devoid  of  interest. 

A.  N. 

Camps  Near  West  PoiSjt,  Feb'y  12,  1782. 
Dear  Sir: — Poverity  Drives  me  to  treble  you  at 
this  time  that  is  to  se  if  you  will  be  so  kind  a?  to 
Creadet  me  for  the  Following  artecels  to  it — for  Lin- 
nen  a  nough  for  six  shirts  and  12  yards  of  Jane  of  a 
Dark  Snuf  Co\1&t  it  Being  for  a  Pattnn  for  two  Pare 
of  Overalls  and  two  Wescoats — and  a  patton  of  White 
Bibed  Stuff  for  a  Wescoat  &  Briches  such  as  would 
answer  for  Somer  ware  what  you  should  think  most 
Proper  if  you  will  Creadet  me  for  the  a  bove  artecels 
while  I  Come  whome  or  while  we  draw  wages  you 
Shall  be  well  Paid  for  the  Same  and  you  will  great- 
ley  a  Bleage  me  at  this  time — as  I  am  entirley  Des- 
tetnte  of  money  and  am  not  able  to  get  these  things 
at  Uiis  time  without  Some  gentlemon  will  give  me 


!  Short  Creadet  for  them — and  it  will  be  very  Difecolt 
I  for  me  to  Do  without  them  as  I  have  the  Command 
'  of  the  Light  Infentry  Company  and  our  Regt  is  un- 
der marcheu  orders  Seposed  to  go  to  Alboney  and  if 
.  we  go  into  that  Conterey  most  Sertain  my  dutey  will 
Consist  in  Scouten  the  woods  which   will  be  very  un- 
cofetebel  in  Hot  wather  with  thick  Cloathen. 

Theirfore  I  am  under  tbe  absolute  Nesety  of  askea 
this  Faver  of  you  for  which- 1  hope  you  will  bo 
Pleased  to  grant  and  you  shall  be  wal  Paid  as  soon 
as  Posable. 

Sir  you  must  think  that  it  is  a  hard  thing  that  af- 
ter I  have  Kcskud  my  life  for  upward  of  six  years  in 
the  Publiek  Seivis  to  Be  Brought  so  Low  as  to  not 
be  able  to  By  a  Small  matter  of  Somer  Cloathen  But 
it  is  in  fackt  the  Case  Prohaps  you  will  Say  it  is  by 
Reason  of  my  one  enprudeus  but  I  think  it  is  not 
the  case.  I  engaged  in  the  Servis  in  1777  and  Re- 
ceaved  the  Nomenel  Sum  of  my  wages  in  old  Conti- 
nelton  Dollars  and  all  I  have  Reccaved  sens  Jany 
I  1st  1780  is  Sixty  Hard  Dollars  and  Sixty  New  omis- 
ion — it  is  true  Some  of  the  troops  have  Receaved  some 
new  omesion  for  the  year  1781  but  my  Companey 
being  at  the  Sotherd  the  money  was  Drawn  for  them 
for  3  months  and  it  grue  so  Bad  that  the  Coll.  Saw 
Proper  to  Return  the  money  again  as  it  was  of  no 
Vallew  in  Virgeney  where  they  were. 

I  hope  you  wont  think  I  am  a  Blamen  yoa  or  En- 
ey  other  genilemon  for  it,  I  am  ondly  menshenen  to 
you  our  Hard  forten — but  it  dont  all  Diseorage  ma 
in  the  least.  I  hant  none  what  it  was  to  Command 
one  Dollar  this  2  months  nor  I  Dont  no  as  I  shall  for 
six  months  to  come  but  if  I  Can  get  a  few  shirts  and 
a  few  thin  cloathen  I  feal  my  Self  Pritey  wal  Con- 
tented to  be  with  out  money  for  lam  Dctarmend  a^i 
I  have  beene  so  long  in  the  servis  to  so  it  out  if  I  am 
even  a  bleage  to  fight  with  even  a  Shirt. 

Sir,  I  must  Beg  your  Parden  fo»  Trobelen  you 
with  so  long  a  Scrall  and  Conclude  Subscriben  my 
Self  your  Most  obedient  and  Humble  Servent. 

S A . 

N.  B.  Sir  if  you  Should  be  Pleased  to  Send  the  a 
bove  articels  by  the  Barer  Pleas  to  Send  a  bill  of  tho 
Coast  for  I  will  Send  the  money  as  Soon  as  in  my 
Power  if  I  dont  Come  whome  my  Self.  S.  A. 

their  would  want  a  Small  matter  of  Corsen  Lisa 
for  Pockets  and  waggon  Linens. 


14 


RELICS  OF  A  "  PECULIAR  INSTITUTION  "  IN 
SALEM. 

Among  my  old  papers,  I  find  the  following 
scraps,  which,  together  with  some  other  old  matters 
of  a  quaint  and  curious  nature,  which  I  propose  to 
send  you  from  time  to  time  for  publication,  sferve  to 
illustrate  the  manners.and  customs  of  our  Ancestor^ 
in  "ye  quiete  and  peaceable  Tosfrne  of  Salem." 

"Janeuary  ye  4th  1710  Rescued  of  Wm.  Pickering 
fifteen  pounds  in  money  being  in  full  for  an  Indian 
Gerll  sd  Pickering  boft  of  me  in  augustt  Lastt. 
Fra's  Holmes.  p. 

Salem,  May  11,  1732. 

This  Day  Sold  to  Mr.  Myles  Ward  Jnn'r  A  Negro 
Girle  Caled  Betty  for  fifty  five  pounds  and  took  oble- 
gation  for  the  same.    James  Lin  Jail. 

Witness,  James  Lindall,  Jun'r,  Sarah  Lindall,  Ter- 
tius. 


A]?fClBNT  PULPIT  NOTICES. 

Messrs.  Editors: — The  certificate,  of  which  I  send 
you  a  copy,  refers  to  the  old  custom  of  notifying 
Town  Meetings,  Trainings,  and  other  secular  occa- 
sions, at  the  Thursday  Lecture  in  the  Meeting  House; 
It  reminds  us  of  a  little  incident  which  was  said  to 
have  taken  place  in  one  of  the  churches  in  New  Or- 
leans one  Sunday,  a  few  years  since.  The  officiating 
clergyman,  at  the  close  of  his  sermon,  made  the  fol- 
lowing announcement:  "I  am  requested  to  give  no- 
tice that  there  will  be  a  Horse  Race  in  the  rear  of 
this  house,  immediately  after  divine  service.  My 
hearers,  I  trust  you  will  all  be  present."  B. 

Salem,  Match  19,  1859. 

This  may  signify  to  whom  it  may  conceme,  that 
on  February  the  18th,  1701,  being  our  Lecture  day 
at  Salem,  Joseph  Neal,  being  at  meeting,  continued 
quietly  and  orderly  at  the  time  of  the  publick  wor- 
ship, and  read  not  the  papyr  (paper)  of  Notification 
for  the  Commoners'  meeting  till  such  time  after  the 
public  worship  as  is  usual  with  us,  when  training 
days  are  warned,  or  Town  meetings  appointed ;  and 
he  was  not  forbid  reading  of  it  as  I  know,  or  any 
tlissatisfactioQ  signified  against  his  reading    of  it, 


whilst  he  was  reading  of  it.  I  was  in  the  meeting 
all  the  while  the  papyr  of  Notification  for  the  Com- 
moners' meeting  was  reading,  and  can  testify  to  the 
truth  above  written,  if  I  Should  be  callccd  there  to. 
NICHOLAS  NOYES. 
Salem,  March  30,  1702. 


CURIOUS  INDENTURE  BETWEEN  A  MASTER 
AND  SERVANT,  IN  1713. 

Messrs.  Editors: — The  following  Indenture  ia,  I 
think,  worthy  of  being  preserved  in  print,  as  a  re- 
cord of  at  least  two  by-gone  institutions,  viz:  "bound 
Servants,"  and  the  custom  of  teachiilg  servants  "lo 
read  a  chapter  well  in  the  Bible."  b.  m.  Hi 

This  Indenture,  Made  the  first  Day  of  September, 
RRae,  Annae  Nunc  Magnae  Brittaniae  Duodecimd 
annoq  Dom.,  1713,  Witnesseth  that  Nicholas  Bour- 
guess,  a  youth  of  Quarnsey,  of  his  own  free  and  vol- 
untary will,  and  bv  and  with  the  Consent  of  his 
present  Master,  Capt,  John  Hardy^  of  Guarnseyj 
aforesaid,  Marriner,  hath  put  himsclfe  a  Servant 
Vnto  Mr.  William  English,  of  Salem,  in  the  County 
of  Essex,  within  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  New  England,  Marriner,  for  the  space  of 
four  yeares  from  the  Day  of  the  Date  hereof,  vntill 
the  aforesaid  Terme  of  four  yeares  be  fully  Com- 
pleat  &  Ended,  During  all  which  time  the  said  Ser- 
vant his  said  Master,  his  heircs,  Executors,  admin- 
istrators or  assignees  Dwelling  within  the  province 
aforesaid,  shall  well  and  faithfully  serve,  their  law- 
ful commands  obey;  he  shall  not  absent  himselfe 
from  his  or  their  service  without  Leave  or  Lyoenso 
first  had  from  him  ot  them;  his  Master's  Money, 
goods  or  other  Estate  he  shull  not  PurloiOej  embea- 
le  or  wast;  at  unlawful  1  Games  he  shall  not  Flay; 
Tavernes  or  Alehouses  he  shall  not  Frequent;  forni- 
cation he  shall  not  Committ,  nor  Matrimony  Con- 
tract; but  in  all  things  shall  Demean  himselfe  as  a 
faithfuU  Setrant  During  the  Terme  aforesaid,  and 
the  aforesaid  Master,  on  his  part,  doth  for  himselfe, 
his  heires  and  assignees.  Covenant,  promise  and 
agree  to  and  with  the  said  Servant;  that  he  or  they 
shall  and  will  provide  &  find  him  with  sufficient 
Meat,  Drink,  Cloathing,  washing  &  Lodging,  &  in 
Case  of  Sickness,  with  Phisick,  and  attendance 
During  the  Terme  aforesaid,  and  to  Learn  him  to 
read  a  Chapter  well  in  the  bible,  it  he  may  be  capa> 
ble  of  Learning  it,  &  to  Dismiss  him  with  two  suits 
of  Apparell  for  all  parts  of  his  Body — the  one  for 
Lord's  Days,  the  other  for  working  Days.    In  Testi- 


IS 


luoriy  &  for  Confirmation  whereof  the  parties  afore- 
tiiiiiied  bare  Interchangablj  set  their  bands  and 
Scales  the  Day  &  Yeare  first  above  written. 

nicollas  bourgaize,  John  Hardy. 
Signed,  Sealed   <t  Delivered    in    presence  of  us, — 
Marg't  Sewall,   Jun'r,   Susannah     Sewall,    Stephen 
Bewail,  Not.  pub.  &  Justice  peace. 


NARRATIVE  OF  THE  PIRACY,  AND  PLUNDER 
OF  THE  SHIP  FRIENDSHIP,  OF  SALEM,  ON 
THE  WEST  COAST  OF  SUMATRA,  IN  FEB- 
•  RUARY  1831,  AND  THE  MASiACRE  OF  PART 
OF  HER  CREW:  ALSO,  H^R  RE-CAPTURE 
OUT  OF  THE  HANDS  OF  THE  MALAY  PI- 
RATES. 

BY   CHARLES    M.    ENDICOTT. 

kead  at  a  meeting  of  the  Emsex  Institute,  Jan.  28, 1858. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  narrative,  I  will 
say  a  few  words  upon  the  character  of  the  na- 
tives of  this  coast ;  the  impression  having  gon^ 
abroad,  and  has  even  been  stated  in  our  pul- 
pits and  elsewhere,  that  the  wrongs  they  have 
experienced  at  our  hands  have  led  to  their 
bad  faith  and  perfidy  ;  and  that  we.  Americans, 
are,  after  all,  responsible  for  it.  That  this  is 
a  base  calumny  and  has  no  foundation  in 
truth,  we  shall  first  endeavor  to  show. 

*{It  may  be  proper  perhaps  to  state  in  the 
Outset,  that  the  whole  of  the  pepper  coast  is 
inhabited  by  emigrants  from  Acheen,  the  res- 
idence of  the  king^,  and  the  capital  of  his  do- 
minions ;  and  although  they  are  generally 
fepoken  of  by  us  as  Malays,  are  nevertheless  a 
distinct  race  from  them,  speaking  an  unwrit- 
ten language  wholly  unlike  the  Malay  tongue 
and  difiering  from  them  in  everything  but 
their  religion.  The  Acheenise  have  an  imper- 
fect and  vague  tradition,  which  savors  more  of 
fable  than  reality,  that  they  are  the  descend- 
ants of  a  people,  who,  at  a  very  remote  period, 
emigrated  from  the  Mediterranean,  or,  as  they 
express  it,  from  "Roma,"  (by  which  is  meant, 
no  doubt,  a  colony  of  Phenicians,)   who,  in 


*The  matter  contained  between  these  brackets 
Was  published  in  the  Boston  Courier  by  the  author 
of  this  account;  in  the  sommer  of  1652. 


the  course  of  their  extensive  maritiino  enter- 
prises, visited  the  northern  part  of  this  island 
by  way  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  formed  a  settle- 
ment at  Aclieen,  where  intermarrying  with 
the  natives  their  posterity  have  ever  since  re- 
sided. 

The  coast  from  Acheen  southward  was  ori- 
ginally peopled  by  Malays,  but  wherever  the 
Acheenise  iiave  made  settlements  the  aborigi- 
nes have  invariably  been  exterminated,  either 
by  secret  assassination  or  poison  :  and  by  such 
and  kindred  foul  practices  they  have  possessed 
themselves  of  the  whole  of  the  pepper  coast, 
and  scarcely  a  real  native  Malay  is  now  met 
with.  All  writers,  for  centuries  past,  have 
agreed  in  representing  these  people  as  the 
most  subtle,  crafty  and  treacherous  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  East.  Our  dealings  with  them 
generally  (I  will  not  say  always — for  bad  and 
unprincipled  men  are  sometimes  found  en- 
gaged in  all  trades,)  but  generally  our  deal- 
ings with  them  are  such  aa  of  necessity  they 
must  be  with  a  people  from  whom  we  can 
never  obtain  redress  for  any  bad  faith  or  dis- 
honesty ;  who  acknowledge  no  laws,  have  no 
tribunals  of  justice  to  which  we  can  appeal  for 
broken  faith  or  violated  contracts,  and  hold 
themselves  bound  by  no  ties  of  integrity  or 
honor ;  for  it  would  be  as  difficult  to  carry 
out  equitably  any  compact  made  with  themj 
if  it  should  conflict  with  their  interests,  as  it 
would  be  vain  to  expect  mercy  from  the  fero- 
cious tenants  of  their  forests.  That  they  have 
at  times  been  over-reached  at  their  own  play 
in  their  attempts  to  defraud  and  impose  upon 
us,  and  that  the  measure  they  mete  unto  oth»- 
ers  has  been  measured  to  them  again,  will  not 
be  denied  ;  and  that  our  interests  have  also 
frequently  suffered  severely  by  their  fraudu- 
lent practices,  is  equally  certain.  If  we  were 
not  always  on  the  alert  to  detect  and  counter- 
balance their  frauds,  and  sometimes  even  to 
aniicipate  them,  we  should  be  obliged  to  aban- 
don the  trade  altogether.  But  the  Munchau- 
sen stories  which  are  sometimes  banded  about, 
are  often  without  any  foundation  in  truth,  and 


16 


are  not  unfrequently  the  ofispring  of  the  brain 
of  individuals,  who  hope  to  gain  in  this  way  a 
character  ibr  great  shrewdness  in  their  deal- 
ings. But  these  trials  at  circumvention,  in 
■which  thoy  as  often  gain  the  advantage  as  lose 
it,  do  not  certainly  justify  the  piracy  and 
murder  of  our  countrymen  trading  upon  their 
shores. 

So  far  from  becoming  corrupt,  perfidious 
and  treacherous,  by  our  intercourse  with  them, 
it  will  bo  found,  by  a  little  research,  that 
these  attributes  in  their  characters  existed,  in 
as  eminent  a  degree,  upwards  of  two  centuries 
ago,  as  at  present ;  and  setting  aside  the  in- 
significance into  which  the  king's  power  has 
dwindled,  the  accounts  of  them  then  would  an- 
swer as  well  as  any  description  which  could 
now  be  given.  In  Mavor's  historical  account 
of  early  voyages,  is  one  of  Commodore  Bieu- 
lieu's  to  the  East  Indies  in  1619 — 22,  under- 
taken for  commercial  purposes,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  French  government.  Mons. 
Bieulieu  is  represented  as  an  officer  of  distin- 
guished character,  both  for  the  integrity  of 
his  conduct  and  the  extent  of  his  abilities. — 
The  account  he  has  given  of  his  enterprise  is 
universally  admired,  for  candid  statement, 
and  easy,  unaffected  detail.  lie  left  France 
October  2,  1619,  with  three  vessels  under  his 
command,  and  in  the  course  of  his  voyage  vis- 
ited Acheen,  to  obtain  the  king's  peruiis.sion 
to  traffic  within  t is  dominions,  lie  describes 
his  reception  by  the  king,  and  the  pomp  and 
magnificence  of  his  court  at  that  time,  and 
also  details  several  instances  of  his  majesty's 
savage  cruelty  in  mutilating  his  subjects  upon 
the  moft  trifling  pretext,  to  which  he  was  a 
painful  eye-witness.  Finally,  after  along  ne- 
gotiation, and  submitting  to  much  extortion, 
he  succeeded  in  obtaining  t^e  desired  permis- 
sion, and,  in  his  first  attempts  to  avail  himself 
of  it,  he  gives  the  following  account : 

"The  avarice  of  this  monarch  was  not  less 
detestable  than  his  cruelty.  No  representa- 
tions or  presents  could  get  the  better  of  it.  Not- 
withstanding I  had    procured  a  license  to  pur- 


chase pepper  of  his  subjects,  the  first  person  who 
sold  me  any  was  laid  in  irons.    At  last  I  found 
it  impossible  to  procure  a    grain,  unless  I  con- 
sented to  take  it  of  him  at  his  own  price  ;  and 
after  I  had  agreed  for   three  hundred  bahars 
at  nearly  double  its  value,  to  my  astonishment, 
I  found  he  exacted  seven  per   cent,  by   way  of 
custom,  for  the  very  pepper  I   had  purchased 
of  himself.  I  afterwards  contracted  with  a  per- 
son wiio  was  distinguished   for  his   knowledge 
of  the  laws  of  Mahomet,  and  even   passed  for 
a  prophet  himself,  but  finding  some  black  sand 
among  his  pepper,  I    remonstrated.     At  last  I 
found  he    weighed    out  the    commodity  wet^ 
and  although  a   complaint   to  the  king  might 
have  procured  mo  revenge,    I  chose  rather  to 
submit  to  the  loss  than   enter    into   a   dispute 
with  this   sanctified   personage.     Wearied  out 
at  length  with  the  impositions  of  the  tyrant ^  and 
disgusted  with  the  chicanery    of  his  subjects,  I 
resolved  to  depart."     This    author  also  adds, 
"The  inhabitants  of  Acheen  are  the    most    vi- 
cious of  any  on  the   coast.     They  are  proud, 
perfidious  and  envious.      With  an  outward 
show  of  being  strict  Mahometans,   they   are 
the  most  consummate  hypocrites.     If  they  on- 
ly   suspect   that   any  one    bears     them    any 
ill    will,    they     endeavor   to     ruin     him  by 
false    accusations,"      Commodore     Bieulieu's 
account  is    corroborated    by     all   the     early 
English  navigators,  who  visited  Acheen  under 
the  direction  of  the  East  India  Company,  im- 
mediately after  its  first  charter  by  Queen  Eliz- 
abeth in  1600.     The  character  of  these  people, 
since  that  period,  has  undergone  no  radical  or 
material  change  ;  it  is  essentially   the  same  in 
all  respects,  now  as  then.     We  omitted  to  re- 
mark that   Commodore   Bieulieu   had  one  of 
the  vessels  under  his  command  burnt  by  the 
natives,  and  all   the   plunder  detained  by  the 
king.     We  think  no   candid,   liberal  and  un- 
prejudiced mind  will  seek  far,   or  look  deep, 
for  motives  to   stimulate  such   a    mercenary 
people  to  acts  of  violence  on  our  ships  when- 
ever opportunities    offer ;  and  that  no   other 
incentives  are  needed  than  such  as  are  found 


17 


inherent  in  their  own  breasts,  that  is,  a  love 
of  plunder,  to  deeds  of  crime  and  outrage.] 

This,  let  it  be  borne  in  mind,  was  their  char- 
acter in  the  year  1020,  the  very  year  of  the 
landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  at  Plymouth. 
One  can  therefore  appreciate  how  far  we, 
Ainericans,  who  had  then  no  existence  as  a 
nation,  and  who  had  no  intercourse  with  these 
people  for  170  years  after  this  period,  are  re- 
sponsible for  these  traits  of  character,  and 
how  far  we  therefore  have  corrupted  their  in- 
tegrity. Having  now  finished  our  preface,  we 
will  commence  our  narrative. 

And  here  ^e  would  remark,  in  compiling 
this  account,  we  have  met  with  a  serious  ob- 
stacle, which  has  baffled  all  our  skill  to  over- 
come— that  is,  how  to  avoid  the  too  frequent 
and  objectionable  use  of  the  little  personal 
pronoun  I,  which  must  strike  every  reader  of 
the  narrative,  in  common  with  myself.  We 
trust,  however,  the  peculiar  circumstances  of 
the  case  will  be  considered  and  appreciated, 
and  thai  charity  extended  to  me  which  the 
subject  seems  imperatively  to  demand. 

The  ship  Friendship,  of  this  place,  under  my 
command,  belonging  to  the  Messrs.  Pickman 
and  Silsbeea,  sailed  from  Salem  for  the  west 
coast  of  Sumatra,  with  a  crew  of  seventeen 
men,  including  officers  and  seamen,  on  the 
26th  of  May,  1830.  The  persons  composing 
the  ship's  company,  were  as  follows :  Charles 
M.  Endicott,  Master ;  Charles  Knight,  Ist 
Mate  ;  John  Barry,  2d  Mate  ;  William  Bray, 
Carpenter ;  George  Chester,  Algornon  War- 
ren, John  Davis,  John  Massey,  George  Col- 
lins, William  Parnell,  Gregorie  Pedechie, 
Charles  Converse,  Philip  Manning,  John  Pat- 
terson and  John  Byrne,  Seamen ;  William 
Francis,  Steward  ;  George  Migill,  Cook  ;  and 
after  the  usual  succession  of  fair  winds  and 
foul,  calms  and  storms,  arrived  safely  at  her 
place  of  destination  on  the  22d  September  fol- 
lowing. We  touched  first  at  the  port  of  Qua- 
lah  Battoo,  (i.e.,  in  English,  Rocky  Eiver,) 
in  Lat.  3®  48m  North.  This  place  is  inhabited 
^by  natives  from  the  Pedir  Coast,  on  the  north 
5 


of  the  island,  as  well  as  Acheeniire,  and  19 
therefore  governed  jointly  by  a  Pedir  and 
Acheenise  Rajah .  We  remained  here  for  the 
purposes  of  trade,  until  the  5th  of  November 
following,  at  which  time,  having  obtained  all 
the  pepper  of  the  old  crop,  and  the  new  pep- 
per not  coming  in  until  March  or  April,  wo 
left  that  port,  and  m  prosecutioft  of  our  voy- 
age visited  several  others,  and  finally  returned 
to  Pulo  Kio,  (i.  e.,  in  English,  Wood  Island,) 
about  two  miles  from  Qualah  Battoo,  the  lat- 
ter part  of  January,  1831,  intending  to  re- 
main there  until  the  coming  in  of  the  pepper 
crop. 

One  bright  moonlight    night,  shortly  after 
our  arrival   at  this  place,  I  was   awakened  by 
the  watch  informing  me  that  a  native  boat  was 
approaching  the  ship    in  a  very  stealthy  man- 
ner, and   under  suspicious   circumstances.     I 
immediately   repaired   on   deck,  and   saw  the 
boat  directly  in  our  wake  under  the  stern ,  the 
most  obvious  way  to  conceal  herself  from  our 
observation,   and    gradually   approaching    us 
with  the  utmost   caution,     without  the  least 
noise  or  apparent   propelling    power,  the  oars 
being  struck   so  lightly  in  the  water   thai  its 
surface  was  scarcely  ruffled.     Having  watched 
their  proceedings   a  few  minutes,  we   became 
convinced  it  was  a   reconnoitering  party,  sent 
to  ascertain  how  good  a  loot-out  was  kept  on 
board  the  ship,   and  intending    to   surprise  us 
for  no  good  purpose,  to  say  the  least,  if  they 
were  not  discovered.    We  therefore  hailed  them 
in  their  own   dialect,  asking  them  where  they 
came  from,  what  they   wanted,  and  why  they 
were  approaching  the  ship  m  such   a  stealthy, 
tiger-like  manner.     We  could  see  that  all  was 
instantly  life  and  animation  on  board  her,  and 
after  a  few  moments  we  received  an  answer 
that  they  were  frieftds   from   Qualah  Battoo, 
with  a  load  of  smuggled  pepper,    which  they 
were  desirous  to  dispose  of  to  us.     We  how- 
ever, positively  forbade  them  to  advance  any 
nearer  the  ship,   or  to   come   along  side ;  but, 
after  considerable   discussion,   we  at  length 
gave  our  consent  for  them  to  come  abreast  th^ 


18 


ship  at  a  respectful  distance,  and  we  would 
Bend  some  of  our  own  men  on  board  to  ascer- 
tain if  their  story  was  correct ;  and  if  there 
was  nothing  suspicious  about  her,  on  their 
giving  up  their  side  arms  we  would  rig  a  whip 
upon  the  main  yard,  and  in  this  way  take  on 
board  their  pepper,  and  allow  one  man  to 
come  on  board  ship  to  look  after  it.  All  our 
own  crew  had,  in  the  mean  time,  been  mus- 
tered and  armed,  and  a  portion  of  them  placed 
as  sentinels  on  each  side  the  gangway.  In 
this  manner  we  passed  on  board  some  50  or 
60  bags  of  pepper.  We  were  afterwards  in- 
formed by  the  2d  officer,  that  while  this  was 
going  forward,  the  chief  officer,  who  subse- 
quently lost  his  life,  was  secretly  scoffing  at 
these  precautions,  attributing  them  to  cow- 
ardice, and  boasting  he  could  clear  the  decks 
of  a  hundred  such  fellows  with  a  single  hand- 
spike. This  boat,  we  subsequently  ascer- 
tained, was  sent  by  a  young  man  named  Po 
Qualah,  the  con  of  the  Pedir  Rajah,  for  the 
express  purpose  which  we  had  suspected  ;  the 
pepper  having  been  put  on  board  merely  as 
an  excuse  in  case  they  should  be  discovered. 
It  was  only  a  sort  of  parachute,  let  off  to  see 
from  what  quarter  the  wind  blew,  as  a  guide 
in  their  future  evil  designs  upon  us.  Ascer- 
taining, however,  by  this  artifice,  that  the  ship 
was  too  vigilantly  guarded,  at  least,  in  the 
night,  to  be  thus  surprised,  they  set  them- 
selves at  work  to  devise  another  plan  to  decoy 
us  to  Qualah  Battoo,  in  which,  I  am  sorry  to 
say,  they  were  more  successful. 

A  few  days  after  this  occurrence,  a  deputa- 
tion was  sent  to  invite  us  to  Qualah  Battoo, 
representing  that  the  new  crop  of  pepper  was 
beginning  to  make  its  appearance,  and  they 
could  now  furnish  us  with  from  one  to  two 
hundred  bags  per  day,  and  would  ho  doubt  be 
enabled  to  complete  loading  the  ship  in  the 
course  of  forty  days.  Being  in  pursuit  of  a 
cargo,  and  having  been  always  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  natives  of  this  place,  who  I 
did  not  consider  worse  than  those  of  other 
|)arts  of  the  coast,  and  feeling   beside  some  se- 


curity from  the  fact  that  we  had  already  been 
warned  by  some  of  our  old  friends  not  to  place 
too  much  confidence  in  any  of  them,  all  of 
whom,  in  consequerice  of  the  low  price  of  pep- 
per, and  from  various  otlier  causes,  were  actu- 
ally contemplating  piracy  along  the  whole 
coast,  whenever  a  good  opportunity  should  of- 
fer, we  considered,  with  a  suitable  degree  of 
caution,  the  danger  was  but  triflirg,and  there- 
fore concluded  a  contract  with  them,  and  pro- 
ceeded at  once  with  tlie  ship  to  Qualah  Battoo. 
Strict  regulations  were  then  established  for  the 
security  and  protection  of  the  ship.  Two  of 
the  most  important  were,  that,  in  the  a'^sence 
of  the  captain,  not  more  than  two  Malaya 
were  to  be  permitted  on  board  at  the  same 
time  ;  and  no  boats  should  be  allowed  to  ap- 
proach her  in  the  night  time  upon  any  pre- 
tence whatever,  without  calling  an  officer. — 
Then  mustering  all  hands  upon  the  quarter 
deck,  I  made  a  few  remarks,  acquainting  them 
with  my  apprehensions,  and  impressing  on 
their  minds  the  importance  of  a  good  look-out, 
particularly  in  the  night,  and  expressed  my 
firm  conviction  that  vigilance  alone  would 
prevent  the  surprise  and  capture  of  the  ship, 
and  the  sacrifice  of  all  our  lives ;  that  the 
words  of  Po  Adam,  which  they  had  so  often 
heard  him  utter,  "must  look  sharp,"  had  no 
idle  meaning.  Having  thus  done  all  we  could 
to  guard  against  surprise,  and  put  the  ship  in 
as  good  a  state  of  defence  as  under  the  circum- 
stances was  possible ;  keeping  her  entire  ar- 
mament in  good  and  efficient  order,  and  firing 
every  night  an  eight  o' block  gun,  to  apprise 
the  natives  that  we  were  not  sleeping  upon 
our  posts,  we  commenced  taking  in  pepper, 
and  so  continued  for  three  or  four  days,  the 
Malays  appearing  very  friendly,  and  every- 
thing went  on  satisfactorily. 

On  Monday,  February  7,  1831,  early  in  the 
morning,  while  we  were  at  breakfast,  my  old 
and  tried  friend,  Po  Adam,  a  native  well- 
known  to  traders  on  this  coast,  came  on  board 
in  a  small  canoe  from  his  residence  at  Pulo 
Kio,  in  order  to  proceed  on  shore  in  the  ship's 


19 


boat,  which  shortly  after  started  with  the  2d 
offii-er,  four  seamen  and  myself.  On  our  way 
Po  Adara  expressed  much  anxiety  for  the  safe- 
ty of  the  ship,  and  also  an  entire  want  of  con- 
fidence in  Mr.  Knight,  the  first  ofiicer,  which, 
however,  I  then  considered  unfounded,  re- 
marking in  his  broken  English,  "Ae  no  look 
sharp,  no  undersland  Malay-man."  On  being 
asked  if  he  realli/  believed  his  countrymen 
would  dare  to  attack  the  ship,  he  replied  in 
the  affirmative.  I  then  observed  to  the  2d 
officer,  it  certainly  behooved  us,  the  boat's 
crew,  who  were  more  exposed  than  any  of  the 
ship's  company,  to  be  on  our  guard  against 
surprise,  and  proposed  when  we  next  came  on 
shore,  to  come  prepared  to  defend  ourselves  ; 
but  did  not  think  the  danger  sufficiently  immi- 
nent to  return  to  the  ship  for  that  purpose  at 
the  present  moment.  When  we  reached  the 
landing  we  were  kindly  received,  as  usual, — a 
man  who  was  a  stranger  to  me,  of  rather  pre- 
possessing appearance,  pretended  to  be  very 
much  pleased  with  my  knowledge  of  the  lan- 
guage, for  which  he  was  profuse  in  his  com- 
pliments, and,  to  hear  me  speak  it,  followed 
close  upon  my  footsteps  through  the  bazars, 
and  was  very  assiduous  in  his  attentions. — 
Such  circumstances  being,  however,  of  almost 
daily  occurrence,  there  was  nothing  particu- 
lar in  this  to  excite  suspicions  of  any  evil  in- 
tent, and  we  were  soon  upon  easy  and  famil- 
iar terms.  The  natives  were  bringing  in  pep- 
per very  slowly  ;  only  now  and  then  a  single 
Malay  would  make  his  appearance  with  a  bag 
upon  his  head,  and  it  was  not  until  nearly  3 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  tbat  sufficient  was  col- 
lected to  commence  weighing  ;  and  between  3 
and  4  o'clock  the  first  boat  started  from  the 
shore.  The  natives  were,  however,  still  bring- 
ing in  pepper,  with  a  promise  of  another  boat- 
load during  the  day.  This  was,  however,  a  mere 
Bubterfuge  to  keep  us  on  shore.  As  the  boat 
was  passing  out  of  the  river,  I  noticed  her  stop 
upon  one  of  the  points,  and  believing  it  the  ; 
object  of  her  crew  to  steal  pepper,  and  secrete 
it  among  the  neighboring  high  glass,  two  men 
were  sent  down   to  look   after  them.    They  | 


soon  returned,  remmkiag  there  appeared  to  be 
nothing  wrong.  The  ship  lay  about  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  shore,  and  betweea 
the  scale-house  and  the  beach  there  was  a 
piece  of  rising  ground,  so  that  standing  at  the 
scales  we  could  just  seethe  ship's  topgallant 
yards.  I  had  observed  a  vessel  in  the  offing 
in  the  course  of  the  day,  apparently  approach- 
ing this  place  or  Soosoo,  and,  being  at  leisure, 
walked  up  towards  the  beach  to  ascertain  if 
she  had  hoisted  any  national  colours.  The 
instant  I  had  proceeded  far  enough  to  see  our 
ship's  hull,  I  observed  the  pepper-boat,  which 
was  at  this  time  within  two  or  three  hundred 
feet  of  her,  as  she  rose  on  the  top  of  the  swell, 
appeared  to  have  a  large  number  of  men  in 
her.  My  suspicions  were  instantly  aroused 
that  there  was  something  wrong,  and  I  re- 
turned to  inquire  into  the  circumstance  of  the 
men  who  were  sent  down  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  I  was  Ihen  informed,  for  the  first  time, 
as  they  approached  the  boat  6  or  7  Malays 
jumped  up  from  the  high  grass  and  rushed  on 
board  her  ;  and  as  she  passed  out  of  the  river, 
they  saw  her  take  in  from  a  ferry  boat,  that 
was  passing,  about  the  same  number  ;  but  as 
they  all  appeared  to  be  '■'youngsters,'^  to  use 
their  own  expression,  they  did  not  think  the 
circumstance  of  sufficient  importance  to  men- 
tion it.  They  were  reprimanded  for  sufih  an 
omission  of  duty,  accompanied  with  the  re- 
mark, "your  youngsters,  as  you  call  them, 
will,  I  suspect,  be  found  old  enough  in  iniqui- 
ty, at  least,  to  capture  the  ship,  if  once  ad- 
mitted upon  her  decks."  The  words  of  Po 
Adam,  that  morning,  that  "Mr.  Knight  no 
look  sharp,  no  undersland  Malay-man,''^  now 
struck  mo  with  their  full  force  and  a  fearful 
foreboding,  and  1  appealed  to  Mr.  Barry,  the 
2d  officer,  for  his  opinion  as  to  what  would  be 
Mr.  Knight's  probable  course,  remarking  "Ae 
certainly  will  not  disobey  his  orders."  Mr. 
Barry,  however,  expressed  his  fears  as  to  the 
result,  remarking  be  knew  so  well  the  contempt 
which  Mr.  Knight  entertained  for  these  peo- 
ple, "tbat  be  will  probably  conclude  your  pre'- 


20 


cautions  to  be  altogether  uDoecessary,  and 
that  he  can  allow  them  to  come  on  board  with 
impunity,  without  your  ever  knowing  any- 
thing of  the  circumotance,  and  no  harm  will 
come  of  it."  This  view  of  the  case  certainly 
did  not  have  the  effect,  in  any  degree,  to  al- 
lay my  anxiety,  and  I  observed,  "if  your  pre- 
dictions prove  correct,  the  ship  is  taken  ;" 
but  concluding  it  to  be  altogether  too' late  for 
ua  on  shore  to  render  any  assistance  to  the 
ship,  and  still  clinging  to  the  hope  that  Mr, 
Knight  would,  after  all,  be  faithful  to  his 
trust,  Mr.  Barry  and  two  men  were  directed 
to  walk  up  towards  the  beach  without  any 
apparent  concern,  and  watch  the  ruovements 
on  board.  I  should  have  remarked,  on  my  own 
way  up  to  the  beach,  just  before,  I  passed 
near  a  tree,  under  the  shade  of  which  a  group 
of  10  or  12  natives  were  apparently  holding  a 
consultation,  and,  as  I  approached,  all  conver- 
sation ceased.  The  object  of  this  meeting,  as 
I  was  attervvarda  informed,  was  to  consider 
whether  it  would  be  better  to  kill  us  before  at- 
tempting to  take  the  ship,  or  o/ient-arrf;  and 
the  conclusion  arrived  at  was  to  be  sure  of  the 
^Vi^  first,  the  killing  of  us  appearing  to  them 
as  easy,  to  use  their  own  simile,  as  cutting  off 
the  heads  of  so  many  fowls :  the  manner  how 
had  already  been  decided,  the  time  when  was 
all  there  was  to  be  considered, — a  native  hav- 
ing been  already  appointed,  and  the  price  fixed 
for  the  assassination  of  each  of  the  boat's  crew. 
The  price  set  upun  my  life  was  1000  dollars, 
for  the  2J  officer's,  500  dollars,  and  for  each 
of  the  seamen  100  dollars.  It  was  the  busi- 
ness of  my  officious  friend,  whom  1  met  that 
morning  on  landing,  to  bestow  that  delicate 
little  piece  of  attention  upon  me. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Barry  had  reached  an  eleva- 
tion where  he  could  iairly  see  the  ship's  hull, 
I  noticed  a  quick  convulsive  movement  of  his 
limbs,  and  that  he  turned  short  round,  and 
■walked,  without  hastening  his  steps,  directly 
towards  me  ; — passing  me,  however,  without 
discovering  any  emotion,  our  eyes  not  being 
pyen  directed   towards  each  other,  and  said, 


"there  is  trouble  on  board.  Sir," — to  the  ques- 
tion "What  did  you  see?"  he  replied,  "Men 
jumping  overboard."  Convinced  at  once,  of 
our  own  perilous  situation,  and  that  our  escape 
depended  on  extremely  cautious  and  judicious 
management,  I  answered  "We  must  show  no 
alarm,  but  muster  the  men,  and  order  them 
immediately  into  the  boat  "  At  this  moment 
we  did  not  know,  of  course,  whether  it  was  the 
natives  or  our  own  crew  who  were  jumping 
overboard,  there  was  nothing  certain  further 
than  that  the  ship  was  undoubtedly  attacked, 
and  we  on  shore  must  look  out  for  our  lives.— 
The  men  got  into  the  boat  in  their  usual  delib- 
erate manner,  and  winded  her  head  round  to- 
wards the  mouth  of  the  river,  when  Philip 
Manning,  one  of  the  crew,  who  had  yet  no 
suspicion  of  what  was  going  on,  reminded  me 
I  had  not  locked  the  chest  containing  the 
weights.  And  here  I  ought,  perhaps,  to  re- 
mark that  in  this  trade  the  weights  are  as 
much  a  matter  of  contract  and  bargain  as  the 
price  of  pepper,  and  for  the  bettor  satisfaction 
of  both  parties  I  had  recently  adopted  the  plan 
of  locking  up  the  weights  over  night  in  a  chest 
kept  on  shore  tor  that  purpose.  This  was  in 
the  first  place  to  prevent  the  Malays  taking  out 
the  lead,  and  in  the  next,  convincing  them  that 
we  did  not  violate  our  part  of  the  contract  by 
putting  any  secretly  in.  Such  is  the  mutual 
want  of  confidence  manifested  in  Qur  dealings 
with  each  other  on  this  coast. 

Everything  being  now  in  readiness,  we  push- 
ed off  from  the  shore,  the  Malays  having  no 
suspicion  of  our  design,  believing  we  intended 
to  remain  for  the  other  boat  load  of  pepper, 
and  thinking  it  to  be  our  intention,  by  our  ap- 
parently unconcerned  manner,  to  cross  the  river 
for  a  stroll  in  the  opposite  Bazar,  as  was  our 
frequent  custom.  The  moment  the  boat's  stern 
had  left  the  bank  of  the  river,  Po  Adam  sprang 
into  her  in  a  great  state  of  excitement,  to  whom 
I  exclaimed,  "What !  do  you  come  too,  Ad- 
am?"— he  answered  "You  got  trouble,  cap- 
tain, if  they  kill  you,  must  kill  Po  Adam  first." 
He  suggested  we  should  immediately  steer  the 


21 


boat  as  far  as  possible  from  the  western  bank 
of  the  river,  which  was  here  not  more  than  one 
hundred  feet  w^ide,  when  I  remarked  to  the 
boat's  crew,  "now  spring  to  your  oars  my  lads 
for  your  lives,  or  we  are  all  dead  men."  Ad- 
am exhibited  the  utmost  alarm  and  consterna- 
tion, encouraging  my  men  to  exert  themselves, 
and  talking  English  and  Acheenise  both  in  the 
same  breath,— now  exclaiming  in  Acheenise, 
di-yoong  di  yoong  hi  !"  and  then  exhorting 
them  to  "pull,  pull  trong  !"  The  men  work- 
ed with  a  will  at  their  oars,  and  what  with 
their  efforts  and  the  assistance  of  a  favourable 
current,  we  made  rapid  progress  out  of  the 
river.  As  we  doubled  one  of  the  points  we  saw 
hundreds  of  natives  rushing  with  wild  impet- 
uosity towards  the  river's  mouth,  brandishing 
their  weapons,  and  otherwise  menacing  us. — 
Adam  upon  seeing  this  was  struck  with  dis- 
may, and  exclaimed '"if  got  blunderbuss  will 
kill  all," — but  luckily  they  were  not  provided 
with  that  weapon,  and  we  therefore  escaped 
its  dangers.  A  ferry-boat  was  next  discovered 
with  ten  or  twelve  Malays  in  her,  armed  with 
long  spears,  evidently  waiting  to  intercept  us. 
I  ordered  Mr.  Barry  into  the  bows  of  the  boat, 
and  with  Adam's  sword  to  make  demonstra- 
tions of  being  armed,  and  also  to  cun  the  boat 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  run  down  the  ferry 
boat,  which  I  concluded  was  our  only  chance 
to  escape.  Our  own  boat  being  a  pinnace  of 
soma  twenty-five  feet  in  length,  high  out  of 
water,  and  the  ferry  boat  a  long  low  canoe, 
the  thing  appeared  quite  feasible.  With  head- 
long impetuosity  we  were  rushing  towards  our 
antagonist,  nerved  with  the  feeling  of  despera- 
tion. The  distance  between  us  was  rapidly  di- 
minishing. With  profound  stillness  and  breath- 
less anxiety  we  awaited  the  moment  of  collision, 
like  a  fated  boat  over  the  cataract  of  Niagara, 
with  scarcely  one  chance  in  a  thousand  to  es- 
cape death.  The  points  of  their  pikes  could 
be  plainly  seen.  Already  I  observed  Mr.  Bar- 
ry with  his  sword  elevated,  as  if  in  the  act  of 
etriking.  But  when  we  had  approached  with- 
in some  twenty  feet,  her  crew  all  at  once,  aa  if 
by  the  direct  interposition  of  Providence,  ap- 
6 


peared  completely  panic  struck,  and  made  an 
effort  to  get  out  of  our  way.  It  was,  howev- 
er, a  close  shave, — so  close  that  one  of  their 
Epears  was  actually  over  the  stern  of  our  boat, 
which  with  my  hand,  as  wc  passed,  I  pushed 
aside.  It  was  long  before  the  countenances  of 
those  men,  as  they  sat  resting  on  their  spears, 
faded  from  my  recollection,  so  indelibly  were 
they  engraven  on  my  memory.  They  often 
visited  me  in  my  dreams,  and  disturbed  even 
my  waking  hours.  We  are  not  at  all  inclined 
10  a  belief  in  special  providences,  but  this  in- 
cident  to  my  mind  is  as  remarkable  as  the  ces- 
sation of  surf,  related  by  Riley,  which  enabled 
him  to  escape  from  the  shore  out  of   the  hands 

of  the  Arabs  on  the   West  Coast   of  Africa. 

The  Malays  on  the  last  point  of  the  river  as  we 
passed,  appeared  perfectly  frantic  at  our  es- 
cape, and  ran  into  the  water  up  to  their  arm- 
pits, in  their  endeavors  to  intercept  us,  wav- 
ing their  swords  above  their  heads,  and  shout- 
ing at  the  tops  of  their  voices.  Having  now 
run  the  gauntlet,  all  danger  for  the  present 
was  passed,  and  during  the  breathing  spell 
which  it  allowed  us,  we  quietly  proceeded  the 
remainder  of  the  distance  out  of  the  river  with- 
out any  further  incident  or  molestation.  We 
had  now  time  calmly  to  contemplate  the  scene 
through  which  we  had  just  passed,  with  hearts, 
I  trust,  grateful  to  God  for  his  kind  protection 
and  safe  guidance  in  the  midst  of  its  perils. — 
This  was  the  part  of  their  plan,  otherwise  well 
conceived,  which  was  defective, — they  had  ta- 
ken no  measures  to  prevent  our  escape  from 
the  shore,  not  believing  for  a  moment  that  our 
lives  were  not  at  their  disposal,  unprotected  and 
defenceless  as  they  caw  us. 

The  whole  scene  would  furnish  an  admirable 
subject  for  the  pencil  of  the  artist, —the  fragile 
boat  running  the  gauntlet,  and  forcing  her  way 
through  the  narrow  passage  out  of  the  river — 
maugre  the  efforts  of  hundreds  of  Malays  who 
are  endeavoring  to  intercept  her;  the  neighbor^ 
ing  bazar  and  the  points  of  the  river  crowded 
with  natives,  many  of  whom  are  actually  in 
the  water  up  to  their  arm-pits,  while  othera 
are  running  to  and  fro,  and  all  in  a  state  o 


22 


the  greatest  excitement,  vociferating  to  the  ex- 
tent of  their  voices.  The  doomed  ship  laying 
tranquilly  in  the  roads,  with  sails  turled,  and 
a  pepper  boat  alongside,  with  a  multitude  of 
natives  in  every  part  of  her,  and  none  of  her 
own  crew  visible,  with  the  exception  of  a  man 
on  the  top  gallant  yardj  and  some  10  or  12 
heads  just  even  with  ttie  surface  of  the  water. 
High  mountains  in  the  back  ground  densely 
clothed  with  wood,  and  a  long  range  of  low 
thatched  houses,  with  here  and  there  a  few  co- 
coanut  trees  surrounding  them,  and  a  sandy 
beach  of  miles  in  extent,  on  which  the  surf  is 
beating  most  furiously.  Its  well  drawn  sketch 
could  not  fail  to  gratify  the  lovers  of  marvel- 
lous and  thrilling  adventures. 

Having  thus  cleared  the  river,  which 
was  like  passing  the  limits  of  the  valley  of  the 
shadow  of  death,  our  first  attention  was  directed 
to  the  the  ship,  and  judge  of  our  feelings  when, 
after  a  moment's  observation,  we  were  convinc- 
ed she  was  captured.  None  of  our  crew,  ex- 
cept one  man  aloft  on  the  fore  top  gallant  jard, 
could  anywhere  be  seen,  and  the  pirates  were 
conspicuous  in  every  part  of  her.  waving  their 
cloths,  and  making  evident  signals  ot  success  to 
the  natives  on  shore.  Without  consideration  my 
first  impulse  was  to  propose  boarding  her,  and 
was  very  properly  reminded  that  if  the  ship 
with  her  full  armament  had  been  taken  with 
80  many  of  her  crew  on  board,  we  could  do 
comparatively  nothing  in  out  unarmed  state, 
towards  her  recapture ;  and  the  idea  was  as 
Boon  abandoned  as  entertained, — if,  indeed,  it 
was  ever  seriously  entertained  at  all. 

We  however  continued  to  row  up  towards 
the  ship  until  we  could  see  the  Malays  pointing 
her  muskets  at  us  from  the  quarter  deck,  and 
that  they  appeared  also  to  be  clearing  away  the 
stem  chasers,  which  we  knew  to  be  loaded  to 
their  muzzles  with  grape  and  langrage,  which 
would  be  exceedingly  unwelcome  visitors  in  our 
defenceless  situation  to  encounter.  At  this 
moment,  three  large  Malay  boats  crowded  with 
men,  were  seen  coming  oat  of  the  river,  and  to 
pull  directly  towards  up.  While  debating  what 
to  do,  and  whether  it  would  not  be  best  to  pro- 


ceed at  once  to  Muckie  for  assistance,  wiiich  was 
some  25  miles  distant,  where  wo  knew  two  or 
three  American  vessels  were  laying, heavy  clouda 
commenced  rolling  down  over  the  mountains, 
and  the  rumbling  of  distant  thunder,  and  sharp 
flashes  of  lightning,  gave  sure  indications  that 
the  land  wind  would  be  accompanied  with  del- 
uges of  rain,  rendering  the  night,  at  least  the 
first  part  ot  it,  one  of  Egyptian  darkness,  in 
which  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  grope 
our  way  safely  along  shore  towards  that  place. 
Under  those  discouraging  prospects,  Po  Adam 
advised  us  to  proceed  to  Pulo  Kio,  and  take 
shelter  in  hia  fort.  Submitting  ourselves  al- 
most wholly  to  his  guidance,  we  at  once  pull- 
ed away  for  that  place,  but  before  we  reached 
it  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  represented  his 
fort  as  not  sufficiently  strong  to  resist  a  vigo- 
rous assault,  if  one  should  be  made,  and  would 
not  therefore  be  responsible  for  our  lives,— but 
suggested  we  should  proceed  to  Soosoo,  which 
being  some  two  miles  further  remote  from  the 
scene  of  the  late  outrage,  he  concluded  we 
might  be  safe.  We  accordingly  proceeded  for 
Soosoo  river,  whic  h  we  had  scarcely  entered 
when  Po  Adam's  confidence  again  forsook  him, 
and  he  advised  us  not  to  land.  We  therefore 
only  filled  a  keg  with  water  from  the  river  and 
came  out  over  the  bar,  intending  to  make  the 
best  of  our  way  to  Muckie,  having  more  confi- 
dence, alter  all,  in  the  elements,  than  in  the 
treacherous  specimens  of  humanity  with  which 
we  were  then  surrounded. 

The  night  now  came  on  dark  and  lowering, 
and  just  as  we  had  left  Soosoo  river,  the  land 
wind,  which  had  been  some  time  retarded  by  a 
strong  sea  breeze,  accompanied  with  heavj 
thunder  and  torrents  of  rain,  overtook  us,  and 
came  pelting  down  upon  our  unprotected 
heads.  Sharp  flashes  of  lightning  occasionally 
shot  across  the  gloom,  which  rendered  the 
scene  still  more  fearful.  We  double  manned 
two  of  the  oars  with  Mr.  Sarry  and  Po  Adam, 
and  I  did  the  best  I  could  to  keep  the  boat'B 
head  down  the  coast,  it  being  impossible  to 
see  any  object  on  shore,  or  even  to  hear  the 
Burf,  by  which  we   could  judge  our  dlfitan 


23 


fnuii  it.  Having  proceeded  in  this  way  until 
we  begi^n  to  tiiink  ourselves  near  North  Talla- 
puw,oir  which  was  a  dangerous  ehoal,  it  be- 
came a  matter  of  concern  how  we  should  keep 
clear  of  it.  We  frequently  laid  upon  our  oars 
and  listened,  to  ascertain  if  we  could  bear  it 
break,  but  the  noise  of  the  elements  rendered 
it  impossible.  Directly  we  felt  the  boat  lifted 
upon  a  high  wave,  which  we  knew  immedi- 
ately must  be  the  roller  upon  this  shoal,  which 
passing,  broke  with  a  fearful  crash  some  three 
or  four  hundred  feet  from  us.  It  is  almost 
unnecessary  to  say,  had  we  been  that  distance 
nearer  the  shore,  it  would  have  been  the  last 
known  of  the  Friendship's  boat's  crew,  as  the 
boat  would  undoubtedly  have  been  dashed  to 
pieces  on  the  shoal,  and  all  on  board  her  must 
have  perished.  But  through  the  kind  protec- 
tion of  an  all- merciful  God,  we  were  preserved 
from  such  a  fate. 

Having  thus  providentially  passed  this  dan- 
gerous spot  in  safety,  the  weather  began  to 
clear  a  little,  and  here  and  there  a  star  made 
ita  appearance,  and  looked  compassionately 
down  upon  us.  The  off  shore  wind,  too,  be- 
came more  steady  and  the  rain  ceased.  To 
clear  the  boat  ot  the  quantity  of  water  which 
had  rained  into  her,  now  occupied  our  first 
attention,  which,  however,  we  found  a  slow 
and  tedious  process,  as  we  bad  nothing  larger 
than  a  tin  pot  to  bail  with.  We  also  com- 
menced ripping  up  some  gunny  bags  which 
were  left  in  the  baat,  and  tying  them  together 
for  a  sail,  under  which  we  found  the  boat 
bounded  along  quite  briskly  ;  we  therefore 
laid  in  our  ours,  all  bands  being  now  quite 
exhausted,  and  proceeded  in  this  way  the  rest 
of  the  distance  to  Muckie,  where  we  arrived 
at  about  1  o'clock,  A.  M.  We  found  here  the 
ebip  James  Monroe,  Porter,  of  New  York,  brig 
Gov.  Endicott,  Jenks,  of  Salem,  and  brig 
Palmer,  Powers,  of  fioston.  On  approaching 
the  roads,  we  were  first  bailed  from  the  Gov. 
Endicott,  and  to  the  question  "  What  boat  is 
that?"  the  response  was,  ''the  Friendship's, 
from  Qualab  Battoo,"  which  answer  was  im- 
mediately followed  witb  the  question  "Is  that 


you,  Capt.  Endicott?"  "Yes,"  was  the  an- 
swer, "with  all  that  are  left  of  us."  It  was 
but  the  work  of  a  moment  to  clamber  up  her 
sides  on  to  her  decks,  where  we  were  instantly 
surrounded  with  captain,  officers  and  crew,  all 
anxious  to  learn  the  particulars  of  our  sad 
misfortune.  W^e  could  tell  them  only  of  our 
own  adventures  ;  the  circumstances  of  the  cap- 
ture of  the  ship,  and  the  massacre  of  part  of 
her  crew,  were  to  be  hereafter  revealed. 

Having  communicated  with  the  other  ves- 
sels, their  commanders  repaired  on  board  the 
Gov.  Endicott,  when  it  was  instantly  conclud- 
ed to  proceed  with  their  vessels  to  Qualah  Bat- 
too,  and  endeavor  to  recover  the  ship.  These 
vessels  were  laying  with  most  of  their  sails  un- 
bent, but  their  decks  were  quickly  all  life  and 
animation,  and  the  work  of  bending  sails  pro- 
ceeded so  rapidly  that  before  3  o'clock  all  the 
vessels  were  out  of  the  roads  and  beading  up 
the  coast  towards  Qualab  Battoo.  Both  the 
land  and  sea  breeze  were  light  throughout  the 
day,  and  it  was  not  until  about  the  middle  of 
the  afternoon  that  we  sighted  the  ship.  Ev- 
ery arrangement  was  now  made  for  her  cap- 
ture. It  was  our  intention  to  throw  as  many 
of  the  crews  of  the  Gov.  Endicott  and  Palmer 
as  could  be  prudently  spared,  on  board  the 
James  Monroe,  being  the  largest  vessel,  and 
proceed  with  her  directly  into  the  roads,  and 
lay  her  alongside  the  Friendship,  and  carry 
her  by  boarding, — the  other  vessels  following 
at  a  short  distance.  But  as  soon  as  we  had 
completed  all  our  arrangements,  and  while  we 
were  yet  several  miles  outside  the  port,  the 
sea  breeze  began  to  fail  us,  with  indications 
that  the  land  wind,  like  that  of  the  day  before, 
would  be  accompanied  with  heavy  rain.  We 
however  stood  on  towards  the  place  until  the 
off  shore  wind  and  rain  reached  us,  when  all 
three  vessels  were  obliged  to  anchor,  and  sus- 
pend further  operations  until  the  next  morn- 
ing. Before  dark  1  bad  taken  the  bearings  of 
the  ship  by  compass,  intending,  if  circumstan- 
ces favored  it,  to  propose  a  descent  upon  her 
during  the  night ;  but  the  heavy  rain  contin- 
ued the  most  part  of  it,  and  we  were  baffled 


24 


in  that  design.     The  first  indicationa   of  day- 
light found  us  upon   the  decks  of  the  Monroe, 
watching    for  the  ship,   which,  in    the  yet  in- 
distinct light,  could   not  be    discerned    in  the 
roads.     The   horizon   in   the   offing   was   also 
searched  unsuccessfully  with  our  glasses  ;  but 
as  objects  became  more  distinct   we  at  last  dis- 
covered her  close  in  shore,  far  to  the  westward 
of  her  late  anchorage,  inside  a   large  cluster  of 
dangerous  shoals,  to  which  position,  as  it  then 
appeared,  the  Malays  must  have   removed  her 
during  the  night.     What  I  now  most  appre- 
hended was  that  they  bad  got  her   upon  one  of 
the  reefs,  and  if  so,  her  recapture    would  have 
been  useless  ;  but  when  the  day  had   sufficient- 
ly advanced  to    enable  us  with   our    glasses  to 
make  a  careful  examination  of  her  position,  to 
our  great  relief  we  ascertained   this   was  not 
the  case.     One  thing  was  however,  certain,  we 
could  not  carry  out  our  original  design  of  run- 
ning her  alongside  in  her    present   situation  ; 
the   navigation   would   be  too  dangerous   lor 
either  of  the  ships,   and   must   therefore   be 
abandoned.     At  this  moment  we    saw  a  Prou, 
or  Malay  trading  craft,  approaching  the  roads 
from  the  westward,  with  which  I  communica- 
ted, and  of  which  I  hired  a  canoe,  and  sent  a 
messenger  on   shore    to  inform   the   Rajahs  if 
they  would  give  the  ship   up   peaceably  to  us 
vre   would    not   molest     them,   otherwise    we 
should  fire  both  upon  her  and  the  town.     This 
■was  considered  the  most  advisable  course  ;    all 
the  fleet  being  in  pursuit  of  cargoes,  some  ap- 
prehensions began   to  be  entertained    lest  hos- 
tilities should   be  the   means  of  breaking  up 
their  voyages,  or  at  least  vitiating   their  insur- 
ance.    After  waiting  considerable  time  for  the 
return  of  the   messenger,     during   which   we 
could  see  boats   passing     close  in  shore   from 
the  ship  loaded  with   plunder,   we   concluded 
this  delay  was'jonly  a  subterfuge   to  gain  far- 
ther time  for  that  purpose,  and    we  fired  a  gun 
across  the  bows  of  one  ot  them,  which  arrested 
her   progress.     In  a  few   minutes    the  canoe 
which  we  had  sent  on  shore  was  seen   putting 
off.    The  answer  received,  however,   was  one 


of  defiance, — "that  they  should  not  give  her 
up  so  easily,  but  we  might  take  her  if  we 
could.''^  All  three  vessels  then  opened  their 
fires  upon  the  town  and  ship,  which  was  re- 
turned by  the  forts  on  shore,  the  Malays  also 
firing  our  ship's  guns  at  us.  The  first  shot 
from  one  of  the  forts  passed  between  tlie  masts 
of  the  Gov.  Endicott,  not  10  feet  above  the 
heads  of  the  crew,  and  the  second  struck  the 
water  just  under  her  counter.  This  vessel  had 
been  kedged  in  close  to  the  shore  within  point 
blank  shot  of  the  fort,  with  springs  upon  her 
cable,  determined  on  making  every  gun  tell. 
The  spirited  manner  in  which  their  fire  was 
returned  soon  silenced  this  fort,  which  mount- 
ed 6  six-pounders  and  several  small  brass 
pieces.  It  appeared  afterward,  by  the  testi- 
mony ot  one  of  ray  crew,  who  was  confined 
here,  that  the  firing  was  so  effectual  that  it 
dismounted  their  guns  and  split  the  car- 
riages. The  other  two  forts,  which  were  sit- 
uated at  a  greater  distance  from  the  beach, 
continued  firing,  and  no  progress  was  made 
towards  recapturing  the  ship,  which,  after  all, 
was  our  only  object.  It  was  now  between  3 
and  4  o'clock  ;  and  the  land  wind  began  to 
make  demonstrations  ol  another  rainy  night, 
and  it  was  certain  if  the  Malays  were  allowed 
to  hold  po8ses8}on  of  the  ship  much  longer, 
they  would  either  get  her  on  shore,  or  burn 
her.  We  then  held  a  council  of  war  on  board 
the  Monroe,  and  concluded  to  board  her  with 
as  large  a  force  as  we  could  carry  in  three 
boats  ;  and  that  the  command  of  the  expedition 
shouldof  course  devolve  upon  me.  Justatithis 
juncture  the  ship  ceased  firing,  and  we  ob- 
served a  column  of  smoke  rise  from  her  decks 
abreast  the  mainmast,  and  that  there  ap- 
peared to  be  great  confusion  on  board.  We 
subsequently  ascertained  that  they  blew  them- 
selves up  by  setting  fire  to  an  open  keg  of  pow- 
der, from  which  they  were  loading  the  guns, 
after  having  expended  all  the  cartridges.  Ev- 
erything being  in  readiness  for  our  expedition, 
we  pushed  off.  The  ship  lay  with  her  port 
side  towards  us,  and,    with  the  intention  of 


25 


getting  out  of  the  range  of  her  guns,  pulled  to 
the  westward  at  an  angle  of  some  33  deg.,  un- 
til we  opened  her  starboard  bow,  when  we 
bore  up  in  three  divisions  for  boarding,  one  at 
each  gangway,  and  the  other  over  the  bows. 
We  were  now  before  the  wind,  and  two  oars 
iD  each  boat  were  suflBcient  to  propel  them  ; 
the  rest  of  the  crew,  armed  to  the  teeth  with 
maekets,  cutlasses  and  pistols,    sat  quietly  in 


There  had  been  evidently  a  fruitless  attempt 
to  cut  it  off.  While  we  were  clearing  the 
chain,  and  preparing  to  kedge  the  ship  off 
into  the  roads,  the  Malays,  still  bent  upon  an- 
noying us,  and  unwilling  to  abandon  their 
prize,  were  seen  drawing  a  gun  over  the  sandy 
beach  upon  a  drag,  directly  under  our  stern, 
which,  having  fired,  it  jumped  off  the  carriacre 
and  was  abandoned.     The  rain,  with  the  land 


their  places,  with  their  muskets  pointed  at  the  i  wind,  now  set  in  again  ;  it  was,   however,  the 


ehip  as  the  boats  approached.  The  Malays 
now,  for  the  first  time,  seemed  to  comprehend 
our  design,  and  as  we  neared  the  ship,  were 
struck  with  consternation,  end  eomuienced 
deserting  her  with  all  possible  dispatch,  and 
in  the  greatest  confusion.  The  numerous 
boats  of  all  descriptions,  alongside,  were  im- 
mediate! v  filled,  and  those   who  could  find  no 


wci'k  of  but  a  short  lime  to  kedge  the  ship  off 
into  deep  water,  and  anchor  her  in  compara- 
tive security  alongside  the  other  ehipa  in  the 
roads. 

The  next  morning  a  canoe  was  seen  ap- 
proaching the  James  Monroe,  from  Pulo  Eio, 
with  five  or  sis  men  in  her,  whom  wa  took,  as 
a  natter  of  course,  to  be  natives ;  but  we  were 


other  means  of  conveyance,  jumped  overboard  |  soon  hailed  from  that  ship,  and  informed  that 


and  swam  for  the  shore.  The  beach  waa  con- 
sequently lined  with  boats,  and  the  Malays 
took  to  ihe  jangle  with  the  greatest  precipita- 
tion, 80  that  when  we  reached  the  sbip,  the.-o 
was,  to  all  appearance,  no  one  on  board.  Still 
fearing  some  trea'*hery,  we  approached  her 
with  the  same  caution,  and  boarded  her,  cut- 
lass in  hand,  in  the  same  order  we  should  have 
done  had  we  known  her  to  be  full  of  men. — 
Having  reached   her  decks,    and  finding  them 


four  of  the  number  were  a  part  of  our  own 
crew,  I  proceeded  immediately  on  board  and 
found  them  to  be  Wm,  Parnell,  John  Muzzey, 
Algernon  Warren,  seamen,  and  Wra.  Bray, 
carpenter.  Their  haggard  and  squalid  appear- 
ance bespoke  what  they  had  suffered.  It 
would  eeem  impossible  that  in  the  space  of 
four  days,  men  could,  bj  any  casualty,  so  en- 
tirely lose  their  identity.  They  bore  no  sem- 
blance to  their  former  selves,  and  it  was  only 


deserted,  before  we  laid  aside  our  arms  a  strict  |  by  asking  their  names  that  I  knew  either  of 
search  was  instituted  throughout  the  ship,  j  them.  They  were  without  clothing,  other 
with  instructions  to  cut  down  any  who  thould  j  than  loose  pieces  of  cotton   cloth  thrown    over 


be  found,  and  give  no  quarter.  But  ehe  was 
completely  forsaken, — not  a  soul  on  board. 
Her  appearance,  at  the  time  we  boarded  her, 
defies  description;  suffice  it  to  say,  every  partot 
her  bore  ample  testimony  of  the  Bcene  of  violence 
and  destruction  with  which  she  had  been  vis- 
ited. That  many  lives  had  been  sacrificed, 
her  blood-stained  decks  abundantly  testified. 
We  found  her  within  pistol-shot  of  the  beach, 
with  most  of  her  sails  cut  loose,  and  flying 
from  the  yards.  Why  they  had  not  succeeded 
in  their  attempts  to  get  her  on  shore,  was  soon 
apparent.  A  riding  turn  in  the  chain  around 
the  windlass,  which  they  were  not  sailors  e- 
nough  to  clear,  had  no  doubt    prevented  it. 

7 


their  persons,  their  hair  matted,  their  bodies 
crisped  and  burnt  in  large,  running  blisters, 
besides  having  been  nearly  devoured  by  mas- 
quitos,  the  poison  of  whose  stings  had  left  evi- 
dent traces  of  its  virulence  ;  their  flesh  wasted 
away,  and  even  the  very  tones  of  their  voices 
were  changed.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say 
their  appearance  forcibly  reminded  me  of  the 
print  of  Capt.  Riley  and  his  men,  at  their 
first  interview  with  Mr.  Willshire,  under  the 
palace  walls,  near  Mogadore.  The  few  pieces 
of  cloth,  which  covered  their  nakedness,  being 
all  their  flesh  could  bear,  and  these  it  was  ne(y 
essary  first  to  oil,  to  enable  them  to  do  eveD 
Itbat.    They  had  been  wandering  about  in  the 


a^ 


jungle  without  food  ever  since  the  ship  was 
taken,  and  the  story  of  their  sufferings  was  a 
painful  one.  Their  account  of  the  capture  of 
the  ship  was  as  follows: — When  the  pepper- 
boat  came  alongside,  it  was  observed  by  the 
crew  that  all  on  board  her  were  strangers,  and 
not  one  was  recognized  as  having  been  off  to 
the  ship  before.  They  were  also  better  dressed 
than  boatmen  generally,  all  of  them  havinr^  on 
white  or  yellow  jackets,  and  new  ivory-han- 
dled creises.  No  notice  appeared  to  be  taken 
of  these  suspicious  circumstances  by  the  mate, 
and  all  except  two  men,  who  were  left  to  pass 
up  pepper,  were  admitted  indiscriminately  to 
come  on  board.  One  of  the  crew,^named  Wm. 
Parnell,  who  was  stationed  at  the  gangvray  to 
pass  along  pepper,  made  some  remr.rii,  to  call 
bis  attention  to  the  number  of  natives  on 
board,  and  was  answered  in  a  gruffy  manner, 
and  asked  if  he  was  afraid.  No,  replied  the  man, 
not  afraid  ;  but  I  know  it  to  be  contrary  to  the 
regulations  of  the  ship.  He  was  ordered,  with 
an  oath,  to  pass  along  pepper,  and  mind  his  own 
business.  The  natives  v/ere  also  seen  by  the 
crew  sharpening  their  creises  upon  the  grind- 
stone, which  stood  upon  the  forecastle,  and  a 
man  named  Chester,  who  was  subsequently 
killed  while  starting  pepper  down  the  fore- 
hatch,  asked  them  in  pantomime,  for  he  could 
not  speak  the  langur.ge,  what  so  many  of  them 
wanted  on  board,  and  was  ans-^rered  in  the 
eame  livay,  that  they  came  off  to  see  the  ship. 
He  was  heard  by  one  of  the  crewr  to  say,  "we 
must  look  out  you  do  not  come  for  anything 
worse,"  at  the  same  time  drawing  a  handspike 
within  his  reach.  The  Malays  had  dis- 
tributed themselves  about  the  decks  in  the 
most  advantageous  manner  for  an  attack,  and 
at  some  preconcerted  signal  a  simultaneous 
assault  upon  the  crew  was  made  in  every  part 
of  the  ship.  Two  Malaya  were  seen  by  the 
steward  to  rush  with  their  creises  upon  Mr. 
Knight,  who  was  very  badly  stabbed  in  the 
back  and  side,  the  weapons  appearing  to  be 
buried  in  his  body,  up  to  their  very  hilts. — 
Cheater,  at  the  fore  hatch,  notwithstanding 
bis  distrust  and  precaution,  was  killed  out- 


right, and  supposed  to  have  fallen  into  the 
hold.  The  steward,  at  the  galley,  was  also 
badly  wounded,  and  was  only  saved  from 
death  by  the  creia  striking  hard  against  a 
short  rib,  which  took  the  force  of  the  blow. 
Of  the  two  men  on  the  stage  over  the  ship's 
side,  one  was  killed,  and  the  other  so  badly 
wounded  as  to  be  made  a  cripple  for  life.  The 
chief  officer  was  seen,  after  he  was  stabbed,  to 
rush  aft  upon  the  starboard  side  of  the  quar- 
ter deck,  and  endeavor  to  get  a  boarding  pike 
out  of  the  beckets,  abreast  the  mizzen  rigging, 
where  he  was  met  by  Parnell,  to  whom  be  ex- 
claimed, ^  do  your  duty  ;'^  at  the  same  instant 
two  or  three  Malays  rushed  upon  him,  and  he 
WQ8  afterwards  seen  lying  dead  near  the  same 
spot,  with  the  boarding  pike  under  him.  On 
the  instant  the  crew  found  the  ship  attacked^ 
they  attempted  to  get  aft  into  the  cabin  for 
arms,  but  the  Malaya  had  placed  a  guard  ou 
each  side  of  the  companion-way,  which  pre- 
vented them  ;  they  then  rushed  forward  for 
handspikes,  and  were  again  intercepted  ;  and 
being  completely  bewildered,  surprised  and 
defenceless,  and  knowing. thai  several  of  their 
shipmates  had  already  been  killed  outright  be* 
fore  their  eyes,  and  others  wounded,  all  who 
could  swim  plunged  overboard,  and  the  others 
took  to  the  rigging,  or  crept  over  the  bows 
out  of  sight.  The  decks  were  now  cleared, 
and  the  pirates  had  full  possession  of  the  ship. 
The  men  in  the  water  then  consulted  to- 
gether what  they  should  do,  concluding  it  cer- 
tain death  to  return  to  the  ship ;  and  they  de« 
termined  it  would  be  the  safest  to  'swim  on 
shore,  and  secrete  themselves  in  the  jungle; — 
but  as  they  approached  it  they  observed  the 
beach  about  Qualah  Battoo  lined  with  natives, 
and  they  proceeded  more  to  the  westward,  and 
landed  upon  a  point  called  Ouj'ong  Lamab 
Moodah,  nearly  two  miles  distant  from  the 
ship.  On  their  way  they  bad  divested  them- 
selves of  every  article  of  clothing,  and  thej 
were  entirely  naked  at  the  time  they  landed. 
As  it  was  not  yet  dark,  they  sought  safety  and 
seclusion  in  the  jungle,  from  whence  they 
emerged  as  soon  as  they  thought  it  Eafe^  and 


2? 


Walked  upon  the  beach   in    the  direction   of 
Cape  Felix  and  Annala'ooo,   intending  to  make 
the  best  of  their  way  to  the    latter  place,  with 
the  hope  of  meeting  there  some  American  ves- 
•el,  on  board  which    they    would   find  shelter 
and  protection.     At  the  approach  of  daylight 
they  sought  a  hiding-place  again  in   the  bush- 
es ;  but  it  afforded  them   only  a   partial  pro- 
tection from   the  scorching  rays   of  the   sun, 
from  which,  being  entirely  naked,   they  expe- 
rienced   the   most  dreadful    efiects.     Hunger 
and  thirst  began  also  to  make  demands  upon 
them;  but  no  food  could   anywhere  be  found. 
They  tried  to  eat  grass,  but  their  stomachs  re- 
fused it.     They  found  a  few   husks  of  the  eo- 
coanut,  which    they  chswed,    endeaToring   to 
extract  some  nourishment   from  them,   but  in 
vain.     They  staid   in   their    hiding-piace  the 
whole  of  this   day,  and   eavr   Malays  passing 
along  the  beach,   but  were  afraid  to  discover 
themselves.     At  night  they  pursued  their  jour- 
ney again,   during  which    they   passed  several 
small  streams,  where  they  slaked   their  thirst, 
but  obtained  no  food.    About  midnight  they 
came  to  a  very  broad  river,  which  they  did  not 
venture  to  cross.     The  current  was  very  rap- 
id, and  they  had  no  means  of  conveyance  oth- 
er than  their  own   limbs,  and   having  been  36 
hours  without  food  of  any   kind,  they  did  not 
dare  attempt   it.     This  river  I    have  alv/ays 
supposed  to  be  Qualab  Toepah,  about  midway 
between   Cape  Felix  and  Annalabco.    Here, 
then,  they   wete  put  completely  hors  de  com- 
bat ;  they  found  for  want  of  food   their  ener- 
gies were  fast  giving   way,  and   still  they  be- 
lieved their  lives  depended  on  not  being  discov- 
ered.    I  have  since    been  struck  with  the  Re- 
marks of  Dr.  Kane,  on  the  effects  of  a  want 
of  food,  which  are  so  much  like  the  account 
given  by  my  men,  that  I  cannot  refrain   from 
inserting  it.     "The  first    symptom,"   says  he, 
does  not  show  itself  in  hunger,  but  in  a  loss  of 
power  often  so  imperceptibly   brought  on  that 
it  becomes    evident  only  by  an  accident," — 
Buch,  for  instance,  as  the  inability  felt  to  cross 
this  river.      Since   further  progress    towards 
Annalaboo  appeared  impossible,  they  resol7e<2 


to  retrace  their  steps,  endeavor  to  pass  Qualah 
Battoo  in  the  night,  without  being  discovered, 
and  reach  the  hospitable  residence  of  Po  Ad- 
am, at  Pulo  Kio.     They  accordingly   took  up 
their  line  of  march    towards  that    place,   im- 
mediately, and  reached,  as  they  supposed,  the 
neighborhpod  of  Capo   Felix  by  the  morning, 
when  they  again  retreated  to  the  jungle,  where 
they  lay  concealed  another  day,  being  Wednes- 
day, the  day  of  the  recapture  of  the  ship,  but 
at  too  great  distance  to   hear    the  firing.     At 
night  they  again  resumed   their  journey,  and 
having  reached  the    spot  where  the  Malays 
landed  in  so  much  haste    when  they  deserted 
the  ship,    they  found   the  beach    covered  witfi 
canoes,  a  circumstance   which   aroused   their 
suspicions,  but  for  which   they  were  at  a  loss 
to  account.    They  now  concluded  each  to  take 
a  canoe,  as  the  most   certain   way  of  passing 
Qualah  Battoo  without  discovery,   and  so  pro- 
ceed to  Pulo  Kio.     As  they    passed  the  roads, 
they  heard   one  of   the  ship's  bells   strike  the 
hour,  and  the  well-known  cry  of  '■^AlVs  welly^ 
but  fearing  it  was  some  decoy  of  the  natives, 
they  would  not  approach   her,   but  proceeded 
on  their  way,  and  landed  at  Pulo  Kio,  secreting 
themselves  once  more  in  the  jungle,  neap  the 
residence  of  Po  Adam,    until    the   morning, 
when  four  naked  and  half-famiahed  white  men 
were  seen  to  emerge  from  the  bushes,   and  ap- 
proach bis  fort  with  feeble  steps,  who,  as  soon 
as  recognized,  were  welcomed  by  him  with  the 
strongest  demonstrations  of  delight ;  slapping 
his  bands,  shouting  at   the  top  of   his  lungs, 
and  in  the   exuberance  of  his  joy   committing 
all  kinds  of  extravagances.      They  now  heard 
of  the  recapture  of  the  ship,  and  the  escape  of 
the  boat's  crew  on  shore,   which   it  had  never 
occurred  to  them  were  not  already  numbered 
with  the  dead.     They  were  clothed  as  we  have 
described,  and  a  breakfast  of  boiled  rice  pre- 
pared, being  the  first  food  that  they  had  tasted 
for  the  period  of  72  hours.    Having  refreshed 
themselves,  they  were  conveyed   by  Adam  and 
his  men  on   board  the  James  Munroe,  in  the 
pitiful  condition  of  which  we  have  before  spo« 
ken. 


28 


In  the  course  of  the   latter  part  of  the  same 
day,   another   canoe,    with   a    white  flag  dis- 
played, was   ohserved     approaching   the  fleet 
from  the  direction  of  Qualah  Battoo,  contain- 
ing three  or  four  Chinamen,   who  informed  us 
that   four  of  our  men,    two   of  whom   were 
wounded,    one  very  severely,    were  at  their 
houses  on  shore,  where  their  wounds  had  been 
dressed,  and   they   had  been  otherwise    cared 
for  ;  and  that  we  could  ransom    them  of   the 
Rajahs  at  ten  dollars  each.     To  this   I  readily 
agreed,  and  they  were   soon  brought  off  to  the 
Bhip  in  a  sampan,  and   proved   to  be   Charles 
Converse  andGregorie  Pedechio,  seamen,  Loren- 
zo MigelI,cook,  and  William  Francis,  steward. 
Converse  was  laid  out  at  full  length   upon  a 
board,  as  if  dead, — evidently  very  badly  wound- 
ed. The  story  of  the  poor  fellow  was  a  sad  one, 
lie,  with   John  Davis,   being  the   two  tallest 
men  in  the  ship,  were  on  the  stage  over  the 
side  when  she  wo,s  attacked.     Their  first  im- 
pulse was,  to  gain    the  ship's  decks,  but  were 
defeated  in   this  design   by    the   pirates,  who 
stood  guard  over   the  gangway,   av.C    making 
repeated  thrusts  at  them.     They  then   made  a 
desperate  attempt  to  paes  over  the  pepper-boat, 
Bnd  thus  gain  the  water,  in    doing  which  they 
were  both  most  severely    wounded.     Having 
reached  the  water,    Converse  swain   round  to  j 
the  ship's    bows,    and  grasped  the  chain,  to 
which   he    clang    as    well    as  be   was  able, 
being      badly      crippled      in     one     of    his 
hands,  with  other  severe  wounds  in   various 
parts  of  his  body.     When  it  became  dark,  he 
crawled  up  over  the  bows  as  well  as  his  exhaus- 
ted strength  from  the  loss  of  blood  would  per- 
mit, and  crept  to  the  foot  of  the  forecastle 
stairs,  where  he  supposed  he  must  have   faint- 
ed, and  fell  prostrate  upon  the  floor  without 
the  power  of  moving  himself  one  inch  further. 
The  Malays  believing  him  dead,  took  no  heed 
of  him,  but  travelled  up  and  down  over  his  bo- 
dy the  whole  night.     Upon  attempting  to  pass 
over  the  boat,  after  being  foiled  in  his  endeav- 
or to  reach  the  ship's  decks,  a  native   made  a 
pass  at  his  head  with  his  '^parrunff,^^  a  weapon 


resembling  most  a  butcher's  cleaver,  which  he 
warded  off  by  throwing  up  his  naked  arm,  and 
the  force  of  the  blow  fell  upon  the  outer  part 
of  his  hand,  severing  all  the  bones  and  sin- 
ews belonging  to  three  of  his  fingers,  and  leav- 
ing untouched  only  the  fore  finger  and 
thumb.  Besides  this  he  received  a  creis  wound 
in  the  back,  which  must  have  penetrated  to  the 
stomach,  from  whence  he  bled  from  his  mouth 
the  most  part  of  Khe  night-  lie  was  likewise 
very  badly  wounded  in  the  ham  just  below  the 
groin,  which  came  so  nearly  through  the  leg 
as  to  discolor  the  flesh  upon  the  inside.  Won- 
derful, however,  to  relate,  notwithstanding  the 
want  of  proper  medical  advice,  and  with  noth- 
ing but  the  unskillful  treatment  of  3  or  4  ship 
masters,  the  thermometer  ranging  all  the  time, 
from  85  to  90  deg.,  this  man  recovered  from 
his  wounds,  but  in  his  crippled  hand,  he  car- 
ried the  marks  of  Malay  perfidy  to  his  watery 
gi-ave,  having  been  drowned  at  sea  from  on 
board  of  the  brig  Fair  American,  in  the  win- 
ter of  LS33-4,  which  was,  no  doubt,  occa- 
sioned by  this  wound,  which  unfitted  him  for 
holding  on  properly  while  aloft. 

Tlie  fate  of  his  companion  Davis,  was  a 
tragical  one.  He  could  not  swim,  and  after 
I  reaching  the  water  was  seen  to  struggle  hard 
to  gain  the  boat's  tackle  full  at  the  stern,  to 
which  he  clung  until  the  Iilalays  dropped  the 
pepper  boat  astern,  when  he  was  observed  ap- 
parently imploring  mercy  at  tlieir  hands, 
which  the  wretches  did  not  heed,  but  butcher- 
ed liiai  upon  the  spot.  Gregory  was  the  man 
seen  aloft  when  we  had  cleared  the  river,  cut- 
ting strange  antics  which  we  did  not  at  the 
time  comprehend.  By  his  account,  when  he 
reached  the  fore  topgallant  yard,  the  pirates 
commenced  firing  the  ship's  muskets  at  him, 
which  he  dodged  by  getting  over  the  front  side 
of  the  yard  and  sail  and  down  upon  the  collar 
of  the  stay,  and  then  reversing  the  movement. 
John  Masury  related  that  after  being  wound- 
ed in  the  side,  he  crept  over  the  bowa  of  the 
ship  and  down  upon  an  anchor,  where  he  was 
sometime  employed  in  dodging  the  thrusts  of 


29 


a  boarding  pike  in  the  hands  of  a  Malay,  un- 
til the  arrival  of  a  reinforcement  from  the 
shore,  when  every  one  fearing  lest  he  should 
not  get  his  full  share  of  plunder,  ceased  fur- 
ther to  molest  the  wounded.  The  story  of  the 
stcAyard  has  already  been  told. 

The  ship,  the  first  night  after  her  capture, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  these  men,  was 
a  perfect  pandemonium,  and  a  Babel  of  the 
most  discordant  sounds.  The  ceaseless  moan- 
ing of  the  surf  upon  the  adjacent  shore,  the 
heavy  peals  of  thunder,  and  sharp  flashings  of 
lightning  directly  over  their  heads, — the  sigh- 
ing of  the  wind  in  wild  discords  through  the 
rigging,  like  the  wailings  of  woe  from  the 
manes  of  their  murdered  shipmates  ;  and  all 
this  intermingled  with  the  more  earthly  sounds 
of  the  squealing  of  pigs,  the  screeching  of 
fowls,  the  cackling  of  roosters,  the  unintelligi- 
ble jargon  of  the  natives,  jangling  and  vocifer- 
ating, with  horrible  laughter,  shouts  and  yells, 
in  every  part  of  her,  and  in  the  boats  along- 
side carrying  off  plunder  ;  their  black  figures 
unexpectedly  darting  forth  from  every  unseen 
quarter,  as  if  rising  up  and  again  disappearing 
through  the  decks,  and  gambolling  about  in  the 
dark,  so  like  a  saturnalia  uf  demons,  that  it 
was  easy  to  fancy  the  fum^s  of  sulphur  were 
actually  invading  their  olfactories,  and  the 
whole  scene  more  fully  realized  their  ideas  of 
the  infernal  regions,  than  any  thing  with  which 
their  imaginations  could  compare  it.  It  is 
the  general  impression  that  Malays,  being 
Mussulmen,  have  a  holy  horror  of  swine,  as 
unclean  animals  ;  the  very  touch  of  which 
imposes  many  ablutions,  and  abstaining  from 
food  for  several  days  together, — but,  accord- 
ing to  the  testimony  of  my  men,  it  was  per- 
fectly marvellous  how  they  handled,  that  night, 
those  on  board  our  ship, — going  into  their 
pens,  seizing,  struggling,  and  actually  emhra- 
dng  them,  until  they  succeeded  in  throwing 
eyery  one  overboard. 

The  morning  succeeding  her  capture,  affairs 

on  board  appeared  to  be  getting  to   be  a  little 

znore  settled,  when  several  Chinamen  came  off 

.^ad  performed  the  part  of  good   Samaritans, 

.9 


in  taking  the  wounded  men  on  shore  to  their 
houses,  and  dressing  their  wounds  with  somo 
simple  remedies,  which  at  least  kept  down  in- 
flammation. In  doing  this,  however,  they 
were  obliged  to  barricade  their  dwellirgs,  to 
guard  them  against  the  insulting  annoyances 
of  the  natives. 

Qualah  Battoo  bazar  that  day  presented  a  lu- 
dicrous spectacle.  Almost  every  Malay  was 
decked  out  in  a  white,  blue,  red,  checked,  or 
striped  shirt,  or  some  other  European  ar- 
ticle of  dress  or  manufacture,  stolen  from 
the  ship,  not  even  excepting  the  woolen  table 
cloth  belonging  to  the  cabin,  which  was  seen 
displayed  over  the  shoulders  of  a  native, — all 
seemingly  quite  proud  of  their  appearance, 
and  strutting  about  with  a  solemn  gravity 
and  oriental  self-complacency,  that  was  per- 
fectly ludicrous.  Their  novel  and  grotesque 
appearance  could  not  fail  to  suggest  the  idea 
that  a  tribe  of  monkeys  had  made  a  descent  up- 
on some  unfortunate  clothing  establishment, 
and  each  to  have  seized  and  carried  off  what- 
ever article  of  dress  was  most  suited  to  his 
taste  and  fancy. 

According  to  Gregory,  who,  not  being 
wounded,  remained  on  board,  the  ship  was  all 
day  filled  with  Malays  searching  into  every 
possible  nook  and  cranny  where  they  thought 
money  might  be  secreted,  and  carrying  off  the 
veriest  trifles  which  could  be  of  no  use  to  them. 
In  the  afternoon,  on  the  appearance  of  the 
fleet  from  Muckie,  they  were  determined  on 
running  her  ashore,  lest  she  jshould  be  re-tak- 
en, and  with  that  view  commenced  weichinc 
anchor,  and  everything  for  some  time  gave  as- 
surances of  the  fulfilment  of  their  wishes. — 
The  ship  was  already  drifiing  towards  the 
beach,  when  the  anchor  came  in  sight,  and 
they  let  go  the  .chain,  ceased  heaying  at  the 
windlass,  and  made  a  rush  forward  to  see  it. 
At  this  moment  the  weight  of  the  anchor 
caused  the  chain  to  commence  running  out 
with  great  velocity,  and  when  some  12  or  13 
fathoms  had  thus  disappeared,  it  jumped,  and 
caught  a  riding  turn  around  the  windlass, 
which  brought  it  to  a  stand.      Poor  Gregory 


30 


■Was  now  bronght  forward  to  clear  it, — but  he 
persisted  it  was  past  his  skill,  which  of 
course  they  did  not  believe,  and  tied  him  in 
the  rigging,  and  made  demonstrations  of  rip- 
ping him  open,  flourishing  their  knives  in  fear- 
ful proximity  about  his  person  in  a  state  of 
great  exasperation.  They  next  made  a  fruit- 
less attempt  to  cut  it  off  with  the  cook's  axe. 
Thus  matters  stood,  when  the  land  wind  with 
heavy  rain  set  in,  and  the  natives  sought  shel- 
ter in  the  cabin,  leaving  the  ship  to  her  fatcj 
and  she  drifted  to  the  westward  into  shoal  wa- 
ter, where  the  anchor  again  took  hold  and 
brought  her  up  in  the  place  we  discovered  her 
the  next  morning,  and  where  we  boarded  and 
took  possession  of  her.  Gregory  was  then  ta- 
ken on  shore,  and  confined  in  the  fort,  which 
was  silenced  by  the  Gov.  Endicott. 

The  ship  was  now  once  more  in  our  posses- 
sion, with  what  remained  of  her  cargo  and 
crew.  She  was  rifled  of  almost  every  movable 
article  on  board,  and  scarcely  anything  but  her 
pepper  remaining.  Of  our  outward  cargo  ev- 
ery dollar  of  specie,  and  every  pound  of  opium 
had  of  course  become  a  prey  to  them.  All  her 
spare  sails  and  rigging  were  gone — not  a  nee- 
dle or  ball  of  twine,  palm,  marling  spike,  or 
piece  of  rope  were  left  !  All  our  charts,  chro- 
nometers and  other  nautical  instruments — all 
our  clothing  and  bedding,  were  also  gone  ;  as 
well  as  our  cabin  furniture  and  small  stores  of 
every  description.  Our  ship's  provisions,  such 
as  beef,  pork  and  most  of  our  bread,  had,  how- 
ever, been  spared.  Of  our  armament  nothing 
but  the  large  guns  remained.  Every  pistol, 
musket,  cutlass,  and  boarding  pike,  with  our 
entire  stock  of  powder,  had  been  taken. 

With  assistance  from  the  other  vessels  we 
immediately  began  making  the  necessary  prep- 
arations to  leave  the  port  with  all  possible  dis- 
patch, but  owing  to  much  rainy  weather  we 
did  not  accomplish  it  for  three  days  after  re- 
capturing the  ship,  when  we  finally  succeeded 
in  leaving  the  place  in  company  with  the  fleet 
bound  for  South  Tallapow,  where  we  arrived 
on  the  14th  February.  When  we  landed  at 
this  place  with  the  other  masters  and  super- 


cargoes, we  were  followed  through  the  streets 
of  the  bazar  by  the  natives  in  great  crowds, 
exulting  and  hooting,  with  exclamations  simiJ 
lar  to  these,— "Who  great  man  now,  Malay 
or  American?"  "How  many  man  American 
dead?"     "How  many  man  Malay  dead?" 

We  now  commenced  in  good  earnest  to  pre- 
pare our  ship  for  sea.  Our  voyage  had  been  brok- 
en up,  and  there  was  nothing  left  for  us  but  to 
return  to  the  United  States.  We  finally  left 
Muckie,  wbitiier  we  had  already  proceeded, 
on  the  27th  February,  for  Pulo  Kio,  accom- 
panied by  ship  Delphos,  Capt.  James  D.  Gil- 
lie, and  the  Gov.  Endicott,  Capt.  Jenks,  where 
I  was  yet  in  hopes  to  recover  some  of  my  nautical 
instruments.  With  the aesistance  ofPo  Ac^axn, 
I  succeeded  in  obtaining,  for  a  moderate  sum, 
my  sextant  and  one  of  my  chronometers,  which 
enabled  me  to  navigate  the  ship.  We  sailed 
from  Pulo  Kio  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  ar- 
rived at  Salem  on  the  16th  of  July.  The  in- 
tense interess  and  excitement  caused  by  our 
arrival  may  still  be  remembered.  It  being 
nearly  calm,  as  we  approached  the  harbor,  we 
were  boarded  several  miles  outside  by  crowds 
of  people,  all  anxious  to  learn  the  most  minute 
particulars  of  our  sad  misfortune,  the  news  of 
which  had  preceded  us  by  the  arrival  of  a 
China  ship  at  New  York,  which  we  had  met 
at  St.  Helena.  The  curiosity  of  some  of  our 
visitors  was  so  great  that  they  would  not  be 
satisfied  until  they  knew  the  exact  spot  where 
every  man  stood,  who  was  either  killed  or 
wounded.  Even  the  casing  of  the  cabin,  so 
much  cut  up  in  search  of  money,  or  other  val- 
uables, was  an  object  of  the  greatest  interest. 

But  the  feeling  of  presumptuous  exultation 
and  proud  defiance  exhibited  by  the  natives, 
was  of  brief  duration.  The  avenger  was  at 
hand.  In  something  less  than  a  year  after 
this  outrage,  the  U.  S.  Frigate,  Potomac,  Com^ 
Downes,  appeared  off  the  port  of  Qualah  Bat- 
too,  and  anchored  in  the  outer  roads,  disguised 
as  a  merchantman.  Every  boat  which  visited 
her  from  the  shore  was  detained,  that  her  char- 
acter mighr  not  be  made  known  to  the  natives. 
Several  amusing  anecdotes  were  told,  ol  the' 


31 


fear  and  terror  exhibited  in  the  countenances 
of  the  natives,  when  they  so  unexpectedly 
found  themselves  imprisoned  within  the  wood- 
en walls  of  the  Potomac,  surrounded  by  such  a 
formidable  armament,  which  bespoke  the  er- 
rand that  had  attracted  her  to  their  shores. 
They  prostrated  themselves  at  full  length  upon 
her  decks,  trembling  in  the  most  violent  man- 
ner, and  appearing  to  think  nothing  but  cer- 
tain death  awaited  them — which  it  required 
oil  the  efiForts  of  the  officers  to  dispel. 

A  reconnoitering  party  was  first  sent  on 
shore,  professedly  for  the  purpose  of  traffic. — 
But  when  they  approached,  the  natives  came 
down  to  the  beach  in  such  numbers,  it  excited 
their  suspicions  that  her  character  and  errand 
had  somehow  preceded  her,  and  it  was  consid- 
ered prudent  not  to  land.  Having,  therefore, 
examined  the  situation  of  the  forts  and  the 
means  of  defence,  they  returned  to  the  frigate. 
The  same  night  some  300  men,  under  the  gui- 
dance of  ^r.  Barry,  the  former  2d  officer  of 
the  Friendship,  who  was  assistant  sailing-mas- 
ter of  the  frigate,  landed  to  the  westward  of 
the  place,  with  the  in^'ention  of  surprising  the 
forts  and  the  town,  but  by  some  unaccounta- 
ble delay,  the  morning  was  just  breaking  when 
the  detachment  had  effected  a  landing,  and  as 
they  were  marching  along  the  beach  towards 
the  nearest  fort,  a  Malay  came  out  of  it,  by 
whom  they  were  discovered,  and  an  alarm  giv- 
en. They  however  pushed  on,  and  captured 
the  forts  by  storm,  after  some  hard  fighting, 
and  set  fire  to  the  town,  which  was  burnt  to 
ashes.  The  natives,  not  even  excepting  the 
women,  fought  with  great  desperation  in  the 
forts,  many  of  whom  would  not  yield  until 
shot  down  or  sabred  on  the  spot.  The  next 
day  the  frigate  was  dropped  in  within  gun- 
shot, and  bombarded  the  place,  to  imnress 
them  with  the  power  and  ability  of  the  United 
States  to  avenge  any  act  of  piracy,  or  oth- 
er indignity  offered  by  them  to  her  flag. — 
When  I  visited  the  coast  again,  some  five 
tnonths  after  this  event,  I  found  the  deport- 
tnent  of  the  natives  materially  changed.  There 
yraa  now  no  longer  exhibited  either  arrogance 


or  proud  defiance.  All  appeared  impressed 
with  the  irresistible  power  of  a  nation  that 
could  send  such  tremendous  engines  of  war  as 
the  Potomac  frigate  upon  their  shores,  to 
avenge  any  wrongs  committed  upon  its  vessels  ; 
and  that  it  would  in  future  be  better  policy 
for  them  to  attend  to  their  pepper  plantations, 
and  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace,  than  subject 
themselves  to  such  severe  retribution  as  had 
followed  this  act  of  piracy  upon  the  Friend- 
ship. 

Perhaps,  in  justice  to  Po  Adam,  I  ought  to 
remark,  before  closing,  that  the  account  cir- 
culated by  his  countrymen  of  his  conniving  at, 
if  not  being  actually  connected  with  this  pi- 
racy, a  falsehood  with  which  they  found  the 
means  of  deceiving  several  American  Ship- 
Masters,  soon  after  the  afliiir,  is  a  base  calum- 
ny against  a  worthy  man,  and  has  no  founda- 
tion whatever  in  truth.  The  property  he  bad 
in  my  possession  on  board  the  ship,  in  gold 
ornaments  of  various  kinds,  besides  money, 
amounting  to  several  thousand  dollars,  all  of 
which  he  lost  by  the  capture  of  the  ship,  and 
never  recovered,  bears  ample  testimony  to  the 
falsity  of  this  charge.  His  countrymen  also 
worked  upon  the  avarice  and  cupidity  of  the 
king  by  misrepresentations  of  his  exertions  to 
recover  the  ship,  thereby  preventing  them  from 
making  him  a  present  of  her,  which  they  pre- 
tended was  their  intention.  His  sable  majesty, 
in  consequence,  absolved  every  one  of  his  debt- 
ors, all  along  the  coast,  from  paying  him  their 
debts.  He  also  confiscated  all  his  property 
he  could  find,  such  as  fishing-boats,  nets  and 
lines,  and  other  fishing  tackle,  and  appropri- 
ated the  proceeds  to  his  own  use,  so  that  ho 
was  at  once  reduced  to  penury.  All  this  wag 
in  accordance  with  Commodore  Bieulieu's  ac- 
count, already  cited,  upwards  of  two  hundred 
years  before,  viz  :  "If  they  even  suspect  that 
any  one  bears  them  an  ill  will,  they  endeavor 
to  ruin  him  by  false  accusations."  The  king 
also  sent  a  small  schooner  down  the  coast, 
soon  after,  to  reap  further  vengeance  upon  l^o 
Adam.  Arriving  at  Pnio  Kio,  while  Adam 
was  absent)  tbej  rifled  his  fort  of  everything 


32 


valuable,  and  even  took  the  ornaments,  such 
as  armlets  and  anklets,  off  the  person  of  bis 
wife.  Intelligence  having  been  conveyed  to 
Pt>  A<3am  of  this  outrage,  he  arrivei  home  in 
the  night  before  the  schooner  had  lelc  Llid  har- 
bor, and  incensed,  as  it  was  natural  he  should 
be,  at  8>_  base  and  cowardl  treatment,  he 
immediately  ope^^d  a  fire  upon  her  and  sunk 
her  in  nine  fee.,  jf  water.  She  was  after^ 
tvards  fished  up  by  the  Potomao  frigate,  and 
converted  into  fire-wood. 

We  do  not  know  if  Po  Adam  is  now  liviug, 
but  BLme  sixteen  years  since,  we  saw  a  letter 
from  him  to  one  of  our  eminent  merchants,* 
asking  for  assistance  from  our  citizens,  and 
ptating  truthfully  all  the  facts  in  his  case.  I 
endeavoied  at  the  time,  through  our  then  rep- 
resentative to  Congress,  to  bring  the  matter 
before  that  body,  but  from  some  cause  it  did 
not  succeed,  and  the  poor  fellow  has  been  al- 
lowed to  live,  if  not  to  die,  in  his  penury.  We 
will,  however,  permit  him  to  state  his  own 
case,  in  his  own  language,  which  he  does  in 
the  following  letter,  written  »t  his  own  dicta- 
tion : — 

QuALAH  Battoo,  7th  October,  1841. 

Some  years  have  passed  since  the  capture  of 
the  Friendship,  commanded  by  my  olc"  Mend, 
Capt.  Endicott. 

It  perhaps  is  not  known  to  you,  that,  by 
saving  the  life  of  Capt.  Endicott,  and  the  ship 
itself  from  destruction,  T  became,  in  conse- 
quence, a  victim  to  the  hatred  and  vengeance 
of  my  misguided  countrymen  ;  some  time  since, 
the  last  of  my  property  was  set  on  fire  and 
destroyed,  and  now,  lor  having  been  the  stead- 
fast friend  of  Americans,  I  am  not  only  desti- 
tute, but  an  object  of  derision  to  my  country- 
men. 

You,  who  are  so  wealthy  and  so  prosperous, 
I  have  thought,  that,  if  acquainted  with  these 
distressing  circumstances,  that  you  would  not 
turn  a  deaf  ear  to  my  present  condition. 

I  address  myself  to  you,  because  through 
my  agency  many  of  your  ships  have  obtained 
cargoes,  but  I  respectfully  beg  that  you  will 
have  the  kindness  to  state  my  case  to  the  rich 
pepper  merchants  of  Sulem  and  Boston,  firmly 
believing  that  from  their  generosity,   and  your 

4*Io  Joseph  Peabody,  Esq.,  of  Salem,  Masb. 


own,  I  e'lall  not  have  reason  to  regret  the 
warm  and  sincere  friendship  ever  displayed 
towardr  your  Captains,  and  all  other  Ameri- 
cans. tii«ding  on  this  Coast. 

I  take  the  liberty,  also,  to  subjoin  a  copy  of 
a  letter,*  recently  received  from  Capt.  Ham- 
inond,  of  the  ship  Maria,  of  New  York  ;  as  he 
left  this  place  lately,  it  will  sho'  '  whether  I 
have  been  telling  you  otherwise  than  the  mel- 
ancholy truth,  or  grieve  without  a  cause. 

Wishing  you.  Sir,  and  your  old  compan- 
ions in  the  Sumatra  trade,  and  their  Captains, 
health  and  prosperity,  and  trusting  that,  be- 
fore many  moons  1  shall,  through  your  assis- 
tance, be  released  from  my  present  wretched 
condition,  believe  me  very  respectfully, 
Your  faithful  servant, 

(signed)   PO  ADAM,  in  Arabic  characters. 

Copy  of  the  letter  from  Capt.  Uammond 
above  referred  to  : 

Soosoo,  21  July,  1841. 
To  the  Commander  of  any  U.  S.  Ship  df  War, 

touching  on  the  West  Coast  of  Sumatra  : 

This  may  certify  that  the  bearef,  Po  Adam, 
at  present  residing  at  Qualah  Battoo,  has  ap- 
plied to  me  to  write  this  statement  of  his  situ- 
ation, that  he  can  present  it  as  above. 

I  therefore  state  the  following  :  I  have  been 
acquainted  with  him  for  the  last  twenty-five 
yeaiiS,  and  have  known  him  in  prosperity  and 
in  adversity  the  same.  It  is  well  known  that 
he  was  the  principal  means  of  saving  the  life 
of  Capt.  Charles  M.  Endicott,  with  his  boat's 
crew,  at  the  time  that  they  captured  the 
Friendship,  of  Salem,  and  by  that  act  he  has 
lost  his  property,  and  incurred  the  hatred  and 
jealousy  of  the  Acheenise.  He  is  the  most  in- 
telligent man  among  them,  and  one  of  the  best 
pilots;  is  ever  ready  to  render  assistance  to 
any  American,  and  as  he  is  at  present  very 
destitute,  it  would  be  an  act  of  charity,  as 
well  as  duty,  if  the  American  Government 
would  assist  him  in  his  present  circumstances. 

He  wishes  to  proceed  to  the  United  States 
to  visit  his  ^Id  triends,  and  wishes  to  go  in 
some  Ship  of  War,  of  our  nation.  I  hope  hia 
r-x^uest  may  be  granted,  as  he  would  there 
fiud  influencial  men  to  represent  his  case  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

(signed,)  JOHN  HAxALMOND, 

Master  of  the  ship  Maria,  of  New  York,  and  a 
resident  of  Salem. 


«8 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF 
BIRTHS,  MARRIAGES  AND  DEATHS,  OF 
THE  CITY  OF  SALEM. 


COPIED   BY    IRA    J.   PATCH. 


John  Attw;iter,  sonne  of  Mr.  Jno.  Attwa- 
4;er,  borne  by  Mehittabell  his  wife,  .20th  day  of 
December,  1687. — sone  Francis  borne  2d  Oc- 
tober, 1690. 

Jno.  Adams — his  daughter  Elizabeth,  borne 
by  Sarah  his  wife,  the  20th  Octobor,  1682.— 
his  daughter  Sarah  borne  13th  October,  1684. 
Mary  born  15  February,  1687. — John  born 
March  16,  1689  — Margarett  Borne  March  the 
.8th,  1695-6. — Ist  daught'r,  Margarett,  Borne 
feb'y  11, 1692.  &  deceased  May  14th  1694. 

Ebenez'r  Abby,  son  of  Samuel  Abby  & 
Mary,  his  wife,  was  borne  at  Salem  Village 
July  the  Slst,  1683,  cue.  Marcy  Abby, 
daughter  as  abovesaid,  was  borne  the  first  ot 
March,  1684-5,  cue. — Sarah  Abby,  diiughter 
.as  abovesd,  was  born  July  4th,  16 — .  Hepsi- 
bah  Abby,  Daughter  as  abovesd,  was  born 
February'  14th  1688-9.— Abigail  Abby, 
Daughter  as  abovesd.  was  bjrn  November  19th 
1690. — John  Abby,  eon,  as  abovesd,  was  born 
June  4th,  1692. — Benj'n  Abby,  son  as  abovesd, 
was  born  the  4th  of  June,  1694. 

Saiab  Archer,  daughter  of  Stephen  Archer 
&  Sarah  his  wife,  born  at  Salem,  \24  June, 
1698. 

Phillip  Attwood  &  Sarah  Tenney,  (now  of 
Bradford,)  was  married  July  23d,  1684. 

Mary  Abbot,  daughter  of  Robt.  &  Mary  Ab- 
bot, was  born  Sept.  28th,  1706. 

Samuel  Andrew,  son  of  Wm.  Andrew  & 
Seeth  his  wife,  was  borne  4th  August,  1693. 

Jonathan  Ashby,  son  of  Benja.  Ashby  & 
Hanah  his  wife,  was  borne  38th  September, 
1694. 

Abigail  Allin,  daughter  of  Joseph  Allin  & 
Abigail  his  wife,  was  borne  at  Salem  June  the 
first,  1696. 

Eliza  Backster,  daughter  of  Danyell  Baok- 
Bter,  by  Eliza,  hid  wife,  was  born  7  mo.,  1644 
— their  dau'r  Susanna  7  mo.,  1646 — their 
.au'r  Rebecca  born  11th  mo, — their  dauo''r 
Priseilla  born  in  ^une,  1652. 

9 


Mary,  dau'r  of  Tho's  Barnes,  by  Mary  hia 
wife,  born  the  12th  of  8th  mo.,  1658,  &  died 
ye  14  8  mo.,  1660. — their  dau'r  Mary  bora 
19tli  March,  1661. 

Isaac  Burnap  Married  to  Hanna  Antrum 
by  Major  Ilathorne,  8th  9  mo  ,  1658. 

James,  son  of  Mr.  William  Browne,  born 
by  Sara  his  wife,  _28th  10  mo.,  1658,  &  died 
6  mo. 

John  Browne,  Jun.  Married  to  Uanna  Hub- 
bard by  Leift  Lothrop,  2d  June,  1658- — their 
son.  John  born  ye  4th  2d  mo.,  1659,  &  died 
ye2l8t3dmo.,  1659. 

Mary,  dau'r  of  Sam'l  Belknap,  born  by  Sa- 
ra his  wife  ye  17th  6  mo,,  1658,  So  Mary  borne 
Wh  8th  mn.,  1656. 

The  wife  of  Old  Rich'd  Bishop  died  24th  6 
mo.,  1658. 

Mr.  Henry  Bartholomew,  his  daughter  Sa- 
ra, born  by  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  ye  29th  11th 
mo.,  1658. 

Benjamin  Bulflower,  died  ye  24th  12th  ma., 
1660. 

Jeremiah  Bootsman  and  Hester  Lamber-t 
were  Married  by  Major  Hathorne,  8th  of  8th 
mo.,  1659. — their  dau  Mary  born  4th  July, 
1660,  son  Jeremy  born  4th  November,  1662, 
son  Mathew  born  11th  September,  1665. 

Mr.  William  Browne,  son  John  borne  about 
10th  8th  mo.,  1669. — son  Joseph  borne  in  the 
month  of  August,  .1672,  son  Benjamin  borne 
in  Auguat,  1674. 

George  Burch — his  dau'r  Mary,  born  by 
Eliza  his  wife,  yc  30th  9  mo.,  1659. — dau'r 
Eliza  born  4th  June,  1662. — dau'r  Mary  de- 
ceased 20th  12th  mo.,  1662. — son  John  born 
28  May,  1664. 

Jacob  Barny  &  liana  Johnson  maryed  by 
Major  Hathorne,  18th  6th  mo..  1657. — their 
daugh'tr  Hana  born  30th  3d  mo.,  1659.— 
Uana  the  wife,  dyed  5th  4  mo.,  1659. 

Jacob  Barny  &  Ann  Witt  were  maryed  by 
Capt.  Marshall  26th  2d  mo.,  1660.— their  2d 
dau'r,  liana,  born  2  March,  1660.  — Sarah 
born  12th  7th  mo  ,  1662.  Abigaile  born  3d 
8th  mo.,  1663.— John  born  1st  0  mo.,  1665. 
Jacob  21st  3d  mo.,  1667.— Ruth  born  27t|i 
7th  mo.,  1669. 


34 


Richard  Bishop  ajarried  to  widow  Golt,  by 
Maj.  Ilathorne,  22d  5th  mo.,  lOGO. — the  wife 
Dulsabell  died  ye  28d  Gth  mo.,  1G58.— Rich- 
ard Bishop  deceased  30th  10th  mo.,  1074. 

Anthoyno  Biixston — his  son  Anthony  born 
ye  Gth  7th  mo  ,  1G.53,  by  Eliza  his  wife. — their 
son  Samuell  born  14th  Gth  mo.,  1G55. — their 
son  James  born  8th  Gth  mo.,  1G59 — their  don 
Tho's  born  24th  12  mo.,  'GI. — son  JameS  died 
15th  8th  mo.,  1GG2.— Tho's  died  20  8th  mo.. 
1GG2. — their  son  Joseph  born  ye  17  5  mo., 
1GG3. — dau'r  Hanna  born  27  January,  16G5. 

James  Betty,  his  Dau'r  Mary  born  by  Sara 
his  wife  9th    9th  mo.,   IGGl. 

Cornelious  Baker  maryed  to  Hanna  Wood- 
beJ-y,  2Gth  April,  1G58.— their  Daughter 
Hana  born  14th  8  mo.,  IGGO,  &  diad  Gth 
November,  1GG2. — 2d  dau'r  Hanna  born  28 
9  mo.,  1GG2. 

John  Buttolph  Maryed  to  liana  Gardner  ye 
IGth  8th  mo.,  16G3,  by  Major  Ilathorne. — 
their  son  John  borne  11th  7th  mo.,  1GG4,  & 
died  ye  23d  Aprill,  1665. — son  Jona.  born  9th 
2d  mo.,  IG— 

Sam'l,  son  of  John  Browne,  Jun'r,  borne 
by  Hana  his  wife,  ye  14th  1st  mo.,  1GG2,  & 
died  ye  Slst  lOth  mo.,  1GG3. — son  John  born 
ye  2l8t  12th  mo.,  IGGl,  before. — son  Peeter 
March,  10G4,  &  died  about  3  mo.  after, — Abi- 
ell  born  2l8t  March,  1G72-3. 

John  Biy  &  Rebecka  Golt  were  Maryed  by 
Majo.  Hathorne  the  llth  of  9  mo.,  1GG3. — 
their  son  John  borne  27th  January,  16G4. 

Henry  Bullock,  ye  elder,  dyed  the  27th 
10th  mo.,  1GG3. 

Abram,  son  of  Sam'l  Belknap,  by  Sara  his 
•wife,  born  4  4th  mo.,  IGGO, — son  Samuel 
borne  2d  3d  mo.,  1G62. 

John  Barnett  (alias  Barbant,)  Married  to 
Mary  Bishop,  14th  8th  mo.,  IGGl.— their 
Dau'r  Mary  born  30th  8th  mo.,  1GG2.— their 
Dau'r  Familliar  born  26th  7  mo.,  1664. — 
Dau'r  Eliza  born  5th  July,  1666. 

Jonathan  Brown  Maryed  Abyhaile  Burreil, 
by  ye  worshipfull  Mr.  Symoiids,  28  4  mo.. 
1664. 

tfames  Browne  Maried    with  Hannah  Bar- 


tholraew,  by  Majo.  Ilathorne,  the  5th  7  mo.^ 
1664. — son  James  bo.  3d  12th  mo.,  '65. — 
their  son  Bartholmew  borne  31  March,  1669; 
son  James  deceased  10th  mo.,  1670.  Daugh- 
ter Elizabeth  born  the  20th  January,  '70. — 
Daughter  Ilanna  born  9lh  March,  1672. — sort 
James  born  23d  May,  '75. 

Edmond  Bridges,  his  Daughter  Hanna  borni 
9th    June.  1609. 

Abigail  Beadle,  daughter  of  Samuel  Beadle, 
born  by  Susana  his  wife,  ye  24th  7th  mo.,  '61, 
and  deceased  14th  8th  mo.,  "61. 

Susana,  wile  of  Samuel  Beadle,  deceased 
13th  12  mo.,  '62. — ye  said  Samuel  deceased 
ye  10th  March,  '63. 

Samuel  Beachum,  sf>n  of  'Edward  Beachum, 
deceased  20  9  mo.,  '62.  Mary,  the  wife  of 
Edward  Beachum,  deceased  March  1667-8. — • 
their  daughter  Mary  deceased    the  t-ame  week. 

Mr.  William  Brown,  Jun'r,  Maried  to 
Hanah  Corwin  by  Maj.  Hathorne,  29th  lOi 
mo.,  '64. — son  William  borne  ye  28  July, 
1666. 

Ruth,  dau'r  of  Christopher  Babadg  by  Ag- 
nes his  wile.  bo.  21  Ist  mo.,  '63.  —  their  son 
Jon  borne  15th  April,  1606. — Agnes  his  wife 
deceased  the  17th  November,  16G7. — the  said 
Christopher  Ba'jadg  &  Hana  Carlton,  Wid- 
dow,  were  married  the  5th  8th  mo  .  1674. — 
their  daughter  Hanna  borne  the  15th  July, 
1675. — daughter  Mary  borne  Ist  March, 
1670-7. 

Danyell  Bacon  married  to  Susan  Spencer  by 
Major  Ilathorne,  ye  Ist  August,  1GG4. — their 
son  Danyell  bo.  14th  October,  '65.— daughter 
Alice  bo.  28th  8th  mo.,  '69,  &  deceased  about 
7  weeks  after. — dau'r  Susana  born  ye  18th 
July,  1670.— Mary  borne  8th  June,  1673.— 

Ed'd  Bush  &  Mary  Hidz  maryed  by  Maj. 
Hathorne,  17th  Octo.,  '65. — their  son  Ed- 
ward bo.  the  2d  7sh  mo.,  '67,  &  died  ye  5th 
12  mo.,  '67. 

Thomas  Barnes,  his  son  Benjamin  born  by 
Mary  his  wife,  Ist  Octob.  '55. — their  sort 
Tho's  bo.  ye  year  '57,  &  died  ye  same  ye&r; 
the  said  Thomas  Barnes  the  elder,  was  drown^ 
ed  December,  ('63.) 


3S 


John  Biilaen  &  Arrabella  Norman  were  '  mo.,  1673. — daughter  6u>ianna  borne  20th  of 
married  by  Maj.  Dcnnis(Jn  in  Sept.  ,1064. —  '  April,  1676. — their  sun  Thomaa  deceased  the 
da  liana  bo.  1.5th  October,  1667.— John  borne    20th  May,  1676. 


1668. 

of  Tho's  Cromwelli   deceased 


the  26  9th  mo. 

Thomas,  son 
16  March,  -63. 

John  Bnttolph,  his  aon  George  borne  by 
Ilanna  his  wife,  the  15th  of  October,  1667. 

Thomas  Brackett,  his  son  Joseph  deceased 
May  ye  15,  16 —  his  daughter  Lidea  deceased 
1  January,  '67. — son  Thomas  deceased  the 
15th  January,  1667. 

Mr.  William  Browne,  Jr.,  his  son  William 
deceased  2-ith  8th  mo.,  1666. — iiis  daughter 
liana,  by  Hana  his  wife,  borne  ye  16th  March, 
1067-8. — diiu'r  Hana  deoeiised  30  4  mo.,  '68. 
their  son  Samuel  borne  by  Hana  his  wife,  8 
8th 'mo.,  1669. — son  Wi'liam  borne  5th  7tft 
too.,  '71. — son  of  John  borne  ye  2.9  mo., 
1672. — son  William  deceased  18,  7,  72. — 
daughter  Sara  borne  the  10th  lOmo.,  1674. 

John  Baxter  &  Abigaile  Whiterig  were  mar- 
led by  Maj.  Deneson,  25th  November,  1667. 
their  son  John  borr.e  the  14th  10  mo.,  1668. — 
their  daughter  Abigaill  ye  15th  10th  mo., 
1670,  their  daughter  Elizabeth  the  25th  May, 
1673. —  Mary  borne  tlie  26  10  mo.,  1674. — 
the  sd  Mary  died  the  19th  7th  mo.,  1075. 

John  Browne  &  llanna  Collens  were  mar- 
led the  27th  of  January,  1668. — their  daugh- 
ter Prissilla  borne  1st  4  mo.,  '69. — Margarett 
borne  23d  April.  1671. — Joseph  borne  11th  7 
mo.,  1673. — Ilanah  Collens  borne  22d  July, 
1678. — their  son  William  born  first  of  Decem- 
ber, 1677. — Daugh'er  Mary  borne  4  January, 
1692. 

John  Buxton  &  Mary  Small  were  married 
by  Maj  r  Hathorne  30th  of  March,  1668.— 
their  daughter  Mary  borae  3d  7th  mo.,  1669. 
Elizabeth  borne  ye  13th  August,  1672. — son 
John  borne  the  29th  9th  mo.,  1675. — Mary 
his  wife  deceased  the  27th  11th  mo.,  1675. 
Samuel  Beadle  maryed  to   Hana   Lemon  the 


Mrs.  Sarah  B.itter,  tlie  wife  of  Mr.  Edmond 
Batter,  deceased  the  20th  of  the  9th  mo., 
'1669. 

Mr.  Edmond  Salter  &  Mrs.  Mary  Gookiil 
were  maryed  ye  8th  June,  1670. — their  son 
Edmond  borne  the  8th  J.anuary,  1673. 

Edward  Beachum  &  Elizabeth  Metcalf  were 
maryed  the  8th  of  November,  1670. 

John  Best  &  Susana  Durm  were  married  ye 
10th  of  8th  mo.,  1670. — their  son  John  ye  5th 
7th  mo.,  167^. — daughter  Susana  borne  the 
28th  11  mo.,  1673. 

Joseph  Boyce  &  Sarah  Meachum  were  mar- 
ried 4th  12  mo.,  1667. — their  daughter  Sara 
was  borne  4th  10  mo.,  1668. 

Thomas  Browning  Deceased  in  February, 
1670. 

Nathaniel  Beadle  &  Mary  Hix  were  maryed 
the  20th  of  Aprill,  1670. — his  son  Thomaa 
borne  by  Mary  his  wife,  21st  11th  mo..  1671. 
daughter  Mary  borne  20th  9th  mo.,  1673. — 
son  Nathaniel  borne  the  l7tb  lOth  mo.,  1675. 
their  son  John  borne  the  29th  2d  mo.,  1678. 
daughter  Elizabeth  borne  the  25  October, 
1679. — their  son  John  ye  second  borne  ye  12th 
August,  1683. 

Peeter  Baldin  &  Rachel]  Dellocloce,  widdoWj 
were  married  by  Major  William  Uathome,  ye 
27th  May,  1672. 

Thomas  Bouenton  &  Sara  Sothwick  were 
maried  ye  30th  10th  mo..  '70.— their  soa 
Thomas  Borne  Ist  March.  1671. — eon  Benja- 
min borne  24  July,  1675.— their  Daughter 
Abigail  borne  the  25th  July,  1695. 

Thomas  Burt  &  jNIary  Scthwick  were  mary- 
ed the  18  9th  mo.,  72. 

Jacob  Barney,  Jun'r,  his  daughter  Dorcas 
bo.Tie  by  Ann  his  wife,  22d  2d  mo.,  1671.—^ 
their  son  Joseph  borne  the  9th  March,  1672-3. 


20th  June,  1668. — their  son   Nathaniel  borne    son  Israeli  borne  the   17th  June,    1675.— son 


the  29th  of  March,  1669.— Samuel  borne  llth 
€th  mo.,  1672.— son  Thomas  borne   28th  9th 


Jonathan  borne  the  29  March,  1677.— son 
Samuel  borne  the  10th  12th  mo.,  1678.— 
daughter  Hannah  borne  the  0  12  mo.,  1680. 


36 


Robert  Bray,  his  son  Daniell  borne  by  Tam- 
sen  his  wi'b,  the  29th  9th  mo.,  1673. 

Georg  Burch,  his  dau  Mary  borne  by  Eliza 
his  wife,  ye  26th  7-h  mo.,  1667. — Abigaile 
borne  16th  August  1669, — son  Georgo  borne 
27th  April,  1671,  sd  Ge'org,  the  father,  de- 
ceased 1st  8th  mo.,  '72. 

John  Bly,  his  son  Benjamin  by  Rebecka  his 
wife,  borne  the  8th  of  8th  mo.,  1666. — Mary 
borne  25th  May,  1668.— Rebecka  20th  July, 
1670.— Edmoud  borne  14th  7th  mo,  1672.— 
Hanna  8th  8th  mo.,  1674. — son  William  borne 
ye  17th  7th  mo.,  1676. 

John  Batcheler  &  Mary  Herrick  were  mar- 
ried the  14th  of  August,  1673. — their  son 
John  borne  ye  26  2d  m.j  ,  1675. — son  Jona- 
than borne  the  29th  March,  1678. 

Joshua  Buffum  &  Damarice  Pope  were  mar- 
ried  

Buth  Batchellor,  daughter  of  Jona.  &  Ruth 
Bntchellor,  born  Dec  27th  1703. 

Mary  Batchellor,  daughter  of  Josiah  &  Ma- 
ry Batchellor,  born  Nov.  5,  1701. — their  son 
Wm.  born  Octob-  20,  1703. 

Caleb  Buffum  &  llanna  Pope  \  ere  maryed 
ye  26th  March,  1672. — their  son  Caleb  borne 
14th  May,  1673. — son  Robert  borne  the  Ist 
10  mo  ,  1675. 

Mr.  James  Bailey,  his  son  James  borne  by 
Mary  his  wife,  the  12th  Aprill,  1675. — sonn 
John  borne  29th  7th  mo.,  "76,  &  dyed  29  10 
mo.,  '77.— sonn  John  borne  the  10th  May, 
-78.— SamuiU  borne  2d  March,  1679-80. 

Samuel  Buxston  &  Racheil  Buxston,  the 
children  of  Anthony  Buxton^  deceased  the 
24th  12  mo  ,  1675. — son  Anthony  deceased 
May,  1676, 

George  Booth,  his  son  Benjamin  by  Ales  his 
wife,  borne  the  10th  March,  1675. — daugh'tr 
Ales  borne  the  6th  July,  1078. — theire  daugh- 
ter Susanna  borne  21st  September,  1680. 

John  Bachelor  the  eld-^r  deceased  13  9  mo., 
1675,  &  his  wife  Elizabeth  deceased  the  10th 
day  of  the  same  month. 

John  Batchelor's  son  Zachariah  born  Feb'y 
5th,  1701-2. — anothei  son  Zacha.  died  Dec, 
20,  1700. 


Natha  1  Batchellor  born  Feb'y  9th,  1703-4, 
being  ye  son  of  Jno.  &  Bethia  Batchellor, 

Daniel  Bacon,  his  son  Michaell  borne  by 
Susanna  his  wife  the  23d  October,  1676. — 
daughter  Liddea  23d  12th  mo.,  1678.— son 
John  borne  24th  11  mo.,  1680,  the  said  Lid- 
dea deceased  25  10  mo.,  1081. 

John  Baxter,  his  son  William  borne  by  Ab- 
igaile his  wife  the  14th  October,  1076. — the 
said  Abigaile  his  wife  deceased  22d  9  mo., 
1676. 

Juhn  Baxter  married  to  Elizabeth  Mack- 
mallen,  widdow,  4  9th  mo.,  1679. — theire 
daughter  Sarah  borne  15  August,  1680  — 
theire  son  Samuell  borne  the  lOih  June,  1683. 

Mr.  John  Barton,  his  son  John  borne  by 
Lidea  his  wife,  the  2d  12th  m>.,  1676,  &  de- 
ceased the  7th  of  the  same  month. — theire  son 
John  borne  30th  Jiinuary,  1677. — theire  son 
Thomas  borne  7th  July,  *80, — son  Zacheus 
borne  1st  2d  mo.,  1683, — son  Samuell  born 
30th  August,  168.8, 

John  Blethin  &  Jane  Marker  were  maryed 
10th  May,  1674,— theire  son.  John  Blethin, 
borne  14th  March,  1676-7. 

James  Browne,  Glazier,  hi-?  daughter  Sara, 
by  Hannah  his  wife,  borne  the  10th  day  of 
August,  1678. 

John  Batcholor,  hjs  son  Josiah  borne  by 
Mary  his  wife,  the  6th  of  March,  1679-80. 

Efjenezer  Buxton,  soci  of  John  Buxton  & 
Elizabetn  his  wife,  borne  the  20tb  June,  1690. 
Ledia  Buxton  borne  Octoher  16th,  1692. — 
Benj'n  Buxton,  son  as  aforesd,  borne  lOtb 
March,  1694-5.— James  Buxton,  son  as  afore- 
sd, borne  28th  Septemb.,  1698. 

Joseph  Bachelor  &  Meriam  Moulton  were 
maried  the  8th  8th  mo.,  1677. — theire  son  Jo- 
seph   Bachelor  borne  the  18th  July,  1678. 

Hanna,  daughter  of  Edmond  Bridges,  borne 
by  Sarah  his  wife,  7th  mo.,  1669. — theire  son 
Caleb  borne  3d  Jun  ,  1677. 

William  Bennett  &  Elizabeth  Smith,  wid- 
dow, were  married  in  March,  1674. — theire 
dsiughter  Grace  born  February,  '76,  &  dyed 
shortly  after. 

[70  BE  CONTIMJED.] 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 


OF      THE 


ESSEX    INSTITUTE. 


Vol.   I. 


May,    1859, 


No.    2. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  RECORDS  KEPT  BY  THE 
REV.  JOHN  FISKE,  DUI^INQ  HIS  MINISTRY 
AT  SALEM,  WENHAM  AND  CHELMSFORD. 

By  the  kindnesa  of  David  Puleifer,  Esq.,  of 
Boston,  wo  have  been  pi  rmitted  to  print  in 
our  columns  the  following  extracts,  which  are 
contained  in  a  quarto  manuscript  volume  in 
the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Fiske,  which  was  giv- 
en to  him  several  years  since  by  Sam'l  Tcnney, 
Esq. 

Mr.  John  Fisk  was  born  in  the  parish  of 
St.  James,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  England, 
about  the  year  1701.  JJe  was  the  eldest  of 
four  children,  all  of  whom  came  to  America 
afterwards  with  him,  and  left  descendants. ^- 
His  father,  having  devoted  him  to  the  service 
of  Christ,  first  sent  him  to  a  Grammar  school, 
and  afterwards  to  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
where  he  resided  until  he  became  a  grudqate. 
Ue  then  began  to  preach,  but  soon  afterwards 
appied  himself  to  the  study  of  phyeick  aqd  obr 
tained  a  license  |\)r  practice.  Soon  after  the 
death  of  his  father,  the  care  of  his  mother, 
two  sisters,  and  a  youngef  brother  having  de- 
volved upon  him,  he  removed  to  America, 
where  he  could  quietly  pursue  tho  exercise  of 
the  ministry,  lie  arrived  at  New  England  in 
1637,  and  for  three  years  he  resided  at  Salem, 
wber'>.  he  was  both  a  preacher  and  a  tutor  to 
divers  young  scholars  (the  well  known  Sir 
10 


George  Downing  wasoqe.)  From  Salem  he 
wept  to  Wenham,  and  remained  there  fourteen 
years,  when  he  removed  to  Chelmsford,  with 
a  part  of  his  church.  In  this  latter  place  he 
continued  in  the  ministry  until  his  death, 
which  occurred  on  the  14th  of  January,  1676. 


Gathz  my  Sts.  togethz  unto  me  yos  yt  baue 
made  a  Covenant  with  me  by  sacrifice.  Ps. 
50.  5. 

We  whose  names  are  hjjunder  written,  mem- 
bers of  ye  pesent  Church  of  X  in  Salem,  haue- 
ing  found  by  sad  expience  how  dangerous  it  is 
to  sit  loose  to  ye  Covenant;  yre  make  with  our 
god.  4nd  how  apt  we  are  to  wander  into  bye 
pathes,  yea,  euen  to  ye  loosing  of  our  first 
aymes  in  entring  Church  Fellowship.  Doe 
therefore  solemnly  inyepesenpe  of  ye  eter- 
nall  God,  both  for  our  own  comforts  &  yos 
who  shajl  or  may  be  joyned  unto  us,  renew  yt 
Church  Covenant,  we  find  yis  church  bound 
unto  at  there  jst  beginning,  viz  :  That  we  cov- 
enant with  ye  Lord,  &  one  with  another,  & 
doe  bynd  ourselves  in  ye  pesence  of  god  to 
walke  together  in  all  bis  waies,  according  as 
he  is  please-]  to  reveale  hims.  unto  us  in  his 
Blessed  word  of  truth,  &  doe  more  explicitely 
in  ye  name  &  feare  of  the  Lord,  p  feese  and 
p  test  to  walke  as  followetb.  thro  ye  belpe  & 
poux  of  ye  Lord  Jesus. 

Ist.  We  Avow  ye  Lord  to  be  our  god,  & 


ourselucs  his  people,  in  je  truth  and  simplici- 
ty ot  or  Spits. 

2.  We  giue  uporseluea  to  ye  Lord  Jesufi 
Christ,  &  ye  word  of  bis  grace  for  ye  teaching, 
ruling  &  sanctifying  of  us  in  matters  of  wor- 
ship &  conversation,  resoluing  to  cleaue  to  him 
alone  for  life  &  glory,  &  to  oppose  all  Contrary 
wayes,  cannons  &  'stitutions  of  men  in  his 
worship. 

3.  Wo  promise  to  walko  with  our  'brethren 
&  sisters  in  yis  Congregation,  with  all  watch 
fullness  &  tendernes,  avoyding  all  Jealousies, 
Buspitions,  buck  bitings,  censurings,  provok- 
ings,  secret  risings  of  gpit  against  them,  but 
in  all  offences  to  follow  ye  rule  of  the  Lord  Je- 
sus, &  to  beare  &  forbears,  giue  &  forgiue  as 
he  hath  taught  us. 

4.  In  publick  &  private  we  will  willingly 
doe  nothing  to  ye  offence  of  ye  Church,  but 
will  be  ready  to  take  advice  for  or  seines  & 
ours,  as  occasion  sha)  be  pesented. 

5.  We  will  not,  in  ye  Congregation,  be  for- 
ward, either  to  shew  our  owne  gifts  or  parts 
in  speaking  or  scrupuling,  or  there  discouer 
ye  fayling  of  or  brethren  or  sisters,  but  attend 
an  orderly  cale  there  untoo,  knowing  how 
much  the  Lord  may  bee  dishonouredj  and  his 
gospel  in  ye  p  fession  off  it  slighted  by  our 
distempers  (&  weaknesses  in  publick. 

6.  Wee  bind  our  sejues  to  study  ye  advance- 
ment of  the  gospel  in  all  truth  Sc  peace,  both 
in  regard  of  those  yt  are  within  or  without, 
no  waye  sleighting  our  sister  churches,  but 
useing  there  counsell  as  need  shalbee,  nor  lay- 
ing a  stumbling  block  before  any,  no,  not  ye 
Indians,  whose  good  we  desire  to  promote,  & 
so  to  converse  as  we  may  avoyd  ye  very  ap- 
pearance of  euill. 

7.  We  heereby  promise  to  carry  or  selues  in 
all  lawfull  obedience  to  those  yt  are  set  our 
us  in  Church,  &  common  wealth,  knowing  how 
•well  pleasing  it  wilbee  to  ye  Lord,  yt  they 
should  haue  encouragement  in  there  placeS,  by 
our  not  greiving  theire  spirits  through  our 
Irregularities. 

8.  Wee  resolue  to  approiie  or  selues  to  ye 
Lord  in  or  p  ticular  callings,  Bhlibning  Idlehes 


as  ye  buno  of  any  State,  nor  will  we  deale 
hardly  or  opp  essingly  with  any  wherein  we 
ate  the  Lord's  stewards,  also  promising  to  or 
best  abilities  to  teach  our  children  &  servants 
ye  knowledge  of  ye  Lord,  &  his  will,  that  they 
may  s^rue  him  also. 

And  all  yis  not  by  any  strength  of  or  owne, 
but  by  ye  Lord  Christ,  whose  bloud  we  desire 
should  be  sprinckle.  This  or  covenant  made 
in  his  name. 


Sainiiel  Sharp,  Eldr. 

Eiiz.  Endicott 

dis.  to  pace: 

Alice  Hutchinson 

John  Endicott 

Eliz.  Leech 

Hugh  Peter,  pastor 

Alice  Sharpe 

Philip  Verin 

Johane  Johnson 

Hugh  taskin 

Eliz.  Holgraue 

Roger  Conant 

Margarett  Bright 

Laurance  LeccTi 

Eliz.  Dauenport 

William  Auger 

Mary  Alford 

Francis  Johnaon 

Sara  Conant 

Thomas  Eborne 

Jane  Alderman 

George  Williams 

Agnes  Woodbury 

George  Norton 

Judith  Raymond 

Henery  Herrick 

Johane  Gotta 

Peter  Pal  fry 

Dorcas  Verin 

Roger  MaUry 

Sara  Batter 

Tho.  Gardner 

Eedith  paltry 

John  Sibly 

Eedith  Herick 

John  Balch 

Hanna  Maurie 

Samuel  xMoore 

Susanna  Fogge 

John  Holgraue 

Joano  Watson 

Ralph  Fo<:ge 

Alice  Ager 

John  Ilornn 

Ann     Ingersoll 

John  Woodbury 

Elly 

William  Traske 

Eliz. 

Townsond  Bishop 

Warth 

Thomas  Read 

Elyn  B 

Rich.  Raymond 

Anne  Dixy 

Jeffry  Massy 

Anne  Bound 

Edmond  Batter 

Anne  Home 

Elias  Stileman 

Margery  Balch 

Edmond  Giles 

Presca  Kendall 

Richard  Dauenport 

Anne  Scarlett 

John  Black  Leeeh 

Gertrude  Elforde,  exc. 

Tho.  Scrugges 

Katherin  Digweed 

Will  Al'ea 

Anne  Moore,  vid. 

Will  King 

Lidia  Bankes 

Rich.  Rootes 

Mary  Gigles 

John  Aloore 

Mary  Lord 

Dixey 

Anne  Garford 

John  Sanders 

Susanna  Goodwin 

Jacob  Barney 

Bniyne,  vid 

Rich.  Brack«nbury 

Hart 

John  Blacke 

joane  A  mes 

Joseph  Pope 

Eliz.  Williams 

Peter  Wolfe 

Mary  Norton 

Will  Bann 

Bethia  Rea 

Sam.  A 

Isabel  Robinson 

Tho. 

Anne  Robinson,  vid. 

Edm           hail 

Turner,  vid.  dead 

Joh 

Sanders,   dead 

.  ims 

Mary  Gedney 

deruan 

Deborah  Holme 

30 


Lartholomew 
no  Browning 
Tho.  Goldwhatye 
John  Browne 
'William  Grose 
Josua  Holgraue 
James  Moulton 
Jo.  ffiske 
John  Gedney 
John  Hardy 
Tho   Venner 
Hen  Burcbal 
Edw.  Batcheler 
Benery  Skerry 
Jn.  Hinds 
Tho.  Spooner 
Jo.  Simunds 
Jo.  Jackson 
Ric.  AVaters 
Benj.  Felton 
Tho.  Olny 
Wm.  Clerk 
Wm.  Robinson 
Mich.  Sbaflin 
Tho.  Avery 
Em«in  Downing 
Jo.  Hart 
Daniel  Ray 
James  Giifford 
"Wil  Osburne 
Laurance  Soutbwick 
Tho.  Antru— 
Obadiah  Holmes 
Francis  Higgison 
Jos.  Ketberell,  drowned 
Hen  Swan 
Jos.  Grafton 


Marshal 
Eliz.  Goldtl.wayt 
Alice  Baggerly 
Gift     Gott 
Margaret  Weston 
Anne  Fiske 
Mary  Moulton 
Sara  Stan  dish 
Arabella  Norman 
Anne  Spooner 
Anne  Barney 
Mary  Symonds 
Margaret  Jackson 
Ruth  Ames 
Elizabeth  Blackleech 
Jane  Anthrop 
Anne  Pickworth 
Lucy  Downing 
Tryphen  Myrrel 
Anne  Stretton 

Ray 

Soutbwick 
arkes 
Marg  euer 

Mary 

Mary  Port 

Holmes 
Susan  Greene 
Dorothy  Kenniston 
Alice  Weekes 
Eli2.  Pickering 
Eliz.  Dunton 
Mary  Grafton 

Edwards 
Martha  Tbo'son 


Salem,  1637. 
At  a  X  X  meeting. 
A  qu  ppounded  to  je  x  x,  bj  ye  desire  of  ye 
Magist  of  yis  'try. 

What  way  or  course  is  best  to  be  taken  of 
ye  X  X  8  for  Mrs,  mayntenance,  &  ye  continu- 
ance &  upholding  of  x  x  ordinances  ? 

K.  ye  X  X  bath  taken  it  into  yr  'sideration. 

Will  Walker.  Or  JBro :  Walker's  case 
brought  to  ye  x  x. 

He  had  been  distemped  in  head  &  distracted 
&  8 — yt  time,  suspended  fr  ye  Scrt  of  ye  Lo  : 
Supp. 

now  yt  he  is  judged  to  be  recoaed  thzof,  be 
is  'sidered. 

Eldr.  1.  that  be  bath  not  manifested  hims. 
to  be  humbled  for  bia  miscarriages  in  yt  timd. 

2.  that  he  refusetb  to  come  to  Assembly  & 
to  ptake  in  ye  scales. 


3.  yt  be  bath  not  brought  bis  child  lacely 
bolrne  to  him  utito  baptisme. 

4.  yt  commonly  he  neglects  to  beg  a  bless- 
ing, &  to  giue  thankes  at  his  eating. 

W.  he  ansurs. 

1.  To  ye  keeping  back  his  child. 

yt  he  judged  hims.  as  — sufficient  to  one  or- 
din.  as  to  ye  othx, 

now  ye  XX  had  judged  him,  as  insufficient 
one. 

E.  during  ye  time  of  his  distraction  &  since 
ye  Elder  bad  told  him  now  of  ye  necessity  of 
it. 

W.  Yet  he  could  not  'ceive  but — ye  opinion 
of  ye  XX,  he  was  jot  accounted  insufficient 
bee.  of  his  distraction. 

E.  Then  yis  sliould  haue  humbled  him  be- 
fore ye  xx.  but,  whithx  does  he  now  desire 
co-^ion  with  ye  x  x  ?  for  he  had  manifested 
his  desire  of  return  to  Engl. 

W.  he  would  demur  on  it,  &  by  reason  bee. 
of  his  unfitnes  thro,  god's  visit — ng  of  him. 

E.  Thus  he  charges  god,  not  hims.  a.  he 
charges  ye  devil :  bee.  his  fall  ws  fro  his 
tempting  of  him. 

p.  chsged  him  of  a  lazie  idlenes  disposition, 
as  ye  cause. 

W.  he  justifies  him  as  yt. 

R.  he  hath  sometimes  desired  freedom  for 
ye  X  X  com — n  a.  for  com — g  into  ye  assem- 
bles, yt  he  hath  sd  yt  he  is  not  bound  to  sit 
within  ye  watch  of  ye  congregation,  but  may 
be  abroad  in  time  of  gods  worp  without  ye 
meet — g  house. 

W.  This  he  justifies  also. 

^.  R.  &  c.  There  eyes  (it  is  sd.)  were  fas- 
tened vpo — him  a.  many  objects  are  tenderad 
abroad  to  draw  away  ye  mind. 

To  giueing  of  thanks  at  meatc. 

W.  yt  he  is  not  bound  to  giue  appa — ce  of 
it. 

E.  1.  in'  of  offence. 

2.  in'  of  reverence  so'  gesture  is  to  be  used 
y — . 

W.  yt  Boule  refernce  suffice  :  &  ye  hatt  may 
be  on,  &o. 


40 


E.  to  yt  1  Cor.  6-20. 

When  he  had  nothing  to  say — hia  defence 
furthx  yr  sd  he  was  'victed.  yr  urged  :  why  he 
did  not  'fesse  bis  sin. 

W.  yt  he  desired  not  co — ion  with  ye  x  x 
unless  ye  xx  were  'tented  with  ye  hand  of 
god  on  him. 

'Twas  objected  ag  him. 

1.  yt  he  would  not  stay  fr — eating  till  othxs 
with  him  had  be^^d  a  bleesing. 

2.  yt  he  would  answ  yexx  why  he  saw 
cause  onely. 

3.  yt  he  was  not  bound  in  giueing  thanks 
to  exprse  words  before  god. 

4.  yt  was  supposed  ho  was  vy  Ignorant. 

p.  What  ye  5t  comdt  was?  he  would  not 
tell — &  asked  what  diice  betwene  vocation  and 
Justification  :  he  would  but  could  not. 

a.  he  'fessed  yt  he  read  not  a  chap  by  ye 
whole  weeke  togethx. 

a.  yt  he  neglected  ye  duty  of  prayer  comm- 
ly — family. 

a.  yt  he  had  sd  yt  poynts  of  Evidenceing  of 
salvation,  are  not  to  be  medled  with  b\'  Euill 
men. 

a.  yt  ye  pastor  shold  catechize  his  boy  & 
not  him. 

And  ye  day  af.er  he  was  taken  with  a  dis- 
tracted disteup.  in  his  head. 

Issue.  The  xx  g.iue  him  an  admonition  out 
of  p.  15,19.^:21. 

p.  &  vpon  it  pesntly  tur'y  hia  back  h6  went 
forth  ye  assembly. 

Rob.  Cotty. — His  case  decided  by  ye  x  x 
wch  was  yt  he  'ceived  hims.  a  memb.  of  this 
XX  [he  ca— before  ye  xx  with  a  portugal 
cap  on.  as  pr  objected. 

1.  fr — ye  dang—  of  it,  intimating  yt  soule 
revence  onely  is  '  ry  to  1  Cor.  11-7. 

2,  ,try  to  good  report.  Warranted  things 
are  of  good  report.  Provide  all  things  honest 
in  ye  sight  of  all  men.] 

C.  he  a  memb  of  yis  x  x. 

1.  Bee.  berecomended  to  yex  x. 


2.  bee.  he  was  admitted  to  subsription  to  ye 
covenant. 

R.  1  yt  he  was  not  dismissed  but  onely  re- 
comened  to  ye  x  x  wch  implyed  a  purpose  of 
stay  for  a  time  onely  hx.  to  2.  if  he  were,  it 
was  thro'  mistake  of  ye  xx. 

0.  ye  X  X  now  dissolved  f —  whence  he  re- 
comended  go  Es.  44,  5,  Numb.  13. 

R.  1.  it  ia  denyed, 

2.  grant  it  yt  recommendats'  be  so  ;  a  man 
may    bee    ofl"   many  x  xs  together. 

p.  to  ye  2,  ficrifturea,  Numb.  13,  was  a 
rash  vow. 

a.  yt  ye  X  X  enquired  further  upon  him  why 
he  would  subscribe  &  yt  ye  same  day. 

a.  for  recommendiiti  thx  are  toxes.  tho  not 
so  manifest  for  dismission. 

And  yt  in  Col.  4,  8.  0,  shewes  yt  yer  is  a 
distinction  of  membs  &  a  pp'ety  to  euery 
church. 

one  of  you  &  one  of  us. 

a.  ye  Cov  then  not  j'st  made  but  ronued. 

R.  yt  dismipsion  is  but  a  terrae  of  distinc- 
tion for  recommendation  Si— lettrs  dismissive 
are  nothing  but  letters  recommendatory. 

a.  as  or  Lord  hath  diuers  housholds,  now 
tho  ye  Lord  sends  a  srvant  of  one  by  ye  bye 
upon  a  message  or  ye  like  to  ye  othx.  Those 
s'vents  shall  glue  him  Intertaynmt.  But  he 
shall  haue  no  powr  of  transacting  any  thing 
in  yt  house  :  like  as  thx  fr —  whence  he  ca — . 
so  heere. 

A  qu  WX8  moued  to  ye  church.  'tribu- 

tion,viz:  Whithx    'tribution   was.     1.   to  be 
eury  Sab  : 

2.  to  be  done  so  as  euy  one  might   take  no- 
tice what  each  doth  'tribute. 
R,  It  is  referred  to  ye  lurthx  thoughts  of 

Vpon  an  other  day. — S.  Weston.  The  case 
of  or  Sister  Weston  brought  before  yo  xx. 

When  a  matter  of  diflTerence  betweene  hx 
&  anothx  was  at  ye  Court  put  unto    ye  Jury. 


41 


she  excepted  ag.  2  of  the  Jury  men  who  were 
tberefure  otfended,  &  with  them  others  also. 

E.  demaunded  her  reason. 

S.  yt  she  did  thinke  it  hx  lib'ty. 

E.  True  yt  yr  is  a  lib'ty.  but  exception 
implies  a  just  cause  or  tis  not  equal,  viz,  yt 
he  will  not  doe  Justice,  or,  yt  he  regards  not 
an  oth,  or  yt  he  beare  s — splene. 

M.  The  law  graunts  it  in  case  of  'sanguini- 
tieorsomenie  relation,  but  then  ye  ground 
or  reason  must  be  shewed  to  ye  Judge  of  ye 
Courts. 

S.  She  denyed  to  render  a  reason,  least  yt 
impeachmt  to  bis  good  name  who — she  except- 
ed sig.  g  Mesy.  &  sd  yt  ye  othx  was  all  one 
with  ye  pty  agt  hx  &  more  freqjent  with  him 
yn  any  one  memb.     Mr.  Batter. 

R.  Mr.  Batt  at  Mr.  Pesters  with  Mr.  Noyso 
p  ter  ward  j  othx  haue  bad  frequent  dealings 
thx. 

&  yt  S.  hath  broken  a  rule.  Mat  18  &  Leu  19, 
yt  suspect — g  will  — yt  she  delt  not  with  y — 

For  ye  things  were  s —  long  time  before  ye 
Courtes. 

S.  She  knew  not  yr  should  be  of  ye  Jury . 
she  intended  not  a  scandall. 

a.  yt  she  'ceived  yr  in  a  temptation  &  gifts 
blind  ye  eyes  of  ye  wise. 

R.  Jn  aggravation  of  bz  fault :  it  brought 
in  ag  hx. 

hx  carriage  to  or  bro.  Johnson. 

hx  disv>rderly  carriagyn  before  ye  xx. 

hx  y  taxing  our  pastor  of  Hypocrisy. 

hx  opening  ye  greivance  thx  ag.  a  bro.  in 
bx  owne  case. 

hx  not  dealing  with  such  suspected  brethren 
before  afr  so  long  a  time. 

hx  'fessing  she  saw  no  sin  in  y — 

■wch  aggravated  hx  exception. 

hx  taking  ye  occasion  fr — suspitious  reports 
eg.  ym. 

So  she  referred  to  ye  next  x  z  meeting. 

Br.  Walker  ye  2d  time. — Eldr:  He  asks  or 
Bro.  Walker  how  ye  Case  stands  now  with 
bim. 

u 


W.  1.  yt  he  justifies  not  his  practise  in  yo 
time  of  his  distraction. 

2.  yt  tis  not — hx  powx  to  reforme  h — s. 

3.  yt  he  stands  at  yo  dispose  of  ye  x  x. 
E.  ye  XX  expectes  his  repentance. 

W*  he  knowes  not  what  to  say  to  it. 

E.  What  he  answer  to  ye  x  x  as  touching  ye 
withholding  his  child  fro —  Baptisme. 

W.  he  silent. 

E.  ye  XX  desires  satisfaction. 

W.  yt  he  lookes  not  vpon  himselfe  asmeet 
for  CO — ion.  But  yt  he  shalhe  meet  when 
god  shall  turne  his  heart,  (yet  yt  he  well 
understands  ye  xx  expectation)  «&  yt  bee  1 
distemped  2  faith  lesse. 

Pastor,  yt  it  apps  he  is  nndr  a  Temptation, 
&  twere  St  his  case  were  commended  to  god 
by  fasting  &  prayer. 

E.  Whithx  he  desires  yis. 

W.  yt  be  knew  not  what  to  say  to  it. 

Mr.  Humfry. — Mr.  tlumfres  case  brought 
to  ye  X  X. 

Eldr.  he  'plaines  ag  ye  xx  of  Lin.  yt  twice 
he  was  thx  hindred  ye  seales. 

yt  1  bee.  of  s —  difference  betweene  him  & 
leiften.     IIow  who  excepted  ag.  him. 

ye  2d  time,  bee.  one  Thomkins  was  reci'i'^d 
into  XX  CO — ion  yt  day  notwithstanding  he 
excepted  ag.  him. 

Pastor,  it  seemes  as  if  ye  x  x  yes  denyed  him 
not  yt  CO — ion. 

It  was  agreed  ypo — yt  if  ye  x  x  &  he  so 
csent  yis  x  x  may  have  ye  whole  mattr  discou- 
ered  by  writing  fr — both  sids,  &  c. 

This  day  Deborah  ilolden  Bro .  Gidnies  wite 
Bro  Marshals  wife,  Ja.  Moulton.  made  yer 
pfessions,  &  Testimonies  were  giuen  of  yer 
godly  life.  Sa  ye  next  sab.  yr  were  recej'd  into 
X  X —  CO — ion. 

Some  othx  p  pounded  should  haue  come  in, 
but  were  excepted  agst. 

Whx  vpon  warning  was  given  by  ye  Elder 
yt  ye  reasons  of  yr  exceptions  might  be  brought 
in  to  him.  before  ye  next  xx  meeting. 

Deacons,  p  pounds  to  ye  x  x  to  'aider  of  yo 
dispose  of  Mrs.  Skelton's  children.. 


a 


10th  of  11th  month. — Mr.  HumfrfS.  case 
je  2d  time  :  —  ye  interim  or  Pastor  was  sent 
for  to  meet  the  Elders  of  ye  x  x  at  Lin  to'  fer 
■with  chem.  Who  fr  both  pties  brings  this 
relation  to  ye  x  x. 

1.  yt  he  withdrew  himselfe.  bee.  he  was  loth 
to  offend  ye   x  x. 

2  yt  ye  2d  time  he  withdrew  himselfe  bee. 
he  was  oflFended  by  ye  x  x  who  tooke  in  an  un- 
worthy member. 

To  yis  twas  determined. 

1.  yt  ye  X  X  is  to  deale  with  Mr.  Humfrey 
for  withdrawing  h — a.  &  not  rathx  for  deal- 
ing with  ye  1st  Bro.  prvately  according  to  rule 
let. 

p.  hx  —  ye  — terim  fell  in  yis  discourse, 
viz.  qu  whithx  an  Irritation  unfitts  lor  ye 
Sort. 

it  should  app  bee.  anger  is  a  short  madnes. 

A.  1,  Cor.  11.  an  examined  ma— tishia  du- 
ty to  eate. 

qu.  VVjithx  a  bro.  may  abstayne  when  he 
is  like  else  to  giue  offence  to  an  othx. 

A.  no, 

2.  yt  ys  X X  is  to  write  to  yos  Elders   &  xx. 
1  becyr  take  on  memb  ag.  opposition  &  2, 

privately. 

2.  bee.  yr  suffer  ye  unseasonable  opposition 
of  members,  for  members  are  not  to  reason  be- 
tweene  pp  before  ye  xx  by  way  of  opposition, 
but  membs  must  speake  yer  case  toyexx. 
yis  writ — g  to  be  st  by  vtue  of  ye  c — ion  yt  is 
betweene  yes  x  x  s. 

Sepatists. — The  case  of  ye  brethren  yt  with- 
drew yp  f —  ys  X  X  brought  forth. 
Pastor  yt  yi  doe  it  out  of  If. 

2.  bee  yi  would  ye  peace  of  ye  x  x  seing  yi 
cannot  peaceably  hold  co — ion  with  ye  x  x. 

3.  yi  are  not  resolved  as  yi  pretend  whithx 
to  goe. 

a.  yt  yi  object  not  ag.  ye  xx. 

onely.  yt  those  yt  recejd  on  did  not  renounce 
publickly  ye  gou't  of  Engl.  &  yt  one  about 
hearing  in  Engl  &  yt  one  yt  yi  no  libty  of  ob- 
jecting in  ye  X  X  ag  what  is  taught. 

It  t  put  to  ye  X  X8  'eideration. 


Whithx  if  6  or  8  of  ye  XX.  &  wich  we  hope 
to  be  godly,  yet  not  aggreeing  with  us  in  yer 
Judgmt  may  not  haue  a  peaceable  depture  fro 
us  togathx  a  X  X  ? 

R.  1.  These  psons  must  jat  giue  ye  x  x  sat- 
isfaction for  yer  schisme. 

2  tis  p  bable  y t  theSe  would  not  keep  co — ion 
with  this  church. 

3.  These  haue  not  asked  leaue  of  ye  x  x  but 
doe  take  leaue  of  ye  x  x. 

It  t  determined  these  should  be  sent  for. 

Bro  Weston.  Elde  desires  of  or  Bro.  Weston 
ye  grounds  of  his  withdrawing  fr —  ye  xx. 

W,  yt  he  had  already  told  ye  Elders  his 
grounds. 

E.  he  desired  him  to  declare  y — to  ye  x  x. 

W.  yt  ye  XX  he  counts  to  walk  according 
to  hx  light  or  apprehension  &  he  walks  accord- 
ing to  hid.  1.  ground,  bee.  he  not  suffered  to 
ask  qu.  in  publicke,  but  tis  imputed  to  him 
for  pride. 

E.  Tis  desired  yt  he  should  refraine  in  reg. 
of  ye  season  :  —  ye  Lo.  day. 

but  qu.  is  yr  a  ground  of  his  withdrawing. 

W.  Yes  bee.  he  count  h — s  bound  prsently 
to  object  &  so  seek  cleering  of  Truths. 

E.  he  neu'r  delt  in  private  with  ye  elders 
for  it. 

W.  2.  teas.  bee.  when  he  questioned  about 
or  pastor  touching  his  comming  off  at  Rotter- 
dam :  &  what  kind  of  x  x  yt  was  :  Twas  an- 
swered by  8 — ,  yt  he  was  neithx  fitt  forxx, 
nor  commonwealth. 

3d.  bee.  some  are  admitted  into  yis  xxfrom 
Rotterdam,  touching  who — yi  write  ytyi  ca — 
disorderly  away  :  &  if  yt  be  a  true  x  x,  why  are 
these  recj'd  withit  satisfaction  jst  giuen. 

Pastor.  1.  yt  he  —  towne  2yeero&  a  halfe, 
&  not  objected  ye  ag. 

2.  yt  ye  2d  rat  of  this  wife,  who  had  no 
letters  of  dismission  fro —  thence. 

qu.  How  far,  or  whithx  a  wife  ought  to 
seeke  lettrs  of  dismission  if  ye  man  be  dis-? 
missed. 

R,  by  m.   1  yt  not  need  full, 

obj.  she  must  co — in,  in  a  way  of  god  bz; 


43 


M.  Tis  tjatisfactiaQ  enough  ytsbe  be  a  memb 
of  an  othx  church. 

obj.  yt  X  s  hath  manifested  itselfe  offended 
for  her  disorderly  comming  away. 

Past,  she  thought  not  herselfe  bound  to 
req're  yer  letters,  her  husband  being  heere. 

obj  It  should  app  as  if  yrmight  be  some- 
thing dissurderly  observed  in  hx  carriage  since 
her  husband's  comming  away. 

Past,  ye  fault  was  of  negligence  by  ye  elders 
in  not  ppounding  her  to  ye  church- 
It.  t  'eluded  yt  letters   should  be  wrott  to 
Rotterda —  about  ye  psons  yt   did  disorderly 
come  off  thence. 

VV.  4.  or.  bee.  or  pastor  oft  hath  sd  in  pub- 
lick  to  yis  effect,  we  had  better  part  then  liue 
contentiously. 

pa.  mt  in  a  way  of  x, 

ma.  to  ye  2d  reas.  yt  twas  he  yt  sd.  be  waa 
neithx  fitt  for  x  x  ,  nor  commonwealth,  bee.  by 
bis  oft  questioing  greiues  Magistr.  &  Mrs.  & 
BO  yt  he  thinkes  still :  so  long  as  be  holds  yt 
way. 

hx  Bro  :  Talby  obj.  yt  it  it  was  an  un- 
charitable speech. 

K.  yt  he  breakes  a  rule,  Being  he  should 
haue  delt  with  or  Ma  ;  privately.  &  ys  kind  of 
speaking  is  disorderly. 

"W.  5   reas.  bee.  yis  church   holds  co — ion 
with  such  as  doe  hold  co — ion    with  ye  x  x  of  i 
Engl.  viz.  ye  members  of  Mr.  Lathrop's  Con-  i 
gregation  wch    hath   both  co — ion   with   this 
Church  &  ye  XX  of  Engl. 

E.  yt  he  should  haue  delt  with  yos  members 
privately, 

W.  6.  bee.  he  is  'selled  to  follow  peace:  & 
yis  is  ye  end  of  his  practise  jy. 

E.  Bnt  ye  beginning  must  be  peaceable  too. 

Ma.  The  case  may  be  resolved  in  yia  one 
question, 

qu.  Whithx  one  under  sin  in  his  opinion, 
not  in  ye  opinion  of  ye  x  x,  is  a  just  grouncj  of 
his  leaving  the  church  ? 

W.  a  private  scruple  agst  any  is  not  to  be 
made  publick,  Least  otbza  should  be  brought 
to  scruple  too. 


Ma.  Whithx  a  p'vate  Scruple  a  ground  of 
sepatj. 

This  course  tends  but  to  schisms  &  so  to 
heresie  wch  is  damnable, 

W.  This  wch  is  now  called  damnable  was 
once  called  lawfull. 

M.  he  wch  holds  &  teaches  :  yt  one  may 
breake  off  Ir —  a  xx,  upo —  any  discontent,  op 
at  taking  offence  ag.  a  brother  &c  is  —  a 
damnable  herisy  for  it  rases  ye  foundation  of 
grace. 

E.  yt  Bro.  Westo —  shew  a  text  of  Scr  for 
his  sepation. 

W,  He  is  silent. 

E.  he  is  desired  to  be  at  ye  next  x  x  meet' 
ing. 

Bro:  Ony.  He  is  desired  of  ye  x  x  ye  grounds 
of  his  sepation. 

Ony,  yt  he  had  told  ym  to  ourpastor. 

&  he  desired  him  to  discour  ym  to  ye  x  x. 

&  his  withdrawing  was  but  for  ye  po  sent. 

bee.  ye  Sort  ca— -suddenly  before  he  couldj 
enf  jrme  ye  x  x  of  his  scruple. 

Whxup— it  prsently  went  abroad  yt  he  was 
quite  broken  off. 

Whx'as  be  'ceived  h — s  unde  a  temptation 
&  haueing  touched  a  dead  body  ought  to  re^ 
frayne. 

qn.  by  one  whithx  a  man  may  breake  off  co 
— i  on  with  a  x  x,  if  he  see  or  suppose  so — 
practize  in  ye  x  x  yt  he  allow  not  off. 

M.  or  p.  Neg.  gal.  5.  Circumcisio — a  fun- 
dam  tal  error  yet  not  a  ground  or  rule  yr  tbrou 
out  ye  Epist.  of  scpatio —  f —  yt  x  x. 

So  in  ye  X  X  of  Corinth.     Fornication. 

So  holding  of  Paule,  so  of  Apollas. 

So  in  Thyatyra    Jezabells  doctrine. 

&  yt  no  rule  giuen  for  eepating  fr  —  eytber. 

O.     Were  euch  membs  admitted? 

M.  There  is  ye  same  reason  of  admission  & 
keep — g  in  of  membs. 

O.  Such  as  haue  ben  defiled  with  idolatry 
haue  ben  hx  admitted  without  washing  yr 
hands  by  repts. 

M.  There  practize  giues  satisfaction  ^  In  jt 
they  joyne  with  ye  true  x  x  of  x. 


44 


O.  They  may  yet  retayne  Babilon  in  yr 
hearts. 

M.  We  are  to  be  more  charitably  aflFected 
to  such. 

O.     Ezech.  43,  9,  10,  11. 

M.  Are  not  or  brethren  ashamed  of  yr  do- 
ings when  yi  will  not  abide  by  it  ? 

Bro:  Gidney.  he  gaiie  ye  right  hand  of 
Fellowship  to  me. 

E.     Why  then  so  lately  &  not  now? 

0.  yt  his  Judgt  so  altered,  so  as  not  know 
how  to  giue  ye  right  hand  of  lellowship  to  ye 

X  X. 

pa.  That  you  are  so  newly  altered  in  yor 
judgmt  Consider. 

1.  ye  frame  of  yor  h  xt  at  yt  time  were 
you  in  a  humble  praying  frame  &  in  ye  way  of 
an  ordin. 

2.  Does  it  carry  you  nigher  to  x  now  and 
to  more  humbleness. 

3.  you  should  have  told  it  to  yo  elders,  pa. 
9,  7  rebuke  a  wise  man  &c. 

Ezech  43,  4,  yt  place  in  Ezech  43,  you  mis- 
apply for  fr —  thence  we  note. 

1  yos  are  most  capable  of  je  things  of  god 
yt  are  ashamed  of  yr  iniq'ties. 

2.  God  will  neur  shew  ye  true  formes  of  his 
house  but  to  y —  yt  are  washt  from  there 
inig'ties,  &  yes  Formes  are  ye  inwards,  wch 
are  ye  scales. 

3  The  story  is  ys.  This  0  had  revolted  & 
relapsed  &  ye  p.  ph  exhorts  hx  to  hx  Ist  loue 
agayne. 

And  told  hx  what  she  should  see  vpo — hx 
returne.  for — yr  falling  off  yi  loosed  ye  pat- 
terns of  ye  house, 

5,  Can  you  challeng  any  of  spiritual  whore- 
do — amongst  us. 

O  1.  yt  if  yos.  yt  relapsed,  be  —  g —  a  x  x 
state,  ought  to  be  ashamed  ere  yi  capable  &c. 

go.  much  more,  yos  yt  neu a  x  x  state. 

2  he  could  not  challenge  any  without  peju- 
dice  or  offence,  but  yis  p.  fessors,  of  all  men, 
■were  most  bitter  ag.  sepation  at  jst. 

whonowjoyne  without  being  ashamed  of  yt. 
p.     Such  breaches  as  these  in  x  x's  gaue  oc 
casion  to  yt  of  yr  bitternes. 


O.  Thx  ought  to  be  yet  a  publick  detesta- 
tion, ag  yes  courses,  his  Texes  for  sepation. 

2  Cor.  6.  be  not  unequally  yoked. 

M.  yt  yeilds  no  reaso —  of  his  withdrawing 
unlease  we  were  pved  Idolaters. 

&  wo  haue  a  test  opposeing  this  practice  of 
his  Reu  2.  18  20.  Whx  ye  Lo:  1.  acknowl. 
ye  good  in  yt  x  x  yn  he  speakes  of  her  sins  & 
Judgmts. 

&  in  X  p  24.  he  saies  to  yos  not  so  sinned. 
He  lay  no  other  burden  upon  you,  but  &c. 

The  dn  of  idolatry  or  of  circumcision  may 
be  heild  in  a  x  x  &  yt  ye  x  x  a  true  x  x. 

P.  jt  place.  2  Cor.  6,  mt  of  idolatry  out 
of  ye  XX  &  ye  Ap.  wrot  to  ye  whole  x  x. 

O  mt  yt  yi  should  co —  out  fr  ye  Idolaters 
amongst  themseluas. 

R.  mt  of  yr  being  among  Idolaters  &  ye 
Joy — g  to  yr  idoU  feasts. 

a.     X.  sepated  not  f —  ye  Jewish  Synagogues. 

O.  ye  diuers  reasons  of  yt.  fr —  yo  p  phi- 
cies  were  not  fulfilled. 

&  X  CO  — ioated  not  in  yr  corruptions. 

P.  In  Zach.  11:  yr  is  set  downe  ye  worp.  z 
did  CO— icate  in. 

[TO   BE    CONTINUED. J 


ODD  NOTES.— NORMAN  KINGS  1066—1154. 

William  the  Conqueror  was  King  of  England 
from  1066  to  1087-  He  had  three  children, 
William  Rufus.,  who  succeeded  him,  Henry, 
who  succeeded  William  Rufus,  and  Adelaide, 
who  married  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois.  Henry 
had  a  daughter  AJatilda,  who  married  1st  the 
Emperor  Henry  V,  and  had  no  issue,  and  mar- 
ried 2dlv,  Geoffrey  Plantagenet,  Count  of  An- 
jou,  by  whom  she  had  a  son,  afterwards  Henry 
It.  At  the  death  of  Henry  I,  however,  Ste- 
phen, son  of  Stephen  of  Blois  and  Adelaide, 
usurped  the  throne,  which  properly  belonged 
t )  his  cousin  Matilda.  After  some  strife  how- 
ever,the  matter  was  settled  by  Stephen's  prom- 
ising to  give  up  the  crown  at  his  death,  to  Ma- 
tilda's  son  Henry,  which  was  done. 


45 


House  of  Plantagenet  1154 — 1399.  Henry 
II  died  in  1189,  and  left  Richard,  Coeur  de 
Lion,  GeofiFrey,  aad  John,  surnamed  Lackland, 
Richard  left  no  children,  Geoffrey  left  a  son 
Arthur,  who  was  murdered  by  bis  Uncle, 
John,  and  John  left  two  sons,  Henry  III,  and 
Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall.  Henry  III  left 
Edward  I,  surnamed  Longshanks,  and  Edmund 
the  Humpbacked,  Earl  of  Lancaster,  whose 
great  granddaughter  Blanche,  1st  heiress  of  the 
rights  of  Lancaster,  married  John  of  Gaunt, 
3d  son  of  Edward  III.  Edward  1  left  a  son 
Edward  II,  of  Caernarvon,  who  left  a  son  Ed- 
ward III.  Edward  III  had  Edward  the  Black 
Prince,  William  Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence, 
John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  Ed- 
ward. Duke  of  York. 

Edward  the  Black  Prince  bad  a  son  Richard 
II,  who  was  deposed  1399.     Lionel,  d  of  Clar-  | 
ence  had  a  daughter   Philippa,  who   married  | 
Edw.    Mortimer,   and    was    mother  of  Roger  [ 
Mortimer,  the  father  of   Anna  Mortimer,  who 
married  Richard,  son  of  Edmund,  d  of  York, 
Edward  Ill's  youngest  son. 

John  of  Gaunt  married  Blanche  of  Lancas- 
ter, and  bad  two  sons,  John  Beaufort,  a  natu- 
ral son,  and  Henry,  who  usurped  bis  cousin 
Richard's  crown,  and  became  Henry  IV. 

House  of  Lancaster  (Red  Rose)  1399—1460. 
Henry  17  bad  a  son  Henry  V,  who  married 
Catharine  of  France,  and  she  afterwards  mar- 
ried Owen  Tudor,  and  had  a  son  Edmund  Tu- 
dor, Earl  of  Richmond,  who  married  Margaret 
Beaufort,  2d  heiress  of  Lancaster,  (and  grand 
daughter  of  John  Beaufort,  natur.il  son  of 
John  of  Gaunt)  and  bad  a  son  who  became 
Henry  VII.  Henry  V  had  a  son  Henry  VI, 
■who  was  King  until  1460,  when  his  opponent 
Edward  IV  became  King. 

House  of  York  (white  Rose)  1460—1485.— 
Edward  IV  was  descended  from  Lionel,  d  of 
Clarence,  through  Anne  Mortimer,  his  grand 
daughter,  who  married  Richard,  son  of  Ed- 
mund of  Ybri;  be  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Edward  V,  who  was  murdered  in  the  Tower  by 
command  of  bis  uncle  Richard,  1483. 
13 


Richard  III  reigned  untU  defeated  and  slain 
at  Boaworth,  1485,  when  Henry  VII,  son  of 
Edmund  Tudor  and  Margaret  Beaufort,  ascend- 
ed the  throne,  and  united  the  roses,  by  marry- 
ing Elizabeth  of  York,  daught-^r  of  Edward  IV. 

House  of  Tudor  1485—1603.  Henry  VII 
had  Margaret,  who  married  James  IV  (Stuart) 
King  of  bcotland,  Henry,  who  married  Catha- 
rine of  Arragon,  and  Mary,  who  married  1st 
Louis  XII  of  France,  and  2ndly  Charles  Bran- 
don, Dukeof  Sufiulk. 

Margaret  and  James  of  Scotland  bad  a  son 
Jamea  V,  who  had  a  daughter  Mary,  Queen  of 
Scots,  cruelly  beheaded  1587,  leaving  a  son, 
James  VI  of  Scotland,  and  afterwards  James  I 
of  England.  Henry  VIII  had  by  Catherine  of 
Arragon,  a  daughter  Mary  ;  by  his  second  wife 
Anne  Boleyn,  a  daughter  Elizabeth,  and  by 
bis  third  wife  Jane  Seymour,  a  son,  who  suc- 
ceeded his  father  as  Edward  VI.  Mary,  and 
Charles  Brandon  bad  a  daughter  Frances,  who 
married  Henry  Grey,  d  wf  Suffolk,  and  a  daugb* 
ter  Eleanor,  who  married  the  Earl  of  Cumber- 
land, and  had  a  daughter  who  married  the 
Earl  of  Derby.  Frances  Brandon  and  Henry 
Grey  bad  three  daughters,  Jane,  beheaded  1554, 
Catharine  and  Mary. 

Edward  VI  d  in  1552,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  sister  Mary,  who  died  1558,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  her  sister  Elizabeth,  who  died  1603, 
leaving  no  children,  when  the  crown  passed 
over  to  James  VI  of  Scotland,  son  of  Mary 
Stuart. 

House  of  Stuart  1603—1689.  Jamea  I  of 
England  had  two  children,  Charles  I,  behead- 
ed 1649,  and  Elizabeth,  who  married  Frederic, 
Elector  Palatine,  and  bad  Sophia,  married  to 
Ernest  Augustus,  first  Elector  of  Hanover. 

Charles  I  had  Charles  II,  who  died  1685, 
Mary,  who  married  William  II,  Prince  of  Or- 
ange, and  James  2d,  who  abdicated  1689(;  bis 
children  were,  Mary,  who  married  William 
III,  Prince  of  Orange,  son  of  Williaai  II  and 
Mary  Stuart,  Anne,  Queen  1702 — 14,  and  Jas. 
Edward,  who  had  Charles   Edward,  died  at 


46 


kome  1788,  and  Henry  of  York,  Cardinal,  who 
died  1807,  the  hist  Stuart. 

House  of  Hanover,  since  1714.  At  the  death 
of  Queen  Anne,  the  crown  passed  over  into  the 
possession  of  George  I,  son  of  Sophia  and  Er- 
nest Augustus  of  Hanover. 

George  I  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Geoi-ge 
II,  who  had  a  son  Frederic  Lewis,  who  dying 
1751,  left  a  son  George  III,  married  to  Char- 
lotte of  Mecklenburg  Strelitz,  by  whom  he  had 
among  others  George  IV,  William  IV,  and 
Edward  Augustus,  Duke  of  Kent.  George  IV 
died  in  1830.  and  William  IV  died  1837:  Ed- 
ward Augustup,  Duke  of  Kent,  married  Vic- 
toria, Princess  of  Saxe  Coburg,  and  died  1820, 
leaving  a  daughter  Victoria,  born  May  24, 
1819,  who  succeeded  William  IV  in  1837,  and 
who  now  reigns* 


MEDICINES  IN  "  OLD  TIMES." 


It  ip  a' prevalent  notion  that  the  piesent  time  is 
worse,  in  every  respeet,  than  any  former  period. — 
AVe  talk  about  "good  old  times" as  if  the  present  were 
'very  bad  times,"  and  there  was  nothing  good  now- 
adays. Ours  is  called  an  age  of  "humbug," — and 
perhaps  in  some  respects  it  is, — but  with  all  its 
short-comings,  but  a  very  little  knowledge  of  histo- 
ry is  required  to  sbow  us  the  vast  improvements  in 
Art,  Science,  and  Religion  even,  that  have  been  made 
from  time  to  time,  and  that  the  world  is,  upon  the 
whole,  continually  growing  wiser  and  better. 

I  am  led  to  these  remarks  by  the  perusal  of  "A 
Treatise  of  the  choisest  Spagyricail  Preparations,'' 
printed  in  1651, — containing  some  receipts  for  medi- 
cines which  are  very  curious,  and  perhaps  some  may 
think  unworthy  to  be  preserved.  I  have,  however, 
thought  it  best  to  send  you  a  few  samples  for  publi- 
cation, in  order  to  show  what  "doses"  people  were 
willing  to  submit  to  in  the  old  Witchcraft,  Quaker- 
whipping  times,  that  we  so  much  reverence: 

''The  Quintessence  of  Snakes,  Adders  or  Vipers. — 
Take  of  the  biggest  and  fattest  Snakes,  Adders  or 
Vipers  which  you  can  get  in  June  or  July,  cut  off 
their  heads,  take  off  their  skins  and  unbowell  them, 
then  cut  them  into  small  pieces  and  put  them  into  a 
Glass  of  a  wide  mouth,  and  set  them  in  a  warm  Bal- 
neo,  that  they  may  be  well  dryed,  which  will  bee 
done  in  three  or  four  days.  Then  take  them  out, 
and  put  them  into  a  bolt  bend,  and  pour  on  them  of 
the  best  alcolizated  Wine  as  much  as  will  cover  them 
•iz  or  eight  fingers'  breadth.     Stop  the  glass    Her- 


metically, &  digest  them  fifteen  days  in  Balneo,  or 
so  long  til  the  Wine  be  sufficiently  covered,  which 
poure  forth;  then  pour  on  mure  of  the  foresaid  Spir- 
it of  Wine  till  all  the  quintessence  be  extraoteil: 
Then  put  all  the  tinged  s|)irits  together,  and  draw  off 
the  spirit  in  a  gentle  Balneo  till  it  be  thick  at  the 
bottom;  on  this  pour  Spirit  of  Wine  Caryophyllated, 
and  slir  them  well  together,  and  digest  them  in  a 
Circulatory  ten  days;  then  abstract  the  spirit  of 
Wine,  and  the  quintessence  remaineth  at  the  bottom 
perfect. 

This  quintessence  is  of  extraordinary  vertue  for 
the  purifying  of  the  blood,  flesh  and  skin,  and  conse- 
quently of  all  diseases  therein.  It  cures  also  the 
Falling-sickness,  &  strengthens  the  Brain,  Sight  and 
Hearing,  and  p;  eserveth  from  Gray  hairs,  reneweth 
Youth,  cureth  the  Gout,  Consumption,  causeth  Sweat, 
ia  very  good  in  and  against  Pestilential  infections." 

"Aqua  Magnanimilatis  is  made  thus: — Take  of  Ants 
or  Pi.-mires  a  bandtul,  of  their  eggs  two  hundred,  of 
Millepides,  or  Woodlice,  one  hundred,  of  Bees  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  digest  all  these  in  two  pints  of 
Spirit  of  Wine,  being  very  well  impregnated  with 
the  brightest  soot.  Digest  them  together  the  space 
of  a  month,  then  pour  off  the  clear  spirit  and  keep  it 
safe.  Good  to  stir  up  the  Animall  spirits.  It  doth 
also  wonderfully  irritate  the  spirits  that  are  dulled 
and  deaded  with  iny  cold  distemper." 

Here  is  a  receipt  for  aiiotber  "Aqua  Magnanimi- 
tatis,'' something  like  the  above,  which  is  represent- 
ed to  be  of  "excellent  use  to  stir  up  the  auimall 
spirit  :  in  so  much  that  John  Casmire  Palfe  grave 
of  the  Rhcne,  and  Seyfrie  of  Collen,  Generall,  against 
the  Turks,  did  aiways  drinke  of  it  when  they  wont 
to  fight,  to  increase  Magnanimity  and  courage,  which 
it  did  even  to  admiration." 

"Elixir  of  Mummie. — Take  of  mummio,  (viz.  of 
mail's  fiesb  Lardened,)  cut  small  four  ounces,  Spirit 
of  Wine  terebinth inated  ten  ounces,  put  them  into  a 
glazed  vessell,  (three  parts  of  four  being  empty,) 
which  set  in  horse  dung  to  digest  for  the  space  of  a 
moiietb,  then  take  it  out  and  express;  let  the  ex* 
pressiou  be  circulated  a  month,  then  let  it  run 
through  Manica  Hippocratis,  then  evaporate  the  spirit 
till  that  which  remaines  in  the  battome  be  like  an 
Oil,  which  is  the  true  Elixir  of  mummie. 

This  elixir  is  a  wondertull  preservation  against  all 
infections,  alSo  very  Balsa micail."' 

There  are  some  receipts  in  this  book  so  bad  that 
they  would,  I  believe,  cause  the  hairs  of  your  cor- 
respondent, who  furnished  you  awhile  sines  with  a 
"Metson  to  make  the  hair  grop," — to  "stand  upon 
an  end." 

There  are  also  in  this  singular  book  some  very 
curious  experiments,  a  few  of  the  titles  of  which  I 
will  give. 

"To  make  the  representation  of  the  whole  ;70rld 
in  a  Glasse." 

"To  make  powder  that  hj  ..pitting  upon  cball  ba 
inflamed." 

"To  make  artificiali  Fearle,  as  glorious  sa  any 
Oriental!." 

"To  make  Gold  grow  and  be  incre&aed  in  tho 
earth." 


47 


"The  author  of  this  work  says  id  his  Preface,  "I 
tejoyce  as  at  the  break  of  the  day,  after  a  long  tedi- 
ous eight,  to  806  bow  this  solary  art  of  Alchymie  be- 
gins for  to  shine  forth  out  of  the  clouds  of  reproach 
which  it  hath  a  long  time  undeservedly  layen  under. 
There  are  two  things  which  have  a  long  time  eclipsed 
it,  viz.,  the  mists  of  ignorance,  and  the  specious  lu- 
nary  body  of  deceit.  Arise,  0  Sunne  of  truth,  and 
dispell  these  interposed  fogs,  that  the  Queen  of  Arts 
may  triumph  in  splendour!" 

I  think  I  have  given  your  readers  a  sufficient  dose, 
and  will  therefore  for  the  present  take  leare  of  the 
eubject.  B. 


TREES    IN    THE   STREETS    OF    SALEM,     IN 
MAY.    1859. 


The  following  account  of  the  different  varie- 
ties of  treej,  that  are  growing  in  the  principal 
streets  of  Salem,  during  the  month  of  May, 
1859,  has  been  prepared  with  much  care  and 
accuracy,  by  a  gentleman  of  this  city,  who 
has  devoted  considerable  attention  to  this  sub- 
ject. 

It  is  valuable,  and  worthy  of  record,  as  ex- 
hibiting the  degree  of  interest,  which  is  devot- 
ed, at  this  time,  to  the  planting  of  trees  m  the 
Btroets  and  public  places  of  this  city. 


Andrew, 

Andover, 

Arabella, 

Boston, 

Bevkford, 

Bridge, 

Buffum, 

Brown 

Briggs, 

Broad, 

Barton, 

Beaob, 

Barr, 

Chesnut, 

Cambridge, 

Ghaicfa, 

Carlion, 

Cherry, 

Cet'^r, 

Cabot, 

Cer.tral, 

Cross, 

Doming, 

Derby, 

Dwufborn, 


B      5 


18    1 
4  16 

n  10 

8 

57    7 
48  10 

8  27 

1  . 
70  17 

2  4 


15 

70 

6 
8 
i 

U 
1 
8 

11 

9 

12 

103 


a 

s  s 

c  g 

2 

1 

3 

33 

6 

7 


10 
1 
4 
3 


14 


1 

23 


."t      s.     1^ 


27 

2 

33 

115 

8 

80 

90 

35 

2 

97 

9 

2 

46 

82 

4 

12 

8 

12 

29 

5 

9 

15 

12 

12 

117 


5 

131 

18 

139 

1 


Everett, 

Essex, 

Endicott, 

Federal, 

Flint, 

Friend. 

Forrester, 

Felt, 

Grove 

Harbor, 

Hancock, 

Hatboine, 

High, 

Holly, 

Laurel, 

Lafayette, 

Lagrange, 

Leach , 

Lynde, 

Mount  Vernon,  3 


129 
4 
3 


Mason, 
Margin, 
March, 
Newbury, 
Norman, 
North, 
Nortbey, 
Oak, 

St.  Peter, 
Pond, 
Purter, 
Prescott, 
Pickering, 
Pickman, 
Pleasant, 
River, 
Kopes, 
Salem, 
Summer, 
Skerry, 
School, 
Siiunders, 
South, 
Turner, 
Union, 
Webb, 
Webb,  East, 
Walter, 
Whittemore, 
Around  Com- 
mon, 
Avenue  to 
Alms  House. 


34 

12 

10 

2 

6 

83 

6 

16 

9 

6 

3 

5 

7 

6 

10 

1 

6 

9 

36 

6 

15 

10 

12 

2 

13 

23 

6 

10 

4 


160  12 
20 


29 


18 


12 


1        1 

6 
11        9 


6       2 
12 


6    15 
6 


17     3 


10 


28 


13 


6 
I    l60 
26 
189 
il 
4 
17 
63 
49 
66 
10 
35 
7 
45 
9 
166 
37 
12 
3 
19 
42 
18 
11 
3 
6 
108 
9 
19 
15 
1 
6 
6 
7 
17 
31 
3 
6 
9 
71 
7 
23 
15 
36 
3 
15 
23 
6 
21 
33 

183 

23 


Elms,  1656;  Maples,  353;  Horse  CLestnut,  213; 
Linden,  65;  Ash,  133;  Poplar,  24;  Cherry,  110; 
Acacia,  8.  In  addition  to  the  above,  there  are, — 
in  Brown  street  2  Tree  of  Heaven,  or  Ailanthus; 
Briggs  street  2  Oak ;  Broad  Street  1  Locust ;  Feder- 
al street  1  Buttonwood;  Friend  street  9  Oak;  Felt 
street  9  Birch;  Harbor  street  1  Tree  of  Heaven; 
Hathome  street  2  Buttonwood;  North  street  4  Wil- 
low, 1  Buttonwood;  Oak  street  1  Walnat;  St.  Peter 
ctreet  1  Tree  of  Heaven;  Porter  street  1  Poplw} 


48 


Prescott  street  1  Balm  of  Gilead;  Summer  street  1 
Willow;  Ropes  street  1  Walnut;  total  number  of 
trees,  2615.  i.. 


ABSTRACTS  FROM  WILLS,  INVENTORIES,  Ac, 
ON  FILE  IN  THE  OFFICE  OF  CLERK  OF 
COURTS,  SALEM,  MASS. 


Copied  by  Ira  J.  Patch. 

CONTINUED   FROM   PAGB    12. 


Mary  Williams,  9lh  mo.,  1654. 

"Will  of  Marie  Williams  of  Salem.  Widow, 
dated  Ist  8  mo.,  54',  mentions  her  late  hus- 
band, George  Williams  ;  her  daue  fSarah,  Ma- 
rie Bishop,  Bethia,  sons  Samuel,  Joseph  and 
George.  Witness — Ric'd  Bishop,  Thos.  Rob- 
ins. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£131  OS  3id,  taken  bj  Elias  Stileman  jr  &  Rio'd 
Bishop,  17  9  mo.,  1654. 

Eliz'h  Hardy,  lOth  mo.,  1654. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Elizh    Hardy  of    Sa- 
lem, widow,  amounting  to  £151  9s  2d,  taken 
by  Wm.    Dodge,  Wm.   Dixey,  11th  9th  mo., 
1654. 

"Granted  to  Jno.  Hardy,  27  10th  mo., 
1638  :  To  fforty  acres  of  vpland  and  sixe  Acres 
of  meadow  to  the  East  of  that  land  which  is 
graunted  to  Richard  Dodge."  vera  copia 

aa  Atteste.  pr  Edmond  Batter. 

25th  of  the  8ih  month,  1653. 
Gervis  Garford  of  Salem,  in  the  County  of 
Essex,  Gent.,  hath  sold  vnto  Elizabeth  Hardie 
of  the  same,  widdow,  for  eighty  pounds  ster- 
ling, his  dwelling  house  &  ten  acres  of  Ara- 
ble land,  &  six  acres  &  a  quarter  of  med- 
dow  neare  drapers  point,  vppon  Bass  Riuer, 
adjoyning  to  the  house,  and  eighty  Acres  of 
land  lyin^  betweene  Lord's  Hill  &  Birch- 
plaine,  on  Bass  Riuer  side,  within  the  pre- 
sincts  of  Salem,  as  by  deed  dated  the  26th  day 
of  7-ber,  1653,  aprth. 


This  is  a  true  copy  out  of  the  records  for  the 
County  in  Salem,  fr  me. 

Hillard  Veren,  Recorder. 

Nath'  Merrill,  Mar,,  1655. 

Will  of  Nath'l  Merrill  of  Newbury,  dated 
Mar.  8,  1654,  mentions  wife  Susanna,  daugh- 
ter Susanna,  under  21  years,  sons  Nathaniel, 
John  Abraham  Daniel  and  Abel  all  under 
21  years,  appoints  son  Nath'l  ex'or.  Bro 
John  Merrill  &  Anthony  Somerby  overseers, 
witnesses — Richard  .Knight,  Anthony  Somer- 
by and  John  Merrill,  probate  27th  Ist  mo., 
'55.     deceased  March  16,  1654-5. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  Mar.  23, 
1654-5,  by  Dan'l  Thurston,  Richard  Knight 
and  ArcheUus  Woodman  .amounting  to  £84  6s 
returned  27th  let  mo.,  '55. 

Alice  Ward,  Mar.,  1655. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Alice  Ward  of  Ips- 
wich, widow,  taken  23d  llth  mo.,  1654,  a- 
mounting  to  £37  148  lid,  by  Robert  Lord, 
John  Warner. 

Joannah  Smith  the  wife  of  Thos.  Smith, 
Elizabeth  wife  of  Jacob  Perkins  and  Jane 
wife  of  Francis  Jordan,  testifie  that  Alice 
Ward,  widdow,  on  her  death  bed  did  commit 
Sarah  Ward,  her  daughter  in  law,  vnto  John 
Baker  &  Elizabeth  his  wife,  the  said  Sarah 
W^ard  &  her  estate  to  bring  vp  the  said  child 
in  the  feare  of  god.  and  gave  vnto  the  sd  Eliz- 
abeth Baker  her  keyes  &  desired  her  to  take  of 
all,  &  to  discharge  her  debts. 

Sworne  in  Court  held  at  Ipswich  the  27th 
1st  mo..  1655.  Robert  Lord,  Cleric. 

Eleanor  Tresler.  Alh  mo.,  1655. 
Will  of  Eleanor  Tresler  of  Salem,  dated  15th 
Feb.,  1654,  mentions  sons  Henry  &  Nicholas 
to  be  joint  ex'ors.  son  Edward,  2  daughters, 
grandchildren  John  Phelps,  Elezabeth, 
Sam'l  &  Edward,  children  of  Nicholas,  men- 
tions legacy  bequeathed  by  her  late  husband 
to  his  daughter  in  England,  to  wit.,  £10. — 
witness — Robt.  Moulton,  senr.,   George  Gard- 


49 


ner.  Robt.  Moulton,  jr.     proved  26tb  4tbmo., 
1655. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  (dated  Mar.  13, 
1654-5.)  amountino;  to  £131  033  06d,  return- 
ed bj  Robert  Moulton  &  George  Gardner. 

Wm.  Knight,  ^th  mo.,  1655. 

WillofVVm.  Knights,  dated  Dec.  2  1653. 
mentions  wife  Elizabeth,  son  John,  dau  Ane 
&  her  children,  son  Francis,  dau  Uanna,  John 
Ballard,  Nathaniel  Ballard,  after  the  lega- 
cies are  paid  to  these  above,  the  balance  to  be 
equally  divided  between  his  four  children 
which  he  had  by  his  last  wife  Eliz'h — eldest 
eon  Jacob  to  have  a  double  portion,  appoints 
his  wife  Eliz  h  ex'x,  his  brother  Nicholas  Pot 
ter  and  George  Keasur  and  John  Witt  to  be 
overseers.  Witness  John  Faller  &  Nicho- 
las Potter,     probate  28th  4th  mo.,  1655. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£154  15s  Od,  returned  28th  4th  mo.,  '55. 

Robt.  Moulton,  4th  mo.,  1655, 
Will  of  Robt.  Moulton,  senr.,  dated  Salem 
20th  Feb'y,  1654,  mentions  son  Robert,  & 
appts  him  ex'r,  dau  Dorothy  Edwards,  grand- 
son Robert  Mjulton,  good  wife  Buffo  m  and 
Joshua  Buffiim,  witnessed  by  George  Gard- 
ner, Henry  Phelps  &  Nichi  Phelps,  probate 
2Gth4th  mo.,  1655. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£113  08s,  returned  26th  4th  mo.,  '55,  by 
Henry  Phelps  &  John  Hill. 

Henri/  Fay,  1655. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Henry  Fay,  weaver, 
of  Newbury,  who  deceased  June  30th,  1655, 
taken  by  Thomas  Hart.  Thomas  Browne  & 
Abraham  Tappan. 

Richard  Pike  testified  that  Henry  Fay  said 
to  him  that  if  he  died  a  single  man,  then  his 
brother's  children  shall  have  this  estate. 

Robert  Long,  James  Jackman,  and  Jane 
Jackman  all  testify  that  said  Henry  Fay  said 
at  several  different  times  he  wished  his  broth- 
er's children  to  have  his  estate  if  they  came 
13 


for  it,  and  wished  his  friends  Robert  Long  and 
James  Jackman  to  take  charge  of  it. 

John  Jackson,  4ih  mo.,  1656. 

Will  of  John  Jackson,  senr,  dated  Zlst  11th 
mo.,  1655.  mcntiona  wif^j  Mary,  Margaret 
Nouel,  appts  son  John  Jackson  exor.  appts 
Wm.  Browne,  Edma  Batter  overseers,  proved 
4th  mo..  1655. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  10th  lat 
mo.,  1655-6,  amounting  to  £20  6s. 

Thomas  Wickes,  4ithmo.,lQ5Q. 

Will  of  Thos.  Wickes  of  Salem,  dated  9th 
7th  mo.,  1655.  mentions  wife  Alice,  and  appts 
herextx.,  daughters  Bethia  &  Hannah,  appta 
loving  cousin  and  friends  Robert  Gray,  Mr. 
Edmond  Batter  &  Ellas  Stileman,  jr.,  to  be 
overseers. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£192  lOs.  returned  by  ililliard  Veren  &  Thom- 
as Cromwell. 

John  Hart,  4th  mo.,  1656. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Hart,   Marble- 
h'd,  taken  14th    let  mo.,    1655-6,   by  Moses 
Maverick   and   Jona  Bartiett,    amounting  to 
£74  lOs  06d. 

Fran.  Parratt.  1th  mo  ,  1656. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Francis  Parratt,  dat- 
ed 15th    7th  mo.,   1656,   amounting    to  £357 
5s  Cd. 

James  Noyes,  9/A  mo.,  1656. 

Will  of  James  Noyes,  dated  Oct.  17,  1656, 
mentions  wife  and  children,  couoin  Thomas 
Parker,  brother  Nicholas  Noyea.  probate 
Nov.  26,  1656. 

James  Noyes  died  Oct.  21,  1656, 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  anjounting  to 
£657  lis  4d,  returned  by  Rich'd  Knight 
Anthony  Somerby  &  Benjamin  Swett. 

Mrs.  Sara  Noyes,  the  wife  of  deceased,  makes 
oath  to  the  same. 


50 


Rehecca  Bacon,  9th  mo  ,  1655. 

Will  of  Rtickah  Bacon,  Widow,  dated  let 
mo.,  23,  1655.  mentions  son  Isaac  as  ber  sole 
executor,  Eobert  Buffum  to  assist  him,  Isaac 
being  under  aj^e ;  cousins  Anne  Potter  & 
Eich'd  Cheelcraft ;  frees  ber  man  Cornelius  & 
gives  hi m  a  suite  ot  clothes;  sister  Buffum, 
Sister  Coja,  Sister  Sugthwike,  Sisters  Averj  & 
horniss.  Brother  Kobert  Buffum,  appoints 
Brothers  Joseph  Boys  Thomas  Avery  & 
Nath'l  Felton,  overseers  :  mentions  Sister  Ju- 
dith, in  Old  England,  cousin  John,  Georg  Be- 
dell,     proved  29th  9th  mo..  '55. 

Inventory  of  above  efltate,  aThounting  to 
£195  8s  6d,  taken  10th  July,  1655,  by  'fhos. 
Gardner,  sr.,  &  Joseph  Boyea. 

John  Bridffeman,  9ih  mo.,  1655. 

Will  of  John  Bridgman  mentions  Mr.  Per- 
kins after  his  claims  paid,  the  rest  to  go  to  bis 
daughter,     probate  9th  mo.,  '55. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£69  078  07d,  taken  by  Walter  Price,  Philip 
Cromwell. 

John  Ward,  Mar.,  '56. 

Will  of  John  Ward,  sometimes  resident  at 
Ipswich,  in  New  England,  dated  28th  Decem- 
bei,  1652,  mentions  to  Cousin  Nath'l  Ward, 
the  son  of  his  Uncle,  Nath'l  Ward  :  1  doe  give 
that  house  &  land  given  me  by  my  father  in 
his  will,  and  that  lies  in  East  Mersey,  in  the 
County  of  Essex  in  Old  England ;  cousin 
Ward's,  of  wethersfield,  two  youngest  sons, 
Cousin  John  Barker  of  Boxted  in  Essex,  his 
Eldest  dau,  Anna,  son  Sam'l.  to  his  mother's 
poore  kindred  ten  pounds  :  Cousin  Sam'l  Sher- 
man's, who  some  years  since  lived  in  Boston, 
N.  E..  two  youngest  sons,  both  under  age; 
Cousin  Philip  Sherman  of  Rhote  Island  ;  gives 
books  to  Thomas  Andrews  of  Ipswich,  and  also 
his  Ohirurgry  chest,  &  all  yt  is  now  in  it.— 
Robert  Paine,  ex'or. 

The  balance  of  his  estate  be  laid  out  in  a 
standing  anility,  to  be  bestowed  on  the  Har- 
vard Coll,  Cambridge,  and  would  have  it  im- 


proved to  the  convenient  bringing  up  &  main- 
taining of  one  or  morescholhire  in  the  said  Col- 
lege, &  only  such  to  have  benefit  whose  estate 
or  friends  cannot  otherwise  maintain.  14  lbs 
to  be  spent  oh  his  funerall.  prGved  25th  let 
mo.,  1656. 

Inventory  of  above    estate,   amounting  to 
£308  78  3d,  returned  25th  Ist  mo.,  1656. 

John  Friend,  1st  mo.,  1656. 
Will  of  John  Friend,   c'ated   4th    11th  mo., 

1655,  mentions  son  Sam'l,  apt.  exor.,  dauB 
Eliz'h  Pecker,  Bethiah  Heeter  &  son  James, 
his  friends,  Wm.  Dodge  &  William  King, 
overseers.  Witnesses — George  Emery,  Ed- 
mund Grover  &  Henry  Herrick.  proved  27th 
1st  mo.,  1656. 

Henry  Smith,  Mar.,  1656. 
Inventory  of  Estate  of  Henry  Smith  ()f  Row- 
lev,  taken  1st  mo.,  16,    1654-5,  amounting  to 
£19  12g  Od,  returned  by  Rich'd  Swan  &  John 
Smith,  allowed  25th  1st  mo.,  1656. 

Henry  Setva/l,  Mar.,  '56, 
Inventory  of  Mr.  Sewall's  estate,  amounting 
to  £364   6s   8d,   returned  by  Joseph   Jewett, 
Mathew  Boyle  &  John  Tad.  allowed  Mar.  25, 
1656. 

Huffh  Chaplin,  Mar.,  1657. 
Will    of  Hugh    Chaplin  of  Rowley,  dated 
15th  1st  mo.,  1654,  mentions  his  beloved  wife, 

Elizabeth Thomas  Mighell    Maximil- 

liam  Jewett,  Thomas  Diconson,  Hew  Smith, 
John  Pickard,  eldest  son  John.  Witnesses — 
Joseph  Jewett,  John  Pickard.  proved  3l8t 
March,  1657. 

Anthony  Newhall,  Mar.,  1657. 
Will  of  Anthony  Newhall,  dated  14th  Jan., 

1656,  mentions  grand-children  Richard  &  Eliz- 
abeth Hood,  daughter  Mary  m'd  son  John, 
Nath'l  Pentland,  Matthew  Farrington  and 
John  Fuller  to  be  overseers,  proved  31st  Mar. 
1657. 


51 


Inventory  of  a*>ove  estate  tuken  6th  12th 
mo.,  1656.  returned  by  Richard  Uood,  31st 
Mar.,  1657. 

John  Pickering,  bth  mo.,  1657. 
Will  of  John  Pickering  of  Siletn,  dated  30tb 
5th  niu. ,  1655,  inenuons  eona  John  &  Jonathan, 
minors,  wife  Elizabeth,  wife  &  two  sons,  esors 
John  Home  &  Edmund  Batter,  overseers, 
proved  let  5ih  mo.,  1657. 

Henry  Bullock,  5th  mo.,  1657. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Henry   Burock,  jr., 
taken  by  Thos.  Gardner  &  Nath'l  Felton,  10th 
lOtb  mo.,  1656,  amounts  to  £121  2s  Od. 

John  Trumbull's,  Sept.,  1657. 
Inventory   of  esta'e  of  John  Tiumball  of 
Rowley,  amounts  to  £225  17s  lOs.  returned  by 
his  widow,    Ann  Trumbull,     29tb   7tb    mo., 
1657. 

Agnes  Balch.  ^th  mo.,  1657. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Agnes  B,ilch,  amount 
£9  lis  Od,  taken  by  John  Rayment  &  Henry 
Herrick,  Nov.  25,  1657,  and  Liat  of  debts 
agst,  her  estate,  which  accrued  in  her  long 
sickness  due  toBenj.  Balch,  amount  £18  12^. 

Testimony  of  Anna  Woodbury,  widdow, 
Nicholas  Patch,  her  brother  and  El —  his  wife, 
Abagail  Qill,  Rachel  Rayment,  Hannah  Wood- 
bury, John  Grover,  that  the  estate  of  Agnes 
Balch,  dec'd,  is  not  enough  to  satisfy  the 
charges  of  Benj'n  Balch  ag'st  the  estate  for 
charges  in  her  long  weakness  and  sickness. 

Humphrey  Gilbert,  Jan.,  1657-8. 
The  petition  of  the  four  daughters,  with 
their  husbands  of  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  de- 
ceased Jan.  20,  1657,  to  the  Court  to  grant 
administration  to  their  four  husbands,  Peter 
Harvey.  Rjc'd  Palmer,  Rich'd  Comer.  Moses 
Ebberne.  Administration  granted  according 
to  the  petition. 


John  Robinson,  Mar.,  1658. 

Will  of  John  Robinson  of  Ipswich,  wheel- 
light,  dated  27th  Feb.,  1657,  gives  to  Alice 
Howlett,  wife  of  Thos.  Howlett ;  £10  to  Thos. 
Howlett,  Jr.,  his  Chest  and  all  his  tools,  &  to 
Thos.  Howlett,  Sr.  all  the  rest  of  his  estate,  & 
appts  bim  sole  exor.  Witness — James  &  John 
How.  proved  30th  Mar.,  1658. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  amount  £54  19s 
6d,  debt  due  to  Ensign  Howlett  tor  diet, 
clothes,  attendance  and  physicke.  £22  16s 
3d  allowed  30tb  Mar..  1658. 

Humphrey  Gilbert,  Mar.,  1658. 

Copy  of  will  of  Humphrey  Gilbard  of  Ips- 
wich, dated  14tb  12th  mo.,  1657,  mentions 
son  John,  wife  Eliz'h,  daughter  Abigail,  & 
her  3  sisters  all  under  age. 

Administration  granted  to  Elizabeth,  the 
widow,  the  30th  Mar.,  1658. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amount  £53  Os 
lid,  taken  by  Philip  Fowler. 

Thos.  Wathen,  4th  mo.,  1658. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thos.  Wathen,  dec'd, 
taken  30th  4th  mo.,  1658,  amount  £7  14s  2d, 
returned   by   his   kinsman,   Ezekiel    Wathen, 
30th  June,  1658. 

Thos.  Scudder,  4th  mo.,  1658. 

Will  of  Thos.  Scudder  of  Salem,  dated  30th 
Sept.,  1657,  mentions  wife  El'zabetb,  and 
appts  her  soleex'x.,  his  children,  John,  Thom- 
as and  Henry  Scudder.  and  dau  Eliz'h  Bar- 
tholomew, grandchild  Thomas  Scudder,  son  of 
son  William  Scudder  dec. 

Witnesses— Richard  Waters,  Wm.  Traske, 
Joseph  Boyle,  Thomas  Lowthop. 

Proved  29th  June,  1658. 

Thomas  Scudder  deceased  1657. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amount  £73  OSa 
4d,  returned  by  Eliz'h  scudder. 

Geo.  Bunker,  Ath  mo.,  1658. 
Inventory  of  George    Bunker  amounts  £300 
15s  Od,  returned  by  Jane  Bunker,  widow,  29th 
June,  1658. 


52 


James  Patch,  June,  1658. 

Will  of  James  Patch  of  Beverly,  dated  7th 
Aug.,  1658,  mentbns  wife  Hannah,  gave  her 
his  house  &  land,  orchard,  and  all  the  appur- 
tenances to  it  helonging  to  his  home  grounds, 
together  with  that  parcel  of  meadow  lying  near 
Ric'd  Dodge  :  also  2  cows,  together  with  ten 
acres  of  Kooky  Land,  Ijing  on  .he  east  side  oi 
tbe  home  lott,  for  wood  ;  also  all  the  house- 
bold  stuffti  in  the  house  fur  the  competent 
bringing  up  of  the  children. 

To  his  son,  James  Patch,  all  his  part  of  the 
farme  called  Knights  farm,  both  upland  & 
meadow,  all  his  right  there  be  it  more  or  les», 
together  with  the  two  youngest  oxen  &  the 
borse. 

Tohisdau,  Mary  Patch,  two  oxen,  which 
are  eldest,  with  one  cow  ;  also  ten  acres  of  up 
land  Laying  neai  Sawyer's  Playne. 

To  his  dau  Elizabeth,  two  middle  oxen,  with 
one  cow  ;  also  20  acres  of  upland  laying  by 
the  land  called  Eastyes  land,  and  joyning  next 
unto  paid  land  ;  appoints  his  wife  Hannah  to 
be  extx.  ;  his  two  brothers,  Nicholas  Wood- 
bury «&  John  Patch  to  be  overseers  of  his  will. 

Witnesses — Thos.  Lowthropp  &  John  Hill. 

Proved  2d  9th  mo.,  '58. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amount  £250  168 
taken  27th  6th  mo.,  1658,  by  Rie'd  Bracken- 
bury,  John  Thorndike,  Zabulon  Hill  &  John 
Hill. 

[TO   BE   CONTINUED  J 


MINUTES  FOR  A  GENEALOGY  OF  GEORGE 
JACOBS,  SENIOR,  OF  SALKM  VILLAGE, 
■VVHO  SUFFERED  THE  UTMOST  PEN  ALT  i' 
OF  THE  LAW  DURING  THE  WITCHCRAFT 
TRAGEDY,  ENACTED  IN  NEW  ENGLAND, 
A.  D.,  ie92. 


BY   C.    M.   ENDICOTT   OP    SALEM,  A    DESCENDANT   IN  THE 
SEVENTH   GENERATION. 


George  Jacobs,  Senr.,  (tbe  picture  of  whose 
trial  for  witchcraft,  before  one  of  those  extra- 
ordinary tribunals,  partaking  both  of  a  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  character,  embellishes  the 
entrance  to  the  libraries  of  the  Essex  Institute 
and    Salem    Atheneum,    in    Plummer  Hall) 


was  condemned  and  executed  during  that 
fearful  delusion,  when  upwards  of  eighty  years 
of  age,  without  any  regard  to  the  usual  rulea 
of  evidence  or  other  proprieties  of  law. — Hig 
principal  accusor  was  his  own  misguided 
granddaughter,  Margaret,  into  which  she  waa 
terrified  while  confined  in  prison  for  the  same 
offence,  by  the  intriguings.  threatonings  and 
revilings,  upon  her  own  confession,  of  the  de- 
signing Magistrates,  or  rather  Inquisitors,  to 
save  h^r  own  life,  being  then  only  in  her  I7th 
year.  He  resided  in  what  was  then  called 
Salem  Village,  in  a  secluded  spot  off  east  from 
the  main  road  leading  *o  Topefield,  and  bor- 
dering upon  the  river  leading  to  Danvers  Port. 
He  appears  to  have  bought  his  homestead  of 
Richard  Waters  and  Joyn,  his  wife,  contain- 
ing a  house  and  ten  acres  of  land,  the  20th 
Nov.,  1658  ;  to  which  he  afterwards  added 
about  four  acres  more,  consisting  partly  of 
marsh  land.  He  was  also  the  owner  of  four 
acres  and  six  cow  leases  on  Ryall  side,  being 
the  opposite  shore,  which  he  received  by  grant 
from  the  town  of  Salem.  This  portion  of  land 
remained  in  the  family  during  the  childhood 
and  minority  of  my  great  grandmother,  Eliza- 
beth Jacobs,  the  great  granddaughter  of  the 
guiltless  victim,  George  Jacobs,  senr.,  she  be- 
ing the  daughter  of  John,  who  was  the  son  of 
G<^orge.  jr.,  who  was  the  son  of  George  senr. 
The  old  lady  has  often  told  me  tliat  previous 
to  her  marriage  with  my  great  grandfather, 
John  Endicutt,  she  used  to  paddle  a  canoe 
aeroFS  the  river,  and  milk  the  cows  in  this  very 
lot — and  when  the  tide  was  out,  she  was  ac- 
customed to  pass  and  repass  over  the  flats  upon 
a  row  of  stones,  or  sort  of  causeway,  leading 
to  the  channel  on  both  sides — wade  through 
the  channel  with  her  milk  pails  and  milk,  and 
upon  her  return  safely  depiofit  her  burden  in 
her  father's  house.  These  stones,  we  have 
been  told  by  some  of  the  family  still  residing 
upon  the  old  homestead,  remain  to  this  day,  a 
memorial,  not  only  of  the  perseverance  of  our 
fathers,  but  of  the  hardihood  of  her  who  so  of- 
ten passed  and  repassed  with  tbe  fruits  of  her 


53 


daily  toil  and  industry  over  them.  She  was  a 
woman  of  uncommon  energy  of  character.  It 
is  relited  of  her,  that,  wlieu  Col.  Pickering, 
on  his  way  to  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  halted 
his  regiment  at  the  Bell  Tavern,  Darivera,  she 
was  so  displeased  that  she  walked  up  to  the 
Col.  and  said,  "Why  oa  airth  don't  you 
march?  don't  you  hear  the  guns  at  Charles- 
town?'"  George  eenr's  Will  isdated29th  Jan., 
1691-2,  and  probated  the  October  following. 
His  wife's  name  was  Mary.  It  would  seem  as 
if  his  extreme  age  and  feebleness  (being  so 
bowed  down  with  decrepitude  and  the  weight 
of  years  that  he  required  two  cunes*  for  sup- 
port,) should  have  shielded  him  from  such  a 
wretched  fate  and  ignoble  death  at  tha  hands 
of  those  inexorable  officers  of  (miscalled)  ^'m5- 
tice,  who  seemed  determined  upon  the  judicial 
murder  and  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  all 
whom  malice,  credulity  or  misguided  fanati- 
cism, might  select  for  their  victims.  It  is  re 
lated  of  Chief  Justice  ytougliton,  that  when  he 
heard  the  Governor  hud  reprieved  several  vic- 
tims who  were  awaiting  sentence  ot  deaiii  in 
prison,  he  was  so  displeased  that  he  lett  the 
Bench  and  went  out  oi  the  Court,  exclaiming. 
'•Who  it  is  obstructs  the  course  of  justice  1 
know  not.  We  were  in  a  way  to  have  cleared 
the  land  of  these,  &c.  Ti>e  Lord  be  merciful  to 
the  country."  In  contrition  of  his  errors  and 
bigotry,  it  is  said  Mr.  Stoughton  afterwards 
erected  the  building  kuown  as  *'^ Stoughton 
Hall,^^  for  the  use  of  Harvard  College.  It  is, 
however,  difficult  to  see  any  connection  be- 
tween the  two  circumstances. 

There  is  a  tradition  in  the  family  that  their 
ancestor  was  hung  upon  a  tree  on  his  own 
land  and  buried  there,  [vide  Felt's  Annals, 
Vol.  2,  P.  482  ]  This  conflicts  with  another 
tradition,  related  by  my  great  grandmother, 
that  his  body  after  execution  in  Salem,  was 
brought  home  for  burial  by  his  own  son,  who 
witnessed  his" execution,  across  the  back  of  a 
horse,   cart  ways   being  almost    unknown  at 


*Tho  very  canes  are   now  in  tbe  possession  of  the 
Essex  Institute. 

14 


that  period,  except  upon  the  most  frequented 
roads,  all  others  being  what  were  called  bridle 
paths.  Tradition  has,  however,  kept  alive  the 
fact  that  he  was  buried  upon  his  own  land.— 
His  reputed  grave  has  been  recently  opened, 
and  found  to  contain  the  bones  of  a  very  aged 
peraoD,  without  a  single  tooth  in  the  jaw, 
which  were  no  doubt  the  remains  of  this  inof- 
fensive, artless,  but  unfortunate  old  gpntleman. 
It  would  bo  a  melancholy  satisfaction  could  we 
with  equal  certainty  identify  the  graves  of  the 
victims  of  this  dire  delusion,  the  records  of 
which  fill  such  a  dark  page  in  our  New  Eng- 
land history. 

Children  of  George  and  Mary— ^George  Ja- 
cobs, Jr.  m.  Rebecca  Frost ;  ^Ann  Jacobs  m. 
John  Andrew,  and  had  -3  daughters,  viz : 
Ann,  ^'Elizabeth  an  i  ^M  iry. 

Second  Generation, 

^George  Jacobs  lesided  upon  the  old  home- 
stead, and  died  previous  to  1718  :  m.  Rebecca 
Frost,  9  12,  1074.  Both  he  and  his  wife,  with 
their  dangluer  Margaret,  suffered  persecution 
during  the  witchcraft  delusion.  Upon  being 
accused  he  ded,  but  his  wife  and  daughter 
Margaret  were  imprisoned,  but  were  after- 
wards released.  Children  ot  '^George  and  Re- 
becca-^Margaret,  b.  Nov.  26,  1675.  The 
unfortunate  accuser  of  her  grandfather ; 
3George,f  b.  .Sept.  29,  1677.  Was  living  in 
Wells,  Me.,  and  sold  his  portion  of  his  fath- 
er's farm  to  his  brother  John,  in  1718.  Mar- 
ried there  in  1702,  where  his  posterity  are  cow 


^Third  Generation. 
"George  Jieolw,  b.  in  Salem  Villasre,  now  Dan- 
vers  Port,  Sep-.  29,  1677,  w:ts  a  ^rand-dn  of  the 
<ruililcss  victiiTi  Gei>r<re  Jncobs,  senr  Removed  to 
Wells,  Me.,  abiui  1700,  where  he  mHriieii,  first, 
December  16,  1701  Hrnnnh  Cii-sins,  m  2d.  Oct. 
21,  1742,  Eli/abeih  Burnham.  Children,  *Lydia  b- 
Dec.  11,  1702,  m..I<isii.h  SiLvens  Nov  11.  1726; 
^Hannah  b.  June  20,  1705  m.  John  Sievcns  June 
10,  1727  ;  *Georsie.  m  .\iary  Woodman  Dec.  10, 
1741;  *.John  m.  Dcb^rali  Ware  Oer  .'50,  1745; 
•*Pricdla  m.  Jo>hiia  Har  btt  Sept  16  17.36;  ^Eliz- 
abethni.  Joseph  ThvIoi  Sept.  1734  ;* benjamin 
m.  Hannah  Bank  of  York  Me.,  June,  1750. 
Fourth  Generation. 
^George  Jacobs  lived  in   Wells,   Me.,  married 


54 


probably  living;  ^John,  b.  Sept.  18,  1G79  ; 
'Jonathan,  b.  July  29,  1G81  ;  no  memorial  of 
him  ;  ''Mary,  b.  Alay  20,  1G83. 
Third  Generation. 
'John  Jacobs,  b.  Sept.  18,  1G79.  Lived  up- 
on the  old  Jacobs  homestead,  in  Salem  Vil- 
lage.    Married  for  his  first  wife,  Abigail , 

for  his  second  wife,   Lydia .     Died    17G4, 

a.  85.  Was  a  member  of  the  Ist  Church,  Sa- 
lem. He  and  his  brother  George  Were  peti- 
tioners for  the  South  Danvers  Church,  called 
at  that  time  the  Middle  Precinct,  in  March, 
1710-11.  Was  a  substantial  land  holder. — 
Will  dated  Jane  24,  17G0.  Sons  Ebenezer  and 
Henry,  executors.  Proved  June  25,  17G4. — 
Left  the  Jacobs'  homestead  to  his  son  Ebenez- 
er. Children  of  John  and  Abigail  :  ^Abigail, 
bap.  Sept.  1,  1706,  at  the  First  Church,  Sa- 
lem. Was  living  in  1760,  the  date  of  her  fa 
ther's  will,  m.  a  Felton  ;  *John,  bap.  July  25, 
1708,  at  the  First  Church,  Salem.  Lived  in 
Sutton,  Ms.,  and  died  previous  to  1758j  and 
left  one  son,  *John,  whose  posterity  are  proba- 
bly living  in  that  vicinity;  ^Daniel,  bap.  Nov. 
5,  1711iatthe  First  Church,  Salem.  Lived 
in  Danvers  to  an  advanced  age;  ^Ebenezer, 
bap.  May  15,  1715,  at  the  So.  Church,  Dan- 
vers, m.  Elizabeth  Cutler,  dau.  of  Cornelius 
Cutler  ;  ^Desire,  bap.  IVlay  15,  1715,  at  the 
So.  Church,  Danvers  :  d.  previous  to  1758  ; 
m.  a  Porter,  and  left  children,  mentioned  in 
her  father's  will ;  *Sarah,  bap.  July  l-i,  1717, 
at  the  So.  Church,  Danvers  ;  m.  an  Andrews, 
and  was  living  in  1760,  the  date  of  her   fath- 


Marv  Won<imnn  Dec  lb,  1741.  Children.  *EIias 
m-  Mary  Dorman  uf  Wells,  Angus  1768;  'George 
in.  Hepsibah  Brown  Feb  1779;  *Dib(irah  m.  Ja- 
bez  Dorm  fin  of  Arundell,  May  1780;  *Jon>uhan 
m.  1st  Sarah  Tenney.  Dec  26,  1782,  m.  2d  Re- 
becca S.  Emerv  Feb-  1784  ;  *Samuel  m.  Hannah 
Hubbard  Dec.  13,  1785. 

Fifth  Generation. 

*Elias  Jacobs  lived  in  Well.".  Mc.,  married  Mary 
Dorman  Ansnst  1768.  ChiHren,  ^Hannah  m. 
James  Maxwell;  6Aar"n  m.  Sarah  Stover  of 
York,  Feb.  1804;  6John  m.  Abieail  Phillips  of 
York  May  1804  ;  eObediah  ni.  Lucretia  Liitle- 
field  Sept.  1813 


er's  Will ;  ^Elizabeth,  bap.  Sept.  27,  1719,  at 
the  So.  Church,  Danvers;  m.  JT)hn  Endicott, 
May  18.  1738  ;  d.  Aug.  1809,  a.  90:  children 
by  Lydia  ,  *IIenry,  bap^  May  21,  1721  ;  was 
living  in  17GG,  per  receipt  for  his  portion  left 
him  by  his  father  ;  no  further  memorial  of 
him — probably  the  father  of  Henry  Jacobs, 
killed  at  Lexington,  April  19,  1775  ;  *Lydia, 
bap.  July  25,  1725  ;  was  living  in  17G0,  the 
date  oi  her  father's  will  ;  m.  John  Small. 
Fourth  Generation. 
*Daniel  Jacobs  bap.  Nov.  5,  1711,  at  the  Ist 
Church,  Salem.  Was  a  cordwainer  by  trade  in 
early  lifcj  then  a  farmer.  Lived  in  Danvers  to 
an  advanced  age — residence  on  tiie  Salem  boun- 
dary line  in  North  Fields.  Married  Sarah 
Dudley  of  Boston  June  17,  1735.  Died  in  tho 
family  of  his  son-in-law,  Qen'l  Gideon  Foster, 
Oct  1809,  in  his  99th  year.  The  following 
is  an  extract  from  an  obituary  notice  of  him  : 
"Mr.  Jacobs  p-jssessed  great  vigor  in  his  old 
age.  He  was  mowing  in  his  field  after  he  pass- 
ed 90.  He  had  an  uncommon  cheerfulness  of 
temper,  &a  relish  ol  life  till  its  close.  His  sister 
who  married  into  the  family  of  Gov.  Endicott, 
died  lately,  above  90  years  of  age."  One  of 
the  descendants  of  Mr.  Jacobs  remembers  dis- 
tinctly seeing  hiin  saddle  his  horse  and  ride  off 
like  a  young  man,  when  he  was  upwards  of  95 
years  of  age.  Children — 'Daniel,  b.  Aug.  22, 
1737.  Was  living  in  New  Hampshire  m  1761. 
where  probably  his  posterity  are  at  present  re. 

. ,.         *Sarah  &    >  gemini,  b.  Aug.  24.  1739; 
siding ;  6 ,        .,        S*^  •  i     <•  u-    • 

*=" '    Jonathan  J  no  memorial  oi  him  ; 

'Benjamin,  b.  March  24,  1740-1,  m.  Sarah 
Moulton  ;  'Abigail,  b.  April  15, 1743,  m.  Put- 
nam Cleaves,  and  had  3  children,  *Daniel,  a 
Daughter  *Sarah  and  ^Abigail,  who  m. 
Amos  King.  Daniel  removed  to  Saco,  Me. 
and  had  children  ■'Daniel,  ^Sarah,  ^Mary,  ^aI- 
mira  ;  'Depire,  b.  Dec.  21,  1746,  m.  Zachariah 
King,  ch  sZiicbariah,  *Daniel,  ^Anios,  *De- 
sire,  ^Eben'r,  « Jonathan,  *Samuel,  ^Mary  ; 
'Lydia,  b.  Aug  24,  1743,  m.  John  Tn'-kz-r.  ch. 
'John,  ^Andrew  &  ^Betsey,  gemini,  ^Jonathan, 
«Gideon,  «Marcia,  «Sam'l  D,  "Mary  ,  'Marcia, 
b.  Oct.  6,  1750,  m.  Gen'l  Gideon  Foster,    ch.j 


55 


•Gideon,  «John,  «Murcia,  and  another  *daugh- 
ter. 

^Ebenezer  Jacobs,  bap.  May  15,  1715,  at 
the  South  Church,  Danvers,  Lived  upon  the 
old  homestead,  m.  Elizabeth  Cutler.  Died  in 
1793.  Will  dated  13th  Feb'y.  1790,  Proved 
13th  Nov.  1793,  son  Eben'r  and  wire  Eliza- 
beth, Executors.  Children — *Ebenezer,  'Abi- 
gail, *Hannah,  ^Elizabeth  ;  the  last  three  died 
before  their  father,  and  are  not  mentioned  in 
bis  will. 

Fifth  Generation. 

*Benjamin  Jacobs,  b.  March  4,  1740-1,  m. 
Sarah  Moulton  about  1770.  Lived  in  South 
Danvers.  Children  of  Benjamin  and  Sarah— 
eSally,  b.  1771 :  ^Lydia,  b  1773  ;  sBenjamin, 
b.  July  17,  1775  ;  ^Martha,  b.  1779. 

*Ebenezer  Jacobs,  uncertain  when  born.  Liv- 
ed in  the  old  Jacobs  homestead  in  Danvers,  left 
him  by  his  father,  m.  Eunice  lucker.  Children. 
6Ebenezer,  b.  Feb'y  17,  1783.  m.  Phebe  Mar- 
tin, of  Andover,  and  had  5  children.  ^JohnD, 
^Warren  Martin,  ^Elizabeth  Cutler,  ^Martha 
Frye  D,  ^Martha  Martin  ;  6  Jonathan,  b.  1785, 
d.  1831,  unmarried  ;  ejohn,  b.  1787,  d.  1821. 
unmarried  ;  e  Aaron,  b.  1790,  never  married  : 
*  William,  b.  Sept.  22,  1796,  married  and  had 
2  children  ;  ^Allen,  b.  Oct.  12,  1800,  married 
Bnd  bad  3  wives  and  several  children. 

Sixth  Generation. 
*  Benjamin  Jacobs,  b.  July  17. 1775.  Lived 
in  South  Danvers.  Was  a  Ship  master,  til. 
Sally  Poor  Jan'y  17,  1802.  She  died  Feb'y 
29.  1856.  Children— ^Sarah,  b.  Sept.  19. 
1802,  d.  Oct.  9,  1802  :  ^Nancy  Poor,  b.  July 
15,  1804,  m.  Franklin  Osborn  ;  ^Benjamin,  b. 
March  29.  1806,  m.  two  sisters  by  the  name 
ofButtrick;  7 Joseph,  b  Feb'y  10,  1808,  m. 
Susan  Wilson  ;  rSarah,  b.  Aug.  1,  1809,  m. 
P  L  Winchester  ;  ^George,  b.  April  11,  1812, 
d.  May  1857  ;  ^Richard,  b.  Aug.  14,  1813,  m 
Sarah  Nourse  ;  yMary  Abbott,  b.  May  10, 
1815,  m.  R.  Smith,  d.  March  1857;  7 Eliza 
Ann.  b.  July  28,  1817,  m.  E.  F.  Lamson  ; 
'Susan  Poor,  b.  April  23,  1819,  m.  Francis 
Baker. 


BRICK  BUILDINGS  IN  SALEM. 


From  the  Gazette  of  February  ith,  1806. 
3Ir.  Cuxhing. — Perhaps  the  following  list  of  brick 
baildings  in  Salem  may  come  within  the  request  of 
jour  correspondent  "Caution,"  who  has  denired  % 
communication  of  an  J/ /acts  connected  with  the  sub- 
ject, which  ho  is  discussing.  I  bare  made  the  list 
with  care,  and  I  believe  it  contains  all  our  brick 
buildings.  The  dates  placed  against  some  of  them 
are  intended  to  show  when  they  were  built  or  fin- 
ished. Some  of  your  correspondents,  I  hope,  will 
correct  any  errors  they  may  discover  in  the  list.  It 
will  be  a  carious  fact  in  the  history  of  Salem,  (which 
was  settled  three  years  betore  Boston,)  that  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1806,  there  were  but  fifty 
buildings  (out  of  about  2000,  entirely  of  brick  in 
the  whole  town.  fact. 


B 


Ward  No.  1. 

Essex  Street,  E.  S.  Lang, 

"  Benj  Dodge, 

'*  Henry  Rust, 

Wash'ton  St.,  John  Daland, 

Market  St.,  IJatliorne  &  Gray, 

F'uh  Street,  Samuel  Gray, 

Charter  St.,  Gilbert  Chadwick, 

Vine  Street,  Jona.  Mason, 

"  Nathan  Pierce, 

Water  Street,  Smith  A  Douglass, 

Neptune  St.,  Elipbalet  Butman, 

Union  Whf.,  Page  &  Ropes, 

Derby  Street,  Henry  Prince, 

"  Moses  Townsend, 

Ward  No.  2. 

Essex  Street,    John  Gardner, 
"  William  Gray, 

''  Chase  &  Kust 

"  Jacob  P.  Rust 

Court  Street,     William  Steams, 


Ward  No.  3. 


Essex  Street, 


Wash'ton  St., 

Summer  St , 
Chestnut  St., 


Henry  Rust, 
John  Ilathorne, 
John  Appleton, 
Abel  Lawrence, 
Mrs.  Uaraden, 
Joseph  Ropes, 
Joshua  Ward, 
Joseph  Baker, 
Daniel  Gregg, 
Jonathan  Hodges, 
Thomas  Saunders, 
Chas.  Cleveland, 


Warren  St., 

Ward  No.  4. 

Essex  Street,      Albert  Gray, 

"  Daniel  Saunders, 

"  Robert  Peele, 

Federal  St.,       Joseph  Spragae, 


1803 
1805 


1805 
1805 


1805 
1  1804 
1  1802 
1 

1805 

1805 
1769 


1772 
1805 


1805 
1805 
1805 
1805 


56 


Court  Street,     John  Derby, 

"  Archelaui"  Rea, 

Boston  Street,  Jonaibau  Dean, 


1 
1 
1 

26 


13 


Buildings  of  other  descriptions. — Court  Hoise,  in 
Court  Street:  Baptist  iMeeting  House,  Marlboro  St.; 
Balein  Bank,  Essex  St.;  Sujiar  House.  Ash  St.;  R. 
Stone's  Distillery,  N<>ptune  St. ;  John  Norris's  Dis- 
tillerv,  Water  St  ;  Win.  Gray's  Stable,  St.  Peter's 
St.;  two  workshops  of  one  .'tory,  in  Derby  St.;  Fort 
Pickering  on  Winter  Island;  Powder  House,  in  the 
Great  Pasture.     Total,  11. 

Buildings  partly  of  brirk. ^Sun  Tavern,  Essex  St.; 
Capt.  Sage's  House,  E:?sex  St.;  Ebenezer  Srnit'..,  Es- 
sex St.;  .lohn  Watson,  Union  St.;  John  Bust's, Coun- 
ty St. ;  Widow  of  Daniel  Rust,  County  St.;  Jo-iah 
Parsons,  Water  St. ;  James  Pope's  .Marlborough  St. ; 
Kev.  Mr.  Spaulding's,  Summer  St  ;  Wm.  Fabons's, 
High  St. ;  Stephen  Phillips's,  Chestnut  St.:  Richard 
Savary's,  Briggs  Court.    Total,  12. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  REV.  JOSEPH 
GREEN%  REV.  PETER  CLARK,  AND  REV. 
BEN.JAMIN  WADSWORTH,  D.  D.,  MINIS- 
TER6  OF  SALEM  VILLAGE,  (NOW  DAN- 
VERS  CENTRE. 


BV    SAMUEL    r.    FOWLER. 


Eead  at  a  meeting  of  the  Essex  Instxtute,  Thursday, 
March  11,    1838. 


Before  entering  upon  oui-  subject,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  notice  the  condition  of  tbe  people 
at  Salem  Village,  previous  to  the  settlement  of 
Rev.  Joseph  Green. 

After  the  frenzy  of  1692  had  subsided,  and 
a  comparative  calm  had  succeeded  this  violent 
storm,  its  inhaijitants  began  more  fully  to  re- 
alize the  extent  of  their  misfortunes.  During 
the  excitement  in  the  summer  of  1692,  they 
were  only  intent  upon  endeavoring  to  save 
themselves  and  their  friends  from  imprison- 
ment and  death.  But  when  the  witchcraft 
delusion  had  subsided,  they  felt  most  severely 
the  confiscation  of  their  property,  the  imposi- 
tion of  fines,  and  the  suspension  of  agricultu- 
ral labor,  and  the  conseiiuent  loss  of  their 
crops.  We  have  documentary  evidence  of  a 
largii  amount  of  property  being  taken  from 
those  accused  of  witchcraft,  and  expenses  ir- 
curred  ;  fur  which  they  were  but  partially  re- 
muneratei  by  the  Genoral  Court.     Their  peti- 


tions for  relief  disclose  their  sad  condition, 
and  they  appear  to  have  been  even  more  de- 
sirous that  the  attainders  should  be  taken  off, 
than  to  receive  remuneration  for  their  losses. 
The  following  is  the  petition  of  Elizabeth  Co- 
rey, d->.ughter  of  Giles  Corey,  for  aid  : — 

"To  the  Honourable  Commite,  apointed  by 
the  General  Courte  to  make  Enquire  with  Re- 
spect to  the  Sufferings  in  the  year  1692 : — 
These  are  to  give  you  a  short  account  of  our 
Sorrows  and  Sufferings,  which  was  in  the  year 
1692.  Sometime  in  March,  our  honored  fath- 
er &  mother,  Giles  Corey  &  Martha  his  wife, 
was  accused  for  soposed  witchcraft,  and  im- 
prisoned &  was  Removed  from  one  prison  to 
another,  as  from  Salem  to  Ipswich,  &  from 
Ipswich  to  Boston,  and  from  Boston  to  Salem 
again,  and  so  remained  in  close  imprisonment 
about  four  months.  We  ware  at  the  whole 
charge  of  their  maintenance,  which  was  very 
chargeable,  and  so  much  the  more,  being  so 
farr  a  distance  *"rora  us,  also  by  reason  of  so 
many  removes,  in  all  which  we  could  doe  no 
less  than  accompanie  them,  which  further  add- 
ed both  to  our  trouble  and  charge,  and  al- 
though that  was  very  great,  it  is  the  least  of 
our  grevence  or  cause  of  these  lines.  But  that 
which  bleaks  our  hearts,  and  for  which  we 
goe  a  mourning  still,  is  that  our  father  was 
put  to  Soe  Cruell  and  painfull  a  death  as  be- 
ing prest  to  death  ;  our  mother  was  put  to 
Death  also,  though  in  another  way.  As  we 
cannot  sufficiently  expr«^ss  our  Grief  for  the 
loss  of  our  father  &  mother  in  such  a  way.  So 
we  cannot  Compute  our  Expences  and  Cost ; 
but  shall  Comit  to  your  wisdome  to  judge  of. 
But,  after  our  father's  death,  the  Sheriff 
threatened  te  seize  our  father's  Estate,  and  for 
fear  thereof  wee  Complied  with  him,  and  paid 
him  Eleven  pounds  six  shillings  in  monie,  by 
all  which  we  have  bein  greatly  damnified  and 
impoverished,  by  being  exposed  to  sell  crea- 
tures and  all  other  things  for  a  little  more 
than  half  the  worth  of  them,  to  get  the  money 
to  pay  as  aforesaid,  and  to  maintain  our  fath- 
er and  mother  in  prison.     But  that  which  is 


57 


grievous  to  us  is.  that  we  are  not  only  im- 
poverished but  also  Reproached,  and  so  may 
be  to  all  generations,  and  that  wrongfully 
tew,  unless  something  be  done  for  the  remov- 
ing thereof.  All  which  we  humbly  Committ 
to  the  honoura'-le  Jourte,  Praying  God  to  di- 
rect to  that  which  may  bee  acceptable  in  his 
sight,  and  for  the  good  of  this  land, 
September  ye  13/A,  1710. 

We  cannot  Judge  our  necessary  Expense  to 
be  less  than  Ten  pounds.  Wee  subscribe  your 
humble  Servants  in  all  Christian  obediance. 

Elizabeth  Corey,  daughter  of  ^JUes  Corej, 
in  behalf  of  the  rest  of  the  familie. 

To  the  Honerd  Commity  apointed  by  the 
General  Court  to  Inquire  into  the  names  prop- 
er to  be  inserted  in  the  bill  for  takeing  off  the 
Attainder,  and  what  damages  They  Sustained 
by  their  prosecutions: — These  are  to  signify 
that  [,  Philip  Englishj  was  Imprisoned  to- 
gether with  my  VVhife,  in  Salem  Prison,  and 
then  carried  to  Boston  Prison,  and  there  lay 
nine  weeks;  from  whence  we  made  our  Escape, 
in  which  time,  beside  our  Charge  in  flying. 
and  had  Qur  Estate  taken  away  from  the 
Wharf  House,  at  the  point  of  Kocks,  to  the 
amount  of  £1183  2  shil.  And  is  a  true  ac- 
count of  what  I  had  seized,  taken  away,  lost 
and  embezled,  whilst  I  was  in  prison,  in  ye 
year  1692.  And  whilst  on  my  flight  for  my 
life,  besides  a  considerable  quantity  of  house- 
hold go>  ids  and  otiier  things,  which  I  cannot 
exactly  give  a  particular  account,  and  for  all 
which  I  never  Received  any  other  or  further 
satisfaction  for  them,  than  Sixty  Pounds  paid 
me  by  the  Administrator  of  George  Curwin, 
late  Sheriffe,  deceas'd,  ard  the  Estate  was  so 
seized  and  taken  away  Chiefly  by  the  Sheriffe 
and  his  under  officers,  notwithstanding  I  had 
given  four  thousand  Pound  B  'nd  with  Surity 
at  Boston.  Philip  English. 

The    Honorable  Committee  now  sitting  in 
Salem,  Sept.  13th,  1710.     Whpreas,  my  moth- 
er, Ann  Foster  of  Andover,  Suffered  Imprison- 
15 


ment  21  weeks,  and  upon  her  Tryall  was  con- 
demned for  supposed  witchcraft,  upon  such 
evidence  as  now  is  Generally  thought  Insuffi- 
cient, and  died  in  Prison  ;  1  being  well  per- 
swaded  of  my  mother's  Innocency  of  the  crime 
for  which  she  was  condemned.  I  Humbly  De- 
sire that  ihe  Att:iinder  may  be  taken  off.  The 
Charges  and  Expenses  for  my  mother  during 
her  Imprisonment,  is  as  follows  : — 

The  money  which  J  was  forced  to  pay  the 
Keeper  before  I  could  have  the  dead  body  of 
my  mother,  to  bury  her,  was  £2  lOw  ;  money 
&  provisions  expended  while  she  was  in  Pris- 
on, £4;  total  expences,  6  pounds  10  Shil- 
lings. 

Abram  Fost^,  the  son  of  the  Deceased. 


To  the  Honored  Committee,  appointed  by 
ye  Generall  Court  to  Inquire  into  ye  names  of 
such  *s  may  bo  meet  for  takeing  off  ye  Attain- 
der, and  for  ye  makeing  some  Restitution  ; 
and  these  Humbly  and  Sorrowfully  Shew  that 
our  Dear  and  Honored  father,  Mr.  George 
Burroughs,  was  aprehended  in  April,  1692, 
at  Wells,  and  Imprisoned  several  months  in 
Boston  and  Salem  Jails,  and  at  last  condemned 
&  executed  for  witchcraft,  wliich  we  have  aU 
ye  reason  in  ye  world  to  believe  he  was  inno- 
cent of.  By  his  careful  catechizing  his  chil- 
dren and  upholding  religion  in  his  family,  and 
by  his  solemn  and  Savory  written  Instructions 
from  Prison.  We  were  left  a  parsell  of  small 
children,  helpless,  andu  rr  other- in -law  with 
one  small  child  of  her  own,  whereby  she  was 
not  capable  to  take  care  of  us,  by  all  which  our 
father  8  Estate  was  most  of  it  lost  and  ex- 
pended. We  cannot  tell  certainly  wliat  ye 
loss  may  be,  but  ye  least  we  can  Judge,  by 
best  information,  it  was  fifty  pounds,  beside 
ye  damage  that  has  accrued  to  us  many  ways 
thereby  is  some  hundred  pounds.  We  ear- 
nestly pray  that  ye  attainder  may  be  taken  off, 
and  if  you  please,  fifty  pounds  may  be  res- 
tored. 
Charles  Burroughs,   Elder  son,  \u  ye  nanje  of 

the  rest. 


58 


To  the  Honofed  Gi-netall   Courte.  now  sitting 
in  Boston 'this  12th  of  October,  1692  ;  - 

Right  honored  Gentlemen  and  Fathers. — 
We,  your  humble  petitioners,  whose  names 
are  underwritten,  peiition  your  honors  as  fol- 
loweth  : — We  would  nof  trouble  you  with  a 
Tedious  diversion,  hut  briefly  spre.vd  open  our 
distressed  conditi  n,  and  beg  your  honors'  fa- 
vour and  pity  in  affording  what  relief  m-  y  be 
thought  Convenient.  As  for  The  matter  of 
our  Troubles  it  is  the  distressed  condition  of 
our  wives  and  Relations  in  prison  at  Salem, 
who  are  a  company  of  poor,  distressed  creai- 
tures,  as  full  of  inward  grief  and  Trouble  as 
they  are  able  to  b^ar  up  in  life  with  all.  And 
besides  the  agrivation  of  outward  Troubles  and 
hardships  they  undergo,  want  of  food,  and 
the  coldness  of  the  winter  season  that  is  com- 
ing, may  so jD  dispatch  snctoutof  the  way, 
that  have  not  been  used  to  such  hardships.— 
And  besides  this,  the  exceeding  great  Charges 
dnd  expences  that  we  are  at,  upon  many  ac- 
counts, which  will  be  to  Tedious  to  give  a  par- 
ticular accouut  of,  which  will  fall  heavy  upom 
us,  especially  in  a  time  of  so  great  charge  an(^ 
elpence  upon  a  geiieral  account  in  the  Coun- 
ty, which  is  expected  oJ  us  to  bear  a  part  as 
well  as  others  ;  which,  if  put  all  together, 
our  families  &  estates  will  be  brought  to  Ruin, 
if  it  cannot  in  time  be  prevented.  Having 
spread  open  our  condition,  we  humbly  make 
our  address  to  your  llonourn,  to  Grant  that 
our  wives  and  Relations,  being  such  that  have 
been  approved  as  penitent  confessors,  might  be 
returned  home  to  us  upon  what  bond  your 
honors  may  see  good,  we  do  not  petition  to 
take  them  out  ot  the  hand  of  Justic^,  but  to 
remove  them  as  Prisoners  under  bonds  in  their 
own  families  when  they  maly  be  more  tenderly 
cared  for,  and  be  ready  to  appear  tc  onsWer 
further  when  the  Honored  Court  shall  call  for 
them.  We  humbly  cave  your  honors  favor 
and  pitty  lor  us  and  our^  Having  set  down 
our  Troubled  State  before  you  we  heartily 
pray  for  your  Honors. 
John  Osgood  in  behalf  of  bia  wife. 


John  Fry  in  behalf  of  his  wife. 

Jo5in  Marston,  in  behalf  ol  his  wife.  Ma- 
ry  Marston. 

Christopher  Osgood,  in  behalf  of  his  daugh- 
ter,    Mary  Marston. 

Joseph  Wilson,    in  behalf  of  his  wife. 

John  Bridges,  in  behalf  of  his  wife  and 
children. 

Hope  Tyle*,  in  behalf  of  bis  wife  and  daugh- 
ter. 

Ebenezor  Barker,  for  his  wife. 

Nathaniel  Dane,  for  his  wife. 

To  the  Honored  General  Court  sitting   in  Bos- 
ton. 

The  humble  Petition  of  Thomas  Heart,  In- 
habitant at  Lynn,  sheweth  that  whereas  Eliza- 
beth Hart,  mother  to  the  Petitioner,  was  tak- 
en into  Custody  in  the  latter  end  of  May  last, 
and  ever  since  committed  to  prison  in  Boston 
Jail,  for  Witchcraft,  though  in  all  which 
time  nothing  has  appeared  against  her  where- 
by to  reuder  her  deserving  of  Imprisonment  or 
death.  The  petitioner  being  obliged  by  all 
Christian  duty  as  becomes  a  child  to  parents 
to  make  application  for  the  Inlargement  of  hia 
Haid  mother,  being  ancient  and  not  able  to  un- 
dergo the  hardsiiips  that  is  iLflicted  from  ly- 
ing in  misery,  and  death  is  rather  to  be  chosen 
than  life  in  her  circumstances.  The  father  of 
the  petitioner  being  ancient  and  decripit,  was 
wholly  unable  to  attend  in  this  matter,  and 
petitioner  having  lived  from  his  childhood  un- 
der the  same  roof  with  his  said  mother  he  dare 
presume  to  affirm  that  he  never  saw,  nor  knew, 
any  ill  or  sinful  practice  wherein  there  was  any 
shew  of  Impiety,  nor  witchcraft  by  her,  and 
were  it  otherwise  he  would  not  for  the  world, 
and  all  the  Enjoyments  thereof,  Nurish  or 
support  any  creature  that  ye  knew  engaged  in 
the  Drugery  of  Satan.  It  is  well  known  to 
all  the  neighbours  that  the  petitioners  mother 
has  Lived  a  sober  and  Godly  life  always  ready 
to  discharge  the  part  of  a  good  Christian,  and 
never  deserving  of  affliction's  from  ye  hand's 
of  men  fur  any  thing  ot  this  nature.     May  it 


59 


hum  My  therefore  please  your  Honored  Court 
to  take  this  mutter  into  your  Coneideration.  in 
order  to  the  Speedy  Inlurgement  of  this  per- 
■on.  So  much  abused,  and  the  petioner  as  in 
Duty  bound  shall  Ever  pray. 

Thomas  Hart. 
Dated  the  19th  of  Oct.  1G92. 

To  the  Honourable  General  Court   now  sitting 

in  Boston. 

Th-^  Humble  Petition  of  Nicholas  Rist  of 
Beading — Showeth,  that  whereas  Sara  Kist 
wife  to  the  petitioner,  was  taken  into  Custo- 
dy the  first  day  of  June  last,  and  ever  since 
lain  in  Boston  J:iil,  for  wiiclicraft,  though  in 
all  this  time  nothing  has  been  made  to  appear 
for  which  she  deserved  Imprisonment  or  death, 
the  petitioner  has  been  a  husband  to  the  said 
woman  above  twenty  years,  in  all  which  time 
he  never  had  reason  to  accuse  her  for  any  Im- 
posture or  Witchcraft,  but  the  contrary — She 
lived'witb  him  as  a  good  faithful,  dutiful  wife 
and  always  had  respect  to  the  ordinances  of 
God.  while  her  strength  remained,  and  the  pe- 
titioner on  that  cont>ideration  is  obliged  in 
conscience  and  Justice,  to  use  all  lawful! 
means  for  the  support  and  preservation  of  her 
life  ;  and  it  is  deplorable  that  in  old  age.  the 
poor  decreped  woman  should  be  under  confine- 
ment so  long  ic  a  stinking  Jail,  when  her  cir- 
cumstances rather  requires  a  nurse  to  attetid 
her.  May  it  therefore  please  your  honors,  to 
take  this  matter  into  your  prudent  considera- 
tion, and  direct  some  speedy  methods  whereby 
this  ancient  decrepid  person  may  not  forever 
be  in  such  misery,  wherein  her  life  is  made 
more  afflictive  to  her  than  death,  and  the  peti- 
tioner shall,  OS  in  duty  bound.  Ever  pray. 

Nicholas  Kist. 

To  the  Honourable  Committee,  Bitting   in   Sa- 
lem, Sept.  13th.  1710. 

An  account  of  what  was  seized  and  taken  a- 
•way.  by  the  Sheriff,  or  his  deputy,  and  assis- 
tants, out  ot  the  Estate  of  Samuel  Wardwell, 
late  of  Andover,  Deceased,  who  suffered  the 
pain  of  Death,   under    condemnation  on   the 


Borrowfull  tryals  for  witchcraft,  in  the  year 
1692.     Seized  and  taken  away  :•*- 

£    Shil.  d, 

5  Cows,  at  2  pounds  apiece,  -  10  0  U 
1  Heifer  and  a  Yearling,  -  -  2  5  9 
1  Horse.  --.-300 

9  Hogs, 7       0      0 

8  Loads  Hay,  ....  4  .0  0 
A  set  of  Carpenter's  Tools,  -         -    1     10       0 

6  agres  of  Corn  upon  the  ground,     9       0       0 

£  36     15      0 

Abigail  Faulkner,  of  Andover,  who  received 
a  pardon  from  Governor  Phipjis,  in  her  peti- 
tion, says:  '  'The  pardon  so  far  had  its  effect 
as  that  I  am  as  yet  suffered  to  live,  but  this 
only  as  a  malefactor,  convicted  upon  record  of 
ye  most  beinious  crimes,  that  mankind  can  bo 
supposed  to  be  guilty,  which,  besides  its  utter 
Ruining  and  Defaming  my  Reputation,  will 
certainly  Expose  myself  to  Imment  Danger  hj 
new  accusations,  which  will  thereby  be  ye 
more  readily  believed,  will  remain  a  perpetual 
brand  of  Infamy  upon  my  family.  Do  hum- 
bly pray  that  this  High  &  honourable  Court 
will  please  to  take  my  case  into  Serious  Con- 
sideration.  and  order  the  Defacing  of  ye  rec- 
ord against  me,  so  that  I  may  be  freed  from 
ye  evil  consequences  Thereof."  Others  petition- 
ed that  something  might  be  done,  to  take  off 
the  infamy  from  the  names  and  memory  of 
those,  who  have  suffered  from  witchcraft,  and 
that  none  ot  their  surviving  relatives,  nor  their 
posterity  might  suffer  reproach  upon  that  ac- 
count. But  how  little  do  we  know  of  the  es- 
timation posterity  will  form  of  our  actions.— 
The  ignominy  they  so  much  dreaded,  has  long 
since  passed  from  them,  without  the  much 
•ought  intervention  of  the  General  Court,  and 
fastened  itself  upon  their  accusers,  and  the 
originators  of  this  strange  delusion. 
The  people  of  Salem  Village,  after  the  sad  occur- 
rences of  1692,  which  left  them  in  a  broken  and 
distracted  state,  were  fortunate  in  their  choice  of 
a  pastor,  Rev,  Joseph  Green,  who  was  em- 
inently qualified  to  heal  all  past  difficulties, 
and  restore  order  &.  harmony.     Mr.  Green  wap 


60 


ordained  over  the  Church  ut  the  Villu^e,  Nov. 
10th,  1698.  The  churches  represented  upon 
the  occasion,  were  from  Beverly,  Wenham, 
Keading  &  Roxhury.  Hia  salary  was  eighty 
pounds,  &  thirty  cords  of  wood  It  appears 
from  the  church  records,  that  he  took  an  early 
opportunity  to  induce  its  members  to  admit  to 
their  communion  the  three  dissenting  brethren, 
John  Tarbell,  Thomas  Wilkins  &  Samuel 
Nourse,  and  their  wives,  who  were  leaders  in 
the  opposition  against  Rev.  Samuel  Parrie,  in 
1692.  After  several  attempts,  Mr.  Green  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  his  church  to  revoke  the 
oentcnce  of  excommunication  against  Martha 
Corey,  who  was  executed  for  witchcraft. — 
And  it  was  during  his  ministry,  that  Ann  Put- 
nam was  admitted  to  full  communion  with  the 
church,  upon  her  humble  confession. 

Ann  apologises  for  her  conduct,  by  disclaim- 
ing the  indulgence  of  anger,  malice,  or  ill  will 
aguini^t  those  she  Accused,  and  says  she  was 
deluded  by  Satan,  in  her  false  accusatione. — 
And  it  is  a  singular  fact,  worth  remembering, 
as  an  exhibition  of  human  nature,  that  ail 
those,  who  were  in  any  way  connected  with 
wix'licraft  at  "lalem  Village,  after  the  excite- 
ment had  subsided,  excused  themselves  for 
their  participation  in  its  tollies,  by  casting  the 
■whole  blame  upon  the  devil,  and  asserting  thry 
\rere  wholly  unable  to  withstand  his  delusions. 

Mr,  Green  was  called  from  his  labors  at  Sa- 
lem Village,  by  death,  Nov.  26,  1715,  in  the 
fortieth  year  ol  his  age.  He  graduated  at 
Cambridge  College,  in  1695,  &  married  Eliza 
beth,  daughter  of  Mr.  Gerrish,  of  Wenham. 
He  baptised  during  his  ministry  of  18  years, 
106  adults,  and  528  children.  During  his 
residence  at  the  Village,  the  half  way  cove- 
nant was  introduced.  Mr,  Green  was  an  emi- 
nent peace  maker,  and  labored  to  remove  the 
many  difficulties  in  hia  church,  which  arose  in 
Mr.  Parris's  ministry,  and  happily  succeed jd. 
He  appears  to  have  been  hignly  esteemed  bjr 
all  who  knew  him,  and  his  removal  by  death 
was  sincerely  lamented.  He  was  buried  in 
the  Wadsworth  burial  ground,  in  Danvers, 
where  a  slab  of  black  elate  was  erected   at  the 


bead  of  his  grave,  now  m  a  good  state  of  pres- 
ervation, with  the  following  inscription  : — 

Sub  Hoc  Cae-pc, 
Requiescunt,  in  spe  Beatae  Resurectionis, 
Reliquiae  Revertndi  D.  Joseph  Green,  A.  M., 
Uujuace  Ecclesiae  Per  XVIII    Annorum   Fere 

Spatium, 
Pastoris  Vigiiantissinii, 
Viri  Sempiteriia  memoria  Tenendi, 
Turn  Gravitate  Doctrinae   Tum  Suavitate  mo- 
rum, 
Qui  Decessit  ex  hie  aerumnosa  vita  sexto 
Caiendas  Decembres  Anno  Domini  MDCCXV, 
Impleverat  jam  annum  quadragessimum.* 

The  following  notice  of  his  death  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  church  wcords.  in  the  hand  writing 
of  Dea.  Edward  Putnam  : — "Then  was  the 
choicest  flower  and  goodliest  tree  in  the  garden 
of  our  God,  here  cut  down  in  its  prime  and 
flourishing  state,  at  the  age  of  40  years  and  21 
days;  who  had  been  a  faithful  embassador 
fiom  God  to  us,  18  years.  Then  did  that 
bright  star  set,  and  never  more  to  appear  here 
among  us,  then  did  our  sun  go  down,  and  novr 
what  darkness  is  come  among  us.  Put  away 
and  pardon  all  our  iniquities,  oh  !  Lord,  which 
has  been  the  cause  of  thy  sore  displeasure,  and 
again  return  to  us  in  mercy,  and  provide  yet 
again  for  tins  thy  fl-ick,  a  Paf^tor  alter  thine 
own  heart,  as  thou  hast  promised  in  thy  word, 
in  which  promise  we  here  hope,  lor  we  are  call* 
ed  by  thy  name,  oh,  Leave  us  not.'' 

A  meeting  of  the  Village  Church,  was  held  at 
the  house  of  Dea.  Putnam,  the  19th  of  April, 


*TRAN8LATI0If. 

Under  this  sod, 
Lie  in  hope  of  a  happy  resurrection. 
The    remains     ot    the    Reverend   deceased    Joseph 

Green,  A.  M., 
Of  this    church    for    nearly  the   period  of  eighteen 

years, 
A  most  vigilant  Pastor, 

A  man  to  be  held  iu  perpetual  remembrance, 
Both  for  seriousness  of  diseo«rse  and    agreeableness 

of  mannors, 
Who  departed  from  a  laborious  life  in    this  place  on 

the  Gth  day 
Of  the  calends  of  December  in  the  year  of  the  Lord, 

1715, 
He  had  just  completed  his  fortieth  year. 


61 


1717,  for  the  purpose  of  looking  to  God  for  di- 
rection in  settling  a  minster.  The  church  vot- 
ed, that  Capt.  Putnam,  Deacon  Putnam,  and 
Mr.  Cheever,  be  a  Committee  to  present  their  de- 
sires to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Peter  Clark,  and  request 
bim  to  settle  with  them  in  the  ministry,  and 
make  a  report  to  the  church  in  due  time.  Mr. 
Clark  made  answer  to  the  call  of  the  church 
as  follows  ; — 

April  23d.  1717- 
To  the  church  of  Christ,  at  Salem  Village. 

My  answer  to  your  request,  brethren  and 
friendf,  duly  renpected  in  the  Lord,  I  thankful- 
ly received  this  testimony  of  your  love,  and  res- 
pect towafds  me;  in  calling  me,  tho'  little  wor 
thy  in  my  sel',  to  the  oflSce  of  a  Pastor,  among 
you,  wherefore  I  do  hereby  testify  ray  accep- 
tance, and  shall  according  to  the  grace  and  a 
bility  given  me  of  God.  be  willing  to  serve 
YOU  in  the  oflSce  and  work  of  the  gospel  min- 
istry, as  God  shall  continue  my  opportunity 
and  call,  hereunto  desiring  your  prayers  to 
God  for  me.  Peter  Clark. 

Mr.  Clark  was  ordained  June  5th,  1717. — 
The  churches  present  at  the  ordination,  were 
from  Beverly,  Wenham,  Reading  &  Topsfield. 
He  was  to  receive  90  pounds  as  his  settlement, 
a  salary  of  90  pounds  per  annum,  and  the 
parsonage.  Mr.  Clark  thuri  notices  the  great 
earthquake  in  his  church  records,  Nov.  29th, 
1727.  "Being  Lords  day,  at  night,  between 
10  &  11  o'clock,  there  happened  a  very  great 
earthquake,  accompanied  witli  a  terrible  noise 
and  shaking,  which  was  greatly  surprising  to 
ye  whole  land,  ye  rumbling  in  ye  bowels  of 
the  earth,  with  some  lesser  trepidation  of  the 
earth,  has  been  repeated  at  certain  times,  for 
divers  weeks  after.'*  On  the  26th  of  Nov. 
1729,  24  members  of  the  village  church  were 
dismissed  to  help  form  the  church  in  Middle- 
too,  gathered  under  the  ministry  of  their  first 
Pastor,  Rev.  Andrew  Peters.  A  little  more 
than  half  a  century  had  now  elapsed,  since 
the  fatal  delusion  of  witchcraft  had  broken 
out  at  Salem  Village,  and  it  is  probable  there 
vrere  some  aged  members  of  the  oburcb,  who 
16 


remembered  that  sad  event,  and  had  ever  been 
vigilant  and  careful  to  repress  any  approach 
towards  divination,  or  the  supposed  practices 
of  witches.  Mr.  Clark  may  have  entertained 
the  notion  held  by  Dr.  William  Douglas,  the 
author  of  the  '^Historical  Summary,*'  that 
witchcraft,  enthusiasm  and  other  maniac  dis- 
orders, was  endemial  in  Salem  and  its  neigh- 
borhood and  being  like  its  weeds,  indigenous 
to  its  soil,  required  a  Pastor's  watch  and  care 
to  notice  their  first  appearance  and  root  them 
out.  But  we  have  no  evidence  that  such  was 
his  belief;  he  properly  entertained  a  convic- 
tion, that  divin>uion,  invoking  the  dead  or 
spiritualism,  witchcraft  and  diabolism,  and 
their  kindred  arts  should  not  be  practised  in  a 
Christian  Church.  There  being  reports  that 
reputed  witches  were  in  the  village,  and  were 
practising  their  arts  by  divination  &c.,  and 
that  members  of  the  parish  were  consulting 
them,  Mr.  Clark  immediately  called  together 
the  church  on  the  5th  of  Sept.  1746,  to  make 
enquiry  into  the  matter,  and  the  following 
votes  were  passtd  at  the  meeting,  let  That 
for  chriiitians,  especially  church  members,  to 
seek  to  and  consult  reputed  witches,  or  fortune 
tellers,  this  church  is  clearly  of  the  opinion 
and  firmly  believes,  on  ye  testimony  of  ye 
word  of  God,  is  highly  injurious  and  scanda- 
lous, being  a  violation  of  the  christian  cove- 
uant  involved  in  baptism,  rendering  ye  persons 
guilty  of  it,  subject  to  ye  just  censure  of  ye 
church  No  proof  appearing  against  any  mem- 
ber of  ye  church  (some  of  whom  had  been 
strongly  suspected  of  this  crime)  so  as  to  con- 
vict them  of  their  being  guilty,  it  was  further 
voted,  2nd,  That  ye  pastor  in  ye  name  of  ye 
church,  should  publicly  testify  their  disappro- 
bation and  abhorrence  of  this  infamous  and 
ungodly  practice  of  consulting  witches  or  for- 
tune letters,  or  any  that  are  reputed  such, 
exhorting  all  under  their  watch,  who  may  be 
guilty  of  it,  to  an  hearty  repentance  and  re- 
turning to  God,  fervently  seeking  forgiveness 
in  ye  blood  of  Christ,  and  warning  all  against 
ye  like  practice  for  ye  time  to  come. 


62 


The  next  Sabbath,  Sept.  7th,  this  testimony, 
exhortation  and  warning  was  publicly  read  to 
the  congregation  iroui  the  pulpit  by  the  pas- 
tor. Tiiese  old  women,  who  so  troubled  Mr. 
Clark  in  1746  were  the  last  witches  (we  mean 
diabolical  onei»)  seen  at  Salem  Village.  Yonng 
and  elderly  ladies  still  continue  however  to 
meet  there,  as  in  olden  traie,  in  circles  and 
classes,  and  it  is  Supposed  they  have  not  lost 
any  of  their  bewitching  artfr,  but  fortunately 
they  are  not  exercieed  in  the  same  way  as  in 
16^.  The  last  record  made  by  Mr.  Clark  in 
the  churol)  book  was  Nov.  8th,  1767,  at  which 
time  his  health  failed,  and  he  was  compelled 
to  forego  the  labors  of  the  pulpit.  He  contin- 
ued to  decline  during  the  early  part  of  the 
season  of  1768,  frequently  attempting  to 
preach,  and  olten  failing.  The  last  t'ime  he 
appeared  before  his  people,  he  faltered  in  the 
service^  and  leaned  against  the  pulpit,  which 
one  of  iii*t  deacons  noticing,  he  went  to  Lis 
assistance,  and  led  him  home.  His  death  oc- 
curred soon  after  June  10th,  1768,  and  is  thus 
noticed  by  Dea.  Asa  Putnam  in  the  records, 
"Now  it  has  pleased  God  in  his  holy  Provi 
dence,  to  take  away  from  us  our  dear  and  Rev. 
Pastor  by  death,  Mr.  Peter  Clark,  who  de 
parted  this  life,  June  ye  lOth,  1768,  in  ye  76 
year  of  his  age,  and  on  ye  15th  day  was  his 
funeral.  It  was  attended  with  great  solemni- 
ty; his  corpse  was  carried  into  the  meeting- 
house, and  prayer  was  made  by  ye  Rev.  Mr, 
Diman  of  Salem.  A  sermon  was  delivered  by 
Rev.  Mr  B.irnarJ  of  S.ilena,  from  Gal.  3  chap 
11  verse.  It  was  th^en  removed  to  the  grave, 
with  the  church  walking  before  the  corpse  as- 
sisted by  twelve  bearers,  with  a  great  con- 
course of  people  following.  After  his  inter- 
ment we  left  his  deceased  body  in  ye  dust,  for 
"worpis  to  feed  upon,  which  we  took  so  much 
delight  and  satisfaction  in.  He  is  gone,  who 
has  been  so  faithful  in  ye  ministry  among  this 
people,  the  number  of  fifty  one  years — Now  he 
is  gone,  never  to  sec  his  face  no  more  in  this 
world,  no  more  to  hear  the  precious  instruc- 
tions, and  examples  out  of  bis  mouth  in  pub- 
lic, or  in  private.    That  je  God  of  all  grace 


woul^l  be  pleased  to  sanctify  this  great  be- 
reavemeni  to  this  church  and  congregation  for 
good,  and  in  his  own  due  time  give  us  another 
Pastor  after  his  own  heart,  to  feed  this  people 
with  truth,  knowledge  and  understanding  that 
this  church  may  not  be  left  like  sheep  with- 
out a  shepherd.  But  of  these  things  he  will 
be  enquired  of,  O  house  of  Israel  to  do  it  for 
them.'* 

Mr.  Clark,  during  his  ministry  of  51 
years,  baptised  46  adults,  1,226  children  and 
admitted  309  persons  into  his  church.  He 
was  buried  in  the  Wadsworth  burying  ground 
in  Danvers,  with  the  following  inscription  up- 
on his^ravo  stone: 

"Here  lies  Intombed  the  remains  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Peter  Clark,  for  about  51  years  the  pain- 
ful, laborious,  and  faithful  pastor  of  the  first 
Church  in  this  town.  He  was  a  great  Divine; 
an  accomplished  Christian,  in  whose  character 
ye  most  exemplary  patience,  humility  and 
meekness.  Were  illustriously  displayed.  He 
was  born  March  l^th,  1693,  Graduated  at 
Harvard  College  in  Cambridge  1712,  ordained 
pastor  of  ye  church  in  this  town,  June  5th, 
1717.  He  lived  much  esteemed  and  respected, 
and  after  a  long  life  spent  in  ye  service  of  re- 
ligion. He  died  much  lamented  June  lOtb, 
1768,  .^tatis  76. 

Wrapt  in  his  arms,  wlio  lied  on  Calvary's  plain. 
We  murmur  not  Blest  shade,  nor  dare  coinplaine; 
Fled  to  those  seats  *here  perfect  Spirits  Shine, 
We  mourn  our  lot,  yet  still  rejoice  'n  thine; 
Taught  by  tby  tongue,  By  thy  example  led, 
We  Blessed  thee  living,  and  revere  thee  Dead. 
Sleep  here  tby  Dust,  till  the  Last  Trump  shall  Soand, 
Iben  sbalt  thou  rise,  and  be  with  perfect  Glory 
Crown'd." 

Mr.  Barnard,  in  his  funeral  sermon,  observes 
that  Mr.  Clark  was  well  acquainted  with  an- 
cient &  modern  learning,  his  style  pure,  ner- 
vous &  clear,  cool  or  pathetic,  as  his  subject 
required;  and  by  means  of  his  conversing 
much  with  the  best  modern  authors,  more  ele- 
gant &  pleasing  to  the  politer  world  than  most 
of  his  equals  in  age.  His  printed  works  are 
somewhat  numerous  upon  many  public  occa- 


6-3 


sions,  he  being  the  most    voluminous    •writer 
that  ever  lived  in  Danvers.     Mr.  Clark  preach- 
ed the  Artillery  Election  Sermon  in  1736,  Con- 
vention Sermon  in  1745,   Dudleian  Sermon  in 
1763,  &  the  Eleciion  Sermon  in  1739.     I  have 
in  my    possession   two  sermons     preached  by 
him,  the  firttt  to  a  society  of  young  men  in  the 
North  Parish    in    Di'.nvers,    Dec.    15th  1757  ; 
the  second,  a   sermon  from   Psal.    119,  109th 
verse,  containing   "A  word    in   S-^ason  to  Sol- 
diers, preached  .April  6th,  1755     being  Lcrd^s 
Day  before  muster  of  a    number  of  Soldiers  in 
the  North  Parish  in  Danvers,  who  had  enlisted 
in  the  public  service  of  the  King  and  Country. 
in  the  intended  Eastern  expedition."     Most  oi 
the  recruits  put  up  notes  on  the  occasion,  re- 
questing prayers  of  the   congregation.     So-re 
of  them  r.  quested  that  "God   would   preserve 
them,  especially  from  sin,  and  some  of  them  ad 
ded,  the  "worst  of  evils."  .Mr.  Clark  was  fond 
of  controversy,  and  wrote  several  books  in  de- 
fence ot  original  sin,   and    in  favor  of  infant 
baptism.     After  his  death,  the  people   in  the 
North  Parish   in   Danvers,   invited  Mr.  Amos 
Sawyer  to  settle    with    them  in  the  ministfy, 
who  acC'-pted  the  invitation,   but  died  before 
the  time  appointed  for  his  Ordination.     An  in- 
Titation  was  then  extended  to  Mr.  Joseph  Cur- 
rier to  become  their  Pastor,  but  in  consequence 
of  some  difiBculties    arising   in  the  Parish,  h« 
gave  his  answer  in  the  negative.     On  the  30th 
of  August,  1772,  the  church  voted   to  give  the 
Rev.   Benjivniin    Wadsworth   a  call,  who  re- 
turned the  following  answer  : 

To  the  North  chut-ch  &  corigregation  in  Dan-- 
vers.     Dear'ybeloved  in  Ohrist : — 

Whereas,  the  great  Governor  of  the  Uni- 
verse has.  in  his  wise  Providence,  (some  time 
since.)  removed  your  former  Revereni*.  wor- 
thy and  "very  laborious  pastor,  into  the  land 
ofBilence  ;  and  your  desire  for  the  resettlement 
^the  Gospel  ministry  has  evidenced  itself  in 
yoar  invitation  of  me  (unwoithy  as  I  am,)  to 
that  important  work  ;  tho'  it  must  be  con- 
fessed the  voice  of  all  the  people  did  not  unite 
in  the  call,  yet  as  the  answer  has  been  deferred 
for -a  coHsidarable  time,  the  practical  language 


of  your  offering  no  objection  to  me,  I  can't 
but  suppose  speaks  your  general  concurrence. 
Afture  mature  deliberation,  and  many  anxious 
thoughts  upon  a  matter  of  so  great  conse- 
quence, both  to  yourselves  and  me,  having 
been  importunate  with  God  for  direction,  and 
sought  the  advice  of  men,  I  have  concluded  to 
accept  of  your  invitation  upon  the  terms  pro- 
posed, humbly  confiding  in  ihe  great  head  of 
the  church  for  assistance  faithfully  to  discharge 
the  duty  incumbent  upon  a  minister  of  the 
Gospel,  and  in  your  goodness  for  a  comforta- 
ble subsistence,  if  what  you  have  already  pro- 
posed for  that  end  should  p.ove  insufficient' 
And  a^  your  earnest  prayers  for  me,  that  a 
divine  blessing  may  attend  all  my  ministerial 
labors,  and  that  I  may  obtain  grace  to  be 
faithful,  and  mercy  to  be  successful,  heartily 
wishing  that  grace,  mercy  and  peace  may  be 
the  stability  of  our  times.  Thus  I  subscribe 
myself  your  affectionate  friend  &  servant  in 
the  Lord.  Benjamin  Wadsworth. 

Milton,  Nov.  5th,  1772. 
Mr.    Wadswor  h  was    ordained    Dec.    23, 
1772,  and  the  following  persons  were  present  : 
Dr.  Appl'^ton  from  Cambridge,  Mr.   Robbing 
from  Milton,  Mr.    Morrell  from   Wilmington, 
Mr.  Dunbar  from  Stoughton,  Mr.    Williams 
from   Weymouth,  Mr.    Diman    from    Salem, 
Mc.  Holt  from  South  Danver.-*.  Mr.  Smith  .''rom 
Middleton,   Mr.    Stone    from     Reading,   Mr. 
Swain  from  Wenham,  and  Mr.  Sherman  from 
Woburn.     The  records  of  the  chorch  inform 
us  "that  Mr.  Holt  opened  the   solemnities  by 
prayer  ;  Mr.  Robbins  preached   from  Eph.  2d 
17th.      Mt.   Morrill     prayed    and    gave   the 
charge,  and  Mr.  Smith  gave  the  right  hand  of 
fellowship.     AH  the  services    was  carried    on 
with  order  and  decency.  May  heaven  smile  up- 
on the  services  of  the  day."     I  have   been  in- 
formed by  aged  people,  who  were  present  at 
the  ordination,  that  the  dHy  was  so  mild  and 
pleasant,   tlie  windows  of  the  church    were 
raised.     It    was  a  scene    of    great  festivity 
throughout  the  parish  ;  all  the  houses  were 
open,  and  these  failing   to  accomtoodate  th« 
concourse  of  people^  tents  Trere  erected  in  tiit 


64 


fields  opposite  the  meeting  house  for  tht-ir  use. 
Mr.  Wadsworth,  at  the  time  of  his  ordination, 
was  22  years  of  age.  The  nnmber  of  male 
members  belonging  to  the  church  at  the  com- 
mencement of  his  niinis:,ry,  was  45  ;  females, 
91.  Nov.  3d,  1775  —The  church  voted  to 
sing  out  of  Dr.  Watts's  hymns  on  trial  for  8 
weeks.  On  Monday,  Sept.  23d,  1805,  the  so- 
ciety met  with  a  severe  loss,  their  meeting- 
house being  destroyed  by  fire.  It  was  discov- 
ered about  4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  &  was 
supposed  to  be  the  work  of  an  incendiary. — 
The  following  Sabbath  the  society  worshipped 
in  the  school  house  in  District  No  5,  where  a 
sermon  was  preached  by  Mr.  Wadsworth, 
from  Isaiah,  64th  chap.  11th  verse.  Dec. 
26th  was  observed  by  the  society  as  a  day  of 
humiliation,  lasting  and  prayer,  on  account 
of  the  loss  of  their  meeting  house.  The  church 
met  to  consult  on  measures  for  supplying  the 
sacramental  table  with  suitable  furniture. — 
The  set  of  table  service  in  the  house  at  the 
time  of  the  firs,  consisted  of  two  flagons  &  two 
tankards  of  pewter,  and  eight  silver  cups,  val 
ued  about  30  dollars  each.  They  were  pre- 
sented to  the  church  by  different  individuals, 
and  as  the  silver  was  not  found  after  the  fire, 
it  was  supposed  they  were  taken  by  a  sacri- 
legious hand. 

The  .Pari.<h  held  a  meeting  Oct.  4th,  for  the 
purpose  of  seeing  what  action  they  would  take 
in  regard  to  building  a  new  meeting  house.—- 
They  voted  unanimously  to  rebuild,  and  on 
the  2d  of  November  contracted  with  Col.  Eb- 
enezer  G..odale  to  build  a  brick  house  for  the 
sum  of  $10,000,  to  be  completed  by  the  1st  of 
Sept.,  1806.  On  the  21st  day  of  May,  180G, 
the  buildi'ig  was  commenced.  On  Thursday, 
the  20th  of  November  following,  on  a  fine,  pleas- 
ant day,  the  new  brick  meeting  house  was 
dedicated.  Public  worship  was  first  held  in 
the  house  Nov.  23.  1806,  and  on  Monday,  the 
8th  of  D*icember  following,  the  pews  were 
sold.  Mr.  Wadsworth  was  honored  with  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity  from  Harvard 
College  in  1816.  July  18th,  1819,  the 
scriptures  were  first  read  in  puijlic. 


The  last  record  in  the  church  book  made  by 
Dr.  Wadsworth,  was  July  18th,  1824.  His 
sickness  and  death  are  thus  recorded  by  Eleazer 
Putnam,  Esq  : — 

"Rev.  Dr.  Wad  worth  deceased  the  18th  of 
January.  A.  D  ,  1826,  after  a  severe  illness  of 
ten  months.  He  retained  his  reason  to  the 
last  moments  of  his  life.  He  has  enjoyed  a 
long  and  peaceful  ministry  among  us  His 
funeral  was  attended  the  23d  inst.,  by  a  large 
concourse  of  people,  and  the  services  were  sol- 
emn and  appropriate.  Kev.  Mr.  Green  ad- 
dressed the  throne  of  Grace,  Rev.  Mr.  Dana 
preached  the  sermon,  and  the  Rev  Dr.  Woods 
made  the  last  prayer.  "Bles>ed  .are  the  dead 
who  die  in  the  Lord."  He  lias  buried  in  the 
Wadsworth  burial  ground  in  Danvcrs,  and  the 
following  inscription  may  be  seen  over  his  re- 
mains :  Consecrated  to  the  memory  of  Btnja- 
min  Wadsworth,  D.  D.,  a  tender,  iaitlilul 
husband  and  ftxther,  a  valuable  Iriend  and  ju- 
dicious counsellor,  an  exemplary  christian, 
and  distinguished  public  servant  of  the  Prince 
of  Peace,  who  entered  into  his  rest  Jan  18th, 
A.  D  ,  1826,  in  the  76th  year  of  his  age,  and 
54th  of  his  ministry  in  this  place. 

"  Tis  great  to  pause  and  think  on  what  a 
brighter  world  than  thia  his  spirit  shines.  " 

Near  his  grftve  lies  buried  his  colored  ser- 
vant, who  lived  many  years  in  his  family. — 
Dr.  Wadsworth  erected  over  her  remains  a 
stone,  on  which  is  to  be  seen  the  following  in- 
scription :  In  memory  of  Phebe  Lewis,  who 
died  Jan.  10th,  1823,  aged  49  years.  She 
shone  a  hiight  example  of  integrity  and  fidel- 
ity, and  proved  an  ornament  to  the  christian 
profession. 

Benj.  Wadsworth  was  born  in  Milton,  Mass, 
July  18,  1750,  and  graduated  at  Harvard  Col- 
lege in  1769.  The  year  succeeding  his  gradu- 
ation, he  was  engaged  in  teaching  a  school ; 
after  which  he  resided  at  Cambridge,  and  pur- 
sued the  study  of  Theology,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Professor  Wigglesworth,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1772,  was  licensed  to  preach.  On 
the  23d  of  December   following,    he  accepted 


65 


the   pastoral   charge  of  the   First    Church  in 
Dan  vers.     Enjojing   vigorous   health,  he  con- 
tinued to  labor  without  interruption,  until  the  I 
last  year  of  his  life.     He  was   never    detained  • 
from  his  pulpit,  during  his  ministry  more  than  j 
four  or  five  sabbaths.     The   whole  number  of 
persons  admitted  into  the  church  during  Dr. 
Wadsworth  s  pastorate  of  54  years,  were  260. 
He  baptized  810  children,  and  86   adults.     At 
the  period  of  hii  death,  there  was    not  a  male 
member  of  his  church  living,  that  belonged  to 
it  when   he  was    ordained,  and  only  two  fe- 
males.    The  following  is  a  list  of  his  publica- 
tions : — 

A  Sermon  at  the  ordinatnn  of  Rev.  Josiah 
Badcock,at  Andover,  N.  II  ,  Ajril  30th,  1782. 
A  Thanksgiving  Serm>n  in  1795.  A  Thanks- 
giving Sermon  in  1796.  Eulogy  on  Washing- 
ton in  1800.  A  Sermon  at  the  dedication  of 
the  Brick  Meeting  House,  Nov.  20th,  1806.— 
A  Sermon  before  the  Bible  Society,  of  Salem, 
and  its  vicinity,  in  1815.  An  Address  before 
the  Moriil  Society,  in  Danvers,  for  the  sup- 
pression of  Intemperance,  in  1815.  A  Ser- 
mon at  the  installation  of  Rev.  Moses  Dow,  in 

1815.  A  Sermon  at  the  Brick  Meeting  Hnuse, 
Nov.  7th.  1816.  before  the  Female  Cent  Socie- 
ty, in  Danvers  and  Middleton,  A  Sermon  at 
the  interment  of  the    Hon.  i^amuel  Holten,  in 

1816.  A  Discourse  on  the  death  of  Dr.  M.-i- 
nasseh  Cutler,  July  28,  1823.  A  Sermon 
preached  upon  the  death  of  Benjamin  Heze- 
kiah  Flint,  and  Bethiah  Sheldon,  Nov.  19th, 
1820. 

Dr.  Wadsworth  was  not.  like  his  predecess- 
or, the  Rev.  Peter  Clark,  lond  of  controversial 
writing,  but  on  the  contrary  sought  and  ob- 
tained a  peaceful  ministry,  undisturbed  by  the 
changes  taking  place  around  him.  Mr.  Clark, 
as  a  controversialist  always  had  his  lance  in  its 
rest,  and  was  ever  ready  to  shiver  it  with  any 
one,  who  ch'jse  to  encounter  him.  The  sala- 
ry of  Doct.  Wadsworth  was  small,  never  ex- 
ceeding $400  per  annum,  and  would  have  giv- 
en him  a  meagre  support,  had  it  not  been  for 
his  frugal  habits,  and  the  income  fiom  prop- 

17 


erfy  acquired  by  marriage.  He  appears  to 
have  fully  understood  that  his  salary  was  not 
what  it  should  have  been,  as  in  signing  his  re- 
ceipts for  money  received  from  the  parish 
treasurer,  he  sometimes  added,  "a  very  inade- 
quate support."  As  several  of  his  parinhoners 
were  sea-faring  men,  he  was  in  the  habit  of 
making  adventures  at  sea,  and  not  being 
charged  for  freight  or  commissiim  it  was  a 
small  source  of  income  to  him.  Our  recollec- 
tion of  him  is  that  of  a  gentleman  of  the  old 
school,  dressed  in  black  velvet  small  clothes, 
with  silk  stockings,  and  \  hite  topped  boots. — 
He  wore  bands  in  the  pulpit,  and  black  silk 
gloves,  with  the  ends  of  the  thumb  and  fore 
finger  cut  ofif,  the  better  to  enable  him  to  turn 
over  the  leaves  of  his  sermon.  He  was  in  the 
habit  of  bowing  to  the  old  men,  aud  his  most 
distinguished  parishoners,  as  he  passed  up  the 
broad  aisle,  first  on  the  one  side  and  then  on 
the  other.  Although  in  the  pulpit,  the  tone 
of  his  voice  was  low  and  monotonous,  and  he 
was  clos-ely  confined  to  his  notes,  yet  he  pos- 
sessed by  nature,  superior  powers  cf  mind. — 
His  written  productions  always  evinced  a 
sound  and  dit>criminating  judgment,  a  vivid 
imagination,  and  a  correct  and  refined  taste. 
He  rever  presented  religion  in  a  harsh  or  un- 
pleasant manner;  but  by  letting  its  native  at- 
tractions, sliine  through  the  medium  of  a  rich 
and  elevated  style,  he  sought  to  inspire  every 
heart  with  love  to  its  author.  He  had  a  deep 
solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  rising  genera- 
tion, and  would  often  call  together  the  chil- 
dren and  youth  in  his  parish,  and  with  the 
most  afiectionate  tenderness  intreat  them  to  re-^ 
member  their  Creator,  in  the  morning  of  life. 
His  private  character  was  distinguished  by  a 
combination  of  various  excelleuves.  Hie  equa- 
nimity of  temper  was  remarkable.  Temper- 
ance and  prudence  combined,  with  the  most 
refined  afiability  and  benevolence,  rendered 
him  an  example  of  personal  and  social  excel- 
lence. The  calm  serenity  of  mind,  which  he 
manifested,  under  every  dispensation  of  Provi- 
dence, was  not  the  result  of  iijsensibilit^  ;  fop 


66 


lie  hdd  a  heatt  feelingly  alive  to  all  the  tender 
sympathies  of  our  nature. 

Dr  Milton  P  Braman,  the  successor  of  Dr. 
Wadsworth,  in  the  ministry  of  the  first  parish 
in  Danvers,  was  ordained  April  12,  1626. 

The  ^mstoratt'S  of  the  three  last  ministers 
of  this  ancient  church,  embraces  a  period  of 
138  yearn,  and  is  probably  wichout  a  parallel 
in  New  £ngland. 


OLD  SCRAPS. 


SEItBRAL  COURT  IN  SALEM  IN  1774. 


Messrs.  Editors. — I  send  you  a  copy  of  a  document 
in  my  possession,  which  may  be  read  with  some  in- 
terest. This  paper  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Col 
Timo.  Pickering.  B. 

"Expenoes  of  fitting  the  Town  House  in  Salem,  to 
accommodate  the  House  of  Representatives,  June, 
1774:  — 

£  8  d 
Benja.  Pickman,  Esq.,  for  boards,  -  2  14  9 
Josiah  tii>uld,  for  Carpenter's  work,  -  1  6  4 
Benj.  Ward  3d.  ditto         <t  Joists,       19     1 

James  Andrew,  Carpenter's  Work,       -  16     4 

Tbos.  lirown,  ditto        -        -        -18     0 

"Willm.  Pickman's  acct.  for  Nails       -         -    1       0     3 
James  Gould,  lor  Carpenter's  Work,      -       1     13  10 

10     16    7 


To  the  honorable  House   of  Representatives  of  the 

proviuce  of  Massachusetts  Bay: 

May  it  please  your  Honours. — We  received  a  letter 
from  the  Secretary,  acquainting  Us  that  his  Excel- 
lency the  Governor  had  directed  him  to  desire  us  to 
make  provision  for  the  accommodation  of  the  two 
Houses;  in  consequence  of  which  we  ordered  seats 
to  be  made  iu  the  Town  House,  where  your  Honours 
now  sit;  and  the  foregoing  account  shows  the  ex- 
pences  incurred  thereby.  Many  other  expences  for 
cleansing  and  repairing,  we  have  omitted;  and  noth- 
ing is  included  in  the  foregoing  account  but  the 
charges  necessarily  occasioned  in  erecting  those  Seats. 

We  pray  yonr  Honours'  allowance  of  that  account, 
and  an  order  on  the  Treasurer  for  tbe  amount  there- 


Titho.  Pickering,  JUn.,  1 
IVm.  Pickman,  1 

Willm.  Northey,  \ 

Rich'd  Ward.  J 


Selectmen 

of 

Salem. 


SAli'L  BROWME — MBRCHANT  IN  SALt:U  — HIS  1M.STKDC- 
TIONS  TO  CAPT.  JOHN  TOUZELL— VOYAGE  TO  THE 
WEST  INDIES. 

Salbm,  New  England,  Decem'r  19,  1727. 

Mr.  John.  Touzell  — "You  are  hereby  appointed 
Master  of  my  Sloop  Endeavour,  and  being  Leaden  A 
supplyed  with  what  is  needful  for  your  voyage,  you 
are  therefore  to  take  ye  first  good  opportunity  of 
wind  <fc  weather,  &  come  to  Sail  with  sail  vessell,  di- 
recting your  course  and  making  the  best  of  your 
way  for  the  West  Indies;  and  you  may  Touch  at 
Barbados,  St.  Christopher's,  or  Antegoa  or  Jamaica, 
ai.d  if  any  good  marketts  att  any  of  those  Places, 
then  you  may  dispose  of  my  Cargoe  I  consign  you 
by  Bill  of  Loading  &  Invoice  herewith  given  you,  to 
my  best  advantage,  &  Purchase  a  Loading  of  good 
MoUasses,  Som<?  Rum,  good  Cotton  wool,  good  Cocoa 
Nutts  &  good  Indigo,  and  any  other  thing  you  may 
bring  here  with  Safety,  that  will  turn  to  advantage, 
or,  if  the  markets  are  Low  at  ye  English  I.-tlands, 
then  you  may  goe  &  Trade  at  Gruardelupe,  Cape  Fran- 
cois, or  any  of  the  french  Islands,  where  you  Can 
gett  Permition  to  Trade,  &  with  Safety,  and  bring 
my  Effdctd  as  afforesaid.  If  you  should  Trade  at 
Martinico,  Gett  of  Mr.  Barbolton  the_  Eifucts  of  my 
Sloop's  Cargo  Left  iu  his  hands,  of  tlie  Last  Voyage 
in  good  Mollasses.  Imploy  your  Conpers  Diligently 
in  making  Cas-k  for  your  Mullasses  which  you  pur- 
chase for  me,  make  what  Dispatch  you  Can  back  to 
New  England  to  me.  Leave  no  debts  on  my  account. 
If  possible  to  avoid  itt,  Butt  Bring  the  whole  Pro- 
ceeds of  my  Cargoe  in  ?iuch  goods  as  I  have  men- 
tioned, be  Careful  to  pay  your  Port  Charges,  and 
not  to  bring  anything  Home  to  endang  r  a  Seizure 
of  my  Vessell.  Take  Care  that  yourself,  Mate  & 
Seamen  Pay  their  Proportion  of  the  charge  of  Per 
mition  To  Trade  at  the  French  Islands,  if  you  Should 
go  &  Trade  there;  lor  it  is  Butt  Reasonable  that  they 
Should  Pay  their  Part  who  Reap  Equall  advantage 
with  me  according  to  their  Ptir'^s,  and  Suffer  nothing 
to  be  brought  in  the  Vessell  more  than  their  Privi* 
leidge,  without  Paying  freight.  Consult  my  Inter- 
est, &  make  Dispatch  in  ray  Buissiness,  &  use  the 
greatest  Prudence,  Diligence  &  good  Husbandry  you 
Can  in  all  my  affairs,  and  Endeavour  to  make  me  a 
^ood  Voyage,  advise  me  of  your  Proceedings  pr  Eve 
ry  opportunity.  So  wishing  you  a  Prosperous  voy- 
age, Comitt  you  to  the  Protection  of  Almighty  God, 
I  am  Yr  Freind  &  Imployer, 

Sam'll  Browne. 

Bring  Some  Oranges  &  Limes. 

NOTICE  TO  PROPRIETORS  OF  BEVERLY  BRIDGE  IN  1788. 

«Xo .You,  being  one  of  the  Proprietors  of 


67 


£s$ex  Bri'lge,  and  owning  four  shares,  are  hereby 
notified  that  a  meeting  of  the  Directors  of  said 
Bridgp,  held  at  Leech's  tavern  in  Ueverly,  on  Satur* 
daj  the  seventh  day  of  June  instant,  they  asset^sed 
on  each  share  the  sum  of  tircnty  dollars:  and  that 
the  sQui  due  from  you  is  eighty  dollars;  which  sum 
must  be  paid  in  fifteen  days  after  this  no'ice,  other- 
wise your  said  shares  will  be  sold  at  publick  vendue, 
agreeably  to  the  rules  and  regulutions  of  the  said 
Proprieto"^.  Dated  at  Beverly  this  ninth  day  of 
June,  1788.  Your  humble  Servant, 

\\m.  Presoott,  Propr.'s  Clerk. 

N.  B.  Payme'Dts  must  be  made  in  Gold  and  Silver 
pr  order  of  Directors." 

The  above  notice  is  filled  out  and  signed  by  Judge 
Prcscott,  Father  of  tbo  Historian. 

Richard  Weight,  Aged  about  55  years,  being  sworne, 

saith: 

That  he  being  preasent,  standing  with  Mr.  Rich- 
ard Margerum,  neare  to  the  Castle  Tavern,  he  beard 
the  said  Margerum  say  that  Mr.  Browne  kept  a  false 
booke  and  he  would  prove  it  soe. 

John  Bushnell,  Aged  about  40  years,  saith: 

That  be  was  standing  by  at   the    same   time   and 

heard  Mr.  Margerum  sp<jak   the   sarse   words   above 

mentioned  and  ffu'ther  these  Deponents  saitb  not. — 

These  words  were  spoken  in  the  open  Sireett. 

3worne  b»fure  me  tLe  20th  of  the  4th  month  1635. 

Jo*.  Endecott,  Qou'r. 

Salev,  March  the  13th,  1743. 

llien  Rec'd  of  Phillip  English,  Ten  pounds  In 
Bills  of  Crt.,  of  the  ould  Tennor,  In  part  of  his  Sub- 
crition  /or  the  North  River  Bridge. 

£10  Os  Od.  pr  Sam'll  West. 


SOME  RE.MARKS  ON  THE  COMMERCE  OF  SA- 
LEM FROM  1026  TO  1740— WITH  A  SKETCH 
OF  PHILIP  ENGLISH— A  MERCHANT  IN 
SALEM  FROM  ABOUT  1670  TO  ABOUT  1733-4. 


BT  GEORGE  X.    CBEYER. 


The  Trade  or  Commerce  of  Salem  most  prob- 
ably dates  back  to,  or  even  prior  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Place.  Adventurers  to  this  West- 
ern Coasit  after  lieh  and  furs,  may  have  traded 
with  the  Naumkeugs,  ere  Cunant  and  his  asso- 
ciates settled   here.      From   what  remains  of 


Go5no/(/'5  Observations  in  New  England,  the 
Indians  by  Cape  Cod  were  not  unacquainted 
with  trade,  and  this  is  in  1602— twentv -four 
years  before  Salem  is  vi^*ited  by  Conant !  It 
would  seem  as  if  *Conant  and  the  planters 
might  have  been  en^aj^ed  in  trade  with  the  na- 
tives or  others,  because  the  planting  of  tobas- 
co  by  these  old  settlers  gave  great  offence  to  the 
second  comers  (the  Puiitans  of  1628).  the  lat- 
ter maintaining  according  lo  the  orders  of  the 
Home  Company  that  its  culture  was  immoral, 
unless  for  medicinal  purposes.  Now,  the  cul- 
tivation must  have  been  greater^  of  course, than 
was  considered  necessary  fur  medicine,  and  the 
surplus  was  for  trade.  Such,  at  least,  is  a  fair 
inference. 

The  second  comers,  (the  Puritans  of  1628- 
30)  were  not  at  first  very  zealous  for  trade. — 
The  old  planters,  being  of  the  moderate  Epis- 
copalian stamp,  and  ot  the  Cape  Ana  settle- 
ment, were  most  probably  in  favor  of  it  ;  biit 
they  possessed  but  little  power,  being  soon 
swallowed  up  in  the  Puritan  emigration.  The 
f  Puritans  (second  comers)  though  regarded  by 


*To  judge  from  the  testimony  of  Bracktnbury ,  Dix- 
ty,  and  Woodhrry  (Salem  Records,  Registry  of 
Deeds,  vol.  5,  pages  105  to  7)  the  early  Planters 
were  on  the  best  terms  with  the  native  Indians  in 
Salem,  and  thus  had  the  opportunity  of  trading  with 
them;  and  the  Cape  Ann  Settlement  had  boats,  which 
were  doubtless  used  for  fishing,  and  very  probably 
trading,  along  the  coast.  As  that  settlement  was 
originally  intended  as  a  planting,  trading  and  fish- 
ing one,  it  is  most  likely  that  fish  and  furs  were 
both  sought  from  Sulem,  as  from  the  vicinity — the 
search  for  both  these  articles  being  then  common  to 
adventurers  to  this  Western  Coast. 

fThe  early  settlers  of  Salem  (1628-30)  seem  to 
come  hither  as  non-conformists,  or  at  least  with  that 
reputation.  They  soon  however  became  congrega- 
tional sepatatists,  as  were  the  Plymouth  Colonists  be- 
fore them.  The  term  Puritan  seems  in  that  day  to 
have  been  applied  more  particularly  to  tht  se  wLo 
sought  to  purify  the  national  church.  The  Ply- 
mouth Colonists  however  even  before  their  departure 
from  Europe  were  called  Browhists,  that  is  separa- 
tists from  the  national  church — and  though  denying 
that  particular  name,were  in  fact  Congregationalisti . 


68 


the  Home  Company  probably  as  in  eymjiathy 
with  the  first  settlers  of  Siilem  in  their  relig- 
ious views,  seem  either  to  have  sympathized 
practically  witn  the  Plymouth  settlers  ere  they 
(the  Puritans)  came  to  Salem,  or  else  changed 
their  views  very  shortly  after  arrival.  Some 
of  them  were  evidently  non-conformists  at  first. 
At  all  events  their  religious  views  assumed  in 
Massachusetts  a  direct  hostility  to  Episcopacy, 
and  modifit^d  all  their  civil  views.  Once  here, 
and  independence  both  of  the  Church  and  State 
of  England  comtnences.  Indeed,  the  Puritans 
cut  adrift  from  about  all  authority,  except  the 
Bible,  and  the  pauses  for  it  are  partly  to  be 
found  in  their  spiritual  proclivities,  and  partly 
in  the  condition  in  which  they  found  them- 
Belves  on  arrival.  The  Home  Company,  in- 
deed, had  given  them  instructions  how  to  act, 
and  expected  a  compliance  therewith,  but  some 
ot  these  instructions  perhaps  could  not  well  be 
heeded,  and  some  others  were  disregarded. — 
The  Home  Company  were  expecting  prompt 
commercial  returns  and  the  Colonists  wen' 
struggling  for  existence.  The  sudden  liberty, 
too,  which  hero  greeted  the  Puritan,  helped  to 
break  his  ties  to  the  Old  Country.  He  shonld 
here  realize,  he  thought,  his  enthusiastic  dream 
— religious  independence— and  he  allowed  noth- 
ing to  interfere  with  it.  Trade  was  considered 
as  of  trifling  consequence  in  the  comparison. — 
So  dominant  was  this  faith  and  view,  that  it 
led  the  Puritans  to  do  things  which  seriously 
embarrassed  their  al.ies  in  the  Home  Company, 
more  particularly  after  the  transfer  of  the  Pa- 
tent and  Government  here  in  1630.  It  is  much 
to  be  doubted  moreover,  whether  the  substan- 
tial Home   •helpers  of  our  Mass.  Colony    ever 

The  latter  had  been  watched  very  narrowly  by  the 
Ecclesiastical  tyranny  at  home,  which  suspected 
thera  from  the  first  of  separating  entirely  from  the 
Church  of  England.  This  they  had  done,  it  appears, 
even  before  they  left  England  for  Europe.  The 
Plymouth  Church  (congregational)  must  be  regard- 
ed thrrefore  as  the  Parent  Church  of  Massachusetts 
— the  seed  of  our   Congregational  system. 

♦Cradook,  the  first  home  Governor  of  the  Company, 
and  who  was.  a  very  just,  liberal  and  no  ble  man — with 


were  repaid  the  debts  incurred  in  their  efiForta  to 
colonize.  The  contrary  seems  to  have  been  the 
case,  while  the  expulsion  of  the  Browns — 
the  punishment  of  Ratclifi" — the  sectarian  law 
of  f  Freemanship,  and  the  reported  Judaistic 
tendency  of  some  of  the  colonial  legislation — 
all  these  reacted  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Home 
Company — paral  zed  them  in  fact — strength- 
ened the  enemies  of  the  Puritans  in  England — 
came  near  costing  them  their  charter  in  1638, 
and  finally,  recoiled  upou  themselves,  perhaps, 
under  the  arbitrary  James.      The  existence  of 


Etrong  attachments  to  the  church  and  State  of  England 
— which  the  Colonists  evidently  did  not  share  with 
him — left  a  claim  upon  the  Colony,  which  amounted 
in  1648  (so  Felt  says)  to  nearly  £700.  It  is  not 
probable  that  any  of  this  was  ever  repaid. 

f  There  can  be  but  little  doubt,  that  the  Puritans 
acted  from  policy  in  their  early  measures  for  the 
exclusion  of  all  but  Congregationalists  from  power 
and  influence  in  the  Colony,  the  fear  that  the  Episoo- 
pal  tyranny  at  home  would  get  a  foot-hold  among 
them  to  their  destruction,  if  not  utterly  banished  in 
anjr  and  every  suspected  shape.  The  miserable  in- 
trigues of  Oldham  and  his  confederates  (Conformists) 
at  Plymouth — which  were  evidently  intended  for  the 
destruction  of  that  Colony — very  probably  operated 
against  the  Browns  in  Salem — who,  however,  seem 
to  have  been  honorable  upright  men,  and  who,  aa 
non-couformists,  (as  they  most  probably  WPre)  could 
not  have  been  in  good  odor  in  England.  The  diflS- 
culty  seems  to  have  been,  that  the  moderate  Episco- 
palians in  the  Colony — those  who  were  persecuted  at 
home  for  non  conformity — had  to  sufifer  here  for  the 
sins  of  the  High  Churchmen  of  Old  England  or  Jfew. 
The  fear  of  tlie  Puritans  was  natural  perhaps,  but, 
we  cannot  but  think,  exaggerated.  The  enemies 
they  stirred  up  in  the  Old  Country  by  this  course, 
with  the  addition  of  the  opposition  of  those  tbns 
treated  by  them,  £ave  them  more  trouble  in  the  end, 
than  could  the  toleration  of  a  few  mere  non-confor- 
mists among  themselves.  Toleration  seems  to  have 
been  with  them  rather  a  theory  than  a  practice — aa 
is  indeed  generally  the  case  among  men.  Yet  the 
Puritans  behaved  with  very  comnendable  justice 
to  the  Indians  in  the  extinguishment  of  their  land 
titles.  In  the  one  case  they  were  politic — in  the 
other  just.  A  too  faithful  adberenee  to  the  Old 
Testament,  and  a  too  literal  interpretation  of  it, 
led  them  into  unreasonable  peculiarities  at  times. 


69 


our  Mastfuchusetta  colony  for  a  series  oi  years, 
seems  to  be  a  History  of  Escapes,  and  very  nar- 
row ones  too, at  times.  Tlie  Puritans  often  escap- 
ed even  the  consequences  of  their  own  want  of 
liberality,  or  wisdom,  by  some  fortunate  civil 
commotion  in  England,  or  some  combination  ot 
events  no  human  fo-esij^ht  could  have  perceiv- 
ed. They  were  defended,  too.  and  stoutly,  by 
their  allies  at  home,  when  their  acts  were  even 
detrimental  to  the  interests  ot  those  allies. — 
Watched,  suspected,  and  hated  for  their  love 
of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  independence,  they 
invariably  escaped  the  snares  laid  for  their 
destruction.  Helping  to  maintain  the  Repub- 
lic in  England  for  a  time,  they  founded  one  in 
New  England  for  all  time,  and  even  under  the 
Tery  shadow  of  Monarchy  the  while. 

It  is  not  within  the  range  of  our  subject  to 
attempt  to  portray  the  characters  of  the  Pil- 
grims— to  endeavor  to  do  them  justice.  But 
it  is  impossible  not  to  refer  to  their  character- 
istics, even  in  a  sketch  of  their  Commerce,  for 
•with  them,  as  with  all  men,  in  History,  Faith 
made  the  Man^-whether  as  a  Civilian  or  Up- 
holder of  Religion.  The  Puritan,  and  his 
polity  were  not  sustained,  moreover,  b^  their 
detects,  but  virtues  His  Commonwealth  was 
cot  really  founded  on  his  misconceptions  in 
regard  to  Divine  or  human  legislation,  but  on 
positive  and  lit»eral  ideas.  Tlie  Puritan  began 
by  almost  ignoring  the  advantages  of  Com- 
merce, but  when  he  saw  his  mistake,  he  be 
came  a  firm  and  wise  upholdei  of  it,  and  was 
abundantly  rewarded  for  his  efforts.  No  Col- 
ony after  its  first  start  ever  furpassed.  Jet  us 
Bay,  ever  equalled  it  for  energy,  industry,  pru- 
dence, and  economy.  This  the  English  Par- 
liament in  1643  practically  admit.  The  Pu- 
ritan and  his  Conmon wealth,  too,  were  saved 
by  what  was  good  in  them — and  there  was 
much.  If  he  sometimes  went  back  almost  to 
first  prejudices,  he  went  back  also  to  first  prin 
ciples  in  his  taith  and  polity.  The  glory  of 
his  fame  may  be  brighter,  and  its  shadow 
Bomewhat  deeper  than  is  usual  among  men, 
for  his  lot  was  a  more  peculiar  one.  As  the 
Pioneer  of  the  Great  Republic  of  religious  and 
18 


civil  Liberty — seeking  to  lay  the  foundations 
uf  its  power  upon  first  principles,  and  that  too 
amid  severe  spiritual  and  temporal  trials,  it  is 
no  wonder,  that  he  should  have  sympathised 
with  the  Jews  when  journeying  to  their  prom- 
ised Land — -adopted  some  of  their  views,  and 
felt  fiimself  like  the  Israelite  -with  the  Egypt 
of  Tyranny  behind  him,  the  perils  of  the  way 
and  the  Heathen  around  him.  and  the  promised 
Kingdom  before  him.  Taking  the  Bible,  as 
his  literal  guide,  his  visions  and  his  j<)urney- 
ings  were  directed  by  its  Light  and  Shadow, 
and  that  Light  and  Shade  were  cast  roin  that 
Column,  shrouding  the  Great  Jehovah,  which 
swept  with  such  awful  yet  serene  majesty  over 
the  trembling  deep-daj-shadowed  or  crimsoned 
night-sands  of  Arabia  So  before  our  Fathers, 
visible  to  the  eye  of  Faith,  swept  that  awful 
column  of  cloud  and  flame,  but  over  the  desert 
of  the  sea  and  not  the  shore,  and  into  (he  New 
Canaan  filled  with  a  more  numerous  Heathen, 
but  of  a  still  more  abundant  promise — 
the  later  Palestine  of  greater  blessings 
both  for  the  body  and  the  soul.  More 
or  less  of  such  a  faith  and  belief  entered 
into  the  hearts  of  the  Puritans  who  sought 
these  shores — and  something  also  of  the  e:?- 
ciusive  spirit  of  the  Israelites  as  against  the 
outside  world.  The  parallel  was  carried  at 
times  too  far  with  the  Puritan,  since  he  cat 
off  even  those  who  agreed  with  him  m  essen- 
tials, if  not  in  forms.  Such  mistakes  gener- 
ally arose  however  not  from  the  mere  wanton^ 
ne«8  of  tyranny,  but  that  gravity  of  belief, 
which  considt-rs  a  different  faith  as  heresy,  and 
as  the  great  evil,  because  destructive  to  the 
Soul.  What  the  Puritan  did  right,  he  did 
well — earnestly,  perhaps  sterol v,  but  thorough- 
ly, and  that  both  in  Church  and  State.  What 
lie  did  amiss,  was  done  as  earnestly  and  decid- 
edly— a  proof  both  of  the  grave  sincerity  of  hid 
motives,  and  the  fallibility  of  all  human  judg- 
ment in  the  hour  of  conflict  between  human 
power,  whether  temporal  orepiritual.  and  the 
new  faiths  demands  and  wants  of  humanity. 
The  Puritan  failed  in  his  mistakes  and   preja- 


1o 


dices,  but  lived,  and  will  ever  live  in  his   vir- 
tues. 


The   Home   Company    m     England — under 
whose  auspices  Salem  was  permanently   settled 
— was  originally  intended   (sa>8    IJutcliinson,) 
for  trade  and  colonization,  like  the  East  India, 
and  other   great   companies.      It   is     certain, 
however,  that  the  Ittading  commercial    men  ol 
the  Company.    Cradock.    as  an    instanne,  had 
nobler  tiews    than    mere   pecuniary    ones,   al- 
though detiiring,  o(    course,    remuneration   for 
their  outlays.     The  transfer  of  the  Patent  and 
Government  here  in  1630    moreover   aided  the 
commercial  as  well  as  civil  freedom  of  the  Col- 
onists, since  it    was    a    practical    bar    to   any 
Company  monopoly  in  England.     That   trans 
fer  gave  also,  practically,    the  land  of  Massa- 
ohubettb  to   the     guvernmeni   of   the   Colony, 
which  soon  thereafter  held  it  mainlv  as  a  trust 
for  the  coiumon   benefit  of  the   people,    which 
was  not  the  original    intention  of  the  Compa- 
ny.    This  community  of   interests    was  partly 
based  on  old  baxun  laws,  and  partly,    perhaps, 
on  reasons   and    necessities   ari.-ing  from  their 
religious     belief — their     acknowledgement   of 
common  needs  and  a  common  destiny  in  things 
temporal,  as  spiritual.      It   gave   a   somewhat 
democratic  character,  at  all  events,  to  the  par- 
tition of  lands,   and    the   establishment  of  the 
common  rights  of  the  Colonists  in  the  ongrant 
ed  land — the   rights  to  wood,  grass,   pasture, 
passage, — of  sea  and     shore.     The    necessity 
which  compelled  the   early    authorities  of   the 
Colony  to  grant  land  in  fee,    without  reeeiva- 
tion  of  rent  or  othei  qualification,    so  that  the 
settlers  should  not  be  discouraged   by  not  hav- 
ing lands  of   their   own, — this   very   necessity 
both  gave  and  begat  a    freedom  which   was  fa 
tal  to  all  monopoly.     The  necessity,  moreover, 
which  compelled    the  early  authorities  to  dis- 
charge tlie  company  servants,  that  they  might 
not  perish  by  famine   while    under   their  con 
trol,  broke  down  the  partition  wall  of  an  old 
■world    Caste  never  to  be  rebuilt.     The  settlers 
under  the  charter  had   aJso   valuable  commer- 
cial privileges — being   free   from  all  duties  to 


and  from  English  ports  for  7  years,  and  there- 
after for  21  years,  except  after  the  7  years  5 
per  cent  on  merciiandize  entered  into  the  Eng- 
lisii  ports.      At     first,  these     privileges    were 

thought  but  little  (»f  by  the  Puritan  settleis. 

They  were  tliinking  more  of  their  independence 
of  Enj/land  in    matters    of   faith,  than  of    any 
emnuiercial    advantages    to    be   gained    in  the 
new     country.      Tiie     Company     in    London 
urged  trade  upon  them  with  a  divided  motive, 
partly  to  pay  the  expenses  of  colonization,  and 
partly  to   defeat    the   schemes   of   Gorges  and 
Mason  by  occupying    advanced    trading  posts, 
and   so  gaming  or  maintaining  title  by  adverse 
occupancy.     The  <  arly  Puritan    settlers,  how- 
ever,   besides   feeling  small  interest   in  trade, 
lound  themselves  on  arrival  in  a    position,  not 
alone  of  independence,   but    without  restraint, 
A  wide   ocean    rolled    between    them    and   all 
home  control.     There  was  no  spiritual  or  tem- 
poral power   over  them,    whose   arm   could  be 
immediately  felt.     A  new  and  boundless    Con- 
tinent lay   before  them,  with  all  its  wealth  and 
resources— the  very  aids    to  their    spiritual  in- 
dependence.    They  were    themselves   laboring 
under  a  nev^  vision    for  the    future;   were  new 

men — with  a    new    faith — in   a  new   world. 

Some  of   their   dreams    were  grand   and  true  ; 
some  were    mixed   with    old    world    prejudices 
and  tyrannies.     Suddenly  called   upon  to  real- 
ize their  wishes,  hopes,  ideas  and  prayers  amid 
new  and   strange   scenes,    privations,    darigers 
and  siifil-rings,    is  it   to  bo    wondered   at,  that 
they,  being  human,  should  make   errors?  that 
having  been  bitterly    persecuted,   they  in  turn 
should  sometimes  abuse  power?  that  having  a 
stem,  hard  lot,  they    should    at  times    be  cold 
and  literal  themselves,  or  that  thev   should  oc- 
casionally   mistake    bigotry   and  prejudice  for 
principle?      Sudden    freedom   and     power   in 
this  new  world  put  them  to  the  practical  test, 
and  by    this,    but   in    charity,    must   they   be 
judged. 


It  is  pretty  certain,  however,  that  the  commer- 
cial schemes  of  the  Company  at  homo  proved  a 
failure ;  that  they  realized  neither  power  nor 


71 


profit  under  their  charter — that  the  transfer 
of  tliat  charter  to  MasHachiisetts  ;  the  in- 
dependence of  the  Colonit-ts  here- at  times 
even  defiunt — the  large  emij^ration  into  Sa 
lem  ;  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  Col- 
ony :  and  the  civil  troubles  m  England, —  all 
served  in  a  fevy  jcarstoopen  tlie  way  for  liberty, 
both  civil  and  commercial, — a  liberty,  the  fruits 
of  which  we,  even   at  this  day,  are  reaping. 

Tlie  entire  separation  of  the  Colony  from 
England,  may  be  said  to  commence  at  the  set 
tlement  of  the  Puritans  here.  It  was  so  also 
at  Plymouth.  Tiio  religious  yoke  is  firft 
thrown  (iff — then  follows  the  civil.  There  is 
an  Often.-i  lie  deference  paid  at  times  to  the 
civil  authorities  in  England,  but  underneath 
all  there  is  a  boleinn  determined  and  earnest 
independence  of  the  mother  country — the  d'^ep 
undertone  of  the  faith  and  policy  of  the  Colo- 
ny. The  Colonists  were  not,  perhaps,  always 
aware  whither  this  was  tending,  and  some  ol 
their  measures  were  rather  in  reasonable  dis> 
regard  of  England,  and  for  economy,  than 
pointedly  intended  as  independent  measures; 
but,  as  it  had  been  with  the  hiith  of  the  Colo- 
nists, so  it  was  with  their  commerce  and  trade, 
and  they  soon  freed  themselves,  and  were  freed 
by  circumstances  also,  from  any  restraint  by 
the  home  Company,  and  resisted  (and  wisely 
and  justly  too,)  the  application  of  the  laws  of 
trade,  which  the  Rulers  of  England,  particu- 
larly after  Cromwell's  decease,  sought  to  fas- 
ten upon  them.  The  policy  of  the  General 
Court  and  tiiC  large  towns,  from  an  early  day, 
was  to  free  themselves  from  dependence  on 
England — to  develope  their  own  resources. — 
From  the  year  1645,  and  running  to  the  Amer- 
ican Revolution,  commences  a  series  of  meas- 
ures and  laws  fostering  home  ^manufactures 
of  hemp,   flax,    clothing,  &c. — some  of  these 


*Up  to  1680.  however,  Massachusetts  seems  to 
Lave  exported  few  or  no  manufactures,  the  clutb,  both 
woolen  and  Linen,  shoes,  tiats  <ic.  made  here  were 
ased  in  the  country.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  3d  Series,  vol 
8,  p335,  Governor  Bradstreet's  answer  to  the  Lords 
of  the  Council . 


measures  being  very  stringent  and  compulso- 
ry. As  early  as  1645-G.  a  Town  meeting  waa 
ordered  in  ^jalem  to  consider  a  stock  of  cotton 
wool— an  agent  at  Barhadoes — and  sowing  of 
hemp  and  flax.  The  "Agent  at  Barbadoes'' 
was  of  course  to  ciillect  cotton  for  the  public 
benefit,  and  in  furtherance  ot  the  home  manu- 
facturing policy  of  the  Colonists.  This  policy 
was  not  carried  through  without  opposition 
from  the  English  manufacturers,  who,  in  af- 
ter years,  opposed  it  bitterly,  but  fortunately 
witiiout  success. 

The  Hume  Company  begin  their  trade  with 
Salem  and  vicinity  in  1628.  They  send  over 
with  Endecutt  certain  goods  to  traffic  with  the 
natives  for  beaver,  otter,  and  other  furs,  and 
in  1629  he  is  ordered  to  send  home  to  tho 
Company  in  London  two  or  three  hundred  fir- 
kins of  Sturgeon  and  other  lisli.  timber,  f sassa- 
fras, fsarsaj<arilla,    fsumacb,    fsilk  grass,  and 


f  The  "Sassafras"  waa  the  root  of  the  Sassafras 
Tree,  [-^nrubl]  valued  in  16U2  at  3  shillings  a  pound, 
and  £336  the  ton.  To  it  was  ascribed  "Sovereign 
and  Manifold  Virtues.''  In  Archer's  account  of  Gos- 
nold's  Vo>aj;e  to  the  North  part  o.'  Virginia.  (New 
England)  Mass  Hist.  Coll.  3d  Series  8th  vol.  pp  77-8, 
there  is  recorded  a  cure  of  "a  great  Surfeit"  by  the 
"powder  of  Sassafras."  Sassafras  seems  to  have 
been  especially  souglit  alter  by  the  early  traders, 
most  probably  as  a  medicinal  drug.  It  was  called 
by  the  native  inhabitants  "Wynauk.''  It  was 
thought  to  be  good  against  contagious  diseases. 

fThe  silk  grass,  or  grass  silk  was  similar  to  that 
found  in  Persia,  and  out  of  which  a  lomewbat  coarse 
silk  stuff  called  gro;;raine  [^rnjrram]  cuuld  be  made. 
See  Tracts  appended  to  Urereton,  Mass.  Hist.  CoIL 
3d  Series  vol.  8,  page  117.  Through  the  kinJness  of 
Prof.  John  Lewis  Ru.«sell,  of  Salem,  we  have  been 
enabled  to  state  what  this  grass  i».  He  has  deter- 
mined it  to  be  the  Yucca  filnmentoxa  found  growing 
in  the  Southern  and  We.-^tern  States,  and  there  vul- 
garly called  Bear  and  Buffalo  grass.  Whether  it 
grew  wild  in  AVw  England  ai  that  time  is  somewLat 
questionable.  It  appeals  to  have  been  found  in 
Florida  and  Virginia  proper. 

■f-The  Sumach  was  well  known  ard  used  in  Eng- 
land in  several  of  the  arts,  as  affording  a  fine  dye 
for  black,  green,  or  yellow — also  for  tanning.  It  la 
perhaps  the  Virginia  Samaoh   which   is   meant,   and 


72 


Beaver.  Corn  seems  to  have  been  at  first  paid 
the  Indians  for  Beaver — afterwards  Watupuin. 
The  Colonists  this  year  demand  of  the  Home 
Company  in  turn,  men  skillful  in  making  salt 
and  pitch.  JStaves  are  ordered  this  year  as 
part  of  the  return  cargo  of  the  Company  ;  also 
Beaver  and  other  lurs,  Clapboards  and  other 
•wood.  The  Company  seem  now  to  Ijcontrol 
trade  in  Salem  almost  entirely,  but  this  seems 
to  have  lasted  but  a  very  short  time. 

In  1629  we  find  the  Home  Company  sending 
into  Salem  six  ship  builders,  of  whom  Rjbert 


which  grows  naturally  in  almost  every  part  oi  North 
America. 

fSarsaparilla  is  most  probably  the  same  root  as  the 
Virginia  and  Jamaica  Sarsaparrilla,  and  which  from 
its  superiority  finally  excluded  thp  oriental  species 
from  commerce.  This  is  most  probably  the  same 
Kout  "Tsinaw"  mentioned  in  the  tracts  appended  to 
Brereton  (Mass.  Hict.  Coll.  3d  series,  vol.  8,  page 
119)  as  being  one  of  the  native  products  of  Virj<in- 
la.  Both  Sassafras  and  Sarsaparilla  appear  to  have 
been  abundant  in  Now  England  at  the  first  settle- 
mentor,  or  are  reported  so. 

ria""  and  Hemp  were  also  native  products  of  Ma&- 
fachusetts,  but  the  high  price  of  labor  is  the  reason 
given  for  their  non  exportation  about  1080.  Enough 
only  was  raised  for  domestic  purposes. 

$It  is  very  probable  that  the  Colonists,  who  were 
engaged  then  or  afterwards  in  fishing,  gave  about 
five  months  of  the  year  to  that  calling,  and  the  re- 
mainder to  planting,  cutting  timber,  cleaving  pipe 
Staves,  making  chip-boards,  boat  building,  &o.  We 
infer  this  from  some  things  (.-nentioned  in  Levett's 
voyage  into  New  England  162.'i-4)  that  could  well 
be  done  by  Fishermen  in  these  parts,  and  the  Colo- 
nists were  certainly  a  very  industrious,  capable  set. 
See  Mass  Hist.  Coll.  3d  Series,  vol.  8,  p  187.  The 
Colonists,  it  appears  first  fished  in  our  harbors  and 
bays,  and  at  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  after 
wards  also  off  the  coast  of  Acudia  [Nova  Scotia]. 

||For  the  trade  of  the  Company  in  London  with 
Salem  see  Felt's  annals.  It  was  at  first  a  monopoly, 
or  something  very  nigh  it.  Our  object  is  to  sketch 
the  trade  of  tho  Colonists — their  own  trade — and  not 
the  Company's  trade,  which  was  both  a  forced  one, 
and  of  short  duration.  As  a  monopoly,  it  seems  to 
have  been  abandoned  both  in  London  and  Salem, 
and  even  then  seems  not  to  hivve  been  remunerative, 
to  judge  by  Hutchinson,  and  others. 


Moulton  is  chief,  and  two  coopers  and  cleav- 
ers of  timber,  the  last  to  prepire  staves  for  re- 
turn cargo,  and  that  they  order  three  ^shallops 
to  be  built  in  Salem,  doubtless  fur  fisiiing  pur- 
poses. It  is  m')st  probiibla  that  these  shallops 
il  ever  built,  were  built  upon  the  Neck,  near 
or  upon  Winter  I.nUnd,  which  was  used  for 
the  fisheries  and  ship-building  from  the  very 
commencement  of  the  town.  There  was  in 
1637  a  ^forest  side  to  the  Neck,  as  appears   in 

ITThe  Shallop  (ohaloupe)  is  the  long  boat,  the  lar- 
gest boat  usually  accompanying  a  ship,  furnished  with 
a  maet  and  sails.  Those  fitted  for  tenders  to  ships- 
of-war  were  sometimes  decked  and  armed.  Falcon- 
efn  Murine  Dictionary,  1789.  An  Encyclopedia  of 
1798  describes  the  Shallop  as  a  largo  boat  with  two 
small  masts  and  lug  sails.  It  seems  to  have  been  in 
vogue,  though  with  different  rigs,  with  the  French, 
Spanish,  Portuguese  and  Dutch.  The  word  Sloop  is 
an  abbreviati'-n  of  Shallop  or  Sballoop,  thongh  now 
having  an  entirely  different  signification. 

Judging  from  what  is  said  of  the  shallop  in  the 
New  Eii<;land  Voyages  in  the  Mass.  Hi.st.  Coll., — of 
what  Prince  and  Bradford  say,  and  the  comparison 
Hutchinson  makes  between  the  fi.4bing  shallops  of 
1749  and  the  fishing  schooners  then  employed,  the 
shallop  of  New  England  was  often  a  decked  boat  of 
from  ten  to  twenty  tons.  Like  our  New  England 
pinn&ce,  it  seems  to  have  been  larger  than  its  name- 
sake in  Engl.ind  or  Europe,  to  judge  by  Marine  Dic- 
tionaries. In  a  manuscript  journal  of  a  voyage  'In 
ye  good  Sloop  Surah'  from  the  Island  of  Jersey  to 
Capo  Ana  in  1724,  which  journal  is  in  our  possession, 
ive  notice  the  following,  confirmatory  ot  these  views 
in  regard  to  the  shallop  as  a  large  decked  boat 

'From  Thursday  to  Fryday  ye  10th  of  July,  1724. 
*  *  •  at  4  this  morning  sounded,  found  65  fath- 
om cors  (coarse)  gr  ^y  sand,  ijot  a  cnsk,  saw  two  shal- 
lops <fe  one  Skooner  of  Marblehead,  and  they  told  us 
that  Cape  Sable  Bore  of  them  N.  N.  W  Dist.  about 
15  Leagues.'  These  shallops  appear  to  have  been 
fishing  off  Cape  Sable,  and  were,  to  judge  by  what 
Hutchinson  says  of  them  in  1749,  about  half  the  size 
of  the  schooner  of  that  day. 

§[25th  of  the  7th  monetb,  1637.]  'George  Wright 
is  granted  half  an  acre  of  the  Neck  to  build  upon, 
and  five  acres  on  the  forest  side  to  plant  on,  and  to 
keep  a  Ferry  between  Butt  poynt  and  Darbye  Fort.' 
1st  vol.  Records  of  Salem,  page  25. 

Note.    The  above  would  seem  to  indicate  bj   one 


73 


the  Book  of  Grant«  in  Salem,  and  from  this 
very  forest,  the  first  craft  in  Silem  may  have 
been  framed.  Salem  became  noted  afterwards 
as  one  of  the  principal  places  for  building  ves- 
Eels  in  the  Colony. 

The  early,  the  long  continued,  the  staple 
trade  of  Salem,  vras   the    Jfisheries.      We  see 

manner  of  reading,  certainly,  that  there  was  a  build- 
ing side  and  a,/orest  side  to  the  Necij  in  1637.  It  may 
be  that  the  "forest  side"  means  Forest  (lliver)  Side, 
though  it  jeeois  otherwise.  As  the  Islands  in  our 
Harbor  were,  however,  ''replenished  with  thiche  wnnd 
and  high  trees"  (according  to  Mr  Higginson)  in  1629 
it  is  most  probable  that  the  Xeck  was  covered,  in 
part  at  least,  by  a  native  forest,  and  that  oat  of  this 
forest  there  were  trees  fit  for  ship-building. 

That  the  Neck  was  very  early  used  for  ship-build- 
ing, we  infer,  from  one  or  two  items  of  History.  In 
1636,  Richard  Hollingworth,  a  ship  builder,  gets  a 
grant  of  land  from  the  Town,  and  in  1690  the  land 
(on  the  I\'ech)  formerly  belonging  to  Richard  Holling- 
worth, was  ordered  to  be  laid  out  (Felt  1st  vol.  192 
page).  Moreover,  in  1637  (20th  4tli  mo.)  Richard 
Johnson  is  received  an  inhabitant  and  is  appointed 
half  an  acre  of  Land  (the  same  amount  as  George 
Wright  was  granted  on  the  Neck)  "for  an  house  lott 
nere  unto  Richnrd  Holtingworth's  wnrkes.  Salem  Rec 
ords,  1st  vol.  page  21.  As  it  is  a  matter  of  history 
that  this  Richard  Hollingworth  buil  a  ship  of  300 
tons  in  Salem  in  1641,  these  items,  with  the  tradi- 
tion on  the  subject,  which  agrees  with  them,  go  to 
prove  that  Richard  Hollingworth  had  a  ship-yard  on 
the  Neck  in  1637.  Robert  Moulton  probably  had 
one  there  even  before  him.  Ship-building  may  also 
have  been  commenced  thus  enrlv  in  the  Criek  (Snuth 
River).  George  Curwen  (according  to  tradition) 
built  a  ship  there  in  1640. 

^:Tho  English  bad  freely  used  the  coast  of  New 
England  for  tne  fisheries  before  the  settlement  at 
Salem,  and  the  royal  charter  reserved  this  right  to 
Englishmen  after  the  settlement — a  right  which  was 
freely  used,  it  seems.  Newfoundland  had  an  English 
settlement  at  the  time. 

The  early  fisheries  were  quite  profitable,  to  judge 
from  Levett's  account  of  the  trade  in  1623-4,  where 
in  he  says  he  has  "attained  to  the  understanding  of 
its  Eecreta."  According  to  him,  a  ship  of  200  tons, 
with  a  crewof  50  men,  the  ordinary  crew  for  such 
lized  vessels  in  the  fisheries,  would  be  ataa  outlay 
19 


indeed  some  of  her  sona  from  1630  to  1658  en- 
gaged in  the  Beaver  and  Peltry  trade,  once 
valuable,  but  this  was  almost  extinct  in  1688, 
and  at  that  time  the  fisheries,  whale  and  oth- 
er, were  as  productive  as  ever.  Ihe  harbor  and 
rivers  of  Sa'em  swarmed  with  fish,among  which 
cod  and  bass  were  very  plenty  So  plentiful 
were  they,  that  they  were  used  for  manure  up 
to  1639,  when  the  General  Cour;  fort>id  it- — 
Great  favor  was  early  shown  the  fishermen  in 
Mapsachusetts  by  law,  such  as  freedom  from 
taxation  on  their  stock  and  fish,  and  from  mil- 
itary duty  while  engaged  in  their  occupation. 
The  early  foreijin  trade,  that  is  im[>ort9  of  the 
colony,  seems  during  the  first  few  years  to  have 
been  in  the  hands  or  power  either  of  the  Home 
Company,  or  the  Government  0('  the  colony,  as 
repi-esenting  either  them  or  the  cohmists  ;  but 
it  is  doubtful  if  this  policy  ever  extended  over 
the  fisheries,  or  if  so,  it  must  have  been  for  a 
very  short  period.  The  fisheries  were  consid- 
ered CO  important,  that  as  early   as   1635,   the 


of  some  £800 — the  cost  for  9  months  victualling,  &o. 
One  third  of  the  catch,  "fish  and  train,'"  being  deduc- 
ted as  "fraught"  for  the  owners — another  as  a  share 
for  the  crew — and  the  balance  for  expenses, — the 
owners'  one  third  part  <>f  the  cargo  would  yield  £1340 
"for  disbursing  of  £800  9  months."  The  cargo  gold 
in  Spanish  ports  from  36  to  44  rials  per  quintal. 

Our  8alem  fi.-hing  craft  were  not  so  large  as  Lev- 
ett's "ship,"  but  were  shallops  of  from  10  to  20  tons, 
say— ketches  of  from  20  tj  40 — and  finally  schooners 
from  30  to  60  or  mora,  carrying  not  more  than  from 
4  to  8  or  10  men  say.  Small  boats  were  perhaps 
u.sed  at  first.  Still  the  trade  was  profitable,  Salem 
and  Massachusetts  being  built  up  by  it  in  the  early 
day.  The  fisheries  and  the  timber  trade  gave  Salem, 
doubtless,  two  thirds  or  more  of  her  early  wealth. 

In  the  middle  ages,  the  Alchemists  said,  ''cum  sol* 
et  sale  omnia  fiunt,"  Wilhembulkels  seems  to  have 
been  the  first,  who,  in  the  middle  ages,  suggested  the 
idea  of  making  use  of  salt  in  the  curing  of  fish.  Tho 
plan  succeeded  so  well  that  Charles  the  Filth,  being 
in  the  low  countries,  went  to  Bier-Vliet  to  see  thfl 
tomb  of  the  humble  fisherman,  wishing  thereby  to 
honor  the  memory  of  one  who  had  rendered  so  great 
a  service  to  his  country.  American  Journal  of  Phar* 
macy,  vol.  31  No.  3  p<*ge  259. 


74 


General  Court  appoint  a  committea  to  impress 
men,  who  ehall  unload  salt  when  it  arrives. — 
This  ia  evidently  in  a  good  part  owing  to  the 
value  of  the  salt  for  the  fisheries.  Tliey  were 
not  hampered  with  the  early  restrictions  iin 
posed  on  foreign  imports  so  far  as  we  can  find, 
and  soon  became  profitable.  After  the  colo- 
nists had  built  their  houses,  cleared  their  lands, 
established  their  common  rights,  raised  enough 
to  help  support  life,  either  in  ||grain  or  animals 
and  somewhat  settled  down,  their  attention 
■was  more  particularly  devoted  to  the  fisheries. 
It  seems  most  probable  that  a  certain  class  of 
men,  however,  devoted  themselves  fri  Salem  al- 
most exclusively  to  this  business,  and  from 
the  commencement  of  the  town.  Winter  Is 
land  was  their  head  quarters.  They  obtained 
the  use  of  certain  lots  on  the  Island,  and  cer- 
tain common  rights  adjacent,  and  this  island 
continued  to  boused  by  fishermen  until,  and 
after  a  division  of  the  common  lands  about 
1714.  It  was  there  expressly  reserved  by  the 
commoners  for  the  fisheries,  as  it  had  ever 
been  before.  This  reservation,  moreover,  was 
of  a  great  common  right,  viz — the  free  use  of 
this  Island  for  fishing  purposes;  since  the  /ec 
seems,  as  a  general  rule,  never  to  have  left 
the  town  like  other  grants.  Those  who  built 
houses,  fish-houses,  warehouses  and  wharves 
on  this  Island,  only  gained  an  usufructuary 
right  for  the  time  being.  Yet  this  Island  has 
seen  a  busy  fishing  population  gathered  upon 
it,  and  as  late  as  1731  there  were  conveniences 


According  to  the  same  authority,  the  Hebrews 
were  well  acquainted  with  the  antiseptic  properties 
of  salt,  and  enaployed  it  in  the  preservation  of  their 
meats.  The  Pagans  even  used  it  to  retard  the  putre, 
faction  of  the  flesh  of  their  victims. 

For  Levett's  calculations  of  the  profit  of  the  fishery, 
see  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  3d  seriee  vol.  8  fp.  186-7.  Ar- 
ticle— Levett's  Voyage  into  New  England. 

II  Massachusetts  could  not  well  have  exported  much 
grain  before  1640,  whatever  she  may  have  exported 
in  fish,  since  in  1637  there  were  onJy  37  ploughs  in 
the  whole  colony,  says  Graham,  the  most  of  them 
being  in  Lynn. 


upon  fho  Neck,  which  in  all  probability  means 
this  Island,  iot  forty  vessels  and  their  fares. 
All  this  is  now  a  tale  of  the  past.  Indeed, 
just  before  1700,  this  Inland  was  a  still  busier 
scene  in  all  probability,  as  Salem  sent  out  over 
sixty  fishing  Ketches,  of  from  twenty  to  forty 
tons,  which  evidently  discharged  their  cargoes 
in  Salem,  and  moht  likely  on  the  common 
ground  or  land  for  the  fishermen  In  1600, 
Baker's  and  Misery  Islands  were  both  set  apart 
by  the  General  Court  for  the  free  use  of  fisher- 
men, and  were  probably  intended  to  be  espec- 
ially used  by  the  Salem,  and  perhaps  Marble- 
head  fishermen.  From  the  year  1629  to  1740. 
or  thereabouts,  ^Winter  Island  seems  to  be  the 
liead  quarters  of  the  Salem  fishing  trade,  and 
that  trade  itself  seems  to  have  been  our  staple 
trade  down  to  a  much  later  period,  even  to 
the  American  Revolution,  and  the  great  change 
of  trade  consequent  upon  it. 

ITWinter  Island  seems  (according  to  Fell's  Annals,) 
to  have  been  used  for  the  Fisheries  up  to  about  1739. 
The  business  was  then  removed,  and  it  was  let  with 
the  Neck  for  pasturage  of  cattle.  In  1079,  so  many 
were  the  residents  there,  that  John  Clifford  was  li- 
censed to  keep  a  victualling  house  for  tbeir  conven- 
ience. In  1684,  several  merchants  had  leave  to 
build  wharves  on  its  flats.  In  1698-9,  the  Island 
had  a  regular  street,  called  Fish  street  ;  and  in 
1701  the  shoremen  had  permission  to  fence  it  in,  to 
keep  out  animatls,  with  a  gate  for  men  and  carts. 
When  the  Commoners  in  1714  granted  it  to  the  town, 
they  expected  it  would  always  be  used  for  the  fishing 
business,  as  it  had  been  before.  It  would  seem  as  if 
even  the  bmlding  hits  early  granted  to  the  fishermen 
on  this  Island,  were  only  usufructuary  rights,  sinca 
the  whole  fishing  villnge  there  has  totally  disap- 
peared. The  building  lots,  on  the  contrary,  granted 
in  the  body  of  the  town,  were  mainly  proprietary — 
gererally  with  certain  conditions  to  be  first  per- 
formed— atid  thenOe  in  f6e.  See  Vol.  1st,  Records  of 
Salem,  paL«stm.  It  mfty  be  as  well  here  to  state  that 
what  is  now  Collins'  Cove,  at  the  bottim  of  Essex 
Street,  was  anciently  called  "Shallop  Cove,"  accord- 
ing to  tradition — and  this  because  the  fishermen 
moored  their  shallops  there,  and  lived  on  the  shores. 
This  was  an  important  Cove  of  Salem,  at  and  prior 
to  1692.  It  had  a  street  of  fishermen's  huts,  which 
ran  on  a  line  with  the  Cove. 


15 

It  18  not  probable  that  the  Commerce  of  Sa-  I  She  perhaps  comes  up  from    Cape  Cod,   where 
lem  beji^an  to  have  an  independent  being  be'.ore  i  whales  were  first  captured  by  small  boats  from 


•16-J('-1.  Tiie  arrivals  before  that  time  are 
mostly  foreign  ships  into  Salem — that  is  ves- 
sels belonging  to  the  corporation  in  England, 
or  other  parties  abroad.  These  supplied  the 
colony  with  various  needed  articles,  which  seem 
to  have  been  under  the  control  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court  and  Governor,  who  levied  certain 
duties  upon  them.  The  Governor,  (Hutchinson 
says,)  was  the  naval  officer  of  the  colony.  The 
monies  so  raised  went  into  the  colonial  treasu- 
ry. As  to  the  laws  of  trade  in  England,  the 
colonists  seem  to  have  ignored  them  utterly  — 
Up  to  1670  no  custom  house  seems  to  have 
been  established  in  New  England  by  the  home 
authoriti.^8.  From  lt529  to  1G40  Salem  seems 
to  get  along  without  much  shipping  of  her  own, 
but  the  failure  of  the  emigration  about  the  lat- 
ter year,  threw  her  upon  her  commercial  ener- 
gies, and  the  Rev.  Hugh  Peters  stimulated  her 
with  a  far  sighted  sagacity  into  ship  building. 
To  be  sure,  between  these  years  we  see  occa- 
sional gleams  of  commercial  life  in  the  first 
few  beginnings  of  the  col'jnists.  A  small  ves- 
sel of  some  twelve  tons  (belonging  to  Salem) 
is  in  our  bay  in  1631,  wiih  two  hogsheads  of 
train  (whale?)  oil  as  an   item  of  her  cargo. — 


*Ilutchinson  sars  that  the  colooists  began  about 
1637  to  build  small  vessels  for  tbefishuries,  and 'rade 
vritb  tlie  a(<jaceiit  colonies.  Tbb  leading  men,  at  the 
first,  in  Ma-sacbusetts,  wer«  not  in  favor  of,  or  en- 
gaged in  commerce.  The  colony  was  probablj  forc- 
ed into  it  to  supply  its  wants.  Il  is  most  probable 
that  prior  to  11137,  Robert  Moulton,  ol  Salem,  and 
his  shipwrights  built  several  small  decked  vessels  on 
the  Neck,  tor  fisheries  and  trading.  The  three  shal- 
lops to  be  built  in  1C29,  were  very  probably  decked 
boats  of  several  tons  burthen. 

The  first  mention  of  commerce  in  the    Colony  Rec-  ' 
ords  is  iu  1()45,  when  friendly  foreign  ships  are   per-  ! 

mitted  to  trade  here  on  payment  of  certain   duties I 

almost  a  free  trade.     In    1652  a  committee  are  ap 

pointed  to  consult  ihe  best  way  of  trade.       {Notr. 

Commerce  had,  however,  evidently  got  to  be  a  power 
in  the  State  before  1645  or  1652, or  the  General  Court 
would  not  have  been  aroused  to  its  importance.) 

In  1655  we  see  that  the  General  Cuart  adopt  a  pro- 
te3tive  policy  lor  the  i-taple  commodities  of  ^hi^  coun- 
try, by  forbidding  tbe  importation  of  malt,  wheat, 
barley,  biscuit,  beef,  meal  and  flaur  (Which  are  des- 
cribed as  our  principal  commodities)  from  any  part 
of  Europe,  unless  it  be  to  provision  ships,  on  peoaltr 
of  Confiscation!     See  CoiyOj  Kecords. 


the  beach.  The  same  year  a  pinnace  goes  down 
from  Salem  to  Plymouth  for  corn,  Salem 
had  an  abundance  of  canoes  (pine dug  outs)  in 
1633.  and  there  were  more  here  than  in  the 
whole  Patent.  With  these  the  colonists  fer- 
ried our  rivers  and  went  out  even  leagues  to 
sea  for  fowling,  fishing,  &c.  Alter  these, 
dnubtlebs,  came  shallops,  fpinnaces,  and  final- 
ly larger  craft.  The  impetus  given  by  Rev, 
Hugh  Peters  in  1640-1  to  shipbuilding,  pro- 
duced an  abundant  supply  of  vessels  in  a  few 
years,  Richard  Hollingworth,  a  siiip  builder 
by  trade,  and  who  came  to  Salem  in  lt)35,  be- 
gan in  Feb'y,  1041,  to  build  a  ship  of  three 
hundred  tons,  which  was  finished  and  launch* 
ed  the  succeeding  June.  From  all  which  can 
now  be  gathered,  his  ship  yard  appears  to  have 
been  in  the  lower  part  of  8alem,  on  the  Neck. 
This  ship  may  be  the  ship  Mary  Ann,  of  Sa- 
lem, mentioned  as  of  1643.  What  number  of 
vessels  were  thus  built  in  Salem  about  this  pe- 


fFalconer,  in  his  marine   Dictionary — 1789 — des 
cribes  tlie  Pinnace  as  an  eight  oared   boat,    navigated 
with  oars  and  sails,  having  generally  two  masts,  and 
rigged  like  a  schooner.     This  description,    however, 
is  manifestly   inapplicable    to  the  early  Pinnaces  of 
New  England,  for  Prince,  in  his  New  England  Chro- 
nology,   speaks  of  tbe  arrival   into  Salem,    May  27, 
1631.  of  a  Pinnace  of   18  tons,  from   Virginia    laden 
with  corn  and    tobacco — a    very   happy   arrival,    the 
corn,  at    least, — lor   the   Colonists   then    here.     She 
was  bound  further  North,  but  foul  weather  compelled 
her  to  put   in  here      Prince   moreover  speaks  of   the 
way  in  which  the  Plymouih   Colonists  in    1626  made 
a  small  Pinnace,  viz:  by  sawing  in  halves  their  larg. 
er  Shallop,    adding  five  cr   six    feet  in    the  centre, — 
strengthening   her  timbers, — building  up  decks,  and 
giving   her  sails   and  anchors.      From    further  items 
in  Prince,  it  appears  that  the  Pinnaces  of  New  Eng- 
land were  large   ducked  boats,  for  not   only  can  they 
carry  100  bushels  of  corn,  12  Hogsheads  of  corn,  Ac, 
but  he  mentions   the  fact   that  Capt.    Dermer   went 
t'rom  Cape  Cod  to  Virginia,  discovering   by    the   way 
Long  Island  Sound,  "in  an  open  pinnace  of  five  tons." 
The  presumption  is,    then,  that  the  Pinnaces   of  the 
Colony  were  generally   large  decked   boats.     Prince 
mentions  one    Pinnace   sent   over    to  the    Plymouth 
Company  by  the  adventurers  in  England,  for  the  use 
of  the  Colony,  of  /o/^tyy"M'' tons   burthen.     Pinnaces 
and  Shallops  are  very  often   mei  tioned   in   tbe  early 
history  of  Ma.-<sachusetts— the   S^.allops    appearing, 
however,  to  be    tbe  smaller  boat,   and  often    open.— 
The  I^eich  was  built  bert  quit^s  early,  to  judge  by  an 
item  in  Prince-     As  Princu  gets  his  facts  mainly  from 
Bradford,  we  can  be  sure  they  are  correct. 


76 


riod  does  not  appear,  but  probably  quite  a 
number.  Tt  ia  most  likely  that  email  vesselo 
were  built  to  supply  the  colony  with  grain 
from  the  neighboring  colonies,  for  Massachu- 
setts seems  never  to  hare  produced  continuous 
abundant  export  crops  o(  grain.  At  times, 
corn  and  wheat  were  alarmingly  scarce  in  the 
colony.  Massachusetts  had  a  more  certain 
crop  in  her  fisheries,  and  the  mackerel,  cod, 
cusk,  &c.,  which  she  soon  cured  and  exported 
to  the  West  Indias  and  Spain,  brought  her 
back  an  abundance  of  money  and  foreign  pro- 
duce to  supply  her  own  needs  Besides  fish 
and  oiljshu  first  sent  back  to  the  Old  Country, 
timber,  tar,  pitch,  turpentine,  staves,  clap- 
boards, and  other  wood,  and  afterwards  to  the 
West  Indies  her  lumber,  corn,  beef,  pork, 
(masts,  clapboards  ?)  pipe  staves,  and  sundry 
other  commodities.  In  J 16-13  she  English  Par- 
liament release  New  England  trom  all  duties 
on  imports  and  exports  which  are  for  home 
consumption.  M.issachusetts,  and  Salem  as 
an  important  port  in  it,  geem  now  to  have 
fairly  entered  into  tie  West  India  and  colonial 
trade.  Salem  began  cautiously,  but  soon  used 
her  commercial  freedom  to  advantage,  Th-^ 
Porcugut?se  and  Spanish  West  Indies  were  not 
forgotten,  though  her  largest  trade  was,  it 
would  appear,  with  jjl^arbadoes   and   the  lee- 

±"rn  consideration  of  the  success  and  increase  of 
the  New  England  Colonies,  and  that  they  had  been 
no  charge  to  the  nation,  and  in  prospect  of  their  be 
ing  in  luture  very  serviceable  to  it,  the  English  Par- 
liament, March  10,  1643,  granted  them  an  exemp- 
tion from  all  customs,  subsidies  and  other  duties,  un 
til  further  order."  This  gave  to  the  Colonies  a  free- 
dom of  trade,  by  which  they  flourished  greatly. 

|]We  hear  much  of  Harbadoes  as  one  of  the  early 
and  earliest  Ports  at  which  our  Salem  vessels  traded. 
This  Island,  according  to  PiiikeitoQ,  was  settled  by 
the  Eii^li-h  a-  early  as  1624,  is  one  of  the  chief  of 
the  Carribeo  Group,  was  exceedingly  fertile,  and  be- 
came the  favorite  centre  of  a  great  emigration  dur- 
ing the  civil  commotions  in  England,  so  that  in  1650 
it  c'intaine.l  some  twenty  thousand  whit"  population. 
Being  left  to  its  own  efforts,  and  with  an  unlimited 
freedom  of  trade,  it  flourished  greatly.  Charles  the 
2d,  at  the  re.-itoration,  tor  its  loyalty,  bestowed  the 
dignity  of  Baronetage  on  thirteen  of  its  principal 
inhabitants.  Antigua,  called  Ontega,  another  of 
the  group,  raentiontrd  in  our  later  Salem  commerce, 
may  be  said  to  have  commenced  to  flourish  after 
1G74,  and  at  or  about  1700  coutaiued  some  five  thou- 


ward  Islands.  She  traded  with  the  Dutch  and 
English  Buccaneers  also,  who.  robbing  th  o 
Spaniards  of  their  bullion,  paid  it  over  to  Sa. 
em  and  New  England  merchants  for  supplies. 
About  this  time  the  larger  colonies  also  unito 
for  defence  and  protection,  and  a  common  spir- 
it of  good  will  and  of  enterprise  bind  them  to- 
gether commercially,  and  favors  adventurous 
trade.  Being,  too,  on  the  right  side  of  the  Re^ 
publican  party  in  Enailand.  they  are  favored 
in  that  quarter,  and  this  was  a  decided  advan- 
tage. We  find,  moreover,  that  our  Salem  peo- 
ple as  a  general  rule  discuss  matters  of  trade 
as  a  public  aflf lir,  for  in  1645  a  general  town 
meeting  is  ordered  to  consider  of  ''Publique 
tradings  and  other  things."  The  community 
soon  seem  to  have  been  awake  to  the  impor- 
tance of  trade  either  internal  or  extirnal,  for 
we  find  the  subject  of  manufacturoH,  clothing, 
trade,  raising  of  wool,  flix,  "Ifheti-p,  &c.,  not 
unfrequent  topics  of  public  discussion  in  town* 


sand  white  inhabitants.  Barbadoes  produced,  a3 
chief  products,  s'Jgar,  cotton,  ginger  and  aloes.  An- 
tigua, sugar,  Cotton  Wool  and  Tobacco.  This  latter 
Island  had  excellent  harbors,  which  may  have  ren- 
dered it  more  of  a  favorite  for  our  shipping  than 
some  others  of  the  Carribee  Group.  According  to 
Salmon,  (in  his  Geographical  Grammar,  17G0,)  Bar- 
badoes was  settled  mainly  by  Caviiliers  from  Eng- 
land. Tobacco  was  first  planted  tnere,  which  did 
not  succeed,  and  afterwards  Cotton  and  Indigo,  wnioh 
were  profitable.  Sugar  works  were  first  erected  by 
tlie  English  Cnvaliers  in  1047,  ami  the  trade  then 
became  profitable.  The  sugar  trade  of  N.  E.  with 
Barbadjes  commenced  say  between  1G47  and  '50. 
The  Cotton  Wool  trade  began  before.  That  Salem 
should  have  commenced  trading  with  Harbadoes  is 
very  natural,  since  S.  was  for  a  while  after  its  settle- 
ment the  resort  of  the  modt^rate  Episcopalians — those 
who  hail  not  entirely  abandoniMi  the  Church  and 
3tate  of  England,  .and  Harbadoes  was  not  very  dis- 
tant from  this  faith  and  belief. 

St  Christopher  seems  to  have  been  the  first  settled 
of  the  British  VVest  India  Islands,  though  Barbadoes 
has  the  credit  of  being.  .St.  Cliri.-*topher  seems  not, 
however,  to  be  mentioned  much  in  our  early  Salem 
Commerce,  that  is  before  1700.  Philip  English  was 
trading  there  in  1688-9,  to  judge  by  old  accounts. 
Edwards'  Hist.  West  Indies,  Vol.  1,  405,  commences 
the  history  of  this  Island,  which  see. 

ITHeinp  grew  wild  in  Massachusetts,  and  the  Indi- 
ans (says  Lewis,)  made  fishing  lines  of  it  of  great 
fineness.  The  early  Colonists  were  advised  by  those 
in  Authority  to  cultivate  it  for  manufacturing  pur- 
poses; and  the  Inventories  of  the  old  estates  some* 
times  show  that  this  advice  was  heeded. 
To  be  Cuntiuued. 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 


OF       THE 


ESSEX    INSTITUTE 


Vol.   I. 


July,     1859. 


ISTo.    3. 


SOME  REMARKS  ON  THE  COM.MERCE  OF  SA- 
LEM  FROM  1«26  TO  1740— WITH  A  SKEJTCH 
OF  PHILIP  ENGLISH— A  MERCHANT  IN 
SALEM  FROM   ABOUT  1670  TO  ABOUT  1733-4. 

Br  GEORGE   P.    CBEVER. 

[Continued  from  Page  76.] 
If  we  are  to  judge  of  the  success  of  our  Sa- 
lem fishermen  about  1647,  t>y  that  of  ourijklar- 
blehead  brethren  at  the  same  timo,  we  shall 
see  that  thiv  trade  was  vabmble  ;  fur  the  latter 
bad  taken  up  to  the  middle  of  January  that 
year,  about  £4000  worth  of  fish.  In  1648 
Salem  sutTered,  we  must  believe,  from  the 
scarcity  of  corn,  caused  by  its  excessive  impor- 
tation from  Mass.  to  the  Spanish  and  Portu-' 
guese  West  Indies  ;  and  it  is  not  at  all  unlike- 
ly that  these  repeated  scarcities  of  grain  final- 
ly compelled  our  people  to  ret.iin  their  own 
grain,  and  even  replenish  their  stores  by  seek 
ing  the  more  Southern  settlements,  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  where  wheat  and  corn  were  a 
staple  crop.  At  all  events  this  trade  sprang 
up,  and  most  probably  in  this  natural  way 
Virginia  and  Maryland,  perhaps  before,  but 
certainly  after  1680,  took  West  India  products. 
Rum,  Molasses  and  Sugar,  and  also  salt,  wood- 
en ware,  Kegs,  Cider,  Cans,  &c.  from  us,  and 
in  return  gave  us  Wheat,  Corn,  Pork,  Bacon, 
Peltry,  Tobacco,  Hides,  Old  Iron,  &c.  Boston 
seems  to  have  been,  throughout,  the  great  mag- 
azine of  English  and  European  goods  and 
manufactures,  and  supplied  the  Coloflies  main- 
ly with  these.  As  early  as  between  1650  an<l 
1660  a  line  of  Packets  ran  between  Boston  and 
20 


the  old  country.  Between  the  years  1629  and 
1650,  espeoially  between  '40  and  '50,  Salem 
commenced  her  commercial  career,  and  at  the 
close  found  herself  with  shipping  and  means  ; 
and  trading  not  alone  with  the  mother  coun- 
try, but  with  the  West  Indies,  Bermudas,  Vir- 
ginia and  Ontega  (Antigua  }  Siie  had  found 
supplies  of  salt,  probably  at  *Saltitudo8  and 
*Tortuga,  and  moot  probably  also  received 
them  from  Lisbon,  Cadiz,  St.  Ubes  and  Isle 
of  May.  So  important  had  become  the  com- 
merce of  Massachusetts,  and  Salem  shared  no 
mean  part  of  it,  that  a  Committee  are  appoint- 
ed in  1650  to  examine  a  book  entitled  "jLcop 
Mercatoria,"  and  report  to  tlie  next  Gen'l 
Court  what  they  find  therein  applicable  to 
''deciding  of  maratime  afftirs  in  this  jurisdic- 
con."     During  this  period,    however,  the  Bar- 


*SaUiiuda,  or  Saliitudos,  maj  be  what  is  now 
known  as  Salt  Island,  one  of  the  Virgin  Group, 
West  Indies,  S.  E  of  Tortola,  and  belonging  to  the 
English.  It  is  evidently  a  Spanish  word,  and  per- 
haps a  diminutive  of  the  name  Salt  hland.  It  is 
difiBcult  to  locate  this  spot,  even  if  an  English  pos- 
session, since  Salmon,  in  his  Geographical  Grammar 
of  1760,  is  entirely;  silent  about  it.  At  all  events, 
we  may  safely  conclude  that  Salt  was  the  staple  pro- 
duct of  this  place,  wherever  it  was  located  in  the  W. 
I.  group. 

Toriuga  is  probably  the  Tortuga  of  the  Carribee 
group,  close  to  the  Spanish  Main,  and  not  the  Tortu- 
ga near  St.  Domingo — an  early  French  possession. 
Edwards,  in  his  history  and  map  of  the  West  Indies, 
1793,  calls  the  Tortuga,   near    the  Spanish   main, 


"78 


bary  t<-'orsairs  troublecj  our  commerce  geriously. 
Id  ouDDectiua  with  the  iisheri'  a,  ship  build- 

"Salt  Tonogo,^'  which  makes  our  supposition  the 
more  probable. 

Various  attempts  were  made  by  a  few  of  the  early 
and  enterprising  Colonists  to  supply  our  Salem  fish- 
eries witb  Salt  manufactured  here,  and  they  obtained 
certain  protective  privilege?  from  the  General  Court 
in  aid  of  their  efforts,  but  the  Colonists  obtained 
their  main  supplies  abroad,  and  were  compelled  so  to 
do.  See  Felt's  Annals  in  regard  to  Salt  manufactur- 
ing in  Salem- 

•f-Piracy  and  freobooting  seem,  in  the  early  history 
of  the  Ci'lony,  to  have  been  considered  more  as  an 
annoyance  than  a  crime.  The  West  Indians  were  in" 
fested  with  Pirates — Freebooters — Dutch,  French  and 
English,  who  preyed  generally  upon  the  Spaniards* 
and  traded  freely  with  ihe  N    B.  Colonists. 

Buccaneering  or  freebooting  does  not  seem  to  have 
been,  or  regarded  as  pir  icv  in  the  beginning,  because 
then  based  on  regular  letters  of  marcjue  and  reprisal. 
Besides,  the  Buccaneers  were  also  smugglers  for  the 
Spaniards.  C-iarles  tlie  2d  knighted  Morgan,  one 
of  the  ct-lebrated  Buccaneers,  aod  (.says  Edwards' 
Hist.  West  Indies,  Vol.  1,  p.  161,)  is  charged  with 
being  priv.itely  concerned  in  their  fortunes,  even  af- 
ter having  issued  public  orders  for  their  suppression. 
The  system  begat  license,  however,  but  being  fash- 
ionable in  high  quarters,  no  wonder  that  piracy,  so 
much  resembling  it,  should  be  regarded  by  the  Colo- 
nists as  an  annoyance  ratber  than  a  crime. 

English  pirates  came  boldly  into  Massachusetts 
Bay  from  IfcSa  to  1705,  and  plundered  vessels,  and 
though  sometimes  naught,  generally  seem  to  have 
escaped  punishment.  In  1689,  pirates  took  the 
ketch  Mary,  Capt.  Chard,  three  leagues  from  Half 
"Way  Rock,  were  afterwards  captured  in  the  Vineyard 
Sound,  by  Capt.  Samuel  Peas  of  Boston,  brought  to 
Boston  and  condemned,  though  they  seem  (."ays 
Felt,)  to  have  been  reprieved — and  this  too  when 
they  had  mortally  wounded  their  captor.  This  same 
year,  the  ship  Pelican,  a  pirate,  brought  a  prize  into 
Salem  {1)  and  sold  her.  It  has  been  said  that  the 
pirates  about  New  England,  for  thirty  or  forty  years 
prior  to  1700,  were  connived  at.  Lord  Bellamont 
seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  arrested  and  pun- 
ished them.  Numbers  were  executed  in  Boston  just 
before  1700,  while  Bradish,  Kidd  and  others  were 
carried  to  England  and  executed.  In  1704,  Major 
Stephen  Sewall,  together  with  Captain  John  Turner 
and    forty-eight  volunteers    from    Salem,    capture 


inj;  of  CDurse  fl  juriehed,  anl  groat    pains  wero 
taken  by  the   J-Jarly    author! tiea  of  rtiilem  to 


Capt'n  John  Quelch  and  his  piratical  crew,  who  had 
gone  boldly  into  Gloucester,  and  Quelch  and  five  of 
his  men  were  hung.  So  says  Felt.  It  would  seem  as 
if  the  freebooting  spirit  had  rather  been  encouraged 
at  first,  as  against  the  Spaniards;  but  the  general 
license  it  begat,  convinced  the  Colonists  finally  that 
it  was  totally  wrong  and  criminal,  and  they  resolved 
to  break  it  up. 

The  history  of  Piracy  and  Freebooting  has  been 
written,  and  for  a  reference  thereto,  see  Edwards' 
Hist.  W,  Indies,  and  Ree's  Encyclopedia,  Article, 
Buccaneer.  After  the  p<  ace  of  Ryswick,  in  1G97, 
Buccaneering  in  all  quarteis  seems  to  have  declined. 
Before  that  time,  Piirt  Royal,  Jamaica,  seems  to 
have  been  their  rendezvous— the  English  profiting 
by  these  forays  as  against  the  Spaniards.  The  Span- 
iards seem  to  have  borne  the  principal  brunt  of  these 
outlaws,  who,  if  they  could  not  smuggle  for  them 
robbed  them,  whether  by  land  or  sea.  The  New 
England  Colonies  reaped,  after  all,  perhaps,  the 
main  benefit  of  their  1  rays  against  the  Spaniards. 

The  Turks,  that  is,  we  presume,  the  Barbary  and 
Tunisian  pirates,  troubled  our  early  Commerce,  es- 
pecially when  in  the  EDgli>h  Channel,  for  many 
years  Even  the  vigorous  action  ol  the  great  Admi. 
rals  of  the  Commonwealth  in  England,  did  not  whol- 
ly subdue  these  outlaws.  What  witl.these  Pirates — 
Spanish,  and  French  Privateers — Eniihsh  Freeboot- 
ers, Dutch  men-of-war,  and  the  Indians — the  Cors- 
meice  of  Salem  up  to  1730  ran  at  times  a  fearful 
gauntlet,  saying  nothing  of  the  usual  dangers  of  the 
Sea.  It  is  evident  that  the  old  times  of  commerce 
were  not  as  good  as  the  new. 

ifAs  early  as  1637,  the  citizens  of  Salem  prohibited 
the  transportation  of  boards  and  Clapboards  from 
their  Plantation,  without  leave  of  the  Selectmen, 
since  many  of  "the  bt-st  tyuiber  trees'  had  already 
be«n  used  for  these  purposes;  and  in  1640  the  Au- 
thorities publicly  asked  tor  plank  fit  for  shipping, 
and  forbid  any  ship  timber  near  Salem  or  Marble, 
head  being  made  into  Clapb-ianis  or  pipe  slaves.  Aa 
the  forest  in  and  around  .^alem  was  then  a  common 
property  of  the  inhabitants,  these  laws  had  a  public 
force.  To  judge  by  .«ofne  accounts  of  Capt.  Wm.  En- 
glish, as  late  as  1713  14.  such  laws  were  probably 
common  to  the  maritime  tiwns  throughout  New 
England;  as  he,  being  then  at  Brantoid,  Connecti- 
cut, in  the  Briganteea  ^Vm  &  Susannah,  charges  as 
one  item  of  expense   at  B.,  "«o   ye   Selectmen,  for  2 


79 


preserve  the  dhip  timber  on  the  comoiun  lands 
i'itv  this  purpose.  They  seem  to  have  been  tol- 
erably successful  in  their  efFirts.  The  fifHt  at- 
tempts at  ship  building  in  Salem  were  perhaps 
somewhat  rough,  lor  as  late  even  as  1667,  a 
maritime  code  of  laws  are  adopted,  looking  to 
the  better  building  of  vessels,  and  more  correct 
proceedings  in  admiralty  cases.  As  early  as 
1644  the  Gen'l  Court  pass  an  order  for  the  bet- 
ter building  of  vessels. 

From  1650  to  1660,  Salem  seems  to  have 
flourished.  Beginning  with  a  population  of 
some  two  hundred  say.  in  1629,  she  bad  in- 
creased to  some  thouf-and  or  more  in  1640,and 
in  spite  of  the  setting  oflFof  Marblehead,  Wen- 
ham.  Manchester  and  part  of  Topfifield  between 
1639  and  1650.  still  in  1654  she  contained  o- 
yer  a  thousand  inhabitants  as  is  supposed,  and 
in  1660  probably  contained  from  a  thousand 
to  twelve  or  thirteen  hundred.  Iler  wealth 
was  most  probably  great  in  proportion  to  her 
population.  Iler  territory  diminished,  and 
almost  hfr  population,  yet  she  flourished  in 
trade.  B<«ing  in  favor  with  the  Commonwealth 
and  Cromwell,  Silem  in  common  with  the  col- 
ony flijurishr-d.  while  Bermuda,  Virginia,  Bar- 
badoes  and  Ontega  (Anti>/;ua)  fell  under  the 
displeasure  of  the  Parliament,  because  of  their 
loyalty  to  the  royal  party,  and  were  cut  ofT 
from  their  trade  for  a  while,  and  linally  sub- 
dued. Very  severe  commercial  ordinances 
were  passed  as  against  the  colonies,  but  though 
professedly  general  in  their  nature,  yet  MaB»a 
ohusetts  and  New  England  never  suffered  much 
by   them,    the   main   intent  ot  these   laws   be 


perrruts  to  load  Staves,  Jive  sktllings."  The  Ist  vol  - 
nme  of  the  Town  Records  of  Salem  contains  various 
items  of  interest  in  regard  to  the  disposal  of  the  an- 
cient forest  of  Salem ;  the  tenure  by  which  it  was 
held,  both  by  the  public  and  individuals,  (tbr  wood 
being  sumetioies  expressly  reserved  for  public  uses 
in  town  grants  ot  land)  and  the  disposition  to  be 
made  of  it  by  fishermen  and  others.  The  history  of 
the  ancient  summon  rights  of  Salem  is  a  very  singu- 
lar and  instructive  one,  and  based  upon  a  somewhat 
Democratic  eommanity  of  interests. 


ing  to  punish  the  royalist  colonies,  Virginia  suf- 
lering  »e<erely  by  them. 

In  1651  iMassachusetts  is  exporting  corn, 
beef,  pork,  masts,  clapboards,  pipe  staves,  fish, 
beaver,  otter  and  other  commodities.  In  1652 
she  commences  to  coin  money,  an  act  of  sover- 
eignty, and  sends  out  her  silver  coin,  the  prod- 
uce of  the  bullion  taken  from  the  Spaniards  by 
ihe  Buccaneers,  and  ol  the  West  India  trade 
of  the  colonists.  In  1654  no  person  is  to  carry 
out  of  Massachusetts  more  than  20  shillings  la 
•coin,  and  searchers  are  appointed  to  see  that 
the  law  is  obeyed.  About  this  time  the  Dutch 
trade  (with  New  York)  is  so  profitable  to  Mas- 
sachusetts, that  our  people  are  indisposed  to 
war  with  their  Dutch  neighbors,  the  other  col- 
onies being  otherwise  disposed.  This  hhows 
that  the  commerce  of  Massachusetts  with  New 
York  was  then  important,  and  in  all  probabil- 
ity Siilem  was  somewhat  engaged  in  it.  In 
1655  Admiral  Blake  punishes  the  Algiers  and- 
Tunis  Pirates,  and  Jamaica  is   wrested   from 


*Money  was  scarce  in  Massachusetts  for  a  long  pe- 
riod, and  even  the  custom.-*  were  often  paid  in  grain, 
of  oour.^e  at  a  certain  cash  value.  The  General 
Court  in  1631  maue  Indian  corn  a  legal  tender  for 
debts,  unless  money  or  beaver  was  expressly  mention- 
ed as  the  consideration.  This  was  partly  to  encourage 
the  raising  of  grain  to  prevent  future  famine,  and 
partly,  perhaps,  a  necessity  of  the  times.  Beaver, 
wampum,  grain,  fish,  lumber  and  live  stock  were  all 
specie  in  the  early  davs  of  Massachusetts — part  of 
them  even  down  to  1775. 

One  of  the  reasons  fur  th's  state  of  things  was,  that 
Massachusetts  mainly  creited  her  own  wealth  by  her 
own  independent  industry,  and  with  none  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  in  her  soil.  It  was  in  furtherance  of  her 
independent  industry  and  spirit,  that  in  1632  she 
Cuuimenced  coining  money  on  her  own  account,  and 
it  is  a  striking  evidence  of  her  practical  independence 
of  the  English  government  both  at  that  time  and  for 
years  afterwards.  It  was  as  reasonable  in  her,  too, 
as  it  was  independent,  and  was  finally  regarded  in 
England  as  a  practical  declaration  of  independence, 
and  is  duly  paraded  as  one  of  the  crimes  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  judgment  to  vacate  the  colonial  char- 
ter in  1684.  The  coining  of  money  is  one  of  the  at- 
tributes of  sovereignty,  and  was  so  considered  as 
againet  Massachusetts. 


80 


tihe  Spaniards,  and  so  opeaa  another  field  for 
our  commerce.  The  fame  of  the  great  English 
Admirals  of  the  commonwealth  made  all  our 
colonial  commerce  more  secure  up  to  1660, 
eyen  the  Dutch  beinj;  obliged  to  give  way  be- 
fore them,  in  1655  the  General  Court  see  and 
feel  the  necessity  of  encouraging  commerce  as 
well  as  husbandry,  and  of  promoting  an  union 
between  them.  In  1658  appears  a  notice  of 
the  farmers  of  the  customs  in  Massachusetts, 
the  customs  being  let  out — farmed  out — i-as  was 
a  custom  in  Old  England  at  the  time.  Felt 
says  that  there  was  a  port  house  (tCustom 
House)  on  the  South  River  in  Salem  in  1636. 
and  that  there  was  another  called  The  French 
House  on  South  River  in  1645,  lasting  thirty- 
four  years.  These  must  then  have  been  instj- 
tuted  by  the  colonial  authorities,  and  not  by 
the  home  government. 

From  the  restoration  of  Charles  the  2d,  in 
1660  to  J1670,  the  period  when  we  take  up  the 

fThe  Custom  House  in  Salem  in  1682  was  a  small 
building  adjulniug,  or  attached  to  the  old  mansion  of 
Benjamin  Brown,  Esq  ,  still  sts^nding  on  Essex  and 
Bast  streets.  This  fact  seems?  to  indicate  that  the 
oominerce  of  Salem  at  that  purio  I  was  carried  on  in 
the  lower  part  of  the  town,  and  that  this  location  was 
a  centraX  one.  Our  authority  here  is  Benj.  Brown, 
Esq.,  himself,  now  an  octogenarian  and  a  dweller  up- 
on the  spot. 

:{:The  Massachusetts  colonists,  according  ^a  Hutch- 
inson, admitted  to  the  King's  commissioners  in  l<i65, 
thatthev  possessed  about  80  vessels  of  from  20  to  40 
tons,  about  40  from  40  to  100  tons,  and  about  a  dozen 
ships  above  100  tons.  Of  these  Silem  had  undoubt- 
edly built,  and  then  owned,  her  share.  The  Colony 
Records  confirm  this.     Vol.  4  part  2. 

In  1680  Massachusetts  seems  to  have  about  120 
strips,  sloops,  ketches  and  other  vessels,  vjz: — 8  or 
IQ  ships  of  100  tons  or  upwards,  3  or  4  of  200  tons 
or  more,  40  or  50  fishing  ketches  between  20  and  40 
tons,  and  about  6  or  8  English  ships  which  come  to 
^rade.  The  most  of  these  120  vessels  belonged  to 
the  colony.  The  balance  (unaccounted  for)  were  co- 
lonial. West  India  and  other  traders,  we  suppose, 
and  were  sloops  and  ketches  very  probably.  See  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll. — Article,  "GleaninKS  for  New  England 
History."    3d  series  vol.  8  page  338. 


history  of  Philip  English  »8  one  of  our  Salem 
merchants.  Salem  seems  still  to  progress  in 
commerce.  Salnm  is  ||biiilding  vessels  for  her 
own  trade,  and  perhaps  for  other  places.  From 
1659,  to  16,77  there  appear  to  be  not  less  than 
four  noted  ship  builders  in  Salem, one  of  whom, 
Jonathan  Pickering,  get?  a  grant  of  land 
about  Hardy  8  Cove,  fsom  the  town,  to  him- 
self and  heirs  forever  to  build  vessels  upon. — 
From  1692  to  1718  seven  ship  builders  appear 
prominent  in  Salem,  among  whom  are  the 
names  of  Joseph  Hardy  and  William  Beckett, 
the  latter  name  being  associat'd  even  down  al- 
most to  thesf  days  with  ship  building — a  Beck- 
et  having  built  the  fast  sailing  America,  cruis- 
er, for  the  Crowninshields.  In  1721  so  impor- 
tant had  become  our  ship  building  in  Massa- 
chusetts, that  sixteen  master  builders  belong- 
ing to  the  Port  of  London  petition  the  Lords 
of  Plantations  not  to  encourage  ship  building 
in  New  England.  They  say  their  journeymea 
are  drawn  to  this  country,  and  that  in  case  of 
need  there  would  not  be  a  suf^oiency  of  ships 
for  tiie  royal  navy.  Massiijchusetts  was  then 
too  well  rooted  and  grounded  in  independence 
and  prosperity  to  heed  these  assaults.  She 
practically  disobeyed  too,  the  act  of  1660 — the 
plantation  act — which  would  have  compelled 
her  ships  to  give  bonds  to  the  Custom  House 
in  England,  to  carry  plantation  produce  to 
England,  or  the  other  JjjngUsh  possessions,— 
In  1662  our  town  authorities  endeavor  to  ac- 
commodate at  the  Burying  Point,  those  desir- 
ous ol  graving  vessels,  wiiich  shows  our  com- 
merce then  to  have  been  of  pu'>lic  importance. 
About  this  time  the  Virginia  trade  is  of  conse* 
quence,  several  of  our  citizens  being  engaged 
in  it.  In  1663  William  Hollingworth,  a  Sa- 
lem merchant,  agrees  to  send  100  hogsheads  of 
tobacco  from  the  river  Potomack  by  ship  from 


IjThe  Neck — about  the  Burying  Point — on  the  creek 
(South  River) — various  places  on  the  South  River — 
Hardies  Cove—  Frye's  Mills — are  all  noted  as  locali- 
ties for  ship  yards  in  our  Salem  history — the  Neck 
(including  Winter  Island)  being  probably  the  most 
ancient  among  them. 


81 


Boston  to  Plymouth  in  England,  the  .Island  of 
Jersey,  or  any  port  in  Holland,  and   thence  to 
the  said  Island  for  £7  Hterling  a  ton.     The  un 
warrantable  war  eomuienced  against  theDutcli 
by  the   home   government  in  1664.  and  which 
resulted  in  the  capture  of  N.  York    Irom  Hol- 
land, reacted  upon  the  colonial    commerce   se 
verely.for  De  Ruvter  made  in  1665  conniderahle 
havoc  at  Newfoundland,  by  accident  alone  was 
kept  fiiim  Nhw  England,  and  alarmed   all   the 
colonies  ;  and  in    1667    some    Dutch    men-of 
war  ravaged  the  coast  of   Virginia,    plundered 
some  eighteen  or  nineteen  sail  of  merchantmen 
John  Brown,  son  of  elder  John,  of  Salem,  NVjI 
liam  HoUingworth.  John  Norman  and    Robert 
Stone   of  Salem,  being   taken  prisoners    and 
plundered  hy  them.     They  threaten<^d  to  visit 
New  England,  and  this  irritated  and  seriously 
alarmfd  the  colonists. 

In  1667  the  colony  encouraged  the  making 
a  dry  dock  which  is  subsequently  located  at 
Charleeti>wn.  It  appears  in  1668  from  a  peti- 
tion extensively  signed  in  Salem,  for  the  repeal 
of  an  order  of  a  late  General  Court.  laying  a 
*duty  oi  one  per  cent,  on  imports  and  exports, 

♦The  dutiea  levied  by  the  Colonial  Government  on 
its  Commerce  were  not  oppressive,  or  if  judged  to  be 
onerous  wern  soon  changed,  especially  as  the  Geceral 
Court  and  Governor  looked  to  the  popular  sentiment 
of  the  Colony,  and  respected  it  far  uiore  thda  the 
threats  or  frowns  of  the  mother  country,  whether  in 
matters  of  trade  or  policy.  In  1635,  the  duties 
amount  practically  to  £5  per  cent.  In  1636Ti>baec(), 
strong  drinks.  Wine,  Sugar,  Spices,  aiid  trait— that 
is  articles  of  luxury — pay  one-.sixth  of  their  value, 
with  an  additional  one  third  for  retailing.  In  1645, 
Wines  fr<'m  different  quarters  pA'f  ^rom  5  to  ten 
shillings  the  pipe — fresh  wines  2s  6d  per  liogshead, 
and  Strong  VVaters  10  sbilliags  per  hhd.  In  1648, 
somewhat  similar  duties  are  paid  on  Spirits.  In 
1676,  Goods,  Wares  and  Merchandize,  living  cattle 
and  provisions  pay  10  shillings  on  eacb'£iOU  value —  \ 
Wines  pay  from  10  shillings  to  £1.  per  tou — Brandy  i 
£2  do.  Every  ship  of  200  tons  and  upwards,  10 
shillings  the  ton — small  vessels  each  vovage  68.  8d. 
(this  was  for  the  Colony  vessels — their  pai>se8  from  i 
the  Governor,  we  presume)  —  E!ach  Stranger  vessel,  | 
not  built  in  the  Colony  and  above^O  tons,  paid  each  i 

21  • 


and  2  d  on  all  grain  from  adjacent  colootes, 
that  from  30.000  to  40,000  bushels  of  graia 
were  brought  into  Massacliusetts.  Other  towoB 
petition  likewise.  From  this  we  see  that  Ma3- 
sachuHetts  w<ks  dependent  on  the  more  south* 
em  colonies,  probably,  for  grain,  and  that  a 
considerable    trade  was     carried   on  'between 

voyage  one  half  pound  powder  per  ton,  or  9d  in  mon- 
ey— Strangers  vessels,  a  ton  6d — no  customs  on  any 
exports,  except  6d  each  on  Horses.  At  this  date, 
foreign  vessels  from  all  quarters  trade  freely  with 
Mass.,  and  are  encouraged  to  do  so  by  Our  authori- 
ties in  direct  oppusiti<)n  to  the  English  Laws  of 
Trade.  In  1680,  one  penny  a  pound  on  goods  im- 
ported— no  export  duty.  In  1686,  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros  began  bis  tyrannical  rule  in  Ma.s8iU3hu:<etts,  and 
levied  exorbita-bt  taxes,  according  to  TnimbiiU,  part 
of  which  may  have  fallen  on  Commerce.  In  1689, 
he  is  over  thrown,  and  King  William  proclaimed. 
The  Charter  he  grants,  is  not  so  favorable  to  the 
Coloni.<ts  for  Commerce,  as  tLeir  old  one,  which  they 
bid  construed  moreover  in  their  own  (avor,  and  in  a 
verjr  libeial  manner.  As  the  Coluni.sts  had  con- 
trolled their  own  trade,  and  had  enjojed  heretofore 
a  comparative  free  trade,  and  had  thriven  by  it,  and 
saw  its  advantages,  they  spiritedly  declared  through 
the  first  act  of  their  Legislature  after  they  had  re- 
ceived the  Charter,  that  "no  aid,  tax,  to'ttage,  assess- 
ment, cu^ttom.  loan,  benevolence,  or  impo^Uion  what- 
soever shall  be  laid,  assessed,  imposed,  or  levied  on 
his  majestys  subject.-:  or  their  estates,  on  any  pre- 
tence whatever,  but  by  the  act  and  consent  of  the 
Governor,  Council  and  representatives  of  the  people 
assembled  in  General  Court."  This  was  intended  to 
maintain  their  independence  in  trade,  as  before  the 
ohartfr,  and  in  1718,  the  General  Court  went  "so  far 
as  to  lay  a  duty  on  English  goods  and  English  built 
ships,  which,  however,  was  soon  repealed,  but  their 
boldness  caused  great  displeasure  in  England.  These 
things  however  show  the  spirit  ani  iudependence  of 
the  Colonists.  la  1726,  the  duties  ran  from  20  to  30 
shillings  per  pipe  on  Wine — Kum  20s.  the  libd.  of 
100  gallons — Sugar  28.  the  hhd. — Mula.-<ses  Is.  do — 
Tobacco  20s  do — Logwood  38.  the  ton — other  goods 
or  merchandize,  except  those  from  Great  Britain,  Id. 
for  eve'y  20s.  worth.  In  1701,  the  duties  on  Rum 
and  Wine  in  Salem,  were  £60  10s  ,  and  in  1732, 
£800  to  £900.  '  This  latter  amounted  to  three  fifths 
of  the  whitt^  Tfvenuf  of  Massachusetts  in  1680 — whioh 
was  then,  according'  to  Gov.  Bjsadstreet,  alfont 
£1500. 


82 


them.  A«  the  colonial  tuhsbIs  in  those  days 
were  smuU,  and  carried  otitet  articles  besides 
grain,  there  were  probably,  (judsi^g  from  car- 
goes some  years  later)  from  forty  to  fifty 
vessels  employed  in  the  coast  trade,  avera^^ing 
from  twenty-five  to  thirty-five  or  forty  tons. — 
Of  these,  Salem  undoubtedly  had  her  share. — 
This,  too.  is  independent  of  the  rishing  fleet, 
which  doubtless  was  simply  engaged  in  fishing. 
The  colonial  ketches  and  Sloops  ran  to  the 
West  Indies,  to  Spain,  the  Wine  Inlands  and 
the  Streights,  and  brought  return  cargoes  which 
were  despatched  fuoastwise,  together  with  our 


•f  To  judge  by  Qov.  Bradstreet's  answer  to  the  Lords 
of  the  Council  in  1680,  our  coastwise  trade  to  Virgin- 
ia and  Maryland  for  grain,  tobicco',  &o  ,  must  have 
begun  after  that  time,  as  be  appears  to  be  silent  on 
the  point.  Knowing  the  desires  of  the  authorities  in 
England  to  fasten  their  laws  of  trade  upon  us,  he 
may,  however,  have  rather  underrated  our  commerce 
and  enterprise  at  that  time.  The  trade  (and  direct 
Salem  trade)  with  the  southern  colonies  was  evident- 
ly well  established  between  16C0  and  1G70,  and  was 
even  then  important.  Between  1690  and  1720  it 
flourished  greatly,  and  was  prominent,  if  we  a-e  not 
mistaken,  down  even  to  the  American  Revolution. — 
The  coastwise  trade  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  Salem 
»8  one  of  the  t^jf^  principal  seaports  in  it,  was  con- 
fitied  principally  at  first  -prior  to  lti40— to  the  New 
England  states,  and  tbence  gradually  extending  to 
New  York  (with  the  Dutch)  and  still  further  South- 
So  it  seems,  at  least.  The  coloniitts  finally  purchased 
their  grain,  tobacco,  Ac.  oi  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
by  the  West  India  produce  they  bought  with  their 
fish  Ac.  It  is  of  course  impossible  to  tell  the  exact 
time  when  this  particular  course  Of  trade  commenced. 
Too  colonies  bought  grain  of  the  southerU  Colonies 
at  an  early  day,  however — to  judge  from  some  few 
items  of  history.  The  early  authorities  of  New  En- 
gland may  not  have  been  very  communicative  to  the 
English  rulers,  knowing  that  every  admission  they 
made  was  to  be  used  as  an  additiontil  argument  why 
fbey  should  conform  to  the  laws  of  trade  in  England. 
The  colonists  plead  poverty  to  evade  these  laws, 
•ometimks  truly,  sometimes  perhaps  wisely;  and  oc- 
casi<>nally  resisted  them  outright.  They  sometimes 
boldly  carried  on  a  contraband  trade,  and  the  Gene- 
ral Coart  was  butb  wisely  silent  and  blind  in  the  mat- 
ter. The  nolonists  were  for  free  trade,  aud  it  proved 
to  be  an  ineradicable  irtiit  in  their  ooiAmereial  char- 
•oter. 


Yankee  notions,  and  this  very  grain  taken  us 
part  of  the  final  return  cargo  to  Massaehusetts. 
It  is  certain  that  Salem  flourished  by  this  gen- 
eral trade,  as  Josselyn  says  of  Salem  in  1664, 
••In  this  town  are  some  very  rich  merchants." 
The  colonists  seem  occaHionally  to  have  been 
troubled  with  Jpiracy,  both  native  and  for- 
eign, which  was  not  put  down  until  after  1700. 
By  a  law  passed  by  the  town  in  ||1669.  refus- 
ing permission  to  transport' wood  or  timber  by 
land  or  sea  from  the  town  commons,  without 
leave  of  the  selectmen,  we  can  judge  that  a 
free  use  hud  been  made  of  the  native  forest  of 
Salem  for  lumber,  staves,  and  ship  building, 
as  well  as  wood  for  the  fishermen,  and  the  com- 
mon uie  of  the  town,  and  that  the  scarcity  wa? 
beginning  to  be  felt.     From  the  years  1640  to 

:(In  1684  the  General  Court  pa^a  an  order  for  the 
seizure  of  pirates  and  privateers,  authorizing  certain 
officers  to  raise  armed  men  for  that  purpose — making 
it  lawful  to  shoot  those  resisting  such  officers  or  men 
under  them,  or  if  captured,  are  to  be  put  to  death  as 
capital  offenders.  Any  officer  refusint;  to  serve  against 
sucb  outlaws,  to  be  fined  £50  or  be  imprisoned,  and 
any  inhabitant  called  upon  by  such  officers,  \(  refus- 
ing to'  appear  promptly,  and  well  armed,  to  pay  £5 
or  suffer  corporal  punishment. 

In  1685  Capt.  Sampson  Waters  of  Boston,  is  grant- 
ed a  commission  against  certain  pirates  off  New  Lon- 
don, and  a  proclamation  made  by  order  of  General 
Court,  and  by  beat  of  drum,  for  volunteers.  The  vol- 
unteers, as  an  inducement,  are  to  "have  an  equal 
and  just  divi.-<ion  in  all  the  pirates'  goods  and  estates 
taken  witb  them;  aud  no  purchase,  no  pay" — Lord 
Bellamoot  seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  was  suc- 
cessful in  suuduiug  them. 

||.n  1676,  boiVever,  Salem  is  said  to  be  one  of  the 
principal  places  for  building  vessels,  at  £4  the  ton. 
In  Book  2  leaf  47  Salem  Records  (Registry  of  Deeds) 
is  an  agreement  between  John  Browne  &  Company 
aijd  William  Stevens  of  Gloster.in  N.  E.,  shipwright, 
under  date  of  1661,  in  which  Stevens  agrees  to  build 
''one  new  shipp  of  sixty-eight  foot  long  by  ye  keele 
Ac"  at  £3  5s  the  ton.  Brown  A  Company  were  con- 
nected with  the  Jersey  trade,  Browne  himiielf  being 
a  resident  of  Salem,  the  others  at  the  Isle  of  Jersey, 
as  it  appears.  The  trade  was  most  probably  a  Frinck 
one.  The  "shipp"  appears  to  have  been  a  little  over 
100  tons  burthen,  say  110. 


83 


1670  it  is  reaHonahly  certain  that  Salem  6our- 
lahed  greatly  in  comiueree,  and  all  branches 
connected  with  or  dependent  upon  it,  and  to  a 
greater  eitent  comparatively,  than  for  the  thir- 
ty years  after  1070,  cloning  with  the  century. 
Her  prosperity,  in  common  with  the  colony,  af- 
ter 1670,  attracted  the  jeaiojsy  and  greed  of 
the  home  government,  and  the  days  of  the  Com- 
monwealtl)  being  numbered  in  England,  she 
had  no  powerful  friends  there  to  interpret  co- 
lonial lawb  in  her  favor,  or  drive  her  enemies 
from  power.  The  impetus,  however,  which 
she  ha  I  already  gained  in  commerce,  atid  I  er 
natural  independence,  carried  her  through  and 
over  many  obntacies,  nor  was  Salem  fairly  sub- 
dued by  her  subKpquent  ill-fortunes  until  1711. 
Her  troubles  may  have  been  sad  to  have  fairly 
commenced  in  1677,  when  our  General  Court 
order  the  navigation  laws  of  En;;land  to  be 
obeyed,  and  culminated  locally  in  1692,  with 
a  continuation  of  commercial  misfortune  up  to 
1711. 

The  Fisheries,  as  we  have  said,  were  the 
main  reliance  of  Salem  in  the  early  days,  and 
were  indeed  declared  by  the  Council  to  the 
House  in  1708  to  be  "the  chief  staple  of  the 
Country.''  (ireat  attention  was  paid  of  course 
to  them.  In  1670  the  General  Court  denounce 
Tortuga  Salt  as  impure,  and  declare  Fish  cured 
with  it  to  be  not  merchantable.  The  phrase 
*' Merchantable  Cod  tish''''  is  often  met  with  in 
the  old  accounts  some  years  prior  to  and  after 
1700,  and  this  may  in  some  degree  explain  the 
phrase.  There  is  also  the  phrase  "Refuse 
Cod,"  which  was  ordinary  or  defective  from 
eome  cause,  and  was  shipped  largely  to  the 
West  Indias.  for  the  Negroes  most  probably. 
The  dry  Merchantable  Cod  Fish  went  to  Spain, 
the  Streights  and  the  Wine  Islands.  In  1726 
•we  see  the  General  Court  passing  an  act  for 
the  better  curing  and  culling  o'  Fish — the  lack 
of  care  having  brought  our  Fish  into  disrepute 
in  foreign  markets. 

From  the  year  1670  to  1740,   the  period   at 
which  we  close  our   remarks    upon   the  com 
merce  of  Salem,  oar  New  England  trado  was  to 


the  *We8t  Indies,  and  must  parts  ut  Europe — 


*AmoDg  the  old  Cummercial  papers  of  the  English 
Familj,  is    found    tlje  following  letter  directed  *'To 
Corun'll  Samuel  Brown  Esq., 

Maroli't  in  .ralem. 

New  England. 
St.  Christopher.  Feub:  ye  Uth,  1727-8 

Coro'll  Brown. 

Sr — Having  mett  with  ye  Opportunity  to  writ  to 
yon  by  Capt.  Tiuiberlake  that  Stoppeu  to  c-ime  here 
from  Suranam  having  bin  tiikeo  to  Mindwurd  of 
Martinico  By  ye  Gunrde  coast  &  Brought  to  Uuarde- 
loopeand  had  a  law  sute  with  theiUy  I  wiit  to  you  from 
Martinico  to  Acquniut  you  of  Being  a  new  General 
arrived  there  Which  will  not  grant  any  pertuigsioa 
att  all,  then  I  went  to  •iuardeioiipe  A  they  would 
not  lett  me  come  a  Shoare  then  I  went  to  Antigoa,  <k 
tound  ye  Markett  there  .•'o  loe.  fi.<h  wa?  sold  for  lOs  per 
ql  then  I  came  Here  &  thi)U;:ht  fit  to  stay  here  Be- 
cause wee  have  news  ot  three  >paiii!ib  Privateer  that 
was  about  ye  Leward  Island-  I  sold  all  ye  fii<h  at  14 
per  ql  Board  sell  from  lour  to  five  pounds  Ruiu  is 
here  2:i  3d  p  gall,  Malas^es  is  at  i)d  Cotton  is  at  12d  p 
pound  I  can  not  sell  ye  Shingle  I  have  about  lUOUO 
of  Board  to  sfell,  tliere  '»  no  Soalt  at  any  of  ye 
Island.-)  I  here  that  ye  fleet  will  not  £oe  to  Tortuga 
I  shall  make  all  ye  ilispatch  home  Again  I  can,  so 
Remain 

Sr.  yr  Ilumble  Serv"t 

John  Touzel. 

Molasses  i£  very  sCase  to  be  had" 

Note.  Id  No.  2  of  this  Magazine  will  be  foand 
a  letter  of  Instructions  from  this  same  Sam'll  Brown 
to  Touzel  in  1727.  By  the  fleet  going  to  Tortuga, 
Capt.  Touzel  probably  means  the  New  England  vet- 
selsthen  trading  to  the  West  Indies,  which  would  go 
toT.  to  load  in  part,  at  least,  with  Salt  for  the  New 
England  Fisheries.  But  what  a  pursuit  of  Com> 
merce  under  difBculties  does  Dot  this  letter  digclose? 
U  hat  with  rumors  of  Guard  Coasts,  law  suits,  re- 
fusals to  land,  low  markets,  and  Spanish  Privateers, 
Capt.  John  Touzel  seems  to  biive  had  trouble  enough! 
There  is  no  doubt,  but  that  he  did  "make  all  ye 
Dispatch  home  again"  be  could,  keeping  too  bis  eyet 
sharply  tn  windward  as  he  sailed  out  of  St.  Cbristo* 
phers,  and  for  many  a  good  league  beyond,  to  iiee 
whetner  the  "Three  Spanish  Privateer"  were  not  on 
bif  track.  Right  glad  too  was  ''Coron'll  Samuel 
Brown  E^q.,"  to  see  Capt  John  sailing  peaceably 
into  Salera  Harbor,  safe  at  last  from  fears  and  foei. 
Those  who  look  upon  the  old  times  as  the  best,  would 
nave  been  cured  of  their  delusion,  no  doubt,  could 
they  have  taken  this  cruise  with  Capt-  John,  aftgr 
one  to  the  West  Indies  and  back  in  this  day  and  gea> 
eration. 

We  will  only  add,  this  Capt.  John  Touzel  WM  « 
Son  in  law  of  Philip  English,  and  appears  to  faavt 


84 


lincluding'fSpain,  France,  and  ilollind  At 
times  there  uppear  tu  have  been  insCinces  of 
irregular  trade  with  the  French  at  Newfound- 
land, bj  which  brandy,  wine,  oil  and  English 
manufactures  were  brought  into  Salem.  This 
trade  seems  to  have  been  boldly  and  openly 
maintained  however.  From  the  year  1G86 
New  England  appears  to  have  a  flag  of  her  own, 
having  a  cross  of  red  color  on  a  white  ground 
with  a  crown  in  the  middle  of  the  cross,  and  un- 
,der  the  crown  J.  R.  (James  Rex  )  A  Dutch 
book  entitled  the  Ship  Builder,  (so  saya  Felt) 
and  printed  in  Amsterdam  in  1705,  states  that 
the  flag    of    |New  England   is  blue,  vtith     a 

sailed  for  William  &  Samuel  Erowne,  noted  mer- 
chants of  that  day.  Some  of  bi3  Sea  Journals  are 
yet  extant,  and  in  the  Essex  Institute. 

fin  the  Salem  Records  (Registry  of  Deed?)  Book 
3  Folio  170,  is  to  be  found  recorded  the  Instruct  ions 
of  Richard  Lowe  to  bis  partner  Mr.  John  Black- 
leaob,:.who  is  directed  to  purchase  what  fisb  or  other 
goods  are  needtsd  (beside  the  fish  already  bought  in 
Salem)  for  the  Ketch  Blessing,  theuoa  to  proceed  z<< 
Bilboa,  Spain,  to  sell  his  cargo,  and  thence  to  some 
part  of  Fiance  ,  where  it  may  be  most  advantageous 
to  lay  ont  the  proceeds  in  Linen  cloth,  and  v^haiever 
else  may  be  best,  and  thence  directly  to  Boston. 
Blackleach  as  partner  is  to  have  "noe  wages"  but 
instead,  10  per  cent  on  the  sale  of  Lowe's  portion  in 
Biiboa  aad  5  pur  cent  do  at  Boston.  Date  of  In 
gtructions  Nov.  21,  1672.  From  several  wills  we 
have  seen  in  the  Probate  Office  from  about  the  same 
date  to  1700,  Bilboa,  it  seems,  was  a  favorite  mar- 
ket for  our  Salem  vessels,  and  continued  to  be  for  a 
long  time  after. 

:j:!t  may  be  that  the  flag  spoken  of  by  the  "Ship 
Builder,"  printed  in  Amsterdam,  1705,  was  .a  New 
England  fl.igpn>r  to  1686.  What  makes  this  proba 
ble,  is,  that  in  1665  the  King's  Commissioners -de 
sire,  among  other  things,  that  the  true  flag  shall  be 
hoisted  on  Massachusetts  vessels.  Colony  Records, 
Vol.  4,  Part  2.  This  would  seem  to  imply  that 
Massachusetts,  if  not  New  England,  had  then  a  flag 
of  her  own.  The  flag  of  1686  is  that  of  New  Eng- 
land, under  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  and  any  one  desi- 
rous of  seeing  a  good  representation  of  that  flag,  can 
fia  1  it  (as  taken  from  the  Briti.<h  State  Paper  office,) 
in  Arnold's  History  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island, 
Vol.  1,  opposite  page  4d6.     It  is  by  no  means   ua- 


white  free  quarter,  whinh  is  divided  in  four 
by  H  red  croiis,  having  in  the  first  subdivision 
a  sphere  of  sepurated  hemispheres,  alluding  to 
America  as  the  New  World. 

From  the  years  1686  to   1689  inclusive,  Sa- 
lem is  trading  to  iJBarbadoes,    London,    Fayal 

likely  that  Massichusetts  (and  New  England  acting 
with  her,)  had  a  separate  flag  as  early  as  1660  It 
was  no  more  an  independent  measure  on  her  part 
than  the  coining  of  money  n  1652,  and  that  was 
clearly  an  act  of  sovereignty.  The  Magistrates  in 
1673  tell  Wayborne,  who  taen  complains  to  them  of 
their  permitting  a  free  colonial  and  foreign  trade, 
as  against  law,  "that  they  were  his  majesties  vice 
admirals  iu  those  seas,  and  that  they  would  do  that 
which  seemed  good  to  them,"  and  they  evidently  did, 
including  very  probably  the  hoisting  of  a  C<)loniaI 
flag  on  board  their  ships.  As  the  peogile  then  chose 
their  own  Governor  and  Admiralty  offic;eis,  as  well 
as  Representatives,  we  c.n  readily  see  that  they  had 
about  their  own  way  in  all  matters  relating  to  Com- 
merce. It  was  not  until  the  Charter  was  cancelled, 
that  this  freedom  was  checked — and  then  only  to 
gain  new  force  for  the  final  explosion  of  Liberty  at 
the  Revolution. 

II  Among  the  English  papers  is  a  letter  of  Wm. 
Hollingworth,  then  a  merchant  in  Barbadoes,  under 
date  of  Sept.  19,  1687,  which  is  of  a  commercial 
character,  relating  especially  to  the  imports  into 
that  Island  from  Salem.  The  letter,  is  directed  on 
the  outside.  "For  Mrs.  Elanor  Hollingworth,  Att 
Sallem,  In  New  England,"  and  reads: 

"Dear  and  Honoured  m^-ther 

"My  Duty  be  presented  to  you  with  my  kind  love 
to  my  brother  and  sister  and  to  ye  c  lildreri.  Yours 
by  Mr.  Prance  I  Heci^ved;  fish  now  att  present  bares 
A  gv»od  rate  by  lleasou  ye  Newfoundland  men  are 
not  yet  Come  in  but  I  believe  itt  will  bt»  low  anuflfe 
about  three  monthes' hence;  bread  and  peiece  [pease] 
hath  been  A  good  Commodity  and  Contenue.s,  louiu- 
ber  is  lowe  still,  oylo  will  be  ye  principle  Commodi- 
ty but  in  good  Cuske  wee  are  in  great  likelihood  of 
A  brave  cropp;  this  latter  part  of  ye  year  hath 
proved  very  Sea.-sonable,  ye  lord  be  praised  for  itt, 
pray  lett  my  brother  see  this  letter  I  cannot  tell 
what  to  ndvioe  him  to  send  as  yett  besides  oyle  but 
iu  A  short  tyme  wee  shall  see  what  these  new.''ouad- 
land  men  will  doe  what  quantitye:*  of  fish  they  bring 
in  and  then  I  will  advice  lartbor  I  will  slip  noe  op- 
portunity in  advising  bim,  soe  with  my  serviss  to  all 
my  frinus  [friends]  [  subscribe  my  Selfe  your  obedi- 
ent Son  to  Command.  Wm  IIo I.LI. vg worth. 
pray  fail  not  my  dear  Mother   in   sending   me  half 


85 


and  Biirtjiidoes,  rennsylvaniii.St  Christopliers, 
V'irjjiiiia  and  Antigua.  The  great  luajor^t^  of 
her  vessels  are  ketchea  from  twenty  to  tarty 
tons,  and  from  four  to  six  men.  Only  one  ship 
appears  among  tliem,  and  her  tonnage  is  but 
130  tons.  Salem  however,  it  appears,  was  in- 
directly engaged  also  in  the  Virginia  and  Hol- 
land trade,  carrving  tobacco  from  Virginia 
to  Europe.  In  1G90  there  seems  to  have  com- 
menced a  local  trade  of  boating  gixids  to  and 
from  Boston,  but  how  long  it  continued  after 
l693  is  in  doubt.  The  French  war  now  begins 
to  trouble  -Salem,  and  from  this  tisna  to  1697 
she  loses  over  fifty  of  her  fishing  ketches  bv  the 
French  and  Indians.  Some  of  our  Sa'em  peo- 
ple stiflPer  in  these  years  by  being  impressed  on 
board  British  men  of  war.  In  1698-r9  Regis- 
ters are  taken  out  for  26  vessels  tielonsr'ng  to 
Salem— 2  ships,  1  b-irq-ie,  3  sloops  and  twen- 
ty ketches.  The  most  average  from  20  to  40 
tons.  Only  five  exceed  the  latter  amount. 
One  of  the  ships  was  80  and  the  other  300  tons. 
The  largest  was  built  here,  as  well  as  17  more 
of  thp  number. 

In  1700  the  foreign  trade  of  Salem  is  thus 
described  by  Higginson  : — 'Dry  Mercliantable 
Codfish,  for  the  markets  of  Spain,  Porcugal 
and  the  Straits.  Kefuse  fish,  lumber,  horses, 
and  provisions  for  the  West  Indies.  Keturns 
made  directly  hence  to  England,  are  sugar, 
inolassps.  cotton  wool,  logwood  and  Brasilctto 
wood,  for  wliich  we  depend  on  the  West  Indies, 
Our  own  produce,  a  considerable  quantity  of 
*whale  and  tish  oil,  whalebcne,  furs,  deer,  elk 

kentle  of  Cuske  and  some  aples  and   Eonifi    barbe- 

ryes  and  ye  lott  of  Cuske. 

Barbadofs,  Sfptni  19,  lt)87,  Bridgetown. 

My  StTvisp  to  Mr.  Croade,  Mr.  Andrews  and  to 
Mr.  Adauies,  and  to  Mr.  Beuj    Allin.  W.  H. 

Note.  The  oi7  mentioned  in  this  letter,  may,  in 
part,  have  been  Whale  oil  from  the  Cape  Cod  whale 
fisheries,  or  taken  perhaps  by  Salem  whaling  boats 
in  Massachusetts  Bay. 

♦From  some  old  testimony  searched  out  from  the 
Files  of  the  Es?ex,  Co.  Courts  by  Ira  J.  Patch,  Esq., 
and  referring  to  the  Ancient  Whale  Catching  Cus- 
toms of  the  Fishers  in  Cap<6  Cod  Bay  in  1708,  we 
are  inclined  to  believe  tbit  Beverly  was  engaged  in 
22 


and  bear  skins  are  annually  sent  to  England. 
We  ha-ve  much  shipping  here,  find  freights  are 
low,*'  From  1700  to  1714,  inclusive,  registers 
were  granted  to  the  following  vessels  of  Salem, 
— 4  ships,  3  barques,  9  brigs,  24  f  sloops  and 
19  ketches.  They  ranged  from  15  to  90  tons  ; 
40  of  them  were  f>uilt  in  Salem.  In  1705  the 
ship  Unity,  of  270  tons,  was  built  in  Salem, 

this  fishery  then,  and  in  all  probability  Salem  also. 
The  testimony,  as  copied  by  Mr.  Patch,  can  be  seen 
in  the  Salem  (jazette  of  Jan.  1,  1858.  As  whaling, 
was  tiien  an  old,  long  e8tabli:'hed  pursuit  in  our 
Bay.  Salem  may  have  enteied  into  it,  as  Boston  did, 
and  with  a  like  profit.  This  is  most  probably  the 
case. 

f  Among  the  English  Papers  are  to  be  found  a  few 
acconn«s  of  Capt.  AVm.  English,  (son  of  Philip,) 
who  in  1709  and  11  is  commanding  respectively  the 
sloops  Mary  and  Arke  bound  to  and  from  Virginia 
and  Maryland.  He  carries  thither  Molasses,  Hum, 
Salt,  Cider,  Mackerel,  Wooden  Bowls,  Platters, 
Paijs,  Kegs,  JMuscavado  Sugar,  Cans  and  Cod- 
fish, and  is  ordered  to  bring  back  to  Salem,  Wheat, 
Pork,  Tobacco,  Furs,  Hides,  Old  Pewter,  Old  Iron, 
Brass,  Copper,  Indian  Corn,  if  cheap,  and  English 
I  Goods.  In  1712  Wm.  £nglish  sails  for  Surinam 
j  (Dutch  Guiana)  in  the  Mary,  with  orders  to  fill  up 
with  Molasses,  or  freight  (or  Salem  and  Boston. 
There  is  a  letter  extant  of  this  Wm.  Engli.-h  to  a 
"Mr-  Isaiic  Knolcott  cif  Surinume,''  which  may  have 
some  little  commercial  intormation  in  it,  and  which 
rather  goes  to  disprove  the  modern  idea  that  the 
liquors  the  ancient  people  drank  were  alvays  of  the  ' 
purest  description,  and  therefore  very  wholesome. 
In  this  matter,  as  in  most  matters  of  tue  past,  "Dis- 
tance lends  enchantment  to  the  view." 

"Salem,  July  the  2d,  1713. 
Mr.  Isnack  Knoleott, 

Sr:  beair  is  in  Closed  Bill  of  Lading  &  invos 
for  one  hogshead  of  Verey  Good  .Midlin  Cod  fish 
shii'cd  you  by  the  Sloop  [illegible^  Capt.  John  Shad 
ock  comniand'r  whitjh  1  hope  will  Com  Safe  to  yr 
hands.  I  baue  not  yet  sold  all  your  Melasses  By 
Ue.<en  yt  when  it  cauie  a  shore  it  Stunk  &  was  Salt 
I  So  that  Every  Body  tbat  came  to  see  hitt  Sade  yt  it 
,  was  I  ut  in  Either  a  fish  Barrell  or  Porke  or  Beef 
tiarrell  I  have  Sent  it  to  ye  Stillers  to  have  it  Stild 
[Distilled]  into  Rum.  I  shall  make  ye  most  of  it  I 
cann,  &  as  for  Talow  [Tal  ow]  thare  is  none  to  Be 
had.  I  shall  Send  jou  what  Remanes  yet  dew  to 
von  By  the  next  opportunity. 

I  Rest  y  Vs. 
Wm.  English." 


86 


for  Boston  and  London  oierchuntH,  and  in  17U9 
JoSfph  Hardy  built  the  ship  American  Mer- 
chant, ol  (jilascow,  in  Salem,  fehe  was  of  160 
tons  burthen,  and  he  was  one  of  the  owners, 
from  1714  to  1718  our  vessels  traded  to  Ma- 
deira, 8urin<iui,  Jamaica,  B.irbadoes,  Biiboa, 
Lisbon.  Bri!«tol  and  London.  In  1721  some  of 
our  citizens  wefe  accused  of  an  irregular  trade 
with  Cape  Breton,  and  the  Legislature  wink  at 
it.  Lumber,  provisions,  and  tobacco  are  car- 
ried tliither,  and  wine,  brandy,  linen,  silks  and 
other  goods  brought  back.  In  1733  as  manv 
as  ten  vessels  bound  to  or  froiii  Barbadoes  and 
Saltatuda.  are  in  tha  ice  in  bur  harbor,  and 
people  are  employed  to  cut  thein  out.  From 
J1721  to  1740  our  trade  was  to  vaiious  parts  of 
the  West  Indies,  North  Carolina,  Maryland, 
Saltaluda.  Oporto,  Fayal,  Lisbon.  Canso,  Bar- 
badoes, l|Bilbi>a,  Gibraltar,  Leghorn,  Canaries, 
Jamaica,  New  Foundland,  ^Leeward  Islands, 
Cadiz,  Alioant,  Mediterranean,  Virginia,  St. 
Martins,  Antijjua. 

The  trade  of  Salem,  immediately  after  its  per- 
mament  settlement,  was  under  the  control  and 

^Iii  1721,  the  Collector  of  the  District,  which  in- 
cludes Salem  aud  adjacent  Sea  Ports,  states  that  he 
tlears  out  80  vessels  on  an  average  every  year 

Felt's  Annals. 

I|H  e  have  In  our  poFsession  a  few  letters  of  in- 
struction, from  .S&in'll  BroVirne  of  Salem,  to  his  Capt. 
John  Touzull,  ranging  through  ».ne  years  1728  9,  in 
which  Touzell  i«  ordered  to  deliver  his  cargo  of 
"Scale  Fish,  middling  C6d,  and  merchantable  Cod" 
at  Bilboa,  S'f)aiti,  arid  thence  get  freight  for  Lisbon 
or  Cadiz,  and  load  with  ialt  at  St.  Ubea  for  N.  E; 
or  he  may  take  a  freight  from  L.  or  C.  to  Ireland, 
fiolland  or  England,  and  then  go  to  the  Isle  of  May 
for  salt:  or  he  may  sell  the  Brigantine  [Endeavor  of 
lixty  tons,  plantation  built]  for  £45U  or  £500,  if  be 
•an  get  that  for  her  abroad. 

ir  1732— Salem  has  about  30  fishing  Tcssels,  much 
less  than  formerly,  and  the  same  number  which  go 
on  foreign  voyages  to  Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  and  other 
'West  India  islands;  gome  to  the  Wine  Island?;  others 
carry  fish  to  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  "Streights." 
•—Frit's  Annals,  appendin. 

Hu/cAin.von  8&> «  our  Massacbusetti  trade  with  tbe 
Briligb  West  Indies  was  mutually  {trofitable  until  tbe 
peaM  of  Utreoht  ia  1713.    It  then  began  to  deelioe. 


auspices  of  tiie  Home  Company.  They,  howr- 
ever,  finding  that  their  joint  stock  (tor  the 
trade  was  manHgcd  by  the  Company  as  a  Cor- 
poratiun^  was  sinking  in  value  through  the  ex- 
penses of  colonization,  viz  :  purchase  and  main- 
tenance of  ships,  supplies,  tranhportation  of 
passengi-re,  colonial  expenses,  and  probably  in- 
suflSjent  returns,  re-organized  their  operations, 
creating  two  kinds  of  stock,  or  else  more  effect- 
ually Separating  and  dividing  their  old  stock. 
One  ol  these  stocks  was  trailed  the  Joini  Stock, 
the  other  the  Common  Stock.  The  Joint  Stock 
was  to  be  a  trade  stock.  Tiiis  they  passed  over 
to  the  management  of  Mr.  John  VVinthrop, 
Governor,  and  others,  as  undertakers.  These 
undertakers  were  to  manage  this  stock  for  seven 
years,  with  certain  pcciiniiry  advantages  to 
themselves,  run  all  risks,  and,  at  the  end  of 
the  seven  years,  account  lor  the  stock  and  its 
profits,  the  Same  to  be  divided  to  every  stock- 
holder in  ptoporfion  to  his  adventure  therein. 
It  was  not,  therefore,  a  sa/e  of  the  stuck  to  the 
undertakers,  but  only  the  a8sum()tion  of  its 
management,  on  favurahle  pecuniary  terms, 
by  the  undertakers,  in  consideration  of  their 
running  all  the  rirfks.  The  common  stock  was 
entirely  distinct  from  the  joint  stock,  which 
was  expressly  declared  by  the  Company,  Feb. 
10,  1630.  (-ee  Felt's  Annals,  vol.  I.  p.  148,)  to 
be  '•ordained  for  the  maintenance  of  the  trade," 
At  the  same  date  and  meeting  of  the  Company, 
(see  Felt's  Annals,  game  vol.  same  page.)  it 
was  determined  ''that  a  common  stock  should  bt 
raystdjrom  such  as  beare  good  affecon  to  tht 
pla  Uacon  and  propagacon  thereof,  and  the  sam* 
to  be  employed  on(y  in  defrayment  of  puhlique 
charges,  as  maintenance  of  mtnisttrs,  transpor- 
tacon  of  poorejamylyes.  building  of  churches 
and  ffortyfycalions  aud  all  other  fubhque  and 
necessary  expenses  of  ih"  plantacon.  dj^c.''  The 
reason  given  for  the  formation  of  this  *Commoji 


'This  Common  Stock  was  evidently  in  furtberanea 
of  Plantation  purposes  (not  trade)  since  every  per- 
son BobHCribing  to  it  tbe  sum  of  £50  was  entitled  t» 
200  acres  of  land,  and  proportiorably  for  any  smaller 
earn.    Bu  it  was  an  emigration  measure. 


87 


Stock  WU8,  that  the  jurtherance  of  the  planta   I  Colonists  here,  who  managed  things,  after  all, 
tion  would  necessiinly  require  a  great  and  con-    their  own  way.  and   panl.y  in   the   destructiye 


tinual  cliaige,  which  could  not,  with  conve- 
nience, be  defrayed  out  ot  the  Joint  Stock 
(trade  stock)  of  the  Company. 

Certain  undertakers  seem  to  have  been  cho- 
Ben  to  manage  this  common  stock,  perhaps  the 
same  as  wore  to  manage  the  trade  or  joint 
stock.  It  is  obvious,  however,  t^>at  the  Home 
Company,  did  not  part  with  their  interest  in 
this  stock,  since  at  the  same  meeting  (Feb.  10, 
1630,)  "if  IS  further  agreed  on  and  ordered, 
that  an  order  bee  draicne  vpp  and  publishfd  vn- 
der  the  seale  of  the  Company,  to  sigmfie  and 
declare  to  what  vsns  all  such  monyes  as  are  giu- 
en  to  the  common  stock  shal  be  employed,  and 
what  land  shal  be  allotted  to  each  man  that 
giues  therevnto,  <!fC."  The  further  facts  that 
ilr.  John  Winthrop  waa  chosen  Governor  of 
the  Colony  by  the  Company  in  London,  and 
their  comfirmation  of  (300  acres  in  the  Colony 
to  Brewerton  at  the  same  meeting  at  which 
they  established  the  common  stock  of  the  Com 
pany,  prove  that  the  Uome  Company  did  not 
part  with  any  of  their  proprietary  rights  in  the 
Colony,  when  they  agreed  to  transfer  the  Pa- 
tent and  Government  hefe  in  1030.  Their 
joint  stock  or  trade  stock  had  a  limit  of  seven 
yea's  to  run  in  the  Colony,  and  at  the  risk  of 
the  undertakers,  but  we  are  unable  to  find 
that  the  common  stock  of  the  Company  was  ev- 
er limited  in  any  way.  To  dispose  of  it,  was 
to  dispose  of  proprietorship,  and  we  see  no  evi- 
dence of  such  an  intention  any  wljere.  It  was 
natural  and  proper  that  the  government  of  the 
Colony  should  be  transicrred  to  the  Colony, 
but  tho  Company  in  England  would  have  sold 
their  proprietorship,  if  desirous  of  disposing  of 
it.  We  see  no  evidence  of  such  a  sale,  or  the 
intention  of  selling.  We  see  charly  that  the 
trade  of  the  Company  was  self-limited  to  seven 
years,  and  was  most  probably  defunct  several 
years  before  that  period,  but  when  did  the  pro- 
prietor's right  of  the  Home  Company  cease  to 
have  any  validity  here  ?  The  answer  is  per- 
bap»  to  be  found  la  the  independeDce  ol  the 


confusion  produced  by  the  civil  troubles  in 
England.  Cradcck  evidently  considered  that 
he  had  a  proprietary  right  in  the  Colony,  for 
he  left  a  claim  upon  it,  amounting,  in  1648,  to 
nearly  £700. 

We  have  devoted  a  short  space  to  the  investi- 
gation of  this  matter,  not  only  for  the  pnrpose 
of  arriving  at  the  facts  of  hittory,  but  because 
we  are  aware  that  some  are  of  the  belief  that 
the  Home  Company  parted  with  all  their  inter- 
ests, pecuniary  and  proprietary,  in  the  Colony, 
to  Winthrop  and  tho.se  coming  over  with  himi 
and  to  those  already  here.  We  see  no  evidence 
of  it.  The  Government  and  Patenr  were  trans- 
ferred, and  the  general  management,  both  of 
government  and  trade ;  but  we  cannot  see  that 
right  or  interests  in  either  wore  disposea  of  to 
the  Colonists  here.  The  trade  of  the  company 
was  indeed  to  empire  at  a  limited  period,  (neveh 
vea''8),but  their  interest  in  the  Patent  and  Gov- 
ernment to  continue.  That  it  did  not  continue, 
can  only  be  explained,  now.  by  a  combination 
of  circumstances,  permitted  i)y  a  higher  power; 
in  part  to  free  the  Colony  from  a  landed  mo- 
nopoly, and  give  it  a  wide  freedom  aa  the  basis 
of  the  more  glorious  Commonwealth. 

Practically  speaking,  however,  the  Colonial 
government  managed  affairs,  either  of  Church 
or  State,  from  the  start,  to  suit  themselves. 
Many  of  the  early  laws,  either  religious  or 
civil,  are  evidently  the  work  of  the  Colonial  au- 
thorities, spiritual  or  temporal,  and  very  prob- 
ably entirely  their  own.  The  laws  of  trade 
gvhich  they  passed,  often  b<ive  strong  local 
characteristic),  though  they  may  have  been  for 
the  benefit  of  the  joint  stock  of  the  home  com- 
pany and  their  partners  id  the  Colony.  la 
1631,  no  corn,  provision  or  merchantable  com- 
modity could  be  purchiu^ed  from  any  ship  with- 
out the  leave  of  the  Governor  or  an  Assistant. 
In  1634-5  the  penalty  of  confiscation,  or  tht 
loss  of  value  of  the  goods,  hung  over  those  wli* 
hought  any  commodity,  from  any  vessel  coming 
into  the  Colony,  without  a  license  from  the 
Governor.     In    1635    this   was  repealed.     la 


88 


1634-5  a  committee  of  iiierohants  are  appointed 
to  purchase  the  cargoes  of  friendly  vet-scls, 
etore  them,  and  any  time  within  twenty  days 
after  the  landing  of  the  cargo,  and  notice  given 
to  the  several  towns,  sell  them  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Colony  at  £5  per  cent,  profit,  and 
not  above.  By  the  preceding  section  it  would 
seem  that  the  cargo  was  prol)ahly  not  to  he 
purchased  by  the  undertakers  of  the  joint  stock 
of  the  Company,  and  if  tiiis  be  so,  then  Salem 
begins  in  1G34-5  to  enjiy  a  comparative  free- 
dom from  the  Home  Company.  This  agrees 
well  with  the  fact  of  history  th  it  in  1637  the 
Colonists  began  to  build  vt'S^iels  for  trade  and 
fishing.  In  1640  their  independence  was  obvi- 
ous, and  the  Home  Company's  trade  has  en- 
tirely disappeared.  It  was  probably  dying  or 
extinct  in  1635-6.  Some  of  the  early  and  re 
strictive  laws  of  trade  in  the  Colony  may  have 
been,  and  probably  were  passed  as  protective 
measures,  and  without  much  reference  to  the 
Home  Company,  as  for  instance  that  of  1634-5, 
which  puniched  any  person  who  should  go  on 
board  any  sliip  on  arrival  without  leave  of  some 
of  the  assistants,  uiilevSg  she  had  laid  at  anchor 
twenty^four  hours  in  some  inhabited  iiarbor, 
(nor  tlien  unless  a  friend)  wi!h  the  confiscation 
of  his  estate,  and  such  lurther  punishment  as 
the  General  Court  should  think  in(!et  to  in- 
fli  t  !  Also  that  of  1635-6,  wherein  all  persons 
are  forbidden  to  buy  any  commodity  from  any 
ship  before  the  invoice  has  been  given  to  the 
Governor  or  Deputy  Governor,  nor  any  provi- 
sions without  K-ave,  nor  to  buy  any  provis^ions 
or  victuals  from  such  ship  to  soil  again,  or  f  car- 
ry from  the  Colony  under  pain  of  a  punishment 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Court.  Both  these 
laws  were  soon  repealed,  and  were,  therefore, 
we  presume,  merely  local  law8  to  suit  some 
local  euiergoucy. 


f  Even  as  lato  as  1C62  we  see  another  of  those  pro- 
hibitory laws,  so  common  in  the  earlier  day  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. Corn  then  is  so  scarce,  that  its  export 
is  forbidden  on  pain  of  Confiscation-f-the  law  to  con- 
tinue in  force  until  Gen'l  Court  so  order  otherwise. 
Here  the  alarming  scarcity  of  corn  in  the  Colony  was 
doubtless  the  controlling  cause  of  the  Law. 


Tlio  weekly  Wednesday  tuarkets  permitted 
in  Salem,  commencing  in  1634,  and  the  two 
yearly  Fairs  granted  her  by  Gen'l  Court — the 
one  in  May,  and  the  other  in  September — com- 
mencing in  1638,  must  have  done  their  share  in 
8tin>ulatmg  the  internal,  and  perhaps  external 
trade  of  S.  The  Home  Compiiny  built  a  bark 
here  in  1629,  but  then  only  for  their  own  fish- 
ermen— yet  evidently  a  largo  decked  boat — 
large  enough  to  visit  Newfoundland.  If  the 
Colony  was  practically  free  of  the  Home  Com- 
pany in  1637,  then  between  tl  at  year  and 
1639  the  fisheries  and  trade  perhaps  with  them 
took  a  good  start,  since  in  1639,  ship  carpen- 
ters, which  follow  their  calling,  are  exempted 
from  training,  as  also  were  fishermen  and 
mjllers  nnder  similar  c  rcumstances  ;  though 
they  are  still  to  be  furnished  with  arms.  These 
peculiar  privileges  prove  tlie  impn  tance  of 
their  uncontined  labor  to  the  Colunv  at  that 
time.  In  1641  the  Gen'l  Court  are  fully  a- 
roused  to  the  importance  of  perfecting  ship- 
building, which  it  calls  "a  business  of  great 
importance  tor  the  public  good,  and  therefore 
suitable  care  is  to  bi  taken  that  it  be  well  per- 
formed.'' and  makes  it  lawful  for  the  owners 
to  appoint  and  put  in  some  suitable  workman, 
as  is  usual  in  England,  to  survey  the  work 
and  workmen,  givi.ig  him  such  power  and  lib- 
erty as  belongs  to  his  office,  and,  in  else  of 
disagreement  between  him  and  the  ship  car- 
penters, provides  for  the  selection  of  two  im- 
partial ship  carpenters  as  referees,  who  shall 
decide  the  matter  and  have  power  to  remedy 
the  complaint,  and  their  charges  or  fees  are  to 
be  paid  by  the  party  at  fault. 

In  1642  Stlem  is  the  second  commercial 
town  of  the  Colony.  She  pays  £75  taxes, 
and  Boston  £120.  The  order  of  1644  in  ref- 
erence to  ship  building  evidently  applies  forci- 
bly to  her,  as  well  as  some  other  places — in 
which  order  the  Genl  Court  offer  to  incorpo- 
rate a  Company  of  ship  builders  to  regulate 
building  of  ships,  and  make  such  laws  and 
orders  among  themselvos  as  may  conduce  to 
the  public  good  ; — (and  thus  make  a  Guild   or 


89 


Couipiiny  reseiuhliiiij  tliose  in  tl:e  old  world  ) 
In  1615.  a  Cinary  Ishind  ship,  the  Gilbert,  is 
in  Boston  —  with  wines — and  it  is  not  unlikflv 
that  the  Wine  Liland  vi;s8el,s  may  have  visited 
Salem  a8  eirly.  In  1646  wharfage reuulationt* 
are  ordered  by  Genl  Court  for  wharves  in 
Boston  and  Charlestown  ;   and  Saleta,  as    next 


I   : 


IS  against  the  UdIory,  though  in  favor  of 
them.  When  Charles  the  2d  came  in,  howey- 
i-r,  his  ministers  weie  detenn-ned.  as  well  as 
the  Kin>;  himself,  that  ^L:^sachu8etts  should 
he  curtailed  in  her  commercial  freedom.  The 
Colonial  Antlioriiie^  saw  t!.is,  and  the  Gen'l 
Court  in  1661  repeal  the  law  a  lowing  friendly 


in  Commercial  importance  to  Boston,  may  have  j  ships  to  trade  freely  in  our  harbors.  As  they 
had  wharves  thus  early.  In  1645  or  earlier, 
there  appear.-'  to  have  been  trouhle  between 
foreign  vessels  in  our  harbors  (perhaps  in  Sa- 
lem) and  (S'^a  ?)  fights  took  place  between 
them.  T/ie  General  Court  dif<courage  this  by 
ordering  that  no  ships  in  our  harbors  shall 
fight  any  other  ships  during  the  time  ot  their  j  ^^'^  t)*^"  evaded,  or  were  relaxed,  and  it  was  found 
abode   liere  I  ni'ces.«Hr5    to  revise  and  confirm    tbem.     When    the 

Tii      r-'  I      ■  1  Ti  M         r     1.  i  Republicans  triumphed    in   Enjfland,    they     past^ed  a 

ho  fisheries  and  Home  Manufactures   were        ^  ^  o  j     ^ 


be-ran  prior  to  the  rei^^n  of  Henry  7th.  During  his 
reign  (in  1485.)  and  the  rei>rn  of  Elizabeth,  (in  loG2, 
and  again  in  15^3,)  acts  were  passed  favoring  En- 
glish Com'nerce  at  the  expense  of  foreign,  and  for 
the  benefit  esp»cially  of  the  Royal  N.ivy — to  build  it 
up.     During  the  reign  of  Charles  tiie  Is  ,  these  laws 


always  carerully  watched  over  hy  the  Colonial 
authtirities.     In  order  that  raw-bides  and    un-  ' 


suinewliac  rough  aot  in  1650,  prohibiting  a}l   ships  of 
foreign  nations  from  trading  with    any  English  plan- 


tations without  license  from  the  Council  of  State. — 
wrought  leather  should  not  he  exported,  the  i  i„  i(;5i  (hey  passed  a  Navigation  Act,  levelhd  in 
General  Court  prohibited  their  transportation  '  part  ag.ainsr  the  sugar  islands,  which  still  adhered  to 
from  the  colony  in  1646  on  pain  of  confisca-  the  King,  and  paitly  against  the  Dutch,  who  then 
tion,  or  the  value  thereof,  unle.ss  first  imporred 
into  tiio  Colony  as  Merchandize.  The  Fisher- 
men were  early  protected  by  law,  and  granted 
Tarious  privileges,  and  in  1663  were  empow- 
ered  to  use  wood  from  any  common  lands  for 
fiali  flakes  and  stages — the  English  fishermen 
possessing  still  greater  privileges — being  al- 
lowed to  enter  on  to  private  lands  for  the  pur- 
pose, paying  a  reasonable  sum,  however,  for 
damages  It  was  trespass  in  our  Bshermen 
to  do  this,  but  the  English  fishermen  were  con- 
sidered to  have  their  privileges  under  the  char- 
ter. The  Colonists  did  not  like  such  an  exer- 
ci^e  of  their  claims,  but  from  policy  perhaps 
forebore  to  deprive  them  of  tbem. 


were  the  principal  carriers  of  Europe,  and  whose 
ships  were  employed  by  Eaijlish  merchants  to  bring 
mercnandize  from  America  and  the  West  Indies  into 
England,  in  spite  of  former  unrepealed  laws,  and  at 
a  lower  rate  of  Ireight  than  native  ships.  This  law 
enacted  that  no  commodities  (colonial  or  of  any  oth« 
er  description)  should  be  imported  into  England,  un- 
less in  vessels  solely  owned,  and  commanded,  and 
principally  manned  by  English  subjects,  and  wheie 
the  Commodities  weie  foreign,  unje.-is  entirely  con- 
veyed in  such  vessels  from  the  place  where  the  com- 
modities grew,  or  to  wbich  they  were  usually  in  the 
fir.*t  instance  transported  by  sea.  By  this  the  Dutch 
were  cut  off  from  the  carrying  trade  of  the  Colonies, 
and  their  importation  ot  fish  into  England  laid  under 
great  restriction  and  heavy  burdens. 

This  act,    moreover,  did    not   permit   any   but  En- 


In  1645,  the  whole  Colony  was  in  a  prosper-    gH-h  subjects  to  be  factors  or  agents  in  the    English 


ous  state,  and  Salem  of  course  wit.'t  ir.  When 
the  Navigation  laws  were  passed,  Salem,  as 
well  as  the  Colony  evaded  their  application  for 
a  while,  professing  that  they  did  not  apply  to 
tbem.  since  they  were  under  the  Charter,  and 
Uot  the  Parliament.  Cromwell  seems  never  to 
have  urged  the  *Law8  of  I'rade  pertinaciously 


*The  laws  of  trade,  or  navigation  laws  of  England, 
23 


Colonies.     Before  that  time,  the  principal    factors  or 
agents  in  those  Colonies  were  Dutch. 

At  the  restoration,  Charles  the  2d  and  bis  Parlia- 
ment sustained  substantially  tiiese  laws  by  statute! 
in  1660  and  in  1662 — the  first  being  known  as  the 
famous  Aavigntion  Act.  The  Mass.  Colonists  had 
not  obeyed  the  laws  of  1650-1,  nor  those  of  the  ear- 
lier date,  whiab  were  not  repealed,  and  struggled 
against  the  Navi>;ati<m  Act  and  kindred  laws  nntil 
their  final  separation  from  England. 


90 


tend  lit  the  same  time  n  verj  humhlu  luyiil  ad- 
dress to  the  King,  it  is  muHt  lik  ly  that  their 
reason  waa  a  denire  to  conciliate  CharlcH. 
yielding  only  what  they  were  forced  to  yield, 
and  to  save  other  privileges,  or  peihaps  for 
form's  oake.  The  object  of  the  Traiie  and 
Navigation  lawH  and  policy  of  England  was  to 
make  England  the  Magazine  of  ColoniaS 
Trade,  drive  off  the  Dutch,  and  compel  her  own 
ehipjiing.  especially  the  Coli>nial,  to  seek  her 
own  markets,  pay  her  the  legal  duties,  and  to 
drive  off  all  foreign  Ireighting  vessels  whatso- 
ever, when  in  competition  with  her  own 
shipping.  The  N  E  Colonists  had  enjoyed  a 
comparativb  free  trade  under  Charles  the  1st, 
and  CromwHll,  and  had  thriven  greatly  hy  ir, 
and  saw  and  felt  its  advantages.  They  were 
unwilling  to  come  under  the  Laws  of  England 
in  matters  of  trade,  and  evaded  them  in  every 
■Way  they  could.  When  the  Commissioners  of 
Charles  the  2d  came  over  here  in  1665,  backed 
by  three  Frigates,  as  a  hint  of  the  power  of 
the  Mother  Country,  the  Colonists  paid  them 
all  ostensible  de(<  rcnce.  and  worked  againpt 
them  in  secret.  The  inde[)endence  of  Mas  a- 
chusetts  was  well  known  in  England,  and  the 
*King  bated  the  name  ot  Commonwealtk  even 

♦The  King  (Charles  the  2d,)  was  much  incensed 
agninst  Masisacbunetts  at  the  first,  and  told  Sir  Thos- 
Temple,  Gov.  of  Nova  Scotia,  (brother  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam,) that,  among  oth<«r  things,  the  Colonist.s  had 
invaded  the  roval  prerogative  by  coining  money. 
Temple,  who  hud  retained  f>-om  America,  and  had 
geun  the  urgent  reasons  which  had  induced  the  Col- 
ony to  t»ke  that  step— the  scarcity  of  money  here, 
and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  it  from  England  dur- 
ing the  civil  troubles  there — stated  these  to  the  King 
in  extenuation,  and  showed  him  some  of  the  Pine 
Tree  Money.  "What  is  that,"  asked  the  King, 
pointing  to  the  Pine  Tree,  which  the  artist  had  made 
bushy  and  broad  like  the  Italian  Pine.  "That  is 
the  Royal  Oak,'" answered  Temple;  "the  tree  which 
•heltered  your  Majesty."  Charles  being  highly 
pleased  at  this  proof  of  loyalty,  and  in  great  and 
eondt^scending  good  humor,  exclaimed,  "Honest 
Dogs*"  He  appears  in  1665  to  have  thought  otber- 
wi>e,  but  the  date  of  Temple's  virit  is  not  given.  It 
may  have  been   after  the   Commissioners'  return. — 


in  the  Law  Book  of  the  Colony,  and  her  con- 
tempt of  Episcopacy  ope*ily  exfiressed  therein. 
Both  these  things  he  desired  should  be  swept 
away.  They  were  a  sore  reminiscence  to  him, 
lor  ihey  reminded  him  of  the  Commonwealth 
at  homw.  liis  Commissioners  demanded  also, 
among  other  things,  that  alt  Masters  of  ves- 
sels and  Captains  of  Companies  should  carry 
the /rue  f colors  of   England,    by    which   they 


Felt,  however,  in  his  History  of  Mass.  Currency, 
puts  the  date  of  Temple's  visit  to  the  King  as  in 
l(Jt>2  Bifore  Charles  died,  he  evidently  thought 
tlip  Colonists  were  a  set  of  "dishonest  dogs."  The 
mint  was  finally  clo.'ed,  about  1C86,  say,  though 
stated  by  one  authority  to  be  in  existence  in  1706. 
Felt  evidently  is  the  better  authority  on  this  point, 
and  he  gives  about  1686  as  the  date. 

Massaciiusetts  was  early  and  long  suspected  in 
England  of  aiming  at  Independence,  but  her  pro- 
gress thitherward  seems  to  have  been  in  the  main  a 
reasonable  and  somewhat  unconscious  one.  As  ear- 
ly lis  1639,  'ieorge  Burdet,  who  had  been  an  assis- 
tant of  Rev.  Hugh  Peters,  privately  tells  Laud,  and 
others  of  Lord  Comin'rs.  thai  the  Col'^nifts  were 
aiming  more  at  civil  independence,  than  ri'formation 
in  ecclesiastical  matters.  S;e  Felt's  memoir  of  Hugh 
Peters,  in  the  5th  vol.  Mass.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Regis- 
ter. 

It  seems  but  fair  to  say  that  the  civil  independence 
of  Massachusetts  was  the  natural  result  of  the  re- 
ligious independence  she  assumed  and  maintained 
trom  the  first. 

-fin  1629  the  English  Ensign  appears  to  be  tho 
flag  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony.  In  1634,  part  of 
the  red  cross  had  been  taken  out.  la  1633  the  Gen. 
Court  came  to  a  reluctant  conclusion  to  admonish 
Eodecott  for  cutting  it  out,  which,  it  appears,  be 
was  somewhat  instigated  ta  do,  and  in  the  belief 
that  it  was  an  idolatrous  sign — a  belief  then  held  by 
not  a  few  of  the  Colonists  The  English  ensign 
seems  then  to  have  been  laid  aside,  and  as  in  1636 
the  national  fiag  was  unfurled  at  the  Castle  in  Bos- 
ton Harbor,  under  the  protestations  of  the  magistrates, 
gianting  that  libert;  to  various  ship  masters  going 
from  that  port,  we  can  readily  see  that  the  English 
ensign  was  no  favorite  in  the  Colony,  The  reason 
then  givtn  by  the  magistrates  tor  their  protest,  was, 
that  they  held  the  cross  in  the  ensign  to  be  idola- 
trous. 

From  1651  to  the  close  of  the  Commonwealth  in 
England,  Massachusetts  may  have  adopted  the   "old 


91 


might  be  known  tu  bo  hie*  iuaj<»tj'8  Ifgiiiuiate 
itit'jects.  It  was  evident  by  tliin  that  the  Cul- 
onitttt*  bad  a  fl.ig  bj  land  aud  S'ta,  whicii  was 
not  of  the  ro^al  putifrn.  They  demanded 
that  the  law  which  the  Geni^ral  C'<urt  Imd 
passed  again»t  the  Act  oi  Navigation  of  En;; 
laod  should  be  repealt^d,  and  that  the  coinin^j; 
of  money  shuuld  ceane,  as  being  a  Koyal  pre- 
rogative. Tlie  CoininissiunerH,  moreover, 
charge  upon  the  colonists,  as  from  the  King 
that  ^'our  subjects  there  doe  not  submit  to  our 
Government,  but  look  at  th'mselces  as  independ- 
ent on  {of)  MS."  These  Comlui8^iorleIs  gave 
much  trouble,  and  failed  in  their  efforts. 

In  1667.  the  General  Courtorder  the  Naviga- 
tion Laws  to  be  obeyed,  but  this  legal  and 
formal  submission  was  a  hollow  and  really 
profitless  one,  and  so  intended,  for  in  1673 
Wayborne,  and  m  1676.  Randolph,  inioriu  the 
Englisti  Government  that  the  Laws  of  Trade 
are  not  observed  in  Massachusetts, — in  fact  are 
virtually  inoperative — all  nations  trading  here 

English  colurs,"  viz:  tbe  CroM  of  St.  George,  need 
by  tbe  Parliamtnt,  thuugb  tbe  General  Court,  wben 
adopting  tbein  in  1(551,  strongly  desired  an  alteration 
of  tbem.  As  tbe  King's  Cuuiuiifsioners,  in  lb65  de- 
sire  tbe  Culunists  to  raise  the  true  flag  of  England, 
botb  on  their  ships  and  in  tneir  companies,  it  Would 
appear  that  Alas$aoDusett:i  had  adopted  another  flag 
than  thai  even  of  tbe  Parliament;  for  our  authorities 
were  too  politic  to  have  worn  the  colors  of  the  late 
Eni:lish  Couiuionwealtb  before  tbe  eyes  of  the  King's 
CouimiAsioners,  especially  while  disputing  with  tbem; 
and  it  is  in  evidence,  that  though  they  adopted  tbe 
Parliamentary  flag  in  Ibol,  yet  they  then  much  de- 
sired an  alteration  in  it,  perhaps  on  some  scruple  of 
conscience.  Up  to  l(j86,  and  under  the  tyrannical 
reign  of  Andros,  the  flag  of  New  England  only  ap 
proximates  to  the  Flag  of  England.  The  ensi&;n 
which  Cromwell  adopted,  was,  we  believe,  the  simple 
Crosci  of  St.  George,  and  which  appears  on  the  coin  of 
the  Commonwealth.  The  Colonists  did  not  like  the 
Cross,  but  may  have  continued  it,  with  additions  of 
their  own.  It  is  evident  that  they  did  not  follow 
Cromwell  or  tbe  Commonwealth  blindly  in  any  mat- 
ter. They  were  unwilling  to  war  with  their  Dutch 
neighbors  at  bis  command,  declined  to  obey  his  laws 
of  trade,  kept  aloof  trom  bis  monied  policy,  and  re- 
fused bis  offers  either  as  to  Jaioaica  or  Ireland. 


without  restraint.  The  Magistrates  told  VVaj- 
borne,  thai  tiiey,  as  Viue-Admirals  of  Ilia 
Majesty,  in  these  seas,  shuuld  do  as  seemed 
good  to  them.  Still  these  laws  munt  have 
troubled  our  merchants.  In  1663  'he  General 
Court  appointed,  for  appearance's  sake,  Uil- 
liard  Veren  to  be  an  officer  for  the  ports  of 
6alem.  Marblehead  and  Gloucester,  to  see  that 
the  Navigation  Act  of  Parliament  be  enforced. 
He  accepted  the  office,  and  avoided  its  ^dutiea. 
The  Koyal  Commissioners  had  failei  in  their 
attempts  to  practically  enforce  the  act.  Crom- 
well himseK  had  not  been  more  successful 
though  he  in  secret,  perhaps,  favored  the  Colo- 
nists. Still  his  attempts  to  induce  the  New 
Englanders  to  remove  to  Ireland  and  after- 
wards  to  Jamaica,  arc  capable  of  two  different 
constructions.  At  all  events,  our  Massachu- 
setts people  and  rulers  united  in  mistrusting 
England,  her  Rukrs  and  her  Laws,  and  obeyed 
them  only  under  compulsion. 


f  One  of  his  duties  wa.i  to  suite  ships  or  vessels 
pp  iiib-ted  by  that  act  trom  tradiug  here.  It  evi- 
dently was  not  done,  tbougb  Sulew,  as  the  second 
(or  third)  commercial  town  in  the  Colony,  must 
have  violated  the  law.  It  was  generally  violated  ia 
Mas.■>achu^ett3.  S'ill  tbe  Colonists  were  troubled  by 
the  law,  as  putting  them  in  a  false  commeroial  posi- 
tion. 

To  be  Continued. 


ABSTRACTS  FROM  WILLS.  INVENTORIES,  Ac., 
ON  FILE  IN  THE  OFFICE  OF  CLERK  OF 
COlJRTrf,  SaLEM,  MASS. 


Copied  by   Ira  J.   Patch. 
COKTINOED  FROM    PACK   52. 


Andnw  Creek.  Sept.,  1658. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Aiidnw  Creek,  ap- 
prized by  Francis  Peabody  and  Robert  An- 
drews of  Topt^field,  the  17th  Sept.,  1658,  a- 
mounting  to  £17  17s  4d. 

List  of  debts  owed  by  said  Creek  when  he 
died,  amounting  to  £19  16s  2d. 

Returned  by  Dan*!  Clark,  29th  7th  mo., 
1658. 

John  Wnght.  Mar.,  1659. 
AdministratioQ  ol  estate  of   Jubo  Wright  of 


92 


Newburv,  frniiited  to  Edward  Brafijf  30th  10th 
mo.,  1G58.  and  an  inventory  ruturned  by 
Ttiomas  Bisljop  and  KuhertKiusuian. 

Benfn  Montjoy,   4th  mo..  1659. 
Inventory  of   the  est^ite  ol    H.nj'n    Montjoy, 
amounting  to    £19  2s  51,    returned    by   Wai. 
Clarke  and    Josepii    DoUiver  ;  administration 
gianted  to  hisj  wile,  28th  4th  mo.,  1659. 

Jno.    Wondice,  Ath  mo.,  1659. 

Will  o(  John  Wood  is  of  8al.Mn,  dated  2kli 
3d  mo.,  1659,  mentions  ;?am"l  Very  and  Alice 
his  wife,  dau  of  said  VVoodis,  Sim'l,  Elizal)eth, 
Sarah,  Thomas  and  John  Very,  children  of 
Sam'l  and  Alice  ;  Eiuma  Muse.  Appts  son  in 
law,  S.im'l  Very,  ex'r,  Thomas  Antrum  and 
Thomas  Flint,  witnesses,  proved  29th  4th  mo., 
1G69. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£69  5-<  Od. 'taken  lOih  4th  :na.,  1659,  by  Ti.om- 
as  James,  Thomas  Flint  aud  Thomas  Anthrum. 

John  Lraih,  4ih  mo  ,  1659. 

The  testimony  of  Eliz'h  Buxton  and  Mary 
Felton,  as  to  Mr.  Jo'^n  Leaeh.  senior,  speech 
about  the  disposing  of  his  estate.  They  say, 
"we,  whose  namiisar  vnderwritten,  beinge  both 
in  one  roome,  about  half  a  yeare  before  the  de- 
cease of  sd  John  L"ach,  senior,  the  sayd  John 
Leach  comming"  in  from  worke  he  sayd  vnto 
V8,  he  was  so  sicke  he  thought  he  should  haue 
falln  downe  dead  at  iiis  worke,  and  he  did 
feare  tluit  he  might  at  one  tyme  or  other  dye 
suddenly :  therfore  he  did  desire  of  vs  i)oth 
(that  if  in  case  it  should  so  fall  out.)  to  be 
witnesses  that  all  that  he  had  he  gaue  vnto  John 
Leach  ;  and  at  another  tyme,  hauinge  further 
conference  about  the  disposingeof  his  estate 
vnto  the  sayd  John  Leich,  we  told  him  there 
vrere  seueral  John  Leeches ;  be  should  doe 
— —  not  to  expresse  wch  of  them,  he  sayd  to 
John  Leach,  the  son  ot  Rich'd  Leach,  eayinge 
further  that  he  had  was  but  litle ;  if  he  should 
deuide  it  it  would  come  to  but  litle." 

loventorj^  of  above  estate   taken    20th  lOtb 


mo  .  1658,  by    D.m  1  Ilea   and   Henry    Cooke, 
amouMtiuji  tu  £37  3^  01. 

Li«t  of  debts  amount  to  £3  lOs  8d. 

Wm   Jiggles   Alh  mo..  1659. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  VVm  Jijigles,  taken 
26th  3d  mo,,  1659,  by  John  Browne,  John 
Gardner,  R  Imund  Bitter,  amount  £148 
3  of  the  cliiiiiren  mar'd  in  time  lonjr  since,  the 
otrier  abroad  at  sea,  tlie  eldest  son  in  England, 
a  master  of  sliip. 

Returned  by  Eiiz'h,  widow  of  dec'd,  28th 
4th  mo.,  '59. 

Kxigh  Laskins,  4th  mo..  1659. 
Inventory  of  estate  of    Hugh  Laskins    nf  Sa- 
lem, taken  21st    mar,,    1658-9.    amounting  to 
£50  2-1  lOd,    returned    by    John    Marston  and 
Samuel  Pick  man. 

Seeth.  wife  of  Joshua  Conard,  9th  mo.,  1659. 
Inventory  of  esfateot  Sieth  Conant.  wife  of 
the  late  (ieo^ased  Joshua  Conant.  tiken  28th 
3d  mo.,  1659,  am  Hinting;  to  £32  6-i  Od,  re- 
turned by  John  Brown  and  Ricimrd  Prince. 

Geo.  Norton.  9th  mo.,  1659. 

Inventory  o( drorgn  Norton  of  Sih?m,  taken 
221  7th  mo,  1659,  amounting  to  £134  lla 
6J.  returned  by  Jolin  Powlew,  Jacob  Birney. 

FreegracH  and  John  Norton,  eldest  sons  of 
abovesaid  George  Norton,  oflf;r  and  petition  to 
the  Court  to  allow  and  confirm  the  offjr  to  give 
up  their  portion  of  their  father,  George  Nor- 
ton's estate  to  their  mother.  M<i''ia  Norton, 
for  her  sole  use  during  her  wi  lowhtjod,  and  if 
the  Court  will  make  division  and  see  what  the 
shares  of  tlieir  brothers  and  sisters  are,  they 
will  pay  thorn  their  shares  that  their  mother 
may  have  the  whole. 

Ages  of  George  Norton's  children  • — Free- 
grace  Norton,  24  years  :  John  Norton,  22 
years;  Nithanell,  20  years;  George  Norton, 
18  years  ;  Mary,  16;  Mehitahle,  14;  Sarah, 
12;  Hannah,  10;    Abigail,  8  ;  Elizabeth,  5. 

James  Moore.  9lh  mo.,  1659. 
Will  of  James  Moore  of  Hammersmith,  dat- 


93 


ed  ofh  5th  mo.,  1659.  mentions  littl«  daujihter 
Duni'-hj.  wifti  Ruth  Moore  appts  Oliver 
Piirchis  and  J-ihn  Clarke  to  he  overseers.  Jo- 
seph Jenks.  sen'r  and  Joseph  Jenke,  junior, 
wiine8si'8. 

Inven  orv  of  above  estate,  amounting  to 
£56  8s  Od.  returned  by  Joseph  Jenks  and 
John  liathorne. 

Sam' I  Porter,  9t/i  mo  ,  1659. 
Will  of  Siim'l  Porter,  dated  lOih    12th  mo., 

1658.  being  bound  for  the  B.irhadoes. 

Wife  liiinnuh  i  of  his  farm,  son  John  the 
other  half  of  his  (arm  at  Wenham  ;  after  the 
death  of  his  wife  the  other  half  to  return  to 
bia  son.  Father  Porter  and  father-in-law 
Wm.  Dodge,  and  Edmond  Batter  to  be  over- 
seers W^itnesses,  Edm"d  Batter  and  Sara 
Batter,  proved  28th  4th  mo.,  *G0. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  taken  22d  4th 
mo..  16t30,  amounting  to  £331  19h  Od.  return- 
ed by  Koger  Conant  and  John  Rayment. 

Edward  Brown.  Mar.  1660. 

Will  of  Etiward  Brown  of  Ipswich,  dated 
9th  Feb.,  1659,  mentions  3  acres,  a  gift  given 
to  his  son  Thomao  by  his  aunt  Watson  in  Okl 
England,  said  Thomas  being  dead  he  account? 
bia  son  Joseph  to  he  his  heir.  Joseph  to  iiave 
his  8  acres  in  the  common  land  which  he 
bought  of  his  brother  Bartholomew ;  wile. 
Faith  Browne,  son  John  Browne,  his  wife  sole 
ex'tx.  Witnesses.  Rohert  and  Thomas  Lord, 
proved  27th  Ist  mo..  1660. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  taken    20th  Feb., 

1659.  amounting  to  £225  5s  7d :  debts  due 
from  the  estate,  £24  8s  Id  ;  returned  by  Mo- 
ses Pingry  and  Robert  Lord,  27ib  Ist  mo., 
1660. 

John  Clements,  May    1660. 
Consent  of  J.ib  Ciemente    that    his  Brother, 
Robert  Clements,  shall  be  satisfied  for    his  voy- 
age to    England  on  his   Brother.   John    Clem- 
ent's ac't  out  of  the  et-tatfof  his  brother  John 
Ist  mo.,  26th  day,  1660. 
24 


Jane  James,  June,  1660. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Jane  James,  widow  of 
Erasmus  James,  dec'd,  amounting  to  £86  Is 
9d,  returned  by  Francis  Johnson  and  Mosea 
Maverick.  The  land  in  Marhlehead.  with  the 
house  in  wch  the  deceased  lived  and  dw<!lt  in 
being  in  controversy  between  Erasmus  Jamea 
junior,  and  Richard  Read,  wch  we  know  not 
whose  It  is,  but  being  desired  by  sd  Erasmus 
Jomes  to  apprise  it,  the  appraisers  valued  it  at 
£40. 

List  of  debts  due  by  Erasmus  James  when 
he  died,  £19  Us  lOd,  allowed  26th  June, 
1660. 

Wm    Golt.  4th  mo.,  1660. 

Inventory  of  estiite  of  William  Golt  of  Sa- 
lem, tvken  21rtt  April,  1660,  amounting  to 
£49  Os  Od.  List  of  debts.  £22  02s  Od,  return- 
ed by  Jf  flFrey  Massey  and  John  K.itclien. 

Chil  iren  : — Reliecca,  19  years  ;  Debora,  15 
years;  Sara.  13  years. 

Ed.  Norris,  Ath  mo.,  1660. 
Will  of  Edward  Norris  of  Salem,  minister, 
and  teacher  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  dated  in 
Silem.  9th  10th  mo.  (D.c.)  1657.  Son  Ed- 
ward Norris;  John  Home  and  R>chiird  Prince, 
deacons  of  the  cliurch  in  Salem.  Witnesses, 
Walter  Price  and  Elias  Stileman.  Proved  27th 
4th  uio.,  1660. 

John  Bradstreel,  June.  1660. 
An  inventory  of  estate  of  John  Bradstreet  of 
Mablehead.  tak.-n  14th  4th  mo  ,  1660,  by  John 
Bartoll.  Joseph  Doliiver.    amounting  to  £102 
19ti  Od,  returned  26th  4th  mo.,  '60. 

Joshua  Conant,  ith  mo.,  1660. 
List  ol  charges  due  to  Mr.  Joseph  Gardner, 
from  the  estate  of  Joshua  C'nant,  amounting 
to  £35  7s  lid,  and  testimony  of  Hugh  Junes 
and  Jane  Coffin,  wife  of  Robert,  concerning  it, 
20th  4th  mo.,  1660. 

Lawnnce  Southtctck,  4th  mo.,  1660. 
The  testimony  of  Wm.  Robinson  and  Thom- 


94 


as  GardntT,  that  John  and  Dunjel  South  wick 
havS  uiiide  a  very  fiiir  iigreeinent  about  tho 
dividi.  g  of  their  father's  estate. 

Wm.  Paine,  Nov.,  1660. 
Copy  of  iiiVHiitory  of  estjite  ol  Wm.  Paine 
of  lJo>ton.  merchant,  *aken  22d  8th  mo., 
1660.  hy  lien  Shnmpton.  Josliua  Soottow, 
and  John  Richards,  amountinjr  to  £4239.  lln 
5d,  reiurnud  by  John  Paine,  his  son,  ^Jov.  14, 
1660. 

Edm'd  Nicholson,  Nov.,  1660. 

Inventory  ol  ent-iie  of  Bduiond  Nicholson  of 
Marhlehead,  taken  22d  9th  mo.,  1660,  by 
MoNcs  Maverick.  Wm  Nicke,  John  Lejrg, 
amounting  to  £150  Os  6d.  28th  Nov  1660. 
Elizabeth,  relict  of  the  deceased,  app'd,  and 
Bworne  to  tlie  truth  of  the  iciventory.  List  of 
debts.  £54,  4s  Od 

Cliildren  : — Christopher,  22  yrs.  ;  Joseph. 
20;  S.imuel,  16;  Joan,  14;  Elizabeth,  11; 
Thomas,  7. 

Chris.   Codnor,  dth   7no.,   1660. 
Inventory  ot  Cliristopher    Codnor,   amount- 
ing to  £252  Os  9d.     Children — Mary,  5  yrs., 
Christopher  3  yrs. 


Lawrence  Southwich,  9th  mo.,  1660. 

Will  ol  " Lawrence  Setbick,  late  ot  6alem, 
in  New  England,  now  being  at  the  house  of 
Natbaniell  Sylvester,  on  Shelter  Island,"  dat- 
ed 10th  5th  mo  ,  1659.  son  Daniel,  John  Hur- 
nell,  JoHiah  Southwick,  daughter  Provided, 
son  John,  iSamuel  Burtai,  Henry  Traske,  Ma- 
ry bis  dan.,  and  wife  of  Henry  Traske,  Deho 
rah  Southwick  and  young  Josiah.  Ann  Pot- 
ter, Mary,  Sarah  and  Hannah,  daus.  of  Henry 
Tratike,  Sam'l  and  Sarah,  John  South  wick's 
children.  Wm.  Robinson  and  Thus.  Gardi- 
ner to  be  overseers  of  his  vrill.  Witness, 
Nuth'l  Sylvester,  Thomas  Harris  and  Wm. 
DuranJ.  proved  29th  9th  mo  ,  1660. 

Inventory  of   above  estate,  taken    hy  Wm 
Jlobinson  and  Thomas  Gardner,    amounting  to 
£196  Os  Od,  returned  29th  9tb  mo.,  '60. 


Eran  Thomas,  Philip  Kerlfand.  4th  mo.,  1661. 

"A  Inventory  of  the  moveahle  estate  wch  Ev- 
an Tliomas  hath  and  doth  enjoy  with  and  by 
Alice  his  now  wile  ;  taken  before  marriage," 
amounting  to  £160  148  Id.  returned  hy  Alice 
Thomas,  late  wile  of  Piulip  Kertland,  26th 
Juno.  1661. 

THStimony  of  John  Kertland,  aged  about  52 
years,  savs,  "I  often  hard  my  brother,  Phillip 
Kyrtl.ind.  say  uftiuies  that  his  wife  shoulald 
hauo  all  that  hee  had  to  dispose  of,  ^o  long  as 
she  Hue,  and  to  my  best  remembranc,  I.ee  gaue 
£15  lo  his  datter  Miry,  and  ten  pounds  to  his 
difter  Sara,  and  ten  pounds  to  his  dafter  Su- 
sanna, and  ten  pounds  to  his  dal  ter  Hanna, — 
this  to  bee  giuen  to  them  at  ye  day  of  marriag, 
the  land  not  to  be  sould  so  long  as  she  liues." 
I7th  5th  mo.,  16o9. 

Williaio  H  ichor  of  Lvnn,  aged  65  or  there- 
abouts, testified  that  when  Piiilip  Kertland 
was  going  to  see,  he  told  him,  in  substance,  as 
above. 

Roger  Tucker,  Alh  mo.,  1661. 

Inventory    of  Roner    Tucker     taken    25th 

June,  1661.    by  Francis   Johnson    and    Moses 

Maverick,    retnrn^'d    by    Mr.    George  Corwin, 

28th  4th  mo.,  1661,   amounting  to  £9  14s  Od. 


Jas.  Smith,  4th  mo.,  1661. 

Will  of  James  Smith  of  Marblehead.  dated 
9th  9her,  1660.  Wife  Mary,  gives  hor  all  that 
my  farm,  called  Castle  Hill,  with  10  acres  in 
the  South  field  bought  of  Joseph  Grafton,  son 
James  Smith,  son  in  law  Richard  Rowland, 
James,  eldest  son  of  his  son  James,  daughter 
Kathren  E^orne.  grandchild,  Mary  Eborne, 
and  other  5  children  of  hia  daughter  Eborne, 
daughter  Mary  Rowland,  grandchild  Sam'l 
Rowland,  and  other  3  children  ot  his  daugh- 
ter  Rowland,  appoints  hia  wife  sole  ex'tx,  ap- 
pmnts  Maj.  VVm.  Hathorne  and  his  son,  Sam- 
ui'l  Eborne,  to  be  overseers. 

Proved  27th  4th  mo.,  '61. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  taken  25fh  June, 
1061,  by  Francis  Johnson.  Mosea  Maverick, 


95 


anioiinring  to  £492  Ic  Od,    returned   27tb  4ib 
mo  ,  '61. 

John  Sib/ey.  4ih  mo.,  1661. 

Inventory  of  estnte  ot  John  Sibley,  taken 
24th  June.  1061.  by  Win.  Allen.  P.ihco  Foote 
and  Kob.rt  LimcIi.  aiuouhting  to  £69  lOa  <  d. 
returntd  by  Ridiel.  the  widow,  who  in  jippt'd 
adin'x,  and  it  is  ordered  that  all  the  estate  be 
left  with  the  widow  for  the  bringing  up  of  the 
children,  till  further  order  of  the  Cuurt. 

lie  left  a  widow  and  9  children.  4  b(»y8  and 
5  girlw  ;  eldest  daugliter,  19  years,  next  about 
17,  the  third,  15.  lourth  ia  a  son  about  12 
years. 

Benj.   Bulflower,  ^th  mo.,  1661. 
Inventory   of  ei^tate  of    Benjainin  Belflower, 
deceased  February  24th,  I6G0,  taken    Mar.  16, 
1661,  bv  Rob-rt    M  >ulton   and    Henry  Phelps, 
amounting  tu  £19  5s  Od.  debts,  £13. 

Rich'd  Browne,  4ih  mo.,  1661. 
Will  of  Rich'd  Browne  of  Newbury,  men. 
8on  Joshua  a  tuinor,  sons  Richard,  Edmund, 
under  21,  daughters  Elizabeth  Sarah  ana  Ma- 
ry, unmarried,  and  under  ag«,  vrile  to  be  sole 
ex  tx.  Son  Joseph  deceased.  Brother  George 
deceased,  appts  Ric'd  Kent,  Nich'e  Noyes 
Robert  Long  and  Joseph  Noyes,  overseers. 
Witnesses.  Tristram  CoflSn,  Joseph  Noyes, 
James  Noyes,  Mjses  Noyes.  proved  June  24, 
looi. 

Thos.  Seers,  ith  mo.,  1661. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thomas  Seers  of 
Newbury,  who  deceased  the  16th  day  of  May, 
1661,  taken  by  Wm.  Moody.  Rob  Coker  and 
Anthonv  Somerby.  amounting  to  £93  0s0d. 
debts  allowed,  £13    48  26th  9th  mo.,  1660. 

Isabel  Babson,  ^th  mo.,  1661. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Isabel  Babson  orGloe- 
tor,  taken  April  9,    1661,  by  Sam'l    DoUaber, 
Philip  Stamwood,  amounting   to  £27  6d,  re<- 
turned  by  Jauiea  Babson. 


Wm     V[iUer.  4lh  mo  ,  1661. 

Will  of  V\', a.  Witter,  dated  165 J.  5th  6th 
mo.,  wife  Annis.  son  Josiab,  Robert  Burdin 
aflj  Hannah  his  wife  dan  ol  VVm  Witter, 
wife.  exor.  Witnesses,  Robert  Driver,  Wm. 
Hacker,  proved. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  1659,  15th 
9th  mo.,  by  Robert  Driver,  Wm  iiacker  and 
Francis  Ingalls,  amounting  to  £132  11«  Od^ 
returned  by  Anis  Witter.  23d  4ih  mu  ,  1661. 

Wm.  Lam^on,  9th  mo  ,  1661. 

Wm.  Lamson  of  Ipawich  dying  intestate!, 
admiuist'n  g.-anteJ  to  his  widovt',  Sarah  Lam- 
son, and  an  Inventory  is  presented,  amounting 
to  £111  10s  2d  ;  she  is  ordered  by  the  Court 
to  pay  to  the  present  cliildren,  8  in  nuiub^'r, 
as  follows,  viz  :  to  the  eldest.  £12.  and  the 
rest  £6  apiece.  At  a  Court  held  at  Ipswicbt 
29th  March,  1659. 

Petition  of  John  Ayres  and  VVm  Fellows,  in 
relation  to  their  brother's,  Wm  Lamson 's  es- 
tate, mentions  tiieir  slt^ter,  Sarah  Laiusjn,  wid- 
dow  of  Wm.,  and  said  Sarah  being  about  to 
change  her  estate  to  one  Thomas  Uartshorno 
of  Redoing,  and  said  Thomas  agreed  to  give 
her  the  liberty  to  dispose  of  her  share  of  her 
husband,  Wm.  Lamson 's  estate  as  she  chose, 
and  now  retuses  it.  They  petition  that  the 
Court  take  order  in  the  premises. 

Wm.   Cockerell,   9lh  mo.,  1661. 
Inventoy  of  estate  of  Wm.    Cockrell,  takes 
6th    Dec  ,  1661,    by   John    Brown,    Edmund 
Baf^er,    11th  10th    mo.,  1661,   amounting  to 
£81  los  Od. 

Jno.  Humphries,  9th  mo..  1661. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Humphrey,  de- 
ceased 13th  10th  mo.,  1661.  taken  by  £dmond 
Batter  and  Joseph  Humphreys,  amounting  to 
£60,  allowed,  and  Mr.  Batter  and  Jus.  Hum- 
phrey app'td  adm'rs. 

Husfh  Burt,  9th  mo.,  1661. 
WiU  of  Hugh  Burt  ot  Lyun.  dated  7th  0«- 


96 


tober,  1661.  mentions  son  Wui  Bassett,  two 
grand  daughters,  Mury  and  Sarah,  chi'dren  of 
hia  eon  llu^jh  Burt,  deceased,  son  Edward 
Burtt,  appts  his  wifeextx.  Nath'l  Standf'orde 
and  Andrew  Munsfi.jld  to  be  overseers,  gives 
to  hii«  son  Edward  all  interest  he  has  in  any 
land  &c.  in  London,  that  came  to  him  by  his 
brother  John  Burt  deceased,  proved  26th  9ih 
mo.,  1661. 

Huijh  Burtt  died  2d  November,  1661  In- 
ventory of  abovo  eftate  ttiken  13tl)  November, 
1661.  by  Naih'l  Standiord,  John  D-akin  an<l 
Andrew  Mansfii.ld,  amounting  to  £143  4s  9d, 
returned  26tii  9th  mo.,  '61. 

Arzbell  Anderson.  9th  mo.,  61. 

"An  Inventory  ot  ye  estate  of  Arzbell  An- 
derson, ScDtsinan,  whoe  deceased  at  ye  Iron- 
works at  Lvn  ye  thirteenth  day  of  ye  sixt 
month,  1661,"  taken  15th  6th  mu  ,  1661.  by 
Edward  Baker,  Jolm  Divan,  Oliver  Purohin, 
all  of  Lvnn,  amountin;:  to  £54  IBs  5id.  re- 
turned 12th  10th  mo.,  1661. 

Account  of  debts  paid  by  Oliver  Purchis, 
which  were  due  from  above  estate,  amounting 
to  £11  38  9d,  returned  to  C«iurt  25th  9th  mo., 
1662 

Deposition  of  AUifter  Mackmallen,  about 
30  years,  to  prove  that  Allinter  Graim  was 
near  of  kin  to  Arzbell  Anderson  above. 

Sworne  in  Couit  12tb  12th  mo.,  1661. 

Wm.  Oderie,  \Oth  mo.,  1661. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  VVm.  Odene  deceased 
the  last  of  December.  1660.  taken  by  Walter 
Price  and  Eltas  Mason,  amounting  to  £41  5s 
lid.  returned  by  George  Corwin  and  Edmund 
Batter.  12th  10th  mo.,  "61. 

Wm.  Hacker,  l.st  mo.,  1662. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Wi.liam  Hacker,  ta- 
ken 26tb  December,  1661.  by  Thomas  Mar 
shall.  Francis  Ingalls  and  Henry  Collins,  a 
mountin$;  to  £184  12s  lid,  returned  28th 
Mar  ,  1662. 


Rich'd  Brown.  \st  mo..  1662. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Kicb'd  Brown  of  New- 
^ury,  who  departed  this  life  April.  26tb, 
1661.  taken  June  5.  1661,  by  Richard  Knight 
Anthony  Souierby  and  Stephen  Greenlraf,  a- 
mouuiiiig  to  £634  '6f  Oil.  list  of  debts  due 
from  the  estate.  £31  15s  Od.  returned  by 
Eliz'h,  the  widow  and  ex'tx.,  25tb  Mar., 
1662. 

John  Dorman.  1st  mo..  1662. 
Inventory   of  estate    of    John    Dorman    of 
Topsfield.  taken  12th    Feb.    1661.    b    Francia 
Peabodv  and  Samuel  Biooklebank,    amounting 
to  £46  Is  Od.  returned  25th  Mar  .  1662. 

Ann  Lume,    Apr.,  1662. 
Inventory   of  estate   of    Ann    Lome,  taken 
16th  April,  1662.  by    Maximilli(m  Jewt-tt  and 
Sim'l  Brooklehanks.  amounting  to  £49  2s  6d, 
returned  17th  April,  1662. 

DrmV  Rea,  Alh  mo  ,  1662. 

x\greement  as  to  s-tjli-meni  of  estate  of 
Dan"!  Rea  of  Salem,  he  son  Joshua  to  have 
his  farm  and  when  Dan'l  son  of  Joshua  is  of 
age  he  is  to  fiave  halt  of  the  farm,  daughters 
Rebecca  and  Sirah  under  sixteen  years,  son 
Thomas  Loth'-op  and  his  wife,  his  wife  living. 

Allowed  and  con6rmed  26th  4th  mo.,    1662. 

Inventory  of  ahove  estate,  taken  by  John 
Ptirter  .tnd  Jacoh  Barney,  amounting  to  £239 
19s  4d,  returned  26th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

John  Stevens.  4/4  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  John  irtevens  of  An- 
dover,  taken  Apr.  28,  '62  bv  George  Abbott 
Richard  Barker  Nathan  Parker  and  Nicho- 
las Noyes.  amount  £463  48  Od.  returned  by 
Elizabeth  the  widow  24th  4mo  1662. 

An  inventory  of  what  was  given  by  John 
Stevens  to  his  eldest  son  John  and  his  receipt 
and  acceptance  of  the  same. 

To  be  Continued. 


97 


Curious  Bill  Ladino  of  a.  "Whightt  Hors" — 
1699. — Shipped  by  the  grace  of  God,  in  good  order 
and  well  conditioned,  by  Wm.  Pickering,  in  and  upon 
the  good  Ketch,  called  the  Lam,  whereof  is  master 
nnder  God,  for  this  present  voyage,  George  Cox,  and 
riding  at  Anchor  in  the  harbour  of  Salem,  and  by 
God's  grace  bound  for  Antege,  in  ye  West  India,  to 
say  — One  Whightt  Hors  &  too  new  water 
hopsetts.  for  ye  proper  Aooo'tt  of  ye  above 
sd  Wm.  Pickerinji — being  marked  and  num 
berod  as  in  the  Margent,  and  are  to  be  de- 
livered in  the  like  good  order  and  well  con 
ditioned  at  the  aforesaid  Port  of  Antege — 
(the  danger  of  the  Seas  only  excepted)  unto 
Mr  George  Cox,  maftor  of  ye  above  said 
Ketch,  or  to  his  Assigns,  he  or  they  paying 
freight  for  the  said  Goods,  five  pounds,  at 
ye  landing  of  ye  above  sd  borse  att  Antepe  alive — 
with  Primage  and  Average  accust^>med.  In  witness 
whereof  the  master  and  Purser  of  said  Ship  hath  af- 
firmed t<i  to  Bills  of  Lading  all  of  this  tenor  and 
date;  the  one  of  which  too  Bills  being  accomplished 
the  other  to  stasd  void  And  so  God  send  the  good 
Ship  to  her  destined  Port  in  safety.  Amen. 

Dated  in  Salem,  January  ye  12,  1699-1700,  mortal- 
ity excepted. 

pr  George  Cox,  jun'r. 


,e  Oh 

■-5: 
JO   •* 


THE  "OLD  PLANTERS"  OF  SALEM,  WHO  WERE 
SETTLED  HERE  BEFORE  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
GOVERNOR  EN  DICOTT,  IN  1628. 

BT   GEORGE    D.    PHIPPEN. 


Read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Essex  Institute,   March  26, 1858. 

When  we  look  backward  from  the  present 
hour,  which  bears  upon  its  surface  the  multi- 
tudinous burden  of  unfinir*hed  purpuses,  to  the 
sealed  record  of  the  past,  all,  at  the  first 
glance,  seems  impenetrable,  or  shadowv  and 
unreal. 

At  such  moments  we  should  remember  that 
time  is  but  one  progressive  present, — day  suc- 
ceeding dsiy  ;— that  from  the  beginning  the 
green  earth  has  always  been  bathed  in  light — 
rosy  morning  has  always  ushered  in  the  day, 
and  the  hill  tops  reflected  the  rays  of  ^.he  set- 
ting sun— children  young  and  blooming,  and 
gray-haired  sires  have  always  walked  hand  in 
band  togeth.r— the  bride  has  continually  ar 
rayed  herself  for  the  wedding,  and  the  hearth- 
25 


etone  has  been  cimtinually  re-laid,  and  as  con- 
tinually the  sighing  and  trusting  have  departed 
in  the  way  of  their  fathers.  Strong  hands 
and  willing  hearts  have  ever  responded  to  du- 
ty— the  rights  of  man  have  ever  found  cham- 
pions, and  the  Lord,  who  divides  the  sun  and 
the  rain  with  all  his  creatures,  has  ever  found 
worshippers.  Thu^  at  last,  time  with  its  un- 
resisting progress  has  placed  us  for  a  brief  pe- 
riod upon  the  scene  of  action. 

Notwithstanding  the  mutability  of  all  things, 
important  facts  and  dat-^s,  like  guide-posts  in 
the  traveller's  path,  direct  us  m  the  course  of 
investigation,  which  p.r3everance  shall  com- 
bine into  a  consistent  whole  and  imagination 
illumine  as  with  the  sunlight  of  present  reali- 
ty ;  thus  may  the  old  homes  -if  our  primitive 
f'atliers  be  pointed  out  and  repropled  with  their 
original  inhabitants,  and  we  become  united 
with  them,  as  we  truly  are,  and  participate  in 
their  perils  and  their  joys — perils  from  the  fear 
of  savages,  the  ruden'iss  of  the  elements,  and 
the  pressure  of  want  : — ptrtake  also  of  their 
zeal  in  the  pursuit  of  freedom  and  holiness- 
rejoice  in  their  hopeful  success,  which  ulti- 
mately conducts  us  to  the  abiding  triumph  of 
their  foresight  and  perseverance,  a  shadow  of 
which  they  could  scarcely  hrive  anticipated: 
and  we  hereby  learn  why  we  are  gathering  a 
harvest  we  sowed  not,  and  wliich  ripens  per- 
petually above  their  graves. 

We  design  to  give  an  account  of  the  first 
permanent  settlement  upon  the  soil  of  Massa- 
chusetts,— its  very  germ,  that  first  struck  its 
feeble  root  into  the  scanty  soil  at  Cape  Anne, 
and  that  was  soon  after  transplanted  to  the 
more  prolific  banks  of  the  Naumkeag  Kiver, — 
and  of  the  lew  resolute  spirits  who  resisted 
the  depression  of  disappointment,  and  the  wa- 
vering of  their  Companions,  and  remained  the 
small,  but  living  nucleus,  which  soon  received 
powerful  assistance  from  the  mother  country, 
and  wliicli  has  finally  increased,  and  expanded 
into  a  populous  and  influential  commonwealth, 
destined  to  last  as  long  as  her  granite  hills. 
We  will  first  devote  a  page  to  a  few  events  , 


98 


covering  a  wide  period  which  preceded  and  led 
to  this  settlement. 

About  one  third  of  all  the  time  that  has  e- 
lapsed  since  the  discovery  of  America,  had 
passed,  before  colonies  became  permanently  es- 
tablished upon  cur  coast.  Let  it  suffice  to 
make  but  a  passing  allusion  to  the  vuyages  of 
the  CaV)0t8,  and  the  illustrious  Knights  and 
half  broth'-rs  Sir  Walter  Kaleigh  and  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  rank  among  the  fath- 
ers of  the  commerce  of  England  ;  and  of  their 
abortive  attempts  at  colonizing  the  Indias  of 
the  West. 

The  first  permanent  settlement  upon  the  A- 
merican  coast,  then  generally  called  Virginia, 
resulted  from  the  exertions  o'' these  maritime 
brothers,  and  the  kindred  families  of  Sir  John 
Popham,  and  8ir  Fernando  Gorges. 

King  James's  Churier,  under  tlie  rame  of 
•'The  T-easurer  and  Company  of  Adventurers 
and  Planters  of  the  city  of  London,  for  the  first 
colony  of  Virginia,"  was  granted  in  1606; 
which  provided  for  two  councils  of  control, 
one  for  Nortliern  and  tlie  other  for  Southern 
Virginia.  Differences  which  it  if  unneeeosary 
to  explain  here,  soon  arose  between  the  two 
boards,  which  was  happily  turned  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  fheMorth  Colony,  by  the  exertions 
of  "Sir  Ftrnan  'o  Gorges,  and  certain  of  the 
principal  knights  and  gentlemen-adventurers,"' 
wlio  represented  to  the  King  that  the  region 
lying  between  the  40th  and  48th  degrees  of 
North  Latitude  had  been  recently  nearly  de- 
populated of  its  savage  inhabitants  by  a  won- 
derful plague.  (This  occurred  in  1617,)  and 
that  no  Christian  power  laid  any  claim  to  it. 

The  King  "desirous  of  enlarging  his  domin- 
ions, and  extending  the  Christian  name," 
granted  Gorges  and  his  party  a  patent  to  that 
vast  territory  lying  between  these  parallels, 
and  extending  from  sea  to  sea — from  the  At- 
lantic on  the  east,  to  a  sea  on  the  west,  the  dis- 
tance of  which  the  King  probably  had  not  the 
faintsst  conception.  This  putent  bore  the  ti- 
tle of  "The  Council  established  at  Plymouth 
in  the  County  of  Devonshire,  for  the  planting, 
ruling,  ordering  and  governing  of  New  Eng- 


land in  America."  It  was  p-issed  on  the  3d 
of  November.  1620,  and  scided  with  the  great 
seal  of  England,  July  3d.  1621, — and  this  pa- 
tent remained  '-the  civil  basis  of  all  the  pa- 
tents and  plan  rations  that  subsequently  divid- 
ed the  country  " 

This  wa-  an  age  of  prerogative  and  one  of 
the  provisions  ot  the  charter,  contemplated 
the  division  of  the  land  into  Counties,  to  be 
apportioned  among  the  Patentees,  which  might 
be  again  divided  by  these  Couuty  Lords  into 
Baronies,  Hundreds  and  Towng. 

A  map  published  in  1624,  by  Capt.  John 
Suiitli,  drawn,  as  he  sa\8,  by  himself,  as  he 
passed  along  the  shore  in  a  little  i>oat,  gives  a 
plan  of  the  territory,  thus  divided  into  twenty 
parts,  and  apptntioned  to  the  ^latentet-s  as  ap- 
pears by  lot.  Tlie  King  favored  this  division, 
whertby  each  one  of  the  company  became  Lord 
proprietor  of  his  portion  and  vested  with  an 
absolute  title  and  powers  of  government. — 
Under  this  { rerogative  the  Kight  Hon.  Ed- 
mi>nd.  Lord  Shrffidd,  Knight  of  the  most  no- 
ble order  of  the  garter,  a  leading  statesman  of 
England,  who  held  one  of  the  twenty  divisions 
issued  on  the  '"Throne  part"  on  the  1st  Janu- 
ary, 1623-4,  a  charter  to  Robert  Cushman  and 
Edward  Winslow,  [who  will  be  recognised  as 
the  agents  of  the  Colony  at  London  and  New 
Plymouth  ]  and  their  assistants  and  planters 
at  Plymouth  in  New  England  on  the  other 
part  of  "a  certain  tract  of  land  lyinj^  in  43d  de- 
gree of  Niirth  Latitude,  in  a  known  place 
there  commonly  culled  Cape  Anne,  with  the 
bay,  islands,  &c  ,  in  the  neighborhood;  with 
lif)erty  to  fish,  fowl,  hawk,  hunt,  truck,  trade 
in  the  land  thereabout,  and  all  other  places  in 
New  England," — with  liberty  also  to  make 
and  establish  Laws,  Ordinances,  -^nd  Constitu- 
tions, for  their  government,  and  with  power 
to  resist  encroachment  by  force  of  arms. 

Five  hundred  acres  of  this  land  were  to  be 
set  apart  for  public  uses,— such  as  the  build- 
ing of  churches,  schools,  &c.,  and  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  ministers,  and  magie- 
trates.    Thiity  acres  of  land  were  to  be  allow- 


99 


ed   each    individual  upon   certain  conditions, 
who  should  settle  there. 

This  Charter  has  been  recently  found  by  J 
Wingate  Thon  tm,  Esq.,  and  a  fac  simile  of  it 
puba^hed  in  hU  recent  work,  entitled  "the 
L-.inding  at  Cape  Ann,"  to  which  we  are  much 
indebted. 

At  the  time  of  issuing  this  Charter,  the  Pil- 
grims at  Plymouth  had  been  settled  three 
years  As  an  ecclesiastic  body  they  were 
called  Separatists,  yet  there  had  come  among 
them  some  persons,  who.  though  equally  desir- 
ous of  a  reformation  of  the  abu8>  s  of  the  es- 
tablished Church,  and  who  esteemed  it  no  re- 
proach t  •  be  called  Puritans,  were  not  prepared 
entirely  to  sever  themselves  from  the  English 
Church,  or  relinquish  the  Episcopal  form  of 
worship,  to  wiach  they  had  been  accustomed 
from  their  childho>)d.  And  they  could  ex- 
claim as  did  our  i>wn  Higginsim,  a  few  years 
later: — when  passing  Land's  End,  he  called 
his  children  and  other  passengers  into  the 
stern  ol  the  ship,  and  as  bis  eyes  gazed  lor  the 
last  time  upon  his  native  land,  he  said  :  '*  We 
do  not  gi)  to  New  England  as  Separatists  from 
the  Church  of  England,  though  we  cannot 
but  separate  ourselves  f-om  the  corruptions  of 
it ;  but  we  go  to  practise  the  positive  part  of 
church  reformation,  and  propagate  the  go«[)el 
in  America,"-  and  so  he  concluded  with  a 
fervent  prayer  for  the  King,  and  the  Church, 
and  State  in  England,  &c. 

These  persons,  few  in  number,  attached 
thems'  Ives  to  Kev  John  Lyford,  an  Episcopal 
minister,  who  had  probably  arrived  in  the 
spring  of  1624,  about  the  time  of  the  return  of 
"Winslow,  with  the  Cape  Anne  Charter,  and 
perhaps  in  the  same  ship.  This  minister,  with 
his  Episcopal  determinations,  soon  made  him- 
Belt  60  obnoxious  to  the  Pilgrims,  as  to  be  ex- 
pelled the  Colony,  together  with  John  Old- 
ham, an  Indian  trader.  They  fled  to  Nantas- 
ket,  ab  ut  twenty  five  miles  up  the  bay,  to  the 
westward,  (now  Hull,)  near  the  entrance  to 
Boston  Harbor,  and  were  voluntarily  fallowed 
by  a  few  other  disaffected  persons  and  their 


families.  Here  they  took  up  their  abode  at  a 
temporary  habitation  that  Captain  Standish 
had  erected  there,  a  year  or  two  before,  for 
purposes  of  Indian  trade. 

Prominent  among  these  persons  was  Roger 
Oonant,  afterward  ol  Salem,  "a  pious,  sober, 
and  prudent  gentleman,"*  as  his  character 
for  life  shows  him  to  have  been. 

Here  for  the  present,  we  leave  them  in  their 
dreary  abode,  but  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
favorite  form  of  worship. 

The  fame  of  the  success    of  the  Colony  at 
New  Plymouth,    soon    spread   over    England, 
particul  irly  through  the  wi  stern  counties,  oc- 
'  casioned  by  accounts  b  irtie  thither  by  Captain 
Smith  and  other  navigators,     the  correspon- 
[  dence  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  largely  by  Edward 
!  Winslow,  who  returned  to  London  in   the  fall 
I  of  1623.    and   the    publication   of  his  "Good 
news  from   New   England,"   the  year  follow- 
ing. 

Their  success  fired  not  only  the  zeal  o*"  the 
champions  of  religion  and  liumanity,  but  fed 
also  the  desire  for  gain  in  the  brain  of  the 
merchant,  and  wj  rmed  the  breasts  of  the 
young,  the  venturesome  and  the  hopeful  to- 
wards further  colonizing  upon  thephaspnt 
bays  and  harborn  of  New  Kngland  ;  which 
spread  out  their  herders  enticingly  before  the 
eyes  of  the  laid  loving  Englishman.  Illimi- 
table forests  that  never  rang  with  the  blows  of 
the  woodman's  axe. — pastures  large  enough 
for  thousands  of  flocks,  and  a  soil  rich  with 
the  accumulation  of  oges.  awaited  inhabitants, 
Domains  before  which  the  princely  grounds  of 
the  English  gentry  sank  into  insignificance, 
could  be  had  for  little  else  than  a  quit  claim 
of  the  woif  and  the  bear. 

One  of  the  first  points  towards  which  this 
spirit  of  enterprise  wag  directed,  was  Cape 
Anne.  He.e  the  merchants  of  Dorchester 
and  neighborhood,  had  for  several  years  traded 
and  fished  on  the  coast,  and  returned  with  car- 
goes of  codfish,  beaver  skinsj  &c.f 

♦Hubbard. 

fPlanter'a  Plea.    Hubbard. 


100 


The  English  ships  had  increased  rapidly  for 
the  past  three  or  four  years,  and  were  estimat- 
ed at  this  time  at  forty  or  fifty  ships  yearly, 
and  it  was  thought  that  they  could  save  much 
time,  and  fish  more  months  in  the  year,  if  a 
plantation  were  established  at  the  Cape,  as  a 
depot  for  8.ilt,  trade,  curing  of  fish.  &c.,  and 
by  having  a  minister  there,  the  fisliermen 
could  receive  religious  instruction. 

Accordingly,  these  merchants,  urged  on  by 
the  zeal  of  their  townsmen,  and  probably 
their  pastor,*  the  Rev.  John  VVhite,  who  from 
this  time  to  his  death,  in  1648,  took  a  deep  in- 
terest in  the  colonial  enterprise,  made  an  a- 
greemenif  with  the  Plymouth  Colonists,  and 
organized  u  joint  stock  company,  with  a  capi- 
tal of  £3000. 1  under  the  name  of  the  "Dor- 
chester C<»mpany,"  with  John  Humphrey  as 
Treasurer,  re.-'uitina;  in  the  patent  aforesaid. 
About  one  year  helore  the  date  of  the  char- 
ter, viz,  February  18,  1623,  Wm.  Darby  of  Dor 
ches'er,  had  petitioned  the  Council  for  New 
Enjiland  that  Robert  Bushrode  of  Dorchester, 
and  associates,  might  begin  a  plantation  at 
Cape  Anne 

The  Rev.  John  White,  sometimes  called  the 
Patriarch  of  Dorchester,  was  no  doubt  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Dorchester  Company,  as  he  after 
Wards  was  of  the  Mass  Company. 

On  Winslow's  return,  in  March  1624,  after 
an  absence  of  six  months,  he  brought  with 
bim  a  few  cattle,  and  abundant  supplies  fur  the 
Plymouth  Colony,  and  materials  for  a  Colony 
at  Cape  Anno.  After  discharging  supplies  at 
Plymouth,  the  ship  crossed  the  Bay  to  the 
Cape,  taking  with  her  a  few  of  the  Plymouth 
planters,  who  erected  there  a  great  frame  house, 
ealtwurks,  and  stages  for  the  fishing  busi- 
ness. |{ 

The  year  of  1624  was  one  of  preparation, 
husbandmen.^    cattle,    farming   implements, 

♦Hubbard. 

fMass.  His.  Coll.  28,  181. 

^Planter's  Plea. 

II  Prince. 

ITPlanter's  Pica. 


and  supplies  were  sent  over,  and  all  thingi 
promised  well.  Their  affairs  were  to  he  con- 
ducted by  two  overseers.  Thomas  Gardner  ov- 
er the  plantation,  and  John  Tylly  over  tho 
fishing  business.* 

This  organization  was  not  long  satisfactory 
to  the  adventurers,  and  it  soon  became  neces- 
sary to  have  a  more  judicious  management  of 
affairs.  About  the  end  of  the  first  year  there- 
fore, we  find  that  Mr.  White  having  heard 
such  favorable  accounts  of  Mr  Conant,  that 
the  adventurers  selected  him  '"f'T  the  manage- 
ing  and  jrovenment"  of  their  plantation,  and 
they  instructed  their  Treasurer,  Mr  Hum- 
phrey, to  write  him  in  their  names  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  inf.)rm  him  '■'that  they  had  ihosen  him 
to  be  their  (Governor  in  that  place."  They  com- 
mitted to  him  the  entire  "charge  of  their  af- 
fairs as  well  fishing  as  planting.'  f  Conant 
resided  at  this  time  at  Nantasket  with  Mr.  Ly- 
ford,  John  Oldham  and  others. 

They  also  invited  Lvford  to  be  the  minister 
of  the  Colony,  and  Oldham  to  trade  on  theip 
account  with  the  In<iians,  Conant  and  Lyford 
accepted,  hut  Oluham  preferred  to  remain  and 
trade  on  his  own  account,  and  he  thus  pursued 
his  enterprising  but  devious  career  for  a  dozen 
years  after,  for  most  of  the  time  at  variance 
with  the  Colonists,  until  he  wac  surprised  and 
slain  by  the  Indians,  while  on  a  trading  voy- 
age at  Block  Island,  in  July,  1636. 

Great  hopes  were  entertained  of  the  future 
Success  of  the  plantation,  but  this  project  ot 
the  Plymouth  planters  and  scheme  for  pur- 
poses of  gain  of  the  Dorchester  merchants, 
was  destined  to  farther  disaster. 

The  Colony  consisted  of  men  of  various  con- 
ditions, and  a  degree  of  misconduct,  if  not  in- 
Huhordination,  prevailed  among  them — their 
fishing  operafons  turned  out  unfavorably,  and 
the  Company  at  home,  fin'^ing  it  a  losing  con- 
cern, became  disheartened  and  abandoned  it 
to  its  fate.     Their  return  cargoes  had  not  paid, 

*Hubbard 
I  Hubbard. 


101 


their  ssilt  works  had  been  destroyed  bj  fire,  and 
most  of  their  Capiul  Stock  been  sunk  ;  they 
however  paid  off  their  servants,  and  to  such  as 
chose  to  return,  they  gave  a  passage  home  to 
England,  but  how  many  availed  themselves  of 
the  privilege,  we  do  n>t  know. 

The  Colony  had  now  existed  rather  more 
than  two  years,  the  latter  year  being  under 
Conart's  administration.  This  abandonment 
of  the  plantation  was  very  unpleasant  news  to 
Mr.  White,  but  he  found  in  Conant,  and  a  few 
of  his  resolute  companions,  a  spirit  not  easily 
subdued.  These  worthies  continued  to  corres- 
pond with  each  other,  and  thereby  confirm 
that  high  purpose  which  struggled  at  their 
breasts  of  providing  a  refuge  where  non-con- 
formists could  enjoy  their  religion  ;  and  which 
at  last  p-oved  abundantly  successful. 

At  this  primitive  period,  there  could  have 
been  no  travel  tlirough  the  forests,  but  the 
track  of  the  wild  beast,  or  the  no  less  fearful 
trail  of  the  Indian.  The  only  highway  of  the 
settlers  was  the  ocean,  or  a  devious  route  along 
the  sea  shore.  Explorations,  which  were  un- 
doubtedly made,  would  naturally  tend  to  the 
westward.  On  such  occasions,  or  perhaps 
when  on  fishing  an  i  fowling  excursions,  they 
had  discovered  land  in  that  direction  more 
suitable  lor  cultivation  than  at  the  rocky 
bluff  where  they  then  were,  which  is  now  call- 
ed Stage  Head,  on  the  northwest  side  of  the 
outer  harVior  <)f  Gloucester 

It  appears  that,  about  this  time,  Conant  must 
have  written  the  Rev.  Mr.  White,  that  he  had 
discovered  this  more  suifcible  location  fur  a 
plantation,  on  the  banks  of  a  small  river,  call- 
ed Naumkeag,  four  or  five  leagues  to  the  south- 
west,* where,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  he  had 
recently  conceived  in  his  mind  a  plantation 
might  be  begun,  which  would  prove  a  recepta- 
cle for  such  as  were  persecuted  on  account  of 
their  religion  f  Such  a  sentiment  "could  have 
found  harbour  only  in  a  great  heart  and  a  no- 
ble mind.":}:    Mr.    VYhite  replied  as  has  been 


♦Planter's  Plea. 

fHubbard. 

:^Thornton. 


stated,  that  he  was  "grieved  in  his  spirit  that 
so  good  a  w  >rk  should  be  suffered  to  fall  to 
the  ground,"  and  urged  Conant  not  to  desert 
the  business,  and  faithtuUy  promised  him  that 
if  himself  and  John  Woodbury,  John  Balch 
and  Peter  Piilirey,  whcm  he  knew  to  be  hon- 
est and  prudent  men,  "would  stay  at  Naum- 
keag and  give  timely  notice  thereof,  he  would 
provide  a  patent  for  thi-m,  and  send  them 
whatever  they  should  write  for,  either  men, 
provisions  or  goods,  to  trade  with  the  Indi- 
ans."* 

By  this  letter  of  Mr.  White,  we  are  not  to 
infer  that  only  the^-e  four  men  removed  to 
Naumkeag,  but  rather  that  these  were  promi- 
nent men,  perhaps  personally  known  to  Mr. 
White,  who  may  have  been  mentioned  in  one  of 
Conant's  letters,  as  men  he  could  depend  upon  ; 
such  men  w<iuld  naturally  have  others  adhere 
to  them.  Conant  returned  answer  that  they 
would  stay  on  these  terms  ;  at  the  same  time, 
entreating  that  they  might  be  encouraged  ac- 
cordingly. We  will  now  endeavor  to  trace 
the  actions  of  Conant  and  his  followers,  and 
see  in  what  this  agreement  resulted. 

The  Colony  at  Cape  Anne  probably  never 
numbered  above  fifty  persons,  who  had  now 
dispersed  ;  a  part  returned  to  England,  the  re- 
mainder to  the  number  of  twenty-five  or  thir- 
ty persons,  as  we  have  ••eason  to  believe,  oi  both 
sexes,  and  all  ages  removed  to  Naumkeag.  This 
statement  miiy  surprise  some  who  have  adopt- 
ed the  erroneous  idea  tha.  four  lorlorn  fisher- 
men, the  very  extremity  of  this  scattered  fish- 
ing colony,  had  sought  at  Naumkeag  a  tran- 
sient abode,  where  they  continued  their  pre- 
carious occupation,  without  any  fixed  purpose 
or  design,  ready  at  the  first  turn  of  fortune  to 
change  their  place  of  abode,  or  leave  their 
huts  on  the  coast,  to  launch  again  upon  the 
restless  waters  of  the  ocean. 

One  of  the  most  important  witnesses  of  the 
old  planters,  was  Richard  Brackenbury,  who 
came  over  with  Gov.  Endicott,  in  1628,  and 
whose  testimony  appears  in  a  deposition  taken 


•Hubbard. 


26 


102 


in  1680,  when  an  Hged  man,    and  was  called 
forth  thus. 

The  Mason  family  claimed  a  large  portion 
of  New  England,  by  virtue  of  a  patent  grant- 
ed prior  to  that  to  the  Ma^'8achu8ett8  Colitny, 
and  in  1680  all  persons  living  within  the  claim- 
ed limits  were  required  by  a  letter  from  the 
King  to  the  Mas^^achusetts  authorities,  to 
transmit  proofs  of  their  Real  Estate. 

The  southern  bounds  of  this  claim  terminat- 
ed on  the  northern  side  of  the  North  river. — 
Eich»ird  Braokenbury,  then  living  in  Beverly, 
testified  on  the  16th  uf  12th  month,  1680,  that 
when  he  came  ashore  at  Salem,  titty-two  years 
before,  "we  found  living  there,  Old  Goodman 
Norman  and  his  sonn,  Wm.  Allen  and  Wal- 
ter Knight  and  others,'"  "alsoe  John  Wood- 
burye.  Mr.  Conant,  Peeter  Palfery,  John  Balch 
and  others,'''  and  that  they  had  sundry  houses, 
built  at  Salem,  &c.  He  also  mentions  the 
house  at  Cape  Anne,  which  he  says  he  assisted 
in  taking  down,  and  re-constructing  in  Sulem, 
for  Governor  Endicotts  use,  a  portion  of 
which  Btands  to  this  day. 

These  persons  appear  to  have  been  lands- 
men,— planters  as  they  were  called,  -cultiva- 
tors of  the  Soil, — and  some  of  them  were  me- 
chanics, ao  their  subsequent  career  shows,  and 
not  simply  fishermen.  It  was  undoubtedly  a 
part  of  their  employment  to  cure  fish,  collect 
beaver  skins  and  furs,  or  perform  any  and  ev- 
ery service  that  the  welfare  of  the  Colony  de- 
manded. 

We  find  that  about  1631,  Roger  Conant, 
Peter  Palfray,  Anthony  Dike  and  Francis 
Johnson  formed  themselves  into  a  Company, 
for  ti  affic  in  furs,  with  a  truck  house  at  the 
eastward.  Dike  perished  on  Cape  Cod.  in 
1638,  as  it  seems,  whun  returning  from  Maine 
•with  a  cargo  for  himself  and  partners. 

With  but  little  tax  upon  the  imagination  we 
may  say.  that  during  the  summer  of  1626, 
Conant,  Woodbury,  and  others,  of  the  promi- 
nent men  of  the  Cape  Ann  Plantation,  might 
have  been  seen  occa.rionally  sailing  in  their 
shallop,  up  the  northern  shore  of  the  Bay,  to 


its  western  bounds  at  Naumkeag  passing  by 
the  "hills  and  dales"  covered  with  "'gay  woods 
and  trees,"  as  they  made  preparation  for  re- 
moval thither. 

Along  the  same  shore  that  three  years  after- 
ward filled  the  enthusiastic  Higginson  with 
longings  to  know  more  of  the  new  Paradise  of 
New  England,  whose  signals  of  fertility  painted 
the  sea  with  the  storm-reft  petals  of  its  flowery 
meadows, — the  same  shore  whose  fragrant 
breezes  revived  the  drooping  spirits  of  Lady 
Arabella,  and  the  gentlewomen  of  the  fleet  of 
1630,  with  that  "sweet  air  from  the  shore  like 
the  smell  of  a  garden,"  and  whose  eyes  and  pal- 
ates were  greeted  on  landing  there,  "with  ripe 
strawberries,  gooseberries,  and  sweet  single 
roses,"  the  same  shore  that  had  a  dozen  years 
before  caused  the  gallant  Captain  Smith  to  call 
it  "the  Paradise  of  all  tiiose  parts,"  and  to 
name  its  Cape  after  the  fair  Turkish  maiden, 
who  had  befriended  him  in  former  exile,*  and 
that  caused  the  Prilgrims  of  that  dreary  win- 
try welcome  of  1020,  to  wish  they  hud  settled 
there.  Even  to  the  present  time  this  shore  re- 
tains many  of  its  primitive  charms,  which  are 
abundantly  asserted  by  the  wealth  and  taste 
th.it  there  make  their  abode,  and  find  therein 
wholesome  gratification  and  retirement. 

In  the  full  of  1620,  after  partial  prepara- 
tions had  been  made,  this  resolute  band  em- 
barked with  their  houseboliis  and  effects,  their 
cattlef  and  implements  of  husbandry,  making, 
as  they  undoubtedly  must,  many  passages  in 
their  boats  or  shallops,  for  the  purpose  of  such 
removal,  leaving  behind  them  their  large  frame 
house,  with  remnants  of  their  thatched  cotta- 
ges, also  their  fishing  improvements  and  har- 
vested fields,  and  with  a  cold  winter  before 
them,  they  began  anew  the  work  of  settlement 
under  preat  weakness,  but  stronger  even  in 
diminished  numbers,  because  purged  of  the 
unruly,  the  weak  and  the  vacillating. 

Wood,  in  his  New  England  Prospect,  states 
in  August  1633,  that  corn   had  been  raised  in 


♦Hilliard's  Life  •t  Smith. 
•j-Planter's  Plea. 


los 


Siilem  seven  years  together,    thus  corrobating 
the  date  1G26. 

The  services  of  such  men  as  William  Allen 
and  Kichurd  Norman,  munt  have  been  pecu- 
liarly in  demand,  (for  they  were  carpenters,) 
in  felling  trees  and  constructing  places  of  a- 
bode  for  themselvea,  their  wives  and  little  oue-j 
and  in  providing  shelter  for  their  cattle. — 
Here  Conant.  as  he  says  of  himself,  built  the 
first  house  erected  in  ISalem. 

Near  the  exti'emity  of  North  Point,  or  at 
Cape  Ann  Ferry,  or  Ipswich  Ferry,  as  it  was 
variously  called,  now  a  little  west  of  the  junc- 
tion of  Beverly  Bridge,  may  be  seen  the  out- 
cropping of  a  Metamorpic  Rock,  as  it  slopes 
its  checkered  surface  into  the  sea,  that  with  its 
intersected  dikes  and  veins,  fills  the  mind  of 
the  geologist  with  wondering  interest,  as  he 
counts  the  deeply  graven  record  of  eleven  of 
the  old  earth's  eruptions. 

Here  on  this  spot  thus  scored  by  the  hand 
of  Deity,  we  believe  Conant  and  his  followers, 
the  piljrrim  band  of  Massachusetts,  stayed 
their  wandering  feet,  and  commenced  their 
permanent  abode ;  and  here  too,  we  believe, 
they  welcomed  Endicott  and  his  company  to 
their  wilderness  home  ;  thereby  tallying  a- 
nother  epoch  in  the  world's  history,  for  here  it 
was  that  freedom,  long  confined  in  the  mother 
country,  burst  the  crust  of  tyranny  and  op- 
pression that  bound  her,  and  began  to  over 
flow  the  land  with  its  blessings,  and  spread 
out  the  solid  foundations  on  which  our  Ke- 
public  rests. 

On  this  peninsula  the  Colonists  found  a  soil 
of  ea  y  cultivation,  a  light  warm  loam,  which 
they,  in  imitation  of  the  Indian  planters,  man- 
ured with  fish,  which  frequented  the  shores  in 
great  abundance ;  and  they  were  thus  enabled 
to  rai8e  large  crops  of  Indian  corn  and  other 
products. 

Hubbard  says,  "Here  they  took  up  their  sta- 
tion, upon  a  pleasant  and  fruitful  neck  of  land, 
environed  with  an  arm  of  the  sea  on  each  side, 
in  either  of  which  vessels  and  ships  of  good 
burthen  might  easily  anchor/' 


They  settleo  with  the  best  understanding  with 
the  Indians,  with  whom  they  "hud  a  field  in 
common  fenced  in  together.'  and  to  them  the 
natives  sometimes  fled  for  shelter  and  protec- 
tion, "Baying  they  were  afraid  of  their  enemy 
Indians  in  the  country,"  meaning  the  Tarren- 
tines  who  lived  to  the  eastward. 

Here  the  first  houses  were  built,  and  their 
cattle,  which  must  have  been  regarded  of  great 
value,  brought  over  as  they  were  with  much 
care  and  cost,  were  pastured. 

The  old  Planters  appear  to  have  occupied 
the  larger  part  of  the  peninsula  lying  between 
the  North  River  and  Collins  Cove  ;  and  they 
may  not  have  been  strangers  to  that  larger  pe- 
ninsula beyond,  which  afterward  became  the 
centre  of  the  town.  This  etrip  of  land  they 
appear  to  have  divided  into  lots,  of  upland  and 
marsh,  running  (rom  the  river  on  wliieh  they 
fronted  across  the  marsh  to  Collinfl  Cove. — 
With  great  application  under  theindefiniteness 
of  extant  records,  we  think  some  of  their  lots 
might  even  now  be  designated, —  such  as  Pal- 
frey's and  Balch's  and  perhaps  VVm.  Allen's, 
who  in  1G38  was  granted  one  acre  of  salt  marsh 
at  the  end  of  his  lot,  and  who  sold  his  estate 
upon  his  removal  to  Manchester. 

Not  long  alter  Conant  had  removed  to  his 
farm  at  the  head  of  Bass  River,  the  town  or- 
dered that  his  house  be  bought  as  a  residence 
for  William  Plaice,  blacksmith,  and  his  wife. 

This  region  in  the  early  deeds  of  land  and 
later  was  called  "the  Old  Planters'  Marsh,"  or 
near  or  on  "the  way  to  the  Ipswich  Ferry." 

Potter's  field,  where  the  Lady  Arabella  and 
Mrs.  Phillips*  were  buried  in  1630,  was  near 
the  Planter  s  Marsh. 

The  venerable  Dr.  Holyoke  was  accustom- 
ed to  say  that  the  grave  of  Arabella  Johnson 
was  denoted  by  a  brick  monument  within  his 
remembrance,  but  where  that  was  is  now  un- 
known, the  nearest  designation  is,  that  it  was 
somewhere  on  the  land  bordering  the  west  side 
of  Collins  Cove.  It  was  by  some  supposed 
that  her  grave  was  discovered   upon  the  open- 

*Magnalia  B.  iii  ch.  lY,  p.  82. 


104 


ing  of  the  Essex  Railroad,  through  the  Pick- 
man  field,  lying  between  Pleasant  and  Bridge 
Btreets  :  the  late  Stephen  Whitmore,  Jr.,  when 
digging  a  post  hole  near  his  rope  factory,  be- 
low Osgood  street,  found  a  quantity  of  very 
large  bricks  which  he  supposed  were  brought 
from  England,  and  which  he  thought  were  a 
remnant  of  the  lirick  monument  referred  to. 
This  mattf^r  has  received  much  investigation 
from  the  hands  of  antiquarians,  and  will  per- 
haps forever  remain  in  doubt. 

Aged  persons  state  that  the  site  on  which 
this  ropewalk  is  built,  was,  before  the  filling 
up  of  the  marsh,  for  purposes  of  cultivation, 
a  sandy  ridge  that  ran  from  the  upland  into 
the  marsh  and  might  therefore  have  been  an 
appropriate  place,  away  from  their  dwellings, 
for  a  burial  ground. 

Governor  Endicott  and  his  party,  when  they 
arrived,  probably  regarding  the  river  instead 
of  the  present  harbor  as  the  best  entrance  to 
the  country,  located  themselves  beyond  the  old 
planters,  further  up  the  stream.  The  Gover- 
nor's bouse,  which  was  at  first  set  up  at  Cape 
Anno,  in  1G24,  by  the  party  who  went  over 
from  Plymouth  with  Edward  Winslow,  was 
shaken  and  brought  to  Natunkeag,  and  re-erect- 
ed here,  a  few  rods  from  the  water,  upon  the 
elevated  banks  of  the  North  River,  now  the 
northeast  corner  of  Washington  and  Church 
Btreets, — the  Newhail  house  there  standing  be- 
ing in  p.irt  the  same.  This  wito,  with  the  old 
arbor-fort,  a  defence  from  the  Indians,  erected  a 
few  rods  distant  to  the  westward,  was  the 
highest  land  in  the  body  of  the  town. 

From  and  after  Endicoti's  arrival,  the  set- 
tlement radiated  from  this  point  toward  the 
harbor.  Among  the  earliest  allotijents  of  land, 
then  the  chief  interest  of  the  country,  were 
grants  of  farms  on  the  several  branches  of  the 
Naumkeag  river, — and  the  old  planters  were 
among  the  first  to  receive  awards  from  the  new 
government. 

We  will  now  inquire  who  composed  this  lone- 
ly band  of  Mascachu&etts  pilgrims.  But  where 
shall  we  look  for  their  muster  roll?    With  such 


evidence  as  we  are  able  to  commarid,  we  have 
traced  out  the  following  names,  most  of  whom 
are  mentioned  by  Mr.  Felt,  in  his  History  of 
Salem. 

1.  Roger  Conant,  Governor. 

2.  John  Lyford.  Minister. 

3.  John  Woodbury. 

4.  Humphrey  Woodbury, 

5.  John  Balch. 

6.  Peter  Pal  fray. 

7.  Walter  Knight. 

8.  William  Allen. 

9.  Thomas  Gray. 

10.  John  Tvlly. 

11.  Thomas  Gardner. 
12    Richard  Norman. 

13.  Richard  Norman,  "hissonne." 
14    Capt.  William  Trask. 
15.   William  Jeffrey. 

These  mun  were  ail  in  the  prime  of  life.^ 
Conant  in  1626,  was  33  years  of  age.  Enight 
was  39,  Woodbury's  son  Humphrey  was  20 
in  1628.  Norinan's  son  was  perhaps  younger. 
The  others,  with  the  exception  of  "old  Nor- 
man," were  probably  all  under  40  years  of 
age.  These  are  the  names  of  the  men  only, 
upon  whom  the  burden  of  the  Colonr  chiefly 
rested;  several  of  them  had  their  families  with 
them.  Jeffrey  appears  to  have  been  somewhat 
unstable  in  settlement ;  he  probably  at  this 
time  resided  at  Jeffrey's  Creek,  now  Manches- 
ter. We  feel  confident  that  be  was  then  living 
within  the  extensive  bounds  of  what  was  then 
and  long  afterward  known  as  Salem  proper. 

A  writer  in  the  Genealogical  Register,  in  an 
article  on  the  Lindall  family,  claims  Philip 
Veren  as  one  of  Con.int's  cou^pany  ;  but  Mr. 
Savage,  in  his  '"Gleanings  for  New  England 
History,'  gives  an  extract  from  the  Records  of 
Salisbury,  which  shows  that  the  Colony  had 
existed  nine  years  before  Veren  came  over,  and 
that  Philip  Veren,  with  his  brother  Joshua, 
were  about  sailing  for  New  England  from  New 
Sarum,  in  April  1635. 

In  regard  to  the  number  of  the  old  planters, 
perhaps  a  comparison  with  the  Plymouth  Col- 


105 


ony  will  ^ugJ^e(^t  pro^aMlities.  Ot  101  pa>- 
eengfM  I'j  the  Mayflower,  in  1620,  40  only 
were  men,  17  of  these  were  single,  the  rest  o( 
thecoiupiiny  was  cunposed  of  their  wives  and 
children.  The  average  nieiubers  of  fnuiilies, 
additional  to  each  of  the  40  men,  are  about 
one  and  a  half  persons 

Now  if  we  reckon  the  men  at  Naurakeag, 
fifteen  only,  this  family  average  would  add  a- 
bout  twenty  more,  swelling  the  total  of  both 
sexes  and  all  ages,  to  thirtv-fivf  individuals, 
which  is  about  the  same  as  Mr.  Felt's  compu- 
tation, but  how  he  came  to  this  conclusion,  we 
know  not. 

It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  we  have  the 
names  of  all  rhe  men,  as  Brackenbury  states, 
twice  over,  after  giving  the  names  of  some, 
•'fln</  others  "  When  a  portion  of  these  men 
left  the  Plymouth  Colmy  ftir  Nantasbet,  it  is 
said  that  they  were  followed  by  their  families. 
Kogt-r  Conant,  in  his  petition  of  1671,  says  ex- 
pre-sly,  that  he  settled  in  Massachusetts  with 
his  lamily.  His  wife,  ^rah,  we  know  was 
here,  and  his  eldest  son,  Lot,  was  born  about 
1624,  p  rhaps  at  Nantasket,  and  may  have 
been  daptiz  d  by  Lyiord,  of  whose  ministra- 
tions no  record  remains  His  son,  Koger,  was 
born  at  Naumkeag,  in  1626,  the  year  of  set- 
tlement, being  the  first  white  child  born  in 
Salem.  Conant's  family  alone  adds  four  indi- 
viduals to  the  list. 

John  VVoodhury,  when  be  returned  from 
England  in  1628,  six  months  perhaps  before 
the  arrival  of  Endicott,  brought  with  him 
his  son  Humphrey,  a  youth  of  about  20  years 
of  age,  who  had  pr.bahly  been  left  at  home 
to  complete  his  education,  a  comm->n  custom 
with  the  elderly  children  of  the  first  settler.-*  ; 
other  members  of  his  family  may  also  have 
been  settled  here.  His  brother  William,  we 
know,  wag  living  here  a  few  years  after,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  located  in  Beverly,  certainly 
as  early  as  1630. 

There  is  some   probability  that  Palfray  had 
children,  older  than  those  whose  baptioms  are 
found  recorded  in  the  First  Church  Kecords. 
27 


Kiehard  Norman  had  a  son,  of  an  age,  as 
we  should  infer  f.om  Brack  en  bury's  account, 
at  nearthat  of  manh(K)d.  Mr  Felt  calls  him 
Richard  Jr.,  but  we  are  inclined  to  think  hia 
son  Jolm  WHS  referred  to  by  Brackenbury, 
as  he  was  then  a  lad  about  15  ye.iri*  old. 

His  son  Richard,  whom  we  find  livine;  in 
Marhlehead  a  few  years  lat<ir,  with  his  father, 
'  was  born  in  1623.  and  eould  cons  quen'ly  have 
been  but  three  years  of  age,  which  would  be 
presumptive  proof  that  iiis  mother  came  with 
him,  which  would  make  out  four  in  this  fami- 
ly. And  in  this  manner,  other  members  of  the 
old  planters'  families,  known  to  have  been  liv- 
ing at  this  time,  and  who,  in  all  probability, 
accompanied  their  father  or  parents  to  this 
country,  could  be  added  to  the  number,  which 
would  individualize  or  materially  increase  the 
list. 

We  have  thus  shown,  we  think,  with  scarcely 
a  doubt,  that  there  were  at  least  thirty  or  for- 
ty people  here,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Gov. 
Endicott  and  followers,  forming  a  Colony  of 
sufficient  numher»  and  strength  to  bear  that 
name,  and  which  secured  and  maintained  the 
most  persevering  exertions  in  their  behalf,  of 
the  Rev.  John  Wlite,  and  other  friends  about 
Dorchester,*  which  resulted  at  last  in  stirring 
up  such  an  interest,  th.it  a  new  company  was 
formed  in  Eng'and.  composed  of  the  remnant 
of  the  old  company,  united  with  these  friends, 
and  who  subsequently  bought  all  the  <  Sects  of 
the  Dorchester  Company,  both  at  Cape  Anne 
and  Naumkeag,  and  procured  a  charter  as  had 
been  promised. 

They  sent  over  Capt,  John  Endicott,  one  of 
their  own  number,  "to  strengthen  the  Colony 
and  administer  its  gvernment,'' — "to  erect  a 
new  Colony  upon  the  old  foiindati(m,"f — "to 
begin  a  plantation,  and  to  strengthen  such  as  he 
t-hould  find  there  which  were  sent  thither  from 
Dorchestir,'J  "to  cirry  on  the  plantation  of 
the   Dorchester  merchants  at   Naumkeag    or 

•Hubbard. 

t  White's  brief  relation. 

f  Dadley's  Letter. 


106 


Salem,  and  make  way  for  the  settling  of  a- 
nuther  Colony  in  Massachusetts."*  Such  are 
the  nearly  parallel  statements  of  White,  Dud- 
ley, and  Hubbard. 

The  constancy  of  the  Colony  wai  severely 
tried,  when  their  minister,  Mr.  Lyford,  re- 
ceived "a  loving  invitation"'  to  settle  in  Vir- 
ginia Lyford  decided  to  embark  for  his  new 
abode,  and  us^d  such  persuasions  to  induce  the 
entire  Colony  to  accompany  him,  that  some 
openly  expressed  their  desire  to  depart,  while 
Others,  discouraged  by  privation  and  the  con- 
tinual fear  of  attack  from  the  Northern  Indi- 
ans, who  were  warlike  and  powerful,  were 
ready  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  and  go  home 
to  England.  ThisdisaflFection  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at,  when  we  reflect  that  this  little  band 
were,  on  account  of  difference  in  religion, 
more  or  less  despiaed  and  neglected  by  the 
Plymouth  people,  and  being  doubtful  of  assis- 
tance from  home,  their  loneliness  became  op- 
pressive to  them. 

Lyford  departed,  probably  accompanied  by 
a  few  of  the  Colony.  It  is  at  tuis  point  that 
the  character  of  Conant  stands  forth  in  heroic 
grandeur.  The  resolute  purpose  so  dear  to  his 
heart,  of  founding  an  Asylum  for  his  perse- 
cuted countrymen,  who  still  clung  to  the 
skirts  of  the  mother  church,  was  not  to  be 
lightly  relinquished.  All  the  inducements  of 
the  designing  Lyford,  and  all  the  arguments 
that  privation  and  dread  of  invasion  forced 
from  his  companions,  fell  powerless  beside 
him,  like  arrows  against  a  rock,  and  he  told 
them  at  last  that  they  might  go  if  they  wish- 
ed, and  though  all  of  them  should  forsake 
him,  he  should  "wait  the  providence  of 
God  in  that  place  where  they  now  were, 
not  doubting  that  if  they  departed,  he 
should  soon  have  more  company. f  Where 
shall  we  look  t<>  find  a  "more sublime  heroism, 
a  purer  self-devotion,  loftier  faith  and  trust," 
than  was  here  displayed. | 

*IIubbard. 
tHubbard. 
iJiThornton. 


In  after  years  Conant  says  of  himself,  "I 
•was  a  means  through  grace  assisting  nie  to 
stop  the  flight  of  those  few  that  were  beere 
with  me,  and  that  by  my  utter  deniall  to  goe 
away  with  them  who  would  have  gone  either 
for  England  or  mostly  to  Virginia  have  there- 
fore stayed  to  the  hassard  of  our  lives."* — 
They  remained  and  subsisted  partly  upon  the 
products  of  the  field  and  upon  fish  ard  game, 
with  which  the  country  abounded.  After 
this  they  must  have  redoubled  their  exertions 
in  husbandry, — cultivating  indinn  corn,  tobac- 
co and  vegetables,  and  collecting  beaver  skine 
and  furs,  for  purposes  of  trade  and  remittance 
homeward. 

Now  that  their  resolution  was  taken,  they 
wisely  thought  that  they  could  hasten  assis- 
tance by  sending  a  messeng  r  to  England.  Ao- 
cordingly,  in  the  winter  of  1627,  they  dis- 
patched on  this  mission,  John  Woodbury, 
whose  residence  in  the  country  for  three  years 
had  made  him  familiar  with  its  resources. 

Mr.  White  must  have  greeted  him  with  a 
cordial  welcome,  from  whom  he  learned  that 
there  were  others  interested  in  the  success  of 
the  struggling  colony,  and  who  stood  ready  to 
become  its  pa  rons. 

Under  the  Dorchester  influence  and  the  ex- 
ertions of  Thomas  Dudley  and  others,  he 
found  a  company  already  formed,  by  the  name 
of  "the  New  England  Company." 

A  charter  of  the  region  called  Massachusetts 
Bay,  was  granted  by  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, March  19,  1628,  to  Sir  Henry  Rosewell, 
Sir  John  Young,  Knight,  Thomas  Southcoat, 
John  Humphrey,  Jonn  Endicott,  and  Simon 
Whitcombe,  Genilemen,f  which  superseded 
the  Cape  Ann  Charter,  and  Woodbury  had 
the  satisfaction  of  returning  to  Naumkeag, 
after  an  absence  of  six  months,  with  assuran- 
ces of  both  men  and  supplies.  He  brought 
with  him  bis  son  Humphrey  as  before  men- 
tioned, and  arrived  here  in  the  spring  of  1628, 
and  cheered  the  hearts  of  the  anxious  colonists 


•Mass.  His.  Coll.  27,  252. 
tHubbard. 


10? 


with  a  recital  of  the  interest  that  their  fidelity 
had  inspired. 

The  ni!W  company  set  themselties  to  the 
vroik  with  a  zeiil  worthy  of  their  noble  cause. 
They  purchased  all  the  rights  and  improvements 
made  under  the  Dorchester  Compiiny  in  New 
England,  and  prepared  to  furnish  substantial 
assistance  to  the  Colony  in  men,  provisions, 
&c.  And  although  they  had  every  commen- 
dation in  favor  of  retaining  Mr.  Conant  in 
office,  they  preferred  to  make  choice  of  one  of 
their  own  number,  to  be  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony here.  Capt.  John  Endicott,  a  "worthy 
gentleman,"  and  a  man  well  known  to  persons 
of  note,*  he  was  cousin  by  marriage  to  Mat- 
thew Craddock,  the  Governor  of  the  Compa- 
ny's afiairs  in  London.  The  following  lan- 
guage IS  used  in  the  Company's  letter  to  En- 
dicott, of  April  17,  1629,  alter  he  had  come 
over.  "Sinae  your  departure  we  have  ior  the 
further  strengthening  of  our  grant  from  the 
Councell  Sit  Plymouth,  obtained  a  confirma- 
tion of  it  from  his  Majesty  by  his  letters  pa- 
tent, and  confirmed  you  Governor,  of  our 
Plantation,"  with  a  Councell  "styled  the 
Councell  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  ;"  and  a- 
gain  April  30,  1629.  they  "thought  fit  to  set- 
tle an  absolute  government  in  our  plantation 
in  the  said  Massachusetts  Bay,''  and  they 
"chose  and  elected  Japt.  John  Endicott  to  the 
place  of  present  Governor,  in  our  said  Planta- 
tion. 

The  judiciousness  of  this  choice,  though 
bearing  severely  upon  Conant,  was  all  impor- 
tant to  the  Colony.  The  struggling  culonists 
had  now  been  two  lonely  years  at  Naumkeag, 
nearly  as  long  as  their  abode  at  Cape  Anne, 
and  had  supported  and  protected  themselves 
thrt)Ugh  two  long,  cold  New  England  winters. 
Their  second  crop  of  corn  was  nearly  ready 
for  harvest,  when  the  *' Abigail"  hove  in  sight, 
as  she  approached  along  the  Cape  Anne  shore, 
and  at  last  cast  anchor  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river.     That   succor   so  long  prayed  for  had 


♦Planter's  Plea. 


at  last  arrived,    and   their    drooping   spirits 
liounded  with  renewed  vigor. 

Un  the  other  hand,  to  the  passengers  on 
board  the  Abigail,  everything  must  have  ap- 
peared cheering  and  delightlul,— the  forests  in 
their  most  expansive  suit  of  green,  untarnish- 
ed as  yet  by  the  frosts  of  Autumn,  studded 
the  islands  upon  their  track, — crested  ever^ 
hilltop  and  bordered  every  cove,  and  seemed  to 
welcome  the  weary  voyagers  as  they  swayed  in 
the  fitful  breeze*  of  the  departing  summer. 

As  they  neared  the  shore,  balsamic  odors 
borne  down  from  pine-clad  slopes,  refreshed 
them; — here  and  there  the  parting  forests  reveal- 
ed fair  fields  and  meadows,  where  waved  hun- 
dreds of  un«horn  acres,  mottled  wiih  patches  of 
golden  rod,  trumpet  weed,  and  the  Michael- 
mas daisy.  The  rose  and  the  barberry  from 
rounded  copses,  hung  over  the  waters  their 
ripened  fruits  in  clusters  of  the  richest  scar* 
let. 

With  eager  eyes  the  pilgrims  discern  in  the 
thicket,  the  rude  wigwams  of  the  natives, 
and  a  few  erect  forms  of  a  recently  numerous 
tribe  return  their  gaze  ;  but  the  most  cheering 
sight  to  the  emigrants  were  the  abodes  of  Co- 
nant and  his  companions,  but  just  visible  in 
their  little  clearings  in  the  forest. 

The  Colonists  in  expectation  of  their  arrival 
had  made  such  preparation  for  them  as  was  in 
their  power.  Their  dependance  upon  each 
other  was  mutual.  Succor  on  one  hand,  and 
hobpitali^y  on  the  other,  sealed  a  hearty  wel- 
come and  filled  their  cup  of  joy.  The  Colony 
was  cared  for,  the  prayers  and  zeal  of  Mr. 
White  were  answered  ;  but  the  mild  and  Self- 
sacrificing  Conant  had  yet  other  trials  to  en- 
dure; he  bad  accomplished  much  for  the 
Colony  thus  far,  but  the  consciousney^s  of  bis 
well-doing  was  to  be  bis  nnly  reward.  He  was 
deposed  ,^-all  his  schemes  for  its  adtrancemect 
must  now  be  abandoned  to  others,  — all  the  ef- 
fects and  improvements  of  the  Colony  had 
been  sold. 

It  was  not  long  before  Gov.  Endicott  showed 
Conant  his  letter  of  instructions  from  the  Com- 


108 


pany,  which  informed  him  of  the  new  aspect  of 
affiiirf.  and  ihat  he  had  come  with  full  autltor- 
itj  to  take  pos^^ebsion  of  their  houses,  boats, 
eervanta  and  impruvementa,  and  assume  the 
reins  of  governui^nt.  ihis  information  could 
not  have  Ven  welcome  either  to  Conant  or  hia 
companionn,  and  we  can  readily  sympathise 
with  them  when  they  afterward  complain  that 
they  have  been  accounted  but  little  better  than 
slaves . 

There  arrived  in  the  Abigail,  fifty  or  sixty 
passengers,  wluch  united  with  the  old  plan- 
ters, swelled  the  numher  to  about  one  hun- 
dred persons,  and  much  greater  preparations 
were  making  at  home  to  place  the  Colony  in 
a  far  more  substantial  poNition.  Any  careful 
reader  of  history  cannot  fail  to  see  that  the 
old  Planters  were  of  suflSoient  influence  and 
importance  to  give  the  new  government  much 
uneaciness  under  the  di8iiflFcCti(»n  which  follow 
ed,  and  it  nqniced  all  the  prudence  and  public 
virtue  of  Conant.  the  firmness  of  Endicott. 
and  the  influence  ot  Rev  Mr.  White,  with 
Craddock,  at  home  to  restore  harm(>ny  of  ac 
tion,  so  that  by  the  third  of  June  of  the  next 
year,  the  Colony  then  consisting  of  ahout 
three  hundred  persons,  at  a  General  Court  con- 
vened by  Gov.  Endicott  for  the  purpose,  they 
a^l  by  common  consent  combined  together  in- 
to one  body  politic  under  the  same  Governor  ; 
therefore  up  to  tnis  time,  a  period  of  nine 
months,  Conant's  party  probably  kept  up  a 
more  or  less  independent  organization,  both  of 
Church  and  State.  Hubbard*  says  of  this, 
''The  late  controversy  that  had  been  agitaied 
with  too  much  animosity  betwixt  the  foremen- 
tioned  Dorchester  planters,  and  their  new  A- 
gent  and  his  Company,  being  by  the  prudent 
moderation  of  Mr.  Conant,  agent  before  for 
the  Dorchester  merchants,  quietly  composed, 
that  so  meurn  and  tuum,  which  divide  the 
world,  should  not  disturb  the  peace  of  good 
christians,  who  came  go  far  to  provide  a  place 
where  to  live  together  in  christian  amity  and 
concord." 

•Mass.  His.  Coll.  15,  113. 


The  very  name  of  our  city.  Salem.  {City  of 
Peace,)  adopted  at  the  same  General  Court,  and 
eugtrested  by  this  occasion  shall  ever  remain  a 
witness  of  thisdisafl^ection  and  controversy,  and 
a  lasting  memorial  of  its  happy  t.-nnination  and 
a  ijustment,  and  which  is  ech-ed  by  her  sixty 
nunesakes,  scattered  over  the  United  States. 

White,  in  his  Planter's  Plea,  says  of  this 
controversy,  the  change  of  name  from  Naum- 
keik  to  Salem,  was  done  "upcm  a  fair  ground, 
in  remembrance  of  a  peace  settled  upon  a  con- 
ference at  a  general  meeting  between  them 
and  their  neighbors  after  expectance  of  some 
dangerous  jar.''  It  is  supposed  that  the  sug- 
gestion of  tnis  name  was  made  I'y  Francia 
Hinginson. 

Still  the  wound  was  not  entirely  healed,  and 
its  irritation  can  beoccanionally  seen  throug'a- 
out  that  generation.  It  i«  plainly  apparent 
upwards  of  forty  years  afterward,  in  Conant's 
petitiim  to  General  Court,  in  1671.  when  he 
speaks  of  the  hazard  of  life  and  the  sacrifices 
he  had  made  lor  the  public  good  without  per- 
sonal reward. 

The  compromise  adopted  was  brought  a- 
boat  chi.  fly  hy  the  caretul  and  judicious  in- 
structions of  the  Company  to  Gov.  Endicott, 
a  policy  dictated  both  by  a  sense  of  justice, 
and  a  reasonable  apprehension  that  Mr. 
Oldham,  of  the  Church  partv,  might  draw  the 
old  planters  into  his  plan  of  maintaining  in- 
dependent jurisdiction  over  the  territory  of 
Macsa(;husetts,  according  to  a  conveyance  he 
held  from  John  the  brother  of  Robert  Gorges. 

Under  date  of  April  17,  1629,  Mr.  Crad- 
dock in  his  oiEoial  letter  to  Gov.  Endicott,  uses 
thi.-)  language,  "and  that  it  may  appear  as 
well  to  all  the  world  as  to  the  old  planters 
themselves,  that  wee  seke  not  to  make  them 
slaves,  (as  it  seems  by  your  letter  some  of 
them  think  themselves  to  bee  become  by  means 
of  our  patent.)  wee  are  content  they  shall  be 
partakers  of  such  privileges  as  wee,  from  his 
.Mijesty's  esp 'tial  grace,  with  great  cost,  favor 
of  personages  of  note,  and  much  labor,  have 
obtained,  and  that   they   shall  be  incorporated 


109 


into  this  soci'-ty,  and  enjuy  not  only  tlieir 
lands  which  formerly  tliey  have  manured,  J>ut 
such  a  further  proportion  as  by  the  advice  and 
judgment  of  yourself  and  the  rest  of  the 
ouncil.  sliall  be  thoiijiht  fit  for  them  tr  any  of 
them.  And  bej»idj8  it  is  still  our  purpose  that 
they  should  have  «orae  l»enefit  by  the  common 
stock  as  by  your  first  commission  directed  and 
appointed  ;  with  this  addition,  that  if  it  be 
held  too  much  to  take  thirty  per  cent,  and  the 
freight  of  the  goods  for  and  in  consideration 
of  an  adventure  and  disbursement  of  your 
moneys,  to  be  paid  in  beaver  at  six  shillings 
per  p'lund,  that  you  modtrate  the  8;iid  rate, 
as  you,  with  the  rest  of  the  Council,  shall 
think  to  be  agreeable  to  equity  and  good  con- 
science." 

They  also  granted  the  old  planters  the  ex- 
clusive privilege  of  raising  tobacco  from  which 
they  expected  great  remuneration,  and  in  the 
Government  they  were  to  have  the  privilege  of 
choosing  two  of  the  twelve  Councilmen  from 
their  own  number.  (Is  it  not  absurd  then  to 
suppo.'je  that  there  were  buf  four  settlers  here, 
when  Endicott  came  ?)  The  followers  of  Co- 
nant  had  undoubtedly  been  increased  by  the 
arrival  of  the  fishing  and  trading  vessels,  that 
frequented  the  coast  from  the  time  he  took  his 
firm  determination  to  remain  at  Naumkeag. 
Mr.  Thornton  says  : — "If,  under  such  condi-- 
tions,  and  such  a  fulfilment  of  the  agreement, 
Conant  and  his  associates  are  desirous  to  live 
amongst  us,  and  cimform  themselves  to  good  or. 
der  and  government,  said  those  who  had  taken 
summary  possession  of  the  territory  and  of 
the  improvements  thereon,  we  will  permit  them 
to  remain.'" 

"The  legal  title  was  now  in  the  new  Com- 
pany, who,  strong  in  wealth  and  influence, 
were  decidedly  aggressive  in  spirit,  and  the 
only  alternative  for  these  leaders  in  the  forlorn 
hope  was  di-ipersion  and  an  abandonment  of 
the  now  ripening  fruits  of  their  labors. — 
They  euhraitted  to  the  lesser  evil  ;  but  historic 
impartiality,  upon  a  survey    uf  the  tacts,  will 


23 


yield  a  verdict  of  exact  justice,  unvitiated  by 
superior  int'  rests  and  prejudices."* 

It  would  be  extraneous  to  my  plan  to  enter 
into  an  ecclesiastical  review  of  the  afiairs  of 
the  Colony,  and  to  show  the  development  of 
the  simple  congregational  form  of  worship  a- 
dopted  by  the  government,  and  of  the  influ- 
ence of  Dr  Fuller,  of  Plymouth,  in  bringing 
it  about,  and  of  the  accommodation  of  Uig- 
ginson  and  Shelton  t<»  it,  who  had  not  made 
up  their  minds  to  any  particular  form  of 
church  government  belore  leaving  England, — 
resulting  in  the  simple  ordination  of  August 
6,  1G29,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Salem 
Ohurch. 

Suffice  it  to  say,  that  Prelacy  could  not  ex- 
ist in  such  a  community,  which  was  soon 
manifested  in  the  expulsion  of  the  two 
Browns,  and  so  universally  was  this  feeling  im- 
pnsssed  that  no  Episcopal  minister  was  settled 
in  Salem,  for  upward  of  one  hundred  years  af- 
terward. Under  this  state  of  things,  we  see 
another  instance  of  the  self-sacrificing  spirit  of 
Conant,  who  again  yield!  up  his  private  wish- 
es to  the  majority,  and  joins  in  communion 
with  a  Separati.->t  Church,  and  at  its  altar  his 
children  were  baptized.  His  name  stands  en- 
rolled the  filth  upon  the  extant  list  of  its  mem- 
bers. 

The  church  party  consisting  chiefly  of  the 
old  planters,  are  supposed  to  have  relinquished 
their  Episcopacy,  and  joined  the  Congregation- 
al Church,  about  the  time  the  Browns  were 
sent  home,f  and  but  a  few  weeks  after  the 
organization  of  the  church.  The  old  planters 
were  allowed  to  retain  the  lands  they  had  al- 
ready improved  and  cultivated,  and  to  be  al- 
lowed an  equitable  portion  in  other  lands  to 
be  subsequently  grjinted.  Accordingly  we 
find  by  the  town  Book  of  Grants,  on  the  "25th 
of  11th  mon,  1635,  that  Captain  Trask,  John 
Woodbury,  Mr.  Conant,  Peter  Palfrey,  and 
John  Balch,  a'-e  to  have  five  farms,  viz  :  each 
two   hundred   acres   apiece,   to  form  in  all,  a 

•Thornton. 
fFelt. 


no 


thousand  acres  of  land  together  Ijing,  and  be- 
ing at  the  head  of  Bass  river,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-four  poles  in  breadth,  and  soe  runin 
northerly  to  the  river  by  the  great  pond  side,* 
and  soe  in  breadth  making  up  the  full  quanti- 
ty of  a  thousand  acres,  those  limits  laid  out 
and  surveyed  by  vs. 

John  Woodbury, 
John  Balch." 

This  locality  is  afterward  in  the  Records, 
often  called  "The  Old  Planters'  Farms." 

Again  there  were  granted  to  John  Woodbury, 
John  Balch,  and  Mr.  Conantj  five  acres  of 
meadow  apiece,  in  some  convenient  place. 
Conant  80(m  after  removed  to  his  grant,  and 
was  followed  by  some  of  the  others.  Palfrey 
never  settled  upon  his,  but  removed  to  Reading. 

The  fir>t  grants  of  land  we  find  record- 
ed, were  made  on  1st  of  8  month,  1634.  The 
grant  above  mentioned,  was  recorded  on  the 
third  page  of  the  book  of  Grants,  and  there 
appear  to  have  been  but  two  large  lots  granted 
prior  to  the  one  thousand  acre  lot  to  the  old 
planters,  and  these  were  granted  but  one  week 
previous,  viz  :  three  hundred  acres  to  Robert 
Cole,  where  his  cattle  are,  by  Brooksby,  and  a 
farm  of  two  hundred  ao.es  to  Lieut.  Johnson, 
also  at  Brooksby,  (8  mth  Danvers  ) 

The  question  may  arise  here,  why  were  not 
more  of  the  names  of  the  old  planters  men- 
tioned in  this  griint.  The  answer  to  this  may 
be,  that  under  the  Company  instructions, 
planters  were  to  have  land  granted  them  in 
proportion  to  their  interest  in  the  common 
stock,  perhaps  for  improvements  they  had 
made,  in  advance  of  their  comrades.  Distinc- 
tion of  merit  seems  implied  in  Craddock's  let- 
ter, as  appears  by  the  above  quotation  in  my 
italics.  Other  of  the  old  planters  receiv- 
ed separate  grants  of  land  as  can  be  seen 
by  the  Book  of  Grants,  such  as  Richard  and 
John  Norman,  who  were  granted  twenty  acres 
of  land  each. 

The  exertions  of  Rev.   Mr.   White  did  not 

«Wenham  Lake. 


cease  with  the  obtaining  of  the  charter  and 
despatching  the  ship  Abigail  ;  it  was  t^'rough 
his  means  that  the  original  patentees  "were 
brouglit  into  acquaintance  with  other  religious 
persons  of  like  quality  in  and  about  London, 
such  as  Mr.  Wintrop,  Mr.  Johnson,  Mr.  Dud- 
ley, Mr.  Craddock,  Mr.  Goffe,  and  ISir  Richard 
Saltonstall." 

The  emigration  of  Endicott  was  followed  by 
that  of  Rev.  Francis  Higginson,  with  two 
hundred  more  passengers,  and  planters,  who 
arrived  early  the  next  summer. 

The  year  alter,  (lt53U,)  was  signalised  by  the 
arrival  of  Gov.  Winthrop,  with  the  home  Com- 
pany, original  charter,*  and  a  large  number 
of  passengers,  in  a  fleet  of  seventeen  t-hips  ; 
and  emigrants  continued  to  pour  in  rapidly, 
so  tha;  in  1637,  nine  years  after  the  return  of 
Woodbury,  and  arrival  of  Endioott,  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Colony  numbered  not  less  than 
eight  thousand  souls,  nine  hundred  of  whom 
were   inhabitants  of  Salem. f 

The  acts  of  the  old  planters  soon  became  no 
longer  distinctly  visible,  as  Hutchinson  says  of 
Conant  : — "The  superior  condition  of  those 
who  came  over  with  the  charter,  cast  a  shade 
upon  ihem.'^  Suffice  it  to  say  that  they  co- 
tinued  to  bear  a  fair  share  in  town  and  colo- 
nial afiairs,  and  spent  lives  of  great  usefulness 
and  honor.  Partial  accounts  (which  might  be 
greatly  enlarged,)  of  these  men  and  their 
families  are  here  appended.  Several  of  their 
grand-children,  mere  youths,  perished  in  that 
memorable  battle  with  the  lodi  vns,  at  Bloody 
Brook,  under  Capt.  Lathrop,  of  Beverly,  Sep- 
tember 18, 1675. 

[to  be  continukd.] 


*The  Charter  provided  in  itself  for  an  "exempli- 
fication," or  duplicate  of  precisely  the  same  legal 
authority  :  this  duplicate  charter  Gov.  Endicott 
brought  with  him  in  1 6'28j  and  under  it  he  ruled  the 
Colony;  it  is  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Salem 
Athenaeum,  and  may  be  seen  at  Plummer  Hall.— 
Winthrop,  a  succeeding  Governor  of  the  Colony, 
with  whom  the  Company — the  Governor  making  pow- 
er— came,  brought  with  him  the  other,  or  original 
charter,  as  it  has  usually  been  called;  this  also  it 
preserved  in  the  State  House  at  Boston. 

fFelt's  Am.  Stat.  Ass'n.,  vol.  1,  138. 


Ill 


LETTER  OF  HON.  BENJAMIN  GOODHUE, 
MEAlbEK  OF  CONGRESS,  TO  ELIAS  HAS- 
KETT  DERBY,  OF  SALEM— CITY  OF  NEW 
YORK  IN   1787. 


I  send  you  for  puhlicution  a  copy  of  a  letter 
from  Hon  Benj.  Good.^ue  to  Elias  Haskett 
Dorhy,  ofS.xleiu,  wliich,  Itbink,  may  interest 
Booie  of  your  readers : 

WhatadiflFiTeat  aspect  New  Yoik  City  must 
Lave  presented  at  tlie  date  of  this  letter,  from 
her  present  appearance  !  Sam  Breck,  in  his 
Hiat'jrical  Sketch  of  the  Continental  Paper 
Money,  says, — 'In  the  month  of  June,  of  the 
year  1787.  on  my  return  from  a  residence  of  a 
few  years  in  France.  I  arrived  at  that  city,  and 
found  it  a  neglected  place,  built  chieSy  of 
wood,  and  in  a  state  of  prostration  and  decay. 
A  dozen  vessels  in  port.  Broadway,  from 
Trinity  Churcii  inolusivo  down  to  the  Battery, 
in  ruins,  owing  to  a  fire  tliat  had  occurred 
when  the  city  was  occupied  by  the  enemy, 
during  the  latter  end  of  the  war.  The  ruined 
walls  of  the  burnt  houses  standing  on  both 
sides  of  the  way,  testifying  to  the  poverty  of 
the  place,  five  years  after  the  conQagration  ; 
for  although  the  war  Lad  ceased  during  that 
period,  and  the  enemy  had  departed,  no  at- 
tempt had  been  made  to  rebuild  them.  In 
short,  there  was  silence  and  inactivity  every- 
where ;  and  the  whole  population  was  very 
little  over  twenty  thousand." 

This  is  in  striking   contrast   with    the  new 
York  of  the  present  day — the  leading  commer- 
cial city  of  the  world.  b. 
New  York.  April  5, 1789. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  I  think, 
are  peculiarly  unfortunate,  after  manifesting 
80  laudable  an  avidity  for  the  adoption  of  the 
new  government  to  have  the  exercise  of  it  so 
long  delayed  through  the  inexcusable,  and  I 
may  add  reproachful  inattention  of  several  of 
the  peisuns  whom  they  have  elected  for  its  ad- 
ministration. Congress  have  not  yet  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  members  of  both  Houses  in 
Town  to  enable  them  to  proceed  upon  bu.-^iness. 
The  Senate  wants  one  to  form  their  body,  and 
from  tlie  accounts  of  a  Senator  from  Virgiuia 
being  near  at  hand,  that  desirable  event  is  mo- 
mentarily expected.  I  pray  we  may  not  again 
bo  mortified  with  a  disappointmeDt,  for  I  am 


pereuaded  if  the  doctrine  be  true  that  it's  good 
for  us  to  be  afflicted,  we  have  had  so  bounti- 
ful a  portion  as  leaves  no  reason  to  doubt  of 
its  salutary  operation.  1  inclose  you  the  names 
of  the  pentleiiien  present  : 

New  Hampshire — Honorable  Nicholas  Gil- 
man. 

Maspachusetts — Fisher  Ames,  Geo.  Leonard, 
Geo.  Thatcher,  Benj.  Goodhue,  £lb.  Gerry, 
Geo.  Partridge. 

Maryland— Wm.  Smith,  Geo.  Gale,  —  Car- 
rol 

Connecticut — Jona.  Sturges,  Jere'h  Wads- 
worth.  Benj  Huntington,  Jona.  Trumbul, 
Roger  Sherman. 

New  Jersey — Lambert  Cadwallader,  EliaS 
Buudinot,  James  S^hurcman. 

Pennsylvania — Fred'k  A.  Mublenburg, 
Spk.,  Thomas  Hartley,  Henry  Wynkoop.  Pe- 
ter Muhlenburg,  Daniel  Heister,  Thomas 
Scott.  Geo.  Cijmer. 

Virginia — James  Madison,  Rich.  B  Lee^ 
John  Page,  Alex'r  White,  Andrew  Moore, 
Sam'l  Griffin,  Josiah  Parker,  Theoderick 
Bland. 

South     Carolina — Thomas    T.   Tuker. 

Senators,  which  ought  to  have  preceded  the 
Representatives  : 

N.  H. — Mesfcrs,  Langdon,  Wingate. 

M. — Strong. 

C. — Dr.  Johnson,  Ellsworth. 

N.  J. — Patterson*  Elmore. 

P. — Morris,  Macclay. 

D. — Bassett. 

G. — Few. 

I  am.  with  sentiments  df  esteem,  Yoair 
Friend  andServ't, 

B.  GOODHUE. 

P.  S.  I  have  just  this  moment  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Lee.  the  Senator  from  Virginia, 
who  I  have  mentioned  as  being  expected.  We 
shall  therefore,  after  so  long  a  time^  have  the 
pleasure  of  forming  both  houses,  to  morrow, 
and  after  opening  the  votes  of  the  Electors  for 
a  President  and  V.  President,  immediately  dis- 
patch a  messenger  to  Mount  Vernon,  and  an- 
other to  Braintree,  to  notify  those  great  per- 
sonages of  their  resnective  appointments. 

E.H.  Derbt.  Esq. 


PRIVATBEK    JUNIUS    BRUTUS. 


I  find  among  the  papers  of  my  late  grand- 
father, Jonathan  Andrew,  (deceased  1781,) 
who  was  an  ardent  patriot  dtiring  the  revola- 


112 


tionary  war,  and  an  agent  for  Privateer?,  ti.e 
following  list  of  the  officers  and  crew  of  the 
Ship  Jiiniua  Brutna.  She  was  a  ship  carry- 
ing 20  guna.  and  110  men,  and  was  captured 
in  Oct..  1782  and  ai^nt  to  Ne^vfoundland.  Felt 
says,  17H2.  Feb'y  19,  "A  ship  arrives,  taken 
by  the  Junius  Brutus  ;  had  1  killed,  2 
wounded,  and  the  prize  2  killed  and  5  wound- 
ed."' 1  find  by  a  memo,  on  the  paper  from 
which  I  copy,  tliat  the  J.  B.  was  in  Virginia 
S^lst  October,  1780,  where  several  men  de- 
serted her.  Thinking  this  list  may  possess 
Bouie  interest  at  this  day,  I  have  transcribed 
it  for   publication  in  your  paper.       b.  f.  b. 

List  of  Names,  Stations  and  Shares,   Junius 
Brutus. 


John  Brooks, 

Captain, 

9  shares  | 

Wm.  Pattbrpon, 

1st  Lieut., 

6 

do 

Hugh  Smith, 

2d     do. 

5 

do 

Chas.  Hamilton, 

Master, 

6 

do 

Martin  Luvett, 

Surgeon, 

6 

do 

Robt .  Fairservice, 

Clerk, 

n 

do 

Jonath  Glover, 

Ship  Mate, 

34  do      { 

Jno.  Sinclair, 

2d      do. 

3 

do 

Jonath.  Mayson, 

Prize  Master, 

3 

do 

Tbos.  Webb, 

do. 

3 

do 

Benj'n  Thompson, 

do. 

3 

do 

Joseph  Trask, 

do. 

3 

do 

Jno.  Ad'len, 

do. 

3 

do 

Joseph  Salter, 

do. 

3 

do 

Stephen  Archer, 

do. 

3 

do 

John  Siiiiit, 

Boatswain, 

3 

do 

And'w  Trpwlove 

Miite, 

2 

do 

Ciiarles  Peterson, 

do. 

2 

do 

David  liicktord, 

Stuard, 

3 

do 

Jho.  Hcivey, 

Cooper, 

2 

do 

Edwa-d  balton, 

Gunner, 

3 

do 

Andrew  Morgan, 

Mate, 

2 

do 

Neii'iah  Cushman, 

do. 

n 

do 

Jno.  Noofin, 

Carpenter, 

3 

do 

Sam'l  Moliitire, 

Mate, 

li 

do 

Peter  Smothers, 

Jr.  Master, 

2 

do 

John  JacktiOQ 

do. 

2 

do 

John  Hall, 

Sail  Maker, 

2 

do 

Sam'l  Knap, 

Cook, 

2 

do 

Jonatti    Newell, 

Cabin  Cook 

> 

14 

do 

Gibson  Clouj;h, 

Cipt.  Marines, 

n 

do 

Jno.  Wakefield, 

Armourer, 

H 

do 

Seamen. 

Shares.     Seamen. 

Shares- 

Jno.   Watts, 

1       Jacob  Newell, 

James  Elliot, 

1        iienj 

'n  Butler, 

Joseph  lloman, 

1       Edward  Perlans, 

Jno.  Peeters, 

1       Jno. 

Still, 

James  Uynds, 

1       Jona 

.  Teaguo, 

Jno  Ale.  Niel, 

1       Jno. 

Allen, 

Thos   Wilburn, 

1       Jno. 

McKenney, 

Isaac  Lofty, 

1       Edw 

1  Tucker, 

Jamos  Hamelton, 

1       Nic'k  Wallace, 

Jaiues  Kobertson, 

1       Mm. 

Saucefield, 

Seamen. 


Shares.     Seamen. 


Shares. 


Tho.  Traverse, 

L       Thos.  Norris, 

1 

Leander  Smith, 

Jno.  Orrick, 

1 

Martin  Wtiitforth,        ] 

TIkm.  Rij;sloy, 

I 

Duncan  MePherson, 

[       Wm    Drardson, 

1 

Oliver  Wellman, 

Aaron  Crowell, 

i 

Robt.  Hazel  ton. 

Jona.  Brown, 

h 

Daniel  Mehaney, 

Joseph  Allen, 

1 

Wm.  Burbank, 

David  Whipple, 

1 

Benj'n  Felt, 

Sam'l  Russell 

1 

Th.is.  Smith, 

Peter  Fol.soin, 

1 

John  Hooton, 

Georj;e'  Herculeous, 

1 

James  Turner, 

David  Roach, 

1 

Joshua  Grant, 

James  Mc.Veil, 

i 

John  Cuin, 

Anthony  Knap, 

h 

Jno.  Oakman, 

I       Wtu.  Hutler, 

i 

Thos.  Ri)bertson, 

i       Wm   Pve. 

i 

Thos.  Jone.s, 

Siiin'l  Pickworth, 

I 

Rob't  Remmons, 

[       Benj'n  White, 

i 

Rob't  Cloutinan, 

I        Win    Adams, 

1 

Thos.  Driver,                 j 

Joh  1  Leach, 

1 

Ebenez.  Whitfoot, 

Nehem    Gould, 

i 

James  Bean, 

John  Wait, 

1 

John  Meach, 

Benj'n  Woolbridge, 

i 

Jno.  Pitman, 

Joseph  Severy, 

4 

John  Codley, 

John  Archer, 

1 

Amos  Dolliver, 

Jaiue.«  Black, 

James  Wood, 

Jno.  EdiUMnds, 

Jona.  Thompson, 

Samiel  Towns, 

Otho   Beal, 

Abrah'm   Woollett, 

John  Fannnck, 

Amos  Newell, 

Clement  Severy, 

Edward  Still, 

John  Dennis, 

Thos.  Powell, 

Wm.  Bradish, 

French  Deacons, 

Jno.  Fenley, 

David  Leach, 

1 

Rob't  Gover, 

L       Charles  Wood, 

1 

Robt.  Orrick,                 1 

Christ'r    Wallburt   was  missed   on   the  3d   day  of 
September;  was  supposed  to  have  fallen  overboard. 


EXPEDITION  TO  RHODE  ISLAND  IN  1778. 


In  the  summer  of  that  year,  the  Island  was  in  the 
occupation  of  a  body  of  British  troop.'',  under  the  com* 
mand  of  Major  General  Sir  Robert  Pigot;  and  it  was 
determined  that  an  attempt  to  recover  porfsossioa 
should  be  made  by  an  American  army  under  Maj.  Gen. 
Sullivan,  in  conjunction  with  the  French  fleet  com- 
manded by  the  Count  D'E.^tiiing.  The  British  force 
was  estimated  at  about  0500  men;  the  American,  at 
9000  or  10000,  consisting  of  2200  continental  soldiers 
and  7000  or  8000  militia.  Of  the  latter  a  large  por- 
tion were  voluntcrs  from  New  England.  Owing  to 
disasters  to  the  French  ships,  occasioned  by  a  tem- 
pest, and  to  jealousies  subsisting  between  D'Estaing 
and  bis  captains,  the  fleet  failed  to  cooperate,  and 
the  Americans,  who  had  landed  upon  the  Isiland,  and 
had  taken  a  position  near  to  Newport,  were  under 
the  necessity  of  retreating.  The  quota  required  of 
Salem  «raa    52  men;  4)ut  the   following  list,  oopieJ 


118 


from  an  ancient  original  supposed  to  be  correct,  con- 
tains the  names  of  81  volunteers.  Some  contempo- 
rary Utters  say  that  nearly  or  quite  100  men  march- 
ed t  rum  Salem;  but  unless  tbey  mean  to  include 
about  25  boatmen  for  landing  the  Americans,  there 
is  of  course  an  error,  eiihex  in  the  list  or  in  the  let- 
ters. It  will  be  seen  that  many  of  the  prominent 
men  of  Salem  were  in  the  ranks.  The  company  left 
Salem  about  the  4tb  of  August,  and  landed  on 
Kbode  Island  on  the  16tb.  On  the  evening  of  the 
29tb,  the  American  army  retired  to  the  north  part 
of  the  island.  The  next  day  they  repulsed  the  Brit- 
ish, and  in  the  night  e£fected  their  retreat  to  the 
main  land  without  the  loss  of  men  or  stores. 

The  I'st  is  presumed  to  be  correct,  from  the  fact 
that  it  is  headed  "List  of  the  Volunteer  Company 
from  Salem,"  in  the  hand-wiiting  of  Mr.  G  orge 
"Williams,  brother-in-law  of  Col.  Timothy  Picker- 
ing, and  is  indorsed  in  Col.  Pickering's  handwrit- 
ing, "List  of  Volunteers  Iroir.  Salem,  for  the  Rhode 
Island  Expedition,  August,  1778." 
Sam'l  Flagg',  Captain,  Sam'l  Phippen, 

Miles  Greenwood,  1st  Lt.,  Jona.  Tucker, 
Robt.  Fo.-iter,  2d  do.,  Daniel  Cheever, 

Benjamin  Ropes,  Jr.,  Beiij'n  Peters, 

George  Smith,  Sam'l  Tucker, 

David  Biiyse,  Ezt^kiel  NVellman, 

Oil  leb  Smith,  Robt.  Peele, 

Wm.   Gerald,  EHis  Mansfield, 

Simon  Giirdner,  Nathan   Peirce, 

Jno.  Cniimberlain,  Aaron  Waitt, 

Benj'n  Hathorne,  Robt.  Cook, 

Joseph  Young,  Nath'l  Ropes,  Jr,, 

George  Williams,  Sam'l  Ropes, 

Jona.  Peele,  Jr.,  Wm.  Osborne, 

Jo  la.  Ga  dner,  Jr.,  Asa  Ptirce, 

Jacob  A.-hton,  Jno.  Uarr, 

Barlbo.  Putnam,  Josiah  Austin, 

Samuel  Ward,  Jno    Page, 

George  Dodge.  Jr.,  Benj'n  Cloutman, 

Beiij  II  boodiiue,  Jr.,  Jeratb'el  Peirce, 

Francis  Cabot,  Jr.,  James  Ea'on, 

Mm.  Orne,  James  iSott. 

Edv«aid  Norris,  Benj'n  Frye, 

Benj'n  Dalanil,  Isaac  Needham, 

Abijnb  Nortuey,  Thos.  JTeedham,  Jr., 

Sam'l  Grnnt,  Zach'y  Burchmore, 

Jno.  Fisk,  Samuel  Webb, 

Simun  Forrester,  Eben  Peirce, 

Fraocis  Dennis,  Benj'n  Warren, 

Saiii'l  liljth,  James  Walker, 

Jusbua  Dodge,  Ju'^epb  Manstield, 

Jona.  Har.den,  Eben  Porter, 

David  Ropes,  Daniel  Peirce, 

Joseph  Oliipman,  Henry  Uigginson, 

Jona.  Waldo,  Win.  Lan;;, 

Geo.  Abbot,  Francis  Claike, 

Josiiua  Ward,  Jr.,  Jno.  Felt, 

Beiij'u  Moses,  Jos.  Lambert, 

Jo^iub  Dewing,  Jona.  Mansfield,  Jr., 

Jno.  Andrew,  Joseph  Hillor. 

James  Wood  Gould, 

29 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF 
BIRTHS,  MARRIAGES  AND  DEATHS,  OF 
THE     CITY     OF    SALEM. 


Copied  by  Ira  J.   Patch. 


CONTINUED   FROM    PAGE   36. 

Henfy  Bragg  &  Elizabeth  Machtnallen  were 
marryed  the  17th  10th  mo.,  1677,  iheire daugh- 
ter Elizabeth,  borne  7th  7tti  ano.,  '78.  Mary, 
borne  24th  March,  1680  Henry,  borne  12th 
April,  1682.  VViIliiim,  borne  17th  Octob'r, 
1684.  Sarah,  borne  26th  March,  1687.  Sono 
Alexand'r,  born  6th  March,  1689 

John  Buxton  &  Elizabeth  Ilolton  were  mar- 
ryed the  7th  8th  uio.,  1677.  their  son  Joseph, 
borne  the  24th  9th  mo..  1678.  their  daughter 
Sarah,  borne  the  9th  12th  mo.,  1680.  their 
eon  Anthony,  home  the  24th  12th  mo.,  1682. 
Hannah,  borne  20ih  January,  1685.  Rachell, 
born  6th  May,  1688.  Amos  Buxton,  born 
Feb'y  12th,  1700-1,  Jonathan,  born  25th  Ju- 
ly, 1706. 

Christopher,  son  of  Christopher  Babbadge, 
borne  by  Han na  his  wife  the  11th  9th  mo., 
1678.  son  Kichurd.  borne  ye  Ist  8th  mo., 
1680  ;  the  said  Richard,  deceased  Ist  mo  '81  ; 
thoirc  second  son  Richard,  borne  ye  14th  July, 
1682;  his  son  Nehemiah,  born  25ch  March, 
'84. 

Tho's  Bell  &  Rehecka  Ebborne,  marryed  10th 
10th  mo  ,  1680  ;  tlieire  son  Thomas,  borne 
the  26th  August,  1681  ;  George,  borne  10th 
June,  1684." 

Samut'U  Beadle,  his  daughter  Mary,  borne 
by  Hanna  his  wife  the  2l8t  of  May,  1678  ; 
theire  sou  Lemon  home  the  30th  July,  1680  ; 
ye  daughter  Hnnnah,  borne  18th  10th  mo., 
'82  :  ye  son  Koh't  horn  14th  9th  mo.,  '84  ; 
son  Jonathan,  horn  24th  July,  1687,  and  dyed 
16th  May,  1688  ;  Kaleh.  born  24th  Feb.  1688. 

Thomas  Beadle  &  Elizaheth  Drake  were 
marryed  ye  18tti  7th  mo.,  1679  :  theire  daugh- 
ter Eliz.tbrtth,  home  July  the  9tb,  1681  ;  Ma- 
ry, borne  5th  2ii  mo..  1683  ;  Thomas,  born 
March,  1685-6.  and  dyed  '86  ;  Benj'n,  born 
7th  7th  mo  ,  '87  ;  Thomas,  born  10th  12th 
mo.,  '89-90  ;  John,  burn  14th  Feby,  1691-2. 


114 


Jno  Butolph.  his  son  John,  borne  by  Sarah, 
bis  wife,  1st  July,  1688.  Hannah,  born  9th 
10th  mo.,  1689. 

Jno  Biyly.  son  of  Jno  Bayly,  borne  last 
Maje,  1681  ;  Tliomaa,  borne  16th  Maye,  '82  ; 
Eliza,  borne  16th  July,  1684  ;  Nicolas,  borne 
26th  Sept.,  1686. 

William  Bartoll  &  Susanna  Woodbury  were 
marryed  ye ;  their  son  Andrew  Bar- 
toll,  borne  the  20th  of  August,  1680  :  there 
Bon  William,  borne  the  4th  Auj>;u8t.  1682. 

Mathew  Barton,  his  daughter  Susana,  borne 
by  Sarah,  his  wife,  the  10th  of  May,  1680  ; 
their  son  Mathew,  borne  the  6th  9th  mo., 
1682  ;  their  daught'r  Sarah,  borne  Ist  Aprill, 
1685  ;  their  daughfr  Elizabeth,  borne  20th 
Aprill,  1687. 

John  Bullock  &  Mary  Maverick  were  mBryed 
the  3d  day  of  August,  1681  ;  their  daught'r 
Elizabeth,  borne  the  22d  of  June,  1683  ;  their 
Bone  John,  borne  5th  Apriil,  1686. 

Edward  Bush  &  Elizabeth  Pitman  widdow 
were  marryed  the  first  of  August  1678,  theire 
daughter  Elizabeth  borne  the  30th  of  April 
1679  :  Son  Edward  born  1st  of  March  1681-2; 
daughter  Ann  borne  the  25th  of  February, 
1682-3  ;  Benjamin,  borne  7th  Maye.  1685; 
Edw'd  Bush  born  2d  August,  1687  ;  son  East- 
ick,  born  22d  of  March,  "88-9  :  son  Eastick, 
borne  14th  Maye,  1693. 

Jno.  Bachelor,  dyed  August  6th,  '84  ;  his 
wife  Mary,  dyed  19th  of  August  '84. 

Robert  Braye,  Jun'r,  married  the  5th  No- 
vember, 1685,  their  sone  John,  borno  4th 
Sept'r.  1686  ;  son  Robert,  borne  22d  Decem- 
ber, 1688;  Prissillah,  borne  11th  March, 
1689-90  ;  sone  Benj'n,  borne  27th  Sept'r  1692; 
Christian,  borne  19th  March  '94. 

Hannah  BuflBngton,  daughter  of  Thomas 
Buffington.  Jun'r  <&  Hannah  bis  wife,  born 
May  11.  1701. 

Hana.  daughter  of  Sam'l  Cutler,    by   Eliza 
his  wife  December  1655,  their   daughter   Abi- 
gail borne  11th  mo.  '56  ;  daughter  Sarah ,  born 
23d  10th  mo.  '58 
Anna,  daughter  of  Willim  Curtis,  hj  Alice 


his  wife,  born  30th  August,  1658  :  their 
daughter  Sarah,  born  13th  8th  mo..  60  and 
dyed  25th  8th  mo..  '60;  son  Will'm,  borne 
ye  26th  lOino.  "62 ;  son  Jo'n,  borna  14th 
May,  1666.  Abigaile  borne  about  the  15  Au- 
gust, 1G64. 

Christopher  Croe  (or  Cro<)  and  Deliverance 
Bennet  were  mai-ried  by  Maj.  Hiithorne  the 
8th  October,  1657  ;  their  dau.  Ilanna  bo  10th 
7th  mo  165-. 

Jon  Collens  &  Mahetahell  Giles  were  maried 
by  Major  llathorne  ye  9th  lat  mo.,  1658-59. 

Humphrey  Coomes  maried  to  Bathsheaba 
Rayment  by  Capt.  Marshall,  ye  29th  5th  mo., 
1659. 

Henry  Cooke  maried  to  Judith  Birdsale, 
June,  1639  ;  their  son  Isaack  borne  ye  3d  2d 
mo.,  1640;  son  Samuell  bo  30th  7th  mo., 
1641 ;  dar  Judith  bo  loth  7th  mo.,  '43  :  Ra- 
ohell  bo  25th  7th  mo.,  1645  ;  John  bo  6th  7th 
mo.,  1647  ;  Mary  &  Martha  bo  15th  7th  mo., 
'50  ;  Henry  home  30th  10th  mo..,  1652  ;  Eli- 
za bo  September  '54.  &  deceasi'd.  Hana  bo 
Sept'r,  1658  ;  Henry  Cooke  deceased  25th 
December,  1661.   (viz  the  father.) 

Frances  Collens  his  dar  Sarah  bo  by  Hana 
his  wife,  13th  3d  mo.,  '60  ;  da'r  Christian 
hor  m  Aprill,  1665  ;  son  John  borne  August, 
'67. 

Richard  Curtise  his  son  Caleb  bo  by  Sara 
his  wife  ye  24th  7th  mo.,  '46  .  their  son  Sam- 
uell  1st  2.1  mo.,  '51 ;  son  Richard  bo  14th  12 
mo,,  '52;  da'r  Sara  bo  19th  Ist  mo., '5- ; 
da'r  Hanna  ye  16th  7th  mo., -56  ;  son  John 
2d  12th  mo.,  "58,  &  dyed  ye  28th  5th  mo., 
'59  ;  their  son  John  bo  4th  4th  mo.,  '60,  Sf 
dyed  4th  7tb  mo,,  '60  ;  dau'i-Mary  borne  11th 
i2th  mo.,  "62. 

Humphrey  Coomes  his  da'r  Hana  bo  by 
Barsheba  his  wife,  ye  26th  3d  -jao  ,  '60 

Sam'l  Cutler,  eon  of  Sam'l  Cutler  &  Eliza- 
hoth  his  wife,  borne  at  Salem,  1661  ;  Ebene- 
zer,  son  of  ye  aforesd  S. .  borne  at  Salem,  1664. 
John  Croad  &  Elizabeth  Price  were  mar- 
ryed by  Maj.  Hathorne,  17th  Ist  mo.,  '58; 
theire  da'r  Eliza  bo  2l8t  8th  ma.,  '61;  theire 
SOD  Jou  boroe  14th  4ihmo.,   '63;  Da  Hanna 


115 


borne  14th  July,  "65 ;  son  Jonathan    borne  je 
17th  11th  mo.,  1667. 

Giles  Coree  his   da'r   Deliverance   borne  hj 
Margaret  his  wife  ve  5th  6th  mo.,  '58. 

Joshua  Connant  his  son  Joshua  bo  by  Seeth 
his  wife  je  15th  4th  mo.,  '57. 

William  Cantleburj  deceased  ye  l8t4thmo., 
'63. 

Deborah  Clearke  deceased  16th  March,  '60, 
da'r  of  VVill'm  Clearke,  vintner. 

Richard  Cauiplin  dyed  ye  23d  April,  '62. 

Nath  1  Carrell  his  Da'r   Mary  by   Mary   his 
wife,  bo  20th  5th  mo.,  '62. 

To  be  Continued. 


A  GENEALOGICAL  RAMBLE. 


Several  days  since,  in  company  with  a  friend  who 
has  spent  uucb  time  in  genealogical  research  per- 
tuining  to  his  own  family,  we  spent  a  very  pleasant 
afternoon  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Dauvers  Alms  House, 
always  proluse  in  charming  summer  sijibts.  This 
neighborhood  affurds  a  pleasant  rambling  place  for 
those  who  occasionally  stroll  away  from  the  city, 
and  yet  who  feel  no  particular  interest  in  ihe  locality 
from  any  ancestral  associations.  Those  who  are 
averse  to  walking  the  lull  distance  to  this  place,  can 
find  exactly  the  ac-ommodatiun  they  need  in  the 
South  Reading  Branch  Railroad  train,  which  leaves 
the  depot  in  Sulem  at  fifteen  minutes  before  three  in 
the  alternoon,  and  which  stops  at  the  signal  station 
near  the  mill  of  Mr.  Buffum,  about  half  a  mile  this 
side  of  the  Alms-house. 

The  famous  boulder,  known  as  "Ship  Rock,"  is 
very  near  to  this  station,  and  is  attainable  over  a 
somewhat  hilly  and  uneven  foot-path  extending  a 
short  distance  to  the  right.  This  huge  rock,  which 
must  weigh  many  tons,  is  visible  to  travellers  upon 
the  railroad,  lilting  iu>  top  above  the  trees,  though 
in  such  a  manner  as  perhap.-i  would  fail  to  convey  a 
true  idea  of  its  size.  Like  most  of  the  natural  won- 
ders which  are  named  for  real  things,  its  resem- 
blance to  a  £hip  can  be  perceived  only  by  a  compro  - 
mise  of  facts  with  the  imagination,  which,  having 
been  duly  accomplished,  the  visitor  can  easily  dis- 
tinguish the  bow  from  the  stern,  and  perhaps  trace 
out,  to  his  own  satisfaction,  a  tolerably  fair  model 
of  a  hull.  The  rock  rests  upon  a  very  small  base,  a 
large  part  of  it  extending  along  parallel  with  the 


ground,  yet  a  few  inches  above   it;  in  one  place  the 
space  being   sufficient  to  admit  of  the    passage  of  a 
small  child.     Tiiis   boulder   is  the     property  of  the 
Essex  Institute,    which    society    has  taken   the  steps 
necessary  to  make  this  natural   curiosity  an    attrac- 
tive point  of  interest,  and  to  exhibit  its  large  dimen- 
sions in   the  most  advantageous    manner.     An  iron 
ladder  has  been  constructed  upon    it,  with   chains  to 
serve  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the    equilibrium  in 
the  labor  of  ascending.     The   top   commands  a  good 
view,  over   the  trees,    of  distant  scenery,    including 
Salem  and  South  Danvers,  the    prominent   structures 
of  which  stand  forth  to  the  vision  vpry  conspicuously. 
The  familiar  mill,  on  the  opposite  side  of   the  rail- 
road track,  now   owned  by    Mr.    James   N.  BuQum, 
stands  upon  or    near  the   spot   where    the    first  saw- 
mill in  Danvers  (owned  by  a  man   named  Very,)  was 
erected.     TLe  meadow  from  whence  the   water  which 
furnishes  the  power  for  this  mill  is  derived,  is  flowed 
by  a  brook   which  runs   from  Cedar    Pond,    which  is 
about  half  a  mile  above    the  alms-house.     It  is  near 
this  pond  and    the   alms-house,    where    the    original 
ancestor,  in  this  country,  of  those  who  bear  the  name 
of  Very,  once  lived  and  owned  a  considerable  tract  of 
land.     The  identity  of  the   locality   is   indicated  by 
extracts    from    old   wills,    which     mention   "Ceader 
Pond''  with   some  frequency.      The  will  of  Bridget 
(Very)  Giles,    made  in    1668,    mentions    "a  ten  acre 
lot,  also  meadow  land    btth  sides   of  the  brook;  also 
house  and  land,"  <tc.     In  1675,    Bridget   Giles,  wid- 
ow, grants  unto  Eleazer  Giles,  her  son,    husbandman, 
"all  the  upland  and  meadow  for:iier!y  owned    by  Ed- 
ward Giles  of  Sulem,    my   husband,    twenty   acres  as 
far  as  the  corner  of   my  son,  John   Giles."    In  1679 
Elieazer  Giles  sold  J.  King    ten  acres   bounded  with 
land  of  Samuel  Very;  and,  in  1681,  the  same  person 
sold   Wm.    Lord  two  acres   of   meadvw   "on  Ceader 
Pond,"  bounded   on   Samuel   Very's    farm.     Samuel 
Very,  son  of  Bridget  Very,  in  his  will  in  1683,  gives 
to  Alice   (Woodis,)  his  wife,    his   dwelling   bouse  ia 
Salem,  with  outhousing,    orchards,   &c.;  also  speak- 
ing of  two  pieces  of  meadow  next  the  river  (or  pond,) 
before  his  bouse  on  the  south    side,    and   likewise  of 
other  land  bordering  on   other  parts  of  the  river,  or 
pond. 

The  lands  here  indicated  are  all  in  this  vicinity; 
and  the  original  house  where  Bridget  Very, — who 
came  from  England  with  her  two  sons,  and  after- 
wards married  a  Giles, — lived,  was  on  a  road  which 
extended  from  the  rear  of  the  almshouse  to  the 
Kings' estate.  This  road  has  long  been  closed  and 
merged  in  a  common  lot  of  wood    and   shiubbery; 


116 


but  the  indications  of  the  cellar  of  the  old  Very 
boufe  still  remain,  and  was  pointed  out  to  us  bv  an 
elderly  man  connected  with  the  alms-house,  who 
well  r»'merabered  the  land  as  the  "Very  lot."  Tlie 
subjoined  brief  account  of  this  family  may  prove  in- 
teresting to  the  genealogical  readers  as  well  as  to 
those  who  are  directly  or  indirectly  connected.  It 
was  prepared  by  a  descendant,  (Rev.  Jones  Vflry,) 
who  has  a  full  record  of  the  family  from  the  original 
emigrant,  which  will  probably  soon  be  printed  in 
the  Historical  Collections.  n.  a.  h. 

THE  VERY  FAMILY. 
This  family  may  be  traced  back  to  Bridget  Very, 
who  came  from  England  with  her  two  sons,  Samuel 
and  Thomas,  and  a  daughter  Mary.  They  probably 
came  from  Salisbury.  The  name  of  Very,  together 
with  that  of  Verin,  (which  is  also  an  early  Salem 
name,)  is  olten  mentioned  on  the  Salisbury  records. 
See  Mas,".  His  Col.,  vol.  X.,  3d  series.)  Bridget  Very 
was  born  about  1600.  She  was  a  suember  of  the  first 
Church  in  Salem  in  1G48.  She  lived,  together  with 
her  son,  Samuel  Very,  on  the  north  side  of  Cedar 
Pond,  and  of  the  brook  running  from  it,  about  sixty 
rods  from  the  Danvers  Alms  House,  where  they 
owned  a  large  tract  of  land.  She  was  married  a 
second  time  to  Edward  Giles  of  Salem,  a  member  of 
the  first  Church  in  163C;  who  also  resided  here,  as 
did  their  children,  Mehitable,  Remember,  Eleazer 
and  John  Giles.  On  this  spot  her  descendants  re- 
sided for  a  century  perhaps,  as  her  own  and  her  son's 
will,  and  the  deeds  ot  the  land,  as  well  as  local  tia- 
dition  show.  Some  of  those  who  bear  the  name  of 
Very,  still  live  in  different  parts  of  the  town  of  iJan- 
vers.  Most  of  them,  however,  moved  to  Salem, 
leaving  the  pursuits  of  husbandry  to  become  seamen. 
Many  of  that  name  have  been  shipmasters  in  Salem. 
Those  who  bear  the  name  of  Giles  have  lived  mostly 
in  Beverly  and  Gloucester.  The  oldest  stone  in  the 
South  Danvers  Burying  Ground  is  that  which  bears 
the  name  of  James  Giles, — a  grandson  of  Bridget 
Giles-  It  is  probably  the  oldest  in  the  State  erected 
to  one  so  young.  It  contains  the  following  inscrip- 
tion upon  the  headstone:  — 

Here  lyeth  ye  body  of  .James  Gyles,  aged  about  10 
years.     Deceased  ye  20  of  May,  1689. 

On  the  footstone  is  this  beautiful  epitaph: 

Mind  not  the  grave,  where  his  dear  dust  is  laid; 

But  bliss  above,  whither  his  soul's  conveyed. 

I  have  found  no  other  memorials  to  mark  the  re- 
mains of  any  of  that  early  date.  The  above  men- 
tioned stones  were  probably  procured  from  England. 
It  was  the  custom  in  Danyers,  at  that  early  period, 


for  families  to  bury  on  their  own  farms,  with  only  a 
rough  stone  at  the  head  and  at  the  foot  of  the  grave. 
One  of  these  ancient  burial  places  is  still  to  be  seen 
on  the  Putney  farm,  at  Brookdale,  about  three  miles? 
from  where  the  Verys  lived,  Thrse  two  familie^ 
were  related  to  one  another.  The  following  lines, 
written  by  the  Rev.  Washington  Very,  after  a  visit 
to  the  former  place,  are  so  applicable  also  to  the  lat- 
ter, that  I  here  tran.=cribe  them. 

Lines  on  the  Old  Putney  Burial  Place,  in  Danvers. 

Sleep  on,  sleep  on,  beneath  the  sod 
Which  oft  your  weary  feet  have  pressed; 
Forgot  by  man.  but  not  by  God, 
Ye  lie  unknown,  though  not  unblest. 

Sleep  on — though  high  above  your  gravo 
No  soulptnred  marble  meets  the  eye; 
Here  the  green  birch  trees  rustling  wave, 
And  vines  in  tangled  mazes  lie. 

Sleep  on  among  these  wooded  hills — 
Beholder?  of  your  joys  and  woes; 
Another's  thirst  now  slake  these  rills. 
Another's  voice  this  echo  knows. 

Sleep  on — though  lands  ard  wealth  are  left. 
And  all  that  earthly  sense  could  give; 
Of  nothing  have  ye  been  bereft, 
If  but  your  souls  have  learued  to  live. 

Sleep— till  the  mornine  sunbeams  play 
All  lovely  round  t!ii-  smiling  height. 
Then  wake  to  that  e'erlasting  day, 
That  knows  no  sorrow,  darkness,  night. 
August.  1847. 

Samuel  Very,  the  oldest  son  of  Bridget  Very,  was 
one  of  the  Narragansett  soldiers,  and  received  a 
g'antof  lard  on  the  Sowhegin  River.  Jonathan 
Marsh,  who  married  his  daughter  Mary,  and  John 
Giles,  the  grandson  of  Bridget  Giles,  were  wounded 
in  the  celebrated  battle  with  the  Indians  at  Haver- 
hill, Aug.  29th.  1708.  A  number  also  of  this  family 
were  revolutionary  soldiers. 

In  visiting  the  spot  where  Bridget  Very  and  her 
descendants  so  early  located  themselves,  and  so  long 
resided,  I  found  that  it  still  bore  the  name  of  the 
"Very  lot."  And  I  was  shown  by  an  aged  man  the 
cellar  where  the  first  house  had  stood.  No  house 
bad  been  there  since  his  recollection,  but   the  stones 

were  still    there,    overrun    with    blackberry  vines. 

There,  too,  was  the  well,  closed  now  by  a  stone.  A 
few  old  moss-eovtred  apple  trees,  in  the  midst  of  a 
new  growth  of  oaks  and  pines,  showed  where,  two 
centuries  ago,  the  strong  hands  and  brave  hearts  of 
the  early  settlers  bad  cleared  the  land,  and  made 
them  a  home. 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS 


OF       THE 


ESSEX    INSTITUTE. 


Vol.   I. 


September,     1859. 


No.    4:. 


SOME  REMARKS  ON  THE  COMMERCE  OF  SA- 
LEM FKOVI  ltJ26  TO  1740— WITH  A  SKETCH 
OF  PHILIP  ENGLISH  — A  MEHCHANT  IN 
SALEM  FKOM   ABOUT  1670  TO  ABOUT  1733-4. 


Br  GEORGB   F.    CBEVER. 


Continutd  JT>m  page  91. 


From  1661  to  1684  the  colonial  government 
struggled  agninst  the  application  of  the  laws 
of  trade,  particularly  between  1G78  and  '83  — 
Tlie  indefatigable,  niischief-inaking  Randolph, 
who  was  selected  in  1677  or  8.  by  the  Commis- 
sioners of  Customs  to  act  as  Ins^pector  (of  cus- 
toms) in  the  colony,  and  make  seizures  and 
bring  information  for  breaches  of  the  acts  of 
trade,  kept  the  colony  in  a  ferment  during  the 
latter  period  ;  and  made,  according  to  bis  own 
statement,  ei<;ht  voyages  from  Old  England  to 
New  England  in  nine  years,  in  furtherance  of 
his  watch  upon  the  colony.  B-iing  generally 
condemned  in  costs  in  the  colonial  courts  upon 
the  actions  lie  brougiit.  and  being  thereby,  as 
he  represents,  a  great  sufferer,  ho  no  doubt 
clearly  paw,  and  as  faithfully  reported,  that 
unless  Massachusetts  was  deprived  of  her  char- 
ter, and  with  it  her  power  of  choosing  her  Gov- 
ernor and  Admiralty  oflBcers,  it  would  be  in 
vain  to  hope  for  obedience  to  the  laws  of  trade 
from  the  colony.  The  way  he  was  treated 
in  1681  when  he  came  over  with  a  commission 
from  the  Crown  for  Collector  and  Surveyor 
and  Searcher  of  Customs — the  worse  than  silent 
80 


contempt  which  greeted  him  on  arrival  at  Bos- 
ton, doubtless  had  their  weight  in  the  final 
proceedings  against  the  charter.  In  1689, 
however,  all  (his  came  back  upon  his  head, 
and  be  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  for  the 
mischief  he  had  done. 

Perhaps  to  him,  more  than  any  other  man, 
Massachusetts  was  indebted  for  the  subsequent 
loss  of  her  charter  and  other  liberties.  A 
shrewd  observer  of  men  and  passing  events — 
keen,  indefatigable,  and  perhaps  unscrupulous 
— he  knew  when,  where,  and  how  to  strike  the 
colony,  and  was  well  understood  in  turn  by 
the  colonial  authorities,  who  excepted  him 
from  bail  in  1689,  as  a  capital  offender,  and 
would  have  executed  him  probably,  but  for 
the  order  of  Nottingham  for  his  removal  with 
others  to  England  for  an  examination  there. — 
During  this  long  struggle  for  the  charter  lib- 
erties, civil  as  well  as  commercial,  th9  clergy 
nobly  led  the  van  in  opposition  to  royal  tyran- 
ny, and  when  Massachusetts  fell,  she  fell  with 
the  sword  of  the  spirit  in  her  grasp,  and  her 
face  resolutely  towards  the  foe.  The  ancient 
Puritanism  of  the  colony  seemed  to  die  in  this 
struggle — but  merely  in  seeming,  for  it  was  on- 
ly asleep  —  pleasant,  moreover,  with  dreams  of 
Freedom,  and  it  finally  aroso  as  the  giant  re- 
freshed with  slumber,  and  as  the  strong  man 
prepared  to  run  his  race. 

In  1668  "a  maritime  code"  is  promulgated 
by  the  GenU   Court,   containing  27   sections, 


118 


comprehending  the  rij^hts  of  owners,  masters 
and  mariners,  their  duties  to  and  contracts 
with  each  other,  and  various  provisions  relat- 
ing to  pilots,  marine  losses,  accidents,  neglects 
and  wrecks.  As  a  preamble,  the  Gen'l  Court 
acknowledge  that  the  navigation  and  maritime 
affiirs  of  Mass.  have  grown  to  be  a  considera- 
ble interest,  and  the  well  management  thereof 
of  great  concernment  to  the  public  weal.  In 
1682.  Marblehead, Beverly. Gloucester,  Ipswich. 
Rowley,  Newbury  and  Siilisbury  were  *annex- 
ed  by  Gen'l  Court  to  Salem,  as  the  Port  of 
Entry,  and  no  native  vessels  from  foreign  parts 
are  to  break  bulk  before  entry  with  the  Naval 
Officer,  on  penalty  of  confiscation  of  ship  and 
goods  ;  and  vessels  passing  from  port  to  port 
in  the  colony  are  to  take  permits  from  the  Na- 
val Officer.  Any  vessel  taking  plantation 
commodities  to  give  bonds,  or  show  certificate 
of  bond  under  penalty  of  confiscation.  The  na 
val  office  was  to  be  open  for  entry  and  clearing 
from  10  to  12  A.  M.,  and  from  2  to  4  P.  M. 

In  1684  Benj'n  Gerrish  is  appointed  to  be 
naval  officer  of  Salem,  and  annexed  ports,  in- 
stead of  the  late  Ililliard  Veren,  and  to  demand 
and  receive  the  powder  money  of  all  masters 
of  ships  and  other  vessels  according  to  their  re- 
spective burdens,  giving  an  account  to  the  sur- 
veyor General  yearly,  or  oftener,  as  the  law 
directs.  At  this  time  Boston,  Charlestown,  and 
Salem  are  the  three  commercial  ports  of  t'fie 
State.  Salem  as  late  as  1736  was  evidently 
second  in  importance  after  Boston  in  (commer- 
cial) wealth,  as  she  pays  the  second  highest 
sum  of  the  £9000  fund  and  security  tax  then 
levied  on  the  State — Boston  paying  £1620,  and 
Salem  the  next  largest  sum  £258 — 15—0,  or 
between  a  sixth  and  seventh  of  that  of  Boston^ 

The  Customs  levied  by  the  Colonial  Govern- 
ment from  1635  to  1740,  are  a  curious  study. 
In  a  former  note  in  this  article,  an  abstract  of 
several  of  these  customs  has  been  given.  More 
yet  remain  on  the  Colony  Records,  but  some 
of  them  are  somewhat  obscure,  and   some   ap- 

♦Salisbury  was  shortly  afterwards  taken  out  of 
this  Ii:jt. 


pear  to  be  local.  The  general  principle  run- 
ning through  them,  appears  to  be,  that  the 
articles  needed  in  the  Colony — of  prime  ne- 
cessity— shall  be  favored  or  free,  — such  arti- 
cles as  salt,  sheep's  wool,  cotton  wool,  fish, 
gunpowder,  money,  plate,  and  bullion.  These 
are  particularly  favored  by  law  in  1668-9. — 
The  customs  on  wine  and  liquors  seem  to  be  a 
double  one  ;  ist,  the  regular  import  duty,  and 
2dly,  the  privih^ge  of  retailing  them,  which 
privilege  or  license  was  hir^d  of  the  State  by 
retailers,  for  longer  or  shorter  periods,  the 
State  nut  permittinir  the  importers  or  whole- 
sale dealers  to  sell  by  retail  less  than  a  quarter 
cask,  in  order  that  those  purchafing  the  privi- 
lege to  retail,  might  have  no  competition  from 
any  other  quarter.  This  is  one  explanation  of 
the  phrase  "farming  out  the  customs,"  which 
one  meets  with  in  the  old  History  of  Mass.— 
It  was  simply  a  sale  of  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  selling  wines  ai^d  liquors  by  retail,  in  cer- 
tain districts  or  places.  Occasionally  other 
privileges  were  also  farmed  out,  as  in  1668  we 
see  (in  tlie  Colony  Records.)  that  the  Treasurer 
of  the  country,  witli  three  assistants,  is  au- 
thorized "to  farme  let"  for  the  use  of  Massa- 
chusetts for  one  or  more  years,  not  exceeding 
three:  1st,  the  import  of  wine,  brandy  and 
rum  ;  2d,  the  benefit  of  beaver,  furs,  and  pel- 
try with  the  Indi^vns  ;  Bd,  ihe  rates  of  draw- 
ing wine  from  the  vintners  ;  4th,  rates  upon 
beer,  cider,  ale  and  mum  from  public  sellers; 
5th,  the  benefit  of  selling  ammunition  to  the 
Indians. 

This  farming  out  of  the  customs  began  as 
carlyj  certainly,  as  1644.  Mr.  Edward  Rau- 
son  then  paid  lor  "ye  rent  due  for  wine  draw- 
en  In  ye  countrey,  £107  lOs,  for  a  yeare."  In 
1645  an  act  is  passed,  imposing  certain  duties 
on  sack,  French  wines,  &c  ,  in  which  it  is  or- 
dered that  the  duty  shall  be  paid  "'in  money, 
good  merchantable  beaver,  or  ye  best  of  ye 
same  wine  at  ye  merchants'  price."  The  Au- 
ditor General  then  had  the  care  of  the  custom 
of  wine,  and  perhaps  all  liquors.  In  1648 
and  9,  wo  see  the  cudcoms  again  let  out  to  eer- 


119 


tain  parties  in  Boston  and  elsewhere.  In  1649 
cert.lin  duties  are  levied  on  goods  imported 
from  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and  New  IluTen, 
and  they  are  to  be  entered  with  the  Auditor- 
General,  who  is  to  act  aa  Collector.  It  was 
probablv  a  Deputy  under  him,  who  was  Col- 
lector of  the  '-French  House"'  Custom  House 
in  S.ilnm,  mentioned  by  Felt  as  having  been 
located  on  the  South  JRiver,  in  164:5.  When 
Hilliard  Veren  was  appointed  Collector  in  Sa- 
lem, in  1G'J3,  he  prob.vbly  reported  to  the  Au- 
ditor-General as  Elead  Quarters.  In  1(584. 
Benj.  Gerrish  is  to  report  to  the  Surveyor- 
General. 

Down  to  1675  a  committee  are  appointed  to 
iarm  out  the  customs,  but  how  much  lunger 
this  plan  continued,  we  know  not.  It  appears 
to  have  been  abandoned  before  1700.  About 
that  *time  our  commerce  and   Custom  House 


*In  1700,  Mr.  John  Higginson  of  Salem  reoom- 
mends  to  his  brother,  the  direct  trade  from  Barba- 
does,  Jamaica,  Virginia,  and  other  places  to  Eng 
land,  rather  than  Salem  as  the  place  to  make  returns 
to  England;  ar.d  Bilboa,  Cadiz,  Oporto  and  the 
streights  in  Europe  as  placns  to  make  direct  returns 
to  England.  According  to  Mr.  H.  the  Navigation 
laws  were  obeyed  in  Salem,  in  1700,  as  he  says  "we 
trade  with  all  parts,  where  the  law  dolh  not  prohib- 
it." These  facts  indicate  that  the  trade  from  Salem, 
direct  to  England,  was  then  unprofitable,  and  profit 
could  alonu  be  made  by  carrying  Sugar,  Molasses, 
Cotton,  Tobacco,  Ac.  from  Barbadoes,  Jamaica,  and 
Virginia,  to  England,  or  Fish  to  Spain  and  the 
streights.  The  English  Laws  had  already  begun  to 
cramp  and  injure  our  trade.  They  were  felt  very 
seriously  when  the  go!d  and  silver,  which  should 
have  returned  from  Spain,  Portugal  and  tiie  Streights 
for  our  fish,  went  to  England  to  pay  for  goods.  The 
same  policy  prevented  the  Colonists  from  bringing 
into  Mass  the  coin  from  their  West  India  trade; 
and  as  a  natural  consequence,  specie  became  alarm- 
ingly scarce  in  Mass.  Tbe  trade  and  the  coin  cen- 
tred in  England  to  our  prejudice. 

In  16\)tj,  the  affairs  of  the  English  Plantation 
•were  entrusted  permanently  to  Commissioners,  who 
formed  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  thereafter  Massa- 
chusetts was  rapidly  subjected  to  the  Laws  of  Trade 
of  England.  The  Governor,  being  appointed  by  the 
King,  was  sworn  to  see  those  laws  obeyed,   and  am- 


seem  to  have  come  under  the  direct  control  of 
the  Eng1i)ih  autiiorities,  thus  ending  for  the 
time  the  long  struggle  against  the  Navigation 
Liw8,— a  not  very  satisfactory  change,  how- 
ever, for  the  Colonists. 

In  1668  two  per  cent,  is  levied,  as  duty  on 
g'^neral  merchandize.  In  1G6S)  one  penny 
on  every  20  sliillings  worth.  This  latter  ia 
the  same  duty,  we  presume,  as  Bradstreet 
siys  was  levied  in  1680,  and  continued  in 
force  until  1726,  (excepting  English  goods  at 
that  time.)  and  even  later.  The  duties  seem 
to  be  heaviest  throught)Ut  on  liquors  of  various 
kinds,  sugar,  spices,  tobacco,  molasses  and  dye 
stufiFs.  Though  the  Colonists  seem  not  to 
have  exported  manufactured  goods,  except 
wooden  warn  and  kindred  materials,  down  to 
1720  or  30  say  ;  yet  they  manufactured  do- 
mestic goods  for  their  own  use,  and  most  prob- 
ably paid  but  a  small  tax  to  the  English  man- 
ufacturers, who  complain  about  it. 

Some  of  the  early  Mass.  laws  concerning 
ships  and  shipping  are  perhaps  lost.  Some 
of  those  which  yet  remain,  referring  to  the 
discipline  on  board  ships,  are  quaint,  and  sug- 
gestive of  the  early  days  of  New  England — 
having  sometimes  a  reason  in  them,  which, 
though  dimly  seen  by  us,  was  yet  acknowl- 
edged to  be   important  then.     In    1663   a  law 

pie  powers  were  conferred  on  the  officers  of  the  rev- 
enue to  the  same  end.  From  that  date  to  1740, 
Massachusetts  was  made  tbe  victim  of  the  Trade 
Monopoly  of  England,  which  sought  by  various  laws 
to  destroy  her  industry,  impair  her  Colonial  trade, 
render  her  interests  subordinate  to  the  Sugar  Colo- 
nies and  Slave  labor,  and  herself  dependent  on  and 
indebted  to  England.  Massachusetts  was  in  conse- 
quence much  crippled  in  her  Colonial  Commerce,  and 
an  attempt  was  made  to  cut  her  off  also  from  the 
French  and  Dutch  West  Indies,  to  which  she  had 
traded  (says  Bancrofii)  in  an  bumble  way  after  the 
peace  of  Utrecht  in  1713.  The  English  manufactur- 
ers and  merchants  united  in  suppressing  her  com- 
mercial freedom,  and  her  manufactures — excepting 
of  course  the  freedom  which  was  taken  as  against 
law,  and  tbe  domestic  manufactures  persisted  in  by 
the  prudence  and  economy  and  independence  of  the 
people. 


120 


passed,  Ijy  which  no  gun  was  to  be  fired  off 
on  board  ship  after  sunset,  or  on  the  S  ibbatb, 
under  20«>  penalty.  This  may  have  hud  refer 
euce  to  false  alarms.*  By  the  same  law  no 
healthsf  were  to  be  drunken,  by  day  or  night, 
on  board  ships  in  harbor,  under  penalty  of 
20s.  This  law  seems  to  have  been  the  one  in 
force  in  1663,  according  to  Felt's  Annals. — 
The  laws  in  regard  to  runaway  nailors  were 
stringent.  A  glance  at  the  "Maritime  Code'' 
of  1668,  will  show  this.  (See  Colony  Records, 
1668.)  Between  1680  and  '93  an  Act  was  pass- 
ed for  the  regulation  of  seamen,  which  was  un- 
repealed in  1737,  wherein  seamen  are  exempted 
from  arrest  for  debt,  while  belonging  to  any 
ship,  and  both  they  and  the  masters  of  vessels 
are  punished,  if  such  masters  entice  them  from 
any  ship  upon  which  they  have  agreed  to  go  a 
voyage — the  master  by  a  penalty  of  £5,  and 
the  seamen  by  a  lorfeiture  of  a  month's  pay. 
Seamen  deserting  were  to  be  imprisoned.  Bv 
this  law  it  appears  that  a  book  was  sometimes 
used  by  the  masters  of  vessels,  as  the  shipping 
paper,  and  was  called  the  "Master's  Book." 
It  seems  the  law  exempted  sailors  from  arrest, 
because  ti)ey  were  often  taken  off  from  voyages 
"bj  arrest  or  restraint  of  debt,  or  -pretence 
thereof"' 

We  find  but  little    information  in   regard  to 

*The  reason  of  this  law  does  not  distinctly  appear, 
except  so  far  as  the  Sabbath  is  concerned.  It  cannot 
have  any  reference  to  a  etate  of  aflfaira  existing,  like 
that  of  1644-3,  when  the  autboiities  had  to  prevent 
the  ships  of  the  opposing  English  factions  from  fight- 
ing in  our  harbors.  It  may,  however,  have  reference 
to  the  excitement  and  alarm  preceding  the  visit  of 
the  Royal  Commissioners. 

fThe  law  against  drinking  "healths"  may  refer  to 
drinking  the  King\  beakb.  The  Colonists  were 
then  dreading  the  incroaobments  of  the  King  upon 
their  charter  and  liberties,  and  may  have  thus  shown 
their  independence.  They  were  staunch  Republi- 
cans, and  did  not  wish  perhaps  to  hear  even  the 
name  of  the  King,  always  fearing  the  loss  of  their 
liberties  by  aionarcb'cal  bands. 

In  1650,  (as  appears  by  the  Colony  Records,)  sail- 
ors could  not  be  sued  for  drink'ng  debts  unless  guar- 
anteed by  their  owners. 


the  rate  of  the  Jwages  of  seamen  in  the  early 
days  of  Mass.  The  rate  of  wages  paid  farm 
laborers  in  England  from  1625  to  1740,  varied 
from  6i  pence  per  day  (in  1625.)  to  10  pence 
per  day  in  1740,  and  did  not  amount  to  a  shil- 
ling or  upwards  until  between  1760  and  '80. 
So  Ruding  calculates  in  his  annals  of  the  Coin- 
age of  Great  Britain.  In  Massachusetts,  the 
rates  of  labor  in  1630  were  for  various  master 
traders,  16d  per  day  ;  commcm  workmen  and 
laborers  12d  per  day,  with  6d  for  meat  and 
drink.  This  was  soon  repealed,  —  perhaps  aa 
being  too  high  a  value  tor  labor.  In  1633, 
however,  master  carpenters,  sawyers,  masons, 
clapboards  ryvers,  bricklayers,  tylars,  joyners, 
wheelewrighte,  mowers,  &c.,ure  not  to  have 
above  2s  per  day,  "findeing  themselves  dyett," 
and  not  above  14d  per  day  jf  boarded.  Tha 
penalty  for  every  day's  violation  of  this  order 
on  either  side,  was  5s.  All  inferior  workmen 
of  such  occupations  were  to  he  paid  such  wages 
as  the  Constable  of  the  place,  and  two  other 
inliabitants  ho  shall  choose,  shall  appoint. — 
The  best  sort  of  laborers  shall  have  18d,  if 
without  diet,  and  8d  with — the  same  penalty 
to  attach  to  a  violation  of  the  law.  Tlie  wag- 
es of  inferior  laborers,  were  likewise  to  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Constable  and  his  chosen  two. 
Master  tailors  were  to  have  1 2d,  and  inferior 
sort  8d,  if  dieted.  (  iee  Colony  Records,  Oct, 
Term  of  Gen'l  Court,  1633  )     By  such  laws  it 


%  It  appears  from  old  Letters  of  Instructions  from 
ship  owners,  that  seamen  on  foreign  voyages  had 
then  certain  privileges — that  is  some  t^pace  allotted 
them  in  vessels  fur  their  own  adventures,  perhaps 
half  a  ton,  less  or  more.  This  custom  was  somewhat 
similar  to  the  joint  interest  that  Fishermen  held 
with  the  owners  of  the  Fi-'hing  craft,  in  the  catch  of 
fish.  We  believe  that  until  within  a  few  years  this 
privilege  of  sailors  continued.  Perhaps  owing  to  this 
privilege,  the  rate  of  sailors  wages  may  not  have 
been  as  high  in  old  times  as  it  otberwiso  would  hare 
been.  According  to  Sam'l  Browne's  Instructions  to 
Touzell,  1727,  (Hist.  Coll.  Essex  Institute,  1st  vol., 
No.  2d,  page  66)  it  appears  that  the  sailors  were  to 
pay  their  proportions  of  all  foreign  permissions  to 
trade,  according  to  their  privileges. 


121 


would  Reem  that  the  wages  of  labor  in  Mass. 
were  generally  higher  than  those  paid  in  the  old 
country  from  1629  to  1740  ;  though  the  N, 
£.  fahilling  after  1652,  (where  this  shilling  is 
used  as  indicating  the  value  of  labor.)  must 
be  considered  as  at  a  discount  (when  compared 
with  tbn  then  English  shilling,)  of  about  25 
per  cent.  It  may  be,  however,  that  the  colo- 
nial coin,  thougii  at  this  discount,  would  buy 
more  of  the  products  of  the  field  or  sea  than 
the  English  coin  (of  the  same  nominal  value] 
in  England.  The  rates  of  wages  paid  common 
laborers  in  Mass.  can  thus  be  reasonably  esti- 
mated, and  perhaps  those  paid  seamen  also, 
though  but  little  evidence  in  regard  to  the 
latter  seems  to  remain. 

In  1677  (according  to  an  old  paper  in  the 
Hollingworth  family,)  a  Hugh  Woodbury 
charges  W'm.  Hollingworth  £3  033  Od,  as 
wages  for  a  voyage  to  Virginia.  Whether 
this  is  for  the  whole  voyage  (out  and  return,) 
does  not  appear,  nor  whether  it  was  fur  total 
wages,  or  simply  a  balance  of  account.  From 
the  pages  of  an  old  memorandum  book  of  Capt. 
Samuell  IngersoU's,  (found  among  the  English 
papers.)  and  under  date  of  1694:,  (March  19,) 
we  learn  that  the  wages  paid  on  board  the 
"slupe  [sloop]  Prudent  Marah"  [Mary]  (be- 
longing most  probably  to  Philip  English.)  were 
as  follows: — Saiu'll  Ingersoll,  Captain  £4  lOs 
Od  '"per  munth  ;"  Will  Woods,  mate,  £3  Ss 
Od,  do.  :  Abram  Gale,  £2  15s  Od.  do.  ;  Rich- 
ard Ingersoll,  £2  05s  Od,  do.  ;  John  Rese,  or 
Rose.  £1  05s  Od,  do  ;  the  boy.  £1  lOs  Od.  do. 
This  would  give  the  captain  $15  per  mo.,  the 
mate  $10.84  do.,  Gale  $9  17  do.,  Richard  In- 
gersoll $7.50  do.,  Rese  or  Rose  $4  16  do.,  the 
boy  $5  00  do.  This  calculation  is  based  upon 
the  value  of  the  Pine  Tree  shilling,  as  assayed 
at  the  U.  S.  mint,  and  kindly  furnished  us  by 
Matthew  A.  Stickney,  Esq.  We  reduced  these 
wages  to  shillings  of  the  specie  currency  of 
Mass.,  which,  by  the  U.  S.  assay,  have  an  in- 
trinsic value  ol  about  16|  cents.  As  there  is 
DO  evidence  that  these  wages  were  to  be  paid 
but  in  specie,   we   have  calculated  them  as  to 

31 


be  paid  in  specie,  and  the  Colonial  pound  to 
contain  20  shillings,  at  16|  cents  the  shilling. 

In  1713  we  find  Capt.  Wm.  English,  in  bia 
account,  being  on  a  voyage  to  Connecticut, 
credits  his  owner  with  payment  of  several  pay- 
ments of  monthly  wages  to  seamen.  The  low- 
est is  £2  02s  Od;  the  highest  £2  158  Od; 
while  the  larger  number  receive  £2  10s  Od. 
Whether  these  sums  were  paid  in  the  silver  or 
paper  currency  of  Mass,  at  that  time,  does 
not  appear,  nor  is  it  of  much  consequence,  as 
the  paper  money  of  the  Province  was  then  at 
a  very  slight  discount.  In  1714.  according  to 
the  Portlidge  Bill  of  the  sloop  Sa'ly,  of  Salem, 
Peter  Henderson,  master,  the  captain  received 
£4  lOs  per  mo.,  tlie  mate  £3  5d,  and  the  two 
men  £2  10s  each  do.;  to  be  paid  perhaps  in 
paper  currency.  In  *1728,  according  to  the 
receipts  of  several  sailors  of  the  Briganteen 
Edeavor,  bound  for  Bilboa,  it  af-pears  that  87 
shillings  was  their  month's  advance  pay. — 
Whether  paid  in  silver  or  bills,  does  not  ap- 
pear. If  in  bills,  it  must  have  been  at  over 
fifty  per  cent  loss,  the  bills  then  standing 
in  the  ratio  of  17  shillings  paper  to  the  oz.  of 
silver,  which  latter,  in  1710  to  1713,  was  equal 
to  only  8  shillings  of  paper. 

The  wages  ot  those  serving  on  board  of  the 
country  sloop  of  Massachusetts,  (perhaps  a 
Revenue  Boat.)  from  1730  to  1734,  were  : — 
for  the  captain  £6  per  month  :  fur  the  mate 
£4  per  month  ;  and  three  sailors  each  £3  per 
month.  As  thor^e  were  very  probably  picked 
men,  they  commanded  a  higher  rate  ot  wages 
than  ordinary  officers  or  seamen,  we  may  pre- 
sume. If  paid  in  paper  money,  th^sy  must 
have  taken  it  at  a  great  discount,  for  in  1734 
16   shillings  in  bills    would   not    purchase  5 

*  In  a  deed  bearing  date  of  1728,  and  kindly  loaned 
us  by  Dr.  Ben  j.  F.  Browne  of  Salem,  one  of  the  Parties 
(Sam'l  Browne)  agrees  upon  a  certain  contingency 
to  pay  to  his  sister  (Alary  King)  "Fifty  pounds  la 
good  Bills  of  Credit  of  the  Province,  or  Silver  money 
at  eighteen  sbillicgs  per  ounce." 

We  presume  the  above  must  be  understood  as  at 
18  shillings  of  paper  currency  per  oz.  of  silver. 


122 


Bbillingfl  in  silver,  and  from  1730  to  1734, 
nineteen  shillings  in  paper,  were  considered 
equivalent  to  about  8  shillings  in  coin. 

Fish  being  the  great  staple  of  Salem,  as  of 
the  colony,  vras  of  course  the  early  obj^aot 
of  the  care  and  attention  of  the  legislature. — 
Laws  were  passed  protecting  it  as  well  as  the 
fishermen.  The  curing  of  it  seems  to  have  be 
come  at  last  a.  distinct  business,  left  to  those 
called  shoremen,  who  received  the  fish  on  re- 
turn of  the  fishers  and  cured  and  dried  it.  Ic 
then  passed  under  the  review  of  the  cullers, 
•who  were  sworn  officers,  certainly  after  1700, 
and  was  divided  into  merchantable,  middling, 
and  refuse — also  scale  fish.  The  first  two 
■went  to  Spanish  and  the  first  class  markets  - 
the  refuse  to  the  slaves  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
perhaps  the  poorer  classes  of  Europe.  The 
fish  from  Acadia  (Nova  Scotia)  (Cape  Sable 
fish)  was  in  great  demand  in  Bilboa,  Spain, 
as  being  a  superior  fish,  and  was  largely  ship- 
ped there.  Marblehead  sent  this  description 
of  fish  to  Spain  even  after  our  American  Revo- 
lution. In  1070  the  legislature  denounce  the 
use  of Tortuga  (West  India)  salt  on  account 
of  its  impurity,  and  fish  cured  by  it  was  made 
unmerchantable  by  law. 

"Winter  Island  and  the  adjoining  Neck  seem 
to  have  been  especially  devoted  in  Salem  to 
the  fisheries — Winter  Island  being  in  1695, 
and  yet  later,  the  head  quarters,  to  judge  by 
history,  tradition  and  old  papers.  How  far 
Salem  may  have  been  engaged  m  the  whale 
fishery  is  dubious.  Some  of  her  sons  may  have 
gone  down  to  Cape  Cod  on  such  an  errand,  for 
the  Cape  as  late  as  1714  was  so  largely  visited 
by  cod  and  whale  fishers,  that  the  General  Court 
that  year  made  all  the  province  lands  there  a 
precinct,  and  the  visitors  to  it  (fishermen)  sup- 
port a  settled  minister  at  £60  per  annum,  by 
a  tax  of  four  pence  a  week  levied  on  each  sea- 
man, to  be  paid  by  the  master  of  the  boat  for 
the  whole  company.  This  was  in  the  days 
when  no  man  was  permitted  to  be  absent  from 
church  a  month,  if  in  health,  without  presen- 
tation before  the  Grand  Jury,  and  punishment 
by  fine  of  twenty  bbilliDga  ! 


In  order  to  protect  herself  and  commerce, 
Salem  early  erected  a  *Fortre88.  Felt  says 
the  company  (in  London)  bad  ono  built 
in  1629,  and  that  it  was  erected  on  Naugus' 
Head.  This  was  Darby  Fort,  and  was  well 
provided  by  the  company  witli  large  cannon 
and  a  cannoneer,  ha  siys.  In  1G34  the  Gene- 
ral Court  grant  S.ilem  "the  use  of  two  olde 
^sakers"  landed  from  the  ship  Neptune,  for 
which  they  are  to  provide  carriages.  This 
may  be  for  their  fort,  or  land' service.  In  1646 
Salem  had  "divers  great  pieces'*  mounted,  and 
one  mounted  mortar,  and  perhaps  had  in  1648 
one  of  the  "■  Leather  guns'' ^  which  our  General 
Court  ordered  the  "major  general"  in  1647  to 
procure  from  England,  which  "j/"  found  good 
and  fTofitahle,  may  gioe  light  and  encourage- 
ment for  ye  ■procuring  or   making  of  rnore.^^ 

Tliis  well  illustrates  the  prudence  of  our  fa- 
thers, who  knew  that  the  Indians  dreaded  ar- 
tillery, and  that  leather  guns  being  very  light, 
could  be  transported  through  the  woods, 
swamps,  morasses,  and  over  the  rocky  hills  of 
a  new  country  with  great  celerity,  and  would 
produce  amsng  the  i^rnorunt  Indians  a  panic 
equal  to  that  of  regular  artillery.  It  was  a 
Napoleonic  strategy  based  on  the  known  effects 


*In  1628-9  among  the  articles  to  be  provided  and 
apparently  for  our  fort,  were  8  pieces  of  land  ord- 
nance, with  5  mere  already  provided,  namely,  two 
demi  culverins,  weighing  3000  pounds  and  three 
sackers  (sacres)  weighing  2500 — with  one  whole  cul- 
verin  and  two  small  pieces — iron  drakes. 

:j:The  Saktr  (or  Sacre)  was  a  piece  of  ordnance  de- 
riving its  name  from  Sacre  (French)  a  hawk  of  the 
Falcon  kind.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  peculiar 
cannon.  Dampier  in  his  voyages,  1688,  says, — "Of 
guns  the  long  sacre  is  most  esteemed."  To  jadge  by 
some  old  accounts  of  spoils  taken  or  lost  in  war,  the 
aaker  or  sacre  was  often  used  as  field  ordnance — a  spe- 
cies of  field  artillery. 

The  loan  of  these  guns  to  Salem  suggests,  though 
it  may  not  refer  to,  an  arming  of  the  sea-ports  on 
account  of  the  requisition  of  the  colonial  charter  \yy 
the  authorities  in  England.  The  infant  colt>ny  was 
in  trouble  in  1633-4  through  the  maliee  of  its  ene- 
mies in  England. — (Bancroft  Hist.  U.  S.  vol.  1  pp. 
405-6.) 


12^ 


of  genuine  artillery  upon  the  oatives — real 
giiits  first,  and  sham  ones  afterwardp. 

In  1653  Salem  is  granted  out  of  the  nest 
country  levy  (colony  tax)  £100  towards  their 
fortiiie^itions.  Felt  thinks  a  lort  was  com- 
menced on  Winter  Island  in  1643 — says  that 
Salem  is  granted  a  *'barrell  of  powder"  m  1652 
for  saluting  ships  on  necessary  occasions — and 
that  ill  1655  Winter  Island  is  appropriated  for 
the  use  ot  the  fort,  and  that,  as  thi6  was  not 
finished,  every  man  refusing  to  work  there  was 
to  be  fined  three  shilUngi  a  day.  The  grant  of 
£100  to  Salem  out  of  the  next  country  levy  in 
1653,  was  perhaps  made  on  account  of  the  pan- 
ic then  prevalent,  that  there  was  a  conspiracy 
of  the  Indians  throughout  the  country  to  cut 
off  the  English,  which  afterwards  proved  to  be 
unfounded.  Salem  at  that  time  had  very  prob-^ 
ably  another  fort,  if  not  t>»o,  as  well  as  pali- 
sades to  keep  out  Indians  on  the  land  side,  or 
if  not  regular  forts,  yet  block-houses. 

In  1664  the  whole  colony  was  in  a  state  of 
alarm,  not  only  from  civil  causes  and  mi^for^ 
tunes,  but  also  from  the  visitation  of  comets, 
both  that  year  and  the  year  before,  which  were 
regarded  as  the  harbingers  of  change  and  wo, 
and  the  monitors  of  a  Divine  wrath  to  human 
guilt.  The  General  Court  seemed  to  share 
the  panic  produced  by  these  mysterious  celes- 
tial visitants,  and,  being  oppressed  with  many 
misfortunes,  appointed  the  22d  of  June  as  a 
day  of  humiliation,  stating,  among  other  rea- 
sons for  so  doing,  that  they  were'*not  unmind- 
ful of  the  alarum  sent  from  Heaven  given  us 
by  the  awful  appearance  of  comets,  both  this 
and  the  last  year,  warning  us  to  be  watchful 
and  quickened  unto  the  discharge  of  the  seve- 
ral duties  incumbent  upon  us  respectively."*- 
Acting  upon  her  ^misfortunes,   including    ths 

*ODe  of  these  misfortunes,  probably,  was  the  ex- 
pected visit  and  troublesome  efforts  of  the  royal  com- 
missioners. They  arrived  in  July  1664,  and  by  their 
intrigues  with  disaffected  people  in  the  colonies,  and 
even  with  Indians,  did  what  was  in  their  power  to 
unsettle  the  authority  of  the  General  Court,  and  that 
in  addition  to  their  positive   unjust  demands  upon 


Dutch  war,  whose  injustice  was  generally  felt 
and  acknowledged,  Massachusetts  begins  to 
look  after  her  fortifications,  and  in  1666  Sa- 
lem is  ordered,  as  one  of  her  ports,  to  erect  a 
battery  on  some  convenient  place  upon  its  har- 
bor, as  it  is  too  open  and  exposed.  Tbo 
work  is  to  be  done  under  the  advice  and  di- 
rection of  the  major  general,  and  Salem  is  to 
have  an  abatement  of  the  country  rate  for  the 
purpose.  Capt.  George  Corwin  is  to  improve 
all  means  to  speedily  effect  this  work,  and  the 
committee  of  the  militia  of  Salem  are  desired 
to  ascist  him.  felt  says  that  each  male  above 
16  was  required  to  labor  in  his  turn  at  the  work 
under  penalty  of  3s  a  day  ;  and  that  in  1667 
the  great  guns  are  ordered  to  be  carried  to  the 
fort  with  speed.  They  have  heard  in  Salem 
perhaps  of  the  threatened  visit  of  the  Dutch 
fleet  which  ravaged  Virginia. 

In  1673  our  lort  is  to  be  refitted,  and  "the 
great  artillery"  prepared,  and  all  be  done  as 
•'this juncture  of  time  requires."  So  says 
Felt.     This  ''juncture"  in  all  probability,  was 


the  colony.  The  authorities  treated  them  with  in^ 
dependent  deference,  though  the  people  seem  to  have 
abominated  them.  Various  stories  were  set  in  circu' 
latioii  as  to  their  motives  in  coming  to  Mass.,  the  ef- 
fect of  which  was  to  cast  ricicule  and  odium  upon 
them  and  their  pretensions,  and  which  the  people, 
perhaps,  believed.  Their  manner  of  acting,  moreo- 
ver, justified  grave  suspicions. 

The  authorities  at  that  time  treated  the  commis'' 
sioners  boldly  as  well  as  wisely,  resisting,  disputing 
and  gaining  time  by  a  wearisome  correspondence, 
hoping,  perhaps,  for  a  change  or  revolution  in  Eng- 
land. Tbe  commissioners  were  an  illegal,  unwar- 
ranted body,  according  to  Bancroft. 

The  fleet  which  bore  the  commissioners  to  Boston 
had  undoubtedly  a  double  duty  to  perform — first,  to 
impress  the  colon'sts  with  the  power  of  England, 
and  secondly,  to  reduce  the  Dutch  settlements  on  the 
Hudson.  The  Colonial  Authorities  expected  vio- 
lence from  this  fleet — the  armed  seizure  of  their 
Charter — and  thus  were  placed  in  the  suspense  be- 
tween Civil  injustice  on  the  one  hand,  and  armed 
wrong  on  the  other — a  misfortune  indeed,  and  one  of 
tbe  causes,  most  probably,  of  the  appointed  "  day  of 
bumiliatioB." 


124 


the  fear  of  a  Dutch  fleet,  as  BngUnd  had  de- 
clared a  second  and  8till  more  unjustifi^ihle  war 
against  Holland  on  the  17th  March.  1672. — 
Bad  it  not  been  for  the  great  naval  engage- 
ments near  home  during  this  war,  and  which 
prevented  the  Dutch  from  using  their  fleets 
extensively  abroad.  New  England  might,  and 
probably  would  have  received  a  warlike  visit 
from  De  Ruyter,  Brankert,  or  Van  Tromp. 

In  1682  oar  fortifications  are  reported  bj 
the  Gen'l  Court  to  be  ''very  defective  and  un- 
eerviceable  if  occasion  should  require."'  This 
shows  that  King  Philip's  war.  though  so  dead- 
ly a  one  for  New  England  generally — about 
every  eleventh  himily  having  been  burned  out, 
and  an  eleventh  part  of  the  militia  throughout 
New  England  (according  to  Trumbull)  having 
been  slain  in  it, — did  not  alarm  the  commercial 
towns  much,  or  the  fortifications  therein  would 
have  been  in  better  repair,  especially  as  Phil- 
ip's war  closed  practically  in  1676.  The 
Gen'l  Court,  moreover,  further  order  in  1682 
that  the  Committees  of  Militias  and  Selectmen 
of  Salem  with  the  advice  of  the  Major  General, 
are  empowered  to  repair  their  fortifications,  or 
build  a  new  fort  or  forts,  and  the  said  Com- 
mittees and  Selectmen  are  empowered  to  levy 
on  the  town  and  inhabitants  the  sum  needed 
to  effect  this.  This  committee  seem  to  have 
made  their  report  to  the  Gen'l  Court,  where 
upon  Salem  is  ordeied  to  mount  its  great  guns, 
and  upon  good  serviceable  carriages,  and  pro- 
vide a  competent  number  of  good  common  bas- 
kets, to  be  tilled,  to  secure  those  who  stand  by 
said  great  guns  if  occasion  requires  them  to  be 
used. 

The  closing  reign  of  Charles  2d  exhibited 
80  many  strides  towards  absolute  power — 
80  many  fears  for  the  safety  of  Protestant- 
ism— and  involved  so  many  losses  ot  pow- 
er and  privileges  to  the  colony,  that  the  col- 
onists may  have  felt  themselves  called  up- 
on to  prepare  for  any  change.  The  Repub- 
lican spirit  was  rising  again  with  resistless 
strength  in  England,  not  to  clothe  itself  to  be 
sure  in  Republican  forms,  but  in  constitutiou- 


ai  monarchy,  a  modification  of  Republicanism, 
but  of  lower  degree,  with  a  king  for  protector, 
instead  of  a  civilian.  The  colonists  may  have 
been  on  the  alert,  with  an  expectant  iaith  ia 
better  days,  and  our  Salem  fort  may  have  been 
repaired  anew,  and  its  great  guns  mounted  in 
anticipation  thereof.  The  11  great  guns  and 
ammunition  bought  in  1690  by  a  committee 
seem  to  indicate  a  hope  of  their  future  need 
for  freedom.  In  the  same  year  (1690),  the 
fort  on  Winter  Island  is  repaired,  and  a  breast- 
work thrown  up  in  another  place,  according 
to  Felt.  In  1699  Wint'^r  Island  fort  was  ca'l- 
ed  fort  William.  In  1714  we  have  in  Salem  a 
20  gun  fort  which  is  most  probably  the  Win- 
ter Island  fort,  and  in  17-12  a  new  fort  with  a 
platform  for  16  guns,  which  Felt  thinks  was 
most  probably  erected  on  the  heights  of  the 
Neck. 

The  early  currency  of  Mass.  colony— an  im- 
portant matrer  in  its  commerce  and  trade- 
seems  during  its  first  few  years  to  have  con- 
sisted of  English  coin,  wampum  (white,  black 
and  blue),  Dutch  coin,  and  Indian  corn,  wheat, 
rye,  barley  and  peas,  at  certain  stated  rates 
per  bushel.  Live  stock,  beaver,  bullets,  (and 
still  later  gunpowder)  were  also  currency.  Up 
to  1652  taxes  were  often  paid  in  such  a  cur- 
rency. English  coin,  bullion  and  Spanish 
coin  seem  to  have  circulated  in  Mass.  between 
1640  and  "52.  also  some  Western  Island  mo- 
ney (Portuguese?).  It  seems  some  of  the 
Spanish  coin  from  the  West  Indies  was  of 
light  weight  Money  being  scarce  in  Mass. 
the  colony,  desiring  ana  needing  a  stan- 
dard currency,  and  that  too  without  calling 
on  England  for  it,  in  1652  set  up  a  *mint,  and 

*There  eeems  to  be  some  division  of  opinion  among 
various  writers  as  to  tlie  cause  of  the  origin  and  rea- 
sons for  a  continuanoe  of  the  Mass.  Mint.  Ran' 
dolph  (who  wa8  a  l^een  investigator,  but  no  friend  to 
the  Colonists,)  states  in  1676,  that  Massachusetts 
struck  off  ber  coin  as  of  1652,  to  eouiinemorate  the 
eia  of  her  independence — the  year  in  which  she 
erected  herself  into  a  Commonwealth — subjected  the 
adjacent  Colonies  to  herself,  and  called   the  deputies 


125 


gave  liberty  to  any  who  had  bullion,  plate  or 
Spanish  silver  to  bring  it  in,  and  have  it  coin 
ed  into  colonial  currency. 

To  judge  by  the  order  of  the  Gen'l  Court  in 
1652,  the  12d,  Gd  and  3d  silver  pieces  then 
coined  were  to  be  of  the  same  alloy  (purity^ 
as  the  sterling  currency  ]  ieces  of  the  same  cla8> 
in  England,  but  were  to  be  about  a  quarter 
less  in  value,  so  that  they  should  not  be  ship- 
ped out  of  the  country,  as  the  foreign  coin 
was,  which  had  been  brought  into  Massachu- 
eetts.  Foreign  debtors,  ot  course,  wanted  to 
be  paid  in  money,  and  not  the  colonial  pro- 
duce, and  tliis  drained  the  color^y  of  money, 
though  it  had  supplies  of  other  articles.  In 
order  to  make  the  currency  of  1652  the  stan- 
dard currency,  it  was  declared  to  be  the  cur- 
rent money  of  the  colony,  and  none  other  was 
to  pass,  except  English,  unless  by  the  consent 
of  those  receiving  it. 

The  current  shilling  of  England  was  worth 
about   22   cents — the  Coluniai  *8hilling  about 

into  her  Couocils.  An  Eaglish  authority  states  that 
the  aet  of  coina;ce  by  Mass.  was  not  very  oflFensive 
to  England,  and  though  mentioned  as  one  ground  of 
complaint  in  the  action  to  vacate  the  Colonial  Char 
ter,  was  not  by  any  means  the  principal  coinplaint. 
Hutchinson,  however,  says  that  Charles  2d  forbid 
Massachusetts  from  coining,  and  the  Colony  Records 
show  that  the  commissioners  certainly  complained  of 
it  in  1665.  It  is  reasonably  certain  that  Massachu- 
setts was  compelled  to  supply  herself  with  a  curren- 
cy, even  if  it  originated  in  a  spirit  of  independence, 
ai'd  the  cuiupulsion  was  also  spiced  with  some  inde- 
pendence, as  she  continued  to  coin  as  long  as  sbe 
bad  the  power,  and  in  spice  of  warnings  and  threats. 
Her  money,  however,  mainly  went  to  pay  the  debts 
of  English  merchants — to  satisfy  their  monopolizing 
avarice,  and  even  at  this  day  the  Pine  Tree  money 
is  said  to  be  much  more  easily  obtained,  as  a  curios- 
ity, in  Enj;land,  than  in  Massachusetts. 

*Tnrough  the  kindness  of  Matthew  A.  Stickney, 
Esq.,  whose  research  into  oar  Colonial  currency  is 
well  known,  as  well  as  bis  splendid  collection  of  ei^r- 
ly  New  England  and  American  currencies,  we  are 
enabled  to  state  the  value  of  the  old  Pine  Tree  Shil- 
ling. As  assayed  at  the  U.  S.  mint,  it  was  found 
to  weigh  from  ti5  to  67  grains,  proved  to  be  926  one- 
tboasaadlhs  fine,  and   its   intrinsic   value  about  lt>| 

32 


17 — the  leaser  pieces  proportional>ly.  The  dif- 
ference in  value  between  our  coin  and  that  of 
the  same  class  in  England,  was  ordered  for  the 
purpose  of  retaining  our  own  money  at  home. 
The  difference  of  exchange  between  England 
and  the  colony  soon  amounted  to  25  per  cent, 
against  Massachusetts, — a  quarter  part.  The 
coinage  of  these  moneys  was  continued  as  of 
the  same  dute  for  many  years,  (Elutchinson 
savs)  and  therefore  it  is  very  difficult  to  tell 
their  real  dates.  This  viras  done  perhaps  to 
conceal  from  the  authori'ies  in  England  the 
fact  that  they  (the  Colonists)  were  iHsuing 
their  money  year  after  year,  when  repeatedly 
ordered  to  stop  coining.  So  there  got  finally 
to  be  as  many  shillings  of  the  date  of  11652 


cents.  It  will  be  easy,  therefore,  for  any  readers  of 
this  article  to  reduce  for  themselves  the  Colonial 
pounds  and  shillings  mentioned  therein  to  the  mod- 
ern currency — also  to  find  the  value  of  the  old 
oz.  of  ailver. 

fit  seems,  according  to  a  writer  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  that  coin  was  also  issued  by  the  State,  as  of 
the  date  of  1662.  A  late  writer  in  the  "Hist.  Mag., 
and  Note?  and  Queries,"  Vol.  3,  No.  7.  pages  197  to 
202,  discusses  the  subject  of  the  Massachusetts  Pine 
Tre*  money  with  great  acumen,  and  judging  from 
hi."  remarks,  which  seem  entirely  reasonable,  the 
original  i.'sue  of  that  money  was  a  step  towards  in- 
dependence, and  so  intended.  The  original  order  of 
the  General  Court  for  coinage,  orders  simply  the  is- 
sue of  coin,  (as  a  sovereign  State  Would,)  with  pre- 
cautions only  against  fraud.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  Colonists  desired  of  Cromwell  to  beset  apart,  as 
a  separate  kingdom.  The  royal  Comsiissioners  in 
1665  charge  this  upon  tbem,  and  Randolph  in  1676 
(whom  Hiillis  calls  a  court  spy  on  the  Colony,)  states 
that  Massachusetts  struck  off  her  coin  as  of  the  date 
of  1652,  as  being  the  era  of  fier  independence.  He 
does  not  mention  the  coinage  of  1662,  which  coin- 
age, however,  the  writer  in  the  Hist.  Magazine,  and 
Notes  and  Queries,  thus  attempts  to  explain. 

When  Charles  the  Ist  came  in,  (1660)  he  was  in- 
censed against  the  Colonists — among  other  things, 
on  account  of  the'r  coining  money.  They,  seeing 
this,  passed  an  order  in  1662,  which,  while  author- 
izing the  re-issue  of  coins,  gave  a  reason  therefor* 
viz.,  to  answer  the  purpose  of  exchange.  This  the 
order  of  1652  did  noj;,  but  was  a  more  imperative  or- 
der.   It  therefore  is  most  probable  that  the    order  of 


126 


as  there  are  relics  of  the  eainld  among   Catho- 
lic collectiona. 

In  order  to  iseep  their  coin  at  home,  a  quar- 


1662  was  intondtid  to  concilitate  Charles  8u  far,  at 
least,  as  being  a  defence  oi  their  previous  coinaifu. 
Moreover,  the  Pine  Tree  of  this  latter  coinage  is 
luade  bushy  and  broad,  to  resemble  the  famous  Oak 
of  Boscobel,  in  which  Charles  had  hid  himself  from 
his  enemies,  and  which  had  been  topped  but  a  year 
or  two  before  his  concealment  therein.  These  cir- 
ouuistances  induce  the  writer  above  mentioned  to 
suppose  that  the  coinage  of  1662  was  only  a  ruse  on 
the  part  of  the  Colonial  authorities  to  conciliate  or 
blind  Charles.  The  order  of  16G2  in  regard  to  this 
coinage  is  said  never  to  have  been  printed. 

This  writer  further  states  that  the  device  on  the 
Pine  Tree  Money,  viz.  the  double  ring  and  Pine 
(Cedar)  Tree,  were  taken,  in  all  probability,  from 
the  prophet  Ezekiel,  and  signified  both  independence 
and  gtowth,  and  were  a  declaration  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  God's  chosen  people  by  the  General  Court. 
The  Pine  Tree  was  used,  as  being  the  nearest  resem- 
blance at  hand  to  the  Scriptural  Cedar.  They  (the 
General  Court)  allowed  the  money  to  be  usually  call- 
ed Pine  Tree  money,  but  it  bore  a  deeper  meaning 
to  the  initiated,  and  was  the  symbol  of  an  indepen- 
dence, which,  however,  came  not  until  about  a  hun- 
dred years  later.  It,  however,  shows  what  the  aspi- 
ration" and  intentioDS  of  the  colonial  authorities 
were  at  that  day. 

We  have  given  a  brief  sketch  of  some  of  the  views 
of  this  writer — whose  whole  article  is  well  worth  at 
tention  from  the  keen  philosophy  of  its  research  and 
spirit.  We  make  Ihe  further  suggestion  that  Sir 
Thomas  Temple,  when  he  told  Charles  the  2d  that 
the  flat  and  broad  Pine  Tree  on  the  Colonial  curren- 
cy was  the  "Boscobel"  Oak,  may  really  have  believed 
it  to  be  so,  for  this,  the  Colonial  authorities  may 
have  told  him  was  the  case,  concealing,  however 
their  motives  for  so  doing.  They  would  hardly  have 
trusted  Temple,  as  a  Royal  Governor,  with  their 
whole  secret,  and  it  is  evident  that  Temple  points  to 
the  coin  of  1662  as  illustrative  of  the  loyalty  of  the 
Colonists,  which  coin  waa  struck  off  to  conciliate 
Charles,  and  lull  his  jealousy  to  sleep.  It  appears 
as  if  Temple  was  somewhat  used  by  the  Colonial  au- 
thorities, who  were  deep  and  wise  enough  to  eircum- 
vent  Macebiarelli  himself,  though  for  wiser  and  bet- 
ter purposes. 

In  further  confirmation  of  the  views  of  this  writer, 
we  may  add  that  it  is  evident  Massachusetts  was  re- 


ter  pUrt  loss  on  it — the  differerjce  in  exchange, 
— was  adopted,  so  that  foreign  returns  should 
not  be  made  in  Colonial  coin,  and  in  addition 
to  t'is.  no  person  was  to  take  out  more  than 
20  shillings  of  it  from  the  colony,  on  pain  of 
the  confiscation  of  his  whole  estate,  and  search- 
ers were  appointed  in  everj  port  of  entry,  to 
see  that  this  latter  order  was  obeyed.  The 
coin,  however,  naturally  gravitated  towards 
Enijland  as  the  centre  of  trade. 

Massachusetts  still  suflFdred  from  a  scarcity 
of  coin.  The  merchants,  perhaps,  did  not 
lack,  and  held  their  coin  all  the  more  closely, 
on  account  of  its  general  scarcity,  and  the 
power  which  the  possession  of  ready  monej 
gave  them.  Contracts  for  money,  corn,  cat- 
tle or  fish,  were  by  law  m  1654  to  be  paid  in 
kind  or  a  kindred  variety.  This  law,  howev- 
er, was  repealed  in   *1670,   and  in    1672  our 

garded  by  her  enemies  as  seeking  independence  after 
she  hud  apparently  submitted  on  her  coin  in  1662  to 
the  King,  for  J.  Curwine,  in  his  letter  on  affairs  of 
New  England,  1603  or  4,  (Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc, 
Vol  1,  page  301,)  says,  that  at  a  meeting  of  the 
New  Englanders  at  the  E.xchange,  in  London, 
(where  Curwine  then  was)  "Mr.  Mavericke  said  be- 
fore all  the  company,  that  New  England  were  all 
rebels,  and  he  would  prove  them  so,  and  that  he  had 
given  in  to  the  Council  so,  <fco."  This  was  said  in 
the  presence  of  Col.  Temple,  who  had  been  endeav- 
oring to  enlist  the  King  in  favor  of  the  Colonists, 
and,  to  judge  from  Curwine's  letter,  in  the  presence 
also  of  Jeremiah  Dummer,  then  the  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  England.  Mavericke  understood  the  Col- 
onists thoroughly.  He  was  not  deceived  by  their 
professions,  or  their  assumed  innocency  in  continu- 
ing their  coinage  in  1662;  but  his  wisdom  availed 
little  against  the  Colonists,  for  the  Power  which  pro- 
tected them  was  not  the  King,  but  the  King  of 
Kings. 

*The  General  Court,  in  order  to  favor  debtors, 
and  perhaps  as  against  foreign  creditors,  passed  a 
law  in  1669,  which  "shutt  up  Booke  debts"  in  3 
years — that  is,  outlawed  them  tffter  that  period.  It 
was  so  strongly  remonstrated  against,  and  by  native 
creditors,  perhaps,  that  the  time  was  extended  three 
years  more  in  1672.  Such  laws  show,  however,  the 
sufiferings  of  the  times.  Mas'achusetts  could  not 
keep  her  own  ooia  at  home,  nor   the  foreign  coin 


127 


Geni'ial  Court  give  a  CtTlain  value  to  loreigo 
coin,  as  compared  with  their  own  standard,  so 
as  to  increase  their  specie  circuiatioD  ;  first 
affixidg  a  peculiar  stamp  upon  khem,  to  show 
they  were  of  the  right  alloy  and  value.  In 
1680  a  free  mint  was  proposed  in  Massachu- 
eetts— one  in  which  no  cliarge  should  be  made 
to  those  sending  bullion  to  be  coined.  It  was 
not,  however,  adopted.  It  seems  that  at  that 
time  Mas^auliusetts  was  coining  but  little  mon- 
ey, and  much  of  that  was  circulating  in  the 
other  Colonies. 

In  1685  our  coin  is  said  by  the  ofBcerdot  the 
English  mint  to  be  22^  per  cent  lighter  than 
that  of  England.  Ttiey  ask  the  King,  if  the 
Boston  mint  is  continued,  to  compel  its  issues 
to  he  made  of  the  standard  (English)  value. — 
They  notice  the  fact  that  there  was  no  altera- 
tion of  date  upon  the  issues  of  colonial  coin — 
all  appearing  as  the  coinage  of  1652 — a  ruseoi 
the  authorities,  perhaps,  to  blind  the  llome 
Government  as  to  the  fact  of  their  still  contio- 
uing  to  coin  money  after  the  date  of  1652. 

As  late  as  1694  corn,  wheat,  rye,  barley, 
malt,  oats  and  peas  were  appointed  by  General 
Court  as  currency,  and  taken  at  certain  pri- 
ces. Under  the  reign  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
the  town  of  llingham  paid  her  country  rate 
in  milkpails.  In  1688,  January  Ist,  the 
treasury    report    states    the     treasury    funds 


brought  into  the  Colony.  It  went  to  pay  foreign 
cre'^itors,  who  would  only  of  course  take  money. 
This  drove  the  Colony  into  adopting  produce  a?  cur- 
rency. Massachusetts  was  much  straitened  by  this 
policy — a  policy  which  was  gratifying  however  to 
the  English  merchants  and  manufacturers,  as  it 
kept  the  Colony  poor,  and  therefore  unable  to  com 
peie  with  the  mother  country  in  commerce  or  trade. 
This  policy  became  still  worse  in  its  evil  fruits  after 
the  loss  of  the  charter,  and  the  accession  of  William 
to  the  throne — for  the  English  manufacturers  and 
merchants  had  then  far  greater  power  than  before 
over  the  Colony — in  the  first  place  indirectly  through 
the  new  charter,  and  then  directly  through  the 
English  laws  of  trade.  In  regard  to  the  causes  and 
effects  of  the  depreciated  currency  of  Massachusetts, 
•ee  Bancroft's  Riat.  of  U.  S.,  Vol.  3,  pp.  103-4. 


to  be  '^Corn  remaining  unsold  £938-11- 
1.  Money  £1340-10-3."  In  1672  shoes  as  well 
af  grain  passed  in  payment  of  debts  in  certaia 
places.  When  grain,  shoes,  manufactures, 
&c.,  passed  as  currency,  it  seems  to  have  been 
at  times,  with  an  abatement  (in  1690  a  third) 
and  this  shows  the  relative  value  of  money  in 
the  old  currency  as  a  circulating  medium.— 
In  1723  the  products  of  the  land  and  the  sea, 
which  had  been  renewedly  current  at  the  treas- 
ury for  taxes,  had  ceased  to  be  so  received 
there,  though  again  received  some  years  a-ter- 
wardsi 

Our  currency  was  divided  in  1693  into  "pay 
— money,  pay  as  money,  and  trusting.  Pay 
was  grain,  pork,  beet,  &c.,  at  the  prices  set  by 
General  Court.  Money  was  pieces  of  eight, 
ryals.  (Spanish  coin)  Boston  or  Bay  shillings 
or  good  hard  money,  as  sometimes  silver  coin  ia 
called;  also  wampum,  viz:  Indian  beads  which 
serves  as  change.  Pay  as  monay  is  provision 
aforesaid,  one  third  ciieaper  than  the  Assem- 
bly set  it,  and  trust,  as  they  agree  for  the 
time."  As  an  example  of  this  the  author 
gives  the  following  : — '*  When  the  buyer  cornea 
to  ask  fur  a  commodity,  sometimes  befoie  the 
merchant  answers  that  he  has  it,  he  says,  'la 
your  pay  ready  ?'  "  Perhaps  the  chap  replies 
•yes.'  'What  do  you  pay  in  ?'  says  the  mer- 
chant. The  buyer  having  answered,  then  tho 
price  is  set ;  as  suppose  he  wants  a  6d  knife — 
in  pay  it  is  12d  ;  in  pay  as  money  8d,  and  hard 
money  its  own  value  6  i.''  By  this  it  would  ap- 
pear that  purchasers  in  those  days,  paying 
with  produce,  paid  a  third  more  than  even  the 
legal  rate  of  the  currency. 

The  Massachusetts  mint  ceased  its  operations 
about  1686  say,  and  was  never  permitted  again 
to  issue  its  money  Our  currency  was  then  in 
a  very  poor  state,  nor  was  England  herself  ve- 
ry much  better  off  in  this  respect.  In  1695 
England  established  the  Bank  of  Jjingland  to 
regulate  ber  monetary  aff.iirs, which  before  that 
had  been  very  distracted  at  times.  Cromwell 
indeed  bad,  with  his  customary  energy,  set 
about  a  reformation  of  the  English  currency, 
with  a  zeal  kindred  to  that  with  which  he  had 


128 


entered  into  civil  reforms,  and  had  introduced 
a  skilful  overseer  from  France  to  attend  to  the 
coinini^  at  the  English  mint  ;  but  from  various 
causes  his  plans  were  not  altogether  successful. 
nor  was  it  until  William  was  seated  on  the 
throne,  that  the  English  currency  began  to  be 
systematized,  and  a  sense  of  security  in  mone- 
tary aif  iirs  felt.  In  lO'JO  the  General  Court 
ordered  an  emission  of  £7000  in  bills  from  S-^ 
to  £5.  partly  for  the  purpose  of  defence  againi^t 
the  French  and  Indians,  and  partly  as  'an  ad- 
equate measure  of  commerce'  owing  to  the 
'Bcaroity  of  money.'  Here  commenced  the  pa- 
per currency  of  Massachusetts,  which  was  con- 
tinued until  about  1750.  It  was  issued  by  the 
Btate,  and  regulated  by  law,  under  the  charge 
of  a  committee.'  From  this  date  (1G90)  to 
1740  our  currency  seems  to  have  been  a  mixture 
of  tiie  new  with  the  old  currency,  viz.  Pine 
tree  money,  foreign  coin,  old  charter  bills,  prov 
ince  bills  and  province  productions.  Gunpow- 
der was  one  item  to  b&  received  at  the  treasu- 
ry- 

As  Massachusetts  was  obliged  to  pay  her 
quota  of  troops  in  the  Canadian  wars,  she 
emitted  so  much  paper  money  through  that 
cajse,  and  her  desire  to  affi)rd  a  circulatiny; 
medium  lor  her  trade,  that  her  paper  money 
depreciated  greatly,  and  caused  much  suffer- 
ing, as  debts  were  legally  paid  in  the  deprecia- 
ted currency,  instead  of  silver.  Like  the  con- 
tinental money  of  the  Revolution,  only  on  not 
so  fatal  a  scale,  the  province  bills  kept  on  sink- 
ing. In  1700  the  colonial  pound  is  said  by 
one  authority  to  have  been  worth  $2  96  of  our 
money— in  1727,  $1.48  ;  1734,  91  cents  ;  1738. 
78  cents,  and  depreciated  finally  to  'old  tenor' 
money,  worth  only  a  tenth  of  the  pound  ster- 
ling. In  1700  two  shillings  in  money  (coin) 
was  worth  three  shillings  in  pay  (produce)  . 

The  paper  money  of  Massachusetts   was   di- 
vided after  1737  into  *01d  and   *New   Tenor. 


*rhe  names  Old  Tenor  and  New  Teno'  were  not 
given  with  referenca  to  their  dates  but  the  conditions 
contained  in  them.  The  old  tenor  bills  were  origi- 
nally intended  to  be  received  la  payment  of  all  taxes 


The  old  tenor  dates  from  and  includes  the 
emission  of  £9000  in  1737,  because  the  condi- 
tions of  that  omission  were  different  from  pre- 
ceding bills,  inasmuch  as  they  were  to  be  re- 
ceived in  all  payments  (import  and  tonnage 
dues  and  Light  House  incomes  only  excepted) 
the  object  being  to  supply  the  treasury  with 
hard  money  by  compelling  cash  to  be  paid 
for  these  excepted  duties.  As  the  old  tenor  bills 
by  the  same  law  ordering  this  £9000  new  ten- 
or were  not  to  be  received  at  the  treasury  in 
payment  of  the  excepted  du'ies,  though  origi- 
nally issued  and  ordered  to  be  taken  for  all 
tuxes,  they  fell  in  value  even  below  the  dis- 
count standard  that  government  appointed  for 
them.  Though  the  government's  standard  of 
the  new  tenor  was  at  one  for  three  of  the  old 
tenor,  they  were  really  valued  as  one  for  four, 
and  only  passed  at  that. 

The  emission  of  paper  money  in  Massaoha- 
setts  sometimes  without  certain  provision  for 
its  redemption — the  drains  upon  her  for  her 
troops  in  the  Canada  wars — the  scarcity  of 
coin — the  influx  of   the  paper   of  neighboring 

— the  new  for  all  taxes  exceptins;  certain  treasury 
dues,  the  objaor,  being  t)  CDllsot  m^ney  in  the  treasu- 
ry to  rerleoiu  the  bills  issued  by  the  government. — 
The  old  tenor  bills  prior  to  1737  were  m  this  respect 
placed  that  year  on  the  same  footing  as  the  new  ten- 
or of  1737,  though  originally  issued  to  be  taken  in 
payment  of  any  and  all  tax'is.  At  this  the  mer- 
chants bitterly  complained,  ani  with  justice. 

The  new  tenor  bills  of  1757 — the  first — were  after- 
wards called  middle  tenor,  because  In  1740  there  was 
a  fresh  issue  of  old  tenor  as  well  as  now  tonor  bills, 
[n  1742,  by  law,  £4  old  tenor,  or  20s  81  middle  tenor 
was  equal  to  20s,  and  so  pro  rata  of  the  last  form 
and  tenor  (the  is.sue  of  1740,  we  presume.)  In  1740 
£5  4  Massachusetts  paper  currency  were  only  equiva- 
lent to  one  pound  sterling  of  England.  The  condi- 
tion of  things  then  was,  as  a  consequence,  "an  emp- 
ty tr>.'asury,  a  defonoeless  c  ountry,  and  embarrassed 
trade."  This  continued  until  coin  was  introduced  in- 
to Massaohu.-'etts  more  abundantly,  and  a  stricter  at- 
tention also  pai  d  to  the  public  credit.  In  1750,  the 
i)ld  piper  curr  ency  seems  to  have  been  swept  away, 
:is  well  as  nu!nerou3  schemes  also  for  swindling  the 
public  by  fraudulent  or  irresponsible  issues  of  paper 
money. 


129 


colonies — some  of  it  private  and  entirely  irre- 
sponsible— all  served  to  add  to  the  monetary 
contusion  in  Massiichuseits.  In  1735  colonial 
taxes  vrere  permuted  to  be  paid  in  *hemp, 
•flax  and  bar  iron.    The  emissiooB  and  re-emis- 


*In  a  note  to  page  72.  No.  2,  Vol.  1,  of  this  mag 
azine,  it  was  stated  that  Hemp  and  Flax  were  native 
products  of  Massachusetts,  and  this  may  induce  some 
to  inter  that  the  Hemp  and  Flax  cultivated  in  Mas- 
sachusetts were  the  natural  products  of  that  name. 
The  present  mention  of  these  articles  enables  us  :o 
correct  such  inferences,  as  also  a  mistake  concerning 
Flax,  which  does  not,  on  closer  examination,  appear 
to  have  been  a  native  product  of  the  State,  though 
there  was  a  native  plant  called  Hemp,  which  the 
Legislature  in  1641  describe  as  "growing  all  over 
the  Country,"  and  which  they  require  masters  to  in- 
struct their  children  and  servants  to  work  on.  The 
subjoined  valuable  note  from  Prof.  John  Lewis  Rus- 
sell, throws  much  light  upon  these  topics,  as  well  as 
on  the  subjects  mentione'd  in  the  various  notes  on 
pages  VI  and  72,  and  the  concluding  note  on  page  76 
of  the  same  No.  We  are  happy  to  give  the  whole 
note,  first  stating  that  we  have  corrected  the  error 
concerning  the  Flax,  to  which  our  attention  was  ear- 
ly called  by  the  Professor.  On  asking  him  his  opin- 
ion on  all  these  topics,  he  kindly  gent  us  the  follow- 
ing note: 

22  Lafayette  Street,  Aug.  15,  1S59. 

Mr.  Chever. — What  I  deemed  an  error  was  in 
calling  flax  and  hemp  "tintive  product;  of  New  Eng 
land,"  and  in  jour  sayiug  in  note  "hemp  grevi  wild 
in  Mass;ichusftts.'' 

I  cannot  conjectum  what  "flax"  could  have  been 
at  so  early  a  permd  as  1029.  It  could  scarcely  have 
been  raised  as  a  field  crop,  at  l^ast  sufficieiit  tor  ex- 
port. "VIax."  {  Linutn  usitatissimum)  is  an  European 
plant,  and  we  have  no  "native"  spe<5ies  fit  for  flax 
thread.  Some  of  our  species  of  Asclepias  or  milk- 
weeds, have  tough,  soft  fibres,  and  7/i(iy  have  been 
called  flax  on  that  account. 

The  hemp  now  cultivated  for  cordage  Ac,  is  of 
Asiatic  origin.  It  is  the  Cannabis  sativa  We  have 
however,  another  quite  different  plant  in  Apocynum 
cannabinum,  whicli  affords  a  very  tough  fibre,  and 
probably  was  the  Indian  hemp  (so  called  now,)  from 
which  the  "Indians  made  fishing  lines,''  aocordinjr 
to  Lewis.  And  perhaps  the  same  plant  was  then 
both   the  "flax  and  hemp,"  after  all. 

In  regard  to  Yucca  filamentosa  being  the  silk 
grass,  1  merely  wished  to  state,  that  the  name  silk- 
grasx  is<  applied  to  the  Yucca  by  Elliott  in  his  Sketch 
of  the  Botany  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia;  but 
the  Yucca  is  a  Southern  and  Western  plant,  growing 
no  nearer  New  England  than  Kentucky  at  the  lea-^i. 

"Jamaica  Sarsaparilla"  is  the  veritable  root  of 
medicine,  and  is  identical  with  that  from  the  Span- 

33 


85on8  of  Massachusetts  from  1702  to  1740  are 
said  to  have  amounted  to  £1,132,500  on  funds 
of  taxes,  and  £310.000  on  loans,  and  that 
£230.000  were  still  out^tandlns:  in  1740.  The 
g;rievance8  of  this  period  in  commprce  and 
trade — the  various  echemee  for  remedying 
these  evils  — the  frauds,  hardships,  distresses  of 
such  a  state  of  things,  are  minutely  detailed 
in  Felt's  account  of  the  Massachusetts  currency 
— a  work  of  much  original  research,  and 
which  we  have  freely  used  in  this  rough  sketch 
of  our  old  currency,  and  have  also  con- 
sulted the  Colony  Rec.  &  Laws  to  some  extent, 
ilammatt's  account  of  the  revenues  of  the 
Ipswich  Grammar  School  (5  vol.  N.  E.  Hist. 
&  Gen.  Register,)  Humphrey's  Coin  Collec- 
tor's Manual,  one  or  two  Encyclopedias,  and 
various  valuable  English  and  American  works 
in  the  possession  of  Matthew  A  Stickney.Esq., 
of  Silem,  whose  information  in  this  matter  ia 
widely  known,  and  whose  kindness  to  us  we 
are  very  hajipy  to  acknowledge. 

In  the  days  when  our  Fathers  began  their 
commercial  career  in  this  New  World,  the 
geographical  knowledge  of  the  age,  like  its 
srit'ntific,  was  not  free  from  various  errors 
and  absurdities.  Not  a  little  that  went  forth, 
from  grave  authorities  on  geography  and  sci- 
ence, was  based  on  fancy,  rather  than  fact.  Phi- 
losophy, at  that  period,  was  not  altogether  free 
from  the  astrology  and  alchemy  of  the  middle 
ages  ;  and  some  of  their  quaint  terms  yet  lin- 
gered, like  the  shades  of  departing  Night,  in 
the  vales  and  sequestered  haunts  of  contempla- 
tive Science.  It  was  then  commonly  believed 
even  by  the  savans,  that  the  magnet  held  "ia 
its  dusky  entrails'*   an   attractive    power,    by 


i.'h  Main.  It  is  a  Smilax,  such  as  is  found  only  in 
tropical  regions.  We  have  in  Aralia  medicinalis  of 
our  Woods  the  New  England  .Sarsaparilla,  considered 
by  native  simplers  an>l  root-doctors  as  valuable,  but 
really  of  very  little  efiicacy;  its  long,  fibrous  roots 
possess  a  very  pleasant  flavor,  but  that  is  all;  though 
Dr.  Darlington  says  of  both  kinds  that  hey  are  "in- 
nocrnt  medicines,  provided  the  di.«ease  be  not  serious." 
{Flora  Ceatrica,  2d  Ed.,  p.  109.)  Tne  European 
practitioners  attribute  much  virtue  to  the  products 
of  the  true  sorts,  notwithstanding. 

Yours,  4o.  JOUN  L.  KU3SELL. 


130 


whicii  the  veins  of  all  kinds  of  mines  (saving 
perhaps  iron)  could  be  traced.  It  was  still 
regarded  as  a  "mirror  of  Philosophy,"  and  it 
yt&a  a  general  belief  among  the  unlearned  that 
to  rub  it  vfith  onion  or  garlic  would  destroy 
its  efBciency.  These  and  kindred  fantasies 
befogged  the  visions  ot  men,  who  were  explor- 
ing the  unknown  in  space,  nor  were  they  dis- 
sipated, until  men  began  to  observe  the  facts 
of  nature  and  science,  and  deduce  theories  from 
facts — not  facts  from  theories. 

In  Geography,  even  as  late  as  1719,  amusing 
and  strange  were  the  errors  gravely  promulga- 
ted in  learned  works  and  treatises.  We  have 
before  us  a  work  called  "Geography  Anato- 
mis'd  or,  The  Geographical  Grammar  ;  being 
a  Short  and  Exact  Analysis  of  the  whole  Body 
of  modern  Geography ,&c." — "By  Pat  Gordon, 
M.  A.  F.  R.  S.''  In  this  treatise,  published 
in  London,  1719,  and  which  was  "The  Eighth 
edition,  corrected,  and  somewhat  enlarged,'' 
Gordon  gravely  tells  us  (when  speaking  of  the 
rarities  of  Newfoundland.)  that  upon  the  Bank 
of  that  name,  "So  thick  do  these  Fishes  {Cod 
and  Poor  7oArt)f' sometimes  swarm  upon  this 
Bank,  that  they  retard  the  Passage  of  ships 
Bailing  over  the  same."  Speaking  of  the  rari- 
ties of  New  England,  (which  he  gets  perhaps 
from  Josselyn)  he  thus  discourses — "of  many 
rare  Birds  in  New  England,  the  most  remark- 
able are  the  Troculus,  and  that  called  the 
Humming  Bird.  The  former  of  these  (being 
about  the  bigness  of  a  swallow)  is  observable 
for  three  things :  First,  Having  very  short 
Legs,  and  hardly  able  to  support  himself,  Na- 
ture hath  provided  him  with  sharp-pointed 
Feathers  in  his  wings:  by  darting  of  which 
into  the  wall  of  a  house,  he  sticks  fast  and 
rests  securely.  Secondly,  the  manner  of  his 
nest,  which  he  useth  to  build  (as  swallows)  in 
the  Tops  of  Chimneys,  but  of  such  a  Fashion, 
that  it  hangs  down  about  a  yard  long.  Last- 
ly, Such  Birds  are  remarkable  for  their  Cere- 
mony at  departing;  it  being  always  observed, 
that  when  they  remove,  they  never  fail  to 
leave  one  of  their  Young  behind  in  the  Room 
■where  they  have  nested,   making  thereby  (as 


t'were)    a   grateful    Acknowledgment  to    the 
Landlord  for  their  Summer's  Lodging.'' 

According  to  the  same  authority,  one  of  the 
commodities  exported  from  New  Jersey,  is 
"Monkey-skins,''  and  from  Carolina,  "Leop- 
ard-skins," though  in  justice  to  Gordon,  we 
cannot  believe  that  he  actually  meant  the  skins 
of  animals  exactly  similar  to  those  of  the  same 
name  found  in  the  East  Indies. 

California,  he  makes  out  to  be  an  island,  a 
fact  settled  by  late  discoveries.  As  he  evi- 
dently has  in  his  vision  the  Gulf  of  California 
as  a  Sound,  his  error  is  not  so  important.  In 
describing  Florida,  however,  he  takes  a  tale  of 
horror  from  Purchas,  who  describes  a  certain 
tree  as  growing  in  that  country  about  the  size 
of  an  ordinary  apple  tree,  with  so  strong  a 
poison  in  it,  "that  if  a  few  handfulls  of  its 
leaves  are  bruised  and  thrown  into  a  large 
pond  of  standing-water,  all  sorts  of  Beasts 
that  happen  to  come  and  drink  thereof,  do 
suddenly  swell  and  burst  asunder."  Marvel- 
lous as  this  story  is,  he  tells  one  far  more  mar- 
vellous concerning  the  Desert  of  Punas  in 
Peru,  and  as  it  would  appear  on  the  authori- 
ty of  one  J.  Acosta,  who  wrote  a  work  on  the 
natural  and  moral  llistoi-y  of  the  Indies.  Says 
Gordon — "Many  Travellers  endeavoring  to 
pass  over  the  Dasart  of  Punas,  have  been  be- 
numb'd  on  a  sudden,  and  fall'n  down  dead  ; 
which  makes  that  way  wholly  neglected  of 
late.''  in  CAi/e,  he  speaks  of  another  "Rari- 
ty" called,  in  Peruvian  dialect,  Cunter,  (Con- 
dor) a  "very  remarkable  bird,"  "of  a  prodigi- 
ous size,  and  extremely  ravenous.  He  fre- 
quently sets  upon  a  sheep  or  calf" — "and  not 
only  kills,  but  is  also  able  to  eat  up  one  of  'em 
entirely.  Two  of  'em  will  dare  to  assault  a 
Cow  or  Bull,  and  usually  master  them.  The 
Inhabitants  of  this  country  are  not  free  from 
such  attempts  ;  but  Nature  hath  so  ordered, 
that  this  destructive  creature  is  very  rare,  the 
whole  Country  affording  only  a  very  small 
number,  otherwise  not  to  be  inhabited."  This 
marvellous  story  he  gets  too  from  Acosta. 

In  Gordon's  descriptions  of  the  West  Indies, 
and  adjoining  Terra  Firma,  are  some  rare  sto- 


131 


ties,  but  time  will  not  peruit  us  to  dwell 
upon  them.  We  will  mention  only  that  truly 
wonderful  fish  found  in  thb  rivers  of  (Dutch) 
Guiiina,  which  be  describes  aa  "a  certain  lit- 
tle fish  about  the  bignesa  of  a  smelt,  and  re- 
markable for  having  four  eyes,  two  on  each 
Bide,  one  above  the  other  ;  and  in  swimming 
'tis  oljserved  to  keep  the  uppermost  two  above, 
and  the  other  two  under  water.'' — Such  won- 
derful stories  greeted  our  Fathers  in  print  as 
late  as  1719,  in  a  work  published  by  a  learned 
man,  not  desirous  of  deceiving,  and  who  dedi- 
cated his  work  to  no  less  a  functionary  than 
Thomas,  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. — 
And  if  such  stories  as  these  were  believed  by 
the  learned — what  imaginations,  fantasies, 
credulities  and  exaggerations  may  not  have 
haunted  the  minds  of  the  more  ignorant  mari- 
ners, who,  with  a  bold  timidity,  explored  the 
shores  and  islands  of  a  new  world  then  actual' 
ly  teeming  with  novelties,  and  yet  still  more 
abounding  with  imaginative  mysteries? 

There  remain  unfortunately  too  few  accounts 
of  the  voyages  of  our  earliest  commercial  fath- 
ers. What  they  saw,  what  they  heard,  mainly 
died  with  them,  or  were  left  to  papers  or  tra- 
ditions, which  are  now  mostly  extinct.  We 
can  believe  that  they  too  shared  the  errors  that 
then  existed,  and  were  haunted,  too,  by  those 
mysteries  which  brooded  over  the  new  world, 
then  so  lately  discovered.  The  fertility,  the 
luxury,  the  beauty  of  the  more  southern  shores 
of  North  America,  and  particularly  of  those 
islands  which  lie  scattered  between  Florida 
and  the  northern  shore  of  South  America, 
were  then  almost  in  their  original  freshness 
and  virgin  prime.  The  mariner,  wandering 
along  the  southern  shores  of  the  continent,  or 
through  the  charming  maze  of  those  tropical 
isles,  saw  strange  sights  by  the  lonely  shores, 
anil  scented  strange  and  yet  fragrant  odors 
gently  wafted  from  out  the  forests  oppressed 
with  perfume — the  invisible  essence  and  spirit 
ol  the  flowers,  gently  forced  by  the  almost  as 
gentle  wind  to  come  forth,  and  tell  the  mod- 
est tale  of  their  fragrant  wor^h.  Some  fair 
native,  bathing  by  some  lonely   cave  or  rock 


by  these  lonely  seas,  and,  in  the  simplicity  and 
purity  of  nature,  became  perchance  to  theaa 
imaginative  voyagers  the  veritable  mermaid  of 
old.  who,  half  filth  and  half  Woman,  disported 
in  the  depths  of  the  seaj  and  combed  her  yel- 
low locks  on  the  scattered  rocks  amid  thd 
foaming  and  ever  restless  sea  ;  and  who,  like! 
the  syren  of  eld,  was  of  Wondrous  and  yet  fa- 
tal beauty,  and  like  that  charmer,  too,  lured 
the  mariner,  who  was  beguiled  by  her,  to  a 
certain  though  pleasing  destruction. 

Those  mariners,  too,  had  seen  perhaps  thd 
veritable  Merman,  who  was  so  accustomed  tot 
sun  himself  on  Diamond  Ruck,  off  the  coast  of 
Martinico,  and  had  been  approached  so  near; 
that  he  had  actually  been  heard  to  blow  bis 
nose  !  Mermen  and  Mermaids  had  been 
caught  in  Europe  and  off  the  coast  of  Mada- 
gascar, and  their  existence  and  identity  had 
been  solemnly  established  by  credible  witness* 
es  ;  and  why  should  not  our  fathers  have  seen 
them  among  the  beautiful  Isles  of  the  West 
Indian  Archipelago?  Were  they  not  fitting 
haunts  fur  the  men  and  women  of  the  sea? 
They  faw,  too,  perhaps,  the  troubled  ghosts  of 
the  mariners,  who  in  those  seas,  so  soft  and  so 
azure,  had  perished  by  the  piratical  Bucca- 
neer, and  so  haunted  the  sea  and  shore  which 
their  life  blood  had  dyed.  They  had  seed, 
too,  perchance,  and  with  the  horrid  chill  of 
fear,  that  mysterious  ship,  seen  in  so  many 
oceans,  and  by  so  many  generations  of  mari- 
ners,— wrapt  in  perpetual  flames — a  burning 
yet  phantom  ship — and  wondered  why,  for 
what  cause,  that  craft  should  drive  before  ev- 
ery wind  in  every  sea,  given  over  to  the  unen-' 
durable  yet  eternal  agony  of  fire.  What  aw- 
ful crime  had  been  committed  upon  her  decks, 
or  by  the  lost  mariners  who  sailed  within  her, 
that  nevermore  shou'd  she  seek  a  haven  or  a 
harbor  ;  but,  lit  up  by  fires  kindled  not  by 
earthly  bands,  and  not  of  earthly  kind,  she 
should  drive  forth  upon  the  sea,  now  blazing 
dim  and  lurid  amid  the  storm  and  the  dark- 
ness, and  now,  as  in  a  sheeted  auroral  flame 
under  the  light  of  the  wan  and  ghastly  moon  ? 
No  human  being  could  board  her   decks  ;  no 


132 


Iinman  hands  relieve  tlie  pouls,  if  aught  there 
were,  who  sailed  in  that  ship  of  fire.  Cut  off 
from  the  world  be]o\y,  as  from  the  heaven 
above,  they  were  to  drift — drift  on — until  the 
world  itself  should  roar  and  melt  in  final  flame. 
Was  this  sliip  an  imagination — looming  up, 
n  )t  on  the  horizon  of  the  visible  sense,  but  on 
that  of  tlie  invitiible  spirit — a  spectral  shape 
projected  forth  and  painted  on  the  imagina- 
tion bv  the  creative  fear  of  man — or  a  spiritual 
verity,  floating  as  a  solemn  and  awful  warning 
over  the  sea  of  time,  with  its  flaming  doom  of 
guilt,  to  awe  into  virtue  each  sinning,  sea-far- 
ing soul  ?  On  the  broad  and  all  but  illimita- 
ble ocean,  crime  had  a  fearful  power  and  lim- 
itless sway.  The  deeds  of  darkness,  and  wick- 
edness, and  blood,  which  could  be  done  on  the 
ever  silent  and  solitary  sea — seen  by  no  eye 
save  that  of  Omniscience — heard  by  no  ear  save 
that  of  Oninijresence— under  no  judge  save 
the  Omnipotent, — these  deeds,  we  say,  could 
only  receive  their  punishment  at  the  hands  of 
God  himself — the  Great  InvisiMe,— and  these 
crimes,  so  vast,  so  solitary,  so  free  of  human 
jurisdiction  and  control,  could  alone  be  reach 
ed  by  spiritual  means,  and  by  spiritual  tor- 
ments :  and  hence  the  great  criminals  of  the 
eea,  in  the  belief  of  the  seamen  of  all  ages,  are 
to  expiate  their  crimes  on  the  spot  of  their  ori 
gin,  by  those  torments  which  alone  can  reach 
them,  and  in  the  terrible  isolation  and  loneli- 
ness of  the  wastes  of  ocean,  cut  ofi^  too  hope- 
lessly from  all  human  sympathy,  with  no  com 
panionship  but  the  dreary  unsocial  sea,  lone- 
ly even  in  the  brightest  sunshine,  and  desolate 
and  awful  indeed  when  the  terror  of  the  storm 
and  night  is  upon  it. 

What  more  terrible  fate  indeed  could  be 
given  the  wicked,  who  have  roamed  over  it, 
and  how  awful  the  real  or  fancied  sight  of 
their  tormunts  upon  it — so  fitting  too  with  the 
time  and  the  place — the  realities  and  the  mys- 
teries of  the  lonely  and  mysterious  sea  — whicii 
has  bidden  in  the  impenetrable  reserve  of  its 
depths  those  tales — to  which  the  creations  of 
fancy  are  but  as  the  merest  imaginations  be- 
side eternal  verities — and   whose  very    winds 


at   timss  lireatho    tales  of   terror    and  mystery 
t)  the  keen  and  watchful  ear  ? 

Some  of  these  mariners  of  Now  England,  in 
their  adventurous  search  may  have  traded  too 
with  those  outlaws  of  mankind,  the  Bucca- 
neers, perhaps  ventured  into  their  very  dens,  at 
Tortuga  and  St.  Domingo,  and  heard  from 
them  rare  stories  of  the  Spanish  Miin,  or  des- 
perate adventure  against  the  wealthy  Spanish 
galleons.  They  may  have  eaten  with  them 
their  roasted  ox,  the  peculiar  cooking  of  which 
is  said  to  have  given  them  their  name,  and 
then  departed  in  friendly  peace.  Ttiey  saw 
too  porliaps  the  fast  fiding  remnants  of  the 
inoffensive  Indians  of  Cuba,  or  the  savage  and 
cannibal  Carrib  of  the  Leeward  Group.  Where- 
ever  they  travelled  or  gazed  among  desolate 
keys,  or  cloudy  green  isles,  they  saw  many 
strange  verities,  and  perhaps  yet  more  strange 
creations  of  the  plotting  brain,  all  magnified 
and  of  marvellous  guise  as  seen  through  the 
half  luminous  ignorance  of  the  age. 

Those  adventurous  yet  simple  mariners  of 
ol  i  had  some  f'aitlis  and  also  some  credulities, 
and  the  latter  took  a  sea-turn,  ami  made  them 
sea-bigots,  at  times,  instead  of  land  ones. 
Those,  too,  who,  in  those  days,  innovated  upon 
the  beliefs  of  the  sea,  fared  but  little  better 
than  those  who  assailed  the  ancient  beliefs  of 
the  land.  He,  who  scouted  the  existence  ot 
the  Flying  Dutchman,  was  akin  to  him  who 
disbelieved  the  Flying  Witches,  broomsticks 
and  ail.  The  sea  had  its  mysteries  as  had  the 
land,  and  the  Phantom  Ship  filled  with  its 
awful  shadows — the  spiritual  forms  of  those 
dospiiring  and  lost  mariners,  bound  like  the 
sea  everywhere  and  yet  nowhere,  in  an  eternal 
unquiet  and  restlessness  for  their  sins  and  crimes 
— that  ship — those  forms  were  as  real,  as  visi- 
ble, as  those  unearthly  and  mysterious  visitants 
who  tormented  our  fathers,  with  every  spirit- 
ual and  temp-)ral  tormnnt.  in  the  awful  days  of 
1092.  It  took,  indeed,  a  more  fatal  turn  upon 
the  land,  for  the  living  had  to  bear  the  odium 
and  hatred  of  the  Demoniac  sin  and  shame ; 
i>ut  it  was  the  same  belief  under  a  different 
form,  passing,  however,  upon  land  into  a   ter^ 


133 


rible  revenge  upon  the  living.  Still  the  land 
belief  was  akin  to  that  very  belief  of  the  sea, 
which  saw  at  times  in  horror,  and" with  every 
particular  hair  on  end,  that  Phantom  Ship — 
spectral  and  shadowy — that  seemed  indeed  to 
Lave  been 

^  "Built  in  the  Eclipse  and  rigged  with  curses  dark," 
and  which,  perhaps  ominous  of  evil,  could  be 
83en  at  times  sailing  in  the  dim  twilight  to- 
wards the  midst  of  the  lowering  tempest  clouds, 
and  after  the  sunken  moon  ;  or  passing  in 
dangerous  proximity,  and  unearthly  speed,  and 
under  a  press  of  canvass  even  before  the  ver^ 
strength  and  fury  of  the  gale,  while  from  her 
deck  peered  out  those  faces,  which  once  seen, 
could  never  be  forgotten. 

It  was  not  often  that  the  mysteries  of  the  sea 
clothed  themselves  in  pleasing  and  mirth  pro- 
voking merry  forms.  Even  the  pleasing  Mer- 
maid lured  to  destruction.  The  mariner,  who 
became  fatally  beguiled  by  her  beauty,  jump- 
ed into  the  sea,  not  to  be  received  into  her 
arms,  but  to  sink  into  the  dark  depths,  lost, 
forever  lost,  without  even  the  reward  of  his 
folly  and  crime.  The  sea — so  solemn,  so  vast, 
80  sad,  so  treacherous  in  calms,  so  fearful  and 
destructive  in  storms,  so  full  of  dangers  and 
deceits,  so  suggestive  of  the  infinite,  the  lonely, 
desolate,  grand  and  sublime— -gave  birth  main- 
ly to  imaginations  kindred  to  its  own  solitary 
sublimity — and  hence  the  visions,  the  tales — 
the  mysteries  of  the  sea  were  often  shrouded 
in  the  drapery  of  gloom — were  sad  as  is  the 
wail  of  the  tempest,  mysterious  as  is  the  vast 
heaving  ocean  itself — suggestive  of  the  wild 
license,  untamable  power,  fierce  passions,  and 
remorseless  deeds  of  the  sea  around — which 
knew  no  compassion  for  human  misfortunes, 
and  under  all  moods  and  at  all  times  was  deaf, 
and  blind,  and  reckless,  and  merciless  as 
Fate.  So  the  imaginations  of  the  sea  became 
earnest,  and  serious,  and  sad,  as  if  reflected 
from  the  great  verity  itself,  whose  waters 
washed  the  shores  of  all  climes,  and  with 
equal  indifference  to  all,  and  kept  in  its  dark 
bosom  the  crimes  of  all  the  people,  which, 
from  the  birth  of  man,  have  been  by  or  upon 
34 


it,  and  which  have  stained  the  salt  purity  of 
its  waves. 

These,  and  kindred  mysteries  of  the  sea, 
were  in  full  force  in  the  early  day,  and  tinged 
the  mariner's  life  with  their  sombre,  yet  un- 
real romance.  Indeed,  they  linger  yet — for 
the  unrealities  of  time  are  the  most  real  and 
enduring,  whether  they  be  for  good  or  evil. 
What  the  spiritual  in  man  (whether  that  spir- 
ituality be  good  or  evil)  can  see,  is  in  no  man's 
province  to  say.  What  may  be  the  great 
mysteries  around  us.  who,  indeed,  can  tell  ? 
The  good  and  the  evil  alike  see  the  invisible  ; 
the  good,  that  which  is  good,  tho'  heavenly  and 
unseen,  and  the  evil,  the  spectral  and  unearth- 
ly, though  shrouded  from  other  eyes  in  merci- 
ful darkness.  The  excited,  the  morbid,  the 
fearful  vision  of  man  sees,  at  all  events,  what 
it  creates,  and  may  see  even  those  terrible  un- 
realities which  are  but  too  real.  Fear  sees 
strange  sights  and  hears  strange  sounds.  So 
does  despair,  and  so  does  faith.  So  indeed 
does  credulity,  into  which  fear  enters  with 
large  license,  and  both  fear  and  faith  see  with 
telescopic  vision,  resolving  the  far  off  nebula 
of  mystery  into  the  distinctness  of  shape  and 
reality. 

But  those  mariners  of  old  saw  too  not  alone 
the  rajsteries  which  haunt  the  sea,  but  the 
beautiful  and  sensuous  realities  of  tropic  lands. 
Trading,  as  was  their  wont,  amid  the  West  In- 
dian Archipelago,  with  its  various  star-like 
clustf^rs  of  islands,  floating  on  the  almost  ethe- 
rial  azure  of  that  sea,  and  clad  with  eternal 
green,  with  flowering  vines  of  exquisite  beauty, 
even  upon  their  very  brinks;  and  cedars,  and 
lofty  and  graceful  palms  waving  far  above, 
and  bright  hued  birds  flitting  from  bough  to 
bough,  in  colors  no  art  could  equal  or  imitate ; 
those  mariners  of  old  saw  these  with  almost  a 
child'like  wonder,  and  in  vivid  contrast  with 
the  sober  sternness  and  temperate  hues  of  the 
northern  clime.  The  lands  of  the  orange, 
the  lime,  the  pomegranate,  the  papaya, 
the  mamey,  the  zapote,  the  mango,  the 
pine  apple,  the  citron,  the  banana,  the 
p^-tree,  lay   before    ^hem.      The    cedar,   the 


134 


palm,  the  calihfish,  the  manchineel,  and  cab- 
bage tree,  waved  over  them.  The  giant  ma- 
hogany, the  lignum  vitae,  the  iron  wood, 
stood  in  almost  imperishable  strtngth,  and 
towered  in  the  tropical  airs.  The  gigantic 
Quiehra  Hacha,  with  its  ambitious  and 
giant  parasite,  the  Bejuco,  that  Anaconda  of 
Tines,  the  l()ftj  cotton  tree,  with  its  enormous 
shaft,  covered  with  vinos,  and  filled  with  colo- 
nies of  birds,  insects,  and  animals  — the  odorif- 
erous gum  trees  and  shrubs,  the  splendid. va- 
rieties of  parasites,  the  flowering  vines,  rich  in 
all  the  colors  of  the  tropics, — these  met  their 
eyes  and  excited  their  curiosity  as  they  have 
those  01  the  generations  since.  Beneath  the 
vraters  played  the  parrot  fish,  snappers,  gray 
cavallos,  tertunes,  crawfish  and  mullet,  and 
above  them  the  turtle,  dear  to  appetite  and 
luxury.  By  the  reefs  they  saw  those  planta- 
tions and  fields  of  the  coral,  filled  with  the 
living  plants  and  flowers  of  the  sea— yellow, 
and  crimson,  and  scarlet  and  purple — among 
whose  bending  boughs  and  sea-lifted  leaves, 
green,  and  red,  and  grey  fish  were  darting,  and 
where 

"The  purple  mullet  and  gold  fish  rove." 
Our  fathers  saw,  as  we  see,  the  *poetry  of 
the  sea  in  these  gardens  of  the  deep — for  the 
sea  hath  its  gardens,  as  hath  the  land — and 
many  a  New  England  home  could  show  boughs 
and  branches  of  coral,  plucked  from  the  wide, 
beautiful  and  abundant  gardens  of  the  deep, 
and  suggestive,  even  in  their  silent  and  frag- 
mentary fate,  of  the  beauties,  the  wonders,  the 
mysteries  of  the  sea.  With  them,  too,  came 
strange  tales  of  mermen  and  mermaids  disport- 
ing in  those  gardens; 

"Where  the  sea-6ower  spreads  its  leaves  of  blue, 
That  never  are  wet  with  tbe  falling  dew, 
But  iu  biighi  and  changeful  beauty  shine, 
Far  down  in  the  green  and  glassy  brine. 


*  The  Salem  mariners  bad  a  prose  and  practical,  a? 
vrell  as  poetical  side  to  their  character,  since,  in  the 
earlier  days  of  tbeir  comnaerce,  they  brought  Coral 
from  the  West  Indies  both  as  ballast,  and  to  burn  for 
lime — then  much  needed  and  only  obtained  from 
burning  sea-shells  found  on  our  coasts — before  lime- 
stone had  been  disoovered  ia  these  parts. 


The  floor  is  of  sand,  like  the  mountain  drift, 

And  the  pearl  shells  spangle  tiio  fliuly  snow; 

From  coral  rocks  the  sea-plants  lilt 

Their  buughs  where  the  tides  and  billows  flow; 

The  water  i.s  calm  and  still  below, 

For  the  winds  and  waves  are  absent  there. 

And  the  sands  are  bi  iglit  as  the  stars  ',hat  glow 

In  the  motionless  fields  ot  upper  air; 

There  with  its  waving  blade  of  green, 

The  sea-flag  streams  through  ihe  silent  water, 

And  the  crimson  leaf  of  the  dulse  is  seen 

To  blush  like  a  banner  bitbed  in  slaughter; 

There — with  a  light  and  easy  motion — 

The  Fan-Coral  sweeps  through  the  clear,  deep  sea, 

And  the  scarlet  and  crimson  tutts  of  ocean 

Are  bending  like  corn  on  tbe  upland  lea!" 

The  land,  too,  had  its  sights.  The  grim 
alligator,  the  scarlet  flamingo,  the  host  of 
beautiful  parrots,  the  glittering  humming 
bird,  the  brilliant  yet  changeal)lo  gobemouche, 
the  nimble  monkey,  with  numberless  troops 
of  brilliant  birds,  bright  colored  serpents, 
beautiful  sea  and  land  crabs,  and  strange 
quadrupeds,  met  there  their  eyes,  as  they  may 
have  ours,  only  perchance  as  greater  wonders. 
They  had  felt  the  fury  of  the  tropical  hurri- 
canes, and  revelled  in  the  glory  of  the  tropi- 
cal summer.  Wafted  in  and  througli  these  gen- 
tie  summer  seas,  they,  too,  saw  and  lelt  the 
surpassing  beauty  of  the  tropic  il  nights,  when 
the  moon  is  as  a  silver  sun,  and  though  she  be 
absent,  yet  the  Milky  Way,  or  Venus,  in  all 
her  glory,  sheds  a  kindred  lustre,  unknown  in 
Northern  skies.  They,  too,  wondered  at  those 
brilliant  meteors  of  the  air,  the  liglitning  Can- 
tharides  or  the  Cayouyous  (Flies)  and  Cucul- 
los,  which  at  night  flitted  over  the  savannahs 
of  these  isles,  and  which  good  honest  Gordon 
speaks  of  ag  giving  ''a  mighty  lustre  in  the 
night-time  while  they  fly."'  They  had  visited 
old  Port  Royal,  Jamaica,  and  seen  its  unri- 
valled luxury  and  crime,  and  some  of  them 
perchance  were  there  at  its  fearful  doom — 
that  city  by  the  sea,  which  was  tbe  haunt  of 
the  Buccaneer,  and  every  unlawful,  unhal- 
lowed trader,  and  which,  as  in  an  instant,  was 
swallowed  up  forever  in  tbe  angry  waves— and 
over  whose  very  houses  and  streets  the  mari- 
ner now  floats  into  modern  Kingston.  Some 
of  them,  too,  may  have  found  in  these  lands,  so 
luxuriant,  yet  at  times  bo  deadly,  their  lust 


135 


rest,  smitten  b)'  the  pestilence,  which  walketh 
in  diirkness  and  waateth  at  nuon  day  through 
these  heautiful  isles,  tlioujjh  they  be  fanofd  by 
airs  of  batio,  thuugh  fragrant  with  orange  and 
citron  blooms,  and  shaded  with  the  soli  sway- 
ing pilm  into  luxurious  quiet  and  repose. 

And  these  scijnes. — which  must  be  seen  to 
be  known, — with  all  their  indescribable  de 
li^lhts,  were  doubtless  doubly  delicious  to  our 
fathers,  alter  having  traversed  the  sea,  not  as 
with  our  certainty  and  t-peed,  but  with  many 
an  imperfect  rule  and  chart,  and  under  risks, 
whicli  will  never  more  be  run.  Well  content- 
ed, perhaps,  to  be  not  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  out  of  their  true  longitude,  and  not  al- 
ways exact  in  their  latitude,  they  must  have 
felt,  when  the  harbor  was  won,  a  sense  of  re- 
lief, more  keen  perhaps  than  the  modern  mari- 
ner is  ever  wont  to  feel.  I«iot  alone  for  them  had 
the  sea  its  ordinary  dangers,  but  the  licensie  of 
the  sea  was  greater  then  than  now,  and  the 
Pirates  under  the  guise  of  law  were  then  far 
more  to  be  dieaded  than  the  open  defiant  out- 
law of  more  modern  days.  Oppressed  with  ig- 
norance, beset  with  dangers,  and  in  craft  that 
would  now  be  scouted  irom  our  commer- 
cial enterprise,  they  still  ploughed  the  ocean 
with  adventurous  keels,  and  have  left  us  many 
a  brave  example  of  what  the  mind  may  plan 
and  the  heart  may  dare  in  the  pursuit  of  hon- 
est gain.  Honor  to  them  is  honor  to  all  the 
brave  commercial  spirits  whether  of  the  Past 
or  Present,  and  even  a  welcome  and  encourage- 
ment to  those  of  the  Future. 

We  ought  not  to  omit,  in  closing  this  gene- 
ral sketch  of  the  commerce  of  Salem  from  1626 
to  1740,  some  more  particular  notice  of  the 
dangers  and  difficulties  which  were  attendant 
on  our  early  navigation.  These  we  gather 
mainly  from  old  nautical  works.  When  our  fa- 
thers ran  their  little  sloops,  ketches  and  brig- 
antinea  (of  from  20  to  40  or  60  tons  burthen) 
to  England,  Euiope  and  the  West  Indies,  they 
had  to  compute  their  longitude  by  the  run  of 
the  ship— or  by  lunar  observations  with  the 


imperfect  ♦oooks,  methods  and  tables  then  ex- 
tant, or  by  charts  marked  with  the  variations 
of  the  needle — all  imperfect,  and  practicably 
unreliable.  The  loss  of  Sir  Cloude.sly  Shovel 
and  his  fleet,  through  ignorance  of  the  true 
longitude,  roused  the  Engli.-h  government  to 
attempt  to  improve  and  perfect  navigation  by 
the  discovery  of  some  reliable  method  of  deter- 
mining longitude  at  sea,  and  in  1714  a  reward 
of  £20,000  was  offered  for  its  certain  determi- 
nation within  30  miles— £15,000  for  40  and 
£10,000  for  60  miLs — the  government  being 
willing  to  offer  a  partial  reward  even  for  its 
determination  within  80  geographical  miles  of 
dangerous  coasts.  It  was  not  until  1764  and 
1774  that  Harrison  convinced  the  English  gov- 
ernment that  his  chronometer  watch  was  a  re- 
liable time  keeper,  though  in  1761  it  had  only 
made  an  error  of  28  miles  in  a  voyage  to  Ja- 
maica and  back  to  England.  It  was  not  until 
the  close  of  the  last  century,  to  judge  hy  nau- 
tical works,  that  the  discovery  of  longitude  by 
lunar  observations  al*o  became  of  practical 
use.  An  old  sea  captain,  now  in  his  90th  year, 
and  who  commenced  his  sea  life  in  1788,  in- 
forms us  that  longitude  was  obtained  by  our 
New  England  craft  from  then,  up  to  the  time 
Dr.  Bowditch  introduced  the  lunar  method, 
(about  1800)  by  dead  reckoning — that  is  the 
measured  run  of  the  ship  ;  and  mistakes  of 
half  a  degree,  or  a  whole  degree,  and  even 
more,  were  common.  No  certainty  within  a 
hundred  miles  could  be  obtained  on  long  voya- 
ges. The  chronometer,  he  informs  us  is  compar- 
atively a  modern  instrument,   so  far  as  a  prac- 

*As  a  specimen  of  the  old  works  of  navigation, 
there  can  be  found  in  the  Essex  Institute  a  volume 
of  Sellers'  (John)  Practical  Navigation,  printed  in 
1676.  Seller  was  Hjdrographer  to  the  King.  This 
was  first  the  property  of  Philip  English,  and  then 
was  used  successively  by  his  suns  William  and  John. 
In  it  can  be  found  descriptions  for  the  use  of  and  di« 
agrams  of  the  ancient  Meridian  Compass — Fore  Staff 
Quadrant — Plough— Nocturnal,  &o  ,  and  it  ia  well 
worth  the  passing  attention  of  the  modern  navigator, 
80  much  more  blessed  by  later  and  superior  means  of 
navigation. 


136 


tical  use  of  it  ia  concerned— not  having  been 
in  general  use  more  than  these  last  thirty 
or  forty  years.  The  dang«^rs  attendant  up  )n 
approaching  coasts  were  thus  vastly  greater  in 
old  times  than  now,  when  any  error  in  longi- 
tude would  not  ordinarily  excei-d  probably  ten 
miles.  He  informs  us  that  a  schooner  he  sail- 
ed in  (1788)  from  Bilboa  to  Marblehead,  and 
when  near  Marblehead,  was  only  saved  by  one 
of  the  crew  first  seeing  the  rock  named  Satan, 
close  to  the  bows,  (there  being  a  snow  storm  at 
t'le  time)  and  shouting  out  that  fact  lustily 
to  the  crew.  The  captain  was  thus  for  the 
first  time  aware  of  his  true  longitude  on  the 
coast  ! 

Our  fathers  used  for  obtaining  their  latitude 
the  instruments  known  as  the  cross-staff,  and 
Davis's  Quadrant — the  latter  the  best  instru- 
ment then  extant,  and  yet  not  reliable  itself 
when  there  was  much  motion  to  the  vessel  — 
In  1731  Hadley  brings  forward  a  very  superi- 
or Quairant  (which  was,  however,  invontjd 
before  him  both  by  Sir  Isaac  Nowton  and  God- 
frey of  Philadelphia,)  but  this  improvement 
probably  did  not  come  into  general  use  before 
1750,  if  even  as  early  as  that.  Take  into  the 
account,  niDreover,  the  absence  of  correct 
charts  in  the  early  day,— the  presence  of  *pi- 

*  From  the  settlement  of  the  country  to  1724  oer- 
ta'tily,  our  early  commerce  was  subject  to  piracy. 
Tiie  Algerine  and  Tunisian  pirates  troubled  cpur  com- 
merce in  the  Eiglish  channel  for  several  yeart',  be- 
ginning from  1640,  As  early  as  1632  English  pirates 
oame  upon  our  coast.  French  privateers  or  pirates 
gwe  us  trouble  occasionally,  from  1645,  onv^ards. 
The  Indians  to  the  southward,  and  northward  espec- 
ially, gave  us  trouble  until  1724,  and  even  afterwards. 
French  and  Spanish  vessels  being  or  assuming  to  be 
privateers  troubled  our  commerce  from  1687  to  1725, 
and  drove  some  of  our  vessels  ashore.  From  1084 
to  1725,  particularly  from  1684  to  1700,  our  com- 
merce was  preyed  upon  by  £n>:lish  pirates,  and  that 
too  near  our  very  shores.  In  1722  our  Salem  Fort 
maintained  a  watch  on  account  of  a  rumor  of  pirates 
being  near  the  coast.  In  1670  the  General  Court 
publish  in  Boston  by  beat  of  drum  (27th  May)  a 
proclamation  against  a  ship  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals,  sus- 
peoted  of  being  a  pirate,  which  ship  dues  oot  come 


rates  and  freebooters  on   the   ocean,  and  even 

under  command  and  submit  to  the  laws  and  harbor 
rules  of  the  Colony,  and  prohibits  her,  her  goods  or 
her  company  from  coming  into  nur  jurisdiction,  or 
ports  upon  penalty  of  being  seized,  secured,  &o. 

In  1673  piracy  and  mutiny  were  especially  de- 
nounced by  General  Court,  and  made  punishable  by 
death.  To  jud/e  by  this  order  of  the  Court,  piracy 
and  mutiny  were  not  unfrequent  in  our  harbors  and 
seas — the  mutineers  appealing  to  have  risen  upon 
their  officers  and  seized  the  vessels  fur  the  sake  of 
the  plunder  merely! 

In  1696  our  General  Court  passed  a  law  against 
pirates  and  privateers,  slating  in  the  Preamble  that 
many  persons  had  obiained  licenses  as  privateers 
and  that  for  the  purpose  of  becoming  pirates  and 
preying  on  foreign  friendly  vessels.  "The  Booke  of 
Itecurdes  for  Masters,  <fco.,"  a  valuable  record  of  the 
past,  kindly  pointed  out  to  us  by  Ira  J.  Patch,  Esq., 
(and  found  by  him  in  our  Essex  County  Court  files,) 
1st  vol.  pajje  73,  contains  the  affidavits  of  Capt. 
llabbakuk  Gardner,  of  Salem,  commander  of  Ship 
Friendship,  and  Joseph  Browne,  one  of  the  mariners, 
wherein  they  state  that  on  a  voyage  to  Antegua  and 
tlie  Leeward  Islands,  on  the  13  March  1707-8  in 
latt.  17  10  North,  a  French  Privateer  captured 
them  and  carried  them  into  Martinico — ship  and 
cargo  a  total  loss. 

In  the  same  vol.  Capt.  John  Shattock  enters  his 
protest  against  capture  by  Piiates.  He  sailed  from 
Jamaica  for  New  England,  and  on  Oct.  3,  1719  in  or 
about  latt.  23  20  N.  and  in  sight  of  Bohemia, 
oiherwisB  Ljng  Ishind,  was  captured  by  a  "Pyrat" 
ot  12  guns  and  120  men,  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Charles  Vain,  who  took  him  to  Crooked  Island  (Ba< 
haiuas)  plundered  him  of  various  ar' ides — stripping 
the  brig  tor  what  articles  they  wanted — abused  some 
of  his  men,  and  finally  let.  him  go.  Coming,  howev- 
er, on  a  winter's  coast — his  vessel  stripped  of  needed 
sails — he  was  blown  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  did 
not  arrive  in  Salem  until  the  next  Spring. 

As  late  as  1724  the  Boston  Gazette  contains  an  ac- 
count of  the  capture  of  a  sloop  off  Cape  Ann  by  two 
pirates,  (Nut  and  Phillips)  and  her  capture  by 
Andrew  Harrad'ine  and  crew — the  captured  master 
and  crew  of  the  vessel.  Harradine  and  his  crew  rose 
upon  their  captors,  killed  l\ut,  his  comrade,  and  the 
other  officers,  and  brought  the  pirate  crew  into  Bos- 
ton, and  surrendered  them  to  the  authorities  as  pris- 
oners. In  the  West  Indies,  the  Spanish,  and  on  the 
coast  of  New  Foundlaud  the  French  prifateers,  were 


137 


very  near  home — the  want  of  liglit-houses, 
(Boston  light-hou'e  being  first  lit  up  only  as 
late  as  1716,  Thatcher  Island  lighthouse  in 
1771,  and  Baker's  Island  light-house  in  1798) 
— with  the  more  clumsy  hulls,  spars,  rigs.  &c. 
of  the  oldon  time,  and  we  shall  have  abundant 
reason  for  believing  that  mijdern  Jnavigation 
is  vastly  superior  to  and  safer  than  the  old,  and 
be  inclined  also  to  give  due  credit  to  the  enter- 
prise and  courage  of  the  old  merchants  and 
navigators,who  in  spite  of  these  diflficulties  and 
dangers  sought  commercial  success.  Some  of 
them  felt  indeed  their  dependence  on  a  Higher 
Power,  as  ihpy  ploughed  a  thrice  dangerous 
deep,  and  their  journals  and  papers  show  that 
this  is  true.  It  made  them,  moreover,  gene- 
rous, liberal  and  brave.  Do  the  moderns  sur- 
pass them  as  much  in  these  respects,  as  they 
unquestionably  do  in  all  the  other  elements  of 
knowledge,  power  and  success  ? 

at  times  formidable.  The  French,  and  the  Indians 
— instigated  probably  by  the  French — gave  our  com- 
merce, for  a  series  ol  years  after  1680,  muoh  trouble; 
— the  French  almost,  destroying  the  fishing  fleet  of 
Salem,  between  1689  and  1711.  The  ''good  old  times" 
of  ommerce,  as  of  other  matters,  is  an  error  of  the 
imagination — a  perfect  delusion,  which  investigation 
at  once  dissipates. 

For  a  circumstantial  aooount  of  the  oaptore  of  the 
pirates  who  captured  the  Ketch  Mary  oflf  Half  Way 
Rock  in  1689,  see  the  2d  vol.  N.  E.  Hist.  &  Gen. 
Regi.'ter,  page  393.  It  is  an  instructiv.j  paper,  as 
explanatory  of  the  impudert  boldness  of  these  ancient 
outlaws,  who,  however,  have  been  said  to  have  had 
"friends  at  Cnuri"  in  those  days,  which  may  aocount 
for  their  audacity. 

X  Among  other  dangers  attendant  on  tbe  nitvigs- 
tion  of  the  olden  time,  the  absence  of  regular  pilots 
was  an  important  one.  Our  fishermen  needed,  it  is 
true,  no  pilots  for  Salem  Harbor,  for  they  were  well 
acquainted  with  the  coast  harbors,  including,  of 
course  their  own,  and  their  ketches  and  sloops  being 
seldom  over  40  tons,  did  not  draw,  probably,  more  than 
from  four  to  six  feet.  Larger  vessels  coming  on  to 
the  coast,  ran,  of  course,  much  more  danger,  especial- 
ly strange  vessels,  as  there  were  no  regular  pilots. 
It  was  not  until  17§3,  according  to  Felt,  and  after 
some  heavy  losses  had  been  sustained  for  want  of 
35 


Here  ends  our  general  sketch  of  the  com- 
merce of  Salem  u.p  to  1740— an  imperfect  one 
we  are  aware,  but  still  of  some  use  perhaps  to 
him  who  shall  write  the  history  of  our  Salem 
commerce  at  some  future  day — a  history,  more- 
over, which  well  deserves  to  be  written,  and 
by  the  pen  of  an  able  and  competent  man.— 
There  are,  however,  some  reflections  which  are 
forced  upon  us  in  a  review  of  our  commerce 
even  up  to  17-10,  which  we  desire  to  state,  but 
as  briefly  as  we  may. 


well  regulated  pilotage,  that  the  General  Court  en 
acted  that  there  should  be  two  regular  pilot's  for  Sa- 
lem. Before  that  time,  it  appears  as  if  pilotage  here 
was  only  a  chance  and  uncertain  business,  and  pilots, 
of  course,  as  chance  and  uncertain.  By  the  mara- 
time  code  of  1668,  any  person  undertaking  the  charge 
of  "Pylot,"  and  not  being  able  to  discharge  his  duty, 
was  to  lose  his  wages ,  in  part,  or  in  whole,  and  be 
further  punished  for  his  presumption  as  the  judges 
"shall  sec  meete."  Judging  from  this  law,  there 
were  no  regular  professional  pilots  in  Massachusetts 
at  that  date. 

Our  fathers,  so  far  as  we  can  find,  generally  acted 
as  their  own  pilots,  and  sometimes  acted  as  Pilots  for 
the  English  men-of-war  in  their  expeditions  against 
the  French  to  the  northward,  or  on  our  coasts. 
Their  method  of  navigation  on  sea  voyages  was,  of 
course,  a  simple  and  rude  science.  It  has  been  said 
that  they  sometime!*  ran  their  sloops  and  ketches  to 
the  West  Indies  by  the  bearing  of  the  North  Star,  or 
other  stars,  and  an  amusing  story  is  told  (how  true 
we  know  not)  of  one  old  sea  captain,  who  was  accus- 
tomed to  take  bis  bearings  of  the  North  Star  through 
a  hole  made  in  a  flag-staflf  on  the  stern,  and  was  very 
skillful  in  his  own  original  mode  of  navigation;  bat 
whose  secret  was  discovered  by  a  waggish  mate,  who 
out  off  his  flag-staff  one  night,  and  thus  totally  con- 
fused the  old  man's  calculations  and  plans.  The 
old  way  of  navigation  to  the  West  Indies  is  said  to 
have  been — first  to  attempt  to  run  down  to  the  lati* 
tude  of  the  Island  sought,  and  then  steer  as  directly 
East  or  West,  as  they  could,  on  the  line  of  Longitude. 
Their  uncertainty  as  to  their  longitude  was  often  very 
great  and  perplexing. 

With  their  small  craft,  however,  they  could  readily 
run  into  the  bays  and  creeks  of  the  const  harbors, 
and  well  understood  between  1660  and  '70,  not  alone 
their  own  immediate  coasts,  but  those  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  into  the  intricacies  of  whose  creeks  and 
bfiys  they  pried  with  adventurous  audacity. 


138 


Thti  Puritans  began  their  settlement  at  Sa- 
lem upon  thfl  idea  and  basis  of  religious  free- 
dom— a  noble  base,  and  the  only  true  basis  of 
government  ;  and  it  may  be  that  their  zeal  for 
a  while  in  this  cause  outran  their  discretion, 
as  is  apt  to  be  the  case  with  the  pioneer  and 
reformer.  Commerce  and  civil  government, 
as  a  result,  were  somewhat  neglected.  As 
soon,  however,  as  the  puritans  savt  their  mis- 
take, they  came  back  to  the  support  of  these 
matters,  for  there  was  a  reason  among  these 
men,  aftei'  all,  which  did  not  permit  them  to 
go  far  astray.  They  were,  as  a  general  rule, 
free  from  the  extravagancies  which  marked  the 
course  of  many  of-their  puritan  brethren  then 
in  Old  England  — that  wild  visionary  spiritual 
democracy,  culminating  in  the  fifth  monarchy 
men  and  millenarians.  The  puritans  in  New 
England  were  wiser — more  liberal — the  result, 
doubtless,  of  their  more  perfect  freedom,  both 
in  religion  and  civil  government.  They  res- 
pected Cromwell,  and  sympathised  with  him 
in  his  republican  views,  and  the  respect  was 
mutual,  but  even  him  they  kept  at  arm's 
length,  mistrustful  of  King  or  Protector — jeal- 
ous of  their  liberties  either  in  church  or  state 
— looking  to  independence  of  all  powers  un- 
der Heaven.  If  forced  to  yield,  it  was  but 
for  a  time,  and,  as  soon  as  they  could,  they  over- 
threw the  tyranny  which  oppressed  them.— 
Their  defects — the  defects  of  their  faith  and 
policy — were  not  incurable,  nor  did  they  long 
continue.  Like  the  clouds,  they  in  time  passed 
away,  while  their  wisdom,  like  the  sun,  en- 
dured. These  puritans,  moreover,  when  they 
came  back  to  right  views  in  civil  matters,  car- 
ried the  same  idea  of  freedom,  supported  too 
by  their  religious  faith,  into  commerce  and 
government  ;  and  the  results  were  a  noble  lib- 
erality— a  genuine  wisdom  iu  both.  Into 
their  legislation  they  carried  many  noble  plans 
for  the  civil  freedom  and  rights  of  men — a  re- 
gard to  justice — the  love  of  learning,  industry, 
prudence,  liberty.  Into  their  commerce  they 
caVried  not  only  their  industry,  energy  and 
sagacity,  but  they  demanded  there  also  greater 
liberties  than  the  Old  World  ever  knew.   Thej 


became  pioneers  there  too — the  pioneers  of 
unrestricted  trade — the  able  and  earnest  sup- 
porters of  the  doctrine,  that  commerce  is  only 
to  bear  its  just  proportion  of  the  burdens  of 
government.  They  resisted  the  civil  tyranny 
of  England  in  trade,  as  they  did  her  ecclesias- 
tical tyranny  in  the  church.  The  banner  they 
threw  to  the  winds  was  "Liberty  in  Church — 
Liberty  in  State — Liberty  in  Trade" — and  to 
the  extent  of  their  ability  they  maintained 
this)  creed,  even  in  the  face  of  haughty  mother 
England,  with  the  Savage,  too,  at  their  very 
doors,  and  his  war-whoop  ever  and  anon  sound- 
ing in  their  ears.  To  the  thoughtful  student 
of  history  there  is  something  noble  and  grand 
in  the  position  oft  times  assumed  by  Massachu- 
setts in  the  hour  of  her  trial,  sore  beset  as  she 
was,  not  alone  by  enemies,  but  by  those  spir- 
itual and  temporal  evils,  which  never  try  the 
worldly  and  base,  but  which  purify  the  genu- 
ine and  the  good  as  by  fire.  Still  she  main- 
tained in  that  hour  her  noble  independence. — 
She  did  not  forget  the  sanctity  of  her  origin — 
nor  the  power  which  alone  can  save.  Having 
faith  in  Him — faith  in  whom  is  victory — she 
demanded  of  old,  demands  now,  and  will  ever 
demand,  Liberty — Liberty  for  the  soul  of  man — 
Liberty  for  the  mind  of  man — Liberty  for  the 
skill,  the  labor  and  the  body  of  man  ; — for 
with  these  liberties  come  all  other  prosperities, 
human  or  divine,  and  without  them  come  only 
those  licenses  which  give  over  men  and  nationa 
alike  to  temporal  and  eternal  perdition. 

In  making  this  general  sketch  of  the  com- 
merce of  Salem  up  to  1740  we  have  consulted 
the  Mass  Hist.  Collections — Colony  Records 
— Local  Records — Histories  of  England,  Mass. 
and  United  States—Old  Geographies — Felt'a 
AnnaU  of  Salem  {a  work  full  of  local  items) 
— Old  Nautical  Works — Old  Traditions,  papers 
and  letters. ,  We  return  our  thanks  to  Dr.  H. 
Wheatland.  H.  M.  Brooks,  H.  J.  Pratt,  H.  F. 
King,  I.  J.  Patch,  Joseph  Cloutman  and  M.  A. 
Stickney,  Esq's  for  favors — also  to  Prof.  John 
Lewis  Russell.  We  are  indebted  to  Felt  for 
many  items  which  we  thus  acknowledge.  Af- 
ter a  somewhat  careful  examination  of  various 


189 


authorities,  (including  the  coumercial  papers 
yet  remaining  in  the  English  familj,)  we  have 
been  enabled  to  gife  a  fuller  sketch  of  the  ear- 
ly commerce  of'tialem,  than  we  had  dared  at 
first  to  hope  for  :  and  will  now  endeavor  to 
eketch  the  life  and  commercial  pursuits  of 
Philip  English,  one  of  the  old  Salem  merchants, 
whot>e  active  business  life  extended  from  about 
1670  U}  about  1733  or  4,  and  who  died  shortly 
before  1740,  the  period  at  which  we  have  clos- 
ed our  remarks  on  the  Commerce  of  Salem. 


APPENDIX    TO    REMARKS     ON     THE    COM- 
MERCE OF  SALEM. 

Commerce  of  Salem  before  1640.  Though 
the  commerce  of  Salem  may  be  said  to  have  be- 
gun about  1640,  yet  there  seems  to  have  been 
a  commercial  spirit  stirring  here  previous  to 
that,  for  even  as  early  as  1638,  the  ship  De- 
sire of  Salem  made  a  voyage  to  New  Provi- 
dence and  Tortuga,  and  returned  laden  with 
cotton,  tobacco,  salt  and  negroes,  (slaves)  the 
latter  the  first  imported  into  N.  E.  This  inhu- 
man practice  of  making  men  slaves  was  subse- 
quently denounced,  however,  by  our  General 
Court.  In  1639  the  first  importations  of  indi- 
go and  sugar  seem  to  have  been  made  into 
New  England  In  1642  a  Dutch  ship  exchan- 
ges a  cargo  of  salt  for  plank  and  pipe  staves 
in  New  England ;  and  the  very  next  year  11 
vessels  sailed  from  New  England  for  the  W. 
Indies,  with  lumber.  This  shows  the  rapid  in- 
crease of  our  marine.  It  is  most  probable  that 
before  1637  the  Salem  people  began  building 
large^decked  shallops,  and  perhaps  also  ketch- 
es for  fishing  and  trading  purposes — their  craft 
not  being  then  (as  a  general  rule)  larger  than 
twenty  or  thirty  tons  burthen,  if  even  that. 

Gov.  Cradock.  We  find,  on  a  particular 
examination  ot  the  Colony  Records,  that 
though  Gov.  C.  was  never  paid  in  person  his 
claim  against  the  Colony,  yet  that  his  widow 
in  1670,  and  after  various  examinations  of  the 
claim  by  officers  appointed  by  the  General 
Court,  was  granted  ^through  her  third  hus- 
band) a  thousand  acres  of  land,  in  considera- 
tion "of  the  great    disbursements    made  by 


Matbew  Cradock  for  the  good  of  these  planta- 
tions." In  1671  Mr.  John  Davenport  gets  a 
grant  from  the  General  Court  of  500  acres,  in 
consideiation  that  bis  lather  was  an  adventu- 
rer in  the  common  stock,  and  was  instrumen- 
ul  in  furthering  of  this  plantation.  This 
seems  to  indicate  that  the  General  Court  then 
acknowledged  a  quaSt  proprietary  right  at 
least  in  those  originally  interested  in  the  early 
common  stock  of  the  Colony  to  the  soil  of 
Massachusetts. 

Pkofrietarv  Bights.  In  reference  to  the 
extinguishment  of  the  Proprietary  Eights  of 
the  Home  Company  in  the  soil  of  Massachu- 
setts— when  did  this  lake  place?  The  origi- 
nal charter  of  James  to  the  Plymouth  Compa- 
ny granted  the  fee  of  New  England  to  that 
company,  as  did  also  their  grant  to  Sir  Henry 
Kosewell  and  bis  associates,  and  as  did  also  the 
confirmation  of  that  grant  to  Kosewell  and 
his  associates  by  Charles  the  First.  The  char- 
ter gave  not  only  the  fee  to  the  body  politic 
and  corporate  to  be  called  by  the  name  of  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  New  England,  but  gave  them  also  pow- 
er to  acquire  lands.  It  gave  the  fee  absolute- 
ly to  the  Patentees,  their  heirs  and  assigns, 
but  with  the  permission  also  to  join  with  them 
such  freemen  as  they  should  choose  into  the 
Company.  The  charter,  moreover,  gave  broad 
powers  of  government  to  the  patentees,  but 
never  contemplated  the  erection  of  a  Common- 
wealth, only  a  Corporation. 

The  fee  was  not,  moreover,  to  be  held  in 
Capite,  [that  is,  as  a  tenancy,  in  chief  and  di- 
rectly under  the  King — the  most  honorable, 
but  most  burdensome  of  all  the  tenures,]  nor 
by  Knight  Service,  [a  tenure  held  by  personal, 
military  or  pecuniary  services  given  the  King 
— ofttimes  a  burdensome  and  expensive  tenure,] 
but  in  free  and  common  soccage,  as  of  our  ma- 
nor of  East  Greenwich  in  Kent, — which  was 
most  probably  one  mainly  of  homage  and  feal- 
ty,— the  tenure  in  free  soccage  being  a  free 
and  honorable  one — the  name  soccage  being 
derived,  according  to  Bos  worth,  (Anglo  Saxon 
Dictionary)  from  soc,  which  signifies  "liberty. 


140 


immunity,  franchise,  privilege,  to  minister 
justice  or  execute  laws,  jurisdiction,"  and  the 
whole  terra  signifying  a  free  and  privileged 
tenure.  Free  soccage  was  generally  a  tenure 
held  by  a  certain  determinate  service,  and  not 
only  a  certain  hut  honorable  one;  and  really 
a  more  valuable  one  than  the  higher  tenures, 
whose  services  were  too  often  precarious  and 
burdensome.  It  has  been  supposed  to  h^ive 
been  a  remnant  of  the  old  Saxon  liberties. 

This  tenure,  moreover,  granted  the  paten- 
tees, was  of  a  higher  order  even  than  free  soc- 
cage in  general  ;  for  the  charter  states  that  its 
privileges  are  granted  without  express  mention 
of  any  certain  yearly  value  (rent)  made  (to 
be  paid)  for  the  premises.  This  proves  the 
high  order  of  the  tenure  under  the  patent.  It 
was  of  the  highest  named  order  of  free  soccage 
— "as  of  our  manor  of  East  Greenwich" — and 
this  order  was  most  probably  the  very  highest, 
since  Greenwich  had  been  the  residence  of 
several  of  the  Kings  and  Queens  of  England. 
King  Henry  the  8th  often  made  it  his  resi- 
dence, and  Queens  Mary  and  Elizabeth  were 
born  there.  This  is  undoubtedly  the  same  ma- 
nor which  Charles  describes  as  his  in  the 
charter,  and  the  franchises  belonging  thereto 
were  of  a  royal  nature,  of  the  freeest  order, 
and  the  best  adapted  for  the  new  Colony — be- 
ing doubtless  the  least  aristocratic,  and  there- 
fore least  burdensome,  of  all  the  English  tenures. 

As  the  fee,  however,  was  given  to  Rosewell 
and  his  associates,  their  heirs  and  assigns, 
when  shall  we  consider  their  proprietary  righte 
as  having  ceased  in  the  Colony  ?  It  does  not 
appear  that  they  took  the  fee  merely  in  trust 
for  governmental  and  Colonial  purposes,  but 
as  a  corporation — as  owners.  The  fee  did  af- 
ter a  while,  very  probably  at  or  before  1636, 
merge  in  or  become  the  high  and  eminent  do- 
main of  government,  whenever,  in  fact,  the 
corporation  became  a  commonwealth.  Gov. 
Bradford  in  1680  states  that  they  (the  Govern- 
ment) were  obliged  to  grant  land  in  fee  to  the 
early  settlers,  that  they  might  not  be  discour- 
aged by  not  having  land  of  their  own.     This 


precedent  doubtless  destroyed  any  feudal  poli- 
cy of  the  patentees  in  Massachusetts,  and  per- 
haps practically  extinguished  the  proprietary 
rights  of  the  patentees,  who  then  may  have 
been  in  the  old  country.  At  all  events,  the 
transfer  of  the  Patent  operated  (with  or  with- 
out a  sale  or  release  of  the  proprietors'  rights 
— of  which  sale  or  release,  however,  we  see  no 
positive  proof)  to  break  up  any  landed  monop- 
oly and  any  feudal  privileges  or  rights  result- 
ing from  the  grant ;  while  the  increase  of  ad- 
venturers in  the  common  stock  of  the  Colony, 
and  freemen  also,  must  soon  have  destroyed 
the/>0M;erof  the  original  patentees.  It  was, 
moreover,  the  policy  and  interest  of  the  pat- 
entees or  proprietors  here  to  conciliate  new 
comers  by  grunting  lands  in  fee — which  soon 
became  the  settled  p<»licy  of  the  Colony.  The 
civil  troubles  in  England  probably  did  not 
much  aflfect  after  all  the  rights  of  the  proprie- 
tors, though  the  judgment  pronounced  indi- 
vidually against  several  of  the  company  in 
England  in  1635,  on  the  '■•Quo  Warranto'" 
then  brought  against  the  company,  may  have 
been  considered  both  in  England  and  Massa- 
chusetts as  a  legal  forfeiture  of  all  the  propri- 
etary rights  of  such  piitentees  then  being  in 
England  or  in  America. 

The  original  policy  of  the  patentees  was 
doubtless  to  grant  land  to  the  Colonists,  not 
m /ee,  but  by  tenures  which  reserved  certain 
rents  to  be  paid  by  the  grantees,  who  would 
thus  become  tenants  under  a  species  of  perpet- 
ual lease,  paying  their  rents  therefor.  It  ia 
evident  that  the  company  in  London  did  not 
wish  the  Colonists  in  Massachusetts  (unless 
they  were  joined  with  the  patentees  in  the 
common  stock  of  the  company,  and  therefore 
associates)  to  hold  their  lands  in  fee,  but  bv  a 
lesser  tenure — as  tenants — simply  paying 
'some  seruice  certain  days  in  the  yearo,  and 
by  that  seruice  they  and  their  posteritie  after 
them  to  hold  and  inherite  these  (their)  lands." 
This  service  was  to  be  their  rent,  or  its  equiv- 
alent. For  proof  of  this  see  the  Company's 
letter  to  Gov.  Endecott,  quoted  in  Felt's  An- 
nals, Vol.  1,  p.  103. 


141 


There  eeeme,  however,  to  be  no  cunclusive 
evidence  that  the  patentees  desired  that  the 
ColoDj  landa  should  be  divided  into  counties, 
to  be  uppor.ioned  among  themselves,  again  to 
be  subdivided  into  lesser  partitions  ruled  over 
bj  inferior  officers.  Kojaliste  lik«  Gorges, 
and  men  of  his  class,  might  dream  such 
dreams,  but  the  patentees  were  probably  wis- 
er, and  soem  throughout,  both  in  the  transfer 
of  the  patent,  and  their  subsequent  action  un- 
der it,  to  have  considered  mure  the  common 
weal  of  the  colonists,  and  at  least  yielded  wise- 
ly, where  any  feudal  policy  of  the  charter 
might  have  oppressed  the  Colonii<ts.  Coloniz- 
ing with  relii^ious  liberty  in  view,*  they  wisely 
rejected  a  worldly  ambitious  poli'cy,  and  the 
consequence  was,  that  any  and  all  feudal 
traits  in  their  charter  soon  disappeared. 

The  proprietary  rights  of  the  original  Pat 
entees  may  have  disappeared  in  the   same  way 
— almost  iusont<ibly — becoming   merged  in   the 
common   weal   of  the    Colony.      The    simple 
transfer  of  the  patent  here  did  not    extinguish 
such  rights — that  is  legally,     it    must    be,  we 
think,  alter  ail,    the    tact   that   the    religious 
spirit  and  purpose  of  the  settlement  here—the 
wise  and  generous  policy  put  in  practice  under 
the  charter  by  the  authorities  in  the  Colony — 
together  with  the  general  liberty  of  the  Colo- 
nists— that  these  causes  all  combined  to  merge  j 
the  large  proprietary    rights  to  a  great  degree  I 
into  a  common  weal  for  the    people,    and    the  . 
patentees  and  their  associates  never    attempted 
afterwards  to  disturb  such  a  policy,  or  favored  | 
it — having   a  higher  object  in  view  than  mere 
worldly  ambition  or  avarice  in  the  matter. 

Commerce  under  ths  Charter. 
In    the   preceding   Article    on   our     Salem 
Commerce,  little  has  been  said  of  commeree  os 
affected  by  the  charter.     A  note  on  this  puint  I 
may  therefore  be    interesting.      According    to  j 
the  charter  itself,  the  intention  of  Charles  (the  j 
King)  in  establishing  the  Colony,    was  to  win 
and  incite  the   natives  of    the   country    to  the 
knowledge  and  obedience  of  the  onlv  true  God  , 
and  Saviour  of  mankind,    and   the   Christian  I 
36 


faith,  ^'which  in  our  royal  intencon  and  the  ad- 
venturers^ free  profession,  is  the  principall  ende 
of  this  plantacon.''  To  this  end  the  company 
of  adventurers  were  authorized  to  erect  them- 
selves inUj  a  corporation,  with  powers  to  make 
all  needed  and  wholesome  laws,  *'accof-ding  to 
the  course  of  our  other  corporacons  in  this  our 
realme  of  England,"  and  "be  so  religiously, 
peacably  and  civilly  governed,"  that  "their 
goode  life  and  orderlie  conversation"  may  win 
over  the  natives  to  the  Christian  faith.  Very 
ample  civil  powers  were  given  to  these  ends, — 
almost  sufficient  to  justify  the  Puritans  in  any 
constructions  they  might  be  pleased  to  put  up^ 
on  the  charter.  Admiralty  powers  seem  to 
flow  naturally  from  this  charter  :  while  its 
cunoluding  provisions  declare  that  the  charter 
itself  shall  be  construed,  reputed  and  adjudged 
in  all  cases  most  favorably  on  the  behalf  and 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Governor  and  company, 
and  their  successors,  and  this,  though  no  ex- 
press mention  of  any  certain  yearly  value 
(rent)  had  been  made  (as  to  be  paid  the  King) 
for  the  premises  (lands  under  the  patent.)  and 
in  spite  of  any  act,  rule  or  restraint  to  the 
contrary,  or  any  other  matter,  cause  or  thirj{ 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  These  pow- 
ers and  their  construction  were  both  ample 
and  liberal,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
that  the  Puritans,  up  to  the  loss  of  the  charter 
in  1(384,  held  it  as  a  sacred  Instrument — full 
of  grand  and  indispensable  liberties. 

The  early  Puritans  took  all  the  liberties  the 
charter  gave,  and  some  in  addition.  Charles 
contemplated  (we  may  suppose)  the  establish- 
ment of  an  Episcopal  Church  and  system  in 
New  England,  and  the  Puritans  established 
Congregationalism,  and  excluded  Episcopacy. 
He  granted  a  corporation,  and  they  establish- 
ed  a  Commonwealth.  The  Puritans,  moreover, 
by  denying  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  King,  to- 
gether with  the  accusati-^n  made  against  them 
of  aiming  at  sovereignty,  finally  rousod  the 
Monarch  against  them,  as  their  church  disci- 
pline had  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  in  1634 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and   bis  asQQci- 


142 


ates  were  uiuiie  a  special  cominisBion,  with  full 
power  over  the  American  planta'ions.  Tlreae 
powers  extended  over  the  government, laws  and 
the  Church,  and  went  even  to  the  revoking  of 
any  charter  surreptitiously  obtained,  or  which 
conceded  liberties  prejudicial  to  the  royal  pre- 
rogative. If  our  Colonial  Charter  is  to  be  con- 
sidertd  as  aimed  at  on  the  score  of  being  sur- 
reptitiously obtained,  it  must  be  as  having  been 
obtained  through  legal  and  proper  forms,  but 
vfith  A  fraudulent  intent — the  main  intents  of 
the  Cliurter  being  the  conversion  of  the  Indi- 
ans, and  the  establishment  of  a  trading  cor- 
poration, which  intents  the  King  maj  have 
considered  as  violated  by  the  subsequent  civil 
and  religious  acts  of  the  Colonists,  those  acts 
having  t)een  in  the  intentioas  of  the  Colonists 
from  the  first ! 

The  commercial  privileges  granted  by  the 
charter  were  ample  lor  that  day.  In  order 
that  the  Colony  should  be  settled,  permission 
•was  freely  granted  the  Company  to  tiansport 
persons,  (  Aith  but  one  exception,)  arms,  cloth- 
ing, animals,  merchandise,  &c.,  (including  all 
needed  article!^)  for  seven  years,  free  of  duty, 
and  were  also  to  be  free  for  21  years  (after  the 
seven)  ot  all  duties  on  imports  from  or  exports 
to  England,  or  English  dominions,  except  5 
pounds  per  cent,  on  good*  and  merchandise 
imported  into  England  or  English  possessions. 
They  were  also  permitted  to  export  their  goods 
or  merchandise  from  Eugland  and  English  pos- 
sessions to  foreign  countries  without  paying 
any  additional  duty,  if  shipped  from  thence 
[England  or  English  possessions]  within  thir- 
teen months  after  landing;  and  had  six  months 
time  given  to  pay  the  half  duty.  Certain 
provisions  (as  exceptions)  were  made  to  pre- 
Tent  fraud — and  the  Patent  or  duplicate  or 
an  exemplification  thereof,  was  to  be  consider- 
ed as  proof  of  these  privileges  before  any  cus- 
tom or  excise  officers.  The  Colony  was  to  be 
free  from  all  taxes,  subsidies,  (pecuniary  as- 
sistance to  England)  or  Customs  (Custom  dues). 
By  the  terms  of  the  charter,  moreover,  the 
patentees  and  associates   paid   no  rent  to  the 


King  for  the  tenure  of  their  land,  and  tlius  ia 
tact  (considuring  the  other  charter  privileges) 
were  placed  upon  a  footing,  (it  was  thought) 
but  little  short  of  independent  sovereignty. 

The  charter  contaim'd,  as  will  bo  seen,  the 
germ  of  the  subsequent  -navigation  laws  of 
England,  as  it  required  the  Colonial  exports  to 
seek  English  markets  in  tha  6rst  instance  and 
pay  the  mother  country  the  duty,  prior  to  ex- 
portation to  foreign  countries.  This  provision 
was  not  complied  with.  The  Colonists,  in 
fact,  made  themselves  as  independent  of  the 
charter  in  commercial  as  in  civil  matters.  It 
is  evident  tliat  they  wisely  considered  that  the 
charter  was  made  for  them,  and  not  they  lor 
the  charter. 

It  ought  to  be  said  here  that  the  Colonists, 
and  the  great  lawyers  of  England  looked  at 
the  powers  conferred  by  the  charter  in  a 
somewhat  difierent  light.  The  lawyers  in 
England  thought  the  charter  was  original- 
ly intended  to  be  exercised  in  England,  un- 
der the  direct  operation  of  the  English  courts 
and  laws,  that  it  conferred,  therefore,  and 
needed  no  admiralty  powers— had  no  authority 
to  establish  Courts  for  Probate  of  VVUls,  and 
Coirts  exercising  power  over  the  lives  of  the 
Colonists,  &c.  Tliey  thought  the  Colonists 
had  usurped  various  powers,  not  originally 
given  in  the  charter.  When  the  agent  of 
Mass.  in  England  endeavored  to  save  the  char- 
ier, he  was  met  with  these  objections,  and 
thoiigh  the  lawyers  there  (the  Crown  officers) 
were  for  the  continuance  of  the  old  charter, 
with  various  additional  needed  powers — 
that  is,  for  continuing  the  old  powers  so  granted 
with  new  powers — though  Archbishop  Tillot- 
son,  and  Eishop  Burnet  also  favored  this, 
yet  the  old,  and  newly  demanded  liberties  of 
Mass.  were  destroyed  by  the  Trade  interest  of 
England,  which  proved  too  strong  for  justice 
and  liberty.  Bishop  Burnet  said  that  ho  con- 
sidered that  the  charter  granted  to  the  paten- 
tees was  a  more  sacred  one  than  those  given 
corporations  in  England,  since  the  charter  giv- 
en to  the  patentees  was  on  condition  of  their 
enlarging  the  King's  domiBious — a  thing  they 


143 


hud  dune,  and  therelore  the  powers  under  the 
charter  belonged  of  right  to  the  Piitentees. 
.while  the  power  usualij  granted  corporations 
yisas  a  matter  of  grace.  Ii  is  evident  that  Til- 
lotson  considered  tlie  charter,  as  very  different 
froui  tliat  of  an  ordinary  trading  corporation. 
tie  looked  at  it  in  a  religious*  point  of  vievr, 
and  as  one  wiiicb  ought  to  be  confirmed. 
His  denuncii^tions  of  Laud  in  his  conversations 
with  Mather,  the  agent  of  Mass,  seem  to  con- 
firm this  view.  (See  Mass.  Hist.  Ub.'l.,  1st  se- 
ries, Vol.  9,  pAges  273-4,  and  alao-same  Vol. 
page  249.) 

To  be  Continued. 


ABSTRACTS  FROM  WILLS,  INVENTORIES,  Ac, 
ON  FILE  IN  TilE  OFFICE  OF  CLERK  OF 
COURTa,  S.ALEM.  MASS. 


COPIED   Br    IRA    J.    PATCH. 


CONTlNtJED  FROM    PAGE    96. 


John  Andrp.ws,  ith  mo.,  1662. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Corporal  John  An- 
drews, taken  May  23,  1662,  by  John  Doolit- 
tle,  John  Hathorne  &  Andrew  Man.sfield,  by 
request  of  the  widow,  amounting  to  £1116 
IBs  4<1 ;  debts  about  £758  lis  Od,  returned  by 
Mr.  Thomas  Andrews  27th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

John  Bakh,  ith  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  John  Balch  of  Salem, 
taken  19th  1st  mo..,  1662,  by  Roger  Conant  & 
Sam'l  Corning,  amounting  to  £189  17s  Od  ; 
list  of  debts  £30  Os  Od,  returned  24th  4th  mo., 
1662. 

Item  in  the  list  of  debts  : 

"For  keeping  a  sick  and  weakly  child,  viz, 
Mary  balch,  six  months,  £6  Os  Od. 

At  a  court,  27th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

Mary  Balch,  widow  of  John  Balch,  isappt'd 
adm'x  of  her  husband's  estate,  and  when  all 
just  debts  are  paid,  the  whole  estate  is  to  be 
divided  between  said  Mary  &  Mary  their 
daughter,  the  whole  estiite  remaining  in  the 
widow's  hands  until  her  daughter  is  of  age  or 
married. 


John  Row,  ith  mo.,  1662. 

Will  of  John  Row,  dated  15ih  8th  mo., 
1661,  gives  all  his  estate  to  his  wife  and  two 
sons,  John  and  Hugh.  Witnesses — John  Col- 
lins, sr.,  John  Collins,  jr.,  Stephen  Glover. — 
proved  24th  4th  mo.,  1662,  and  the  widow 
and  two  sons  adin'rs. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  2d  day  A- 
pnl,  1662,  by  Sam'l  DoUiver,  John  Collins 
&  Wm.  Browne,  amounting  lo  £205  16d  lOd, 
returned  by  Bridget  Row,  the  widow,  and 
John  Row,  son  oi  the  above  John  9,  June 
1662. 

David  Lewis,  -iih  mo..  1062. 
Inventory?  of  estate  of  David  L<'wi8  taken 
22d  June.  1662.  amounting  to  £22  06s  Od  ; 
debts  £16  8s  Od,  returned  to  the  Court  and  is 
allowed,  and  Samuel  Archard  is  apptd  to  ad- 
minister in  behalf  of  the  country,  &  to  be  ac- 
countable to  this  court. 

Thos.  Wilks,  Ath  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Thomas    Wilks  taken 

Nove.,  1661,  at  Boston,  '>y  John &  John 

Lake,  amounting  to  £70  Os  Od. 

Also  inventory  taken  December,  1661,  at 
Salem,  by  Walter  Price  &  Hilliard  Veren,  a- 
mounting  to  £30  6s  11<^  1,  returned  25ch  4th 
mo.,  1662,  and  Mr.  Edmund  Batter  appt'd 
adm'r,  who  is  to  dispose  of  the  said  estate  by 
advice  of  this  Court. 

Robert  Gray,  \th  mo.,  1662. 

Will  of  Robert  Gray,  of  Salem,  dated  Ist 
11th  mo.,  1661,  daughter  Elizabeth  Gray, 
eons  Joseph,  Robert,  daughters  Bethiah,  Han- 
nah &  Mary  ;  servant  Elizabeth  Wicks. 

Gives  "to  George  Hodgis  a  quadrant,  a  fore 
staffe,  a  gunter's  scale,  and  a  pr  of  compass- 
es," wife  Eliz'h  Gray  who  he  appts  ex'tr, 
John  Brown  and  Henry  Bartholomew,  over- 
seers. 

Witness — John  Brown  and  Henry  Barthol- 
omew. 

proved  25th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  5th  12th 
mo.,  1661,  by  John  Brown,  Richard  Prince  & 


144 


Henry  Bartholomew,  amounting  to   £608  Ola 
Od,  returned  25th  4tb  uio.,  1662. 

Wm.  Browne,  4M  mo.,  1662. 

Will  of  Wm.  Browne  of  Gloucester,  dated 
29th  April.  1662,  son  in  law  Abraham  Kobin- 
Fon,  under  21  years,  dau  Mary  Browne,  under 
18  years,  to  be  ext'x,  wife  Mary  ;  witnesses — 
John  Emerson  &  John  UoUins,  Jr.  proved 
25th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  May  13, 
1662,  by  John  Emorson,  Sam'l  Dolliver,  John 
Collins  and  Philip  Staynwood,  amounting  to 
£203  Os  7d,  returned  by  Mary  Brown,  widow, 
25tb4th  mo.,  1662. 

Lawrence  Leach,  4th  mo.,  1662, 
Will  of  Lawrence  Leach,  of  Salem,  aged  85 
years;  his  debts  to  be  paid,  and  his  wife  to 
have  all  his  estate.  Witnesses  —John  Porter, 
John  Batchelder  ;  proved  25th  4th  mo.,  1662, 
&  Eliz'h,  widow  of  above,  apptd  adm'x. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  by  John 
Porter  &  Jacob  Barney,  atnounting  to  £138 
14s  8d,  returned  and  allowed  24th  4th  mo., 
1662. 

Ann  Fuller,  A/h  mo.,  1662. 

Will  of  Ann  Fuller,  widow,  aged  79  years, 
son  Richard  Leach,  Bethiah  Farrow,  John 
Leach  &  Sarah  L.^ach.  Witnesses,  Jonathan 
Walcott,  John  liowdon,  proved  25th  4th  mo., 
1662,  and  Ric'd  Leach  apptd  adm'r. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  by  Nath'l 
Felton,  Anthony  Buxton,  amounting  to  £23 
17s  6d,  returned  25th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

Henry  Cook,  4th  mo.,  1662. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Henry  Cook,  deceased 
the  14th  of  Uth  month,  1661,  taken  by  Nath'l 
Felton  and  Henry  Bartholomew,  ^amounting 
to  £225,  returned  by  his  widow,  Judith  Cook, 
and  her  eon  Isaack,  26th  4th  mo.,  1662. 

List  of  debts,  amounting  to  £92  05s  8|d. 

Henry  Cook's  children — Isaac,  aged  22  : 
Sam'l  20  ;  John,  14  ;  Henry,  8  ;  Judith,  18  ; 


Rachel,  16  ;  Mary  and    Martha,    12  ;  Ilanna, 
4. 

Israel  and  Nathan  Webster,  dth  mo.,  1662. 

Petition  of  Israel,  18  yrs,  &  Nathan  VV^eb- 
ster,  16  yrs  ,  with  the  conwent  of  the  mother, 
that  their  father  in  law,  John  Emery,  sen'r, 
and  their  brother,  John  Emery,  jr.,  maight  be 
appt'd  their  guardian,  and  the  petition  al< 
lowed  and  confirmed  26th  9th  mo.,  1662. 

Geo.  Tarr,  9^Amo.,  1662. 

Will  of  George  Tarr,  dated  1st  July,  1662, 
sons  John,  Lazerous  &  Benjamin,  (Joseph  un- 
der age,)  daughters  Mary,  Martha,  Eliz'h  & 
Sarah. 

Mr.  Eaton  &  Francis  Burrill,  &  Allen  Breed 
jr.,  shall  be  overseers.  Henry  Si Isby  &  Fran- 
cis Burrill,  witnesses,  proved  26th  9th  mo., 
1662. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  by  Henry 
Collins,  Jr.  &    Henry  Silsby,   24th    9th    mo., 

1662,  amounting  to  £189  88  Od,  returned  26th 
9th  mo.,  1062. 

Thos  Smith,  9ih  mo.,  1662. 
Inventory  of  estate  ot  Thomas  Smith,  of  Sa- 
lem, taken  17th  4th  mo.,  1662,  by  JeflFrey 
Massey  &  Tho  Porter,  amounting  to  £63  158 
Od:  lititof  debts,  £39  98  8d,  returned  26th 
9th  mo.,  1662,  allowed  and  ordered  to  the 
use  of  the  widow  &  the  bringing  up  of  the 
children. 

John  Goyt,  1st  mo.,  1663. 
Inventory  of  John  Goyt.  amounting  to  £34 
63  Od. 

Mary  Smith.  May,  1663, 
Will  of  Mary    Smith,    wife    unto   the    late 
James  Smith,  of  Marblehead,   dated  28  Mar. 

1663,  daughter  Catherine  Eborne,  &  daughter 
Mary  Rowland,  grand  children  Samuel  &  Jo- 
seph Rowland,  Mary  Eborne,  daughter  Mary 
Rowland's  five  children,  daughter  Cathren  £- 
borne,  children  Mary,  Rebecca,  Moses,  Han- 
nah, James  &  Sarah,  Samuel,  son  James  Smith. 

To  bo  Continued. 


145 


THE  "OLD  PLANTERS"  OF  SALEM,  WHO  WERE 
SETTLED  HERE  BEFORE  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
GOVER^^OR  EXDICOTT,  IN  1G28. 


BT    GEORGE    D.    PHIPPEH. 


Read  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Essex  Institute,  Marek  ^6, 18^. 
Continued  from  Page  110. 

ROGER "Fo  N  A  N  T , 
Governor  of  the  Plantation  at  Cape  Anne, 
and  Naumkeag.  A  variety  of  terms  have 
been  used  to  express  Conant's  trust  at  "ye 
Bay  of  ye  Massachusetts,"  such  as  OversetT, 
Business  Agent,  Local  Manager,  &C.  Certain 
it  is  that  he  succeeded  tlie  two  Overseers, 
Gardner  and  Tilly,  who  previously  superin- 
tended the  plinting  and  fishing  interests  at 
Cape  Anne.  Wn  have  preferred  to  adopt  the 
title  applied  by  the  Dorchester  adventurers 
themselves,  (according  to  Hubbard,)  in  their  in- 
structions to  Mr.  Humphrey,  their  Treasurer, 
when  communicating  tn  Conant  tha<  they  had 
chosen  him  "to  be  their  Governor  in  that 
place,''  without  discussing  the  validity  of  the 
Cape  Anne  charter,  or  the  powers  conferred 
by  it,  or  whether  Conant  was  accustomed  in 
magisterial  robes  to  hold  courts,  make  laws, 
or  administer  them.  This  fact  cannot  be 
gainsaid,  that  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  respec- 
table Colony,  which  received  from  the  begin- 
ning, both  before  and  aftei  the  absorption  of 
the  Dorchester  Company  into  the  Massachu- 
setts Company,  the  fostering  care  of  such  men 
as  VYhit"-  and  Humphrey,  members*  of  both 
Companies,  and  that  Endicott  was  sent  over 
to  take  chargt^  of  and  strengthen  this  Colony, 
verily  the  corm  r  stone  of  the  Commonwealth, 
which  in  due  time  embraced  under  its  Gov'-rn- 
ment  the  eller  Colony  of  Plymouth,  aqd  all 
the  minor  settlements  around  the  Bay. 

Conant  was  born  at  Budleigh,  in  Oevoq- 
ahire,  about  1592.  From  the  Parish  Records  of 
East  Budieigh,  through  Mr.  "Savage's  Glean- 
ings," we   Jearn    that    he  was  baptised  April 


♦Humphrey  was  a  member  of  both  Companies, 
and  there  is  scarce  ^  doubt  that  White  was  also,  and 
probably  others  of  the  Massachusetts  CoiQpapy. 

37 


9fh,  1593.  and  that  he  was  probably  the  son  of 
William  Conant.  who  was  married  Nov.  26, 
1588.  Mr.  Gibbs,  in  farmer's  Register, 
thinks  he  traces  his  descent  from  a  worthy 
family  of  Gittesham,  near  Honiton,  and  fhat 
his  remote  ancestors  were  of  French  extrac- 
tion, but  of  this  we  give  no  opinion.  Mr.  Felt 
supposes  he  came  to  New  England  in  the  same 
ve'-sel  with  Lyiord,  in  March,  1624,  but  a  de- 
position of  Conant's  seems  to  place  his  arrival 
in  the  early  part  of  1623,  or  perhaps  the  fall 
of  1622.  [Christopher  Conant  came  over  ia 
the  "Anne,"  and  arrived  at  Plymouth  in 
1623.] 

The  name  of  Roger  Conant  is  so  interwoven 
with  the  e.irly  days  of  the  Colony,  that  in  re- 
lating its  hioiory,  we  have  given  much  of  Co- 
nant's aho. 

During  his  residence  at  Cape  Anne,  an  e- 
vent  occurred  whicli  refl  cted  great  credit  upon 
him,  and  illustrated  a  marked  feature  in  his 
character.  The  Episcopal  portion  of  the  Ply- 
mouth Adventurers  at  home,  who  had  with- 
drawn from  the  Company,  at  the  rupture  oc- 
Ciisioned  by  the  Lyford  discussion  thtre,  hasti- 
ly desjiatched  a  fisiiing  vessel  to  the  Cape  on 
their  own  account,  Hewes,  master,  who,  upon 
arrival,  tojk  summary  possssion  of  a  fishing 
stage,  and  other  conveniences  that  had  b^en  e- 
rected  by  tlie  New  Plymouth  people  ;  intend- 
ing no  doubt  to  usurp  this  Episcopal  fcion  of 
the  Plymouth  Colony  as  their  own.  The  val- 
iant Capt.  St mdi-ih  was  early  on  the  spot  and 
demanded  immediate  evacuation.  Ilewes's  par- 
ty, knowing  with  whom  they  had  to  deal,  for.- 
tified  themselves  at  the  stage  head,  behind  a 
barricade  built  of  hogslieads,  and  defied  Stand- 
ish  and  his  men,  and  by  the  advantages  of  sit- 
uation, &c.,  which  they  possessed,  could  easily 
have  destroyed  them.  A  battle  of  words  only, 
however,  decided  the  fortunes  of  the  day.^— 
Hubbard  says,  "the  di>pute  grew  to  be  very 
hot,  and  high  words  passed  between  them, 
wliich  might  have  ended  in  blows,  if  not  in 
blood  and  slaughter,  had  not  the  prudence  and 
moderation  of  Mr.  Rog  r  Conant,  at  that  time 
there  present,  and  Mr.  Peiroe'a   interposition, 


146 


that  lay  just  by  with  liis  ship,  timely  prevent- 
ed." The  matcer  was  at  last  settled,  by 
Peirce's  crew  promising  to  help  the  aggrieved 
fishermen  build  another  stage,  and  so  they  al- 
lowed Hewes  to  keep  it. 

This  disturbance,  not  settled  without  great 
and  paintul  exertion  on  the  part  of  Conant, 
muHt  have  gone  far  in  convincing  him  that  the 
permanency  and  sta^'ility  of  the  Colony  rested 
mere  upon  its  agrieultural  than  its  fishing  in- 
terest, and  his  settlement  at  Naumkeag  as  a 
more  suitable  place  for  planting,  resulted  from 
special  explorations  subsequently  made  for  that 
end. 

Conant  says  that  he  built  the  first  house  e- 
rected  in  Salem,  where,  together  with  its  ad- 
joining town  and  offspring,  Beverly,  he  spent 
the  mijor  part  of  his  valuable  life. 

He  was  admitted  a  freeman.  May  18,  1631  ; 
was  chosen  one  ot  the  Deputies  to  the  General 
Court,  at  their  first  meeting  in  1634  ;  was 
often  one  of  the  twelve  Selectmen  for  the 
management  of  town  affairs,  and  also  of  the 
board  who  presided  over  the  landed  interests  of 
the  town,  and  in  1637,  was  one  of  the  magis- 
trates of  the  '-Quarter  Court,"  so  called. 

In  1636.  he  was  upon  a  Committee  for  the 
inspection  of  the  canoes  of  the  town,  which  it 
should  be  remembered  were  the  principal  vehi- 
cles for  travel  and  convenience.  A  writer  of 
that  day  says,  "there  be  more  canowes  in  this 
town  than  in  all  the  whole  Patent,  every  house- 
hould  having  a  water  horse  or  two."* 

Conant  bore  his  share  of  ecclesiastical  as 
well  as  municipal  duties  ;  in  1663,  he  was  a 
delegate  at  the  ordination  of  Mr.  Newman, 
over  the  Church  at  Wenham  ;  in  1667  he  led 
in  the  organization  of  the  first  Church  in  Bev- 
erly, and  his  name  stands  first  on  its  list  of 
members. 

But  a  few  years  before  his  death,  he  pre- 
Bented  the  following  petition  to  General  Court 
in  relation  to  the  town  of  Beverly,  which  is 
now  cherished  as  a  document  of  great  value, 
and  it  is  so    suggestive   of  his  character,  that 

•Wood's  New  England  Prospect. 


wo  present  it  entire;  it  is  dated  May  28,   1671, 
and  feads  as  follows  : — * 

"To  the  lionorabel  Generall   Court,   consist- 
ing of  Magistrates  and  Deputies. 

"The  umlile  poticion  of  Roger  Conant  of 
Basriiier,  alias  Beuerly,  who  haue  bin  a  plan- 
ter in  New  England  fortie  eight  yeers  and  vp- 
ward,  being  one  of  tlie  first,  if  not  the  very 
first,  that  reso!u3d  and  made  good  my  settle- 
ment vnder  God,  in  matter  of  plantation  with 
my  family,  in  this  collony  of  the  Mas^achuset 
Bay,  and  haue  bin  instrunientall,  both  for  the 
founding  and  earring  on  of  the  same,  and 
when  in  the  infancy  thereof,  it  was  in  great 
hassard  of  being  deserted,  I  was  a  means, 
through  grace  assisting  me,  to  stop  the  flight 
of  those  few  that  then  were  heere  with  me, 
and  that  my  vtter  deniall  to  goo  away  witfi 
them,  who  would  haue  gon  either  for  England 
or  mostly  for  Virginia,  but  thereupon  stayed 
to  the  hassard  of  our  Hues.  Now  my  umble 
sute  and  request  is  vnto  this  honorabel  Court 
onlie  that  the  name  of  our  towne  or  planta- 
tion may  bo  altrcd  or  changed  from  Beuerly 
and  be  called  Budleigh.  I  haue  two  reasora 
that  haue  moued  me  vnto  tliis  request.  The 
first  is  the  great  dislike  and  discontent  of  many 
of  our  people  for  this  name  of  Beuerly,  be- 
cause (wee  being  but  a  smale  place)  it  hath 
caused  on  vs  a  constant  nickname  of  beggarly, 
being  in  the  mouths  of  many,  and  no  order 
was  giuen  or  consent  by  the  people  heere  to 
their  agent  for  any  name  vntill  they  were 
shure  of  being  a  town  granted  in  the  first 
place,  Secondly.  1  being  the  first  that  had 
house  in  Salem  (and  neuer  had  any  hand  in 
naming  either  that  or  any  other  towne)  and 
myself  with  those  that  were  then  with  me,  be- 
ing all  from  the  western  part  of  England,  de- 
sire this  western  name  of  Budleigh,  a  market 
towne  in  Deuonsheer  and  neere  vnto  the  sea  aa 
we  are  heere  in  this  place,  and  where  myself 
was  borne.  Now  in  regard  of  our  firstnesse 
and  antiquity  in  this  soe  famous  a  colony,  we 

*Mass.   His.   Collections,   3d   S.,  7,  252,   or  CJeto. 
Register,  2d  vol.,  333. 


14? 


ehuulJ  uniblie  request  this  littell  priuelicig 
•with  vour  I'auors  and  consent,  to  giue  this 
name  ahousaid  vnto  our  town.  I  neuer  yet 
made  sute  or  requi-st  unto  the  Generall  Court 
for  the  least  matter,  the'  I  thinke  I  might  as 
well  haue  done,  as  many  others  haue,  who 
haue  obtained  much  witliout  hassard  of  life  or 
preferring  the  publick  good  before  theire  own 
interest,  which,  I  praise  God,  I  haue  done.  If 
this  uiy  suie  may  find  acceptation  with  your 
worships,  I  fihall  rest  vmbly  thankfull  and  my 
praires  shall  not  cease  vnto  the  throne  of  grace 
for  Gild's  guidance  and  his  blessing  to  be  on 
all  your  waightie  proceedings  and  that  iustice 
and  righteousness  may  be  euerie  where  admin- 
ifitred,  and  sound  doctrine,  truth  and  holiness 
euerie  where  taught  and  practised  throughout 
this  wildtrnes,  to  all  posterity,  which  God 
grant.     Amen. 

"Your  worships'  vmble  petitioner  and 
seruant, 

"Roger  Conant." 

His  petition  was  not  granted  ;  his  claims  to 
their  consideration,  however,  were  not  over- 
looked, fur  at  the  samo  session  they  granted 
him  as  "a  very  ancient  planter,"  two  hundred 
acres  of  land,  afterward  set  off  near  Dunsta- 
ble, which  land  is  mentioned  in  his  will  made 
in  the  eighty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  now  pre- 
served among  our  Probate  Records  of  Essex,  at 
the  Salem  Ci-urt  ilouse.  He  died  Nov.  19, 
1679,  in  his  eighty  eighth  year,  and  descended 
to  his  grave  like  a  shock  of  corn  fully  ripe, 
and  the  melancholy  tidings  were  borne  to 
thousands  of  households  where  but  fifty  years 
before  he  had  erected  the  first  dwelling. 

Conant  pissossed  elements  of  great  firmness, 
at  the  same  lime  be  was  mild  and  conciliato- 
ry ;  the  possession  of  such  a  character,  inde- 
pendent of  place  or  honors,  bears  its  own  re- 
ward. 

"Blessed  are  the  peacemakers,  for  thej  shall 
be  called  the  children  of  God.*' 

He  had  seven  children,  four  sons  and  three 
daughters,  viz  :• 

*A  genealogy  of  Conant's  deseeudants  is  in  pro' 


Lot,  born  1624,  died  1674. 

Roger,  born  1626,  died  June  15,  1672. 

Mary,  born ,  married  first,  John 

Batch)  second,  William  Dodge. 

Sarah,  born  -^ . 

Exercise,  [a  son,]  bap  :  Dec.  24,  1637,  died 
April  28, 1722. 

Elizabeth  j  born ■ . 

Joshua,  who  died  in  1659. 

The  Conant  family  have  descended  to  theJ 
present  time  through  Roger's  sons.  Lot  and 
Exercise,  and  among  them  have  been  men  of 
talent  and  influence.  Roger  and  Joshua  had 
few  or  no  descendants^  Lot  was  the  ancestor 
of  the  local  or  Beverly  branch,  who  are  well 
repres-'ntod  in  that  town,  Ipswich  and  neigh-* 
borhood  at  the  present  day.  Exercise  remov- 
ed to  Boston  and  is  the  ancestor  of  a  family 
who  have  spread  largely  in  Connecticut.  De- 
scendants have  borne  the  n  ime  of  Roger, 
through  many  generations,  and  it  is  likely,  we 
hope,  to  be  continued  to  a  distant  period  of 
time. 

On  the  fly  leaf  of  an  old  Bible,  once  the 
property  of  the  Conant  s,  but  now  in  posses- 
sion ot  Cliaa.  W.  Palfrny,  Esq.,  is  this  entry, — 
•'The  4  day  of  May  1G72  bang  Saturday  my 
dere  littel  sone  Samuel  Conant  dyed.  The  15 
of  June  1672  being  Saturday — my  dere,  dere, 
dere  husband  Roger  Conant  dyed."  This  was 
written  by  the  widow  of  Ro^jer  Conant,  jr., 
Eon  of  Roger  who  lost  both  her  son  a^  hus- 
band in  the  short  space  of  six  weeks. 

Roger  Conant,  Jr.,  the  second  son,  was  the 
first  child  born  in  Salem,  (1626,)  and  the  town 
in  recognition  of  this  circumstance,  granted 
him  on  the  21,  11  mo.,  1639,  twenty  acres  of 
land. 

Governor's  Island  in  Boston  Harbor,  was 
early  known  as  Conant's  Island.  Conant 
street  in  Salem,  not  far  from  the  Old  Planter's 
settlement,  was  so  named  about  twenty-five 
years  since,  at  the  suggestion  of  Major  Conant 
of  Beverly.     An  extended  notice  of  Conant  by 

gresB  by  our  townsman,    J.  P.  Worcester,  Esq.,  to 
whom  I  am  iadaJbted  for  Saeta. 


148 


Rev.  J.  B.  Felt,  appeared  in  the    Genealogic.il 
Register  of  July  and  October,  1848.* 

JOHN   LYFORD. 

The  minister  of  the  Old  Planters,  at  Cape 
Anno  and  Naumkeag,  was  originally  sent  ov- 
er by  the  Plymouth  Adventurers,  to  be  pastor 
of  the  people  at  Plymouth  ;  he  seema  to  have 
been  selected  by  a  faction  of  the  Company, 
and  tliat  much  the  larger  p  irt,  with  a  design 
to  oppose  the  Congregationalism  inculcated  by 
Robinson,  and  restore  the  Colcmy  to  the  Epis- 
copil  fold  ;  both  Cushman  and  Winslow,  tlien 
in  London,  were  opposed  to  him,  but  finally 
consented  "to give  contents  to  some." 

Lyford  had  resided  in  England  but  a  short 
time  prior  to  being  s^'lected  for  this  mission, 
having  been  previously  settled  in  Ireland.  He 
probably  came  over  on  the  return  of  Winslow 
with  supplies,  in  the  ship  Charity,  whioh  ar- 
rived in  March,  162t. 

Cushman,  in  his  letter  of  January  24,  1G23, 
[1624  new  stvle,]  says  :  "The  preacher  we 
have  sent  is  (we  hope,)  and  honest  plaine  man 
though  none  of  ye  most  eminente  and  rare  ; 
about  chusing  him  into  office,  use  your  owne 
liberty  and  discretion." 

When  he  came  on  shore  he  was  exceedingly 
complaisant,  and  was  received  with  great  cor 
diality,  by  the  Plymouth  people.  "They  gave 
him  ye  best  entertainment  yey  could,"  they 
furnii«^l§ji  him  a  dwellir>g  in  one  of  their  best 
houses,  ajid  apportioned  a  larger  allowance  of 
fo  >d  outof  thecomra  m  store  to  him,  *rtfd'  his 
family  than  to  any  other  person^lBta  of  clothing 
as  they  severally  had  nefetl-nCrov.  Bradford,  in  de- 
ference to  his  calling  was  accustomed  to  consult 
with  him  in  all  "waightie  affairs,"  as  was  his 
habit  with  their  Elder,  Mr.  Brewster,  and  he 
was  otherwise  by  the  Colonists  generally,  held 
in  especial  favor. 

Cushman.  in  th«  letter  above  quoted,  says 
^'he  [Lyford,]  knows  he  is  no   officer  amongst 


* Rfferences.-~Town  Ree.  Felt's.  Salem,  Gen.  Reg. 
2,  329  c  333.  Mass.  His  Col.  37,  250-60,  and  38, 
306.    Hutchinson,  Hubbard,  and  Pjriace. 


you,  though  perhaps  cuetonie  and  univereali- 
tie  may  make  him  forget  himself,"  which  ac- 
cording to  Bradford,  he  most  eflFectually  did,  and 
caused  the  Pilgrims  a  vast  deal  of  trouble  the 
first  three  or  four  months  of  his  residence 
with  them,  during  w!)jch  time  he  acted  as 
their  presicher,  displaying  abilities  but  little 
superior  to  their  Elder,   Mr.  Brewster. 

lie  was  without  doubt  a  great  dissem- 
bler. Upon  uniting  with  the  Plymouth 
Church,  shortly  after  his  arrival,  "  he  made 
a  large  confession  of  faith,  acknowledging 
former  disorderly  walking  and  being  entan- 
gled with  many  corruptions,"  and  that  "he 
held  not  himsnlfe  a  minister  till  he  had  a  new 
calling,"  and  thanked  the  Lord  for  the  privi- 
lege of  enjoying  "ye  ordinances  of  God  in  pu- 
ritie  among  his  people,"  yet  before  the  return 
of  the  ship  that  brought  him  over,  he  had  laid 
open  bis  revolutionary  plans  to  the  energetic 
but  troublesome  John  Oldham,  and  with  a  few 
adherents,  they  secretly  pursued  their  plot 
with  great  earnestness  ',  "at  length  when  ye 
ship  was  ready  to  goo,  if  was  obt^erved  Lyford 
was  long  in  writing  &  scnte  many  letters,  and 
could  not  forbear  to  communicate  to  his  inti- 
mates sueb  things  as  made  them  laugh  in  their 
sleeves,  and  thought  he  had  done  their  errand 
sufficiently."  One  of  these  confederates  wrote 
at  the  same  time,  "that  Mr.  Oldhame  &  Mr. 
Liford  intended  a  reformation  in  church  and 
commonwealth  ;  and,  as  soone  as  the  ship  was 
gone,  they  intended  to  joyne  togeather,  and 
have  the  saerements"  administered  by  Lyford'a 
former  Episcopal  calling.  The  suspicions  of 
Gov.  Bradford  became  aroused,  and  "knowing 
how  matters  stood  in  Enjjiand"  with  the  ad- 
venturers, "and  what  hurt  these  things  might 
doe,  he  tooke  a  shalop  and  wente  out  with  the 
sliip  a  league  or  two  to  sea,"  and  intercepted 
and  opened  upwards  of  twenty  of  Lyford  and 
Oldham's  letters,  "full  of  slanders  and  false 
accusations,  tending  not  only  to  their  preju- 
dice, but  to  their  ruin  and  utter  subversion." 
This  singular  visit  of  tho  Governor  caused  this 
covert  faction  some  uneasiness  at  first,  but  as 


149 


he  kept  the  information  thus  obt  ined  to  hitn- 
Belf,  after  a  few  weeks  they  became  "us  briske 
as  ever,"  thinking  nothing  had  been  discover- 
ed, and  Ljford  deeming  his  party  now  strong 
enough,  openly  "without,  [says  Bradford,]  ev- 
er speaking  one  word  eitlter  to  ye  Governor, 
Church  or  Elder,  withdrewe  themselves  and  set 
up  a  pnblick  meeting  aparte  on  yo  Lord's  day, 
■with  (sundry  other  '•insolent  cariages"  to  the 
disturbance  of  both  Church  and  State.  "It 
was  now  thought  high  time  (to  prevent  fur- 
ther mischeefe  )  to  calle  them  to  accounte;  so 
ye  Governor  called  a  Courte,  and  summoned 
the  whole  company  to  appeare,  and  then 
charged  Lyford  and  Oldham  with  such  things 
as  they  were  guilty  of."  Which  resulted  in 
their  condemnation  and  expulsion  from  the 
Colony  ;  "Oldham  presently,"  but  Lyford  was 
allowed  six  months  grace,  and  Oldham's  family 
had  liberty  to  remain  during  the  coming  win- 
ter. This  took  place  probably  early  in  the 
summer  of  1624.  They  fled  to  Nantasket  and 
•were  voluntarily  followed  by  Koger  Conant 
and  a  few  others  of  the  Church  party,  with 
their  families,  as  before  related. 

Both  Lyford  and  Oldham  afterward  became 
in  part  reconciled  with  the  Plymouth  people, 
and  ocoa-eionitlly  returned  to  the  Colony.  It 
was  probably  in  the  early  part  of  the  next 
year,  wliile  still  living  at  Nantasket,  that  they 
•were  invited  with  Conant  to  remove  to  Cape 
Anne 

The  Rev.  Mr.  White  and  the  Dorchester 
Merchants  were  deceived  in  Lyford,  and  per- 
haps imposed  upon,  and  Conant  who  was 
•without  reproach,  and  eminently  a  peace-mak- 
er, miiy  through  love  of  the  established  church 
and  (-ympjithy  for  Lyford's  family,  have  been 
unbelieving  and  blinded  to  his  faults  and  insta- 
bility of  character,  until  his  eyes  were  opened 
at  the  time  of  his  heartless  desertiou  at  Naum- 
keag,  and  endeavor  to  break  up  the  Colony. 

Nothing  but  his  unscrupulous  zeal  for  Epis- 
copacy was  allegad  against  hia  conduct  while 
in  thin  country,  and  we  have  reason  to  be- 
lleye  that  his  followers  and  adherents  were  in 

38 


the  main  attached  to  him  and  his  family  ;  he 
appears  to  have  been  a  person  of  agreeable 
manners  and  address,  and  as  a  preacher  of 
moderate  but  not  buUiant  abilities,  and  both 
at  Cape  Anne  and  Naurakeag,  he  undoubted- 
ly continued  his  ministrations  with  acct'pt&nce, 
conducting  a  church  after  his  prior  ordination 
and  in  accordance  with  the  usages  and  require- 
ments of  the  Episcopal  Church.* 

He  was  Conant's  preacher  about  three 
years  ;  and  as  we  believe  for  the  last  eight  or 
ten  month*  of  the  time,  and  perhaps  longer, 
at  Naumkeag,  that  is  through  the  winter  of 
1625-6,  to  near  the  end  of  the  summer  of 
1627. 

On  the  banks  of  the  North  River,  full 
two  years  before  the  eetablishment  of  the  First 
Church,  so  called,  at  Salem,  or  the  ordination 
of  Higginson  and  Skelton, — the  rights  and  or- 
dinances of  the  Gospel  were  administered  to 
the  "Old  Planters"  in  an  appropriate  place  of 
worship,  and  their  voices  in  united  prayer  as- 
cended to  Heaven  in  the  sublime  words  of  the 
English  Litany:  "Webeseach  Thee  to  hear 
us  Good  Lord,"  "That  it  may  plea^^e  thee  to 
succor,  help  and  comfort  all  who  are  in  danger, 
necessity  and  tribulation."  And  over  the  wa- 
ters echoed  their  anthems  of  praise:  "For  the 
Lord  is  a  Great  God  and  a  Great  King  above  all 
Gods.  In  his  hand?  are  all  the  corners  of  the 
earth,  and  the  s'ren^tb  of  the  hills  is  His  also." 

We  tliink  it  highly  probable  that  the  "lov- 
ing invit  ition"  given  Lyford,  to  settle  in  Vir- 
ginia, was  made  by  Mr.  Fells  end  bis  party, 
who,  with  many  servants,  and  a  large  quanti- 
ty of  "plantation  commodities,"  while  on  a 
voyage  to  Virginia,  were  wrecked  near  Cape 
Cod,  early  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of 
1626.  This  party  remained  at  Plymouth  the 
next  summer,  and  planted  corn  and  raised  a 
few  swine,  and  by  mutual  trade  were  of  some 

*  As  Roger  Conant's  son  Roger,  bom  in  1C26,  was 
not  'baptized  at  the  First  Chnrob,  after  his  father 
united  with  it.  as  all  his  brothers  and  sisters  were, 
it  is  presumptive  proof  that  he  was  baptized  previous- 
ly, that  is  by  Ljford. 


na 


advantage  to  the  Colony,  they  tarried  in  ex- 
peetatiun  of  releasing  their  vessel  from  the 
Band,  or  otherwise  waited  for  some  chance 
opportunity  of  conveyance  te  Virginia.  Mr. 
Fells  visited  Cape  Anne,  and  "ye  Bay  of  ye 
Massachusetts,"  which  we  suppose  to  mean 
Naumkeag,  for  this  purpose,  and  returned  un- 
euccesslul  to  Plymouth.  They  finally  succeed- 
ed in  obtaining  pa-^sage  thither  in  a  "cuple  of 
barks  at  ye  Utter  end  of  sumer"  of  1627,  which 
vessels  had  brought  corn  to  ihe  Plymouth  peo- 
ple, and  probably  Ly ford  and  a  few  of  Conant's 
company  departed  with  them.  All  that  we 
know  of  Ly  ford  further,  is,  that  "he  shortly 
after  dyed"  in  Virginia. 

Lyford  had  a  large  family  ;  and  this  was 
one  of  the  objections  that  Winslow,  the  Com- 
pany's agent,  than  in  London,  had  to  his  being 
sent  over,  viz:  "his  great  charge  of  children." 
When  he  was  expelled  from  Plymouth,  he 
tad  a  "wifii,  and  children  four  or  five,"  their 
names  are  unknown  to  us  •  His  wife  is  repre- 
sented as  'bting  a  grave  matron,  and  of  good 
carriage  all  yo  while  she  was  here."  After 
be*  husband's  death,  she  ''returned  againe  to 
this  country."  Of  his  descendants  we  know 
nothing.  A  family  bearing  this  surname  re- 
eides  in  Newburyport,  and  the  rame  is  occa- 
sionally met  with  in  New  ilampshire.  It  is 
bowever,  comparatively  rare  in  New  England. 

For  a  further  account  of  Lyford'  see  Brad- 
ford's History  of  Plymouth,  Mass.  His.  Coll. 
vol.  43.  Also  Young's  Chron.  of  Mass. , 
Prince's  Annals,  Felfs,  Salem,  Hubbard,  &c. 

A  full  account  of  John  Oldham,  is  given  id 
Bradford's  Hist,  of  Plymouth,  and  Bond's 
Hist,  of  Water towii, 

JOilN  WOODBURY, 
Came  from  Somersetshire,   was  made  a  free- 
man Vay    18,  1631.     Both   he  and  his  wife 
Agnes  are  among  the  original  members  of  tbe 
First  Church.     With   Palfrey,   he  was  one  of 


*  As  this  family  of  six  or  seven  pfersonS  removed 
so  early  from  the  Colony,  they  were  not  added  in 
the  compatation  of  its  numerical  atr^ligtb,  in  A 
former  page. 


the  deputi'S  of  the  General  Court,  in  1635,  and 
again  1638.  One  of  the  five  farms,  being  one- 
fifth  ot  th'j  great  one  thousand  acre  lot,  at  the 
head  of  Basa  River,  was  granted  him  Jauui;ry 
4,  1635  ;  these  farms  were  surveyed  by  him- 
self and  John  Bakh. 

It  is  stated  in  an  article  by  Robert  Rantoul, 
Esq..  in  Mass.  His.  Coll.,  and  also  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Stone,  in  his  History  of  Beverly,  that  John 
Woodbury  and  Ins  brother  William,  removed 
over  to  the  Cape  Anne  side,  afterward  Beverly, 
about  i630,  to  a  spot  near  that  which  is  now 
called  Woodbury's  Point.  It  is  supposed  that 
all  the  Woodburys  in  New  England  are  de- 
scendants of  these  two  brothers. 

To  Mr.  Stone,  also,  we  are  indebted  for  the 
following  tradition  : 

After  the  farms  at  Bass  River  were  occu- 
pied, the  only  way  of  communication  with 
them  from  Woodbury's  Point,  waa  by  water, 
or  along  the  st'a-shore  and  margin  of  the  riv- 
er. A  heifer  was  driven  along  this  winding 
way  from  the  puint  to  the  head  of  the  river, 
where  it  was  to  lemain  at  pasture  :  but  judge 
of  the  surprise  of  her  owner,  who,  upon  re- 
tracing his  steps,  found  that  the  animal,  not 
liking  its  abode,  had  reached  home  before  him: 
its  tracks  were  accordingly  traced  out,  and  a 
more  direct  path  through  the  woods  thereby 
discovered,  which  subst  quently  became  a  road 
of  communie.ition  between  the  two  places,  and 
although  upwards  of  two  hundred  years  havo 
since  elapsed,  yet  so  far  as  direction  is  con- 
cerned, neither  science  n  ir  skill  have  done  much 
to  improve  what  in-tinct  first  projected. 

Mr  Woodbury,  after  a  life  of  energy,  and 
faithfulness  to  the  interests  of  the  Colony  died 
in  l64i  ;  we  do  not  know  his  age,  but  proba- 
bly not  much  above  sixty  years. 

He  was  called  "Father"  Woodbury,  howev- 
er, as  early  as  1635,  which  may  have  been  a 
title  due  him  as  one  on  whom  many  leaned  for 
counsel  and  advice  ;  we  regard  him  as  stand- 
ing next  to  Conant  in  intelligence  and  useful- 
ness to  the  Colony. 

His  descendants  are  huraeroua,  niany  still 
live  atound  the  6pot  that  witnessed    bis  trials 


151 


and  Buffering,  and  the  ancient  homestead  with 
DO  other  deed  than  the  original  grant,  still  re- 
mains in  the  family. 

Among  his  descendants  have  been  many 
•worthy  and  influential  men.  and  some  have  oc- 
cupied liigh  placea  in  the  land. 

The  Hon.  Levi  Woodbury,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  under  Pr.?8ident  Jacicson,  was  the  son  of 
Peter  Woodbury,  who  was  bofn  in  Beverly,  as 
all  his  ancestors  were. 

He  descended  from  Peter,  the  son  of  the 
primitive  John,  thl-ough  Jusiuh,  then  Peter, 
to  the  third  Peter,  who  was  his  father.  Mr. 
Cranch,  in  tlie  Ist  vol.  cf  Gen.  Keg.,  repre- 
sents Peter  incorrectly  as  the  son  of  Hum- 
phrey ;  Peter  was  Humphrey's  brother,  and 
both  sonsof  theoriginalJohn.  Humphrey  had 
a  son  Peter,  who  was  killed  in  1075,  at  the 
early  age  of  twenty-two,  while  serving  under 
Capt-iin  Liithrop,  who  commanded  the  "Flow- 
er of  Essex,"  as  his  company  has  been  called, 
at  the  famous  Indian  battle  at  Muddjbrook, 
September  18th,  after  that  jeaf . 

Beside  Humphrey,  who  came  over  with  his 
father  on  his  return  in  1628,  having  then 
just  arrived  at  seniority,  being  born  in  1G07  ; 
we  have  the  namea  of  such  cliildren  as  are  re- 
corded among  the  baptisms  of  the  First  Church, 
but  whether  there  Were  others  between  these 
and  Humphrey  we  knuw  not. 

Hannah,  bap.  25  of  10,  1636. 

Abigail,  bap.  12  of  9,  1637. 

Peter,  bap.  19  of  7,  1640. 

Humphrey  had  sundry  grants  of  land  from, 
the  town  of  Sulem      In   1637,   forty  acres. 

He  -married   Elizabeth ,   and   had 

sons  and  daughters  ;  he  was  a  member  of 
the  First  Church  in  Salem,  and  afterward  dea- 
con oi  the  Firft  Church  in  Beverly  at  its  organ- 
ization. He  lived  to  be  upwards  of  three 
score  and  ten  years  of  age.  His  widow  died 
in  Beverly  about  1689. 

Peter,  son  of  John,  was  made  a  freeman 
1668 — representative  to  General  Court  1689 — 
was  also  a  deacon  of  the  Beverly  church,  mar- 


ried and  had  children — he  died  July  5,  1704, 
aged  64  years.* 

WiLLtAM  WOODBURt. 
Brother  of  John,  had  grants  of  land  in  Sa- 
lem; he  died  the  latter  part  o(  1676;  his  wUl, 
dated  1,  4  mo.,  1663,  was  probated  26,  4  mo. 
1677  i  he  left  his  dwelling  house,  household 
goods,  and  most  of  his  lands  to  his  wife  Eliz- 
abeth ;  his  children  were  Nichola.^,  the  eldest 
son,  and  William,  Andrew,  Hugh,  Isaac, 
and  a  daughter  Hannah  Hascall.  Mcliolas 
and  Hui^h  had  lands  granted  them  in  Salem  al- 
so. William  was  one  of  the  five  witnessts  to 
the  signing  of  the  Indian  deed  of  the  territory 
of  Salem,  wiicn  transferred  to  the  Town,  Oct. 
11,  1686,  by  the  grand  children  of  Sagamoro 
George  and  others. 

JOHN  B.\LCH, 

Belonged  to  a  very  ancient  family  of  Somer- 
setshire, who  had  a  seat  at  St.  Andries,  near 
Bridgewater,  but  now  believed  to  be  extinct 
there.  He  is  thought  to  have  been  a  son  of 
George  Balch,  who  was  born  in  1536,  and 
who  had  sons  George  and  John.  George,  the 
eldest  by  two  yars.  is  supposed  to  have  been 
the  ancestor  of  the  St  Andries  family.  John, 
born  about  1579,  came  to  New  Engl.ind  with 
Captain  Koberi  Gorges,  in  September,  1623. 
The  spot  on  which  he  settled  in  Sahm,  being 
in  the  field  called  very  early,  tlie  "old  planters' 
marsh."  Hi-t  homestead  was  no  doubt  on  five 
acres  of  upland  and  meadow  there,  which  we 
think  could  now  be  approximately  pointed  out. 
It  was  situated  north  of  the  Skerry  Ijt  of  two 
acres,  which  Francis  fekerryf  bought  of  Peter 
Palfrey,  in  1653,  which  said  five  acres  Benja- 
min Balch,  S'jn  of  John,  bought  his  brother's 
right  therein  in  1658.      This   also   designates 

♦Young  28.  Gen.  Reg.  1,  84  and  8,  168.  Felt's 
Salem.  Sione's  Beverly  Town  Rec.  Church  Reo, 
Mass.  His.  Ck)U.     [Hubbard,]  25,  107,  and  37,  352-4. 

fTho  Skerry  family  own  or  very  recently  owned 
land  upon  or  near  the  same  spot. 


152 


Palff'y'fl  lot  aH  on  the  south  (or  eouthweat) 
and  further  up  tlie  peninsula. 

John  Balch  had  two  wives,  Margaret  and 
Agnes  ;  in  his  will  the  latter  is  called  Annia. 
Her  own  inventory  is  recorded  9  mo..  1657,  as 
that  of  Agnes  Balch,  John,  with  his  first  wife, 
Margaret,  were  among  the  original  members  of 
the  First  Church.  He  was  made  a  freeman 
May  18,  1631,  had  a  grant  of  one  of  the  five 
farms  of  two  hundred  acres  each,  at  the  head 
of  Bass  River,  January  25,  1635-6,  to  which 
he  removed  three  years  afterward,  and  where  he 
lived  till  his  death,  in  June  164^8,  aged  about 
69  years. 

This  farm  was  situated  near  the  present  resi- 
dence of  Mr.  John  Bell,  which  is  designated 
upi)n  the  new  map  of  Essex  County  :  some  of 
his  descendants  still  live  upon  or  near  the  same 
spot.  Mr.  Balch  sustained  various  trusts  from 
the  town,  as  selectman,  surveyor,  &3.  "He 
appears  to  have  possessed  the  qualifications  of 
resolution,  perseverance,  integrity  and  intelli- 
gence neces-ary  to  the  founding  and  guiding 
of  a  new  community."  He  died  about  May, 
1648,  when  his  corn  was  in  its  tender  leaf.  He 
left  three  ^ons,  Benjamin,  John,  and  Freeborn. 
His  will,  d  iti'd  May  15,  1648,  was  witnessed  by 
Peter  Palfrey,  Nicholas  Patch,  and  Jeffry 
Massey.  P.ilfrey  and  Massey  proved  the  same 
in  Court  a  fortnight  after,  viz  :  28  of  4  mo., 
1648.  Wife  Annis  and  son  Benjamin,  Execu- 
tors, and  John  Proctor  and  William  Wood- 
bury, overseers.  Inventory  returned  valued 
£220,  138,  4d.,  consisting  chiefly  of  tillage  and 
meadow  land,  and  cattle. 

Among  his  cattle  he  mentions  two  cows  by 
name.  *'Koddie"  and  "Cherrie,"  and  another 
that  he  had  bred  up  expressly  fur  his  son  Free- 
born. He  mentions  his  great  fruit  trees,  and 
also  his  young  apple  trees,  and  his  corn  that 
is  growing  upon  the  ground.  His  widow  Ag- 
nes died  at'out  1657,  after  "long  weakness  and 
Bickness," 

Benjiimin,  the  eldest  son,  was  born  in  1629, 
the  next  year  after  the  arrival  of  Governor 
Endic  >tt,  and  three  years  after  his  father's 
settlement  at  Naumkeag,  and  it  baa  been  erro- 


neously maintained*  that  he  was  the  first  white 
child  born  in  Salnm.  He  inherited  the  larger 
portion  of  his  father's  property.  He  had 
children.  Samuel,  John,  Joseph,  and  Free- 
born. This  Joseph  wa.->  slain  in  1675,  at  the 
fatal  Indian  battle  at  Muddy  Brook. 

John's  son  John  married  Mary,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Roger  Conant  ;  he  was  drowned  when 
crossing  the  ferry  near  the  Old  Planters' 
homes,  then  called  Ipswich  ferry,  in  a  small 
skiff,  during  a  violent  storm,  June  16,  1662  ; 
his  widow  afterwards  married  William  Dodge, 
who  was  the  ancestor  of  all  the  Dodges,  and 
settled  in  the  neighborlmod  of  the  five  Bass 
River  farms  The  neighboring  lowns  of  Wen- 
bam  and  Hamilton  contain  many  of  his  de- 
scendants, and  this  surname  is  by  far  the  most 
common  name  in  those  towns, 

Freeborn,  who  is  believed  to  have  been  born 
the  year  his  father  was  made  freeman,  in  1631, 
and  was  probably  so  named  in  allusion  to  that 
fact.  He  inherited  one  quarter  of  his  father's 
property.  He  lived  near  Wenham  Lake.  It 
is  supposed  he  went  to  Engl  md  and  never  re- 
turned. He  probably  died  about  1658,  as  his 
name  then  disappears  ftom  our  records. 

The  pres^ent  Baieh  family  at  Salem,  have 
descended  to  our    time   through    John's   son, 

*Roger  Conant,  Jr.,  born  in  1626,  was,  without 
doubt,  the  first  white  child  born  in  Salem,  and  in 
1639,  when  he  was  but  a  youth  of  13  years  of  age, 
and  still  trotted  on  his  parmt's  knees,  he  received  a 
grant  of  land  from  the  town,  in  token  of  that  prece- 
dence. There  need  be  no  confusion  regarding  the 
unauthorized  claims  either  of  Balch  or  Massey,  to 
that  circumstance  of  fortune.  Benjamin  Baleh,  as 
shown  above,  was  born  three  years  after  Conant.  In 
1686,  forty-six  years  after  the  above  public  recogni- 
tion, when  both  Conants  were  dead,  John  Maisej, 
in  order  to  strengthen  his  petition  for  the  Ferry, 
stated  that  he  was  the  ntrirxt  town  born  child  then  liv- 
ins;  there.  Eighteen  years  later,  in  1704,  and  si.^ty- 
four  years  .after  the  aw  ird  to  Conant,  the  First  Church 
through  careless  truditiou  or  other  miscontruction, 
voted  Massey,  who  was  then  aged,  an  old  Bible,  "he 
being  considered  the  first  town  born  child."  See  a 
similar  explanation  by  Mr,  Felt,  with  references  in 
Gen,  Keg.  vol.  10,  ITO. 


153 


Benjiimin.  The  Rev.  William  Balch.  of 
Bradford,  a  grandson  of  Benjamin,  was  one  of 
the  subscribers  to  Prince's  Chronology,  and  hia 
copy  with  wonie  of  his  writing  therein,  is  still 
preserved  in  the  family,  Our  venerable  towns- 
man, Benjamin  Balch,  is  William"?  grandson.* 
To  be  Continued. 


MATERIALS     FOR     A    GENEALOGY    OF    THE 
INGEKSOLL     FAMILY. 

For  an  account  of  Richard  Ingersoll  and  his 
children,  see  Number  1,  paoe  12.     George,  son 
of  Richard  bad  a  wife  named  Elizabeth. 
2d  generation. 

Children  of  George,  son  of  Richard.  1st 
BOn  name  unknown,  killed  bv  Indians:  George 
d  1730  ;  Samuel  ;  John  d  1716  ;  Joseph,  Ma- 
XJ  &  Elizabeth. 

Children  of  John  Ingersoll  and  Judith  Fel- 
ton.  John  b  12t,h  7th  mth  1644  ;  Natb'l  b 
10th  2d  mth  1647:  Ruth  b  20ih  4th  mth  1649; 
Richard  b  Ist  7th  mth  1651  ;  Sarah  b  28th  6th 
mth  1655  ;  Samuel  b  6th  8th  mth  1658  ;  Jo- 
seph b  9th  10th  mth  1661,  d  1661  ;  Hannah  b 
11th  1st  mth  1663,  d  1663. 

Children  of  Alice  Ingersoll  and  Jonathan 
Wolcott,  unknown. 

Children  of  Bathsheba  I  and  John  Knight 
Jr.,  of  Newbury,  were  8,  a6  appears  by  Dea- 
con Nathaniel  IngersoU's  will.  Among  them 
were  John  and  Joseph. 

Children  of  Joana  or  Jane  Ingersoll  and 
Richard  Pettenpill :  Matthew,  Samuel,  Ma- 
ry and  Nathaniel 

Children  of  Sarah  Ingersoll  (1st  husband, 
Wm.  Uaynrs,  bro  to  Lt.  Gov'r  llaynes)  and 
Joseph  Iloulton  :  Joseph,  James,  John,  Eliz- 
alseth  and  Sarah  Houlton. 

3d  generation. 

George,  son  of  George,  md  Nicholson  : — 
Child,  David. 

Samuel,  son  of  George,  md  Elizabeth  Wake- 
field, 1702.    Children  :  Mary  b  Aug.  6.  1704  . 

♦Book  of  Grants.     Yoang  Chron.  of  Mass.,  26. — 
Mr.  Balch  in  Gen.   Reg.    9,    234.     Mass.  Ills.  Coll. 
"Bantoul"  37,  254,  and  Hubbard. 
39 


Samuel  b  Aug.  14,  1706;  Mary  b  Aug.  18, 
1708.  (I  sucpect  this  is  erroneous,  and  that 
it  should  come  one  generation  later  ) 

John,  son  of  George,  b  1645.  d  1715,  md 
Deborah — .  Cliildrtn:  Eiidha,  Nath'l,  John, 
Ephraim,  Del'orah  b  1668,  md  Benj'n  Larra- 
bee  ;  Mary  md  Low  ;  Rachel  md  John  Chap- 
man ;  Abigail  md  Blacey  :  another  dau  name 
unknown  md  Brown,  and  died  before  her  fa- 
ther. 

Joseph,  son  of  George,   married  daughter  of 
Matthew  Coe  of  Portland.     Child  :  Benjamin. 
Mary,  dau  of  George. 
Elizabeth,  dau  of  George. 
John,  son  of  John  and  Judith  Felton,  bapt. 
7th  12th  roth  1644,  married  Mary  Cooms  Mch 
17,  1670.     Children,  Mary  b   10th    7th   mth 
1761,    md   Geo^-ge   Cox  ;    John    bap   Sept.  1, 
1678;  Sarah  and  Elizabeth  bap  Mch  15th.  1702, 
adults  ;  Ruth  b  2d  12th  mth  1673,   md   Zach 
Fowler. 

Samuel,  son  of  John  and  Judith  Felton  died 
about  1695,  b6th  Oct.  1658. md  Sarah  —  b  Dec. 
11th,  1665.  Children.  Sarah  b  Oct.  12,  1687; 
Margaret  b  April  8,  1690  ;  Susannah  b  Dec. 
4,  1692  ;  Samuel  and  Sarah  md  28:h  April, 
1684.  Sarah  was  md  wife  to  Philip  English, 
Susanna  probably  died  young,  as  she  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  acpt  of  guardianship  rendered  by 
her  mother. 

Nathaniel,  son  of  John  and  Judith,  b  2d 
10th  mth.  1647,  married  Mary  Preston.  8th 
8ih  mth  1670.  d  Sept.  28,  1684.  Children  : 
Elizabeth  b  1 1th  12th  mth,  1672  ;  John  b  7th 
8th  mth,  1674  ,  Nathaniel  b     died  1704. 

Ruth,  daughter  of  J  )hn  and  Judith,  b  20th 
4th  mth,  1649,  married  Richard  Ropes  7th  4th 
mth.  1070.     Children  :  Richard  b  April  20th, 

1674  ;  John b  Aug.  16,  1678. 

Richard,  son  of  John  and  Judith,    bapt   Ist 
7th  mth,  1651,  married  Sarahs-,  died  Nov.  27, 
1683. 
Child  :  Richard. 

Sarah,  daughter  of  John  and  Judith,  bapt 
28th  6th  roth,  1655.  roarried  David  Ropes  Ju- 
ly 26tb.  1676.  Children  :  Jonathan  ;  Sarah 
b  Jan.  9th,  X680  ;  William  b  March  5,  1685  ; 


154 


George  b  August  12,  1688  ;    Joseph    b   Jan'j 
11,  1G92  ;  John  b  Jan'y  25,  1694. 

Juseph,  sun  of  John  and  Judith,  bapt  10th 
mth  9th,  16G1,  and  died  the  same  jear. 

Hannah,  daughter  of  John  and  Judith,  bapt 
10th  1st  mth,  1663,  died  the  same  jear. 
4tu  generation. 

Ruth  Ingersoll,  daughter  of  John  and  Mary 
Cooms,  married  Zachariah  Fowler.  Children, 
Mary,  Ruth,  Elivnabeth  and  Zechariah. 

Samuel,  son  of  John  and  Mary  Conms,  mar- 
ried July  29,  1702.  Sarah,  daughter  of  Capt 
Stephen  Haskett,  Children,  Nathaniel,  md 
Bethiah  Gardner,  S<^pt.  1,  1737  ;  John,  md 
Elizabeth  Bray,  May  9,  1741. 

Mary,  daughter  of  John  and  Mary  Cooms  b 
10th  7th  mth,  1671,  married  George  Cox. 

John,  SOD  of  John  and  Mary  Cooms,  died 
young. 

John  3d,  son  of  Nathaniel  and  Mary  Pres- 
ton, b  7th  8th  mth,  1674. 

Children,  Elizabeth,  md  Lawrence  Knight, 
Nov.  2d,  1696.  Issue:  Nathaniel,  b  March 
29th,  1698:  Elizabeth,  b  August  5,  1700; 
John,  b  May  20th,. 1703. 

Riohard,  son  of  Richard  &  Sarah,  and  grand- 
son of  John  and  Judith,  md  Ruth  Dodge  of 
Beverly,  April  28th,  1699. 

5th  oeneratiok. 

John,  son  of  Samuel  and  Sarah  Haskett,  md 
Elizabeth,  dau  of  Capt.  Daniel  Bray,  May 
9th,  1741,  by  Rev.  James  Diman.  Elizabeth 
his  wife  d  aged  56.  Children.  John  and  Samu- 
el. 

Nathaniel,  son  of  Samuel  and  Sarah  Has- 
kett, md  Betliiah  Gardner,  Sept.  1,  1737.— 
Child  :  Nathaniel  died  unmarried. 

David,  Jonathan,  John,  Samuel,  daughter 
Hannah  md  John  Pickering,  son  of  Wm.  and 
Eunice;  one  of  the  name  (Hannah)  was  bap- 
tized at  Episcopal  Church,  June  29th,  1744. 

Jonathan,  son  of  Nathaniel  &  Sarah  Has- 
kett, married  1st,  Mary  Hodges,  sister  of  Jon- 
athan ;  2d,  Polly  Pool,  sister  of  Ward  and 
Fitch  ;  and  3d,  Sarah  Blythe,  widovr  of  Sam- 
uel, whoee  maiden  name  was  Sarah  Purbeck. 


John,  eon  of  Nathaniel  &  Sarah  Ilasketti 
md  Ist,  Hannah  Bowditch,  &  3d,  Elizabeth, 
widow  of  Nicholas  Crosby,  (living  June,  1859) 
over  90  years  of  age. 

Samuel,  son  of  John  &  Elizabeth  Bray, 
married  at  Hampton  to  Susannah  Hathorne, 
Oct.,  1772.  Samuel  d  15th  July,  1804,  aged 
60. 

NEXT     GENERATION. 

Children  of  Jonathan,  all  by  his  first  wife, 
Mary  Hodges — Nathaniel,  George,  Mary,  md 
Dr.  Bowditch. 

Children   of  John    &    Hannah    Bowditch  : 
John,  married  Mary  Hunt,    and  died    without 
issue.     She  afterwards  md  John  Biirley. 
Nath'l  married  Margaret  Foote,  whose  moth- 
er was  a  Crowninshield. 

Children  of  Samuel  Ingersoll  &  Susannah 
Hathorne  :  Ebenpzer  b  1781.  died  July  2d, 
1804,  no  issue;  Susannah  died  13th  July, 
1858,  never  married. 


N0TE3  ON  AMERICAN   CURRENCY.— No.  1. 


BY   M.   A.    STICKNEY. 


The  history  of  the  copper  coins,  which 
found  a  circulation  in  the  Colonies,  f  >r  the 
first  hundred  years  after  their  settlement's,  is 
involved  in  great  obscurity.  I  have  carefully 
searched  the  recordo  ard  histories  of  that  pe- 
riod, with  but  little  success.  Even  tradition 
has  failed  to  hacd  down  to  us  any  correct  ac- 
count of  them. 

The  government  of  Great  Britain,  from 
which  the  Colonies  would  have  probably  re- 
ceived most  of  their  supplies,  appear  to  have 
very  reluctantly  adopted  a  copper  coinage. 

A  very  few  pieces  only  were  struck  during 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth*  and  her  immediate 
successors,  but  no  general  coinage  of  sufficient 

*The  first  copper  coins,  struck  by  Great  Britain, 
were  for  Ireland,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
1601.  She  ordered  "certayne  pieces  of  small  monies 
of  meere  copper,  of  Pence,  Half-pence  and  Farth- 
ings, for  ihe  poorer  sort,  to  be  stamped,  with  her 
highuea  armes  crowned,  and  inscription,  of  her  usual 


155 


amount  to  have  found  tlieir  way  here  in  large 
quantities,  until  the  reign  of  George  the  first 
The  coinage  of  copper  was  viewed  by  the 
people  of  that  period  as  an  experiment,  of 
■which  the  projectors  themselves  were  uncertain 
of  its  uselulness.  The  large  issues  of  small 
silver  coins,  such  as  twopennies,  pennies,  and 
even  farthings,  from  the  British  Mint, 
fumisbfd  a  sufficient  medium  to  transact  all 
the  small  operations  of  trade.  They  however 
did  not  re.ich  this  country  in  sufficient  quanti- 
ties for  business,  and  our  ancestors  were 
obliged  to  use  in  tlieir  stead,  various  substi- 
tutes, such  as  shells.,  bead?,  and  even  bullets, 
as  appears  from  the  Massachusetts  Colony  rec- 
ords of  March  4th,  1635.  It  was  ordered  that 
"muskett  buUetts  of  a  full  boare  shall  passe 
currantly  for  a  farthing  a  peece  provided  that 
noe  man  be  compelled  to  take  above  12d  att  a 
tyme  of  them."  in  1052,  Massachusetts  es- 
tablished a  Mint  to  com  silver  shillings  and 
sixpences.  tSmail  change  being  very  scatce, 
the  General  Court  in  16tj2,   ordered  the  Mint 


stile,  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other,  with  crown- 
ed harp,  being  the  arms  of  this  her  kingdome  of 
Ireland,  with  the  inscription  Posui  Deum  Adjutorem 
Meum.''  Only  the  pennies  are  now  known,  one  of 
which  is  in  my  collection;  it  is  of  the  size  of  a  half 
cent,  and  of  the  greatest  rarity.  James  I,  by  pro- 
clamation, made  current  May  19,  1613,  a  copper 
farthing,  Obv.  Jaco.  D.  G.  Mag.  Brit,  two  sceptres 
crossing  under  a  diadem.  Kev.  Fra  Et.  Hib.  Rex. 
crowned  harp.  1635.  Charles  I  also  issued  copper 
farthings,  like  those  of  his  father,  (only  Caro.  in- 
stead of  Jaco.  and  sometimes  a  rose  instead  of  a 
harp.)  It  is  probable  that  the  last  found  a  currency 
here  to  some  extent,  as  I  have  in  my  collection  a 
copper  farthing  of  Caarles  I,  of  the  size  of  a  three 
cent  piece,  found  by  Hardy  Phippen,  Esq.,  on  his 
lot  on  the  extreme  eastern  end  of  Hardy  Street,  on 
the  harbour,  where  he  also  found  four  or  five  pieces 
of  the  N.  E.  Pine  Tree  pieces,  numerous  Indian 
arrow-heads,  a  pipe,  and  also  what  appeared  to  be 
the  ruins  of  a  house,  though  no  one  can  remember 
of  having  heard  of  any  house  ever  being  erected 
there.  This  coin  was  presented  to  me  by  George  D . 
Phippen,  Esq.,  in  1849.  During  the  period  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Oliver  Cromwell  and  Richard,  on- 
ly pattern  pieces  of  copper  money  were  issued. 


master  to  coin  twopenny  pieces,  and  according 
to  Ruding,  pennies,  none  of  which  are  now 
known. 

About  this  time  (1662,)  Lord  Baltimore, 
proprietor  of  Maryland,  coined  silver  and  also 
copper  for  the  use  of  that  colony.  Only  one 
of  the  copper  coins  is  now  known  to  be  in  ex- 
istence, the  last  possessor  of  it  was  Dimsdale, 
the  banker,  at  whose  sale  it  realized  nine  guin- 
eas. It  is  now  in  the  British  Museum.  It  had 
on  its  obverse,  Caecilius  Dux  Terrae  Mariae,  &c. 
Bust  of  Lord  Baltimore  to  the  right,  as  on  bia 
silver  coin,  mint  mark  on  both  sides  a  cross 
patee.  Eeverse,  Denarium  Terrae  Mariae,  two 
flags  issuing  out  of  a  ducal  coronet,  the  crest 
of  Lord  Baltimore. 

There  is  in  the  British  Museum  a  half  pen- 
ny, Obv  an  elephant.  Rev.  God  preserve  Caro- 
lina and  the  Lords  Proprietors,  1694.  This 
is  commonly  called  the  Carolina  halfpenny,  but 
the  intention  of  it  is  not  known.  There  is  a- 
nother,  Obv  like  the  above.  Rev.  God  preserve 
New  England,  1694. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  1700,  the  Board  of 
Trade  took  into  consideration  the  state  of  the 
coins  in  the  plantation.  Mr.  John  Fysacfc 
lead  a  memorial  proposing  the  erection  of  a 
Mint,  on  the  Continent,  as  a  meann  to  remedy 
many  inconveniences  in  the  trade  of  the  past. 
After  full  consideration  of  the  matter,  their 
lordships  did  not  think  fit  that  any  Mint  xhould 
be  erected  there.  Such  was  the  scarcity  of 
change  in  Massachusettf>,  that  many  individu- 
als stamped  pieces  of  brass  and  tin  and  passed 
them  for  a  penny  each.  March  3d,  1701,  a 
Committee  of  General  Court  report  in  favor 
of  having  Province  pence  made  of  copper.  It 
was  negatived  by  the  Council. 

March  26th,  1703,  a  proposition  is  laid 
before  the  General  Court,  that  William  Chalk- 
hill,  who  had  been  an  officer  in  her  Majesty's 
Mint,  but  then  a  resident  of  Boston,  be  con- 
tracted with  to  import  from  England  £5000 
worth  of  copper  pence.  This  project  must 
have  also  failed,  as  no  pence  were  coined  by 
the  British  Government  till  1722,  and  then 
only  for  America. 


156 


Februrtiv  5th,  1716,  a  plan  was  started  for 
the  coinage  of  basfi  money  here,  one  third  cop- 
per, and  the  rest  silver,  to  pass  in  New  Eng- 
land; but  the  Ministry  in  England  would  allow 
no  such  thing  to  be  done. 

1722,  defeated  in  all  their  attempts  to  pro- 
cure a  currency  in  copper,  small  coins  being 
exceedinuly  scarce.  General  Court  ordered  an 
emission  of  £500  worth  of  penny,  twopenny 
and  threepenny  bills.  The  form  of  the  first 
of  these  hills  was  round,  of  the  second  square, 
and  of  the  third,  angular.  They  were  printed 
on  parchment,  in  the  old  English  letter.  1  have 
the  one  penny,  it  is  of  the  size  of  a  dollar,  its 
edge  is  ornamented  with  flowers,  the  printing 
is  enclosed  in  a  ring,  making  the  place  of  the 
printing  the  size  of  a  half  dollar,  thus  : — 


The  square  bill  of  twopenny,  is  in  the  col- 
lection of  W".  VV,  Greenough,  Esq.,  of  Bos- 
ton. Tl)e  threepenny  bill  1  have  never  seen 
they  are  iill  extremely  rare.  These  bills  are 
noticed  in  the  Rev.  Joseph  B.  Felt's  very  valu- 
able work  upon  the  Massachusetts  Currency. 


THE  ENDICOTT  HOUSE,  IN  SALEM. 


Mess7s  'Editors: — Francis  Higginson  landed  at  Sa- 
lem on  the  30th  of  June,  1629.  In  a  letter  to  friends 
in  England,  the  July  following,  be  says, — "When  we 
oaine  first  to  Naimkecke,  (now  called  Salein),  we 
found  about  half  a  score  bouses  built,  and  a  fayre 
house  newly  built  for  the  governor."  Mr.  Felt,  in 
his  "Annals  of  Salem,"  p.  122,  informs  us  that 
"according  to  the  deposition  of  Richard  Brackenbury, 
the  mansion  here  spoken  of  was  made  from  materials 
of  anotner,  first  erected  at  Cape  Ann,  under  the  Dor 
Chester  Associates,  which  probably  served  for  the  res. 
idence  of  Roger  Conant,  while  Governor  of  that 
plantation."  "Part  of  its  timber,"  he  adds,  "is  said 
to  be  contained  in  the  dwelling,  formerly  a  tavern. 


on  the  corner  of  Court  (now  Washington)  and  Church 
streets." 

Having  recently  had  occasion  to  make  a  copy  of 
the  deposition  above  named  from  the  record  in  the 
E><sex  Registry  of  Dee  1«,  I  senil  it  to  yrm  for  inser- 
tion in  your  columns,  b«lieving  that  its  perusal  will 
be  ag  interesting  to  some  of  your  readers  ai"  it  has 
been  to  myself,  and  feeling  quite  certain  that  all  of 
them  will  agree  with  me  in  the  opinion  tliat  there  is 
little  in  the  pre.«ent  appearance  of  this  ancient  man- 
sion to  indicate  that  it  wa.s  once  "a  ta^tetul  edifice 
of  two  stories  high,  of  the  order  of  architecture  call- 
ed the  Eliziibethan,  which  was  but  a  slight  remove 
from  the  Gothic." 

Richard  Brackenbury  of  Beuerly  in  the  County  of 
Esisex,  in  New  England  aged  eij^hty  yenrs,  TesJtifieth, 
that  he  the  said  Richard  came  to  New  Englaiifi,  with 
John  Eiidtcott  E.-^qr  ,  late  Gouenor  in  New  England, 
deceased  and  that  wee  came  arihore  at  the  place  now 
caled  Salem  the  6th  of  September  in  the  yeare  of  our 
Lord,    1628:filty    two   years   agoe:    at   Salem   wee 
found  liueing,  old  Goodman    Norman,    &    his   sonn: 
A\illiam  Allen  and    Walter  Knfght,   &    others,  those 
owned  that  they  came  ouer  upon    the  acot  of  a   com- 
pany in  Kngland,  caled  by  us   by  the    name    of  Dor- 
chester Company  or   Dorchester  .Vlarchants,  tliey  bad 
."undry  houses  built  at   Salem,  as    alsoe  John    Wood- 
berye,    Mr    Conant,    Peeier    I'alfery,    John  Balch  & 
others,  &  they  declared  that  they  had  an  house  built 
at  Cape  Ann  for  the  dorchester  C<>mpany  :  at  d  I  haue- 
ing  waited  upon  Mr    Eiidecoit,  when  ho    atended  the 
cumpany  of  the  Massachusetts  Pattentees,  when  they 
kept  theire  com  t  in  Cornwell  streete  in  London  I  un- 
derstood that  this  company  of  London  hauein::  bought 
out  the    rif^ht  of  the  of  the  Dorcf.e<ter  niarchants    in 
New  England,  that  Mr  Eodeodtt  had   power    to   take 
poss'-ssion  ol  theire  right  in  New  England,  which  Mr 
Kndecolt  did,  &  in  pticulir  of  an  house  built  at  Cape 
Ann,  which  Walter  Knight   and    the    rest    said   they 
built  for  Dorchester  men :   <fe  soe  I  was  sent  with  them 
to  Cape   antj,  to  pull  downe  the    said    house    lor    Mr. 
Endecott's  use,    the  which  wee    did,    and    the    same 
yeare  wee  came  ouer  according    to    my    best    remem- 
brance, it  was  that  wee  tooke  a  lurther  po.-<session,  on 
the  north  side  of  .Salem  terrye,  comonly    caled    Cape 
an     sKie,    by    cutting    Ihach    for  our  houses,  &  soone 
after  laid  rut  lotte  lor  tillage  land  on  the    said    Cape 
an  side,  &  quickly  after  sundrye   h(  uses  were    built, 
on  the  saiJ    Cape  an    side  &     I  myselfe    haue     liued 
there,  now  for  about  40yeares,  &  I  with  sundry  others 
haue  beene  subduing  the    wildernes  <fc   improuing  the 
fields  and  comons  thei  e,  a.«  a  part  of  Salt  ui,  while  wee 
.belonged  to  it  &  since  as  inhabitants    of  Beuerly  for 
the.--e  fifty  yeares  ,fe  never  yt    I    heard    of  disturbed 
in  our  possession,  eitner    by    the    Indians    or    others 
saue   in  our  late    unhappy  warr,    with    the    heathen, 
neether  haue  1  Leard  by  mygelfe  or  any  other  inhab- 
itants,   nither  for  the  space  ot  these  filty  yearts,  that 
Mr  Mason  or  any  by  from  or  under  him  did  take  any 
possession  or  lay  any  claime  to   any  lands  heare  saue 
now  in  his  last  claime  within  this  yeare  or  two: 

Richard  Brackenbury  made   oath    to 

the  truth  ot  the  at»<ve  written    this 

20th  daye  of  January  1680-1  before 

me  Bartholomew  Gedney    assistant 

in  the  CoUuuy  of  Massachusetts, 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 


OF       THE 


ESSEX    INSTITUTE. 


Vol.   I. 


ISToveraber,     1859. 


No.    5. 


A  SKETCH  OF  PHILIP  ENGLISH  —  A  MER- 
CHANT  IN  SALEM  FROM.  ABOUT  1670  TO 
ABOUT  1733-4. 


BY   GEORGE  F.    CHEVEB. 

(Continued   from   Page    143.) 

The  history  of  a  man  who  for  fifty  years  or 
more  occupied  a  somewhat  prominent  position 
among  the  ancient  *Alerchants  of  Salem,  may 
not,  in  this  connection,  be  uninteresting  or  un- 
profitable. At  this  distance  of  time,  the  mate- 
rials for  it  are  not  as  ample  aa  could  I'C  desir- 
ed ;  yet,  by  combining  the  scattered  fragments 
which  are  found  in  Felt's  Annals,  Public  Rec- 
ords of  Salem,  Bentley's  History,  Upham's 
Witchcraft.  Massachusetts  Historical  Collec- 
tions, Histories  of  Massachusetts,  and  ancient 
family  papers  and  traditions,  something  like  a 

*  Among  the  Salem  Merchants,  who  appear  to 
bare  been  promineqt  when  Philip  English  flourished, 
judging  by  papers  in  the  English  Family,  were  Col. 
Turner,  Benj.  Marston,  James  Lindall,  Timothy  Lin- 
dall,  Thomas  Plaisted,  John  Higginson,  Stephen  Se- 
wall,  Benj.  and  Wm.  Pickman,  Thos.  Ellis,  John 
Pickman,  Wm.  Bowditch,  Wm.  Pickering,  Benja- 
min, William,  John,  and  Samuel  Browne.  There 
also  appear  a  few  papers  bearing  the  name  of  Rich- 
ard Derby,  most  probably  the  grandson  of  the  mer- 
chant Roger  Derby  of  1671. 

Among  the  Salem  Merchants  from  aboat  1640  to 
16t8,  certainly,  Capt.  Geo.  Corwin  (Curwin)  stands 
prominent,  and  one  of  his  Account  Books,  kept  with 
great  neatness,  is  otill  extant,  and  in  the  possession 
of  a  descendant. 

40 


rounded  sketch  can  be  made.  As  a  small  con- 
tribution to  the  Commercial  Hiptory  of  Salem 
—a  work  which  needs  to  be  written — it  may 
prove  not  unserviceable. 

Philip  English  wat.  a  native  of  the  Isle  of 
Jersey-^the  descendant  of  French  Huguenots, 
who  sought  a  refuge  in  that  island.  Such  at 
least  is  the  tradition  in  his  family.  Uis  true 
name  was  not  Philip  English,  but  Philippe 
L^Anglois,  which,  however,  suffering  ''a  sea 
change''  by  transportation  to  New  England, 
became  Piiilip  English,  by  which  name  he  i> 
known,  and  which  he  himself  finally  adopted. 
His  baptismal  certificate,  which  has  been  pre- 
served, reads  thus  : — 

^•"Extrait    du     Livre    des     Baptessme    de 


[translation  ] 

t''Extract  from  the  Baptismal  Register  of  the 
Church  of  Trinity  Parish,  in  the  Isle  of  Jersey." 

"Phillipe  Son  of  Jean  L'Anglois,  was  baptized  tho 
30th  day  of  June,  in  the  Year  One  Thou.<:and  Six 
Hundred  and  Fifty  One — presented  for  Holy  Bap- 
ti.«m  by  Sir  Phillipe  De  Carteret,  Chevalier,  Lord  of 
St.  Ouan  [Ovan]  and  Madame  bis  wife — given  by 
copy  [or  duplicate]  by  me. 

J.  DOREY,  Scc'y." 

This  Sir  Philip  Carteret  sprang  from  tde  Carterets 
of  the  Seignory  of  Carteret  in  Normandy,  who  for- 
feited their  estates  there  in  Henry  2d'8  reign,  by 
adherence  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  were  there- 
fore gr.inted  lands  and  offices  in  the  Island  of  Jer- 
sey, and  were  distinguished  for  their  services  by 
land  and  sea  to  the  Crown  and  Country.  The  Sir 
Phillipe  De  Carteret,  mentioned  above,  was  grand- 


1^8 


L'Efflisse  de  la   Paroisse  De  La    Trinite  En 
L^isle  de  Jersey, 

*^PhiHipe  ills  de  Jean  UAnglois,  fut  Baptize 
Le  30e  Jour  de  Juin  En  L^an  Mille  six  Cents 
Cinquante  un — presente  au  Se  Baptessme  par 
Messire  Phillipe  de  Carteret,  Cheua/ier,  Seiffne- 
ur  de  St  Ouan  df  Madame  Sa  Femme — donne 
par  Copie  par  moy. 

J.  DOREY,  SeCTR." 

There  ia  a  tradition  in  one  branch  of  the 
family,  that  he  was  the  only  son  of  a  Hugue- 
not Chevalier — that  he  came  to   New  England 

father  to  the  Sir  Phillipe  De  C,  who  in  1651,  was 
Gov.  of  Mt.  Orgueil  Castle  in  the  Isle  of  Jersey,  and 
then  defended  it  against  the  Parliamentary  forces. 
His  father,  Sir  George  Carteret,  who  married  a 
daughter  of  the  Sir  Philip  in  the  certificate,  is 
often  mentioned  by  Pepys  in  his  Diary,  as  being  a 
high  officer  in  the  Navy  Department  of  England. 
His  son  Sir  Philip,  named  above,  married  the 
daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  Vice  Admiral  of 
England,  and  both  the  EaiJ  and  his  son-in-law 
were  blown  up  in  the  Royal  James  in  the  great 
naval  engagement  off  Solebay,  May  28,  1672.  Some 
of  the  Carteret  family  came  to  N.  England  temporari 
ly,  after  1700,  as  would  appear  by  certain  letters  di- 
rected by  them  to  the  English  and  Touzel  families, 
and  found  among  their  papers. 

The  Isle  of  Jersey  (anciently  called  Cesserea)  is 
one  of  the  Channel  Islands,  belonging  to  G.  Britain, 
lying  thirteen  miles  ofif  the  French  Coa?t,  being  only 
12  miles  in  length  and  3  in  width.  It  is  very  fertile, 
and  trades  freely  with  the  Spanish,  and  French 
Coasts,  and  Holland.  It  is  a  peculiar  Isle— still  re- 
taining some  of  its  ancient  Feudal  Customs — and 
though  so  near  the  French  Coast,  has  always  repelled 
the  French  when  coming  as  invaders. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  state  that  not  a  few 
of  our  early  Salem  families  (the  men  at  least)  most 
probably  came  from  the  Isle  of  Jersey.  The  Valpys, 
Lefavois,  Beadles,  Cabots,  among  others,  seem  to 
have  come  from  this  beautiful  and  valiant  little 
Norman  isle;  and  a  correspondence  was  long  kept 
op  (in  the  English  and  Touzel  and  most  probably 
other  families)  with  their  Jersey  relatives.  Numbers 
of  old  family  letters  in  French  arc  yet  extant  to 
prove  this,  and  also  letters  in  English,  the  latter 
gradually  supplanting  the  French  language  in  that 
island. 


[ran  awayj  to  seek  his  fortune,  and  was  disin- 
herited for  marrying  thi'  lady  of  his  love,  the 
only  surviving  daughter  of  Will-am  HoUing- 
worth,  a  merchant  of  Sulera.  This  rumor  may 
have  arisen  from  the  fact,  that  the  Chevalier 
De  Carteret  presented  him  for  baptism.  There 
are  no  family  papers  that  throw  any  light  up- 
on this  rumor,  which  is  perhaps  only  a  rumor, 
and  therefore  unreliable, 

Philip  English  came  to  Salem  before  1670 
in  all  probability,  since  he  resided  in  the  lami- 
ly  of  William  IloUingworth  before  marriage, 
and  in  1675  married  his  daughter.  There  is  a 
tradition  that  he  landed  in  Salem,  a  mere  boy, 
twelve  years  of  age,  having  run  away  from 
Jersey  to  follow  the  sea,  (his  parents  being 
unwilling  to  permit  him  to  go)  without  a  cent 
in  his  pockets,  and  going  by  Mistress  Holling- 
worth's  house,  was  welcomed  in  by  that  lady, 
who  took  compassion  on  hisfri^ndlessness,  and 
gave  him  a  drink  of  beer  in  a  silver  mug.  He 
made  Wm.  Hullingworth'a  house  his  home 
while  in  Salem,  and  in  1675  married  his  daugh- 
ter Mary. 

The  tradition  runs,  that  Wm.  Hollingwortb, 
who  in  1675  was  in  Virginia,  trading,  wrote 
home  to  his  wife  that  be  had  secured  a  very 
good  husband  for  his  daugliter  Mary,  viz.  one 
of  his  Virginia  friends.  To  which  Mrs.  Hol- 
lingwortb promptly  replied,  that  ho  need  give 
himself  no  trouble  on  that  score,  since  she  had 
already  given  her  daughter  to  Philip  English  ! 
Shortly  afterwards  Wm.  HoUingworth  was 
killed  by  the  Indians  there. 

Susanna  (should  be  Mary)  HoUingworth 
(according  to  Dr.  Bentley  of  Salem,  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  to  Timothy  Alden  Jr.  who 
was  preparing  a  sketch  of  Kev.  Joshua  Moo- 
dey,  one  of  the  Portsmouth  ministers,  and 
which  is  found  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  of  1809, 
vol.  10  pages  64-5-6  First  series,)  was  the  "only 
♦daughter"   "of  Mr.  HoUingworth,  a  rich  in- 


*Mary  HoUingworth  was  the  daughter  of  Wm.  and 
Elinor  HoUingworth.  Ho  was  a  merchant  in  Salem, 
trading  with  Virginia,  where  a  branch  of  the  Hol- 
lingworth  family,  wo  are  told,  ia   still  to  be  founds 


15d 


habitant  of  yalem,"  and '-had  received  a  better 
education  than  is  common  even  at  this  day 
(1809.)  as  proofs. I  hold,  8ufi5ciently  discover.". 
The  tradition  in  the  fainil;  is.  that  she  had 
been  the  pupil  of  a  Madame  Piedmonte,  who 
vras  a  celebrated  instruetre&s  of  that   day    in 

William,  himself,  was  the  aon  of  Richard,  who  oame 
to  Salem  from  Eagland  in  1635,  with  bis  family,  and 
who  was  a  gbipbuilder.  He  was  a  man  uf  means, 
and  built  in  IGIO,  on  the  Neck,  a  ship  uf  300  tons 
He  leit  two  sons, — William,  who  married  Elinor  Sto- 
rey, about  1653,  and  Richard,  who  was  married  to 
Elizabeth  Powell  by  Gov.  Endecoti,  in  1659.  The 
fcrmer  was  the  merchant.  The  latter  obtained  a 
grant  from  Gen'l  Court  in  1673-4,  of  500  acres  of 
land,  but  he  and  a  part  of  his  family  soon  emigrated 
to  Virginia.  The  name  soon  afterwards  disiippears 
from  this  St^te,  so  far  as  we  can  find.  Dr.  Bentley 
says  that  the  family  was  a  wealthy  one.  Some  few 
of  their  papers  yet  remain  in  the  English  family. 
Philip  English  married  this  Mary,  the  only  daugh 
ter,  surviving,  of  the  above-named  William  and 
Elinor  llollingworth,  and  the  name  on  that  side  be- 
came extinct  with  William,  (son  of  William  the 
merchant,)  who  died  unmarried,  in  1683.  Richard's 
family  migrated,  as  has  been  said,  to  Virginia.  The 
name  became  extinct  in  Salem  about  1690. 

The  Hollingworths  were  from  England,  and  very 
likely  of  HotUngworth,  in  the  county  of  Chester,  since 
Burke,  in  his  General  Armory,  has  the  following: 

"HoUingworth,  Hollinswortb,  or  DoUingsworth, 
(Hollingworth,  Co.  Cuester;  traceable  to  the  year 
1022  From  this  ancient  bouse  descends  the  pre^ieut 
Robert  Hollingworth,  of  Hollingworth  Hall,  Esq., 
Idagistraie  for  the  Counties  of  Chester  and  Lancas- 
ter.) Az..0D  a  bend,  ar.  three  holly  leaves  vert. 
The  family  name  was  formerly  spelt  Hollynworthe, 
and  is  evidently  derived  from  the  Holly  Tree,  called 
in  Cheshire,  "Hollyn  Tree,''  with  which  the  estate 
abounded.  Crest.  A  stag  ppr.  Motto — Dusce  Fe- 
re7ida  Fati." 

It  is  almost  a  trite  assertion  now,  but  may  bear 
repeating,  that  the  early  settlers  of  New  England 
-were  oftentimes  the  representatives  of  that  liberty- 
loving,  staunch,  and  substantial  commonalty  of  old 
England,  which,  howevar  loyal  it  might  be,  could 
not  stoop  to  tyranny  or  flattery i  but  with  a  self  re- 
spect based  upon  its  own  merits,  avoided  its  na- 
tive land,  and  sadly,  rather  than  seek  to  overthrow 
the  monarchy  by  violence.  Many  of  this  stamp 
came  to  Salem,  which  was  indeed  considered,  and 
for  a  while,  as  the  refuge  lor  such. 


Boston.  Dr  B.  further  states,  and  also  on  the 
authority  of  Madam  Susanna  Harthorne,  a 
great  granddaughter  (should  be  granddaugh- 
ter) of  Philip  English,  that  Philip  E.  "came 
young  to  America  from  the  Isle  of  Jersey,  lived 
in  the  family  of  Mr.  llollingworth,"  and  mar- 
ried bis  d.iughtor  as  before  stated.  In  the 
marriage  record  he  (P.  E  )  is  styled  merchant. 
This  is  in  1675 — when  he  could  not  have  been 
more  than  24  or  25  years  of  age,  and  therefore 
his  business  life  probably  commenced  a  few 
years  before — say  about  1670,  or  perhaps  a 
year  or   two  later. 

Sliortly  after  his  marriage  he  is  at  the  Isle 
of  Jersey  (1676)  commanding  the  ketch  Speed- 
well, from  Maryland,  and  agrees  to  go  to  the 
Isle  of  May  to  load  with  salt  for  New  Kngland, 
and  return  next  year  to  some  port  in  Biscaye, 
or  Bordeaux,  Rochelle  or  Natttz.  The  old  pa- 
pers concerning  this  agreement,  being  in  an- 
cient French  chirography,  are  very  hard  to  de- 
cioher.  It  is  very  probable  that  he  loaded  fi- 
nally with  French  merchandize  for  New  Eng- 
land ;  there  being  then  a  comparatively  free 
trade  in  our  Massachusetts  colony  with  all  na- 
tions. .  In  looking  over  his  old  papers,  there 
appear  sundry  agreements  relating  to  bound 
servants,  which  may  not  be  uninteresting.  He 
appears  to  have  taken  quite  a  number  of  girls 
from  the  Isle  of  Jersey  as  apprentices  in  bis 
family,  and  quite  a  number  of  men  from  the 
same  Issland  to  serve  "iy  sea  employ.''^  The 
giria  serve  as  apprentices  for  seven  years,  but 
the  men  (probably  young  men)  serve  only  four 
years.  Judging  by  the  old  papers,  these  men 
were  let  out  at  sea  service,  and  their  wages  ta- 
ken by  their  oiistdr.  We  have  before  us 
the  testimony  of  one  Nicholas  Chevallier,  who 
in  1682-3  was  bound  to  Philip  English  "/or  ye 
termeoffoureyears,^'sind'^to  Sea  Employ,^' 
When  be  arrived  in  New  England,  he  liked 
land  service  better,  and  by  the  consent  of 
his  master,  was  bound  to  Mr.  Joseph  Lee  of 
.Manchester.  lie  testifies  that  Mr.  Philip  En- 
glish has  treated  him  well,  and  be  acquits  bim 
of  the  origina4  indenture,  &o.  Now  such  ser- 
I  yants as  these,  when   in  *'Sea  Employ^'  were 


160 


hired  out  or  let  out  as  Bailors  !  We  have  the 
♦order  of  Thomas  Elhs.  an  old  Salem  mer- 
chant, on  Col.  Samuell  Browne  anuther  old 
Salem  merchant,  requestin<;  him  to  pay  Philip 
JBnglish  the  wagf^s  ('^sarvice''')  of  one  Wm. 
MackelroVi  "Aj«  man"'  on  "a  voige'"  in  1716-17 
to  Barhadoed  and  Saltitudos  in  -'■the  ship  Hope- 
well "  This  hiring  out  "/o  sarvice"'  was  not 
much  better  than  the  slavery  apprentice  sys- 
tem. It  was  the  way  probably  in  which  these 
bounden  servants  by  "iea  em;)/oy"  paid  their 
masters  tor  their  transportation  to  this  coun 
try  from  Jersey,  France  or  England — a  system 
long  since  exploded.  It  is  a  tra(iition  in  the 
family  that  Philip  E.  had  no  less  than  fifteen 
bounden  servants  (male  and  female)  in  his  own 
family:  and  considering  the  extent  of  his  bus- 
iness, and  the.  profit  of  such  service,  it  is  by  no 
means  unlikely.  There  are  quite  a  number  of 
Buch  indentures  still  to  be  found  among  bis  pa- 
pers. 

In  1G83  Philip  E.  had  so  flourished  in  busi- 
ness,  that  he  put  up  a  stylish  mansion  in  Sa- 
lem— the  frame  of  which  is  reported  to  have 
been  brought  from  England.  It  was  one  of  those 
ancient  Mansion  Houses  for  which  Salem  was 
once  noted — a  venerable,  many  gabled,  solid 
structure,  with  projecting  stories  and  porches, 
if  WB  remember  aright.  Down  to  1753  it  was 
known  as  '-English's  great  house.'''  It  stood 
until  18ii3,  when,  long  since  tenantless  and  de- 
serted, it  had  become  dangerous  to  the  very 
tread  of  man  or  boy,  who  had  the  curiosity  to 
explore  it.  It  bad  been  built  on  theloi  which 
bilonged  to  a  Captain  Robert  Starr,  (who  mar- 


*The  following  copy  of  a  similar   "order"  may  not 
be  out  of  place  here: 
"Gapt.  Jno.  Browne. 

Sr. — Pleas  to  pay  Mr.  Philip  English  the  Sum  of 
thirty  three  pounds  Eiijhteen  shillings,  Being  Due 
to  him  for  his  seru'ts  [servants]  wages  in  ye  Ship 
frinilship.  [Friundship]  und'r  [under]  ye  Comand 
ot  Ciipt.  EleazV  Lvndsey  &  Sam'l  Crow,  in  her  Last 
voyage  ffor  [tor]  Bilboa,  ye  Isle  of  May,  Barbados, 
<t  home,  A  charge  ye  same  to  sd  [said]  ship's  ac- 
co"tt.  Yr  Humble  Seru'nt, 

£33  189  WM.  BOWDITCH." 

Balem,  Jan'y  1,  1717-8. 


ried  one  of  old  Richard  llollingworth's  daugh- 
ters) and  on  the  eastern  corner  of  Essex  street 
and  English  Lane,  now  English  street.  When 
torn  down,  there  was  found  a  secret  room  in 
the  garret,  supposed  to  have  been  built  after  the 
Witchcraft  furor,  as  a  place  of  temporary  con- 
cealment in  case  of  a  second  -^outcry.''  In 
1692  this  house,  as  well  as  his  store  house, 
was  thoroughly  *«acked  by  the  mob,  when  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  English  were  arrested  for  witch- 
craft, and  various  old  family  portraits,  as  well 
as  the  furniture,  destroyed  or  carried  away^^ 
When  Mrs.  English  returned  from  New  York, 


♦According  to  the  petition  of  Philip  English  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Gen'l  Court,  (Hist.  Cdll.  Essex 
Institute,  No.  2,  page  57,)  he  lost,  "a.  considerable 
quantity  of  household  goods  and  other  things."  while 
flyma;  from  persecution.  Tuis  corroborates  the  tra- 
dition in  the  family.  Dr.  Bentley  (Hi.-t.  of  Salem) 
says, — "As  soon  as  Mr.  English  was  apprehended, 
his  house  was  opened,  and  everything  move^ible  be- 
came free  plunder  to  the  multitude."  The  Family 
Tradition  says  that  his  store  houses  were  robbed  to 
the  amount  of  £1500.  Philip  English  puts  the  loss 
by  seizure  at  his  Wharf  House,  at  Point  of  Rocks, 
£1183-2s.  For  the  loss  of  his  estate,  the  only  satis- 
faction he  ever  got,  was  from  the  Administrator  of 
George  Curwin,  Sheriff,  to  the  amount  ot  £60.  In 
his  petition,  Philip  English  charges  that  the  Sheriff 
and  his  under  officers  took  away  the  chief  of  this  a- 
mount  £1183-2s  though  he  (P.  E.)  had  given  a 
£4000   bond  with  sarety  at  Boston. 

Philip  English  wag  bitterly  incensed  a>rainst  Cur- 
win, who  however  was  only  an  instrument  ir.  this  af- 
fair, but  obtained  no  adequate  compensation  for  his 
losses.  "The  [General]  Cuurt  (says  Dr.  Bentley,) 
made  some  allowance  to  Mr.  English,  but  he  refused 
It,  as  not  being  in  a  just  degree  adequate  to  his  loss- 
es from  his  houses,  stores,  and  other  buildings.  Af- 
ter his  death,  his  heirs  accepted  £200,  which  they 
obtained  through  the  family  of  Sewall."  The  Bew- 
ails had  been  intimately  connected  with  the  English 
family  in  commercial  matters,  and  a  lew  papers  yet 
remain  to  attes*.  it. 

Philip  English  appears  to  have  owned  a  wharf  and 
ware  house  at  the  Point  of  Rocks,  and  his  wife 
owned  in  her  own  right  a  wharf  and  ware-house  just 
to  the  eastward  of  the  bottom  of  English  Lane  (now 
street,)  an  inheritance  from  her  mother,  Elinor  Hol- 
lingsworth. 


161 


whither  she  had  fled  to  pave  her  life,  she  found 
only  a  servant's  bed  in  her  houssj  out  of  all 
the  furniture  v-hich  it  once  contained. 

From  theyea-B  1676  to  1602  Philip  English 
uppeara  to  have  traded  to  Blihoa,  Barbadoes.  St. 
Cliristoplier's,  Jersey,  If^l^  of  May,  as  well  as 
peveral  French  ports.  That  trade  was  very 
prohably  hased  on  catching  fisth  on  the  hanks 
— the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia — in  the  bays  of 
Newfoundhind,  and  very  likely  in  our  own 
immediate  *bay8  alno.  and  sendiug  them  to 
Spain,  Europe  and  Barhadoes,  and  thenc«  tak- 
ing Bait,  dry  goods,  or  West  India  produce 
back  to  New  England  There  appear  to  liave 
been  two  classes  of  vessels  then  employed  in 
our  commerce  — the  regular  fishing  craft — and 
the  foreign  traders — both  being  af>out  the  same 
■ize.  Though  the  foreign  traders  seem  some- 
times to  have  gone  up  to  fNewfoundland  after 
their  fish  cargo — there  being  probably  depots 
there  of  prepared  fish,  yet  Winter  Island, 
(Salem)  was  a  large  depot  for  cured  fish,  and 
almost,  if  not  quite,  monopolized  that  business 

*  Fish  were  very  pleDtiful  on  our  own  coasts  and 
in  our  owd  bays  in  th<3  early  days  of  Massachusetts 
— and  the  early  fishermen  availed  themselves  of  the 
fact.  Among  other  fish,  cod  and  mackerel  eeem  to 
have  been  very  plentiful  near  home.  Both  these 
fish  were  largely  exported.  It  is  most  probable  that 
our  Salem  fishermen  made  good  aro  of  the  "design' 
of  catching  mackerel  by  nets — which  was  fir^t  di3> 
covered  by  some  tew  fishermen  of  Bull, — (aad  as  be- 
ing successful  on  light  as  well  as  dark  nights) — a 
few  years  before  1671,  and  which  being  freely  com- 
municated to  the  Plymouth  colonist<)  became  very 
profitable  to  that  colony.  Our  own  people  were  not 
likely  to  be  far  behind  their  neighbors  in  availing 
themselves  of  the  -'deaiga,"  and  sharing  the  profits 
—See  Mass,  Hist.  Coll.  Vol  6— 1st  beriei— pp  127  - 
8 — Prince  and  Bos  worth's  Petition. 

fit  is  most  probable  that  there  were  large  Depos- 
lit  of  Fish  at  the  English  Settlement  or  Settlements 
la  Nnwfoandland  at  that  time.  The  Englibh  fish- 
ing fleet  at  N.  F.  was  a  large  one,  and  their  fish 
were  probably  cured  on  the  coasts.  That  was  the 
tarty  fashion  at  least  At  early  as  1615  the  Eoglish 
Iisd  175  vessels  fishing  at  New  Foandland,  and  the 
French ,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  had  altogether  300 
nor*. 

41 


in  Salem      Vessels  appeared   to   g^t  their  car- 
goes  of  fish  mainly  from  there. 

We  find  quite  a  number  of  old  commercial 
papers  referring  to  Mr.  English's  business  from 
1676  to  about  1G82  say,  but  only  one  or  two 
from  that  date  to  1692.  The  former  are  most, 
ly  in  the  French  language -very  difficult  to 
decipher — as  being  in  the  ancient  French  wri- 
ting—but proving  that  his.  earliest  coiumerc* 
was  largely  to  France.  Spain  and  adjacent 
countries.  It  ia  very  likely  that  when  bis 
house  and  store  were  sacked  in  1692,  many  pa- 
pers at  and  just  prior  to  1692  were  scattered 
or  destroyed.  Two  papers  remain  of  the  dat« 
of  1687  and  8,  which  show  him  to  have  been 
trading  to  St,  Chriatopher's  (W.l.)in  con- 
nection with  Daniol  King  and  Billiard  Wil- 
liaros,  sending  thither  the  ketch  Repair.— King 
being  then  a  resident  merchant  at  St.  C,  and 
signing  the  accounts.  Sugar,  rum  and  molas- 
ses constitute  the  return  cargo.  No  paper« 
referring  to  the  outward  cargo  rem  lin.  It  is 
certain  that  his  voyages  from  1675-6  to  1692 
were  in  the  main  profitaVde,  since  at  the  latter 
period,  he  was  wealthy,  and  had  probably  quit 
going  to  sea  himself  some  few  years  belord 
1692. 

In  1692,  Philip  English  was  at  the  height 
of  his  prosperity,  lie  owned  fourteen  build- 
ings in  town — twenty-one  sail  of  vessels,  be- 
sides a  wharf  and  ware  house  on  tbo  Point  of 
Rocks  (Neck).  His  wife,  before  the  witch- 
craft ^^outcry.^'  had  been  considered  arislocrat- 
ic,  so  says  Dr.  Bentley  ;  and  Philip  English 
himself,  though  wealthy,  had  held  no  office  in 
town,  and  had  besides  been  engaged  in  soma 
unsuccessful  suits  with  the  *^own  in  legard  to 
lands  which  he  claimed  of  it.  These  things 
may  have  contributed  to  render  Aim  unpopular 
also.  At  all  events  both  he  and  his  wife  wer8 
"cried  out''  against  for  witchcraft,  and  ao- 
cording  to  Dr.  Bentley  (Mase.  Hist.  Coll.  vol. 
10  first  series  pp  6:1-5)  he  was  the  only  par- 
son in  Salem  Village  "distinguished  for  prop- 
erty and  known  in  the  commercial  world''  who 
was  'bo  accused.  Whether  in  the  hour  of  theit 
prosperitj,  pride  got  the  better  of  wisdom  ia 


16^ 


the  counsels  of  the  English  family,  we  know 
Dot ;  but  whatever  may  have  been  the  sins  of 
Philip  or  hia  wife,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt 
that  ignorant  malice  and  mischief  formed  one 
iogrediont  in  the  persecution,  as  Dr,  B.  says 
lome  prejudices  were  at  the  bottom  of  the  mat 
ter.  Philip  E.  (so  runs  the  tradition  m  the  fam 
ily,)  had  moreover  made  himself  also  obnoxious 
by  asserting  in  public  and  fearlessly,  that  the 
charter  of  the  Colony  had  been  violated,  and 
in  various  ways,  by  the  Colonial  government 
— that  there  was  no  religious  toleration  to  be 
had  under  it  as  construed  by  the  authorities, 
lie  was  himself  an  Episcopalian,  and  desired 
toleration  for  that  creed,  and  felt  that  he 
could  not  obtain  it.  He  adhered  to  his  re- 
ligious creed  with  great  pertinacity,  and  even 
<a8  late  as  1725,  was  imprisoned  in  our  Salem 
jail  (according  to  Felt)  for  refusing  to  pay 
church  taxes  to  the  East  Parish  Congrega- 
tional Church — though  he  was  then  in  his 
75th  year,  and  though  for  more  than  50  years 
he  had  been  a  well-known  merchant  in  Salom. 
It  was  not  until  1732  that  the  law  was  passed 
releasing  Episcopalians  from  pajing  taxes  for 
the  support  of  Congregational  churches.  The 
Quakers,  even,  were  released  from  similar  bur- 
dens in  1728,  four  years  before  !  This  seems 
to  indicate  that  the  Colonial  authorities  were 
more  indulgent  to  the  latter  than  the  former. 

Now  as  the  religious  history  of  Massachu- 
setts is  the  history  of  the  State,  certainly  down 
to  1692,  and  even  later— as  ia  proved  by  such 
and  similar  laws, — we  can  readily  see  that 
Episcopalians  were  practically  a  proscribed 
Beet.  Thrust  out  from  civil  government,  in  the 
Colony,  in  1631,  by  the  law  of  freemanship, 
they  were  not  practically  restored  to  their 
fights,  even  after  the  royal  restoration.  The 
religious  sentiments,  hopes,  faiths  and  fears  of 
the  Colonists  were  against  them.  To  tolerate 
them  waa  to  tolerate  the  tyranny  of  that 
eharch  which  had  driven  the  Puritans  and 
Pilgrims  over  the  sea,  and  was  only  waiting 
tfiA  biding  its  time  for  spiritual  dominion  again 
txer  them.  It  was  most  probably  no  reoommen- 
f.fttion  to  Philip  English,  in  the  daya  of  1692, 


that  he  was  an  adherent  to  the  church  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  it  may  be  that  this  fact  cost  him 
influence,  power  and  respect  in  the  communi- 
ty during  his  long  business  life.  Sulem,  to 
be  sure,  was  at  first  considered,  and  for  a 
while,  as  the  shelter  of  the  moderate  Episcopa- 
lians, but  Congregationalism  soon  triumphed, 
and  did  not  relax  its  rule  until  1732.  In  1734 
St.  Peter's  Church  began  to  rise  aa  a  monu» 
ment  of  a  hard- won  toleration.  Before  that, 
some  Episcopal  missionary,  like  Pigot,  might 
collect  (perhaps  privately)  tho  adherents  of 
the  Episcopal  Church  here  together  for  wor- 
ship, and  baptize  their  children  according  to 
its  rites  and  forms,  but  Episcopacy  was  an 
outlaw  and  an  alien  in  tho  sight  of  our  New 
England  Congregationalism. 

Philip  English  must,  we  think,  have  shared 
to  a  greater  or  lesser  extent  the  odium  attach- 
ing to  the  English  Church  ;  and  his  bold  ad- 
vocacy for  its  toleration  could  only  h&va  re- 
coiled upon  himself  in  the  day  of  trouble  and 
calamity.  The  causes  of  the  witchcraft  perse- 
cutions of  1692  were  various  and  multiform. 
The  principal  cause  waa  doubtless  a  belief  in 
the  guilt  of  the  accused,  as  a  general  rule, 
but  there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  the 
morbid  condition  and  anger  of  the  pubiio 
mind  at  that  day,  resulting  from  a  peculiarly 
distressing  combination  of  civil  evils  in  the 
Colony,  were  also  eager  and  prepared  to  seek 
victims  for  their  own  unjust  sufferings,  and 
that  there  were  also  working  with  them  for  mia- 
chief  the  elements  of  personal  prejudice,  per- 
haps personal  malice  and  uncharitableness. — 
That  storm  had  been  long  brewing,  and  con- 
tained as  many  ingredients  as  the  cauldron  of 
the  Macbeth  witches, — all  terrible,  and  all 
deadly.  It  is  hard  to  tell  which  waa  the  mora 
fatal  ingredient, — though  if  any  was,  it  was 
the  bigotry,  that,  clothed  in  the  name  of  Be- 
ligion,  was  burning  with  every  unholy  fire— • 
an  awful  fanaticism,  under  the  guise  and  with 
the  seeming  inspiration  of  a  true  enthusiasm. 

That  storm  burst  mainly  on  the  humbles 
ones  of  the  community,  many  of  whom,  how- 
«Ter,  proved  that  thej  were  really  the  loft^ 


163 


ones  of  tbs  earth  in  heroic  courage,  in  true 
virtue,  in  a  rare  enduring  and  meek  patience, 
and  Christian  Bubmission  to  an  unjust  and 
peculiarly  ignominious  doom.  It  ia  impossi- 
ble to  read  the  letter,  as  an  instance,  which 
Marj  Eastj,  of  Topsfield,  wrote  after  condem- 
nation to  the  Judges  of  the  Court  in  Salem, 
(see  Upham's  Witchcraft)  without  seeing  and 
feeling  that  some  who  perished  in  that  terri- 
ble persecution  were  really  the  salt  of  the 
earth,  and  met  their  fate  with  a  Christian 
meekness  so  touching  that  it  will  bring  tears 
into  the  eyes  of  the  readers  through  all  the  gen- 
erations. Mary  English  herself,  though  she  es- 
caped a  public  execution  by  flight  to  New 
York,  was  really  a  martyr  to  this  persecution, 
for  she  died,  says  Dr.  Bentley,  (in  the  before 
quoted  article  of  his,)  "in  consequence  of  the 
ungenerous  treatment  she  received,"  and  the 
tradition  in  the  family  is,  that  owing  to  her 
exposure  in  our  Salem  jail,  in  which  she  was 
confined,  (Dr.  Bentley  says  six  weeks,)  she 
contracted  a  consumption,  lingering,  howev- 
er, until  1694.  She  lived  to  see  the  witchcraft 
madness  paoa  away,  and  to  die  of  its  effects, 
freely  forgiving,  however,  those  who  had  in- 
jured lier. 

On  the  2l8t  April,  1G92,  and  "from  some 
prejudiceo,"  says  Dr.  B  ,  Mrs.  English  "was 
accused  pf  witchcraft,*  examined,  and  com- 
mitted to  prison  in  Salem.  Her  firmness  is 
memorable.  Six  weeks  she  was  confined  ;  .but 
being  viaited  by  a  fond  husband,  her  husband 
WP^  eleo  accused  and  confined  in  the  same 
prison.  By  the  intercession  of  friends,  and  by 
a  pleft  tb^vt  the  prison  was  crowded,  they  were 
removed  to  Arnold's  jail  in  Boston  till  the 

•Any  ona  desirons  of  readiog  a  virid  lifo-like 
deaoiiption  of  an  examination  of  one  aocosed  of 
vitohcreft,  will  find  it  in  Jonathan  Gary's  loiter, 
page  71  of  Upbam'*  Leetures  on  Witchcraft.  The 
paitia*  there  were  of  Charlestown,  and  the  examina- 
tion appear!  to  have  taken  place  in  the  First  Chnrch 
in  Salem.  The  phtlotophy  of  witchcraft  ii  well  ez- 
pofied  in  thii  graphic  and  teaching  letter,  as  well  as 
thr  inbomaaity  rMoltisg  from  Hi*  judicial  prejadice 
»^J»«t  ii 


time  of  trial."  Dr.  Bentley  says,  in  his  Ilia, 
tory  of  Salem,  that  the  officer  who  arrested 
Mrs.  English,  came  in  the  ei^ening  and  read 
his  warrant  in  her  bed  chamber,  whither  he 
had  been  admitted  by  the  servants,  but  she 
refused  to  rise.  Guards  were  placed  around 
the  house,  and  in  the  morning  she  attended 
the  devotions  of  her  family,  kissed  her  chil- 
dren with  great  composure,  proposed  her  plan 
for  their  education,  took  leave  of  them,  and 
then  told  the  officer  "she  was  ready  to  die." 
So  says  Dr.  B.  She  was  evidently  so  persuad- 
ed from  the  first  that  accusation  of  witchcraft 
was  equivalent  to  condemnation,  that  she  only 
expected  death,  and  prepared  herself  for  it. 

Mrs.  Enelish  was  (according  to  Dr.  Bent^ 
ley)  examined  and  committed  by  indulgence 
to  custody  in  a  public  house,  at  which  her 
husband  visited  her.  There  is  a  tradition  in 
the  family,  that,  before  her  own  examination, 
she  was  placed  in  a  room  directly  over  the  ex- 
amining Judges,  and  heard  through  the  thin 
partition  the  examinations  of  some  of  the  ac- 
cused— and  that  she  took  some  notes  of  these 
examinations — particularly  of  the  questions 
asked  by  the  magistrates,  and  when  her  own 
turn  came,  she  asked  them  if  such  things  were 
right  and  lawful,  and  told  them  she  would 
know  of  the  higher  Courts  whether  such 
things  were  law  and  justice,  and  that  their 
decisions  should  be  reviewed  by  the  Superior 
Judges.  Her  huuband,  according  to  tradition, 
was  absent  from  Salem  when  she  was  exam- 
ined, but  soun  returned.  The  family  tradi- 
tion is,  that  she  was  confined  in  the  second 
story  of  a  tavern,  which  stood  just  above  Mar-' 
ket  Square,  on  the  northern  side  of  Essex  St., 
and  which  Felt,  in  hia  Annals  of  Salem,  calls 
the  *^  Cat  and  Wheel.'''  Here  her  husband 
frequently  visited  her,  which  soon  brought 
him  into  trouble,  as  on  the  30th  April,  (ac- 
cording to  Felt)  a  warrant  was  issued  for  the 
arrest  of  Philip  English  for  witchcraft,  but 
he  avoided  being  taken.  Two  warrants  aeem 
to  have  been  issued  against  him.  The  tradi- 
tion in  the  family  is,  that  be  kepi  himself  out 
of  the  way  for   a  while,  Niog  io  Boatoa,  en- 


1G4 


deavorinu;  to  obtain  the  removal  of  his  wife 
thither,  and  to  obtain  the  interest  cf  the  au- 
thorities in  her  Jjchalf.  and  ttiat  then  he  vol- 
untarily surrend'red  himself,  mure  partioul.r- 
Ij  as  he  found  his  own  absence  was  being  used 
to  the  prtyudice  of  his  wife.  U",  apjio/irs  to 
have  been  examined  in  Salem,  and  was  then 
committed  to  prison,  and  with  Iiis  wife. 

•  Dr.  Buntley  gives  as  one  of  tlie  causes  of  the 
accusation  aj^ainst  Mrs.  Enjilifih,  that  she  had 
been  considered  aristocratic  and  haughty  in 
her  bearing  towards  the  poor— that  "some 
prejudices"  were  at  the  bottom  of  it.  The 
family  trad'tion  says  nothing  as  to  the  causes 
of  her  arrest,  but  that  her  Fervants  were  over- 
whelmed with  grief  wh'^n  she  was  arrested, 
and  wished  to  resist  the  officers,  which  she 
would  not  permit. 

Slie  seems  to  have  been  a  woman  of  relig- 
ious sensihilities.  for  as  early  as  1681  she  was 
admitted  a  Congregational  church  member, 
and  has  left  behind  her  the  following  religious 
Acrostic,  which  was  put  into  our  hands  by  a 
lady  of  Boston,  one  of  her  descendants  :  - 

"M  ay  I  with  mary  ohues  ye  bettar  part 
A  nd  serue  ye  lord  with  all  my  heart 
K  eseue  his  word  most  JoyfuUj 
Y  liue  to  him  eternily. 

E  uerl Suing  god  I  pray 

N  euer  leue  me  for  to  stray 

G  iue  me  grace  the  to  obay 

L  ord  grant  that  I  mny  hapy  bo 

I  n  Jesus  Curist  eiernille 

S  aue  me  deer  lord  by  thy  rich  graea 

H  eaven  then  shall  be  my  dweliag  plase."    . 

This  acrostic  certainly  breathes  a  very  dif- 
ferent spirit  from  that  which  she  is  charg- 
ed wit!)  possessing  in  1692.  The  acros- 
tic is  not  dated,  but  was  evidently  written  af- 
ter marriage,  and  perhaps  after  she  l)ad  been 
admitted  to  the  church  in  1681.  At  th«t 
time,  certainly,  she  seems  to  have  been  bumble 
in  mind 'and  heart. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  English  were  finally  removed 
from  our  Salem  jail  to  Boston,  (the  stone  jail 
there,)  together  and  on  the  same  day  with 
Giles  Cory,  Geo.  Jacobs,  senior,  Allica  Par- 
ker, Ann  Pudeater  and  Bridget  Biohop,  alias 
Oliver.    Of  these,  all    perished   except  tbem- 


selves.  Bridget  Bishop,  alias  Oiiver,  was  the 
first  \'iGtim  to  the  witchcraft  madn^  B  '>f  1692. 
Giles  C'M'y  was  pressed  to  death  for  lefij-ing 
to  plead  to  his  indictment,  and  Alice  Parker 
and  Geo.  Jacobs,  senior,  were  hung.  It  is  his 
trial,  as  painted  by  sonie  American  artist,  and 
presented  by  the  M'^ssrs.  Ropes,  which  deco- 
rates the  entry  of  Plummer  Hall.  Philip  En- 
glish and  wife  only  escaped  death  by  flight 
from  jail  to  New  York. 

It  is  a  tradition  in  the  family  that  several 
of  the  Boston  clergy  espouned  the  cause  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  English  when  confined  in  j.il  there  ; 
tluit  Cotton  Mather,  who  was  a  great  friend 
of  Mrs.  E.,  said,  that  though  she  was  accused, 
"he  did  not  believe  her  to  be  guilty  ;  that  her 
accusers  evidently  believed  her  to  he  so,  hut 
that  Sitan  was  mo»t  probably  deceiving  them 
into  that  belief — a  very  in;ijeniou8  defence  in 
fact  agiinst  all  accasitions  of  the  kind.  The 
tradition  further  runs,  that  their  friends  re- 
peatedly urged  Mr.  and  Mrs.  E.  to  flee  to  New 
York,  and  that  some  New  York  merchants, 
who  knew  Mr.  English,  sent  on  acarriage  for 
himself  and  wife  to  escape  in.  This  Mr.  En- 
glish was  unwilling  at  first  to  do,  saying 
"that  he  did  not  believe  they  (the  courts) 
would  shed  innocent  blood."  He,  however, 
had  soon  reason  to  believe  the  opposite,  and 
fled.  The  tradition  in  the  family  is,  that  the 
State  authorities  were  cognizant  of  the  plot 
for  the  escape  and  aided  in  it. 

Dr.  Bentley  in  his  letter  to  Alden  (Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.  vol.  10  First  series  pp  65-6)  thui 
details  the  circumstances  in  regard  to  the  e8» 
cape  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  English  from  Boston. — 
Before  referring  to  it,  we  will  state  that  the 
llev.  Joshua  Moodey  (mentioned  as  being  con- 
cerned therein)  was  indeed  a  rare  man  for  that 
age.  About  the  year  1658  be  began  to  preach 
in  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire.  "His  inde- 
pendent and  faithful  manner  of  preaching,  and 
the  strictness  of  his  church  discipline"  brought 
down  on  his  head  in  1684  the  wrath  of  Lieut. 
Go?.  Cranfield  of  that  Province,  who  indicted 
and  imprisoned  him  under  the  Uniformity  act. 
and  dismissed  him  after  thirteeD  week*  imprii. 


165 


onment  with  a  charge  to  preach  no  more  on 
penalty  of  further  imprisontupnt.  This  droTB 
him  to  Boston,  wl>ere  he  preached  until  1692. 
At  that  time  he  boldly  espoused  the  cause  of 
Mr  and  Mrs.  Ensjlish — openly  justified  Mr.  E, 
and  in  defiance  of  the  popular  prejudices  de- 
nounced tiie  prevailing  Witchcraft  persecution. 
This  brought  down  upon  him  the  wrath  of  not 
a  few  influential  persons  in  h\9  own  society, 
and  be  was  obliged  to  leave  Boston  in  conse- 
quence. He  was  gladly  welcomed  back  to 
Portsmouth,  and  by  a  parish  by  whom  he  was 
greatly  beloved,  and  thence  remained  with 
them.  In  1684  he  was  ofiered  the  Presidency 
of  Harvard  College,  which  he  modestly  decli- 
ned. Dunton,  who  was  in  Boston  in  1686, 
speaks  of  Mr.  Moodey  as  assistant  to  Mr.  Al- 
len, and  "well  known  by  his  practical  writ- 
ings.'* Cotton  Mather  preached  his  funeral 
sermon  and  calied  Iiira  'Uhat  man  of  God .'" — 
It  18  evident  that  he  was  a  bold,  fearless,  able 
man,  seeing  clearly  through  the  delusions  of 
liis  age  ;  while  his  treatment  of  his  personal 
enemies  proves  him  to  have  been  as  magnani- 
mous and  noble,  as  he  was  brave  and  able. — 
Mr.  Alden  in  his  Account  of  the  Religious  So- 
cieties m  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  (Mass, 
Hitt.  Coll.  vol.  10  first  series  pp.  37  to' 72) 
does  justice  to  Mr.  Moodey,  and  Dr.  Bentley 
adds  further  proof,  in  the  account  ho  gives  of 
Mr.  Moodey 's  services  to  Mr.  English,  as  ob- 
tained from  a  grand-daughter  of  Mr.  E.,  and 
which  we  now  quote  in  connection  with  the 
escape. 

Says  Dr.  Bentloy,  writing  to  Mr.  Alden,  and 
concerning  Mr.  Moodey,  '"In  Boston,  upon 
giving  bail,  they  (Mr.  and  Mrs.  English)  had 
the  liberty  of  the  town,  only  lodging  in  pris- 
on. Upon  their  arrival  Messrs.  Wiilard  and 
Moodey  visited  them  and  discovered  every  dis- 
position to  console  them  in  their  distress.  On 
the  day  before  they  nere  to  return  to  Salem  for 
trial,  Mr.  Moodey  waited  upon  them  in  the 
prison,  and  invited  them  to  tl)e  publick  wor- 
ship. On  the  occasion  he  chose  for  the  text, 
If  they  persecute  you  in  one  city,  flee  to 


ANOTHER.  In  the  discourse,  with  a  manly  free- 
dom, he  justified  every  attempt  to  escape  from 
the  forms  of  justice,  when  justice  was  violated 
in  them.  After  service  Mr.  Moodey  visited 
the  prisoners  in  the  gaol,  and  asked  Mr.  En- 
glish whether  betook  notice  of  his  discourse? 
Mr.  English  said  he  did  not  know  whether  he 
had  applied  it  as  he  ought,  and  wished  some 
conversation  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Moodey  then 
frankly  told  him  that  his  life  was  in  danger, 
and  he  ought  by  all  means  to  provide  for  an 
escape.  Many,  said  he,  have  suflfered.  Mr. 
English  then  replied,  God  will  not  suffer  them 
to  hurt  me.  Upon  this  reply  Mrs.  English 
said  to  her  husband,  do  you  not  think  that 
they,  who  have  suffered  already,  are  innocent? 
Ha  said  yes.  Why,  then,  may  not  we  suffer 
also?  Take  Mr.  Moodey 's  advice.  Mr.  Moo- 
dey then  told  Mr.  English  that  if  he  would  not 
carry  his  wife  away,  he  would.  He  then  in- 
formed him  that  he  had  persuaded  several  wor- 
thy persons  in  Boston  to  make  provision  for 
their  conveyance  out  of  the  colony,  and  thata 
conveyance  had  been  obtained,  encouraged  by 
the  Govenour,  gaoler,  &c.,  which  would  come 
at  midnight,  and  that  proper  recommendations 
had  been  obtained  to  Gov.  Fletcher  of  New 
York,  so  that  he  might  give  himself  no  concern 
about  any  one  circumstance  of  the  journey  ; 
that  all  things  were  amply  provided.  The 
Governour  also  gave  letters  to  Gov.  Fletchnr, 
and.at  the  time  appointed,  Mr.  English,  his 
wife,  and  daughter  were  taken  and  conveyed 
to  Now  York.  He  found  before  his  arrival 
that  Mr.  Moodry  had  despatched  letters,  and 
the  Governour,  with  many  private  gentlemen, 
came  out  to  meet  him  ;  and  the  Governour  en- 
tertained bim  at  his  own  bouse,  and  paid  him 
every  attention  while  he  remained  in  the  city. 
On  the  next  year  he  returned"  (to  Salem). 

"In  all  this  business  Mr.  Moodey  openly  jus- 
tified Mr.  English,  and,  in  defiance  of  all  the 
prejudices  which  prevailed,  expressed  his  ab- 
horrence of  the  measures,  which  had  obliged  a 

useful  citizen  to  flee  from    the   executioners 

Mr.  Moodey  was  commended  by  all  discerning 
men,  bat  be  felt  the   angry  resentment  of  the 
42 


166 


deluded  multitude  of  bis  own  times,  among 
vrbom  some  of  high  rank  were  included.  He 
soon  after  left  Boston,  and  returned  to  Forts- 
mouth." 

"Mrs.  English  died  in  1694,  at  42  years  of 
age,  in  consequence  ot  the  ungenerous  treat- 
ment she  had  received.  Her  husband  died  at 
84  [86]  years  of  age,  in  1734  fl736J." 

"This  is  the  substance  of  the  communica- 
tion made  to  me  at  different  times  from  Mad- 
am Susanna  Harthorne,  his  great-granddaugh- 
ter [granddaughter]  who  died  in  Salem  28  Au- 
gust, 1802,  at  the  age  of  80  years,  who  receiv- 
ed the  account  from  the  descendants  of  Mr.  En- 
glish, who  dwelt  upon  his  obligations  to  Mr. 
Moodey  with  great  pleasure." 

Such  is  the  version  which  Dr.  Bentley  gives 
of  this  affair,  told  by  a  granddaughter  of  Mr. 
E.,  and  which  we  doubt  not  is  a  correct  one— 
though  the  tradition  in  anotjer  branch  of  the 
family  varies  from  this  in  stating  that  Philip 
E.  and  his  wife  escaped  from  the  Church  in  a 
•coach  after  service,  some  of  his  frienda  aid- 
ing, and  assisting  him  by  crowding  back  the 
officers  as  if  accidentally,  and  locking  them  in 
the  church,  until  the  fugitives  were  well  out 
of  reach.  Both  Dr.  B.'s  version  and  the  tra- 
dition agree  that  the  Governor  and  high  State 
officers  were  privy  to,  and  encouraged  the  es- 
cape, and  Thos.  Brattle  in  his  letter  of  Oct.  8, 
1692  (Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vol.  5  &  6th,  First  se- 
ries) indirectly  confirms  the  truth  of  this,  when 
he  wonders  why  no  requisition  had  ever  been 
made  for  Mr.  and  Mrs,  E. ,  at  the  hands  of  the 


*Dr.  Benjamin  F.  Browne,  of  Salem — who  is  well 
versed  in  our  local  traditions  and  antiquities — 
informs  us  that  the  tradition  in  his  younger  days 
was,  that  Philip  E.  escaped  from  Boston  on 
horseback,  having  first  reversed  the  shoes  on  his 
horse's  feet,  so  as  to  appear  to  bo  entering,  instead 
of  departing  from  the  city.  Dr.  Bentley  does  not 
give  the  particulars  of  his  escape — the  means  em- 
ployed— and  the  two  traditions  have  seeming  discrep- 
ancies, which,  however,  could  be  reConeiled,  were  it 
worth  the  time  to  attempt  it.  The  escape  from  prison 
was  easy  indeed.  The  only  danger  lay  in  arrest  by 
ignorant  officers,  or  an  excited  people. 


New  York  authorities,  though  it  w<is  well 
known  that  the  fugitives  had  gone  thither. — 
Brattle  uses  this  strange  neglect  as  a  proof  that 
the  authorities  in  Massachusetts  could  not  be- 
lieve witchcraft  to  be  a  crime  equal  to  that  of 
murder  (then  the  general  belief)  or  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  E.j  would  have  been  demanded  of  Gov. 
Fletcher.  Brattle  ably  opposed  witchcraft,  but 
did  not  then  of  courae  see  that  the  escape  of 
these  parties  was  a  premeditated  thing  on  the 
part  of  the  authorities — who  for  once  were  cer- 
tainly inconsistent  as  to  law — but  then  consis- 
tent— thoroughly  so  with  justice  and  mercy — 
the  true  consistency. 

Mr.  Moodey  had  to  leave  Boston  in  conse- 
quence of  his  share  m  this  transaction — but 
only  to  return  to  the  arms  of  a  congregation 
who  had  never  willingly  given  him  up.-  He 
died  universally  lamented,  and  with  a  rare 
modesty  appears  not  to  have  left  a  line  among 
his  papers  which  refers  in  any  way  to  his  con- 
nection in  this  matter.  It  is  thus  by  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  English  family,  as  preserved  by 
Dr.  Bentley,  that  we  get  an  insight  into  the 
manliness  and  worth  of  this  man,  who  equally 
dared  to  face  the  vrrath  of  the  New  Hampshire 
Government  or  Massachusetts  people  in  the 
cause  of  right  and  justice,  and  who,  standing 
far  above  his  age,  saw  from  the  mountain  top 
the  clear  sun-light  of  truth,  when  all  was  mist 
and  darkness  in  the  valley  below. 

The  winter  of  1692-3  and  the  succeeding 
spring,  were  days  ot  terrible  suffering  for  Sa- 
lem, particularly  that  winter.  Mr.  English, 
anticipating  somewhat  of  this  misery,  sent  on 
from  New  York  during  the  winter  one  hun- 
dred barrels  of  flour  for  the  poor,  who,  he  was 
afraid,  "would  suffer  in  his  absence."  The 
town  was  then  indeed  in  a  terrible  state.  The 
witchcraft  madness  and  terror — the  executions 
— the  numerous  arrests — the  accusations  on 
all  sides— the  flight  of  the  inhabitants,  over  a 
quarter  part  of  whom  fled — the  general  gloom, 
and  the  utter  prostration  of  business,  had  all 
depressed  Salem  beyond  imagination.  In  1693 
the  storm  was  over,  and  people  were  themselves 


16? 


again .  Mr.  £.  then  returned  to  Salem,  and 
was  welcomed  back  by  Rev.  Mr.  Noyes,  who 
was  very  attentive  to  liim  ever  after.  The  Town 
expressed  its  joy  at  his  return  by  bon-fires  and 
a  general  rejoicing.  Mrs.  E.,  however,  return- 
ed home  an  invalid,  only  to  die.  Mr.  £.  found 
moreover,  that  his  house  had  been  sacked  by 
tho  multitude,  and  goods  attached  and  taken 
from  hib  stores  by  JSheriflF  Curwen  to  tho  a- 
mount of  £1.183.  He  sued  Curwen,  laying 
Lis  damages  at  £1,500,  bat  never  recovered. — 
It  i3  very  probable  that  Curwen  sheltered  him- 
self under  the  law  of  confiscation  against  those 
escaping  from  prison  when  accused  of  capital 
crimes.  Philip  English  thought  his  case  a  hard 
one,  for  he  had  given  £4000  bail  in  Boston  for 
bis  appearance,  and  was,  perhaps,  then  legal- 
ly liable  for  that  amount,  in  addition  to  the 
sum  Curwen  attached.  His  wife's  health  was 
ruined — his  goods  gone — his  business  for  the 
time  broken  up,  and  he  after  ail  an  innocent 
man  !  The  only  pecuniary  satisfaction  ho  ev- 
er got  was  £60  paid  him  by  the  administrator 
of  the  estate  of  George  Curwen,  the  late  Sher- 
iflf.  This  whole  affair  was  a  terrible  trial  to 
Mr.  E. ,  and  perhaps  was  one  cause  of  the  dis- 
ease, (clouding  of  the  mind)  under  which  he 
labored  the  last  two  years  of  his  life.  The  loss 
of  bis  wife,  and  under  the  circumstances,  was 
a  severe  blow — a  wife,  too,  whom  he  tenderly 
loved — and  in  addition  to  this  came  the  loss  of 
property  to  no  small  amount,  and  most  unjust- 
ly. He  petitioned  the  General  Court  with  oth- 
ers for  pecuniary  satisfaction  in  this  matter, 
but  refused  the  amount  tendered  him,  being 
entirely  inadequate. 

Mr.  English  set  about  repairing  his  fortunes, 
having  children  to  bring  forward,  and  seems 
to  have  entered  into  business  again  with  fresh 
epirii  and  energy,  though  not  with  tho  good 
fortune,  perhaps,  he  had  met  with  prior  to 
1692.  From  1689  to  1711  Salem  merchants 
suffered  severely  at  the  northward,  from  tho 
*Frencb  and  Indians.     In  1697  Salem  had  lost 


*Salem  fitted   oat  privateers    in  this    old   French 
war,  which  did  some  damage  to  the  enemy,  and  nev- 


some  54  out  of  its  60  fishing  ketches,  and  as 
the  fishing  business  was  the  staple  interest,  the 
town  became  so  poor,  with  continued  losses  up 
to  1711,  that  it  could  not  repair  its  fortifica- 
tions as  ordered  by  the  Governor  that  year. — 
Its  fishing  ketches  were  captured  by  French 
fleets  in  tho  Bays  of  Newfoundland,  off  the 
coast  of  "Acadie,"  and  near  Cape  Sable.  The 
Indians,  instigated  probably  by  tho  Frenclj, 
shot  down  the  crews  from  ambush,  when  a- 
shore,  and  French  privateers,  and  even  pirates 
preyed  on  these  ketches.  In  1689  Government 
had  to  send  a  vessel  of  war  to  scour  our  bay 
and  coast  for  pirates,  and  in  1704  Major  Sew- 
all  of  Salem,  captures  some  of  these  outlaws 
who  have  been  taking  fishing  shallops  at  the 
Islo  of  Shoals.  Our  Salem  fishermen  persever- 
ed as  well  as  they  could.  In  1699  they  sent 
out  a  fleet  of  fourteen  vessels,  but  were  almost 
discouraged  in  1711  by  their  repeated  losses.— 
Philip  English  was  engaged  in  this  business, 
and  sent  out  his  katches,  and  suffered,  doubt- 
less, in  common  with  his  neighbors.  He,  how- 
ever, was  engaged  in  other  trades — sent  his 
ketches,  sloops,  brigantines  to  JBarbadoes  and 
other  British  Westlndias— fSurinam  in  Dutch 

er  seems  to  have  refused  her  quota  of  men  and  means 
either  bj  land  or  sea,  in  any  of  the  wars  of  the  Col- 
ony. (See  Felt's  Annals  passim.)  As  one  proof  of 
this,  we  find  that  in  March,  1674,  Edward  Havson, 
our  colonial  Secretary,  informs  the  Viovernor  and 
Council  of  Connecticut  that  the  Ketch  Swallow  of 
Salem,  60  tons,  12  gans,  and  60  men,  Capt.  Richard 
Sprague,  and  the  Ketch  Salisbury,  of  nearly  th6 
same  tonnage,  8  guns  and  40  men,  Capt.  Sam'l  Mose- 
ly,  were  ready  to  sail,  and  cruise  up  and  down  the 
Sound  "on  the  service  of  the  Colonies."  Felt  men- 
tions this  of  Salem,  tho  "service"  being  perhaps  to 
watch  the  Dutch — then  dreaded. 

The  Privateer  history  of  Salem  dates  perhaps  from 
this  old  French  war,  and  as  a  precedent  was  not  for- 
gotten, it  is  likely,  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution,  a 
century  later. 

■j-The  following  letters  of  instruction  of  Philip  En- 
glish to  two  of  his  captains — one  his  son,  William 
English,  the  other,  John  Touzell,  a  son-in  law— may 
be  of  some  interest,  both  as  connected  with  this  mer 


I6d 


Guiana — Maryland — Virginia — Kiiode  kland  - 
ohant,  and  as  illustrating  the  commercial  history  of 
the  times. 

Salem  in  New  England,  ) 
je  9th  day  of  Juce,  1712.  J 
Wm.  English. — You  being  master  of  the  Slope 
[sloop]  Mary,  &  hauing  Laden  yo'r  vessell,  you  are 
to  attend  ye  Laws  and  Customes  of  this  place  Relat- 
ing to  Clearing  ef  said  vessell  and  Goods,  you  are  to 
take  ye  first  opportunity  of  wind  and  weather,  and 
sett  saile,  Directing  yo'r  Coarse  for  Seyrinam,  [Sur- 
inam, Dutch  Guiana,]  where  you  are  now  bound,  and 
when  it  shall  please  god  to  bring  you  safe  there,  you 
are  to  attend  ye  Lavrs  and  Customes  of  that  place  in 
Respect  to  Eniring  yo'r  vessell  and  goods,  and  then 
you  are  to  deliver  yo'r  goods  according  to  bills  of 
lading,  and  receiue  yo'r  freight  (money)  and  what 
goods  you  haue  of  ours  consigned  to  your  selfe,  you 
are  to  make  sale  of  for  Malasses  so  to  Lode  your  ves- 
sel home  here  for  New  England,  and  it  in  case  cur 
Effects,  both  of  goods  and  freight,  doth  not  produce 
a  full  loading  for  said  vessell,  Thentako  what  fraight 
you  can  for  Salem  or  Boston,  and  if  you  have  more 
of  our  Effects  as  aforesaid  then  will  Lade  yourveS' 
sell  with  Mallasses,  we  leaue  it  wth  you  to  Lay  out 
in  such  things  as  you  shall  think  most  Benefitiall 
for  ye  owner  of  sd  vessell,  and  for  to  Loade  in  ye 
same  for  ye  owner's  profitt.  Be  sure  make  no  debts, 
and  so,  haueing  Loaden  yo'r  vessell  in  Seyrinam, 
and  done  yo'r  Consearnes,  you  are  to  cloare  yo'r  ves- 
sell and  goods  so  that  no  Damage  may  necrue  to 
your  owners  and  Imploy'rs.  So  haueing  no  more  at 
present,  but  wishing  you  a  good  and  prosperous  voy- 
age, and  a  safe  ruturne  to  Salem  in  Now  England, 
Again  We  Host  yo'r        Loueing  Owners, 

PHILIP  ENGLISH. 

SECOND     LETTER. 

Salem,  May  ye  2d,  1722. 
Mr.  John  Touzd. — S'r,  you  being  appointed  mas- 
ter of  my  sloop  Sarah,  now  Riding  in  ye  Harbour  of 
Salem,  and  Ready  to  sailo,  my  Order  is  to  you  that 
you  take  ye  first  opportunity  of  wind  and  weather  to 
saile  and  make  ye  Best  of  yr  way  for  Barbadoes  or 
Leew'd  Island,  and  there  Enter  and  Clear  yr  vessel 
and  Deliver  yr  Cargo  According  to  Orders  and  Bill 
of  Lading,  and  make  Saile  of  my  twelve  Ilogsh'd  of 
fish  to  my  Best  advantage,  and  make  Returne  in  yr 
vessel  or  any  other  for  Salem,  In  such  Goods  as  you 
shall  see  best,  and  if  you  see  Cause  to  take  a  fraight 
to  any  part  or  hire  her,  I  leiuo  it  with  your  Best 
Conduct,  Managem't  or  care,  for  my  best  advantage. 
So  please  God  to  give  you  a  prosperous  voyage,  I 
Remain  yr  Erieud  and  Owner, 

PHILIP  ENGLISH. 

Endorsed  "My  sailing  orders  to  Barbadoes." 
In  connection  with  the  Barbadoes  trade,  it  may 
not  be  out  of  place  here  to  append  the  following  let- 
ter from  Samuel  Sewall,  which,  with  other  evidence 
in  our  possession,  proves  that  in  our  early  Commerce, 
some  of  our  Salem  or  Massachusetts  men  went  to  the 
British  West  Indies  and  acted  as  commission  mer- 
chants there.    Barbadoes  seems  to  have  been  one  of 


*New  Hampshire  —  *Connecticut — Ireland — 

the  principal  markets  so  sought.  At  a  later  day  the 
same  practice  obtained  in  the  East  Indies,  when  our 
Salem  commerce  was  diverted  thither.  This  Samuel 
Sewall  charges  in  his  subsequent  account,  commis- 
sions 5  per  cent.,  storage  and  portage  2^ — the  cur- 
rent rates  probably  of  that  day. 
letter. 

To  Mr.  Wm.  English,  merchant  in  Salem,  New  Eng- 
land. 

Bakbadoes,  Feb'y  4,  1712. 
Mr.  William  English.  Sir — These  wait  on  you  by 
Matthew  Estis  via  Saltertuda  [sometimes  spelt  Sal- 
titudos,]  with  enclosed  account  Sales  for  yo'r  Eight 
hhds  fish  which  came  to  a  miserable  markett,  Tho  I 
think  I  sold  to  ye  heighth  of  ye  markett.  Im  heart- 
ily sorry  I  can  give  you  no  better  Inoouragem't.  I 
shall  observe  yo'r  orders  in  ye  returns,  and  make  all 
reasonable  dispatch — pleas  to  acquaint  yo'r  father  I 
have  rec'd  his  Thousand  of  staves  per  Woodbridga, 
but  have  not  yet  sold  them,  they  are  very  low,  and 
sold  at  50s  pr  M.  I  cannot  Inlarge,  but  am 
Sr  yo'r  ready  and  Obe't  Ser't, 

SAM'L  SEVYALL. 

Saltertuda  or  Saltitudos  we  have  discovered  to  bo 
only  a  corruption  of  Salt  Tortuga,  an  island  near  the 
Spanish  Main. 

•According  to  the  2d  Book  (B.)  of  the  old  Colo- 
nial  Custom  House  in  Salem,  which  book  is  now  in 
the  posssssion  of  Benj.  Browne  Esq.,  who  inherited 
it  from  his  ancestor  Gerrish,  the  Collector,  Philip 
English  was  trading  in  1695  to  New  Hampshire,  in 
1G96  to  Virginia,  in  1698  to  Medara  [Madeira]  and 
Barbadoes.  According  to  the  same  vol.,  Surinam, 
Virginia  and  Barbadoes  were  favorite  places  of  trade 
for  various  Salem  merchants,  from  1700  to  1715  say, 
or  later.  The  first  vol.  of  these  Custom  House 
Records  (A.)  is  unfortunately  lost. 

By  New  Hampshire,  as  mentioned  in  this  old 
Colonial  Custom  House  Book,  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
is  perhaps  intended,  for  P.  was  largely  visited  by 
vessels.  In  1G81  (according  to  Cooper — Naval  Hist. 
U.  S.)  no  less  than  47  vessels  entered  that  port. 

Philip  E.  also  traded  to  Rhode  Island  and  Con- 
necticut, certainly  after  1700,  as  is  evident  from  his 
son  William's  letters  and  accounts.  According  to 
Trumbull,  Connecticut  maintained  a  very  humble 
marine  of  her  own  even  as  late  as  1713.  In  1680  she 
had  24  vessels,  with  a  total  of  1050  tons,  trading  be- 
tween that  Colony  and  Boston,  New  Foundland,  the 
West  Indies  &o.,  and  in  1713,  2  Brigs,  20  Sloops, 
and  a  number  of  smaller  craft.  No.  of  seamen  120! 
Mass.  had  then  some  20,000  tons  of  shipping,  and 
some  3000  seamen.    Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  was 


169 


Isle  of  Jersey — England,  and  perhaps  Holland. 
It  is  most  probable  that  P.  E.  was  en^ragf-d  in 
trade  with  some  of  these  places  prior  to  1692  ; 
but  many  ol  his  earlier  commercial  papers  were 
moat  probably  scatu^red,  if  not  destroyed,  when 
bis  house  and  waret>ouse  were  sicked  that  year, 
A  few  papers  are  found  of  commercial  interest, 
running  from  1694  to  1720.  From  these 
and  various  commercial  item;*  we  find  in  other 
quarters,  the  subsequent  remarks  are  based. 

When  P.  E  began  business  m  Salem,  say  in 
1670*  or  thereabouts,  the  town  was  already 
recovering  probably  from  the  "smite  on  all 
employments,^^  that  ^u/Zmentiong  in  1665.  In 
1664,  Josselyn  said  there  were  «ome  rich  mer- 
chants in  Salem.  It  is  not  be  wondered  at 
that  our  old  town  should  have  flourished. — 
Admirably  situated  for  the  fishing  t.ade,  and 
the  foreign  trade  then  connected  with  it,  and 
the  shipping  needed  fur  both  trades— enjoying 
a  comparative  Iree  trade  with  the  world,  un- 
hampered by  the  Plantation  Act,  without  even 
a  Custom  House  Office  established  by  Parlia- 
ment, Salem  might  have  been  the  envy  of  some 
of  the  Briti«h.  seaporta  which  had  at  home 
to  conform  lo  rules,  from  which  Salem,  in 
common  with    our  Massachusetts  sea  ports, 

then,  doubtless,  the  great  Southern  New  England 
Port,  as  in  1737  she  owned  100  sail  of  different  sizes. 
So  says  Cooper. 

In  the  1st  vol.  Booke  of  Reeordes  for  masters, 
page  85,  Aug.  23,  1710,  Phillip  English  and  Eleazer 
Lyndsej-,  ot  Salem,  let  their  Brigantine  Neptune  to 
Leonard  Abbott,  of  Kingstowne,  Jamaica,  (but  then 
resident  in  Salem.)  for  a  voyiige  to  Jamaica,  and 
thencn  (transporting  Abbott  also)  to  Bay  of  Gam- 
peacbe  (Campeachy)  to  load  with  logwood  for  Amster- 
dam and  Rotterdam,  the  owners  to  hare  as  freight 
every  twelve  tons  out  of  twenty  ^hipped — the  balance 
forAlbott.  It  appears  from  a  subsequent  protest, 
that  the  vessel  did  not  sail  at  the  time  appointed,  but 
may  have  afterwards. 

*  The  population  of  Salem  from  1670  to  1740  may 
be  set  down  as  varying  from  say  1500  in  1670  to 
4500  or  5000  in  1740.  This  period  embraces  the 
whole  business  period  of  the  life  of  Philip  English, 
as  well  as  various  other  Salem  merohacts  of  that 
day. 


escaped.  Having  enjoyed  eo  much  commercial 
librty  under  both  Charles  the  First,  and 
Cromwell,  particularly  the  latter,  and  feeling 
a  growing  consciousnens  of  strength,  both 
through  that  long  liberty  and  its  attendant 
success,  Salem,  in  1670.  occupi>'d  a  high  posi- 
tion in  commerce.  She  was  also  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal ports  in  the  Colony  for  shipbuilding.  From 
1670  to  76  Salem  seems  to  have  fl-iuvished 
greatly.  After  that  the  havoc  made  by  the 
French  and  Indians  among  her  fishing  fleet 
forced  her  to  retrograde  for  a  while.  B'tween 
these  years  we  find  Wayborne,  Randolph ^  and 
t\\6  London  merchants,  all  endeavoring  to  re- 
strict our  trade,  (in  common  with  that  of  the 
Colony)  stating  that  our  [Maspachusett."]  com- 
merce is  irregular,  that  we  do  not  o  inform  to 
the  acts  of  trade,  that  we  do  not  make  En- 
gland the  magazine*  of  trade,  but  go  and  come 
and  buy  and  sell  where,  and  as,  and  when  we 
please.  This  proves  our  commercial  freedom. 
The  light  burdens,  moreover,  laid  on  com- 
merce by  the  Colony  were  not  seriously  felt, 
if  we  except,  perhaps,  the  duty  on  grain. 
Even  De  Ruyter,  in  1665,  spared  us,  though 
he  "did  great  spoiV  in  Newfoundland,  and 
again  in  1667  the  Dutch,  though  ravaging  the 
coast  of  Virginia,  ai.d  capturing  some   of  our 

*  We  have  in  our  possession  one  of  the  Plantation 
certificates,  dated  173U,  and  in  tuitherance  of  th« 
desi^'o  to  make  England  the  magazine  of  colonial 
produce.  By  this,  security  is  given  to  the  chief  of- 
ficers of  the  customs  in  London,  that  it'  the  Endeavor, 
a  ship  or  vessel  built  in  New  Enj^land,  of  sixty 
tons  burthen,  and  belonging  to  Salem,  shall  load  any 
sugar,  tubaeco,  eottun  wooll,  Indigo,  ginger,  fustick, 
or  other  aying  wood;  as  also  rice,  melasses,  tar, 
pitch,  turpentine,  h^mp,  masts,  yard.--,  b'-wsprits, 
copper  ore,  beaver  skins,  or  other  furs  uf  the  growth, 
production  or  manufacture  of  any  British  planta- 
t'ons  in  America,  Asia,  or  Africa,  the  same  commod- 
ities shall  be  by  the  said  ship  ur  ves.«el  brought  to 
some  port  of  Great  Britain,  and  be  unloaden  and  pal 
on  shore,  the  danger  of  the  seas  only  excepted. 
Such  arbitrary  attempts  to  Curn  the  natural  current 
of  trade,  and  aggrandize  the  mother  country  at  th« 
expense  of  the  Colonies,  proved  to  be  one  of  the  moil 
serious  caasea  of  the  Kevjluiion  in  later  years. 


170 


tessels  and  men,  yet  spared  us  a  visit  in  New 
England.  In  1073  piracy  is  said  to  be  preva- 
lent, but  fc>alem  i«  not  recorded  as  a  direct  suf- 
ferer. In  1076  all  duties  on  exjiorta,  except 
6d.  on  hoises.  are  taken  off,  and  not  until  the 
indef'iitiguble  mischievous  Rando/ph  returns 
from  £nj:land  as  Inspector  of  Customs,  does 
thero  seem  to  be  serious  trouMe  in  prospect. 
The  intervening  years  up  to  *1092  vyere,  how- 

*  The  staple  commodities  of  Massachusetts,  about 
1680,  were  fish,  mackerel,  peltry,  horses,  provisions, 
cider,  boards,  timber  and  pipe  staves.  These  our 
traders  sent  to  the  West  Indies  and  the  Colonial  pos- 
sessions, and  obtained  sugar,  rum,  indigo,  cotton 
wool,  tob^icco,  which  were  transmitted  usually  in 
their  own  vessels  to  England.  Some  of  their  pipe 
staves,  fish,  mackerel,  <tc.,  were  sent  to  Madeira,  and 
•western  islands,  and  wines  talsen  thence  to  New 
England.  No  great  quantity  of  tar  and  pitch  was 
then  made  here  Some  £40,000  or  £50,000  of  English 
goods  ot  all  sort.-' were  imported  yearly.  Massachu- 
setts seems  to  have  been  poorer  in  1G80  than  in  '70. 
See  Govtrnor  Bradstreet's  answers  to  Lords  of  the 
Privy  Council.  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  3d  series,  vol.  8, 
pp.  333-0.  Boston,  Charlestown  and  Salem  are  there 
called  the  principal  places  of  trade,  idem. 

No  export  duty  upon  the  produce  of  Massachusetts 
was  imposed  in  or  about  1680,  bnt  one  penny  a  pound 
upon  goods  imported.  i.his  was  the  general  tax  (it 
seems)  upon  houses,  land,  cattle,  and  other  estatj  of 
the  country,  yeaily.  The  poll  money  was  20d  per 
head.  A  small  tax  was  put  upon  rum,  cider,  beer, 
Ac.  The  whole  revenue  of  Massachusetts  from  these 
sources  was  only  about  £15(jO  per  annum,  out  of 
which  the  government  had  to  be  supported,  officers' 
salaries  paid,  furtifications  maintained,  &o.  In  the 
times  of  the  Indian  wars,  ten  or  fifteen  general  rates 
were  obliged  to  be  levied  upon  all  men's  estates  in  a 
year, —  a  S'^vere  burden  to  the  Colony.  In  the  years 
1664-5,  according  to  Rawson,  the  total  income  of 
Massachusetts  was  about  £1200. 

Besides  the  troubles  occasioned  by  the  Algerine 
pirates  to  our  commerce — the  troubles  with  the 
French  at  Nova  Scotia  l^  Acadia],  who  interrupted 
our  fishing,  and  the  tyrannical  demands  of  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros  upon  our  fishermen  to  pay  for  the  priv 
ilege  of  fishing— there  were  the  usual  accidents  of 
trade  to  meet,  and  &  double  custom  to  be  paid    by  the 


ever,  gloomy  ones.  The  loss  of  the  charter* — 
the  drtaJed  loss  by  the  Purita'  s  of  their  Prot- 
estant privileges— of  even  the  titles  to  their 
very  lands  and  houses  ae  a  consequent  on  the 
loss  of  the  charter — the  wars  and  rumors  of 
wars  which  liad  gathered  or  were  fast  gather- 
ing— the  public  dread  of  James,  as  the  secret 
ally  of  France  and  the  Indians  as  against  the 
Colonies — the  public  and  private  calamities, 
which  were  numerous — the  belief  in  witch- 
cralt. and  the  growing  belief  throughout  New 
England  that  Satan  was  let  loose  to  do  his 
will,  especially  in  these  colonies — these,  all 
these  eauces  contributed  to  render  the  public 
nerves  morbid — the  evil  imaginations  of  men 
acute — until  as  they  drank  off  the  successive 
drauglits  of  these  evils,  temporal  and  spiritual, 
they  themselves  went  finally  mad  in  all  the 
intoxication  of  calamity.  Thus  came  upon 
the  Colony  the  madnes-i  of  1092. 

During  these  times  Pfilip  English  flour- 
ished or  suffered  with  his  compeers.  In  1694 
he  is  bliiniiig  on  the  ketch  ^•Prosjiorovs^' 
'■'■Benj.  intone.  Master,'^  b(  und  to  Baibados, 
certain  goods  consigned  to   Mnjor  Juhn  Pil- 

carried  them  to  England— the  full  duty  being  de- 
manded thi're.  Gov.  Bradstreet,  therelore,  asks  of 
the  King  the  privilege  of  free  trade,  (at  least  for 
some  ew  ships  lor  some  time,)  to  build  up  the  Col- 
ony. Ma.-snchusetts  was  built  up  commercially  by 
an  unrestricted  trade.  See  Bradstreet's  answer  to 
the  Lords  of  the  Council,  in  1680.  Mass,  Hist.  ColL, 
3d  series,  vol.  8,  pp.  332  to  340. 

Bradstreet's  views  of  the  commerce  of  Massachu- 
setts in  1680,  were  rather  gloomy.  Salem,  as  one  of 
the  three  principal  places  of  trade  in  Massachusetts, 
must  have  suffered  severely. 

*  In  the  Judgment  to  vacate  the  Colonial  Charter 
in  1684,  among  the  sins  of  the  Colony  are  especially 
enumerated  the  establishment  of  customs,  the  coin- 
ing of  money  and  the  levying  u  pell  tax.  This 
Judgment  (a  copy)  can  be  found  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.  It  is  eatiy  to  see  by  this,  that  Mas^achnsett3 
was  regarded  in  England  as  having  then  asserted, 
practically,  her  independence  of  the  mother  country. 


Her  spirit,  moreover,  on  various  civil  occasion*,  both 
merchants  of  Massachusetts  who  imported  sugar,  j  before  and  after  this,  proved  to  be  of  the  indomitabla 
indigo,  cotton  wool,  <fcc.,  into  the  Colony,  and  thence     order. 


171 


gram  (Pilgrim  ?)  in  B.  She  carries  fish  and 
empty  hogslieads,  aud  is  to  return  with  Dry 
Goods,  viz  :  "Nails,  blew  lining.  ^  Blue  limn) 
Oembrigs,  Holland  Ducii  and  tJordage  if  cheap 
there."  He  mentioned  also  rectiving Kum  and 
"Malcsses"  (Molatisee)  from  the  Major  at  tlie 
hand^  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Pitman.  This  let- 
ter of  advice  is  very  well  written  as  a  speci- 

*  This  letter  of  1694—5  may  have  some  interest, 
and  we  tberefure  will  gi?e  it  entire.  Tbe  Maj'r  John 
Pilgram  named  was  a  merobaot  in  Barbadoes,  it 
would  appear — most  probably  a  Commission  Mtr 
chant,  and  perhaps  a  native  of  Masi^aehusetts. 

Salem,  Jan'y  the  28th,  1694-5. 

Maj'r  John  Pilgram, 

Sr.  Yours  Received  p  [per] 
Mr.  Benjamin  Pittman  with  one  Eovoice  and  bill  ot 
Loading  Enclosed  ol  four  bbd  of  Kum  and  four  libd 
of  Mai  loses.  The  Rum  was  in  good  conuition,  But  tbe 
Mallust-s  was  above  one-fourth  part  Leeked,  or  taken 
out.  Air.  Pitujan  gives  me  to  undt-rstand  that  it 
was  so  beloro  it  came  on  Board;  Therefore  I  had 
not  iiiiy  siitisfaotiou  of  hiui;  the  Casks  were  good 
and  ti  o-  Sr.  these  doe  likewise  signiiye  tljat  I  have 
Inclosed  herein  a  bill  of  Lading  ol  eight  bbd.  of 
fiSsli  ivr  mj  acco't,  aud  Re.-que  which  I  have  Shii>ed 
on  board  tne  Ketoh  th«  Prosporous  Benjamin  btoiie 
Mastei  and  cuiisigned  to  you.  If  it  should  please 
Qo'l  that  the  saia  Ketch  arrive  safe  at  Barbados  I  In- 
treat  you  to  Receive  the  said  flSsh  and  dispose  of  the 
saiue  lor  uie,  and  Returne  the  Produce  by  the  same 
Ketch  in  Barbados  goods  it  to  be  had  (if  not)  in  dry 
Goods  (viz)  nailes  blew  lining  osmbrigs  Holland 
dm-k  Coraage  il  it  be  cheap  there  Knowing  not 
■what  is  best  I  leave  it  to  your  discretion  to  make  Re- 
turns in  what  you  think  best  for  my  advantage,  but 
in  case  tbe  sd  ketch  should  not  Returne  hither  di 
recily  Pray  send  t:ie  Effects  by  the  first  that  is  bound 
for  6alem  if  Barbados  Good,  If  English  Goods  by 
any  bound  for  Sal°m  or  Boston;  fliah  is  ver>  scarce 
here  is  none  to  be  Expected  till  the  Spring  Sr  I 
have  not  anything  else  to  trouble  you  with  at  pr'seut 
onely  my  Humble  Service  to  you  &  your  good  Lady 
nukaowne  I  Kemaine  Sr.  your 

JViost  Humble  Servant  at  Command 
PHILLIP   ENGLISH. 

Salem  28  day  of  January,  1694-5. 
Invoice  of  8  bhd  of  ffish  shiped  on  board  tbe  ketch 
Prosperous  Beoja.  Stone  Master  upon  the  Proper 
j\cco't  <fc  Resque  of  me  Phillip  Englis  of  Salem  in 
New  England  &  Goetb  Consigned  to  Maj'r  John 
Pilgram  in  Barbados  marked  &  numbered  as  pr 
Margent  with  the  Contence   of  each   hhd  as  foil 

(viKt) 

P-  E.  £.    a.    d. 

No.  1.     To  1  hhd  Con't  8i  Quintles-att    . 

Ids  per  Quintle  is  6     07     06 

No.  2.     To  1  hbd  Cont.  7i  Quintles  att 

15s  per  Quintle  ia  5    12    06 


men  of  Ciiirography.  and  instructs  the  Con- 
sijinee,  '"If  it  shall  please  God  that  the  said 
Ketch  arrives  safe  at  Barbados,^'  to  n ctive  her 
Cargo,  &c.  A  higher  power  tl  an  the  winds 
and  the  wraves  and  the  fallible  efforts  of  man 
is  indeed  reeogniz«  d  in  all  the  old  Salem  let- 
ters of  advice  now  extant,  not  of  P.  E  alone, 
but  of  the  Brownes.  and  others.  Nor  were 
t-uch  men  indeed  the  lees  manly  or  generous  for 
such  a  belief  and  acknowledgment,  as  the  no- 
ble  legacies  for  in>tance,  of  the  Brownes  to 
Salem,  abundantly  prove. 

From  1694  to  1720  Mr.  E.  sends  ketches  to 
New  Foundland,  Cape  Sable  or  Acadie  to 
catch  fish,  sends  these  fish  to  Bar^adues,  or 
<<ther  Englit^h  West  Indies,  Surinam,  perhaps 
Spain  or  the  Streights.  If  to  the  West  Indies 
or  Surinam,  he  sends  also  lumber,  shingles, 
oil  (fish  and  whale?)  and  staves,*  barrels,  and 


No.  3.     To  6  hhds  Cont.  6i  Qnintleg  att 
to  8.     15s  6d  per  Quintle  is  39  qtls      30     04     06 
To  8  Empty  hhds  at  5s  per 
piece,  2     00    00 


Errors  Excepted  by  me  44     04     06 

PHILIPS   ENGLISH. 
*  Tbe  following    memorandum   found   among   tho 
English  papers,  besides  giving  the   names   of  a   few 
wharves  in  Salem,  in  1695,  shows  the   kind  of  bnsi- 
ness  done  at  them. 
It95. 

Aug.  loth — Account  of  goods  taken  abord  ye  Slupe 
prudent  Mary, 
loth— taken  from  Mr.  Turner's  worfe  18  bund  Red 

Oke  hh.  Staves. 
16th— taken  from  Capt.  Sewel's  worfe  5000  of  Shin- 
gel. 

19  day — Loded  on    bord   from  Mr.  Brown's  worfa 

15  bund  of  bb.  staves,  ard  of  Mr.  Hurst 
fiom  Winter  Island:  6  hh.  of  fish  G.  U.  1 
to  6. 

20  day — taken  on  bord  4  hh  of  fish  S  B  1  to  4. 

2  day— taken  on  bord  from  Mr  hurst  8  hh  of  fish 
G.  H.  No  7  8  and  U.  H.  aud  12  huudard  of 
etaves  from  Mr.  Brewn'a  worfe. 

23  day— 4  hh  of  fish  from  Marvelhed  for  Capt.  Al- 

len BS  A  1.  2  BC  A3.  4. 

24  day— 13    hundard   staves   from    Mr.    Browne's 

worfe 

25  day— 2  hh  fish  and  3   bar  oyle  from   Marvel- 

hed S.  B    No.  5.  6. 

27  day— 2  hh  of  fish  of  Mr.  Hurst. 

28  day— 4  hh  of  fish   from  Mr.   Engels  of  Samai 

Browns  S.  B. 

29  day — to  6  hundard  of  staves    at  Mr.  Brown'a 

worfe. 


173 


hogsheads.     In  return  he  takes  Sugar,  Mulas- 


}it  September— 3  hund  of  stares  from  Mr.  Brown's 

worle — and  4U00  ufsliin^fels. 
8  day— 2  hh  of  fish  from  Mr.  Engol's  W  H  No  1  2 
for  Mr.  Hurst,  and  1  titi  &  1  bar  1  G    No 
1  ^  for  Mr.  Kitchen." 

NoTB.  The  above  memorandum  seems  to  imply 
that  Turner's,  Sewall's,  and  Brown's  wharves  were 
devoted  to  the  stave,  shingle  and  lumber  business, 
while  the  fishing  trade  was  confined  to  Winter  Isl- 
and. This  agrees  well  with  the  history  and  tradi- 
tions in  respect  to  Winter  Inland  ba'ng  the  great 
depot  of  the  fishing  trade  even  from  the  gettlement 
of  the  town. 

According  to  the  first  "Booke  of  Kecordes  for  Mas- 
ters, Ac,"  in  the  Essex  County  Court  office.  Winter 
Island  had  somo  settled  "customes"  of  its  own.  In 
the  first  of  these  books,  pp.  2t-5,  Oct.  1700,  there  ap- 
pear certain  depogitiDns  of  variou.s  parties  in  regard 
to  the  delivery  of  fish  thare.  Soma  of  the  crew  of 
the  ship  Leonora,  Capt.  Alexander  Dowdidge,  refused 
to  take  a  boat  load  of  fish  from  thence,  unless  the 
men  delivering  it  tor  Capt.  lienj'n  Marston  carried 
it  down  to  Fish  St  ,  (which  was  probably  close  to  the 
water)  whereupon  Natb'l  Wallis,  aged  about  70,  and 
Mathew  Barton,  aged  about  58,  testify  to  their  cer 
tain  knowledge  that  it  hath  ever  been  the  custom  of 
Winter  L<land  for  the  masters  of  vessels  to  receive 
the  fish  at  the  end  of  their  flakes  at  every  part  of  the 
Island.  The  Island  was  then  well  covered  with  fish 
flakes  most  probably. 

Winter  Harbor  was  the  long  Cove  which  runs  into 
the  we.stwaid  of  the  is^land,  (now  Cat  Cove)  and  was 
well  adapted  for  the  ketches,  sloops  and  larger  shal 
lopi  then  in  use.  Probably  not  many  even  of  our 
schooners  up  to  1740  ranged  over  45  toijs  bur'hen. 
We  judge  so  from  a  cursory  perusal  of  the  two  Bookes 
of  Recoidcs  for  Masters. 

On  the  shores  of  Winter  Island  or  the  adjacent 
shores  were  granted  in  l(i3G-7  "haH  acre  lots"— "for 
fishing  trade  and  to  build  upon,"  and  among  other 
very  early  merchants  settling  there  was  Pasco  Foot 
—  who  was  a  very  enterprising  merchant,  and  died  in 
1C70. 

Right  opposite  Winter  Island  H.arbor  to  the  west- 
ward was  Water-t..wn,  a  fishing  \illage  on  the  Point 
of  Rocks  (the  farm  lately  occupied  by  Mr.  Eben 
Ilathorne)  which  liittei  settlement,  however,  appears 
to  have  been  on  privato  land.  A  large  population 
dwelt  formerly  on  Winter  Island  and  iidj  icent  shores, 
including   Water-town.    The  Neck  at  one  time  is 


see,  Rum  and  Cotton  Wool.  He  tht-n  sends 
from  Salem  to  Maryland  or  Virginia,*  Sugar, 

said  to  have  furnished  100  men  capable  of  bearing 
arms — doubtle.^s  a  sturdy  and  hardy  set. 

Turner's  wharf  was  at  the  foot  of  Turner's  street, 
we  believe.  Sewall's  wharf  we  are  at  a  loss  to  locate. 
Brown's  wharf  may  be  that  wharf  which  a  Capt. 
Brown,  in  1U8I,  desired  to  build,  and  for  that  purpose 
got  the  town's  interest  "■in  the  cove  down  against 
his  father's  hnuse."  See  page  141  of  vol.  1  Salem 
Records.  Which  of  the  Browns  or  Brownes  it  was, 
does  not,  however,  appear. 

*  The  following  copy  of  an  old  printed  Bill  of 
Lading  of  1707,  with  contents  may  nut  be  out  of 
place  bere; 

Shipped  by  the  Grace  of  God,  in  good  or- 
der and  well  conditioii'^d,  by  Sam'U 
Browne,  Pliillip  Eiglinh,  C.iot.  W  n.  iJow- 
ditch,  Wm.  Pickering  &  Sam'll  Wakefield  in  and 
upon  the  Good  sloop  called  the  may  flower  whereof 
is  .\lastt?r  under  Gjd  for  this  present  voyage  Jno 
Swasey,  and  now  riding  at  Anchor  in  the  harbour 
of  Salem,  and  by  God's  Grace  bound  for  Virginia  ar 
Merriland — To  say,  twenty  hogshats  of  rfaitt  one 
quarter  partt  on  the  Acct  <fe  Resque  of  Sam'll  IJrowne 
—one  quarter  on  the  Aoctt  &  Resque  of  Philip  En- 
glish— one  quarter  partt  on  the  Acctt  &  Resque  of 
Captt.  Wm.  Bowditch  and  Wm  Pickering — one 
quarter  partt  on  the  Acctt  &  Resque  of  Sam'll  Wake- 
field— Being  Marked  and  Numbered  a.s  in  the  Mar- 
gent,  and  are  to  be  delivered  in  the  like  good  Order 
and  well  conditioned  at  the  afi-resaid  Port  of  Vir- 
ginia or  Merriland  (the  da'ger  of  t!ie  Seas  only 
excepted)  unto  Mr.  i?am'll  Wakefield  or  to  his  As- 
signs, he  or  they  Paying  Freight  for  the  said  Goods" 
*     *     *     with  Primage  and  Avarage  accustomed. 

In  Witness  whereof  the  Master  or  Purser  of  the 
said  Sloop  hath  alHrnnd  to  Two  Bills  of  Lading,  all 
of  this  Ten' ur  and  Date,  Ono  of  which  two  Bills 
being  Accomplished  the  other  one  to  stand  Void.  And 
SI)  God  semi  the  Good  Sloop  to  her  desired  Port  in 
safety.  AMEN.  Dated  in  Salem  Dec.  24, 
1707. 

JOHN    SWASEY. 

On  this  Bill  of  Lading  is  endyrsid: 

"Rec'd.  the  Contents  of  the  within  menshened  Bill 
of  Layden— per  Sam'll  Wakefield. 

Marelv'id,  May  the  31,  17o8. 

By  another  Bill  of  Lading,  not  separated,  from 
this,  and  of  the  same  date,  Sam'l  Browne,  Wm.  Bow- 
ditch  and  Wm.  Pickering  being  the  shippers,  it  seems 
the  same  sloop  took  the  following  additional  items: 

"To  Virginia  or  Merriland" — "Five  toarccs  of  Ma- 
lasses,  two  ho^shuts  Rum,  twelve  barrills  RackttSi- 
der,  forty  Eightt  Sidcr  pails,  two  barrils  and  one  fir- 
kin Shugar,  forty  Eightt  Shugar  boxe.-',  twenty  four 
gallonds  &  two  galiond  Runlits,  twe'vo  three  gal- 
lond  and  twelve  four  gallond   Runlits,  Sixtiene   new 


173 


Rum  and  Molasses,  (the  result  of  his  West 
India  voyages)  and  in  addition,  Salt,  Cider, 
Wooden  Ware,  Casks,  Barrels,  Kegs  and 
Cans.  He  takes  from  thence  to  Salem,  Wheat, 
Indian  Corn,  Hides,  Peltry,  Tobacco,  Old  Iron, 
Pewter,  Copper,  perhaps  also  some  Dry  goods 
imDorted  from  England  into  these  countries. 
If  there  be  much  Tobacco  purchased,  it  is  to 
be  sent  to  London,  by  some  English  vessel,  and 
sold  on  P.  E's.  account,  and  tho  money  paid 
to  his  Banker  there,  if  he  sends  his  fish  to 
Spain,  the  return  cargo  If  Salt  from  St.  Ubea 
or  Isle  of  May,  with  Wine,  we  should  judge, 
from  Fuyal  or  the  Wine  Islands.  We  can 
trace  one  of  his  voyages  to  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut,  to  load  with  Staves  for  Ireland  ; 
and  find  some  papers,  and  items  In  Felts  annals, 
which  make  it  very  probable  that  ho  traded 
with  England  and  Holland. 

His  vessels  were  most  probably  of  the  size 
then  common  in  the  Colonies,  and  probably 
all  built  in  Salem.  Such  were  then  called 
'^Plantation  built. ^^  They  consisted  o(  Sloops, 
which  were  from  20  to  36  tons  buithen,  car- 
rying five  or  six  men.  Ketches,  which  were 
from  25  to  45  tons,  carrying  five  or  six  men, 
and  Bri(janteens,  from  60  to  70  tons  and  car- 
rying from  six  to  eight  men.  In  1698-9,  there 
•was  a  Ship  in  Salem  of  200  tons  built  here — 


half  barrils  twelve  pecks  (T)  on  the  proper    Acctt    <fc 
Resqe  <tc." 

This  Bill  of  Lading  has  also  Sam'U  Wakefield's 
receipt  as  of  the  Same  place,  and  date  with  the  other. 
Both  Bills  show  some  of  our  Salem  exports  to  Virgin- 
ia and  Maryland  at  that  time. 

The  following  Receipt  shows  some  of  the  articles 
then  brougiit  from  Maryland  to  Salem  and  the  rates 
of  their  freight. 

Mary  Land.  "Received  onboard  the  Sloop  Mary 
Bound  for  Salem  in  New  England  on  accompt  of  Mr. 
Phillip  English  Merchant  there  to  say  one  thousand 
and  ffity  pounds  of  Hides,  Three  hundred  Eighty  <fc 
Eight  pounds  of  Iron,  Thirteen  &  i  pounds  of  Brass, 
Eight  pounds  of  puter  (pewter)  and  Two  hundred 
flSty  five  i  bushels  of  wheat,  w'ch  I  promise  to  de- 
liver to  s'd  Mr.  Phillip  English  or  assignes  (danger 
of  ye  Seas  Excepted)  he  or  they  paying  freight  for 
ye  same,  fforty  shillings  for  ye  Hides,  Brass  &  puter 
and  Iron — for  ye  Wheat  Eighteen  pence  per  bushel : 
having  signed  to  Two  receipts  of  ye  same  tenor  and 
date  the  one  to  be  accomplished  ye  other  to  stand 
void.    I  say  reo'd 

per  Wm  English." 

St  Mariotffeby  21th  1711-12. 

44 


another  then  here  of  eighty  tons.  The  most 
of  the  Salem  Shipping  then  averaged  from  20 
to  40  tons.  Some  of  his  vessels  were  named 
from  various  members  of  his  family,  such  for 
instance,  as  tho  sloop  Mary,  and  the  brigan- 
teen  William  and  Susannah.  The  cargoes 
carried  to  Virginia  and  Maryland  seem  to  be 
worth  when  sold  there,  about  *£140.  It  seems 
that  Wm.  HolliDgworth,  his  father  in  law, 
had  been  before  him  engaged  in  this  trade, 
and  also  Capt.  John  Brown,  son  of  Elder  John 
of  Salem.  When  the  Dutch  ravaged  Virginia, 
about  1667,  both  these  merchants  suflfered  se- 
verely, Wm.  H.  being  captured  by  the  Dutch. 
As  an  item  in  regard  to  these  Maryland  &,  Vir- 
ginia voyages,  the  Captain  gets  a  commission 
of  5  per  cent,  on  sales.  Kent  Island,  Mary- 
land, appears  to  have  been  a  favorite  market, 
to  judge  by  old  accounts. 

The  Salem  trade  with  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land flourished  (comparatively  speaking)  be- 
tween 1690  and  1720,  though  it  was  impor- 
tant between  1660  and  '7.0.  It  appears  to 
have  been  a  somewhat  peculiar  trade,  owing 
to  the  peculiar  condition  of  those  countries. 
New  England  had  been  settled  by  parties 
gathering  into  towns,  but  the  former  States  by 
planters,  who  scattered  themselves  over  the 
country.  Consequently  while  New  England 
had  towns,  with  mechanics,  traders,  artizans, 
&c.,^all  concentrated  and  co-workers, — the 
more  southern  colonies  had  a  sparse  popula- 
tion and  no  towns,  markets,  or  indeed,  capi- 
tal. Tobacco  was  the  principal  crop  of  those 
colonies — was  in  fact  their  currency  to  a  good 
degree — and  only  occupied  the  planters  as  a 
crop  during  the  summer,  and  left  them  often 
idle  and  lazy  the  remainder  of  the  year.  They 
also  raised  wheat,  Indian  corn,  oats,  barley, 
pease,  and  many  sorts  of  pulse  in  great  plen- 
ty, and  supplied  Barbadoes  and  the  other 
Leeward  Islands,  and  also  New  England  with 
such  produce.  At  the  date  of  1696,  and  for 
some  years  before,  the  New   England  colonies 


*This  sum  is  probably    only  a  quarter  part  of  the 
true  value  of  such  voyages. 


lU 


had  not  been  able  to  raise  much  wheat  or  In- 
dian corn,  owing  to  the  early  frosts,  and  had 
to  seek  their  supplies  of  grain  from  Virginia 
and  adjacent  coasts.  The  sloops,  ^^nd  Ketches 
from  Massachusetts,  which  ran  to  these  South- 
ern shores,  had  to  gather  their  cargoes  from 
vride  and  scattered  plantations,  and  at  groat 
loss  of  time.  It  was  no  uncommon  thing- 
(says  a  writer  in  1696  to  1698,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  Virginia — Maes.  Hist.  Coll.,  5th 
vol.,  1st  series,  pages  126  to  129,)  for  ships  to 
be  three  or  four  months  in  Virginia  waiting 
for  a  cargo  ol  tobacco,  which  might,  under 
other  circumstances,  be  dispatched  in  a  fort- 
night's time,  and  which  delay  doubled  the 
price  of  freights.  It  probably  took  our  Mas- 
sschusetts  craft  a  long  time  to  dispose  of  their 
cargoes  under  such  circumstances,  as  well  as 
get  their  return  cargoes,  and  it  is  very  proba- 
ble that  they  pushed  their  little  sloops  and 
ketches  far  into  the  *creeks  and  bays  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland,  traded  off  their  cargoes 
over  a  wide  space,  and  collected  their  return 


*The  following  note  from  John  English  to  John 
Touzell,  (his  brother-in-law)  may  serve  to  show 
somewhat  of  the  nature  of  the  Maryland  trade  at 
that  date.  Both  were  in  Maryland  at  the  time,  ool- 
leoting  a  cargo  separately  or  together,  and  probably 
for  Philip  English.  It  would  appear  as  if  barter  en- 
tered essentially  into  the  character  of  this  trade: 

NOTE. 

"To  Capt.  John  Touzell  at  Wichicorne  Creek: 

Kathokine  Creek,  Desemb'r  28,  1722. 
Brother  Touzel. — This  is  to  let  you  [know]  of  our 
welfare  hear,  and  I  hope  is  so  with  you  and  the  rest 
of  you.  hear  is  Capt.  Gansby  and  Capt'n  Solter 
hear,  and  they  hare  got  abundance  of  dry  and  weat 
(wetl)  goods,  and  Capt.  Solter  Traids  for  pork  and 
Tar  and  corn,  and  he  sells  Kum  for  6  shillings  per 
gallon  in  pork  [paid  in 'pork.]  William  Paird  is 
with  Capt'n  Gansby.  Capt.  EnMy  is  bin  hear  twis 
(twice)  and  he  says  Nothing  about  Molasses  Nor 
Buger.  I  baue  3  barrells  of  pork  and  3  of  corn — 
the  Spineys  ows  me  Corn  and  pork.  I  baue  bin  to 
John  Ward's,  and  he  says  he  will  bring  it  Down  to 
me.  I  baue  resiued  your  Leatter.  Father  Burkett 
and  his  wife  giues  [their  love]  and  I  Remain 

Yr  Louing  Brother,  JOHN  ENGLISH." 

It  la  very  likely  that  the  various  Captains  named 
in  this  note  were  all  Salem  men,  as  they  are  named 
fiftmiliarlj,  and  not  as  of  anj  other  place. 


cargoes  with  the  same  difficulty  and  delay. — 
The  writer,  who  has  left  us  these  facts  in  re- 
gard to  the  condition  of  trade  in  Virginia  at 
that  date,  regrets  that  that  State  had  not  orig- 
inally laid  out  towns  as  the  New  Englanders 
did — with  home  lots  for  gardens  and  orchards, 
outlots  for  cornfields,  and  meadows  and  coun- 
try lots  for  plantations,  with  overseers  and 
gangs  of  hands  to  cultivate  them.  He  says 
this  opportunity  was  lost  by  the  Southerners, 
who  seated  themselves,  without  rule  or  order, 
in  country  plantations,  and  that  the  general 
Assemblies  of  Virginia,  seeing  the  inconvenien- 
ces of  this  dispersed  way  of  living,  had  made 
several  attempts  to  bring  the  people  into  towns, 
which  had  all  proved  ineffectual.  Such  a  state 
of  things  of  course  affjoted  trade  unfavorably. 
It  is  difficult,  therefore,  to  tell  the  *length 
of  these  Southern  voyages  of  our  fathers,  who 
were  delayed  not  alone  in  those  days  by  im- 
perfect means  of  navigation,  but  a  want  also 
of  business  facilities.  Their  voyages  to  Eng- 
land, Europe  or  the  West  Indies,  were  un- 
doubtedly much  longer  than  those  now.  Dun. 
ton,  who  sailed  as  passenger  from  England  to 
Boston,  in  1685,  was  over  four  months  in  mak- 
ing the  passage — which  appears,  however,  to 
have  been  of  an  extra  length,  as  the  provisions 
gave  out — and  they  were  on  the  point  of 
Starving,  on  arrival  at  Boston.  As  an  evi- 
dence of  the  insecurity  felt  at  that  late  day, 
from  Corsairs,  and  even  in  the  English  Chan- 
nel, Dunton  says  they  were  all  alarmed  there 
by  the  appearance  of  a  vessel,  which  they  took 
to  bo  a  Salleeman  (a  pirate  from  Sallee,  a  for- 
tified maritime  town  in  Morocco,)  and  pre- 
pared for  defence,  but  found  themselves  mis- 
taken. If  from  a  third  to  a  half  of  the  length 
of  modern  voyages  was  added  to  the  voyages 


*In  the  orders  given  to  Capt.  Wm.  English  by  bis 
father,  Nov.  25,  1709,  on  a  voyage  to  Maryland, 
Capt.  E.  is  ordered  to  make  all  the  dispatch  he  can 
there,  so  as  to  be  back  to  Salem  early  in  the  spring.  A 
Maryland  voyage,  made  with  all  dispatch  at  thai 
date,  would  seem  then  to  hare  taken  the  better  part 
of /our  or/ve  months. 


175 


tlieiusc-lves,  they  would  not  probably  exceed 
the  triie  length  of  the  old  voyages  as  compared 
«ith  the  inodern. 

One  of  the  favorite  craft  of  our  fathers  (and 
Piiiliip  English  appears  to  have  owned  several 
Bucb)  was  the  *Ketch — the  name  and  rig 
of  which.however,  have  disappeared  from  mod- 
era  commerce, — at  least  in  our  State  and 
neighborhood.  The  last  went  out  of  date 
about  1800.  Elias  Haskett  Derby  had  one  in 
1799,  called  the  John.  An  old  sea  captain 
now  living,  pays  that  the  Ketch  was  two- 
masted,  with  square  sails  on  the  foremast, 
which  was  a  stout  tall  mast  stepped  far  for- 
ward, and  a  mainsail  on  the  mainmast,  which 
was  a  shorter  mast  than  the  foremast.  The 
Ketch  sailed  very  fast  before  the  wind.  The  rig 
of  the  Briganteen  does  not  appear.  The  sloop 
rig  was  perhaps  similar  to  our  own.  The 
ScAooner  seems  to  have  gradually  supplanted 
the  Ketch.  It  first  appears  in  our  Salem  ma- 
rine about  1720.  We  find  among  the  English 
papers  an  old   receipt  of  1727,   wherein  one 


*In  the  Essex  Institute,  in  a  volume  called  Ele- 
ments and  Practice  of  Rigging,  London  1794,"  be- 
tween pages  220  and  221  can  be  seen  engravings  of 
an  European  Ketch,  and  some  pinnaces,  and  between 
pages  238  and  9,  an  engraring  of  a  French   Shallop. 

There  appears  to  be  no  material  difference  between 
the  rig  of  the  ancient  and  modem  Sloops  of  New- 
England,  to  judge  by  drawings  of  the  former  on  a 
map  of  Boston  with  its  Harbour  made  by  Capt.  Bon- 
ner in  1722.  As  no  Schooners  seem  to  appear  on  this 
map,  we  cannot  state  what,  if  any,  difference  there 
may  be  between  their  ancient  and  modern  rig.  It 
would  seem  by  this  as  if  the  Schooner  at  that  date 
was  very  rarely  met  with. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  those  who  may  have  draw- 
ings, paintings,  or  engravings  of  our  early  New  Eng- 
land vessels,  will  preserve  them  as  mementos  of  our 
«arly  commerce,  and  place  them  where  they  may  be  of 
avail  to  the  commercial  historian.  Our  New  Eng- 
land vessels  from  the  commencement,  we  have  reason 
to  believe,  were  somewhat  different  from  those  of 
the  old  Country — and  these  peculiarities  are  worth 
knowing  and  preserving;  especially  as  they  were 
tometimes  improvements. 


Wm.  Browne,  Jr.  receives  '■^onboard  ye*Sko- 
ner  Kingfisher,  Captain  John  Pitman,  master,'^ 
certain  fish,  &c.  The  schooner  is  said  to  have 
originated  at  Gloucester  in  1714.  P.  E.  own- 
ed several  fSloops,  and  perhaps  one  Schooner, 
and  retained  perhaps  a  Sloop  or  two  in  busi- 
ness to  employ  himself  as  late  as  1733-4. 

About  the  year  1715,  Philip  English  lost 
his  son  William,  with  whom  be  had  been  con- 
nected in  business,  and  which  must  have  been 
a  severe  blow  to  hiin,  as  this  son  was  more  af- 
ter the  pattern  of  his  father,  than  perhaps  any 
other  of  the  sons.  At  the  age  of  19  he  was 
commanding  the  sloop  Aike,  belonging  to  his 
father,  bound  for  Virginia,  and  his  accounts 
with,  and  letters  to,  bis  father  and  other  bus- 
iness men,  at  various  times,  prove  him  to  have 
been  able  and  competent  as  a  business  man. 
He  died  at  the  early  age  of  25 ,  and  probably 
when  his  father  was  beginning  to  believe  he 
would  succeed  him  in  his  commerce.  Philip 
English,  however,  still  continued  in  business, 
and,  from  appearances,  did  not  retire  entirely 
from  trade  until  about  173.3-4- 

In  1725  (according  to  Felt,)  he  is  put  into 
our  Salem  jail  for  refusing  as  an  Episcopali- 
an to  pay  taxes  for  the  support  of  the  East 
Church  (Congregational.)  How  long  he  staid 
is  uncertain ;  but  probably  not  long.  In 
1732  the  law  by  which  he  was  imprisoned 
was  repealed.    In  1734  ho  appears,   together 


*In  an  old  account  of  a  fishing  voyage  made  up  in 
1733,  and  in  our  possession,  the  vessel  is  described  on 
the  outside  as  the  "  Shooner  John,"  and  on  the  inside 
as  "ye  Schonner  John."    John  Webber  was  master. 

tin  1733-4,  Philip  English  is  paying  Benj.  Bea- 
dle money  on  account  of  Capt.  Wm.  Smith,  which 
seems  like  a  commercial  transaction.  In  1732  he 
gives  a  Sloop  to  one  of  his  children,  which  shows  him 
to  have  been  engaged  in  commerce  up  to  that  time: 
He  was  then  over  80  years  of  age — 81  or  2.  As  an 
itiem  of  the  value  of  a  sloop  in  1712  we  find  in  the 
Book  of  Becordes  for  Masters  the  recorded  sale  by 
Eben'r  Lambert,  Shipwright  of  Salem,  of  ye  good 
Sloop  Betty,  lately  bailt,  of  about  80  tons  burthen, 
to  Mr.  Benj'n  Marston  of  Salem  for  £240,  that  ia  £3 
per  ton. 


176 


with"  his  family,  as  the  donors  ot  land  for  a 
site  for  St.  Peter's  Church  in  Salem.  In  1735 
he  is  put  under  guardianship  as  being  clouded 
in  mind,  and  in  1736  dies,  aged  about  86 
years,  and  is  buriod  in  the  Episcopal  Church 
yard. 

He  seems  not  to  have  confined  himself  alone 
to  commerce,  but  to  have  bought  largely  into 
real  estate.  When  the  division  of  the  Com- 
mons took  place  in  Salem — that  is,  the  land 
which  was  held  in  com&on  by  its  inhabitants, 
he  held  twenty-five  shares  or  rights,  being  the 
largest  single  proprietor.  In  1692  he  owned 
Bome  fourteen  houses  in  Salem.  Before  his 
death,  however,  he  seems  to  have  given  to  his 
childi'en  or  grandchildren,  some  of  his  real  es- 
tate, and  perhaps  other  portions  of  his  prop- 
erty, since  his  inventory  shows  no  personal 
estate  of  any  consequence,  nor  anything  like 
the  amount  of  real  estate  he  had  once  owned. 
He  seems  to  have  been  treated  with  great  re- 
spect by  his  children,  who  always  call  him 
^^ Honored  talker  EngJish^^  in  their  accounts 
with  him,  and  sometimes  in  their  mention  of 
him. 

After  the  witchcraft  madness  had  blown 
over,  Philip  English  seems  to  have  been  for  a 
time  popular  in  Salem,  since  he  was  then  cho- 
sen a  Selectman,  and  a  Deputy  to  the  General 
Court.  Uis  funeral  was  attended  by  a  large 
concourse  of  people,  and  by  the  most  distin- 
guished then  among  us. 

He  lost  his  first  wife,  Mary,  in  1694,  and  in 
1698  married  Sarah  Ingersoll,  a  widow.  By 
bis  first  wife  he  had  seven  children,  of  whom 
only  three  survived  him,  viz :  Philip,  who 
married  Mary  Ellis,  Mary,  who  married  Wil- 
liam Browne,  and  Susannah,  who  married 
John  Touzell.  Philip  inherited  the  Blue  An- 
chor Tavern,  which  his  grandmother,  Elinor 
Hollingworth,  kept  when  poor,  and  in  her 
widowhood,  and  he  appears  to  have  run  out  the 
whole  belore  1750,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of 
Eichard  *Derby  to  help  him.     Susannah   died 


*Richard  Derby  most  probably  out  of  friendship 
to  the  father,   Philip  English,  bought  the  estate  of 


not  long  after  her  father,  and  soon  after  her 
husband,  who  was  also  a  native  of  Jersey,  a 
very  well  educated  sea  captain,  and  who  was 
employed  both  by  Philip  English  and  William 
and  Samuel  Browne,  as  captain  and  agent, 
and  who  left  about  as  large  a  fortune  as  Air. 
English  himself.  By  his  second  wife,  Philip 
English  appears  to  have  had  a  son  John  En- 
glish, whose  fate  is  uncertain.  The  direct 
male  line  is  perhaps  extinct,  but  his  descen- 
dants in  the  female  line  are  still  in  existence. 

His  life  appears  to  have  been  an  adventu- 
rous, enterprising  one,  with  some  extraordina- 
ry trials  also,  like  that  of  the  Witchcraft  furor 
and  misfortunes  ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  that,  when  over  eighty  years  of  age,  a 
mind  which  had  been  so  tried  as  his,  should 
have  set  amid  clouds  and  darkness.  So  'set 
the  mortality  of  his  nature,  but  not  its  immor- 
tality, we  trust. 

There  is  no  portrait  extant  of  Philip  En- 
glish, as  is  the  case  also  with  the  Brownes 
(Benjamin  and  William)  who  were  his  cotem- 
poraries,  and  who  so  nobly  remembered  our 
Salem  schools.  Philip  English  is  represented 
by  tradition  to  have  been  of  middle  stature, 
and  strong  physically.  In  character,  Philip 
English  had  some  marked  points,  was  high- 
spirited:  not  ungenerous,  impulsive  withal, 
and  at  times  choleric,  perhaps.  He  is  repre- 
sented to  have  been  kind  to  the  poor,  yet  not 
over  conciliatory  to  his  peers.  He  may  have 
felt  sore  on  the  subject  of  Episcopacy,  and  the 
denial  of  toleration,  and  was  not  likely,  in 
that  respect,  certainly,  to  have  conciliated  the 
powerful  Congregationalists.  At  times  he  ap- 
pears to  have  been  popular,  and  it  is  evident 
by  his  papers  that  he  was  often  on  terms  of 
business  intimacy  with  the  then  prominent 
merchants  of  Salem  ;  and  the  elder  Benjamin 
Browne  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  nearer 
than  a  business  friend,  to  judge  by  one  or  two 
old  papers.  Some  of  the  papers  of  the  Brownea 
are  still  mingled   among  his  own.     His    own 

Philip  Jr.,  and  gave  him  permission  to  use  the  same 
for  his  natural  life, .  Philip  Jr.  then  being  embar- 
rassed in  business. 


177 


immediate  neighbors  seem  to  have  liked  bim, 
and  in  1732  heartily  repelled  the  charge,  then 
made  againet  him  bj  the  Selectmen,  of  being 
unsound  in  mind,  and  triumphed  in  tbeir  op- 
position, in  1735,  however,  it  would  appear 
that  the  authoritiea  triumphed  in  turn, 
but  Mr.  English  waa  then  already  on  the 
brink  oftho  grave,  and  was  soon  released  from 
all  human  supervision  and  control.  A  natu- 
rally buoyant  spirit,  joined  with  a  higher 
trust  and  stay,  had  borne  bim  through  and 
over  the  cares  and  struggles  and  sorrows  of  a 
long  life,  and  some  sad  and  peculiar  troubles, 
and  whatever  may  have  been  his  failings  or 
■hortcomings,  he  was  honored  in  death,  and 
attended  to  his  grave  by  a  large  concourse  of 
the  people,  who  were  evidently  gathered  to- 
gether, not  out  of  respect  to  his  wealth,  which 
was  not  then  ho  great,  but  to  those  qualities 
which  are  really  independent  of  mere  wealth 
or  distinction.  lie  must  have  been  looked 
upon,  we  think,  as  having  been  somewhat 
enterprising  and  useful  in  his  day  and  genera- 
tion, and  as  a  man  really  superior  to  his  frail- 
ticE,  whatever  they  may  have  been. 

When  Philip  English  came  to  Salem,  he 
must  have  found  the  town  already  a  commercial 
place — decidedly  so  in  its  character— and  pos- 
sessing also  rich  and  influential  merchants. 
From  some  circumstantial  items,  almost  a- 
mounting  to  evidence,  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely 
that  Philip  English  came  hither,  allured  by 
stories  he  had  heard  aa  a  boy  from  Jersey  tra- 
ders or  merchants  who  had  preceded  him. — 
In  1661  there  was  in  Salem  a  Mr.  John  Browne 
who  is  described  as  of  Jersey,  and  who  enters 
into  an  agreement  with  William  Stevens  of 
Gloucester  to  build  a  ship  ot  about  110  tons 
at  £3  per  ton,  for  himself,  and  two  partners, 
Messrs.  Nicholas  and  John  Balhack  then  in 
Jersey.  This  Mr.  John  Browne  agrees  to  pay 
Stevens  in  goods,  in  part,  at  Mr-  Corwin's,  Mr. 
Price's,  or  his  own  store,  we  should  judge. 
The  trade  between  the  Isle  of  Jersey  and  Sa- 
lem was  then  already  established  [in  1661]  and 
Browne  appears  to  have  been  a  resident  part- 
ner and  merchant  here.  The  Jersey  trade 
i5 


then  with  Salem  was  very  probably  the  impor- 
tation of  hosiery  and  shoes  from  Jersey  itself, 
and  wines,  brandies  and  fruits  from  France, 
Spain  or  Portugal,  and  linens  from  France  or 
Holland  as  a  return  for  New  England  fish 
(staves?)  and  lumber.  This  trade  with  Jet^ 
sey,  and  the  neighboring  countries  of  Europe, 
may  have  begun  before  1660,  and  continued, 
we  should  judge  by  old  papers,  (in  the  En- 
glish and  Touzel  families)  up  to  the  American 
Revolution,  if  not  later. 

It  is  very  probable  that  this  Mr.  John 
Browne,  of  Jersey,  permanently  settled  in  Sa- 
lem, as  in  January,  1673,  a  person  of  that 
name,  who  does  not  appear  to  be  John  Brown, 
the  ruling  Elder,  gets  a  grant  of  50  acres  of 
the  town  of  i>alem,  (Vol.  1,  Grants,  page  117) 
on  the  Lynn  boundary  line,  and  a  hill  in  oar 
Great  Pastures  still  retains  the  name  of  Belly- 
hac,  which  may  be  Ballhac,  and  named  so  bj 
this  Mr.  Browne  as  near  his  own  estate,  and 
in  compliment  to  one  or  both  of  his  partners, 
the  Ballhacs,  in  Jersey.  A  William  Browne, 
the  son  of  a  Mr.  John  Browne,  married  the 
eldest  daughter  of  Philip  English,  and  it  ii 
not  unlikely  that  he  was  the  son  or  grandson 
of  the  Jersey  merchant,  with  whom,  or  hia 
children,  Philip  English  would  (as  coming 
from  the  same  little  Island)  doubtless  be  well 
acquainted.  This  seems  to  be  the  more  proba- 
ble, as  there  cannot  be  traced  as  yet  any  con- 
nection between  this  Browne,  and  any  other 
Salem  family  of  that  name  then  resident  at  S. 
— though  there  may  be.  At  all  events  there 
came  over  here  as  early  as  1660,  a  Jersey 
merchant  by  the  name  of  Browne,  who  appears 
to  have  had  a  trading  bouse  here  in  1661,  and 
when  Philip  English  comes  here,  he  finds  that 
the  Jersey  trade  with  Salem  is  already  begun, 
and  very  probably  tluurishing.  There  came 
here  also,  alter  Philip  English,  quite  a  num- 
ber of  Jersey  people,  whose  descendants  ar« 
still  among  us. 

We  have  said  that  Philip  English  found  Sa- 
lem about  1670  a  decidedly  commercial  place — 
that  is,  Salem  proper— the  body  of  the  town — 
and  whoever  looks  into  the  history  pf  Salem, 


178 


will  see  the  causes  of  this,  which  it  may  not 
be  unprofitable  here  to  glanco  at,  and  brieflj^ 
review,  for  they  are  |«culiar.  When  Salem 
was  first  colonized  by  the  Home  Company,  its 
trade  was  doubtless  limited  to  and  with  that 
company  to  a  great  degree,  if  not  entirely  — 
This  state  of  things  may  have  lasted  from  1628 
to  1634-5.  When  the  company  relaxed  its 
hold  on  the  Colony,  Salem  was  left  to  the 
commercial  liberty  of  the  charter,  and  took, 
most  probably,  more  even  than  was  granted  by 
it.  Before  1636  she  began  doubtless  to  build 
small  vessels — shallops,  pinnaces,  and  perhaps 
ketches,  for  fishing  and  trade  with  the  adjacent 
colonies.  The  scarcity  of  gram,  with  which 
our  people  were  afflicted  in  1631,  compelled 
them  to  send  a  pinnace  down  to  Cape  Cod 
for  corn,  and  such  voyages  were  not  perhaps 
unfrequent  for  years  afterward.  It  is  very 
probable  that  traders  at  Salem  searched  the 
adjacent  coasts  for  furs  and  fish  in  small  ves- 
sels up  to  1640,  and  for  years  afterwards.  A- 
bout  1634-5  Say,  wo  may  safely  conclude  that 
our  Salem  commerce  begins  to  bestir  itself,  in 
a  very  humble  way,  however.  At  that  time 
there  was  most  probably  a  settlement  on  the 
Neck,  (see  Dr.  Bentley's  History  of  Salem) 
which  would  naturally  be  the  nucleus  of  the 
marine  trade  of  the  town.  As  parly  as  1C36, 
eight  individuals  were  granted  half  acre  lots 
at  Winter  Harbor  (on  tho  Neck,)  for  fishing 
trade,  and  to  build  upon.  Shallop  Cove  (now 
CoUins's)  was  early  used  by  the  fishermen  for 
light  shallops,  (as  tradition  has  it)  and  who 
lived  themselves  in  a  village  on  its  shores. — 
-Though  Salem  was  settled  on  the  North  River 
At  first,  yet  the  marine  business  of  the  town — 
its  fishing,  boat-building,  &c., — seems  to  have 
centred  at  the  lower  part,  on  and  near  the 
Neck,  and  perhaps  on  the  harbor  proper. 

The  authorities  of  Salem  were  not  at  first 
zealous  for  trade,  to  judge  by  what  Hutchin- 
Bon  says.  That  policy,  however,  did  not  last 
long,  for  in  1635  (Dr.  Bentley  says,)  a  plan 
for  the  fisheries  was  adopted  and  pursued,  and 
it  greatly  assisted  the  prosperity  of  the  town. 
jSaleio  began  to  flourish,  he  says,  in  1634. 


The  Home  Company  must  then  Lave  had  little 
or  DO  control  here.  Now  comes  (iu  1635)  tin 
peculiar  policy  adopted  in  Salem,  whiish  pluc*  d 
her  on  a  firm  commercial  basis,  the  fruits  of 
which  were  so  obvious  in  1640,  and  which 
helped  to  carry  her  so  rapidly  forward  to  com- 
mercial success.  Those,  who  at  this  date,  pe- 
titioned for  farms,  obtained  them  (says  Dr. 
B.,)  on  the  condition  thai  they  should  sell  tfieir 
houses  in  town  to  accotmnodate  more  easily  all 
who  came  for  trade,  and  unless  they  sold  their 
houses  in  town,  they  tvere  only  to  hold  their  land 
by  lease — the  term  not  to  exceed  three  years. — 
Dr.  B.  further  adds,  that,  as  Salem  held  much 
common  land,  it  could  offer  such  inducements 
as  could  draw  new  and  rich  settlers,  and  that 
such  men  as  found  the  best  lands  pro-occupied 
in  other  towns,  could  obtain  great  advantages 
in  Salem,  and  to  judge  by  a  cursory  review  of 
the  1st  volume  of  the  Records  of  Salem,  we 
ourselves  are  convinced  that  tho  town  at  that 
day  considered  that  it  held  the  reverter  of  the 
fee  in  almost,  if  not  all,  cases  where  certain 
conditions  were  not  complied  with— those  con- 
ditions being  based  upon  the  industry  and 
usefulness  of  the  grantee  to  the  town  in  some 
way  or  other,  and  sometimes  specified  in  the 
grant  itself.  Colonization  of  the  right  kind 
was  the  object  of  tho  town,  which  evidently 
considered  the  original  foe  of  the  soil  in  Salem 
to  be  in  itself,  at  is  proved  by  the  early  grants 
which  were  sometimes  made  by  the  committee 
of  thirteen  for  the  town,  and  sometimes  by  the 
town  in  town  meeting  assembled.  It  is  proved 
also  by  the  nature  oi  the  grants  made  to  those 
who  founded  the  large  fishing  village  on  Win- 
ter Island,  and  built  wharves,  storehouses, 
and  even  dwelling-houses  there.  None  of 
these  got  a  fee  from  the  town,  but  only  a  use. 
To  obtain  a  *fee  even  in  the  body  of  the  town, 


*The  fee  of  all  lands  in  Salem,  not  speciGcally 
granted  by  the  town,  seems  to  bare  been  considered 
anciently  as  belonging  to  the  town,  and  to  be  used! 
Pro  Bono  Publico.  Those  who  wished  to  buildf 
wharres  even  went  to  the  town  for  permission,  and  this 
was  the  custom  down  to  a  eomparatirely  modern  pe- 


179 


the  conditions  (express  or  implied)  must  be 
performed  by  the  grantee.  This  at  least  seems 
to  have  been  the  general  rule  ;  and  the  policy 
Dr.  B.  spejiks  of  as  having  been  applied  to 
tne  eurl;  commercial  settlers  of  Salem,  is  in 
harmony  with  the  records  so  far  as  we  have 
been  able  to  examine  them.  It  was  a  singu- 
lar policy,  but  an  effective  one,  and  based  on  a 
o<)mmunity  of  industrial  and  useful  interests, 
and  is  of  great  importance  also  as  determining 
the  ancient  landed  rights  of  the  town.  It 
would  certainly  appear  as  if  Salem  still  held, 
according  to  her  old  laws  and  practice,  the 
fee  in  all  lands,  by  sea  and  shore,  not  yet  spe- 
cifically granted  by  the  town  since  its  settle- 
ment. This  may  be  an  anomaly  in  the  town 
histories  of  our  ancient  Commonwealth,  but 
80  it  seems  to  be  by  our  records.  Salem  ap- 
pears to  have  been  almost  a  Commonwealth 
in  itself. 

This  policy,  mentioned  by  Dr.  B.,  was  a 
great  stimulus  to  commerce,  as  it  enabled 
commercial  men  to  choose  good  commercial 
sites  in  the  town,  and  was  not  prejudicial  to 
the  farmers,  who  got  in  excliange  for  town 
lands,  the  meadows  and  rich  land  in  the  rear, 
and  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town.  Joined  to 
this  policy  was  a  comparative  freedom  of  trade 
under  the  charter,  and  under  the  English 
Commonwealth.  Dr.  Bentley  states  that  not 
only  was  a  ship  of  300  tons  built  here  in  1640, 
but  that  another  of  200  tons  was  built  in  1642 j 
and  that  80  per  cent  profit  was  made  this  year 
— in  trade.  Though  Marblehead  was  then  su- 
perior to  Salem  in  the  fisheries,  and  though 
Gloucester,  Manchester,  and  the  whole  Eastern 
shore  of  Massachusetts  was  then  also  engaged 
in  the  fishery,  yet  Salem  doubtless  flourished, 
and  enjoyed  her  share  of  the  general  prosper- 
ity which  prevailed  over  the  Colony  in  1645. 
The  agricultural  rivalry  of  Ipswich  at  this  pe- 
riod may  have  checked  Salem  as  a  farming 


riod.  The  biatory  of  the  ancient  common  rights  of 
Salem,  and  of  the  grants  made  by  her,  prove  that 
Salem  considered  the  fee  of  her  land  to  be  In  herself, 
and  she  the  great  grantor. 


town — though  it  probably  only  directed  her 
attention  the  more  keenly  to  her  commercial 
interests.  In  1641  and  in  1643,  Salem  must 
have  been  largely  engaged  in  shipbuilding,  we 
should  judge,  by  the  several  orders  of  the  Gen- 
eral Courts  in  these  jears  referring  to  ship- 
building ;  and  in  1642  Salem  pays  the  next 
highest  sum  of  the  Colony  tax — £75^ Boston 
£120 — which  shows  oalem  to  have  been  well 
grounded  in  her  prosperity  at  that  time.  Sha 
may  have  been  somewhat  checked  in  1642, 
but  not  seriously,  so  far  as  we  can  find. 

In  1646  Salem  has  a  viewer  of  Pipe  staves 
ordered  for  it  by  General  Court,  as  defective, 
worm-eaten  staves  had  been  sent  abroad  to  our 
prejudice.  The  General  Court  order  viewers 
for  some  other  ports  also.  This  however  shows 
that  Salem  was  then  one  of  the  principal  ex- 
porters of  such  articles,  and  doubtless  made 
a  profit  thereon.  Salem  may  be  in  1651  one 
of  the  places  aimed  at  by  the  Commonwealth 
in  England  as  furnishing  Virginia  and  Barba- 
does  with  gunpowder  (those  colonies  being 
then  Royalist,)  and  so  stood  in  jeopardy  of 
losing  her  free  trade  privileges  ;  but  this  storm 
blew  over,  and  from  thence  to  1660 — and  '70 
it  is  evident  she  must  have  flourished  with  the 
colony.  In  1664  she  had  her  rich  merchants, 
and  in  1670  was  well  grounded  in  the  Euro- 
pean,West  Indian,  and  Colonial  trade — and  the 
wise  policy  ot  the  town — commencing  in  the 
day  of  small  things — in  1635 — had  invited 
capital,  skill,  and  industry  to  her  harbor  and 
shores,  and  in  less  than  forty  years,  Salem  was 
a  commercial  town  favorably  known  in  Europe 
— trading  wita  all  nations — and  comparative- 
ly wealthy  Such  doubtless  was  the  town,  as 
it  met  the  eyes  of  Philip  English,  when  he 
came  here  between  1660  and  '70,  and  such  the 
causes  and  effects  of  its  prosperity.  The  wise 
policy  of  encouragement — the  wealth  of  its 
resources,  viz,  its  fisheries,  lumber,  and  furs — 
and  the  general  freedom  of  its  commerce — all 
combined  to  place  it  in  this  short  period  on  a 
substantial  prosperity. 

Phillip  English  found  the  town  a  prominent 
commercial  place  when  he  entered  it,  and  lived 


180 


to  see  it  more  than  double  in  populatioa,  and 
most  probably  in  means.  In  1680  (about  10 
jears  after  he  came  here)  Massachusetts  had 
about  120  ships,  eloops,  ketches  and  other 
craft.  In  1G86  Dunton  (who  was  then  herej 
writes  of  Salem  as  "being  reported  next  to 
Boston  in  trade."  Between  1714  and  '18  (ac- 
cording to  Custom  House  Returns)  Massachu- 
setts had  492  vessels  of  25,406  tons  and  3,492 
Seamen,  and  in  1731,  38000  tons  of  shipping, 
about  one  half  of  which  was  in  the  E  uropean 
trade.  Sulem,  as  next  in  commercial  impor- 
tance to  Boston,  must  be  credited  with  her 
share  of  this  shipping  and  attendant  wealth. 
For  the  50  jears  or  more,whicli  Phillip  Eno;lisb 
occupied  in  commercial  pursuits,  there  must 
have  been  a  great  advance  in  the  commercial 
importance  of  the  town,  spite  of  commercial 
losses  and  drawbacks  to  its  prosperity. — 
He  also  grew  up  with — or  was  a  contempora- 
ry with  a  body  of  merchants,  whoso  lives,  char- 
acters, papers,  acts,  and  histories,  prove  them 
to  have  been  solid,  reliable,  useful  enterprising 
men — and  not  a  lew  of  them  generous  and 
public  fpirited.  Some  of  them  were  the  im- 
mediate descendants  of  the  old  Puritan  leaders 
of  the  Colony.  The  Corwins,  the  Sewalls,  the 
Higginsons,  tho  Browns  were  really  distin- 
guished merchants— were  wise  men — not  mere- 
ly to  acquire  wealth,  but  in  that  higher  wis- 
dom—the skill  to  use  it  for  noble  ends  and  pur- 
poses, and  as  a  trust,  to  which  grave  responsi- 
bilities attached.  They  were  educated  men  al- 
so. Tho  society  of  Salem,  moreover,  as  ruled 
over  by  such  men,  was  sensibly  affected  by 
their  example,  and  it  struck  Dunton  when  hero 
in  1686  forcibly,  reminding  him  of  the  gener- 
ous hospitality,  the  genuine  ease,  the  sterling 
■worth,  tho  wise  stability,  and  intellectual  cul- 
ture which  characterized  the  really  good  soci- 
ety in  England.  Dunton  came  near  forgetting 
old  England,  and  even  his  home  and  wife. 
he  tells  us  in  his  own  amusing  way  while  in 
Salem — being  tempted  to  remain  here  perma- 
nently, 

Salem  at  that  day  (1686)    doubtless  was  the 
most  agreeable  residence  in  New  England,  to 


judge  by  Dunton^s  account.  Boston  was  more 
cosmopolitan,  but  Salem  more  homelike — more 
stable,  more  really  socwl.  It  was  a  quiet 
town  as  compared  with  Boston — wealthy  e- 
nough  however  for  liberaKt^  and  hospitality 
— somewhat  reserved — retajnitig  many  of  the 
sober  re&traints  of  PuritaoiiMik,  and  nofe^  few 
of  its  primitive  virtues.  '  'Yfae  venerable  Hig- 
ginson  then  presided  over  its  morals  and  re- 
ligion, assisted  by  the  polished  and  agreeable, 
but  not  so  solid  Noyes.  The  eminent  Epes 
over  its  learning — the  wise,  generous  and  hos- 
pitable Sewall  over  its  laws  ;  and  around  them 
were  gathered  a  group  of  men,  and  merchants 
whose  characters  were  unstained — whose 
miniJs  were  liberal  and  polished  by  books, 
travels,  and  knowledge  of  mankind — men  who 
believed  in  religion,  were  brought  up  unde? 
its  influence,  and  who  reverenced  its  example, 
— men  in  whom  the  old  and  austere  Puritan- 
ism of  the  Colony  had  become  mellowed  and 
softened — who  had  been  blessed  with  abun- 
dance, and  used  it  wisely.  The  society  of  the 
town  was  hospitable,  refined,  enlightened.  Its 
merchants  were  men  of  their  word,  its  people 
true  to  their  engagements.  Dunton,  who 
came  to  Siilem  to  dispose  of  part  of  his  adven- 
ture of  books,  which  he  brought  to  Boston 
from  England,  disposed  of  a  part  here,  and 
has  not  a  word  to  say  about  the  "Grecian 
faith,'"  which  a  seller  needed,  who  then  traded 
with  the  Boston  people.  He  was  hospitably 
and  kindly  treated  in  S.,  well  encouraged, 
and  promptly  paid,  and  therefore  gives  us  a 
character  written  in  letters  of  gold  and  silver. 
He  describes  the  town  as  then  being  about 
a  mile  long,  with  many  fine  houses  in  it.  It 
is  evident  that  he  then  found  Salem  a  compar- 
atively wealthy,  refined,  intelligent,  scabi* 
town.  And  such  Salem  then  was.  It  bad, 
evidently,  a  society  in  which  the  elements  of  a 
wise  conservatism  were  apparent.  It  was  so- 
ber, yet  given  to  hospitality— reserved,  but 
generous  and  virtuous — free  from  show  and 
pretence — of  solid  sterling  worth.  There  were 
here  too  those  habits,  and  ways  and  modes  of 
thought  and  life  which  characterized  good  bo 


181 


ciety  in  England,  and  somewhat  too  jerhaps 
of  the  distlnctionp  and  grades  of  society  there 
found— modiBed,  however,  by  the  more  popu- 
lar and  peculiar  views  of  New  England. — 
Quality  and  quantity  were  terms  understood 
nnd  practised  upon  in  our  early  N.  E  Society 
as  elsewhere,  but  modified  som-'vrhat  by  our 
more  popular  ideas.  Our  society  was  not 
then  quite  English,  though  resembling  it,  but 
rather  new  English — an  improvement  on  the 
original,  and  admitting  of  indefinite  improve- 
ment also.  It  may  have  looked  to  England 
somewhat  (or  its  models,  but  it  also  looked  to 
its  ow^n  origin  and  progress  also,  and  the  laws 
of  reason  and  wisdom.  There  was  a  loyalty 
io  it,  which  externally  and  superficially  was 
directed  to  the  royalty  and  aristocracy  of  Eng- 
land, but  which  in  the  hour  of  trial  was  really 
devoted  to  God  and  liberty.  The  men  and 
■women  of  New  England  were  loyal  to  God 
and  not  the  King,  in  any  great  emergency — 
God  being  to  them  the  King  even  of  Kings — 
and  though  this  loyalty  might  sleep  for  a  time. 
it  never  died.  It  was  the  deep  inspiration — 
the  calm  belief — the  motive  power  of  their  re 
ligion,  their  thoughts,  their  manners,  and 
their  laws — the  key  to  their  history — the  se- 
cret of  their  triumphs.  The  idea  of  liberty  in 
cburcb — in  State — in  morals,  manners,  cus- 
toms and  laws,  is  the  great  idea,  from  whose 
seed  has  sprung  New  England  as  she  is,  relig- 
iously, intellectually,  politically,  commercial- 
ly, and  socially.  It  is  the  germ  of  our  exis- 
tence, our  growth,  our  flower,  and  our  fruit. 
It  is  a  developement  of  that  idea  outwardly, 
and  irresistably.  From  that  idea  we  sprang 
as  a  people,  and  any  and  all  attempts  to  make 
ourselves  foreign  to  this  are  unnatural,  absu>d, 
unwise.  We  are  not,  and  cannot  be,  of  for- 
eign growth  or  complexion.  We  may  be  made 
to  BO  appear,  we  may  even  attempt  to  make 
ourselves  appear  so  :  but  we  must  return  final- 
ly to  ourselves — a  people  whose  seed  is  free- 
dom—and whose  law  of  developement,  and 
growth,  and  flower,  and  fruitage,  must  simply 
come  from — liberty — the  liberty,  moreover. 
wbieb  is    of  itself  restraint,  reason,   wisduui, 

46 


morality,  order,  religion  — which  abhors  license 
in  all  Its  forms  and  ways,  and  is  as  far  removed 
from  it  as  the  heavens  are  above  the  earth, 

[The  prosecution  of  Philip  English  and  his  wiftt 
for  witchcraft,  with  the  direct  and  collateral  docu- 
mentary evidence  pertaining  thereto,  will  be  given 
as  a  Second  Part  of  this  Sketch  in  the  coming 
volume  of  the  Historical  Collections.] 


ABSTRACTS  FROM  WILLS.  INVENTORIES,  &o., 
ON  FILE  IN  THE  OFFICE  OF  CLERK  OF 
COURTS,  SALEM,  MASS. 


Copied  by  ha  J.  Pttfch. 


John  Norton,  April,  1663. 

Copy  of  will  of  John  Norton,  of  Boston, 
will  dated  14th  Jan.,  1661,  mentions  brother 
Wm.  Norton  of  Ipswich  ;  gives  him  land  be 
bought  of  Matthew  Whipple,  deceased,  now 
in  the  occupatibn  of  Goodman  Annable  ;  givea 
bim  also  the  100  pounds  due  unto  him  for  his 
house  in  Ipswich  which  Mr.  Cobbctt  now 
dwelleth  in. 

his  ever  endeared  and  honored  mother  thirty 
pounds  in  current  money  of  England,  to  be 
paid  to  her  use  in  London,  at  bis  Brother 
Thomas  Norton's  house. 

his  two  sisters,  Mrs.  Martha  Wood  and 
Mrs.  Mary  Young,  £20  between  them,  to  be 
paid  at  Thomas's  .house  in  London,  brother 
Thomas  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife. 

gives  ten  pounds  to  the  poor  of  the  church 
of  wiiich  he  is  an  unworthy  officer. 

wife,    Mrs.    Mary    Norton,  and    app'ts   her 
sole  ext'x,  and  app'ts  Mr.  Rawson  secretary, 
and  Elder  Pen    overseers.  Proved  June  12, 
1663. 

Mary  Smth,  May,  1663, 
Will  of  Mary  Smith,  wile  unto  the  late 
James  Smith,  of  Marblehead,  dated  28  Mar. 
1663,  daughter  Catherine  Eborne.  &  daughter 
Mary  Rowland,  grand  children  Samuel  &  Jo> 
seph  Rowland,  Mary  Eborne,  daugiiter  Mary 
Rowland's  five  children,  daughter  Cathren  E- 
borne,  children  Mary,  Rebecca,  Moses,  Uan- 
nab,  James  &  Sarah,  Samuel,  son  James  Smith. 


152 


John  Bennett,  Ath  mo.,  1663. 
,        Inventory  of  the  estate  of  widow  Bennet  ol 
Marblehead,   amounting  to  £76  023    Od,   re- 
turned and  allowed  30th  4th  mo.,  1663. 

Thos,  Flint,  Ath  mo.,  1663. 

Will  of  Thomas  Flint,  dated  Apr.  1, 1663. 
X  To  his  wife   6<.>  acres  of  improved,  and   his 

meadow  and  housing.  To  his  son  Thomas  30 
acres  of  upland  on  his  farme  next  to  Mr.  Gard- 
ner's, which  was  bought  of  Mr.  Higginson 
and  Goodman  Goodell,  as  he  sees  fit,  not  en- 
croaching on  his  mother's  meadow  or  brother's 
land,  as  also  ten  pounds  in  corno  or  cattle,  all 
of  which  he  is  to  enjoy  at  age. 

Sons  George,  John,  Joseph,  daughter  Elia'b, 
app'ts  his  wife  sole  cxt'x,  and  Mr.  \Vm,  Brown 
■r.,  Goodman  Moulton  and  Jos.  fSwianerton, 
Jr.,  to  be  overseers. 

proved  2d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  Apr.  14, 
1663,  by  Robt.  Moulton,  Sam'l  Verey,  and 
Henry  Phelps,  amounting  to  £330  I63  Od, 
debts,  £65,  13s,  4d,  returned  2d  5th  mo.,  and 
allowed. 

Robt.  Sallows,  4th  mo.,  1663. 
Inventory  ot  Robert  Sallows,  taken  by  Thos. 
Lowthropp,  John  Thorndike,  Richard   Brack- 
enburg  and   John  Patch,  amounting  to  £143 
9a  6d,  returned  Ist  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Thos.  Sallotus,  Ath  mo.,  1663. 
Inventory  of  Thomas   Sallows,   taken    4th 
Jane,   1663,  by    Elias  Stileman    and    Thos. 
Kootes,  amounting  to  £105  lis  03d,  returned 
3d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

f  Geo.   Smith,  4th  mo.,  1663. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  George  Smith  of  Sa- 
lem, taken  9th  May,  1663,  by  Jeffrey  Massey 
atid  Thos.  Rootes,  amounting  to  £9,  returned 
and  adm'n  granted  to  the  widow. 

Henry  Muddle,  4th  mo.,  1663. 
1^      Inventory  of  estate  of    Henry  Muddle  of 
Gloucester,  amounting  to  £16  8s  lOd ;  debts 


and  charges  £2  198  9d,   returned   by    Peter 
Duncan,  and  is  allowed  3d  5th  mo.,  1603. 

Wm.  Cantlebury,  4th  mo.,  1663. 

Will  of  Wm.  Cantlebury  of  Salem,  datid 
2d  April,  1661.  wife  Beatrice,  son  John, 
daughter  Ruth,  daughter  Rebecca,  and  her 
children  ;  mentions  the  farm  he  bought  of  Mr. 
George  Corwinn3,  app'ts  Beatrice  his  wife 
sole  ext'x,  and  Mr.  John  Croade  overseer. — 
Witnesses — John  Porter,  sr.,  and  Nath'i  Fel- 
ton. 

Proved  3d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  taken  25th  June, 
1663,  by  Thos.  Gardner,  sen'r,  and  Nath'i 
Felton,  amounting  to  £470  Ss  Od.  List  of 
debts  £45  15s  8d,  returned  3d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Thomas  Antrum,  4th  mo.,  1663. 
Will  of  Thos.  Antram  of  Salem,  dated  24th 
11th  mo.,  1662,  mentions  Isaac  Burnape,  the 
son  oi  his  daughter  Hannah  Burnape,  under 
age,  son  Obadiah  Antram,  Thomas  Spooner, 
Uilyard  Veren. 

app'ts  Edmund  Batter  ex'or,  and  Thomas 
Spooner  and  Ilillii.rd  Veren  my  overseers. — 
Witnesses— Thomas  Spooner  and  Wm.  Wood- 
cocke.  Will  signed  but  a  few  days  before  his 
death. 

Proved  3d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Inventory  of  above  estate,  taken  Feb.  17, 
1662,  by  Elias  Stileman  and  John  Rucbe,  a- 
mounting  to  £258  Os  Od,  returned  by  Edmond 
Batter  3d  5th  mo.,  1663. 

Rolt.  Roberts,  Sept.,  1663. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Robt.  Roberts  of  Ips- 
wich, taken  July  20.  1063,   by  Thos.   Clarke 
and  Ringdell  Foster,  Jr..   amounting  to  £177 
lis  8d,  returned  29  Sept.,  1663. 

Thos.  Scott,  Sept.,  1663. 
Receipt  of    Ric'd    Kimball    and    Edmund 
Bridges,  lor  £24,  Sarah  Scott's  portion  of  her 
father's  estate,  paid  by  Ezekiel  Rogers,  Maj 
la,  1661. 


183 


Receipt  of  Mary  Scott  for  £25,  her  portion 
or  her  Hither  Thomas  iSeott's  estate,  paid  by 
Wr.  Ez-kiel  Rogers,  Apr.  23.  1C63. 

Receipt  of  Hannah  Boswort,  of  £5,  his  wife 
Abigail's  share  of  her  father  Thomaa  Scott's 
tstate,  Oct.  1,  1663. 

John  Comings,  9ih  mo.,  1663. 
Inventory  of  estate  ot  John  Comings,  in  pos- 
session of  John  Ormes,  Salem,  taken  26th  No- 
^  Tember,  1663,  by  Edmond  Batter  and  Waiter 
Price,  amounting  to  £47  14a  6d,  returned 
14th  9ih  mo,  1663,  and  John  Gardner  and 
John  Ormea  were  app'i  adm'rs. 

John  Pickworth,  9ih  mo.,  1663. 

Will  of  John   Pickworth,   dated   27th   4th 

^      mo.,  1663,  wife   Ann    Pickworth,    eldest  son, 

John,  3  sons,  Samuel,   Joseph  and   Benjamin, 

daughters  Ruth   Macpherson  and    Vanin  Col- 

lem,  youngest   dau    Abigail,   app'ts   his  wife, 

John   and    Sam'l,   Thomas   Jones  and   Wm. 

Bennet,  overseera.  proved  25th  9th  mo.,  1663. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  25th  Aug't, 

1663,  by    Wm.    Allen   and   Robert   Leach,  a- 

mounting  to  £168   48  Od,  returned   by  Ann 

Pickworth  25th 9th  mo-,  1663. 

Rich'd  Rootens,  9th  mo.,  1663. 
<  Will  of  Rich'd  Rootens,  dated  June  12,  1663, 
mentions  hi4  wife,  his  kinsman,  Edmond  Root- 
en,  Jonathan  Hartshorne  ;  gives  his  pastor, 
Mr.  Whitney,  forty  shillings.  Witness — 
Henry  Rhodes.  Robert  Driver,  and  Francis 
Burrill.  his  wife  to  be  ex'tx.  Henry  Rhodes 
and  George  Taylor,  overseers,  proved  25th 
9th  mo.,  1663. 

Inventory  of  above  estate  taken  Sept.  20, 
1663,  by  Nath'l  Handforth  and  Francis  Bur- 
rill, £280  6s  2d  :  list  of  debts,  £9  9a^  Od,  re- 
turned 25th  9tb  mo.,  1663. 

Elias  Stileman,  9th  mo.,  1663. 
"^       Inventory  of  Elias  Stileraan,   taken  7th  9th 
month,  1662,  by  Edmond  Batter  and  Billiard 
Yeien,  amounting  to  £176  128  6d.    List  of 


debits  £279   123  4d,  returned   26th   9th   mo., 
1663. 

Gershom  Lambert,  Mar.,  1664. 
Will  of  Gershom  Lambert  of  Rowley.  16th 
Mar.,  1664,  mentions  Aunt  Rogers.  (Broth- 
ers.) Thos.  Lambert,  John  Lambert,  John  I' 
Spofford  sr,  Charles  Brewer,  Richard  Lighten, 
cousin  Mary  Brewer,  cousin  Eliz'h  Piatt, 
sister  Ann,  wife  of  Thos.  Nelson  ;  Thos.  Nel* 
8on,  ex'or.  proved  29th  Mar.,  1664. 

Thos.  Barnes,  4th  mo.,  1664. 
Inventory  of  estate  of  Thos.    Barnes  of  Sa* 
lem,  taken  12th    11th  mo.,    1663,    by  Walter    ^ 
Price,    Elias   Stileman,   amounting    to  £337, 
18s  9d  ;  list  of  debts,  amounting  to  £120  I3a 
Od,  allowed  24th  4th  mo.,  1664. 

Henry  Harwood,  Ath  mo.,   1664. 

Inventory  of  estate  of  Henry  Harwood  of 
Salem,  taken  lOth  Ist  mo.,  1663-4,  by  Joseph 
Grafton,  Geo.  Gardner,  John  Gardner  and 
Henry  Bartholomew,  amounting  to  £163  148 
6d,  allowed  27th  4th  mo.,  1664.  ,^ 

Testimony  (dated  29lh  4th  mo.,  1664,)  of 
Messrs.  John  Higginson  and  Henry  Bartholo- 
mew as  to  the  minde  of  said  Harwood,  in  the 
disposing  of  his  estate  to  his  wife  as  long  aa 
she  lives,  and  after  her  death  to  be  equally  di- 
vided between  bis  kinswoman  and  his  wife's 
daughter,  Elizabeth  Nixcn,  except  a  legacy  of 
four  pounds  to  the  poor  of  the  church  in  bear- 
ing the  charge  of  the  E^ord'e  Supper. 

Copy  of  the  order  of  Court  held  at  Salem 
29th  4th  mo.,  1664,  app'ting  the  widow  ad'mx 
and  after  her  decease,  Jane  Flinders,  wife  of 
Ric'h  Flinders,  to  have  all  the  land,  and 
Eliz'b,  wife  of  Matthew  Nixon,  to  have  the 
balance. 

Sam'l  Beadle,  4th  mo.,  1664. 
Will  of  Sam'l  Beadle  of  Salem,  dated  Mar.  ^ 
12,  1663,  son  Nath'l  Beadle,  dau  Dorothy, 
three  smallest  children,  "now  at  home  with 
me,"  Samuel,  Thomas  and  Eliz'b,  appt'a 
Walter  Price  ex'or  and  John  Croad  and  Hill- 
yard  Veren  overseers,  approved  30th  4th  mo., 
'64. 


184 


NATHAN     REED. 


Hon.  Nathan  llced,  whose  lithograph  is  in- 
serted in  this  nuniher,  was  born  in  Warren, 
Mass.,  July  2,  1759.  He  was  son  of  Reuben 
and  Taraerson  Reed,  of  Warren  ;  Reuben  was 
son  of  Nathaniel  and  Phvbe  Reed  ;  Nathaniel, 
eon  of  Thomas  Reed  of  Sudbury,  and  his  wife 
Abigiil  ;  migrated  in  early  life  from  Sudbury 
to  Warren.  Thomas  was  son  of  Thomas  and 
Mary  Reed,  of  Sudbury  ;  the  elder  Thomas 
was  son  of  Ellas,  who  was  son  of  William,  ol 
Maidstone,  in  the  County  of  Kent,  England, 
Professor  of  Divinity,  and  his  wife  Lucy.  The 
earliest  notice  of  the  name  in  America,  is  in 
Woburn,  Mass.,  and  thence  moved  to  Sudbury. 
Hegiaduated  at  Harvard  CoUoge,  in  1781 
and  w^as  familiarly  known  among  his  cla-^s- 
mates,  as  Nothumb  instead  of  Nathan,  having 
BOme  deficiency  in  one  thumb.  He  was  for 
some  years  Tutor  in  the  College,  and  after- 
wards studied  Medicine  with  Dr.  E.  A.  Hol- 
yoke,  of  Salem.  He  then  kept  an  Apothecary 
Shop,  in  Salem,  and  was  known  as  Dr.  Reed. 
He  married  Oct.  20,  1790,  Elizabeth  Jeffrey, 
of  Salem,  whose  father,  William,  was  Chrk 
of  the  Courts,  of  Essex  County.  He  was  the 
inventor  of  a  patent  lor  the  manufacture  of 
nails,  which  originated  the  building  of  the 
Danvers  Iron  WoriiS,  so  called.'  He  was  also 
the  actual  inventor  of  the  first  Steamboat  with 
paddle  wheels  in  American  waters.  The  trial 
trip  of  this  boat  which  took  place  in  1789, 
was  from  Danvers  Iron  Works  to  Beverly.  On 
board  were  the  Governor  of  the  Common- 
wealth, the  Hon.  Nathan  Dane,  Dr.  E.  A. 
Holyoko,  Rev.  Dr.  Prince,  and  other  distin- 
guished men. 

His  country  residence  was  near  the  Iron 
Works,  in  Danvers,  the  same  that  has  lately 
been  known  as  Capt.  Porter's  ;  his  town 
dwelling  was  en  the  site  where  Plummer  Hall 
now  stands,  and  was  removed  to  give  place  for 
the  present  building.* 

•  Thia  site  was  owned  about  %  century  since  by 
Joseph  Bowditch — be  bequeathed  it  to  bis  daughter 


He  reiiresented  Essex  South  District  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  1798-9.  In 
1807,  he  removed  to  Maine,  and  was  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  for 
the  State  of  Maine,  till  nearly  th«  time  of  his 
death,  which  took  place  at  Belfast,  January 
20,  1849,  in  his  90th  year. 

A  more  mmute  account  of  him  is  given  by 
J.  W.  Reed.  Esq.,  uf  Groveland,  Mass..  in  his 
History  of  the  Reeds  or  Rk.\ds,  now  in  press. 
This  wnrk  gives  an  account  of  the  origin  and 
definition  of  the  name,  the  wars,  conquests  and 
migrations  of  t]>e  cl.ins  of  Rei^d  in  the  old 
world,  and  notices  of  every  one  of  the  name 
in  the  United  States. 


Mrs.  Elizabeth  Jeffry,  from  whom  it  descended  to 
her  daughter,  the  wife  of  Nathan  Reed,  the  subject 
of  our  notioe.  In  179i}  it  was  sold  to  Capt.  Joseph 
Peabody,  and  remained  in  the  possession  of  that 
family  until  1855,  when  it  was  convej-ed  to  the  Pro- 
prietors of  the  Salem  Athenaeum  to  erect  thereon, 
Plummek  Hall,  from  funds  bequeathed  by  the  lata 
Miss  Caroline  Plummer,  of  Salem.  The  dwelling, 
thus  removed,  was  built  by  Mr.  Reed,  in  1793. — 
Col.  Perk-y  Putnam,  the  pj-esent  superintendent  of 
streets,  yet  a  hale  and  hearty  octogenarian,  worked 
on  this  building  when  an  apprentice.  The  following 
letter  from  him  may  not  be  inappropriately  inserted 
in  this  connection. 

Salem,  Feb.  11,  1859. 

Dear  Sir, — In  compliance  with  your  request  of 
last  evening,  in  reference  to  the  time  when  Dr. 
Reed's  (late  Capt.  Joseph  Peabody's)  house  was 
built,  I  would  inform  you  that  the  carpenters  com- 
menced working  on  the  frame  of  said  house  early 
in  the  month  of  October,  1793.  The  house  was 
framed  in  the  garden  back  of  where  it  was  erected. 
The  frame  was  raised,  boarded,  shingled,  <fec.,  be- 
fore the  old  Bowditch  house  was  demolished — 
which  stood  a  little  to  the  eastward  of  the  centre  of 
the  lot,  and  projected  out  over  the  present  line  of 
the  street,  about  half  the  width  of  the  present  side- 
walk When  the  house  was  first  raised  it  had  the 
appearance  of  being  set  up  very  high  from  the 
ground.  But,  at  that  time,  that  part  of  Essex 
street  was  quite  low,  and  was  soon  after  raised, 
graded,  and  paved,  after  which  the  house  had  a 
very  different  appearance,  at  the  time  it  was  remov- 
ed. Samuel  Mackintire  was  the  Architect,  and  Jo- 
seph Maokfntire  and  others  were  the  carpenters,  <feo. 

At  the  time  said  house  was  erected,  there  was  not 
a  tree  or  a  shrub  on  the  lot,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  black  currant  bushes,  which  stood  by  the  side  of 
an  old  stone  wall,  which  ran  along  on  the  south  of 
Brown  street,  where  the  brick  wall  now  stands. 
Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

PERLEY  PUTNAM. 

Db.  Henby  Wheatlaxd.. 


.;ri^^,.-. 


^^^r^'w 


yi.  sj^r^m.  ^\i:\n 


185 


THE  'OLD  PLANTERS"  OFSALEM,  WHO  WERE 
SETTLED  HERE  UEFORE  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
GOVEKNOR  ENDICOTT,  IN  1628. 

BY   GEORGE    D.    PHIPPEX. 


Btud  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Essex  Institute,  Uarek  26, 18S8- 
Continued  from  Page  153. 


PETEK     PALFRAY 

Was  among  the  first  one  hundred  and  six- 
teen men  who  t  >ok  the  freeman's  oath  at  the 
first  Gener  il  Court  for  that  purpose,  May  18, 
1631,  as  were  several  others  also,  of  the  first 
plant'Ts,  viz  :  Mr.  Koger  Conant,  John 
Woodhury,  John  Balch.  Mr  William  Jeffrey, 
and  William  Allen.  May  9th,  1632,  Palfray 
and  Conant  were  the  two  persons  chosen  for 
Salem,  ace  irding  to  aa  order  of  General  Court, 
to  confer  with  th^  GjvernDr  and  Assistants,  a- 
bjut  raising  a  puhlic  stock. 
.  On  the  7th  of  November,  of  the  same  year, 
he  was  appointed  with  Messrs.  Turner  and  Co- 
nant a  Committee  of  the  General  Court,  to  set 
off  a  tract  of  land  to  John  Humphrey,  the 
Deputy  Governor,  in  Saugus.  tie  was  often 
on  the  land  Committee,  and  Board  of  Select- 
men in  Salem. 

In  1635,  was  a  Deputy  at  the  second  Gene- 
ral Court ;  this  year  he  received  liis  grant  of 
two  hundred  acres  at  the  head  of  Bass  Kiver. 
It  is  supposed  by  some  that  he  never  lived  upon 
this  farm,  which  we  r-^gard  as  uncertain.* 

Hi  removed  to  Reading  about  1652.  At 
tiwn  meeting  there,  March  1,  of  that  year,  he 
was  chosen  one  of  the  Prudential  Committee 
of  five.  "The  power  th  it  the  Towne  doth  give 
to  the  five  men  before  man'-iooed  is  to  order  all 
the  prudential  aff.iirs  of  the  town  exciepting  giv- 
ing of  laud  and  timber."    He  was  often  after- 


*  The  following  extraet  from  the  Court  Records, 
evinces  that  our  ancestors  were  not  exempt  from  a 
certain  class  of  social  troubles.  At  the  Quarter  Court 
held  at  Salem,  27  of  4,  1637.  Eadicott,  Conant  and* 
Uathorne,  presiding  magistrates. 

"Jane  Wheat  servant  unto  Peter  Palfray  had  not 
only  wrongel  her  neighbours  in  killing  their  poul- 
trie,  but  being  convict  of  lying  loytering  and  run- 
ning away  from  her  master,  was  whipped." 

47 


ward  chosen  upon  this  and  other  Committeea 
at  Reading.  At  town  meeting.  Feb  7,  1658, 
•'There  was  given  to  Peter  Palfray,  three  acrei 
of  meadow  in  the  Long  Hedge  of  meadow, 
that  lyeth  by  Rockey  Meadow."  On  the  14th 
of  the  same  month,  the  upland  at  the  north 
side  of  Ipswich  River,  was  divided  by  lot  a- 
mong  the  inhabitants  ;  to  Peter  Palfray  fell, 
one  hundred  and  seventy  acres  and  forty-three 
poles.  This  land  was  located  in  what  is  now 
North  Reading,  not  far  from  the  present  Bap- 
tist meeting-house;  the  meadows  that  bordered 
the  River  in  front  of  this  land,  were  formerly 
very  valuable,  but  were  much  injured  in  later 
years  by  the  damming  of  the  river  in  the  con- 
struction of  mills. 

On  the  31st  of  1st  mo.,  1653,  Palfray  sold 
to  Francis  Skerry,  husbandman  of  Salem,  two 
acres  of  marsh,  lying  near  the  ferry,  in  sail 
town,  and  abutting  upon  the  garden  of  John 
Luff,  this  no  doubt  was  his  original  allotment 
at  his  first  settlement  with  Conant  in  1626. 
Balch  owned  the  adjoining  land  northward,  a- 
long  the  river  and  nearer  the  ferry. 

In  December,  1653,  "Peter  Palfray,  plan- 
ter, late  of  Salem,"  sold  half  an  acre  of  land 
between  John  Horn  and  Capt.  U  ithorne,  over 
against  Mr.  Downing's  house. 

On  the  23th  of  7th  month,  1644,  Gaorgo 
Hawkins,  of  B)ston,  by  power  of  attorney 
from  George  Kichisson  sold  William  Dodge, 
for  £40,  his  faroj  of  two  hundred  acres  near 
the  head  of  Bass  River,  late  tlie  possession  ot 
Peter  Palfray.  After  an  active  and  wrU  spent 
life,  he  died  at  Reading,  September  15,  1663. 
Ilia  will  was  dated  Oct.  21.  of  the  previoui 
year,  and  commences  with  these  words : 
"Whereas  I,  Peter  Palfray  have  taken  into 
consideration  the  brittleness  of  my  life,  especiai- 
ly  being^arr  stricken  in  years,'*  t^c. 

It  is  recorded  in  the  Middlesex  Probate  Rce- 
ordif,  book  2,  folio  181,  and  has  codicils  dated 
19  May,  1663.  He  had  three  wives.  His  sec- 
ond wife,  Elizabeth,  was  widow  of  John 
Fairfield,  oi  Wenhara.who  died  in  1646.  His 
third  wife,   Alice,   is  mentioned  in  his  will. 

Mr.  Palfray  and  hia  first  wlfo  wero  amoog 


186 


the  original   meiub'^rs  of    tho   First  Church, 
where  bin  children  were  baptized,  viz  : 

Jonathan  and  Jehodan  baptized  25tb  of  lOtb 
mODvh,  1G36.  Jehodan  married  Benj.  S'uith, 
Marcli  27.  1661.     She  died  Nov,  5,  1662. 

Remember,  baptized  16th  of  7th  month, 
1638,  married  Peter  Aspinwall,  of  Muddy 
Kiver,  12th  of  Feb.  1661,  bv  John  Endicott, 
Governor. 

Mary,  baptized  15th  of  10th  month,  1639, 
called  his  youngest  child  in  June,  1662.  One  of 
his  daughters  married iSunuel  Pickin^in,  anoth- 
er Matthew  Johnson.  No  son  is  mentioned  in 
his  will,  8)me  have  supposed  he  had  a  Kon 
older  than  t!)e  children  whose  baptisms  are  re- 
corded, and  who  may  have  been  in  circumstan- 
ces not  to  need  further  assistance  from  their 
father.  Ilia  estate,  consisting  of  land  and 
meadow  beyond  tho  river.  &c.,  was  valued  at 
eighty-four  pounds,  ten  shillings.  In  conse 
quence  of  the  want  of  any  thing  definite  abuut 
the  continuance  of  his  son  or  sons,  it  has  thus 
far  been  impossible  for  the  present  Palfrays 
to  trace  their  line  farther  back  than  to  the 
three  following  men,  supposed  grandsons  of 
Peter. 

All  that  is  wanted  is  to  find  a  common  fath- 
er to  Walter,  of"  Salem^  William  of  Baston, 
and  John  of  Cambridge,  probably  sons  of 
Jonathan  or  some  other  son  of  Peter,  of 
■which  however  no  proof  remains.  These 
three  men  had  each  considerable  families,  and 
their  descendants  appear  to  embrace  all  the 
Palfrays  of  New  England. 

Walter  is  the  ancestor  of  the  Silem  family, 
still  represented,  and  who  have  been  known 
throughout  the  hjstury  of  the  town.  William 
is  the  ancestor  of  the  Hon.  John  G.  Palfray, 
late  member  of  Congress,  and  one  of  the  his- 
torians of  the  country.  Prominent  men  are 
found  in  all  the  branches.  If  tho  lost  patri- 
arch were  found,  a  complete  g.-'nealogy  could 
easily  b'^  made  from  the  primitive  Peter  to  the 
present  time. 

This   family  in   Salem   is  connected  among 


nings,  Derbys,  Graftons,  Downings,  l*.,ippoiia, 
&c.* 

WALTER    KNIGIIT 

Was  among  the  Episcopalians  at  Nantibkot, 
in  1622,  and  removed  with  Conant  t)  Cape 
Anne,  in  1624;  he  was  thirty-nino  years  of  age, 
when  in  1626  he  followed  Conant  to  Naum- 
keag  ;  was  probably  a  carpenter,  and  emp'nyo  1 
l)y  the  Dorchester  Merchans  to  as-isr  in  tl  e 
Construction  of  buildings  for  tho  New  Colony. 
Richard  Brackenbury  in  his  extiom'ly  valua- 
ble document, f  testified  in  1680,  that  when  he 
arrived  at  Salem,  with  Gov.  Endifott,  in  1G28, 
he  found  Walter  Knight  there,  and  that  Nor- 
man, Allen  and  Knight,  sc  ited  that  th'-y  came 
over  for  the  Uorehester  Merchants,  and  had 
built  sundry  housjs  at  S.ilem,  and  tliat  VValt.T 
Knight  and  the  rest  said  that  they  bad  also 
built  a  house  at  Cape  Anno,  "and  soh  I  was  < 
sent  with  them  to  Cape  Anne,  to  pull  down 
the  said  house  for  Mr.  Endicott's  use,  the 
which  wee  did."  It  was  erected  iimncdiately 
in  8alem,  where  under  many  alterations  it  is 
supposed  to  be  standing  at  t!ie  present  <lay  J 

Brackenbury  also  menti  'n>:    Woodbury,  Co- 
nant,  Palfray,  Balch    and  others,  in  another 


*  Refe.-ences.  —  Hubbard,  Prince,  Felt,  Rantoul, 
Young,  Reo,  of  Mas.^.,  Probate  and  Deeds  Rec, 
Court  and  Church  Rec,  Town  Rec.  of  Salem  and 
Reading. 

f  Presented  from  another  source,  on  page  156. 

■j:Allu3ion  to  Gov.  Endicott's  hou^e  has  been  before 
mnde  with  some  confidence,  on  pages  102  and  4,  and 
from  another  source  on  page  156,  and  the  opinion 
has  long  prevailed  that  it  was  situated  on  the  cor- 
ner of  Church  and  Washington  streets,  and  this  state- 
ment has  occasionally  appeared  in  print.  Since  tho 
appearance  of  the  last  number  of  these  Collections, 
however,  extensive  examination  of  the  Essex  Regis- 
try of  Deeds,  in  relation  to  this'  estate  has  been 
made,  with  the  disappoiutment,  of  not  largely  cor- 
roborating, at  the  same  time  not  directly  conflicting 
with  tliis  view.  Zerubabel  Endicott,  son  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, sold  the  land  on  which  this  house  stands  to 
Daniel  Eppes,  in  1G81,    and   the  region    thereabbuts 


was  long  known  as  Endicott's  field.     See  memoir    of 
others,  with   tho   primitive   stock  of  the  Man-  'gov.  Endicott,  by  C.  M.  Endiaott,  page  20  and  note. 


187 


p.irigrjiph,  and  from  the  manner   in  which  h< 
|lpoJlk^<  of  the  men   found  at  Salem,  classifying 
them  as  it  w  rd  in  two   differenc  8entenee«,  w 
infer,  that  tht)  relation  of  these  two    clas.-te 
were  essentially  different.     The  one  appearing 
1  ke  ui^-n  who  posse.s8ed  a  prime  interest  in  the 
umiiTtaking,    while    the    others   were    with- 
out d>>ubt  men  who   were  sent    over  in  a  sub 
B.Tvi.;n(  capacity,  and  there  are  other  indica- 
tions ihac  the  latter  were  men  of  less  education 
and  refinement.  Norman  and  Allen  were  carpen- 
ters, and   the  otliers  in   the  same    para^rap 
were  of  occupations  indispensable  to  a  new  ■^et'- 
tiement. 

The  ad  >pti  m  of  this  yiew,  we  think,  ac- 
counts cjucl.isiv.ly  for  the  omission  of  one  set 
of  these  names  in  the  large  grant  of  one  thou- 
sand acres  of  land  at  Bass  lliver.  We  intend 
however,  under  another  head,  to  show  tliat 
reasonal)le  prjof  remiins  that  they,  tiie  other 
party,  di  I  collectively  receive  a  similar  grant 
as  "old  pi  inters,"  thougli  in  a  far  less  quan 
tity. 

The  namo  of  Walter  Knight  is  not  found  a- 
mong  the  numbers  of  the  First  Church,  and 
he  may  have  uiaint  lined  his  high  church  oppo 
positi'>n  t!ir>ughout  his  residence  in  Salem. 

In  IGIO  and  '42.  he  iiao  sjme  small  causes  at 
the  Quarter  Court,  in  Salem.  In  the  formej. 
year  he  received  £3  as  plaintiff  against  Richard 
Cook  2d  of  Ist  month,  1640,  he  was  fined  £10 
at  the  Qi.irter Court  in  Boston,  for  rude  and 
contemptuous  speeches  ;  and  for  security  made 
over  a  bill  of  £11.  In  1653,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-six.  ho  was  living  in  Boston,  when  he  de- 
posed that  Tiiomas  Gray  had  received  Nantas- 
ket  by  the  yeir  1622,  from  Chikataubut,  Saga- 
more of  the  Massachusetts  Indians. 

This  is  all  we  have  learned  of  Knight  or  his 
family.  Information  is  doubtless  accessible  a- 
mong  the  Records  of  Suffolk  County. 

Cotemporary  with  him  the  next  ten  years  af- 
ter the  settlement,  were  William  and  Ezekiel 
Knight,  at  Salem  ;  William  died  about  1655, 
leaving  wife  Elizabeth  and  four  children. 
George  at  Hingham,  John  at  Watertown, 
John  at  Newbury,    Richard    at    Weymouth, 


William  mini(«ter  at  Topstield,  and  perhaps 
»thers,  who  are  not  likely  all  to  have  been  of 
me  family.  The  name  is  common  throughout 
the  country.* 

WILLI.\M    ALLEN 
And   his  wile   Elizabeth,  were    among  the 
ori;jinal    memliers  of   the   First  Church  ;  her 
maiden  name  we  think    was  Bradley,  as  John 
Bradley  was  called    Allen's  brother  in  law,  in 
1642.     He  was  admitted  a  freeman  among  the 
first.  May  18.  1631.     He    had  a  grant  of  fifty 
acres  of  land  on  20  of  12,  16o6j  at  which  time 
John  Woodbury  had  a  warrant   to   lay  it  out. 
On  2;3d  of  2d,    1638,  one  acre  of  Salt  Marsh 
w  18  granted  him    adjoining    his  lot — probably 
at  the  01 1  Planter's   Marsh.     On   the  25th  of 
Uth  month,  1642,  William   Allen  and  Robert 
Allen  were  granted  ten   acres  apiece  at  the 
Great  Pond,  \Wenham  Lake.)     William  Allen 
was  by   trade  a  carpenter;  in    1637   he  and 
Samuel    Archer    were    to    build   the   powder 
house,  and  were  allowed   two  months  to  finish 
it  in.      He   removed  to    Manchester,    where 
many  generations  of  the  name  have  lived.     It 
appears  that  on   the   13th   of  May,    1640.  he, 
with  sixteen   others  of  Salem,   among   whom 
were  Robert  Allen  and  John  Norman,  petition- 
ed General  Court  for  liberty  to   remove  to  Jef- 
fry's  Creek,    (Manchester,)  and  erect  a  yillaga 
there.     He  may  not  have  retnoved  immediate- 
ly  for  it  was  not  until  ten  years  lat-^r,  that  he 
seld  his  homestead  in  Salem,  viz:     On  the  9th 
of  4th  month,  1650,   he  sold  his  lute  dwelling 
house  and  one  half  acre  of  land  adjoining,  in 
Salem,  and  six  acres  in  the  south  field,  to  John 
Bridgman,  of   siid   place.     On    the  20th    of 
April,  1659,  he  sold  Samuel  Gardner,  a  quanti- 
ty of  land  lying  near  the  meeting  house,  be- 
tween  Philip  Cromwell's  and  Richard  Still- 
man's   land.f     Like  most  of  the  old  planters, 

*  RfferrnctJi. — Felt's  Salem  Mas8.  Rcc,  Court  Files 
Gen.  Reg.  vol.  1,  page  38,  Reg.  Deeds,  Town  Rec.  Ac. 

fThe  following  is  subjoined  for  future  elucidation 
as  to  locality.  At  Court  at  Boston,  July  3,  1632. 
Rev.  Mr.  Skelton,  among  other  lands  was  granted 
"ten  acres  on  a  Neck  of  land  abutting  on  the  South 


11 


he  lived  to  be  aged,  dying  in  1G78  or  "9,  In 
1364,  then  an  old  man,  he  deposed  that  it  had 
been  a  resolve  of  the  inhabitants  of  >alein, 
that  when  land  was  granted  on  the  rivers  that 
skirt  the  town,  a  reservation  should  be  made 
for  a  passage  between  the  top  of  the  banks  and 
the  water  side,  and  such  were  undoubtedly  a- 
mong  the  most  primitive  of  our  highways. 

His  children,  baptized   at  the  first  Church, 
were 

Deborah,  baptized  23d  of  2d  month,  1637. 
Bethiah,         "         16th  of  11th  month,  1639 
Oiiisiphorus,  "  3d  of  5th  mimth,  1642. 

"William,        "         31st  of  3d  month,  1646. 
Jonathan,       "         29th  of  5th  month,  1649. 

His  son  Samuel,  probably  older  than  either, 
we  do  not  find  mentioned  among  the  baptisms. 
His  will  is  recorded  on  the  72d  folio  of  the 
first  book  of  Etsex  Probate  Records,  dated  7th 
June.  1678,  proved  26th  of  4th  month,  1679. 
wherein  he  styles  himself  "William  Allen, sen> 
of  Manchester,'"  makes  his  wife  Elizabeth  full 
and  sole  executrix  of  his  property,  to  be  dis- 
posed of  after  her  death  ;  part  of  which  is  as 
follows,  "to  Samuel,  the  remainder  of  the  twen- 
ty five  acre  lot  of  upland,  and  the  share  of  the 
fresh  meadow;  to  2d  son  Onisiphorus,  and  son 
"Williaiu  Allen,  my  whole  fifty  acre  lot,  and  an 
acreof  saltmarsh  at  lower  end  of  my  orchard." 
It  is  remarked  that  both  these  sons  had  houses 
of  their  own.  and  were  to  have  Jands  adjoin- 
ing them.  In  the  inventory  presented,  which 
amounted  to  £186,  10s,  among  other  lands  and 
efiects,  arc  mentioned  fifteen  acres  of  upland 
Jyin^  on  the  bounds  of  Beverly,  joining  to 
Wenham  Gr>'at  Pond,  also  two  oxen,  one  cow 
two  hcilers,  two  sheep,  and  a  horse. 

Bobert  Allen,  probably  William's  brother, 
was  granted  on  the  4tli  of  12ch  month,  1638, 
twenty-five  acres  of  land  at  Jeffrey  Creek;  his 

River,  upon  the  Harbour  River  on  the  North,  upon 
William  Allen's  ground  on  the  East,  and  upon  Mrs. 
Ilijginson's  ground  on  the  west."  Query. — When 
was  William  Allen's  land,  and  was  Harbour  Rivei 
the  North  River,  the  land  being  bounded  on  the 
fiouth  by  the  South  River  ? 


children  were  born  in  1640  and  odd.  From 
these  men  h&ve  descended  those  bearing  the 
name  in  Salem,  Manchester  and  vicinity.* 

THOMAS  GRAY. 
A  very  early  settler,  purchased  Nantasket  of 
the  Indian  Sachem  Ciiikutaubut,  as  early  as 
1622,  where  he  was  living  with  John  Gray 
and  Walter  Knight,  and  to  his  eiiccor  and 
hospitality  the  persecuted  Epifrcopalians  of 
Plymouth  fl-d,  and  very  naturally  therefore  he 
would  aecompaoy  Conant  to  Cape  Anne  and 
Naumkeag,  when  the  prospects  were  so  flatter- 
ing of  the  permanent  establishment  of  Episco- 
pacy. 

Thomas  Gray,  supposed  to  be  th«  same  per- 
son, was  located  in  Marbleharbor,  [Marble- 
head,]  then  a  part  of  Salem,  as  early  as  1631; 
his  name  is  met  with  as  of  that  place  till  1660 
or  later.  The  records  of  the  Quarter  Court  at 
Salem,  and  the  Court  of  Assistants  at  Boston, 
during  that  period,  do  not  furnish  any  other 
point  worthy  of  interest  relating  to  him.  lie 
lived  to  be  aged,  and  should  have  been  venera- 
ble. 

Another  Thomas  Gray  was  living  at  Ply- 
mouth  in  1643,  and  died  there  Nov.  29,  1682. 

Robert  Gray,  who  was  horn  about  1634,  liv- 
ed in  Salem,  and  liad  children  born  there  in 
1656  to  '66.  lie  was  fined  in  1669,  for  attend- 
ing Quaker  meeting  ;  his  will  was  made  in 
1662  ;  loft  Elizabeth,  Joseph,  Robert,  Bethiah 
Hannah  and  Mary.  The  name  Robert  contin- 
ues to  he  very  common  in  this  family  after- 
ward. There  were  coteinporary  families  very 
early  in  the  county,  and  probably  of  diffjrent 
origins  f 

JOHN    TILLEY. 
At   the  commencement  of   the  Cape   Anna 
settlement,  John  Tilley    was   appointed    Over- 
seer of  the  Fishing  interest,  while  the  planting 

*  Rrfrrrnces. — Mass.  Rec.,  Town  and  Church  Rcc., 
Reg.  of  Deeds  and  Probate. 

flieferrnces. — Felt's  Annals,  Drake's  Boston,  Re« 
Qr.  Court,  Rco.  of  Mass.  Gen.  Reg.,  2.  235. 


1S9 


depiirtinvnt  vrus    placed   ia   charge  of  Thomas 
Gardner. 

It  is  generally  accepted  that  Tilley  followed 
Conant  to  Naumkeag  in  1G26.  He  took  tlie 
freeman's  uath  March  4,  1534.  He  was  a 
mariner  bv  occupatiun,  and  identified  with  the 
fishing  and  euuiinercial  tradin|r  of  MasHachu- 
setts  till  his  d-ath  in  1G36.  His  name  is  asso- 
ciated in  Colonial  affairs  with  such  persons  as 
William  Peirca  and  Th(>ujas  Beecher,  noted 
shipmasters*  ot  that  day  ;  his  career  subsequent 
to  the  failure  of  li^hing  op^-rations  at  Cape 
Anne,  related,  more  particularly,  to  the  South 
side  of  tl)o  Bay,  and  trade  with  the  neighboring 
Colonies. 

In  tiie  year  1G34  he  became  involved  in 
moneyed  difficulties  with  his  partners  in  trade, 
and  General  Court,  on  the  Ist  April  of  that 
year,  appointed  assignees  over  hia  property  till 
his  "dibts  be  sai-fied  tl  at  heowed  in  ye  Bay,'' 
At  the  Court  of  Assistants,  held  on  the  1st  of 
July  following,  his  affairs  were  adjusted  by 
mutual  consent  of  the  diff  rent  parties,  in  the 
appointment  of  rofertes.viz.;  "John  VVinthrop, 
Ben.,  Esq.,  Mr.  \Vm.  Peirce,  Mr.  Thomas 
Beecher  and  Mr  Stag^j." 

The  difficulties,  thus  settled,  had  occurred 
with  Mr.  Marryner's  Company,  Mr.  Ilenry 
Coggin  and  Mr.  John  Cog::in,  for  moneys  paid 
the  ship's  c )mpany.  and  other  matters.  Sep.. 
2,  1G35,  Till.y  was  appointed  by  General 
Court  upon  a  committeo  with  Mr.  Thomas 
Dudley,  Mr.  Beecher,  Mr.  VYaltham,  Mr.  Dun- 
com.  and  Mr  Peirce,  with  "power  to  consulte 
advise  and  take  order  for  the  setting  forward 
and  after  manageing  of  the  fishejng  trade  and 
ypon  their  accompt  all  charges  of  dyett,  or 
other  wayes  att  the  tymes  of  their  meeteing  to 
be  allowed  out  of  the  fishing  stocke." 

In  the  year  1G36  Tilley  was  on  a  trading 
Tbjage  as  master  of  a  bark  and  while  coming 
down  the  Connecticut  River,  notwithstanding 
the  caution  he  received  from.  Capt.  Gardner,  at 
Saybrook,  to  be  on  his  guard  against  surprise 


of  the  Indiana,  he  trusted  to  hi.*  own  sag  icity, 
and  disdaint'd  the  well  intentioned  advice,  and 
very  imprudently  left  his  vessel,  in  a  small 
canoe,  with  one  assi.-tant,  on  a  fowling  excur- 
sion along  the  bmks  of  the  river  lie  landed 
about  three  mlle^  from  the  fort,  and  was  steal- 
thily watched  by  the  Indims  in  ambush,  until 
he  had  discharged  bis  gun.  when  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  savages  arose  from  th«ir  covert  an 
took  him  prisoner  without  chance  of  resistance, 
and  at  the  same  time  killed  the  man  left  in 
charge  of  the  boat.  His  inhuman  captors  tor- 
tured him  by  first  cutting  off  his  hands,  and 
a  while  after,  his  feet  also  ;  notwithstanding 
which,  it  is  said,  he  survived  ftir  three  days, 
and  won  the  admiration  of  the  Indians  by  tha 
manner  in  wiiich.  he  enJur  d  their  cruel  tor- 
tures. Up  is  r-'pres'  nted  by  VVinthrop*  as  a 
"very  stoutf  man,  and  of  great  understand, 
ing." 

This  dreadful  event  was  one  among  many 
similar  figgravating  experiences  that  our  ances- 
tors enduied,  in  rapid  succession,  from  the  qa- 
tivts,  and  which  led  to  the  swiit  dcstructioQ 
and  almost  annihilation  of  the  powerful  Pe- 
quod  tribe  ;  in  wliich  war  another  of  the  Old 
Planters,  who  commanded  the  Essex  men^ 
Capt.  Trask,  of  Sajem.  *-ignalizad  himself  aiii 
won  the  gratitude  of  his  country. 

We  have  learned  nothing  of  Tilley's  de-icend' 
ants,  if  any  he  had.  A  few  years  after  his 
death  we  find  a  family  of  that  n  iine  living  at 
Plymouth  and  neigh iiorhood,  viz  :  Thomas  and 
William,  in  1643,  and  John,  in  1G53.  Others, 
and  probably  of  the  sjvme  family  stock,,  wera 
Hugh  Tilley,  who  came  to.  Salem  in  the  fleet,  as 


•  Peirce  was  master  of  ihe  ship  J^jon,  and  Beecher 
of  the  Ta'ibot,  in  the  fleet  of  IGlfO. 


*  Drake,  in  his  History  of  Boston,  expresses  some 
doubts  as  to  the  identity  of  John  Tilley,  mentioned 
by  WinWirop  and  the  Mass.  Records,  with  John  Tilley 
of  the  Cfepe  Ann  Colouy,  but  the  lavt  of  Tilley's  prom- 
inency in  the  trading  and  fishing  interest  of  Massa-. 
ohusetts  throughout  his  a  tive  life,  evincing  peculiar 
qualifications  for  the  superintenJency  of  the  Cap* 
Anne  fisheries,  convinces  us  that  these  events,  occu- 
pying in  time  but  a  few  years,  all  relate  ta  on«. 
and  the  sa^e  individual. 

t  Courageous. 


190 


« eervant  to  Sir  Eichard  Saltonstall,  another 
John  Tilley,  and  also  Edward  Tilley,  with 
their  wives  and  families  formed  part  of 
the  101  Pilgrims  wh'>  came  in  the  Mayflower 
to  Plvmouth,  in  1620,  but  they  and  their 
wives,  with  thne  other  members  of  their  fami- 
lies, died  the  first  winter.* 

THOxMAS  GARDNER, 
Overseer  of  the  planting  interest  at  Cape 
Anne,  at  its  beginning,  wac,  according  to  Far- 
mer, a  native  of  Scotland.  Farmer,  Young, 
and  Felt  agree  that  he  followed  Conant  to 
Salem  ;  he  was  one  of  the  original  members  of 
the  first  chuich  here,  was  admitted  freeman 
May  17,  1C37,  and  was  the  Bume  year  member 
of  General  Court. 

The  following  grants  of  land  show  him  to 
have  been  a  man  who  had  prominent  claims 
among  his  fellow  Colonists.  The  tith  of  Mr. 
then  of  no  mean  import,  generally  precedes  hja 
name  in  the  Records. 

On  20  of  12  1636,  be  had  a  grant  of  100 
acres.  On  21,  12. 1637,  Mr.  Gardner  is  grant- 
ed an  addition  to  his  farm,  not  exceeding  twen- 
ty acres.  On  17,  2,  1639,  Granted  a  bank  of 
upland  near  his  marsh,  at  Strong  Water  Brook. 
In  1642  3-4  of  an  acre  near  the  Rayles.f  In 
1643,  a  parcel  of  land  to  set  a  house  ilpon,  near 
the  old  mill.  In  1649,  a  small  piece  of  mead- 
ow next  his  farm.  Thomas  Gardner  and 
George  Gardner,  brothers,  were  granted  land 
on  9  of  8,  1637,  who  were  probahly  sons  of 
Thomas.  In  1647,  Thomas  Gardner,  George 
Gardner,  and  Hilliard  Veren  were  to  have 
four  acres  of  meadow  each.  In  1654,  George 
Gaidner  was  to  have  six  acres  of  upland  at 
his  ten  acre  lot  He  took  the  freeman's  oath 
in  1642.  lie  is  called  Sargent  George,  and 
■was  lieutenant  in  1664,  under  Capt.  Walter 
Price.  He  married  Eliza .  She  was  a  Qua- 
keress, and  in  1658  was  indicted  "for  adher- 
ence  to  the  cursed    sect    of    the     Quakers." 

*  References — Hubbard   106;   Savage's  Winthrop 
1,200;   Mass.  Records;  Drake's  Boston;  <to. 
i  In  Beverly,  near  Wenham. 


Their  children  were  Samuel,   born  May   14, 

1648.     Beihia ,  born  1654.     llittabell, 

Ehenezer,  born  1657,  and  George.  He  died 
about  1679.  leaving  a  large  family.  See  record 
of  his  will,  Efsex  Probate  Records,  Book  1,  73. 
Nov  9.1659,  John  Gardner  and  Sauiml  Gard- 
ner, with  Walter  Price  and  Henry  Bartholo- 
mew, had  permission  to  erect  a  corn-mill  on 
South  River. 

This  Samuel  Gardner  was  deputy  to  General 
Court  in  1681-2  and  5.  Samuel  Gardner,  sen. 
in  his  will  dated  2  Oct  1689,  gave  his'-sone 
Jonathan  my  fishing  ketch,  and  her  appurte- 
nances, and  my  flakes  and  housing  and  wth 
else  I  have  at  Winter  Island." 

Another  Samuei  Gardner  was  deputy  to 
General  Oourt  many  years,  for  most  of  the 
time  from  1694  to  1710. 

Thomas  Gardner,  supposed  the  eon  of  Thom- 
as the  first,  was  a  memher  of  the  First  Church, 
1639,  freeman  1641.  On  the  18  of  5  mo  1637, 
he  had  a  grant  from  the  Town  ot  a  five-acre 
lot,  ^'as  a  great  lot."  He  died  in  the  latter 
part  of  1674.  He  had  two  wives,  1st  Mar- 
geret  Fritr,  2d  Damaris  Shattock ;  the  lat- 
ter united  with  the  Quakers,  and  was  often 
fined  for  her  heresy.  He  had  a  large  family, 
eleven  children,  viz.:  Seeth,*  baptized  25  of  10, 
1636,  married  John  Gralton  1  of  lO,  1659; 
Sarah,  Elizabeth,  Bethiah.  Thomas,  George, 
John,  Samuel,  Joseph,  Richard,  Merriam. 
Here  are  six  sons  and  five  daugliters,  with  a 
fair  chance  for  posterity.  His  « ill ,  dated  7, 10 
mo  1668,  proved  29  March,  1675  ;  to  his  wife 
Damarif  he  gave  up  all  the  et^tate  she  brought 
him.  also  £8  in  money.  &c.  To  his  dau.  Sa- 
rah Balch,  £15,  dau., — Soeth  Grafton,  £15,  to 
dau.  Merriam  Hills — to  Iwo  dans.  Mjrriam  and 
Susan  £5  each  j  at  18,  or  marriage  ;  to  his  sons 
George  and  John,  salt  meadow  west  of  Capt. 
George  Corwin's  meadow,  to  his  sons  Samuel 
and  Joseph,  salt  meadow  east  of  Corwin's. 
His  housing  the  rest  of  the  lands,  goods  and 
estate  to  be  divided  in  seven  equal   pans  ;    be. 


♦  A  daughter—  origin  of  the  name  to  be  given  in  a 
future  number. 


191 


tween  liia  six  sons,  Thomas,  George,  Richard, 
John,  bamuel  and  Joseph.  Thomas,  the  eld- 
est, to  have  two  shares,  George  and  Sam,  ex- 
ecutors. Mr.  Joseph  Grafton  and  D<acon 
lloine,  overseers.  Robert  Pease  and  Samuel 
Goldthrite,  witnesses.  Inventory  dated  4  of  11, 
1074,  val  £274  16  8.,  in  which  were  dw'  lling 
l)0U8e  aid  ten  acres  of  land,  with  orchard,  &c 
10  acres  in  ye  Northfield,  100  acres  of  upland 
and  moiidow,  20  acres  '-lying  in  ye  woods,''  and 
about  2  1-4  acres  of  sfllt  marsh  "lying  about 
ye  uiili."  household  stuff,  &c. 

Geg^le's  Island,  in  the  South  River,  was 
granted  to  one  Thomas  Gardner  in  1G80.  On 
the  division  of  the  Salem  Military  Company 
into  two  separate  Companies,  in  1674,  Joseph 
Gardner  took  command  of  one,  and  John  Cur- 
vrin  of  the  other. 

In  1685,  Ebenezer,  son  of  George,  left  £50 
to  poor  honest  people  of  Sakm,  and  in  1721, 
John  Gardner  left  one-tenth  of  his  estate  for  a 
like  purpose. 

Tliis  surname  has  been  known  and  respected 
throughout  the  entire  hititory  of  Salem,  and 
descendants  are  still  numerous  in  this  the  prim- 
itive abode  of  their  ancestors.* 

RICHAHD  NORMAN 
ia  mentioned  in  Brackenbury's  deposition  as 
among  those  ho  found  living  at  Naumkeag 
when  he  arrived  in  1628,  in  these  words,  "old 
Goodman  Norman  and  his  sonn.'"  Most  of 
the  old  planters  were  young  or  middle-aged 
men  ;  Norman  was  probably  older  than  any  of 
them.  Tliis  deposition  was  taken  fifty  years 
afterward,  and  w  hen  old  Norman  was  probably 
dead,  and  Brackenbury  himself  an  old  man  ; 
he  wsis  describing  matters  as  they  struck  him 
on  his  arrival.  We  have  other  evidence  that 
Richard  Norman  wag  called  "Old  Norman," 
viz.:  in  1649,  John  Gedney  pold Thomas  Spoon- 
er  a  parcel  of  land  which  was  given  "Old  Nor- 
man." 

Richard    Norman  and  John  Norman  had 


*  References' — Hubbard,  Felt,  Young.  Rec.  of  Mass. 
Probate  Rec..  City  Rec,  Ac. 


each  a  grant  of  twenty  acres  of  land  on  8  of  9 
mo  1637.  These  persons  are  the  same  referred 
to  in  the  quaint  line,  "Old  Goodman  Norman 
and  his  sonn."  Felt,  Drake,  Thornton  and 
all  other  writers  describe  them,  as  we  think, 
erroneously  as  Kichard  and  Richard,  Jr.  John 
Norman,  in  1628,  was  about  15  years  old,  at 
which  time  his  brother  Richard  was  but  three. 
John  removed  to  Jtffry  Creek.*  The  old  gen- 
tleman and  his  younger  son,  Richard,  removed 
to  JMarblehead  where  they  were  both  living  in 
1650  and  '53.  Richard  Norman,  sen  was  pre- 
sented at  the  Quarter  Court  at  Salem  17  of  7 
mo,  1650,  "for  defective  fences  on  Darbyfort 
side,"  [Marblehead.]  We  do  not  know  when 
he  died. 

JOHN  NORMAN, 
son  of  Richard,  the  "Old  Goodman"  had  a 
grant  of  land  at  Jeffry  Creek,  8  of  9  mo,  1637, 
and  with  sixteen  others  petitioned  General 
Court  14  of  3d  mo,  1640,  to  remove  there  and 
erect  a  village. 

At  the  Quarter  Court  held  at  Salem,  3d  of 
8  mo,  1637,  the  Jury  found  for  Richard  Inker- 
wjU,  plaintiff,  against  John  Norman,  40  shil- 
lings, in  money,  and  30  shillings  in  mackerell. 
lie  had  removed  to  Jeffry  Creek  as  early  as 
1640 ;  in  1650  he  petitioned  for  liberty  to 
keep  a  house  of  entertainment  there. 

lie  probably  lacked  some  of  the  graces  of  the 
man  of  Uz,  for  he  was  once  presented  at  Court 
"for  striking  Nath'l  Masterson  with  the  help 
of  an  ax  to  ye  breach  of  ye  peace" 

His  wife,  Arabella,  was  admitted  to  the 
Firvst  Church  in  1637.  Her  children  baptized 
there  and  also  recorded  in  the  Town  Records, 
are  John,  born  in  1637,  Lydia.  Hannah  or 
Anna.  Arabella  and  Richard.  Her  daughter 
Arabella  married  John  Balden  in  September, 
1664,  by  Major  Dennison,  and  had  Hannah 
and  John.* 

In  Thomas  Williams'  will,  dated  2  mo  1646, 


*  See  Essex  His.  Coll.  1,  35. 

*  In  1645,  Jeffrie's  Creek,  by  order  of  Genera 
Court,  to  be  called  Manchester. 


I£r2 


John  Normjin  ia  called  of  Jeflfrj  Creek,  but  in 
the  inventory  presented  the  foilnwing  month, 
he  is  8tjl  'd  of  Marblehead.  Ho  was  residing 
at  the  latter  place  in  1648.  He  died  aged 
about  60,  in  1672.  The  leader  of  the  Jeffry 
Creek  settlement  was  Rev  VV^illiam  Walton,  of 
Marblehead,  who  expected  to  remove  there, 
but  continued  tt»  reside  at  Marbleliead. 

The  inventory  of  ^he  estate  of  John  Norman, 
taken  23  of  9  mo  1672.  amounted  to  £125,  and 
consisted  of  house,  uplmd  and  meadow,  three 
cows,  two  yearling  stivers,  two  calves,  and  four 
small  S/^ine,  household  stuff,  tools,  &c.  John's 
son  John  was  a  memb  -r  of  the  Salem  Troop  in 
1678,  perhaps  the  same  individual,  in  1667. 
who  l>ad  recently  "received  greate  loss  at  sea 
being  taken  by  the  Dutch,"  as  were  sundry 
Sab-m  vess  Is  about  that  time.  John  adminis- 
tered on  his  mother  Arabella's  estate  in  1680, 

Arabella  Norman  survived  her  husband  seven 
years  ;  the  Inventory  of  proporty  "she  died  pos- 
sessed of  23  Nov.  167i),"  as  administratrix  of 
the  eatiteof  her  hushiind,  John  Norman,  taken 
29  of  4  mo  1680,  is  recorded  in  Es.sex  Probate 
Eecords.  1,  84,  amounting  to  £150,  16s.:  con- 
sisting ot  hous-',  barn  and  or-oliard,  ten  ajcns 
of  upland  upon  tho  mck, and  two  acres  of  sak 
marsh,  one  acre  of  sihmarsh  at  Kettle  Cove, 
&j.  Among  the  items  is  this  remarkable 
statement :  "The  remaining  part  of  400  acres 
of  land  granted  by  the  town  of  Salem  to  8 
men.  his  part  appraised  £50;"  Qaarj,  What 
eiglit  men,  and  why  thi-j  four  hundred  acres? 
Have  we  not  here  the  counterpart  to  the  M)00 
acres  at  Buss  River,  whieh  was  granted  to  five 
of  the  most  prominent  among  the  old  planters, 
viz.:  to  Conant,  Woodbury.  Tpask,  Pal  fry  and 
Balch,  or  two  hundred  aores  apiece, —  that  is, 
four  hundred  acres,  or  fifty  acres  api«ce  to 
eight  otlier  of  the  old  planters,  one  of  whom 
was  John  Norman?  Though  we  find  no  other 
record  of  this  grant,  is  not  this  conclusion  al- 
most  irresistible?  These  eight  men.  with  ap- 
proximate aiscuracy  can  be  found  in  list  ot 
iViiAus  given  on  page  104. 


RICHARD  NORMAN,  Jr, 
son  of  Richard,  and  brother  of  John,  was  born 
in  1623,  as  we  loam  he  was  forty-nine  years  of 
age  ;n  1672 ;  he  was  residing  with  his  old 
father,  in  Murbleiiead,  in  1653.  William  Nor- 
man, supposed  another  brother,  also  lived 
there  in  1648,  and  probably  the  same  of  the 
name  who  afterward  settled  at  Manchester. 
It  was  both  easy  and  natural  for  the  Marble- 
head  people  to  cross  over  the  water  from  that 
place  to  Manchester  in  their  shallops  and  fish- 
ing craft. 

The  Normans  were  leaders  in  the  Jeffry 
Creek  settlement.  Richard  Norman,  however, 
remained  in  Marblehcad,  where  he  appears  to 
have  been  a  man  of  enterprise  and  consequence 
ir^  his  day, — possessed  consii^erable  propfrty, 
was  a  lieutenant  in  the  military  company,  and 
reared  a  large  family  :  hia  wife's  name  waa 
Margaret,  and  their  children,  six  sons  and  two 
daughters,  viz.:  Rebecca,  Richard,  William, 
John,  Elizabeth,  Joseph,  Benjamin,  and  Jona- 
than. He  died  in  1682.  Moses  Maverick  and 
James  Dennis  appraised  his  estate  Nov.  20', 
1682,  amount  to  £400.  Among  the  items  are, 
One  acre  lot  at  the  Ferry,  a  lot  in  Mr.  Hum- 
phry's farm,  one  acre  of  salt  marsh  at  Salem,  a 
tract  of  land  at  Dunstable,  dwelling-house  and 
orchard  a-t  Marblehead,  furniture  in  the  half, 
in  the  old  kitchen,  in  the  new  kitchen,  in  the 
great  chamber,  ''n  the  new  chamber,  in  the  old 
kitchen  chamber,  in  the  cellMr,  half  hhd.  of 
Claret  and  one  bbi  of  Rum,  in  the  yard  two 
cows,  two  heifers,  one  buM,  horse,  mare  and 
colt,  sheep,  swine,  stage  flakes,  and  yard,  half 
a  shallop,  &c.  His  widow,  Margaret,  and 
Lieut,  John  Pickering  administered  upon  hia 
estate.  His  son,  Richard,  died  at  sea  about 
1682,  leaving  wbat  Htftle  property  he  possessed 
to  his  eouein,  Hannah  Balden.  I-n  1690  hia 
sons,  William  and  John,  were  charged  with 
sundry  goods  delivered  them  from  their  father's 
estate  by  their  mother,  Margaret  Norman,  and 
Lieut.  Pickering.  His  eon  Joseph  married 
Mary -,  and  diedoo  18  Nov.  169L 


193 


On  the  westerly  side  of  Gloucester  harbor, 
not  far  from  the  present  eastern  bound  of  Man- 
chester, the  early  home  of  the  Normans,  a  long, 
rocky  reef,  b.ire  at  low  water,  stretches  out 
from  the  shore,  terminated  seawardly,  bj  a 
large  rock,  designated  from  distant  times,  as 
Norman's  Woe ;  here,  as  the  name  implies, 
shipwreck  and  disaster  befel  some  indi-idual  of 
the  family  whose  name  it  bears  ;  this  is  all 
that  can  now  he  learned  about  it ;  neither 
record  nor  tradition  throws  any  light  upon 
this  untold  calunity, — faded  out  frjm  the 
memory  of  man  :  the  sea  shall  perpetually 
surge  over  the  place  of  Njrtnan's  doom,  and 
moan  in  ceaseless  murmurings,  and  the  winds 
howl  around  it  his  dismal  requiem  forever,  and 
forever  (ail  to  communicate  the  sad  story  of  its 
despairing  victim  and  of  the  anguish  wrung 
from  family  and  friends.  ''Norman's  Woe" 
— intensely  expressive  in  its  doleful  brevity, — 
R  name  never  uttered  by  the  pas^ing  mariner, 
without  vibrating  a  ciiord  in  his  large  and  sym- 
pathetic heart. 

Another  locality,  Norman's  Rocks,  a  crag 
on  the  western  border  of  Salem,  and  Norman 
street,  also  in  Salem,  commemorate  the  name 
of  a  family  long  extinct  here,  and  as  far  as  our 
knowled^re  g  >es,  in  the  vicinity  also.  The 
Boston  Directory  was  printed  in  1789  by  one 
John  Norm  in.  We  are  unable  to  say  where 
descendants,  if  any.  of  the  family  now  reside. 
Mention  of  the  nams  is  occasionally  seen 
different  pirts  of  the  cjuntry. 

Capt.    WILLIAM   TRASK 

was,  without  doubt,  settled  in  Naumkeag  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  Endicott.  He  was  born 
about  1587.  consequently  forty  years  of  age 
when  he  came  to  New  England.  Mr.  Hub 
bard,  who  was  nettled  as  minister  at  Ipswich 
Boveral  years  belbie  Mr.  Trask's  death,  and 
who,  no  doubt,  knew  him,  says  expres>lv  tiiat 
Endicott's  party  "added  to  Captain  Trask  and 
John  Woodbury,  &c.,  they  went  on  comforta- 
bly together  to  make  preparation  for  the  new 
Colony  that  were  coming  over." 
49 


How  long  he  was  here  previous  to  the  arri- 
val of  the  Abigail  is  not  known  ;  certain  it  in 
that  he  was  granted  one  of  the  five  farms  of 
200  acres  each,  to  the  old  planters,  [making 
1000  acres,],  at  Bass  River,  in  1G35,  which 
seems  to  settle  the  matter  b  -yond  controversy. 
He  is  am(^|g  the  original  members  of  the  first 
church,  and  was  on  the  first  list  (Oct.  19, 
1630.)  of  those  who  p'tition  -d  General  Court 
to  be  made  freemen,  and  took  his  oath  in  May 
following.  Nov.  7,  1632,  Capt.  Trask  and 
Mr.  Conant,  appointed,  with  otliers,  by  General 
Court,  to  set  th«  bounds  between  Dorches- 
ter and  Roxhury.  In  1635,  he  with  Conant, 
Woodhury,  Balch  and  Ma«sey,  were  appointed 
overseers  of  land,  and  associated  with  Mr, 
Humphry,  Mr.  Endicott  and  Capt.  Turner  to 
set  the  bounds  of  Newbury  Patent,  and  Mr. 
Dumer's  farm  of  500  acres,  near  the  falls  of 
Newbury;  and  in  1637  he  was  on  a  committee 
to  lay  out  Mr  Humphry's  farm.  In  1635  and 
th3  four  f  >llowing  years,  he  was  a  deputy  from 
Salem  to  the -Great  and  Gmeral  Court.  He 
had  several  grants  of  land  from  the  town  be» 
fide  his  farm  of  200  aeres.  At  one  time  100 
acres,  and  on  9  of  8,  1637,  he  is  allowed  five 
acres  of  meadow  next  Mr.  Johnson's  farm. 
In  1636  he  erected  a  water-mill  for  grinding 
corn,  on  the  North  River,  at  a  place  above 
what  are  now  called  Frye's  Mills;  before  this 
time  most  of  the  corn  ui^ed  was  pounded  in 
Querns*  On  30  of  1,  1640.  he  had  leave  to 
set  up  a  tide-mill  upon  the  North  Kiver,  pro- 
vided he  laade  a  suffioient  passage  for  a  shallop 
from  half  tide  to  full  sea  ;  it  thus  appears  to 
have  been  the  original  policy  of  the  Town  to 
keep  the  water  courses  free  from  obstruction. 
He  also  set  up  a  fulling-mill  not  far  from  his 
corn-mill,  about  the  same  time.  When,  about 
1636,  it  wag  proposed  to  builJ  the  college  here, 
Mr.  Trask  gave  up  his  farm  to  Thomas  Scruggs, 
who  poes^ssid  land  at  tho  designated  place  be- 
yond Forest  River,  on  what  is  now  a  beautiful 


*  A  kind  of  stone  pestle  and  mortar,  for  private 
use,  a  few  specimens  of  which,  are  still  preserved  iq 
the  ol  £»  milies. 


lU 


lain  at  the  Marblohead  farms,  thus  leaving 
the  lot  unencumbered. 

In  1648  General  Court  granted  Capt.  Trask 
250  acTtis  of  land.  Theaameyear  he  exchang- 
ed 250  acres  of  land  with  Gov.  Endicott  for 
500  apple  trees  of  three  years'  growth  being 
two  trjes  for  an  acre  of  land,  then  no  doubt 
en  equitable  bargain.  Again,  1656,  h^xchang- 
ed  100  acres  of  land,  near  Spnnj;  Pimd.  for 
a  cow  which  was  valued  at  £5.  He  lived  in 
Salem  village,  or  what  is  now  South  Danvers, 
and  during  the  ]iti«;atii>n8  of  the  Mason  claim 
his  estate  was  forced  to  pay  15  shillings 
rent  in  acknowledgment  of  Said  claim.  He 
•tras  an  energetic  man,  a  brave  soldier,  and 
reliable  in  case  of  an  emergency.  He  was  one 
of  the  first,  if  not  the  first  military  commander 
in  Maspachus  tts  ;  we  can  safely  say  of  him 
as  has  been  said  of  Capt.  Mason, — what 
Captain  Standish  was  to  the  Plymouth  Colony, 
and  Captain  Mason  to  Connecticut,  Captain 
Trask  was  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony. 

In  1634  he  was  on  a  committee  of  seven  to 
superintend  the  fortifications.  We  notice  he 
was  Captain  this  year,  as  he  no  doubt  was 
from  the  beginning  of  the  first  Massachusetts 
trained  band  ;  the  few  military  commanders 
were  ordered  to  train  their  Bands  once  every 
month,  lie  was  once  eent  (1635^  by  General 
Court  after  some  rogues  who  had  stolen  a  boat 
and  other  thirigs,  and  fled  to  the  eastlvard. 
Capt.  Trask  otertodk  them  at  Piscataqua, 
brought  them  back  to  Bdston,  where  they 
paid  penalty  for  their  villainy  in  both  fines  and 
stripes.  Captain  Trask  figures  most  conspicu- 
ously as  a  Captain  in  the  famous  Pequod 
trar. 

This  powerful  tribe  of  Indians,  in  the  wilds 
6f  the  Connecticut,  became  very  iiggre-sivoand 
insolent  ;  they  destroyed  Several  parties  of 
traders  and  others,  among  whom  wete  two 
noted  traders,  John  Oldham  and  John  Tiiley. 
The  Colonies  were  threatened  with  extermina- 
tion by  the  Peq'iodsand  confedetate  tribes,  and 
the  country  became  effectually  al-out-ed.  On 
7  Dec  ,  1636,  General  Court  selected  oflicers 
for  aervice  in  the  various  towns,  to   organize 


their  bands  for  defence  against  surprise  by  the 
Indians.  The  militia  of  the  Jurisdiction  were 
divided  into  three  regiments  ;  the  East  Regi- 
ment was  placed  under  command  of  John 
Endecott,  Coll.,  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  liout. 
coll.,  and  Capt.  Trask,  muster  master.  At 
the  organization  of  the  Salem  conipanv,  a  fevr 
weeks  after,  Mr.  William  Trask  was  appointed 
captain,  Richard  Davenport,*  lieutenant,  and 
Thomas  Reade,  ensign. 

For  this  campaign,  in  1637,  Massachusetts 
raised  160  men.  twenty-four  of  whom  were 
from  Salem.  They  were  under  commander-in 
chief.  Captain  Stougbton. 

The  wonderful  success  of  this  expedition  re- 
sulted in  the  overthrow,  and  almost  the  anni- 
hilation of  this  formidable  tribe. 

June  6,  1639.  General  C  mrt  granted  6000 
acres  of  land  to  nineteen  meritorious  individuals, 
not  all  soldiers. among  whom  were  Cap  .Trask, 
who  had  200  acres  of  land  "in  regard  of  much 
service,"  and  Lieut  Davenport  150  acres. 
Captain  Trask  retained  cdmrnand  of  the  com- 
pany in  Salem,  till  Octob  r,  1645.  when  he  re- 
ceived his  discharge  from  General  Court  "with 
all  due  acknowledgment  of  iiis  faithfulness 
and  former  good  service  to  the  country,"  and 
Wm.  Ilathorne  was  appointed  his  successor, 
as  it  was  thought  Capt  Trask  resided  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  be  of  service  in  case  of  sud- 
den attack  from  the  seaboard,  by  foreign  ene- 
mies ;  at  the  Game  time  Wm.  Clarke  wms  ap- 
pointed lieutenant,  and  Wm.  Dixie,  ensign. 

Oct,  19,  1658.  At  a  Court  of  Assistants, 
he  was  granted  400  acres  of  land  in  the  Poquod 
country,  and  in  1661,  when  far  advanced  in 
life,  (74th  year,)  he  presented  a  petition,  to 
General  Court,  written  by  biniself  in  a  bold 
and  still  beautiful  hand,  rari-ly  equalled  by 
one  who  had  passed  the  bounds  of  threescor* 
and  ten  years.     It  is  still  preserved  among  the 


*  Lieut.  Davenport  was  Ensign  bearer  when  Gov- 
ernor Endicott  cut  the  cross  from  the  King's  colors; 
he  was  afterwards  Captain  of  the  Cattle  in  Boston 
Harbor  where  he  was  killed  by  lightning  July  15, 
1665,  aged  59. 


195 


State  archives.     It  is  Bh(>rt  and  reads  thus  : 

•'To  the  Honorable  General  Court  now  assem- 
bled at  Boston: 

The  huinV)le  petition  of  Wra.  Trask,  off  Sa- 
lem, and  some  others  who  served  under  him  in 
the  exficdition  against  the  Pequots,  Humbly 
showeth, 

Whereas  yr  petitionrs  understand  that  seve- 
ral gentlemen  have  lands  granted  and  l;iid  out 
at  the  Pequots  County  that  was,  and  others 
are  likely  to  put  in  for  more,  who  it  may  bee 
never  swet  so  much  for  it,  as  some  off  us  bled 
on  it,  and  for  your  service — 

These  therefore  humbly  pray  the  Court  to 
consider  of  it,  and  in  your  wisdom  to  appoint 
such  a  portion  of  land  and  some  meet  men  to 
lay  it  out  as  m  your  goodness  shall  think  meet ; 
and  your  petitionrs  shall  ever  remain 

Your  ever  obliged  VV.  Traske  for  himself 
and  other  souldiers  under  him. 
Consented  to  by  the  Magistrates. 
Ri.  Bellingham.  Dept  Govr. 

In  answer  to  this  p'  tition  ye  Deputies  think 

meet  to  grant  Capt.  Traske  400  acres  of  land 

in  the  place  desired,  with   reference   to    the 

consent  of  our  honored  Magistrates   hereunto. 

Wm.  Torret,  Cleric." 

Mr.  Trask  lived  to  the  ripe  age  of  77  years. 
"What  an  eventful  period  was  the  latter  half 
of  his  life,  and  how  much  did  he  witness  of  re- 
Bults  that  his  valor,  industry  and  sell-sacrifice 
helped,  in  a  great  measure,  to  produce. 

He  died  May  16,  1666,  and  by  order  of  the 
town  was  buried  with  military  honors.  His 
will  was  made  only  the  day  previous  to  his 
death,  when  the  valiant  Captain  surrendered, 
andwas  butju'»t  alle  to  sign  the  letter  (W.) 
agairst  the  natiie  of  Wra.  Trask  Sen'r. 

He  left  a  wife,  Sarah,  and  children,  Mary, 
Susan,  William,  John  and  Sarah.  The  bap- 
tisms of  his  children  are  found  in  the  let 
church  records,  viz  : 

Mary,   baptized  1,   11,   1636. 

Susanna,     "      — ,    10,  1638. 

William,    "      19,     7,  1640. 

Mn,         •«       13,     7,   1642. 

Eliza.        •'-      21,     7,  1645. 


In  his  will  he  speaks  of  his  dwelling-house 
and  orchard.  To  William  he  gave  "  all  the 
meadow  that  lyeth  between  the  upper  and  the 
lower  mill,  and  ail  the  upper  mill-pond." 
The  locution  of  his  mill,  dwelling-house,  &c., 
can  now  be  traced. 

"The  house  in  which  he  died,  in  1666,  was 
according  to  tradition,  about  200  feet  in  the 
rear  of  the  present  one,  built  by  his  son  Wil- 
liam, probably  about  1680.  which  has  been 
the  birth-place  of  his  descendants  for  five  gen- 
ecations.  The  w^'ll  dug  hy  the  old  pioneer  two 
centuries  ago,  still  remains,  the  water  of  which 
is  in  constant  use.  The  original  gr-st  mill 
erected  by  him  in  1636  was  situated  on  the 
river  back  of  his  dwelling-house  ;  and  it  ia 
said  that  remnants  of  the  dam  are  now  visible, 
when  the  water  in  the  pond  is  drawn  off" 
Edward  Trask,  probably  a  grandson,  was  one 
of  Capt.  Lathrop's  seventy  men  slain  at  Bloody 
Brook,  Sept.  18,  1675. 

The  descendants  of  Capt.  Trask  are  still  liv- 
ing in  Salem,  Danvers.  and  vicinity.  One  of 
them,  Wm.  B.  Trask,  Esq.,  of  Dorchester,  to 
whom  I  am  much  indebted,  is  collecting  mate- 
rial for  a  memoir  of  the  Captain  and  genealogy 
of  bis  descendabts.* 

WILLIAM  JEFFRT, 
or  Jeffries,  was  settled  in  this  neighborhood 
before  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Endicott.  It  is  not 
known  when  he  came  over.  He  probably  lived 
some  time  at  Jcffry  Creek  (now  Manchester) 
which  bore  his  name,  and  which  lies  between 
the  two  settlements  of  Cape  Anne  and   Naum- 


He  was  called  William  Jeffries,  Gentleman, 
in  the  Company's  first  letter  of  instructions, 
21st  April,  1629,  and  generally  had  the  then 
comparatively  rare  title  of  Mr.  prefixed  to  his 
name.  He  was  an  Episcopalian.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  Jeffry  and  Blackstone,  of  Boston, 
belonged  to  Robert  Gorges'  party  .who  settled  at 


*  References— "Essex  Reg.  1852,  370,  and  10 
101,  1857,  257;  Mass.  Hiat.  Coll.,  25,  109;  Hubbard 
Farmer,  Prince,  Felt,  Young,  Town  Rec,  Church 
Rec,  Mass.  Rec,  &o. 


196 


Wessagassett  in  September,  1623.  They  acted 
as  thii  agents  of  John  Gorges,  who  succeeded 
to  his  brother's  patent,  and  were  empowered 
by  hiia  to  put  John  Oldham  in  possession  of 
his  afterward  contested  territi>ry.  Jeffry  was 
admitted  freemm  among  the  first,  May  18, 
1G31.  There  was  a  Sargent  Jeffri -s  in  the  Pe- 
quod  war.  in  1637,  honorably  montioned  by 
Capt.  Mason,  in  his  narrative,  and  also  in 
Winthrop's  letti^r  to  the  Governor  in  connec 
tion  with  Ensign  Davenport,  who  belonged  to 
the  Salem  company,  as  we  think  JeflFry  did 
also. 

In  1638  Wm.  Jeflfry  rpmoved  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Rhode  Islmd  plantations,  and  in 
1641  and  2  was-  among  the  proprietors  ot  Wey- 
mouth, where  he  wasc  imuiis.-ioneil  to  join  par- 
ties in  marriage.  On  16  Oct  1660,  General 
Court  granted  liira  500  acres  of  land  "on  the 
South  si  le  of  our  pitent  to  bd  a  final  issue  of 
all  claims  by  virtue  of  any  grant  heretofore 
made  by  any  Indian  whati'ver." 

This  allusion  to  an  Indian  grant  was  on  ac- 
count of  a  claim  of  his  to  JefiVy's  Neck,  in 
Ipswich,  on  the  plea  of  a  purcliase  of  the  In- 
dians, and  having  made  his  claims  before  the 
Court  sufficimcly  ul-ar,  he  received  this  grant 
in  ii'u  therefor  ;  this  unsurveyed-tract  of  land 
he  sold  to  VVm.  Hudson,  wlio  in  1665,  pe- 
titioned General  Court  that  Lieut.  Joshua 
Fisher  and  company  might  be  appointed  to  lay 
it  out,  who  were  accor^lingly  directed  so  to  do. 
provided  it  encroached  not  upjn  any  other  lor 
m^T  ;;rant. 

Jeffry  i<  tlioughtalso  to  have  had  possessions 
at  an  eirly  da^.e,  at  the  Isle  of  Shoals,  proba- 
bly nothing  m  )r3,  however,  than  the  erection 
of  fish  fl  ikes  tliere. 

It  ha-j  been  supposed  that  he  was  an  old 
acquaintance  and  intimate  friend  of  the  noto- 
rious and  tioublestime  Mortim,  of  Merry 
Mount,  ^ho  in  a  letter  to  Jeffry,  dated  May, 
1634.  addresses  him  as  "M  v  very  good  gossip;" 
it  is  however,  equally  certain  that  six  years  be- 
fore, Jeffry  had  c  >ntributed  a  sum  towards  de- 
laying the  expenses  attendant  upon  the  arrest 


and  extradition  of  the  same  individual  ;  this 
may  have  been  compulsory  or  in  the  nature  of 
taxation  or  assessment.  Morton,  as  is  well 
known,  again  returned  to  this  country,  to  be'a 
further  irritation  to  the  Massachusetts  author- 
ities. 

The  condition  of  the  country  in  regard  to 
roads  after  twenty  years  of  Dccupancy  may  ba 
learned  by  the  foUowin^  order  at  Town  Meet- 
ing, 26,  8,  1646  :— '-That  William  WoOdbury, 
Richard  Brackenbury.  Ensign  Dixie,  Mr  Co- 
nant,  Lieut.  Lithrop  and  Lawrence  Leach, 
shall  (urthwit'i  lay  out  a  way  between  the 
Ferry  at  Salem  and  the  head  of  Jeffry's  Creek, 
and  that  it  be  such  a  way  as  men  may  travel 
on  horseback  or  drive  cattle,  and  if  such  a  way 
may  not  be  found,  then  to  take  spsedy  course 
to  set  up  a  foot  bridge  at  .Mackerel  Cove." 

Of  the  descendants  of  Win  Jeffry.  we  have 
learned  nothing,  unless  tiie  following  person 
be  one  of  them  : — '-Ed^^ard  Jeffri-s,  who  was 
drowned  on  the  25th  diy  of  May,  1683,  as  he 
was  going  from  on  b  >ard  the  ketch  called  the 
Adventure,  Andrew  Ellet,  jr..  [Elliott. J  being 
master, Irom  Mackerel  Cove  to  the  Ferry  place  or 
thereabouts,  on  Beverly  side."  The  inventory 
of  his  effects,  valued  £10  4  s.  is  recorded  Essex 
Probate  book  2:  23. 

This  surname  is  now  extinct  in  Salem.  The 
elderly  portion  of  our  c  ininuni;y,  however, 
remember  a  family  of  the  name  who  formerly 
resided  in  Salem,  as  Jiimes  Jeff.y  died 
in  1807.  aged  74,  and  his  brother  John  died 
in  1812  at  about  the  same  age  ;  William, 
another  brother,  who  died  in  1772.  is  proba- 
bly the  same  who  tau^^ht  the  Grammar  School 
in  1753  to  5.  A  sister,  Margaret,  married 
Stephen  Cleveland,  Oct.  28,  1772,  late  of  Sa- 
lem,  whose  posterity  now  reside  among  us. 
Tliis  family,  ccn.-^ising  of  six  sons  and  two 
daughters,  were  the  children  of  James  Jeffry, 
who  came  from  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  to  Salem, 
in  1722,  at  the  age  of  16  years.  lie  was  the 
son  of  James  Jeffry.  who  was  born  March  10, 
1676,  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Agnes,  Cornwall, 
England,  and  who  came  to  this  country  and 


197 


lived  many  yoars  at  P.)rts:uoat^>.     Ho  was    the 
Bon  of  Cypii  I"  and  Ann  Jrffry.* 

In  the  r<ir>j:oin2  paper,  which  vr«   have  en 
titled  the  Old  Planters  of  Salmi .  we  have  pre- 
■ented  a  few  gleamnj;*  of  the  life*  and  dainu;* 
of  those  whose  names  are    known  to  ue  ;  but 

*  Rffi-rrncrs — Young's  Chroa.  of  Mass  ,  171;  W  n- 
throp'a  Jlis. ;  Reo.  of  Mass. ;  Com.  of  H.  W.  S. 
Cleveland. 

[Appendix  to  page  150,] 
JOHN    LYFORD. 

The  following  additional  facts,  in  relation  to  the 
f»mily  of  the  Rev.  John  Lyford,  are  derived  from 
extracts  taken  from  book  1,  folio  27,  of  the  Sulolk 
Deeds,  kindly  furnished  by  J.  W.  Dean,  of  Boston, 
from  which  wj  learn,  with  cimsidcrablo  confidence, 
that  Mr  Lyfurd  had  died,  testate,  previous  to  October, 
1641,  devising  his  property,  consisting  chiefly  of 
tobacco,  which  may  have  boon  the  currency  in  which 
the  minister  tax  was  collected  in  Virginia;  and  that 
his  widow  h.ad  married  Edmund  Ilobart,  of  llingham, 
ftnd  that  two  of  his  children,  viz:  Mordecai  and 
Buth,  were  then  living  at  that  place.  As  the  ex- 
tracts are  short,  and  as  so  few  facts  remain  to  us  rel- 
ative to  Lyford  and  his  family,  they  are  presented 
entire.  Not  many  years  aftor  tliis  we  find  Lyfords 
in  Exeter,  N.  II.  whither  descendants  had  probably 
removed  from  llingham: 

" 4,   IC4'2.     Be    it    known  vnto   .tII   men    by 

these  prseuts,  that  I,  Ruth  Loyford  of  llingham  in 
the  Bay  of  Massacuseits,  in  New  England,  have 
fully  acquit^d  and  di.-cliarged  Edmund  llubbi-rt, 
senior,  my  St(!p  Father,  of  a  legacyu  of  210  li.  of  To 
bacco,  given  me  by  my  Father  .John  Lcyforl,  by  his 
last  will  and  Tesraiuont,  of  woh  gifft  [  acknowlidge 
myselfe  fully  sattisfyi-d  <fc  content-nl.  21  Otitob  r, 
1641.  In  wittness  whereof  1  have  heervnto  sett  my 
band  and  seale,  the  day  &  yeare  above  written. 

haal  .fe  so.alo 
In  ye  presence  of  The:  Nicolls  A  Mordicay  Leyford.'' 

" 4,  1642.     Do   it   known  vnto   all    men    by 

these  prsents  that  I  Mordicay  Lyford,  of  llingham 
in  the  Bay  of  Massacusutts  in  New  England,  have 
fully  aeqnited  and  disciiarged  E  Imund  llubhord  se- 
nior my  ritep  Father,  of  a  legaoye  of  .)()')  li.  of  To- 
bacco, and  one  cow  a  id  ono  h  -yfjr,  given  ma  by  my 
Father  Jo:  Lyford.  of  wch  gifft  I  doe  ackno,vlidge 
myselfe  fully  sattisfyed  <fc  contented.  3  nf  .June 
1642  In  wittness  whereof  I  have  subscribed  my 
han  1  &  sett  to  my  seale  the  day  and  year  above 
written. 
In  ye  prsenco  of  Clement  Bate,  John    Beale   his  X 

marke.'' 

5Q 


in  drawing  these  remarks  to  a  close,  it  !■ 
with  gome  I  egret  that  we  bad  not  entitled  it 
tbo  Old  Planters  of  Massachusetts;  lor  tho 
early  hutory  of  8aleui,  is  the  tiititory  of  tbt 
Colony,  and  of  the  Commonwealth  for  the 
time  being,  not  one  line  of  which  can  ba 
spared  from  the  history  of  our  common  coun- 
try. 

In  our  attempt  at  de.«ignatin«;  the  spot  on 
which  they  s^-ttled  in  Salem,  we  have  followed 
Hubbard,  F-It,  Rantoul,  and  other  writert. 
astiisted  by  the  accepted  tradition,  and  havf 
sta.ed  that  upon  the  dispersion  of  the  Cap* 
Anne  colonists,  they  settled  upon  the  compar- 
ativeiy  small  peninsula  lying  between  Naum- 
kea<?.  now  North  River,  and  Shallop,  or  Col- 
lin.s'  Cove, — there,  no  doubt.  Conant  and  somt 
of  his  followers  built  their  first  small  and  un- 
substanti.il  cottages.  But  when  wa  consider 
tiiat  they  were  at  peace  with  tho  few  Indians, 
who  frtquented  the  neighborhood,  whose  lives 
had  been  spared  from  the  distemper  that  had 
t-in  years  before  so  nearly  depopulated  tids  re- 
gion, we  do  not  perceive  the  necessity  of  the 
first  settlers  hovering  very  cIomiIv  toi'etlicr  •— 
surrounded  a.s  they  were  by  such  a  vast  terri- 
tory, waiting  for  occupancy  aod  po.-jsession  ; 

so  many  jutting  capes  and  headlun-ls,  suitable 
for  ihe  fifiheries;  so  many  shelten  d  coves  and 
safe  harbors,  bordered  on  all  sides  bv  woode 
or  other  lands  easily  cleared  and  subdued 
for  cultivation.  These  pioneers,  foreseeing 
that  the  time  would  soon  come  wlien  mant 
other  adventurers  would  claim  a  »liare  in  these 
unappropriated  wilds,  would  very  naturally  se- 
lect tlie  f'est  localities,  and  spread  out  t!iei» 
individual  possesbions  over  a  larger  number  of 
acres  than  was  compatible  with  the  limited 
lecality  above  mentioned,  and  consequentiv  we 
believ-' if  ever  the  req.ii:.ite  zeal  be  put  forth 
among  tiie  first  pub.ic  grants  or  private  con- 
veyances of  land  for  a  more  accurate  localiza- 
tion of  the  first  abodes  of  the  Ol-i  Planters, 
it  will  be  found  that  they  embraced  a  much 
wider  extent  of  surface,  or  were  more  separ- 
ately and  distantly  looated  than  is  now  g«ao* 
rally  su{{osed. 


198 


Five  of  the  most  prominent  of  them  v?e 
know,  soon  accepted  farms  (of  their  own  selec- 
tion) from  the  new  government,  and  which 
thej  had,  no  douht,  previously  improved  on 
the  C'vpij  Anne  side  of  the  stream,  or,  more 
•ccurateiy,  at  Bass  iiiver.  Their  withdrawal 
from  the  niiclous  of  the  town,  resulted  in  part 
from  dissatisfaction  engendered  by  what  they 
regarded  aa  too  light  an  estimate  by  the  new 
dr  Massachusetts  companj  of  their  abilities, 
rights  and  improvements,  and  we  believe  if 
the  old  planters  had  had  some  other  leader 
than  the  virtuous  and  neaceful  Conant,  they 
might  have  comhined  with  Mr.  Oldham  and  the 
Gorges,  or  other  conflicting  patent  to  a  much 
greater  discomfiture  of  the  powerful  and  wise, 
but  to  them  in  the  outset,  somewhat  inconsid- 
erate and  oppressive  government. 

The  great  highway  of  the  first  settlers,  and 
their  means  of  travel  and  conveyance,  can  be 
given  in  one  word, — the  sea, — for  in  place  of 
the  endless  variety  of  vehicles  we  now  possess, 
that  willing  beasts  draw,  or  unwearied  steam 
impels,  they  bad  little  else  than  the  shallocand 
canoe.  Tlie  perils  they  often  encountered,  to 
which  their  wives  and  children,  their  teachers 
and  magiftrates  were  alike  exposed,  furnish  us 
irith  melancholy  proof  of  this  their  evident 
necessity.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  for 
them  to  explore  the  indented  coast,  and  locate 
here  and  there  more  or  less  permanently,  as 
fancy  or  interest  dictated.  The  inland  coun- 
try was  an  impenetrable  wilderness,  full  of 
•tery  description  of  peril,  and  its  exploration 
but  slowly  attempted. 

Thus  Ji-ffrey,  an  active,  uneasy  spirit,  wan- 
dered about  the  coast,  settling  now  at  one  lo- 
cality, then  at  another,  appropriating  territory 
to  himself,  or  buying  it  of  some  Indian  Sa- 
chem ;  and  so  Tilley  and  Oldham,  in  their 
fishing  and  trading  vessels  went  hither  and 
thither,  as  self-interest  or  the  orders  of  their 
joint  partners  directed. 

Norman,  the  tlder,  soon  settled  on  the 
Darby  fort  «ide,  or  at  Marblehead,  and  a 
portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  then 


part  and  parcel  of  the  great  territory  and  ju- 
risdiction of  Salem,  when  they  had  found  a 
minister  as  counsellor  and  guide,  asked  the 
privilege  of  settling  across  the  water  at  Jeffrey 
Creek,  or  Mancbe;  ter,  whose  sheltered  har- 
bour and  forest-clad  hills  skirted  in  pleasing 
outline  the  northern  shore.  There  the  Aliens 
and  one  or  more  Normane,  of  the  old  planters, 
fixed  their  final  abode.  Thus  it  was,  from 
point  to  point,  island  to  island,  and  harbour  to 
harbour,  that  the  country  along  the  coast  and 
up  the  rivers  became  settled  ;  here  a  few 
fish-flakes,  easily  constructed  from  the  neighbor- 
ing woods,  and  an  attendant  shallop  or  two 
dt  noted  a  fishing  settlement,  and  there 
a  few  cottages  clustering  around  a  house  of 
worship,  began  a  more  enduring  plantation  ; 
thus  settlements  increased  at  varied  intervals 
along  the  great  margin  of  waters. 

Upwards  of  two  and  one  quarter  centuries 
have  p:i8sed  away  since  Conant  and  his  follow- 
ers built  their  humble  dwellings  on  the  banks 
of  yonder  stream  and  dropped  the  first  seed  in 
the  soil  of  Massachusettn.  Their  descendants 
have  since  numbered  thousands.  About  eight 
geni  rations  have  been  born,  and  have  either 
acted  or  are  now  acting  their  parts  upon  the 
same  stage  of  their  ancestors  early  trials,  but 
how  varying  the  scenes  witnessed  by  each. 
Most  of  the  old  planters  lived  to  be  aged,  and 
unless  they  were  "inspired  by  some  superior  in- 
stinct,"* they  could  hardly  have  imagined  such 
reenlts  as  they  were  privileged  to  behold  ere 
they  fell  asleep  in  the  land  of  their  adoption. 

What  a  debt  of  gratitude  do  their  descend- 
ants owe  them  for  the  enterprise,  foresight  and 
perseverance,  that  planned  and  carried  through 
those  early  projects  that  have  been  crowned 
with  such  stupendous  results. 

Inasmuch  as  we  are  grateful  for  what  our 
ancestors  have  done  for  us,  let  us  be  jealous  of 
their  honor,  and  when  with  pride  we  look 
down  the  long  array  of  worthies  that  adorn 
the  history  of  our  Commonwealth,  let  us   not 

*  Hubbard. 


199 


forget  the  old  planters  of  Naumkeag,  strug- 
gling to  sustain  the  infant  settlement  through 
the  dreary  winters  of  1626  and  27.  We,  their 
descendants,  can  form  but  a  very  imperfect 
idea  of  the  impression  that  this  rude  and  in- 
hospitable country  then  presented. 

There  in,  however,  one  aspect  which  must 
forever  remain  much  the  same,  and  the  one 
which  WHS  most  deeply  engraven  on  the  minds 
of  the  settlers.  It  we  launch  out  upon  the 
bosom  of  the  Bay  on  some  pleasant  day  in 
June,  when  the  clear  sky  and  sleeping  waters 
blend  in  one  mirror  of  light,  and  the  air  is 
redolent  with  the  fragrance  of  young  leaves 
and  opening  flowers  ;  or.  later,  under  the  lofti- 
er skies  of  September,  after  the  atmosphera 
has  been  winnowed  by  the  rains  of  August, 
and  all  nature  is  in  her  fullness  of  apparel, 
we  shall  see  much  that  greoted  the  eyes  of 
Winthrop  when  in  the  Arbella,  he  led  the 
fleet  of  1630,  or  that  Endicott  beheld  when  he 
landed  here,  two  years  earlier. 

How  agreea.hle  the  contrast  presented  on 
these  two  occasions,  compared  with  the  advent 
of  the  Leyden  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  ten  or 
twelve  years  before. 

The  ocean,  with  its  restless  watersi,  still 
••throbs  its  everlasting  pulse,"  and  "reflects 
the  eternal  mechanism  of  the  skies."  The 
same  hills  touch  the  horizon,  and  similar 
breezes  fun  the  shore  now.  as  at  first  witnessed 
by  the  f  torm-tossed  Puritans  and  Pilgrims. 

On  the  north ,  reposing  upon  the  bosom  of  the 
fea,  lies  Cape  Anne,  and  far  down  to  the 
louth.  Cape  Cod  stretches  out  her  crooked  arm 
oyer  the  waters,  while  between  them  ILes  the 
curving  outline  of  Mas^iachusetts  with  its 
reeky  roast.  Here  is  the  very  vestibule  of 
New  England, — the  gateway  through  which 
tntered  the  effective  Puritan  element  of  Amer- 
ean  institutions.  Here,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  17th  centary,  it  was  that  Gosnold  explored 


and  named  the  southern  boundary — Cape  Cod 
— from  the  abundance  of  that  fiah  found  in 
its  vicinity.  Here  Captain  Smith,  in  rapturei 
with  the  country  sailed  in  and  eut  as  he  sur- 
vejed  the  coast.  Here  the  Dorchester  mer- 
chants laded  their  ships  with  codfish,  beaver 
skins,  clapboards  and  medicinal  roots.  Here, 
near  the  Southern  cape,  the  Pilgrims  of  1620, 
amid  the  blasts  of  winter,  cast  their  lot  in  th« 
naked  wilderness;  and  near  the  northern  cap« 
at  first  her  ofispring,  but  afteward  her  rival, 
sprang  the  Colony  of  Mnssuchusetts,  which 
soon  outstripped  and  enfolded  her  into  one. 

The  forests  that  everywhere  clothed  the 
hill  sides,  arched  the  streams,  or  bordered  the 
sea,  and  breathed  the  sweet  cadencies  of  sum' 
mer  winds,  or  heralded  the  storms,  for  centu- 
ries— have  gone  forever,  and  in  their  places  have 
arisen  our  cities  and  towns,  wiih  their  templss 
and  seminaries  of  learning,  our  factories  and 
workshops,  our  comfortable  abodes  and  culti- 
vated fields. 

Tha  winds  that  waft  seaward  our  sTiipa  to 
the  ends  of  the  earth,  murmur  with  the  din  of 
industry  and  the  rumbling  of  steam  cars,  that 
bear  the  burdens  of  trade,  and  thousands  of 
passengers  between  marts  of  business  and  the 
homes  of  a  happy  people,  instead  of  being  la- 
den with  the  war  whoop  of  the  savages  and 
the  dismal  cry  of  the  wolf  and  the  bear. 

Here  it  was  that  that  seed  was  scatterad 
which  the  "Lord  sifted  a  nation"  to  find. — 
Here  was  the  nursery  of  civil  and  religioui 
freedom,  which  has  spread  its  offspring  tar  and 
wide  over  the  land,  "from  the  sea  on  the  east, 
to  the  sea  on  the  west."  The  sun  that  rii«a 
from  between  the  capes  of  Massachusetts  till  it 
sets  at  the  golden  gate  of  California,  ihinei 
upon  the  joint  heritage  of  the  Puritans.  Sure- 
ly then  may  we  thank  God  that  we  are  their 
tons,  and  pray  that  H»  may  forever  save  the 
Commonw«alth  of  MassaebuNtta,  and  the 
union   of  the  States. 


200 


IXTRACTS  FROM  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  BIRTHS, 
MARRIAGES  AND  DEATHS  OF  THE  CITY  OF 
SALEM. 

Copied  by  Ira  J.  Patch. 

[Continued  from  page  115.] 

Rich'd  Crannever  &  Elizabeth  Woolland 
married  by  M.iJDr  Williiun  Hathorne,  7th 
April,  '65;  son  Wiiiiiiin  born  je  27th  De- 
cember. '65;  da.  Elizabeth  home  13th  Septem- 
ber, 1668  ;  son  Richard.  12ch  July,  1671  ;  Ed- 
ward, borne  28th  March,  1674. 

Isaack  Cooke  maried  to  Elizabeth  Busstone 
8d  May,  '64:;  thoir  dani^hter  Elizabeth,  borne 
23d  Sapteuiber.  1665  ;  son  Isaack  born  ye  9th 
11th  mo.  1666;  theire  daughter  Mary  borne 
12tli  9th  mo.  1668. 

Mr  Rich'd  Croad,  his  dini;'iter  Sira  borne 
by  Frances,  his  wife,  ye  3J  12rli,  '65  ;  theire 
■on  William,  borne  the  9th  12ch  mo.  I(j67; 
d*u;;htdr  llanna,  b  >rri3  the  llth  9th  mo.  1671  ; 
Bon  John  borne  ye  25  12th  mo.  1672. 

Mr.  John   Corwin    &    Marjiarott    Winthrop 

were  married  the  May.  1665  ;    tlieir    son 

Georae  born  ye  26th  Fobruary,  1666  ;  theire 
dau'r  Elizabeth  borne  ye  28th  Aprill,  1668  : 
their  daughter  Lucy  borne  the  11th  May.  1670; 
Paughter  Hana  born  ye  4th  2d  ino  1672. 

Giles  Coreo  maryod  to  Mary  Britz  llth 
April.  "64. 

William  Curtice,  his  daughter  Elizabeth 
borne  by  AHs,  his  wife,  llth  mo.  1668  ; 
daughter  Il.inna  borne  6th  mo.  1670. 

Ji)hn  Cole  and  Mary  Knight  were  married  by 
Major  Wm.  HatJM.rne  the  28th  May  1667  ; 
Bon  John  bo  18  May  1668  ;  son  Thomas  borne 
in  November  1669  and  dyed  the  same  year. 
Mary,  borne  1st,  7  h  mo.  1671  ;  Hanna  borne 
12th  10th  mo    1674. 

Venus  CollFox  maryed  to  Mary  Dayo  the 
20th  A'igust  1636:  their  daughter  Elizabeth 
borne  14th  J:\no  '67  ;  daughter  Mary  borne 
24th  I  Ith  luo  70  ;  II  lua  borne  7th  May,  '72, 
and  di  ni  3  montiia  after  ;  son  John  home  18th 
7th  mo   1674. 


George  Cockea  and  Mary  Mason  were  marjd 
23d  February  '67  ;  their  son  George  home  (h« 
24th  9  mo.  1668  ;  James  borne  the  3d  of  Da- 
cembor,  16'^0  ;  Mary  bom  20th  June,  72. 

Cornelyus  Concklin  deceased  ye  2l8t  March, 
1667-68. 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  Corwin  ye  wife  of  Capt. 
George  Corwin,  deceased  j«  15th  7th  mo 
1668. 

Capt.  George  Corwin  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Brooks,  widow,  were  married  ^he  22d  7th  mo. 
1669  ;  theire  daughter  Penellopee  was  born« 
7th  6th  mo  70  ;  daughter  Susaua  borne  10th 
10th  mo  1672. 

Peter  Cheevers  and  Lidda  IJaly  were  maried 
the  19tb  2J  mo  1669  ;  their  sons  Peeter  and 
Samuel,  being  twins,  borne  the  29th  lOih  mo. 
1678. 

Henry  Colhorno  &  Sara  Golt  were  maryed 
10th  mo  1665;  their  dau.  Cristian.  borno 
25th  10th  mo.  1666,  and  died  1st  6  mo  "67  ; 
son  Henry  borne  the  25ch  January,  1667,  and 
dyed  17*-h  4th  mo.  '69  ;  Sara  borne  212]  mo., 
1671 ;  Johanah  borne  20th  7th  mo,  1673,  and 
died  ye  21th  7th  mo.  '73  :  Maiy  borne  tha 
17th  10th  mo.  1674. 

Michaell,  the  son  of  Michaell  Combes,  borna 
by  Joane,  his  wife  the  22  J  Miroh,  1668-9; 
theire  son  Joshua  borne  the  23d  12th  mo. 
1670. 

Thoa.  Clungen,  his  daughter  Elizabeth  borne 
by  Eliza,  his  wife,  in  August,  1670. 

Mr,  Phillip  Cromwell  and  Mary  L^men, 
widdow,  were  maried  the  19th  November 
1674.  D.rithy,  his  former  wife,  dyed  28th  of 
September,  1673. 

Abraham  Cole  and  Sira  Davis  were  maried 
the  llth  of  Juno,  1670;  theire  son  Simuell 
born  14th  Miy,  1671,  and  deceased  a  month 
after  ;  Daughter  Sara  borne  the  29th  of  Au- 
gist,  1672;  Abraham,  horn  6th  Jan    1674. 

Francif*  Collins,  his  son  William,  borne  hj 
Hanna,  his  wife,  9th  7th  mo.  '69,  deceased  9 
months  after  ;  Abig:iile  born  in  October,  1671. 
Benjamin  born  14th  May,  1674. 


Index    of    Names. 


Abbot,  33,  113. 

Abbott,  96,  169. 

Abby,  33. 

Acosta,   130. 

Adam,    18,    19,    20,  21, 

22,  27.  31,  32. 
Adams,  33,  85,  112. 
Adden,  112. 
Ager,  11,  38. 
Alden,  164,  165. 
Alderman,  4,  38. 
Alfard,  4. 
Alford,  38. 
Allen,    8,  38,    95,    102, 

103,    104,     112,    156, 

165,     171,     183.   185, 

186,  187,  188,  198. 
Allin,  33,  85. 
Ally,  5. 
Ambrose,  3. 
Ames,  38,  39,  111. 
Anderson,  96. 
Andrew,  33,  53,  66,  111, 

113. 
Andrews,  50,  54,  85,  91, 

143. 
Andros,  84,  91, 127,  170. 
Annable,  181. 
Anthrop,  39. 
Antram,  182. 
Antrum,  33,  39,  92. 
Appleton,  55,  63. 
Archard,  11,  143. 
Archer,  33,  71,  112,  158, 

187. 
Arnold,  84. 
Ashby,  33. 
Ashtori,  113. 
A.«pinwall,  186. 
Attwatcr,  33. 
Auger,  38. 
Austin,  113. 
Averill,  10. 
Avery,  39,  50. 
Ayer,  5,  6. 
Ayres,  95. 
Babadge,  34. 
Babbadge,  113. 
Cabson,  95. 

51 


Bachelor,  36,  114. 

Backster,  33. 

Bacon,  10,  34,  36,  50. 

Badcock,  65. 

Baggerly,  39. 

Bailey,  36. 

Baker,   34,   48,   55,  74, 

96. 
Balden,  35,  191,  192. 
Baldin,  35. 
Balch,   8,    38,    51,    101, 

102,    103,     104,     109, 

110,    143,     147,     150, 

151,    152,     153,     156, 

185,    186,     190,    192, 

193. 
Balhack,  177. 
Ballard,  49. 
Baltimore,  155. 
Bancroft,    119,  i22,  123, 

127. 
Bank,  53. 
Bankes,  38. 
Bann,  38. 
Barber,  4. 
Barbolton,  66. 
Barker,  50,  58,  96. 
Baraard,  62. 
Barnes,  33,  34,  183. 
Barnett,  34. 
Barney,   5,    35,  38,   39, 

92,  96. 
Barr,  113. 
Barry,    17,    19,    20,  21, 

22,  31.  33. 
Bartholomew,  5,  6,  7,  8, 

33,  39,  143,  144,   183, 

190. 
Bartlett,  4,  49,  53. 
Bartoll,  93,  114. 
Barton,  36,  114,  172. 
Bassett,  96,  111. 
Batchulder.  144. 
Batcheler,  36,  39. 
Batchellor,  36. 
Bate,   197. 
Batter,  9,  11,  35,  38,  41, 

48,   49.  51,  92,  93.  95, 

96,  113,  182,  183. 


Baxter,  35,  36. 
Bayley,  8. 
Bayly,  114. 
Beachum,  34.  35. 
Beadle,  34,  35,  113,  158, 

175,  183. 
Beal,  112. 
Beale,  197. 
Bean,  112. 
Beckett,  80. 
Bedell.  80. 
Beecher,  189. 
Belfluwer,  95. 
Belknap,  3,  8,  33,  34. 
Bell,  113,  152. 
Bellamont,   78,  82. 
Bellingbam,  195. 
Bfllyhac,  177. 
Bennct,  5,  114,  182,  183. 
Bennett,  36. 
Bentley,   157,   158,  159, 

160,     163,     164,    165, 

160,  178,  179. 
Best,  35. 
Betty,  34. 
Bickford,  112. 
Bieulieu,  16,  31. 
Bigsbv,  7. 
Birdsiile,  114. 
Birdsalls,  9, 
Bishop,    11,    12,  13,33, 

34,  38,  48,  92,  164. 
Bitfield,  10. 
Bitnar,  8. 
Blacey,  153. 
Black,  112. 
Blacke.  38. 

Biaokleeeh,  38,  39,  84. 
Blackstone,  195. 
Blake,  79. 
Blethin,  36. 
Bloomfield,  3. 
Bly,  34,  36. 
Blyth,  113. 
Bly  the,  154. 
Bond,  150. 
Bonner,  175. 
Boone,  35. 
Booth,  36. 


Bootsman,  33. 

Borne,  4. 

Bosworth,  139,  161,  183. 

Boudinot,  111. 

Bouen,  35. 

Bound,  38. 

Bourguess,  14,  15. 

B(mtellc,  9. 

Bott,  113. 

Bowdidge,  172. 

Bowditch,  135,  154, 167, 

160,  172,  184. 
Boyce.  4,  10,  35. 
Boyes,  8,  50. 
Boyle,  50,  51. 
Boys,  50. 
Boyse,  10,  113. 
Brackenburg,  182. 
Brackcntury,  38,  52,  67, 

101,    102,    105,    156, 

180,  191,   196. 
Bracket,  35. 
Bradford,    72,    75,  140, 

148,  149,  150. 
Bradish,  78,  112. 
Bradley,  187. 
Bradstreet,    11,    71,    81, 

82,  9t,  119,170. 
Brapg,  92,  113. 
Braman.  66. 
Brankett,  124. 
Bransom,  1 1 2. 
Brattle,  106. 
Bray,    17,    25,    36,  114, 

154. 
Brayne,  38. 
Breck,  111. 
Breed,  5,  144. 
Brewer,  183. 
Brewster,  148. 
Bridges,  34,  36,  58, 183. 
Bridgman.  50,  187. 
Bright.  38. 
Britz,  200. 
Broagham,  4. 
Brocklebank,  96. 
Brooks,  112,  138,  200. 


202 


Brown,  3,  4,  34,  54,  66, 
68,  80,  81,  82,  83,  92, 
93,  95,  96,  109,  112, 
143,  144,  153,  171, 
172,  173,  180,  182. 
Browne,  3,4,  6,  10,  11, 
33,  34,  35,  36,  39,  49, 
66,  82,  84,  86,  92,  93, 
95,  120,  121,  136, 
143,  144,  157,  160, 
166,  168,  171,  172, 
175,  176,   177. 

Browning,  3,  35,  38. 

BufBngton    114. 

Buffum,  36,  49,  50,  115. 

Bulfinch,  4. 

Bulflowcr,  33,  95. 

Bullock,  34,  51,  114. 

Bunker,  51. 

Burbank,  112. 

Burch,  .53,  36. 

Burchal,  39. 

Burcham,  11. 

Burchmore,  113. 

Burden,  90. 

Burdin,  95. 

Burke,  159. 

Burnap.  33. 

Burnape,  182. 

Burnell,  94. 

Burnet,  142. 

Burnham,  53. 

Burrell,  34. 

Burrill,  5,  11,  144,  183. 

Burroughs,  57. 

Burt,  3,  9,  35,  95,  96., 

Burtai,  94. 

Burthum,  5,  10. 

Bush,  34,  114. 

Bushnell,  67. 

Bushrode,  100. 

Butman,  55. 

Butler,  10,  112. 

Buttolph,  34,  35,  114. 
Buttrick,  55. 
Buxston,  36. 
Buxstone,  200. 
Buxton,  11,   34,  35,  36, 

92,  113,  144. 
Byrne,  17. 
Cabot,  98,  113,  158. 
Cadwall.ider,  111. 
Cain,  112. 
Camplin,  115. 
Candall,  6. 
Cantlebury,  115,  182. 
Capon,  3. 
Carlton,  34. 
Carrell,  115. 
Carroll,  111. 
Carteret,  157,  158. 
Cartwright,  3. 
Cary,  163. 
Chadwick,  55. 
Chalkhill,  155. 
Chamberlain,  113. 
Chaplin,  50. 


Chapman,  153. 
Chard,  78. 
Charles,  6. 

Charles  1st,  (King,)  89, 
90,  125,  126,  139,  140, 
141,  155,   169. 
Charles  2d,    (King,)  89, 

90,  124,  125,  126. 
Cheelcraft,  50. 
Cheever,  61,  113.; 
Cheevers,  200. 
Chester,  17,  26. 
Chevalier,  159. 
Chever,  67,  77,  117,  129, 

157. 
Chipman,  113. 
Choot,  6. 
Churchman,  3. 
Clark,    6,   9,    56,  61,  62, 

63,  65,  91. 
Clarke,  92,  93,  113,  182, 

194. 
Clearke,  115. 
Cleaves,  54. 
Clement,  9,  93. 
Clerk,  39. 

Cleveland,    55,  196,  197. 
Clifford,  74. 
Clough,  112. 
Cloutman,  112,  113,  138. 
Clungen,  200. 
Clymer,  111. 
Cobbett,  11,  181. 
Cobit,  5. 
Cockerel],  95. 
Cockes,  200. 
Cockett,  5. 
Codnor,  94. 
Coe,  153. 
Coffin,  93,  95. 
Coggin,  189. 
Coker,  95. 
Colborne,  200. 
Culdfox,  200. 
Cole,  10,  110,  200. 
Collem,  183. 
Collens,  114. 
Collins,  10,    12,    17,  35, 
74,  96,   143,  144,  178, 
200. 
Cotton,  10. 
Combes,  200. 
Comer,  51. 
Comings,  183. 
Conant,    11,  38.  67,   92, 
93,    99,  100,  101,  102, 
103,    104,    105,     106, 
107,     108,     109,    110, 
143,    14.5,     146,    147, 
149,    150,    152,     156, 
185,     186,     189.    190, 
192,    193,    196,     197, 
198. 
Concklin,  200. 
Connant,  115. 
Converse,  17,  28. 
Cook,  8,  113,  144,  187. 


Cooke,  92,  114,  200. 

Corley,  112. 

Corlye,  11. 

Coomes,  114. 

Cooms,  153,  154. 

Cooper,  168,  169. 

Coree,  116,  200 

Corey,  56,  57,  60. 

Corning,  4,  143. 

Cornish,  4. 

Corwin,  5,  94,  96,  123, 
157,  177,  180,  190, 
200. 

Corwine,  182. 

Cory,  164. 

Cotta,  4,  38. 

Cotty,  40. 

Cox,  97,  153,  154. 

Coy,  50. 

Cradock,  12,  68,  70,  87, 
107,  108,  110,   139. 

Cranch,  151. 

Cranfield,   164. 

Crannever,  200. 

Creek,  91. 

Croad,  114,  183,  200. 

Cioade,  85,  182. 

Cromwell,  12,  35,  49, 
60,  71,  89,  90,  91, 
125,  127,  165,  169, 
187,  200. 

Crosby,  154. 

Cross,  9,  114. 

Crow,  100. 

Crowell,  112. 

Crowninshield,  154. 

Cummings,  4,  6. 

Currier,  63. 

Curtice,  200.- 

Curtis,  114. 

Curtise,  114. 

Curwen,  8,  57,  73,    157, 

160,  167. 
Curwin,  191. 
Cushing,  56. 
Cushman,  98,  112,  148. 
Cussins,  53. 

Culler,  54,  55,  65,  114. 
Daland,  65,  113. 
Dalton,  112. 
Dam  pier,  122. 
Dana,  64. 
Dane,  8,  58, 184. 
Darby,  100. 
Darlin,  4. 
Darlington,  129. 
Davenport,    8,   38,    139, 

194,   196. 
Davis,    17,  28,  136,  200. 
Daye.  200. 
Deacons,  112. 
Deakin,  96. 
Dean,  56,  197. 
Dellodore,  35. 
Deneson,  35. 
Dennis,    3,      112,     113, 

192. 


Dennison,  35,  191. 
Derby,    56,     111,      157, 

175,   186. 
Dermer,  75. 

De  Kuyter,  81,  124,  169. 
D'  E.«taing,  112. 
Dewing,  113. 
Dicke,  9. 
Diconson,  50. 
Digweed,  38. 
DiKe,  102. 
Diman,  62,  63,  154. 
Dimsdale,  155. 
Divan,  96. 
Dixey,  38,  48,  67. 
Dixie,  194,  196. 
Dixy,  38. 

Dodge,    11,    48,  50,  62, 
55,  92,  113,  147,  152, 
154,  186. 
Dollaver.  95. 
Dolliver,    92,    93,     112, 

143,  144. 
Doohttle,  143. 
Dorey,  157,   158. 
Dorman,  54,  96. 
Douglass,  55,  61. 
Dow,  65. 
Downes,  30. 
Downing,    37,    39,  185, 

180. 
Drake,    113,     189,    190 

191. 
Driver,  3,  96,   112,  183. 
Dudley,    54,     105,    106, 

110,  189. 
Dummer,  126. 
Dunbar,  03. 
Dui  can,  182. 
Duncom,  189. 
Dunton,    39,     165,   174, 

180. 
Durand,  94. 
Durm.  35. 
Eardry,  4. 
Easty.  52,  163: 
Eaton,  113,  144. 
Ebborne,  113. 
Ebburne,  51. 
Eborne,  38,  94,  144,  181. 
Edmonds,  112. 
Edwards,  3,  4,  6,  39,  49, 

76,  77.  78. 
Elforde,  38. 
Elizabeth,    (Queen,)  16, 

140,  154. 
Ellet,  190. 
Elliot,  1,  12. 
Elliott,  129,  196. 
Ellis,  160,   176. 
Ellsworth,   lllj 
Elmore,  111. 
Elvin,  6. 
Elwell,  0. 
Emerson,  144. 
Emery,    6,     6,    10.    50, 
144.    . 


203 


Endicott,  4,  12,  15,  17, 
23,  32,  38,  52, 
54,  67.  71,  90,  97, 
101,  102,  103,  104, 
105,  106,  107,  108, 
109,  110,  140,  145, 
162.  156,  159,  185, 
186,  i'Ji,  194,  199. 
Engel,  171. 

English,  13,14,57,67,76, 
77,  7b,  80,  83,  84,  85. 
117,    121,     135,     139, 
153,     157,    158,    159, 
160,    161,     162,    163, 
164,    165,    166,     167, 
168,    169,     170.    171, 
172,     173,    174,     175. 
176,     177,    179,    180, 
181. 
Engol,  172. 
Eusly,  174. 
Esticke,  5. 
Estis,  168. 
Epes,  160. 
Eppes,  ls6. 
Faben3,  56. 
Fairfield,  6,  185. 
Fairservice,  112. 
Falconi-r,  72,   75. 
Faller,  49. 
Fannuck    112. 
Farmer,  190,  195. 
Farrin.iU'n,  50. 
Farrow,  144. 
Faulkner.  59. 
Fay.  4i». 
Fenley,  112. 
Fellows,  95. 
Fells,  149,  130. 
Felt,  53,  68,  72,  74,  78, 
80,  84,    b6,    90,    105, 
109,    AO,     112,     113, 
120,    li2,     123,    124, 
129.    137,     138,    140, 
115,    148,     150,     151, 
152,    156,     157,     163, 
167,    173,    175,      186, 
187,     188,    190,    191, 
195,    197. 
Felton,    12,    39,  50,   51, 
54,  92,  144,  153,  182. 
Field,  4 
Fisher,  196. 
Fiske,  3,    6,   7,  11,   37, 

39,  113. 
Flagg,  113. 
Fletcher.  105,  166. 
Flinders,  183. 
Flint,  65,  92,  182. 
Fogge,  38. 
Folsom,  112. 
Foot,  172. 
Foote,  95,  154. 
Forrester,  113. 
Foster,  10,  54.   57,  113, 

1S2. 
Fowler,  51,  56,  153,154. 


Francis,  17,  28. 

Friend,  50. 

Frier,  190. 

Frost,  53. 

Fry,  58. 

Frye,  80,  113. 

Fuller,  50,  109,  144. 

Fysack,  155. 

Gaffoid,  39.  , 

Uage,  11. 

Gaines,  4. 

Gale,  111,  121. 

Gallison,  2. 

Gansby,  174. 

Gardiner,  94. 

Gardner,  10,  11,  34,  38, 
48,  49,  50,  51,  55,  92, 
93,  94,  100,  104,  113, 
136,  145,  154,  182, 
183,  187,  189,  190, 
191. 

Garford,  4,  38,  48. 

Gearinjje,  5. 

Gedney,  38,  39,156,191. 

George  1st,  (King)  155. 

Gerrish,  6,  60,  118,  119, 
168. 

Gerrold,  113. 

Gerry,  111. 

Gibbs,  145. 

Gidney,  44. 

Gionies,  41. 

Gigles,  38. 

Gilbert.  51,  98. 

Giles,    38,  114,  115,  116. 

Gillis,  30. 

Gillow,  7,  8. 

Gilinan,  111. 

Glover,  10,  112,  143. 

Goufrey,  136. 

Goffe,  110. 

Goldtbrite,  191. 

Goldwhatye,  38. 

Golt,  34,  93,  200. 

Guodale  6,  64. 

Goodell,  182. 

Goodhue,  111,  113. 

Goodwin,  38. 

Googes,  4. 

Gookin,  35. 

Gordon.  130,  134. 

Gorges,  70,  98,  108,  141, 

151,  195,  196.  198. 
Gosnold,  71,  199. 
Gott,  4,  39. 
Gould,  66,  112,  113. 
Gover,  112. 
Goyt,  144. 
GniJton,  3,   39,   94,  183, 

186,  190,  191. 
Graham,  74. 
Graim,  96. 
Grant,  112,  113. 
Gray,  9,  49,  55,   56,  104, 

143,  187,  188. 
Green,  39,  56,  59,  60,  64. 
Greenleaf,  10,  96. 


Grcnough,  156. 

Greenwood,  113. 

Gregg,  55. 

Gregory,  29. 

Griffen,  111. 

Grose,  39 

Gruver,  50,  51. 

Hacber,  94. 

Hacker,  95,  96. 

Hadley,  136. 

Hall,  112. 

Haly,  200. 

Hamelton,  112. 

Hamilton,  112. 

Hamuiatt,  129. 

Hammond,  32. 

Handforth,  4,  183. 

llandsoth,  10. 

Hardie,  3.  48. 

Hardy,  9.  14,  15,  39,  48, 
80,  86 

Harraden,  55,  113. 

Harradine,  136. 

Harris,  94. 

Harrison,  135. 

Hart,  6,   38,  39,   49,  58, 
59. 

Hartley,  HI. 

Hartshorne,  95,  183. 

Harvey,  51. 
Harwood.  4,  183. 
Ha^call,  151. 

Haskell,  9. 

Haskett,  154. 
Hatborne.    2,    5,   8,   33, 
34,  35,  55,93.94,  113, 
114,     143,    154,     159, 
166.     170,     172,    185, 
194,  200. 
Hawes,  4,  6. 
Hawkins,  185. 
Uaynes,  12,  153. 
Hazelton,  112. 
Heard,  7 
Hecter,  50. 
Heister,  111. 
Henry  2d,  (King)  157. 
Henry  8tb,  (King)  140. 
Henderson,  121. 
Herbert,  5. 
Herculeous,  112. 
Herrick,  36.  38,  50,  51. 
Hersoine.  9. 
Hewes,  145,  146. 
Hibbert,  4. 
Hide,  34. 

Higginson,   85,  99,   102, 
108,    109,     110,     113, 
149,     157,    180,   182, 
183,  188. 
Hisigison,  39,  73. 
Hill,  9,  10,  51,52. 
Hiller,  113. 
Billiard,  102. 
Hills,  190. 
Hinds,  39. 
Hiz,  35. 


Hobart,  197. 
Hobert,  3. 
Hod-es,  10,  55,  154. 
Hod^is,  143. 
Holden,  41. 
Holgrave,  38,  39. 
Hollingsworth,     2,      11, 
73,    75,     80,    81,   84, 
121,     158,    159^     160, 
173,  176. 
Hollis,  125. 
Holme,  38. 
Holmes,  14,  39. 
Holt,  63. 
Hol'en,  65. 
Holton,  113. 
Holyoke,  103,  184. 
Homan,  112. 
Hood,  50,  51. 
Hootoo.  22,  122. 
Hopkinson^  8. 
Horn,  185. 
Home,  4,  12,  38,  51,  93, 

191. 
HornisJ,  50. 
Houlton,  12,  153. 
Hovey,  112. 
How,  9,  51. 
Hewlett,  7,  51. 
Hubbard,     33,    54,     99, 
100,     101,    103,     105, 
106,    108,     145,     148, 
150,     151,    153,    186, 
190,    191,     193,    195, 
197,  198. 
Hubbert,  197. 
Hudson,  196. 
Hull,  169. 
Humfry,  41,  42. 
Humphrey,  95.  100,  106, 

129,  145,  185. 
Humphry,  192,  193. 
Hunt,  154. 
Huntin<:ton,  111. 
Hurst,  171, 172. 
Hutchinson,  12,  38,  70. 
72,    7a,  80,   110,  125, 
148,  178. 
Idell,  5. 
Ingalls,  5,  8,  10,  11,  95, 

96. 
Inger3oII.12.13,38, 121, 

153,  154,  176. 
Inkersoll,  191. 
Ireson,  5. 
Isbald,  4. 
Jackman,  49. 
Jackson,   3,  4,  5,  39,  49, 

112,  151. 
Jacobs,   52,   53,   54,  55, 

164. 
James,   68,  92,  93,  139, 

155. 
James  1st  (King),  170. 
Janes,  93. 
Jarret,  8. 


204 


Jeffrey,    104,    184,    185, 

198, 
Jeffries,  195,  196. 
Jeffry,  195,  19G,  197. 
Jenks,  23,  30,  93. 
Jewett,  8,  50,  9(3. 
Jiggles,  92. 
John.-on.  33,  38,  41,  73, 

93,  91,  102,  103,    110, 

111,  186,  193. 
Jolbson,  6. 
Jones,  112   183. 
Jordan.  4S 

Josselyn,  82,  130,  169. 
Joy,  9 
Kane,  27. 
Keazur,  49. 
Kemp,  11. 
Kendall,  38. 
Kenist-n,  H,  39. 
Kent   6,  95. 
Kertland,  94. 
Kutherell,  39. 
Kibben,  11. 
Kid.l,  78. 
Kiltaiu,  II. 
Kimball,  9,  182. 
King,    38.   50,    54,    115, 

121,  138,  161. 
Kinsiuiiii,  92 
Kitonen,  93,  172. 
Knap,  112. 
Knight,  6.12,  17,  19,20, 

26,  48.  49.  52,  96,  98, 

102,  104   153,  154,156, 

186,  187,  200. 
Knolcutt,  85. 
Lake,  1-13. 
Lambert.    33,    113,   175, 

183 
Lamson,  55,  95. 
Lan>;,  55,  113. 
Langdun,  1 1 1. 
Larrabee,  153, 
Laskin,  38,  92. 
La'hrop,    43,    li.0,    151, 

195,  1^6. 
Land,  90,  143. 
Laught'in,  11. 
Lawrence,  55. 
Leach,    38,   92,  95,  112, 

144,  183    196. 
Lee,  111,  159. 
Lsecli,  67 
Lefavor,   158. 
Legs,  94 
Lemon,  35,  200. 
Leonard.  111. 
Leslie,  2 

Leveit,  72,  73,  74,  112. 
Lewis,  3,  9,  64,  76,  129, 

143. 
Leyford,  197. 
Lightfcot,  4,  5. 
Lighton,  183. 
Lind,  3. 
Lindall,  14,  104,  157. 


Little,  10. 

Littlefield,  54. 

Lofty,  112. 

Long,  49.  95, 

Lord,  4,  9,11,38,  48,  93, 

115. 
Lothrop,  33,  96. 
Luvr,  153. 
Lowe,  84, 
Li)wle,  6. 
Lowt.hrop,  51, 
Lowthropp,  52,  181. 
Luff   185. 
Lume,  96. 
Luscombe,  9, 
Lyfc.nl,  99,  100, 104,  105, 

106,  145,148,149,150, 

197. 
Lyndsey,  160,  169. 
Maechiavelli,  126. 
Macclay,  111, 
Mc'intire,  112.  184. 
Me'Kenney,  112. 
Mackleroy,   lOO. 
Maelunal  on,  113. 
Maekmallen,  36,  96. 
Mc'.Veil,  112, 
Mc'Pherson,  112,  183. 
Madison,  HI. 
Mahomet,  16, 
Manning.   17,  20,  186, 
Mansfield,    5,     96,    113, 

14.i. 
Margerum,  67, 
Markes.  36. 
Marryn  r,  189. 
Marsh.  116. 
Mar,<hall,  33,  39,  41,  96, 

114. 
Mar.^ton,  '58,     92,    157 

172,  175. 
Martin.  55. 
Maiy,  (Queen),  140, 
Masiin,    5,    55.    70,    96, 

102,    150,     194,    196, 

200, 
Massey,  4,  5,    8,  17,  93, 

144,  152,  182,  193. 
Massy,  6    12.  13,  38. 
Masury.  28 
Ma.-iterson,  191. 
Mather,  143,  164,  165. 
Mattnx,  3. 
Maury.  38. 
Maverick.  0,  49,  93.  94, 

114.  192. 
Mavcricke,  126. 
Mavor.  16. 
Ma.Kwell,  54. 
Mayson,  112, 
Meachum    35. 
Meaeh.  1 12. 
Mehaney,  112. 
Merrill,  48. 
Metcalf,  35. 
M'gholl   60, 
Migill,  17,  28. 


Milburn.  112. 
Millard,  10. 
Montjoy,  92. 
Moodey,  158,   164,    165, 

166, 
Moody,  95, 
Moor*},  6,  8,  38,  92,  93, 

111, 
Morgan,  78,  112. 
Morrell,  63, 
Morris    111, 
Morton,  196, 
Mosely,    167. 
Moses,   113, 
Moulton,   II,  36,  39,  41, 

48.  49,  54,  55,  72,  73, 

75,    95    182, 
Muddle,  182, 
Muhlenburg,  111. 
Muse.  92. 
Murrey,  25, 
Myrrcl,  39. 
Neal,  14. 
Needham,  6,  94. 
Nelson,  183. 
Newell,  112. 
Newhall.  50. 
Newman,  146. 
Newton,  136, 
Nicholson,  6,  94. 
Nicke,  94. 
Nicolls,  197. 
Nixon,  183. 
Nooton,  112. 
Noris,  4, 
Norman,  35,  39,  81,  102, 

103,     104,    105.    110, 

156,     186,    187,     191, 

192,  19.3.  198. 
Norris,   8,    56,   93,  112, 

113, 
Northey,  66,113. 
Norton,  3,  6,  12,  38,  92, 

181. 
Nottingham.  117. 
Nours«,  55,  60. 
Nowell,  9. 
Noyes.  6,  10,  14.  49,  95, 

96,   167,  180. 
Noyse.  41. 
Nut    136. 
Oakman,  112. 
Oderic,  96. 
Oldham,    99,    100,    108, 

148,     149,    150,    194, 

196,  198. 
Oliver,  104. 
Olney,  39. 
Oimes,  183. 
Orne.  113. 
Orrick.  112. 
O.^born    55. 
Osborne.  113. 
Osburne,  39. 
Osgood    9.  58, 
Pag  ,  55.  Ill,   113. 
Paine,  50,  94. 


Palrd,  174. 
Palfray.  185,  186. 
Palfrey,   4,    6.    8,     101, 

102,    103,     104,     10,5, 

109.     147,     150,     151, 

152.   156. 
Palfry.  38,  192. 
Pailgrave,  5. 
Palmer.  8    51. 
Parker.  49,  96,  111,  164. 
Parni'll,  17,  25,  26. 
Parratt,  49. 
Parris,  60. 
Pardons,  56. 
Partridge,  HI, 
Patch,    3     8,   11,  33,  48, 

51,     52.    85,    91,   113, 

136,    138,     143,     152, 

IKI.  182,  200. 
Patterson,  17,  111,  112, 
Payne,  3. 

Peabody,  32,  91,  96,184. 
Peas,  78. 
Pease,  4.  191. 
Pecker,  50. 
PedechiR,  17,  28. 
Peele,  55,  113. 
Peeters,  112. 
Pence,    113,     145,    146, 

189. 
Pellen,  3. 
Pen    181, 
Pentland,  50, 
Perkins.  48    50, 
Perlans,  112. 
Pesters.  41, 
Peters,    38,    61,   75,   90, 

113. 
Peterson,  112. 
Pettengill,   153. 
Pcttingall,  4. 
Phelps.  48,  49,  95,  182. 
Philip,  124. 
Phillips,  6,  54,  56,    103, 

13b, 
Phippen,    97,    113,    145, 

55,  185,  186. 
Phii^.ps,  59, 
Pickard   50, 

Pickering,  14,  39,  51,  53, 
66,  80,    97,    113,    154, 
157.    172,  192. 
Pickman,  11,  17,  66,  92, 

157    180. 
Pickworth,  39,   112, 183. 
Piedmonte,  159. 
Pierce,  55. 
Pigot,  112,   162. 
Pike.  49. 

Pilgrim,  170,  171. 
Pingry,  93 
Pinkerton,  76. . 
Pitman,    112,    114,    171, 

175.       • 
Place,  4. 
Plaice,  103. 
Plaisted,  157. 


205 


Piatt,  183. 

Plummer,  10,  184. 

Pollard,  6. 

Pool,  154. 

Poor,  55. 

Pope,  3(5,  :i8,  56. 

Popham,  98. 

Port,  39. 

Porter,   4,  8,  11,  23,  54, 

93,  96,  113,  144,  182, 

184. 
Potter,  10,  49,  50,  94. 
Powell,  112,  159. 
Powers,   23. 
Powlew,  92. 
Pratt,  138. 
Prescott,  67. 
Preston,  153,  154. 
Price,  5,  8,  9,  11,  50,  93, 

96,  114,  143,  177.  183, 

19J. 
Pride,  8. 
Prince,  3,  10,  55,  72,  75, 

92,  93.  100,  143,  148, 

150,     153,     101,    184, 

186,  195. 
Proctor,  8,  152. 
Pudeater,  104. 
Pulsifer,  37. 
Purbeck,  154. 
Porchis,  93,  96. 
Putnam,  60,   61,  62,  64, 

113,  184. 
Putney,  116. 
Pye,  112. 
Quelch,  78. 
Raleigh,  98. 
Randolph,   91,  117,  124, 

125,  170. 
Rantoul,  150,    153,   186, 

197. 
RatclifF,  68. 
Rauson,  118. 
Rawson,     6,    167,     170, 

181. 
Ray,  39. 

Rayment,  51,  93,  114. 
Raymond,  38. 
Rea,  38,  56,  92,  96. 
Read,  38,  93,  184. 
Reade,  194. 
Reed,  6,  184. 
Rees,  78. 
Remmocs,  112. 
Rese,  121. 
Rhodes.  183. 
Richards,  94. 
Richisson,  185. 
Rigsley,  112. 
Riley,  21,  25. 
Rist,  59. 
Roach,  112. 
Robbins,  63. 
Roberts,  182. 
Robertson,  112. 
Robins,  48. 


Robinson,  10,  38,  39,  61, 

93,  94, 144,  148. 
Rogers,  7,  182,  183. 
Rolle,  11. 
Rootens,  183. 
Rootes.  38,  182. 
Ropes,  4,  55,113,153,164. 
Rosewell,  106,  139,  140. 
Row,  143. 
Rowden,  144. 
Rowland,  94,  144,  181. 
Ruche,  182. 
Ruding,  120,  155. 
Rupert,  9. 

Russell,71.    112,129,138. 
Rust,  55,  56. 
Sage,  56. 
Saint,  112. 
Sallows.   5,  6,  182. 
Salmon,  76,  77. 
Salter,  112. 
Saltonstall,  110,190. 
Sampson,  10. 
Sanders,  3,  6,  38. 
Saueefleld,  112. 
Saunders,  55. 
Savage,  104,  145,  190. 
Savary,  56. 
Sawyer,  52,  63. 
Scarlet,  3,  38. 
Schureman,  111. 
Scott,  8,  111,  182,  183. 
Scottow,  94. 
Scruggs,  11,  38,  193. 
Seudder,  51. 
Seers,  95. 
Seller,  135. 
Sergent,  9. 
Severy,  1 12. 
Sewall,    15,    50,  78,  157, 

160,    167,     168,     171, 

172,  180. 
Shaflin,  11,  39. 
Shaflinge,  4. 
Sharpe,  8,  38. 
Shattock,  136,  190. 
Sheldon,  65. 
Shelton,  109,  149. 
Sherman,  50,  G3,  HI. 
Shiply,  4. 
Shovel,  135. 
Shrimpton,  5,  94. 
Sibley,  95. 
Sibly.  38. 
Silsbee,  17. 
Silsby,  144. 
Simonds,  10,  39. 
Sinclair,  112. 
Skelton,  41,  187. 
Skerry,  4,  6,  39,151,185. 
Skipper,  8. 
Small.  35,  54. 
Smith,  3,  11,  36,  48,  50, 

55,  56,  63,   94,  98,  99. 

102,     111.    112.    113, 

144,      175,     181,    182, 

186,  199. 


52 


Smothers,  112. 

Solter,  174. 

Somerby,   10,  48,  49,  95, 

90. 
Sothwick,  35. 
Soathcoat,  106. 
Southmead,  8. 
Southwick,  10,    39,     93, 

94. 
Spalding,  7. 
Spaulding,  56. 
Spencer,  34. 
Spinney,  174. 
Spofford.  183. 
Spooner,  39,  18i,  1*1. 
Sprague,  55. 167. 
Stagg,  189. ' 
Stamwood,  95. 
Standford,  96. 
Standisb,  39,    99.     145. 

194. 
Starr,  160.     " 
Staynwood,  144. 
Stearns,  55. 
Stevens,   10,  53,   82,  90, 

177. 
Sticknev.  121,  125,  129, 

138,  154. 
Stileman,  10,  11,  12,  38, 

48,  49,  93,  182,  183, 
Still,  112. 
Stillman,  167. 
Stone,    56.   63,    81,  150, 

151,  170,  171. 
Storer,  5t. 
Storev,  159. 
Stoughton,  53,  I9t. 
Stretton,  39. 
Strong,  111. 
Sturgis,  111. 
Sugthwiko,  50. 
Sullivan,  112. 
Swain,  63. 
Swan,  39,  50, 
Swa.se  V,  172 
Swett,'49. 
SwinnertoD.  182. 
Svlvester.  94. 
Symond.«,  34,  30. 
Talby,  4,  43. 
Tappan,  49. 
Tarbell,  60. 
Tarr,  144. 
Taylor,  53,  183. 
Teague,  112. 
Temple,  90,  126. 
Tenney,  33,  37,  54. 
Thatcher,  HI. 
Thomas,  5,  94. 
Tliomkins,  41. 
Thompson,  112. 
Thorndike,  52,  182. 
Thome,  4,  5. 
Thornton.    99,    lOI,  106, 

109,  191. 
Tho'son,  39. 
Thurston,  11,  48. 


Tibbetts,  9. 
Tilley,    188,    189, 

194,  198. 
Tillotson,  132.  133. 
Tilly,  145. 
Tilton,  5,  10. 
Tod,  50. 
Tompson,  7. 
Torrer,  195. 
Touzell,  66,  83,  86, 

158,    167,    168, 

176,  177. 
Towens,  9. 
Towlo,  10. 
Towns,  112. 
Townsend,  55. 
Trask,    104,    109, 

189,     192,     193, 

195. 
Traake,  38,  51,  94, 
Traverse,  112. 
Tresler,  48. 
Trewlove,  112. 
Trill.  9. 

Trurabul.  Ill,  124. 
Trumbull.  51, 1C8. 
Trusler,  11. 
Tucker,    !',    54,    55, 

112,  113. 
Tuker.  111. 
Turner,  38,  78,  112, 

171, 172,  185.  - 
Tyler,  6,  58. 
Tylly,  100,  104. 
Vain,  136. 
Valpy,  158. 
Van  Tromp,  124. 
Varney,  8,  10,  144. 
Varnum,  8. 
Venner,  39. 
Veren,    11,  49,  91, 

118,     119,     113, 

183,  190. 
Veriu,  38,  48,  116. 
Verev,  182 
Very*  92,  115,  116. 
Upham,  157,  163. 
Wadsworth,  56,    60, 

64,  65,  06,  111. 
Wait,  112. 
Waitt,  113. 
Wake,  11. 
Wakefield,  112,  153, 

172,   173. 
Waleott,  144. 
Waldo,  113. 
Walker,  39,41,  113. 
Wallace,  112. 
WaHburt,  112. 
Walli--,  172. 
Waltham,  189. 
Walton,  6,  192. 
Wal,  9. 
Ward,  8,    13,  14.  48 

55.66,113,174. 
Wardwell,  59. 
Ware,  63. 


190, 


!74, 


112, 
194, 


94, 
157, 


104, 
182, 


63, 


170, 


50, 


206 


W^arner,  48. 

Whipple,  112,  182. 

Williams,  11,  38,  48,  63. 

Warre,  10. 

Whitcombe,  106. 

113,  161,  191. 

Warren,  3,  9,  10,  17,  25, 

White,    100,     101, 

105, 

Willshire,  25. 

113. 

106.    107,     108, 

111, 

Wilson,  6,  55,  58. 

Waters,    4,  39,  51,  52, 

112,  145,  149. 

Winchester,  55. 

82. 

Whiten.  3.; 

Wingate,  111. 

Wathen,  4, 10,  51. 

Whiterig,  35. 

Winslow,    98,    99, 

100, 

Wathin,  4,  9. 

Whitfoot,  112. 

104,  148. 

Watson,  4,  38,  56,  93. 

Whitforth,  112. 

Winter,  3. 

Watts,  64,  112. 

Whiting,  5,  11. 

Winthrop,    86,   87, 

110, 

Wayborne,  84,  91. 

Whitmore,  104. 

189,     190,     194, 

197, 

Webb,  112,  113. 

Whitney,  183. 

199,  200. 

Webber,  175. 

Wickes,  49. 

Witt,  5,  33,  49. 

Webster,  144, 

Wicks,  143. 

Witter,  95. 

Weeks,  4,  11,  39, 

Wickson,  3. 

Wolcott,  12,  153. 

Weight,  67. 

Wigglesworth,  64. 

Wolfe,  38. 

Wellman,  112,  113. 

Wilkins,  60. 

Wood,    102,    112, 

146, 

West,  4,  67. 

Wilks,  143. 

181. 

Weston,  39,  40,  42,  43. 

Willard,  165. 

Woodberry,  11,  34, 

67. 

Wheat,  185. 

William    (King), 

127, 

Woodberye,  156, 

Wheatland,  138,  184, 

128. 

Woodbury,  8,  38,  51,  62, 
101,  102,  104,  105, 
106,  109,  no,  114, 
121,  150,  151,  152, 
185,  186,  187,  192, 
193,  196. 

Woodcocke,  182. 

Woodice,  92. 

Woodis,  92,  115. 

Woodman,  7,  48,  53,  64. 

Woods,  64,  121. 

Woolbridge,  112. 

Woolett,  112. 

Woolland,  200. 

Worcester,  147. 

Wright,  72.  73.  91. 

Wyatt,  7. 

Wynkoop,  111. 

Young.  6,  106.  113,  150, 
151,  153,  181,  166, 
190.   191,  195,  197. 


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