Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians

OC1 -6 1916

Daniel J. Evans Library
RECEIVED

OCT 1 2 2001

United States Government
Depository

JIM ATT WELL

SKAMAr VSH. 9864*

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE
TEWA INDIANS

BY

WILFRED WILLIAM ROBBINS
JOHN PEABODY HARRINGTON

AND

BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO

WASHINGTON

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

1916

LETTER OF TEANSMITTAL

THE SCHOOL OF AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY,

Santa Fe, N. Mex., November 1, 1912.

DEAR SIR: I herewith transmit the manuscript and illustrations
of a paper entitled ^Ethnobotaiiy of the Tewa Indians," by Wilfred
W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco. I
am authorized by the managing committee of the School of American
Archaeology to offer this work for publication by the Bureau of
American Ethnology as a part of the results of the cooperative work
of our respective institutions during 1910 and 1911.
I am, very truly, yours,

EDGAR L. HEWETT,

Director.
Mr. F. W. HODGE,

Ethnologist-in- Charge,

Bureau of American Ethnology,

Washington, D. C.

in

LETTER OF SUBMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,

November 5, 1912.

SIR: I have the honor to submit a paper on the "Ethnobotany of
the Tewa Indians," by Wilfred W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and
Barbara Freire-Marreco, which forms a part of the results of the
ethnological and archeological research in the upper Rio Grande Val
ley of New Mexico, undertaken jointly by the Bureau of American
Ethnology and the School of American Archaeology in 1910 and
1911. It is recommended that the paper be published as a bulletin
of this bureau.

Very respectfully,

F. W. HODGE,
Eihnologist-in- C~h arge.
Honorable CHARLES D. WALCOTT,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.

CONTENTS

Page

Phonetic key xi

Introduction 1

Scope of ethnobotany 1

Ethnobotanical field work 2

Collection and preparation of botanical specimens 4

Previous ethnobotanical studies 5

Tewa concepts of plant life . 7

Functions of plant parts 7

Classification of plants 8

Discrimination 9

Plant names of the Tewa 10

Character of plant names 10

Non-compounded Tewa plant names 10

Unetymologizable plant names of native origin 10

Plant names of Spanish origin that, have no common equivalents of Tewa

origin 11

Parts and properties of plants 12

Flowers, their parts and functions 12

Inflorescence 14

Seeds and fruits, their parts and functions 15

Leaves, their parts and functions 19

Leaves in general 19

Size and shape of leaves 19

Compound leaves 20

Surface of leaves 20

Margin of leaves 21

Tendril 21

Stalk, trunk, stump, stem, branch, twig, joint 21

Root 23

Leaf-sheath 23

Wood, pith 23

Fiber , 24

Juice 24

Gum 24

Bark -. 24

Hair, spine, thorn

Growth of plants 2G

Habits of growth 26

Dense growth, forest, grove 27

Condition of plants

Worms, gall-balls

Chemically changed vegetal matter

VII

VIII CONTENTS

Page

Color of plants 30

Light, darkness, color, painting, lines, spots 30

Color adjectives 31

Color-adjective compounds 32

Color-adjective modifiers 33

Other qualities of plants 34

Size 34

Taste 35

Odor 36

Feeling 36

Wetness and dryness 37

Annotated list of plants 38

I. Indigenous wild plants 38

Trees 38

Shrubs 44

Herbs 53

Cacti 62

Vines 63

Gourds 63

Grasses and grasslike plants 63

Fungi 66

Ferns 67

Mosses and lichens 68

Scouring rushes 68

Wild plants from outside the Tewa country 68

Wild plants not satisfactorily identified 69

II. Cultivated plants 76

Indigenous plants 76

The Tewa economy 76

Plants cultivated by the Tewa before the Spanish conquest 78

Introduced food plants 107

Introduced food plants cultivated by the Tewa 107

Introduced food plants not generally cultivated by the Tewa 112

Introduced forage plant 113

Introduced fruits 113

Introduced fruits commonly cultivated by the Tewa. 114

Introduced fruits not generally cultivated by the Tewa 115

Nuts 116

Indigenous nuts 116

Imported nuts 117

Foreign plants known only as commercial products 117

Bibliography

Index of botanical names . . 121

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
PLATE 1. a. View near Santa Fe, New Mexico, showing the general appearance

of country dominated by a growth of pinon pine and cedar 1

6. Canyon of El Rito de los Frijoles, showing streamside deciduous

forest 1

2. a. Aspen grove at the edge of grassland area in the Valle Grande. . . 39
&. Rock pine forest of mesa top 39

3. a. An eastern slope at the crest of the Jemez Mountains 48

6. Valle Grande, showing where grassland gives way to spruce and

aspen on the slopes 48

4. a. Canyon of El Rito de los Frijoles, showing streamside forest and

numerous rabbit-brush shrubs (Chrysothamnus bigelovii) in the

foreground on talus slope 56

6. Plumed arroyo shrub (Fallugia paradoxa) in arroyo in Canyon of

El Rito de los Frijoles 56

5. a. Four-o clock (Quamoclidion multiflorum) 64

b. Datura meteloides, a large and conspicuous plant of stream ter
races and talus slopes 64

6. a. Ball cactus (Mamillaria sp.) 75

6. Prickly pear (Opuntia camanchica) 75

7. a. ^altbush (Atriplex canescens), a shrub several feet high in the

canyons on talus slopes and stream terraces 83

b. Wild squash (Cucurbita foetidissima), a trailing form in canyons.. 83

8. a. Chandelier cactus; Cane cactus; "Candelabra;" "Entrana"

(Opuntia arborescens) 92

b. Rabbit-brush (Chrysothamnus bigelovii) 92

9. Archaeological map of Jemez Plateau (Forest Service map) 118

FIGURE 1. Fruit of box-elder--- ". 15

2. Santa Clara bow 39

3. Mountain mahogany 46

4. Rocky Mountain bee plant 58

5. Grama grass 65

6. Corn plant 80

7. Gourd rattles 101

IX

PHONETIC KEY

1. Orinasal vowels, pronounced with mouth and nose passages
open: a (Eng. father, but orinasal), a (French pas, but orinasal),
o (moderately close o, orinasal), u (Eng. rwle, but orinasal),^ (Eng.
man, but orinasal), z (moderately close e, orinasal), i (Eng. routine,
but orinasal).

2. Oral vowels, pronounced with mouth passage open and nose
passage closed by the velum: a (Eng. father), o (moderately close o),
u (Eng. ride), e (moderately close e), i (Eng, routine).

Very short vowels following the glottid ( ) are written superior.
Thus, a a , wild rose. A slight aspiration is heard after a vowel fol
lowed by qw, fc, lew, F, s, f, t, t\ ts, if, p, p\ Thus, io tu, kernel of
a nut, written totu in this memoir.

3. Laryngeal consonants: Ti (Eng. &ouse), (glottid or glottal
elusive, produced by closing and suddenly opening the glottis).

4. Velar consonants: w (Eng. water), qw (Span, juez-, Ger. &ch
labialized), ~k (unaspirated r Span, carro), lew (unaspirated, Span,
cital), Ic (glottalized), V (aspirated, Eng, cooMouse), g (levis, Span,
abot/ado), </ (preplosively nasal, Eng. fi?i^er), y (nasal, Eng. sinaer),
yw (nasal labialized, Eng. ~L&ngworthy ; variant of Tewa w).

In absolute auslaut and before li and , y is somewhat palatal.
Before palatal consonants y is assimilated to n or n, before frontal
consonants to n, before labial consonants to m.

5. Palatal consonants: j (Ger. /a), n (Span, mamma).
In the Hano dialect a if or palatal t occurs.

6. Frontal consonants: s (Eng. sin), f (Eng. ship; f is the capital
of /), t (unaspirated, Span, /e), i (glottalized), t* (aspirated, Eng.
swea^ouse), ts (consonant diphthong, Ger. sehn, but not followed
by an aspiration), tf (consonant diphthong, Eng. c/tew, but not fol
lowed by an aspiration), fa (glottalized), if (glottalized), d (levis d,
more r-like than in Span, abogao o), d (preplosively nasal, Eng.
cimZer), n (nasal*, Eng. now).

The sound of I occurs in Rio Grande Tewa only in words of foreign
origin and in the San Ildef onso word polamimi, butterfly ; but it is
common in Hano Tewa.

7. Labial consonants: p (unaspirated, Span. >adre), p (glottalized),
p (aspirated, Eng. scal^.ouse), J (levis, Span, a&ogado), b (pre
plosively nasal, Eng. law/jent), m (nasal, Eng. wan).

XI

XII

PHONETIC KEY

A grave accent over a vowel indicates falling tone and weak stress.
Thus, Safte, Athapascan, approximately rhymes with and has accent
of Span. sale. Where practicable for distinguishing two words, vowel
length is indicated by the macron. Thus ^oku, hill, but oku, turtle.

PHONETIC SPELLING OF NON-TEWA WORDS

Vowels: a (French pas), y (unrounded u), a (French patte), a
(French patte, but orinasal). The acute accent over a vowel indi
cates loud stress. Surdness is indicated by a circle beneath a vowed.

Consonants: * (aspiration), g, d, I (as in Eng.), I (surd Z), F
(bilabial/).

Laryn-

Velars

Palahils

Frontal s

Labials

geals

a

4

Orinasal

SR

03

q e

>

11 i

O

>

a

Oral

o e

U 1

Semivowels

w

?

Fricatives

It

,/fl)

Fricatives labialized
Clusives

?

T

(t,f)

t

P

GO

-4-3

Clusives labialized

l\w

nsonan

Clusives glottalized
Clusives aspirated
Affricatives

lc

V

i
t
is if

P
P

a

Affricatives glottalized
Clusives levis

g

ts ^

5

Clusives preplosively nasal

a

d

b

Nasals

V

n

n

m

Nasals labialized

yw

.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 1

A. VIEW NEAR SANTA FE, N. MEX., SHOWING THE GENERAL APPEARANCE OF COUNTRY DOMINATED
BY A GROWTH OF PINON PINE AND CEDAR.

B. CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, SHOWING STREAMSIDE DECIDUOUS FOREST; BETWEEN
THIS AND THE STEEP MESA SIDE ON A NARROW STREAM TERRACE IS SEEN A GROWTH OF
TALL ROCK PINE.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS

By WILFRED W. ROBBINS, JOHN P. HARRINGTON, and BARBARA
FREIRE-MARRECO x

INTRODUCTION
SCOPE OF ETHNOBOTANY

ETHNOBOTANY is virtually a new field of research, a field which,
if investigated thoroughly and systematically, will yield results
of great value to the ethnologist and incidentally also to the botanist.
Ethnobotany is a science, consequently scientific methods of study
and investigation must be adopted and adhered to as strictly as in any
of the older divisions of scientific work. It is a comparatively easy
matter for one to collect plants, to procure their names from the
Indians, then to send the plants to a botanist for determination, and
ultimately to formulate a list of plants and their accompanying Indian
names, with some notes regarding their medicinal and other uses.
Ethnobotanical investigation deserves to be taken more seriously: it
should yield more information than this; it should strike deeper into
the thoughts and life of the people studied. If we are to learn more
of primitive peoples, we must attempt to gain from them their con
ceptions not of a part but of the entire environment. Ethnobotany
is a special line of ethnologic investigation, the results of which must
receive consideration in our ultimate analysis.

Ethnobotanical research is concerned with several important ques
tions: (a) What are primitive ideas and conceptions of plant life?
(b) What are the effects of a given plant environment on the lives,
customs, religion, thoughts, and everyday practical affairs of the

1 The earlier, larger, and more systematic part of this memoir is the work of the two authors first
named on the title-page, Mr. Wilfred W. Robbins and Mr. John P. Harrington. Their methods of
investigation and collaboration are explained in the Introduction.

When the memoir, in its original scope and form, was in type, it was thought advisable to enlarge it
by including notes on some of the economic, industrial, and medicinal uses of the plants, made by the
third author, Miss Barbara Freire-Marreco, in the course of work supported by the Research Fellowship
fund of Somerville College, Oxford, England, and by the late Miss Mary Ewart s trustees, as well as
many additional plant-names. It was thought well also to add, for the sake of comparison, information
gained from the Tewa colony settled since the end of the seventeenth century among the Hopi at Hano,
Arizona, although the winter season had made it difficult to learn much of the plant environment. Mr.
Harrington is not responsible for the form of the Tewa words recorded at Hano, nor Mr. Robbins for the
tentative identificat ions of the plants obtained or described there; Mr. Harrington and Mr. Robbins are
alone responsible for the views expressed in pages 1 to 75; and Miss Freire-Marreco for those contained
in pages 76 to 118.

1

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

people studied ? (c) What use do they make of the plants about them
for food, for medicine, for material culture, for ceremonial purposes ?
(d) What is the extent of their knowledge of the parts, functions,
and activities of plants ? (e) Into what categories are plant names
and words that deal with plants grouped in the language of the people
studied, and what can he learned concerning the working of the folk-
mind by the study of these names ?

Ethnobotany will become a more important subject when its study
has progressed to a point where results can be studied comparatively.
The ethnobotany of one tribe should be compared with similar studies
of other tribes. And in such comparative work there arises the neces
sity for a standard in the quality of and in the manner of conducting
the several investigations. Conceptions of plant life differ among
different peoples: a particular plant here does not react in the same
way upon one people as it does upon another ; it has a different name
and probably a different usage; while different ideas are held con
cerning it. Furthermore, we encounter different vegetal environ
ments as we pass from tribe to tribe. Attempt should ultimately be
made to investigate the causes and extent of these variations.

ETHNOBOTANICAL FIELD WORK

The method of conducting ethnobotanical researches is of consider
able importance, and the value of results obtained may be judged in
great measure by the methods pursued in obtaining them. A prime
necessity is a good native informant ; indeed it is better to have several
informants, preferably older men or women. The reasons for select
ing the older persons as informants are obvious: they have greater
knowledge concerning aboriginal things than have younger persons;
they are less inclined to regard the work lightly and to attempt to give
wrong and misleading answers ; they are steadier, and above all they
are able to give, as a result of their maturer years and greater experience,
more trustworthy information. The writers found a distinct advan
tage in taking with them into the field several old Indians : time was
saved; questions were answered more readily; furthermore, they
frequently discussed the point in question among themselves, thus
arriving at conclusions and bringing out facts that one individual
could not. It is also true that several Indians together usually feel
less restraint in answering freely such questions as are asked than
would one in the presence of one or more questioners. As a means of
checking the accuracy of information obtained it is also well to work
with different individuals or groups of individuals separately, and to
compare the results. Questions asked should not suggest the answers.
Questioning should be systematic, yet so conducted as not to weaiy or
offend the informants. It is well to intersperse the questioning with
jokes and light conversation. The Indian language should be used as

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 3

largely as possible in asking the questions and in recording the informa
tion. The reasons for this are that the Indian words are largely not
susceptible of exact translation, and the use of a foreign language is
apt to modify and render un-Indian the conceptions of the informants.

In the present work the writers took with them into the field three
old Indians, one of whom could speak fairly good English. The
services of this individual were of considerable value; it is very
desirable that the services of such an informant be enlisted if possible.
Although not absolutely essential, it is probably true that the best
ethnobotanical work can be done by tlje close cooperation of a
botanist with an ethnologist and linguist experienced in the methods
of recording Indian languages, the scientific recording of which is by
no means an easy task. With their informants the two should go
into the field together. It is essential that investigation be done in
the field with growing plant life; showing fragments of plants
picked up here and there, or even herbarium specimens, to the
informants is far less satisfactory. The botanist will relieve his
co-worker of collecting and preserving the plant material; the latter
can thus better concentrate his efforts on obtaining the ethnologic
information. Furthermore, it is natural that questions of botanical
interest will occur to the botanist that would not occur to the linguist.
Once in the field, the Indians are shown growing plants and are
questioned fully about each, the smaller as well as the larger and
more conspicuous forms. The nature of the questions will depend
somewhat on the plant. In the present work the questions were
framed so as to elicit the following facts about each plant: Indian
name; etymology of name; uses of various parts, and methods of
preparing them for use; names of the parts of plants, even the most
inconspicuous; descriptive terms applied to this or. that shape of
.leaf, kind of bark, stem, etc., and the extension of these terms in
describing non-botanical phenomena; native ideas of the relation of
the use of the different structures to the plant itself; and the lore
connected with the plant.

It is needless to say that field notes should be made complete in
the field; it is unsafe to depend on one s memory and attempt to
record certain information after reaching camp. It is well not to
hasten from plant to plant: the informants should be given abun
dant tune to think over and discuss points among themselves.

It is often of advantage to photograph some of the more striking
and important plants, showing their habitat and general appear
ance. Drawings of plants may be used to supplement photographs.
In addition, native representations of plants can often be obtained,
notably in the form of designs of pottery, basketry, from petro-
glyphs, etc. An attempt should be made to identify these, as
they are important in indicating the Indian conception of various
plants.

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

COLLECTION AND PREPARATION OF BOTANICAL SPECIMENS

In any case, even if the plant be well known, specimens should
be collected. These, prepared in the manner to be discussed, make
valuable specimens for the ethnological museum. In view of the
fact that many individuals doing ethnobotanical work may not be
familiar with the proper methods of pressing and handling plants,
the following suggestions are made rather explicit and detailed.
The necessity for this is suggested by the experience of the writers,
who have known such collections to consist of a few dried, shriveled,
and undeterminable fragm ents of plants.

A portable plant-press is recommended for use in collecting. The
collector will supply himself with sheets of thin, cheap paper (news
papers will serve the purpose), cut to the size of the press; these are
used to separate the specimens as collected. The specimens should
be large, including, if possible, underground parts, flowers, and fruit.
As collected the specimens are temporarily placed between the sheets
of paper in the plant-press. Special driers made for pressing plants
are highly desirable ; these are of soft, f clt-like. material and are very
durable; two hundred will be sufficient for collections of ordinary
size. The material collected should either be numbered (the num
bers referring to data in the field book) or the related data should be
included with each specimen. In addition to the information
obtained from the Indians, each plant should bear the following data:
locality collected, date collected, name of collector. The specimens
brought from the field are immediately put into driers; if not pressed
while fresh the plants will lose their color and will mold. Each plant is
placed between two sheets of paper and two or more driers. The
stack of plants, papers, and driers is weighted down with a heavy
stone, and all is kept in a dry place. Driers should be changed at
least once every 24 hours; the wet driers are placed in a sunny place
to dry; plants should dry within four or five days.

Whenever possible, information about plants should be obtained
from the Indian from the growing plant, as he is thus accustomed to
see and know it or to gather it for use. It is sometimes important
that the plant be examined by the informant in its natural environ
ment, since it has been learned by experience that plants removed
from the places in which they grew tend to confuse the informant and
are identified by him only with considerable difficulty and uncer
tainty.

Probably the best way to exhibit ethnobotanical specimens in the
museum is in such mounts as the u Biker specimen mounts/ by
which the material may be displayed in an attractive, instructive,
and permanent form. These mounts, made in various sizes, are
provided with glass covers; the specimens are arranged on a back-

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 5

ground of raw cotton and held in place by pressure of the glass front.
They are particularly useful in that they admit of grouping, under
a glass cover in one frame, specimens that are to be associated in
the mind of the observer. In each mount should be placed the
plant specimen, with portions of products, if any, made from it, and
all other material of ethnological interest. This method of exhib
iting ethnobotanical specimens is recommended as being the most
attractive and instructive, at the same time eliminating the danger of
destruction of the exhibited material.

Another method of exhibiting ethnobotanical specimens is to
mount them on heavy paper; such paper is specially prepared for
the purpose. Each specimen is fastened to a sheet of the mounting
paper by narrow strips of gummed paper; gummed Chinese linen
paper may be obtained in sheets or in strips cut in varying lengths
and widths. A label bearing the data desired is then pasted at one
corner of the sheet, when the specimen is ready for exhibition. The
content of the label is a matter of some consequence. It should
include the scientific name of the plant, the common name, the
Indian name with etymology, the locality and the date collected, the
name of the collector, and brief mention of special points of interest
connected with it.

The ethnologist who is collecting his own material should take
pains to collect large specimens with all the parts preseDt if possible
in order that the botanist to whom they are sent may readily identify
them. The writers have known instances in which plants submitted
for classification could not be identified because of insufficient mate
rial, or because, if named, the designations were followed by question
marks. Although primarily an ethnological subject, ethnobotany
does not exclude the necessity for accuracy as regards the botanical
part of the work.

PREVIOUS ETHNOBOTANICAL STUDIES

Ethnobotany has received attention from a number of ethnologists,
and valuable data have been accumulated. It is desirable that
this material be assembled, so that the present state of ethnobot
any may be better ascertained; and furthermore, that problems and
methods of research may be outlined and work in this field be con
ducted systematically and with a definite purpose in view.

Harshberger 1 in a paper published in 1890 discussed the purposes
of ethnobotany and pointed out the importance of the subject in
general. He made the interesting suggestion that ethnobotanical
gardens, in which should be grown only aboriginal plants, be estab
lished in connection with museums. Havard 2 has written two

1 Harshberger, J. W., Purposes of Ethno-botany, Botan. Gazette, xxi, pp. 146-54, 1896.

2 Havard, V., The Food Plants of the North American Indians, Bull. Torrev Botan. Club, xxn, no. 3,
pp. 93-123, 1895. Drink Plants of the North American Indians, ibid., xxm, no. 2, pp. 33-46, 1896.

67961 Bull. 5516 2

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

articles giving valuable accounts of the most important food and
drink plants of the North American Indians. Barrows * has discussed
the ethnobotany of the Coahuilla Indians of southern California,
including much information on the general ethnology of the tribe.
Chamberlin 2 gives lists of the plant names of the II te and the Gosiute
Indians, including in many instances etymology and uses to which
the plants were put. Plants known to have been utilized by the
Luisenos of southern California are listed by Sparkman, 3 with their
Luiseno, botanical, and English names.

Attention is drawn also to the papers by Powers, 4 Coville, 5 Fewkes, 6
Hough, 7 Matthews, 8 Stevenson, 9 and others.

1 Barrows, David Prescott, The Ethno-botanyof the Coahuilla Indians of Southern California, pp. 1-82,
Chicago, 1900.

2 Chamberlin, Ralph V., Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians, A mer. Anthr., n. s., xi, no. 1, 1909. Eth
nobotany of the Gosiute Indians, Memoirs Amer. Anthr. Assoc., n, pt. 5, pp. 331-405, 1911.

3 Sparkman, Philip Stedman, The Culture of the Luiseno Indians, Univ. Calif. Pub,, Amer. Archcol. and
Ethn., vm, pp. 187-234, 1908.

* Powers, Stephen, Aboriginal Botany, Proc. Calif. Acad. Sci., v, pp. 373-379, 1873-75.
s Coville, F. V., Plants Used by the Klamath Indians of Oregon, Contr. U. S. Nat. Herb., v, pp. 87-108,
1897.

e Fewkes, J. Walter, A Contribution to Ethnobotany, Amer. Anthr., ix, no. 1, pp. 14-21, 1896.
Hough, Walter, The Hopi in Relation to their Plant Environment, ibid., x, no. 2, pp. 33-44, 1897.

8 Matthews, Washington, Navajo Names for Plants, Amer. Nat., xx, pp. 767-77, 1886.

9 Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep., Bureau of American
Ethnology, pp. 31-102, 1915.

TEWA CONCEPTS OF PLANT LIFE
FUNCTIONS OF PLANT PARTS

We speak of the functions of certain plant parts; for example, we
say the leaf makes food for the plant, the bark has a protective
function, the colored petals of a flower attract insects. What are the
Indians ideas of the functions of the parts of plants? It seems
that the majority of their ideas arise directly from their observation
of life phenomena; they do not arise as the result of thought and
deliberation; there is little evidence of philosophizing or of inquiry
into the reasons for the existence of things and conditions. They
say that the leaves make the plant grow ; when the leaves fall off the
plant stops growing. The tree in the winter condition is not con
sidered to be dead; they say it does not grow then because it has no
leaves; the tree stays just the way it is in the fall until leaves come
again. This idea arises purely from their observation of seasonal
vegetative events; they have not thought out nor wondered how
and why it is that the leaves cause resumption of growth. The
leaves fall from the tree because they get ripe like fruit. If you ask
them why a cottonwood sheds its leaves and a pine tree does not, they
have no answer. They observe the fact, but so far as could be
ascertained they have not thought about the reason therefor. We
find no folklore connected with the great majority of phenomena
relating to plant life. The roots of a tree are the parts upon which
the plant sits. The word for root, pu, is the same as that for haunches,
Jbuttocks; base, bottom, or foot of inanimate objects. They have not
observed that roots take up water, but they say the " roots have to
get wet or the plant dies." The bark is considered to be a protection
to the tree; the word for bark, also for skin, is Ic owa; the bark is the
skin of the tree. Spines, thorns, prickles are not thought to have
any protective function. The Tewa appear to have a very vague idea
of sex in plants. To corn pollen, which is used so much by them in
their religious ceremonies and which is produced by the plant in such
great abundance, was ascribed no use; the informants had not ob
served that it falls on the corn silk and that its presence there is
necessary for the development of the ear of corn. It is merely some
thing finely divided and yellow, and holy when used in certain ways.
A Tewa once made the statement, however, that one can not get a
field of purely white corn because the wind always mixes the colors
(see p. 84) , but his idea was perhaps vague. The little plant is thought

7

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

to be within the seed; the informant said "the plant is in the seed,
but you can not see it. They say that when you put the seed into the
ground and pour water on it, and it "gets a good shock/ it grow r s up.
"Bees go to the flowers to get honey; after a while they get their
young from [by the help of] the flower."

CLASSIFICATION OF PLANTS

Although the Tewa distinguish plants from animals and again from
minerals, and also recognize more or less consciously such classes as
trees, shrubs, small flowering plants, vines, grasses, fungi, mosses,
etc., much as Europeans do, the classificatory words in the Tewa
language are very few as compared with a language such as English.

There is not even a word meaning plant unless it be p*e, which
signifies primarily a ( stiff, long object/ and is variously applied to
stick, pole, stake, stalk, trunk, timber, log, stave, staff, plank, boargl,
lumber, wood, plant. Yet the morphology of the language shows
how consistently plants are recognized as not being animals or min
erals. All nouns denoting plants and most nouns denoting parts of
plants have vegetal gender/ a fact shown by a peculiar form of
adjectives and verbs construed with such nouns. Thus p*e ptfiy,
red stick (p e y stick; pi, red), has vegetal gender: sing, pe p?iy,
dual p e pi iy, 3+ plu. p e pi??*; tse pi??*, red dog (tse, dog 1 ; pi,
red), has animal gender: sing, tse pi??*, dual tse p?iy, 3+ plu. tse
p?iy; leu p??*, red stone (Jcu, stone; pi, red), has mineral gender:
sing, leu p??*, dual leu p?iy, 3+ plu. leu p??*.

Akoy, field , open country , propounded to the names of plants
in some cases distinguishes the wild from the cultivated variety; thus:
akonsi, wild onion ( cd orj, field ; si, onion ). Plants are distin
guished also as mountain plants, valley plants, good plants, bad plants,
etc. Edible wild plants are sometimes grouped as ts4yw% ?*, green
things (tsaywse, blue, green).

There is no general word meaning tree unless it be p~e, stiff
long object/ stick/ lumber/ plant/ referred to above. English
tree or Spanish arbol is sometimes rendered by te, Popylus wislizeni,
yws&y, Pinus brachyptera, or some other name of a large tree
species; cf. be, fruit tree/ below.

There is no word meaning shrub or bush unless it be this same
word p*e. The diminutive postpound may be added to a tree name
to show that the plant is dwarfed or young. Thus: hu, Juniperus
monosperma, hy?e, dwarfed or young plant, bush, shrub of Juniperus
monosperma.

1 Piy, mountain, and some other nouns which do not denote plants or parts of plants also have
this gender.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,
FRKIRK-MARRKCO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS

Be, meaning originally roundish fruit, as that of the chokecherry
or wild rose, has become applied to all kinds of introduced fruits and
also to the plants which bear them. Thus be means fruit tree, as
apple, peach, plum, or orange tree. Fruit tree may also be called
bep e (be, roundish fruit, fruit, fruit tree; p*e stick, plant).

fo, meaning originally pinon nut, i. e. nut of the fe, pinon tree,
has become extended in application to all kinds of nuts except coco
nuts. Nut tree might be called lopetyo, pinon nut, imtj^ e, stick,
plant), but there would rarely be occasion to use so general and inclu
sive a term.

rubbish, litter, lint, weed, herbaceous plant, is
very common, its application not being restricted to useless plants. It
is the nearest equivalent of Spanish yerba. Cf . French chenille which
originally meant only rubbish and now usually means caterpillar .

Pob\ flower, like the English word flower, in the case of smaller
plants of which the flowers are a conspicuous part often loosely de
notes the entire plant. Several of the Tewa specific plant names con
tain pdb\ with the meaning flower plant .

There is no word meaning vegetable in the sense of German

Gemuse.

Apx, vine , exactly covers the meanings of the English vine .

Ta grass, hay .

Te is said to signify almost any kind of fungus.

ICowa, tegument , skin , is applied to any skinlike vegetal
growth, as many kinds of moss and lichen.

DISCRIMINATION

Small differences in plants are observed by the Tewa. It is remark
able how closely distinctions are made by them. For instance, they
have a name for every one of the coniferous trees of the region; in
these cases differences are not conspicuous. The ordinary individual
among the whites does not distinguish the various coniferous trees,
but, as a rule, calls them all pines. It is clear that the majority of
white people are less observant and in many cases know far less about
plant life than does the Indian, who is forced to acquire knowledge in
this field by reason of his more direct dependence on plants.

PLANT NAMES OF THE TEWA
CHARACTER OF PLANT NAMES

A majority of the Tewa names of plants are descriptive, having
reference to some striking characteristic of the plant, to its use, its
habitat, etc. The same is true to a great extent of common English
names of plants; for instance, ground ivy, monkey flower, pine drops,
crane s bill, monkshood, jack-in-the-pulpit, etc. Just as among Eng
lish common names of plants we find some the reason for the original
application of which is not understood, so we find similar cases among
the Indians. Why do we call a certain tree dogwood ? And why do
the Tewa call a certain plant coyote plant ? As a result of the de
scriptive character of plant names by far the larger proportion of them
are compound. Following is a list of such names.

NON-COMPOUNDED TEWA PLANT NAMES

It will be seen from the following list that the plants which have
non-compounded and distinctive names are the most common, con
spicuous, and widely used ones of the region. The etymology of
these words is unknown to the Tewa, the words being merely phonetic
symbols employed to designate the various plants. There are com
paratively few of these unetymologizable names. Many other plant
names are formed by compounding them.

UNETYMOLOGIZABLE PLANT NAMES OF NATIVE ORIGIN

Abe, chokecherry P*y,, large rabbit-brush

Awa, cattail Qw%, mountain mahogany

i^ Galium, bedstraw Qw<&, guaco

,, one-seeded juniper Sa, tobacco

qy, willow Sag.obe, potato-like plant

Jo, chandelier cactus S%, Opuntia

Kojaje, Span, yerba de vibora SeJcsey, cotton

, oak 8i, onion

i skunk-bush $?/, amaranth

, rose Ta, grass

TT w??, corn Te, valley cottonwood

JVdna, aspen Te, fungus

ywsey, rock pine (pL 1) Tu, bean

0$a,- globe mallow. To, Rocky Mountain sage

Po, squash, pumpkin fo, pinon pine (pi. 1)

Po, Phragmites, "carrizo" ft, Douglas spruce

Pyhy,) four-o clock Tfy,y, alder

P*a, Yucca baccata, Span. Wsejoka, ragweed

"datil"
10

BOBBIN Sj HARRINGTON

FKKIUK-AIAUKKCO

N ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 11

It appears that about thirty Spanish plant names of etymology un
known to the Tewa and for which there are no common Tewa equiva
lents have been taken into the everyday language, and are used pre
cisely as are the thirty-six native plant names listed above. In addi
tion to these there are many other Spanish designations of plants with
which the Tewa are familiar.

PLANT NAMES OF SPANISH ORIGIN THAT HAVE NO COMMON EQUIV
ALENTS OF TEWA ORIGIN

a, almendra, almond MaTba, malva, mallow

>7?,, alfalfa Mo<ia, mora, mulberry, black-
# * , anil, sunflower berry

^Apiu, apio, celery Motasa, mostaza, mustard

Aspadagu, esparrago, aspar- Na*iayka, naranja, orange

agus Oygu, hongo, mushroom

Banana, banana, banana Peda, pera, pear

Benyndl, melon, melon Pontfi, ponil, Fallugia

BeJu, berro, cress /Sandia, sandia, watermelon

7g^, higo, fig Sele^i, " celeri," celery

Kdk&wa&i cacahuate, peanut SeJ>esa, cereza, cherry

Kana, cana, cane Te, te, tea

Kap^e, cafe, coffee Tomate, tomate, tomato

Kokb, coco, coconut TsiQu, chico

Kole, col, cabbage Tsind^, chile, pepper

Letfug.a,i lechuga, lettuce TJle^ hule, rubber

Limqy, limon, lemon

PARTS AND PROPERTIES OF PLANTS

Tewa names designating parts of plants do not correspond closety
with those used in English. A part which may be designated in Eng
lish by a single term is frequently called by various terms in Tewa
according to the species. Thus: Eng. bark , Tewa fcowa, said of
most trees, but qwibe, said of the one-seeded juniper; Eng. stalk,
Tewa p*e, sa id of many plants, but &V^, cornstalk. Again, the
opposite is f requently true-. Thus Tewa lea is applied to leaves, petals
of flowers, and needles of coniferous trees.

Another interesting feature is the extension of application of a
word originally used to denote one conception onl} T , to include related
conceptions. Thus the Tewa called the pinon tree fe, while to is used
for the pinon nut, the seed of the pinon tree, and original etymologi
cal connection between to and to seems certain after an examination
of cognate words in other Tanoan languages. The Tewa of the
present day, however, apply to also to the seeds of some other conif
erous trees, thus: ywxnto, seed of the rock pine (ywszr), rock pine;
fc>, pinon nut, nut), and even to any kind of introduced nut, peanuts,
the. kind of introduced nuts with which the Tewa are most familiar,
being regularly called to.

It is commonly supposed that the vocabularies of Indian languages
are meager and that to translate scientific works into them would be
almost impossible. Quite the opposite is true, at least as regards
Tewa, the vocabulary of which is rich and capable of expressing
abstract thought. Indeed, it would be possible to translate a treatise
on botany into Tewa, although the translation would be somewhat
clumsy.

FLOWERS, THEIR PARTS AND FUNCTIONS

flower , flowering plant. This word applies to any flowers.
The name of the species is often prepounded, thus: lc?*pdfo, wild
rose flower (&V a , wild rose; p6b\ flower). Pdb\ is evidently
cognate with the second syllable of Isleta napar, flower, etc.
The winged fruit of teje*ii, box-elder (see fig. 1), is also called pdb\.
The relation of the wing to the seed is similar to that of the petals to
the seed of a flower. The true flower of the box-elder is also called

P(M is very commonly used meaning flowering plant, as English
flower. (Compare Tennyson s "Flower in the crannied wall.")
12

ROP, p, INS, II ARRI XOTON ,
FUIMUK-M MUtECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 13

Poftl is not, however, applied to inflorescence, as of corn, yucca,
etc., although the entire inflorescence is sometimes called in English
the flower of the plant. See below under the heading Inflorescence.
Figurative uses of pctii, are pretty. Young men use the expression
natiipoffo, my sweetheart, literally my flower. Potii is found in
many compounded personal names of women, in which it appears as
both a prepounded and a postpounded element. The other adjoined
member of such names is frequently omitted in conversation, the
woman or girl being called merely Petit, flower. A white cumulus
cloud is called otfuwa potiits%?i >i , white flower cloud ( ofcuwa, cloud;
pvtit, flower; tsse. white). Eagle down is called tsepotil, eagle flower
(tse, eagle; potil, flower).

Pdtnka, petal, literally flower leaf (petit, flower; Ita, leaf); cf. Ger
man Blumenblatt. Ka alone is also used, meaning petal. Petals
are called flower leaves in many languages because of their leaf-
like appearance. Many of the descriptive terms applied to leaves
(see below) might also be applied to petals.

Pdbltzy, stamen, literally flower tube (pctil, flower; tzy, tube,
stalk bearing inflorescence). If the stamens resemble corn-silk
they may be called s%\ see below. Pistil is usually also called
poftitey, not being distinguished from the stamens. If the differ
ence between stamens and pistil is noticeable in that the latter
lacks an anther, the pistil may be called pctilt&n bewepi iy, tube
without a knob on the end (potfo, flower; t%y, tube; bewe, knob,
small roundish thing; pi, negative); see pdblt%mbew&e, below.
The functional difference between stamen and pistil was not un
derstood by the Tewa informants. The diminutive tyfe may
well be substituted for try.

PoVit&ribewe e, anther, stigma, literally flower- tube knob (petit,
flower; tey, tube; bewe, small roundish thing; <?, diminutive).
The functional difference between anther and stigma was not
known to the informants.

Sse, (Hano Tewa, s%l%), corn-silk , stamens and pistil resembling corn-
silk . The silk of corn consists of the styles which are attached
to the grains (seeds) of corn (see fig. 6). Instead of s% one also
hears sgpctil, literally corn-silk flower (*#, corn-silk; poft,
flower), and sxfuy (s%, corn-silk; fyy, to fly?), both having
exactty the same meaning and usage as sse.

Kltu, pollen , literally inflorescence kernel (hly, inflorescence; tu,
kernel, distinguished by some speakers at least from tu, flesh,
meat, by its tone). Efatu is applied to the pollen of an}^ kind of
flower or inflorescence, the etymology being merely dormant in
the minds of the speakers. The fructifying action of pollen was
not known to any of the informants. One may hear also kntu
, fc yellow pollen (tyta, pollen; Ise, yellow).

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

pollen , literally flower meal (poftl, flower; Jessy, meal,
flour). This term appears to be less used than Mtu. As in the
case of kqtu one also hears pdfoJcs&i) tsej i iy, yellow pollen,
(poi>iF%y, pollen; ise, yellow).

PcfoVqy, flower cover , calyx , sepals (pdtii, flower; </??, cov
ering).

Potiipu, flower stem (p<Jb\ flower; pu, base, buttocks, root. stem).
Cf . Jcapu, leaf stem, bepu, fruit stem, etc. ; see below.

A flower bud is called ^o-p u or pobVop*u. Op*u is used of any bud
or young sprout, whether of flower, leaf, or stem. Of a flower bud which
has not yet burst or opened the Tewa say: nqpo^qmrnu, the flower
is enveloped or covered (nq, it; poftl, flower; a??, to envelop or cover;
my, to be), or wmqpoftlpqmpi, the flower has not } T et burst (wi,
negative; nq, it; pofo, flower; pay, to burst; pi, negative), or napc&i-
wamu, the flower is an egg, the flower is in the bud (nq, it;
potl, flower; wa, egg; mu, to be). See also wa, under Fruits, below.
When the flower bud has opened, one may say: nqpcfolpqy, the flower
has burst (nq, it; p(M, flower; pqy, to burst). The Tewa inform
ants volunteered the information that the pollen falls or is shed:
nqkqtut qnnse, the pollen falls or is shed (nq, it; hltu, pollen;
t qnn%, to fall or be shed), or nakqtujemu, the pollen falls (nq,
it; kqtu, pollen; jemu, to fall). When the petals start to wither,
one ma} 7 say: nqpo^in^e, the flower is withering (na, it; p<Jb\
flower; s{y, to wither; ^e, progressive). When the petals are with
ered and already dry, one may say: nqpo^(ka)ta, the flower is dry
or the flower petals are dry (nq, it, they; p<Jb\ flower; ka, leaf, petal;
ta, to be dry). Of dropping petals, one may sa} 7 : n$potnkat*$nn%, the
petals are falling or being shed (nq, it, they; pdblka, petal; t qnnse,
to fall, to be shed), or nqpofttkajemu, the petals are falling (nq, it,
the} 7 ; potitka, petal; jemu, to fall). After the petals are shed, one
might say of the flower: ntypcfoitfu, the flower is dead (nq, it; p(Jb\,
flower; tfu, to be dead).

INFLORESCENCE

ly, inflorescence, tassel. Iqi] refers to any group of flowers on a
stem. Thus: Jcuykqy, tassel of corn (tfijLy, corn; Jcqy, inflores
cence) (see fig. 6); takqr), inflorescence of grass (ta, grass; My,
inflorescence) (see fig. 5); wsejokakqy, inflorescence of common
ragweed (wszjoka, common ragweed; hay, inflorescence). In case
the flowers are not scattered along the stalk but have their bases
surrounded by a common involucre, one would hardly apply Jcqy,
but would describe such a group as: iwega rulpdbvrny,, the flowers
are together (iwega, together in one place; nq, they; pofn,
flower; my, to be), or nqpofaqwisa, the flowers are tied together
(nq, they; pofa, flower; qwi, to tie; sa, to lie, to be, said of 3+).

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON

I KKIIM) .MA UK KCO

] ETITNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 15

Tey, tube, stamen, pistil, stalk bearing inflorescence . Tcy is
said of hollow cylindrical objects. Thus: ^urj(M)tey, stalk of
corn tassel (k uy, corn plant; kq, inflorescence; tfy, tube, stalk
bearing inflorescence); p a(Jc)ter), stalk bearing inflorescence of
Yucca baccata (//, Yucca baccata; M, inflorescence; tejj, tube,
stalk bearing inflorescence).

Kola, cluster (Hano). Thus: te Icqlq, clustered catkins of the cotton-
wood tree. The same term would be applied to a cluster of grapes.

TjaJca, bunch (Hano). Thus: tejnjotjaka, bunch of white fir foliage.
SEEDS AND FRUITS, THEIR PARTS AND FUNCTIONS

Pe, seed, fruit, crop. This is the adjective pe, ripe,
mature, used as a noun; for adjectival use of pe see below.
Pe is applied to any seed or fruit
produced by any plant, also to crops
in the sense of seeds or fruits col
lectively. Rarely it refers to crops,
meaning matured whole plants or
any part or parts of matured plants.
Thus: tqtqpe, seed, fruit, or berry
of wheat, wheat crop, not includ
ing or excluding stalks, leaves, or
roots (tqtq, wheat; pe, seed, fruit,
crop). Pe may be used instead of
tqy, to, e, Fa, be, pege, Fo^e, and
the names of introduced nuts and

fruits; see below. Pe tends espe- FIG. i.-Fmit of box-eider,

cially to supplant It a and pege.

Thus: hype, berry of one-seeded juniper, instead of hupege (hy,,
one-seeded juniper; pe, seed, fruit, crop); kwsepe, acorn, instead
of Icwsgfca (I wx, oak tree; pe, seed, fruit, crop). In the case
of fruits to which none of the other words applies very well,
pe is regularly applied. Thus: dbepe, fruit of the chokecherry
( #fc0, chokecherry; pe, seed, fruit, crop); ss&pe, prickly-pear
or Opuntia (sse,, Opuntia; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Pe is used as
a second member of compounds, such as pefye, &ape, bepe, etc. ;.
see below. See also pe, immature kernel of corn either on the
cob or cut off the cob, listed below, which may be the same word.

P^epe, seed, fruit, crop (p e, stick, plant; pe, seed, fruit,
crop). This is an equivalent of the non-compounded pe.

Tqy, seed. This word is applied to any seed. It may be, but
usually is not, applied instead of to or /F#; see below. Intro
duced nuts may be called tCiy, just as we would call them seeds,
but the common name for them is to.

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. r>r>

To, pinon nut, nut. As stated above, an examination of cognate
words in other Tanoan languages leads us to believe that to is ety-
mologically related to fo, pinon tree, and that the original sig
nification of to is pinon nut. The present application of to to
the seeds of the rock pine and to introduced nuts is probably a
more recent extension of the use of the word. Thus: ywaento, seed
or nut of the rock pine (tjws^y rock pine; to, pinon nut, nut); for
names of introduced nuts see under names of plants, below.

Bewe, small roundish object, c cone of coniferous tree. Bewe is
said to be used of the cones of coniferous trees only in the com
pounds tqinbewe, cone with seeds in it (toy seed; bewe, small
roundish object, cone), and iobewe, cone with nuts in it (to,
pinon nut, nut; bewe, small roundish object, cone). Like fyiju
(see below) bewe refers of course to the shape. An empty cone
may be distinguished by postjoining owa, skin, husk, or by
using tfowa alone; also by saying win&t&mmy/pi, it has no
seeds (wi, negative; na, it; tay, seed; my,, to have; pi, negative).

Buju, small roundish object, cone of coniferous tree. Cf. bewe,
above, the usage of which this word exactly parallels.

ICe (Hano Tewa k ili), grain of corn, small bud of cottonwood
flower. The commonest compounds are said to be: JSuyVe,
grain of corn (&y,y, corn plant; k*e, grain, in this sense), and
tetie, flower bud of valley cottonwood (te, valley cotton-
wood; Jce, grain, bud, in bud, in this sense).

IT (Me, ear of corn husked or not husked. The word has this one
meaning only.

1C a, acorn , fruit of the skunk-bush. This word appears to be
used of these two fruits only. The commonest compounds are
said to be kweffia, acorn (kw%, oak tree; &a, acorn, fruit of
the skunk-bush), and kyfca, fruit of the skunk-bush (by,, skunk-
bush; ft a, acorn, fruit of the skunk-bush).

K ape, acorn , fruit of the skunk-bush (lea, acorn, .fruit of the
skunk-bush; pe, seed, fruit, crop). The use of the word is simi
lar to that of k*a, above.

Be, roundish fruit , apple , any kind of introduced fruit. Thus:
li?cP*Qe\ fruit of the wild or introduced rose (&*# , rose: be,
apple, introduced fruit) is heard as well as J^a >a pe (&*# a , rose;
pe, seed, fruit, crop). Be evidently refers to roundish shape
and is connected with begl, small and roundish like a ball, bugl,
large arid roundish like a ball, etc.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,! vi" M M nprvr A AT V <\U T v w\\r \ TX-HTAMO 1*7

FBKIRE-MARRECO J El HJN ObOl AJN 1 ( HE 1EWA INDIANb l(

yw%be> e , r}w%bu? u , prickly, roundish seed-pod (yw%, thorn,
pricker; 6<? e , brf u , roundish thing). Of smaller pods yws^be e
would be used, of larger ones ywsebu u . It happened that the
informants applied these compounds only to the seeds of the
Datura meteloides, using the compound sqp^eywsgbd*, prickly,
roundish seed pod of Datura meteloides (nw%, thorn, pricker;
be* 1 *, small thing roundish like a ball). Be* 6 or brf u could hardly
be used alone with this meaning.

Bepe, apple, any kind of introduced fruit (be, apples, introduced
fruit; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Use and meaning are quite iden
tical with those of non-compounded be. Bepe is used meaning
fruit crop, but be is also used with this meaning.

Peg.e, berry. This word was applied by the informants to the fruit
of the one-seeded juniper, hupeg.e (hu, one-seeded juniper; -peg.e y
berry) being a common compound. The informants stated that
they had heard peg.e applied also to the fruit of the chokecherry
and of the introduced currant. As nearly as the writers can
understand, the meaning oi pege is tough, leathery berry.

PeQepe, berry (peg_e, berry; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Use and mean
ing are identical with those of peg_e, above.

Wa, egg, green pod of milkweed. Compare also the expression:
n&pcfblwamy, * the flower is an egg, meaning the flower is
young or in the bud (nq, it; jpofa, flower; wa, egg; mu, to be),
listed under Flower, above.

The Tewa names denoting all kinds of introduced fruits and nuts
should also be classed here, since these names apply both to the
plant and to the fruit. They will be found below. All these names
admit of being postpounded with pe, seed, fruit, crop.

Mq?-tl%7), bunch or cluster of anything, bunch or cluster of fruit.
Thus: ubam$n%yi bunch of grapes ( ufia, grapes; mffi&yy
bunch, cluster).

Mu, bag, sack, pod. Mu often refers both to pod and contents.
Thus: tumy,, bean-pod or bean (tu, bean plant, bean; w/^, pod).
Apparently it may be applied also to the round fruit of the squash.
Thus, in a war song used at Hano: i?a yfii efti poJcymele nan
dqmpomu paJti, your son s skull I have made into a squash-bag
( /X demonstrative, he ; U, you 1; ft? , possessive; <?, son, child;
ft/, possessive; pokymele, head- ball ; nay, unprefixed pronoun 1st
sing.; day, emphatic form of inseparable pronoun $o, I it ;
pomy,, squash-bag ; pa<ti<pa, make, do, verbal form ex
pressing antecedent circumstance).

18 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55

down, fluff.

flower, fruit of the box-elder, fluff of cottonwood seeds.
Thus : tej&iipofo, box-elder seed of flower-like appearance (tejedi,
box-elder; pdb\ flower); t&tqpofo, cottonwood fluff (t&iq, cotton-
wood seed-pod; pdbl, flower). The latter is called also te^ffoku
Coku, down).

Pu, base, buttocks, root, stem. Pu is used of the stem of
fruit. Thus: bepu, stem of fruit (&<?, apple, introduced fruit;
pu 9 base, stein); tqmpu, stem of a seed (tciy, seed; pu, base,
stem). But cf. Vapu below.

fa, ear- wax, the rough surface of tanned deerskin, the bloom
on the surface of fruits and plants. Thus: nfiafa, the bloom
or fine bluish dust on the surface of a grape ( wM, grape; /,
ear-wax, bloom).

T&*4, unripe or ripe seed -pod of the female cottonwood of any species.
When these burst, white fluff comes forth from them which is
called te^qpofti (pofti, flower) or teAtfdku ( otw, down).

Tu, kernel of a seed. Commonly used compounds are tqntu, kernel
of a seed (bay, seed; tu, kernel), and totu, kernel of a nut (t<>,
pinon nut, nut; tu, kernel). Tu, kernel, has a level tone; tu,
flesh, has a circumflex tone.

ICs&y, meal, flour, ground-up seeds.

ITowa, skin, tegument, shell, husk, bark. Thus: lok owa,
nut shell (to, pinon nut, nut; Icowa, skin, shell); Jco^eJcowa^
husk of ear of corn (JSo^e, ear of corn; Fowa, skin, husk).

ICapu, handle of anything, stem of an ear of corn. With refer
ence to plants the term appears to be used only of the stem of
an ear of corn, being equivalent to It o,ielt apu, stem of an ear
of corn (Fo^e, ear of corn; Jcapu, handle, stem of corn ear).
The second syllable of tiapu appears to be pu, base. Stem of
ear of corn would hardly be called fco^epu.

TseM, core, of apple, pear, etc; pith. See page 24.

Kuy, wing, corncob. For corncob the frequent compound is
K o^ekwj , corncob (&Wg, ear of corn; &##, wing of bird or
other flying creature, cob). Kiiy occurs also as second member of
p^ekyj), bone (p*e, stick, long hard thing; Icyy, wing, cob).
Whether Icuy may be said of skeleton-like parts of other plants
was not ascertained.

Of a flower going to seed the Tewa say: napo^ltampuwam^y, the
flower goes to seed (?i$, it; poftl, flower; tqy, seed; puwa, to become;
m%r), to go). The ordinary adjective denoting ripeness is pe. Thus:
to pe^iy, ripe pinon nut (to, pinon nut; pe, ripe); to pepi iy, un-

BOBBINS, HARIUNGTC
FBBIRE-MAUKECO

JGTON,-| ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 19

ripe pinon nut $0, pinon nut; pe, ripe; pi, negative). Of all fruits
which are green when unripe tsqywsg, green, maybe used. Thus:
be tsqywse-vr), green apple (be, apple; tsqyw%, green). Of gourds,
squashes, pumpkins, muskmelons, watermelons, and perhaps of some
other fruits, tee, hard, is used of ripeness, while owa, soft, is ap
plied to unripe condition. Thus: sandia Icdiy, hard, ripe water
melon (sandia, watermelon < Span, sandia j Ice, hard); sq f ?i^ia > owa > \7j,
soft, unripe watermelon (sandia, watermelon < Span, sandia / ^owa,
soft). But of other fruits Ice, hard, is used of unripeness and owa,
soft, of ripeness or mellowness, just as in English. Thus: be IcJiy,
hard, unripe apple (be, apple; Ice, hard); be cwcfiy, soft, mellow
apple (be, apple; "*owa, soft). The adjectives given above may of
course also be used predicatively. Thus: nqpemy,, it is ripe (nq, it;
pe, ripe; my,,, to be); winqpemupi, it is not ripe (wi, negative; nq,
it; pe, ripe; my,, to be; pi, negative).

LEAVES, THEIR PARTS AND FUNCTIONS
LEAVES IN GENERAL

Ka (Hano Tewa, kola), leaf. Thus: k uyka, corn leaf (k yij, corn;
~ka, leaf).

Kap*a, leaf surface (ka, leaf; p\i, large, thin, Hat, and roundish).

Kakiycje, leaf edge (ka, leaf; I iyge, edge).

Katsi, leaf point (ka, leaf; tsi, point).

Krfokwq, leaf vein , leaf liber (ka, leaf; okwq, vein, artery).

Kapo, leaf juice , literally leaf water (ka, leaf; po, water).

Kapu, leaf stem (ka, leaf; pu, base, stem).

,Of leaves falling the. Tewa say: ndkafannse, the leaves fall (w/,
it, they; ka, leaf; t\Jnn%, to fall); or nqkajemu, the leaves fall (??.</,
it, they; ka, leaf; jemu, to fall).

SIZE AND SHAPE OF LEAVES

I\a lie\i), big leaf (ka, leaf; he, big). Kajo (ka, leaf; jo, augmenta
tive) ma}^ not be used meaning big leaf.

Ka hinsgiy, little leaf (ka, leaf; 7iin%, little).
Kd?e, little leaf (ka, leaf; diminutive).
Ka hejViy, long leaf (ka, leaf; Jiejl, long).

Ka hins^iy, short leaf (ka, leaf; hinsz, short). Same as little leaf,
above.

Ka pagViy, big flat leaf (ka, leaf; pagl, large, thin, flat, and
roundish).

20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Ka p igviy, little flat leaf (ka, leaf; p*iyl, small, thin, flat, and
roundish).

Ka p agl iy, broad flat leaf (ka, leaf; p*agi, large, thin, flat, and
roundish). Cf. big flat leaf, above.

Ka segviy, slender leaf (ka, leaf; segi, slender). This term is applied
to the needles of coniferous trees and to other slender leaves.

Ka t agViy, big round leaf (ka, leaf; t agl, large, thin, and round).

Ka t igViy, little round leaf (ka, leaf; tfitfi, small, thin, and round).

Piyka, heart-shaped leaf (piy, heart; ka, leaf).

Ka Ica iy, thick leaf (ka, leaf; lea, thick).

Ka Icapi^iy, thin leaf (ka, leaf; ka, thick; pi, negative).

COMPOUND LEAVES

Ka wijeka?iy, bifoliolate leaf (/! , leaf; wije, two; kd,- leaf).
Kapojeka iy, trif oliolate leaf (ka, leaf; poje, three; ka, leaf).
^Kajonukdiy, quadrif oliolate leaf (ka, leaf; jonu, four; ka, leaf).

If a single leaf has a deeply serrated edge it is not considered to be
a multif oliolate leaf, but is called ka ss^yw^iy, zigzag-edged leaf
(ka^ leaf; stgywb, zigzagged).

SURFACE OF LEAVES

Ka qn3f?\y, smooth leaf, glabrous leaf (ka, leaf; 4^, smooth).

Ka ptsa iy, shiny, smooth leaf, glaucous leaf (ka, leaf; ottsa,
shiny).

Ka ktfiy, rough leaf (ka, leaf; ko, rough).

Ka tuk u iy, ridged leaf (ka, leaf; iuk y,, backbone, vertebral column).
KaheQe iy, grooved leaf (ka, leaf; lieQe, arroyito, gulch, groove).
Ka " okwtfiy, veined leaf (ka, leaf; ^okwa, vein, artery).

Kap o^iy, hairy leaf, pubescent leaf , puberulent leaf, woolly

leaf (ka, leaf; p o, hairy).
Ka p*okoso > ondi y, coarse-haired leaf, hispid leaf (ka, leaf ; p*o,

hair; Icoso ondi, coarse).

Ka^okdiy, downy leaf, fluffy leaf (ka,, leaf; ^olcu, downy, down,
fluffy, fluff).

Kajynffiiy, prickly leaf (ka, leaf; jy,y, to pierce).
Ka yw%?iy, thorny leaf (ka, leaf; ywsz, thorny).
KatsiWiy, sticky leaf (ka, leaf; isifte, sticky).

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON
FUEIHB-MARRKCO

N,J ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 21

These adjectives have also predicative forms of course. Thus:
nqpomu, it is hairy (na, it; p o, hairy; my, to be); nqtsiteto, it is
stick} 7 (nq,, it; tsibe, sticW; to, to make).

MARGIN OF LEAVES

Ka kiyge, edge of a leaf (ka, leaf; kiycje, edge).

Ka kiygZanstfiy, smooth-edged leaf (ka, leaf; kiyge, edge; \iri%,
smooth).

kiygte%ywViy, zigzag-edged leaf (ka, leaf; kiyye, edge; stgywi,
zigzagged).

kiyaeywa iy, tooth-edged leaf, dentate leaf (ka, leaf; kiyqe,
edge; ywa, toothed).

kiyyesfijeiy, torn-edged leaf (ka, leaf; Idyqe, edge; site, torn
crosswise to the grain or fiber).

TENDRIL

tendril. The etymology of this word is uncertain. The
syllable qwi clearly means fiber; see below. A may be the
verb meaning to grow or may be the same as the first syllable
of ap %, vine ; or, it is connected perhaps with Hano Tewa awo,
tendril, to spread (said of plant). A slender tendril is called
"*aqwi&e$\y, slender tendril ^agwi, tendril; segi, slender). A
curled tendril is called ^aqwibe 6 , tendril curl ^aqwi, tendril;
~be e , small roundish thing). Tendrils are said to be j/iq.ijyicag.1,
like hands (may, hand; ywagl, like).

STALK, TRUNK, STUMP, STEM, BRANCH, Twn;, JOINT

P e, stick, stalk, pole, trunk, log, wood, plant. P* e -
refers to almost any long stiff object. It is the only Tewa word
meaning plant in general, but is rarely used with this meaning.
The staff of authority of the Pueblo governors is called p~e, or
sometimes tujop e, governor s stick (tujo, governor; p c, stick).
For jp <? meaning wood see page 23.

U^uto, walking stick. Walking sticks were made of various kinds
of wood and were used mostly by old or crippled people. Per
haps this word hardly belongs here. Cf. udup e, below.

y Uj>up*e, prayer stick. Cf. uduto, above.

Pugv, Mower part, base or trunk of a tree (/w, base, buttocks;
ge, locative) . When the trunk of a tree is referred to, one usually
names the kind of tree, postpoundingy>M/<). Thus: tepuge, lower
part or trunk of a cottonwood tree (te, Populus wislizeni; puge,
lower part, trunk).
67961 Bull. 5516 3

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

/rV M, cornstalk. This word refers only to the stalk of the corn
plant. ICy/y, in some irregular way may be connected etymo-
logically with & #, corn plant.

T//, tube, hollow stalk. Tejj refers to such a stalk as that of
the yucca. Thus: p^at^y, inflorescence stalk of Yucca baccata
(p*a, Yucca baccata; ty, tube, hollow stalk). See under Inflor
escence, page 15.

Pule, stump. This word refers to the stump of any tree or plant.
Its etymology is not understood by the Indians. The first sy 1-
lable appears to be pu, base, buttocks.

Pu, base, stem. This is the word which means also buttocks
and root. It is applied to the stem of a flower, leaf, or fruit as
Germans might apply Stiel. Thus: pdb\pu, flower stem (pdb\,
flower; pu, base, stem).

K\tpu, stem of an ear of corn. This word means also handle (of
anything). Applied to plants it seems to be used only of the
stem of Jco^e, ear of corn. See page 18.

Waje, bough, branch. Waje is applied to boughs and branches of
all plants, especially to those of trees. Thus: bewaje, branch
of a fruit tree (be, apple, fruit; waje, bough, branch).

WajeFo, bough, branch, literally bough arm, branch arm
(waje, bough, branch; Ico, arm). The meaning and usage seem
to be identical with those of the uncompounded waje. Thus:
tewajelco, branch of a valle} r cottonwood tree (te, Populus
wislizeni; wajefco, bough, branch).

Waje e or wajelto e, twig, twiglet (waje or wajelco, bough,
branch; 0, diminutive).

Qwe, joint, node, internode. Qwe is used as ambiguously as
is English joint, referring both to the nodes of a stem and to the
sections of stem between the nodes. The word seems to refer
more properly to the nodes, qwejcui, between the joints (qwe t
node, internode; jcu\, between) being applicable to internodes.
A joint of a stovepipe is, however, regularly called qwe.

"* Op\i, bud. ^ Op\i refers to buds of stalks, stems, twigs, etc., as
well as to those of flowers and leaves. Thus: waj<?op*u, bud of
a branch (waje, bough, branch; ^op~u, bud).

ITe (llano Tewa, Jcili], grain, kernel, bud of grain-like shape.
This is applied particularly to the red buds of the cottonwood of
any species which are seen on the trees early in the spring. These
are eaten, especially by the children,

UOKBINS, TIAKU1 \GTON,
rKEIUE-MAKKECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 23

ROOT

Pu, base, buttocks, stem, root. Thus: Jey,mpu, corn root
(Jcuy, corn plant; pu, root). Rootlet is called py?e, little root
j root; tf, diminutive).

LEAF- SHEATH

tyfcowbi leaf -sheath of corn (k tfy,, cornstalk; Jcowa, tegument,
skin, bark).

Tap^e&owa, leaf -sheath of a stalk of grass (ta, grass; p*e, stalk;
Jcowa, tegument, skin, bark).

ICowa, tegument, either alone or postpounded, would un
doubtedly be the term applied to any leaf -sheath.

WOOD, PITH

P e, stick, stalk, stem, pole, trunk, log, lumber, wood,
plant. P e is used of wood as polo and madera are used in Span
ish, but Spanish lena in the sense of firewood is translated so,
P eis never used meaning firewood. (Hodge gives as "Fire
wood or Timber" clan, San Juan and Santa Clara Pe-tdoa, San
Ildef onso Petdoa, llano Pv-tuwa (towa,, people). x The rendering of
p*e in these clan names as "firewood" is incorrect according to

JL O

the writers Indian informants.)

P^e is common as the first clement of compounds, where it must be
rendered by wood or wooden in English. Thus: p^ekutxandii*
wooden spoon (//6>, stick, wood; kutsanda, spoon < Spanish
cucJiara).

Green wood is called pe ^otfu\y (p e, stick, wood; ^otfu,
fresh, green, wet); dry or seasoned wood is called p*e itfiy (pe,
stick, w T ood; ia, dry).

So, firewood. This usually consists of dead, fallen, or drifted
wood, picked up or torn off; but the same word is applied to trees
felled for firewood. See p*e.

A Tewa of Santa Clara told the following story: Long ago people
had no fire and were trying to find it who knows how they cooked?
Perhaps they ate berries. They made four holes in a row in a slab of
ywsey and then they twirled a stick in the holes and out of one of the
holes came fire.

A few billets of firewood, carried by means of a cord on a man s
shoulder and thrown down beside a woman s door, is considered an

1 F. W. Hodge, Pueblo Indian Clans, Amer. Antlir., ix, p. 350, Oct., 18%.

24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

appropriate present. When a woman is about to be confined, her

husband s father often brings her firewood. 1

Pope, driftwood. This is gathered and used as firewood. Consid

erable quantities of driftwood are to be found along the Rio

Grande.

TtpVi, pith, core of fruit. See page 18. This word is the adjective
tseJbl soft, used as a noun. It refers to the soft, light, spongy
tissue found in the stems of some plants. Thus: Jy?y,tsgt\ pith
of the cornstalk (Jctfy, cornstalk; tsgbl, pith).

FIBER

Qwi, fiber. Thus: p"aqwi, yucca fiber (pa, Yucca baccata; tjwi,
fiber). We possibly have this word also in aqwi, tendril, and
e^ c shreddy bark. See page 2 1 .

P$ $, string. This word usually applies to fiber already made into
string, but might be said of any kind of fiber.

JUICE

Po, water, juice. This word covers all the meanings of English
water, juice. Thus: k tfupo, juice of a cornstalk (l u\i,
cornstalk; po 9 water); tepo, sap of a valley cottonwood tree (te,
Populus wislizeni; po, water, juice).

Apo, sweet juice, syrup ( , sweetness; po, water).
Mdasa, swetit juice, syrup (< Spanish utelaza).

GUM

Av/Y, gum. The gum of various plants was chewed. Gum was
also much used for sticking things together. Thus: yw%yktnr. 9
gum or pitch of the rock pine (yw%y, rock pine; kw%, gum).
Chewing-gum is called merely

BARK

ICowa, tegument, skin, bark. This is the commonest and most
inclusive word meaning bark. Thus: tefcowa, valley cotton-
wood bark (fe, Populus wislizeni; fcowa, tegument, bark). The
general name for moss is Icufcowa^ rock skin (ku 9 rock;
, tegument, bark).

Un the seventeenth century women went to fetch firewood; see Benavides, Memorial (pp. 32,70):
" Nacion Tacs . . . una vieja hechizera, la qual, , titulo de ir por lena al campo, sac6 a otras quatro
mugeres buenas Cristianas." At Santa Clara, after peace had been made with the Apaches de Navaj6
in September, 1629, " Salian hasta las viejas por lena por aquella parte." The acquisition of donkeys,
and subsequently of horses and wagons, with iron tools, by the men, has removed wood-getting from
the women s sphere of labor. Occasionally an old widow, or a woman whose husband is an invalid,
may be seen chopping wood or gathering fallen branches.

ROBBINS^ HARRINGTON
FItBIItlO-MAKHECO

Nf ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 25

>#, bark ( 0, unexplained; Jcowa, tegument, bark). This word
has been heard only at San Juan Pueblo, where ttowa is also in
use. Thus: tdolcowa, cottonwood bark (te, Populus wislizeni;
olcowa, bark).

Qwibe (Hano Tewa, qwi}, shreddy bark (qwi, fiber; be ?). So far as
could be learned, qwibe is said of the bark of the one-seeded juni
per only. This is very shreddy and is a favorite substance for
kindling fires. Thus: huqwibe (Hano Tewa, hyqwi), bark of the
one-seeded juniper (7m, one-seeded juniper; qwibe, shreddy bark).
JIliEowa, bark of the one-seeded juniper (7m, one-seeded juni
per; Ttowlt, tegument, bark) may also be used. 1

HAIR, SPINE, THORN

jP 0, hair. This word is said of any kind of hair on animals or
plants. The down of birds is called thus. The diminutive form
is p*o e, little hair (p*o, hair; 0, diminutive).

Sir,, sharp-pointed thing. This is the adjective Ice, sharp-pointed ,
used as a noun. Thus: p^ake, sharp point at the end of a yucca
leaf (p a, Yucca baccata; Ice, sharp-pointed thing).

tywse, spine , thorn. This word is applied to cactus spines and all
kinds of thorns. Thus: joywse, spine of the long cactus (jo,
long cactus; ywse, spine); ~/ca? a yw%, rose thorn (&V a , rose;
ywse, spine).

Ayusa, needle (< Span, aguja). This word may be used of cactus
spines: jo\iQusa, spine of the long cactus (jo, long cactus;
\tgusa, needle).

One might mention here also verbs, as nqlce, it is sharp (n$, it; Ice,
to, be sharp); dijuy, it pricks me (di, it me; 7^? to pierce, to prick).

ils Gatschet s "Keres udka, Rinde" (in Zw nlf Sprachen aus dcm Siidwesten Nordamerikas, p. 61,
Weirnar, 1876), a misprint for Rind or Rinder? The Cochiti call cattle wdka; the Tewa of Hano, wdkd
(< Span, vaca, cow).

GROWTH OF PLANTS

to grow. Thus: ndta, it grows (??/], it; #, to grow); n$a-
it grows slowly (n&, it; , to grow; V|^l, slow); ??rjV/-
it grows fast (nd, it; , to grow; qny,, fast). Hano
Tewa, #10(5, spread wide, applied to tendrils of vines, squashes,
etc., and apparently to trees of spreading foliage. Thus: ** awo
tsqywse,, spread- wide greenness, a female personal name given
by the White Fir clan at Hano.

Pi, to come up, to grow up. Thus: n$pi, c it comes up (m|, it;
pi, to come up). This is said of a plant sprouting and growing
up out of the ground.

P, to burst, to crack. This is said of a plant unfolding or open
ing. Thus: 8&n4pa/po\ the tobacco bursts open or unfolds
(sa, tobacco; nq, it; pa, to burst; p<?, to become).

Of leaves (or flowers) opening and spreading wide the Tewa say
$ft>ilcawcui, dibipoftiwcui the 3+ leaves open themselves, the 3+ flow
ers open themselves (flib i, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person
3+ plural; lea, leaf; pdbl, flower; wcui, to spread open). Thus, in a
war-song sung at Hano: ^iwedqy ^alijowa ixm% pegqn difrikalawcui,
thence the sunflowers, bursting open on every side, spread jvide
their leaves ^iw&iqy, Hano dialectic emphatic form of *iweJ>i, thence;
^ Hano name for sunflower ? species; tsemsg,, in all directions;
gy, bursting; dibi, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural;
Tcala, Hano dialectic form of Jca, leaf; wa.ii, to spread open). The same
expression is used figuratively of clouds, thus: *ok*uwa tsemse (Li bipfJb}
wtui^ the clouds in all directions open their flowers (ok uwa, clouds;
isem%, in every direction; dibi, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person
3+ plural; p<Jb\ flower; waM, to spread open).

HABITS OF GROWTH

to stand. Thus: nqywiy, it stands (nq, it; ywiy, to stand).
, to grow in a standing position ( ? , to grow; ywiy, to

stand). Thus: ntfaywiy, it grows in a standing position (nq,
it; a, to grow; ywiy, to stand).

Ko 9 to lie. Thus: nqlco, it lies (nq, it; Ico, to lie).

, c to grow in a lying position ( , to grow; &<9, to lie). Thus:
mfaJco, it grows in a lying position (nq, it; a, to grow; Ico,
to lie).

26

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 27

, to go. Thus: nqm%y, it sends out growth 5 (na, ii^
to go).

sey, to grow sending out growth (a, to grow; ms^y, to go).
Thus: nq?am%y, it grows sending out growth (nq, it; a, to
grow; ^3377, to go).

/& * , e to go about. Thus: n$ji H , it grows all about (nq, it; ^V %
to go about).

-4;* *, to grow spreading about ( a, to grow; /i % to go about).

Piii, interlaced. Thus: nap^lt/imu , it is interlaced (ng, it;
piJ/b, interlaced; my, 9 to be). This is said of vines which grow
through other plants.

DENSE GROWTH, FOREST, GROVE

Ka, thick , dense , dense growth , forest . This word is used
as an adjective and as a noun. Thus: lolctfiy, a sagebrush
plant of dense growth (to, sagebrush plant; lea, thick, dense);
toka sagebrush thicket, place where the sagebrush is thick
(to, sagebrush ; Tea, dense growth, forest). Ka is used alone meaning
forest, just as the Mexicans use monte and Mosque. With names of
geographical features postjoined, Tea may be translated wooded
or where there is much vegetal growth. Thus: ioktfaJconu,
a plain or valley where the sagebrush grows thick (to, sage
brush; lea, thick, thick growth; akonu, plain, valley); Icabuge,
a low place where there is much vegetal growth (lea, thick, thick
growth; huge, low roundish place).

]}oJ/b, bU\, thing roundish like a ball, pile, clung. J3oak is said
of large, bifi, of small size. Thus: tebod\, grove of cotton-
wood trees (te, Populus wislizeui; fiodi, grove). Often lea,
thick is prejoined to b&ti. Thus: IcaboJh, a clump or
grove of thick vegetal growth (lea, thick, thick growth; boA,
clump, grove).

CONDITION OF PLANTS

, to be alive. Thus: nqwowa, it is alive (nd, it; wowa, to
be alive).

Tfu, to be dead. Thus: nqtfu, it is dead (ml, it; tf/w, dead).

Ke (Hano Tewa, We), to be strong, to thrive. Thus: n$ke, it is
strong/ it thrives (nft, it; #, to be strong, to thrive). The
expression opposite in meaning would be winqkepi, it is weak
(wi, negative; nd, it; ke, to be strong; pi, negative).

Ife, to be sick. Thus: ndhe, it is sick (nd, it; he, to be sick).
The expression opposite in meaning would be winqhepi, it is
well (wi, negative; nd, it; he, to be sick; pi, negative).

WORMS, GALL- BALLS

Pifose,, worm. This applies to all kinds of worms. Thus: lcijimpub$&,

corn worm (fc y,y, corn; piib%, worm).
Pub%n%r), cobweb-like nest of worms as seen in apple trees (pufi^

worm; n%y, nest). These are carefully destroyed.
2\iftsebe, gall-ball, literally worm-ball (puftse, worm; be, small
thing roundish like a ball). Be is used alone in the same sense.
Thus in Hano Tewa: ptymele, rabbit-brush ball (p*y>, rabbit-
brush; mele, Hano dialectic form of be, ball).
f/bc>bo, red swelling on willow leaf. This word can not be analyzed.

It is also the Tewa name of Dorotea Pino of San Ildefonso.
Of a worm-eaten plant one may say: nqjiufixkomy,, it is worm-
eaten (nd, it; puftse, worm; Jco, eaten; m^, to be).

CHEMICALLY CHANGED VEGETAL MATTER

l y <fu, charcoal.

At Santa Clara charcoal is taken in hot water as a remedy for cough
and sore throat; the hot water is poured on and the mixture stirred
and allowed to settle. The water is then drunk.

For laryngitis pinon charcoal top" tin (to, pifion nut; p^a u, charcoal)
is wrapped in a wet cloth, which is then tied about the throat as a
compress.

Charcoal in water is taken for biliousness.

Kup a u, coal, literally stone charcoal (Jcu, stone; p*a?u, charcoal).

Kup^dukwse, bitumen, literally stone charcoal gum (tw, stone;
p*ctu, charcoal; kw%, gum). A Santa Clara informant, when he
happened to see some coal tar at Santa Fe, gave the name as
pokxnii, but this name is usually applied to mica.

28

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 29

Ny,, ashes.

Ashes are stirred into the dough for making buwa (waferbread,
Spanish guallabe) and buwa Icada (corn tortillas), in order to turn it
blue. At Hano the ashes of a wild plant, ^jsey ( Atriplex canescens)
are preferred, but at the end of the winter, when the supply runs
short, the ashes of sheep s dung are substituted.

Ashes of corncobs are boiled with white corn in order to make it
swell. Fray Juan de Escalona in his private report from San Gabriel
(Chamita), 1st October, 1601, refers probably to a similar practice; he
says that the Indians, having been robbed of their corn, are eating
wild seeds mixed with charcoal. 1

At Santa Clara warm ashes are rubbed on to relieve pain in the
shins, attributed to cold. Ny,po, ash water (;^, ashes; po, water)
is given to children as a medicine.

At Santa Clara and at San Ildefonso, when children have measles
ashes are dusted over the eruption with a cloth to sooth the irritation.
Hence the malady is called nukewe (nu, ashes; h*we, - ).

At the time of the Spanish advent ashes were mixed with adobe
for building material.

Torquemada s informant mentions the use of ashes in signaling:
"They [the Pueblo Indians] know of their enemies approach from far
off, and in order that the neighboring pueblos may come to their aid,
the women go up to the top of their houses and throw ashes into the
air, and behind this make a smothered fire so that by giving a thicker
smoke it may be better seen by the other pueblos whose help they
desire, and the women, striking their hands on their open mouths,
raise a great cry which sounds loud and far off . . ."

Castano de Sosa, in 1590, described the throwing of ashes, perhaps
in token of defiance: "The lieutenant went back to the pueblo to
parley with them again, and they would not; on the contrary an
Indian woman came out on a balcony of the said houses, which are as
much as four or five stories high, and threw a small amount of ashes
at him, and at this they set up a great clamor, and he withdrew." 1

1 Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. v, p. 672.
Woe. de Indias, xv, p. 229.

COLOR OF PLANTS
LIGHT, DARKNESS, COLOR, PAINTING, LINES, SPOTS

Ki, to be light. Thus: ndkinq, it is light (nd, it; hi, to be light;
nd, present). This verb seems to refer only to daylight.

Te (Hano Tewa, tele), to shine. Thus: nat eml, fc it shines (nd, it;
t*e, to shine; nd, present). This verb is used of the sun: ndt ant e,
the sun shines (nd, he; Pay, sun; t*e, to shine).

Ko, a light. This noun is used of the light of a candle, lamp, lan
tern, fire, firefly, glowworm, etc. Of the light shining one may
say: nakot e, the light shines (na, it; ho, a light; tie, to shine); or
nftkoke, the light is bright (nd, it; ko, a light; ~ke, to be strong).

Pa?cui or pa? age, sunny place, sunny side of a pueblo (pa?a,1 akin
to Jemez pe, sun ; JL\, g&, locative).

ICuy, to be dark. Thus: ndfrunnq, it is dark (na, it; Jcy,y, to be
dark; nd, present). K\iy is used as an adjective in the form
Jciiywl (fry, to be dark). Thus: p^oJcy,yw^i H , dark hole (p o,
hole; Jcy,yw\, dark).

^Otf%7), shade, shadow.

l&ennuge or kseniyqe, shady place, shady side of a pueblo (ksey,
cf. <9& ^7?, above; nuge, ^iy^e, at the side).

"> OFsa, glittering. Thus: leu otsa i^, glittering stone (ku, stone;
y oisa 9 glittering).

Otsapi, dull, glossy ( o&a, glittering;^ , negative). The usage
of this term with the meaning glossy is curious. Thus: &
otsapi iy, glossy cloth ( $, cloth; otsa, glossy).

There is no word meaning color. One asks: hawVqy ^ubi kafoaja
^mmu, how is your horse? , meaning what color is your horse?
(hawVciy, how; ^6^ , of you 1; Ttdfoaju, horse; ^uy, it with reference
to you 1; my,, to be). If this is not definite enough one might follow
the question with ha p?i H ha fsse?i H , is it red or is it white? (ha, or;
ply red; ha, or; tsx, white).

T&ty (Hano Tewa, t*a), painted, painting. Thus: nat^qnim^ii i^

painted (nd, it; ta^y, painted; my,, to be); to^a td Zydii 7 *, painted

cliff (tcfoa, cliff; ta vy, painted).
Ty,, spotted. The attributive form is ?y,wl (t u, spotted). Thus:

n&ymy,, it is spotted (nd, it; t y,, spotted; mu, to be); tset y J w\ H ,

spotted dog (tse, dog; t uwl, spotted).
30

ROBBINS, 7TAKIMXGTOX,
FREIUE-MAKKECO

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 31

PindU (Hano Tewa, pintv), spotted (< New Mexican Span, pinto}.
Meaning and use are the same as those of t u, Thus:
spotted dog (tse, dog; pindu, spotted).

Qwa^l, qwul (Hano Tewa, Jcwselx), line, qwaJt, referring to a broad
line and qwUl to a narrow line.

COLOR ADJECTIVES

ssR, white, whiteness. Thus: nqts%mu, it is white (nq, it; ts%,
white; my,, to be); pctfots%?iy, white flower (pdtil, flower; fsse,
white) .

P ey, black, blackness. Thus: nqp^mmy,, it is black (nq, it; p vq,
black; my,, to be); pdb\ pertiy, black flower (pcftl, flower; p\r),
black).

Pi (Hano Tewa, p^ili}, red, redness. Thus: nqpimu, it is red
(nq, it; pi, red; my,, to be); pofo, p?iy, red flower (pdbl, flower;
pi, red).

Tse, yellow, yellowness. The attributive forms are t8ejl H , tsej^iy.

Thus: nqtsemu, it is yellow (nq, it; ise, yellow; my,, to be); pdb\

, yellow flower (pdbi,, flower; tsej\, yellow).
w, blue, blueness, green, greenness. In tsqywse, hot,

the second syllable is lower than the first. Tsqywse is applied

to the sky, vegetation, unripe fruit, blue or green stones,

turquoise, etc. Thus: nqtsqywsemii, it is blue or green (nq, it;

tsqywx, blue or green; my,, to be); pdbl tsqyw%?iy, blue or green

flower (po bl, flower; tsqyw%, blue or green).
rosiwi, watery green, watery greenness (po, water; si, ? to stink;

w\ 9 unexplained. Cf. Posi, Ojo Caliente). Posiw\ is applied to

water of greenish appearance, as that of the mineral spring at Ojo
Caliente, Taos county, New Mexico; also to cloth and paint of

similar color. Thus: nqposiwimu, it is watery green (nq, it;

posiwi, watery green; my,, to be); po posiwVi H , greenish water

(po, water; posiwl, watery green).
A, brown, brownness. The attributive form is \]w^. Thus:

ntfqmijL, it is brown (nq, it; V|, brown; my,, to be); p(&\

\lwViy, brown flower (po bl, flower; ^qw\, brown).
IIo, gray, grayness. The attributive form is howl. Thus:

nqhomy,, it is gray (nq, it; ho, gray; mu, to be); pdtl JunrYijj,

gray flower (poftl, flower; howl, gray).

Hano Tewa ^okju, glimmering, gra} 7 ish; ^okjutse, grayish yel
lowness, was used, for instance, in referring to the fir tree.
Tsseto, buff, buffness. The attributive form is the same. Thus:

nqtsxto mu it is buff (nq, it; tsszto, buff; my,, to be);

tsseto > i / r), buff flower (po^l, flower; tsseto, buff).

32 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

KQ buff-brown, buff-brown color. The attributive form is the
same. Thus: n4k$my>, it is buff-brown (nd, it; ~ka, buff-brown;
my,, to be); pdbl k&iy buff-brown flower (p<M, flower; &#,
buff-brown).

Tssefje, many-colored, all-colored, variegated, state of having
many, all, or variegated colors, iridescent, iridescence.
The colors may be distributed in separate patches, or blent.
"When we look at a crow feather and its color seems to be chang
ing all the time, black, green, and red, we say: ndtsspgemy,, it
is iridescent " (nq, it; tsfgge, many-colored, iridescent; mu, to
be). Thus: p(&\ tsse.fje iy, many-colored flower (pofti, flower;
tsxqe, many-colored). The Tewa name of Gregorita Vigil of San
Ildefonso is Tsszgepofo, flowers of many-coloredness (tszege,
many-coloredness; p6b\, flower). There is a clan at San Ildefonso
called ICyy tssegeiy towa, Many-colored Corn clan (Fy,y. corn;
t^SRfje^ many-colored; towa, person, people).

fsemsegi, of many kinds, state of being of many kinds, many-
colored, many-coloredness. Meaning and usage are the same
as those of tssege, except that txmseqi never refers to iridescence
and often does not refer to color. Thus: nq,isem%gimy,, it is
of many kinds (nq, it; t%m%gi, of many kinds; my,, to be);
\ isemsegi iy, flower of many kinds of color (pdb\, flower;
%gi, of many kinds).

COLOR-ADJECTIVE COMPOUNDS

Almost any two color adjectives may be compounded to denote
an intermediate color. Thus: tsqywse/io, bluish gray (tsqywse,, blue,
green; /><?, gray); tsetsqyivse,, yellowish blue (tee, yellow; tsayw^,
blue), said of the color of the middle of a tufted-eared squirrel s back.
Light is usually rendered by postpounding tsse, white ; dark by
postpounding p*y, black. Thus: tsetsx, light yellow (tee, yellow;
fsx, white); plpey, dark red (pi, red; p\ri, black). But certain
color adjectives are never compounded with certain others. Thus:
pitsse, (pi?, red; fi#, white) is never used, a compound of irregular
meaning signifying light red. This compound is pi 4, light red,
pink, literally red brown (pi, red; $, brown). Pi $ is applied
to pink corn and even to objects of a buff-yellow color! Jscg 4 (tsse,,
white; a, brown) is said of whitish corn. It may be that $ in p?d
and tssrSd has merely a weakening force like ish in Eng. reddish,
whitish. ^A. seems not to be postpounded to other color adjectives.

Hano Tewa, t ulygi, t^yliL^ many-colored. 1 Thus, in the war song:

SeTcse p(Jb\ kwsely, pdbl p^ilPq

iCorn flower, squash flower, cotton flower, kwylu flower, red-gray (and) many-colored. The fur of
a rabbit is described as t ulu i.

ROBBINS, HARRINGTON
FUK1RK-MAUKECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 33

COLOR-ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS

Jo, augmentative postpound, very, intensely. Thus: pijo, very
red (pi, red; jo, augmentative); n^pijomy,, it is very red
(nq, it; pi, red; jo, augmentative; my,, to be); pdb\ pijo^iy,
intensely red flower (pofti, flower; pi, red; jo augmentative).
Jo can not be postjoined to any color adjective the attributive
form of which ends in wl. Thus it can not be added to tty,, t*y,
q, ho. T*yjo is the name of the "Black Mesa" north of San
Ildefonso pueblo, but has no other meaning.

KoMdi, very. This precedes the color adjective as a separate
word. Thus: koMd.i nqpimy,, it is very red QcoM^i, very;
nq, it; pi, red; my,, to be); pdbl Icodi^i pi^iy, very red flower
(pofil, flower; Ico^i^i, very; pi, red).

II%wagi, very. This precedes the color adjective as a separate
word. Thus: h%wagt nqpimy,, it is very red (h%wagl, very;
nq, it; pi, red; my, to be); pofo h%wa(i pViy, very red flower
(po bl, flower; h%waai, very; pi, red).

Piivoy, very, too. This precedes the color adjective as a separate
word. Thus: piwoy nqpimy, it is very red (piwoy, very;
7iq, it; pi, red; my,, to be); pobl piwoy p^iy, very red flower
(p<M, flower; pvwyy, very; pi, red).

Ilnno Tewa, ^inw, very. Thus: imo nqtsqyws^my, it is very blue
or green ( imo, augmentative; nq, it; tsqyw%, blue, green; my,, to be);
imo nqtfamy,, it is highly decorated, it is variegated (imo, aug
mentative; nq, it; a, variegated; my, to be).

He, somewhat, slightly, a little. This precedes the color adjec
tive as a separate word. Thus: he nqpiiny, it is somewhat
red (he, somewhat; nq, it; pi, red; my,, to be); pobl he pi iy^
somewhat red flower (pofo, flower; he, somewhat; pi, red).

OTHER QUALITIES OF PLANTS
SIZE

So jo, large. Thus: nqso jomy,, it is large (nq, it; so* jo, large;
m^, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: so? jo, an.,
min. sing.; sq^y, sq^niy, veg. sing., an., veg., ruin. dual, an.
3+ plu.; sq^n4i H , veg., min. 3+ plu.

, large. Thus: nqkehsenumy,, it is large (/?/], it; hehsenu,
large; my,, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: hehse,-
nu^i >i , an., min. sing.; heehse^niij, veg. sing., an., veg., min.
dual, an. 3+ plu.; hehs^^dl H , veg., min. 3+ plu.

He, large. Thus: nqhemy,, it is large (nq, it; he, large; my,, to
be). The attributive forms are irregular: hdv*, an., min. sing.;
hdeniy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; hdeffl 1 , veg.,
min. 3+ plu.

Jo, augmentative postpound. This is used very irregularly only
with certain adjectives and nouns. It seems to be the last
syllable of an., min. sing, stfjo, large.

Tfse, small. Thus: nqtfseinu, it is small (nq, it; tfsR, small; -my,,
to be). This word is used only in the singular: tfs^i^, an.,
min., sing.; ifsgiy, veg. sing. The dual and 3+ plu. forms are
supplied by hin%, tajedi, etc. ; see below.

lling, small. Thus: nqhins^my,, it is small (nq, it; hin%, small;
my,, to be). The attributive forms are irregular. Thus: hinsg-v 1 ,
an., min. sing.; hi iniy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+
plu.; htfiiMpV 1 , veg., min. 3+ plu.

Taje-ii, small. Thus: nqtaj&iimy,, it is small (nq, it; taj&ti, small;
my,, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: tajeJ>$$\ an.,
min. sing.; taj^ndi^iy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.;
taj^ndi in^i^, veg., min. 3+ plu.

-*, diminutive postpound. This may be added to any noun. Thus:
^agojcfe, little star (?aQojo, star; V, diminutive). It does not
alter the gender of the noun. The accent of J e in the sing, is
falling; in the dual and 3+ plu., circumflex.

34

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 35

TASTE

Tfq, to taste, intransitive. Thus: hqn nqtfq, how does it taste?
(hay, how; nq, it; tfq, to taste); hiwon nqtfq, it tastes good
(hiwoy, good; nq, it; tfq, to taste); hqyv<%b(S winqtfqpi, it
has no taste (hqywsgbc? , nothing; wi, negative; nq, it; tfq, to
taste; pi, negative).

4, to be sweet , sweet , sweetness. Thus: ntfq, it is sweet
(nq, it; <$, to be sweet); ka q?iy, sweet leaf (ka, leaf; <J,
sweet); qlcikinqtfq, it tastes insipid (V/, sweet; Tc{ki, like; nq,
it; tfq, to taste).

Th ?;, to be sticky. This is also said of taste. Thus: nqtsiy, it is
sticky (nq, it; tsiy, to be sticky).

Ojohe, to be sour, sour, sourness. Thus: ntfojohe, it is sour
(nq, it; ojohe, to be sour); be ojohe iy, sour apple (be, apple;
^ojohe, sour).

^ Oje, to be sour, sour, sourness. Thus: ntfoje, it is sour (nq,
it; eye, to be sour); be ^oje^ly, sour apple (be, apple; oje, sour).

P^ahqy, to be burnt. This is also said of taste. Thus: nqp^ahqy,
it is burnt, it has a burnt taste (nq, it; p^ahqy, to be burnt;
Ger. angebrannt seiri).

/ , to be bitter, bitter, bitterness. Thus: n$V%, it is bitter
(nq, it; V^s, to be bitter); ka ^Pstfiy, bitter leaf (ka, leaf; V^,
bitter).

Sag, to be hot or burning to the taste, like chile pepper, hot or

burning to the taste, hot or burning taste, substance which has a

hot or burning taste. Thus: nqsse,, it tastes burning, like chile,

-(nq, it; ssg, to be hot or burning to the taste); ka s%iy, leaf with

hot or burning taste (ka, leaf; s%, hot or burning to the taste).

Suwa, to be warm, warm, warmth. Thus: nqsuwa, it is warm,
it has a warm taste (nq, it; suwa, to be warm); ka suwa iy,
warm leaf (ka, leaf; suwa, warm).

fsqywse, to be hot, hot, heat. Thus: nqtsqywsg, it is hot, it
has a hot taste (nq, it; tsqywsg,, hot); ka tsqyw&iy, hot leaf (ka,
leaf; tsqyw%, hot).

Oka+h, to be cool, cool, coolness, to be cold, cold, coldness.
Thus: ntfokaJh, it is cool or cold, it tastes cool or cold (nq, it;
okaJh, to be cool or cold); ka oka^iy, cool or cold leaf (ka,
leaf; ^okail, cool or cold). This word is never applied to the
weather.

36 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

^Asse, to taste salty, or alkaline ( a, alkali; 8%, to taste hot, like
chile). 4 also appears as the first S3^11able of \rnse, salt (V/, alkali ;
n%, as in Jcun%, turquoise). Thus: ntfqsse, it tastes salty or alka
line (nq, it; g, alkali; sse, to taste hot, like chile).

A prickling or puckering taste seems to be expressed by sojohe, ^oje
or sse. Of a nauseating taste one says merely, ftihewo* , it makes me
sick (di, it me; he, to be sick; wo\ causative).

ODOR

/Sy,, to smell, intransitive. Thus: hqn nqsy, how does it smell ? (July,
how; nq, it; sy,, to smell); hqywsebo wina supi, it has no odor
(kqywspfio* , nothing; wi, negative; nq, it; sy,, to smell; pi, nega
tive). This verb appears in all terms denoting kinds of odor. Thus :
nqsykc, it smells strong (nq, it; sy,. to smell; ~ke, to be strong);
h&t>a? a y nqsy, it smells faintly (heda^y, slight; nq, it; 6-^, to smell);
ntfqsy,, it smells sweet (nd, it; a, sweet; s^t, to smell); nqsisu, it
stinks (m|, it; si^ giving the meaning to stink; sy,, to smell).

Nouns with the postfix wagi, like, are very common with sy,, to
smell. Thus: sawagl nqsu, it smells like tobacco (sa, tobacco;
wagb, like; nq,, it; sy,, to smell).

FEELING

Arise, to be smooth, smooth, smoothness. Thus: nq qfise, it is
smooth (nq, it; \ln%, to be smooth); l a\inse/iy, smooth leaf
(Jca, leaf; ^qnse,, smooth).

Ko, to be rough, rough, roughness. Thus: nqbo, it is rough
(nq, it; Ico, to be rough); ^>T% rough metate (V>, metate; 2:0,
rough).

Pa, cracked, cracked surface. Thus: nqpainu, it is cracked or
chapped (nq, it; pa, cracked; wu, to be);- ha pa iy, cracked leaf
(Jca, leaf; pa iy, cracked).

T$i, to be sticky. Thus: nats\, it is sticky (nq, it; tsi, to be
sticky).

i^e, sticky, stickiness. Thus: nqtxiljtio, it is sticky (nq, it;
i^<3, sticky; to, causative); fca tsffieiy sticky leaf (ka, leaf;
&e, sticky).

P o, hairy, hair. Thus: nqp omy, it is hairy (nq, it; p o, hairy;
my,, to be).

ywse, thorny, thorn. Thus: nqyw&mu, it is thorny (nq, it;
yw%, thorny; mu, to be).

Jyy, to pierce. Thus: nqjyy, it pierces (w|, it; jy,y, to pierce);
nqjynio, it is prickly (^g, it; ^T?, to pierce; to, causative).

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 37

Sqyhe, to hurt (sqy, giving the meaning to hurt, to pain, intransitive;
he, to be sick). Thus: nqsqyhe, it hurts (nq, it; sqyhe, to hurt).

/Suwa, to be warm, warm, warmth. Thus: nq suwa, it is
warm (nq, it; suwa, to be warm).

Tsqyw%, to be hot, hot, heat. Thus: nq tsqywse, it is hot
(nq, it; tsqyw%, to be hot); lea tsdyw&iy, hot leaf (ka, leaf;
tsdywse, hot).

^ OkaJh (Hano Tewa, olcadi,) to be cold, cold, coldness. Thus:
n(ok<ju\, it is cold (nq, it; ^oka^l, to be cold); Jca okaJ/tfiy, cold
leaf (&, leaf; ^okcu\, cold). Tsqyw% and s^?## may be used of
things hot to the touch; the same expressions, also nqti, it is
cold, are applied to the weather; okaJi cannot properly be used
with reference to the weather.

^ (Hano Tewa, fc^d), hard, hardness. Thus: nqkemy,, it is hard
(nq, it; ke, hard; my,, to be).

Twftl, to be soft, soft, softness. Thus: nqtsefil, it is soft (;?4, it;
t%$\ to be soft); kd tsebViy, soft leaf (ka, leaf; ^^l, soft).

1C a (Hano Tewa, k*ala), to be heavy, "heavy, weight. Thus: nq&a,
it is heavy (wj, it; & a, to be heavy); ^ lca?iy, heavy leaf (ka,
leaf; k*a, heavy). Light, opposite of heavy, is expressed by the
negative winqFapi, it is light (wi, negative; tui, it; ka, to be
heavy; pi, negative); ka k^ap^iy^ light leaf (ka, leaf; ka, heavy;
pi, negative).

WETNESS AND DHYNESS

Po, water. Thus: nqponq, it is wet (nq, it; po, water; nq, to be
present, to have); wlponiy,, it is wet (ml, it; po, water; my,, to
be).

"* Om.ty, moisture. Thus: nq?omy,n<l, it is moist (nq, it; W^,
moisture; n$, to be present, to have).

Pose (Hano Tewa, posele), dew (po, water; 6Y, unexplained). Thus:
- miposenq, it is dewy, said either of an object or of the weather
(nq, it; pose, dew; nq, to be present, to have).

fa, to be dry, dry, dryness. Thus: nqta, it is dry (nq, it; la,
to be dry); nqtanq, it is dry (nq, it; to, dryness; nq, to be
present, to have).
67961 Bull. 5516 4

ANNOTATED LIST OF PLANTS
I. INDIGENOUS WILD PLANTS

The use of wild plants is declining, and very many foods, once
popular, are now neglected. Villages, families, and individuals vary
in this respect, and one informant speaks of the use of a certain plant
in the present while another limits it to the past. The prejudice of
the New Mexican Tewa against American drugs has preserved fairly
well until now their knowledge of the plants which they use as
remedies. At Hano, however, the decline in native medicine is
already far advanced.

TREES

o, large tubes (tcrj, tube; jo, augmentative).
Abies concolor. White Fir, Balsam Fir.
The twigs are said to have been used for making pipestems. 1
The.tecg, balsam, resin, from the pimples found on the main stem
and larger branches is used in the treatment of cuts.

The Fir clan (T^njotowa) 2 of Hano is seemingly named after this
tree. The Tewa of Hano are unable to describe the tznjo, which, they
say, is not found within their present local range; but they speak of
it as a tree common in the old Tewa country. The Fir clan is classed
with the Cloud and Water clans; also with the Bear clan (Ketowa) and
the Stick or Plant clan (P etowa), and bestows bear and stick per
sonal names as well as names of its own, as:
tqnjotfakl, fir bunch. M.
tsqywse, green. F.
awotsq,yw%, spread green. F.
\ikjutse, glaucous yellowness. F.
Tcalatsqy, new leaf. F.
^y, nut man. M.

jui (te\ unexplained; jM, ? to sift).
Negundo interim. Box-elder. New Mexican Spanish nogal.
Pipe-stems were made of the twigs of this tree.
The seeds of this tree are called tdjiMpdfa, box-elder flowers
(ti jUi, box-elder; pcfol, flower), because of their winged, flower-like
appearance (fig. 1).

Tfwo (possibly akin to tfywv, to dye).
Alnus tenuifolia. Alder.

1 Young leaves of ? Abies concolor are ritually smoked in stone "cloud-blowers" by the Hopi.
(See specimen 66057, Stanley McCormick Coll., Field Museum, Chicago.)

2Cf. F. W. Hodge, Pueblo Indian Clans (Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 350, 1896) " Te"nyo-hano " [-fowa],
"Pine" clan of Hano; also J. Walter Fewkes, Nineteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, p. 615
" Tenyuk," Hano "Pine" clan.
38

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,
FREIRE-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 39

The bark of the tree, dried and ground fine, is boiled until it becomes
red. When the liquid is cool, deerskin is soaked over night, and
then is dyed red. Sometimes the bark is chewed and the juice is eject
ed on deerskin, which is then rubbed between the hands. Many of
the alders have been used by noncivilized peoples in dyeing.

P\nns^\n tewabe, mountain Tewa-fruit (piy, mountain; n%,
locative; tewa, Tewa; be, roundish fruit). Cf. tewabe, Tewa
fruit, Sericotheca dumosa.

Betula fontinalis. Streamside Birch.

Peke iy, hard stick (p*e, stick; ke, hard).
Celtis rcticulata. Hackberry. ?New Mexican Spanish paloduro.
The Tewa and Spanish names are descriptive of the character of the
wood. Whether the Tewa name is merely a translation of the Span
ish remains to be determined. Handles for axes and hoes are now
made of the wood.

The berries were eaten.

Juniperus monosperma. One-seeded Juniper. New Mexican

Spanish sabina.

This is the "common cedar" of the Rio Grande region. It is used
largely for firewood by the New Mexican Tewa and also at Hano.

FIG. 2. Santa Clara bow.

The bark is called either h^wibe (/m, juniper; qwibe, shreddy bark);
at Hano, hyqwi (%-, juniper; qwi, liber); or hy,&ow<i(/ty,, juniper; K owa,
tegument, bark). It is in daily use as tinder and kindling material.
Formerly it was used as tinder in conjunction with flint and steel.
Folk-tales at Hano represent that it would ignite merely from the heat
of the sun. Long shreds of this bark, bound into compact bundles
by means of p~aqwi, yucca fiber (p ct, Yucca baccata; qwi, fiber),
were formerly used as torches to give light in the houses and to carry
light from house to house. At Hano the bark is used also to chink
the walls and roofs of log houses built after the Navaho fashion.

In New Mexico the wood was used for making bows (see fig. 2).
Small ceremonial bows of cedar branches, provided with yucca strings,
are carried by some katsina at Hano, for instance, during the kawotfo.

40 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

At Santa Clara the leaves, hyJta (ky, juniper; , leaf), are used by
women the third day after childbirth. The leaves are boiled in water;
a little cold water is added, and the decoction is set beside the patient,
who is left alone for a short time. She rises and bathes herself with
the decoction and also drinks a small quantity. At San Ildefonso the
treatment is the same, except that a woman stays to assist her to bathe. 1

At Hano a lying-in woman is fumigated on the fourth day after
delivery with hy,kala, juniper leaves (hy,, juniper; kola, leaf), placed on
hot coals in a vessel; some families use another plant, but juniper is
probably the one generally employed. Formerly the lying-in woman
drank an infusion of juniper leaves during the first four days after
delivery; but now, following the Hopi custom, she drinks plain warm
water for twenty days. 2

The juniper is regarded as "hot," and almost every part of it is a
medicine for 4 cold " conditions. At San Ildefonso the leaves are used
as medicine.

At Hano the leafy twigs, hyJtala (kala, leaf), after being toasted on
the embers, are bound tightly over a bruise or sprain to reduce the
pain and swelling.

At Santa Clara juniper gum, hyJcw% (Jcwse, gum, balsam) is used
as a filling for decayed teeth. At Hano it is chewed as a delicacy.

The berries, hypege (pege, berry), are eaten by children and } T oung
people. Men bring home twigs loaded with the ripe berries to please
their young relations. The berries are considered more palatable
w r hen heated in an open pan over the fire. At Santa Clara juniper
berries, as well as a decoction of them in water, are considered an
effectual remedy for every kind of internal chill, c because they are
hot". They are said to be an active diuretic. At San Ildefonso the
berries are eaten but not taken as medicine.

Juniper branches are used in a few ceremonies and dances. At
Hano they are sometimes used as a hasty substitute for tsele (see p. 43) ;
for instance, tsonekatsina from Hano and Sichomovi wore them on Jan-
uaiy 25, 1913. At Santa Clara the impersonator of an ok*uwa called
jijindi^ sqnfo (jy>y, thrust; s^ndo, old man) or h^gwipon^i^ scjido (7^,
juniper; qwi, fiber; po, head; s^ndo, old man) wears a hat of juniper
bark as a headdress. 3

iM. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 297: "Hot tea of
toasted juniper twigs and berries steeped in boiling water is drunk by a woman in labor to prevent
constipation." See also this author s Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep. Bur.
Amcr. Ethn., p. 55.

2 The Yavapai at McDowell, Ariz., who now use the leaves and twigs of the creosote bush (? Larrea
glutinosa) to steam lying-in women four days after childbirth, and also drink a decoction of the
leaves as a remedy for internal chill, say that they used juniper (tjdka) for these purposes as long as
they lived in the mountains.

s The impersonator of kwikwiljaka, "one of the older Hopi kachinas now seldom seen," wears a
similar mat of juniper bark. See tihu of this kachina in Field Museum, Chicago (McCormick Coll.,
65757).

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 41

Juniperus monospenna flower (7m, Juniperus inono-
sperma; pofti, flower).

IIuwo (7m, Juniperus monosperma; wo (?)).
Juniperus scopulorum. New Mexican Spanish cedro.
The wood of this tree is red.

Psgto, deer piiion (p%, mule deer; to, piiion tree).
Picea engelmanni. Engelmann Spruce.

This tree is found at the higher elevations where deer are more
plentiful. It is said that deer are fond of staying among these trees.

ywsey (cognate with Jemez kwg,, Pin us brachyptera).

Pinus brachyptera. Rock Pine, Western Yellow Pine. New

Mexican Spanish pinavete. (See pi. 2, 5.)

At Hano two ywszyJcala (ywdR, rock pine; kola, leaf), rock-pine
leaves, is attached to each of the prayer-feathers, pele, which are pre
pared during the fantai ceremonies in December. Branches of rock
pine for this purpose are fetched by a runner.

To (cf. to, piiion nut).

Pinus edulis, Piiion Pine, Nut Pine. New Mexican Spanisli
pinon.

Pinon pine is the commonest tree on the lower mesas. It is much
used as firewood.

The nuts, generally roasted for eating, were formerly an important
food. After corn harvest, about October 15, many of the Santa
Clara people go to the mountains for several days to gather piiion
nuts. The}?- are also bought from Mexican peddlers 1 and eaten raw
on festive occasions. 2 The Navaho bring them for sale to Hano, as
they do to Jemez and the Keresan pueblos, and the Indian storekeepers
also sell them.

At Hano the resin of the piiion, tokwse, (kw%, gum, balsam), is used
for mending cracked water-jars, also for excluding the air from cuts
and sores. The resin of pinon or of another conifer is sometimes
smeared over earthenware canteens to make them watertight. Com
pare this with the resin-coated basket canteens of southern Arizona.

At Santa Clara to is said to be the oldest tree, and its nuts the oldest
food of the people. It was the result of going up on the western
mesa and eating the fallen pinon nuts that the people "first knew
north and west and south and east."

Ktfqnse,, smooth leaf (ka, leaf; <//?, smoothness).
Pinus flexilis. White Pine.

^enavides (Memorial, 1630, pp. 47-48) says that pinon nuts from New Mexico were traded to
Mexico: " Los arboles de pinones que son de diferente especie de los de Espafia, porquo songrandes,
y tiernos de partir, y los arboles, y pinas chicas, y es tanta la caiitidad, que parece inacawable, y de
tanta estima, que vale la fanega en Mexico a veinte y tres, y veinte y cuatro pesos, y los que lo
bueluen a vender ganan en ellos."

2 Cf. Hough, Amer. Anthr., x, p. 40, Washington, 1897.

42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

7r/7as (te, Populus wislizeni; was, as in Vm^, salt, and Icunsz, tur
quoise).

Populu* aeum mata. Rydberg s Cottonwood.
I\>jilu8 angustifolla. Narrow-leaf Cottonwood, Mountain Cot-
tonwood.

Nana.

Populus tremuloides. A.spen. (See pis. 2, a ; 3.)
At San Ildefonso the leaves of this tree are boiled and the decoc
tion is drunk for urinary trouble. 1

Hodge 2 gives Ndna-tdda as a "tree (birch?)" clan at Nambe.

Te.

Populus wislizeni. Valley Cottonwood.

This is the common cottonwood along the Rio Grande. The Tewa
are more familiar with it than with any other large broad-leaved
tree, and they use it more than any other. 3 The wood is used for
making many artifacts, notably the tettymbe, cottonwood drum (fe,
Populus wislizeni; tymbe, Hano Tewa, t^mmde^ drum). English
tree is often translated te in case no particular species is referred to.

Cottonwood buds are called teJce^ cottonwood kernels (fc, Populus
wislizeni; fce, kernel, grain, as kernel or grain of corn).

The white fluff of cottonwood buds is called teA^tfoku, cotton-
wood fluff (te, Populus wislizeni; /$#, unexplained; \)lcu, downy,
down, state of being downy).

Hodge 4 gives as Cottonwood clans at various pueblos: San Juan,
Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso, Te-tdoa; Cochiti, I trahani-hanuch.
At Hano the Cottonwood clan, TJe-iowa, is classed with the Sacred-
dancer clan, Itatsinatowh, and the Macaw clan, Talitowa.

Tse (Hano Tewa, tsele).

Pseudotsuga mucronata. Douglas Spruce. New Mexican Span-

ishpino real, royal pine.

Branches of this tree, which grows in the mountains and deep can
yons, are used by the Tewa in almost all their dances. For example,
at Santa Clara, February 9, 1911, the male performers in thepogonfa,fe
wore loose collars of spruce branches covering their -shoulders and
breasts, and carried spruce branches in their left hands. In the Bas
ket dance, tunfa^ie (closely corresponding with the humiskatsina of
Oraibi), held at Santa Clara, October 21, 1912, the male performers
wore spruce branches hanging from their necks and waist-belts, while
small twigs of spruce formed part of the headdress called pop<>b\

1 U. S. Dispensatory: Bark of certain species is possessed of tonic properties and lias been used in
intermittent fevers with advantage.
2 Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 352, 1896.

s For the use of cottonwood in prayer-sticks see footnote, p. 49.
^ Op. eit., p. 351.

ROBBINS, HARRINGTON
FREIRE-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 43

squash blossom.- The female performers carried sprigs of spruce in
their right hands, concealing their wooden rasps, ywxmp e. On the
afternoon of the day preceding the dance the five cajntanes went to
the forest, cut eight young spruce trees, and brought them, unob
served, to the village; and after midnight these were planted in the
plazas, two at each dancing place. These were referred to in the song-
phv&se,jag.iwo on(l,iFsa r)w&inana (jagiwo ondi, archaic form of sag. t-
wtfon^i, beautiful; ts&ywqfi, greenness, green thing; nq, it; n$, to be
present). Spruce branches worn or carried by dancers at Santa Clara
are always thrown into the Santa Clara River when the dance is over.

Certain clouds are ritually called spruce clouds , Udolcuwa, and
their personifications are called spruce-cloud boys , tse ) o^ uwa e Je ?iU7}^
and spruce-cloud girls , &Jok*uwa?a ya nwy.

At Hano the Douglas spruce, tsele, is used in almost all the winter
dances; the dancers wear spruce twigs made up with yucca fiber into
compact neck-wreaths (called ^imbitsdekefo^ their spruce neckwear,
or figuratively katsina imbiywcfa, kachinas necklaces ), and also
carry branches in their left hands, called merely 9 imfr&8ele, their
spruce. As no Douglas spruce grows near Hano, it is procured from
the mountains some miles southeast or east of First Mesa. A horse
man leaving Hano at daybreak to fetch it returns after nightfall.
Occasionally the Navaho bring it to Hano and barter it for corn and
meal; thus, before the Little Jcawotfo in March, 1913, the Corn clan
bought a quantity of spruce branches for the use of all the members
of the estufa/ munatd e , which this clan controls. As a rule, however,
when spruce is needed for a dance, a fast runner is sent to the hills to
fetch it. Returning after dark, he carries it to the estufa, where
feathers, pde, are put on it; then he is asked to choose one branch,
which is carried to the spring early next morning. During the night
one or more large branches are planted in the plaza where the dance
is to take place, and in the morning the children are astonished to see
trees growing there. Spruce branches used in the dances are thrown
from the edge of the mesa when the dance is over, or dropped in some
appropriate place among the rocks, for instance behind the ^ V/V/V,
fetish house, at fofcateana, the Gap.

Occasionally juniper twigs and branches (lmkala\ see p. 40) are
substituted for spruce. 2

The New Mexican Tewa say that mankind first climbed into this
world by means of a tree of this species, at Sipop e in the far north.
The Tewa of Hano say that when the chiefs wished to make a way for

i Estufa, the name given by the Spanish explorers to the sunken dance-houses or club-houses of the
Pueblo Indians and the name current at the present time in New Mexico: Hopi Av &a; Tewa te f, and
po yte e, the latter probably meaning old-time house, etc.

2Cf. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 464. The Navaho
ritual requires spruce saplings (Pseudotsuga Douglasii), but as the spruce does not grow plentifully
at a height of less than 8,000 feet, pifion saplings are sometimes substituted.

44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

their people to the upper world, they planted first a tenjo. White Fir,
and next a tsele ; when both of these failed to pierce the roof of the
underworld, they planted a po^ reed, and by this the people climbed
out. This version coincides with the Oraibi and Shipaulovi stories. 1

The New Mexican Tewa say that the sq w%, pine-squirrel, eats the
leaves of the tse.

Hodge 2 gives Tse-tdoa as a tree clan at San Ildefonso.

Tenu^iy Jcw%, winter oak (tenuti, winter; #?/ #, oak).
Quercus undulata. Evergreen Oak.
This is a small evergreen species abundant on the mesa sides.

I&cse.

Quercus utahensis. Utah Oak.

This is the common oak along the streams. The acorns were used
for food. 3 The wood was used for making digging-sticks and many
other things, including bows and war-clubs. Iron is called kwaekwyf,
a word co- nected with TcwseJcu, Mexican. The first syllable of these
two words sounds exactly like ~kw%, oak .

At Hano oak is used for making rabbit-sticks, embroidery-stretch
ers, and other utensils.

Hodge 4 gives as Oak clans at various pueblos: Santa Clara, ;
Pecos, Gyuu n sh; Laguna, Hdpai-hdno cjl ; Acoma, Ildpanyi-lidncxf 1 ;
Sia, Ildpan-lidno ; San Felipe, Ildpanyi-lidno ; Cochiti, Hdpanyi-
JidnucJi.

There is an Oak clan (Kw%towa) at Santa Clara. The Oak clan
(Kwsitmioa) at Hano has become extinct within living memory; it is
said to have accompanied the Asa clans who settled with the Hopi.

SHRUBS

^Antamisd ( > Spanish).

Artemisia (? sp.), New Mexican Spanish altamisa.
One use of this plant is reported under ~k,ojaje, page 56.

Sdbolc* uwdp* e, mist plant (scJboWiiwd^ mist; p~e, plant). San
Ildefonso, p*y, fsse ir}, white rabbit-brush (p u, Chrysotham-
nus bigelovii; ts%, white).
Artemisia filifolia. Silver Sage.

This is a favorite remedy with the New Mexican Tewa and at Hano.
Bundles of the plant are dried for winter use. It is chewed and
swallowed with water, or drunk in a hot decoction, as a remedy for
indigestion, flatulence, biliousness, etc. A bundle of the plants steeped
in boiling water and wrapped in a cloth is applied to the stomach as a
hot compress.

i Cf. H. R. Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, pp. 10, 16.
*Amer. Anfhr., IX, p. 352, 1890.

3 Benavides mentions acorns among the food products of the Santa Fe district.

4 Op. cit., p. 361.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 45

Artemisia filifolia, K&olc uawap e, is sometimes confused with Arte
misia canadensis.

I y u ts &iy, white rabbit-brush.

Artemisia filifolia.
See scfoolcuwap e, above.

To.

Artemisia tridentata. Rocky Mountain Sage, Sagebrush. New
Mexican Spanish chamiso hediondo, "stinking grease wood,"
estafiata, estafate.

The dry bushes are used for fuel where no firewood is available, as
for example, on the journey from San Juan to Taos.

All the New Mexican sages are used at Santa Clara in the treatment
of indigestion, and this species, the most pungent of all, is considered
a very effectual remedy though disagreeably strong. It is certainly
useful in dispelling flatulence. It is also said to be a good remedy for
a constant feeble cough with ineffectual expectoration. In both cases
the leaves are chewed and swallowed.

Qws. Called also j/0 ke^iy (p*e, stick, wood; ke, hard).
Cercocarpus montanus. Mountain Mahogany. New Mexican

Spanish polo duro, "hard wood." (See fig. 3.)
Puqw&fajfe, rabbit-sticks (pit,, rabbit, cotton-tail rabbit; qw&h,
strike; p~e, stick) are made of the wood of this plant.

The leaves of old plants, or entire young plants, are mixed with
salt, and powdered by pounding. The mixture stirred in cold water
i^ drunk as a laxative.

Fy..

ChrysotJiamnus higeloviL Rabbi t-brtfsh. (See pis. 4, a, 8, 1).)
The Tewa of Hano give this name to Bigelovia bigelovii or B. graveo-
lens. 1 Like the Ilopi, the} 7 use it largely for making wind-breaks and
other shelters for melon plants and young peach trees, and in dam
ming washes and small arroyos. The March-April moon is called
p^ulcapo, rabbit-brush shelter moon, because wind-breaks and dams
are then renewed. A mat or bundle of jfy,, along with a rabbit-skin
blanket, is used to close the hatchway of the estufa when warmth or
privacy is desired. P ^mele, rabbit-brush balls, the white galls which
appear on CJirysotJiamnus kigelovii or C. graveolens, are strung as beads
and hung round babies necks to stop their dribbling. The flowers,
, are boiled to make a yellow dye for woolen yarn. 2

1 The Hopi call Bigelovia graveoleus/uwos/imipi, because the Tewa >f the pueblo of Hano carry great

bundles of it for firewood. (See Hough, Amcr. Anthr., vol. x, no. 2, 1897, p. 39.)

2 The Navaho boil Bigelovia graveolens for yellow dye. (See Matthews, Third Aim. AV/>. /> ///. Ethn.,
p. 377.)

46

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

[BTTLI,. 55

Sakup c, tobacco pipe plant (,SYI, tobacco; TCU, stone; p e, stick,

plant.
Edwinia amertcana. Wax Flower.

Epkedra antisypldlltica. Joint Fir.

KM;. ;;. Mountain mahogany.

The leaves and steins are boiled in water and the decoction is taken
as a remedy for diarrhea. Sometimes the leaves and stems are
chewed for the same purpose. 1

Pon\ i (of obscure etymology;<New Mexican Spanish ponilf}.
Fallugicb paradoxa. Apache Plume. New Mexican Spanish

ponil (<Tewa? But cf. Tewa Vmf i < New Mexican Spanish

anil 9 p. 60); see plate 4 7 &.

1 Teamster s Tea (Ephedra antisyphilitica Borland ) is used by the Pima as a beverage, and by both the
Pima and the Mexicans as a remedy for syphilis. (See Ruasell, Twenty-sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.
Etftn., p. 80.)

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 47

The slender branches are bound together and used as tap en\,
brooms (ta, grass; pen\, of obscure etymology), for rough outdoor
sweeping.

Arrows are made of the straight slender branches.
At San Ildefonso women steep the leaves in water until they are
soft, and wash their hair in the infusion, to promote its growth.
Sqpa.

Lycium pallidum. New Mexican Spanish tomatilla.
The Hopi eat the berries of this plant.

Psep e ndeftl, deer weed (px, mule deer; p JnseJbl, weed).
PacMstima myrsinites.

Ify,tsinabu? u (7^, Juniperus monosperma; tttrnqbu^ ( ?)).
Phoradendron jun iperi?mm . Mistletoe.

This plant grows abundantly on the one-seeded junipers (see p. 39)
in the region. It is said that deer eat it.

It is ground, mixed with hot water, and drunk when one "feels a
chill in the stomach."

Abe 1 (cf. Cochiti Keres dpo, Padus melanocarpa).
Padus melanocarpa. Chokecherry.

Bows are made from the wood.

The berries are boiled and eaten or are eaten raw.

The Jicarilla Apache grind the berries and make the meal into round
cakes, six inches in diameter and about one inch thick; they are black
ish in appearance and taste sweet. The Tewa call them ribeb-uwa,
chokecherry bread (buwa, bread). Occasionally the Apache bring
them to San Ildefonso at Christmas time. The occurrence of the
personal name Abenbua 2 at Pojoaque in 1715 suggests that tibebuwa
was formerly made by the Tewa.

Tzndeyka, apparently slender-tubed leaves 3 (t^y, tube; $??,
slenderly pointed; fca, leaf).

IPtelea crenulata.

Tfiftatup e, kid plant 3 (tfibatu, young goat < Span, cliibato;
p*e, stick, plant). The plant is so named because of its goat-
like odor.

Ptelea tomentosa. Hop Trefoil.

Sap?iy, red tobacco (sa, tobacco; pi, red).

J^hus cismontana. Sumac.

The leaves were dried and smoked in pipes or made into cigarettes,
either mixed with tobacco, sa, or alone. The Jicarilla Apache also
smoke it.

1 This word rhymes with SaW, Athapascan.

2 Spanish Archives, office of U. S. Surveyor General, Santa Fe.

3 Identified with the Indian name from a dried specimen only.

48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Tsify.

Ribes sp. Gooseberry.

Pot zy, throws out water (po, water; ej), to throw out).
The name refers to the juicy character of the plant.

Ribes inebrians. Currant. New Mexican Spanish manzanita.
The fruit is eaten. The wood was used for making bows.

stfiy, thorny plant (//<?, stick, plant; yw%, thorn).? - .

Musap^e, i cat plant (musa, domestic cat; p*e, stick, plant).
Robinia neomexicana. Locust. New Mexican Spanish una de

gato, "cat s claw."

The wood was used for making bows.

The Tewa name, musdpe, is probably due to Spanish influence; at
least it is not pre-Spanish, for mush is not a native Tewa word, but of
the same origin as Cochiti mosa, etc., appearing in many Southwestern
languages. Tewa mush is sometimes rather incorrectly applied to the
wildcat.

1C a?*. .

Rosa sp. Wild Rose, Garden Rose.

At Santa Clara rose petals are dried and kept in the houses as an
agreeable perfume. The}^ are ground fine and mixed with grease to
make a salve for sore mouth.

One of the folk etymologies of K*apo, the Tewa name of the pueblo
of Santa Clara, refers it to fc rt a , rose, and po, supposed to be yV>,
water, the compound being explained as meaning clew. Another,
referring it to the same elements, explains that there "the roses (?)
grow by the water." 1
Jo??, Hano Tewa.
Salix sp. Willow.

Called also jqyltili, bud willow (jay, willow; It Hi, grain, bud), in
allusion to the characteristic silvery buds.

The catkins of willow are called ibtpcM, its flowers. The white
buds are jqyJcili, willow grains. The small male flowers are
jqr)Tcili oku. > bud-willow fluff or down; oky, is properly loose
down of a bird, and these flowers are so called because they are easity
detached.

At the I qntctfi ceremony in December, willow twigs, apparently one
for each household in the village, are prepared, a number of pele
(feathers with ywEekala) being tied by cotton strings to each twig. 2
The twigs are called jqyk ili. They are set up in the Icajetfe to the
east of the village.

1 See Harrington, Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, T-wmf.i/--n inth A int. .AV/>. Bur. A mcr. Eth. t p. 241.

2 A shrine on a hill above the pueblo of Jemex contains bouquets of spruce and cedar, with feathers
of the turkey, eagle, and parrot tied to the ends of the twigs.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 3

*^.i

iTt

. AN EASTERN SLOPE AT THE CREST OF THE JEMEZ MOUNTAINS. TALL ROCK PINES ARE
SCATTERED OVER THE GRASSLAND; AN ASPEN GROVE IS SEEN AT THE LEFT; LARGE GRASS
CLUMPS, SO CHARACTERISTIC HERE, ARE IN THE FOREGROUND.

B. VALLE GRANDE, SHOWING WHERE GRASSLAND GIVES WAY TO SPRUCE AND ASPEN ON THE

SLOPES,

* ] ETHNOBOTANY OF T11K TKWA INDIANS 49

Jqys&i, Hano Tewa, sour willow (jay, willow; 6 <^, S0 ur).
Salix, ? sp.

"Like the ordinary willow, jay, but the bark is green, not red."
It is used to cover roofs, prayer-sticks, and ^lUupe, are made of it. 1 It
grows on a hill, therefore called^ V, a few miles south of First Mesa.
Jay.

Salix argophylla. Willow. New Mexican Spanish jam.
Salix irrorata. Willow.

Jay was used for basketry 2 and many other purposes.
Willow charcoal used as body paint is called jamp\y (//??, black
ness, black).

Hodge 3 gives Ya n-tdoa as a Willow clan at Santa Clara.

Janjo, large willow (jay, Salix irromta, Salix argophylla;

jo, augmentative).
Salix cordata. Willow.

Kuy.

Schmaltzia bdkeri(l). Skunk-bush, Three-leaved Sumac. New

Mexican Spanish leinita.
Baskets were made from the stems.
The fruit was eaten whole or ground.

The Santa Clara people use this wood for bows, but at San Ildefonso
it is not so used.

Tewabe, Tewa fruit (tewa, Tewa; be, roundish fruit). Cf.

piyn&iy tewale, mountain Tewa-fruit, Eetulafontinalis.
Sericotheca dumosa.
The small fruit was eaten.

IfwsejoJca, big thorn leaf (yw%, thorn; jo, augmentative; Jca,

leaf).

Xdntkium commune. Cocklebur.

At Santa Clara this plant is used as a remedy for diarrhea and vom
iting. Children are fumigated with it as a cure for urinary disorders.
l*a (Hano Tewa, paly).
Yucca baccata. Yucca, Spanish Bayonet. New Mexican Spanish

datil.
New Mexican Spanish, palmiUa ancJia, amole.

l ln a large shrine on the summit of Tsikumupiys, Santa Clara Peak (see Harrington, Ethno-
geography of the Tewa Indians, p. 125)-, a peak in the Jcmez Mountains at the headwaters of the
Santa Clara River, Mr. W. B. Douglass found in 1911 prayer-sticks made of willow (Salix hu inilix),
cottonwood (Populus wislizeni), box-elder (Negundo intcrius), and blades of sedge (C i/perus);some of
these were decorated with goldenrod (Solidago), Guticrrczia tennis, dropseed grass, and a herb
of the genus Sporobolus. The shrine was visited by messengers from Santa Clara, San Juan, San
Ildefonso, Taos, Jcmez, and Cochiti. (See A World-quarter Shrine of the Tewa Indians, Records of
the Past, vol. xi, pt. 4, pp. 159-73, 1912.)

2 The Zuiii make coarse baskets of willows, dogwood, and Chrysothantnus graveolcns (Stevenson,
The Zufii Indians, p. 373). The Hopi of Oraibi use willow twigs in the manufacture of their woven
basket-trays, and all the Hopi use willow as material for large burden-baskets (Hano Te-w&jammele).
. Anthr., ix, p. 352, 1896.

50 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

The roots of this plant provide an excellent lather; until the intro
duction of commercial soap, it was the only washing medium used by
the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona and the New Mexican Span
iards, and it is still used for washing woolens, heavy native cotton
fabrics, feathers, and human hair. After being bruised with a stone
(generally one of the grinding stones), the roots are put into cold
water to steep. After a few minutes they are briskly stirred and
rubbed with the hand until a good lather is produced; the fibrous parts
are then removed and the lather is ready for use. The lather is called
*ok*o (Hano Tewa, ^olcolo), and the name is extended to commercial
soap. In ceremonies lather represents clouds, ^ok uwa*

The Tewa wash their hair about once a week, and also after per
forming dirty work, after a journey, and before taking part in
ceremonies. Before a public dance all the inhabitants of a pueblo, as
well as the actual dancers , are expected to wash their hair. At Hano
the people wash their hair early on the morning after the conclusion
of a series of ceremonies, whether a public dance follows or not; in
this way the actual performers are said to "wash off their clouds."

The Tewa of Hario, like the Hopi, accompany all ceremonies of
adoption and name-giving by washing with yucca suds. Thus, when
an infant is named before sunrise on the twentieth day after birth, its
head is washed by the paternal grandmother, and each member of the
father s clan who gives an additional name smears the child s head
with suds. The bride is bathed by the bridegroom s mother at the
beginning of her bridal visit to the bridegroom s house, and at the
end of the visit, when she is about to return to her own clan-house,
women of the bridegroom s clan wash her hair before sunrise and
give tier a new name. When a Tewa from New Mexico visits a Tewa
clan at Hano, the women of the clan wash his hair before sunrise and
give him a new name; formerly they also bathed him with amole
suds. Navaho, Ute, and Apache scalps, when they were brought to
Hano, were intrusted to the 020 * {, who washed them before sunrise
with amole suds and gave them the name agajosojo, the Morning
Star. All these washing customs are apparently foreign to the New
Mexican Tewa.

Cord and rope were formerly made from the fibers of Yucca bac-
cata. The fleshy leaves were boiled for a short time; when cool, the
leaves were chewed and the fibers extracted and twisted into cord.

The fruit of Yucca baccata was formerly eaten. It was called
p*ape, yucca fruit (p*a, Yucca baccata; pe, fruit), this name being
applied to dates also on account of their resemblance to yucca fruit;
see page 115.

An old man at Santa Clara said that the fruit of one kind of pa^
though excellent, was apt to cause diarrhea, arid that another kind
was eaten by women to promote easy and complete delivery.

BOBBINS, HAUIiINC I U.N,
FEEIRE-MARKECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 51

An informant from San Ildefonso described the use otpa as a ritual
emetic; the person chews it (part not specified, possibly the root) and
then drinks water.

The leaves were sometimes baked and eaten by travelers when other
provisions failed.

Mr. A. F. Bandelier kindly allowed the writers to quote from his
manuscript notes on the uses of yucca at Cochiti in 1882 :

"Fishing was done in former times with long nets made of threads of palmilla
ancha (Yucca baccata), which were stretched across the river, weighed down by
stones, and kept floating by gourds and inflated skins. . . . The thread of the
palmilla ancha was prepared as follows : In May or June, the governor sent out men
to cut the leaves of the plants and gather them in hands. They dug a hole in
the ground and kindled a large tire in it; after the ground had become thoroughly
heated, the embers and ashes were cleared out and the leaves placed in carefully,
covered with brush, then with stones, and finally with a layer of earth. On the
top of this another large fire was built and left burning over night; the leaves were
thus well baked. Then the hands were carried to the pueblo, and as the leaves
became very sweet, the boys chewed them up, extracting the fiber, ha-tyani-go-goiren,
which they carefully laid aside, each bundle by itself, returning it to the house
where it belonged. That fiber was twisted into thread, and strips of netting made
of it, which were handed to the officers and then the whole net made. It was thus
to all intents and purposes a communal enterprise; and the proceeds were enjoyed
in common. Fruits of the Yucca baccata are still eaten. The women went together
to gather the fruit in September and October, baking it until the skin could be taken
off and the fiber removed, then threw it into caxetes and mixed it thoroughly,
boiling it alternately, until it came down to a firm jelly or paste. It was then spread
into large cakes about 1 inch thick, and left to dry on hanging scaffolds, changing it
from time to time until it was perfectly dry. It was then cut into squares (or, at
Acoma and Laguna, rolled into loaves) and preserved. In spring it was eaten in
various ways, as paste, or dissolved in water and drunk, or tortillas and guayabes
were dipped into the solution, thus using it like molasses or syrup."

The fruit, sahu, of Yucca baccata, sainoa, is eaten by the Hopi; its
soapy root is called samom&bi. The soapy root of Yucca angustif olia,
mohu, is called mohumobi. All the yucca plants are used for basketry
and a multitude of other purposes. 1

The Zuni paint designs on pottery with brushes made of yucca
needles. The pigments are ground in stone mortars and made into a
paste with water to Avhich a sirup of } 7 ucca fruit is added. 3 They
make yucca cord for netting, strings to plume offerings, etc. 3 The
ancestors of the Zuni, Ashiwi, are said to have used bowstrings of
yucca fiber. 4 The Zuni make a conserve of the fruit of Yucca baccata. 5

The archeological evidence in the pueblo area shows that yucca
strips were used to make plaited sandals and baskets resembling 1 the
modern pajo, and for fiber and cord generally; also that yucca fiber,

i J. Walter Fewkes in Amer. Anthr., ix, 1896, p. 17.

2 M.C. Stevenson, Zuiii Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amcr. Ethn.,p. 375. See also this
author s Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., passim,
a Ibid., p. 113. <Ibid.,p. 36. 6 Ibid., p. 368.

52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [HULL. 55

alone or in combination with cotton, was of great importance as a
weaving material. Fur of beaver, otter, or rabbit was incorporated
with yucca cord or twisted around it to make warmer or more orna
mental fabrics.

In describing a pre-Spanish cave burial site probably of the Keres,
just outside the Tewa domain, Dr. Edgar L. Hewett says : *

"The body was first wrapped in a white cotton garment . . . The outer
wrapping was a robe of otter or beaver fur . . . made by twisting a small rope
of yucca fiber about an eighth of an inch in diameter; then with the shredded fiber
of the eagle or turkey feather, the fur was bound upon the cord, producing a fur
rope of about a quarter of an inch in diameter, which was then woven into a robe
with very open mesh."

Numbers of fur-wrapped cords were found in a large cave higher
up the canyon. Similar cords are now worn by the Icoshare (clowns)
at the Keres pueblo of San Domingo. 2

P amy, (p*a, Yucca baccata; my,, unexplained).
Yucca glauca. New Mexican Spanish palmilla.
This species is smaller than the p*a( Yucca baccata), but resembles it
considerably.

The roots are used for making lather. The fruit is eaten as in the
case of the^/<#.

According to the informant, string and rope were never made of

Narrow slips of jfamy, are used like paint brushes in decorating
pottery.

The fibrous leaves of both species of yucca, merely split into narrow
strips without twisting, serve for tying material. Thus, watermelons
are kept fresh for winter use by hanging them from the rafters,
encased in a network of yucca strips; sliced -apples and chile peppers
threaded on yucca strips are hung up to dry; the sif ting-baskets,
called pajo, c not tight, openwork, like a net (which the Tewa of
Santa Clara buy from Jeinez, and the Tewa of llano from the Second
Mesa villages), are woven of yucca strips. Bandoleers and neckties
of knotted yucca strips are sometimes worn by the Icosa (clowns)
and by some other dancers.

At Hano small ceremonial bows of cedar are strung with yucca. In
some initiation ceremonies at Hano, the novices are beaten with yucca
whips.

This is a yucca-like weed. It grows near Osszwe, a ridge a mile
north of Narnbe Pueblo; 3 also in the Cochiti Mountains. Fiber from
this plant was used in making string, and for other purposes.

1 Excavations at El Rito de los Frijoles in 1909, Amcr. Anthr., n. s., xi, p. 663, 1909.
2 Cf. Relation Postrcra de Sivola,. Winship, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 569.
3 See Harrington, The Ethnogeo graphy of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer,
Ethn., p. 371.

ROBBINS, HARRINGTON
FREIRE-MARRECO

N" T

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 53

no etymology).
? - . New Mexican Spanish palo duro.

HERBS

Polti tss^iy, white flower (pcftfi, flower; fi#, whiteness, white).
Adiillea lanulosa. Yarrow, sneezeweed.

Si. Hano Tewa, sftu.

Allium recurvatum. Wild Onion.

Sometimes called dkqnsi, prairie onion, or alcqnsPe, little prairie
onion (?akoy, plain; si, onion), to distinguish it from the cultivated
onion introduced by the Spaniards, by which it has been superseded
in New Mexico.

The Tewa of Hano, like the Hopi, know and use two species of wild
onion: akqnzi u, field onion, growing on high ground, which is
gathered, washed, and eaten raw, usually with broken waferbread
dipped in water; and wqsihi, wind onion (wa, wind; /, onion), grow
ing on lower ground, which is small and almost tasteless.

turtle plant ( o&tl, turtle; p*e, stick, plant). Cf.
Vft#ft 9 page 59.
Allionia linearis.
Su.
Amaranthus retroflexus, A. llitoides. Amaranth, Pigweed. Called

in New Mexican Spanish merely quelite, greens/
Su was boiled and at times afterward fried. Thus prepared it is
said to have been a very palatable food.

Tosifirj (to, unexplained; sy,, to stink, stinking).
Arenaria confusa. Sand wort.

Pu fsqywsffiy, green rabbit-brush (p*u, Chrysothamnus bige-

lovii; tsqyw%, blue, green).
Artemisia fot^vooodii. Green Sage.

The leaves and stems of p*u fsqywsf? iy are chewed and the juice is
swallowed when one feels "sick at the stomach."

The leaves and stems are steeped in water, and the decoction is
taken as a remedy for chills. See ia?ne, page 73.

KJato, badger sage ?, badger nut ? (ke a, badger; to, with
level intonation, sage; ?0, with falling intonation, nut). The
probabilities are in favor of the meaning sage, ^but one
careful informant persistently gave the intonation of to, nut.

67961 Bull. 5516 5

54 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLCKJY [BULL..",

Artem is la frigida. 1

This plant is used in the same way as scfoolc uwap e (see p. 44), but
is less valued, since it grows in the lowlands near the villages, whereas
Artemisia filifolia is brought from the mountains.

Wapop e, milk plant (wa, breast, udder; po, water; p*e, stick,

plant). The plant is called thus when young.
*Ojaqwi) ( oja, unexplained; qwi, fiber). The plant is called thus

when matured and its fibers are usable.
Asclepias sp. Milkweed.
The roots were eaten raw. The immature pods also were eaten.

Cf. Ojaqwitsipgy, page 67.
String and rope were made of the mature plant.

^ Imutaka ( imu, unexplained; ta, ? grass; ~k<i., ? leaf).
Asclepias sp.
A remedy for sore breasts, at Santa Clara.

Wopdb\ medicine flower (wo, magic, medicine; -jxibl, flower).
Campanula petiolata. Bluebell.

PAftyte^ painted root plant (jni-, base, root; fo 2, painting,

painted; p*e, stick, plant).

Castilleja linaridefolia. Painted Cup, Indian Paint-brush.
The red flower is prominent in decorative art at Hano; it is painted
on pottery, painted and carved in wood, and imitated in colored yarn
on a wooden framework.

P*y, dwi iy, brown rabbit-brush (^/^, Chiysothamnus bige-

lovii; 4? brown).
Chrysopsis hirsutissima. Golden Aster.

Hano Tewa ia j&g (?^ a , unexplained; nxy, apparently
, nest).

Atriplex canescens. Salt Bush. (See pi. 7, a.)
At Hano the ashes are stirred into the dough for inowa, (see p. 29)
in order to turn it from purplish-gray, the natural color of meal
ground from u blue" kernels, to greenish-blue.

Cicuta occidental is. Water Hemlock.

^Ojop^e^ojo, unexplained; p~e, stick, plant).
Coleosantlius wnbellatus.

qwitsgijj, white tendriled weed (jfj-ngbl, weed;
i^ tendril; te^, white).
Cuscuta. Dodder.

J Flowers of this plapt, tied topahos, are used in the Sojal ceremonies of the Hopi.

ETHNOBOTANY OF TILE TEWA INDIANS 55

Seempe, porcupine plant (ssey, porcupine; pe, stick, plant).
Datura meteloides. Datura. (See pi. 5, b.)

Seeds of this plant were found in perfect condition in the large
community house in Bito de los Frijoles Canyon. The Tewa of the
present day seem to make no use of the plant. 1

^OJcuwap^e^ cloud plant ^oJcuwa, cloud; p"e, stick, plant).
Eriogonum annuum.

Pofii tsqyw&iy, blue or green flower (pofil, flower; tsqyvj%, blue,

green).

Townsendia eximia.
Eriogonum divergens.

Pojeka, three leaves (poje, three; fca, leaf).
Fragaria ovalis. Strawberry.

Awi.

Galium triflorum. Bedstraw.

]$w%tsqr)W2e, hot tooth (ywsR, thorn; tsqyw%, hot).
Galium sp. ? Bedstraw.
If chewed, this plant makes the gums smart and burn.

Panup epofrt, five-stalked flower (panu, five; p*e, stick, stalk;

p6b\, flower).
Geranium atropurpureum. Geranium, Cranesbill.

tyw% : p e n% : bli thorn weed (rjw%, thorn; ^?V#$$i, weed).
Geum strictum.. Avens.

Pd&iwijeki, swaying flower (pcjb\ flower; wijeki, to sway,

intransitive).
Gilia greeneana. Red Gilia.

Po&rijwir), standing flower (pdbl, flower; ywiij, to stand).
Gilia longiflora. White Gilia. New Mexican Spanish Una.
A second informant criticized this name as being merely descriptive
and not proper to this particular plant (probably because he did not
know the name).

The dried flowers and leaves of Gilia longiflora, ground and mixed
with water, make a soapy lather, which is good for sores on any part
of the body or for headache.

1 The Zuni use the roots of Datura stramonium as a narcotic and anesthetic, and the blossoms and
roots ground to a powder as an external application for wounds and bruises. (See M. C. Stevenson,
The Zuni Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 385; also Ethnobotany of the Zuni In
dians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., passim.) Some of the Yuman tribes use the leaves as a
narcotic. Doctor Hough says (Amer. Anthr., x, p. 38) that the use of Datura meteloides as a narcotic
"is extremely rare and is much decried by the Hopi." Miss G. Robinson, formerly field matron
at Second Mesa, informs the writers that a Hopi doctor at Sichomovi administered doses of Datura to
two children who were brought to him from Shongopovi. One of the patients, a child of three
months, afterward suffered from a succession of convulsive fits, with loss of muscular control, and
did not fully recover, or acquire the power of speech; the other, a girl about three years of age,
lost muscular control and died about a month later,

56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Kojaji. Hano Tewa, kojaje ( < Span. ?).

Gutierrezia longifolia. New Mexican Spanish yerba de vibora and
coyaye.

This plant grows freely in the sand about the Tewa villages. It is
eaten by live stock.

At Santa Clara the midwife gives a mixture of kojaji, ^antamisa
(see p. 44), and sa^ native tobacco, to the patient in the form of snuff.
The patient is also fumigated by placing kojqji on hot coals on a puki
(base used in making pottery), over which she stands, wrapped in a
blanket. The same remedy is used for painful menstruation. At San
Ildefonso a newborn child is fumigated in the same way.

At Hano kojaje, as well as a smaller plant resembling it, called
kojaje ibitije, younger brother of kojaje (fresh or, in winter, dried),
is boiled in water and the decoction given for gastric disturbances. In
a case of gastric influenza with violent vomiting and bleeding from the
stomach, three half -pint doses a day were given. A fresh decoction
was made daily and the treatment was continued for five or six days.

Fresh green kojaje^ chopped fine, is rubbed on the skin around the
ear to relieve earache.

Sprigs of kojaje are tied on many kinds of prayer-sticks by the
Tewa of Hano as well as by the Hopi. It is almost the only flowering
plant available for the December ceremonies.

Pd ) a(po^ water; a, perhaps a, clothing). Cf. Hano Tewa narfa,
earth clothing (nay, earth; a, clothing), a name for lichen
(see p. 68).

Ilalerpestes cymbalaria. Crowfoot.
Snares for catching bluebirds are made from this plant.

Helianthus annuus. Sunflower. New Mexican Spanish anil.

The fire-stick, p^ap^e, for lighting cigarettes is sometimes a dried
sunflower stalk.

A scalp song at Hano describes sunflowers as watered by the tears
shed by Navaho girls.

Pifbeje.

Ilymenoxys floribunda. Colorado Rubber Plant. ,
The skin of the roots is pounded until it becomes gummy. The
material is then chewed as Americans chew chewing-gum.

Pijnpe^ mountain stalk (piy, mountain; p~e, stick, stalk, plant).
Hypopitys latisquama. Pinesap.

Og.okep^e naeftl, c sour weed (og.ohe, sour, sourness; ^V/z-^gftl,

weed).
lonoxalis violacea. Violet Wood-sorrel.

star plant (?agojo, star; p~e^ plant).

brachystylis. New Mexican Spanish contrayerba. 1

1 The eontraycrba used by the Spaniards in Peru as an antidote for ooison, and introduced into
England in 1581 under the name of drakesroot, is an entirely different plant.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 4

A. CANYON OF EL R1TO DE LOS FRIJOLES, SHOWING STREAMSIDE FOREST AND NUMEROUS
RABBIT-BRUSH SHRUBS (CHRYSOTHAMNUS BIGELOVII) IN THE FOREGROUND ON TALUS
SLOPE.

B. PLUMED ARROYO SHRUB (FALLUGIA PARADOXA) IN ARROYO IN CANYON OF EL RITO DE

LOS FRIJOLES.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 57

At San Ildef onso the chewed leaves are put on a sore or swelling,
;id at Santa Clara the roots are used as a remedy for diarrhea.

Piyywiki, mountain slope (piy, mountain; ywiki, steep slope).
Why the plant should be called thus could not be explained.
Laciniaria punctata. Blazing Star.
The roots were eaten as food.

Lappula floribunda. Stickseed.

P*Jn%bl (M%, brown weed (p-<?nsgb\ weed; $, brown).
Lupinus aduncus. Lupine.

Tosqmbe.

Martynia sp.

The open seed-vessels, wound aoout with woolen yarn, are some
times used at Santa Clara and at Hano in making artificial flowers for
dancers headdresses. 1

P*dfia$& tftffitfiy, sticky weed (pVv%M, weed; tsifte, stick}-,

usually said of glutinous substances).
? Puk% (Santa Clara).
Nuttollia multlflora.

This plant is rough, covered with minute hairs, and clings to cloth
ing tenaciously. A young bcty, before he is put on a horse for the
first time, is stripped of his clothing and this rough plant rubbed
briskly on the bare skin of his legs. His clothing is put on and he is
placed on the back of the horse. The Tewa maintain that this treat
ment enables the boy to adhere to the horse.

The Franciscan Fathers apply "tenacious" to the sticky quality of
Mentzelia (Nuttallia). 2

SytsigViy (sy,, to smell, intransitive; isigfty, unexplained).
JHonarda, mentJia&folia. Horsemint. According to E. Cata of
San Juan the English-speaking Americans call this plant
Pennyroyal.

At San Ildefonso parts of the plant are cooked with meat to flavor
the latter. The dried plant is ground fine and the powder is rubbed
over the head as a cure for headache or all over the body as a cure
for fever.

At Santa Clara sySigfty is a very popular remedy. As a treatment
for sore throat, a decoction of the dried leaves is taken internally,
and, at the same time, a small quantity of the dried and ground leaves
is enclosed in a narrow strip of deerskin or calico and worn by the
patient around his neck. As #&iflfty is regarded as one of the

1 The Zuni use these seed-vessels in the same way.

2 The Franciscan Fathers, An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, St. Michaels, Arizona,
p. 194, 1910.

58

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

[BULL. 55

"cold" medicines, it is used in the treatment of fever: the leaves are
chopped or finely ground, and the powder, slightly moistened, is
rubbed on the patient s head, face, and limbs and inside his mouth, and

also given him in water to
drink. Suisigi iy is said to be
a remedy for sore eyes, but
the method of application has
not been ascertained.

At Hano this plant is cooked
and eaten.

fc sticky podded weed
(pdns$>\ weed;
thorny, thorn;
sticky).
Oreocarya multicaulis.

Qwidifie, in a row plant
(qwfai) line, row;^>X
stick, stalk, plant).
Pental ostemum oligophyl-
lum, P. candidus, Prairie
Clover.

At San Ildefonso, the sweet
roots of the plant are eaten raw.
At Santa Clara it is applied to
an Atriplex, species not deter
mined. Women and children
chew the plant as a delicacy.

ICohepcibl, humming-

bird flower (fcohe^

hummingbird; pdb\

flower).

Pentstem.on torreyi.

Beard-r tongue.
Used at Santa Clara as a
dressing for sores.

FIG. 4. Rocky Mountain bee plant.

Peritoma serrulatum. Rocky Mountain Bee Plant, Guaco. New

Mexican Spanish guaco. (See fig. 4.)

This is a very important plant with the Tewa, inasmuch as black
paint for pottery decoration is made from it. Large quantities of
young plants are collected, usually in July. The plants are boiled
well in water; the woody parts are then removed and the decoction is
again allowed to boil until it becomes thick and attains a black color.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 59

This thick fluid is poured on a board to dry and soon becomes hard
ened. It may be kept in hard cakes for an indefinite period. When
needed these are soaked in hot water until of the consistency needed
for paint.

Guaco is also used as a food. The hardened cakes are soaked in
hot water, and then fried in grease.

The finely ground plants are mixed with water and the liquid is
drunk as a remedy for stomach disorders; or sometimes fresh plants
wrapped in a cloth are applied to the abdomen.

Hano Tewa Kwsgty or kwxfy. Hopi, tumi.
Peritoma serrulatum 1 .

This plant is of sufficient economic importance to be named in songs
with the three chief cultivated plants, corn, pumpkin, and cotton. It
is gathered in spring, and, after long boiling to rid it of the alkaline
taste, is eaten with fakewe (cornmeal porridge), a small quantity of
salt being added at the time of eating. 2

dkup*e ) nsel>i, turtle weed ( o&w, turtle; p^e^nseM, weed). Cf.

6fe//, page 53.
Phacelia corrugata. A fern species.

TMgo otfe (tsigo, forehead; ^ot ?e, unexplained), probably referring

to the custom of cracking the pod on one s forehead.
P/iysalis neomexicana. Ground Tomato, Ground Cherry. New

Mexican Spanish tomate, tomate del campo.

The fruit is covered with a bladdery envelope which the boys crack
with a popping sound by pressing it quickly on the forehead.
The berries are eaten.

Tomatoes also are called by this Tewa name, as well as by the
Spanish name tomate (<Nahuatl tomatl, Mex. Span, tonuite}. See
Tomato, p. 113.

I Pcfani.

qwq, mountain guaco (piy, mountain; nse, locative;
, Peritoma serrulatum).
Polanisia trachysperma. Clammy Weed. (See Stanley etia
wrightii, p. 61.

P ynsffsg, (p"u, apparently ChrysotJiamnus bigelovii; n%?%, unex
plained). Cf . Hano Tewa p yjse, page 60.
Portulaca oleracea. Purslane.

The top of this fleshy plant is eaten boiled by both Indians and
Mexicans.

1 See Fewkes, Amcr. Anthr., ix, p. 16,1896.

2 The Hopi boil the leaves with green com. (See Hough, Awn: Anthr., x, p. 37, 1897.)

60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

, HanoTewa(/^, apparently Chrysothamnus
unexplained). Cf. p yn&ae, page 59.
Portulaca retusa (Hopi pihala}. 1
This plant used to be eaten, cut up fine, in grav} T .

lV<imp e, earth stalk (nay, earth; p*e, stick, stalk, plant).
Ptiloria sp.

Quamoclidion multiflorum. Four-o clock. (See pi. 5, a.)
An infusion of the ground roots in water is drunk for cases of
swelling, probably those of dropsical origin. The roots after being
ground are mixed with corn flour to improve the taste.

Anfi ( < New Mexican Span. anil).
Hano Tewa AHjowa.

Pinnsgiy anVi) mountain sunflower (/n/;, mountain; , loca

tive; <mfi, sunflower).
RudbecMa flava. Black-eyed Susan.
Kup*(?n3$)\ .rock weed (ku, rock; p^eTisgbl, weed).
Leptasea austromontana.

Pinnsgim p*(?ns$)\ mountain weed (piy^ mountain; n%, loca

tive; p^n&bi, weed).
Senecio macdougalii.
Hano Tewa Aw% r Hopi asa.
Sophia sp. 2 Tansy Mustard.

The plant is used to make black paint for decorating pottery. 3
Bundles of the plant, moistened, are steamed in a can in a pit o\ r en;
"some people boil it, but steaming thus is the best way, so that it will
melt smooth. " A quantity of liquid is then squeezed out, and the mass
which remains is molded into a cake and, wrapped in corn husk, is
stored for winter use. It is an article of trade between women. For
use, a small piece is broken off, dipped in water, and rubbed down on
a stone pallette with a hard mineral paint called Icupen) (&w, stone;
pej), blackness).

Aw% is cooked and eaten in spring.

The Hano people translate the name of the Asa clan of Sichomovi
as Awsdowa.

Oda (unexplained).

Sphderalcea lobata. Globe Mallow.

Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 15,1896.

2 See Fewkes, ibid.; Hough, ibid., x, p. 40, 1897.

= The method of preparation seems doubtful or variable. Hough says that the seeds are ground
in a mortar, forming an oily liquid which serves as a medium for the iron paint. Fewkes says that
an infusion of the flowers is mixed with iron pigment, the juice of the asa being presumed to cause
the pigment to adhere. The Tewa of New Mexico (see above) and the Zufii (Stevenson, The Zufii
Indians, p. 375) use the liquid obtained by boiling Perifoma serrulatum. The Hano method is given
here.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 61

Finely powdered roots are applied to wounds caused by snake bites
and to sores in which considerable pus appears. The pus is said to
be drawn out by the action of this remed}^. 1

The skin from the roots is pounded into powder; water is added to
make a paint, which is used on the face preparatory for the dance.

K ot awo, medicine for broken arms (tto, arm; fa, to break,

wo, medicine).
Pot awo, medicine for broken legs ( po, leg; t a, to break; wo,

medicine).
Taraxacum taraxacum. Common Dandelion. New Mexican

Spanish consuelda.

The young plants are eaten as greens.

The leaves ground fine are used in dressing fractures. At San Ilde-
fonso the ground leaves, reduced with water to a paste, are spread
over the fracture, and fresh leaves of the same plant bound over it
with rags. At Santa Clara a cloth spread with leaves on which ground
consuelda leaves are sprinkled is tied over the fracture. Consuelda
leaves ground and mixed with dough are applied to a bad bruise.

Tan stfiy, seed which smells (14y, seed; sy,, to smell, smelling).
ThalictmmfendlerL Meadow Rue.

Tepe, tea plant (te <Span.; j?X plant).

Depe, coyote plant (de, coyote; p*e, plant), and kota, New

Mexican Spanish cota.
Tlielesperma gracile and T. trifidum. New Mexican Spanish te,

te silvestre, cota.

The leaves are steeped and the tea is drunk as a beverage by Indians
and Mexicans.

Pinns^iy qwa, mountain guaco (piy, mountain; ??, locative;

qwa, Peritoma serrulatum).
Stanleyella wrightii.

This is a species of mustard, the Mustard family being closely
related to the guaco. The informants stated that pinn&iy ytr<], is
used in the same way as guaco for making paint for pottery and as
food. (See Polanisia trachysperma, p. 59.)

P\nka, heart leaf (pijj, heart, heart-shaped; l-n, leaf).
Viola canadensis. Violet.

, prairie horsemint (W o/;, valley, field, open
country; syTsigfiy, see p. 57).

A small horsemint growing in the mountain canyons.

1 U.S. Dispensatory: Forms closely allied to this species are described as having several medicinal
properties. Fresh plants of the Common Mallow have been used as a suppurative or relaxing
poultice in case of external inflammation.

62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Hano Tewa, Kojaje ibitije.

See under kojaji, page 56.

Pu tegfo i??, 6 buff - colored rabbit - brush (p u, Chrysothamnus
bigelovii; tsxto, buff -color, buff-colored).

The galls of this plant, p*ube e (p u, rabbit-brush; be, ball; V, dimin
utive), ground up and drunk in water, are a good though very strong
medicine for the stomach (Santa Clara).

CACTI

89.

Opuntia. Prickly Pear Cactus, Round-leaved Cactus.

Opuntia camanchica. Prickly Pear Cactus^ Round-leaved Cactus.

(PL 6, b, shows the Opuntia camanchica.)

The fruit of both of these species is eaten; it is called ssepe, prickly

pear (sse, prickly-pear cactus; pe, fruit), or sserjwsebe (sse, Opuntia;

ywse, thorny; be, ball, roundish fruit), thorny round fruit of Opuntia.

This plant is perhaps usually called by the Tewa of San Juan

8%yw% thorny Opuntia (s%, Opuntia; ywsz, thorny, thorn).

The Tewa of Hano call the fruit of this or a similar cactus ssKnto
(sse,, Opuntia; to, nut).

Jo.

Opuntia arborescens. Chandelier Cactus, Cane Cactus. New
Mexican Spanish entrana. (See pi. 8, a.)

The Tewa of Hano eat the cooked fruit of this or of a similar species,
jomelesselse (jo, Opuntia; mele, ball, roundish fruit; sselse, boil, cook),
in summer. 1 The women pick the fruit with tongs, sseniop e, made of
cleft sticks (sse, Opuntia, see above; to, nut; pe^ stick), and carry it
home in baskets. It is put into &p ajo (basket made of slips of yucca),
and rubbed with a stone to dislodge the spines. It is then dropped
into boiling water and allowed to cook for some time. This fruit is
eaten with fahewe, cornmeal porridge, with the addition of sugar.

The fruit of "aflat cactus," also called^?, is cooked in the same
way.

yic4nsa&}W(Jeu, Navaho testicles (tfwqy, Jemez; /Safte, Athapas
can; waJcu, testicle). 2

Mdmttlariasp. Ball Cactus. (See pi. 6, a.)
The spines were burned off and the entire plant was eaten raw.
The Tewa know by report the giant saguaro of southern Arizona,
u used for the roof -beams of houses."

!The Zuni cook the fruit of Opuntia filipendula. (See Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, p. 368.)

2 At Santa Clara a story is told of a Navaho who, prowling around a " Mexican " village by night,

fell into the cactus bushes; the spines put out his eyes, and he was caught and mocked by the people

next morning.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON
FREIRB-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 63

VINES

Any kind of vine is called ap^de.

^Ap*% oku iy, downy vine (ap %, vine; ^oku, downy, down).
Clematis ligusticifolia. Clematis.

When the vine is in fruit the long plumose styles are said to look
like the down of an eagle.

Kaqwi > ap"se, tie leaves vine (ka, leaf; qwi, to tie; a//, vine).
Humulus lupulus neomexicanus. Hop.

GOURDS

Ptfoje (po, squash, pumpkin; oje, unexplained).
Cucurbita fwtidissima. Wild Gourd. (PL 7, &.)
The roots ground fine and stirred in cold water are drunk as a
laxative. 1

For cultivated squashes, see page 100.

GRASSES AND GRASSLIKE PLANTS

The word meaning grass is ta. All true grasses and grasslike
plants, as sedges, may be called ta. There is evidence here of
classification and recognition of a distinct group of plant life. Most
of the grass names are compounded, ta being an element common to
nearly all of them. In the event that a species of grass is not known
by a special name it is spoken of merely as ta. This is of course
similar to our common method of naming grasses; unfamiliar species
are spoken of as grass, while better known kinds are apt to be given
specific names. Many of the Tewa grass names given below are
merely descriptive terms and not real names of species. (See pi. 3.)

Ta is also used meaning hay, in this sense being the equivalent
of New Mexican Spanish zacate.

Straw is called ta, grass, hay, or tatfowa, grass tegument
(to, grass; Fowa, tegument, skin). Chaff also is called tab* o in/.
Stubble left where grass or hay has been cut is called tap*eFu,
grass stalk-skeleton (ta, grass; p*e, stick, stalk; & #, hard part of
an object, cob of corn, skeletal part of the body).

Wheat straw or chaff is tatalcowa.

Hodge 2 gives as Grass clans at various pueblos: San Juan, Nambe,
and Tesuque, Td-tdoa; Hano, Td-towa.

Ta ywsgiy, thorny grass (to, grass; yw%, thorny, thorn).
Cenchrus carolinianus. Sand Bur.

1 U. S. Dispensatory: "The pulp of the root of Cucurbtta dagenaria, or gourd, is wiid by Dr. Chapin
to be a powerful and even drastic purgative."

2 Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 85, 1896.

64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Ta p o^iy, hairy grass (to, grass; p*o, haiiy, hair).
Mymus canadensis. Wild Rye.
Lycurus phleoides. Texan Timothy.

Pimpinta, chirping grass (pimply, to make a noise by blowing

through a pinched grass stalk, by blowing on a grass leaf

held between the two thumbs, or by putting a grass leaf

between the two lips and sucking; to, grass).

Tapipi, grass whistle (to, grass; pipi, onomatopoeic, connected

with pimpiy, to chirp; see below.).
Panicwn fiarbipulvinatum. Panic Grass.

One may say of the note produced by holding a leaf or leaf -sheath
of this grass between the lips and sucking: pintsUewagi ny pimply,
it chirps like a mountain bird (piy, mountain; tsue, bird; wagl,
like; na, it; pimpiy, to chirp thus by means of grass).

Little bundles or brooms made of this grass are used by the women
for cleaning metates and metate boxes.

Tsueta, bird grass (tsi^e, bird; to, grass).
Alopecurus aristulatus. Rush Grass.
Muhleiibergia trifida. Hair Grass.
Schizachyrium scoparium. Sage Grass.
Two kinds of grass are used to make brooms:

Tap^eni Jca niy to, tasseled broom (grass) (to//<sfti, broom;
Tcq?7), .tassel).

This grass grows in the fields and by the river.

A single plant of this species would be called taktfni t), tasseled
grass.

Ta taniy, seedy grass (to, grass; tqy, seedy, seed).
Tap enita, broom grass (tap eni, broom; to, grass).
Boutelouob curtipendula. Mesquite Grass.

This grass grows in the mountains, and Mexican peddlers often
bring bunches of it to sell in the Tewa villages.

The grasses are gathered in August, tied in firm bundles, and care
fully dried. The long soft end of the broom serves to sweep the adobe
floor, and when worn shorter by use, it makes a convenient brush for
the hearth and the metates. The short butt-end of the broom serves
as a hair-brush. Before sweeping, the New Mexican Tewa women
sprinkle the floor copiously to lay the dust, for this purpose dipping
their fingers into a dish of water. The Keres women blow a mist
(Tewa, sribofcnwa) of water from their mouths for the same purpose.
The Hano people, on account of both the scarcity of water and the
fineness of their adobe, seldom sprinkle the floor at all.

Ta Icebe, bent-necked grass (to, grass; Ice, neck; be, bent, a
bend).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

-v

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 5

A. FOUR-O CLOCK (QUAMOCLIDION MULTIFLORUM). THIS LARGE CLUMP MEASURED SEVERAL
FEET ACROSS. RATHER COMMON IN THE CANYONS.

B. DATURA METELOIDES, A LARGE AND CONSPICUOUS PLANT OF STREAM TERRACES AND TALUS

SLOPES.

BTHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS

Eouteloua gracilis. Grama Grass. (See tig. 5.)
ta ( any,, unexplained ; fa, grass).

65

Much of this grass grows along the irrigating ditches.

FIG. 5. Grama grass.

Ta p?iy, red grass (fa, grass; pi, red).
Tas^y, ? horn grass (fa, grass; apparently #o#, horn).
? - . New Mexican Spanish zacate a .;///.

This kind of grass grows on the hills east of the Rio Grande and
elsewhere. It is excellent food for cattle.

66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Tajo, large grass, boss grass (to, grass; jo, augmentative).
Car ex sp. Sedge. 1

(unexplained), a kind of cattail.
This has narrower leaves than J awap*a, below.

Awap^a ( awa, a kind of cattail; p*a, large, thin, flat and
roundish). This has larger leaves than ^awa and p a is added
to distinguish it as regards this feature.

Typha Latifolia. Cattail.

^Awase ^awa, a kind of cattail; se, unexplained).

A kind of tall straight-stalked water grass.

*e, frog weed (p* zykwqij , frog; p*e, stick, stalk,
plant).

Described as a kind of rush.

Po, posu.

PJiragmites phragmites. Reed, cane. New Mexican Spanish

carrizo.

It is said that this plant formerly grew plentifully along the Rio
Grande near the Tewa villages. Now none can be found there. It
grows, however, along Jemez creek near Jemez pueblo.

The plant was used for making arrows, game-sticks for the canute
game, and many other purposes.

FUNGI

Te; 0^r/^(<Span.) New Mexican Spanish hongo. Applied to
any fungus resembling toadstool or puffball.

Te is applied to any large fungus, as a toadstool, mushroom, puff-
ball, etc.

So far as could be learned the Tewa do not distinguish between the
edible and the poisonous kinds. The informant stated that they ate
any kind they found and that they never suffered ill effects. In pre
paring toadstools and mushrooms for food they are first boiled, then
fried. A stick must be laid across the top of the kettle containing
the cooked toadstools or mushrooms from which one is eating, other
wise he would thenceforth be afflicted with a poor memory.

ICy,n8%peAe (Jcyy, corn; s%pe<ie, unexplained).
? - . Corn smut.

JMr. W. B. Douglass found loops of sedge (cyprous) with feathers attached in a large shrine on
Santa Clara peak, Tsiktimupiy, a peak in the Jemez Mountains, near the headwaters of the Santa
Clara River. See p. 49, footnote,

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,
FREIRE-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 67

At San Ildefonso corn smut stirred in cold water is drunk as a cure
for diarrhea. At Santa Clara some women use it in the same wav as
a remedy for irregular menstruation. 1

, valley cottonwood stew (te, Populus wislizeni; sse, stew,
sauce).

This is a fungus growth found on the ground near, or on the decay
ing wood of, a cottonwood tree. When boiled and eaten it is con
sidered a delicacy.

Ojaqwitsip%y, milkweed eye pus (V;Vz//W, milkweed, Asdepias
sp. seep. 54; tsi, eye; p%y, pus).

a ____ .

A reddish creamlike scum on stagnant water.

This is seen on pools along the Rio Grande. It has little smell
This substance is not used by the Tewa.

PVfy, stained, stain, moldy, mold.
? -- . Mold, Mildew.
Thus: pymp o^niy, moldy bread (p$y, bread ;//o ??;, moldy, mold.)

Nqmpu, earth swelling (nay, earth; pu, to puff up).
O-easier sp. Earth Star.

At Santa Clara the powdeiy seed-spores are used as a remedy for a
white or yellow discharge from the ear; they are blown into the ear
through a tube of corn husk or paper.

Namp\i.

? - -. Potato.

See ss&gqbe^ page 73.

FERNS

*e) mountain-lion-foot plant (k %ij, mountain- lion; <//;,
foot; p e, stick, stalk, plant).
Dryopteris filix-mas. Shield Fern.

It is believed that this plant produces no seeds. The spore-sacs on
the under surfaces of the fronds are considered to have no function of
reproduction.

Poka, water leaf (po, water; &a, leaf).
Filixfragilis. Brittle Fern.

PapPe. (San Ildefonso.) Olc\ip ( ^ n^l ( W$, unexplained;

>V/^M, weed). (Santa Clara.)
Notkold&na fendleri. Cloak Fern.

i Mrs. Stevenson (The Zufli Indians, 23d Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 297) tells of a usage of
this fungus by the Zufli: " Though hemorrhage is uncomnaon it sometimes occurs, and for this
trouble a tea is made by pouring boiling water over the fungus known as corn smut ( Ustilago maidis),
which has the same effect as the ergot of the pharmacopeia."

68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

This plant ground fine is used on the lips as a remedy for cold
sores.

MOSSES AND LICHENS

Mosses and lichens are called merely Jcowa, tegument, skin.
The name of the substance on which the plant grows is usually pre-
joined. Thus: Icufcowb, moss growing on rock, literally rock skin
(lu, rock; tfowa, tegument, skin).

Mosses ground are applied to the lips as a remedy for cold sores.

At Santa Clara Icidcowb is rubbed on sores about a child s mouth,
and also put into the cavity of a decayed tooth to stop pain.

Natfa, Hano Tewa (nay, earth; #, clothing).
Lichen sp.

At Hano a lichen, nqtfa, is applied to the teeth and gums to cure
toothache.

SCOURING RUSHES

Po^efcyrj (po^e, apparently po^e, fishweir ; k uy, stiff object, leg).
Equisetum arvense. Scouring Rush, Horsetail. New Mexican

Spanish canatillo.

This plant grows where there is water. It is of a dark green color
and never exceeds two feet in height. Horses eat it.

The plant was called snake-grass by a white man living in the
neighborhood.

New Mexican Spanish canatillo.
A decoction made from this is a good medicine for babies when
they catch cold. It is also a remedy for diarrhea.

WILD PLANTS FROM OUTSIDE THE TEWA COUNTRY

Pefsejiij, yellow plant (pe, stick, plant; fe, yellow).

Madura aurantiaca. Osage Orange or Bois d arc.
This is a shrub said to grow in Texas and the valley of the Arkan
sas River, especially in a place called Garcia. The limbs are straight
and thorny and the color of the wood is yellow. The wood of this
shrub was considered better for making bows than any which grew
in the Tewa country. 1 It was brought from the east by the Tewa,
or obtained from the Comanche or other Eastern tribes.

Tsep*e, eagle plant (tse, eagle; p*e, stick, plant).

Prosopis glandulosa. Mesquite sp. (not screw mesquite). New
Mexican Spanish mezquite.

i Many of the Pima hunting bows are made of Osage Orange wood, a material that is now obtain
able from the whites along the Salt River. (See Russell, The Pima, Twenty-sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.
Amer. Ethn., p. 95.)

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 69

Very few Tewa are acquainted with this plant; it does not grow in
the Tewa country. Many individuals were questioned about it. At
last a Tewa who had been in the southern part of New Mexico so de
scribed it that it was recognized as the mesquite. The fruit is called
tsep em^, eagle plant pods (tee, eagle; pe, stick, plant; my,, pod).
This informant said that the screw mesquite (Prosopis pubeseens) pods
used to be obtained from the Mescalero Apache. These were twisted
into the ear as a cure for ojep ohe, ear-ache (oje, ear; p o, hole;
he, sick, sickness). Cf. fa ne, page 73.

buffalo nut (kq^-y, buffalo; to, nut).
? . Walnut. New Mexican Spanish nogal.
Wild walnuts used to be gathered by the Tewa when they hunted
buffalo in the Arkansas River valley. Walnuts are still called kq^nto,
but more often merely to, nuts.

Tupp&i red kernels (tu, kernel; pi, red).

A large red seed, resembling one of the seeds of a rose; the plant is 2
or 3 feet high and has leaves like those of a rose. The tree (?) is said to
be plentiful on the Comanche, Kiowa, and Osage reservations. The
Comanche sometimes bring the seeds when they visit the New Mexi
can pueblos, and Pueblo Indians visiting the Comanche country carry
the seeds back with them. 1 They are valued as a medicine for women
at their periods; a piece of a seed is broken into small fragments and
swallowed with water.

P^ekwtfa, vegetable beads (p e, stick, plant; kwa/a, beads). A
merely descriptive name.

Large brown seeds from a bush four feet high which grows in the
mountains near Rio Verde, Arizona. 2 A man at Santa Clara professed
to recognize these seeds as "good when you have wind [i. e., wander
ing neuralgic pains] in the head, making your head ache and making
you crazy." They should be rubbed into a greasy paste and smeared
on the head.

PLANTS NOT SATISFACTORILY IDENTIFIED

Qw%pu, (qw%, unexplained; pu, root).

? - . ? Alder. Cf. gw%, page 45, and the use of tfy,y, alder,
pages 38-39.

1 The Mohave Apache obtain this seed from the neighborhood of Tucson; it grows also in northern
Mexico. Apparently they use these seeds only as beads. The White Mountain Apache use them as
medicine. A specimen of this seed may be seen in the Field Museum, Chicago (Owen coll., No. 84647).

2 The Mohave Apache collect these seeds. The White Mountain Apache use them as medicine. A
specimen of this seed may be seen in the Field Museum, Chicago (Owen Coll., No. 84550).

67961 Bull. 5516 - 6

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

A woody stem used for coloring deerskin, called by the Yavapai
^ikwala, was identified by a man at Santa Clara as a remedy, applied
externally, for spots on the face and arms, for throat-ache, or any
other pain.

Vagnerct amplexicaulis. False Solomon s Seal.
The ripe berries were eaten.

Asap a (?asa, unexplained ; pa, large and flat).

A small plant that grows in the hills behind San Ildefonso.
^e, 4 planting plant (ko, to plant; jjc^ plant).

An informant at Santa Clara gave this name, probably in error, to
a dried specimen of Villanova dissecta.

JTojfe is mentioned as a plant which is buried with corn at planting-
time to promote the growth of the latter.

Kq^mpe, buffalo plant (kq-ty, buffalo; pe, plant).

*e, cob plant (k y,y, corn-cob; p e, plant).

JT*ujdp*4, wolf plant (tityjo, timber wolf; p e, stick, plant).
? - New Mexican Spanish yerba de lobo.

The Santa Clara people obtain this plant in the mountains southwest
of the Kito de los Frijoles Canyon; they use it in treating a swollen
bruise.

Kutentbl (ku, skunk-bush; tejj, tube; bi, unexplained).

This plant is found on the hills east of San Juan Pueblo.
The leaves are chewed to allay thirst.

The leaves are steeped and the decoction is drunk as a remedy for
urinal troubles.

Jo^op ep<fo\ (jodo, - - ; p*e, stick, plant; jxtil, flower).

This plant is described as growing in the mountains, attaining a
height of two feet, and bearing large red and white flowers.

The plant is dried and ground to a fine powder; this is applied
dry to the surface of a wound which has been first moistened.

MaTba ( < Spanish).

Mallow sp. New Mexican Spanish malva.

At Santa Clara this plant is used as a remedy for headache. The
plant ground is made into a paste with the addition of water and a

UOIIIMNS, 1IAK1MNGTON,
FEBIBB-MAEKBCO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 71

small quantity of sugar. The paste is applied over each temporal
arteiy and on the forehead between the eyebrows.

Mqnsupu (mansu <Span. ; pu, base, root).
? - . New Mexican Spanish yerba del manso.
This plant grows especially along both sides of Ojo Caliente Creek,
in the vicinity of La Cueva, New Mexico. Mexicans dig it there and
sell it among Mexicans and Indians. A decoction is made of the plant
us one makes coffee, and this is drunk hot for stomachache.

( J okq,yw%, sounded like olcdywse, turkey-buzzard;
, stick, weed). Known also merely as

This plant is described as growing about two feet high. It is said to
be a good remedy for sick babies, the leaves being merely tied on the
cradle. The additional information was obtained that the plant has
large roots, which are not edible.

This is described as a species of weed, growing in lakes, springs,
and pools; it is tender and peppery, and was eaten raw. (See Be*nu,
water-cress, page 112.)

Osa (no etymology) .
? Angelica sp.

A specimen of the root only was obtained. The leaf is said to re
semble that of tobacco.

The root, ^osapu (pu, root), is highly valued as a remedy for diar
rhea and almost all stomach disorders. A very small dose is recom
mended. Some boil the root and drink the decoction; others chew the
root dry. A small piece ground fine and swallowed with a cupful of
water cures stomachache and vomiting. Young women should not
take this remedy, as it is highly astringent; it is particularly danger
ous for a woman near the time of her confinement.

Osapu is an article of trade in the Tewa villages; it is brought from
the mountains by "Mexican" peddlers.

The same root is used as a stomach tonic by the Yavupui and other
tribes of southern Arizona. 1

Described as a kind of plant which grows in the mountains.

Pctiuup e (San lldefonso), fish staff (pa, fish; \uupe staff,

prayer-stick). Pa edop e (Santa Clara). See below.
1 - . New Mexican Spanish yerba de pescado, fish weed.

1 Angelica atropurpurea is used by the White Mountain Apache as a remedy, a small quantity being
mixed with tobacco. (Specimen in Field Museum, Chicago.)

72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

A kind of straight-stalked weed said to grow six inches high and to
have no flowers (San lldefonso).

At Santa Clara a similar name, pa?eJ>op*6 (pa, fish; *&iop*e, meaning
uncertain), along with the Spanish name yerba de pescado, was applied
to a broad-leaved plant having fleshy tap-roots, the ?ndt a xefa of the
Yavapai. The roots, dried and ground fine, were said to be prepared
and used as a salve for pimples on the face and nose.

P%ny,qwx, snake palo duro (j)%ny,, snake; <jw%>, ? Cercocarpus
parvifoljus).

A kind of shrub.

Pqntsqywqfiy black-green (p\y, black; tsqywig, blue, green).

A plant having dark foliage and a yellow flower.

nsefti ywstfiy, thorny weed (p ^n^bl, weed; yw%, thorny,
thorn).

. Common thistle.

p*a) broad weed (p^dnsffii, weed; p*a>, large, thin, flat
and roundish).

A broad-leaved lily-like plant which grows in the mountains.

Buclup e ngbl, donkey weed (bu4u, donkey, <Span. burro;
i, weed).

Donkeys are fond of eating this weed.

e nqfci, snake weed (ps&ny,, snake; p^ns^\, weed).

The leaves of two shrubs are smoked with native tobacco to make
it milder, especially in religious ceremonies.

Pimp^un&sz, mountain purslane (piy, mountain; pnnstfsp^ Por-
tulaca oleracea).

This shrub grows in the mountains near Cochiti, and the Santa
Clara people procure it from that pueblo. Cf. Qw%p*e, below.

*e (qwsg, ? ; pe^ stick, plant).

The leaves resemble those of p*im p~unsf?3& (see above) but are
smaller. This shrub grows on the hills to the west of Santa Clara
Pueblo.

Pifipcfil, red little ball flower (pi, red; t i, small and roundish
like a ball; pob\, flower).

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 73

A plant which grows in the mountains. It resembles the h repoker
of our gardens.

Pogq^ytu (pogq^y, - ; tu, kernel).

A San Ildefonso informant stated that this plant grows low on the
ground in the hills. The seed-pods are six inches long; these are
gathered when ripe and are eaten after being roasted in hot ashes.

An informant at Santa Clara gave this, probably in error, as the
name of the Mesquite, which he professed to have seen on the Mexican
border. From the seeds, called pogq^ntu (pogo ey, -- ; tu, kernel),
and from which the plant evidently gets its name, flour was made.

Pogwse (po, water; qwsz, 1 Cercocarpus parvifolius).

Said to be a kind of herb which Tewa boys use as a perfume.

*e, dry water plant (po, water; ta, dry; pe, stick, stalk,
plant).

This is a kind of weed that grows by the water.

Potty, water tube (po, water; tey, tube).
? Villanova dlssecta.

S%g.obe (ssego, unexplained; be, roundish fruit, ball).
? Solanum jamesii. Potato.

It is said that ssegobe was originally applied to a white-flowered
plant, native to this region, which bears small edible tubers similar
to potatoes. These tubers likewise are called ssegobe and are still
eaten by the Tewa. No specimen of the plant could be obtained. 1
See papa and n$mp*u, which are also applied to potato.
Swollen glands are called

Described as a kind of hard- wooded shrub.

Sepatqwi.

2 _ .

This name was obtained at Santa Clara. Sepatqvn is said to be
a kind of water alga.

This plant is placed on the forehead to stop nosebleed.

ftfne.

Said to be the correct name of one of the species of plant wrongly
called p u tsdyw&iy in this paper. This information was volunteered

1 Cf. Hopi tiimna (" a small nodule"), potato (Solanum jamesii). It is boiled and eaten with a talc of
greasy taste called tilmln tcuka, potato clay. (See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., ix, 1895, p. 19.)

74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

by one of the old informants who had been " thinking it over" for
several weeks.
The plant is said to resemble tseyfe (p. 68).

Tiwo, swelling medicine (ti, swollen, a swelling; wo, magic,
medicine).

This plant is found on the hills east of San Juan Pueblo.
The root of the plant pounded is applied to swollen parts.

Tsifu.

A kind of shrub.

u Q.i (32, white;

A w T eed which resembles the dusty-miller of our gardens. It is said
to look as if it had been rolled in gypsum or dust. It grows in the
mountains and in the lowlands.

Tupi vy, red kernel (tu, kernel; pi, red).

See page 69.

Tusa, flesh tobacco (tu, flesh; sa, tobacco).

This is described as a kind of wild tobacco.

Tujo (tu, unexplained; jo, apparently^ augmentative).

A plant which grows in the mountains.

Umpop c, c blood plant ( ympo, blood, < uy, blood; po, water,
liquid; p e, stick, stalk, plant).

A kind of plant found growing under pine trees in the mountains.
It has red flowers and red juice, whence its name. Specimens were
obtained from the mesa south of Frijoles Canyon, 1 but these have not
yet been identified.

Ifwiku (unexplained).

? - . New Mexican Spanish lechero.

Wop??*, red medicine (wo, magic, medicine; pi, red).

This is described as a plant bearing red flowers; it is boiled and the
decoction is drunk for purifying the blood. The plant grows in the
mountains.

i See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tevva Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Rep. linr. A mcr.
Ettni.,i>.4lQ.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 6

A. BALL CACTUS (MAMILLARIA SP.).

B, PRICKLY PEAR (OPUNTIA CAMANCHICA).

UOI .I .l NS, II \\i\l\ XCTON,
I- IIKIUK-.MAKIJUCO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 75

Kepe, llano Tewa (ke, apparently Ice, bear; p<>, ))eriy).

Red berries gathered and eaten in summer.

Pakotseji H , Hano Tewa (paJco, said to bean old word; tse, yellow).
Hopi, tcfitsma.

A plant with yellow flowers somewhat resembling Gutierrezia.
This plant was formerly cooked with meat, or, dipped in salt water,
was eaten with new corn.

Sojoinelep^e (HanoTewa ), urinal-pot plant* (8070, urine; ///>-/<-, pot;
pe, plant).

A plant bearing large roundish seed-vessels.

Taj<?q, Hano Tewa (iaje, unexplained; \l, sweetness).
f Atriplex sp. Orache.
At Hano the young leaves and stalks are eaten, boiled, in spring.

ulv?\ (Hano Tewa), 4 stomach swelling 1 (W, belly; j> H/H,
swell). This is a second Hano name.

qT), Hano Tewa (said to mean spread wide ).
Any plant having leaves spread wide on the sand would be so called.
The Hano people never eat this plant for fear their stomachs would
swell.

Tamy, (Hano Tewa), grass bag (t<t, grass, ///?/, bag).

A grass used to cover the hatchway of the cstufa (kiva) when
warmth or privacy is needed.

^e, Hano Tewa, (unexplained).

Described as a flowering plant.

%, Hano Tewa (i ?w>, people, Indian; ssRl%, stew, boil).

A plant which is eaten, boiled.
Ts&u, Hano Tewa (unexplained).

Rabbit-sticks, musical rasps, stirring-sticks for cooking, shade-
sticks, lease-rods, and heddles for weaving are made of this hard,
knotty wood.

76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

II. CULTIVATED PLANTS

INDIGENOUS PLANTS

THE TEWA ECONOMY

At the time of the Spanish discovery the Tewa were cultivating, it
would seem, maize, beans, pumpkins and other gourds, cotton, and
tobacco. The Spaniards added to the native resources by introducing
wheat, 1 oats, barley, chile, onions, other kinds of beans, peas, water
melons, muskmelons, peaches, apricots, and apples. The English-
speaking Americans have introduced no food plant of importance.

No doubt the Spaniards importations into New Mexico were not
accepted without a struggle, but at the present day most of these
plants constitute an indispensable factor of native life: they are re
garded as u Indian food" which may be eaten in the estufa, and they
are named in the ritual formulas and prayers. Thus, a Tewa at San
Ildefonso described the people as praying in the estufa " for all the
things they want to have corn, wheat, melons, watermelons, onions,
chiles, apples, peaches, all things they have to eat and clothes, shoes;
and a long life, to live to be old men."

The comparatively recent introduction of "store food" by the Amer
icans machine-milled flour, sugar, bacon, lard, canned goods tends
to invest all home-grown foods with a kind of autochthonous prestige.

Even in Arizona, the refuge of those Pueblo peoples who detested the
Spanish rule and influence, melons and watermelons, chiles, and onions
won their way. But the ritual songs at Hano name no foreign plants,
only corn, beans, pumpkins, and cotton, sometimes coupled with the
name of Jcwselu (Peritoma serrulatum), an important wild food plant. 2

These cultivated plants were supplemented by a very wide knowl
edge and use of edible wild plants. But nowadays, although wild
berries and nuts are still gathered in autumn and green weeds are
eagerly sought and eaten in the spring, there is a very general and
increasing neglect of all but the most common and best-liked. For
merly it was a matter of necessity that the housewife should know
them and store them; for although in normal years they were merely
a pleasant addition to the diet, yet drought, flood, fire, or a hostile
raid might destroy the crops at any time, thus making the wild prod
ucts an indispensable resource. 3 At times when old people ate only
once in three days in order to leave food for the children, no eatable

1 The wheat grown at Moenkapi, a Hopi farming village, is of more modern introduction.

2 Cf. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony (5th Ann. Rep. Eur. Amer. Ethn., p.
448 and plate xvn). A dry painting represents the four principal plants: The corn plant, painted
white, assigned to the god (Yay) of the east; the bean plant, blue, to the god of the south; the pump
kin vine, yellow, to the god of the west; the tobacco plant, black, to the god of the north.

8 Of. Hough, Amer. Anthr., x, p. 37, 1897. The Hopi call Acanthochiton wriglitii "ancient Hopi food "
and say that it has often warded off famine, springing up as it does before the corn is filled out.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,
FREIRB-MARRKCO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 77

substance was likely to be overlooked. 1 But the coming of the rail
way has changed all this; and a shortage of crops, general or individ
ual, is now supplied, not from the savings of former years or by the
substitution of wild plants, but by earning American money to buy
American provisions. 2

The people gain immensely in protection against want; but, at least
in the present transition period, they decline in thrift. Idleness and
resourcelessness are as disastrous as ever, but they are not so obviously
irreparable. The nearer a pueblo lies to a railroad and stores, the
more do families tend to live from hand to mouth, raising and storing
less corn than will carry them through the year, selling corn extrava
gantly for luxuries, and meeting every emergency by recourse to
store flour. The Tewa pueblos, which are all near the railroad and
open to American influence, are particularly affected; while the people
of Santo Domingo, near the railroad indeed but fenced in by their
conservatism, are still rich in native food and thrifty in the use
of it; "they sell but they do not buy." 3 Still it must be said that
some Tewa women make an intelligent use of modern resources, feed
ing their families on store flour (paid for by the husband s and chil
dren s earnings) in the early winter while it is comparatively cheap,
and reserving their own wheat and maize for the time when prices
rise. 4 Valuing their time cheaply, they will travel miles to buy at the
smallest advantage. 5 Most families make debts in the late summer
and pay them after harvest.

1 Several times of scarcity occurred from 1840 to 1860. "Our grandfather told us how poor the peo
ple used to be. When they had a good piece of rawhide, such as would be used now for shoe soles,
they used to roast it, grind it, and make it into bread. He remembered one day when they went to
a fiesta at Santa Cruz. There had been a piece of bread in the house at suppertime, but they saved
it for grandmother because she was nursing my father (1852), so she ate it for breakfast and the rest
went fasting to Santa Cruz. The family whom they visited had no food either, so they came home
hungry as they went, and on the road they found a little corn dropped from a wagon and took it
home, ground it, and ate it." (Information communicated by a Tewa informant.)

The Tewa etiquette of eating bread at meals recalls times of extreme economy each person breaks
from the pile of tortillas no more than he can eat at once, and returns any remnant to the common
stock. Only sick people (and women soon after childbirth) take a whole tortilla at a time. The
Yavapai etiquette, founded on camp life, is exactly the contrary.

"Mr. A. F. Bandelier was told by a Cochiti Indian in 1882 that "formerly the people saved many
wild plants in autumn in order to have food in spring when the crops gave out." "Now," Mr.
Bandelier says, "they have become less provident, or more indifferent to such means of subsistence."
(Information communicated by Mr. Bandelier.)

8 The Hano people and the Hopi are less affected than are the Tewa in general by modern condi
tions, but even among the former thrift is declining. Many women sell maize for sugar and coHVe.
and run short before March; those who make pottery can exchange it for store flour to an indefinite
extent. Here again commercial facilities and thriftlessness are obviously related; the " nonpro-
gressive" village of Hotavila, where there are no traders, raises and stores more food per household
than Oraibi, and very much more than Hano, Walpi, or Sichomovi.

4 A man at Santa Clara said, on February first, that his wife had nine almudas of maize besides her
own wheat flour. "We are buying flour now and only giving corn to the horses, and then the maize
will last us [three adults, four children] until I get my new wheat in August, and so we shall not l.e
hungry."

&It must be added that the present scarcity of meat and hides makes money a necessity in New
Mexico, and corn must be sold, or wages must be earned.

78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

Along with this decline in thrift the diet of the " progressive" Tewa
pueblos tends to become very monotonous. The standard of variety
has been lowered. Once the people s own idea of a good diet embraced
cultivated plants in addition to wild plants in season in considerable
variety, drawing on the greatest possible number of different food
plants, since the available quantity of any single plant was limited.
Now the people draw on the unlimited but unvaried supplies of the
American store, or on what they can afford to buy of them white
flour, coffee, and sugar. To buy what the store offers is less trouble
than to hunt for plants in the open; further, an ideal of women s work
and behavior is growing up which rather discourages the old activi
ties. The women are not to help to provide food (except by earning
money), but to keep a clean house, cook, and serve hot meals.

The standard of variety in cooking has also declined, as may be seen
by comparing the number of ways in which corn is cooked at Santa
Clara with those at Hano. Like all Indian arts, cookery is suffering
from a half-conscious discouragement in which perfection is no longer
aimed at, because of the overwhelming superiority of American civil
ization. Many progressive families deliberately aim at the monoto
nous diet of the whites with whom they come in contact, but attain
onlv a poor imitation of it.

PLANTS CULTIVATED BY THE TEWA BEFORE THE SPANISTl CONQUEST

ICuj Hano Tewa

Zea mays. Maize, Corn. Spanish mafa (New Mexican Spanish

pronunciation, mdtfi).
For the names of the various parts of the corn plant see figure 6.

VARIETIES OF CORN

Zea mays has a strong tendency to variation in the coat-color of the
seed, and the Pueblo Indians have long possessed and distinguished
several varieties based on this character. 1 Castano de Sosa 2 noted in
1590-91 that the New Mexican pueblos had maize and beans of several
colors "el maiz hera de muchas colores, e lo propip es el frisol."
Since a number of such color-varieties in maize were found in widely
separated parts of North America at the time of the European dis
covery, 3 it is most probable that some of them at least had become

1 Nordenskiold, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 93 (and pi. XLV, description): "Ears of maize
found in the ruins . . . belong to several varieties, and are yellow (yellowish gray) and (dark)
reddish-brown. I never found an ear similar in color to the blue corn of the Mokis."

2 Doc. Ined. de Indias, xv, 238.

3 See the following: Thomas Hariot, A Brief and True Reportof Virginia (quoted by Thomas, Mound
Explorations, 12th Ann. Rep. Bur, Amer. Ethn., p. 616): "Pagatowr, a kind of grain so called by the
inhabitants; the same in the West Indies is called Mayze, Englishmen call it Guiny-wheat or Turkey-

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 79

fixed in or near the area of original domestication, 1 before it came
into the hands of the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona. On
the other hand, it is not impossible that the development of color-
varieties has been carried farther in the Pueblo area than else
where. Certain conditions have furthered this process, even among
an uncivilized people: (1) The fact that the coat-color of the seeds
lends itself easily to observation and selection. (2) The local custom
of planting, not in large continuous fields, but in small isolated
patches of ground chosen for their soil and natural drainage. In such
situations favorite strains of corn would be easily kept apart; for
probably a half-mile interval of broken ground would protect them,
as a rule, from mixture by means of wind-borne pollen. This is the
method still followed by the Hopi and the Tewa of Hano, who have
no artificial irrigation except in the rare terrace gardens below
springs. Clans and individuals have their separate fields. Thus, at
Walpi the Snake clan and their connections plant in a wide sandy
wash, in Tewa called a potfu^indba (po, water; tfu, enter; nqfia,
field), southwest of the mesa. The Cloud clan plants southeast of the
mesa; some of the Fox clan plant ten miles away, near Keam s Can
yon; the Tewa have a group of fields far up the wash to the north
east. These are the clan fields, and they are of considerable size;
but individuals make their "first planting," ^ijnbipd^^eko^ in early
spring on tiny isolated flood plains made by damming the water in
sheltered gullies. At Mishongnovi some of the Hopi make their
"first planting" in very small walled fields of sand lodged on
the rocky hillside. In the scattered farming settlements, or "clan
houses " (if we rightly suppose that such existed before the aggrega-

wheat . . . The grain is about the bigness of our ordinary English peas and not much different in
form and shape; but of divers colors, some white, some red, some yellow and some blue."

Beverley, History of Virginia (2ded.,1722, vol. n, 125-127): "There are four sorts of Indian corn; two
of which are early ripe, and two, late ripe; all growing in the same manner. . . . The late ripe com is
diversify ed by the shape of the grain only, without respect to the accidental differences in colour,
some being blue, some red, some yellow, some white, and some streak d. That therefore which make
the distinction is the plumpness or shrivelling of the grain; the one looks as smooth and as full as the
early ripe corn, and this they call flint-corn; the other has a larger grain, and looks shrivcll d with
a dent on the back of the grain, as if it had never come to perfection; and this they call she-corn,"

John Gerard, The Herball or General Historic of Plants (London, 1597; 2d edition. 1633, chap. 61):
" Of Turkic Corne. The kindcs. Of Turkie comes there be divers sorts, notwithstanding of one stock
or kindred, consisting of sundry coloured grains, wherein the difference is easy to be discerned . . .
The graine is of sundry colours, sometimes red, and sometimes white, and yellow, as my selve have
scene in myne owne garden, where it hath come to ripeness." He figures "fmmentum indicmn
htteum, Yellow Turkey Wheat," apparently with long dented grains, "frumatfiim iitdiciim nihritni,
Red Turkey Wheat," with small dented grains, and "frumentum indicum cwruleum, Blew Turkey
Wheat," with full smooth grains.

1 Cf. Cyrus Thomas, in Handbook of American Indians (article Maize): "It is now generally sup
posed to have been derived from native grasses the KnchUfna wovVa/m o/s. Mexico and K. lu.riiriniit<
of Guatemala, the latter approximating most nearly the cultivated corn."

80

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

[BULL. f>5

tion of clans into villages), even the clan fields must have been small
and so would have encouraged the isolation of strains. 1 (3) Another
condition favorable to the restriction of the number of varieties of corn
was the ancient prejudice against taking seed from other communities.

EIG. 6. K*u, Corn plant.

a, kay, inflorescence, tassel; b, kqtey, inflorescence stalk; c, k cuckowb,, husk of ear; d, k oj.tk apu,
stem of ear; e, k u uk owb, leaf-sheath; f, pu c, rootlets; g, kqtu, pollen; h, s$, silk; i, koxt, ear; j, kuy,
cob; k, k e, grains; 1, fca, leaf; m, k u u, cornstalk; n, k u upugt, base of cornstalk; o, pu, root.

In New Mexico methods have been changed by the establishment
of villages near permanent streams and the consequent development

i We understand the nomenclature of Pueblo clans so slightly that it would be rash to assume that
clans called Early Corn, White Corn, and the like had specialized strains of corn when they joined
their pueblos.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON,
PBEIKE-MAUUECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 81

of irrigation. But the Tewa of Santa Clara have a strong- tradition of
an earlier state of things:

In old times, when the people lived on the hills, they had no ditches; the corn
grew with water purely from the heavens. When it was very dry, the women
watered it from their jars. 1 Then the people began to plant in the arroyos where
the water ran, and so, little by little, as best they could, they thought of irrigating.

The Pueblo Indians have myths which profess to account for the
variously colored strains of corn. A Zuni myth 2 ascribes the origin of
the seven kinds (yellow, blue, red, white, streaked, black, all-colored)
to the selection by their ancestors of large and beautifully colored
grass seeds, ceremonially planted with feathered wands of the desired
colors, and fertilized by the ritual union of the youth Yapotuluha
with the Seven Corn-maidens. The following myth, obtained from a
Tewa of Santa Clara, was obtained from Miss C. D. True:

Long ago the people lived principally on meat; forest fires destroyed the game
and the people were starving. They went up to Puje 3 and danced for many weeks
before the caciques could obtain a dream. At last the caciques dreamed; in accord
ance with their dreams they made a small hole, placed in it pebbles of six colors
corresponding to the world-regions, and covered the opening with a stone. The
people danced again for several weeks; then the caciques looked into the hole and
saw six corn-plants sprouting in it. From this first planting came the six colored
varieties of corn.

The Tewa of New Mexico distinguish seven principal varieties of
corn, named in the following order:

1. K^ty tsqyw&iy) blue corn (& ^, corn; tsaywae, blue), associated
with the North, personified by K"utsanita a n<u,, Blue Corn Maiden.

2. ICy, tsejVir), yellow corn (ley,, corn; ise, yellow), associated
with the West, personified by 2ryisej ?a? a ny,, Yellow Corn Maiden.

3. ICy, pi iy, red corn (& ^, corn; pi, red), associated with the
South, personified by jry,p > imi > a >a nij,, Red Corn Maiden.

4. K* fy tsq? ir) , white corn (& ^, corn; ts%, white), associated with
the East, personified by HCy&j&nifa^ftu, White Corn Maiden,

5. K^ tsseyqeiy, man}^ colored corn (7^, corn; tsserffje, many
colored), associated with the Above, personified by ITvfas&ggeffi*)
V a ft^, Many-colored Corn Maiden.

6. K*ty p^tfniy, black corn (Jcy,, corn; p*ey, black), associated with
the Below, personified by ITt^Yra^V^tf, Black Corn Maiden.

7. Kyp inini, dwarf corn, personified by Ky,p*inini*tf a ny,,
Dwarf Corn Maiden.

It will be noticed that the first six of these varieties are associated with
the cardinal colors and the world- regions, and it seems probable that the

Cf. M. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, p. 353. Zuni women carry water in jars to their vegetable
gardens.

aCushing, Zuni Creation Myths, Thirteenth I!< i>. Hur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 392-398.

3 See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,
p. 236.

82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

six-fold classification made by the Tewa has been influenced by the fact
that they possessed maize of six colors; or rather, five, since "many-
colored maize" is simply maize in which grains of several colors grow
on the same cob. In addition to the six cardinal colors, intermediate
colors are recognized; see COLOR- ADJECTIVE COMPOUNDS, p. 32. The
seventh variety, p^inini^ or Tc yp inini (k y,, maize; p^inini, midget,
dwarf, small, weazened person appears to be from Spanish pigineo^
New Mexican pronunciation pinineo, pigmy), is a kind of corn with
small ears and small yellowish- white grains. The Tewa state, how
ever, that they have had this variety of corn from immemorial times.
The name has sometimes been translated sweet corn " by the Ameri
cans and maiz dulce by the Mexicans. The introduced sweet corn,
however, is distinguished as :

ICy, $ iy, sweet corn (F^, maize; $, sweet). Sweet Corn. New
Mexican Spanish maiz dulce. Hodge gives Ku n aii-td6a as a Sweet
Corn clan at San Ildefonso.

At the present time (1912) the largest proportion of the corn raised
at Santa Clara is "blue" and "white". "Blue" corn, Vy, ts$yw%?iy,
is almost black in coat-color, but, when ground, it produces a blue-pur
ple meal. "Black " corn, Icy, p^niy^ has a dusty, gray -black surface.
Indian yellow corn, Jc y, iseji vy, is not raised at Santa Clara, but there
is a fine strain of it at Tesuque. One or two men at Santa Clara raise
American yellow corn. A dark-red variety mottled with black was
introduced four years ago from Jemez.

The Tewa of Hano distinguish the following strains, naming them
in the same order as do the Hopi:

&e*i, yellow corn North.
tsayw&i, blue corn West.
, pi>i, red corn South.
fsqfi, white corn East.
p*ni, black corn ? Below.

ii mixed-colored corn ? Above.
, dwarf corn.

, a dwarf corn cultivated by the ancestors; archaic, name,
jele.
Intermediate colors are also named, as

, gray corn.
pitsszki i, pink corn.
ITy,ly,m pip^tfni, dark-red corn.

TREATMENT OF CORN

Corn is planted by the Rio Grande Tewa in April. As with all
other seeds, it should be sown under a waxing moon, so as to grow
with the moon; under a waning moon the seeds cease growing. Not

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 55 PLATE 7

A. SALTBUSH (ATRIPLEX CANESCENS), A SHRUB SEVERAL FEET HIGH IN THE CANYONS ON TALUS
SLOPES AND STREAM TERRACES.

B. WILD SQUASH (CUCURBITA FCETIDISSIMA), A TRAILING FORM IN CANYONS.

Knl .I .l.VS. 1IAKUI \(JTON, 1 -rirriTT-KT/-wT

FBEIBH-MARBECO J ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 83

everyone knows the right times for sowing; some men know the
time for one crop and some for another. Sometimes women help to
plant by dropping seeds after the men.

The corn is gathered in late September or early October, after the
watermelons have been taken. The gobemador proclaims the day on
which people are to begin to take their corn, and at the more con
servative pueblos, for instance at Nambe, no one dares to take it before
the time.

At Santa Clara the people do not plant a field for the cacique, nor
have they done so within the last 50 years. They used to plant a
field in common for the support of the church.

Occasionally women help to gather "their corn," but most of the
work is done by the men, who pick the ears by hand and place them
in sacking aprons, leaving the stalks to be cut down with a scythe.
They bring the ears to the pueblo in a wagon the sides of which have
been inclosed with cottonwood saplings and cornstalks, and pile them
in the plaza before their houses, for husking.

The pueblo of San Ildefonso is swept before the corn is brought
home, "because corn is just the same as people and must have the
plaza clean, so that the corn will be glad when we bring it in."

Men, women, and children spend several days husking the corn,
going to help relations when the work for their own household is done.
The men and boys chop the stalks with axes; within living memory
sharp stones were used for the purpose. A large pile of husks is soon
formed against which the women sit; the master of the house presides
and takes special charge of the best ears.

An ear on which no grain has developed is called ta ba?iy, 4 lazv
grass (ta, grass; ba, lazy), and the same jesting reproach is used to a
lazy woman who will not grind. When such an ear is found in the
course of husking, a man or boy will strike a woman with it, crying,
ta <ba ) iyf, reproaching her as a poor housewife. If both parties are
young, this assault leads to much romping and struggling; the girl
protests that, lazy or not lazy, nothing would induce her to marry that
boy; he chases her and rolls her playfully in the corn husks, while the
elders laugh indulgently. The little girls cany largo ears of corn in
their shawls, calling them their children. The whole tone of the work
is gay and enthusiastic.

The better ears are selected for seed at the time of husking, each
person laying aside such as appear to come up to the standard, which
naturally varies from year to year according to the general quality of
the crop. These ears, called Kowaju, are not entirely stripped, but
two or three strips of husk, ttowa, are left attached to them. The
master of the house reminds the helpers to save the good ears by say
ing ~biytt(ywaju\i (biy, 3 7 e, three or more them; fcowaju, choice ears;
(/, do). He may tell them also to save clean husks for smoking and

84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

other uses, biyttowapa (biy, ye, three or more them; k owa, husk,
skin; pa, make). The k owaju are handed over to the master at the
end of the day, and the ordinary ears are tossed up on the roof or on
a platform built of cotton wood poles and branches, or are laid on a bed
of logs in any place that is dry and well drained.

When the husking is finished the master clears away the husks, rak
ing them over to find piles of Jcowaju unwittingly covered up in the
heap, and next day he makes the k tfop ue (& #, corn; op i&e, braid),
fastening the k owaju in a long braid by means of the strips of husk
attached to them. Most men sort the Jcowaju according to color,
making one braid (Spanish ristra) of blue ears, another of white, and
so on. It is recognized that a crop of corn will always be more or
less mixed in color; that, if one sows all blue corn, "some white is
sure to mix in it from another field." But most men, by continuing
to select the whole blue and whole white ears each year for seed, keep
up approximately a white strain and a blue strain.

The ristras when finished are set up to dry, resting on the points of
the ears, and afterward are hung over the parapet of the roof.

Certain ears are saved for seed with the husk on; these are called
k\)de,or1co^6ttowaywoQebo^ (Jco<ie,Q&i:Qi corn; Jcowa, skin; ywoQebc? ,
withal). It is said that these are not husked until the spring, when
the kernels are sown before any of the other seed. Some husked ears
of white corn set apart in the houses have spruce twigs tied on them.

Dwarf corn, parched and made into ristras, is hung on the parapet
to dry.

All this is man s work. "

Miss C. D. True informed the writer that the seed corn is the sub
ject of a winter ceremony * in which all the heads of houses take part,
and that after this ceremony it may not be touched except by the head
of the house. 2

Seed corn should be kept over until the second year; that is, corn
gathered in 1912 should be sown in 1914. If sown the very next year,
it is supposed to germinate less quickly.

An informant at San Ildefonso gave the same rule:

The old women are like that; they know from very old times, and they keep the
corn for seed; some they sow the next year, but some they keep for the year after. 3
Then, if no corn should grow this year there would still be some to sow the year

1 Possibly identical with the Winter Solstice Ceremony at Hano. See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., n. s.,
I, no. 2, pp. 251-276.

2 The statement is made, but on doubtful authority, that the Keres of Santo Domingo represent in
their August dance the coming of messengers from destitute pueblos to beg seed-corn from Santo
Domingo.

3 Fray Juan de Escalona, writing in October, 1601, from San Gabriel in the Tewa country, says that
"the captain-general and his officers have sacked the villages, robbing them of their corn of which
they had six years store, so that now they are eating wild seeds mixed with charcoal." (Quoted by
Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. v.)

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 85

after. 1 They do the same with melon and watermelon seeds. They want to keep
the corn of the pueblo. We could buy other seed, and perhaps better, from white
people; or we could get seed from other pueblos; but the old men do not want that.
They want to keep the very corn of the pueblo, because the corn is the same as the
people.

At Santa Clara, however, seed corn is often imported; one man
showed a strain of red corn from Jemez and proposed to get white
corn from a friend at Taos, "because it is very cold there, and their
corn ought to ripen early here." Other men said that corn from a
distant place generally grew larger and better. While they lay stress
on color, size of ears, and quick growth and ripening, they seem to
neglect depth of planting. But for sowing they prefer the large grains
from the lower part of the ear. A few men raise American yellow
maize. 2 The introduction of new food plants, e. g., cabbage, is often
discouraged by the women, who refuse to cook or eat them.

The Hano people showed themselves highly averse to exchanging
seed of their own for that of a New Mexican pueblo, suspecting the
"intention" of the senders.

It is said that at Tesuque, where "the customs" are admittedly very
strict, people are allowed to plant only the traditional crops corn,
wheat, melons, watermelons, pumpkins, beans, and chile; anyone who
attempted to sow new crops or American seeds would be punished.
The same feeling must have been at work in 1680, when the revolted
Indians burnt wheat, sheep, pigs , and fowls all Spanish importations
along with books and images and vestments.

The Santa Clara people consider it a proof of their own modern
liberalism that they allow any kind of seed to be sown.

The ordinary corn, when it has been husked, comes into the charge
of the mistress of the house, who sorts it according to quality-
some for grinding at home, some for sale, some for feed for the
horses. A widower may be seen doing this work for himself.
A small quantity of the new corn is shelled off the cob at once and
dried on cloths in the sun, to make atole next day. When the corn
has dried in the open air it is taken into the house, sometimes being
pitched into a storeroom through a chimney hole, and finally the
master and mistress of the house stack it in a neat pile, sorted accord
ing to color or quality.

As soon as people have husked their own household corn they go to
help their relations. Widows and orphans and needy persons in
general help at as many huskings as possible, receiving a present of
corn at each. "Mexicans" are sometimes hired to help, and men go
to other pueblos to help relations who are short of help.

At the Keres pueblo of Cochiti a field is cultivated by all the people for the benefit of the
cacique. He is expected to keep the corn from this field as a reserve over the next year, in case the
people s corn should fail or be destroyed.

2 The Hopi are said to be willing and anxious to use American seeds.

67961- Bull. 5516 7

86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

The pueblo is finally swept of the litter of husks late in October,
generally in preparation for a dance.

PROPERTY IN CORN

Standing crops are the property of men, usually the heads of house
holds. Boys often have fields assigned to them by their fathers or
bequeathed by their mothers relations, which they plant and call their
own, although they put the corn into the family stock. Crops once
housed belong to the mistress of the house, who has to store and care
for them, so as to feed the family during the year. She uses, gives,
and sells the corn at her discretion, making a daily allowance for her
husband s horses and, at his request, for those of guests. A man
always speaks of the stored corn and other food as "my wife s" and
does not dispose of it without her leave. Sometimes he speaks of it
as hers while it is still in the fields.

The seed corn belongs to the man.

Hay and corn-shocks, which are stacked on platforms over the cor
rals, fenced with boughs and tall cornstalks, belong to the man.

GRINDING CORN

The Pueblo method of grinding maize on the metates, <?, has often
been described. 1 In the Tewa villages of New Mexico the younger
women do not learn to grind, and few new houses are furnished with
metates; when the occupants need corn meal they grind at an older
house, or put a small quantity through the coffee mill. This means
the practical abandonment of maize as human food in favor of wheat.
Older women contrast their own hands, in which certain muscles are
largely developed, while the finger-nails are worn down obliquely by
rubbing on the metate, with the slight hands of the girls. In the
youth of the former perhaps thirty years ago women used to rise
before dawn to grind. When the men were going to the plains to
trade with the Comanche, the women used to grind whole loads of
meal for them to carry. Several women would grind together at
night; they ground the corn successively on four metates ranging from
rough to smooth. On the first they broke up the corn, and reduced it
to fine flour on the fourth, toasting it after each grinding. Meanwhile
the men sang the grinding song (a tune without words, still known),
or beat a drum, and the women kept time to the music with slow regu
lar strokes. There is a story that in ancient times women did not have
to grind; they merely laid themano and the corn on the metate and it
ground itself.

At Hano grinding is still the daily occupation of women. Where
there are several women in a house, the unmarried girls are set to
grind, while the married women fetch water. Girls grind for their

iCf. Mindeleff, Eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 211; Cushing, Zufli Bread-stuff.

KOBBIXS. 11AKIU XCTO.N
FttKIKK-MAKHECO

s ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 87

father s sisters, and make parties to do the same work in one anoth
er s houses; married women grind occasionally for their mothers-in-
law. Girls sing while they grind, and smear their faces with meal
before and after grinding; and this is playfully recommended as a
way of learning the task. They also powder their faces with meal
when they are in full dress.

RITUAL USE OF CORN- MEAL

The ritual use of k*y,k*%y or %mbowa by the New Mexican Tewa
is necessarily attended with so much reserve and secrecy that it will be
more convenient to describe here some of the practices of the Tewa of
Hano.

White corn-meal is primarily the women s offering, as feathers are
the offering of the men, but to a less degree each is used by the other
sex. The action of offering corn meal is called (lolcylyytfiU^ I [scat
ter] corn grains (do, I-it; ttylyir), corn; Kill, grain), or, rarely, $0
k*%my, (do, I-it; k*%my,, unexplained). In this manner women pray
to the sun at sunrise, asking for long life, dibijowowa o (dibi, they
themselves; jowowa, pray for life; 6> , do), especially when giving
names to infants or adults. By throwing meal on the k ajetd 6 , fetish
house or shrine, and saying their wish aloud, they ask favors of
the kachina. They take corn-meal, JciiliLyJciU, in their hands when
they go to dig clay for pottery. A song represents a woman praying
with corn-meal for the success of her husband, who has gone to trade
in the New Mexican pueblos:

"At daybreak

taking Jcyluyk ili with her,

going out on the roof,

sprinkling it eastward (she says).

Buffalo hides he shall find for me,

costly things he shall find for me.

So she says,

she sprinkles it in all directions."

When a rabbit is given to a woman she lays it on the floor and drops
meal on it " to feed it."

When the impersonators of the Tcachina visit a house, the women
welcome them by throwing corn-meal to each in turn. Similarly, when
the kachina visit an estufa, the te etynjo, estufa chief, makes a cir
cuit of them before they begin their performance, throwing a pinch
of meal to each from the bag, ibilcylyteilimy, (ifti, his; k yfy, corn;
k ili, grain; my,, bag), which hangs from his neck, and on some occasions
the senior woman of the clan which controls the estufa is stationed
behind the ladder with meal in her hand ready to throw as the visiting
Icachina pass. At public dances in the plaza several old men pas>
along the line of dancers, throwing meal to each and uttering requests

88 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

on behalf of the village ; the clowns (kosakojala) also wear meal-bags
and occasionally sprinkle from them. 1

When the people have planted for a chief and he exhibits his & ?/%/? &,
6 dressed corn (k*y,ly,iy, corn; #, clothing, dressed), all the people throw
corn-meal and pray to it.

Two kinds of ritual " road," p^olqiy, are made with corn-meal. One
is a line drawn along the path by which visitors are ritually invited to
enter im$ip*olQi) oylco, their road lies for them (p*oloy, road; 077,
it for them ; ho, to lie) whereas a path is ritually closed by a line of
meal drawn across it natsala, it is cut (71$, it; tsa, to cut ; la^ modal).
The other kind of road is a line of meal with a feathered cotton string
lying on it (or a feathered cotton string carried in a man s hand with
a pinch of meal), by which absent persons, game animals, etc., are
invited to travel to the village.

At the naming of a child or adult (? female only), the face, breast,
and hands are powdered with corn meal, and the walls of the room
should be " painted" with meal in four places; the impersonator of
the sun, t*ansnno, " paints " certain houses with meal when he makes
his rounds in February.

COOKING OF CORN PRODUCTS

The following preparations of corn, among others, are eaten by the
Tewa of Hanoi

Mowa (Rio Grande Tewa, luwa), wafer bread (New Mexican Spanish
guallabe), thepiki of the Hopi. 2 It is a staple article of food, being-
eaten at the ordinary household meals, and supplied to shepherds and
travelers as their provision (h%gi) , at dances and ceremonies the per
formers are refreshed with mowa brought to them by their female
relations; immense piles of mowa are given as return presents (wo^a,
pay) from one household to another.

In most households mowa is made once a week or once a fortnight
and stored in a box, from which it is dealt out by the mother or eldest
daughter as it is needed. Parties of women meet to make mowa in
one another s houses.

1 Torquemada s informant from San Gabriel (1601) writes: "At daybreak the women go with meal
and feathers to certain toscas stones, which they have set up, and throw them a little of the meal
which they are carrying and some of those little feathers, with the intent that they should keep them
[the women] safe that day so that they may not fall from the ladders, and also that they should give
them dresses (manias)."

Benavides says (1630) that the Pueblo Indians before going out to fight offered " meal and other
things" to the scalps of enemies whom they had slain; that they offered meal to the heads of deer,
hares, rabbits, and other dead animals before hunting, and to the river before fishing. Women who
desired lovers offered meal to stones or sticks which they set up for the purpose on hillocks at a
distance from the pueblo.

2The Zufii recipes for wafer bread ("he we"), tortillas ("he yahoniwe", dumplings, light bread
("he palokla "=^uwak o), doughnuts ("mu tsikowe"), hominy ( = "chu tsikwanawe"), roasted
sweetcorn (mi lo we), popped corn ("ta kunawe"), are given by Mrs. Stevenson. (See The Zufii
Indians, pp. 361-367, and Ethnobotany of the Zufii Indians, passim.)

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 89

Mowa is made on a rectangular slab of fine-grained stone, about 3 feet
square, laboriously hewn and polished, called mmvalcu(mowa,})VQ&& ,
leu, stone), which rests on stones at the ends or at the four corners.
This slab stands under a wide open chimney in a special room, mowa-
Icu? tie (mowa, bread; leu, stone, &*, place); it is heated by a fire built
beneath it. A soft liquid dough or batter is prepared in a mixing bowl,
and when the stone has been thoroughly heated and wiped with a greasy
rag, a small quantity of the batter is spread over the surface by a
quick, sweeping motion of the hand, leaving a thin, even layer. In
a few seconds this layer of dough is so far cooked that it can be peeled
off entire by one of its corners; it is laid aside on a wickerwork tray,
and a second layer is spread on the stone. While this is cooking, the
first sheet of mowa is laid over it again to benefit by the heat; then the
first and second sheets are removed, a third layer is spread, and the
second sheet is laid above the third for extra cooking; and so on.
When a bowlful of the batter has been used, there is a pause in the
work; the semitransparent sheets are folded in four, and sometimes
the four-fold sheets are rolled into cylinders. In either shape they
may be eaten fresh or stored for future use; they keep good for a
fortnight or more. Stale mowa may be broken up fine and toasted,
dipped into cold water, or mixed with boiling water into a porridge.

Mowa is generally made of "blue" corn-meal, with the addition of
ashes stirred into the dough, turning it to a rich greenish blue. The
ashes of ia? a j%r} (Atriplex canescens), gathered for the purpose in
summer, are preferred; but late in the winter, if the stock of ia^jsey is
exhausted, ashes of sheep s dung are used. u Blue" corn-meal with
out ashes makes purple-gray mowa; white mowa is made of white
corn-meal; red and yellow mowa, used by certain kachina, is made by
mixing vegetal dyes in the dough. 1

The ordinary mowa consists of fine meal with the addition of ashes
and a little salt; $s%?im mowa ( $, unexplained; s% 9 bitter) is made
with the addition of a larger quantity of salt; $%%m mowa (Vj,
sweetness; ksey, pour from the mouth) was formerly made of dough
sweetened by mixing with it chewed meal or stale mowa broken up
fine and chewed, but it is now sweetened with sugar.

AtttFi ( a, unexplained; tiWl, dots or specks) are made by drop
ping small quantities of batter at intervals on the hot stone, much as
white people make pancakes.

Mowanusege (mowa, bread ; nusege may describe size or shape of the
cakes) consists of corn just beginning to ripen, ground on a single
metate in the field shelter. The dough is formed into flat oblong
cakes, about the size of the palm of the hand, which are rolled and

iThe Hopi prepare a red dye for kachina pike from theseeds of Amaranthm palmrri Watson, which
they cultivate in terrace gardens around the springs. They colorpike also with the ashes of Parryella
filifolia, and cf. Atriplex canescens. (Hough, Amer. Anttir., vol. x, no. 2, 1897, pp. 39, 40.)

90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

baked in the oven of a modern stove (TcwsRkup*a) ; formerly these were
baked on small stones over a bed of hot coals.

Mowatolco (mowa, bread; to, unexplained; F<?, bake, roast, broil)
is made of blue corn-meal mixed with sugar and ashes of tajsey^
stirred with a stick in boiling- water. As it cools, the mass is mixed
thoroughly with the hands. A handful of the dough is put into
a corn-husk, the edges of which are wrapped over the dough and
the ends turned down, and the whole is baked in an oven. To make
the oven, four stones are set up to enclose a rectangular space, in
which a fire is built; the hot embers are reduced to fine fragments
which are spread in an even layer, and on which thin stone slabs are
laid. On these are placed the corn-husk packets, weighted down
with smaller stones. At the present time the oven of an ordinary
cooking stove is often used.

Tsinimowatsigi (tsini, chile; mowa, bread; tsigi, pinch) may be
made as follows: Shape into flat cakes dough composed of rather
coarse white corn-meal and water. On each cake lay a piece of meat
and sprinkle over it powdered chile. Tie up the cakes in corn-husk
and drop them into boiling water. This article of diet more nearly
resembles the New Mexican tamale than does the following:

Tamali (< Span, tamale), rolls of corn-meal dough boiled.

Meless&lse,, dumplings (mele, ball; ssel%, cook, boil, stew).

Over blue corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes boiling
water is poured; the mixture is then stirred and kneaded into dough.
This is rolled into little balls between the palms of the hands, which
are dropped into boiling water to cook.

Aksemmele ( $, sweetness; fe??, pour from the mouth; mele, ball)
are dumplings made of corn-meal mixed with ashes, sweetened, for
merly with chewed meal, now with sugar, and boiled. The. balls are
larger than meles%l%, being about 2i inches in diameter. These
dumplings are used as a supper dish.

Mapissglse, (mapi, squeeze; s%l% 9 cook, boil, stew). Coarse blue
corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes is made into dough.
Small pieces of this dough pressed between the fingers and palm of
the closed hand are dropped into boiling water. When cooked these
are eaten with fried chile, tsinitsile (tsini, chile; tsile, cook, parch, or
fry).

Three kinds of corn gruel are classed together: & ##, k ulumputsi,
and Jc.ij%. *AJc% Q ( <i, unexplained; K%y, meal) is made by sifting
coarse blue corn-meal (without ashes) with the hands into boiling
water and stirring with a stick ^qti%mpe). Until the introduction
of coffee and tea, this gruel was the usual morning drink. Kij%
(archaic name, meaning now unknown), a gruel of rather coarse corn-
meal mixed with ashes and salt, sifted into boiling water and stirred
with the Wtf 1 . ?////<?, is seldom eaten now. ICytymputsi (Fy,ly,, corn:

UOBBINSj HARRINGTON,

KK10IUE-MARKECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 91

putsi, unexplained) was made by sifting coarse meal of p inini corn
into boiling water.

fakewe is cooked like g&V/?, but with less water, making a stiff,
rather dry, crumbling porridge, which can be handled in lumps. It
is eaten in the morning and at other times instead of okiyqi^ or mowa
especially with pot liquor from boiled meat. Shepherds make an im
itation of fakewe by sifting and stirring crumbled mowa into boiling
water.

MowaJcoke (mowa, bread; tio bake, roast, broil; Jce, put down) is
eaten at sunrise on festive occasions, as the final feast of a wedding,
the naming of a child, or when the Tcachina come. The impersonators
of the Icachina can not go to their houses for breakfast, and so their
female relatives carry mowa&oke and mowa to them. Two handfuls
of wheat are put into a small basket or dish, sprinkled with water,
covered with a cloth, and allowed to stand three or four days, until
sprouted. White corn, after being soaked for a few minutes to loosen
the outer skin, is ground on the first (coarse) metate; after the meal is
well sifted it is ground fine, The sprouted wheat, ground, is mixed
with the corn dough. The mixture, thoroughly stirred, is put into a
vessel (formerly an earthenware pot, now a tin can lined with corn-
husk or corn-leaves), which is covered with corn- husks, and baked at
night in the mowafcote, oven (mowa, bread; Jco, to bake; te, house).
This is a rectangular pit, 18 to 24 inches deep, cut in the rock outside
the house and lined with slabs of stone. In this pit a fire is made;
when it is hot, the embers are reduced to fragments and the vessel is
set among them; the opening is closed with a slab of stone, sealed with
clay, and a fire built on top. Next morning the vessel is taken out
and the mowatfoke is stirred with a stick.

Mowasey (mowa, bread; s^y, horn). Dough is made of blue corn-
meal, with ashes and sugar; portions of the dough wrapped in corn-
leaves are dropped into boiling water. When green corn-leaves,
mowaseytfowa (Jcowa, skin, husk) are saved for wrappers, they are
coiled into wheel-shaped bundles and tied with yucca strips. When
wanted, a bundle is soaked in warm water to soften it before being
untied.

Mowatsig.1 and mowatsigi e (tsigi, pinch, constrict; 0, diminutive).
Dough is made of blue corn-meal with the addition of sugar and
ashes of taj%y; small portions of the dough, wrapped in pieces of
corn-husk and tied tightly in two places with shreds of yucca, are
dropped into boiling water. When men and boys go to gather snow
for the women of their fathers clans, the women make moioatsigfe
to pay them; they go to meet the men returning from the work and
tie the little packets to their forelocks. Some kachina bring mowa-
to the children.

.

92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

l v y,niuse, parched corn. The corn should be parched on hot sand in
a meal-drying- pot, Jcseiamele (Fa3, corn-meal; to, dry; mele, pot),
over the fire, so that the kernels burst into " pop-corn"; but now the
corn is often roasted in an American oven. As it is eaten it is sea
soned by moistening with a piece of corn-cob dipped into salt water
contained in a dish set near by for the purpose.

ICsentstfiy (ti%y, corn-meal; tsi, ? parch, cook), parched corn-meal,
Spanish pinole, comprises several varieties. The commonest is meal
of p mini corn very finely ground which has been roasted at the time
of harvest, the meal being dried over the fire after each grinding, on
the coarse, medium, and fine-grained metates. ICsentstfiy with wowa
is the conventional food of travelers; it can be mixed with cold water
and drunk without further preparation, and it is very nourishing.
Some of the Icachwa, when they visit the houses, require the unmar
ried girls to grind lt%ntei?\i) for them. 1

Okiipgi (New Mexican Tewa, buwaJca^a; New Mexican Spanish,
tortilla) is a round flat cake of unleavened bread of corn-nietil or
wheat flour, baked on the hearth or on a small hot stone. Olciyfji is
the general word for bread.

" TJmmowakala ( y,y, blood; mowa, bread; Jcqla, thick) are cakes of
corn-meal mixed with fresh ox blood, baked in the oven.

Puta8%l% (puta, unexplained; sszlse, cook, stew, boil) are round flat
cakes, about five inches in diameter and one inch in thickness, with a
hole in the middle, made of blue corn-meal or of p inini corn-meal.

Kapowsznu (&(/, fat; po, water, liquid; wxnn, drip) were formerly
made of white corn-meal and water and were fried in mutton grease.
Now they are generally made of commercial wheat flour, with the
addition of baking powder and salt. After being well kneaded the
dough is made up with the fingers into very thin disks about nine
inches in diameter, with one or two slits or holes in each. These are
fried one by one in deep fat, mutton grease, lard, or pig s fat rend-
dered down, being carefully turned. They become golden-brown
and puff up crisply, like very light doughnuts. Kupowxnu are,
eaten on festive occasions; being quickly made, they are esteemed a
delicacy proper for entertaining guests.

P%,ii, hominy. White corn is put into warm water with ashes of
corn-cobs, and boiled, more water being added if necessaiy, until it
swells up to three times its original bulk. After the ashes are thor
oughly washed out the corn is boiled again, with mutton.

At the pueblo of Santa Clara the preparation of maize foods has
certainly declined in late years partly on account of the growing

1 The pinole of the Pima is made by grinding corn not merely roasted but popped. (Pfefferkorn,
Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora, 1705, quoted by Russell in Twenty-sixth Rep. Jlur. Amer. Ethn.,
p. 67.) Dough made of k %nlni iyis called tau-% %. Some of the kachina give figurines of animals
made of this dough to the children.

ETIINOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 93

popularity of wheat flour, native and commercial, and the disinclina
tion of the women to grind maize on the metates; also in common
with the general economic deterioration which accompanies the use of
money and the proximity of American stores. Only a few prepara
tions have been noted in common use, but it is probable that others
survive in connection with various ceremonies. ISuwa l or buwajawe
(jawe, to tear off a layer) (paper-bread, wafer-bread, New Mexican
Spanish guallabe, Hopipilci, Zuni Jiewe) is made by methods similar to
those described under mowa, page 89, but the blue color is given by add
ing lime. Perhaps half a dozen houses in the pueblo have rooms for
making buwa, and the hewn stones, buwaku, which are obtained in trade
from the pueblo of Jemez. 2 Buwa is not in everyday use: it is made
for festivals and ceremonies, and the women who can make it are
respected for the accomplishment.

Buwafccua 3 (buwa, bread; Ica^a, thick) Spanish tortilla de m.aiz
is a flat, round, unleavened cake of blue corn-meal, baked on a hot
stone over the fire. It is fully as thin as the wheat tortilla, and is
called "thick" to distinguish it from buwa, water-bread.

The Tewa say that their ancestors used the fat of deer to lighten
their bread. Maize bread can be made of meal and water only, with
out grease, but, thus made, it is hard and heavy.

4<735? corn-meal gruel, Spanish atole, usually made of "blue" corn-
meal, is still in fairly regular use, and is the prescribed diet for the
sick, either alone or served with szepo, liquor from boiled meat (sse,
stew; po, water, liquid), or with dried beef.

fak.ewe is stiff porridge made of "blue" or red corn-meal.

Agsg, and fakewe are the conventional breakfast foods.

Dumplings were formerly made by dropping balls of corn meal
dough into boiling water. The old men liked to sit by the pot so as
to be ready to pick out with a splinter of wood the dumplings as fast
as they were cooked, and eat them hot.

White corn is boiled with mutton or beef; the stew is called posoli
( < Span, posole). Hominy does not seem to be in use, but Escalona

1 Euwa (Hano Tewa mowa) is a general term for breadstuff made of maize, but specially for wafer-
bread, guallabe. In fact, at Santa Clara as at Hano, unless thejnwa is further specified as feuwoieua,
fyuwak o, etc., it may be taken for granted that guallabe is meant. At San Ildefonso fyuiva seems to be
applied more generally; thus, an informant from San Ildefonso translated "our daily bread" by
nZ infy Jttww t amuyivaffi i i, whereas at Santa Clara it would probably be translated na bitty puffa
(?<Span. pan).

2 The Zuni lubricate the stone with the oil of chewed squash seeds, the Tewa of Santa Clara with
marrowfat (pck uyka, bone grease ), the Tewa of Hano with any animal grease (kqp ek uy, bone
<.p e, stick, k uy, stiff object; ka, grease).

Torquemada s informant (circa 1600) particularly notes that the Tewa of San Gabriel (Chamita)
did not mix ashes or lime in their atole as did the Indians of Mexico. At the present day the Ti-wa
of Santa Clara mix lime, kunu, stone ashes, not in atole or fakewt, but in tyum and J/nm ktua.
The necessary "stone" for burning can be found in Santa Clara Canyon, but, to save trouble, the
lime is more often bought from "Mexican" peddlers. The Zuni also use lime; the Tewa of Hano
use vegetal or animal ashes.

94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

(1601) refers possibly to that article of diet when he writes of grass-
seeds eaten with charcoal as above mentioned.

Tamade is the Spanish tamale, meat patty.

JCump^uywse, pctfir), pop corn (Jcij,, corn; p^uywse, parched corn;
fia cracked, to crack), is said to have been usually p inini.
(San Ildefonso.)

P^uywseia, * pinole (p* y,yw%, parched corn; 20, to grind) consists
of parched or popped corn ground into meal. (Santa Clara.)
(Cf. KsentsViy.}

Some particulars of the Tewa methods of cooking maize derived
from letters sent from San Gabriel (Chamita) to Mexico shortly before
1601 areas follows: 1

As soon as the ears of Maize have come to be in milk, they gather many of them,
and having kneaded them make of them a thinly-spread dough, very thin, like puff-
pastry (hojaldrado), as when one makes Fruta de Sarten (a Spanish delicacy, literally,
frying-pan fruit ); and of this Dough so kneaded they make a sort of rools (canelones,
a sort of sugar-stick) like a supplication [cf. mowanuseac, p. 89] and hang them in the
sun, and when they are dry they keep them for eating; and when the Ears are
pretty well hardened (quaxadas, coagulated), they gather many of them, and, after
parching or roasting them, set them in the sun; and when they are dried, they store
them [as the Tewa now treat p ininik ur} ] . The rest of the Ears, which are left grow
ing, they allow to ripen entirely, to store them in the form of Maize, ready for eating,
and for sowing at the proper season. They do all of this, because the frosts begin
very early, and the harvest is in much danger of being lost; and so this manner of
gathering their food, so as to enjoy some of it, before it be all frozen [and lost] to them.
Also they gather good Beans, and large and well-flavoured Squashes; they make of
the kneaded Corn for the morning meal atole, much as Pap or Gruel is made of
Flour, and this they eat cold any time of the Day; they do not put salt on it, nor
cook it with lime or ashes, as do these other Indians [i. e. those of Mexico proper].
Also they make Tamales [meat with chile powder enclosed in rolls of corn-meal
dough and boiled] and Tortillas [flat cakes unleavened] as do the Indians here; and
this is their usual Bread.

GIFTS OF FOOD

With the New Mexican Tewa, corn-meal and wheat bread, in fact
all cooked foods the products of women s industry pass as appro
priate presents from women to men, or between the mistresses of house
holds. (The proper present from a man to a woman would be game,

iTorquemada, Monarchic, Indiana, lib. v, cap. xxxx, pp. 678-679. The original Spanish reads as
follows:

"Luego que las Macorcas de Maiz llegan a estar en leche, cogen muchas de ellas, y amasadas,
hacen una masa de ellas estendida, mui delgada, a manera de hojaldrado, como quando hacen
Fruta de Sarten; y de esta Masa asi amasada, hacen unos canelones, a la manera, que una supli-
cacion [cf. mowanuseye], y cuelganlas al Sol.y secas, las guardan para comer; y quando las Macorcas
van ya quasi quaxadas, cogen muchas de ellas, y tostadas, 6 cocidas, las poiien al Sol; y estando bien
enjutas, y secas, las guardan [as the Tewa now treat p ininik uy] . Las demas Macorcas, que quedan
naciendo, las dexan saconar de el todo, para guardarlas en Maiz, hecho para comer, y para sembrar
a su tiempo. Todo esto hacen, porque los ielos comiencan mui temprano, y estan las Mieses a mucho
riesgode perderse: y asi tienen este modo de coger su comida, para gocar de alguna, antes que se le
iele toda. Tambien cogen buenos Frisoles, y Calabacas grandes, y sabrosas; hacen de la Masa de
Maiz por la mafiana Atole (coino de Harina Gachas, 6 Poleadas) y este comen frio todo el Dia; no le
echan Sal, ni lo cuecen con cal, ni cenica, como estos otros Indies [i. e. of Mexico] lo cuecen,
Tambien hacen Tamales y Tortillas, como los de por aca; y este es su ordinario Pan."

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON, 1 T?TTTTsTfVRnT A W AT? TTTT? V^\XT A W A K

FREIHK-MARRKCO J J! - 1 -- 1 HE TEWA IIS, DIAKS >JO

firewood, or clothing.) On the eve of a festival they send new bread,
Vapowsenu, and pies made of dried peaches and melons, sometimes
boiled meat, to their neighbors; the present should be folded in a
cloth and carried under the bearer s head-shawl. The phrase used is
nsewe ywimma?", here I bring you [this] (n%we, here; ywiy, I it to
you 1; ma a , to give), to which the recipient answers, hq, yes ; or
Jc apowsenu dimm%g.i! give me the doughnut! (diy, you it to me;
maegi, to give); or Mn^awo^inha 4iyk 4powxnuja thanks, I con
gratulate myself that you bring me a doughnut (/a, to bring); or
Jcu ndawo inha J,imm%gi, thanks, I congratulate myself that you gave
it me (<Hr), you it to me). Emptying the dish, she wipes it and gives
it to the bearer; or, more ceremoniously, washes dish and cloth
before returning them next day.

At festivals, women and girls carry bread, cakes, boiled maet 9
chile con came, and coffee to theestufa, as refreshment for the dancers:
they set them in rows on the floor and immediately retire, while the
officials in charge thank them loudly. They also carry boiled meat and
bread to the house of the winter or summer cacique as the case may be.
During the k*a? a to, a winter dance at night in the estufa at San Ilde-
fonso, the women bring to the dancers corn-meal, bread, and some
times a ttyty, fc&ie iy, a whole corn-stalk with ears, husk, and leaves,
which they save for the purpose. On the Day of the Kings (January
6), when the dancers perform before the houses of the newly-
appointed officials of the pueblo, the officials wives bestow boiled
meat, bread, and boiled pumpkin. On All Souls Day (November 2)
corn, wheat, beans, peas, watermelons, apples, boiled pumpkins,
bread, cakes, and pies are brought to the churchyard by women and
presented to the Catholic priest "for the dead." More conservative,
and therefore more ceremonious, is a gift of corn-meal piled in an
Apache basket; it is a suitable offering for a religious functionary or
for a religious society which is in session. At some dances women
and girls bring baskets full of meal and set them down before their
favorite dancers, who are supposed to give a present of game in
return. This is done, for instance, at the Turtle Dance, ^okufcue
(okii, turtle; fcue^io dance), at San Juan; and another men s dance
at Santa Clara has fallen altogether into disuse "because the men are
afraid to dance; there are some women capable of giving a man nine
baskets of meal, and now that rabbits are so scarce, he would be
ruined in buying meat to pay them!"

At Hano, as in the Hopi villages, the systematic giving and repay
ment of food is constant and increasingly lavish: #&tWtf, they pay
each other, ($fl>i, they each other; wo a, to pay). Boiled mutton
with hominy, boiled peaches, boiled pumpkin, but above all vast
quantities of mowa (wafer-bread) pass from household to household,
each series of "payments" being closed by the gift of a few ears

96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. r>r>

of corn. Women take moitia, Jcqpoioxnu, and boiled peaches to the
dancers at their rehearsals, to the meetings of societies, to men of
their husbands clan who are weaving for them, to men who hunt
rabbits, gather wood, or do them any service.

VARIOUS USES

Corn-husks, stalks, and leaves are winter forage for stock. Cigar
ettes are made of corn-husk (see sa, p. 103). Feathers and flowers
are bound to prayer-sticks with corn-husk tape " and corn-silk. 1 The
framework and mounts for feathers in many ceremonial ornaments are
made of tightly twisted corn-husk. The Tcosa wear tufts of corn-leaf
or corn-husk on the peaks of their caps.

At Hano the Tc a >a wotokachina wear artificial flowers of painted corn-
husk on their heads. Corn-cobs, fcyy, are everywhere used as fire
lighters and as fuel in emergencies. At Hano a corn-cob tied to the
estufa ladder and swinging in the smoke which rises from the hatch
way means that one of the men who attend that estufa has not yet
brought his contribution of firewood for the ceremony in progress;
the idea suggested is that by his negligence his comrades are reduced
to burning cobs for fuel.

Corn-cobs make convenient handles and holders; for instance, at
Santa Clara, turkey feathers in corn-cob holders are carried by the
two women dancers in the pogonfa^e. At Hano feathered darts,
Jc ymeliy (k u, wing; meliy, ? balls), are made of cobs, and cobs are used
to make also a resilient stuffing for Jc*y,ly,mqwete 9 corn kick-balls
(fcylyy, corn; qwefte, kick along the ground).

Miss C. D. True kindly gave the following information about birth
customs at Santa Clara:

At the birth of a child the mother s best friend [the tsakwijo, cut old-woman ]
severs the umbilical cord with a smoldering corncob. Four days after birth the
corn-name is given. The mother s best friend comes to the house before dawn,
bringing corn-meal and water in a vessel with two compartments, one for the meal
and one for the water. The mother is led to the door with the infant, and the meal
is sprinkled in the air as the sun rises. The father then takes four of his best ears
of corn and sets them about the mother s bed. She returns, or should return to bed,
for four days more.

The following phrases given by a woman from San Ildefonso refer
to the same custom: J un jonut amiidi ^iltwVojowowapije, the fourth
day she took that woman out to ask for long life ; (V??, it with
reference to it; jonu, four; amu, day; <ti temporal; * , the; /v/v,
woman in prime; 0, she; jowowa, to throw meal asking for long life
<joj unexplained, wowa, to live; pije, to take out). Ojowowapije,
4hey two (the tsakwijo and another woman) take her (the mother)
out to ask for long life (by throwing meal), (V>, they two her).

1 Douglass, Records of the. Past, xi, p. 16.5.

UOHBIN.S, ITAUIIINGTON,
FUEIUE-MAKHECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 9?

At Hano, where the naming customs have approximated to those
of the Hopi, the rite requires the use of yucca suds, corn-meal, and
two ears of corn, one a tufted white ear called posete, the other a pink
or a red ear.

TRADE IN CORN

As long as buffalo were obtainable on the plains, the Tewa carried
on a considerable trade with the Comanche, bartering corn, corn-
meal, and wheat bread for prepared buffalo hides. Sometimes the
Tewa visited the Comanche country, sometimes the Comanche
brought hides to Santa Clara, which thus became a depot for the trade
in woolen goods and buffalo hides between the Hopi and the Co
manche. With the disappearance of the buffalo this intercourse
ceased.

TALLIES

It is said that at one time, probably between 1879 and 1894, the
Santa Clara men used to elect the gobernador by ballot, using grains
of corn or beans. Maize kernels or beans are used as counters in
the game of cafiute. 1

MEDICINAL USES or CORN

At Santa Clara the following remedy is used for swollen glands,
ssegole, in the neck: An ear of corn, &V<?, is laid on the warm hearth
near the lire, and the patient is told to set his foot on it and rub it to
and fro nffio^qntsa^i, rub the ear of corn with your foot (ml
you 1 it!; Jco^e, ear of corn; \ly, foot; fscui, to rub). In two or
three days time the swellings will subside. The treatment is suitable
for a child of ten years or so, not for a baby.

Blue corn-meal mixed with water is given at Santa Clara for piy/ic,
heart-sickness, palpitations, pains near the heart or diaphragm 1
(pij), heart; he, sickness, to be sick).

At San Ildefonso corn-pollen, Jcatu (fccj, corn-tassel; tu, kernel) was
especially recommended for palpitation of the heart.

Black corn with a slight streaking of red, Jc ump^e niy or (pip e niy,
New Mexican Spanish mats Tcafetao), is good for a woman at her
periods. Some women take corn-smut, sigp&ie, as a remedy for
irregular menstruation.

PANTOMIME OP CORN-GROWING

Some dancers for example the clowns, Icosa, at San Ildefonso use
interesting ritual gestures which portray the growth of corn. The
performer looks up at the sky, shading his eyes with one hand; this
means, "I see clouds coming." He makes motions as if drawing the

1 See Harrington, The Tewa Indian game of Canute, Amer. Anthr., xrv, p. 254, 1912.

98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

clouds toward him with both hands, palms upward. Then bending
his arms at the elbows and turning his palms downward, he shoots
them repeatedly forward: " the clouds are coming here to the fields."
By a zigzag motion of hand and arm above his head he indicates
lightning. Holding his hand horizontal, palm down, he lowers it by
a succession of jerks: " rain falls"; then he makes horizontal motions
of drawing and sweeping: "the water from the irrigating ditches
runs all over the fields." Next he imitates a man hoeing, first on one
side and then on the other. Then he shows the corn growing
up ... so high . . . now so high . . . marking successive heights
above the ground with his hand, as if showing a child s age; then the
male inflorescence, by holding up his hand with fingers and thumb
pointing upward in a circle. Lastly, the right forearm, with hand
pointing upward, is shot up perpendicularly several times, while the
left hand, held slightly above the level of the right elbow with palm
turned toward the right arm, is moved upward and outward from it,
to represent the growth of the female inflorescence at the side of the
stalk. All this time the performer continues to dance, keeping on
the same ground or moving over a few yards only.

While the Tcosa are dancing these motions, they mention corn,
wheat, melons, watermelons, chiles, peaches, apples, and all sorts of
edible plants.

CORN CLANS

The Corn clan at San Juan and Santa Clara is called Jcunioiva, at
Hano Jc*yy,ntoiM. Hodge 1 gives as names of Corn clans at various
pueblos: San Juan, Kun-tdoa; Santa Clara, Ihu n -td6(i; Hano, Kulo n -
towa; Jemez, Kyunutsa-dsh; Pecos, yunu?+f Sia and San Felipe,
Ydka-hdno; Santa Ana, Yatf-hdno; Cochiti, Yd/Ja-hdnuch; Zufii
(Corn or Seed), Ta a-kwe. Fewkes 2 gives Kolon as the Hano name of
the Hano Corn clan. Hodge 3 gives Ku*a,ii-td6a, as a Sweet Corn clan
at San lldef onso.

The Hopi have a Corn clan, Kau nyamu, Kau winwu, one of the
Patki group, at Walpi and Mishongnovi, and a Young Corn clan at
Oraibi. 4

The Corn clan at Hano presides over corn and all edible plants; the
members think themselves bound to feed the people in time of scar
city, to entertain strangers, and to interpret for them. The chief of
this clan makes the corn-meal "road" at ceremonies which concern
the whole village. At present the clan owns and repairs the estufa in
the plaza, munatde, and have named it s%lzemoloJ>ite e, corn-silk heap
house (s%l%, corn-silk; moloi>i, heap; tde, estufa).

1 Amer. Anthr., IX, p. 349, 1896.

2 Tusayan Migration Traditions, Nineteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, 1900, p. 615.

3 Op. cit.

< Fewkes, op. cit.; also Mindeleff, Localization of Tusayan Clans, in same Report, p. 651.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 99

The women of the Corn clan at Hano have the right to give personal
names referring to corn and all kinds of vegetal food, as
Icytyn fsejiy, yellow corn. M. and F.
k*y,ly,m p^ i??, red corn. F.
k ulunisse, white corn. F.

bluish- white corn. F.

e, little corn, alluding to the forced corn-plants distributed
at the Water Snake performance. M.

jele, the old name for a dwarf corn which the old people had.
_p*inini 9 dwarf corn. F.

i, corn tied, ? alluding to ears of corn taken to the estufa
at the Winter Solstice. M.

tympup^cua, corn at the bottom of the stack (p-u 9 base; pa? a,
spread on the ground). M.

dressed corn. (Hopi, tipuni.) M.

old-time corn, alluding to the Tf^l^rfa. M. and F.
tsqyw%nele, ? blue (or green) standing alone. M.
kalatsqy, new leaf. 1 F.
kalatsqyws&i green leaf. F.
kalatiti, leaf quivering. M.
sdzlsepilitsqy, new red corn-silk. F.
ktfinele, tassel alone. M.
faltu, pollen. F.
kqtutsqywse,, green pollen. F.
corn-smut. F.
i corn-meal put up. M.
tamali) a cooked food ( < Span, tamale). M.
tawse, , dough of parched sweet corn. F.
mowanusege, bread of unripe corn. F.
"* akqntsejiy , yellow field. F.
kotsala, planting divided, cut. M.
pa? a J<ekO) early planting. M.
mtyfo, sack. M.
tiojemytfo, seed bag. M.

p olontsqy, new road, alluding to a ritual line of corn-meal. F.
rsejimmy,, yellow pod. M.
sannia, watermelon (<Span. sandia). M.
mint ( Monarda menthdefolia). M.
) peach flower. F.

Tu.

1 . Bean. New Mexican Spanish frijol.
Beans (Span, frijoles, habas) were cultivated by the Rio Grande
Pueblos at the time of the discovery. Castano de Sosa (1590) notes
that they were of several colors, "el maiz hera de muchas colores e lo
propio es el frisol," possibly alluding to distinct varieties.

100 BUREAU OF AMEFxICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

A number of beans (PTiaseolus vulgaris, variety not determinable)
were found in 1910 in the pre-Spanish ruins at the Rito de los Frijoles,
New Mexico, just outside the Tewa area of occupancy.

The kind of beans which the Tewa used to have is distinguished
from other kinds by being called tewatu, Tewa beans (tewa, Tewa;
tu, bean).

Beans are the staple food of the Tewa, as of the poorer New Mexi
can Spaniards.

At Santa Clara beans are cooked, mashed, and spread on the face
to relieve neuralgia. T&ivatu gs&nta fri senySui, grind beans and
smear thyself (tewatu, Indian beans <tewa, Tewa, tu, bean; gsey, you
1 it for yourself; la, to grind; bi, of, for, connecting the phrase which
follows with the sentence; f^, to smear; V.u, temporal).

Po (cf. poyoje, wild squash, Cuciirbita foatidissiiiid]. The Hano
Tewa form is po with falling intonation, while the Kio Grande
Tewa use rising-falling intonation.
? . Squash, Pumpkin. New Mexican Spanish calabacin,

calabaza.

Pojo (po squash, pumpkin; jo augmentative).
? . Pumpkin. New Mexican Spanish calabaza.
Some persons prefer to say po so jo, large squash (so* jo, largeness,
large).

Pumpkins were cultivated at all the Rio Grande pueblos at the time
of the discovery and are still a fairly important crop. Considerable
quantities of them are kept for winter use, to be boiled, or baked in
the bread-oven, and eaten.

Mr. F. W. Hodge 1 gives as Calabash clans at various pueblos: San
Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, and Tesuque, Po-tdoa;
Jemez, Weliatsa-dsh; Pecos, TPa -A# -A / Acoma, Tdnyl-Jidnocf 11 ;
Sia and San Felipe, Tdnyl-hdno; Cochiti, Tanyi-hdmich.

At all the Tewa pueblos in New Mexico, as well as at Cochiti, at
Santo Domingo, and probably at other pueblos, the people are divided
into two groups, ritually and socially complementary to each other
and sometimes politically opposed. One of these is Potowa, Cala
bash people, the other Kunq&owa, Turquoise people. At Santa
Clara the Potowa are Winter people, temui in towa, and their re
ligious chief is the ojike. At Hano this dual grouping is not trace
able.

sffe, small spiny squash (po, squash, pumpkin; yw%, spiny
spine; 0, diminutive).
. Hubbard Squash, Small Spiny Squash.

lAmer. Anthr., ix, p. 349, IS Jti.

ROBBINS, HARRINGTON,"]
FREIRE-MARRECO

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS

101

Po^ywije, gourd rattle. 1

? Grourd plant which bears gourds that are used as rattles

(see fig. 7).

K&te, spoon, ladle, made of gourd or other substance.
Gourd plant which bears gourds that are used as spoons or ladles.

Sections of gourds used as spoons are very common.

FIG. 7. Gourd rattles.

Rattles for dancing are made of gourds, grown for the purpose. 2
Half sections of gourds are used as ladles and dippers, ?c&te, especially

! Two kinds of rattle are regularly made in the New Mexican pueblos: the pd 1 oywije proper, a flat-
sided gourd; and the atsobe po oywije (first three syllables unetymologizable), made of rawhide
stretched and sewed over a clay core which is afterward broken and removed. In both cases the
rattle is transfixed by a wooden handle which passes through it from end to end and is kept in place
by a transverse peg, and contains a quantity of very small stones.

At Hano rattles of two kinds are made. One is a roundish gourd, fitted with a wooden handle
which is pegged into the mouth of the gourd and does not transfix it. The other, called k awot o-
po oywije because it is made at the k awot o festival in February, is evidently derived from a rawhide
type; it is a flat-sided gourd transfixed by a wooden handle and painted in imitation of sewing along
the edges, where the seams of a rawhide rattle would be.

2 Formerly the Yavapai bought gourd rattles from the Hopi.

67961 Bull. 5516 8

102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.

for filling the water-jars and for drinking water from them, and foi
ladling broth, s%po, and gruel, qg& from the cooking-pots. To SOUK
extent they have been superseded by earthenware ladles, (Ham
nqpokeJ>e; nqpo, mud; IceJ-e, section of gourd) and commercial spoons.
Some small earthenware vases are made in the form of gourdo. Vari
ously shaped sections of gourd, IceAe (Hano IceAe or Tiafa Jiafo
Jm ft haft representing the sound made in scraping wet paste;
section of gourd), are used by women to smooth and shape pottery in
the making. At Hano a gourd is sometimes used as a resonator for
the musical rasp.

At Santa Clara a section of gourd, poJcafoe (po, gourd; fcdbe, to
break, broken, fragment), painted green on the concave surface,
decorated with four eagle feathers, and mounted on a short stick, is
carried by each male dancer in the Zimi Basket Dance. It is said to
represent the sun.

Sek xy.

f Gossypium Hopi Lewton. Cotton. 1

Cotton was formerly cultivated in small quantities at the Rio Grande
pueblos; cotton thread was spun and cloth was woven. Some of the
villages which did not raise cotton imported it from others as raw
material for their own spinning and weaving. It was always an
article of luxury on account of the smallness of the quantity which
could be gathered in a single year and the tedious labor needed
to prepare it for use.

At the time of the discovery, Jaramillo reported that the people of
the Rio Grande villages "raise and have a very little cotton, of which
they make the cloaks which I have spoken of." The author of the
Relacion del Suceso says: "They raise cotton I mean those who live
near the river the others do not;" he notes that at Cicuique (Pecos)
and Yuraba (Taos) no cotton is raised. In the Tiguex pueblos "they
gather cotton, but not much, and wear cloaks of it." 2 Coronado
requisitioned three hundred or more pieces of cloth from the twelve
villages of Tiguex, but the material is not specified; 3 probably the
greater number were of rabbit fur and yucca fiber. In 1630, accord
ing to Benavides, the two hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers who

1 F. L. Lewton, The Cotton of the Hopi Indians: A New Species of Gossypium, says that a speci
men of cotton received from Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson from Tuonyo Camp, Espanola, N. Mex.,
appears to be identical with the Hopi cotton, Gossypium Hopi Lewton.

2 Relaci<5n Prostrera de Sivola, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1896. At present the Hano
people card their cotton with wool-cards.

3 Castafieda, ibid., 495. Nordenskiold found cotton yarn and cloth, but not cotton-seed, in the cliff-
dwellings of the Mesa Verde, in southwestern Colorado. Cotton-seed have been reported found in
cliff-dwellings in southern Utah. (Nordenskiold, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 94.)

In an -interment in a cave at the Rito de los Frijoles, the body was wrapped in a white cotton
garment. (E. L. Hewett, Excavations at El Rito de los Frijoles in 1909.)

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 103

formed the garrison of Santa Fe were paid by a tribute raised from
the neighboring villages, the Indians giving for each house a yard of
cotton cloth (una vara de lienzo de algodon) and a bushel (fanega) of
maize.

In modern times the general tendency has been for the people of
the Rio Grande villages to abandon the cultivation and manufacture
of cotton and to buy woven and embroidered cotton goods from the
Hopi, importing them either directly or through the Keresan pueblos.
Nevertheless, white cotton blankets with red and black woolen borders
were woven at Nambe within living memory. At Santa Clara the last
man who wove large ceremonial blankets of cotton (seg_a) died less
than thirty years ago; and a man who died in 1909 used to raise a small
quantity of cotton, probably to provide cotton string for tying prayer-
feathers and for other ceremonial uses.

At Santa Clara seJcsentqy, cotton seed (selc%y, cotton; tqy, seed),
obtained from Jemez, is used as a remedy for baldness in children.
The seeds are crushed and the tqntu; kernels (tay, seed; tu, kernel)
are taken out and chewed, and applied to the child s head. SeJc%rb-
tqnn&%nu, you I smear it with cotton seed (nd, you I; xny,, to
smear it).

At Hano a small quantity of cotton is raised by a few individuals.
But in general the Hano people, like the Hopi, buy cotton batting from
the traders for their spinning and weaving, and commercial cotton
string is used for warps. Native cotton is prepared for the strings of
prayer-feathers. Shinny-balls (hutamele) are stuffed with cotton or
with wool.

Sa.

Nicotiana attenuata. Tobacco. New Mexican Spanish jyunche.

This is the general word meaning tobacco, but it applies especially
to this species, which is sometimes distinguished from commercial
tobacco as iowasa, Indian tobacco (iowa, person, people, Indian; sa
tobacco). Any kind of wild tobacco is called po sesa (po %, ceremonial;
sa, tobacco).

Nicotiana attenuata was formerly cultivated by the New Mexican.
Tewa, but now, as a rule, it is bought from their Spanish vecinos.
The dried leaves and other parts of the plant are smoked in pipes,
saTcu (.$#, tobacco; leu, stone), and in cigarettes of corn-husk. While
commercial tobacco is increasingly used for pleasure, towasa must be
smoked on all formal occasions, at religious ceremonies in the estufas
or in private houses, at the meetings of councils and societies, and at
the reception of visitors from distant pueblos. At Santa Clara the
gobernador provides iowasa and, if possible, pimp unse^ (p. 72), to be
smoked by the principales and oficialesut his council meetings; and on
January 1 it is usual for the outgoing gobernador to hand over what

104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

remains of his stock of iowaxa to his successor, for use at his first
council, for which he may well be unprepared.

The mode of smoking at Santa Clara, at the council, or in a private
house, is as follows: The host (or presiding official) lays on the floor
one or more bundles of clean smooth corn-husks, fcujjlfowa, selected
and saved in October, together with the bags, samy, (sa, tobacco; m^,
bag), of sa and pimp* unse^ . Each person when ready to smoke takes a
husk from the bundle, creases it with fingers and teeth, and cuts it to
a convenient size with his thumb-nail, unless the host has already trim
med a number of husks with scissors to save trouble. Taking a pinch
of sa and a leaf or two of pimp* unse?* from the bags, the smoker rolls
and bruises them with his right thumb and finger in the palm of his left
hand. He dampens the slip of corn-husk in his mouth and draws it
between his teeth to make it flexible, lays the pinch of mixed tobacco
in the middle of the slip, rolls it into a cigarette about 2-J inches long,
licks the outer edge and pinches the cigarette together, folds up and
pinches the ends, and looks round for a light. At this point one of
the younger men of the household, or the fiscal if it be a meeting
of the governor s council, ought to present the glowing. end of the
2^ap*e, fire-stick (# #, fire; p*e, stick), a slender rod about 3 feet long
which he has allowed to smolder in the fireplace; but it is now quite
usual to provide commercial matches, p*ap*e or p*op*o^u (<Span.
fosforo). The smoker lights the cigarette and smokes it, coughing
and spitting freely; the small quantity of tobacco is soon consumed,
and the rest of the cigarette is thrown on the floor. 1 Very rarely, on
these occasions, a smoker may be observed to blow the first six puffs
of smoke in the six ritual directions. At " general councils " attended
by delegates from other pueblos the gobernador &nd fiscales of the
entertaining pueblo pass round the tobacco and the fire-stick to the
guests.

At religious ceremonies tobacco is smoked in pipes, salcu.

The native tobacco seems to be irritating to the throat and eyes, and
few men at Santa Clara smoke it for pleasure. Three or four ciga
rettes at the most are smoked by each person at a meeting, and the
smoker complains of the effects next day. Commercial tobacco is
more freely used, but most men profess not to smoke by daylight,
except after a journey.

Until lately boys were forbidden to smoke "until they had killed
deer, buffalo, jack- rabbit, and coyote," and if they transgressed they
were thrown into the river. Unmarried men were not allowed to
smoke in the presence of their elders. Quite recently the ojike (winter
cacique) of San Juan called a council because three young boys had
been found smoking commercial tobacco; the culprits were publicly

i In a folk-tale heard at Santa Clara the procedure of an other- world council is thus described:
"They were smoking and spitting, and the corn-husk was piled a foot deep on the floor."

ROBBINS, HARRINGTON
FREIRE-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 105

reproved, and a dance of all the children in the pueblo was ordered in
expiation of the scandal.

The Tewa say that the people of the Temdoywi, the down-river
(Keres) pueblos (Tema, Keres; o???^, pueblo), smoke much more than
they themselves do. It is rare for Tewa women to smoke.

The tobacco, so,, smoked at Hano differs slightly in flavor from the
New Mexican sa. 1 It is called towasa and pcfsesa (see above), to dis
tinguish it from commercial tobacco. It is smoked in pipes, saku,
some of native and others of commercial make, and in corn-husk ciga
rettes. Dresses and ornaments prepared for dances, prayer-feathers,
feather " roads," and many other ritual objects are smoked over with
towasa before they are used. During ceremonies and rehearsals the
tunjowa (temporary or permanent religious officers) smoke, using a
tobacco-bag, samy, and pipes provided by the tynjoy who is in charge
at the time. All requests and proposals made to a fynjoy should be
prefaced by giving him tobacco and " making him smoke."

Tobacco is presented to the men in the estufawith the words, snn%m
biyfre; oftip^iwemi, ? m<9, ihwsenio, men, set it down; you will
smoke, it will rain very much (sznnsey, men; fti??, ye 3+ it; Jce, to
set down; <?&&, ye 3 yourselves; p*iwe, smoke; mi, future postfix;
imo, very much; /, 3d pers. sing, reflexive; Jcwsc, rain; 20, future
postti x) .

When men pass the pipe to each other on ritual occasions, they ex
change kinship terms. Thus, a man fills and lights the pipe and hands
it to another, saying, nabitcua, my father (na, I; fo , possessive; tcua^
father); and he replies n&i e, my child (n$, I; fo , possessive; <?,
child).

The Tobacco clan, Sc&owa, is one of the three leading clans at Hano-
the other two being the Bear clan, Ketowb, and the Corn clan, K^lyn,
Iowa. The chiefs, tywyowa, of these clans are also chiefs of the whole
village. In ceremonies which concern the village the saiowatynjorj
brings tobacco, while the Bear clan and Corn clan chiefs bring medi
cine and corn-meal. When a party of kachina visit the ty,njontJ e ,
chiefs estufa, the salowatynjoy smokes on them.

The smoking of towasa is connected with the thought or inten
tion (pinqy, ^qnkjawo] of a ty.njon. The late chief of the Hopi Corn
clan at Moenkapi, who was also the village chief, kikmyrywi, was a
woman; she smoked much, hence, unlike other women, she was credited
vtrithpinfiy by the Hano men.

The older men smoke towasa for pleasure or from motives of econ
omy, while the younger men smoke commercial tobacco in cigarettes
to excess, both in the estufa and at home. A certain religious impor-

1 Owing to the season only dried and broken specimens could be obtained. "The Hopi gather two
species of tobacco, NicotianatrigonophyllaDuv&l and N. attenuataTorr." They also fetch wild tobacco
from the Little Colorado. (Hough, The Hopi and their Plant Environment, Amer. Anthr., x, 1X97,
p. 38.)

106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

tance attaches even to the smoking of commercial tobacco, and for this
reason the members of the neighboring Christian settlement refuse
it "we do not pray that way now."

Authorized messengers sent from one Tewa pueblo to another are
provided with tobacco, which they offer to the persons who receive
them. The Tewa of Hano accept such gifts of tobacco only after the
most careful scrutiny of the messenger s credentials and " intention";
he must first smoke his own tobacco, then submit to a strict examina
tion; and lastly, if his answers give satisfaction, his tobacco is
accepted and smoked. To decline the tobacco of an envoy, after
questioning him, implies doubt or rejection of his credentials, or entire
disapproval of the object of his visit; to take his tobacco with the left
hand shows an intention to refuse his request or proposal. On the
last occasion, it is said, when tobacco was sent from the New Mexican
Tewa to Hano it was transmitted by way of Zuni, and an epidemic of
smallpox is said to have followed. Indian tobacco introduced by a
person who is not an authorized messenger from another pueblo is
viewed with the gravest suspicion. At Santa Clara, on the contrary,
there is no such feeling, and both officials and private persons accept
"Hopi ;J tobacco with pleasure.

MEDICINAL USES OP TOBACCO

. At San Ildefonso tobacco leaves are placed on, or in, a tooth to cure
toothache. At Santa Clara tobacco is taken as snuff to cure a discharge
from the nose. To cure a cough, tobacco, oil, and soot are placed in
the hollows of the patient s neck, and a cross of tobacco is made on the
chest. Tobacco mixed with kojaje (Gutierrezia longifolia) and anta-
misa (1 Artemisia species) is given as snuff to women in labor.

TOBACCO CLANS

Hodge 1 gives as Tobacco clans at various pueblos: Nambe, Sa-tdoa;
Hano, Sa-towa; Sia, Ildmi-hano / San Felipe, Hdami-hdno; Zuni,
A na-lcwe.

The Tobacco clan, Satowa, of Hano (see above), is classed with the
Hopi Tobacco and Rabbit clans, and therefore disposes of such per
sonal names as

sa fseji, fellow tobacco. F.

sajo, large tobacco. M.

sofip a, tobacco rolled up. M.

natu, Navaho name for tobacco. M.

\i\Cbaszy, Havasupai name for tobacco +s&j, man. M.

tunjotfa? a jy, , chief girl. F.

senno, old man. M.

pasenno, rough old man. M.

i Amer. Anthr., IX, p. 352, 1896.

RORTUXS, HARRINGTON,
FRKIKK-MARRECO

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 107

pdbinele, flower alone. .M.
p otsqy, new hair. F.
ol^, fluff. F.

olntfsx, white fluff. F.
$#, smoke. F
satele, fond of tobacco. M.
piikwijo, rabbit old lady. F.

Jcwqy, jackrabbit. F.
ojep^Vi black ears. M.
ty,ly, mixed-colored. F.

See also sapi iy (p. 47), tusa (p. 74), \yope (p. 54), and pijnp
(p. 72).

INTRODUCED FOOD-PLANTS

INTRODUCED FOOD-PLANTS CULTIVATED BY THE TEWA !

Tata (perhaps a corruption of t&nta, seed grass <tqy, seed; ta,

grass).

Wheat. New Mexican Spanish trigo.

Wheat seed is called tqtqtay, wheat seed (tatdy, wheat; tqy, seed).
Gushing gives as the Zuni name for "wheat food" I Maltawe. 2
When first introduced into the Tewa country, wheat was no doubt
classed in Indian speech as a particularly well-seeded grass. Onate s
colonists raised it under irrigation at San Gabriel before the year
1601. In the revolt of August, 1680, against Spanish government
and civilization the Tewa are said to have burned their crops of wheat,
along with swine, poultry, and church furniture. At the present
day wheat is highly valued, and is ritually mentioned along with the
aboriginal foodstuffs; it is even introduced into stories which purport
to describe pre-Spanish events, the Indians not being sensitive to
anachronisms of this kind. The proportion of wheat to corn under
cultivation is now very large, as appears by the following table:

Estimated grain crops of the Pueblos under the Santa Fe superintendence/*

Wheat Maize

1901 31,038 bushels 30, 710 bushel*

1903 20,194 bushels 21,854 bushels

1904 18,521 bushels 16,650 bushels

1 From letters sent from San Gabriel to Mexico shortly before 1601, Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana,
lib. v, cap. xxxx) names several imported vegetables successfully raised under irrigation from the
Chama River: "cabbages, onions, lettuces, radishes, and other small garden-stuff . . . many good
melons and sandias . . . Spanish wheat, maize, and Mexican chile all do well." Benavides
(Memorial) , describing New Mexico in general, but possibly drawing his information from the Santa
Fe district he was resident at Santa Clara in 1629 gives the following list of imported and mil i ve
vegetables: "maize, wheat, beans (frijoles), lentils, chick-peas, beans (habns), peas, quashes,
watermelons (sandias), melons, cucumbers; all kinds of garden-stuff; cabbages, lettuces, carrots,
carpos, garlic, onions, tunas, pitahayas, excellent plums, apricots, peaches, nuts, acorns, mulberries,
and many others."

2 F. H. Gushing, Zuni Breadstuff, The MHMom; ix, 12, Dec., 1884, p. 223.

3 Reports of the U.S. Commissioner of Indian, Affair*, 1901. p. 71(5, 1902; 1903, p. ">3<>; 1904, p. (522, I .HlTi.
The last-named year was a very dry season.

108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

The Rio Grande Tewa raise wheat by means of irrigation, prepar
ing the ground by plowing. When American iron plows first began
to supersede wooden plows of Spanish pattern, there were only one
or two such implements in the pueblo of Santa Clara; these were
communal property, having been given by the Indian agent, and
were used by all the men in turn. (Similarly, some iron tools
scythes and hoes at San Juan Pueblo are kept in the governor s
storehouse as communal property.) The time for sowing wheat
was formerly fixed and proclaimed by the oficiales, but after a series
of disputes which began about TO years ago, liberty of private
action in this respect was established, at least in the pueblo of Santa
Clara. As might be expected, the sowing of this Spanish food plant
is accompanied by Christian rites. A small cross, p^eywiy (p e,
stick; ywiy, to stand upright), made of two twigs, with sprigs of
pinon and juniper cedar tied to it with strips of yucca, is carried
to the church at Santa Cruz to be blessed by the priest. After
wheat sowing, this cross is stuck in the field to benefit the crop, much
as the Tewa of Hano set up prayer-sticks and feathers in their maize
fields. When the wheat has been harvested the cross is brought
home and put away in the house. If a young boy should die, this
cross would be laid on his breast.

The Tewa threshing floors, like those of the New Mexican Span
iards, are circular areas of level ground about 30 feet across, plas
tered with adobe, situated on the outskirts of the villages, generally
on high ground near a steep declivity, where a breeze will assist
the work of winnowing. Each ## (< Spanish era) may belong
to five or six men, relatives or connections by marriage, who have
made it by their joint labor. In September the wheat is piled on the
Wa, a temporary fence of stakes and ropes (formerly of rawhide
straps) is set up, and a number of horses are driven round and round
in the inclosure until all the grain has been trodden out. Unbroken
horses and mares with their foals are driven in from the hills for this
work. The men spread the wheat with pitchforks for the horses to
trample, and from time to time fork the straw out of the &ta. When
the threshing is done, the men throw the trash to the wind so it may
blow away, and the women and children sweep the grain into baskets
and winnow it by tossing against the wind, or sift it through trays of
roughly perforated tin; after this they carry it home in sacks and
store it in built-up bins of wood or of plastered adobe. An Ameri
can threshing machine was used in 1912 for the first time at the
pueblo of Santa Clara.

From this point the care of the wheat belongs to the women, who
sort and pick it clean by hand and wash it in the creek or the acequia.
It is ground in water mills, some of which belong 1 to "Mexicans"

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 109

and a few to Indians, and the American steam mill at Espaiiola is
also patronized.

The women make of their own wheat excellent though rather dense
bread, pay (< Spanish pan), raised with leaven, kneaded in the earth
enware bread pan (sspmbe), and baked in the dome-shaped adobe oven,
pante (pay, raised bread; te, house). This bread keeps fresh and good
for a week or more), but, as they are anxious to keep it moist, they
usually wrap it in a cloth or put it into a covered pot when it is hot
from the oven, treatment which is apt to sour it. For dances, wed
dings, and other festivities the loaves of bread are ornamented with
raised patterns, called poln, flowers. For the use of travelers bread
is baked in a hot oven until it is thoroughly dry and crisp. Within
living memory this hard-baked bread was an article of trade with the
Comanche, who visited Santa Clara to barter fine whitened and painted
buffalo hides for bread and corn-meal; the Santa Clara men also made
occasional journeys to trade in the Comanche country, where a sack
of hard- baked bread would buy a good pony.

Tortillas, called pdba (1 < Spanish pan), round flat cakes of wheat
flour made with lard and, usually, baking powder, form the ordinary
bread of the New Mexican Tewa household. They are baked on a
flat stone, buwaku (buwa, corn-bread; leu, stone), propped on an iron
trivet, or sometimes on an iron plate. These wheat tortillas have
almost supplanted the corn-meal tortillas, fyuwatcaua, and commer
cial flour is fast superseding home-grown wheat in their making.
" Children who have tasted white tortillas cry for them ever after, as
a man longs for whisky."

Sweet cakes, made for weddings, are called patio? e (priba, bread; <?,
diminutive).

BuwaJco (Spanish panocha) is here made entirely of wheat.
Moistened wheat is kept covered until it sprouts; the grains, after
being washed, are dried thoroughly on a cloth spread in the sunshine;
they are then ground on a metate. The meal is put into a jar (ssemle)
with water and allowed to stand for a day, until it bubbles like yeast.
In the evening the mixture, after being stirred ( 1 with the addition of
unfermented flour), is put into the oven and baked all night. BuwaK <>
is eaten at sunrise on Easter Day and St. Anthony s Day June (13). 1

Jfqpowxnu (Jca, grease; po, water; w%nu, drip) are very thin disks
of dough, now always made of commercial flour and lard, fried in deep
fat so that they puff up crisply. They are made for unexpected
guests, and to give to the Icosa- (clowns) when they come begging from
house to house.

Tqtq, <&#, wheat gruel (t$t$ 9 wheat; <&#, gruel), is usod ;is a
remedy for stomach disorders and diarrhea.

i Information kindly supplied by Mr. Thomas R. Do/iVr.

110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

At Hano wheat is not raised, but small quantities of the grain are
obtained, probably from Moenkapi. To prepare wheat, the women
wash it, bruise it with the grinding stones to loosen the "skin," dry it
in the sun, and shake it well until the " skin " comes off; it is then boiled
with meat. Commercial wheat flour is much used for raised bread,
biscuit, Jcq,p&w$enu, etc.

T4t4p t o iy 9 hairy wheat (tatq, wheat; po, hairy, hair).

Barley. New Mexican Span, cebada.

Abena (<Span. avena).

Oats. Oats and barley are threshed in the same manner as wheat.
New Mexican Spanish avena.

Kanob (<Span. cana).

Cane, Sugar Cane. New Mexican Spanish cana.

Kafia cruise (<Span. cana dulce).

Sweet Cane, Sugar Cane. New Mexican Spanish cana dulce.
The New Mexican Tewa first became acquainted with sugar in the
form of cane sirup, introduced by the Spaniards, and therefore call
it apo, a name which they originally applied to honey. Honey is
now designated Py,fly, 4p<>, fly-sweetness water/ or ywodombe^qp
i bee-sweetness water, (p uny, fly, insect; 5 </j>o 5 sirup, sugar < (J, sweet
ness, sweet, po, water; ywodombe, bee). The white powdered sugar
of American commerce is called a i fsstfi, i sweet white ( a, sweet
ness, sweet; #, whiteness, white). The Navaho call it " sweet salt"
or "nice salt."

Sirup, \lpo ( (/, sweetness; po, water) was made at Santa Clara
within living memory. The cane stalks were squeezed into a large
wooden press, the juice running into a wooden trough (?) which had
formerly served as a canoa on the Rio Grande. As it was necessary
to boil the juice immediately after pressing, a large party of men,
women, and children would assemble to do the work, keeping up the
fires all night, with singing, drumming, and dancing.

Tu.

Bean. New Mexican Spanish frijoL

See (page 99).

Tu keenly, large bean (tu, bean; hdey, large).

Lima bean. New Mexican Spanish lima.

Tidsxbe, white fruit bean (tu, bean; fsse,, white; be, round thing,

roundish fruit).
Pea. New Mexican Spanish arvejon.

SI (Allium cernuum, wild onion).

Onion. New Mexican Spanish cebolla.

The name of the wild plant has been transferred to the introduced
vegetable.

Onions, fried with meat or beans, or alone, are a favorite food.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS HI

To revive a person from a fainting fit, the Tewa put a piece of
"strong" onion to his nostrils.

Tsidl (<Span. chile). Hano Tewa, tsini.
Pepper. New Mexican Spanish chile, pimiento.
In Tewa, as in English, both kinds of pepper (Span, chile and
pimiento; Ger. Paprika and Pfeffer) are called by a single name.

The Navaho "curse word" tsindi, wizard, witch, devil, is
known to some of the Tewa and sounds very similar to their tsidl,
pepper.

The chile pepper of the varieties which bear fruits that are eaten
green is called in Tewa tsidl tsqyw%?iy, green chile (tsidl, pep
per; tsqyw%, blue, green), and in New Mexican Spanish chile verde
or chile de California. The Tewa of Hano call commercial pepper
tsini tsqyw&iy, blue chile, because it is gray or bluish.

Chiles are strung on yucca slips and dried for winter use, ground to
powder on a metate, and cooked with meat or eaten as sauce with
tortillas.

A string of chiles is called tsidl Jcqto (tsidl, chile; Jcqto, string.
Gatschet has commented on the excessive use of chile pepper by the
Pueblo Indians. 1

Benyndl, Hano Tewa melone ( < Span, melon).
Muskmelon. New Mexican Spanish melon.

Fresh melons are much enjoyed and are given as presents.

Women prepare dried muskmelons, beny,nd/l t a, for winter use
by shaving off the rind with a sharp knife, then cutting off one end
of the melon and scraping out the seeds and liquid pulp. A cotton-
wood sapling has been prepared by cutting off the branches and twigs,
leaving only short stumps. This tree is set up in the field, or on the
roof of the house, or on a platform in the plaza, and the emptied melons
are hung on the stumps to dry. Next day, if dry enough, each melon
is torn by hand, spirally, into long strips, and the strips are hung on
a branch or line. When they are dry enough, a number of strips are
laid together, with their ends doubled up, and other strips are wound
round them, making a stout bundle 10 or 12 inches long, which is
compared to the queue of Pueblo Indian hairdressing. Pairs of
such bundles, coupled with a rag or string, are hung up in the store
room. In winter the women cut the dried melon fine, stew it and
make it into pies; it has a sweet, fermented taste.

Sqndia. Hano Tewa, sannia ( < Span, sandia).
TywViy, spotted (^^t, spotted).
Watermelon. 2 New Mexican Spanish sandia.

1 A. S. Gatschet, Zwolf Sprachen ans dem Siidwestcn Nordamerikas, Weimar, 1876, p. 44.

2 At Taos watermelons are called kwypana, Mexican squash or pumpkin (fcw$, Mexican ; p&,
squash, pumpkin =Tewa po). This name shows clearly that the watermelon was introduced by the
Mexicans.

112 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

} is used especially when talking Tewa in the presence of
Mexicans, as it is feared that they will understand sqndia.

At Santa Clara watermelons are mentioned in ritual formulas as one
of the principal crops. They are perhaps the favorite luxury of the
people given as presents, and produced on festive occasions and for
honored guests, especially in winter. Watermelons and apples (per
haps as being typically Spanish fruits) are the appropriate refresh
ment when neighbors are invited for Christian prayers. At the
Christian rites of the Day of the Dead (November 2), apples, and
watermelons cut into ornamental patterns, form part of the offering in
the churchyard.

Watermelons are gathered in September, just before corn harvest
begins. They are preserved until Lite in the winter by hanging them
from the rafters in a network of split yucca.

INTRODUCED FOOD-PLANTS NOT GENERALLY CULTIVATED BY THE

TEWA

PupViy, red root 7 (pu, base, root; pi, red).
Beet. New Mexican Spanish remolacha, letavel.
A number of Tewa boys go to work in the beet fields in Colorado.
Pu f&% iy, white root (pu, base, root; fsse,, white).
Sugar beet. New Mexican Spanish betavel de azucar.
Turnip. New Mexican Spanish nabo.

Pu fseyViy, yellow root (pu, root; fse, yellow).
Carrot. New Mexican Spanish zanahoria.

Pu seffiniy, slender root (pu^ root; segiy, slender, narrow).
Parsley. New Mexican Spanish perejil.

P^e nspbits&iy, white weed (/>Vfl$ftl, weed; te, white).
Parsnip. New Mexican Spanish chirivia, zanahoria blanca.

Be^u (<Span. ~berrd).

Water-cress. New Mexican Spanish lerro.

Kol~e ( < Span. col).

Cabbage. New Mexican Spanish col.

Kolep*lo<i (<Span. coliflor).

Cauliflower. New Mexican Spanish coliflor^ col deft or (de dialec-
tically pronouced e).

Sel&ii (< Eng. celery or New Mexican Span, celeri).
^Apiu ( < Span. apio).
. Celery. New Mexican Spanish apio.

Ifwape, egg fruit (ywa, egg; pe, fruit; imitating Knglish egg

plant?).
Eggplant. New Mexican Spanish berengena.

BOBBINS, HARRINGTON. ~I -.

FREIUB-MARRECO J ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 113

Letfugja (<Span. lechuga).

Lettuce. New Mexican Spanish lechuga.

Motasa (<Span. mostaza).

Mustard. New Mexican Spanish mostaza.

BenyndVe, little muskmelon (ben^nd\, muskmelon <Span.

melon] e, diminutive).
Cucumber. New Mexican Spanish pepino.

S%gobe(s%go unexplained; be, roundish fruit), originally applied

to a wild bulbous plant as yet unidentified.
Papa (<Span. papa), and

3r$mp*u, earth swelling (n^, earth;^ w, swelling).
Potato. New Mexican Spanish papa.

Patelp*Jn$b\ pie weed . ( < Span. ^feZ, pie; ^Vfwgfo, weed).
Khubarb. New Mexican Spanish planta de pastel, ruibarbo.

Pu s% iy, root hot to the taste like pepper (pu, root; s%,

peppery to the taste).
Kadish. New Mexican Spanish rdbano.

P Jngbl tsqyw&iy, green weed (p<?n$i\ weed; tsq,yw%, blue,

green).
Spinach. New Mexican Spanish espinaca.

Tomate, ( < New Mexican Spanish tomate).

Tsig_o ot e, originally PJiysalis neomexicana, q. v., page 59.

Tomato. New Mexican Spanish tomate.

Aspa^agu (< Span, esparrago).

Asparagus. New Mexican Spanish esparrago.

Oycju(<, Span, hongo).

Mushroom. New Mexican Spanish hongo.

INTRODUCED FORAGE PLANT

Alp*alp a(< Span, alfalfa}.

Alfalfa. New Mexican Spanish alfalfa.

INTRODUCED FRUITS X

Any kind of introduced fruit is called be, which probably has the
original meaning 6 round thing, hence ball, roundish fruit, berry,
and is now in its uncompounded form especially applied to the apple,
which is, next to the peach, the most common and the most important
of the fruits introduced by the Spaniards into the Tewa country.

i See footnote, p. 107.

114

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

IBULL,

J^epe (p e, stick, plant; pe, seed, fruit, crop) is used especially of
small garden fruits and the berries of wild plants.

Dried fruit is designated regularly by adding the adjective or the
noun la, dry, dryness. Thus: j& />Vf* &V*, dried peaches, veg.
3+ plu. (be, roundish fruit, apple; p*o, hairy, hair; la, dry, dryness);
or le ptfV* la, literally peaches dryness, veg. 3+ plu. (be, roundish
fruit, apple; p o, hairy, hair; la, dry, dryness).

If the dried strips of melons, squashes, pumpkins, etc., are twisted
into a roll, the roll is called, if, for instance, of muskmelon, beny,n-
(j/Aa obu, roll of dried muskmelon (benyndi, muskmelon; la, dry,
dryness; obu, twisted roll of an}^thing). If the dried muskmelon is
not twisted into a roll, one would say simply, benun^l ia i Ji , dried
muskmelons, veg. 3+ plu. (benyn$>, muskmelon; la, dry, dryness).

Jam or sauce made of any kind of fruit is called sse, a word which
is also applied to stewed meat. Thus: bes%, fruit sauce, apple
sauce (be, roundish fruit, apple; &g, sauce, stew). Jelly is called tfele
(<Eng. jelly) or halea <Span. jalea.

All names of introduced fruits are used of both the trees and the
fruits without distinction. In this respect Tewa differs from Spanish.
The Spanish names of fruits, not of fruit trees, are given below.

INTRODUCED FRUITS COMMONLY CULTIVATED BY THE TEWA 1

Be, roundish fruit. In Hano Tewa apple is never called be.

Mansana ( < Span, manzana).

Apple. New Mexican Spanish manzana.

Apples are preserved for winter use by cutting them in rings and
threading them on strips of yucca to dry. The Icosa (clowns) some
times wear these and other dried foods chiles, sweet-corn ears as
necklaces. Apples and cakes are thrown into the air and trampled
into the ground at the conclusion of some autumn dances. Choice
apples are hung up by strings tied to the stalks and kept to be offered
in the churchyard on November 2. Apples are considered an appro
priate present from host to guest or from guest to hostess.

Many of the Tewa have small apple orchards, mostly of a small,
thin-skinned yellow apple. In October and November the women
buy apples from "Mexican" peddlers, paying for them in corn on the
cob, a basket of corn for a basket of apples. Some of the Santa Clara

1 The importance which these introduced fruits have gained in the Tewa economy is shown by the
fact that one informant at Santa Clara substituted them for indigenous trees in a scheme of cardinal
points, thus: "At the beginning there were no mountains; the earth was not yet hard; there were
no trees, except only in the north an apple (manzana jj>e); and in the west apricots (albaricoque,
syqwqm^e ("!)); and in the south fye fsejiy (?) and behind them plums (ciruelas, pfyc 1 ), for which reason
they are red; and in the east peaches (duraznos, Qe pVj )(?) . . . When the waters subsided,
these trees dropped their fruits into the mud as seed for the world."

] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 115

men used to take one or two donkey-loads of apples and trade them to
the Apache.

Sayqwanibe, . St. John apple (srh?<Span. San, Saint; ytrqij
<Span. Juan, John; be, roundish fruit, apple). The fruit is
so called because it ripens by St. John s Day.
Said to mean a kind of apple which ripens early.

Uba (<Span. uva).

Grape. New Mexican Spanish uva.

Raisin is called wfo&z if?, dry grape ( wM, grape; ta, dry). New
Mexican Spanish pasa.

Grapes are cultivated at San lldefonso.

Torquemada s informant 1 writes of a wild grape in New Mexico,
probably in the Tewa country: "y con tener mucha Uba, no se apro-
vechan de ella para bebida, sino para comer de ella, y hacer Pan, que
comen." Possibly he had seen cCbebmva, choke-cherry bread, or
something else of that kind.

INTRODUCED FRUITS NOT GENERALLY CULTIVATED BY THK TK\YA

Be^ojohdiri, sour apple (be, roundish fruit, apple; >/"//</, sour).
Quince. New Mexican Spanish membrlUa.

Se^esa ( < Span, cereza).

Cherry. New Mexican Spanish cereza.

"* Obukwqy. (? Name of some wild plant.)
Currant. New Mexican Spanish grosella.

Na<<ai)ha (<Span. ncvranja).

Orange. New Mexican Spanish naranja.

Liinqr) (< Span, limon).

Lemon. New Mexican Spanish limon.

Petii, orp^abe (^/^<Span. pera; be, roundish fruit, apple).
Pear. New Mexican Spanish pera.

P ape, yucca fruit ( y/a, Yucca baccata; pe, fruit).
Date. New Mexican Spanish datil. (See page 50.)

/^^ (<Span. Jiigo).

Fig. New Mexican Spanish higo.

Banana ( < Span, banana).

Banana. New Mexican Spanish banana.

^Asetuna (<Span. aceitund)*

Oliba ( < Span, oliva).

Olive. New Mexican Spanish aceituna, oliva.

l Monarchia Indiana, lib. v, cap. xxxx, p. 680.

116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

cracked buttocks fruit (-]>u\ bottom, buttocks, anus;
pa, cracked, chapped; pe^ fruit).
Strawberry.
Raspberry.
Loganberry.
Gooseberry.
Blackberry.

P Jniy, black, is often added to pupa-pa when it means black
berry.

MO^CL ( < Span. mora).

Mulberry, blackberry. New Mexican Spanish mora.

Be 2^ o^iy, hairy fruit (be, roundish fruit, apple; po, hairy, hair).

Hano Tewa, jay (literally willow, see p. 48).
Peach. New Mexican Spanish durazno.

Many of the Tewa own peach trees. On the death of the man who
planted the orchard, the trees are divided among his children.

For winter use, peaches are split, stoned, and dried in the sun,
either on planks in the orchard or on the roof-top. The dried fruit is
tied in a cloth and hung up. When required, the peaches are washed
and stewed; they are also eaten dry as a dainty.

Be pi ir}, red fruit (be, roundish fruit, apple; pi, red). Per

haps also called be fsfji iy, yellow fruit, at Santa Clara.
Apricot. New Mexican Spanish albaricoque.
Apricots are eaten raw and are also dried for winter use.

Pile (pi, red, redness; be, roundish fruit, apple).
Plum, Prune, any color. New Mexican Spanish ciruela.
A wild plum, or sloe, is dried for winter use.

NUTS

Pinon nuts and all other kinds of nuts are called to. The one
exception is the coconut; see below.

The kernels of nuts are called iotu, nut kernel (to, pinon, nut;

tu, kernel).

INDIGENOUS NUTS

To, pinon nut, nut.

Toto, pinon nut (fe, pinon tree; to, pinon nut, nut).

Pinon nut. New Mexican Spanish pinon. (See page 41.)

AV?/&, buffalo nut (I Q^y, buffalo; to. nut).

To, nut.

Walnut. New Mexican Spanish nogal.

ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 117

Wild walnuts used to be gathered by the Tewa when they hunted
buffalo in the Arkansas River valley. Walnuts are still called l-q^nt^
but more frequently merely to.

IMPORTED NUTS
To, nut.

^Almendda (<Span. aluiendra).
Almond. New Mexican Spanish almendrn.
Almonds are usually called to, nuts.

Kokb (<Span. 6*000).

Coconut. New Mexican Spanish coco.

To, nut.

]&eJ>ikawwto, American nut (me^ikanu^ American < Span. Ameri

cano; to, pinon nut, nut).
Kakawate (<Span. cacahuate).
Peanut. New Mexican Spanish cacahuate.

Peanuts are usually called simply to, nuts. Sometimes they are
called med ikanuto, American nuts (ntc^ikanu, American < Span.
Americano; to, pinon nut, nut). The Jemez regularly call peanuts
leliganutaf , American piiion nuts (beliganu, American < Span.
Americano; tdf, pinon nut, nut). The Franciscan Fathers report that
the Navaho call peanuts "American piiion nuts." 1

In 1911 a man at Santa Clara raised peanuts, to the surprise of his
neighbors.

FOREIGN PLANTS KNOWN ONLY AS COMMERCIAL PRODUCTS

(<Span. cafe).

Pop ey, black water (po, water; p*ey, black, blackness).
Coffee. New Mexican Spanish cafe.

Coffee is drunk with every meal by all who can afford it; tea is sel
dom used except in sickness; but at Hano tea is drunk almost as
much as coffee.

. te).
Tea. New Mexican Spanish te.

7^(<Span. Jiule).

TdgV 1 , stretchy stuff (^, stretchy, to stretch).

Rubber. New Mexican Spanish hide.

Rubber tree would be called ule, ulep e, rubber plant (W<?, rubber,
<Span. hide , p e, stick, plant), or t% l H p e, stretchy stuff plant
(t% i H , stretchy stuff; p~e, stick, plant).

i The Franciscan Fathers, An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, St. Michaels, Arizona,
1910, p. 193.

67961 Bull. 5516 - 9

118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

In the winter of 1910 rubber catapults were in use among- the boys
of Santa Clara, but in 1912 bows and arrows had replaced them.

For commercial sugar see page 110.

Commercial cotton goods, such as calico or sheeting, are not classed
as aetfs&ij, cotton, but as is& i/ 1 , white/ or \i ts&iy, white clothing
(X clothing).

The vegetal origin of many American drugs is not generally
recognized.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BARROWS, DAVID PRESCOTT. The ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indians of southern
California. Univ. of Chicago, Dcpt, Anthropology, Chicago, 1900.

BENAVIDES, ALONSO DE. Memorial. Madrid, 1630.

BEVERLEY, ROBERT. The history of Virginia. 2d. ed. London, 1722.

CASTANEDA DE NA^ERA, PEDRO DE. Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola conpuesta
por Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera. Trans, in Winship, The Coronado Expedi
tion. Fourteenth Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 329-613, 1896.

CHAMBERLIX, RALPH V. Ethno-botany of the Gosiute Indians. Mems. Amcr. Anthr.
Asso., u, pt. 5, pp. 331-405, 1911.

- Some plant names of the Ute Indians. Amer. Anthr., n. s., xi, no. 1, pp. 27-40,
1909.

COLECCION DE DOCUMENTOS IXEDITOS DEL ARCHIVO DE INDIAS, XV, Madrid, 1871.

COVILLE, FREDERICK V. Plants used by the Klamath Indians of Oregon. Cont.

U. S. Nat. Herb., v, pp. 87-108, 1897.
GUSHING, FRANK HAMILTON. Outlines of Zuni creation myths. Thirteenth Rep.

Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 321-447, 1896.

Zuiii breadstuff. The Millstone, ix, no. 1, to x, no. 8. Indianapolis,

1884-85.

DOUGLASS, W. B. A world-quarter shrine of the Tewa Indians. Records of the Past,

xi, pt. iv, pp. 159-171, 1912.
FEWKES, J. WALTER. A contribution to ethnobotany. Amer. Anthr., ix, no. 1, pp.

14-21, 1896.

The winter solstice altars at Hano pueblo. Ibid., n. s., i, no. 2, pp. 251-276,

1899.

Tusayan migration traditions. Nineteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pp.

577-633, 1900.

FRANCISCAN FATHERS, THE. An ethnologic dictionary of the Navaho language. Ft.
Michaels, Ariz., 1910.

GATSCHET, ALBERT S. Zwolf Sprachen aus clem siidwesten Nord-Amerikas. Wei
mar, 1876.

GERARD, JOHN. The herball or general historic of plants. 2d ed. London, 1633.

HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIANS north of Mexico. Bull. 30, Bur. Amcr. Ethn.,
pts. 1-2, 1907-10.

HARRINGTON, JOHN P. The ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians. Twenty-ninth
Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1916.

- The Tewa Indian game of Canute. Amer. Anthr., n. s., xiv, no. 2, pp. 2 13-286,
1912.

HARSHBERGER, J. W. The purposes of ethno-botany. Botnn. Gazette, xxi. pp. 146-

154, 1896.
HAVARD, V. Drink plants of the North American Indians. Bull. Torrcy Botan.

Club, xxm, no. 2, pp. 33-46, Feb. 1896.

- The food plants of the North American Indians. Ibid., xxn, no. 3, pp. 93-
123, March, 1895.

HIIWETT, EDGAR L. Excavations at El Rito de los Frijoles in 1909. Amer. Anthr.,

n. s., xi, no. 4, pp. 651-673, 1909.
HODGE, FREDERICK W. Pueblo Indian clans. Ibid., ix, no. 10, pp. 345-352, 1896.

119

120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55

HOUGH, WALTER. The Hopi in relation to their plant environment. Ibid., x,

no. 2, pp. 33-44, 1897.
LEWTON, FREDERICK L. The cotton of the Hopi Indians. Smithson. Misc. Colls.,

vol. 60, no. 6, 1912.
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON. Navajo names for plants. Amer. Nat., xx, pp. 767-777,

1886.
- Xavajo weavers. Third Hep. Bur. Ethn., pp. 371-391, 1884.

The mountain chant: a Xavajo ceremony. Fifth Rep. Bur. Ethn., pp.

379-467, 1887.
MINDELEFF, COSMOS. Localization of Tusayan clans. Nineteenth Rep. Bur. Amer.

Ethn., pt. 2, pp. 635-653, 1900.
MINDELEFF, VICTOR. A study of pueblo architecture. Eighth Rep. Bur. Amer.

Ethn., pp. 13-228, 1891.
NORDENSKIOLD, G. Cliff dwellers of the Mesa Verde. Translated by D. Lloyd

Morgan. Stockholm and Chicago, 1893.
POWERS, STEPHEN. Aboriginal botany. Proc. Cal. Acad. Sci., v, pp. 372-379,

1873-75.
RELACi6N DEL SucESo. Trans, in Winship, The Coronado Expedition. Fourteenth

Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 572-579, 1896.
RELACION POSTRERA DE SIVOLA. Ibid. pp. 566-571.
RUSSELL, FRANK. The Pima Indians. Twenty-sixth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp.

17-389, 1908.
SPARKMAN, PHILIP STEDMAN. The culture of the Luiseno Indians. Univ. Cal.

Pubs., Amer. Arch, and Elh., vm, pp. 187-234, 1908.
STANDLEY, PAUL C. See W T OOTON, E. O., and STANDLEY.
STEVENSON, MATILDA COXE. The Zuni Indians. Twenty-third Rep. Bur. Amer.

Ethn., 1904.
Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians. Thirtieth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp.

35-102, 1915.

THOMAS, CYRUS. Mound explorations. Twelfth Rep. Bur. Ethn., 1894.
TORQUEMADA, JUAN DE. De los veinte f un libros rituales f monarchia Indiana.

Tomos i-iii-, Madrid, 1723.
VOTH, H. R. Traditions of the Hopi. Field Columb. Mus. Pubs., Anthr. scr., vm,

1905.
WINSHIP, GEORGE PARKER. The Coronado Expedition. Fourteenth Rep. Bur.

Amer. Ethn., pt, 1, pp. 329-613, 1896.
WOOTON, E. O., and STANDLEY, PAUL C. Flora of New Mexico. Contributions

from the U. S. National Herbarium, xix, Washington, 1915.

INDEX OF BOTANICAL NAMES

Page,

Abies concolor 33

AcaJithochiton wrightu 76

Achillca lanulosa 53

ACOKNS 107

ALDER 10, 38

ALFALFA 11, 113

Alionia linca^is 53

Allium cfrnuum 110

recurvatum 53

ALMOND 11,117

A Inus tenuifoaa 38

A lopecurus anstulatus 64

AMARANTH 10, 53

A maranthus bliloidcs 53

palmeri Watson 89

retroflexus 53

A ngclica sp 71

atropurpurea 71

APACHE PLUME 46

APPLE 98, 114

APRICOT 107, 114, 116

Arenaria confusa 53

Artemisia sp 44, 106

fiUfolia 44, 45, 54

foru oodii 53

frigida 54

tridcntata 45

A sclcpias sp 54

ASPARAGUS 11, 113

ASPEN 10, 42

ASTER, GOLDEN 54

Atriplcx sp 75

canesccns 29, 54, 89

A YENS... 55

BALL CACTUS.
BALSAM FIR . ,

BANANA

BARLEY...

62

38

11,115

110

BEANS 10, 94, 99, 100, 107, 110

BEANS, LIMA 110

BEARD-TONGUE 58

BEDSTRAW 10, 55

BEE PLANT, ROCKY MOUNTAIN 58

BEET 112

BEET, SUGAR 112

Bctulafontinalis 39

Bigclovia bigclovii 45

graveolcns 45

BIRCH, STREAMSIDE 39

BLACKBERRY 116

BLACK-EYED SUSAN 60

BLAZING STAR 57

BLUEBELL 54

Bois D ARC 68

J3outelo.ua curtipendula 64

gracilis 65

BOX-ELDER

BRITTLE FERN.
BUR, SAXU....

Page

38
67
63

CABBAGE 11, 85, 107, 112

CACTUS, BALL 62

CACTUS, CANE 62

CACTUS, CHANDELIER 10, 62

CACTUS, PRICKLY PEAR 62

CACTUS, ROUND-LEAVED 62

Campanula pctiolata 54

CANE n, no, no

CANE CACTUS 62

CANE, SUGAR no

Car ex SP 66

CARROT 107, 112

CastillcjaUnarisefolia 54

CATTAIL 10, 66

CAULIFLOWER 112

CEDAR.... 39

CELERY 11, 112

Celt is reticulata 39

Ccnchrus carotin ianus 63

Cercocarpus montanus 45

parvifolius 72

CHANDELIER CACTUS 10, 62

CHERRY 11, 115

CHERRY, GROUND 59

CHICK-PEAS 107

CHICO 11

CHILE 11, 98

CHILE, MEXICAN 107

CHOKECHERRY 10,47

Chrysopsis Ji irsu t issima 1

CJirysothamnus bigclorii 45, 60

graveolcns 45, 49

Cicuta occidcntalis 54

CLAMMY WEED 59

CLEMATIS 63

Clematis ligusticifolia 03

CLOAK FERN 67

CLOVER, PRAIRIE 58

COCKLEBUR 49

COCONUT 11, 117

COFFEE 11, 117

Coleosantlms umbcllatus 54

COLORADO RUBBER PLANT 56

COMMON DANDELION 61

COMMON MALLOW 61

CORN 10, 59, 78-94, 98

See MAIZE.

CORN SMUT 66,67

COTTON 10, 59, 102-103

COTTONWOOD, MOUNTAIN 42

COTTONWOOD, NARROW-LEAF 42

COTTONWOOD, RYDBERG S 42

COTTONWOOD, VALLEY 10, 42

121

122

IXDEX OF BOTANICAL NAMES

Page

CRAXESBILL 55

CREOSOTE BUSH 40

CRESS 11

CROWFOOT 56

CUCUMBER 107- 113

Cucurbita dagcnaria 63

fatidissima 63, 100

CURRAXT 48, 115

Cuscuta 54

CYPERUS ^9

DANDELION, COMMON 61

DATE 115

DATURA 55

Datura mctcloides 17. 55

stramonium 55

DODDER 54

DOGWOOD 49

DOUGLAS SPRUCE 10. 42-43

DROPSEED GRASS 49

Dryopteris filix-mas 67

EARTH STAR 67

Edwinia amcricana 46

EGGPLANT 112

Elymus canadensis 64

ENGELMANN SPRUCE 41

Ephedra antisypli ilitica 46

Berland 46

Equisctum arvcnse 68

Eriogonum annuum 55

divergcns 55

Euchlcena luxurians 79

mexicana 79

EVERGREEN OAK.., 44

FALLUGIA

Fallugia paradoxa

FALSE SOLOMON S SEAL.

FERN, BRITTLE

FERN, CLOAK

FERN, SHIELD

11

46

70

67

67

67

FIG 11, 115

FilixfragiUs 67

Fm, BALSAM 38

FIR, JOINT 46

FIR, WHITE 38

FOUR-O CLOCK 10, 60

Fragaria ovalis 55

Frumentum indicum ccerulcu m 79

lutcum 79

rubrum 79

FUNGUS... 10

GALIUM

Oalium sp

trifloru m

GARDEN ROSE

GARLIC...

10

55

55

48

107

Geaster sp 67

GERANIUM 55

Geranium atropurpureum 55

Geum strictum 55

Gilia grecneana 55

longiflora 55

GILIA, RED 55

GILL*., WHITE 55

Page

GLOBE MALLOW 10, 60

GOLDEN ASTER 54

GOLDENROD 49

GOOSEBERRY 48, 116

Gossypium Hopi Lewton 102

GOURD 19, 101

GOURD, WILD 63

GRAMA GRASS 65-

GRAPE 115

GRASS 10

GRASS, DROPSEED 49

GRASS, GRAMA 65

GRASS, HAIR 64

GRASS, MESQUITE 64

GRASS, PANIC 64

GRASS, RUSH 64

GRASS, SAGE 64

GREEN SAGE 53

GROUND CHERRY 59

GROUND TOMATO 59

GUACO 10, 58

Gutierrezia lonyifotia 56, 106

tennis 49

HACKBERRY 39

HAIR GRASS 64

Halerpestes cymbalaria 56

Helianthus annuus 06

HEMLOCK, W VTER 54

HOP 63

HOP TREFOIL 47

HORSEMINT 57

HORSETAIL 68

HUBBARD SQUASH 100

Hum ulus lupulus neomcxicanus 63

Hymenoxys floribunda 56

Hyoopitys latisqu,ama 56

INDIAN PAINT-BRUSH 54

lonoxalis violacea 56

JOINT FIR 46

JUNIPER, ONE-SEEDED 10, 39-40

Juniperus inonospcrma 8, 39, 41

scopulorum 41

Kallstroemia brachystylis 56

Ladniaria punctata 57

Lappula floribunda 57

Larrea glutinosa 40

LEMON 11, 115

LENTILS 107

Leptasea austromontana. .. . 60

LETTUCE 11,107,113

Lichen sp 68

LIMA BEAN HO

LOCUST 48

LOGANBERRY 3 16

LUPINE 57

Lupinus aduncus 57

Lycium pallidum 47

Lycurus phleoidcs 64

Madura aurantiaca 68

MAHOGANY, MOUNTAIN 10, 45

MAIZE 107

See CORN.

MALLOW U

MALLOW, COMMON 61

INDEX OF BOTANICAL NAMES

123

MALLOW, GLOBE

Page
10 60

Page

Mallow sp

... . 70

Jfamillaria sp

62

Jfart jnia sp

57

PHRAGMITE^

MEADOW RUE

61

PhY&gjnitcs phr&gmitcs

fifi

MELONS

11 98 107

MESQUITE GRASS

64

Picea engclmanni

41

MEXICAN CHILE

107

PIGWEED

53

MILDEW

67

PINE NUT

41

MILKWEED

54

PlXE, Pl55ON

10 41

MINT

99

PIXE ROCK

MISTLETOE

47

PIXF WESTERN" VELLOAY

MOLD

67

PIXE WHITE

Monarda menthxfoHa

57

PlXES YP

Cfl

MOSSES

68

PIXON NUT

1 1fi

MOUNTAIN COTTONWOOD

42

PIXON FIVE

10 41

MOUNTAIN MAHOGANY

10,45

Muhleribergia trifida

64

edulis

41

MULBERRY

11,107,116

flexili*

MUSHROOM

11,66,113

PLUM

107,114,116
59

MUSKMELON

19,111,114

MUSTARD

11,113

12

MUSTARD, TANSY

60

42

NARROW-LEAF COTTONWOOD

42

tTcmuloides

42

Ncgu ndo intcrius

38,49

Nlcotiana attenuata

103

fin

Torr

105

> IT-}

trigonophylla Duval

105

M

Notholscnafcndlcri

67

NUT PINE

41

NUTS

107,116

NuttaUia multiflora

57

10

tomentosa

47

Ptiloria sp

60

PUFFBALT

66

PUMPKIN

.... 10,19,59,100

PURSLANE

49

ONE-SEEDED JUNIPER

10,39

60

ONION

10,107,110

44

ONION WILD ...

53,110

utahensis

44

OPUNTIA

10,62

QUINCE

115

O punt ia arborcsccns

62

Pi ABBIT-BRUSH

10,45

ca mancM M

62

fiUpcndula

62

RAGWEED

10

ORACHE . .

75

RASPBERRY

116

Oreocarya multicaulis

58

RED GILI\

55

REED

M

OSAGE ORANGE

68

47

47

Ribes sp

4S

PAINTED CUP

54

inebrians

48

PANIC GRASS

64

Robinia neomexicana

48

64

ROCK PINE

10,41

Parry c Ha fill folia

89

ROCKY MOUNTAIN BEE PLANT..
ROCKY MOUNTAIN S\GE

..: 5*

10,45

113

PARSNIP

112

Rosa sp

48

PEACH

... 98,107,114,116
11 117

10

ROSE GARDEN

48

PE VR

11 115

ROSE WILD

48

PEAS

107 110

ROUND-LEAVED C VCTUS

62

58

RUBBER

11

58

RUBBER PLANT, COLORADO
RUBBER TREE

-)(i
117

58

11 111

Rurfbeckia fiava

60

Peritoma serrulatum . . .

.. 58,59,60,76

RUE, MEADOW...

61

124

INDEX OF BOTANICAL NAMES

Page

RUSH GRASS : 64

RUSH, SCOURING 68

RYDBERG S COTTONWOOD 42

RYE, WILD

64

53

10,45

44,45

45

64

Salix sp 48, 49

SAGE, GREEN

SAGE, ROCKY MOUNTAIN.

SAGE, SILVER

SAGEBRUSH

SAGE GRASS...

argophylla

cordata

humilis

irrorata

SALT BUSH

SAND BUR

SANDWORT

Schizachyrium scoparium.

Schmaltzia bakeri

SCOURING RUSH

SEDGE

Senecio macdougalii

Sericotheca dumosa

SHIELD FERN

49

49

1 . . . . 49

49

54

63

53

64

49

68

49,66

60

49

67

SILVER SAGE 44,45

SKUNK-BUSH 10, 49

SXEEZEWEED, YARROW 53

Solanum jamesii 73

SOLIDAGO 49

SOLOMON S SEAL, FALSE 70

Sophia sp : 60

SPANISH BAYONET. 49

SPANISH WHEAT 107

Sphseralcea lobata 60

SPINACH 113

SPIXY SQUASH 100

SPOROBOLUS 49

SPRUCE, DOUGLAS 10, 42-43

SPRUCE, ENGELM\XX 41

SQUASH 10, 19, 94, 100, 107

SQUASH, HUBBARD ICO

SQUASH, SPINY 100

SIJTAMI, WILD 100

Stanley etta ic rightii 61

STICK-SEED 57

STRAWBERRY 55, 116

39

112

110

47

49

SUNFLOWER 11, 56

STREAMSIDE BIRCH

SUGAR BEET

SUGAR CANE

SUMAC

SUMAC, THREE-LEAVED.

TAXSY MUSTARD

Taraxacum taraxacum.

i

Page

TEA 11,117

TEAMSTER S TEA 46

TEXAS TIMOTHY 64

Thalictrum fendleri 61

Thelespenna gracile 61

trifidum 61

THREE-LEAVED SUMAC 49

TIMOTHY, TEXAS... 64

TOADSTOOL 66

TOBACCO 10, 103-107

TOMATII.LA 47

TOMATO 11, 113

TOMATO, GROUND 69

Townxcndia eximia 55

TREFOIL, Hop 47

TURNIP 112

Ti/pha latifolia 66

Ustilago -rnaidis 67

UTAH OAK 44

Vagnera a mplexicaulis 70

VALLEY COTTONWOOD 10, 42

Villanova dissecta 70, 73

Viola canadensis

VIOLET

VIOLET WOOD-SORREL .

11,19,<

WALNUT ;

WATER-CRESS

WATER HEMLOCK

WATERMELON

WAX FLOWER

WESTERN YELLOW PINE.

WHEAT

WHEAT, SPANISH

WHITE FIR

WHITE GILIA

WHITE PINE

WILD GOURD

WILD ONION 53, 110

WILD ROSE 48

WILD RYE 64

WILD SQUASH 100

WILLOW 10, 48, 49

WOOD-SORREL, VIOLET 56

Xanthium commune. . .

116

112

54

5,99,107,111-112

46

41

.. 79,98,107-110

107

38

55

41

63

49

53

41

10

49

.... 10,15,22,49-52
glauca 52

YARROW SNEEZEWEED

YELLOW PINE, WESTERN.

"YERBA DEVfBORA"

YUCCA

Yucca baccata : . .

Zca mays

See CORN.

O